IN MEMORIAM 
 BERNARD MOSES
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS 
 
 (NON-PARTISANi 
 
 FROM THE BEGINNING TO DATE, 
 
 KMBODYINfi A HISTORY OF A LI, 
 
 THE POLITICAL PARTIES, WITH THEIR VIEWS AND RECORDS 
 ON ALL IMPORTANT QUESTIONS. 
 
 GREAT SPEECHES ON ALL GREAT ISSUES, 
 
 THE TEXT OP 
 
 ALL EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS 
 
 A COJIPLKTE 
 
 Tabulated History of American Politics 
 
 Comprising Tables of every kind — Elections fuom the beginning to date, Presidential, State, Senato- 
 rial, Congressional, etc. Tabulated Financial History of all National and Confederate 
 Debts, Congressional Apportionments, Tariffs, Taxes, Interest Laws, etc., etc. 
 Parliamentary Practice from Jefferson's Manual with Complete 
 References, U. S. Constitution, .Article.* of Confederation, 
 Declaration, etc Also a Complete 
 
 FEDERAL BLUE BOOK 
 
 WITH ALL THE FEDERAL OFFICES, THEIR DUTIES, LOCATIONS, SALARIES. AND AN 
 ACH'URATE STATEMENT OF 
 
 THE INFLUENCES BY WHICH THEY ARE OBTAINED. 
 
 BY HON. THOMAS V. COOPER, 
 
 Member Penn.sylvaiiia Housu of Repiesentative.s, 1870-72. Senate, 1874r84. ihainnaii Republican 
 State Committee of Pennsylvania, 1881-82. 
 
 HECTOR T, FENTON. ESQ., 
 
 .MeuiljLT of till' Phil:i.1rlphia Bur. 
 
 CHICAGO, ILL.: 
 CMARI.KS H. BKOI^IX.
 
 KNTKKKK ACCOKUING TO ACT OK CONGRESS.
 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PROPOSITION 
 
 THAT ALL AMERICAN CITIZENS SHOULD TAKE AN 
 INTEREST IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 
 
 21312(J
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The writer of this voUime, in the pursuit of his profession 
 as an editor, and throughout an active poHtical hfe, lias always 
 felt the need of a volume from which any important fact, theory 
 or record could be found at a moment's glance, and without a 
 search of many records. He has also remarked the singular 
 fact that no history of the political parties of the country, as 
 they have faced each other on all leading issues, has ever been 
 published. These things prompted an undertaking of the work 
 on his own part, and it is herewith presented in the hope that 
 it will meet the wants not only of those connected with politics, 
 but of all who take an interest in public affairs. In this work 
 very material aid has been rendered by the gentleman whose 
 name is also associated with its publication, and by many 
 political friends, who have freely responded during the past 
 year to the calls made upon them for records, which have been 
 liberally employed in the WTiting and compilation of this work. 
 
 THOS. V. COOPER. 
 
 Media, Pa., March 1, 1882.
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I.— HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Colonial Parties — Whig and Tort 3 
 
 Particularists and Strong Government Whigs 5 
 
 'i'EDERALS AND AnTI-FeDERALS 7 
 
 Kepublicans and Federals 9 
 
 .Downfall of the Federals 13 
 
 Democrats and Federals 17 
 
 Jefferson Democrats 19 
 
 Hartford Convention 20 
 
 Treaty of Ghent 20 
 
 Congressional Caucus 21 
 
 Protective Tariff 21 
 
 Monroe Doctrine 23 
 
 Missouri Compromise 24 
 
 Tariff — American System • • 25 
 
 Tenure of Office — Eligibility 27 
 
 Nullification — Democrats and Federals 29 
 
 United States Bank 31 
 
 Jackson's Special Message on the United States Bank 33 
 
 Conception of Slavery Question 35-.^ 
 
 _ D j fl tp riRAxa AND Whigs (^V / 
 
 The Hour Rule W"' 
 
 National Bank Bill — First 41 
 
 " " " Second 43 
 
 Oregon Treaty of 1846 47 
 
 Treaty of Peace with Mexico 49 
 
 Clay's Compromise Resolutions 51 
 
 Abolition Party — Rise and Progress of 53 
 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill 55 
 
 Ritual of the American Party 57 
 
 Kansas Struggle 71 
 
 Lincoln and Douglas Debate 73 
 
 Charleston Convention — Democratic, 1860 81 
 
 Douglas Convention, 1860, Baltimore 86 
 
 Breckinridge Convention, 1860, Baltimore 86 
 
 Chicago Republican Convention, 1860 86 
 
 American Convention, 1860 87 
 
 Secession — Preparing^ fob 87 
 
 vii
 
 viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Secession— ViEGiNiA Coxvextion, 18G1 91 
 
 " Intek-State Commissioners 96 
 
 " Southern Congress, Proceedings of 97 
 
 " Confederate Constitution 97 
 
 " Confederate States 98 
 
 Buchanan's Views 99 
 
 Crittenden Compromise 104 
 
 Peace Convention 106 
 
 Actual Secession 109 
 
 " " Transferring Arms to the South 109 
 
 Fernando "Wood's Secession Message 112 
 
 Congress on the Eve of the Rebellion 113 
 
 Lincoln's Views 115 
 
 Judge Black's Views 115 
 
 Alexander H. Stephens' Speech on Secession 11() 
 
 Lincoln's First Administration 120 
 
 Confederate Military Legislation 128 
 
 Guerrillas 129 
 
 Twenty-Negro Exemption Law 130 
 
 Douglas on the Rebellion 130 
 
 Political Legislation Incident to the War 130 
 
 Thirty-Seventh Congress 131 
 
 Compensated Emancipation 135 
 
 Lincoln's Appeal to the Border States 137 
 
 Reply of the Border States 138 
 
 Boeder State Slaves 139 
 
 Emancipation 141 
 
 " Preliminary Proclamation of 141 
 
 " Proclamation of 143 
 
 Loyal Governors, the Address of 144 
 
 Fugitive Slave Law, Repeal of 145 
 
 Financial Legislation 149 
 
 Seward as Secretary of State 149 
 
 Internal Taxes 151 
 
 Confederate Debt 152 
 
 Confederate Taxes 153 
 
 West Virginia — Admission of 158 
 
 Color in War Politics 159 
 
 Thirteenth Amendment — Passage of 1G7 
 
 Louisiana — Admission of Representatives 168 
 
 Reconstruction 169 
 
 Arkansas — Admission of 170 
 
 Reconstruction Measures — Text of 171 
 
 Fourteenth Amendment 174 
 
 McClellan's Political Letters 175 
 
 Lincoln's Second Administration 177 
 
 Andrew Johnson and his Policy 178 
 
 " " — Impeachment Trial 179 
 
 Grant 191 
 
 Enforcement Acts • 193 
 
 Readmission of Rebellious States 193 
 
 Legal Tender Decision 191 
 
 Greenback Party 194 
 
 Prohibitory Party 196 
 
 San Domingo— Annexation of 19G
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Jx 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Alabama Claims 197 
 
 Force Bill 197 
 
 Civil Service — Okdee of Presibent Hayes 198 
 
 Amnesty 199 
 
 Liberal Republicans 199 
 
 Beform in the Civil Service 200 
 
 Credit Mobilier 200 
 
 Salary Grab 214 
 
 Returning Boards 217 
 
 Grangers 218 
 
 — Illinois Railroad Act of 1873 218 
 
 Civil Rights Bill — Supplementary 221 
 
 Morton Amendment 222 
 
 Whisky Ring 222 
 
 Belknap Impeached 223 
 
 White League 223 
 
 Wheeler Compromise — Text of 226 
 
 Election op Haye3 and Wheeler 228 
 
 Electoral Count 229 
 
 Title of President Hayes 233 
 
 Cipher Despatches 234 
 
 The Hayes Administration 239 
 
 Negro Exodus 240 
 
 Campaign of 1880 242 
 
 Three Per Cent. Funding Bill 244 
 
 History of the National Loans 245 
 
 Garfield and Arthur — Inauguration of 253 
 
 Republican Factions 2-53 
 
 The Caucus 256 
 
 Assassination of Garfield 260 
 
 Arthur, President 261 
 
 Boss Rule 261 
 
 Readjusters 263 
 
 Mormonism — Suppression of 264 
 
 " Text of the Bill 265 
 
 South American Question 269 
 
 Star Route Scandal 277 
 
 The Coming States 278 
 
 Chinese Question 281 
 
 " " — Speech of Senator Miller on 281 
 
 " " — Reply of Senator Hoar 2S5 
 
 Merchant Marine 296 
 
 Current Politics 298 
 
 BOOK II.— POLITICAL PLATFOEMS. 
 
 Virginia Resolutions, 1798 3 
 
 Virginia Resolutions, 1798 — Ans^ters op the State Legislatures 6 
 
 Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 10 
 
 Washington's Farewell Address 14 
 
 All National Platforms from 1800 to 18S0 21-68 
 
 Comparison op Platform Planks on Great Political Questions 69-79
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK ni.— GREAT SPEECHES OX GREAT ISSUES. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 James Wilson's Vikdication of the Colonies 3 
 
 Patrick Henry before Virginia Delegates 7 
 
 John Adams on the Declaration 8 
 
 Patrick Henry on the Federal Constitution 10 
 
 ->, John Randolph against Tariff 13 
 
 Edward Everett on the Example of the Northern to the Southern Republics of 
 
 America 18 
 
 Daniel Webster on the Gbsek Question 19 
 
 ~sJoHN Randolph's Reply to Webster 20 
 
 Paul B. Hayne against Tariff 21 
 
 Henry Clay on his Land Bill 23 
 
 John C. Calhoun's Reply to Clay 24 
 
 Paul B. Hayne on Sales of Public Land — the Foote Resolution 25 
 
 Daniel Webster's Great Reply to Hayne 48 
 
 John C. Calhoun on the Rights of the States 80 
 
 Henry Clay on the American Protective System 86 
 
 James Buchanan on an Independent Treasury 95 
 
 Lewis Cass on the Missouri Compromise 96 
 
 Clement L. Vallandigham on Slavery •••.... 97 
 
 Horace Greeley on Protection 99 
 
 Henry A- Wise Against Know-Nothingism ...••• -^^ 
 
 Kenneth Raynor on the Fusion of Fremont and Fillmore Forces 112 
 
 Religious Test-Debate on the Article in the Constitution in Regard to it . 114 
 
 Henry Winter Davis on the American Party 115 
 
 Joshua R. Giddings Against the Fugitive Slave Law 116 
 
 Robert Toombs in Favor of Slavery n'j 
 
 JuDAH P. Benjamin on Slave Property 119 
 
 W^iLLiAM Lloyd Garrison on the Slavery Question 120 
 
 Theodore Parker Against the Fugitive Slave Law and the Return of Sims . 121 
 
 William II. Seward on the Higher Law 122 
 
 Charles Sumnee on the Fallibility of Judicial Tribunals 123 
 
 Galcsha a. Grow on his Homestead Bill 123 
 
 Lincoln and Douglas Debate — 
 
 j " " " Douglas's Speech 126 
 
 j " " " Lincoln's Reply 133 
 
 " " " Douglas's Rejoinder 143 
 
 Jefferson Davis on Retiring from the United States Senate 147 
 
 Henry Wilson on the Greeley Canvass 149 
 
 Oliver P. Morton on the National Idea 151 
 
 J. Proctor Knott on " Duluth," 154 
 
 Henry Carey on the Rates of Interest 159 
 
 Simon Cameron on Internal Improvements lf'3 
 
 John F. Logan on Self-Government 1G5 
 
 James G. Blaine on the " False Issue," 171 
 
 roscoe conklino on the extra session of 1879 176 
 
 Lincoln's Speech at Gettysburg 186 
 
 John M. Broomall on Civil Rights 186 
 
 Charles A. Eldridge against Civil Rights 189 
 
 A. K. McClube on "What of the Republic?" ••...... 191 
 
 Robt. G. Inoersoll Nominating Blaine 201
 
 \ 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. ^ 
 
 PAGE. 
 EOSCOE CONLLINO NOMINATING GrANT 202 
 
 James A. Garfield Nominating Sherman 203 
 
 Daniel Dougherty Nominating Hancock 205 
 
 George Gray Nominating Bayard 205 
 
 William P. Frye Nominating Blaine (at Chicago) 206 
 
 Senanor Hill's Denunciation of Mauone 207 
 
 Senator Mahonb's Reply 217 
 
 Justin S. Merrill on the Tariff Commission 223 
 
 J. Don Cameron on Reduction of Revenue as Affecting the Tariff .... 233 
 
 Thomas H. Benton on the Election of Presidents 237 
 
 James G. Blaine's Eulogy on Pee,sident Garfield 240 
 
 BOOK IV.— PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, Etc. 
 
 Declaration of Independence 3 
 
 Articles of Confederation 5 
 
 Jefferson's Manual 3 
 
 BOOK v.— EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 Great Seal of the United States 3 
 
 Relating to the National Flag 3 
 
 President and Vice President — election of 4 
 
 Electoral College 4 
 
 Organisation of the House of Representatives 7 
 
 President may change place of Meeting op Congress 9 
 
 Pay of certain Public Officers 9 
 
 Supreme Court. . , 10 
 
 Court of Claims 10 
 
 Tenure of Office 10 
 
 Election of Senators 12 
 
 Salary Act of 1874 12 
 
 Provisions applicable to several classes of Officers 15 
 
 Crimes against the Elective Franchise 20 
 
 Immigration 24 
 
 Naturalization 24 
 
 Homesteads 27 
 
 Land Offices 31 
 
 Civil Rights 31 
 
 Citizenship 34 
 
 Elective Franchise 35 
 
 Freemen 39 
 
 Alien Enemies 41 
 
 Bounty Lands 42 
 
 Act to Extend the Time for Filing Claims to Additional Bounty 4G 
 
 Relief of Settlers on Railroad Lands 47
 
 xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Slave Teade 47 
 
 Ceimes — Geneeal Peovisioss 49 
 
 " Against the Existence of the Goveenmext 50 
 
 Funding the National Debt 51 
 
 Civil Seevice — Political Assessments 51 
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 51 
 
 Unifoem Time foe Election of Membees of Congeess not to Apply to Ceetain 
 
 States 51 
 
 Peesent Taeiff Laws 52 
 
 " " " — Supplements 94 
 
 The Law of Nations 98 
 
 Pay of Peincipal Officees in vaeious Departments 40 
 
 Depaetment and all Fedeeal Offices, how obtained and the Pay 44-112 
 
 BOOK VI— FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 Goveenmental Duties 3 
 
 Department Officees — theie Duties 4—16 
 
 Senatoes, Repeesentatives and Delegates 20 
 
 Congeessional Committees of Session of 1882 23-31 
 
 BOOK VII— TABULATED HISTORY OF POLITICS. 
 
 COMPEISING NEAELY 100 TABLES FULLY SET OUT IN THE INDEX ; STATISTICS WHICH 
 touch every SUBJECT BEABING UPON PAST, PEESENT OE PEOBABLE POLITICAL ISSUEJ. 3-114 
 
 Cheonological Politics, June 1765 to 1882 110
 
 AMERIOAK POLITICS, 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 HISTOKT OF THE POLITICAX, PAETIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PAETEES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 Colonial Parties— "WTilg and Tory. 
 
 The parties peculiar to our Colonial 
 times hardly have a place in American 
 politics. They divided people in senti- 
 ment simply, as they did in the mother 
 country, but here there was little or no 
 power to act, and were to gather results 
 from party victories. Men were then 
 Whigs or Tories because they had been 
 prior to their emigration here, or because 
 their parents had been, or because it has 
 ever been natural to show division in in- 
 dividual sentiment. Political contests, 
 however, were unknown, for none enjoyed 
 the pleasures and profits of power ; the 
 crown made and unmade rulers. The 
 local self-government which our fore- 
 fathers enjoyed, were secured to them by 
 their charters, and these were held to be 
 contracts not to be changed without the 
 consent of both parties. AH of the inhabi- 
 tants of the colonies claimed and were 
 justly entitled to the rights guaranteed by 
 the Magna Charta, and in addition to 
 these they insisted upon the supervision of 
 all internal interests and the power to levy 
 and collect taxes. These claims were con- 
 ceded until their growing prosperity and 
 England's need of additional revenues 
 suggested schemes of indirect taxation. 
 Against these the colony of Plymouth pro- 
 tested as early as 1636, and spasmodic pro- 
 tests from all the colonies followed. These 
 increased in frequency and force with the 
 growing demands of King George III. In 
 1651 the navigation laws imposed upon the 
 colonies required both exports and imports 
 to be carried in British ships, and all who 
 
 traded were compelled to do it with Eng- 
 land. In 1672 inter-colonial duties were 
 imposed, and when manufacturing sought 
 to flank this policy, their establishment 
 was forbidden by law. 
 
 The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 
 caused high excitement, and for the first 
 time parties began to take definite shape 
 and manifest open antagonisms, and the 
 words Whig and Tory then had a plainer 
 meaning in America than in England. 
 The Stamp Act was denounced by the 
 Whigs as direct taxation, since it provided, 
 that stamps previously paid for should be 
 affixed to all legal papers. The colonies 
 resented, and so general were the protests 
 that for a time it seemed that only those 
 who owed their livings to the Crown, or 
 expected aid and comfort from it, re- 
 mained with the Tories. The Whigs were 
 the patriots. The war for the rights of 
 the colonies began in 1775, and it was 
 supported by majorities in all of the Co- 
 lonial Assemblies. These majorities were 
 as carefully organized then a.s now to pro- 
 mote a popular cause, and this in the face 
 of adverse action on the part of the sev- 
 eral Colonial Governors. Thus in Vir- 
 ginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to 
 time, until 1773, prorogued the Virginia 
 Assembly, when it seized the opportunity 
 to pass resolves instituting a committee of 
 correspondence, and recommending joint 
 action by the legislatures of the other 
 colonies. In the next year, the same body, 
 under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, 
 Wa-^hington, Wythe and other patriots, 
 officially deprecated the closing of the 
 
 3
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 port of Boston, and set apart a day to im- 
 plore Divine interposition in behalf of the 
 colonies. The Governor dissolved the 
 Houce for this act, and the delegates, 89 in 
 number, repaired to a tavern, organized 
 themselves into a committee, signed arti- 
 cles of association, and advised with other 
 colonial committees the expediency of 
 " appointing deputies to meet in a general 
 correspondence" — really a suggestion for 
 a Congress. The idea of a Congress, how- 
 ever, originated with Doctor Franklin the 
 year before, and it had then been approved 
 by town meetings in Providence, Boston 
 and New York. The action of Virginia 
 lifted the proposal above individual advice 
 and the action of town meetings, and 
 called to it the attention of all the colo- 
 nial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate 
 in the incipiency of these political move- 
 ments, that the people were practically 
 unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized 
 the drift and danger, while nearly all could 
 join their voices against oppressive taxes 
 and imposts. 
 
 The war went on for colonial rights, the 
 Whigs wisely insisting that they were wil- 
 ling to remain as colonists if their rights 
 should be guaranteed by the mother coun- 
 try ; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown, 
 were willing to remain without guarantee 
 — a negative position, and one which in 
 the high excitement of the times excited 
 little attention, save where the holders of 
 such views made themselves odious by the 
 enjoyment of high official position, or by 
 harsh criticism upon, or treatment of the 
 •patriots. 
 
 The first Continental Congress assembled 
 in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and 
 there laid the foundations of the Republic. 
 While its assemblage was first recom- 
 mended by home meetings, the cause, as 
 already shown, was taken up by the as- 
 semblies of Massachusetts and Virginia. 
 Georgia alone was not represented. The 
 members were called delegates, who de- 
 clared in their official papers that they 
 were " appointed by the good people of 
 these colonies." It was called the " revo- 
 lutionary government," because it derived 
 its power from the people, and not from 
 the functionaries of any existing govern- 
 ment. In it each colony was allowed but 
 a single vote, regardless of the number of 
 delegates, and here began 'not only the 
 unit rule, but the practice which ol3tains 
 in the election of a President when the 
 contest reaches, under the constitution and 
 law, the National House of Rei)rescnta- 
 tives. The original object was to give 
 equality to the colonies as colonics. 
 
 In 1775, the second Continental Con- 
 gress assembled at IMiiladelphia, all the 
 colonics being again represented save 
 Georgia. The delegates were chosen prin- 
 cipally by conventions of the people, 
 
 though some were sent by the popular 
 branches of the colonial legislatures. In 
 July, and soon after the commencement 
 of hostilities, Georgia entered the Con- 
 federacy. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence, passed 
 in 1776, drew yet plainer lines between the 
 Whigs and Tories. A gulf of hatred sepa- 
 rated the opposing parties, and the Tory 
 was far more despised than the open foe, 
 when he was not such, and was the first 
 sought when he was. Men who contend 
 for liberty ever regard those who are not 
 for them as against them — a feeling which 
 led to the expression of a political maxim 
 of apparent undying force, for it has since 
 found frequent repetition in every earnest 
 campaign. After the adoption of the De- 
 claration by the Continental Congress, the 
 Whigs favored the most direct and abso- 
 lute separation, while the Tories supported 
 the Crown. On the 7th of June, 1776, 
 Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved 
 the Declaration in these words: 
 
 "Resolved, That these united colonies are, 
 and of right ought to be, free and indepen- 
 dent states ; that they are absolved from 
 all allegiance to the British Crown, and 
 that all political connection between them 
 and the State of Great Britain is, and 
 ought to be, totally dissolved." 
 
 Then followed preparations for the for- 
 mal declaration, which was adopted on the 
 4th of July, 1776, in the precise language 
 submitted by Thomas Jefferson. All of 
 the state papers of the Continental Con- 
 gress evince the highest talent, and the 
 evils which led to its exhibition must have 
 been long but very impatiently endured to 
 impel the study of the questions involved. 
 Possibly only the best lives in our memory 
 invite our perusal, but certain it is that 
 higher capacity was never called to the 
 performance of graver political duties in 
 the history of the world. 
 
 It has been said that the Declaration is 
 in imitation of that published by the Uni- 
 ted Netherlands, but whether this be true 
 or false, the liberty-loving world has for 
 more than a century accepted it as the 
 best protest against oppression known to 
 political history. A great occasion con- 
 spired with a great author to make it 
 grandly great. 
 
 Dr. Franklin, as early as July, 1775, first 
 prepared a sketch of articles of confedera- 
 tion between the colonies, to continue until 
 their reconciliation with Great Britain, 
 and in failure thereof to be perpetual. 
 John Quincy Adams says this plan was 
 never discussed in Congress. June 11, 
 1776, a committee was apj)ointed to pre- 
 pare the force of a colonial confederation, 
 and the day following one member from 
 each colony was appointed to jierform the 
 duty. The report was submitted, laid 
 aside August 20, 1776, taken up April 7,
 
 BOOK 1.] PARTICULARISTS— STRONG GOVERNMENT WHIGS. 
 
 1777, and debated from time to time until 
 November 15th, of the ^-ame year, when 
 the report was agreed to. It was then 
 submitted to the legislatures of the several 
 states, these being advised to authorize 
 their delegates in Congress to ratil'y the 
 same. On the 2()th of June, 1778, the rat- 
 ification was ordered to be engrossed and 
 signed by the delegates. Those of New 
 Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn- 
 sylvania, Virginia and South Carolina 
 signed.! uly Dth, 1778 ; those of North Car- 
 olina July 21st ; Georgia July 24th ; .Jersey 
 November 26th, same year ; Delaware 
 February 22d and May 5th, 1779. Mary- 
 land refused to ratify until the question of 
 the conflicting claims of the Union and 
 of the separate States to the property of 
 the crown-lands should be adjusted. This 
 was accomplished by the cession of the 
 lands in dispute to the United States, and 
 Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On 
 the 2d of March, Congress assembled un- 
 der the new powers, and continued to act 
 for the Confederacy until the 4th of March, 
 1789, the date of Ihe organization of the 
 government under the Federal constitu- 
 tion. Our political life has therefore three 
 periods, " the revolutionary government," 
 the confederation," and that of the "fed- 
 eral constitution," which still obtains. 
 
 The federal constitution is the result of 
 the labors of a convention called at Phila- 
 delphia in May, 1787, at a time when it 
 was feared by many that the Union was 
 in the greatest danger, from inability to 
 pay soldiers who had, in 1783, been dis- 
 banded on a declaration of peace and an 
 acknowledgment of independence ; from 
 prostration of the public credit and faith 
 of the nation ; from the neglect to provide 
 for the payment of even the interest on 
 the public debt ; and from the disappoint- 
 ed hopes of many who thought freedom 
 did not need to face responsibilities. A 
 large pf)ition of the convention of 1787 
 still clung to the confederacy of the states, 
 and advocated as a substitute for the con- 
 stitution a revival of the old articles of 
 confederation with additional powers to 
 Congress. A long discussion followed, 
 and a most able one, but a constitution for 
 the people, embodying a division of legis- 
 lative, judicial and executive powers pre- 
 vailed, and the result is now daily wit- 
 nessed in the federal constitution. While 
 the revolutionary war lasted but seven 
 years, the political revolution incident to, 
 identified with and directing it, lasted 
 thirteen years. This was completed on 
 the 30th of April, 1789, the day on which 
 Washington was inauLairated as the first 
 President under the federal constitution. 
 
 The Partlciilarlsts. 
 
 As questions of goverument were evolved 
 
 by the struggles for independence, the 
 VVhigs, who of course greatly outnumbered 
 all others during the Revolution, naturally 
 divided in sentiment, though their divi- 
 sions wc^re not sufficiently serious to excite 
 the establishment of rival parties — some- 
 thing which tlie great majority of our fore- 
 fathers were too wise to tliink of in time of 
 war. When the war closed, however, and 
 the question of establishing the Union was 
 brought clear to the view of all, one class 
 of the Whigs believed that state govern- 
 ment should be supreme, and that no cen- 
 tral power should have sufficient authority 
 to coerce a state, or keep it to the com- 
 pact against its will. All accepted the 
 idea of a central government ; all realized 
 the necessity of union, but the fear that 
 the states would lose their power, or sur- 
 render their independence was very great, 
 and this fear was more naturally shown by 
 both the larger and the smaller stales. This 
 class of thinkers were then called Partic- 
 ularists. Their views were opposed by 
 the 
 
 Strong Government Wlilgs 
 
 who argued that local self-government was 
 inadequate to the establishment and per- 
 petuation of political freedom, and that it 
 afforded little or no power to successfully 
 resist foreign invasion. Some of these 
 went so far as to favor a government pat- 
 terned after that of England, save that it 
 should be republican in name and spirit. 
 The essential differences, if they can be re- 
 duced to two sentences, were these : The 
 Particularist Whigs desired a government 
 republican in form and democratic in 
 spirit, with rights of local self-government 
 and state rights ever uppermost. The 
 Strong Government Whigs desired a gov- 
 ernment rei>ublican in form, with checks 
 upon the impulses or passions of the peo- 
 ple ; liberty, sternly regulated by law, and 
 that law strengthened and confirmed by 
 central authority — the authority of the na- 
 tional government to be final in appeals. 
 As we have stated, the weakness of the 
 confederation was acknowledged by many 
 men, and the majority, as it proved to be 
 after much agitation and discussion 
 thought it too imperfect to amend. The 
 power of the confederacy was notacknow- 
 edged by the states, its congress not re- 
 spected by the peoi>le. Its requisitions 
 were disregarded, foreign trade could not 
 be successfully regulated ; foreign nations 
 refused to bind themselves by commercial 
 treaties, and there was a rapid growth of 
 very dangerous business rivalries and 
 jealousies between the several states. 
 Those which were fortunate enough, in- 
 dependent of congress, to possess or se- 
 cure ports for domestic or foreign com- 
 merce, taxed the imports of their sister
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book u 
 
 states. There was confusion which must 
 soon have approached violence, for no 
 authority beyond the limits of the state 
 was respected, and Congress was notably 
 powerless in its attempts to command aid 
 from the states to meet the payment of 
 the war debt, or the interest thereon. In- 
 stead of general respect for, there was al- 
 most general disregard of law on the part 
 of legislative bodies, and the people were 
 not slow in imitating their representatives. 
 Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's 
 Rebellion in Massachusetts was the first 
 warlike manifestation of the spirit which 
 was abroad in the land. 
 
 Alive to the new dangers, the Assembly 
 of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- 
 sioners to invito all the states to take part 
 in a convention for the consideration of 
 questions of commerce, and the propriety 
 of altering the Articles of Confederation. 
 This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. 
 Ilth, 1786. But five states sent representa- 
 tives, the others regarding the movement 
 with jealousy. This convention, however, 
 adopted a report which urged the appoint- 
 ment of commissioners by all the states, 
 "to devise such other provisions as shall, 
 to them seem necessary to render the con- 
 dition of the Federal government adequate 
 to the exigencies of the Union ; and to re- 
 port such an act for that purpose to the 
 United States in Congress assembled, as, 
 when agreed to by them and afterwards 
 confirmed by the legislatures of every state, 
 will effectually provide for the same." 
 Congress approved this action, and passed 
 resohitions favoring a meeting in conven- 
 tion for the "sole and express purpose of 
 revising the Articles of Confederation, and 
 report to Congress and the State legisla- 
 tures." The convention met in Philadel- 
 phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- 
 sions until Sejjtember 17th, of the same year. 
 The Strong Government Whigs had previ- 
 ously made every possible eflbrt for a full 
 and able representation, and the result did 
 not disappoint them, for instead oi' simply 
 revising the Articles of Confederation, the 
 convention framed a constitution, and sent 
 it to Congress to be submitted to that body 
 and through it to the several legislatures. 
 The act submitting it provided that, if it 
 should be ratified by nine of the thirteen 
 states, it should be binding upon those 
 ratifying the same. Just here was started 
 the custom which has since passed into 
 law, that amendmonts to tlie n;xtional con- 
 stitution shall be 8ul)milted after approval 
 by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev- 
 eral states, and after approval by three- 
 fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all 
 — a very proper exercise of constitutiouid 
 authority, as it seems n(»w, but which 
 would not have won popular approval 
 when Virginia proposed the Annapolis 
 couvcutiuu in 1780. Indeed, the reader of 
 
 our political history must ever be impressed 
 with the fact that changes and reforms 
 ever moved slowly, and that those of slow- 
 est growth seem to abide the longest. 
 
 Tlie Federal and Anti-Federal Parties. 
 
 The Strong Government Whigs, on the 
 submission of the constitution of 1787 to 
 Congress and the legislatures, and indi- 
 rectly through the latter to the people, who 
 elect the members on this issue, became 
 the Federal party, and all of its power was 
 used to promote the ratification of the in- 
 strument. Its ablest men, headed by 
 Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, 
 advocated adoption before the people, and 
 their pens supplied much of the current 
 political literature of that day. Eighty- 
 five essays, still noted and quoted for their 
 ability, under the nom deplume of "Pub- 
 lius," were published in " The Federalist." 
 They were written by Hamilton, Madison 
 and Jay, and with irresistible force advo- 
 cated the Federal constitution, which was 
 ratified by the nine needed states, and 
 Congress was officially informed of the fact 
 July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday in 
 March, 1789, was fixed as the time " for 
 commencing proceedings under the con- 
 stitution." 
 
 This struggle for the first time gave the 
 Federalists an admitted majority. The 
 complexion of the State legislature prior 
 to it showed them in fiact to be in a mi- 
 nority, and the Particularist Whigs, or 
 Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary 
 step looking to the abandonment of the 
 Articles of Confederation and the adoption 
 of a Federal constitution. They were 
 called Anti-Federals because they opposed 
 a federal government and constitution and 
 adhered to the rights of the States and 
 those of local self-government. Doubtless 
 party rancor, then as now, led men to op- 
 pose a system of government which it 
 seems they must have approved after fight- 
 ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the 
 States and the prevailing ideas of liberty 
 certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popu- 
 larity which only a test so sensible as that 
 proposed could have shaken. They were 
 not without popular orators and leaders. 
 Patrick Henry, the earliest of the pa- 
 triots, and ■' the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel 
 Adams, took special pride in espousing 
 their cause. The war questions between 
 Whig and Tory must have passed quickly 
 away, as living issues, though the nows- 
 pajiers and contemporaneous history show 
 that the old taunts and battle cries were 
 aj)plied to the new situation with a plain- 
 ness and virulence tliat must still be envied 
 by the sensational and more bitterly parti- 
 san journals of our own day. To read 
 these now, and some of our facts are gath-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 FEDERALS AND ANTI-FEDERALS. 
 
 ered from such sources, is to account for 
 the frequent use of the saying touching 
 " the ingratitude of republics," for when 
 partisan hatred could deride the still re- 
 cent utterances of Henry before the startled 
 assembly of Virginians, and of Adams in 
 advocating the adoption of the Declaration, 
 there must at least to every surface view 
 have been rank ingratitude. Their good 
 names, however, survived the struggle, as 
 good names in our republic have ever sur- 
 vived the passions of the law. In politics 
 the Americans then as now, hated with 
 promptness and forgave with generosity. 
 
 The Anti-Federals denied nearly all that 
 the Federals asserted. The latter had for 
 the first time assumed the aggressive, and 
 had the advantage of position. They 
 showed the deplorable condition of the 
 country, and their opponents had to bear 
 the burdens of denial at a time when nearly 
 all public and private obligations were dis- 
 honored ; when labor was poorly paid, work- 
 men getting but twenty-five cents a day,with 
 little to do at that; when even the rich in 
 lands were poor in purse, and when com- 
 merce on the seas was checked by the cold- 
 ness of foreign nations and restricted by 
 the action of the States themselves ; when 
 manufactures were without protection of 
 any kind, and when the people thought 
 their struggle for freedom was about to end 
 in national poverty. Still Henry, and 
 Adams and Hancock, with hosts of others, 
 claimed that the aspirations of the Anti- 
 Federals were the freest, that they pointed 
 to personal liberty and local sovereignty. 
 Yet many Anti-Federals must have accept- 
 ed the views of the Federals, who under 
 the circumstances must have presented the 
 better reason, and the result was as stated, 
 the ratification of the Federal constitution 
 of 1787 by three-fourths of the States of 
 the Union. After this the Anti-Federalists 
 were given a new name, that of " Close 
 Constructionists," because they naturally 
 desired to interpret the new instrument in 
 such a way as to bend it to their views. 
 The Federalists became " Broad Construc- 
 tionists," because they interpreted the con- 
 stitution in a way calculated to broaden 
 the power of the national government. 
 
 The Confederacy once dissolved, the 
 Federal party entered upon the enjoy- 
 ment of full political power, but it was not 
 without its responsibilities. The govern- 
 ment had to be organized upon the basis 
 of the new constitution, as upon the suc- 
 cess of that organization would depend not 
 alone the stability of the government and 
 the happiness of its people, but the repu- 
 tation of the party and the fame of its 
 leaders as statesmen. 
 
 Fortunately for all, party hostilities were 
 not manifested in the Presidential election. 
 All bowed to the popularity of Washing- 
 ton, and he was unanimously nominated 
 
 by the congressional caucus and appointed 
 by the electoral college. He selected his 
 cabinet from the leading minds of both 
 parties, and while himself a recognized 
 Federalist, all felt that he was acting for 
 the good of all, and in the earlier years of 
 his administration, none disputed this 
 fact. 
 
 As the new measures of the government 
 advanced, however, the anti-federalists or- 
 ganized an opposition to the party in 
 power. Immediate danger had passed. 
 The constitution worked well. The laws 
 of Congress were respected ; its calls for 
 revenue honored, and Washington de- 
 voted much of his first and second mes- 
 sages to showing the growing prosperity 
 of the country, and the respect which it 
 was beginning to excite abroad. But 
 where there is political power, there is 
 opposition in a free land, and the great 
 leaders of that day neither forfeited their 
 reputations as patriots, or their characters 
 as statesmen by the assertion of honest dif- 
 ferences of opinion. AVashington, Adams, 
 and Hamilton were the recognized leaders 
 of the Federalists, the firm friends of the 
 constitution. The success of this instru- 
 ment modified the views of the anti- 
 Federalists, and Madison of Virginia, its 
 recognized friend when it was in prepara- 
 tion, joined with others who had been its. 
 friends — notably, * Doctor Williamson, of 
 North Carolina, and Mr. Langdon, of 
 Georgia, in opposing the administration,, 
 and soon became recognized leaders of the 
 anti-Federalists. Langdon was the Presi- 
 dent pro tern, of the Senate. Jefferson was 
 then on a mission to France, and not until 
 some years thereafter did he array himself 
 with those opposed to centralized power in 
 the nation. He returned in November, 
 
 1789, and was called to Washington's, 
 cabinet as Secretary of State in March, 
 
 1790. It was a great cabinet, with Jeffer- 
 son as its premier (if this term is suited to. 
 a time when English political nomenclature 
 was anything but popular in the land ; ) 
 Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund 
 Randolph, Attorney-General. There was 
 no Secretary of the Navy until the ad- 
 ministration of the elder Adams, and no 
 Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 The first session of Congress under the 
 Federal constitution, held in New York, 
 sat for nearly six months, the adjournment 
 taking place September 29th, 1789. Nearly 
 all the laws framed pointed to the organi- 
 zation of the government, and the discus- 
 sions were able and protracted. Indeed, 
 these discussions developed opposing views, 
 which could easily find separation on much 
 the same old lines as those which separated 
 the founders of constitutional government 
 
 * Edwin Williams in Statosman's Manual.
 
 8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 from those who favored the old confederate 
 methods. The Federalists, on pivotal 
 questions, at this session, carried their 
 measures only by small majorities. 
 
 Much of the second session was devoted 
 to the discussion of the able reports of 
 Hamilton, and their final adoption did 
 much to build up the credit of the nation 
 and to promote its industries. He was 
 the author of the protective system, and at 
 the first session gave definite shape to his 
 theories. He recommended the funding 
 of the war debt, the assumption of the 
 state war debts by the national government, 
 the providing of a system of revenue from 
 the collection of duties on imports, and an 
 internal excise. His advocacy of a pro- 
 tective tariff was plain, for he declared it 
 to be necessary for the support of the gov- 
 ernment and the encouragemvnt of manu- 
 factures that duties be laid on goods, wares, 
 and merchandise imported. 
 
 The third session of the same Congress 
 was held at Philadelphia, though the seat 
 of the national government had, at the 
 previous one, been fixed on the Potomac 
 instead of the Susquehanna — this after a 
 compromise with Southern members, who 
 refused to vote for the Assumption Bill 
 ■ until the location of the capital in the 
 District of Columbia had been agreed 
 upon ; by the way, this was the first exhi- 
 bition of log-rolling in Congress. To 
 complete Hamilton's financial system, & 
 national bank was incorporated. On this 
 project both the members of Congress and 
 of the cabinet were divided, but it passed, 
 and was promptly approved by Washing- 
 ton. By this time it was Avell known that 
 Jefferson and Hamilton held opposing 
 views on many questions of government, 
 and these found their way into and influ- 
 enced the action of Congress, and passed 
 naturally from thence to the people, who 
 were thus early believed to be almost 
 equally divided on the more essential po- 
 litical issues. Before the close of the ses- 
 sion, Vermont and Kentucky were ad- 
 mitted to the Union. Vermont was the 
 first state admitted in addition to the 
 original thirteen. True, North Carolina 
 and Rhode Island had rejected the consti- 
 tution, but they reconsidered their action 
 and came in— the former in November, 
 1780, and the latter in May, 1790. 
 
 The election for members of the Second 
 Congress resulted in a majority in both 
 branches favorable to the administration. 
 It met at Philadelphia in October, 1791. 
 The exciting measure of the session was 
 the excise act, somewhat similar to that of 
 the previous year, but the o])position 
 wanted an is-sue on which to rally, they 
 accepted this, and this agitation led to vio- 
 lent and in one instance warlike ojijiosi- 
 tion on the part of a portion of the people. 
 Those ol western Pennsylvania, largely 
 
 interested in distilleries, prepared for 
 armed resistance to the excise, but at the 
 same session a national militia law had 
 been passed, and Washington took ad- 
 vantage of this to suppress the " Whisky 
 Rebellion" in its incipiency. It was a 
 hasty, rash undertaking, yet was dealt with 
 so firmly that the action of the authorities 
 strengthened the law, and the respect for 
 order. The four counties which rebelled 
 did no further damage than to tar and 
 feather a government tax collector and rob 
 him of his horse, though many threats 
 were made and the agitation continued 
 until 1794, when Washington's threatened 
 appearance at the head of fifteen thousand 
 militia settled the whole question. 
 
 The first session of the Second Congress 
 also passed the first methodic apportion- 
 ment bill, which based the congressional 
 representation on the census taken in 1790, 
 the basis being 33,000 inhabitants for each 
 representative. The second session which 
 sat from November, 1792, to March, 1793, 
 was mainly occupied in a discussion of the 
 foreign and domestic relations of the coun- 
 try. No important measures were adopted. 
 
 The Republican and Federal Parties. 
 
 The most serious objection to the con- 
 stitution before its ratification was the ab- 
 sence of a distinct bill of rights, which 
 should recognize "the equality of all 
 men, and their rights to life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness," and at the first 
 session of Congress a bill was framed con- 
 taining twelve articles, ten of which were 
 afterwards ratified as amendments to the 
 constitution. Yet state sovereignty, then 
 imperfectly defined, was the prevailing 
 idea in the minds of the Anti-Federalists, 
 and they took every opportunity to oppose 
 any extended delegation of authority from 
 the states of the Union. They contended 
 that the power of the state should be 
 supreme, and charged the Federalists with 
 monarchical tendencies. They opposed 
 Hamilton's national bank scheme, and 
 Jefferson and Randolph plainly expressed 
 the opinion that it was unconstitutional — 
 that a bank was not authorized by the 
 constitution, and that it would prevent the 
 states from maintaining banks. But whoa 
 the Bill of Rights had been incorporated 
 in and attached to the constitution as 
 amendments, .Jefferson with rare political 
 sagacity withdrew all opposition to the in- 
 strument itself, and the Anti-Federalists 
 gladly followed his lead, for they felt tliat 
 they had labored under many partisan dis- 
 advantages. The constitution was from 
 the first too strong for successful resistance, 
 and when opposition was confessedly 
 abandoned the ])arty name was changed, 
 also at the suggestion of Jefferson, to thai
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. 
 
 of Republican. The Anti-Federalists were | 
 at first disposed to call their party the 
 Democratic-Republicans, but finally called j 
 it simply Rejiublican, to avoid the ojiposite I 
 of the extreme which they charged against , 
 the Federalists. Each party had its taunts 
 in use, the Federalists being denounced as 
 monarchists, the Anti-Federalists as Dem- 
 ocrats ; the one presumed to be looking 
 forward to monarchy, the other to the rule 
 of the mob. ; 
 
 By 1793 partisan lines under the names 
 of Federalists and Republicans, were plain- \ 
 ly drawn, and the schism in the cabinet 
 was more marked than ever. Personal 
 ambition may have had much to do with 
 it, for Washington had previously shown 
 his desire to retire to jirivate life. While 
 he remained at the head of affairs he was 
 unwilling to part with Jefferson and Ham- 
 ilton, and did all in his power to bring 
 about a reconciliation, but without suc- 
 cess. Before the close of the first consti- 
 tutional Presidency, however, Washington 
 had become convinced that the people de- 
 sired him to accept a re-election, and he 
 was accordingly a candidate and unani- 
 mously chosen. John Adams was re-elect- 
 ed Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 
 50 for Geo. Clinton, (5 scattering) the Re- 
 publican candidate. Soon after the inau- 
 guration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the 
 French republic, arrived and sought to 
 excite the sympathy of the United States 
 and involve it in a war with Great Britain. 
 Jefferson and his Republican party warmly 
 sympathized with France, and insisted 
 that gratitude for revolutionary favors 
 commanded aid to France in her struggles. 
 The Federalists, under Washington and 
 Hamilton, favored non-intervention, and 
 insisted that wc should maintain friendly 
 relations with Great Britain. Washington 
 showed his usual firmness, and before the 
 expiration of the month in Avhich Genet 
 arrived, had issued his celebrated procla- 
 mation of neutrality. This has ever since 
 been the accepted foreign policy of the 
 nation. 
 
 Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this 
 proclamation, threatened to appeal to the 
 pople, and made himself so obnoxious to 
 Washington that the latter demanded his 
 recall. The French government sent M. 
 Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- 
 tinued to reside in the United Stntes, and 
 under his inspiration a number of Demo- 
 cratic Societies, in imitation of the French 
 Jacobin clubs, \vere founded, but like all 
 such organizations in this country, they 
 were short-lived. Secret political societies 
 thrive only under despotisms. In Repub- 
 lics like ours they can only live when the 
 great parties are in confusion and greatly 
 divided. Tiiey disappear with the union 
 of sentiment into two great parties. If 
 there were many parties and factions, as in 
 
 Mexico and some of the South American 
 republics, there would be even a wider 
 field for them here than there. 
 
 The French agitation showed its impress 
 upon the nation as late as 1794, when a 
 resolution to cut off intercourse with Great 
 Britain passed the House, and was de- 
 feated in the Senate only by the casting 
 vote of the Vice-President. Many people 
 favored France, and to such silly heights 
 did the excitement run that these insisted 
 on wearing a national cockade. Jefferson 
 had left the cabinet the December pre- 
 vious, and had retired to his plantation in 
 Virginia, where he spent his leisure in 
 writing political essays and organizing the 
 Republican party, of which he was the ac- 
 knowledged founder. Here he escaped the 
 errors of his party in Congress, but it was 
 a potent fact that his friends in official 
 station not only did not endorse the non- 
 intervention policy of Washington, but 
 that they actively antagonized it in many 
 ways. The Congressional leader in these 
 movements was 5lr. Madison. The policy 
 of Bi'itain fed this opposition. The forts 
 on Lake Erie were still occupied by the 
 British soldiery in defiance of the treaty of 
 1783 ; American vessels were seized on 
 their way to French ports, and American 
 citizens were impressed. To avoid a war, 
 Washington sent John Jay as special en- 
 voy to England. He arrived in June, 
 1794, and by November succeeded in mak- 
 ing a treaty. It was ratified in June, 1795, by 
 the Senate by the constitutional majority 
 of two-thirds, though there was much de- 
 clamatory opposition, and the feeling be- 
 tween the Federal and Republican parties 
 ran higher than ever before. The Republi- 
 cans denounced while the Federals con- 
 gratulated Washington. Under this treaty 
 the British surrendered possession of all 
 American ports, and as Gen'l Wayne dur- 
 ing the previous summer had conquered 
 the war-tribes and completed a treaty with 
 them, the country was again on the road 
 to prosperity. 
 
 In Washington's message of 1794, he 
 plainly censured all " self-created political 
 societies," meaning the democratic so- 
 cieties formed bv Genet, but this part of 
 the message the House refused to endorse, 
 the speaker giving the casting vote in the 
 negative. The Senate was in harmony 
 with the political views of the President. 
 Party spirit had by this time me;usurably 
 affected all classes of the people, and as 
 subjects for agitation here multipl'ed, the 
 opposition no longer regarded Washing- 
 ton with that respect and decorum which 
 it had been the rule to manifest. His wis- 
 dom as President, his patriotism, and in- 
 deed his character as a man, were all 
 hotly questioned by political enemies. He 
 was even charged with corruption in ex- 
 l^euding more of the public moneys than
 
 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 had been appropriated — charges which were 
 soon shown to be groundless. 
 
 At the first session of Congress in De- 
 cember, 1795, the Senate's administration 
 majority liad increased, but in the House 
 the opposing Republicans had also in- 
 creased their numbers. The Senate by 14 
 to 8 endorsed the message ; the House at 
 first refused but finally qualified its an- 
 swers. 
 
 In March, 179G, a new political issue 
 was sprung in the House by Mr. Living- 
 stone of New York, who offered a resolu- 
 tion requesting of the President a copy of 
 the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who 
 made the treaty with Great Britain. Alter 
 a debate of several days, more bitter than 
 any which had preceded it, the House 
 passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Re- 
 publicans voting aye, the Federals no. 
 Washington in answer, took the position 
 that the House of Representatives was not 
 part of the treaty-making power of the 
 government, and could not therefore be 
 entitled to any papers relating to such 
 treaties. The constitution had placed this 
 treaty making and ratifying power in the 
 hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the 
 President. 
 
 This answer, now universally accepted 
 as the proper one, yet excited the House 
 and increased political animosities. The 
 Republicans charged the Federals with 
 being the "British party," and in some 
 instances hinted that they had been pur- 
 chased with British gold. Indignation 
 meetings were called, but after much 
 sound and iury, it was ascertained that the 
 people really favored abiding by the treaty 
 in good faith, and finally the House, after 
 more calm and able debates, passed the 
 needed legislation to carry out the treaty 
 by a vote of 51 to 48. 
 
 In August, 1796, prior to the meeting 
 of the Congressional caucus whii:h then 
 placed candidates for the Presidency in 
 nomination, Washington issued his cele- 
 brated Farewell Adclress, in which he gave 
 notice that he would retire from ])ul)lic 
 life at the expiration of his term. He had 
 been soliciteil to be a candidate for re- 
 election fa third term) and told that all 
 the people could unite upon him — a state- 
 ment which, without abating one jot, our 
 admiration for the man, would doubtless 
 have been called in question by the Re- 
 
 Eu])licans, who had become implacably 
 ostile to his political views, and who were 
 enc:ouraged to believe they could Avin con- 
 trol of the Presidency, by their rapidly in- 
 creasing power in the House. Yet the ad- 
 dress was everywhere received with marks 
 of admiration. Legislatures commended 
 it by resolution and orderi'd it to be en- 
 grossed ujxin tluMr records; journals 
 j)raised it, and upon the strength of its 
 plain doctrines the Federalists took new 
 
 courage, and prepared to win in the Presi- 
 dential battle which followed. Both parties 
 were plainly arrayed and confident, and 
 so close was the result that the leaders of 
 both were elected — John Adams, the nom- 
 inee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, 
 and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the 
 Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The 
 law which then obtained was that the 
 candidate who received the highest num- 
 ber of electoral votes, took the first place, 
 the next highest, the second, Thomas 
 Pinckney of South Carolina was the Fed- 
 eral nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron 
 Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 
 71 electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 
 59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had 
 lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38 — a loss of 
 popularity which the latter regained four 
 years later. The first impressions which 
 our forefathers had of this man were the 
 best. r* 
 
 John Adams was inaugurated as Pres- 
 ident in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, 
 March 4tli, 1797, and in his inaugural was 
 careful to deny the charge that the Fed- 
 eral party had any sympathy ibr England, 
 but reaffirmed his endorsement of the 
 policy of Washington as to strict neutral- 
 ity. To this extent he sought to soften the 
 asperities of the parties, and measurably 
 succeeded, though the times were still 
 stormy. The French revolution had 
 reached its highest point, and our people 
 still took sides. Adiims found he would 
 have to arm to preserve neutrality and at 
 the same time punish the r.ggrcssion of 
 either of the combatants. This was our 
 first exhibition of " armed neutrality." 
 An American navy was quickly raised, and 
 every preparation made for defending the 
 rights of Americans. An alliance with 
 France was refused, after which the 
 American Minister was dismissed and the 
 French naA-y began to cripj.le our trade. 
 In May, 17i57, President Adams felt it his 
 duty to call an extra .session of Congress, 
 which closed in July. The Senate ap- 
 proved of negotiations for retonciliation 
 with France, They were attemi>ted but 
 j)roved fruitless; in May, 1798, a full naval 
 armament was authorized, and soon several 
 French vessels were captured before there 
 was any declaration of war. Indeed, neith- 
 er power declared war, and as soon as 
 France discovered how earnest the Ameri- 
 cans were she made overtures for an ad- 
 justment of difficulties, and these resulted 
 in the treaty of 1800. 
 
 The Republicans, though warmly favor- 
 ing a contest, did not heartily support that 
 inaugurated by Adams, and contended 
 after this that the militia and a small naval 
 force were sufficient for internal <lefense. 
 They denounced the position of the Fed- 
 erals, who favored the enlargement of the 
 ::riuy and navy, as measures calculated to
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. 
 
 11 
 
 overawe public sentiment in time of peace. 
 The Federals, however, through their 
 prompt resentment of the aggressions ol' 
 France, had many adherents to their 
 party. They organized their power and 
 sought to perpetuate it by the passage of 
 the alien and sedition, and a naturaliza- 
 tion law. 
 
 The alien and sedition law gave the 
 President autliority " to order all sucli 
 aliens as he sliall judge dangerous to tlie 
 peace and safety of the United States, or 
 shall have reasonable gi-ounds to suspect 
 are concerned in any treasonable or secret 
 machinations against the government 
 thereof, to depart out of the territory of 
 the United States, within such time as 
 shall be expressed in such order." The 
 provisions which followed were in keeping 
 with that quoted, the 3d section command- 
 ing every master of a ship entering a port 
 of the Uuitt'.d States, immediately on his 
 arrival, to make report in writing to the 
 collector of customs, the names of all aliens 
 on board, etc. The act was to continue 
 in force for two years from the date of its 
 passage, and it was approved June 25tli, 
 
 A resolution was introduced in the Sen- 
 ate on the 25th of April, 1798, by Mr. 
 Hillhouse of Connecticut, to inquire what 
 provision of law ought to be made, &c., as 
 to the removal of such aliens as may be 
 dangerous to the peace of the country, &c. 
 This resolution was adopted the next day, 
 and Messrs. Hillhouse, Livermore and 
 Read were appointed the committee, and 
 subsequently reported the bill. It passed 
 the Senate by 16 to 7, and the House by 
 46 to 40, the Republicans in the latter 
 body resisting it warmly. The leading 
 opposing idea was that it lodged with the 
 Executive too much power, and was liable 
 to great abuse. It has frequently since, 
 in arguments against centralized ])ower, 
 been used for ' illustration by political 
 speakers. 
 
 The Naturalization law, favored by the 
 Federalists, because they knew they could 
 acquire few friends either from newly ar- 
 rived English or French aliens, among 
 other requirements provided that an alien 
 must reside in the United States fourteen 
 years before he could vote. The Republi- 
 cans denounced this law as calculated to 
 check immigration, and dangerous to our 
 country in the fact that it caused too 
 many inhabitants to owe no allegiance. 
 They also asserted, as did those wlio op- 
 posed Americanism later on in our history, 
 that America was properly an asylum for 
 all nations, and that those coming to 
 America should freely share all the privi- 
 leges and liberties of the government. 
 
 These laws and the political resentments 
 which they created gave a new and what 
 eventually proved a dangerous current to 
 
 politica. thought and action. They were 
 the immediate cause of the Kentucky and 
 Virginia resolutions of 1798, Jeiferson be- 
 ing the author of the former and Madison 
 of the latter. 
 
 These resolutions were full of political 
 significance, aiui gave tone to sectional dis- 
 cussion up to the close of the.war for the 
 Union. They first promulgated the doc- 
 trine of nullification or secession, and 
 political writers mistake who point to Cal- 
 houn as the father of that doctrine. It 
 began with the old Republicans under the 
 leadership of Jeiferson and Madison, and 
 though directly intended as protests again.st 
 the alien and sedition, and the naturaliza- 
 tion laws of Congress, they kept one eye 
 upon the question of slavery — rather that 
 interest was kept in view in their declara- 
 tions, and yet the authors of both were 
 anything but warm a<lv()catcs of slavery. 
 They were then striving, however, to rein- 
 force the opposition to the Federal party, 
 which the administration of Adams had 
 thus far apparently weakened, and they 
 had in view the brief agitation which had 
 sprung up in 1793, five years before, on the 
 petition to Congress of a Pennsylvania 
 society " to use its powers to stop the traffic 
 in slaves." On the question of referring 
 this petition to a committee there arose a 
 sectional debate. Men took sides not be- 
 cause of the party to which they belonged, 
 but the section, and for the first time the 
 North and South were arrayed against each 
 other on a question not then treateil either as 
 partisan or political, but which most minds 
 then saw must soon become both partisan 
 and sectional. Syme of the Southern de- 
 baters, in their protests against interfer- 
 ence, thus early threatened civil war. With 
 a view to better protect their rights to slave 
 property, they then advocated and suc- 
 ceeded in passing the first fugitive slave 
 law. This was approved February 12, 1793. 
 
 The resolutions of 1798 will be found in'" 
 the book devoted to political platforms. 
 So highly were these esteemed by the Re- 
 publicans of that day, and by the interests 
 whose support they so slirewdly invited, 
 that they more than counterl)alanced the 
 popularity acquired by the Federals in their 
 resistance to France, and by 1800 they 
 caused a rupture in the Cabinet of Adams. 
 
 In the Presidential election of 1800 John 
 Adams was the nominee for President and 
 C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President. A 
 " Congressional Convention" of Republi- 
 cans, held in Philadelphia, nominated 
 Thomas Jefferson and Aaron P>urr as can- 
 didates for these offices. On the election 
 which followed the Republicans chose 73 
 electors and the Federalists 6"). Each 
 elector voted for twn persons, and the Re- 
 publicans so voted that they unwisely gave 
 .lell'orson and Burr each 73 votes. Neither 
 being highest, it was not legally determined
 
 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 which should be President or Vice-Presi- 
 dent, and the election had to go to the 
 House. The Federalists threw 65 votes to 
 Adams and 64 to Pinckney. The Repub- 
 licans could have done the same, but Burr's 
 intrigue and ambition prevented this, and 
 the result was a protracted contest in 
 the House, and one which put the country 
 in great peril, but which plainly pointed 
 out some of the imperfections of the elec- 
 toral features of the Constitution. The 
 Federalists proposed to confess the inabil- 
 ity of the House to agree through the vote 
 by States, but to this proposition the Re- 
 publicans threatened armed resistance. 
 The Federalists next attempted a combina- 
 tion with the friends of Aaron Burr, but 
 this specimen of bargaining to deprive a 
 nominee of the place to which it was the 
 plain intention of his party to elect him, 
 really contributed to Jefferson's popularity, 
 if not in that Congress, certainly before the 
 people. He was elected on the 36th ballot. 
 
 The bitterness of this strife, and the 
 dangers which similar ones threatened, led 
 to an abandonment of the system of each 
 Elector voting for two, the highest to be 
 President, the next highest Vice-President, 
 and an amendment was offered to the Con- 
 stitution, and fully ratified by September 
 25, 1804, requiring the electors to ballot 
 separately for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 Jefferson was the first candidate nomi- 
 nated by a Congressional caucus. It con- 
 vened in 1800 at Philadelphia, and nomi- 
 nated Jefferson for President and Burr for 
 Vice-President. Adams and Pinckney 
 were not nominated, but ran and were ac- 
 cepted as natural leaders of their party, 
 just as Washington and Adams were be- 
 fore them. 
 
 Do^vnfall ot the Federal Party. 
 
 This contest broke the power of the 
 Federal party. It had before relied upon 
 the rare .sagacity and ability of its leaders, 
 but the contest in the House developed 
 such attempts at intrigue as disgusted 
 many and caused all to quarrel, Hamilton 
 having early sliowed his dislike to Adams. 
 As a party the Federal had been peculiarly 
 brave at times when high bravery was 
 needed. It had framed the Federal Gov- 
 ernment and stood by the powers given it 
 until they were too firmly planted for even 
 newer and triumphant partisans to reck- 
 lessly trifle with. It stood for non-inter- 
 ference with foreign nations against the 
 eloquenceof adventurers, the mad impulses 
 of mobs, the generosity of new-born free- 
 men, the liarangues of demagogues, and 
 best of all against those who sought to fan 
 these ponulnr breezes to their own comfort. 
 It provided for the p;iymcnt of the debt, 
 had the courage to raise revenues both 
 
 from internal and external sources, and to 
 increase expenditures, as the growth of the 
 country demanded. Though it passed out 
 of power in a cloud of intrigue and in a 
 vain grasp at the " flesh-pots," it yet had a 
 glorious history, and one which none un- 
 tinctured with the better prejudices of that 
 day, can avoid admiring. 
 
 The defeat of Adams was not unexpect- 
 ed by him, yet it was greatly regretted by 
 his friends, for he was justly regarded as 
 second to no other civilian in the estab- 
 lishment of the liberties of the colonies. 
 He was eloquent to a rare degree, possessed 
 natural eloquence, and made the most 
 famous speech in advocacy of the Declara- 
 tion. Though the proceedings of the 
 Revolutionary Congress were secret, and 
 what was said never printed, yet Webster 
 gives his version of the noted speech of 
 Adams, and we reproduce it in Book III. 
 of this volume as one of the great speeches 
 of noted American orators. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated the third 
 President, in the new capitol at Washing- 
 ton, on the 4th of March, 1801, and Vice- 
 President Burr took his seat in the Senate 
 the same day. Though Burr distinctly dis- 
 avowed any participancy in the House 
 contest, he was distrusted by Jefferson's 
 warm friends, and jealousies rapidly 
 cropped out. Jefferson endeavored through 
 his inaugural to smooth factious and party 
 asperities,and so well were his words chosen 
 that the Federalists indulged, the hope that 
 they would not be removed from office be- 
 cause of their political views. 
 
 Early in June, however, the first ques- 
 tion of civil service was raised. Mr. Jefler- 
 son then removed Elizur Goodrich, a Fed- 
 eralist, from the Collectorship of New 
 Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop, a 
 Republican, to the place. The citizens re- 
 monstrated, saying that Goodrich was 
 ])rompt, reliable and able, and showed that 
 his successor was 78 years old, and too in- 
 firm for the duties of the office. To these 
 remonstrances Mr. Jefferson, under date of 
 July 12th, replied in language which did 
 not then, as he did later on, plainly assert 
 the riglit of every administration to have 
 its friends in office. Wc quote the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 " Declarations by myself, in favor of 
 political tolerance, exhortations to har- 
 mony and affection in social intercourse, 
 and respect for the equal rights of the 
 minority, have, on certain occasions, been 
 (juotcd and misconstrued into assurances 
 that the tenure of office was not to be dis- 
 tnrl)ed. But could candor ap])ly such a 
 construction? When it is considered that, 
 (luring the late administration, those who 
 were not of a jiarticular sect of politics 
 were excluded from all office; when, by a 
 steady pnrsuit of this Tneasure, nearly the 
 whole offices of the United States were
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 
 
 13 
 
 monopolized by that sect ; when the public 
 sentiment at length declared itself, and 
 burst open the doors of h(;nor and conli- 
 dence to those whose opinions they ap- 
 proved; was it to be imagined that this 
 monopoly of office was to be continued in 
 the hands of the minority ? Does it violate 
 their equal rigiits to assert some rights in 
 the majority also? Is it political intolerance 
 to claim a proportionate share in the direc- 
 tion of the public affairs? If a due partici- 
 pation of office is a matter of right, how 
 are vacancies to be ol)tained ? Those by 
 death are few, by resignation none. Can 
 any other mode than that of removal be 
 proposed? This is a painful ofhce; but it 
 13 made my duty, and I meet it as such. I 
 proceed in the operation with deliberation 
 and inquiry, that it may injure the best 
 men least, and effect the purposes of justice 
 and public utility with the least private 
 distress, that it may be thrown iis much as 
 possible on delinquency, on oppression, on 
 intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adhe- 
 rence to our enemies. 
 
 " I lament sincerely that unessential dif- 
 ferences of opinion should ever have been 
 deemed sufficient to interdict half the 
 society from the rights and the blessings 
 of self-government, to proscribe them as 
 unworthy of every trust. It would have 
 been to me a circumstance of great relief, 
 had I found a moderate participation of 
 office in the hands of the majority. I 
 would gladly have left to time and accident 
 to raise them to their just share. But their 
 total exclusion calls for prompter correc- 
 tions. I shall correct the procedure ; but 
 that done, return with joy to that state of 
 things when the only questions concerning 
 a candidate shall be : Is he honest? Is he 
 capable? Iske faithful to the constitution?'' 
 
 Mr. Adams had made few removals, and 
 none because of the political views held 
 by the incumbents, nearly all of whom 
 had been appointed by Washington and 
 continued through good behavior. At the 
 date of the appointment of most of them, 
 Jefferson's Republican party had no exist- 
 ence; so that the reasons given in the 
 quotation do not comport with the facts. 
 Washington's rule was integrity and ca- 
 pacity, for he could have no regard for 
 politics where political lines had been ob- 
 literated in his own selection. Doubtless 
 these office-holders were human, and ad- 
 hered with warmth to the administration 
 which they served, and this fact, and this 
 alone, must have angered the Republicans 
 and furnished them with arguments for a 
 change. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson'.^ position, however, made 
 his later conduct natural. He was the ac- 
 knowledged leader of his party, its founder 
 indeed, and that party had carried him 
 into power. He desired to keep it intact, 
 to strengthen ita lines with whatever pa- , 
 
 tronage he had at his disposal, and he evi- 
 dently regarded the cause of Adams in not 
 rewarding his friends as a mistake. It 
 was, therefore, Jefferson, and not Jackson, 
 who was the author of the theory that " to 
 the victors belong the spoils." Jackson 
 gave it a sharp and perfectly defined shape 
 by the use of these words, but the spirit 
 and principle were conceived by Jefferson, 
 who throughout his life showed far greater 
 originality in politics than any of the early 
 patriots. It was his acute sense of just 
 what was right for a growing political 
 party to do, which led him to turn the 
 thoughts of his followers into new and 
 popular directions. Seeing that they were 
 at grave disadvantage when opjjosiiig the 
 attitude of the government in its policy 
 with foreign nations ; realizing that the 
 work of the Federalists in strengthening 
 the power of the new government, in pro- 
 viding revenues and ways and means for 
 the payment of the debt, were good, he 
 changed the character of the opposition 
 by selecting only notoriously arbitrary 
 measures for assault — and changed it even 
 more radically than this. He early saw 
 that simple opposition was not progress, 
 and that it was both wise and popular to 
 be progressive, and in all his later politi- 
 cal papers he sought to make his party the 
 party favoring personal freedom, the one 
 of liberal ideas, the one which, instead of 
 shirking, should anticipate every change 
 calculated to enlarge the liberties and the 
 opportunities of citizens. Tliese things 
 were not inconsistent with his strong views 
 in favor of local self-government ; indeed, 
 in many particulars they seemed to sup- 
 port that theory, and by the union of 
 the two ideas he shrewdly arrayed po- 
 litical enthusiasm by the side of politi- 
 cal interest. Political sagacity more pro- 
 found than this it is difficult to imagine. 
 It has not since been equalled in the his- 
 tory of our land, nor do we believe in the 
 history of any other. 
 
 After the New Haven episode, so jealous 
 was Jefferson of his good name, that while 
 he confided all new appointments to the 
 hands of his political friends, he made few 
 removals, and these for apparent cause. 
 The mere statement of his position had 
 proved an invitation to the Federalists in 
 office to join his earlier friends in the sup- 
 port of his administration. Many of them 
 did it, so many that the clamorings of 
 truer friends could not be hushed. With 
 a view to create a new excuse, Jefferson 
 declared that all a]ipointments nuide by 
 Adams after February 14th, when the 
 House began its ballotings for Fresidnit, 
 were void, these appointments belonging 
 of right to him, and from this act of 
 Adams we date the political legacies which 
 some of our Presidents have sim-e handed 
 down to their successors. One of the
 
 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 magistrates whose commission had been 
 made out under Adams, sought to compel 
 Jefferson to sign it by a writ of mandamus 
 before the Supreme Court, but a " profound 
 investigation of constitutional law " in- 
 duced the court not to grant the motion. 
 All commissions signed by Adams after 
 the date named were suppressed. 
 
 Jefferson's apparent bitterness against 
 the Federalists is mainly traceable to the 
 contest in the House, and his belief that 
 at one time they sought a coalition with 
 Burr. This coalition he regarded as a vio- 
 lation of the understanding when he was 
 nominated, and a supposed effort to ap- 
 point a provisional office he regarded as an 
 usurpation in fact. In a letter to James 
 Monroe, dated February 15th, speaking of 
 this contest, he says : 
 
 " Four days of balloting have produced 
 not a single change of a vote. Yet it is 
 confidently believed that to-morrow there 
 is to be a coalition. I know of no founda- 
 tion for this belief. If they could have 
 been permitted to pass a law for putting 
 the government in the hands of an officer, 
 they would certainly have prevented an 
 election. But we thought it best to -de- 
 clare openly and firmly, one and all, that 
 the day such an act passed, the Middle 
 States would arm, and that no such usur- 
 pation, even for a single day, should be 
 submitted to." 
 
 It is but fair to say that the Federalists 
 denied all such intentions, and that James 
 A. Bayard, of Delaware, April 3, 1806, 
 made formal oath to this denial. In this 
 he says that three States, representing 
 Federalist votes, offered to withdraw their 
 opposition if John Nicholas, of Virginia, 
 and the personal friend of Jefferson, would 
 secure pledges that the public credit should 
 be supported, the navy maintained, and 
 that subordinate public officers, employed 
 only in the execution of details, established 
 by law, should not be removed from office 
 on the ground of their public character, 
 nor witliout con)plaint against their con- 
 duct. The Federalists then went so far as 
 U) admit that officers of " high discretion 
 and confidence," such as members of the 
 cabinet and foreign ministers, should be 
 known friends of the administration. This 
 proposition goes to show that there is noth- 
 ing very new in what are called our 
 modern politics; that the elder Bayard, as 
 early as 1800, made a formal proposal to 
 bargain. Mr. Nicholas offered his assur- 
 ance that thcHc things would prove accep- 
 table to and govern the conduct of Jeffer- 
 son's administration, but he declined to con- 
 sult with Jefferson on the points. General 
 Smith subscqncMtly engai^ccl U) do it, and 
 Jefferson renlicd that the points given 
 corresponded with his vif'ws and inten- 
 tions, and that Mr. Bayard and his friends 
 might confide in him accordingly. The 
 
 opposition of Vermont, Maryland and De- 
 laware was then immediately withdrawn, 
 and Mr Jefferson was made President. 
 Gen'l Smith, twelve days later, made an 
 affidavit which substantially confirmed 
 that of Bayard. Latimer, the collector of 
 the port of Philadelphia, and M'Lane, col- 
 lector of Wilmington, (Bayard's special 
 friend) were retained in office. He had 
 cited these two as examples of his opposi- 
 tion to any change, and Jefferson seemed 
 to regard the pledges as not sacred beyond 
 the parties actually named in Bayard's ne- 
 gotiations with Gen'l Smith. 
 
 This misunderstanding or misconstruc- 
 tion of what in these days would be plain- 
 ly called a bargain, led to considerable 
 political criticism, and Jefferson felt it ne- 
 cessary to defend his cause. This he did 
 in letters to friends which both then and 
 since found their way into the public 
 prints. One of these letters, written to 
 Col. Monroe, March 7th, shows in every 
 word and line the natural politician. In 
 this he says : 
 
 " Some (removals) I know must be 
 made. They must be as few as possible, 
 done gradually, and bottomed on some 
 malversation or inherent disqualification. 
 Where we shall draw the line between all 
 and none, is not yet settled, and will not 
 be till we get our administration together ; 
 and perhaps even then we shall proceed 
 a talons, balancing our measures according 
 to the impression we perceive them to 
 make. This may give you a general 
 view of our plan." 
 
 A little later on, March 28, he wrote to 
 Elbridge Gerry : 
 
 " Officers who have been guilty of gross 
 abuses of office, such as marshals packing 
 juries, etc., I shall now remove, as my 
 predecessor ought in justice to have done. 
 The instances will be few, and governed 
 by strict rule, not party passion. The 
 right of opinion shall suffer no invasion 
 from me." 
 
 Jefferson evidently tired of this subject, 
 and gradually modified his views, as shown 
 in his letter to Levi Lincoln, July 11, 
 wherein he says : 
 
 " I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse 
 on me personally, has been with the de- 
 sign and the hope of provoking me to make 
 a general sweep of all Federalists out of 
 office. But as I have carried no passion 
 into the execution of this disagreeable 
 duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. The 
 clamor which has been raised will not pro- 
 voke me to remove one more, nor deter 
 me from removing one less, than if not a 
 word had been said on the subject. In the 
 course of tln' sununer, all which is neces- 
 sary will be done; and we may hope that, 
 this cause of offence being at an end, the 
 measures we shall pursue and propose for 
 the amelioration of the public affairs, will
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 
 
 15 
 
 be 80 confessedly salutary as to unite all 
 men not monarchists in principle." In 
 the same letter he warmly berates the 
 monarchical federalists, saying, " they are 
 incurables, to be taken care of in a mad- 
 house if necessary, and on motives of 
 charity." 
 
 The seventh Congress assembled. Po- 
 litical parties were at first nearly equally 
 divided in the Senate, but eventually 
 there was a majority for the administration. 
 Jefferson then discontinued the custom es- 
 tablished by Washington of delivering in 
 person his message to Congress. The 
 change was greatly for the better, as it 
 afforded relief from the requirement of 
 immediate answers on the subjects con- 
 tained in the message. It has ever since 
 been followed. 
 
 The seventh session of Congress, pursu- 
 ant to the recommendation of President 
 Jefferson, established a uniform system of 
 naturalization, and so modified the law as 
 to make the required residence of aliens 
 five years, instead of fourteen, as in the act 
 of 1798, and to permit a declaration of in- 
 tention to become a citizen at the expiration 
 of three years. By his recommendation 
 also was established the first sinking fund 
 for the redemption of the public debt. It 
 required the setting apart annually for this 
 
 Eurpose the sum of seven millions and three 
 undred thousand dollars. Other mea- 
 sures, more partisan in their character, 
 were proposed, but Congress showed an 
 avei-sion to undoing what had been wisely 
 done. A favorite law of the Federalists 
 establishing circuit courts alone was re- 
 pealed, and this only after a sharp debate, 
 and a close vote. The provisicmal army 
 had been disbanded by a law of the previ- 
 ous Congress. A proposition to abolish the 
 naval department was defeated, as was that 
 to discontinue the mint establishment. 
 
 At this session the first law in relation to 
 the slave trade was passed. It was to pre- 
 vent the importation of negroes, mulattoes 
 and other persons of color into any port of 
 the United States within a state which had 
 prohibited by law the admission of any 
 such person. The penalty was one thou- 
 sand dollars and the forfeiture of the vessel. 
 The slave trade was not then prohibited by 
 the constitution, nor was the subject then 
 generally agitated, though it had been as 
 early as 1793, when, as previously stated, 
 an exciting sectional debate followed the 
 presentation of a petition from Pennsylva- 
 nia to abolish the slave trade. 
 
 Probably the most important occurrence 
 under the first administration of Jefferson 
 was that relating to the i)urchase and ad- 
 mission of Louisiana. There had been 
 apprehensions of a war with Spain, and with 
 a view to be ready Congress had passed an 
 act authorizing the President to call upon 
 the executives of such of the states as he 
 
 might deem expedient, for detachments of 
 militia not exceeding eighty thousand, or 
 to accept the services of volunteers for a 
 term of twelve months. The disagreement 
 arose over the south-western boundary line 
 and the right of navigating the Mississippi. 
 Our government learned in the spring of 
 1802, that Spain had by a secret treaty 
 made in October, 1800, actually ceded 
 Louisiana to France. Our government had 
 in 1795 made a treaty with Spain which 
 gave us the right of dejiosite at New Or- 
 leans for three years, but in October, 1802, 
 the Spanish authorities gave notice by 
 proclamation that this right was withdrawn. 
 Excitement followed all along the valley 
 of the Mississip]ji, and it was increased by 
 the belief that the withdrawal of the privi- 
 lege was made at the suggestion of France, 
 though Spain still retained the territory, as 
 the formalities of ceding it had not been 
 gone through with. .Jefferson promptly 
 took the ground that if France took pos- 
 session of New Orleans, the United States 
 would immediately become allies of Eng- 
 land, but suggested to Minister Livingston 
 at Paris that France might be induced to 
 cede the island of New Orleans and the 
 Floridas to the United States. It was his 
 belief, though a mistaken one, that France 
 had also acquired the Floridas. Louisiana 
 then comprised much of the territory west 
 of the Mississippi and south of the Mis- 
 souri. 
 
 The Federalists in Congress seized upon 
 this question as one upon which they could 
 make an aggressive war against Jefferson's 
 administration, and resolutions were intro- 
 duced asking information on the subject. 
 Jefferson, however, wisely avoided all en- 
 tangling suggestions, and sent Monroe to 
 aid Livingston in effecting a purchase. 
 The treaty was formed in April, 1803, and 
 submitted by Jefferson to the Senate in 
 October following. The Republicans ral- 
 lied in favor of this scheme of annexation, 
 and claimed that it was a constitutional 
 right in the government to acquire territory 
 — a doctrine widely at variance with their 
 previous position, but occasions are rare 
 where parties quarrel with their administra- 
 tions on pivotal measures. There was also 
 some latitude here for endorsement, as the 
 direct question of territorial acquisition had 
 not before been presented, but only hypo- 
 thetically stated in the constitutional dis- 
 putations then in great fashion. Jefferson 
 would not go so far as to say that the con- 
 stitution warranted the acquisition to for- 
 eign territory, but the scheme was never- 
 theless bis, and he stood in with his friends 
 in the political battle which followed. 
 
 The Federalists claimed that we had no 
 power to acquire territory, and that the 
 acquirement of liouisiana would give the 
 S')uth a preponderance which would "con- 
 tinue for all time (poor prophets they !),
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 since southern would be more rapid than 
 northern development ; " that states cre- 
 ated west of the Mississippi would injure 
 the commerce of New England, and they 
 even went so far as to say that the " ad- 
 mission of the Western World into the 
 Union would compel the Eastern States to 
 establish an eastern empire," Doubts 
 were also raised as to the right of Louisi- 
 anians, when admitted to citizenship un- 
 der our laws, as their lineage, language 
 and religion were diflerent from our own. 
 Its inhabitants were French and descend- 
 ants of French, with some Spanish Cre- 
 oles, Americans, English and Germans — 
 in all about 90,000, including 40,000 slaves. 
 There were many Indians of course, in a 
 territory then exceeding a million of square 
 miles — a territory which, in the language 
 of First Consul" Napoleon, " strengthens 
 forever the power of the United States," 
 and which will give to England a mari- 
 time rival that will sooner or later humble 
 her pride " — a military view of the change 
 fully justified by subsequent history. Na- 
 poleon sold because of needed prepara- 
 tions for war with England, and while he 
 had previously expressed a willingness to 
 take fifty million francs for it, he got sixty 
 through the shrewd diplomacy of his min- 
 isters, who hid for the time their fear of 
 the capture of the port of New Orleans by 
 the English navy. 
 
 Little chance was afforded the Federal- 
 ists for adverse criticism in Congress, for 
 the purchase proved so popular that the 
 
 Eeople greatly increased the majority in 
 oth branches' of the eighth Congress, and 
 Jefferson called it together earlier for the 
 purpose of ratification. The Senate rati- 
 fied the treatj' on the 20th of October, 1803, 
 by a vote of 24 to 7, while the House 
 adopted a resolution for carrying the treaty 
 into effect by a vote of 90 to 25. Eleven 
 million dollars of the purchase money was 
 appropriated, the remaining four millions 
 being reserved for the indemnity of Amer- 
 ican citizens who had sustained losses by 
 French assaults upon our commerce — from 
 which fact subsequently came what is 
 known as the French Spoliation Bill. 
 
 Impeachment trials were first attempted 
 before the eighth Congress in 1803. Judge 
 Pickering, of the district court of the 
 United States for New Hampshire, was 
 iiri[)('ache(l for occjisional drunkenness, 
 and dismissed from office. Judge (Jhase 
 of the U. S. Supreme Court, and Judge 
 Peters of tlic district court of Pennsylva- 
 nia, both Federalists, were charged hy arti- 
 cles proposed in the House with illegal 
 and arbitrary conduct in the trial of mr- 
 ties charged with political offenses. Tlie 
 Federalists took alarm at these proceed- 
 ings, and so vehenKsnt were their charges 
 against the liepublicans of a desire to de- 
 
 stroy the judiciarj" that their impeach* 
 ments were finally abandoned. 
 
 The Republicans closed their first na- 
 tional administration with high prestige. 
 They had met several congressional re- 
 verses on questions where defeat proved 
 good fortune, for the Federalists kept a 
 watchful defence, and were not always 
 wrong. The latter suffered numerically, 
 and many of their best leaders had fallen 
 in the congressional contest of 1800 and 
 1802, while the Republicans maintained 
 their own additions in talent and number. 
 
 In 1804, the candidates of both parties 
 were nominated by congressional caucuses. 
 Jefferson and Clinton were the Republi- 
 can nominees ; Charles C Pinckney and 
 Rufus King, the nominees of the Federal- 
 ists, but they only received 14 out of 176 
 electoral votes. 
 
 The struggle of Napoleon in Europe 
 with the allied powers now gave Jefferson 
 an opportunity to inaugurate a foreign 
 policy. England had forbidden all trade 
 with the French and their allies, and 
 France had in return forbidden all com- 
 merce with England and her colonies. 
 Both of these decrees violated our neutral 
 rights, and were calculated to destroy our 
 commerce, which by this time had become 
 quite imposing. 
 
 Congress acted promptly, and on the 21st 
 of December passed what is known as the 
 Embargo Act, under the inspiration of the 
 Republican party, which claimed that the 
 only choice of the people lay between the 
 embargo and war, and that there was no 
 other way to obtain redress from England 
 and France. But the promised effects of 
 the measure were not realized, and so soon 
 as any dissatisfaction was manifested by 
 the people, the Federalists made the ques- 
 tion a political issue. They declared it 
 unconstitutional because it was not limited 
 as to time ; that it helped England as 
 against France (a cunning assertion in 
 view of the early love of the Republicans 
 for the cause of the French), and that it 
 laid violent hands on our home commerce 
 and industries. Political agitation in- 
 creased the discontent, and public opinion 
 at one time turned so strongly against the 
 law that it was openly resisted on the 
 eastern coast, and treated with almost as 
 open contempt on the Canadian border. 
 The bill had passed the House by 87 to 
 35, the Senate by 19 to 9. In January, 
 1809, the then closing administration of 
 Jcflerson hud to change front on the ques- 
 tion, and the law was repealed on the IHth 
 of March. The Republicans when tlicy 
 changed, went all the wav over, and advo- 
 cated full protection by tbe use of a navy, 
 of all our rights on the high seas. If the 
 Federals could have recalled their old 
 leaders, or retained even a considerable 
 portion of their power, the opportunity
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS. 
 
 17 
 
 E resented by the embargo issue could 
 ave brought thein back to full jiolitical 
 power, but lacking these leaders, the op- 
 portunity passed 
 
 Democrats and Federals. 
 
 During the ninth Congress, which as- 
 sembled on the second of Deceml)or, ISOft, 
 the Republicans dropped their name and 
 accepted that of " Democrats." In all 
 their earlier strifes they had been charged 
 by their opponents with desiring to run to 
 the extremes of the democratic or " mob 
 rule," and fear of too general a belief in 
 the truth of the charge led them to denials 
 and rejection of a name which the father 
 of their party had ever shown a fondness 
 for. The earlier dangers which had 
 threatened their organization, and the re- 
 collection of defeats sutfercd in their at- 
 tempts to establish a government anti-fed- 
 eral and confederate in their composition, 
 had been greatly modified by later suc- 
 cesses, and with a characteristic cuteness 
 peculiar tf) Americans they accepted an 
 epithet and sought to turn it to the best 
 account. In this they imitated the patriots 
 who accepted the epithets in the British 
 satirical song of " Yankee Doodle," and 
 called themselves Yankees. From the 
 ninth Congress the JefFersonian Rei^ubli- 
 cans called themselves Democrats, and the 
 word Republican passed into disuse until 
 later on in the history of our political 
 parties, the opponents of the Democracy 
 accepted it as a name which well filled the 
 meaning of their attitude in the politics of 
 the country. 
 
 Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the 
 first schism in the Republican party under 
 Jefferson, when he and three of his friends 
 ''•■voted against the embargo act. He resisted 
 its passage with his usual earnestness, and 
 all attempts at reconciling him to the mea- 
 sure were unavailing. Self-willed, strong 
 in argument and sarcasm, it is believed 
 that his cause made it even more desirable 
 for the Re])ublicans to change name in 
 the hope of recalling some of the more 
 wayward " Democrats " who had advoca- 
 ted Jacobin democracy in the years gone 
 by. The politicians of that day were 
 never short of expedients, and no man so 
 abounded in them as Jefferson himself. 
 
 Randolph imjiroved his opportunities by 
 getting most of the Virginia members to 
 act with him against the foreign policy of 
 the administration, but he was careful not 
 to join the Federalists, and quickly denied 
 any leaning that way. The first fruit of 
 his faction was to bring forth ]\Ionroe as a 
 candidate for President against Madison: — 
 a movement which proved to be quite 
 popular in Virginia, but which Jefterson 
 flanked by bringing about a reconciliation 
 
 between Monroe and Madison. The now 
 usual Congressional caucus followed at 
 Washington, and although the Virginia 
 Legislature in its caucus proviously held 
 had been unable to decide between Madi- 
 son and ]Monroe, the Congressional body 
 chose Madison by 83 to 11, the minority 
 being divided between Clinton and Mon- 
 roe, though the latter could by that time 
 hardly be considered as a candidate. Thia 
 action broke up Randolph's faction in 
 Virginia, but left so much bitterness be- 
 hind it that a large portion attached them- 
 selves to the Federalists. In the election 
 which followed Madison received 122 elec- 
 toral votes against 47 for C. C. Pinckney, 
 of South Carolina, and 6 for Geo. Clinton 
 of New York. 
 
 Before Jefferson's administration closed 
 he recommended the passage of an act to 
 prohibit the African slave trade after Jan- 
 uary 1st, 1808, and it was passed accord- 
 ingly. He had also rejected the form of a 
 treaty received from the British minister 
 Erskino, and did this without the formality 
 of submitting it to the Senate — first, be- 
 cause it contained no provision on the ob- 
 jectionable practice of impressing our sea- 
 men; second, * because it was accompanied 
 by a note from the British ministers, by 
 ^vhich the British government reserved to 
 itself the right of releasing itself from the 
 stii:)ulations in favor of neutral rights, if 
 the United States submitted to the British 
 decree, or other invasion of those rights by 
 France." This rejection of the treaty by 
 Jefferson caused public excitement, and 
 the Federalists sought to arouse the com- 
 mercial community against his action, and 
 cited the fact that his own trusted friends, 
 IMonroe and Pinckney had negotiated it. 
 The President's party stood by him, and 
 they agreed that submission to the Senate 
 was immaterial, as its advice could not 
 bind him. This refusal to consider the 
 treaty was the first step leading to the war 
 of 1812, for embargoes followed, and Britain 
 openly claimed the right to search Amer- 
 ican vessels for her deserting seamen. In 
 1807 this question was brought to issue 
 l)y the desertion of five British seamen 
 from the Halifax, and their enlistment on 
 the U. S. frigate C'hesapeaJce. Four sepa- 
 rate demands were made for these men, 
 but all of the commanders, knowing the 
 firm attitude of Jefferson's administration 
 against the practice, refused, as did the 
 Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand 
 on the part of the British minister. On 
 the 23d of June following, while the 
 (ViesupeaJce was near the capes of Virginia, 
 Capt. Humphreys of the British ship Leo- 
 pard attempted to search her for deserters, 
 (^apt. Barron denied the right of search, 
 but on being fired into, lowered his flag, 
 
 *From the Statesman's Manual, Vol. 1., by Erlwln 
 Williams.
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 Humphreys then took four men from the 
 Chesapeake, three of whom had previously 
 entered the British service, but were 
 Americans by birth, and had been form- 
 ally demanded by Washington. The act 
 was a direct violation of the international 
 law, for a nation's ship at sea like its ter- 
 ritory is inviolable. The British govern- 
 ment disavowed the act of its officer and 
 oftered apology and reparation, which 
 were accepted. This event, however, 
 strengthened Jefferson's rejection of the 
 Monroe-Pinckuey treaty, and quickly stop- 
 ped adverse political criticism at home. 
 Foreign affairs remained, however, in a 
 comi)licated state, owing to the wars be- 
 tween England and the then successful 
 Ka2)olcon, but they in no wise shook the 
 firm hold which Jefferson had upon the 
 people, nor the prestige of his party. He 
 stands in history as one of the best poli- 
 ticians our land has ever seen, and then 
 as now no one could successfully draw the 
 line between the really able politician and 
 the statesman. He was accepted as both. 
 His administration closed on the 3d of 
 iMarch, 1809, when he expressed great 
 gratification at being able to retire to pri- 
 vate life. 
 
 Mr. ]Madison succeeded at a time when 
 the country, through fears of foreign aggres- 
 sion and violence, was exceedingly gloomy 
 and despondent — a feeling not encouraged 
 in the least by the statements of the Fed- 
 eralists, some of whom then thought politi- 
 cal criticism in hours of danger not un- 
 patriotic. They described our agriculture 
 as discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, 
 our commerce restrained, our navy dis- 
 mantled, our revenues destroyed at a time 
 when war was at any moment probable 
 with either France, England or Spain. 
 
 Madison, representing as he did the same 
 party, from the first resolved to follow the 
 policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there 
 wa.s no misunderstanding. He desired to 
 avert war as long as possil)le with England, 
 and sought by skilful diplomacy to avert 
 the dangers presented by both France and 
 England in their attitude with neutrals. 
 England had declared that a man v/ho 
 was once a .su])ject always remained a 
 subject, and on this plea based her deter- 
 mination to impress again into her service 
 all deserters from her navy. France, l)e- 
 cause of refusal to accede to claims equally 
 at war with our rights, had autliori/.ed the 
 seizure of all American vessels entering 
 the jKtrts of France. In ]\Iay, fSlO, when 
 tlie non-intercourse act had exi)ired, Madi- 
 son caused proposals to bo made to both 
 belligerents, that if either would revoke its 
 liostile edict, the non-intercourse act shonld 
 be revived and enforced against tlie otlu'r 
 nation. This act liad been passed by the 
 tenth Congress Jis a substitute for the em- 
 bargo. France quickly accepted MadLiou's 
 
 proposal, and received the benefits of the 
 act, and the direct result was to increase 
 the growing hostility of England. From 
 this time forward the negotiations had more 
 the character of a diplomatic contest than 
 an attempt to maintain peace. Both coun- 
 tries were upon their mettle, and early in 
 1811, Mr. Pinckney, the American minister 
 to Great Britain, was recalled, and a year 
 later a formal declaration of war was made 
 by the United States. « 
 
 Just prior to this the old issue, made by 
 the Republicans against Hamilton's 
 scheme for a National Bank, was revived 
 by the fact that the charter of the bank 
 ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an 
 attempt was made to recharter it. A bill 
 for this ]uirpose was introduced into Con- 
 gress, but on the 11th of January, 1811, it 
 was indefinitely postponed in the House, 
 by a vote of 65 to 64, Avhile in the Senate 
 it was rejected by the casting vote of the 
 Vice-President, Geo. Clinton, on the 5th 
 of February, 1811 — this notwithstanding 
 its provisions had been framed or approved 
 by Gallatin , the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 The Federalists were all strong 'advocates 
 of the measure, audit was so .strong that 
 it divided some of the Democrats who en- 
 joyed a loose rein in the contest so far as 
 the administration was concerned, the 
 President not specially caring for political 
 quarrels at a timcAvhen war Avas threatened 
 with a powerful foreign nation. The views 
 of the Federalists on this (lucstion descend- 
 ed to the Whigs some years later, and this 
 fact led to the charges that the W^ 
 were but Federalists in disguise. 
 
 The eleventh Congress continued 
 large Democratic majority, as did 
 twelfth, which met on the 4th of Novem- 
 ber, 1811, Henry ('laj', then an ardent 
 supporter of the policy of Madison, suc- 
 ceeding to the House speakership. He had 
 previously served two short sessions in the 
 U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a 
 high reputation as .in able and fluent debat- 
 er. He preferred the House, at that period 
 of life, believing his powers better calcu- 
 lated to win fiime in the more jiopular rep- 
 resentative hall. Calhoun was also in the 
 House at this time, and already noted for 
 the boldness of his views and their asser- 
 tion. 
 
 In this Congress jealousies arose against 
 the ]iolitical power of Virginia, which had 
 already named three of the four Presi- 
 dents, each for two terms, and De Witt 
 Clinton, the well-known Ciovcrnor of New 
 York, sought through these jealousies to 
 create a division which would carry him 
 into the Presidency. His efforts were for a 
 time warmly seconded by several northern 
 and southern states. A few months later 
 the Legislature of New York formally 
 o])ened the ball by nominating DeWitt 
 Clinton for the Presidency. An address 
 
 the 
 
 the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE JEFFERSON DEMOCRATS. 
 
 19 
 
 was issued by his fi-iends, August 17th, 1812, 
 which has siace becomt; known as the Clin- 
 tonian phitforni, and his luliowcrs were 
 known as Clintonian Democrats. Tlie ad- 
 dress contained the lirst j)ublic protest 
 against the nomination of Presidential can- 
 didates by Congressional caucuses. There 
 was likewise declared opposition to that 
 "official regency which j>rescribed tenets of 
 political faith." The ell'orts of particular 
 states to monopolize the principal offices 
 was denounced, .'i-s wa.s the continuance of 
 public men for long periods in office. 
 
 Madison was nominated for a second 
 term by a Congressional caucus held at 
 Washington, in May, 1812. John Langdon 
 was nominated for Vice-President, but as 
 he declined on account of age, Elbridge 
 Gerry of Massachusetts, took his place. 
 In September of the same year a conven- 
 tion of the opposition, representing eleven 
 states, was held in the city of New York, 
 which nominated De Witt Clinton, with 
 Jared IngersoU for Vice-President. This 
 was the first national convention, partisan 
 in character, and the Federalists have the 
 credit of originating and carrying out the 
 idea. The election resulted in the success 
 of Madison, who received 128 electoral 
 votes to 89 for Clinton. 
 
 Pliough factious strife had been some- 
 "what rife, less attention was paid to poli- 
 tics than to the approaching war. There 
 were new Democratic leaders in the lower 
 House, and none were more i^rorainent 
 than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves 
 and Lowndes, all of South Carolina. The 
 policj'^ of Jefferson in reducing the army 
 and navy was now greatly deplored, and 
 the defenceless condition in which it left 
 the country was the partial cause, at least a 
 stated cause of the factious feuds which fol- 
 lowed. Madison sought to change this 
 policy, and he did it at the earnest solici- 
 tation of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes, who 
 were the recognized leaders of the war 
 party. They had early determined that 
 Madison should be directly identified 
 with them, and before his second nomina- 
 tion had won him over to their more de- 
 cided views in favor of war with England. 
 He had held back, hoping that diplomacy 
 might avert a contest, hut when once con- 
 vinced that war was inevitable and even 
 desirable under the circumstances, his 
 official utterances were bold and free. In 
 the June following the caucus which re- 
 nominated him, he dei'lared in a message 
 that our flag was continually insulted on 
 the high seas ; that the right of searching 
 American vessels for British seamen was 
 still in practice, and that thousands of 
 American citizens had in this way been 
 impressed in service on foreign ships ; that 
 peacful efforts at adjustment of the diffi- 
 culties had proved abortive, and that the 
 British ministry and British emissaries 
 
 had actually been intriguing for the dis- 
 memberment of the Union. 
 
 The act declaring w'ar was aj)proved by 
 the President on the 18th of June, 1812, 
 and is remarkably short and comjjrehen- 
 si ve. It was drawn by the attorney-general 
 of the United States, William I'iuckuey, 
 and is in the words following: — 
 
 "vl/i act declarinij war between the United 
 Kingduni of Great Britain and Ireland, and 
 the dependencks thereof, and the United 
 iStales of America and their territories. 
 
 " Be it enacted, &c. That war be, and 
 the same is hereby declared to exist be- 
 tween the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
 and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, 
 and the United States of America, and their 
 territories ; and that the I'resident of the 
 United States is hereby authorized to use 
 the whole land and naval force of the 
 United States to carry the same into effect, 
 and to issue to private armed vessels of the 
 United States commissions, or letters of 
 marque and general rei)risal, in such form 
 as he shall think proper, and under the seal 
 of the United States, against the vessels, 
 goods, and effects, of the government of 
 the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
 Ireland and the subjects thereof." 
 
 This was a soul-stirring message, but it 
 did not rally all the people as it should 
 have done. Political jealousies were very 
 great, and the frequent defeats of the Fed- 
 eralists, while they tended to greatly reduce 
 their numbers and weaken their power, 
 seemed to strengthen their animosity, and 
 they could see nothing good in any act of 
 the administration. They held, especially 
 in the New England states, that the war had 
 been declared by a political party simply, 
 and not by the nation, though nearly ail of 
 the Middle, and all of the Southern and 
 Western States, warmly supported it. 
 Clay estimated that nine-tenths of the peo- 
 ple were in favor of the war, and under the 
 inspiration of his eloquence and the strong 
 state papers of Madison, they doubtless 
 were at first. Throughout they felt their 
 political strength, and they just as heartily 
 returned the bitterness manifested by those 
 of the Federalists who opposed the war, 
 branding them as enemies of the republic, 
 and monarchists who preferred the reign of 
 Britain. 
 
 Four Federalist representatives in Con- 
 gress went so far as to issue an address, 
 opposing the war, the way in which it had 
 been declared, and denouncing it as unjust. 
 Some of the New England states refused 
 the order of the Presid(>nt to support it 
 with their militia, and Miissachusetts sent 
 peace memorials to Congress. 
 
 A peace party was formed with a view to 
 array the religious sentiment of the coun- 
 try against the war, and societies with sim- 
 ilar objects Avere organized by the more 
 radical of the Federalists. To such an ex-
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 treme was this opposition carried, that 
 some of the citizens of New Loudon, Conn., 
 made a practice of giving information to 
 the enemy, by means of blue lights, of the 
 departure of American vessels. 
 
 Tlie Hartford Convention. 
 
 This opposition finally culminated in the 
 assembling of a convention at Hartford, at 
 which delegates were present from all of the 
 New England states. They sat for three 
 weeks with closed doors, and issued an ad- 
 dress which will be found in this volume 
 in the book devoted to political platforms. 
 It was charged by the Democrats that the 
 real object of the convention was to nego- 
 tiate a separate treaty of peace, on behalf 
 of New England, with Great Britain, but 
 this charge "was as warmly denied. The 
 exact truth has not since been discovered, 
 the fears of the participants of threatened 
 trials for treason, closing their mouths, if 
 their professions were false. The treaty of 
 Ghent, which was concluded on December 
 14th, 1814, prevented other action by the 
 Hartford convention than that stated. It 
 had assembled nine days before the treaty, 
 which is as follows : 
 
 Treaty of Glient. 
 
 This treaty was negotiated by the Right 
 Honorable James Lord Gambler, Henry 
 Goulburn, Esq., and William Adams, Esq., 
 on the part of Great Britain, and John 
 Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry 
 Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gal- 
 latin, on behalf of the L^nited States. 
 
 Tlie treaty can be found on p. 218, vol. 
 8, of Little & Brown's Statutes at Large. 
 The first article provided for the restora- 
 tion of all archives, records, or property 
 taken by cither party from the other dur- 
 ing tlie war. This article expressly pro- 
 vides for the restoration of " .slaves or other 
 private property." The second article pro- 
 vided for the cessation of hostilities and 
 limitation of time of capture. The third 
 article provided for the restoration of 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 The fourth article defined the boundary 
 established by the treaty of 1783, and pro- 
 vided for commissioners to mark the same. 
 
 The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth 
 articles est;ihlished rules to govern the pro- 
 ceedings of the commissionei's. 
 
 The ninth article bound the United 
 States and J I is Britannic Majesty to end 
 all hostilities with Indian tribes, with whom 
 they were then resjjcctively at war. 
 
 The tenth article reads as follows: — 
 
 " Whereas the trafiic in slaves is irrecon- 
 cilable with the })rinciplcs of humanity 
 and jasticc; and, whereas, both llis Ma- 
 
 jesty and the United States are desirous of 
 continuing their etforts to promote its entire 
 abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the 
 contracting parties shall use their best en- 
 deavors to accomplish so desirable an ob- 
 ject." 
 
 The eleventh and last article provides for 
 binding effect of the treaty, upon the ex- 
 change of ratifications. 
 
 The position of New England in the war 
 is explained somewhat by her exposed po- 
 sition. Such of the militia as served en- 
 dured great hardships, and they were al- 
 most constantly called from their homes to 
 meet new dangers. Distrusting their loy- 
 alty, the general government had with- 
 held all supplies from the militia of Massa- 
 chusetts and Connecticut for the year 1814, 
 and these States were forced to bear the 
 burden of supportingthem, at the same time 
 contributing their quota of taxes to the 
 general government — hardships, by the 
 way, not greater than those borne by Penn- 
 sylvania and Ohio in the late war for the 
 Union, nor half as hard as those borne by 
 the border States at the same time. True, 
 the coast towns of Massachusetts were sub- 
 jected to constant assault from the British 
 navy, and the people of these felt that they 
 were defenceless. It was on their petition 
 that the legislature of Massachusetts final- 
 ly, by a vote of 226 to 67, adopted the report 
 favoring the calling of the Hartford Con- 
 vention. A circular was then addressed to 
 the Governors of the other States, with a 
 request that it be laid before their legisla- 
 tures, inviting them to appoint delegates, 
 and stating that the object was to deliber- 
 ate upon the dangers to which the eastern 
 section was exposed, " and to devise, if 
 practicable, means of security and defence 
 which might be consistent with the preser- 
 vation of their resources from total ruin, 
 and not rejpugnant to their obligations as 
 members of the Uniony The italicized por- 
 tion shows that there was at least then no 
 design of forming a sejiaratc treaty, or of 
 promoting disunion. The legislatures of 
 Connecticut and Rhode Island endorsed 
 the call and sent delegates. Those of New 
 Hampshire and Vermont did not, but de- 
 legates were sent by local conventions. 
 These delegates, it is hardly necessary to 
 remark, were all members of the Federal 
 party, and their sus])ccte(l designs and ac- 
 tion made the " Hartford Convention " a 
 l)ye-word and rejiroach in the mouths of 
 Democratic orators for years thereaiter. It 
 gave to the Democrats, as did the entire 
 history of the war, the prestige of superior 
 patriotism, and they j)rofitcd by it as long 
 as the memory of the Avar of 1812 was 
 fresh. Indeed, directly after the war, all 
 men seemed to kec]) in constant view the 
 reluctance of the Federalists to sujiport the 
 war, and their almost open hostility to it 
 in New England. Peace brought pros-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS. 
 
 21 
 
 perity and plenty, but not oblivion of the 
 old political issues, and this w:us the be- 
 
 f inning of the end of the Federal party, 
 ts decay thereafter was rapid and con- 
 stant. 
 
 The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth Con- 
 gresses had continued Democratic. The 
 fourteenth l)egan Dec. 4, 1815, with the 
 Democratic majority in the House increased 
 to 30. Clay had talccn part in negotiating 
 the treaty, and on his return was again 
 elected to tlie House, and was for the tliird 
 time elected speaker. Though (55 Feder- 
 alists had been elected, but 10 were given 
 to Federal candidates for speaker, this 
 party now sho\«ng a strong, and under tlu; 
 circumstances, a very luitural desire to 
 rub out j)arty lines. The internal taxes 
 and the postage rates were reduced. 
 
 The Protective Tai^. 
 
 ' President Madison, in his message, had^ 
 urged upon Congress a revision of thd' 
 tariff, and pursuant to his recommendation 
 what was at the time called a protective 
 tariff was passed. Even Calhoun then 
 supported it, while Clay proclaimed that 
 protection must no longer be secondary to 
 revenue, but of primary importance. The 
 rates fixed, however, were insufficient, and 
 many American manufactures were soon 
 frustrated by excessive importations of for- 
 eign manufactures. The position of Cal- 
 houn and Lowndes, well known leaders 
 from South Carolina, is explained by the 
 fact that just then the proposal of a pro- 
 tective tariff was popular in the south, in 
 view of the heavy duties upon raw cotton 
 which England then imposed. The Feder- 
 alists in weakness changed their old posi- 
 tion when they found the Democrats advo- 
 cating a tariff, and the latter quoted and 
 published quite extensively Alexander 
 Hamilton's early report in favor of it. 
 "Webster, in the House at the time and a 
 leading Federalist, was against the bill. 
 The parties had exchanged positions on 
 the question. 
 
 Peace brought with it another exchange 
 of positions. President Madison, although 
 he had vetoed a bill to establish a National 
 Bank in 1S15, was now (in 181G) anxious 
 for the establishment of such an institution. 
 Clay had also changed his views, and 
 claimed that the experiences of the war 
 showed the necessity for a national curren- 
 cy. The bill met with strong opposition 
 from a few Democrats aud nearly all of the 
 Federalists (the latter having changed po- 
 sition on the question since 1811), but it 
 passed and was signed by the President. 
 
 A bill to promote internal improvements, 
 advocated by Clay, was at first favored by 
 !Madison, but his mind changed and he ve- 
 toed the measure — the first of its kind 
 passed by Congress. 
 
 The Democratic members of Congress, 
 before the adjournment of the first session, 
 held a caucus for the nomination of can- 
 didates to succeed Madison and Gerry, 
 It was understood that the retiring officers 
 and their confidential friends favored 
 James Monroe of Virginia. Their wishes 
 were carried out, but not without a strug- 
 gle, \Vm. H. Crawford of Georgia receiv- 
 ing 54 votes against 65 for Monroe. The 
 Democrats opposed to Virginia's domina- 
 tion in the politics of the country, made a 
 seconil effort, and directed it against Monroe 
 in the caucus. Aaron Burr denounced 
 him as an improper and incompetent can- 
 didate, and joined in the protest then made 
 against any nomination by a Congressional 
 caucus; he succeeding in getting nineteen 
 Democrats to stay out of the caucus. Later 
 he advised renewed attempts to break 
 down the Congressional caiicus system, and 
 before the nomination favored Andrew 
 Jackson as a means to that end. Daniel 
 Ol Tompkins was nominated by the Demo- 
 crats for Vice-President. The Federalists 
 named Rufus King of New York, but in 
 the election which followed he received 
 but 34 out of 217 electoral votes. The 
 Federalists divided their votes for Vice- 
 President. 
 
 / Monroe was inaugurated on the 14th of 
 nVIarch, 1817, the oath being administered 
 by Chief Justice Marshall. The inaugural 
 address was so liberal in its tone that it 
 seemed to give satisfaction to men of all 
 shades of political opinion. The questions 
 which had arisen during the war no longer 
 had any practical significance, while the 
 people were anxious to give the disturbing 
 ones Avhich ante-dated at least a season of 
 rest. Two great and opposing policies had 
 previously obtained, and singularly enough 
 each seemed exactly adapted to the times 
 when they were triumphant. The Fed- 
 eral power had been asserted in a govern- 
 ment which had gathered renewed .strength 
 during what was under the circumstances 
 a great and perilous war, and the exi- 
 gencies of that war in many instances 
 compelled the Republicans or Democrats, 
 or the Democratic-Republicans as some 
 still called them, to concede points which 
 had theretofore been in sharp dispute, and 
 they did it with that facility Avhich only 
 Americans can command in emergencies : 
 yet as a party they kept firm hold of the 
 desire to enlarge the scope of liberty in its 
 application to the citizens, and just here 
 kept their original landmark. 
 
 It is not singular then that the adminis- 
 tration of ]\Ionroe opened what has ever 
 since been known in jiolitics as the " Era 
 of Good Feeling." Party difl'crences ra- 
 pidly subsided, and political serenity v,•■^s 
 the order of the day. Jlonroe made a tour 
 of the States, with "the direct object of in- 
 specting fortifications and means of de-
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 fence, and in tliis way spread the good 
 feeling, Avithout seeming to have any such 
 object. He was everywhere favorably 
 greeted by the people, and received by 
 delegations which in many instances were 
 specially made up of all shades of opinion. 
 
 The Cabinet was composed of men of 
 rare political distinction, even in that day 
 of great men. It was probably easier to 
 be great then than now, just as it is easier 
 to be a big political hero in the little State 
 of Delaware than it is in the big States of 
 New York or Pennsylvania. Yet these 
 men were universally accepted as great 
 without regard to their localities. All were 
 Eepublicans or Democrats, with John 
 Quincy Adams as Secretary of State, AVm. 
 H. Crawford (Monroe's competitor for the 
 nomination) as Secretary of the Treasury, 
 John C. Calhoun as Secretary of War, 
 William Wirt as Attorney General. All 
 of these united with the President in the 
 general desire to call a halt upon the 
 political asperities which were then recog- 
 nized as a public evil. On one occasion, 
 during his tour, the citizens of Kennebunk 
 and its vicinity, in Maine, having in their 
 address alluded to the prospects of a politi- 
 cal union among the people in support of 
 the administration, the President said in 
 reply : 
 
 " You are pleased to express a confident 
 hope that a spirit of mutual conciliation 
 may be one of the blessings which may re- 
 sult from my administration. This in- 
 deed would be an eminent blessing, and I 
 pray it may be realized. Nothing but 
 union is waiting to make us a great people. 
 The present time affords the hapi^iest 
 presage that this union is fast consumma- 
 ting. It cannot be otherwise ; I daily see 
 greater proofs of it. The further I ad- 
 vance in my progress in the country, the 
 more I perceive that we are all Americans 
 — that we compose but one family — that 
 our republican institutions will be sup- 
 ported and perpetuated by the united zeal 
 and patriotism of all. Nothing could 
 give me greater satisfaction than to behold 
 a perfect union among ourselves — a union 
 which is necessary to restore to social in- 
 tercourse its former charms, and to render 
 our happiness, as a nation, unmixed and 
 complete. To promote this desirable re- 
 sult requires no compromise of principle, 
 and I promise to give it my continued at- 
 tention, and my best endeavors." 
 
 Even CJeneral Jackson, since held up to 
 public view by liistorians as the most 
 austere and "stalwart" of all politicians, 
 caught tlie sweet infection of peace, and 
 thus advised IVcsident Monroe: — 
 
 "Now is tlie time to exterminate that 
 monster, called party spirit. By select- 
 ing [for cal)inet officers] characters most 
 conspicuous for their probity, virtue, 
 capacity, and lirmuess, without regard to 
 
 party, you will go far to, if not entirely, 
 eradicate those feelings, which, on Ibrmer ■^ 
 occasions, threw so many obstacles in the 
 way of government. The chief magis- 
 trate of a great and powerful nation should 
 never indulge in party feelings. His con- 
 duct should be liberal and disinterested ; 
 always bearing in mind, that he acts for the 
 whole and not a part (jf the community." 
 
 This advice had been given with a view 
 to influence the appointment of a mixed 
 political Cabinet, but while Monroe pro- 
 fessed to believe that a free government 
 could exist without political parties, he 
 nevertheless sought to bring all of the peo- 
 ple into one political fol4> and that the 
 Democratic. Yet he certainly and plainly 
 sought to allay factions in his own party, 
 and with this view selected Crawford for 
 the Treasury — the gentleman who had 
 been so warmly supported in the nomina- 
 ting struggle by the Clintonians and by all 
 who objected to the predominating in- 
 fluence of Virginia in national jjolitics. 
 
 Monroe, like his immediate predecessor, 
 accepted and acted upon the doctrines of 
 the new school of Eepublicans as repre- 
 sented by Clay and Calhoun, both of whom 
 still favored a tariff, while Clay had be- 
 come a warm advocate of a national sys- 
 tem of internal improvements. These two 
 statesmen thus early differed on some 
 questions, but they were justly regarded as 
 the leading friends and advisers of the ad- 
 ministration, for to both still clung the 
 patriotic recollections of the war which 
 they had so warmly advocated and sup- 
 ported, and the issue of which attested 
 their wisdom. Clay preferred to be called 
 a Ecpnblican ; Calhoun preferred to be 
 called a Democrat, and just then the terms 
 were so often exchanged and mingled that 
 history is at fault in the exact designation, 
 while tradition is colored by the bias of 
 subsequent events and lives. 
 
 Monroe's first inaugural leaned toward 
 Clay's scheme of internal inijirovements, 
 but questioned its constitutionality. Clay 
 was next to Jefferson the most original of 
 all our statesmen and politicians. He was 
 prolific in measures, and almost resistless 
 in their advocacy, From a political stand- 
 point he was the most direct author of the 
 war of 1812, for his advocacy mainly 
 l)rought it to the issue of arms, which 
 through him and Calhoun were substituted 
 for diplomacy. And Calhoun then stood 
 in broader view before the countiy than 
 since. His sectional pride and bias had 
 been rarely aroused, and like Clay he 
 seemed to act for the countrj'^ as an en- 
 tirety. Subse<|uent sectional issues changed 
 the views held of him l)y the peo]»lc of 
 both the North and South. 
 
 AV'^c have said that Monroe leaned 
 toward internal improvements, but he 
 thought Cougfcas was not clothed by the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 
 
 23 
 
 Constitution with the power to authorize 
 measures supporting it, and when the oj)- 
 portunity was presented (May 4, 1822) he 
 vetoed tlie hill " for the preservatiuu and 
 repair of the Cumherland road," and ae- 
 companied the veto with a most elahorate 
 message in which lie discussed the eonsti- 
 tutional aspects of the question. A plain 
 majority of the I'riends of the administra- 
 tion, under the leadership of Clay, sup- 
 ported the theory of internal improve- 
 ments from the time the administralion 
 began, but were reluctant to permit a divi- 
 sion of the party on the question. 
 
 !^Iississippi and Illinois were admitted 
 to the Union during the "Era of Good 
 Feeling," without serious political disturb- 
 ance, while Alal)ama was authorized to form 
 a state constitution and government, and 
 Arkansas was authorized as a separate 
 territorial government from {)art of Mis- 
 souri. In ISII) President Monroe made a 
 tour through the Southern States to ex- 
 amine their defenses and see and get ac- 
 quainted with the people. From the first 
 inauguration of Monroe up to 1819 party 
 lines can hardly be said to have existed, 
 but in the sixteenth session of Congress, 
 which continued until May, 1820, new 
 questions of national interest arose, jiro- 
 minent among which were additional pro- 
 tective duties for our manufactures ; inter- 
 nal improvements by the government ; 
 acknowledgments of the independence of 
 the South American States. 
 
 Tlic Monroe Doctrine. 
 
 Upon tne question of recognizing the in- 
 dependence of the South American States, 
 the President made a record which has 
 ever since been quoted and denominated 
 "The Monroe Doctrine." It is embodied 
 in the following abstract of his seventh 
 annual message, under date of Dec. 2d, 
 1823: 
 
 " It was stated, at the commencement of 
 the last session, that a great effort was then 
 making in Spain and Portugal to improve 
 the condition of the people of those coun- 
 tries, and that it appeared to be conduct- 
 ed with extraordinary moderation. It 
 need scarcely be remarked that the result 
 has been, so far, very diiferent from what 
 was then antici{>ated. Of events in that 
 quarter of the globe, with which we have 
 so much intercourse, and from which we 
 derive our origin, we have always been 
 anxious and interested spectators. The 
 citizens of the United States cherish 
 sentiments the most friendly in favor of the 
 liberty and happiness of their fellow men 
 on that side ot the Atlantic. In the wars 
 of the European powers, in matters relat- 
 ing to themselves, we have never taken any 
 part, nor does it comport with our policy 
 
 to do so. It is only when rights are in- 
 vaded or seriously menaced, that we re- 
 sent injuries, or make jfreparation lor our 
 defense. AVith the movements in this 
 hemisj)here we are of necessity more im- 
 mediately connected, and by causes which 
 must l>e obvious to ail enlij^htened and 
 inq)artial ol)servers. The political system 
 of the allied powers is essentially dillerent 
 in tiiis respect from that of America. This 
 dill'erence proceeds I'rom that wliich exisu 
 in their respective governments. And to 
 the defense of our own, which has been 
 achieved by the loss of so much l)lood and 
 treasure, and matured by the wisdom of 
 their most enlightened citizens, and under 
 which we have enjoyed unexampled felici- 
 ty, this whole nation is devoted. We owe 
 it, therefore, to candor, and to the amica- 
 ble relations existing between the United 
 States and those powers, to declare, that 
 we should consider any attempt on their 
 ])flrt to extend their system to any jtortion 
 of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
 peace and safety. AVith the existing colo- 
 nics or dependencies of any European 
 power we have not interfered, and shall 
 not interfere. But with the governments 
 who have declared their independence, and 
 maintained it, and whose inde2:»endence we 
 have, on great consideration, and on just 
 principles, acknowdedged, we could not 
 view any interposition for the purpose of 
 oppressing them, or controlling in any 
 other manner their destiny, by any Euro- 
 pean power, in any other light than as the 
 manifestation of an unfriendly disjiosition 
 toward the United States. In the war 
 between those new governments and Spain, 
 we declared our neutrality at the time of 
 their recognition, and to this we have ad- 
 hered, and shall continue to adhere, pro- 
 vided no change shall occur which, in the 
 judgment of the competent authorities of 
 this government, shall make a corres- 
 ]ionding change on the part of the United 
 States indispensable to their security. 
 
 The late events in Spain and PiU'tugal 
 show that Europe is still unsettled. Of 
 this important fact no stronger proof can 
 be adduced, than that the allied powers 
 should have thought it proper, on a ytrln- 
 cij)le satisfactory to themselves, to have 
 interposed by force in the internal con- 
 cerns of Spain. To what extent such in- 
 terposition may be carried, on the same 
 principle, is a question to which all inde- 
 pendent powers, whose governments dilfer 
 from theirs, are interested ; even those most 
 remote, and surely none more so than the 
 United States. Our j)olicy in regard to 
 Europe, which was adopted at au early 
 stage of the wars which have so long agi- 
 tated that quarter of the globe, neverthe- 
 less remains the same, which is, not to in- 
 terfere in the internal concerns of any 
 of its powers ; to consider the government,
 
 24 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 de facto, as the legitimate government for 
 us: to cultivate friendly relations Avith it, 
 and to preserve those relations by a frank, 
 firm, and manly policy ; meeting, in all 
 instances, the just claims of every power, 
 submitting to injuries from none. But in 
 regard to these continents, circumstances 
 are eminently and conspicuously different. 
 It is impossible that the allied jjowcrs 
 should extend their political system to any 
 portion of either continent without endan- 
 gering our peace and happiness ; nor can 
 any one believe, that our southern breth- 
 ren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of 
 their own accord. It is equally impossible, 
 therefore, that we should behold such 
 interposition, in any form, with indiffer- 
 ence. If we look to the comparative 
 strength and resources of Spain and those 
 new governments, and their distance from 
 each other, it must be obvious that she can 
 never subdue them. It is still the true 
 policy of the United States to leave the 
 parties to themselves, in the hojje that 
 other powers will pursue the same cotirse." 
 The second election of ]\Ionroe, in 1820, 
 was accomplished without a contest. Out 
 of 231 electoral votes, but one was cast 
 against him, and that for John Quincy 
 Adams. Mr. Tompkins, the candidate for 
 Vice-President, was only a little less for- 
 tunate, there being 14 scattering votes 
 against him. Neither party, if indeed 
 there was a Federalist party left made any 
 nominations. 
 
 The Missouri Compromise. 
 
 The second session of the 17th Con-, 
 gress opened on the 4th day of JIarch, 
 1820, with James Monroe at the head of 
 the Executive Department of the Govern- 
 ment, and the Democratic party in the 
 majority in both branches of the Federal 
 Legislature. The Cabinet at that time 
 was composed of the most brilliant minds 
 of the country, indeed as most justly re- 
 marked by Senator Thomas H. Benton in 
 his ptiblished review of the events of that 
 period, it would be difficult to find in any 
 government, in any country, at any time, 
 more talent and experience, more dignity 
 and decorum, more purity of private life, a 
 larger mass of information, and more ad- 
 diction to basiness, than was comprised in 
 the list of celebrated names then consti- 
 tuting the executive department of the 
 government. The legislative department 
 was equally impressive. The exciting and 
 agitating question then ])ending before 
 Congress was on the admission of the 
 State of Missouri into the Federal Union, 
 the subject of the issuebeingtheattompted 
 tacking on of conditions restricting sla- 
 very within her limits. She was admitted 
 without conditions under the so-called 
 compromise, which abolished it in certain 
 
 portions of the then province of Louisiana. 
 In this controversy, the compromise was 
 sustained and carried entirely by the Dem- 
 ocratic Senators and members from the 
 Southern and slave-holding States aided 
 and sanctioned by the Executive, and it 
 was opposed, by fifteen Senators from non- 
 slave-hoiding States, who rejjresented the 
 opposite side on the political questions of 
 the day. It passed the House by a close vote 
 of 86 to 82. It has been seriously ques- 
 tioned since whether this act was constitu- 
 tional. The real strtiggle was political, and 
 for the balance of power. For a while it 
 threatened the total overthrow of all po- 
 litical parties tipon principle, and the sub- 
 stittttiou of geographical parties discrimi- 
 nated by the slave line, and thtis destroy- 
 ing the proper action of the Federal gov- 
 ernment, and leading to a separation of 
 the States. It was a federal movement, ac- 
 cruing to the benefit of that party, and at 
 first carried all the Northern democracy in 
 its current, giving the stipremacy to their 
 adversaries. When this effect was per- 
 ceived, democrats from the northern non 
 slave-holding States took early opportu- 
 nity to prevent their own overthrow, by 
 voting for the admission of the States on 
 any terms, and thus prevent the eventual 
 separation of the States in the establish- 
 ment of geographical parties divided by a 
 slavery and anti-slavery line. 
 
 The year 1820 marked a period of finan- 
 cial distress in the country, which soon 
 became that of the government. The army 
 was reduced, and the general expenses of 
 the departments cut down, despite which 
 measures of economy the Congress deemed 
 it necessary to authorize the President to 
 contract for a loan of five million dollars. 
 Distress was the cry of the day ; relief the 
 general demand, the chief demand com- 
 ing from debtors to the Government for 
 public lands purchased under the then 
 credit system, this debt at that time ag- 
 gregating twenty-three millions of dollars. 
 The banks failed, money vanished, instal- 
 ments were coming due which could not 
 ])e met ; and the opening of Congress in 
 November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival 
 of memorials from all the new States pray- 
 ing for the relief to the ]nirchaser of the 
 public lands. The President referred to it 
 in his annual message of that year, and 
 Congress passed a measure of relief by 
 changing the system to cash sales instead 
 of credit, reducing the i)rice of the lands, 
 and allowing present debtors to apply pay- 
 ments already made to portions of the 
 land purchased, relinquishing the remain- 
 der. Ap])lications were made at that 
 time for the establislmuMit of the pre- 
 emptive system, but withotit effect ; the 
 now States continued to ])rcss the question 
 and finally ])revai]ed, so that now the pre- 
 emptive principle has become a fixed part
 
 BOOK 1.] 
 
 THE TARIFF — AMERICAN SYSTEM. 
 
 25 
 
 of our lund system, permanently incorpo- Roa(l,which passed both houses of Congress, 
 
 rated with it, and to the etiual advantage 
 of tlie settler and the government. 
 
 met with a veto from President Monroe, 
 accompanied by a state paper in exposi- 
 
 The session of 1820-21, is remarkable as tion of his opinions upon the whole sub- 
 being the first at which any proposition jcct of Federal interference in matters of 
 wius made in Congress Ibr the occupation inti'r state commerce and roads and canals, 
 and settlement of our territory on the He discussed the measure in all its bear- 
 Columbia river — the only part then owned iiigs, and plainly showed it to be uncon- 
 by the United States on the Pacific coast, stitutional. After stating the question, he 
 It was made by Dr. Floyd, a representa- , examined it under every head of constitu- 
 tive from Virginia, wlio argued that the tional derivation under which its advo- 
 establishment of a civilized power on the cates claimed the power, and found it to 
 American coast of the Pacific could not | be granted by no one of them and virtually 
 fail to ])roduce great and wonderful bene- j prohiljited by some of tliom. This was 
 fits not only to our own country, but to | then and has since been considered to be 
 the people of Eastern Asia, China and the most elaljorate and thoroughly con- 
 
 Japan on the opposite side of the Pacific 
 Ocean, and that the valley of the Colum- 
 bia might become the granary of China 
 and Japan. This movement suggested to 
 Senator Benton, to move, for the first time 
 publicly in the United States, a resolution 
 to send ministers to the Oriental States. 
 
 At this time treaties with ]\Iexico and 
 Spain were ratified, by which the United 
 States acquired Florida and ceded Texas ; 
 these treaties, together with the Missouri 
 compromise — a measure contemporaneous 
 with them — extinguished slave soil ia all 
 the United States territory west of the 
 Mississippi, except in that portion which 
 was to constitute the State of Arkansas ; 
 and, including the extinction in Texas 
 consequent upon its cession to a non-slave- 
 holding power, constituted the largest ter- 
 ritorial abolition of slavery that was ever 
 up to that period effected by any political 
 power of any nation. 
 
 The outside view of the slave question in 
 the United States, at this time, is that the 
 extension of slavery was then arrested, 
 circumscribed, and confined within narrow 
 territorial limits, while free States were 
 permitted an almost unlimited expansion. 
 
 In 1822 a law passed Congress abolish- 
 ing the Indian factory system, which had 
 been established during Washington's ad- 
 ministration, in 1796, under which the 
 Government acted as a factor or agent for 
 the sale of supplies to the Indians and the 
 purchase of furs from them ; this branch of 
 the service then belonged to the depart- 
 ment of the Secretary of AVar. The abuses 
 discovered in it led to the discontinuance 
 of that system. 
 
 The Presidential election of 1824 was 
 approaching, the candidates were in the 
 field, their respective friends active and 
 busy, and popular topics for the canvass in 
 earnest requisition. Congress was full of 
 projects for different objects of internal 
 improvement, mainly in roads and canals, 
 and the friends of each candidate exerted 
 themselves in rivalry of each other, under 
 the supposition that their opinions would 
 stand for those of their principals. An act 
 
 sidered opinion upon the general question 
 which has ever been delivered by any 
 American statesman. This great state pa- 
 j)er, delivered at a time when internal im- 
 provement by the federal government had 
 become an issue in the canvass for the 
 Presidency and was ardently advocated by 
 three of the candidates and qualified by 
 two others, had an immense current in itvS 
 power, carrying with it many of the old 
 strict constructionists. 
 
 The revision of the tariff, with a view tar " 
 the protection of home industry, and to the 
 establishment of what was then called 
 " The American System," Avas one of the 
 large subjects before Congress at the ses- 
 sion of 1823-24, and was the regular com- 
 mencement of the heated debates on that 
 question which afterwards ripened into a 
 serious difficulty between the federal gov- 
 ernment and some of the Southern States. 
 The presidential election being then de- 
 pending, the subject became tinctured with 
 party politics, in which so far as that in- 
 gredient was concerned, and was not con- 
 trolled by other considerations, members 
 divided pretty much on the line which al- 
 ways divided them on a question of con- 
 structive powers. The protection of do- 
 mestic industry not being among the pow- 
 ers granted, was looked for in the inciden- 
 tal ; and denied by the strict construction- 
 ists to be a substantive term, to be exer- 
 cised for the direct purpose of protection ; 
 but admitted by all at that time and ever 
 since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an 
 incident to the revenue raising power, and 
 an incident to be regarded in the exercise 
 of that power. Revenue the object, jn-o- 
 tection the incident, had been the rule ia 
 the earlier tariffs ; now that rule was sought 
 to be reversed, and to make protection the 
 object of the law, and revenue the inci- 
 dent. ]Mr. Henry Clay was the leader in 
 the proposed revision and the champion of 
 the American system ; he wixs ably sup- 
 ported in the Hoiuse by many able and 
 effective speakers ; who based their argu- 
 ment on the general distress then alleged to 
 be ]>revalent in the country. ]Mr. Daniel 
 
 for the preservation of the Cumberland i Webster wa^s the leading speaker on the
 
 26 
 
 'AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 other side, and disputed tlie universality 
 of" the distress wliich liad been described ; 
 and contested the propriety of high or pro- 
 hibitory duties, in tlie present active and 
 intelligent state of the world, to stimulate 
 industry and manufacturing enterprise. 
 
 The bill was carried by a close vote in 
 both Houses. Though brought forward 
 avowedly for the protection of domestic 
 manutacturos, it was not entirely supported 
 on that ground ; an increase of revenue 
 being the motive with some, the public 
 debt then being nearly ninety millions. 
 An increased protection to the products of 
 several States, as lead in Missouri and Illi- 
 nois, hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsyl- 
 vania, wool in Ohio and New York, com- 
 manded many votes for the bill ; and the 
 impending presidential election had its in- 
 fluence in its favor. 
 
 Two of the candidates, Messrs. Adams 
 and Clay, voted for and avowedly supported 
 General Jackson, who voted for the bill, 
 was for it, as tending to give a home sup- 
 ply of the articles necessary in time of war, 
 and as raising revenue to pay the public, 
 debt ; ]\Ir. Crawford w.as opposed to it, and 
 Mr. Calhoun had withdrawn as a Presiden- 
 tial candidate. The Southern planting 
 States were dissatisfied, believing that the 
 new burdens upon imports which it im- 
 posed, fell upon the producers of the ex- 
 ports, and tended to enrich one section of 
 the Union at the exjsense of another. 
 The attack and support of the bill took 
 much of a sectional aspect; Virginia, the 
 two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others, 
 being unanimous against it. Pennsylva- 
 nia, New York, Ohio, and Kentucky being 
 unanimous for it. Massachusetts, which 
 up to this time had no small influence in 
 commerce, voted, with all, except one 
 memlier, against it. With this sectional 
 aspect, a tariff for protection, also began to 
 assume a political aspect, being taken un- 
 der the care of the party, afterwards de- 
 nominated as Whig. The bill was ap- 
 proved by President Monroe; a proof that 
 that careful and strict constructionist of 
 the constitution did not consider it as de- 
 prived of its revenue character by the de- 
 gree of protection which it extended. 
 yk sul)ject which at the present time is 
 /exciting much criticism, viz: proposed 
 amendments to the constitution relative to 
 the election of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, had its origin in movements in that 
 direction taken i)y leading Dcmocnits dur- 
 ing the campaign of 1H24. The electoral 
 college has never been since the early elec- 
 tions, an independent body free to select 
 a I'rcsidcnt and Vice-President; though 
 in theory lliey have been vested with such 
 powers, in practic(i they have no such i)rac- 
 tical power over the elections, and have 
 had none since their institution, in every 
 caue the elector huu buuu au iustrumeut, 
 
 bound to obey a particular impulsion, and 
 disobedience to which Avould be attended 
 with infamy, and with every penalty which 
 public indignation could inflict. From the 
 beginning they have stood pledged to vote 
 for the candidate indicated by the ])ublic 
 will ; and have proved not only to be use- 
 less, but an inconvenient intervention be- 
 tween the people and the object of their 
 choice. Mr. McDuffie in the House of 
 Representatives and Mr. Benton in the 
 Senate, proposed amendments; the mode 
 of taking the direct vote to be in districts, 
 and the persons receiving the greatest 
 number of votes for President or Vice- 
 President in any district, to count one vote 
 for such ofBce respectively Avhich is noth- 
 ing but substituting the candidates them- 
 selves for their electoral i-epreseutatives. 
 
 In the election of 1824 four candidates 
 were before the people for the office of 
 President, General Jackson, John Quincy 
 Adams, William H. Crawford and Plenry 
 Clay. None of them received a majority 
 of the 261 electoral votes, and the election 
 devolved upon the House of Representa- 
 tives. John C. Calhoun had a majority of 
 the electoral votes for the office of Vice- 
 President, and was elected. Mr. Adams 
 was elected President by the House of 
 Representatives, although General Jack- 
 son was the choice of the people, having 
 received the greatest number of votes at 
 the general election. The election of ]\Ir. 
 Adams was perfectly constitutional, and jig 
 such fully submitted to by the people ; but 
 it was a violation of the demos Iraico jjrin- 
 ciple; and that violation was equally re- 
 buked. All the representatives who voted 
 against the will of their constituents, lost 
 their favor, and disa]ipeared from public 
 life. The representation in the House of 
 Representatives was largely changed at 
 the first general election, and presented a 
 full opposition to the new President. Mr. 
 Adams himself was injured by it, and at 
 the ensuing presidential election was beat- 
 en by General Jackson more than two to 
 one. 
 
 Mr. Clay, who took the lead in the 
 House for Mr. Adams, and afterwards took 
 upon himself the ndssion of reconciling the 
 people to his election in a series of public 
 s])eeches, was himself crippled in the 
 effort, lost his jdace in the democratic par- 
 ty, and joined the Whigs (then called the 
 national republicans). The democratic 
 princi])le was victor over the theory of the 
 Constitution, and beneficial results ensued. 
 It vindicated the people in their right and 
 their power. It re-established panics 
 upon the basis of principle, and drew anew 
 ])arty lines, then almost obliterated under 
 the fusion of parties during the "era of 
 good feeling," and the elfbrts of leading 
 men to make ])crsonal ])arties fi)r them- 
 selves. It showed the conservative power
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 TENURE OF OFFICE — ELIGIBILITY. 
 
 27 
 
 of our goverment to lie in the people, more 
 than in its constituted authorities. It 
 showed that they were rai)able of exercis- 
 ing the functi(jn of seli-goveriunent, and 
 histly, it assumed tlie supremacy of the de- 
 mocracy for a longtime, and until lost by 
 causes to be referred to hereafter. The 
 Presidential election of 1824 is remarkable 
 under another aspect — its results cautioned 
 all public men against future attemjjts to 
 govern presidential elections in the House 
 of Representatives; and it put an end to 
 the practice of caucus nominations for the 
 Presidency by members of Congress. This 
 mode of concentrating public opinion be- 
 gan to be practiced as the eminent men of 
 the Revolution, to whom public opinion 
 awarded a preference, were passing away, 
 and when new men, of more equal preten- 
 sions, were coming upon the stage. It was 
 tried several times with success and general 
 approbation, because public sentiment was 
 followed — not led — by the caucus. It was 
 attempted in 1824 and failed; all the op- 
 ponents of Mr. Crawford, by their joint 
 efforts, succeeded, and .justly in the fact 
 though not in the motive, in rendering 
 these Congress caucus nominations odious 
 to the people, and broke them down. 
 They were tlropped, and a different mode 
 adopted — that of party nominations by 
 conventions of delegates from the States. 
 
 The administration of Mr. Adams com- 
 menced with his inaugural address, in 
 which the chief topic was that of internal 
 national improvement by the federal gov ■ 
 ernment. This declared policy of the ad- 
 ministration fiirnished a ground of opposi- 
 tion against Mr. Adams, and went to the 
 reconstruction of parties on the old line of 
 strict, or latitudinous, construction of the 
 Constitution. It was clear from the begin- 
 ning that the new administration was to 
 have a settled and strong opposition, and 
 that founded in principles of government 
 — the same principles, under different 
 forms, which had discriminated parties at 
 the commencement of the federal govern- 
 ment. Men of the old school — survivors 
 of the contest of the Adams and Jetferson 
 times, with some exceptions, divided ac- 
 cordingly — the federalists going for Mr. 
 Adams, the republicans against "him, with 
 the mass of the younger generation. The 
 Senate by a decided majority, and the 
 House by a strong minority, were opposed 
 to the policy of the new President. 
 
 In 1826 occurred the f uuous debates in 
 the Senate and the House, on the proposeil 
 Congress of American States, to contract 
 alliances to guard against and prevent the 
 establishment of any future European co- 
 lony within its borders. The mission 
 though sanctioned was never acted upon 
 or carried out. It was authorized by very 
 nearly a party vote, the democracy as a 
 party being against it The President, Mr. 
 
 Adams, stated the objects of the Congress 
 to be as follows : " An agreement between 
 all the parties represented at the meeting, 
 that each will guard, by its own means, 
 against the establishment of any future 
 European colony within its own borders, 
 may be advisable. This was, uKjre than 
 two years since, announced by my prede- 
 cessor to the world, as a ])rinciple result- 
 ing from the emancipation of both the 
 American continents. It nuiy be so de- 
 veloped to the new southern nations, that 
 they may feel it as an essential appendage 
 to their independence." 
 
 Mr. Adams had been a member of Mr. 
 Monroe's cabinet, filling the department 
 I'rom which the doctrine would emanate. 
 The enunciation by him as above of this 
 "Monroe Doctrine," as it is called, is very 
 different from what it has of late been snp- 
 poscd to be, as binding the United States 
 to guard all the territory of the New World 
 from European colonization. The mes- 
 sage above quoted was written at a time 
 when the doctrine as enunciated by the 
 former President through the then Secre- 
 tary was fresh in the mind of the latter, 
 and when he himself in a communication 
 to the American Senate was laying it down 
 for the adoption of all the American na- 
 tions in a general congress of their depu- 
 ties. According to President Adams, this 
 " Monroe Doctrine " (according to which it 
 has been of late believed that the United 
 States were to stand guard over the two 
 Americas, and repulse all intrusive colo- 
 nists from their shores), was entirely con- 
 fined to our own borders ; that it was only 
 proposed to get the other States of the New 
 World to agree that, each for itself, and by 
 its own means, should guard its own terri- 
 tories ; and, consequently, that the United 
 States, so far from extending gratuitous 
 protection to the territories of other States, 
 would neither give, nor receive, aid in any 
 such enterprise, but that each should use 
 its own means, w^ithin its own borders, for 
 its own exemption from European colonial 
 intrusion. 
 
 No question in its day excited more in- 
 temperate discussion, excitement, and feel- 
 ing between the Executive and the Senate, 
 and none died out so quickly, than this, 
 relative to the proposed congress of Ameri- 
 can nations. The chief advantage to be 
 derived from its retrospect — and it is a real 
 one — is a view of the firmness with which 
 the minority maintained the old policy of 
 the United States, to avoid entangling al- 
 liances and interference with the affairs of 
 other nations; and the exposition, by one 
 so competent as Mr. Adams, of the true 
 scope and meaning of the Monroe doc- 
 trine. 
 
 At the session of 1825-26 attempt was 
 again made to procure an amendment to 
 the Constitution, fii relation to the mode
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of election of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, so as to do away with all intermedi- 
 ate agencies, and give the election to the 
 direct vote of the people. In the Senate 
 the matter was referred to a committee who 
 reported amendments dispensing with 
 electors, providing for districts equal in 
 number to the whole number of Senators 
 and Representatives to which the State 
 was entitled in Congress, and obviating all 
 excuses for caucuses and conventions to 
 concentrate public opinion by providing 
 that in the event of no one receiving a ma- 
 jority of the whole number of district votes 
 cast, that a second election should be held 
 limited to the two persons receiving the 
 highest number of votes ; and in case of an 
 equal division of votes on the second elec- 
 tion then the House of Reioresentatives 
 shall choose one of them for President, as 
 is prescribed by the Constitution. The 
 idea being that the first election, if not re- 
 sulting in any candidate receiving a ma- 
 jority, should stand for a popular nomina- 
 tion — a nomination by the people them- 
 selves, out of which the election is almost 
 sure to be made on the second trial. The 
 same plan was suggested for choosing a 
 Vice-President, except that the Senate was 
 to finally elect, in case of failure to choose 
 at first and second elections. The amend- 
 ments did not receive the requisite supjjort 
 of two-thirds of either the Senate or the 
 House. This movement was not of a par- 
 tisan character ; it was equally supported 
 and opposed respectively by Senators and 
 Representatives of both parties. Substan- 
 tially the same plan was recommended by 
 President] Jackson in his first annual mes- 
 Bage to Congress, December 8, 1829. 
 
 It is interesting to note that at this Ses- 
 sion of 1825 and '26, attempt was made by 
 the Democrats to pass a tenure of ofiice 
 bill, as ap]>licable to government em- 
 ployees and office-holders ; it provided 
 that in all nominations made by the 
 President to the Senate, to fill vacancies 
 occasioned by an exercise of the Presi- 
 dent's power to remove from office, the 
 fact of the removal shall be stated to the 
 Senate at the .same time that the nnmina-< 
 tion is made, with a statement of the rea-f 
 sons for which such officer may have been 
 removed." It was also sought at the same 
 time to amend the Constitution to prohibit 
 the appointment of any member of Con- 
 gress to any federal ollice of trust or profit, 
 during the jjcriod for which he was elec- 
 ted; the design being to make the mem- 
 bers wholly independent of tlie Executive, 
 and not subservient to tlie latter, and in- 
 capable of ncciving favors in the form of 
 bestownls of official jjiitronage. 
 
 The tiirilfof 1828 is an era in our politi- 
 cal legislation; from it the doctrine of 
 " nnllification " originated, and IVom tliat 
 date began a serious division between the 
 
 North and the South. This tariff law was 
 projected in the interest of the woolen 
 manufacturers, but ended by including all 
 manufacturing interests. The i:)assage of 
 this measure was brought about not because 
 it was favored by a majority, but because 
 of political exigencies. In the then ap- 
 proaching presidential election, Mr. 
 Adams, who was in favor of the " Ameri- 
 can System," supported by Mr. Clay (his 
 Secretary of State) was opposed by General 
 Jackson. This tariff' was made an admin- 
 istration measure, and became an issue in 
 the canvass. The New England States, 
 which had formerly favored Iree trade, on 
 account of their commercial interests, 
 changed their policy, and, led by Mr. 
 Webster, became advocates of the protec- 
 tive system. The question of protective 
 tariff had now not only become political, 
 but sectional. The Southern States as a 
 section, were arrayed against the system, 
 though prior to 1816 had favored it, not 
 merely as an incident to revenue, but as a 
 substantive object. In fact these tariff 
 bills, each exceeding the other in its de- 
 gree of protection, had become a regular 
 appendage of our presidential elections — 
 carrying round in every cycle of four years, 
 with that returning event ; starting in 1816 
 and followed up in 1820-24, and now in 
 1828, with successive augmentations of 
 duties ; the last being often pushed as a 
 party measure, and with the visible pur- 
 pose of influencing the presidential elec- 
 tion. General Jackson was elected, hav- 
 ing received 178 electoral votes to 83 re- 
 ceived by John Quincy Adams. Mr. 
 Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, who was 
 on the ticket with Mr. Adams, was de- 
 feated for the office of Vice-President, and 
 .Jolin C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was 
 elected to that office. 
 
 / The election of General Jackson was a 
 itriumph of democratic principle, and an 
 ^assertion of the people's right to govern 
 themselves. That principle had been vio- 
 lated in the presidential election in the 
 /House of Representatives in the session of 
 /1824-25; and the sanction, or rebuke, of 
 that violation was a leading question in the 
 whole canvass. It was also a trium])h 
 over the high protective policy, and the 
 federal internal im]irovement policy, and 
 the latitudinous construction of the Con- 
 stitution ; and of the democracy over the 
 federalists, then called national rejuibli- 
 cans; and was the re-establishment of par- 
 ties on principle, according to the land- 
 marks of tlie early years of the govern- 
 ment. For aKhoiigli Mr. Adams had re- 
 ceived confidence and office from Mr. 
 Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed 
 with the democratic party during the " era 
 of good feeling," yet he had previously 
 been federal ; and on the re-establishment 
 of old party lines which began to take place
 
 BOOK I.] NULLIFICATION— DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS. 
 
 29 
 
 after the election of Mr. Adams in the 
 House of Representatives, liis aliinities 
 and policy became those of liis foniier 
 party ; and as a party, with many indivi- 
 dual exceptions, they became his suppor- 
 ters and his strength. CJeneral Jacivson, 
 on the contrary, had always been demo- 
 cratic, so classing when lie was a Senator 
 in Congress under the administration of 
 the first Mr. Adams ; and when j)arty lines 
 were most straightly drawn, and upon prin- 
 ciple, and as such now receiving the supjjort 
 ot men and States which took this political 
 position at that time, and maintained it for 
 years afterwards ; among tlie latter, nota])ly 
 the Slates of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 
 
 The short session of 1829-;i0 was ren- 
 dered famous by the long and earnest de- 
 bates in the Senate on the doctrine of nul- 
 lification, as it was then c;dlcd. It started 
 by a resolution of inquiry introduced by 
 Mr. Foot of Connecticut; it was united 
 with a proposition to limit the sales of the 
 public lan(ls to those then in the market — 
 to suspend the surveys of the public lands 
 — and to abolish the office of Surveyor- 
 General. The effect of such a resolution, 
 if sanctioned upon inquiry and carried into 
 legislative effect, would have been to check 
 emigration to the new States in the West, 
 and to check the growth and settlement of 
 these States and Territories. It was warmly 
 opposed by Western members. The de- 
 bate spread and took an acrimonious turn, 
 and sectional, imputing to the quarter of 
 the Union from which it came an old and 
 early i)olicy to check the growth of the 
 West at the outset by proposing to limit 
 the sale of the Western lands, by selling 
 no ti'act in advance until all in the rear 
 was sold out ; and during the debate Mr. 
 Webster referred to the famous ordinance 
 of 1787 for the government of the north- 
 western territory, and especially the anti- 
 slavery clause which it contained. 
 
 Closely connected with this subject to 
 which Mr. Webster's remarks, during the 
 debate, related, was another which excited 
 some warm discussion — the topic of slavery 
 — and the effect of its existence or non- 
 existence in different States. Kentucky 
 and Ohio were taken for examples, and 
 the superior improvement and popula- 
 tion of Ohio were attributed to its exemp- 
 tion from the evils of slavery. This was 
 an excitable subject, and the more so be- 
 cause the wounds of the Missouri contro- 
 versy in which the North was the undis- 
 puted aggressor, were still tender. Mr. 
 Hayne from South Carolina answered with 
 warmth and resented as a reflection upon 
 the Slave States this disadvantageous com- 
 parison. Mr. Benton of Missouri followed 
 on the same side, and in the course of his 
 remarks said, "I regard with admiration, 
 that is to say, with wonder, the sublime 
 morality of those who cannot bear the ab- 
 
 stract contemplation of .slavery, at the dis- 
 tance of five hundred or a thousand miles 
 oil"." This allusion to the Miss(juri con- 
 troversy, and invective again.-t the free 
 States for their ))art in it, by Messrs. 
 Hayne and 13enton, brouglit a reply from 
 Mr. Webster, showing what tlieir conduct 
 had been at the first introduction of the 
 slavery topic in the Congress of the United 
 States, and that they totally refused to in- 
 terfere between master and slave in any 
 way whatever. But the toi)ic which be- 
 came the leading feature of the whole de- 
 bate, and gave it an interest which cannot 
 die, was that of nullification — the assumed 
 right of a State to annul an act of Congress 
 — then first broached in the Senate — and 
 in the discussion of which Mr. Webster 
 and Mr. Hayne were the champion 
 speakers on opposite sides — the latter 
 voicing the sentiments of the Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Mr. Calhoun. This turn in the de- 
 bate was brought about, by Mr. Hayne 
 having made allusion to the course of New 
 England during the war of 1812, and espe- 
 cially to the assemblage known as the 
 Hartford Convention, and to which designs 
 unfriendly to the Union had been at- 
 tributed. This gave Mr. Webster an op- 
 portunity to retaliate, and he referred to 
 the public meetings which had just then 
 taken place in South Carolina on the sub- 
 ject of the tariff", and at which resolves 
 were passed, and propositions adopted sig- 
 nificant of resisistance to the act; and con- 
 sequently of disloyalty to the Union. He 
 drew Mr. Hayne into their defence and 
 into an avowal of what has since obtained 
 the current name of " XuUification." He 
 said, " I understand the honoralile gentle- 
 man from South Carolina to maintain, that 
 it is a right of the State Legislature to inter- 
 fere, whenever, in their judgment, _ this 
 government transcends its constitutional 
 limits, and to arrest the operation of its 
 laws, * * * * that the States may law- 
 fully decide for themselves, and each State 
 for itself, whether, in a given case, the act 
 of the general government transcends its 
 powers, * * * * that if the exigency 
 of the case, in the opinion of any State 
 government require it, such State gov- 
 ernment may, by its own sovereign au- 
 thority, annul an act of the general -gov- 
 ernment, which it deems plainly and pal- 
 pably unconstitutional." Mr. Hayne was 
 evidently unprepared to admit, or fully 
 deny, the propositions as so laid down, but 
 contented himself with stating the words 
 of the Virginia Resolution of 1798, m fol- 
 lows : " That this assembly doth explicitly 
 and peremi)torily declare, that it views the 
 powers of the federal government as result- 
 ing from the compact, to which the States 
 are parties, as limited by the plain sense 
 and intention ofthe instrument constituting 
 , that compact, as no farther valid than they
 
 80 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 are authorized by the grants enumerated 
 in that compact, and that, in case of a de- 
 liberate, palpable and dangerous exercise 
 of other powers, not granted by the said 
 compact, the States who are parties thereto 
 have the right, and are in duty bound, to 
 interpose, for arresting the progress of the 
 evil, and for maintaining, Avithin their re- 
 spective limits, the authorities, rights, and 
 liberties appertaining to them." 
 
 This resolution came to be understood 
 by Mr. Hayne and others on that side of 
 the debate, in the same sense that Mr. 
 Webster stated, as above, he understood 
 the gentleman from the South to interpret 
 it. On the other side of the question, he 
 argued that the doctrine had no foundation 
 either in the Constitution, or on the Vir- 
 ginia resolutions — that the Constitution 
 makes the federal governmeut act upon 
 citizens within the States, and not upon 
 the States themselves, as in the old con- 
 federation : that within their Constitution- 
 al limit'^ the laws of Congress were supreme 
 — and that it was treasonable to resist 
 them with force : and that the question of 
 their constitutionality was to be decided 
 by the Supreme Court : with respect to the 
 Virginia resolutions, on which Mr. Hayne 
 relied, Mr. Webster disputed the interpre- 
 tation put upon them — claimed for them 
 an innocent and justifiable meaning — and 
 exempted ^Mr. Madison from the suspicion 
 of having framed a resolution asserting the 
 right of a State legislature to annul an Act 
 of Congress, and thereby putting it in the 
 power of one State to destroy a form of 
 
 government which he had just labored so 
 ard to establish. 
 
 Mr. Hayne on his part gave (as the prac- 
 tical part of his doctrine) the pledge of for- 
 cible resistance to any attempt to enforce 
 unconstitutional laws. He said, " The 
 gentleman has called upon us to carry out 
 our scheme practically. Now, sir, if I am 
 correct in my view of this matter, then it 
 follows, of course, that the right of a State 
 being established, the federal government 
 is bound to acquiesce in a solemn decision 
 of a State, acting in its sovereign capacity, 
 at least so far as to make an a])peal to the 
 people for an amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion. This .solemn decision of a State binds 
 the federal government, under the hip^hest 
 constitutional obligation, not to resort to 
 any means of coercion against the citizens 
 of the dissentinff State. * * * Suppose 
 Congress should pass an agrarian law, or a 
 law emancipating our slaves, or should 
 commit any other gross violation of our 
 constitutional riirlits, will any gentlemen 
 contend thiit the decision of every branch 
 of the federal government, in favor of such 
 laws, could prevent the States from de- 
 claring them null and void, and protecting 
 their citizens from their operation? * * 
 Let me assure the gentlemen that, when- 
 
 ever any attempt shall be made from any 
 quarter, to enforce unconstitutional laws, 
 clearly violating our essential rights, our 
 leaders (whoever they may bej will not be 
 found reading black letter from the musty 
 pages of old law books. They will look to 
 the Constitution, and when called upon by 
 the sovereign authority of the State, to 
 preserve and protect the rights secured to 
 them by the charter of their liberties, they 
 will succeed in defending them, or ' perish 
 in the last ditch.' " 
 
 These words of Mr. Hayne seem almost 
 prophetic in A'iew of the events of thirty 
 years later. No one then believed in any- 
 thing serious in the new interpretation 
 given to the Virginia resolutions — nor in 
 anything practical from nullification — nor 
 in forcible resistance to the tariff laws from 
 South Carolina — nor in any scheme of dis- 
 union. 
 
 Mr. Webster's closing reply was a fine 
 piece of rhetoric, delivered in an elaborate 
 and artistic style, and in an ajiparent spirit 
 of deep seriousness. He concluded thus — 
 "When my eyes shall be turned to behold, 
 for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I 
 not see him shining on the broken and dis- 
 figured fragments of a once glorious 
 Union ; on States dissevered, discordant, 
 belligerent ; on a land rent with civil feuds, 
 or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. 
 Let their last feeble and lingering glance, 
 rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the 
 Eepublic, now known and honored through- 
 out the earth, still full high advanced, its 
 arms and trophies streaming in their ori- 
 ginal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, 
 nor a single star obscured, bearing lor its 
 motto no such miserable interrogatory as. 
 What is all this Avorth? nor those other 
 Avords of delusion and folly, Lilierty first 
 and Union afterwards ; but everywhere, 
 spread all OA'^er in characters of living light, 
 blazing in all its amjile fold=, as they lioat 
 over the sea and over the land, and in 
 every wind under the Avhole heavens, that 
 other sentiment, dear to every true Ameri- 
 can heart — Liberty and Union, now and 
 forever, one and inseparable! " 
 — President Jackson in his first annual 
 'message to Congress called atteution,to the 
 fact of expiration in 1836 of the charter 
 of incorporation granted by the Federal 
 government to a moneyed institution called 
 The Bank of the United States, Avhich Avas 
 originally designed to assist the govern- 
 ment in estal)lishing and maintaining a 
 uniform and sound currency. He seriously 
 doubted the constitutionality and expedi- 
 ency of the law creating the bank, and 
 Avas opposed to a renewal of the charter. 
 His view of the matter AA'as that if such an 
 institution was deemed a necessity it should 
 be made a national one, in the sense of 
 being founded on the credit of the govern- 
 ment and its revenues, and not a corpora-
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE UNITED STATES BANK. 
 
 31 
 
 tion indepenrlcnt from and not a part of 
 the govcrunu'iit. The House of Repre- 
 sentatives was strongly in favor of the re- 
 newal of tlie charter, ami several of its 
 committees made elaborate, ample and 
 argumentative reports upon the Hul)ject. 
 These reports were the siiljjeet of news- 
 
 Eaper and })amphlet j)ublieation ; and 
 luded for their power and exeellence, and 
 triumphant refutation of all the I're.sident's 
 opinions. Thus was the "war of the Hank'' 
 commenced at once in Congress, and in the 
 public press; and openly at the instance 
 of the Bank itself, which, forgetting its 
 position as an institution of tlie govern- 
 ment, f )r the convenience of the govern- 
 ment, set itself up as a power, and strug- 
 gled for continued existence, by demand 
 for renewal of its charter. It allied itself 
 at the same time to the political power 
 opposed to the President, joined in all their 
 schemes of protective tariff, and national 
 internal improvement, and became the 
 head of the American system. Its moneyed 
 and political power, numerous interested 
 affiliations, and control over other banks 
 and fiscal institutions, was truly great and 
 extensive, and a power which was exer- 
 cised and made to be felt during the strug- 
 gle to such a degree that it threatened a 
 danger to the country and the government 
 almost amounting to a national calamity. 
 — The subject of renewal of the charter 
 ■was agitated at every succeeding session 
 of Congress down to 188G, and many able 
 speeches made for and against it. 
 / In the, month of December, 1831, the 
 National Republicans, as the party was 
 then called which afterward took the name 
 of "whig," held its convention in Balti- 
 more, and nominated candidates for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President, to be voted for 
 at the election in the autumn of the ensu- 
 ing year, Henry Clay was the candidate 
 for the office of President, and John Ser- 
 geant for that of Vice-President. The 
 jdatform or address to the people presented 
 the party issues which were to be settled 
 at the ensuing election, the chief subjects 
 being the taritf, internal improvement, re- 
 moval of the Cherokee Indians, and the 
 renewal of the United St.ates Bank charter. 
 Thus the bank question was fully i)resentcd 
 as an issue in the election by that part of 
 its friends who classed politically against 
 President Jackson. But it had also Demo- 
 cratic friends without whose aid the re- 
 charter could not be got through Congress, 
 and they labored assiduously for it. The 
 first Bank of the Unitetl States, chartered 
 in 1701, was a federal measure, favored by 
 General Hamilton, opposed by ]Mr. Jeller- 
 son, Mr. Madison, and the Republican 
 party ; and became a great landmark of 
 party, not merely for the bank itself, but 
 for the latitudinarian construction of the 
 constitution in which it was founded, and 
 
 the precedent it established that Congress 
 might in its discretion do what it pleased, 
 under the plea of being " nccessiny'' to 
 carry into ellect some granted power. The 
 non-renewal of the charter in ISll, wa.s 
 the act of the Republican party, then in 
 possession of the government, and taking 
 the opjjortunity to terminate, upon its own 
 limitation, the existem^e of an institution 
 whose creation they had not been able to 
 prevent. The charter of the second bank, 
 in 181(5, was the act of the Rei)u])lican 
 ])arty, and to aid them in the administra- 
 tion of the government, and, as such, was 
 opposed by the Federal party — not seeming 
 then to understand that, by its instincts, a 
 great moneyed corporation was in sym- 
 pathy with their own party, and would 
 soon be with it in action — which the bank 
 soon was — and now struggled for a con- 
 tinuation of its existence under the lead 
 of those who had opposed its creation and 
 against the party which effected it. Mr. 
 Webster was a Federal leader on both 
 occasions — against the charter in 181(5 ; 
 for the re-charter in 1832. The bill passed 
 the Senate after a long and arduous con- 
 test; and afterwards passed the House, 
 quickly and with little or no contest at all. 
 It was sent to the President, and vetoed 
 by him July 10, 1832 ; the message stating 
 his objections being an elaborate review 
 of the subject ; the veto being based mainly 
 on the unconstitutionality of the measure. 
 The veto was sustained. Following this 
 the President after the adjournment re- 
 moved from the bank the government 
 deposits, and referred to thit fact in his 
 next annual message on the second day of 
 December, 1833, at the opening of the first 
 session of the twenty-third Congress. Ac- 
 companying it was the report of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. Roger B. 
 Taney, afterwards Chief Justice of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, giv- 
 ing the reasons of the government for the 
 withdrawal of the public funds. Long and 
 bitter was the contest between the Presi- 
 dent on the one side and the Bank and its 
 supporters in the Senate on the other side. 
 The conduct of the Bank produced dis- 
 tress throughout the country, and was so 
 intended to coerce the President. Distress 
 petitions flooded Congress, and the Senate 
 even passed resolutions of censure of the 
 President. The latter, however, held firm 
 in his position. A committee of investi- 
 gation was appointed by the House of 
 Representatives to in(]uire into the causes 
 of the commercial embarrassment and the 
 pul)lic distress com]>lained of in the 
 numeroiis distress memorials presented to 
 the two Hou'^es during the session; and 
 whether the Bank had lieen instrumental, 
 through its management of money, in pro- 
 ducing the di<tress and embarras-ment of 
 which so much complaint was made ; to
 
 32 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 inquire 'whether the charter of the Bank 
 had been violated, and what corruj^tions 
 and abuses, if any, existed in its manage- 
 ment ; and to inquire wliether the Bank 
 had used its corporate power or money to 
 control the press, to interpose in politics, 
 or to influence elections. The committee 
 were granted ample i^owers for the execu- 
 tion of these inquiries. It Avas treated 
 with disdain and contempt by the Bank 
 management ; refused access to the books 
 and papers, and the directors and president 
 refused to be sworn and testify. The 
 committee at the next session made report 
 of their proceedings, and asked for wai'- 
 rants to be issued against the managers to 
 bring them before the Bar of the House to 
 answer for contempt ; but the friends of 
 the Bank in the House were able to check 
 the proceedings and prevent action being 
 taken. In the Senate, the President was 
 sought to be punished by a declination by 
 that body to confirm the President's 
 nomination of the four government direc- 
 tors of the Bank, who had served the 
 previous year ; and their re-nomination 
 after that rejection again met with a similar 
 fate. In like manner his re-nomination of 
 Eoger B. Taney to be Secretary of the 
 Treasury was rejected, for the action of 
 the latter in his support of the President 
 and the removal of the public deposits. 
 The Bank had lost much ground in the 
 public estimation by resisting the investi- 
 gation ordered and attempted by the House 
 of Representatives, and in consequence the 
 Finance Committee of the Senate made an 
 investigation, with so weak an attempt to 
 varnish over the affairs and acts of the 
 corporation that the odious appellation of 
 " white-washing committee " was fastened 
 upon it. The downfall of the Bank 
 speedily followed ; it soon afterwards be- 
 came a total financial wreck, and its assets 
 and property were seized on executions. 
 With its financial failure it vanished from 
 public view, and public interest in it and 
 concern with it died out. 
 
 Al)out the beginning of March, 1881, a 
 pamphlet was issued in Washington, by 
 Mr. John C. Calhoun, the Vice-President, 
 and addressed to the people of the United 
 States, explaining the cause of a difference 
 which had taken place between himself 
 and the President, General Jackson, in- 
 stigated as the pamphlet alleged, by Mr. 
 Van Buren, and intended to make trouble 
 between the first and second officers of the 
 government, ajid to effect the political 
 destruction ofhimself (Mr. Calhoun) forthc 
 bcnefitof the contriver of the onarrcl, the 
 then Secretary of State, and indicated as a 
 candidate for tho presidenlinl succession 
 upon the termination of .Jackson's term. 
 The difrerences grew out of certain charges 
 againstGeiieral .(aekson respcctinghis con- 1 
 duct during the Seminole war which oc- ! 
 
 curred in the administration of President 
 Monroe. The President justified himself in 
 published correspondence, but the inevita- 
 ble result followed — a rupture between the 
 President and Vice-President — which was 
 quickly followed by a breaking up and 
 reconstructing the Cabinet. Some of 
 its members classed as the political friends 
 of Mr. Calhoun, and could hardly be ex- 
 pected to remain as ministers to the Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Van Buren resigned ; a new 
 Cabinet was appointed and confirmed. 
 This change in the Cabinet made a great 
 figure in the party politics of the day, and 
 filled all the opposition newspapers, and 
 had many sinister reasons assigned to it — 
 all to the prejudice of General Jackson and 
 Mr. Van Buren. 
 
 It is interesting to note here that during 
 the administration of President Jackson, 
 — in the year 1833, — the Congress of the 
 United States, as the consequence of the 
 earnest efforts in that behalf, of Col. R. M. 
 Johnson, of Kentucky, aided by the re- 
 commendation and support of the Presi- 
 dent, passed the first laws, abolishing im- 
 prisonment for debt, under process from 
 the Courts of the United States: the only 
 extent to which an act of Congress could 
 go, by force of its enactments ; but by force 
 of example and influence, has led to the 
 cessation of the practice of imprisoning 
 debtors, in all, or nearly all, of the States 
 and Territories of the Union ; and without 
 the evil consequences which had been 
 dreaded from the loss of this remedy over 
 the person. The act was a total abolition of 
 the practice, leaving in full force all the re- 
 medies against fraudulent evasions of debt. 
 
 The American system, and especially its 
 prominent feature of a high protective 
 tariff was put in issue, in the Presidential 
 canvass of 1832; and the friends of that 
 system labored diligently in Congress in 
 presenting its best points to the greatest 
 advantage ; and staking its fate upon the 
 issue of the election. It was lost; not only 
 by the result of the main contest, but by 
 that of the congressional election which 
 took place simultaneously with it. All the 
 States dissatisfied with that system, were 
 satisfied with the view of its speedy and 
 regular extinction, under the legislation of 
 the approaching session of Congress, ex- 
 cepting only South Carolina. She has 
 held aloof from the Presidential contest, 
 and cast her electoral votes for persons 
 who were not candidates — doing nothing 
 to aid the election of (Jeneral Jackson, 
 with whom her interests were ajiparently 
 identified. On the 24th November, 1832, 
 two weeks after the election which de- 
 cided the fate of the tariff, that State 
 issued an "Ordinance to nullify certain 
 acts of the Congress ' of the United 
 States, purporting to be laws laying 
 duties and imposts on the importation 
 
 i)
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE. 
 
 38 
 
 of foreign commodities." It declared that 
 the Cougres.s luui exceeded its constitu- 
 tional powers in im[)osiiig high and ex- 
 cessive duties on the theory of "protec- 
 tion," had unjustly discrinunated in favor 
 of one class or employment, at the expense 
 and to the injury and oppression of otlier 
 classes and individuals; that said laws 
 were in consequence not binding on the 
 State and its citizens; and declaring its 
 right and purjjose to enact laws to prevent 
 the enforcement and arrest tlie o])erati(jn 
 of said acts and ]jarts of the acts of the 
 Congress of the United States within the 
 limits of that State after the first day of 
 February following. This ordinance placed 
 the State in the attitude of forcible resist- 
 ance to the laws of the United States, to 
 take effect on the first day of February 
 next ensuing — a date prior to the meeting 
 of the next Congress, which the country 
 naturally expected would take some action 
 in reference to the tariff laws complained 
 of The ordinance further provided that 
 if, in the meantime, any attempt was made 
 by the federal government to enforce the 
 obnoxious laws, except through the tribu- 
 nals, all the officers of which were sworn 
 against them, the fact of such attempt was 
 to terminate the continuance of South Car- 
 olina in the Union — -to absolve her from 
 all connection with the federal gove'rnment 
 — and to establish her as a separate govern- 
 ■ ment, wholly unconnected with the United 
 States or any State. The ordinance of 
 nullification was certified by the Governor 
 of South Carolina to the President of the 
 United States, and reached him in Decem- 
 ber of the same year ; in consequence of 
 which he immediately issued a proclama- 
 tion, exhorting the people of South Caro- 
 lina to obey tlie laws of Congress; point- 
 ing out and explaining the illegality of 
 the procedure ; stating clearly and distinct- 
 ly his firm determination to enforce the 
 laws as became him as Executive, even by 
 resort to force if necessary. As a state 
 paper, it is important as it contains the 
 views of General Jackson regarding the 
 nature and character of our federal gov- 
 ernment, expressed in the f )llowing lan- 
 guage: " The people of the United States 
 formed the con-;titution, acting through 
 the State Legislatures in making the com- 
 pact, to meet and discuss its provisions, 
 and acting in separate conventions when 
 they ratified those provisions; but, the 
 terms used in the constitution show it to 
 be a government in which the people of all 
 the States collectively are represented. 
 We are one people in the choice of Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President. Here the States 
 have no other agency than to direct the 
 mode in which the votes shall be given. 
 * * The people, then, and not the 
 States, are represented in the executive 
 branch. * * * In the House 
 
 of Representatives the members are all 
 representatives of the United States, not 
 representatives of the particular States 
 from which they come. They are paid by 
 the United States, not by the State, nor 
 are they accountable to it for any act done 
 in the performance of their legislative 
 functions. ***** 
 
 The constitution of the United States, 
 then, forms a government, not a league; 
 and whether it be formed by a comjiact 
 l)etween the States, or in any other man- 
 ner, its character is the same. It is a gov- 
 ernment in which all the j)eoi)le are repi'e- 
 sented, wliicli operates directly on the 
 people individually, not upon the States — 
 they retained all the power they did not 
 grant. But each State, having expressly 
 parted with so many j)owers as to consti- 
 tute, jointly with the other States, a single 
 nation, cannot, from that period, possess 
 any riglit to .secede, because such secession 
 does not break a league, but destroys the 
 unity of the nation, and any injury to that 
 unity, is not only a breach which could 
 result from the contravention of a com- 
 [)act, but it is an offence against the whole 
 Union. To say that any State may at 
 pleasure secede from the Union, is to say 
 that the United States are not a nation ; 
 because it would be a solecism to contend 
 that any part of a nation might dissolve 
 its connection with the other parts, to their 
 injury or ruin, without committing any 
 offence." 
 
 Without calling on Congress for extra- 
 ordinary powers, the President in his 
 annual message, merely adverted to the 
 attitude of the State, and proceeded to 
 meet the exigency by the exercise of the 
 powers he already possessed. The pro- 
 ceedings in South Carolina not ceasing, 
 and taking daily a more aggravated form 
 iu the organization of troops, the collec- 
 tion of arms and of munitions of war, and 
 in declarations hostile to the Union, he 
 found it necessary early in January to re- 
 port the facts to Congress in a special 
 message, and ask for extraordinary powers. 
 Bills for the reduction of the tariff were 
 early in the Session introduced into both 
 houses, while at tlie same time the Presi- 
 dent, though not relaxing his cfibrts to- 
 wards a peaceful settlement of the difl^- 
 culty, made steady preparations for enforc- 
 ing the law. The result of the bills offered 
 in the two Houses of Congress, was the 
 passage of Mr. Clay's " compromise " bill 
 on the 12th of February 183.3, which radi- 
 cally changed the whole tariff system. 
 
 The President in his message on the 
 South Carolina proceedings had recom- 
 mended to Congress the revival of some 
 acts, heretofore in force, to enable him to 
 execute the laws in that State; and the 
 Senate's committee on the judiciary had 
 reported a bill accordingly early in the
 
 34 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 session. It was immediately assailed by 
 several members as violent and unconsti- 
 tutional, tending to civil war, and de- 
 nounced as " the bloody bill" — the "force 
 bill," &c. The bill was vindicated in the 
 Senate, by its author, who showed that it 
 contained no novel principle; was sub- 
 stantially a revival of laws previously in 
 force ; with the authority superadded to 
 remove the office of customs from one 
 building or place to another in case of 
 need. The bill was vehemently opposed, 
 and every effort made to render it odious 
 to the people, and even extend the odium 
 to the President, and to every person 
 urging or aiding in its passage. Mr. 
 Webster justly rebuked all this vitupera- 
 tion, and justified the bill, both for the 
 equity of its provisions, and the necessity 
 for enacting them. He said, that an un- 
 lawful com lunation threatened the integ- 
 rity of the Union ; that the crisis called 
 for a mild, temperate, forbearing but un- 
 flexibly firm execution of the laws ; and 
 finally, that public opinion sets with an 
 irresistible force in favor of the Union, in 
 favor of the measures recommended by 
 the President, and against the new doc- 
 trines which threatened the dissolution of 
 the Union. The support which Mr. Web- 
 ster gave to these measures was the regular 
 result of the principles which he laid 
 down in his first speeches against nullifi- 
 cation in the debate with Mr. Hayne, and 
 he could not have done less without being 
 derelict to his OAvn principles then avowed. 
 He supported with transcendent ability, 
 the cause of the constitution and of the 
 country, in the person of a President to 
 whom he was politically opposed, whose 
 gratitude and admiration he earned for his 
 patriotic endeavors. The country, without 
 distinction of party, felt the same ; and 
 the universality of the feeling was one of 
 the grateful instances of popular applause 
 and justice when great talents are seen 
 exerting themselves for the good of the 
 country. He was the colossal figure on 
 the political stage during that eventful 
 time ; and his labors, splendid in their 
 day, survive for the benefit of distant 
 posterity. 
 
 During the discussion over the re-chartor 
 of the Bank of the United States, which 
 as before mentioned, occupied the atten- 
 tion of Congress for several years, the 
 country suffered from a money panic, and a 
 general financial depression and distress 
 wa.s generally prevalent. In 1834 a mea- 
 sure was introduced into the House, for 
 equalizing the value of golil and silver, 
 and legalizing the tender of foreign coin, 
 of botli metals. The good effects "of the 
 bill were immediately seen, (xold began 
 to flow into the country through all the 
 channels of commerce, foreign and domes- 
 tic ; the mint was busy ; and specie pay- 
 
 ment, which had been suspended in the 
 country for thirty years, was resumed, and 
 gold and silver became the currency of the 
 land ; inspiring confidence in all the pur- 
 suits of industry. 
 
 As indicative of the position of the de- 
 mocratic party at that date, on the subject 
 of the kind of money authorized by the 
 Constitution, Mr. Benton's speech in the 
 Senate is of interest. He said : " In the 
 first place, he was one of those who be- 
 lieved that the government of the United 
 States was intended to be a hard money 
 government; that it was the intention and 
 the declaration of the Constitution of the 
 United States, that the federal currency 
 should consist of gold and silver, and that 
 there is no power in Congress to issue, or 
 to authorize any company of individuals 
 to issue, any species of federal pa2)er cur- 
 rency whatsoever. Every clause in the 
 Constitution (said Mr. B.) which bears 
 upon the subject of money — every early 
 statute of Congress which interjjrcts the 
 meaning of these clauses — and every his- 
 toric recollection which refers to them, go 
 hand in hand in giving to that instrument 
 the meaning which this projiosition ascribes 
 to it. The power granted to Congress to 
 coin money is an authority to stamp me- 
 tallic money, and is not an authority for 
 emitting slips of paper containing promises 
 to pay money. The authority granted to 
 Congress to regulate the value of coin, is 
 an authority to regulate the value of the 
 metallic money, not of paper. The prohi- 
 bition upon the States against making 
 anything but gold and silver a legal ten- 
 der, is a moral j^rohibition, founded in vir- 
 tue and honesty, and is just as binding 
 upon the Federal Government as upon the 
 State Governments ; and that Avithout a 
 written prohibition ; for the difference in 
 the nature of the two governments is such, 
 that the States may do all things which 
 they are not forbid to do ; and the Federal 
 Government can do nothing which it is 
 not authorized by the Constitution to do. 
 The framers of the Constitution (said Mr. 
 B.) created a hard money government. 
 They intended the new government to re- 
 cognize nothing for money but gold and 
 silver ; and every word admitted into the 
 Constitution, upon the subject of monej', 
 defines and establishes that sacred inten- 
 tion. 
 
 Legislative enactment came quickly to 
 the aid of constitutional intention and 
 liistoric recollection. The fifth statute 
 passed at the first session of the first Con- 
 gress that ever sat under the present Con- 
 "^titution was full and exi)licit on this head. 
 It declared, " that the fees and duties pay- 
 a])le to the federal government shall be 
 received in gold and silver coin only." It 
 was under (Tcneral Hamilton, as Secretary 
 of the Treasury, in 1701, that the policy 
 
 I
 
 BOOKi.] THE INCEPTION OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 
 
 35 
 
 of the government underwent a change. 
 In the act constituting the Bank of the 
 United States, lie brouglit forward his ce- 
 lebrated plan for tiie su[)port of the public 
 credit — that plan which unfolded the en- 
 tire scheme of the jjai^cr system and imme- 
 diately developed the great political line 
 between the federalists and the republi- 
 cans. The establishment of a national 
 bank was the leading and predominant 
 feature of that plan; and the original re- 
 port of the secretary, in favor of establish- 
 ing the bank, contained this fatal and de- 
 plorable recommendation : "The bills and 
 notes of the bank, originally made payable, 
 or which shall have become payable, on 
 demand, in gold and silver coin, shall be 
 receivable in all payments to the United 
 States." From the moment of the adop- 
 tion of this policy, the moneyed character 
 . of the government stood changed and re- 
 versed. Federal bank notes took the place 
 of hard money ; and the whole edifice of 
 the government slid, at once, from the solid 
 rock of gold and silver money, on which 
 its framers had placed it, intf) the troubled 
 and tempestuous ocean of paper currency. 
 
 -The first session of the 35th Congress 
 opened December 1835. Mr. James K. 
 Polk was elected Speaker of the House by 
 a large majority over Mr. John Bell, the 
 previous Speaker ; the former being sup- 
 ported by the administration party, and 
 the latter having become identified with 
 those who, on siding with Mr. Hugh L. 
 White as a candidate for the presidency, 
 were considered as having divided from 
 the democratic party. The chief subject 
 of the President's message was the rela- 
 tions of our country with France relative 
 to the continued non-payment of the stip- 
 ulated indemnity i)rovidcd for in the treaty 
 of 1831 for French spoliations of Ameri- 
 can shipping. The obligation to pay was 
 admitted, and the money even voted for 
 that purpose ; but offense was taken at the 
 President's message, and payment refused 
 until an apology should be made. The 
 President commented on this in his mes- 
 sage, and the Senate had under consider- 
 ation measures authorizing reprisals on 
 French shipping. At this point Great 
 Britain offered her services as mediator be- 
 tween the nations, and as a result the in- 
 demnity was shortly afterwards paid. 
 
 Agitation of the slavery question in the 
 United States really began about this 
 time. Evil-disposed persons had largely 
 circulated through the Southern states, 
 pamphlets and circulars tending to stir up 
 strife and insurrection ; and this had be- 
 come so intolerable that it was referred to 
 by the President in his message. Congress 
 at the session of 1S3G wa.s flooded with pe- 
 titions and memorials urging federal inter- 
 ference to abolish slavery in the States ; 
 beginning with the petition of the Society 
 
 of Friends of Philadelphia, urging the 
 abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 
 lumljia. These petitions were referred to 
 Committees after an acrimonious debate 
 as to whether they should be received or 
 not. The position of the government at 
 that time is embodied in the following 
 resolution which was adopted in the House 
 of Representatives a.s early a.s 1790, and 
 substantially re-affirmed in 1836, as fol- 
 lows : "That Congress have no authority 
 to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, 
 or in the treatment of them within any of 
 the States ; it remaining with the several 
 States to provide any regulations therein 
 which humanity and true policy may re- 
 quire." 
 
 In the Summer preceding the Presi- 
 dential election of 1836, a measure was in- 
 troduced into Congress, which became very 
 nearly a party measure, and which in its 
 results proved disastrous to the Democrat- 
 ic party in after years. It was a plan for 
 distributing the public land money among 
 the States either in the shape of credit 
 distribution, or in the disguise of a deposit 
 of surplus revenue ; and this for the pur- 
 pose of enhancing the value of the State 
 stocks held by the United States Bank, 
 which institution, aided by the party which 
 it favored, led by Mr. Clay, was the prime 
 mover in the plan. That gentleman was 
 the author of the scheme, and great cal- 
 culations were made by the party which 
 favored the distribution upon its effect in 
 adding to their popularity. The Jiill passed 
 the Senate in its original form, but met 
 with less favor in the House where it was 
 found necessary. To ' effectuate substan- 
 tially the same end, a Senate Bill was in- 
 troduced to regulate the keeping of the 
 public money in the deposit banks, and 
 this was turned into distribution of the 
 surplus public moneys with the States, in 
 proportion to their representation in Con- 
 gress, to be returned when Congress should 
 call for it ; and this was called a deposit 
 with the States, and the faith of the States 
 pledged for a return of the money. It 
 was stigmatized by its opponents in Con- 
 gress, as a distribution in disguise — as a 
 deposit never to be reclaimed ; as a mis- 
 erable evasion of the Constitution ; as an 
 attempt to debauch the people with their 
 own money; as plundering instead of de- 
 fending the country. The Bill passed both 
 houses, mainly by the efforts of a half 
 dozen aspirants to the Presidency, who 
 sought to thus increase their popularity. 
 They were doomed to disappointment in 
 this respect. Politically, it was no advan- 
 tage to its numerous and emulous support- 
 ers, and of no disservice to its few deter- 
 mined opponents. It was a most unfortu- 
 nate act, a plain evasion of the Constiti>- 
 tion for a bad purpose ; and it soon gave a 
 sad overthrow to the democracy and disap-
 
 36 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 pointed every calculation made upon it. 
 To the States it was no advantage, raising 
 expectations which were not fulfilled, and 
 upon which many of them acted as reali- 
 ties. The Bill was signed by the Presi- 
 dent, but it is simple justice to him to say 
 that he did it with a repugnance of feel- 
 ing, and a recoil of judgment, which it re- 
 quired great efforts of his friends to over- 
 come, and with a regret for it afterwards 
 which he often and publicly expressed. In 
 a party point of view, the passage of this 
 measure was the commencement of calam- 
 ities, being an efficient cause in that gen- 
 eral suspension of specie payments, which 
 quickly occurred, and brought so much 
 embarrassment on the Van Buren admin- 
 istration, ending in the great democratic 
 defeat of 1840 
 
 cratic school, as understood a.t the original 
 formation of parties. 
 
 The President, however, was scarcely 
 settled in his new office when a financial 
 panic struck the country with irresistible 
 force. A general suspension of the banks, 
 a depreciated currency, and insolvency of 
 the federal treasury were at hand. The 
 public money had been placed in the cus- 
 tody of the local banks, and the notes of all 
 these banks, and of all others in the coun- 
 trv, were received in pavment of public 
 dues. On the 10th of 'May, 1837, the 
 banks throughout the country suspended 
 specie payments. The stoppage of the de- 
 posit banks was the stoppage of the Trea- 
 j^ury. Non-payment by the government 
 was an excuse for non-payment by others. 
 The suspension was now complete ; and it 
 
 The presidential election of 1836 re- Iwas evident, and as good as admitted by 
 suited in the choice of the democratic can- tthose who had made it, that it was the 
 didate, Mr. Van Buren, who was elected effect of contrivance on the part of politl 
 by 170 electoral votes; his opponent. Gene- ' ' " n ■> -n. i ,. ., xt •. 
 
 ral Harrison, receiving seventy-three elec- 
 toral votes. Scattering votes were given 
 for Mr. Webster, Mr. Mangum, and Mr. 
 Hugh L. White, the last named represent- 
 ing a fragment of the democracy who, in a 
 spirit of disaffection, attempted to divide 
 the democratic party and defeat Mr. Van 
 Buren. At the opening of the second ses- 
 sion of the twenty-fourth Congress, Decem- 
 ber, 1836, President Jackson delivered his 
 last annual message, under circumstances 
 exceedingly gratifying to him. The power- 
 ful opposition in Congress had been broken 
 down, and he had the satisfaction of seeing 
 full majorities of ardent and tried friends 
 in each House. The country was in peace 
 and friendship with all the world ; all ex- 
 citing questions quieted at home; industry 
 in all its branches prosperous, and the 
 revenue abundant. And as a happy 
 sequence of this state of affairs, the Senate 
 on the 16th of March, 1837, expunged 
 from the Journal the resolution, adopted 
 three years previously, censuring the Presi- 
 dent for ordering the removal of the de- 
 posits of public money in the United States 
 Bank. He retired from the ]>rcsidency 
 with high honors, and died eight years 
 afterwards at his home, the celebrated 
 "Hermitage," in Tennessee, in full posses- 
 sion f)f all his faculties, and strong to the 
 last in the ruling passion of his soul — love 
 of country. 
 
 The 4th of March, 1837, ushered in an- 
 other Democratic administration — the be- 
 ginning of tiic term of Martin Van Buren 
 a.s President of the United States. In liis 
 inaugural address he commented on the 
 prosperous condition of the country, and 
 declared it to be his policy to strictly abide 
 by the Constitution as written — no latitu- 
 dinarian constnictions permitted, or doubt- 
 ful powers assumed; tliat liis political 
 chart should be the doctrines of the demo- 
 
 cians and the so-called Bank of the United 
 States (which, after the expiration of its 
 national charter, had become a State cor- 
 iporation chartered by the Legislature of 
 Pennsylvania in January, 1836) for the 
 purpose of restoring themselves to power. 
 The whole proceeding became clear to 
 those who could see nothing while it was 
 in progress. Even those of the democratic 
 party whose votes had helped to do the 
 mischief, could now see that the attemptto 
 deposit forty millions with the States was 
 destruction to the deposit banks ; that the 
 repeal of President Jackson's order, known 
 as the "specie circular" — requiring pay- 
 ment for public lands to be in coin — was to 
 fill the treasury with paper money, to be 
 found useless when wanted ; that distress 
 was purposely created to throw blame of 
 it upon the party in power ; that the 
 promptitude with which the Bank of the 
 United States had been brought forward 
 as a remedy for the distress, showed that it 
 had been held in reserve for that purpose ; 
 and the delight with which the whig party 
 saluted the general calamity, showed that 
 they considered it their own passjjort to 
 power. Financial embarrassment and 
 general stagnation of business diminished 
 the current receipts from lands and 
 customs, and actually caused an absolute 
 deficit in the public treasury. In conse- 
 f<iuence, the President found it an inexora- 
 ble necessity to issue his proclamation con- 
 vening Congress in extra session. 
 "The first session of the twenty-fifth Con- 
 gress met in extra session, at the call of 
 the President, on the first Monday of Sep- 
 tember, 1837. The message was a review 
 of the events and causes which had brought 
 about the jianic ; a defense of the policy of 
 the " si)ecie circular," and a rccommenda- 
 tion to break off all connection with any 
 bank of issue in any form; looking to the 
 establishment of an Independent Treasury,
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS. 
 
 37 
 
 and that the Government provide for the 
 deficit in the treasury by the issue of 
 treasury notes and by withliolding the de- 
 posit due to the States under the act then 
 in force. The message and its recom- 
 mendations were violently assailed both in 
 the Senate and House by able and effec- 
 tive speakers, notably by Messrs. Clay and 
 Webster, and also by ilr. Caleb Cushing, 
 of Mii-ssachusetts, who made a formal and 
 elaborate reply to the whole document 
 under thirty-two distinct heads, and recit- 
 ing therein all the points of accusation 
 against the democratic policy from the be- 
 ginning of the government down to that 
 day. The result was that the measures 
 proposed by the Executive were in sub- 
 stance enacted ; and their passage marks 
 an era in our financial history — making a 
 total and complete separation of Bank and 
 State, and firmly establishing the principle 
 that the government revenues should be 
 receivable in coin only. 
 
 The measures of consequence discussed 
 and adopted at this session, were the 
 graduation of price of public lands under 
 the pre-emption system, which was adopt- 
 ed ; the bill to create an independent 
 Treasury, which passed the Senate, but 
 failed in the House ; and the question of 
 the re-charter of the district banks, the 
 proportion for reserve, and the establish- 
 ment of such institutions on a si^ecie basis. 
 The slavery question was again agitated in 
 consequence of petitions from citizens and 
 societies in the Northern States, and a 
 memorial from the General Assembly of 
 Vermont, praying for the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia and 
 territories, and for the exclusion of future 
 slave states from the Union. These peti- 
 tions and memorials were disposed of ad- 
 versely ; and Mr. Calhoun, representing 
 the ultra-Southern interest, in several able 
 speeches, approved of the Missouri com- 
 promise, he urged and obtained of the 
 Senate several resolutions declaring that 
 the federal government had no power to 
 interfere with slavery in the States ; and 
 that it would be inexpedient and impolitic 
 to interfere, abolish or control it in the 
 District of Columbia and the territories. 
 These movements for and against slavery 
 in the session of 1837-38 deserve to be no- 
 ticed, as of disturbing effect at the time, 
 and as having acquired new importance 
 from subsequent events. 
 
 The first session of the twenty-sixth 
 Congress opened December, 1830. The 
 organization of the House was delayed by 
 a closely and earnestly contested election 
 from the State of New Jersey. Five De- 
 mocrats claiming seats as against an equal 
 number of Whigs. Neither set w-as admit- 
 ted until after the election of Speaker, 
 which resulted in the choice of Robert M. 
 T. Hunter, of Virginia, the Whig candi- 
 
 date, who was elected by the full Whig 
 vote with the aid of a few democrats — 
 friends of Mr. Calhoun, who had for seve- 
 ral previous sessions been acting with the 
 Whigs on several occasions. The Hoase 
 excluding the five contested seats from 
 New Jersey, was really Democratic ; hav- 
 ing 122 members, and the Whigs 113 mem- 
 bers. The contest for the Speakership waa 
 long and arduous, neither party adhering 
 to its original caucus candidate. Twenty 
 scattering votes, eleven of whom were 
 classed as Whigs, and nine a.s Democrats, 
 prevented a choice on the earlier ballots, 
 and it was really Mr. Calhoun's Democrat- 
 ic friends uniting with a solid Whig vote 
 on the final ballot that gained that party 
 the election. The issue involved was a 
 vital party question as involving the or- 
 ganization of the House. The chief mea- 
 sure, of public importance, adopted at this 
 session of Congress was an act to provide 
 for the collection, safe-keeping, and dis- 
 bursing of the public money. It practi- 
 cally revolutionized the system previously 
 in force, and was a complete and effectual 
 separation of the federal treasury and the 
 Government, from the banks and moneyed 
 corporations of the States. It was violent- 
 ly opposed by the Whig members, led by 
 Mr. Clay, and supported by Mr. Cushing, 
 but was finally passed in both Houses by a 
 close vote. 
 
 At this time, and in the House of Re- 
 presentatives, was exhibited for the first 
 time in the history of Congress, the pre- 
 sent practice of members "pairing off," as 
 it is called ; that is to say, two members of 
 opposite political parties, or of opposite 
 views on any particular subject, agreeing 
 to absent themselves from the duties of the 
 House, for the time being. The practice 
 was condemned on the floor of the House 
 by ]\Ir. John Quincy Adams, who intro- 
 duced a resolution: "That the practice, 
 first openly avowed at the present session 
 of Congress, of pairing off, involves, on 
 the part of the members resorting to it, 
 the violation of the Constitution of the 
 United States, of an express rule of this 
 House, and of the duties of both parties in 
 the transaction, to their immediate consti- 
 tuents, to this House, and to their coun- 
 try." This resolution was placed in the 
 calendar to take its turn, but not bein^ 
 reached during the session, was not voted 
 on. That was the first instance of this 
 justly condemned practice, fifty years after 
 the establishment of the Government ; but 
 since then it has become common, even in- 
 veterate, and is now carried to groat lengths. 
 
 The last session of the twenty-sixth Con- 
 gress was barren of measures, and neces- 
 sarily so, as being the last of our adminis- 
 tration superseded by the popular voice, 
 and soon to expire ; and therefore restric- 
 ted by a sense of propriety, during the 
 
 21 

 
 38 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 brief remainder of its existence, to the de- 
 tails of business and the routine of service. 
 The cause of this was the result of the 
 presidential election of 1840. The same 
 candidates who fought the battle of 1836 
 were again in the field. Mr. Van Buren 
 was the Democratic candidate. His ad- 
 ministration had been satisfactory to his 
 party, and his nomination for a second 
 term was commended by the party in the 
 different States in appointing their dele- 
 gates ; so that the proceedings of the con- 
 vention which nominated him were en- 
 tirely harmonious and formal in their na- 
 ture. Mr. Richard M. Johnson, the ac- 
 tual Vice-President, was also nominated 
 for Vice-President. 
 V On the Whig ticket, General William 
 "J&enry Harrison, of Ohio, was the candi- 
 date for President, and Mr. John Tyler, of 
 Virginia, for Vice-President, The lead- 
 ing statesmen of the Whig party were 
 again put aside, to make way for a milita- 
 ry man, prompted by the examjjle in the 
 nomination of General Jackson, the men 
 who managed presidential elections be- 
 lieving then as now that military renown 
 was a passport to popularity and rendered 
 a candidate more sure of election. Availa- 
 bility' — for the purpose — was the only abili- 
 ty asked for. Mr. Clay, the most promi- 
 nent Whig in the country, and the ac- 
 knowledged head of the party, was not 
 deemed available; and though Mr. Clay 
 was a candidate before the convention, the 
 proceedings were so regulated that his 
 nomination was referred to a committee, 
 ingeniously devised and directed for the 
 afterwards avowed purpose of preventing 
 his nomination and securing that of Gene- 
 ral Harrison ; and of producing the intend- 
 ed result without showing the design, and 
 without leaving a trace behind to show 
 what was done. The scheme (a modifica- 
 tion of which has since been applied to 
 subsequent national conventions, and out 
 ofwhich many bitter dissensions have again 
 and again arisen) is embodied and was 
 executed in and by means of the following 
 resolution adopted by the convention : 
 " Ordered, That the delegates from each 
 State be requested to assemble aa a delega- 
 tion, and appoint a committee, not exceed- 
 ing throe in number, to receive the views 
 and opinions of such delegation, and com- 
 municate the same to the assembled com- 
 mittes of all the delegations, to be by them 
 respectively re])orted to their principals ; 
 and that "thereupon the delegates from 
 each State be rcouested to asscml>le as a 
 delegation, and l)allot for candidates for 
 the ofRcos of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, and having done so, to commit the 
 ballot designating the votes of each candi- 
 date, and by whom given, to its commit- 
 tee, and thereupon all the committees 
 shall assemble and compare the several 
 
 ballots, and report the result of the same 
 to their several delegations, together with 
 such facts as may bear upon the nomina- 
 tion ; and said delegation shall forthwith 
 re-assemble and ballot again for candidates 
 for the above offices, and again commit 
 the result to the above committees, and if 
 it shall appear that a majority of the bal- 
 lots are for any one man for candidate for 
 President, said committee shall report tl^e 
 result to the convention for its considera- 
 tion ; but if there shall be no such majori- 
 ty, then the delegation shall repeat the 
 balloting until such a majority shall be 
 obtained, and then report the same to the 
 convention for its consideration. That the 
 vote of a majority of each delegation shall 
 be reported as the vote of that State ; and 
 each State represented here shall vote its 
 full electoral vote by such delegation in 
 the committee." This was a sum' in poli- 
 tical algebra, whose quotient was known, 
 but the quantity unknown except to those 
 who planned it ; and the result was — for 
 General Scott, 16 votes ; for Mr. Clay, 90 
 votes; for General Harrison, 148 votes. 
 And as the law of the convention implied- 
 ly requires the absorption of all minorities, 
 the 106 votes were swallowed up by the 
 148 votes and made to count for General 
 Harrison, presenting him as the unani- 
 mity candidate of the convention, and the 
 defeated candidates and all their friends 
 bound to join in his support. And in this 
 way the election of 1840 was eifected — a 
 process certainly not within the purview 
 of those framers of the constitution who 
 supposed they w'ere giving to the nation 
 the choice of its own chief magistrate. 
 
 The contest before the people was a 
 long and bitter one, the severest ever 
 known in the country, up to that time, and 
 scarcely equalled since. The whole Whig 
 party and the large league of suspended 
 banks, headed by the Bank of the United 
 States making its last struggle for a new 
 national charter in the eflbrt to elect a 
 President friendly to it, were arrayed 
 against the Democrats, whose hard-money 
 policy and independent treasury schemes, 
 met with little tavor in the then depressed 
 condition of the country. Meetings were 
 held in every State, county and town ; the 
 people thoroughly aroused ; and every 
 argument made in favor of the respective 
 candidates and parties, which could pos- 
 sibly have any effect upon the voters. The 
 canvass was a thorough one, and the elec- 
 tion was carried for the Whig candidates, 
 who received 234 electoral votes coming 
 from 10 States. The remaining GO electo- 
 ral votes of the other 9 States, were given 
 to the Democratic candidate ; though the 
 popular vote was not so unevenly divided ; 
 the actual figures being 1,275,611 for the 
 Whig ticket, against 1,135,761 for the 
 Democratic ticket. It was a complete rout
 
 BOOK I.] WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS— THE HOUR RULE. 
 
 39 
 
 Hf^ 
 
 of the Democratic party, but without the 
 moral effect of victory. 
 
 On March 4, 1841, was inaugurated as 
 President, (Jen'l Wni. H. Harrison, the 
 first Chief Magistrate elected by the Whig 
 party, and the first President who was not 
 a Democrat, since the installation of Gen'l 
 Jackson, March 4, 1829. His term was a 
 short one. He issued a call for a special 
 session of Congress to convene the 31st of 
 May following, to consider the condition 
 of the revenue and finances of the country, 
 but did not live to meet it. Taken ill 
 with a fatal malady during the last days of 
 March, he died on the 4th of April follow- 
 ing, having been in office just one month. 
 He was succeeded by the Vice-President, 
 John Tyler. Then, for the first time in 
 our history as a government, the person 
 elected to the Vice-Presidency of the 
 United States, by the happening of a con- 
 tingency provided for in the constitution, 
 had devolved upon hini the Presidential 
 office. 
 
 The twenty-seventh Congress opened in 
 extra session at the call of the late Presi- 
 dent, May 31, 1841. A Whig member — 
 Mr. White of Kentucky — was elected 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 The Whigs had a majority of forty-seven 
 in the House and of seven in the Senate, 
 and with the President and Cabinet of the 
 same political party presented a harmony 
 of aspect frequently wanting during the 
 three previous administrations. The first 
 measure of the new dominant party was 
 the repeal of the independent treasury act 
 passed at the previous session ; and the 
 next in order were bills to establish a sys- 
 tem of bankruptcy, and for distribution of 
 public land revenue. The former was 
 more than a bankru[)t law ; it was practi- 
 cally an insolvent law for the abolition of 
 debts at the will of the debtor. It applied 
 to all persons in debt, allowed them to 
 institute the proceedings in the district 
 where the petitioner resided, allowed con- 
 structive notices to creditors in newspapers 
 — declared the abolition of the debt where 
 effects were surrendered and fraud not 
 proved ; and gave exclusive jurisdiction to 
 the federal courts, at the will of the debtor. 
 It was framed upon the model of the Eng- 
 lish insolvent debtors' act of George the 
 Fourth, and embodied most of the pro- 
 visions of that act, but substituting a re- 
 lease from the debt instead of a release 
 from imprisonment. The bill passed by a 
 close vote in both Houses. 
 
 The land revenue distribution bill of 
 this session had its origin in the fact that 
 the States and corporations owed about two 
 hundred millions to creditors in Europe. 
 These debts were in stocks, much depre- 
 ciated by the failure in many instances to 
 pay the accruing interest — in some in- 
 stances failui-e to provide for the priucipal. 
 
 These creditors, becoming uneasy, wished 
 the federal government to assume their 
 dtbts. The suggestion was made as early 
 as 1838, renewed in 1839, and in 1840 be- 
 came a regular question mixed up with the 
 Presidential election of that year, and 
 openly engaging the active exertions of 
 foreigners. Direct assumption was not 
 urged ; indirect by giving the jjublic land 
 revenue to the States was the mode pur- 
 sued, and the one recommended in the 
 message of President Tyler. Mr. Calhoun 
 spoke against the measure with more than 
 usual force and clearness, claiming that it 
 was unconstitutional and williout warrant. 
 Mr. Benton on the same side called it a 
 squandering of tjie public patrimony, and 
 pointed out its inexpediency in tlie de- 
 I)leted state of the treasury, apart from its 
 other objectionable features. It passed by 
 a party vote. 
 
 This session is remarkable for the insti- 
 tution of the hour rule in the House of 
 Representatives — a very great limitation 
 upon the freedom of debate.- It was a 
 Whig measure, adopted to j)revent delay 
 in the enactment of pending bills. It was 
 a rigorous limitation, frequently acting as 
 a bar to profitable debate and checking 
 members in speeches which really imi)art 
 information valuable to the House and the 
 country. No doubt the license of debate 
 has been frequently abused in Congress, aa 
 in all other deliberative assemblies, but the 
 incessant use of the previous question, 
 which cuts off all debate, added to the 
 hour rule which limits a speech to sixty 
 minutes (constantly reduced by interrup- 
 tions) frequently results in the transaction 
 of business in ignorance of what they are 
 about by those who are doing it. 
 
 The rule worked so well in the House, 
 for the purpose for which it was devised — 
 made the majority absolute master of the 
 body — that Mr. Clay undertook to have 
 the same rule adopted in the Senate ; but 
 the determjned opposition to it, both by 
 his political opponents and friends, led to 
 the abandonment of the attempt in that 
 chamber. 
 
 Much discussion took place at this ses- 
 sion, over the bill offered in the Hmise of 
 Rejiresentatives, for the relief of the widow 
 of the late PresideYit — General Harrison — 
 appropriating one year's salary. It Avas 
 strenuously opposed by the Democratic 
 members, as unconstitutional, on account 
 of its principle, as creating a' private pen- 
 sion list, and as a dangerous precedent. 
 Many able speeches were made against the 
 bill, both in the Senate and House ; among 
 others, the following extract from the 
 speech of an able Senator contains some 
 interesting facts. He said : " Look at the 
 case of Mr. Jefferson, a man than whom 
 no one that ever existed on God's earth 
 were the human family more indebted to.
 
 40 
 
 'AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 His furniture and his estate were sold to 
 satisfy his creditors. His posterity was 
 driven from house and home, and his bones 
 now lay in soil owned by a stranger. His 
 family are scattered : some of his descend- 
 ants are married in foreign lands. Look 
 at Monroe — the able, the jjatriotic Monroe, 
 whose services were revolutionary, whose 
 blood was spilt in the war of Independence, 
 whose life was worn out in civil sen'ice, 
 and whose estate has been sold for debt, 
 his family scattered, and his daughter 
 buried in a foreign land. Look at Madi- 
 son, the model of every virtue, public or 
 private, and he would only mention in 
 connection with this subject, his love of 
 order, his economy, and his systematic 
 regularity in all his habits of business. 
 He, when his term of eight years had ex- 
 pired, sent a letter to a gentleman (a son 
 of whom is now on this floor) [Mr. Pres- 
 ton], enclosing a note of five thousand 
 dollars, which he requested him to en- 
 dorse, and raise the money in Virginia, so 
 as to enable him to leave this city, and re- 
 turn to his modest retreat — his patrimonial 
 inheritance — in that State. General Jack- 
 son drew upon the consignee of his cot- 
 ton crop in New Orleans for six thousand 
 dollars to enable him to leave the seat 
 of government without leaving creditors 
 behind him. These were honored leaders 
 of the republican party. They had all 
 been Presidents. They had made great 
 sacrifices, and left the presidency deeply 
 embarrassed ; and yet the republican party 
 who had the power and the strongest dis- 
 position to relieve their necessities, felt 
 they had no right to do so by appropri- 
 ating money from the public Treasury. 
 Democracy would not do this. It was 
 left for the era of federal rule and federal 
 supremacy — who are now rushing the 
 country with steam power into all the 
 abuses and corruptions of a monarchy, 
 with its pensioned aristocracy — and to en- 
 tail upon the country a civil pefision list." 
 
 There was an impatient majority in the 
 House in favor of the passage of the bill. 
 The circumstances were averse to delibera- 
 tion — a victorious party, come into power 
 after a heated election, seeing their elected 
 candidate dying on the threshold of his 
 administration, poor and beloved: it was a 
 case for feeling more than of judgment, es- 
 pecially with the political friends of the 
 deceased — but few of whom could follow 
 the counsels of the head against the impul- 
 sions of the heart. 
 
 The bill passed, and was approved ; and 
 as 7)redicted, it established a precedent 
 which ha.s since been followed in every 
 similar case. 
 
 The sul)joet of naval pensions received 
 more than usual consideration :it this ses- 
 sion. Thofpiestion arose f)n the discussion 
 of the apjjropriation bill for that puri)osc. 
 
 A difference about a navy — on the point 
 of how much and what kind — had always 
 been a point of difference between the two 
 great political parties of the Union, which, 
 under whatsoever names, are always the 
 same, each preserving its identity in prin- 
 ciples and policy, but here the two parties 
 divided upon an abuse which no one could 
 deny or defend. A navy jjension fund had 
 been established under the act of 1832, 
 which was a just and proper law, but on 
 the 3d of March, 1837, an act was passed 
 entitled " An act for the more equitable 
 distribution of the Navy Pension Fund." 
 That act provided : I. That Invalid naval 
 pensions should commence and date back 
 to the time of receiving the inability, in- 
 stead of completing the proof. II. It ex- 
 tended the jjcnsions for death to all cases 
 of death, whether incurred in the line of 
 duty or not. III. It extended the widow's 
 pensions for life, when five years had been 
 the law both in the army and navy. IV. 
 It adopted the English system of pension- 
 ing children of deceased marines, until 
 they attained their majority. 
 
 The effect of this law was to absorb and 
 bankrupt the navy pension fund, a meri- 
 torious fund created out of the government 
 share of prize money, relinquished for that 
 purpose, and to throw the pensions, 
 arrears as well as current and future, upon 
 the public treasury, where it was never in- 
 tended they were to be. It was to repeal 
 this act, that an amendment was intro- 
 duced at this session on the bringing for- 
 ward of the annual appropriation bill for 
 navy pensions, and long and earnest were 
 the debates upon it. The amendment was 
 lost, the Senate dividing on party lines, 
 the Whigs against and the Democrats for 
 the amendment. The subject is instruc- 
 tive, as then was practically ratified and re- 
 enacted the pernicious practice authorized 
 by the act of 1837, of granting pensions to 
 date from the time of injury and not 
 from the time of proof; and has grown up 
 to such proportions in recent years that 
 the last act of Congress appropriating 
 money for arrears of pensions, provided 
 for the payment of such an enormous sum 
 of money that it would have a])palled the 
 original projectors of the act of 1837 could 
 tlicy have seen to what their system has 
 led. 
 
 Again, at this session, the object of the 
 tariff" occupi(>d the attention of Congress. 
 The compromise act, as it was called, of 
 1833, which was composed of two parts — 
 one to last nine years, for the benefit of 
 manufactures ; the other to last for ever, 
 for the benefit of the planting and con- 
 suming interest — was passed, as herein- 
 l)ofore stated, in pursuance of an agree- 
 ment between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun 
 and tlieir respective friends, at the time 
 the former was urging the necessity for a
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE NATIONAL BANK BILL, 
 
 41 
 
 continuance of high tariff for protection 
 and revenue, and the hitter was presenting 
 and justifying before Congress the nullifi- 
 cation ordinance adopted by the Legisla- 
 ture of South Carolina. To Mr. Clay and 
 Mr. Calhoun it was a political necessity, 
 one to get rid of a stundjling-ldock (which 
 protective tariff had become) ; the other to 
 escape a personal peril which his nullify- 
 ing ordinance had brought upon him, and 
 with both, it was a piece of policy, to 
 enable them to com])ine against Mr. Van 
 Buren, by postponing their own conten- 
 tion ; and a device on the part of its 
 author (Mr. Clayton, of Delaware) and 
 Mr. Clay to preserve the protective system. 
 It provided for a reduction of a certain per 
 centage each year, on the duties for the 
 ensuing nine years, until the revenue was 
 reduced to 20 per cent, ad valorem on all 
 articles imported into the country. In 
 consequence the revenue was so reduced 
 that in the last year, there was little more 
 than half what the exigencies of the 
 govornment required, and different modes, 
 by loans and otherwise, were suggested to 
 meet the deficiency. The Secretary of the 
 Treasury had declared the necessity of 
 loans and taxes to carry on the govern- 
 ment ; a loan bill for twelve millions had 
 been passed ; a tariff bill to raise fourteen 
 millions was depending ; and the chairman 
 of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. 
 Millard Fillmore, defended its necessity in 
 an able speech. His bill proposed twenty 
 per cent, additional to the existing duty 
 on certain specified articles, sufficient to 
 make up the amount wanted. This en- 
 croachment on a measure so much 
 vaunted when passed, and which had been 
 kept inviolate while operating in favor of 
 one of the parties to it, naturally excited 
 complaint and opposition from the other, 
 and Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia, in a speech 
 against the new bill, said: " In referring 
 to the compromise act, the true character- 
 istics of that act which recommended it 
 strongly to him, were that it contemplated 
 that duties were to be levied for revenue 
 only, and in the next place to the amount 
 only necessary to the supply of the economi- 
 cal wants of the government. He begged 
 leave to call the attention of the committee 
 to the principle recognized as the lan- 
 guage of the compromise, a principle which 
 ought to be recognized in all time to come 
 by every department of the government. 
 It is, that duties to be raised for revenue 
 are to be raised to such an amount only as 
 is necessary for an economical administra- 
 tion of the government. Some incidental 
 protection must necessarily be given, and 
 ne, for one, coming from an anti-tariff por- 
 tion of the country, would not object to 
 
 The bill went to the Senate where it 
 found Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun in posi- 
 
 tions very different from what they occu- 
 picfl when the compromise act was passed 
 — then united, now divided — then concur- 
 rent, now antagonistic, and the antago- 
 nism general, upon all measures, was to be 
 special upon this one. Their connection 
 with the subject made it their function 
 to lead off in its consideration ; and their 
 antagonist positions promised sharp en- 
 counters, which did not fail to come. Mr. 
 Clay said that he " observed that the 
 Senator from South Carolina based his 
 abstractions on the theories of books on 
 English authorities, and on the arguments 
 urged in favor of free trade by a certain 
 party in the British Parliament. Now he, 
 (Mr. Clay,) and his friends would not ad- 
 mit of these authorities being entitled to 
 as much weight as the universal practice 
 of nations, which in all parts of the world 
 was found to be in favor of protecting home 
 manufactures to an extent sufficient to 
 keep them in a flourishing condition. 
 This was the whole difference. The Sena- 
 tor was in favor of book theory and ab- 
 stractions: he (Mr. Clay) and his friends, 
 were in favor of the universal practice of 
 nations, and the wholesome and necessary 
 protection of domestic manufactures." 
 
 Mr. Calhoun in reply, referring to his 
 allusion to the success in the late election 
 of the tory party in England, said : " The 
 interests, objects, and aims of the tory 
 party there and the whig party here, are 
 identical. The identity of the two parties 
 is remarkable. The tory party are the 
 patrons of corporate monopolies ; aiid are 
 not you f They are advocates of a high 
 tariff; and are not you ? They are support- 
 ers of a national bank ; and are not you f 
 They are for corn-laws — laws oppressive 
 to the masses of the people, and favorable 
 to their own power; and are not you? 
 Witness this bill. * * * The success 
 of that party in England, and of the whig 
 party here, is the success of the great 
 money power, which concentrates the in- 
 terests of the two parties, and identifies 
 their principles." 
 
 The bill was passed by a large majority, 
 upon the general ground that "the govern- 
 ment must have revenue. 
 
 The chief measure of the session, and the 
 great object of the whig party — the one for 
 which it had labored for ten years — was 
 for the re-charter of a national bank. 
 Without this all other measures would be 
 deemed to be incomjdete, and the victori- 
 ous election itself but little better than a 
 defeat. The President, while a member of 
 the Democratic party, had been opposed 
 to the United States Bank ; and to over- 
 come any objections he might have the 
 bill was carefully prepared, and studiously 
 contrived to avoid the President's objec- 
 tions, and save his consistency — a point 
 upon which he was exceedingly sensitive.
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The democratic members resisted strenu- 
 ously, in order to make the measure odious, 
 but successful resistance was impossible. 
 It passed both houses by a close vote ; and 
 contrary to all expectation the President 
 disapproved the act, but with such expres- 
 sions of readiness to approve another bill 
 which should be free from the objections 
 which he named, as still to keep his party 
 together, and to prevent the resignation of 
 his cabinet. In his veto message the 
 President fell back upon his early opinions 
 against the constitutionality of a national 
 bank, so often and so publicly expressed. 
 
 The veto caused consternation among 
 the whig members ; and Mr. Clay openly 
 gave expression to his dissatisfaction, in 
 the debate on the veto message, in terms 
 to assert that President T\der had violated 
 his faith to the whig party, and had been 
 led off from them by new associations. 
 He said : " And why should not President 
 Tyler have suffered the bill to become a 
 law without his signature? Without 
 meaning the slightest possible disrespect to 
 him (nothing is further from my heart than 
 the exhibition of any such feeling towards 
 that distinguished citizen, long my per- 
 sonal friend], it cannot be forgotten that he 
 came into his present office under ])eculiar 
 circumstances. The people did not foresee 
 the contingency which has happened. 
 They voted for him as Vice President. 
 They did not, therefore, scrutinize his 
 opinions with the care which they probably 
 ought to have done, and would have done, 
 if they could have looked into futurity. If 
 the present state of the fact could have 
 been anticipated — if at Harrisburg, or at 
 the polls, it had been foreseen that General 
 Harrison would die in one short month 
 after the commencement of his administra- 
 tion ; so that Vice President Tyler would 
 be elevated to the presidential chair ; that 
 a bill passed by decisive majorities of the 
 first whig Congress, chartering a national 
 bank, would be presented for his sanction ; 
 and that he would veto the bill, do 1 
 hazard anything when I express the con- 
 viction that lie would not have received a 
 solitary vote in the nominating convention, 
 nor one solitary electoral vote in any State 
 in the Union?" 
 
 The vote was taken on the bill over 
 again, as required by the constitution, and 
 so far from receiving a two-thirds vote, it 
 received only a ]:)are majority, and was re- 
 turned to the House with a message stating 
 his objections to it, wliere it gave rise to 
 some violent speaking, more directed to 
 the pcrsoiud conduct of the President than 
 to the ol)jections to the bill stated in his 
 message. Tiie veto was sustained ; and so 
 ended tlie .seeoiid attempt to resuscitate the 
 old United States Bank under a new name. 
 This second movement to estal>lish tiie 
 bank has a secret history. It almost caused 
 
 the establishment of a new party, wnth Mr. 
 Tyler as its head ; earnest efforts having 
 been made in that behalf by many promi- 
 nent Whigs and Democrats. The entire 
 cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Webster, 
 resigned within a few days after the second 
 veto. It was a natural thing for them to 
 do, and was not unexpected. Indeed Mr. 
 Webster had resolved to tender his resigna- 
 tion also, but on reconsideration determined 
 to remain and publish his reasons there- 
 for in a letter to the National Intelligencer, 
 in the following words : 
 
 " Lest any misapprehension should ex- 
 ist, as to the reasons which led me to differ 
 from the course pursued by my late col- 
 leagues, I wish to say that I remain in my 
 place, first, because I have seen no sufficient 
 reasons for the dissolution of the late Cabi- 
 net, by the voluntary act of its own mem- 
 bers. I am perfectly persuaded of the ab- 
 solute necessity of an institution, under the * 
 authority of Congress, to aid revenue and 
 financial operations, and to give the country 
 the blessings of a good currency and cheap 
 exchanges. Notwithstanding what has 
 passed, I have confidence that the Presi- 
 dent will co-operate with the legislature in 
 overcoming all difficulties in the attain- 
 ment of these objects ; and it is to the 
 union of the Whig party — by which I 
 mean the whole party, the Whig President, 
 the Whig Congress, and the Whig people — 
 that I look for a realization of our wishes. 
 I can look nowhere else. In the second 
 place if I had seen reasons to resign my 
 office, I should not have done so, without 
 giving the President reasonable notice, and 
 affording him time to select the hands to 
 which he should confide the delicate and 
 important affairs now pending in this de- 
 partment." 
 
 The conduct of the President in the 
 matter of the vetoes of the two bank bills 
 produced revolt against him in the party ; 
 and the Whigs of the two Houses of Con- 
 gress held several formal meetings to con- 
 sider what they should do in the new con- 
 dition of afi'airs. An address to the people 
 of the United States was resolved upon. 
 The rejection of the bank bill gave great 
 vexation to one side, and equal exultation 
 to the other. The sulyect was not per- 
 mitted to rest, however ; a national bank 
 waa the life — the vital ])rinciplc — of the 
 Whig party, without which it could not 
 live as a party ; it was the jxjwer which 
 was to give them power and the political 
 and financial control of the Union. A 
 second attempt was made, four days after 
 the veto, to accomplish the end by amend- 
 ments to a bill relating to the currency, 
 which had been introduced early in the 
 session. Mr. Sargeant of Pennsylvania, 
 moved to strike out all after the enacting 
 clause, and insert his amendments, which 
 were substantially the same as the vetoed
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE SECOND BANK BILL. 
 
 43 
 
 bill, except clianginj^ the amount of capi- 
 tal and j)rohibiting discounts on notes other 
 tlian bills of exchange. The bill was 
 pushed to a vote witli astonishing rapidity, 
 and passed by a decided majority. In the 
 Senate the bill went to a select committee 
 which reported it back without alteration, 
 as had been foreseen, the committee consist- 
 ing entirely of friends of the measure; and 
 there was a majority for it on final passage. 
 Concurred in by the Senate without alter- 
 ation, it was returned to the House, and 
 thence referred to the President for his 
 approval or disapproval. It was disap- 
 proved and it was promulgated in language 
 intended to mean a repudiation of tlie 
 President, a permanent separation of the 
 Whig party from him, and to wash their 
 hands of all accountability for his acts. 
 An opening paragraph of the address set 
 forth that, for twelve years the Whigs had 
 carried on a contest for the regulation of 
 the currency, the equalization of exchanges, 
 the economical administration of the finan- 
 ces, and the advancement of industry — all 
 to be accomplished by means of a national 
 bank — declaring these objects to be mis- 
 understood by no one and the bank itself 
 held to be secured in the Presidential elec- 
 tion, and its establishment the main object 
 of the extra session. The address then 
 
 J)roceed3 to state how these plans were 
 i'ustrated : 
 
 " It is with profound and poignant regret 
 that we find ourselves called upon to in- 
 voke your attention to this point. Upon 
 the great and leading measure touching 
 this question, our anxious endeavors to 
 respond to the earnest prayers of the 
 nation have been frustrated by an act as 
 unlocked for as it is to be lamented. We 
 grieve to say to you that by the exercise of 
 that power in the constitution which has 
 ever been regarded with suspicion, and 
 often with odium, by the people — a power 
 which we had hoped was never to be ex- 
 hibited on this subject, by a Whig Presi- 
 dent — we have been defeated in two at- 
 tempts to create a fiscal agent, which the 
 wants of the country had demonstrated to 
 us, in the most absolute form of proof to 
 be eminently necessary and proper in the 
 present emergency. Twice have we with 
 the utmost diligence and deliberation 
 matured a plan for the collection, safe- 
 keeping and disbursing of the public 
 moneys through the agency of a corpora- 
 tion adapted to that end, and twice has it 
 been our fate to encounter the opposition 
 of the President, through the application 
 of the veto power. * * * We are con- 
 strained to say that we find no ground to 
 justify us in the conviction that the veto 
 of the President has been interposed on 
 this question solely upon conscientious and 
 well-considered opinions of constitutional 
 scruple as to his duty in the case presented. 
 
 On the contrary, too many proofs have beea 
 fjrced upon our observation to leave us 
 free from the apprehension that the Presi- 
 dent has permitted himself to be beguiled 
 into an opinion that by this exhibition of 
 his prerogative he might be able to divert 
 the policy of his administration into a 
 channel which should lead to new political 
 combinations, and accomplish results which 
 must overthrow the present divisions of 
 party in the country; and finally produce 
 a state of things which those who elected 
 
 him, at least, have never contemplated. 
 
 * * * * * * 
 
 In this state of things, the Whigs will 
 naturally look with anxiety to the future, 
 and inquire what are the actual relations 
 between the President and those who 
 brought him into power ; and what, in 
 the opinion of their friends in Congress, 
 should be their course hereafter. * * * 
 The President by his withdrawal of confi- 
 dence from his real friends in Congress 
 and from the members of his cabinet ; by 
 his bestowal of it upon others notwith- 
 standing their notorious opposition to lead- 
 ing measures of his administrations has 
 voluntarily separated himself from those 
 by whose exertions and suffrage he was 
 elevated to that ofiice through which he 
 has reached his present exalted station. 
 * * * * The consequence is, that those 
 who brought the President into power can 
 be no longer, in any manner or degree, 
 justly held responsible or blamed for the 
 administration of the executive branch of 
 the government; and the President and 
 his advisers should be exclusively here- 
 after deemed accountable. * * * The 
 conduct of the President 'has occasioned 
 bitter mortification and deep regret. Shall 
 the party, therefore, yielding to sentiments 
 of despair, abandon its duty, and submit 
 to defeat and disgrace ? Far from sufler- 
 ing such dishonorable consequences, the 
 very disappointment which it has unfor- 
 tunately experienced should serve only to 
 redouble its exertions, and to inspire it 
 with fresh courage to persevere with a 
 spirit unsubdued and a resolution unshak- 
 en, until the prosperity of the country is 
 fully re-established, and its liberties firmly 
 secured against all danger from the abuses, 
 encroachments or usurpations of the ex- 
 ecutive department of the government.'' 
 
 This was the manifesto, so far as it con- 
 cerns the repudiation of President TS'ler, 
 which Whig members of Congress put 
 forth: it was answered (under the name of 
 an address to his constituents) by Mr. 
 Gushing, in a counter special plea — coun- 
 ter to it on all points — especially on the 
 main question of which party the Presi- 
 dent was to belong to; the manifesto 
 of the Whigs a.ssigning him to the de- 
 mocracy — the address of Mr. Cushing, 
 claiming him for the Whigs. It was es-
 
 44 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 pecially severe on Mr. Clay, as setting up 
 a caucus dictatorship to coerce the Presi- 
 dent; and charged that the address em- 
 anated from this caucus, and did not embody 
 or represent the sentiments of all Whig 
 leaders ; and referred to Mr. AVebstcr's let- 
 ter, and his remaining in the cabinet as 
 proof of this. Put it was without avail 
 against the concurrent statements of the 
 retiring senators, and the confirmatory 
 statements of many members of Congress. 
 The Whig party recoiled from the Presi- 
 dent, and instead of the unity predicted by 
 Mr. Webster, there was diversity and wide- 
 spread dissension. The Whig party re- 
 mained with Mr. Clay ; Mr. Webster re- 
 tired, Mr. Gushing was sent on a foreign 
 mission, and the President, seeking to en- 
 ter the democratic ranks, was refused by 
 them, and left to seek consolation in pri- 
 vacy, for his political errors and omissions. 
 
 The extra session, called by President 
 Harrison, held under Mr. Tyler, domi- 
 nated by Mr. Clay, commenced May 31, 
 and ended Sept. 13, 1841 — and was replete 
 with disappointed calculations, and nearly 
 barren of permanent results. The pur- 
 poses for which it was called into being, 
 failed. The first annual message of Presi- 
 dent Tyler, at the opening of the regular 
 session in December, 1841, coming in so 
 soon after the termination of the extra ses- 
 sion, was brief and meagre of topics, with 
 few points of interest. 
 
 In the month of March, 1842, Mr. Henry 
 Clay resigned his place in the Senate, and 
 delivered a valedictory address to that 
 body. He had intended this step upon 
 the close of the previous presidential cam- 
 paign, but had' postponed it to take per- 
 sonal charge of the several measures which 
 ■would be brought before Congress at the 
 special session — the calling of which he 
 foresaw would be necessary. He resigned 
 not on account of age, or infirmity, or dis- 
 inclination for public life ; but out of dis- 
 gust — profound and inextinguishable. He 
 had been basely defeated for the Presi- 
 dential nomination, against the wishes of 
 the W^liig party, of which he was the ac- 
 knowledged head — he had seen his leading 
 mea-suros vetoed by the President whom 
 his party had elected — the downfall of the 
 Bank for whicli he had .so often pledged 
 himself — and the insolent attacks of the 
 petty adherents of the administration in 
 the two Houses : all these causes acting on 
 his proud and lofty spirit, induced this 
 withdrawal frf)m public life for which he 
 was so well fitted. 
 
 The address opened with a retrospect of 
 his early entrance into the Senate, and a 
 grand encomium upon its powers and dig- 
 nity as he had found it, and left it. Mem- 
 ory went back (o that early year, IHOO, 
 when just past thirty years of age, he en- 
 tered the United States Senate, and com- 
 
 menced his high career — a wade and lumi- 
 nous horizon before him, and will and 
 talent to fill it. He said : " From the year 
 1806, the period of my entering upon this 
 noble theatre of my public service, with 
 but short intervals, down to the present 
 time, I have been engaged in the service 
 of my country. Of the nature and value 
 of those services which I may have ren- 
 dered during my long career of public life, 
 it does not become me to sj^eak. History, 
 if she deigns to notice me, and posterity — 
 if a recollection of any humble service 
 which I may have rendered, shall be 
 transmitted to posterity — will be the best, 
 truest, and most impartial judges; and to 
 them I defer for a decision upon their 
 value. But, upon one subject, I may be 
 allowed to speak. As to my 2>ublic acts 
 and public conduct, they are for the judg- 
 ment of my fellow citizens; but my private 
 motives of action — that which prompted 
 me to take the part which I may have 
 done, upon great measures during their 
 progress in the national councils, can be 
 known only to the Great Searcher of the 
 human heart and myself; and I trust I 
 shall be pardoned for repeating again a 
 declaration Avhich I made thirty years ago : 
 that whatever error I may have committed 
 — and doubtless I have committed many 
 during my public service — I may appeal 
 to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the 
 truth of the declaration which I now make, 
 with pride and confidence, that I have 
 been actuated by no personal motives — 
 that I have sought no personal aggrandize- 
 ment — no promotion from the advocacy of 
 those various measures on which I have 
 been called to act — that I have had an 
 eye, a single eye, a heart, a single heart, 
 ever devoted to what appeared to be the 
 best interests of the country." 
 
 Mr. Clay led a great party, and for a 
 long time, whether he dictated to it or not, 
 and kept it well bound together, without 
 the usual means of forming and leading 
 parties. It was surprising that, without 
 power and patronage, he was able so long 
 and so undividedly to keep so great a party; 
 together, and lead it so unresistingly. He 
 had great talents, but not equal to some 
 whom he led. He had eloquence — superior 
 in popular effect, but not equal in high 
 oratory to that of some others. But his 
 temperament was fervid, his will was 
 strong, and his courage daring ; and these 
 (jualities, added to his talents, gave him 
 tlie lead and supremacy in his ]>arty, where 
 he was always dominant. The farewell 
 address made a deep impression upon the 
 Senators present ; and after its close, Mr. 
 l^reston brought the ceremony to a conclu- 
 sion, by moving an adjournment, which 
 was agreed to. 
 
 Again at this session was the subject of 
 the tariff considered, but this time, as a
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS. 
 
 45 
 
 matter of absolute necessity, to provide aj 
 revenue. Never before were the coffers ' 
 and the credit of the treasury at so low an , 
 ebb. A deficit of fourteen millions in the 
 treasury — a total inability to borrow, I 
 either at home or abroad, the amount of 
 the loan of twelve millions authorized the 
 year before — the treasury notes below par, 
 and the revenues from imports inadequate 
 and decreasing. I 
 
 The comi)romise act of 1833 in reducing 
 the duties gradually through nine years, 
 to a fixed low rate ; the act of 1837 in dis- 
 tributing the surplus revenue ; and the 
 continual and continued distribution of 
 the land revenue, had brought about this 
 condition of things. The remedy was 
 sought in a bill increasing the taritf, and 
 suspending the hind revenue distribution. 
 Two such bills were passed in a single 
 month, and both vetoed by the President. 
 It was now near the end of August. Con- 
 gress had been in session for an unpre- 
 cedentedly long time. Adjournment could 
 not be deterred, and could not take place 
 without providing for the Treasury. The 
 compromise act and the land distribution 
 were the stumbling-blocks: it was resolved 
 to sacrifice them together; and a bill was 
 introduced raising the duties above the 
 fixed rate of twenty per cent., and that 
 breach of the mutual assurance in relation 
 to the compromise, immediately in terms 
 of the assurance, suspended the land 
 revenue distribution — to continue it sus- 
 
 f)ended while duties above the compromise 
 imit continued to be levied. And as that 
 has been the case ever since, the distribu- 
 tion of the land revenue has been sus- 
 pended ever since. The bill was passed, 
 and approved by the President, and Con- 
 gress thereupon adjourned. 
 
 The subject of the navy was also under 
 consideration at this session. The naval 
 policy of the United States was a question 
 of party division from the origin of parties 
 in the early years of the government — the 
 Federal party favoring a strong and 
 splendid navy, the Republican a moderate 
 establishment, adapted to the purposes of 
 defense more than of offense. And this 
 line of division has continued. Under the 
 Whig regime the policy for a great navy 
 developed itself. The Secretary of the 
 Navy recommended a large increase of 
 ships, seamen and officers, involving a 
 heavy expense, though the government 
 w;\s not in a condition to warrant any such 
 expenditure, and no emergency required 
 an increase in that branch" of the public 
 service. The vote was taken upon the in- 
 crease proposed by the Secretary of the 
 Navy, and recommended by the President; 
 and it was carried, the yeas and nays being 
 well defined by the party line. 
 
 The first session of the twenty-eighth 
 Congress, which convened December 1843, 
 
 exhibited in its political complexion, se- 
 rious losses in the Whig following. The 
 Democratic candidate for Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives, was elected over 
 the Whig candidate — the vote standing 
 128 to 59. Thus an adverse majority of 
 more than two to one was the result to the 
 Wiiig party at the first election after the 
 extra session of 1841. The President's 
 message referred to the treaty which had 
 lately been concluded with (jreat Britain 
 relative to the northwestern territory ex- 
 tending to the Columbia river, including 
 Oregon and settling the boundary lines ; 
 and also to a pending treaty with Texas 
 for her annexation to the United States ; 
 and concluded with a recommendation 
 for the establishment of a pa])er currency 
 to be issued and controlled by the Federal_ 
 government. 
 
 For more than a year before the meeting 
 of the Democratic Presidential Conven- 
 tion in Baltimore, in May 1844, it^jvaa 
 evident to leading Democra ^^'f ^]m\i V-^J^i^^ 
 Van Buren was the choice of the party. 
 To overcome this popular current and 
 turn the tide in favor of Mr. Calhoun, who 
 desired the nomination, resort was had to 
 the landing question oTlTie"aunexation 
 of Texas. Mr. Van Buren was known to 
 be againstjt, ancFjMrT'C atlltnra ' 'for it. To 
 gaiii lime, the meeting of tlie~"conventioa 
 was postponed from December previous, 
 which had been the usual time for holding 
 such elections, until the following May. 
 The convention met, and consisted of two 
 hundred and sixty-six delegates, a decided 
 majority of whom were for Mr. v an Buren, 
 and cast their votes accordingly on the first 
 ballot. But a chairman had been selected, 
 who was adverse to his nomination ; and 
 aided by a rule adopted by the convention, 
 which required a concurrence of two-thirds 
 to effect a nomination, the opponents of 
 Mr. Van Buren were able to accomplish 
 his defeat. Mr. Calhoun had, before the 
 meeting of the convention, made known 
 his determination, in a public address, not 
 to suffer his name to go before that a.s- 
 semblage as a candidate for the ]iresidency, 
 and stated his reasons for so doing, which 
 were founded mainly on the manner in 
 which the convention was constituted ; his 
 objections being to the mode of choosing 
 delegates, and the manner of their giving 
 in their votes — he contending for district 
 elections, and the delegates to vote indi- 
 vidually. South Carolina was not rejire- 
 sented in the convention. After the first 
 ballot Mr. Van Buren's vote sensibly de- 
 creased, until fimilly, Mr. James K. Polk, 
 who was a candidate for the Vice Presi- 
 dency, was brought forward and nominated 
 unanimously for the chief oftice. Mr. 
 Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague 
 for the Vice Presidency. The nominati'jn 
 of these gentlemen, neither of whom had 
 
 _-J
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 been mentioned until late in the proceed- 1 the dissolution o f the Union if the reje c- 
 ings of the convention, for the offices for t T^l Of the •annexation should be~ perse- 
 •which they were finally nominated, was n yp^'^ri m Kpapnngjvp resolutions were 
 genuine surprise to the country. No 1 adopted in several States, and meetings 
 voice in favor of it had been heard ; and ' held. The opposition manifested, brought 
 
 no visible sign in the political horizon had 
 announced it. 
 
 ^casto' The Whig convention nominated Henry 
 Clay, for President ; and Theodore Fre- 
 linghuysen for Vice-President. 
 
 The main issues in the election which 
 ensued, were mainly the party ones of 
 Whig and Democrat, modified by the 
 tqriffnnfl T^vn,^ questious. It resulted in 
 the choice of the DemocraBc candidates, 
 who receive d 1 70 electoral votes as against 
 
 IU5 ior ?Iieir opponents] tEe~ popular 
 
 ~~m^ority fo ~ 
 
 opponents] the 
 Ii©Biacxats_h£iiigj38^, 
 .aJUTnl Y^^Pi^Q*' ?/*^i^4108 Mr.' Clay re- 
 ceive d a la rger popular vote than had been 
 gi yen a t _TFe~pfeyTmis— election ^OT' the 
 Whig citncttrhrt^p-sho-iring-jthat he would 
 ha ve been elected had he then been the 
 nominee pf jiis p^ rtyTthpngh the popular 
 vote at this election'was largely increased 
 over that of 1840. 1^ is conceded th at the 
 36 electoral votes of JS'ew Vork bTaRi |;aV6' 
 
 Hf'inpy of Mr. Silas 
 pan mentioned lofthe 
 
 Wriidit. who had -bean m pntionei 
 
 viceTpresidcntial nomination in connection 
 
 /withJTr. Van Biireh, but'wlRr^clined it 
 
 (after the sacrifice of his friend and col- 
 league; and resigning his seat in the 
 JSenate, became a candidate for Governor 
 /I of New York. The election being held at 
 I the same time as that for president, his ' 
 j name and popularity brought to the presi- 
 I dential ticket more than enough votes to 
 I make the majority that gave the electoral 
 .^-•t^vote of the State to the Democrats. 
 
 "P reside nt Tyler's annual and last mes- 
 
 sa ye V) ( onLTi'rJ-J. Ill DiTi'ill^er J»-t4. con- J unqualified admission of the State 
 "uf?r~i'!!k ili^l iliat f)t' tne prey jous vear)^ "^ ■"' ''' ^ '" ' '" ^"' 
 
 _an elab orate paragraph~oh" tSe~~suhjcct of 
 
 Dorute paragrapn on tne suhjcc 
 nnd ^l(?xi(•o; the idea' being 
 
 Jhe. Ilninny.aad 
 
 J|ip n>^^mnp<inn of luj c auses of fyrip.vflpp. e 
 
 and atreat v wa s _pend- 
 
 .'icconiplish these ofrjects. The 
 
 the annexation of Texas was 
 
 in Inst Ml 
 
 with Soutli Carolina, 
 meetinj 
 
 at 
 
 slave Statf's in 
 
 [^pvnti if 
 
 . Tl ' Aa. ' l ilin ii ld — Df)t b{^ r(-rpivpd 
 Tlnjo^ ; and to invite tfTc ~T'fesi(l ent to 
 con^jCJif/ liu ui^rcaa to ar rang e' fES tcrmsj o 
 
 the movement to a stand, and suppressed 
 the disunion scheme for the time being — 
 onl v to Ijp in wait for future occas ions. 
 But it was not before the people only that 
 this scheme for a Southern convention 
 with a view to the secession of the slave 
 States was a matter of discussion ; it was 
 the subject of debate in the Senate ; and 
 there it was further disclosed that the 
 design of the secessionists was to extend 
 the new Southern republic to the Califor- 
 nias. 
 
 The treatv of an nexation was supported 
 ot the administration, 
 
 by. nil t he po wer 
 
 bvt4^-£tuhir] ; »r\f] it w.ns rejected by the 
 Senate by a two-t hirds vote agamsll it. 
 Jl|oJlm\'ing thi s, a loint resolution was 
 early "Ffbug liF into tlie Hoiist; uf E epfe- 
 seiifatrves for the admissio n ot Texas as a 
 State of tne union, by iegls hllivfe action; 
 i |~^jUssbd the House by a ffllf majo rity, 
 but met witli opposition in tlie Senate u n- 
 less coupled witli a proYiso for negot ia- 
 ti^n and treatv. as a condition precede nt. 
 A biIT''authorizing the President and a"' 
 commissioner to be appointed to agree 
 upon the terms and conditions of said 
 admission, the question of slavery within 
 its limits, its debts, the fixing of bounda- 
 ries, and the cession of territory, was 
 coupled or united with the resolution ; and 
 in this shape it was finally agreed to, and 
 became a law, with the concurrence of the 
 President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then 
 in a state of war with Mexico, though 
 at that precise point of time an armistice 
 had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty 
 of peace. The House resolution was for an 
 
 ■ the 
 
 Senate amendment or bill was for negotia- 
 tion ; and the bill actually passed would 
 not have been concurred in except on the. 
 understanding that the incoming Presi-i 
 dent (whose term began March 4, 1845,1 
 and who was favorable to negotiations 
 would act under the bill, and appoinu 
 commissioners accordingly — . ^' — -=^ 
 Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing 
 President, on the last day of his term, at 
 the instigation of his Secretary of State, 
 Mr. Calhoun, assumed the execution of 
 the act providing for the admission of 
 Texas — adopted the legislative clause — 
 
 ing to 
 
 scheme for 
 
 framed with a double aspect — one looking 
 
 to the then pending j^residential election, 
 
 the other to the separation of the Southern 
 
 States ; and as soon as the njection of the 
 
 treaty was foreseen, and the nominating 
 
 convention had acted, the disunion aspect 
 
 manifested itself over m.-nv of the S""th- .qnd sent out a special messenger with in- 
 structions. The danger of this had been 
 foreseen, and suggested in the Senate ; but 
 close friends of Mr. Calhoun, speaking for 
 the administration, and replying to the 
 .-Suggestion, indignantly denied it for them, 
 and declared that they would not have the 
 "audacity" to so violate the sf)irit and in- 
 tent of the act, or so encroach upon the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 OREGON TREATY OF 1846, 
 
 47 
 
 rights of the new President. These state- 
 ments from the friends of the Secretary and 
 President that the plan by negotiation 
 would be adopted, (luieted the apjjrehen- 
 sion of those Senators op[)osed to legishitive 
 annexation or admission, and thus secured 
 their votes, without which the bill would 
 have failed of a majority. Thus was Texas 
 incorporated into the Union. .Tlift ^',"B^iri*'^' 
 t ive proposition sent by Mr. Tyler was ac- 
 . / cepteft :" Texas became lncor|)orated witli 
 \ / the Uniteit States, iuid in conseciu ence the 
 
 ■I— hmAvi'i-n tlin 
 
 \s f i Vte of war \vii.s_ (:, s [ .ihl PThTn 
 "Clmb Hl states and" Mexico; it only being a 
 questlori ot tune and chiince when the 
 armistice should end and hostilities begin. 
 Although Mr. Calhoun was not in favor of 
 war with Mexico — he believing that a 
 money payment would settle the differ- 
 ences with that country — the admission 
 of Texas into the Union under the legisla- 
 tive annexation clause of the statute, was 
 really his act and not that of the Presi- 
 dent's ; and he was, in consequence, after- 
 wards openly charged in the Senate with 
 being the real author of the war which 
 followed. 
 ■'*- The administration of President Polk 
 '' opened March 4, 1845 ; and on the same 
 day, the Senate being convened for the 
 . purpose, the cabinet ministers were nomi- 
 I nated and confirmed. In December fol- 
 I lowing the 29th Congress was organized. 
 ^ The House of Representatives, being 
 largely Democratic, elected the Speaker, 
 by a vote of 120, against 70 for the Whig 
 candidate. At this session the " Ameri- 
 can" party — a new political organization 
 — first made its appearance in the Na- 
 tional councils, having elected six mem- 
 bers of the House of Representatives, four 
 from New York and two from Penn- 
 sylvania. The Prosiij en t's lHrst annual 
 me ssatre had foi-lts yhief topic. Tlie .admis - 
 
 ainn nt 'jA^^j tVit.n ■if^finmpl klipd ^ p nd thc 
 
 pnn,i;pqnpi]f flissnt; isfaction of Mex ico ; and 
 referring to the preparations on the part of 
 the latter with the apparent intention of 
 declaring Avar on the United States, either 
 by an open declaration, or by invading 
 Texas. The message also stated causes 
 which would justify this government in 
 taking the initiative in declaring war — 
 mainly the non-compliance by Mexico 
 with the terms of the treaty of indemnity 
 of April 11, 1839, entered into between 
 that State and this government relative to 
 injuries to American citizens during the 
 previf»us eight years. He also referred to 
 the fact of a minister having been sent to 
 Mexico to endeavor to bring about a settle- 
 ment of the differences between the na- 
 tions, without a resort to hostilities. The 
 message concluded with a reference to the 
 negotiations with Great Britain relative to 
 the Oregon boundary ; a statement of the 
 finances and the public debt, showing the 
 
 latter to be slightly in excess of seventeen 
 millions; and a recommendation for a re- 
 vision of the tariff, with a view to revenue 
 as the object, with protection to home in- 
 dustry as the incident. 
 
 At this session of Congress,- the States of 
 Florida and Iowa were admitted into the 
 Union ; the former permitting slavery 
 within its borders, the latter denying it. 
 Long before this, the free and the slave 
 States were equal in number, and the prac- 
 tice had grown up — from a feeling of 
 jealousy and policy to keep them evenly 
 balanced — of admitting one State of each 
 character at the same time. Numerically 
 the free and the slave States were thus 
 kept even : in political power a vast in- 
 equality was going on — the increase of 
 population being so much greater in the 
 northern than in the southern region. 
 
 The Ashljurton treaty of 1842 omitted to 
 define the boundary line, and permitted, 
 or rather did not prohibit, the joint occu- 
 pation of Oregon by British and American 
 settlers. This had been a subject of dis- 
 pute for many years. The country on the 
 ColumbiaRiver had been claimed by both. 
 Under previous treaties the American 
 northern boundarj' extended " to the lati- 
 tude of 49 degrees north of the equator, 
 and along that parallel indefinitely to the 
 west." Attempts were made in 1842 and 
 continuing since to 184(3, to settle this 
 boundary line, by treaty with Great Britain. 
 It had been assumed that we had a divid- 
 ing line, made by previous treaty, along 
 the parallel of 64 degrees 40 minutes from 
 the sea to the Rocky mountains. The sub- 
 ject so much absorbed public attention, 
 that the Democratic National convention 
 of 1844 in its platform of principles de- 
 clared for that boundary line, or war aa 
 the consequence. It became known as the 
 54-40 plink, and was a canon of political 
 faith. The negotiations between the gov- 
 ernments were resumed in August, 1844. 
 The Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, pro- 
 posed a line along the parallel of 49 de- 
 grees of north latitude to the summit of 
 the Rocky mountains and continuing that 
 line thence to the Pacific Ocean ; and he 
 made this proposition notwithstanding the 
 fact that the Democratic party — to which he 
 belonged — were then in a high state of 
 exultation for the boundary of 54 degrees 
 40 minutes, and the presidential canvass, 
 on the Democratic side, was raging upon 
 that cry. 
 
 The British Minister declined this pro- 
 position in the part that carried the lino 
 to the ocean, but offered to continue it 
 from the summit of the mountains to the 
 Columbia River, a distance of some three 
 hundred miles, and then follow the river 
 to the ocean. This was declined by ^Ir. 
 Calhoun. The President had declared in 
 his inaugural address in favor of the 54-40
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 line. He was in a dilemma ; to maintain 
 that position meant war with Great Britain ; 
 to recede from it seemed impossible. The 
 proposition for the line of 49 degrees hav- 
 ing been withdrawn by the American gov- 
 ernment on its non-acceptance by the Brit- 
 ish, had appeased tlie Democratic storm 
 which had been raised against the Presi- 
 dent. Congress had come together under 
 the loud cry of war, in which 5lr. Cass was 
 the leader, but followed by the body of 
 the democracy, and backed and cheered 
 by the whole democratic newspaper press. 
 Under the authority and order of Congress 
 notice had been served on Great Britain 
 which was to abrogate the joint occupation 
 of the country by the citizens of the two 
 
 Sowers. It was finally resolved by the 
 British Government to j^ropose the line of 
 49 degrees, continuing to the ocean, as 
 originally offered by Mr. Calhoun ; and 
 though the President was favorable to its 
 acceptance, he could not, consistently with 
 his previous acts, accept and make a 
 treaty, on that basis. The Senate, with 
 whf)m lies the power, under the constitu- 
 tion, of confirming or restricting all trea- 
 ties, being favorable to it, without respect 
 to party Tines, resort was had, as in the 
 early practice of the Government, to the 
 President, asking the advice of the Senate 
 upon the articles of a treaty before negoti- 
 ation. A message was accordingly sent to 
 the Senate, by the President, stating the 
 proposition, and asking its advice, thus 
 shifting the responsibility upon that body, 
 and making the issue of peace or war de- 
 pend upon its answer. The Senate advised 
 the acceptance of the proposition, and the 
 treaty was concluded. 
 
 The conduct of the Whig Senators, 
 without whose votes the advice would not 
 have been given nor the treaty made, was 
 patriotic in preferring their country to 
 their i)arty — in preventing a war with 
 Great iJritain — and saving the adiuinistra- 
 tion from itself and its party friends. 
 
 The second session of the 29th Congress 
 was opened in December, 1847. The 
 President's message was chieily in relation 
 to the war with Mexico, which had been 
 declared by almost a unanimous vote in 
 Congress. ^Ir. Calhoun si)oke against the 
 declaration in the Senate, but did not vote 
 uj)on it. He was sincerely opposed to tlie 
 war, although his conduct had ])roduced it. 
 Had he remained in the calnnet, to do 
 which lie had nf)t concealed his wish, he 
 would, no doul)t, have labored earnestly 
 to have prevented it. iMany meniliers of 
 Congress, of the same party with the ad- 
 ministration, were extremely averse to tlie 
 war, and had iiitervi(;WH with tin^ 1 'resident, 
 U) sec if it was incivitable, before it w.as de- 
 clared. Members were under the impression 
 that the war could not lust above three 
 months. 
 
 The reason for these impressions wag 
 that an intrigue was laid, with the know- 
 ledge of the Executive, for a peace, even 
 before the war was declared, and a special 
 agent dispatched to bring about a return 
 to Mexico of its exiled President, General 
 Santa Anna, and conclude a treaty of 
 peace with him, on terms favorable to the 
 United States. And for this purpose Con- 
 gress granted an appropriation of three 
 millions of dollars to be placed at the dis- 
 posal of the President, for negotiating for 
 a boundary which should give the United 
 States additional territory. 
 
 While this matter was pending in Con- 
 gress, Mr. Wilmot of Pennsylvania intro- 
 duced and moved a proviso, '' that no part 
 of the territory to be acquired should he 
 open to the introduction of slavein/ ." It was 
 a proposition not necessaiy for the pur- 
 pose of excluding slavery, as the only ter- 
 ritory to be acquired was that of New 
 IMexico and California, where slavery was 
 already prohibited by the Mexican laws 
 and constitution. The proviso was there- 
 fore nugatory, and only served to bring on 
 a slavery agitation in the United States. 
 For this purpose it was seized upon by Mr. 
 Calhoun and declared to be an outrage 
 upon and menace to the slave-holding 
 States. It occupied the attention of Con- 
 gress for two sessions, and became the sub- 
 ject of debate in the State Legislatures, 
 several of which passed disunion resolu- 
 tions. It became the watchword of party — 
 the synonym of civil war, and the dissolu- 
 tion of the Union. Neither party really 
 had anything to fear or to hope from the 
 adoption of the proviso — the soil was free, 
 and the Democrats were not in a position 
 to make slave territory of it, because it 
 had just enunciated as one of its cardinal 
 principles, that there was " no power in 
 Congress to legislate upon slavery in Territo- 
 ries." Never did two political parties con- 
 tend more furiously about nothing. Close 
 observers, who had been watching the pro- 
 gress of the slavery agitation since its 
 inauguration in Congress in 1835, knew it 
 to be the means of keeping up an agitation 
 for the benefit of the political i)arties — the 
 abolitionists on one side and the disunion- 
 ists or nullifiers on the other — to accom- 
 I)lish their own purposes. This was the 
 celebrated Wilmot l*roviso, which for so 
 long a time convulsed the Union ; assisted 
 in forcing the issue between the North and 
 South on the slavery question, and almost 
 caused a dissolution of the Union. The 
 ])roviso was defeated ; that chance of the 
 nullifiers to force the issue was lost; an- 
 otlier had to l)e made, which was s]H'edily 
 done, by the introduction into the Senate 
 on the'lDth Fel)ruary, 1847, by Mr. Cal- 
 houn of his new slavery resolutions, de- 
 claring tlu! Territories to bo the common 
 property of the several States; denying
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 TREATY OF PEACE WITH MEXICO. 
 
 49 
 
 the right of Congress to prohibit slavery 
 in a Territory, or to pass any law which 
 would have the effect to deprive the citi- 
 zens of any slave State from enugrating 
 with his property (slaves) into such Terri- 
 tory. The introduction of the resolutions 
 was prefaced by an elaborate s{)eech by 
 Mr. Culiiouu, who demanded an immediate 
 vote ujton them. They never came to a 
 vote; they were evidently introduced for 
 the mere pnrjjose of carrying a (piestion to 
 the slave Htates on which they could be 
 formed into a unit against the free States ; 
 and so begiin the agitation which finally 
 led to the abrogation of the j\Iissouri Com- 
 promise line, and arrayed the States of one 
 section against those of the other. 
 
 The Thirtieth Congres>, which assem- 
 bled for its lirst session in December, 1S47, 
 was found, so far as respects the House of 
 Representatives, to be politically adverse 
 to the administration. The Whigs were 
 in the majority, nnd elected the Speaker; 
 Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, 
 being chosen. The President's message 
 contained a full report of the progress of 
 the war with Mexico; the success of the 
 American arms in that conflict; the vic- 
 tory of Cerro Gordo, and the capture of 
 the City of Mexico ; and that negotiations 
 were then pending for a treaty of peace. 
 The message concluded with a reference 
 to the excellent results from the indepen- 
 dent treasury system. 
 
 The war with Mexico was ended by the 
 signing of a treaty of peace, in February, 
 1848, by the terms of which New Mexico 
 and Upper California were ceded to the 
 United States, and the lower Rio Grande, 
 from its mouth to El Paso, taken for the 
 boundary of Texas. For the territory thus 
 acquired, the United States agreed to i)ay 
 to Mexico the sum of fifteen million dol- 
 lars, in five annual installments; and be- 
 sides that, assumed the claims of Ameri- 
 can citizens against Mexico, limited to 
 three and a quarter million dollars, out of 
 and on account of which claims the war 
 ostensibly originated. The victories achiev- 
 ed by the American commanders. Generals 
 Zachary Taylor and Winfield Scott, during 
 that war, won for them national reputa- 
 tions, by means of which they were brought 
 prominently forward for the Presidential 
 succession. 
 
 The question of the power of Congress to 
 legislate on the subject of slavery in the 
 Territories, was again raised, at this session, 
 on the bill for the establishment of the 
 Oregon territorial government. An amend- 
 ment was offered to insert a provision for 
 the extension of the Missouri compromise 
 line to the Pacific Ocean; which line thus 
 extended w;is intended by the amendment 
 to be permanent, and to apply to all future 
 territories established in the West. This 
 amendment was lost, but the bill wiia finally 
 
 passed with an amendment incorporating 
 into it the anti-slavery clause of the ordi- 
 nance of 1787. Mr. Calhoun, in the Sen- 
 ate, declared that the exclusion of .slavery 
 from any territory was a suljversion of the 
 Union ; openly proclaimed the strife be- 
 tween the North and South to be ended, 
 and the separation of the States a,ccom- 
 jdished. His speech wa.s an ojjcn invoca- 
 tion to disunion, and from that time forth, 
 the efforts were regular to obtain a meet- 
 ing of the members from the slave Slates, 
 to unite in a call for a convention of the 
 slave States to redress themselves. He 
 said: " The great .strife between the North 
 and the South is ended. The North is 
 determined to exclude the property of the 
 slaveholder, and, of course, the slaveholder 
 himself, from its territory. On this jjoint 
 there seems to be no division in the North. 
 In the South, he regretted to say, there 
 was some division of sentiment. The 
 effect of this determination of the North 
 was to convert all the Southern j)Opulation 
 into slaves ; and he would never consent 
 to entail that disgrace on his j^osterity. 
 He denounced any Southern man who 
 would not take the same course. Gentle- 
 men were greatly mistaken if they sup- 
 posed the Presidential question in the 
 South would override this more important 
 one. The separation of the North and the 
 South is completed. The South has now 
 a most solemn obligation to perform — to 
 herself — to the constitution — to the Union. 
 She is bound to come to a decision not to 
 permit this to go on any further, but to 
 show that, dearly as she prizes the Union, 
 there are questions which she regards as 
 of greater importance than the Union. 
 This is not a question of territorial govern- 
 ment, but a question involving the con- 
 tinuance of the Union." The President, 
 in approving the Oregon bill, took occa- 
 sion to send in a special message, point- 
 ing out the danger to the Union from the 
 progress of the slavery agitation, and urged 
 an adherence to the j^rinciplcs of the ordi- 
 nance of 1787 — the terms of the Missouri 
 compromise of 1820 — as also thot involved 
 and declared in the Texas case in 1845, as 
 the means of averting that danger. 
 
 The Presidential election of 1848 was 
 coming on. The Democratic convention 
 met in Baltimore in May of that year; 
 each State being represented in the con- 
 vention by the number of delegates equal 
 to the number of electoral votes it was en- 
 titled to; saving only New York, which 
 sent two sets of delegates, and both were 
 excluded. The delegates were, for the 
 most ]iart, members of Congress and office- 
 holders. The two-thirds rule, adopted by 
 the previous convention, was again made 
 a law of the convention. The main ques- 
 tion which arose upon the formation of 
 the platform fur the campaign, was the
 
 50 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 doctrine advanced by the Southern mem- 
 bers of non-interference with slavery in 
 the States or in the Territories. The can- 
 didates of the party were, Lewis Cass, of 
 Michigan, for President, and General Wm. 
 O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 The Whig convention, taking advan- 
 tage of the popularity of Genl. Zachary 
 Taylor, for his military achievements in 
 the' Mexican war, then just ended ; and 
 his consequent availability as a candidate, 
 nominated him for the Presidency, over Mr. 
 Clay, Mr. Webster and General Scott, who 
 were his competitors before the convention. 
 Millard Fillmore was selected as the Vice- 
 presidential candidate. 
 
 A third convention was held, consisting 
 of the disafiected Democrats from New 
 York who had been excluded from the 
 Baltunore convention. They met at Utica, 
 New York, and nominated Jlartin Van 
 Bnren for President, and Charles Francis 
 Adams for Vice President. The princi- 
 ples of its platform, were, that Congress 
 should abolish slavery wherever it consti- 
 tutionallv had the power to do so — [which 
 was intended to apply to the District of 
 Columbia]— that it should not interfere 
 with it in the slave States — and that it 
 should prohibit it in the Territories. _ This 
 party became known as " Free-soilers," 
 from their doctrines thus enumerated, and 
 their party cry of "free-soil, free-speech, 
 free-labor, free-men." The result of the 
 election, as might have been foreseen, was 
 to lose New York State to the Baltimore 
 candidate, and give it to the whigs, who 
 were triumphant in the reception of 163 
 electoral votes for their candidates, against 
 127 for the democrats; and none for ihc 
 free-soilers. 
 
 The last message of President Polk, in 
 December following, gave him the oppor- 
 tunity to again urge upon Congress the 
 necessity for some measure to quiet the 
 slavery agitation, and he recommended 
 the extension of the Missouri compromise 
 line to the Pacific Ocean, passing through 
 the new Territories of Calilornia and New 
 Mexico, as a fair adjustment, to meet as 
 far as possible the views of all parties. 
 The President referred also to the state of 
 the finances; the excellent condition of 
 the public trcasur>' ; government loans, 
 commanding a high premium ; gold and 
 silver the established currency; and the 
 business interests of the country in a j^ros- 
 perous condition. And this was the state 
 of affairs, only one year after emergency 
 from a foreign war. It would be unfair 
 not to give credit to the President and to 
 Senator Benton and others equally promi- 
 nent and courageous, who at that time had 
 to battle against the hank theory and 
 national paper money currency, as strongly 
 urged and advocated, and to prove even- 
 
 tually that the money of the Constitution 
 — gold and silver — was the only currency 
 to ensure a successful financial working of 
 the government, and prosperity to the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 • The new President, General Zachary 
 Taylor, was inaugurated March 4, 1849. 
 The Senate being convened, as usual, in 
 extra session, for the purpose, the Vice 
 President elect, Millard Fillmore, was duly 
 installed ; and the Whig cabinet officers 
 nominated by the President, promptly 
 confirmed. An additional member of the 
 Cabinet was appointed by this administra- 
 tion to preside over the new " Home De- 
 partment " since called the " Interior," 
 created at the previous session of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The following December Congress met 
 in regular session — the 31st since the or- 
 ganization of the federal government. 
 The Senate consisted of sixty members, 
 among whom were LIr. Webster, Mr. Cal- 
 houn, and Mr. Clay, who had returned to 
 public life. The House had 230 members; 
 and although the whigs had a small ma- 
 jority, the House was so divided on the 
 slavery question in- its various phases, 
 that the election for Speaker resulted in 
 the choice of the Democratic candidate, 
 Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, by a majority of 
 three votes. The annual message of the 
 President plainly .showed that he compre- 
 hended the dangers to the Union from a 
 continuance of sectional feeling on the 
 slavery question, and he averred his deter- 
 mination to stand by the Union to the full 
 extent of his obligations and powers. At 
 the previous session Congress had .spent 
 six months in endeavoring to frame a sat- 
 isfactoiy bill providing territorial govern- 
 ments for California and New Mexico, 
 and had adjourned finally without accom- 
 plishing it, in consequence of inability to 
 agree upon whether the Missouri compro- 
 mise line should be carried to the ocean, 
 or the territories be permitted to remain 
 as they were — slavery prohibited under 
 the laws of Mexico. Mr. Calhoun brought 
 forward, in the debate, a new doctrine — 
 extending the Constitution to the territory, 
 and arguing that as that instrument recog- 
 nized the existence of slavery, the settlers 
 in such territory should be permitted to 
 hold their slave proi)erty taken there, and 
 be protected. ]Mr. AVcbster's answer to 
 this w.as that the Constitution Avas made 
 for States, not territories ; that it cannot 
 operate anywhere, not even in the States 
 for which it was made, without acts of 
 Congress to enforce it. The proposed ex- 
 tension of the constitution to territories, 
 with a view to its transportation of slavery 
 along with it, was futile and nugatory,' 
 without the act of Congress to vitalize 
 slavery under it. The early part of the 
 vcar had witnessed ominous movements —
 
 BOOK I.] MR. CLAY'S COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 51 
 
 nightly meetings of large numbers of mem- 
 bers from the slave States, led l)y Mr. 
 Calhoun, to consider the state of things 
 between the North and the South. They 
 appointed committees who prepared an 
 address to the people. It was in this con- 
 dition of things, that President Taylor ex- 
 pressed his opinion, in his message, of the 
 remedies required. California, New 
 Mexico and Utah, had been left without 
 governments. For California, he recom- 
 mended that having a suflicient jiopula- 
 tion and having framed a constitution, 
 she be admitted as a State into the 
 Union ; and for New I\fexico and Utah, 
 without mixing the slavery question with 
 their territorial governments, they be left 
 to ripen into States, and settle the slavery 
 question for themselves in their State con- 
 stitutions. 
 
 With a view to meet the wishes of all 
 parties, and arrive at some definite and 
 permanent adjustment of the slavery ques- 
 tion, Mr: Clay early in the session in- 
 troduced compromise resolutions which 
 were practically a tacking together of the 
 several bills then on the calendar, provid- 
 ing for the admission of California — the 
 territorial government for Utah and New- 
 Mexico — the settlement of the Texas boun- 
 dary — slavery in the District of Columlna 
 — and for a fugitive slave law. It was 
 seriously and earnestly opposed by many, 
 as being a concession to the spirit of dis- 
 union — a capitulation under threat of se- 
 cession ; and as likely to become the source 
 of more contentions than it proposed to 
 quiet. 
 
 The resolutions were referred to a special 
 committee, who promptly reported a bill 
 embracing the comprehensive plan of com- 
 promise which Mr. Clay proposed. Among 
 the resolutions offered, was the following : 
 " Resolved, that as slavery does not exist 
 by law and is not likely to be introduced 
 into any of the territory acquired by the 
 United States from the Republic of Mexi- 
 co, it is inexpedient for Congress to pro- 
 vide by law either for its introduction into 
 or exclusion from any part of the said ter- 
 ritory ; and that appropriate territorial 
 governments ought to be established by 
 Congress in all of the said territory, and 
 assigned as the boundaries of the proposed 
 State of California, without the adoption 
 of any restriction or condition on the sub- 
 
 i'eet of slavery." Mr. Jefferson Davis of 
 Mississippi, objected that the measure gave 
 nothing to the South in the settlement of 
 the question ; and he required the exten- 
 sion of the Missouri compromise line to 
 the Pacific Ocean as the least that he 
 would be willing to take, with the specific 
 recognition of the right to hold slaves in 
 the territory below that line; and that, be- 
 fore such territories are admitted into the 
 Union as States, slaves may be taken there 
 
 from any of the United States at the option 
 of their owner. 
 
 Mr. Clay in reply, said : " Coming from 
 a slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I 
 owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to 
 say that no earthly power could induce me 
 to vote for a specific measure for the in- 
 troduction of slavery where it had not be- 
 fore existed, either south or north of that 
 line. *• * * If the citizens of those 
 territories choose to establish slavery, and 
 if they come here with constitutions es- 
 tablishing slavery, I am for admitting 
 them with such provisions in their consti- 
 tutions; but then it will be their own 
 work, and not ours, and their j)osterity 
 will have to reproach tlimn, and not us, for 
 forming constitutions allowing the institu- 
 tion of slavery to exist among them." 
 
 Mr. Seward of New York, proposed a 
 renewal of the Wilmot Proviso, in the fol- 
 lowing resolution: "Neither slavery nor 
 involuntary servitude, otherwise than by 
 conviction for crime, shall ever be allowed 
 in either of said territories of Utah and 
 New Mexico ; " but his resolution was re- 
 jected in the Senate by a vote of 23 yeas to 
 oo na}-B. Following this, Mr. Calhoun 
 had read for him in the Senate, by his 
 friend James M. Mason of Virginia, his 
 last -speech. It embodied the points cov- 
 ered by the address to the people, pre- 
 pared by him the previous year ; the prob- 
 ability of a dissolution of the Union, and 
 presenting a case to justify it. The tenor 
 of the speech is shown by the following ex- 
 tracts from it: "I have, Senators, believed 
 from the first, that the agitation of the sub- 
 ject of slavery would, if not prevented by 
 some timely and effective measure, end in 
 disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I 
 have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to 
 call the attention of each of the two great 
 parties which divide the country to adopt 
 some measure to prevent so great a disas- 
 ter, but without success. The agitation has 
 been jiermitted to proceed, with almost no 
 attempt to resist it, until it has reached a 
 period when it can no longer be disguised 
 or denied that the Union is in danger. 
 You have had forced upon you the great- 
 est and gravest question that can ever 
 come under your consideration : How can 
 the Union be preserved ?***** 
 Instead of being weaker, all the elements 
 in favor of agitation are stronger now than 
 they were in 1835, when it first commenced, 
 while all the elements of influence on the 
 part of the South are weaker. T'^nless 
 something decisive is done, I again ask 
 what is to stop this agitation, before the 
 great and final object at which it aims— - 
 the abolition of slavery in the States — is 
 consummated ? Is it, then, not certain that 
 if something decisive is not now done to 
 arrest it, the South will be forced to choose 
 between abolition and secession ? Indeed
 
 52 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 as events are now moving, it Tvill not re- 
 quire the South to secede to dissolve tlie 
 Union. * * * *■ If the agitation goes 
 on, nothing will be left to hold the States 
 together except force." He answered the 
 question. How can the Union be saved? 
 with which his speech opened, by suggest- 
 ing. " To provide for the insertion of a 
 provision in the constitution, by an amend- 
 ment, which will restore to the South in 
 substance the power she possessed of pro- 
 tecting herself, before the equilibrium be- 
 tween the sections was destroyed by the 
 action of the government." He did not 
 state of what the amendment should con- 
 sist, but later on, it was ascertained from 
 reliable sources that his idea was a dual 
 executive — one President from the free, 
 and one from the slave States, the consent 
 of both of Avhom should be required to all 
 acts of Congress before they become laws. 
 This speech of Mr. Calhoun's, is import- 
 ant as explaining many of his previous ac- 
 tions ; and as furnishing a guide to those 
 who ten years afterwards attempted to 
 carry out practically the suggestions 
 thrown out by him. 
 
 Mr. Clay's compromise bill was rejected. 
 It was evident that no compromise of any 
 kind whatever on the subject of slavery, 
 under any one of its aspects separately, 
 much less under all put together, could 
 possibly be made. There was no spirit of 
 concession manifested. The numerous 
 measures put together in Mr. Clay's bill 
 were disconnected and separated. Each 
 measure received a separate and inde- 
 pendent consideration, and with a result 
 which showed the injustice of the at- 
 tempted conjunction ; for no two of them 
 were passed by the same vote, even of the 
 members of the committee which had even 
 unanimously reported favorably upon them 
 as a whole. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850; 
 before the separate bill for the admission 
 of California was taken up. His death 
 took place at Washington, he having 
 reached the age of (>8 years. A eulogy 
 upon him was delivered in the Senate by 
 his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South Caro- 
 lina. Mr. Calhoun v»"as the first great ad- 
 vocate of the doctrine of secession. He 
 was the autlior of the nullification doc- 
 trine, and an advocate of the extreme doc- 
 trine of States Kights. He was an elo- 
 ?uent speaker — a man of strong intellect, 
 lis speeches were j)lain, strong, concise, 
 sometimes impassioned, and always severe. 
 Daniel Webster said of liim, that " he had 
 the basis, the in(lispens;il)le basis of all 
 high ciiaracters, and that was unspotted 
 integrity, unimpeached honor and char- 
 acter ! " 
 
 In .July of this year an event took place 
 which threw a gloom over the country. 
 The I'reaideut, General Taylor, contracted a 
 
 fever from exposure to the hot sun at a cele- 
 bration of Independence Day, from which 
 he died four days afterwards. He was a 
 man of irreproachable private character, 
 undoubted patriotism, and established re- 
 putation for judgment and firmness. His 
 brief career showed no deficiency of poli- 
 tical wisdom nor want of political training. 
 His administration was beset with difficul- 
 ties, with momentous questions pending, 
 and he met the crisis with firmness and 
 determination, resolved to maintain the 
 Federal Union at all hazards. His first 
 and only annual message, the leading 
 points of which have been stated, evinces 
 a spirit to do what was right among all the 
 States. His death was a public calamity. 
 No man could have been more devoted to 
 the Union nor more opposed to the slavery 
 agitation ; and his position as a Southern 
 man and a slaveholder — his military repu- 
 tation, and his election by a majority of 
 the people as well as of the States, would 
 have given him a power in the settlement 
 of the pending questions of the day which 
 no President without these qualifications 
 could have possessed. 
 
 In accordance with the Constitution, the 
 office of President thus devolved upon the 
 Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who 
 was duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The 
 new cabinet, with Daniel Webster as Se- 
 cretary of State, was duly appointed and 
 confirmed by the Senate. 
 
 The bill for the admission of California 
 as a State in the Union, was called up in 
 the Senate and sought to be amended by 
 extending the Missouri Compromise line 
 through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to 
 authorize slavery in the State below that 
 line. The amendment was introduced and 
 pressed by Southern friends of the late 
 Mr. Calhoun, and made a test question. It 
 was lost, and the bill passed by a two- 
 third vote ; whereupon ten Southern Sena- 
 tors offijred a written protest, the conclud- 
 ing clause of which was : '* We dissent 
 from this bill, and solemnly protest against 
 its passage, because in sanctioning mea- 
 sures so contrary to former precedents, to 
 obvious policy, to the s])irit and intent of 
 the constitution of the United States, for 
 the purpose of excluding the slaveholding 
 States from the territory thus to be erected 
 into a State, this government in eflect de- 
 clares that the exclusion of slavery from 
 the territory of the United States is an ob- 
 ject so high and important as to justify a 
 disregard not only ol' all the principles of 
 sound policy, but also of the constitution 
 itself. Against this conclusion we must 
 now and for ever protest, as ii; is destruc- 
 tive of the safety and liberties of thoso 
 whose riglits have been committed to our 
 care, fiital to the ])eace and equality of the 
 States which we represent, and must lead, 
 if persisted in, to the dissolution of that
 
 BOOEi.J RISE AND PROGRESS OF ABOLITION PARTY. 
 
 53 
 
 confederacy, in which the shiveholding 
 States have never sought more than 
 equality, anJ in which they will not be 
 content to remain with less." On objec- 
 tion being made, followed by debate, the 
 Senate refused to receive the pnjtest, or 
 permit it to be entered on the Journal. 
 The bill went to the House of Representa- 
 tives, was readily passed, and ])romptly 
 approved by the President. Thus was 
 virtually accomplished the abrogation of 
 the Missouri compromise line ; and the ex- 
 tensi(m or non-extension of slavery was 
 then made to form a foundation for future 
 political parties. 
 
 The year 1850 was prolific with disunion 
 movements in the Southern States. The 
 Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun 
 in the address to the people, in 1849, 
 united with their adherents in establishing 
 at Washington a newspaper entitled "The 
 Southern Press^" devoted to the agitation 
 of the slavery question ; to presenting the 
 advantages of disunion, and the organi- 
 zation of a confederacy of Southern 
 States to be called the ''United States 
 South." Its constant aim was to influence 
 the South against the North, and advoca- 
 ted concert of action by the States of the 
 former section. It was aided in its efforts 
 by newspapers jmblished in the South, 
 more especially in South Carolina and 
 Mississippi. A disunion convention was 
 actually held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and 
 invited the assembly of a Southern Con- 
 gress. Two States, South Carolina and 
 Mississippi responded to the appeal ; 
 passed laws to carry it into effect, and the 
 former went so far as to elect its quota of 
 Representatives to the pro2)Oscd new 
 Southern Congress. These occurrences 
 are referred to as showing the spirit that 
 prevailed, and the extraordinary and un- 
 justifiable means used by the leaders to 
 mislead and exasperate the people. The 
 assembling of a Southern " Congress " was 
 a turning point in the progress of disunion. 
 Georgia refused to join ; and her weight as 
 a great Southern State was sufficient to cause 
 the failure of the scheme. But the seeds 
 of discord were sown, and had taken root, 
 only to spring up at a future time when 
 circumstances should be more favorable to 
 the accomplishment of the object. 
 
 Although the Congress of the United 
 States had in 1790 and again in 1836 
 formally declared the policy of the govern- 
 ment to be non-interference with the States 
 in respect to the matter of slavery within 
 the limits of the respective States, the sub- 
 ject continued to be agitated in conse- 
 quence of petitions to Congress to abolish 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, which 
 was under the exclusive control of the fed- 
 eral government; and of movements 
 throughout the United States to limit, and 
 finally abolish it. The subject first made its 
 
 appearance in national politics in 1840, when 
 a jjresidential ticket was nominated by a 
 party then formed favoring the abolition of 
 slavery; it had a very slight following 
 which was increased ten-fold at the elec- 
 tion of 1844 when the same party again 
 ]Hit a ticket in the field with James G. 
 Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for 
 the Presidency; who received G2, 140 votes. 
 The efforts of the leaders of that faction 
 were continued, and persisted in to such 
 an extent, that when in 1848 it nominated 
 a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President, 
 against the Democratic candidate, Martin 
 Van Buren, the former received 296,232 
 votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 
 the abolition party again nominated a 
 ticket, with John P. Hale as its candidate 
 for President, and polled 157,926 votes. 
 This large following was increased from 
 time to time, until uniting with a new 
 party then formed, called the Republican 
 party, which latter adopted a platform en- 
 dorsing the views and sentiments of the 
 abolitionists, the great and decisive battle 
 for the principles involved, Avas fought in 
 the ensuing presidential contest of 1856 ; 
 when the candidate of the Republican 
 party, John C. Fremont, supported by the 
 entire abolition party, polled 1,341,812 
 votes. The first national platform of the 
 Abolition party, upon which it went into 
 the contest of 1840, favored the abolition 
 of slavery in the District of Columbia and 
 Territories; the inter-state slave trade, 
 and a general opposition to slavery to the 
 full extent of constitutional power. 
 
 Following the discussion of the subject of 
 slaver}', in the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives, brought about by the presenta- 
 tion of petitions and memorials, and the 
 passage of the resolutions in 1836 rejecting 
 such petitions, the question was again 
 raised by the presentation in the House, 
 by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th 
 December 1837, of two memorials praving 
 the abolition of slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, and moving that they be re- 
 ferred to a select committee. Great excite- 
 ment prevailed in the chamber, and of the 
 many attempts by the Southern members 
 an adjournment was had. The next day a 
 resolution was offered that thereafter all 
 such petitions and memorials touching the 
 abolition of slavery should, when pre- 
 sented, be laid on the table ; which resolu- 
 tion was adopted by a large vote. During 
 the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the 
 course of laying on the table the motion to 
 receive all abolition petitions ; and both 
 Houses during the 25th Congress continued 
 the same course of conduct; when finally 
 on the 25th of January 1840, the House 
 adopted by a vote of 114 to 108, an amend- 
 ment to the rule>, called the 21st Rule, 
 which provided: — "that no jietition, me- 
 morial or resolution, or other paper, pray-
 
 54 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 ing the abolition of slavery in the District 
 of Columbia, or any state or territory, or 
 the slave-trade between the States or ter- 
 ritories of the United States, in which it 
 now exists, shall be received by this 
 House, or entertained in any way what- 
 ever." This rule was afterwards, on the 
 3d of December, 1844, rescinded by the 
 House, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, 
 by a vote of 108 to 80 ; and a motion to 
 re-instate it, on the 1st of December 1845, 
 was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. 
 "Within five years afterwards — on the 17th 
 September iSSO, — the Congress of the 
 United States enacted a law, which was ap- 
 proved by the President, abolishing slavery 
 in the District of Columbia. 
 
 On the 25th of February, 1850, there 
 was presented in the House of Representa- 
 tives, two petitions from citizens of Penn- 
 sylvania and Delaware, setting forth that 
 slavery, and the constitution which per- 
 mits it, violates the Divine law; is incon- 
 sistent with republican principles ; that 
 its existence has brought evil upon the 
 country; and that no union can exist with 
 States which tolerate that institution ; and 
 asking that some plan be devised for the 
 immediate, peaceful dissolution of the 
 Union. The House refused to receive and 
 consider the petitions; as did also the 
 Senate when the same petitions were pre- 
 sented the same month. 
 
 The presidential election of 1852 was the 
 last campaign in which the Whig party 
 appeared in National politics. It nomi- 
 nated a ticket with General Winfield Scott 
 as its candidate for President. His oppo- 
 nent on the Democratic ticket was General 
 Franklin Pierce. A third ticket was placed 
 in the field by the Abolition party, with 
 John P. Hale as its candidate for Presi- 
 dent. The platform and declaration of 
 principles of the Whig party was in sub- 
 stance a ratification and endoi-sement of 
 the several measures embraced in Mr. 
 Clay's compromise resolutions of the pre- 
 vious session of Congress, before referred 
 to ; and the policy of a revenue for the 
 economical administration of the govern- 
 ment, to be derived mainly from duties on 
 imports, and by these means to afford pro- 
 tection to American industry. The main 
 plank of tbe platform of the Abolition 
 j)arty (or Independent Democrats, as tlicy 
 were called) was for the non-extonsion and 
 gradual extinction of s]aver)\ The Demo- 
 cratic party equally adhered to the com- 
 promise mea.sure. The election resulted 
 in the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a 
 popular vote of 1,(10], 474, and 254 electoral 
 votes, against a popular aggregate vote of 
 1,542,40;{ (of which the abolitionists polled 
 157,1120) and 42 electoral votes, for the 
 Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. 
 Pierce was duly inaugurated as President, 
 March 4, 1853. 
 
 The first political parties in the United 
 States, from the estabilshmeut of the fede- 
 ral government and for many years after- 
 wards, were denominated Federalists and 
 Democrats, or Democratic Republicans. 
 The former was an anti-alien party. The 
 latter was made up to a large extent of 
 naturalized foreigners ; refugees from Eng- 
 land, Ireland and Scotland, driven from 
 home for hostility to the government or for 
 attachment to France. Naturally, aliens 
 sought alliance with the Democratic party, 
 which favored the war against Great 
 Britain. The early party contests were 
 based on the naturalization laws ; the first 
 of which, approved March 26, 1790, re- 
 quired only two years' residence in this 
 country ; a few years afterwards the time 
 was extended to five years ; and in 1798 
 the Federalists taking advantage of the 
 war fever against France, and then being 
 in power, extended the tipae to fourteen 
 years. (See Alien and Sedition Laws of 
 1798). Jefl^erson's election and Demo- 
 cratic victory of 1800, brought the period 
 back to five years in 1802, and re-inforced 
 the Democratic party. The city of New 
 York, especially, from time to time became 
 filled with foreigners ; thus naturalized ; 
 brought into the Democratic ranks ; and 
 crowded out native Federalists from con- 
 trol of the city government, and to meet 
 this condition of afl^airs, the first attempt 
 at a Native American organization was 
 made. Beginning in 1835 ; ending in 
 failure in election of Mayor in 1837, it was 
 revived in April, 1844, when the Native 
 American organization carried New York 
 citj' for its Mayoralty candidate by a good 
 majority. The success of the movement 
 there, caused it to spread to New Jersey 
 and Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was 
 desperately opposed by the Democratic, 
 Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so 
 fiiriously, that it resulted in riots, in ^^■hich 
 two Romish Churches Avere burned and 
 destroyed. The adherents of the Ameri- 
 can organization were not confined to 
 Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native 
 Democrats ; and the Whigs openly voted 
 with Democratic Natives in order to secure 
 their vote for Henry Clay for the Presi- 
 dency ; but when in November, 1844, New 
 York and Philadelphia both gave Native 
 majorities, and so sapped the Whig A'ote, 
 that both places gave majorities for the 
 Democratic Presidential electors, the 
 Whigs drew off. In 1845, at the April 
 election in New York, the natives were 
 defeated, and the new party disappeared 
 there. As a result of the autumn election 
 of 1844, the 29th Congress, which organ- 
 ized in December, 1845, had six Native 
 Kepri'sentatives ; four from New York and 
 two from Pennsylvania. In the 30th Con- 
 gress, Pennsylvania had one. Thereafter 
 for some years, with the exceptiou of a
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL. 
 
 55 
 
 emiill vote in Pennsylvania and New York, 
 Nativism disappeared. An able writer oi" 
 that day— Hon. A. H. II. Stuart, of Vir- 
 ginia — published under the noni-de-plume 
 of " Madison " several letters in vindication 
 of the American party (revived in 1852,) in 
 which he said : " The vital principle of the 
 American party is Americanism — develop- 
 ing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to 
 our own country — its constituti(jn, its union, 
 and its laws — to American men, and Ameri- 
 can measures, and American interests — or, 
 in other words, a fervent patriotism — 
 which, rejecting the transcendental ])hilan- 
 thropy of abolitionists, and that kindred 
 batch of wild enthusiasts, who would seek 
 to embroil us with foreign countries, in 
 righting the wrongs of Ireland, or Hun- 
 gary, or Cuba — would guard with vestal 
 vigilance American institutions and Ameri- 
 can interests against the baneful eifecta of 
 foreign influence." 
 
 About 1852, when the question of slavery 
 in the territories, and its extension or its 
 abolition in the States, was agitated and 
 causing sectional differences in the coun- 
 try, many Whigs and Democrats forsook 
 their parties, and took sides on the ques- 
 tions of the day. This was aggravated by 
 the large number of alien naturalized citi- 
 zens constantly added to the ranks of 
 voters, who took sides with the Democrats 
 and against the Whigs. Nativism then 
 re-appeared, but in a new form — that of a 
 secret fraternity. Its real name and ob- 
 jects were not revealed — even to its mem- 
 bers, until they reached a high degree in 
 the order ; and the answer of members on 
 being questioned on these subjects was, " I 
 don't know'" — which gave it the popular 
 name, by which it is yet known, of " Know- 
 nothing." Its moving causes were the 
 growing power and designs of the Roman 
 Catholic Church in America ; the sudden 
 influx of aliens; and the greed and inca- 
 
 facity of naturalized citizens for office, 
 ts cardinal principle was: "Americans 
 must rule America " ; and its countersign 
 was the order of General Washington on a 
 critical occasion during the war : " Put 
 none but Americans on guard to-night." 
 Its early nominations were not made pub- 
 lic, but were made by select committees 
 and conventions of delegates. At first 
 these nominations were confined to selec- 
 tions of the best Whig or best Democrat on 
 the respective tickets; and the choice not 
 being made known, but quietly voted for 
 by all tlie members of the order, the effect 
 was only visible after election, and threw 
 all calculation into chaos. For a while it 
 was really the arbiter of elections. 
 
 On Feiiruary 8, 1853, a bill passed the 
 House of Representatives providing a ter- 
 ritorial government for Nebraska, embrac- 
 ing all of what is now Kansas and 
 Nebraska. It was silent on the subject of 
 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 
 The bill was tabled in the Senate ; to be 
 revived at the following session. In the 
 Senate it was amended, on motion of Mr. 
 Douglas, to read : " That so much of the 
 8th section of an act approved March 6, 
 1820, (the Missouri compromise) * * * 
 which, being inconsistent with the princi- 
 ples of non-intervention by Congress with 
 slavery in the States and Territories, as 
 recognized by the legislature of 1850, com- 
 monly called the Compromise measures, is 
 hereby declared inoperative and void ; it 
 being the true intent and meaning of 
 this act not to legislate slavery into any 
 Territory or State, nor to exclude it there- 
 from, but to leave the people thereof per- 
 fectly free to form and regulate their 
 domestic institutions in their own way, 
 subject only to the Constitution of the 
 United States." It was further amended, 
 on motion of Senator Clayton, to prohibit 
 " alien suffrage." In the House this 
 amendment was not agreed to ; and the 
 bill finally passed without it, on the 25th 
 May, 1854. 
 
 So far as Nebraska was concerned, no 
 excitement of any kind marked the initia- 
 tion of her territorial existence. The 
 persons who emigrated there seemed to 
 regard the pursuits of business as of more 
 interest than the discussion of slavery. 
 Kansas was less fortunate. Her territory 
 became at once the battle-field of a fierce 
 political conflict between the advocates of 
 slavery, and the free soil men from the 
 North who went there to resist the estab- 
 lishment of that institution in the terri- 
 tory. Differences arose between the 
 Legislature and the Governor, brought 
 about by antagonisms between the Pro- 
 slavery party and the Free State party ; 
 and the condition of affairs in Kansas 
 assumed so frightfiil a mien in January, 
 1856, that the President sent a special 
 message to Congress on the subject, 
 January 24, 1856 ; followed by a Proclama- 
 tion, February 11, 1856, "warning all un- 
 lawful combinations (in the territory) to 
 retire peaceably to their respective abodes, 
 or he would use the power of the local 
 militia, and the availal)le forces of the 
 United States to disperse them." 
 
 Several applications were made to Con- 
 gress for several successive j^cars, for the 
 admission of Kansas as a state in the 
 Union ; upon the basis of three separate 
 and distinct constitutions, all differing as 
 to the main questions at issue between the 
 contending factions. The name of Kansas 
 was for some years synonymous with all 
 that is lawless and anarchical. Elections 
 became mere farces, and the officers thus 
 fraudulently placed in power, used their 
 authority only for their own or their 
 party's interest. The jiarty opposed to 
 slavery at length triumphed ; a constitution
 
 56 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 excluding slavery was adopted in 1859, 
 and Kansas was admitted into the Union 
 January 29, 18G1. 
 
 Under the fugitive slave law, which was 
 passed by Congress at the session of 1850, 
 as one of the Compromise measures, intro- 
 duced by ^Ir. Chiy, a long and exciting 
 litigation occurred to test the validity and 
 constitutionality of the act, and the several 
 laws on which it depended. The suit was 
 instituted by Dred Scott, a negro slave, in 
 the Circuit Court of the United States for 
 the District of Missouri, in April Term, 
 1854, against John F. A. Sanford, his 
 alleged owner, for trespass vi et armis, in 
 holding the plaintift' and his wife and 
 daughters in slavery in said District of 
 Missouri, where by law slavery was pro- 
 hibited ; they having been previously law- 
 liilly held in slaA'eiy by a former owner — 
 Dr. Emerson — in the State of Illinois, 
 from whence they were taken by him to 
 Missouri, and sold to the defendent, San- 
 ford. The case went up on appeal to the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, and 
 was clearly and elaborately argued. The 
 majority opinion, delivered by Chief Jus- 
 tice Taney, as also the dissenting opinions, 
 are reported in lull in Howard's U. S. 
 Supreme Court Reports, Volume 19, page 
 393. In respect to the territories the Con- 
 stitution grants to Congress the power " to 
 make all needful rules and regulations 
 concerning the territory and other 2'>roperty 
 belonging to the United States,'' The 
 Court was of opinion that the clause of 
 the Constitution applies only to the terri- 
 tory within the original States at the time 
 the Constitution was adopted, and that it 
 did not apply to future territory acquired 
 by treaty or conquest from foreign na- 
 tions. They were also of opinion that the 
 power of Congress over such future terri- 
 torial acquisitions was not unlimited, that 
 the citizens of the States migrating to a 
 territory were not to be regarded as 
 colonists, subject to absolute power in 
 Congress, but as citizens of the United 
 States, with all the riglits of citizenship 
 guarantied by the Constitution, and that 
 no legislation was constitutional Avhich at- 
 tempted to deprive a citizen of his 
 property on his becoming a resident of a 
 territorj'. This question in the case arose 
 under the act of Congress prohiltiting 
 slavery in the territory of upper Louisiana, 
 (acquired from France, afterwards the 
 State), and of which the territory of 
 Missouri was fonned. Any obscurity as 
 to what constitutes citizenship, will be re- 
 moved by attending to the distinction be- 
 tween local rights of citizenship of the 
 United States according to the (Constitu- 
 tion. CitizenHhij) at large in the sense of 
 the Constitution can be conferred on a 
 foreigner only by the naturalization laws 
 of Congress. But each State, in the exer. 
 
 cise of its local and reserved sovereignty, 
 may place foreigners or other persons on 
 a footing with its own citizens, as to politi- 
 cal rights and privileges to be enjoyed 
 within its own dominion. But State regu- 
 lations of this character do not make the 
 persons on whom such rights are conferred 
 citizens of the LTnited States or entitle 
 them to the privileges and immunities of 
 citizens in another State. See 5 Wheaton, 
 (U. S. Supreme Court Reports), page 49. 
 
 The Court said in The Dred Scott case, 
 above referred to, that : — " The right of 
 property in a slave is distinctly and ex- 
 pressly affirmed in the Constitution. The 
 right to traffic in it like the ordinary article 
 of merchandise and property was guar- 
 antied to the citizens of the United States, 
 in every State that might desire it for 
 twenty years, and the government in ex- 
 press terms is pledged to protect it in all 
 future time if the slave escapes from his 
 owner. This is done in plain words — too 
 plain to be misunderstood, and no word 
 can be found in the Constitution which 
 gives Congress a greater power over slave 
 property, or which entitles property of 
 that kind to less protection than the prop- 
 erty of any other description. The only 
 power conferred is the power coui)led with 
 the duty of guarding and protecting the 
 owner in his rights. Upon these considera- 
 tions, it is the opinion of the Court that 
 the Act of Congress which prohibited a 
 citizen from holding and owning property 
 of this kind in the territory of the U^nited 
 States north of the line therein mentioned, 
 is not warranted by the Constitution and 
 is therefore void ; and that neither Dred 
 Scott himself, nor any of his family were 
 made free by being carried into this terri- 
 tory ; even it" they had been carried there 
 by the owner with the intention of becom- 
 ing a permanent resident." The ab(/lition 
 of slavery by the 13th amendment to the 
 Constitution of the LTnited States ratified 
 and adopted December 18, 1865, has put 
 an end to these discussions formerly so 
 numerous. 
 
 As early as 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska 
 controversy on the territorial government 
 bill, resulted in a division of the Whig 
 party in the North. Those not sufliciently 
 o]iposed to slavery to enter the new Rejiub- 
 lican party, then in its inci])iency, allied 
 themselves with the Know-Nothing order, 
 which now accepting the name of Ameri- 
 can party established a seitarate and in- 
 dependent political existence. The jKirty 
 had no hold in the West; it was entirely 
 Middle State at this time, and polled a 
 large vote in Massachusetts, Delaware and 
 New York. In the State elections of 1 855 
 the American party made a stride South- 
 ward. In 1855, the absence of natural- 
 ized citizens was universal in the South, 
 and even so late as 1881 the proportion of
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 
 
 57 
 
 foreiga-born population in the Southern 
 States, with the exception of Florida, 
 Louisiana, and Texas was under two per 
 cent. At the early date — 1855 — the na- 
 tivist feeling among the Whigs of that 
 section, made it easy to transl'er them to 
 the American juirty, which thus secured in 
 both the Eastern and Southern States, the 
 election of (rovernor and Legislature in 
 the States of New Hampshire, Massachu- 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
 York, California and Kentucky; and also 
 elected part of its State ticket in jNIary- 
 laud, and Texas ; and only lost the States 
 of Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi- 
 ana, and Texas, by small majorities against 
 it. 
 
 The order began preparations for a cam- 
 paign as a National party, in 1856. It aimed 
 to introduce opposition to aliens and Ro- 
 man Catholicism as a national question. 
 On the 21st of February, 1856, the Nation- 
 al Council held a session at Philadelphia, 
 and proceeded to formulate a declaration of 
 principles, and make a platform, which 
 were as follows : 
 
 " An humble acknowledgement to the 
 Supreme Being, for his protecting care 
 vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- 
 ful Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto 
 manifested to us, their descendants, in the 
 preservation of the liberties, the indepen- 
 dence, and the union of these States. 
 
 2d. The perpetuation of the Federal 
 Union, as the palladium of our civil and 
 religious liberties, and the only sure Bul- 
 wark of American independence. 
 
 3d. Americans must rule America, and 
 to this end, native-born citizens should be 
 selected for all state, federal, and munici- 
 pal ottices or government employment, in 
 preference to all others ; nevertheless, 
 
 4th. Persons born of American par- 
 ents residing temporarily abroad, should 
 be entitled to all the rights of native-born 
 citizens ; but, 
 
 5th. No person shall be selected for po- 
 litical station (whether of native or for- 
 eign birth), who recognizes any allegiance 
 or obligation, of any description, to any 
 foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who 
 refuses to recognize the Federal and State 
 constitutions (each within its sphere) as 
 
 f»aramount to all other laws, as rules of po- 
 itical action. 
 
 6th. The unqualified recognition and 
 maintenance of the reserved rights of the 
 several States, and the cultivation of har- 
 mony and fraternal good will, between the 
 citizens of the several States, and to this 
 end, non-interference by congress with 
 questions appertaining solely to the indi- 
 vidual States, and non-intervention by each 
 State with the affairs of any other State. 
 
 7th. The recognition of the right of 
 the native-born and naturalized citizens of 
 the United States, permanently residing in 
 
 any territory thereof, to frame their con- 
 stitution and laws, and to regulate their 
 domestic and social alfairs in their own 
 mode, subject otily to the provisions of the 
 Federal Constitution, with the privilege of 
 admission into the Union, whenever they 
 have the requisite pojiulation for one rep- 
 resentative in Congress. — Provided always, 
 that none but those who are citizens of the 
 United vStates, under the Constitution and 
 laws thereof, and who have a fixed resi- 
 dence in any such territory, ought to par- 
 ticipate in the formation of the Constitu- 
 tion, or in the enactment of laws for said 
 Territory or State. 
 
 8th. An enibrrement of the principle 
 that no State or Territory ought to admit 
 others than citizens of the United States to 
 the riiiht of sutl'rage, or of holding politi- 
 cal office. 
 
 9th. A change in the laws of naturali- 
 zation, making a continued residence of 
 twenty-one years, of all not hereinbefore 
 provided for, an indispensable requisite for 
 citizenship hereafter, and excluding all 
 paupers, and persons convicted of crime, 
 from landing upon our shores ; but no in- 
 terference with the vested rights of foreign- 
 ers. 
 
 10th. Opposition to any union between 
 Church and State ; no interference with re- 
 ligious faith, or worship, and no test oaths 
 for office. 
 
 11th. Free and thorough investigation 
 into any and all alleged abuses of public 
 functionaries, and a strict economy in pub- 
 lic expenditures. 
 
 12th. The maintenance and enforce- 
 ment of all laws constitutionally enacted, 
 until said laws shall be repealed, or shall 
 be declared null and void by competent 
 judicial authority. 
 
 The American Ritual, or Constitution, 
 rules, regulations, and ordinances of the 
 Order were as follows : — 
 
 AMERICAN RITUAL. 
 
 ConstitxUion of the Nalionnl Council of the United States of 
 North America. 
 
 Art. 1st. This organization shall be 
 known by the name and title of The 
 National Council of the United 
 States of North America, and its juris- 
 diction and power shall extend to all the 
 states, districts, and territories of the 
 United States of North America. 
 
 Art. 2d. The object of this organization 
 shall be to protect every American citizen 
 in the legal and proper exercise of all his 
 civil and religious rights and privileges ; 
 to resist the insidious policy of the Church 
 of Rome, and all other foreign infiuence 
 against otir republican institutions in all 
 lawftil ways ; to place in all offices of honor 
 trust, or profit, in the gift of the peojile, or 
 by appointment, none but native-born 
 Protestant citizens, and to protect, preserve,
 
 58 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 and uphold the union of these states and 
 the constitution of the same. 
 
 Art. 3d. Sec. 1. — A person to become a 
 member of any subordinate council must 
 be twenty-one years of age ; lie must be- 
 lieve in the existence of a Supreme Being 
 as the Creator and preserver of the uni- 
 verse. He must be a native-born citizen ; 
 a Protestant, either born of Protestant 
 parents, or reared under Protestant influ- 
 ence ; and not united in marriage with a 
 Roman Catholic ; provided, nevertheless, 
 that in this last respect, the state, district, 
 or territorial councils shall be authorized 
 to so construct their respective constitu- 
 tions as shall best promote the interests of 
 the American cause in their several juris- 
 dictions ; and provided, moreover, that no 
 member who may have a Roman Catholic 
 wife shall be eligible to office in this order ; 
 and provided, further, should any state, 
 district, or territorial council prefer the 
 words " Roman Catholic" as a disquali- 
 fication to membership, in place of " Pro- 
 testant" as a qualification, they may so 
 consider this constitution and govern their 
 action accordingly. 
 
 Sec. 2. — There shall be an interval of 
 three weeks between the conferring of the 
 first and second degrees ;' and of three 
 months between the conferring of the 
 second and third degrees — provided, that 
 this restriction shall not apply to those who 
 may have received the second degree pre- 
 vious to the first day of December next ; 
 and provided, further, that the presidents 
 of state, district, and territorial councils 
 may grant dispensations for initiating in 
 all the degrees, ofiicers of new councils. 
 
 Sec. 3. — The national council shall hold 
 its annual meetings on the first Tuesday 
 in the month of June, at such place as may 
 be designated by the national council at 
 tlie previous annual meeting, and it may 
 adjourn from time to time. Special meet- 
 ings may be called by the President, on the 
 written request of five delegations rej)re- 
 senting five state councils; provided, that 
 sixty days' notice shall be given to the 
 state councils previous to said meeting. 
 
 Sec. 4. — The national council shall be 
 composed of seven delegates from each 
 state, to be chosen by the state councils ; 
 and each district or territory where a dis- 
 trict or territorial council shall exist, shall 
 be entitled to send two delegates, to be 
 chosen from said council — provided that in 
 the nomination of candidates for Presi- 
 dent and Vice President of the United 
 States, and each state sliall be entitled to 
 cast the same numl)er of votes jls they shall 
 have mem])ers in both houses of Congress. 
 In all sessions of the national council, 
 thirty-two delegates, representing thirteen 
 fitates, territories, or districts, shall consti- 
 tute a (juoruni for the transaction of busi- 
 uesa. 
 
 Sec. 5. — The national council shall be 
 vested with the following powers and privi- 
 leges : 
 
 It shall be the head of the organization 
 for the United States of North America, 
 and shall fix and establish all signs, gri2:>8, 
 passwords, and such other secret work, as 
 may seem to it necessary. 
 
 It shall have the power to decide all 
 matters appertaining to national politics. 
 
 It shall have the power to exact from the 
 state councils, quarterly or annual state- 
 ments as to the number of members under 
 their jurisdictions, and in relation to all 
 other matters necessary for its information. 
 
 It shall have the power to form state, 
 territorial, or district councils, and to grant 
 dispensations for the formation of such 
 bodies, when five subordinate councils shall 
 have been put in operation in any state, 
 territory, or district, and application made. 
 
 It shall have the power to determine 
 upon a mode of punishment in case of any 
 dereliction of duty on the part of its mem- 
 bers or officers. 
 
 It shall have the power to adopt cabal- 
 istic characters for the purpose of writing 
 or telegraphing. Said characters to be 
 communicated to the presidents of the 
 state councils, and by them to the presi- 
 dents of the subordinate councils. 
 
 It shall have the power to adopt any and 
 every measure it may deem necessary to 
 secure the success of the organization ; 
 provided that nothing shall be done by the 
 said national council in violation of the 
 constitution ; and provided further, that 
 in all political matters, its members may 
 be insti'ucted by the state councils, and if 
 so instructed, shall carry out such instruc- 
 tions of the state councils which they repre- 
 sent until overruled by a majority of the 
 national council. 
 
 Art. 4. The President shall always preside 
 over the national council when present, 
 and in his absence the Vice President shall 
 preside, and in the absence of both the 
 national council shall appoint a president 
 jiro tempore ; and the presiding officers may 
 at all times call a member to the chair, but 
 such aiipointment shall not extend be- 
 yond one sitting of the national council. 
 
 Art. 5. Sec. 1. — The officers of the 
 National Council shall be a President,Vice- 
 President, Chaplain, Corresponding Secre- 
 tary, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, and 
 two Sentinels, with such other officers as 
 the national council may see fit to appoint 
 from time to time ; and the secretaries and 
 sentinels may receive such compensation 
 as the national council shall determine. 
 
 Sec. 2. — The duties of the several officers 
 created by this constitution shall be such 
 as the work of this organization prescribes. 
 
 Art. 6. Sec. 1. — All officers jirovided for 
 by this constitution, excej)t the sentinels, 
 ehall be elected annually by ballot. The
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 
 
 69 
 
 president may appoint sentinels from time 
 to time. 
 
 Sec. 2. — A majority of all the votes cast 
 shall be requisite to an election for an office. 
 
 Sec. 3. — All officers and delegates of this 
 council, and of all state, district, territorial, 
 and subordinate councils, must be invested 
 with all the degrees of this order. 
 
 Sec. 4. — All vacancies in the elective 
 offices shall be filled by a vote of the na- 
 tional council, and only for the unexpired 
 term of the said vacancy. 
 
 Art. 7. Seel. — The national council shall 
 entertain and decide all cases of appeal, 
 and it shall establish a form of appeal. 
 
 Sec. 2. — The national council shall levy 
 a tax upon the state, district, or territorial 
 councils, for the support of the national 
 council, to be paid in such manner and at 
 such times as the national council shall 
 determine. 
 
 Art. 8. — This national council may alter 
 and amend this constitution at its regular 
 annual meeting in June next, by a vote of 
 the majority of the whole number of the 
 members present. (Cincinnati, Nov. 24, 
 1854.) 
 
 RULES AND REGULATIONS. 
 
 Rule 1. — Each State, District, or Terri- 
 tory, in which there may exist five or 
 more subordinate councils working under 
 dispensations from the National Council 
 of the United States of North America, or 
 under regular dispensations from some 
 State, District, or Territory, are duly em- 
 powered to establish themselves into a 
 State, District, or Territorial council, and 
 when so established, to form for them- 
 selves constitutions and by-laws for their 
 government, in pursuance of, and in con- 
 sonance with the Constitution of the 
 National Council of the United States ; 
 provided, however, that all State, District, 
 or Territorial constitutions shall be subject 
 to the approval of the National Council of 
 the United States. (June, 1854.) 
 
 Rule 2.— All State, District, or Terri- 
 torial councils, when established, sh;ill 
 have full power and authority to establish 
 all subordinate councils within their re- 
 spective limits ; and the constitutions and 
 by-laws of all such sul)ordinate councils 
 must be approved by their respective State, 
 District, or Territorial councils. (June, 
 1854.) 
 
 Rules.— All State, District, or Terri- 
 torial councils, when established and until 
 the formation of constitutions, shall work 
 under the constitution of the National 
 Council of the United States. (June, 
 1854.) 
 
 Rule 4. — In all cases where, for the con- 
 venience of the organization, two State or 
 Territorial councils may be established, 
 the two councils together shall be entitled 
 to but thirteen delegates* in the National 
 ♦Note. — See ConstitutioQ, Art. 3, Sec. 4, p. 5. 
 
 Council of the United States — tlie propor- 
 tioned number of delegates to depend on 
 the number of mendjcrs in the organiza- 
 tions; provided, that no State shall be al- 
 lov/cd to have more than one State coun- 
 cil, without the consent of the National 
 Council of the United States. (June, 
 1854.) 
 
 Rule 5. — In any State, District, or Ter- 
 ritory, where there may be more than one 
 organization working on the same basis, 
 (to wit, the lodges and "councils,") the 
 same shall be required to combine; the 
 officers of each organization shall resign 
 and new officers be elected ; and thereafter 
 these bodies shall be known as State coun- 
 cils, and subordinate councils, and new 
 charters shall be granted to them by the 
 national council. (June, 1854.) 
 
 Rule G. — It shall be considered a penal 
 offence for any brother not an officer of a 
 subordinate council, to make use of the 
 sign or summons adopted for public noti- 
 fication, except by direction of the Presi- 
 dent; or for officers of a council to post 
 the same at any other time than from mid- 
 night to one hour before daybreak, and 
 this rule shall be incorporated into the by- 
 laws of the State, District, and Territorial 
 councils. (June, 1854.) 
 
 Rule 7. — The determination of the neces- 
 sity and mode of issuing the posters for 
 public notification shall be intrusted to the 
 State, District, or Territorial councils. 
 (June, 1854.) 
 
 Rule 8. — The respective State, District, 
 or Territorial councils shall be required to 
 make statements of the number of mem- 
 bers within their respective limits, at the 
 next meeting of this national council, and 
 annually thereafter, at the regular annual 
 meeting. (June, 1854.) 
 
 Rule 9. — The delegates to the National 
 Council of the United States of North 
 America shall be entitled to three dollars 
 per day for their attendance upon the 
 national council, and for each day that 
 may be necessary in going and returning 
 from the same ; and five cents per mile for 
 every mile they may necessarily travel in 
 going to, and returning from the place of 
 meeting of the national council; to be 
 computed by the nearest mail route : which 
 shall be paid out of the treasury of the ^ 
 national council. (November, 1854.) 
 
 Rule 10.— Each State, District, or Terri- 
 torial council shall be taxed four cents per 
 annum for every member in good standing 
 belonging to each subordinate council un- 
 der its jurisdiction on the first day of 
 April, which shall be reported to the na- 
 tional council, and paid into the national 
 treasury, on or before the first day of the 
 annual session, to be held in June ; and on 
 the same day in each succeeding year. 
 And the first "fiscal year shall be considered 
 as commencing on the first day of Decern-
 
 60 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [cook I. 
 
 ber, 1854, and ending on the fifteenth day i 
 ofMav, 1855. (November, 1854.) j 
 
 Rule 11.— The following shall be the 
 key to determine and ascertain the pur- 
 port of any communication that may be 
 addressed to the President of a State, Dis- 
 trict, or Territorial council by the Presi- 
 dent of the national council, who is hereby 
 instructed to communicate a knowledge of 
 the same to said officers : 
 ABCDEFGHI JKLM 
 1 7 13 19 25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15 
 NOPQRSTUVAVXYZ 
 21 4 10 16 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 18 24 
 
 Rule 12.— The clause of the article of 
 the constitution relative to belief in the 
 Supreme Being is obligatory upon every 
 State and subordinate council, as well as 
 upon each individual member. (June, 
 1854.) 
 
 Rule 13.— The following shall be the 
 compensation of the officers of this coun- 
 cil: 
 
 1st. The Corresponding Secretary shall 
 be paid two thousand dollars per annum, 
 from the 17th day of June, 1854. 
 
 2d. The Treasurer shall be paid five 
 hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th 
 day of June, 1854. 
 
 3d. The Sentinels shall be paid five dol- 
 lars for every day they may be in attend- 
 ance on the sittings of the national coun- 
 cil. 
 
 4th. The Chaplain shall be paid one 
 hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th 
 dav of June, 1854. 
 
 5th. The Recording Secretary shall be 
 paid five hundred dollars per annum, from 
 the 17th day of June, 1854. 
 
 6th. The 'Assistant Secretary shall be 
 paid five dollars per day, for every day he 
 may be in attendance on the sitting of the 
 national council. All of which is to be 
 paid out of the national treasury, on the 
 draft of the President. (November, 1854.) 
 
 SPECIAL VOTING. 
 
 Vote 1st.— -This national council hereby 
 grants to the State of Virginia two State 
 councils, the one to be located in Eastern 
 and the other in Western Virginia, the 
 Blue Ridge Mountains being the geo- 
 graphical line between the two jurisdic- 
 tions. (June, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 2d.— The President shall have 
 power, till the next session of the national 
 council, to grant dispensations for the for- 
 mation of State, District, or Territorial 
 councils, in form most agreeable to his 
 own discretion, upon proper application 
 being made. (Juno, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 3d.— Tlie seats of all delegates to 
 and members of the i)rescnt national coun- 
 cil shall be vacated on the first Tuesday in 
 June, 1855, at the hour of six o'clock in 
 the forenoon; and the national council 
 
 convening in annual session upon that 
 dav, shall be composed exclusively of del- 
 egates elected under and in accordance 
 with the provisions of the constitution, as 
 amended at the present session of this 
 national council ; provided, that this reso- 
 lution shall not apply to the officers of the 
 national council. (November, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 4th. — The Corresponding Secretary 
 of this council is authorized to have print- 
 ed the names of the delegates to this 
 national council ; also, those of the Presi- 
 dents of the several State, District, and 
 Territorial councils, together with their 
 address, and to forward a copy of the 
 same to each person named ; and further, 
 the Corresponding Secretaries of each 
 State, District, and Territory are requested 
 to forward a copy of their several con- 
 stitutions to each other. (November, 
 1854.) 
 
 Vote 5th. — In the publication of the 
 constitution and the ritual, under the di- 
 rection of the committee — brothers Desh- 
 ler, Damrell, and Stephens — the name, 
 signs, grips, and passwords of the order 
 shall be indicated by [***], and a copy 
 of the same shall be fiirnished to each 
 State, District, and Territorial council, and 
 to each member of that body. (Novem- 
 ber, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 6th. — A copy of the constitution of 
 each State, District, and Territorial coun- 
 cil, shall be submitted to this council for 
 examination. (November, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 7th. — It shall be the duty of the 
 Treasurer, at each annual meeting of this 
 body, to make a report of all moneys re- 
 ceived or exj)ended in the interval. (No- 
 vember, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 8th.— Messrs. Gifford of Pa., Bar- 
 ker of N. Y., Deshler of N. J., Williamson 
 of Va., and Stephens of Md., are appointed 
 a committee to confer with similar commit- 
 tees that have been appointed for the pur- 
 pose of consolidating the various American 
 orders, with power to make the necessary 
 arrangement for such consolidation — sub- 
 ject to the approval of this national coun- 
 cil, at its next session. (November, 1854.) 
 
 Vote 9th. — On receipt of the new ritual 
 by the members of this national council 
 who have received the third degree, they 
 or any of them may, and they are hereby 
 empowered to, confer the third degree upon _ 
 members of this body in their respective 
 states, districts, and territories, and upon 
 the presidents and other officers of their 
 state, district, and territorial councils. 
 And further, the ]iresidents of the state, 
 district, and territorial councils shall in 
 the first instance confer the third degree 
 upon as many of the jircsidcnts and officers 
 of their sul)ordinatc councils as can be as- 
 peml)l('d together in their respective local- 
 ities ; and afterwards the sanie may be con- 
 ferred upon officers of other subordinate
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE AMERICAN RITUAL, 
 
 61 
 
 councils, by any presiding ofQcer of a coun- 
 cil who shall have previously received it 
 under the provisions of the constitution, 
 (November, 18')4.) 
 
 Vote 10th. — To entitle any delegate to a 
 seat in this national council, at its annual 
 session in June next, he must present a 
 properly authenticated certificate that he 
 was duly elected as a delegate to the same, 
 or appointed a substitute in accordance 
 with the requirements of the constitutions 
 of state, territorial, or district councils. 
 And no delegate shall be received from 
 any state, district, or territorial council 
 which has not adopted the constitution and 
 ritual of this national council. (November, 
 1854.) 
 
 Vote 11th. — The committee on printing 
 the constitution and ritual is authorized to 
 have a sufficient number of the same print- 
 ed for the use of the order. And no state, 
 district, or territorial council shall be al- 
 lowed to reprint the same. (November, 
 1854.) 
 
 Vote 12th.— The right to establish all 
 subordinate councils in any of the states, 
 districts, and territories represented in this 
 national council, shall be confined to the 
 state, district, and territorial councils 
 which they represent. (November, 1854.) 
 
 Constitution for the Government of 
 Subordinate Councils. 
 
 Art. I. Sec. 1. — Each subordinate coun- 
 cil shall be composed of not less than thir- 
 teen members, all of whom shall have re- 
 ceived all the degrees of the order, and 
 
 shall be known and recognised as • 
 
 Council, No. , of the of the 
 
 county of , and State of North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Sec. 2. — No person shall be a member of 
 any subordinate council in this state, un- 
 less he possesses all the qualifications, and 
 comes up to all the requirements laid down 
 in the constitution of the national council, 
 and whose wife (if he has one), is not a 
 Roman Catholic. 
 
 Sec. 3. No application for membership 
 shall be received and acted on from a per- 
 son residing out of the state, or resides in 
 a county where there is a council in ex- 
 istence, unless upon special cause to be 
 stated to the council, to be judged of by 
 the same; and such person, if the reasons 
 be considered sufficient, may be initiated 
 the same night he is proposed, provided he 
 resides five miles or more from the place 
 where the council is located. But no per- 
 son can vote in any council, except the one 
 of which he is a member. 
 
 Sec. 4. Every person applying for mem- 
 bership, shall be voted for' by ballot, in 
 open council, if a ballot is requested by a 
 single member. If one-third of the votes 
 cast be against the ap])licant, he shall be 
 rejected. If any applicant be rejected, he 
 
 shall not be again proposed within six 
 months thereafter. Nothing herein con- 
 tained shall be ccmstrued to jjrevent the 
 initiation of applicants privately, by tliose 
 empowered to do so, in localities wltere 
 there are no councils within a convenient 
 distance. 
 
 Sec. 5. Any member of one subordinate 
 council wishing to change his membership 
 to another council, shall ai)i)ly to the coun- 
 cil to which he belongs, either in writing 
 or orally through another member, and the 
 question shall be decided by the council. 
 If a majority are in favor of granting him 
 an honorable dismission, he shall receive 
 the same in writing, to be signed by the 
 president and countersigned by the secre- 
 tary. But until a member thus receiving 
 an honorable dismission has actually been 
 admitted to membership in another coun- 
 cil, he shall be held subject to the disci- 
 pline of the council from which he has re- 
 ceived the dismission, to be dealt with by 
 the same, for any violation of the require- 
 ments of the order. P.efore being received 
 in the council to which he wishes to trans- 
 fer his membership, he shall present said 
 certificate of honorable dismission, and 
 shall be received as new members are. 
 
 Sec. 6. Applications for the second de- 
 gree shall not be received except in second 
 degree councils, and voted on by second 
 and third degree members only, and ap- 
 plications for the third degree shall be 
 received in third degree councils, and 
 voted on by third degree members only. 
 
 Art. II. — Each subordinate council shall 
 fix on its own time and place for meeting: 
 and shall meet at least once a month, but 
 where not very inconvenient, it is recom- 
 mended that they meet once a week. Thir- 
 teen members shall form a quorum for 
 the transaction of business. Special meet- 
 ings may be called by the president at any 
 time, at "the request of four members of the 
 order. 
 
 Art. III. — Sec. 1. The members of each 
 subordinate council shall consist of a pre- 
 sident, vice-president, instructor, secre- 
 tary, treasurer, marshal, inside and outside 
 sentinel, and shall hold their offices for the 
 term of six months, or until their succes- 
 sors are elected and installed. 
 
 Sec. 2. The officers of each subordinate 
 council (except the sentinels, who shall be 
 appointed by the j>resident), shall be elect- 
 ed at the first regular meetings in January 
 and July, separately, and by ballot ; and 
 each shall receive a majority of all the 
 votes cast to entitle him to an election. 
 No member shall be elected to any office, 
 unless he be present and signifyhis assent 
 thereto at the time of his election. Any 
 vacancy which may occur liy death, resig- 
 nation, or otherwise, shall be filled at the 
 next meeting thereafter, in the manner 
 and form above described.
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Sec. 3. The President.— It shall be the 
 duty of the president of each subordinate 
 council, to preside in the council, and en- 
 force a due observance of the constitution 
 and rules of the order, and a proper respect 
 for the state council and the national coun- 
 cil ; to have sole and exclusive charge of 
 the charter and the constitution and ritual 
 of the order, which he must always have 
 with him when his council is in session, to 
 see that all officers perform their respec- 
 tive duties ; to announce all ballotiugs to 
 the council ; to decide all questions of 
 order ; to give the casting vote in all cases 
 of a tie; to convene special meetings when 
 deemed expedient ; to draw warrants on 
 the treasurer for all sums, the j^ayment of 
 which is ordered by the council ; and to 
 perform such other duties as are demanded 
 of him by the constitutions and ritual of 
 the order. 
 
 Sec. 4. The vice-president of each sub- 
 ordinate council shall assist the president 
 in the discharge of his duties, whilst his 
 council is in session ; and, in his absence, 
 shall perform all the duties of the presi- 
 dent. 
 
 Sec. 5. The instructor shall perform the 
 duties of the president in the absence of 
 the president and vice-president, and shall, 
 under the direction of the president, per- 
 form such duties as may be assigned to 
 him by the ritual. 
 
 Sec. 6. The secretary shall keep an ac- 
 curate record of the proceedings of the 
 council. He shall write all communica- 
 tions, fill all notices, attest all warrants 
 drawn by the president for the payment of 
 money ; he shall keep a correct roll of all 
 the members of the council, together with 
 their age, residence, and occupation, in 
 the order in which they have been admit- 
 ted ; he shall, at the expiration of every 
 three months, make out a report of all work 
 done during that time, which report he 
 shall forward to the secretary of the state 
 council ; and when superseded in his office 
 shall deliver all books, papers, &c., in his 
 hands to his successor. 
 
 Sec. 7. The treasurer shall hold all mo- 
 neys raised exclusively for the use of the 
 etate council, which he shall pay over to 
 the secretary of the state council at its 
 regular sessions, or whenever called upon 
 by the president of the state council. He 
 shall receive all moneys for the use of the 
 fuVjordinatc council, and pay all amounts 
 drawn for on him, Ijy the jiresident of the 
 subordinate council, if attested by the se- 
 cretary. 
 
 Sec. 8. The marshal shall perform 
 Buch duties, under the direction of the 
 president, as may be required of him by 
 the ritual. 
 
 Sec. 0. The inside sentinel shall have 
 cliarge of the inner door, and act under 
 the directions of the president. He shall 
 
 admit no person, unless he can prove him- 
 self a member of this order, and of the 
 same degree in which the council is opened, 
 or by order of the president, or is satisfac- 
 torily vouched for. 
 
 Sec. 10. The outside sentinel shall have 
 charge of the outer door, and act in ac- 
 cordance with the orders of the president. 
 He shall permit no person to enter the 
 outer door unless he give the password of 
 the degree in which the council is at work, 
 or is properly vouched for. 
 
 Sec. 11. The secretary, treasurer, and 
 sentinels, shall receive such compensation 
 as the subordinate councils may each con- 
 clude to allow. 
 
 Sec, 12. Each subordinate council may 
 levy its own fees for initiation, to raise a 
 fund to pay its dues to the state council, 
 and to defray its own expenses. Each 
 council may, also, at its discretion, initiate 
 without charging the usual fee, those it 
 considers unable to pay the same. 
 
 Sec. 13. The president shall keep in his 
 possession the constitution and ritual of 
 the order. He shall not suffer the same 
 to go out of his possession under any pre- 
 tence whatever, unless in case of absence, 
 when he may put them in the hands of 
 the vice-president or instructor, or whilst 
 the council is in session, for the informa- 
 tion of a member wishing to see it, for 
 the purpose of initiation, or conferring of 
 degrees. 
 
 Art. IV. Each subordinate council shall 
 have power to adopt such by-laws, rules, 
 and regulations, for its own government, 
 as it may think proper, not inconsistent 
 with the constitutions of the national and 
 state councils. 
 
 Form of Application for a Charter 
 TO Organize a new Council. 
 
 Post Office 
 
 — county, 
 Date . 
 
 To 
 
 President of the State Council of North 
 Carolina : — 
 
 We, the undersigned, members of the 
 Third Degree, being desirous of extending 
 the influence and usefulness of our organi- 
 zation, do hereby ask for a warrant of dis- 
 pensation, instituting and organizing us as 
 a subordinate branch of the order, under 
 the jurisdiction of the State Council of the 
 State of North Carolina, to be known and 
 hailed as Council No. , and to be lo- 
 cated at , in the county of , State 
 
 of North Carolina. 
 
 And we do hereby pledge ourselves to 
 be governed by the Constitution of the 
 State Council of the State of North Caro- 
 lina, and of the Grand Council of the U. 
 S. N. A., and that we will in all things con- 
 form to the rules and usages of the order. 
 
 Names. 
 
 Residences.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 
 
 63 
 
 FORM OF DISMISSION FROM ONE COUNCIL 
 TO ANOTHKR. 
 
 This is to certify that Brother , a 
 
 member of Council, No. , having 
 
 made an ai)plication to change his mem- 
 bership from this council to that of 
 
 Council, No. , at , in the county 
 
 of , I do hereby declare, that said 
 
 brother has received an honoralde dismis- 
 sion from this council, and is hereby re- 
 commended for membership in Coun- 
 cil, No. , in the county of , N. C. ; 
 
 f)rovided, however, that until Brother 
 las been admitted to membership in said 
 council, he is to be considered subject to 
 the discipline of this council, to be dealt 
 with by the same for any violation of the 
 
 requirements of the order. This the 
 
 day of , 185—, and the year of 
 
 American Independence. 
 
 President, Council, 
 
 No. . 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 FORM OF CERTIFICATE FOR DELEGATES TO 
 THE STATE COUNCIL. 
 
 Council, No. , 
 
 county of , N. C. 
 
 This is to certify that and were 
 
 at the regular meeting of this council, held 
 
 on the , 185 — , duly elected delegates 
 
 to represent this council in the next an- 
 nual meeting of the state council, to be 
 held in , on the 3d Monday in Novem- 
 ber next. And by virtue of the authority 
 in me reposed, I do hereby declare the 
 
 said and to be invested with all 
 
 the rights, powers, and privileges of the 
 delegates as aforesaid. This being the 
 
 day of , 185 — , and the year 
 
 of our national independence. 
 
 President of 
 
 Council, No. 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 FORM OF NOTICE 
 
 From the SnhonUnale Gmticil to the Stale Council, whenever 
 any Member of a Subordinate Council is expelled. 
 
 Council, No. , 
 
 county of , N. C. 
 
 To the President of the State Council of 
 North Carolina: 
 
 Sir : — This is to inform you that at a 
 
 meeting of this council, held on the 
 
 day of , 185 — , was duly ex- 
 pelled from membership in said council, 
 and thus deprived of all the privileges, 
 rights, and benefits of this organization. 
 
 In accordance with the provisions of the 
 constitution of the state council, you are 
 hereby duly notified of the same, that you 
 may officially notify all the subordinate 
 councils of the state to be upon their guard 
 
 against the said , as one unworthy to 
 
 associate with i)atriotic and good men, and 
 {if expelled for violating his ohlif/atiun) as 
 a perjurer to God and his country. The 
 
 said is about years of age, and 
 
 is by livelihood a 
 
 Duly certified, this the day of 
 
 185 — , and in the year of our national 
 
 independence. 
 
 President of 
 
 Council, No. . 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 First Degree Council. 
 
 To be admitted to membership in this 
 order, the applicant shall be — 
 
 1st. Proposed and found acceptable. 
 
 2nd. Intnjduced and examined under 
 the guarantee of secrecy. 
 
 3rd. Placed under the obligation which 
 the order imposes. 
 
 4th. llequired to enrol his name and 
 place of residence. 
 
 5th. Instructed in the forms and usages 
 and ceremonies of the order. 
 
 Gth. Solemnly charged as to the objects 
 to be obtained, and his duties. 
 
 [A recommendation of a candidate to 
 this order shall be received only from a 
 brother of approved integrity. It shall be 
 accompanied by minute particulars as to 
 name, age, calling, and residence, and by 
 an explicit voucher for his qualifications, 
 and a personal pledge for li's fidelity. 
 These particulars shall be recorded by the 
 secretary in a book kept for tliat purpose. 
 The recommendation may be referred, and 
 the ballot taken at such time and in such a 
 manner as the state council may prescribe ; 
 but no communication shall be made to the 
 candidate until the ballot has been declared 
 in his favor. Candidates shall be received 
 in the ante-room by the marshal and sec- 
 retary.] 
 
 OUTSIDE. 
 
 Marshal. — Do you believe in a Supreme 
 Being, the Creator and Preserver of the 
 universe? 
 
 Ans. — I do. 
 
 Marshal. — Before proceeding further, we 
 require a solemn obligation of secrecy and 
 truth. If you will take such an obligation, 
 you will lay your right hand upon the Holy 
 Bible and cross. 
 
 (When it is known that the applicant is 
 a Protestant, the cross may be omitted, or 
 affirmation may be allowed.) 
 
 OBLIGATION. 
 
 You do solemnly swear for affirm) that 
 you will never reveal anything said or done 
 in this room, the names of any persons 
 present, nor the existence of this society, 
 whether found worthy to proceed or notr, 
 and that all your declarations shall be true, 
 so help you God ? 
 
 Ans.—"lAo:' 
 
 Marshal. — Where were you born ? 
 
 Marshal. — Where is your permanent 
 residence?
 
 64 
 
 Ai>IERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 (If born out of the jurisdiction of the 
 United States, the answer shall be written, 
 the candidate dismissed with an admonition 
 of secrecy, and the brother vouching for 
 him suspended from all the privileges of 
 the order, unless upon satisfactory proof 
 that he has been misinformed.) 
 
 Marshal. — Are you twenty-one years of 
 age? 
 
 Ans.—" I am." 
 
 Marshal. — Were you born of Protestant 
 parents, or were you reared under Protes- 
 tant influence ? 
 
 ^ ;!,•?.— "Yes." 
 
 Marshal. — If married, is your wife a Ro- 
 man Catholic ? 
 
 {" No " or " Yes " — the answer, to be 
 valued as the Constitution of the State 
 Council shall provide.) 
 
 Marshal. — Are you willing to use your 
 influence and vote only for native-born 
 American citizens for all offices of honor, 
 trust, or profit in the gift of the people, to 
 the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens, 
 and Roman Catholics in particular, and 
 without regard to party predilections ? 
 
 Ans. — " I am." 
 
 (The marshal shall then repair to the 
 council in session, and present the written 
 list of names, vouchers, and answers to the 
 president, who shall cause them to be read 
 aloud, and a vote of the council to be taken 
 on each name, in such manner as pre- 
 scribed by its by-laws. If doubts arise in 
 the ante-room, they shall be referred to the 
 council. If a candidate be dismissed, he 
 shall be admonished to secrecy. The 
 candidates declared elected shall be con- 
 ducted to scats within the council, apart 
 from the l)rethren. When all are present 
 the president by one blow of the gavel, 
 shall call to order and say:) 
 
 President. — Brother marshal, introduce 
 the candidates to the vice-president. 
 
 Marshal. — Worthy Vice-President, I pre- 
 sent to you these candidates, who have duly 
 answered all questions. 
 
 Vice-President, rising in his place. — Gen- 
 tlemen, it is my oificc to welcome you as 
 friends. When yon shall have assumed 
 the patriotic vow by which we are all bound, 
 we will embrace you as brothers. I am 
 authori/.ed to declare that our obligations 
 enjoin nothing which is inconsistent with 
 the duty which every good man owes to 
 his Creator, his country, his family, or 
 himself. We do not compel you, against 
 your convictions, to act with us in our 
 good work ; hut sliould you at any time 
 wish to withdraw, it will be our duty to 
 grant you a dismissal in good faith. If 
 satisfied with this assurance, you will rise 
 ur)on your feet {pavsincj till they dn so), 
 place the hTt hand upon the breast, and 
 raise the right hand towards heaven. 
 
 (The brethren to remain seated till called 
 up.) 
 
 OBLIGATION. 
 
 In the presence of Almighty God and 
 these witnesses, you do solemnly promise 
 and swear, that you will never betray any 
 of the secrets of this society, nor commu- 
 nicate them even to proper candidates, ex- 
 cept within a lawful council of the order ; 
 that you never will permit any of the 
 secrets of this society to be written, or in 
 any other manner made legible, except for 
 the purpose of official instruction ; that 
 you will not vote, nor give your influence 
 for any man for any office in the gift of the 
 I^eople, unless he be an American born 
 citizen, in favor of Americans ruling 
 America, nor if he be a Roman Catholic; 
 that you will in all political matters, so 
 far as this order is concerned, c(miply with 
 the will of the majority, though it may 
 conflict with your personal preference, so 
 long as it does not conflict with the Con- 
 stitution of the United States of America, 
 or that of the state in which you reside ; 
 that you will not, under any circumstances 
 whatever, knowingly 'recommend an un- 
 worthy person for initiation, nor sufler it 
 to be done, if in your power to prevent it; 
 that you will not, under any circumstances, 
 expose the name of any member of this 
 order, nor reveal the existence of such an 
 association ; that you Avill answer an impe- 
 rative notice issued by the proper authori- 
 ty ; obey the command of the state council, 
 president, or his deputy, while assembled 
 by such notice, and respond to the claim 
 of a sign or cri/ of the order, unless it be 
 physically impossible ; and that you will 
 
 acknowledge the State Council of 
 
 as the legislative head, the ruling authori- 
 ty, and the supreme tribunal of the order 
 
 in the state of , acting under the 
 
 jurisdiction of the National Coiuicil of the 
 United States of North America. 
 
 Binding yourself in the penalty of ex- 
 communication from the order, the forfei- 
 ture of all intercourse with its members, 
 and being denounced in all the societies of 
 the same, as a wilful traitor to ycmr God 
 and your country. 
 
 (The j)resident shall call up every per- 
 son present, by three blows of the gavel, 
 when the candidates shall all repeat after 
 the vice-president in concert:) 
 
 All this I voluntarily and sincerely 
 promise, with a full understanding of the 
 solemn sanctions and penalties. 
 
 Vice-President. — You have now taken 
 .solemn oaths, and made as sacred ])romise8 
 as man can make, that you will keep all 
 our secrets inviolate; and we wish yoti dis- 
 tinctly to understand that he that takes 
 these oaths and makes these promises, and 
 then violates them, leaves the; fotil, the 
 deep and blighting stain of peijury resting 
 on hLs Boul.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 
 
 65 
 
 President. — (Having seated all by one 
 blow of the gavel.) — Brother Instructor, 
 these new brothers having comj)lied with 
 the demand of the order, arc entitled to the 
 secrets and privileges of the same. You 
 will, therefore, invest them with every- 
 thing appertaining to the first degree. 
 
 Instructor. — Brothers : the practices and 
 proceedings in our order are as follows : 
 
 We have pass-words necessary to be used 
 to obtain admission to our councils ; forms 
 for our conduct while there; means of re- 
 cognizing each other when abroad; means 
 of mutual protection; and methods for 
 giving notices to members. 
 
 At the outer door you will* (??ia^-e amj 
 ordinary alarm to attract the attention of 
 the outside sentinel). 
 
 When the wicket is opened you will 
 pronounce the {word.<i — what's the pas.'^), in 
 a whisper. The outside sentinel will re- 
 ply {Give it), when you will give the term 
 pass-word and be admitted to the ante- 
 room. You will then proceed to the inner 
 door and give (one rap). When the 
 wicket is oi)ened, give your name, the 
 number of, and location of your council, 
 the explanation of the term pass, and the 
 degree pass-word. 
 
 If these be found correct, you will be 
 admitted ; if not, your name will be re- 
 ported to the vice president, and must be 
 properly vouched for before you can gain 
 admission to the council. You will then 
 proceed to the centre of the room and ad- 
 dress the {President) with the countersign, 
 Avhich is performed thus {placing the right 
 hand diagonally across the mouth). When 
 this salutation is recognized, you will 
 quietly take your seat. 
 
 This sign is peculiar to this degree, and 
 is never to be used outside the council 
 room, nor during the conferring of this 
 degree. When retiring, you will address 
 the ( Vice President) in the same manner, 
 and also give the degree pass-word to the 
 inside sentinel. 
 
 The " term pass-word " is ( We are), 
 
 (The pass-word and explanation is to be 
 established by each State Council for its 
 respective subordinates.) 
 
 The " explanation " of the " term-pass," 
 to be used at the inner door, is {our 
 countrr/s hope.) 
 
 The "degree pass-word " is {Native). 
 
 The "traveling pass-word" is {The 
 memory of our pilgrim, fathers). 
 
 (This word is changed annually by the 
 
 * In the Ritual thp words in parenthoses aro omitted. 
 In the key to the UitUHl, lliey aro written in fitrnrea — 
 tlie iilphahet used being tlie same as printed bi^luw. So 
 throughout. 
 
 Key to Unlock Ccmmunicatiotia . 
 
 A 
 
 B C 
 
 I) 
 
 K 
 
 F 
 
 G 
 
 H 
 
 I J 
 
 K 
 
 L M 
 
 1 
 
 7 13 
 
 19 
 
 25 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 14 
 
 20 26 
 
 3 
 
 9 15 
 
 N 
 
 P 
 
 Q 
 
 K 
 
 S 
 
 T 
 
 tl 
 
 v W 
 
 X 
 
 Y Z 
 
 21 
 
 4 10 
 
 5 
 
 IG 
 
 22 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 17 
 
 23 6 
 
 12 
 
 IS 24 
 
 President of the National Council of the 
 United States, and is to be made and used 
 only when the brother is traveling beyond 
 the jurisdiction of his own state, district, 
 or territory. It and all other pass-words 
 must be communicated in a whisper, and 
 no brother is entitled to communicate 
 them to another, without authority from 
 the ])residing officer.) 
 
 "The sign of recognition" is {grasping 
 the right lajjpel of the coat with the right 
 hand, the fore finger being extended in- 
 wards.) 
 
 The "answer" is given by (a similar 
 action loith the left hand.) 
 
 The "grip" is given by {an ordinary 
 shake of the hand). 
 
 The person challenging shall {then draio 
 the forefinger along the palm of the hand). 
 The answer will be given by {a similar ac- 
 tion forming a link by hooking together the 
 ends of the fore finger) ; \f\iQn the follow- 
 ing conversation ensues — the challenging 
 party first saying {is that yours?) The 
 answer, {it is.) Then the response {how 
 did you get it?), followed by the rejoinder 
 {it is my birth-right). 
 
 Public notice for a meeting is given by 
 means of a {piece of white paper the shape 
 of a heart). 
 
 (In cities * the *** of the *** where the 
 meeting is to be held, will be written legi- 
 bly upon the notice; and upon the election 
 day said *** will denote the *** where 
 your presence is needed. This notice will 
 never be passed, but will be *** or thrown 
 upon the sidewalk with a *** in the 
 centre.) 
 
 If information is wanting of the object 
 of the gathering, or of the place, &c., the 
 inquirer will ask of an undoubted brother 
 {tvhere's tchen ?) The brother will give the 
 information if possessed of it ; if not it will 
 be yours and his duty to continue the in- 
 quiry, and thus disseminate the call 
 throughout the brotherhood. 
 
 If the color oi the paper (be red), it will 
 denote actual trouble, which requires that 
 you come prepared to meet it. 
 
 The "cry of distress" — to be used only 
 in time of danger, or where the American 
 interest requires an immediate assemblage 
 of the brethren — is {oh, oh, oh.) The re- 
 sponse is (hio, hio, h-i-o.) 
 
 The "sign of caution" — to be given 
 when a brother is speaking unguardedly 
 before a stranger — is [drawing the fore fng- 
 er and thumb together across the eyes, the 
 rest of the hand being closed), which sig- 
 nifies " keep dark." 
 
 Ikothers, you are now initiated into and 
 made acquainted with the work and or- 
 ganization of a council of this degree of 
 the order ; and the marshal will present 
 
 * Concerning what is said of cities, the key to the 
 Ritiml says : " Considered unnecessary to decipher what 
 ' is said in regard to cities."
 
 66 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 you to the worthy president for admoni- 
 tion. 
 
 President. — It has no doubt, been long 
 apparent to you, brothers, that foreign in- 
 fluence and Koman Catholicism have been 
 making steady and alarming progress in 
 our countrj'. You cannot have failed to 
 observe the significant transition of the 
 foreigner and Romanist from a character 
 quiet, retiring, and even abject, to one 
 bold, threatening, turbulent, and despotic 
 in its appearance and assumptions. You 
 must have become alarmed at the syste- 
 matic and rapidly augmenting power of 
 these dangerous and unnatural elements of 
 our national condition. So it is, brothers, 
 with others beside yourselves in every 
 state of the Union. A sense of danger has 
 struck the great heart of the nation. In 
 every city, town, and hamlet, the danger 
 has been seen and the alarm sounded. 
 And hence true men have devised this or- 
 der as a means of disseminating patriotic 
 principles, of keeping alive the fire of na- 
 tional virtue, of fostering the national in- 
 telligence, and of advancing America and 
 the American interest on the one side, and, 
 on the other of checking the strides of the 
 foreigner or alien, or thwarting the ma- 
 chinations and subverting the deadly plans 
 of the papist and Jesuit. 
 
 Note. — The President shall impress up- 
 on the initiates the importance of secrecy, 
 the manner of proceeding in recommend- 
 ing candidates for initiation, and the re- 
 sponsibility of the duties which they have 
 assumed. 
 
 Secoxd Degree Council. 
 
 Marshal. — Worthy President : These 
 brothers have been duly elected to the sec- 
 ond degree of this order. I present them 
 to you i'or obligation. 
 
 President. — Brothers: You will place 
 your left hand upon your right breast, and 
 extend your right hand towards the flag of 
 our country, preparatory to obligation. 
 (Each council room should have a neat 
 American flag festooned over the platform 
 of the President. ) 
 
 OnLIGATION. 
 
 You, and each of you, of your own free 
 will and accord, in the jiresence of Al- 
 mighty God and these witnesses, your left 
 hand resting upon your right breast, and 
 your riglit hand extended to the flag of 
 your country, do solemnly and sincerely 
 swear, that you will not under any cir- 
 cumstances disclose in any manner, nor 
 sufler it to be done by others, if in your 
 power to j»revcnt it, tlie name, signs, pass- 
 words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- 
 cept in oj)en council for the jiur|»ose of in- 
 struction ; that you will in all things con- 
 form to all the ruhw.'ind regulal ions of this 
 order, and to the constitution and by-laws 
 
 of this or any other council to which you 
 may be attached, so long as they do not 
 conflict with the Constitution of the United 
 States, nor that of the State in which you 
 reside ; that you will under all circum- 
 stances, if in your power so to do, attend 
 to all regular signs or summons that may 
 be thrown or sent to you by a brother of 
 this or any other degree of this order ; that 
 you will support in all political matters, for 
 all political oflices, members of this order 
 in preference to other persons ; that if it 
 may be done legally, you will, when elect- 
 ed or appointed to any oflicial station con- 
 ferring on you the power to do so remove 
 all foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics 
 from oflice or place, and that j^ou will in 
 no case appoint such to any oflice or place 
 in your gift. You do also promise and 
 swear that this and all other obligations 
 which you have previously taken in this 
 order shall ever be kept through life sacred 
 and inviolate. All this you promise and 
 declare, as Americans, to sustain and 
 abide by, withotit any hesitation or mental 
 reservation whatever. So help you God 
 and keep you steadiast, 
 
 (Each will answer " I do." 
 
 President. — Brother Marshal, you will 
 now present the brothers to the instructor 
 for instructions in the second degree of the 
 order. 
 
 Marshal. — Brother Instructor, by direc- 
 tion of our worthy president, I present 
 these brothers before you that you may in- 
 strtxct them in the secrets and mysteries of 
 the second degree of the order. 
 
 Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree we 
 have an entering sign and a countersign. 
 At the outer door proceed {as in the Jirst 
 degree). At the inner door you will make 
 [tu-o raps), and proceed as in the first de- 
 gree, giving the second degree pass-word, 
 which is American, instead of that of the 
 fii"st degree. If found to be correct, you 
 will then be admitted, and proceed [to the 
 centre of the rooin), giving the countersign, 
 which is made thus [extending the riglit 
 arm to the national flag over the president, 
 the palm of the hand being tqncards). 
 
 The sign of recognition in this degree is 
 the same as in the first degree, with the 
 addition of [the middle Jinger), and the re- 
 sponse to be made in a {similar manner.) 
 
 Marshal, you will now ])resent the broth- 
 ers to the worthy president for admonition. 
 
 Marshal. — Worthy President, I now pre- 
 sent these candidates to you for admo- 
 nition. 
 
 President. — Brothers, you are now duly 
 initiated into the second degree of this or- 
 der. Renewing the congratulations which 
 we extended to you u])on your admission to 
 the first degree, we adinonisliyou by every 
 tie that may nerve patriots, to aid us in 
 our edorts to restore the political institu- 
 tions of our country to their original
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 
 
 furity. Begin with the youth of our land, 
 nstil into thoir minds the lessons of our 
 country's history — the glorious battles and 
 the brilliant deeds of i)atriotism of our 
 fathers, through which we received the in- 
 estimable blessings of civil and religious 
 liberty. Point them to the example of the 
 sages and the statesmen who founded our 
 government. Iini)lant in their bosoms an 
 ardent love for the Union. Above all else, 
 keep alive in their bosoms the memory, 
 the maxims, and the deathless example of 
 our illustrious Wasiiixgton. 
 
 Brothers, recalling to your minds the 
 solemn obligations which you have sever- 
 ally taken in this and the first degree, I 
 now pronounce you entitled to all the 
 privileges of membershijj in this the second 
 degree of our order. 
 
 Third Degree Council. 
 
 Marshal. — Worthy President, these bro- 
 thers having been duly elected to the third 
 degree of this order, I jiresent them before 
 you for obligation. 
 
 President. — Brothers, you will place 
 yourselves in a circle around me, each one 
 crossing your arms upon your breasts, and 
 grasping firmly each other's hands, hold- 
 ing the right hand of the brother on the 
 right and the left hand of the brother on 
 the left, so as to form a circle, symbolical 
 of the links of an unbroken chain, and of 
 a ring which has no end. 
 
 Note. — This degree is to be conferred 
 with the national flag elevated in the cen- 
 tre of the circle, by the side of the presi- 
 dent or instructor, and not on less than five 
 at any one time, in order to give it solem- 
 nity, and also for the formation of the cir- 
 cle — except in the first instance of confer- 
 ring it on the officers of the state and sub- 
 ordinate councils, that they may be em- 
 powered to progress with the work. 
 
 The obligation and charge in this de- 
 gree may be given by the president or in- 
 structor, as the president may prefer. 
 
 OBLIGATION. 
 
 You, and each of you, of your own free 
 will and accord, in the presence of Al- 
 mighty God and these witnesses, with your 
 hands joined in token of that fraternal af- 
 fection which should ever bind together 
 the States of this Union — forming a ring, 
 in token of your determination that, so far 
 as your eff"orts can avail, this Union shall 
 have no end — do solemnly and sincerely 
 swear [or affirm] that you will not under 
 any circumstances disclose in any manner, 
 nor suffer it to be done by others if in your 
 power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass- 
 words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- 
 cept to those to whom you may prove on 
 trial to be brothers of the same degree, or 
 
 in open council, for the purpose of instruc- 
 tion ; that you do hereby solemnly declare 
 your devotion to the Union of these States ; 
 that in the .discharge of your duties as 
 American citizens, you will uphold, main- 
 tain, and defend it ; that you will discour- 
 age and discountenance any and every at- 
 tenii)t, coming from any and every (juarter, 
 which you believe to be designed' or calcu- 
 lated to destroy or subvert it, or to weaken 
 its bonds; and that you will use your influ- 
 ence, so far as in your power, in endeavor- 
 ing to procure an amicable and eijuitable 
 adjustment of all political discontents or 
 dili'erences which may threaten its injury 
 or overthrow. You further promise and 
 swear [or affirm] that you will not vote for 
 any one to fill any office of honor, profit or 
 trust of a political character, whom you 
 know or believe to be in favor of a disso- 
 lution of the Union of these States, or who 
 is endeavoring to produce that result ; that 
 you will vote for and sujiport for all polit- 
 ical offices, third or union degree members 
 of this order in preference to all others; that 
 if it may be done consistently with the 
 constitution and laws of the land, you will, 
 when elected or appointed to any official 
 station which may confer on you the power 
 to do so, remove from office or place all 
 persons whom you know or believe to be in 
 favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who 
 are endeavoring to produce that result ; and 
 that you will in no case appoint .such per- 
 son to any political office or place whatever. 
 All this you promise and swear [or affirm] 
 upon your honor as American citizens and 
 friends of the American Union, to sustain 
 and abide 'by without any hesitation or 
 mental reservation whatever. You also 
 promise and swear [or aflirm] that this and 
 all other obligations which you have pre- 
 viously taken in this order, shall ever be 
 kept sacred and inviolate. To all this you 
 pledge your lives, your fortunes, and your 
 sacred honors. So help you God and keep 
 you steadfast. 
 
 (Each one shall answer, "I do.") 
 
 President. — Brother Marshal, you will 
 now present the brothers to the instructor 
 for final instruction in this third degree of 
 the order. 
 
 3farshal. — Instructor, by direction of our 
 worthy president, I present these brothers 
 before you that you may instruct them in 
 the secrets and mysteries of this the third 
 degree of our order. 
 
 Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree as 
 in the second, we have an entering pass- 
 word, a degree password, and a token of 
 salutation. At the outer door {niakc any 
 ordinary alarm. The outside sentinel will 
 saij U; you say ni ; the sentinel will re- 
 join on). This will admit you to the inner 
 door. At the inner door you will make 
 {three) distinct {raps). Then announce 
 your name, with the number (or name)
 
 68 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [Boor I. 
 
 and location of the council to T\'hich you 
 belong, giving the explanation to the pass- 
 word, which is (safe). If found correct, 
 you will then be admitted, when you will 
 proceed to the centre of the room, and 
 placing the [haiids on the breast with the 
 fingers interlocked), give the token of salu- 
 tation, which is {b)/ boin'ng to the i)r evident). 
 You will then quietly take your seat. 
 
 The sign of recognition is made by the 
 same action as in the second degree, with 
 the addition of [the third finger), and the 
 response is made by (a similar action with 
 the left hand.) 
 
 (The grip is given by taking hold of the 
 hand in the usual way, and then by slipping 
 the finger around on the top of the thumb; 
 then extending the little finger and pressing 
 the inside of the icrist. The person chal- 
 lenging shall say, do you know what that is? 
 The answer is yes. The challenging party 
 shall say, further, what is it? The answer 
 is, Union. 
 
 [The instructor will here give the grip of 
 this degree, with explanations, and also the 
 true password of this degree, which is 
 {^Union.)\ 
 
 CHAKGE. 
 
 To be given by the president. 
 
 Brothers, it is with great pleasure that I 
 congratulate you upon your advancement 
 to the third degree of our order. The re- 
 sponsibilities you have now assumed, are 
 more serious and weighty than those which 
 preceded, and are committed to such only 
 as have been tried and found worthy. Our 
 obligations are intended as solemn avowals 
 of our duty to the land that gave us birth ; 
 to the memories of our fathers ; and to the 
 happiness and welfare of our children. 
 Consecrating to your country a spirit un- 
 selfish and a fidelity like that which dis- 
 tinguished the patriots of the Revolution, 
 you have pledged your aid in cementing 
 the bonds of a Union which Ave ti-ust will 
 endure for ever. Your deportment since 
 your initiation has attested your devotion 
 to the principles we desire to establish, and 
 lias inspired a confidence in your patriot- 
 ism, of which we can give no higher j>roof 
 than your reception here. 
 
 The dangers whicli threaten American 
 liberty arise from foes without and from 
 enemies within. The first degree jjointcd 
 out the source and nature of our most im- 
 minent peril, and indicated the first mea- 
 sure of safety. The second degree defined 
 the next means by wliicli, in coming time, 
 such assaults may be rendered harmless. 
 The third degree, which you have just re- 
 ceived, not only reiterates the lessons f)f 
 the other two, but it is intended to avoid 
 and provide for a more remote, but no less 
 terrible danger, from domestic enenucs to 
 our free institutions. 
 
 Our object is briefly this; — to perfect an 
 
 organization modeled after that of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, and coex- 
 tensive with the confederacy. Its object 
 and principles, in all matters of national 
 concern, to be uniform and identical whilst 
 in all local matters the component parts 
 shall remain indej^endent and sovereign 
 within their respective limits. 
 
 The great result to be attained — the only 
 one which can secure a perfect guarantee 
 as to our future — is UNiox ; permanent, 
 enduring, fraternal union! Allow me, then, 
 to impress \x\wn. your minds and memories 
 the touching sentiments of the Father of 
 his Country, in his Farewell Address : — 
 
 " The unity of government which consti- 
 tutes you one people," says Washington, 
 " is justly dear to you, for it is the main 
 pillar in the edifice of your real independ- 
 ence, the support of your tranquillity at 
 home, of your peace abroad, of your safety, 
 your prosperity — even that liberty you so 
 justly prize. 
 
 " * * It is of infinite moment that 
 you should properly estimate the immense 
 value of your National Union, to your col- 
 lective and individual happiness. You 
 should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- 
 movable attachment to it; accustoming 
 yourselves to think and speak of it, as the 
 palladium of your political safety and pros- 
 perity ; watching i^or its preservation with 
 jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- 
 ever may suggest even a suspicion that it 
 can in any event be abandoned ; and in- 
 dignantly frowning ujion the dawning of 
 every attempt to alienate any portion of 
 our country from the rest, or to enfeeble 
 the sacred ties which now bind together 
 the various parts," 
 
 Let these words of paternal advice and 
 warning, from the greatest man that ever 
 lived, sink deep into your hearts. Cherish 
 them, and teach your children to reverence 
 them, as you cherish and reverence the 
 memory of Washington himself. The 
 Union of these states is the great conserva- 
 tor of that liberty so dear to the American 
 heart. Without it, our greatness as a na- 
 tion would disappear, and our boasted self- 
 government prove a signal fiiilure. The 
 very name of liberty, and the hopes of 
 struggling freedom throughout the world, 
 must perish in the wreck of this Union. 
 Devote yourselves, then, to its maintenance, 
 as our fathers did to the cause of independ- 
 ence; consecrating to its support, as you 
 have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, 
 and your sacred lionors. 
 
 Brothers: Recalling to your minds the 
 solemn obligations which you have sever- 
 ally taken in this and the i)receiling degrees, 
 I now pronounce you entitled to all the 
 l)rivileges of membershij) in this organiza- 
 tion, and take pleasure in inl'orming you 
 that you are now members of the order of 
 [the American Union.)
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 POLITICAL NOMINATIONS IN 1866. 
 
 69 
 
 American, WTilg, Republican antl Demo- 
 cratic NomlnatlouH of 1856. 
 
 The American convention met the next 
 day after the session of the National Coun- 
 cil of the Order, on the 22(1 February, 
 1856, It was composed of 227 delegates ; 
 all the States being represented except 
 Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Car- 
 olina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nom- 
 inated for President, and Andrew J. Don- 
 elson for Vice-President. 
 
 The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, 
 September, 17, 1856, and endorsed the 
 nominations made by the American par- 
 ty, and in its platform declared that 
 " without adopting or referring to the pe- 
 culiar doctrines of the party which has 
 already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candi- 
 date" * * * Resolved, that in the 
 present exigency of political affairs, we 
 are not called upon to discuss the subordi- 
 nate questions of the administration in the 
 exercising of the constitutional powers of 
 the government. It is enough to know 
 that civil war is raging, and that the 
 Union is in peril ; and proclaim the con- 
 viction that the restoration of Mr. Fill- 
 more to the Presidency will furnish the best 
 if not the only means of restoring peace." 
 
 The first National Convention of the 
 new Republican party met at Philadelphia, 
 June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. 
 Fremont for President, and William L. 
 Dayton for Vice-President. Since the 
 previous Presidential election, a new party 
 consisting of the disaffected former adhe- 
 rents of the other parties — Native and In- 
 dependent Democrats, Abolitionists, and 
 Whigs opposed to slavery — had sprung 
 into existence, and was called by its adhe- 
 rents and friends, the Republican party. 
 
 This convention of delegates assembled 
 in pursuance of a call addressed to the 
 people of the United States, without regard 
 to past political differences or divisions, 
 who were opposed to the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise. To the policy of 
 President Pierce's administration : To the 
 extension of slavery into free territory: In 
 favor of the admission of Kansas as a free 
 State : Of restoring the action of the fed- 
 eral government to the principles of Wash- 
 ington and Jefferson. 
 
 It adopted a platform, consisting of a set 
 of resolutions, the principal one of which 
 was : " That we deny the authority of 
 Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any 
 individual, or association of individuals, 
 to give legal existence to slavery in any 
 territory of the United States, while the 
 present Constitution shall be maintained." 
 And closed with a resolution : " That we 
 invite the approbation and co-operation of 
 the men of all parties, however different 
 from us in other respects, in support of the 
 principles herein declared ; and believing 
 
 that the spirit of our institutions, as well 
 as the Constitution of our country, guar- 
 anties liberty of conscience and equality of 
 rights among citizens, we oppose all legis- 
 lation impairing their security." 
 
 The Democratic Convention, met at 
 Cincinnati, in May 1856, and nominated 
 James Buchanan for President, and John 
 C. Breckenridge for Vice-President. It 
 adopted a platform which contained the 
 material portions of all its previous plat- 
 forms, and also defined its position on the 
 new issues of the day, and declared (1 ) that 
 the revenue to be raised should not exceed 
 the actual necessary expenses of the gov- 
 ernment, and for the gradual extinction of 
 the public debt; (2) that the Constitution 
 does not confer upon the general govern- 
 ment the power to commence and carry on 
 a general system of internal improvements ; 
 (3) for a strict construction of the powers 
 granted by the Constitution to the fedeial 
 government; (4) that Congress has no 
 power to charter a national bank; (5) that 
 Congress has no power to interfere with 
 slavery in the States and Territories ; the 
 people of which have the exclusive right 
 and power to settle that question for them- 
 selves. (6) Opposition to native American- 
 ism. 
 
 At the election which followed, in No- 
 vember, 1856, the Democratic candidates 
 were elected, though by a popular minority 
 vote, having received 1,838,160 popular 
 votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 
 2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral 
 votes for John C. Fremont, the Republican 
 candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and 
 American candidate. 
 
 The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, 
 who was the nominee on both the Whig 
 and American tickets, was 874,534, and 
 his electoral vote was eight ; that of the 
 State of Maryland. This was the last na- 
 tional election at which the Whigs ap- 
 peared as a party, under that name ; they 
 having joined with the American and with 
 the Republican parties, and finally united 
 with the latter after the downfall and ex- 
 tinction of the former. In the State elec- 
 tions of that year, (1856) the American 
 party carried Rhode Island and Maryland; 
 and in the 35th Congress, which met in 
 December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 
 Representatives and five Senators. When 
 the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had be- 
 come almost a border State or Southern 
 partv, having two Senators; one from 
 Kentucky and one from Maryland; and 
 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, 
 seven from Tennessee, three from ]\Iary- 
 land, one from Virginia, four from North 
 Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from 
 Louisiana. The American party had none 
 of the elements of persistence. It made 
 another desperate effort, however, in the 
 next Presidential campaign, but having
 
 70 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 failed to carry the South, disappeared 
 finally from politics. 
 
 The new Eepublican party polled a verj' 
 large vote — 1,341,234 out of a total vote of 
 4,053,928 — and its candidates received 114 
 votes out of 296, in the electoral college ; 
 having secured majorities in all the free 
 States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsyl- 
 vania, New Jersey and California. 
 
 The successful candidate, Mr. James 
 Buchanan, was duly inaugurated as Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and entered 
 upon the discharge of his duties as such, 
 March 4, 1857. 
 
 After the election of November, 1856, 
 the Republican Association of Washington 
 issued an address to the people, in which 
 the results of the election were examined, 
 and the future policy of the party stated. 
 It is an interesting paper, as laying the 
 foundation of the campaign of 1860, which 
 followed, and is here given in full : 
 
 "Repabllcan Association of AVashington. 
 
 Address to the Bepttblicans of the United States. 
 
 " Washington, Kov. 27, 1856. 
 
 " The Presidential contest is over, and at 
 last we have some materials to enable us 
 to form a judgment of the results. 
 
 " Seldom have two parties emerged from 
 a conflict with less of joy in the victors, 
 more of hope in the vanquished. The 
 pro-slavery party has elected its Presiden- 
 tial candidate, only, however, by the votes 
 of a minority, and that of such a character 
 as to stamp the victory as the offspring of 
 sectionalism and temporary causes. The 
 Republicans, wherever able to present 
 clearly to the public the real issue of the 
 canvass — slaverj' restriction or slavery ex- 
 tension — have carried the people with them 
 by unprecedented majorities; almost break- 
 ing up in some States the organization of 
 their adversaries. A sudden gathering to- 
 gether of the people, alarmed at the in- 
 roads of the slave power, rather than a 
 well organized party, with but a few 
 months to attend to the complicated de- 
 tails of party warfare ; obstructed by a se- 
 cret Order, which had pre-occupied the 
 field, and obtained a strong hold of the 
 national and religious prejudices of the 
 masses ; opposed to an old party, com- 
 mencing the canvass with the united sup- 
 port of a powerful section, hardened by 
 long party drill, accustomed to victorj', 
 wielding the whole power of the federal 
 administration — a ])arty which only four 
 years ago carrieil all l)ut four of the States, 
 and a majority of tlie popuhir vote — still, 
 under all these a'lverse circumstances, they 
 have triumpheil in eleven, if not twelve of 
 the free States, pre-eminent for enterprise 
 and general intelligence, and containing 
 
 one halfofthe whole population of the coun- 
 try ; given to their Presidential candidate 
 nearly three times as many electoral votes 
 as were cast by the Whig party in 1852 ; and 
 this day control the governments of fourteen 
 of the most powerful States of the Union. 
 
 " Well may our adversaries tremble in 
 the hour of their victory. ' The Demo- 
 cratic and Black Republican parties,' they 
 say, 'are nearly balanced in regard to 
 power. The former was victorious in the 
 recent struggle, but success was hardly won, 
 with the aid of important accidental ad- 
 vantages. The latter has abated nothing 
 of its zeal, and has suffered no pause in its 
 preparations for another battle.' 
 
 " With such numerical force, such zeal, 
 intelligence, and harmony in counsel ; with 
 so many great States, and more than a 
 million votei-s rallied to their standard by 
 the eflbrts of a few months, why may not 
 the Republicans confidently expect a vic- 
 tory in the next contest? 
 
 The necessity for their organization still 
 exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has 
 always proved true to the demands of his 
 party. He fully accepted the Cincinnati 
 platform, and pledged himself to its policy 
 — a policj of filibustering abroad, propa- 
 gandism at home. Prominent and controll- 
 ing among his sujjporters are men com- 
 mitted, by word and deed, to that policy ; 
 and what is there in his character, his an- 
 tecedents, the nature of his northern sup- 
 port, to authorize the expectation that he 
 will disregard their will ? Nothing will be 
 so likely to restrain him and counteract 
 their extreme measures, as a vigorous and 
 growing Republican organization, as noth- 
 ing would be more necessary' to save the 
 cause of freedom and the Union, should he, 
 as Ave have every reason to believe, con- 
 tinue the pro-slavery policy of the present 
 incumbent. Let us beware of folding our 
 arms, and waiting to see what he will do. 
 We know the ambition, the necessities, the 
 schemes of the slave power. Its policy of 
 extension and aggrandizement and univer- 
 sal empire, is the law of its being, not an 
 accident — is settled, not fluctuating. Covert 
 or open, moderate or extreme, according to 
 circumstances, it never changes in spirit or 
 aim. With Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a 
 party controlled by this policy, administer- 
 ing the government, the safety of the 
 country and of free institutions must rest in 
 the organization of the Republican party. 
 
 What, then, is the duty before us? 
 Organization, vigilance, action ; action on 
 the rostrum, through the press, at the bal- 
 lot-box; in state, county, city, and town 
 elections ; everywhere, at all times ; in every 
 election, making Republicanism, or loyal- 
 ty to the policy and principles it advocates, 
 the sole political test. No primary or 
 municipal election should be suffered to 
 go by defatilt. The party that would sue-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE KANSAS STRUGGLE, 
 
 71 
 
 ceed nationally must triumph in states — 
 triumph in the state elections, must be 
 prepared by municijjal success. 
 
 Next to the remaining power in the 
 states already under their control, let the 
 Republicans devote themselves to the 
 work of disseminating their principles, 
 and initiating the true course of political 
 action in the states which have decided the 
 election against them. This time we have 
 failed, for reasons nearly all of which maybe 
 removed by proper clibrt. JNIany thousand 
 honest, but not well-inlbrmed voters, who 
 supported Mr. Buchanan under the delu- 
 sive impression that he would favor the 
 cause ot free Kansas will soon learn their 
 mistake, and be anxious to correct it. The 
 timid policy of the lleimblicaus in New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post- 
 poning their independent action, and tem- 
 porizing with a party got up for purposes 
 not harmonizing with their own, and the 
 conduct of IMr. Fillmore's friends in either 
 voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the 
 opposition by a separate ticket, can hardly 
 be rei)eated again. The true course of the 
 Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- 
 ly, and honestly upon their own principles, 
 so clearly set forth in the Philadelphia 
 platform, and, avoiding coalitions with 
 other parties, appeal directly to the masses 
 of all parties to ignore all organizations 
 and issues which would divert the public 
 mind from the one danger that now threat- 
 ens the honor and interests of the country, 
 and the subtlety of the Union — slavery 
 propagandism^allied with disunionism. 
 
 Let us not forget that it is not the want 
 of generous sentiment, but of sufficient in- 
 formation, that prevents the American peo- 
 ple from being united in action against thp 
 aggressive policy of the slave power. Were 
 these simple questions submitted to-day to 
 the people of the United States : — Are you 
 in favor of the extension of slavery ? Are 
 you in favor of such extension by the aid 
 or connivance of the federal government? 
 And could they be permitted to record their 
 votes in response, without embarrassment, 
 without constraint of any kind, nineteen- 
 twentieths of the people of the free States, 
 and perhaps more than half of the people 
 of the slave States, would return a decided 
 negative to both. 
 
 Let us have faith in the people. Let us 
 believe, that at heart they are hostile to 
 the extension of slavery, desirous that 
 the territories of the Union be consecrated 
 to free labor and free institutions; and that 
 they require only enlightenment as to the 
 most eftectual means of securing this end, 
 to convert their cherished sentiment into a 
 fixed principle of action. 
 
 The times are pregnant with warning. 
 That a disunion party exists in the South, 
 no longer admits of a d()ul)t. It accepts 
 the election of Mr. Buchanan as allbrding 
 
 time and means to consolidate its strength 
 and mature its plans, which comprehend 
 not only the enslavement of Kansas, and 
 the recognition of slavery in all territory of 
 the United States, but the conversion of 
 the lower half of California into a slave 
 State, the organization of a new slavery 
 territory in the Gadsden purchase, the fu- 
 ture annexation of Nicaragua and sul)ju- 
 gation of Central America, and the acqui- 
 sition of Cuba ; and, as the i'ree States are 
 not expected to submit to all this, ultimate 
 dismemberment of the Union, and the for- 
 mation of a great slaveholding confeder- 
 acy, with Ibrcign alliances with Brazil and 
 Russia. It may assum6 at first a moderate 
 tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its 
 Northern allies ; it may delay the develop- 
 ment of its plot, as it did under the Pierce 
 administration ; but the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri comjjromise came at last, and so will 
 come upon the country inevitably the final 
 acts of the dark conspiracy. When that 
 hour shall come, then will the honest Dem- 
 ocrats of the free States be driven into our 
 ranks, and the men of the slave States who 
 prefer the republic of Washington, Adams 
 and Jefferson — a republic of law, order 
 and liberty — to an oligarchy of slavehold- 
 ers and slavery propagandists, governed l)y 
 Wise, Atchison, Soule, and Walker, founded 
 in fraud and violence and seeking aggran- 
 dizement by the spoliation of nations, will 
 bid God speed to the labors of the Repub- 
 lican party to preserve liberty and the 
 Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and 
 all ])owerful. 
 Washington, D. C, Nov. 27, 185G. 
 
 The Kansas Struggle. 
 
 It was the removal of the interdiction 
 against slavery, in all the territory north 
 of 36'' 30,' by the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise which gave legality to the 
 struggle for Kansas, and it was the doc- 
 trine of popular sovereignty which gave 
 an impartial invitation to both sides to en- 
 ter the struggle. The aggressive men of 
 both parties hurried emigrants to the Ter- 
 ritory. Each accused the other of organ- 
 ized efforts, and soon in the height of the 
 excitement these charges were rather con- 
 fessed than denied. 
 
 A new question was soon evolved by the 
 struggle, for some Avho entered from the 
 South took their slaves with them. The 
 Free State men now contended that sla- 
 very was a local institution and confined 
 to the States where it existed, and that it 
 an emigrant passed into the territory with 
 his slaves these became free. The South- 
 ern view was, that slaves were recognized 
 as property by the National Constitution ; 
 that therefore their masters had a right to 
 take them there and hold them under con-
 
 72 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 stitutional guarantees, the same as any 
 other property ; that to assert anything 
 else would be to deny the equality of the 
 States within their common territory, and 
 degrade them Irom the rank of equals to 
 that of inferiors. This last proposition 
 had such force that it would doubtless have 
 received more general recognition if the 
 North had not felt that the early compact 
 dedicating the territories north of 36" 30' 
 to freedom, had been violated. In answer 
 to this proposition they therefore pro- 
 claimed in their platforms and speeches, 
 and there was no other logical answer, 
 " that freedom was National, and slavery 
 Sectional." 
 
 We cannot enter upon a full description 
 of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed 
 and rapine soon followed the attempts of 
 the opposing parties to get control of its 
 government. What were called the " Bor- 
 der Ruffians " by the Free State men, be- 
 catise of active and warlike organization 
 in Missouri and upon its borders, in the 
 earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to 
 have the advantage. They were supported 
 by friends near at hand at all times, and 
 warlike raids were frequent. The Free 
 State men had to depend mainly upon 
 New England for supplies in arms and 
 means, but organizations were in turn 
 rapidly completed to meet their calls, and 
 the struggle soon became in the highest 
 degree critical. 
 
 The pro-slavery party sustained the 
 Territorial government appointed by the 
 administration ; the anti-slavery party re- 
 pudiated it, because of its presumed com- 
 mittal to slavery. The election for mem- 
 bers of the Territorial legislature had been 
 attended with much violence and fraud, 
 and it was claimed that these things prop- 
 erly annulled any action taken by that 
 body. A distinct and separate convention 
 was called at Topeka to frame a State con- 
 Btitution, and the Free State men likewise 
 elected their own Governor and Legisla- 
 ture to take the place of those appointed 
 by Buchanan, and when the necessary 
 preliminaries were completed, they ap- 
 ])lied for admission into the Union. After 
 a long and bitter struggle Congress decided 
 the question Ijy refusing to admit Kansas 
 under the Topeka Constitution, and by re- 
 cognizing the authority of the territorial 
 government. These proceedings took place 
 auring the session of ISoli-j, which ter- 
 minated immediately before the inatigura- 
 ation of President Buchanan. 
 
 At tlie beginning of lUuhanan's admin- 
 istration in l^o?, the Rcpuhlicans almost 
 solidly faced the Democrats. There still 
 remained part of the division caused by 
 the American or Know-Nothing party, but 
 its membership in (Jongress had already 
 been compelled to show at least the ten- 
 dency of their acntimeuta on the great 
 
 question which was now rapidly dividing 
 the two great sections of the Union. The 
 result of the long Congressional struggle 
 over the admission of Kansas and Nebras- 
 ka was simply this : " That Congress was 
 neither to legislate slavery into any Terri- 
 tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; 
 but to leave the people thereof perfectly 
 free to form and regulate their domestic 
 institutions in their own way, subject only 
 to the Constitution of the United States,"* 
 and it was specially prescribed that when 
 the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted 
 as a State, it shall be admitted into the 
 Union with or without slavery as the con- 
 stitution adopted should prescribe at the 
 time of admission. 
 
 This was, as it proved, but a temporary 
 settlement on the principle of popular 
 sovereignty, and was regarded at the time 
 as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. 
 Douglas by the friends of that great poli- 
 tician. The more radical leaders of the 
 South looked upon it Avith distrust, but 
 the blood of the more excitable in both 
 sections was rapidly rising toward fever 
 heat, and the border men from the Free 
 and Slave States alike were preparing to 
 act upon a compromise which in effect in- 
 vited a conflict. 
 
 The Presidential election in 1856 had 
 singularly enough encouraged the more 
 aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's 
 election was a triumph for the South ; 
 Fremont's large vote showed the power of 
 a growing party as yet but partially or- 
 ganized, and crippled by s«hisms which 
 grew out of the attempt to unite all ele- 
 ments of opposition to the Democrats. 
 The general plan of the latter was now 
 changed into an attempt to unite all of the 
 free-soil elements into a party organization 
 against slavery, and from that time for- 
 ward until its total abolition slavery was 
 the paramount issue in the minds of the 
 more aggressive men of the north. Lin- 
 coln voiced the feelings of the Republi- 
 cans when he declared in one of his Illi- 
 nois speeches : — 
 
 " We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, 
 and against slavery, as long as the Consti- 
 tution guaranties free speech ; until eveiy- 
 where, on this wide land, the sun shall 
 shine, and the rain shall fall, and the 
 wind shall blow upon no man who goes 
 forth to unrefpiited toil." 
 
 In the Congressional battle over the ad- 
 mission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas 
 was the most conspicuous figure, and the 
 language which we have (pioted from 
 lUichanan's inaugural was the literal 
 meaning which Douglas had given to his 
 idea of "po[)ular" or "squatter sover- 
 eignty." 
 
 l*rior to the Kansas struggle the Free 
 
 * PreBident Buchanan's Inaugural Address.
 
 BOOK 1.] 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE, 
 
 73 
 
 Sellers of the North had regarded Douglas 
 as an ally of the South, and his admitted 
 ambition for the Presidency gave coltr to 
 this suspicion. He it was who rejjorted 
 and carried through Congress the bill for 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a 
 measure which at that time was thought to 
 obstruct tSouthern designs in the territories 
 of the great West, but tliis rei)eal proved 
 in fact the first plain steps toward the free- 
 dom of the territories. Having repealetl 
 that comjiromise, something must take its 
 place, and what better than "popular 
 sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- 
 tories contiguous to the Skive States, or in 
 the same latitude, would thus naturally 
 revert to slavery ; while those farther north, 
 and at that time least likely of early set- 
 tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. 
 There was a grave miscalculation just here. 
 Slave-owners were not apt to change their 
 homesteads, and could not with either 
 profit or convenience carry their property 
 to new lands which might or might not be 
 fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave 
 labor. Slave-owners were few in number 
 compared with the free citizens of the 
 North and the thousands of immigrants 
 annually landing on our shores. People 
 who had once moved from the New Eng- 
 land or Middle States westward, were 
 rather fond of it, and many of these 
 swelled the tide which constantly sought 
 homes in the territories ; and where these 
 did not go in person their sons and daugh- 
 ters were quite willing to imitate the early 
 adventures of their parents. All these 
 counted for the North under the doctrine 
 of " popular sovereignty," and it was the 
 failure of that doctrine to aid the South 
 which from this time forward caused that, 
 section to mistrust the friendship of 
 Douglas. 
 
 No political writer has since questioned 
 his motives, and we doubt if it can be done 
 successfully. His views may have under- 
 gone some change since 1850, and it would 
 be singular if they had not ; for a mind as 
 discerning as his could hardly fail to note 
 the changes going on all about him, and 
 no where more rapidly than in his own 
 State. He thought his doetrine at least 
 adapted to the time, and he stood by it 
 with rare bravery and ability. If it had 
 been accepted by the Republicans, it would 
 have been fatal to their organization as a 
 jiarty. We doubt the ability of any party 
 to stand long upon any mere compromise, 
 made to suit the exigencies and avoid the 
 dangers of the moment. It may be said 
 that our government, first based on a con- 
 federacy and then a constitution, with a 
 system of checks and balances, with a di- 
 vision of power between the people and 
 the States, is but a compromise ; but the 
 a.ssertion will not hold good. These things 
 were adopted because of a belief at the 
 
 time that they were in themselves right, or 
 as nearly right as those who participated 
 in their adoption were given to see the 
 right. There was certainly no attempt at 
 a division of right and wrong, and the 
 closest investigation will show nothing be- 
 yond a surrender of power for the good of 
 all, which is in itself the very essence and 
 beginning of government. 
 
 ^V'e have said that Douglas fought 
 bravely for his idea, and every movement 
 in his most remarkaijle campaign with 
 Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated 
 the fact. The times were full of agitation 
 and excitement, and these were increased 
 when it became apparent that Buchanan's 
 administration would aid the effort to 
 make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was 
 the first to see that the application of ad- 
 ministration machinery to his principle, 
 would degrade and rob it of its fairness. 
 He therefore resented Buchanan's inter- 
 ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends 
 sought to degrade him by removing him 
 from the chairmanship of the Senate Com- 
 mittee on Territories, the position which 
 had given him marked control over all 
 questions pertaining to the organization of 
 territories and the admission of new 
 States. 
 
 The Lilucoln and Douglas Debate* 
 
 The Senatorial term of Douglas was 
 drawing near to its close, when in July, 
 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the 
 eanviiss for re-election. The Republican 
 State Convention of Illinois had in the 
 month previous met at Springfield, and 
 nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candi- 
 date for United States Senator, this with a 
 view to pledge all Republican members of 
 the Legislature to vote for him — a practice 
 since gone into disuse in most of the States, 
 because of the rivalries which it engenders 
 and the aggravation of the dangers of de- 
 feat sure to follow in the selection of a can- 
 didate in advance. " First get your goose, 
 then cook it," inelegantly describes the 
 basic principles of improved political tac- 
 tics. But the Republicans, particularly of 
 the western part of Illinois, had a double 
 purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He 
 was not as radical as they, but he well re- 
 presented the growing Republican senti- 
 ment, and he best of all men could cope 
 with Douglas on the stump in a canvass 
 which they desired should attract the at- 
 tention of the Nation, and give shape to 
 the sentiment of the North on all questions 
 pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of 
 " popular sovereignty " was not accejitable 
 to the Republicans, the recent repeal of 
 the JMissouri compromise having led them, 
 or the more radical portion of them, to 
 despise all compromise mea-^ures. 
 
 The plan of the lUiuois Republicans, if
 
 74 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 indeed it was a well-settled plan, accom- 
 plished even more than was anticipated, 
 though it did not result in immediate suc- 
 cess. It gave to the debate which followed 
 between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide 
 celebrity, and did more to educate and 
 train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in 
 connection with the ever-growing excite- 
 ment in Kansas, than anything that could 
 have happened. 
 
 Lincoln's speech before the convention 
 which nominated him, gave the first clear 
 expression to the idea that there was an 
 "irrepressible conflict" between freedom 
 and slavery. Wm. H. Seward on October 
 25th following, at Eochester, N. Y., ex- 
 pressed the same idea in these words : 
 
 " It is an irrepressible conjiict between 
 opposing and enduring forces, and it means 
 that the United States will sooner or later 
 become either an entire slaveholding Na- 
 tion, or an entirely free labor Nation." 
 
 Lincoln's words at Springfield, in July, 
 1858, were : 
 
 " If we could first know where we are, 
 and whither we are tending, we could bet- 
 ter judge what to do, and how to do it. 
 We are now far into the fifth year, since a 
 policy was initiated with the avowed object, 
 and confident promise of putting an end to 
 the slavery agitation. Under the operation 
 of that jjolicy, that agitation has not only 
 not ceased, but has constantly augmented. 
 In my opinion it will not cease, until a 
 crisis shall have been reached and passed. 
 ' A house divided against itself cannot 
 stand.' I believe this government cannot 
 endure permanently half slave and half 
 free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
 solved — I do not exi)ect the house to fall — 
 but I do expect it will cease to be divided. 
 It will become all one thing, or all the 
 other. Either the opponents of slavery 
 will arrest the further spread of it, anil 
 place it where the public mind shall rest 
 in the belief that it is in the course of ulti- 
 mate extinction ; or its advocates will i)ush 
 it forward, till it shall become alike lawful 
 in all the States, old as well as new — North 
 as well as South." 
 
 Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9tli 
 of July, and was warmly received by en- 
 thusiastic friends. His doctrine of "pop- 
 ular sovereignty " had all the attractions 
 of novelty and apparent fairness. For 
 months it divided many Reymblicans, and 
 at one time the New York yv/6»7ie showed 
 indications of endorsing the j)Osition of 
 Douglas — a fart pro])a!)ly tracea])le to the 
 attitude of jealousy and hostility ninnifested 
 toward liini by the- lUu-lianan administra- 
 tion. Neither of tlie great debaters were 
 to be wholly free in the coming contest. 
 Douglas was undermined by Hndiaiiun, 
 who fcMred him iis a rivid, and by the, more 
 bitter friends of slavery, who could not see 
 that the new doctrine was safely in their 
 
 interest ; but these things were dwarfed in 
 the State conflict, and those who shared 
 such feelings had to make at least a show 
 of friendship until they saw the result. 
 Lincoln was at first handicapped by the 
 doubts of that class of Republicans who 
 thought " popular sovereignty " not bad 
 Republican doctrine. 
 
 On the arrival of Douglas he replied to 
 Lincoln's Springfield speech ; on the 16th 
 he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, 
 in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln 
 had heard all three speeches, and replied 
 to the last on the night of the day of its 
 delivery. He next addressed to Douglas 
 the following challenge to debate : 
 
 Chicago, July 24th, 1858. 
 
 Hon. S. a. Douglas : — My Dear Sir .• — 
 Will it be agreeable to you to make an ar- 
 rangement to divide time, and address the 
 same audience, during the present canvass? 
 etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive 
 your answer, and if agreeable to you, to en- 
 ter into terms of such agreement, etc. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Douglas promptly accepted the chal- 
 lenge, and it was arranged that there should 
 be seven joint debates, each alternately 
 opening and closing, the opening speech 
 to occupy one hour, the rejoly one hour 
 and a half, and the closing half an hour. 
 They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st ; Free- 
 port, August 27th ; Jonesboro', September 
 15th ; Charleston, September 18tli ; Gales- 
 burg, October 7tli ; Quincy, October 13th ; 
 and Alton, October 15th. We give in 
 Book III of this volume their closing 
 speeches in full. 
 
 Great crowds attended, and some of the 
 more enterprising daily journals gave pho- 
 nographic reports of the speeches. The 
 enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Lin- 
 coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of 
 friends ; but then the growing and the 
 aggressive party was the Republican, and 
 even the novelty of a new and attractive 
 doctrine like that of " ])opular sovereignty" 
 could not long divert their attention. The 
 prize suspended in view of the combat- 
 ants was the United States Senatorship, 
 and to close political observers this was 
 plainly within the grasp of Douglas by 
 reason of an ajiportionment which woidd 
 give his party a majority in the Legisla- 
 ture, even though the jiopular majority 
 should be twenty thousand against him — 
 a system of ap])ortionment, by the way, 
 not confineil to Illinois alone, or not pecu- 
 liar to it in the work of any of the great j)ar- 
 tics at any period when party lines were 
 drawn. 
 
 Buchanan closely watched the fight, and 
 it was charged and is still believed by the 
 friends of the " Little Giant," that the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 75 
 
 administration secretly employed its pa- 
 tronage and power to dei'eat him. Certain 
 it is that a lew prominent Dt'mocrats de- 
 serted the standard of Douglas, and that 
 some of them were rewarded. In the heat 
 of the hattle, however, Douglas' friends 
 were careless of the views of the adminis- 
 tration. He was a greater leader than 
 Buchanan, ami in Illinois at least he over- 
 shadowed the administration. He lacked 
 neither money nor friends. Special trains 
 of cars, banners, cannon, bands, ])roces- 
 sions, were all supplied with lavish hands. 
 The democracy of Illinois, nor yet of any 
 other State, ever ditl so well before or 
 since, and if the administration had been 
 with him this enthusiasm might have 
 spread to all other States and given his 
 doctrine a larger and more glorious life. 
 Only the border States of the South, how- 
 ever, saw opportunity and glory in it, 
 while the office-holders in other sections 
 stood off and awaited results. 
 
 Lincoln's position was different. He, 
 douljtless, early realized that his chances 
 for election were rcniote indeed, with the 
 apportionment as it was, and he sought to 
 impress the nation with the truth of his 
 convictions, and this without other dis- 
 play than the force of their statement and 
 publication. Always a modest man, he 
 was never more so than in this great battle. 
 He declared that he did not care for tlie 
 local result, and in the light of what tran- 
 spired, the position was wisely taken. 
 Douglas was apparently just as earnest, 
 though more ambitious ; for he declared 
 in the vehemence of the advocacy of his 
 doctrine, that " he did not care whether 
 slavery was voted up or voted down." 
 Douglas had more to lose than Lincoln — 
 a place which his high abilities had hon- 
 ored in the United States Senate, and 
 which intriguing enemies in his own party 
 made him dou])ly anxious to hold. Beaten, 
 and he was out of the field for the Presi- 
 dency, with his enthroned rival a candi- 
 date for re-election. Successful, and that 
 rival must leave the field, with himself in 
 direct command of a great majority of the 
 party. This view must have then been 
 presented, but the rapid rise in public feel- 
 ing made it in ])art incorrect. The calcu- 
 lation of Douglas that he could at one 
 and the same time retain the good will of 
 all his political friends in Illinois and 
 those of the South failed him, though he 
 did at the time, and until his death, better 
 represent the majority of his party in the 
 whole country than any other leader. 
 
 At the election whieh followed the de- 
 bate, the popular choice in the State as a 
 whole was for Lincoln by 120,084 to 121,- 
 940 for Douglas ; but the apportionment 
 of 18^30 gave to Douglas a plain majority 
 of the Senators and Representatives. 
 
 .At the Freeport meeting, August 27th, 
 
 there were sharp questions and answers 
 between the debaters. They were brouLdit 
 on by Lincoln, who, after alluding to some 
 questions propounded to him at Ottawa, 
 said : 
 
 " I now propose that I will answer any 
 of the interrogatories, upon condition that 
 he will answer questions from me not ex- 
 ceeding the same number, to which I give 
 him an o])portunity to respond. The judge 
 remains silent; I now say that I will iin- 
 swer his interrogatories, whether he an- 
 swer mine or not, and that after I have 
 done so I shall propound mine to him. 
 
 " I have sujjposed myself, since the or- 
 gitnization of the Republican j)arty at 
 Bloomington in May, 185(3, bound as a 
 party man by the platforms of the party, 
 there, and since. If, in any interrogatories 
 which I shall answer, I go beyond the 
 scope of what is within these platforms, it 
 will be perceived that no one is responsible 
 but myself 
 
 " Having said thus much, I will take up 
 the judge's interrogatories as I find them 
 printed in the Chicago Times, and answer 
 them seriatim. In order that there may 
 be no mistake about it, I have copied the 
 interrogatories in writing, and also my 
 answers to them. The first one of these 
 interrogatories is in these words : 
 
 Question 1. — I desire to know whether 
 Lincoln to-day .stands, as he did in 1854, 
 in favor of the unconditional repeal of the 
 Fugitive Slave Law ? 
 
 Answer. — I do not now, nor ever did, 
 stand in favor of the unconditional repeal 
 of the Fugitive Slave Law. 
 
 (}. 2. — I desire him to answer whether 
 he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, 
 against the admission of any more slave 
 States into the Union, even if the people 
 want them ? 
 
 A. — I do not now, nor ever did, stand 
 pledged against the admission of any more 
 slave States into the Union. 
 
 Q. 3 — I want to know, whether he stands 
 pledged against the admission of a new 
 State into the Union, with .such a Consti- 
 tution as the people of the State may see 
 fit to make ? 
 
 A. — I do not stand pledged against the 
 admission of a new State into the Union, 
 with such a Constitution as the people of 
 the State may see fit to make. 
 
 Q. 4. — I want to know wliether he stands 
 to-day pledged to the aliolition of slavery 
 in the District of Columbia? 
 
 A. — I do not stand to-day pledged to the 
 abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 
 lumbia. 
 
 Q. 5. — I desire him to answer whether 
 he stands pleilged to the prohibition of tiie 
 slave trade lietAveen the different States? 
 
 A. — I do not staml pledged to jtrohibi- 
 tion of the slave trade between the different 
 States.
 
 76 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Q. 6. — I desire to know whether he 
 stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all 
 the Territories of the United States, North 
 as well as South of the Missouri Compro- 
 mise line ? 
 
 A. — I am impliedly, if not expressly, 
 pledged to a belief in the right and duty 
 of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the 
 United States' Territories. 
 
 Q. 7. — I desire him to answer, whether 
 he is opposed to the acquisition of any new 
 territory, unless slavery is first prohibited 
 therein ? 
 
 A. — I am not generally opposed to honest 
 acquisition of territory ; and in any given 
 case, I would or would not oppose such ac- 
 quisition, according as I might think such 
 acquisition would or would not aggravate 
 the slavery question among ourselves. 
 
 " Now, my friends, it will be perceived 
 upon an examination of these questions 
 and answers, that so far, I have only an- 
 swered that I was not pledged to this, that, 
 or the other. 
 
 The judge has not framed his interroga- 
 tories to ask me anything more than this 
 and I have answered in strict accordance 
 with the interrogatories, and have answered 
 truly, that I am not jjledged at all upon 
 any of the points to which I have an- 
 swered. But I am not disposed to hang 
 upon the exact form of his interrogatories. 
 I am rather disposed to take up, at least 
 some of these questions, and state what I 
 really think upon them. 
 
 " The fourth one is in regard to the abo- 
 lition of slavery in the District of Colum- 
 bia. In relation to that, I have my mind 
 very distinctly made up. I should be very 
 glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia. I believe that Congress 
 possesses the constitutional power to abolish 
 it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should 
 not, with my present views, be in favor of 
 endeavoring to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, unless it should be upon 
 these conditions: First, That the aboli- 
 tion should be gradual ; Second, That it 
 should be on a vote of a majority of quali- 
 fied voters in the District; and Third, 
 That compensation should be made to un- 
 willing owners. With these three condi- 
 tions, I confess I would be exceedingly 
 glad to see Congress abolish slavery in 
 the District of Columbia, and in the lan- 
 guage of Henry Clay, ' sweep from our 
 Capital that foul blot upon our nation.' " 
 
 I now proceed to propound to the judge 
 the interrogatories, so far as I have framed 
 tlicm. I will bring forward a new in- 
 stalment when I get them ready. I will 
 bring now only four. The first one is: — 
 
 1. If the people IV Kansas sliall, ])y 
 means entirely unol)jecti(nuil)le in;ill otiier 
 respects, adopt a State Constitution and 
 ask admission into the Union under it 
 before they have the requisite number of 
 
 inhabitants, according to the English bill 
 — some ninety-three thousand — will he 
 vote to admit them? 
 
 2. Can the people of the United States 
 Territory, in any lawful way, against the 
 wish of any citizen of the United States, 
 exclude slavery from its limits prior to the 
 formation of a State Constitution ? 
 
 3. If the Supreme Court of the United 
 States shall decide that States cannot ex- 
 clude slavery from their limits, are you in 
 favor of acquiescing in, adopting and fol- 
 lowing such decision as a rule of political 
 action ? 
 
 4. Are you in favor of acquiring addi- 
 tional territory in disregard of how much 
 acquisition may affect the nation on the 
 slavery question? 
 
 To these questions Mr. Douglas said: 
 " In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion 
 that, as she has population enough to con- 
 stitute a slave State, she has people enough 
 for a free State. I hold it to be a sacred 
 rule of universal application, to require a 
 Territorj^ to contain the requisite popula- 
 tion for a member of Congress, before it is 
 admitted as a State into the Union. 
 
 2. "It matters not what way the Supreme 
 Court may hereafter decide, as to the ab- 
 stract question whether slavery may or 
 may not go into a Territory under the 
 Constitution, the people have the lawful 
 means to introduce it, or exclude it as they 
 please, for the reason that slavery cannot 
 exist a day, or an hour, anywhere, unless 
 it is supported by local police regulations. 
 These police regulations can only be estab- 
 lished by the local legislature, and if the 
 people are opposed to slavery, they will 
 elect representatives to that body, who will, 
 by unfriendly legislation, efiec'tually pre- 
 vent the introduction of it into their midst. 
 If, on the contrary, they are for it, their 
 legislation will favor its extension. Hence, 
 no matter what the decision of the Su- 
 preme Court may be on that abstract 
 question, still the right of the peo])le to 
 make a slave Territory or a free Terri- 
 tory is perfect and complete under the 
 Nebraska bill. 
 
 " 3. The third question which Mr. Lin- 
 coln presented is, if the Supreme Court of 
 the United States shall decide tliat a State 
 of this Union cannot exclude slavery from 
 its own limits, will I submit to it? I am 
 amazed that Mr. Lincoln should ask such 
 a question. 
 
 He casts an imputation upon the Su- 
 preme Court of the United States by sup- 
 ])osing that they would violate the consti- 
 tution of the United Slates. I tell him 
 that such a thing is not i)ossible. It would 
 l)e an act of moral treason that no man on 
 the bench could ever descend to. I\Ir. 
 Lincoln, himself, would never, in his par- 
 tisan feelings, so far forget Avhat was right 
 as to be guilty of such an act.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE KANSAS STRUGGLE. 
 
 77 
 
 4. With our natural increase, growing 
 with a rapidity unknown in any other part 
 of the globe, with the tide of emigration 
 that is fleeing from desjiotism in the old 
 world, to seek refuge in our own, there is 
 a constant torrent pouring into this coun- 
 try that requires more land, more terri- 
 tory upon which to settle, and just as last 
 as our interests and our destiny require 
 an additional territory in the North, in the 
 South, or on the Island of the Ocean, I 
 am for it, and when we require it, will 
 leave the people, according to tlie Nebraska 
 bill, free to clo as they please on the sub- 
 ject of slavery, and every other ques- 
 tion." 
 
 The bitterness of the feelings aroused by 
 the canvass and boldness of Douglas, can 
 both be well shown by a brief abstract 
 from his speech at Freeport. He had per- 
 sisted in calling the Republicans " Black 
 Republicans," although the crowd, the 
 
 great majority of which was there against 
 im, insisted that he should say " iVIiite 
 Republican." In response to these oft re- 
 peated demands, ho said : — 
 
 " Now, there are a great many Black 
 Republicans of you who do not know this 
 thing was done. (" White, white, and 
 great clamor)." I wish to remind you that 
 while Mr. Lincoln was speaking, there 
 was not a Democrat vulgar and black- 
 guard enough to interrupt him. But I 
 know that the shoe is pinching you. I am 
 clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared 
 to death for the result. I have seen this 
 thing before. I have seen men make ap- 
 pointments for discussions and the mo- 
 ment their man has been heard, try to in- 
 terrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the 
 other side. I have seen your mobs before 
 and defy your wrath. (Tremendous ap- 
 plause.) 
 
 "^My friends, do not cheer, for I need 
 my whole time. 
 
 " I have been put to severe tests. I have 
 stood by my principles in fair weather and 
 in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. 
 I have defended the great princii)le of 
 self-government here among you when 
 Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against 
 me, and I have defended that same great 
 principle when Southern sentiment came 
 down like an avalanche upon me. I was 
 not afraid of any test they put to me. I 
 knew I was right — I knew my principles 
 were sound — I knew that the people would 
 see in the end that I had done right, and 
 I knew that the God of Heaven would 
 smile upon me if I was faithful in the per- 
 formance of my duty." 
 
 As an illustration of the earnestness of 
 Lincoln's position we need only quote two 
 paragraphs from his speech at Alton : — 
 
 "Is slavery wrong? That is the real 
 issue. That "is the issue that will continue 
 in this country when these poor tongues of 
 
 Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. 
 It is the eternal struggle between these two 
 j)rincii)les — right and wrong — throughout 
 the world. They are two principles that 
 have stood face to face from the beginning 
 of time; and will ever continue to struggle. 
 The one is the common right of humanity, 
 and the other the divine right of Kings. 
 It is the same principle in whatever shape 
 it develops itself It is the same spirit that 
 says, ' you work and toil, and earn bread, 
 and I'll eat it.' No matter in what shaj>e 
 it comes, whether from the mouth of a 
 King who seeks to bestride the people of 
 his own nation and life by the fruit of their 
 labor, or trom one race of men as an 
 apology for enslaving another race, it ia 
 the same tyrannical principle." 
 
 And again : — 
 
 " On this subject of treating it as a 
 wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a 
 word. Has anything ever threatened the 
 existence of this Union save and except 
 this very institution of slavery? What is 
 it that we hold most dear among us ? Our 
 own liberty and prosperity. What has 
 ever threatened our liberty and prosperity 
 save and except this institution of slavery ? 
 If this is true, how do you propose to im- 
 prove the condition of things? by enlarging 
 slavery ? — by spreading it out and making 
 it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer 
 upon your person and not be able to cut it 
 out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it 
 is no way to cure it, to engraft it and 
 spread it over your whole body. That is 
 no proper Avay of treating what you regard 
 a wrong. You see this peaceful way of 
 dealing with it as a wrong — restricting the 
 spread of it, and not allowing it to go into 
 new countries where it has not already 
 existed. That is the peaceful way, the 
 old-fashioned way, the way in which 
 the fathers themselves set us the ex- 
 ample." 
 
 The administration of Pierce had left 
 that of Buchanan a dangerous legacy. He 
 found the pro-slavery party in Congress 
 temporarily triumphant, it is true, and 
 supported "by the action of Congress in re- 
 jecting the Topeka constitution and rec- 
 ognizing the territorial government, but 
 he found that that decision was not accep- 
 table either to the majority of the people 
 in the country or to a rapidly rising anti- 
 slavery sentiment in the North. Yet he 
 saw but one course to pursue, and that was 
 to sustain the territorial government, which 
 had issued the call for the I>ecompton con- 
 vention. He was supported in this view 
 by the action of the Supreme Court, which 
 had decided that slavery existed in Kansas 
 under the constitution of the United States, 
 and that the people therein could only re- 
 lieve themselves of it by the election of 
 delegates who would prohibit it in the 
 constitution to be framed by the Lecomp-
 
 78 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ton convention. The Free State men re- 
 fused to recognize the call, made little, if 
 any, preparation for the election, yet on 
 the last day a number of them voted for 
 State officiiils and a member of Congress 
 under the Lecompton constitution. This 
 had the effect of suspending hostilities be- 
 tween the parties, yet peace was actually 
 maintained only by the intervention of 
 U. S. troops, under the command of Col. 
 Sumner, who afterwards won distinction 
 in the war of the rebellion. The Free 
 State people stood firmly by their Topeka 
 constitution, and refused to vote on ques- 
 tions atiecting delegates to the Lecompton 
 convention. They had no confidence in 
 Governor Walker, the appointee of Presi- 
 dent Buchanan, and his proclamations 
 passed unheeded. They recognized their 
 own Governor Robinson, who in a message 
 dated December 7th, 1857, explained and 
 defended their position in these words : 
 
 •' The convention which framed the con- 
 stitution at Topeka originated with the 
 people of Kansas territory. They have 
 adopted and ratified the same twice by a 
 direct vote, and also indirectly through two 
 elections of State officers and members of 
 the State Legislature. Yet it has pleased 
 the administration to regard the whole 
 proceeding as revolutionary." 
 
 The Lecompton convention, proclaimed 
 by Governor Walker to be lawfully con- 
 stituted, met for the second time, Sept. 4th, 
 1857, and proceeded to frame a constitu- 
 tion, and adjourned finally Nov. 7th. A 
 large majority of the delegates, as in the 
 first, were of course pro-slavery, because 
 of the refusal of the anti-slavery men to 
 participate in the election. It reused to 
 submit the whole constitution to the people, 
 it is said, in opposition to the desire of 
 President Buchanan, and part of his 
 Cabinet. It submitted only the question 
 of whether or not slavery should exist in 
 the new State, and tliis they were required 
 to do under the Kansas-Nebraska act, if 
 indeed they were not required to submit it 
 all. Yet such was tlie hostility of the 
 pro-slavery men to sulimission, that it was 
 only l)y three majority the proposition to 
 submit tlie main question was adopted — a 
 confession in advance that the result was 
 not likely to favor their side of the con- 
 troversy. But six weeks' time was also 
 allowed for preparation, the election being 
 ordered for Dec. 21st, 18r)7. Still another 
 advantage was taken in the printing of the 
 ballots, as ordered by the convention. The 
 method jircscribed was to endorse the bal- 
 lots, "Constitution witli Slavery," and 
 "Constitution with no Shivery, thus com- 
 pelling the voter, however adverse his 
 views, as to other parts of the Constitution, 
 to vote for it as a whole. As a conscfiuence, 
 (at least this wa.s given as one of the rea- 
 sons,) the Free State men as a rule refused 
 
 to participate in the election, and the result 
 as returned was 6,143 votes in favor of 
 slaveiy, and 589 against it. The constitu- 
 tion was annonhced as adopted, an election 
 was ordered on the first Monday of Janu- 
 ary, 1858, for State officers, members of the 
 Legislature, and a member of Congress. 
 The opponents of the Lecompton constitu- 
 tion did not now refrain from voting, partly 
 because of their desire to secure the repre- 
 sentative in Congress, but mainly to secure 
 an opportunity, as advised by their State 
 officers, to vote down the Lecompton con- 
 stitution. Both parties warmly contested 
 the result,' but the Free State men won, and 
 with their general victory secui'ed a large 
 majority in the Legislature. 
 
 The ballots of the Free State men were 
 now headed with the words " Against the 
 Lecompton Constittition," and they re- 
 turned 10,226 votes against it, to 134 for 
 it with slavery, and 24 for it against slavery. 
 This return was certified by J. W. Denver, 
 " Secretary and Acting Governor," and its 
 validity was endorsed by Douglas in his 
 report from the Senate Territorial Com- 
 mittee. It was in better accord with his 
 idea of popular sovereignty, as it showed 
 almost twice as large a vote as that cast 
 under the Lecompton plan, the fairness of 
 the return not being disputed, while that 
 of the month previous was disputed. 
 
 But their previous refusal to vote on the 
 Lecompton constitution gave their oppo- 
 nents an advantage in position strangely at 
 variance with the wishes of a majority of 
 the people. The President of that conven- 
 tion, J. Calhoun, forwarded the document 
 to the I'resident with an official request 
 that it be submitted to Congress. This 
 was done in a message dated 2d February, 
 1858, and the President recommended the 
 admission of Kansas under it. 
 
 This message occasioned a violent debate 
 in Congress, which continued for three 
 months. It was replete with sectional 
 abuse and bitterness, and nearly all the 
 members of both Houses participated. It 
 finally closed with the i)assflge of the 
 '' Act for the admission of the State of 
 Kansas into the Laiion," passed May 4th, 
 1858. This Act had been reported by a 
 committee of conference of both Houses, 
 and was passed in the Senate by 31 to 22, 
 and in the Llouse by 112 to 103. There 
 was a strict party vote in the Senate with 
 the excejition of Mr. Douglas, C. E. Stuart 
 of Michigan, and D. C. Broderick of Cal- 
 ifornia, who voted with the Republican 
 minority. In the House several anti- 
 Lecomjiton democrats voted with the Re- 
 ))ul)lican minority. These were Messrs. 
 Adrian of New Jersey ; Chapman of I'enn- 
 sylvania; Clark of New York; Cockerill 
 of Ohio; Davis of Indiana; Harris of Il- 
 linois; Jlaskin of New York ; Hickman 
 of Pennsylvania; McKibben of California;
 
 n-nt 
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE KANSAS STRUGGLE, 
 
 79 
 
 Marshall of Illinois ; Morgan of New 
 York ; Morris, 8ha\v, and Smith of Illinois. 
 The Americans wlio voted witli the Repub- 
 licans were Crittenden of Kentucky ; Davis 
 of IMaryland ; Marsliall of Kentucky ; 
 Rieaud of Maryland ; Underwood of Ken- 
 tucky. A number of those previously 
 chissed as Anti-Lecompton Democrats 
 voted against their colleagues of the same 
 faction, and consequently against the bill. 
 These were Messrs. Cockerill, Gwesheck, 
 Hall, Lawrence, Pendleton and Cox of 
 Oiiio; English and Foley of Indiana; and 
 Jones of l*ennsylvania. The Americans 
 who voted against the bill were Kennedy 
 of Maryland ; Amlerson of Missouri ; Eus- 
 tis of Louisiana ; Gilmer of North Caro- 
 lina; Hill of Georgia; Maynard, Ready 
 and Zollicotrer of Tennessee; and Trippe 
 of Georgia. 
 
 Iiecompton Constitution. 
 
 The following are the political features 
 of the Lecompton constitution : 
 
 Article VII. — Slavery. 
 
 Sec. 1. The right of property is before 
 and higher than any constitutional sanc- 
 tion, and the right of the owner of a slave 
 to such slave and its increase is the same, 
 and as inviolable as the right of the owner 
 of any property whatever. 
 
 Sec. 2. The legislature shall have no 
 power to pass laws for the emancipation 
 of slaves without the consent of the 
 owners, or without paying the owners 
 previous to their emancipation a full 
 equivalent in money for the slaves so 
 emancipated. They shall have no power 
 to j)revent emigrants to the state from 
 bringing with them such persons as are 
 deemed slaves by the laws of any one of 
 the United States or territories, so long as 
 any person of the same age or description 
 shall be continued in slavery by the laws 
 of this state : Provided, That such person 
 or slave be the bona fide property of such 
 emigrants: And provided, also, That laws 
 may be passed to prohibit the introduc- 
 tion into this state of slaves who have 
 committed high crimes in other states or 
 territories. They shall have power to pass 
 laws to iiermit the ownerjs of slaves to 
 emancipate them, saving the rights of 
 creditf)rs, and preventing thorn from be- 
 coming a public charge. They shall have 
 power to oblige the owners of slaves to 
 treat them with humanity, to provide for 
 them necessary food and clothing, to ab- 
 stain from all injuries to theni extending 
 to life or limb, ami, in case of their neglect 
 or refusal to comply with the direction of 
 such laws, to have such slave or slaves 
 sold for the benefit of the owner or 
 owners. 
 
 Sec. 3. In the prosecution of slaves for 
 crimes of higher grade than petit larceny, 
 the legislature shall have no power to de- 
 prive them of an impartial trial by a petit 
 
 jury- 
 
 Sec. 4. Any person who shall mali- 
 ciously dismember, or deprive a slave of 
 life, shall sulfer such punishment as would 
 be inflicted in case the like offence had 
 been committed on a free white person, 
 and on the like proof, except in case of 
 insurrection of such slave. 
 
 Free Negroes. 
 
 Bill of Rights, Sec. 23. Free negroes 
 shall not be alloweil to live in this state 
 under any circumstances. 
 
 Article VIII. — Elections and Rights of 
 Suffrage. 
 
 Sec. 1. Every male citizen of the 
 United States, above the age of twenty- 
 one years, having resided in this state one 
 year, and in the county, city, or town in 
 which he may offer to vote, three months 
 next preceding any election, shall have 
 the qualifications of an elector, and be en- 
 titled to vote at all elections. And every 
 male citizen of the United States, above 
 the age aforesaid, who may be a resident 
 of the state at the time this constitution 
 shall be adopted, shall have the right of 
 voting as aforesaid ; but no such citizen or 
 inhabitant shall be entitled to vote ex- 
 cept in the county in which he shall 
 actually reside at the time of the elec- 
 tion. 
 
 Tlie Topeka Constitntlon. 
 
 The following are tlie political features 
 of the Topeka constitution : 
 
 Slavery. 
 Bill of Rights, Sec. 6. There shall be 
 no slavery in this state, nor involuntary 
 servitude, unless for the punishment of 
 crime. 
 
 Amendments to the Constitution. 
 
 Sec. 1. All propositions for amend- 
 ments to the constitution shall be made 
 by the General Assembly. 
 
 Sec. 2. A concurrence of two-thirds of 
 the members elected to each house shall be 
 necessary, after which such proposed 
 amendments shall be again referred to the 
 legislature elected next succeeding said 
 pul)lication. If passed by the second 
 legislature by a majority of two-thirds of 
 the members elected to each Iiouse. such 
 amendments shall be republished as afore- 
 said, for at least six months prior to the 
 next general election, at which election 
 such proposed amendments shall be sub- 
 mitted to the people for their approval or
 
 ^0 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 rejection ; and if a majority of the electors 
 voting at such election shall adopt such 
 amendments, the same shall become a part 
 of the constitution. 
 
 Sec. 3. When more than one amend- 
 ment is submitted at the same time, they 
 shall be so submitted as to enable the 
 electors to vote upon each amendment 
 separately. No convention for the forma- 
 tion of a new constitution shall be called, 
 and no amendment to the constitution 
 shall be, by the general assembly, made 
 before the year 18t>5, nor more than once 
 in five years thereafter. 
 
 Submissio7i of Constitution to the People. 
 Schedule, Sec. 2. That this constitution 
 shall be submitted to the people of Kansas 
 for ratification on the 15th day of Decem- 
 ber next. That each qualified elector 
 shall express his assent or dissent to the 
 constitution by voting a written or printed 
 ticket, labelled "Constitution," or "No 
 Constitution;" which election shall be 
 held by the same judges, and conducted 
 under the same regulations and restric- 
 tions as is hereinafter jjrovided for the 
 election of members of the general 
 assembly. 
 
 Tlie Douglas Amendment. 
 
 The following is the Douglas amend- 
 ment, which really formed the basis of the 
 bill for admission ; 
 
 " It being the true intent and meaning 
 of this act not to legislate slavery into any 
 state or territory', nor to exclude it there- 
 from, but to leave the people thereof per- 
 fectly free to form and regulate their 
 domestic institutions in their own way, 
 subject onlv to the Constitution of tlie 
 United States." 
 
 The bill which passed on the 4th of May 
 was known as the English bill, and it met 
 the approval of Buchanan. To the measure 
 was attached "a fundamental condition 
 precedent," which arose from the fact that 
 the ordinance of the convention accom- 
 panying the constitution claimed for the 
 new State a cession of the public lands six 
 times greater than had been granted to 
 other States, amounting in all to 23,500,- 
 OUO acres. In lieu of this Congress pro- 
 posed to submit to a vote of the people a 
 proposition sf)ecifying the number of acres 
 ana the purposes for which the money 
 arising from their sale were to be used, and 
 the acceptance of tliis was to be followed 
 by a proclamation tliat " thereafter, and 
 without furtlicr proceedings from (,'ongress 
 the admission of the State of Kansas, into 
 tlie Union, upon an ciiual footing with the 
 original States in all rcspicts whatever, 
 shall be complete and absolute." The con- 
 dition was never fnHille(l, for the peo]»le at 
 the election on the 2d of August, 1858, 
 
 rejected it by a majority of 9,513, and Kan- 
 sas was not admitted under the Lecompton 
 constitution. 
 
 Finally, and after continued agitation, 
 more peaceful, however, than that which 
 characterized the earlier stages of the strug- 
 gle, the territorial legislature of Kansas 
 called an election for delegates to meet and 
 form a constitution. They assembled in 
 convention at Wyandot, in July, 1859, and 
 reported a constitution prohibiting slavery. 
 This was adopted by a majority exceeding 
 4000, and under it Kansas was admitted to 
 the Union on the 29th of January, 1861, 
 
 The comparative quiet between the re- 
 jection of the English proposition and the 
 adoption of the Wyandot constitution, was 
 at one time violently disturbed by a raid 
 made by John Brown at Harper's Ferrj"-, 
 with a view to excite the slaves to insur- 
 rection. This failed, but not before Gov. 
 Wise, of Virginia, had mustered his militia, 
 and called for the aid of United States 
 troops. The more radical anti-slavery men 
 of the North were at first shocked by the 
 audacity of an ofiense which many looked 
 upon as an act of treason, but the anxiety 
 of Virginia to hang Brown and all his 
 followers who had been captured alive, 
 changed a feeling of conservatism in tha 
 North to one of sympathy for Bx'own and 
 deeper hatred of slavery. It is but fair to 
 say that it engendered hostility to the 
 Union in the South. The right and wrong 
 of slavery was thereafter more generally 
 discussed than ever. The talent of the 
 South favored it ; while, with at least a 
 large measure of truth it can be said that 
 the talent of the North opposed it. So 
 bitter grew the feeling that soon the 
 churches of the sections began to divide, 
 no o{!ier political question having ever be- 
 fore disturbed the Union. 
 
 AVe have not pretended to give a com- 
 plete history of the Kansas trouble either 
 in that State or in Congress, nor yet a full 
 history of the many issues raised on ques- 
 tions which were but subsidiary to the 
 main one of slavery. Our object is to show 
 the relation of the political parties through- 
 out that struggle, for we are dealing with 
 the history of })arties from a national view, 
 and not with battles and the minor ques- 
 tions or details of parliamentary struggles. 
 The contest had cemented the Democrats 
 of the South as it had the Republicans of 
 the North ; it divided both the Democrats 
 of the North and the Americans in all 
 sections. John Bell, of Tennessee, and 
 Sam Houston of Texas, recognized leaders 
 of the Americans, had shown their sym- 
 pathy with the new stand taken by Doug- 
 las, as early as 1S54. Bell, however, was 
 less decided tlian Houston, and took his 
 position with many qualifications. Hous- 
 ton ojiposed even the rejical of the Mis- 
 souri Compromise, and made the last speech 
 
 I 
 
 (
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 
 
 81 
 
 against it in the Senate. Pie closed with 
 these words: 
 
 " In the discharge of my duty I have 
 acted fearlessly. The events of the future 
 are loft in the hands of a wise Providence, 
 and, in my opinion, on the decision which 
 we make upon tins question must depend 
 union or disunion." 
 
 These sentiments were shared by many 
 Americans, and the great majority of them 
 drifted into the Republican party. The 
 Abolitionists from the beginning of the 
 struggle, allied themselves with the Repub- 
 licans, a few of their leaders proclaiming, 
 however, that this party was not sufficiently 
 advanced in its views. 
 
 The Charleston Convention. 
 
 Such was the condition of the parties 
 when the Democratic national convention 
 met at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of 
 April, 18G0, it being then the custom of 
 the Democratic party, as it is of all ffiajor- 
 ity parties, to call its convention first. It 
 was composed of delegates from all the 
 thirty-three States of the Union, the whole 
 number of votes being 303. After the ex- 
 ampl-^ of former Democratic conventions 
 it adopted the two-third rule, and 202 votes 
 were required to make nominations for 
 President and Vice-President. Caleb Cush- 
 ing, of ]\Iass., presided. From the first a 
 radical difference of opinion was exhibited 
 among the members on the question of 
 slavery in the Territories. Almost the 
 entire Southern and a minority of the 
 Northern portion believed in the Dred 
 Scott decision, and held that slave property 
 was as valid under the constitution as any 
 other class of property. The Douglas 
 delegates stood firmly by the theory of 
 poj)ular sovereignty, and avowed their in- 
 difi'erence to the fact whether it would lead 
 to the protection of slave property in the 
 territories or not. On the second day a 
 committee on resolutions consisting of one 
 member from each State, selected by the 
 State delegates, was named, and then a 
 resolution was resolved unanimously " that 
 this convention will not proceed to ballot 
 for a candidate for the Presidency until the 
 platform shall have been adopted." On 
 the fifth day the committee on resolutions 
 presented majority and minority reports. 
 
 After a long discussion on the respective 
 merits of the two reports, they were both, 
 on motion of Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, 
 re-committed to the Committee on Reso- 
 lutions, with a view, if possible, to promote 
 harmony; but this ]iroved to be impracti- 
 cable. On the sixth day of the Conven- 
 tion (Saturday, April 28th.) at an evening 
 session, Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, and 
 Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, from the majority 
 6 
 
 and minority of the committee, again made 
 opposite and conflicting reports on the 
 question of slavery in the Territories. On 
 this question the committee had divided 
 from the beginning, the one portion em- 
 bracing the fifteen members from the 
 slaveholding States, with those from Cali- 
 fornia and Oregon, and the other consist- 
 ing of the members from all the free Slates 
 east of the Rocky IMountains. On all other 
 questions both re])orts substantially agreed. 
 
 The following is the report of the major- 
 ity made on this subject by Mr. Avery, of 
 North Carolina, the chairman of the com- 
 mittee : " Bcsolrcd, That the platform 
 adopted by the Democratic party at Cin- 
 cinnati be affirmed with the following ex- 
 planatory resolutions : 1st. That the Gov- 
 ernment of a Territory, organized by an 
 act of Congress, is provisional and tempo- 
 rary, and during its existence all citizens 
 of the United States have an equal right 
 to settle with their property in the Terri- 
 tory, without their rights, either of person 
 or property, being destroyed or impaired 
 by Congressional or Territorial legislation. 
 2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, in all its departments, to protect, 
 when necessary, the rights of persons and 
 property in the Territories, and wherever 
 else its constitutional authority extends. 
 3d. That when the settlers in a Territory 
 having an adequate population form a 
 State Constitution, the right of sovereignty 
 commences, and being consummated by 
 admission into the Union, they stand on 
 an equal footing with the people of other 
 States, and the State thus organized ought 
 to be admitted into the Federal Union 
 whether its constitution prohibits or recog- 
 nizes the institution of slavery." 
 
 The following is the report of the minor- 
 ity, made by Mr. Samuels, of Iowa. After 
 re-affirming the Cincinnati platform by 
 the first resolution, it proceeds: "Inas- 
 much as dillerences of opinion exist in the 
 Democratic party, as to the nature and ex- 
 tent of the powers of a Territorial Legisla- 
 ture, and as to the powers and duties of 
 Congress, under the Constitution of the 
 United States, over the institution of 
 slavery within the Territories, Resolved, 
 That "the Democratic party will abide by 
 the decisions of the Supreme Court of the 
 United States upon questions of constitu- 
 tional law." 
 
 After some preliminary remarks, Mr. 
 Samuels moved the adoption of the minor- 
 ity report as a substitute for that of the 
 majority. This gave rise to an earnest 
 and excited debate. The difference be- 
 tween the parties was radical and irrecon- 
 cilable. The South insisted that the Cin- 
 cinnati platform, whose true construction 
 in regard to slavery in the Territories had 
 alwavs been denied by a portion of the 
 Democratic party, should be explained and
 
 82 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 settled by an express recognition of the 
 principles decided by the Supreme Court. 
 The North, on the other hand, refused to 
 recognize this decision, and still main- 
 tained the jjower to be inherent in the 
 people of a Territory to deal with the 
 
 Suestion of slavery according to their own 
 iscretion. The vote was then taken, and 
 the minority report was substituted for 
 that of the majority by a vote of one hun- 
 dred and sixty-five to one hundred and 
 thirty-eight. The delegates from the six 
 New England States, as well as from New 
 York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, 
 Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, fourteen 
 free States, cast their entire vote in favor 
 of the minority report. New Jersey and 
 Pennsylvania alone among the free States 
 east of the Eocky Mountains, refused to 
 vote as States, but their delegates voted as 
 individuals. 
 
 The means employed to attain this end 
 were skillfully devised by the minority of 
 the Pennsylvania delegation in favor of 
 nominating Mr. Douglas. The entire del- 
 egation had, strangely enough, placed this 
 power in their hands, by selecting two of 
 their number, Messrs. Cessna and Wright, 
 to represent the whole on the two most im- 
 portant committees of the Convention — 
 that of organization and that of resolu- 
 tions. These gentlemen, by adroitness and 
 parliamentary tact, succeeded in abrogat- 
 ing the former practice of casting the vote 
 of the State as a unit. In this manner, 
 whilst New York indorsed with her entire 
 thirty-five votes the peculiar views of Mr. 
 Douglas, notwithstanding there was in her 
 delegation a majority of only five votes in 
 their favor on the question of Territorial 
 sovereignty, the effective strength of Penn- 
 sylvania recognizing the judgment of the 
 Supreme Court, was reduced to three votes, 
 this being the majority of fifteen on the 
 one side over twelve on the other. 
 
 The question next in order before the 
 Convention was upon the adoption of the 
 second resolution of the minority of the 
 committee, which had been substituted for 
 the report of the majority. On this ques- 
 tion Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, Arkan- 
 sas, Texas, Florida, and Mississippi re- 
 fused to vote. Indeed, it soon appeared 
 that on the question of the final adoption 
 of this second resolution, which in fact 
 amounted to nothing, it had scarcely any 
 friends of either party in the Convention. 
 The Douglas party, without explanation 
 or addition, voted against it. On the other 
 hand, the old Democracy could not vote 
 for it witliout admitting that tlic Supreme 
 Court had not already i)lace(l the right 
 over slave property in the Territories on 
 the same footing with all other property, 
 and therefore they also voted against it. 
 In consequence the resolution was nega- 
 tived by a vote of only twcuty-oue in its 
 
 favor to two hundred and thirty-eight. 
 Had the seven Southern States just men- 
 tioned voted, the negatives would have 
 amounted to two hundred and eighty-two, 
 or more than thirteen to one. Thus both 
 the majority and the minority resolutions 
 on the Territorial question were rejected, 
 and nothing remained before the Conven- 
 tion except the Cincinnati platform. 
 
 At this stage of the proceedings (April 
 30th), the States of Louisiana, Alabama, 
 South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Tex- 
 as, and Arkansas, having assigned their 
 reasons for the act, withdrew in succession 
 from the Convention. Alter these seven 
 States had retired, the delegation from 
 Virginia made an efibrt to restore har- 
 mony. Mr. Eussell, their chairman, ad- 
 dressed the Convention and portrayed the 
 alarming nature of the crisis. He ex- 
 pressed his fears that we were on the eve 
 of a revolution, and if this Convention 
 should prove a failure it would be the last 
 National Convention of any party which 
 would ever assemble in the United States. 
 " Virginia," said he, " stands in the midst 
 of her sister States, in garments red with 
 the blood of her children slain in the first 
 outbreak of the 'irrepressible conflict.' 
 But, sir, not when her children fell at mid- 
 night beneath the weapon of the assassin, 
 was her heart penetrated with so profound 
 a grief as that which will wring it when 
 she is obliged to choose between a sepa- 
 rate destiny with the South, and her com- 
 mon destiny with the entire Republic." 
 
 Mr. Eussell was not then prepared to 
 answer, in behalf of his delegation, whether 
 the events of the day (the defeat of the 
 majority report, and the withdrawal of the 
 seven States) were sufficient to justify her 
 in taking the irrevocable step in question. 
 In order, therefore, that they might have 
 time to deliberate, and if they thought 
 proper make an efi'ort to restore harmony 
 in the Convention, he expressed a desire 
 that it might adjourn and aflbrd them an 
 opportunity for consultation. The Con- 
 vention accordingly adjourned until the 
 next day, Tuesday, May 1st ; and imme- 
 diately after its reassembling the delega- 
 tion from Georgia, making the eighth 
 State, also withdrew. 
 
 In the mean time the Virginia delega- 
 tion had consulted among themselves, and 
 had conferred with the delegation of the 
 other Southern States which still remained 
 in the Convention, as to the best mode of 
 restoring harmony. In consequence Mr. 
 Howard, of Tennessee, stated to the Con- 
 vention that " he had a proposition to pre- 
 sent in behalf of the delegation from Ten- 
 nessee, whenever, under parliamentary 
 rules, it would be pro])er to present it." 
 In this Tennessee was joined by Kentucky 
 and Virginia. He should propose the fol- 
 lowing resolution whenever it would be in
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 
 
 83 
 
 order : ' Resolved, That the citizens of the 
 United States have an equal right to set- 
 tle with their property in the Territories 
 of the United States ; and that, under the 
 decision of the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, which we recognize as the 
 correct exposition of the Constitution of 
 the United States, neither the rights of 
 person nor property can be destroyed or 
 jnpaired by Congressional or Territorial 
 legislation.' '' 
 
 On a subsequent day (May 3d), Mr. Rus- 
 sell informed the Convention that this re- 
 solution had, " he believed, received the 
 ap[)robation of all the delegations from 
 the Southern States which remained in 
 the Convention, and also received the ap- 
 probation of the delegation from New 
 York. He was informed there was strength 
 enough to pass it when in order." 
 
 Mr. Howard, however, in vain attempted 
 to obtain a vote on his resolution. When 
 he moved to take it up on the evening of 
 the day it had been otFered, he was met by 
 cries of "Not in order," "Not in order." 
 The manifest purpose was to postpone its 
 consideration until the hour should arrh'c 
 which had been fixed by a previous order 
 of the Convention, in opposition to its first 
 order on the same subject, for the balloting 
 to commence for a Presidential candidate, 
 when it would be too late. This the friends 
 of Mr. Douglas accomplished, and no vote 
 was ever taken upon it either at Charleston 
 or Baltimore. 
 
 Before the balloting commenced Mr. 
 Howard succeeded, in the face of strong 
 opposition, with the aid of the thirty-five 
 votes from New York, in obtaining a vote 
 of the Convention in re-affirmance of the 
 two-thirds rule. On his motion they re- 
 solved, by 141, to 112 votes, " that the Pre- 
 sident of the Convention be and he is here- 
 by directed not to declare any person 
 nominated for the office of President or 
 Vice-President, unless he shall have re- 
 ceived a number of votes equal to two- 
 thirds of the votes of all the electoral col- 
 leges." It was well known at the time 
 that this resolution rendered the regular 
 nomination of Mr. Douglas impossible. 
 
 The balloting then commenced (Tuesday 
 evening, j\Iay Ist), on the eighth day of the 
 session. Necessary to a nomination, under 
 the two-thirds rule, 202 votes. On the 
 first ballot Mr. -Douglas received 145} 
 votes ; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, 42 ; IVIr. 
 Guthrie, of Kentucky, 3-5.}; Mr. Johnson, 
 of Tennessee, 12; Mr. Dickinson, of New 
 York, 7; Mr. Lane, of Oregon.- 6; Mr. 
 Toucey, of Connecticut, 21 ; Mr. Davis, of 
 Mississippi, li, and j\Ir. Pearce, of Marv- 
 land, 1 vote. 
 
 The voting continued until May 3d, 
 during which there were fifty-four addi- 
 tional ballotings. Mr. Dougl.as never rose 
 to more than 152^, and ended in 151} 
 
 votes, 202 votes being necessary to a nomi- 
 nation. 
 
 Until 1824 nominations had been made 
 by Congressional caucus. In these none 
 particii)ated except Senators and Demo- 
 cratic States, and Representatives from 
 Democratic Congressional districts. The 
 simple majority rule governed in these 
 caucuses, because it was morally certain 
 that, composed as they were, no candidate 
 could be selected against the will of the 
 Democratic States on whom his election 
 depended. But when a change was made 
 to National Conventions, it was at once 
 perceived that if a mere majority could 
 nominate, then the delegates from Anti- 
 Democratic States might be mainly instru- 
 mental in nominating a candidate for 
 whom they could not give a single electo- 
 ral vote. Whilst it would have been harsh 
 and inexpedient to exclude these States 
 from the Convention altogether, it would 
 have been unjust to confer on them a con- 
 trolling power over the nomination. To 
 compromise this difficulty, the two-thirds 
 rule was adopted. Under its operation it 
 would be almost impossible that a candi- 
 date could be selected, without the votes 
 of a simple majority of delegates from the 
 Democratic States. This was the argu- 
 ment of its friends. 
 
 It had now become manifest that it was 
 impossible to make a nomination at 
 Charleston. The friends of Mr. Douglas 
 adhered to him and would vote for him 
 and him alone, whilst his opponents, ap- 
 prehending the effect of his principles 
 should he be elected President, were equally 
 determined to vote against his nomination. 
 
 In the hope that some compromise 
 might yet be effected, the Convention, on 
 the motion of Mr. Russell, of Virginia, 
 resolved to adjourn to meet at Baltimore on 
 JNIonday, the 18th June ; and it was " re- 
 spectfully recommended to the Democratic 
 party of the several States, to make pro- 
 vision for supplying all vacancies in their 
 respective delegations to this Convention 
 when it shall re-assemble." 
 
 The Convention re-assembled at Balti- 
 more on the 18th June, 1860, according to 
 its adjournment, and Mr. Cushing, the 
 President, took the chair. 
 
 Immediately after the reorganization of 
 the Convention, Mr. Howard, of Tennes- 
 see, oflered a resolution, " that the Presi- 
 dent of this Convention direct the ser- 
 geant-at-arms to issue tickets of admission 
 to the delegates of the Convention, as orig- 
 inally constituted and organized at Charles- 
 ton." Thus the vitally important question 
 was distinctly presented. It soon, how- 
 ever, became manifest that no such reso- 
 lution could prevail. In the absence of 
 the delegates who had withdrawn at 
 Charleston, the friends of Mr. Douglas 
 constituted a controlling majority. At the
 
 84 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book; I. 
 
 threshold they resisted the admission of 
 the original delegates, and contended that 
 by withdrawing they had irrevocably re- 
 signed their seats. In support of this po- 
 sition, they relied upon the language of 
 the resolution adjourning the Convention 
 to Baltimore, which, as we have seen, 
 "recommended to the Democratic party 
 of the several States to make provision for 
 supplying all vacancies in their respective 
 delegations to this Convention, when it 
 shall reassemble." On the other hand, 
 the advocates of their readmission con- 
 tended that a simple withdrawal of the 
 delegates was not a final renunciation of 
 their seats, but they were still entitled to 
 reoccupy them, whenever, in their judg- 
 ment, this course would be best calculated 
 to restore the harmony and promote the 
 success of the Democratic party ; that the 
 Convention had no right to interpose be- 
 tween them and the Democracy of their 
 respective States ; that being directly re- 
 sponsible to this Democracy, it alone could 
 accept their resignation ; that no such re- 
 signation had ever been made, and their 
 authority therefore continued in full force, 
 and this, too, with the approbation of their 
 constituents. 
 
 In the mean time, after the adjournment 
 from Charleston to Baltimore, the friends 
 of Mr. Douglas, in several of these States, 
 had proceeded to elect delegates to take 
 the place of those who had withdrawn 
 from the Convention. Indeed, it was 
 manifest at the time, and has since been 
 clearly proved by tiie event, that these 
 delegates represented but a small minority 
 of the party in their respective States. 
 These new delegates, nevertheless,appeared 
 and demanded seats. * 
 
 After a long and ardent debate, the 
 Convention adopted a resolution, offered 
 by Mr. Church, of New York, and modi- 
 fied on motion of Mr. Gilmore, of Penn- 
 sylvania, as a substitute for that of Mr. 
 Howard, to refer " the credentials of all 
 pei-sons claiming seats in this Convention, 
 made vacant by the secession of delegates 
 at Charleston, to the Committee on Cre- 
 dentials.'' They thus prejudged the ques- 
 tion, by deciding that the seats of these 
 delegates had been made and were still 
 vacant. The Committee on Credentials 
 had been originally composed of one dele- 
 gate from each of the tliirty-three States, 
 but the number was now reduced to twen- 
 ty-five, in consequence of the exclusion of 
 eight of its members from the States of 
 Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Car- 
 olina, Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, and 
 Florida. The committee, therefore, now 
 stood 16 to 9 in favor of the nomination of 
 Mr. Douglas, instead of 17 to Hi against it, 
 according to its original organization. 
 
 • From Mr. UiirtmnarrH AdminiHtratioii on fli" ovo of 
 the Ilubelliuo, iiubluLiud by I). Aiijilutun &. Co., 18CG. 
 
 The committee, through their chairman, 
 Mr. Krum, of Missouri, made their report 
 on the 21st June, and Governor Stevens, of 
 Oregon, at the same time presented a 
 minority report, signed by himself and 
 eight other members. 
 
 It is unnecessary to give in detail these 
 conflicting reports. It is sufficient to state 
 that whilst the report of the majority 
 maintained that the delegates, by with- 
 drawing at Charleston, had resigned their 
 seats, and these were still vacant ; that of 
 the minority, on the contrary, asserted the 
 right of these delegates to resume their 
 seats in the Convention, by virtue of their 
 original appointment. 
 
 On the next day (June 22), the impor- 
 tant decision was made between the con- 
 flicting reports. Mr. Stevens moved to 
 substitute the minority report for that of 
 the majority, and his motion was rejected 
 by a vote of lOOj to 150. Of course no 
 vote was given from any of the excluded 
 States, except one half vote from each of 
 the parties in Arkansas. 
 
 The resolutions of the majority were then 
 adopted in succession. Among other mo- 
 tions of similar character, a motion had 
 been made by a delegate in the majority 
 to reconsider the vote by which the Con- 
 vention had adopted the minority report, 
 as a substitute for that of the majority, 
 and to lay his own motion on the table. 
 This is a common mode resorted to, ac- 
 cording to parliamentary tactics, of de- 
 feating every hope of a reconsideration of 
 the pending question, and rendering the 
 first decision final. 
 
 Mr. Cessna with this view called for a 
 vote on laying the motion to reconsider on 
 the table. ' Should this be negatived, then 
 the question of reconsideration would be 
 open. The President stated the question 
 to be first " on laying on the table the mo- 
 tion to reconsider the vote by which the 
 Convention refused to amend the majority 
 report of the Committee on Credentials by 
 substituting the report of the minority." 
 On this question New York, for the first 
 time since the meeting at Baltimore, voted 
 with the minority and changed it into a 
 majority. "When New York was called," 
 says the report of the proceedings, " and re- 
 sponded thirty-five votes" (in the nega- 
 tive) "the res])onse was greeted with loud 
 cheers and applause." The result of the 
 vote was 113i to 138.]— "so the Convention 
 refused to lay on the table the motion to 
 reconsider the minority report." The Con- 
 vention then adjourned until evening, on 
 motion of Mr. Cochrane, of New York, 
 amidst great excitement and confu.sion. 
 
 This vote of New York, ajipearing to in- 
 dicate a pur])ose to harmonize the i>arty by 
 admitting tlie original delegates irom the 
 eight absent States, was not altogether un- 
 expected. Although voting as a unit, it
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 
 
 85 
 
 was known that her delegation were greatly 
 divided among theni.selves. The exact 
 strength of the minority was afterwards 
 stated by Mr. Bartlett, one of its memhers, 
 in the Breckinridge Convention. He said: 
 " Upon all questions and esjjecially upon 
 the adoption of the majority report on cre- 
 dentials, in which we had a long contest, 
 the line was strictly drawn, and there were 
 thirty on one side and forty on the other." 
 
 The position of New York casting an un- 
 divided vote of thirty-five, with Dean Rich- 
 mond at their head, had been a controlling 
 power from the commencement. 
 
 Strong expectations were, therefore, now 
 entertained that after the New York dele- 
 gation had recorded their vote against a 
 motion which would have killed the mi- 
 nority report beyond hope of revival, they 
 would now follow this up by taking the 
 next step in advance and voting for its re- 
 consideration and adoption. On the even- 
 ing of the very same day, however, they 
 reversed their course and voted against its 
 reconsideration. They were then cheered 
 by the opposite party from that which had 
 cheered them in the morning. Thus the 
 action of the Convention in favor of the 
 majority report became final and conclu- 
 sive. 
 
 Mr. Cessna, of Pennsylvania, at once 
 moved " that the Convention do now pro- 
 ceed to nominate candidates for President 
 and Vice-President of the United States." 
 
 Mr. Russell rose and stated, " It has be- 
 come my duty now, by direction of a large 
 majority of the delegation from Virginia, 
 respectfully to inform you and this body, 
 that it is not consistent with their convic- 
 tions of duty to participate longer in its 
 deliberations." 
 
 Mr. Leader next stated " that it became 
 his duty, as one of the delegates from North 
 Carolina, to say that a very large majority 
 of the delegation from that State were 
 compelled to retire permanently from this 
 Convention, on account, as he conceived, 
 of the unjust course that had been pursued 
 toward some of their fellow-citizens of the 
 South. The South had heretofore relied 
 upon the Northern Democracy to give them 
 therights which were justly due them ; but 
 the vote to-day had satisfied the majority 
 of the North Carolina delegation that these 
 rights were now refused them, and, this 
 being the case, they could no longer re- 
 main in the Convention." 
 
 Then followed in succession the with- 
 drawal of the delegations from Tennessee, 
 Kentucky, Maryland, California, Oregon, 
 and Arkansas. The Convention now ad- 
 journed at half-past-ten o'clock until the 
 next morning at ten. 
 
 Soon after the assembling of the Con- 
 vention, the President, Mr. Gushing, whilst 
 tendering his thanks to its members for 
 their candid and honorable support in the 
 
 performance of his duties, stated that not- 
 withstanding the retirement of the delega- 
 tions of several of the States at Charleston, 
 in his solicitude to maintain the harmony 
 and union of the Democratic party, he 
 had continued in his post of labor. "To 
 that end and in that sense," said he, " I 
 had the honor to meet you, gentlemen, here 
 at lialtimore. But circumstances have 
 since transpired which compel me to pause. 
 The delegations of a majority of the Stat&s 
 have, either in whole or in part, in ono 
 form or another, ceased to participate in 
 the deliberations of the Convention. * * 
 * In the present circumstances, I deem 
 it a duty of self-resj)ect, and I deem it 
 still more a duty to this Convention, as at 
 jiresent organized, * * * to resign my 
 seat as President of this Convention, in 
 order to take my place on the floor as a 
 member of the delegation from Massachu- 
 setts. * * * I deem this above all a 
 duty which I owe to the members of this 
 Convention, as to whom no longer would 
 my action represent the will of a majority 
 of the Convention." 
 
 Governor Tod, of Ohio, one of the Vice- 
 Presidents, then took the vacant chair, and 
 was greeted with hearty and long-continued 
 cheers and applause from members of the 
 Convention. 
 
 Mr. Butler, of Massachusetts, now an- 
 nounced that a portion of the Massachu- 
 setts delegation desired to retire, but was 
 interrupted by cries of " No," " No," 
 " Call the roll." Mr. Cessna called for the 
 original question, to wit, that the Conven- 
 tion now proceed to a nomination for Pres- 
 ident and Vice-President. 
 
 The President here ordered the Secre- 
 tary to call the States. Maine, New Hamp- 
 shire, and Vermont were called, and they 
 gave an unbroken vote for Stephen A. 
 Douglas. When Massachusetts was called, 
 Mr. Butler rose and said he had a respect- 
 ful paper in his hand which he would 
 desire the President to have read. A scene 
 of great confusion thereupon ensued, cries 
 of " I object" being heard upon all sides. 
 Mr. Butler, not to be baffled, contended 
 for his right at this stage to make remarks 
 pertinent to the matter, and cited in his 
 support the practice of the Conventions at 
 Baltimore in 1848 and 1852, and at Cin- 
 cinnati in 1856. He finally prevailed, and 
 was permitted to proceed. He then said 
 he " would now withdraw from the Con- 
 vention, upon the ground that there had 
 been a withdrawal, in whole or in part, of 
 a majority of the States ; and further, 
 which was a matter more personal to him- 
 self, he could not sit in a convention where 
 the African slave trade, which was piracy 
 according to the laws of his country, was 
 openly advocated." 
 
 Mr. Butler then retired, followed by 
 General Cashing and four others of the
 
 86 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Massachusetts delegation. All of these 
 had voted with the South and against 
 Douglas. 
 
 The balloting now proceeded. Mr. 
 Douglas received 173i votes; Mr. Guthrie 
 9; Mr. Breckinridge 60 ; Mr. Bocock and 
 Mr. Seymour each 1 ; and Mr. Dickerson 
 and Mr. Wise each half a vote. On the 
 next and last ballot Mr. Douglas received 
 181 J votes, eight of those in the minority 
 having changed their votes in his favor. 
 
 To account for this number, it is proper 
 to state that a few delegates from five of 
 the eight States which had withdrawn still 
 remained in the Convention. On the last 
 ballot Mr. Douglas received all of their 
 votes, to wit : 3 of the 15 votes of Virginia, 
 1 of the 10 votes of North Carolina, U of 
 the 3 votes of Arkansas, 3 of the 12 votes 
 of Tennessee, 3 of the 12 votes of Ken- 
 tucky, and 2^ of the 8 votes of Maryland, 
 making in the aggregate 14 votes. To 
 this number may be added the 9 votes of 
 the new delegates from Alabama and the 
 6 from Louisiana, which had been admitted 
 to the exclusion of the original dele- 
 gates. 
 
 Mr. Douglas was accordingly declared 
 to be the regular nominee of the Democra- 
 tic party of the Union, upon the motion of 
 Mr. Church, of Xew York, when, accord- 
 ing to the report of the proceedings, " The 
 whole body rose to its feet, hats were 
 waved in the air, and many tossed aloft ; 
 shouts, screams, and yells, and every 
 boisterous mode of expressing approbation 
 and unanimity, were resorted to." 
 
 Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was 
 then unanimously nominated as the 
 candidate for Vice-President ; and the 
 Convention adjourned sijie die on the 23d 
 June, the sixth and last day of its ses- 
 sion. On the same day, but after the ad- 
 journment, Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the 
 nomination, and it was immediately con- 
 ferred on Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, of 
 Georgia, by the Executive Committee. 
 Thus ended the Douglas Convention. 
 
 But another Convention assembled at 
 Baltimore on the same 23d June, styling 
 itself the " National Democratic Conven- 
 tion." It was composed chiefly of the 
 delegates who had just withdrawn from 
 the Douglas Convention, and tlie original 
 delegates from Alabama and Louisiana. 
 One of their first acts was to abrogate the 
 two-third rule, as had been done by the 
 Douglas Convention. Both acted under 
 tlie same necessity, because the preserva- 
 tion of this rule would have prevented a 
 nomination by either. 
 
 Mr. Cusliing was elected and took the 
 chair as I'resident. In bis opening ad- 
 dress he said: "Gentlcnion of the Con- 
 vention, we assemble here, delegates to the 
 National Democratic Convention, duly 
 accredited thereto from more than twenty 
 
 States of the Union, for the purpose of 
 nominating candidates of the Democratic 
 party for the offices of President and Vice- 
 President of the United States, for the 
 purpose of announcing the principles of 
 the party, and for the purpose of continu- 
 ing and re-establishing that party upon 
 the firm foundations of the Constitution, 
 the Union, and the coequal rights of the 
 several States." 
 
 Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, who had 
 reported the majority resolutions at 
 Charleston, now reported the same from 
 the committee of this body, and they 
 "were adopted unanimously, amid great 
 applause." 
 
 The Convention then proceeded to select 
 their candidates, Mr. Loring, on behalf 
 of the delegates from Massachusetts, who 
 with Mr. Butler had retired Irom the 
 Douglas Convention, nominated John O. 
 Breckinridge, of Kentucky, which Mr. 
 Dent, representing the Pennsylvania dele- 
 gation present, " most heartily seconded." 
 Mr. Ward, from the Alabama delegation, 
 nominated E. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia"; 
 Mr. Ewing, from that of Tennessee, nomi- 
 nated Mr. Dickinson, of New York ; and 
 Mr. Stevens, from Oregon, nominated 
 General Joseph Lane. Eventually all 
 these names were withdrawn except that 
 of Mr. Breckinridge, and he received the 
 nomination by a unanimous vote. The 
 whole number of votes cast in his favor 
 from twenty States was 103t. 
 
 General Lane was unanimously nomi- 
 nated as the candidate for Vice-President. 
 Thus terminated the Breckinridge Conven- 
 tion. 
 
 The Chicago Republican Conf entlon. 
 
 The Republicans had named May 16th, 
 1860, as the date and Chicago as the place 
 for holding their second National Conven- 
 tion. They had been greatly encouraged 
 by the vote for Fremont and Dayton, and, 
 Avhat had now become apparent as an ir- 
 reconcilable division of the Democracy, 
 encouraged them in the belief that they 
 could elect their candidates. Those of the 
 great West were especially enthusiastic, 
 and had contributed freely to the erection 
 of an immense " Wigwam," capable of 
 holding ten thousand people, at Chicago. 
 All the Northern States were lully repre- 
 sented, and there were besides partial de- 
 legations from Delaware, Maryland, Ken- 
 tucky, Missouri and Virginia, with occa- 
 sional delegates from other Slave States, 
 there being none, however, from the Gulf 
 States. David Wilmot, of Pen na., author 
 of the Wilmot proviso, was made tempo- 
 rary chairman, and George Ashman, of 
 Mass., permanent President. No dilTer- 
 encos were excited by the report of the com- 
 mittee on platform, and the proceedings
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE AMERICAN CONVENTION. 
 
 87 
 
 throughout were characterized by great 
 harmony, though there was a somewhat 
 sharp contest for the Presidential nomina- 
 tion. Tlie prominent candidates were Win. 
 H. Seward, of New York; Abraham Lin- 
 coln, of Illinois ; Salmon P. Chase, of 
 Ohio; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
 and Edward Bates, of Missouri. There 
 were three ballots, Mr. Lincoln receiving 
 in the last 354 out of 446 votes. Mr. Sew- 
 ard led the vote at the beginning, but he 
 was strongly opposed by gentlemen in his 
 own State as 2)n)nunent as Horace Greeley 
 and Thurlow Weed, and his nomination 
 was thought to be inexpedient. Lincoln's 
 successful debate with Douglas was still 
 fresh in the minds of the delegates, and 
 every addition to his vote so heightened 
 the enthusiasm that the convention was 
 finally carried "olf its feet," the delegations 
 rapidly changing on the last ballot. Lin- 
 coln had been a known candidate but a 
 month or two before, while Seward's name 
 had been everywhere canvassed, and where 
 opposed in the Eastern and Middle States, 
 •it was mainly because of the belief that his 
 views on slavery were too radical. He was 
 more strongly favored by the Abolition 
 branch of the party than any other candi- 
 didate. When the news of his success was 
 first conveyed to Mr. Lincoln he was sit- 
 ting in the otfice of the State Journal, at 
 Springfield, which was connected by a 
 telegraph wire with the Wigwam. On the 
 close of the third ballot a despatch was 
 handed Mr. Lincoln. He read it in silence, 
 and then announcing the result said: 
 " There is a little woman down at our 
 house would like to hear this — I'll go down 
 and tell her," and he started amid the 
 shouts of personal admirers. Hannibal 
 Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for Vice- 
 President with much unanimity, and the 
 Chicago Convention closed its work in a 
 single day. 
 
 The American Convention. 
 
 A "Constitutional Union," really an 
 American Convention, had met at Balti- 
 fnore on the 9th of May. Twenty States 
 were represented, and John Bell, of Ten- 
 nessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachu- 
 setts, were named for the Presidency and 
 Vice-Presidency. Their friends, thougli 
 known to be less in number than either those 
 of Douglas, Lincoln or Breckinridge, yet 
 made a vigorous canvass in the hope that 
 the election would be thrown into the 
 House, and that there a compromise in the 
 vote by States would naturally turn toward 
 their candidates. The result of the great 
 contest is elsewhere given in our Tabulated 
 History of Politics. 
 
 THE PRINCIPLES INT'OLVEP. 
 
 Lincoln received large majorities in 
 nearly all of thefree States, hia popular 
 
 vote being 1,806,452; electoral vote, 180, 
 Douglas was next in tlie pojjular estimate, 
 receiving 1,375,157 voti-s, with but 12 elec- 
 tors. Breckinridge had 847,053 votes, with 
 76 electors; Bell, with 57U,631 votes, had 
 39 electors. 
 
 The principles involved in the contro- 
 versy are given at length in the Book of 
 Platforms, and were briefly these : The 
 Republican party asserted that slaverj 
 sbould not be extended to the territories ; 
 that it could exist only by virtue of local 
 and positive law ; that freedom was na- 
 tional; that slavery was morally wrong, 
 and the nation should at least anticipate 
 its gradual extinction. The Douglas wing 
 of the Democratic party adhered to the 
 doctrine of popular sovereignty, and 
 claimed that in its exercise in the terri- 
 tories they were indifferent whether slavery- 
 was voted up or down. The Breckinridge 
 wing of the Democratic party asserted both 
 the moral and legal right to hold slaves, 
 and to carry them to the territories, and 
 that no power save the national constitu- 
 tion could prohibitor interfere with it out- 
 side of State lines. The Americans sup- 
 porting Bell, adhered to their peculiar 
 doctrines touching emigration and natural- 
 ization, but had abandoned, in most of the 
 States, the secrecy and oaths of the Know- 
 Nothing order. They were evasive and 
 non-committal on the slavery question. 
 
 Preparing for Secession. 
 
 Secession, up to this time, had not been 
 regarded as treasonable in all sections and 
 at all times. As shown in many previous 
 pages, it had been threatened by the Hart- 
 ford Convention; certainly by some of .the 
 people of New England who opposed the 
 war of 1812. Some of the more extreme 
 Abolitionists had favored a division of the 
 sections. The South, particularly the Gulf 
 States, had encouraged a secret organiza- 
 tion, known as the " Order of the Lone 
 Star," previous to and at the time of the 
 annexation of Texas. One of its objects 
 was to acquire Cuba, so as to extend slave 
 territory. The Gulf States needed more 
 slaves, and though the law made partici- 
 pancy in the slave trade piracy, many car- 
 goes had been landed in parts of the Gulf 
 without protest or prosecution, just prior 
 to the election of 1800. 'Calhoun had 
 threatened, thirty years before, nullifica- 
 tion, and before that again, secession in 
 the event of the passage of the Public 
 Land Bill. Jefferson and Madison had 
 indicated that doctrine of State Rights on 
 which secession was based in the Kentucky 
 and Virginia resolutions of 1708, facti 
 which were daily discussed by the people 
 of the South during this most exciting of 
 all Presidential campaigns. 
 
 The leaders in the South had anticipated 
 defeat at the election, and many of them
 
 88 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [booe I. 
 
 made early preparations for the withdrawal 
 of their States from the Union. Some of 
 the more extreme anti-slavery men of the 
 Korth, noting these preparations, for a 
 time favored a plan of letting the South 
 go in peace. South Carolina was the first 
 to adopt a secession ordinance, and before 
 it did so, Horace Greeley said in the New 
 York Tribune: 
 
 " If the Declaration of Independence 
 justified the secession from the British 
 Empire of three millions of colonists in 
 1776, we can not see why it would not jus- 
 tify the secession of five millions of South- 
 rons from the Federal Union in 18G1." 
 
 These views, however, soon fell into dis- 
 favor throughout the North, and the period 
 of indecision on either side ceased when 
 Fort Sumter was fired upon. The Gulf 
 States openly made their preparations as 
 soon as the result of the Presidential elec- 
 tion was known, as a rule pursuant to a 
 previous understanding. The following, 
 condensed from Hon. Edward McPher- 
 son's " Political History of the United States 
 of Amei-ica during the Great Rebellion," is 
 a correct statement of the movements 
 which followed, in the several Southern 
 States: 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 November 5th, 1860. Legislature met 
 to choose Presidential electors, who voted 
 for Breckinridge and Lane for President 
 and Vice President. Gov. William H. 
 Gist recommended in his message that in 
 the event of Abraham Lincoln's election 
 to the Presidency, a convention of the 
 people of the State be immediately called 
 to consider and determine for themselves 
 the mode and measure of redress. He ex- 
 pressed the opinion that the only alterna- 
 tive left is the " secession of South Caro- 
 lina from the Federal Union." 
 
 7th. United States oflScials resigned at 
 Charleston. 
 
 10th. U. S. Senators James H. Ham- 
 mond and James Chestnut, Jr., resigned 
 their seats in the Senate. Convention 
 called to meet Dec. 17th. Delegates to be 
 elected Dec. 6th. 
 
 13th. Collection of debts due to citi- 
 zens of non-sl:iveholding States stayed. 
 Francis W. Pickens elected Governor, 
 
 17th. Ordinance of Secession adopted 
 unanimously. 
 
 21st. Commissioners appointed (Barn- 
 well, Adams, and Orr) to proceed to 
 Washington to treat for the possession of 
 U. S. Government property within the lim- 
 its of South Carolina. Coirinii«sioner3 ap- 
 pointed to the other slavoholding States. 
 Southern Congress proposed. 
 
 24th. Representatives in Congress with- 
 drew. 
 
 Gov. Pickens issued a proclamation 
 " announcing the repeal, Dec. 20th, 18G0, 
 
 by the good people of South Carolina," of 
 the Ordinance of May 23d, 1788, and " the 
 dissolution of the union between the State 
 of South Carolina and other States under 
 the name of the United States of Ameri- 
 ca," and proclaiming to the world " that 
 the State of South Carolina is, as she has 
 a right to be, a separate, sovereign, free 
 and independent State, and, as such, has a 
 right to levy war, conclude peace, negotiate 
 treaties, leagues, or covenants, and to do 
 all acts whatsoever that rightfully apper- 
 tain to a free and independent State. 
 
 " Done in the eighty-fifth year of the 
 sovereignty and independence of South 
 Carolina." 
 
 Jan. 3d, 1861. South Carolina Com- 
 missioners left Washington, 
 
 4th, Convention appointed T. J. With- 
 ers, L. M. Keitt, W. W. Bovce, Jas. Chest- 
 nut, Jr., E. B. Rhett, Jr., R*. W. Barnwell, 
 and C. G. Memminger, delegates to South- 
 ern Congress. 
 
 5th. Convention adjourned, subject to 
 the call of the Governor. 
 
 14th. Legislature declared that any at- • 
 tempt to reinforce Fort Sumter would be 
 considered an open act of hostility and a 
 declaration of war. Approved the Gov- 
 ernor's action in firing on the Star of the 
 West. Accepted the services of the Cataw- 
 ba Indians. 
 
 27th, Received Judge Robertson, Com- 
 missioner from Virginia, but rejected the 
 proposition for a conference and co-oper- 
 ative action. 
 
 March 26th. Convention met in Charles- 
 ton. 
 
 April 3d. Ratified "Confederate" Con- 
 stitution — yeas 114, nays 16, 
 
 8th. Transferred forts, etc., to " Con- 
 federate " government. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 November 8th, 1860. Legislature met 
 pursuant to previous arrangement. 
 
 18th. Convention called. Legislature 
 appropriated $1,000,000 to arm the State. 
 
 Dec. 3d. Resolutions adopted in the Leg- 
 islature i)roposing a conference of the 
 Southern States at Atlanta, Feb, 20th, 
 
 January 17th, 1861. Convention met. 
 Received Commissioners from South Caro- 
 lina ^nd Alabama 
 
 18th. Resolutions declaring it the right 
 and duty of Georgia to secede, adopted — 
 yeas 165, nays 130. 
 
 19th. Ordinance of Secession passed — 
 yeas 208, nays 89. 
 
 21st. Senators and Representatives in 
 Congress witlulrew. 
 
 24th. Elected Delegates to Southern 
 Congress at Montgomery, Alabama. 
 
 2Sth. Elected Commissioners to other 
 Slaveholding States. 
 
 291 h. Adopted an address " to the South 
 and the world."
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 
 
 89 
 
 March 7th. Convention reassembled. 
 
 10th. Ratified the " Confederate" Consti- 
 tution — yeas 9G, nays 5. 
 
 20th. Ordinance passed authorizing the 
 " Confederate" government to occupy, use 
 and possess tlie forts, navy yards, arsenals, 
 and custom houses within the limits of said 
 State. 
 
 April 26th. Governor Brown issued a 
 proclamation ordering the repudiation by 
 the citizens of Georgia of all debts due 
 Northern men. 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 November 26lh, ISGO. Legislature met 
 Nov. 2(>tli, and ailjourned Nov. 3()th. Elec- 
 tion for Convention fixed for Dec. 20th. 
 Convention to meet Jan 7th. Convention 
 bills and secession resolutions passed unani- 
 mously. Commissionci's appointed to other 
 Slaveholding States to secure " their co- 
 operation in effecting measures for their 
 common defence and safety." 
 
 Jan. 7th, 1861. Convention assembled. 
 
 9th. Ordinance of Secession passed — 
 yeas 84, nays 15. 
 
 In the ordinance the people of the State 
 of Mississippi express their consent to form 
 a federal union with such of the States as 
 have seceded or may secede from the Union 
 of the United States pf America, upon the 
 basis of the present Constitution of the 
 United States, except such parts thereof as 
 embrace other portions than such seceding 
 States. 
 
 10th. Commissioners from other States 
 received. Resolutions adopted, recogniz- 
 ing South Carolina as sovereign and inde- 
 pendent. 
 
 Jan. 12th. Representatives in Congress 
 withdrew. 
 
 19th. The committee on the Confederacy 
 in the Legislature reported resolutions to 
 provide for a Southern Confederacy, and 
 to establish a provisional government for 
 seceding States and States hereafter seced- 
 ing. 
 
 21st. Senators in Congress withdrew. 
 
 March 30th. Ratified "Confederate" 
 Constitution — yeas 78, nays 7. 
 
 FLORIDA. 
 
 November 26th, 1860. Legislature met. 
 Governor M. S. Perry recommended imme- 
 diate secession. 
 
 Dec. 1st. Convention bill passed. 
 
 Jan. 3d, 1861. Convention met. 
 
 7th. Commissioners from South Carolina 
 and Alabama received and heard. 
 
 10th. Ordinance of Secession passed — 
 yeas 62, nays 7. 
 
 18th. Delegates appointed to Southern 
 Congress at JMontgomcry. 
 
 21st. Senators and Representatives in 
 Congress withdrew. 
 
 Feb. 14th. Act passed by the Legisla- 
 ture declaring that after any actual collision 
 
 between Federal troops and those in the 
 emnloy of Florida, the act of holding office 
 under the Federal government shall be 
 declared treason, and the person convicted 
 shall suffer death. Transferred control of 
 government property captured, to the " Con- 
 iederate " government. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 December 10th, 1860. Legislature met. 
 
 11 til. Convention called lor Jan. 23d. 
 Military bill passed. 
 
 12th. Commissioners from Mississippi re- 
 ceived and heard. Governor instructed to 
 communicate with Governors of other 
 southern States. 
 
 Jan 23d, 1861. Convention met and 
 organized. Received and heard Commis- 
 sioners from South Carolina and Alabama. 
 
 2r)th. Ordinance of Secession passed — - 
 yeas 113, nays 17. Convention refused to 
 submit the ordinance to the people by a 
 vote of 84 to 45. This was subsequently 
 reconsidered, and the ordinance was sub- 
 mitted. The vote upon it as declared was 
 20,448 in favor, and 17,296 against. 
 
 Feb. 5th. Senators withdrew from Con- 
 gress, also the Representatives, except John 
 E. Bouligny. State flag adopted. Pilots 
 at the Balize prohibited from bringing over 
 the bar any United States vessels of war. 
 
 IMarch 7th. Ordinance adopted in secret 
 session transferring to " Confederate " States 
 government $536,000, being the amount of 
 bullion in the U. S. mint and customs 
 seized by the State. 
 
 16th. An ordinance voted down, submit- 
 ting the " Confederate " Constitution to the 
 people — ^yeas 26, nays 74. 
 
 21st. Ratified the " Confederate " Consti- 
 tution — yeas 101, nays 7. Governor author- 
 ized to transfer the arms and property 
 captured from the United States to the 
 "Confederate" Government. 
 
 27th. Convention adjourned sine die. 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 January 7th, 1861. Convention met. 
 
 8th. Received and heard the Commis- 
 sioner from South Carolina. 
 
 11th. Ordinance of Secession passed in 
 secret session — yeas 61, nays 39. Proposi- 
 tion to submit ordinance to the people lost 
 — yeas 47, nays 53. 
 
 14th. Legislature met pursuant to pre- 
 vious action. 
 
 19th. Delegates elected to the Southern 
 Congress. 
 
 21st. Representatives and Senators in 
 Congress withdrew. 
 
 26th. Commissioners appointed to treat 
 with the United States Government relative 
 to the United States forts, arsenals, etc., 
 within the State. 
 
 The Convention requested the people of 
 the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida,
 
 90 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, 
 Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky and Mis- 
 souri to meet the people of Alabama by 
 their delegates in Convention, February 4th, 
 1861, at Montgomery, for the purpose of 
 consulting as to the most effectual mode of 
 securing concerted or harmonious action in 
 whatever measures may be deemed most 
 desirable for their common peace and 
 security. Military bill passed. Commis- 
 sioners appointed to other Slaveholdiug 
 States. 
 • March 4th. Convention re-a.ssembled. 
 
 13th. Ratified "Confederate" Constitu- 
 tion, yeas 87, nays 6. Transferred control 
 forts, of arsenals, etc., to " Confederate" 
 Government. 
 
 ARKANSAS. 
 
 January 16th, 18G1. Legislature passed 
 Convention bill. Vote of the people on 
 the Convention was 27,412 for it, and 15,- 
 826 against it. 
 
 February 18th. Delegates elected. 
 
 March 4th. Convention met. 
 
 18th. The Ordinance of Secession de- 
 feated — yeas 35, nays 39. The convention 
 effected a compromise by agreeing to sub- 
 mit the question of co-operation or seces- 
 sion to the people on the 1st Monday in 
 August. 
 
 May 6th. Passed Secession Ordinance — 
 yeas 69, nays 1. Authorized her delegates 
 to the Provisional Congress, to transfer the 
 arsenal at Little Rock and hospital at Na- 
 poleon to the " Confederate " Government. 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 January 21st, 1861. Legislature met. 
 
 28th. People's State Convention met. 
 
 29th. Legislature passed a resolution de- 
 claring that the Federal Government has 
 no power to coerce a Sovereign State after 
 she has pronounced her separation from 
 the Federal Union. 
 
 Fe])ruary 1st. Ordinance of Secession 
 
 Sassed in Convention — ^yeas 166, nays 7. 
 lilitary bill passed. 
 
 7th. Ordinance passed, forming the foun- 
 dation of a Southern Confederacy. Dele- 
 gates to the Southern Congress elected. 
 Also an act passed su])mitting the Ordi- 
 nance of Secession to a vote of the people. 
 
 23d. Secession Ordinance voted on by 
 the people ; adopted by a vote of 34,794 in 
 favor, and 11,2.'!5 ajj^aiiist it. 
 
 Marcli 4th. Convention declared the 
 State out of the Union. Gov. Houston 
 issued a proclamation to that GiToct. 
 
 16th. Convention by a vote of 127 to 4 
 deposed Gov. Houston, dechiriug liis seat 
 vacant. (Jov. Houston issued a j)rochuna- 
 tion to tlie people protesting against tliis 
 action of the Convention. 
 
 20th. Legislature confirmed the action 
 of the Convention in deposing Gov. Hous- 
 ton by a vote of 53 to 11. Transferred 
 
 forts, etc., to "Confederate" Government. 
 2od. Ratified the " Confederate " Consti- 
 tution — yeas 68, nays 2. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 November 20th, 1860. Legislature met. 
 Gov. Ellis recommended that the Legisla- 
 ture invite a conference of the Southern 
 States, or failing in that, send one or more 
 delegates to the neighboring States so as to 
 secure concert of action. He recommended 
 a thorough reorganization of the militia, 
 and the enrollment of all persons between 
 18 and 45 years, and the organization of a 
 corps of ten thousand men ; also, a Con- 
 vention, to assemble immediately after the 
 proposed consultation with other Southern 
 States shall have terminated. 
 
 December 9th, Joint Committee on Fed- 
 eral Relations agreed to report a Conven- 
 tion Bill. 
 
 17th. Bill appropriating $300,000 to 
 arm the State, debated. 
 
 18th. Senate passed above bill — yeas, 
 41, nays, 3. 
 
 20th. Commissioners from Alabama and 
 Mississijipi received and heard — ^the latter, 
 J. Thompson, by letter. 
 
 22d. Senate bill to arm the State failed 
 to pass the House. , 
 
 22d. Adjourned till January 7th. 
 
 January 8th, 1861. Senate Bill arming 
 the State passed the House, yeas, 73, nays, 
 26. 
 
 30th. Passed Convention Bill — election 
 to take place February 28th. No Secession 
 Ordinance to be valid without being rati- 
 fied by a majority of the qualified voters of 
 the State. 
 
 31st. Elected Thos. L. Clingman United 
 States Senator, 
 
 February 13th. Commissioners from 
 Geoi'gia publicly received. 
 
 20th. Mr. Hoke elected Adjutant Gen- 
 eral of the State. Military Bill passed. 
 
 28th. Election of Delegates to Conven- 
 tion took place. 
 
 28th. The vote for a Convention was 
 46,671; against 47,333 — majority against a 
 Convention 661. 
 
 May 1st. Extra session of the Legisla- 
 ture met at the call of Gov. Ellis. The 
 same day they passed a Convention Bill, 
 ordering the election of delegates on the 
 15th. 
 
 2d. Legislature adjourned. 
 
 13th. Election of delegates to the Con- 
 vention took place. 
 
 20th. Convention met at Raleigh. 
 
 21st. Ordinance of Secession passed; 
 also the " Confederate " Constitution rati- 
 fied. 
 
 .lunc 5th. Ordinance passed, ceded the 
 arsenal at Fayetteville, and transferred 
 magazines, etc., to the "Confederate" 
 Government.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 
 
 91 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 January 6th, 18G1. Legislature met. 
 
 12th. Passed Convention Bill. 
 
 30th. Commissionera to Washington 
 appointed. 
 
 February 8th. People voted no Conven- 
 tion : 67,3(50 to 54,156. 
 
 May 1st. Legislature passed a joint re- 
 solution authorizing the Governor to ap- 
 point Coniinissioners to enter into a mili- 
 tary league with the authorities of the 
 " Confederate " States. 
 
 7th. Legislature in secret session rati- 
 fied the league entered into by A. 0. W. 
 Totten, Gustavus A. Henry, Washington 
 Barrow, Commissioners for Tennessee, and 
 Henry W. Hilliard, Commissioner for 
 " Confederate " States, stipulating that 
 Tennessee until she became a member of 
 the Confederacy placed the whole military 
 force of the State under the control of the 
 President of the " Confederate" States, and 
 turned over to the " Confederate " States 
 all the public property, lyival stores and 
 munitions of war. Passed the Senate, 
 yeas 14, nays 6, absent and not voting 5 ; 
 the House, yeas 42, nays 15, absent and 
 not voting, 18. Also a Declaration of In- 
 dependence and Ordinance dissolving the 
 Federal relations between Tennessee and 
 the United States, and an ordinance adopt- 
 ing and ratifying the Confederate Consti- 
 tution, these two latter to be voted on by 
 the people on June 8th were passed. 
 
 June 24th. Gov. Isham G. Harris de- 
 clared Tennessee out of the Union, the 
 vote for Separation being 104,019 against 
 47,238. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 January 7th, 1861. Legislature con- 
 vened. 
 
 8th. Anti-coercion resolution passed. 
 
 9th. Resolutii)n passed, asking that the 
 status quo be maintained. 
 
 10th. The Governor transmitted a des- 
 patch from the Mississippi Convention, an- 
 nouncing its unconditional secession from 
 the Union, and desiring on the basis of the 
 old Constitution to form a new union with 
 the seceding States. The House adopted — 
 yeas 77, nays 61, — an amendment submit- 
 ting to a vote of the people the question of 
 referring for their decision any action of 
 the Convention dissolving Virginia's con- 
 nection with the Union, or changing its 
 organic law. The Richmond Enquirer 
 denounced " the emasculation of the Con- 
 vention Bill as imperilling all that Virgin- 
 ians held most sacred and dear." 
 
 16th. Commissioners Hopkins and Gil- 
 mer of Alabama received in the Legisla- 
 ture. 
 
 17th. Resolutions passed proposing the 
 Crittenden resolutions as a basis for adjust- 
 ment, and requesting General Government 
 to avoid collision with Southern States. 
 
 Gov. Letcher communicated the Resolu- 
 ti(nis of the Legislature of New York, ex- 
 j)ressiiig the utmost disdain, and saying 
 that " the threat conveyed can inspire no 
 terror in freemen." The resolutions were 
 directed to be returned to the Governor of 
 New York. 
 
 18th. $1,000,000 appropriated for the 
 del'ence of the State. 
 
 19th. Passed resolve that if all efforts 
 to reconcile the differences of the country 
 fail, every consideration of honor and in- 
 terest demands that Virginia shall unite 
 her destinies with her sister slaveholding 
 States. Also that no reconstruction of the 
 Union can be permanent or satisfactory, 
 which will not secure to each section self- 
 protecting power against any invasion of 
 the Federal Union upon the reserved rights 
 of either. (See Hunter's proposition for 
 adj ustment. ) 
 
 21st. Replied to Commissioners Hop- 
 kins and Gilmer, expressing inability to 
 make a definite response until after the 
 meeting of the State Convention. 
 
 22d. The Governor transmitted the re- 
 solutions of the Legislature of Ohio, with 
 unfavorable comment. His message was 
 tabled by a small majority. 
 
 30th. The House of Delegates to-day 
 tabled the resolutions of the Pennsylvania 
 Legislature, but referred those of Tennes- 
 see to the Committee on Federal Relations. 
 
 February 20th. The resolutions of the 
 Legislature of Michigan were returned 
 without comment. 
 
 28th. Ex-President Tyler and James A, 
 Seddon, Commissioners to the Peace Con- 
 gress, presented their report, and denounced 
 the recommendation of that body as a de- 
 lusion and a sham, and as an insult and an 
 offense to the South. 
 
 Proceedings of Virginia Convention. 
 
 February 4th. Election of delegates to 
 the Convention. 
 
 13th. Convention met. 
 
 14th. Credentials of John S. Preston, 
 Commissioner from South Carolina, Fulton 
 Anderson from Mississippi, and Henry L. 
 Benning from Georgia, were received. 
 
 18th, Commissioners from Mississippi 
 and Georgia heard ; both pictured the dan- 
 ger of Virginia remaining with the North; 
 neither contemplated such an event as re- 
 union. 
 
 19th. The Commissioner from South 
 Carolina was heard. He said his people 
 believed the Union unnatural and mon- 
 strous, and declared that there was no 
 human force — nosanctity of human touch, 
 — that could re-unite the people of the 
 North with the people of the South — that 
 it could never be done unless the economy 
 of God were changed.
 
 92 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 20th. A committee reported that in all 
 but sixteen counties, the majority for sub- 
 mitting tlie action of the Convention to a 
 vote of the people was 52,857. Numerous 
 resolutions on Federal Relations intro- 
 duced, generally expressing attachment to 
 the Union, but denouncing coercion. 
 
 26th. Mr. Goggin of Bedford, in his 
 speech, denied the right of secession, but 
 admitted a revolutionary remedy for wrongs 
 committed upon a State or section, and 
 said wherever Virginia went he was with 
 her. 
 
 March 2d. Mr. Goode of Bedford offered 
 a resolution that, as the powers delegated 
 to the General Government by Virginia 
 had been perverted to her injury, and as 
 the Crittenden propositions as a basis of 
 adjustment had been rejected by their 
 Northern confederates, therefore every 
 consideration of duty, interest, honor and 
 patriotism requires that Virginia should de- 
 clare her connection with the Government 
 to be dissolved. 
 
 5th. The thanks of the State were voted 
 to Hon. John J. Crittenden, by yeas 107, 
 nays 16, for his efforts to bring about an 
 honorable adjustment of the national diffi- 
 culties. Mr. Harvie of Amelia offered a 
 resolution, requesting Legislature to make 
 needful appropriations to resist any attempt 
 of the Federal authorities to hold, occupy 
 or possess the property and places claimed 
 by the LTnited States in any of the seceded 
 States, or those that may withdraw or col- 
 lect duties or imposts in the same. 
 
 9th. Three reports were made from the 
 Committee on Federal Relations. The 
 majority proposed to submit to the other 
 States certain amendments to the Constitu- 
 tion, awaiting the response of non-slave- 
 holding States before determining whether 
 " she will resume the powers granted by 
 Jier under the Constitution of the United 
 otates, and throw herself upon her reserved 
 rights ; meanwhile insisting that no coer- 
 cion be attempted, the Federal forts in se- 
 ceded States be not reinforced, duties be 
 not collected, etc.," and proposing a Con- 
 vention at Frankfort, Kentucky, the last 
 Monday in I\Iay, of the States of Delaware, 
 Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, 
 Kentucky, Missouri and Arkansas. Henry 
 A. Wise differed in details, and went fur- 
 ther in the same direction. Messrs. Lewis 
 E. Ilarvie, Robert L. Montague and Sam- 
 uel C. Williams recommended the immedi- 
 ate passage of an Ordinance of Secession. 
 Mr. BarVjour of Cul])e])er insisted ui)on the 
 imMK^diatc adoption by the non-slavehold- 
 ing States of needed guarantees of safety, 
 and provided for the ai)pointnient of three 
 Commissioners to confer with the Confed- 
 erate authorities at Montgomery. 
 
 lOtli. Committee on Jvderai Relations 
 reported pro])Osed amendments to the 
 Constitution, which were the bubstitutc of 
 
 Mr. Franklin of Pa., in "Peace Confer- 
 ence," changed by using the expression 
 " involuntary servitude " in place of " per- 
 sons held to service." The right of owners 
 of slaves is not to be imjiaired by congres- 
 sional or territorial law, or any pre-exist- 
 ing law in territory hereafter acquired. 
 
 Involuntary servitude, excey)t for crime, 
 to be prohibited north of 36°30', but shall 
 not be prohibited by Congress or any Ter- 
 ritorial legislature south of that line. The 
 third section has some verbal alterations, 
 providing somewhat better security for 
 property in transit. The fifth section pro- 
 hibits the importation of slaves from places 
 beyond the limits of the United States. 
 The sixth makes some verbal changes in 
 relation to remuneration for fugitives by 
 Congress, and erases the clause relative to 
 the securing of privileges and immunities. 
 The seventh forbids the granting of the 
 elective franchise and right to hold office 
 to persons of the African race. The eighth 
 provides that none of these amendments, 
 nor the thii'd paragraph of the second sec- 
 tion of the first article of the Constitution, 
 nor the third paragraph of the second sec- 
 tion of the fourth article thereof, shall be 
 amended or abolished without the consent 
 of all the States. 
 
 25th. The Committee of the Whole re- 
 fused (yeas 4, nays 116) to strike out the 
 majority report and insert Mr. Carlile's 
 " Peace Conference" substitute. 
 
 26th. The Constitution of the " Confede- 
 rate" States, proposed by Mr. Hall as a sub- 
 stitute for the report of the committee, re- 
 jected — yeas 9, nays 78. 
 
 28th. The first and second resolutions 
 reported by the committee adopted. 
 
 April 6th. The ninth resolution of the 
 majority report came up. Mr. Bouldin 
 offered an amendment striking out the 
 whole, and inserting a substitute declaring 
 that the independence of the seceded 
 States should be acknowledged without 
 delay, which was lost — yeas 68, nays 71. 
 
 9th. ]Mr. Wise's substitute for the tenth 
 resolution, to the cfi'ect that Virginia re- 
 cognizes tlae independence of the seceding 
 States was adopted — yeas 128, nays 20. 
 
 April 17. Ordinance of Secession passed 
 in secret session — yeas 88, nays 55, one 
 excused, and eight not voting. 
 
 Same day the Commissioners adopted 
 and ratified the Constitution of the Provi- 
 sional Government of the " Confederate" 
 States of America, this ordinance to cease 
 to have legal efiect if the people of Vir- 
 ginia voting upon the Ordinance of Seces- 
 sion should rpject it. 
 
 25th. A Convention was made between 
 Commissioners of Virginia, chosen by the 
 (convention, and A. II. Stephens, Commis- 
 sioner for " Confed(Tates," stijmlating that 
 Virginia until she became a member of the 
 Confederacy should place her military
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 
 
 9a 
 
 force under the direction of the President 
 of the "Confederate" States; also turn 
 over to " Confederate " States all her pub- 
 lic property, naval stores, and munitions of 
 war. Signed by J. Tyler, W. IJ. Preston, 
 S. McD. Moore, James P. Holcombe, Jas. 
 C Bruce, Lewis E. Harvie — for Virginia ; 
 and A. H. Stephens for " Confederate " 
 States. 
 
 June 25th. Secession vote announced as 
 128,884 for, and 82,lo4 against. 
 
 July. Tlie Convention passed an ordi- 
 nance to the effect that any citizen of Vir- 
 ginia holding office under the Government 
 of the United States after the 31st of July, 
 18(51, should be forever banishcil from the 
 State, and be declared an alien enemy. 
 Also that any citizen of Virginia, hereafter 
 undertaking to represent the State of Vir- 
 ginia in the Congress of the United States, 
 should, in addition to the above penalties, 
 be considered guilty of treason, and his 
 property be liable to confiscation. A pro- 
 vision was inserted exempting from the 
 penalties of the act all officers oftheUnited 
 States outside of the United States, or of 
 the Confederate States, until after July 
 Ist, 1862. 
 
 KEXTUCKY. 
 
 December 12th, 1860. Indiana militia 
 offer their services to quell servile insur- 
 rection. Gov. Magoffin declines accepting 
 them. 
 
 January 17th, 1861. Legislature con- 
 vened. 
 
 22d. The House by a vote of 87 to 6 re- 
 solved to resist the invasion of the South 
 at all hazards. 
 
 27th. Legislature adopted the Virginia 
 resolutions requiring the Federal Govern- 
 ment to protect Slavery in the Territories 
 and to guarantee the right of transit of 
 slaves through the Free States. 
 
 February 2d. The Senate passed by a 
 vote of 25 to 11, resolutions appealing to 
 the Southern States to stop the revolution, 
 protesting against Federal coercion and 
 providing that the Legislature reassemble 
 on the 24th of April to hear the responses 
 from sister States, also in favor of making 
 an application to call a National Conven- 
 tion for proposing amendments to the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, also by a 
 vote of 25 to 14 declared it inexpedient at 
 this time to call a State Convention. 
 
 5th. The House by a vote of 54 to 40 
 passed the above resolutions. 
 
 March 22d. State Rights Convention as- 
 sembled. Adopted resolutions denouncing 
 any attempt on the part of the Govern- 
 ment to collect revenue as coercion ; and 
 affirming that, in case of any such attempt, 
 the border States should make common 
 cause with the Southern Confederacy. 
 They also recommended a border State 
 Convention. 
 
 April 24th, Gov. Magoffin called an extra 
 session of the Legislature. 
 
 May 20th. Gov. Magoffin issued a neu- 
 trality proclamation. 
 
 Sej)tember 11th. The House of Repre- 
 sentatives by a vote of 71 to 26, adopted a 
 resolution directing the Governor to issue 
 a proclamation ordering the Confederate 
 troops to evacuate Kentucky soil. The 
 Governor vetoed the resolution, which 
 was afterwards passed over his veto, and 
 accordingly he issued the required procla- 
 mation. 
 
 October 20th. Southern Conference met 
 at Russellville. H. C. Burnett elected 
 Chairman, R. McKee Secretary, T. S. 
 Bryan Assistant Secretary. Remained in 
 secret session two days and tht^n adjourned 
 sine die. A series of resolutions reported 
 by G. W. Johnson were adopted. They 
 recite the unconstitutional and oppressive 
 acts of the Legislature, proclaim revolu- 
 tion, provide for a Sovereignty Convention 
 at Russellville, on the 18th of November, 
 recomniend the organization of county 
 guards, to be placed in the service of and 
 l)aid by the Confederate States Govern- 
 ment; pledge resistance to all Federal and 
 State taxes, for the prosecution of the war 
 on the part of the United States ; and ap- 
 point Robert McKee, John C. Breckin- 
 ridge, Humphrey IMarshall, Geo. W. Ew- 
 ing, H. W. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge, William 
 Preston, Geo. W. Johnson, Blanton Dun- 
 can, and P. B. Thompson to carry out the 
 resolutions. 
 
 November 18th. Convention met and 
 remained in session three days. 
 
 20th. It passed a Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence and an Ordinance of Secession. 
 A Provisional Government consisting of a 
 Governor, Legislative Council of ten, a 
 Treasurer, and an Auditor were agreed 
 upon. Geo. W. Johnson was chosen Gov- 
 ernor. Legislative Cf)uncil were : Willis 
 15. Machen, John W. Crockett, James P. 
 Bates, Jas. S. Chrisman, Phil. B. Thomp- 
 son, J. P. Burnside, H. W. Bruce, J. W. 
 Moore, E. M. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge. 
 
 MARYLAND, 
 
 Nov. 27th, 1860. Gov. Hicks declined 
 to call a special session of the Legislature, 
 in response to a request for such convening 
 from Thomas G. Pratt, Sprigg Harwood, 
 J. S. Franklin, N. II. Green, Llewellyn 
 Boyle, and J. Pinkney, 
 
 December lOth. Gov. Hicks replied to 
 A. H. Handy, Commissioner from Missis- 
 sippi, declining to accept the programme 
 of Secession. 
 
 20th. Wm. H. Collins, E^q., of Balti- 
 more, issued an address to the people, in 
 favor of the Union, and in ]March a set-ond 
 address. 
 
 31st. The "Clipper" denied the exist- 
 ence of an organization in Maryland to
 
 \ 
 
 94 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 prevent the inauguration of President Lin- 
 coln. 
 
 A. H. Handy of Mississippi addressed 
 citizens of Baltimore in favor of disunion. 
 
 January 3d, 1861. Henry Winter Davis 
 issued an address in favor of the Union. 
 
 3d. Numerous Union meetings in vari- 
 ous part of the State. Gov. Hicks issued 
 an address to the people against seces- 
 sion. 
 
 11th. John C. Legrand in a letter to 
 Hon. Eeverdy Johnson replied to the 
 Union speech of the latter. 
 
 14th. James Carroll, former Democratic 
 candidate for Governor, announced his de- 
 sire to go with the seceding States. 
 
 16th. Wm. A. Spencer, in a letter to 
 Walter S. Cox, Esq., declared against the 
 right of Secession but for a Convention. 
 
 16. Marshal Kane, in a letter to Mayor 
 Berrett, denied that any organization ex- 
 ists to prevent the inauguration of Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, and said that the President 
 elect would need no armed escort in pass- 
 ing through or sojourning within the limits 
 of Baltimore and Maryland. 
 
 24th. Coleman Yellott declared for a 
 Convention. 
 
 30th. ]\Ie?srs. John B. Brooke, President 
 of the Senate, and E. G. Kilbourn, Speaker 
 of the House of Delegates, asked the Gov- 
 ernor to convene the Legislature in re- 
 sponse to juiblic meetings. Senator Ken- 
 nedy published his opinion that Mary- 
 land must go with Virginia. 
 
 February IStli. State Conference Con- 
 vention held, and insisted upon a meeting 
 of the Legislature. At a meeting in How- 
 ard Co., which Speaker E. G. Kilbourn 
 addressed, a resolution was adopted that 
 "immediate steps ought to be taken for 
 the establishment of a Southern Confed- 
 eracy, by consultation and co-operation 
 with such other Southern and Slave States 
 as may be ready therefor." 
 
 April 21st. Gov. Hicks wrote to Gen. 
 Butler, advising that he do not land his 
 troops at Annapolis. Butler replied that 
 he intended to land there and march 
 thence to Washington. Gov. Hicks pro- 
 tested against this and also against his 
 having taken forcible possession of the 
 Annapolis and Elkridge railroad, 
 
 24th. A si)ecial election of ten delegates 
 to the Legislature took place at Baltimore. 
 The total vote cast in all the wards was 
 9,249. The total vote cast at the Presi- 
 dential election in November, 1860, was 
 30,148. 
 
 26th. Legislature reassembled at Fred- 
 erick, Annapolis being occupied by Union 
 troops. 
 
 29th. Gov. Hicks sent a message to the 
 Legislature communicating to them the 
 correspondr'ncc between himself and Gen. 
 Butler and the Secretary of War relative 
 to the landing of troops at Annapolis. 
 
 The House of Delegates voted against 
 Secession, 53 to 13. Senate unanimously. 
 
 May 2d. The Committee on Federal Re- 
 lations, "in view of the seizure of the 
 railroads by the General Government and 
 the erection of fortifications," presented 
 resolutions appointing Commissioners to 
 the President to ascertain whether any be- 
 coming arrangements with the General 
 Government are practicable, for the main- 
 tenance of the peace and honor of the 
 State and the security of its inhabitants. 
 The report was adopted, and Otho Scott, 
 Robt. M. McLane, and Wm. J. Ross were 
 appointed such Commissioners. 
 
 Mr. Yellott in the Senate introduced a 
 bill to appoint a Board of Public Safety, 
 The powers given to the Board included 
 the expenditure of the two millions of dol- 
 lars proposed by Mr. Bnine for the defence 
 of the State, and the entire control of the 
 military, including the removal and ap- 
 pointment of commissioned officers. It 
 was ordered to a second reading by a vote 
 of 14 to 8. The Board was to consist of 
 Ezekiel F. Chambers, Enoch Louis Lowe, 
 John V. L. MacMahon, Thomas G. Pratt, 
 Walter Mitchell, and Thomas Winans, 
 Gov. Hicks wits made ex-ojficio a member 
 of the Board. This measure was strongly 
 pressed by the Disunionists for a long 
 time, but they were finally compelled to 
 give way, and the bill never passed. 
 
 6th. The Commissioners reported the 
 result of their interview with the Presi- 
 dent, and expressed the opinion that some 
 modification of the course of the General 
 Government towards Maryland ought to 
 be expected. 
 
 10th. The House of Delegates passed a 
 series of resolutions reported by the Com- 
 mittee on Federal Relations by a vote of 
 43 to 12. The resolutions declare that 
 IMaryland protests against the war, and 
 does earnestly beseech and implore the 
 President of the United States to make 
 peace with the " Confederate " States ; 
 also, that " the State of Maryland desires 
 the peaceful and immediate recogition of 
 the independence of the Confederate 
 States." Those who voted in the negative 
 are Messrs. Meddcrs, Lawson, Keene, 
 Routzahn, Naill, Wilson of Harford, Bay- 
 less, McCoy, Fiery, Stake, McCleary, and 
 Gorsuch. 
 
 13th. Both Houses adopted a resolution 
 providing for a committee of eight mem- 
 bers, (four from each House) to visit the 
 President of the United States and the 
 President of the Southern Confederacy, 
 The committee to visit President Davis 
 were instructed to convey the assurance 
 that Maryland symjiathizcs with the Con- 
 federate States, and that the people of 
 Maryland are enlisted with their whole 
 hearts on the side of reconciliation and 
 , peace.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 
 
 95 
 
 June nth. Messrs. McKaig, Yellottand 
 Harding, Comniissioncrd to visit President 
 Davis, presented their report ; accompany- 
 ing which is a letter Ironi Jciierson Davis, 
 expressing his gratification to hear that 
 the State of Maryland was in synii)athy 
 with themselves, was enlisted on the aide 
 of peace and reconciliation, and avowing 
 his perfect willingness lor a cessation of 
 hostilities, and a readiness to receive any 
 proposition for jjeace from the United 
 States (Tovernment. 
 
 20th. TIk' Ilouseof Delegates, and June 
 22(1, the Senate adopted resolutions un- 
 qualifiedly protesting against the arrest of 
 Koss Winans and sundry other citizens of 
 Maryland, as an "oppressive and tyran- 
 nical assertion and exercise of military 
 jurisdiction within the limits of Maryland, 
 over the persons and property of her citi- 
 zens, by the Government of the United 
 States." 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 January 1.5th, 1861. Senate passed Con- 
 vention Bill — yeas 31, nays 2. Passed 
 House also. 
 
 February 28th. Convention met ; motion 
 to go into secret session, defeated. A reso- 
 hition requiring' members to take an oath 
 to support the Constitution of the United 
 States and the State of Missouri, was lost 
 — G5 against 80. 
 
 March 4. Resolution passed, 64 yeas, 35 
 nays, appointing committee to notify Mr. 
 Glenn, Commissioner of Georgia, that the 
 Convention was ready to hear any com- 
 munication from his State. Mr. Glenn was 
 introduced, read Georgia's articles of se- 
 cession, and made a siieech urging Mis- 
 souri to join her. 
 
 5th. Resolutions were read, ordering 
 that the protest of St. Louis against co- 
 ercion be reduced to writing, and a copy 
 sent to the President of the United States; 
 also, resolutions were adopted informing the 
 Commissioner from Georgia that ]\fissouri 
 dissented from the position taken by that 
 State, and refused to share the honors of 
 secession with her. 
 
 6th. Resolutions were offered by several 
 members and referred, calling a Conven- 
 tion of the Southern States which have 
 not seceded, to meet at Nashville, April 
 15th, providing for such amendments to 
 the Constitution of the United States as 
 shall secure to all the States equal rights 
 in the Union, and declaring strongly 
 against secession. 
 
 9th. The Committee on Federal Rela- 
 tions reported a series of resolutions, set- 
 ting forth that at present there is no ade- 
 quate ciuise to impel ^lissouri to leave the 
 Union, but that on the contrary she will 
 labor for such an adjustment of existing 
 troubles as will secure peace and the rights 
 and equality of all the States ; that the 
 
 people of iVIissouri regard the amendments 
 to tne Constitution proposed by Mr. Crit- 
 tenden, with their extension to territoiy 
 hereafter to be required, a basis of adjust- 
 ment which would forever remove all diffi- 
 culties; and that it is expedient for the 
 Legislature to c:dl a Convention for pro- 
 posing amendments to the Constitution. 
 
 The Senate passed resol'itioiis that their 
 Senators be instructed, and their Repre- 
 sentatives requesteil, to oppose the pas- 
 sage of all acts granting su|>plies of men 
 and money to coerce the seceding States 
 into sul)mission or subjugation; and that, 
 should such acts be passed by Congress, 
 their Senators be instructed, and their Re- 
 ])resentatives requested, to retire Irora the 
 halls of Congress. 
 
 16th. An amendment of the fifth resolu- 
 tion of the majority report of the Com- 
 mittee on Federal Relations, asserting that 
 Missouri would never countenance nor aid 
 a seceding State in making war upon the 
 General Government, nor provide men 
 and money for the purpose of aiding the 
 General Government to coerce a seceding 
 State, was voted down. 
 
 27th. The following resolution was 
 passed by a vote in the House of 62 against 
 42 :— 
 
 Resolved, That it is inexpedient for the 
 General Assembly to take any steps for 
 calling a National Convention to propose 
 amendments to the Constitution, as recom- 
 mended by the State Convention. 
 
 July 22d. The Convention reassembled. 
 
 23d. Resolution passed, by a vote of 65 
 to 21, declaring the office of President, 
 held by General Sterling Price at the last 
 session of the Convention, vacant. A 
 committee of seven were appointed to re- 
 port what action they deem it advisable to 
 take in the dislocated condition of the 
 State. 
 
 25th. The committee presented their re- 
 port. It alludes at length to the present 
 unparalleled condition of things, the reck- 
 less course of the recent Government, and 
 flight of the Governor and other State 
 officers from the capitol. It declares the 
 offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, 
 and Secretary of State vacant, and pro- 
 vides that their vacancies shall be filled by 
 the Convention, the ollicers so appointed 
 to hold their positions till August, 1862, 
 at which time it provides for a special elec- 
 tion by the peojjle. It repeals the ninth 
 section of the sixth article of the Consti- 
 tution, and provides that the Supreme 
 Court of the State shall consist of seven 
 members ; and that four members, in ad- 
 dition to the three now comprising the 
 Court, shall be appointed by the Governor 
 chosen bv this Convention to hold ofHce 
 till 1862," when the people shall decide 
 whether the change shall be ])ermanent. 
 It abolishes the State Legislature, and or-
 
 96 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 dains that in case, before the 1st of August, 
 1862, the Governor chosen by this Con- 
 vention shall consider the public exigen- 
 cies demand, he shall order a special elec- 
 tion for the members of the State Legisla- 
 ture. It recommends the passage of an 
 ordinance repealing the following bills, 
 pa-ssed by the Legislature in secret session, 
 in May last: The military fund bill, the 
 bill to suspend the distribution of the 
 school fund, and the bill for cultivating 
 friendly relations -with the Indian tribes. 
 It repeals the bill authorizing the appoint- 
 ment of one major-general of the Missouri 
 militia, and revives the militia lavi' of 1859. 
 
 A resolution was passed that a commit- 
 tee of seven be appointed by the President 
 to prepare an address to the people of the 
 State of Missouri. 
 
 November 26th. Jefferson Davis trans- 
 mitted to the " Confederate " Congress a 
 message concerning the secession of Mis- 
 souri. It was accompanied by a letter 
 from Governor Jackson, and also by an 
 act dissolving the union with the United 
 States, and an act ratifying the Constitu- 
 tion of the Provisional Government of the 
 Confederate States ; also, the Convention 
 between the Commissioners of Missouri 
 and the Commissioners of the Confederate 
 States. Congress unanimously ratified the 
 Convention entered into between the Hon. 
 R. M. T. Hunter for the rebel Government 
 and the Commissioners for Missouri. 
 
 Inter-State Commissioners. 
 
 The seceding States, as part of their plan 
 of operation, a])pointcd Commissioners to 
 visit other slaveholding States. They 
 were as follows, as announced in the news- 
 papers : 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 To Alabama, A. P. Calhoun. 
 
 To GeorLna, James Iv. Orr, Ex-M. C. 
 
 To Florida, L. W. Spratt. 
 
 To Mississippi, M. L. Honham, Ex-M. C. 
 
 To Louisiana, J. L. Manning. 
 
 To Arkansas, A. ('. Spain. 
 
 To Texa,s, .J. B. Kershaw. 
 
 To Virginia, John S. Preston. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 To North Carolina, Isham W. Garrett. 
 
 To Mississij)pi, E. W. I'ettus. 
 
 To South Carolina, J. A. Elmore. 
 
 To Maryland. A. V. Hopkins. 
 
 To Virginia, Frank (iihner. 
 
 To Tennessee, L. IVtyie Walker. 
 
 To Kentucky, Stephen F. Hale. 
 
 To Arkansas, John Anthony Winston. 
 
 Gcorr/ia. 
 
 To Missouri, Lutlier J. Glenn. 
 To Virginia, Henry L. Benning. 
 
 Mississippi. 
 To South Carolina, C. E. Hooker. 
 To Alabama, Jos. W. Matthews, Ex-GoT. 
 To Georgia, "William L. Harris. 
 To Louisiana, Wirt Adams. 
 To Texas, H. H. Miller. 
 To Arkansas, George R. Fall. 
 To Florida, E. M. Yerger. 
 To Tennessee, T. J. Wharton, Att'y-Gen. 
 To Kentucky,W. S. Featherstone, Ex-M. C. 
 To North Carolina, Jacob Thompson, Ex- 
 
 M. C. 
 To Virginia, Fulton Anderson. 
 To Maryland, A. H. Handy, Judge. 
 To Delaware, Henry Dickinson. 
 To Missouri, Eussell. 
 
 Soutliem Congress. 
 
 This body, composed of Deputies elected 
 by the Conventions of the Seceding States, 
 met at Montgomery, Alabama, February 
 4th, 1861, to organize a Southern Confed- 
 eracy. Each State had a representation 
 equal to the number of members of the 
 Thirty-sixth Congress. The members 
 were : 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Robert W. Barnwell, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
 R. Barnwell Rhett, " " " 
 James Chestnut, jr., " " " 
 Lawrence M. Keitt, Ex-M. C. 
 William W. Boyce, " " 
 Wn. Porcher Miles, " " 
 C. G. Memminger. 
 Thomas J Withers. 
 
 Alabama, 
 W. P. Chilton. 
 Stephen F. Hale. 
 David P. Lewis. 
 Thomas Fearn, 
 Richard W. Walker. 
 Robert H. Smith. 
 Colin J. McRae. 
 John Gill Shorter. 
 J. L. M. Curry, Ex-M. C. 
 
 Florida. 
 
 J. Patten Anderson, Ex-Delegate from 
 
 Washington Territory. 
 Jackson Llorton, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
 James Powers, 
 
 Mississippi. 
 W. S. Wilson. 
 Wiley P. Harris, Ex-M. C. 
 James T. Harrison. 
 ^Va]ter Brooke, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
 William S. Barry, Ex-M. C. 
 A. M. Clayton. 
 
 Georgia. 
 Pobert Toombs, Ex-lJ. S. Senator. 
 Howell Cobb, Ex-M. C. 
 
 Martin . I. (Crawford, " 
 Augustus R Wright, " " 
 
 i
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 
 
 97 
 
 Augustus H. Keenan. 
 
 Benjamin H. Hill. 
 
 Francis S. Bartow. 
 
 E. A. Nisbet. 
 
 Thomaa R. R. Cobb. 
 
 Alexander H. Stei^hens, Ex-M. 0. 
 
 Louisiana. 
 
 Duncan F. Kenner. 
 
 Charles M. Conrad, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
 
 Henry Marshall. 
 
 John Perkins, jr. 
 
 G. E. Sparrow. 
 
 E. De Clouet. 
 
 Texas. 
 
 (Admitted March 2d, 1861.) 
 
 Louis T. Wigfall, Ex-U. S. Senator. 
 
 John Hemphill, " " " 
 
 John H. Reagan, Ex-M. C. 
 
 T. N. Waul. 
 
 John Greffg. 
 
 W. S. Oldham. 
 
 W. B. Ochiltree. 
 
 Proceedings of tlie Soutliem Congf ess. 
 
 February 4th, 1861. Howell Cobb of 
 Georgia elected President, Johnson J. 
 Hooper of Alabama, Secretary. Mr. Cobb 
 announced that secession " is now a fixed 
 and irrevocable fact, and the separation is 
 perfect, complete and perpetual." 
 
 Gth. David L. Swain, M. W. Ransom, 
 and John L. Bridgers, were admitted as 
 Commissioners from North Carolina, un- 
 der resolutions of the General Assembly of 
 that State, passed January 29th, 1861, " to 
 effect an honorable and amicable adjust- 
 ment of all the difficulties that disturb 
 the country, upon the basis of the Critten- 
 den resolutions, as modified by the Legis- 
 lature of Virginia," and to consult with 
 the delegates to the Southern Congress 
 for their " common peace, honor and 
 safety." 
 
 7th. Congress notified that the State of 
 Alabama had placed $500,000 at its dispo- 
 sal, as a loan to the provisional government 
 of the Confederacy of Seceding States. 
 
 8th. The Constitution of the Provisional 
 Government adopted. * 
 
 ♦The Provisional Constitution adopted bj' the Seceded 
 States differs from the Constitution of the United Statts 
 in several important particulars. The alterations and 
 additions are as follows : 
 
 ALTERATIONS. 
 
 Ist. The Provisional Constitution differs from the other 
 In this : That the legislative powers of thi' Provisional 
 Government are vested in the Congress now assemhled. 
 and this body exercises all the functions that are exer- 
 cised by either or both branches of the United States 
 Government. 
 
 2d. The Provisional President holds his office for one 
 year, unless sooner superseded by the establishment of a 
 permanent Government. 
 
 3d. Kach State is erected into a distinct judicial dis- 
 trict, the judge having all the powers heretofore vested 
 in the district and circviit courts ; and the several district 
 judges) together compose the supreme bench — a miyority 
 of them constituting a quorum. 
 
 7 
 
 9th. JefTcrson Davis, of Mississippi, 
 elected Provisional President of the CVm- 
 federate States of America, and Alexander 
 H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. 
 The question of attacking Fort Sumter haa 
 been referred to the Congress. 
 
 11th. Mr. Stephens announced his ac- 
 ceptance. Committee aj)pointed to prepare 
 a permanent Constitution. 
 
 12lh. The Congress assumed "charge 
 of all (juestions and dilficulties now exist- 
 ing between the sovereign States of this 
 Confederacy and the Government of the 
 United States, relating to the occupation oi 
 forts, arsenals, navy yards, custom-houses, 
 and all other public establishments." The 
 resolution was directed to be communicated 
 to the Governors of the respective States of 
 the Confederacy. 
 
 15th. Ofl[icial copy of the Texas Ordi- 
 nance of Secession presented. 
 
 16th. President Davis arrived and re- 
 ceived with salute, etc. 
 
 18th. President Davis inaugurated. 
 
 19th. Tariff law passed. 
 
 21st. Robert Toombs appointed Secre- 
 tary of the State ; C. G. Memminger, Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury ; L. Pope Walker, of 
 
 4th. Whenever the word " Union " occurs in the 
 United States Constitution the word " Confederacy " ia 
 substituted. 
 
 THE FOLLOWINa ABE THE ADDITIONS. 
 
 1st. The President may veto any separate appropriation 
 without vetoing the whole bill in which it is con- 
 tained. 
 
 2d. The African slave-trade is prohibited. 
 
 3d. Congress is empowered to prohibit the introduction" 
 of slaves from any State not a member of this Confed- 
 eracy. 
 
 4th. All appropriatiorre must be upon the demand of 
 the I'resident or heads of departments. 
 
 OMISSIONS. 
 
 1st, There is no prohibition on members of Congresa 
 holding other offices of honor and emolument under the- 
 Provisional Government. 
 
 2d. There is no provision for a neutral spot for tlie 
 location of a scat of government, or for sites for forts, ar- 
 senals, and diick-yards; consequently there is no reference- 
 made to the territorial powers of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 .3d. The section in the old Constitution in reference to- 
 capitation and other direct tax is omitted ; also, the sec- 
 tion providing that no tax or duty shall bo laid on any 
 exports. 
 
 4th. The prohibition on States keeping troops or ships 
 of war in time of peace is omitted 
 
 5th. The Constitution being provisional merely, no- 
 provision is made for its ratification. 
 
 AMENDMENTS. 
 
 1st. The fugitive slave clause of the old Constitution iS' 
 so amended as to contain the word "slave," and to pro- 
 vide for full compensation in cases of abduction of forci- 
 ble rescue on the part of the State in which such abduc- 
 tion or rescue may take place. 
 
 2d. Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, may at any time- 
 alter or amend the Constitution. 
 
 TEMPORARY PROVISIONS. 
 
 1st. The Provisional Government is required to take 
 immediate steps for the settlement of all matters bi-tween 
 the States forming it and their other late confeilerates of 
 the United Sjates in relation to the public property and 
 the public debt. 
 
 2d. Montgomery is made the temporary seat of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 3d. This Constitution is to continue one year, nnlees 
 altered by a two thii-da vote or superseded by a perma- 
 nent Government.
 
 98 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Alabama, Secretary of "War ; Stephen R. 
 Mallory, Secretary of the Xa^y ; Judah P. 
 Benjamin, Attorney-General, and John H. 
 Reagan, Postmaster-General ; Philij) Clay- 
 ton, of Georgia appointed Assistant Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, and Wm. M. Browne, 
 late of the Washington Constitution, 
 Assistant Secretary of State. 
 
 March 2d. The Texas Deputies re- 
 ceived. 
 
 Tlie Coiifeclerate States. 
 
 The Confederate States was the name of 
 the government formed in 1861 by the 
 seven States which first seceded. Bellige- 
 rent rights were accorded to it by the lead- 
 ing naval powers, but it was never recog- 
 nized as a government, notwithstanding 
 the i>ersevering etlbrts of its agents near 
 the principal courts. This result was mainly 
 dtie to the diplomacy of the federal Sec- 
 retary' of State, Wm H. Seward, to the 
 proclamations of emancipation in 1862-3, 
 which secured the sympathy of the best 
 elements of Great Britain and France for 
 the federal government, and the obstinate 
 persistence of the federal government in 
 avoiding, as far as possible, any recognition 
 of the existence, even de facto, of a con- 
 federate government. The federal generals 
 in the field, in their communications with 
 confederate officers, did not hesitate, upon 
 occasion, even to give " president " Davis 
 his official title, but no such embarrassing 
 precedent was ever admitted by the civil 
 government of the United States. It at 
 first endeavored, until checked by active 
 preparations for retaliation, to treat the 
 crews of confederate privateers as pirates ; 
 it avoided any official communication with 
 the confederate government, even when 
 compelled to exchange prisoners, confining 
 its negotiations to the confederate commis- 
 sioners of exchange ; and, by its persistent 
 policy in this direction, it succeeded, with- 
 out any formal declaration, in iniiiressing 
 upon foreign governments the belief that 
 any recognition of the confederate States 
 as a separate people would be actively re- 
 sented by the government of the United 
 States as an act (jf excessive unfriendliness. 
 The federal courts have steadily hoM the 
 same ground, that " the confederate states 
 was an unlawful assemblage, witliout cor- 
 porate jjower ; " and that, though the 
 separate States were still in existence and 
 were indestructible, their state govern- 
 ments, while they chose to act as part of 
 the confederate States, did not exist, even 
 de farlo. Early in .January, ISOl, while 
 only South Carolina had actually seceded, 
 though other Southern Slates had called 
 conventions to consider the fjuestion, the 
 Senators of the seven States fartJicst South 
 practically assumed control of the whole 
 movement, and their energy and unswer- 
 
 I 
 
 ving singleness of purpose, aided by the 
 telegraph, secured a rapidity of execution 
 to which no other very extensive conspi- 
 racy of history can afibrd a parallel. The 
 ordinance of secession was a negative in- 
 strument, purporting to withdraw the state 
 from the Union and to deny the authority 
 of the federal government over the people 
 of the State ; the cardinal object of the 
 senatorial group w'as to hurry the forma- 
 mation of a new national government, as 
 an organized political reality which would 
 rally the outright secessionists, claim the 
 allegiilnce of the doubtful mass, and coerce ■^ 
 those who still remained recalcitrant. At 
 the head of the senatorial group, and of 
 its executive committee, was Jefferson 
 Davis, Senator from Mississippi, and natu- 
 rally the first official step toward the for- 
 mation of a new government came from 
 the Mississippi Legislature, where a com- 
 mittee reported, January 19th, 1861, reso- 
 lutions in favor of a congress of delegates 
 from the seceding States to provide for a 
 southern confederacy, and to establish a 
 provisional government, therefore. ,The 
 other seceding States at once accepted the 
 proposal, through their State conventions, 
 which also appointed the delegates on the 
 ground that the people had intrusted the 
 State conventions with unlimited pow- 
 ers. The new government therefore began 
 its exif^tence without any popular ratio of 
 representation, and with only such popular 
 ratification as popular acquiescence gave. 
 The provisional congress met Feb. 4th, at 
 Montgomery, Ala., with delegates from 
 South' Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisi- 
 ana, Florida and Mississippi. The Texas 
 delegates were not appointed until Feb. 
 14tli; Feb, 8th, a provisional constitution 
 was adoj)ted, being the constitution of the 
 United States, with some changes. Feb. 
 9th, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was 
 unanimously chosen provisional president, 
 and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, 
 provisional vice-president, each State hav- 
 ing one vote, as in all other proceedings of 
 the body. By acts of Feb. 9th and 12th, 
 the laws and revenue officers of the United 
 States Avere continued in the confederate 
 States until changed. Feb. 18th, the 
 president and vice-jiresident were inaugu- 
 rated. Feb. 20th-26th, executive depart- 
 ments and a confederate regular army were 
 organized, and provision was made for 
 borrowing money. March 11th, the per- 
 manent constitution was adopted by 
 Congress. 
 
 Tiic Internal legislation of the provi - 
 sional congress was, at first, mainly the 
 adaptation of the civil sennce in the South- 
 ern States to the uses of the new govern- 
 ment. Wherever possible, judges, post- 
 masters, and civil as well as military and 
 naval officers, who had resigned from the 
 service of the United States, were given
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 
 
 99 
 
 an equal or higher rank in the confederate 
 service. Postmasters were directe'd to make 
 their final accounting to tlie United States, 
 May 31st, thereafter accoiniting to the Con- 
 federate States. Aoril 2'Jth, the provi- 
 sional congress, which liad adjourned March 
 16th, re-assem])led at Montgomery, having 
 been convoked by President Davis in con- 
 sequence of President Lincoln's prepa- 
 rations to enforce federal authority in the 
 South. Davis' message announced that 
 all the seceding States had ratified the 
 permanent constitution ; that Virginia, 
 which had not yet seceded and entered in- 
 to alliance with the confederacy, and that 
 other States, were expected to follow the 
 same plan. He concluded by declaring 
 that " all we ask is to be let alone." May 
 Gth, an act was passed recognizing the ex- 
 istence of war with the United States. 
 Congress adjourned May 22d, re-convened 
 at Richmond, Va., July 20th, and ad- 
 journeil August 22d, until November 18th. 
 Its legislation had been mainly military 
 and financial. Virginia, North Carolina, 
 Tennessee and Arkansas, had passed ordi- 
 nances of secession, and been admitted to 
 tlie confederacy. (See the States named, 
 and secession.) Although Missouri and 
 Kentucky had not seceded, delegates from 
 these States were admitted in December 
 1S61. Nov. 6, 1861, at an election under 
 the permanent constitution, Davis and 
 Stephens were again chosen to their re- 
 spective offices by a unanimous electoral 
 vote. Feb. 18th, 1862, the provisional con- 
 gress (of one house) gave way to the per- 
 manent congress, and Davis and Stephens 
 were inaugurated February 22nd. The 
 cabinet, with the successive Secretaries of 
 each department, was as follows, including 
 both the provisional and permanent cabi- 
 nets : 
 
 State Department. — Robert Toombs, 
 Georiria, February 21st, 1861 ; R. M. T. 
 Hunter, Virginia, July 30th, 1861 ; Judah 
 P. Benjamin, Louisiana, February 7th, 
 1862. 
 
 Treasury Department. — Charles G. Mem- 
 minger, South Carolina, February 21st, 
 1861, and March 22d, 1862; James L. 
 Trenholm, South Carolina, June 13th, 
 1864. 
 
 War Department. — L. Pope Walker, 
 Mississippi, February 21st, 1861 ; Judah P. 
 Benjamin, Louisiana, November 10th, 
 1861 ; .Tames A. Seddon, Virginia, March 
 22d, 1862; John C. Breckinridge, Ken- 
 tucky, February 15th, 1865. 
 
 Nary Department. — Stephen R. Mallorv, 
 Florida, March 4th, 1861, and March 22d. 
 
 Attorney General. — Judah P. Benjamin, 
 Louisiana, February 21st, 1861 ; Thomas 
 H. Watts, Alabama^ September 10th. 1861, 
 and March 22nd, 1862; George Davis, 
 North Carolina,"November 10th, 1863. 
 
 Postmaster- General. — Henry J. Elliot, 
 
 Mississippi, February 21st, 1865 ; John H. 
 Reagan, Texas, March 6th, 1861, and 
 March 22d, 1862. 
 
 The provisional Congress held four ses- 
 sions, as follows: 1. Fcbruarv 4-March 
 16lh, 1861 ; 2. April 2!)-May22d, 1861 ; 3. 
 July 20-August 22d, 1861 ; and 4. Novem- 
 ber 18th, 1861-February 17tli, 1862. 
 
 Under the permanent Constitution there 
 were two Congresses. The first Congress 
 held four sessions, as follows: 1. Fcbru- 
 arv 18-April 21st, 18(52; 2. August 12- 
 October 13th, 1862; 3. Januarv 12-May 
 8tli 1868; and 4. December 7, i863-Feb- 
 runry 18th, 1864. The second Congress 
 held two sessions, as follows : 1. May 2- 
 June loth, 1864 ; and 2. From November 
 7th, 1864, until the hasty and final ad- 
 journment, March 18th, 1865. 
 
 In the first Congress members chosen by 
 rump State conventions, or by regiments in 
 the confederate service, sat for districts in 
 Missouri and Kentucky, though these 
 States had never seceded. There were 
 thus thirteen States in all represented at 
 the close of the first Congress ; but, as the 
 area of the Confederacy narrowed before 
 the advance of the Federal armies, the va- 
 cancies in the second Congress became 
 significantly more numerous. At its best 
 estate the Confederate Senate numbered 
 26, and the house 106, as follows : Ala- 
 bama, 9 ; Arkansas, 4 ; Florida, 2 ; Geor- 
 gia, 10 ; Kentucky, 12 ; Louisiana, 6 ; Mis- 
 sissippi, 1 ; Missouri, 7 ; North Carolina, 
 10; South Carolina, 6; Tennessee, 11; 
 Texas, 6 ; Virginia, 16. In both Con- 
 gresses Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia, was 
 Speaker of the House.* 
 
 For four months between the Presiden- 
 tial election and the inauguration of Mr. 
 Lincoln those favoring secession in the 
 vSouth had practical control of their sec- 
 tion, for while President Buchanan hesi- 
 tated as to his constitutional powers, the 
 more active partisans in his Cabinet were 
 aiding their Southern friends in every 
 practical way. In answer to the visit- 
 ing Commissioners from South Carolina, 
 Messrs. R. W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams and 
 Jas. L. Orr, who formally submitted that 
 State's ordinance of secession, and de- 
 manded possession of the forts in Charles- 
 ton harbor, Buchanan said : — 
 
 " In answer to this communication, I 
 have to say that my position as President 
 of the United States was clearly defined in 
 the message to Congress on the 3d inst. 
 In that I stated that ' apart from the exe- 
 cution of the laws, so far as this nniy be 
 practicable, the Executive has no authority 
 to decide what shall be the relations be- 
 tween the Federal Government and South 
 Carolina. He has been invested with no 
 such discretion. He possesses no power to 
 
 * From T,ali>r's Rici/rlnpa-din of PoUHcal Science, pub- 
 lished by Baud i McNalli', Chicago, 111.
 
 100 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 change the relations heretofore existing 
 between them, much less to acknowledge 
 the independence of that State. This 
 would be to invest a mere executive officer 
 with the power of recognizing the dissolu- 
 tion of the Confederacy among our thirty- 
 three sovereign States'. It bears no re- 
 semblance to the recognition of a foreign 
 de facto Government, involving no such 
 responsibility. Any attempt to do this 
 would, on his part, be a naked act of 
 usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to 
 submit to Congress the whole question in \ 
 all its bearings.' 
 
 "Such is my opinion still. I could, 
 therefore, meet you only as private gentle- 
 men of the highest character, and was en- 
 tirely willing to communicate to Congress 
 any 'proposition you might have to make 
 to 'that body upon the subject. Of this you 
 were well aware. It was my earnest desire 
 that such a disposition might be made of 
 the whole subject by Congress, who alone 
 possess the power, as to prevent the inau- 
 guration of a civil war between the parties 
 in regard to the possession of the Federal 
 forte in the harbor of Charleston." 
 
 Further correspondence followed between 
 the President and other seceding State Com- 
 missioners, and the attitude of the former 
 led to the following changes in his Cabi- 
 net: December 12th, 1860, Lewis Cass 
 resigned as Secretary of State, because the 
 President declined to reinforce the forts in 
 Charleston harbor. December 17th, Jere- 
 miah S. Black was appointed his suc- 
 cessor. 
 
 December 10th, Howell Cobb, resigned 
 as Secretary of the Treasurj' — " his duty to 
 Georgia requiring it." December 12th, 
 Philip F. Thomas was appointed his suc- 
 cessor, and resigned, January 11th, 1861, 
 because differing from the President and a 
 majority of the Cabinet, "in the measures 
 which have been adopted in reference to 
 the recent condition of things in South 
 Carolina," especially "touching the au- 
 thority, under existing laws, to enforce the 
 collection of the customs at the port of 
 Charleston." January 11th, 1861, John A. 
 Dix appointed his successor. 
 
 29th, John B. Floyd resigned as Secre- 
 tary of War, because, after the transfer of 
 Major Anderson's command from Fort 
 Moultrie to Fort Sumter, the President de- 
 clined " to withdraw the garrison from the 
 harbor of Charleston altogether." 
 
 December 31st, JosepIi Holt, Postmas- 
 ter-General, was entrusted with the tem- 
 porary charge of the War Department, and 
 January 18th, 1861, was appointed Secre- 
 tary of War. 
 
 January 8th, 1801, Jacob Thompson 
 resigned sis Secretary of the Interior, be- 
 cause "additional troops, he had heard, 
 liave been ordered to Charleston" in the 
 Star of the West. 
 
 December 17th, 1860, Jeremiah S. 
 Black resigned as Attorney-General, and 
 Edwix M. Stanton, December 20th, was 
 appointed his successor. 
 
 January 18th, 1861, Joseph Holt re- 
 signed as Postmaster-General, and Ho- 
 ratio King, February 12th, 1801, was ap- 
 pointed his successor. 
 
 President Buchanan, in his annual mes- 
 sage of December 3d, 1860, appealed to 
 Congress to institute an amendment to the 
 constitution recognizing the rights of the 
 Southern States in regard to slaver.' in the 
 territories, and as this document embraced 
 the views which subsequently led to such 
 a general discussion of the right of seces- 
 sion and the right to coerce a State, we 
 make a liberal quotation from it : — 
 
 " I have purposely confined my remarks 
 to revolutionary resistance, because it has 
 been claimed within the last few years that 
 any State, whenever this shall be its 
 sovereign will and pleasure, may secede 
 from the L^nion in accordance with the 
 Constitution, and without any violation of 
 the constitutional rights of the other mem- 
 bers of the Confederacy. That as each be- 
 came parties to the Union by the vote of 
 its own people assembled in convention, 
 so any one of them may retire from the 
 Union in a similar manner by the vote of 
 such a convention. 
 
 " In order to justif\' secession as a con- 
 stitutional remedy, it must be on the prin- 
 ciple that the Federal Government is a 
 mere voluntary assciciation of States, to be 
 dissolved at pleasure by any one of the 
 contracting parties. If this be so, the 
 Confederacy is a rope of sand, to be pene- 
 trated and dissolved by the first adverse 
 wave of public opinion in any of the States. 
 In this manner our thirty-three States may 
 resolve themselves into as many petty, 
 jarring, and hostile republics, each one re- 
 tiring from the L'nion without responsi- 
 bility whenever any sudden excitement 
 might impel them to such a course. By 
 this process a L^nion might be entirely 
 broken into fragments in a few weeks, 
 which cost our forefathers many years of 
 toil, privation, and blood to establish. 
 
 " Such a principle is wholly inconsistent 
 with the history as well as the character of 
 the Federal Constitution. Afler it was 
 framed with the greatest deliberation and 
 care, it was submitted to conventions of 
 the people of the several States for ratifi- 
 cation. Its provisions were discussed at 
 length in these bodies, composed of the Jfa 
 first men of the country. Its opponents f 
 contended that it conferred powers upon 
 the Federal Government dangerous to the 
 rights of the States, whilst its advocates 
 maintained that, under a fair construction 
 of the instrument, there was no foumlation 
 for such apprehensions. In that mighty 
 struggle between the first intellccLs of this
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 
 
 101 
 
 or any other country, it never occurred to 
 any individual, either amonj!j its opponents 
 or advocates, to assert or even to intimate 
 tliat their efforts were all vain labor, be- 
 cause the moment that any State I'elt lier- 
 self ajj^grieved she might secede from the 
 Union. What a erushing argument would 
 this have proved against those who dreaded 
 that the rights of the States would be en- 
 dangered by the Constitution. The truth 
 is, that it was not until some years after 
 the origin of the Federal Government that 
 such a proposition was first advanced. It 
 was afterwards met and refuted by the 
 conclusive arguments of General Jackson, 
 who, in his message of the Kith of January, 
 IS.S;}, transmitting the nullifying ordinance 
 of South Carolina to Congress, employs the 
 following language : ' The right of the peo- 
 ple of a single State to absolve themselves 
 at will and without the consent of the 
 other States from their most solemn obli- 
 gations, and hazard the liberty and happi- 
 ness of the millions composing this Union, 
 cannot be acknowledged. Such authority 
 is believed to be utterly repugnant both to 
 the principles upon which the General 
 Government is constituted, and to the ob- 
 jects which it was expressly formed to 
 attain.' 
 
 " It is not pretended that any clause in 
 the Constitution gives countenance to such 
 a theory. It is altogether founded upon 
 inference, not from any language con- 
 tained in the instrument itself, but from 
 the sovereign character of the several 
 States by which it was ratified. But it is 
 beyond the i)ower of a State like an indi- 
 vidual, to yield a portion of its sovereign 
 rights to secure the remaincier? In the 
 language of Mr. Madison, who has been 
 called the fiither of the Constitution, ' It 
 was formed by the States — that is, by tlie 
 people in each of the States acting in their 
 nighest sovereign capacity, and formed con- 
 sequently by the same authority which 
 formed the State constitutions.' ' Nor is 
 the Government of the United States, 
 created by the Constitution, less a Govern- 
 ment, in the strict sense of the term with- 
 in the sjjhere of its powers, than the gov- 
 ernments created by the constitutions of 
 the States are within their several spheres. 
 It is like them organized into legislative, 
 executive, and judiciary departments. It 
 operates, like them, directly on persons 
 and things; and, like them, it has at com- 
 mand a physical force for executing the 
 powers committed to it.' 
 
 " It was intended to be perpetual, and 
 not to be aniuilled at the pleasure of any 
 one of the contracting parties. The old 
 Articles of Confederation were entitled 
 'Articles of Confederation and Perpetual 
 Union between the States ; ' and by the 
 thirteenth article it is expressly declared 
 that ' the articles of this confederation 
 
 shall be inviolably observed by every 
 State, and the Union shall be perpetual.' 
 The preamble to the constitution of the 
 United States, liaving express reference to 
 the Articles of Confederation, recites that 
 it was established 'in order to form a more 
 j)erfect union.' And yet it is contended 
 that this ' more perfect union ' does not in- 
 clude the esssential attribute of perpe- 
 tuity. 
 
 " But that the Union wa.s designed to 
 be perpetual, appears conclusively from 
 the nature and extent of the powers con- 
 ferred by the Constitution of the Federal 
 Government. These powers end)race the 
 very highest attributes of national sov- 
 ereignty. They place both the sword and 
 purse under its control. Congress haa 
 jjower to make war and to make peace; to 
 raise and support armies and navies, and 
 to conclude treaties with foreign govern- 
 ments. It is invested with the power to 
 coin money, and to regulate the value 
 thereof, and to regulate commerce with 
 foreign nations and among the several 
 States. It is not necessary to enumerate 
 the other high powers which have been 
 conferred upon the Federal Government. 
 In order to carry the enumerated ])0wer8 
 into effect. Congress possesses the exclusive 
 right to lay and collect duties on imports, 
 and, in common with the States, to lay 
 and collect all other taxes. 
 
 " But the Constitution has not only con- 
 ferred these high powers upon Congress, 
 but it has adopted effectual means to re- 
 strain the States from interfering with their 
 exercise. For that purpose it has in strong 
 prohil)itory language expressly declared 
 that ' no State shall enter into any treaty, 
 alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of 
 marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit 
 bills of credit; make anything but gold 
 and silver coin a tender in payment of 
 debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post 
 facto law, or law impairing the obligation 
 of contracts.' Moreover, ' without the con- 
 sent of Congress no State shall lay any im- 
 posts or duties on any imports or exports, 
 except what may be absolutely necessary 
 for executing its inspection laws,' and if 
 they exceed this amount, the excess shall 
 belong to the United States. And ' no 
 State shall, without the consent of Con- 
 gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops 
 or ships of war in time of peace, enter into 
 any agreement or compact with another 
 State, or with a foreign power, or engage 
 in war, unless actually invaded or in sueh 
 imminent danger as will not admit of 
 delay.' 
 
 " in order still fiirthcr to secure the un- 
 interrupted exercise of these high powers 
 against State interposition, it is provided 
 ' that this Constitution and the laws of the 
 United States which shall be made in pur- 
 suance thereof, and all treaties made or
 
 102 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 which shall be made under the authority 
 of the United States, shall be the supreme 
 law of the land; and the judges in every 
 State shall be bound thereby, any thing in 
 the Constitution or laws of any State to the 
 contrary notwithstanding.' 
 
 " The solemn sanction of religion has 
 been superadded to the obligations of 
 official duty, and all Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives of the United States, all mem- 
 bers of State Legislatures, and all execu- 
 tive and judicial officers, ' both of the 
 United States and of the several States, 
 shall be bound by oath or affirmation to 
 support this Constitution.' 
 
 " In order to carry into effect these 
 powers, the Constitution has established a 
 
 t)erfect Government in all its forms, legis- 
 ative, executive, and judicial ; and this 
 Government to the extent of its powers 
 acts directly upon the individual citizens 
 of every State, and executes its own de- 
 crees by the agency of its own officers. In 
 this respect it differs entirely from the 
 Government under the old confederation, 
 which was confined to making requisitions 
 on the States in their sovereign character. 
 This left it in the discretion of each 
 whether to obey or refuse, and they often 
 declined to comply with such requisitions. 
 It thus became necessary, for the purpose 
 of removing this barrier, and ' in order to 
 form a more perfect union,' to establish a 
 Government which could act directly upon 
 the people and execute its own laws with- 
 out the intermediate agency of the States. 
 This has been accomplished by the Con- 
 stitution of the United States. In short, 
 the Government created by the Constitu- 
 tion, and deriving its authority from the 
 sovereign people of each of the several 
 States, has precisely the same right to 
 exercise its power over the people of all 
 these States in the enumerated cases, that 
 each one of them possesses over subjects 
 not delegated to the United States, but 
 'reserved to the States respectively or to 
 the peoj)le.' 
 
 " To the extent of the delegated powers 
 the Constitution of the United States is as 
 much a i)art of tlie constitution of each 
 State, and is as binding upon its ))eople, 
 as though it had been textually inserted 
 tlicreiii. 
 
 " This Government, therefore, is a great 
 and powerful Government, invested with 
 all the attributes of sovereignty over the 
 sjiecial 8ul)jccts to wliich its authority ex- 
 tends. Its framiTS never intended to im- 
 plant in its bosom the seeds of its own 
 destruction nor wen; tliey at its creation 
 guilty of the absurdity of {providing for its 
 own dissolution. It was not intended by 
 it.s framers to be tlie baseless fabric of a 
 vision, wliicli, at the touch of the en- 
 chanter, would vanish into thin air, but a 
 Bubstantial and mighty fabric, capable of 
 
 resisting the slow decay of time, and of 
 defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well 
 may the jealous patriots of that day have 
 indulged fears that a Government of such 
 high power might violate the reserved rights 
 of the States, and wisely did they adopt 
 the rule of a strict construction of these 
 powers to prevent the danger. But they did 
 not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine 
 that the Constitution would ever be so in- 
 terpreted as to enable any State by her 
 own act, and without the consent of her 
 sister States, to discharge her peojile 
 from all or any of their federal obliga- 
 tions. 
 
 " It may be asked, then, are the people 
 of the States without redress against the 
 tyranny and oppression of the Federal 
 Government? By no means. The right 
 of resistance on the part of the governed 
 against the oppression of their govern- 
 ments cannot be denied. It exists inde- 
 pendently of all constitutions, and has been 
 exercised at all periods of the world's his- 
 tory. Under it, old governments have been 
 destroyed and new ones have taken their 
 place. It is embodied in strong and ex- 
 press language in our own Declaration of 
 Indejjendence. But the distinction nmst 
 ever be observed that this is revolution 
 against an established Government, and 
 not a voluntarj^ secession from it by virtue 
 of an inherent constitutional right. In 
 short, let us look the danger fairly in the 
 face; secession is neither more nor less 
 than revolution. It may or it may not be 
 a justifiable revolution ; but still it is rev- 
 olution." 
 
 The President having thus attempted to 
 demonstrate that the Constitution affords 
 no warrant for secession, but that this was 
 inconsistent both with its letter and si-)irit, 
 then defines his own position. lie says: 
 
 " What, in the mean time, is the respon- 
 sibility and true position of the Executive? 
 He is bound by solemn oath, before God 
 and the country, ' to take care that the 
 laws be faithfully executed,' and from this 
 obligation he cannot be absolved by any 
 human power. But what if the perfor- 
 mance of this duty, in whole or in part, 
 has been rendered im]iracticable by events 
 over which he could have exercised no 
 control ? Such, at the present moment, is 
 the case throughout the State of South 
 Carolina, so far as the laws of the United 
 States to secure the administration of jus- 
 tice by means of the Federal judiciary are 
 concerned. All the Federal officers within 
 its limits, through whose agency alone 
 these laws can be carried into execution, 
 have already resigned. We no longer 
 have a district judge, a district attorney, 
 or a marshal in South Carolina. In fact, 
 the whole machinery of the Federal gov- 
 ernment necessary for the distribution of 
 remedial justice among the people has been
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 
 
 103 
 
 demolished, and it would be difficult, if 
 not impossible, to replace it. 
 
 " The only acts of Congress on the stat- 
 ute book bearing upon this subject are 
 those of the 128th Februriy, 1795, and 3rd 
 March, 1807. These authorize tlie Tresi- 
 dent, after he shall have ascertained that 
 the marshal, with his posse vuinitatus, is 
 unable to execute civil or criminal process 
 in any particular case, to call Ibrth the 
 militia and employ the army and navy to 
 aid him in performing this service, having 
 first by proclamation commanded the in- 
 surgents ' to disperse and retire peaceably 
 to their respective abodes within a limited 
 time.' This duty cannot by possibility be 
 ])erformed in a State where no judicial au- 
 thority exists to issue process, and where 
 there is no marshal to execute it, and 
 where, even if there were such an officer, 
 the entire population would constitute one 
 solid combination to resist him. 
 
 " The bare enumeration of these provi- 
 sions proves how inadequate they are with- 
 out further legislation to overcome a united 
 opposition in a single State, not to speak 
 of other States who may place themselves 
 in a similar attitude. Congress alone has 
 power to decide whether the present laws 
 can or cannot be amended so as to carry 
 out more effectually the objects of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 " The same insuperable obstacles do not 
 lie in the way of executing the laws for the 
 collection of customs. The revenue still 
 continues to be collected, as heretofore, at 
 the custom-house in Charleston, and should 
 the collector unfortunately resign, a suc- 
 cessor may be appointed to perform this 
 duty. 
 
 " Then, in regard to the property of the 
 United States in South Carolina. This has 
 been purchased for a fair equivalent, * by 
 the consent of the Legislature of the 
 State,' ' for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 arsenals,' &c., and over these tbe authority 
 ' to exercise exclusive legislation ' has been 
 expressly granted by the Constitution to 
 Congress. It is not believed that any at- 
 tempt will be made to expel the United 
 States from this property by force ; but if 
 in this I should prove to be mistaken, the 
 officer in command of the forts has re- 
 ceived orders to act strictly on the defen- 
 sive. In such a contingency the respon- 
 sibility for consequences would rightfully 
 rest upon the heads of the assailants. 
 
 " Apart from the execution of the laws, 
 so fiir as this may be practicable, the Ex- 
 ecutive has no authority to decide what 
 shall be the relations between the Federal 
 Government and South Carolina. He has 
 been invested with no such discretion. He 
 possesses no power to change the relations 
 heretofore existing between them, much 
 less to acknowledge the independence of 
 that State. This would be to invest a mere 
 
 executive officer with the power of recog- 
 nizing the dissolution of the Coniederacy 
 among our thirty-three sovereign States. 
 It bears no relation to the recognition of a 
 foreign dc facto Government, involving no 
 such responsibility. Any attempt U) do 
 this would, on his part, be a naked act of 
 usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to 
 submit to Congress the whole question in 
 all its bearings." 
 
 Then follows the opinion expressed in 
 the message, that the Constitution has con- 
 ferred no power on the Federal Govern- 
 ment to coerce a State to remain in the 
 Union. The following is the language : 
 " The question fairly stated is, ' Has the 
 Constitution delegated to Congress the 
 power to coerce a State into submission 
 which is attempting to withdraw, or has 
 actually withdrawn from the Confedera- 
 cy?' If answered in the affirmative, it 
 must be on the principle that the power 
 has been conferred upon Congress to make 
 war against a State. 
 
 "After much serious reflection, I have 
 arrived at the conclusion that no such 
 power has been delegated to Congress or 
 to any other department of the Federal 
 Government. It is manifest, upon an in- 
 spection of the Constitution, that this is 
 not among the specific and enumerated 
 powers granted to Congress ; and it is 
 equally apparent that its exercise is not 
 ' necessary and proper for carrying into 
 execution' any one of these powers. So far 
 from this power having been delegated to 
 Congress, it was expressly refused by the 
 Convention which framed the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 " It appears from the proceedings of that 
 body that on the 31st May, 1787, the 
 clause ' authorizing an exertion of the force 
 of the whole against a delinquent State ' 
 came up for consideration. Mr. Madison 
 opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, 
 from which I shall extract but a single 
 sentence. He observed : * The use of force 
 against a State would look more like a 
 declaration of war than an infliction of 
 punishment, and would probably be con- 
 sidered by the party attacked as a dissolu- 
 tion of all previous compacts by which it 
 might be bound.' Upon his motion the 
 clause was unanimously postponed, and 
 was never, I believe, again presented. Soon 
 afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when 
 incidentally adverting to the subject, he 
 said: 'Any government for the United 
 States, formed on the su])posed practica- 
 bility of using force against the unconsti- 
 tutional proceedings of the States, would 
 prove as visionary and fallacious as the 
 government of Congress,' evidently mean- 
 ing the then existing Congress of the old 
 confederation." 
 
 At the time of the delivery of this mes- 
 sage the excitement was very high. The
 
 104 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 extreme Southerners differed from it, in so 
 far as it disputed both the right of revolu- 
 tion and secession under the circumstances, 
 but quickly made a party battle-cry of the 
 denial of the right of the National Gov- 
 ernment to coerce a State — a view which 
 for a time won the President additional 
 friends, but which in the end solidified all 
 friends of the Union against his adminis- 
 tration. To show the doubt which this 
 ingenious theory caused, we quote from the 
 speech of Senator Andrew Johnson, of 
 Tennessee (subsequently Vice-President 
 and acting President), delivered Dec. 18th, 
 1860, (Congressional Globe, page 119) :— 
 
 " I do not believe the Federal Govern- 
 ment has the power to coerce a State, for 
 by the eleventh amendment of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States it is expressly 
 provided that you cannot even jjut one of 
 the States of this confederacy before one 
 of the courts of the country as a party. 
 As a State, the Federal Government has 
 no power to coerce it ; but it is a member 
 of the compact to which it agreed in com- 
 mon with the other States, and this Gov- 
 ernment has the right to pass laws, and to 
 enforce those laws upon individuals within 
 the limits of each State. While the one 
 proposition is clear, the other is equally so. 
 This Government can, by the Constitution 
 of the country, and by the laws enacted in 
 conformity with the Constitution, operate 
 upon individuals, and has the right and 
 pow^er, not to coerce a State, but to enforce 
 and execute the law upon individuals 
 within the limits of a State." 
 
 Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, 
 publicly objected to the message because of 
 its earnest argument against secession, and 
 the determination expressed to collect the 
 revenue in the ports of South Carolina, by 
 means of a naval force, and to defend the 
 public proi)erty. From this moment they 
 alienated themselves from the President. 
 Soon th'Tcafter, when he refused to with- 
 draw Major Anderson from Fort Sumter, 
 on the demand of the self-styled South 
 Carolina Commissioners, the separation be- 
 came complete. For more than two months 
 before the close of the session all friendly 
 intercourse l>etween them and the Presi- 
 dent, whether of a political or social cha- 
 racter, had ceased. 
 
 The Crltt«n<lcn Compromise. 
 
 Congress referred the request in the 
 message, to adopt amendments to the con- 
 stitution recognizing the rights of the 
 Slave States to take slavery into the terri- 
 tories to a committee of thirteen, consisting 
 of five Repul)licans : Messrs. Seward, Col- 
 lamer, Wade, Doolittle, and Grimes ; five 
 from slave-holding States : Messrs. Powell, 
 Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs, and Davis; 
 and three Northern Democrats; Messrs. 
 Dougliis, Bigler, and Bright, The latter 
 
 three were intended to act as mediators 
 between the extreme parties on the com- 
 mittee. 
 
 The committee first met on the 21st De- 
 cember, 1860, and preliminary to any other 
 proceeding, they " resolved that no propo- 
 sition shall be reported as adopted, unless 
 sustained by a majority of each of the 
 classes of the committee ; Senators of the 
 Republican party to constitute one class, 
 and Senators of the other parties to con- 
 stitute the other class." This resolution 
 was passed, because any report they might 
 make to the Senate would be in vain unless 
 sanctioned by at least a majority' of the five 
 Republican Senators. On the next day 
 (the 22d), Mr. Crittenden submitted to the 
 committee "A Joint Resolution" (the 
 same which he had two days before pre- 
 sented to the Senate), " proposing certain 
 amendments to the Constitution of the 
 United States," now known as the Critten- 
 den Compromise. This was truly a com- 
 promise of conflicting claims, because it 
 proposed that the South should surrender 
 their adjudged right to take slaves into all 
 our Territories, provided the North would 
 recognize this right in the Territories south 
 of the old Missouri Compromise line. 
 The committee rejected this compromise, 
 every one of its five Republican members, 
 together with Messrs. Davis and Toombs, 
 from the cotton States, having voted 
 against it. Indeed, not one of all the Re- 
 publicans in the Senate, at any period or 
 in any form, voted in its favor. 
 
 The committee, having failed to arrive 
 at a satisfactory conclusion, reported their 
 disagreement to the Senate on the 31st 
 December, 18G0, in a resolution declaring 
 that they had " not been able to agree 
 upon any general plan of adjustment." 
 
 Mr. Crittenden did not despair of 
 ultimate success, notwithstanding his de- 
 feat before the Committee of Thirteen. 
 After this, indeed, he could no longer ex- 
 pect to carry his compromise as an amend- 
 ment to the Constitution by the necessary 
 two-thirds vote of Congress. It was, 
 therefore, postponed by the Senate on his 
 own motion. As a substitute for it he 
 submitted to the Senate, on the 3d 
 .lanuary, 1861, a joint resolution, which 
 might be passed by a majority of both 
 Houses. This was to refer his rejected 
 amendment, by an ordinarj^ act of Con- 
 gress, to a direct vote of the people of the 
 several States. 
 
 He offered his resolution in the following 
 language : " Whereas the Union is in 
 danger, and, owing to the unhappy divi- 
 sion existing in Congress, it would be dif- 
 ficult, if not impossible, for that body to 
 cojicur in both its branches by the re- 
 quisite majority, so as to enable it either 
 to adopt such measures of legislation, or 
 to recommend to the States such amend-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. 
 
 105 
 
 ments to the Constitution, as are deemed 
 necessary and proper to avert that danger ; 
 and whereas in so great an emergency the 
 opinion and judgment of the peoj)le ought 
 to be heard, and would be the best and 
 surest guide to their Representatives ; 
 Therefore, Resolved, That provision ought 
 to be made by hxw without (k'hiy for tak- 
 ing the sense of the people and sul)mitting 
 to their vote the following resolution [the 
 same as in his former amendment], as the 
 basis for the final and permanent settle- 
 ment of those disputes that now disturb 
 the peace of the country and threaten the 
 existence of the Union." 
 
 Memorials in its favor poured into Con- 
 gress from portions of the North, even 
 from New England. One of these pre- 
 Bented to the Senate was from " the Mayor 
 and members of the Board of Aldermen 
 and the Common Council of the city of 
 Boston, and over 22,000 citizens of the 
 State of Massachusetts, praying the adop- 
 tion of the compromise measures proposed 
 by Mr. Crittenden." It may be proper 
 here to observe that the resolution of Mr. 
 Crittenden did not provide in detail for 
 holding elections by which " the sense of 
 the people " could be ascertained. To sup- 
 ply this omission. Senator Bigler, of 
 Pennsylvania, on the 14th January, 18(51, 
 brought in " A bill to provide for taking 
 the sense of the people of the United 
 States on certain proposed amendments to 
 the Constitution of the United States;" 
 but never was he able to induce the Senate 
 even to consider this bill. 
 
 President Buchanan exerted all his in- 
 fluence in favor of these measures. In his 
 special message to Congress of the 8th of 
 January, 1861, after depicting the conse- 
 quences which had already resulted to the 
 country from the bare apprehension of 
 civil war and the dissolution of the Union, 
 he says : 
 
 " Let the question be transferred from 
 political assemblies to the ballot-box, and 
 the people tliemselvcs would speedily re- 
 dress the serious grievances which the 
 South have suffered. But, in Heaven's 
 name, let the trial be made before we 
 plunge into armed conflict upon the mere 
 assumjition that there is no other alterna- 
 tive. Time is a great conservative power. 
 Let us ])ause at this momentous point, and 
 afford the people, both North and South, 
 an opportunity for reflection. Would that 
 South Carolina had been convinced of this 
 truth before her precipitate action ! I, 
 therefore, appeal through you to the peo- 
 ple of the country, to declare in their 
 might that the Union must and shall be 
 preserved by all constitutional means. I 
 most earnestly recommend that you devote 
 yourselves exclusively to the question how 
 this can be accomplished in peace. All 
 other questions, when compared with this, 
 
 sink into insignificance. The present is no 
 time for palliatives ; action, jirompt action 
 is required. A delay in Congress to pre- 
 scribe or to recommend a distinct and 
 l)ractical proposition for conciliation, may 
 drive us to a point from which it will be 
 almost impossible to recede. 
 
 " A common ground on which concilia- 
 tion and harmony can be produced is 
 surely not unattaiiialjle. The proj)osition 
 to comj^romise by letting the North have 
 exclusive control of the territory above a 
 certain line, and to give Southern institu- 
 tions protection below that line, ought to 
 receive universal approbation. In itself, 
 indeed, it may not be entirely satisfact<jry, 
 but when the alternative is between a 
 reasonable concession on both sides and a 
 dissolution of the Union, it is an imputa- 
 tion on the patriotism of Congress to assert 
 that its members will hesitate for a mo- 
 ment." 
 
 This recommendation was totally disre- 
 garded. On the 14th January, 18()1, Mr. 
 Crittenden made an unsuccessful attenijjt 
 to have it considered, but it was postponed 
 until the day following. On this day it 
 was again postponed by the vote of every 
 Kepuiilican Senator present, in order to 
 make way for the Pacific Railroad bill. On 
 the third attempt (January 16,) he suc- 
 ceeded, but by a majority of a single vote, 
 in bringing his resolution before the body. 
 Eveiy Republican Senator present voted 
 against its consideration. Mr. Clark, a 
 Republican Senator from New Hampshire, 
 moved to strike out the entire preamble 
 and resolution of Mr. Crittenden, and in 
 lieu thereof insert as a su))stitute a pream- 
 ble and resolution in accordance with the 
 Chicago platform. This motion prevailed 
 by a vote of 25 to 23, every Reiniblican 
 Senator present having voted in its favor. 
 Thus Mr. Crittenden's proposition to refer 
 the question to the people was buried 
 under the Clark amendment. This con- 
 tinued to be its position for more than six 
 weeks, until the day before the final ad- 
 journment of Congress, 2d March, wlien 
 the proposition itself was defeated by a 
 vote of 1!) in the affirmative against 20 in 
 the negative. 
 
 The Clark Amendment prevailed only 
 in consequence of the refusal of six Seces- 
 sion Senators to vote against it. These 
 were INIessrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of 
 Louisiana ; ^Ir. Iverson, of Georgia ; 
 Messrs. Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas; 
 and Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas. Had these 
 gentlemen voted with the Ijorder slave- 
 holding States and the other Democratic 
 Senators, the Clark Amendment would 
 have been defeated, and the Senate would 
 then have been brought to a direct vote 
 on the Crittenden resolution. 
 
 It is proper for reference that tlic names 
 of those Senators who constituted the ma-
 
 106 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 jority on this question, should be placed 
 upon record. Every vote given from the 
 six New England States was in opposition 
 to Mr. Crittenden's resolution. These con- 
 sisted of Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire ; 
 Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachu- 
 setts ; Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island ; 
 Messrs, Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut ; 
 Mr. Foot, of Vermont ; and Mr. Fessen- 
 den, of Maine. The remaining twelve 
 votes, in order to make up the 20, were 
 given by Messrs. Bingham and Wade, of 
 Ohio ; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois ; Messrs. 
 Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan ; 
 ^Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa ; 
 Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wiscon- 
 sin ; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota ; Mr. 
 King, of New York ; and Mr. Ten Eyck, 
 of New Jersey. The Republicans not 
 voting were Hale of New Hampshire ; 
 Simmons of Rhode Island ; Collamer of 
 Vermont ; Seward of New York, and 
 Cameron of Pennsylvania. They refrained 
 from various motives, but in the majority 
 of instances because they disbelieved in 
 any effort to comjiromise, for nearly all 
 were recognized leaders of the more radi- 
 cal sentiment, and in favor of coercion of 
 the South by energetic use of the war 
 powers of the government. This was spe- 
 cially true of Hale, Seward, and General 
 Cameron, shortly after Secretary of War, 
 and the first Cabinet officer who favored 
 the raising of an immense army and the 
 early liberation and arming of the slaves. 
 
 On December 4th, 1860, on motion of 
 Mr. Boteler of Virginia, so much of Presi- 
 dent Buchanan's message as related to the 
 perilous condition of the country, was re- 
 ferred to a sj)ecial committee of one from 
 each State, as follows : 
 
 Corwin of Ohio ; Millson of Virginia ; 
 Adams of Massachusetts ; W^inslow of 
 North Carolina ; Humphrey of New York ; 
 Boyce of South Carolina ; Campbell of 
 Pennsylvania; Love of Georgia; Ferry of 
 Connecticut ; Davis of Maryland ; Robin- 
 son of Rhode Island ; Whiteley of Dela- 
 ware; Tappan of New Hampshire; Strat- 
 ton of New .Ii-rsey ; Bristow of Kentucky ; 
 Morrill of Vermont ; Nelson of Tennessee; 
 Dunn of Indiana; Taylor of Louisiana; 
 Davis of Mississippi; Kellogg of Illinois; 
 Houston of Alal)aiiui; Morse of ]\Iaine ; 
 Pheljis of IMissouri ; Ilust of Arkansas ; 
 Howard of Michigan ; Ilawkinsof Florida; 
 Hamilton ofTexas; Wuslilnirii of Wiscon- 
 sin ; Curtis of Jowa; ruirch of California; 
 Windom of Minnesota ; Stout of Oregon. 
 
 Messrs. Hawkins and Boyce asked to be 
 excused from service on the Committee, 
 but the House refused. 
 
 From this (.'ommittec Mr. Corwin report- 
 ed, .January I4tli, IXfJl, a series of proposi- 
 tions with a written statement in advocacy 
 thereof. Several miiiorrity reports were 
 presented, but the following Joint Reso- 
 
 lution is the only one which secured the 
 assent of both Houses. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. 
 
 Be it resolved hij the Senate and House of 
 Representatives of the United States of 
 Ama'ica in Congress assembled, two-thirds 
 of both Houses concurring, That the fol- 
 lowing article be proposed to the Legisla- 
 tures of the several States as an amend- 
 ment to the Constitution of the United 
 States, which, when ratified by three- 
 fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, 
 to all intents and purposes, as a part of the 
 said Constitution, namely: 
 
 Art. XII. No amendment shall be 
 made to the Constitution which will auth- 
 orize or give to Congress the power to 
 abolish or interfere within any State, with 
 the domestic institutions thereof, including 
 that of persons held to labor or service by 
 the laws of said State. 
 
 The Legislatures of Ohio and Maryland 
 agreed to the amendment promptly, but 
 events followed so rapidly, that the atten- 
 tion of other States was drawn from it, and 
 nothing came of this, the only Congres- 
 sional movement endorsed which looked to 
 reconciliation. Other propositions came 
 from the Border and individual states, but 
 all alike failed. 
 
 Tlie Peace Convention. 
 
 The General Assembly of Virginia, on 
 the 19th of January, adopted resolutions 
 inviting Representatives of the several 
 States to assemble in a Peace Convention 
 at Washington, which met on the 4th of 
 February. It was composed of 133 Com- 
 missioners, many from the border States, 
 and the object of these was to prevail upon 
 their associates from the North to unite 
 with them in such recommendations to 
 Congress as would prevent their own States 
 from seceding and enable them to bring 
 back six of the cotton States which had 
 already seceded. 
 
 One month only of the session of Con- 
 gress remained. Within this brief period 
 it was necessary that the Convention 
 should recommend amendments to the 
 Constitution in sufficient time to enable 
 both Houses to act upon them before their 
 final adjournment. It was also essential 
 to success that these amendments should 
 be sustained by a decided majority of the 
 commissioners both from the Northern 
 and the border States. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 6th Fcbruaiy, a re- 
 solution w.as adopted,* on motion of I\Ir. 
 Guthrie, of Kentucky, to refer the resolu- 
 tions of the General Assembly of Virginia, 
 and all other kindred subjects, to a com- 
 mittee to consist of one commissioner 
 
 * Offlciul Journiil of the Convention, pp. 9 and 10.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE PEACE CONVENTION, 
 
 107 
 
 from each State, to be selected by the 
 respective State delegations ; and to pre- 
 vent delay they were instructed to report 
 on or before the Friday following (the 8th), 
 " what they may deem right, necessary, 
 and proper to restore harmony and pre- 
 serve the Union," 
 
 This committee, instead of reporting on 
 the day appointed, did not report until 
 Friday^ the 15th February. 
 
 The amendments reported by a majority 
 of the committee, through j\ir. Guthrie, 
 their chairman, were substantially the 
 same with the Crittenden Com])romise ; 
 but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Mary- 
 land, the general terms of the first and by far 
 the most important section were restricted 
 to the present Territories of the United 
 States. On motion of Mr. Franklin, of 
 Pennsylvania, this , section was further 
 amended, but not materially changed, by 
 the adoption of the substitute offered by 
 him. Nearly in this form it was afterwards 
 adopted by the Convention. The follow- 
 ing is a copy : " In all the j^rescnt territory 
 of the United States north of the parallel 
 of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of 
 north latitude, involuntary servitude, ex- 
 cept in punishment of crime, is prohibited. 
 In all the present territoiy south of that 
 line, the status of persons held to involun- 
 tary service or labor, as it now exists, shall 
 not be changed ; nor shall any law be 
 passed by Congress or the Territorial Le- 
 gislature to hinder or prevent the taking 
 of such persons from any of the States of 
 this Union to said territory, nor to impair 
 the rights arising from said relation; but 
 the same shall be subject to judicial cogni- 
 zance in the Federal courts, acording to 
 the course of the common law. When any 
 Territory north or south of said line, with- 
 in such boundary as Congress may pre- 
 scribe, shall contain a population equal to 
 that required for a member of Congress, it 
 shall, if its form of government be repub- 
 lican, be admitted into the Union on an 
 equal footing with the original States, with 
 or without involuntary servitude, as the 
 Constitution of such State may provide." 
 
 Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, and Mr. 
 Seddon, of Virginia, made minority re- 
 ports, which they proposed to substitute 
 for that of the majority. INIr. Baldwin's 
 report was a recommendation " to the 
 several States to unite with Kentucky in 
 her application to Congress to call a Con- 
 vention for proposing amendments to the 
 Constitution of the United States, to be 
 submitted to the Legislatures of the several 
 States, or to Conventions therein, for rati- 
 fication, as the one or the other mode of 
 ratification may be proposed by Congress, 
 in accordance with the provisions in the 
 fifth article of the Constitution." 
 
 The proposition of Mr. Baldwin, re- 
 ceived the votes of eight of the twenty-one 
 
 States. These consisted of the whole of 
 the New England States, except Khode 
 Island, and of Illinois, Iowa, and New 
 York, all being free States. 
 
 The first amendment reported by Mr. 
 Sedd(m differed from that of the majority 
 inasmuch as it embraced not only the 
 present but all future Territories. This 
 was rejected. His second amendment, 
 which, however, was never voted upon \>y 
 the Convention, went so far as distinctly 
 to recognize the right of secession. 
 
 More than ten days were consumed in 
 discussion and in voting upon various pro- 
 positions offered by individual commis- 
 sioners. The final vote was not reached 
 until Tuesday, the 2Gth February, when 
 it was taken on the first vitally important 
 section, as amended. 
 
 This section, on which all the rest de- 
 pended, was negatived by a vote of eight 
 States to eleven. Those which voted in 
 its favor were Delaware, Kentucky, Mary- 
 land, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, and Tennessee. And those 
 in the negative were Connecticut, Illinois, 
 Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, 
 New York, North Carolina, New Hamp- 
 shire, Vermont, and Virginia. It is but 
 justice to say that Messrs. Ruffin and More- 
 head, of North Carolina, and jNIessrs. Rives 
 and Summers, of Virginia, two of the five 
 commissioners from each of these States, 
 declared their dissent from the vote of 
 their respective States. So, also, did 
 Messrs. Bronson, Corning, Dodge, Wool, 
 and Granger, five of the eleven New York 
 commissioners, dissent from the vote of 
 their State. On the other hand, Messrs. 
 Meredith and Wilmot, two of the seven 
 commissioners from Pennsylvania, dis- 
 sented from the majority in voting in favor 
 of the section. Thus would the Conven- 
 tion have terminated but for the inter- 
 position of Illinois. Immediately after 
 the section had been negatived, the com- 
 missioners from that State made a motion 
 to reconsider the vote, and this prevailed. 
 The Convention afterwards adjourned un- 
 til the next morning. When they reassem- 
 bled (February 27,) the first section was 
 adopted, but only by a majority of nine to 
 eight States, nine being less than a ma- 
 jority of the States represented. This 
 change was effected by a change of the vote 
 of Illinois from the negative to the affirm- 
 ative, by Missouri withholding her vote, 
 and by a tie in the New York commis- 
 sioners, on account of the absence of one 
 of their number, rendering it imi)Ossible 
 for the State to vote. Still Virginia .and 
 North Carolina, and Connecticut, Maine, 
 Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Ver- 
 mont, persisted in voting in the negative. 
 From the nature of this vote, it was mani- 
 festly impossible that two-tliirds of b"th 
 Houses of Congress should act favorably
 
 108 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 on the amendment, even if the delay had 
 not already rendered such action imprac- 
 ticable before the close of the session. 
 
 The remaining sections of the amend- 
 ment were carried by small majorities. 
 The Convention, on the same day, through 
 Mr. Tyler, their President, communicated 
 to the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives the amendment they had adopted, 
 embracing all the sections, with a request 
 that it might be submitted by Congress, 
 under the Constitution, to the several State 
 Legislatures. In the Senate this was im- 
 mediately referred to a select committee, 
 on motion of Mr. Crittenden. The com- 
 mittee, on the next day (28th Feb.), re- 
 ported a joint resolution proposing it as an 
 amendment to the Constitution, but he was 
 never able to bring the Senate to a direct 
 vote upon it. Failing in this, he made a 
 motion to substitute the amendment of the 
 Peace Convention for his own. 
 
 Mr. Crittenden's reasons failed to con- 
 vince the Senate, and his motion was re- 
 jected by a large majority (28 to 7). Then 
 next in succession came the memorable 
 vote on Mr. Crittenden's own resolution, 
 and it was in its turn defeated, as we have 
 already stated, by a majority of 20 against 
 19. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, the 
 amendment proposed by the Convention 
 was treated with still less consideration 
 than it had been by the Senate. The 
 Speaker was refused leave even to present 
 it. Every effort made for this purpose 
 was successfully resisted by leading Repub- 
 lican members. The consequence is that 
 a copy of it does not even appear in the 
 Journal. 
 
 The refusal to pass the Crittenden or any 
 other Compromise heightened the excite-* 
 ment in the South, where many showed 
 great reluctance to dividing the Union. 
 Georgia, though one of the cotton States, 
 under the influence of conservative men 
 like Alex. H. Stephens, showed greater 
 concern for the Union than any other, and 
 it took all the influence of spirits like that 
 of Robert Toombs to bring her to favor 
 secession. She was the most powerful of 
 the cotton States and the richest, as she is 
 to-day. On the 22d of December, 1860, 
 Robert Toombs sent the following exciting 
 telegrajiliic manifesto from Washington: 
 
 teUow- Citizens of Georffia : I came here 
 to secure your constitutional rights, or to 
 demonstrate to you that you can get no 
 guarantees for these rights from your North- 
 ern Confedcnites. 
 
 The whole subject was referred to a com- 
 mittee of tliirtecn in the Senate! yesterday. 
 I Wits appointed on tlie committee and ac- 
 cepted the trust. I submitted j)ropositions, 
 which, 80 far from receiving decided sup- 
 
 I)ort from a single member of the Repnh- 
 ican party on the committee, were all 
 
 treated with either derision or contempt. 
 The vote was then taken in committee on 
 the amendments to the Constitution, pro- 
 posed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Ken- 
 tucky, and each and all of them were voted 
 against, unanimously, by the Black Re- 
 publican members of the committee. 
 
 In addition to these facts, a majority of 
 the Black Republican members of the 
 committee declared distinctly that they 
 had no guarantees to offer, which was si- 
 lently acquiesced in by the other members. 
 
 The Black Republican members of this 
 Committee of Thirteen are representative 
 men of their party and section, and to the 
 extent of my information, truly represent 
 the Committee of Thirty-three in the House, 
 which on Tuesday adjourned for a week 
 without coming to any vote, after solemnly 
 pledging themselves to vote on all proposi- 
 tions then before them on that date. 
 
 That committee is controlled by Black 
 Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to 
 amuse you with delusive hope until your 
 election, in order that you may defeat the 
 friends of secession. If you are deceived 
 by them, it shall not be my fault. I have 
 put the test fairly and frankly. It is de- 
 cisive against you ; and now I tell you up- 
 on the faith of a true man that all further 
 looking to the North for security for your 
 constitutional rights in the Union ought to 
 be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with 
 nothing but ruin to yourselves and your 
 posterity. 
 
 Secession by the fourth of March next 
 should be thundered from the ballot-box 
 by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the 
 second day of January next. Such a voice 
 will be your best guarantee for liberty, 
 
 SECURITY, TRANQUILLITY and GLORY, 
 
 Robert Toombs. 
 
 important telegraphic correspond- 
 ENCE. 
 
 Atlanta, Georgia, December 26th, 1860, 
 Hon. S. A. Douglas or Hon. J. J. Critten- 
 den : 
 
 Mr. Toombs's despatch of the 22d inst. 
 unsettled conservatives here. Is there any 
 hope for Southern rights in the Union ? We 
 are for the Union of our fathers, if South- 
 ern rights can be preserved in it. If not, 
 we are for secession. Can we yet lujpe 
 the Union will be preserved on this jjrin- 
 ciple? You are looked to in this emer- 
 gency. Give us your views by despatcli 
 and oblige 
 
 William Ezzard. 
 
 Robert W. Sims. 
 
 James P. Hambleton. 
 
 Thomas S. Powell. 
 
 8. G. Howell, 
 
 J. A. Hayden. 
 
 G. W. Adair. 
 
 R. C. Honlester.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 109 
 
 Washington, December 29th, 1860. 
 In reply to your inquiry, we have hopes 
 that the riglits of the South, and of every 
 State and section, may be protected within 
 the Union. Don't give up the ship. Don't 
 despair of the llepublic. 
 
 J. J. Crittenden. 
 S. A. Douglas. 
 
 Congress, amid excitement wliich tlie 
 above dispatches indicate, and which was 
 general, remained for several weeks com- 
 paratively inactive. Buchanan sent mes- 
 sages, but his suggestions were distrusted 
 by the Republicans, who stood firm in the 
 conviction that when Lincoln took his seat, 
 and the new Congress came in, they could 
 pass naeasures calculated to restore the 
 property of and protect the integrity of the 
 Union. None of th.em believed in the 
 right of secession ; all had lost faith in 
 compromises, and all of this party repudi- 
 ated the theory that Congress had no right 
 to coerce a State. The revival of these 
 questions, revived also the logical thoughts 
 of Webster in his great reply to Hayne, 
 and the way in which he then expanded 
 the constitution was now accepted as the 
 jiroper doctrine of Republicanism on that 
 question. No partisan sophistry could 
 shake the convictions made by Webster, 
 and so apt were his arguments in their 
 application to every new development that 
 they supplied every logical want in the 
 Northern mind. Republican orators and 
 newspapers quoted and endorsed, until 
 nearly every reading mind was imbued 
 with the same sentiments, until in fact tho 
 Northern Democrats, and at all times the 
 Douglas Democrats, were ready to stand 
 by the flag of the Union. George W. 
 Curtis, in Harper^ s Weekly (a journal which 
 at the time graphically illustrated the best 
 Union thoughts and sentiments), in an 
 issue as late as January 12th, 1872, well 
 described the power of Webster's grand 
 ability * over a crisis which he did not live 
 to see, Mr. Curtis says : — 
 
 " The war for the Union was a vindica- 
 tion of that theory of its nature which 
 Webster had maintained in a memorably 
 impregnable and conclusive manner. His 
 second speech on Foot's resolution — the 
 reply to Hayne — was the most famous 
 and effective speech ever delivered in this 
 country. It stated clearly and fixed firmly 
 in the American mind the theory of the 
 government, which was not. indeed, origi- 
 nal with Webster, but which is nowhere 
 else presented with such complete and in- 
 exorable reason as in this speech. If the 
 poet be the man who is so consummate a 
 master of expression that he only says per- 
 
 * The text of Webster's speech in reply to Ha.vne, now- 
 accepted as the greatest constitutional oxi)osition ever 
 made by any American orator, will be found in our book 
 devoted to Great Speeches on Great Issues. 
 
 fectly what everybody thinks, upon this 
 great occasion the orator was the poet. He 
 spoke the profound but often obscured and 
 dimly conceived conviction of a nation. 
 He made the whole argument of the civil 
 war a generation before the war occurred, 
 and it has remained unanswered and un- 
 answerable. Mr. Everett, in his discourse 
 at the dedication of the statute of Webster, 
 in the State-House grounds in Boston in 
 1859, described the orator at the delivery 
 of this great speech. The evening before 
 he seemed to be so careless that ]\Ir. Ever- 
 ett feared that he might not be fully aware 
 of the gravity of the occasion. But when 
 the hour came, the man was there. ' As I 
 saw him in the evening, if I may borrow 
 an illustration from his favorite amuse- 
 ment,' said Mr. Everett, 'he was as un- 
 concerned and as free of s])irit as some here 
 have often seen him while floating in his 
 fishing-boat along a hazy sliore, gently 
 rocking on the tranquil tide, dropping his 
 line here and there with the varying for- 
 tune of the sport. The next morning he 
 was like some mighty admiral, dark and 
 terrible, casting the long shadow of his 
 frowning tiers far over the sea, that seemed 
 to sink beneath him; his broad pennant 
 streaming at the main, the Stars and Stripes 
 at the fore, the mizzen, and the peak, and 
 bearing down like a temj^est upon his an- 
 tagonist, with all his canvas strained to the 
 wind, and all his thunders roaring from 
 his broadsides.' This passage well sug- 
 gests that indescribable impression of great 
 oratory which Rufus Choate, in his eulogy 
 of Webster at Dartmouth College, conveys 
 by a felicitous citation of what Quintilian 
 says of Hortensius, that there was some 
 s]iell in the spoken word which the reader 
 misses." 
 
 As we have remarked, the Republicans 
 were awaiting the coming of a near and 
 greater power to themselves, and at the 
 same time jealously watching the move- 
 ments of the friends of the South in Con- 
 gress and in the President's Cabinet. It 
 needed all their w.atchfulness to ])revent 
 advantages which the secessionists thought 
 they had a right to take. Thus .Tefterson 
 Davis, on .Tanuary 9th, 18(50, introduced 
 to the senate a bill " to authorize the sale 
 of public arms to the several States and 
 Territories," and as secession became more 
 probable he sought to press its passage, but 
 failed. Floyd, the Secretary of War, w;vs 
 far more successful, and his conduct was 
 made the subject of the following historic 
 and most remarkable report : — 
 
 Transrer of V. S. Amis South In 1859-60. 
 
 Report (Abstract of) made by Mr. B. 
 Stanton, from the Committee on Military
 
 110 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 Affairs, in House of Eepresentatives, Feb. 
 
 18th, 18G1. 
 
 The Committee on Military Affairs, to 
 whom was referred the resolution of the 
 House of Representatives of 31st of De- 
 cember last, instructing said committee to 
 inquire and report to the House, how, to 
 whom, and at what price, the public arms 
 distributed since the first day of January, 
 A. D. 1860, have been disposed of; and 
 also into the condition of the forts, arsenals, 
 dock-yards, etc., etc., submit the following 
 report : 
 
 That it appears from the papers herewith 
 submitted, that Mr. Floyd, the late Secre- 
 tary of War, bv the authority or under 
 color of the law of :\Iarch 3d, 1825, author- 
 izing the Secretary of War to sell any arms, 
 ammunition, or other military stores which 
 should be found unsuitable for the piiblic 
 service, sold to sundry persons and States 
 31,610 flint-lock muskets, altered to per- 
 cussion, at $2.50 each, between the 1st 
 dav of January, A. D. 1860, and the 1st day 
 of "January, a.d., 1861. It will be seen from 
 the testimony of Colonel Craig and Captain 
 Maynadier, that they differ as to whether 
 the' arms so sold had been found, "upon 
 proper inspection, to be unsuitable for the 
 public service." 
 
 Whilst the Committtee do not deem it 
 important to decide this question, they say, 
 that in their judgment it would require a 
 very liberal construction of the law to 
 bring these sales within its provisions. 
 
 It also appears that on the 21st day of 
 November last, Mr. Belknap made applica- 
 tion to the Secretary of War for the pur- 
 chase of from one to two hundred and fifty 
 thousand United States muskets, flint-locks 
 and altered to percussion, at $2.15 each; 
 but the Secretary alleges that the acceptance 
 was made under a misapprehension of the 
 price bid, he supposing it was $2.50 each, 
 instead of $2.15. 
 
 Mr. Belknap denies all knowledge of any 
 mistake or misapprehension, and insists 
 upon the performance of his contract. 
 
 The present Secretary refuses to recog- 
 nize the contract, and the muskets have 
 not been delivered to Mr. Belknap. 
 
 Mr. liclknap testifies that the muskets 
 were intended for the Sardinian govern- 
 ment. 
 
 It will appear by the papers herewith 
 submitted, that on the 29tli of December, 
 1850, the Secretary of War ordered the 
 transfer of 05,000 percussion muskets, 40- 
 000 muskets altered to percussion, andlO- 
 000 percussion rifles, from the Springfield 
 Armory and the Watertown and Wat<T- 
 vliet Arsenals, to the Arsenals at Fayettc- 
 ville, N, C, Charleston, S. C, Augusta, Ga., 
 Mount Vernon, Ala., and Baton Koul'(>, 
 La., and that these arms were distributed 
 during the spring of 1800 as follows : 
 
 Percussion Altered 
 
 muski'ts. muskets. Rifles. 
 
 To Cliarleston Arsenal, 0,280 5,720 2,000 
 
 To North Carolina Arsenal, loASO 9,520 • 2,000 
 
 To Augusta Arsenal, 12,380 7,020 2,000 
 
 To Mount Vernon Arsonal, 9,280 5,7J0 2,000 
 
 To Baton Ilouge Arsenal, 18,580 11,420 2,000 
 
 65,000 40,000 10,000 
 
 All of these arms, except those sent to 
 the North Carolina Arsenal,* have been 
 seized by the authorities of the several 
 States of South Carolina, Alabama, Loui- 
 siana and Georgia, and are no longer in 
 possession of the United States. 
 
 It will appear by the testimony herewith 
 presented, that on the 20th of October last 
 the Secretary of War ordered forty colum- 
 biads and four thirty-two pounders to be 
 sent from the Arsenal at Pittsburg to the 
 fort on Ship Island, on the coast of Missis- 
 sippi, then in an unfinished condition ,i.and 
 seventy columbiads and seven thirty-two 
 pounders to be sent from the same Arsenal 
 to the fort at Galveston, in Texas, the 
 building of which had scarcely been com- 
 menced. 
 
 This order was given to the Secretary of 
 War, without any report from the Engineer 
 department showing that said works were 
 ready for their armament, or that the guns 
 were needed at either of said points. 
 
 It will be seen by the testimony of Cap- 
 tain Wright, of the Engineer department, 
 that the fort at Galveston cannot be ready 
 for its entire armament in less than about 
 five years, nor for any part of it in less than 
 two ; and that the fort at Ship Island will 
 require an appropriation of $85,000 and 
 one year's time before it can be ready for 
 any part of its armament. This last named 
 fort has been taken possession of by the 
 State authorities of Mississippi. 
 
 The order of the late Secretary of War 
 (Floyd) was countermanded by the present 
 Secretary (Holt) beibre it had been fully 
 executed by the shipment of said guns from 
 
 Pittsburg.f 
 
 It will be seen by a communication from 
 the Ordnance oflice of the 21st of January 
 last, that bv the last returns there were re- 
 maining in the United States arsenals and 
 armories the following small arms, viz : 
 Percussion muskets and muskets 
 altered to percussion of calibre 
 
 69 .: 499,554 
 
 Percussion rifles, calibre 54 42,011 
 
 Total 541,565 
 
 * Tlieso were afterwardfi seized. 
 
 t TIk' attempted removal of tlieso heavy guns from Al- 
 Irplimy Arsenal, late in I)ec<'mber, 18fiO, created intense 
 exciten'i.'nt, A monster mass meotinR assemliled at tho 
 rijl of the Mavor of tho city, and eiti/.ens of all piirtU'S 
 aided in the effort to prevent tlie shipment. Tliroiipch 
 tlie interpositicjn of Hon. .1. K. Moorhead, Hon. U. Mc- 
 Kiiiu'lit, JudRe Shaler. ,Iud(,'o Wilkins, .hidgo Shannon, 
 and others inquiry was instituted, and a revocation of 
 til.' onlerolitained." The Secessionists in ront;reHKliitlerly 
 eomiilaiiied of tlie " nioh law" which thus interf<'red with 
 tho routine of governmental uffairs.-Mcl'hersou'B Uistory.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 HI 
 
 Of these 60,878 were deposited in the 
 arsenals of Soutli Cart)lina, Alabama, and 
 Louisiana, and are in the possession of the 
 authorities of those States, reducing the 
 number in possession of the United States 
 to 4S0,G87. 
 
 Since the date of said communication, 
 the luUowini^ additional forts and military 
 posts have been taken possession of by 
 parties acting under the authority of the 
 States in which they are respectively situ- 
 ated, viz : 
 
 Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. 
 
 Fort Morgan, Alabama. 
 
 Baton Rouge Barracks, Louisiana. 
 
 Fort Jackson, Louisiana. 
 
 Fort St. Philip, 
 
 Fort Pike, Louisiana. 
 
 Oglethorpe Barracks, Georgia. 
 
 And the department has been unofficially 
 advised that the arsenal at Chattahoochee, 
 Forts ]\[cRea and Barrancas, and Barracks, 
 have been seized by the authorities of. 
 Florida. 
 
 To what further extent the small arms 
 in possession of the United States may 
 have been reduced by these figures, your 
 committee have not been advised. 
 
 The whole number of the sea-board forts 
 in the United States is fifty-seven; their 
 appropriate garrison in war would require 
 2(j,420 men ; their actual garrison at this 
 time is 1,334 men, 1,308 of whom are in 
 the forts at Governor's Island, New York ; 
 Fort McHenry, Maryland ; Fort Monroe, 
 Virginia, and at Alcatraz Island, California, 
 in the harl)or of San Francisco. 
 
 From the facts elicited, it is certain that 
 the regular military force of the United 
 States, is wholly inadequate to the pro- 
 tection of the forts, arsenals, dockyards, 
 and other property of the United States 
 in the present disturbed condition of 
 the country. The regular army numbers 
 only 18,000 men when recruited to its 
 maximum strength, and the whole of this 
 force is required for the protection of the 
 border settlements against Indian depreda- 
 tions. Unless it is the intention of Con- 
 gress that the forts, arsenals, dock-yards 
 and other public property, shall be exposed 
 to capture and si)oliation, the President 
 must be armed with additional force for 
 their protection. 
 
 In the opinion of the Committee the law 
 of February 28th, 1795, confers upon the 
 President ample power to call out the mili- 
 tia,to execute the laws and protect the ])ublic 
 property. But as the late Attorney-General 
 has given a different opinion, the Commit- 
 tee to remove all doubt upon the subject, 
 report the accompanying bill, etc. 
 
 OTHEK ITEMS. 
 
 Stutcmt-nl of Arrm dinlribiiled by Sale sinee the fimt of 
 Jannarij, 1800, to whviii sold and the place whence told. 
 
 1 8(10. A menaU. 
 
 To whom sold. No. Date of Sale. Where »oW. 
 
 .r. W. Zachiirif & Co 4,000 Feb 3 St. Louis. 
 
 .liimi'S T. Ames 1,IHJ(J Mar. 14 New York. 
 
 ('ai)tain G. liarry 80 Juno H St. Louis. 
 
 W. C. N. Swift 400 Aug. 31 Springfleld. 
 
 do 80 Nov. l:J do. 
 
 State of Alabama 1.000 Sep. 27 Baton l^JUgo. 
 
 do 2,500 Nov. 14 do. 
 
 State gf Vir{;inia 5,000 Nov. 6 Washington. 
 
 Pliillips county, .Vrk 50 Nov. 16 St. Louis. 
 
 G. IJ. Lamar lO.fXK) Nov. 24 Watervliet. 
 
 The arms were all flint-lock muskets 
 altered to percussion, and were all sold at 
 $2.50 each, except those purchased by Cap- 
 tain G. Barry and by the Phillips county 
 volunteers, for which $2 each were paid. 
 
 The Mol)ile Advertiser says : " During 
 the i^ast year 135,430 muskets have been 
 quietly transferred from the Northern Ar- 
 senal at Springfield alone, to those in the 
 Southern States. We are much obliged to 
 Secretary Floyd for the foresight he has 
 thus displayed in disarming the North and 
 equipping the South for this emergency. 
 There is no telling the quantity of arms 
 and munitions which were sent South from 
 other Northern arsenals. There is no doubt 
 but that every man in the South who can 
 carry a gun can now be supplied from \n\- 
 vate or public sources. The Springfield 
 contribution alone would arm all the mili- 
 tiamen of Alabama and Mississi])pi." 
 
 General Scott, in his letter of December 
 2d, 18G2, on the early history of the Rebel- 
 lion, states that " Rhode Island, Delaware 
 and Texas had not drawn, at the end of 
 18G0, their annual quotas of arms for that 
 year, and Massachusetts, Tennessee, and 
 Kentucky only in part; Virginia, South 
 Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, 
 Louisiana, Mississippi and Kansas were, by 
 order of the Secretary of War, supplied 
 with their quotas for 1861 in advance, and 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland in part." 
 
 This advance of arms to eight Southern 
 States is in addition to the transfer, about 
 the same time, of 115,000 muskets to South- 
 ern arsenals, as per Mr. Stanton's report. 
 
 Governor Letcher of Virginia, in his 
 Message of December, 1861, says, that for 
 some time prior to secession, he had l)een 
 engaged in purchasing arms, ammunition, 
 etc.; among which were 13 Parrott rifled 
 cannon, and 5,000 muskets. He desired to 
 buy from the United States Government 
 10,000 more, when buying the 5,000, but 
 he says " the authorities declined to sell 
 them to us, although five times the number 
 were then in the arsenal at Washington." 
 
 Had Jefferson Davis' bill relative to the 
 purchase of arms become a law, the result 
 might have been different. 
 
 This and similar action on the part of 
 the South, especially the attempted seizure 
 and occupation of forts, convinced many
 
 112 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of the Republicans that no compromise 
 could endure, however earnest its advo- 
 cates from the Border States, and this 
 earnestness was unquestioned. Besides 
 their attachment to the Union, they knew 
 that in the threatened war they would be 
 the greatest suflerers, with their people di- 
 vided neighbor against neighbor, their 
 lands laid waste, and their houses destroy- 
 ed. They had every motive for earnest- 
 ness in the eifort to conciliate the disagree- 
 ing sections. 
 
 The oddest partisan feature in the en- 
 tire preliminary and political struggle w-as 
 the attempt, in the parlance of the day, of 
 "New York to secede from New York" — 
 an oddity verified by Mayor "Wood's recom- 
 mendation in favor of the secession of New 
 York city, made January 6th, 1861. The 
 document deserves a place in this history, 
 as it shows the views of a portion of tlie 
 citizens then, and an exposition of their 
 interests as jiresented by a citizen before 
 and since named by repeated elections to 
 Congress. 
 
 Mayor 'Wood's Secession Message. 
 
 To the Honorable the Common Council : 
 
 Gentlemen: — We are entering upon 
 the public duties of the year under circum- 
 stances as unprecedented as they are 
 gloomy and painful to contemplate. The 
 great trading and producing interests of 
 not only the city of New York, but of the 
 entire country, are prostrated by a mone- 
 tar)"^ crisis ; and although similar calami- 
 ties have before befallen us, it is the first 
 time that they have emanated from causes 
 having no other origin than that which 
 may be traced to political disturbances. 
 Truly, may it now be said, " We are in the 
 midst of a revolution bloodless as yet." 
 Whether the dreadful alternative implied 
 as probable in the conclusion of this pro- 
 phetic quotation may be averted, " no hu- 
 man ken can divine." It is quite certain 
 that the severity of the storm is unexam- 
 pled in our history, and if the disintegra- 
 tion of the P'ederal Government, with the 
 consequent destruction of all tlie material 
 interests of the peo])le shall not follow, it 
 will 1)6 owing more to the interposition of 
 Divine Providence, than to the inherent 
 preventive power of our institutions, or 
 the intervention of any other human 
 agency. 
 
 It would seem that a dissolution of the 
 Federal I'nion is inevitable. Having been 
 formed originally on a basis of general and 
 mutual protection, but separate local inde- 
 pendence — each State reserving the entire 
 and absolute control of itri own domestic 
 affairs, it is <"vi(lently impossible to kcej) 
 them togetlier longer than they deem 
 them8elve.s fairly treated by each other, or 
 
 longer than the interests, honor and fra- 
 ternity of the people of the several States 
 are satisfied. Being a Government created 
 by opinion, its continuance is dependent 
 upon the continuance of the sentiment 
 which formed it. It cannot be preserved 
 by coercion or held together by force. A 
 resort to this last dreadful alternative 
 would of itself destroy not only the Gov- 
 ernment, but the lives and property of the 
 people. 
 
 If these forebodings shall be realized, 
 and a separation of the States shall occur, 
 momentous considerations will be pre- 
 sented to the corporate authorities of this 
 city. We must provide for the new re- 
 lations which will necessarily grow out of 
 the new condition of public affairs. 
 
 It will not only be necessary for us to 
 settle the relations which we shall hold to 
 other cities and States, but to establish, if 
 we can, new ones with a portion of our 
 own State. Being the child of the Union, 
 having drawn our sustenance from its 
 bosom, and arisen to our present power 
 and strength through the vigor of our 
 mother — when deprived of her maternal 
 advantages, we must rely upon our own 
 resources and assume a position predicated 
 upon the new phase which public affairs 
 will present, and upon the inherent 
 strength which our geographical, commer- 
 cial, political, and financial pre-eminence 
 imparts to us. 
 
 With our aggrieved brethren of the 
 Slave States, we have friendly relations 
 and a common sympathy. We have not 
 ])articipated in the warfare upon their con- 
 stitutional rights or their domestic insti- 
 tutions. While other portions of our State 
 have unfortunately been imbued with the 
 fanatical spirit which actuates a portion 
 of the people of New England, the city of 
 New York has unfalteringly preserved the 
 integrity of its principles in adherence to 
 the compromises of the Constitution and 
 the equal rights of the people of all the 
 States. We have respected the local in- 
 terests of every section, at no time oi)prcss- 
 ing, but all the while aiding in the tlevel- 
 opment of the resources of the whole 
 country. Our ships have penetrated to 
 every clime, and so have New York capi- 
 tal, energy and enterprise found their way 
 to every State, and, indeed, to almost every 
 county and town of the American Union. 
 If we have derived sustenance from the 
 Union, so have we in return disseminated 
 blessinfs for the common benefit of all. 
 Therelbre, New York has a right to ex- 
 jjcct, and should endeavor to preserve a 
 continuance of uninterrupted intercourse 
 with every section. 
 
 It is, however, folly to disguise the fact 
 that, judging from the past, New York may 
 liuve more cause of apjirehension from the 
 aggressive legislation of our own State
 
 BOOKi.] CONGRESS ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION. ]13 
 
 than from external dangers. We have 
 already largely .suifercd I'roin this cause. 
 For the past five years, our interests and 
 corporate rights have been repeatedly 
 trampled upon. Being an integral portion 
 of the iState, it has been assumed, and in 
 effect tacitly admitted on our part by non- 
 resistance, that all political and govern- 
 mental power over us rested in the State 
 Legislature. Even the common right of 
 taxing ourselves for our own government, 
 has been yielded, and we are not permit- 
 ted to do so without this authority. * * * 
 
 Thus it will be seen that the political 
 connection between the people of the city 
 and the State has been usccl by the latter 
 to our injury. The Legislature, in which 
 the present partizan majority has the 
 power, has become the instrument by 
 which we are plundered to enrich their 
 speculators, lobby agents, and Abolition 
 politicians. Laws are passed through their 
 malign inHuence by which, under forms of 
 legal enactment, our burdens have been 
 increased, our substance eaten out, and 
 our municipal liberties destroyed. Self- 
 government, though guaranteed by the 
 State Constitution, and left to every other 
 county and city, has been taken from us 
 by this foreign power, whose dependents 
 have been sent among us to destroy our 
 liberties by subverting oilr political sys- 
 tem. 
 
 How we shall rid ourselves of this odi- 
 ous and oppressive connection, it is not 
 for me to determine. It is certain that a 
 dissolution cannot be peacefully accom- 
 plished, except by the consent of the 
 Legislature itself. Whether this can be 
 obtained or not, is, in my judgment, doubt- 
 ful. Deriving so much advantage from 
 its power over the city, it is not probable 
 that a partizan majority will consent to a 
 separation — and the resort to force by vio- 
 lence and revolution must not be thought 
 of for an instant. We have been distin- 
 guished as an orderly and law-abiding 
 people. Let us do nothing to forfeit this 
 character, or to add to the present dis- 
 tracted condition of public affairs. 
 
 Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of 
 the justice and policy of a separation. It 
 may be said that secession or revolution in 
 any of the United States would be subver- 
 sive of all Federal authority, and, so far 
 as the Central Government is concerned, 
 the resolving of the community into its 
 original elements — that, if part of the 
 States form new combinations and Gov- 
 ernments, (jther States may do the same. 
 California and her sisters of the Pacific 
 will no doubt set up an independent Re- 
 public and husband their own rich min- 
 eral resources. The Western States, equally 
 rich in cereals and other agricultural pro- 
 ducts, will probably do the same. Then 
 it may be said, why should not New York 
 
 city, instead of supporting by her contri- 
 butions in revenue two-thirds of the ex- 
 penses of the United States, become also 
 equally independent? As a free city, witli 
 but nominal duty on imports, her local 
 Government could be supported without 
 taxation upon her peoj)le. Thus we ctjuld 
 live free from taxes, and have cheap goods 
 nearly duty free. In this she would have 
 the whole and united support of the 
 Southern States, as well as all the other 
 States to whose interests and rights under 
 the Constitution she has always been true. 
 
 It is well for individuals or communi- 
 ties to look every danger square in the 
 face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. 
 As dreadful as the severing of the bonds 
 that have hitherto united the Slates has 
 been in contemplation, it is now apj)ar- 
 ently a stern and inevitable fact. We 
 have now to meet it with all the conse- 
 quences, whatever they may be. If the 
 Confederacy is broken up the Government 
 is dissolved, and it behooves every distinct 
 community, as well as every individual, to 
 take care of themselves. 
 
 When Disunion has become a fixed and 
 certain fact, why may not New York dis- 
 rupt the bands which bind her to a venal 
 and corruj)t master — to a people and a 
 party that have plundered her revenues, 
 attemj^ted to ruin her commerce, taken 
 away the power of self-government, and 
 destroyed the Confederacy of which she 
 was the proud Empire City? Amid the 
 gloom which the present and prospective 
 condition of things must cast over the 
 country. New York, as a Free City, may 
 shed the only light and hope of a future 
 reconstruction of our once blessed Con- 
 federacy. 
 
 But I am not prepared to recommend 
 the violence implied in these views. In 
 stating this argument in favor of freedom, 
 " peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must," 
 let me not be misunderstood. The redress 
 can be found only in appeals to the mag- 
 nanimity of the people of the whole State. 
 The events of the past two months have 
 no doubt effected a change in the popular 
 sentiment of the State and National poli- 
 tics. This change may bring us the de- 
 sired relief, and we may be able to obtain 
 a repeal of the law to which I have re- 
 ferred, and a consequent restoration of our 
 corporate rights. 
 
 Fernando Wood, Mayor. 
 
 January 6th, 1861. 
 
 Conjrrcss on the E-re of the Rebellion. 
 
 It should be borne in mind that all of 
 the propositions, whether for compromise, 
 authority to suppress insurrection, or new 
 laws to collect duties, had to be considered 
 by the Second Session of the 36th Con- 
 gress, which was then, with the exception
 
 114 
 
 .MERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of the Republicans, a few Americans, and 
 the anti-Lecompton men, supporting the 
 administration of Buchanan. No Congress 
 ever had so many and such grave proposi- 
 tions presented to it, and none ever showed 
 more exciting political divisions. It was 
 composed of the following persons, some 
 of whom survive, and most of whom are 
 historic characters : 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, 
 Vice-President; 
 
 Maine — H. Hamlin,* W. P. Fessenden. 
 
 Neio Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel 
 Clark. 
 
 Vermont — Solomon Foot, J. Collamer. 
 
 Massachusetts — Henry Wilson, Charles 
 Sumner. 
 
 Rhode Island — James F. Simmons, H. 
 B. Anthony. 
 
 Connecticut — L. S. Foster, Jas. Dixon. 
 
 New York — William H. Seward, Preston 
 King. 
 
 JVew Jersey — J. C. Ten Eyck, J. R. Thom- 
 son. 
 
 Pennsylvania — S. Cameron, Wm. Bigler. 
 
 Delau-are — J. A. Bayard, W. Saulsbury. 
 
 Maryland — J. A. Pearce, A. Kennedy. 
 
 Virginia — R. M. T. Hunter, James M. 
 Mason. 
 
 South Carolina — Jas. Chesnut,t James 
 H. Hammond. t 
 
 Koj-th Carolina — Thomas Bragg, T. L. 
 Clingman. 
 
 Alabama — B. Fitzpatrick, C. C. Clay, Jr. 
 
 Mississipjn — A. G. Brown, JefF. Davis. 
 
 Louisiana — J. P. Benjamin, John Sli- 
 dell. 
 
 Tennessee — A. 0. P. Nicholson, A. John- 
 son. 
 
 Arkansas — R. W. Johnson, W. K, Se- 
 bastian. 
 
 Kentucky — L. W. Powell, J. J. Critten- 
 den. 
 
 Missouri — Jas. S. Green, Trusten Polk. 
 
 Ohio—B. F. Wade, Geo. E. Pugh. 
 
 Indinna—J. D. Bright, G. N. Fitch. 
 
 Illinois — S. A. Douglas, L. Trumbull. 
 
 Michiyan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bingham. 
 
 Florida — D. L. Yulcc, S. R. Mallory. 
 
 Georqia — Alfred Iverson, Robt. Toombs. 
 
 T(xds—io\\\\ Heniphill, I.. T. Wigfall. 
 
 Wisconsin — Charles Durkee, J. R. Doo- 
 little. 
 
 Jotrn — J. M. Grimes, Jas. Harlan. 
 
 C(difornia — M. S. Latham, William M. 
 Gwin. 
 
 Minnesota — H. M. Rice, M, S. Wilkin- 
 son. 
 
 Oregon — Joseph Lane, Edward D. Ba- 
 ker. 
 
 •Rf^niKfHd January 17th, 1801, and eucccodod by IIou. 
 Lot M. Morrill. 
 
 ■\ Did not attend. 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 William Pennington, of New Jersey, fl 
 
 Speaker. ^i 
 
 Maine — D. E. Somes, John J. Perry, E. 
 B. French, F. H. Morse, Israel Washburn. 
 Jr.,* S. C. Foster. 
 
 New Hampshire — Gilman Marston, M. 
 W. Tappan, T. M. Edwards. 
 
 Vermont— E. P. Walton, J. S. Morrill. 
 H. E. Royce. 
 
 Massaclmsetts — Thomas D. Eliot, James 
 Buffinton, Charles Francis Adams, Alexan- 
 der H. Rice, Anson Burlingame, John B. 
 Alley, Daniel W. Gooch, Charles R. Train, 
 Eli Thayer, Charles Delano, Henry L. 
 Dawes. 
 
 Rhode Island — C. Robinson, W. D. 
 Brayton. 
 
 Connecticut — Dwight Loomis, John 
 Woodruff, Alfred A. Burnham, Orris S. 
 Ferry. 
 
 Delaware — W. G. Whiteley. 
 
 Neto York — Luther C. Carter, James 
 Humphreys, Daniel E. Sickles, W. B. Ma- 
 clay, Thomas J. Barr, John Cochrane, 
 Gorge Briggs, Horace F. Clark, John B. 
 Haskin, Chas. H. Van Wyck, William S. 
 Kenyon, Charles L. Beale, Abm. B. Olin, 
 John H.,Reynolds, Jas. B. McKean, G. W. 
 Palmer, Francis E. Spinner, Clark B. 
 Cochrane, Janjes H. Graham, Richard 
 Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. H. Duell, 
 M. Ludley Lee, Charles B. Hoard, Chas. 
 
 B. Sedgwick, M. Butterfield, Emory B. 
 Pottle, Alfred Wells, William Irvine, Al- 
 fred Ely, Augustus Frank, Edwin R. Rey- 
 nolds, Elbridge G. Spaulding Reuben E. 
 Fenton. 
 
 New Jersey — John T. Nixon, John L. N. 
 Stratton, Garnett B. Adrain, Jetur R. 
 Riggs, Wm. Pennington (Speaker). 
 
 Pennsylvania — Thomas B. Florence, E. 
 Joy Morris, John P. Verree, William Mill- 
 ward, John Wood, John Hickman, Henry 
 
 C. Longnecker, Jacob K. McKenty, Thad- 
 deus Stevens, John W. Kellinger, James 
 H. Campbell, George W. Scraiiton, Wil- 
 liam H. Dinimick, Galusha A. Grow, 
 James T. Hale, Benjamin F. Junkin, 
 Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, 
 John Covode, William Montgomery, 
 James K. Moorhead, Robert McKnight, 
 William Stewart, Chapin Hall, Elijah 
 Babbitt. 
 
 Maryland — Jas. A. Stewart, J. M. Harris, 
 H. W. Davis, J. M. Kunkel, G. W. 
 Hughes. 
 
 Virginia — John S. Millson, Muscoe R. 
 H. Garnett, Daniel C. Dc Jarnette, Roger 
 A. Pryor, Thomas S. Bocock, William 
 Smith, Alex. R. Botelor, John T. Harris, 
 Albert G. Jenkins, Slielton F. Leake, 
 Henry A. Edmundson, Elbert S. Martin, 
 Sherrard Clemens. 
 
 ♦ llcKidnod and giiccocdcd January 2d, 1861, by Uva. 
 Stephen C'uburu.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 115 
 
 South Carolina — John McQueen, Wm. 
 Porcher Miles, Lawrence M. Keitt, Mill- 
 edge L. Bouham, John D. Ashmore, Wm. 
 W. Hoyce. 
 
 North CaroUna—W. N. H. Smith, Thos. 
 Euffin, W. Winslow, L. O'B. Branch, 
 John A. Gilmer, Jas, M. Leach, Burton 
 Craige, Z. B. Vance. 
 
 Georgia — Peter E. Love, M. J. Crawford, 
 Thos. Hardeman, Jr., L. J. Gartrell, J. W. 
 H. Underwood, James Jackson, Joshua 
 Hill, John J. Jones. 
 
 Alabama — Jas. L. Pugh, David Clopton, 
 Sydenh. Moore, Geo. S. Houston, W. R. 
 W. Cobb, J. A. Stallworth, J. L. M. Curry. 
 
 Mississippi — L. (J,. C. Lamar, Reuben 
 Davis, William Barksdale, 0. R. Single- 
 ton, John J. McRae. 
 
 Louisiana — John E. Bouligny, Miles 
 Taylor, T.G.Davidson, John M. Landrum. 
 
 bhio—Q. H. Pendleton, John A. Gur- 
 ley, C. L. Vallandigham, William Allen, 
 James M. Ashley, Wm. Howard, Thomas 
 Corwin, Benj. Stanton, John Carey, C. A. 
 Trimble, Chas. D. Martin, Saml. S- Cox, 
 John Sherman, H. G. Blake, William Hel- 
 mick, C. B. Tompkins, T. C. Theaker, S. 
 Edj^erton, Edward Wade, John Hutchins, 
 John A. Bingham. 
 
 Kcntiichj — Henry C. Burnett, Green 
 Adams, S. O. Peyton, F. M. Bristow, W. 
 C. Anderson, Robert Mallory, Wm. E. 
 Simms, L. T. Moore, John Y. Brown, J. 
 W. Stevenson. 
 
 Tennessee — T. A. R. Nelson, Horace 
 Maynard, R. B. Brabson, William B. 
 Stokes, Robert Hatton, James H. Thomas, 
 John V. Wright, James ]\L Quarles, Em- 
 erson Etheridgc, Wm. T. Avery. 
 
 Indiana — Wm. E. Niblack, Wm. H. 
 English, Wm. M'Kee Dunn, Wm. S. Hol- 
 man, David Kilgore, Albert G. Porter, 
 John G. Davis, James W^ilson, Schuyler 
 Colfax, Chas. Case, John U. Pettit. 
 
 Illinois — E. B. "\V'ash]>urne, J. F. Farns- 
 worth, Owen Lovejoy, Wm. Kellogg, I. N. 
 Morris, John A. McClernand, James C. 
 Robinson, P. B. Fouke, John A. Logan. 
 
 Arkansas — Thomas C. Hindman, Albert 
 Rust, 
 
 Missouri — J. R. Barrett, T. L. Anderson, 
 John B. Clark, James Craig, L. H. Wood- 
 son, John S. Pheli)S, John W. Xoell. 
 
 Mii!ii(/an — William A. Howard, Henry 
 AValdroli, F. W. Kellogg, De W. C. Leach. 
 
 Florida — George S. Hawkins. 
 
 Texas — John II. Regan, A. J. Hamilton. 
 
 loica — S. R. Curtis, Wm. Vandever. 
 
 California — Charles L. Scott, John C. 
 Burch. 
 
 Wisconsin — John F. Porter, C. C. Wash- 
 burne, C. H. Larrabee. 
 
 Minnesota — Cyrus Aldrich, Wm. Win- 
 dom. 
 
 Orcf/ow— Lansing Stout. 
 
 Kansas — Martin F. Conway, (sworn Jan. 
 80th, 18G1). 
 
 MR. LINCOLN'S VIEWS. 
 
 While the various propositions above 
 given were under consideration, Mr. Lin- 
 coln was of course an interested observer 
 from his home in Illinois, where he 
 awaited the legal time for taking his seat 
 as President. His views on the efforts at 
 comi)romise were sought by the editor of 
 the New York Tribune, and expressed as 
 follows : 
 
 " ' I will suffer death before I will con- 
 sent or advise my friends to consent to 
 any concession or compromise which looks 
 like buying the privilege of taking posses- 
 sion of the Government to which we have 
 a constitutional right ; because, Avhatever 
 I might think of the merits of the various 
 propositions before Congress, I should re- 
 gard any concession in the face of menace 
 as the destruction of the government it- 
 self, and a consent on all hands that our 
 system shall be brought down to a level 
 with the existing disorganized state of af- 
 fairs in Mexico. But this thing will here- 
 after be, as it is now, in the hands of the 
 people ; and if they desire to call a conven- 
 tion to remove any grievances complained 
 of, or to give new guarantees for the per- 
 manence of vested rights, it is not mine to 
 oppose.' " 
 
 JUDGE black's views. 
 
 Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, 
 was then Buchanan's Attorney General, 
 and as his position has since been made 
 the subject of lengthy controversy, it is 
 pertinent to give the following copious ex- 
 tract from his " Opinion upon the Powers 
 of the President," in response to an official 
 inquiry from the Executive : — 
 
 The existing laws put and keep the 
 Federal Government strictly on the defen- 
 sive. You can use force only to repel an 
 assault on the public property, and aid the 
 courts in the performance of their duty. 
 If the means given you to collect the 
 revenue and execute the other laws be in- 
 sufficient for that purpose. Congress may 
 extend and make them more effectual to 
 that end. 
 
 If one of the States should declare her 
 independence, your action cannot depend 
 upon the rightfulness of the cause ujMin 
 which such declaration is based. Whether 
 the retirement of a State from the Lhiion 
 be the exercise of a right reserved in the 
 Constitution or a revolutionary movement, 
 it is certain that you have not in either 
 case the authority to recognize her in- 
 dependence or to absolve her from her 
 Federal obligations. Congress or the 
 other States in convention assembled must 
 take such measures as may be necessary 
 and proper. In such an event I see no 
 course for you but to go straight onward 
 in the p.ath you have hitherto trodden, 
 that is, execute the laws to the extent of
 
 116 
 
 .MERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 the defensive means placed in your hands, 
 and act generally upon the assumption 
 that the present constitutional relations 
 between tlie States and the Federal Gov- 
 ernment continue to exist until a new order 
 of things shall be established, either by 
 law or force. 
 
 Whether Congress has the constitutional 
 right to make war against one or more 
 States, and require the Executive of the 
 Federal Government to carry it on by 
 means of force to be drawn from the other 
 States, is a question for Congress itself to 
 consider. It must be admitted that no 
 such power is expressly given ; nor are 
 there any words in the Constitution which 
 imply it. Among the powers enumerated 
 in article I. section 8, is that " to declare 
 war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, 
 and to make rules concerning captures on 
 land and water.'' This certainly means 
 nothing more than the power to commence, 
 and carry on hostilities against the foreign 
 enemies of the nation. Another clause in 
 the same section gives Congress the power 
 " to provide for calling forth the militia," 
 and to use them within the limits of the 
 State. But this power is so restricted by 
 the words which immediately follow, that 
 it can be exercised only for one of the fol- 
 lowing purposes : 1. To execute the laws 
 of the Union ; that is, to aid the Federal 
 officers in the performance of their regular 
 duties. 2, To suppress insurrections against 
 the States ; but this is confined by article 
 IV. section 4, to cases in which the State 
 herself shall apply for assistance against 
 her own people. 3. To repel the invasion 
 of a State by enemies who come from 
 abroad to assail her in her own territory. 
 All these provisions are made to protect 
 the States, not to authorize an attack by 
 one part of the country upon another ; to 
 preserve their peace, and not to plunge 
 them into civil war. Our forefathers do 
 not seem to have thought that war was 
 calculated " to form a more perfect union, 
 establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
 quillity, provide for the common defence, 
 promote the general welfare, and secure 
 the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
 our posterity." There was undoubtedly a 
 strong and universal conviction among the 
 men who framed and ratified the Constitu- 
 tion, that military force would not only be 
 useless, but pernicious as a means of hold- 
 ing the States together. 
 
 If it be tnie that war cannot be declared, 
 nor a system of general hostilities carried 
 on by the central government against a 
 State, then it seems to follow that an 
 attempt to do so would be ipsofnrfo an ex- 
 pulsion of such State from the Union. 
 IJeing treated as iin alien and an enemy, 
 f<he would be compelled to act accordingly. 
 And if Congress shall break uj) the present 
 Union by unconstitutionally putting strife 
 
 and enmity, and armed hostility, between 
 different sections of the country, instead of 
 the " domestic tranquillity " which the 
 Constitution was meant to insure, will not 
 all the States be absolved from their 
 Federal obligations? Is any portion of 
 the people bound to contribute their 
 money or their blood to carry on a contest 
 like that? 
 
 The right of the General Government to 
 preserve itself in its whole constitutional 
 vigor by repelling a direct and positive 
 aggression upon its property or its officers, 
 cannot be denied. But this is a totally 
 different thing from an offensive war to 
 punish the people for the political mis- 
 deeds of their State governments, or to 
 prevent a threatened violation of the Con- 
 stitution, or to enforce an acknowledgment 
 that the Government of the United States 
 is supreme. The States are colleagues of 
 one another, and if some of them shall 
 conquer the rest and hold them as sub- 
 jugated provinces, it would totally destroy 
 the whole theory upon which they are 
 now connected. 
 
 If this view of the subject be as correct 
 as I think it is, then the Union must 
 totally perish at the moment when Con- 
 gress shall arm one part of the people 
 against another for any purpose beyond 
 that of merely protecting the General 
 Government in the exercise of its proper 
 constitutional functions. I am, very re- 
 spectfully, yours, etc., 
 
 J. S. Black. 
 To the President of the United States. 
 
 The above expressions from Lincoln and 
 Black well state the position cf the Repub- 
 lican and the administration Democrats 
 on the eve of the rebellion, and they are 
 given for that purpose. The views of the 
 original secessionists are given in South 
 Carolina's declaration. Those of the con- 
 servatives of the South who hesitated and 
 leaned toward the Union, were best ex- 
 pressed before the Convention of Georgia 
 in the 
 
 SPEECH OF ALEX. H. STEPHENS. 
 
 This step (of secession) once taken can 
 never be recalled ; and all the baleful and 
 withering consequences that must follow, 
 will rest on the convention for all coming 
 time. When we and our posterity shall 
 see our lovely »South desolated by the de- 
 mon of war, v'Mch tlm act oj'yo^irs uill in- 
 evitably invite and call forth; when our 
 green fields of waving liarvest shall be 
 trodden down by the murderous soldiery 
 and fiery car of war sweeping over our 
 land ; our temples of justice laid in ashes; 
 all the liorrors and desolations of war upon 
 us ; irho hut thin Convention irill be held re- 
 sponsible for it ? and who but him who 
 shall have given his vote for this unwise
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 117 
 
 and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think | 
 and believe, aJiall he held to strict account 
 for this suicidal act by the present genera- 
 tion, and ]>robahlif cursed and execrated by 
 j)Osterity for all covuny time, for the wide 
 and desolating ruin that will inevitably 
 follow this act you now propose to perpe- 
 trate? Pause, I entreat you, and consider 
 for a moment what reasons you can give 
 that will even satisfy yourselves in calmer 
 moments — what reason you can give to 
 your fellow sufferers in the calamity that 
 it will bring upon us. What reasons can you 
 give to the nations of the earth to Justify it? 
 They will be the calm and deliberate 
 judges in the case; and what cause or one 
 overt act can you name or point, on which 
 to rest the plea of justihcation? What 
 right has the North assailed ? What inter- 
 est of the South has been invaded ? What 
 justice has been denied? and what claim 
 founded in justice and right has been 
 withheld? Can either of you to-day name 
 one governmental act of wrong, deliber- 
 ately and purposely done by the govern- 
 ment of Washington, of which the South 
 has a right to comjilain ? I challenge the 
 answer. While on the other hand, let me 
 show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, 
 I am not here the advocate of the North ; 
 but I am here the friend, the firm friend, 
 and lover of the South and her institutions, 
 and for this reason I speak thus plainly 
 and faithfully for yours, mine, and every 
 other man's interest, the words of truth 
 and soberness), of which I wish you to 
 judge, and I will only state facts which are 
 clear and undeniable, and which now 
 stand as records authentic in the histoiy of 
 our country. When we of the South de- 
 manded the slave-trade, or the importation 
 of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, 
 did they not yield the right for twenty 
 years ? When we asked a three-fifths rep- 
 resentation in Congress for our slaves, was 
 it not granted ? When we asked and de- 
 manded the return of any fugitive from 
 justice, or the recovery of those persons 
 owing labor or allegiance, was it not incor- 
 porated in the Constitution, and again rat- 
 ified and strengthened by the Fugitive 
 Slave Law of 1850? But do you reply 
 that in many instances they have violated 
 this compact, and have not been faithful 
 to their engagements? As individual and 
 local communities, they may have done so ; 
 but not by the sanction of Government; 
 for that has always been true to Southern 
 interests. Again, gentlemen, look at 
 another act : when we have asked that 
 more territory should be added, that we 
 might spread the institution of slavery, 
 have they not yielded to our demands in 
 giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, 
 out of which four States have been carved, 
 and ami)le territory for four more to be ad<l- 
 ed in due time, if you by this unwise and 
 
 impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and 
 perhaps, by it lose all, and have your hist 
 slave wrenched from you by stern military 
 rule, as South America and Mexico were ; 
 or by the vindictive decree of a tiniversal 
 emancipation, which may reasonably be ex- 
 pected to follow? 
 
 But, again, gentlemen, what have we to 
 gain by this proposed change of our rela- 
 tion to the General Government? We 
 have always had the control of it, and can 
 yet, if we remain in it, and are as united 
 aa we have been. We have had a majority 
 of the Presidents chosen from the South ; 
 as well as the control and management of 
 most of those chosen from the North. We 
 have had sixty years of Southern Presi- 
 dents to their twenty-four, thus controlling 
 the Executive department. So of the 
 Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had 
 eighteen from the South, and but eleven 
 from the North ; although nearly four- 
 fifths of the judicial business has arisen in 
 the Free States, yet a majority of the Court 
 has always been from the South. This we 
 have required so as to guard against any 
 interpretation of the Constitution unfa- 
 vorable to us. In like manner we have 
 been equally watchful to guard our inter- 
 ests in the Legislative branch of Govern- 
 ment. In choosing the presiding Presi- 
 dents {pro tern.) of the Senate, we have 
 had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers 
 of the House we have had twenty-three, 
 and they twelve. While the majority of 
 the Representatives, from their greater 
 population, have always been from the 
 North, yet we have so generally secured 
 the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, 
 shapes and controls the legislation of the 
 country. Nor have we had less control in 
 every other department of the General 
 Government. Attorney-Generals we have 
 had fourteen, while the North have had 
 but five. Foreign ministers we have had 
 eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. While 
 three-fourths of the business which de- 
 mands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly 
 from the Free States, from their greater 
 commercial interest, yet we have had the 
 principal embassies so as to secure the 
 world-markets for our cotton, tobacco, and 
 sugar on the best possible terms. We have 
 had a vast majority of the higher offices of 
 both army and navy, while a larger pro- 
 portion of the soldiers and sailors were 
 drawn from the North. Equally so of 
 Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers filling 
 the executive department, the records show 
 for the last fifty years that of the three 
 thousand thus employed, we have had 
 more than two-thirds of the same, while 
 we have but one-third of the white popu- 
 lation of the Republic. 
 
 Again, look at another item, and one, be 
 assured, in which we have a great and 
 vital interest ; it is that of revenue, or
 
 118 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 means of supporting Government. From of- 
 ficial document?, we learn that a fraction 
 over three-fourths of the revenue collected 
 for the support of the Government has 
 uniibrmly been raised from the North. 
 
 Pause now while you can, gentlemen, 
 and contemplate carefully and candidly 
 these important items. Look at another 
 necessary branch of Government, and 
 learn from stern statistical facts how mat- 
 ters stand in that department. I mean the 
 mail and Post-Office privileges that we 
 now enjoy under the General Government 
 as it has been for years past. The expense 
 for the transportation of the mail in the 
 Free States was, by the report of the Post- 
 master-General for the year 1860 a little 
 over $13,000,000, while 'the income was 
 $19,000,000. But in the Slave States the 
 transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, 
 while the revenue from the same was §8,- 
 001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to 
 be supplied by the North for our accom- 
 modation, and without it we must have 
 been entirely cut off from this most essen- 
 tial branch of Government. 
 
 Leaving out of view, for the present, the 
 countless millions of dollars you must ex- 
 pend in a war with the North ; with tens 
 of thousands of your sons and brothers 
 slain in battle, and offered up as saciifices 
 upon the altar of your ambition — and for 
 what, we ask again ? Is it for the over- 
 throw of the American Government, es- 
 tablished by our common ancestry, cement- 
 ed and built up by their sweat and blood, 
 and founded on the broad principles of 
 Right, Justice and Humanity f And as, 
 such, I must declare here, as I have often 
 done before, and which has been repeated 
 by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and 
 patriots in this and other lands, that it is 
 the best and freest Government — the most 
 equal in its rights, the most just in its de- 
 cisions, the most lenient in its measures, 
 and the most aspiring in its principles to 
 elevate the race of men, that the sun of 
 heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to 
 attempt to overthrow such a government 
 as this, under which we have lived for 
 more than three-quarters of a century — in 
 which we have gained our wealth, our 
 standing as a nation, our domestic safety 
 while the elements of peril are around us, 
 with peace and tranquillity accompanied 
 with unbounded nro-^pcrity and rights un- 
 assailcd — is the lieight of madness, fo/h/, 
 and v:ickednes.i, to which I can neither 
 lend my sanction nor my vote." 
 
 The seven seceding States (South Caro- 
 lina, MiHsissipj)i, Georgia, Florida, Ala- 
 bama, Ijonisiana and Texas,) as shown by 
 data previously giv<'n, organized their 
 Provisional Government, with Jefferson 
 Davis, the most radical secession leader, as 
 President; and Alex. II. Stephens, the 
 most conservative leader, as Vice Presi- 
 
 dent. The reasons for these selections 
 were obvious ; the first met the views of 
 the cotton States, the other example was 
 needed in securing the secession of other 
 States. The Convention adopted a consti- 
 tution, the substance of which is given 
 elsewhere in this work. Stephens delivered 
 a speech at Savannah, March 21st, 1861, in 
 explanation and vindication of this instru- 
 ment, which says all that need be said 
 about it : 
 
 " The new Constitution has put at rest 
 forever all the agitating questions relating 
 to our peculiar institutions — African 
 slavery as it exists among us — the proper 
 status of the negro in our form of civiliza- 
 tion. This was the immediate cause of the 
 late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer- 
 son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as 
 the ' rock xipon ichich the old Union xtould 
 split.' He was right. What was conjec- 
 ture with him, is now a realized fact. But 
 whether he fully comprehended the great 
 truth upon which that rock stood and 
 stands, may be doubted. The prevailing 
 ideas entertained by him and most of the 
 leading statesmen at the time of the for- 
 mation of the old Constitution, were that 
 the enslavement of the African was in 
 violation of the laws of nature : that it 
 was wrong in principle, socially, morally, 
 and politically. It was an evil they knew 
 not well how to deal with, but the general 
 opinion of the men of that day was, that 
 somehow or other, in the order of Provi- 
 dence, the institution would be evanescent 
 and pass away. This idea, though not in- 
 corporated in the Constitution, was the 
 prevailing idea at the time. The Constitu- 
 tion, it is true, secured every essential 
 guarantee to the institution while it should 
 last, and hence no argument can be justly 
 used against the constitutional guarantees 
 thus secured, because of the common sen- 
 timent of the day. Those ideas, however, 
 were fundamentally wrong. They rested 
 upon the assumption of the equality of 
 races. This was an error. It was a sandy 
 foundation, and the idea of a government 
 built upon it; when the 'storm came and 
 the wind blew, it fell.' 
 
 "Our new Government is founded upon 
 exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations 
 are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the 
 great truth that the negro is not equal to 
 the white man. That slaverj"^ — subordina- 
 tion to the superior race,''is his natural and 
 normal condition. This, our new Govern- 
 ment, is the first, in the history of the 
 world, based upon this great physical and 
 moral truth. This truth has been slow in 
 tlic process of its develoi)ment, like all 
 other truths in the various departments of 
 science. It has been so even amongst us. 
 Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect 
 well, that this truth was not generally ad- 
 mitted, even within their day. The errors
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SECESSION. 
 
 119 
 
 of the past generation still clung to many 
 as late as twenty years ago. Those at the 
 North who still cling to these errors, with 
 a zeal above kuowledged, we justly denom- 
 inate fanatics. * * * 
 
 " In the conflict thus far, success has 
 been, on our side, complete throughout the 
 length and breadth of the Confederate 
 States. It is upon this, as I have stated, 
 our actual fabric is firmly j)huited ; and I 
 cannot permit myself to doubt tlie ultimate 
 success of a full recognition of tiiis prin- 
 ci{)le throughout the civilized and enlight- 
 ened world. 
 
 "As I have stated, the truth of this prin- 
 ciple may be slow in development, as all 
 truths are, and ever have been, in the var- 
 ious brandies of science. It was so with 
 the principles announced by Galileo — it 
 was so with Adam Smith and his principles 
 of political economy — it was so with Har- 
 vey and his theory of the circulation of 
 the blood. It is stated that not a single one 
 of the medical profession, living at the 
 time of the announcement of the truths 
 made by him, admitted them. Now they 
 are universally acknowledged. May we not, 
 therefore, look with confidence to the ulti- 
 mate universal acknowledgment of the 
 truths upon which our system rests. It is 
 the first government ever instituted upon 
 principles of strict conlbrmity to nature, 
 and the ordination of Providence, in fur- 
 nishing the materials of human society. 
 Many governments have been founded 
 upon the principle of certain classes ; but 
 the classes thus enslaved, were of the same 
 race, and in violation of the laws of nature. 
 Our system commits no such violation of 
 nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by 
 the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that 
 condition wiiich he occupies in our sys- 
 tem. The architect, in the construction of 
 buildings, lays the foundation with the 
 proper materials, the granite ; then comes 
 the brick or the marble. The substratum 
 of our society is made of the material 
 fitted by nature for it, and by experience 
 we know that it is best, not only for the 
 superior, but for the inferior race that it 
 should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity 
 with the ordinance of the Creator. It is 
 not for us to inquire into the wisdom of 
 His ordinances, or to question them. For 
 His own purposes He has made one race 
 to differ from another, as He has made 
 'one star to differ from another star in 
 glory.' 
 
 " The great objects of humanity are best 
 attained when conformed to His laws and 
 decrees, in the formation of governments, 
 as well as in all things else. Our Confed- 
 eracy is founded upt)n principles in strict 
 conformity with these laws. This stone 
 which was first rejected by the first builders 
 * is become the chief stone of the corner ' in 
 our new edifice. 
 
 "The progress of disintegration in the 
 old Union may be expected to go on with 
 almost absolute certainty. We are now 
 the nucleus of a growing power, wliich, if 
 we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and 
 high mission, will become the controlling 
 power on this continent. To what extent 
 accessions will go on in the process of time, 
 or where it will end, the future will deter- 
 mine." 
 
 It wag determined by the secession of 
 eleven States in all, the Border States ex- 
 cept Mi-souri, remaining in the Union, and 
 West Virginia dividing from old Virginia 
 for the purpose of keeping her jilace in the 
 Union. 
 
 The leaders of the Confederacy relied to 
 a great extent upon the fact that President 
 Buchanan, in his several messages and re- 
 plies to commissioners, and in the expla- 
 nation of the law by his Attorney-General, 
 had tied his own hands against any attempt 
 to reinforce the garrisons in the "Southern 
 forts, and they acted upon this faith and 
 made preparations for their ca])ture. The 
 refusal of the administration to reinforce 
 Fort Moultrie caused the resignation of 
 General Cass, and by this time the Cabinet 
 was far from harmonious. As early as the 
 10th of December, Howell Cobb resigned 
 as Secretary of the Treasury, becaase of 
 his " duty to Georgia ; " January 26th, 
 John B. Floyd resigned because Buchanan 
 would not withdraw the troops from South- 
 ern forts ; and before that, Attorney Gene- 
 ral Black, without publicly expressing his 
 views, also resigned. Mr. Buchanan saw 
 the wreck around him, and his adminis- 
 tration closed in profound regret on the 
 jiart of many of his northern friends, and, 
 doubtless, on his own part. His early 
 policy, and indeed up to the close of 1860, 
 must have been unsatisfactoiy even to 
 himself, for he supplied the vacancies in 
 his cabinet by devoted Unionists— by Philip 
 F. Thomas of Maryland, Gen'l Dix of New- 
 York, Joseph Hoit of Kentucky, and Ed- 
 win M. Stanton of Pennsylvania — men who 
 held in their hands the key to nearly every 
 situation, and who did much to protect and 
 restore the Union of the States. In the 
 eyes of the North, the very last acts of 
 Buchanan were the best. 
 
 With the close of Buchanan's adminis- 
 tration all eyes turned to Lincoln, and 
 fears were entertained that the date fixed 
 by law for the counting of the electoral 
 vote — February loth, 1861 — would inau- 
 gurate violence and bloodshed at the seat 
 of gevernmcnt. It pa.ssed, however, peace- 
 ably. Both Houses met at 12 hiirh noon 
 in the hall of the House, Vice-President 
 Breckinridge and Speaker PenningtoTi, 
 both democrats, sitting side by side, and 
 the count was made without serious chal- 
 lenge or question. 
 
 On the 11th of February Mr. Lincoln
 
 120 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 left his home for "Washington, intending 
 to perform the journey in easy stages. On 
 parting with his friends at Springfield, he 
 said : 
 
 " Ml/ Friends : No one, in my position, 
 can realize the sadness I feel at this part- 
 ing. To this people I owe all that I am. 
 Here I have lived more than a quarter of 
 a century. Here my children were born, 
 and here one of them lies buried. I know 
 not how soon I shall see you again. I go 
 to assume a task more difficult than that 
 which has devolved upon any other man 
 since the days of Washington. He never 
 would have "succeeded except for the aid 
 of Divine Providence, upon which he at 
 all times relied. I feel that I cannot suc- 
 ceed without the same Divine blessing 
 which sustained him; and on the same 
 Almighty Being I place my reliance for 
 support. And I hope you, my friends, 
 will all pray that I might receive that Di- 
 ^^ne assistance, without which I cannot 
 succeed, but with which success is certain. 
 A"-ain, I bid you all an affectionate fare- 
 well." 
 
 Lincoln passed through Indiana, Ohio, 
 New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania 
 on his way to the Capitol. Because of 
 threats macie that he should not reach the 
 Capitol alive, some friends in Illinois em- 
 ployed a detective to visit Washington and 
 Baltimore in advance of his arrival, and 
 he it was who discovered a conspiracy in 
 Baltimore to mob and assassinate him. He 
 therefore passed through] Baltimore in the 
 night, two days earlier than was antici- 
 pated, and reached Washington in safety. 
 On the 22d of February he spoke at Inde- 
 pendence Hall and said : 
 
 " All the political sentiments I entertain 
 have been drawn, so far as I have been 
 able to draw them, from the sentiments 
 which originated in, and were given to the 
 world from, this hall. I never had a feel- 
 ing, politically, that did not spring from 
 the sentiments embodied in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence. 
 ******** 
 
 " It was not the mere matter of the sepa- 
 ration of the Colonies from the mother- 
 land, but that sentiment in the Declaration 
 of Independence, which gave lilierty, not 
 alone to the i)Cop]c of this country, but, i 
 hope, to tlie world for all future time. It 
 was that which gave promise tliat, in due 
 time, the weight would be lifted frf)m the 
 shoulders of men. This is the sentiment 
 embodied in the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence. Now, my friends, can this coujitry 
 be saved upon that basis? If it can, f will 
 consider myself one of the happiest men 
 in the world, if I can help to save it. If it 
 cannot be saved upon that i)rinciple, it 
 will be truly awful ! But if this country 
 cannot be saved without giving up the 
 princi])lc, I was about to say, ' I would 
 
 rather be assassinated on the spot than 
 surrender it.' ***** 
 I have said nothing but what I am willing 
 to live by, and if it be the pleasure of Al- 
 mighty God, to die by I " 
 
 Iiincoln'8 First Administration. 
 
 Such was the feeling of insecurity that 
 the President-elect was followed to Wash- 
 ington by many watchful friends, while 
 Gen'l Scott, Col. Sumner, Major Hunter 
 and the members of Buchanan's Cabinet 
 quickly made such arrangements as secured 
 his safety. Prior to his inauguration he 
 took every opportunity to quell the still 
 rising political excitement by assuring the 
 Southern people of his kindly feelings, and 
 on the 27th of February,* "when waited 
 upon by the Mayor and Common Council 
 of Washington, he assured them, and 
 through them the South, that he had no 
 disposition to treat them in any other way 
 than as neighbors, and that he had no dis- 
 position to withhold from them any consti- 
 tutional right. He assured the people that 
 they would have all of their rights under 
 the Constitution — ' not grudgingly, but 
 freely and fairly.' " 
 
 He was peacefully inaugurated on the 
 4th of March, and yet Washington was 
 crowded as never before by excited multi- 
 tudes. The writer himself witnessed the 
 military arrangements of Gen'l Scott for 
 preserving the peace, and with armed ca- 
 valry lining every curb stone on the line 
 of march, it would have been difficult in- 
 deed to start or continue a riot, though it 
 was apparent that many in the throng were 
 ready to do it if occasion offered. 
 
 The inaugural ceremonies were more 
 than usually impressive. On the eastern 
 front of the capitol, surrounded by such of 
 the members of the Senate and House who 
 had not resigned their seats and entered 
 the Confederacy, the Diplomatic Corps, the 
 Judges of the Supreme Court, headed by 
 Chief Justice Taney, the author of the 
 Drcd Scott decision ; the higher officers of 
 Army and Navy, while close by the side of 
 the new President stood the retiring one — 
 James Buchanan — tall, dignified, reserved, 
 and to the eye of the close observer aj)pa- 
 rently deeply grieved at the part his party 
 and position had com])elled him to play in 
 a National drama which was now reaching 
 still another crisis. Near by, too, stood. 
 Douglas (holding Lincoln's liat) more 
 gloomy than was his wont, but determined 
 as he had ever been. Next to the two 
 Presidents he was most observed. 
 
 If the country could then have been 
 pacified, Liiu^oln's in.augural was well cal- 
 culated to do it. That it exercised a 
 wholesome infiucnce in behalf of the Union, 
 
 * Fi-Diii tli(« " IlistDry of Aliraliaiii Liiicdlii and th« 
 Ovortlirow of Slavery," by Uun. Isaac N. Arnold.
 
 BOOKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 121 
 
 and especially in the border States, soon 
 became apparent. Indeed, its sentiments 
 seemed for weeks to check the wild spirit 
 of secession in the cotton States, and it 
 took all the efforts of their most fiery ora- 
 tors to rekindle the flame which seemed to 
 have been at its highest when Major An- 
 derson was compelled to evacuate Fort 
 Moultrie. 
 
 It is but proper in this connection, to 
 make a few quotations from the inaut^ural 
 address, for Lincoln then, as he did during 
 the remainder of his life, better reflected 
 the more popular Republican sentiment 
 than any other leader. The very first 
 thought was upon the theme uppermostiu 
 the minds of all. We quote : 
 
 " Apprehension seems to exist among 
 the people of the Southern States that by 
 the accession of a Republican Administra- 
 tion their property and their peac;e and 
 personal security are to be endangered. 
 There has never been any reasonable cause 
 for such apprehension. Indeed, the most 
 ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
 while existed and been open to their in- 
 spection. It is found in nearly all the pub- 
 lished speeches of him who now addresses 
 you. I do but quote from one of those 
 speeches when I declare that ' I have no 
 purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere 
 with the institution of slavery in the States 
 where it exists. I believe I have no law- 
 ful right to do so, and I have no inclina- 
 tion to do so.' Those who nominated and 
 elected me did so with full knowledge that 
 I had made this and many similar decla- 
 rations, and had never recanted them. And 
 more than tliis, they placed in the platform 
 for my acceptance, and as a law to them- 
 selves and to me, the clear and emphatic 
 resolution which I now read : 
 
 ' Resolved, That the maintenance invio- 
 late of the rights of the States, and es- 
 pecially the right of each State to order 
 and control its own domestic institutions 
 according to its own judgment exclusively, 
 is essential to the balance of power on which 
 the perfection and endurance of our politi- 
 cal fixbric depend, and we denounce the 
 lawless invasion by armed force of the soil 
 of any State or Territory, no matter under 
 what pretext, as among the gravest of 
 crimes.' 
 
 I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in 
 doing so, I only press upon the public at- 
 tention the most conclusive evidence of 
 which the case is susceptible, that the prop- 
 erty, peace, and security of no section arc 
 to be in anywise endangered by the now 
 incoming Administration. I add, too, that 
 all the protection which, consistently with 
 the Constitution and the laws, can be given, 
 will be cheerfully given to all the States 
 when lawfully demanded, for whatever 
 cause — as cheerfully to one section as to 
 another." 
 
 After conveying this peaceful assurance, 
 he argued the question in his own way, and 
 in a way matchless for its homely force : 
 
 " Physically speaking, we cannot sepa- 
 rate. We cannot remove our respective 
 sections from each other, nor build an im- 
 passable wall between them. A husband 
 and wife may be divorced, and go out of 
 the presence and beyond tlie reach of each 
 other ; but the different parts of our coun- 
 try cannot do this. They cannot but re- 
 main face to face ; and intercourse, either 
 amicable or hostile, must continue between 
 them. Is it possible, then, to make that in- 
 tercourse more advantageous or more satis- 
 factory after separation than before ? Can 
 aliens make treaties easier than friends can 
 make laws? Can treaties be more faith- 
 fully enforced between aliens than laws can 
 among friends ? Suppose you go to war, 
 you cannot fight always ; and when after 
 much loss on both sides, and no gain on 
 either, you cease fighting, the identical old 
 questions, as to terms of intercourse, are 
 again upon you. 
 
 " This country, with its institutions, be- 
 longs to the people who inhabit it. When- 
 ever they shall grow weary of the existing 
 Government they can exercise their con- 
 stitutional right of amending it, or their 
 revolutionary right to dismember or over- 
 throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact 
 that many worthy and patriotic citizens are 
 desirous of having the National Constitu- 
 tion amended. While I make no recom- 
 mendation of amendments, I fully recog- 
 nize the rightful authority of the people 
 over the whole subject, to be exercised in 
 either of the modes prescribed in the in- 
 strument itself; and I should under exist- 
 ing circumstances, favor rather than op- 
 pose a fair opportunity being afforded the 
 people to act upon it. I will venture to add 
 that to me the convention mode seems pref- 
 erable, in that it allows amendments to ori- 
 ginate with the people themselves, instead 
 of only permitting them to take or reject 
 propositions originated by others, not es- 
 pecially chosen for the purpose, and which 
 might not be precisely such as they would 
 wish to either accept or refuse. I under- 
 stand a proposed amendment to the Con- 
 stitution — which amendment, however, I 
 have not seen — has passed Congress, to the 
 effect that the Federal Government shull 
 never interfere w'ith the domestic institu- 
 tions of the States, including that of per- 
 sons held to service. To avoid misconstruc- 
 tion of what I have said, I dej^art from my 
 purpose not to speak of particular amend- 
 ments so far as to say that, holding sui-li a 
 provision now to be implied constitutional 
 law, I have no objection to its being made 
 express and irrevocable. 
 
 " The Chief jMagistrate derives all his 
 authority from the people, and tlicy have 
 conferred none upon him to fix tcruid lot
 
 122 
 
 'AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 the separation of the States. The people 
 themselves can do this also if they choose ; 
 but the Executive, as such, ha^j nothing to 
 do with it. His duty is to administer the 
 present Government, as it came to his hands, 
 and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to 
 his successor. * * * 
 
 " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow- 
 countrymen, and not in mine, is the mo- 
 mentous issue of civil war. The Govern- 
 ment will not assail you. You can have no 
 conflict without being yourselves the ag- 
 gressors. You have no oath registered in 
 heaven to destroy the Government, while I 
 shall have the most solemn one to 'pre- 
 serve, protect and defend it.' 
 
 ' ' I am loth to close. We are not ene- 
 mies but friends. We must not be ene- 
 mies. Though passion may have strained, 
 it must not break our bonds of aflection. 
 The mystic chords of memory, stretching 
 from every battle-field and patriot grave to 
 every living heart and hearth-stone, all 
 over this broad land, will yet swell the 
 chorus of the union, when again touched, 
 as surely they will be, by the better angels 
 of our nature." 
 
 Lincoln appointed a Cabinet in thorough 
 accord with his own views, and well suited 
 to whatever shades of difference there were 
 in the Republican party. Wm. H. Seward, 
 Secretary' of State, and Salmon P. Chase 
 represented the more advanced anti-slavery 
 element ; General Simon Cameron, Secre- 
 tary of War, from the first saw only a pro- 
 longed war in which superior Northern 
 resources and appliances would surely win, 
 while Seward expressed the view that " all 
 troubles would be over in three months ;" 
 Gideon Welles, Secretaiy of the Navy ; 
 Caleb B. Smith of the Interior ; Edward 
 Bates, Attorney General, and Montgomery 
 Blair, Postma-ster General, represented the 
 more conservative Ilepublican view — the 
 two last named being well adapted to 
 retaining the National hold on the Border 
 States. 
 
 Political events now rapidly succeeded 
 each other. As early as March 11, John 
 Forsyth of Alabama and Martin J. Craw- 
 ford of Georgia, submitted to the Secretary 
 of State a proj)osition for a.n unofiicial inter- 
 view. Mr. Seward the next day, from 
 "purely public considerations," declined. 
 On the 13th the same gentlemen sent a 
 sealed communication, saying they had 
 been duly accredited by the Confederate 
 government as (Jommissioners, to negotiate 
 for a H{)eedy adjustment of all questions 
 growing out of the political separation of 
 seven States, wliich liad formed a govern- 
 ment of tlicir own, etc. Tlicy closed this 
 remarkable document by requesting the 
 Secretary of State to api)ointas early a day 
 as possible in order that they may present 
 to the President f)f the United States the 
 credentials which they bear, and the objects 
 
 of the mission with which they are charged. 
 
 Mr. Seward's reply in substance, said 
 that his " othcial duties were confined, 
 subject to the direction of the President, to 
 the conducting of the foreign relations of 
 the country, and do not at all embrace 
 domestic questions or questions arising be- 
 tween the several States and the Federal 
 Government, is unable to comply with the 
 request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, 
 to appoint a day on which they may pre- 
 sent the evidences of their authority and 
 the object of their visit to the President of 
 the United States. On the contrary, he is 
 obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and 
 Crawford that he has no authority, nor is 
 he at liberty to recognize them as dii)loma- 
 tic agents, or hold correspondence or other 
 communication with them." 
 
 An extended correspondence followed, 
 but the administration in all similar cases, 
 refused to recognize the Confederacy as a 
 government in any way. On the 13th 
 of April the President granted an inter- 
 view to Wm. Ballard Preston, Alex. H. 
 Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who had 
 been sent by the Convention of Virginia, 
 then in session, under a resolution recited 
 in the President's reply, the text of which 
 is herewith given : — 
 
 Gentlemen : As a committee of the 
 Virginia Convention, now in session, you 
 present me a preamble and resolution in 
 these words : 
 
 " Whereas, in the opinion of this Con- 
 vention, the uncertainty which prevails in 
 the public mind as to the policy which the 
 Federal Executive intends to pursue toward 
 the seceded States is extremely injurious 
 to the industrial and commercial interests 
 of the country, tends to keep up an excite- 
 ment which is unfavorable to the adjust- 
 ment of pending difliculties, and threatens a 
 disturbance of the public peace : Therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That a committee of three 
 delegates be appointed to wait on the Pre- 
 sident of the United States, present to him 
 this preamble and resolution, and respect- 
 fully ask him to communicate to this Con- 
 vention the policy which the Federal Exe- 
 cutive intends to pursue in regard to the 
 Confederate States." 
 
 " In answer I have to say, that, having 
 at the beginning of my oflicial term ex- 
 pressed my intended policy as plainly as I 
 was able, it is with deep regret and some 
 mortification I now learn that there is 
 great and injurious uncertainty in the pub- 
 lic mind as to what tliat policy is, and 
 what course I intend to j)ursue. 
 
 " Not having as yet seen occasion to 
 change, it is now my i)uri)ose to pursue the 
 course marked out in the inaugural address. 
 I commend a careful consideration of the 
 whole document as the best expression I 
 can give of my purposes. As I then and 
 therein said, I now repeat :
 
 BOOK I.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 123 
 
 " The power confided to me will be used 
 to hold, occupy, and possess the property 
 and places belonging to the Government, 
 and to collect the duties and imposts ; but 
 beyond what is necessary lor these objects 
 there will be no invasion, no using of force 
 against or among the people anywhere." 
 
 " By the words ' i)roperty and places be- 
 longing to the Government' I chiefly 
 allude to the military posts and property 
 which were in the possession of the Govern- 
 ment when it came into my hands. 
 
 " But if, as now ap[)ears to be true, in 
 
 gursuit of a purpose to drive the United 
 tates authority from these places, an un- 
 provoked assault has been made uj^on Fort 
 Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to 
 repossess, if I can, like places which had 
 been seized before the Government was 
 devolved upon me. And, in any event, I 
 shall, to the best of my ability, repel force 
 by force. 
 
 " In case it proves true that Fort Sum- 
 ter has been assaulted, as is reported, I 
 shall {)erhaps cause the United States mails 
 to be withdrawn from all the States which 
 claim to have seceded, believing that the 
 commencement of actual war against the 
 Government justifies and possibly demands 
 it." 
 
 " I scarcely need to say that I consider 
 the military posts and property situated 
 within the States which claim to have 
 seceded as yet belonging to the Govern- 
 ment of the United States as much as they 
 did before the supposed secession. 
 
 " Whatever else I may do for the pur- 
 pose, I shall not attempt to collect the 
 duties and imposts by any armed invasion 
 of any part of the country — not meaning 
 by this, however, that I may not land a 
 force deemed necessary to relieve a fort 
 upon the border of the country. 
 
 " From the fact that I have quoted a 
 part of the inaugural address, it must not 
 inferred that I repudiate any other part, 
 the whole of which I reaffirm, except so 
 far as what I now say of the mails may be 
 regarded as a modification." 
 
 We have given the above as not only 
 fair but interesting samples of the semi- 
 official and official transactions and corre- 
 spondence of the time. To give more 
 could not add to the interest of what is but 
 a description of the political situation. 
 
 The Border states and some others were 
 "halting between two opinions." North 
 Carolina at first voted down a proposition 
 to secede by 46,671 for, to 47,333 against, 
 but the secessionists called another con- 
 vention in May, the work of which the 
 people ratified, the minority, however, 
 being very large. 
 
 Before Lincoln had entered office most 
 of the Southern forts, arsenals, docks, cus- 
 tom houses, etc., had been seized, and now 
 that preparations were being made for ac- 
 
 tive warfare by the Confederacy ,"many offi- 
 cers of the army and navy resigned or de- 
 serted, and joined it. The most notable 
 were General Robert E. Lee, who for a 
 time hesitated as to his " duty," and Gene- 
 ral David E. Twiggs, the second officer in 
 rank in the United States Army, but who 
 hud purposely been i)laced by Secretary 
 Floyd in connnand of the Defjartment of 
 Texas to facilitate his joining the Con- 
 federacy, which he intended to do from 
 the beginning. All officers were permitted 
 to go, the administration not seeking to 
 restrain any, under the belief that until 
 some open act of war was committed it 
 ought to remain on the defensive. This 
 was wise political policy, for it did more 
 than all else to hold the Border States, the 
 position of which Douglas understood fully 
 as well as any statesman of that hour. It 
 is remarked of Douglas (in Arnold's " His- 
 tory of Abraham Lincobi") that as early 
 as January 1, 1861, he said to General 
 Charles Stewart, of New York, who had 
 made a New Year's call at his residence in 
 Washington, and inquired, " What will be 
 the result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis, 
 and his associates, to divide the Union?" 
 " Rising, and looking," says my informant, 
 " like one inspired, Douglas replied, ' The 
 cotton States are making an effort to draw 
 in the border States to their schemes of 
 secession, and I am but too fearful they 
 will succeed. If they do succeed, there 
 will be the most terrible civil war the 
 world has ever seen, lasting for years.' 
 Pausing a moment, he exclaimed, 'Vir- 
 ginia will become a charnel house, but the 
 end will be the triumph of the Union 
 cause. One of their first efforts will be to 
 take possession of this Capitol to give them 
 prestige abroad, but they will never suc- 
 ceed in taking it — the North will rise en 
 masse to defend it ; — but Washington will 
 become a city of hospitals — the churches 
 will be used for the sick and wounded — ■ 
 even this house (Minnesota block, after- 
 wards, and during the war, the Douglas 
 Hospital) may be devoted to that purpose 
 before the end of the war.' The friend to 
 whom this was said inquired, ' What justi- 
 fication for all this?' Douglas replied, 
 'There is KO justification, nor any pretense 
 of any — if they remain in the L^nion, I will 
 go as for as the Constitution will permit, to 
 maintain their just rights, and I do not 
 doubt a majority of Congress would do the 
 same. But,' said he, again rising on his 
 feet, and extending his arm, ' if the South- 
 ern States attempt to secede from this 
 Union, without further cause, I am in fa- 
 vor of their having just so many slaves, 
 and just so much slave territory, as they 
 can hold at the point of the bayonet, and 
 
 NO MORE.'" 
 
 In the border states of Maryland. Vir- 
 ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mia-
 
 124 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 souri there were sharp political contests 
 between the friends of secession and of 
 the Union. Ultimately the Unionists tri- 
 umphed in Maryland, Kentucky and Mis- 
 soiiri — in the latter state by the active aid 
 of U. S. troops — in Maryland and Ken- 
 tucky by military orders to arrest any mem- 
 bers of the Legislature conspiring to take 
 their states out. In Tennessee, the Union 
 men, under the lead of Andrew Johnson, 
 Governor ("Parson") Brownlow, Horace 
 MajTiard and others, who made a most gal- 
 lant fight to keep the state in, and they had 
 the sympathy of the majority of the people 
 of East Tennessee. The Secessionists took 
 Virginia out April 17th, and North Caro- 
 lina May 20th. The leading Southerners 
 encouraged the timid and hesitating by 
 saying the North would not make war; 
 that the political divisions would be too 
 great there, and they were supported in this 
 view by the speeches and letters of lead- 
 ers like Clement L. Vallandigham. On 
 the other hand they roused the excitable 
 by warlike preparations, and, as we have 
 stated, to prevent reconsideration on the 
 part of those who had seceded, resolved 
 to fire upon Sumter. Beauregard acted 
 under direct instructions from the govern- 
 ment at Montgomery when he notified Ma- 
 jor Anderson on the 11th of April to sur- 
 render Fort Sumter. Anderson replied that 
 he would evacuate on the 15th, but the 
 original summons called for surrender by 
 the 12th, and they opened their fire in ad- 
 vance of the time fixed for evacuation — a 
 fact which clearly established the purpose 
 to bring about a collision. It was this ag- 
 gressive spirit which aroused and united 
 the North, and made extensive political 
 division therein impossible. 
 
 The Southern leaders, ever anxious for 
 the active aid of the Border States, soon 
 saw that they could only acquire it through 
 higher sectional excitement than any yet 
 cultivated, and they acted accordingly. 
 Roger A. Pryor, in a speech at Richmond 
 April 10th, gave expression to this thought, 
 when he said in response to a serenade : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, I thank you, especially 
 that you have at last annihilated this ac- 
 cursed Union, [applause,] reeking with 
 corruption, and insolent with excess of 
 tyranny. Thank fiod, it is at last blasted 
 and riven by the lightning wrath of an 
 outraged and indignant people. [Loud 
 applause.] Not only is it gone, but gone 
 fonsver. [Cries of ' You're right,' and ap- 
 plause, j In the expressive language of 
 Scripture, it is water spilt upon the ground, 
 wliich cannot be gatliered uj) | Apj)lause. j 
 I>ike Lucifer, son of the morning, it has 
 fallen, never to rise again. [Continued 
 applause. | For my part, f/rntlrmen, if Abra- 
 ham TAncoln and Ifannihal Hamlin (o- 
 viorrow vf-re to abdicate thfir ojjiccs and 
 were to give me a blank sheet oj' jnijicr to 
 
 write the conditions of rcannexatinn to the 
 defunct Union, I would scornfully .spurn 
 the overture, * * * * I invoke 
 you, and I make it in some sort a personal 
 appeal — personal so far as it tends to our 
 assistance in Virginia — I do invoke you, 
 in your demonstrations of popular opinion, 
 in your exhibitions of official intent, to 
 give no countenance to this idea of recon- 
 struction. [Many voices, emphatically, 
 ' Never,' and applause.] In Virginia they 
 all say, if reduced to the dread dilemma of 
 this memorable alternative, they will es- 
 pouse the cause of the South as against the 
 interest of the Northern Confederacy, but 
 they whisper of reconstruction, and they 
 say Virginia must abide in the Union, with 
 the idea of reconstructing the Union which 
 you have annihilated. I pray you, gentle- 
 men, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to 
 the world that upon no condition, and 
 under no circumstance, will South Carolina 
 ever again enter into political association 
 with the Abolitionists of New England. 
 [Cries of ' Never," and applause.] 
 
 " Do not distrust Virginia. As sure as 
 to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so 
 sure will Virginia be a member of this 
 Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And 
 I tcill tell you, gentlemen, what will put her 
 in the Southern Confederation in less than 
 an hour by Shreicsbury clock — STRIKE A 
 BLOW ! [Tremendous applause.] The very 
 moment that blood is shed, old Virginia icill 
 make common cause with her sisters of the 
 Smith. [Applause.] It is impossible she 
 should do otherwise." 
 
 Warlike efforts were likewise used to 
 keep some of the states firmly to their pur- 
 pose. Hon. Jeremiah Clemens, formerly 
 United States Senator from Alabama, and 
 a member of the Alabama Seceding Con- 
 vention who resisted the movement until 
 adopted by the body, at an adjourned Re- 
 construction meeting held at Huntsville, 
 Ala., March 13, 1864, made this significant 
 statement : — 
 
 Mr. Clemens, in adjourning the meeting, 
 said he Avould tell the Alabamians how 
 their state was got out of the Union. " In 
 18(11," said Mr. C, " shortly after the Con- 
 federate Government was put in operation, 
 I was in the city of Montgomery. One 
 day I stepped into the oftice of the Secre- 
 taiy of War, General Walker, and found 
 there, engaged in a very excited discussion, 
 Mr. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Memminger, Mr. 
 Benjamin, Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our 
 Legislature from Loundes county, and a 
 numl)er of other prominent gentlemen. 
 They were discussing the propriety of im- 
 mediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to 
 which (Jeneral Walker, the Secretary of 
 War, ai>pearcd to be opnosed. Mr. Gil- 
 christ said to him, ' Sir, unless you sprinkle 
 l)loo(l in the face of the people of Alabama 
 they will be back iu the old Union in less
 
 BooKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 125 
 
 than ten days ! ' The next day General 
 Beauregard opened his batteries on Sumter, 
 and Alabama waa saved to the Confed- 
 eracy." 
 
 When the news flashed along the wires 
 that Sumter had been fired upon, Lincoln 
 immediately used his war powers and is- 
 sued a call for 7r>,000 troops. All of the 
 northern governors resi)onded with prompt- 
 ness and enthusiasm ; but this was not true 
 of the governors of the southern states 
 which at that time had not seceded, and 
 the Border States. 
 
 We take from McPherson's admirable 
 condensation, the evasive or hostile replies 
 of the Governors referred to, and follow it 
 with his statement of the military calls and 
 legislation of both governments, but for 
 the purposes of this work omit details 
 which are too extended. 
 
 REPLIES OF SOUTHERN STATE GOVERNORS 
 TO LINCOLN'S CALL FOR 75,000 TROOPS. 
 
 Governor Burton, of Delaware, iesued 
 a proclamation, April 26, recommending 
 the formation of volunteer companies for 
 the protection of the lives and property of 
 the people of Delaware against violence of 
 any sort to which they may be exposed, 
 the companies not being subject to be or- 
 dered by the Executive into the United 
 States service, the law not vesting him 
 with such authority, but having the option 
 of offering their services to the General 
 Government for the defence of its capital 
 and the support of the Constitution and 
 laws of the country. 
 
 Governor Hicks, of Maryland, May 14, 
 issued a proclamation for the troops, stat- 
 ing that the four regiments would be de- 
 tailed to serve within the limits of Mary- 
 land or for the defence of the capital of the 
 United States. 
 
 Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied 
 that "The militia of Virginia will not be 
 furnished to the powers of Washington for 
 any such use or purpose as they have in 
 view. Your object is to subjugate the 
 southern States, and a requisition made 
 upon me for such an object — an object, in 
 my judgment, not within the jiurview of 
 the Constitution or the act of 1795 — will 
 not be complied with. You have chosen 
 to inaugurate civil war, and having done 
 so we will meet it in a spirit as determined 
 as the Administration has exhibited to- 
 ward the South." 
 
 Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, re- 
 plied April 15 : 
 
 "Your dispatch is received, and if gen- 
 uine — which its extraordinary character 
 leads me to doubt — I have to say in reply 
 that I regard the levy of troops made by 
 the Administration, for the purpose of sub- 
 jugating the States of the South, as in vio- 
 lation of the Constitution and a usurjiation 
 of power. I can be no party to this wicked 
 
 violation of the laws of the country, and 
 to this war upon the liberties of a free peo- 
 ple. You can get no troops from North 
 Carolina. I will reply more in detail when 
 your call is received by mail.'' 
 
 Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, re- 
 plied, April 15 : 
 
 " Your dispatch is received. In answer 
 I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish 
 no troops for the wicked purpose of subdu- 
 ing her sister Southern States." 
 
 Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied, 
 April 18: 
 
 " Tennessee will not furnish a single man 
 for coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessa- 
 ry, for the defence of our rights or those of 
 our southern brethren." 
 
 Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied: 
 
 " Your requisition is illegal, unconstitu- 
 tional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, 
 and cannot be comj)Iied with." 
 
 Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied, 
 April 22 : 
 
 " None will be furnished. The demand 
 is only adding insult to injury." 
 
 ALL OTHER CALLS FOR TROOPS. 
 
 May 3, 1861— The President called for 
 thirty-nine volunteer regiments of infantry 
 and one regiment of cavalry, with a mini- 
 mum aggregate of 34,506 officers and en- 
 listed men, and a maximum of 42,034; and 
 for the enlistment of 18,000 seamen. 
 
 May 3, 1861— The President directed an 
 increase of the regular army by eight regi- 
 ments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one 
 of artillery — minimum aggregate, 18,054; 
 maximum, 22,714. 
 
 August 6 — Congress legalized this in- 
 crease, and all the acts, orders, and pro- 
 clamations respecting the Army and Navy. 
 
 July 22 and 25, 1861 — Congress author- 
 ized the enlistment of 500,000 volunteers. 
 
 September 17, 1861 — Commanding offi- 
 cer at Hatteras Inlet, N. C, authorized to 
 enlist a regiment of loyal North Carolini- 
 ans. 
 
 November 7, 1861 — The Governor of 
 Missouri was authorized to raise a force of 
 State militia for State defence. 
 
 December 3, 1861 — The Secretary of 
 War directed that no move regiments, bat- 
 teries, or independent companies be raised 
 by the Governors of States, except upon 
 the special requisition of the War Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 July 2, 1862— The President called for 
 three hundred thousand volunteers. 
 
 Under the act of .July 17, 1862. 
 
 August 4, 1862 — The President ordered 
 a drah of three hundred thousand militia, 
 for nine months unless sooner discharged ; 
 and directed that if any State shall not, by 
 the 15th of August, furnish its quota of tiie 
 additional 300,000 authorized by-law, the 
 deficiency of volunteers in that State will 
 also be niade up by special draft from the
 
 12Q 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 militia. Wednesday, September 3, was 
 subsequently fixed for the draft. 
 
 May 8, 1863 — Proclamation issued, de- 
 fining the relations of aliens to the con- 
 scription act, holding all aliens who have 
 declared on oath their intention to become 
 citizens and may be in the country within 
 sixty-five days from date, and all who have 
 declared their intention to become citizens 
 and have voted. 
 
 June 15, 1863 One hundred thousand 
 men, for six months, called to repel the 
 invasion of Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio, 
 and Pennsylvania. 
 
 October 17, 1863 — A proclamation was 
 issued for 300,000 volunteers, to serve for 
 three years or the war, not, however, ex- 
 ceeding three years, to fill the places of 
 those whose terms expire " during the 
 coming year," these being in addition to 
 the men raised by the present draft. In 
 States in default under this call, January 6, 
 1864, a draft shall be made on that dav. 
 
 February 1, 1864— Draft for 500,000 men 
 for three years or during the war, ordered 
 for March 10, 1864. 
 
 March 14, 1864— Draft for 200,000 ad- 
 ditional for the array, navy and marine 
 corps, ordered for April 15, 1864, to supply 
 the force required for the navy and to pro- 
 vide an adequate reserve force for all con- 
 tingencies. 
 
 April 23, 1864—85,000 one hundred day 
 men accepted, tendered by the Governors 
 of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wis- 
 consin ; 30,000, 20,000, 20,000, 10,000 and 
 5,000 being tendered respectively. 
 
 UNION MILITARY LEGISLATION. 
 
 1861, July 22— The President was au- 
 thorized to accept the services of volun- 
 teers, not exceeding five hundred thousand, 
 for a period not exceeding three years. 
 July 27, this authority was duplicated. 
 
 1861, July 27 — Nine regiments of in- 
 fantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery, 
 added to the regular army. 
 
 August 5 — Passed bill approving and 
 legalizing the orders of the President re- 
 8i)ecting the army and navy, issued from 
 4th of March to that date. 
 
 1862, July 17— Autliorized the President, 
 when calling forth the militia of the States, 
 to specify the period of such service, not 
 exceeding nine months; and if by reason 
 of defects in existing laws or in the execu- 
 tion of them, it shall be found necessary 
 to provide for enrolling the militia, the 
 President was authorized to make all 
 necessary regulations, the enrollment to in- 
 clude all able l)o<licd male citizens between 
 eighteen and forty-five, and to be appor- 
 tioned ac;rording to representative pojmla- 
 tion. He was anthorized, in addition to 
 the volunteers now iitithorized, to accept 
 IflO.OOO infiintry, for nine months; also, for 
 twelve months, to fill up old regiments, as 
 
 many as may be presented for the pur- 
 pose. 
 
 1863, February 7 — Authorized the Gov- 
 ernor of Kentucky, by the consent and 
 under the direction of the President, to 
 raise twenty thousand volunteers, for 
 twelve months, for service within th6 
 limits of the State, for repelling invasion, 
 suppressing insurrection, and guarding and 
 protecting the public property — two regi- 
 ments to be mounted riflemen. With the 
 consent of the President, these troops may 
 be attached to, and become a part of, the 
 body of three years' volunteers. 
 
 1863, March 3 — The conscription act 
 passed. It included as a part of the na- 
 tional forces, all able bodied male citizens 
 of the United States, and persons of for- 
 eign birth who shall have declared on oath 
 their intention to become citizens under 
 and in pursuance of the laws thereof, be- 
 tween the ages of twenty-one and forty- 
 five years, except such as are rejected as 
 physically or mentally unfit for the service; 
 also, the Vice President, the judges of the 
 various courts of the United States, the 
 heads of the various executive departments 
 of the Government, and the Governors of 
 the several States ; also, the only son liable 
 to military service, of a widow dependent 
 upon his labor for support ; also, the only 
 son of aged or infirm parent or parents, 
 dependent upon his labor for support ; 
 also, where there are two or more sons of 
 aged or infirm parents, subject to draft, the 
 father, or if he be dead, the mother, may 
 elect which son shall be exemjit ; also, the 
 only brother of children not twelve years 
 old, having neither father nor mother, de- 
 pendent upon his labor for support; also, 
 the father of motherless children under 
 twelve years of age, dependent upon his 
 labor for support; also, where there area 
 father and sons in the same family and 
 household, and two of them are in military 
 service of the United States as non-com- 
 missioned officers, musicians, or privates, 
 the residue of such family ; provided that 
 no person who has been convicted of any 
 felony shall be enrolled or i)ermitted to 
 serve in said forces. It divided the forces 
 into two classes : 1st, those between twenty 
 and thirty-five and all unmarried persons 
 above thirty-five and under forty-five ; 2d, 
 all others liable to military duty. It di- 
 vided the country into districts, in each of 
 which an enrollment board was established. 
 The persons enrolled were made subject to 
 be called into the military service for two 
 years from July 1, 1863, and continue in 
 service for three years. A drafted person 
 was allowed to furnish an acceptable sub- 
 stitute, or pay $300, and be discharged 
 from further lial)ility under that draft. 
 Persons failing to report, to be considered 
 deserters. All persons drafted shall be as- 
 signed by the President to military duty
 
 BOOKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 127 
 
 in such corps, regiments, or branches of 
 the service as the exigencies of the service 
 may require. 
 
 1S()4, Feb. 24 — Provided for equalizing 
 the draft by calculating the quota of each 
 district or precinct and counting the num- 
 ber jireviously furnished by it. Any per- 
 son enrolled may furnish an acceptable 
 substitute who is not lialde to draft, nor, 
 at any time, in the military or naval ser- 
 vice of the United States ; and such per- 
 son so furnishing a substitute shall be ex- 
 empt from draft during the time for which 
 such substitute shall not be liable to draft, 
 not exceeding the time for which such sub- 
 stitute shall liave been accepted. If such 
 substitute is liable to draft, the name of 
 the person furnishing him shall again be 
 placed on tiie roll and shall be liable to 
 draft in future calls, but not until the pre- 
 sent enrollment shall be exhausted. The 
 exemptions are limited to such as are re- 
 jected as ithysically or mentally unfit for the 
 service ; to persons actually in the military 
 or naval service of the Government, and 
 all persons who have served in the military 
 or naval service two years during the pre- 
 sent war and been honorably discharged 
 therefrom. 
 
 The separate enrollment of classes is re- 
 pealed and the two classes consolidated. 
 
 Members of religious denominations, 
 who shall by oath or affirmation declare 
 that they are conscientiously opposed to 
 the bearing of arms, and who are pro- 
 hibited from doing so by the rules and 
 articles of faith and practice of said re- 
 ligious denomination, shall when drafted, 
 be considered non-combatants, and be as- 
 signed to duty in the hospitals, or the care 
 of freedmen, or shall pay $300 to the 
 benefit of sick and wounded soldiers, if 
 they give jjroof that their deportment has 
 been uniformly consistent with their de- 
 claration. 
 
 No alien who has voted in county. State 
 or Territory shall, because of alienage, be 
 exempt from draft. 
 
 " All able-bodied male colored persons 
 between the ages of twenty and forty-five 
 years, resident in the United States, shall 
 be enrolled according to the provisions of 
 this act, and of the act to which this is an 
 amendment, and form part of the national 
 forces ; and when a slave of a loyal master 
 shall he drafted and mustered into the ser- 
 vice of the United States, his master shall 
 have a certificate thereof; and thereupon 
 such slave shall be free, and the bounty of 
 one hundred dollars, now payable by law 
 for each drafted man, shall be paid to the 
 person to whom such drafted person was 
 owing service or labor at the time of his 
 muster into the service of the United States. 
 The Secretary of War shall appoint a com- 
 mission in each of the slave fetates repre- 
 sented in Congress, charged to awara to 
 
 each loyal person to whom a colored volun- 
 teer may owe service a just compensation, 
 not exceeding three hundred dollars, for 
 each such colored volunteer, payable out 
 of the fund derived from commuta- 
 tions, and every such colored volunteer 
 on being mustered into the service shall be 
 free. And in all cases where men of color 
 have been enlisted, or have volunteered in 
 the military service of the United States, 
 all the provisions of this act so far as the 
 payment of bounty and compensation are 
 provided, shall be equally aj)plicable, as to 
 those who may be hereafter recruited. But 
 men of color, drafted or enlisted, or who 
 may volunteer into the military service, 
 while they shall be credited on the quotas 
 of the several States, or sub-divisions of 
 States, wherein they are respectively draft- 
 ed, enlisted, or shall volunteer, shall not 
 be assigned as State troops, but shall 
 be mustered into regiments or companies 
 as United States colored troops." 
 
 1HG4, Feb. 29— Bill passed reviving the 
 grade of Lieutenant General in the army, 
 and Major General Ulysses S. Grant was 
 appointed March 2d. 
 
 18G4, June 15 — All persons of color shall 
 receive the same pay and emoluments, ex- 
 cept bounty, as other soldiers of the regular 
 or volunteer army from and after Jan. 1, 
 1864, the President to fix the bounty for 
 those hereafter mustered, not exceeding 
 $100. 
 
 18G4, June 20 — The monthly pay of pri- 
 vates and non-commissioned officers was 
 fixed as follows, on and after May 1 : 
 
 Sergeant majors, twenty-six dollars; 
 quartermaster and commissary sergeants of 
 Cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty- 
 two dollars ; first sergeants of cavalry, 
 artillery, and infantry, twenty-four dollars ; 
 sergeants of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, 
 twenty dollars ; sergeants of ordnance, 
 sappers and miners, and pontoniers, thirty- 
 four dollars; corporals of ordnance, sap- 
 pers and miners, and pontoniers, twenty 
 dollars ; privates of engineers and ordnance 
 of the first class, eighteen dollars, and of 
 the second class, sixteen dollars ; corjiorals 
 of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, eighteen 
 dollars ; chief buglers of cavalry, twent}'- 
 three dollars ; buglers, sixteen dollars; far- 
 riers and blacksmiths, of cavalry, and arti- 
 ficers of artillery, eighteen dollars ; privates 
 of cavalry, artillery and infantry, sixteen 
 dollars ; principal musicians of artillery 
 and infantry, twenty-two dollars; leaders 
 of brigade and regimental bands, seventy- 
 five dollars; musicians, sixteen dollars; 
 hospital stewards of the fii-st class, thirty- 
 three dollars; hospital .'stewards of tlie 
 second class, twenty-five dollars ; hospital 
 stewards of the third class, twenty-three 
 dollars." 
 
 July 4 — This bill became a law: 
 
 Be it enacted, tfec. That the President of
 
 128 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the United States may, at his discretion, at 
 any time hereafter call for any number of 
 men as volunteers for the respective terms 
 of one, two, and three years for military 
 service ; and any such volunteer, or, in case 
 of draft, as hereinafter j^rovided, any sub- 
 stitute, shall be credited to the town, town- 
 ship, ward of a city, precinct, or election 
 district, or of a county not so subdivided 
 towards the quota of which he may have 
 volunteered or engaged as a substitute ; 
 and every volunteer who is accepted and 
 mustered into the service for a term of one 
 year, unless sooner discharged, shall re- 
 ceive, and be paid by the United States, a 
 bounty of one hundred dollars ; and if for 
 a term of two years, unless sooner dis- 
 charged, a bounty of two hundred dollars; 
 and if for a term of three years, unless 
 sooner discharged, a bounty of three hun- 
 dred dollars ; one third of which bounty 
 shall be paid to the soldier at the time of 
 his being mustered into the service, one- 
 third at the exjiiration of one-half of his 
 term of service, and one-third at the expi- 
 ration of his terni of service. And in case 
 of his death while in service, the residtie of 
 his bounty unpaid shall be paid to his 
 widow, if he shall have left a widow ; if 
 not, to his children ; or if there be none, to 
 
 his mother, if she be a widow. 
 
 ******* 
 
 Sec. 8. That all persons in the naval 
 service of the United States, Avho have en- 
 tered said service during the present rebel- 
 lion, who have not been credited to the 
 quota of any town, district, ward, or State, 
 by reason of their being in said service and 
 not enrolled prior to February twentj'-four, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-four, shall be 
 enrolled and credited to the quotas of the 
 town, ward, district, or State, in which 
 they respectively reside, upon satisfactory 
 proof of their residence made to the Secre- 
 tary of War. 
 
 "confederate" military legislation. 
 
 February 28, 1^61, (four days before the 
 inauguration of Mr. Lincoln) — The "Con- 
 federate " Congress passed a bill provid- 
 ing— 
 
 1st. To enable the Government of the 
 Confederate States to maintain its jurisdic- 
 tion over all questions of peace and war, 
 and to provide for the public defence, the 
 J'resideiit be, and he is hereby auttiorizcd 
 and directed to assume control of all mili- 
 tary oi)erations in every State, having re- 
 ference to a connection with questions be- 
 tween the said States, or any of them, and 
 Powers foreign to themselves. 
 
 2d. The I'resident was authorized to re- 
 ceive from the several States the arms and 
 munitions of war which have been ac- 
 quirc'd from the United States. 
 
 3d. lie was authorized to receive into 
 Government service such forces in the ser- 
 
 vice of the States, as may be tendered, in 
 such number as he may require, for any 
 time not less than twelve months, unless 
 sooner discharged. 
 
 March 6, 1861 — The President was au- 
 thorized to employ the militia, military and 
 naval forces of the Confederate States to 
 repel invasion, maintain rightful possession 
 of the territory, and secure public tran- 
 quillity and independence against threat- 
 ened assault, to the extent of 100,000 
 men, to serve for twelve months. 
 
 May 4, 1861 — One regiment of Zouaves 
 authorized. 
 
 May 6, 1861 — Letters of marque and re- 
 prisal authorized. 
 
 1861, August 8 — The Congress author- 
 ized the President to accept the services of 
 400,000 volunteers, to serve for not less 
 than twelve months nor more than three 
 years after they shall be mustered into ser- 
 vice, unless sooner discharged. 
 
 The Kichmond Enquirer of that date an- 
 nounced that it was ascertained from ofR- 
 cial data, before the passage of the bill, 
 that there were not less than 210,000 men 
 then in the field. 
 
 August 21 — Volunteers authorized for 
 local defence and special service. 
 
 1862, January — Publishers of newspa- 
 pers, or other printed matter are prohibited 
 from giving the number, disposition, move- 
 ment, or destination of the land or naval 
 forces, or description of vessel, or battery, 
 fortification, engine of war, or signal, un- 
 less first authorized by the President or 
 Congress, or the Secretary of War or Navy, 
 or commanding officer of post, district, or 
 expedition. The penalty is a fine of $1,000 
 and imprisonment not over twelvemonths. 
 
 1862, February — The Committee on Na- 
 val Affairs were instructed to inquire into 
 the expediency of placing at the disposal 
 of the President five millions of dollars to 
 build gunboats. 
 
 1862 — Bill passed to "regulate the de- 
 struction of property under military neces- 
 sity," referring particularly to cotton and 
 tobacco. The authorities are authorized to 
 destroy it to keep it from the enemy ; and 
 owners, destroying it for the same purpose, 
 are to be indemnified upon proof of the 
 value and the circumstances of the de- 
 struction. 
 
 1S(;2, April 16— The first "conscription" 
 bill l)ecame a law. 
 
 ]8()4, Fel)ruary. The second conscription 
 bill became a law. 
 
 The Eichmnnd Sentinel of February 17, 
 1864, contains a synopsis of what is called 
 the military bill, heretofore forbidden to be 
 printed : 
 
 The first section provides that all white 
 men residents of the Confederate States, 
 between the ages of seventeen and fifty, 
 shall be in the military service for the war. 
 
 The second section provides that all be-
 
 BOOKi.J MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 129 
 
 tween eighteen and forty-five, now in ser- 
 vice, shall be continued during the war in 
 the same regiments, battalions, and com- 
 panies to Avhich they belong at the passage 
 of this act, with the organization, oliicers, 
 &c., provided that companies from one State 
 organized against their consent, expressed 
 at the time, with regrets, &c., from anothtr 
 State, shall have the privilege of being 
 transferred to the same arm in a regiment 
 from their own State, and men can be trans- 
 ferred to a company fi-om their own State. 
 
 Section three gives a bounty eight months 
 hence of $100 in rebel bonds. 
 
 Section four provides that no person 
 shall be relieved from the operations of this 
 act heretofore discharged for disability, nor 
 shall those who furnished suhstitutes be ex- 
 empted, tvhere no disahiUty now exists ; but 
 exempts religious persons who have paid 
 an exemption tax. * * # 
 
 The tenth section provides that no per- 
 son shall be exempt except the following ; 
 ministers, superintendents of deaf, dumb, 
 and blind, or insane asylums ; one editor to 
 each newspaper, and such employees as he 
 may swear to be indispensable ; the Con- 
 federate and State public printers, and the 
 journeymen printers necessary to perform 
 the public printing ; one apothecary to each 
 drug store, who was and has been contin- 
 uously doing business as such since Octo- 
 ber 10, 1862 ; physicians over 30 years of 
 age of seven years' practice, not including 
 dentists ; presidents and teachers of col- 
 leges, academies and schools, who have not 
 less than thirty pupils ; su{)erintendents 
 of public hospitals established by law, and 
 sucn physicians and nurses as may be in- 
 dispensable for their efficient management. 
 
 One agriculturist on such farm where 
 there is no white male adult not liable to 
 duty employing fifteen able-bodied slaves, 
 between sixteen and fifty years of age, up- 
 on the following conditions : 
 
 The party exempted shall give bonds to 
 deliver to the Government in the next 
 twelve months, 100 pounds of bacon, or its 
 equivalent in salt pork, at Government se- 
 lection, and 100 poundsof beef for each such 
 able-bodied slave employed on said farm 
 at commissioner's rates. 
 
 In certain cases this may be commuted 
 jn grain or other provisions. 
 
 The person shall further bind himself to 
 sell all surplus provisions now on hand, or 
 which he may raise, to the Government, or 
 the families of soldiers, at commissioner's 
 rates, the person to be allowed a credit of 
 25 per cent, on any amount he may deliver 
 in three months from the passage of this 
 act; Provided that no enrollment since Feb. 
 1, 1864, shall deprive the person enrolled 
 from the benefit of this exemption. 
 
 In addition to the above, the Secretary 
 of War is authorized to make such details 
 as the public security requires. 
 
 9 
 
 The vote in the House of Representa- 
 tives was — yeas, 41 ; nays, 31. 
 
 GUERRILLAS. 
 
 1862, April 21— The President was au- 
 thorized to commission such officers as he 
 may deem proper, with authority to form 
 bands of partisan rangers, in companies, 
 battalions or regiments, either as infantry 
 or cavalry, to receive the same pay, rations, 
 and quarters, and be 'subject to the same 
 regulations as other soldiers. For any arms 
 and munitions of war captured from the 
 enemy by any body of partisan rangers, 
 and delivered to any quartermaster at des- 
 ignated place, the rangers shall pay their 
 full value.* 
 
 The following resolution, in relation to 
 partisan service, was adopted by the Vir- 
 ginia Legislature, May 17, 18G2: 
 
 Whereas, this General Assembly places 
 a high estimate upon the value of the ran- 
 ger or partisan service in })rosecuting the 
 present war to a successful issue, and re- 
 gards it as perfectly legitimate ; and it be- 
 ing understood that a Federal commander 
 on the northern border of Virginia ha.s in- 
 timated his purpose, if such service is not 
 discontinued, to lay waste by fire the por- 
 tion of our territory at present under his 
 power. 
 
 Resolved hy the General Assembly, That 
 in its opinion, the policy of employing such 
 rangers and partisans ought to be carried- 
 out energetically, both by the authorities 
 of this State and of the Confederate States, 
 without the slightest regard to such threats. 
 
 By another act, the President was au- 
 thorized, in addition to the volunteer force 
 authorized under existing laws, to accept 
 the services of volunteers who may offer 
 them, without regard to the place of en- 
 listment, to serve for and during the exist- 
 ing war. 
 
 1862, May 27— Major General John B. 
 Floyd was authorized by the Legislature of 
 Virginia, to raise ten thousand men, not 
 now in service or liable to draft, for twelve- 
 months. 
 
 1862, September 27 — The President was 
 authorized to call out and place in the mil- 
 itary service for three years, all white men 
 who are residents, between the ages of 
 thirty-five and forty-five, at the time the- 
 call may be made, not legally exempt. And 
 such authority shall exist in the President, 
 during the present war, as to all persons 
 who now are, or hereafter may become 
 eighteen years of age, and all persons be- 
 tween eighteen and forty-five, once en- 
 rolled, shall serve their full time. 
 
 * 1S64, Febniarj- 15 — Hepealed tho above act, but pro 
 vlded for continuinc orj^nizatioiis of partisan ratiK"'™ 
 artiiig as rcfriilar cavalry and so to cimtiniip ; ami autlior- 
 ialii}; the Sooretary of War to provide for uniting all 
 liands of partisan ninsrors with other orninizai ions and 
 brinsring tlx'm undtT tho general discipline of tho pro- 
 visional army.
 
 130 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 THE t"w:en"ty-neCtEO exemption law. 
 
 1862, October 11 — Exempted certain 
 classes, described in the repealing law of 
 the next session, as follows : 
 
 The dissatistaction of the people with an 
 act passed by the Confederate Congress, at 
 its last session, by which persons owning a 
 certain number of slaves were exempted ; 
 from the operation of the conscription law, [ 
 has led the members ^t the present session 
 to reconsider their work, and already one 
 branch has passed a bill for the repeal of 
 the obnoxious law. This bill provides as 
 follows : 
 
 " The Congress of the Confederate States 
 do enact, That so much of the act ap- 
 proved October 11, 1862, as exempts from 
 military service ' one person, either as 
 agent, owner, or overseer, on each planta- 
 tion on which one white person is required 
 to be kept by the laws or ordinances of any 
 State, and on which there is no white male 
 adult not liable to military service, and in 
 States having no such law, one person, as 
 agent, owner, or overseer on such planta- 
 tion of twenty negroes, and on whicli there 
 is no white male adult not liable to mili- 
 tary service ;' and also the following clause 
 in "said act, to wit : ' and furthermore, for 
 additional police of every twenty negroes, 
 on two or more plantations, within five 
 miles of each other, and each having less 
 than twenty negroes, and on which there 
 is no white male adult not liable to military 
 duty, one person, being the oldest of the 
 owners or overseers on such plantations,' 
 be and the same are hereby repealed ; and 
 the persons so hitherto exempted by said 
 clauses of said act are hereby made subject 
 to military duty in the same manner that 
 they would be had said clauses never been 
 embraced in said act." 
 
 THE POSITION OF DOUGLAS. 
 
 After the President had issued his first 
 call, Douglas saw the danger to which the 
 Capitol was exposed, and he promptly 
 called upon Lincoln to express his full 
 approval of the call. Knowing his politi- 
 cal value and that of his following Lin- 
 coln asked him to dictate a despatch to the 
 Associated Press, which he did in these 
 words, the original being left in the pos-^es- 
 sion of Hon. George Ashmun of Massachu- 
 
 " April 18, 1861, Swiator Douglas, called 
 on the President, and had an interesting 
 conversation, on the present condition of 
 the country. The su]).stance of it was, on 
 the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was 
 unalterably opposed to the administration 
 in all its jiolitical issuer, he was prepared 
 to fully sustain the President, in the exercise 
 of all his CoTistitutionid functions, to pre- 
 serve tliel^iiion, maintain thr <»overnment, 
 and dcfeml thcFoflerjil Capitol. A firm po- 
 licy and jiroiiipt action was necessary. The 
 
 Capitol was in danger, and must be de- 
 fended at all hazards, and at any expense 
 of men and money. He spoke of the pre- 
 sent and future, without any reference to 
 the i^ast." 
 
 Douglas followed this with a great speech 
 at Chicago, in which he uttered a sentence 
 that was soon quoted on nearly every 
 Northern tongue. It was simply this, 
 " that there now could be but two parties, 
 patriots and traitors." It needed nothing 
 more to rally the Douglas Democrats by 
 the side of the Administration, and in the 
 general feeling of patriotism awakened not 
 only this class of Democrats, but many 
 Northern supporters of Breckinridge also 
 enlisted in the Union armies. The leaders 
 who stood aloof and gave their sympathies 
 to the South, were stigmatized as "Copper- 
 heads," and these where they were so im- 
 pudent as to give expression to their hos- 
 tility, were as odious to the mass of North- 
 erners as the Unionists of Tennessee and 
 North Carolina were to the Secessionists — 
 with this difference — that the latter were 
 compelled to seek refuge in their moun- 
 tains, while the Northern leader who 
 sought to give " aid and comfort to the 
 enemy " was either placed under arrest by 
 the government or proscribed politically 
 by his neighbors. Civil war is ever thus. 
 Let us now pass to 
 
 THE POLITICAL LEGISLATION INCIDENT TO 
 THE WAR. 
 
 The first session of the 37th Congress 
 began July 4, 1861, and closed Aug. 6. 
 The second began December 2, 1861, and 
 closed July 17, 1862. The third began 
 December 1, 1862 and closed March 4, 
 1863. 
 
 All of these sessions of Congress were 
 really embarrassed by the number of vol- 
 unteers offering from the North, and suffi- 
 ciently rapid provision could not be made 
 for them. And as illustrative of how 
 political lines had been broken, it need 
 only be remarked that Benjamin F. Butler, 
 the leader of the Northern wing of Breck- 
 inridge's supporters, Avas commissioned as 
 the first commander of the forces which 
 IMassachusetts sent to the field. New York, 
 Pennsylvania, Ohio — the great West — all 
 the States, more than met all early require- 
 ments. So rapid were enlistments that no 
 song was as popular as that beginning 
 with the lines : 
 
 " Wo aro comjnp, Father Abraham, 
 Six hiindr(<i thousand stroiiR." 
 
 The first session of the 37fh Congress 
 was a special one, called by the President. 
 IMcPherson, in his classification of the 
 membership, shows the changes in a body 
 made historic, if such a thing can be, not 
 only by its membership pri'sent, but that 
 which had gone or made itself subject to
 
 BOOK I.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 131 
 
 expulsion by siding with the Confederacy. 
 We quote tlie list so concisely and correct- 
 ly presented : 
 
 MEMBERS OF THE 37tH CONGRESS. 
 
 March 4, 18C1, to March 4, 18G3. 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Presi- 
 dent of the Senate. 
 
 SENATORS. 
 
 Maine— Lot M. Morrill, Wm. Pitt Fes- 
 senden. 
 
 New Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel 
 Clark. 
 
 Vermont — Solomon Foot, Jacob Colla- 
 mer. 
 
 Massachusetts — Charles Sumner, Henry 
 Wilson. 
 
 Rhode Island — James F. Simmons,* 
 Henry B. Anthony. 
 
 Connecticut — James Dixon, Lafayette S. 
 Foster. 
 
 New York — Preston King, Ira Harris. 
 
 New Jersey — John B. Thomson,* John 
 C. Ten Eyck. 
 
 Pennsylvania — David AVilmot, Edgar 
 Cowan. 
 
 Delaware — James A. Bayard, Willard 
 Saulsbury. 
 
 Maryland — Anthony Kennedy, James A. 
 Pearce.* 
 
 Virginia* 
 
 Ohio — Benjamin F. Wade, John Sher- 
 man. 
 
 Kentucky — Lazarus W. Powell, John C. 
 Breckinridge.* 
 
 Tennessee — Andrew Johnson. 
 
 Indiana — Jesse D. Bright,* Henry S. 
 Lane. 
 
 Illinois — O. H. Browning,* Lyman 
 Trumliull. 
 
 3//.s-,soM?-i— Trustcn Polk,* Waldo P. 
 Johnson.* 
 
 Michigan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bing- 
 ham.* 
 
 Iowa — James W. Grimes, James Harlan. 
 
 Wisconsin — James R. Doolittle, Timothy 
 O. Howe. 
 
 California — Milton S. Latham, James 
 A. McDougall. 
 
 Minnesota — Henry M. Rice, Morton S. 
 AVilkinson. 
 
 Oregon — Edward D. Baker,* James W. 
 Ncsiiiith. 
 
 Kansas — James H. Lane, S. C. Pomeroy. 
 
 REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Galusha a. Grow, of Pennsylvania, 
 Speaker of the House. 
 
 Maine — John N. Goodwin, Charles W. 
 Walton,* Samuel C. Fessenden, Anson P. 
 Morrill, John H. Rice, Frederick A. Pike. 
 
 New Hampshire — Gilman ]\Iarston, Ed- 
 ward H. Rollins, Thomas M. Edwards. 
 
 Vermont— E. P. Walton, Jr., Justin S. 
 Morrill, Portus Baxter. 
 
 * See memoraudum at tho end of list. 
 
 Massachusetts — Thomas D. Eliot, James 
 Bufiiiiton, Benjamin F. Thoma.s, Alexan- 
 der H. Rice, William Apjjleton,* John B. 
 Alley, Daniel W. Gouch, Charles R. Train, 
 (rolcismith F. Bailey,* Charles Delano, 
 Henry L. Dawes. 
 
 L'hode Matid — V^illiam P. Sheffield, 
 George II. Browne. 
 
 Connecticut — Dwight Loomis, James E. 
 English, Alired A. Jiurnham,* George C. 
 Woodruff. 
 
 New York — Edward H. Smith, Moses F. 
 Odell, Benjamin Wood, James E. Kerri- 
 gan, William Wall, Frederick A. Conk- 
 ling, Elijah Ward, Isaac C. Delaplaiiie, 
 Edward Haight, Charles H. Van Wyck, 
 John B. Steele, Stephen Baker, Abraham 
 B. Olin, Erastus Corning, James B. Mc- 
 Kean, William A. Wheeler, Socrates N. 
 Sherman, Chauncey Vibbard, Richard 
 Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. Holland 
 Duell, William E. Lansing, Ambrose W. 
 Clark, Charles B. Sedgwick, Theodore M. 
 Pomeroy, Jacob P. Chamberlain, Alexan- 
 der S. Diven, Robert B. Van Valkenburgh, 
 Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Burt Van 
 Horn, Elbridge G. Spalding, Reuben E. 
 Fenton. 
 
 Neio Jersey — John T. Nixon, John L. N. 
 Stratton, William G. Steele, George T. 
 Cobb, Nehemiah Perry. 
 
 Pennsylvania — William E. Lehman, 
 Charles J. Biddle,* John P. Verree, Wil- 
 liam D. Kelley, William Morris Davis, 
 John Hickman, Thomas B. Cooper,* Syd- 
 enham E. Ancoiia, Thaddeus Stevens, John 
 W. Killinger, James H. Campbell, Hen- 
 drick B. Wright, Philip Johnson, Galusha 
 A. Grow, James T. Hale, Joseph Baily, 
 Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, John 
 Covode, Jesse Lazear, James K. Moorhead, 
 Robert McKnight, John W.Wallace, John 
 Patton, Elijah Babbitt. 
 
 Delaware — George P. Fisher. 
 
 Maryland — John W. Crisfield, Edwin H. 
 Webster, Cornelius L. L. Leary, Henry 
 May, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Calvert. 
 
 Virginia — Charles H. Upton,* William 
 G. Brown, John S. Carlile,* Kellian V. 
 Whaley. 
 
 Ohio — George H. Pendleton, John A. 
 Gurley, Clement L. Vallandigham, William 
 Allen, James M. Ashley, Chilton A. White, 
 Richard A. Harrison, Samuel Shella- 
 barger, Warren P. Noble, Carey A. Trim- 
 ble, Valentine B. Horton, Samuel S. Cox, 
 Samuel T. Worcester, Harrison G. Blake, 
 Robert H. Nugen, William P. Cutler, 
 James R. Morris, Sidney Edgcrton, Albert 
 G. Riddle, John Hutchins, John A. Bing- 
 ham. 
 
 Kentncky — Henry C. Burnett,* James S. 
 .Tackson,* Henrv Grider, Aaron Harding, 
 Charles A. Wickliffe, Gcor<re W. Dunlan, 
 Robert :Mallory, John J. Crittenden, Wil- 
 liam H. Wadswortli, John W. ^lenzies. 
 Sco memorandum at oud of liijt.
 
 132 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Tennessee — Horace Maynard,* Andrew 
 J. Clements,* George W. Bridges.* 
 
 Indiana — John Law, James A. Cravens, 
 W. MoKee Dunn, William S. Holman, 
 George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter, Dan- 
 iel W. Voorhees, Albert S. White, Seliuyler 
 Colfax, William Mitchell, John P.' C. 
 Shanks. 
 
 lUhiois — Elihu B. Washburne, Isaac N. 
 Arnold, Owen Lovejoy, William Kellogg, 
 William A. Richardson,* John A. Mc- 
 Cleruand,* James C. Robinson, Philip B. 
 Fouke, John A. Logan.* 
 
 Missouri — Francis P. Blair, Jr., James 
 S. Rollins, John B. Clark,* Elijah H. Nor- 
 ton, John W. Reid,* John S. Phelps,* 
 John W. Noell. 
 
 Michigan — Bradley F. Granger, Fer- 
 nando C. Beaman, Francis W. Kellogg, 
 Rowland E. Trowbridge. 
 
 Iowa — Samuel R. Curtis,* William Van- 
 dever. 
 
 Wisconsin — John F. Potter, Luther Han- 
 chett,* A. Scott Sloan. 
 
 Minnesota— Cyrus, Aldrich, William Win- 
 dom. 
 
 Oregon — Andrew J. Thayer.* 
 
 Kansas — Martin F. Conway. 
 
 MEMORAKDUM OF CHANGES. 
 
 The following changes took place during 
 the Congress : 
 
 IN SENATE. 
 
 Rhode Island — 1862, Dec. 1, Samuel G. 
 Arnold succeeded James F. Simmons, re- 
 signed. 
 
 Neio Jersey — 1862, Dec. 1, Richard S. 
 Field succeeded, by appointment, John R. 
 Thompson, deceased Sept. 12, 1862. 1863, 
 Jan. 21, James, W. Wall, succeeded, by 
 election, Richard S. Field. 
 
 Maryland — 1863, Jan. 14, Thomas H. 
 Hicks, first by appointment and then by 
 election succeeded James A. Pearce, de- 
 ceased Dec. 20, 1862. 
 
 Virginia— \mi, July 13, John S. Carlile 
 and Waitman T. Willey, sworn in place of 
 Robert IVI. T. Hunter and James M. Mason, 
 ■withdrawn and abdicated. 
 
 Kentud:y—\^(\l, Dec. 23, Garrett Davis 
 succeeded John C. Breckinridge, expelled 
 December 4. 
 
 Indiana — 1862, March 3, Joseph A. 
 Wright .succeeded Jesse D. Bright, expelled 
 Feb. 5, 1863, Jan. 22, David Turpie, super- 
 seded, bv election, Joseph A. Wright. 
 
 Illinois— m)?,, Jan. 30, William A. Rich- 
 ardson superseded, by election, O. H. 
 Browning. 
 
 Missouri — 1861, Jan. 24, R. Wilson suc- 
 ceeded Waldo I*. Johnson, expelled Jan. 
 10. 1862, Jan. 21), John B. Henderson suc- 
 ceeded Trusten Polk, cxiiellcd Jan. 10. 
 
 Michigan— \m2, Jan. 17, Jarob M. How- 
 ard succeeded K. S. Bingham, dece;i.scd 
 October 5, 186L 
 
 * See moinoraniium ut uud of list. 
 
 Oregon — 1862, Dec. 1, Benjamin F. Hard- 
 ing succeeded Edward D. Baker, deceased 
 Oct. 21, 1862. 
 
 IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 Maine — 1862, December 1, Thomas A. 
 D. Fessenden succeeded Charles W. Wal- 
 ton, resigned May 26, 18G2. 
 
 Massachusetts — 1861, December 1, Amasa 
 Walker succeeded Goldsmith F. Bailey, 
 deceased May 8, 1862; 1861, December 2, 
 Samuel Hooper succeeded William Apple- 
 ton, resigned. 
 
 Connecticut — 1861, December 2, Alfred 
 A. Burnham qualified. 
 
 Pennsylvania — 1861, December 2, Charles 
 J. Biddle qualified ; 1862, June 3, John D. 
 Stiles succeeded Thomas B. Cooper, de- 
 ceased April 4, 1862. 
 
 Virginia, — 1861, July 13, John S. Carlile 
 resigned to take a seat in the Senate ; 1861, 
 December 2, Jacob B. Blair, succeeded John 
 S. Carlile, resigned ; ■ 1862, February 28, 
 Charles H. L'pton unseated by a vote of 
 the House; 1862, May 6, Joseph Segar 
 qualified. 
 
 Kentuchj — 1862, December, 1, George H. 
 Yearn an succeeded James S. Jackson, de- 
 ceased ; 1862, March 10, Samuel L. Casey 
 succceclod Henry C. Burnett, expelled De- 
 cember 3, 1861. 
 
 Tennessee — 1861, December 2, Horace 
 Maynard qualified ; 1862, January 13, An- 
 drew J. Clements qualified ; 1863, Febru- 
 ary 25, George W. Bridges qualified. 
 
 Illinois— I'^&X, December 12, A. L. Knapp 
 qualified, in place of J. A. McClernand, re- 
 signed ; 1862, June 2, William J. Allen 
 qualified, in place of John A. Logan, re- 
 signed ; 1863, January 30, William A. Rich- 
 ardson withdrew to take a seat in the 
 Senate. 
 
 Missouri — 1862, January 21, Thomas L. 
 Price succeeded John W. Reid, expelled 
 December 2, 1861 ; 1862, January 20, Wil- 
 liam A. Hall succeeded John B. Clark, ex- 
 pelled July 13, 1861 ; 1862, May 9, John S. 
 Phelps qualified. 
 
 Iowa — 1861, December 2, James F. Wil- 
 son succeeded Samuel R. Curtis, resigned 
 August 4, 1861. 
 
 Wisconsin— 1S6S, January 26, Walter D. 
 Mclndoe succeeded Luther Hanchett, do- 
 ceased November 24, 1862. 
 
 Oregon— 186\, July 30, George K. Shiel 
 succeeded Andrew J. Thayer, unseated. 
 
 Louisiana — 1863, Februarv 17, Michael 
 Halin qualified ; 1863, Febniary 23, Ben- 
 jamin F. Flanders (jualified. 
 
 Lincoln, in his message, recited the 
 events which had transpired since his 
 inauguration, and asked Congress to con- 
 fer upon him the i)ower to make the conflict 
 short and decisive. He wanted 400,000 
 men, and four hundred millions of money, 
 remarking that " the people will save their
 
 BOOKiJ MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 V6-6 
 
 government if the government itself will 
 do its part only indiU'crently well." Con- 
 gress responded by adding an hundred 
 thousand to eaeh request. 
 
 There were exciting debates and scenes 
 during this .session, for many of the South- 
 ern leaders remained, cither through hesi- 
 tancy or with a view to check legislation 
 and aid tlu'ir section by adverse criticism 
 on the measures proposed. Most promi- 
 nent in the latter list was John C. Breckin- 
 ridge, late Vice President and now .Senator 
 from Kentucky. With singular boldness 
 and eloquence he o])posed every war mea- 
 sure, and spoke with the undisguised pur- 
 j)osc of aiding the South. He continued 
 this course until the close of the extra 
 session, when he accepted a General's 
 commission in the Confederate army. But 
 before its close, Senator Baker of Oregon, 
 angered at his general course, said in reply 
 to one of Breckinridge's speeches, Aug. 1st : 
 
 " What would the Senator from Ken- 
 tucky, have? These speeches of his, sown 
 broadcast over the land, what clear distinct 
 meaning have they? Are they not intend- 
 ed for disorganization in our very midst? 
 Are they not intended to destroy our zeal ? 
 Are they not intended to animate our 
 enemies? Sir, are they not words of bril- 
 liant polished treason, even in the very 
 Capitol of the Republic ?" [Here there were 
 such manifestations of applause in the gal- 
 leries, as were with difficulty suppressed.] 
 
 Mr. Baker resumed, and turning directly 
 to 3Ir. Breckinridge, inquired : 
 
 " What would have been thought, if, in 
 another Capitol, in another republic, in a 
 yet more maxlial age, a Senator as grave, 
 not more eloquent or dignified than the 
 Senator from Kentucky, yet with the 
 Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, 
 had risen in his place, surrounded by all 
 the illustrations of Roman glory, and de- 
 clared that the cause of the advancing 
 Hannibal wasjust, and that Carthage ought 
 to be dealt with in terms of peace? What 
 would have been thought if, after the bat- 
 tle of Cannie, a Senator there had risen in 
 his place, and denounced every levy of the 
 Roman people, every expenditure of its 
 treasure, and every appeal to the old recol- 
 lections and the old gloriea ?" 
 
 There was a silence so profound through- 
 out the Senate aufl galleries, that a pinfall 
 could have been heard, while every eye 
 was fixed upon Breckinridge. Fessenden 
 exclaimed in deep low tones, " he would 
 have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock !" 
 
 Baker resumed : 
 
 " Sir, a Senator himself learned far more 
 than myself, in such lore, (Mr. Fessenden) 
 tells me, in a low voice, "he would have 
 been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock." 
 It is a grand commentary upon the 
 American Constitution, that we permit 
 these words of the Senator from Ken- 
 
 tucky, to be uttered. I ask the Senator 
 to recollect, to what, save to send aid 
 and comfort to the enemy, do these pre- 
 dictions amount to? Every word thus utter- 
 ed, falls as anoteof iiisjjiration upon every 
 Confederate ear. Every sound thus utter- 
 ed, is a word, (and falling from his lips, a 
 mighty word) of kindling and triumph to 
 the foe that determines to advance." 
 
 The Republicans of the North were the 
 distinctive " war j;arty," i. e., they gave 
 unciualified support to every demand made 
 by the Lincoln administration. Most of 
 the Democrats, acting as citizens, did like- 
 wise, but many of those in olHcial position, 
 assuming the prerogative of a minority, 
 took the libei'ty in Congress and State 
 Legislature to criticise the more important 
 war measures, and the extremists went so 
 far, in numy instances, as to organize oppo- 
 sition, and to encourage it among their 
 constituents. Thus in the States bordering 
 the Ohio and Mississii)pi rivers, organized 
 and individual ellbrts were made to encour- 
 age desertions, and the " Knights of the 
 Golden Circle," and the "Sons of Liberty," 
 secret societies composed of Northern sym- 
 pathizers Avith the South, formed many 
 troublesome conspiracies. Through their 
 action troojis were even enlisted in South- 
 ern Indiana, Illinois and Missouri for the 
 Confederate armies, while the border States 
 in the Union sent whole regiments to bat- 
 tle for the South. The " Knights of the 
 Golden Circle " conspired to release Con- 
 federate prisoners of war, and invited Mor- 
 gan to raid their States. One of the worst 
 forms of opposition took shape in a con- 
 spiracy to resist the draft in New York 
 city. The fury of the mob was several 
 days beyond control, and troops had to be 
 recalled from the front to suppress it. The 
 riot was really political, the prejudices of 
 the mob under cover of resistance to. the 
 draft, being vented on the negroes, many 
 of whom were killed before adequate num- 
 bers could be sent to their succor. The 
 civil authorities of the city were charged 
 with winking at the occurrence, and it waa 
 afterwards ascertained that Confederate 
 agents really organized the riot as a move- 
 ment to " take the enemy in the rear." 
 
 The Republican was as distinctively the 
 war party during the Great Rebellion, as 
 the Whigs were during the Revolution, the 
 Democratic-Rej)ublicans during the War 
 of 1812, and the Democrats during the 
 War with Mexico, and, as in all of these 
 war decades, kept the majority sentiment 
 of the country with them. This is such a 
 plain statement of facts that it is neither 
 partisan to assert, nor a mark of party- 
 fealty to deny. The history is indelibly 
 written. It is stamped upon nearly every 
 war measure, and certainly upon every 
 political measure incident to growing out 
 of the rebellion.
 
 134 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 These were exciting and memorable 
 scenes in the several sessions of the 37th 
 Congress. During the first many Southern 
 Senators and Eepresentatives withdrew 
 after angrj' statements of their reasons, 
 generally in obedience to calls from their 
 States or immediate homes. In this way 
 the majority was changed. Others re- 
 mained until the close of the first session, 
 and then more quietly entered the rebellion. 
 "We have shown that of this class was 
 Breckinridge, who thought he could do 
 more good for his cause in the Federal 
 Congress than elsewhere, and it is well for 
 the Union that most of his colleagues dis- 
 agreed with him as to the propriety and 
 wisdom of his policy. If all had followed 
 his lead or imitated his example, the war 
 would in all probability have closed in an- 
 other compromise, or possibly in the ac- 
 complishment of southern separations. 
 These men could have so obstructed legis- 
 lation as to make all its early periods far 
 more discouraging than they were. As it 
 was the Confederates had all the advan- 
 tages of a free and fair start, and the eifect 
 was traceable in all of the early battles 
 and negotiations with foreign powers. 
 There was one way in which these advan- 
 tages could have been supported and con- 
 tinued. Breckenridge, shrewd and able 
 politician as he was, saw that the way was 
 to keep Southern Representatives in Con- 
 gress, at least as long as Northern senti- 
 ment would abide it, and in this way win 
 victories at the very fountain-head of 
 power. But at the close of the extra ses- 
 sion this view had become unpopular at 
 both ends of the line, and even Brecken- 
 ridge abandoned it and sought to hide his 
 original purpose by immediate service in 
 the Confederate armies. 
 
 It will be noted that those who vacated 
 their seats to enter the Confederacy were 
 afterwards expelled. In this connection a 
 curious incident can be related, occuring 
 as late as the Senate session of 1882 : 
 
 The widow of the late Senator Nichol- 
 son, of Tennessee, who was in the Senate 
 when Tennessee seceded, a short time ago 
 sent a petition to Congress asking that the 
 salary of her late husband, after he return- 
 ed to Tennessee, might be paid to her. 
 Mr. Nicholson's term would have expired 
 in 1865 had he remained in his seat. He 
 did not appear at the special session of 
 Congress convened in July, 18G1, and with 
 other Senators from tlic South was expelled 
 from the Senate on July 11th of that year. 
 The Senate Committee on Claims, after 
 examining the case tiiorouglily, submitted 
 to the Senate an adverse report. After 
 giving a con(;isc liistory of tlie case the 
 committee say: "We do not deem it 
 proper, after tlie expiration of twenty years, 
 to pass siiecial acts of Congress to comiicn- 
 sate the Senators and llcpresentatives who 
 
 seceded in 1861 for their services in the 
 early part of that year. We recounnend 
 that the claim of the petitioner be disal- 
 lowed." 
 
 The Sessions of the 37th Congress 
 changed the political course of many pub- 
 lic men. It made the Southern believers 
 in secession still more vehement ; it sejja- 
 rated the Southern Unionists from their 
 former friends, and created a wall of fire 
 between them ; it changed the temper of 
 Northern Abolitionists, in so far as to drive 
 from them all spirit of faction, all pride of 
 methods', and compelled them to unite with 
 a republican sentiment which was making 
 sure advances I'rom the original declara- 
 tion that slavery should not be extended 
 to the Territories, to emancipation, and, 
 finally, to the arming of the slaves. It 
 changed many Northern Democrats, and 
 from the ranks of these, even in repl-esen- 
 tative positions, the lines of the Repub- 
 licans were constantly strengthened on 
 pivotal questions. On the 27th of July 
 Breckinridge had said in a speech : " When 
 traitors become numerous enough treason 
 becomes respectable." Senator Andrew 
 Johnson, of Tennessee, replied to this, and 
 said : " God being willing, whether traitors 
 be many or few-, as I have hitherto waged 
 war against traitors and treason, I intend 
 to continue it to the end." And yet John- 
 son had the year before warmly supported 
 Breckinridge in his presidential campaign. 
 
 Among the more conspicuous Rejjubli- 
 cans and anti-Lecompton Democrats in 
 this session were Charles Sumner, a man 
 who then exceeded all others in scholarly 
 attainments and as an orator, though he 
 was not strong in current debate. Great 
 care and preparation marked every impor- 
 tant effort, but no man's speeches were 
 more admired throughout the North, and 
 hated throughout the South, than those of 
 Charles Sumner. An air of romance sur- 
 rounded the man, because he was the first 
 victim of a senatorial outrage, when beaten 
 by Brooks of South Carolina; but, i^ueered 
 his political enemies, " no man more care- 
 fully preserved his wounds for exhibition 
 to a sympathetic world." He had some 
 minor weaknesses, which were constantly 
 disj)layed, and 'these centred in egotism 
 and high personal pride — not very popular 
 traits — but no enemy was so malicious as 
 to deny his greatness. 
 
 Fessenden of Maine was one of the great 
 lights of that day. He was apt, almost 
 beyond example, in debate, and was a re- 
 cognized leader of the Republicans until, 
 in the attempt to impeach President John- 
 son, he disagreed with the nuijurity of his 
 party and stepjied " down and out." Yet 
 no one questioned his integrity, and all bc- 
 lieVed that his vf)te was cast on this qui's- 
 tion in a line with his convictions. The 
 leading character in the House was Thad-
 
 BooKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 135 
 
 deus Stevens, an original Abolitionist in 
 sentiment, but a man eminently practical 
 and shrewd in all his methods. 
 
 The chances of politics often carry men 
 into the Presidential Chair, into Cabinets, 
 and with later and demoralizing frequency 
 into Senate seats ; but chance never makes 
 a Commoner, and Thaddeus Stevens was 
 throughout the war, and up to the hour oi' 
 his death, recognized as the great Com- 
 moner of the Northern peoisle. He led in 
 every House battle, and a more unflinch- 
 ing party leader was never known to par- 
 liamentary bodies. Limp and infirm, he 
 was not liable to personal assault, even in 
 days when such assaults were common ; 
 but when on one occasion his fiery tongue 
 had so exasperated the Southerners in 
 Congress as to make them show their 
 knives and pistols, he stepped out into the 
 aisle, and facing, bid them defiance. He 
 was a Radical of the Radicals, and con- 
 stantly contended that the government — 
 the better to preserve itself — could travel 
 outside of the Constitution. What cannot 
 be said of any other man in history, can 
 be said of Thaddeus Stevens. When he 
 lay dead, carried thus from Washington to 
 his home in Lancaster, with all of his 
 people knowing that he was dead, he was, 
 on the day following the arrival of his 
 corpse, and within a few squares of his re- 
 sidence, unanimously renominated by the 
 Republicans for Congress. If more poetic 
 and less practical sections or lands than the 
 North had such a hero, hallowed by such 
 an incident, both the name and the inci- 
 dent would travel down the ages in song 
 and story.* 
 
 The " rising " man in the 37th Congress 
 was Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, elected 
 Speaker of the 38th, and subsequently 
 Vice President. A great parliamentarian, 
 he was gifted with rare eloquence, and 
 with a kind which won friends without 
 offending enemies — something too rare to 
 last. In the House were also Justin S. 
 Morrill, the author of the Tariff Bill which 
 supplied the " sinews of war," Henry L. 
 Dawes of Massachusetts, then " the man of 
 Statistics " and the " watch-dog of the 
 treasury." Roscoe Conkling was then the 
 admitted leader of the New York delega- 
 tion, as he was the admitted mental 
 superior of any other in subsequent terms 
 in the Senate, up to the time of his resigna- 
 tion in 18S1. Reuben E. Fenton, his 
 factional opponent, was also there. Ohio 
 was strongly represented in both parties — 
 Pendleton, Cox and Vallandighum on tlie 
 side of the Democrats ; Bingham and Ash- 
 ley on the part of the Repul)licans. Illi- 
 nois showed four prominent anti-Lecomp- 
 ton supporters of the administration — 
 
 ♦This incidont was related to the writer by Col. A. K. 
 McClure of i'biladolphia, who was in Lancaster at the 
 timo. 
 
 Douglas in the Senate; Logan, McCler- 
 nand and Richardson in the House ; while 
 l)rominent among the Republicans were 
 Lovejoy (an original Abolitionist), Wa.sh- 
 burne, a candidate for the Presidential 
 nomination in 1880— Kellogg and Arnold. 
 John F. Potter was one of the pn>minent 
 Wisconsin men, who had won additional 
 fame by accepting the challenge to duel of 
 Roger A. Pryor of Virginia, and naming 
 the American rifle as the weapon. F\jrtu- 
 nately the duel did not come off. Penn- 
 sylvania had then, as she still has. Judge 
 Kelley of Philadelphia, chairman of Ways 
 and Cleans in the 4Gth Congress ; also 
 Edward McPherson, frequently since Clerk 
 of the House, temporary President of the 
 Cincinnati Convention, whose decision 
 overthrew the unit rule, and author of 
 several valuable political works, some of 
 which we freely quote in this history. 
 John Hickman, subsequently a Republi- 
 can, but one of the earliest of the anti- 
 Lecompton Democrats, was an admitted 
 leader, a man of rare force and eloquence. 
 So radical did he become that he refused 
 to support the re-election of Lincoln. He 
 was succeeded by John M. Broomall, who 
 made several fine speeches in favor of 
 the constitutional amendments touching 
 slavery and civil rights. Here also were 
 James Campbell, Hendricks B. Wright, 
 John Covode, James K. Morehead, and 
 Sj)eaker Grow — the father of the Home- 
 stead Bill, which will be found in Book 
 v., giving the Existing Political Laws. 
 At this session Senator Trumbull of 
 Illinois, renewed the agitation of the 
 slavery question, by reporting from the 
 Judiciary Committee of which he was 
 Chairman, a bill to confiscate all property 
 and free all slaves used for insurrectionary 
 purposes.* Breckinridge fought the bill, 
 as indeed he did all bills coming from the 
 Republicans, and said if passed it would 
 eventuate in "the loosening of all bonds." 
 Among the facts stated in supj^ort of the 
 measure was this, that the Confederates 
 had at Bull Run used the negroes and 
 sLiTes against the Union army — a state- 
 ment never well established. The bill 
 passed the Senate by 33 to 0, and on the 
 3d of August passed the House, though 
 several Republicans there voted against it, 
 fearing a top rapid advance would preju- 
 dice the Union cause. Indeed this fear 
 was entertained by Lincoln when he re- 
 commended 
 
 COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION 
 
 in the second session of the 37th Congress, 
 which recommendation excited official dis- 
 cussion almost uj) to the time the emanci- 
 pation proclamation was issued as a war 
 necessity. The idea of compensated eman- 
 
 * Arnold's "History of Abraham Lincoln. "
 
 136 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 cipation originated with or was first form- 
 ulated by James B. ]\IcKean of New York, 
 who on Feb. 11th, 1861, at the 2d session 
 of the 36th Congress, introduced the fol- 
 lowing resolution : 
 
 Whereas, The "Gulf States" have as- 
 sumed to secede from the Union, and it is 
 deemed important to prevent the " border 
 slave States " from following their exam- 
 ple ; and whereas it is believed that those 
 who are inflexibly opposed to any measure 
 of compromise or concession that involves, 
 or may involve, a sacrifice of principle or , 
 the extension of slaverj-, would neverthe- 
 less cheerfully concur in any lawful 
 measure for the emancipation of the slaves : 
 Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That the select committee of 
 five be instructed to inquire whether, by 
 the consent of the people, or of the State 
 governments, or by compensating the 
 slaveholders, it be practicable for the Gen- 
 eral Government to procure the emancipa- 
 tion of the slaves in some, or all, of the "bor- 
 der States ;" and if so, to report a bill for 
 that purpose. 
 
 Lincoln was so strongly impressed with 
 the fact, in the earlier struggles of the war, 
 that great good would follow compensated 
 emancipation, that on March 2d, 1862, he 
 sent a special message to the 2d session of 
 the 37th Congress, in which he said : 
 
 " I recommend the adoption of a joint 
 resolution by your honorable bodies, which 
 shall be substantially as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the United States ought 
 to co-operate with any State which may 
 adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giv- 
 ing to such State pecuniary aid, to be used 
 by such State in its discretion, to compen- 
 sate for the inconveniences, public and 
 private, produced by such change of sys- 
 tem. 
 
 " If the proposition contained in the 
 resolution does not meet the apjiroval of 
 Congress and the country, there is the end ; 
 but if it does command such approval, I 
 deem it of importance that the States and 
 people immediately interested should be 
 at once distinctly notified of the fact, so 
 that they may begin to consider whether 
 to accept or reject it. The Federal Govern- 
 ment would find its highest interest in such 
 a measure, as one of the most efficient 
 means of self-preservation. The leaders of 
 the existing insurrection entertain the hope 
 that this Government will ultimately be 
 forced to acknowledge the independence 
 of some part of the disafTccted region, and 
 that all the slave States north of such part 
 will then say, 'the Union for which we 
 have struggled being already gone, we now 
 choose to go with tlie southern section.' 
 To deprive them of this hope, substantially 
 ends the rebellion ; and the initiation of 
 emancipation comi)letely deprives them of 
 it aa to all the Statca initiating it. The 
 
 point is not that all the States tolerating 
 slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate 
 emancipation ; but that, while the offer 
 is equally made to all, the more northern 
 shall, by such initiation, make it certain 
 to the more southern that in no event will 
 the former ever join the latter in their pro- 
 posed confederacy. I say ' initiation,' be- 
 cause, in my judgment, gradual, and not 
 sudden emancipation, is better for all. In 
 the mere financial or pecuniary view, any 
 member of Congress, with the census 
 tables and Treasury reports before him, 
 can readily see for himself how very soon 
 the current expenditures of this war would 
 purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves 
 in any named State. Such a proi^osition 
 on the part of the General Government 
 sets up no claim of a right by Federal 
 authority to interfere with slavery within 
 State limits, referring, as it does the abso- 
 lute control of the subject in each case to 
 the State and its people immediately in- 
 terested. It is proposed as a matter of per- 
 fectly free choice with them. 
 
 " In the annual message last December, 
 I thought fit to say, ' the Union must be 
 preserved; and hence all indispensable 
 means must be employed.' I said this not 
 hastily, but deliberately. War has been 
 made, and continues to be an indispensa- 
 ble means to this end. A practical reac- 
 knowledgment of the national authority 
 would render the war unnecessary, and it 
 would at once cease. If, however, resist- 
 ance continues, the war must also continue ; 
 and it is impossible to foresee all the inci- 
 dents which may attend, and all the ruin 
 which may follow it. Such as may seem 
 indispensable, or may obviously promise 
 great efficiency toward ending the strug- 
 gle, must and will come. 
 
 " The proposition now made, though an 
 offer only, I hope it may be esteemed no 
 offence to ask whether the pecuniary con- 
 sideration tendered would not be of more 
 value to the States and private persons 
 concerned, than are the institution, and 
 property in it, in the present aspect of 
 aff'airs ? 
 
 " While it is true that the adoption of 
 the proposed resolution would be merely 
 initiatory, and not within itself a practical 
 measure, it is recommended in the hope 
 that it would soon lead to important prac- 
 tical results. In full view of my great re- 
 sponsibility to my God and to mycountr}', 
 I earnestly beg the attention of Congress 
 and the people to the subject." 
 
 Mr. Conkling called the question up in 
 the House March 10th, and under a sus- 
 pension of the rules, it was passed by 97 to 
 36. It j)assed the Senate Ai)ril 2, by 32 to 
 10, the Republicans, as a rule, voting for 
 it, the Democrats, Jis a rule, voting against 
 it ; and this was true even of those m the 
 Border States.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. 
 
 137 
 
 The fact last stated excited the notice of 
 President Lincoln, and in July, 18G2, he 
 Bought an interview with the Border State 
 Congressmen, the result of which is con- 
 tained in j\[cP her son's Political Ilistury of 
 the Great Rebellion, as follows : 
 
 The President's Appeal to the Border 
 Stutes. 
 
 The Representatives and Senators of 
 the border slaveholdiiig States, having, by 
 special invitation of tiie President, been 
 convened at the Executive Mansion, on 
 Saturday luorning last, (July 12,) Mr. 
 Lincoln addressed tlieni as follows from a 
 written paper held in his hand : 
 
 " Gentlemen : Alter the adjournment 
 of Congress, now near, I shall have no 
 opportunity of seeing you for several 
 months. Believing that you of the border 
 States hold more power for good than any 
 other eipial number of members, I feel it 
 a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to 
 make this appeal to you. 
 
 " I intend no reproach or complaint 
 when I assure you that, in my opinion, if 
 you all had voted for the resolution in the 
 gradual emancipation message of last 
 March, tlie war would now be substantially 
 ended. And tlie plan therein proposed is 
 yet one of the most potent and swift means 
 of ending it. Let the States which are in 
 rebellion see definitely and certainly that 
 in no event will the States you represent 
 ever join their proposed Confederacy, and 
 they cannot much, longer maintain the 
 contest. But you cannot divest them of 
 their hope to ultimately have you with 
 them so long as you show a determination 
 to perpetuate the institution within your 
 own States. Beat them at elections, as 
 you have overwhelmingly done, and, noth- 
 ing daunted, they still claim you as their 
 own. You and 1 know what the lever of 
 their power is. Break that lever before 
 their faces, and they can shake you no 
 more forever. 
 
 "Most of you have treated me with 
 kindness and consideration, and I trust 
 you will not now think I im]iroperly touch 
 what is exclusively your own, when, for 
 the sake of the whole country, I ask, ' Can 
 you, for your States, do better than to take 
 the course I urge?' Discarding punctilio 
 and maxims adapted to more manageable 
 times, and looking only to the unorece- 
 dentedly stern facts of our case, can ycmdo 
 better in any possible event? You prefer 
 that the constitutional relations of the 
 States to t!ie nation shall l)e ])ractically 
 re-<tored without disturl)ance of the insti- 
 tution ; and, if this were done, my whole 
 duty, in this respect, under the Constitu- 
 tion and my oath of office, would be per- 
 formed. But it is not done, and we are 
 
 trying to accomplish it by war. The 
 incidents of the war cannot be avoided. 
 If the war continues long, {is it nmst, if 
 the (jbject be not sooner attained, the in- 
 stitution in your States will be ex- 
 tinguished by mere friction and abra.sion 
 — by the mere incidents of the war. It 
 will be gone, and you will have nothing 
 valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value 
 is gone already. How much better for 
 you and for your people to take the step 
 which at once shortens the war and 
 secures substantial compensation for that 
 which is sure to be wholly lost in any 
 other event! How much better to thus 
 save the money which else we sink forever 
 in the war! How much better to do it 
 while we can, lest the war ere long render 
 us pecuniarily unable to do it! How much 
 better for you, as seller, and the nation, as 
 buyer, to sell out and buy out that without 
 wliich the war could never have been, 
 than to sink both the thing to be sold and 
 the price of it in cutting one another's 
 throats ! 
 
 " I do not speak of emancipation at once, 
 but of a decision at once to emancipate 
 c/radudlfi/. Room in South America for 
 colonization can be obtained cheaply and 
 in abundance, and when numbers shall be 
 large enough to be company and encour- 
 agement for one another, the freed j)eople 
 will not be so reluctant to go. 
 
 "I am pressed with a difficulty not yet 
 mentioned, one which threatens division 
 among those who, united, are none too 
 strong. An instance of it is known to 
 you. General Hunter is an honest man. 
 He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I 
 valued him none the less for his agreeing 
 with me in the general wish that all men 
 everywhere could be freed. He proclaimed 
 all men free within certain States, and I 
 repudiated the proclamation. He expected 
 more good and less harm from the measure 
 than I could believe would follow. Yet, 
 in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if 
 not offence, to many whose support the 
 country cannot afford to lose. And this is 
 not the end of it. The pressure in this 
 direction is still upon me, and is increas- 
 ing. By conceding Avhat I now ask you 
 can relieve me, and, much more, can re- 
 lieve the country in this important point. 
 
 " Upon these considerations I have 
 again begged your attention to the mes- 
 sage of "March last. Before leaving the 
 Capitol, consider and discuss it among 
 yourselves. You are patriots and states- 
 men, and as such I i>ray you consider this 
 proposition; and at the least commend it 
 to the consideration of your States and 
 peo]ile. As you would perpetuate popular 
 government for the best people in the 
 world, I beseech you that you do in no- 
 wise omit this. Our common country is 
 in great peril, demanding the loftiest
 
 138 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 views and boldest action to bring a speedy 
 relief. Once relieved, ltd form of govern- 
 ment is saved to the world, its beloved 
 history and cherished memories are vin- 
 dicated, and its happy future fully assured 
 and rendered inconceivably grand. To 
 you, more than to any others, the privi- 
 lege is given to assure that happiness and 
 swell that grandeur, and to link your own 
 names therewith forever." 
 
 At the conclusion of these remarks 
 some conversation was had between the 
 President and several members of the 
 delegations from the border States, in 
 ■which it was represented that these States 
 could not be expected to move in so great 
 a matter as that brought to their notice in 
 the foregoing address while as yet the 
 Congress had taken no step beyond the 
 passage of a resolution, expressive rather 
 of a sentiment than presenting a substan- 
 tial and reliable basis of action. 
 
 The President acknowledged the force 
 of this view, and admitted that the border 
 States were entitled to expect a substantial 
 pledge of pecuniary aid as the condition 
 of taking into considei-ation a proposition 
 so important in its relations to their social 
 system. 
 
 It was further represented, in the con- 
 ference, that the people of the border 
 States were interested in knowing the 
 great importance which the President 
 attached to the policy in question, while it 
 was equally due to the country, to the 
 President, and to themselves, that the 
 rejiresentativcs of the border slave-holding 
 States should publicly announce the mo- 
 tives under which they were called to act, 
 and the considerations of public policy 
 urged upon them and their constituents by 
 the President. 
 
 With a view to sixch a statement of their 
 position, the mem])ers thus addressed met 
 in council to deliberate on the reply they 
 should make to the President, and, as the 
 result of a comparison of opinions among 
 themselves, they determined upon the 
 adoption of a majority and minority an- 
 swer. 
 
 REPLY OF THE MAJORITY. 
 
 The following paper was yesterday sent to 
 the President, signed by the majority of 
 the Representatives from the border slave- 
 holding States : — 
 
 Washington, July 14, 1862. 
 To the Presipent : 
 
 The undersigned, Hepresentativos of 
 K^'Utucky, Virginia, Missouri, and Mary- 
 land, in the two Houses of Congress, have 
 listf'iicd to your address with tlie profouiul 
 sensibility naturally insj)ired by the high 
 soiiree from which it emanates, the earn- 
 estness which marked its delivery, and 
 the overwhelming importance of the sub- 
 
 ject of which it treats. We have given it 
 a most respectful consideration, and now 
 lay before you our response. We regret 
 that want of time has not permitted as to 
 make it more perfect. 
 
 We have not been wanting, Mr. Presi- 
 dent, in re*pect to you, and in devotion to 
 the Constitution and the Union. We 
 have not been indiflerent to the great dif- 
 ficulties surrounding you, compared with 
 which all former national troubles have 
 been but as the summer cloud; and we 
 have freely given you otir sympathy and 
 support. Eepudiating the dangerous here- 
 sies of the secessionists, we believed, with 
 you, that the war on their part is aggressive 
 and wicked, and the objects for which it 
 was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by 
 your message at the opening of the pres- 
 ent Congress, to be such as all good men 
 should approve. We have not hesitated 
 to vote all suj)plies necessary to carry it on 
 vigorously. We have voted all the men 
 and money you have asked for, and even 
 more ; Ave have imposed onerous taxes on 
 our people, and they are paying them 
 with cheerfulness and alacrity ; we have 
 encouraged enlistments and sent to the 
 field many of our best men ; and some of 
 our number have offered their persons to 
 the enemy as pledges of their sincerity and 
 devotion "to the country. 
 
 We have done all this under the most 
 discouraging circumstances, and in the 
 face of measures most distasteful to us 
 and injurious to the interests we repre- 
 sent, and in the hearing of doctrines 
 avowed by those who claim to be your 
 friends, must be abhorrent to us and our 
 constituents. But, for all this, we have 
 never faltered, nor shall we as long as we 
 have a Constitution to defend and a Gov- 
 ernment which protects us. And we are 
 ready for renewed efforts, and even greater 
 sacrifices, yea, any sacrifice, when we are 
 satisfied it is required to j^reserve our 
 admirable form of government and the 
 priceless blessings of constitutional li- 
 berty. 
 
 A few of our number voted for the 
 resolution recommended by your message 
 of the Gth of March last, the greater por- 
 tion of us did not, and we will briefly 
 state the jirominent reasons which in- 
 fluenced our action. 
 
 In the first place, it proposed a radical 
 change of our social system, and was hur- 
 ried through both Houses with undue 
 haste, without reasonable time for consid- 
 eration and debate, and with no time at 
 all for consultation with our constituents, 
 wliose interests it dcej)ly involved. It 
 seemed like an interference by this Gov- 
 ernment with a question which peculiarly 
 and exclusivclv belonged to our respective 
 States, on which they had not sought ad- 
 vice or solicited aid. Many of us doubted
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. 
 
 139 
 
 the constitutional power of this Govern- 
 ment to make appropriations of money for 
 the object designated, and all of us thought 
 our finances were in no condition to bear 
 the immense outlay which its adoption 
 and faithful execution would impose upon 
 the national Treasury. If we pause but 
 a moment to think of the debt its accept- 
 ance would liave entailed, we are appalled 
 by its magnitude. Tlie proposition was 
 addressed to all the States, and embraced 
 the whole luimber of slaves. 
 
 According to the census of 1860 there 
 were then nearly four million slaves in the 
 country ; from natural increase they exceed 
 that number now. At even the low average 
 of §300, the price fixed by the emancipa- 
 tion act for the slaves of this District, and 
 greatly below their real worth, their value 
 runs up to the enormous sum of $1,200,- 
 000,000 ; and if to that we add the cost of 
 deportation and colonization, at SlOO each, 
 which is but a fraction more than is ac- 
 tuallv paid l)y the Marvland Colonization 
 Society, we have $400,000,000 more. We 
 were not willing to imj)ose a tax on our 
 peo])le sufficient to pay the interest on that 
 sum, in addition to the vast and daily in- 
 creasing debt already fixed upon them by 
 the exigencies of the war, and if we had 
 been willing, the country could not bear it. 
 Stated in this form the 2:)roposition is noth- 
 ing less than the deportation from the 
 country of $1,000,000,000 worth of produc- 
 ing labor, and the substitution in its place 
 of an interest-bearing debt of the same 
 amount. 
 
 But, if we are told that it was expected 
 that only the States we represent would 
 accept the proposition, we respectfully 
 submit that even then it involves a sum 
 too great for the financial ability of this 
 Goverinnent at this time. According to 
 the census of 1860 — 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 Kentucky had 225,490 
 
 Marvland 87,188 
 
 Virginia 490,887 
 
 Delaware 1,798 
 
 Missouri 114,965 
 
 Tennessee 275,784 
 
 Making in the whole 1,196,112 
 
 At the same rate of A'aluation 
 
 these would amount to.... $358,933,500 
 
 Add for dejiortation and colo- 
 nization $100 each 118,244,533 
 
 And we have the enormous 
 sum of. $478,038,133 
 
 We did not feel that we should be justi- 
 fied in voting for a measure which, if car- 
 ried out, would add this vast amount to 
 our public debt at a moment when the 
 Treasury was reeling under the enormous 
 expenditure of the war. 
 
 Again, it seemed to ils that this resolu- 
 tion was but the annunciation of a senti- 
 ment which could n(jt or was not likely to 
 be reduced to an actual tangible jiroposi- 
 tion. No movement was then made to 
 j)rovide and appropriate the funds required 
 to carry it into effect ; and we were not en- 
 couraged to believe that funds would be 
 provided. And our belief has been fully 
 justified by subsequent events. Not to 
 mention other circumstances, it is quite 
 sufiicient for our purpose to bring to your 
 notice the fact that, while this resolution 
 was under consideration in the Senate, our 
 colleague, the Senator from Kentucky, 
 moved an amendment apjjropriating §500,- 
 000 to the object therein designated, and it 
 was voted down with great unanimity. AVhat 
 confidence, then, could we reasonably feel 
 that if we committed ourselves to the 
 policy it proposed, our constituents would 
 reap the fruits of the promise held out ; 
 and on what ground could we, as fair men, 
 approach them and challenge their sup- 
 port? 
 
 The right to hold slaves is a right apper- 
 taining to all the States of this Union. 
 They have the right to cherish or abolish 
 the institution, as their tastes or their in- 
 terests nuiy prompt, and no one is autho- 
 rized to question the right or limit the en- 
 joyment. And no one has more clearly 
 affirmed that right than you have. Your 
 inaugural address does you great honor in 
 this respect, and inspired the country with 
 confidence in your fairness and respect for 
 the law. Our States are in the enjoyment 
 of that right. We do not feel called on to 
 defend the institution or to affirm it is one 
 which ought to be cherished ; ])erhaps, if 
 we were to make the attempt, we might 
 find that we diffi?r even among ourselves. 
 It is enough for our purpose to know that 
 it is a right; and, so knowing, we did not 
 see why we should now be expected to 
 yield it. We had contributed our full 
 share to relieve the country at this terrible 
 crisis; we had done as much as had been 
 required of others in like circumstances; 
 and we did not see why .sacrifices should 
 be expected of us fi-om which others, no 
 more loyal, were exemjit. Nor could we 
 see what good the nation would derive 
 from it. 
 
 Such a sacrifice submitted to by us 
 would not have strengthened the arm of 
 this Government or weakened that of the 
 enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge 
 of our loyalty,, for that had been mani- 
 fested beyond' a reasonable doubt, in every 
 form, and at every place possible. There 
 was not the remotest probability that the 
 States we represent Avould join in the re- 
 bellion, nor is there now, or of their elect- 
 ing to go with the southern section in the 
 event of a recognition of the independence 
 of any jjart of the disatfected region. Our
 
 140 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 States are fixed unalterably in their reso- 
 lution to adhere to and support the Union. 
 They see no safety for themselves, and ho 
 hope for constitutional liberty but by its 
 preservation. They will, under no cir- 
 cumstances, consent to its dissolution ; and 
 we do them no more than justice when we 
 assure you that, while the war is conducted 
 to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, 
 they will sustain it as long as they can 
 muster a man or command a dollar. Nor 
 will they ever consent, in any event, to 
 unite with the Southern Confederacy. The 
 bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of 
 that region will forever prevent them from 
 placing their security' and happiness in the 
 custody of an association which has incor- 
 porated in its organic law the seeds of its 
 own destruction. 
 
 Mr. President, we have stated with frank- 
 ness and candor the reasons on which we 
 forbore to vote for the resolution you have 
 mentioned ; but you have again presented 
 this proposition, and appealed to us with 
 an earnestness and eloquence which have 
 not failed to impress us, to " consider it, 
 and at the least to commend it to the con- 
 sideration of our States and people." Thus 
 appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our 
 beloved country, in the hour of its greatest 
 peril, we cannot wholly decline. We are 
 willing to trust every question relating to 
 their interest and happiness to the con- 
 sideration and ultimate judgment of our 
 own people. While differing from you as 
 to the necessity of emancipating the slaves 
 of our States as a means of putting down 
 the rebellion, and while protesting against 
 the propriety of any extra-territorial inter- 
 ference to induce the people of our States 
 to adopt any particular line of policy on a 
 subject which peculiarly and exclusively 
 belongs to them, yet, when you and our 
 brethren of the loyal States sincerely be- 
 lieve that the retention of slavery by us is 
 an obstacle to peace and national harmony, 
 and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid 
 to compensate our States and people for 
 the inconveniences produced by such a 
 change of system, we are not unwilling 
 that our people shall consider the propriety 
 of ])utting it aside. • 
 
 But we have already said that we re- 
 garded this resolution as the utterance of 
 a sentiment, and we had no confidence 
 that it would assume the sliape of a tangi- 
 ble, practical proposition, which would 
 yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required. 
 Our people are influenced by the same 
 want of ci>nfi(lcnce, and will not consider 
 tlie proposition in its present impalpable 
 form. The interest they are asked to give 
 up is to them of much importance, and 
 they ought not to be expected even to en- 
 tertain the proposal until they are assured 
 that when they accept it their just expect- 
 
 ations will not be frustrated. We regard 
 your plan as a proposition from the Nation 
 to the States to exercise an admitted con- 
 stitutional right in a particular manner 
 and yield up a valuable interest. Before 
 they ought to consider the proposition, it 
 should be presented in such a tangible, 
 practical, efficient shape as to command 
 their confidence that its fruits are contin- 
 gent only upon their acceptance. We can- 
 not trust anything to the contingencies of 
 future legislation. 
 
 If Congress, by proper and necessary 
 legislation, shall provide sufficient funds 
 and place them at your disposal, to be ap- 
 plied by you to the payment of any of our 
 States or the citizens thereof who shall 
 adopt the abolishment of slavery, either 
 gradual or immediate, as they may deter- 
 mine, and the expense of deportation and 
 colonization of the liberated slaves, then 
 will our State and people take this propo- 
 sition into careful consideration, for such 
 decision as in their judgment is demanded 
 by their interest, their honor, and their 
 duty to the whole countrj'. We have the 
 honor to be, with great respect, 
 
 C. A. WiCKLIFFE, C/t'n, 
 
 Garrett Davis, 
 R. Wilson, 
 J. J. Crittenden, 
 John S. Carlile, 
 J. W. Crisfield, 
 J. S. Jackson, 
 H. Grider, 
 John S. Phelps, 
 Francis Thomas, 
 Chas. B. Calvert, 
 C. L. Leary, 
 Edwin H. Webstee, 
 R. Mallory, 
 Aaron Harding, 
 James S. Rollins, 
 J. W. Menzies, 
 Thomas L. Price, 
 
 G. W. DUNLAP, 
 
 Wm. a. Hall. 
 
 Others of the minority, among them Sen- 
 ator Henderson and Horace Maynard, for- 
 warded separate replies, but all rejecting 
 the idea of compensated emanci])ation. 
 Still Lincoln adltered to and advocated it 
 in his recent annual message sent to Con- 
 gress, Dec. 1, 18G2, from which we take 
 the following ])aragra]dis, which are in 
 themselves at once curious and interesting : 
 
 " We have two million nine hundred and 
 sixty-three thousand scpiare miles. Eun)j)e 
 has three million and eight liundred thou- 
 sand, with a po])idation averaging seventy- 
 three and one-third persons to the square 
 mile. AVliy may not our country, at some 
 time, average as many? Is it less fertile? 
 Has it more waste surface, by mountains, 
 rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is 
 it inferior to Europe in any natural ad-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 141 
 
 vantage? If, then, we are at some time to 
 be as pojiulous as Europe, how soon ? As 
 to when this may be, we can judge by the 
 past and the present ; as to when it will be, 
 if ever, depends much on wliether we 
 maintain the Union. Several of our States 
 are already above the average of Europe 
 — seventy-three and a tliird to the squiire 
 mile. Massachusetts has 157 ; Rhode 
 Island, 133 ; Connecticut, 99 ; New York 
 and New Jersey, each, 80. Also two other 
 great .states, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are 
 not far below, the former having 63 and 
 the latter 59. The states alreacly above 
 the European average, except New York, 
 have increased in as rapid a ratio, since 
 passing that point, as ever before ; while 
 no one of them is equal to some other parts 
 of our country in natural cai)acity for sus- 
 taining a dense population. 
 
 "Taking the nation in the aggregate, 
 and we find its population and ratio of in- 
 crease, for the several decennial periods, to 
 be as follows : 
 
 1790 3,929,827 Eatio of increase. 
 
 1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent. 
 
 1810 7,239,814 3(5.45 " 
 
 1820 9,038,131 33.13 
 
 1830 12,8r)(i,020 33.49 " 
 
 1840 17,009,433 32.07 " 
 
 1850 23,191,876 35.87 " 
 
 1860 31,443,790 35.58 
 
 This shows an annual decennial increase 
 of 34.09 per cent, in population through 
 the seventj^ years from our first to our last 
 census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio 
 of increase, at no one of these seven periods 
 is either two per cent, below or two per 
 cent, above the average ; thus showing how 
 inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, 
 the law of increase in our case is. Assum- 
 ing that it will continue, gives the follow- 
 ing results : 
 
 1870 42,323,341 
 
 1880 56,967,216 
 
 1890 76,077,872 
 
 1900 103,208,415 
 
 1910 138,918,526 
 
 1920 186,984,335 
 
 1930 251,680,914 
 
 " These figures show that our country 
 mmj be as populous as Europe now is at 
 some point between 1920 and 1930 — say 
 about 1925 — our territory, at seventy-three 
 and a third persons to the square mile, be- 
 in^ of capacity to contain 217,18r),000. 
 
 And we will reach this, too, if we do 
 not ourselves relinquish the chance by the 
 folly and evils of disunion, or by long and 
 exhausting war sprinjring from the only 
 great element of national discord among 
 us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly 
 how much one huge example of secession, 
 breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would re- 
 tard population, civilization, and prosperity 
 
 no one can doubt that the extent of it 
 would be verj-^ great and injurious. 
 
 The proposed emancipation would short- 
 en the war, perpetuate peace, insure this 
 increase of j)opulation, and proportionately 
 the wealth of the country. With these, we 
 should pay all the emancipation would cost, 
 together with our other debt, easier than 
 we should pay our other debt without it. 
 If we had allowed our old national debt to 
 run at six per cent, per annum, simple in- 
 terest, from the end of our revolutionary 
 struggle until to-day, without paying any- 
 thing on either principal or interest, each 
 man of us would owe less upon that debt 
 now than each man owed ui)on it then ; 
 and this because our increase of men 
 through the whole period has been greater 
 than six per cent. ; has run faster than the 
 interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone 
 relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popu- 
 lation increases faster than unpaid interest 
 accumulates on its debt. 
 
 "This fact would be no excuse for de- 
 laying payment of what is justly due ; but 
 it shows the great importance of time in 
 this connection — the great advantage of a 
 policy by which we shall not have to pay 
 until we number a hundred millions, what, 
 by a different policy, we would have to pay 
 now, when we number but thirty-one mil- 
 lions. In a word, it shows that a dollar 
 will be much harder to pay for the war 
 than will be a dollar for emancipation on 
 the proposed plan. And then the latter 
 will cost no blood, no precious life. It will 
 be a saving of both." 
 
 Various propositions and measures re- 
 lating to compensated emancipation, were 
 afterwards considered in both Houses, but 
 it was in March, 1863, dropped after a 
 refusal of the House to suspend the rules 
 for the consideration of the subject. 
 
 Emancipation as a AVar Necessltj'. 
 
 Before the idea of compensated emanci- 
 pation had been dropped, and it was con- 
 stantly discouraged by the Democrats and 
 Border Statesmen, President Lincoln had 
 determined u])on a more radical policy, 
 and on the 22d of September, 1802, issued 
 his celebrated proclamation declaring that 
 he would emancipate " all persons held as 
 slaves within any State or designated part 
 of a State, the people whereof shall be in 
 rebellion against the ITnited States" — by 
 the first of January, 1863, if such sections 
 were not " in good faith represented in 
 Congress." He followed this by actual 
 emancipation at the time stated. 
 
 Proclamation of Sept. 2-3, lfi63. 
 
 I, Abraham Lincoln-, President of the 
 United States of America, ar.d Commander- 
 in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, do
 
 142 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 hereby proclaim and declare tliat hereafter, 
 as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted 
 for the object of practically restoring the 
 constitutional relation between the United 
 States and each of the States and the peo- 
 ple thereof, in which States that relation 
 is or may be suspended or disturbed. 
 
 That it is my purpose, upon the next 
 meeting of Congress, to again recommend 
 the adoption of a practical measure tender- 
 ing pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or 
 rejection of all slave States, so called, the 
 people thereof may not then be in rebellion 
 against the United States, and which States 
 nTay then have voluntarily adopted, or 
 thereafter may voluntarily adopt, imme- 
 diate or gradual abolishment of slavery 
 within their respected limits ; and that the 
 effort to colonize persons of African descent 
 with their consent upon this continent or 
 elsewhere, with the previously obtained 
 consent of the Governments existing there, 
 will be continued. 
 
 That on the first day of January, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-three, all persons held as 
 slaves within any State or designated part 
 of a State, the people whereof shall then he 
 in rebellion against the United States, shall 
 be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; 
 and the Executive Government of the 
 United States, including the military and 
 naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
 maintain the freedom of such persons, and 
 will do no act or acts to repress such per- 
 sons, or any of them, in any efforts they 
 may make for their actual freedom. 
 
 That the Executive will, on the first day 
 of January aforesaid, by proclamation, de- 
 signate the States and parts of States, if 
 any, in which the people thereof respective- 
 ly, shall then be in rebellion against the 
 United States ; and the fact that any State, 
 or the people thereof, shall on that day be, 
 in good faith, represented in the Congress 
 of the United States by members chosen 
 thereto at elections wherein a majority of 
 the qualified voters of such State shall have 
 particii)ated, sliall, in the absence of strong 
 countervailing testimony, be deemed con- 
 clusive evidence that such State, and the 
 peo])le thereof, are not in rebellion against 
 tlie United States. 
 
 Tbat attention is hereby called to an act 
 of Congress entitled "An act to make an 
 additional article of war," approved March 
 13, 1HG2, and which act is in the words and 
 figures following : 
 
 '* Be it ennrffd hy the Senate and House 
 of Reprearntdtives of the United Stcrtca 
 of Ariierira in Cnnr/resa assembled, That 
 hereafter the following shall be promulga- 
 ted as an additional article of war, for the 
 government of the army of the United 
 States, and shall be obeyed and observed 
 as such. 
 
 " Article " — . All officers or persons in 
 
 the military or naval service of the United 
 States are prohibited from employing any 
 of the forces under their respective com- 
 mands for the purpose of returning fugi- 
 tives from service or labor who may have 
 escaped from any persons to whom such 
 service or labor is claimed to be due, and 
 any officer who shall be found guilty by a 
 court-martial of violating this article shall 
 be dismissed from the service. 
 
 "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That 
 this act " shall take effect from and after its 
 passage." 
 
 Also to the ninth and tenth sections of 
 an act entitled " An act to suppress insur- 
 rection, to punish treason and rebellion, to 
 seize and confiscate property of rebels, and 
 for other purposes," approved July 17, 
 1862, and which sections are in the words 
 and figures following : 
 
 " Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That 
 all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be 
 engaged in rebellion against the Govern- 
 ment of the L'nited States or who shall in 
 any way give aid or comfort thereto, escap- 
 ing from such persons and taking refuge 
 within the lines of the army; and all slaves 
 captured from such persons or deserted by 
 them, and coming under the control of the 
 Government of the United States ; and 
 all slaves of such persons found on [or] 
 being within any place occupied by rebel 
 forces and afterwards occupied by the 
 forces of the United States, shall be deem- 
 ed captives of war, and shall be forever 
 free of their servitude, and not again held 
 as slaves. 
 
 "Sec. 10. Andbeit further enacted, That 
 no slave escaping into any State, Territory, 
 or the District of Columbia, from any other 
 State, shall be delivered up, or in any way 
 impeded or hindered of his liberty, except 
 for crime, or some offence against the laws, 
 unless the person claiming said fugitive 
 shall first make oath that the person to 
 whom the labor or service of such fugitive 
 is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, 
 and has not borne arms against the United 
 States in the present rebellion, nor in any 
 Avay given aid and comfort thereto ; and no 
 jierson engaged in the military or naval 
 service of the United States shall, under 
 any pretence whatever, assume to decide 
 on the validity of the claim of any person 
 to the service or labor of any other per- 
 son, or surrender up any such person to 
 the claimant, on pain of being dismissed 
 from the service." 
 
 And I do hereby enjoin upon and order 
 all persons engaged in the military and na- 
 val service of the United States to observe, 
 obey, and enforce, within their respective 
 spheres of service, the act and sections 
 above recited. 
 
 And the Executive will in due time 
 recommend that all citizens of the 
 United States who shall have remained
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 143 
 
 loyal thereto throughout the rebellion shall 
 (upon the restoration of the constitutional 
 rehition between the United States ami 
 their respective States and people, if that 
 relation shall have been suspended or dis- 
 turbed) be compensated for all losses by 
 acts of the United States, including the 
 loss of slaves. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set 
 my hand, antl caused the seal of the United 
 States to be afhxed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington this 
 twenty-second day of September, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-two, and of the Indepen- 
 dence of the United States the eighty- 
 seventh. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 By the President : 
 William H. Seward, Secretai-y of State. 
 
 Proclamation of January 1, 18G3. 
 
 Whereas, on the twenty -second day of 
 September, in the year of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, 
 a proclamation was issued by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, containing 
 among other things, the following, to wit : 
 
 " That on the first day of January, in 
 the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, all persons held 
 as slaves within any State or designated 
 part of a State, the people whereof shall 
 then be in rebellion against the United 
 States, shall be then, thenceforward, and 
 forever, tree; and the Executive Govern- 
 ment of the United States, including the 
 military and naval authority thereof, will 
 recognize and maintain the freedom of 
 such persons, and will do no act or acts to 
 repress such j)ersons, or any of them, in any 
 efforts they may make for their actual free- 
 dom. 
 
 "That the Executive will, on the first 
 day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, 
 designate the States and parts of States, if 
 any, in which the people thereof, respec- 
 tively, shall then be in rebellion against 
 the United States ; and the fact that any 
 State, or the people thereof, shall on tliat 
 day be in good faith represented in the 
 Congress of the United States, by mem- 
 bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a 
 majority of the qualified voters of such 
 States shall have jiarticipated, shall, in the 
 absence of strong countervailing testi- 
 mony, be deemed conclusive evidence 
 that such State, and the people thereof, arc^ 
 then in rebellion against the United 
 States." 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, 
 President of the United States, by virtue 
 of the power in me vested as Commander- 
 in-Chief of the Army an<l Navy of the 
 United States, in time of actual armed re- 
 bellion against the authority and Govern- 
 
 ment of the United States, and as a fit and 
 necessary war measure for supjjressing said 
 relicllion, do, on this first day of January, 
 in the year of our I^ord one thousand eiglit 
 hundred and sixty-three, and in accord- 
 ance with my purpose so to do, publicly 
 proclaimed for tlie full period of one hun- 
 dred days from the day first above men- 
 tioned, order and designate as the States 
 and parts of States wherein the people 
 tliercof, respectively, arc this day in rebel- 
 lion against the United States, the follow- 
 ing, to wit: 
 
 Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the 
 parishes of St. Bernard, I'laiiuemines, Jef- 
 ferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, 
 Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La- 
 fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, 
 including the city of New Orleans,) i\Iis- 
 sissippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South 
 Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, 
 (except the forty-eight counties designated 
 as West Virginia, and also the counties of 
 Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Eliza- 
 beth City, York, Princess Ann, and Nor- 
 folk, including the cities of Norfolk and 
 Portsmouth,) and which excepted parts 
 are for the present left precisely as if this 
 proclamation were not issued. 
 
 And by virtue of the power and for the 
 purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare 
 that all persons held as slaves within said 
 designated States and parts of States are, 
 and henceforward shall be, free ; and that 
 the Executive Government of the United 
 States, including the military and naval 
 authorities thereof, will recognize and 
 maintain the freedom of said persons. 
 
 And I hereby enjoin upon the people so 
 declared to be free to abstain from all vio- 
 lence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and 
 I recommend to them that, in all cases 
 when allcnved, they labor faithfully for 
 reasonable wages. 
 
 And I further declare and make -known 
 that such persons, of suitable condition, 
 will be received into the aiuned service of 
 the United States to garrison forts, positions, 
 stations, and other places, and to man 
 vessels of all sorts in said service. 
 
 And upon this act, sincerely believed to 
 be an act of justice, warranted by the Con- 
 stitution upon military necessity, I invoke 
 the considerate judgment of mankind and 
 the gracious favor of Almighty God. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have liereunto set 
 my hand and caused the seal of the United 
 States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington this 
 first day of January, in tlie year of our 
 Lord one tliousand eight hundred and 
 sixty-three, and of the independence of 
 the United States of America the eighty- 
 seventli. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Bv the President : 
 
 'William H. Seward, 
 
 Secretary of State.
 
 144 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 These proclamations were followed by 
 many attempts on the part of the Demo- 
 crats to declare them null and void, but all 
 such were tabled. The House on the 15th 
 of December, 1862, endorsed the first by 
 a vote of 78 to 51, almost a strict party 
 vote. Tvro classed as Democrats, voted for 
 emancipation — Haight and Noell ; seven 
 classed as Republicans, voted against it — 
 Granger, Harrison, Leary, Maynard, Benj. 
 F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, and Whaley. 
 
 Just previous to the issuance of the first 
 proclamation a meeting of the Governors 
 of the Northern States had been called to 
 consider how best their States could aid 
 the general conduct of the war. Some of 
 them had conferred with the President, 
 and while that meeting and the date of the 
 emancipation proclamation are the same, 
 it was publiclv denied on the floor of Con- 
 gress by Mr.' Boutwell (June 25, 1864,) 
 that the proclamation was the result of 
 that meeting of the Governors. That they 
 fully endorsed and knew of it, however, is 
 shown by the following 
 
 Address of lo^al Governors to the President. 
 
 Adopted at a meeting of Governors of 
 loyal States, held to take measures for 
 the more active support of the Govern- 
 ment, at Altoona, Pennsvlvania, on the 
 22d day of September, 1862. 
 
 After nearly one year and a half spent 
 in contest with an armed and gigantic re- 
 bellion against the national Government of 
 the United States, the duty and jiurpose of 
 the loyal States and people continue, and 
 must always remain as they were at its 
 origin — namely, to restore and perpetuate 
 the authority of this Government and the 
 life of the nation. No matter what con- 
 sequences are involved in our fidelity, this 
 work of restoring the Republic, preserving 
 the institutions of democratic liberty, and 
 justifying the hopes and toils of our fathers 
 shall not fail to be performed. 
 
 And we pledge without hesitation, to the 
 President of the United States, the most 
 loyal and cordial support, hereafter as 
 heretofore, in the exercise of the functions 
 of his great office. We recognize in him 
 the Chief Executive Magistrate of the 
 nation, the Commander-in-chief of the 
 Army and Navy of the Uniteil States, their 
 resjxinsible .and constitutional liead, whose 
 riglitful authority an<l j)Ower, as well as the 
 constitutional powers of Congress, must be 
 rigorously and religiously guarded and 
 jirescrvcd, as the condition on whieh alone 
 our form of (Jovernmcnt ami the constitu- 
 tional rights and liberties of the people 
 themselves can l)e saved from the wreck of 
 anarchy or from the gulf of despot ism. 
 
 In submission to the laws which may 
 have been or which may be duly enacted, 
 
 and to the lawful orders of the President, 
 co-operating always in our own spheres 
 with the national Government, we mean to 
 continue in the most vigorous exercise of 
 all our lawful and proper powers, contend- 
 ing against treason, rebellion, and the pub- 
 lic enemies, and, whether in public life or 
 in private station, supporting the arms of 
 the Union, until its cause shall conquer, 
 until final victory shall perch upon its 
 standard, or the rebel foe shall yield a 
 dutiful, rightful, and unconditional sub- 
 mission. 
 
 And, impressed with the conviction that 
 an army of reserve ought, until the war 
 shall end, to be constantly kept on foot, to 
 be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at 
 home, and ready for emergencies, we re- 
 spectfully ask the President to call for such 
 a force of volunteers for one year's service, 
 of not less than one hundred thousand in 
 the aggregate, the quota of each State to 
 be raised after it shall have filled its quota 
 of the requisitions already made, both for 
 volunteers and militia. We believe that 
 this would be a measure of military pru- 
 dence, while it would greatly promote the 
 military education of the people. 
 
 We hail with heartfelt gratitude and en- 
 couraged hope the proclamation of the 
 President, issued on the 22d instant, de- 
 claring emancipated from their bondage 
 all persons held to service or labor as 
 slaves in the rebel States, Avhose rebellion 
 shall last until the first day of January 
 now next ensuing. The right of any per- 
 son to retain authority to compel any por- 
 tion of the subjects of the national Gov- 
 ernment to rebel against it, or to maintain 
 its enemies, implies in those who are al- 
 lowed possession of such authority the 
 right to rebel themselves ; and therefore 
 the right to establish martial law or mili- 
 tary government in a State or territory in 
 rebellion implies the right and the duty 
 of the Government to liberate the minds 
 of all men living therein by appropriate 
 proclamations and assurances of protection, 
 in order that all who are capable, intel- 
 lectually and morally, of loyalty and 
 obedience, may not be forced into treason 
 as the unwilling tools of rebellious traitors. 
 To have continued indefinitely the most 
 efficient cause, support, and stay of the re- 
 bellion, would have been, in our judg- 
 ment, unjust to the loyal people whose 
 treasure and lives are made a willing sacri- 
 fice on the altar of patrotism — would have 
 discriminated against the wife who is com- 
 pelled to surrender her husband, against 
 the ])arent who is to surrender his child to 
 the hanlships of the camp and the perils 
 ol' battle, in favor of rebel masters per- 
 mitted to retain their slaves. It Avould 
 have been a final decision alike against 
 humanity, justice, the rights and dignity 
 of the Government, and against sound and
 
 BOOKi.] REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 
 
 145 
 
 wise national policy. The decision of the 
 President to strike at the root of the re- 
 bellion will lend new vigor to the elibrts 
 and new life and hoi)c to tiie hearts of the 
 people. Cordially tendering to the Presi- 
 dent our respectful assurance of personal 
 and official confidence, we trust and be- 
 lieve that the policy now inaugurated will 
 be crowned with success, will give speedy 
 and triumphant victories over our enemies, 
 and secure to this nation and this people 
 the blessing and iavor of Almighty God. 
 We believe that the blood of the heroes 
 who have already fallen, and those who 
 may yet give their lives to their country, 
 will not have been shed in vain. 
 
 The splendid valor of our soldiers, their 
 patient endurance, their manly patriotism, 
 and their devotion to duty, demand from 
 us and from all their countrymen the 
 homage of the sincerest gratitude and the 
 pledge of our constant reinforcement and 
 support. A just regard for these brave 
 men, whom we have contributed to place 
 in the field, and for the importance of the 
 duties which may lawfully pertain to us 
 hereafter, has called us into friendly con- 
 ference. And now, presenting to our 
 national Chief Magistrate this conclusion 
 of our deliberations, we devote ourselves to 
 our country's service, and we will surround 
 the President with our constant support, 
 trusting that the fidelity and zeal of the 
 loyal States and people will always assure 
 him that he will be constantly maintained 
 in pursuing with the utmost vigor this war 
 for the preservation of the national life 
 and the hope of humanity. 
 
 A. G. CURTIN", 
 
 John A. Andrew, 
 
 KiCHARD Yates, 
 
 Israel Washburne, Jr., 
 
 Edward Solomon, 
 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood, 
 
 O. P. Morton, 
 
 By D. G. Rose, his representative, 
 
 AVm. Sprague, 
 
 F. H. Peirpoint, 
 
 David Tod, 
 
 N. S. Berry, 
 
 Austin Blair. 
 
 Repeal of the Fugitive Slave liavr. 
 
 The first fugitive slave law passed was 
 that of Februarv 12th, 1798, the second and 
 last that of September 18tli, 1850. Vari- 
 ous effortij had been made to repeal the lat- 
 ter before the war of the rebellion, Avith- 
 out a prospect of success. The situation 
 was now different. The war spirit was 
 high, and both Houses of Congress were in 
 the hands of the Republicans as early as 
 December, 1861, but all of them were not 
 then ready to vote for repeal, while the 
 10 
 
 Democrats were at first solidly against it. 
 The bill had passed the Senate in IS.jO by 
 27 yeas to 12 nays; the House by lO'J veas 
 to 7G nays, and yet as late as 18G1 such was 
 still the desire of many not to offend the 
 political prejudices of the Border States 
 and of Democrats whose aid was counted 
 upon in the war, that sufiicient votes could 
 not be had until June, 18G4, to pass the re- 
 pealing bill. Republican sentiment ad- 
 vanced very slowly in the early years of 
 the war, when the struggle looked doubt- 
 ful and when there was a strong desire to 
 hold for the Union every man and county 
 not irrevocably against it; when success 
 could be foreseen the advances were more 
 rapid, but never as rapid as the more rad- 
 ical leaders desired. The record of Con- 
 gress in the repeal of the Fugitive Slave 
 Law will illustrate this political fact, in 
 itself worthy of grave study by the poli- 
 tician and statesman, and therefore we give 
 it as compiled by McPherson : — 
 
 Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventli Confess.* 
 
 In Senate, 18G1, December 2G— Mr. 
 Howe, of Wisconsin, introduced a bill to 
 repeal the fugitive slave law ; which was 
 referred to the Committee on the Judici- 
 arv. 
 
 1862, May 24— Mr. Wilson, of Massachu- 
 setts, introduced a bill to amend the fugi- 
 tive slave law ; which was ordered to be 
 printed and lie on the table. 
 
 June 10 — Mr. Wilson moved to take up 
 the bill ; which was agreed to — Yeas 25, 
 nays 10, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
 Chandler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, 
 Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, 
 Harris, Howard, HoAve, King, Lane of Kan- 
 sas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Simmons, Sumner, 
 Ten Eyck, Trumlmll, Wade, Wilson, of 
 Massachusetts. — 25. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Latham, 
 
 * On the 23d of July, 18C1, the Attorney Oeneral, in 
 answer to a loiter from the Unitod States Marshal of 
 Kansas, inquirinv? whether ho should assist iu the execu- 
 tion of tho fugitive slave law, wrote : 
 
 Attorney General's Office, Juhj 23, 1861. 
 J. L. McDowell, U. S. Blurshal, Kansas : 
 
 Your letter, of the llth of July, received lOth, (under 
 frank nf Senator Lane, of Kansas,) asks advice whether 
 you sliuuM i;ive your official services in the execution of 
 the fugitive slave law. 
 
 It is tlie rresiilcnt's constitutional duty to "take care 
 that the laws be faithfully executed." That means all tho 
 laws. lie lias no right to discriminate, no ri^ht to exe- 
 cute the laws he likes, and leave unexecuted those ho 
 dislikes. And of course you and I, his subordinates, can 
 have no wider latitude of discretion than ho has. Jlis- 
 souri is a State in the Union. The insurrectionary dis- 
 orders in Mis.souri are but individual crimes, and do not 
 change the legal status of the State, nor change its rights 
 and obligations as a member of tho Union. 
 
 A refusal by a ministerial olhcor to execute any law 
 which properly belongs to his office, is an official misde- 
 meanor, of which I have no duubt the President would 
 take notice. Very reapectfullv 
 
 libWAED BATES.
 
 146 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 McDougall, Nesmith, Poicell, Saulsbunj, 
 Stark, Willey, m-ighf— 10* 
 
 The bill was to secure to claimed fugi- 
 tives a right to a jury trial iu the district 
 court for the United States for the district 
 in which they may be, and to require the 
 claimant to prove his loyalty. The bill 
 repeals sections 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 of the act 
 of 1850, and that part of section 5, which 
 authorizes the summoning of the posse 
 comitatus. When a warrant of return is 
 made either on jury trial or confession of 
 the party in the presence of counsel, hav- 
 ing been warned of his rights, the fugitive 
 is to be surrendered to the claimant, or the 
 marshal where necessary, who shall remove 
 him to the boundary line of the district, 
 and there deliver him to the claimant. The 
 bill was not further considered. 
 
 In House, 1861, December 20— Mr. 
 Julian offered this resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee 
 be instructed to report a bill, so amending 
 the fugitive slave law enacted in 1850 as to 
 forbid the recapture or return of any fu- 
 gitive from labor without satisfactory proof 
 first made that the claimant of such fugi- 
 tive is loyal to the Government. 
 
 Mr. Holman moved to table the resolu- 
 tion, which was disagreed to — yeas 39, nays 
 78, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Ancona, Joseph Baily, 
 Biddle, George H. Browne, Cobb, Cooper, 
 Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Dunlap, English. 
 Fouke, Grider, Harding, Holman, Johnson, 
 Laic, Lazear, Leary, Lehman, Mallory, Mor- 
 ris, Noble, Noell, Norton, Nugen, Odell, 
 Pendleton, Robinson, Shiel, John B. Steele, 
 William G. Steele, Vallandigham, Wads- 
 worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- 
 liffe, Woodruff, Wright— ^'d. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, 
 Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, 
 Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, 
 Buffinton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Clark, 
 Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe 
 Conkling, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, 
 Duell, Edwards, Eliot, Fessenden, Fran- 
 chot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, 
 Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hooper, Hutch- 
 ins, Julian, William Kellogg, Lansing, 
 Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, 
 Marston, ]\Iitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. 
 Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Olin, Patton, 
 Pike, Pomcroy, Porter, John H. Rice, Rid- 
 dle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Sedg- 
 wick, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sherman, 
 Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Benjamin F. 
 Thomas, Train, Vandcver. Wall, Wallace, 
 Walton, Washburne, Wheeler, Whaley, 
 Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Wor- 
 cester — 78. 
 
 The resolution was then adopted — yeas 
 78, nays 39. 
 
 1862, June 9— Mr. Julian, of Indiana, 
 
 * Itepublieans in Bonuw,- Democrate in itallca. 
 
 introduced into the House a resolution in- 
 structing the Judiciary Committee to re- 
 port a bill for the purpose of repealing the 
 fugitive slave law ; which was tabled — ^yeaa 
 QQ, nays 51, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. William J. Allen, Anco- 
 na, Baily, Biddle, Francis P. Blair, Jacob 
 B. Blair, George H. Browne, William G, 
 Brown, Burnham, Calvert, Casey, Clem- 
 ents, Cobb, Corning, Crittenden, Delano, 
 Diven, Granger, Grider, Haight, Hale, 
 Harding, Holman, Johnson, William Kel- 
 logg, Kerrigan, Knapp, Lazear, Low, May- 
 nard, Menzies, INIoorhead, Morris, Noble, 
 Noell, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, John S. 
 Phelps, Timothy G. Phelps, Porter, Rich- 
 ardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Sar- 
 gent, Segar, Sheffield, Shiel, Smith, John B. 
 Steele, William G. Steele, Benjamin F. 
 Thomas, Francis Thomas, Trimble, Val- 
 landigham,Y erree, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wads- 
 ivorth, Webster, Chilton A. WJiite, Wick- 
 liffe. Wood, Woodruff, Worcester, Wright 
 —66. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Baker, 
 Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Blake, Buffin- 
 ton, Chamberlain, Colfax, Frederick A. 
 Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Edgerton, Ed- 
 wards, Eliot, Ely, Franchot, Gooch, Good- 
 win, Hanchett, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, 
 Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Lovejoy, 
 McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Anson P. 
 Morrill, Pike, Pomeroy, Potter, Alexander 
 H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. 
 Rollins, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, 
 Stevens, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, 
 Van Valkenburgh,Wall, Wallace, Wash- 
 burne, Albert S. White, Windom — 51. 
 
 Same day — Mr. Colfax, of Indiana, of- 
 fered this resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- 
 diciary be instructed to report a bill modi- 
 fying the fugitive slave law so as to require 
 a jury trial in all cases where the person 
 claimed denies under oath that he is a slave, 
 and also requiring any claimant under such 
 act to prove that he has been loyal to the 
 Government during the present rebellion. 
 
 Which was agreed to — yeas 77, nays 43, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, 
 Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, 
 Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Blake, Buffin- 
 ton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Colfax, Fred- 
 erick A. Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Delano, 
 Diven, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, 
 Franchot, Gooch, Goodwin, (Granger, Gur- 
 ley, Haight, Hale, Hanchett, Hutchins, 
 .Tulinn, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Wil- 
 liam Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, 
 Lowe, McKnight, IVrcPherson, Mitchell, 
 Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, 
 Timothy G. Phcli)s, Pike, Pomeroy, Por- 
 ter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. 
 Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, 
 Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sloan, 
 Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Benjamin F.
 
 BOOK I.] REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAWS. 
 
 147 
 
 Thomas, Train, Trimble, Trowbridge, Van 
 Valkeiiburgh, Verree, Wall, Wallace, 
 Waahburne, Albert, S. White, Wilson, 
 Windom, Worcester — 77. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, 
 Baily, Biddle, Jacob B. Blair, William G. 
 Brown, Calvert, Casey, Clements, Cobb, 
 Corning, Crittenden, Fouke, Grider, Hard- 
 ing, Holman, Johnson, Xnapp, Maynard, 
 Menzies, Noble, Noell, Norton, Pendleton, 
 John S. Phelps, Richardson, Robinson, 
 James iS Rollins, Segar, Shiel, Smith, John 
 B. Steele, William G. Steele, Francis Thom- 
 as, Vallandighnm, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wads- 
 worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- 
 liffe, Wood, Wright. ^k^. 
 
 Third Session, Thlrty-Seventli Couj^ess. 
 
 In Senate, 1863, February 11— Mr. Ten 
 Eyck, from the Committee on the Judici- 
 ary, to whom was referred a bill, intro- 
 duced by Senator Howe, in second session, 
 December 26, 1861, to repeal the fugitive 
 slave act of 1850, reported it back without 
 amendment, and with a recommendation 
 that it do not pass. 
 
 First Session, Tlilrty-Elgfith Confess. 
 
 In House, 1863, Dec. 14.— Mr. Julian, of 
 Indiana, offered this resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- 
 diciary be instructed to report a bill for a 
 repeal of the third and fourth sections of 
 the " act respecting fugitives from justice 
 and persons escaping from the service of 
 their masters," approved February 12, 1793, 
 and the act to amend and supplementary 
 to the aforesaid act, approved September 
 18, 1850. 
 
 Mr. Holman moved that the resolution 
 lie upon the table, which was agreed to — 
 yeas 81, nays 73, as follows: 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. James C. Allen, William 
 J. Allen, Ancona, Anderson, Baily, Au- 
 gustus C. Baldwin, Jacob B. Blair, Bliss, 
 Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Browne, 
 Clay, Cobb, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Creswell, 
 Dawson, Demraing, Denison, Eden, Edger- 
 ton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, 
 Grider, Griswold, Hall, Harding, Harring- 
 ton, Benjamin G. Harris, Charles M. Har- 
 ris, Higby, Holman, Hutchins, William 
 Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Laio, La- 
 zear, Le Blond, I^ong, Mallory, Marcy, Mar- 
 vin, McBride, Meboioell, McKinney, Wil- 
 liam H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, 
 Nelson, Noble, Odell, John 0' Neil, Pendle- 
 ton, William H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, 
 James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, Smith- 
 ers, Stebbins, John B. Steele, Sttiart, Sweat, 
 Thomas, Voorhees, Wadsicorth, Ward, 
 Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. IVTiite, 
 Williams, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yea- 
 man — 81. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, 
 Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, 
 Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, 
 
 Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, 
 Freeman Clark, Cole, Henry Winter Da- 
 vis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Du- 
 mont, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, 
 Frank, Garfield, Guoch, Grinnell, Hooper, 
 Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Huljbard, John H. 
 Hubbard, Hulburd, Jenckcs, Julian, Fran- 
 cis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, 
 Longyear, Lovejoy, McClurg, Mclndoe, 
 Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, 
 Amos Myers, Leonard Mvers, Norton, 
 Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Pike, Pom- 
 eroy, Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. 
 Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, 
 Scofield, Sliannon, Spalding, Thaver, 
 Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Wash- 
 burne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, 
 Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbidge — 73. 
 
 1864, June 6, Mr. Hubbard, of Connec- 
 ticut, offered this resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- 
 diciary be instructed to report to this 
 House a bill for the repeal of all acts and 
 parts of acts which provide for the rendi- 
 tion of fugitive slaves, and that they have 
 leave to make such report at any time. 
 
 Which went over under the rule. May 
 30, he had made an ineffectual effort to 
 offer it, Mr. Holman objecting. 
 
 REPEALING BILLS. 
 
 1864, April 19, the Senate considered the 
 bill to repeal all acts for the rendition of 
 fiigitives from service or labor. The bill 
 was taken up — yeas 26, nays 10. 
 
 Mr. Sherman moved to amend by insert- 
 ing these words at the end of the bill : 
 
 Except the act approved February 12, 
 1793, entitled " An act respecting fugitives 
 from justice, and persons escaping from the 
 service of their masters." 
 
 Which was agreed to — yeas 24, nays 17, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile^ Col- 
 lamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, 
 Foster, Harris, Henderson, Hendricks, 
 Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDou- 
 gall, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury, 
 Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Win- 
 kle, Willey— 24. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, 
 Conness, Fessenden, Grimes, Hale, How- 
 ard, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, 
 Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Wil- 
 kinson, Wilson — 17. 
 
 Mr. Saulsbury moved to add these sec- 
 tions : 
 
 And be it further enacted, That no white 
 inhabitant o-f the United States shall be 
 arrested, or imprisoned, or held to answer 
 for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, 
 except in cases arising in the land or na- 
 val forces, or in the militia when in actual 
 service in time of war or public danger, 
 without due process of law. 
 
 And be it further enacted. That no per- 
 son engaged in the executive, legislative,
 
 148 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 or judicial departments of the Government 
 of the United States, or holding any office 
 or trust recognized in the Constitution of 
 the United States, and no person in mili- 
 tary or naval service of the Uuited States, 
 shall, without due process of law, arrest or 
 imprison any white inhabitant of the Uni- 
 ted States who is not, or has not been, or 
 shall not at the time of such arrest or im- 
 prisonment be, engaged in levying war 
 against the United "States, or in adhering 
 to the enemies of the United States, giv- 
 ing them aid and comfort, nor aid, abet, 
 procure or advise the same, except in cases 
 arising in the land or naval forces, or in 
 the militia when in actual service in time 
 of war or public danger. And any person 
 as aforesaid so arresting, or imprisoning, or 
 holding, as aforesaid, as in this and the 
 second section of this act mentioned, or 
 aiding, abetting, or procuring, or advising 
 the same, shall be deemed guilty of fel- 
 ony, and, upon conviction thereof in any 
 court of competent jurisdiction, shall be 
 imprisoned for a term of not less than one 
 nor more than five years, shall pay a fine of 
 not less than $1,000 nor more than $5000, 
 and shall be forever incapable of holding 
 any office or public trust under the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Hale moved to strike out the word 
 "white" wherever it occurs; which was 
 agreed to. 
 
 The amendment of Mr. Saulsbury, as 
 amended, was then disagreed to — yeas 9, 
 nays 27, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlih, Cowan, 
 Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Bid- 
 die, Saulsbury — 9. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, CoUa- 
 mer, Conness, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foster, 
 Grimes, Hale, Harris, Howard, Howe, Lane 
 of Indiana, Lane, of Kansas, Morgan, Mor- 
 rill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, 
 Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Win- 
 kle, Wilkinson, Willcy, Wilson— 27. 
 
 Mr. CoxxESS moved to table the bill ; 
 which was disagreed to — yeas 9, (Messrs. 
 Buckalew, Carlile, Conness, Davis, Hen- 
 dricks, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury,) 
 nays 31. 
 
 it was not again acted upon. 
 
 1864, June 13 — The House passed this 
 bill, introduced by Mr. Spalding, of Ohio, 
 and reported from the Committee on the 
 Judiciary by Mr. Morris, of New York, 
 as follows : 
 
 Be it enacted, e^c.,that sections three and 
 four of an act entitled " An act respecting 
 fugitives from justice and persons escaping 
 from the service of tbeir masters," passed 
 February 12, 1793, and an Act entitled 
 " An act to amend, and supjilementary to, 
 the act entitled ' An act respecting fugi- 
 tives from justice, and persons escajjing 
 from their masters,' passed February 12, 
 
 1793," passed September 18, 1850, be, and 
 the same are hereby, repealed. 
 Yeas 86, nays 60, as follows : 
 Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ar- 
 nold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, 
 Beaman, Blaine, Blair, Blow, Boutwell, 
 Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. 
 Clarke, Freeeman Clark, Cobb, Cole, Cres- 
 well, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Da- 
 avis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eck- 
 ley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Gar- 
 field, Gooch, Grisicold, Higby, Hooper, 
 Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John K. 
 Hubbard, Hulburd, IngersoU, Jenckes, Ju- 
 lian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, O. Kel- 
 logg, Littlejohn, Loan, Longvear, Man-in, 
 McClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel F. Miller, 
 Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos 
 Mvers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles 
 O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, 
 Price, Alexander H. Rice, Johil H. Rice, 
 Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Spald- 
 ing, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, 
 Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Webster. Wha- 
 ley, Williams, AVilder, Wilson, Windom, 
 AVoodbridge — 86. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. James C. Allen, William 
 J. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldicirij 
 Bliss, Brooks, James S. Broum, Chanter, 
 Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Denison, 
 Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, English, Finck, 
 Ganson, Grider, Harding, Harrington, 
 Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, 
 Hutchins, Kalbjleisch, Kernan, King, Knapp, 
 Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Mallory, Marcy, 
 McDoicell, McKinney, W?n. H Miller, James 
 R. Morris, Morrison, Odcll, Pendleton, 
 Pruyn, Radford, Robinson, Jas. S. Rollins, 
 Ross, Smithers, John B. Steele, Wm. G. 
 Steele, Stiles, Strotise, Stuart, Sweat, Wads- 
 worth, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton A. WJiite, 
 Joseph W. White, Fernando Wood — 00. 
 
 June 22 — This bill was taken up in the 
 Senate, when Mr. Saulsbury moved this 
 substitute : 
 
 That no person held to service or labor 
 in one State, under the laAvs thereof, escap- 
 ing into another, shall, in consequence of 
 any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
 from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
 livered up on claim of the party to whom 
 such service or labor may be due ; and 
 Congress shall pass all necessary and pro- 
 per laws for the rendition of all such per- 
 sons wbo shall so, as aforesaid, escape. 
 
 Which was rejected — yeas 9, nays 29, as 
 follows : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, 
 Davis, McDougall, Powell, Richardson, 
 Riddle, Saulsbu7-y — 9. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- 
 ler, Clark, Conness, Dixon, Foot, Grimes, 
 Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, Howard, 
 Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane 
 of Kansas, Morgan, ]\Torrill, Pomeroy, 
 Ramscv, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, 
 Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade,Willey— 29.
 
 BOOK I.J FINANCIAL LEGISLATION — INTERN AL TAXES, 
 
 149 
 
 Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, moved an 
 amendment to substitute a clause repeal- 
 ing the act of 1850 ; which was rejected — 
 yeas 17, nays 22, as follows : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. liuckalew, Carlile, Cowan, 
 Daois, Harris, Hicks, Johnson, Lane of 
 Indiana, McDowjali, Powell, liicJiardson, 
 Riddle. Siiulshan/, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, 
 Van Winkle, Willey— 17. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- 
 ler, Clark, Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, 
 Foot, (xrimes. Hale, Harlan, Howard, 
 Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, 
 Pomerov, Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Wadt^, 
 Wilson— 22. 
 
 The bill then passed — yeas 27, nays 12, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- 
 ler, Clark, Conuess, Dixon, Fessenden, 
 Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, 
 Howard, Howe, Lane of Indiana, Lane of 
 Kansan, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ram- 
 sev, Sprague, Sumner, Ten .Eyck, Trum- 
 bull, Wade, Wilson— 27. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Backaleio, Carlile, Cowan, 
 Daois, Johnson, McDougall, Powell, Rich- 
 ardson, Riddle, Saulsbury, Van Winkle, 
 Willey— 12. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, President, approved 
 it, June 28, 18G4. 
 
 Seward as Secretary ot State. 
 
 Wm. H. Seward was a master in diplo- 
 macy and Statecraft, and to his skill the 
 Unionists were indebted for all avoidance 
 of serious foreign complications while the 
 war was going on. The most notable case 
 coming under his supervision was that of 
 the capture of Mason and Slidell, by Com- 
 modore Wilkes, who, on the 8th of Novem- 
 ber, 18(31, had intercepted the Trent with 
 S'xn Jacinto. The prisoners were Confed- 
 erate agents on their way to St. James and 
 St. Cloud. Both had been prominent Sen- 
 ators, early secessionists, and the popular 
 impulse of the North was to hold and pun- 
 ish them. Both Lincoln and Seward wisely 
 resisted the pa-ssions of the hour, and when 
 Great Britain demanded their release 
 under the treaty of Ghent, wherein the 
 right of future search of vessels was dis- 
 avowed, Seward yielded, and referring to 
 the terms of the treaty, said : 
 
 " If I decide this case in fovor of my 
 own Government, I must disavow its most 
 cherished principles, and reverse and for- 
 ever abandon its essential policy. The 
 country cannot afford the sacrifice. If I 
 maintain those principles and adhere to 
 that policy, I must surrender the case 
 itself" 
 
 The North, with high confidence in thoir 
 President and Cabinet, readily conceded 
 the wisdom of the argument, especially as 
 it was clinched in the newspapers of the 
 day by one of Lincoln's homely remarks : 
 
 " One war at a time." A war with Great 
 Britain was thus happily avoided. 
 
 With the incidents of the war, however 
 save as they atlected politics and pr)liti- 
 cians, this work has little to do, and we 
 therefore pass the suspension of the writ of 
 habeas corjjm, which susj)ension was em- 
 I)loycd in breaking uj) the Maryland Legis- 
 lature and other bodies when they con- 
 templated secession, and it facilitated the 
 arrest and punishment of men throughout 
 the North who were suspected of giving 
 " aid and comfort to the enemy." The 
 alleged arbitrary character of tbese arrest,s 
 caused much complaint from Democratic 
 Senators and Representatives, but the right 
 was fully enforced in the face of every form 
 of protest until the war closed. The most 
 prominent arrest was that of Clement L. 
 Vallandighain, member of Congress from 
 Ohio, who was sent into the Southern lines. 
 From thence he went to Canada, and when 
 a candidate for Governor in Ohio, was de- 
 feated by over 100,000 majority. 
 
 Financial liegislatlou — Internal Taxes. 
 
 The Financial legislation during the 
 war was as follows: 
 
 18G0, December 17 — Authorized an issue 
 of $10,000,000 in Treasury notes, to be 
 redeemed after the expiration of one year 
 from the date of issue, and bearing such a 
 rate of interest as may be offered by the 
 lowest bidders. Authority was given to 
 issue these notes in payment of warrants in 
 favor of public creditors at their par value, 
 bearing six per cent, interest per annum. 
 
 1861, February 8 — Authorized a LOAN of 
 $25,000,000, bearing interest at a rate not 
 exceeding six per cent, per annum, and 
 reimbursable within a period not beyond 
 twenty years nor less than ten years. This 
 loan was made for the payment of the cur- 
 rent expenses, and was to be awarded to 
 the most favorable bidders. 
 
 March 2 — Authorized a LOAN of $10,- 
 000,000, bearing interest at a rate not ex- 
 ceeding six per cent, per annum, and re- 
 imbursable after the expiration of ten 
 years from July 1, 18G1. In case propo- 
 sals for the loan were not acceptable, au- 
 thority was given to issue the whole 
 amount in Treasury notes, bearing in- 
 terest at a rate not exceeding six per cent, 
 per annum. Authority was also given to 
 substitute Treasure notes for the whole 
 or any part of the loans for which the Sec- 
 rotary was by law authorized to contract 
 and issue bonds, at the time of the passage 
 of this act, and such treasury notes were to 
 be made receivable in payment of all pub- 
 lic dues, and redeemable at any time 
 within two years from IMarch 2, ISGl. 
 
 March 2-^Authorized an issue, should 
 the Secretarv of the Treasury deem it ex- 
 pedient, of $2,800,000 in coupon bonds, 
 bearing interest at the rate of six per cent.
 
 150 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 per annum, 'and redeemable in twenty 
 years, for the payment of expenses incurred 
 by the Territories of Washington and 
 Oregon in the suppression of Indian hos- 
 tilities during the year 1855-'56. 
 
 July 17— Authorized a loan of $250,000,- 
 000, for which could be issued boxds bear- 
 ing interest at a rate not exceeding 7 per 
 cent, per annum, irredeemable for twentj' 
 years, and after that redeemable at the 
 pleasure of the United States. 
 
 Treasury notes bearing interest at the 
 rate of 7.30 per cent, per annum, payable 
 three years after date ; and 
 
 United States kotes without interest, 
 payable on demand, to the extent of $50,- 
 000,000. (Increased by act of February 
 12, 1862, to $60,000,000.) 
 
 The bonds and treasury notes to be is- 
 sued in such proportions of each as the 
 Secretary may deem advisable. 
 
 August 5 — Authorized an issue of BONDS 
 bearing 6 per cent, interest per annum, 
 and payable at the pleasure of the United 
 States after twenty years from date, which 
 may be issued in exchange for 7.30 trea- 
 sury notes ; but no such bonds to be issued 
 for a less sum than $500, and the whole 
 amount of such bonds not to exceed the 
 whole amount of 7.30 treasury notes issued. 
 
 February 6, 1862— Making $50,000,000 
 of notes, of denominations less than $5, a 
 legal tender, as recommended by Secretary 
 Chase, was passed January 17, 1862. In 
 the House it received the votes of the Ee- 
 publicans generally, and 38 Democrats. 
 In the Senate it had 30 votes for to 1 
 against, that of Senator Powell. 
 
 1862, Fehruary 25 — Authorized the issue 
 of $15,000,000 in legal tender United States 
 NOTES, $50,000,000 of which to be in lieu 
 of demand notes issued under act of Julv 
 17, 1861, $500,000,000 in 6 percent, bonds, 
 redeemable after five years, and payable 
 twenty years from date, which may be ex- 
 changed for United States notes, and a 
 temporary loan of $25,000,000 in United 
 States notes for not less than thirty days, 
 payable after ten days' notice at 5 per 
 cent, interest per annum. 
 
 March 17 — Authorized an increase of 
 TEMPORARY LOANS of $25,000,000, bearing 
 interest at a rate not exceeding 5 per cent, 
 per annum. 
 
 July 11 — Authorized a further increase 
 of TEMPORARY LOANS of $50,000,000, mak- 
 ing the whole amount authorized $100,- 
 000,000. 
 
 March 1 — Authorized an issue of cer- 
 tificates OF INDEBTEDNESS, payable one 
 year from date, in settlement of audited 
 claims against the Government. Interest 
 6 per cent, per annum, payable in gold on 
 those issued prior to INIarch 4, 1863, and in 
 lawful currency on those issued on and 
 after that date. Amount of issue not 
 specified. 
 
 1862, July 11 — Authorized an additional 
 issue of $150,000,0(10 legal tender NOTES, 
 $35,000,000 of which might be in denomi- 
 nations less than five dollars. Fifty mil- 
 lion dollars of this issue to be reserved to 
 pay temporary loans promptly in case of 
 emergency. 
 
 Jidy 17 — Authorized an issue of NOTES 
 of the fractional part of one dollar, receiv- 
 able in payment of all dues, except cus- 
 toms, less than five dollars. Amount of 
 issue not specified. 
 
 1863, January 17 — Authorized the issue 
 of $100,000,000 in United States notes for 
 the immediate payment of the army and 
 navy ; such notes to be a part of the 
 amount provided for in any bill that may 
 hereafter be passed by this Congress. The 
 amount in this resolution is included in 
 act of March 3, 1863. 
 
 March 3 — Authorized a LOAN of $300,- 
 000,000 for this and $600,000,000 for next 
 fiscal year, for which could be issued bonds 
 running not less than ten nor more than 
 forty years, principal and interest payable 
 in coin, bearing interest at a rate not ex- 
 ceeding 6 per cent, per annum, payable on 
 bonds not exceeding $100, annually, and on 
 all others semi-annually. And Treasury 
 NOTES (to the amount of $400,000,000) not 
 exceeding three years to run, with interest 
 not over 6 per cent, per annum, principal 
 and interest payable in lawlul money, 
 which may be made a legal tender for 
 their face value, excluding interest, or 
 convertible into United States notes. And 
 a further issue of $150,000,000 in United 
 States NOTES for the purpose of converting 
 the Treasury notes which may be issued 
 under this act, and for no other purj^ose. 
 And a further issue, if necessaiy, for the 
 jjayment of the army and navy, and other 
 creditors of the Government, of $150,000,- 
 000 in United States notes, which amount 
 includes the $100,000,000 authorized by 
 the joint resolution of Congress, January 
 17, 1863. The whole amount of bonds, 
 treasury notes, and United States notes 
 issued under this act not to exceed the 
 sum of $900,000,000. 
 
 March 3 — Authorized to issue not ex- 
 ceeding $50,000,000 in fractional cur- 
 rency, (in lieu of postage or other stamps,) 
 exchangeable for United States notes in 
 sums not less than three dollars, and re- 
 ceivable for any dues to the United States 
 less than five dollars, except duties on im- 
 ports. The whole amount issued, includ- 
 ing postage and other stamps issued aa 
 currency, not to exceed $50,000,000. 
 Authority was given to prepare it in the 
 Treasury Department, under the supervi- 
 sion of the Secretary. 
 
 1864, March 3 — Authorized, in lieu of so 
 much of the loan of March 3, 1863, a loan 
 of $200,000,000 for the current fiscal year, 
 for which may be issued bonds redeemable
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 INTERNAL TAXES. 
 
 151 
 
 after five and within forty years, principal 
 and interest payable in coin, bearing interest 
 at a rate not exceeding 6 per cent, per an- 
 num, payable annually on bonds not over 
 $100, and on all others semi-annually. 
 These bonds to be exempt from taxation 
 by or under Htate or municipal authority. 
 
 1864, June 30 — Authorized a loan of 
 $400,000,000. for which may be issued 
 bonds, redeemable after five nor more than 
 thirty years, or if deemed expedient, made 
 payable at any period not more than forty 
 years from date — interest not exceeding six 
 per cent, semi-annually, in coin. 
 
 Pendin;^ tlie loan bill of June 22, 1862, 
 laefore tiie House in Committee of the 
 Whole, and the question being on the first 
 section, authorizing a loan of^400,000,000, 
 closing with this clause : 
 
 And all bonds, Treasury notes, and oth- 
 er obligations of the United States shall be 
 exempt from taxation by or under state or 
 municipal authority. 
 
 There was a sharp political controversy 
 on this question, but the House finally 
 agreed to it by 77 to 71. Party lines were 
 not then distinctly drawn on financial issues. 
 
 INTERNAL TAXES. 
 
 The system of internal revenue taxes 
 imposed during the war did not evenly 
 divide parties until near its close, when 
 Democrats were generally arrayed against 
 these taxes. They cannot, from the record, 
 be correctly classed as political issues, yet 
 their adoption and the feelings since en- 
 gendered by them, makes a brief summary 
 of the record essential. 
 
 First Session, Thilrty-Seveiitli Congress. 
 
 The bill to provide increased revenue 
 from imports, &c., passed the House August 
 2, 1861— yeas 89, nays 39. 
 
 Same day, it passed the Senate — yeas 34, 
 nays 8, (Messrs. Breckinridge, Bright, John- 
 son, of Missouri, Kennedy, Latham, Polk, 
 Powell, Saulsbury.)* 
 
 Second Session, Tlilrty-Se-vcntU Congress. 
 
 The Internal Revenue Act of 1862. 
 
 1862, April 8— The House passed the bill 
 to provide internal revenue, support the 
 Government, and pay interest on the public 
 debt — yeas 126, nays 15. The Nays were : 
 
 Messrs. William Allen, George H. Browne, 
 Buffinton, Cox, Kerrigan, Knapp, Lata, 
 Norton, Pendleton, Richardson, Shiel, Val- 
 landigham, Voorhees, Chilton A. White, 
 Wickliffe—lb. 
 
 June 6 — The bill passed in the Senate — 
 yeas 37, nay 1, (Mr. Powell.) 
 
 First Session Tlilrty-Klglitli Congress. 
 
 Interniil Revenue Act of lS6i. 
 
 April 28— The House passed the act of 
 1864— yeas 110, nays 39. The Nays were : 
 Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, 
 • Democrats in italics. 
 
 Ancona, Brooks, Chanler, Cox, Dawson, 
 Venison, Eden, Eldridgc, Finch, llarring- 
 tmi, Benjamin G. Harris, Jlerrick, Philip 
 Johnson, William Jithnson, Knapj), Jmw, Le 
 Blond, Long, Marcg, McJJowcU, McKin- 
 ncij, James R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, John 
 0' Neil, Pendleton, l^crry, Robinson, Jioss, 
 Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Voorhees, Ward, Chil- 
 ton A. White, Josej^h W. White, Fernando 
 Woorf— 39. 
 
 June 6— The Senate amended and passed 
 the bill — yeas 22, nays 3, (Messrs. Davis, 
 Hendricks, Powell. ) 
 
 The bill, as finally agreed upon by a 
 Committee of Conference, passed without 
 a division. 
 
 Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventh Congress. 
 
 TaiiJ Act uf 18G2. 
 
 In House— 1862, July 1— The House 
 passed, without a division, a bill increasing 
 temporarily the duties on imports, and for 
 other purposes. 
 
 July 8 — The Senate passed it without a 
 division. ' 
 
 THE TARIFF ACT OF 1864. 
 
 June 4 — The House passed the bill — 
 yeas 81, nays 28. The Nays were : 
 
 Messrs. James C. Allen, Bliss, James S. 
 Brown, Cox, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, 
 Grider, Harding, Harrington, Chas. M. 
 Harris, Herrick, Holman, Ilutchins, Le 
 Blond, Long, Mallory, Marcy, McDowell, 
 3Iorriso7i, Noble, l^ndlcton, Perry, Pruyn, 
 Ross, Wadsworth, Chilton A. White, Joseph 
 W. White -2^. 
 
 June 17 — The Senate passed the bill — 
 yeas 22, nays 5, (Messrs. Buckalew, Hen- 
 dricks, McDougall, Powell, Richardson.) 
 
 Second Session, Tlilrty-Scvcntli Congress. 
 
 Taxes in' Insurrectionary Difitricti, ISOi. 
 
 1862, May 12— The bill for the collec- 
 tion of taxes in the insurrectionary dis- 
 tricts passed the Senate — yeas 32, nays 3, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
 Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, 
 Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, 
 Henderson, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, 
 Lane of Kansas, Latham, McDougall, Mor- 
 rill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, 
 Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, 
 Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson, of Massachu- 
 setts, Wright— ^2. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Howard, Powell, Sauls- 
 bury — 3. 
 
 IVIay 28 — The bill passed House— yeas 
 98, nays 17. The Nays were : 
 
 Messrs. i5/f?^Z<?, Calrert, Cravens, Johnson, 
 Kerrigan, L(n(\ Mallory, Menzies, Noble, 
 Norton, Pendleton, Pern/. Francis Thomas 
 Vallandigham, Ward, Wicklijfe, Wood — 17. 
 
 The Democrats who voted Aye were : 
 
 Messrs. Ancona, Baily, Cobb, English, 
 Haight, Holman, Jjchvian, Odell, Phelps, 
 * Demcx;rata ia italicf.
 
 152 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Richardson, James S. Rohiiis, Sheffield, 
 Smith, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele. 
 
 TAXES IN IXSURRECTIOXAEY DISTEICTS, 
 1804. 
 
 In Senate, June 27 — The bill passed the 
 Senate without a division. 
 
 July 2 — It passed the House without a 
 division. 
 
 Many financial measures and proposi- 
 tions were rejected, and we shall not at- 
 tempt to give the record on these. All 
 that were passed and went into operation 
 can be more readily understood by a glance 
 at our Tabulated History, in Book VII., 
 which gives a full view of the financial 
 history and sets out all the loans and reve- 
 nues., We ought not to close this review, 
 however, without giving here a tabulated 
 statement, from " McPherson's History of 
 the Great Rebellion," of 
 
 Tlie Confederate Debt. 
 
 Decejnber 31, 1862, the receipts of the 
 Treasury from the commencement of the 
 " Permanent Government," (February 18, 
 1862,) were as follows : 
 
 EECEIPTS. 
 
 Patent fund $13,920 00 
 
 Customs 668,566 00 
 
 Miscellaneous 2,291,812 00 
 
 Eepayments of disbursing offi- 
 cers 3,839,263 00 
 
 Interest on loans 26,583 00 
 
 Call loan certificates .... 59,742,796 00 
 
 One hundred million loan . . 41,398,286 00 
 
 Treasury notes 215,554,885 00 
 
 Interest bearing notes . . . 113,740,000 00 
 
 War tax 16,664,513 00 
 
 Loan 28th of February, 1861 . 1,375,476 00 
 Coin received from Bank of 
 
 Louisiana 2,539,799 00 
 
 Total $457,855,704 00 
 
 Total debt up to December 31, 
 
 1862 556,105,100 00 
 
 Estimated amount at that date 
 necessary to support the Gov- 
 ernment to July, 1863, was 357,929,229 00 
 
 Up to December 31, 1862, the issues of 
 the Treasury were : 
 
 Notes $440,678,510 00 
 
 Redeemed 30,193,479 50 
 
 Outstanding $410,485,030 50 
 
 From January 1, 1803, to September 30, 
 1863, the receipts of the Treasury were: 
 
 For 8 per cent, stock .... $107,292,900 70 
 
 For 7 per cent, stock .... 38,757,650 70 
 
 For 6 per cent, stock . . . . 6,810,050 00 
 
 For 5 per cent, stock .... 22,992,900 00 
 
 For 4 per cent, stock .... 4^2,200 00 
 
 Cotton certificates ..... 2,000,000 00 
 
 Interest on loans 140,210 00 
 
 War tax 4,128,988 97 
 
 Treasury notes 391,623,530 00 
 
 Sequestration 1,862,550 27 
 
 Customs 934,798 68 
 
 Export duty on cotton ... 8,101 78 
 
 Patent fund 10,794 04 
 
 Miscellaneous, including re- 
 payments by disbursing offi- 
 cers 24,498,217 93 
 
 Total $601,522,893 12 
 
 EXPENDITtm.ES DURINQ THAT TIMB. 
 
 War Department ?3 7 7, 988, 244 00 
 
 Navy Department 38,437,661 00 
 
 Civil, miscellaneous, etc . . . 11,629,278 00 
 
 Customs 56,636 00 
 
 Public debt 32,212,290 00 
 
 Notes cancelled and redeemed 59,044.449 00 
 
 Total expenditures .... $519,368,559 00 
 Total receipts 601,522,893 00 
 
 Balance in treasury .... $82,154,334 00 
 
 But from this amount is to be deducted the 
 amount of all Treasury notes that have been 
 funded, but which have not yet received a true 
 estimation, $65,000,000 ; total remaining, $17,- 
 154,334. 
 
 CONDITION OF THE TREASURY, JANUARY 
 1, 1864. 
 
 Jan. 25 — The Secretary of the Treasury 
 (C. G. Memminger) laid before the Senate 
 a statement in reply to a resolution of the 
 20th, asking information relative to the 
 funded debt, to call certificates, to non-in- 
 terest and interest-bearing Treasuiy notes, 
 and other financial matters. From this it 
 appears that, January, 1864, the funded 
 debt was as follows : 
 
 ActFeb. 28, 1861,8 f cent., 15,000,000 00 
 
 Act May 16, 1861, 8 ^ cent , 8,774.000 00 
 
 Act Aug. 10, 1801, 8 -^ cent., 100,000,000 00 
 
 Act Apr. 12, 1862, 8 "# cent., 3,612,300 00 
 
 Act Feb. 20, 1863, 8 "^ cent., 95,785,000 00 
 
 Act Feb. 20, 1863, 7 f* cent., 03,615,750 00 
 
 ActMar.23,186.3,6^ceut., 2,831,700 00 
 
 Act April 30, 1863 (cotton 
 
 interest coupons) 8,252,000 00 
 
 $297,871 ,650 00 
 
 Call certificates 89,206,770 00 
 
 Non-interest bearing Treasury notes out- 
 standing : 
 
 Act Jlay 16, ISOl— Payable 
 
 two years after date 8,320,875 00 
 
 Act Aiig. 19, 1801— General 
 currency 189,719,251 00 
 
 Act Oct. 13, 1801— All de- 
 nominations 131,028,366 50 
 
 Act March 23 — All denomi- 
 nations 391,829,702 50 
 
 720,898,095 00 
 
 Intorest-boaring Treasury notes outstand- 
 ing 102,465,450 00 
 
 Anioiint of Treasury notes 
 under So, oufstjvnding 
 Jan. 1, 1804, viz: 
 
 Act April 17, 1802, denomi- 
 nations of 81 and S2 4,860,277 50 
 
 ActOct. 13, 1862,81and82 2,;544,800 00 
 
 Act March 23, 1863, 50 
 
 cents .3,41^,000 00 
 
 Total under$5 10,424,077 50 
 
 Total debt, Jon. 1, 1804 81,220,866,042 60
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 CONFEDERATE TAXES. 
 
 153 
 
 ITS CONDITION, MARCH 31, 1864. 
 
 The Register of tlie Treasury, Robert 
 Tyler, gave a statement, which appeared 
 in the Richmond Sentinel after the^jassage 
 of the funding hiw, which gives the amount 
 of outstanding non-interest-bearing Trea- 
 sury notes, March 31, 1804, as $790,204,403, 
 as follows : 
 
 Act May 16, 1861— Ten-year 
 
 notes $7,201,375 00 
 
 Act Aug. 19, 1861— General 
 
 currency 154,365,631 00 
 
 Act Apr. 19, 1862— ones and 
 
 twos 4,516,509 00 
 
 Act Oct. 18, 1862— General 
 
 currency 118,997,321 50 
 
 Act iMar. 23, 1863— General 
 
 currency 511,182,566 50 
 
 Total $796,264,403 00 
 
 He also publishes this statement of the 
 issue of non-intcrest-bearing Treasury 
 notes since the organization of the " Con- 
 federate " government : 
 
 Fifty cents $911,258 60 
 
 Ones 4,882,000 00 
 
 Twos 6,086,320 00 
 
 Fives 79,090,315 00 
 
 Tens 157,982,750 00 
 
 Twenties 217,425,120 00 
 
 Fifties 188,088,200 00 
 
 Total $973,277,363 60 
 
 Confederate Taxes. 
 
 We also append as full and fair a state- 
 ment of Confederate taxes as can be pro- 
 cured, beginning with a summary of the 
 act authorizing the issue of Treasury notes 
 and bonds, and providing a war tax for 
 their redemption : 
 
 THE TAX ACT OF JULY, 1861. 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer gives the fol- 
 lowing summary of the act authorizing 
 the issue of Treasury notes and bonds, and 
 providing a war tax for their redemption : 
 
 Section one authorizes the issue of 
 Treasury notes, payable to bearer at the 
 expiration of six months after the ratifica- 
 tion of a treaty of peace between the Con- 
 federate States and the United States. 
 The notes are not to be of a less denomi- 
 nation than five dollars, to be re-is.sued at 
 pleasure, to be received in payment of all 
 public dues, except the export duty on cot- 
 ton, and the whole issue outstanding at 
 one time, including the amount issued 
 under former acts, are not to exceed one 
 hundred millions of dollars. 
 
 Section two provides that, for the pur- 
 pose of funding the said notes, or for the 
 purpose of purchasing specie or military 
 stores, &c., bonds may be issued, payable 
 not more than twenty years after date, to 
 
 the amount of one hundred millions of dol- 
 lars, and bearing an interest of eight per 
 cent, per annum. This amount includes 
 the thirty millions already authorized to 
 be issued. The bonds are not to be issued 
 in less amounts than $100, except when the 
 subscription is for a less anuiunt, when 
 they may be issued as low as 850. 
 
 Section three provides that holders of 
 Treasury notes may at any time exchange 
 them for bonds. 
 
 Section four provides that, for the special 
 purpo.se of paying the principal and inter- 
 est of the puljlic debt, and of su[)porting 
 the Government, a war tax shall be as- 
 sessed and levied of fifty cents upon each 
 one hundred dollars in value ()1' the follow- 
 ing property in the Confederate States, 
 namely: Real estate of all kinds; slaves; 
 merchandise ; bank stocks ; railroad and 
 other corporation stocks ; money at in- 
 terest or invested by individuals in the 
 ])urchase of bills, notes, and other securi- 
 ties for money, except the bonds of the 
 Confederate States of America, and cash 
 on hand or on deposit in bank or elsewhere ; 
 cattle, horses, and mules ; gold watches, 
 gold and silver plate ; pianos and pleasure 
 carriages : Provided, hmvever, That when 
 the taxable property, herein above enu- 
 merated, of any head of a family is of value 
 less than five hundred dollars, such tax- 
 able property shall be exempt from taxa- 
 tion under this act. It provides further 
 that the property of colleges, schools, and 
 religious associations shall be exempt. 
 
 The remaining sections provide for the 
 collection of the tax. 
 
 THE TAX ACT OF DECEMBER 19, 1861. 
 
 An act supplementary to an act to authorize 
 the issue of Treasury notes, and to pro- 
 vide a war tax for their redemption. 
 Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate 
 States of America do enact. That the Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury is hereby authorized 
 to pay over to the several banks, which 
 have made advances to the Government, 
 in anticipation of the issue of Treasury 
 notes, a sufiicient amount, not exceeding 
 810,000,000, for the principal and interest 
 due upon the said advance, according to 
 the engagements made with them. 
 
 Sec. 2. The time aflixed by the said act 
 for making assignments is hereby extend- 
 ed to the 1st day of January next, and the 
 time for the completion and delivery of the 
 lists is extended to the 1st day of March 
 next, and the time for the report of the 
 said lists to the chief collector is extended 
 to the 1st day of May next; and in cases 
 where the time thus fixed shall be found 
 insufficient, the Secretary of the Treasury 
 shall have power to make further exten- 
 sion, as circumstances may require. 
 
 Sec. 3. The cash on haiid, or on deposit 
 in the bank, or elsewhere, mentioned in
 
 154 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the fourth section of said act, is hereby de- 
 clared to be subject to assessment and tax- 
 ation, and the money at interest, or invest- 
 ed by individuals in the purchase of bills, 
 notes, and other secui-ities for money, shall 
 be deemed to include securities for money 
 belonging to non-residents, and such se- 
 curities shall be returned, and the tax 
 thereon paid by any agent or trustee hav- 
 ing the same in possession or under his 
 control. The term merchandise shall be 
 construed to include merchandise belong- 
 ing to any non-resident, and the property 
 shall be returned, and the tax paid by any 
 person having the same in possession as 
 agent, attorney, or consignee: Provided, 
 That the words " money at interest," as 
 used in the act to which this act is an 
 amendment, shall be so construed as to in- 
 clude all notes, or other evidences of debt, 
 bearing interest, without reference to the 
 consideration of the same. The exception 
 allowed by the twentieth section for agri- 
 cultural products shall be construed to em- 
 brace such products only when in the 
 hands of the producer, or held for his ac- 
 count. But no tax shall be assessed or 
 levied on any money at interest when the 
 notes, bond, bill, or other security taken 
 for its payment, shall be worthless from 
 the insolvency and total inability to pay 
 of the payer or obligor, or person liable to 
 make such i)ayment ; and all securities for 
 money payable under this act shall be 
 assessed according to their value, and the 
 assessor shall have the same power to as- 
 certain the value of such securities as the 
 law confers upon him with respect to other 
 property. 
 
 Sec. 4. That an amount of money, not 
 exceeding $25,000, shall be and the same 
 is hereby appropriated, out of any money 
 in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, 
 to be disbursed under the authority of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, to the chief 
 State tax collectors, for such expenses as 
 shall be actually incurred for salaries of 
 clerks, office hire, stationery, and inciden- 
 tal charges ; but the books and printing 
 required shall be at the expense of the de- 
 partment, and subject to its approval. 
 
 Sec. 5. The lien for the tax shall attach 
 from the date of the assessment, and shall 
 follow the same into every State in the 
 Confederacy ; and in case any person shall 
 attempt to remove any property which may 
 be liable to tax, beyond the jurisdiction of 
 the State in which the tax is payable, 
 without payment of the tax, the collector 
 of the district may distrain upon and sell 
 the same, in the same manner as is pro- 
 vided in cases where default is made in 
 the payment of the tax. 
 
 Sec. G. On the report of any chief col- 
 lector, that any county, town or district, 
 or any part thereof, is occupied by the 
 public enemy, or has been so occupied as 
 
 to occasion destruction of crops or property, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury may suspend 
 the collection of tax in such region until 
 the same can be reported to Congress, and 
 its action had thereon. 
 
 Sec. 7. In case any of the Confederate 
 States shall undertake to pay the tax to be 
 collected within its limits before the time 
 at which the district collectors shall enter 
 upon the discharge of their duties, the 
 Secretary of the Treasury may suspend the 
 appointment of such collectors, and may 
 direct the chief collector to appoint assess- 
 ors, and to take proper measures for the 
 making and perfecting the returns, assess- 
 ments and lists required by law ; and the 
 returns, assessments and lists so made, 
 shall have the same legal validity, to all 
 intents and purposes, as if made according 
 to the provisions of the act to which this 
 act is supplementary. 
 
 Sec. 8. That tax lists already given, 
 varying from the provisions of this act, 
 shall be corrected so as to conform thereto. 
 
 the tax act of APRIL 24, 1863. 
 [From the Richmond Whig, April 21.] 
 
 We present below a synopsis of the bill 
 to lay taxes for the common defence and 
 to carry on the government of the Confed- 
 erate States, which has passed both 
 branches of Congress. It is substantially 
 the bill proposed by the committee on 
 conference : 
 
 1. The first section imposes a tax of 
 eight per cent, upon the value of all naval 
 stores, salt, wines and spirituous liquors, 
 tobacco, manufactured or unmanufactured, 
 cotton, wool, flour, sugar, molasses, syrup, 
 rice, and other agricultural products, held 
 or owned on the 1st day of July next, and 
 not necessary for family consumi^tion for 
 the unexpired portion of the year 1863, 
 and of the growth or production of any 
 year preceding the year 1863 ; and a tax 
 of one per cent, upon all moneys, bank 
 notes or other currency on hand or on de- 
 posit on the 1st day of July next, and on 
 the value of all credits on which the in- 
 terest has not been paid, and not employed 
 in a business, the income derived from 
 which is taxed under the provisions of this 
 act: Provided, That all moneys owned, 
 held or deposited beyond the limits of the 
 Confederate States shall be valued at the 
 current rate of exchange in Confederate 
 treasury notes. The tax to be assessed on 
 the first day of July and collected on the 
 first day of October next, or as soon there- 
 after as may be practicable. 
 
 2. Every person engaged, or intending 
 to engage, in any business named in the 
 fifth section, shall, within sixty days after 
 the passage of the act, or at the time of be- 
 ginning business, and on the first of Janu- 
 ary in each year thereafter, register with 
 the district collector a true account of the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 CONFEDERATE TAXES, 
 
 156 
 
 name and residence of each person, firm, 
 or corporation engaged or interested in the 
 business, with a statement of the time for 
 which, and the place and manner in which 
 the same is to be conducted, &c. At the 
 time of the registry there shall be paid the 
 specific tax for the year ending on the 
 next 31st of December, and such other tax 
 as may be due upon sales or receipts in 
 such business. 
 
 3. Any person failing to make such 
 registry and pay such tax, shall, in addi- 
 tion to all other taxes upon ins business im- 
 posed by the act, pay double the amount 
 of the specific tax on such business, and a 
 like sum for every thirty days of such 
 failure. 
 
 4. Requires a separate registry and tax 
 for each business mentioned in the fifth 
 section, and for each place of conducting 
 the same ; but no tax for mere storage of 
 goods at a place other than the registered 
 place of business. A new registry required 
 upon every change in the place of conduct- 
 ing a registered business, upon the death 
 of any person conducting the same, or 
 upon the transfer of the business to an- 
 other, but no additional tax. 
 
 5. Imposing the following taxes for the 
 year ending 3lst of December, 1863, and 
 for each year thereafter : 
 
 Bankers shall pay $500. 
 
 Auctioneers, retail dealers, tobacconists, 
 pedlers, cattle brokers, apothecaries, pho- 
 tographers, and confectioners, $50, and 
 two and a half per centum on the gross 
 amount of sales made. 
 
 Wholesale dealers in liquors, $200, and 
 five per centum on gross amount of sales. 
 Retail dealers in liquors, $100, and ten per 
 centum on gross amount of sales. 
 
 Wholesale dealers in groceries, goods, 
 wares, merchandise, &c., $200, and two 
 and a half per centum. 
 
 Pawnbrokers, money and exchange bro- 
 kers, $200. 
 
 Distillers, $200, and twenty per centum. 
 Brewers, $100, and two and a half per cen- 
 tum. 
 
 Hotels, inns, taverns, and eating-houses, 
 first class, $500 ; second class, $800 ; third 
 class, $200 ; fourth class, 100 ; fifth class, 
 $30. Every house where food or refresh- 
 ments are sold, and every boarding house 
 where there shall be six boarders or more, 
 shall be deemed an eating house under 
 this act. 
 
 Commercial brokers or commission mer- 
 chants, $200, and two and a half per cen- 
 tum. 
 
 Theatres, $500, and five per centum on 
 all receipts. Each circus, $100, and $10 
 for each exhibition. Jugglers and other 
 persons exhibiting shows, $50. 
 
 Bowling alleys and billiard rooms, $40 
 for each alley or table registered. 
 
 Livery stable keepers, lawyers, physi- 
 cians, surgeons, and dentists, $50. 
 
 Butchers and bakers, $50, and one per 
 centum. 
 
 6. Every person registered and taxed is 
 required to make returns of the gross 
 amount of sales from the passage of the act 
 to the 30th of June, and every three mouths 
 thereafter. 
 
 7. A tax ujjon all salaries, except of per- 
 sons in the military or naval service, of one 
 per cent, when not exceeding $1,500, and 
 two per cent, upon an excess over that 
 amount : Provided, That no taxes shall be 
 imposed by virtue of this act on the salary 
 of any person receiving a salary not ex- 
 ceeding $1,000 per annum, or at a like rate 
 for another period of time, longer or 
 shorter. 
 
 8. Provides that the tax on annual in- 
 comes, between $500 and $1,500, shall be 
 five per cent. ; between $1,500 and $3,000, 
 five per cent, on the first $1,500 and ten 
 per cent, on the excess ; between $3,000 
 and $5,000, ten per cent. ; between $5,000 
 and $10,000, twelve and a half per cent. ; 
 over $10,000, fifteen per cent., subject to 
 the following deductions : On incomes de- 
 rived from rents of real estate, manufac- 
 turing, and mining establishments, &c., a 
 sum sufficient for necessary annual repairs ; 
 on incomes from any mining or manufac- 
 turing business, the rent, (if rented,) cost 
 of labor actually hired, and raw material ; 
 on incomes from navigating enterprises, 
 the hire of the vessel, or allowance for 
 wear and tear of the same, not exceeding 
 ten per cent. ; on incomes derived from the 
 sale of merchandise or any other property, 
 the prime cost of transportation, salaries of 
 clerks, and rent of buildings ; on incomes 
 from any other occupation, the salaries of 
 clerks, rent, cost of labor, material, &c. ; 
 and in case of mutual insurance compa- 
 nies, the amount of losses paid by them 
 during the year. Incomes derived from 
 other sources are subject to no deductions 
 whatever. 
 
 All joint stock companies and corpora- 
 tions shall pay one tenth of the dividend 
 and reserved fund annually. If the an- 
 nual earnings shall give a profit of more 
 than ten and less than twenty per cent, on 
 capital stock, one eighth to be paid ; if 
 more than twenty per cent., one sixth. 
 The tax to be collected on the 1st of Janu- 
 ary next, and of each year thereafter. 
 
 9. Relates to estimates and deductions, 
 investigations, referees, &c. 
 
 10. A tax of ten per cent, on all profits 
 in 18(52 by the purchase and sale of flour, 
 corn, bacon, pork, oats, hay, rice, salt, iron 
 or the manufactures of iron, sugar, mo- 
 lasses made of cane, butter, woolen cloths, 
 shoes, boots, blankets, and cotton cloths. 
 Does not apply to regular retail business. 
 
 11. Each farmer, after reserving for his
 
 156 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 own use fifty bushels sweet and fifty 
 bushels Irish potatoes, one hundred bushels 
 corn or fitty bushels wheat produced this 
 year, shall pay and deliver to the Con- 
 federate Government one tenth of the 
 grain, potatoes, forage, sugar, molasses, cot- 
 ton, wool, and tobacco produced. After 
 reserving twenty bushels peas or beans he 
 shall deliver one tenth thereof. 
 
 12. Every farmer, planter, or grazier, one 
 t^nth of the hogs slaughtered by him, in 
 cured bacon, at the rate of sixty pounds of 
 bacon to one hundred pounds of pork ; one 
 per cent, upon the value of all neat cattle, 
 horses, mules, not used in cultivation, and 
 asses, to be paid by the owners of the same ; 
 beeves sold to be taxed as income. 
 
 13. Gives in detail the duties of post 
 quartermasters under the act. 
 
 14. Relates to the duties of assessors and 
 collectors. 
 
 15. Makes trustees, guardians, &c., re- 
 sponsible ibr taxes due from estates, &c., 
 under their control. 
 
 16. Exempts the income and moneys of 
 hospitals, asylums churches, schools, and 
 colleges from taxation under the act. 
 
 17. Authorizes the Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury to make all rules and regulations ne- 
 cessary to the operation of the act. 
 
 18. Provides that the act shall be in 
 force for two years from the expiration of 
 the present year, unless sooner repealed ; 
 that the tax on naval stores, flour, wool, 
 cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural pro- 
 ducts of the growth of any year preceding 
 1863, imposed in the first section, shall be le- 
 vied and collected only for the present year. 
 
 The tax act of February 17, 1864, levies, 
 in addition to the above rates, the follow- 
 ing, as stated in the Richmond Sentinel of 
 February, 1864: 
 
 Sec. 1. Upon the value of real, personal, 
 and mixed property, of every kind and de- 
 scription, except the exemptions hereafter 
 to be named, five per cent. ; the tax levied 
 on property employed in agriculture to be 
 credited by the value of property in kind. 
 
 On gold and silver ware, plate, jewels, 
 and watches, ten per cent. 
 
 The tax to be levied on the value of 
 property in 1860, except in the case of 
 land, slaves, cotton, and tobacco, pur- 
 chased since January 1st, 1862, upon which 
 the tax shall be levied on the price paid. 
 
 Sec. 2, A tax of five per cent, on the 
 value of all shares in joint stock companies 
 of any kind, whether incorporated or not. 
 The shares to be valued at their market 
 value at the time of assessment. 
 
 Sec. 8. Upon the juarket value of gold 
 and silver coin or bullion, five per cent. ; 
 also the same upon moneys hold abroad, or 
 all bills of exchange drawn therefor. 
 
 A tax of five per cent, on all solvent 
 credits, and on all bank bills and papers 
 uaed as currency, except non-interest-bear- 
 
 ing Confederate Treasury notes, and not 
 employed in a registered business taxed 
 twenty-five per cent. 
 
 Sec. 4. Profits in trade and business 
 taxed as follows : 
 
 On the purchase and sale of agricultural 
 products and mercantile wares generally, 
 from January 1, 1863, to January 1, 1865, 
 ten per cent, in addition to the tax under 
 the act of April 24, 1863. 
 
 The same on the purchase and sale of 
 coin, exchange, stocks, notes, and credits 
 of any kind, and any property not in- 
 cluded in the foregoing. 
 
 On the amount of profits exceeding 
 twenty-five per cent, of any bank, banking 
 company, or joint stock company of any de- 
 scrijition, incorporated or not, twenty-five 
 per cent, on such excess. 
 
 Sec. 5. The following are exempted 
 from taxation. 
 
 Five hundred dollars' worth of property 
 for each head of a family, and a hundred 
 dollars additional for each minor child ; 
 and for each son in the army or navy, or 
 who has fallen in the service, and a mem- 
 ber of the familv when he enlisted, the 
 further sum of $500. 
 
 One thousand dollars of the property 
 of the widow or minor children of any 
 officer, soldier, sailor, or marine, who has 
 died in the service. 
 
 A like amount of property of any offi- 
 cer, soldier, sailor, or marine, engaged in 
 the service, or who has been disabled 
 therein, provided said property, exclusive 
 of furniture, does not exceed in value $1,000. 
 
 When property has been injured or de- 
 stroyed by the enemy, or the owner unable 
 temporarily to use or occupy it by reason 
 of the presence or proximity of the enemj', 
 the assessment may be reduced in propor- 
 tion to the damage sustained by the owner, 
 and the tax in the same ratio by the dis- 
 trict collector. 
 
 Sec. 6. The taxes on property for 1864 
 to be assessed as on the day of the passage 
 of this act, and collected the 1st of June 
 next, with ninety days extension west of 
 the Mississippi. The additional tax on 
 incomes or profits for 1863, to be paid 
 forthwith ; the tax on incomes, &c., for 1864, 
 to be collected according to the acts of 1863. 
 
 Sec. 7. Exempts from tax on income for 
 1864, all property herein taxed ad valorem. 
 The tax on Confederate bonds in no case 
 to exceed the interest payable on the 
 same ; and said bonds exempt from tax 
 when held by minors or lunatics, if the in- 
 terest do not exceed one thousand dollars. 
 
 THE TAX LAW. 
 
 We learn that, according to the construc- 
 tion of the recent tax law in the Treasury 
 Department, tax payers will be required to 
 state the articles and objects subjected to a 
 specific or ad valorem tax, held, owned, or
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 CONFEDERATE TAXES. 
 
 isr 
 
 possessed by them on the 17th day of Febru- 
 ary, 1864, the date of the act. 
 
 The daily wages of detailed soldiers and 
 other employes of the Government are not 
 liable to taxation as income, although they 
 may amount, in the aggregate, to the sum 
 of $1,000 per annum. 
 
 A tax additional to both the above was 
 imporsed as follows, June 1, 18G4: 
 
 A bill to provide supplies for the army, and 
 to prescribe the mode of making im- 
 pressments. 
 
 Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate 
 States of America do enact, Every person 
 required to pay a tax in kind, under the 
 provisions of the " Act to lay taxes for the 
 common defense and carry on the Govern- 
 ment of the Confederate States," approved 
 April 24, 1803, and the act amendatory 
 thereof, approved February 17, 18G4, shall, 
 in addition to the one tenth required by 
 said acts to be paid as a tax in kind, de- 
 liver to the Confederate Government, of 
 the products of the present year and of the 
 year 1865, one other tenth of the several 
 products taxed in kind by the acts afore- 
 said, which additional one tenth shall be 
 ascertained, assessed and collected, in all 
 respects, as is provided by law for the said 
 tax in kind, and shall be paid for, on de- 
 livery, by the Post-Quartermasters in the 
 several districts at the assessed value there- 
 of, except that payment for cotton and to- 
 bacco shall be made by the agents of the 
 Treasury Department appointed to receive 
 the same. 
 
 Sec. 2. The supplies necessary to the 
 support of the producer and his family, and 
 to carry on his ordinary business, shall be 
 exempted from the contribution required 
 by the preceding section, and from the ad- 
 ditional impressments authorized by the 
 act : Provided, however, That nothing here- 
 in contained shall be construed to repeal 
 or affect the provisions of an act entitled 
 " An act to authorize the impressment of 
 meat for the use of the army, under certain 
 circumstances,'' approved Feb. 17, 1864, 
 and if the amount of any article or product 
 so necessary cannot be agreed upon be- 
 tween the assessor and the producer, it 
 shall be ascertained and determined by 
 disinterested freeholders of the vicinage, as 
 is provided in cases of disagreement as to 
 the estimates and assessments of tax in 
 kind. If required by the assessor, such 
 freeholder shall ascertain whether a pro- 
 ducer, who is found unable to furnish the 
 additional one tenth of any one product, 
 cannot supply the deficiency by the de- 
 livery of an equivalent in other products, 
 and upon what terms such commutation 
 shall be made. Any commutation thus 
 awarded shall be enforced and collected, in 
 all respects, as is provided for any other 
 contribution required by this act. 
 
 Sec. 3. The Secretary of War may, at 
 his discretion, decline to assess, or, after 
 assessment, may decline to collect the 
 whole or any part of the additional one 
 tenth herein provided for, in any district 
 or locality ; and it shall be his duty 
 promptly to give notice of any such de- 
 termination, specifying, with reasonable 
 certainty, the district or locality and the 
 product, or the proportion thereof, as to 
 which he so declines. 
 
 Sec. 4. The products received for the 
 contribution herein recjuired, shall be dis- 
 posed of and accounted for in the same 
 manner as those received for the tax in 
 kind ; and the Secretary of War may, 
 whenever the exigencies of the public ser- 
 vice will allow, authorize the sale of pro- 
 ducts received from either source, to pub- 
 lic officers or agents charged in any State 
 with the duty of providing for the families 
 of soldiers. Such sale shall be at the 
 prices paid or assessed for the products 
 sold, including the actual cost of collec- 
 tions. 
 
 Sec. 5. If, in addition to the tax in kind 
 and the contribution herein required, the 
 necessities of the army or the good of the 
 service shall require other supplies of food 
 or forage, or any other private property, 
 and the same cannot be procured by con- 
 tract, then imjjressments may be made of 
 such supplies or other property, either for 
 absolute ownership or for temporary use, 
 as the public necessities may require. Such 
 impressments shall be made in accordance 
 with the provisions, and subject to the re- 
 strictions of the existing impressment laws, 
 except so far as is herein otherwise pro- 
 vided. 
 
 Sec. 6. The right and the duty of mak- 
 ing impressments is hereby confided exclu- 
 sively to the officers and agents charged in 
 the several districts with the assessment 
 and collection of the tax in kind and of 
 the contribution herein required ; and all 
 officers and soldiers in any department of 
 the army are hereby expressly prohibited 
 from undertaking in any manner to inter- 
 fere with these officers and agents in any 
 part of their duties in respect to the tax in 
 kind, the contribution, or the impressment 
 herein provided for: Provided, That this 
 prohibition shall not be applicable to any 
 district, county, or parish in Avhich there 
 sball be no officer or agent charged with 
 the appointment and collection of the tax 
 in kind. 
 
 Sec. 7. Supplies or other property taken 
 by impressment shall be paid for by the 
 post quartermasters in the several districts, 
 and shall be disposed of and accounted for 
 by them as is required in respect to the tax 
 in kind and the contribution herein re- 
 quired ; and it shall be the duty of the 
 post quartermasters to equalize and appor- 
 tion the impressments within their dis-
 
 158 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 trict?, as far as practicable, so as to avoid 
 oppressing any portion of the community. 
 
 Sec. 8. If any one not authorized by law 
 to collect the tax in kind or the contribu- 
 tion herein required, or to make impress- 
 ments, shall undertake, on any pretence of 
 such authority, to seize or impress, or to 
 collect or receive any such property, or 
 shall, on any such pretence, actually obtain 
 such property, he shall, upon conviction 
 thereof, be punished by fine not exceeding 
 five times the value of such property, and 
 be imprisoned not exceeding five years, at 
 the discretion of the court having jurisdic- 
 tion. And it shall be the duty of all offi- 
 cers and agents charged with the assess- 
 ment and collection of the tax in kind 
 and of the contribution herein required, 
 promptly to report, through the post quar- 
 termasters in the several districts, any vio- 
 lation or disregard of the provisions of this 
 act by any officer or soldier in the service 
 of the Confederate States. 
 
 Sec. 9. That it shall not be lawful to 
 impress any sheep, milch cows, broodmares, 
 stud horses, jacks, bulls, or other stock 
 kept or necessary for raising horses, mules, 
 or cattle. 
 
 The following is the vote by which the 
 bill passed the Senate : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Caperton, Graham, 
 Haynes, Jemison, Johnson (Ark.), John- 
 son" (Mo.), Mitchell, Orr, Walker, Watson 
 —10. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Baker, Burnett, Henry, 
 Hunter, Maxwell, Semmes, Sparrow — 7. 
 
 Admitting West Vlr^nla. 
 
 An important political movement in the 
 early years of the war was the separation 
 of West Virginia from the mother State, 
 which had seceded, and her admission in- 
 to the Union. 
 
 SECOND SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- 
 GRESS. 
 
 In Senate, 1862, July 14.— The bill pro- 
 viding for the admission of the State of 
 West Virginia into the Union, passed — 
 yeas 23, nays 17, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Colla- 
 mer, Fessonden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, 
 Harlan, Harris, Howe, Lane of Indiana, 
 Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rue, 
 Sherman, Simmons, Ten Eyck, Wade, 
 Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson of Massachu- 
 setts— 2,3. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Bayard, Browning, Car- 
 lile, Chandler, Cowan, Davis, Howard, 
 Kennedy, King, McDouxjal, Powell, Sauls- 
 bury, Stark, Sumner, Trumbull, Wilson of 
 Missouri, Wrujht — 17. 
 
 During the pendency of this bill, July 
 14, 18G2, Mr. Sumnrr moved to strike from 
 the first section of the second article the 
 words : " the children of all slaves born 
 
 within the limits of said State shall be free," 
 and insert: 
 
 Within the limits of the said State there 
 shall be neither slavery nor involuntary 
 servitude, otherwise than in punishment of 
 crimes whereof the party shall be duly 
 convicted. 
 
 Which was rejected — yeas 11, nays 24, as 
 follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Grimes, 
 King, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Sumner, 
 Trumbull, Wilkinson, Wilmol, Wilson, 
 of Massachusetts— 11. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Anthony, J5(7yarr?,Brown- 
 ing, Carlile, Collamer, Doolittle, Foot Fos- 
 ter, Harris, Henderson, Howe, Kennedy, 
 Lane of Indiana, Foicell, Rice, Saulshury, 
 Sherman, Simmons, Stark, Ten Eyck, 
 Wade, Wiley, Wilson of Missouri, Wright 
 --24. 
 
 Mr. Willey proposed to strike out all 
 after the word "That" in the first section, 
 and insert: 
 
 That the State of West Virginia be, and 
 is hereby, declared to be one of the United 
 States of America, and admitted into the 
 Union on an equal footing with the origi- 
 nal States in all respects whatever, and un- 
 til the next general census shall be entitled 
 to three members in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the United States : Provided 
 alu-ays, That this act shall not take effect 
 until after the proclamation of the Presi- 
 dent of the United States hereinafter pro- 
 vided for. 
 
 Sec. 2. It being represented to Congress 
 that since the convention of the 26th of 
 November, 1861, that framed and proposed 
 the constitution for the said State of West 
 Virginia, the people thereof have expressed 
 a wish to change the seventh section of the 
 eleventh article of said constitution by 
 striking out the same, and inserting the 
 following in its place, namely, " The chil- 
 dren of slaves born within the limits of 
 this State after the 4th day of July, 1863, 
 shall be free, and no slave shall be permit- 
 ted to come into the State for permanent 
 residence therein :" therefore. 
 
 Be it further enacted. That whenever 
 the people of West Virginia shall, through 
 their said convention, and by a vote to be 
 taken at an election to be held within the 
 limits of the State at such time as the con- 
 vention may provide, make and ratify the 
 change aforesaid and properly certify the 
 same under the hand of the president of 
 the convention, it shall be lawful for the 
 President of the United States to issue his 
 proclamation stating the fact, and there- 
 upon this act shall take effect and be in 
 force from and after sixty days from the 
 date of said proclamation. 
 
 Mr Lane of Kansas moved to amend the 
 amendment by inserting after the word 
 "Heiein,'- and before the word, "There- 
 fore" the words:
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 
 
 159 
 
 And that all slaves within the said State 
 who shall at the time aforesaid be under 
 the age of ten years shall be free when 
 they arrive at the age of twenty-one years ; 
 and all slaves over ten and under twenty- 
 one yea'-s shall be free when they arrive at 
 the ago of twenty-five years. 
 
 Which was agreed to— yeas 25, nays 12, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Colla- 
 mer, Doolittie, Foot, Foster, Orinies, Har- 
 lan, Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of 
 Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pome- 
 roy, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, 
 Truml)ull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wil- 
 son, of Massachusetts — 25. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Browning, Carlile, Davis, 
 Henderson, Kenncdi/, McDou<tall, Foivell, 
 Saulsburi/, Stark Willey, Wilson of Mis- 
 souri, Wright — 12. 
 
 The amendment as amended was then 
 agreed to. 
 
 A motion to postpone the bill to the first 
 Monday of the next December was lost — 
 yeas 17, nays 23. 
 
 In House", July 16— The bill was post- 
 poned until the second Tuesday of the 
 next December — yeas 63, nays 33. 
 
 THIRD SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- 
 GRESS. 
 
 1863, Dec. 10, the House passed the bill 
 — yeas DG, nays 57. 
 
 1863, April 20, the President issued a 
 proclamation announcing the compliance, 
 by West Virginia, of the conditions of ad- 
 mission. 
 
 COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 
 
 Emancipation and its attendant agita- 
 tions brought to the front a new class of 
 political questions, which can best be 
 grouped under the above caption. The 
 following is a summary of the legislation : 
 Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Confess. 
 To Remove Disqualification of Color in Carrying the Mails. 
 
 In Senate, 1862, April 11 -The Senate 
 considered a bill " to remove all disquali- 
 fication of color in carrying the mails of 
 the United States." It directed that after 
 the passage of the act no person, by reason 
 of color, shall be disqualified from em- 
 ployment in carrying the mails, and all 
 acts and parts of acts establishing such dis- 
 qualification, including especially the 
 seventh section of the act of March 3, 1825, 
 are hereby repealed. 
 
 The vote in the Senate was, yeaa 24, nays 
 11, as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
 Chandler, Clark, CoUamer, Dixon, Doolit- 
 tie, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, 
 Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kansas, 
 Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Simmons, 
 
 Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson of 
 M;\ssachusetts — 24. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Davis, Henderson, Ken- 
 nedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, Nesmithj 
 Powell, Sta7-k, Willey, Wilson of Missouri, 
 Wright— 11.* 
 
 In House, May 21 — It was considered in 
 the House and laid on the table — yeas 83, 
 nays 43. 
 
 First Session, Thlrty-Elphth Congress. 
 
 1864, February 26 — The Senate con- 
 sidered the bill — the question being on 
 agreeing to a new section proposed by the 
 Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads 
 — as follows: 
 
 Sec. 2. That in the courts of the United 
 States there shall be no exclusion of any 
 witness on account of color. 
 
 Mr. Powell moved to amend by inserting 
 after the word "States" the words: "in 
 all cases for robbing or violating the mails 
 of the United States." 
 
 No further progress was made on the 
 bill. 
 
 NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN MONTANA TERRI- 
 TORY. 
 
 1864, March 18— The House passed,with- 
 out a division, a bill in the usual form, to 
 provide a temporary government for the 
 Territory of Montana. 
 
 March 31— The Senate considered it, 
 when Mr. Wilkinson moved to strike from 
 the second line of the fifth section, (defin- 
 ing the qualifications of voters,) the words 
 "white male inhabitant" and insert the 
 words : " male citizen of the United States, 
 and those who have declared their inten- 
 tion to become such ;" which was agreed 
 to— yeas 22, nays 17, as follows: 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, 
 Collamer,Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, 
 Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, 
 Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, Pome- 
 roy, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson — 
 22. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. BnnJcaletc, Carlile, Cowan, 
 Davis, Harding, Henderson, Johnson, Lane 
 of Indiana, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saids- 
 btiry, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van 
 Winkle. Willey— 17. 
 
 The bill was then passed — ^yeas 29, nays 
 8, (Messrs. Bnckaleic, Davis, Johnson. Powell, 
 Riddle, Saulsbnri/, Van Winkle, Willey.) 
 
 April 15 — The Senate adopted the report 
 of the Committee of Conference on the 
 Montana bill, which recommended the 
 Senate to recede from their second amend- 
 ment, and the House to agree to the first 
 and third amendments of the Senate, (in- 
 cluding the above.) 
 
 April 15 — Mr. Bcaman presented the re- 
 port of the Committee of Conference on 
 the Montana bill, a feature of which was 
 that the House should recede from its dis- 
 
 * Bepublicaus Id roman ; Democrats in iUlica.
 
 160 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 1 
 
 agreement to tlie Senate amea.dmeut strik- 
 ing out the word "white" in the descrip- 
 tion of those authorized to vote. 
 
 Mr. Holman moved that the report be 
 tabled ; which was lo?t by the casting vote 
 of the Speaker — yeas 66, nays 66. 
 
 Upon agreeing to the report the yeas 
 were 54, nays 85. 
 
 On motion to adhere to its amendments, 
 and ask another Committee of Conference, 
 Mr. Webster moved instructions : 
 
 And that said committee be instructed 
 to agree to no report that autliorizes any 
 other than free white male citizens, and 
 those who have declared their intention to 
 become such, to vote. 
 
 Which was agreed to — yeas 75, nays 67. 
 
 April 15 — The Senate declined the con- 
 ference ujjon the terms proposed by the 
 House resolution of that day. 
 
 April IS — The House proposed a further 
 free conference, to which, April 25, the 
 Senate acceded. 
 
 May 17 — In Senate, Mr. Morrill sub- 
 mitted a report from the Conference Com- 
 mittee who recommend that qualified 
 voters shall be : 
 
 All citizens of the United States, and 
 those who have declared their intention to 
 become such, and who are otherwise de- 
 scribed and qualified imder the fifth sec- 
 tion of the act of Congress providing for a 
 temporary government for the Territory of 
 Idaho ajjproved March 3, 1863. 
 
 The report was concurred in — yeas 26, 
 nays 13. 
 
 May 20 — The above report was made by 
 Mr. Webster in the House, and agreed to 
 — yeas 102, nays 26. 
 
 IN WASHINGTON CITY.* 
 
 1864, May 6 — The Senate considered the 
 bill for the registration of voters in the city 
 of Washington, when 
 
 Mr. Cowan moved to insert the word 
 " white " in the first section, so as to con- 
 fine the right of voting to white male 
 citizens. 
 
 May 12 — Mr. ]\Iorrill moved to amend 
 the amendment by striking out the words — 
 
 * In 18G0 a vote was had in the State of New York on 
 a proposition to pormit negro suffraKe without a property 
 qualifiratiiin. The result of the city was — yeas 1,(546, 
 nays a7,47i. In the State— yeas 107,505. nays :«7,984. 
 In 18G4 a like proponition was (letcatod — yeas 85,40G, nays 
 224,"36. 
 
 In 1S02, in August, a vote was, had in the State of Illi- 
 nois, on several propositions relating to negroes and 
 mulattocs, with this result: 
 
 For excluding them from the State 171.893 
 
 Against 71,:iu6 
 
 100,587 
 
 Against granting them suffrage or right 
 
 to ofKce 21',020 
 
 For ;iri,04'J 
 
 176,271 
 
 For the enactment of laws to prohihit 
 
 thi-m frura going to, or voting in, tlio 
 
 Stale 108,938 
 
 Again«t 44,414 
 
 ir>4,524 
 
 — From McPhertonU Uitlory of the Great liebellUm. 
 
 And shall have paid all school taxes and 
 all taxes on personal property properly as- 
 sessed against him, shall be entitled to 
 vote for mayor, collector, register, members 
 of the board of aldermen and board of 
 common council, tind assessor, and for 
 every officer authorized to be elected at 
 any election under any act or acts to which 
 this is amendatory or sujiplemcntary. 
 and inserting the words — 
 
 And shall within the year next preced- 
 ing the election have paid a tax, or been 
 assessed with a part of the revenue of the 
 District, county, or cities, therein, or been 
 exempt from taxation having taxable 
 estate, and who can read and write with 
 facility, shall enjoy the privileges of an 
 elector. 
 
 May 26 — Mr. Sumner moved to amend 
 the bill by adding this proviso: 
 
 Provided, That there shall be no exclu- 
 sion of any person from the registry on ac- 
 count of color. 
 
 May 27 — Mr. Harlan moved to amend 
 the amendment by making the word " per- 
 son" read "persons," and adding the 
 words — 
 
 Who have borne arms in the military 
 service of the United States, and have been 
 honorably discharged therefrom. 
 
 Which was agreed to yeas 26, nays 12, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, 
 Clark, Collamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessen- 
 den. Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, 
 Harris, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane 
 of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, 
 Eamsey, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, 
 Wade, Willey, Wilson— 26. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. JSuckaleir, Carlile, Cow- 
 an, Davis, Hendricks, McDoitgall, Powell 
 Eichardson, Sunlshury, Sumner, Van 
 Winkle, Wilkinson— 12. 
 
 May 28 — Mr. Sumner moved to add 
 these words to the last proviso : 
 
 And provided further, That all persons, 
 without distinction of color, who shall, 
 Avithin the year next preceding the election, 
 have paid a tax on any estate, or been as- 
 sessed with a part of the revenue of said 
 District, or been exempt fmm taxation 
 having taxable estate, and who can read 
 and Avrite with facility, sliall enjoy the 
 privilege of an elector. But no jierson 
 now entitled to vote in the said District, 
 continuing to reside therein, shall be dis- 
 franchised hereby. 
 
 Which was rejected — yeas 8, nays 27, as 
 follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Lane of 
 Kansas, ]\Torgan, Pomeroy, llamsey, Sum- 
 ner, Wilkinson — 8. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Buclcnlew, Carlile, Colla- 
 mer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Fessenden, 
 Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Har- 
 ris, Ifendrirks, Hicks, .Jolinson, Lane of 
 Indiana, McDougall, Morrill, Powell, Sauls-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 
 
 161 
 
 burrj, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van 
 Winkle, Willey, Wilson— 27. 
 
 The other proposition of Mr. Sumner, 
 amended on motion of ]\Ir. Harlan, wan 
 then rejected — yeas 18, nays 20, as follows: 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, 
 Clark, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harlan, 
 Howard, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, 
 Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sumner, 
 Wilkinson, Wilson— 18. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Co- 
 wan, Davis, Grimes, Harris, Hendricks, 
 Hicks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDou- 
 gall, Morrill, Nesmith, Powell, Jiirhardson, 
 Saulshuri/, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van 
 Winkle, Willey— 20. 
 
 The bill then passed the Senate, and 
 afterward the House, without amendment. 
 
 Thlril Session, Thirty-Seventh Con{;res8. 
 
 Excluding Colored Persona from Cars. 
 
 In Senate — 18G3, February 27 — Pending 
 a suj)plement to the charter of the Wash- 
 ington and Alexandria Railroad Company, 
 Mr. Sumner otFered this proviso to the 
 first section: 
 
 That no person shall be excluded from 
 the cars on account of color. 
 
 Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 18, 
 as follows: 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Arnold, Chandler, Clark, 
 Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Howard, 
 King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomerov, 
 Sumner, Ten Eyek, Trumbull, Wade, Wil- 
 kinson, Wilmot, Wilson, of Massachusetts 
 —19. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Car- 
 lile, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Hicks, 
 Howe, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, 
 McDougall, Powell, Richardson, Saidshury, 
 Turpie, Willey. Wilson of Missouri — 18. 
 
 March 2. — The House concurred in the 
 amendment without debate, under the pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 First Session, Thlrty-Klghth Congress. 
 
 In Senate— 1864, February 10 — Mr. 
 Sumner offered the following : 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee on the 
 District of Columbia be directed to con- 
 sider the expediency of further providing 
 by law against the exclusion of colored 
 persons from the equal enjoyment of all 
 railroad privileges in the District of Colum- 
 bia. 
 
 Which was agreed to — yeas 30, nays 10. 
 
 February 24 — Mr. Willey, from the 
 Committee on the District of Columbia, 
 made this report, and the committee were 
 discharged: 
 
 The Committee on the District of Co- 
 lumbia, who were required by resolution 
 of the Senate, passed February 8, 18(34, 
 " to consider the expediency of further 
 providing by law against the exclusion of 
 colored persons from the equal enjoyment 
 of all railroad privileges in the District of 
 11 
 
 Columbia," have had the matter thus re- 
 ferred to them under consideration, and 
 beg leave to report : 
 
 The act entitled "An act to incorporate 
 the Washington and Georgetown Railroad 
 Company," approved May 17, 18G2, makes 
 no distinction as to passengers over said 
 road on account of the color of the pas- 
 sengers, and that in the opinion of the 
 committee colored persons are entitled to 
 all the privileges of said road which 
 other persons have, and to all remedies for 
 any denial or breach of such privilegea 
 whicdi belongs to any person. 
 
 The committee therefore ask to be dis- 
 charged from the further consideration of 
 the {premises. 
 
 March 17 — The Senate considered the 
 bill to incorporate the Metropolitan Rail- 
 road Company, in the District of Columbia, 
 the pending question being an amendment, 
 offered by Mr. Sumner, to add to the four- 
 teenth section the words : 
 
 Provided, That there shall be no regula- 
 tion excluding any person from any car on 
 account of color. 
 
 Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 17, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, 
 Conness, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, 
 Harlan, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, 
 Morrill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sumner, Wade, 
 Wilkinson, Wilson— 19. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Davis, 
 Doolittle, Harding, Harris, Hendricks, 
 Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Poioell, Riddle, 
 Saulshury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, 
 Van Winkle, Willey— 17. 
 
 The bill then passed the Senate. 
 
 June 19 — The House refused to strike 
 out the proviso last adopted in the Senate 
 — yeas 60, nays 76. 
 
 And the bill passed the House and was 
 approved by the President. 
 
 Second Session, Thlrtjr-Seventh Congress. 
 
 Colored Persons as Witnesses, 
 
 In Senate — Pending the confiscation bill,. 
 June 28, 1862. 
 
 Mr. Sumner moved these words as an 
 addition to the 14th section : 
 
 And in all the proceedings under this 
 act there shall be no exclusion of any wit- 
 ness on account of color. 
 
 Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 25, 
 as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Chandler, Grimes, Har- 
 lan, Howard, King, Lane of Kansas, ^lor- 
 rill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, 
 Wilkinson, Wilmot — 14. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, 
 Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, 
 Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, 
 Harris, Henderson, Lane of Indiana. Xes- 
 mith, Pearce, Powell, Sherman, Sinmions, 
 Stark, Ten Eyck, Willey, WUson of Mis- 
 souri, Wright — 25.
 
 162 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 Pending the consideration of the supple- 
 ment to the emancipation bill for the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, 
 
 1862, July 7 — Mr. Sumner moved a new 
 section : 
 
 That in all the judicial proceedings in 
 the District of Columbia there shall be no 
 exclusion of any witness on account of 
 color. 
 
 Which was adopted — yeas 25, nays 11. 
 
 The bill then passed — yeas 29, nays 6 ; 
 (Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Kennedy, Powell, 
 Wilson, of Missouri, Wright.) 
 
 July 9 — The bill passed the House — 
 yeas 69, nays 36. There was no separate 
 vote on the above proposition. 
 
 Pending the consideration in the Senate 
 of the House bill in relation to the com- 
 petency of witnesses in trials of equity and 
 admiralty, 
 
 1862, July 15 — Mr. Sumner offered this 
 proviso to the first section : 
 
 Provided, That there shall be no exclu- 
 sion of any witness on account of color. 
 
 Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 23. 
 
 First Session, Tlilrty-Elglitli Congress. 
 
 1864, June 25 — Pending the civil appro- 
 priation bill, in Committee of the Whole, 
 Mr. Sumner offered this proviso : 
 
 Provided, That in the courts of the 
 United States there shall be no exclusion 
 of any witness on account of color. 
 
 Mr. Buckalew moved to add : 
 
 Nor in civil actions because he is a party 
 to or interested in the issue tried. 
 
 Which was agreed to ; and the amend- 
 ment as amended was agreed to — yeas 22, 
 nays 16. 
 
 The Senate subsequently concurred in 
 this amendment — yeas 29, nays 10. 
 
 IN HOUSE. 
 
 June 29 — The question being on agree- 
 ing to the amendment, 
 
 Mr. Mallory moved to add this proviso 
 to the section amended in the Senate : 
 
 Provided, That negro testimony shall 
 only be taken in the United States courts 
 in those States the laws of which authorize 
 such testimony. 
 
 Which was rejected — yeas 47, nays 66. 
 
 The amendment of the Senate was then 
 agreed to — yeas 67, nays 48. 
 
 COLORED SCHOOLS. 
 
 June 8. — The House passed a bill to pro- 
 vide for the public instruction of vouth in 
 Washington city, with an amendment pro- 
 viding for separate scliools for the colored 
 children, l)y setting apart such a propor- 
 tion of the entire scliool fund as the num- 
 ber of colored children between the ages of 
 six and seventeen bear to the whole num- 
 ber of cliildrcn in the District. The bill, 
 with amendments, passed both Houses 
 without a division. 
 
 On all of these questions of color, the 
 Democrats invariably, on test votes, were 
 found against any concession of rights to 
 the negro. These were frequently aided 
 by some Republicans, more conservative 
 than their colleagues, or representing closer 
 districts where political prejudices would 
 affect their return to their seats. It will 
 be observed that on nearly all these ques- 
 tions Senator Charles Sumner took the 
 lead. He was at that time pre-eminently 
 the Moses of the colored man, and led him 
 from one right to another through Sena- 
 torial difficulties, which by the way, were 
 never as strong as that in the House, where 
 Thaddeus Stevens was the boldest cham- 
 pion of " the rights of the black man." In 
 the field, rather in the direction of what 
 should be done with the " contrabands " 
 and escaped slaves, the Secretary of War, 
 General Cameron, was their most radical 
 friend, and his instructions were so out- 
 spoken that Lincoln had to modify them. 
 As early as December 1, 1861, General 
 Cameron wrote : 
 
 " While it is plain that the slave prop- 
 erty of the South is justly subjected to all 
 the consequences of this rebellious war, 
 and that the Government would be untrue 
 to its trust in not employing all the rights 
 and powers of war to bring it to a speedy 
 close, the details of the plan for doing so, 
 like all other military measures, must, in 
 a great degree, be left to be determined by 
 particular exigencies. The disposition of 
 other property belonging to the rebels that 
 becomes subject to our arms is governed by 
 the circumstances of the case. The Gov- 
 ernment has no power to hold slaves, none 
 to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to ex- 
 act his service. It has a right, however, 
 to use the voluntary service of slaves lib- 
 erated by war from their rebel masters, like 
 any other property of the rebels, in what- 
 ever mode may be most efficient for the de- 
 fence of the Government, the prosecution 
 of the war, and the suppression of rebel- 
 lion. It is clearly a right of the govern- 
 ment to arm slaves when it may become 
 necessary as it is to take gunjioAvder from 
 the enemy. Whether it is expedient to do 
 so is purely a military question. The right 
 is unquestionable by the laws of war. The 
 expediency must be determined by circum- 
 stances, keeping in view the great object 
 of overcoming the rebels, re-establishing 
 the laws, and restoring peace to the na- 
 tion. 
 
 " It is vain and idle for the Government 
 to carry on this war, or hope to maintain 
 its existence against rebellious force, with- 
 out enjoying all the rights and powers of 
 war. As has been said, the right to de- 
 ]irivc tlie rebels of their property in slaves 
 and slave labor is as clear and absolute as 
 tlie right to take forage from the field, or 
 cotton from the warehouse, or powder and
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 
 
 163 
 
 arms from the magazine. To leave the 
 enemy in the pcssession of such property 
 an forage and cotton and military stores, 
 and the means of constantly rej)rodiicing 
 them, would be madness. It is, therefore, 
 equal madness to leave them in peaceful 
 and secure possession of slave pro[)erty, 
 more valuable and efficient to them lor war 
 than forage, cotton and military stores. 
 Such policy would be national suicide. 
 What to do with that species of property 
 is a question that time and circumstances 
 will solve, and neeil not l)e anticipated 
 further than to repeat that they cannot be 
 held by the Government as slaves. It wouUl 
 be useless to keep them as prisoners f>f war ; 
 and self-preservation, the highest duty of 
 a Government, or of individuals, demands 
 that they should be dispose<l of or em- 
 ployed in the most effective manner that 
 will tend most speedily to suppress the ia- 
 surrectiou and restore the authority of the 
 Government. If it shall be found that the 
 men who have been held by the rebels as 
 slaves are capable of bearing arms and per- 
 forming efficient military service, it is the 
 right, and may become the duty, of this 
 (rovernment to arm and equip them, and 
 employ their services against the rebels, 
 under proper military regulations, disci- 
 pline and command. 
 
 " But in whatever manner they may be 
 used by the Government, it is plain that, 
 once liberated by the rebellious act of their 
 masters, they should never again be re- 
 stored to bondage. By the master's trea- 
 son and rebellion he forfeits all right to 
 the labor and service of his slave ; and the 
 slave of the rebellious master, by his ser- 
 vice to the Government, becomes justly en- 
 titled to freedom and protection. 
 
 " The disposition to be made of the 
 slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, 
 can be safely left to the wisdom and pat- 
 riotism of Congress. The representatives 
 of the peoi)le will unquestionably secure 
 to the loyal slaveholders every right to 
 which they are entitled under the Consti- 
 tution of the country." 
 
 [Subsequent events proved the wisdom 
 of this policy, and it was eventually adopt- 
 ed by an Administration which proclaimed 
 it.s policy " to move not ahead but with the 
 people.''] 
 
 President Lincoln and his Cabinet mod- 
 ified the above language so as to make it 
 read : 
 
 " It is already a grave question what 
 shall l)e done with those slaves who were 
 al)andoned by their owners on the advance 
 of our troops into southern territory, as at 
 Beaufort district, in South Carolina. The 
 number left within our control at that 
 point is very considerable, and similar 
 cases will probably occur. What shall be 
 done with them? Can we afford to. send 
 them forward to their masters, to be by 
 
 them armed against us, or uf»ed in pro- 
 ducing supi)lies to sustain the rebellion? 
 Their labor may be useful to us ; withheld 
 from the enemy it lessens his military re- 
 sources, and withholding them has no ten- 
 dency to induce the horrors of insurrec- 
 tion, even in the reliel communities. They 
 constitute a military resource, and, being 
 such, that they should not be turned over 
 to the enemy is too plain to discuss. Why 
 deprive him of supplies by a blockade, and 
 voluntarily give him men to produce 
 them ? * 
 
 " The disposition to be made of the 
 slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, 
 can be safely left to the wisdom and pat- 
 riotism of Congress. The Representatives 
 of the people will unquestionably secure to 
 the loyal slaveholders every right to which 
 they are entitled under the Constitution of 
 the country." 
 
 Secretary Cameron was at all times in 
 favor of " carrying the war into Africa," 
 and it was this stern view of the situation 
 which eventually led him to sanction 
 meastires which brought him into plainer 
 differences with the Administration. Lin- 
 coln took offense at the printing of his re- 
 port before sulnnitting it to him. As a re- 
 stilt he resigned and went to Russia as 
 Minister, on his return being again elected 
 to the United States Senate — a place which 
 he filled until the winter of 1877, when he 
 resigned, and his son, J. Donald Cameron, 
 was elected to the vacancy, and re-elected 
 for the term ending in 1885. General B. 
 F. Butler was the author of the " contra- 
 band " idea. A year later the views of the 
 Administration became more radical on 
 questions of color, and July 22, 1862, Sec- 
 retary Stanton ordered all Generals in 
 command " to seize and use any property, 
 real or personal, which may be necessary 
 or convenient for their several commands, 
 for supplies, or for other military purposes ; 
 and that while property may be destroyed 
 for proper military objects, none shall be 
 destroyed in wantonness or malice. 
 
 " Second. That militarj^ and naval com- 
 manders shall employ as laborers, within 
 and from said States, so many persons of 
 African descent as can be advantageously 
 used for military or naval purposes, giving 
 them reasonable wages for their labor. 
 
 " Third. That, as to both property, and 
 persons of African descent, accounts shall 
 be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail 
 to show quantities and amounts, and from 
 whom both property and such persons 
 shall have come, as a basis upon which 
 compensation can be made in i)roper cases ; 
 and the several departments of this Gov- 
 ernment shall attend to and perform their 
 appropriate ])arts towards the execution of 
 these orders." 
 
 The manner and language employed by 
 General McClellan in promulgating this
 
 164 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 order to the Army of the Potomac, led to 
 his political differer.ces with the Adminis- 
 tration, and in the end caused him to be 
 the Democratic candidate for President in 
 1864, against Lincoln. His language is 
 peculiar and some of it worthy of presenta- 
 tion as of political importance. He said : 
 
 " Inhabitants, especially women and 
 children, remaining peaceably at their 
 homes, must not be molested; and wher- 
 ever commanding officers find families 
 peculiarly exposed in their persons or 
 property to marauding froiti this army, they 
 will, as heretofore, so far as they can do 
 with safety and without detriment to the 
 service, post guards for their protection. 
 
 " In protecting private property, no refer- 
 ence is intended to persons held to service 
 or labor by reason of African descent. 
 Such persons will be regarded jjy this 
 army, as they heretofore have been, as oc- 
 cupying simply a peculiar legal status 
 under State laws, which condition the mili- 
 tary authorities of the United States are 
 not required to regard at all in districts 
 where military operations are made neces- 
 sary by the rebellious action of the State 
 governments. 
 
 "Persons suliject to suspicion of hostile 
 purposes, residing or being near our forces, 
 will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and 
 detention, until the cause or necessity is 
 removed. All such arrested parties will 
 be sent, as usual, to the Provost Marshal 
 General, with a statement of the facts in 
 each case. 
 
 " The general commanding takes this 
 occasion to remind the officers and soldiers 
 of this army that we are engaged in sup- 
 porting the Constitution and the laws of 
 the United States and suppressing rebel- 
 lion against their authority; that we are 
 not engaged in a war of rapine, revenge, 
 or subjugation ; that this is not a contest 
 against populations, but against armed 
 forces and political organizations ; that it 
 is a struggle carried on with the United 
 States, and should be conducted by us upon 
 the highest principles known to Christian 
 civilization." 
 
 At this time such were the prejudices of 
 Union soldiers against negroes, because of 
 growing political agitation in the North, 
 that many would loudly jeer them when 
 seen within the lines. The feeling was 
 even greater in the ranks of civilians, and 
 yet Congress moved along, step by step. 
 Tlie lilth. abolished slavery in the District 
 of Columbia ; ])r()hibit(Ml it in all the terri- 
 tories; confirmed the freedom of the slaves 
 owned by those in arms against the govern- 
 ment; authorized the employment of 
 colored men in fortifications, their enlist- 
 ment, etc.; and enacted an additional 
 article of war, whicli ])rohil)it('d nny olfict^r 
 from returning or aiding tlie return of any 
 fugitive slave. The.sc were rapid strides, 
 
 but not as rapid as were demanded by the 
 more radical wing of the Republican party. 
 We have shown that most of them were 
 opposed by the Democrats, not solidly sure 
 where they were plainly political, but this 
 party became less solid as the war ad- 
 vanced. 
 
 Senator Wilson was the author of the 
 bill to abolish slavery in the District of 
 Columbia. It excited much debate, and 
 the range of the speeches covered the en- 
 tire question of slavery. Those from the 
 Border States opposed it (a few Eepublicans 
 and all Democrats) but some of the Demo- 
 crats of the North sujiported it. The vote 
 in the Senate was 29 for to 6 against. In 
 the House Frank P. Blair, Jr., advocated 
 colonization in connection with the bill, 
 but his idea met with little favor. Crit- 
 tenden, Wicklifle and Vallandigham were 
 prominent in opposition. Its most promi- 
 nent advocates were Stevens of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Bingham of Ohio. The vote 
 was 92 for to 38 against. 
 
 The bill of Arnold, of Illinois, " to ren- 
 der freedom national and slavery sectional," t 
 the leading idea in the platform of the 
 convention which nominated Lincoln, pro- 
 hibited slavery in " all the Territories of 
 the LTnited States then existing, or there- 
 after to be formed or acquired in anyway." 
 It was vehemently opposed, but passed 
 with some mcxlifications by 58 ayes to 50 
 noes, and it also passed the Senate. 
 
 In the Spring of 1862 General David 
 Hunter brought the question of the enlist- 
 Uicnt of colored trooj>s to a direct issue by 
 raising a regiment of them. On the 9th of 
 June following, Mr. Wicklifle of Ken- 
 tucky, succeeded in getting the House to 
 adopt a resolution of inquiry. Corres- 
 })ondence followed with General Hunter. 
 He confessed the fact, stated that " he found 
 his authority in the instructions of Secre- 
 taiy Cameron, and said that he hojied by 
 fall to enroll about fifty thousand of these 
 hardy and devoted soldiers." When this 
 reply was read in the House it was greeted 
 with shouts of laughter from the Republi- 
 cans, and signs of anger from the others. 
 A great debate followed on the amendment 
 to the bill providing for the calling out of 
 tlie militia, clothing the President with full 
 power to enlist colored troops, and to pro- 
 claim "he, his mother, and wife and chil- 
 dren forever free," after such enlistment. 
 Preston King, of New York, was the author 
 of this amendment. Davis, of Kentucky, 
 and Carlisle of West Virginia, were promi- 
 nent Senators in opposition ; while Ten 
 Eyck, of New Jersey, Sherman of Ohio, 
 and J5rowning of Illinois sought to modify 
 it. Gairett l)avis said in op])osition : 
 
 "Do you expect us to give our sanc- 
 tion and approval to these things ? No, no I 
 We would regard their authors as our worst 
 enemies ; and there is uo foreign despot-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 
 
 165 
 
 ism that could come to our rescue, that we 
 would not loudly embrace, before we would 
 submit to any such condition of things." 
 
 Senator Fessenden of Maine, iu advo- 
 cacy of the ameiidinent, said : 
 
 " I tell the President from my place here 
 as a Senator, and I tell the geiierals of our 
 army, they must reverse their_ practices 
 and course of proceeding on this subject. 
 * * * Treat your enemies as enemies, as 
 the worst of enemies, and av:iil yourselves 
 like men of every power which God has 
 placed in your hands, to accomjjlish your 
 purpose, within the rules of civilized war- 
 faro." 
 
 The bill passed, so modified, as to give 
 freedom to all who should perform military 
 service, but restricting liberty to the fami- 
 lies of such only as belonged to rebel mas- 
 ters. It passed the House July l()th, 1862, 
 and received the sanction of the President, 
 who said : — "And the promise made must 
 be kept!" General Hunter for his part in 
 begiuiiing colored enlistments, was out- 
 lawed by the Confederate Congress. Hunter 
 followed with an order freeing the slaves 
 in South Carolina. 
 
 In January, 18i)3, pursuant to a sugges- 
 tion in the annual report of Secretary 
 Stanton, who was by this time as radical 
 as his predecessor in office, the House 
 passed a bill authorizing the President to 
 enroll into the land and naval service such 
 number of volunteers of African descent 
 as he might deem useful to suppress the 
 rebellion, and for such term as he might 
 prescribe, not exceeding five years. The 
 slaves of loyal citizens in the Border 
 States were excluded from the provisions 
 of this bill. In the Senate an adverse re- 
 port was made on the ground that the 
 President already possessed these powers. 
 
 In January, 18G3, Senator Wilson, who 
 was by this time chairman of the Military 
 Committee of the Senate, secured the pas- 
 sage of a bill which authorized a draft for 
 the National forces from the ranks of all 
 male citizens, and those of foreign birth 
 who had declared their intentions, etc. 
 The bill contained the usual exemp- 
 tions. 
 
 CONFEDERATE USE OF COLORED MEN. 
 
 In June, 1861, the rebel Legislature of 
 Tennessee passed this enlistment bill, 
 which became a law : 
 
 Sec. 1. Be it enacted bj/ the General 
 Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That 
 from and after the passage of this act the 
 Governor shall be, and he is hereby, 
 authorized, at his discretion, to receive 
 into the military service of the State all 
 male free persons of color between the ages 
 of fifteen and fifty, or such numbers as 
 may be necessary, who may be sound in 
 mind and body, and capable of actual ser- 
 vice. 
 
 2. That such free persons of color shall 
 receive, each, eight dollars per month, aa 
 j)ay, and such persons shall be entitled to 
 draw, each, one ration per day, and shall 
 be entitled to a yearly allowance each for 
 clothing. 
 
 3. That, in order to carry out the provi- 
 sions of this act, it shall be the duty of the 
 slierifls of the .several counties in thia 
 State to collect accurate information as to 
 the number and condition, with the names 
 of free persons of color, subject to the pro- 
 visicnas of this act, and shall, as it is prac- 
 ticable, report the same in writing to the 
 Governor. 
 
 4. That a failure or refusal of the 
 sheriffs, or any one or more of them, to 
 perform the duties required, shall be 
 deemed an otfence, and on convietioa 
 thereof shall be punished as a misde- 
 meanor. 
 
 5. That in the event a sufficient number 
 of free persons of color to meet the wants 
 of the State shall not tender their services, 
 the Governor is empowered, through the 
 sheriffs of the different cotinties, to press 
 such persons until the requisite number is 
 obtained. 
 
 6. That when any mess of volunteers 
 shall keep a servant to wait on the mem- 
 bers of the mess, each servant shall be al- 
 lowed one ration. 
 
 This act to take effect from and after its 
 passage. 
 
 W. C. Whitthorne, 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 
 B. L. Stovall, 
 
 Speaker of the Senate. 
 Passed June 28, 1861. 
 
 186 2, November 2 — Governor Joseph E. 
 Brown, of Georgia, issued a call announc- 
 ing that if a sufficient supply of negroes he 
 not tendered within ten days, General 
 Mercer will, in ptirsuance of atithority 
 given him, proceed to impress, and asking 
 of every planter of Georgia a tender of one 
 fifth of his negroes to complete the fortifi- 
 cations around Savannah. This one fifth 
 is estimated at 15,000. 
 
 1863. The Governor of South Carolina 
 in July, issued a proclamation for 3,000 
 negroes to work on the fortifications, " the 
 need for them being pressing." 
 
 THE CHANGING SENTIMENT OF CONGRESS. 
 
 In the Rebel House of Representatives, 
 December 29th, Mr. Dargan, of Alabama, 
 introduced a bill to receive into the mili- 
 tary service all that portion of population 
 in "Alabama, Mississippi. Louisiana, and 
 Florida, known as " Creoles." 
 
 Mr. Dargan supported the bill in some 
 remarks. He said the Creoles were a 
 mixed-blooded race. Under the treaty of 
 Paris in 1803, and the treaty of Spain iu 
 1810, they were recognized as freemen.
 
 166 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 3Iany of them owned large estates, and ; 
 were intelligent men. They were as much ' 
 devoted to our cause as any class of men in 
 the South, and were even anxious to go 
 into service. They had applied to him to 
 be received into service, and he had ap- \ 
 plied to Mr. Randolph, then Secretary of 
 War. ilr. Randolph decided against the I 
 application, on the ground that it might ! 
 furnish to the enemy a pretext of arming our I 
 slaves against us. Some time after this ; 
 he was again applied to by them, and he 
 went to the present Secretary of War, Mr. 
 Seddon, and laid the matter before him. 
 Mr. Seddon refused to entertain the 
 proposition, on the ground that it did not 
 come up before him through the military 
 authorities. To obviate this objection, 
 Gen. Maury, at Mobile, soon afterwards 
 represented their wishes to the War De- 
 partment. Mr. Seddon refused the offer of 
 their services, on the ground that it would 
 be incompatible with the position we occu- 
 pied before the world ; that it could not be 
 done. 
 
 Mr. Dargan said he differed with the 
 Secretarj' of War. He cared not for " the 
 world." He cared no more for their 
 opinions than they did for ours. He was 
 anxious to bring into service every free 
 man, be he who he may, willing to strike 
 for our cause. He saw no objection to 
 employing Creoles ; they would form a 
 potent element in our army. In his dis- 
 trict alone a brigade of them could be 
 raised. The crisis had been brought upon 
 us by the enemy, and he believed the time 
 would yet come when the question would 
 not be the Union or no Union, but 
 whether Southern men should be permitted 
 to live at all. In resisting subjugation by 
 such a barbarous foe he was for employing 
 all our available force. Se would go 
 further and say that heicasjbr arming and 
 putting the slaves into military service. He 
 was in favor even of emlpoying them as a 
 military arm in the defence of the country. 
 
 1864. The Mayor of Charleston, Charles 
 Macbeth, summons all slaveholders within 
 the city to furnish to the military authori- 
 ties forthwith, one-fourth of all their niale 
 slaves between the ages of fifteen and fifty, 
 to labor upon the fortifications. The penalty 
 announced, in case of faihire to comply 
 with this requisition is a fine of 8200 for 
 every slave not forthcoming. Compensa- 
 tion is allowed at the rate of .*400 a year. 
 
 All free male persons of color between 
 the ages of fifteen and fifty are required to 
 give themselves uj) for the same purpose. 
 Those not complying will be imjirisoned, 
 and set to work uijon the fortifications 
 along the coast. To free negroes no other 
 compensation than rations is allowed. 
 
 NEOROES IX THE ARMY. 
 
 Ine liicnmonu press publish the OinCial the lost two clausea of which are: 
 
 copy of " An act to increase the efficiency 
 of the army by the employment of free 
 negroes c-nd slaves in certain capacities," 
 lately passed by the Rebel Congress. The 
 negroes are to perform " such duties as the 
 Secretary of War or Commanding General 
 may prescribe.'' The first section is as 
 follows : 
 
 The Congress of the Confederate States of 
 America do enact, That all male free ne- 
 groes, and other free persons of color, not 
 including those who are free under the 
 treaty of Paris, of 1803, or under the treaty 
 of Spain, of 1819, resident in the Confed- 
 erate States, between the ages of eighteen 
 and fifty years, shall be held liable to per- 
 form such duties with the army, or in con- 
 nection with the military del'ences of the 
 country, in the way of work upon the 
 fortifications, or in government works for 
 I the production or preparation of materials 
 of war, or in military hospitals, as the Sec- 
 retary of War or the Commanding General 
 of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, 
 from time to time, prescribe; and while 
 engaged in the performances of such duties 
 shall receive rations and clothing and 
 compensation at the rate of eleven dollars 
 a mouth, under such rules and regulations 
 as the said Secretary may establish : Fro- 
 vided, That the Secretary of War or the 
 Commanding General of "the Trans-Missis- 
 sippi Department, with the approval of the 
 President, may exempt from the opera- 
 tions of this act such free negroes as the 
 interests of the countrj- may require should 
 be exempted, or such as he may think 
 proper to exempt on the ground of justice, 
 equity or necessity. 
 
 The third section provides that when 
 the Secretary of War shall be unable to 
 procure the services of slaves in any mili- 
 tary department, then he is authorized to 
 impress the services of as many male 
 slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as 
 may be required, from time to time, to dis- 
 charge the duties indicated in the first sec- 
 tion of the act. 
 
 The owner of the slave is to be paid for 
 his services ; or, if he be killed or escape 
 to the enemy," the OAvner shall receive his 
 full value. 
 
 Governor Smith, of Virginia, has made 
 a call for five thousand male slaves to work 
 on the batteries, to be drawn from fifty 
 counties. The call for this force has been 
 made by the President under a resolution 
 of Congress. 
 
 "confederate" legislation upon ne- 
 gro PRISONERS AND THEIR WHITE 
 OFFICERS "WHEN CAPTURED.* 
 
 18G3, May 1 — An act was approved de- 
 claring that the commissioned officers of 
 
 •December 23, 1862 — .Tefforson Daris issued a procla- 
 mntion of outlawry' agninst Major General B. F. Butler,
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 
 
 167 
 
 the enemy ought not to be delivered to the 
 authorities of the respective States, (as 
 suggested in Davis's message ;) but all caj)- 
 tives taken by the Confederate forces ought 
 to be dealt with and disposed of by the 
 Confederate Government. 
 
 President Lincoln's emancipation pro- 
 clamations of September 22, 18G2, and 
 January 1, 18()3, were resolved to be in- 
 consistent with the usages of war among 
 civilized nations, and should be re- 
 pressed by retaliation ; and the President 
 IS authorized to cause full and complete 
 retaliation for every such violation, in such 
 manner and to such extent as he may think 
 proper. 
 
 Every white commissioned officer com- 
 manding negroes or mulattoes in arms 
 against the Confederate States shall be 
 deemed as inciting servile insurrection, 
 and shall, if captured, be put to death, or 
 be otherwise punished, at the discretion of 
 the court. 
 
 Every person charged with an offence 
 made punishable under the act shall be 
 tried by the military court of the army or 
 corps of troops capturing him; and, after 
 conviction, the President may commute the 
 pimishment in such manner and on stich 
 terms as he may deem proper. 
 
 All negroes and mulattoes who shall be 
 engaged in war or taken in arms against 
 the Confederate States, or shall give aid or 
 comfort to the enemies of the Confederate 
 States, shall, when captured in the Con- 
 federate States, be delivered to the author- 
 ities of the State or States in which they 
 shall be captured, to be dealt with accord- 
 ing to the present or future laws of such 
 State or States. 
 
 Passage of the Tblrteentli. Amendment. 
 
 The first amendment to the Constitution 
 growing out of* the war, and one of its di- 
 rect results, was that of abolishing slavery. 
 It was first introduced to the House De- 
 cember 14th, 1863, by James M. Ashley of 
 Ohio. iiSimilar measures were introduced 
 by James M. Wilson, Senators Henderson, 
 Sumner and others. On the 10th of Feb- 
 ruary, Senator Trumbull reported Hen- 
 derson's joint resolution amended as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " That the following article be proposed 
 to the Legislatures of the several States, as 
 an amendment to the Constitution of the 
 United States, which, when ratified by 
 three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be 
 
 Third. That all neq^ro slavea capturod in arras ho at 
 onco delivered over to tho executive authorities of Hie 
 respective States to which they belong, to be dealt witli 
 according to the laws of said States. 
 
 F.mrth. That tho like orders be executed in all cases 
 witli respect to all commissioned officers of the United 
 States when fmnd serving in company witli said slaves 
 in insurrection ajrainst the authorities of the dilTereut 
 States of thia Confederacy. 
 
 valid to all intents and purposes as a part 
 of the said Constitution, namely : 
 
 "Art. 13, Sec. 1. Neither slavery nor 
 involuntary servitude except as a punish- 
 ment for crime, whereof the party shall 
 have been duly convicted, shall exist with- 
 in the United States, or any place subject 
 to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to 
 enforce this article by appropriate legisla- 
 tion.'' 
 
 The Senate began the consideration of 
 the question March 28th, Senator Trumbull 
 opening the debate in favor of the amend- 
 ment. He predicted that within a year 
 the necessary number of States would rat- 
 ify it. Wilson of Massachusetts made a 
 long and able speech in favor. Davis of 
 Kentucky and Saulsbury of Delaware led 
 the opposition, but Reverdy Johnson, an 
 independent Democratic Senator from 
 Maryland, surprised all by his bold sup- 
 port of the measure. Among other things 
 he said : 
 
 " I think history will bear me out in the 
 statement, that if the men by whom that 
 Constitution was framed, and the people 
 by whom it was adopted, had anticipated 
 the times in which we live, they would 
 have provided by constitutional enactment, 
 that that evil and that sin should in some 
 comparatively uurcmote day be removed. 
 Without recurring to authority, the writ- 
 ings public or private of the men of that 
 day, it is sufficient for my purpose to state 
 what the facts will justify me in saying, 
 that every man of them who largely par- 
 ticipated in the deliberations of the Con- 
 vention by which the Constitution was 
 adopted, earnestly desired, not only upon 
 grounds of political economy, not only up- 
 on reasons material in their character, but 
 upon grounds of morality and religion, 
 that sooner or later the institution should 
 terminate." 
 
 Senator McDougall of California, op- 
 posed the amendment. Harhm of Iowa, 
 Hale of New Hampshire, and Sumner, 
 made characteristic speeches in favor. 
 Saulsbury advocated the divine right of 
 slavery. It passed April 8th, by 38 ayes to 
 () noes, the latter comprising Davis and 
 Powell of Kentucky ; McDougall of Cali- 
 fornia ; Hendricks of Indiana ; Saulsbury 
 and Riddle of Delaware. 
 
 Arnold of Illinois, was the first to se- 
 cure the adoption in the House (Feb. 15, 
 1864,) of a resolution to abolish slave-ry ; 
 but the Constitutional amendment required 
 a two-thirds vote, and this it was difficult 
 to obtain, though all the power of the Ad- 
 ministration was bent to that purpose. The 
 discussion began May 31st; the vote wtts 
 reached June 15th, but it then failed of 
 the required two-thirds — 93 for to tio 
 against, 23 not voting. Its more pro- 
 nounced advocates were Arnold, Ashley,
 
 168 
 
 •AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I 
 
 Broomall, Stevens, and Kelly of Pennsyl- 
 vania; Farnsworth and Ingersoll of Illi- 
 nois, and many others. Its ablest oppo- 
 nents were Holman, Wood, Mallory, Cox 
 and Pendleton — the latter rallying nearly 
 all of the Democrats against it. Its Dem- 
 ocratic friends were McAllister and Bailey 
 of Pennsylvania ; Cobb of Wisconsin ; 
 Griswold and Odell of New York. Before 
 the vote was announced Ashley changed 
 his vote so as to move a reconsideration and 
 keep control of the question. At the next 
 session it was passed, receiving every Re- 
 publican and 16 Democratic votes, 8 Dem- 
 ocrats purposely refraining, so that it would 
 surely pass. 
 
 Admission ot Representatives 
 from Louisiana. 
 
 The capture of Xew Orleans by Admiral 
 Farragut, led to the enrollment of 60,000 
 citizens of Louisiana as citizens of the 
 United States. The President thereupon 
 appointed a Military Governor for the en- 
 tire State, and this Governor ordered an 
 election for members of Congress under 
 the old State constitution. This was held 
 Dec. 3, 1862, when Messrs. Flanders and 
 Hahn were returned, neither receiving 
 3,000 votes. They received certificates, pre- 
 sented them, and thus opened up a new 
 and grave political question. The Demo- 
 crats opposed their admission on grounds 
 so well stated by Voorhees of Indiana, that 
 we quote them : 
 
 " Understand this principle. If the 
 Southern Confederacy is a foreign power, 
 an independent nationality to-day, and you 
 have conquered back the territory of Lou- 
 isiana, you may then substitute a new sys- 
 tem of laws in the place of the laws of that 
 State. You may then supplant her civil in- 
 stitutions by institutions made anew for her 
 by the proper authority of this Government 
 — not by the executive — ^but by the legisla- 
 tive branch of the Government, assisted by 
 the Executive simply to the extent of sign- 
 ing his name to the bills of legislation. If 
 the Chairman of the Committee of Ways 
 and Means, (Mr. Stevens) is correct; if the 
 gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Conway) is 
 correct, and this assumed power in the 
 South is a power of the earth, and stands 
 to-day upon equal terms of nationality 
 with ourselves, and reconquer back State 
 by State its territory by the power of arms, 
 then we may govern them independently 
 of their local laws. But if the theory we 
 have been proceeding upon here, that this 
 Union is unbroken ; that no States have 
 sundered the bonds that bind us together; 
 that no successful disunion has yet taken 
 place, — if that theory is still to ]>revail in 
 these halls, then this cannot be done. You 
 are as much bound to U])liol(l the laws of 
 Louisiana La all their extent and in all 
 
 their parts, as you are to uphold the laws 
 of Pennsylvania or New York, or any 
 other State whose civil policy has not been 
 disturbed." 
 
 Michael Hahn, one of the Representa- 
 tives elect, closed a very effective speech, 
 which secured the personal good will of 
 the House in favor of his admission, in 
 these words: 
 
 "And even, sir, within the limits of the 
 dreary and desolated region of the rebel- 
 lion itself, despair, which has already tak- 
 en hold of the people, will gain additional 
 power and strength, at the reception of the 
 news that Louisiana sends a message of 
 peace, good-will, and hearty fellowship to 
 the Union. This intelligence will sound 
 more joyful to patriot ears than all the 
 oft repeated tidings of ' Union victories,' 
 And of all victories, this will be the most 
 glorious, useful and solid, for it speaks of re- 
 organization, soon to become the great and 
 difficult problem with which our statesmen 
 will have to familiarize themselves, and 
 when this shall have commenced, we will 
 be able to realize that God, in his infinite 
 mercy has looked down upon our misfor- 
 tunes, and in a spirit of paternal love and 
 pity, has addressed us in the language as- 
 cribed to him by our own gifted Longfel- 
 low: 
 
 " I am weary of your quarrels. 
 Weary of your wars and bloodshed, 
 W'eary of your prayers for vengeance, 
 Of your wranglings and dissensions ; 
 All your strength is in your Union, 
 All your danger is in dkeord. 
 Therefore, be at peace, henceforward. 
 And as brothers live together." 
 
 Mr. Speaker, Louisiana — ever loyal, hon- 
 orable Louisiana — seeks no greater bles- 
 sing in the future, than to remain a part of 
 this great and glorious Union. She has 
 stood by you in the darkest hours of the 
 rebellion ; and she intends to stand by you. 
 Sir, raise your eyes to the gorgeous ceil- 
 ings which ornament this Hall, and look 
 upon her fiiir and lovely escutcheon. Care- 
 fully read the patriotic words which sur- 
 round her affectionate pelican familv, and 
 you will find there inscribed, ' ^istice, 
 Union, Conjidcnce.' Those words have 
 with us no idle meaning; and would to 
 God that other members of this Union, 
 could pro])erly appreciate our motto, our 
 motives and our position ! " 
 
 The debate attracted much attention, 
 because of the novelty of a question upon 
 wliich, it has since been contended, would 
 have turned a different plan of reconstruct- 
 ing the rebellious States if the President's 
 plans had not been destroyed by his assas- 
 sination. DaAves, of Massachusetts, was 
 the Chairman of the Committee on Elec- 
 tions, and he closed the debate in favor of 
 admission. The vote stood 92 for to 44 
 against, almost a strict party test, the 
 Democrats voting no.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 169 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 In the House as early as Dec. 15, 1863, 
 Henry Winter Davis moved that so much 
 of the i'resident's message as relates to 
 the duty of the United States to guaranty 
 a Repul)lican form of government to the 
 States in which the governments recog- 
 nized by the United States have been ab- 
 rogated or overthrown, be referred to a 
 select committee of nine to report the bills 
 necessary and proper for carrying into ex- 
 ecution the foregoing guarantce,was passed, 
 and on May 4th, l.Sd-l, the House ado]>ted 
 the first reconstruction bill by 74 yeas to 
 66 nays — a strict party vote.* The Senate 
 passed it by yeas 18, nays 14 — Doolittle, 
 Henderson, Lane of Indiana, Ten Eyck, 
 Trumbull, and Van Winkle voting with 
 the Democrats against it. 
 
 The bill authorizes the President to ap- 
 
 Eoint in each of the States declared in re- 
 ellion, a Provisional Governor,jwith the 
 pay and emoluments of a brigadier ; to be 
 charged with the civil administration until 
 a State government therein shall be recog- 
 nized. As soon as the military resistance 
 to the United States shall have been sup- 
 pressed, and the people sufficiently re- 
 turned to their obedience to the Constitu- 
 tion and laws, the Governor shall direct 
 the marshal of the United States to enroll 
 all the white male citizens of the United 
 States, resident in the State in their re- 
 spective counties, and whenever a majority 
 of them take the oath of allegiance, the 
 loyal people of the State shall be entitled 
 to elect delegates to a convention to act 
 upon the re-establishment of a State gov- 
 ernment — the proclamation to contain de- 
 tails jirescribed. Qualified voters in the 
 army may vote in their camps. No person 
 who has held or exercised any civil, mili- 
 tary, State, or Confederate office, under the 
 rebel occupation, and wlio has voluntarily 
 borne arms against the United States, shall 
 vote or be eligible as a delegate. The 
 convention is required to insert in the con- 
 stitution provisions — 
 
 1st. No person who has held or exercised 
 any civil or military office, (except offices 
 merely ministerial and military offices be- 
 low a colonel,) State or Confederate, under 
 the usurping power, shall vote for, or be 
 a member of the legislature or governor. 
 
 2d. Involuntary servitude is forever pro- 
 hibited, and the freedom of all persons is 
 guarantied in said State. 
 
 3d. No debt. State or Confederate, cre- 
 ated by or under the sanction of the usurp- 
 ing power, shall be recognized or paid by 
 the State. 
 
 Upon the adoption of the constitution by 
 the convention, and its ratification by the 
 electors of the State, the Provisional Gov- 
 
 • McPherson's History, page 317. 
 
 ernor shall so certify to the President, who, 
 after obtaining the assent of Congress, 
 shall, by jjroclamation, recognize the g(n'- 
 ernment as established, and none other, as 
 the constitutional government of the State; 
 and from the date of such recognition, and 
 not before. Senators and Kejirescntatives 
 and electors for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent may be elected in such State. Until 
 re-organization the Provisional Governor 
 sball enforce the laws of the Union and of 
 the State before the rebellion. 
 
 The remaining sections are as follows: 
 
 Sec. 12. That all persons held to invol- 
 untary servitude or labor in the States 
 aforesaid are hereby emancipated and dis- 
 charged therefrom, and they and their pos- 
 terity shall be forever free. And if any 
 such persons or their posterity shall be re- 
 strained of liberty, under pretence of any 
 claim to such service or labor, the courts 
 of the United States shall, on habeas cor- 
 pus, discharge them. 
 
 Sec. 13. That if any person declared free 
 by this act, or any law of the United States, 
 or any proclamation of the President, be 
 restrained of liberty, with intent to be held 
 in or reduced to involuntary servitude or 
 labor, the person convicted before a court 
 of competent jurisdiction of such act shall 
 be punished by fine of not less than $1,500, 
 and be imprisoned not less than five, nor 
 more than twenty years. 
 
 Sec. 14. That every person who shall 
 hereafter hold or exercise any office, civil 
 or military, except offices merely minis- 
 terial and military offices below the grade 
 of colonel, in the rebel service, State or 
 Confederate, is hereby declared not to be 
 a citizen of the United States. 
 
 Lincoln's Proclamation on Reconstruction 
 
 President Lincoln failed to sign the above 
 bill because it reached him less than one 
 hour before final adjournment, and there- 
 upon issued a proclamation which closed 
 as follows : 
 
 " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, 
 President of the United States, do ]iro- 
 claim, declare, and make known, that, 
 while I am (as I was in December last, 
 when by proclamation I propounded a plan 
 for restoration) unprepared, by a formal 
 approval of this bill, to be inflexibly com- 
 mitted to .any single plan of restoration ; 
 and, while I am also unprepared to declare 
 that the free State constitutions and gov- 
 ernments already adopted and installed in 
 Arkansas and Louisiana shall be set a-^ide 
 and held for nought, thereby repelling and 
 discouraging the loyal citizens who have 
 set up tike same as to further effort, or to 
 declare a constitutional competency in 
 Congress to abolish slavery in States, but 
 I am at the same time sincerely hoping and
 
 170 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 expecting that a constitutional amendment 
 abolishing slavery' throughout the nation 
 may be adopted, nevertheless I am fully 
 satisfied with the system for restoration 
 contained in the bill as one very proper 
 plan for the loyal people of any State 
 choosing to adopt it, and that I am, and at 
 all times shall be, prepared to give the Ex- 
 ecutive aid and assistance to any such peo- 
 ple, so soon as the military resistance to 
 the United States shall have been sup- 
 pressed in any such State, and the people 
 thereof shall have suificiently returned to 
 their obedience to the Constitution and 
 laws of the United States, in which cases 
 Military Governors will be appointed, with 
 directions to proceed according to the bill." 
 
 Admission of Arkansas. 
 
 On the 10th of June, 18G4, introduced a 
 joint resolution for the recognition of the 
 free State government of Arkansas. A 
 new State government had then been or- 
 ganized, with Isaac Murphy, Governor, 
 who was reported to have received nearly 
 16,000 votes at a called election. The 
 other State officers are : 
 
 Lieutenant Governor, C. C. Bliss ; Secre- 
 tary of State, E. J. T. White ; Auditor, J. 
 B. Berry ; Treasurer, E. D. Ayers ; Attor- 
 nev General, C. T. Jordan; Judges of the 
 Supreme Court, T. D. W. Yowley, C. A. 
 Harper, E. Baker. 
 
 The Legislature also elected Senators, 
 but neither Senators nor Representatives 
 obtained their seats. Trumbull, from the 
 Senate Judiciary Committee, made a long 
 report touching the admission of the Sen- 
 ators, which closed as follows : 
 
 " When the rebellion in Arkansas shall 
 have been so far suppressed that the loy- 
 al inhabitants thereof shall be free to re- 
 estal)lish their State government upon a 
 republican foundation, or to recognize the 
 one already set up, and by the aid and not 
 in subordination to the military to main- 
 tain the same, they will then, and not be- 
 fore, in the opinion of your committee, be 
 entitled to a representation in Congress, 
 and to participate in the administration of 
 the Federal Government. Believing that 
 such a state of things did not at the time 
 the claimants were elected, and does not 
 now, exist in the State of Arkansas, the 
 committee recommend for adoption the 
 following resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, That William M. Fishback 
 and Elisha Baxter are not entitled to seats 
 as Senators from the State of Arkansas." 
 
 1804, June 20 — Tlie resolution of the 
 Committee on the Judiciary was adopted 
 — yeas 27, nays 6. 
 
 President Jvincoln was known to favor 
 the irnnu-diate admission of Arkansas and 
 Louisiana, but the refusal of the Senate to 
 
 admit the Arkansas Senators raised an is- 
 sue which partially divided the Republi- 
 cans in both Houses, some of whom fa- 
 vored forcible reconstruction through the 
 aid of Military Governors and the machin- 
 ery of new State governments, while others 
 opposed. The views of those opposed to 
 the President's policy are well stated in a 
 paper signed by Benjamin F. Wade and 
 Henry M'^inter Davis, published in the New 
 York Tribune, August 5th, 1864. From 
 this we take the more jjithy extracts : 
 
 The President, by preventing this bill 
 from becoming a law, holds the electoral 
 votes of the rebel States at the dictation of 
 his personal ambition. 
 
 If those votes turn the balance in his 
 favor, is it to be supposed that his compe- 
 titor, defeated by such means, will ac- 
 quiesce ? 
 
 If the rebel majority assert their su- 
 premacy in those States, and send votes 
 which elect an enemy of the Government, 
 will we not repel his claims ? 
 
 And is not civil war for the Presidency 
 inaugurated by the votes of rebel States? 
 
 Seriously impressed with these dangers. 
 Congress, " the proper constitutional au- 
 thority,^' formally declared that there are 
 no State governments in the rebel States, 
 and provided for their erection at a proper 
 time ; and both the Senate and the House 
 of Representatives rejected the Senators 
 and Representatives chosen under the au- 
 thority of what the President calls the 
 free constitution and government of Ar- 
 kansas. 
 
 The President's proclamation "holds for 
 ?2«i<5r/j^ " this judgment, and discards the 
 authority of the Supreme Court, and strides 
 headlong toward the anarchy his pro- 
 clamation of the 8th of December inaugu- 
 rated. 
 
 If electors for President be allowed to 
 be chosen in either of those States, a sinis- 
 ter light will be cast on the motives Avhich 
 induced the President to " hold for naught " 
 the will of Congress rather than his gov- 
 ernment in Louisiana and Arkansas. 
 
 That judgment of Congress which the 
 President defies was the exercise of an 
 authority exclusively vested in Congress 
 by the Constitution to determine what is 
 the established government in a State, and 
 in its own nature and by the highest judi- 
 cial authority binding on all other depart- 
 ments of the Government. * * * * 
 
 A more studied outrage on the legisla- 
 tive authority of the people has never been 
 perpetrated. 
 
 Congress passed a bill ; the President re- 
 fused to a)iprove it, and then by proclama- 
 tion j)uts as much of it in force as he sees 
 fit, and i)r()poses to execute those parts by 
 officers unknown to the laws of the United 
 States and not subject to the confirmation 
 of the Senate !
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 171 
 
 The bill directed the appointment of 
 Provisional Governors by and with the ad- 
 vice and consent of the Senate. 
 
 The President, after deieating the law, 
 proposes to ap2)oint withont law, and with- 
 out the advice and consent of the Senate, 
 Military Governors for the rebel States ! 
 
 He has already exercised this dictatorial 
 usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated 
 the bill to prevent its limitation. * * * 
 
 The President has greatly presumed on 
 the forbearance which the supporters of 
 his Administration have so long practiced, 
 in view of the arduous conflict in which 
 we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity 
 of our political opponents. 
 
 But he must understand that our sup- 
 port is of a cause and not of a man ; that 
 the authority of Congress is paramount 
 and must be respected; that the whole 
 body of the Union men of Congress will 
 not submit to be impeached by him of 
 rash and unconstitutioual legislation ; and 
 if he wishes our suj)port, he must confine 
 himself to his executive duties — to obey 
 and execute, not make the laws — to sup- 
 press by arms armed rebellion, and leave 
 political reorganization to Congress. 
 
 If the supporters of the Government 
 fail to insist on this, they become responsi- 
 ble for the usurpations which they fail to 
 rebuke, and are justly liable to the indig- 
 nation of the people whose rights and 
 security, committed to their keeping, they 
 sacrifice. 
 
 Let them consider the remedy for these 
 usurpations, and, having found it, fear- 
 lessly execute it. 
 
 The question, as presented in 1864, now 
 passed temporarily irom public considera- 
 tion because of greater interest in the 
 closing events of the war and the Presi- 
 dential succession. The passage of the 
 14th or anti-slavery amendment by the 
 States also intervened. This was officially 
 announced on the 18th of December 1865, 
 by Mr. Seward, 27 of the then 36 States 
 having ratified, as follows : Illinois, Rhode 
 Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, 
 West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachu- 
 setts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Mis- 
 souri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minne- 
 sota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Ar- 
 kansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, 
 South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina, 
 and Georgia. 
 
 TEXT OF THE RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES. 
 
 14th Constitutional Amendment. 
 
 Jcint ResoUUion jyrojioiin'i an Amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion of the United Sttitef. 
 
 Be it resolved by the Senate and House of 
 Representatives of the United States of 
 America, in Congress assnnbled, (two- 
 thirds of both houses concurring,) That 
 
 the following article be proposed to the 
 Legislatures of the several States a.s an 
 amendment to the Constitution of the 
 United States, which, when ratified by 
 three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be 
 valid as part of the Constitution, namely : 
 [Here follows the 14th amendment. See 
 Book IV.J 
 
 Reconstruction Act of Tlilrty-Nlntli Con- 
 
 An Act to provide for the more efficient government of the 
 rebel titutes. 
 
 Whereas no legal State governments or 
 adecjuate protection for life or property now 
 exists in the rebel States of Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 
 Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, 
 Texas, and Arkansas; and whereas it is 
 necessary that peace and good order 
 should be enforced in said States until 
 loyal and republican State governments 
 can be legally established : Therefore 
 
 Be it enacted, d'c., That said rebel States 
 shall be divided into military districts and 
 made subject to the military authority of 
 the United States, as hereinafter jtrescribed, 
 and for that purpose Virginia shall consti- 
 tute the first district ; North Carolina and 
 South Carolina the second district ; Geor- 
 gia, Alabama, and Florida the third dis- 
 trict ; Mississippi and Arkansas the fourth 
 district ; and Louisiana and Texas the fifth 
 district. 
 
 Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the 
 President to assign to the command of 
 each of said districts an officer of the army, 
 not below the rank of brigadier general, 
 and to detail a sufficient military force to 
 enable such officer to perform his duties 
 and enforce his authority within the dis- 
 trict to which he is assigned. 
 
 Sec. 3. That it shall be the duty of each 
 officer assigned as aforesaid to protect all 
 persons in their rights of person and 
 ])roperty, to suppress insurrection, disor- 
 der, and violence, and to punisn, or cause 
 to be punished, all disturbers of the public 
 peace and criminals, and to this end ne 
 may allow local civil tribunals to take 
 jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, 
 when in his judgment it may be necessary 
 for the trial of offenders, he shall have 
 power to organize military commissions 
 or tribunals for that purpose ; and all in- 
 terference under color of State authority 
 with the exercise of military authority un- 
 der this act shall be null and void. 
 
 Sec. 4. That all persons put under mili- 
 tary arrest by virtue of this act shall be 
 tried without unnecessary delay, and no 
 ci"uel or unusual punishment shall be in- 
 flicted ; and no sentence of any military 
 commission or trilnuial hereby authorized, 
 affecting the life or liberty of any person, 
 shall be executed until it is ajijiroved by 
 the officer in command of the district, and
 
 172 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the laws and regulations for the govern- 
 ment of the army shall not be affected by 
 this act, except in so far as they conflict 
 with its provisions : Provided, That no 
 sentence of death under the provisions of 
 this act shall be carried into effect without 
 the approval of the President, 
 
 Sec. 5. That when the people of any one 
 of said rebel States shall have formed a 
 constitution of government in conformity 
 with the Constitution of the United States 
 in all respects, framed by a convention of 
 delegates elected by the male citizens of 
 said State twentj'-one years old and up- 
 ward, of whatever race, color, or previous 
 condition, who have been resident in said 
 State for one year previous to the day of 
 such election, except such as may be dis- 
 franchised for participation in the rebel- 
 lion, or for felony at common law, and 
 when such constitution shall provide that 
 the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by 
 all such persons as have the qualilications 
 herein stated for electors of delegates, and 
 when such constitution shall be ratified by 
 a majority of the persons voting on the 
 question of ratification who are qualified as 
 electors for delegates, and when such con- 
 stitution shall have been submitted to 
 Congress for examination and approval, 
 and Congress shall have approved the 
 same, and when said State, by a vote of its 
 legislature elected under said constitution, 
 shall have adopted the amendment to the 
 Constitution of the United States, proposed 
 by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and known 
 as article fourteen, and when said article 
 shall have become a part of the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, said State shall 
 be declared entitled to representation in 
 Congress, and Senators and Representa- 
 tives shall be admitted therefrom on their 
 taking the oaths prescribed by law, and 
 then and thereafter the preceding sections 
 of this act shall be inoperative in said 
 State : Provided, That no person excluded 
 from the privilege of holding ofiice by said 
 proposed amendment to the Constitution 
 of the United States shall be eligible to 
 election as a member of the convention to 
 frame a constitution for any of said rebel 
 States, nor shall any such person vote for 
 members of such convention. 
 
 Skc. 6. That until the people of said rebel 
 States shall be by law admitted to repre- 
 sentation in the Congress of the United 
 States, any civil governments which may 
 exist therein shall be deemed provisional 
 only, and in all respects subject to the 
 paramount authority of the United States 
 at any time to abolish, modify, control, or 
 supersede the same; and in all elections to 
 any office under sucii provisional govern- 
 ments all jjorsons .shall be entitled to vote, 
 and none others, who are entitled to vote 
 under the provisions of the fifth section of 
 this act ; and no person shall be eligible to 
 
 ' any office under any such provisional gov- 
 ernments who would be disqualified from 
 holding office under the provisions of the 
 third article of said constitutional amend- 
 ment. 
 Passed March 2, 1867. 
 
 Supplemental Reconstrnctlou Act of For> 
 tlelb Congress. 
 
 An Act supplementary to an act entitled 
 " An act to provide for the more efficient 
 government of the rebel States," passed 
 March second, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-seven, and to facilitate restora- 
 tion. 
 
 Be it enacted, I'c, That before the first 
 day of September, eighteen hundred and 
 sixtj'-seven, the commanding general in 
 each district defined by an act entitled 
 " An act to provide for the more efficient 
 government of the rebel States," passed 
 March second, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 seven, shall cause a registration to be 
 made of the male citizens of the United 
 States, twenty-one years of age and up- 
 wards, resident in each county or parish 
 in the State or States included in his dis- 
 trict, which registration shall include only 
 those persons who are qualified to vote for 
 delegates by the act aforesaid, and who 
 shall have taken and subscribed the fol- 
 lowing oath or affirmation : " I, , 
 
 do solemnly swear, (or affirm,) in the 
 presence of Almighty God, that I am a 
 
 citizen of the State of ; that I have 
 
 resided in said State for months 
 
 next preceding this day, and now reside in 
 the county of , or the parish of 
 
 -, in said State, (as the case may be ;) 
 that I am twenty-one years old ; that I 
 have not been disfranchised for participa- 
 tion in any rebellion or civil war against 
 the United States, nor for felony commited 
 against the laws of any State or of the 
 United States ; that I have never been a 
 member of any State legislature, nor held 
 any executive or judicial office in any 
 State and afterwards engaged in insurrec- 
 tion or rebellion against the United States, 
 or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
 thereof; that I have never taken an oath 
 as a member of Congress of the United 
 States, or as an officer of the United States, 
 or as a member of any State legislature, or 
 as an executive or judicial officer of any 
 State, to support the Constitution of the 
 United States, and afterwards engaged in 
 insurrection or rebellion against the 
 United States or given aid or comfort to 
 the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully 
 support the Constitution and obey the 
 laws of the United States, and will, to the 
 best of my ability, encourage others so to 
 do, so help mcCJod;" which oath or affirm- 
 ation m.'iy be administered by any register- 
 ing officer.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 EECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 173 
 
 Sec. 2. That after the completion of the 
 registration hereby provided for in any 
 State, at such time and places therein as 
 the commanding general shall appoint and 
 direct, of which at least thirty days' public 
 notice shall be given, an election shall be 
 held of delegates to a convention for the 
 purpose of establishing a constitution and 
 civil government for such State loyal to 
 the Union, said convention in each State, 
 except Virginia, to consist of the same 
 number of mem])ers as the most numerous 
 branch of the State legislature of such 
 State in the year eighteen hundred and 
 sixty, to be apportioned among the several 
 districts, counties, or parishes of such 
 State by the commanding general, giving 
 to each representation in the ratio of voters 
 or registered as aforesaid, as nearly as may 
 be. The convention in Virginia shall con- 
 sist of the same number of members as 
 represented the territory now constituting 
 Virginia in the most numerous branch of 
 the legislature of said State in the year 
 eighteen hundred and sixty, to be aj)- 
 pointed as aforesaid. 
 
 Sec. 3. That at said election the regis- 
 tered voters of each State shall vote for or 
 against a convention to form a constitution 
 therefor under this act. Those voting in 
 favor of such a convention shall have 
 written or printed on the ballots by which 
 they vote for delegates, as aforesaid, the 
 words " For a convention," and those vot- 
 ing against such a convention shall have 
 written or printed on such ballots the 
 words " Against a convention." The per- 
 son appointed to superintend said election, 
 and to make return of the votes given 
 thereat, as herein provided, shall count 
 and make return of the votes given for and 
 against a convention ; and the command- 
 ing general to whom the same shall have 
 been returned shall ascertain and declare 
 the total vote in each State for and against 
 a convention. If a majority of the votes 
 given on that question shall be for a con- 
 vention, then such convention shall be held 
 as hereinafter provided; but if a majority 
 of said votes shall be against a convention, 
 then no such convention shall be held un- 
 der this act : Provided, That such con- 
 vention shall not be held unless a majority 
 of all such registered voters shall have 
 voted on the question of holding such con- 
 vention. 
 
 Sec. 4. That the commanding general of 
 each district shall appoint as many boards 
 of registration aa may be necessary, con- 
 sisting of three loyal officers or persons, to 
 make and complete the registration, su- 
 
 Eerintend the election, and make return to 
 im of the votes, lists of voters, and of the 
 persons elected as delegates by a plurality 
 of the votes cast at said election ; and upon 
 receiving said returns he shall open the 
 same, ascertain the persons elected as dele- 
 
 gates according to the returns of the offi- 
 cers who conducted said election, and 
 make proclamation thereof; and if a ma- 
 jority of the votes given on that question 
 shall be for a convention, the commanding 
 general, within sixty days from the date of 
 election, shall notify the delegates to as- 
 semble in convention, at a time and place 
 to be mentioned in the notification, and 
 said convention, when organized, shall pro- 
 ceed to frame a constitution and civil gov- 
 ernment according to the provisions of this 
 act and the act to which it is supplement- 
 ary ; and when the same shall have been 
 so framed, said constitution shall be sub- 
 mitted by the convention for ratification to 
 the persons registered under the provisions 
 of this act at an election to be conducted 
 by the officers or persons appointed or to 
 be appointed by the commanding general, 
 as hereinbefore provided, and to be held 
 after the expiration of thirty days from the 
 date of notice thereof, to be given by said 
 convention ; and the returns thereof shall 
 \m made to the commanding general of the 
 district. 
 
 Sec. 5, That if, according to said re- 
 turns, the constitution shall be ratified by 
 a majority of the votes of the registered 
 electors qualified as herein specified, cast 
 at said election, (at least one-half of all the 
 registered voters voting upon the question 
 of such ratification,) the president of the 
 convention shall transmit a copy of the 
 same, duly certified, to the President of 
 the United States, who shall forthwith 
 transmit the same to Congress, if then in 
 session, and if not in session, then imme- 
 diately upon its next assembling; and if it 
 shall, moreover, appear to Congress that 
 the election was one at which all the reg- 
 istered and qualified electors in the State 
 had an opportunity to vote freely and with- 
 out restraint, fear, or the influence of fraud; 
 and if the Congress shall be satisfied that 
 such constitution meets the approval of a 
 majority of all the qualified electors in the 
 State, and if the said constitution shall be 
 declared by Congress to be in conformity 
 with the provisions of the act to which this 
 is sup];)lementary, and the other provisions 
 of said act shall have been complied with, 
 and the said constitution shall be approved 
 by Congress, the State shall be declared 
 entitled to representation, and Senators 
 and Representatives shall be admitted 
 therefrom as therein provided. 
 
 Sec. (3. That all elections in the States 
 mentioned in the said " Act to provide for 
 the more efficient government of the rebel 
 States," shall, during the oj^eration of said 
 act, be bv ballot ; and all officers making 
 the said registration of voters and conduct- 
 ing said elections shall, before entering 
 upon the discharge of their duties, take 
 and subscribe the oath prescriVied by the 
 act approved July second, eighteen hun-
 
 174 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 dred and sixty-two, entitled "An act to 
 prescribe an oatli of office : * Provided, That 
 if any person shall knowingly and falsely 
 take and subscribe any oath in this act 
 prescribed, such person so oflending and 
 being thereof duly convicted, shall be sub- 
 ject to the pains, penalties, and disabilities 
 which by law are provided for the punish- 
 ment of the crime of wilful and corrupt 
 perjury. 
 
 Sec. 7. That all expenses incurred by 
 the several commanding generals, or by 
 virtue of any orders issued, or api:)oint- 
 ments made, by them, under or by virtue 
 of this act, shall be paid out of any moneys 
 in the treasuiy not otherwise appropriated. 
 
 Sec. 8. That the convention for each 
 State shall prescribe the fees, salary, and 
 compensation to be paid to all delegates 
 and other officers and agents herein au- 
 thorized or necessary to carry into efi'ect 
 the purposes of this act not herein other- 
 wise provided for, and shall provide for 
 the levy and collection of such taxes on 
 the property in such State as may be ne- 
 cessary to pay the same. 
 
 Sec. 9. That the word • article, in the 
 sixth section of the act to which this is 
 supplementary, shall be construed to mean 
 section. 
 
 Passed March 23, 1867. 
 
 Votes of State Liegislatures on tlie Poiir- 
 teeiitli Constitutional Amendment.! 
 
 LOYAL STATES. 
 Ratified — Twenty-one Slates. 
 
 Maine — Sexate, January 16, 1867, yeas 
 
 * This act is in these words : 
 
 Be it enacted, ,tc., That liereafter every person elected 
 or appointed to ;iny office of honor or profit under tlio 
 government of the I'nited States, either in the civil, mili- 
 tary, or niival departments of the public service, except- 
 ing the President of the United States, shall, before en- 
 tering upon the duties of such office, and before being 
 entitled to any of the salary or other emoluments there- 
 of, take and subscribe the following; oath or affirmaticm : 
 " I, A I!, do polcniidy swear ^or allirm) that I have never 
 voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I 
 have been a citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily 
 given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to 
 persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have 
 never sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the 
 fnnrticms of any office whatever, under any authority or 
 pretended authority, in hostility to t)io United States ; 
 that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any prc- 
 teniled government, authority, power, or constituticm 
 within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto; 
 and I do further swear 'or affirm) that, to the best of my 
 knowdedge and ability, I will supjiort and defend the 
 Constitution of the United States, against all enemies, 
 f(jreiL'n and domestic; that I will bear true faith and al- 
 le;.'iaMco to tile same ; that I t.ake this obligation freely, 
 without any mental reservatiim or iiurpoHe of evasion, 
 and that I will well an<l faithfully diseharge the duties 
 of the office on which I am abnut to enter; so help mo 
 God;" which said oath, so taken and signed, shall bo 
 preserved anioTig the lileH >•( thi' Court, Mouse of Con- 
 gress, or Dejiartnient to which the said office may apjier- 
 tain. And any pcTson who sbnil falsely take the said 
 oath shall be guilty of perjury, and on cnnvietion, in ad- 
 dition to the penaltiesj ncjw prescribed for that offense, 
 shall be dejiriveil of his office, and rendered incapable 
 firever after, of holding any office or place under the 
 United States. 
 
 t ''oiMiiil-d by Tlon. Kdward McPhentou in his Iluud 
 Book of Politics for 18C8. 
 
 31, nays ; House, January 11, 1867, yeas 
 12(5, nays 12. 
 
 Xetc 'Hampshire — Senate, July 6, 1866, 
 veas 9, navs 3 ; House, June 28, 1866, yeas 
 207, nays 112. 
 
 re?-??i'o?j^— Senate, October 23, 1866, 
 veas 28, navs ; House, October 30, 
 
 1866, yeas 199, nays 11. 
 Massachusetts — ^SENATE, March 20, 1867, 
 
 yeas 27, navs 6 ; House, March 14, 1867, 
 yeas 120, nays 20. 
 
 Rhode Island — SENATE, February 5, 
 
 1867, yeas 26, nays 2 ; House, February 7, 
 1867, yeas 60, nays 9 
 
 Connecticut — Senate, June 25, 1866, 
 yeas 11, nays 6 ; House, June 29, 1866, 
 yeas 131, nays 92. 
 
 Keic York — SENATE, January 3, 1867, 
 yeas 23, nays 3 ; House, January 10, 1867, 
 yeas 76, nays 40. 
 
 Keic Jersey — SENATE, September 11, 1866, 
 veas 11, navs 10; House, September 11, 
 
 1866, yeas 34, nays 24. 
 
 Pennsylvania — SENATE, January 17, 
 
 1867, yeas 20, navs 9 ; House, February 6, 
 1867, yeas 68, nays 29. 
 
 West Virginia — SENATE, January 15, 
 1867, yeas 15, navs 3 ; House, January 16, 
 1867, yeas 43, nays 11. 
 
 Ohio — Senate, January 3, 1867, yeas 21, 
 nays 12; House, January 4, 1867', yeas 54, 
 nays 25. 
 
 Tennessee — Senate, July 11, 1866, yeas 
 15, nays 6 ; House, July 12, 1866, yeas 
 43, nays 11. 
 
 Indiana — SENATE, January 16, 1867, 
 yeas 29, nays 18 ; House, January 23, 
 1867, yeas — , nays — . 
 
 /;Zf?iois— Senate, January 10, 1867, 
 yeas 17, nays 7 ; House, January 15, 1867, 
 yeas 59, nays 25. 
 
 Michigan — SeNATE, 1867, yeas 25, 
 
 nays 1 ; House, 1867, yeas 77, nays 
 
 15. 
 
 Missotiri — Senate, January 5, 1867, 
 yeas 26, nays 6 ; House, January 8, 1867, 
 yeas 85, nays 34. 
 
 Minnesota — Senate, January 16, 1867, 
 yeas 16, nays 5 ; Hou^SE, January 15, 1867, 
 yeas 40, nays 6. 
 
 A7r/!s«s— Senate, January 11, 1867, 
 unanimously; House, January 10, 1867, 
 yeas, 75, nays 7. 
 
 Wisconsin — Senate, January 23, 1867, 
 yeas 22, navs 10; House, February 7, 
 1867, veas 72, navs 12. 
 
 Oregon—* Senate, , 1866, yeas 13, 
 
 navs 7; House, September 19, 1866, yeas 
 25 ; nays 22. 
 
 Nevada — * Senate, January 22, 1867, 
 yeas 14, nays 2; House, January 11, 1867, 
 yeas 34, nays 4. 
 
 Rejected — Three States. 
 
 Delaware — Senate, ; House, 
 
 February 7, 1867, yeas 6, nays 15. 
 
 ♦UnofBcial.
 
 BOOS I.] 
 
 GENERAL McCLELLAN'S LETTERS. 
 
 175 
 
 i!/aryZan,d— Senate, March 23, 1867, 
 yeas 4, nays 13 ; House, March 23, 1867, 
 yeas 12, nays 45, 
 
 Kentucky — Senate, January 8, 1867, 
 yeas 7, nays 24 ; HouSE, January 8, 1867, 
 yeas 26, nays 62. 
 
 Nut acted— Three States. 
 
 Iowa, California, Nebraska. 
 
 INSURRECTIONARY STATES. 
 Rejected — Ten States. 
 
 Virginia — Senate, .January 9, 1867, 
 unanimously ; House, January 9, 1867, 1 
 for ameiulnient. 
 
 North Carolina — SENATE, December 13, 
 1866, yeas 1, nays 44 ; House, December 
 13, 1866, yeas 10, nays 93. 
 
 South Carolina — Senate ; 
 
 House, December 20, 1866, yeas 1, nays 9o. 
 
 Georgia — Senate, November 9, 1866, 
 yeas 0, nays 36 ; House, November 9, 1866, 
 yeas 2, nays 131. 
 
 Florida — Senate, December 3, 1866, 
 yeas 0, nays 20 ; House, December 1, 1866, 
 yeas 0, nays 49. 
 
 Alabama — Senate, December 7, 1866, 
 yeas 2, nays 27; House, December 7, 
 1866, yeas 8, nays 69. 
 
 Mississippi — Senate, January 30, 1867, 
 yeas 0, nays 27 ; House, January 25, 1867, 
 yeas 0, nays 88. 
 
 Louisiana Senate, February 5, 1867, 
 unanimously ; House, February 6, 1867, 
 unanimously. 
 
 Te.vns — Senate, ; House, Oc- 
 tober 13, 1866, yeas 5, nays 67. 
 
 Arkansas — Senate, December 15, 1866, 
 yeas 1, nays 24 ; House, December 17, 
 1866, yea§ 2, nays 68. 
 
 The passage of the 14th Amendment and 
 of the Reconstruction Acts, was followed 
 by Presidential proclamations dated August 
 20, 1866, declaring the insurrection at an 
 end in Texas, and civil authority existing 
 throughout the wholo of the United 
 States. 
 
 presidential election op 1864. 
 
 The Republican National Convention 
 met at Baltimore, June 7th, 1864, and re- 
 nominated President Lincoln unanimous- 
 ly, save the vote of Missouri, which was 
 cast for Gen. Grant. Hannibal Hamlin, 
 tlie old Vice-President, was not re-nomi- 
 nated, because of a desire to give part oi' 
 the ticket to the L^nion men of the South, 
 who pressed Senator Andrew Johnson of 
 Tennessee. " Parson " Brownlow made a 
 strong api^eal in his behalf, and by his elo- 
 quence captured a majority of the Con- 
 vention. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention 
 met at Chicago, August 29th, 1864, and 
 nominated General (Jeorge B. INIcClellan, 
 of New Jersey, for President, and George 
 H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 
 General McClellan was made available for 
 the Democratic nomination through cer- 
 
 tain political letters which he h.ad written 
 on points of diflereiice between himself and 
 the Lincohi administration. Two of these 
 letters arc suliicicnt to show his own and 
 the views of the party which nominated 
 him, in the canvass which followed: 
 
 Gc-n. McClellan '8 Letters. 
 
 Oil I'oliticiil AdminUtratit/n, July 7, 1862. 
 
 llFADyUAUTKKS AltJIY OF THK PoTOMAC, 
 
 Camp nkau IJauuison's Landino, Va., July 7, 1802. 
 
 Mil. President: — You have been fully 
 inibrnu'd that the rebel army is in the 
 front, with the jiurpose of overwhelming 
 us by attacking our positions or reducing 
 us hy blocking our river communications. 
 I cannot but regard our condition as criti- 
 cal, and I earnestly desire, in view of pos- 
 sible contingencies, to lay before your ex- 
 cellency, for your jjrivate consideration, 
 my general views concerning the existing 
 state of the rebellion, although they do 
 not strictly relate to tlie situation of this 
 army, or strictly come within the scope of 
 my official duties. These views amount to 
 convictions, and are deeply impressed upon 
 my mind and heart. Our cause must never 
 be abandoned ; it is the cause of free in- 
 stitutions and self-government. The Con- 
 stitution and the Union must be jDreserved, 
 whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, 
 and blood. If secession is successful, other 
 dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the 
 future. Let neither military disaster, polit- 
 ical faction, nor foreign war shake your 
 settled purpose to enforce tlie equal opera- 
 tion of the laws of the United States upon 
 the peojile of every State. 
 
 The time has come when the govern- 
 ment must determine upon a civil and 
 military policy, covering the whole ground 
 of our national trouble. 
 
 Tlie responsibility of determining, de- 
 claring, and supporting such civil and mil- 
 itary policy, and of directing the whole 
 course of national affiiirs in regard to the 
 rebellion, must now be assumed and exer- 
 cised by you, or our cause will be lost. The 
 Constitution gives you power, even for the 
 present terrible exigency. 
 
 This rel)ellion has assumed the charac- 
 ter of a war ; as such it should be regarded, 
 and it should be conducted upon the high- 
 est principles known to Christian civiliza- 
 tion. It should not be a war looking to 
 the subjugation of the people of any State, 
 in any event. It should not be at all a 
 war upon population, but against armed 
 forces and political organizations. Neither 
 confiscation of property, political execu- 
 tions of persons, territorial organization of 
 States, or forcible abolition of slavery, 
 should be contemplated for a moment. 
 
 In prosecuting the war, all private 
 property and unarmed persons should be 
 strictly "protected, subject only to the ne- 
 cessity of military operations ; all private
 
 176 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 property taken for military use should be 
 jjaid or receipted for; pillage and waste 
 should be treated as high crimes ; all un- 
 necessary trespass sternly prohibited, and 
 offensive demeanor by the military towards 
 citizens promptly rebuked. Military ar- 
 rests should not be tolerated, except in 
 places where active hostilities exist ; and 
 oaths, not required by enactments, consti- 
 tutionally made, should be neither de- 
 manded nor received. 
 
 Militarj' government should be confined 
 to the preservation of public order and the 
 protection of political right. Military 
 power should not be allowed to interfere 
 with the relations of servitude, either by 
 supporting or impairing the authority of 
 the master, except for repressing disorder, 
 as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under 
 the act of Congress, seeking military pro- 
 tection, should receive it. The right of 
 the government to appropriate permanent- 
 ly to its own service claims to slave labor 
 should be asserted, and the the right of the 
 owner to compensation therefor should be 
 recognized. This principle might be ex- 
 tended, upon grounds of military necessity 
 and security, to all the slaves of a particu- 
 lar State, thus working manumission in 
 such State ; and in Missouri, perhaps in 
 Western Virginia also, and possibly even 
 in Maryland, the expediency of such a 
 measure is only a question of time. A 
 system of policy thus constitutional, and 
 pervaded by the influences of Christianity 
 and freedom, would receive the support of 
 almost all truly loyal men, would deeply 
 impress the rebel masses and all foreign 
 nations, and it might be humbly hoped 
 that it would commend itself to the favor 
 of the Almighty. 
 
 Unless tiie principles governing the 
 future conduct of our struggle shall be 
 made known and ajtproved, the eiTort to 
 obtain requisite forces will be almost hope- 
 less. A declaration of radical views, es- 
 pecially U])on slaver}^ will rapidly disin- 
 tegrate our present armies. The policy of 
 the government must be supported by con- 
 centrations of military power. The na- 
 tional forces should not be dis^^ersed in 
 expeditions, posts of occupation, and nu- 
 merous armies, but should be mainly col- 
 lected into masses, and brought to bear 
 u])on the armies of the Confederate States. 
 Those armies thoroughly defeated, the 
 ])o]itical structure which they support 
 would soon cea.se to exist. 
 
 In carrying out any system of policy 
 which you may form, you will require a 
 commander-in-chief of the army, one who 
 possesses your confidence, understands 
 your views, and who is comjictont to exe- 
 cute your orders, by directing the military 
 forces of the nation to the accomi)lishment 
 of the objects by you ])roposed. I do not 
 ask that place for myself. I am willing to 
 
 serve you in such position as you may as- 
 sign rne, and I will do so as faithfully as 
 ever subordinate served superior. 
 
 I may be on the brink of eternity ; and 
 as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I 
 have written this letter with sincerity to- 
 wards you and from love for my country. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 George B. McClellax, 
 Major- General Commanding. 
 His Excellency A. Lincoln, President. 
 
 IN FAVOR or THE ELECTION OF GEORGE 
 
 W. WOODWARD AS GOVERNOR OF 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Oeanoe, New Jersey, October 12, 1863. 
 
 Dear Sir : — My attention has been 
 called to an article in the Philadelphia 
 Press, asserting that I had written to the 
 managers of a Democratic meeting at 
 Allentown, disapproving the objects of the 
 meeting, and that if I voted or spoke it 
 would be in favor of Governor Curtin, and 
 I am informed that similar assertions have 
 been made throughout the State. 
 
 It has been my earnest endeavor hereto- 
 fore to avoid participation in party politics. 
 1 had determined to adhere to this course, 
 but it is obvious that I cannot longer 
 maintain silence under such misrepresen- 
 tations. I therefore request you to deny 
 that I have written any such letter, or 
 entertained any such views as those at- 
 tributed to me in the Philadelphia Press, 
 and I desire to state clearly and distinctly, 
 that having some days ago had a full con- 
 versation with Judge Woodward, I find 
 that our views agree, and I regard his elec- 
 tion as Governor of Pennsylvania called 
 for by the interests of the nation. 
 
 I understand Judge "Woodward to be in 
 favor of the prosecution of the war with all 
 the means at the command of the loyal 
 States, until the military i>ower of the re- 
 bellion is destroyed. I understand him to 
 be of the opinion that while the war is 
 urged with all possible decision and 
 energy, the policy directing it should be 
 in consonance with the principles of 
 humanity and civilization, working no in- 
 jury to private rights and property not 
 demanded by military necessity and recog- 
 nized by military law among civilized na- 
 tions. 
 
 And, finally, I understand him to agree 
 with me in the opinion that the sole great 
 objects of this war are the restoration of 
 the unity of the nation, the preservation of 
 the Constitution, and the .supremacy of 
 the laws of the country. Believing our 
 opinions entirely agree upon these points, 
 I would, were it in my power, give to 
 Judge Woodward my voice and vote. 
 
 1 am, very respectfully, yours, 
 
 Geoik.e B. McClellAIT. 
 Hon. Charles J. Biddlk.
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 177 
 
 The views of Mr. Lincoln were well 
 known ; tlioy were felt in the general con- 
 duct of the war. The Republicans adojjtod 
 as one of their maxims the words of their 
 candidate, " that it was dangerous to swap 
 horses while crossing a stream." The cam- 
 paign was exciting, and was watched by 
 both armies with interest and anxiety. In 
 this election, by virtue of an act of Con- 
 gress, the soldiers in the field were per- 
 mitted to vote, and a large majority of 
 every branch of the service sustaineil the 
 Adininistration, though two years before 
 General McClellan had been the idol of 
 the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln and 
 Johnson received 212 electoral votes, 
 against 21 for McClellan and Tendletou. 
 
 Ijlncoln's Second Administration. 
 
 In President Lincoln's second inaugural 
 address, delivered on the 4th of March, 
 18G5, he spoke the following words, since 
 oft quoted as typical of the kindly disposi- 
 tion of the man believed by his party to be 
 the greatest President since Washington : 
 " With malice toward none, with charity 
 for all, with firmness in the right, as God 
 gives us to see the right, let us strive on to 
 finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
 Nation's wounds, to care for him whosliall 
 have borne the battle, and for his widow 
 and orphans — to do all which may achieve 
 a just and lasting peace among ourselves 
 and with all nations." 
 
 Lincoln could well afford to show that 
 generosity which never comes more prop- 
 erly than from the hands of the victor. 
 His policy was about to end in a great 
 triumph. In less than five weeks later on 
 General Lee had surrendered the main 
 army of the South to General Grant at 
 Appomattox, on terms at once magnani- 
 mous and so briefly stated that they won 
 the admiration of both armies, for the 
 rebels had been permitted to retain their 
 horses and side arms, and to go at once to 
 their homes, not to be disturbed by United 
 States authority so long as they observed 
 their paroles and the laws in force where 
 they resided. Lee's surrender was rapidly 
 followed by that of all Southern troops. 
 
 Next came a grave political work — the 
 actual reconstruction of the States lately in 
 rebellion. This work gave renewed fresh- 
 ness to the leading political issues incident 
 to the war, and likewise gave rise to new 
 issues. It was claimed at once that Lin- 
 coln had a reconstruction policy of his 
 own, because of his anxiety for the prompt 
 admission of Louisiana and Arkansas, but 
 it had certainly never taken definite shape, 
 nor was there time to get such a policy in 
 shape, between the surrender of Lee and 
 his own assassination. On the night of 
 the 15th of April, six days after the sur- 
 render, J. Wilkes Booth shot him while 
 
 12 
 
 sitting in a box in Ford's theatre. The 
 nation stood ap])alled at the deed. No 
 man was ever more sincerely mourned in 
 all sections and by all classes. The Soulh- 
 crn leaders thought that this rash act had 
 lost to them a life which had never been 
 harsh, and while firm, was ever generous. 
 The North had looked upon him as "Father 
 Abraham," and all wlio viewed the result 
 of the shooting from sectional or partisan 
 standpoints, thought his policy of " keep- 
 ing with the people," would have shielded 
 every proper interest. No public man ever 
 felt less " pride of opinion" tlian Lincoln, 
 and we do believe, had he lived, that he 
 would have shaped events, as he did dur- 
 ing the war, to the best interests of the 
 victors, but without unnecessaiy agitation 
 or harshness. All attemi)ts of writers to 
 evolve from his proclamation a reconstruc- 
 tion policy, applicable to peace, have been 
 vain and impotent. He had none which 
 would not have changed Vv'ith changing 
 circumstances. A "policy" in an execu- 
 tive office is too often but another name for 
 executive egotism, and Lincoln was almost 
 absolutely free from that weakness. 
 
 On the morning of Mr. Lincoln's death, 
 indeed within the same hour (and very 
 properly so under the circumstances), the 
 Vice President Andrew Johnson was in- 
 augurated as President. The excitement 
 was painfully high, and the new President, 
 in speeches, interviews and proclamations 
 if possible added to it. From evidence 
 in the Bureau of Military Justice he 
 thought the assassination of Lincoln, and 
 the attempted assassination of Secretary 
 Seward had been procured by Jefi'erson 
 Davis, Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, 
 Geo. N. Saunders, Beverly Tucker, Wm. C. 
 Cleary, and " other rebels and traitors 
 harbored in Canada." The evidence, how- 
 ever, fully drawn out in the trial of the co- 
 conspirators of J. Wilkes Booth, showed 
 that the scheme was hair-brained, and 
 from no responsible political source. The 
 proclamation, however, gave keenness to 
 the search for the fugitive Davis, and he 
 was soon captured while making his way 
 through Georgia to the Florida coast with 
 the intention of escaping from the country. 
 He was imprisoned in Fortress INIonroe, 
 and an indictment for treason was found 
 against him, but he remained a close pris- 
 oner for nearly two years, until times when 
 political policies had been changed or 
 modified. Horace Greeley was one of his 
 bondsmen. By this time tliere was grave 
 doubt whether he could be legally con- 
 victed, * " now that the charge of inciting 
 Wilkes Booth's crime had been tacitly 
 abandoned. Mr. Webster (in his Bunker 
 Hill oration) had only given clearer ex- 
 pression to the American doctrine, that, 
 
 • From Greeley's Recollections of a Busy Life, page 413,
 
 178 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 after a revolt has levied a regular army, 
 and fought therewith a pitched battle, its 
 champions, even though utterly defeated, 
 cannot be tried and convicted as traitors! 
 This may be an extreme statement; but 
 surely a rebellion which has for years main- 
 tained great armies, levied taxes and con- 
 scriptions, negotiated loans, fought scores 
 of sanguinary battles with alternate suc- 
 cesses and reverses, and exchanged tens of 
 thousands of prisoners of war, can'hardly fail 
 to have achieved thereby the position' and 
 the rights of a lawful belligerent." This 
 view, as then presented by Greeley, was 
 accepted by President Johnson, who from 
 intemperate denunciation had become the 
 friend of his old friends in the South. 
 Greeley's view was not generally accepted 
 by the Xorth, though mo.'<t of the leading 
 inen of both parties hoped the responsi- 
 bility of a trial would be avoided by the 
 escape and flight of the prisoner. But he 
 was confident by this time, and sought a 
 trial. He was never tried, and the best 
 reason for the fact is given in Judge Un- 
 derwood's testimony before a Congressional 
 Committee (and the Judge was a Republi- 
 can) "that no conviction was possible, ex- 
 cept by packing a jury." 
 
 Andre-w Jolinson. 
 
 On the 29th of April, 1865, President 
 Johnson issued a proclamation removing 
 all restrictions upon internal, domestic and 
 coastwise and commercial intercourse in 
 all Southern States east of the Mississippi; 
 the blockade was removed May 22, and on 
 May 29 a proclamation of amnesty was 
 issued, with fourteen classes excepted 
 therefrom, and the requirement of an 
 "iron-clad oath" from those accepting its 
 provisions. Proclamations rapidly fol- 
 lowed in shaping the lately rebellious 
 States to the conditions of peace and re- 
 storation to the Union. These States were 
 required to hold conventions, repeal seces- 
 sion ordinances, accept the abolition of 
 slavery, repudiate Southern war debts, pro- 
 vide for Congressicmal rejiresentation, and 
 elect new State Officers and Legislatures. 
 The several constitutional amendments 
 were of course to be ratified by the vote of the 
 people. These conditions were eventually 
 all complied with, some of the States being 
 more tardy than others. The irreconciLo^ 
 bles charged upon the Military officers, 
 the Freedmen's Bureau, and the stern ap- 
 plication of the reconstruction acts, these 
 results, and many of them showed a politi- 
 cal hostility which, after the election of 
 the new Legislatures, took shape in what 
 were in the North at the time denounced as 
 
 "the black codes." 
 These were passed by all of tlie eleven 
 States in the rebellion. ' The codes varied 
 
 in severity, according to the views of the 
 Legislatures, and for a time they seriously 
 interfered with the recognition of the 
 States, the Republicans charging that the 
 design was to restore slavery under new 
 iorms. In South Carolina Gen'l Sickles 
 is_sued military orders, as late as January 
 17, 1866, against the enforcement of such 
 laws. 
 
 To assure the rights, of the freedmen 
 the 14th amendment of the Constitution 
 was passed by Congress, June 18th, 1866. 
 President Johnson opposed it, refused to 
 sign, but said he would submit it to the 
 several States. This was done, and it was 
 accepted by the required three-fourths 
 January 28th, 1868. This had the eflect 
 to do away with many of the "black 
 codes," and the States which desired re- 
 admission to the Union had to finally give 
 them up. Since reconstruction, and the 
 political ousting of what were called the 
 carpet bag governments," some of the 
 States, notably Georgia, has passed class 
 laws, which treat colored criminals differ- 
 ently from Avhite, under what are now 
 known as the " conduct laws." Terms of 
 sentence are served out, in any part of the 
 State, under the control of public and 
 private contractors, and "vagrants" are 
 subjected to sentences which it is believed 
 would be less extended under a system of 
 confinement. 
 
 JoKnson'8 Policy. 
 
 While President Johnson's policy did 
 not materially check reconstruction, it en- 
 couraged Southern politicians to political 
 effort, and with their well known tact they 
 were not long in gaining the ascendancy 
 in nearly every State. This ascendancy 
 excited the fears and jealousies of the 
 North, and the Republicans announced as 
 their object and platform "that all the re- 
 sults of the war" should be secured before 
 Southern reconstruction and representa- 
 tion in Congress should be completed. On 
 this they were almost solidly united in 
 Congress, but Horace Greeley trained an 
 independent sentiment which favored com- 
 plete amnesty to the South. President 
 Johnson sought to utilize this sentiment 
 and to divide the Republican party 
 through his policy, which now looked to 
 the same ends. He had said to a delega- 
 tion introduced by Gov. Oliver P. Morton. 
 April 21, 1865: 
 
 "Your slavery is dead, but I did not 
 murder it. As Macbeth said to Banquo's 
 bloody ghost: 
 
 ' Never shake thy Rory locks at me ; 
 Thou canst not say I did it.' 
 
 "Slavery is dead, and you must pardon 
 me if I do not mourn over its dead body ; 
 you can bury it out of sight. In restoring
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON, 
 
 179 
 
 the State, leave out that disturbing and 
 dangerous element, and use only those 
 parts of the machinery which will move in 
 harmony. 
 
 " But in calling a convention to restore 
 the State, who shall restore and re-estab- 
 lish it? Shall the man who gave his in- 
 fluence and his means to destroy the 
 Government? Is he to participate in the 
 great work of reorganization ? Shall he 
 who brought this misery upon the State be 
 permitted to control its destinies? If this 
 be so, then all this precious blood of our 
 brave soldiers and oiliccrs so freely poured 
 out will have been wantonly spilled. All 
 the glorious victories won by our noble ar- 
 mies will go for nought, and all the battle- 
 fields which have been sown with dead 
 heroes during the rebellion will have been 
 made memorable in vain." 
 
 In a speech at Washington, Feb. 22nd, 
 1866, Johnson said : 
 
 " The Government has stretched forth 
 its strong arm, and with its physical power 
 it has put down treason in the field. That 
 is, the section of country that arrayed itself 
 against the Government has been con- 
 quered by the force of the Government itself. 
 Now, what had we said to those people? 
 We said, ' No compromise ; we can settle 
 this question with the South in eight and 
 forty hours.' 
 
 " I have said it again and again, and I 
 repeat it now, 'disband your armies, ac- 
 knowledge the supremacy of the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, give obedience 
 to the law, and the whole question is set- 
 tled.' 
 
 " What has been done since ? Their ar- 
 mies have been disbanded. They come 
 now to meet us in a spirit of magnanimity 
 and say, ' We were mistaken ; we made 
 the effort to carry out the doctrine of se- 
 cession and dissolve this Union, and hav- 
 ing traced this thing to its logical and 
 physical results, we now acknowledge the 
 flag of our country, and promise obedience 
 to the Constitution and the supremacy of 
 the law.' 
 
 " I say, then, when you comply with the 
 Constitution, when you yield to the law, 
 when you acknowledge allegiance to the 
 Government — I say let the door of the 
 Union be opened, and the relation be re- 
 stored to those that had erred and had 
 strayed from the fold of our fathers." 
 
 It is not partisanship to say that John- 
 son's views had undergone a change. He 
 did not admit this in his speeches, but the 
 fact was accepted in all sections, and the 
 leaders of parties took position accordingly 
 — nearly all of the Republicans against 
 him, nearly all of the Democrats for him. 
 So radical had this difference become that 
 he vetoed nearly all of the political bills 
 passed by the Republicans from 1866 until 
 the end of his administration, but such was 
 
 the Republican preponderance in both 
 Houses of Congress that they passed them 
 over his head by the necessary two-thirds 
 vote. He vetoed the several Freedmen's 
 Bureau 15ills, the Civil Rights Bill, that 
 for the admission of Nebraska and Colo- 
 rado, the Bill to permit Colored Suffrage 
 in the District of Columbia, one of the 
 Reconstruction Bills, and finally made a 
 direct issue with the jjowers of Congress by 
 his veto of the Civil Tenure Bill, March 2, 
 1867, the substan(;e of which is shown iu 
 the third section, as follows : 
 
 Sec. 3. That the President shall have 
 power to fill all vacancies which may hap- 
 pen during the recess of the Senate, by rea- 
 son of death or resignation, by granting 
 commissions which shall expire at the end 
 of their next session thereafter. And if 
 no appointment, by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, shall be made 
 to such ortice so vacant or temporarily 
 filled as aforesaid during such next session 
 of the Senate, such office shall remain in 
 abeyance without any salary, fees, or 
 emoluments attached thereto, until the 
 same shall be filled by appointment 
 thereto, by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate ; and during such time 
 all the powers and duties belonging to such 
 office shall be exercised by such other offi- 
 cer as may by law exercise such powers and 
 duties in case of a vacancy in such office. 
 
 The bill originally passed the Senate by 
 22 to 10 — all of the nays Democrats save 
 Van Winkle and Willey. It passed the 
 House by 112 to 41 — all of the yeas Re- 
 publicans; all of the nays Democrats save 
 Hawkins, Latham and Whaley. The 
 Senate passed it over the veto by 35 to 11 
 — a sti'ict party vote ; the House by 138 to 
 40 — a strict party vote, except Latham 
 (Rep.) who voted nay. 
 
 The refusal of the President to enforce 
 this act, and his attempted removal of 
 Secretary Stanton from the Cabinet when 
 against the wish of the Senate, led to the 
 efibrt to impeach him. Stanton resisted 
 the President, and General Grant took an 
 active part in sustaining the War Secre- 
 tary. He in fact publicly advised him to 
 " stick," and his attitude showed that in 
 the great political battle which must fol- 
 low, they would surely have the support of 
 the army and its great commander. 
 
 Impeachment Trial of Andre-»v JohnsoM. 
 
 * The events which led to the impeach- 
 ment of President Johnson, may be briefly 
 stated as follows : On the 21st of Febru- 
 ary, 1868, the President issued an order to 
 Mr. Stanton, removin^^ him from office as 
 Secretary of War, and another to General 
 Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the 
 
 * From the Century of Independence by John Sully, 
 Boston.
 
 180 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 Army, appointing him Secretary of War 
 ad interim, directing the one to surrender 
 and the other to receive, all the books, pa- 
 pers, and public property belonging to the 
 vVar Department. As these orders fill an 
 important place in the history of the im- 
 peachment, we give them here. The or- 
 der to Mr. Stanton reads : 
 
 " By virtue of the power and authority 
 vested in me as President by the Constitu- 
 tion and laws of the United States, you are 
 hereby removed from office as Secretary 
 for the Department of War, and your 
 functions as such will terminate upon the 
 receipt of this communication. You will 
 transfer to Brevet Major-General Lorenzo 
 Thomas, Adjutant-General of the Army, 
 who has this day been authorized and em- 
 powered to act as Secretary of War ad 
 interim, all records, books, papers, and other 
 public property now in your custody and 
 charge." 
 
 The order to General Thomas reads : 
 
 " The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having 
 been this day removed from office as Secre- 
 tary for the Department of War, you are 
 hereby authorized and empowered to act 
 as Secretary of War ad interim, and will 
 immediately enter upon the discharge of 
 the duties pertaining to that ofiice. Mr. 
 Stanton has been instructed to transfer to 
 you all the records, books, and other public 
 property now in his custody and charge." 
 
 These orders having been officially com- 
 municated to the Senate, that body, after 
 an earnest debate, passed the following 
 resolution : 
 
 " Resolved, hy the Senate of the United 
 States, That under the Constitution and 
 laws of the United States the President 
 has no power to remove the Secretaiy of 
 War and designate any other officer to per- 
 form the duties of that office." 
 
 The President, upon the 24th, sent a 
 message to the Senate, arguing at length 
 that not only under the Constitution, but 
 also under the laws as now existing, he had 
 the right of removing ]Mr. Stanton and 
 appointing another to fill his place. The 
 point of his argument is: That by a special 
 proviso in the Tenurc-of-Office Bill the va- 
 rious Secretaries of Departments "shall 
 hold their offices respectively for and dur- 
 ing the term of the President by whom 
 they may have been appointed, and for one 
 month thereafter, sul)ject to removal by 
 and with the advice of the Senate." The 
 President affirms that Mr. Stanton was ap- 
 pointed not by him, but by his predeces- 
 sor, Mr. Ivincoln, and hold office only by 
 the suffi'rancc, not theapiiointmcnt, of the 
 present Executive; and that therefore his 
 tenure is, l)y the exj)ress reading of the 
 law excepted from the general provision, 
 that every person duly ai)pointea to office, 
 " by and with tiie advice and consent of 
 the Senate," etc., shall be " entitled to hold 
 
 office until a successor shall have been in 
 like manner appointed and duly qualified, 
 except as herein otherwise provided." The 
 essential point of the President's argument, 
 therefore, is that, as Mr. Stanton was not 
 appointed by him, he had, under the Ten- 
 ure-of-Office Bill, the right at any time to 
 remove him ; the same right which his own 
 successor would have, no matter whether 
 the incumbent had, by sufferance, not by 
 appointment of the existing Executive, 
 held the office for weeks or even years. 
 " If," says the President, "my successor 
 would have the power to remove Mr. Stan- 
 ton, after permitting him to remain a peri- 
 od of two weeks, because he was not ap- 
 pointed by him, I who have tolerated Mr. 
 Stanton for more than two years, certainly 
 have the same right to remove him, upon 
 the same ground, namely that he was not 
 appointed by me but by my predecessor." 
 
 In the meantime General Thomas pre- 
 sented himself at the War Deijartment and 
 demanded to be placed in the position to 
 which he had been assigned by the Pres- 
 ident. Mr. Stanton refused to surrender 
 his post, and ordered General Thomas to 
 proceed to the apartment which belonged 
 to him as Adjutant-General. This order 
 was not obeyed, and so the two claimants 
 to the Secretaryship of War held their 
 ground. A sort of legal by-play then en- 
 sued. Mr. Stanton entered a formal com- 
 plaint before Judge Carter, Chief Justice 
 of the Supreme Court of the District of 
 Columbia, charging that General Thomas 
 had illegally exercised and attempted to 
 exercise the duties of Secretary of War; 
 and had threatened to " forcibly remove the 
 complainant from the buildings and apart- 
 ments of the Secretary of War in the War 
 Department, and forcibly take possession 
 and control thereof under his pretended 
 appointment by the President of the 
 United States as Secretary of War ad in- 
 terim ; " and praying that he might be ar- 
 rested and held to answer this charge. 
 General Thomas was accordingly arrested, 
 and hold to bail in the sum of $15,000 to 
 appear before the court on the 24th. Ap- 
 pearing on that day he was discharged 
 from custody and bail ; whereupon he en- 
 tered an action against Mr. Stanton for 
 false imprisonment, laying his damages at 
 $150,000. 
 
 On the 22d of February the Houi?e 
 Committee on Reconstruction, through its 
 Chairman, Mr. Stevens, presented a brief 
 report, merely stating the fact of the at- 
 tempted removal by the President of Mr. 
 Stanton, and closing as follows : 
 
 " Upon the evidence collected by the 
 Committee, which is hereafter presented, 
 and in virtue of the powers with which 
 they have been invested by the House, 
 they are of the opinion that Andrew John- 
 son, President of the United States, should
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 
 
 181 
 
 be impeached of high crimes and misde- 
 meanors. They, therefore, recommend to 
 the House the adoption of the following 
 resolution : 
 
 " lie.iolved, That Andrew Johnson, Pres- 
 ident of the* United States be impeached of 
 high crimes and misdemeanors." 
 
 After earnest debate, the question on the 
 resolution was adopted, on the 24th, by a 
 vote of 126 to 47. A committee of two 
 members — Stevens and Bingham — were to 
 notify the Senate of the action of the 
 House; and another committee of seven — 
 Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wilson, Lo- 
 gan, Julian, and Ward — to prepare the 
 articles of impeachment. On the 25tli 
 (February) Mr. Stevens thus announced 
 to the Senate the action which had been 
 taken by the House : 
 
 " In obedience to the order of the House 
 of Representatives we have appeared be- 
 fore you, and in the name of the House of 
 Representatives and of all the people of 
 the United States, we do impeach Andrew 
 Johnson, President of the United States, 
 of high crimes and misdemeanors in office. 
 And we further inform the Senate that the 
 House of Representatives will in due time 
 exhibit particular articles of impeachment 
 against him, to make good the same; and 
 in their name we demand that the Senate 
 take due order for the appearance of the 
 said Andrew Johnson to answer to the 
 said impeachment." 
 
 The Senate thereupon, by a unanimous 
 vote, resolved that this message from the 
 House should be referred to a select Com- 
 mittee of Seven, to be appointed by the 
 chair, to consider the same and report 
 thereon. The Committee subsequently 
 made a report laying down the rules of 
 procedure to be observed on the trial. 
 
 On the 29th of February the Committee 
 of the House appointed for that purpose 
 presented the articles of impeachment 
 which they had drawn up. These, with 
 slight modification, were accepted on the 
 2d of March. They comprise nine articles, 
 eight of which are based upon the action 
 of the President in ordering the removal 
 of Mr. Stanton, and the appointment of 
 General Thomas as Secretary of War. The 
 general title to the impeachment is : 
 
 " Articles exhibited by the House of 
 Representatives of the United States, in 
 the name of themselves and all the people 
 of the United States, against Andrew 
 Johnson, President of the United States, 
 as maintenance and support of their im- 
 peachment against him for high crimes 
 and misdemeanors in office." 
 
 Each of the articles commences with a 
 preamble to the effect that the President, 
 unmindful of the high^duties of his office, 
 of his oath of office, and of the require- 
 ments of the Constitution that he should 
 take care that the laws be faithfully exe- 
 
 cuted, did unlawfully and in violation of the 
 laws and Constitution of the United States 
 perform the several acts specified in the 
 articles respectively ; " closing with the de- 
 claration: "Whereby the said Andrew 
 Johnson, President of the United States, 
 did then and there commit and was guilty 
 of a high misdemeanor in office." The 
 phraseology is somewhat varied. In some 
 cases the offense is designated as a "mis- 
 demeanor," in others as a " crime." The 
 whole closes thus: 
 
 " And the House of Representatives, by 
 protestation, saving to themselves the lib- 
 erty of exhibiting at any time hereafter 
 any further articles or other accusation or 
 impeachment against the said Andrew 
 Johnson, President of the United States, 
 and also of replying to his answers which 
 he shall make to the articles herein pre- 
 ferred against him, and of offering proof 
 to the same and every part thereof, and to 
 all and every other article, accusation, or 
 impeachment which shall be exhibited by 
 them as the case shall require, do demand 
 that the said Andrew Johnson may be put 
 to answer the high crimes and misdemean- 
 ors in office herein charged against him, 
 and that such proceedings, examinations, 
 trials, and judgments may be thereupon 
 had and given as may be agreeable to law 
 and justice." 
 
 The following is a summary in brief of 
 the points in the articles of impeachment, 
 legal and technical phraseology being omit- 
 ted: 
 
 Article 1. Unlawfully ordering the re- 
 moval of Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, 
 in violation of the provisions of the Tenure 
 of-Office Act. — Article 2. Unlawfully ap- 
 pointing General Lorenzo Thomas as Sec- 
 retary of War ad interim. — ylr^/cZe 3 is sub- 
 stantially the same as Article 2, with the 
 addition that there was at the time of the 
 appointment of General Thomas no va- 
 cancy in the office of Secretary of War. — 
 Article 4 charges the President with " con- 
 spiring with one Lorenzo Thomas and other 
 persons, to the House of Representatives 
 unknown," to prevent, by intimidation and 
 threats, I\Ir. Stanton, the legally-appointed 
 Secretary of War, from holding that office. 
 — Article 5 charges the President with con- 
 spiring with General Thomas and others 
 to hinder the execution of the Tenure-of- 
 Office Act ; and, in pursuance of this con- 
 spiracy, attempting to prevent JMr. Stanton 
 from acting as Secretary of War. — Article 6 
 charges that the President conspired with 
 General Thomas and others to take forcible 
 possession of the War Department. — Arti- 
 cle 7 repeats the charge, in other terms, 
 that the President conspired with General 
 Thomas and others to hinder the execution 
 of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and to pre- 
 vent Mr. Stanton from executing the office 
 of Secretary of War.— Article 8 again
 
 182 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 charges the President with "onspiring with 
 General Thomas and others to take posses- 
 sion of the property in the War Depart- 
 ment. — Article 9 charges that the President 
 called before him General Emory, who was 
 in command of the forces in the Depart- 
 ment of Washington, and declared to him 
 that a law, passed on the 30th of June, 
 1867, directing that " all orders and in- 
 structions relating to military operations, 
 issued by the President or Secretary of 
 War, shall be issued through the General 
 of the Army, and, in case of his inability, 
 through the next in rank," was unconsti- 
 tutional, and not binding upon General 
 Emory ; the intent being to induce General 
 Emory to violate the law, and to obey or- 
 ders issued directly from the President. 
 
 The foregoing articles of imijeachment 
 were adopted on the 2d of March, the 
 votes upon each slightly varying, the aver- 
 age being 125 ayes to 40 nays. The ques- 
 tion then came up of appointment of man- 
 agers on the part of the House to conduct 
 the impeachment before the Senate. UiJon 
 this question the Democratic members did 
 not vote ; 118 votes were cast, 60 being 
 necessary to a choice. The following was 
 the result, the number of votes cast for 
 each elected manager being given : Stevens 
 of Penn., 105 ; Butler, of Mass., 108 ; Bing- 
 ham, of Ohio, 114 ; Boutwell, of Mass., 
 113; Wilson, of Iowa, 112; Williams, of 
 Petin., 107 ; Logan, of 111., 106. The fore- 
 going seven Representatives were, there- 
 fore, duly chosen as Managers of the Bill 
 of Impeachment. The great body of the 
 Democratic members of the House entered 
 a formal protest against the whole course 
 of proceedings involved in the impeach- 
 ment of the President. They claimed to 
 represent " directly or in principle more 
 than one-half of the people of the United 
 States." This protest was signed by forty- 
 five Representatives. 
 
 On the 3d the Board of Managers pre- 
 sented two additional articles of impeach- 
 ment, which were adopted by the House. 
 The first charges, in substance, that 
 
 " The President, unmindful of the high 
 duties of his office and of the harmony 
 and courtesies which ought to be main- 
 tained between tlie executive and legisla- 
 tive branches of the Government of the 
 United States, designing to set aside the 
 rightful authority and ])Owers of Congress, 
 did attempt to bring into disgrace the Con- 
 gress of the United vStatcs and the several 
 branches thereof, to im])air and destroy the 
 regard and rcsi)ect of all tlie good i)eople 
 of the United States ftjr the Congress and 
 legislative i)owor thereof, and to excite the 
 odium and resentment of all the good 
 people of the United States against Con- 
 gress and the laws by it enacted; and in 
 pursuance of his said design openly and 
 publicly, and before divers assemblages 
 
 convened in divers parts thereof to meet 
 and receive said Andrew Johnson as the 
 Chief Magistrate of the United States, did 
 on the 18th day of August, in the year of 
 our Lord 1866, and on divers other days 
 and times, as well before as afterward, 
 make and deliver with a loud voice certain 
 intemperate, iniiammatory, and scandalous 
 harangues, and did therein utter loud 
 threats and bitter menaces as well against 
 Congress as the laws of the United States 
 duly enacted thereby." 
 
 To this article are appended copious ex- 
 tracts from speeches of Mr. Johnson. The 
 second article is substantially as follows : 
 
 " The President did, on the 18th day of 
 August, 1866, at the City of Washington, 
 by public speech, declare and aflirm in 
 substance that the Thirty-ninth Congress 
 of the United States was not a Congress 
 of the United States, authorized by the 
 Constitution to exercise legislative power 
 under the same, but, on the contrary, was 
 a Congress of only a part of the States, 
 thereby denying and intending to deny 
 that the legislation of said Congress was 
 valid or obligatory upon him, except in so 
 far as he saw fit to approve the same, and 
 did devise and contrive means by which he 
 might prevent Edwin M. Stanton from 
 forthwith resuming the functions of the 
 office of Secretary for the Department of 
 War ; and, also, by further unlawfully de- 
 vising and contriving means to prevent the 
 execution of an act entitled ' An act mak- 
 ing appropriations for the sui)port of the 
 army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 
 1868, and for other purposes,' approved 
 March 2, 1867; and also to prevent the 
 execution of an act entitled 'An act to 
 provide for the more efiicient government 
 of the rebel States,' passed March 2, 1867, 
 did commit and was guilty of a high mis- 
 demeanor in ofiice." 
 
 On the 4th of March the Senate notified 
 the House that they were ready to receive 
 the Managers of the Impeachment. They 
 appeared, and the articles were formallv 
 read. The Senate had meanwhile adopted 
 the rules of procedure. Chief Justice Chase 
 sent a communication to the Senate to the 
 effect that this body, when acting upon an 
 impeachment, was a Court presided over by 
 the Chief Justice, and that all orders and 
 rules should be framed by the Court. On 
 the 5th the Court was formally organized. 
 An exception was taken to the eligibility 
 of Mr. Wade as a member of the Court, on 
 the ground that he was a party interested, 
 since, in the event of the impeachment be- 
 ing sustained, he, as President of the Senate, 
 would become Acting President of the 
 United States. This objection was with- 
 drawn, and Mr. Wade was sworn as a mem- 
 ber of the Court. On the 7th the summons 
 for the President to appear was formally 
 served upon him. On the 13th the Court
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 
 
 183 
 
 was again formally reopened. The Presi- 
 dent appeared by his eounsel, Hon. Henry 
 Stanbery, of Ohio ; Hon. Wm. M. Evarts, 
 of New York ; Hon. Wni. S. Grocsbeck, of 
 Ohio ; Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis, of Mas.sa- 
 chusetts ; Hon. Thomas A. R. Nelson, ol" 
 Tennessee, who asked for forty days to pre- 
 pare an answer to the indictment. This 
 was refused, and ten days granted ; it be- 
 ing ordered that the proceedings should 
 reopen on the 23d. Upon that day tlie 
 President appeared by his counsel, and 
 presented his answer to the articles of im- 
 peachment. This reply was iu substance 
 as follows: 
 
 The first eight articles in the Bill of Im- 
 
 fieachment, as briefly summed up in our 
 ast record, are based upon the action of 
 the President in ordering the removal of 
 Mr. Stanton, and the temporary appoint- 
 ment of General Thomas as Secretary of 
 War. The gist of them is contained in the 
 first article, charging the unlawful removal 
 of Mr. Stanton ; for, this failing, the others 
 would fail also. To this article a con- 
 siderable part of the President's answer 
 is devoted. It is mainly an amplifica- 
 tion of the points put forth in the Mes- 
 sage of February 24th, in which he gave 
 his reasons for his orders. The President 
 cites the laws by which this department of 
 the administration was created, and the 
 rules laid down for the duties pertaining to 
 it ; prominent among which are : that the 
 Secretary shall "conduct the business of 
 the department in such manner as the 
 President of the United States shall from 
 time to time order and instruct; " and that 
 he sliould " hold the office during the plea- 
 sure of the President; " and that Congress 
 had no legal right to deprive the President 
 of the power to remove the Secretary. He 
 was, however, aware that the design of the 
 Tenure-of-Office Bill was to vest this power 
 of removal, in certain cases, jointly in the 
 Executive and the Senate ; and that, Avhile 
 believing this act to be unconstitutional, 
 yet it having been passed over his veto by 
 the requisite majority of two-thirds, he con- 
 sidered it to be his duty to ascertain in how 
 far the case of Mr. Stanton came within the 
 
 grovisions of this law ; after consideration, 
 e came to the conclusion that the case did 
 not come within the prohibitions of the 
 hiw, and that, by that law he still had the 
 right of removing Mr. Stanton ; but that, 
 wishing to have the case decided by the Su- 
 preme Court, he, on the 12th of August, 
 issued the order merely suspending, not 
 removing, Mr. Stanton, a power expresly 
 granted by the Tenure-of-Office Act, and 
 appointed General Grant Secretary of War 
 ad interim. The President then recites 
 the subsequent action in the case of i\Ir. 
 Stanton ; and, as he avers, still believing 
 that he had the constitutional power to re- 
 move him from office, issued the order of 
 
 February 21st, for such removal, designing 
 to thus bring the matter before the Su- 
 preme Court. He then proceeds formally 
 to deny that at this time Mr. Stanton was 
 in lawful possession of the office of Secre- 
 tary of War ; and that, consequently, the 
 order for his removal was in violation of the 
 Tenure-of-Office Act; and that it was in 
 violation of the Constitution or of any law ; 
 or that it constituted any official crime or 
 misdemeanor. 
 
 In regard to the seven succeeding arti- 
 cles of impeachment the President, while 
 admitting the facts of the order apjiointing 
 General Thomas as Secretary of War ad 
 interim, denies all and every of the crimi- 
 nal charges therein set forth. So of the 
 ninth article, charging an effort to induce 
 General Emory to violate the law, the 
 President denies all such intent, and calls 
 attention to the fact that while, for urgent 
 reasons, he signed the bill prescribing that 
 orders to the army should be issued only 
 through the General, he at the same time 
 declared it to be, in his judgment, unconsti- 
 tutional ; and allirms that in his interview 
 with General Emory he said no more than 
 he had before officially said to Congress — 
 that is, that the law was unconstitutional. 
 
 As to the tenth article, the first of the 
 supplementary ones, the President, while 
 admitting that he made certain public 
 speeches at the times and places specified, 
 does not admit that the passages cited are 
 fair reports of his remarks ; denies that he 
 has ever been unmindful of the courtesies 
 which ought to be maintained between 
 the executive and legislative departments ; 
 but he claims the perfect right at all times 
 to express his views as to all public matters. 
 
 The reply to the eleventh article, the 
 second supplementary one, is to the same 
 general purport, denying that he ever af- 
 firmed that the Thirty-ninth Congress was 
 not a valid Congress of the United States, 
 and its acts obligatory only as they Avere 
 approved by him ; and denying that he 
 had, as charged in the article, contrived 
 unlawful means for preventing Mr. Stanton 
 from resuming the functions of Secretary 
 of War, or for preventing the execution of 
 the act making appropriations for the sup- 
 port of the army, or that to provide for the 
 more efficient government of tlie rebel 
 States. In his answer to this article the 
 President refers to his reply to the first ar- 
 ticle, in which he sets forth at length all 
 the steps, and the reasons therefor, relating 
 to the removal of Mr. Stanton. In briet, 
 the answer of the President to the articles 
 of impeachment is a general denial of each 
 and every criminal act charged in the ar- 
 ticles of impeachment. 
 
 The counsel for the President then asked 
 for a delay of thirty days after the replication 
 of the managers of the impeachment should 
 have been rendered, before the trial should
 
 184 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 formally proceed. This was refused, and 
 the managers of the impeachment stated 
 that their replication would be presented 
 the next day : it was that, 
 
 " The Senate will commence the trial of 
 the President upon the articles of impeach- 
 ment exhibited against him on Monday, 
 the 30th day of March, and proceed there- 
 in with all "dispatch under the rules of the 
 Senate, sitting upon the trial of an im- 
 peachment." 
 
 The replication of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives was a simple denial of each and 
 every averment in the answer of the Pres- 
 ident, closing thus : 
 
 " The House of Representatives .... do 
 say that the said Andrew Johnson, Presi- 
 dent of the United States, is guilty of the 
 high crimes and misdemeanors mentioned 
 in the said articles, and that the said House 
 of Representatives are ready to prove the 
 same." 
 
 The trial began, as appointed, on March 
 30. There being twenty-seven States rep- 
 resented, there were fifty-four Senators, 
 who constituted the Court, presided over 
 by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, of 
 Ohio. Sexators : California, Cole, Con- 
 ness ; Connecticut, Dixon, Ferry ; Delaware, 
 Bayard, Saulsbury; Indiana, Hendricks, 
 Morton ; Illinois, Trumbull, Yates ; Iowa, 
 Grimes, Harlan ; Kansas, Pomeroy, Ross ; 
 Kentucky, Davis, McCreery ; Maine, Fes- 
 senden, Morrill (LotM.) ; Maryland, John- 
 son, Vickers ; Massachusetts, ^umnGr,^^^^- 
 9<)n ; Michigan, Chandler, Howard ; Minne- 
 sota, Norton, Ramsay ; Missouri, Drake, 
 Henderson ; Nebraska, Thayer, Tipton ; 
 Nevada, Nye, Stewart; Neio Hampshire, 
 Cragin, Patterson (J. W.) ; Neto Jersey, 
 Cattell, Frelinghuysen ; Keio York, Conk- 
 lin, Morgan; Ohio, Sherman, Wade ; Ot-e- 
 gon, Corbett, Williams ; Pennsylvania, 
 Buckalew, Cameron ; Rhode Island, An- 
 thony, Sprague ; Tennessee, Fowler, Patter- 
 son (David); Vermont, Edmunds, Merrill, 
 ( J. S.) ; West Virginia, Van AVinkle, AVil- 
 ley; Wisconsin, Doolittle, Howe. 
 
 Managers for the Prosecution: Messrs. 
 Bingham, Boutwell, Butler, Logan, Ste- 
 vens, Williams, Wilson. 
 
 Counsel for the President. Messrs. Cur- 
 tis, Evarts, Groesbeck, Nelson, Stanbery. 
 
 The following was the order of proce- 
 dure : The Senate convened at 11 or 12 
 o'clock, and was called to order by the 
 president of that body, who, after prayer, 
 would leave the chair, which was immedi- 
 ately assumed by the Chief Justice, who 
 wore his official robes. The prosecution 
 was mainly conducted by Mr. Butler, who 
 examined the witnesses, and, in conjunc- 
 tion with the others, argued the points of 
 law which came up. The defense, during 
 the early part of the trial, was mainly con- 
 ducted by Mr. Stanbery, who had resigned 
 the office of Attorney-General for this pur- 
 
 pose, but, being taken suddenly ill, Mr. 
 Evarts took his place. According to the 
 rule at first adopted, the trial was to be 
 opened by one counsel on each side, and 
 summed up by two on each side ; but this 
 rule was subsequently modified so as to al- 
 low as many of the managers and counsel 
 as chose to sum up, either orally or by 
 filing written arguments. 
 
 THE PROSECUTION. 
 
 The whole of the first day (March 30) 
 was occupied by the opening speech of Mr. 
 Butler. After touching upon the import- 
 ance of the case, and the wisdom of the 
 framers of the Constitution in providing for 
 its possible occurrence, he laid down the fol- 
 lowing proposition, supporting it by a copi- 
 ous array of authorities and precedents : 
 
 " We define, therefore, an impeachable 
 high crime or misdemeanor to be one, in 
 its nature or consequences, subversive of 
 some fundamental or essential principle of 
 government, or highly prejudicial to the 
 public interest, and this may consist of a 
 violation of the Constitution, of law, of an 
 official oath, or of duty, by an act com- 
 mitted or omitted, or, without violating a 
 positive law, by the abuse of discretionary 
 powers from improper motives, or for any 
 improper purpose." 
 
 He then proceeded to discuss the nature 
 and ftinctions of the tribunal before which 
 the trial is held. He asked : " Is this pro- 
 ceeding a trial, as that term is understood, 
 so far as relates to the rights and duties of 
 a court and jury upon an indictment for 
 crime ? Is it not rather more in the nature 
 of an inquest?" The Constitution, he 
 urged, " seems to have determined it to be 
 the latter, because, under its provisions, 
 the right to retain and hold office is the 
 only subject to be finally adjudicated ; all 
 preliminarj' inquirj' being carried on solely 
 to determine that question, and that alone." 
 He then proceeded to argue that this body 
 now sitting to determine the accusation, is 
 the Senate of the United States, and not a 
 court. This question is of consequence, 
 he argued, because, in the latter case, it 
 would be bound by the rules and prece- 
 dents of common law-statutes ; the mem- 
 bers of the court would be liable to chal- 
 lenge on many grounds; and the accused 
 might claim that he could only be convicted 
 when the evidence makes the fact clear be- 
 yond rea.sonable doubt, instead of by a pre- 
 ponderance of the evidence. The fact that 
 in this ease the Chief Justice presides, it 
 was argued, does not constitute the Senate 
 thus acting a court, for in all cases of im- 
 peacliment, save that of the President, its 
 regular presiding officer presides. Moreo- 
 ver, the procedures have no analogy to 
 those of an ordinary court of justice. The 
 accused merely receives a notice of the 
 case pending against him. He is not re-
 
 BOOK I.l 
 
 IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 
 
 185 
 
 quired to appear personally, and the case 
 will go on without his presence. Mr. 
 Butler thus summed up his position in this 
 regard : 
 
 " A constitutional tribunal solely, you 
 are bound by no law, either statute or com- 
 mon, which may limit your constitutional 
 prerogative. You consult no precedents 
 save those of the law and custom of par- 
 liamentary bodies. You are a law unto 
 yourselves, bound only by the natural 
 l^rinciplos of equity and justice, and that 
 salus populi suj»-ema est lex." 
 
 Mr. Butler then proceeded to consider 
 the articles of impeachment. The first 
 eight, he says, " set out, in several distinct 
 forms, the acts of the President in remov- 
 ing Mr. Stanton and appointing Cieneral 
 Thomas, differing, in legal effect, in the 
 purposes for whicli, and the intent with 
 which, either or both of the acts were 
 done, and the legal duties and rights in- 
 fringed, and the Acts of Congress violated 
 in so doing." In respect to all of these 
 articles, Mr. Butler says, referring to his 
 former definition of what constituted an 
 impeachable high crime: 
 
 All the articles allege these acts to be 
 in contravention of his oath of oflSce, and 
 in disregard of the duties thereof. If they 
 are so, however, the President might have 
 the power to do them under the law. Still, 
 being so done, they are acts of official mis- 
 conduct, and, as we have seen, impeacha- 
 ble. The President has the legal power to 
 do many acts which, if done in disregard 
 of his duty, or for improper purposes, then 
 the exercise of that power is an official 
 misdemeanor. For example, he has the 
 power of pardon ; if exercised, in a given 
 case, for a corrupt motive, as for the pay- 
 ment of money, or wantonly pardoning all 
 criminals, it would be a misdemeanor." 
 
 Mr. Butler affirmed that every fact 
 charged in the first article, and substan- 
 tially in the seven following, is admitted 
 in the reply of the President ; and also 
 that the general intent to set aside the 
 Tenure-of-Office Act is therein admitted 
 and justified. He then proceeded to dis- 
 cuss the whole question of the power of 
 the President for removals from office, and 
 especially his claim that this power was 
 imposed upon the President by the Consti- 
 tution, and that it could not be taken from 
 him, or be vested jointly in him and the 
 Senate, partly or in whole. This, Mr. 
 Butler affirmed, was the real question at 
 issue before the Senate and the American 
 people. He said : 
 
 " Has the President, under the Constitu- 
 tion, the more than royal prerogative at 
 will to remove from office, or to suspend 
 from office, all executive officers of the 
 United States, either civil, military or 
 naval, and to fill the vacancies, without 
 any restraint whatever, or possibility of re- 
 
 straint, by the Senate or by Congress, 
 through laws duly enacted ? The House 
 of Representatives, in behalf of the people, 
 join issue by affirming that the exercise of 
 such powers is a high misdemeanor in 
 office. If the affirmative is maintained by 
 the respondent, then, so far as the first 
 eight articles are concerned — unless such 
 corrupt puri)Oses are shown as will of 
 themselves make the exercise of a legal 
 power a crime — the res[)ondent must go, 
 and ought to go, (|uit and free. 
 
 This point as to the legal right of the 
 President to make removals from office, 
 which constitutes the real burden of the 
 articles of impeachment, was argued at 
 length. Mr. Butler assumed that the Sen- 
 ate, by whom, in conjunction with the 
 House, the Tenure-of-OfHce yVct had been 
 passed over the veto of the President, 
 would maintain the law to be constitu- 
 tional. The turning point was whether 
 the special case pf the removal of ^Ir. 
 Stanton came within the provisions of this 
 law. This rested upon the proviso of that 
 law, that — 
 
 " The Secretaries shall hold their office 
 during the term of the President by whom 
 they may have been ap])ointed, and for 
 one month thereafter, subject to removal 
 1)V and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate." 
 
 The extended argument upon this point, 
 made by Mr. Butler, was to the effect that 
 Mr. Stanton having been appointed by Mr. 
 Lincoln, whose term of office reached to 
 the 4th of March, 1869, that of Mr. Stanton 
 existed until a month later, unless he was 
 previously removed by the concurrent ac- 
 tion of the President and Senate. The 
 point of the argument is, that Mr. Johnson 
 is merely serving out the balance of the 
 term of Mr. Lincoln, cut short by his as- 
 sassination, so that the Cabinet officers ap- 
 pointed by Mr. Lincoln held their places, 
 by this very proviso, during that term and 
 for a month thereafter ; for, he argued, if 
 Mr. Johnson was not merely serving out 
 the balance of Mr. Lincoln's term, then he 
 is entitled to the office of President for four 
 full years, that being the period for which 
 a President is elected. If, continues the 
 argument, Mr. Stanton*s commission was 
 vacated by the Tenure-of-Office Act, it 
 ceased on the 4th of April, 1865 ; or, if the 
 act had no retroactive effect, still, if IMr. 
 Stanton held his office merely under his 
 commission from Mr. Lincoln, then his 
 functions would have ceased upon the 
 passage of the bill, March 2, 1867 ; and, 
 consequently, Mr. Johnson, in "employ- 
 ing" him after that date as Secretary of 
 War, was guilty of a high misdemeanor, 
 which would give ground for a new arti- 
 cle of impeachment. 
 
 After justifying the course of Mr. Stan- 
 ton in holding on to the secretai-yship in
 
 18G 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 opposition to the wisli of ihe President, 
 on the ground that " to desert it now 
 would be to imitate the treachery of his 
 accidental chief," Mr. Butler proceeded to 
 discuss the reasons assigned by the Presi- 
 dent in his answer to the articles of im- 
 peachment for the attempt to remove Mr. 
 Stanton. These, in substance, were, that 
 the President believed the Tenure-of-Of- 
 fice Act was unconstitutional, and, there- 
 fore, void and of no eflect, and that he 
 had the right to remove him and appoint 
 another person in his place. Mr. Butler 
 urged that, in all of these proceedings, the 
 President professed to act upon the as- 
 sumption that the act was valid, and that 
 his action was in accordance with its pro- 
 visions. He then went on to charge that 
 the appointment of General Thomas as 
 Secretary of War ad interim, was a sepa- 
 rate violation of law. By the act of Feb- 
 ruarj' 20, 1863, which repealed all previous 
 laws inconsistent with it, the President 
 was authorized, in case of the " death, 
 resignation, absence from the seat of Gov- 
 ernment, or sickness of the head of an 
 executive department," or in any other 
 case where these officers could not perform 
 their respective duties, to apj^oint the head 
 of any other executive department to ful- 
 fil the duties of the office " until a succes- 
 sor be appointed, or until such absence or 
 disability shall cease." Now, urged Mr. 
 Butler, at the time of the appointment of 
 General Thomas as Sectary of War ad 
 interim, Mr. Stanton "had neither died 
 nor resigned, was not sick nor absent," 
 and, consequently. General Thomas, not 
 being the head of a department, but only 
 of a bureau of one of them, was not eligi- 
 ble to this appointment, and that, there- 
 fore, his appointment was illegal and void. 
 
 The ninth article of impeachment, 
 wherein the President is charged with en- 
 deavoring to induce General Emory to 
 take orders directly from himself, is dealt 
 with in a rather slight manner. Mr. But- 
 ler says, "If the transaction set forth in 
 this article stood alone, we might well ad- 
 mit that doubts might arise as to the suffi- 
 ciency of the proof;" but, he adds, " the 
 surroundings are so pointed and signifi- 
 cant a.s to leave no doubt in the mind of 
 an impartial man as to the intents and 
 purposes of the President" — these intents 
 being, according to Mr. Butler, " to induce 
 General Emory to take orders directly 
 from himself, and thus to hinder the exe- 
 cution of the Civil Tenure Act, and to 
 prevent Mr. Stanton from holding his 
 office of Secretary of War." 
 
 As to the tenth article of impeachment, 
 based upon various speeches ol the Presi- 
 dent, Mr. Butler undertook to show that 
 the reports of these speeches, as given in 
 the article, wore .substantially correct; 
 and accepted the issue made thereupon aa 
 
 to whether they are " decent and becom- 
 ing the President of the United States, 
 and do not tend to bring the office into 
 ridicule and disgrace." 
 
 After having commented upon the 
 eleventh and closing article, which charges 
 the President with having denied the au- 
 thority of the Thirty-ninth Congress, ex- 
 cept so far as its acts were approved by 
 him, Mr. Butler summed up the purport 
 of the articles of impeachment in these 
 words : 
 
 " The acts set out in the first eight arti- 
 cles are but the culmination of a series of 
 wrongs, malfeasances, and usurpations 
 committed by the respondent, and, there- 
 fore, need to be examined in the light of 
 his precedent and concomitant acts to 
 grasp their scope and design. The last 
 three articles presented show the perver- 
 sity and malignity with which he acted, 
 so that the man as he is known may be 
 clearly spread upon record, to be seen and 
 
 known of all men hereafter 
 
 We have presented the facts in the con- 
 stitutional manner ; we have brought the 
 criminal to your bar, and demand judg- 
 ment for his so great crimes." 
 
 The remainder of ^Monday, and a por- 
 tion of the following day, were devoted to 
 the presentation of documentary evidence 
 as to the proceedings involved in the order 
 for the removal of Mr. Stanton and the 
 appointment of General Thomas. The 
 prosecution then introduced witnesses to 
 testify to the interviews between Mr. 
 Stanton and General Thomas. They then 
 brought forward a witness to show that 
 General Thomas had avowed his deter- 
 mination to take forcible possession of the 
 War Office. To this Mr. Stanbery, for the 
 defense, objected. The Chief Justice de- 
 cided the testimony to be admissible. 
 Thereupon Senator Drake took exception 
 to the ruling, on the ground that this ques- 
 tion should be decided by the Senate — not 
 by the presiding officer. The Chief Jus- 
 tice averred that, in his judgment, it was 
 his duty to decide, in the first instance, 
 upon any question of evidence, and then, 
 if any Senator desired, to submit the deci- 
 sion to the Senate. Upon this objection 
 and appeal arose the first confiict in the 
 Senate as to the powers of its presiding 
 officer. Mr. Butler argued at length in 
 favor of the exception. Although, in this 
 case, the decision was in favor of the 
 prosecution, he objected to the power of 
 the presiding officer to make it. This 
 point was argued at length by the mana- 
 gers for the im])eachment, who denied the 
 right of the Chief Justice to make such 
 decision. It was then moved that the 
 Senate retire for private consultation on 
 this ])oint. There was a tie vote — 25 ayes 
 and 25 nays. — The Chief Justice gave his 
 casting vote _in favor of the motion for
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON, 
 
 187 
 
 consultution. The Senate, by a vote of 31 
 to 19, sListiiined the Chief Justice, decidinj^ 
 that " the presiding oliiecr may rule on all 
 questions of evidence and on incidental 
 questions, which decision will stand as the 
 judgment of the Senate for decision, or he 
 may, at his option in the first instance, 
 submit any such question to a vote of the 
 members of the Senate." In the further 
 progress of the trial the Chief Justice, in 
 most important cases, submitted the ques- 
 tion directly to the Senate, without him- 
 self giving any decision. Next morning 
 (April 1 ) Mr. Sumner offered a resolution 
 to the clfect that the Chief Justice, in giv- 
 ing a casting vote, "acted without author- 
 ity of the Constition of the United States." 
 This was negatived by a vote of 27 to 21, 
 thus deciding that the presiding officer 
 had the right to give a casting vote. 
 The witness (Mr. Burleigh, delegate from 
 Dakotah,) who had been called to prove 
 declarations of General Thomas, was then 
 asked whether, at an interview between 
 them. General Thomas had said anything 
 as " to the means by which he intended to 
 obtain, or was directed by the President to 
 obtain, posession of the War Department." 
 To this question Mr. Stanbery objected, on 
 the ground that any statements made by 
 General Thomas could not be used as evi- 
 dence against the President. Messrs. But- 
 ler and Bingham argued that the testi- 
 mony was admissible, on the ground that 
 there was, as charged, a conspiracy be- 
 tween the President and General Thomas, 
 and that the acts of one conspirator were 
 binding upon the other ; and, also, that in 
 these acts General Thomas was the agent 
 of the President. The Senate, by 39 to 11, 
 decided that the question was admissible. 
 Mr. Burleigh thereupon testified sub- 
 stantially that General Thomas informed 
 him that he had been directed by the Pres- 
 ident to take possession of the War De- 
 partment ; that he was bound to obey his 
 superior officer; that, if Mr. Stanton ob- 
 jected, he should use force, and if he bolt- 
 ed the doors they would be broken down. 
 The witness was then asked whether he 
 had heard General Thomas make any 
 statement to the clerks of the War Office, 
 to the effect that, when he came into con- 
 trol, he would relax or rescind the rules of 
 Mr. Stanton. To this question objection 
 was made by the counsel of the President 
 on the ground of irrelevancy. The Chief 
 Justice was of opinion that the question 
 was not admissible, but, if any Senator de- 
 manded, he would submit to the Senate 
 whether it should be asked. The demand 
 having been made, the Senate, by a vote 
 of 28 to 22, allowed the question to be put, 
 whereupon I\Ir. Burleigh testified that 
 General Thomas, in his i^resence, called 
 before him the heads of the divisions, and 
 told them that the rules laid down by Mr. 
 
 Stanton were arbitrary, and that he should 
 relax them — that he should not liold them 
 strictly to their letters of instruction, but 
 should consider them as gentlemen who 
 would do their duty — that they could come 
 in or go out when they chose. Mr. Bur- 
 leigh further testified that, sui)seuuently, 
 General Thomas had said to him tnat the 
 only thing which prevented him fnjm tak- 
 ing possession of the War Department was 
 his arrest by the United States marshal. 
 Other witnesses were called to prove the 
 declarations of General Thomas. Mr. 
 Wilkeson testified that General Thomas 
 said to him that he should demand possess- 
 ion of the War Department, and, in case 
 Mr. Stanton should refuse to give it up, he 
 should call upon General Grant for a suf- 
 ficient force to enable him to do so, and he 
 did not see how this could be refused. 
 Mr. Karsener, of Delaware, testified that 
 he saw General Thomas at the President's 
 house, told him that Delaware, of which 
 State General Thomas is a citizen, expect- 
 ed him to stand firm ; to which General 
 Thomas replied that he was standing firm, 
 that he would not disappoint his friends, 
 but, that, in a few days, he would " kick 
 that fellow out," meaning, as the witness 
 supposed, Mr. Stanton. 
 
 Tliursday, Ajjril 2d. — ^Various witnesses 
 were introduced to testify to the occur- 
 rences when General Thomas demanded 
 j)ossession of the War Department. After 
 this General Emory was called to testify 
 to the transactions which form the ground 
 of the ninth article of impeachment. His 
 testimony was to the effect that the Presi- 
 dent, on the 22d of February, requested 
 him to call ; that, upon so doing, the Pres- 
 ident asked respecting any changes that 
 had been made in the disposition of the 
 troops around Washington ; that he in- 
 formed the President that no important 
 changes had been made, and that none 
 could be made without an order from Gen- 
 eral Grant, as provided for in an order 
 founded upon a law sanctioned by the 
 President. The President said that this 
 law was unconstitutional. Emory replied 
 that the President had approved of it, and 
 that it was not the prerogative of the officers 
 of the army to decide upon the constitu- 
 tionality of a law, and in that opinion he was 
 justified by the opinion of eminent counsel, 
 and thereupon the conversation ended. 
 
 The prosecution then endeavored to in- 
 troduce testimony as to the appointment 
 of Mr. Edmund Cooper, the Private Sec- 
 retary of the President, as Assistant Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury, in support of the 
 eighth and eleventh articles of impeach- 
 ment, which charge the President with an 
 unlawful attempt to control the disposition 
 of certain public funds. This testimony, 
 by a vote of 27 to 22, was ruled out. 
 
 The prosecution now, in support of the
 
 188 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book X. 
 
 tenth and eleventh articles of impeach- 
 ment, charging the President with endeav- 
 oring to " set aside the rightful authority 
 of Congrets," offered a telegraphic dis- 
 patch from the President to Mr. Parsons, 
 at that time (January 17, 1867) Provisional 
 Governor of Alabama, of which the follow- 
 ing is the essential part: 
 
 " I do not believe the people of the 
 whole country will sustain any set of in- 
 dividuals in the attempt to change the 
 whole character of our Government by en- 
 abling acts in this way. I believe, on the 
 contrary, that they will eventually uphold 
 all who have patriotism and courage to 
 stand by the Constitution, and who place 
 their confidence in the people. There should 
 be no faltering on the part of those who 
 are honest in their determination to sustain 
 the several coordinate departments of the 
 Government in accordance with its origi- 
 nal design." The introduction of this was 
 objected to by the counsel for the Presi- 
 dent, but admitted by the Senate, the vote 
 being 27 to 17. 
 
 The whole Friday, and a great part of 
 Saturday, (April 3d and 4th,) were occu- 
 pied in the examination of the persons 
 who reported the various speeches of the 
 President which form the basis of the tenth 
 article, the result being that the rej^orts 
 were shown to be either substantially or 
 verbally accurate. Then, after some tes- 
 timony relating to the forms in which 
 commissions to office were made out, the 
 managers announced that the case for the 
 prosecution was substantially closed. The 
 counsel for the President thereupon asked 
 that three working days should be granted 
 them to prepare for the defense. This, 
 after some discussion, was granted by the 
 Senate by a vote of 36 to 9, and the trial 
 was adjourned to Thursday, April 9th. 
 
 THE DEFENSE. 
 
 The opening speech for the defense, oc- 
 cupying the whole of Thursday, and a 
 part of Friday, was made by Mr. Curtis. 
 Eeserving, for a time, a rejoinder to Mr. 
 Butler'.s argument as to the functions of 
 the Senate when sitting as a Court of Im- 
 peachment, Mr. Curtis proceeded to a con- 
 sideration of the articles of impeachment, 
 in their order, his purpose being "to ascer- 
 tain, in tli(! first place, what the substantial 
 allegations in each of them are, what is the 
 legal proof and effect of these allegations, 
 and what proof is necessary to be adduced 
 in order to sustain them." The speech is 
 substantially an elaboration of and argu- 
 ment for the points embraced in the an- 
 swer of the President. The main stress of 
 the argument rchited to the first article, 
 which, as stated by Mr. Curtis, when 
 stripped of all teclinical language, amounts 
 exactly to these tilings: 
 
 " First. That the order set out in the ar- 
 
 ticle for the removal of Mr. Stanton, if 
 executed, would have been a violation of 
 the Tenure-of-Office Act. 
 
 "Second. That it was a violation of the 
 Tenure-of-Office Act. 
 
 " Third. That it was an intentional vio- 
 lation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. 
 
 "Fourth. That it was in violation of the 
 Constitution of the United States. 
 
 "Fifth. That it was intended by the 
 President to be so. 
 
 " Or, to draw all these into one sentence, 
 which I hope maybe intelligible and clear 
 enough, I suppose the substance of this 
 first article is that the order for the remo- 
 val of Mr. Stanton was, and was intended 
 to be, a violation of the Constitution of 
 the United States. These are the allega- 
 tions which it is necessary for the honor- 
 able managers to make out in order to 
 su]iport that article." 
 
 Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that the 
 case of Mr. Stanton did not come within 
 the provisions of the Tenurc-of-Office Act, 
 being expressly excepted by the proviso 
 that Cabinet officers should hold their 
 places during the term of the President by 
 whom they were appointed, and for one 
 month thereafter, unless removed by the 
 consent of the Senate. Mr. Stanton was 
 appointed by Mr. Lincoln, whose term of 
 office came to an end by his death. He 
 argued at length against the proposition 
 that Mr. Johnson was merely serving out 
 the remainder of Mr. Lincoln's term. The 
 object of this exception, he said, was evi- 
 dent. The Cabinet officers were to be 
 "the immediate confidential assistants of 
 the President, for whose acts he was to be 
 responsible, and in whom he was exjjected 
 to repose the gravest honor, trust, and con- 
 fidence ; therefore it was that this act has 
 connected the tenure of office of these offi- 
 cers with that of the President by whom 
 they were appointed." Mr. Curtis gave a 
 new interpretation to that clause in the 
 Constitution which prescribes that the 
 President " may require the opinion, in 
 writing, of the princijial officer in each of 
 the executive departments upon any sub- 
 ject relating to the duties of their several 
 offices." He understood that the word 
 " their " included the President, so that he 
 might call upon Cabinet officers for advice 
 " relating to the duties of the office of these 
 principal officers, or relating to the duties 
 of the President himself." This, at least, 
 he affirmed, had been the practical inter- 
 iiretation put upon this clause from the 
 beginning. To confirm his position as to 
 the intent of the Tenure-of-Office Act in 
 this respect, ]\Ir. Curtis quoted from 
 speeches made in both houses at the time 
 when the act w.as passed. Thus, Senator 
 Sh(;rrnan said that the act, as passed — 
 
 "Would not prevent the present Presi- 
 dent from removing the Secretary of War,
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 
 
 189 
 
 the Secretary of the Navy, or the Secretary 
 of State ; and, if I supposed that either of 
 these gentleiiieu was so wanting in man- 
 hood, in honor, as to hold his pLace after 
 the politest intimation from tiie President 
 of the United Stales that his services were 
 no longer needed, I certainly, as a Senator, 
 would consent to his removal at any time, 
 and so would we all." 
 
 Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that there 
 was really no removal of Mr. Stanton; he 
 still held his phice, and so there was " no 
 case of removal within the statute, and, 
 therefore, no case of violation by removal." 
 But, if the Senate should hold that the or- 
 der for removal was, in effect, a removal, 
 then, unless the Tenure-of-OlRce Act gave 
 Mr. Stanton a tenure of office, this removal 
 would not have been contrary to the pro- 
 visions of this act. He proceeded to argue 
 that there was room for grave doubt 
 whether Mr. Stauton's case came within 
 the provisions of the Tenure-of-Office Act, 
 anil that the President, upon due conside- 
 ration, and having taken the best advice 
 within his power, considering that it did 
 not, and acting accordingly, did not, even 
 if he Wiis mistaken, commit an act " so wil- 
 ful and wrong that it can be justly and 
 properly, and for the purposes of this 
 prosecution, termed a high misdemeanor." 
 He argued at length that the view of the 
 President was the correct one, and that 
 " the Senate had nothing whatever to do 
 with the removal of Mr. Stanton, whether 
 the Senate was in session or not." 
 
 Mr. Curtis then went on to urge that the 
 President, being sworn to take care that the 
 laws be faithfully executed, must carry out 
 any law, even though passed over his veto, 
 except in cases where a law which he be- 
 lieved to be unconstitutional has cut off a 
 power confided to him, and in regard to 
 which he alone could make an issue which 
 would bring the matter before a court, so 
 as to cause "a judicial decision to come 
 between the two branches of the Govern- 
 ment, to see which of them is right." This, 
 said he, is what the President has done. 
 This argument, in effect, was an answer to 
 the first eight articles of impeachment. 
 
 The ninth article, charging the Presi- 
 dent wifh endeavoring to induce General 
 Emory to violate the law by receiving or- 
 ders directly from him, was very briefly 
 touched upon, it being maintained that, as 
 shown by the evidence, "the reason why 
 the President sent for General Emory was 
 not that he miglit endeavor to seduce that 
 distinguished officer from his allegiance to 
 the laws and Constitution of his country, 
 but because he wished to obtain informa- 
 tion about military movements which 
 might require his personal attention." 
 
 As to the tenth article, based upon the 
 President's speeches, it was averred that 
 they were in no way in violation of the 
 
 Constitution, or of any law existing at the 
 time when they were made, and were not 
 therefore, impeachable offen-ses. 
 
 The reply to the eleventh article was very 
 brief The managers had " comjtounded it 
 of the materials which they had previously 
 worked up into others," and it " contained 
 nothing new that needed notice." Mr. 
 Curtis concluded his sj)eech by saying that 
 — " This trial is and will be the mo.st con- 
 spicuous instance that has ever been, or 
 even can be expected to be found, of 
 American justice or of American injustice ; 
 of that justice which is the great policy of 
 all civilized States; of that injustice which 
 is certain to be condemned, which makes 
 even the wisest man mad, and which, in 
 the fixed and unalterable order of God's 
 providence, is sure to return and plague 
 the inventor." 
 
 At the close of this opening speech for 
 the defense. General Lorenzo Thomas was 
 brought forward as a witness. His testi- 
 mony, elicited upon examination and cross- 
 examination, was to the effect that, having 
 received the order appointing him Secre- 
 tary of War ad interim, he presented it to 
 Mr. Stanton, who asked, " Do you wish 
 me to vacate the office at once, or will you 
 give me time to get my private property 
 together?" to which Thomas rejdied, "Act 
 your pleasure." Afterward Stanton said, 
 " I don't know whether I will obey your 
 instructions." Subsequently Thomas said 
 that he should issue orders as Secretary of 
 War. Stanton said he should not do so, 
 and afterward gave him a written direc- 
 tion, not to issue any order except as Ad- 
 jutant-General. During the examination 
 of General Thomas a question came up 
 which, in many ways, recurred upon the 
 trial. He was asked to tell what occurred 
 at an interview between himself and the 
 President. Objection was made by Mr. 
 Butler, and the point was argued. The 
 question was submitted to the Senate, 
 which decided, by a vote of 42 to 10, that 
 it was admissible. The testimony of Gen- 
 eral Thomas, from this point, took a wide 
 range, and, being mainly given in response 
 to questions of counsel, was, apparently, 
 somewhat contradictory. The substance 
 was that he was recognized by the Presi- 
 dent as Secretary of War ; that, since the 
 impeachment, he had acted as such only 
 in attending Cabinet meetings, but had 
 given no orders ; that, when he reported to 
 the President that Mr. Stanton would not 
 vacate the War Department, the President 
 directed him to " take possession of the 
 office;" that, without orders from the 
 President, he had intended to do this by 
 force, if necessary ; that, finding that this 
 course might involve bloodshed, he had 
 abandoned this j)urpose, but that, after 
 this, he had, in several cases, affirmed iiis 
 purpose to do so, but that these declara-
 
 190 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tions were " merely boast and brag." On 
 the following day General Thomas was re- 
 called as a witness, to enable him to cor- 
 rect certain points in his testimony. The 
 first was the date of an unimportant trans- 
 action ; he had given it as taking place on 
 the 21st of February, whereas it should 
 have been the 2 2d. The second was that 
 the words of the President were that he 
 should " take charge," not " take posses- 
 sion " of the War Department. In expla- 
 nation of the fact that he had repeatedly 
 sworn to the words " take possession," he 
 said that these were " put into his mouth." 
 Finally, General Thomas, in reply to a di- 
 rect question from Mr. Butler, said that 
 his testimony on these points was "all 
 wrong." 
 
 Lieutenant-General Sherman was then 
 called as a witness. After some unim- 
 portant questions, he was asked in refer- 
 ence to an interview between himself and 
 the President which took place on the 14th 
 of January: "At that interview what 
 conversation took place between the Presi- 
 dent and you in reference to Mr. Stan- 
 ton?" To this qtiestion objection was 
 made by ^Ir. Butler, and the point was 
 elaborately argued. The Chief Justice 
 decided that the question was admissible 
 within the vote of the Senate of the pre- 
 vious dav ; the question then was as to the 
 admissibility of evidence as to a conversa- 
 tion between the President and General 
 Thomas ; the present question was as to a 
 conversation between the President and 
 General Sherman. " Both questions," said 
 the Chief Justice, "are asked for the pur- 
 pose of procuring the intent of the Presi- 
 dent to remove Mr. Stanton.'" The ques- 
 tion being submitted to the Senate, it was 
 decided, "by a vote of 28 to 23, that it 
 should not be admitted. The examina- 
 tion of General Sherman was continued, 
 the question of the conversation aforesaid 
 being frequently brought forward, and as 
 often ruled out by the Senate. The only 
 important fact elicited was that the Presi- 
 dent had twice, on the 2r)th and 30th of 
 January, tendered to General Sherman the 
 office oif Secretary of War ad interim. 
 
 On Monday, April 13th, after transac- 
 tions of minor importance, the general 
 matter of the conversations between the 
 President and General Sherman again 
 came up, upon a question propounded by 
 Senator Johnson — " When the President 
 tendered to you the office of Secretary 
 of War ad interim, did he, at the very 
 time of making such tender, state to you 
 what his purpose in so doing was? " This 
 was admitted by the Senate, l)y a vote of 
 20 to 22. Senator Johnson then added to 
 his question, " If he did, what did he state 
 his purpose was?" This w;is a<lniitted by 
 a vote of 25 to 20. The testimony of Gen- 
 eral Sherman, relating to several inter- 
 
 views, was to the effect that the President 
 said that the relations between himself and 
 Mr. Stanton were such that he could not 
 execute the office of President without 
 making provision to appoint a Secretary 
 of "War ad interim, and he offered that 
 office to him (General Sherman), but did 
 not state that his purpose was to bring the 
 matter directly into the courts. Sherman 
 said that, if Mr. Stanton would retire, he 
 might, although against his own wishes, 
 undertake to administer the office ad 
 interim, but asked what would be done in 
 case Mr. Stanton would not yield. To 
 this the President replied, " He will 
 make no opposition ; you present the or- 
 der, and he will retire. I know him bet- 
 ter than you do; he is cowardly." General 
 Sherman asked time for reflection, and 
 then gave a written answer, declining to 
 accept the appointment, but stated that 
 his reasons were mostly of a personal na- 
 ture. 
 
 On the 14th the Senate adjourned, on 
 account of the sudden illness of Mr. Stan- 
 bery. It re-assembled on the 15th, but 
 the proceedings touched wholly upon for- 
 mal points of procedure and the introduc- 
 tion of unimportant documentary evidence. 
 On the 16th Mr. Sumner moved that all 
 evidence not trivial or obviously iri'clevant 
 shall be admitted, the Senate to judge of 
 its value. This was negatived by a vote 
 of 23 to 11. 
 
 The 17th was mainly taken up by testi- 
 mony as to the reliability of the reports of 
 the President's speeches. Mr. W^elles, Sec- 
 retary of the Navy, was then called to tes- 
 tify to certain proceedings in Cabinet 
 Council at the time of the apjiointment of 
 General Thomas. This was objected to. 
 The Chief Justice decided that it was ad- 
 missible, and his decision was sustained by 
 a vote of 26 to 23. Tlie defense then en- 
 deavored to introduce several members of 
 the Cabinet, to show that, at meetings pre- 
 vious to the removal of Mr. Stanton, it 
 was considered whether it was not desira- 
 ble to obtain a judicial determination of 
 the unconstitutionality of the Tenure-of- 
 Office Act. This question was raised in 
 several shapes, and its admission, after 
 thorough argument on both sides, as often 
 refused, in the last instance by a decisive 
 vote of 30 to 19. The defense considered 
 this testimony of the utmost importance, 
 as going to show that the President had 
 acted U2)on the counsel of his constitu- 
 tional advisers, while the prosecution 
 claimed that he could not plead in justifi- 
 cation of a violation of the law that he 
 had been advised by his Cabinet, or any 
 one else, that the law was tinconstitutional. 
 His duty was to execute the laws, and, if 
 he failed to do this, or violated them, he 
 did so at his own risk of the consequences. 
 With the refusal of this testimony, the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 GRANT. 
 
 191 
 
 case, except the final summings up and the 
 
 verdict of the Senate, was virtually closed. 
 
 The case had been so fully set forth in 
 the opening speeches of JMessrs. Butler and 
 Curtis, and in the arguments which came 
 up upon points of testimony, that there 
 remained little for the other counsel except 
 to restate what had before been said. 
 
 After the evidence had been closed the 
 case was summed up, on the part, of the 
 numagers by Messrs. Boutwell, Williams, 
 Stevens, and Hing-ham in oral arguments, 
 and l\Ir. Logan, who filed a written argu- 
 ment, and on the part of the President by 
 Messrs. Nelson, Groesbeck, Stanbery, and 
 Evarts. i\Iany of these speeches were dis- 
 tinguished by great brilliancy and power, 
 but, as no new points were presented, we 
 omit any summary. 
 
 The ('ourt decided to take a vote upon 
 the articles on Tuesday, the 12th of May, 
 at 12 o'clock, M. A secret session was 
 held on Monday, during which several 
 Senators made short speeches, giving the 
 grounds upon which they expected to cast 
 their votes. On Tuesday the Court agreed 
 to postpone the vote until Saturday, the 
 16th. tlpon that day, at 12 o'clock, a vote 
 was taken upon the eleventh article, it 
 having been determined to vote on that 
 article first. The vote resulted in 35 votes 
 for conviction, and 19 for acquittal. 
 
 The question being put to each Senator, 
 " How say you, is the respondent, Andrew 
 Johnson, President of the United States, 
 guilty or not guilty of a high misdemeanor 
 as charged in the article ?" — those who re- 
 spondecl guilty were Senators Anthony, 
 Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conk- 
 ling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Ed- 
 munds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, 
 Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, of Ver- 
 mont, j\Iorrill, of Maine, O. P. IMorton, 
 Nye, Patterson, N. H. Pomeroy, Sherman, 
 Sprague, Stew^art, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, 
 Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson and Yates. 
 
 Those who responded not guilty were 
 
 Senators Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, 
 Doolittle, Fessenden, Fowler, < irimes, Hen- 
 derson, Hendricks, Johnson, M'Creery, 
 Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sauls- 
 bury, TruinhuU, Van Winkle and Vicker.s. 
 
 'J'he Constitution requiring a vote of 
 two-thirds to couvict, tlie President was 
 acquitted on this article. After taking 
 this vote the Court adjourned until Tues- 
 day, May 2t]th, when votes were taken 
 upon the second and third articles, with 
 precisely the same result as on the elev- 
 enth, the vote in each case standing 85 for 
 conviction and 19 for acquittal. A verdict 
 of acquittal on the second, third, and elev- 
 enth articles was then ordered to be en- 
 tered on the record, and, without voting 
 on the other articles, the Court adjourned 
 sine die. So the trial was ended, and the 
 President acquitted. 
 
 The political difterences between Presi- 
 dent Johnson and the Republicans were 
 not softened by the attempted impeach- 
 ment, and singularly enough the failure of 
 their effort did not weaken the Republi- 
 cans as a party. They were so well united 
 that those who disagreed witli them passed 
 at least temporarily from pul)lic life, some 
 of the ablest, like Senators Trumbull and 
 Fessenden retiring permanently. Presi- 
 dent Johnson pursued his policy, save 
 where he w^as" hedged by Congress, until 
 the end, and retired to his native State, ap- 
 parently having regained the love of his 
 early political associates there. 
 
 Grant. 
 
 The Republican National Convention 
 met at Chicago, 111., May 20th, 18G8, and 
 nominated with unanimity, Ulysses S. 
 Grant, of Illinois, for President, and Schuy- 
 ler Colfax, of Indiana, for Vice President. 
 The Democratic Convention met in New 
 York City, July 4th, and after repeated 
 ballots finally comjiromised on its presiding 
 officers,* notwithstanding repeated and ap- 
 
 * The following is a correct table of the ballots in the New York Democratic Conveution : 
 
 Candidates. 
 
 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 4. 
 
 5. 
 
 6. 
 
 ^• 
 
 8. 
 
 9. 
 
 105 
 
 104 
 
 liou 
 
 ,34ll 
 
 9 
 
 122 
 
 l^M 
 
 42^1 
 
 1563^ 
 
 144 
 
 6.5 
 
 52 
 
 32 
 
 24 
 
 21- 
 
 6 
 
 514 
 
 .33^ 
 
 iOV. 
 
 irM 
 
 4314 
 
 46 
 
 47 
 
 28 
 
 34»^ 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 .33 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 20 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 27 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 20'^ 
 
 13 
 
 15U 
 12k 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 V/n 
 
 7^ 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 8M 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 19/1 
 
 "i 
 
 
 
 
 
 2]Z 
 
 2 
 lOU 
 
 f. 
 
 11^ 
 2 
 1 
 
 30 
 5 
 
 391^ 
 
 75 
 
 8"^ 
 
 10. 
 
 Horatio Seymour 
 
 (ieorge H. Pendleton... 
 
 Andrew Johnson 
 
 Winfield S. Hancock ... 
 
 Sanford E Church 
 
 Asa Packer 
 
 Joel Parker 
 
 James E. English 
 
 James K. Doolittle 
 
 Reverdy Johnson 
 
 Thomas A. Hendricks. 
 
 F. P. Blair, Jr 
 
 Thomas Ewing 
 
 J. Q. Adams 
 
 George B. McClellan.... 
 
 Salmon P. Chase 
 
 Franklin Pierce 
 
 John T. Hoffman 
 
 Stephen J. Field 
 
 Thomas H. Seymour....
 
 192 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 parently decided declarations on his part, 
 Horatio Seymour, of New York, was there- 
 fore nominated for President, and Francis 
 P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, for Vice Presi- 
 dent.* 
 
 An active canvass followed, in which the 
 brief expression — "let us have peace'' — in 
 Grant's letter of acceptance, was liberally 
 employed by Eepublican journals and ora- 
 tors to tone down what were regarded as 
 rapidly growing race and sectional differ- 
 erences, and with such effect that Grant 
 carried all of the States save eight, receiv- 
 ing an electoral vote of 214 against 80. 
 
 Grant inaugurated, and the Congres- 
 sional plan of reconstruction Avas rapidly 
 pushed, with at first very little opposition 
 save that manifested by the Democrats in 
 Congress. The conditions of readmission 
 ■were the ratification of the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth constitutional amendments. 
 
 On the 25th of February, 1869, the fif- 
 teenth amendment was added to the list by 
 its adoption in Congress and submission to 
 the States. It conferred the right of suf- 
 frage on all citizens, without distinction of 
 " race, color or previous condition of servi- 
 tude." By the 30th of March, 1S70, it was 
 ratified by twenty-nine States, the required 
 three-fourths of all in the Union. There 
 was much local agitation in some of the 
 Northern States on this new advance, and 
 many who had never manifested their hos- 
 tility to the negroes before did it now, and 
 a portion of these passed over to the Demo- 
 cratic party. The issue, however, was 
 shrewdly handled, and in most instances 
 met Legislatures ready to receive it. Many 
 of the Southern States were specially inter- 
 ested in its passage, since a denial of suf- 
 frage would abridge their representation in 
 Congress. This was of course true of all 
 the States, but its force was indisputable 
 in sections containing large colored popu- 
 lations. 
 
 The 41st Congress met in extra session 
 March 4th, 1809, with a large Republican 
 majority in both branches. In the Senate 
 there were 58 Eepublicans, 10 Democrats 
 and 8 vacancies ; in the House 149 Pepub- 
 licans, 64 Democrats and 2-3 vacancies, 
 Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia 
 not being represented. James G. Blaine, 
 for several years previous its leading parlia- 
 mentarian and orator, was Speaker of the 
 House. All of Grant's nominations for 
 Cabinet jjlaces were confirmed, except A. 
 T. Stewart, of New York, nominated for 
 Secretary of the Treasury, and being en- 
 gaged in foreign commerce he was ineligi- 
 ble under the law, and his name was with- 
 drawn. The names of the Cabinet W'ill be 
 found in the list of all Cabinet officers 
 elsewhere given. Their announcement at 
 first created the impression that the Grant 
 administration was not intended to be par- 
 tisan, rather personal, but if there ever 
 was such a purpose, a little j)olitical ex- 
 perience on the part of the President quick- 
 ly changed it. A political struggle soon 
 followed in Congress as to the admission of 
 Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, which had 
 not ratified the Fourteenth Amendment or 
 been reconstructed. A bill was passed 
 April 10th, authorizing their people to 
 vote on the constitutions already prepared 
 by the State conventions, to elect members 
 of Congress and State officers, and requir- 
 ing before readmission to the Union, their 
 Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth 
 and Fifteenth Amendments. This work 
 done, and the extra session adjourned. 
 
 In all of the Southern States, those who 
 then prided themselves in being " unrecon- 
 structed " and "irreconcilable," bitterly 
 opposed both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
 Amendments, and on these issues excited 
 new feelings of hostility to the " carpet 
 baggers" and negroes of the South. With 
 the close of the war thousands of North- 
 
 Candidates. 
 
 12. 
 
 13. 
 
 14. 
 
 15. 
 
 16. 
 
 17. 
 
 18. 
 
 19. 
 
 20. 
 
 21. 
 
 22. 
 
 Horatio Spvmonr 
 
 14»^ 
 30 
 
 2G 
 
 7 
 
 123^ 
 89 
 
 i 
 
 'A 
 
 1% 
 
 48}-! 
 
 2G 
 
 7 
 
 13 
 81 
 
 y2 
 
 '"a 
 1 
 
 130 
 
 56 
 
 26 
 
 7 
 
 13 
 84M 
 
 h 
 
 82J^ 
 
 113K 
 
 "7 
 12 
 70M 
 
 70^ 
 
 6 
 
 137}^ 
 
 "7 
 12 
 80 
 
 '"a 
 
 3 
 
 50^ 
 14414 
 
 12 
 
 87 
 
 '"a 
 
 "3 
 
 13514 
 22 
 
 "(i 
 
 12 
 
 107H 
 13^^ 
 
 '"a 
 
 i'ri 
 4 
 
 142^ 
 
 ic 
 12 
 
 121 
 
 13 
 
 "9 
 2 
 
 "5 
 
 1351^ 
 
 19 
 12 
 
 132 
 
 '"a 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 317 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Joel Parkor 
 
 
 Jamfs E. English. 
 
 
 James R. Donlittle 
 
 
 Reverdy Jolinson 
 
 
 Thomnt A. HendriokR 
 
 
 F. P. Blair, Jr 
 
 
 
 
 J. Q. Adam" 
 
 
 GeorKC n. MfClollan 
 
 
 Salinoti P. Chase 
 
 
 Frimklin Pifrfo 
 
 
 John T. Hoffman 
 
 
 Stephen J. Fii Id 
 
 
 Thomas U. Seymour 
 
 
 
 
 Necessary to choice 212 
 
 • General Blair was nominated unanimously on the first ballot.
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 READMISSION OF REBELLIOUS STATES. 
 
 193 
 
 ern men had settled in the South. All of 
 them were now denounced as political ad- 
 venturers by the reVjels who opposed the 
 amendments, reconstruction and freedman's 
 bureau acts. Many of these organized 
 themselves first into Ku Klux Klans, secret 
 societies, organized with a view to affright 
 negroes from j)articipancy in the elections, 
 and to warn white men of opposing politi- 
 cal views to leave the country. The object 
 of the organization broadened with the 
 troubles which it produced. Efforts to 
 affright were followed by midnight assaults, 
 by horrible whippings, outrages and mur- 
 ders, hardly a fraction of which could be 
 traced to the perpetrators. Doubtless 
 many of the stories current at the time 
 were exaggerated by partisan newspapers, 
 but all of the official reports made then 
 and since go to show the dangerous exces- 
 ses which political and race hostilities 
 may reach. In Georgia the whites, by 
 these agencies, soon gained absolute politi- 
 cal control, and this they used with more 
 wisdom than in most Southern States, lor 
 under the advice of men like Stevens and 
 Hill, they passed laws providing for free 
 public schools, etc., but carefully guarded 
 their newly acquired power by also passing 
 tax laws which virtually disfranchised more 
 than half the blacks. Later on, several 
 Southern States imitated this form of po- 
 litical sagacity, and soon those in favor of 
 " a white man's government," (the popular 
 battle cry of the period) had undisputed 
 control in Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, 
 Arkansas and Texas — States which the Re- 
 publicans at one time had reason to believe 
 they could control. 
 
 The Enforcement Acta, 
 
 To repress the Ku Klux outrages, Con- 
 gress in May 31, 1870, passed an act giving 
 to the President all needed powers to pro- 
 tect the freedmen in their newly acquired 
 rights, and to punish the perpetrators of 
 all outrages, whether upon whites or blacks. 
 This was called in Congress the Enforce- 
 ment Act, and an Amendatory Enforce- 
 ment Act was inserted in the Sundrv Civil 
 Bill, June 10, 1872. The Ku Klux Act 
 was passed April 20, 1871. All of these 
 measures were strongly advocated by Sena- 
 tor Oliver P. Morton, who through this 
 advocacy won new political distinction as 
 the special champion of the rights of the 
 blacks. Later on James G. Blaine, then ! 
 the admitted leader of the House, opposed j 
 some of the supplements for its better en- } 
 forcement, and to this fact is traceable the 
 refusal on the jjart of the negroes of the 
 South to give him that warm support as a 
 Presidential candidate which his high abili- 
 ties commanded in other sections. 
 
 The several Enforcement Acts and their 
 supplements are too voluminous for inser- 
 13 
 
 tion here, and they are of little use save as 
 relics of the bitter days of reconstruction. 
 They have little force now, although some 
 of them still stand. They became a dead 
 letter after the defeat of the " carpet-bag 
 governments," but the President enforced 
 them as a rule with moderation and wisdom. 
 The enforcement of the Ku Klux Act 
 led to the disbanding of that oiganization 
 after the trial, arrest and conviction of 
 many of the leaders. These trials brought 
 out the facts, and awakened many South- 
 ern minds, theretofore incredulous, to the 
 enormity of the secret political crimes 
 which had been committed in all the South- 
 ern States, and for a time popular senti- 
 ment even in the South, and amongst for- 
 mer rebel soldiers, ran strongly against the 
 Klan. With fresh political excitements, 
 however, fresh means of intimidaticm were 
 employed at elections. Rifle clubs were 
 formed, notably in South Carolina and 
 Mississippi, while in Louisiana the " White 
 League'' sprang into existence, and was 
 organized in all of the neighboring States. 
 These were more difficult to deal with. 
 They were open organizations, created un- 
 der the semblance of State militia acts. 
 They became very pojiular, especially 
 among the younger men, and from this 
 time until the close of the Presidential 
 election in 1876, were potent factors in 
 several Southern States, and we shall have 
 occasion further on to describe their more 
 important movements. 
 
 Readmlsslon of Rebellious States. 
 
 Before the close 'of 1869 the Supreme 
 Court, in the case of Texas vs. White, sus- 
 tained the constitutionality of the Recon- 
 struction acts of Congress. It held that 
 the ordinances of secession had been " ab- 
 solutely null ; " that the seceding States 
 had no right to secede and had never been 
 out of the Union, but that, during and 
 after their rebellion, they had no govern- 
 ments " competent to represent these States 
 in their relations with the National gov- 
 ernment," and therefore Congress had the 
 power to re-establish the relations of any 
 rebellious State to the Union. This de- 
 cision fortified the position of the Repub- 
 licans, and did much to aid President 
 Grant in the difficult work of reconstruc- 
 tion. It modified the assaults of the Dem- 
 ocrats, and in some measure changed their 
 purpose to make Reconstruction the pivot 
 around which smaller political issues 
 should revolve. 
 
 The regular session of the 41st Congress 
 met Dec. 4th, 1869, and before its close 
 Virginia, Georgia, Texas, and Mississippi 
 had all complied with the conditions of re- 
 construction, and were re-admitted to the 
 Union. This ]iractically completed the 
 work of reconstruction. To summarize : —
 
 194 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I, 
 
 Tennessee was re-admitted July 24th, 
 1866 ; Arkansas, June 22d, 1868 ;' North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, 
 Georgia and Florida under the act of June 
 25th, 1868, which provided that as soon as 
 they fulfilled the conditions imposed by 
 the acts of March, 1^67, they should be re- 
 admitted. All did this promptly except 
 Georgia. Virginia was re-admitted Jan- 
 uary 25th, 1870 ; Mississippi, Feb. 23d, 
 1870 ; Texas, March 30th, 1870. Georgia, 
 the most powerful and stubborn of all, had 
 passed State laws declaring negroes incapa- 
 ble of holding office, in addition to what 
 was known as the "black code," and Con- 
 gress refused fiill admission until she had 
 revoked the laws and ratified the 15th 
 Amendment. The State finally came back 
 into the Union July 15th, 1870. 
 
 The above named States completed the 
 ratification of the 15th amendment, and 
 the powers of reconstruction were plainly 
 used to that end. Some of the Northern 
 States had held back, and for a time its 
 ratification by the necessary three-fourths 
 was a matter of grave doubt. Congress 
 next passed a bill to enforce it, May 30tli, 
 1870. This made penal any interference, 
 by force or fraud, with the right of tree 
 and full manhood suffrage, and authorized 
 the President to use the army to prevent 
 violations. The measure was generally 
 supported by the Republicans, and opposed 
 by all of the Democrats. 
 
 The Republicans through other guards 
 about the ballot by passing an act to 
 amend the naturalization laws, which made 
 it penal to use false naturalization papers, 
 authorized the appointment of Federal 
 supervisors of elections in cities of over 
 20,000 inhabitants ; gave to these power of 
 arrest for any offense committed in their 
 view, and gave alien Africans the right to 
 naturalize. The Democrats in their oppo- 
 sition laid particular stress upon the extra- 
 ordinary powers given to Federal super- 
 visors, while the Kepublicans charged that 
 Seymour had carried New York by gigan- 
 tic naturalization frauds in New York city, 
 and sought to sustain these charges by the 
 unprecedented vote polled. A popular 
 quotation of the time was from Horace 
 Greeley, in the New York Tribune, who 
 showed that under the manipulations of 
 the Tweed ring, more votes liad been cast 
 for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards 
 of the city, " than there were men, women, 
 children, and cats and dogs in it." 
 
 The I^c^al Tender Drcliilon. 
 
 The Act of Congress of 1862 had made 
 "greenback" notes a legal tender, and they 
 passed as such until ISOt) against the pro- 
 tests of tlie Democrats in Congress, who 
 had questioned the right of Congress to 
 issue paper money. It was ou this issue 
 
 that Thaddeus Stevens admitted the Re- 
 publicans were travelling "outside of the 
 constitution " with a view to preserve the 
 government, and this soon became one of 
 his favorite ways of meeting partisan ob- 
 jections to war measures. At the Decem- 
 ber term of the Supreme Court, in 1869, a 
 decision was rendered that the action of 
 Congress was unconstitutional, the Court 
 then being accidentally Democratic in its 
 composition. The Republicans, believing 
 they could not afford to have their favorite, 
 and it must be admitted most useful finan- 
 cial measure questioned, secured an in- 
 crease of two in the number of Supreme 
 Justices — one under a law creating an ad- 
 ditional Justiceship, the other in place of 
 a Justice who had resigned — and in March, 
 1870, after the complexion of the Court 
 had been changed through Republican ap- 
 pointments made by President Grant, the 
 constitutionality of the legal tender act 
 was again raised, and, with Chief Justice 
 Chase (who had been Secretary of the 
 Treasury in 1862 presiding) the previous 
 decision was reversed. This was clearly a 
 partisan struggle before the Court, and on 
 the part of the Republicans an abandon- 
 ment of old landmarks impressed on the 
 country by the Jackson Democrats, but it 
 is plain that without the greenbacks the 
 war could not have been pressed with half 
 the vigor, if at all. Neither party was 
 consistent in this struggle, for Southern 
 Democrats who sided with their North- 
 ern colleagues in the plea of uncon- 
 stitutionality, had when "out of the 
 Union," witnessed and advocated the issue 
 of the same class of money by the Con- 
 federate Congress. The difference was 
 only in the ability to redeem, and this 
 ability depended uj^on success in arms — 
 the very thing the issue was designed to 
 promote. The last decision, despite its 
 ]iartisan surroundings and opposition, soon 
 won popularity, and this ))opularity was 
 subsequently taken as the groundwork for 
 the establishment of 
 
 Tlie Greenback Party. 
 
 This party, with a view to ease the 
 rigors of the monetary panic of 1873, ad- 
 vocated an unlimited issue of greenbacks, 
 or an " issue based upon the resources of 
 the country." So vigorously did dis- 
 contented leaders of both i)arties press this 
 idea, that they soon succeeded in demoral- 
 izing the Democratic minority— which 
 was by this time such a plain minority, 
 and so greatly in need of new issues to 
 make the ))cople forget the war, that it is 
 not surprising they yielded, at least ]>ar- 
 tially, to new theories and alliances. The 
 l)rcscnt one took them away from the 
 principles of Jackson, from the hard- 
 money theories of tlie early days, and would 
 land them they knew not where, nor did
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE GREENBACK PARTY. 
 
 195 
 
 many of them care, if they could once 
 more get upon their feet. Some resisted, 
 and comparatively few of the Democrats 
 in the Middle States yielded, but in part 
 of New England, the great West, and 
 nearly all of the South, it was for several 
 years quite difhcult to draw a line between 
 Greenbackers and Democrats. Some Re- 
 publicans, too, who had tired of tiie " old 
 war issues," or discontented with t!ie man- 
 agement and leadership of their party, 
 aided in the construction of the f Jrcen- 
 back bridge, and kept ui)on it as long us it 
 was safe to do so. In State elections up 
 to as late as 1880 this Greenback clement 
 was a most important tactor. Ohio was 
 carried by an allianceof Greenbackers and 
 Democrats, Allen being elected Governor, 
 only to be supplanted by Hayes (after- 
 wards President) after a most remarkable 
 contest, the alliance favoring the Green- 
 back, the Republicans not quite the hard- 
 money, but a redeemable-in-gold theory. 
 Indiana, always doubtful, passed over to 
 the Democratic column, while in the 
 Southern States the Democratic leaders 
 made open alliances until the Greenback- 
 ers became over-confident and sought to 
 win Congressional and State elections on 
 their own merits. They fancied that the 
 desire to repudiate ante-war debts would 
 greatly aid them, and they openly advo- 
 cated the idea of repudiation there, but 
 they had experienced and wise leaders to 
 cope with. They were not allowed to 
 monopolize this issue by the Democrats, 
 and their arrogance, if such it may be 
 called, was punished by a more com[)lcte 
 assertion of Democratic power in the South 
 than was ever known before. The theory 
 in the South was welcomed where it would 
 suit the Democracy, crushed where it 
 would not, as shown in the Presidential 
 election of 1880, when Garfield, Hancock 
 and Weaver (Greenbacker) were the can- 
 didates. The latter, in his stumping tour 
 of the South, proclaimed that he and his 
 friends were as much maltreated in Ala- 
 bama and other States, as the Republicans, 
 and for some cause thereafter (the Demo- 
 crats alleged "a bargain and sale") he 
 practically threw his aid to the Repul)- 
 iicans — this when it became apparent that 
 the Greenbackers, in the event of the elec- 
 tion going to the House, could have no 
 chance even there. 
 
 Gen'l Weaver went from the South to 
 Maine, the scene of what was regarded at 
 that moment as a pivotal struggle for the 
 Presidency. Blaine had twice been the 
 most prominent candidate for the Presi- 
 dency— 187G and 1880— and had both 
 times been defeated by compromise candi- 
 dates. He was still, as he had been for 
 many years. Chairman of the Republican 
 State Committee of Maine, and now as 
 ever before swallowed the mortification of 
 
 defeat with true political grace. The 
 Cireenbackers had the year before formed 
 a close alliance with the Democrats, and 
 in the State election made the result s>j 
 close that i'or many weeks it remained a 
 matter of doubt who was elected Governor, 
 ihc Democratic Greenbacker or the Re- 
 publican. A struggle followed in the 
 Legislature and before the Returning 
 Hoard composed of State officers, who 
 were Democrats, (headed by Gov. Gar- 
 land I and sought to throw out returns on 
 <liglit technicalities. Finally the Repub- 
 licans won, but not without a struggle 
 which excited attention all over the Union 
 and commanded the presence of the State 
 militia. Following Garfield's nomination 
 another struggle, as we have stated, was 
 inaugurated, with Davis as the Republican 
 nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Demo- 
 cratic-Greenback, (the latter a former Re- 
 publican). All eyes now turned to Elaine, 
 which voted in September. Gen'l Weaver 
 was on the stump then, as the Greenback 
 candidate for President, and all of his 
 efforts were bent to breaking the alliance 
 between the Greenbackers and Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 He advocated a straight-out policy for his 
 Greenback friends, described his treatment 
 in the South, and denounced the Demo- 
 cracy with such plainness that it displayed 
 his i^urpose and defeated his object. 
 Plaisted was elected by a close vote, and 
 the Republicans yielded after some threats 
 to invoke the " Garland precedents." 
 This was the second Democratic-Green- 
 back victory in Maine, the first occurring 
 two years before, when through an alli- 
 ance in the Legislature (no candidate 
 having received a majority of all the popu- 
 lar vote) Garland was returned. 
 
 The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Re- 
 publicans and enthused the Den;ocrats, 
 who now denounced Weaver, but still 
 sought alliance with his followers. Gene- 
 ral B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republi- 
 can member of Congress from Massachu- 
 setts, for several years advocated Green- 
 back ideas without breaking from his Re- 
 publican Congressional colleagues. Be- 
 cause of this fact he lost whatever of 
 chance he hail for a Rej^ublican nomination 
 for Governor, ''his only remaining politi- 
 cal ambition," and thereupon headed the 
 Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in 
 spite of the protests of the hard-money 
 Democrats in that State, captured the De- 
 mocratic organization, and after these tac- 
 tics twice ran for Governor, and Wiis de- 
 feated both times by the Republicans, 
 though he succeeded, upon State and 
 " anti-blue blood " theories, in greatly re- 
 ducing their majority. In the winter of 
 1882 he still held control of the Demo- 
 cratic State Committee, after the Green- 
 back organization had passed from view,
 
 196 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 and " what will he do next?" is one of the 
 political questions of the hour. 
 
 The Greenback labor party ceased all 
 Congressional alliance with the Democrats 
 after their quarrel with General Weaver, 
 and as late as the 47th session — 1881-82 — 
 refused all alliance, and abstained from 
 exercising what some still believe a " bal- 
 ance of power " in the House, though 
 nearly half of their numb'^r were elected 
 more as Republicans than Greenbackers. 
 
 As a party, the Greenbackers, standing 
 alone, never carried either a State or a 
 Congressional district. Their local suc- 
 cesses were due to alliances with one or 
 other of the great parties, and with tlie 
 passage of the panic they dissolved in 
 many sections, and where they still obtain 
 it is in alliance with labor unions, or in 
 strong mining or workingmen's districts. 
 In the Middle States they Avon few local 
 successes, but were strong in the coal 
 regions of Pennsylvania. Advocates of 
 similar theories have not been wanting in 
 all the countries of Western Europe follow- 
 ing great wars or panics, but it was re- 
 served to the genius of Americans to estab- 
 lish an aggressive political party on the 
 basis of theories which all great political 
 economists have from the beginning an- 
 tagonized as unsafe and unsound. 
 
 The Prohibitory Party. 
 
 The attempt to establish a third party in 
 the Greenback, begot that to establish a 
 National Prohibitory Party, which in 1880 
 ran James Black of Pennsylvania, as a 
 candidate for the Presidency, and four 
 years previous ran Neal Dow of Maine. 
 He, however, commanded little attention, 
 and received but sparsely scattered votes 
 in all the States. The sentiment at the 
 base df this party never thrived save as in 
 States, particularly in New England, where 
 it sought to impress itself on the i)revail- 
 ing political party, and through it to influ- 
 ence legislation. Neal Dow of Maine, first 
 advocated a j>rohibitory law, and by his 
 eloquent advocacy, secured that of Maine, 
 which has stood for nearly tliirty years. 
 That of Massachusetts has rcccnily been 
 repealed. Tlie |)ro]iibit()ry ameinlment to 
 the Constitution of Kansas was adojjtedin 
 1881, etc. The l'n.liil)itory Party, how- 
 ever, never accomplished anything by sep- 
 arate political action, and tliough fond of 
 nominating candiilates for State and UicmI 
 officers, has not as yet succeeded in hold- 
 ing even a balance of power between the 
 political parties, tliough it has often con- 
 fused political calculations as to results in 
 New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecti- 
 cut, Massachusetts, etc. It seems never to 
 have taken hold in any of the Southern 
 States, and comparatively little in the 
 
 Western, until the whole country was sur- 
 prised in 1880 by the passage of the Kan- 
 sas amendment by over 20,000 majority in 
 a vote of the people invoked by the Legis- 
 lature. An effort followed to submit a sim- 
 ilar amendment through the Pennsylvania 
 Legislature in 1881. It passed the House 
 by a large majority, but after discussion in 
 the Senate, and amendments to indemnify 
 manufacturers and dealers in liquor (an 
 amendment which woidd cripple if it would 
 not bankrupt the State) was adopted. Gov- 
 ernor St. John of Kansas, a gentleman fond 
 of stumping for this amendment, insists 
 that the results are good in his State, while 
 its enemies claim that it has made many 
 criminals, that liquor is everywhere smug- 
 gled and sold, ancl that the law has turned 
 the tide of immigration away from that great 
 State. The example of Kansas, however, 
 will probably be followed in other States, 
 and the Prohibitory Party will hardly pass 
 from view until this latest experiment has 
 been fairly tested. It was also the author 
 of " Local Option," which for a time swept 
 Pennsylvania, but was repealed by a large 
 majority after two years' trial. 
 
 Annexation of San Domingo. 
 
 The second session of the 41st Congress 
 began December 5th, 1870. With all of 
 the States represented, reconstruction be- 
 ing complete, the body was now divided 
 ])olitically as follows: Senate, 61 Repub- 
 licans, 13 Democrats ; House 172 Republi- 
 cans, 71 Democrats. President Grant's an- 
 nual message discussed a new question, 
 and advocated the annexation of San Do- 
 mingo to the United States. A treaty had 
 been negotiated between President Grant 
 and the President of the Republic of San 
 Domingo as early as September 4th, 1869, 
 looking to annexation, but it had been re- 
 jected by the Senate, Charles Sumner be- 
 ing prominent in his opposition to the 
 measure. He and Grant experienced a 
 growing personal unpleasantness, because 
 of the President's attempt to negotiate a 
 treaty without consulting Mr. Sumner, who 
 was Cliairman of the Committee on For- 
 eign Affairs, and it was charged that 
 through the influence of the President he 
 was removed by the Republican caucus 
 from this Chairmanship, and Senator Si- 
 mon Cameron ])Ut in his place. Whether 
 this was true or not, the diflerenccs bo- 
 tween (Jrant and Sumner were universally 
 remarked, and Sumner's imperious pride 
 led him into a very vindictive assault up- 
 on the pr()])osition. Grant gave few other 
 reasons for annexation tlian military ones, 
 suggested that as a naval station it would 
 facilitate all home operations in the Gulf, 
 while in the hands of a foreign power, in 
 the event of war, it would prove the depot 
 for many and dangerous warlike prepa-
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE FORCE BILL. 
 
 197 
 
 rations. The question had little political 
 signiticance, it" it was ever designed to have 
 any, and this second attempt to bring the 
 scheme to the attention of Congress, was 
 that a joint resolution (as in the annexa- 
 tion of Texas) might be passed. This 
 would require but a majority, but the ob- 
 jection was met that no Territory could be 
 annexed without a treaty, and this must 
 be ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. A 
 middle course was taken, and the Presi- 
 dent was authorized to appoint three Com- 
 missioners to visit Sun Domingo and as- 
 certain the desires of its people. These 
 reported I'avorably, but the subject was 
 finally dropped, probably because the pro- 
 position could not command a two-thirds 
 vote, and has not since attracted attention. 
 
 Amendator}' Eiiforct-meiit Acts. 
 
 The operation of the loth Amendment, 
 being still resisted or evaded in portions 
 of the South, an Act w'as passed to enforce 
 it. This extended the powers of the Fed- 
 eral supervisors and marshals, authorized 
 in the first, and gave the P^ederal Circuit 
 Courts exclusive jurisdiction of all cases 
 tried under the provisions of the Act and 
 its supplements. It also empowered these 
 Courts to punish any State oflicer who 
 should attempt to interfere with or try 
 such cases as in contempt of the Court's 
 jvirisdiction. The Republicans sustained, 
 the Democrats opposed the measure, but 
 it was passed and approved February 28, 
 1871, and another sujjplement was insert- 
 ed in the Sundry Civil Bill, and approved 
 June lOlh, 1872, with continued resistance 
 on the part of the Democrats. After the 
 appointment of a committee to investi- 
 gate the condition of affairs in the South- 
 ern States, Congress adjourned March 4th, 
 1871. 
 
 Tlie Alabama Claims. 
 
 During this year the long disputed Ala- 
 bama Claims of the United States against 
 Great Britain, arising from the dcpreda- 
 t'ons of the Anglo-rebel privateers, built 
 and fitted out in British waters, were re- 
 ferred by the Treaty of ^Vashington, dated 
 Jlay 8th, 1S71, to arbitrators, and this 
 was the first and most signal triumph 
 of the plan of arbitration, so far as the 
 Crovernment of the United States was 
 concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, 
 at the invitation of the governments of 
 Great Britain and the United States, from 
 these powers, and from Brazil, Italv, and 
 Switzerland. On Se[)tember 14th,* 1872, 
 they gave to the United States gross dam- 
 ages to the amount of $1'),. 500,000, an 
 amount which has subsequently proved to 
 be really in excess of the demands of mer- 
 chants and others claiming the loss of 
 
 Ijroperty through the depredations of the 
 rebel ram Alabama and other rebel priva- 
 teers. We append a list of the representa- 
 tives of the several governments: 
 
 Arbitrator oil the part of the United 
 States — Charles FxtANCis Adams. 
 
 Arbitrator on the part of Great Britain — 
 The Right Honorable Sir Alkxander 
 CocKBURN, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of 
 England. 
 
 Arbitrator on the part of Italy — His Ex- 
 cellency Senator Count ScLOPis. 
 
 Arhitrator on the part of Switzerland — 
 Mr. Jacob Stamffli. 
 
 Arbitrator on the part of Brazil — Baron 
 D'Itajuba. 
 
 Agent on the part of the United States — J. 
 C. Bancroft Davis, 
 
 Ar/ent on the part of Great Britain — 
 Right Honorable Lord Tenterden. 
 
 Counsel for the United States — CALEB 
 CusHiNG, William M. Evarts, Morri- 
 son R. Waite. 
 
 Counsel for Great Britain — Sir E,OUN- 
 DELL Palmer. 
 
 Solicitor for the United States — CHARLES 
 C. Be am AN, Jr. 
 
 The Force BUI. 
 
 The 42d Congress met ]\Iarch 4, 1871, 
 the Republicans having sulfered somewhat 
 in their representation. In the Senate 
 there were 57 Republicans, 17 Democrats; 
 in the House 138 Republicans, 103 Demo- 
 crats. James G. Blaine was again chosen 
 Speaker. The most exciting political 
 question of the session was the passage of 
 the " Force Bill," as the Democrats called 
 it. The object was more rigidly to enforce 
 observance of the provisions of the 14th 
 Amendment, as the Republicans claim ; 
 to revive a waning political power in the 
 South, and save the " carpet-bag " govern- 
 ments there, as the Democrats claimed. 
 The Act allowed suit in the Federal courts 
 against any person who should deprive 
 another of the rights of a citizen, and it 
 made it a penal offense to conspire to take 
 away any one's rights as a citizen. It also 
 provided that inability, neglect, or refusal 
 by any State governments to suppress such 
 consjiiracies, or their refusal to call upon 
 the President for aid, should be deemed a 
 denial by such State of the equal protec- 
 tion of the laws under the 14th Amend- 
 ment. It further declared such conspira- 
 cies "a rebellion against the government 
 of the United States," and authorized the 
 President, when in his judgment the pub- 
 lic safety refjuired it, to suspend the privi- 
 lege of Juibeas corpus in any district, and 
 suppress any such insurrection by the 
 army and navy. 
 
 But opposition was manifested after even 
 the earlier trials. Benjamin F. Butler de- 
 nounced the plan as English and anti-Re-
 
 198 
 
 •AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 publican, and before long some of the 
 more radical Republican papers, which 
 had indeed given litrle attention to the 
 subject, began to denounce it as a plan to 
 exclude faithful Rei^ublicans from and 
 permit Democrats to enter the offices. 
 These now argued that none of the vaga- 
 ries of political dreamers could ever con- 
 vince them that a free government can be 
 run without political parties; that while 
 rotation in office may not be a fundamen- 
 tal element of republican government, yet 
 the right of the people to recommend is its 
 corner-stone ; that civil service would lead 
 to the creation of rings, and eventually to 
 the purchase of places ; that it would 
 establish an aristocracy of office-holders, 
 who could not be removed at times when 
 it might be important, as in the rebellion, 
 for the Administration to have only friends 
 in public office; that it would establish 
 grades and life-tenures in civic positions, 
 etc. 
 
 Some of the protests were strong, and it 
 is difficult to say whether Curtis, Julian, 
 or Eaton — its three leading advocates — or 
 the politicians, had the best of the argu- 
 ment. It was not denied, however, that 
 a strong and very respectable sentiment 
 had been created in favor of the reform, 
 and to this sentiment all parties, and the 
 President as well, made a show of bowing. 
 It was fashionable to insert civil service 
 planks in National and State platforms, 
 but it was not such an issue as could live 
 in the i)resence of more exciting ones ; and 
 while to this day it has earnest and able 
 advocates, it has from year to year fallen 
 into greater disuse. Actual trial showed 
 the impracticability of some of the rules, 
 and President Grant lost interest in the 
 suljject, as did Congress, for in several in- 
 stances \t neglected to appropriate the funds 
 necessary to carry out the provisions of 
 the law. President Arthur, in his message 
 to Congress in December, 1881, argued 
 against its full api)lication, and sliowcd 
 that it blocked the way to preferment, cer- 
 tainly of the middle-aged and (ddcr per- 
 sons, who could not recall their early les- 
 sons acquired by vote; that its eflect was 
 to elevate the inexperienced to positions 
 wliich required executive ability, sound 
 judgment, Inisiness aj)titude, and exi^eri- 
 once. This feature of the message ni(>t the 
 endorsement of nearly the (>ntire Republi- 
 can press, and at this writing the senti- 
 ment, at least of the liepnblican party, aj)- 
 pears to favor ageneral modilication of the 
 rules. 
 
 The system was begun January 1st, 
 1872, but in December, ].S74, Congress re- 
 fused to make any approj)riations, and it 
 was for a time abandoned, with sliuht and 
 spasmodic revivals under the administra- 
 tion of J'nsident Hayes, who issued the 
 fullowin^j order: 
 
 Presideiit Hayes's Cl^-ll Service Order. 
 
 Executive Mansion, 
 Washington, June 22, 1877. 
 
 Sir : — I desire to call your attention to 
 the following paragraph in a letter ad- 
 dressed by me to the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, on the conduct to be observed by 
 the officers of the General Government in 
 relation to the elections : 
 
 " No officer should be required or per- 
 mitted to take part in the management of 
 political organizations, caucuses, conven- 
 tions or election campaigns. Their right 
 to vote and to express their views on pub- 
 lic questions, either orally or through the 
 press, is not denied, provided it does not 
 interfere with the discharge of their official 
 duties. No assessment for political pur- 
 poses on officers or subordinates should be 
 allowed." 
 
 This rule is applicable to exery depart- 
 ment of the Civil Service. It should be 
 understood by every officer of the General 
 Government that he is expected to con- 
 form his conduct to its requirements. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 R. B. Hayes. 
 
 By letter from the Attorney-General, 
 Charles Devens, August 1, 1877, this order 
 was held to apply to the Pennsylvania Re- 
 ])ublican Association at Washington. Still 
 later there was a further exposition, in 
 which Attorney-General Devens, writing 
 from Washington in October 1, 1877, ex- 
 cuses himself from active participation in 
 the Massachusetts State campaign, and 
 says : 
 
 " I learn with surprise and regret that 
 any of the Republican officials hesitate 
 either to speak or vote, alleging as a reason 
 the President's recent Civil Service order. 
 In distinct terms that order states that the 
 right of officials to vote and express their 
 views on public questions, cither orally or 
 through the i)ress, is not denied, provided 
 it does not interfere with the discharge of 
 their official duties. If such gentlemen 
 choose not to vote, or not to express or en- 
 force their views in sup])ort of the princi- 
 ples of the Republican party, either orally 
 or othenvise, they, at least, should give a 
 reason for such a course which is not justi- 
 (ied by the order referred to, and which is 
 simply a perversion of it." 
 
 Yet later, when the interest inthePenn- 
 syh'ania election became general, because 
 of the shan> struggle between Governor 
 Iloyt and Senator Dill for Governor, a 
 committee of gentlemen (Republicans) vis- 
 ited President Hayes and induced him to 
 "suspend the operation of the order" as 
 to Pennsylvania, where jiolitical contribu- 
 tions were collected. From that time for- 
 ward the order as to contributions and the 
 action of oihce-holdera was not observed.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE LIBERAL REPUBLICANS. 
 
 199 
 
 Amnesty. 
 
 The first regular session of the 42d Con- 
 gress met Dec. 4th, 1871. The Democrats 
 consumed much of the time in ellorts to 
 pass bills to remove the jjolitical disabili- 
 ties of former Southern rcl)els, and they 
 were materially aided by the editorials of 
 Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, 
 which had long contended for universal 
 amnesty. At this session, all such elibrts 
 were defeated by the Republicans, who in- 
 variably amended the propositions by ad- 
 ding Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights 
 Bill, which was intended to prevent any 
 discrimination against colored persons by 
 common carriers, hotels, or other chartered 
 or licensed servants. The Amnesty Bill, 
 however, was passed May 22d, 1872, after 
 an agreement to exclude from its provisions 
 all who held the higher military and civic 
 positions under the Confederacy — in all 
 about 350 persons. The following is a 
 copy : 
 
 Be it enacted, etc., (two-thirds of each 
 House concurring therein,) That all legal 
 and political disabilities imi^osed by the 
 third section of the fourteenth article of 
 the amendments of the Constitution of the 
 United States are hereby removed from all 
 persons whomsoever, except Senators and 
 Representatives of the Thiity-sixth and 
 Thirty-seventh Congress, officers in the 
 judicial, military, and naval service of the 
 United States, heads of Departments, and 
 foreign ministers of the United States. 
 
 Sul)sequently many acts removing the 
 disabilities of all excepted (save Jefferson 
 Davis) from the provisions of the above, 
 were passed. 
 
 Tlie lilberal Repiibllcaus. 
 
 An issue raised in Missouri gave imme- 
 diate rise to the Liberal Republican party, 
 though the course of Horace Greeley had 
 long pointed toward the organization of 
 something of the kind, and with equal 
 plainness it pointed to his desire to be its 
 champion and candidate for the Presi- 
 dency. In 1870 the Republican party, 
 then in control of the Legislature of Mis- 
 souri, split into two parts on the question 
 of the removal of the disqualifications im- 
 posed upon rebels by the State Constitu- 
 tion during the war. Those favoring the 
 removal of disabilities were headed by B. 
 Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, and they 
 called tliLMuselves Liberal Republicans ; i 
 those opposed were called and accepted 
 the name of Radical Repul)licans. The 
 former quickly allied themselves with the 
 Democrats, and thus carried the State, [ 
 though Grant's administration " stood in"' 
 with the Radicals. As a result the dis- I 
 abilities were quickly removed, and those 
 who believed with Greeley now sought to 
 promote a reaction iu Republican senti- j 
 
 ment all over the country. Greeley wa.s 
 the recognized head of this movement, and 
 he was ably aided by ex-Governor Curtin 
 and Col. 4» K- McClure in Pennsylvania ; 
 Charles Francis Adams, Massachasetts ; 
 Judge Trumbull, in Illinois; Reuben E. 
 Fenton, in New York ; Brown and Schurz 
 in Missouri, and in fact by leading Re- 
 publicans in nearly all of the States, who 
 at once began to lay plans to carry the 
 next Presidential election. 
 
 They charged that the Enforcement Acts 
 of Congress were designed more for the 
 political advancement of Grant's adherents 
 than for the benefit of the country ; that 
 instead of supjnx'ssing they were calcula- 
 ted to promote a war of races in the South ; 
 that Grant was seeking the establishment 
 of a military despotism, etc. These leaders 
 were, as a rule, brilliant men. They had 
 tired of unappreciated and unrewarded 
 service in the Republican party, or had a 
 natural fondness for " jiastures new," and, 
 in the language of the day, they quickly 
 succeeded in making political movements 
 " lively." 
 
 In the spring of 1871 the Liberal Repub- 
 licans and Democrats of Ohio — and Ohio 
 seems to be the most fertile soil for new 
 ideas — prepared for a fusion, and after fre- 
 quent consultations of the various leaders 
 with Mr. Greeley in New Y'ork, a call was 
 issued from Missouri on the 24th of Janu- 
 ary, 1872, for a National Convention of 
 the Liberal Republican party to be held 
 at Cincinnati, May 1st. The well-matured 
 plans of the leaders were carried out in the 
 nomination of Hon. Horace Greeley for 
 President and B. Gratz Brown for Vice- 
 President, though not without a serious 
 struggle over the chief nomination, which 
 was warmly contested by the friends of 
 Charles Francis Adams. Indeed he led 
 in most of the six ballots, but finally all 
 the friends of other candidates voted for 
 Greeley, and he received 482 to 187 for 
 Adams. Dissatisfaction followed, and a 
 later effort was made to substitute Adams 
 for Greeley, but it failed. The original 
 leaders now prepared to cajjture the Demo- 
 cratic Convention, which met at Baltimore, 
 June 9th. By nearly an unanimous vote 
 it was induced to endorse the Cincinnati 
 platform, and it likewise finally endorsed 
 Greeley and Brown — though not without 
 many bitter protests. A iew straight-out 
 Democrats met later at Louisville. Ky., 
 Sept. 3d, and nominated Charles O'Conor, 
 of New York, for President, and John 
 Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice- 
 President, and these were kept in the race 
 to the end, receiving a popular vote of 
 about 30,000. 
 
 The regular Republican National Con- 
 vention was held at Philadelphia, Juno 
 5th. It renominated President Grant 
 unanimously, and Henry Wilson, of Mas-
 
 200 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 sachusetts, for Vice-President by 364^ 
 votes to 321 2" for Schuyler Colfax, who 
 thus shared the fate of ilannibal Hamlin 
 in his second candidacy for Vice^resident 
 on the ticket with Abraham Lincoln. 
 This change to Wilson was to favor the 
 solid Kepublican States of New England, 
 and to prevent both candidates coming 
 from the West. 
 
 civil Ser»-lce Reform. 
 
 After considerable and very able agita- 
 tion by Geo. W. Curtis, the editor of 
 Harper's Weekly, an Act was passed March 
 3d, 1871, authorizing the President to be- 
 gin a reform in the civil service. He ap- 
 pointed a Commission headed by Mr. Cur- 
 tis, and after more than a year's preparation 
 this body defeated a measure which se- 
 cured Congressional approval and that of 
 President Grant. 
 
 The civil service law (and it is still a 
 law though more honored now in the 
 breach than the observance) embraced in 
 a single section of the act making appropri- 
 ations for sundry civil expenses for the 
 year ending June 30, 1872, and authorize the 
 President to prescribe such rules and reg- 
 ulations for admission into the civil ser- 
 vice as will best promote the efficiency 
 thereof, and ascertain the fitness of each 
 candidate for the branch of service into 
 which he seeks to enter. Under this law 
 a commission was appointed to draft rules 
 and regulations which were approved and 
 are now being enforced by the President. 
 All applicants for position in any of the 
 government departments come under these 
 rules : — all classes of clerks, copyists, coun- 
 ters ; in the customs service all from deputy 
 collector down to inspectors and clerks 
 with the salaries of §^1200 or more ; in ap- 
 praisers' offices all assistants and clerks ; 
 m the naval service all clerks ; all light- 
 house keepers ; in the revenue, supervisors, 
 collectors, assessors, assistants ; in the pos- 
 tal really all j)nst masters whose pay is over 
 $200, and all mail messengers. The rules 
 apply to all new appointments in the de- 
 partments or grades named, except that 
 
 nothing shall prevent the reappointment 
 at discretion of the incumbents of any of- 
 fice the term of which is fixed by law." 
 So that a postmaster or other officer 
 escapes their application. Those specially 
 exempt are the Heads of Departments; 
 their immediate assistants and deputies, the 
 diplomatic service, the judiciary, and the 
 district att<^>rney8. Each branch of the 
 service is to be grouped, and admission 
 shall always be to the lowest grade of any 
 grouj>. Such appointments are made for a 
 probationary term of six months, when if 
 the Hoard f>f Exjimiucrs approve the in- 
 cumbent is continued. Tliis Board of Ex- 
 aminers, three in number in each case, 
 
 shall be chosen by the President from the 
 several Departments, and they shall ex- 
 amine at Washington for any position 
 there, or, when directed by an Advisory 
 Board, shall assign places for examination 
 in the several States. Examinations are 
 in all cases first made of applicants within 
 the office or department, and from the list 
 three reported in the order of excellence ; 
 if those within fail, then outside applicants 
 may be examined. In the Federal Blue 
 Book, which is a part of this volume, we 
 give the Civil Service Rules. 
 
 W^hen first proposed, partisan politics 
 had no part or place in civil service re- 
 form, and the author of the plan was him- 
 self a distinguished Republican. In fact 
 both parties thought something good had 
 been reached, and there was practically no 
 resistance at first to a trial. 
 
 The Democrats resisted the passage of 
 this bill with even more earnestness than 
 any which preceded it, but the Republi- 
 can discipline was almost perfect, and 
 when passed it received the prompt ap- 
 proval of President Grant, who by this 
 time was classed as " the most radical of 
 the radicals." Opponents denounced it as 
 little if any less obnoxious than the old 
 Sedition law of 1798, while the Republi- 
 cans claimed that it was to meet a state of 
 growing war in the South — a war of races 
 — and that the form of domestic violence 
 manifested was in the highest degree dan- 
 gerous to the peace of the Union and the 
 safety of the newly enfranchised citizens. 
 
 The Credit Molilller. 
 
 At the second session of the 42d Con- 
 gress, beginning Dec. 2, 1872, the speaker 
 (Blaine) on the first day called attention 
 to the charges made by Democratic orators 
 and newspapers during the Presidential 
 campaign just closed, that the Vice Presi- 
 dent (Colfax), the Vice President elect 
 (Wilson), the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 several Senators, the Speaker of the House, 
 and a large number of Representatives had 
 been bribed, during the years 1867 and 
 1868, by Oakes Ames, a member of the 
 House from ]\Iassachusetts ; that he and 
 his agents had given them presents of 
 stock in a corfioratiou known as the Credit 
 IMobilier, to intluence their legislative ac- 
 tion for the benefit of the Union Pacific 
 Railroad Com pay. 
 
 Upon Speaker Blaine's motion, a com- 
 mittee of investigation was appointed by 
 Hon, S. S. Cox, of New York, a noted 
 Democrat temporarily called to the Chair. 
 
 After the close of the campaign, (as was 
 remarked by the Republic Magazine at the 
 time) the dominant party migiit well have 
 claimed, and would have insisted had they 
 been opposed to a a thorough investigation
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 201 
 
 and a full exposure of corriiption, that the 
 verdict of the people in the late canvs.s 
 was sufficient answer to these charges ; but 
 the Republican party not merely granted 
 all the investigations sought, but sum- 
 moned on the leading committee a ma- 
 jority of its political foes to conduct the 
 inquest. 
 
 The committee consisted of Messrs. Po- 
 land, of Vermont ; McCrear_^, of Iowa ; 
 Banks, of Massachusetts ; Niblack, of Indi- 
 ana, and Merrick, of Maryland. 
 
 Messrs. Poland and ]\IcOreary — the two 
 Republicans — were gentlemen of ability 
 and standing, well known for their integ- 
 rity, moderation, and im])artiality. Gen- 
 eral Banks waa an earnest sui)])orter of 
 Horace Greeley, upon the alleged ground 
 that the Republican organization had be- 
 come effete and corrupt : while Messrs. 
 Niblack and Merrick are among the ablest 
 representatives of the Democratic party ; 
 in fact, Mr. Merrick belonged to the ex- 
 treme Southern school of political thought. 
 
 Having patiently and carefully exam- 
 ined and sifted the entire testimony — often 
 " painfully conflicting," as the committee 
 remarked — their report ought to be con- 
 sidered a judicial document commanding 
 universal approval, yet scraps of the testi- 
 mony and not the report itself were used 
 with painful frequency against James A. 
 Garfield in his Presidential canvass of 
 1880. There has not been a state paper 
 submitted for many years upon a similar 
 subject that carried with it greater weight, 
 or which bore upon its face a fuller reali- 
 zation of the grave responsibilities assumed, 
 and it is the first time in the political his- 
 tory of the United States that an all-im- 
 portant investigation has been entrusted by 
 the dominant party to a majority of its po- 
 litical foes. 
 
 The report of the committee gives the 
 best and by far the most reliable hist^ory of 
 the whole affair, and its presentation here 
 may aid in preventing partisan misrepre- 
 sentations in the future — misrepresenta- 
 tions made in the heat of contest, and 
 doubtless regretted afterwards by all who 
 had the fiicilities for getting at the facts. 
 We therefore give the 
 
 OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CREDIT MO- 
 BILIER INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE. 
 
 Mr. Poland, from the select committee 
 to investigate the alleged Credit ]\Iobilier 
 briberv, made the following report Febru- 
 ary 18, 1873: 
 
 The special committee appointed under 
 the following resolutions of the House to 
 wit : 
 
 Whereas, Accusations have been made 
 in the j)u'olic press, founded on alleged 
 letters of Cakes Ames, a Representative of 
 ]\Iassachusetts, and upon the alleged affi- 
 davits of Henry S. McComb, a citizen of 
 
 Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, to 
 the effect that members of lliis House 
 were bribed by Cakes Ames to perform 
 certain legishitive acts for the benefit of 
 the Union Pacific Railroad ('omi)any, by 
 presents of stock in the Credit Mobilicr of 
 America, or by presents of a valuable char- 
 acter derived therefrom : therelore, 
 
 Resolved, That a special committee of 
 five members l^e appointed by the Speaker 
 l)ro tempore, whose duty it shall be to in- 
 vestigate whether any member of tliis 
 House was bribed by Cakes Ames, or any 
 other person or corporation, in any matter 
 touching his legislative duty. 
 
 Rejoiced, further, That the committee 
 have the right to employ a stenographer, 
 and that they be empowered to send for 
 persons and pajjcrs ; 
 beg leave to make the following report: 
 
 In order to a clear understanding of the 
 facts hereinafter stated as to contracts and 
 dealings in reference to stock of the Credit 
 Mobilier of America, between Mr. Cakes 
 Ames and others, and members of Con- 
 gress, it is necessary to make a preliminary 
 statement of the connection of that com- 
 pany with the Union Pacific Railroad Com- 
 pany, and their relations to each other. 
 
 The company called the " Credit Mo- 
 bilier of America " was incorporated by 
 the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and in 
 1864 control of its charter and franchises 
 had been obtained by certain persons in- 
 terested in the Union Pacific Railroad 
 Company, for the purpose of using it as a 
 construction conipany to build the Union 
 Pacific road. In September, 1864, a con- 
 tract was entered into between the Union 
 Pacific Company and H. M. Hoxie, for the 
 building by said Hoxie of one hundred 
 miles of said road from Omaha west. 
 
 This contract was at once assigned by 
 Hoxie to the Credit ]\Iol)ilier Company, as 
 it was expected to be when made. Under 
 this contract and extensions of it some two 
 or three hundred miles of road were built 
 by the Credit Mobilier Company, but no 
 considerable profits appear to have been 
 realized therefrom. The enterprise of 
 building a railroad to the Pacific wits of 
 such vast magnitude, and was beset by so 
 many hazards and risks that the capitalists 
 of the countrj' were generally averse to in- 
 vesting in it, and, notwithstanding the lib- 
 eral aid granted by the Government it 
 seemed likelv to fail of completion. 
 
 In 1865 or 1866, Mr. Cakes Ames, then 
 and now a member of the House from the 
 State of ^Massachusetts, and his brother 
 Oliver Ames became interested in the 
 Union Pacific Company and also in the 
 Credit Mobilier Company as the agents for 
 the construction of the road. The Mes- 
 srs. Ames were men of very large capital, 
 and of known character an<l integrity in 
 business. By their example and credit,
 
 202 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 and the personal efforts of Mr. Oakes 
 Ames, many men of capital were induced 
 to embark in the enterprise, and to take 
 stock in the Union Pacific Company and 
 also in the Credit Mobilier Company. 
 Among them were the firm of S. Hooj^er 
 & Co., of Boston, the leading member of 
 which, Mr. Samuel Hooper, was then and 
 is now a member of the House ; Mr. John 
 B. Alley, then a member of the House 
 from Massachusetts, and Mr. Grimes, then 
 a Senator from the State of Iowa. Not- 
 withstanding the vigorous efforts of Mr. 
 Ames and others interested with him, great 
 difliculty was experienced in securing the 
 required capital. 
 
 In the spring of 1867 the Credit Mo- 
 bilier Company voted to add 50 per cent, 
 to their cajntal stock, which was then two 
 and a half millions of dollars ; and to cause 
 it to be readily taken each subscriber to it 
 was entitled to receive as a bonus an equal 
 amount of first mortgage bonds of the 
 Union Pacific Company. The old stock- 
 holders were entitled to take this increase, 
 but even the favorable terms offered did 
 not induce all the old stockholders to take 
 it, and the stock of the Credit Mobilier 
 Company was never considered worth its 
 par value until after the execution of the 
 Oakes Ames contract hereinafter men- 
 tioned. 
 
 On the 16th day of August, 1867, a con- 
 tract was executed between the Union Pa- 
 cific Eailmad Company and Oakes xVmes, 
 by whiiliMr. Ames contracted to build six 
 hundred and sixty-seven miles of the Union 
 Pacific road at prices ranging from $42,000 
 to $96,000 per mile, amounting in the ag- 
 gregate to $47,000,000. Before the con- 
 tract was entered into it was understood 
 that ]\Ir. Ames was to transfer it to seven 
 trdstees, who were to execute it, and the 
 profits of the contract were to be divided 
 among the stockholders in the Credit Mo- 
 bilier Company, who should couqaly with 
 certain conditions set out in the instru- 
 ment transferring the contract to the trus- 
 tees. The Ames contract and the trans- 
 fer to trustees are incorporated in the evi- 
 dence submitted, and therefore further re- 
 cital of their terms is not deemed neces- 
 sary. 
 
 Substantially, all the stockholders of the 
 Credit JIol)ilier complieil with the condi- 
 tions named in the transfer, and thus be- 
 came entitled to sliarc in any profits said 
 trustees might nuike in executing the con- 
 tract. 
 
 All tlie large stockliolders in the Union 
 Pacific were also stockliolders in the Credit 
 Mobilier, ami the Ames contract and its 
 transfer to trustees were ratified by the 
 Union Pacific, and received the assent of 
 the great body of stockliolders, l)Ut not of 
 all. 
 
 After the Ames contract had been exe- 
 
 cuted, it was expected by those interested 
 that by reason of the enormous prices 
 agreed to be paid for the work very large 
 profits would be derived from building the 
 road, and very soon the stock of the Cred- 
 it 3Iobilier was understood by those hold- 
 ing it to be worth much more than its par 
 value. The stock was not in the market 
 and had no fixed market value, but the 
 holders of «t, in December, 1867, consid- 
 ered it worth at least double the par value, 
 and in January and February, 1868, three 
 or lour times the par value, but it does not 
 appear that these facts were generally or 
 publicly known, or that the holders of the 
 stock desired they should be. 
 
 The foregoing statement the committee 
 think gives enough of the historic details, 
 and condition and value of the stock, to 
 make the following detailed facts intelli- 
 gible. 
 
 Mr. Oakes Ames was then a member of 
 the House of Representatives, and came to 
 Washington at the commencement of the 
 session, about the beginning of December, 
 1867. During that month Mr. Ames en- 
 tered into contracts with a considerable 
 number of members of Congress, both Sen- 
 ators and Representatives, to let them have 
 shares of stock in the Credit Mobilier 
 Company at par, with interest thereon from 
 the first day of the previous July. It does 
 not appear that in any instance he asked 
 any of these persons to pay a higher price 
 than the par value and interest, nor that 
 ]\Ir. Ames used any special eflbrt or ur- 
 gency to get these persons to take it. In 
 all these negotiations Mr. Ames did not 
 enter into any details as to the value of 
 the stock or the amount of dividend that 
 might be expected ujjon it, but stated gen- 
 erally that it would be good stock, and in 
 several instances said he would guarantee 
 that they should get at least 10 per cent, 
 on their money. 
 
 Some of these gentlemen, in their con- 
 versations with Mr. Ames, raised the ques- 
 tion whether becoming holders of this 
 stock would bring them into any embar- 
 rassment as members of Congress in their 
 legislative action. Mr. Ames quieted such 
 suggestions by saying it could not, for the 
 Union Pacific h:ul received from Congress 
 all tlic grants and legislation it wanted, 
 and they should ask I'or nothing more. In 
 some instances those members who con- 
 tracted for stock ])aid to Mr. Ames the 
 money for the price of the stock, i)ar and 
 interest; in others, where they had not the 
 money, ]\Ir. Ames agreed to carry the 
 stock for them until they could get the 
 money or it should be met by the divi- 
 dends. 
 
 jMr. Ames was at this time a large stock- 
 holder in the Credit Mobiler, but he did 
 not intend any of these transactions to be 
 sales of his own stock, but intended to ful-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 203 
 
 fill all these contracts from stock belong- 
 ing to the company. 
 
 At this time there were about six hun- 
 dred and fifty shares of the stock of the com- 
 pany, which had for some reason been 
 placed in the name of Mr. T. C. Duraiit, 
 one of the leading and active men of the 
 concern. 
 
 Mr. Ames claimed that a portion of this 
 stock should be assigned to him to enable 
 him to fulfill engagements he had made 
 for stock. Mr. Durant claimed that he 
 had made similar engagements that he 
 should be allowed stock to fulfill. Mr. 
 McComl), who was jiresent at the time, 
 claimed that he had also made engage- 
 ments for stock which he should have 
 stock given him to carry out. This claim 
 of McComb was refused, but after the 
 stock was assigned to Mr. Ames, McComb 
 insisted that Ames should distribute some 
 of the stock to his (McGomb's) friends, and 
 named Senators Bayard and Fowler, and 
 Representatives Allison and Wilson, of 
 Iowa. 
 
 It was finally arranged that three hun- 
 dred and forty-three shares of the stock of 
 the company should be transferred to Mr. 
 Ames to enable him to perform his engage- 
 ments, and that number of shares were set 
 over on the books of the company to Oakes 
 Ames, trustee, to distinguish it from the 
 stock held by him before. Mr. Ames at 
 the time paid to the coTupany the par of 
 the stock and interest from the July pre- 
 vious, and this stock still stands on the 
 books in the name of Oakes Ames, trustee, 
 except thirteen shares which have been 
 transferred to parties in no way connected 
 with Congress. The committee do not find 
 that Mr. Ames had any negotiation what- 
 ever with any of these members of Con- 
 gress on the subject of this stock prior to 
 the commencement of the session of De- 
 cember, 18(57, except Mr. Scofield, of Penn- 
 sylvania, and it was not claimed that any 
 obligation existed from Mr. Ames to him 
 as the result of it. 
 
 In relation to the purpose and motives 
 of Mr. Ames in contracting to let members 
 of Congress have Credit Mobilier stock at 
 par, which he and all other owners of it 
 considered worth at least double that sum, 
 the committee, upon the evidence taken 
 by them and submitted to the House, can- 
 not entertain doubt. When he said he did 
 not suppose the Union P'acifio Company 
 would ask or need further legislation, he 
 stated what he believed to be true. But 
 he feared the interests of the road might 
 sutler by adverse legislation, and what he 
 desired to accomplish was to enlist strength 
 and friends in Congress who would resist 
 any encroachment upon or interference 
 with the rights and privileges already se- 
 cured, and to that end wished to create in 
 them an interest identical with his own. 
 
 This purpose is clearly avowed in his let- 
 ters to McComb, copied in the evidence. 
 He says he intends to place the stork 
 " where it will do most good to us." And 
 again, " we want nnjre friends in this Con- 
 gress." In his letter to McComb, and also 
 in his statement prepared by counsel, he 
 gives the philosophy of his action, to wit, 
 "That he has found there is no difficulty 
 in getting men to look after their own 
 ])ro])erly." The committee are also satis- 
 fied that ]\Ir. Ames entertained a i'ear that, 
 when tlie true relations Ijetween the Credit 
 Mobilier Company and the Union Pacific 
 became generally known, and the means 
 by which the great j^rolits expected to be 
 made were fully understood, there Avas 
 danger that congressional investigation and 
 action would be invoked. 
 
 The members of Congress with whom he 
 dealt were generally those who h;id l)eeu 
 friendly and favorable to a Pacific Rail- 
 road, and Mr. Ames did not fear or expect 
 to find them favorable to movements hos- 
 tile to it; but he desired to stimulate their 
 activity and watchfulness in opposition to 
 any unfavorable action by giving them a 
 personal interest in the suceess of the en- 
 terprise, especially so far as it affected the 
 interest of the Credit Mobilier Com])anv. 
 On the 9th day of December, 18G7, Mr. C. C, 
 Washburn, of AVisconsin, introduced in the 
 House a bill to regulate by law the rates 
 of transportation over the Pacific Railroad. 
 
 Mr. Ames, as well as others interested in 
 the Union Pacific road, was opposed to 
 this, and desired to defeat it. Other mea- 
 sures apparently hostile to that company 
 were subsequently introduced into the 
 House by Mr. Washburn of Wisconsin, and 
 Mr. Washburne of Illinois The commit- 
 tee believe that Mr. Ames, in his distribu- 
 tions of stock, had specially in mind the 
 hostile efforts of' the Messrs. Washburn, 
 and desired to gain strength to secure their 
 defeat. The reference in one of his letters 
 to " Washburn's move " makes this quite 
 apparent. 
 
 The foregoing is deemed by the commit- 
 tee a sufficient statement of facts as to ^Ir. 
 Ames, taken in connection with what will 
 be subsequently stated of his transactions 
 with particular persons. Mr. Ames made 
 some contracts for stock in the Credit 
 Mobilier with members of the Senate. In 
 public discussions of tliis subject the names 
 of members of both Houses have been so 
 connected, and all these transactions were 
 so nearly simultaneous, that the committee 
 deemed it their duty to olitainall evidence 
 in their jHtwer, as to all persons then mem- 
 l)ers of either House, and to rei)ort the 
 same to the House. Having done this, and 
 the House having directed that evidence 
 transmitted to the Senate, the committee 
 consider their own power and ihity, as well 
 as that of the House, fully performed, so
 
 204 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 far as members of the Senate are concerned. 
 Some of Mr. Ames's contracts to sell stock 
 were with gentlemen who were then mem- 
 bers of the House, but are not members of 
 the present Congress. 
 
 The committee have sought for and ta- 
 ken all the evidence within their reach as 
 to those gentlemen, and reported the same 
 to the House. As the House has ceased 
 to have jurisdiction over them as members, 
 the committee have not deemed it their 
 duty to make any special finding of facts 
 as to each, leaving the House and the 
 country to theu' own conclusions upon the 
 testimony. 
 
 In regard to each of the members of the 
 present House, the committee deem it 
 their duty to state specially the facts they 
 find proved by the evidence, which, in 
 some instances, is painfully conflicting. 
 
 MR. JAMES G. BLAINE, OF MAINE. 
 
 Among those who have in the public 
 press been charged with improper partici- 
 pation in Credit Mobilier stock is the pre- 
 sent Speaker, Mr. Blaine, who moved'the 
 resolution for this investigation. The com- 
 mittee have, therefore, taken evidence in 
 regard to him. They find from it that Mr. 
 Ames had conversation with Mr. Blaine in 
 regard to taking ten shares of the stock, 
 and recommended it as a good investment. 
 Upon consideration Mr. Blaine concluded 
 not to take the stock, and never did take 
 it, and never paid or received anything on 
 account of it ; and Mr. Blaine never had 
 any interest, direct or indirect, in Credit 
 Mobilier stock or stock of the Union 
 Pacific Railroad Company. 
 
 ME. HENRY L. DAWES, OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Mr. Dawes had, prior to December, 1867, 
 made some small investments in railroad 
 bonds through Mr. Ames. In December, 
 1867, Mr". Dawes applied to Mr. Ames to 
 purchase a thousand -dollar bond of the 
 Cedar Rapids road, in Iowa. Mr. Ames 
 informed him that he had sold them all, 
 but that he would let him have for his 
 thousand dollars ton shares of Credit Mo- 
 bilier stock, whicli he thought was better 
 than the railroad l)ond. In answer to in- 
 quiries by Mr. Dawos Mr. Ames said the 
 Credit ]VIol)ilier Company had the con- 
 tract to build the T'liion Pacific road, and 
 thought they would make money out of it, 
 and that it would be a good thing; tliat he 
 would guarantee that he should get 10 i>er 
 cent, on his money, and that if at any 
 time Mr. Dawes did not want the stock he 
 wr)uld pay back his money with 10 per 
 cent, interest. Mr. Dawes made some fur- 
 ther intiuiry in relation to the stock of Mr. 
 .John B. Alley, who said he thought it was 
 good stock, but not as pood as Mr. Ames 
 thought, but that Mr. Ames's guarantee 
 would make it a perfectly safe investment. 
 
 ) Mr. Dawes thereupon concluded to pur- 
 chase the ten shares, and on the 11th of 
 January he paid Mr. Ames $800, and in a 
 few days thereafter the balance of the 
 price of this stock, at par and interest from 
 July previous. In June, 1868, Mr. Ames 
 received a dividend of 60 per cent, in 
 money on this stock, and of it paid to Mr. 
 Dawes §400, and applied the balance of 
 S200 upon accounts between them. This 
 $400 was all that was paid over to Mr. 
 Dawes as a dividend upon this stock. At 
 some time prior to December, 1868, Mr. 
 Dawes w'as informed that a suit had been 
 commenced in the courts of Pennsylvania 
 by former owners of the charter of the 
 Credit Mobilier, claiming that those then 
 claiming and using it had no right to do 
 so. Mr. Dawes thereupon informed Mr. 
 Ames that as there was a litigation about 
 the matter he did not desire to keep the 
 stock. On the 9th of December, 1868, Mr. 
 Ames and Mr. Dawes had a settlement of 
 their matters in which Mr. Dawes w^as al- 
 lowed for the money he paid for the stock 
 with 10 per cent, interest upon it, and ac- 
 counted to Mr. Ames for the $400 he had 
 received as a dividend. Mr. Dawes re- 
 ceived no other benefit under the contract 
 than to get 10 per cent, upon his money, 
 and after the settlement had no further in- 
 terest in the stock. 
 
 MR. GLENNI "W. SCOFIELD, OF PENN- 
 SYLVANIA. 
 
 In 1866 Mr. Scofield purchased some 
 Cedar Rapids bonds of Mr. Ames, and in 
 that year they had conversations about 
 Mr. Scofield taking stock in the Credit 
 Mobilier Company, but no contract was 
 consummated. In December, 1867, Mr. 
 Scofield applied to Mr. Ames to purchase 
 more Cedar Rapids bonds, when Mr. Ames 
 suggested he should purchase some Credit 
 Mobilier stock, and explained generally 
 that it was a contracting company to build 
 the Union Pacific road ; that it was a 
 Pennsylvania cor^joration, and he would 
 like to have some Pcnnsylvanians in it; 
 that he would sell it to him at par and in- 
 terest, and that he would guarantee he 
 should get 8 per cent, if Mr. Scofield would 
 give him half the dividends above that. 
 Mr. Scofield said he thought he would 
 take $1,000 of the stock; but before any- 
 thing further was done jNIr. Scofield was 
 called home by sickness in his family. On 
 his return, the latter jjart of January, 
 1868, he spoke to Mr. Ames about the 
 stock, when Mr. Ames said he thought it 
 was all sold, but he would take his money 
 and give him a receipt, and get the stock 
 for him if he could. Mr. Scofield there- 
 upon paid Mr. Ames $1,041, and took his 
 receipt therefor. 
 
 Not long after Mr. Ames informed Mr. 
 Scofield he could have the stock, but could
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 205 
 
 not give him a certificate for it until he 
 could get a larger certificate dividend. 
 Mr. Scofield received the bond dividend of 
 80 per cent., which was paval)le Januarv 'd, 
 18G8, taking a bond for $1,0(»<) and paying 
 Mr. Ame3 the dilference. Mr. Ames re- 
 ceived the 60 per cent. ca.sh dividend on 
 the .stock in June, 1SG8, and paid over to 
 Mr. Scofield ${]()0, the amount of it. 
 
 Before the close of that .session of Con- 
 gress, which was toward the end of July, 
 Mr. Scofield became, for some reason, dis- 
 inclined to take the .stock, and a settlement 
 was made between them, l)y which Mr. 
 Ames was to retain the (!redit Mobiller 
 stock and Mr. Scofield took a thousand 
 dollars Union Pacific bond and ten shax'es 
 of Union Pacific stock. 
 
 The precise basis of the settlement does 
 not appear, neither Mr. Ames nor Mr. 
 Scofield having any full date in reference 
 to it ; Mr. Scofield thinks that he only re- 
 ceived back his money and interest upon 
 it, while Mr. Ames states that he thinks 
 Mr. Scofield had ten shares of Union 
 Pacific stock in addition. The committee 
 do not deem it specially important to settle 
 this difference of recollection. Since that 
 settlement Mr. Scofield has had no interest 
 in the Credit Mobilier stock and derived 
 no benefit therefrom. 
 
 MR. JOHN A. BINGHAM, OF OHIO. 
 
 In December, 1867, Mr. Ames advised 
 Mr. Bingham to invest in the stock of the 
 Credit Mobilier, assuring him that it would 
 return him his money with profitable divi- 
 dends. Mr. Bingham agreed to take 
 twenty shares, and about the 1st of Febru- 
 ary, 1868, paid to Mr. Ames the par value 
 of the stock, for which Mr. Ames executed 
 to him some receipt or agreement. Mr. 
 Ames received all the dividends on the 
 stock, whether in Union Pacific bonds, or 
 stock, or money; some were delivered to 
 Mr. Bingham and some retained by Mr. 
 Ames. The matter was not finally ad- 
 justed between them until February, 1872, 
 when it was settled, IMr. Ames retaining 
 the twenty shares of Credit Mobilier stock, 
 and accounting to Mr. Bingham for such 
 dividends upon it as Mr. Bingham had not 
 already received. Mr. Bingham was 
 treated as the real owner of the stock from 
 the time of the agreement to take it, in 
 December, 1867, to the settlement in Feb- 
 ruary, 1872, and had the benefit of all the 
 dividends upon it. Neither Mr. Ames nor 
 Mr. Bingham had such records of their 
 dealing as to be able to give the precise 
 amount of those dividends. 
 
 MR. WILLIAM D. KELLEY, OF PENNSYL- 
 VANIA. 
 
 The committee find from the evidence 
 that in the early part of the second session 
 of the Fortieth Congress, and probably in 
 
 December, 1867, Mr. Ames agreed with 
 Mr. Kelley to sell him ten shares of Credit 
 Mobilier stock at par and interest from 
 July 1, 1867. Mr. Kelley was not then 
 prepared to pay i'or the stock, and i\Ir. 
 Ames agiced to carry the stock for him 
 until he could pay for it. On the third 
 day of January, 1868, there was a dividend 
 of 80 per cent, on Credit Mobilier stock in 
 Union Pacific bonds. Mr. Ames received 
 the bonds, as the stock stood in his name, 
 and sold them for 97 per cent, of their face. 
 In .June, 1868, there wiis a cash dividend 
 of 60 per cent., which Mr. Ames also re- 
 ceived. The jjroceeds of the bonds sold, 
 and the cash dividends received by Mr. 
 Ames, amounted to $1,376. The par value 
 of the stock and interest thereon from the 
 previous July amounted to $1,047 ; so that, 
 after paying for the stock, there was a 
 balance of dividends due Mr. Kelley of 
 $329. On the 23d day of June, 1868, Mr. 
 Ames gave Mr, Kelley a check for that 
 sum on the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House 
 of Representatives, and Mr. Kelley re- 
 ceived the money thereon. 
 
 The committee find that Mr. Kelley then 
 understood that the money he thus re- 
 ceived was a balance of dividends due him 
 after paying for the stock. 
 
 All the subsequent dividends upon the 
 stock were either in Union Pacific stock 
 or bonds, and thev were all received by 
 Mr. Ames. In 'September, 1868, Mr. 
 Kelley received from Mr. Ames 8750 in 
 money, which was understood between 
 them to be an advance to be paid out of 
 dividends. There has never been any ad- 
 justment of the matter between them, and 
 there is now an entire variance in the tes- 
 timony of the two men as to what the 
 transaction between them Avas, but the 
 committee are unanimous in finding the 
 facts above stated. The evidence rei)orted 
 to the House gives some suljsecjuent con- 
 versations and negotiations between i\Ir. 
 Kelley and Mr. Ames on this subject.^ The 
 committee do not deem it material to refer 
 to it in their report. 
 
 MR. JAMES A. GARFIELD, OF OHIO. 
 
 The facts in regard to Mr. Garfield, as 
 found by the committee, are identical with 
 the case of Mr. Kelley to the point of re- 
 ception of the check for $329. He agreed 
 with Mr. Ames to take ten shares of Credit 
 Mobilier stock, but diil not pay for the 
 same. IMr. Ames received the 80 per cent, 
 dividend in bonds and sold them for 97 
 per cent., and also received the 60 per cent, 
 cash dividend, which together paid the 
 price of the stock and interest, and left a 
 balance of .$329. This sum was paid over 
 to Mr. Garfield by a check on the Scrgeant- 
 at-Arms, and jMr. Garfield then understood 
 this sum was the balance of dividends after 
 paying for the stock. Mr. Ames received
 
 206 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 all the subsequent dividends, and the com- 
 mittee do not find that, since the payment 
 of the S329, there has been any communi- 
 cation between 'Mi: Ames and Mr. Garfield 
 on the subject until this investigation be- 
 gan. Some correspondence beti\-een Mr. 
 Garfield and Mr. Ames, and some conver- 
 sations between them during this investi- 
 gation, will be found in the -reported testi- 
 mony. 
 
 The committee do not find that Mr. 
 Ames, in his negotiations with the persons 
 above named, entered into any detail of 
 the relations between the Credit Mobilier 
 Company and the Union Pacific Company, 
 or gave them any specific information as 
 to the amount of dividends they would be 
 likely to receive further than has been al- 
 ready stated. They all knew from him, or 
 otherwise, that the Credit Mobilier was a 
 contracting company to build the Union 
 Pacific road, but it does not appear that 
 any of them knew that the i:irofits and 
 dividends were to be in stock and bonds of 
 that company. 
 
 The Credit Mobilier Company was a 
 State corporation, not subject to congres- 
 sional legislation, and the fact that its pro- 
 fits were expected to be derived from 
 building the Union Pacific road did not, 
 apparently, create such an interest in that 
 company as to disqualify the holder of 
 Credit Mobilier stock from participating 
 in any legislation affecting the railroad 
 company. In his negotiations with these 
 members of Congress, Mr. Ames made no 
 suggestion that he desired to secure their 
 favorable influence in Congress in favor of 
 the railroad company, and whenever the 
 question was raised as to whether the 
 ownersliip of this stock would in any way 
 interfere with or embarrass them in their 
 action as members of Congress, he assured 
 them it woidd not. 
 
 The committee, therefore, do not find, 
 as to the members of the present House 
 above named, that they were aware of the 
 object of ;Mr. Ames, or that they had any 
 other purpose in taking this stock than to 
 make a profitable investment. It is appa- 
 rent that those who advanced their money 
 to pay for their stock present more the ap- 
 pearance of ordinary investors than those 
 who did not, but the committee do not feel 
 at liberty to find any corrupt purpose or 
 knowledge; founded upon the fact of non- 
 payment alone. 
 
 It ought also to be observed that those 
 gentlemen who surrendered their stock to 
 Mr. Ames beff>re there was any jtublic ex- 
 oitcuu'nt upon the subject, do not profess 
 to have done so upon any idea of im])ro- 
 priety in holding it, but for reasons aflect- 
 ing the value and security of the invest- 
 ment. But the committee believe that 
 they must have felt that there was some- 
 thing 80 out of the ordinary course of 
 
 business in the extraordinary dividends 
 they were receiving as to render the in- 
 vestment itself suspicious, and that this 
 was one of the motives of their action. 
 
 The committee have not been able to 
 find that any of these members of Congress 
 have been affected in their official action 
 in consequence of their interest in Credit 
 Mobilier stock. 
 
 It has been suggested that the fact that 
 none of this stock was transferred to those 
 with whom Mr. Ames contracted was a 
 circumstance from which a sense of impro- 
 priety, if not corruption, was to be infer- 
 red. The committee believe this is capable 
 of explanation without such inference. 
 The profits of building the road, under the 
 Ames contract, were only to be divided 
 among such holders of Credit Mobilier 
 stock as should come in and become par- 
 ties to certain conditions set out in the 
 contract of transfer to the trustees, so that 
 a transfer from Mr. Ames to new holders 
 would cut oft' the right to dividends fi-om 
 the trustees, unless they also became par- 
 tics to the agreement ; and this the com- 
 mittee believe to be the true reason why 
 no transfers were made. 
 
 The committee are also of opinion that 
 there was a satisfactory reason for delay 
 on Mr. Ames's part to close settlements 
 with some of these gentlemen for stock 
 and bonds he had received as dividends 
 upon the stock contracted to them. In the 
 fall of 18G8 Mr. McComb commenced a 
 suit against the Credit Mobilier Company, 
 and Mr. Ames and others, claiming to be 
 entitled to two hundred and fifty shares 
 of the Credit Mobilier stock upon a sub- 
 scription for stock to that amount. That 
 suit is still pending. If McComb pre- 
 vailed in that suit, ]\Ir. Ames might be 
 compelled to surrender so much of the 
 stock assigned to him as trustee, and he 
 was not therefore anxiotis to have the 
 stock go otit of his hands until that suit 
 was terminated. It ought also to be stated 
 that no one of the i)resent members of the 
 House above named appears to have had 
 any knowledge of the dealings of Mr. 
 Ames with other members. 
 
 The committee do not find that either 
 of the above-named gentlemen, in contract- 
 ing with Mr. Ames, had any corrupt mo- 
 tive or ])urpose himself, or was aware that 
 Mr. Ames had any, nor did either of them 
 suppose he was guilty of any impropriety 
 or even indelicacy in becomijig a purchaser 
 of this stock. Had it appeared that these 
 gentlemen were aware of the enormous di- 
 vidends upon this stock, and how they 
 were to be earned, we could not thus ac- 
 (juit them. And here as well as anywhere, 
 the committee may allude to that subject. 
 Congress had chartered the Union Pacific 
 road, given to it a lil)eral grant of lands, 
 and promised a liberal loan of Government
 
 »00E I.] 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 207 
 
 bonds, to be delivered as fast as sections of 
 the road were completed. As tlicse alone 
 might not be sufficient to complete the 
 road, Congress authorized the comj)any to 
 issue their own bonds for the deficit, and 
 secured them by a mortgage upon the road, 
 which should be a lien prior to that of the 
 Government. Congress never intended 
 that the owners of the road should execute 
 a mortgage on the road prior to that of the 
 Government, to raise money to put into their 
 own pocketa, but only to build the road. 
 
 The men who controlled the Union 
 Pacific seem to have adopted as the basis 
 of their action the right to incumber the 
 road by a mortgage prior to that of the 
 Government to the full extent, whether 
 the money was needed for the construction 
 of the road or not. 
 
 It was clear enough they could not do 
 this directly and in terms, and therefore 
 they resorted to the device of contracting 
 with themselves to build the road, and fix 
 a price high enough to require the issue of 
 bonds to the full extent, and then divide 
 the bonds or the proceeds of them under 
 the name of profits on the contract. All 
 those acting in the matter seem to have 
 been fully aware of this, and that this was 
 to be tiie ellect of the transaction. The 
 sudden rise of value of Credit Mobilier 
 stock was the result of the adoption of this 
 scheme. Any undue and unreasonable 
 profits thus made by themselves were as 
 much a fraud upon the Government as if 
 they had sold their bonds and divided the 
 money without going through the form of 
 denominating them profits on building the 
 road. 
 
 Now had these facts been known to 
 these gentlemen, and had they understood 
 they were to share in the proceeds of the 
 scheme, they would have deserved the 
 eeverest censure. 
 
 Had they known only that the profits 
 were to be paid in stock and bonds of the 
 Union Pacific Company, and so make them 
 interested in it, we cannot agree to the 
 doctrine, which has been urged before u«; 
 and elsewhere, that it was perfectly legiti- 
 mate for members of Congress to invest in 
 a corporation deriving all its rights from 
 and subject at all times to the action of 
 Congress. 
 
 In such case the rules of the House, as 
 well as the rules of decency, would require 
 such member to abstain from voting on 
 any question affecting his interest. But, 
 after accepting the position of a member of 
 Congress, we do not think he has the 
 right to disqualify himself from acting 
 upon subjects likely to come before Con- 
 gress without some higher and more urgent 
 motive than merely to make a profitable 
 investment. But it is not so much to be 
 feared that in such case an interested mem- 
 ber would vote as that he would exercise 
 
 his influence by personal appeal to his fel- 
 low-members, and by other modes, which 
 often is fur moi'e potent than ;i single silent 
 vote. 
 
 We do not think any member ought to 
 feci so confident of his own strength as to 
 allow hiuLself to be brought into this temp- 
 tation. \V^e think Mr. Ames judged 
 shrewdlj' in saying that a man is much 
 more likely to be watchful of his own in- 
 terests than those of other people. But 
 there is a broader view still which we think 
 ought to be taken. This country is fa.st 
 becoming filled with gigantic cor]>orations, 
 wiehling and controlling immense aggrega- 
 tions of money, and thereby commanding 
 great influence and power. It is notorious 
 in many State legislatures that these in- 
 fluences are often controlling, so that in 
 effect they become the ruling ])ower of the 
 State. Within a few years Congress has, 
 to some extent, been brought within similar 
 influences, and the knowledge of the pub- 
 lic on that subject has brought great dis- 
 ci edit upon the body, far more, we believe, 
 than there were facts to justify. 
 
 But such is the tendency of the time, and 
 the belief is far too general that all men 
 can be ruled with money, and that the use 
 of such means to carry public measures is 
 legitimate and proper. No member of Con- 
 gress ought to place himself in circum- 
 stances of suspicion, so that any discredit 
 of the body shall arise on his account. It 
 is of the highest importance that the na- 
 tional legislature should be free of all taint 
 of corruption, and it is of almost equal 
 necessity that the people should feel confi- 
 dent that it is so. 
 
 In a free government like ours, we can- 
 not expect the people will long respect the 
 laws, if they lose respect for the law- 
 makers. 
 
 For these reasons we think it behooves 
 every man in Congress or in any jniblic 
 position to hold himself aloof, as far as 
 l)0ssible, from all such influences, that he 
 may not only be enabled to look at every 
 public question with an eye only to the 
 jjublic good, but that his conduct and mo- 
 tives be not suspected or questioned. The 
 only criticism the committee feel compelled 
 to make on the action of these members in 
 taking this stock is that they were not suf- 
 ficiently careful in ascertaining what they 
 were getting, and that in their judgment 
 the assurance of a good investment was all 
 the assurance they needed. We commend 
 to them, and to all men, the letter of the 
 venerable Senator Bayard, in response to 
 an otter of some of this stock, Ibund on 
 page 74 of the testimony. 
 
 The committee find nothing in the con- 
 duct or motives of either of these members 
 in taking this stock, that calls for any 
 recommendation by the committee of the 
 House.
 
 208 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 MR. JAMES BROOKS, OF XEW YORK. 
 
 The case of Mr. Brooks stands upon a 
 different state of facts from any of those al- 
 ready given. The committee find from the 
 evidence as follows : Mr. Brooks had been 
 a warm advocate of a Pacific Railroad, both 
 in Congress and in the public press. After 
 persons interested in the Union Pacific 
 road had obtained control of the Credit 
 Mobilier charter and organized under it 
 for the purpose of making it a construction 
 company to build the road, Dr. Durant, 
 who was then the leading man in the en- 
 terprise, made great eflbrts to get the stock 
 of the Credit Mobilier taken. Mr. Brooks 
 was a friend of Dr. Durant, and he made 
 some efforts to aid Dr. Durant in getting 
 subscrij^tions for the stock, introduced the 
 matter to some capitalists of New York, 
 but his efforts were not crowned with suc- 
 cess. 
 
 During this period Mr. Brooks had 
 talked with Dr. Durant about taking some 
 of the stock for himself, and had spoken of 
 taking fifteen or twenty thousand dollars 
 of it, but no definite contract was made 
 between them, and Mr. Brooks was under 
 no legal obligation to take the stock, or 
 Durant to give it to him. In October, 
 1867, Mr. Brooks was appointed by the 
 President one of the Government directors 
 of the Union Pacific road. In December, 
 1867, after the stock of the Credit Mobilier 
 was understood, by those familiar with the 
 aflairs between the Union Pacific and the 
 Credit IMibilier, to be worth very much 
 more than par, Mr. Brooks applied to Dr. 
 Durant, and claimed that he should have 
 two hundred shares of Credit Mobilier 
 stock. It does not appear that Mr. Brooks 
 claimed he had any legal contract for 
 stock that he could enforce, or tliat Durant 
 considered himself in any way legally 
 bound to let him have any, but still, on 
 account of what had been said, and the 
 eflbrts of Mr. Brooks to aid him, he con- 
 sidered himself under obligations to satisfy 
 Mr. Brooks in the matter. 
 
 The stock hail been so far taken up, and 
 was then in such demand, that Durant 
 could not well comply with Brooks's de- 
 mand for two liundrcd shares. After con- 
 8ideral)le negotiation, it was finally ad- 
 justed between them by Durant's agreeing 
 to let Brooks liave one hundred shares of 
 Credit ]\Iobiiicr stock, and giving him with 
 it $0,000 of Union Pacific bonds, and $20,- 
 000 of Union Pacific stock. Dr. Durant 
 t(!stifieH that he then considered Credit 
 Mobilier stock worth double the ])ar 
 value, and tliat tlie bonds and stock he 
 was to give Mr. I'.rooi<s worth al)out !*'9,000, 
 so thuthesaved about $1,000 by not giving 
 Brooks the additional hundred shares he 
 claimed. After the negotiation had been 
 concluded between Mr. Brooks and Dr. 
 Dnrant, Mr. Brooks said that as he was a 
 
 Government director of the Union Pacific 
 road, and as the law provided such direc- 
 tors should not be stockholders in that 
 company, he would not hold this stock, 
 and directed Dr. Durant to transfer it to 
 Charles H. Neilson, his son-in-law. The 
 whole negotiation with Durant was con- 
 ducted by Mr. Brooks himself, and Neilson 
 had nothing to do with the transaction, 
 except to receive the transfer. The $10,- 
 000 to pay for the one hundred shares was 
 paid by Mr. Brooks, and he received the 
 $5,000 of Pacific bonds which came with 
 the stock. 
 
 The certificate of transfer of the hun- 
 dred shares from Durant to Neilson is 
 dated December 26, 1867. On the 3d of 
 January, 1868, there was a dividend of 80 
 per cent, in Union Pacific bonds paid on 
 the Credit Mobilier stock. The bonds 
 were received by Neilson, but passed over 
 at once to Mr. Brooks. It is claimed, both 
 by Mr. Brooks and Neilson, that the $10,- 
 000 paid by Mr. Brooks for the stock was a 
 loan of that sum by him to Neilson, and, 
 that the bonds he received from Durant, 
 and those received for the dividend, were 
 delivered and held by him as collateral 
 security for the loan. 
 
 No note or obligation was given for the 
 money by Neilson, nor, so far as we can 
 learn from either Brooks or Neilson, was 
 any a-ccount or memorandum of the trans- 
 action ke])t by either of them. At the 
 time of the arrangement or settlement 
 above spoken of between Brooks and Du- 
 rant, there was nothing said about Mr. 
 Brooks being entitled to have 50 per cent, 
 more stock by virtue of his ownership of 
 the hundred shares. Neither Brooks nor 
 Durant thought of any such thing. 
 
 Some time after the transfer of the 
 shares to Neilson, Mr. Brooks called on 
 Sidney Dillon, then the president of the 
 Credit Mobilier, and claimed he or Neilson 
 was entitled to fifty additional shares of 
 the stock, by virtue of the purcliase of the 
 one hundred shares of Durant. 
 
 This was claimed by Mr. Brooks as his 
 right by virtue of the 50 per cent, increase 
 of the stock hereinbefore described. Mr. 
 Dillon said he did not know how that was, 
 but he would consult the leading stock- 
 liolders, and be governed by them. Mr. 
 Dillon, in order to justify himself in the 
 transaction, got up ajiaper authorizing the 
 issue of fifty shares of the stock to Mr. 
 lirooks, and procured it to be signed by 
 most of the principal .sliareholders. After 
 this had been done, an entry ol' fifty shares 
 was made on the stock-ledger to some per- 
 son other than Neilson. The name in two 
 l)laces on the book has been erased, and 
 the name of Neilson inserted. The com- 
 mittee are satisfied that the stock was first 
 entered on the books in Mr. Brooks's name. 
 
 Mr. Neilson soon after called for the car-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 209 
 
 tificate for the fifty shares, and on the 29th 
 of February, 18GS, the certificate was issued 
 to hlin, and the entry on the stock-book 
 was changed to Neilson. 
 
 Ncilson procured Mr. Dillon to advance 
 the money to iiay for the stock, and at the 
 same time delivered to Dillon $4,000 Union 
 Pacific bonds, and fifty shares of Union 
 Pacific stock as t'ollatcral security. Tliesc 
 bonds and stock were a portion of divi- 
 dends received at the time, as he was al- 
 lowed to receive the same per centage of 
 dividends on these fifty shares that had 
 previously been paid on the hundred. 
 This mutter has never been adjusted be- 
 tween Neilson and Dillon. Brooks and 
 Neilson l)Oth testify they never paid Dillon. 
 Dillon thinks he has received his pay, as 
 he has not now the collaterals in his pos- 
 session. If he has been ]xud it is probable 
 that it was from the collaterals in some 
 form. Tlie subject has never been named 
 between Dillon and Neilson since Dillon 
 advanced the money, and no one connected 
 with the transaction seems able to give any 
 further light upon it. The whole business 
 by which these fifty shares were procured 
 was done by Mr. Brooks. Neilson know 
 nothing of any right to have them, and 
 only went for the certificate when told to 
 do so by IMr. Brooks. 
 
 The committee find that no such right to 
 fifty shares additional stock passed by the 
 transfer of the hundred. And from Mr. 
 Brooks's familiarity with the affairs of the 
 company, the committee believe he must 
 have known his claim to them was un- 
 founded. The question naturally arises. 
 How was he able to procure them ? The 
 stock at this time by the stockholders was 
 considered worth three or four times its 
 par value. Neilson sustained no relations 
 to any of these people that commanded 
 any favor, and if he could have used any 
 influence he did not attempt it ; if he had 
 this right he was unaware of it till told by 
 Mr. Brooks, and left the whole matter in 
 his hands. It is clear that the shares were 
 procured by the sole efforts of Mr. Brooks, 
 and, as the stockholders who consented to 
 it supposed, for the benefit of Mr. Brooks. 
 What power had jMr. Brooks to enforce an 
 unfounded claim, to have for $5,000, stock 
 worth $15,000 or $20,000? Mr. IMcComl) 
 swears that he heard conversation between 
 Mr. Brooks and Mr. John B. Alley, a large 
 stockholder, and one of the executive com- 
 mittee, in which Mr. Brooks urged that he 
 should have the additional fifty shares, be- 
 cause he was or would procure him-^elfto 
 be made a Government director, and also 
 that, being a member of Congress, he 
 " would take care of the democratic side of 
 the House." 
 
 I\Ir. Brooks and Mr. Alley both deny 
 having had any such conversation, or that 
 Mr. Brooks ever made such a statement to 
 
 14 
 
 Mr. Alley. If, therefore, this matter rested 
 wholly upon the testimony of Mr. Mc- 
 Comb, the committee would not feel justi- 
 fied in finding that j\Ir. Brooks procured 
 the stock by such use of his olBcial posi- 
 tion ; but all the circumstances seem to 
 point exactly in that direction, and we can 
 find no other satisfactory solution of the 
 question above propounded. Whatever 
 claim Mr. Brooks had to stock, either 
 legal or moral, had been adjusted and 
 satisfied by Dr. Durant. Whether he was 
 getting this stock for himself or to give 
 to his son-in-law, we believe, from the cir- 
 cumstances attending the whole transac- 
 tion, that he obtained it knowing that it 
 was yielded to its official position and in- 
 fluence, and with the intent to secure his 
 favor and influence in such positions. Mr. 
 Brooks claims that he has had no interest 
 in this stock whatever ; that the benefit 
 and advantage of his right to have it he 
 gave to Mr. Neilson, his son-in-law, and 
 that he has had all the dividends u])on it. 
 The committee are unable to find this to 
 be the case, for in their judgment all the 
 facts and circumstances show Mr. Brooks 
 to be the real and sul)stantial owner, and 
 that Neilson's ownership is merely nominal 
 and colorable. 
 
 In June, 1868, there was a cash dividend 
 of $9,000 upon this one hundred and fifty 
 shares of stock. Neilson received it, of 
 course, as the stock was in his name ; but 
 on the same day it was paid over to Mr. 
 Brooks, as Neilson savs, to yav so much of 
 the $10,000 advanced by Mr. Brooks to 
 pay for the stock. This, then, repaid all 
 but $1,000 of the loan; but Mr. Brooks 
 continued to hold $16,000 of Union Pacific 
 bonds, which Neilson says he gave him as 
 collateral security, and to draw the interest 
 upon all but $5,000. The interest upon the 
 others, Neilson says, he was permitted to 
 draw and retain, but at one time in his 
 testimony he spoke of the amount he was 
 allowed as being Christmas and New 
 Year's presents. Neilson says that during 
 the last summer he borrowed $14,000 of 
 Mr. Brooks, and he now owes Mr. Brooks 
 nearly as much as the collaterals; but, ac- 
 cording to his testimony, Mr. Brooks for 
 four years held $16,000 in bonds as 
 security for $1,000, and received the inter- 
 est on $11,000 of the collaterals. No ac- 
 counts appear to have been kept between 
 Mr. Brooks and Neilson, and doubtless 
 what sums he has received from Mr. 
 Brooks, out of the dividends, were intended 
 as presents rather than as deliveries of 
 money belonging to him. 
 
 Mr. Brooks's efforts procured the stock ; 
 his money paid for it ; all the cash divi- 
 dends he has received ; and he holds all 
 the bonds, except those Dilbm received, 
 which seem to have been ajiplied toward 
 paying for the fifty shares. Without
 
 210 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 further comment on tlie evidence, the 
 committee find that the one hundred and 
 fifty shares of stock appearing on the 
 books of the Credit Mobilier in the name 
 of Xeilson were really the stock of Mr. 
 Brooks, and subject to his control, and 
 that it was so understood by both the par- 
 ties. Mr. Brooks had taken such an inter- 
 est in the Credit 3Iobilier Company, and 
 was so connected with Dr. Durant, that he 
 must be regarded as having full knowledge 
 of the relations between that company and 
 the railroad company, and of the contracts 
 between them. He must have known the 
 cause of the sudden increase in value of 
 the Credit Mobilier stock, and how the 
 large expected profits were to be made. 
 We have already expressed our views of 
 the propriety of a member of Congress be- 
 coming the owner of stock, possessing this 
 knowledge. 
 
 But ]Mr. Brooks was not only a member 
 of Congress, but he was a Government 
 director of the Union Pacific Company. 
 As such it was his dut}^ to guard and 
 watch over the interests of the Govern- 
 ment in the road and to see that they were 
 protected and preserved. To insure such 
 faithfulness on the part of Government 
 directors, Congress wisely provided that 
 they should not be stockholders in the 
 road. ^Ir. Brooks readily saw that, though 
 becoming a stockholder in the Credit 
 Mobilier was not forbidden by the letter of 
 the law, yet it was a violation of its spirit and 
 essence, and therefore had the stock placed 
 in the name of his son-in-law. The trans- 
 fer of the Oakes Ames contract to the 
 trustees and the building of the road un- 
 der that contract, from which the enormous 
 dividends were derived, were all during 
 Mr. Brooks's official life as a Government 
 director, must have been within his know- 
 ledge, and yet passed without the slightest 
 opposition from him. The committee be- 
 lieved this could not have been done 
 without an entire disregard of his official 
 obligation and duty, and that while ap- 
 pointed to guard the public interests in 
 the road he joined himself with the pro- 
 moters of a scheme wherel)y the Govern- 
 ment was to be defrauded, and shared in 
 the spf)il. 
 
 In tho conclusions of fact upon the 
 evidence, the committee are entirely 
 agreed. 
 
 In considering what action wc ought to 
 recommend to the House upon those facts, 
 the committee encounter a question which 
 has been much debated : Has this House 
 power and jurisdiction to inquire concern- 
 ing offl^nscs comiiiitted by its members jjrior 
 to their election, and t'M)unish them by cen- 
 sure or expulsion? The committee are 
 unanimous upon the riglit of jurisdiilion 
 of this Ilousf over the cases of Mr. Ames 
 and Mr. Brooks, upon the facts found in 
 
 regard to them. Upon the question of 
 jurisdiction the committee present the fol- 
 lowing views : 
 
 The Constitution, in the fifth section of 
 the first article, defines the power of either 
 House as follows : 
 
 " Each House may determine the rules 
 of its proceedings, punish its members for 
 disorderly behavior, and with the concur- 
 rence of two-thirds expel a member.' 
 
 It will be observed that there is no qual- 
 ification of the power, but there is an im- 
 portant qualification of the manner of its 
 exercise — it must be done " with the con- 
 currence of two-thirds." 
 
 The close analogy between this power 
 and the power of impeachment is deserv- 
 ing of consideration. 
 
 The great purpose of the power of im- 
 peachment is to remove an unfit and un- 
 worthy incumbent from office, and though a 
 judgment of impeachment may to some 
 extent operate as punishment, that is not 
 its principal object. Members of Congress 
 are not subject to be impeached, but may 
 be expelled, and the principal purpose of 
 expulsion is not as punishment, but to re- 
 move a member whose character and con- 
 duct show that he is an unfit man to par- 
 ticipate in the deliberations and decisions 
 of the body, and whose presence in it tends 
 to bring the body into contemi^t and dis- 
 grace. 
 
 In both cases it is a power of purgation 
 and purification to be exercised for the 
 public safety, and, in the case of expulsion, 
 for the protection and character of the 
 House. The Constitution defines the 
 causes of impeachment, to wit, " treason, 
 bribery, or other high crimes and mis- 
 demeanors." The office of the power of 
 expulsion is so much the same as that of 
 the power to impeach that we think it 
 may be safely assumed that whatever 
 would be a good cause of impeachment 
 would also be a good cause of expulsion. 
 
 It has never been contended that the 
 power to impeach for any of the causes 
 enumerated was intended to be restricted 
 to those which might occur after appoint- 
 ment to a civil office, so that a civil officer 
 who had secretly committed such offense 
 before his appointment should not be sub- 
 ject upon detection and exposure to be 
 convicted and removed from office. Every 
 consideration of justice and sound policy 
 would seem to require that the public in- 
 terests be secured, and those chosen to be 
 their guardians be free from the pollution 
 of high crimes, no matter at what time 
 that pollution had .attached. 
 
 If this be so in regard to other civil of- 
 ficers, under institutions which rest upon 
 tlie intelligence and virtue of the people, 
 can it well be claimed that the law-making 
 Representative may be vile and criminal 
 with impunity, provided the evidences of
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 211 
 
 his corruption are found to antedate his 
 election ? 
 
 In the report made to the Senate by John 
 Quincy Adams in Deceml)cr, 1807, upon 
 the case of John Smith, of Ohio, the fol- 
 lowing language is used: "The power of 
 expelling a member for misconduct results, 
 on the principles of common sense, from 
 the interests of the nation that the high 
 trust of legislation shall be invested in 
 pure hands. When the trust is elective, 
 it is not to be presumed that the constitu- 
 ent body will commit the deposit to the 
 keeping of worthless characters. But when 
 a man whom his fellow-citizens have hon- 
 ored with their confideuce on a jiledge of 
 a spotless repution, has degraded himself 
 by the commission of infamous crimes, 
 which become suddenly and unexpectedly 
 revealed to the world, defective indeed 
 would be that institution which should be 
 imj)otent to discard from its bosom the con- 
 tagion of such a member ; which should 
 have no remedy of amputation to apply 
 until the poison had reached the heart." 
 
 The case of Smith was that of a Senator, 
 who, after his election, but not during a 
 session of the Senate, had been involved 
 in the treasonable conspiracy of Aaron 
 Burr. Yet the reasoning is general, and 
 was to antagonize some positions which 
 had been taken in the case of IMarshall, 
 a Senator from Kentucky ; the Senate in 
 that case having, among other reasons, de- 
 clined to take jurisdiction of the charge for 
 the reason that the alleged offence had been 
 committed prior to the Senator's election, 
 and was matter cognizable by the criminal 
 courts of Kentucky. None of the com- 
 mentators upon the Constitution or upon 
 parliamentary law assign any such limita- 
 tion as to the time of the commission of 
 the offense, or the nature of it, which shall 
 control and limit the power of expulsion. 
 On the contrary they all assert that the 
 power in its very nature is a discretionary 
 one, to be exercised of course with grave 
 circumspection at all times, and only for 
 good cause. Story, Kent, and Sergeant, 
 all seem to accept and rely upon the ex- 
 position of Mr. Adams in the Smith case 
 as sound. Jlay, in his Parliamentary 
 Practice, page 59, enumerates the causes 
 for expulsion from Parliament, but he no- 
 where intimates that the offense must have 
 been committed subsequent to the election. 
 
 When it is remembered that the framers 
 of our Constitution were familiar with the 
 
 Earliamentary law of England, and nuist 
 avc had in mind the then recent contest 
 over Wilkes's case, it is im]iossible to con- 
 clude that they meant to limit the discre- 
 tion of the Houses as to the causes of ex- 
 pulsion. It is a received principle of con- 
 Btruction that the Constitution is to be in- 
 terpreted according to the known rules of 
 law at the time of its adoption, and there- 
 
 fore, when we find them dealing with a 
 recognized subject of legislative authority, 
 and while studiously qualifying and re- 
 stricting the manner of its exercise, assign- 
 ing no limitations to the subject-matter 
 itself, they must be assumed to have in- 
 tended to leave that to be determined ac- 
 cording to established princii)les, as a high 
 prerogative power to be exercised accord- 
 ing to the sound discretion of the body. 
 It was not to be api)rehended that two- 
 thirds of the Representatives of the people 
 would ever exercise this power in any 
 capricious or arbitrary manner, or trifle 
 with or trample uj)on constitutional rights. 
 At the same time it could not be foreseen 
 what necessities for self-preservation or 
 self-purification might arise in the legisla- 
 tive body. Therefore it was that they did 
 not, and woidd not, undertake to limit or 
 define the boundaries of those necessities. 
 
 The doctrine that the jurisdiction of the 
 House over its members is exclusively con- 
 fined to matters arising subsequent to their 
 election, and that the body is bound to re- 
 tain the vilest criminal as a member if his 
 criminal secret was kept until his election 
 was secured, has been supposed by many 
 to have been established and declared in 
 the famous case of John Wilkes before al- 
 luded to. A short statement of that ca,se 
 will show how fallacious is that supposi- 
 tion. Wilkes had been elected a member 
 of Parliament for Middlesex, and in 1764 
 was expelled for having published a libel 
 on the ministry. He was again elected 
 and again expelled for a similar offense on 
 the 3d of February, 1769. Being again 
 elected on the 17th of February, 1769, the 
 commons passed the following resolution : 
 " That John V/ilkes, Esq., having been in 
 this session of Parliament expelled this 
 house was and is incapable of being elected 
 a member to serve in this present Parlia- 
 ment." Wilkes was again elected, but the 
 House of Commons declared the seat va- 
 cant and ordered a new election. At this 
 election Wilkes was again elected by 1,143 
 votes, against 296 for his competitor, Lut- 
 trell. 
 
 On the 15th of April, 1769, the house 
 decided that by the previous action Wilkes 
 had become ineligible, and that the votes 
 given for him were void and could not be 
 counted, and gave the seat to Luttrell. 
 Subsequently, in 1783, the House of Com- 
 mons declared the resolution of February 
 17, 1769, which had asserted the incapacity 
 of an expelled member to be re-elected 
 to the same Parliament, to be subversive of 
 the rights of the electors, and ex})unged it 
 from the journal. It will be seen from 
 this concise statement of Wilkes's case 
 that the question was not raised as to the 
 ])Ower of the house to expel a member 
 for offenses committed prior to his election ; 
 the point decided, and afterward most
 
 212 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 properly expunged, was that expulsion per 
 se rendered the expelled member legally 
 ineligible, and that votes cast for him could 
 not be counted. Wilkes's offense was of 
 purely a political character, not involving 
 moral turpitude ; he had attacked the 
 ministry in the press, and the proceedings 
 against him in Parliament were then 
 claimed to be a partisan political persecu- 
 tion, subversive of the rights of the people 
 and of the liberty of the press. These 
 proceedings in Wilkes's case took place 
 during the appearance of the famous Juni- 
 us letters, and several of them are devoted 
 to the discussion of them. The doctrine 
 that expulsion creates ineligibility was at- 
 tacked and exposed by him with great 
 force. But he concedes that if the cause 
 of expulsion be one that renders a man 
 unfit and unworthy to be a member, he 
 may be expelled for that cause as often as 
 he shall be elected. 
 
 The case of Matteson, in the House of 
 Eepresentatives, has also often been quoted i 
 as a precedent for this limitation of juris- I 
 diction. In the proceedings and debates 
 of the House upon that case it will be seen 
 that this was one among many grounds 
 taken in the debate ; but as the whole sub- 
 ject was ended by being laid on the table, 
 it is quite impossible to say what was de- 
 cided by the House. It appeared, how- 
 ever, in "that case that the charge against 
 Matteson had become public, and his letter 
 upon which the whole charge rested had 
 been published and circulated through his 
 district during the canvass preceding his 
 election. This fact, we judge, had a most 
 important influence in determining the 
 action of the House in his case. 
 
 The committee have no occasion in this 
 report to discuss the question as to the 
 power or duty of the House in a case where 
 a constituency, with a full knowledge of 
 the objectionable character of a man, have 
 selected him to be their Representative. 
 It is hardly a case to be supposed that any 
 constituency, with a full knowledge that a 
 man had been guilty of an offense involv- 
 ing moral turpitude, would elect him. The 
 majority of the committee are not pre- 
 pared to concede such a man could be 
 forced upon the. House, and would not con- 
 sider the expulsion of such a man any vio- 
 lation of the rights of the electors, for 
 while the electors have rights that shr^ild 
 be respected, the House as a body has rights 
 also that should be |)rotected and i)resi'rved. 
 But that in such case the judgment of the 
 constituency would be entitled to thetrreat- 
 est consideration, and that this should form 
 an inijiortant element in its determination, 
 is readily adniitted. 
 
 It is universally conceded, as we believe, 
 that the House has am]>le jurisdiction to 
 punish or expel a member for an offense 
 comuiitLcd durlug his term as u member, 
 
 though committed during a vacation of 
 Congress and in no way connected with 
 his duties as a member. Upon what prin- 
 ciple is it that such a jurisdiction can be 
 maintained ? It must be upon one or both 
 of the following : that the oflense shows 
 him to be an unworthy and improjier man 
 to be a member, or that his conduct brings 
 odium and reproach upon the body. But 
 suppose the oflense has been committed 
 prior to his election, but comes to light 
 afterward, is the effect upon his own 
 character, or the reproach and disgrace 
 upon the body, if they allow him to remain 
 a member, any the less? We can see no 
 difference in principle in the two cases, and 
 to attempt any wottld be to create a purely 
 technical and arbitrary distinction, having 
 no just foundation. In our judgment, the 
 time is not at all material, except it be 
 cotipled with the further fact that he was 
 re-elected with a knowledge on the part of 
 his constituents of what he had been guilty, 
 and in such event we have given our views 
 of the effect. 
 
 It seems to us absurd to say that an elec- 
 tion has given a man political absolution 
 for an offense which was unknown to his 
 constituents. If it be urged again, as it 
 has sometimes been, that this view of the 
 power of the House, and the true ground 
 of its proper exercise, may be laid hold of 
 and used improperly, it may be answered 
 that no rule, however narrow and limited, 
 that may be adopted can prevent it. If 
 two-thirds of the House shall see fit to ex- 
 pel a man because they do not like his 
 political or religious principles, or without 
 any reason at all, they have the power, and 
 there is no remedy except by appeal to the 
 people. Stich exercise of the power wottld 
 be wrongful, and violative of the princi- 
 ]>les of the Constitution, but we see no 
 encottragement of such wrong in the views 
 we hold. 
 
 It is the duty of each House to exercise 
 its rightful functions upon appropriate oc- 
 casions, and to trust that those who come 
 after them will be no less faithfiil to duty, 
 and no less jealous for the rights of free 
 popular representation than themselves. 
 It will be quite time enough to square 
 other cases with right reason and principle 
 when they arise. Perhaps the best way to 
 prevent them will be to maititain strictly 
 public integrity and ptiblic honor in all 
 cases as they present themselves. Nor do 
 we imagine that the peo])le of the United 
 States will charge their servants with in- 
 vading their privileges when they confine 
 themselves to the jjreservation of a stand- 
 ard of official integrity which the common 
 instincts of humanity recognize as essen- 
 tial to all social order and good govern- 
 nient. 
 
 The foregoing are tlie views which we 
 deem proper to submit upou the general
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 
 
 213 
 
 qiie.stion of the jurisdiction of the House 
 over its members. But apart from these 
 general views, the committee are of opin- 
 ion tliat the facts found in tlie present case 
 amply justify tlie taking jurisdiction over 
 them, for the following reasons: 
 
 The subject-matter upon which the ac- 
 tion of memliers was intended to be influ- 
 enced was of a continuous character, and 
 was as likely to be a subject of congres- 
 sional action in future Congresses as in the 
 Fortieth. The influences brought to bear 
 on members were as likely to be operative 
 upon them in the future as in the present, 
 and were so intended. Mr. Ames and Mr. 
 Brooks have both continued members of 
 the House to the present time, and so have 
 most of tlie members upon whom these in- 
 fluences were sought to be exerted. The 
 connnittee are, therefore, of opinion that 
 the acts of these men may properly be 
 treated as offenses against the present 
 House, and so within its jurisdiction upon 
 the most limited rule. 
 
 Two members of the committee, Messrs. 
 Niblack and McCrary, prefer to express 
 no opinion on the general jurisdictional 
 questions discus.sed in the report, and rest 
 their judgment wholly on the ground last 
 stated. 
 
 In relation to Mr. Ames, he sold to sev- 
 eral members of Congress stock of the 
 Credit Mobilier Company, at par, when it 
 "was worth double that amount or more, 
 with the purpose and intent thereby to in- 
 fluence their votes and decisions upon 
 matters to come before Congress. 
 
 The facts found in the report as to Mr. 
 Brooks, show that he used the influence of 
 his official i)ositions as member of Congress 
 and Government director in the Union 
 Pacific Railroad Company, to get fifty 
 shares of the stock of the Credit Mobilier 
 Company, at par, when it was worth three 
 or four times that sum, knowing that it 
 was given to him with intent to influence 
 his votes and decisions in Congress, and 
 his action as a Government director. 
 
 The sixth section of the act of Februarv 
 26, 1853, 10 Stat. United States, 171, is in 
 the following words: 
 
 " If any person or persons shall, directly 
 or indirectly, promise, offer, or give, or 
 cause or procure to be promised, offered, or 
 given, any money, goods, right in action, 
 bribe, present, or reward, or any promise, 
 contract, undertaking, obligation, or se- 
 curity for the payment or delivery of any 
 money, goods, right in action, bribe, pres- 
 ent, or reward, or any other valuable thing 
 whatever, to any member of the Senate or 
 House of Representatives of the United 
 States, after his election as such member, 
 and either before or after he shall have 
 qualified and taken his seat, or to any offi- 
 cer of the United States, or person holding 
 any place of trust or profit, or discharging 
 
 any official function under or in connec- 
 tion with any Department of the Govern- 
 ment of the United States, or under the 
 Senate or House of Representatives of the 
 United States, after the jiassage of this act, 
 with intent to influence his vote or de- 
 cision on any question, matter, cause, or 
 proceeding which may then be pending, or 
 may by law, or under the Constitution of 
 the United States, be brought before him 
 in his official capacity, or in his place of 
 trust or profit, and shall thereof be con- 
 victed, such person or persons so offering, 
 promising, or giving, or causing or pro- 
 curing to be promised, offered, or given, 
 any such money, goods, right in action, 
 bribe, present, or reward, or any promise, 
 contract, undertaking, obligation, or se- 
 curity for the payment or delivery of any 
 money, goods, right in action, bribe, pres- 
 ent, or reward, or other valuable thing 
 whatever, and the member, officer, or per- 
 son who shall in anywise acceptor receive 
 the same, or any part thereof, shall be 
 liable to indictment as for a high crime 
 and misdemeanor in any of the courts of 
 the United States having jurisdiction for 
 the trial of crimes and misdemeanors ; and 
 shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not 
 exceeding three times the amount so 
 offered, promised, or given, and imprisoned 
 in the penitentiary not exceeding three 
 years ; and the person so convicted of so 
 accepting or receiving the same, or any 
 part thereof, if an officer or person holding 
 any such place of trust or profit as afore- 
 said, shall forfeit his office or place ; and 
 any person so convicted under this section 
 shall forever be disqualified to hold any 
 office of honor, trust, or profit under the 
 United States." 
 
 In the judgment of the committee, the 
 facts reported in regard to Mr. Ames and 
 Mr. Brooks would have justified their con- 
 viction under the above-recited statute and 
 subjected them to the penalties therein 
 provided. 
 
 The committee need not enlarge upon 
 the dangerous character of these offenses. 
 The sense of Congress is shown by the 
 severe penalty denounced by the statute 
 itself The offenses were not violations of 
 private rights, but were against the very 
 life of a constitutional Government by 
 poisoning the fountain of legislation. 
 
 The duty devolved upon the committee 
 has "been of a most painful and delicate 
 character. They have performed it to the 
 best of their ability. They have proceeded 
 with the greatest care and deliberation, 
 for while they desired to do their full duty 
 to the Plouse and the country, they were 
 most anxious not to do injustice to any 
 man. In forming their conclusions they 
 have intended to be entirely cool and dis- 
 passionate, not to allow themselves to be 
 swerved by any popular fervor on the one
 
 214 
 
 ■ AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 hand, or anv feeling of personal favor and 
 sympathy on the other. 
 
 The committee submit to the House and 
 recommend the adoption of the following 
 resolutions. 
 
 "1. Whereas Mr. Oakes Ames, a Eepre- 
 sentative in this House from the State of 
 Massachusetts, has been guilty of selling 
 to members of Congress shares of stock in 
 the Credit ]Mobilicr of America, for prices 
 much below the true value of such stock, 
 •with intent thereby to influence the votes 
 and decisions of such members in matters 
 to be brought before Congress for action : 
 Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That Mr. Oakes Ames be, and 
 he is hereby, expelled from his seat as a 
 member of this House. 
 
 2. Whereas Mr. James Brooks, a Repre- 
 sentative in this House from the State of 
 New York, did procure the Credit Mo- 
 bilier Company to issue and deliver to 
 Charles H. Neilson, for the use and bene- 
 fit of said Brooks, fifty shares of the stock 
 of said company, at a price much below its 
 real value, well knowing that the same 
 was so issued and delivered with intent to 
 influence the votes and decisions of said 
 Brooks, as a member of the House, in mat- 
 ters to be brought before Congress for ac- 
 tion, and also to influence the action of 
 said Brooks as a Government director in 
 the Union Pacific Railroad Company: 
 Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That Mr. James Brooks be, 
 and he is hereby, expelled from his seat as 
 a member of this House." 
 
 The House, after much discussion, modi- 
 fied the propositions of the committee of 
 investigation, and subjected Oakes Ames 
 and James Brooks to the " absolute con- 
 demnation of the House." Both members 
 died within three months thereafter. 
 
 The session was full of investigations, 
 but all the others failed to develop any 
 tangible scandals. Tlie Democrats de- 
 manded and secured the investigation of 
 the New York custom-house; the United 
 States Treasury ; the use of Seneca sand- 
 stone; the Chorpenning claim, and the 
 Navy Dei)artment, etc. They were, as 
 stated, fruitless. 
 
 The " Salary Gral>." 
 
 At the same session — 1871-73, acts were 
 passed toabolisli the franking privilege, to 
 increase tlic President's saliiry from $25- 
 000 to $50,000, and that of Senators and 
 Ref)rescntatives from !?5,000 (o $7,500. The 
 last proved quite ui\popular, and was gene- 
 rally denounced as " The Salary Grab," 
 because of the feature which made it a])- 
 
 f)ly to the Congressmen who passed the 
 )iil, and of course to go backward to the 
 ])cginning of the term. This was not 
 new, as earlier precedents were found to 
 
 excuse it, but the people were neverthe- 
 less dissatisfied, and it was made an issue 
 by both parties in the nomination and 
 election of Representatives. Many were 
 defeated, but probably more survived the 
 issue, and are still enjoying public life. 
 Yet the agitation was kept up until the 
 obnoxious feature of the bill and the Con- 
 gressional increase of salary were repealed, 
 leaving it as now at the rate of $5,000 a 
 year and mileage. 
 
 A House committee, headed by B. F. 
 Butler, on Feb. 7th, 1873, made a report 
 which gave a fair idea of the expenses un- 
 der given circumstances — the increase to 
 be preserved, but the franking privilege 
 and mileage to be repealed. We quote 
 the figures: 
 
 Increase of President's salary $25,000 00 
 Increase of Cabinet ministers' 
 
 salary 14,000 00 
 
 Increase of salary of judges 
 
 United States Supreme 
 
 Court 18,500 00 
 
 Increase of salary of Senators, 
 
 Members, and Delegates... 972,000 00 
 
 Total increase $1,029,500 00 
 
 Saving to the Government, ac- 
 cording to the official state- 
 ment of the Postmaster- 
 General, per annum, by the 
 abolition of the franking 
 privilege $2,543,327 72 
 
 Saving to the Government by 
 abolition of mileage, sta- 
 tionery, postage, and news- 
 paper accounts (estimated) 200 000 00 
 
 $2,753,327 72 
 1,029,500 00 
 
 Total net saving $1,713,827 72 
 
 The House passed a bill for the aboli- 
 tion of mileage, but in the Senate it was 
 referred to the Committee on Civil Service 
 and Retrenchment, and not again heard 
 from. So that the increased pay no longer 
 obtains, the franking ]irivilege only to the 
 extent of mailing actual Congressional 
 documents, and mileage remains. 
 
 The following curious facts relating to 
 these questions we take from Hon. Edward 
 McPherson's admirable conn)ilatiou in his 
 " Hand-Book of Politics " for 1874. 
 
 statement of CompensatloMi and mileage. 
 
 Dniini hy U. S. Senators inidrr the variotis (hnipensiition 
 Acts. 
 
 Mr. Gorham, Secretarj' of the Senate, 
 ])rcpared, under date of January 3, 1874. a 
 statement, in answer to a resolution of the 
 Senate, covering these points :
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 COMPENSATION AND MILEAGE, 
 
 215 
 
 I. — The several rates of compensation fixed 
 by various laws, and the cases in which 
 the same mere retroactive, and for what 
 length of time. 
 
 1. By the act of September 22, 1789, the 
 compensation of Senators and Ueprcsenta- 
 tives in Congress was fixed at six dollars a 
 day, and thirty cents a mile lor traveling 
 to and from the seat of Governinent. This 
 rate was to continue until March 4, 1795. 
 The same act fixed the compensation 
 from March 4, 179o, to March 4, 179G, (at 
 which last-named date, by its terms, it ex- 
 ])ired,) at seven dollars a day, and thirty- 
 five cents a mile for travel. This act was 
 retroactive, extending back six months 
 and eighteen days, namely, to March 4, 
 1789. 
 
 2. The act of March 10, 1796, fixed the 
 compensation at six dollars a day, and 
 thirty cents a mile for travel. (This act 
 extended back over six davs only.) 
 
 3. The act of ]\Iarch 19" ISIG,' fixed the 
 compensation at$l,r)00 a year, "instead of 
 the daily compensation," and left the mile- 
 age unchanged. This act was retroactive, 
 extending back one year and fifteen days, 
 namely to March 4,' 1815. (This act was 
 repealed by the act of February 6, 1817, 
 but it was expressly declared that no 
 former act was thereby revived.) 
 
 4. The act of January 22, 1818, fixed the 
 compensation at eight dollars a day, and 
 forty cents a mile for travel. This act was 
 retroactive, extending back fifty-three days, 
 namely, to the assembling of Congress, 
 December 1, 1817. 
 
 5. The act of August 16, 1856, fixed the 
 coiupensation at .$3,000 a year, and left the 
 mileage unchanged. This act was reti'oac- 
 tive, extending back one year, five months, 
 and twelve days, namelv, to ]\Iarch 4, 1855. 
 
 6. The act'of July "28, 1866, fixed the 
 compensation at $5,000 a year, and twenty 
 cents a mile for travel, (mjt to affect mile- 
 age accounts already accrued.) This act 
 was retroactive, extending back one year, 
 four months, ar.d twenty-four days, namely, 
 to March 4, 1865. 
 
 7. The act of March 3, 1873, fixed the 
 compensation at $7,500 a year, and actual 
 traveling expenses; the mileage already 
 ]niid for the Forty-Second Congress to be 
 deducted from the pay of those who had 
 received it. This act was retroactive, ex- 
 tending back two years, namely, to March 
 4, 1871. 
 
 Note. — Stationery was allowed to Sena- 
 tors and Representatives without any 
 special limit until March 3, 1868, when 
 the amount for stationery and newspapers 
 for each Senator and Member was limited 
 to $125 a session. This was changed by a 
 subsequent act, taking efi'ect July 1, 1869, 
 to $125 a year. The act of 1873 abolished 
 all allowance for stationery and news- 
 papers. 
 
 II. — Names of Senators who drew j)a>j U7i- 
 
 der the retroactive provisions of the 
 
 several laws, amounts drawn, and dates of 
 
 same. 
 
 Act of 1789. — The records of my office 
 do not furnish the exact information de- 
 sired under this head concerning the 
 First Congress, the compensation of which 
 was fixed by act of September 22, 1789. It 
 appears, however, that the account of each 
 Senator was made up, and that each re- 
 ceived the amount allowed by law. The 
 following is a copy from the record : 
 
 January 19, 1790. — That there is due to 
 the Senators of the United States fur 
 attendance in Congress the present session, 
 to the 31st of March inclusive, and ex- 
 penses of travel to Congress , as allowed 
 by law, as follows, to wit : 
 
 Messrs. Richard Basset, $496.50 ; Pierce 
 Butler, $796; Charles Carroll, $186; 
 Tristram Dalton, $612; Oliver Ellsworth, 
 $546.50; Jonathan Elmer, $414 ; William 
 Few, $833.50 ; John Henry, $596.50 ; Ben- 
 jamin Hawkins, $615 ; William S. John- 
 son, $544 ; Samuel Johnson, $534 ; Rufus 
 King, $.522 ; John Langdon, $618 ; William 
 Maclay, $585; Robert Morris, $430.50; 
 William Paterson, $514.50 ; George Read, 
 $195; Caleb Strong, $575.50; Philip 
 Schuyler, $571.50 ; PaineWingate, $616.50. 
 
 Act of 1816. — The record contains no 
 showing as to the amount paid to Senators 
 under the retroactive provision of the act 
 of March 19,1816. The following, taken 
 from the books, shows the amount of com- 
 pensation paid to each Senator for the en- 
 tire Congress, exclusive of mileage : 
 
 Messrs. Eli P. Ashmun, $920; James 
 Barbour, $2,850 ; William T. Barrv, $2,080; 
 William W. Bibb, $2,070 ; James Brown, 
 $2,980 ; George W. Campbell, $2,950 ; Dud- 
 ley Chace, .$3,000 ; John Condit, $2,980 ; 
 David Daggett, $3,000 ; Samuel W. Dana, 
 $2,640 ; Elegius Fromentin, $3,000 ; John 
 Gaillard, President, $6,000; Robert H. 
 Goldsborough, $2,840 ; Christopher Gore, 
 $1,940; Alexander Contee Hanson, $530; 
 Martin D. Plardin, $900 ; Robert G. Har- 
 per, $1,450 ; Outerbridge Horsev, $3,000 ; 
 Jeremiah B. Howell,^ $3,000;' William 
 Hunter, $2,930; Rufus King, $2,660; 
 Abner Lacock, $3,000 ; Nathaniel Macon, 
 $2,946 ; Jeremiah .Mason of New Hamp- 
 shire, $2,680 ; Armistead T. ]\Iason of Vir- 
 ginia, $2,360 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $3,0(>0 ; 
 James Noble, $920; Jonathan Roberts, 
 $3,000 ; Benjamin Rugglcs, .$3,000 ; Nathan 
 Sanford, $2,720; William Smith, $540; 
 Montfort Stokes, $<S10; Charles Tait, 
 $3,000; Isham Talbot, $2,730 ; John Tay- 
 lor of South Carolina, $1,990 ; Waller Tay- 
 lor of Indiana, $920; Thomas W. Thomp- 
 son, $2,850 ; Isaac Tichcnor, $3,000 ; George 
 M. Troup, $8.30; James Turner, $2,060; 
 Joseph B. Yaruum, $3,000 ; WilUam H.
 
 216 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 Wells, $2,610; John Williams, $3,000; 
 James J. Wilson, $3,000. 
 
 ^^CT OF 1818. — Under the retroactive 
 provision of the act of January 22, 1818, 
 the following named Senators drew the 
 amounts for compensation and mileage op- 
 posite their respective names : 
 
 Messrs. Eli P. Ashmun, $668; James 
 Barbour, $520 ; James Burril, $762 ; George 
 W. Campbell, $1,008 ; John J. Crittenden, 
 $1,007.20 ; David Daggett, $690.40 ; Samuel 
 W. Dana, $283.20; Mahlon Dickerson, 
 $628.80; John W. Eppes, $584; James 
 Fisk, $848 ; Elegius Fromentin, $1,393.60 ; 
 John Gaillard, $880 ; Robert H. Golds- 
 borough, $483.20; Outerbridge Horsey, 
 $485.60 ; William Hunter, $543.20 ; Henry 
 Johnson, $1,273.60 ; Rufus King, $627.20 ; 
 Abner Lacock, $649.60; Walter Leake, 
 $1,384; Nathaniel Macon, $600 ; David L. 
 Morril, $876 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $776 ; 
 James Noble, $918.40 ; Harrison Gray Otis, 
 $792.80 ; Jonathan Roberts, $564.80 ; Ben- 
 jamin Ruggles, $688; Nathan Sanford, 
 $616 ; William Smith, $774.40 ; Montfort 
 Stokes, $745.60 ; Clement Storer, $875.20 ; 
 Charles Tait, $952; Isham Talbot, $872; 
 Waller Taylor, $1,080; Isaac Tichenor, 
 
 $784; George M. Troup, $952; Van 
 
 Dyke, $380.80; Thomas H. Williams of 
 Mississippi, $1,433.60; John Williams of 
 Tennessee, $861.60 ; James J. Wilson, 
 $568. 
 
 Act of 1856. — Under the retroactive 
 provision of the act of August 16, 1856, 
 the following named Senators drew the 
 amounts opj)ositc their respective names : 
 
 Messrs. Stephen Adams, $2,243.77 ; 
 Philip Allen, $2,202.79 ; James A. Bayard, 
 $2,088.03; James Bell, $1,083.93; John 
 Bell, $2,268.36 ; J. P. Benjamin, $2,210.99 ; 
 Asa Biggs, $2,161.81 ; William Bigler, $1,- 
 594.24; Jesse D. Bright, president pro 
 tempore, $0,772.40 ; R. Brodhead, $2,251.- 
 97 ; A. G. Brown, $2,251.97 ; A. P. Butler, 
 $2,202.70; Lewis Cass, $2,251.97; C. C. 
 Clay, jr., $2,251.97 ; J. M. Clayton, $2,292.- 
 95 ; J. Collamer, $2,219.18 ; J. J. Critten- 
 den, $2,243.79; H. Dodge, $2,292.95; S. A. 
 Douglas, $2,268.36 ; C. Durkeo, $2,235.56 ; 
 J. J. Evans, $2,121.70 ; W. S. Fesscnden, 
 $2,270.56 ; H. Fish, $2,237.28 ; B. Fitzpat- 
 rick, $2,194.59 ; S. Foot, $2,292.94 ; L. F. 
 S. Foster, $2,112.62 ; H. S. Gever, $2,276.- 
 56 ; J. P. Hale, $887.10; H. Hamlin, $1,- 
 989.68; J. Harlan, $2,268.36; S. Houston, 
 $2,292.95; R. M. T. Hunter, 2,210.99; A. 
 Iverson, $2,210.99; C. T. James, $2,210.99; 
 R. W. Johnson, $632.21; (r. W. Jones, 
 $2,235.58 ; J. C. Jones, $2,047.05 ; S. R. 
 Mallory, $2,276.56; J. M. Mason, $2,170; 
 J. A. Pearcc, $2,194.59; T. G. Pratt, $2,- 
 129.02; fJ. E. Pngh, $2,096.21 ; D. S. Reid, 
 $2,235.58; T. J. Rusk, $2,292.95; W. K. 
 Seba.stian, $2,137.22; W. H. Seward, $2,- 
 292.95; John Slidfll, $2,276.56; V.. E. 
 Stuart, $2,292.95; C. Sumner, $2,292.95; 
 
 J. B. Thompson, $2,235.57; John R. 
 
 Thomson, $2,022.46 ; Robert Toombs, $2,- 
 006.07 ; Isaac Toucev, $2,292.65 ; L. Trum- 
 bull, $2,251.97 ; B. F. Wade, $2,202.79 ; J. 
 
 B. Weller, $2,251 97 ; LI. Wilson, $2,178.- 
 20 ; W. Wright, $2,120.82 ; D. L. Yulee, 
 $2,194.59. 
 
 Act of 1866. — Under the retroactive 
 provision of the act of July 28, 1866, the 
 following named Senators received the 
 amounts opposite their respective names : 
 
 Messrs. H. B. Anthony, .$2,805 56 ; B. 
 Gratz Brown, $2,805 56 ; C. R. Buckalew, 
 $2,805 56 ; Z. Chandler, $2,805 56 ; D. 
 Clark, $2,805 56 ; J. Collamer, $1,366 15 ; 
 J. Conness, $2,805 56 ; E. Cowan, $2,- 
 805 56 ; A. H. Cragin, $2,805 56 ; J. A. J. 
 Creswell, $2,805, 56; G. Davis, $2,805 56; 
 J. Dixon, $2,805 56; J. R. Doolittle, $2,- 
 805 56; W. P. Fessendcn, $2,805 66; S. 
 Foot, $2,136 76 ; L. F. S. Foster, President 
 l}ro tempore, $261 93 ; J. W. Grimes, $2,- 
 805 66 ; J. Guthrie, $2,805 56 ; I. Harris, 
 $2,805 56 ; J. B. Henderson, $2,805 66 ; T. 
 A. Hendricks, $2,805.56 ; J. M. Howard, 
 $2,805 56 ; T. O. Howe, $2,805 56 ; R. John- 
 son, $2,805 66; H. S. Lane, $2,805 56; 
 J, H. Lane, $2,710 49 ; James A. Mc- 
 Dougall, $2,805 56 ; E. D. Morgan, $2,- 
 805 56 ; L. M. Morrill, $2,805 56 ; J. W. 
 Nesmith, $2,805 56; D. S. Norton, $2,- 
 805 56 ; J. W. Nye, $2,805 56; S. C. Pome- 
 roy, $2, 805 56 ; A. Ramsev, $2,805 56 ; G. 
 R.' Riddle, $2,805 m ; W. Saulsburv, $2,- 
 805 56 ; J. Sherman, $2,805 56 ; W. M. 
 Stewart, $2,805 56 ; C. Sumner, $2,805 66 ; 
 L. Trumbull, $2,806 56 ; P. G. VanWinkle, 
 $2,805 56; B. Wade, $2,805 56; W. T. 
 Willey, $2,805 56 ; G. H. Williams, $2,- 
 805 66 ; H. Wilson, $2,806 56 ; W. Wright, 
 $2,805 56 ; R. Yates, $2,806 66 ; J. Harlan, 
 $350 ; L. P. Poland, $1,361 ; John P. Stock- 
 ton, $2,131 20; S. J. Kirkwood, $2,361 10; 
 G. F. Edmunds, $666 66; E. G. Ross, 
 $180 40. 
 
 Act of 1873. — Under the retroactive 
 provision of the act of March 3, 1873, the 
 ibllowing named Senators received the 
 sums set opposite their respective names : 
 
 Messrs. A. Ames, $2,840 ; J. L. Alcorn, 
 $2,312 39; J. T. Bayard, $4,865 60; F. P. 
 Blair, $3,761 60; A. I. Boreman, $4,514; 
 W. G. Brownlow, |4,588 ; A. Caldwell, $2,- 
 647 60 ; S. Cameron, $4,856 ; M. H. Car- 
 jienter, .$3,887 60; E. Casserly, $970 40; Z. 
 Cliandler, $3,906 80; P. Clayton, $2,600; 
 
 C. Cole, $970 40; H. Cooper, $3,760 ; H. 
 G. Davis, $4,635 20 ; 0. S. Ferry, $4,652 ; 
 T. W. Ferry, $3,920 ; J. W. Flanagan, $2,- 
 000; A. Gilbert, $3,680; George Goldth- 
 waite, $3,924 80; M. C. Hamilton, $2,480; 
 .losluia Hill, $4,083 20; P. W. Hitchcock, 
 $2,852 80; T. (). Howe, $3,689 60 , J. W. 
 Johnston, $4,706 60 ; John T. Lewis, $4,- 
 S04 40; John A. Logan, $3,800; W. B. 
 Miichen, $r,5L'!t,S; L. M. Morrill, $4,190; 
 
 I J. S. Morrill, (draft iu favor of the treas-
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 RETURNING BOARDS. 
 
 217 
 
 urer of the State of Vermont,) $4,38G 80 ; 
 T M. Norwood, $4,1 G'J CO ; J. W. Nye, $2,- 
 076 80 ; T. W. Osborn, $:j,440 ; J. W. Pat- 
 terson, $4,280; S. C. Pomeroy, $.3,320; 
 John Pool, $4,G20 80 ; M. W. Ransom, $4,- 
 817 60 ; B. F. Rice, $8,200 ; T. J. Robert- 
 son, $4,374 80 ; F. A. Sawyer, $4,294 40 ; 
 George E. Spencer, $4,106; W. Sprague, 
 $4,508; W.U. Stewart, $1,486 40; .J. P. 
 Stockton, $4,700 ; T. W. Tipton, $3,358 ; 
 Lyman Trumbull, $3,980 ; G. Vickers, $4,- 
 880 ; J. R. West, $2,468 80. 
 III. — Names of Senators who covered into 
 the Treasury amounts due them under re- 
 troactive provisions of law, with date of 
 such action. 
 
 There is no record in my office showing 
 that any Senator covered into the Trea- 
 sury any money to which he was entitled 
 by the "retroactive provisions of either of 
 the acts of September 22, 1789, March 19, 
 1816, January 22, 1818, August 16, 1856, or 
 July 28, 1866. 
 
 The following Senators covered into the 
 Treasury the amounts due them under the 
 retroactive provision of the act of March 3, 
 1873, namely : 
 
 1873.— May 26, H. B. Anthony, $4,497 
 20 ; June 23, W. A. Buckingham, .$4,553 60 ; 
 Mav 21, R. E. Fenton, $4,184; June 2, F. 
 T. Frelinghuysen, $4,644 80 ; May 19, H. 
 Hamlin, $4,136 ; August 14, O. P. Morton, 
 $3,922 40 ; April 9, D. D. Pratt, $4,121 60 ; 
 August 25, A. Ramsey, $3,041 40 ; March 
 28, C. Schurz, $3,761 60 ; May 9, John 
 Scott, $4,733 06; July 11, John Sherman, 
 $4,336 40 ; May 2, C. Sumner, $4,445 60 ; 
 May 22, A. G.Thurmau, $4,359 20; March 
 28, Henrv Wilson, $4,448 ; September 6, 
 George G. Wright, $3,140 80. 
 
 Note. — Several of these Senators, as 
 well as others who have not either drawn 
 or covered into the Treasury the amounts 
 due them under the retroactive provisiim 
 of the act of 1873, expressed tome their 
 intention to allow the money to lapse into^ 
 the Treasury by the ordinary operation of 
 law, which they supposed would occur 
 July 3, 1873. After learning that it could 
 not be covered in, except by their order, 
 before July 3, 1875, some gave me written 
 instructions to anticipate the latter date. 
 I am unable to furnish from any informa- 
 tion in my office the names of Senators 
 who themselves paid into the Treasury 
 salary drawn under the act of 1873 or pre- 
 vious acts. I have not furnished the 
 names of Senators who have left increased 
 salary undrawn, as this information was 
 not called for in the resolution. 
 
 IV. — A Comparative Statement. 
 Total compensation and allowance of 
 Senators, under act of July 28, 1866, from 
 March 4, 1871, to March 3, 1872: Com- 
 pensation, $370,000; mileage, $37,041 20 ; 
 stationery and newspapers, $9,250; total, 
 
 .$416,29120; average per Senator, $5,- 
 625 551 f. 
 
 Unfler same act, from March 4, 1872, to 
 March 3, 1873, during which year members 
 of the Senate received mileage for attend- 
 ing the special session of the Senate, held 
 in May, 1872, the following amounts were 
 paid : Compensation, $370,000 ; mileage, 
 $59,002 80 ; newspapers and stationerv, $9,- 
 250 ; total, $438,252 80 ; average per" Sen- 
 ator, $.5,922 23 J 2. 
 
 Total compensation and allowance of 
 Senators under act of March 3, 1873 : 
 Compensation, $5.55,000 ; traveling ex- 
 penses, based upon the certificates of forty- 
 six Senators, (twenty-eight h.aving pre- 
 sented none,) amounting to $4,607 95, giv- 
 ing an average of $100 17x74=:$7,412 58 ; 
 total, .$562,412 58 ; average per Senator, 
 $7,600 17. 
 
 In connection with this were statements, 
 prepared by the Secretary of the Senate, 
 and laid before that body by Senator 
 Camekon, January 9, 1874, of the amounts 
 of mileage paid in dollars (cents omitted) 
 at particular dates under the acts of 1856 
 and 1866, are given. The act of 1856 fixed 
 mileage at forty cents per mile each way, 
 and the act of 1866 fixed it at twenty cents 
 per mile each way. 
 
 Returning Boards. 
 
 At the second session of the 42d Con- 
 gress that body, and the President as well, 
 were compelled to consider a new question 
 in connection with politics — an actual con- 
 flict of State Governments. There had al- 
 ways been, in well regulated State govern- 
 ments, returning boards, but with a view 
 the better to guard the newly enfranchised 
 citizens of the South from intimidation, 
 the Louisiana Republicans, under very 
 bold and radical leaders, had greatly 
 strengthened the powers of her returning 
 boards. It could canvass the votes, reject 
 the returns in part or as a whole of 
 parishes where force or fraud had been 
 used, and could declare results after such 
 revision. The Governor of Louisiana had 
 made several removals and appointments 
 of State officers for the purpose mainly of 
 making a friendly majority in the return- 
 ing board, and this led to the appointment 
 of two bodies, both claiming to be the le- 
 gitimate returning board. There soon 
 followed two State governments and legis- 
 latures, the Democratic headed by Gover- 
 nor John McEnery, the Republican by 
 Governor Wm. Pitt" Kellogg, later in the 
 U. S. Senate. Kellogg brought suit 
 against the Democratic officers before 
 Judge Durell, of the Federal District 
 Court, and obtained an order that the 
 U. S. Marshal (8. B. Packard, afterwards 
 Governor), should seize the State House 
 and prevent the meetings of the McEnery
 
 218 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 legislature. Then both governments were 
 hastily inaugurated, and claimed the re- 
 cognition of Congress. The Senate Com- 
 mittee reported that Judge Durell's deci- 
 sion was not warranted, but the report 
 refused a decisive recognition of eit^ier 
 government. A bill was introduced de- 
 claring the election of Xov. 4, 1872, on 
 ■which this condition of aflairs was based, 
 null and void, and providing for a new 
 election, but this bill was defeated by a 
 close vote. Later on, Louisiana claimed 
 a large share in National politics. Some- 
 what similar troubles occurred in Alabama, 
 Arkansas, and Texas, but they were settled 
 with far greater ease than those of Louisi- 
 ana, The correspondence in all of these 
 cases was too voluminous to reproduce 
 here, and we shall dismiss the subject 
 until the period of actual hostilities were 
 reached in Louisiana. 
 
 Tlie Grangers. 
 
 So early as 1867 a secret society had 
 been formed first in Washington, known 
 as the Patrons of Husbandry, and it soon 
 succeeded in forming subordinate lodges 
 or granges in Illinois, Wisconsin, and other 
 States. It was declared not to be politi- 
 cal; that its object was co-operation among 
 farmers in purchasing supplies from first 
 hands, so as to do away with middle-men, 
 but, like many other secret organizations, 
 it was soon perverted to political purposes, 
 and for a time greatly disturbed the politi- 
 cal parties of the Western States. This 
 •was especially true of the years 1873-74, 
 when the Grangers announced a contem- 
 plated war on railroad corporations, and 
 succeeded in carr}'ing the legislatures of 
 Illinois and Wisconsin, and inducing them 
 subsequently to pass acts, the validity of 
 which the Supreme Courts of the State, 
 under a temporary popular pressure which 
 was apparently irresistible, could not sus- 
 tain. The effect of these laws was to al- 
 most bankrupt the Illinois Central, there- 
 tofore wealthy, to cripple all railroads, 
 to interfere largely with foreign exports, 
 and to react against the interests of the 
 people of the States passing them, that the 
 demand for repeal was soon very much 
 greater than the original demand for pas- 
 sage. As these laws, though repealed, are 
 still often referred to in the discussion of 
 political and corporate questions, we give 
 the text of one of them : 
 
 Illinois Railroad Act of 1873. 
 
 An Act to prevent extortion and unjust 
 dLscrimination in the rates charged for 
 the transportation of passengers and 
 freights on railroads in this State, and to 
 punish the same, and j)rescril)e u mode 
 of procedure, and rules of evidence in 
 
 relation thereto, and to repeal an aot en- 
 titled " An act to prevent unjust discrim- 
 ination and extortions in the rates to be 
 charged by the diflerent railroads in 
 this State for the transportation of freights 
 on said roads," approved Ajjril 7, A. D. 
 1871. 
 
 Sectiox 1. Be it enacted by the People 
 of the State of Illinois, represented in the 
 General Assembly, If any railroad corpo- 
 ration, organized or doing business in this 
 State under any act of incorporation, or 
 general law of this State now in force, or 
 which may hereafter be enacted, or any 
 railroad corporation organized or which 
 may hereafter be organized under the laws 
 of any other State, and doing business in 
 this State, shall charge, collect, demand, 
 or receive more than a fair and reasonable 
 rate of toll or compensation for the trans- 
 portation of passengers or freight 'of any 
 description, or for the use and transporta- 
 tion of any railroad car upon its track, or 
 any of the branches thereof, or upon any 
 railroad within this State which it has the 
 right, license, or permission to use, oper- 
 ate, or control, the same shall be deemed 
 guilty of extortion, and upon conviction 
 thereof shall be dealt with as hereinafter 
 provided. 
 
 Sec. 2. If any such railroad corporation 
 aforesaid shall make any unjust discrimi- 
 nation in its rates or charges of toll, or 
 compensation, for the transportation of 
 passengers or freight of any description, 
 or for the use and transiiortation of any 
 railroad car upon its said road, or upon 
 any of the branches thereof, or upon rail- 
 roads connected therewith, which it has 
 the right, license, or permission to operate, 
 control, or use, within this State, the same 
 shall be deemed guilty of having violated 
 the provisions of this act, and upon con- 
 viction thereof shall be dealt with as here- 
 inafter provided. 
 
 Sec. 3. If any such railroad corporation 
 shall charge, collect, or receive for the 
 transportation of any passenger, or freight 
 of any description, upon its i-ailroad, for 
 any distance within this State, the same 
 or a greater amount of toll or compensa- 
 tion than is at the same time charged, col- 
 lected, or received for the transportation, 
 in the same direction, of any passenger, or 
 like qtiantity of freight of the same class, 
 over a greater distance of the same rail- 
 road ; or if it shall charge, collect, or re- 
 ceive at any point tipon this railroad a 
 liigher rate of toll or compensation for re- 
 ceiving, handling, or delivering freight of 
 the same class and quantity than it shall 
 at the s.ime time charge, collect, or receive 
 at any other j)oint upon the same railroad ; 
 or if it shall charge, collect or receive for 
 the transportation of any j)assenger, or 
 freight of any description, over its railroad 
 a greater amount as toll or compensation
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 ILLINOIS RAILROAD ACT OF 1873. 
 
 219 
 
 thiin shall at the same time he charged, 
 collected, or received hy it Ibr the trans- 
 portation of any passenger or like quantity 
 of freight of the same class, being trans- 
 ported in the same direction over any jior- 
 tion of the same railroad of e<iual distance ; 
 or if it shall cliarge, collect, or receive from 
 any person or persons a higher or greater 
 amount of toll or compensation than it 
 shall at the same time charge, collect, or 
 receive from any other j)ers<)n or persons 
 forreceiving, handling, or delivering freight 
 of the same class and like quantity at the 
 same point upon its railroad ; or if it shall 
 charge, collect, or receive from any person 
 or persons for the transportatictn of any 
 freight upon its railroad a higher or great- 
 er rate of toll or compensation than it shall 
 at the same tinre charge, collect, or receive 
 from any other person or persons for the 
 transportation of the like quantity of freight 
 of the same class being transported from 
 the same direction over equal distances of 
 the same railroad ; or if it shall charge, 
 collect, or receive from any person or per- 
 sons for the use and transportation of any 
 railroad car or cai»s upon its railroad for any 
 distance the same or a greater amount of 
 toll or compensation than is at the same 
 time charged, collected, or received from 
 any person or persons for the use and trans- 
 portation of any railroad car of the same 
 class or number, for a like purpose, being 
 transported in the same direction over a 
 greater distance of the same railroad ; or 
 if it shall charge, collect, or receive from 
 any person or persons for the use and trans- 
 portation of any railroad car or cars upon 
 Its railroad a higher or greater rate of toll 
 or compensation than it shall at the same 
 time charge, collect, or receive from any 
 other person or persons for the use and 
 transportation of any railroad car or cars 
 of the same class or number, for a like 
 purpose, being transported from the same 
 point in the same direction over an equal 
 distance of the same railroad ; all such dis- 
 criminating rates, charges, collections, or 
 receipts, whether made directly or by means 
 of any rebate, drawback, or other shift or 
 evasion, shall be deemed and taken against 
 such railroad corporation as jtrima facie 
 evidence of the unjust discriminations 
 prohibited by the provisions of this act, 
 and it shall not be deemed a sullicient ex- 
 cuse or justification of such discriminations 
 on the part of such railroad corporation, 
 that the railway station or point at which 
 it shall charge, collect, or receive the same 
 or less rates of toll or compensation for the 
 transportation of such passengt^r or freight, 
 or for the use and transportation of such 
 railroad car the greater distance than for 
 the shorter distance, is a railway station or 
 point at which there exists comjietition 
 with any other railroad or means of trans- 
 portation. This section shall not be con- 
 
 strued so as to exclude other evidence tend- 
 ing to show any unjust discrimination in 
 freight and passenger rates. The pro- 
 visions of this section shall extend and ap- 
 ply to any railroad, the Ijranches thereof, 
 and any road or roads which any railroad 
 corporation has the right, license, or per- 
 mission to use, operate, or control, wholly 
 or in part, within the State: Provided, 
 however, That nothing herein c mtained 
 shall be so construed as to pre\ent railroad 
 cor2iorations from issuing commutation, 
 excursion, or thousand mile tickets, as the 
 same are now issued by such corjjorations. 
 
 iSix;. 4. Any such railroad corporation 
 guilty of extortion, or of making any un- 
 just discrimination as to passenger or 
 freight rates, or the rates for the use and 
 transportation of railroad cars, or in re- 
 ceiving, handling, or delivering freights 
 shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in 
 any sum not less than one thousand dol- 
 lars ($1,000) nor more than live thousand 
 dollars ($5,000) for the first offense ; and 
 for the second offense not less than five 
 thousand dollars ($5,000) nor more than 
 ten thousand dollars ($10,000;) and for 
 the third offense not less than ten 
 thousand dollars ($10,000) nor more than 
 twenty thousand dollars ($20,000;) and 
 for every subsequent offense and convic- 
 tion thereof shall be liable to a fine of 
 twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000:) 
 Provided, That in all cases under this act 
 either party shall have the right of trial 
 by jury. 
 
 Sec. 5. The fines hereinbefore provided 
 for may be recovered in an action of debt 
 in the name of the j^eoide of the State of 
 Illinois, and there may be several counts 
 joined in the same declaration as to extor- 
 tion and [unjust discrimination, and as to 
 passenger and freight rates, and rates for 
 the use and transportation of railroad cars, 
 and for receiving, handling, or delivering 
 freights. If, ujion the trial of any case 
 instituted under this act, the jury shall 
 find for the people, they shall assess and 
 return with their A'erdict the amount of 
 the fine to be imposed upon the defendant, 
 at any sum not less than one thousand 
 dollars ($1,000) nor more than five thou- 
 sand dollars ($5,000,) and the court shall 
 render judgment accordingly; and if the 
 jury shall find for the people, and that the 
 defendant has been once before convicted 
 of a violation of the provisions of this act, 
 they shall return such finding with their 
 verdict, and shall assess and return with 
 their verdict the amount of the fine to be 
 imposed upon the defendant, at any sum 
 not less than five thousand ilollars ($5,000) 
 nor more than ten thousand dollars ($10,- 
 000,) and the court shall render judgment 
 accordingly; and if the jury shall find for 
 the people, and that the defendant has 
 been twice before convicted of a violation
 
 220 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of the provisions of this act, with respect 
 to extortion or unjust discrimination, they 
 shall return such finding with their ver- 
 dict, and shall assess and return with their 
 verdict the amount of the fine to be im- 
 posed upon the defendant, at any sum not 
 less than ten thousand dollars ($10,000) 
 nor more than twenty thousand dollars 
 ($20,000;) and in like manner for every 
 subsequent offense and conviction such de- 
 fendant shall be liable to a fine of twenty- 
 five thousand dollars ($25,000.) Provided,^ 
 That in all cases under the provisions of 
 this act a preponderance of evidence in 
 favor of the people shall be sufiicient to 
 authorize a verdict and judgment for the 
 people. 
 
 Sec. 6. If any such railroad corporation 
 shall, in violation of any of the provisions 
 of this act, ask, demand, charge, or receive 
 of any person or corporation, any extor- 
 tionate charge or charges for the transpor- 
 tation of any passengers, goods, mer- 
 chandise, or property, or for receiving, 
 handling, or delivering freights, or shall 
 make any unjust discrimination against 
 any person or corporation in its charges 
 therefor, the person or corporation so of- 
 fended against may for each ofiense re- 
 cover of such railroad corporation, in any 
 form of action, three times the amount of 
 the damages sustained by the party ag- 
 grieved, together with cost of suit and a 
 reasonable attorney's fee, to be fixed by 
 the court where the same is heard, on ap- 
 peal or otherwise, and taxed as a part of 
 the costs of the case. 
 
 Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the rail- 
 road and warehouse commissioners to per- 
 sonally investigate and ascertain whether 
 the jjrovisions of this act are violated by 
 any railroad corporation in this State, and 
 to visit the various stations upon the line 
 of each railroad for that purpose, as often 
 as practicable; and whenever the facts in 
 any manner ascertained by said commis- 
 sioners shall in their judgment warrant 
 
 and the Attorney General shall consent 
 thereto. 
 
 Sec. 8. The railroad and warehouse 
 commissioners are hereby directed to make 
 for each of the railroad corporations doing 
 business in this State, as soon as practi- 
 cable, a schedule of reasonable maximum 
 rates of charges for the transj^ortation of 
 passengers and freight and cars on each of 
 said raih'oads ; and said schedule shall, in 
 all suits brought against any sm h railroad 
 corporations, wherein is in any way in- 
 volved the charges of any such railroad 
 corporation for the transportation of any 
 passenger or freight or cars, or unjust dis- 
 crimination in relation thereto, be deemed 
 and taken, in all courts of this State, as 
 prima facie evidence that the rates therein 
 fixed are reasonable maximum rates of 
 charges for the transportation of passen- 
 gers and freights and cars upon the rail- 
 roads for which said schedules may have 
 been respectively prepared. Said commis- 
 sioners shall, from time to time, and as 
 often as circumstances may require, change 
 and revise said schedules. When such 
 schedules shall have been made or revised 
 as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of said 
 commissioners to cause publication thereof 
 to be made for three successive weeks, iu 
 some public newspaper published in the 
 city of Springfield in this state : " Provided, 
 That the schedules thus prepared shall 
 not be taken as prima facie evidence as 
 herein provided until schedules shall have 
 been prepared and published as albresaid 
 for all the railroad companies now organ- 
 ized under the laws of this State, and until 
 the fifteenth day of January, A. D. 1874, 
 or until ten days after the meeting of the 
 next session of this General Assembly, 
 provided a session of the General Assembly 
 shall be held previous to the fifteenth day 
 of January aforesaid." All such schedules, 
 purporting to be printed and published as 
 aforesaid, shall be received and held, in 
 all such suits, as prima facie the schedules 
 of said commissioners, without I'urther 
 
 Buch prosecution, it shall be the duty of. jiroof than the production of the paper in 
 
 said commissioners to immediately cause 
 suits to be commenced and prosecuted 
 against any railroad corporation which 
 may violate the provisions of this^ act 
 Such suits and prosecutions may be insti- 
 tuted in any county in the State, through 
 or into which the line of the railroad cor- 
 poration sued for violating this act may 
 extend. And such railroad and ware- 
 house commissioners are hereby author- 
 ized, when the facts of the case presented 
 tf» them shall, in their judgment, warrant 
 the commencement of such action, to em- 
 ploy counsel to ;issist the Attorney General 
 in conducting sucli suit on belialf of the 
 State. No such suits commenced by said 
 commissioners shall b(i dismissed, except 
 sjiid railnxid and warehouse commissioners 
 
 which they were published, together with 
 the certificate of the publisher of said 
 paper that the schedule therein contained 
 is a true coi)y of the schedule furnished 
 for ptiblication by said commissioners, and 
 that it has been published the above sjicci- 
 fied time; and any such paper jmrporting 
 to have been published at said city, and to 
 b(i a public newspaper, shall be prt'sumed 
 to have been so published at the date 
 thereof, and to be a public news])aper. 
 
 Sec. 10. In all cases under the provi- 
 sions of this act, the rules of evidence shall 
 be the same as in other civil actions, ex- 
 cept as hereinbefore otherwise provided. 
 All fines recovered under the provisions of 
 this act shall be paid into the countj 
 treasury of the county in which the suit is
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. 
 
 221 
 
 tried, by tlic person collecting the same, 
 in the manner now provided by law, to be 
 used for county purposes. The remedies 
 hereby given shall be regarded as cumula- 
 tive to the remedies now given by law 
 against railroad corporations, and this act 
 shall not be construed as repealing any 
 statute giving such remedies. Suits com- 
 menced under the pi'ovisions of this act 
 shall have precedence over all other busi- 
 ness, except criminal business. 
 
 Sec. 1L The term " railroad corpora- 
 tion," contained in this act, shall be 
 deemed and taken to mean all corpora- 
 tions, companies, or individuals now own- 
 ing or operating, or which may hereafter 
 own or operate any railroad, in whole or 
 in part, in this State; and the provisions 
 of this act shall apply to all persons, firms, 
 and comi)anies, and to all associations of 
 persons, \vhcther incorporated or other- 
 wise, that shall do business as common 
 carriers upon any of the lines of railways 
 in this State (street railways excepted) the 
 same as to railroad corporations therein- 
 before mentioned. 
 
 Sec. 12. An act entitled " An act to pre- 
 vent unjust discriminations and extortions 
 in the rates to be charged by the different 
 railroads in this State for the transporta- 
 tion of freight on said roads," approved 
 April 7, A. D. 1871, is hereby repealed, 
 but such repeal shall not affect nor repeal 
 any penalty incurred or right accrued 
 under said act prior to the time this act 
 takes effect, nor any proceedings or prose- 
 cutions to enforce such rights or penalties. 
 
 Approved May 2, 1873. 
 
 S. M. CULLOM, 
 
 Speaker House of Representatives. 
 John Early, 
 
 President of the Senate. 
 John L. Beveridge, 
 
 Governor, 
 
 The same spirit, if not the same organi- 
 zation, led to many petitions to Congress 
 for the regulation of inter-state commerce 
 and freight rates, and to some able reports 
 on the subject. Those which have com- 
 manded most attention were by Senator 
 Windom of Minnesota and Representative 
 Reagan of Texas, the latter being the au- 
 thor of a bill which commanded much 
 consideration from Congress in the sessions 
 of 1878-80, but which has not yet secured 
 favorable action. In lieu of such bill 
 Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, intro- 
 duced a joint resolution for the appoint- 
 ment of a Commission to investigate and 
 report upon the entire question. Final 
 action has not yet been taken, and at this 
 writing interest in the subject seems to 
 have flagged. 
 
 The disastrous political action attempted 
 by the Grangers in Illinois and Wisconsin, 
 led to such general condemnation that sub- 
 
 sequent attempts were abandoned save in 
 isolated cases, and as a rule the society has 
 passed away. The i)rinciple upon which 
 it was based was wholly unsound, and if 
 strictly carried out, would destroy nil home 
 improvements and enterprise. Parties and 
 societies based upon a class, and directed 
 or perverted toward political objects, are 
 very happily short-lived in this iU'iJublic 
 of ours. If they could thrive, the Repub- 
 lic could not long endure. 
 
 Snpplementary Civil Rights BUI. 
 
 Senator Sumner's Supplementary Civil 
 Rights Bill was passed by the second ses- 
 sion of the 43d Congress, though its great 
 author had died the year before — March 
 nth, 1874. The text of the Act is given 
 in Book V. of this volume, on Existing 
 Political Laws. Its validity was sustained 
 by the U. S. District Courts in their in- 
 structions to grand juries. The first con- 
 viction under the Act was in Philadelphia, 
 in February, 1876. Rev. Fields Cook, 
 pastor of the Third Baptist colored church 
 of Alexandria, Virginia, was refused sleep- 
 ingand eating accommodationsat the Bing- 
 ham House, by Upton S. Newcomer, one 
 of its clerks ; and upon the trial of the 
 case, in the U. S. District Court, John 
 Cadwalader, Judge, instructed the jury 
 as follows : 
 
 The fourteenth amendment of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States makes all 
 persons born or naturalized in the United 
 States, and subject to the jurisdiction 
 thereof, citizens-of the United States, and 
 provides that no State shall make or en- 
 force any law which shall abridge the 
 privileges or immunities of citizens of the 
 United States ; nor shall any State * * * 
 deny to any person within its jurisdiction 
 the equal protection of the laws. This 
 amendment expressly gives to Congress 
 the power to enforce it by appropriate 
 legislation. An act of Congress of ]March 
 1, 1875, enacts that all persons within the 
 jurisdiction of the United States shall be 
 entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of 
 the accommodations, advantages, facilities 
 and privileges of inns, public conveyances 
 on land or water, theatres and other places 
 of public amusement, sul)ject only to the 
 conditions and limitations established by 
 law, and applicable alike to citizens of 
 every race and color, and makes it a crimi- 
 nal offense to violate these enactments by 
 deuj'ing to any citizen, except for reasons 
 by law applicable to citizens of every race 
 and color, * * * the full enjoyment of any 
 of the accommodations, advantages, facili- 
 ties or privileges enumerated. As the law 
 of Pennsylvania had stood until the22d of 
 March, 1S67, it was not wrongful for inn- 
 keepers or carriers by land or water to dis-
 
 222 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 criminate against travelers of the colored 
 race to such an extent as to exclude them 
 from any part of the inns or public con- 
 veyances which was set apart for the ex- 
 clusive accommodation of white travelers. 
 The Legislature of Pennsvlvania, bv an 
 act of 22cl of March, 1867, altered the law 
 in this respect as to passengers on railroads. 
 But the law of the State was not changed 
 as to inns by any act of the State Legisla- 
 ture. Therefore, independently of the 
 amendment of the Constitution of the 
 United States and of the act of Congress 
 now in question, the conduct of the de- 
 fendant on the occasion in question might, 
 perhaps, have been lawful. It is not ne- 
 cessary to express an opinion upon this 
 point, because the decision of the case de- 
 pends upon the effect of this act of Con- 
 gress. I am under opinion that under the 
 Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu- 
 tion the enactment of this law was within 
 the legislative power of Congress, and that 
 we are bound to give effect to the act of 
 Congress according to its fair meaning. 
 According to this meaning of the act I am 
 of opinion that if this defendant, being in 
 charge of the business of receiving travelers 
 in this inn, and of providing necessary and 
 proper accommodations for them in it, re- 
 fused such accommodations to the witness 
 Cook, then a traveler, by reason of his 
 color, the defendant is guilty in manner 
 and form as he stands indicted. If the 
 case depended upon the unsupported tes- 
 timony of this witness alone, there might 
 be some reason to doubt whether this de- 
 fendant was the person in charge of this 
 part of tlie business. But under this head 
 the additional testimony of Mr. Annan 
 seems to be sufficient to remove all reason- 
 able doubt. If the jury are convinced of 
 the defendant's identity, they will con- 
 sider whether any reasonable doubt of his 
 conduct or motives in refusing the accom- 
 modations to Fields Cook can exist. The 
 case appears to the court to be proved ; but 
 this question is for the jury, not for the 
 court. If the jury have any reasonable 
 doubt, they should find the defendant not 
 guilty; otherwise they will find him guilty. 
 The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, 
 March 1, 187G, and the Court imposed a 
 fine of $500. 
 
 The Morton Amendment. 
 
 In the session of 73, Senator Morton, of 
 Indiana, introduced an amendment to the 
 Constitution providing for tlie general 
 choice of Presidential Electors by Con- 
 gressional districts, and delivered several 
 speeches on the subject which attracted 
 much attention at the time. Since then 
 many amendments liavc been introduced 
 on the subject, and it is a matter for an- 
 nual discussion. We quote the Morton 
 
 Amendment as the one most likely to com- 
 mand favorable action : 
 
 " Resolved hy the Senate and House of Rep- 
 resentatives of the United States of America 
 in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of each 
 House concurring therein:) That the fol- 
 lowing article is hereby proposed as an 
 amendment to the Constitution of the 
 United vStates, and, when ratified by the 
 Legislatures of three-fourths of the several 
 States, shall be valid, to all intents and 
 purposes, as a part of the Constitution, to 
 wit: 
 
 " Article — . 
 
 " I. The President and Vice-President 
 shall be elected by the direct vote of the 
 people in the manner following: Each 
 State shall be divided into districts, equal 
 in number to the number of Eepresenta- 
 tives to which the State may be entitled 
 in the Congress, to be composed of con- 
 tiguous territory, and to be as nearly equal 
 in population as may be; and the person 
 having the highest number of votes in each 
 district for President shall receive the vote 
 of that district, which shall count one pres- 
 idential vote. 
 
 " II. The person having the highest 
 number of votes for President in a State 
 shall receive two presidential votes from 
 the State at large. 
 
 " III. The person having the highest 
 number of presidential votes in the United 
 States shall be President. 
 
 " IV. If two persons have the same 
 number of votes in any State, it being the 
 highest number, they shall receive each 
 one presidential vote from the State at 
 large ; and if more than two persons shall 
 have each the same number of votes in any 
 State, it being the highest number, no 
 presidential vote shall be counted from the 
 State at large. If more persons than one 
 shall have the same number of votes, it 
 being the highest number in any district, 
 no presidential vote shall be counted from 
 that district. 
 
 " V. The foregoing provisions shall ap- 
 ply to the election of Vice-President. 
 
 "VI. The Congress shall have power to 
 provide for holding and conducting the 
 elections of President and Vice-President, 
 and to establish tribunals for the decision 
 of such elections as may be contested." 
 
 VII. The States shall be divided into 
 districts by the legislatures thereof, but the 
 Congress may at any time by law make or 
 alter the same. 
 
 The present mode of election is given in 
 Book V. of this volume. 
 
 The Whlskjr Rln;;. 
 
 During 1875 an extensive Whisky Ring, 
 organized to control revenue legislation 
 and avoidance of revenue taxes, was dis-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE WHITE LEAGUE. 
 
 223 
 
 covered in the West. It was an associa- 
 tion of distillers in collusion with Federal 
 officers, :uid for a time it succeeded in de- 
 frauding^ the government of the tax on dis- 
 tilled si)irits. This form of corruption, 
 after the declaration by President Cirant — 
 •'let no guilty man escape" — was traced 
 by detectives to the portals of the AVhite 
 House, but even partisan rancor could not 
 connect the President therewith. O. E. 
 Babeock, however, was his private Secre- 
 tary, and upon him was charged complicity 
 with the fraud. He was tried and acquit- 
 ted, but had to resign. Several Federal 
 officers were convicted at St. Louis. 
 
 Impeaclninent of Belknap. 
 
 Another form of corruption was dis- 
 covered in 1S7G, when the House im- 
 peached Wm. W. Belknap, the Secretary 
 of War, on the charge of selling an Indian 
 trading establishment. The first and main 
 specification was, that — 
 
 On or about the second day of Novem- 
 ber, eighteen hundred and seventy, said 
 William W. Belknap, while Secretary of 
 War as aforesaid, did receive from Caleb 
 P. Marsh fifteen hundred dollars, in con- 
 sideration of his having appointed said 
 John S. Evans to maintain a trading- 
 establishment at Fort Sill aforesaid, and 
 for continuing him therein. 
 
 The following summary of the record 
 shows the result, and that Belknap escaped 
 punishment by a refusal of two-thirds to 
 vote "guilty :" 
 
 The examination of witnesses was be- 
 gun, and continued on various days, till 
 July 2G, when the case was closed. 
 
 August 1. — The Sexate voted. On the 
 first article, thirty-five voted guilty, and 
 twenty-five not guilty. On the second, 
 third and fourth, Mr. Maxey made the 
 thirty-sixth who voted guilty. On the fifth, 
 Mr. Morton nuide the thirty-seventh who 
 voted guilty. The vote on first was : 
 
 VoTlXG Guii^TY — Messrs. Bayard, 
 Booth, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cockrcll, 
 Coopei; Davis, Dawes, Dennis, Edmunds, 
 Gordon, Hamilton, Harvey, Hitchcock, 
 Kelly, Kernan, Key, McCrecry, IfrDonahi, 
 Merrimon, Mitchell, Morrill of Vermont, 
 Norwood, Oglesby, Randolph, Ransom, 
 Robertson, Sargent, Saulshury, Sherman, 
 Stevenson, Thurman, Wadleigh, Wallace, 
 Whyte, Withers— Zb. 
 
 VoTiXG Not Guilty — Messrs. Allison, 
 Anthony, Boutwell, Bruce, Cameron of 
 Wisconsin, Christiancy, Conkling, Cono- 
 ver, Cragin, Dorsey, Eaton, Ferry of Michi- 
 gan, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Howe, In- 
 galls, Jones of Nevada, Logan, McMillan, 
 Paddock, Patterson, Spencer, West, Win- 
 dom, Wright — 25. 
 
 Mr. JoxES of Florida declined to vote. 
 
 Those "voting not guilty" generally de- 
 nierl jurisdiction, and so voted accordingly. 
 Helknaj) hud resigned and the claim waa 
 set up that he was a private citizen. 
 
 Th« ^Vltlte I<eaf;ne. 
 
 By 1874 the Democrats of the South, 
 who then generally classed themselves as 
 Conservatives, had gained control of all 
 the State governments except those of 
 Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina. 
 In nearly all, the Kepubliean governmenta 
 had called upon President Grant for mili- 
 tary aid in maintaining their positions, but 
 this was declined except in the jtrcsenceof 
 such outbreak as the proper State authori- 
 ties could not suppress. In Arkansas, 
 Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, Grant 
 declined to interfere save to cause the 
 Attorney General to give legal advice. 
 The condition of all these governments 
 demanded constant attention from the Ex- 
 ecutive, and his task was most difficult and 
 dangerous. The cry came from the Demo- 
 cratic partisans in the South for home-rule ; 
 another came from the negroes that they 
 were constantly disfranchised, intimidated 
 and assaulted by the White League, a body 
 of men organized in the Gulf States for 
 the purpose of breaking up the "carpet- 
 bag governments." So conflicting were 
 the stories, and so great the fear of a final 
 and destructive war of races, that the Con- 
 gressional elections in the North were for 
 the first time since the war greatly in- 
 fluenced. The Forty-fourth Congress, which 
 met in Deceml)er, 1875, had been changed 
 by what was called " the tidal wave," from 
 Republican to Democratic, and M. C. Kerr, 
 of Indiana, was elected Speaker. The 
 Senate remained Republican Avith a re- 
 duced margin. 
 
 The troubles in the South, and especially 
 in Louisiana, had been in the year previous 
 and were still of the gravest character. 
 Gen'l Sheridan had been sent to New Or- 
 leans and on the 10th of January, 1875, 
 made a report which startled the country 
 as to the doings of the White League. As 
 it still remains a subject for frequent quo- 
 tation we give its text: 
 
 SHERIDAN'S EEPORT. 
 
 New Orleans, January 10, 1875. 
 Hon. W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War : 
 Since the year 18(36, nearly thirty-five 
 hundred persons, a great majority of whom 
 were colored men, have been killed and 
 wounded in this State. In 18i;8 the official 
 record shows that eighteen hundred and 
 eighty-four were killed and wounded. 
 Froni 1868 to the present time, no ofiicial 
 investigation has been made, and the civil 
 authorities in all but a few cases have been
 
 224 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 unable to arrest, convict and punishi per- 
 petrators. Consequently, there are no cor- 
 rect records to be consulted for informa- 
 tion. There is ample evidence, however, 
 to show that more than twelve hundred 
 persons have been killed and wounded du- 
 ring this time, on account of their political 
 sentiments. Frightful massacres have oc- 
 curred in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, 
 Catahoula, Saint Bernard, Saint Landry, 
 Grant and Orleans. The general charac- 
 ter of the massacres in the above named 
 parishes is so well known that it is unneces- 
 sary to describe them. The isolated cases 
 can best be illustrated by the following in- 
 stances which I have taken from a mass 
 of evidence now lying before me of men 
 killed on account of their political jjrinci- 
 ples. In Natchitoches Parish, the num- 
 ber of isolated cases reported is thirty- 
 three. In the parish of Bienville, the 
 number of men killed is thirty. In Red 
 River Parish the number of isolated cases 
 of men killed is thirty-four. In Winn Par- 
 ish the number of isolated cases where men 
 were killed is fifteen. In Jackson Parish 
 the number killed is twenty; and in Cata- 
 houla Parish the number of isolated cases 
 reported where men were killed is fifty ; 
 and most of the country parishes through- 
 out the State will show a corresponding 
 state of affairs. The following statement 
 will illustrate the character and kind of 
 these outrages. On the 29th of August, 
 1874, in Red River Parish, six State and 
 parish officers, named Twitchell, Divers, 
 Holland, Howell, Edgerton and Willis, 
 •were taken, together with four negroes, 
 under guard, to be carried out of the State, 
 and were deliberately murdered on the 30th 
 of August, 1874. The White League tried, 
 sentenced, and hung two negroes on the 
 28tliof August, 1874. Three negroes were 
 shot and killed at Brownsville, just before 
 the arrival of the United States troops in 
 the parish. Two White Leaguers rode up 
 to a negro cabin and called for a drink of 
 water. Wlien tlie old colored man. turned 
 to draw it, they shot him in the back and 
 killed him. The courts were all broken 
 up in this district, and the district judge 
 driven out. In the parish of Caddo, ])rior 
 to tlio arrival of the United States troops, 
 all of the olliccrs at Shnveport were com- 
 pelled to alxlicatc by the Wliite League, 
 which took ])Ossession of the ])lace. Among 
 those obliged to abdicate were Walsh, tlie 
 mayor, Rapers, the sheriff, Wheaton, clerk 
 of the court, Durant, tlie recorder, and 
 Ferguson and Riiufro, administrators. Two 
 colored men, who liad given evidence in 
 regard to frauds committed in the parisli, 
 were compelled to flee for their lives and 
 reached this city last niglit, liaving been 
 smuggled through in a cargo of cotton. In 
 the parish of I'ossier the White League 
 have attempted to force the abdication of 
 
 Judge Baker, the L^nited States Commis- 
 sioner and parish judge, together with 
 O'Neal, the sheriff, and Walker, the clerk 
 of the court ; and they have compelled the 
 parish and district courts to suspend o]iera- 
 tions. Judge Baker states that the White 
 Leaguers notified him several times that if 
 he became a candidate on the republican 
 ticket, or if he attempted to organize the 
 republican party, he should not live until 
 election. 
 
 They also tried to intimidate him through 
 his family by making the same threats to 
 his wife, and when told by him that he was 
 a L^nited States commissioner, they notified 
 him not to attempt to exercise the functions 
 of his office. In but few of the country 
 parishes can it be truly said that the law is 
 properly enforced, and in some of the par- 
 ishes the judges have not been able to hold 
 court for the past two years. Human life 
 in this State is held so cheaply, that when 
 men are killed on account of jiolitical 
 opinions, the murderers are regarded rather 
 as heroes than as criminals, in the locali- 
 ties where they reside, and by the White 
 League and their supporters. An illustra- 
 tion of the ostracism that prevails in the 
 State may be found in a resolution of a 
 White League club in the parish of De 
 Soto, which states, " That they pledge 
 themselves under (no?) circumstances after 
 the coming election to employ, rent land 
 to, or in any other manner give aid, com- 
 fort, or credit, to any man, white or black, 
 Avho votes against the nominees of the 
 wdiite man's party." Safety for individuals 
 who express their opinion in the isolated 
 portion of this State has existed only when 
 that opinion was in favor of the principles 
 and party supported by the Ku-Klux and 
 White League organizations. Only yes- 
 terday Judge Myers, the parish judge of 
 the parish of Natchitoches, callctl on me 
 upon his arrival in this city, and stated 
 that in order to reach here alive, he was 
 obliged to leave his home by stealth, and 
 after nightfall, and make his way to Little 
 Rock, Arkansas, and come to this city by 
 Avay of Memphis. He further states that 
 while his fiither was lying at the point of 
 death in the same village, he was unable 
 to visit him for fear of assassination ; and 
 yet he is a native of the jtarish, and pro- 
 scribed for his political sentiments only. 
 It is more than probable that if l)ad gov- 
 ernment has existed in this State it is the 
 result of the armed organizations, which 
 have now crystallized into what is called the 
 White League ; instead of bad government 
 developing them, tliey have by their ter- 
 rorism prevented to a considerable extent 
 the collection of taxes, the holding of 
 courts, the punishment of criminals, and 
 vitiated public sentiment by familiarizing 
 it with the scenes abov(> described. 1 am 
 now engaged in compiling evidence for a
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE WHITE LEAGUE. 
 
 225 
 
 detailed report upon the above subject, but 
 it will be some time before I can obtain 
 all the requisite data to cover the cases 
 that have occurred throughout the State. 
 I will also report in due time upon the same 
 subject in the States of Arkansas and Mis- 
 sissippi. 
 
 P. H. SlIEKIDAX, 
 
 Lieutenant- (Jeneral. 
 
 President Grant said in a special mes- 
 sage to Congress, January 13, 1875: — 
 
 " It has been bitterly and persistently 
 alleged that Kellogg was not elected. 
 Whether he was or not is not altogether 
 certain, nor is it auy more certain that his 
 competitor, McEnery, was i-hosen. The 
 election was a gigantic fraud, and there are 
 no reliable returns of its result. Kellogg 
 obtained possession of the office, and in 
 my opinion has more right to it than his 
 competitor. 
 
 " On the 20th of February, 1873, the 
 Committee on Privileges and Elections of 
 the Senate made a report, in which they 
 say they were satisfied by testimony that 
 the manipulation of the election machinery 
 by Warraoth and others was equivalent to 
 twenty thousand votes ; and they add, to 
 recognize the McEnery government 
 'would be recognizing a government based 
 upon fraud, in defiance of the wishes and 
 intention of the voters of the State.' As- 
 suming the correctness of the statements 
 in this report, (and they seem to have been 
 generally accepted by the country,) the 
 great crime in Louisiana, about which so 
 much has been said, is, that one is holding 
 the office of governor who was cheated out 
 of twenty thousand votes, against another 
 whose title to the office is undoubtedly 
 based on fraud, and in defiance of the 
 wishes and intentions of the voters of the 
 State. 
 
 " Misinformed and misjudging as to the 
 nature and extent of this report, the sup- 
 
 Eorters of McEnery proceeded to displace 
 y force in some counties of the State the 
 appointees of Governor Kellogg; and on 
 the 13th of April, in an effort of that kind, 
 a butchery of citizens was committed at 
 Colfax, which in blood-thirstiness and bar- 
 barity is hardly surpassed by any acts of 
 savage warfare. 
 
 " To put this matter beyond controversy, 
 I quote from the charge of Judge Woods, 
 of the United States circuit court, to the 
 jury in the case of the United States vs. 
 Cruikshank and others, in Xew Orleans, 
 in March, 1874. He said : 
 
 " ' In the case on trial there are many 
 facts not in controversy. I proceed to 
 state some of them in the presence and 
 hearing of counsel on both sides; and if I 
 state as a conceded fact any matter that is 
 disputed, they can correct me.' 
 
 " After stating the origin of the diffi- 
 
 15 
 
 culty, which grew out of an attempt of 
 white persons to drive the parish judge 
 and sheriff", appointees of Kellogg, from 
 otfice, and their attempted protection ])y 
 colored persons, which led to some fight- 
 ing in which quite a number of negroes 
 were killed, the judge states: 
 
 "' Most of those who were not killed 
 were taken prisoners. Fifteen or sixteen 
 of the blacks had lifted the boards and 
 taken refuge under the floor of the court- 
 house. They were all captured. About 
 thirty -seven men were taken prisoners ; 
 the number is not definitely fixed. They 
 were kept under guard until dark. They 
 were led out, two by two, and shot. Most 
 of the men were shot to death. A few 
 were wounded, not mortally, and by pre- 
 tending to be dead were afterward, during 
 the night, able to make their escape. 
 Among them was the Levi Nelson named 
 in the indictment. 
 
 " ' The dead bodies of the negroes killed 
 in this affair were left unburicd until Tues- 
 day, April 15, when they were buried by a 
 deputy marshal and an officer of the 
 militia from New Orleans. These persons 
 found fifty-nine dead bodies. They show- 
 ed pistol-shot wounds, the great majority 
 in the head, and most of them in the back 
 of the head. In addition to the fifty-nine 
 dead bodies found, some charred remains 
 of dead bodies were discovered near the 
 court-house. Six dead bodies were found 
 under a warehouse, all shot in the head 
 but one or two, which were shot in the 
 breast. 
 
 "' The only white men injured from the 
 beginning of these troubles to their close 
 were Hadnot and Harris. The court- 
 house and its contents were entirely con- 
 sumed. 
 
 " ' There is no evidence that any one in 
 the crowd of whites bore any lawful war- 
 rant for the arrest of any of the blacks. 
 There is no evidence that either Nash or 
 Cazabat, after the affiiir, ever demanded 
 their offices, to which they had set up 
 claim, but Register continued to act as 
 parish judge, and Shaw as Sheriff 
 
 " ' These are facts in this case, as I under- 
 stand them to be admitted.' 
 
 " To hold the people of Louisiana gen- 
 erally responsible for these atrocities would 
 not be just ; but it is a lamentable fact that 
 insuperable obstructions were thrown in 
 the way of punishing these murderers, and 
 the so-called conservative papers of the 
 State not only justified the massacre, but 
 denounced as Federal tyranny and despot- 
 ism the attempt of the "United States offi- 
 cers to bring them to justice. Fierce de- 
 nunciations ring through the country 
 about office-holding and election matters- 
 in Louisiana, while ever}- one of the Colfax 
 miscreants goes unwhipped of justice, anif 
 no way can be found in this boasted laud
 
 226 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of civilization and C'hristianity to punish 
 the perpetrators of this bloody and mon- 
 strous crime. 
 
 " Xot unlike this was the massacre in 
 August last. Several northern young men 
 of capital and enterprise had started the 
 little and flourishing town of Coushatta. 
 Some of them were republicans and office- 
 holders under Kellogg. They were there- 
 fore doomed to death. Six of them were 
 seized and carried away from their homes 
 and murdered in cold blood. No one has 
 been punished; and the conservative press 
 of the State denounced all efforts to that 
 end, and boldly justified the crime." 
 
 The House on the 1st of March, 1875, 
 by a strict party vote, 155 Republicans to 
 86 Democrats, recognized the Kellogg gov- 
 ernment. The Senate did the same on 
 March 5th, by 33 to 23, also a party vote. 
 
 Under the influence of the resolution 
 unanimously adopted by the House of 
 Representatives of the United States, 
 recommending that the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of that State seat the persons 
 rightfully entitled thereto from certain 
 districts, the whole subject was, by consent 
 of parties, referred to the Special Commit- 
 tee of the House who examined into 
 Louisiana affairs, viz. : Messrs. George F. 
 Hoar, William A. Wheeler, William P. 
 Frj-e, Charles Foster, William Walter 
 Pheli)S, Clarkson N. Potter and Samuel S. 
 Marshall, who, after careful examination, 
 made an award, which was adopted by the 
 Legislature in April, 1875. It is popularly 
 known as the " Wheeler Compromise." 
 
 Text of the "Wlieeler Compromise. 
 
 New Orleans, March, 1875. 
 
 Whereas, It is desirable to adjust the 
 difficulties growing out of the general elec- 
 tion in this State, in 1872, the action of 
 the Returning Board in declaring and pro- 
 mulgating the results of the general elec- 
 tion, in the month of November last, and 
 the organization of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, on the 4th day of January last, 
 such adjustment being deemed necessary 
 to the rc-establishmcnt of peace and order 
 in tliis State. 
 
 Now, therefore, the undersigned mem- 
 bers of the Conservative i)arty, claiming to 
 have been elected members of the House 
 of Representatives, and that their certifi- 
 cates of election have been illegally with- 
 held by the Returning Roard, hereby 
 severally agree to submit their claims to 
 seats in the House of Re[)resentative3 to 
 the award and arl)itrani(nt of (Jeorge F. 
 Hoar, William A. Whc.-lcr, William P. 
 Frye, Cliarles Foster, William Walter 
 Phelps, (Jlarkson N. Potter, and Samuel S. 
 Marshall, who are hereby authorized to 
 examine and determine the same upon the 
 equities of the several ca.scs; and when 
 
 such awards shall be made, we hereby 
 severally agree to abide by the same : 
 
 And such of us as may become members 
 of the House of Representatives, under 
 this arrangement, hereby severally agree 
 to sustain by our influence and votes the 
 joint resolution herein set forth. 
 
 [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- 
 crats who claimed that their certificates of 
 election as members of the House of Re- 
 presentatives had been illegally withheld 
 by the Returning Board.] 
 
 And the undersigned claiming to have 
 been elected Senators from the Eighth and 
 Twenty-Second Senatorial Districts, hereby 
 agree to submit their claims to the fore- 
 going award and arbitrament, and in all 
 respects to abide the results of the same. 
 
 [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- 
 crats, who made a like claim as to seats in 
 the Senate.] 
 
 And the undersigned, holding certifi- 
 cates of election from the Returning Board, 
 hereby severally agree that upon the com- 
 ing in of the award of the foregoing arbi- 
 trators they will, when the same shall have 
 been ratified by the report of the Commit- 
 tee on Elections and Qualifications of the 
 body in session at the State House claim- 
 ing to be the House of Representatives, 
 attend the sitting of the said House for the 
 purpose of adopting said report, and if 
 said report shall be adopted, and the mem- 
 bers embraced in the foregoing report 
 shall be seated, then the undersigned seve- 
 rally agree that immediately upon the 
 adoption of said report they will vote for 
 the following joint resolution : 
 
 [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- 
 cratic members of the House of Represen- 
 tatives in relation to whose seats there was 
 no controversy.] 
 
 JOINT RESOLUTION. 
 
 Resolved, by the General Assembly of the 
 State of Louisiana, That said Assembly, 
 without approving the same, will not dis- 
 turb the present State Government claim- 
 ing to have been elected in 1872, known as 
 the Kellogg Government, or seek to im- 
 peach the Governor for any jiast official 
 acts, and that henceforth it will accord to 
 said (Jovernor all necessary and legitimate 
 support in maintaining the laws and ad- 
 vancing the peace and prosperity of the 
 people of this State : and that the House 
 of Representatives, as to its members, as 
 constituted under the award of (Jeorge F, 
 Hoar, W. A. Wheeler, W. P. Frye, Charles 
 Foster, Samuel S. Marshall, Clarkson 
 N. Potter, and William Walter Phelps, 
 shall remain without change except by 
 resignation or death of moinbcrs until a 
 new general election, and that the Senate, 
 as now organized, shall also remain un- 
 changed except so far as that body shall 
 make changes on contests.
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 TEXT OF THE WHEELER COMPROMISE. 
 
 227 
 
 TEXT OF THK AWARD. 
 
 New Yohk, March 18, 1875. 
 The undersigned having been reiiuested 
 to examine the ciainiH of the persons here- 
 inafter named to seats in the Senate and 
 House of Representatives of the State 
 of Louisiana, and having examined the re- 
 turns and the evidence^ rehiting to such 
 claims, are of opinion, and do heret)y fitid, 
 award and determine, that F. S. Cioode is 
 entitled to a seat in the Senate from the 
 Twenty-second Senatorial District ; and 
 that .J. B. Elam is not entitled to a seat in 
 the Senate from the Eighth Senatorial 
 District; and that the following named 
 persons are entitled to seats in the House 
 of Representatives from the following 
 named parishes respectively; From the 
 Parish of Assumption, R. R. Beaseley, E. 
 F. X. Dugas ; from the Parish of Bien- 
 ville, James Brice ; from the Parish of De 
 Soto, J. S. Scales, Cliarles Schuler; from 
 the Parish of Jackson, PI Kidd ; from the 
 Parish of Rapides, .James Jeffries, R. C. 
 Luckett, G. W. Stafford ; from the Parish 
 of Terrebone, Edward McCollum, W. H. 
 Keyes ; from the Parish of Winn, George 
 A. Kelley. And that the following named 
 persons are not entitled to seats which 
 they claim from the following named 
 parishes respectively, but that the persons 
 now holding seats from said parishes are 
 entitled to retain the seats now held by 
 them ; from the Parish of Avoyelles, J. O. 
 Quinn ; from the Parish of Iberie, W. F. 
 Schwing ; from the Parish of Caddo, A. 
 D. Land, T. R. Vaughan, J. J. Koran. 
 We are of opinion that no person is en- 
 titled to a seat from the Parish of Grant. 
 
 In regard to most of the cases, the 
 undersigned are unanimous ; as to the 
 others the decision is that of a majority. 
 George F. Hoar, 
 W. A. Wheeler, 
 W. P. Frye, 
 Charles Foster, 
 Clarkson N. Potter, 
 William Walter Phelps, 
 Samuel S. Marshall. 
 
 This adjustment and award were accept- 
 ed and observed, until the election in No- 
 vember, 1876, when a controversy arose as 
 to the result, the Rej)u])licans claiming the 
 election of Stephen B. Packard as Govern- 
 or by about 3,-500 majority, and a Republi- 
 can Legislature ; and the Democrats claim- 
 ing the election of Francis T. Nicholls as 
 Governor, by about 8,000 majority, and a 
 Democratic Legislature. Committees of 
 gentlemen visited New Orleans, by request 
 of President Grant and of various politi- 
 cal organizations, to witness the count of 
 the votes by the Returning Board. And 
 in December, 1876, on the meeting of Con- 
 gress, committees of investigation were ap- 
 pointed by the Senate and by the House of 
 
 Representatives. Exciting events were 
 now daily transpiring. On the 1st of Jan- 
 uary, 1877, the Legislature organized in the 
 State House without exhibitions of vio- 
 lence. The Democrats did not unite in the 
 proceedings, but met in a separate build- 
 ing, and organized a separate Legislature. 
 Telegraphic communication was had be- 
 tween the State House and the Custom 
 House, where was the office of Marshal 
 Pitkin, who with the aid of the United 
 States troops, was ready for any emergency. 
 About noon the Democratic members, ac- 
 companied by about 500 persons, called at 
 tb.e State House and demanded admission. 
 The officer on duty replied that the mem- 
 bers could enter, but the crowd could not. 
 A formal demand was then made upon 
 General Badger and other officials, by the 
 spokesman, for the removal of the obstruc- 
 tions, barricades, police, etc., which pre- 
 vented the ingress of members, which being 
 denied. Col. Bush, in behalf of the crowd, 
 read a formal protest, and the Democrats 
 retired. Gov. Kellogg was presented by a 
 committee with a copy of the protest, and 
 he replied, that as chief magistrate and 
 conservator of the peace of the State, be- 
 lieving that there was danger of the or- 
 ganization of the General Assembly being 
 violently interfered with, he had caused a 
 police force to be stationed in the lower 
 portion of the building ; that he had no 
 motive but to preserve the peace ; that no 
 member or attache of either house will be 
 interfered with in any way, and that no 
 United States troops are stationed in the 
 capitol building. Clerk Trezevant declined 
 to call the House to order unless the police- 
 men were removed. Upon the refusal to do 
 so, he withdrew, when Louis Sauer, a mem- 
 ber, called the roll, and 68 members — a full 
 House being 120 — answered to their names. 
 Ex-Gov. Hahn was elected Speaker, re- 
 ceiving 53 votes as against 15 for Ex-Gov. 
 Warmoth. 
 
 The Senate was organized by Lieutenant- 
 Governor Antoine with 19 present — a full 
 Senate being 30 — eight of whom held over, 
 and 11 were returned by the Board. Gov. 
 Kellogg's message was presented to each 
 House. 
 
 The Democrats organized their Legisla- 
 ture in St. Patrick's hall. The Senators 
 were called to order by Senator Ogden. 
 Nineteen Senators, including nine holding 
 over, and four, who were counted out by 
 the board, were present. 
 
 The Democratic members of the House 
 were called to order by Clerk Trezevant, 
 and 61 answered to their names. Louis 
 Bush was elected Speaker. 
 
 January 3d— Republican Legislature 
 passed a resolution asking for military pro- 
 tection against apprehended Democratic 
 violence, and it was telegraphed to the 
 , President.
 
 228 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 On Sunday, January 8th, Gov. Kellogg 
 telegraphed "to President Grant to the same 
 effect. 
 
 January 8th — Stephen B. Packard took 
 the oath of office as Governor, and C. C. 
 Antoine as Lieutenant-Governor, at the 
 State House at 1 : 30, in the presence of the 
 Legislature. 
 
 January 8 — Francis T. Nicholls and L. 
 A. Wiltz to-day took the oath of office of 
 Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, re- 
 spectively, on the balcouv of St. Patrick's 
 hall. 
 
 By the 11th of January both parties were 
 waiting for the action of the authorities at 
 Washington. Gov. Packard to-day com- 
 missioned A. S. Badger Major-General of 
 the State National Guard, and directed him 
 to organize the first division at once. Two 
 members of the Packard Legislature, Mr. 
 Barrett, of Rapides, and Mr. Kennedy, of 
 St. Charles, had withdrawn from that 
 body and gone over to the Nicholls Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 Messrs. Breux, Barrett, Kennedy, Es- 
 topival, Wheeler, and Hamlet, elected as 
 Republicans, under the advice of Pinch- 
 back — a defeated Republican candidate for 
 U. S. Senator, left the Packard or Repub- 
 lican, and joined the Nicholls Legislature. 
 
 On the 15th, Governor Packard, after 
 receiving a copy of the telegram of the 
 President to General Augur, issued a 
 proclamation aimed at the " organized and 
 armed combination and conspiracy of men 
 now offering unlawful and violent resist- 
 ance to the lawful authority of the State 
 government." 
 
 The Nicholls court issued an order to 
 Sheriff Handy to provide the means for 
 protecting the court from any violence or 
 intrusion on the part of the adherents of 
 "S. B. Packard, a wicked and shameless 
 impostor." 
 
 Governor Packard on the 16th, in a let- 
 ter to Gen. Augur, acknowledges the re- 
 ceipt of a communication from his aide- 
 de-camp asking for assurances from him 
 that the President's wishes concerning the 
 preservation of the present status be re- 
 spected, and says that the request would 
 have been more appropriate if made im- 
 mediately after his installation as Gov- 
 ernor and before many of the main 
 branches of the Government had been 
 forcibly taken possession of by the oppo- 
 sition. He says : " I had scarcely taken 
 the oath of office when the White League 
 were called to arms; the Court room and 
 the records of tin; Supn^me Court of the 
 State were forcibly taken possession of, 
 and various precinct police-stations were 
 captured in like manner by overwhelm- 
 ing forces. Orders hafl been issued by the 
 Secretary of War c;irly on that day that 
 all unauthorized anned bodies should de- 
 sist. A dispatch fromyourself of thesame 
 
 date to the Secretary of War, conveyed 
 the assurances that Nicholls had promised 
 the disbandment of his armed forces. * 
 
 * * * It was my understanding, that 
 neither side should be permitted to inter- 
 fere with the sfafus of the other side. Yet 
 the day after this order was received and 
 the pledge given by Nicholls, a force of 
 several hundre4 armed White Leaguers 
 repaired to the State Arsenal and took there- 
 from into their own keeping five pieces of 
 artillery, and a garrison of armed men was 
 placed in and around the Supreme Court 
 building. That on the following day, Jan- 
 uary 11, an armed company of the White 
 League broke into and took possession of 
 the office of the Recorder of Mortgages. 
 
 * * * * In view of all these facts it 
 seemed to me that to give the pledge ver- 
 bally asked of me this morning would 
 be to sanction revolution, and by acquies- 
 cence give it the force of accomplished 
 fact, and I therefore declined." 
 
 Many telegrams followed between the 
 Secretary of War, J. Don. Cameron, Gen'l 
 Augur and Mr. Packard, the latter daily 
 complaining of new "outrages by the 
 White League," while the Nicholls gov- 
 ernment professed to accord rights to all 
 classes, and to obey the instructions from 
 Washington, to faithfully maintain the 
 status of afiairs until decisive action should 
 be taken by the National government. 
 None was taken. President Grant being 
 unwilling to outline a Southern policy for 
 his successor in office. 
 
 Election of Hayes and "Wheeler. 
 
 The troubles in the South, and the al- 
 most general overthrow of the "carpet bag 
 government," impressed all with the fact 
 that the Presidential election of 1876 would 
 be exceedingly close and exciting, and the 
 result confirmed this belief. The Green- 
 backers were the first to meet in National 
 Convention, at Indianapolis, May 17th. 
 Peter Cooper of New York was nominated 
 for President, and Samuel F. Gary of Ohio, 
 for Vice President. 
 
 The Republican National Convention 
 met at Cincinnati, .June 14th, with James 
 G. Blaine recognized as the leading candi- 
 date. Grant had been named for a third 
 term, and there was a belief that his name 
 would be presented. Such was the feeling 
 on this question that the House of Con- 
 gress and a Republican State Convention 
 in Pennsylvania, had passed resolutions 
 declaring that a third term for President 
 would be a violation of the " unwritten 
 law " handed down through the examples 
 of Wasliington, and Jackson. His name, 
 however, was not then presented. The "unit 
 rule " at this Convention was for the first 
 time resisted, and by the friends of Blaine,
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 
 
 229 
 
 with a view to release from instructions of 
 State Conventions some of his friends. 
 New York had instructed for Conkling, 
 and Pennsylvania for Hartranft. In both 
 of these states some delegates had been 
 chosen by their respective Congressional 
 districts, in advance of any 8tate action, 
 and these elections were as a rule confirmed 
 by the State bodies. Where they were not, 
 there were contests, and the right of dis- 
 trict representation was jeopardized if not 
 destroyed by the reinforcement of the 
 unit rule. It was tlierefore thought to be 
 a question of nuich importance by the war- 
 ring interests. Hon. Edw. McPherson was 
 the temporary Chairman of the Conven- 
 tion, and he took the earliest opportunity 
 presented to decide against the binding 
 force of the unit rule, and to assert the lib- 
 erty of each delegate to vote as he pleased. 
 The Convention sustained the decision ou 
 an appeal. 
 
 Ballots of the Cincinnati Eepublicau 
 Convention, 1876 : 
 
 Ballots, 12 3 4 5 6 7 
 
 Blaine, 285 296 292 293 287 308 351 
 
 Conkling, 113 114 121 126 114 111 21 
 
 Bristow, 99 93 90 84 82 81 
 
 Morton, 124 120 113 108 95 85 
 
 Hayes, 61 64 67 68 102 113 384 
 
 Hartranft, 68 63 68 71 69 50 
 
 Jewell, 11 
 
 Washb'ne, 113 3 4 
 
 Wheeler, 3 3 2 2 2 2 
 
 Gen. Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, was 
 nominated for President, and Hon. Wm. A. 
 Wheeler, of New York, for Vice President. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention 
 met at St. Louis, June 28th. Great interest 
 was excited by the attitude of John Kel- 
 ly, the Tammany leader of New York, 
 who was present and opposed with great 
 bitterness the nomination of Tilden. He 
 afterwards bowed to the will of the major- 
 ity and supported him. Both the unit and 
 the two-thirds rule were observed in this 
 body, as they have long been by the Dem- 
 ocratic party. On the second ballot, Hon. 
 Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, had 535 
 votes to 203 for all others. His leading 
 competitor was Hon. Thomas A. Hen- 
 dricks, of Indiana, who was nominated for 
 Vice President. 
 
 The Electoral Connt. 
 
 The election followed Nov. 7th, 1876, 
 Hayes and Wheeler carrying all of the 
 Northern States except Connecticut, New 
 York, New Jersey and Indiana; Tilden 
 and Hendricks carried all of the Southern 
 States except South Carolina, Florida and 
 Louisiana. The three last named States 
 were claimed by the Democrats, but their 
 members of the Congressional Investiga- 
 
 ting Committee quieted rival claims as to 
 South Carolina by agreeing that it had 
 fairly chosen the Republican electors. So 
 close was the result that success or failure 
 hinged upon the returns of Florida and 
 Louisiana, and for days and weeks confiict- 
 irig stories and claims came from these 
 States. The Democrats claimed that they 
 had won on the face of the returns from 
 Louisiana, and that there was no authority 
 to go behind these. The Republicans pub- 
 licly alleged frauds in nearly all of the 
 Southern States ; that the colored vote had 
 been violently suppressed in the Gulf 
 States, but they did not formally dispute 
 the face of the returns in any State save 
 where the returning boards gave them the 
 victory. This douljtful state of affaii-s in- 
 duced a number of prominent politicians 
 of both the great parties to visit the State 
 capitals of South Carolina, Florida and 
 Louisiana to witness the count. Some of 
 these were appointed by President Grant ; 
 others by the Democratic National Com- 
 mittee, and both sets were at the time 
 called the " visiting statesmen," a phrase 
 on which the political changes were rung 
 for months and years thereafter. 
 
 The electoral votes of Florida were de- 
 cided by the returning board to be Repub- 
 lican by a majority of 926, — this after 
 throwing out the votes of several districts 
 where fraudulent returns were alleged to be 
 apparent or shown by testimony. The 
 Board was cited before the State Supreme 
 Court, which ordered a count of the face 
 of the returns ; a second meeting only led 
 to a second Republican return, and the 
 Republican electors were then declared to 
 have been chosen by a majority of 206, 
 though before this was done, the Electoral 
 College of the State had met and cast their 
 four votes for Hayes and Wheeler. Both 
 parties agreed very closely in their counts, 
 except as to Baker county, from which the 
 Republicans claimed 41 majority, the Dem- 
 ocrats 95 majority — the returning board ac- 
 cepting the Republican claim. 
 
 In Louisiana the Packard returning 
 board was headed by J. Madison Wells, 
 and this body refused to permit the Demo- 
 crats to be represented therein. It was in 
 session three weeks, the excitement all the 
 time being at fever heat, and finally made 
 the following average returns : Republican 
 electors, 74,436 ; Democratic, 70,505 ; Re- 
 publican majority, 3,931. McEnery, who 
 claimed to be Governor, gave the Demo- 
 cratic electors a certificate based on an 
 average vote of 83,635 against 75,759, a 
 Democratic majority of 7,876. 
 
 In Oregon, the three Republican electors 
 had an admitted majority of the popular 
 vote, but on a claim that one of the number 
 was a Federal office-holder and therefore 
 ineligible, the Democratic Governor gave 
 a certificate to two of the Republican elec-
 
 230 
 
 AMERICAN' POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tors, and a IMr. Cronin, Democrat. The 
 three Republican electors were certified by 
 the Secretary of State, who was the can- 
 vassing officer by law. This Oregon busi- 
 ness led to grave suspicions against Mr. 
 Tildeu, who was thereafter freely charged 
 by the Republicans with the use of his 
 immense private fortune to control the re- 
 sult, and thereafter, the New York Tribune, 
 ■with unexami)led enterprise, exposed and 
 reprinted the " cipher dispatches " from 
 Gramercy, which Mr. Pelton, the nephew 
 and private secretary of Mr. Tilden, had 
 sent to Democratic " visiting statesmen " in 
 the four disputed sections. In 1878, the 
 Potter Investigating Committee subse- 
 quently confirmed the " cipher dispatches " 
 but Mr. Tildeu denied any knowledge of 
 them. 
 
 The second session of the 44th Congress 
 met on Dec. 5th, 1876, and while by that 
 time all knew the dangers of the approach- 
 ing electoral count, yet neither House 
 would consent to the revision of the joint 
 rule regulating the count. The Republi- 
 cans claimed that the President of the Sen- 
 ate had the sole authority to open and an- 
 nounce the returns in the presence of the 
 two Houses ; the Democrats plainly disputed 
 this right, and claimed that the joint body 
 could control the count under the law. 
 Some Democrats went so far as to say that 
 the House (which was Democratic, with 
 Samuel J. Randall in the Speaker's chair) 
 could for itself decide when the emergency 
 had arrived in which it was to elect a 
 President. 
 
 There was grave danger, and it was as- 
 serted that the Democrats, fearing the 
 President of the Senate would exercise 
 the power of declaring the result, were 
 preparing first to forcibly and at least with 
 secrecy swear in and inaugurate Tilden. 
 Mr. Watterson, member of the House from 
 Kentucky, boasted that he had completed 
 arrangements to have 100,000 men at 
 Wa-ohington on inauguration day, to see 
 that Tilden was installed. President Grant 
 and Secretary of War Cameron, thought 
 the condition of affairs critical, and botli 
 made active though secret prei)arations to 
 secure the safe if not the peaceful inaugu- 
 ration of Hayes. Grant, in one of his sen- 
 tentious utterances, said he " would have 
 peace if he had to fight for it." To this 
 end he sent for Gov. Hartranft of Penn- 
 sylvania, to know if he could stop any at- 
 tom])tod movement of New York troops to 
 Wa,shington, as he had information that 
 the purpose was to for('iI)]y install Tilden. 
 (jov. Hartranft rcnlicd tiiat he could do it 
 with the National Ciiiard and the (irand 
 Army of the Republic. He was told to 
 return to Ilarrisliurg and pre|)are for such 
 an emergency. Tliis he did, and as tl)e 
 Legislature was then in session, a Repub- 
 lican caucus was called, and it resolved, 
 
 without knowing exactly why, to sustain 
 any action of the Governor with the re- 
 sources of the State; Secretary Cameron 
 also sent for Gen'l Sherman, and for a 
 time went on with comprehensive prepa- 
 rations, which if there had been need for 
 comjiletion, would certainly have put a 
 speedy check upon the madness of any 
 mob. There is a most interesting unwrit- 
 ten history of events then transpiring 
 which no one now living can fully relate 
 without unjustifiable violations of political 
 and personal confidences. But the danger 
 was avoided by the patriotism of prominent 
 members of Congress representing both of 
 the great political parties. These gentle- 
 men held several important and private 
 conferences, and substantially agreed upon 
 a result several days before the exciting 
 struggle which followed the introduction 
 of the Electoral Commission Act, The 
 leaders on the part of the Republicans in 
 these conferences were Conkling, Edmunds, 
 Frelinghuysen ; on the part of the Demo- 
 crats Bayard, Gordon, Randall and Hewitt, 
 the latter a member of the House and 
 Chairman of the National Democratic 
 Committee. 
 
 The Electoral Commission Act, the basis 
 of agreement, was supported by Conkling 
 in a speech of great power, and of all men 
 engaged in this great work he was at the 
 time most suspected by the Republicans, 
 who feared that his admitted dislike to 
 Hayes would cause him to favor a bill 
 which would secure the return of Tilden, 
 and as both of the gentlemen were New 
 Yorkers, there was for several days grave 
 fears of a combination between the two. 
 The result showed the injustice done, and 
 convinced theretofore doubting Republi- 
 cans that Conkling, even as a partisan, was 
 faithlul and far-seeing. The Electoral 
 Commission measure was a Democratic 
 one, if we are to judge from the character 
 of the votes cast for and against it. In the 
 Senate the vote stood 47 for to 17 against. 
 There were 21 Republicans for it and 16 
 against, while there were also 26 Demo- 
 crats for it to only 1 (Eaton) against. In 
 the House much the same proportion was 
 maintained, the bill jiassing that body by 
 191 to 86. The following is the text of the 
 
 ELECTORAL COMMISSION ACT. 
 
 An act to provide for and regulate the 
 counting of votes for President and Vice- 
 President, and the decision of questions 
 arising thereon, for the term commencing 
 March fourth, Anno Domini eighteen 
 hundred and seventy-seven. 
 
 lie it enacted by the Senate and House of 
 Rrpresevtafives of the United States of 
 America in Conr/ress assembled, That tlie 
 Senate and House of Representatives shall 
 meet in the hall of the House of Re])resen- 
 tatives, at tlio hour of one o'clock post
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 
 
 231 
 
 meridian, on the first Thursday in Febru- 
 ary, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and 
 seventy-seven ; the President of the Senate 
 shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers 
 shall be previously appointed on the part 
 of the Senate, and two on the part of the 
 House of Representatives, to whom shall 
 be handed, as they are opened by the Pre- 
 sident of the Senate, all the certificates, 
 and papers purporting to be certificates, of 
 the electoral votes, which certificates and 
 papers shall be opened, presented and 
 acted upon in the alphabetical order of the 
 States, beginning with the letter A; and 
 said tellers having then road the same in 
 presence and hearing of the two Houses, 
 shall make a list of the votes as they shall 
 appear from the said certificates ; and the 
 votes having been ascertained and counted 
 as in this act provided, the result of the 
 sam-' shall be delivered to the President of 
 the Senate, who shall thereupon announce 
 the state of the vote, and the names of the 
 persons, if any elected, which announce- 
 ment shall be deemed a sufficient declara- 
 tion of the persons elected President and 
 Vice-President of the United States, and, 
 together with a list of the votes, be entered 
 on the journals of the Houses. Upon such 
 reading of any such certificate or paper 
 when there shall only be one return from 
 a State, the President of the Senate shall 
 call for objections, if any. Every objection 
 shall be made in writing, and shall state 
 cleandy and concisely, and without argu- 
 ment, the ground thereof, and shall be 
 signed by at least one Senator and one 
 Member of the House of Representatives 
 before the same shall be received. When 
 all objections so made to any vote 
 or paper from a State shall have been re- 
 ceived and read, the Senate shall there- 
 upon withdraw, and such objections shall 
 be submitted to the Senate for its decision ; 
 and the Speaker of the House of Represen- 
 tatives shall, in like manner, submit such 
 objections to the House of Representatives 
 for its decision ; and no electoral vote or 
 votes from any State from which but one 
 return has been received shall be rejected, 
 except by the affirmative vote of the two 
 Houses. When the two Houses have 
 votes, they shall immediately again meet, 
 and the jjresiding officer shall then an- 
 nounce the decision of the question sub- 
 mitted. 
 
 Sec. 2. That if more than one return, or 
 paper purporting to be a return from a State, 
 shall have been received by the President 
 of the Senate, purporting to be the cer- 
 tificate of electoral votes given at the last 
 preceding election for President and Vice- 
 President in such State ( unless they shall 
 be duplicates of the same return), all such 
 returns and papers shall be opened by him 
 in the presence of the two Hi )uscs when met 
 %3 aforesaid, and r^^ad by the tellers, and 
 
 all such returns and papers shall thereupon 
 be submitted to the judgment and decision 
 as to which is the true and lawful electoral 
 vote of such State, of a commission consti- 
 tuted as follows, namely : During the ses- 
 sion of each House, on the Tuesday next 
 preceding the first Thursday in Februaiy, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-seven, each 
 House shall, by viva voce vote, appoint 
 five of its members, with the five associate 
 justices of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States to be ascertained as hereinafter pro- 
 vided, shall constitute a commission for the 
 decision of all questions upon or in resjject 
 of such double returns named in this sec- 
 tion. On the Tuesday next preceding the 
 first Thursday in February, Anno Domini, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy -seven, or as 
 soon thereafter as may be, the associate 
 justices of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States now assigned to the first, third, 
 eighth, and ninth circuits shall select, in 
 such manner as a majority of them 
 shall deem fit, another of the associ- 
 ate justices of said court, which five per- 
 sons shall be members of said commission ; 
 and the person longest in commission of 
 said five justices shall be the president of 
 said commission. The members of said 
 commission shall respectively take and 
 
 subscribe the following oath : " I 
 
 do solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case 
 maybe,) that I will impartially examine 
 and consider all questions submitted to the 
 commission of which I am a member, and 
 a true judgment give thereon, agreeably 
 to the Constitution and the laws : so help 
 me God ; " which oath shall be filed with 
 the Secretary of the Senate. When the 
 commission shall have been thus organized, 
 it shall not be in the power of either 
 House to dissolve the same, or to with- 
 draw any of its members ; but if any such 
 Senator or member shall die or become 
 physically unable to perform the duties 
 required by this act, the fact of such death 
 or physical inability shall be by said 
 commission, before it shall proceed fur- 
 ther, communicated to the Senate or 
 House of Representatives, as the case may 
 be, which body shall immediately and 
 without debate proceed by viva voce vote 
 to fill the place so vacated, and the person 
 so appointed shall take and subscribe the 
 oath hereinbefore prescribed, and become 
 a member of said commission ; and in like 
 manner, if any of said justices of the Su- 
 preme Court shall die or become physically 
 incapable of performing the duties re- 
 quired by this act, the other of said jus- 
 tices, members of the said commission, 
 shall immediately appoint another justice 
 of said court amembcr of said commission, 
 and in like manner, if any of said justices 
 of the Supreme Court shall die or become 
 physically incapable of performing the 
 duties required by this act, the other of said
 
 232 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 justices, mem'bers of the said commission, 
 shall immediately appoint another justice 
 of said court a member of said commission, 
 and, in such appointment, regard shall be 
 had to the impartiality and freedom from 
 bias sought by the original appointments 
 to said commission, who shall thereupon 
 immediately take and subscribe the oath 
 hereinbefore prescribed, and become a 
 member of said commission to fill the 
 vacancy so occasioned. All the certificates 
 and papers purporting to be certificates of 
 the electoral votes of each State shall be 
 opened, in the alphabetical order of the 
 States, as provided in section one of this 
 act ; and when there shall be more than 
 one such certificate or paper, as the certifi- 
 cates and papeis from such State shall so be 
 opened (excepting duplicates of the same 
 return), they shall be read by the tellers, 
 and thereupon the President of the Senate 
 shall call for objections, if any. Every 
 objection shall be made in writing, and 
 shall state clearly and concisely, and with- 
 out argument, the ground thereof, and 
 shall be signed by at least one Senator and 
 one member of the House of Representa- 
 tives before the same shall be received. 
 When all such objections so made to any 
 certificate, vote, or paper from a State shall 
 have been received and read, all such cer- 
 tificates, votes and papers so objected to, 
 and all papers accompanying the same, 
 together with such objections, shall be 
 forthwith submitted to said commission, 
 which shall proceed to consider the same, 
 with the same powers, if any, now possessed 
 for that purpose by the two Houses acting 
 separately or together, and, by a majority 
 of votes, decide whether any and what 
 votes from such State are the votes provid- 
 ed for by the Constitution of the United 
 States, and how many and what persons 
 were duly appointed electors in such State, 
 and may therein take into view such peti- 
 tions, depositions, and other papers, if any, 
 as shall, by the Constitution and now exist- 
 ing law, be competent and pertinent in such 
 consideration ; which derision shall be 
 made in writing, stating l)rieliy the ground 
 thereof, and signed by the members of said 
 commission agreeing therein ; whereupon 
 the two Houses shall again meet, and 
 such decision shall be read and entered in 
 the journal of each house, and tlie count- 
 ing of the vote sliall proceed in conformity 
 therewith, unless, upon objection made 
 thereto in writing by at least five Senators 
 and five members of the; House of Repre- 
 sentatives, the two Houses siiall separately 
 concur in c)rd('ringotiierwisc, in wliich case 
 such concurrent order shall govern. No 
 votes or papers from any other State sliall 
 be acted upon until the objections previ- 
 ously made to the votes or papers from 
 any State shall have been finally disposed 
 
 of: 
 
 Sec. 3. That, while the two Houses shall 
 be in meeting, as provided in this act, no 
 debate shall be allowed and no question 
 shall be put by the presiding officer, except 
 to either House on a motion to withdraw ; 
 and he shall have power to preserve order. 
 
 Sec. 4. That when the two Houses sepa- 
 rate to decide upon an objection that may 
 have been made to the counting of any 
 electoral vote or votes from any State, or 
 upon objection to a report of said commis- 
 sion, or other question arising under this 
 act, each Senator and Representative may 
 speak to such objection or question ten min- 
 utes, and not oftener than once ; but after 
 such debate shall have lasted two hours, it 
 shall be the duty of each House to put the 
 main question without further debate. 
 
 Sec. 5. That at such joint meeting of the 
 two Houses, seats shall be provided as fol- 
 lows : For the President of the Senate, the 
 Speaker's chair ; for the Speaker, immedi- 
 ately upon his left ; the Senators in the 
 body of the hall upon the right of the pre- 
 siding officer ; for the Representatives, in 
 the body of the hall not provided for the 
 Senators ; for the tellers, Secretary of the 
 Senate, and Clerk of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, at the Clerk's desk ; for the other 
 officers of the two Houses, in front of the 
 Clerk's desk and upon each side of the 
 Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting 
 shall not be dissolved until the count of 
 electoral votes shall be completed and the 
 result declared ; and no recess shall be 
 taken unless a question shall have arisen in 
 regard to counting any such votes, or other- 
 wise under this act, in which case it shall 
 be competent for either House, acting sepa- 
 rately, in the manner hereinbefore provid- 
 ed, to direct a recess of such House not be- 
 yond the next day, Sunday excepted, at the 
 hour of ten o'clock in the forenoon. And 
 while any question is being considered by 
 said commission, either House may pro- 
 ceed with its legislative or other business. 
 
 Sec. 6. That nothing in this act shall be 
 held to impair or affect any right now ex- 
 isting under the Constitution and laws to 
 question, by proceeding in the judicial 
 courts of the United States, the right or 
 title of the person who shall be declared 
 elected, or who shall claim to be President 
 or Vice-President of the United States, if 
 any such i ight exists. 
 
 Sec. 7. That said commission shall make 
 its own rules, kec}) a record of its proceed- 
 ings, and shall have j)owcr to employ such 
 persons as may be necessary for the trans- 
 action of its business and the execution of 
 its powers. 
 
 Appnjved, January 29, 1877. 
 
 Members of tlie Commlgalon. 
 
 Hon. Nathan Clifford, Associate Jus- 
 tice ISujjreme Court', First Circuit.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE TITLE OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 
 
 233 
 
 Hon. William STnoyio, Associate Justice 
 Supreme Court, Third Circuit. 
 
 Hon. Samukl F. Miller, Associate 
 Justice Supreme Court, Ei<jhtk Circuit. 
 
 Hon. Stei'hen J. Fielj), Associate Jus- 
 tice Supreme Court, Ninth Circuit. 
 
 Hon. Joseph P. Bkadley, Associate 
 Justice Supreme Court, Fifth Circuit. 
 
 Hon. George F. Edmunds, United 
 States Senator. 
 
 Hon. Oliver P. Morton, United States 
 Senator. 
 
 Hon. Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, 
 United States Senator, 
 
 Hon. Allen G, Thurman, United 
 States Senator. 
 
 Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, United States 
 Senator. 
 
 Hon. Henry B. Payne, United States 
 Representative. 
 
 Hon. Eppa Hunton, United States Rep- 
 resentative. 
 
 Hon. Josiah G. Abbott, United States 
 Representative. 
 
 Hon. James A. Garfield, United States 
 Representative. 
 
 Hon. George F. Hoar, United States 
 Representative. 
 
 The Electoral Commission met Febru- 
 ary 1st, and by uniform votes of 8 to 7, de- 
 cided all objections to the Electoral votes 
 of Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and 
 Oregon, in favor of the Republicans, and 
 while the two Houses disagreed on nearly 
 all of these points by strict party votes, the 
 electoral votes were, under the provisions 
 of the law, given to Hayes and Wheeler, 
 and the final result declared to be 18") 
 electors for Hayes and Wheeler, to 184 for 
 Tilden and Hendricks. Questions of eligi- 
 bility had been raised against individual 
 electors from Michigan, Nevada, Pennsyl- 
 vania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Wis- 
 consin, but the Commission did not sustain 
 any of them, and as a rule they were un- 
 supported by evidence. Thus closed the 
 gravest crisis which ever attended an elec- 
 toral count in this country, so far as the 
 Nation was concerned ; and while for some 
 weeks the better desire to peacefully settle 
 all differences prevailed, in a few weeks 
 partisan bitterness was manifested on the 
 part of a great majority of Northern Demo- 
 crats, who believed their party had been 
 deprived by a partisan spirit of its right- 
 ful President. 
 
 The Title of President Hayes. 
 
 The uniform vote of 8 to 7 on all im- 
 portant propositions considered by the 
 Electoral Commission, to their minds 
 showed a partisan spirit, the existence of 
 which it was difficult to deny. The action 
 of the Republican " visiting statesmen " in 
 Louisiana, in practically overthrowing the 
 
 Packard or Republican government there, 
 caused distrust and dissatislacti<jn in the 
 minds of the more radical Republicans, 
 who contended with every show of reason 
 that if Hayes carried Louisiana, Packard 
 must also have done so. The only sensible 
 excuse for seating Hayes on the one side 
 and throwing out Governor Packard on 
 the other, was a patriotic desire for i)eace 
 in the settlement of both Presidential and 
 Southern State issues. This desire was 
 plainly manifested by President Hayes on 
 the day of his inauguration and for two 
 years thereafter. He took early occasion 
 to visit Atlanta, Ga.,and while at that point 
 and en route there made the most concilia- 
 tory speeches, in which he called those 
 who had engaged in the Rebellion, " broth- 
 ers," " gallant soldiers," etc. These speech- 
 es excited much attention. They had lit- 
 tle if any effect upon the South, while the 
 more radical Republicans accused the 
 President of " slopping over." They did 
 not allay the hostility of the Democratic 
 party, and did not restore the feeling in 
 the South to a condition better than that 
 which it had shown during the exciting 
 days of the Electoral count. The South 
 then, under the lead of men like Stephens, 
 Hill and Gordon, in the main showed every 
 desire for a peaceful settlement. As a rule 
 only the Border States and Northern Demo- 
 crats manifested extreme distrust and bit- 
 terness, and these were plainly told by 
 some of the leaders from the Gulf States, 
 that so far as they were concerned, they 
 had had enough of civil war. 
 
 As late as April 22, 1876, the Maryland 
 Legislature jjassed the following : 
 
 Resolved by the General A-ssembh/ of 
 Maryland, That the Attorney General of 
 the State be, and he is hereby, instructed, 
 in case Congress shall provide for expe- 
 diting the action, to exhibit a bill in the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, on 
 behalf of the State of Maryland, with 
 jiroper parties thereto, setting forth the 
 fact that due effect has not been given to 
 the electoral vote cast by this State on the 
 CAh. day of December, 1876, by reason of 
 fraudulent returns made from other States 
 and allowed to be counted provisionally by 
 the Electoral Commission, and subject to 
 judicial revision, and praying said court to 
 make the revision contemplated by the act 
 establishing said commission ; and upon 
 such revision to declare the returns from 
 the States of Louisiana and Florida, which 
 were counted for Rutherford B. Hayes and 
 William A. Wheeler, fraudulent and void, 
 and that the legal electoral votes of said 
 States were cast for Samuel J. Tilden as 
 President, and Thomas A. Hendricks as 
 Vice President, and that by virtue there- 
 of and of 184 votes cast by other States, 
 of which 8 were cast by the State of Mary- 
 land, the said Tilden and Hendricks were
 
 234 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 duly elected, and praying said Court to 
 decree accordingly. 
 
 I It was this resolution wliicli induced the 
 Clarkson N. Potter resolution of investi- 
 gation, a resolution the pasi^age of which 
 was resisted by the Republicans through 
 filibustering for many days, but was finally 
 passed by 146 Democratic votes to 2 Demo- 
 cratic votes (Mills and Morse) against, the 
 Republicans not voting. 
 
 Tlie Cipher Despatclies. 
 
 An amendment otfered to the Potter 
 resolution but not accepted, and defeated 
 by the Democratic majority, cited some 
 fair specimens of the cipher dispatches 
 exposed by the New York Tribune. These 
 are matters of historical interest, and con- 
 vey information as to the methods which 
 politicians will resort to in desperate emer- 
 gencies. We therefore quote the more per- 
 tinent portions. 
 
 Resolved, That the select committee to 
 whom this House has committed the in- 
 vestigation of certain matters aflecting, as 
 is alleged, the legal title of the President 
 of the United States to the high ofiice 
 which he now holds, be and is hereby in- 
 structed in the course of its investigations 
 to fully inquire into all the facts connected 
 with the election in the State of Florida in 
 November, 1876, and especially into the 
 circumstances attending the transmission 
 and receiving of certain telegraphic dis- 
 patches sent in said year between Tallahas- 
 see in said State and New York City, viz. : 
 
 "Tallahassee, November 9, 1876. 
 " A. S. IIeavitt, New York : 
 
 "Comply if possible with mv telesrram. 
 "Geo. P/Rarey." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 " Tallahassee, December 1, 1876. 
 " W. T. Pelton, Neiv York : 
 
 " Answer Mac's dispatch immediately, 
 or we will be embarrasssed at a critical 
 time. WiLKiKSON Call." 
 
 Also the following: 
 
 " Tallahassee, December 4, 1876. 
 " W. T. Pelton : 
 
 "Things culminating here. Answer 
 Mac's despatch to-day. W. Call." 
 
 And also the facts connected with all 
 telegraphic dispatclu's between one John 
 F. Coylc and said Pelton, under tiic hit- 
 ter's real or fictitious name, and with any 
 and all demands for money on or aljout 
 December 1, 1X70, from said Tallahassee, 
 on said I'elton.or sai<l Hewitt, or with any 
 attempt to corrnijt or bribe any oflicial of 
 the said State oi Florida by any person 
 
 acting for said Pelton, or in the interest of 
 Samuel J. Tilden as a presidential candi- 
 date. 
 
 Also to investigate the charges of in- 
 timidation at Lake City, in Columbia 
 county, where Joel Nib'lack and other 
 white men put ropes around the necks of 
 colored men and proposed to hang them, 
 but released them on their promise to join 
 a Democratic club and vote for Samuel J. 
 Tilden. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Jackson 
 county, where the ballot-boxes were kept 
 out of the sight of voters, who voted through 
 openings or holes six feet above the ground, 
 and where many more Republican votes 
 were thus given into the hands of the De- 
 mocratic inspectors than were counted or 
 returned by them. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Waldo 
 precinct, in Alachua county, where the 
 passengers on an emigrant-train, passing 
 through on the day of election, were al- 
 lowed to vote. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Manatee 
 county, returning 235 majority for the 
 Tilden electors, where there were no county 
 officers, no registration, no notice of the 
 election, and where the Republican party, 
 therefore, did not vote. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in the third 
 precinct of Key West, giving 342 Demo- 
 cratic majority, where the Democratic in- 
 spector carried the ballot-box home, and 
 pretended to count the ballots on the next 
 day, outside of the precinct and contrary 
 to law. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Hamil- 
 ton, where the election-officers exercised 
 no control over the ballot-box, but left it 
 in unauthorized hands, that it might be 
 tampered with. 
 
 xVlso the reasons why the Attorney- 
 General of the State, Wm. Archer Cocke, 
 as a member of the Canvassing Board, offi- 
 cially advised the board, and himself voted, 
 to exclude the Hamilton county and Key 
 West precinct returns, thereby giving, in 
 any event, over 500 majority to the Re- 
 publican electoral ticket, and afterwards 
 protested against the result which he had 
 voted for, and whether or not said Cocke 
 was afterward rewarded for such protest 
 by being made a State Judge. 
 
 OREGON. 
 
 And that said committee is further in- 
 structed and directed to investigate into 
 all the facts connected with an alleged at- 
 tempt to secure one electoral vote in the 
 State of Oregon for Samuel J. Tilden for 
 President of the United States, and Thom- 
 as A. Hendricks for Vice-President, by un- 
 lawfully setting up the election of E. A. 
 Cronin as one of such presidential electors 
 elected from the State of Oregon on the 
 7th of November, the candidates for the
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CIPUER DESPATCHES. 
 
 235 
 
 presidential electors on the two tickets be- 
 ing as follows: 
 
 On the Eepublican ticket: W. C. Odell, 
 J. C. Cartwright, and John W. Watta. 
 
 On the Deinocratic ticket: E. A. Cronin, 
 W. A. Laswell, and Henry Klippel. 
 
 The votes received by each candidate, as 
 shown by the oflieial vote as canvassed, 
 declared, and certified to by the Secretary 
 of State under the seal of the State, — the 
 Secretary being under the laws of Oregon 
 sole canvassing-officer, as will be shown 
 hereafter, — being as follows: 
 
 W. K. Odell received 15,206 votes 
 
 John C. Cartwright received.... 15,214 " 
 
 John W. Watts received 15,206 " 
 
 E. A. Cronin received 14,157 " 
 
 W. A. Laswell receiyed 14,149 " 
 
 Henry Klippel received 14,136 " 
 
 And by the unlawful attempt to bribe one 
 of said legally elected electors to recognize 
 said Cronin as an elector for President and 
 Vice-President, in order that one of the 
 electoral votes of said State might be cast 
 for said Samuel J. Tilden as President and 
 for Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice-Presi- 
 dent ; and especially to examine and inquire 
 into all the facts relating to the sending of 
 money from New York to some place in 
 said Oregon for the purposes of such 
 bribery, the parties sending and receiving 
 the same, and their relations to and 
 agency for said Tilden, and more particu- 
 larly to investigate into all the circum- 
 stances attending the transmission of the 
 following telegraphic despatches : 
 
 "Portland, Oregon, Nov. 14, 1876. 
 " Gov. L. F. Grover : 
 " Come down to-morrow if possible. 
 " W. H. Effinger, 
 
 " A. NOLTNER, 
 
 " C. P. Bellinger." 
 " Portland, November 16, 1876. 
 " To Gov. Grover, Salem : 
 
 " We want to see you particularly on 
 account of despatches from the East. 
 " William Strong, S. H. Reed, 
 "C.P.Bellinger, W.W.Thayer, 
 " C. E. Bronaugh." 
 
 Also the following cipher despatch sent 
 from Portland, Oregon, on the 28th day of 
 November, 1876, to New York City : 
 
 " Portland, November 28, 1876. 
 "To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Oramercij Park, 
 
 New Turk : 
 
 " By vizier association innocuous negli- 
 gence cunning minutely previously read- 
 mit doltish to purchase afar act with 
 cunning afiir sacristy unweighed afar 
 pointer tigress cattle superannuated sylla- 
 bus dilatorincss misapprehension contra- 
 band Kountz bisulcuous top usher si)iiiifcr- 
 0U3 answer. J. H. N. Patrick. 
 
 " I fully endorse this. 
 
 " James K. Kelly." 
 
 Of which, when the key was discovered, 
 the following was found t© be the true in- 
 tent and meaning: 
 
 " Portland, November 28, 1876. 
 " To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, 
 
 New York: 
 
 " Certificate will be issued to one Demo- 
 crat. Must j^urchase a Republican elector 
 to recognize and act with Democrats and 
 secure the vote and prevent trouble. De- 
 posit $10,000 to my credit with Kouutz 
 Brothers, Wall Street. Answer. 
 
 J. H. N. Patrick. 
 
 " I fully endoree this. 
 
 " James K. Kelly." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 " New York, November 25, 1876. 
 " A. Bush, Salem .- 
 
 " Use all means to prevent certificate. 
 Very important. C. E. Tilton." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 " December 1, 1876. 
 " To Hon. Sam. J. Tilden, No. 15 Gra- 
 mercy Park, New York : 
 " I shall decide every point in the case 
 of post-ofiice elector in favor of the highest 
 Democratic elector, and grant certificate 
 accordingly on morning of 6th instant. 
 Confidential. Governor." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 " San Francisco, December 5. 
 " Ladd & Bush, Salem : 
 
 " Funds from New York will be de- 
 posited to your credit hereio-morrow when 
 bank opens. I know it. Act accordingly. 
 Answer. W. C. Griswold." 
 
 Also the following, six days before the 
 foregoing : 
 
 " New York, November 29, 1876. 
 "To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregon : 
 " Moral hasty sideral vizier gabble cramp 
 by hemistic welcome licentiate muskeete 
 compassion neglectful recoverable hathouse 
 live innovator brackish association dime 
 afar idolater session hemistic mitre." 
 
 [No signature.] 
 
 Of which the interpretation is as follows : 
 " New York, November 29, 1876. 
 "To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregnn: 
 " No. How soon will Governor decide 
 certificate? If you make obligation con- 
 tingent on the result in March, it can be 
 done, and slightly if necessary." 
 
 [No signature.] 
 
 Also the following, one day later :
 
 236 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " Portland, November 30, 1876. 
 " To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, 
 
 New York : 
 
 " Governor all right without reward. 
 Will issue certificate Tuesday. This is a 
 secret. Eepublicans threaten if certificate 
 issued to ignore Democratic claims and fill 
 vacancy, aud thus defeat action of Gover- 
 nor. One elector must be paid to recog- 
 nize Democrat to secure majority. Have 
 employed three lawyers, editor of only Re- 
 publican paper as one lawyer, fee $3,000. 
 Will take $5,000 for Republican elector ; 
 must raise money ; can't make fee contin- 
 gent. Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellin- 
 ger will act. Communicate with them. 
 Must act promptly." [No signature]. 
 
 Also the following : 
 " San Fraxcisco, December 5, 1876. 
 " To KouNTZE Bros., No. 12 Wall St., New 
 York : 
 
 " Has my account credit by any funds 
 lately ? How much ? 
 
 " J. H. N. Patrick." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 " New York, December 6. 
 " J. H. N. Patrick, San Francisco : 
 " Davis deposited eight thousand dollars 
 
 December first. 
 
 KouKTZE Bros." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 " San Francisco, December 6. 
 "To James K. Kelly: 
 
 "The eight deposited as directed this 
 morning. Let no technicality prevent 
 winning. Use your discretion." 
 
 [No signature.] 
 
 And the following : 
 
 "New York, December 6. 
 "Hon. Jas. K. Kelly: 
 
 "Is your matter certain? There must 
 
 be no mistake. All depends on you. Place 
 
 no reliance on any favorable report from 
 
 three southward, Sonetter. Answer quick." 
 
 [No signature.] 
 
 Also the following: 
 
 "December 6, 1876. 
 "To Col. W. T. Pelton, 15 Gramercy 
 Park, N. Y.: 
 
 "Glory to God I Hold on to the one 
 vote in Oregon I I have one hundred 
 thousand men to back it up I 
 
 "Corse." 
 
 And said committee is further directed 
 to iiKjuire into and bring to light, so far as it 
 may be possible, the entire correspondence 
 and conspiracy referred to in tlie above 
 telegraphic despatches, and to ascertain 
 what were the relations existing between 
 any ol' the parties sending or receiving said 
 
 despatches and W. T. Pelton, of New York, 
 and also what relations existed between 
 said W. T. Pelton and Samuel J. Tilden, of 
 New York. 
 
 April 15, 1878, Mr. Kimmel introduced 
 a bill, which was never finally acted upon, 
 to provide a mode for trying and deter- 
 mining by the Supreme Court of the United 
 States the title of the President aud Vice- 
 President of the United States to take their 
 respective offices when their election to 
 such ofiices is denied by one or more of the 
 States of the Union. 
 
 The question of the title of President 
 was finally settled June 14, 1878, by the 
 following report of the Pouse Judiciary 
 Commitee : 
 
 Report of the Judiciary Committee. 
 
 June 14 — Mr. Hartridge, from the 
 Committee on the Judiciary, made the fol- 
 lowing report : 
 
 The Committee on the Judiciary, to 
 whom were referred the bill (H. R. No. 
 4315) and the resolutions of the Legisla- 
 ture of the State of Maryland directing 
 judicial proceedings to give effect to the 
 electoral vote of that State in the last elec- 
 tion of President and Vice-President of 
 the United States, report back said bill 
 and resolutions with a recommendation 
 that the bill do not pass. 
 
 Your committee are of the opinion that 
 Congress has no power, under the Consti- 
 tution, to confer upon the Supreme Court 
 of the United States the [original juris- 
 diction, sought for it by this bill. The 
 only clause of the Constitution which 
 could be plausibly invoked to enable Con- 
 gress to provide the legal machinery for 
 the litigation proposed, is that which gives 
 the Supreme Court original jurisdiction 
 in " cases " or " controversies " between a 
 State and the citizens of another State. 
 The committee are of the opinion that this 
 expression " cases " and " controversies " 
 was not intended by the framers of the 
 Constitution to embrace an original pro- 
 ceeding by a State in the Supreme Court 
 of the United States to oust any incum- 
 bent from a political office filled by the de- 
 claration and decision of the two Houses 
 of Congress clothed with the constitutional 
 power to count the electoral votes and de- 
 cide as a final tribunal upon the election 
 for President and Vice-President. The 
 Forty-fourth Cf digress selected a commis- 
 sion to count the votes for President and 
 Vice-President, reserving to itself the righc 
 to ratify or reject such count, in the way 
 prescribed in the act creating such com- 
 mission. By the joint action of the two 
 Houses it ratified the count made by the 
 commission, and thus made it the expres- 
 sion of its own judgment. 
 ' All the Departments of the Federal
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 237 
 
 Government, all the State governments in 
 their relations to Federal authority, for- 
 eign nations, the people of the United 
 States, all the material interests and indus- 
 tries of tlie country, have acquiesced in, 
 and acted in accordance with, the pro- 
 nounced finding of tliat Congress. In tiie 
 opinion of tliis committee, the present 
 Congress has no power to undo the work 
 of its predecessor in counting the electoral 
 vote, or to confer upon any judicial tri- 
 bunal the right to pass upon and perhaps 
 set aside the action of that predecessor in 
 reference to a purely political question, the 
 decision of which is confided by the Con- 
 stitution in Congress. 
 
 But apart from these fundamental ob- 
 jections to the bill under consideration, 
 there are features and provisions in it 
 which are entirely impracticable. Your 
 committee can find no warrant of authority 
 to summon the chief-justices of the 
 supreme courts of the several States to sit 
 at Washington as a jury to try any case, 
 however grave and weighty may be its 
 nature. The right to summon must carry 
 with it the power to enforce obedience to 
 the mandate, and the Committee can see 
 no means by which the judicial officers of 
 a State can be compelled to assume the 
 functions of jurors in the Supreme Court 
 of the United States. 
 
 There are other objections to the prac- 
 tical working of the bill under considera- 
 tion, to which we do not think it necessary 
 to refer. 
 
 It may be true that the State of Mary- 
 land has been, in the late election for 
 President and Vice-President, deprived of 
 her just and full weight in deciding who 
 were legally chosen, by reason of frauds 
 perpetrated by returning boards in some 
 of the States. It may also be true that 
 these fraudulent acts were countenanced 
 or encouraged or participated in by some 
 who now enjoy high offices as the fruit of 
 such frauds. It is due to the present gen- 
 eration of the people of this country and 
 their posterity, and to the principles on 
 which our Government is founded, that 
 all evidence tending to establish the fact 
 of such fraudulent practices should be 
 calmly, carefully, and rigorously examined. 
 
 But your committee are of the opinion 
 that the consequence of such examination, 
 if it discloses guilt upon the part of any in 
 high ofKcial position, should not be an ef- 
 fort to set aside the judgment of a former 
 Congress as to the election of a President 
 and Vice-President, but should be confined 
 to the punishment, by legal and constitu- 
 tional means, of the offenders, and to the 
 preservation and perpetuation of the evi- 
 dences of their guilt, so that the American 
 people may be protected from a recurrence 
 of the crime. 
 
 Your committee, therefore, recommend 
 
 the adoption of the accompanying resolu- 
 tion : 
 
 Resolved, That the two Houses of the 
 Forty-fourth Congress having counted the 
 votes cast for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and having de- 
 clared Rutherford B. Hayes to be elected 
 President, and William A. Wheeler to be 
 elected Vice-President, there is no power 
 in any subsequent Congress to reverse that 
 declaration, nor can any such power be 
 exercised by the courts of the United 
 States, or any other tribunal that Congress 
 can create under the Constitution. 
 
 We agree to the foregoing report so far 
 as it states the reasons for the resolution 
 adopted by the committee, but dissent from 
 the concluding portion, as not having re- 
 ference to such reasons, as not pertinent 
 to the inquiry before us, and as giving an 
 implied sanction to the propriety of the 
 pending investigation ordered by a ma- 
 jority vote of the House of Representatives, 
 to which we were and are opposed. 
 
 Wm. p. Frye. 
 
 O. D. Conger. 
 
 E. G. Lapham. 
 
 Leave was given to Mr. Knott to pre- 
 sent his individual views, also to Mr. But- 
 ler (the full committee consisting of 
 Messrs. Knott, Lynde, Harris, of Virginia, 
 Hartridge, Stenger, McMahon, Culberson, 
 Frye, Butler, Conger, Lapham.) 
 
 The question being on the resolution re- 
 ported by the committee, it was agreed to 
 — yeas 235, nays 14, not voting 42. 
 
 Tlie Hayes Administration. 
 
 It can be truthfully said that from the 
 very beginning the administration of Pre- 
 sident Hayes had not the cordial support 
 of the Republican party, nor was it solidly 
 opposed by the Democrats, as was the last 
 administration of General Grant. His 
 early withdrawal of the troops from the 
 Southern States, — and it was this with- 
 drawal and the suggestion of it from tlie 
 " visiting statesmen" which overthrew the 
 Packard government in Louisiana, — em- 
 bittered tiie hostility of many radical Re- 
 publicans. Senator"Conkling was conspi- 
 cuous in his opposition, as was Logan of 
 Illinois; and when he reached Washing- 
 ton, the younger Senator Cameron, of 
 Pennsylvania. It was during this admi- 
 nistration, and because of its conservative 
 tendencies, that these three leaders formed 
 the purpose to bring Grant again to the 
 Presidency. Yet the Hayes' administra- 
 tion was not always conservative, and 
 many Republicans believed that its mode- 
 ration had afforded a much needed breath- 
 ing spell to the country'. Toward its close 
 i all became better satisfied, the radical por-
 
 238 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tion by the President's later efforts to pre- 
 vent the intimidation of negro voters in 
 the South, a form of intimidation which 
 was now accomplished by means of rifle 
 clubs, still another advance from the White 
 League and the Ku Klux. He made this 
 a leading feature in his annual message to 
 the Congress which began December 2d, 
 1878, and by a virtual abandonment of his 
 earlier policy he succeeded in reuniting 
 what were then fast separating wings of 
 his own party. The conference report on 
 the Legislative Appropriation Bill was 
 adopted by both Houses June 18th, and 
 approved the 21st. The Judicial Expenses 
 Bill was vetoed by the President June 23d, 
 on the ground that it would deprive him of 
 the means of executing the election laws. 
 An attempt on the part of the Democrats 
 to pass the Bill over the veto failed for 
 want of a two-thirds vote, the Eepublicans 
 voting solidly against it. June 2Gth the 
 veltoed bill was divided, the second division 
 still forbidding the pay of deputy marshals 
 at elections. This was again vetoed, and 
 the President sent a special message urging 
 the necessity of an appropriation to pay 
 United States marshals. Bills were accord- 
 ingly introduced, but were defeated. This 
 failure to appropriate moneys called for 
 continued until the end of the session. 
 The President was compelled, therefore, to 
 call an extra session, which he did ]\Iarch 
 19th, 1879, in words which briefly explain 
 the cause : — 
 
 THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 
 
 "The failure of the last Congress to 
 make the requisite appropriation for legis- 
 lative and judicial purposes, for the ex- 
 penses of the several executive departments 
 of the Government, and for the support of 
 the Army, has made it necessary to call 
 a special session of the Forty-sixth Con- 
 gress. 
 
 "The estimates of the appropriations 
 needed, wliich were sent to Congress by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury at the opening 
 of the last session, are renewed, and arc 
 herewith transmitted to both the Senate 
 and the House of llej)resentatives. 
 
 "Regretting the existence of the emer- 
 gency which rc(|uircs a special session of 
 Congress at a time when it is the general 
 judgment of the country that the public 
 welfare will be best promoted by perma- 
 nency in our legislation, and by i)eace and 
 rest, I commend these few necessary mea- 
 sures to your considerate attention." 
 
 By this time both Houses were Demo- 
 cratic. In the Senate there were 42 De- 
 mocrats. .",8 Repul)licansand 1 Independent 
 (David Davis). In the House 149 Demo- 
 crats, 180 Republicans, and 14 Nationals — 
 a name then assumed l)y the Crcenbackers 
 and Labor- Reformers. The House passed 
 the Warner Silver Bill, providing for the 
 
 unlimited coinage of silver, the Senate Fi- 
 nance Committee refused to report it, the 
 Chairman, Senator Bayard, having refused 
 to report it, and even after a request to do 
 so from the Democratic caucus, — a course 
 of action which heralded him eveiy where 
 as a "hard-money" Democrat. 
 
 The main business of the extra session 
 was devoted to the consideration of the 
 Appropriation Bills which the regular ses- 
 sion had failed to pass. On all of these 
 the Democrats added " riders " for the 
 purpose of destroying Federal supervision 
 of the elections, and all of these political 
 riders were vetoed by President Hayes. 
 The discussions of the several measures 
 and the vetoes were highly exciting, and 
 this excitement cemented afresh the Re- 
 publicans, and caused all of them to act in 
 accord with the administration. The De- 
 mocrats were equally solid, while the Na- 
 tionals divided — Forsythe, Gillette, Kelley, 
 Weaver, and Yocum generally voting with 
 the Republicans ; De La Matyr, Steven- 
 son, Ladd and Wright with the Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 President Hayes, in his veto of the Army 
 Appropriation Bill, said : 
 
 " I have maturely considered the im- 
 portant questions presented by the bill en- 
 titled 'An Act making appropriations for 
 the support of the Army for the fiscal year 
 ending June 30, 1880, and for other pur- 
 poses,' and I noAv return it to the House of 
 Representatives, in which it originated, 
 with my objections to its approval. 
 
 "The bill provides, in the usual form, for 
 the appropriations required for the support 
 of the Army during the next fiscal year. 
 If it contained no other provisions, it would 
 receive my prompt approval. It includes, 
 however, further legislation, which, at- 
 tached as it is to appropriations which are 
 requisite for the efficient performance of 
 some of the most necessary duties of the 
 Government, involves questions of the 
 gravest character. The sixth section of the 
 bill is amendatory of the statute now in 
 force in regard to the authority of persons 
 in the civil, military and naval service of 
 the United States ' at the place where any 
 general or special election is held in any 
 State.' This statute was adopted February 
 25, 18G5, after a protracted debate in the 
 Senate, and almost without opposition in 
 the House of Representatives, by the con- 
 current votes of both of tlie leading political 
 parties of the country, and became a law 
 by the approval of President Lincoln. It 
 was re-enacted in 1874 in the Revised Sta- 
 tutes of the United States, sections 2002 
 and 5528. 
 
 " Upon the assembling of this Congress, 
 in pursuance of a call for an extra session, 
 which was made necessary by the failure 
 of the Forty-fifth Congress to make the
 
 THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 239 
 
 needful appropriations for the support of 
 the CTOvcrninent, the ciucstion was presented 
 whether the attemi)t made in tlie hist Con- 
 gress to engraft, by construction, a new 
 principle upon the Constitution should be 
 persisted in or not. This Congress has 
 ami)le opportunity and time to pass the 
 appropriation bills, and also to enact any 
 political measures which may be deter- 
 mined upon in separate bills by the usual 
 and orderly methods of proceeding. But 
 the majority of both Houses have deemed 
 it wise to adhere to the principles asserted 
 and maintained in the last Congress by the 
 majority of the House of Representatives. 
 That principle is that the House of Repre- 
 sentatives has the sole right to originate 
 bills for raising revenue, and therefore has 
 the right to withhold appropriations upon 
 which the existence of the Government may 
 depend, unless the Senate and the Presi- 
 dent shall give their assent to any legisla- 
 tion which the House may see fit to attach 
 to appropriation bills. To establish this 
 principle is to make a radical, dangerous, 
 and unconstitutional change in the charac- 
 ter of our institutions. The various De- 
 partments of the Government, and the 
 Army and Navy, are established by the 
 Constitution, or by laws passed in pursuance 
 thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, 
 and their support is carefully provided lor 
 by law. The money required for this pur- 
 pose has been collected from the people, 
 and is now in the Treasury, ready to be 
 paid out as soon as the appropriation bills 
 are passed. Whether appropriations are 
 made or not, the collection of the taxes 
 will go on. The public money will accu- 
 mulate in the Treasury. It was not the in- 
 tention of the framers of the Constitution 
 that any single branch of the Government 
 should have the power to dictate conditions 
 upon which this treasure should be applied 
 to the jiurpose for which it was collected. 
 Any such intention, if it had been enter- 
 tained, would have been plainly expressed 
 in the Constitution." 
 
 The vote in the House on this Bill, not- 
 withstanding the veto, was 148 for to 122 
 against — a party vote, save the division of 
 the Nationals, previously given. Not re- 
 ceiving a two-thirds vote, the Bill failed. 
 
 The other appropriation bills with po- 
 litical riders shared the same fate, as did 
 the bill to prohibit military intcrl'erence at 
 elections, the modification of the law touch- 
 ing supervisors and marshals at congres- 
 sional elections, etc. The debates on these 
 measures were bitterly partisan in their 
 character, as a few quotations from the 
 Congressional Record will show : 
 
 The Republican view was succinctly and 
 very eloquently stated by General Garfield, 
 when, in his speech of the 29th of March, 
 187'J, he said to the revolutionary Demo- 
 cratic House : 
 
 " The last act of Democratic domination 
 in this Capitol, eighteen years ago, was 
 striking and dramatic, perhai)s heroic. 
 Then the Democratic party said to the Ile- 
 pul)licans, ' If you elect the man of your 
 choice as President of the United States 
 we will shoot your Government to death ; ' 
 and the i)eople of this country, refusing to 
 be coerced by threats or violence, voted as 
 they pleased, and lawfully elected Abra- 
 ham Lincoln President of the United 
 States. 
 
 "Then your leaders, though holding a 
 majority in the other branch of Congress, 
 were heroic enough to withdraw from their 
 scats and fling down the gage of mortal 
 battle. We called it rebellion ; but we 
 recognized it as courageous and manly to 
 avow your purpose, take all the risks, and 
 fight it out on the open field. Notwith- 
 standing your utmost efforts to destroy it, 
 the Government was saved. Year by year 
 since the war ended, those who resisted you 
 have come to believe that you have finally 
 renounced j'our purpose to destroy, and are 
 willing to maintain the Government. In 
 that belief you have been permitted to re- 
 turn to power in the two Houses. 
 
 " To-day, after eighteen years of defeat, 
 the book of your domination is again 
 opened, and your first act awakens every 
 unhappy memory and threatens to destroy 
 the confidence which your professions of 
 patriotism inspired. You turned down a leaf 
 of the history that recorded your last act of 
 power in 1861, and you have now signal- 
 ized your return to power by beginning a 
 second chapter at the same page ; not this 
 time by a heroic act that declares war on 
 the battle-field, but you say if all the legis- 
 lative powers of the Government do not 
 consent to let you tear certain laws out of 
 the .statute-book, you will not shoot our 
 Government to death as you tried to do in 
 the first chaj)tcr ; but you declare that if 
 we do not consent against our will, if you 
 cannot coerce an independent branch of 
 this Government against its will, to allow 
 you to tear from the statute-books some laws 
 put there by the will of the people, you 
 will starve the Government to death. [Great 
 ap])lause on the Republican side.] 
 
 " Between death on the field and death 
 by starvation, I do not know that the 
 American people will see any great difler- 
 ence. The end, if successfully reached, 
 would be death in either case. Gentlemen, 
 you have it in your power to kill this Gov- 
 ernment ; you have it in your power, by 
 withholding these two bills, to smite the 
 nerve-centres of our Constitution with the 
 paralysis of death ; and you have declared 
 your purpose to do this, if you cannot break 
 down that fundamental element of free 
 consent which up to this hour has always 
 ruled in the legislation of this Govern- 
 ment."
 
 240 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The Democratic view was ably given by 
 Representative Tucker of Virginia, April 
 3, 1879 : " I tell you, gentlemen of the 
 House of Representatives, the Army dies 
 on the SOth day of June, unless we resuscitate 
 it by legislation. And what is the question 
 here on this bill ? Will you resuscitate the 
 Army after the SOth of June, with the 
 power to use it as keepers of the polls ? 
 That is the question. It is not a question 
 of repeal. It is a question of re-enact- 
 ment. If you do not appropriate this 
 money, there will be no Army after the 
 SOth of June to be used at the polls. The 
 only way to secure an Army at the polls is 
 to appropriate the money. Will you ap- 
 propriate the money for the Army in order 
 that they may be used at the polls ? We say 
 no, a thousarid times no. * * * The 
 gentlemen on the other side say there must 
 be no coercion. Of whom ? Of the Presi- 
 dent? But what right has the President 
 to coerce us ? There may be coercion one 
 way or the other. He demands an uncon- 
 ditional supply. We say ive will give him 
 no supply but upon conditions. * * * 
 When, therefore, vicious laws have fas- 
 tened themselves upon the statute-book 
 which imperil the liberty of the people, 
 this House is bound to say it will appro- 
 priate no money to give effect to such laws 
 until and except upon condition that they 
 are repealed. [Applause on the Demo- 
 cratic side.J * * We will give him the 
 Army on a single condition that it shall 
 never be used or be present at the polls 
 when an election is held for members of 
 this House, or in any presidential election, 
 or in any State or municipal election. * * * 
 Clothed thus with unquestioned power, 
 bound by clear duty, to expunge these vi- 
 cious laws from the statute-book, following 
 a constitutional method sanctioned by 
 venerable precedents in English history, 
 we feel that we have the undoubted right, 
 and are beyond cavil in the right, in de- 
 claring that with our grant of sui)p]y there 
 must be a cessation of these grievances, 
 and we make these appropriations condi- 
 tioned on securing a free ballot and fair 
 juries for our citizens." 
 
 Tlie Senate, July 1, passed the House 
 bill placing quinine on the free list. 
 
 The extra session finally passed the Ap- 
 propriation bills without riders, and ad- 
 journed July 1st, 1S70, with the Republi- 
 can party far more firmly united than at 
 the beginning of the Hayes administra- 
 tion. The attempt on the j)art of the i )emo- 
 crats to pass these political riders, and their 
 threat, in the words of (larfmld, who had 
 then succe(!iled Stfvc'us and Hlaine as the 
 Republican (Vmunoner of the House, re- 
 awak(!ne(l all the |)artisan animosities 
 which the administration of President 
 Hayes had up to thattinu! allayed. Kven 
 the I'rcsident caught ita spirit, and plainly 
 
 manifested it in his veto messages. It waa 
 a losing battle to the Democrats, for they 
 had, with the view not to "starve the gov- 
 ernment," to abandon their position, and 
 the temporary demoralization which fol- 
 lowed bridged over the questions pertain- 
 ing to the title of President Hayes, over- 
 shadowed the claims of Tilden, and caused 
 the North to again look with grave con- 
 cern on the establishment of Democratic 
 power. If it had not been for this extra 
 session, it is asserted and believed by 
 many, the Republicans could not have so 
 soon gained control of the lower House, 
 which they did in the year following ; and 
 that the plan to nominate General Han- 
 cock for the Presidency, which originated 
 with Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania, 
 could not have otherwise succeeded if Til- 
 den's cause had not been kept before his 
 party, unclouded by an extra session which 
 was freighted with disaster to the Demo- 
 cratic party. 
 
 Tlie Negro Exodus. 
 
 During this summer political comment, 
 long after adjournment, was kept active by 
 a great negro exodus from the South to the 
 Northwest, most of the emigrants going to 
 Kansas. The Republicans ascribed this to 
 ill treatment, the Democrats to the opera- 
 tions of railroad agents. The people of 
 Kansas welcomed them, but other States, 
 save Indiana, were slow in their manifes- 
 tations of hospitality, and the exodus soon 
 ceased for a time. It was renewed in South 
 Carolina in the winter of 1881-82, the de- 
 sign being to remove to Arkansas, but at 
 this writing it attracts comparatively little 
 notice. The Southern journals generally 
 advise more liberal treatment of the blacks 
 in matters of education, labor contracts, 
 etc., while none of the Northern or West- 
 ern States any longer make efforts to get 
 the benefit of their labor, if indeed they 
 ever did. 
 
 Closing Hours of tlic Ilaj-es Administra- 
 tion. 
 
 At the regular session of Congress, which 
 met December 1st, 1879, President Hayes 
 advised Congress against any further legis- 
 lation in reference to coinage, and favored 
 the retirement of the legal tenders. 
 
 The most important j)olitical action ta- 
 ken at this session was the ])assage, for 
 Congress was still Democratic, of a law to 
 jirevent the use of the army to keep the 
 peace at the ])olls. To this was added the 
 Garfield proviso, that it should not be con- 
 strued to prevent the Constitutional use of 
 the army to suj)press domestic violence in 
 a State — a proviso which in the view of 
 the Republicans rid the bill of material 
 Ijartisan objections, and it was therefore
 
 BOOK I.J CLOSING HOURS OF HAYES' ADMINISTRATION. 241 
 
 passed and approved. The "political ri- 
 ders " were aj^ain added to the Apjjropria- 
 tion and Dcticioncy bills, but were again 
 vetoed and failed in this form to become 
 laws. Upon these questions President 
 Hayes showed much firmness. During the 
 session the Democratic opposition to the 
 General Election Law was greatly tem- 
 pered, the Supreme Court having made an 
 important decision, which upheld its con- 
 stitutionality. Like all sessions under the 
 administration of President Hayes and 
 since, nothing was done to provide perma- 
 nent and safe methods for completing the 
 electoral count. On this question each 
 party seemed to be afraid of the other. 
 The session ad)ourned June IGth, 1880. 
 
 The second session of the 4(Jth Congress 
 began December 1st, 1880. The last an- 
 nual message of President Hayes recom- 
 mended the earliest practicable retirement 
 of the legal-tender notes, and the mainte- 
 nance of the present laws for the accumula- 
 tion of a sinking fund sufficient to extin- 
 guish the public debt within a limited peri- 
 od. The laws against polygamy, he said, 
 should be firmly and effectively executed. 
 In the course of a lengthy discussion of 
 the civil service the President declared 
 that in his opinion " every citizen has an 
 equal right to the honor and jarofit of en- 
 tering the public service of his country. 
 The only just ground of discrimination is 
 the measure of character and capacity he 
 has to make that service most useful to the 
 people. Except in cases where, upon just 
 and recognized principles, as upon the 
 theory of pensions, offices and promotions 
 are bestowed as rewards for past services, 
 their bestowal upon any theory which dis- 
 regards i^ersonal merit is an act of injus- 
 tice to the citizen, as well as a breach of 
 that trust subject to wdiich the appointing 
 power is held. Considerable space was 
 given in the Message to the condition of 
 the Indians, the President recommending 
 the passage of a law enabling the govern- 
 ment to give Indians a title-fee, inaliena- 
 ble for twenty-five years, to the farm lands 
 assigned to them by allotment. He also 
 repeats the recommendation made in a 
 former message that a law be passed admit- 
 ting the Indians who can give satisfactory 
 proof of having by their own labor sup- 
 ported their families for a number of years, 
 and who are willing to detach themselves 
 from their tribal relations, to the benefit of 
 the Homestead Act, and authorizing the 
 government to grant them patents contain- 
 ing the same provision of inalienability 
 for a certain period. 
 
 The Senate, on the 19th, appointed a 
 committee of five to investigate the causes 
 of the recent negro exodus from the South. 
 On the same day a committee was appoint- 
 ed by the House to examine into the sub- 
 ject of an inter-oceanic ship-caual. 
 
 16 
 
 The payment of the award of the Hali- 
 fax Fisheries Commission — S-3,000,000 — to 
 the British government was made by the 
 American minister in London, November 
 23, 1879, accompanied by a communica- 
 tion protesting against the payment being 
 understood as an acquiescence in the re- 
 sult of the Commission "as furnishing any 
 just measure of the value of a participa- 
 tion by (mr citizens in the inshore fisheries 
 of the British Provinces." 
 
 On the 17th of December 1879, gold Avas 
 sold in New York at par. It was first sold 
 at a premium January 13, 18(J2. It reached 
 its highest rate, $2.85, July 11, 18(34. 
 
 The electoral vote was counted without 
 any i)artisan excitement or disagreement. 
 Georgia's electoral college had met on the 
 second instead of the first Wednesday of 
 December, as required by the Federal law. 
 She actually voted under her old Confed- 
 erate law, but as it could not change the 
 result, both parties agreed to the count of 
 the vote of Georgia " in the alternative," 
 i. e. — "if the votes of Georgia were counted 
 the number of votes for A and B. for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President would be so 
 many, and if the votes of Georgia were not 
 counted, the number of votes for A and B. 
 for President and Vice-President would be 
 so many, and that in either case A and B 
 are elected." 
 
 Among the bills not disposed of by this 
 session were the electoral count joint rule ; 
 the funding bill ; the Irish relief bill ; the 
 Chinese indemnity bill; to restrict Chinese 
 immigration ; to amend the Constitution 
 as to the election of President ; to regulate 
 the pay and number of supervisors of elec- 
 tion and special deputy-marshals ; to abro- 
 gate the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty ; to pro- 
 hibit military interference at elections ; to 
 define the terms of office of the Chief Su- 
 pervisors of elections ; for the appointment 
 of a tariff commission; the political a.ssess- 
 ment bill ; the Kellogg-Spoffbrd case ; and 
 the Fitz-John Porter bill. 
 
 The regular appropriation bills were all 
 completed. The total amount ai)propria- 
 tcd was about $18(3,000,000. Among the 
 special sums voted were $30,000 for the cen- 
 tennial celebration of the Yorktown vic- 
 tory, and $100,000 for a monument to com- 
 memorate the same. 
 
 Congress adjourned March 3d, 1881, and 
 President Hayes on the following day re- 
 tired from office. The effect of his admin- 
 istration was, in a political sense, to 
 strengthen a growing independent senti- 
 ment in the ranks of the Republicans — an 
 element more conservative g^enerally in its 
 views than those represented by Conkling 
 and Blaine. This sentiment began with 
 Bristow, who while in the cabinet made a 
 show of seeking out and punishing all cor- 
 ruptions in government office or service. 
 On this platform and record he had cou-
 
 242 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 tested with Hayes the honors of the Presi- 
 dential nominations, and while the latter 
 was at the time believed to well represent 
 the same views, they were not urgently 
 pressed during his administration. Indeed, 
 without the knowledge of Hayes, what is 
 believed to be a most gigantic "steal," 
 and which is now being prosecuted under 
 the name of the Star Route cases, had its 
 birth, and thrived so well that no import- 
 ant discoverv was made until the incoming 
 of the Garfield administration. The Hayes 
 administration, it is now fiishionable to 
 say, made little impress for good or evil 
 upon the country, but impartial historians 
 will give it the credit of softening party as- 
 perities and aiding very materially in the 
 restoration of better feeling between the 
 Korth and South. Its conservatism, al- 
 ways manifested save on extraordinary oc- 
 ca.sions, did that much good at least. 
 
 The Campaign of 1880. 
 
 The Republican National Convention 
 met June 5th, 1880, at Chicago, in the Ex- 
 position building, capable of seating 20,000 
 people. The excitement in the ranks of 
 the Republicans was very high, because of 
 the candidacy of General Grant for what 
 ■was popularly called a "third term,'' 
 though not a third consecutive term. His 
 three powerful Senatorial friends, in the 
 face of^ bitter protests, had secured the in- 
 structions of their respective State Conven- 
 tions for Grant. Conkling had done this 
 in New York, Cameron in Pennsylvania, 
 Logan in Illinois, but in each of the three 
 States the opposition was so impressive that 
 no serious attempts were made to substi- 
 tute other delegates for those which had 
 previously been selected by their Congres- 
 sional districts. As a result there was a 
 large minority in the delegations of these 
 States opposed to the nomination of Gene- 
 ral Grant, and the votes of them could only 
 be controlled by the enforcement of the 
 unit rule. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, 
 the President of the Convention, decided 
 against its enforcement, and as a result all 
 of the delegates were free to vote upon ei- 
 ther State or District instructions, or as they 
 chose. The Convention was in session three 
 days. We present herewith the 
 
 Ballots. 7 8 
 Grant, 305 306 
 
 Blaine, 281 284 
 
 Sherman, 94 
 Edmunds, 32 
 Washburne, 31 
 Windom, 10 
 Garfield, 1 
 Hayes, 
 
 91 
 31 
 32 
 10 
 1 
 
 9 10 11 12 
 
 308 305 305 304 
 
 282 282 281 283 
 
 90 91 62 93 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 22 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 
 33 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 Ballois, 13 14 
 
 Grant, 305 305 
 
 Blaine, 285 285 
 
 Sherman, 89 89 
 
 Edmunds, 31 
 
 31 
 
 Washburne, 33 
 
 35 
 
 Windom, 10 
 
 10 
 
 Garfield, 1 
 
 
 Haves, 1 
 
 1 
 
 Davis, 
 
 
 McCrary, 1 
 
 
 15 16 17 18 
 
 309 306 303 305 
 
 281 283 284 283 
 
 88 88 90 92 
 
 31 31 31 31 
 
 36 36 34 35 
 
 10 10 10 10 
 
 Ballots, 19 20 21 22 23 24 
 Grant, 305 308 305 305 304 305 
 Blaine, 279 276 276 275 274 279 
 
 Sherman, 
 
 95 
 
 93 
 
 96 
 
 95 
 
 98 
 
 93 
 
 Edmunds, 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 Washburne 
 
 ,31 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 36 
 
 35 
 
 Windom, 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 Garfield, 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Hart ran ft, 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ballots, 25 26 27 
 Grant, 302 303 306 
 Blaine, 281 280 277 
 
 Sherman, 94 
 
 93 
 
 93 
 
 Edmunds, 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 Washburne, 36 
 
 35 
 
 36 
 
 Windom, 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 Garfield, 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Ballots. 
 
 BALIX)TS. 
 2 3 
 
 Grant, 304 305 305 305 305 805 
 
 Blaine, 284 282 282 281 281 281 
 
 Sherman, 93 94 93 95 95 95 
 
 Edmunds, 34 
 
 Washburne, 30 
 
 Windom, 10 
 
 Garfield, 
 
 Harrison, 
 
 32 
 
 32 
 
 32 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 31 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 There was little change from the 27th 
 ballot until the 36th and final one, which 
 resulted as follows : 
 
 Whole number of votes 755 
 
 Necessary to a choice 378 
 
 Grant 306 
 
 Blaine ■.•• 42 
 
 Sherman 3 
 
 Washburne 5 
 
 Garfield 399 
 
 As shown. General James A. Garfield, 
 of Ohio, was nominated on the 36th ballot, 
 the forces of General Grant alone remain- 
 ing solid. The result was due to a sudden 
 union of the forces of Blaine and Sherman, 
 it is believed with the full consent of both, 
 for both emjiloyed the same wire leading 
 from the same room in Washington in 
 telegraphing to their friends at Chicago. 
 The o])ject was to defeat Grant. After 
 (Jarfiohi's nomination there was a tempo- 
 rary adjournment, during which the 
 friends of the nominee consulted Conkling 
 and his leading friends, and the result was 
 the selection of General Chester A. Arthur
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880. 
 
 243 
 
 of New York, for Vice-President. The 
 object of this selection was to carry New 
 York, the great State which was tlien al- 
 most universally believed to hold the key 
 to the Presidential position. 
 
 The Democratic National Convention 
 met at Cincinnati, June 22d. Tilden had 
 lip to the holding of the Pennsylvania 
 State Convention been one of the most 
 prominent candidates. In this Convention 
 there was a bitter struggle between tiie 
 Wallace and Randall factions, the former 
 favoring Hancock, the latter Tilden. Wal- 
 lace, after a contest far shar])er than he 
 expected, won, luid bound the delegation 
 by the unit rule. When the National 
 Convention met, John Kelly, the Tam- 
 many leader of New York, was again 
 there, as at St. Louis four years before, to 
 oppose Tilden, but the latter sent a letter 
 disclaiming that he was a candidate, and 
 yet really inviting a nomination on the is- 
 sue of " the fraudulent counting in of 
 Hayes." There were but two ballots, as 
 follows : 
 
 FIRST BALLOT. 
 
 Hancock 
 
 Bayard 
 
 Pavne 
 
 171 
 153i 
 81 
 63. V 
 66 
 62 
 
 46 .'r 
 
 38 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 :;oND 
 
 Randall.... 
 Loveland .. 
 McDonald. 
 McClellan 
 
 English 
 
 Jewett 
 
 Black 
 
 Lothrop.... 
 Parker 
 
 BALLOT. 
 
 705 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 30 
 
 . 6 
 
 . 5 
 3 
 
 Thurman 
 
 Field 
 
 Morrison 
 
 Hendricks 
 
 Tilden 
 
 Ewing 
 
 . 3 
 
 Seymour 
 
 SE( 
 
 Hancock... 
 
 
 Tilden 
 
 
 
 
 Bavard 
 
 
 
 
 Hendricks 
 
 
 
 
 Thus General Winfield 8. Hancock, of 
 New York, was nominated on the second 
 ballot. AVm. H. English, of Indiana, was 
 nominated for Vice-President. 
 
 The National Greenback-Labor Conven- 
 tion, held at Chicago, June 11, nominated 
 General J. B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- 
 dent, and General E. J, Chambers, of 
 Texas, for Vice-President. 
 
 In the canvass ivhich followed, the Re- 
 publicans were aided by such orators as 
 Conkling, Blaine, Grant, Logan, Curtis, 
 BoutwcU, while the Camerons, father and 
 son, visited the October States of Ohio and 
 Indiana, as it was believed that these 
 would determine the result, Maine having 
 in September very unexpectedly defeated 
 the Republican State ticket by a'small ma- 
 jority. The Democrats were aided bv 
 Bayard, Voorhecs, Randall, Wallace, Hill, 
 Hampton, Lamar, and hosts of their best 
 orators. Every issue was recalled, but for 
 the first time in the history of the Repub- 
 licans of the West, they accepted the tariff 
 
 issue, and made open war on Watterson's 
 plank in the Democratic platform — " a 
 tariff for revenue only." Iowa, Ohio, and 
 Indiana, all elected the Republican State 
 tickets with good margins ; West Virginia 
 went Democratic, but the result was, not- 
 withstanding this, reasonably a.ssured to 
 the Republicans. The Democrats, how- 
 ever, feeling the strong personal popularity 
 of their leading candidate, jjcrsisted with 
 high courage to the end. In November 
 all of the Southern States, with New Jer- 
 sey, Qiilifornia,* and Nevada in the North, 
 went Democratic ; all of the others Re- 
 jiublican. The Greenbackers held only a 
 balance of power, which they could not 
 exercise, in California, Indiana, and New 
 Jersey. The electoral vote of Garfield and 
 Arthur was 214, that of Hancock and Eng- 
 lish 155. The popular vote was Republi- 
 can, 4,442,950; Democratic, 4,442,635; 
 Greenback or National, 306,867 ; scatter- 
 ing, 12,576. The Congressional elections 
 in the same canvass gave the Republic»n3 
 147 members; the Democrats, 136; Green- 
 backers, 9 ; Independents, 1. 
 
 Fifteen States elected Governors, nine 
 of them Republicans and six Democrats. 
 
 General Garfield, November 10, sent to 
 Governor Foster, of Ohio, his resignation 
 as a Senator, and John Sherman, the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, was in the win- 
 ter following elected as his successor. 
 
 The third session of the Forty-sixth 
 Congress Avas begun December 6. The 
 President's Message was read in both 
 Houses. Among its recommendations to 
 Congress were the following : To create 
 the ofl[ice of Captain-General of the Army 
 for General Grant ; to defend the inviola- 
 bility of the constitutional amendments ; 
 to promote free popular education by 
 grants of public lands and appropriations 
 from the United States Treasury ; to ap- 
 propriate $25,000 annually for the expen- 
 ses of a Commission to be appointed by 
 the President to devise a just, uniform, 
 and efficient system of competitive exami- 
 nations, and to supervise the application 
 of the same throughout the entire civil 
 service of the government ; to pass a law 
 defining the relations of Congressmen to 
 appointments to office, so as to end Con- 
 gressional encroachment upon the appoint- 
 ing power ; to repeal the Tenure-of-office 
 Act, and pass a law protecting office- 
 holders in resistance to political assess- 
 ments ; to abolish the present system of 
 executive and judicial government in 
 Utah, and substitute for it a government 
 by a commission to be appointed by the 
 President and confirmed by the Senate, or, 
 in case the present government is con- 
 tinued, to withhold from all who jiractice 
 
 * One Democratic elector was defuatvd, being cut by 
 over 500 voters ou a local isduo.
 
 244 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 polygamy tlie right to vote, liold office, and 
 sit on juries ; to repeal the act authorizing 
 the coinage of the silver dollar of 412} 
 grains, and to authorize the coinage of a 
 new silver dollar equal in value as bullion 
 with the gold dollar ; to take favorable ac- 
 tion on the bill jjroviding for the allotment 
 of lands on the different reservations. 
 
 Two treaties between this country and 
 China were signed at Pekin, November 17, 
 1881, one of commerce, and the other se- 
 curing to the United States the control and 
 regulation of the Chinese immigration. 
 
 President Hayes, February 1, 1881, sent 
 a message to Congress sustaining in the 
 main the findings of the Ponca Indian 
 Commission, and approving its recom- 
 mendation that they remain on their reser- 
 vation in Indian Territory. The Presi- 
 dent suggested that the general Indian 
 policy for the future should embrace the 
 following ideas : First, the Indians should 
 be prepared for citizenship by giving to 
 their young of both sexes that industrial 
 and general education which is requisite 
 to enable them to be self-supporting and 
 capable of self-protection in civilized com- 
 munities; second, lands should be allot- 
 ted to the Indians in severalty, inalienable 
 for a certain period; third, the Indians 
 should have a fair compensation for their 
 lands not required for individual allot- 
 ments, the amount to be invested, with 
 suitable safeguards, for their benefit ; 
 fourth, with these prerequisites secured, 
 the Indians should be made citizens, and 
 invested with the rights and charged with 
 the responsibilities of citizenship. 
 
 The Senate, Februaiy 4, passed Mr. 
 Morgan's concurrent resolution declaring 
 that the President of the Senate is not in- 
 vested by the Constitution of the United 
 States with the right to count the votes of 
 electors for President and Vice-President 
 of the United States, so as to determine 
 what votes shall be received and counted, 
 or what votes shall be rejected. An 
 amendment was added declaring in effect 
 that it is the duty of Congress to pass a 
 law at once providing for the orderly 
 counting of the electoral vote. The House 
 concurred February r), but no action by 
 bill or otherwise has since been taken. 
 
 Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, December 
 15,1881, introduced a bill to regulate the 
 civil service and to ])romote the efriciency 
 thereof, and also a bill to prohibit Federal 
 officers, claimants, and contractors from 
 making or rcci'iving assessments or contri- 
 butions for political purposes. 
 
 The Burnsidc Educational Rill passed 
 the Senate December 17, 1881. It pro- 
 vides that the procee<ls of the sale of ])ub- 
 lic land and the earnings of the Patent 
 Office shall be funded :it four per cent., 
 and the interest divided among the States 
 in proportion to their illiteracy. An 
 
 amendment by Senator IMorgan provides 
 for the instruction of women in the State 
 agricultural colleges in such branches of 
 technical and industrial education as are 
 suited to their sex. No action has yet 
 been taken by the House. 
 
 On the 9th of February the electoral 
 votes M'ere counted by the Vice-President 
 in the presence of both Houses, and Gar- 
 field and Arthur were declared elected 
 President and Vice-President of the United 
 States. There Avas no trouble as to the 
 count, and the result previously stated was 
 formally announced. 
 
 The Three Per Cent. Funding BUI. 
 
 The 3 per cent. Funding Bill passed the 
 House March 2, and was on the following 
 day vetoed by President Hayes on the 
 ground that it dealt unjustly with the Na- 
 tional Banks in compelling them to accept 
 and emjiloy this security for their circu- 
 lation in lieu of the old bonds. This fea- 
 ture of the bill caused several of the Banks 
 to surrender their circulation, conduct 
 which for a time excited strong political 
 prejudices. The Eepublicans in Congress 
 as a rule contended that the debt could 
 not be surely funded at 3 per cent. ; that 
 82 was a safer figure, and to go below this 
 might render the bill of no effect. The 
 same views were entertained by President 
 Hayes and Secretary Sherman. The Dem- 
 ocrats insisted on 3 per cent., until the 
 veto, when the general desire to fund at 
 more favorable rates broke party lines, and 
 a 82 per cent, funding bill Avas passed, with 
 the feature objectionable to the National 
 Banks omitted. 
 
 The Republicans were mistaken in their 
 view, as the result proved. The loan was 
 floated so easily, that in the session of 1882 
 Secretary Sherman, now a Senator, him- 
 self introduced a 3 per cent, bill, which 
 passed the Senate Feb. 2d, 1882, in this 
 shape : — 
 
 Be it enacted, &c. That the Secretary of 
 the Treasury is hereby authorized to 
 receive at the Treasury and at the office of 
 any Assistant Treasurer of the United 
 States and at any postal money order of- 
 fice, lawful mc/uey of the United States to 
 the amount of fifty dollars or any multiple 
 of that sum or any bonds of the United 
 States, bearing three and a-half per cent, 
 interest, which are hereby declared valid, 
 and to issue in exchange therefore an 
 equal amount of registered or couiiou 
 bonds of the United States, of the denom- 
 ination of fifty, one hundred, five hundred, 
 one thousand and ten thousand dollars, of 
 such form as he may prescribe, bearing in- 
 terest at the rate three per centum per 
 annum, payable either quarterly or semi- 
 annually, at the Treasury of tlae United
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 
 
 245 
 
 States. Such bonds shall be exempt from 
 all taxution by or under state authority, 
 and be payable at the pleasure of the 
 United States. " Provided, That the bonds 
 hcreia authorized shall not be called in and 
 pai'l so long as any bonds of the United 
 States heretofore issued bearing a higher 
 rate of interest than three per centum, and 
 which sluiU be redeemable at the pleasure 
 of the United States, shall be outstanding 
 and uncalled. The last of the said bonds 
 originally issued and their substitutes 
 umler this act shall be first called in and 
 this order of payment shall be followed 
 until all shall have been paid." 
 
 The money deposited under this act 
 shall be promptly applied solely to the re- 
 demption of the bon(ls of the United States 
 bearing three and a-half per centum in- 
 terest, and the aggregate amount of de- 
 posits made and bonds issued under this 
 act shall not exceed the sum of two hun- 
 dred million dollars. The amount of law- 
 ful money so received on deposit, as afore- 
 said, shall not exceed, at any time, the 
 sum of twenty-five million dollars. Be- 
 fore any deposits are received at any pos- 
 tal money office under this act, the post- 
 master at such office shall file with the 
 Secretary of the Treasury his bond, with 
 satisfactory security, conditioned that he 
 will promptly transmit to the Treasury of 
 the United States the money received by 
 him in conformity with regulations to be 
 prescribed by such secretary ; and the de- 
 posit with any postmaster shall not at any 
 time, exceed the amount of his bond. 
 
 Sectiox 2. Any national banking asso- 
 ciation now organized or hereafter or- 
 ganized desiring to withdraw its circulat- 
 ing notes upon a deposit of lawful money 
 with the Treasury of the United States as 
 provided in section 4 of the Act of June 
 20, 1874, entitled " An act fixing the 
 amount of United States notes providing 
 for a redistribution of National bank cur- 
 rency and for other purposes," shall be re- 
 quired to give thirty days' notice to the 
 Controller of the Currency of its intention 
 to deposit lawful money and withdraw its 
 circulating notes ; provided that not more 
 than five million of dollars of lawful 
 m )ney shall be deposited during any cal- 
 ender month f )r this purpose ; and pro- 
 vided further, that the provisions of this 
 section shall not apply to bonds called for 
 redemption by the Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury. 
 
 Section- 3. That nothing in this act 
 shall be so construed as to authorize an in- 
 crease of the public debt. 
 
 lu the past few years opinions on the 
 rates of interest have undergone wonderful 
 changes. Many supposed— indeed it was 
 a "standard" argument — that rates must 
 ever be higher in new than old countries, 
 that these higher rates comported with aud 
 
 aided the higher rates paid for commodi- 
 ties and labor. The funding operations 
 since the war have dissipated this belief, 
 and so shaken political theories that no 
 party can now claim a monopoly of sound 
 financial doctrine. So high is the credit 
 of the government, and so abundant are 
 the resources of our people after a com- 
 paratively short pei-iod of general prosper- 
 ity, that they seem to have plenty of sur- 
 l>lus funds with which to aid any funding 
 operation, however low the rate of interest, 
 if the government — State or National — 
 shows a willingness to pay. As late as 
 February, 1882, Pennsylvania funded seven 
 millions of her indebtedness at 3, 31 and 4 
 per cent., the two larger sums commanding 
 premiums sufficient to cause the entire 
 debt to be floated at a little more than 3 
 per cent., and thus floating commands an 
 additional premium in the money ex- 
 changes. 
 
 History of the National Lioans. 
 
 In Book VII of this volume devoted to 
 Tabulated History, we try to give the read- 
 er at a glance some idea of the history of 
 our National finances. An attempt to go 
 into details would of itself fill volumes, for 
 no class of legislation has taken so much 
 time or caused such a diversity of opinion. 
 Yet it is shown, by an admirable review of 
 the loans of the United States, by Rafael 
 A. Bayley, of the Treasury Department 
 published in the February (1882) number 
 of the International Review, that the " finan- 
 cial system of the government of the 
 United States has continued the same from 
 its organization to the present time." Mr, 
 Bayley has completed a history of our Na- 
 tional Loans, which will be published in 
 the Census volume on " Public Debts." 
 From his article in the Ifeview we con- 
 dense the leading facts bearing on the his- 
 tory of our national loans. 
 
 The financial system of theUnited^States, 
 in lill its main features, is simple and well 
 defined, and its very simj^licity may proba- 
 bly be assigned as the reason why it ap- 
 pears so difficult of comprehension by 
 many people of intelligence and education. 
 It is based upon the principles laid down 
 by Alexander Hamilton, and the practical 
 adoption of the fundamental maxim which 
 he regarded as the true secret for render- 
 ing public credit immortal, viz., " that the 
 creation of the debt should always be ac- 
 companied with the means of extinguish- 
 ment." A faithful adherence to this sys- 
 tem by his successors has stood the test of 
 nearly a century, with the nation at jieacc 
 or at war, in prosperity or adversity ; so 
 that, with all the change that progress has 
 entailed upon the people of the age, no 
 valid ground-; exist for any change here. 
 
 " During the colonial period, and under
 
 246 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 the confederation, the financial operations 
 of the Government were based ou the law 
 of necessity, and depended for success 
 upon- the patriotism of the people, the co- 
 operation of the several States, and the 
 assistance of foreign powers friendly to our 
 cause. 
 
 " It was the willingness of the people to 
 receive the various kinds of paper money 
 issued under authority of the Continental 
 Congress, and used in payment for services 
 and supplies, together with the issue of 
 similar obligations by the different States, 
 for the redemption of which they assumed 
 the responsibility ; aided by the munificent 
 gift of money from Louis XVI. of France, 
 followed by loans for a large amount from 
 both France and Holland, that made vic- 
 tory possible, and laid the foundations for 
 the republic of to-day, with its credit un- 
 impaired, and with securities command- 
 ing a ready sale at a high premium in all 
 the principal markets of the world. 
 
 " Authorities vaiy as to the amount of 
 paper money issued and the cost of the war 
 for independence. On the 1st of Septem- 
 ber, 1779, Congress resolved that it would 
 ' on no account whatever emit more bills 
 of credit than to make the whole amount 
 of such bills two hundred millions of dol- 
 lais.' ]\Ir. Jefferson estimates the value 
 of this sum at the time of its emission at 
 $36,367,719.83 in specie, and says ; ' If we 
 estimate at the same value the like sum of 
 $200,000,000 supposed to have been 
 emitted by the States, and reckon the 
 Federal debt, foreign and domestic, at 
 about $43,000,000, and the State debt at 
 $25,000,000, it will form an amount of 
 §140,000,000, the total sum which the war 
 cost the United States. It continued eight 
 years, from the battle of Lexington to the 
 cessation of hostilities in America. The 
 annual expense was, therefore, equal to 
 about SI 7,500,000 in specie.' 
 
 " The first substantial aid rendered the 
 colonies by any foreign power was a free 
 gift of money and military supplies from 
 Louis XVI. of France, amounting in the 
 aggregate to 10,000,000 livres, equivalent 
 to, .SI, 815,000. 
 
 "These supplies were not furnished 
 openly, for the reason that France was not 
 in a position to commence a war with 
 Great Britain. The celebrated Caron de 
 Beauiiiarcliuis was emjjloyed as a secret 
 agent, ])ctwccn whom and Silas Deane, as 
 the political and commercial agent of the 
 United States, a contract was entered into 
 wliereby tin; ibrnier agreed to furnish a 
 large amount of military Kupi)lios from the 
 arsenals of France, and to receive Ameri- 
 can produce in jiaymcnt therefor. 
 
 "Under lliis arrangement supplies were 
 furnished by the French Government to 
 the amount of 2,000,()()() livres. An addi- 
 tional 1,000,000 was contributed by iAie 
 
 Government of Spain for the same pur- 
 pose, and through the same agency. The 
 balance of the French subsidy was paid 
 through Benjamin Franklin. In 1777 a 
 loan of 1,000,000 livres was obtained from 
 the ' Farmers General of France ' under 
 a contract for its repayment in American 
 tobacco at a stijjulated price. From 1778 
 to 1783, additional loans were obtained 
 from the French King, amounting to 34,- 
 000,000 livres. From 1782 to 1789, loans 
 to the amount of 9,000,000 guilders were 
 negotiated in Holland, through the agency 
 of John Adams, then the American Minis- 
 ter to the Hague. 
 
 " The indebtedness of the United States 
 at the organization of the present form of 
 government (including interest to Decem- 
 ber 31, 1790) may be briefly stated, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Foreign debt $11,883,315.96 
 
 Domestic debt 40,256,802.45 
 
 Debt due foreign officers... 198,208.10 
 
 Arrears outstanding (since 
 
 discharged) 450,395.52 
 
 Total $52,788,722.03 
 
 To this should be added the individual 
 debts of the several States, the precise 
 amount and character of which was then 
 unknown, but estimated by Hamilton at j 
 that time to aggregate about $25,000,000. 
 
 "The payment of this vast indebtedness 
 was virtually guarantied by the provisions 
 of Article VI. of the Constitution, which 
 says : ' All debts contracted, and engage- 
 ments entered into, before the adoption of 
 this Constitution shall be as valid against 
 the United States under this Constitution 
 as under the confederation.' On the 21st 
 of September, 1789, the House of Eepre- 
 sentatives adopted the following resolu- 
 tions : 
 
 Resolved, That this House consider an 
 adequate provision for the support of the 
 public credit as a matter of high import- 
 ance to the national honor and prosperity. 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of the 
 Treasury be directed to prepare a plan for 
 that j)urpose, and to rej^ort the same to 
 this House at its next meeting. 
 
 " In reply thereto Hamilton submitted 
 his report on the 9th of January, 1790, in 
 which he gave many reasons for assuming 
 the debts of the old Government, and of 
 the several States, and furnished a plan 
 for sui)porting tlie j)ul)lic credit. His rec- 
 ommendations were ado])tcd,and embodied 
 in the act making provision for the pay- 
 ment of the debt of the United States, 
 apj)roved August 4, 1790. 
 
 "This act authorized a loan of $12,000,- 
 000, to be a])j)licd to the ])aynient of the 
 foreign de])t, jirincipal and interest; a loan 
 equal to the full amount of the domestic 
 debt, payable in certificates issued for its
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 
 
 247 
 
 amount according to tlieir specie value, 
 and coini)uting tlie interest to December 
 31, 1791, upon such as bore interest; and a 
 further loan <jf $21,500,000, payable in the 
 principal and interest of the certificates or 
 notes which, prior to January 1, 17'J0, 
 were issued L)y the respective States as evi- 
 dences of in(iel)ti'dness incurred by tliem 
 for tlie expenses of the late war. ' In tiie 
 case of the debt of the United States, in- 
 terest upon two-thirds of the principal 
 only, at G per cent., was immediately paid ; 
 interest upon the remaining third was de- 
 ferred for ten years, and only three per 
 cent, was allowed upon the arrears of in- 
 terest, making one-third of the whole del>t. 
 In the case of the separate debts of the 
 States, interest upon four-nintlis only of 
 the entire sum was immediately paid ; in- 
 terest upon two-ninths was del'erred for ten 
 years, and only 3 per cent, allowed on three- 
 ninths.' Under this authority 6 per cent, 
 stock was issued to the amount of $30,0G0,- 
 511, and deferred 6 per cent, stock, bear- 
 ing interest from Janutiry 1, ISOO, amount- 
 ing to $14,G35,3S(). This stock was made 
 subject to redemption by payments not ex- 
 ceeding, in one year, oa account both of 
 principal and interest, the proportion of 
 eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum 
 mentioned in the certificates ; $19,719,237 
 was issued in 3 per cent, stock, subject to 
 redemption whenever provision should be 
 made by law for that purpose. 
 
 " The money needed for the payment of 
 the princi[)al and interest of the foreign 
 debt was procured by new loans negotiated 
 in HoU.uid and Antwerp to the amount of 
 $9,400,000, and the issue of new stock for 
 the balance of $2,024,900 due on the 
 French debt, this stock bearing a rate of 
 interest one-half of one per cent, in ad- 
 vance of the rate previously paid, and re- 
 deemable at the pleasure of the Govern- 
 ment. Subsequent legislation provided 
 for the establishment of a sinking fund, 
 under the management of a board of com- 
 missioners, consisting of the President of 
 the Senate, Chief Justice of the Sujtreme 
 Court, Secretary of State, Secretary of the 
 Treasury, and Attorney General, for the 
 time being, who, or any three of whom, 
 were authorized, under the direction of the 
 President of the United States, to make 
 purchases of stock, and otherwise provide 
 for the gradual liquidation of the entire 
 debt, from funds set apart for this purpose. 
 On assuming the position of Secretary of 
 the Treasury, Hamilton found himself en- 
 tirely without funds to meet the ordinary 
 expenses of the Government, exccjjt by 
 borrowing, until such time as the revenues 
 frorn duties on imports and tonnage began 
 to come into the Treasury. Under these 
 circumstances, he was forced to make ar- 
 rangements with the P>ank of New York 
 and the Bank of North America for tem- 
 
 porary loans, and it was from the moneys 
 received from these banks that he paid the 
 first installment of salary due President 
 Washington, Senators, Representatives and 
 officers of Congress, during the first ses- 
 sion under the Constitution, wliieh began 
 at the citv of New York, March 4, 1789. 
 
 " The first ' Jiank of the United States ' 
 appears to liave been proposed by Alex- 
 ander Hamilton in December, 1790, and it 
 was incorporated by an act of Congress, 
 approved February 25, 1791, with a capi- 
 tal stock of $10,000,000 divided into 25,- 
 000 shares at $400 each. The government 
 subscription of $2,000,000, under authority 
 of the act, was paid by giving to the bank 
 bills of exchange on Holland equivalent 
 to gold, and borrowing from the bank a 
 like sum for ten years at 6 per cent, inter- 
 est. The bank went into operation very 
 soon after its charter was obtained, and 
 declared its first dividend in July, 1792. 
 It was evidently well managed, and was of 
 great benefit to the Government and the 
 people at large, assisting the Government 
 by loans in cases of emergency, and forc- 
 ing the ' wildcat ' banks of the country 
 to keep their issues ' somewhere within 
 reasonable bounds.' More than $100,000,- 
 000 of Government money was received 
 and disbursed by it without the loss of a 
 single dollar. It made serai-annual divi- 
 dends, averaging about 8} per cent., and 
 its stock rose to a high price. The stock 
 belonging to the United States was sold 
 out at different times at a profit, 2,220 
 shares sold in 1802 bringing an advance of 
 45 per cent. The government subscription, 
 with ten years' interest amounted to $3,200- 
 000, while there was received in dividends 
 and for stock sold $3,773,580, a profit of 
 neaily 28.7 per cent. In 1796 the credit of 
 the Government was very low, as shown by 
 its utter failure to negotiate a loan for the 
 purpose of paying a debt to the Bank of 
 the United States for moneys boiTowed and 
 used, partly to pay the expenses of sup- 
 pressing the whisky insurrection in' Penn- 
 sylvania and to buy a treaty with the 
 pirates of Algiers. On a loan authorized 
 for $5,000,000, only $80,000 could be ob- 
 tained, and this at a discount of 12} per 
 cent.; and, there being no other immediate 
 resource, United States Bank stock to the 
 amount of $1,304,2G0 was sold at a pre- 
 mium of 25 per cent. 
 
 " Under an act approved June 30, 1798, 
 the President was authorized to accept 
 such vessels as were suitable to be armed 
 for the public service, not exceeding twelve 
 in number, and to issue certificates, or 
 other evidences of the public debt of the 
 United States, in payment. Tlie ships 
 George Washington, Merrimack, 3Iaryl:ind 
 and Patapsco, brig Richmond, and frigates 
 BostiMi, Philadelphia, John Adams, Essex 
 and New York, were prnxhased, and G per
 
 248 
 
 \MERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 cent, stock, redeemable at the pleasure of! 
 Congress, was issued in payment to the 
 amount of 8711,700. I 
 
 "The idea of creating a navy by the 
 purchase of vessels built by private parties 
 and issuing stock in payment therefor, 
 seems to have orisrinated with Hamilton. 
 
 " In the years 1/^97 and 1798 the United 
 States, though nominally at peace with all 
 the world, was actually at war with France 
 — a war not formally declared, but carried 
 on upon the ocean with very great viru- 
 lence. John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry and 
 Charles C. Pinckney were appointed en- 
 voys extraordinary to the French Repub- 
 lic, with power for terminating all difter- 
 ences and restoring harmony, good under- 
 standing and commercial and friendly in- 
 tercourse between the two nations ; but 
 their efforts were in vain, and extensive 
 preparations were made to resist a French 
 invasion. It was evident that the ordinary 
 revenues of the country would be inade- 
 quate for the increased expenditure, and a 
 loan of §5,000,000 was authorized by an 
 act approved July 16, 1798, redeemable at 
 pleasure after fifteen years. The rate of 
 interest was not specified in the act, and 
 the market rate at the time being 8 per 
 cent, this rate was paid, and it was thought 
 by a committee of Congress that the loan 
 was negotiated * upon the best terms that 
 could be procured, and with a laudable 
 eye to the public interest. ' A loan of 
 $3,500,000 was authorized by an act ap- 
 proved May 7, 1800, for the purpose of 
 meeting a large deficit in the revenues of 
 the preceding year, caused by increased 
 expenditures rendered necessary on ac- 
 count of the difficulties with France, and 
 Btock bearing 8 per cent, interest, reim- 
 bursal)le after fifteen years, was issued to 
 the amount of $1,481,700, on which a pre- 
 mium was realized of nearly 5| per cent. 
 These are the only two instancca in which 
 the Government has paid 8 per cent, in- 
 terest on its bonds. 
 
 " The province of Louisiana was ceded 
 to the United States by a treaty with 
 France, April 30, 1803, in payment for 
 which G per cent, bonds, payable in fifteen 
 vears, were issued to the amount of $11,- 
 250,000, and the balance which the Gov- 
 ernment agreed to pay for tlic province, 
 amounting to $3,750,000, was devoted to 
 reiml)ursing American citizens for French 
 depredations on their commerce. These 
 claims were paid in money, and the stock 
 redeemed l)y pun^hases made under the di- 
 rection of tlie ('ommissioners of the Sink- 
 ing Fund within twelve years. Under an 
 act approved February 11, 1807, a portion 
 of the 'old G per cent.' and 'dercrred 
 stocks" w.m refunded into new .stock, bear- 
 ing the same rate of interest, but redernia- 
 })le at the pleasure of the United States. 
 This was done for the purpose of 2)]acing 
 
 it within the power of the Government to 
 reimburse the amount refunded within a 
 short time, as under the old laws these 
 stocks could only be redeemed at the rate 
 of 2 per cent, annually. Stock was issued 
 amounting to $6,294,051, nearly all of 
 which was redeemed within four years. 
 Under the same act old ' 3 per cent, stock ' 
 to the amount of $2,861,309 was converted 
 into 6 per cents., at sixty-five cents on the 
 dollar, but this was not reimbursable with- 
 out the assent of the holder until after the 
 whole of certain other stocks named in the 
 act was redeemed. The stock issued under 
 this authority amounted to $1,859,871. It 
 would appear that the great majority of the 
 holders of the •' old stock " preferred it to 
 the new. A loan equal to the amount of 
 the principal of the public debt reimbursa- 
 ble during the current year was authorized 
 by an act approved May 1, 1810, and $2,- 
 750,000 was borrowed at 6 per cent, interest 
 from the Bank of the United States, for the 
 purpose of meeting any deficiency arising 
 from increased expenditures on account of 
 the military and naval establishments. 
 This was merely a temporary loan, which 
 Avas repaid the following year. 
 
 " The ordinary expenses for the year 1812 
 were estimated by the Committee of Ways 
 and Means of the House of Eepresentatives 
 at $1,200,000 more than the estimated re- 
 ceipts for the same period, and the impend- 
 ing war Avith Great Britain made it abso- 
 lutely necessary that some measures should 
 be adopted to maintain the public credit, 
 and provide the requisite funds for carrying 
 on the Government. Additional taxes Avere 
 imposed upon the people, but as these 
 could not be made immediately available 
 there Avas no other resource but ncAV loans 
 and the issue of Treasury notes. This was 
 the first time since the formation of the ncAV 
 Government that the issue of such notes 
 had been proposed, and they Avere objected 
 to as engrafting on our system of finance a 
 ncAV and untried measure. 
 
 " Under various acts of Congress ap- 
 proved betAveen March 4, 1812, and Feb- 
 niary 24, 1815, 6 per cent, bonds were is- 
 sued to the amount of $50,792,674. These 
 bonds Avere negotiated at rates varying from 
 20 per cent, discount to par, the net cash 
 realized amounting to $44,530,123. A fur- 
 ther .sum of $4,025,000 was obtained by 
 temporary loans at par, of Avhich sum 
 $225,000 was for the purpose of repairing 
 the ])ul)lic buildings in Washington, dam- 
 aged bv the enemy on the night of August 
 24, 1814. These 'war loans' were all 
 made redeemable at the pleasure of the 
 Ciovernnient after a sjiecificd date, and the 
 fiith of the United States avms solemnly 
 pledged to provide sulficient revenues for 
 this i)urpose. The 'Treasury note sj'stem' 
 w;is a new feature, and its success was re- 
 garded as somewhat doubtful.
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 
 
 249 
 
 " Its subsequent popularity, however, 
 was owing to a variety of causes. The 
 notes were made receivable everywhere for 
 dues and customs, and in [)ayment I'or i)ub- 
 lic lands. They were to bear interest from 
 the day of issue, at the rate of 5 2-5 per 
 cent, per annum, and their payment was 
 guaranteed by the United States, principal 
 and interest, at maturity. They thus uir- 
 nished a circulating meilium to the coun- 
 try, superior to the paper of the suspend- 
 ed aiul doubtful State banks. These 
 issues were therefore considered more 
 desirable than the issue of additional 
 stock, which could be realized in cash 
 only by the payment of a ruinous dis- 
 count. The whole amount of Treasury 
 notes issued during the war period was 
 $36,680,794. The Commissioners of the 
 Sinking Fund were authorized to provide 
 for their redemption by purchase, in the 
 same manner as for other evidences of the 
 public debt, and by authority of law $10,- 
 675,788 was redeemed by the issue of cer- 
 tificates of funded stock, bearing interest at 
 from G^ to 7 per cent, per annum, redeema- 
 ble at any time after 1824. 
 
 " During the years 1812-13 the sum of 
 $2,984,747 of the old 6 per cent, and de- 
 ferred stocks were refunded into new 6 per 
 cent, stock redeemable in twelve years ; and 
 by an act approved March 31, 1814, Con- 
 gress having authorized a settlement of the 
 Yazoo claims ' by an' issue of non-interest- 
 bearing stock, payable out of the first re- 
 ceipts from the sale of public lands in the 
 Missisipi territory, $4,282,037 was is.-nied for 
 this purpose. On the 24th of February, 
 181-5, Secretary Dallas reported to Congress 
 that the public debt had been increased, in 
 consequence of the war with Great Bri- 
 tain, $()8,783,122, a large portion of which 
 ■was due and unpaid, while another con- 
 siderable proportion was fast becoming 
 due. These unpaid or accruing demands 
 were in part for temporary loans, and the 
 balance for Treasury notes either due or 
 maturing daily. To provide for their paj^- 
 ment a new loan for the full amount 
 needed was authorized by act of March 3, 
 1815, and six per. cent stock redeemable in 
 fifteen years, was issued in the sum of 
 $12,288,148. This stock was sold at from 
 95 per cent, to par, and was nearly all re- 
 deemed in 1820 by purchases made by the 
 Commissioners of the Sinking Fund. 
 
 " The Government became a stockholder 
 in the second Bank of the United States, to 
 the amount of 70,000 shares, under the act 
 of incorporation, approved April 10, 1816. 
 Thecapital stock waslimited to $35,000,000, 
 divided into 350,000 shares of $100 each. 
 Tli» Government subscription was paid by 
 the issue of 5 per cent, stock to the amount 
 of 87,000.000, redeemable at the pleasure 
 of the Government. This was a profitable 
 investment for the United States, as in ad- 
 
 dition to $1 ,500,000 which the l)ank paid as a 
 bonus frjr its charter, the net receipts over 
 and above disbursements amounted to 
 $4,993,167. The available funds in the 
 Treasury on the 1st of .January, 1820, were 
 less than $250,000, and the estimated defi- 
 cieiicv for the year amounted to nearly 
 $4,000,000. This state of affairs was owing 
 partly to the disastrous eflects of the com- 
 mercial crisis of 1819, heavy payments for 
 tlie redemption of tlie public debt, contin- 
 ued through a series of years, and large 
 outstanding claims, amounting to over 
 $30,000,000, resulting from the late war 
 with Great Britain. To meet the emer- 
 gency, a loan was authorized by act of May 
 15, 1820, and $999,999.13 was borrowed at 5 
 per cent., redeemable in twelve years, and 
 $2,0000,000 at 6 per cent., reimbursable at 
 pleasure, this latter stock realizing a pre- 
 mium of 2 per cent. By act of jilarch 3, 
 1821, 5 per cent, stock amounting to $4,735,- 
 276 was issued at a premium of over 5} per 
 cent., and the proceeds used in payment of 
 the princij)al and interest of the public 
 debt falling due within the year. 
 
 " An effort was made in 1822 to refund a 
 portion of the 6 per cent, war loans of 
 1812-14 into 5 per cents., but only $56,705 
 could be obtained. Two years later the 
 Government was more successful, and, un- 
 der the act of May 26, 1824, 6 per cent, 
 stock of 1813 to the amount of $4,454,728 
 was exchanged for new stock bearing 4J 
 per cent, interest, redeemable in 1833-34. 
 During the same year $5,000,000 was bor- 
 rowed at 4} per cent, to provide for the 
 payment of the awards made by the Com- 
 missioners under the treaty with Spain of 
 February 22, 1819, and a like amount, at 
 the same rate of interest, to be applied in 
 paying off that part of the 6 per cent, 
 stock of 1812 redeemable the following 
 year. The act of March 3, 1825, author- 
 ized a loan of $12,000,000, at U per cent, 
 interest, the money borrowed to be applied 
 in paying off prior loans, but only $1,539,- 
 336 was exchanged for an equal amount of 
 6 per cent, stock of 1813. 
 
 " In the year 1836 the United States was, 
 for the first time in thejiistory of the coun- 
 try, practically out of debt. Secretary 
 Woodbury, in his report of December 8, 
 1836, estimated the amount of jniblic debt 
 still outstanding at about $328,582, and this 
 remained unpaid solely because payment 
 had not been demanded, ample funds to 
 meet it having been deposited in the 
 United States Bank and loan offices. The 
 debt outstanding consisted mainly of un- 
 claimed interest and dividends, of claims 
 for services and supplies dnring the Revo- 
 lution, and of old Treasury notes, and it is 
 supposed that payment of these had not 
 been asked for solely because the evidences 
 of the debt had been lost or distroyed. 
 The estimates showed the probability of a
 
 250 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 surplus of at least $14,000,000 in tlie Trea- 
 sury at the close of the year 1S36, and this 
 estimate proved to be far below the truth. 
 In this favorable condition of the public 
 finances, Congress adopted the extraordi- 
 nary resolution of depositing the sui-plus 
 over §5,000,000 with the several States, and 
 under the act of June 23, 1836, surplus 
 revenue amounting to $28,101,644.91 was 
 so deposited. 
 
 "In 1837, however, the state of the 
 country had changed. The ' flush ' times 
 of 183o and 1836 had been succeeded by 
 extraordinary depression, which ultimately 
 produced a panic. In May most of the 
 banks suspended specie payments. The 
 sales of public lauds, and the duties on the 
 importations of foreign goods, which had 
 helped to swell the balance in the Treasury 
 to over ^;42,000,000, had fallen off enor- 
 mously. Even on the goods that were im- 
 ported it was difficult to collect the duties, 
 for the law compelled them to be paid in 
 specie, and specie was hard to obtain. It 
 had become impossible not only to pay the 
 fourth installment of the surplus at the end 
 of 1836 to the several States, but even to 
 meet the current expenses of the Govern- 
 ment from its ordinary revenues. In this 
 emergency the Secretary of the Treasury 
 suggested that contingent authority be 
 given the President to cause the issue of 
 Treasury notes. This measure was goner- 
 ally sui)portcd on the ground of absolute 
 necessity, as there was a large deficit al- 
 ready existing, and this was likely to in- 
 crease from tlie condition of the country at 
 that time. The measure was opposed, 
 however, by some who thought that greater 
 economy in expenditures would relieve 
 the Treasury, while others denounced it as 
 an attempt " to start a Treasury bank." 
 
 " However, an act was approved October 
 12, 1837, authorizing an issue of $10,000,- 
 000 in Treasury notes in denominations 
 not less than fifty dollars, redeemable in 
 one year from date, with interest at 
 rates fixed by the Secretary, not exceed- 
 ing 6 per cent. These notes, as usual, 
 were receival)le in payment of all duties 
 and taxes levied by tlie United States, and 
 in payment for ])ublic lands. Prior to 
 184(), the issue of notes of this character 
 amounted to $47,002,000, bearing interest 
 at rates varying from one-tenth of one ])cr 
 cent, to 6 per cent. To provide in part for 
 their redemption, autliority was granted 
 for the negotiation of several loans, and 
 $21,021,0!l4 was borrowed for tills pur])Ose, 
 bonds l)eing issued i'or a like Ruin, bearing 
 interest at from o to G p(!r cent., redeema- 
 ble at specified dates. These bonds were 
 sold at from 2} per cent, discount to 3^ per 
 cent, premium, and redeemed at from par 
 to 10} y)er cent, advance. 
 
 " War witli .Mexico was declared May 13, 
 1840, and in ordt;r to provido against a 
 
 deficiency a further issue of $10,000,000 in 
 Treasury notes was authorized by act of 
 July 22, 1846, under the same limitations 
 and restrictions as were contained in the act 
 of October, 1837, except that the authority 
 given was to expire at the end of one year 
 from the passage of the act. The sum of 
 $7,687,800 was issued in Treasury notes, 
 and six per cent, bonds having ten years to 
 run were issued under the same act to the 
 amount of $4,999,149. These were sold at 
 a small advance, and redeemed at various 
 rates from par to eighteen and two-thirds 
 per cent, premium. 
 
 " The expenses incurred on account of 
 the war with Mexico were much greater 
 than the original estimates, and the failure 
 to provide additional revenues sufficient to 
 meet the increased demands made a new 
 loan necessary, as well as an additional 
 issue of notes, wliieh had now become a 
 popular method of obtaining funds. Under 
 the authority granted by act of January 
 28, 1847, Treasury notes to the amount of 
 $26,122,100 were issued at par, redeemable 
 one and two years from date, with interest 
 at from 5 2-5 to 6 per cent. More money 
 still being needed, a 6 per cent, loan, hav- 
 ing twenty years to run, was placed upon 
 the market, under the authority of the 
 same act, and bonds to the amount of $28,- 
 230,350 were sold at various rates, ranging 
 from par to 2 per cent, premium. Of this 
 stock the sum of $18,815,100 was redeemed 
 at an advance of Irom li to 211 per cent., 
 the premium jjaid (excUisive of commis- 
 sions) amounting to $3,466,107. Under 
 the act of March 31, 1848, 6 per cent, 
 bonds, running twenty years, were ii-sucd 
 to the amount of $16,(k)0,000, and sold at a 
 premium ranging from 3 to 4.05 per cent. 
 This loan was made for the same purpose 
 as the preceding one, and $7,091,658 was 
 redeemed by purchase at an advance 
 ranging from 8 to 22.46 per cent., the 
 premium paid amounting to $1,251,258. 
 
 " The widespread depression of trade 
 and commerce which occurred in 1857 was 
 severely felt by the Government, as well as 
 by the people, and so great was the de- 
 crease in the revenues from customs that it 
 became absolutely necessary to provide 
 the Treasury with additional means for 
 meeting the demands upon it. Treasury 
 notes were considered as preferable to a 
 new loan, and by the act of December 23, 
 1857, a new issue was authorized for such 
 an amount as the exigencies of the public 
 service might require, but not to exceed at 
 any one time $20,000,000. These notes 
 were receival)le in payment for all debts 
 due the United States, including customs, 
 and were issued at various rates of inter- 
 est, ranging from 3 to 6 per cent., to the 
 amount of $52,778,900, redeemable one 
 year irom date, the interest to cease at the 
 cxpiratiou of sixty days' notice after
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS 
 
 251 
 
 maturity. In May, 1858, the Secretary of 
 the Treasury informed Congre.s.s tliat, 
 owing to the ai)iiro[)riation.s having been 
 inereaseil by h'gishitioii nearly ^10,0(10,000 
 over the estimates, while the customs 
 revenue had fallen off to a like amount, it 
 would be necessary to jjrovide some means 
 to meet the deficit. In these circumstances, 
 a new loan was authorized by act of June 
 14, 18-)8, and 5 per cent, bonds amounting 
 to $20,000,000, redeemable in fifteen years, 
 were sold at an average premium of over 
 81 per cent. Under the act of December 
 17, 1873, 813,9r)7,000 in bonds of the loan 
 of 1881, and $2(30,000 in bonds of a h)an of 
 19)7, were issued in exchange for a like 
 amount of bonds of this loan. 
 
 " The act of June 22, 1860, authorized 
 the President to l)orrow $21,000,000 on the 
 credit of the United States, the money to 
 be used only in the redemption of Trea- 
 sury notes, and to replace any amount of 
 such notes in the Treasury which should 
 have been paid in for public dues. Only 
 $7,022,000 was borrowed at 5 per cent, in- 
 terest, the certificates selling at from par 
 to 1.45 per cent, premium. The failure to 
 realize the whole loan was caused by the 
 political troubles which culminated in the 
 civil war. In September, bids were in- 
 vited for $10,000,000, and the whole amount 
 offered was speedily taken. It soon be- 
 came evident, however, that war was inevi- 
 table, and a commercial crisis ensued, dur- 
 ing which a portion of the bidders forfeit- 
 ed their deposits, and 'the balance of the 
 loan was withdrawn from the market. Au- 
 thority was granted by the act of Decem- 
 ber 17, 1860, for a new issue of Treasury 
 notes, redeemable in one year from date, 
 but not to exceed $10,000,000 at any one 
 time, with interest at such rates as might 
 be offered by the lowest responsible bid- 
 ders after advertisement. An unsuccess- 
 ful attempt was made to pledge the receipts 
 from the sale of public larfds specifically 
 for their redemption. The whole amount 
 of notes issued under this act was $10,010,- 
 900, of which $4,840,000 bore interest at 
 12 per cent. Additional offers followed, 
 ranging from 15 to 36 per cent., but the 
 Treasury declined to accept them. 
 
 " Up to this period of our national exist- 
 ence the obtaining of the money necessary 
 for carrying on the GovcrnmeTit and the 
 preservation inviolate of the public credit 
 nad been comparatively an easy task. The 
 people of the several States had contributed 
 in proportion to their financial resources ; 
 and a strict adherence to the fundamental 
 maxim laid down by Hamilton had been 
 maintained by a judicious system of taxa- 
 tion to an extent ami)ly sufficient to pro- 
 vide for the redemption of all our national 
 securities as they became due. But the 
 time had come when we were no longer a 
 united people, and the meanS required for 
 
 defraying the ordinary ex])enses of the 
 Government were almost immediately cur- 
 tailed and jeopardized l)y the attitude of 
 the States whicli attempted to secede. The 
 confusion which followed the inauguration 
 of the administratimi of President Lincoln 
 demonstrated the necessity of providing 
 unusual resources without delay. A sys- 
 tem of internal revenue taxation was in- 
 troduced, and the tariff adjusted with a 
 view to increased revenues from customs. 
 As the Government had not only to exist 
 and pay its way, but also to provide for an 
 army and navy constantly increasing in 
 numbers and equipment, new and extraor- 
 dinary methods were resorted to for the 
 purpose of securing the money which must 
 be had in order to preserve the integrity 
 of tlie nation. Among these were the issue 
 of its own circulating medium in the form 
 of United States notes* and circulating 
 notes, t for the redemption of which the 
 faith of the nation was solemnly pledged. 
 New loans were authorized to an amount 
 never before known in our history, and 
 the success of our armies was assured by 
 the determination manifested by the peo- 
 ple themselves to sustain the Government 
 at all hazards. A brief review of the loan 
 transactions during the period covered by 
 the war is all that can be attemi)ted within 
 tlie limited space afforded this article. The 
 first war loan may be considered as having 
 been negotiated under the authority of an 
 act approved February 8, 1861. The cred- 
 it of the Government at this time was very 
 low, and a loan of $18,415,000, having 
 twenty years to run, with 6 per cent, inter- 
 est, could only be negotiated at a discount 
 of $2,019,776.10, or at an average rate of 
 $89.03 per one hundred dollars. From 
 this time to June 30, 1865, Government se- 
 curities of various descriptions were issued 
 under authority of law to the amount of 
 $3,888,686,575, including the several issues 
 of bonds, Treasury notes, seven-thirties, 
 legal tenders and fractional currency. The 
 whole amount issued under the same au- 
 thority to June 30, 1880, was $7,137,646,836, 
 divided as follows : 
 
 Six per cent, bonds $1,130,279,000 
 
 Five per cent, bonds 196.118,300 
 
 Temporary loan certificates.. 969,992,250 
 
 Seven-thirty notes 716,099,247 
 
 Treasury notes and certifi- 
 cates of indebtedness 1,074,713,132 
 
 Old demand notes, legal tend- 
 ers, coin certificates and 
 fractional currency 3,050,444,907 
 
 Total $7,137,646,836 
 
 "This increase may be readily accounted 
 for by the continued issue of legal tenders, 
 
 • rommonly sailed " Greenbacke," or " Legul Tender 
 notes " 
 f Uomiuonly called " Kational BauK notes."
 
 252 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 compound interest notes, fractional cur- 
 rency and coin certificates, together with a 
 large amount of bonds issued in order to 
 raise the money necessary to pay for mili- 
 tary supplies, and other forms of indebted- 
 ness growing out of the war. The rebel- 
 lion was practically at an end in May, 
 1865, yet the large amount of money re- 
 quired for immediate use in the payment 
 and disbandment of our enormous armies ' 
 necessitated the still further negotiation of ' 
 loans under the several acts of Congress 
 then in force, and it was not until after the 
 31st of August, 1865, that our national 
 debt began to decrease. At that time the 
 total indebtedness, exclusive of the " old 
 funded and unfunded debt " of the Revo- 
 lution, and of "cash in the Treasury, 
 amounted to 82,844,646,626.56. The course 
 of our financial legislation since that date 
 has been constantly toward a reduction of 
 the interest, as well as the principal of the 
 public debt. 
 
 " By an act approved March 3, 1865, a 
 loan of $600,000,000 was authorized upon 
 similar terms as had been granted for pre- 
 vious loans, with the exception that no- 
 thing authorized by this act should be 
 made a legal tender, or be issued in smaller 
 denominations than fifty dollars. The rate 
 of interest was limited to 6 per cent, in 
 coin, or 7.3 per cent, in currency, the bonds 
 issued to be redeemable in not less than 
 five, nor more tlian forty, years. Authority 
 was also given for the conversion of Trea- 
 sury notes or other interest-bearing obliga- 
 tions into bonds of this loan. An amend- 
 ment to this act was passed April 12, 1866, 
 authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 at his discretion, to receive any Treasury 
 notes or other obligations issued under any 
 act of Congress, whether bearing interest 
 or not, in exchange for any description of 
 bonds authorized by the original act ; and 
 also to dispose of any such bonds, either in 
 the United States or elsewhere, to such an 
 amount, in such manner, and at such rates 
 as he miglit deem advisable, for laAvful 
 money, Treasury notes, certificates of in- 
 debtedness, certificates of deposit, or other 
 representativcsof value, which had been or 
 might be issued under any act of Congress; 
 the proceeds to be used only for retiring 
 Treasury notes or other national obligations, 
 j.rovidcd the public debt was not increased 
 thereby. As this w;i.s the first iin])ortant 
 measure presented to Congress since the 
 close of the war tending to place our secu- 
 rities upon a firm basis, the action of Con- 
 gress in relation to it was looked forward 
 to with a great deal of interest. The dis- 
 cussion took a wide range, in whicli the 
 Avliole finatKual administration of the CJo- 
 vernment during the war was revi(!wed at 
 Icngtli. After a lf)ng and exciting debate 
 the bill finally passed, and was ai>i)roved by 
 the President. Under the uulliority of 
 
 these two acts, 6 per cent, bonds to the 
 amount of $958,483,550 have been issued to 
 date. These bonds were disposed of at an 
 aggregate premium of $21,622,074, and un- 
 der the acts of July 14, 1870, and January 
 20, 1871, the same bonds to the amount of 
 $725,582,400 have been refunded into other 
 bonds bearing a lower rate of interest. The 
 success of these several loans was remarka- 
 ble, every exertion being used to provide for 
 their general distribution among the people. 
 
 " In 1867 the first issue of 6 per cent, 
 bonds, known as five-twenties, authorized 
 by the act of Feb. 25, 1862, became re- 
 deemable, and the question of refunding 
 them and other issues at a lower rate of in- 
 terest had been discussed by the Secretary 
 of the Treasury in his annual rejiorts, but 
 the agitation of the question as to the kinds 
 of money in which the various obligations 
 of the Government should be paid, had so 
 excited the apprehension of investors as to 
 prevent the execution of any refunding 
 scheme. 
 
 " The act to strengthen the public credit 
 was passed March 18, 1869, and its effect 
 was such as secured to the public the strong- 
 est assurances that the interest and princi- 
 pal of the public debt outstanding at that 
 time would be paid in coin, according to 
 the terms of the bonds issued, without any 
 abatement. 
 
 "On the 12th of January, 1870, a bill 
 authorizing the refunding and consolidation 
 of the national debt was introduced in the 
 Senate, and extensively debated in both 
 Houses for several months, during which 
 the financial system pursued by the Go- 
 vernment during the war was freely re- 
 viewed. The adoption of the proposed 
 measure resulted in an entire revolution of 
 the refunding system, under which the 
 public debt of the United States at that 
 time was provided for, by the transmission 
 of a large amqunt of debt to a succeeding 
 generation. The effect of this attempt at 
 refunding the major portion of the public 
 debt was fiir more successful than any si- 
 milar effort on the i)art of any Government, 
 so far as known. 
 
 The act authorizing refunding certifi- 
 cates convertible into 4 per cent, bonds, 
 api^roved February 26, 1879, was merely 
 intended for the benefit of parties of limit- 
 ed means, and was simply a continuation 
 of the refunding scheme authorized by 
 previous legislation. 
 
 " The period covered precludes any at- 
 tempt toward reviewing the 02:)eration by 
 which the immediate predecessor of the 
 present Secretary reduced the interest on 
 some six hundred millions of 5 and 6 per 
 cent, bonds to 3', per cent. It is sale to say, 
 however, that under the administration of 
 the ])resent Secretary there will b<> no de- 
 viation from. the original law laid down by 
 i lamiltou.
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 
 
 253 
 
 James A. Garfield. 
 
 James A. Garfield and Chester A. Ar- 
 thur wore ])ublicly inaugurated President 
 and Vice President of tlie United States 
 Marcli 4, ISSl. 
 
 President Garfield in his inaugural ad- 
 dress promised full and equal ])rotection of 
 the Constitution and the laws for the negro, 
 advocated universal education as a safe- 
 guard of sull'rage, and recijminended such 
 an adjustiiioiit of our monetary system 
 "that the ])urchasing power of every coined 
 dollar will be exactly equal to its del)t- 
 paying power in all the markets of the 
 world." The national debt should be re- 
 funded at a lower rate of interest, without 
 compelling the withdrawal of the National 
 Bank notes, polygamy should be prohibit- 
 ed, and civil service regulated by law. 
 
 An extra session of the Senate was 
 opened March 4. On the 5th, the follow- 
 ing cabinet nominations were made and 
 confirmed: Secretary of State, James G. 
 Blaine, of Maine ; Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury, William Windom, of Minnesota; 
 Secretary of the Navy, William H. Hunt, 
 of Louisiana ; Secretary of War, Robert 
 T. Lincoln, of Illinois ; Attorney General, 
 Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania ; Post- 
 master General, Thomas L. James, of New 
 York ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel 
 J. Kirkwood, of Iowa. 
 
 In this extra session of the Senate Vice 
 President Arthur had to employ the cast- 
 ing vote on all questions where the parties 
 divided, and he invariably cast it on the 
 side of the Re])ul)lican3. The evenness of 
 the parties caused a dead-lock on the ques- 
 tion of organization, for when David Davis, 
 of Illinois, voted with the Democrats, the 
 Republicans had not enough even with the 
 Vice President, and he was not, therefore, 
 called upon to decide a question of that 
 kind. The Republicans desired new and 
 Republican oflicers ; the Democrats de- 
 sired to I'etain the old and Democratic 
 ones. 
 
 RepnMlcan Factions. 
 
 President Garfield, March 23d, sent in a 
 large number of nominations, among which 
 was that of William H. Robertson, the 
 leader of the Blaine wing of the Republi- 
 can party in New York, to be Collector of 
 Customs. He had previously sent in five 
 names for prominent places in New York, 
 at the suggestion of Senator Conkling, who 
 had been invited by President Garfield to 
 name his friends. At this interview it was 
 stated that Garfield casually intimated that 
 he would make no immediate change in 
 the New York Collectorship, and both fic- 
 tions seemed satisfied to allow Genl Edwin 
 A. Merritt to retain that place for a time 
 at least. There were loud protests, however, 
 at the first and early selectiou-of the friends 
 
 of Senator Conkling to five important 
 places, and these jjrotests were heeded by 
 the President. With a view to meet them, 
 and, doubtless, to quiet the spirit of faction 
 rapidly develoiiing between the Grant and 
 anti-Grant elements of the party in New 
 York, the name of Judge Robertson was 
 sent in for the Collectorship. He had bat- 
 tled against the unit rule at Chicago, dis- 
 avowed the instructions of his State Con- 
 vention to vote for Grant, and led the 
 Blaine delegates from that State while 
 Blaine was in the field, and when with- 
 drawn went to Garfield. Senator Conklin» 
 now sought to confirm his friends, and hold 
 back his enemy from confirmation; but 
 these tactics induced Garfield to withdraw 
 the nomination of Conkling's friends, and 
 in this way Judge Robertson's name was 
 alone presented for a time. Against this 
 course Vice-President Arthur and Senators 
 Conkling and Piatt remonstrated in a let- 
 ter to the President, but he remained firm. 
 Senator Conkling, under the plea of " the 
 privilege of the Senate," — a courtesy and 
 custom which leaves to the Senators of a 
 State the right to say who shall be con- 
 firmed or rejected from their respective 
 States if of the same party — now sought to 
 defeat Robertson. In this battle he had 
 arrayed against him the influence of his 
 great rival, Mr. Blaine, and it is jjresumed 
 the whole power of the administration. 
 He lost, and the morning following the 
 secret vote. May 17th, 1881, his own and 
 the resignation of Senator Piatt were read. 
 These resignations caused great excitement 
 throughout the entire country. They were 
 prepared without consultation M'ith any 
 one — even Vice-President Arthur, the in- 
 timate friend of both, not knowing any- 
 thing of the movement until the letters 
 were opened at the chair where he pre- 
 sided. Logan and Cameron — Conkling's 
 colleagues in the great Chicago battle — 
 were equally unadvised. The resignations 
 were forwarded to Gov. Cornell, of New 
 York, who, by all permissible delays, 
 sought to have them reconsidered and 
 withdrawn, but both Senators were firm. 
 The Senate confirmed Judge Robertson 
 for Collector, and General Merritt as Con- 
 sul-General at London, May 18th, Pre>i- 
 dent Garfield having wisely renewed the 
 Conkling list of appointees, most of whom 
 declined under the changed condition of 
 affairs. 
 
 These events more widely separated the 
 factions in New York — one wing calling 
 itself " Stalwart," the other "Half-Breed," 
 a term of contempt flung at the Inde])en- 
 dcnts by Conkling. Elections must follow 
 to fill the vacancies, the New York Legis- 
 lature being in session. The-ie vacancies 
 gave the Democrats for the time control of 
 the United States Senate, but tliey tliou^ht 
 it unwise to pursue an advant.age which
 
 254 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 would compel them to show their hands 
 for or against one or other of the opposing 
 Republican factions. The extra session of 
 the Senate adjourned May 20th. 
 
 The New York Legislature began ballot- 
 ing for successors to Senators Conkling and 
 Piatt on the 31st of May. The majority of 
 the Republicans (Independents or " Half- 
 breeds ") supported Chauncey M. Depew 
 as the successor of Piatt for the long term, 
 and William A. Wheeler as the successor 
 of Conkling for the short term, a few sup- 
 porting Cornell. The minority (Stalwarts) 
 renominated Messrs. Conkling and Piatt. 
 The Democrats nominated Francis Kernan 
 for the long term, and John C. Jacobs for 
 the short term ; and, on his withdrawal, 
 Clarkson N. Potter. The contest lasted 
 until July 22, and resulted in a compro- 
 mise on Warner A. Miller as Piatt's suc- 
 cessor, and Elbridge G. Lapham as Conk- 
 ling's successor. In Book VII., our Tabu- 
 lated History of Politics, we give a correct 
 table of the ballots. These show at a sin- 
 gle glance the earnestness and length of 
 the contest. 
 
 The factious feelings engendered thereby 
 were carried into the Fall nominations for 
 the Legislature, and as a result the Demo- 
 crats obtained control, which in part they 
 subsequently lost by the refusal of the 
 Tammany Democrats to support their 
 nominees for presiding officers. This De- 
 mocratic division caused a long and tire- 
 some deadlock in the Legislature of New 
 York. It was broken in the Hoixse by a 
 promise on the part of the Democratic 
 candidate for Speaker to favor the Tam- 
 many men with a just distribution of the 
 committees — a promise which was not 
 satisfactorily carried out, and as a result 
 the Tammany forces of the Senate joined 
 hands with tiie Republicans. The Repub- 
 lican State ticket would also have been 
 lost in the Fall of ISSl, Init for the inter- 
 position of President Arthur, who quickly 
 succeeded in uniting the warring factions. 
 This work was so well done, that all save 
 one name on the ticket (Gen'l Husted) 
 succeeded. 
 
 The same factious spirit was manifested 
 in Pennsylvania in the election of U. S. 
 Senator in the winter of 1881, the two wings 
 taking the names of " Regulars" and " In- 
 dependents." The division occurred be- 
 fore the New York battle, and it is trace- 
 able not alone to the bitter nominating 
 contest at Cliicago, but to the administra- 
 tion of President Hayes and the experi- 
 ment of civil service reform. Administra- 
 tions which are not decided and firm upon 
 political issues, invariably divide their 
 j):irti('s, and while these divisions are not 
 always to be deplored, and sometimes ]ea<l 
 to good rcsult^, the fact that undecided 
 administrations divide the parties which 
 they represent, ever remains. The exam- 
 
 ples are plain : Van Buren's, Tyler's, Fill- 
 more's, Buchanan's, and Hayes'. The lat- 
 ter's indecision was more excusable than 
 that of any of his predecessors. The in- 
 exorable firmness of Grant caused the most 
 bitter partisan assaults, and despite all his 
 efibrts to sustain the " carpet-bag govern- 
 ments " of the South, they became unpopu- 
 lar and were rapidly su])planted. As they 
 disappeared, Democratic re];resentation 
 from the South increased, and this increase 
 continued during the administration of 
 Hayes — the greatest gains being at times 
 when he showed the greatest desire to con- 
 ciliate the South. Yet his administration 
 did the party good, in this, that while at 
 first dividing, it finally cemented through 
 the conviction that experiments of that 
 kind with a jiroud Southern people were 
 as a rule unaA'ailing. The re -opening of 
 the avenues of trade and other natural 
 causes, apparently uncultivated, have ac- 
 complished in this direction much more 
 than any political eflfort. 
 
 In Pennsylvania a successor to U. S. 
 Senator Wm. A. Wallace was to be chosen. 
 Henry W. Oliver, Jr., received the nomi- 
 nation of the Republican caucus, the 
 friends of Galusha A. Grow refusing to 
 enter after a count had been made, and 
 declaring in a written paper that they 
 would not participate in any caucus, and 
 would independently manifest their choice 
 in the Legislature. The following is the 
 first vote in joint Convention : 
 
 OLIVER. WALLACE. 
 
 Senate 20 Senate 16 
 
 House 75 House 77 
 
 Total 96 Total 93 
 
 GROW. AGNEW. 
 
 Senate 12 Senate 1 
 
 House 44 House 
 
 Total 56 Total 1 
 
 BREAVSTER. BAIRD. 
 
 Senate Senate 
 
 Plouse 1 House 1 
 
 Total 1 
 
 m'veagh. 
 
 Senate 
 
 House 1 
 
 Total. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Whole number of votes cast, 248 ; ne- 
 cessary to a choice, 125. 
 
 On the ]7lh of January the two factions 
 issued oj)posing addresses. From these 
 we quote the leading ideas, which divided 
 the factions. The " Regulars " said : 
 
 "Henry W. Oliver, jr., of Allegheny 
 county, was nominated on the third ballot, 
 receiving 79 of the 95 votes present. Un- 
 der the rules of all parties known to the
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 
 
 255 
 
 present or past history of our country, a 
 majority of those participating^ should have 
 been sufficient; but such was the desire for 
 party harmony and for absolute fairness, 
 that a majority of all the Republican mem- 
 bers of the Senate and House was required 
 to nominate. The effect of this was to 
 give those remaining out a negative voice 
 in the proceedings, the extent of any priv- 
 ilege given them in regular legishitive ses- 
 sions by the Constitution. In no other 
 caucus or convention has the minority ever 
 found such high consideration, and we be- 
 lieve there remains no just cause of com- 
 plaint against the result. Even captious 
 I'aultfinding can find no place upon which 
 to hang a sensible objection. Mr. Oliver 
 was, therefore, fairly nominated by the 
 only body to which is delegated the power 
 of nomination and by methods Avhich were 
 more than just, which, from every stand- 
 point, must be regarded as generous ; and 
 in view of these things, how can we, your 
 Senators and Representatives, in fairness 
 withhold our support from him in open 
 sessions ; rather how can we ever abandon 
 a claim established by the rules regulating 
 the government of all parties, accepted by 
 all as just, and which are in exact harmony 
 Avith that fundamental principle of our 
 Government which proclaims the right of 
 the majority to rule? To do otherwise is 
 to confess the injustice and the failure of 
 that principle — something we are not pre- 
 jtared to do. It would blot the titles to 
 our own positions. There is not a Senator 
 or member who does not owe his nomina- 
 tion and election to the same great prin- 
 ciple. To profit by its acceptance in our 
 own cases and to deny it to Mr. Oliver 
 would be an exhibition of selfishness too 
 flagrant for our taste. To acknowledge 
 the right to revolt when no unfairness can 
 be truthfully alleged and when more than 
 a majority have in the interest of harmony 
 been required to govern, would be a tra- 
 vesty upon every American notion and 
 upon that sense of manliness which yields 
 when fairly beaten." 
 The "Independent" address said: 
 " Firfif. We recognize a public senti- 
 ment which demands that in the selection 
 of a United States Senator we have regard 
 to that dignity of the office to be filled, its 
 important duties and functions, and the 
 qualifications of the individual with refer- 
 ence thereto. This sentiment is, we un- 
 derstand, that there are other and higher 
 qualifications for this distinguished posi- 
 tion than business experience and success, 
 and reckons among these the accomplish- 
 ments of the scholar, J:he acquirements of 
 the student, the mature wisdom of experi- 
 ence and a reasonable familiarity with 
 public affiiirs. It desires that Pennsylva- 
 nia shall be distinguished among her sister 
 Commoawealths, not only by her populous 
 
 cities, her prosperous communities, her 
 vast material wealth and diversiiitd indus- 
 tries and resources, but that in the wis- 
 dom, sagacity and statesmanship of her 
 representative she shall occupy a corres- 
 ponding rank and influence. To meet 
 this public expectation and demand we are 
 and have at all times been willing to su- 
 bordinate our personal preferences, all 
 local considerations and factional differ- 
 ences, and unite with our colleagues in the 
 selection of a candidate in whom are com- 
 bined at least some of these important and 
 essential qualifications. It was c)nly when 
 it became apparent that the party caucus 
 was to be used to defeat this poj)ular desire 
 and to coerce a nomination which is con- 
 spicuously lacking in the very essentials 
 which were demanded, that we determined 
 to absent ourselves from it. * * * * 
 
 "Second, Having declined to enter the 
 caucus, we adhere to our determination to 
 defeat, if possible, its nominee, but only by 
 the election of a citizen of unquestioned 
 fidelity to the principles of the Ivepubli- 
 can party. In declaring our independency 
 from the caucus domination we do not 
 forget our allegiance to the party whose 
 chosen representatives we are. The only 
 result of our policy is the transfer of the 
 contest from the caucus to the joint con- 
 vention of the two houses. There will be 
 afforded an opportunity for the expression 
 of individual preferences and honorable 
 rivalry for an honorable distinction. If 
 the choice shall fall upon one not of ap- 
 proved loyalty and merit, the fault will not 
 be ours." 
 
 After a long contest both of the leading 
 candidates withdrew, and quickly the Reg- 
 ulars substituted General James A. Beaver, 
 the Independent Congressman, Thomas 
 M. Bayne. On these names the dead-lock 
 remained unbroken. Without material 
 change the balloting continued till Febru- 
 ary 17th, when both Republican factions 
 agreed to appoint conference committees 
 of twelve each, with a view to selecting by 
 a three-fourths vote a comjiromise candi- 
 date. The following were the respective 
 committees: For the Independents: Sena- 
 tors Davis, Bradford ; Lee, Venango ; Stew- 
 art, Franklin; Lawrence, Washington; 
 Representatives Wolfe, Union ; Silver- 
 thorne, P>ie ; ]\Iapes, Venango ; McKee, 
 Philadelphia; Slack, Allegheny; Stubs, 
 Chester; Niles, Tioga; and Derickson, 
 Crawford. For the Regulars: Senators 
 Greer, Butler; Herr, Dauphin; Smith, 
 Philadelphia; Kecfer, Schuylkill; Cooper, 
 Delaware; Representatives Pollock, Phila- 
 delphia; ]\Ioore, Allegheny; ^Marsliall, 
 Huntingdon; Hill, Indiana; Eshlenian, 
 Lancaster; Thomson, Armstrong; and 
 Billingsley, Washington. 
 
 The joint convention held daily sessions 
 and balloted without result until February
 
 256 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [booe I. 
 
 22d, when John I, Mitchell, of Tioga, 
 Congressman from the 16th district, was 
 unanimously agreed upon as a compro- 
 mise candidate. He was nominated by a 
 full Republican caucus on the morning of 
 February 23d, and elected on the first bal- 
 lot in joint convention on that day, the 
 vote standing: Mitchell, 150 j "Wallace, 92 ; 
 MacVeagh, 1; Brewster, 1. 
 
 The spirit of this contest continued until 
 fall. Senator Davies, a friend of Mr. Grow, 
 was a prominent candidate for the Repub- 
 lican nomination for State Treasurer. He 
 was beaten by General Silas M. Baily, 
 and Davies and his friends cordially made 
 Baily's nomination unanimous. Charles 
 S. Wolfe, himself the winter before a can- 
 didate for United States Senator, was dis- 
 satisfied. He suddenly raised the Inde- 
 pendent flag, in a telegram to the Phila- 
 delphia Press, and as he announced was 
 "the nominee of a convention of one" for 
 State Treasurer. After a canvass of re- 
 mai-kable energy on the jDart of Mr. Wolfe, 
 General Baily was elected, without sufler- 
 ing materially from the division. Mr. 
 Wolfe obtained nearly 50,000 votes, but as 
 almost half of them were Democratic, the 
 result was, as stated, not seriously affected. 
 
 The Independents in Pennsylvania, 
 however, were subdivided into two wings, 
 known as the Continental and the Wolfe 
 men — the former having met since the 
 election last fall, (State Senator John 
 Stewart, chairman) and proclaimed them- 
 selves willing and determined to abide all 
 Republican nominations fairly made, and 
 to advocate " reform within the party 
 lines." These gentlemen supported Gen. 
 Baily and largely contributed to his suc- 
 cess, and as a rule they regard with dis- 
 favor equal to that of the Regulars, what 
 is known as the Wolfe movement. These 
 divisions have not extended to other States, 
 nor have they yet assumed the shai)e of 
 third parties unless Mr. Wolfe's individual 
 canvass can be thus classed. Up to this 
 writing (March 10, 1882,) neither wing 
 has taken issue with President Arthur or 
 his appointments, though there were some 
 temporary indications of this when Attor- 
 ney General ]\IacVeagh, of Pennsylvania, 
 persisted in having his resignation ac- 
 cepted. President Arthur reiiised to ac- 
 cept, on the ground that he desired Mac- 
 Veagli's services in the prosecution c)f the 
 Star Route cases, and ^Ir. MacVeagh with- 
 drew for personal and other reasons not 
 yet fully exidained. In tliis game of po- 
 litical fence the j)osition of the President 
 was greatly strengtlicned. 
 
 Singularly enough, in the only two 
 States where factious divisions have been 
 recently manifested in the Republican 
 ranks, they effected almost if not quite as 
 seriously the Democratic party. There 
 cau be but one deduction drawn from this, 
 
 to wit: — That a number in both of the 
 great parties, were for the time at least, 
 weary of their allegiance. It is possible 
 that nothing short of some great issue will 
 restore the old partisan unity, and partisan 
 unity in a Republic, where there are but 
 two great parties, is not to be deplored if 
 relieved of other than mere political dif- 
 ferences. The existence of but two great 
 parties, comparatively free from factions, 
 denotes government health; where divi- 
 sions are numerous and manifest increas- 
 ing growth and stubbornness, there is grave 
 danger to Republican institutions. We 
 need not, however, philosophize when 
 Mexico and the South American Repub- 
 lics are so near. 
 
 The Caucns. 
 
 Both the "Independents" of Pennsyl- 
 vania and the " Half- Breeds " of New York 
 at first proclaimed their opposition to the 
 caucus system of nominating candidates 
 for U. S. Senators, and the newsi)apers in 
 their interest wrote as warmly for a time 
 against " King Caucus" as did the dissat- 
 tisfied Democratic journals in the days of 
 De Witt Clinton. The situation, hoAvever, 
 was totally diflerent, and mere declamation 
 could not long withstand the inevitable. 
 In Pennsylvania almost nightly " confer- 
 ences " were held by the Independents, as 
 indeed they were in New York, though in 
 both States a show of hostility was kept up 
 to nominating in party caucus men who 
 were to be elected by representative, more 
 plainly legislative votes. It was at first 
 claimed that in the Legislature each man 
 ought to act for himself or his constituents, 
 but very shortly it was found that the cau- 
 cuses of the separate wings were as binding 
 upon the respective wings as they could 
 have been upon the whole. Dead-locks 
 were interminable as long as this condition 
 of affairs obtained, and hostility to the 
 caucus system was before very long quietly 
 discouraged and finally ilatly abandoned, 
 for each struggle was ended l)y the ratifi- 
 cation of a general caucus, and none of 
 them could have been ended without it. 
 The several attempts to find oilier means 
 to reach a result, only led the })articipants 
 farther away from the true principle, under 
 re])ublican ibrms at least, of the right of 
 ihe majority to rule. In Pennsylvania, 
 when Mr, Oliver withdrew, fifty of his 
 friends assembled and informally named 
 (Jeneral Beaver, and by this action sought 
 to bind the original 95 friends of Oliver. 
 Their conduct was excused by the plea that 
 they represented a. majority of their fac- 
 tion. It failed to bind all of the original 
 nundjcr, though some of the Independents 
 were won. The Independents, rather the 
 original 4-1, bound themselves in writing 
 not to change their course of action unless
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CAUCUS. 
 
 257 
 
 there was secured the previous concurrence 
 of two-thirds, und this i)rinciple was ex- 
 tended to thtr 50 wlio supported Mr. Bayue. 
 Then when the joint connnittee of 24 was 
 agreed upon, it was bound by a rule re- 
 quiring three-foiirtlis to recomineiid a can- 
 aidate. All of these were jtlain departures 
 from a great principle, and the deeper tlie 
 contest Decanie, the greater the departure. 
 True, these were but voluntary forms, but 
 they were indefensible, and arc only re- 
 ferred to now to show the danger of mad 
 assaults upon great principles when per- 
 sonal and factious aims arc at stake. Op- 
 position to the early Congressional caucus 
 was plainly right, since one department of 
 the Government was by voluntary agencies 
 actually controlling another, while the law 
 gave legal forms which could be more pro- 
 perly initiated through voluntary action. 
 The writer believes, and past contests all 
 confirm the view that the voluntary action 
 can only be safely employed by the power 
 by the law with the right of selection. 
 Thus the people elect township, county and 
 State officers, and it is their right and duty 
 by the best attainable voluntary action to 
 indicate their choice. This is done through 
 the caucus or convention, the latter not 
 differing from the former save in extent 
 and possibly breadth of representation. 
 The same rule applies to all offices elective 
 by the people. It cannot properly apply 
 to appointive offices, and while the attempt 
 to apply it to the election of U. S. Senators 
 shows a strong desire on the part, frequently 
 of the more public-spirited citizens, to ex- 
 ercise a greater share in the selection of 
 these officers than the law directly gives 
 them, yet their representatives can very 
 properly be called upon to act as they would 
 act if they had direct power in the pre- 
 mises, and such action leads them into a 
 party caucus, Avhere the will of the majority 
 of their respective parties can be fairly 
 ascertained, and when ascertained re- 
 spected. The State Legislatures appoint 
 U. S. Senators, and the llepresentatives 
 and Senators of the States are bound to 
 consider in their selection the good of the 
 entire State. If this comports with the 
 wish of their respective districts, very 
 well ; if it does not, their duty is not less 
 plain. Probably the time will never come 
 when the people will elect United States 
 Senators ; to do that is to radically change 
 the Federal system, and to practically de- 
 stroy one of the most important branches 
 of the Government ; yet he is not a careful 
 observer who does not note a growing dis- 
 
 Iiosition on the part of the people, and 
 argely the people of certain localities, and 
 imaginary political sub-divisions, to control 
 these selections. The same is true of 
 Presidential nominations, where masses of 
 people deny the right of State Conventions 
 to instruct their delegates-at-large. In 
 17 
 
 many States the people composing either 
 of the great parties now select their 
 own representative delegates to National 
 Conventions, and where their selections 
 are not respected, grave party danger is 
 sure to follow. There is nothing wrong in 
 this, since it points to, and is but paving 
 the way for a more popular selection of 
 Presidents and Vice Presidents — to an 
 eventual selection of Presidential electors 
 probably by Congressional districts. Yet 
 those to be selected at large must through 
 jiractical voluntary forms be nominateil in 
 that way, and the partisan State Conven- 
 tion is the best method yet devised for this 
 work, and its instructions should be as 
 binding as those of the people upon their 
 representatives. In this government of 
 ours there is voluntary and legal work 
 delegated to the people directly ; there is 
 legal work delegated to appointing powers, 
 and an intelligent discrimination should 
 ever be exercised between the two. " Ren- 
 der unto CiBsar those things which are 
 Cnesar's," unless there be a plain desire, 
 backed by a good reason, to promote popu- 
 lar reforms as enduring as the practices and 
 principles which they are intended to 
 support. 
 
 Fredrick W. Whitridge, in an able re- 
 view of the caucus system published * in La- 
 lor's Enajclopcedia of Political Science, says : 
 
 "A caucus, in the political vocabulary 
 of the United States, is primarily a private 
 meeting of voters holding similar views, 
 held prior to an election for the purpose of 
 furthering such views at the election. 
 With the development of parties, and the 
 rule of majorities, the caucus or some 
 equivalent has become an indispensable- 
 adjunct to party government, and it may 
 now bo defined as a meeting of the majority 
 of the electors belonging to the same party 
 in any political or legislative body held' 
 jireliminary to a meeting thereof, for the 
 purpose of selectins; candidates to be 
 voted for, or for the purpose of de- 
 termining the course of the party at 
 the meeting of the whole body. The 
 candidates of each party are univer- 
 sally selected by caucus, either directly or- 
 indirectly through delegates to conven- 
 tions chosen in caucuses. In legislative 
 bodies the course of each party is often 
 predetermined with certainty in caucus, 
 and often discussion between parties has 
 been, in consequence, in some degree 
 superseded. The caucus system is, in 
 short, the basis of a complete electoral 
 system which has grown up within each 
 party, side by side with that which is alone- 
 contemplated by the laws. This condition 
 has in recent years attracted much atten- 
 tion, and has been lutterly announced a» 
 an evil. It was, however, early foreseen. 
 John Adams, in ISU. wrote in the "Tenth 
 
 * By Rand A McXally, CliicagL., III., 1881
 
 258 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [boos I. 
 
 Letter on Grovernment :" " They have 
 invented a balance to all balance in their 
 caucuses. We have congressional caucuses, 
 state caucuses, county caucuses, city cau- 
 cuses, district caucuses, town caucuses, 
 parish caucuses, and Sunday caucuses at 
 church doors, and in these aristocratical 
 caucuses elections have been decided." The 
 caucus is a necessary consequence of 
 majority rule. If the majority is to define 
 the policy of a pai'ty, there must be some 
 method within each party of ascertaining 
 the mind of the majority, and settling the 
 party programme, before it meets the op- 
 posing party at the polls. The Carlton 
 and Keform clubs discharge for the Tories 
 and Liberals many of the functions of a 
 congressional caucus. Meetings of the 
 members of the parties in the reichstag, 
 the corps legislatif and the chamber of 
 deputies are not unusual, although they 
 have generally merely been for consulta- 
 tion, and neither in England, France, 
 Germany or Italy, has any such authority 
 been conceded to the wish of the majority 
 of a party as we have rested in the deci- 
 sion of a caucus. What has been called a 
 caucus has been established by the 
 Liberals of Birmingham, England, as to 
 which, see a paper by W. Eraser Eae, in 
 the " International Review " for August, 
 1880. The origin of the term caucus is 
 obscure. It has been derived from the 
 Algonquin word Kaic-kaw-wus — to con- 
 sult, to speak — but the more probable 
 derivation makes it a corruption of 
 caulkers. In the early politics of Boston, 
 and particularly during the early difficul- 
 ties between the townsmen and the British 
 troops, the seafaring men and those em- 
 ployed about the ship yards were promi- 
 nent among the town-people, and there 
 were numerous gatherings which may 
 have very easily come to be called by 
 way of reproach a meeting of caulkers, 
 after the least influential class who at- 
 tended them, or from the caulking house 
 or caulk house in which they Avere held. 
 What was at first a derisive descrijjtion, 
 came to be an appellation, and the gather- 
 ings of so-called caulkers became a cau- 
 cus. John Pickering, in a vocabulary of 
 words and phrases peculiar to the United 
 States (Hoston, 181G), gives this derivation 
 of the word, and says sevend gentlemen 
 mentioned to him that they had he:ird 
 this derivation. Gordon, writing in 1774, 
 flays: "More than fifty years ago Mr. 
 Samuel Adams' father and twenty others, 
 one or two from the north end of the town i 
 where all the shin business is carried on, 
 used to meet, make a caucus and lay their ] 
 plan for introdncing certain persons into 
 places of trust and power. When they had 
 settled it they separated, and each used 
 their particular influence within his own 
 circle. lie and his friends would furnish 
 
 I themselves with ballots, including the 
 names of the parties fixed upon, which 
 ! they distributed on the days of election. 
 j By acting in concert, together with a care- 
 j ful and extensive distribution of ballots, 
 ■ they generally carried their elections to 
 their own mind. In like manner it was 
 that Mr. Samuel Adams first became a 
 representative for Boston." [History oj 
 the American Revolution, vol. i., p. 365.) 
 February, 1763, xVdams writes in his 
 diary : " This day I learned that the cau- 
 cus club meets at certain times in the gar- 
 ret of Tom Dawes, the adjutant of the Bos- 
 ton regiment. He has a large house and 
 he has a movable partition in his garret 
 which he takes down and the whole club 
 meets in his room. There they smoke 
 tobacco until they cannot see one end of 
 the room from another. There they drink 
 flip, I suppose, and there they choose a 
 moderator who puts questions to the vote 
 regularly ; and selectmen, assessors, col- 
 lectors, wardens, fire wards and representa- 
 tives are regularly chosen in the town. 
 Uncle Fairfield, Story, Euddock, Adams, 
 Cooper, and a rudis indigestaques moles ot 
 others, are members. They send commit- 
 tees to wait on the merchants' club, and to 
 propose in the choice of men and measures. 
 Captain Cunningham says, they have of- 
 ten solicited him to go to the caucuses ; 
 they have assured him their benefit in his 
 business, etc." (Adams^ li'orks, vol. ii., p. 
 144.) Under the title caucus should be 
 considered the congressional nominating 
 caucus ; the caucuses of legislative assem- 
 blies ; primary elections, still known out- 
 side the larger cities as caucuses ; the evils 
 which have been attributed to the latter, 
 and the remedies which have been pro- 
 posed. These will accordingly be men- 
 tioned in the order given. 
 
 " The democratic system is the result of 
 the reorganization of the various anti- 
 Tammany democratic factions, brought 
 about, in 1881, by a practically self-ap- 
 pointed committee of 100. Under this sys- 
 tem primary elections are to be held annu- 
 ally in each of G78 election districts, at 
 which all democratic electors resident in 
 the respective districts may particii)ate, pro- 
 vided they were registered at the last gene- 
 ral election. The persons voting at any 
 primary shall be members of the election 
 district association for the ensuing year, 
 which is to be organized in January of each 
 yciir. The associations may admit demo- 
 cratic residents in their respective districts, 
 who are not members, to membership, and 
 they have gi'ueral supervision of the inte- 
 rests of the jiiirty within their districts. 
 Primaries are held on not less than four 
 days' j)ublic notice, through the newspa- 
 pers, of the time and place, and at the ap- 
 j)ointcd time the meeting is called to order 
 oy the chairman of the election district as-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CAUCUS. 
 
 259 
 
 Bociation, provided twenty persons be pre- 
 sent; if tliiit number shall not be present, 
 the ineetin,!^ may be called to order with a 
 less number, at the end of iifteen minutes. 
 Tlie first business of the meetinu; is to se- 
 lect a chairman, and all elections of dele- 
 gates or committeemen shall take [dace in 
 open meetinsi;. Each person, as he oilers to 
 vote, states his name and residence, which 
 may be compared with the rej^istration list 
 at the last election, and each person shall 
 state for whom he votes, or he may hand to 
 the judges an open ballot, having designated 
 thereon the persons for whom lie votes, and 
 for what positions. Nominations are all 
 made l)y conventions of delegates from the 
 districts within which the candidate to be 
 cho en is to be voteil for. There is an as- 
 sembly district committee in each assembly 
 district, com|)osed of one delegate for each 
 100 votes or fraction thereof, from each 
 election district within the assembly dis- 
 trict. There is also a county committee 
 composed of delegates from each of the as- 
 sembly district committees. The function 
 of these committees is generally to look af- 
 ter the interests of the parties within their 
 respective spheres. This system is too new 
 ff)r its workings to be as yet fairly criti- 
 cised. It may prove a really popular sys- 
 tem, or it may prove only an inchoate form 
 of the other systems. At present it can 
 only be said that the first primaries under 
 it were participated in by 27,000 electors. 
 
 "The evils of the caucus and primary 
 election systems lie in the stringent obliga- 
 tion which is attached to the will of a for- 
 m:il majority ; in the fact that the process 
 of ascertaining what the will of the major- 
 ity is, has been surrounded with so many 
 restrictions that the actual majority of votes 
 are disfranchised, and take no part in that 
 process, so that the formal majority is in 
 consequence no longer the majority in fact, 
 although it continues to demand recogni- 
 tion of its decisions as such. 
 
 " Tlie separation between the organiza- 
 tion and the party, between those who no- 
 minate and those who elect, is the sum of 
 the evils of the too highly organized cau- 
 cus system. It has its roots in the notion 
 that the majority is right, because it is the 
 majority, which is the popular view thus 
 expressed by Hammond : ' I think that 
 when political friends consent to go into 
 caucus for the nomination of officers, every 
 member of such caucus is bound in honor 
 to support and carry into effect its deter- 
 mination. If you suspect that determina- 
 tion will be so preposterous that you can- 
 not in conscience support it, then you ought 
 on no account to become one of its mem- 
 bers. To try your chance in a caucus, and 
 then, because your wishes are not gratified, 
 to attempt to defeat the result of the deli- 
 beration of your friends, strikes me as a 
 palpable violation of honor and good faith. 
 
 You caucus for no other possible purpose 
 than under the implied argument that the 
 opinion and wishes of the minority shall i»e 
 yielded to the opinions of the majority, and 
 the sole object of caucusing is to ascertain 
 what is the will of the majority. I repeat 
 that unless you intend to carry into effect 
 the wishes of the nuijority, however con- 
 trary to your own, you have no business at 
 a caucus.' (Political I/uifori/ of New York, 
 vol. i., p. 192). — In accordance with this 
 theory, the will of the majority becomes 
 obligatory as soon as it is made known, and 
 one cannot assist at a caucus in order to 
 ascertain the will of the majority, without 
 thereby being bound to follow it; and the 
 theory is so deeply rooted that, under the 
 caucus and primary election system, it has 
 been extended to cases in which the ma- 
 jorities are such only in form. 
 
 " The remedies as well as the evils of the 
 caucus and nominating system have been 
 made the subject of general discussion in 
 co!inection with civil service reform. It is 
 claimed that that reform, by giving to pub- 
 lic officers the same tenure of their positions 
 which is enjoyed by the employes of a cor- 
 poration or a private business house, or 
 during the continuance of efficiency or good 
 behaviour, would abolish or greatly dimi- 
 nish the evils of the caucus system by de- 
 priving public officers of the illegitimate 
 incentive to maintain it under which they 
 now act. Other more speculative remedies 
 have been suggested. It is pro])osed, on 
 the one hand, to very greatly diminish the 
 number of elective officers, and, in order to 
 do away with the pre-determination of elec- 
 tions, to restrict the political action of the 
 people in their own persons to districts so 
 small that they can meet together and act 
 as one body, and that in all other affairs 
 than those of these small districts " the 
 })eople should act by delegates. The the- 
 ory here seems to be to get rid of the ne- 
 cessity for election and nominating ma- 
 chinery. (See 'A True Republic,' by Al- 
 bert Strickney, New York, 1879; and a se- 
 ries of articles in Scrihner's Monthly for 
 1S81, by the same writer). On the other 
 hand, it is proposed to greatly increase the 
 number of elections, by taking the whole 
 primary system under the protection of the 
 law.* This plan proposes : 1. The direct 
 nomination of candidates by the members 
 of the respective political parties in place 
 of nominations by delegates in conventions. 
 2. To apply the election laws to primary 
 elections. 3. To provide that both politi- 
 cal parties shall participate in the same 
 primary election instead of having a differ- 
 ent caucus lor each party. 4. To i)rovide 
 for a final election to be held between two 
 c;indidates, each representative of a party 
 
 * This wns p.irtinlly done by the Legislature of 
 Pennsylvania in 1881.
 
 260 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 •wlio have been selected by means of the 
 primary election. This plan would un- 
 doubtedly do away with the evils of the 
 present caucus system, but it contains no 
 guarantee that a new caucus system would 
 not be erected for the purpose of influ- 
 encing ' the primarj' election ' in the same 
 manner in which the present primary sys- 
 tem now influences the final election. (See 
 however ' The Elective Franchise in the 
 United States,' New York, 1880, by D. C. 
 McClellan. ) — The effective remedy for the 
 evils of the caucus system will probably be 
 found in the sanction of primary elections 
 bylaw. * * * Bills for this purpose were 
 introduced by the Hon. Erastus Brooks in 
 the New York Legislature in 1881, which 
 provided substantially for the system pro- 
 posed by Mr. McClellan, but they were left 
 unacted upon, and no legislative attempt 
 to regulate primaries, except by providing 
 for their being called, and for their pro- 
 cedeure, has been made elsewhere. In 
 Ohio what is known as the Baber law pro- 
 vides that where any voluntary i)olitical 
 association orders a primary, it must be by 
 a majority vote of the central or control- 
 ling committee of such party or association ; 
 that the call must be published for at least 
 five days in the newsjjapers, and state the 
 time and place of the meeting, the autho- 
 rity by which it was called, and the name 
 of the person who is to represent that au- 
 thority at each poll. The law also provides 
 for challenging voters, for punishment of 
 illegal voting, and for the bribery or inter- 
 vention of elect( rs or judges. (Hev. /Stat. 
 Ohio, sees. 2916-2921.) A similar law in 
 Missouri is made applicable to counties 
 only of over 100,000 inhabitants, but by 
 this law it is made optional with the volun- 
 tary political association whether it will or 
 not hold its primaries under the law, and 
 if it does, it is provided that the county 
 shall incur no expense in the conduct of 
 such elections. (Latvs of Missouri, 1815, 
 p. 54.) A similar law also exists in Cali- 
 fornia. {Laws of California, 1865-1866, p. 
 438.) These laws comprise all the existing 
 legislation on the .subject, except what is 
 known as the Landis Bill of 1881, which 
 requires primary ofl[icers to take an oath, 
 and which punishes fraud." 
 
 Assasulnatlon of President Garfleld. 
 
 At 9 o'clock on the morning of Satur- 
 day, July 2d, 1881, President Garfield, ac- 
 companied by Secretary Blaine, left the 
 Executive Mansion to take a special train 
 from the Baltimore and Potomac depot 
 for New England, where he intended to 
 visit the college from wliich lie ha<l gradu- 
 ated. Arriving at the dcjxpt, he was walk- 
 ing ann-in-ann through the main waiting- 
 room, when Charles J. (Juiteau, a p(>rsist- 
 ent apj)licant for an oflice, who had .some 
 
 time previously entered through the main 
 door, advanced to the centre of the room, 
 and having reached within a few feet of 
 his victim, fired two shots, one of which 
 took fatal effect. The bullet was of forty- 
 four calibre, and striking the President 
 about four inches to the right of the spinal 
 column, struck the tenth and badly shat- 
 tered the eleventh rib. The President 
 sank to the floor, and was conveyed to a 
 room where temporary conveniences were 
 attainable, and a couch was improvised. 
 Dr. Bliss made an unsuccessful effort to 
 find the ball. The shock to the President's 
 system was very severe, and at first appre- 
 hensions were felt that death would ensue 
 speedily. Two hours after the shooting, 
 the physicians decided to remove him to 
 the Executive Mansion. An army ambu- 
 lance was procured, and the removal ef- 
 fected. Soon after, vomiting set in, and the 
 patient exhibited a dangerous degree of 
 prostration, which threatened to end speed- 
 ily in dissolution. This hopeless condition 
 of affiiirs continued until past midnight, 
 when more favorable symptoms were ex- 
 hibited. Dr. Bliss was on this Sunday 
 morning designated to take charge of the 
 case, and he called Surgeon -General 
 Barnes, Assistant Surgeon-General Wood- 
 ward, and Dr. Reyburn as consulting phy- 
 sician. To satisfy the demand of the 
 country, Drs. Agnew, of Philadelphia, and 
 Hamilton, of New York, were also sum- 
 moned by telegraph, and arrived on a 
 special train over the Pennsylvania Rail- 
 road, Sunday afternoon. For several days 
 immediately succeeding the shooting, the 
 patient suffered great inconvenience and 
 j)ain in the lower limbs. This created an 
 apprehension that the spinal nerves had 
 been injured, and death was momentarily 
 expected. On the night of July 4th a 
 favorable turn was observed, and the morn- 
 ing of the 5th brought with it a vague but 
 undefined hope that a favorable issue 
 might ensue. Under this comforting con- 
 viction, Drs. Agnew and Hamilton, after 
 consultation with the resident medical at- 
 tendants, returned to their homes ; first 
 having published to the country an in- 
 dorsement of the treatment inaugurated. 
 During July 5th and 6[h the j)at ent con- 
 tinued to improve, the ])ulse an<l respira- 
 tion showing a marked ajiproach to the 
 condition of healtliliilne?-s, the lormer 
 being reported on the morning of the 6th 
 at 98, and in the evening it only increased 
 to 104. On the 7th Dr. Bliss became very 
 confident of ultimate tritimph over the 
 malady. In previous bulletins meagre 
 hope was given, and the chances lor reco- 
 very e.-timated at one in a hundred. 
 
 From July 7th to the ItUh there was a 
 slight buturnnlerruptcd improvement, and 
 the country began to entertain a confident 
 hope that the patient would recover.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 "BOSS RULE." 
 
 261 
 
 Hope and fear alternated from day to 
 day, amid the most painful excitement. 
 Oil the 8th of August l)rs. Agnew and 
 Hamilton had to perform their second 
 operation to allow a free How of pus from 
 the wound. This resulted in an important 
 discovery. It was ascertained tiiat the 
 track of the bullet had turned from its 
 downward deflection to a forward course. 
 The openition lasted an hour, and ether 
 was administered, the effect of which was 
 very unfortunate. Nausea succeeded, and 
 vomiting followed every effort to adminis- 
 ter nourishment for some time. However, 
 he soon rallied, and the operation was pro- 
 nounced successful, and, on the following 
 day, the President, for the first time, wrote 
 liis name. On the 10th he signed an im- 
 portant extratlition paper, and on the 11th 
 wrote a letter of hopefulness to his aged 
 mother. On the 12th Dr. Hamilton ex- 
 pressed the opinion that tlie further at- 
 tendance of himself and Dr. Agnew was 
 unnecessary. The stomach continued 
 weak, however, and on the 15th nausea re- 
 turned, and the most menacing physical 
 prostration followed the frequent vomiting, 
 and the evening bulletin announced that 
 " the President's condition, on the whole, 
 is less satisfactory." 
 
 Next a new complication forced itself 
 upon the attention of the physicians. This 
 was described as " inflammation of the 
 right parotid gland." On August 24th it 
 was decided to make an incision below 
 and forward of the right ear, in order to 
 jirevent supjjuration. Though this opera- 
 tion was ])ronounced satisfactory, the pa- 
 tient gradually sank, until August 25th, 
 when all hope seemed to have left those 
 in attendance. 
 
 Two days of a dreary watch ensued ; on 
 the 27th an improvement inspired new 
 hope. This continued throughout the 
 week, but failed to build up the system. 
 Then it was determined to remove the pa- 
 tient to a more favorable atmosphere. On 
 the 6th of September this design was exe- 
 cuted, he having been conveyed in a car 
 arranged for the purpose to Long Branch, 
 where, in a cottage at Elbcron, it was 
 hoped vigor would return. At first, indi- 
 cations justified the most sanguine expec- 
 tations. On the 9th, however, fever re- 
 turned, and a cough came to harass the 
 wasted sufferer. It was attended with 
 purulent expectoration, and became so 
 troublesome as to entitle it to be regarded 
 as the leading feature of the case. Tin- 
 surgeons attributed it to the septic condi- 
 tion of the blood. The trouble increased 
 until Saturday, September 10th, when it 
 was thought the end was reached. He 
 rallied, however, and improved rapidly, 
 during the sueceeding few days, and on 
 Tuesday, the 13th, was lifted from the bed 
 and placed in a chair at the window. The 
 
 ilnprovement was not enduring, however, 
 and on Saturday, September 17th, the 
 rigor returned. During the nights and 
 days succeeding, until the final moment, 
 liope rose and fell alternately, and though 
 the patient's s[)irits fluctuated to justify 
 this change of feeling, the improvement 
 failed to bring with it the strength neces- 
 sary to meet the strain. 
 
 President Garfield died at 10.35 on the 
 night of Sept. 19th, 1881, and our nation 
 monrned, as it had only done once before, 
 when Abraham Lincoln also fell by the 
 hand of an assassin. The assassin Guiteau 
 was tried and convicted, the jury rejecting 
 his plea of insanity. 
 
 President Artlinr. 
 
 Vice-President Arthur, during the long 
 illness of the President, and at the time of 
 his death, deported himself so well that he 
 won the good opinion of nearly all classes 
 of the people, and happily for weeks and 
 months all factious or partisan spirit was 
 hushed by the nation's great calamity. 
 At midnight on the 19th of September the 
 Cabinet telegraphed him from Long 
 Branch to take the oath of office, and this 
 he very properly did before a local judge. 
 The Government cannot wisely be left 
 without a head for a single day. He was 
 soon afterwards again sworn in at Washing- 
 ton, with the usual ceremonies, and took 
 occasion to make a speech which improved 
 the growing better feeling. The new 
 President requested the Cabinet to hold 
 on until Congress met, and it would have 
 remained intact had Secretary Windoni 
 not found it necessary to resume his place 
 in the Senate. The vacancy was offered 
 to ex-Governor Morgan, of New York, 
 who was actually nominated and confirmed 
 before he made up his mind to decline it. 
 Judge Folger now fills the place. The 
 several chaSiges since made will be found 
 in the Tabulated History, Book VII. 
 
 It has thus far been the efl^ort of Presi- 
 dent Arthur to allay whatever of factious 
 bitterness remains in the Republican party. 
 In his own State of New York the terms 
 ," Half-Breed " and " Stalwart " are pass- 
 ing into comparative disuse, as are the 
 terms " Re2:ulars " and " Independents " 
 in Pennsvlvania. 
 
 " Boss Rule." 
 
 The complaint of " Boss Rule" in these 
 States — by which is meant the control of 
 certain leaders — still obtains to some ex- 
 tent. Wayne IMacVeagh was the author of 
 this very telling political epithet, and he 
 used it with rare force in his street speeches 
 at Chicasjo when opposing the nomination 
 of Grant. It was still further cultivated
 
 262 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 by Rufus E. Shapley, Esq,, of Philadel- 
 phia, the author of " Solid for Mulhooly," 
 a most admirable political satire, which 
 had an immense sale. Its many hits were 
 freely quoted by the Reformers of Phila- 
 delphia, who organized under the Com- 
 mittee of One Hundred, a body of mer- 
 chants who first banded themselves 
 together to promote reforms in the munici- 
 pal government. This organization, aided 
 by the Democrats, defeated Mayor Wm. 
 S. Stokley for his third term, electing Mr. 
 King, theretofore a very popular Demo- 
 cratic councilman. In return for this sup- 
 port, the Democrats accepted John Hun- 
 ter, Committee's nominee for Tax Receiver, 
 and the combination succeeded. In the 
 fall of 1881 it failed on the city ticket, but 
 in the spring of 1882 secured material suc- 
 cesses in the election of Councilmen, who 
 were nominees of both parties, but aided 
 by the endorsement of the Committee of 
 One Hundred. A similar combination 
 failed as between Brown (Rep.) and Eisen- 
 brown (Dem.) for Magistrate. On this 
 part of the ticket the entire city voted, and 
 the regular Republicans won by about 500 
 majority. 
 
 The following is the declaration of prin- 
 ciples of the Citizens' Republican Associ- 
 ation of Philadelphia, which, under the 
 banner of Mr. Wolfe, extended its organi- 
 zation to several counties : 
 
 I. We adhere to the platform of the 
 National Convention of the Republican 
 party, adopted at Chicago, June 2d, 1880, 
 and we proclaim our unswerving alle- 
 giance to the great principles upon which 
 that party was founded, to wit : national 
 Bupremacy, universal liberty, and govern- 
 mental probity. 
 
 II. The Republican party, during its 
 glorious career, having virtually estab- 
 lished its principles of national .supremacy 
 and universal liberty as the law of the 
 land, we shall, while keeping a vigilant 
 watch over the maintenance ofthose prin- 
 ciples, regard the third one, viz. : govern- 
 mental probity, as the living issue to be 
 struggled ff)r in the future ; and as the 
 pure administration of government is es- 
 sential to the permanence of Republican 
 institutions, we consider this issue as in no 
 way inferior in importance to any other. 
 
 in. The only practical method of re- 
 storing purity to administration is through 
 the adoj)tion of a system of civil service, 
 under which public oflicials shall not be 
 the tools of any man or of iiny clique, sub- 
 ject to dismissal at their behest, or to as- 
 sessment in their service; nor appoint- 
 ment to office be "patronage" at the 
 disposal of any man to consolidate his 
 pow(!r within the fiarty. 
 
 IV. It is th(! abuse of this appointing 
 power which has lc<| to tlic forniatinu of 
 the " machine," and the subjection of the 
 
 party to "bosses." Our chosen leader, the 
 late President Garfield, fell a martyr in his 
 contest with the " bosses." We take up 
 the struggle where he left it, and we hereby 
 declare that we will own no allegiance to 
 any "boss," nor be subservient to any 
 " machine ;" but that we will do our ut- 
 most to liberate the party from the " boss" 
 domination under which it has fallen. 
 
 V. Recognizing that political parties 
 are simply instrumentalities for the en- 
 forcement of certain recognized principles, 
 we shall endeavor to promote the principles 
 of the Republican party by means of that 
 party, disenthralled and released from the 
 domination of its " bosses." But should 
 we fail in this, we shall have no hesitation 
 in seeking to advance the principles of the 
 party through movements and organiza- 
 tions outside of the party lines. 
 
 The idea of the Committee of One Hun- 
 dred is to war against " boss rule" in muni- 
 cipal atiairs. James McManes has long 
 enjoyed the leadership of the Republican 
 party in Philadelphia, and the reform ele- 
 ment has directed its force against his 
 power as a leader, though he joined at 
 Chicago in the MacVeagh war against the 
 form of "bo-s rule," which was then di- 
 rected against Grant, Conkling, Logan and 
 Cameron. This ejiisode has really little, 
 if anything, to do with Federal politics, 
 but the facts are briefly recited with a view 
 to explain to the reader the leading force 
 which supported Mr. Wolfe in his inde- 
 pendent race in Pennsylvania. Summed 
 up, it is simply one of those local wars 
 against leadership which precede and fol- 
 low factions. 
 
 The factious battles in the Republican 
 party, as Ave have stated, seem to have 
 spent their force. The assassination of 
 Pre.si dent Garfield gave them a most seri- 
 ous check, lor men were then compelled to 
 look back and acknowledge that his j)lain 
 purpose was to check divisions and heal 
 wounds. Only haste and anger assailed, 
 and doubtless as quickly regretted the as- 
 sault. President Arthur, with commend- 
 able reticence and discretion, is believed 
 to be seeking the same end. He has made 
 few changes, and these reluctantly. His 
 nomination of ex-Benator Conkling to a 
 seat in the Supreme Bench, which, though 
 declined, is generally accepted as an as>u- 
 rance to New Yorkers that the leader 
 hated by one side and loved by the other, 
 should 1)0 renu)ved from partisan politics 
 peculiar to his own State, but removed 
 with the dignity and honor becoming his 
 high abilities. It has ever been tlie policy 
 of wise adniini.strations, as with wise gene- 
 rals, to care for the wounded, and Conk- 
 ling was surely and .sorely wounded in his 
 battle against tlie confirmation of Robert- 
 son iind his attempted re-election to the 
 Senate. He accepted the situation with
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE READJUSTERS. 
 
 263 
 
 quiet composure, and saw his friend Ar- 
 tnur unite the ranks which his resignation 
 had sundered. After this there remained 
 little if any cause for further quarrel, and 
 while in writing history it is dangerous to 
 attemj)t a prophecy, the writer believes 
 that President Arthur will succeed in 
 keeping liis party, if not fully united, at 
 least as compact as the opposing Democra- 
 tic forces. 
 
 Tlte Readjuatera. 
 
 This party was founded in 1878byGen'l 
 William Mahone, a noted Brigadier in 
 the rebel army. He is of Scotch-Irish de- 
 scent, a man of very small stature but 
 most remarkable energy, and acquired 
 wealth in the construction and develop- 
 ment of Southern railroads. He sounded 
 the first note of revolt against what he 
 styled the Bourbon rule of Virginia, and 
 being classed as a Democrat, rapidly di- 
 vided that party on the question of the 
 Virginia debt. His enemies charge that 
 he sought the repudiation of this debt, but 
 in return he not only denied the charge, 
 but said the Bourbons were actually re- 
 pudiating it by making no provision for 
 its payment, either in appropriations or 
 the levying of taxes needed for the pur- 
 jjose. 'Doubtless his views on this ques- 
 tion have undergone some modification, 
 and that earlier in the struggle the uglier 
 criticisms were partially correct. Certain 
 it is that he and his friends now advocate 
 full payment less the proportion equitably 
 assigned to West Virginia, which sepa- 
 rated from the parent State during the 
 war, and in her constitution evaded her 
 responsibility by declaring that the State 
 should never contract a debt except one 
 created to resist invasion or in a war for the 
 government. This fact shows how keenly 
 alive the West Virginians were to a claim 
 which could very justly be pressed in the 
 event of Virginia being restored to the 
 Union, and this claim Gen'l Mahone has 
 persistently pressed, and latterly urged a 
 funding of the debt of his State at a 3 per 
 cent, rate, on the ground that the State is 
 unable to pay more and that this is in ac- 
 cord with proper rates of interest on the 
 bonds of State governments — a view not 
 altogether fair or sound, since it leaves the 
 creditors powerless to do otherwise than 
 accept. The regular or Bourbon Demo- 
 crats proclaimed in favor of lull payment, 
 and in this respect differed from their 
 party associates as to ante-war debts in 
 most other Southern States. 
 
 Gen. Mahone rapidly organized his re- 
 volt, and as the Republican ]iarty was then 
 in a hopeless minority in Virginia, public- 
 ly invited an alliance by the passage of a 
 platform which advocated free schools for 
 the blacks and a full enforcement of the 
 
 National laws touching their civil rights. 
 The Legislature was won, and on the Itjtli 
 of December, 1880, Gen'l Mahone wa.s 
 elected to the U. S. Senate to succeed Sen- 
 ator AVithers, whose term expired March 
 4, 1881. 
 
 In the Presidential campaign of 1880, 
 the Readjusters supj)orted Gen'l Hancock, 
 but on a separate electoral ticket, while 
 the Republicans sui)j)orted Garfield on an 
 electoral ticket of their own selection. 
 Tills division was i)ursuant to an under- 
 standing, and at the time thought advi- 
 sable by Mahone, who, if his electors won, 
 could go for Hancock or not, as circum- 
 stances might suggest ; while if he failed 
 the Republicans might profit by the sepa- 
 ration. There was, however, a third horn 
 to this dilemma, for the regular Democratic 
 electors were chosen, but the political 
 comjjlexion of the Legislature was not 
 changed. Prior to the Presidential nomi- 
 nations Mahone's Readjuster Convention 
 had signified their willingness to support 
 Gen'l Grant if he should be nominated at 
 Chicago, and this fact was widely quoted 
 by his friends in their advocacy of Grant's 
 nomination, and in descanting upon his 
 ability to carry Southern States. 
 
 The Readjuster movement at first had 
 no other than local designs, but about the 
 time of its organization there was a great 
 desire on the part of the leading Republi- 
 cans to break the ''Solid S(mth," and 
 every possible expedient to that end was 
 suggested. It was solid for the Democratic 
 party, and standing thus could with the 
 aid of New York, Indiana and New Jersey 
 (them all Democratic States) assure the 
 election of a Democratic President. 
 
 One of the favorite objects of President 
 Hayes was to break the " Solid South." 
 He first obtained it by conciliatory speech- 
 es, which were so conciliatory in fact that 
 they angered radical Republicans, and 
 there were thus threatened division in un- 
 expected quarters. He next tried it 
 through Gen'l Key, whom he made Post- 
 master General in tlie hope that he could 
 resurrect and reorganize the old Whig 
 elements of the South. Key was to attend 
 to Southern postal patronage with this end 
 in view, while Mr. Tener, his able First As- 
 sistant, was to distribute Northern or Re- 
 publican jjatronage. So far as dividing 
 the South was concerned, the scheme was 
 a flat failure. 
 
 The next and most quiet and effectual 
 effort was made by Gen'l Simon Cameron, 
 Ex-Senator from Pennsylvania. He started 
 on a brief Southern tour, ostensibly for 
 liealth and enjoyment, but really to meet 
 Gen'l Mahone, his leading Reatljustor 
 friends, and the leading Republicans. 
 Conferences were held, and the union of 
 the two forces was made to embrace Na- 
 tional objects. This was in the J'all of 1879.
 
 264 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Not long thereafter Gen'l ilahone consult- 
 ed with Senator J. Don. Cameron, who 
 was of course familiar with his father's 
 movements, and he actively devised and 
 carried out schemes to aid the new combi- 
 nation by Avhich the "Solid South "was 
 to be broken. In the great State campaign 
 of 1881, when the Bourbon and anti- Bour- 
 bon candidates for Governor, were stump- 
 ing the State, Gen'l Mahone found that a 
 large portion of his colored friends were 
 handicapped by their inability to pay the 
 taxes imposed upon them by the laws of 
 Virginia, and this threatened defeat. He 
 sought aid from the National administra- 
 tion. President Garfield favored the com- 
 bination, as did Secretary Windom, but 
 Secretary Blaine withheld his support for 
 several months, finally, however, acceding 
 to the wishes of the President and most of 
 the Cabinet. Administration influences 
 caused the abandonment of a straight-out 
 Republican movement organized by Con- 
 gressman Jorgensen and others, and a 
 movement which at one time threatened a 
 disastrous division was overcome. The 
 tax question remained, and this was first 
 met by Senator J. Don. Cameron, who 
 while summering at Manhattan Island, 
 was really daily engaged in New York 
 City raising funds for Mahone, with which 
 to pay their taxes. Still, this aid was insuf- 
 ficient, and in the heat of the battle the 
 revenue officers throughout the United 
 States, were asked to contribute. Many of 
 them did so, and on the eve of election all 
 taxes were paid and the result was the 
 election of William E. Cameron (Read- 
 juster) as Governor by about 20,000 ma- 
 jority, with other State oflScers divided be- 
 tween the old Readjusters and Republi- 
 cans. The combination also carried the 
 Legislature. 
 
 In that great struggle the Readjusters 
 became known as tlie anti-Bourbon move- 
 ment, and efforts are now being made to 
 extend it to other Southern States. It has 
 taken root in South Carolina, Georgia, 
 Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississij)pi, and 
 more recently in Kentucky, where the 
 Union War Democrats in State Convention 
 as late as March 1, 1882, separated from 
 the Bourbon wing of the party. For a 
 better idea of these two elements in the 
 South, the reader is referred to the recent 
 speeches of Hi II and ]\Iahone in the me- 
 morable Senate scene directly after the 
 latter took the oath of office, and cast his 
 vote with the Rej)ublicans. These speeches 
 will be found in Book III of this volume. 
 
 SupprcHHln^ MormnnlHin. 
 
 Polygamy, justly denounced as " the 
 true relic of b;irb;irism " while slavery ex- 
 isted, has ever since the settlement of the 
 
 Mormons in Utah, been one of the vexed 
 questions in American politics. Laws 
 passed for its sujjpression have proved, thus 
 far, unavailing ; troops could not crush it 
 out, or did not at a time when battles were 
 Ibught and won ; United States Courts 
 were powerless where juries could not be 
 found to convict. Latterly a new and 
 promising effort has been made for its sup- 
 pression. This was begun in the Senate 
 in the session of 1882. On the 16th of 
 February a vote was taken by sections on 
 Senator Edmunds' bill, which like the law 
 of 1862 is penal in its provisions, but di- 
 rectly aimed against the crime of poly- 
 gamy. _ 
 
 President Arthur signed the Edmunds 
 anti-polygamy bill on the 23d of March, 
 1882. 
 
 Delegate Cannon of Utah, was on the 
 floor of the Senate electioneering against 
 the bill, and he plead with some success, 
 for several Democratic Senators made 
 speeches against it. The Republicans were 
 unanimously for the bill, and the Demo- 
 crats were not solidly against it, though the 
 general tenor of the debate on this side 
 was against it. 
 
 Senator Vest (Democrat) of Missouri, 
 said that never in the darkest days of the 
 rule of the Tudors and Stuarts had any 
 measure been advocated which came so 
 near a bill of attainder as this one. It 
 was monstrous to contend that the people , 
 of the United States were at the mercy of 
 Congress without any appeal. If this bill 
 passed it would establish a precedent that 
 would come home to plague us for all 
 time to come. The pressure against poly- 
 gamy to-day might exist to-morrow against 
 any church, institution or class in this 
 broad land, and when the crested waves of 
 prejudice and passion mounted high they 
 would be told that the Congress of the 
 United States had trampled upon the Con- 
 stitution. In conclusion, he said : " I am 
 prepared for the abuse and calumny that 
 will follow any man wdio dares to criticise 
 any bill against polygamy, and yet, if my 
 oflicial life had to terminate to-morrow, I 
 would not give my vote for the unconsti- 
 tutional principles contained in this bill." 
 Other speeches were made by Messrs. Mor- 
 gan, Brown, Jones, of Florida, Saulsbury, 
 Call, Pendleton, Sherman, and Lamar, and 
 the debate was closed by ]\Ir. Edmunds .n 
 an eloquent fifteen-minutes' speech, in 
 which he carefully reviewed and contro- 
 verted the objections urged against the 
 bill of the committee. 
 
 He showed great anxiety to have the 
 measure disposed of at once and met a re- 
 (jiiest from the Democratic side for a pos^ 
 I"inement till other features should be em- 
 bodied in the bills with the remark that 
 this was the iioliey that h:id hitherto jiroven 
 a hindrance to legislation on this subject
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 SUPPRESSING MORMONlSM. 
 
 265 
 
 and that he was tired of it. In the bill as 
 amended the following section provoked 
 more opposition than any other, although 
 the Senators refrained from making any 
 particular mention of it : " That if any 
 male person in a Territory or other place 
 over which the United States have exclu- 
 sive jurisdiction hereafter cohabits with 
 more than one woman he shall be deemed 
 guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction 
 thereof he shall be punished by a fine of 
 not more than $300 or by imprisonment 
 for not more than six months, or by both 
 said punishments in the discretion of the 
 court." The bill passed viva voce vote 
 after a re-arrangement of its sections, one 
 of the changes being that not more than 
 three of the commissioners shall be mem- 
 bers of the same party. The fact that the 
 yeas and nays were not called, shows that 
 there is no general desire on either side to 
 make the bill a partisan measure. 
 
 The Edmunds Bill passed the House 
 March 14, 1882, without material amend- 
 ment, the Republican majority, refusing to 
 allow the time asked by the Democrats for 
 discussion. The vote was 193 for to only 
 45 against, all of the negative votes being 
 Democratic save one, that of Jones, Green- 
 backer from Texas. 
 
 The only question was whether the bill, 
 as passed by the Senate, would accomplish 
 that object, and whether certain provisions 
 of this bill did not provide a remedy which 
 was worse than the disease. Many Demo- 
 crats thought that the precedent of inter- 
 fering with the right of suffrage at the 
 polls, when the voter had not been tried 
 and convicted of any crime, was so dan- 
 gerous that they could not bring them- 
 selves to vote for the measure. Among 
 these democrats were Belmont and Hew- 
 itt, of New York, and a number of others 
 equally prominent. But they all professed 
 their readiness to vote for any measure 
 which would affect the abolition of poly- 
 gamy without impairing the fundamental 
 rights of citizens in otter parts of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 THE TEXT OF THE BILL. 
 
 Be it. enacted, &c., That section 5,352 of 
 the Revised Statutes of the United States 
 be, and the same is hereby amended so as 
 to read as follows, namely : 
 
 " Every person who has a husband or 
 wife living who, in a Territory or other 
 place over which the United States have 
 exclusive jurisdiction, hereafter marries 
 another, whether married or single, and 
 any man who hereafter simultaneously, or 
 on the same day, marries more than one 
 woman, in a Territory or other place over 
 which the United States has exclusive 
 jurisdiction, isguilty of polygamy, and sliall 
 be punished by a fine of not more than 
 $500 and by imprisonment for a term of not 
 
 more than five years ; but this section shall 
 not extend to any person by reason (if any 
 former marriage wliose husband or wife bv 
 such marriage shall have been absent IbV 
 five successive years, and is not known to 
 such person to be living, and is believed Ijy 
 such person to be dead, nor to any person 
 by reason of any former marriage which 
 shall have been dissolved by a valid de- 
 cree of a competent court, nor to any per- 
 son by rcasf)!! of any former marriage which 
 shall have been pronounced void by a val- 
 id decree of a competent court, on the 
 ground of nullity of the marriage con- 
 tract." 
 
 Sec. 2. That the foregoing provisions 
 shall not affect the prosecution or punish- 
 ment of any offence already committed 
 against the section amended by the first 
 section of this act. 
 
 Sec. 3. That if any male person, in a 
 Territory or other place over which the 
 United States have exclusive jurisdiction, 
 hereafter cohabits with more than one wo- 
 man, he shall be deemed guilty of a mis- 
 demeanor, and on conviction thereof shall 
 be punished by a fine of not more than 
 $300, or by imprisonment for not more 
 than six months, or by both said punish- 
 ments in the discretion of the court. 
 
 Sec. 4. That courts for any or all of the 
 offences named in sections 1 and 3 of this 
 act may be joined in the same information 
 or indictment. 
 
 Sec. 5. That in any prosecution for biga- 
 my, polygamy or unlawful cohabitation 
 under any statute of the United States, it 
 shall be sufficient cause of challenge to any 
 person drawn or summoned as a juiyman 
 or talesman, first, that he is or has been 
 living in the practice of bigamy, poly- 
 gamy, or unlawful cohabitation with more 
 than one woman, or that he is or has been 
 guilty of an offence punishable by either 
 of the foregoing sections or by section 5352 
 of the Revised Statutes of the United 
 States or the act of July 1, 18G2, entitled 
 " An act to punish and prevent the prac- 
 tice of polygamy in the Territories of the 
 United States and other places, and disap- 
 proving and annulling certain acts of the 
 Legislative Assembly of the Territory of 
 Utah ;" or, second, that he believes it right 
 for a man to have more than one living and 
 undivorccd wife at the same time, or to live 
 in the practice of cohabiting with more 
 than one woman, and any person appear- 
 ing or oifered as a juror or talesman and 
 challenged on either of the foregoing 
 grounds may be questioned on his oath as 
 to the existence of any such cause of ehal- 
 lenge, and other evidence may be intro- 
 duced bearing upon the question raised by 
 such challenge, and this question shall lie 
 tried by the court. 15ut as to the first ground 
 of challenge before mentioned the person 
 challenged shall be bound to answer if he
 
 266 
 
 •AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 shall say upon his oath that he declines on 
 the ground that his answer may tend to 
 criminate himself, and if he shall answer 
 to said first ground his answer shall not be 
 given in evidence in any criminal prose- 
 cution against him for any offense named 
 in sections 1 or 3 of this act, but if he 
 declines to answer on any ground he shall 
 be rejected as incompetent. 
 
 Sec. 6. That the President is hereby au- 
 thorized to grant amnesty to such classes 
 of ollenders guilty before the passage of 
 this act of bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful 
 cohabitation before the passage of this act, 
 on such conditions and under such limita- 
 tions as he shall think proper ; but no such 
 amnesty shall have effect unless the condi- 
 tions thereof shall be complied with. 
 
 Sec. 7. That the issue of bigamous or 
 polygamous marriages known as Mormon 
 marriages, in cases in which such marriages 
 have been solemnized according to the 
 ceremonies of the Mormon sect, in any 
 Territory of the United States, and such 
 issue shall have been born before the 1st 
 day of January, A. D. 1883, are hereby 
 legitimated. 
 
 Sec. 8. That no polygamist, bigamist, or 
 any person cohabiting with more than one 
 woman, and no woman cohabiting with 
 any of the persons described as aibresaid 
 in this section, in any Territory or other 
 place over which the United States have ex- 
 clusive jurisdiction, shall be entitled to vote 
 at any election held in any such Territory 
 or other place, or be eligible for election or 
 appointment to or be entitled to hold any 
 office or place of public trust, honor or 
 emolument in, under, or for .such Territory 
 or place, or under the United States. 
 
 Sec. 9. That all the registration and 
 election offices of every description in the 
 Territory of Utah are hereby declared va- 
 cant, and each and every duty relating to 
 the registration of voters, the conduct of 
 elections, the receiving or rejection of votes, 
 and the canvassing and returning of the 
 same, and the issuing of certificates or 
 other evidence of election in said Terri- 
 tory, .shall, until other provision be made 
 by tlie Legislative Assembly of said Terri- 
 tory as is hereinafter by this section pro- 
 vided, be performed under the existing 
 laws of the United States and of said Ter- 
 ritory by [iroper persons, who shall l)e .-ip- 
 pointed to execute such offices and ])errorm 
 such duties by a board of five persons, to 
 be appointed f)y the President, by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Senate, and 
 not more tlian three of whom shall l)e mem- 
 bers of one i)olitical party, and a maj<trity 
 of wliom shall constitute a quorum. Tlie 
 members of said boanl soap])(iint('(l l)y the 
 President shnll each receive a salary at the 
 rate of 83,000 per annnni, sind shall con- 
 tinue in office until tlie Lcinslative As- 
 Bcmbly of said Territory shall make i)ro- 
 
 vision for filling said offices as herein au- 
 thorized. The secretary of the Territory 
 shall be the secretary of said board, and 
 keep a journal of its proceedings, and at- 
 test the action of said board under this 
 section. The canvass and return of all 
 the votes at elections in said Territory for 
 members of the Legislative Assembly 
 thereof shall also be returned to said board, 
 which shall canvass all such returns and 
 issue certificates of election to those per- 
 sons who, being eligible for such election, 
 shall appear to have been lawfully elected, 
 which certificate shall be the only evidence 
 of the right of such persons to sit in such 
 Assembly : Provided, That said board of 
 five persons shall not exclude any person 
 otherwise eligible to vote from the polls on 
 account of any opinion such person may 
 entertain on the subject of bigamy or po- 
 lygamy, nor shall they refuse to count any 
 such vote on account of the opinion of the 
 person casting it on the subject of bigamy 
 or polygamy ; but each house of such As- 
 sembly, after its organization, shall have 
 power to decide upon the elections and 
 qualifications of its members. And at or 
 after the first meeting of said Legislative 
 Assembly whose members shall have been 
 elected and returned according to the pro- 
 visions of this act, said Legislative Assem- 
 bly may make such laws, conformable to 
 the organic act of said Territory and not 
 inconsistent with other laws of the United 
 States, as it shall deem proper concerning 
 the filling of the ofiices in said Territory 
 declared vacant by this act. 
 
 John E. McBride writing in the Febru- 
 ary number (1882) of The Internaiional 
 Review, gives an interesting and correct 
 view of the obstacles which the Mormons 
 have erected against the enforcement of 
 United States laws in the Territory. It 
 requires acquaintance with these facts to 
 fully comprehend the difliculties in the 
 way of what seems to most minds a very 
 ]>lain and easy task. Mr. McPride says: 
 Their first care on arriving in Utah was to 
 erect a " free and lndei)endent State," 
 called the " State of Deseret." It included 
 in its nominal limits, not only all of Utah 
 as it now is, but one-half of California, all 
 of Nevada, part of Colorado, and a large 
 portion of four other Territories now or- 
 ganized. Prigham Young was elected 
 Governor, and its departments, legislative 
 find judicial, were fully organized and put 
 into operation. Its legislative ads were 
 styled "ordinances," and when Congress, 
 disregarding the State organization, insti- 
 tuted a Territorial (Tovernment for Utah, 
 the legislative ])ody cho.sen by the Mor- 
 mons adopted the ordinances of the " State 
 of Deseret." JMany of these are yet on 
 the statute book of Utah. They shciw con- 
 clusively the domination of the ecclesiasti- 
 cal idea, and how utterly insignificant in
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 SUPPRESSING MORMONISM. 
 
 267 
 
 comparison was the power of the civil 
 authority. They incorjjorated the Moriiion 
 Church into a body politic and corporate, 
 and by the third section of the act gave it 
 supreme authority over its members in 
 everything temporal and spiritual, and as- 
 signed as a reason for so doing that it was 
 because the powers confirmed were in 
 "support of morality and virtue, and were 
 founded on the revelations of the Lord." 
 Under this power to make laws and punish 
 and forgive offenses, to hear and determine 
 between brethren, the civil law was super- 
 seded. The decrees of the courts of this 
 church, certified under seal, have been ex- 
 amined by the Avriter, and he found them 
 exercising a jurisdiction without limit ex- 
 cept that of appeal to the President of the 
 church. That the assassinations of apos- 
 tates, the massacres of the Morrisites at 
 Morris Fort and of the Arkansas emigrants 
 at Mountain Meadows, were all in pursu- 
 ance of church decrees, more or less formal, 
 no one actiuainted with the system doubts. 
 This act of incorporation was passed Febru- 
 ary 8, 1851, and is found in the latest com- 
 pilation of Utah statutes. It is proper also 
 to observe that, for many years after the 
 erection of the Territorial Government by 
 Congress, the " State of Deseret " organiza- 
 tion was maintained by the Mormons, and 
 collision was only prevented because Brig- 
 ham was Governor of both, and found it 
 unnecessary for his purpose to antagonize 
 either. His church organization made 
 both a shadow, while that was the sub- 
 stance of all authority. One of the earli- 
 est of their legislative acts was to organ- 
 ize a Surveyor General's Department,' and 
 title to land was declared to be in the per- 
 sons who held a certificate from that ollice.^ 
 Having instituted their own system of 
 government and taken possession of the 
 land, and assumed to distribute that in a 
 system of their own, the next step was to 
 vest certain leading men with the control 
 of the timbers and waters of the country. 
 By a series of acts granting lands, waters 
 and timber to individuals, the twelve 
 apostles became the practical proprietors of 
 the better and more desirable portions of 
 the country. By an ordinance dated Octo- 
 ber 4, 18")1, there was granted to Brigham 
 Young the "sole control of City Creek and 
 Caflon for the sum of five hundred dollars." 
 By an ordinance dated January 9, ISoO, 
 the " waters of North Mill Creek and the 
 waters of the Canon next north" were 
 granted to Heber C. Kimball. On the 
 same day was granted to George A. Smith 
 the " sole control of the caiions and timber 
 of the east side of the ' AVest ]\Iountains." 
 On the 18th of January. 1851, the North 
 Cottonwood Cafinn was granted exclusively 
 to Williard Richards. On the 15th of Janu- 
 
 > Act of March 2, 1850. 
 
 *Act of January 19, 1866. 
 
 ary, 1851, the waters of the "main chan- 
 nel" of Mill Creek were donated to Brig- 
 ham Young. On the 'Jth of December, 
 1850, there was granted to Ezra T. Benson 
 the exclusive control of the waters of Twin 
 Springs and Rock Springs, in Tooelle Val- 
 ley; and on the 14th of January, 1851, to 
 the same j)erson was granted the control of 
 all the cafions of the " West Mountain " 
 and the timber therein. By the ordinance 
 of September 14, 1850, a " general con- 
 ference of the Chunih of Latter Day 
 Saints" was authorized to elect thirteen 
 men to become a corporation, to be called 
 the Emigrati(m Company ; and to this com- 
 pany, elected exclusively by the church, 
 was secured and appropriated the two 
 islands in Salt Lake known as Antelope 
 and Stansberry Islands, to be under the 
 exclusive control of President Brigham 
 Young. These examples are given to show 
 that the right of the United States to the 
 lands of Utah met no recognition by these 
 people. They appropriated them, not only 
 in a way to make the people slaves, but 
 indicated their claim of sovereignty as 
 superior to any. Young, Smith, iJenson 
 and Kimball were apostles. Richards was 
 Brigham Young's counselor. By an act of 
 December 28, 1855, there was granted to 
 the " University of the State of Deseret" 
 a tract of land amounting to about five 
 hundred acres, inside the city limits of 
 Salt Lake City, without any reservation to 
 the occupants whatever ; and everywhere 
 was the authority of the United States 
 over the country and its soil and people 
 utterly ignored. 
 
 Not satisfied with making the grants re- 
 ferred to, the Legislative As.sembly entered 
 upon a system of municipal incorjiorations, 
 by which the fertile lauds of the Territory 
 were withdrawn from the operation of the 
 preemptive laws of Congress ; and thus 
 while they occupied these without title, non- 
 Mormons were unable to make settlement 
 on them, and they were thus engrossed 
 to Mormon use. From a report made by 
 the Commissioner of the General Land Of- 
 fice to the United States Senate/ it appears 
 that the municipal corporations covered 
 over 400,000 acres of the public lands, and 
 over 600 square miles of territory. These 
 lands 2 are not subject to either the Home- 
 stead or Preemption laws, and thus the non- 
 Mormon settler was prevented from attemjit- 
 ing, except in rare instances, to secure any 
 lands in Utah. The s})irit wliich promjUed 
 this course is well illustrated by an instance 
 which was the subject of an investigation 
 in the Land Department, and the proofs 
 are found in the document just referred to. 
 George Q,. Cannon, the late Mormon dele- 
 gate in Congress, was called to exercise his 
 
 > Senate dr>o. 1S1, 40tli Congresa. 
 « Sec. 2, 258, Rev. Stat. U.S.
 
 2G8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 duties as an apostle to the Tooelle "Stake " 
 at the city of Grantville. In a discourse 
 on Sunday, the 20th day of July, 1875, Mr. 
 Cannon said : ^ " God has given us (mean- 
 ing the Mormon people) this land, and, if 
 any outsider shall come in to take land 
 which we claim, a piece six feet by two is 
 all they are entitled to, and that will last 
 them to all eternity." 
 
 By measures and threats like these have 
 the Mormons unlawfully controlled the ag- 
 ricultural lands of the Territory and ex- 
 cluded therefrom the dissenting settler. 
 The attempt of the United States to es- 
 tablish a Surveyor-General's office in Utah 
 in 1855, and to survey the lands in view of 
 disposing of them according to law, was 
 met by such opposition that Mr. Burr, the 
 Surveyor-General, was compelled to fly for 
 life. The monuments of surveys made by 
 his order were destroyed, and the records 
 were supposed to have met a like fate, but 
 were afterwards restored by Brigham 
 Young to the Government. The report of 
 his experience by Mr. Burr was instru- 
 mental in causing troops to be sent in 1857 
 to assert the authority of the Government. 
 When this army, consisting of regular 
 troops, was on the way to Utah, Brigham 
 Young, as Governor, issued a proclamation, 
 dated September 15, 1857, declaring mar- 
 tial law and ordering the people of the 
 Territory to hold themselves in readiness 
 to march to repel the invaders, and on the 
 29th of September following addressed the 
 commander of United States forces an or- 
 der forbidding him to enter the Territory, 
 and directing him to retire from it by the 
 same route he had come. Further evidence 
 of the Mormon claim that they were inde- 
 pendent is perhaps unnecessary. The trea- 
 sonable character of the local organization 
 is manifest. It is this organization that 
 controls, not only the people who belong to 
 it, but the 30,000 non-Mormons who now re- 
 side in Utah. 
 
 Every member of the territorial Legisla- 
 ture is a Mormon. Every county officer is 
 a Mormon. Every territorial officer is a 
 JMormon, except such as are appointive. 
 TIu' schools provided by law and supported 
 bv taxation arc Mormon. The teachers arc 
 ^lornion, and the sectarian catechism af- 
 firming the revelations of Joseph Smith is 
 regularly taught therein. The municipal 
 (corporations are under the control of Mor- 
 mons. In the hands of this bigoted chiss 
 all the material interests of the Territory 
 are left, subject only to such checks as a 
 Federal Governor and a Federal judiciary 
 can impose. From beyond the sea they im- 
 port some thousands of ignorant converts 
 annually, and, while the non-Mormons are 
 increasing, they are overwiiclmcd by the 
 niiiddy tide of fanaticism shipped in upon 
 
 1 According to tho afndavite of Suniuel Howard and 
 others, pago 14. 
 
 them. The suffrage has been bestowed 
 upon all classes by a statute so general that 
 the ballot box is filled with a mass of votes 
 which repels the free citizen from the ex- 
 ercise of that right. If a Gentile is cho- 
 sen to the Legislature (two or three such 
 instances have occurred), he is not admit- 
 ted to the seat, although the act of Congress 
 (June 23, 1874) requires the Territory to 
 pay all the expenses of the enforcement of 
 the laws of the Territory, and of the care 
 of persons convicted of offenses against the 
 laws of the Territory. Provision is made 
 for jurors' fees in criminal cases only, and 
 none is made for the care of criminals.^ 
 While Congress pays the legislative ex- 
 penses, amounting to $20,000 per session, 
 the Legislature defiantly refuses to comply 
 with the laws which its members are sworn 
 to support. And the same body, though 
 failing to protect the marriage bond by any 
 law whatever requiring any solemnities for 
 entering it, provided a divorce act which 
 practically allowed marriages to be annulled 
 at will.^ Neither seduction, adultery nor 
 incest find penalty or recognition in its legal 
 code. The purity of home is destroyed by 
 the beastly practice of plural marriage, and 
 the brows of innocent children are branded 
 with the stain of bastardy to gratify the 
 lust which cares naught for its victims. 
 Twenty-eight of the thirty-six members of 
 the present Legislature of Utah are re- 
 ported as having from two to seven wives 
 each. While the Government of the Uni- 
 ted States is paying these men their mile- 
 age and ]jer diem as law-makers in Utah, 
 those guilty of the same offense outside of 
 Utah are leading the lives of felons in con- 
 vict cells. For eight years a ]\Iormon dele- 
 gate has sat in the capitol at Washington 
 having four living wives in his harem in 
 Utah, and at the same time, under the 
 shadow of that capitol, lingers in a felon's 
 prison a man who had been guilty of mar- 
 rying a woman while another wife was still 
 living. 
 
 For thirty years have the Mormons been 
 trusted to correct these evils and put them- 
 selves in harmony with the balance of 
 civilized mankind. This they have refused 
 to do. Planting themselves in the heart 
 of the continent, they have persistently 
 defied the laws of the land, the laws of 
 modern society, and the teachings of a 
 common humanity. They degrade woman 
 to the office of a breeding animal, and, 
 after depriving her of all property rights 
 in her husband's estate,^ all control of her 
 children,* they, with ostentation, bestow 
 upon her the ballot in a way that makes 
 it a nullity if contested, and compels her 
 to use it to jierjietuate her own degrada- 
 tion if she avails herself of it. 
 
 1 Suf Report of Attornoy-Genoral T'nitod States, lS8n.Sl. 
 ' Act of March 0, IHC.'J. •■' Act of I'chruary 10, 1872. 
 
 * SecB. 1 and 2, act of February 3, 1S52.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 269 
 
 No power has been given to the Mor- 
 mon Hierarchy that has not been abused. 
 The right of representation in tlie legisla- 
 tive councils has been violated in the aj)- 
 portionment of members so as to disfran- 
 chise the non-Mormon class.' The system 
 of revenue and taxation was for twenty- 
 five years a system of confiscation and ex- 
 tortion.'' The courts were so organized and 
 controlled that they were but the organs of 
 the church oppressions and ministers of 
 its vengeance.^ The legal profession was 
 abolished by a statute that prohibited a 
 lawyer from recovering on any contract 
 for service, and allowed every person to 
 appear as an attorney in any court.* The 
 attorney was compelled to present " all the 
 facts in the case," whether for or against 
 his client, and a refusal to disclose the 
 confidential communications of the latter 
 subjected the attorney to fine and imprison- 
 ment.* No law book except the statutes 
 of Utah and of the United States, " when 
 applicable," was permitted to be read in 
 any court by an attorney, and the citation 
 of a decision of the Suj^reme Court of the 
 United States, or even a quotation from 
 the Bible, in the trial of any cause, sub- 
 jected a lawyer to fine and imprisonment.* 
 
 The practitioners of medicine were 
 equally assailed by legislation. The use 
 of the most important remedies known to 
 modern medical science, including all an- 
 aesthetics, was prohibited except under 
 conditions which made their use impossi- 
 ble, " and if death followed" the adminis- 
 tration of these remedies, the person ad- 
 ministering them was declared guilty of 
 manslaughter or murder.'' The Legislative 
 Assembly is but an organized conspiracy 
 against the national law, and an obstacle 
 in the way of the advancement of its own 
 people. For sixteen years it refused to lay 
 its enactments before Congress, and they 
 were only obtained by a joint resolution 
 demanding them. Once in armed rebel- 
 lion against the authority of the nation, 
 the Mormons have always secretly strug- 
 gled for, as they have openly prophesied, 
 its entire overthrow. Standing thus in the 
 pathway of the material growth and devel- 
 opment of the Territory, a disgrace to the 
 balance of the country, with no redeeming 
 virtue to plead for further indulgence, this 
 travesty of a local government demands 
 radical and speedy reform. 
 
 The South American Q,iiestlun. 
 
 If it was not shrewdly surmised before it 
 is now known that had President Garfield 
 
 » Soa act of January 17. 1862. 
 
 * Act of January T, ls.')4, aoc. 14, 
 
 *AcU of Jan 21, 1S".:(, and of January, 1855, sec. 29. 
 
 <Act<5f February IS, 1S-.2. 
 
 ' Act of F.'bruarv 18, 18.52. 
 
 » Act of January 14, 1854. 
 
 'Sec. 106, Act March G, 1852. 
 
 lived he intended to make his administra- 
 tion brilliant at home and abroad — a view 
 confirmed by the policy conceived by 
 Secretary IJlaine and sanctioned, it must 
 be presumed, by President Garfield. This 
 policy looked to closer commercial and 
 political relations with all of the Republics 
 on this Hemisphere, as developed in the 
 following quotations from a correspond- 
 ence, the publication of which lacks com- 
 pleteness bi:cause of delays in transmitting 
 all of it to Congress. 
 
 Ex-Secretary Blaine on the 3d of Janu- 
 ary sent the following letter to President 
 Arthur: 
 
 " The suggestion of a congress of all the 
 American nations to assemble in the city 
 of Washington for the purpose of agreeing 
 on such a basis of arbitration for interna- 
 tional troubles as would remove all possi- 
 bility of war in the Western hemisphere 
 was warmly ai)proved by your predecessor. 
 The assassination of July 2 prevented his 
 issuing the invitations to the American 
 States. After your accession to the Pre- 
 sidency I acquainted you with the project 
 and submitted to you a draft for such an 
 invitation. You received the suggestion 
 with the most appreciative consideration, 
 and after carefully examining the form of 
 the invitation directed that it be sent. It 
 was accordingly dispatched in November 
 to the independent governments of Ameri- 
 ca North and South, including all, from 
 the Empire of Brazil to the smallest re- 
 public. In a communication addressed by 
 the present Secretary of State on January 
 9, to Mr. Trescot and recently sent to the 
 Senate I was greatly surprised to find a 
 proposition looking to the annulment of 
 these invitations, and I was still more sur- 
 prised when I read the reasons assigned. 
 If I correctly apprehend the meaning of 
 his words it is that we might offend some 
 European powers if we should hold in the 
 United States a congress of the " selected 
 nationalities" of America. 
 
 " This is certainly a new position for the 
 United States to assume, and one which I 
 earnestly beg you will not permit this 
 government to occupy. The European 
 powers assemble in congress whenever an 
 object seems to them of sufficient import- 
 ance to justify it. I have never heard of 
 their consulting the government of the 
 United States in regard to the propriety of 
 their so assembling, nor have I ever known 
 of their inviting an American representa- 
 tive to be present. Nor would there, in mv 
 judgment, be any good reason for their so 
 doing. Two Presidents of the United 
 States in the year 18S1 adjudged it to be 
 expedient that the American powers should 
 meet in congress for the .sole purpose of 
 agreeing upon some basis for arbitration of 
 differences that may arise between them 
 and for the prevention, as far as possible,
 
 270 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of war in the future. If that movement is 
 now to be arrested for tear that it may 
 give offense in Europe, the voluntary hu- 
 miliation of this government could not be 
 more complete, unless we should press the 
 European governments for the privilege of 
 holding the congress. I cannot conceive 
 how the United States could be placed in 
 a less enviable position than would be se- 
 cured by sending in November a cordial 
 uivitation to all the American governments 
 to meet in Washington for the sole pur- 
 pose of concerting measures of peace 
 and in January recalling the invitation 
 for fear that it might create ''jealousy and 
 ill will " on the part of monarchical govern- 
 ments in Europe. It would be difficult to 
 devise a more effective mode for making 
 enemies of the American Government and 
 it would certainly not add to our prestige 
 in the European world. Nor can I see, 
 Mr. President, how European governments 
 should feel "jealousy and ill will " towards 
 the United States because of an effort on 
 our own part to assure lasting peace be- 
 tween the nations of America, unless, in- 
 deed, it be to the interest of European 
 power that American nations should at 
 intervals fall into war and bring re- 
 proach on republican government. But 
 from that very circumstance I see an ad- 
 ditional and powerful motive for the 
 American Governments to be at peace 
 among themselves. 
 
 "The United States is indeed at peace 
 with all the world, as Mr. Frelinghuysen 
 well says, but there are and have been 
 serious troubles between other American 
 nations. Peru, Chili and Bolivia have 
 been for more than two years engaged in 
 a desperate conflict. It was the fortunate 
 intervention of the United States last 
 spring that averted war between Chili and 
 the Argentine Republic. Guatemala is at 
 this moment asking the United States to 
 interpose its good offices with Mexico to 
 keep off war. These important facts were 
 all communicated in your late message to 
 Congress. It is the existence or the men- 
 ace of these wars that influenced President 
 Garfield, and as I supposed influenced 
 yourself, to desire a friendly conference of 
 all the nations of America to devise 
 methods of permanent penco .and conse- 
 quent ]>rosperity for all. Slnll the United 
 State-i now turn baek, hold aloof and re- 
 fuse to exert its gre.Tt moral power for the 
 advantage of its weiiker neighl)ors? 
 
 If you have not formally and finally re- 
 called the invit.ations to the Peace Con- 
 pres-<, Mr. President, T beg you to consider 
 well the effectof so doing. The invitation 
 w:is not mine. It was yours. I performed 
 only the part of the Secretary' — to advise 
 and to draft. You spoke in the name of 
 the United States to each of the indepen- 
 dent nations of America. To revoke that 
 
 in^ntation for any cause would be embar- 
 rassing ; to revoke it for the avowed fear of 
 "jealousy and ill will " on the part of 
 European powers would appeal as little to 
 American pride as to American hospitality. 
 Those you have invited may decline, and 
 having now cause to doubt their welcome 
 will, perhaps, do so. This Avould break up 
 the congress, but it would not touch our 
 dignity. 
 
 " Beyond the philanthropic and Christian 
 ends to be obtained by an American con- 
 ference devoted to peace and good-will 
 among men, we might well hope for 
 material advantages, as the result of a bet- 
 ter understanding and closer friendship 
 with the nation of America. At present 
 the condition of trade between the United 
 States and its American neighbors is un- 
 satisfactory to us, and even deplorable. 
 According to the ofiicial statistics of our 
 own Treasury Department, the balance 
 against us in that trade last vear was 
 8120,000,000— a sum greater than the 
 yearly product of all the gold and silver 
 mines in the United States. This vast 
 balance was paid by us in foreign exchange, 
 and a veiy large proportion of it went to 
 England, where shipments of cotton, pro- 
 visions and breadstuffs supplied the 
 money. If anything should change or 
 check the balance in our favor in Euro- 
 pean trade our commercial exchanges with 
 Spanish America would drain us of our 
 reserve of gold at a rate exceeding $100,- 
 000,000 per annum, and would probably 
 precipitate a suspension of specie payment 
 in this country. Such a result at home 
 might be worse than a little jealousy and 
 ill-will abroad. I do not say, Mr. Presi- 
 dent, that the holding of a peace congress 
 will necessarily change the currents of 
 trade, but it will bring us into kindly re- 
 lations with all the American nations; it 
 will promote the reign of peace and law 
 and order ; it will increase production and 
 consumption and will stimulate the de- 
 mand for articles which American manu- 
 facturers can furnish with profit. It will 
 at all events be a friendly and auspicious 
 beginning in the direction of American 
 influence and American trade in a large 
 field which we have hitherto greatly ne- 
 glected and which has been practically 
 monopolized by our commercial rivals in 
 Europe. 
 
 As j\lr. Frelinghuysen's dispatch, fore- 
 shadowing the abandonment of the peace 
 congress, has been made public, I deem it 
 a matter of propriety and justice to give 
 this letter to the press. Jas. G. Blaike. 
 
 The above well presents the Blaine view 
 of the proposition to have a Con- 
 gress of the Republics of America at 
 Washington, and under the patronage of 
 this government, with a view to settle all
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 271 
 
 difficulties by arbitration, to promote trade, 
 and it is presumed to form alliances ready 
 to suit a new and advanced application of 
 the Monroe doctrine. 
 
 The following is the letter proposing a 
 conference of North and South American 
 Republics sent to the U. ti. Ministers in 
 Central and South America : 
 
 Sir : The attitude of the United States 
 with respect to the question of general 
 peace on the American Continent is well 
 known through its persistent efforts for 
 years past to avert the evils of warfare, or, 
 these eff"orts failing, to bring positive con- 
 flicts to an end through pacific counsels or 
 the advocacy of impartial arbitration. 
 This attitude haa been consistently main- 
 tained, and always with such fairness as to 
 leave no room for imputing to our Govern- 
 ment any motive except the humane and 
 disinterested one. of saving the kindred 
 States of the American Continent from the 
 burdens of war. The position of the 
 United States, as the leading power of the 
 new world, might well give to its Govern- 
 ment a claim to authoritative utterance for 
 the purpose of quieting discord among its 
 neighbors, with all of whom the most 
 friendly relations exist. Nevertheless the 
 good offices of this Government are not, 
 and have not at any time, been tendered 
 with a show of dictation or compulsion, 
 but only as exhibiting the solicitous 
 good will of a common friend. 
 
 THE CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICAN 
 STATES. 
 
 For some years past a growing disposi- 
 tion has been manifested by certain States 
 of Central and South America to refer dis- 
 putes affecting grave questions of inter- 
 national relationship and boundaries to 
 arbitration rather than to the sword. It 
 has been on several occasions a source of 
 profound satisfaction to the Government 
 of the United States to see that this 
 country is in a large measure looked to by 
 all the American powers as their friend 
 and mediator. The just and impartial 
 counsel of the President in such cases, has 
 never been withheld, and his efforts have 
 been rewarded by the prevention of 
 sanguinary strife or angry contentions be- 
 tween peoples whom we regard as brethren. 
 The existence of this growing tendency 
 convinces the President that the time is 
 ripe for a proposal that shall enlist the 
 good will and active co-operation of all the 
 States of the Western nemis;)here both 
 North and South, in the interest of hu- 
 m:uiity and for the common weal of na- 
 tions. 
 
 He conceives that none of the Govern- 
 
 ^ ments of America can be less alive than 
 
 our own to the dangers and horrors of a 
 
 state of war, and especially of war between 
 
 kinsmen. He is sure that none of the 
 
 chiefs of Government on the Continent can 
 be less sensitive than he is to the sacred 
 duty of making every endeavor to do away 
 with the chances of fratricidal strife, and 
 he looks with hopeful confidence to such 
 active assistance from them as will serve 
 to show the broadness of our common hu- 
 manity, the strength of the ties which 
 bind us all together as a great and har- 
 monious system of American Common- 
 wealths. 
 
 A GENERAL CONGRESS PROPOSED. 
 
 Impressed by these views, the President 
 extends to all the independent countries of 
 North and South America an earnest in- 
 vitation to participate in a general Con- 
 gress, to be held in the city of Washing- 
 ton, on the 22d of November, 1882, for the 
 purpose of considering and discussing the 
 methods of preventing war between the 
 nations of America. He desires that the 
 attention of the Congress shall be strictly 
 confined to this one great object; and itis 
 sole aim shall be to seek a way of jjer- 
 manently averting the horrors of' a cruel 
 and bloody contest between countries 
 oftenest of one blood and speech, or the 
 even worse calamity of internal commotion 
 and civil strife; that it shall regard the 
 burdensome and far-reaching consequences 
 of such a struggle, the legacies of exhausted 
 finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous 
 taxation, of ruined cities, of paralyzed in- 
 dustries, of devastated fields, of ruthless 
 conscriptions, of the slaughter of men, of 
 the grief of the widow and orj^han, of em- 
 bittered resentments that long survive 
 those who jjrovoked them and heavily 
 afflict the innocent generations that come 
 after. 
 
 THE MISSION OF THE CONGRESS. 
 
 The President is especially desirous to 
 have it understood that in putting forth this 
 invitation the United States does not as- 
 sume the position of counseling or attempt 
 ing, through the voice of the Congress, to 
 counsel any determinate solution of exist- 
 ing questions which may now divide any 
 of the countries. Such questions cannot 
 properly come before the Congress. Its 
 mission is higher. It is to provide for the 
 interests of all in the future, not to settle 
 the individual difierences of the present. 
 For this reason especially the President 
 has indicated a day for the assembling of 
 the Congress so far in the future as to 
 leave good ground for the hope that by the 
 time named the present situation on the 
 South Pacific coast will be hai)pily termi- 
 nated, and that those engaged in the con- 
 test may take peaceable part in the discus- 
 sion and solution of the general question 
 affecting in an equal desrree the well-being 
 of all. 
 
 It seems also desirable to disclaim in ad-
 
 272 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Vance any purpose on the part of the 
 •United States to prejudge the issues to be 
 presented to the Congress. It is far from 
 the intent of this Government to appear 
 before the Congress as in any sense the 
 protector of its neighbors or the predestined 
 and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. 
 The United States ■will enter into the deliber- 
 ations of the Congress on the same looting 
 as other powers represented, and with the 
 loyal determination to approach any pro- 
 posed solution, not merely in its own inter- 
 est, or with a view to asserting its own 
 power, but as a single member among 
 many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So 
 far as the influence of this Government 
 may be potential, it will be exerted in the 
 direction of conciliating whatever con- 
 flicting interests of blood, or government, 
 or historical tradition that may necessarily 
 come together in response to a call 
 embracing such vast and diverse ele- 
 ments. 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MINISTERS. 
 
 You will present these views to the 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, 
 enlarging, if need be, in such terms as 
 ■will readily occur to you upon the great 
 mission which it is within the power of the 
 proposed Congress to accomplish in the in- 
 terest of humanity, and the firm purpose 
 of the United States of America to main- 
 tain a position of the most absolute and 
 impartial friendship toward all. You will, 
 therefore, in the name of the President of 
 the United States, tender to his Excel- 
 lency, the President of , a formal 
 
 invitation to send two commissioners to 
 the Congress, provided with such powers 
 and instructions on behalf of their Govern- 
 ment as will enable them to consider the 
 questions brought before that body within 
 the limit of submission contemplated by 
 this invitation. 
 
 The United States, as well as the other 
 powers, will in like manner be represented 
 by two commissioners, so that equality and 
 impartiality will be amply secured in the 
 proceedings of the Congress. 
 
 In delivering this invitation through the 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read 
 this despatch to him and leave with him a 
 copy, intimating thiit an answer is desired 
 by this Government as promptly as the 
 just consideration of so important a jiropo- 
 sition will permit. 
 
 I am, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 James G. Blaine. 
 
 NlnlKtrr LiOf^aii'n Reply. 
 
 The following is an altstrai t of the re- 
 ply of Minister Logan to the above. 
 
 " From a full review of the situation, as 
 heretofore detailed to you, I am nf)t clear 
 as U) being able to obtain the genuine co- 
 
 operation of all the States of Central 
 America in the jjroposed congress. — Each, 
 I have no doubt, will ultimately agree to 
 send the specified number of commission- 
 ers and assume, outwardly, an appearance 
 of sincere co-operation, but, as you will 
 perceive from your knowledge of the pos- 
 ture of afiairs, all hope of effiecting a union 
 of these States except upon a basis the 
 leaders will never permit — that of a free 
 choice of the whole people — will be at an 
 end. The obligation to keep the peace, 
 imposed by the congress, will bind the 
 United States as well as all others, and 
 thus prevent any efforts to bring about the 
 desired union other than those based upon 
 a simi^le tender of good offices — this means 
 until the years shall bring about a radical 
 change — must be as inefficient in the future 
 as in the past. The situation, as it ap- 
 pears to me, is a difficult»one. As a means 
 of restraining the aggressive tendency of 
 Mexico in the direction of Central Ameri- 
 ca, the congress would be attended by the 
 happiest results, should a full agreement 
 be reached. But as the Central American 
 States are now in a chaotic condition, politi- 
 cally considered, with their future status 
 wholly undefined, and as a final settlement 
 can only be reached, as it now appears, 
 through the operation of military forces, 
 the hope of a Federal union in Central 
 America would be crushed, at least in the 
 immediate present. Wiser heads than my 
 own may devise a method to harmonize 
 these difficulties when the congress is ac- 
 tually in session, but it must be constantly 
 remembered that so far as the Central 
 American commissioners are concerned 
 they will represent the interests and posi- 
 tive mandates of their respective govern- 
 ment chiefs in the strictest and most abso- 
 lute sense. While all will probably send 
 commissioners, through motives of ex])edi- 
 ency, they may possibly be instructed to 
 secretly defeat the ends of the convention. 
 I make these suggci^tions that you may 
 have the Avhole field under view. 
 
 " I may mention in this connection that 
 I have received information that uj) to the 
 tenth of the present month only two mem- 
 bers of the proi)osed convention at Pana- 
 ma had arrived and that it was considered 
 as having failed." 
 
 Contem})oraneous with these movements 
 or sngfiestions was another on the jtart of 
 Mr. IMaine to secure from England a mod- 
 ification or abrogation of the Clayton- 
 I'ulwer treaty, with the object of giving to 
 the United States, rather to the Republics 
 of North and South America, full super- 
 vision of the Isthmus and l^anama Canal 
 when constructed. This branch of the 
 (•orresi)ondence was .sent to the Senate on 
 the 17th of February. Lord Granville, in 
 liis desp;it(;h of .Taiuiary 7th to Minister 
 West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 273 
 
 Treaty controversy, denies any analogy 
 between the cases of tlic I'aaama and 
 Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. 
 Blaine's statement in regard to the unex- 
 ampled development of the Pacific Coast, 
 but denies that it was unexpected. 
 
 He says the declaration of President 
 Monroe anterior to the treaty show that 
 he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of 
 the great future of that region. The de- 
 velopment of the interests of the British 
 f)ossessions also continued, though possil)ly 
 ess rapidly. The Government are of the 
 opinion that the canal, as a water way be- 
 tween the two great oceans and Europe and 
 Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not 
 only the American Continent, but the 
 whole civilized world. Witii all deference 
 to the considerations which prompted Mr. 
 Blaine he cannot believe that his propo- 
 sals will be even beneficial in themselves. 
 He can conceive &, no more melancholy 
 spectacle th:in competition between nations 
 in the consLruction of fortifications to com- 
 mand the canal. He cannot believe that 
 any South American States would like to 
 admit a foreign power to erect fortifications 
 on its territory, when the claim to do so is 
 accompanied by the declaration that the 
 canal is to be regarded as a part of the 
 American coast line. It is difficult to be- 
 lieve, he says, that the territory between it 
 and the United States could retain its pres- 
 ent independence. Lord Granville believes 
 that an invitation to all the maritime 
 states to participate in an agreement based 
 on the stipulations of the Convention of 
 1850, would make the Convention adequate 
 for the purposes for which it was designed. 
 Her Majesty's Government would gladly 
 see the United States take the initiative 
 towards such a convention, and will be 
 prepared to endorse and support such action 
 in any wav. provided it does not conflict 
 with the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. 
 
 Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, 
 draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, 
 in using the argument that the treaty has 
 been a source of continual difficulties, 
 omits to state that the questions in dispute 
 which related to points occupied by the 
 British in Central America were removed 
 in 18(50 by the voluntary action of Great 
 Britain in certain treaties concluded with 
 Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement 
 being recognized as perfectly satisfactory 
 by President Buchanan. Lord Granville 
 says, further, that during this controversy 
 America disclaimed any desire to have 
 the exclusive control of the canal. 
 
 The Earl contends that in cases where 
 the details of an international agreement 
 have given rise to difficulties and discus- 
 sions to such an extent as to cause the 
 contracting parties at one time to contem- 
 plate its abrogation or modification as one 
 of several possible alternatives, and where 
 18 
 
 it has yet been found preferable to arrive 
 at a solution as to those details rather than 
 to sacrifice the general bases of the en- 
 gagement, it must surely be allowed that 
 such a I'act, far from being an argument 
 aj^ainst that engagement, is an argument 
 distinctly in its favor. It is equally j)lain 
 thateithcr of the contracting parties wliich 
 had abandoned its own contention f(jr the 
 purpose of preserving the agreement in its 
 entirety would have reason to complain if 
 the differences which had been settled by 
 its concessions were afterwards urged as a 
 reason for essentially modifying those other 
 provisions which it had made this sacrifice 
 to maintain. In order to strengthen these 
 arguments, the Earl reviews the corres- 
 pondence, quotes the historical points made 
 by Mr. Blaine and in many instances in- 
 troduces additional data as contradicting 
 the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine and 
 supporting his own position. 
 
 The point on which Mr. Blaine laid 
 particular stress in his despatch to Earl 
 Granville, is the objection made by the 
 government of the United States to any 
 concerted action of the European powers 
 f )r the purpose of guarantying the netl- 
 trality of the Isthmus canal or determin- 
 ing the conditions of its use. 
 
 CHILI AND PERU. 
 
 The entire question is complicated by 
 the war between Chili and Peru, the latter 
 owning immense guano deposits in which 
 American citizens have become financially 
 interested. These sought the friendly in- 
 tervention of our government to prevent 
 Chili, the conquering Republic, from ap- 
 propriating these deposits as part of her 
 war indemnity. The Landreau, an original 
 French claim, is said to represent §125,- 
 000,000, and the holders were prior to and 
 during the war pressing it upon Calderon, 
 the Peruvian President, for settlement; 
 the Cochet claim, another of the same 
 class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubt- 
 less these claims are speculative and largely 
 fraudulent, and shrewd agents are inter- 
 ested in their collection and preservation. 
 A still more preposterous and speculative 
 movement was fathered liy one Shipherd, 
 who opened a correspondence with Minis- 
 ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for 
 the establishment of the Credit Industriel, 
 which was to pay the $20,000,000 money 
 indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and 
 to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates 
 and guano deposits. 
 
 THE SCA^^)AL. 
 
 All of these things surround the ques- 
 tion with scandals \vhich probably fail to 
 truthfully reach any prominent officer of 
 our government, but which have neverthe- 
 less attracted the attention of Congress to
 
 274 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 such an extent that the following action 
 has been already taken : 
 
 On February 24th Mr. Bayard offered in 
 the Senate a resolution reciting that where- 
 as publication has been -widely made by 
 the public press of certain alleged public 
 commercial contracts between certain com- 
 panies and copartnerships of individuals 
 relative to the exports of guano and nitrates 
 from Peru, in which the mediation by the 
 Government of the United States between 
 the Governments of Peru, Bolivia and 
 Chili is declared to be a condition for the 
 effectuation and continuance of the said 
 contracts ; therefore be it resolved, that 
 the Committee on Foreign Relations be 
 instructed to inquire whether any promise 
 or stipulation by which the intervention by 
 the United States in the controversies ex- 
 isting between Chili and Peru or Chili and 
 Bolivia has been expressly or impliedly 
 given by any person or persons officially 
 connected with the Government of the 
 United States, or whether the influence of 
 the Government of the United States has 
 been in any way exerted, promised or inti- 
 mated in connection with, or in relation to 
 th'e said contracts by any one officially con- 
 nected with the Government of the United 
 Btates, and whether any one officially con- 
 nected with the Government of the United 
 Btates is interested, directly or indirectly, 
 with any such alleged contracts in which 
 the mediation as aforesaid of the United 
 Btates is recited to be a condition, and that 
 the said committee have power to send for 
 persons and paper and make report of their 
 proceedings in the premises to the Senate 
 at the earliest possible day. 
 
 Mr. Edmunds said he had drafted a 
 resolution covering all the branches of 
 " that most unfortunate affair " to which 
 reference was now made, and in view of 
 the ill policy of any action which would 
 commit the Senate to inquiries about de- 
 claring foreign matters in advance of a 
 careful investigation by a committee, he 
 now made the suggestion that he would 
 have made as to his own resolution, if he 
 had offered it, namely, that the .subject be 
 referred to the Committee on Foreign Re- 
 lations. He intimated that the proposition 
 prepared by himself would be considered 
 by the committee as a suggestion bearing 
 upon the pending resolution. 
 
 Mr. I'ayard acquiesced in the reference 
 with the remark that anything that tended 
 to bring the matter more fully before the 
 country was satisfactory to him. 
 
 The resolution accordingly went to the 
 Committee on Foreign Relations. 
 
 In the House Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, 
 offered a resolution reciting that whereas, 
 it is alleged, in connection with the ('hili 
 Peruvian correspondence recently and 
 officially published on tlie call of the two 
 Houses of Congress, that one or more 
 
 Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United 
 States were either personally interested or 
 improperly connected with a business 
 transaction in which the intervention of 
 this Government was requested or expected 
 and whereas, it is alleged that certain pa- 
 pers in relation to the same subject have 
 been improperly lost or removed from the 
 tiles of the State Department, that there- 
 fore the Committee on Foreign Affairs be 
 instructed to inquire into said allegations 
 and ascertain the facts relating thereto, 
 and report the same with such recommen- 
 dations as they may deem proper, and they 
 shall have power to send for persons and 
 papers. The resolution was adopted. 
 
 THE CLAIMS. 
 
 The inner history of what is known as 
 the Peruvian Company reads more like a 
 tale from the Arabian Nights than a plain 
 statement of facts. The following is 
 gleaned from the prospectus of the compa- 
 ny, of which only a limited number of cop- 
 ies was printed. According to a note on 
 the cover of these " they are for the strictly 
 private use of the gentlemen into whose 
 hands they are immediately placed." 
 
 The prosj^ects of the corporation are 
 based entirely u])on the claims of Cochet 
 and Landreau, two French chemists, resi- 
 dents of Peru. In the year 1833, the Pe- 
 ruvian government, by published decree, 
 promised to everj' discoverer of valuable 
 deposits upon the public domain a premium 
 of one-third of the discovery as an incen- 
 tive to the development of great natural 
 resources vaguely known to exist. In the 
 beginning of 1830, Alexandre Cochet, who 
 was a man of superior information, occu- 
 pied himself in the laborious work of manu- 
 facturing nitrate of soda in a small oficina 
 in Peru, and being possessed with quick 
 intelligence and a careful observer he soon 
 came to understand that the valuable pro- 
 perties contained in the guano — an article 
 only known to native cultivators of the soil 
 — would be eminently useful as a restora- 
 tive to the exhausted lands of the old con- 
 tinent. With this idea he made himself 
 completely master of the mode of applica- 
 tion adopted by the Indians and small 
 farmers in the province where he resided, 
 and after a careful investigation of the 
 chemical effects produced on the land by 
 the proper application of the regenerating 
 agent, he proceeded in the year 1840 to the 
 cajjital (Lima) in order to interest some of 
 his friends in this new enterjirise. Not 
 without great persuasion and much hesita- 
 tion, he induced his countryman, I\Ir. Achil- 
 les Allier, to take up the hazardous specu- 
 lation and join with him in his discovery. 
 He succeeded, howevtT, and toward the 
 end. of the same year the firm of Quiroz & 
 .Mlier obtained a concession for six years 
 from the government of Peru for the ex-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 275 
 
 portation of all the guano existing in the 
 afterwards famous islands of Chinchi for 
 the sum of sixty tliousand dollars. In 
 consequence of the refusal of that firm to 
 admit Cochet, the discoverer, to a partici- 
 pation in the profits growing out of this 
 contract a series of lawsuits resulted and a 
 
 Eaper war ensued in which Cochet was 
 allied. In vain he called the attention of 
 the government to the nature and value of 
 this discovery ; he was told that he was a 
 " visionary." In vain he demonstrated 
 that the nation possessed hundreds of mil- 
 lions of dollars in the grand deposits : this 
 only confirmed the opinion of the Council 
 of State that he was a madman. In vain 
 he attempted to prove that one cargo of 
 guano was equal to fourteen cargoes of 
 grain ; the Council of State eooly told him 
 that guano was an article known to the 
 Spaniards, and of no value : that Commis- 
 sioner Humbolt had referred to it, and that 
 they could not accept his theory respecting 
 its ;|supcrior properties, its value and its 
 probable use in foreign agriculture at a pe- 
 riod when no new discovery could be made 
 relative to an article so long and of so evi- 
 dent small value. 
 
 At length a new light began to dawn on 
 the lethargic understanding of the officials 
 in power, and as rumors continued to ar- 
 rive from Europe confirming the assevera- 
 tions of Cochet, and announcing the sale 
 of guano at from $1)0 to .ii!l20 per ton, a de- 
 gree of haste was suddenly evinced to se- 
 cure once more to the public treasury this 
 new and unexpected source of wealth ; and 
 at one blow the contract with Quiroz & 
 AUier, which had previously been extend- 
 ed, was reduced to one year. Their claims 
 were cancelled by the payment of ten thou- 
 sand tons of guano which Congress de- 
 creed them. There still remained to be 
 settled the just and acknowledged indebt- 
 edness for benefits conferred on the coun- 
 try by Cochet, benefits which could not be 
 denied as wealth and i)rosperity rolled in 
 on the government and on the people. But 
 few, if any, troubled themselves about the 
 question to whom they were indebted lor 
 80 much good fortune, nor had time to pay 
 particular attention to Cochet's claims. 
 Finally, however, Congress was led to de- 
 clare Cochet the true discoverer of the value, 
 uses and application of guano for European 
 agriculture, and a grant of 5,000 tons was 
 made in his favor Sejitember 30tli, 1849, 
 but was never paid him. After piissing a 
 period of years in hopeless expectancy — 
 from 1840 to 1851— his impoverished cir- 
 cumstances made it necessary for him to 
 endeavor to procure, through the influence 
 of his own government, . that measure of 
 support in favor of his claims which would 
 insure him a competency in his old age. 
 
 He resolved upon returning to France, 
 after having spent the best part of his life 
 
 in the service of a country whose cities had 
 risen from desolation to splendor under the 
 sole magic of his touch — a touch that had 
 in it for Peru all the fabled power of the 
 long-sought "philosopher's stone." In 1853 
 Cochet returned to France, but he was then 
 already exhausted by enthusiastic explora- 
 tions in a deadly climate and never rallied. 
 He lingered in poverty for eleven painful 
 years and died in Paris in an almshouse in 
 1864, entitled to an estate worth $;300,000,- 
 000 — the richest man in the history of the 
 world — and was buried by the city in the 
 Potters' Field ; his wonderful history well il- 
 lustrating that truth is stranger than fiction. 
 
 THE LANDKEAU CLAIM. 
 
 About the year 1844 Jean Theophile 
 Landreau, also a French citizen, in part- 
 nership with his brother, John C. Landreau, 
 a naturalized American citizen, upon the 
 faith of the promised premium of 33} per 
 cent, entered upon a series of extended sys- 
 tematic and scientific explorations with a 
 view to ascertaining whether the deposits 
 of guano particularly pointed out*by Co- 
 chet constituted the entire guano deposit of 
 Peru, and with money furnished by his part- 
 ner, John, Theo])hile prosecuted his search- 
 es with remarkable energy and with great 
 success for twelve years, identifying beds 
 not before known to the value of not less 
 than $400,000,000. Well aware, however, 
 of the manner in which his fellow-country- 
 man had been neglected by an unprinci- 
 pled people, he had the discretion to keep 
 his own counsel and to extort from the Pe- 
 ruvian authorities an absolute agreement 
 in advance before he revealed his treasure. 
 This agreement was, indeed, for a royalty 
 of less than one-sixth the amount promised, 
 but the most solemn assurances were given 
 that the lessened amount would be prompt- 
 ly and cheerfully paid, its total would give 
 the brothers each a large fortune, and pay- 
 ments were to begin at once. The solemn 
 agreement having been concluded and duly 
 certified, the precious deposits having been 
 pointed out and taken possession of by the 
 profligate government, the brothers were at 
 first put off with plausible pretexts of de- 
 lay, and when these grew monotonous the 
 government calmly issued a decree recog- 
 nizing the discoveries, accepting the trea- 
 sure, and annulling the contract, with a sug- 
 gestion that a more suitable agreement 
 might be arranged in the future. 
 
 It will be seen that these two men, Co- 
 chet and Landreau, have been acknow- 
 ledged by the Peruvian government as 
 claimant.s. No attempt has ever been made 
 to deny the indebtedness. The very de- 
 cree of rei)udiation reaffirmed the obliga- 
 tion, and all the courts refused to pronounce 
 against the plaintiffs. Both of these claims 
 came into the possession of !Mr. Peter W. 
 Hevenor, of Philadelphia. Cochet left one
 
 276 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 son whom Mr. Hevenor found in poverty in 
 Lima and advanced money to push his 
 father's claim of $500,000,000 against the 
 government. After S'SO.OOO were spent 
 young Cochet's backer was surprised to 
 learn of the Laudreaus and their claim. 
 Not wishing to antagonize them, he ad- 
 vanced them money, and in a short time 
 owned nearly all the fifteen interests in the 
 Landreau craim of $125,000,000. 
 
 To the Peruvian Company Mr. Hevenor 
 has transferred his titles, and on the basis 
 of these that corporation maintains that 
 eventually it will realize not less than $1,- 
 200,000,000, computed as follows : 
 
 The amount of guano already taken out 
 of the Cochet Islands — including the Chin- 
 chas — will be shown by the Peruvian Cus- 
 tom House records, and will aggregate, it is 
 said, not far from $1,200,000,000 worth. The 
 discoverer's one-third of this would be 
 $400,000,000, and interest upon this amount 
 at six per cent. - say for an equalized aver- 
 age of twenty years— would be $480,000,000 
 more. The amount remaining in these 
 islands.is not positively known, and is pro- 
 bably not more than $200,000,000 worth ; 
 and in the Landreau deposits say $300,000,- 
 000 more. The Chilian plenipotentiary re- 
 cently announced that his government are 
 about opening very rich deposits on the Lo- 
 bos Islands — which are included in this 
 group. It is probably within safe limits, 
 says the Peruvian Company's prospectus, to 
 say that, including interest to accrue before 
 the claim can be fully liquidated, its owners 
 will realize no less than $1,200,000,000. 
 
 THE COUNTRIES im^OLVED. 
 
 In South America there are ten inde- 
 pendent governments ; and the three Gui- 
 anas which are dependencies on European 
 powers. Of the independent governments 
 Brazil is an empire, having an area of 
 3,G09,1G0 square miles and 11,058,000 in- 
 habitants. The other nine are republics. 
 In giving area and population we use the 
 most complete statistics at our command, 
 but they are not strictly reliable, nor as 
 late as we could have wished. The area 
 and the poj)ulation of the republics are: 
 Venzucla, 42(5,712 square miles and 2,200,- 
 000 inhabitants; United States of Colom- 
 bia, 475,000 square miles and 2,900,000 in- 
 habitants; Peru, 580,000 square miles and 
 2,500,000 inhabitants; E(!uador, 208,000 
 Bquarc miles and 1,300,000 inhabitants; 
 Bolivia, 842,730 square miles and 1,087,352 
 inhabitants; ('hili, 200,000 s(juarc mik's 
 and 2,084,000 inha])itaiits ; Argentine Kc- 
 public, 1,323,500 s(|uare miles and 1,887,- 
 000 inlial)itaiits; I'arnguay, 73,000 squiire 
 miles and 1,337,439 inhabitants; Unigu.'iv, 
 CG,716 square miles and 240,000 iiihalii- 
 tants, or a total in the nine repul)lic3 of 
 3,789.220 sqmirc miles and 10,430,751 in- 
 habitants. The aggregate area of the nine 
 
 republics exceeds that of Brazil 180,060 
 square miles, and the total population ex- 
 ceeds that of Brazil 5,009,552. Brazil, be- 
 ing an empire, is not comprehended in the 
 Blaine proposal — she rather stands as a 
 strong barrier against it. Mexico and 
 Guatamala are included, but are on this 
 continent, and their character and re- 
 sources better understood by our people. 
 In the South American countries generally 
 the Spanish language is spoken. The edu- 
 cated classes are of nearly pure Spanish ex- 
 traction. The laboring classes are of mixed 
 Spanish and aboriginal blood, or of pure 
 aboriginal ancestry. The characteristics 
 of the Continent are emphatically Spanish. 
 The area and population we have already 
 given. The territory is nearly equally di- 
 vided between the republics and the em- 
 pire, the former having a greater area of 
 only 180,060 square miles; but the nine 
 republics have an aggregate population of 
 5,059,522 more than Brazil. The United 
 States has an area of 3,634,797 square 
 miles, including Alaska; but excluding 
 Alaska, it has 3,056,797 square miles. The 
 area of Brazil is greater than that of the 
 United States, excluding Alaska, by 552,- 
 363 square miles, and the aggregate area 
 of the nine republics is greater by 732,423 
 square miles. This comparison of the area 
 of the nine republics and of Brazil with 
 that of this nation gives a definite idea of 
 their magnitude. Geographically, these 
 republics occupy the northern, western and 
 southern portions of South America, and 
 are contiguous. The aggregate exports and 
 imports of South America, according to the 
 last available data, were $529,300,000; 
 those of Brazil, $168,930,000; of the nine 
 republics, $360,360,000. 
 
 These resolutions will bring out volumi- 
 nous correspondence, but we have given the 
 reader sufficient to reach a fair understand- 
 ing of the subject. Whatever of scandal 
 may be connected with it, like the Star 
 Route cases, it should await official in- 
 vestigation and condemnation. Last of all 
 should history condemn any one in ad- 
 vance of official inquiry. None of the 
 governments invited to the Congress had 
 accepted formally, and in view of obstacles 
 thrown in the way by the present adminis- 
 tration, it is not probable they will. 
 
 Accepting the ])roposition of Mr. Blaine 
 as stated in his letter to President Arthur, 
 as conveying his true desire and meaning, 
 it is due" to the truth to say that it compre- 
 hends more than the Monroe doctrine, the 
 text of which is given in President Mon- 
 roe's own words in this volume. While he 
 contended ngainst foreign intervention with 
 the Bepublics on this Hemisphere, he ne- 
 ver asserted the right of our government to 
 ])articipate in or seek the control cither of 
 the internal, commercial or foreign policy 
 of any of the Republics of America, by ar-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 
 
 27T 
 
 bitratlon or otherwise. So that Mr. Bhiine 
 is the author of an advance upon the Mon- 
 roe doctrine, and what seems at this time 
 a radical advance. Wliat it may be when 
 the United States seeks to "spread itself" 
 by an aggressive foreign policy, and by 
 aggrandizement of new avenues of trade, 
 possibly new acquisitions of territory, is 
 anotlier question. It is a policy brilliant 
 beyond any examples in our history, and 
 a new departure from the teachings of 
 Washington, who advised absolute non-in- 
 tervention in foreign affairs. The new 
 doctrine might thrive and acquire great 
 popularity under an administration friendly 
 to it ; but President Arthur has already 
 intimated his hostility, and it is now be- 
 yond enforcement during his administra- 
 tion. The views of Congress also seem to 
 be adverse as far as the debates have gone 
 into the question, though it has some warm 
 friends who may revive it under more favo- 
 rable auspices. 
 
 The Star Route Scandal. 
 
 Directly after Mr. James assumed the 
 position of Postmaster-General in the 
 Cabinet of President Garfield, he disco- 
 vered a great amount of extravagance and 
 probably fraud in the conduct of the mail 
 service known as the Star Routes, author- 
 ized by act of Congress to further extend 
 the mail facilities and promote the more 
 rapid carriage of the mails. These routes 
 proved to be very popular in the West and 
 South-west, and the growing demand for 
 mail facilities in these sections would even 
 in a legitimate way, if not closely watched, 
 lead to unusual cost and extravagance ; but 
 it is alleged that a ring was formed headed 
 by General Brady, one of the Assistant 
 Postmaster-Generals under General Key, 
 by which routes were established with the 
 sole view of defrauding the Government — 
 that false bonds were given and enormous 
 and fraudulent sums paid for little or no 
 service. This scandal was at its height at 
 the time of the assassination of President 
 Garfield, at which time Postmaster-General 
 James, Attorney-General MacVeagh and 
 other officials were rapidly preparing for 
 the prosecution of all charged with the 
 fraud. Upon the succession of President 
 Arthur he openly insisted upon the fullest 
 prosecution, and declined to receive the 
 resignation of Mr. ]\IacVeagh from the 
 Cabinet because of a stated fear that the 
 prosecution would suffer by his withdrawal. 
 Mr. MacVeagh, however, withdrew from 
 the Cabinet, believing that the new Presi- 
 dent should not by any circumstance be 
 prevented from the official association of 
 friends of his own selection ; and at this 
 writing Attorney-General Brewster is push- 
 ing the prosecutions. 
 
 On the 24th of March, 1882, the Grand 
 
 Jury sitting at Washington presented in- 
 dictments for conspiracy in connection with 
 the Star Route mail service against the fol- 
 lowing named persons: Thomas J. Brady, 
 J. W. Dorbcy, Henry M. Vail, John W. 
 Dorsev, John R. Miner, John M. Peck, M, 
 C. Rei-dcll, J. L. Sanderson, Wm. H. Tur- 
 ner. Also against Alvin O. Buck, Wm. S. 
 liarringer and Albert E. Booup, and against 
 Kate M. Armstrong for perjury. The in- 
 dictment against Brady, Dorsey and others, 
 which is very voluminous, recites the ex- 
 istence, on March 10, 1879, of the Post Of- 
 fice Department, Postmaster-General and 
 three assistants, and a Sixth Auditor's ollice 
 and Contract office and division. 
 
 "To the latter was subject," the indict- 
 ment continues, " the arrangement of the 
 mail service of the United States and the 
 letting out of the same on contract." It 
 then describes the duties of the inspectinjj 
 division. On March 10, 1879, the grand 
 jurors represent, Thomas J. Brady was the 
 lawful Second Assistant Postmaster-Gene- 
 ral engaged in the performance of the du- 
 ties of that office. William H. Turner was 
 a clerk in the Second Assistant Postmaster- 
 General's office, and attended to the busi- 
 ness of the contract division relating to the 
 mail service over several post routes in Ca- 
 lifornia, Colorado, Oregon, Nebraska, and 
 the Territories. On the 16th of March, 
 1879, the indictment represents Thomas J. 
 Brady as having made eight contracts with 
 John W. Dorsey to carry the mails from 
 July 1, 1878, to June 30, 1882, from Ver- 
 million, in Dakota Territory, to Sioux Falls 
 and back, on a fourteen hour time schedule, 
 for $398 e;ich year ; on route from White 
 River to Rawlins, Colorado, once a week 
 of 108 hours' time, for $1,700 a year; on 
 route from Garland, Colorado, to Parrott 
 City, once a week, on a schedule of 168 
 hours' time, for $2,745 ; on route from Ou- 
 ray, Colorado, to Los Pinos, once a week, in 
 12 hours' time, for $348 ; on route from Sil- 
 verton, Colorado, to Parrott City, twice a 
 week, on 36 hours' time, for $1,488; on 
 route from Mineral Park, in Arizona Ter- 
 ritory, to Pioche and back, once a week, in 
 84 hours' time, $2,982 ; on route from Tres 
 Almos to Clifton and back, once a week, of 
 84 hours' time, for $1,568. 
 
 It further sets forth that the Second As- 
 sistant Postmaster-General entered into 
 five contracts with John R. Miner on June 
 13, 1878, on routes in Dakota Territory and 
 Colorado, and on ]\Iarch 15, 1879, with John 
 M. Peck, over eight post routes. In the 
 space of sixty days after the making of 
 these contracts theVwere in full force. On 
 j\Iarch 10, 1879, John W. Dorsey, John R. 
 j\Iiner, and John M. Peck, with Stephen 
 W. Dorsey and Henry ^M. Vaile, M. C 
 ' Rerdell and J. L. Sanderson, mutually in- 
 1 terested in these contract.^ and money, to 
 . be paid by the United States to the three
 
 278 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 parties above named, did unlawfully and 
 maliciously combine and conspire to fraud- 
 ulently write, sign, and cause to be written 
 and signed, a large number of fraudulent 
 letters and communications and false and 
 fraudulent petitions and applications to tbe 
 Postmaster-General for additional service 
 and increase of expenditure on the routes, 
 which were purported to be signed by the 
 people and inhabitants in the neighborhood 
 of the routes, which were filed with the 
 papers in the office of the Second Assistant 
 Postmaster-General. Further that these 
 parties swore falsely in describing the num- 
 ber of men and animals required to perform 
 the mail service over the routes and States 
 as greater than was necessary. 
 
 These false oaths were placed on file in 
 the Second Assistant Postmaster-General's 
 office; and by means of Wm. H. Turner 
 falsely making and writing and endorsing 
 these papers, with brief and untrue state- 
 ments as to their contents, and by Turner 
 preparing fraudulent written orders for al- 
 lowances to be made to these contractors 
 and signed by Thomas J. Brady fraudu- 
 lently, and for the benefit and gain of all 
 the parties named in this bill, the service 
 ■was increased over these routes; and that 
 Brady knew it was not lawfully needed and 
 required. That he caused the order for in- 
 creasing to be certified to and filed in the 
 Sixth Auditor's office for fraudulent addi- 
 tional compensation. That Mr. Brady gave 
 orders to extend the service so as to include 
 other and different stations than those men- 
 tioned in the contract, that he and others 
 might have the benefits and profits of it : 
 that he refused to impose fines on these 
 contracts for failures and delinquencies, but 
 allowed them additional pay for the ser- 
 vice over these routes. During the conti- 
 nuance of these contracts the i:)arties ac- 
 quired unto themselves several large and 
 excessive sums of money, the property of 
 the United States, fraudulently and un- 
 lawfully ordered to be paid them by Mr. 
 Bn-.dy. 
 
 These are certainly formidable indict- 
 ments. Others are pending against persons 
 in Philadelphia and other cities, who are 
 charged with complicity in these Star Eoute 
 fraufis, in giving straw bonds, &c. The 
 Star Iloute service still continues, the Post 
 Office Department under the law having 
 Bent out several thousand notifications this 
 year to crmtractors, informing them of the 
 official acceptance of their ])r()posals, and 
 some of these contractors are the same 
 named above a-s under indictment. This 
 well exemplifies the maxim of the law re- 
 lative to innocence until guilt be shown. 
 
 Tlie Coming Htaten. 
 
 Bills arc pending before Congress for the 
 admission of Dakota, Wyoming, Now 
 
 Mexico and Washington Territories. The 
 Bill for the admission of Dakota divides 
 the old Territory, and provides that the 
 new State shall consist of the territory in- 
 cluded within the following boundaries: 
 Commencing at a point on the west line 
 of the State of Minnesota where the forty- 
 sixth degree of north latitude intersects the 
 same ; thence south along the west boun- 
 dary lines of the States of Minnesota and 
 Iowa to the point of intersection with the 
 northern boundary line of the State of 
 Nebraska ; thence westwardly along the 
 northern boundarj' line of the State of 
 Nebraska to the twenty-seventh meridian 
 of longitude west from Washington ; thence 
 north along the said twenty-seventh degree 
 of longitude to the forty-sixth degree of 
 north latitude ; to the place of beginning. 
 The bill provides for a convention of one 
 hundred and twenty delegates, to be chosen 
 by the legal voters, who shall adopt the 
 United States Constitution and then pro- 
 ceed to form a State Constitution and gov- 
 ernment. Until the next census the State 
 shall be entitled to one representative, who, 
 with the Governor and other officials, shall 
 be elected upon a day named by the Con- 
 stitutional Convention. The report seta 
 apart lands for school purposes, and gives 
 the State five per centum of the proceeds 
 of all sales of public lands within its limits 
 subsequent to its admission as a State, ex- 
 cluding all mineral lands from being thus 
 set apart for school purposes. It provides 
 that portion of the the Territory not in- 
 cluded in the proposed new State shall 
 continue as a Territory under the name of 
 the Territory of North Dakota. 
 
 The proposition to divide comes from 
 Senator McMillan, and if Congress sus- 
 tains the division, the portion admitted 
 would contain 100,000 inhabitants, the en- 
 tire estimated population being 175,000 — a 
 number in excess of twenty of the present 
 States when admitted, exclusive of the 
 original thirteen ; while the division, which 
 shows 100,000 inhabitants, is still in excess 
 of sixteen States when admitted. 
 
 Nevada, with less than 65,000 popula- 
 tion, was admitted before the close Presi- 
 dential election of 1870, and it may be said 
 that her majority of 1,075, in a total jjoII 
 of 1P,G91 votes, decided the Presidential 
 result in favor of Hayes, and these votes 
 counteracted the plurality of nearly 300,000 
 received by Mr. Tilden elsewhere. This 
 fact well illustrates the power of States, as 
 States, and however small, in controlling 
 the affairs of the country. It also account* 
 for the jealousy with which closely balanced 
 political parties watch the incoming States. 
 
 Population is but one of the considera- 
 tions entering into the question of admit- 
 ting territories. State sovereignty does not 
 rest ui)on population, as in the make-up 
 of the U. D. Senate neither population.
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 
 
 279 
 
 size, nor resources arc taken into account. 
 Rhode Island, the smallest of all the 
 States, and New York, the great Empire 
 State, with over .'3,000,000 ol' inhabitants, 
 stand upon an equality in the conservative 
 branch of the Government. It is in the 
 House of Representatives that the popula- 
 tion is considered. Such is the jealousy 
 of the larger States of their representation 
 in the U. S. Senate, that few new ones 
 would be admitted without long and con- 
 tinuous knocking if it were not for partisan 
 interests, and yet where a fair number of 
 people demand State Government there is 
 no just cause for denial. Yet all questions 
 of population, natural division, area and 
 resources should be given their proper 
 weight. 
 
 The area of the combined territories — 
 Utah, Washington, New Mexico, Dakota, 
 Arizona, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming and 
 Indian is about 900,000 square miles. We 
 exclude Alaska, which has not been sur- 
 veyed. 
 
 Indian Territory and Utah are for some 
 years to come excluded from admission — 
 the one being reserved to the occupancy 
 of the Indians, while the other is by her 
 peculiar institution of polygamy, generally 
 thrown out of all calculation. And yet it 
 may be found that polygamy can best be 
 made anienable to the laws by the compul- 
 sory admission of Utah as a State — an idea 
 entertained by not a few Avho have given 
 consideration to the question. Alaska may 
 also be counted out for many years to come. 
 There are but 30,000 inhabitants, few of 
 these permanent, and Congress is now con- 
 sidering a petition for the establishment of 
 a territorial government there. 
 
 Next to Dakota, New IMexico justly 
 claims admission. The lands comprised 
 within its original area were acquired from 
 ^Mexico, at the conclusion of the war with 
 that country, by the treaty of Guadalupe 
 Hidalgo in 1848, and by act of September 
 9, 1850, a Territorial government was or- 
 ganized. By treaty of December 30, 1853, 
 the region south of the Gila river — the 
 Gadsden purchase, so called — was ceded by 
 Mexico, and by act of August 4, 1854, 
 added to the Territory, which at that time 
 included within its limits the present Ter- 
 ritory of Arizona. Its prayer for admis- 
 sion was brought to the serious attention 
 of Congress in 1874. The bill was pre- 
 sented in an able speech by Mr. Elkins, 
 then delegate from the Territory, and had 
 the warm support of many members. A 
 bill to admit was also introducetl in the 
 Senate, and passed that body February 25, 
 1875, by a vote of thirty-two to eleven, two 
 of the present members of that body, 
 Messrs. Ingalls and Windom, being among 
 its supporters. The matter of admission 
 came up for fiiuil action in the House at 
 the same session, just prior to adjournment, 
 
 and a motion to suspend the rules, in order 
 to put it upon its final passage, was lost by 
 a vote of one hundred and lifty-four to 
 eighty-seven, and the earnest eiibrts to se- 
 cure the admission of New Mexico wcro 
 thus defeated. A bill for its admission is 
 now a^ain before Congress, and it is a mat- 
 ter of interest to note the representations 
 as to the condition of the Territory then 
 made, and the facts as they now exist. It 
 has, according to the census of 1880, a 
 population of 119,565. It had in 1870 a 
 population of 91,874. It was claimed by 
 the more moderate advocates of the bill 
 that its population then numbered 135,000 
 (15,435 more than at present), while others 
 placed it as high as 145,000. Of this po})- 
 ulation, 45,000 were said to be of American 
 and European descent. It was stated by 
 Senator Hoar, one of the opponents of the 
 bill, that, out of an illiterate population of 
 52,220, by far the larger part were native 
 inhabitants of Mexican or Spanish origin, 
 who could not speak the English language. 
 This statement seems to be in large degree 
 confirmed by the census of 1880, which 
 shows a total native white population of 
 108,721, of whom, as nearly as can be as- 
 certained,*upward of 80 per cent, are not 
 only illiterates of Mexican and Spanish 
 extraction, but as in 1870, speaking a for- 
 eign language. The vote for Mr. Elkins, 
 Territorial Delegate in 1875, was reported 
 as being about 17,000. The total vote in 
 1878 was 18,806, and in 1880, 20,397, show- 
 ing a comparatively insignificant increase 
 from 1875 to 1880. 
 
 The Territory of Washington was con- 
 stituted out of Oregon, and organized a.s a 
 Territory by act of March 2, 1853. Its 
 population by the census of 1880 was 75,- 
 116, an increase from 23,955 in 1870. Of 
 this total, 59,313 are of native and 15,803 
 of foreign nativity. Its total white popu- 
 lation in the census year was 67,119; Chi- 
 nese, 3,186 ; Indian, 4,105 ; colored, 326, 
 and its total present jiopulation is probably 
 not far from 95,000. Its yield of precious 
 metals in 1880, and for the entire period 
 since its development, while showing re- 
 sources full of promise, has been much less 
 than that of any other of the organized Ter- 
 ritories. Its total vote for Territorial Dele- 
 gate in 1880, while exceeding that of the 
 Territories of Arizona, Idaho, and Wyo- 
 ming, was but 15,823. 
 
 The Territory of Arizona, organized out 
 of a portion of New Mexico, and }n-ovided 
 with a territorial government in 1863, con- 
 tains about 5,000,000 acres less than the 
 Territory of New Mexico, or an acreage 
 exceeded by that of only five States and 
 Territories. Its total population in 1870 
 was 9,658, and in 1880, 40,440, 351,60 of 
 whom were whites. Of its total poimlation 
 in the census vear, 24,391 were of native 
 and 16,049 of forei^ju birth, the number of
 
 280 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 Indians, Chinese, and colored being 
 6,000. 
 
 Idaho was originally a part of Oregon, 
 from which it was separated and provided 
 with a territorial government by the act of 
 March 3, 1863. It embraces in its area a 
 little more than 55,000,000 acres, and had 
 in 1880 a total population of 32,610, being 
 an increase from 14,999 in 1870. Of this 
 population, 22,636 are of native and 9,974 
 of foreign birth ; 29,013 of the total inhabi- 
 tants are white, 3,379 Chinese and 218 In- 
 dians and colored. 
 
 The Territory of Montana, organized by 
 act of May 26, 1864, contains an acreage 
 larger than that of any other Territory save 
 Dakota. While it seems to be inferior in 
 cereal producing capacity, in its area of 
 valuable grazing lands it equals, if it does 
 not excel, Idaho. The chief prosperity of 
 the Territory, and that which promises for 
 it a future of growing importance, lies in 
 its extraordinary mineral wealth, the pro- 
 ductions of its mines in the year 1880 hav- 
 ing been nearly twice that of any other 
 Territory, with a corresponding excess in 
 its total production, which had reached, 
 on June 30, 1880, the enormous total of 
 over $53,000,000. Its mining industries 
 represent in the aggregate very large in- 
 vested capital, and the increasing products, 
 with the development of new mines, are 
 attracting constant additions to its popula- 
 tion, which in 1880 showed an increase, as 
 compared with 1870, of over 90 per cent. 
 For particulars see census tables in tabu- 
 lated history. 
 
 Wyoming was constituted out of the 
 Territory of Dakota, and provided with 
 territorial government July 25, 1868. Ly- 
 in^ between Colorado and Montana, and 
 adjoining Dakota and Nebraska on the 
 east, it partakes of the natural characteris- 
 tics of these States and Territories, having 
 a fair portion of land suitable for cultiva- 
 tion, a large area suitable for grazing pur- 
 poses, and a wealth in mineral resources 
 whose development, although of recent be- 
 ginninn^, has already resulted in an en- 
 couraging; yield in precious metals. It is 
 the fiith in area. 
 
 Henry Randall Waite, in an able article 
 in the March number of the International 
 Review (1882,) closes with these interest- 
 ing paragraphs: 
 
 'It will be thus seen that eleven States 
 organized from Territories, when author- 
 ized to form State governments, and the 
 Bame number when admitted to the Union, 
 had free pojnilations of less tlian (10,000, 
 and that of the slave States includccl in 
 this number, seven in all, not one had the 
 required number of fret; inhabitants, either 
 when authorized to take tlie first stops to- 
 ward a(liiii.-,sion f)r when finally adiiiittcd ; 
 and that both rjf these .steps were (nkeri by 
 two oi'tlie latter States with a total popu- 
 
 lation, free and slave, below the required 
 number. Why so many States have been 
 authorized to form State governments, and 
 have been subsequently admitted to the 
 Union with populations so far below the 
 requirements of the ordinance of 1787, and 
 the accepted rules for subsequent ac- 
 tion may be briefly explained as follows: 
 1st, by the ground for the use of a wide 
 discretion afforded in the provisions of the 
 ordinance of 1787, for the admission of 
 States, when deemed expedient, before 
 their population should equal the required 
 number; and 2d, by the equally wide dis- 
 cretion given by the Constitution in the 
 words, 'New States may be admitted by 
 Congress into this Union,' the only provi- 
 sion of the Constitution bearing specifical- 
 ly upon this subject. Efforts have been 
 made at various times to secure the strict 
 enforcement of the original rules, with the 
 modification resulting from the increase 
 in the population of the Union, which pro- 
 vided that the number of free inhabitants 
 in a Territory seeking admission should 
 equal the number established as the basis 
 of representation in the apportionment of 
 Representatives in Congress, as determined 
 by the preceding census. How little suc- 
 cess the efforts made in this direction have 
 met, may be seen by a comparison of the 
 number of inhabitants forming the basis of 
 representation, as established by the dif- 
 ferent censuses, and the free population of 
 the Territories admitted at corresponding 
 periods. 
 
 "At this late date, it is hardly to be ex- 
 pected that rules so long disregarded will be 
 made applicable to the admission of the 
 States to be organized from the existing 
 Territories. There is, nevertheless, a 
 growing disposition on the part of Con- 
 gress to look Avith disfavor upon the forma- 
 tion of States whose population, and the 
 development of whose resources, render 
 the expediency of their admission ques- 
 tionable; and an increasing doubt as to 
 the propriety of so dividing the existing 
 Territories as to multiply to an unneces- 
 sary extent the number of States, with the 
 attendant increase in the number of Repre- 
 sentatives in the N.:itional Legislature. 
 
 " To recapitulate the facts as to the pre- 
 sent condition of the Territories with re- 
 ference to their admission as States, it may 
 be said that only Dakota, Utah, New 
 Mexico and Washington are in possession 
 of the necessary population according to 
 the rule requiring ()0,000; that only the 
 three first named conform to the rule de- 
 manding a population equal to the present 
 basis of representation ; that only Dakota, 
 Utah and Washington give evidence of 
 that intelligence on the part of their in- 
 haliilanls which is essential to the proper 
 exerei-e, under favorable conditions, of the 
 extended rights of citizenship, and of that
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 281 
 
 progress in the development of their re- 
 sources which makes scif-govoriiment es- 
 sential, safe, or in any way desirable; and 
 that only Dakota can be said, un(inestion- 
 ably, to possess all of the requirements 
 which, by the dictates of a sound policy, 
 should be demanded of a Territory at this 
 time seeking admission to the Union. 
 
 " Wliatover the response to the Terri- 
 torial messengers now waiting at the doors 
 of Congress, a few years, at most, will 
 bring an answer to their prayers. The 
 Btars of a dozen prouil and prosperous 
 States will soon be added to those already 
 blazoned upon the blue field of the Union, 
 and the term Territory, save as applied to 
 the frozen regions of Alaska, will disappear 
 from the map of the United States." 
 
 The Chinese Q.uegtlon. 
 
 Since 1877 the agitation of the prohibi- 
 tion of Chinese immigration in California 
 and other States and Territories on the 
 Pacific slope has been very great. This led 
 to many scenes of violence and in some 
 instances bloodshed, when one Dennis 
 Kearney led the Workingmen's party in Ban 
 Francisco. On this issue an agitator and 
 preacher named Kalloch was elected 
 Mayor. The issue was carried to the Leg- 
 islature, and in the vote on a constitu- 
 tional amendment it was found that not 
 only the labor but nearly all classes in 
 California were opposed to the Chinese. 
 The constitutional amendment did not 
 meet the sanction of the higher courts. A 
 bill was introduced into Congress restrict- 
 ing Chinese immigrants to fifteen on each 
 vessel. This passed both branches, but was 
 vetoed by President Hayes on the ground 
 that it was in violation of the spirit of 
 treaty stipulations. At the sessions of 
 1881-82 a new and more radical measure 
 was introduced. This prohibits immigra- 
 tion to Chinese or Coolie laborers for twen- 
 ty years. The discussion in the U. S. 
 Senate began on the 28th of February, 
 1882, in a speech of unusual strength by 
 Senator John F. Miller, the author of the 
 Bill. From this we freely quote, not alone 
 to show the later views entertained by the 
 people of the Pacific slope, but to give 
 from the lips of one who knows the lead- 
 ing facta in the history of the agitation. 
 
 Abstracts A-om the Text of Senator 
 Miller's Speech. 
 
 On hi$ Bill to Prohibit Chinese Immi<jralion. 
 
 In the Senate, Feb. 28th, 1882, Mr. 
 Miller said: 
 
 " This measure is not a surprise to the 
 Senate, nor a new revelation to the 
 country. It has been before Congress 
 more than once, if not in the precise form 
 
 in which it is now presented, in substance 
 the same, and it ha-s passed the ordeal of 
 analytical debate and received the affirma- 
 tive vote of both Houses. Except for the 
 Executive veto it would have been long 
 ago the law of the land. It is again pre- 
 sented, not only under circumstances as 
 imperative in their demands for its enact- 
 ment, but with every objection of the veto 
 removed and every argument made against 
 its approval swept away. It is an interest- 
 ing fact in the history of this measure, that 
 the action which has cleared its way of the 
 impediments which were made the reasons 
 for the veto, was inaugurated and consum- 
 mated with splendid persistance and en- 
 ergy by the same administration whose ex- 
 ecutive interposed the veto against it. 
 Without stopijing to inquire into the mo- 
 tive of the Hayes administration in this 
 l)roceeding, Avhether its action was in obe- 
 dience to a conviction that the measure 
 was in itself right and expedient, or to a 
 public sentiment, so strong and universal 
 as to demand the utmost vigor in the di- 
 plomacy necessary for the removal of all 
 impediments to its progress, it must be ap- 
 parent that the result of this diplomatic 
 action has been to add a new phase to the 
 question in respect of the adoption of the 
 measure itself. 
 
 " In order to fully appreciate this fact it 
 may be proper to indulge in historical 
 reminiscence for a moment. For many 
 years complaints had been made against 
 the introduction into the United States of 
 the peculiar people who come from China, 
 and the Congress, after careful considera- 
 tion of the subject, so for appreciated the 
 evil complained of as to pass a bill to in- 
 terdict it. 
 
 " The Executive Department had, prior 
 to that action, with diplomatic finesse, ap- 
 proached the imperial throne of China, 
 with intent, as was said, to ascertain 
 whether such an interdiction of coolie im- 
 portation, or immigration so called, into 
 the United States would be regarded as a 
 breach of friendly relations with China, 
 and had been informed by the diplomat, to 
 whom the delicate task had been com- 
 mitted, that such interdiction would not be 
 favorably regarded by the Chinese Govern- 
 ment. Hence, when Congress, with sur- 
 prising audacity, passed the bill of inter- 
 diction the Executive, believing in the 
 truth of the intbrmation given him, thought 
 it prudent and expedient to veto the bill, 
 but immediately, in pursuance of authority 
 granted by Congress, he appointed three 
 commissioners to negotiate a treaty by 
 which the consent of China should be 
 given to the interdiction proposed by 
 Congress. These commissioners apjieared 
 before the Government of China upon this 
 special mission, and presented the request 
 of the Government of the United States
 
 282 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 affirmatively, positively, and authorita- 
 tively made, and after the usual diplomatic 
 ceremonies, representations, misrepresenta- 
 tions, avowals, and concealments, the 
 treaty was made, the concession granted, 
 and the interdiction agreed upon. This 
 treaty was presented here and ratified by 
 the Senate, with what unanimity Senators 
 know, and which the rules of the Senate 
 forbid me to describe. 
 
 " The new phase of this question, which 
 we may as well consider in the outset, sug- 
 gests the spectacle which this nation should 
 present if Congress were to vole this or a 
 similar measure down. A great nation 
 cannot afford inconsistency in action, nor 
 betray a vacillating, staggering, incon- 
 stant policy in its intercotirse with other 
 nations. No really great people will pre- 
 sent themselves before the world through 
 their government as a nation irresolute, 
 fickle, feeble, or petulant; one day eagerly 
 demanding of its neighbor an agreement 
 or concession, which on the next it ner- 
 vously repudiates or casts aside. Can we 
 make a solemn request of China, through 
 the jDomp of an extraordinary embassy and 
 the ceremony of diplomatic negotiation, 
 and with prudent dispatch exchange ratifi- 
 cations of the treaty granting our request, 
 and within less than half a year after such 
 exchange is made cast aside the concession 
 and, with childish irresolution, ignore the 
 whole proceeding? Can we afford to make 
 such a confession of American imbecility 
 to any oriental power? The adoption of 
 this or some such measure becomes neces- 
 sary, it seems to me, to the intelligent and 
 consistent execution of a policy adojited by 
 this Government under the sanction of a 
 treaty with another great nation. 
 
 " If the Executive department, the Sen- 
 ate, and the House of Representatives 
 have all understood and appreciated their 
 own action in respect of this measure ; if 
 in the negotiation and ratification of the 
 new treaty with China, the Executive and 
 the Senate did not act without thought, in 
 blind, inconsiderate recklessness — and we 
 know they did not — if the Congress of the 
 United States in the passage of the fifteen 
 passenger bill liad the faintest conception 
 of what it was doing — and we know it had 
 — then the policy of this Government in 
 res[)ect of no-called Chinese immigration 
 has been authoritatively settled. 
 
 "This proposition is .submitted with the 
 greater confidence because the action I 
 have described was in obedience to, and in 
 harmony with, a jjublic sentiment whi(;h 
 seems to have permeated the whole coun- 
 try. For the evidence of the existence of 
 such a sentiment, it is only necessary to 
 produce the declarations upon this subject 
 of the two great historical parties of the 
 country, deliberately made by their na- 
 tional convcutioua of 18S0. One of these 
 
 (the Democratic convention) declared that 
 there shall be— 
 
 " ' No more Chinese immigration except 
 for travel, education, and foreign com- 
 merce, and therein carefully guarded.' 
 
 "The other (the Republican) convention 
 declared that — • 
 
 " ' Since the authority to regulate immi- 
 gration and intercourse between the United 
 States and foreign nations rests with Con- 
 gress, or with the United States and its 
 treaty-making power, the Republican 
 party, regarding the unrestricted immi- 
 gration of the Chinese as an evil of great 
 magnitude, invokes the exercise of these 
 powers to restrain and limit the immigra- 
 tion by the enactment of such just, hu- 
 mane, and reasonable provisions as will 
 produce that result.' 
 
 " These are the declarations of the two 
 great political parties, in whose ranks are 
 enrolled nearly all the voters of the United 
 States; and whoever voted at the last 
 Presidential election voted for the adop- 
 tion of the principles and policy expressed 
 by those declarations, whether he voted 
 with the one or the other of the two great 
 parties. Both candidates for the Presidency 
 were pledged to the adoption and execu- 
 tion of the policy of restriction thus de- 
 clared by their respective parties, and the 
 candidate who was successful at the polls, 
 in his letter of acceptance, not only gave 
 expression to the sentiment of his party 
 and the country, but with a clearness and 
 conciseness which distingtiished all his ut- 
 terances upon great public questions, gave 
 the reasons for that public sentiment." He 
 said : 
 
 " ' The recent movement of the Chinese 
 to our Pacific Coast partakes but little of 
 the qualities of an immigration, either in 
 its purposes or results. It is too much 
 like an importation to be welcomed with- 
 out restriction ; too much like an invasion 
 to be looked upon without solicitude. We 
 cannot consent to allow any form of servile 
 labor to be introduced among us under the 
 
 guise of immigration.' 
 
 •<■***** ** 
 
 " In this connection it is proper also to 
 consider the probable elfect of a failure or 
 refusal of Congress to pass this bill, upon the 
 introduction of Chinese coolies into the 
 United States in the future. An adverse 
 vote upon such a measure, is an invitation 
 to the Chinese to come. It would be in- 
 terpreted to mean that the Government of 
 the United States had reversed its i)olicy, 
 and is now in favor of the unrestricted im- 
 portation of C!hinese; that it looks with 
 favor upon the Chinese invasion now in 
 ])r()gress. It is a fact well known that the 
 hostility to the influx of (Jhiiiese upon the 
 I'acific coast displayed by the people of 
 California has operated as a restriction, 
 and has discouraged the importation of
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 283 
 
 Chinese to sucli a degree that it is probable 
 that there are not a tenth part tlie number 
 of Chinese in the country there would j 
 have been had this determined hostility 
 never been shown. Despite the inhospi- 
 tality, not to say resistance, of the Cali- 
 fornia people to the Chinese, sometimes 
 while waiting for the action of the General 
 Government dillicult to restrain within the 
 bounds of peaceable a.ssertion, they have 
 poured tlirough the Golden Gate in con- 
 stantly increased numbers during the past 
 year, tlie total number of arrivals at San 
 Francisco alone during 1881 being 18,561. 
 Nearly two months have elapsed since the 
 l3t of January, and there have arrived, as 
 the newspapers show, about four thousand 
 more. 
 
 " The defeat of this measure now is a 
 shout of welcome across the Pacific Ocean 
 to a myriad host of these strange people to 
 come and occupy the land, and it is a re- 
 buke to the American citizens, who have 
 so long stood guard upon the western shore 
 of this continent, and who, seeing the dan- 
 ger, have with a fortitude and forbearance 
 most admirable, raised and maintained the 
 only barrier against a stealthy, strategic, 
 but peaceful invasion as destructive in its 
 results and more potent for evil, than an 
 invasion by an army with banners. An 
 adverse vote now, is to commission under 
 the broad seal of the United States, all the 
 speculators in human labor, all the im- 
 porters of human muscle, all the traffickers 
 in human flesh, to ply their infamous trade 
 without impediment under the protection 
 of the American flag, and empty the teem- 
 ing, seething slave pens of China upon the 
 soil of California! I forbear further spec- 
 ulation upon the results likely to flow from 
 such a vote, for it presents pictures to the 
 mind which one would not willingly con- 
 template. 
 
 " These considerations which I have 
 presented ought to be, it seems to me, de- 
 cisive of the action of the Senate upon this 
 measure ; and I should regard the argu- 
 ment as closed did I not know, that there 
 still remain those who do not consider the 
 
 ?uestion as settled, and who insist upon 
 urtlier inquiry into tlie reasons f jra policy 
 of restriction, as applied to the Chinese. I 
 am not one of those who would place the 
 consideration of consistency or mere ap- 
 pearances above consideration of right or 
 justice ; but since no change has taken 
 place in our relations with China, nor in 
 our domestic concerns which renders a re- 
 versal of the action of the government 
 proper or necessary, I insist that if the 
 measure of re-*triction was right and good 
 policy when Congress passed the fifteenth 
 passenger bill, and when the late treaty 
 with China was negotiated and ratified, it 
 is right and expedient now. 
 
 "this measure had its origin in Cali- 
 
 fornia. It has been pressed with great 
 vigor by the Representatives of the Pacific 
 coast in Congret^s, f(jr many years. It lias 
 not been urged with wild vehement decla- 
 mation by thoughtless men, at the behest 
 of an ignorant unthinking, prejudiced con- 
 stituency. It has been supported by in- 
 controvertible fact and passicjiiless reason- 
 ing and enforced by the logic of events. 
 Behind these Representatives was an in- 
 telligent, conscientious public sentiment — 
 universal in a constituency as honest, gen- 
 erous, intelligent, courageous, and humane 
 as any in the Republic. 
 
 " It had been said that the advocates of 
 Chinese restriction were to be found only 
 among the vicious, unlettered foreign ele- 
 ment of California society. To show the 
 fact in respect of this contention, the Leg- 
 islature of California in 1878 provided for 
 a vote of the people upon the question of 
 Chinese immigration (so called) to be had 
 at the general election of 1879. The vote 
 was legally taken, without excitement, and 
 the response was general. When the bal- 
 lots were counted, there were found to be 
 883 votes for Chinese immigration and 
 154,638 against it. A similar vote was tak- 
 en in Nevada and resulted as follows : 183 
 votes for Chinese immigration and 17,259 
 votes against. It has been said that a 
 count of noses is an ineffectual and illusory 
 method of settling great questions, but this 
 vote of these two States settled the conten- 
 tion intended to be settled; and demon- 
 strated that the people of all others in the 
 United States who know most of the 
 Chinese evil, and who are most competent 
 to judge of the necessity for restriction are 
 practically unanimous in the sujjport of 
 this measure. 
 
 " It is to be supposed that this vote of 
 California was the effect of an hysterical 
 spasm, which had suddenly seized the 
 minds of 154,000 voters, representing the 
 sentiment of 800,000 people. For nearly 
 thirty years this people had witnessed the 
 effect of coolie importation. For more than 
 a quarter of a century these voters had 
 met face to face, considered, weighed, and 
 discussed the great question upon which 
 they were at last called upon, in the most 
 solemn and deliberate manner, to express 
 an opinion. I do not cite this extraordinary 
 vote as a conclusive argument in favor of 
 Chinese restriction ; but I present it as an 
 important fact suggestive of argument. It 
 may be that the people who have been 
 brought face to face with the Chinese in- 
 vasion are all wrong, and that those wlio 
 have seen nothing of it, who have but 
 heard something ot it, are more competent 
 (being disinterested) to judge of its pos- 
 sible, probable, and actual effects, than 
 those who have had twenty or thirty years 
 of actual continuous experience and con- 
 tact with the Chinese colony in America;
 
 284 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 and it may be that tlie Chinese question is 
 to be settled upon considerations other 
 than those practical common sense reasons 
 and principles Avhich form the basis of po- 
 litical science. 
 
 " It has sometimes happened in dealing 
 with great questions of governmental 
 policy that sentiment, or a sort of emotional 
 inspiration, has seized the minds of those 
 engaged in the solution of great problems, 
 by which they have been lifted up into the 
 ethereal heights of moral abstraction. I 
 trust that while we attempt the path of in- 
 quiry in this instance we shall keep our 
 feet firmly upon the earth. This question 
 relates to this planet and the temporal 
 government of some of its inhabitants ; it 
 is of the earth earthly ; it involves prin- 
 ciples of economic, social, and political 
 science, rather than a question of morals ; 
 it is a question of national policy, and 
 should be subjected to philosophical analy- 
 sis. Moreover, the question is of to-day. 
 The conditions of the world of mankind at 
 the present moment are those with which 
 we have to deal. If mankind existed now 
 in one grand co-operative society, in one 
 universal union, under one system of laws, 
 in a vast homogeneous brotherhood, 
 serenely beatified, innocent of all selfish 
 aims and unholy desires, with one visible 
 temporal ruler, whose judgments should 
 be justice and -whose sway should be eter- 
 nal, then there would be no propriety in 
 this measure. 
 
 " But the millennium has not yet begun, 
 and man exists now, as he has existed 
 always — in the economy of Providence — 
 in societies called nations, separated by 
 the peculiarities if not the antipathies of 
 race. In truth the history of mankind is 
 for the most part descriptive of racial con- 
 flicts and the struggles between nations for 
 existence. By a perfectly natural process 
 these nations have evolved distinct civ- 
 ilizations, as diverse in their characteristics 
 as the races of men from which they have 
 sprung. These may be properly grouped 
 into two grand divisions, the civilization 
 of the East and the civilization of the 
 West. These two great and diverse civiliza- 
 tions have finally met on the American 
 shore of the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 " During the late depression in busi- 
 ness affairs, which existed for three or four 
 years in California, while thousands of 
 white men and women were walking the 
 streets, begging and pleading for an oj)por- 
 tunity to give their honest labor for any 
 wages, the great steamers made their regu- 
 lar arrivals from China, and discharged 
 at the wharves of San Fnincisco their ac- 
 customed cargoes of Chinese who were 
 conveyed through tlio city to the disirilm- 
 ting dens of the Six Companies, and with- 
 in three or four days after arrival every 
 (Jhinaman was in hi.s place at work, and 
 
 the white people unemployed still went 
 about the streets. This continued until 
 the white laboring men rose in their des- 
 peration and threatened the existence of 
 the Chinese colony when the influx was 
 temporarily checked ; but now since busi- 
 ness has revived, and the i^ressure is re- 
 moved, the Chinese come in vastly in- 
 creased numbers, the excess of arrivals over 
 departures averaging about one thousand 
 per month at San Francisco alone. The 
 importers of Chinese had no difiiculty in 
 securing openings for their cargoes now, 
 and when transportation from California 
 to the Eastern States is cheapened, as it 
 soon will be, they will extend their opera- 
 tions into the Middle and Eastern States, 
 unlcr-s prevented by law, for wherever 
 there is a white man or woman at work 
 for wages, whether at the shoe bench, in 
 the factory, or on the farm, there is an 
 opening for a Chinaman. !No matter how 
 low the wages may be, the Chin[.man can 
 aftbrd to work for still lower wages, and if 
 the competition is free, he will take the 
 white man's place. 
 
 " At this point we are met by the query 
 from a certain class of political econo- 
 mists, 'What of it? Suppose the Chinese 
 work for lower wages than Avhite men, is 
 it not advantageous to the country to em- 
 ploy them ? ' The first answer to such 
 question is, that by this process white men 
 are supplanted by Chinese. It is a sub- 
 stitution of Chinese and their civilization 
 for white men and Anglo-Saxon civiliza- 
 tion. This involves considerations hither 
 than mere economic theories. If the Chi- 
 nese are as desirable as citizens, if they 
 are in all the essential elements of man- 
 hood the peers or the superiors of the Cau- 
 casian ; if they will protect American in- 
 terests, foster American .institutions, and 
 become the patriotic defenders of republi- 
 can government ; if their civilization does 
 not antagonize ours nor contaminate it; if 
 they are free, independent men, fit for 
 liberty and self-government as European 
 immigrants generally are, then we may 
 begin argument upon thequestion whether 
 it is better or worse, wise or unwise, to 
 permit white men, American citizens, or 
 men of kindred races to be supplanted 
 and the Chinese to be substituted in their 
 places. Until all this and more can be 
 shown the advocates of Chinese importa- 
 tion or immigration have no base upon 
 which to even begin to build argument. 
 
 "The statistics of the manufacture of 
 cigars in San Francisco are still more sug- 
 gestive. This business was formerly car- 
 ried on exclusively by white people, many 
 hundreds finding steady and lucrative em- 
 ployment in that trade. I have here the 
 certified statement from the ofllce of the 
 coi!cctf>r of internal revenue at San Fran- 
 cisco, showing the number of white people
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 285 
 
 and Chinese, relatively, employed on the 
 Ist of Nuvcmbcr last in the manufacture 
 of cigars. The statement is as follows : 
 
 Number of white men employed 493 
 
 Number ot white women employed. 170 
 
 Total whites 603 
 
 Number of Chinese employed 5 182 
 
 " The facta of this statement were care- 
 fully ascertained by three dei)Uty collec- 
 tors. The San Francisco Assembly of 
 Trades certify that tiiere are 8,265 Chinese 
 employed in laundries. It is a well-known 
 fact that white women who fi)rmerly did 
 this work have been quite driven out of 
 that employment. The same authority 
 certifies that the number of Chinese now 
 employed in the manufacture of clothing 
 in San Francisco, is 7,510, and the num- 
 ber of whites so employed is 1,000. In 
 many industries the Chinese have entirely 
 sujiplanted the wliite laborers, and thou- 
 sands of our white people have quit Cali- 
 fornia and sought immunity from this 
 grinding competition in other and better- 
 favored regions." 
 ********* 
 
 "If you would 'secure the blessings of 
 liberty to ourselves and our posterity,' 
 there must be some place reserved in 
 which, and upon which, posterity can exist. 
 What will the blessings of liberty be worth 
 to posterity if you give up the country to 
 the Chinese? If China is to be the breed- 
 ing-ground for peopling this country, what 
 chance of American posterity? We of 
 this age hold this land in trust for our race 
 and kindred. AVe hold republican govern- 
 ment and free institutions in trust for 
 American posterity. That trust ought not 
 to be betraved. If the Chinese should in- 
 vade the Pacific coast with arms in their 
 hands, whtit a magnificent spectacle of 
 mirtial resistance would be presented to a 
 startled world ! The mere intimation oi' 
 an attemj>t to make conquest of our west- 
 ern shore by force would rouse the nation 
 to a frenzy of enthusiasm in its defense. 
 For years a peaceful, sly, strategic con- 
 quest has been in progress, and American 
 statesmanship has been almost silent, until 
 the people have demanded action. 
 
 " The land which is being overrun by 
 the oriental invader is the fairest portion 
 of our heritage. It is the land of the vine 
 and the fig tree ; the home of the orani2:e, 
 the olive, and the pomegranate. Its winter 
 is a perpetual sprino:, and its summer is a 
 golden harvest. There the northern jiine 
 peacefully sways against the southern palm ; 
 the tender azalea and the hardy rose min- 
 gle their sweet perfume, and the tropic 
 vine encircles the sturdy oak. Its valleys 
 are rich atid glorious with luscious fruits 
 and waving grain, and its lofty 
 
 Mountains liko giants Htand, 
 To sentinel iho eucliunt(Mi land. 
 
 " I would see its fertile j)lains, its se- 
 questered vales, its vine-clad hills, its deep 
 blue canons, its furrowed mountain-sides, 
 dotted all over with American homes — • 
 the homes of a free, happy people, reso- 
 nant with the sweet voices of fiaxiii-liaired 
 children, and ringing with the joyous 
 laughter of maiden fair — 
 
 Soft aa hor climo, and sunny as her skies — 
 
 like the homes of New England ; yet 
 brighter and better far shall be the homes 
 which are to be builded in tliat wonder- 
 land by the sunset sea, the homes of a race 
 from which shall spring 
 
 The flower of men, 
 To serve us model for the iriiKlity world, 
 And be the fair beginning of a time." 
 
 Reply of Senator Geo. F. Hoar. 
 
 Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, replied 
 to Senator Miller, and presented the sup- 
 posed view of the Eastern States in a mas- 
 terly manner. The speech covered twenty- 
 eight pamphlet pages, and was referred to 
 by the newspaper as an effort equal to 
 some of the best by Charles Sumner. We 
 make liberal extracts from the text, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " Mr. President : A hundred yea« 
 ago the American people founded a nation 
 upon the moral law. They overthrew by 
 force the authority of their sovereign, and 
 separated themselves from the country 
 which had planted them, alleging as their 
 justification to mankind certain i:)roposi- 
 tions which they held to be self-evident. 
 
 " They declared — and that declaration 
 is the one foremost action of human his- 
 tory — that all men equally deri\e from 
 their Creator the right to the pur-uit of 
 happiness; that equality in the right to 
 that pursuit is the fundamental rule of the 
 divine justice in its application to man- 
 kind; that its security is the end lor which 
 governments are formed, and its destruc- 
 tion good cause why governments should 
 be overthrown. For a hundred years this 
 principle has been held in honor. Under 
 its beneficent 0])eration we have grown al- 
 most twenty-fold. Thirteen States have 
 become thirty-eight; three million have 
 become fifty million ; wealth and comfort 
 and education and art have flourished 
 in still larger proportion. Every twenty 
 years there is added to the valuation of 
 this country a wealth enough to buy the 
 whole German Empire, with its buildings 
 and its ships and its invested property. 
 This has been the magnet that has drawn 
 immigration hither. The human stream, 
 hemmed in by banks invisible but impassa- 
 ble, does not turn toward IMexico, which 
 can feed and clotlie a world, or South 
 America, which can feed and clothe a hun-
 
 286 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 dred worlds, but seeks only that belt of 
 States where it finds this law in operation. 
 The marvels of comfort and happiness it 
 has wrought for us scarcely surpass what 
 it has done for other countries. The im- 
 migrant sends back the message to those 
 he has left behind. There is scarcely a 
 nation in Europe west of Russia which has 
 not felt the force of our example and whose 
 institutions are not more or less slowly ap- 
 proximating to our own. 
 
 " Every new State as it takes its place in 
 the great family binds this declaration as a 
 frontlet upon its forehead. Twenty-four of 
 the States, including California herself, 
 declare it in the very opening sentence of 
 their constitutions. The insertion of the 
 phrase ' the pursuit of happiness,' in the 
 enumeration of the natural rights for secur- 
 ing which government is ordained, and the 
 denial of which constitutes just cause for 
 its overthrow, was intended as an explicit 
 affirmation that the right of every human 
 being who obeys the equal laws to go 
 everywhere on the surface of the earth 
 that his welfare may require is beyond the 
 rightful control of government. It is a 
 birthright derived immediately from him 
 who * made of one blood all nations of 
 men for to dwell on all the face of the 
 earth, and hath determined the times be- 
 fore appointed and the bounds of their habi- 
 tation.' He made, so our fathers held, of 
 one blood all the nations of men. He gave 
 them the whole face of the earth whereon 
 to dwell. He reserved for himself by his 
 agents heat and cold, and climate, and 
 soil, and water, and land to determine the 
 bounds of their habitation. It has long 
 been the fnshion in some quarters, when 
 honor, justice, good faith, human rights 
 are appealed to, and especially when the 
 truths declared in the opening sentences of 
 the Declaration of Independence are in- 
 voked as guides in legislation to stigmatize 
 those who make the appeal as sentimenta- 
 lists, incapable of dealing Avith practical 
 affairs. It would be easy to demonstrate 
 the falsehood of this notion. The men who 
 erected the structure of this Government 
 were good, practical builders and knew 
 well the quality of the corner-stone when 
 they laid it. When they put forth for 
 the consideration of their contemporaries 
 and of posterity the declaration which they 
 thought a decent respect for the opiiuons 
 of mankind reqiiircfl of them, they weighed 
 carefully the fundamental proposition on 
 which their immortal argument rested. 
 Lord (yliatham's famous sentence will bear 
 repeating again : 
 
 When yur lordships look at the 
 papers transmitted to us from America, 
 when you consider their decency, firmness, 
 and wisdom, you cannot but resjiect their 
 ciuise and wi«h to make it your own. For 
 myself I must declare and avow that in all 
 
 my reading and observation — and it haa 
 been my favorite study, I have read 
 Thucydides, and have studied and admired 
 the master states of the world — that for 
 solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and 
 wisdom of conclusion, under such a com- 
 plication of difficult circumstances, no na- 
 tion or body of men can stand in preference 
 to the general Congress assembled at 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 The doctrine that the pursuit of happi- 
 ness is an inalienable right with which men 
 are endowed by their Creator, asserted by 
 as religious a people as ever lived at the 
 most religious period of their history, pro- 
 pounded by as wise, practical, and far- 
 sighted statesmen as ever lived as the vin- 
 dication for the most momentous public 
 act of their generation, was intended to 
 commit the American people in the most 
 solemn manner to the assertion that the 
 right to change their hom.es at (heir plea- 
 sure is a natural right of all men. The doc- 
 trine that free institutions are a monopoly 
 of the favored races, the doctrine that op- 
 pressed people may sever their old alle- 
 giance at will, but have no right to find a 
 new one, that the bird may fly but may 
 never light, is of quite recent origin. 
 
 California herself owing her place in our 
 Union to the first victory of freedom in the 
 great contest with African slavery, is 
 pledged to repudiate this modern heresy, 
 not only by her baptismal vows, but by 
 her share in the enactment of the statute 
 of 1868. Her constitution read thus until 
 she took Dennis Kearney for her law- 
 giver : 
 
 We, the people of California, grateful to 
 Almighty God for our freedom, in order to 
 secure its blessings, do establish this con- 
 stitution. 
 
 DECLARATION OF EIGHTS. 
 
 Section 1. All men are by nature free 
 and independent, and have certain inalien- 
 able rights, among which are those of enjoy- 
 ing and defending life and liberty, acquir- 
 ing, possessing, and defending jiroperty, 
 and pursuing and obtaining safety and 
 happiness. 
 
 Vr * Mr * * * * 
 
 Sec. 17. Foreigners who are or who 
 may hereafter become bona fide residents 
 of this State, shall enjoy the same rights in 
 respect to the possession, enjoyment, and 
 inheritance of property, as native born 
 citizens. 
 
 In the Revised Statutes, section 1909, 
 Congress in the most solemn manner de- 
 clare that the right of expatriation is be- 
 yond the lawful contnd of government: 
 
 Sec. 1!);)9. Whereas the right of expa- 
 triation is a n:\tur;il ;ind inherent right of 
 all peoj»le. indispensable to the enjoj'ment 
 of the rights of life, liberty, and the pur- 
 suit of happiness; and
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 287 
 
 Whereas in the recognition of this prin- 
 ciple this Government has freely received 
 emij^rants i'rom all nations, and invested 
 them with the rights of citizenship. 
 
 This is a re-enactment, in |iart, of the 
 statute of l.S()8, of which ]\Ir. Conness, 
 then a California Senator, of Irish birlh, 
 was, if not the author, the chief advocate. 
 
 The California Senator called up the 
 bill day after day. The bill originally 
 provided that the President might order 
 the arrest and detention in custody of 
 " any subject jor citizen of such foreign 
 government" as should arrest and detain 
 any naturalized citizen of the United 
 States under the claim that he still re- 
 mained subject to his allegiance to his na- 
 tive sovereign. This gave rise to debate. 
 
 But there was no controversy about the 
 part of the bill which I have read. The 
 prea'uble is as follows: 
 
 Whereas the right of expatriation is a 
 n'ltur.il and inherent right of all people, 
 indispensable to the enjoyment of the 
 right-i of life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 liappincss, for the i)rotection of which the 
 Government of the United States was es- 
 tablished ; and whereas in the recogni- 
 tion of this principle this Government has 
 freely received emigrants from all nations 
 and ve-;ted them with the rights of citizen- 
 ship, &e. 
 
 Mr. Howard declares that — 
 
 The abs'dute right of expatriation is the 
 great leading American principle. 
 
 Mr. Morton says: 
 
 That a man's right to withdraw from his 
 native country and make his home in an- 
 other, and thus cut himself oft from all 
 connection with his native country, is a 
 part of his natural liberty, and without 
 that his liberty is defective. We claim 
 that the right to liberty is a natural, in- 
 herent, God-given right, and his liberty is 
 imperfect unless it carries with it the right 
 of expatriation. 
 
 The bill containing the preamble above 
 recited passed the Senate by a vote of 39 
 to 5. 
 
 The United States of America and the 
 Emperor of China cordially recognize the 
 inherent and inalienable right of man to 
 change his home and allegiance, and also 
 the mutual advantage of the free migra- 
 tion and emigration of their citizens and 
 subjects re-^pectively from the one country 
 to the other for purposes of curiosity, of 
 trade, or as permanent residents. 
 
 "The bill which passed Congress two 
 years ago and was vetoed by President 
 Hayes, the treaty of 1881, and the bill now 
 before the Senate, have the same origin 
 and are parts of the same measure. Two 
 year^ ago it was proposed to exclude Chi- 
 nese laborers from our borders, in express 
 disregard of our solemn treaty obli;rations. 
 This measure was arrested by President 
 
 Hayes. The treaty of 1881 extorted from 
 unwilling t'hina her consent that we might 
 regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of 
 Chinese laborers into this country- a con- 
 sent of which it is proposed by tiiis bill to 
 take advantage. This is entitled " A bill 
 to enforce treaty stipulatious with Chi- 
 na." 
 
 " It seems necessary in discussing the 
 statute briefly to review the history (jf the 
 treaty. First let me say that the title of 
 this bill is deceptive. There is no stipu- 
 lation of the treaty which the bill enforces. 
 The bill where it is not inconsistent with 
 the compact only avails itself of a privi- 
 lege which that concedes. China only re- 
 laxed the r>iu-lingame treaty so far as to 
 ])ermit us to ' regulate, limit, or suspend 
 the coming or residence' of Chinese la- 
 borers, 'but not absolutely to j)roliibit it.' 
 The treaty expressly declares 'such limi- 
 tation or suspension shall be reasonaljle.' 
 But here is proposed a statute which for 
 twenty years, under the severest penalties, 
 absolutely inhibits the coming of Chinese 
 laborers to this country. The treaty pledges 
 us not absolutely to prohibit it. The bill 
 is intended absolutely to prohibit it. 
 
 " The second article of the treaty is this : 
 
 " Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to 
 the United States as traders, students, or 
 merchants, or from curiosity, together with 
 their body and household servants, and 
 Chinese laborers, who are now in the Uni- 
 ted States, shall be allowed to go and come 
 of their own free will and accord, and 
 shall be accorded all the rights, privileges, 
 immunities, and exemptions which are ac- 
 corded to the citizens and subjects of the 
 most favored nations. 
 
 " Yet it is difficult to believe that the com- 
 plex and cuml)rous passport system jiro- 
 vided in the last twelve sections of the bill 
 was not intended as an evasion of this 
 agreement. Upon what other nation, fa- 
 vored or not, is such a burden imposed? 
 This is the execution of a promise that 
 they may come and go 'of their own free 
 will.' 
 
 " What has happened within thirteen 
 years that the great Republic should strike 
 its flag? What change has come over us 
 that we should eat the bravest and the tru- 
 est words Ave ever spoke ? From 1 8 ")8 to 
 1880 there was added to the population of 
 the country 42,000 Chinese. 
 
 " I give a table from the census of 1880 
 showing the Chinese population of each 
 State : 
 
 Statement shoicing the Chinese population 
 in each State and Territon/, aecnrdinij to 
 the United States censuses of 1870 and of 
 1880. 
 
 Alabama 1 
 
 Alaska 
 
 Arizona 20 1,630
 
 288 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Arkansas 98 134 
 
 California 49,310 75,025 
 
 Colorado 7 610 
 
 Connecticut 2 124 
 
 Dakota 238 
 
 Delaware 1 
 
 District of Columbia 3 13 
 
 Florida 18 
 
 Georgia 1 17 
 
 Idaho 4,274 3,378 
 
 Illinois 1 210 
 
 Indiana 33 
 
 Iowa 3 47 
 
 Kansas 19 
 
 Kentucky 1 10 
 
 Louisiana 71 481 
 
 Maine 1 9 
 
 Maryland 2 5 
 
 Massachusetts 97 237 
 
 Michigan 2 27 
 
 Minnesota 53 
 
 Misssissippi 16 62 
 
 Missouri 3 94 
 
 Montana 1,949 1,764 
 
 Nebraska .18 
 
 Nevada 3,152 6,420 
 
 New Hani])shire 14 
 
 New Jersey 15 176 
 
 New Mexico 65 
 
 New York 29 924 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 Ohio 1 114 
 
 Oregon 3,330 9,513 
 
 Pennsylvania 14 160 
 
 Ehode Island 27 
 
 South Carolina 1 9 
 
 Tennessee 26 
 
 Texas 25 141 
 
 Utah 445 601 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 4 6 
 
 Washington 234 3,182 
 
 West Virginia 14 
 
 Wisconsin 16 
 
 Wyoming 143 914 
 
 Total 63,264 105,463 
 
 "By the census of 1880 the Tiumber of 
 Chinese in this country was 105,000 — one 
 five-hundredth part of the whole popula- 
 tion. The Chinese are the most easily 
 governed race in the world. Yet every 
 Chinaman in America has four hundred 
 and ninf'ty-nine Americans to control him. 
 
 The immigration was also constantly de- 
 crca.'^ing for the last half of the decade. 
 The Bureau of Statistics gives the num- 
 bers as follows, (fortiie first eight years the 
 figures are tliose of the entire Asiatic im- 
 migration :) 
 
 The number of immigrants from Asia, 
 a.s reported by the United States Bureau 
 of Statistics is as follows, namely: 
 
 1871 7,236 
 
 1872 7,S25 
 
 1873 20,326, 
 
 1874 13,857 
 
 1875 16,498 
 
 1876 22,943 
 
 1877 10,640 
 
 1878 9,014 
 
 Total 108,339 
 
 And from China for the year ended 
 June 30— 
 
 1879 9,604 
 
 1880 5,802 
 
 Total .' 15,406 
 
 Grand Total 123,745 
 
 " See also, Mr. President, how this class 
 of immigrants, diminishing in itself, di- 
 minishes still more in its proportion to the 
 rapidly increasing numbers who come 
 from other lands. Against 22,943 Asiatic 
 immigrants in 1876, there are but 5,802 in 
 1880. In 1878 there were 9,014 from Asia, 
 in a total of 153,207, or one in seventeen 
 of the entire immigration ; and this in- 
 cludes all persons who entered the j^ort of 
 San Francisco to go to any South American 
 country. In 1879 there were 9,604 from 
 China in a total of 250,565, or one iri 
 twenty-six. In 1880 there were 5,802 from 
 China in a total immigration of 5S3,359, or 
 one in one hundred and two. The whole 
 Chinese population, then, when the cen- 
 sus of 1880 was taken, was but one in five 
 hundred of our people. The whole Chinese 
 immigration was but one in one hundred 
 and two of the total immigration ; while 
 the total annual immigration quadrupled 
 from 1878 to 1880, the Chimse was in 
 1880 little more than one-half what it was 
 in 1878, and one-fourth what it was in 1876. 
 
 " The number of immigrants of all 
 nations was 720,045 in 1881. Of these 
 20,711 were Chinese. There is no record 
 in the Bureau of Statistics of the number 
 who departed within the year. But a very 
 high anti-Chinese authority jilaces it above 
 10,000. Perhaps the expection that the 
 hostile legislation under the tre;;ty would 
 not affect persons who entered before it 
 took eflcct stimulated somewhat their 
 coming. But the addition to the Chinese 
 pojiulation was less than one seventy- 
 second of the whole immigration. All 
 the Chinese in the country do not exceed 
 the population of its sixteenth city. All 
 the Chinese in California hardly .-urpasa 
 the number which is easily governed in 
 Slianghai by a police of one hundred men. 
 There are as many pure blooded Gypsies 
 wandering about the country as there are 
 Chinese in California, What an iiii-ult to 
 American intelligence to ask leave of 
 China to keep out her people, because 
 this little handful of almond-eyed Asiatics 
 threaten to destroy our boasted civiliza-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 289 
 
 uon. We go boasting of our democracy, 
 and our superiority, and our strength. Tlie 
 flag bears the stars of hope to all nations. 
 A hundred thousand Chinese land in 
 California and everytliing is changed. God 
 has not made of one blood all the nations 
 any longer. The self-evident truth be- 
 comes a self-evident lie. The golden rule 
 does not apply to the natives oi' the con- 
 tinent where it was first uttered. The 
 United 8t ites surrender to China, the lie- 
 public to the despot, America to Asia, Jesus 
 to Joss. 
 
 " There is another most remarkable ex- 
 ample of tliis prejudice of race which has 
 happily almost died out here, which has 
 come down I'rom the dark ages and which 
 survives with unabated ferocity in Eastern 
 Europe. I mean the hatred of the Jew. 
 The persecution of the Hebrew has never, 
 so far as I know, taken the form of an 
 affront to labor. In every other particular 
 the reproache-i which for ten centuries 
 have been leveled at him are reproduced 
 to do service against the Chinese. The 
 Hebrew, so it was said, was not a Chris- 
 tian. He did not aililiate or assimilate 
 into the nations where he dwelt. He was 
 an unclean thing, a dog, to whom the 
 crime of the crucitixion of his Saviour was 
 never to be forgiven. The Chinese quar- 
 ter of San Francisco had its type in every 
 city of Europe. If the Jew ventured from 
 his hiding-place he was stoned. His 
 wealth made him the prey of the rapacity 
 of the noble, and his poverty and weaknes:; 
 the victim of the rabble. Yet how has this 
 Oriental conquered Christendom by the 
 sublimity of his patience? The great poet 
 of New England, who sits by every Ameri- 
 can fireside a beloved and perpetual guest, 
 in that masterpiece of his art, the Jewish 
 Cemetery at Newport, has described the 
 degradation and the triumph of these per- 
 secuted children of God. 
 
 How camo thoyhere? Wliat burst of Christian hate, 
 
 What iiorsecutioii, mercilc*) and blind, 
 Drove o"er thit si'a — tliat desert desolate — 
 
 These Ishmaols and Ilajrai-s of mankind? 
 They lived in narrow streets and lanes obscure, 
 
 Ghetto and Judonstrass, in mirk and niiro; 
 Taught in the school of patience to endure 
 
 The life of anguish and the death of lire. 
 
 Anathema maranatha I was the cry 
 
 That ning from town to town, fnini street to street; 
 At every gate tlie accursi-d .MonliTui 
 
 Was mocked and jeered, and sjmriu'd by Christian feet. 
 
 Pride and humiliation hand in hand 
 
 Walked with them through the world where'er they 
 went ; 
 Trampled and beaten were they as the sand, 
 
 And yet unshaken as the continent. 
 
 Forty years ago — 
 Says Lord Beaconsfield, that great Jew 
 who held England in the hollow of his 
 hand, and who played on her aristocracy 
 as on an organ, who made himself the 
 master of an alien nation, its ruler, its 
 
 19 
 
 oracle, and through it, and in despite of it, 
 for a time the master of JCurope — 
 
 Forty years ago — not a longer period 
 than the children of Israel were wandering 
 in the desert — the two most dishonorea 
 races in Europe were the Attic and the He- 
 brew. The world has probably by this 
 discovered that it is impossible to destroy 
 the Jews. The attempt to extiri)ate them 
 has been made under the most favorable 
 ausi)ices and on the largest scale ; the most 
 consideral)le means that man could com- 
 mand have been pertinaciously ajjplied to 
 this object for the longest period of re- 
 corded time. Egyptian I'liaraohs, Assyrian 
 kings, Roman emperors, Scandinavian 
 cru.saders, Gothic princes, and holy inqui- 
 sitors, have alike devoted their energies to 
 the fulfillment of this common purpose. 
 Expatriation, exile, captivity, confiscation, 
 torture on the most ingenious and massa- 
 cre on the most extensive scale, a curious 
 system of degrading customs and debasing 
 laws which would have broken the heart 
 of any other people, have been tried, and 
 in vain. 
 
 " Lord Beaconsfield admits that the Jew3 
 contribute more than their proportion to 
 the aggregate of the vile ; that the lowest 
 class of Jews are obdurate, malignant, 
 odious, and revolting. And yet this race 
 of dogs, as it has been often termed in 
 scorn, furnishes Euroj^e to-day its masters 
 in finance and oratory and statesmanship 
 and art and music. Rachel, Mozart, Men- 
 delssohn, Disraeli, Rothschild, Benjamin, 
 Heine, are but samples of the intellectual 
 j)ower of a race which to-day controls the 
 finance and the press of Europe. 
 
 " I do not controvert the evidence which 
 is relied upon to show that there are great 
 abuses, great dangers, great offenses, which 
 have grown out of the coming of this peo- 
 ple. Much of the evil I believe might be 
 cured by State and municipal authority. 
 Congress may rightfully be called upon to 
 go to the limit of the just exercise of the 
 powers of government in rendering its aid. 
 
 " We should have capable and vigilant 
 consular officers in the Asiatic ports from 
 which these immigrants come, without 
 whose certificate they should not be re- 
 ceived on board ship, and who should see 
 to it that no person except those of good 
 character and no person whose labor is not 
 his own property be allowed to come over. 
 Especially should the trade in human 
 labor under all disguises be suppressed. 
 Filthy habits of living must surely be with- 
 in the control of municipal regulation. 
 Everj' State may by legislation or by muni- 
 cipal ordinance in its towns and cities pre- 
 scribe the dimension of dwellings and limit 
 the number who may occupy the same 
 tenement. 
 
 "But it is urged — and this in my judg- 
 ment is the greatest argument for the b.II —
 
 290 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 that the introduction of the labor of the 
 Chinese reduces the wages of the American 
 laborer. ' We are ruined by Chinese cheap 
 labor" is a cry not limited to the class to 
 whose representative the brilliant humor- 
 ist of California first ascribed it. I am not 
 in favor of lowering any where the wages 
 of any American labor, skilled or unskilled. 
 On the contrary, I believe the maintenance 
 and the increase of the purchasing power 
 of the wages of the American working man 
 should be the one principal object of our 
 legislation. The share in the product of 
 agriculture or manufacture which goes to 
 labor should, and I believe will, steadily 
 increase. For that, and for that only, ex- 
 ists our protective system. The acquisition 
 of wealth, national or individual, is to be 
 desired only for that. The statement of 
 the accomplished Senator from California 
 on this point meets my heartiest concur- 
 rence. I have no sympathy with any men, 
 if such there be, who favor high protection 
 and cheap labor. 
 
 " But I believe that the Chinese, to whom 
 the terms of the California Senator attri- 
 bute skill enough to displace the American 
 in every field requiring intellectual vigor, 
 will learn very soon to insist on his full 
 share of the product of his work. But whe- 
 ther that be true or not, the wealth he cre- 
 ates will make better and not worse the con- 
 dition of every higher class of labor. There 
 may be trouble or failure in adjusting new 
 relations. But sooner or later every new 
 class of industrious and productive labor- 
 ers elevates the class it displaces. The 
 di»ead of an injury to our labor from the 
 Chinese rests on the same fallacy that op- 
 posed the introduction of labor-saving ma- 
 chinery, and which opposed the coming of 
 the Irishman and the German and the 
 Swede. Within my memory in New Eng- 
 land all the lower places in factories, all 
 places of domestic service, were filled by 
 the sons and daughters of American farm- 
 ers. The Irishmen came over to take their 
 jdaces; but the American farmer's son and 
 daughter did not sufler ; they were only 
 elevated to a higher plane. In the in- 
 creased wealth of the community their 
 share is much greater. The Irishman rose 
 from the bog or the hovel of his native land 
 to the comfort of a New England home, 
 and placecl his children in a New England 
 school. Tiio Yankee rises from the loom 
 and the spinning-jenny to be the teacher, 
 the .skilled laborer in the machine shop, the 
 inventor, the merchant, or the opulent 
 landholder and farmer of the West. 
 
 A letter from F. A. Bee, Chinese Con- 
 sul, approving tlie management of llic es- 
 tate, accompanied the report of the re- 
 feree : 
 
 "Mr. President, I will not detain the 
 
 Senate by reading the abundant testimony, 
 of which this is but the sample, of the pos- 
 session by the people of this race of the 
 possibility of a development of every qua- 
 lity of intellect, art, character, which fits 
 them for citizenship, for republicanism, for 
 Christianity. 
 
 "Humanity, capable of infinite depths 
 of degradation, is capable also of infinite 
 heights of excellence. The Chinese, like 
 all other races, has given us its examples 
 of both. To rescue humanity from this 
 degradation is, we are taught to'believe, the 
 great object of God's moral government on 
 earth. It is not by injustice, exclusion, 
 caste, but by reverence for the individual 
 soul that we can aid in this consummation. 
 It is not by Chinese policies that China is 
 to be civilized. I believe that the immor- 
 tal truths of the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence came from the same source with the 
 Golden Rule and the Sermon on the 
 Mount. We can trust Him who promul- 
 gated these laws to keep the country safe 
 that obeys them. The laws of the universe 
 have their own sanction. They will not 
 fail. The power that causes the compass 
 to point to the north, that dismisses the 
 star on its pathway through the skies, pro- 
 mising that in a thousand years it shall re- 
 turn again true to its hour and keep His 
 word, will vindicate His own moral law. 
 As surely as the path on which our fathers 
 entered a hundred years ago led to safety, 
 to strength, to glory, so surely will the 
 path on which we now propose to enter 
 bring us to shame, to weakness, and to 
 jjcril." 
 
 On the 3d of March the debate was re- 
 newed. Senator Farley protested that un- 
 less Chinese immigration is prohibited it 
 will be impossible to protect the Chinese 
 on the Pacific coast. The feeling against 
 them now is such that restraint is difficult, 
 as the people, forced out of employment by 
 them, and irritated by their constantly in- 
 creasing numbers, arc not in a condition to 
 submit to the deprivations they suffer by 
 the presence of a Chinese population im- 
 ported as slaves and absorbing to their own 
 benefit the labor of the country. A remark 
 of Mr. Farley about the Chinese led Mr, 
 Hoar to ask if they were not the inventors 
 of the printing press and of gunpowder. 
 To this question Mr. Jones, of Nevada, 
 made a brief speech, which was considered 
 remarkable, ])rincipal]y because it was one 
 of the very few speeches of any length that 
 he has made since he became a Senator. 
 Instead of agreeing Avith Mr. Hoar that the 
 Chinese had inv-ented tlie printing press 
 and gunpowder, hv said that infornuition 
 he iuid received led him to believe that the 
 Ciiinese were not entitled to the credit of 
 either of these inventions. On the con- 
 trary, tiicy had stolen them from Aryans or 
 Caucasians who wandered into the king-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 291 
 
 dom, Mr. Hoar smiled incredulously and 
 made a remark to the efFcct that he had 
 never heard of those Aryans or Caucasians 
 before. 
 
 Continuing his remarks, Mr. Farley ex- 
 
 firessed his belief that should the Mongo- 
 ian population increase and the Chinese 
 come in contact with the Africans, the con- 
 tact would result in demoralization and 
 bloodshed which the laws could not pro- 
 vent. Pig-tailed Chi namen would take the 
 place everywhere of the working girl unless 
 Congress extended its])rot('ction to Calilbr- 
 nia and her white peojile, who had by their 
 votes demanded a prohii)ition of Chinese 
 immigration. Mr. Maxcy, interpreting the 
 Constitution in such a way as to bring out 
 of it an argument against Chinese immi- 
 gration, said he found nothing in it to jus- 
 tify the conclusion that the framcrs of it 
 intended to bring into this country all na- 
 tions and races. The only people the 
 fathers had in view as citizens were those 
 of the Caucasian race, and they contempla- 
 ted naturalization only for such, for they 
 had distinctly set forth that the heritage of 
 freedom was to be for their posterity. No- 
 body would pretend to express the opinion 
 that it was'expected that the American peo- 
 ple should become mixed up with all sorts 
 of races and call the result " our posterity." 
 While the American people had, in conse- 
 quence of their Anglo-Saxon origin, been 
 able to withstand the contact with the Af- 
 rican, the Africans would never stand be- 
 fore the Chine-se. Mr. Maxey opposed the 
 Chinese because they do not come here to 
 be citizens, because the lower classes of 
 Chinese alone are immigrants, and because 
 by contact they poison the minds of the less 
 intelligent. 
 
 Mr. Saulsbury had something to say in 
 favor of the bill, and Mr. Garland, who vo- 
 ted against the last bill because the treaty 
 had not been modified, expressed his belief 
 that the GDvernment could exercise proper- 
 ly all the powers proposed to be bestowed 
 by this bill. Some time was consumed by 
 Mr. Ingalls in advocacy of an amendment 
 offered by him, proposing to limit the sus- 
 pension of immigration to 10 instead of 
 20 years. Mr. Miller and Mr. Bayard op- 
 posed the amendment, Mr. Bayard taking 
 the ground that Congress ought not to dis- 
 regard the substantially unanimous wish of 
 the people of California, as expressed at 
 the polls, for absolute prohibition. The 
 debate was interrupted by a motion for an 
 executive session, and the bill went over un- 
 til Monday, to be taken up then as the un- 
 finished business. 
 
 On March 6th a vote was ordered on 
 Senator Ingalls' amendment. It was de- 
 feated on a tie vote — yeas 23, nays 23. 
 
 The vote in detail is as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
 Brown, Cockrell, Conger, Davis of Illinois, 
 
 Dawes, Edmunds, Fryc, Harris,' Hoar, In- 
 galls, Jackson, Lapham, McDill, McMil- 
 lan, I\Iitchell, Morrell, Saunders, Sewell, 
 Sherman and Teller — 23. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Came- 
 ron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, Gar- 
 land, George, Hale, Hampton, Hill of 
 Colorado, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Mc- 
 Pherson, Marcy, Miller of California, Mil- 
 ler of New York, ]\Iorgan, Ransom, Slater, 
 Vest and Walker— 23. 
 
 Pairs were announced between Davis, of 
 West Virginia, Saulsbury, Butler, John- 
 son, Kellogg, Jones, of Florida, and Grover, 
 against the amendment, and Messrs. Win- 
 dom, Ferry, Hawley, Piatt, Pugh, Rollins 
 and Van Wyck in the affirmative. Mr. 
 Camden was also paired. 
 
 Mr. Edmunds, partially in reply to Mr. 
 Hoar argued that the right to decide what 
 constitutes the moral law was one inherent 
 in the Government, and by analogy the 
 right to regulate the character of the peo- 
 ple who shall come into it belonged to a 
 Government. This depended upon national 
 polity and the fact as to most of the ancient 
 republics that they did not possess homo- 
 geneity was the cause of their fall. As to 
 the Swiss Republic, it was untrue that it 
 was not homogeneous. The difference 
 there was not one of race but of different 
 varieties of the same race, all of which are 
 analogous and consistent with each other. 
 It would not be contended that it is an 
 advantage to a republic that its citizens 
 should be made of diverse races, with di- 
 verse views and diverse obligations as to 
 what the common prosperity of all required. 
 Therefore there was no foundation for the 
 charge of a violation of moral and public 
 law in our making a distinction as to the 
 foreigners we admit. He challenged Mr, 
 Hoar to produce an authority on national 
 law which denied the right of one nation 
 to declare what people of other nations 
 should come among them. John Hancock 
 and Samuel Adams, not unworthy citizens 
 of Massachusetts, joined in asserting in the 
 Declaration of Independence the right of 
 the colonies to establish for themselves, 
 not for other peoples, a Government of 
 their own, not the Government of some- 
 body else. The declaration asserted the 
 family or consolidated right of a people 
 within any Territory to determine the con- 
 ditions upon which they would go on, and 
 this included the matter of receiving the 
 people from other shores into their family. 
 This idea was followed in the Constitution 
 by requiring naturalization. The China- 
 man may be with us, but he is not of us. 
 One of the conditions of his naturalization 
 is that he must be friendly to the institu- 
 tions and intrinsic polity of our Govern- 
 ment. Upon the theory of the Massachu- 
 setts Senators, that there is a universal 
 oneness of one human being with every
 
 292 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 otlier limnan "being on tlie globe, tliis tra- 
 ditional and fundamental principle was 
 entirely ignored. Such a theory as applied 
 to Government was contrary to all human 
 experience, to all discussion, and to every 
 step of the founders of our Government. 
 He said that Mr. Sumner, the predecessor 
 of Mr. Hoar, was the author of the law on 
 the coolie traffic, which imposes fines and 
 penalties more severe than those in this 
 bill upon any master of an American ves- 
 sel carrying a Chinaman who is a servant. 
 The present bill followed that legislation. 
 Mr. Edmunds added that he would vote 
 against the bill if the twenty-year clause 
 was retained, but would maintain the 
 soundness of principle he had enunciated. 
 
 Mr. Hoar argued in reply that the right 
 of expatriation carried with it the right to 
 a home for the citizen in the country to 
 which he comes, and that the bill violated 
 not only this but the principles of the 
 Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments 
 which made citizenship the birthright of 
 every one born on our soil, and prohibited 
 an abridgement of the suffrage because of 
 race, color, etc. 
 
 Mr. Ingalls moved an amendment post 
 
 own expense and of his own will, shall not 
 be affected by this bill." Lost — yeas 19, 
 nays 24. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Miller, of California, 
 the provision directing the removal of any 
 Chinese unlawfully luund in a Customs 
 Collection district by the Collector, was 
 amended to direct that he shall be removed 
 to the place from whence he came. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Brown an amendment 
 was adopted providing that the mark of a 
 (Chinese immigrant, duly attested by a 
 witness, may be taken as his signature 
 upon the certificate of resignation or regis- 
 tration issued to him. 
 
 The question then recurred on the 
 amendment offered by Mr. Farley that 
 hereafter no State Court or United States 
 Court shall admit Chinese to citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Hawley, of Conn., on the following 
 day spoke against what he denounced as 
 " a bill of iniquities." 
 
 On the 9th of March what proved a long 
 and interesting debate was closed, the 
 leading speech being made by Senator 
 Jones (Hep.) of Nevada, in favor of the 
 bill After showing the disastrous effects 
 of the influx of the Chinese upon the Pa- 
 
 poning the time at which the act shall take cific coast and answering some of the argu 
 
 effect until sixty days after information 
 of its passage has been communicated to 
 China. 
 
 After remarks by IMessrs. Dawes, Teller 
 and Bayard, at the suggestion of Mr. Brown 
 Mr. Ingalls modified his amendment by 
 providing that the act shall not go into 
 effect until ninety days after its passage, 
 and the amendment was adopted. 
 
 On motion of ]\Ir. Bayard, amendments 
 were adopted making the second section 
 read as follows : " That any master of any 
 vessel of whatever nationality, who shall 
 knowingly on such vessel bring within the 
 jurisdiction of the United States and per- 
 mit to be landed any Chinese laborer, " &c. 
 
 Mr. Hoar moved to amend by add- 
 ing the following : " Provided, that this 
 bill shall not apply to any skilled laborer 
 who shall establish that he comes to this 
 country without any contract beyond which 
 his labor is the property of any person be- 
 sides himself. " 
 
 Mr. Farley suggested that all the Chinese 
 would claim to be skilled laborors. 
 
 Mr. Hoar replied that it would test 
 whether the bill struck at coolies or at 
 skilled ]al)or. 
 
 The amendment was rejected — Yeas, 17 ; 
 nays, 27. 
 
 Mr. Call moved to strike out the section 
 which forfeits the vessel for the offense of 
 the master. Lost. 
 
 Mr. Hoar moved to amend by inserting: 
 "Provided that any laborer who shall re- 
 ceive a certificate from tlie U. S. Consul at 
 the port wlicre he shall (■iid)ark that he is 
 
 ments of the opponents of restriction, Mr. 
 Jones said that he had noticed that most 
 of those favoring Chinese immigration 
 were advocates of a high tariff to protect 
 American labor. But, judging from indi- 
 cations, it is not the American laborer, but 
 the lordly manufacturing capitalist who is 
 to be protected as against the European 
 capitalist, and who is to sell everything he 
 has to sell in an American market, one in 
 which other capitalists cannot compete 
 with him, while he buys that which he has 
 to buy — the labor of men — in the most 
 open market. He demands lor the latter 
 free trade in its broadest sense, and would 
 have not only free trade in bringing in la- 
 borers of our own race, but the Chinese, 
 the most skilful and cunning laborers of 
 the world. The laborer, however, is to 
 buy from his capitalist master in a ])rotec- 
 tive market, but that which he himself has 
 to sell, his labor, and which he must sell 
 every day (for he cannot wait, like the 
 capitalist, for better times or travel here 
 and there to dispose of it), he must sell in 
 the openest market of the world. When 
 the artisans of this country shall be made 
 to understand that the market in which 
 they sell the only thing they have to sell 
 is an open one they will demand, as one of 
 the conditions of their existc^nce, that they 
 shall h.ave an open market in wdiich to buy 
 what they want. As the Senator from 
 JMassachusetts (Mr. Dawes) said he wanted 
 the people to know that the bill was a blow 
 struck at labor, Mr. Jones said he reitera- 
 te(l the assertion with the (luaiirication 
 
 ftn artisan coming to this country at hia I that it was not a blow at our own, but at
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 293 
 
 underpaid pauper labor. That cheap labor 
 produces national wealth is a fallacy, as 
 shown by the home condition of the 350,- 
 000,000 of Chinamen. 
 
 " Was the Ijringing of the little brown 
 man a sort of counter balance to the trades 
 unions of this country? If he may be 
 brought here, why may not tlie products 
 of his toil come in? Now, when the la- 
 borer is allowed to get that share from his 
 lal)or that civilization has decided he slinll 
 have, the little brown man is introduced. 
 He (Mr. Jones) lielieved in protection, 
 and had no prejudice against the capital- 
 ist, but he would have capital and labor 
 equally protected. Enlarging upon the 
 consideration that the intelligence or crea- 
 tive genius of a country in overcoming ob- 
 stacles, not its material resources, consti- 
 tutes its wealth, and that the low wages of 
 the Chinese, while l)cnefiting individual 
 employers, would ultimately impoverish 
 the country by removing the stimulant to 
 create labor-saving machinery and like in- 
 ventions. Mr. Jones spoke of what he 
 called the dearth of intellectual activity in 
 the South in every department but one, 
 that of politics. 
 
 " This was because of the presence of a 
 servile race there. The absence of South- 
 ern names in the Patent Office is an illus- 
 tration. We would not welcome the 
 Africans here. Their presence was not a 
 blessing to us, but an impediment in our 
 way. The relations of the white and 
 colored races of the South were now no 
 nearer adjustment than they were years 
 ago. He would prophesy that the African 
 race would never be permitted to dominate 
 any State of the South. The experiment 
 to "that end had been a dismal failure, and 
 a fiiilure not because we have not tried to 
 make it succeed, but because laws away 
 above human laws have placed the one 
 race superior to aiul for above the other. 
 The votes of the ignorant class might pre- 
 ponderate, but intellect, not numbers, is 
 the superior force in this world. We 
 clothed the African in the Union blue and 
 the belief that he was one day to be free 
 was the candle-light in his soul, but it is 
 one thing to aspire to be free and another 
 thing to have the intelligence and sterling 
 qualities of character that can maintain 
 free government. Mr. Jones here ex- 
 pressed his belief that, if left alone to main- 
 tain a government, the negro would gradu- 
 ally retrograde and go back to the methods 
 of his ancestors. This, he added, may be 
 heresy, but I believe it to be the truth. If, 
 when the first shipload of African slaves 
 came to this country the belief had spread 
 that they would be the cause of political 
 agitation, a civil war, and the future had 
 been foreseen, would they have been al- 
 lowed to land? 
 
 How much of this country would now 
 
 be worth preserving if the North had been 
 covered by Africans as is South Carolina 
 to-day, in view of tlieir non-assimilative 
 character? The wisest policy would have 
 been to exclude them at the outset. So 
 we say of the Chinese to-day, he exclaim- 
 ed, and for greater reason, because their 
 skill makes them more formidable compe- 
 titors than the negro. Subtle and adept 
 in manipulation, the Chinaman can be 
 put into almost any kind of a factory. His 
 race is as obnoxious to us and as impossi- 
 ble for us to assimilate with as was the 
 negro race. His race has outlived every 
 other because it is homogeneous, and for 
 that reason alone. It has imj)osed its re- 
 ligion and peculiarities upon its conquer- 
 ors and still lived. If the immigration is 
 not checked now, when it is within man- 
 ageable limits, it will be too late to check 
 it. What do we find in the condition of 
 the Indian or the African to induce us to 
 admit another race into our midst ? It is 
 because the Pacific coast favor our own 
 civilization, not that of another race, that 
 they discourage the coming of these peo- 
 ple. They believe in the homogeneity of 
 our race, and that upon this depends the 
 progress of our institutions and everything 
 on which we build our hopes. 
 
 Mr. MoERiLL, (Rep.) of Vt., said he ap- 
 preciated the necessity of restricting Chi- 
 nese immigration, but desired that the bill 
 should strictly conform to treaty require- 
 ments and be so perfected that questions 
 arising under it might enable it to pass 
 the ordeal of judicial scrutiny. 
 
 Mr. Sherman', (Rep.) of Ohio, referring 
 to the passport system, said the bill adopt- 
 ed some of the most offensive features of 
 European despotism. He was averse to 
 hot haste in applying a policy foreign to 
 the habits of our people, and regarded the 
 measure as too sweeping in many of its 
 provisions and as reversing our immigra- 
 tion policy. 
 
 After remarks by Messrs. Ingalls, Far- 
 ley, Maxey, Brown and Teller, the amend- 
 ment of Mr. Farley, which provides that 
 hereafter no court shall admit Chinese to 
 citizenship, was adopted — yeas 25, nays 22. 
 
 The following is the vote : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- 
 eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, 
 Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Harris, 
 .Tackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Maxey, 
 Morgan, Pugh, Ransom, Slater, Teller, 
 Vance, Vest, Voorhees and Walker — 25. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison. Blair, 
 Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, 
 Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hill of Colorado, 
 Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, McDill, McMil- 
 lan, Miller of New York, Mitchell, Mor- 
 rill, Plumb, Saunders and Sawyer— 22. 
 
 Mr. Grover's amendment construing the 
 words " Chinese laborers," wherever used 
 in the act, to mean both skilled and im-
 
 294 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 skilled laborers and Chinese employed in 
 mining prevailed by the same vote — yeas 
 25, nays 22. 
 
 Mr.' Beoavn, (Dem.) of Ga., moved to 
 strike out the requirement for the produc- 
 tion of passports by the permitted classes 
 whenever demanded by the United States 
 authorities. Carried on a viva voce vote, 
 the Chair (Mr. Davis, of Illinois) creating 
 no little merriment by announcing, "The 
 nays are loud but there are not many of 
 them." 
 
 MR. IXGALLS' AMEXDME^^. 
 
 Upon the bill being reported to the Sen- 
 ate from the Committee of the "Whole Mr. 
 IxGALLS again moved to limit the suspen- 
 sion of the coming of Chinese laborers to 
 ten years. 
 
 Mr. Jo>"t:s, of Nevada, said this limit 
 would hardly have the effect of allaying 
 agitation on the subject as the discussion 
 would be resumed in two or three years, 
 and ten years, he feared, would not even 
 be a long enough period to enable Congress 
 intelligently to base upon it any future 
 policy. 
 
 Mr. Miller, of California, also urged 
 that the shorter period would not measura- 
 bly relieve the business interest of the 
 Pacific slope, inasmuch as the white immi- 
 grants, who were so much desired, would 
 not come there if they believed the Chi- 
 nese were to be again admitted in ten 
 years. Being interrupted by Mr. Hoar, 
 he asserted that that Senator and other 
 republican leaders, as also the last repub- 
 lican nominee for President, had hereto- 
 fore given the people of the Pacific slope 
 good reason to believe that they would se- 
 cure to them the relief they sought by the 
 bill. 
 
 Mr. Hoar, (Rep.) of Mass., briefly re- 
 plied. 
 
 The amendment was lost — yeas 20, 
 nays 21. 
 
 The vote is as follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
 Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, 
 Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hoar, Ingalls, Lap- 
 ham, McDill,"McMillan, Mahone, Morrill, 
 Plumb, Sawyer and Teller — 20. 
 
 Nay.s — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- 
 eron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, 
 Garland, George, Gorman, Jackson, Jonas, 
 Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, 
 Miller of New York, Morgan, Ransom, 
 Slater, Vance, Voorliees and Walker — 21. 
 
 Messrs. Butler, Camden, McPherson, 
 Johnston. Davis of West Virginia, Pendle- 
 ton and Rairsom were jiairod with Messrs. 
 Hawley, Anthony, S<'well, Piatt, Van 
 Wyck, Windom and Sherman. 
 
 Messrs. Hampton, Pugh, Vest, Rollins 
 and Jones of Florida were paired with 
 absentees. 
 
 PASSAGE OF THE BILL, 
 
 The question recurred on the final pas- 
 sage of the bill, and Mr. Edmunds closed 
 the debate. He would vote against the 
 bill as it now stood, because he believed it 
 to be an infraction of good faith as pledged 
 by the last treaty ; because he believed it 
 injurious to the welfare of the people of 
 the United States, and particularly the 
 people on the Pacific coast, by preventing 
 the development of our great trade with 
 China. 
 
 The vote was then taken and the bill 
 was passed — yeas 29, nays 15. 
 
 The following is the vote in detail : — 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- 
 eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, 
 Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Hale, 
 Harris, Hill of Colorado, Jackson, Jonas, 
 Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, 
 Miller of New York, Morgan, Pugh, Ran- 
 som, Sawyer, Teller, Vance, Vest, Voor- 
 hees and Walker — 29. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, 
 Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, 
 Edmunds, Frve, Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, 
 McDill, McMillan and Morrill— 15. 
 
 Pairs were announced of Messrs. Cam- 
 den, Davis of West Virginia, Grover, 
 Hampton, Butler, McPherson, Johnston, 
 Jones of Florida and Pendleton in favor 
 of the bill, with Messrs. Anthony, Win- 
 dom, Van Wyck, Mitchell, Hawley, Sewell, 
 Piatt, Rollins and Sherman against it. 
 
 Mr. Frye, (Rep.) of Me., in casting his 
 vote, stated that he was paired with Mr. 
 Hill, of Georgia, on all political questions, 
 but that he did not consider this a politi- 
 cal question, and besides, had express per- 
 mission from Senator Hill to vote upon it. 
 
 Mr. Mitchell, (Rep.) of Pa., in an- 
 nouncing his pair with Mr. Hampton ' 
 stated that had it not been for that fact he 
 would vote against the bill, regarding it as 
 un-American and inconsistent with the 
 principles which had obtained in the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The title of the bill was amended so as 
 to read, " An act to execute certain treaty 
 stipulations relating to Chinese," though 
 Mr. Hoar suggested that " execute " ought 
 to be stricken out and " violate " inserted. 
 
 The Senate then, at twenty minutes to 
 six, adjourned until to-morrow. 
 
 provisions of the bill. 
 The Chinese Immigration bill as passed 
 provides that from and after the expiration 
 of ninety days after the passage of this act 
 and until the ex})iration of twenty years 
 after its passage the coming of Chinese la- 
 borers to the United States shall be sus- 
 pended, and prescribes a penalty of im- 
 l>risoninent not exceeding one year and a 
 iine of not more than $500 against the 
 master of any vessel who brings any Chi- 
 nese laborer to this country during that
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 THE CHINESE QUESTION. 
 
 295 
 
 period. It further provides that the classes 
 of Cliinese excepted by the treaty from 
 such prohibition— such as mercliants, teach- 
 ers, students, travelers, diplomatic agents 
 and Chinese laborers who were in the Uni- 
 ted States on the 17th of November, 18S0 
 — shall be required, as a condition for their 
 admission, to procure passports from the 
 government of China personally identify- 
 in^' them and showing that they individ- 
 ually belong to one of the permitted classes, 
 which passports must have been indorsed 
 by the diplomatic representative of the 
 United Slates in China or by the United 
 States Consul at the port of departure. It 
 also provides elaborate machinery for car- 
 rying out the purposes of the act, and ad- 
 ditional sections prohibit the admission of 
 Chinese to citizenship by any United States 
 or State court and construes the words 
 "Chinese laborers" to mean both skilled 
 and unskilled laborers and Chinese em- 
 ployed in mining. 
 
 The sentiment in favor of the passage of 
 this bill has certainly greatly increased 
 since the control of the issue has passed to 
 abler liands than those of Kearney and 
 Kalloch, whose conduct intensified the 
 opposition of the East to the measure, 
 which in 1879 was denounced as " violat- 
 ing the conscience of the nation." Mr. 
 Blaine's advocacy of the first bill limiting 
 emigrants to fifteen on each vessel, at the 
 time excited much criticism in the Eastern 
 states, and was there a potent weapon 
 against him in the nominating struggle for 
 the Presidency in 1880 ; but on the other 
 hand it is believed that it gave him 
 strength in the Pacific States. 
 
 Chinese immigration and the attempt to 
 restrict it presents a question of the gra- 
 vest importance, and was treated as such 
 in the Senate debate. The friends of the 
 bill, under the leadership of Senators Mil- 
 ler and Jones, certainly stood in a better 
 and stronger attitude than ever before. 
 
 The anti-Chinese bill passed the House 
 just as it came from the Senate, after a 
 somewhat exended debate, on the 23d of 
 March, 1882. Yeas 167, nays 65, (party 
 lines not being drawn) as follows : 
 
 Yeas — IMessrs. Aikin, Aldrich, Armfield, 
 Atkins, Bayne, Belford, Belmont, IJerry, 
 Bingham, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bliss, 
 Blount, Brewer, Brumm, Buckner, Burrows, 
 of Missouri; Butterworth, Cabell, Cald- 
 well, Calkins, Campbell, Cannon, Casser- 
 lev, Caswell, Chalmers, Chapman, Clark, 
 Clements, Cobb, Converse, Cook, Cornell, 
 Cox, of Now York ; Cox, of North Caro- 
 lina ; Covington, Cravens, Culbcrtson, Cur- 
 tin, Darrell, Davidson; Davis, of Illinois; 
 Davis, of Missouri ; Dcmotte, Deuster, 
 Dezendorf, Dibble, Dibrell, Dowd, Dugro, 
 Ermentrout, Errett, Farwell, of Illinois ; 
 Finley, Flowers, Ford, Forney, Fulkcrson, 
 Garrison, Geddes, George, Gibson, Gueu- 
 
 ther, Gunter, Hammond, of Georgia ; Har- 
 dy, llarmer, Harris, of New Jersey ; Jlasel- 
 tine. Hatch, Hazelton, Heilman, Ilerndon, 
 Hewitt, of New York; Uill, Hiscock, 
 Hoblitzell, Hoge, Hollman, Horr, Houk, 
 House, Hubbell, Hubbs, Hutchins, Jont^, 
 of Texas; Jones, of Arkansas; Jorgensou, 
 Kenna, King, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Lee- 
 dom, Lewis, Marsh, Martin, Matson, Mc- 
 Clure, McCook, McKenzie, McKinlev, Mc- 
 Lane, McMillan, Miller, Mills, of Texas; 
 Money, Morey, Moulton, Murch, Mutchler, 
 O'Neill, Pacheco, Page, Paul, Payson, 
 Pealse, Phelps, Phister, Pound, Randall, 
 Reagan, Rice of Missouri, Richardson, 
 Robertson, Robinson, Rosecrans, Scran- 
 ton, Shallenberger, Sherwin, Simonton, 
 Singleton, of Mississippi, Smith of Penn- 
 sylvania, Smith of Illinois, Smith of New 
 York, Sparks, Spaulding, Spear, S|)ringer, 
 Stockslager, Strait, Talbott, Thomas, 
 Thompson of Kentucky, Tillman, Town- 
 send of Ohio, Townsend of Illinois, Tucker, 
 Turner of Georgia, Turner of Kentucky, 
 Updegraff, of Ohio, Ujjson, Valentine, 
 Vance, Van Horn, Warner, Washburne, 
 Webber, Welborn, Whitthorne, Williams 
 of Alabama, Willis, Willetts. Wilson, Wise 
 of Pennsylvania, Wise of Virginia, and W. 
 A. Wood of New York— 1G7. 
 
 The nays were Messrs. Anderson, Barr, 
 Bragg, Briggs, Brown, Buck, Camp, Cand- 
 ler, Carpenter, Chase, Crapo,Cullen, Dawes, 
 Deering, Dingley, Dunnell, Dwight, Far- 
 well of Iowa, Grant, Hall, Hammond, of 
 New York, Hardenburgh, Harris, of Mas- 
 sachusetts, Haskell, Hawk, Henderson, 
 Hepburn, Hooker, Humphrey, Jacobs, 
 Jones of New Jersey, Joyce, Kasson, 
 Ketchum, Lord, McCoid, Morse, Norcross, 
 Orth, Parker, Ramsey, Rice of Ohio, Rloe 
 of Massachusetts, Rich, Richardson of New 
 York, Ritchie, Robinson of Massachusetts, 
 Russel, Ryan, Shultz, Skinner, Scooner, 
 Stone, Taylor, Thompson of Iowa, Tyler, 
 Updegraff of Iowa, Urner, Wadsworth, 
 Wait, Walker, Ward, Watson, White and 
 Williams of Wisconsin — 65. 
 
 In the House the debate was partici- 
 pated in by Messrs. Richardson, of South 
 Carolina ; Wise and Brumm, of Pennsylva- 
 nia; Joyce, of Vermont; Dunnell, of ^Min- 
 nesota ; Orth, of Indiana; Sherwin, of Illi- 
 nois; Hazelton, of Wisconsin; Pacheco, of 
 California, and Townsend, of Illinois, and 
 others. An amendment offered by Mr. 
 Butterworth, of Ohio, reducing the period 
 of suspension to fifteen years, was rejected. 
 Messrs. Robinson, of JMnssachusctts; Cur- 
 tin, of Pennsylvania, and Cannon, of Illi- 
 nois, spoke up<m the bill, the two latter sup- 
 porting it. The s])eech of Ex-Governor 
 Curtin was strong and attracted much at- 
 tention. Mr. Page closed the debate in 
 favor of the measure. An ame'idment of- 
 fered by ]\Ir. Kasson, of Iowa, re<lucing the 
 time of susjXinsion to ten years, wai re-
 
 296 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [boox I. 
 
 jected — yeas 100, nays 131 — and the bill 
 was passed exactly as it came from the 
 Serate by a vote of 167 to 65. The House 
 then adjourned. 
 
 Oiir Slercliant Marine. 
 
 An important current issue is the increase 
 of the Xavy and the improvement of the 
 Merchant Marine, and to these questions 
 the National Administration has latterly 
 given attention. The New York Herald 
 has given niuch editorial ability and re- 
 search to the advocacy of an immediate 
 change for the better in these respects, and 
 in its issue of IMarch 10th, 1882, gave the 
 proceedings of an important meeting of the 
 members of the United States Naval Insti- 
 tute held at Annapolis the day before, on 
 which occasion a prize essay on the subject 
 — "Our Merchant Marine; the Cause of its 
 Decline and the Means to be Taken for its 
 Revival," was read. The subject was cho- 
 sen nearly a year ago, because it was the 
 belief of the members of the institute that 
 a navy cannot exist without a merchant 
 marine. The naval institute was organized 
 in 1873 for the advancement of profession- 
 al and scientific knowledge in the navy. It 
 has on its roll 500 members, principally 
 naval officers?, and its proceedings are pub- 
 lished quarterly. Hear Admiral C. R. P. 
 Eodgers is president ; Captain J. M. Ram- 
 say, vice president ; Lieutenant Command- 
 er C. !M. Thomas, secretary ; Lieutenant 
 Murdock, corresponding secretary, and 
 Paymaster R. W. Allen, treasurer. There 
 were eleven competitors for the prize, which 
 is of .?100, and a gold medal valued at $50. 
 The judges were Messrs. Hamilton Fish, 
 A. A. Low and J. D. Jones. They awarded 
 the prize to Lieutenant J. D. .T. Kelley, IT. 
 S. N., whose motto was " Nil Clarius 
 JEquore," and designated Master C. T. Cal- 
 kins, U. S. N., whose motto was " Mais il 
 faut cultiver notre jardin " as next in the 
 order of merit, and further mentioned the 
 essays of Lieutenant R. Wainwright, Uni- 
 ted States Navy, whose motto was "Causa 
 latet, vis est notissima," and Lieutenant 
 riommander J. E. Chadwick, Ignited States 
 Navy, whose motto was " Spcs Meliora," 
 as worthy of honorable mentif)n, without 
 being entirely agreed as to their compara- 
 tive merits. 
 
 8TEIKIXO PASSAGES FROM THE PRIZE 
 EHSAY. 
 
 From Lieut. Tvclley's t)rize essay many 
 valualdc facts can be gathered, and such of 
 these .'IS contain information of jxTmanent 
 value we quote : 
 
 "So far as commerce influences this 
 country lias a vital interest in the carrying 
 trade, let theorists befog tlie cool air as they 
 may. Every dollar paid for freight im- 
 ported or exported in American vessels ac- 
 
 crues to American labor and capital, and 
 the enterjirise is as much a productive in- 
 dustry as the raising of wheat, the spinning 
 of fibre or the smelting of ore. Had the 
 acquired, the ' full ' trade of 1 860 been 
 maintained without increase $80,000,000 
 would have been added last year to the na- 
 tional Avealth, and the loss from diverted 
 shipbuilding would have swelled the sum 
 to a total of $100,000,000. 
 
 " Our surplus products must find foreign 
 markets, and to retain them ships controlled 
 by and employed in exclusively American 
 interests are essential instrumentalities. 
 Whatever tends to stimulate competition 
 and to prevent combination benefits the 
 producer, and as the prices abroad estab- 
 lish values here, the barter we obtain for 
 the despised one-tenth of exports — $665,- 
 000,000 in 1880— determines the profit or 
 loss of the remainder in the home market. 
 During the last fiscal year 11,500,000 gross 
 tons of grain, oil, cotton, tobacco, precious * 
 metals, &c., were exported from the United 
 States, and this exportation increases at the 
 rate of 1,500,000 tons annually; 3,800,000 
 tons of goods are imported, or in all about 
 15,000,000 tons constitute the existing com- 
 merce of this country. 
 
 " If only one-half of the business of car- 
 rying our enormous wealth of surplus pro- 
 ducts could be secured for American ships, 
 our tonnage would be instantly doubled, 
 and we would have a greater fleet engaged 
 in a foreign trade, legitimately our own, 
 than Great Britain has to-day. The United 
 States makes to the ocean carrying-trade 
 its most valuable contribution, no other 
 nation giving to commerce so many bulky 
 tons of commodities to be transported those 
 long voyages which in every age have 
 been so eagerly coveted by marine peoples. 
 Of the 17,000 ships which enter and clear 
 at American ports every year, 4,600 seek a 
 cargo empty and but 2,000 sail without ob- 
 taining it. 
 
 " Ships are profitable abroad and can be 
 m:ule jirofitablc here, and in truth during 
 the last thirty years no other branch of 
 industry has made such progress as the 
 carrying trade. To establish this there are 
 four points of comparison — commerce, rail- 
 ways, shipping tonnage and carryi)ig power 
 of the world, limited to the years between 
 1850 and 1880 :— 
 
 Increase 
 Per 
 Cent. 
 18r>0. 1880. 
 Oommmorco of all na- 
 tions SH,280,oon,noo $i4,4o5,no(i,nno 240 
 
 liaihvavH (mil(^8 open) 44,4<)0 -J'^i,' 00 398 
 
 Shipiiitij,' toTinaKC! G.Odri.dOO 18,7'2(l,()()0 171 
 
 Currying' tiiiiiiaKo 8,404,000 34,280.000 304 
 
 " In 1850, therefore, for every $5,000,000 
 of international commerce there were fifty- 
 four miles of railway and a maritime car- 
 rying ])Ower of 9,900 tons ; and in 1880 the 
 respective ratios had risen to seventy-seven
 
 BOOK I.J 
 
 OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 
 
 297 
 
 miles and 12,000 tons'; this hss s.ivcd one- 
 fourth freight and brought producer and 
 consumers into such contact that we no 
 longer hear " of the earth's products being 
 wasted, of wheat rotting iu La Mancha, 
 wool being used to mend wads and sheep 
 being burned for fuel in the Argentine 
 Republic." England lias mainly profited by 
 this enormous develoj)inent, the shipping 
 of the United Kingdom earning $300,000,- 
 000 yearly, and employing 200,000 seamen, 
 whose industry is therefore equivalent to 
 £300 per man, as compared with £190 for 
 each of the factory operatives. The 
 freight earned by all flags for sea-borne 
 merchandise is $500,000,00, or about 8 per 
 cent, of the value transported. Hence the 
 toll whieli all nations pay to England for 
 the carrying trade is) eipial to 4 per cent, 
 (nearly) of th6 exported values of the 
 earth's products and manufactures ; and 
 pessimists who declare that ship owners 
 are losing money or making small profits 
 must be wrong, for the merchant marine is 
 expanding every year. 
 
 "The maximum tonnage of this country 
 at anj' time registered in the foreign trade 
 was in 1861, and then amounted to 5,539,- 
 813 tons ; Great Britain in the same year 
 owning 5,895,369 tons, and all the other 
 nations 5,800,767 tons. Between 1855 and 
 1860 over 1,300,000 American tons in ex- 
 cess of the country's needs were employed 
 by foreigners iu trades with which we had 
 no legitimate connection save as carriers. 
 In 1851 our registered steamships had 
 grown from the 16,000 tons of 1848 to 63,- 
 920 tons — almost equal to the 65,920 tons 
 of England, and in 1855 this had increased 
 to 115,000 tons and reached a maximum, 
 for in 1862 we had 1,000 tons less. In 
 1855 we built 388 vessels, in 1856 306 ves- 
 sels and in 1880 26 vessels — all for the 
 foreign trade. The total tonnage which 
 entered our ports in 1856 from abroad 
 amounted to 4,464,038, of which American 
 built ships constituted 3,194,375 tons, and 
 all others but 1,259,762 tons. In 1880 
 there entered from abroad 15,240,534 tons, 
 of which 3,128,374 tons were American and 
 12,112,000 were foreign — that is, in a ratio 
 of seventy-five to twenty-five, or actually 
 65,901 tons less than when we were twenty- 
 four years younger as a nation. The grain 
 fleet sailing last year from the port of New 
 York numbered 2,897 vessels, of which 
 1,822 were sailing vessels carrying 59,822,- 
 033 bushels, and 1,075 were steamers laden 
 with 42,426,533 bushels, and among all 
 these there were but seventy-four Ameri- 
 can sailing vessels and not one American 
 steamer. 
 
 " While this poison of decay has been 
 eating into our vitals the possibilities of 
 the country in nearly every other industry 
 have reached a plane of (levelopment be- 
 yond the dreams of the most enthusiastic 
 
 theorizers. We have spread out in every 
 direction and the promise of the future 
 beggars imaginations attuned even to the 
 key of our i)resent and past development. 
 We have a timber area of 560,000,000 acres, 
 and across our Canadian border there are 
 900,000,000 more acres ; in coal and iron 
 production we are approaching the Old 
 World. 
 
 1842. 1879. 
 
 Coal — Tans. Tons. 
 
 Great Britain... 35,000,000 135,000,000 
 United States... 2,000,000 60,000,000 
 
 Iron — 
 
 Great Britain... 2,250,000 6,300,000 
 United States... 564,000 2,742,000 
 
 During these thirty-seven years the 
 relative increase has been in coal 300 
 to 2,900 per cent., in iron 200 to 400 per 
 cent., and all in our favor. But this is 
 not enough, for England, with a coal area 
 less than either Pennsylvania or Kentucky, 
 has coaling stations in every part of the 
 world and our steamers cannot reach our 
 California ports without the consent of the 
 English producers. Even if electricity 
 takes the jjlace of steam it must be many 
 years before the coal demand will cease, 
 and to-day, of the 36,000,000 tons of coal 
 required by the steamers of the world, 
 three-fourths of it is obtained from Great 
 Britain. 
 
 " It is unnecessary to wire-draw statis- 
 tics, but it may, as a last word, be interest- 
 ing to show, with all our development, the 
 nationality and increase of tonnage enter- 
 ing our ports since 1856 : — 
 
 Country. Increase. Decrease. 
 
 England 6,977,163 — 
 
 Germany 922,903 — 
 
 Norway and Sweden... 1,214,008 — 
 
 Italy 596,907 — 
 
 France 208,412 — 
 
 Spain 164,683 — 
 
 Austria 226,277 — 
 
 Belgium 204,872 — 
 
 Russia 104,009 — 
 
 United States — 05,901 
 
 " This," writes Lindsay, " is surely not 
 decadence, but defeat in a far nobler con- 
 flict than the wars for maritime supremacy 
 between Rome and Carthage, consisting as 
 it did in the struggle between the skill and 
 industry of the people of two great na- 
 tions." 
 
 We have thus quoted the facts gathered 
 from a source which has been endorsed by 
 the higher naval authorities. Some reader 
 will probably ask, " What relation have 
 these facts to Ameriean polities?" We 
 answer that the remedies proposed consti- 
 tute political questions on which the great 
 parties are very apt to divide. They have 
 thus divided in the past, and parties have 
 turned " about face " on similar questions.
 
 298 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [boos I, 
 
 Just now tlie Democratic party inclines to 
 "free ships" and liostility to subsidies — 
 while the Republican party as a rule favors 
 subsidies. Lieutenant Kelley summarized 
 his proposed remedies in the two words: 
 " free ships." 
 
 Mr. Blaine would solve the problem hy 
 bounties, for this purpose enacting a gene- 
 ral law that should ignore individuals and 
 enforce a policy. His scheme provides 
 that anj' man or company of men who will 
 build in an American yard, with American 
 material, by American mechanics, a steam- 
 ship of 3,000 tons and sail her from any 
 port of the United States to any foreign 
 port, he or they shall receive for a monthly 
 line a mail allowance of $25 per mile per 
 annum for the sailing distance between the 
 two ports ; for a semi-monthly line $45 per 
 mile, and for a weekly line $75 per mile. 
 Should the steamer exceed three thousand 
 tons, a small advance on these rates might 
 be allowed ; if less, a corresponding reduc- 
 tion, keeping three thousand as the average 
 and standard. Other reformers propose a 
 bounty to be given by the Government to 
 the shipbuilder, so as to make the price of 
 an American vessel the same as that of a 
 foreign bought, equal, but presumably 
 cheaper, ship. 
 
 Mr. Blaine represents the growing Re- 
 publican view, but the actual party views 
 can only be ascertained when bills cover- 
 ing the subject come up for considera- 
 tion. 
 
 Current Politics. 
 
 We shall close this written history of the 
 political ])arties of the United States by a 
 brief statement of the present condition of 
 affairs, as generally remarked by our own 
 people, and by quoting the views of an in- 
 teresting cotemporaneous English writer. 
 
 President Arthur's administration has 
 had many difSculties to contend with. The 
 President himself is the legal successor of 
 a beloved man, cruelly assassinated, whose 
 well-rounded character and high abilities 
 had won the respect even of those who de- 
 famed him in the heat of controversy, while 
 they excited the highest admiration of those 
 \-\\o sbarcd his political views and thoughts. 
 Stricken down before he had time to for- 
 mulate a policy, if it was ever his intention 
 to do so, he yet showed a })roper apprecia- 
 tion of his high resi)onsibilities, and had 
 from the start won the kindly attention of 
 the country. (Jifted with the power of say- 
 ing just the right thing at the right mo- 
 ment, and saying it with all the grace and 
 beauty of oratory, no President was better 
 calculated to nialce friends as he nioveil 
 ah»ng, than (larlichl. 'J'Ik; manil'estations 
 of factional feeling which immediately 
 jireccded his assassination, but wliich can- 
 not for a moment be iuLelligcntly traced to 
 
 that cause, made the path of his successor 
 far more difficult than if he had been called 
 to the succession by the operation of natu- 
 ral causes. That he has met these difficul- 
 ties with rare discretion, all admit, and 
 at this writing partisan interest and dislike 
 are content to "abide a' wee" before be- 
 ginning an assault. He has sought no 
 changes in the Cabinet, and thus through 
 personal and political considerations seems 
 for the time to have surrendered a Presi- 
 dential prerogative freely admitted by all 
 who understand the wisdom of permitting 
 an executive officer to seek the advice of 
 fi'iends of his own selection. Mr. Blaine 
 and Mr. MacVeagh, among the ablest of 
 the late President's Cabinet, were among 
 the most emphatic in insisting upon the 
 earliest possible exercise of this preroga- 
 tive — the latter upon its immediate exer- 
 cise. Yet it has been withheld in several 
 particulars, and the Arthur administration 
 has sought to unite, wherever divided (and 
 now divisions are rare), the party which 
 called it into existence, while at the same 
 time it has by careful management sought 
 to check party strife at least for a time, and 
 devoted its attention to the advancement 
 of the material interests of the country. 
 Appointments are fairly distributed among 
 party friends, not divided as between fac- 
 tions ; for such a division systematically 
 made would disrupt any party. It would 
 prove but an incentive to faction for the 
 sake of a division of the spoils. No force 
 of politics is or ought to be better under- 
 stood in America than manufactured disa- 
 greements with the view to profitable com- 
 promises. Fitness, recognized ability, and 
 adequate political service seem to consti- 
 tute the reasons for Executive appointments 
 at this time. 
 
 The Democratic party, better equipped 
 in the National Legisture than it has been 
 for years — with men like Llill, Bayard, Pen- 
 dleton, Brown, Voorhees, Lamar and Gar- 
 land in the Senate — Stephens, Randall, 
 Hewitt, Cox, Johnson in the House — with 
 Tilden, Thurman, Wallace and Hancock 
 in the background — is led with rare abi- 
 lity, and has the advantage of escaping re- 
 sponsibilities incident to a majority party. 
 It has been observed that this party is ])ur- 
 suing the traditional strategy of minorities 
 in our Republic. It has partially refused 
 a further test on the tariff issue, and is 
 seeking a place in advance of the Republi- 
 cans on refunding questions — both popular 
 measures, as shown in all recent elections. 
 It claims the virtue of sympathy with the 
 Mormons by qnestioning the propriety of 
 legal assaults u|ion the liberty of con- 
 science, while not oi)enly recording itself as 
 a del'ender of the crime of jiolygamy. As 
 a sf)li(l minority it has at least in the Se- 
 nate yielded to the appeal ol' the States on 
 the Pacific slope, and favored the abridg-
 
 BOOK I.] 
 
 CURRENT POLITICS. 
 
 299 
 
 ment of Chinese immigration. On this 
 question, however, tlie NV'^ astern Republi- 
 can Senators as u rule were equally active 
 in support of the Miller Bill, so that wliat- 
 evcr the result, the issue can no longer be 
 a political one in the Pacific States. The 
 respectable support which the measure has 
 latterly received has cast out of the strug- 
 gle the Kearneys and Kallochs, and if 
 there be demagogucry on cither side, it 
 comes in better dress than ever before. 
 
 Doubtless the parties will contest their 
 claims to public support on their respective 
 histories yet awhile longer. Party history 
 has served partisan purposes an average 
 of twenty years, when with that history 
 recollections of wars are interwoven, and 
 the last war having been the greatest in 
 our history, the presumption is allowable 
 that it will be freely quoted so long as sec- 
 tional or other forms of distrust are ob- 
 servable any where. When these recollec- 
 tions fail, new issues will have to be sought 
 or accepted. In the mere search for issues 
 the minority ought always to be the most 
 active ; but their wise ai)propriation, after 
 all, depends upon the wisdom and ability 
 of leadcrshij). It has ever been thus, and 
 ever will be. This is about the only poli- 
 tical prophecy the writer is willing to risk 
 — and in risking this he but presents a 
 view common to all Americans who claim 
 to be " posted " in the politics of their 
 country. 
 
 What politicians abroad think of our 
 "situation " is well told, though not always 
 accurately, by a distinguished writer in the 
 January (1882) number of ''The London 
 Quarferlij Review." From this we quote 
 some very attractive paragraphs, and at 
 the same time escape the necessity of de- 
 scriptions and predictions generally be- 
 lieved to be essential in rounding off a po- 
 litical volume, but which are always dan- 
 gerous in treating of current affairs. Speak- 
 ing of the conduct of both parties on the 
 question of Civil Service Reform, the writer 
 says : 
 
 " What have they done to overthrow the 
 celebrated Jacksonian precept^ ' to the 
 victors belongs the spoils ? ' What, in fact, 
 is it possible for thera to do under the 
 present system? The political laborer 
 holds that he is worthy of his hire, and if 
 nothing is given to him, nothing will he 
 give in return. There are tens of thou- 
 sands of offices at the bestowal of every 
 administration, and the persons who have 
 helped to bring that administration into 
 
 Sower expect to receive them. * In Great 
 Iritain," once reuLirked the American 
 paper wliich enjoys the largest circulation 
 in the country, ' the ruling classes have it 
 all to themselves, and the poor man rarely 
 or never gets a nibble at the public crib. 
 Here we take our turn. We know that, 
 if our political rivals have the opportunity 
 
 to-day, we shall have it to-morrow. This 
 is the philosophy of the whole thing com- 
 jjressed into a nutshell.' If President 
 Arthur were to begin to-day to distribute 
 offices to men who were most W(jrtliy to 
 receive them, without reference to politi- 
 cal services, his own party would rebel, 
 and assuredly his path would nut be 
 strewn with roses, lie was himself a vic- 
 tim of a gross injustice perpetrated under 
 the name of reform, lie filled the impor- 
 tant post of Collector of the Port of New 
 York, and filled it to the entire satisfaction 
 of the mercantile community. President 
 Hayes did not consider General Arthur 
 sufficiently devoted to his interests, and he 
 removed him in favor of a confirmed wire- 
 puller and caucus-monger, and the admin- 
 istration papers had the address to repre- 
 sent this as the out(:ome of an honest eli'ort 
 to reform the Civil Service. No one 
 really supposed that the New York Cus- 
 tom House was less a political engine than 
 it had been before. The rule of General 
 Arthur had been, in point of fact, singu- 
 larly free from jobbery and corruption, and 
 not a breath of suspicion was ever attached 
 to his personal character. If he had been 
 less faithful in the discharge of his difficult 
 duties, he would have made fewer enemies. 
 He discovered several gross cases of fraud 
 upon the revenue, and brought the perpe- 
 trators to justice; but the culprits were not 
 without influence in the press, and they 
 contrived to make the worse appear the 
 better cause. Their view was taken at 
 second-hand by many of the English jour- 
 nals, and even recently the public here 
 were gravely assured that General Arthur 
 represented all that was base in American 
 politics, and moreover that he was an 
 enemy of England, for he had been elected 
 by the Irish vote. The authors of these 
 foolish calumnies did not perceive that, if 
 their statements had been correct. General 
 Garfield, whom they so much honored, 
 must also have been elected by the Irish 
 vote ; for he came to power on the very 
 same ' ticket.' In reality, the Irish vote 
 may be able to accomplish many things in 
 America, but we may safely predict that it 
 will never elect a President. General 
 Arthur had not been many weeks in power, 
 before he was enabled to give a remarkable 
 proof of the injustice that had been done 
 to hhn in this particular respect. The 
 salute of the English flag at Yorktown is 
 one of the most graceful incidents recorded 
 in American history, and the order origi- 
 nated solely with the President. A man 
 with higher character or, it may be added, 
 of greater accomplishments and fitness for 
 his office, never sat in the Presidential 
 chair. His first apjiointments are now ad- 
 mitted to be better than those which were 
 made by his predecessor for the same postd. 
 Senator Frelinghuysen, the new Secretary
 
 300 
 
 "AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of State, or Foreign Secretary, is a man of 
 great ability, of most excellent judgment, 
 and of the highest personal character. He 
 stands far beyond the reach of all un- 
 worthy iniluences. Mr. Folger, the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, possesses the confi- 
 dence of the entire country, and the 
 nomination of the new Attorney-General 
 "was received with universal satisfaction. 
 All this little accords with the dark and 
 forbidding descriptions of President Arthur 
 which were placed before the public here 
 on his .icvession to office. It is surely time 
 that English writers became alive to the 
 danger of accepting without question the 
 distorted views which they find ready to 
 their hands in the most bigoted or most 
 malicious of American journals. 
 
 "Democrats and Republicans, then, alike 
 profess to be in favor of a thorough reform 
 m the Civil Service, and at the present 
 Kiomcnt there is no other very prominent 
 question which could be used as a test for 
 the admission of members into either 
 party. The old issue, which no one could 
 possibly mistake, is gone. How much the 
 public really care for the new one, it would 
 be a difficult point to decide. A Civil Ser- 
 vice system, such as that which we have in 
 England, would scarcely be suited to the 
 " poor man," who, as the New York paper 
 says, thinks he has a right occasionally to 
 ' get a nibble at the public crib.' If a man 
 has worked hard to bring his party into 
 power, he is apt, in the United States, to 
 think that he is entitled to some * recogni- 
 tion,' and neither he nor his friends would 
 be well pleased if they were told that, be- 
 fore anything could be done for him, it 
 would be necessary to examine him in 
 modern languages and mathematics. More- 
 over, a service such as that which exists in 
 England requires to be worked with a sys- 
 tem of pensions; and pensions, it is held 
 in America, are opposed to the Republican 
 idea.* If it were not for this objection, it 
 may be presumed that some provision 
 would have been made for more than one 
 of the ex-Presidents, whose circumstances 
 placed them or their families much in 
 need of it. President Monroe spent his 
 bust years in wretched circuinstances, and 
 died bankru])t. ]\Irs. Madison 'knew 
 what it was to want bread.* A negro ser- 
 vant, who had once been a slave in the 
 family, used furtively to give her 'small 
 Bums ' — they must have bi-en very small 
 — out of his own pocket. Mr. Pierce was, 
 we believe, not far removed from in- 
 
 ♦Enormoiifl mims ore, however, givon to soldieni who 
 wcro wouiiili'J <liiring tho wiir, or who jirutoml lliat thi'y 
 vcro— fori iMii'iy on an iinfiPaid of nrnlc is jiriictiHrd in 
 Connection wirli iIipmo pi'nHiimH. It Is nHtiin:>trii Hint 
 tiai,! (Jo,(KK) (2i ixio.diKi;.) wiil huvo to bo jmid dnrim; lliu 
 jiro.ifnt flM< ill yi'ur, for iirriMrn of |ioiiHiuii, and tlo' nuni- 
 Ii-r of claiin:itit8 ie conilaiitly Inrri'asinc, [ThowritiT 
 evidonflv got these " facts " "from BcuitutiuDul soiuceB] 
 
 digence ; and it has been stated that after 
 Andrew Johnson left the White House, 
 he was reduced to the necessity of follow- 
 ing his old trade. General Grant was 
 much more fortunate; and we have re- 
 cently seen that the American people have 
 subscribed for ]\Irs. Garfield a sum nearly 
 equal to £70,000. But a pension system 
 for Civil Servants is not likely to be 
 adopted. Permanence in office is another 
 principle which has found no favor with 
 the rank and file of either party in 
 America, although it has sometimes been 
 introduced into party platforms for the 
 sake of producing a good effect. The 
 plan of ' quick rotation ' is far more at- 
 tractive to the popular sense. Divide the 
 spoils, and divide them often. It is true 
 that the public indignation is sometimes 
 aroused, when too eager and rapacious a 
 spirit is exhibited. Such a feeling was dis- 
 played in 1873, in consequence of an Act 
 passed by Congress increasing the pay of 
 its own members and certain officers of the 
 Government. Each member of Congress 
 was to receive $7,500 a year, or £1,500. 
 The sum paid before that date, down to 
 1865, was $5000 a year, or £1000, and 
 * mileage ' free added — that is to say, 
 members were entitled to be paid twenty 
 cents a mile for traveling expenses to and 
 from Washington. This Bill soon became 
 known as the 'Salary Grab' Act, and 
 popular feeling against it was so great that 
 it was repealed in the following Session, 
 and the former pay was restored. As a 
 general rule, however, the ' spoils ' system 
 has not been heartily condemned by the 
 nation ; if it had been so condemned, it 
 must have fallen long ago. 
 
 " President Arthur has been admonished 
 by his English counsellors to take heed 
 that he follows closely in the steps of his 
 I)redecessor. General Garfield was not 
 long enough in oflSce to give any decided 
 indications of the policy Avhich he intend- 
 ed to pursue ; but, so far as he had gone, 
 imjjartial observers could detect very little 
 diflerence between his course of conduct in 
 regard to patronage and that of former 
 Presidents. Pie simply preferred the 
 friends of Mr. Blaine to the friends of Mr. 
 Conkling; but Mr. Blaine is a politician of 
 precisely the same class as Mr. Conkling — 
 both are men intimately versed in all the 
 intricacies of ' primaries,' the ' caucus,' and 
 the general working of the 'machine.' 
 They arc precisely the kind of men which 
 American politics, as at present practised 
 and understood, are adapted to produce. 
 ]\Ir. Conkling, however, is of more impe- 
 rious a disposition than ]\Ir. Blaine ; the 
 first disappointment or contradiction turns 
 him from a friend into an enemy. Presi- 
 dent Garfield removed the Collector of 
 New York — the most lucrative and most 
 coveted post in the entire Union — and in-
 
 BOOK I.j 
 
 CURRENT POLITICS. 
 
 301 
 
 stead of nominating a friend of Mr. Conk- 
 ling's for the vacancy, he nominated a 
 friend of Mr. Blaine's. Now Mr. Conk- 
 ling had done much to secure New York 
 State for the Ilepuljlican.s, and thus gave 
 them the vict(;ry ; and he thought himself 
 entitled to better treatauiut than he re- 
 ceived. But was it in the spirit of true re- 
 form to remove the Collector, against 
 whom no complaint had been made, merely 
 for the purpose of creating a vacancy, and 
 then of putting a friend of Mr. Blaine's 
 into it — a friend, moreover, who had been 
 largely instrumental in securing Cleneral 
 Garfield's own nonunation at Chicago? * 
 Is tills all that is meant, when the Reform 
 party talk of the great changes which they 
 aesire t(j see carried out? Again, the new 
 President has been fairly warned by his 
 advisers in this country, that he must 
 abolish every abuse, new or old, connected 
 with the distribution of patronage. If he 
 is to execute this commission, not one term 
 of ofli','0, nor three terms, will be sufficient 
 for him. Over every appointment there 
 will inevitably arise a dispute ; if a totally 
 untried man is chosen, he will be suspected 
 a.s a wolf coming in sheep's clothing; if a 
 well known partizan is nominated, he will 
 be deaouneed as a mere tool of the leaders, 
 and tluTC will be another outcry against 
 'machine politics.' ' One party or other,' 
 said an American journal not long ago, 
 'must begin the work of administering 
 the Government on business principles,' 
 and the writer admitted that the work 
 would ' cost salt tears to many a politician.' 
 The honor of making this beginning has 
 not yet been sought for with remarkable 
 eagerness by either party ; but seems to be 
 deemed necessary to promise that some- 
 thing shall be done, and the Democrats, 
 being out of power, are naturally in the 
 position to bid the highest. The reform 
 will come, as we have intimated, when the 
 people demand it ; it cannot come before, 
 ibr few, indeed, are the politicians in the 
 United States who venture to trust them- 
 selves far in advance of public opinion. 
 And evi'U of that few, there are some who 
 have fouud out, by hard experience, that 
 there is little honor or profit to be gained 
 by undertaking to act as pioneers. 
 
 " It is doubtless a step in advance, that 
 both parties now admit the absolute ne- 
 cessity of devising measures to elevate the 
 character of the public service, to check 
 the progress of corruption, and to intro- 
 duce a better class of men into the offices 
 which are held under the Government. 
 The necessity of great reforms in these re- 
 spects has been avowed over and over 
 again by most of the leading journals and 
 influential men in the country. The most 
 
 * Tho iindonidble facts of the ca.se were ns wo have 
 brietly indicated above. See, for oxamplo, a letter to the 
 '2(6w York ><utiou,' ^'ov. \i, ISSl. 
 
 radical of the Republicans, and the most 
 conservative of the Democrats, are of one 
 mind on this point. Mr. Wendell Phil- 
 lips, an old abolitionist and Radical, once 
 publicly declared that Republican gm'ern- 
 meiit in cities had been a coiii])lete fail- 
 ure.* An equally good Radical, the late 
 Mr. Horace Greeley, made the folhjwing 
 still more candid statement: — 'There are 
 l)robably at no time less than twenty 
 tlKnisand men in this city [New York] 
 who would readily commit a safe murder 
 for a hundred dollars, break ojjcn a house 
 for twenty, and take a false oath for five. 
 Most of these are of European birth, 
 though we have also native miscreants 
 who are ready for any crime that will pay.' f 
 Strong testimony against the working of 
 the suffrage — and it must liave been most 
 unwilling testimony — was given in 1875 by 
 a politician whose long familiarity v,'ith 
 caucuses and 'wire-pulling' in every form 
 renders him an undeniable authority. 
 Let it be widely proclaimed,' he wrote, 
 'that the exjjerience and teachings of a 
 republican form of government prove 
 nothing so alarmingly suggestive of and 
 pregnant with danger as that cheap suf- 
 frage involves and entails cheap represen- 
 tation.' X Another Republican, of high 
 character, has stated that ' the methods of 
 politics have now become so repulsive, the 
 corruption so open, the intrigues and per- 
 sonal hostilities are so shameless, that it 
 is very difficult to engage in them without 
 a sense of humiliation.' " ^ 
 
 Passing to another question, and one 
 worthy of the most intelligent discussion, 
 but which has never yet taken the shape 
 of a political demand or issue in this 
 country, this English writer says : 
 
 " Although corruption has been suspect- 
 ed at one time or other in almost every 
 Department of the Government, the Pres- 
 idential office has hitherto been kept free 
 from its stain. And yet, by an anomaly of 
 the Constitution, the President has some- 
 times been exposed to suspicion, and «till 
 more frequently to injustice and misrepie- 
 sentation, in consequence of the practical 
 irresponsibility of his Cabinet otlicers. 
 They are his chief advisers in regard to the 
 distribution of places, as well as in the 
 higher affiiirs of State, and the discredit of 
 any mismanagement on their part falls 
 upon him. It is true that he chooses them, 
 and may dismiss them, with the concur- 
 rence of the Senate; but, when once ap- 
 pointed, they are beyond reach of all eflec- 
 tive criticism — for newspaper attacks are 
 easily explained by the suggestion of party 
 malice. They cannot be questioned ia 
 
 • Speech In New York, March 7. 1881. 
 + ' New York Tribune,' Feb. -.'.i. 1870. 
 f Letter in New York iwpers, Feb. •2i), 1^7.";. 
 3 Mr. George William Curtis, ia ' Uurper"8 MagazilM,' 
 1870.
 
 302 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 Congress, for they are absolutely pro- 
 hibited from sitting in either House. 
 For months together it is quite possible 
 for the Cabinet to pursue a course which is 
 in direct opposition to the wishes of the 
 people. This was seen, among other oc- 
 casions, in 1873-4, when Mr. Richardson 
 was Secretary of the Treasury, and at a 
 time when his management of the finances 
 caused great dissatisfaction. At last a par- 
 ticularly gross case of negligence, to use 
 no harsher word, known as the ' Sanborn 
 contracts,' caused his retirement ; that is 
 to say, the demand for his withdrawal be- 
 came so persistent and so general, that the 
 President could no longer refuse to listen 
 to it. His objectionable policy might have 
 been pursued till the end of the Presiden- 
 tial term, but for the accidental discovery 
 of a scandal, which exhausted the patience 
 of his friends as well as his enemies. Now 
 had ]Mr. Richardson been a member of 
 either House, and liable to be subjected to 
 a rigorous cross-questioning as to his pro- 
 ceedings, the mismanagement of which he 
 was accused, and which was carried on in 
 the dark, never could have occurred. Why 
 the founders, of the Constitution should 
 have thrown this protection round the per- 
 sons who happen to fill the chief offices of 
 State, is difficult to conjecture, but the 
 clause is clear : — ' No person holding any 
 office under the United States shall be a 
 member of either House during his con- 
 tinuance in office.'* Mr. Justice Story de- 
 clares that this provision 'has been vindi- 
 cated upon the highest grounds of public 
 authority,' but he also admits that, as ap- 
 plied to the heads of departments, it leads 
 to mary evils. He adds a warning which 
 many events of our own time have shown 
 to h^ not unnecessary : — ' if corruption 
 ever cats its way silently into the vitals of 
 this Republic, it will be because the peo- 
 ple are unable to bring responsibility home 
 to the Executive through his chosen Min- 
 isters. They will be betrayed when their 
 suspicions are most lulled by the Execu- 
 tive, under the guise of an obedience to 
 the will of Congress.'! The inconveniences 
 occasioned" to the public service under the 
 present system areven.' great. There is no 
 official personage in either House to ex- 
 plain the provisions of any Bill, or to give 
 information on pressing matters of public 
 busine'w. Cabinet officers are only brought 
 into communication with tlie nation when 
 they send in their annual reports, or when 
 a special report is called for by some un- 
 usual emergency. Sometimes the Presi- 
 dent himself goes down to the Capitol to 
 talk over the merits of a Bill with mem- 
 bcr3. The Department whirh hajtpens to 
 be interested in any particular measure 
 
 • Article I. spct. vl. 2 
 
 t ' C'omnicntarieB, 'I., book ill. sect. 860; 
 
 puts it under the charge of some friend of 
 the Administration, and if a member par- 
 ticularly desires any further information 
 respecting it he may, if he thinks proper, 
 go to the Department and ask for it. But 
 Congress and JMinisters are never brought 
 face to face. It is possible that American 
 ' Secretaries ' may escape some of the in- 
 convenience which English Ministers are 
 at times called upon to undergo;. but the 
 most capable and honest of them forfeit 
 many advantages, not the least of which is 
 the opportunity of making the exact na- 
 ture of their work known to their country- 
 men, and of meeting party misrepresenta- 
 tions and calumnies in the most eflectual 
 way. In like manner, the incapable mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet would not be able, 
 under a different system, to shift the bur- 
 den of responsibility for their blunders up- 
 on the President. No President suffered 
 more in rejiutation for the faults of others 
 than General Grant. It is true that he did 
 not always choose his Secretaries with suf- 
 ficient care or discrimination, but he was 
 made to bear more than a just proportion 
 of the censure which was provoked by 
 their mistakes. And it was not in Gen- 
 eral Grant's disposition to defend himself. 
 In ordinary intercourse he was sparing of 
 his word's, and could never be induced to 
 talk about himself, or to make a single 
 speech in defense of any portion of his 
 conduct. The consequence was, that his 
 second term of office was far from being 
 worthy of the man who enjoyed a popu- 
 larity, just after the war, which Washing- 
 ton himself might have envied, and who 
 is still, and very justly, regarded with re- 
 spect and gratitude for his memorable ser- 
 vices in the field. 
 
 " The same sentiment, to which we have 
 referred as specially characteristic of the 
 American people — hostility to all changes 
 in their method of government which are 
 not absolutely essential — will keep the 
 Cabinet surrounded by irresponsible, and 
 sometimes incapAble, advisers. Contrary 
 to general supposition, there is no nation 
 in the world so little disposed to look favor- 
 ably on Radicalism and a restless desire for 
 change, as the Americans. The Constitu- 
 tion itself can only be altered by a long 
 and tedious process, and after every State 
 in the Union has been asked its opinion on 
 the question. There is no hesitation in 
 enforcing the law in case of disorder, as 
 the railroad rioters in Pennsylvania found 
 out a few years ago. The state of affiiirs, 
 which the English Government has per- 
 mitted to exist in Ireland for upwards of a 
 year, would not have been tolerated twenty- 
 fonr hours in the United States, The 
 maintenance of the law first, the discussion 
 of grievances afterwards; such is, and al- 
 ways has been, the policy of every Ameri- 
 can Government, until the evil day of
 
 BOOK I.j 
 
 CURRENT POLITICS. 
 
 303 
 
 James Buchanan. The governor of every 
 State is a real ruler, and not a mere orna- 
 ment, and\!ic Pre-ident wields a hundred- 
 fold iii:)re i)o\ver than has been left to the 
 Sovereit^n of Great Britain. Both parties 
 as a rule, combine to uphold his authority, 
 and, in the event of any dispute with a 
 foi'eign Power, all party distinctions disap- 
 pear as if by magic. There are no longer 
 Demo Tats an<l Republicans, but only 
 Americans. The species of politician, who 
 endeavors to gain a reputation for himself 
 by destroying the reputation of his country 
 was not taken over to America in the ' May- 
 flower,' and it would be more diflicult than 
 ever to establish it on American ground 
 to-day. A man may hold any ojnnions 
 that m.ay strike his fiincy on other subjects, 
 but in reference to the Government, he is 
 expected, while he lives under it, to give it 
 liis hearty support, especially as against 
 foreign nations. There was once a faction 
 called the ' Know Nothings,' the guiding 
 princi;)le of which was inveterate hostility 
 to forei,ii;ners ; but a party based upon the 
 opposit.' principle, of hostility to one's own 
 country, has not yet ventured to lift up its 
 head .across the Atlantic. That is an in- 
 vention in politics which England has 
 introduced, and of which she is allowed to 
 enjoy the undisputed monopoly. * * * 
 " Display and ceremonial were by no 
 means absent from the Government in the 
 beginning of its history. President Wash- 
 ington never went to Congress on public 
 business except in a State coach, drawn by 
 six cream-colored horses. The coach was 
 an object which would excite the admira- 
 tion of the throng even now in the streets 
 of London. It was built in the shape of 
 a hemisphere, and its panels were adorned 
 with cupids, surrounded with flowers 
 worthy of Florida, and of fruit not to be 
 equalled out of California. The coachman 
 and postillions were arrayed in gorgeous 
 liveries of white and scarlet. The Phila- 
 delphia 'Gazette,' a Government organ, 
 regularly gave a supply of Court news for 
 the edification of the citizens. From that 
 the people were allowed to learn as much 
 as it was deemed proper for them to know 
 about the President's movements, and a fair 
 amount of space was also "devoted to Mrs. 
 Washington — who was not referred to as 
 Mrs. Washington, but as ' the amiable con- 
 sort of our beloved President. ' When the 
 President made his appearance at a ball or 
 public reception, a dais was erected for him 
 upon which he might stand apart from the 
 vulgar throng, and the guests or visitors 
 bowed to him in solemn silence. ' Repub- 
 lican simplicity' has only come in later 
 times. In our day, the hack-driver who 
 takes a visitor to a public reception at the 
 White House, is quite free to get oif his 
 box, walk in side by side ^\ith his fare, and 
 shake hands with the President with as 
 
 ' much familiarity as anybody else. Very 
 I few persons presumed to offer to shake 
 ' hands with General Washington. One of 
 : his friends, Gouverneur Morris, rashly 
 undertook, for a foolish wager, to go up to 
 him and slap him on the shoulder, saying, 
 I ' My dear General, I am happy to see you 
 look so well.' The moment fixed upon 
 arrived, and Mr. Morris, already half- 
 ! repenting of his wager, went up to the 
 President, placed his hand upon his shoul- 
 der, and uttered the prescribed words. 
 j ' Washington,' as an eye-witness described 
 the scene, ' withdrew his hand, stepped 
 suddenly back, fixed his eye on Morris for 
 several minutes with an angry frown, until 
 I the latter retreated abashed, and sought 
 refuge in the crowd.' No one else ever 
 tried a similar experiment. It is recorded 
 of Washington, that he wished the oflicial 
 title of the'President to be ' High Mighti- 
 ness,' * and at one time it was proposed to 
 engrave his portrait upon the national 
 coinage. No royal levees were more punc- 
 tiliously arranged and ordered than those 
 of the First President. It was Jefferson, 
 the founder of the Democratic party, who 
 introduced Democratic manners into the 
 Republic. He refused to hold weekly re- 
 ceptions, and when he went to Congress to 
 read his Address, he rode up unattended, 
 tied his horse to a post, and came away 
 with the same disregard for outward show. 
 After his inauguration, he did not even 
 take the trouble to go to Congress with his 
 ! Message, but sent it by the hands of his 
 j Secretary — a custom which has been found 
 so convenient that it has been followed 
 ever since. A clerk now mumbles through 
 ; the President's Message, while members 
 sit at their desks writing letters, or reading 
 the Message itself, if they do not ha]ipen 
 to have made themselves masters of its 
 contents beforehand." 
 
 The writer, after discussing monopolies 
 and tariffs, closes with hopes and predic- 
 tions so moderately and sensibly stated that 
 any one will be safe in adopting them as 
 his own. 
 
 "The controversies which have yet to be 
 fought out on these issues [the tariff and 
 corporate power] may sometimes become 
 formidable, but we may hope that the 
 really dangerous questions that once con- 
 fronted the American people are set at rest 
 for ever. The States once more stand in 
 their proper relation to the Union, and any 
 interference with their self-government is 
 never again likely to be attempted, for the 
 feeling of the whole people would condemn 
 it. It was a highly Conservative system 
 which the framers of the Constitution 
 adopted, when they decided that each State 
 should be entitled' to make its own laws, 
 
 ♦[These arc mere traditions tinpcd with the spirit of 
 somo of the Ofisaults made in the " pmui old days" even 
 against so illustrious a man as Washington. — Am. Pol.]
 
 304 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 to regulate its own franchise, to raise its 
 own taxes, and settle everything in connec- 
 tion with its own affidrs in its own way. The 
 general government has no right whatever 
 to send a single soldier into any State, even 
 to preserve order, until it has been called 
 upon to act by the Governor of that State. 
 The Federal Government, as it has been 
 said by the Supreme Court, is one of enu- 
 merated powers ; ' and if it has ever acted 
 in excess of those powers, it was only when 
 officers in States broke the compact which 
 existed, and took up arms for its destruc- 
 tion. They abandoned their jilace in the 
 Union, and were held to have thereby for- 
 feited their rights as States. In ordinary 
 times there is ample security against the 
 abuse of power in any direction. If a 
 State government exceeds its authority, the 
 people can at the next election expel the 
 parties who have been guilty of the offense ; 
 if Congress trespasses upon the functions 
 of the States, there is the remedy of an ap- 
 peal to the Supreme Court, the * final in- 
 terpreter of the Constitution ; ' if usurpa- 
 tion should be attempted in spite of these 
 safeguards, there is the final remedy of an 
 appeal to the whole nation under the form 
 of a Constitutional Amendment, which 
 may at any time be adopted with the con- 
 sent of three-fourths of the States. Only, 
 therefore, as Mr. Justice Story has pointed 
 out, when three-fourths of the States have 
 combined to practice usurpation, is the case 
 ' irremediable under any known forms of 
 the Constitution.' It Avould be difficult to 
 conceive of any circumstances under which 
 such a combination as this could arise. No 
 form of government ever yet devised has 
 proved to be faultless in its operation ; but 
 that of the United States is well adajjted 
 to the genius and character of the people, 
 and the very dangers which it has passed 
 through render it more precious in their 
 
 eyes than it was before it had been tried in 
 the fire. It assures freedom to all who live 
 under it ; and it provides for the rigid ob- 
 servance of law, and the due protection of 
 every man in his rights. There is much in 
 the events which are now taking place 
 around us to suggest serious doubts, 
 whether these great and indispensable ad- 
 vantages are afforded by some of the older 
 European systems of government which 
 we have been accustomed to look upon as 
 better and wiser than the American Con- 
 stitution." 
 
 A final word as to a remaining great is- 
 sue — that of the tariff. It must ever be a 
 political issue, one which jjarties cannot 
 wholly avoid. The Democratic party as a 
 mass, yet leans to Free Trade ; the Repub- 
 lican party, as a mass, favors Tariff's and 
 high ones, at least plainly protective. 
 Within a year, two great National Conven- 
 tions were held, one at Chicago and one 
 at New York, both in former times. Free 
 Trade centres, and in these Congress was 
 petitioned either to maintain oi improve the 
 existing tariff. As a result we see presented 
 and advocated at the current session the 
 Tariff Commission Bill, decisive action 
 upon which has not been taken at the 
 time we close these pages. The effect of 
 the conventions was to cause the Demo- 
 cratic Congressional caucus to reject the 
 effort of Proctor Knott, to place it in its 
 old attitude of hostility to protection. 
 Many of the members sought and for the 
 time secured an avoidance of the issue. 
 Their ability to maintain this attitude in 
 the face of Mr. Watterson's* declaration 
 that the Democratic party must stand or 
 fall on that issue, remains to be seen. 
 
 * Mr. Watterson, formerly a distinguiBhod member of 
 Congress, is tlio autlior of the " (ariiT for roveiiuo only " 
 plunk in the Democratic National Platform of 1880, and 
 is now, as he has hoen for years, the chief editor of the 
 Louisville Courier Journal.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 POLITICAX, PLATFOEMS. 
 
 20
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 THE FIEST POLITICAL PLATFORM ENUNCIATED IN THE UNITED STATES TO 
 COMMAND GENERAL ATTENTION WAS DRAWN BY MR. MADISON IN 1798, WHOSE 
 OBJECT WAS TO PRONOUNCE THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS UNCONSTITU- 
 TIONAL, AND TO DEFINE THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES. 
 
 Virginia Resolutions of 1798. 
 
 Prouoiinciiig llie Alifii and S'liilicii Laws to be tincnnstUur 
 tUmal, and Dejiniiuj the rijhU of the Stales. — Drawn by 
 Mr. Madison. 
 
 In the Virginia Howe af Delegate a, 
 
 Fnday, Dec. 21, 1798. 
 
 Fe.iolved, That the General Assembly of 
 Virginia doth unequivocally express a 
 firm resolution to maintain and defend 
 the Constitution of the United States, and 
 the constitution of this state, against every 
 aggression either foreign or domestic ; and 
 that they wi.l support the government of 
 the Unite*.' States in all measures war- 
 ranted by tlie former. 
 
 That this Assembly most solemnly de- 
 clares a warm attaclimeiit to the Union of 
 the states, to maintain which it pledges its 
 powers ; and, that for this end, it is their 
 duty to watch over and oppose every in- 
 fraction of those principles which consti- 
 tute the only basis of that Union, because 
 a faithful observance of them can alone 
 secure its existence and the public happi- 
 ness. 
 
 That this Assembly doth explicitly and 
 peremptorily declare, that it views the 
 powers of the federal government, as re- 
 sulting from the compact to which the 
 states are parties, as limited by the plain 
 sense and intention of the instrument con- 
 stituting that compact, as no farther valid 
 than they are authorized by the grants 
 enumerated in that compact; and that in 
 case of a deliberate, palpable, and dan- 
 gerous exercise of other powers, not granted 
 by the said compact, the states, who are 
 parties thereto, have the right, and are in 
 duty bound, to interpose, for arresting tiie 
 
 progress of the evil, and for maintaining 
 within their respective limits the authori- 
 ties, rights, and liberties appertaining to 
 them. 
 
 That the General Assembly doth also 
 express its deep regret, that a spirit has, 
 in sundry instances, been manifested by 
 the federal government, to enlarge its 
 powers by forced con.structions of the con- 
 stitutional charter which defines them ; 
 and, that indications have appeared of a 
 design to expound certain general phrases 
 (which, having been copied from the very 
 limited grant of powers in the former Ar- 
 ticles of Confederation, were the less liable 
 to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the 
 meaning and effect of the particular 
 enumeration which necessarily explains, 
 and limits the general phra.ses, and so as 
 to consolidate the states by degrees into 
 one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and 
 inevitable result of wliich would be, to 
 transform the present republican .system 
 of the United States into an absolute, or at 
 best, a mixed monarchy. 
 
 That the General Assembly doth par- 
 ticularly protest against the i)alpable and 
 alarming infractions of the Constitution, 
 in the two late cases of the "Alien and 
 Sedition Acts," pas.-^ed at the last .session 
 of Congress; the first of which exercises a 
 power nowhere delegated to the federal 
 government, and which, by uniting legis- 
 lative and judicial powers to those of 
 executive, subverts the general principles 
 of free government, as well as the particu- 
 lar organization and positive provisions of 
 the Federal Constitution ; and the other
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 of which acts exercises, in like manner, a 
 power not delegated by the Constitution, 
 but on the contrary, expressly and posi- 
 tively forbidden by one of the amendments 
 thereto; a power which, more than any 
 other, ought to produce universal alarm, 
 because it is levelled against the right of 
 freely examining public characters and 
 measures, and of free communication 
 among the people thereon, which has ever 
 been justly deemed the only ell'ectual 
 guardian of every other right. 
 
 That this state having by its Conven- 
 tion, which ratified the Federal Constitu- 
 tion, expressly declared, that among other 
 essential rights, " the liberty of conscience 
 and the press cannot be cancelled, abridged, 
 restrained, or modified by any authority 
 of the United States," and from its extreme 
 anxiety to guard these rights from every 
 possible attack of sophistry and ambition, 
 having with other states recommended an 
 amendment for that purpose, which amend- 
 ment was, in due time, annexed to the 
 Constitution, it would mark a reproachful 
 inconsistency, and criminal degeneracy, if 
 an indifference were now shown to the 
 most palpable violation of one of the 
 rights, thus declared and secured ; and to 
 the establishment of a precedent which 
 may be fatal to the other. 
 
 That the good people of this common- 
 wealth, having ever felt, and continuing to 
 feel the most sincere affection for their 
 brethren of the other states ; the truest 
 anxiety for establishing and perpetuating 
 the Union of all : and the most scrupulous 
 fidelity to that Constitution, which is the 
 pledge of mutual friendship, and the in- 
 strument of mutual ha])piness; the General 
 Assembly dtjth solemnly appeal to the like 
 dispositions in the other States, in confi- 
 dence that they will concur with this com- 
 monwealth, in declaring, as it docs hereby 
 declare, that the acts aforesaid are uncon- 
 stitutional ; and, that the necessary and 
 proper measures will be taken by each for 
 co-oj)erating with this state, in maintain- 
 ing unimpaired the authorities, rights, and 
 liberties, resei'ved to the states, respectively, 
 or to the people. 
 
 That the governor he desired to transmit 
 a copy of tlie foregoing resolutions to the 
 executive authority of each of the other 
 states, witli a request that the same may ])e 
 communicated to the legislature thereof; 
 and that a Cftpy be furnishe(l to each of tlie 
 Senators and iiopresentatives representing 
 this state in the Congress of tlie United 
 Estates. 
 
 Attest, John Stewart. 
 
 1798. December 24th. Agreed to by the 
 Senate. H. Brooke. 
 
 A true copy from the original de]K)sited 
 in the office of the CJcniTal Assembly. 
 John SxEWAiiT, Keeper of Rolls. 
 
 Extracts from the Address to the People, 
 which accompanied the foregoing resolu- 
 tions : — 
 
 Fellow - Citizens : Unwilling to shrink 
 from our representative responsibility, 
 conscious of the purity of our motives, but 
 acknowledging your right to supervise our 
 conduct, we invite your serious attenticm 
 to the emergency which dictated the sub- 
 joined resolutions. Whilst we disdain to 
 alarm you by ill-founded jealousies, we 
 recommend an investigation, guided by 
 the coolness of wisdom, and a decision bot- 
 tomed, on firmness but tempered with 
 moderation. 
 
 It would be perfidious in those intrusted 
 with the guarclianship of the state sover- 
 eignty, and acting under the solemn obliga- 
 tion of the following oath : " I do swear, 
 that I will support the Constitution of the 
 United States," not to warn you of encroach- 
 ments, which, though clothed with the 
 pretext of necessity, or disguised by argu- 
 ments of expediency, may yet establish 
 precedents, which may ultimately devote a 
 generous and unsuspicious people to all 
 the consequences of usurped power. 
 
 Encroachments, springing from a govern- 
 ment whose organization cannot be main- 
 tained without the co-operation of the 
 states, furnish the strongest incitements 
 upon the state legislatures to watchfulness, 
 and impose upon them the strongest obliga- 
 tion to preserve unimpaired the line of 
 partition. 
 
 The acquiescence of the states under in- 
 fractions of the federal compact, would 
 either beget a speedy consolidation, by 
 precipitating the state governments into 
 impotency and contempt ; or prepare the 
 way for a revolution, by a repetition of 
 these infractions, until the people are 
 aroused to a])pear in the majesty of their 
 strength. It is to avoid these calamities, 
 that we exhibit to the people the momen- 
 tous question, whether the Constitution of 
 the United States shall yield to a construc- 
 tion which defies every restraint and over- 
 whelms the best hopes of republicanism. 
 
 Exhortations to disregard domestic usur- 
 pations until foreign danger shall have 
 passed, is an artifice which may be for ever 
 used ; because the possessors of power, who 
 are the advocates for its extension, can 
 ever create national embarrassments, to be 
 successively employed to soothe the peo}>le 
 into sleep, whilst that j)Ower is swelling 
 silently, s(>cret ly, and fatally. Of the same 
 character are insinuations of a foreign in- 
 fluence, which seize upon a laudable en- 
 thusiasm against danger from a broad, and 
 distort it by an unnatural application, so 
 as to blind your eyes against danger at 
 home. 
 
 The sedition act presents a scene which 
 was never expected by the early I'riends of 
 the Constitution, li was then admitted
 
 BOOK II.J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 
 
 that the state sovereignties were only di- 
 minished by i)owers specifically enumer- 
 ated, or necessary to carry the specified 
 powers into effect. Now lederal authority 
 IS deduced from implication, and from the 
 existence of state law it is inferred that 
 Congress possesses a similar power of legis- 
 lation ; whence Congress will be endowed 
 with a power of legislation in all ca-ses 
 whatsoever, and the states will be stript of 
 every right re-ervcd by the concurrent 
 claims of a parainouiit legislature. 
 
 The sedition act is the ollspring of these 
 tremendous pretensions, which inflict a 
 death wound on the sovereignty of these 
 states. 
 
 For the honor of American understand- 
 ing, we will not believe that the people 
 have been allured into the adoption of the 
 Constitution by an affectation of defining 
 powers, whilst the pream})le would admit 
 a construction whi.di would erect the will 
 of Congress into a power paramount in all 
 cases, and therefore limited in none. On 
 the contrary, it is evident that the objects 
 for which the Constitution was formed 
 were deemed attaiiial>le only by a particu- 
 lar enumeration and s])ecitication of each 
 power granted to the federal government ; 
 reserving all others to the ])eople, or to the 
 states. And yet it is in vain we search for 
 any specified power, embracing the right 
 of legislation against the freedom of the 
 })ress. 
 
 Had the states been despoiled of their 
 sovereignty by the generality of the 
 preamble, and had the federal government 
 been endowed with whatever they should 
 judge to be instrumental towards union, 
 justice, tranquillitv, common defence, gen- 
 eral welfare, and the preservation of liberty 
 nothing could have been more frivolous 
 than an enumeration of powers. 
 
 All the preceding arguments rising from 
 a deficiency of constitutional power in Con- 
 gress, apply to the alien act, and this act is 
 liable to other objections peculiar to itself. 
 If a suspicion that aliens are dangerous 
 constitute the justification of that power 
 exercised over them by Congress, then a 
 similar suspicion will justify the exercise 
 of a similar power over natives. Because 
 there is nothing in the Constitution dis- 
 tinguishing between the power of a state to 
 jiermit the residence of natives and aliens. 
 It is therefore a right originally possessed, 
 and never surrendered by the respective 
 states, and which is rendered dear and 
 valuable to Virginia, because it is assailed 
 through the bosom of the Constitution, 
 and because her peculiar sitiuition renders 
 the easy admission of artisans and labor- 
 ers an interest of vast importance. 
 
 But this bill contains other features, still 
 more alarming and dangerous. It dispen- 
 ses with the trial by jury : it violates the 
 judicial system ; it confounds legislative, , 
 
 executive, and judicial powers ; it punishes 
 without trial ; and it bestows upon the 
 President despotic power over a numerous 
 class of men. Are such measures consistent 
 with our constitutional principles? And 
 will an accumulation of j)ower so extensive 
 in the hands of the executive, over aliens, 
 secure to natives the blessings of republi- 
 can liberty ? 
 
 If measures can mould governments, 
 and if an uncontrolled power of construc- 
 tion is surrendered to tliose who administer 
 them, tlu'ir ])rogress may be easily foreseen 
 and their end easily foretold. A lover of 
 monarchy, who opens the treasures of cor- 
 ru[)tion, by distributing emolument among 
 devoted partisans, may at the same time be 
 approaching his object, and deluding the 
 jteoi)le with professions of republicanism. 
 He may confound monarchy and republic- 
 anism, by the art of definition. He may 
 varnish over the dexterity which ambition 
 never fails to display, with the pliancy of 
 language, the seduction of expediency, or 
 the i^rejudices of the times. And he may 
 come at length to avow that so extensive 
 a territory as that of the United States can 
 only be governed by the energies of mon- 
 archy ; that it cannot be defended, except 
 ])y standing armies ; and that it cannot be 
 united, except by consolidation. 
 
 Measures have already been adopted 
 which may lead to these consequences. 
 They consist: 
 
 In fiscal systems and arrangements, which 
 keep a host of commercial and wealthy 
 individuals, embodied and obedient to the 
 mandates of the treasury. 
 
 In armies and navies, which will, on the 
 one hand, enlist the tendency of man to 
 ])ay homage to his fellow-creature who can 
 feed or honor him ; and on the other, em- 
 ploy the principle of fear, by punishing 
 imaginary insurrections, under the pretext 
 of preventive justice. 
 
 In swarms of officers, civil and militarj', 
 who can inculcate political tenets tending 
 to consolidation and monarchy, both by 
 indulgences and severities ; and can act aa 
 spies over the free exercise of human reason. 
 
 In restraining the freedom of the press, 
 and investing the executive with legisla- 
 tive, executive, and judicial powers, over 
 a numerous body of men. 
 
 And, that we may shorten the catalogue, 
 in establishing by successive precedents 
 such a mode of construing the Constitution 
 as will rapidly remove every restraint upon 
 federal poAver. 
 
 Let history be consulted ; let the man of 
 experience reflect ; nay, let the artificers 
 of monarchy be asked what farther mate- 
 rials they can need for building up their 
 favorite system ? 
 
 These arc solemn, but painful truths; 
 and yet we recommend it to you not to for- 
 get the possibility of danger from without^
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 although danger threatens us from within. 
 Usurpation is indeed dreadful, but against 
 foreign invasion, if that should happen, let 
 us rise with hearts and hands united, and 
 repel the attack with the zeal of freemen, 
 Avho will strengthen their title to examine 
 and correct domestic measures by having 
 defended their country against foreign ag- 
 gression. 
 
 Pledged as we are, fellow-citizens, to 
 these sacred engagements, we yet humbly 
 and fervently implore the Almighty Dis- 
 poser of events to avert from our land war 
 and usurpation, the scourges of mankind ; 
 to permit our fields to be cultivated in 
 peace ; to instill into nations the love of 
 friendly intercourse ; to sutler our youth to 
 be educated in virtue ; and to preserve our 
 morality from the pollution invariably in- 
 cident to habits of war ; to prevent the 
 laborer and husbandman from being har- 
 assed by taxes and imposts ; to remove 
 from ambition the means of disturbing the 
 commonwealth; to annihilate all pretexts 
 for power atibrded by war; to maintain 
 the Constitution ; and to bless our nation 
 with tranquillity, under whose benign, in- 
 fluence we may reach the summit of hap- 
 piness and glory, to which we are destined 
 by Nature and Nature's God. 
 
 Attest, John Steavart, C. H. D. 
 
 1799, Jan. 23. Agreed to by the Senate. 
 
 H. Brooke, C. S. 
 
 A true copy from the original, deposited 
 in the office of the General Assembly. 
 John Stewart, Keeper of Eolls. 
 
 Anavrers of tlie several State Leglslatares. 
 
 State of Delaware. — In the House 
 of Representatives, Feb. 1, 1799. Resolved, 
 By the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives of the state of Delaware, in General 
 Assembly met, that they consider the reso- 
 lutions from tlie state of Virginia as a very 
 unjustifiable interference with the general 
 government and constituted authorities of 
 the United States, and of dangerous tend- 
 ency, and therefore not fit subject for the 
 further consideration of the General As- 
 sembly. 
 
 Isaac Davis, Speaker of the Senate. 
 
 Stephen Lewis, Speaker of the H. of 
 R'b. Test— 
 
 John Fisher, C. S. 
 John Caldwell, C. H. R. 
 
 State of Rhode Island and Prov- 
 idence Plantations. — In General As- 
 sembly, February, A. D. 1799. Certain 
 resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, 
 pjvssed on 21 st of December la.st, being 
 communicated to this A.sot;nibiy, 
 
 1. Resolved, That in the opinion of this 
 legislature, the second section of third ar- 
 ticle of the Constitution of the United 
 States in these words, to wit : The judi- 
 cial power shall extend to all cases arising 
 under the laws of the United States, vests 
 in the federal courts, exclusively, and in 
 the Supreme Court of the United States 
 ultimately, the authority of deciding on 
 the constitutionality of any act or law of 
 the Congress of the United States. 
 
 2. Resolved, That for any state legisla- 
 ture to assume that authority, would be, 
 
 1st. Blending together legislative and 
 judicial powers. 
 
 2d. Hazarding an interruption of the 
 peace of the states by civil discord, in case 
 of a diversity of opinions among the state 
 legislatures ; each state having, in that 
 case, no resort for vindicating its own 
 opinions, but to the strength of its own 
 arm. 
 
 3d. Submitting most important ques- 
 tions of law to less competent tribunals ; 
 and 
 
 4th. An infraction of the Constitution 
 of the United States, expressed in plain 
 terms. 
 
 3. Resolved, That although for the above 
 reasons, this legislature, in their public 
 capacity, do not feel themselves authorized 
 to consider and decide on the constitu- 
 tionality of the sedition and alien laws (so 
 called) ; yet they are called upon by the 
 exigency of this occasion, to declare, that 
 in their private opinions, these laws are 
 within the powers delegated to Congress, 
 and promotive of the welfare of the Uni- 
 ted States. 
 
 4. Resolved, That the governor commu- 
 nicate these resolutions to the supreme ex- 
 ecutive of the state of Virginia, and at the 
 same time express to him that this legisla- 
 ture cannot contemplate, without extreme 
 concern and regret, the many evil and 
 fatal consequences which may flow from 
 the very unwarrantable resolutions afore- 
 said, of the legislature of Virginia, passed 
 on the twenty -first day of December last. 
 
 A true copy. Samuel Eddy, Sec. 
 
 COMMONAVEALTH OF MASSACHFSETTS. 
 
 —In Senate, Feb. 9, 1799. The legisla- 
 ture of Massachusetts having taken into 
 serious consideration the resolutions of the 
 State of Virginia, jiassed the 21st day of 
 December last, and communicated by 
 his excellency the governor, relative to 
 certain supposed infractions of the Con- 
 stitution of the United Slates, by the gov- 
 criinuMit thereof, and licing convinced that 
 till' Federal Constitution is calculated to 
 promote the happiness, prosperity, and 
 safety of the peojilc of these United States, 
 and to maintain that union of the several 
 states, so essential to the welfare of the 
 whole ; and being bound by solemn oath
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 to support and defend that Constitution, 
 feel it unnecessary to make any professions 
 of their attachment to it, or of their firm 
 determination to suj)p()rt it against every 
 aggression, foreign or domestic. 
 
 But they deem it their duty solemnly to 
 declare, that while they hold sacred the 
 principle, that consent of the people is the 
 only pure source of just and legitimate 
 power, they cannot admit the right of the 
 state legislatures to denounce the adminis- 
 tration of that government to which the 
 people themselves, by a s(demn compact, 
 have exclusively committed their national 
 concerns : That, although a liberal and 
 enlightened vigilance among the people is 
 always to be cherished, yet an unreasona- 
 ble jealousy of the men of their choree, 
 and a recurrence to measures of extremity, 
 upon groundless or trivial pretexts, have a 
 strong tendency to destroy all rational lib- 
 erty at home, and to dejjrive the United 
 States of the most essential advantages in 
 their relations abroad : That this legisla- 
 ture are persuaded that the decision of all 
 cases in law and equity, arising under the 
 Constitution of the United States, and the 
 construction of all laws made in pursu- 
 ance thereof, are exclusively vested by the 
 people in the judicial courts of the United 
 States. 
 
 That the people in that solemn compact, 
 which is declared to be the supreme law 
 of the land, have not constituted the state 
 legislatures the judges of the acts or mea- 
 sures of the federal government, but have 
 confided to them the power of proposing 
 such amendments of the Constitution, as 
 shall appear to them necessary to the in- 
 terests, or conformable to the wishes of 
 the people whom they represent. 
 
 That by this construction of the Con- 
 stitution, an amicable and dispassionate 
 remedy is pointed out for any evil which 
 experience may prove to exist, and the 
 peace and prosperity of the United States 
 may be preserved without interruption. 
 
 But, should the respectable state of Vir- 
 ginia persist in the assumption of the 
 right to declare the acts of the national 
 government unconstitutional, and should 
 she oppose successfully her force and will 
 to those of the nation, the Constitution 
 would be reduced to a mere cipher, to the 
 form and pageantry of authority, without 
 the energy of power. Every act of the 
 federal government which thwarted the 
 views or checked the ambitious i)rojects of 
 a particular state, or of its leading and in- 
 fluential members, would be the object of 
 opposition and of remonstrance ; while 
 the people, convulsed and confused by the 
 conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, 
 enjoying the protection of neither, wouUl 
 be wearied into a submission to some bold 
 leader, who would establish himself on the 
 ruins of both. 
 
 The legislature of Massachusetts, al- 
 though they do not themselves claim the 
 right, nor admit the authority of any of 
 the state governments, to decide upon the 
 constitutionality of the acts of the federal 
 government, still, lest their silence should 
 be construed into disapprobation, or at 
 best into a doubt of the constitutionality 
 of the acts referred to by the State of Vir- 
 ginia ; and, as the General Assembly of 
 Virginia has called for an expression of 
 their sentiments, do explicitly declare, that 
 they consider the acts of Congress, com- 
 monly called "the alien and sedition acts," 
 not only constitutional, but expedient and 
 necessary: That the former act respects 
 a description of persons whose rights were 
 not particularly contemi)lated in the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, who are en- 
 titled only to a temporary protection, 
 while they yield a temporary allegiance ; 
 a protection which ought to be withdrawn 
 whenever they become " dangerous to the 
 public safety," or are found guilty of 
 " treasonable machination " against the 
 government : That Congress having been 
 especially intrusted by the people with the 
 general defence of the nation, had not only 
 the right, but were bound to protect it 
 against internal as well as external foes. 
 That the United States, at the time of pass- 
 ing the act concerning aliens, were threat- 
 ened with actual invasion, had been driv- 
 en by the unjust and ambitious conduct of 
 the French government into warlike pre- 
 parations, expensive and burthensome, and 
 had then, within the bosom of the coun- 
 try, thousands of aliens, who, we doubt 
 not, were ready to co-operate in any ex- 
 ternal attack. 
 
 It cannot be seriously believed, that the 
 United States should have waited till the 
 poignard had in fact been plunged. The 
 removal of aliens is the usual preliminary 
 of hostility, and is justified by the invari- 
 able usages of nations. Actual hostility 
 had unhappily long been experienced, audi 
 a formal declaration of it the government 
 had reason daily to expect. The law,, 
 therefore, was just and salutary, and nO' 
 officer could, with so much propriety, be- 
 intrusted with the execution of it, as the- 
 one in whom the Constitution has reposedi 
 the executive power of the United States.. 
 
 The sedition act, so called, is, in the- 
 opinion of this legislature, equally defen- 
 sible. The General Assembly of Virginia, 
 in their resolve under consideration, ob- 
 serve, that when that state by its convent- 
 tion ratified the Federal Constitution, it 
 expressly declared, " That, among other- 
 essential rights, the liberty of conscience- 
 and of the press cannot be cancelled,, 
 abridged, restraineil, or modified by any 
 authority of the United States." and from 
 its extreme anxiety to guard these rights 
 from every possible attack of sophistrj' or
 
 8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 ambition, with other states, recommend 
 an amendment for that purpose : Avhich 
 amendment was, in due time, annexed to 
 the Constitution ; but they did not surely 
 expect that the proceedings of their state 
 convention were to explain the amend- 
 ment adopted by the Union. The words 
 of that amendment, on this subject, are, 
 " Congress shall make no law abridging 
 the freedom of speech or of the press." 
 
 The act complained of is no abridgment 
 of the freedom of either. The genuine 
 liberty of speech and the press, is the lib- 
 erty to utter and publish the truth ; but 
 the constitutional right of the citizen to 
 utter and publish the truth, is not to be 
 confounded with the licentiousness in 
 speaking and writing, that is only em- 
 ployed in propagating falsehood and slan- 
 der. This freedom of the press has been 
 explicitly secured by most, if not all, the 
 state constitutions ; and of this provision 
 there has been generally but one construc- 
 tion among enlightened men ; that it is a 
 security for the rational use and not the 
 abuse of the press ; of which the courts of 
 law, the juries, and people will judge; this 
 right is not infringed, but confirmed and 
 established by the late act of Congress. 
 
 By the Constitution, the legislative, ex- 
 ecutive, and judicial departments of gov- 
 ernment are ordained and established ; 
 and general enumerated powers vested in 
 them respectively, including those which 
 are prohibited to the several states. Cer- 
 tain powers are granted in general terms 
 by the people to their general government, 
 for the purposes of their safety and protec- 
 tion. The government is not only em- 
 powered, but it is made their duty to re- 
 pel invasions and suppress insurrections ; 
 to guaranty to the several states a rei^ub- 
 lican form of government ; to protect each 
 state against invasion, and, when applied 
 to, against domestic violence ; to hear and 
 decide all cases in law and equity, arising 
 under the Constitution, and under any 
 treaty or law made in pursuance thereof; 
 and all cases of admiralty and maritime 
 jurisdiction, and relating to the law of na- 
 tions. Whenever, therefore, it becomes 
 necessary to efl'ect any of the objects de- 
 signated, it is perfectly consonant to all 
 just rules of construction, to infer, that the 
 usual means and powers necessary to the 
 attainment of that object, are also granted : 
 But the Constitution has left no occiision 
 t<^) resort to implication for these powers; 
 it has made an express grant of tluin, in 
 the Hh section of the first article, which 
 ordains, "That Congress shall have jxiwer 
 to make all laws which shall be neccssjiry 
 and j)roper for carrj'ing into execution tiic 
 foregc)ing powers, and all other powers 
 vested by the Constitution in the govern- 
 ment of the United States or in any de- 
 partment or ollicer thereof." 
 
 This Constitution has established a Su- 
 preme Court of the United States, but has 
 made no provisions for its protection, even 
 against such improper conduct in its pres- 
 ence, as might disturb its proceedings, un- 
 less expressed in the section before recited. 
 But as no statute has been passed on this 
 subject, this protection is, and has been 
 for nine years past, uniformly found in the 
 application of the principles and usages of 
 the common law. The same protection 
 may unquestionably be afibrded by a stat- 
 ute passed in virtue of the before-men- 
 tioned section, as necessary and proper, for 
 carrj'ing into execution the powers vested 
 in that department. A construction of 
 the diflerent parts of the Constitution, per- 
 fectly just and fair, will, on analogous 
 principles, extend protection and security 
 against the offences in question, to the 
 other departments of government, in dis- 
 charge of their respective trusts. 
 
 The President of the United States is 
 bound by his oath " to preserve, protect, 
 and defend the Constitution," and it is ex- 
 pressly made his duty, " to take care that 
 the laws be faithfully executed ; " but this 
 would be impracticable by any created 
 being, if there could be no legal restraint 
 of those scandalous misrepresentations of 
 his measures and motives, which directly 
 tend to rob him of the public confidence. 
 And equally impotent would be every 
 other public officer, if thus left to the mercy 
 of the seditious. 
 
 It is holden to be a tn;th most clear, that 
 the important trusts before enumerated 
 cannot be discharged by the government 
 to which they are committed, without the 
 power to restrain seditious practices and 
 unlawful combinations against itself, and 
 to protect the officers thereof from abusive 
 misrepresentations. Had the Constitution 
 withheld this power, it would have made 
 the government responsible for the effects 
 without any control over the causes which 
 naturally produce them, and would have 
 essentially failed of answering the great 
 ends for which the people of the United 
 States declare, in the first clause of that in- 
 strument, that they establish the same, 
 viz : " To form a more perfect union, es- 
 tablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, 
 provide for the common defence, promote 
 the general warfare, and secure the bless- 
 ings of liberty to ourselves and posterity." 
 
 Seditious practices and unlawful combi- 
 nations against the federal government, or 
 any oflicer thereof, in the perlbrmance of 
 iiis duty, :us well as licentiousness of speech 
 and of the press, were punishable on the 
 princijjles of common law in the courts of 
 the United States, before the act in ques- 
 tion was passed. This act then is an ame- 
 lioration of that law in favor of the party 
 accused, as it mitigates the punishment 
 which that authorizes, and admita of any
 
 HOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 investigation of public men and measures 
 which is reguhited by truth. It is not in- 
 tended to j)rotect men in office, only as 
 they are agents of tlie people. Its object 
 is to alford legal security to public offices 
 and trusts created for the safety and hap- 
 piness of the people, and therefore the se- 
 curity derivetl from it is for the benefit of 
 the people, and is their right. 
 
 The construction of the Constitution and 
 of the existing law of the hmd, as well as 
 the act complained of, the legislature of 
 Slassachusetts most deliberately and firmly 
 believe results from a just and full view of 
 the several parts of the Constitution : and 
 they consider that act to be wise and ne- 
 cessary, as an audacious and unprincipled 
 spirit of falsehood and abuse had been too 
 long unremittingly exerted for the pur- 
 pose of perverting public opinion, and 
 threatened to undermine and destroy the 
 whole fabric of government. 
 
 The legislature further declare, that in 
 the foregoing sentiments they have ex- 
 pressed the general opinion of their consti- 
 tuents, who have not only acquiesced 
 without complaint in those particular 
 measures of the federal government, but 
 have given their explicit approbation by 
 re-electing those men who voted for the 
 adoption of them. Nor is it apprehended, 
 that the citizens of this state will be ac- 
 cused of supineness or of an indifference 
 to their constitutional rights ; for while, 
 on the one hand, they regard with due vi- 
 gilance the conduct of the government, on 
 the other, their freedom, safety and happi- 
 ness require, that they should defend that 
 government and its constitutional mea- 
 sures against the open or insidious attacks 
 of any foe, whether foreign or domestic. 
 
 And, lastly, that the legislature of Mas- 
 sacnusetts feel a strong conviction, that 
 the several United States are connected 
 by a common interest which ought to ren- 
 der their union indissoluble, and that this 
 state will always co-operate with its con- 
 federate states in rendering that union pro- 
 ductive of mutual security, freedom, and 
 happiness. 
 
 Sent down for concurrence. 
 
 Samuel Philips, President. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, Feb. 
 13, 179<). 
 
 Read and concurred. 
 
 Edward II. Robbins, Speaker. 
 A true copy. Attest, 
 
 John Avery, Secretary. 
 
 State of New York. — In Senate, 
 I\Iarch 5, 1799. — Whereas, the people of 
 the United States have established for 
 themselves a free and independent national 
 government: And whereas it is essential 
 tv> the existence of every government, that 
 it have authority to defend and preserve 
 
 its constitutional powers inviolate, inas- 
 much as every infringement thereof tends 
 to its subversion: And wherea-s the judi- 
 cial power extends expressly to all csi-ses of 
 law and equity arising under tlie Con.sti- 
 tution and the laws of the United States 
 whereby the interference of the legislatures 
 of the particular states in those cases is 
 manifestly excluded : And whereas our 
 peace, prosperity, and happiness, eminent- 
 ly depend on the preservation of the Union, 
 in order to which, a reasonable confidence 
 in the constituted authorities and chosen 
 representatives of the people is indispen- 
 sable : And whereas every measure calcu- 
 lated to weaken that confidence has a ten- 
 dency to destroy the usefulness of our pub- 
 lic functionaries, and to excite jealousies 
 equally hostile to rational liberty, and the 
 l^rinciples of a good republican govern- 
 ment : And whereas the Senate, not per- 
 ceiving that the rights of the particular 
 states have been violated, nor any uncon- 
 stitutional powers assumed by the general 
 government, cannot forbear to express the 
 anxiety and regret with which they observe 
 the inflammatory and pernicious senti- 
 ments and doctrines which are contained 
 in the resolutions of the legislatures of 
 Virginia and Kentucky — sentiments and 
 doctrines, no less repugnant to the Consti- 
 tution of the United States, and the prin- 
 ciples of their union, than destructive to 
 the Federal government and unjust to 
 those whom the people have elected to ad- 
 minister it: wherefore, Resolved, That 
 while the Senate feel themselves con- 
 strained to bear unequivocal testimony 
 against such sentiments and doctrines, 
 they deem it a duty no less indispensable, 
 explicitly to declare their incompetency, as 
 a branch of the legislature of this state, to su- 
 pervise the acts of the general government. 
 
 Resolved, That his Excellency, the 
 Governor, be, and he is hereby requested 
 to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolu- 
 tion to the executives of the states of Vir- 
 ginia and Kentucky, to the end that the 
 same may be communicated to the legisla- 
 tures thereof. 
 
 A true copy. 
 
 Abm. B. Baucker, Clerk. 
 
 State of Connecticut. — At a General 
 Assembly of the state of Connecticut, 
 holden at Hartford, in the said state, on 
 the second Thursday of May, Anno Domi- 
 ni 1799, his excellency the governor hav- 
 ing communicated to this assembly sundry 
 resolutions of the legislature of Virginia, 
 adopted in December, 1798, which relate 
 to the measures of the general government; 
 and the said resolutions having been con- 
 sidered, it is 
 
 Resolved, That this Assembly views with 
 deep regret, and explicitly di.><avows, the 
 principles coutiiined in the aforesaid rcso-
 
 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book II. 
 
 lutions; and particularly the opposition 
 to the "Alien and Sedition Acts" — acts 
 which the Constitution authorized ; which 
 the exigency of the country rendered ne- 
 cessary ; which the constituted authorities 
 have enacted, and which merit the entire 
 approbation of this Assembly. They, 
 therefore, decidedly refuse to concur with 
 the legislature of 'Virginia, in promoting 
 any of the objects attempted in the afore- 
 said resolutions. 
 
 And it is further resolved. That his ex- 
 cellency the governor be requested to trans- 
 mit a copy of the foregoing resolution to 
 the governor of Virginia, that it may be 
 communicated to the legislature of that 
 state. 
 
 Passed in the House of Eepresentatives 
 unanimously. 
 
 At;tcst, John C. Smith, Clerk. 
 
 Concurred, unanimously, in the upper 
 House. 
 
 Teste, Sam. Wyllys, Sec'y. 
 
 State of New Hampshire.— In the 
 House of Representatives, June 14, 1799. 
 —The committee to take into considera- 
 tion the resolutions of the General Assem- 
 bly of Virginia, dated December 21, 1798 ; 
 also certain resolutions of the legislature of 
 Kentucky, of the 10th of November, 1798 ; 
 report as follows: — 
 
 The legislature of New Hampshire, hav- 
 ing taken into consideration certain reso- 
 lutions of the General Assembly of Vir- 
 ginia, dated December 21, 1798 ; also cer- 
 tain resolutions of the legislature of Ken- 
 tucky, of the 10th of November, 1798,— 
 
 Resolved, That the legislature of New 
 Hampshire unequivocally express a firm 
 resolution to maintain and defend the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, and the con- 
 stitution of this state, against every aggres- 
 sion, either foreign or domestic, and that 
 they will support the government of the 
 United States in all measures warranted 
 by the former. 
 
 'That the state legislatures are not the 
 proper tribunals to determine the consti- 
 tutionality of the laws of the general gov- 
 ernment fthat the duty of such decision is 
 properly and exclusively confided to the 
 judicial dcpartinent. 
 
 That if the legislature of New Hamp- 
 shire, for mere speculative mirposes, wc>re 
 to express an opinion on tlie acts of the 
 general government, cf)nimonlv called 
 "the Alien and Sediticm Bills," that 
 opinion would unreservedly j)e, that those 
 acts are constitutional and, in the uresent 
 (Titical situation of our ri.imtry, highly ex- 
 pedient. 
 
 That the constitutionality and cxpedi- 
 encv of the acts aforesiud have been very 
 ably advocated and clearly demonstrateil 
 by Hianv citizens of the Uniteil States, more 
 ettpecially by the minority of the General 
 
 Assembly of Virginia. The legislature of 
 New Hampshire, therefore, deem it unne- 
 cessary, by any train of arguments, to at- 
 tempt'further illustration of the proposi- 
 tions, the truth of which, it is confidently 
 believed, at this day, is very generally seen 
 and acknowledged. 
 
 Which report, being read and considered, 
 was unanimously received and accepted, 
 one hundred and thirty-seven membera 
 being present. 
 
 Sent up for concurrence. 
 
 John Prentice, Speaker. 
 
 In Senate, same day, read and concurred 
 in unanimously. 
 
 Amos Shepard, President. 
 
 Approved June 15, 1799. 
 
 J. T. Gilman, Governor. 
 A true copy. 
 
 Attest, Joseph Pearson, Sec'y. 
 
 State of Vermont. — In the House of 
 Representatives, October 30, A. D. 1799.-— 
 The House proceeded to take under their 
 consideration the resolutions of the Gene- 
 ral Assembly of Virginia, relative to cer- 
 tain measures of the general government, 
 transmitted to the legislature of this state 
 for their consideration ; whereupon. 
 
 Resolved, that the General Assembly of 
 the state of Vermont do highly disapprove 
 of the resolutions of the General Assembly 
 of the state of Virginia, as being unconsti- 
 tutional in their nature and dangerous in 
 their tendency. It belongs not to state 
 legislatures to decide on the constitution- 
 ality of the laws made by the general gov- 
 ernment; this power being exclusively 
 vested in judiciary courts of the Union. 
 
 That his excellency the governor be re- 
 quested to transmit a copy of this resolu- 
 tion to the executive of Virginia, to be 
 communicated to the General Assembly of 
 that state; and that the same be sent to 
 the Governor and Council for their con- 
 currence. 
 
 Samuel C. Crafts, Clerk. 
 
 In Council, October 30, 1799.— Read and 
 concurred in unanimously. 
 
 Richard Whitney, Sec'y. 
 
 Resolutions of 1798 and 1799. 
 
 (Tho original druuKlit prepared by Thomas JciTorson.) 
 
 The following resolutions passed the 
 House of Rejiresentatives of Kentucky, 
 Nov. 10, 1798. On the passage of the first 
 resolution, one dissentient; 2d, 3d, 4th, 
 r)th, Gth, 7th, 8th, two dissentients; 9th, 
 three dissentients. 
 
 1. Ecsolvcd, That the several states com- 
 ])osing the United States of America, are 
 not nnitcil on the princii)le of unlimited 
 submission to their general government;
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 11 
 
 but that by compact under the style and 
 title (jf a Constitution for the United States, 
 and of aniendnients thereto, they consti- 
 tuted a general government lor special pur- 
 poses, delegated to that government certain 
 definite powers, reserving, each state to it- 
 self, the residuary nuiss of right to their 
 own self-government: and, that whenso- 
 ever the general government assumes un- 
 delegated powers, its acts are unauthorita- 
 tive, void, and of no force ; that to this 
 compact each state acceded as a state, and 
 is an integral party ; that this govern- 
 ment, created by this compact, was not 
 made the exclusive or final judge of the 
 extent of the powers delegated to itself; 
 since that would have made its discretion, 
 and not the Constitution, the measure ol' 
 its powers ; but, that as in all other cases 
 of compact among parties having no com- 
 mon judge, each party has an equal right 
 to judge for itself, as well of infractions as 
 of the mode and measure of redress. 
 
 2. Resolved, That the Constitution of 
 the United States having delegated to Con- 
 gress a power to punish treason, counter- 
 feiting the securities and current coin of 
 the United States, piracies and felonies 
 committed on the high seas, and offences 
 against the laws of nations, and no other 
 crimes whatever ; and it being true, as a 
 general principle, and one of the amend- 
 ments to the Constitution having also de- 
 clared, " that the powers not delegated to 
 the United States by the Constitution, nor 
 prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
 to the states respectively, or to the people," 
 therefore also the same act of Congress, 
 passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and 
 entitled "An act in addition to the act 
 entitled An act for the punishment of cer- 
 tain crimes against the United States ;" as 
 also the act passed by them on the 27th 
 day of June, 1798, entitled " Xn act to 
 punish frauds committed on the Bank of 
 the United States," (and all other their 
 acts which assume to create, define, or 
 punish crimes other than those enumerated 
 in the Constitution), are altogether void 
 and of no force, and that the power to 
 create, define, and punish such other crimes 
 is reserved, and of right appertains solely 
 and exclusively to the respective states, 
 each within its own territory. 
 
 3. Resolved, That it is true, as a general 
 principle, and is also expressly declared by 
 one of the amendments to the Constitution, 
 that "the powers not delegated to the 
 United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
 hibited by it to the states, are reserved to 
 the states respectively, or to the people ;" 
 and that no power over the freedom of re- 
 ligion, freedom of speech, or freedom of 
 the press being delegated to the United 
 States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
 by it to the states, all lawful powers respect- 
 ing the same did of right remain, aud were 
 
 reserved to the states or to the people ; that 
 thus was manifested their determination to 
 retain to themselves the right of judging 
 how far the licentiousness of speech and 
 of the press may be abridged without les- 
 sening their useful freedom, and hov/ far 
 those abuses which cannot be separated 
 from their use should be tolerated rather 
 than the use be destroyed ; and thus also 
 they guarded against all abridgment by the 
 United States, of the freedom of religious 
 principles and exercises, and retained to 
 themselves the rightof protecting the same, 
 as this, stated by a law passed on the gen- 
 eral demand of its citizens, had already 
 protected them from all human restraint or 
 interference : and that, in addition to this 
 general principle and express declaration, 
 another and more special provision has 
 been made by one of the amendments to 
 the Constitution, which expressly declares, 
 that " Congress shall make no laws respect- 
 ing an establishment of religion, or pro- 
 hibiting the free exercise thereof, or 
 abridging the freedom of speech, or of the 
 press," thereby guarding in the same sen- 
 tence, and under the same words, the free- 
 dom of religion, of speech, and of the 
 press, insomuch that whatever violates 
 either, throws down the sanctuary which 
 covers the others ; and that libels, false- 
 hood, and defamation, equally with heresy 
 and false religion, are withheld from the 
 cognisance of federal tribunals. That there- 
 fore the act of the Congress of the United 
 States, passed on the 14th of July, 1798, 
 entitled " An act in addition to the act en- 
 titled An act for the punishment of certain 
 crimes against the United States," which 
 does abridge the freedom of the press, is 
 not law, but is altogether void and of no 
 force. 
 
 4. Resolved, That alien friends are under 
 the jurisdiction and jirotection of the laws 
 of the state wherein they are : that no 
 power over them has been delegated to the 
 United States, nor prohibited to the indi- 
 vidual states distinct from their power over 
 citizens ; and it being true, as a general 
 princijile, and one of the amendments to 
 the Constitution having also declared, that 
 " the powers not delegated to the I'nited 
 States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
 to the states, are reserved to the states re- 
 spectively, or to the people," the act of the 
 Congress of the United States, passed the 
 22d day of June, 1798, entitled " An act 
 concerning aliens," which assumes power 
 over alien friends not delegated by the Con- 
 stitution, is not law, but is altogether void 
 and of no force. 
 
 5. Resolved, That in addition to the gen- 
 eral princi]>le as well as the express de- 
 claration, tliat powers not delegated are re- 
 served, another and more special provision 
 inferred in the Constitution, from abund- 
 ant caution has declared, " that the migra-
 
 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 tion or importation of such persons as any 
 of the states now existing shall think 
 pi'oper to admit, shall not be prohibited by 
 the Congress prior to the year 1808." That 
 this commonwealth does admit the migra- 
 tion of alien friends described as the sub- 
 ject of the said act concerning aliens ; that 
 a provision against prohibiting their migra- 
 tion, is a provision against all acts equiva- 
 lent thereto, or it would be nugatory ; that 
 to remove them when migrated is equiva- 
 lent to a prohibition of their migration, 
 and is, therefore, contrary to the said pro- 
 vision of the Constitution, and void. 
 
 6. Resolved, That the imprisonment of 
 a person under the protection of the laws 
 of this commonwealth on his failure to 
 obey the simple order of the President to 
 depart out of the United States, as is under- 
 taken by the said act, entitled, " An act 
 concerning aliens," is contrary to the Con- 
 stitution, one amendment in which has 
 provided, that " no person shall be deprived 
 of liberty without due process of law," 
 and, that another having provided, " that 
 in all criminal prosecutions, the accused 
 shall enjoy the right to a public trial by 
 an impartial jury, to be informed as to the 
 nature and cause of the accusation, to be 
 confronted with the witnesses against him, 
 to have compulsory process for obtaining 
 witnesses in his favor, and to have assist- 
 ance of counsel for his defence," the same 
 act undertaking to authorize the President 
 to renu)ye a person out of the United States 
 who is under the protection of the law, on 
 his own suspicion, without jury, without 
 public trial, witlumt confrontation of the 
 witnesses against him, without having wit- 
 nesses in his favor, without defence, with- 
 out counsel, is contrary to these provisions 
 also of the Constitution, is therefore not 
 law, but utterly void and of no force. 
 
 That transferring the power of judging 
 any person who is under the protection of 
 the laws, from the courts to the President 
 of tlie United States, as is undertaken by 
 the same act concerning aliens, is against 
 the article of the Constitution which pro- 
 vides, that " the judicial power of the 
 United States shall be vestea in the courts, 
 the judges of which shall hold their office 
 during good behavior," and that the said 
 act is void for that reason also ; and it is 
 further to be noted that this transfer of 
 judiciary power is to that magistrate of the 
 general government who already possesses 
 all tlie executive, and a qualified negative 
 in all the legislative powers. 
 
 7. Ii'esolrrd, That the construction ap- 
 plied by the gcru-ral government fas is 
 evident l)y sundry of their proceedings) to 
 those parts of the Constitution of the 
 United States which delegate to Congress 
 power U} lay and collect tuxes, duties, im- 
 posts, excises; to pay the debts, and pro- 
 vide for the common defence and general 
 
 welfare of the United States, and to make 
 all laws which shall be necessary and 
 proper for carrying into execution the 
 powers vested by the Constitution in the 
 government of the United States, or any 
 department thereof, goes to the destruction 
 of all the limits prescribed to their power 
 by the Constitution : That words meant by 
 that instrument to be subsidiary only to 
 the execution of the limited powers, ought 
 not to be so construed as themselves to give 
 unlimited powers, nor a part so to be taken 
 as to destroy the whole residue of the in- 
 strument : That the proceedings of the 
 general government under color of those 
 articles, will be a fit and necessary subject 
 for revisal and correction at a time of 
 greater tranquillity, while those specified in 
 the preceding resolutions call for imme- 
 diate redress. 
 
 8. Resolved, That the preceding resolu- 
 tions be transmitted to the Senators and 
 Kepresentatives in Congress from this com- 
 monwealth, who are enjoined to present 
 the same to their respective Houses, and 
 to use their best endeavors to procure at 
 the next session of Congress a repeal of 
 the aforesaid unconstitutional and obnox- 
 ious acts. 
 
 9. Resolved lastli/, That the governor of 
 this commonwealth be, and is hereby au- 
 thorized and requested to communicate the 
 preceding resolutions to the legislatures of 
 the several states, to assure them that this 
 commonwealth considers union for special 
 national pui']>oses, and particularly for 
 those specified in their late federal com- 
 pact, to be friendly to the peace, happiness, 
 and prosperity of all the states — that, faith- 
 ful to that compact, according to the plain 
 intent and meaning in which it was under- 
 stood and acceded to by the several parties, 
 it is sincerely anxious for its preservation ; 
 that it does also believe, that to take from 
 the states all the powers of self-govern- 
 ment, and transfer them to a general and 
 consolidated government, without regard 
 to the s])ecial delegations and reservations 
 solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not 
 for tlie jieace, happiness, or prosjierity of 
 these states ; and that, therefore, this com- 
 monwealth is determined, as it doubts not 
 its co-states are, to submit to undelegated 
 and consecpicntly unlimited powers in no 
 man, or body of men on earth : that if the 
 acts before siiecified should stand, these 
 conclusions would flow from them ; that 
 the general government may place any act 
 tlicy tliink ))r()peron the list of crimes and 
 punish it themselves, whether enumerated 
 or not enumerated by the Constitution a.s 
 cognisable by them ; that they may trans- 
 fer its cognisance to the President or any 
 other jierson, who may himself be the ac- 
 cuser, counsel, judge, and jury, whose sus- 
 picions may he tlie evidence, his order the 
 sentence, his officer the executioner, and
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 13 
 
 his breast the sole record of the transac- 
 tion ; that a very numerous and valuable 
 description of the inhabitants of these 
 states, being by this precedent reduced as 
 outlaws to the absolute dominion of one 
 man and the barriers of the Constitution 
 thus swei)t from us all, no ramj)art now re- 
 mains against the passions and the power 
 of a majority of Congress, to j>rotect from 
 a like exportation or other grievous pun- 
 ishment the minority of the same body, 
 the legislatures, judges, governors, and 
 counsellors of the states, nor their other 
 j)eaceal)le inhabitants who may venture to 
 reclaim the constitutional rights and liber- 
 ties of the states and people, or who, for 
 other causes, good or bad, may be obnox- 
 ious to the view or marked by the suspi- 
 cions of the President, or to be thought dan- 
 gerous to his or their elections or other 
 interests, public or personal ; that the 
 friendless alien has been selected as the 
 safest subject of a first experiment ; but 
 the citizen will soon follow, or rather has 
 already followed ; for, already has a sedi- 
 tion act marked him as a prey : that these 
 and successive acts of the same character, 
 unless arrested on the threshold, may tend 
 to drive these states into revolution and 
 blood, and will furnish new calumnies 
 against republican governments, and new 
 pretexts for those who wish it to be be- 
 lieved, that man cannot be governed but 
 by a rod of iron ; that it would be a dan- 
 gerous delusion were a confidence in the 
 men of our choice to silence our fears for 
 the safety of our rights ; that confidence is 
 everywhere the parent of despotism ; free 
 government is found in jealousy and not 
 in confidence ; it is jealousy and not con- 
 fidence which prescribes limited constitu- 
 tions to bind down those whom we are 
 obliged to trust with power; that our Con- 
 stitution has accordingly fixed the limits 
 to which, and no farther, our confidence 
 may go ; and let the honest advocate of 
 confidence read the alien and sedition acts, 
 and say if the Constitution has not been 
 wise in fixing limits to the government it 
 created, and whether we should be wise in 
 destroying those limits ? Let him say what 
 the government is, if it be not a tyranny, 
 which the men of our choice have conferred 
 on the President, and the President of our 
 choice has assented to and accepted over 
 the friendly strangers, to whom the mild 
 spirit of our country and its laws had 
 jnedged hospitality and protection ; that 
 the men of our choice have more respected 
 the bare suspicions of the President than 
 the solid rights of innocence, the elaimsof 
 justification, the sacred force of truth, and 
 the forms and substance of law and justice. 
 In questions of power, then, let no more 
 be said of confidence in man, but l)ind him 
 down from mischief by the chains of tlu- 
 Constitution. That this Commonwealth 
 
 does therefore call on its co-states for an 
 expression of tjieir sentiments on the acts 
 concerning aliens, and for the punishment 
 of certain crimes hereinbefore specified, 
 plainly declaring whether these acts are or 
 are not authorized by the federal compact. 
 And it doubts not that their .sense will be 
 so announced as to prove their attachment 
 to limited government, whether general or 
 particular, and that the rights and liberties 
 of their co-states will be expensed to no 
 dangers by remaining embarked on a com- 
 mon bottom with their own : but they will 
 concur with this commonwealth in consid- 
 ering the said acts as so palpably against 
 the Constitution as to amount to an undis- 
 guised declaration, that the compact is not 
 meant to be the measure of the powers of 
 the general government, but that it will 
 proceed in the exercise over these states of 
 all powers whatsoever. That they will 
 view this as seizing the rights of the states 
 and consolidating them in the hands of the 
 general government, wini a power assumed 
 to bind the states (not merely in cases 
 made federal) but in all cases whatsoever, 
 by laws made, not with their consent, but 
 by others against their consent ; that this 
 would be to surrender the form of govern- 
 ment we have chosen, and live under one 
 deriving its powers from its own will, and 
 not from our authority ; and that the co- 
 states recurring to their natural rights in 
 cases not made federal, will concur in de- 
 claring these void and of no force, and will 
 each unite with this Commonwealth in re- 
 questing their repeal at the next session of 
 Congress. 
 
 Edmund Bullock, S. H. R. 
 
 John Campbell, S. P. T. 
 
 Passed the House of Representatives, 
 Nov. 10, 1798. 
 
 Attest, Thos. Todd, C. H. R. 
 
 In Senate, Nov. 13, 1798. — Unanimously 
 concurred in. 
 
 Attest, B. Thurston, C. S. 
 
 Approved, Nov. 19, 1798. 
 
 Jas. Garrard, Gov. of Ky. 
 
 By the Governor, 
 
 Harry Toulmin, Sec. of State. 
 
 House of Representatives, Thursday, "I 
 Nov. 14, 1799. j 
 
 The House, according to the standing 
 order of the day, resolved itself into a 
 committee of the whole House, on the state 
 of the commonwealth. Me. Desha in the 
 chair; and after some time spent therein, 
 the speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. 
 Desha reported that the committee had 
 taken under consideration sundry resolu- 
 tions passed by several state legislatures, 
 on the subject of the alien and sedition 
 laws, and had come to a resolulion tliore- 
 upon, which he delivered in at the clerk's
 
 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 table, where it was read and unanimously 
 agreed to by the House, as follows : — 
 
 The representatives of the good people 
 of this commonwealth, in General Assem- 
 bly convened, having maturely considered 
 the answers of sundry states in the Union, 
 to their resolutions passed the last session, 
 respecting certain unconstitutional laws of 
 Congress, commonly called the alien and 
 sedition laws, would be faithless, indeed, 
 to themselves and to those they represent, 
 were they silently to acquiesce in the prin- 
 ciples and doctrines attempted to be main- 
 tained in all those answers, that of Vir- 
 ginia only excepted. To again enter the 
 field of argument, and attempt more fully 
 or forcibly to expose the unconstitutional- 
 ity of those obnoxious laws, would, it is 
 apprehended, be as unnecessary as unavail- 
 ing. We cannot, however, but lament 
 that, in the discussion of those interesting 
 subjects by sundry of the legislatures of 
 our sister states, unfounded suggestions 
 and uncandid insinuations, derogatory to 
 the true character and principles of this 
 commonwealth, have been substituted in 
 place of fair reasoning and sound argu- 
 ment. Our opinions of these alarming 
 measures of the general government, to- 
 gether with our reasons for those opinions, 
 were detailed with decency and Avith tem- 
 per, and submitted to the discussion and 
 judgment of our fellow-citizens throughout 
 the Union. Whether the like decency 
 and temper have been observed in the an- 
 swers ol most of those states who have 
 denied or attempted to obviate the great 
 truths contained in those resolutions, we 
 have now only to submit to a candid world. 
 Faithful to the true principles of the Fed- 
 eral Union, unconscious of any designs to 
 disturb the harmony of that Union, and 
 anxious only to escape the fangs of despot- 
 ism, the good people of this common- 
 wealth are regardless of censure or calum- 
 niation. Lest, however, the silence of 
 this commonwealth shcnUd be construed 
 into an acquiescence in the doctrines and 
 principles advanced and attempted to be 
 maintained by the said answers, or lest 
 those of our fellow-citizens throughout the 
 Union who so widely differ from us on 
 those imi)ortant subjects, should be deluded 
 by the expectation, that we shall be de- 
 terred from wliat we conceive our duty, or 
 shrink from the principles contained in 
 tliose resolutions — therefore, 
 
 Rcsulvrd^ That this commonwealth con- 
 siders the Federal Union, upon the terms 
 and for the jiurposes si)('cifie<l in the late 
 compact, as conducive to the liberty and 
 hai)pinesH of the several states: That it 
 does now unequivocally declare its attach- 
 ment to the Union, and to that compact, 
 agreeably to its obvious and real intention, 
 and will be among the last to seek its dis- 
 Bolution : That if those who administer 
 
 the general government be permitted to 
 transgress the limits fixed by that compact, 
 by a total disregard to the special delega- 
 tions of power therein contained, an anni- 
 hilation of the state governments, and the 
 creation upon their ruins of a general con- 
 solidated government, will be the inevita- 
 ble consequence : That the principle and 
 construction contended for by sundry of 
 the state legislatures, that the general gov- 
 ernment is the exclusive judge of the ex- 
 tent of the powers delegated to it, stop 
 nothing short of despotism — since the dis- 
 cretion of those who administer the gov- 
 ernment, and not the Constitution, would 
 be the measure of their powers : That the 
 several states who formed that instrument 
 being sovereign and independent, have the 
 unquestionable right to judge of the in- 
 fraction ; and that a nullification by those 
 sovereignties of all unauthorized acts done 
 under color of that instrument is the right- 
 ful remedy : That this commonwealth 
 does, under the most deliberate reconsid- 
 eration, declare that the said alien and 
 sedition laws are, in their opinion, palpa- 
 ble violations of the said Constitution ; 
 and, however cheerfully it may be disposed 
 to surrender its opinion to a majority of its 
 sister states, in matters of ordinary or 
 doubtful policy, yet, in momentous regula- 
 tions like the present, which so vitally 
 wound the best rights of the citizen, it 
 would consider a silent acquiescence as 
 highly criminal : That although this com- 
 monwealth, as a party to the federal com- 
 pact, will bow to the laws of the Union, 
 yet it does, at the same time, declare that 
 it will not now, or ever hereafter, cease to 
 oppose in a constitutional manner every 
 attempt, at what quarter soever offered, to 
 violate that compact. And, finally, in or- 
 der that no pretext or arguments may be 
 drawn from a supposed acquiescence on 
 the part of this commonwealth in the con- 
 stitutionality of those laws, and be thereby 
 used as precedents for similar future viola- 
 tions of the federal comjiact^ — this com- 
 monwealth does now enter against them its 
 solemn protest. 
 
 Extract, &c. Attest, T. Todd, C. II. R. 
 
 In Senate, Nov. 22, 1799— Read and con- 
 curred in. 
 
 Attest, B. Thurston, C. S. 
 
 "Washlnfftora'sKarcAVcll Address to tlie Peo- 
 pU- oftlic United States, Sept. 17, 1706. 
 
 Accepted as a Plul/orm /cr Ihr J'l'ople of the Katiou, reyard- 
 U'ss of party. 
 
 Friends and Fellow-citizens: — 
 
 The period for a new election of a citi- 
 zen to administer the executive govern- 
 ment of the United States being not far 
 distant, and the time actually arrived when 
 your thoughts must be employed in desig- 
 nating the ))erson who is to be clothed with 
 that important trust, it appears to me pro-
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 15 
 
 per, especially as it may conduce to a more 
 distinct expression of the public voice, that 
 I should now apprise you of the resolution 
 I have formed to decline being considered 
 among the number of those out of whom a 
 choice is to be made. I beg you, at the 
 same time, to do me the justice to be as- 
 sured that this resolution has not been 
 taken without a strict regard to all the 
 considerations appertaining to the relation 
 which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- 
 try ; and that in withdrawing the tender of 
 service, which silence, in my situation, 
 might imply, I am influenced by no dimi- 
 nution of zeal for your future interests; no 
 deficiency of grateful respect of your past 
 kindness; but am supported by a full con- 
 viction that the step is compatible with 
 both. 
 
 The acceptance of, and continuance 
 hitherto in, the office to which your suf- 
 frages have twice called me, have been a 
 uniform sacrifice of inclination to the 
 opinion of duty, and to a deference for 
 what appeared to be your desire. I con- 
 stantly hoped that it would have been 
 much earlier in niy power, consistently 
 with motives which I was not at liberty to 
 disregard, to return to that retirement from 
 which I had been reluctantly drawn. The 
 strength of my inclination to do this, pre- 
 vious to the last election, had even led to 
 the preparation of an address to declare it 
 to you ; but mature reflection on the then 
 perplexed and critical posture of our aflairs 
 with foreign nations, and the unanimous 
 'advice of persons entitled to my confidence, 
 impelled me to abandon the idea. 
 
 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, 
 external as well as internal, no longer ren- 
 ders the pursuit of inclination incompati- 
 ble with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; 
 and am persuaded, whatever partiality 
 may be retained for my services, that, in 
 the present circumstances of our country, 
 you will not disapprove my determination 
 to retire. 
 
 The impressions with which I first un- 
 dertook the arduous trust were explained 
 on the proper occasion. In the discharge 
 of this trust, I will only say, that I have 
 with good intentions contributed towards 
 the organization and administration of the 
 government the best exertions of which a 
 very fallible judgment was capable. Not 
 unconscious in the outset of the inferiority 
 of my qualifications, ex[)erience, in my 
 own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes 
 of others — has strengthened the motives to 
 diffidence of myself ; and every day the in- 
 creasing weight of years admonishes me, 
 more and more, that the al)ode of retire- 
 ment is as necessary to me as it will be 
 welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
 stances have given peculiar value to my 
 services, they were tem]M)rary, I have the 
 consolation to believe that, while choice 
 
 and prudence invite me to quit the politi- 
 cal scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment which 
 is intended to terminate the career of my 
 public life, my feelings do not permit me 
 to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
 that debt of gratitude which I owe to my 
 beloved country for the many honors it 
 has conferred upon me; still more for the 
 steadfast confidence with which it has 
 sui)i)orted me; and for the oppf)rtunitie;i I 
 have thence enjoyed of manifesting my 
 inviolable attachment, by services faithful 
 and persevering, though in usefulness un- 
 equal to my zeal. If benefits have re- 
 sulted to our country from these services, 
 let it always be remembered to your 
 praise, and as an instructive example in 
 our annals, that under circumstances in 
 which the passions, agitated in every direc- 
 tion, were liable to mislead ; amidst ap- 
 pearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes 
 of fortune often discouraging ; in situations 
 in which, not unfrequently, want of suc- 
 cess has countenanced the spirit of criti- 
 cism, — the constancy of your sui)port was 
 the essential prop of the efforts, and a 
 guarantee of the plans, by which they 
 were effected. Profoundly jienetrated by 
 this new idea, I shall carry it with me to 
 my grave, as a strong incitement to un- 
 ceasing vows, that Heaven may continue 
 to you the, choicest tokens of its benefi- 
 cence ; that union and brotherly affection 
 may be perpetual ; that the free Constitu- 
 tion, which is the work of your hands, 
 may be sacredly maintained ; that its ad- 
 ministration, in every department, may be 
 stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that in 
 fine, the happiness of the peo])le of these 
 states, under the auspices of liberty, may 
 be made complete, by so careful a })reser- 
 vation and so prudent a use of this blessing 
 as will acquire to them the glory of recom- 
 mending it to the applause, the affection, 
 and the adoption of every nation which is 
 yet a stranger to it. 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a 
 solicitude for your welfare, which cannot 
 end but with my life, and the apprehcTi- 
 sion of danger natural to that solicitude, 
 urge me, on an occasion like the present, 
 to offer to your solemn contemplation, and 
 to recommend to your frequent review, 
 some sentiments, which are the result of 
 much reflection, of no inconsiderable ob- 
 servation, and which appear to me all-im- 
 portant to the permanency of your felicity 
 as a people. These will be afforded to you 
 with the more freedom, as you can only 
 see in them the disinterested warning of a 
 parting friend, who can possibly have no 
 personal motive to bi;is his counsel ; nor 
 can I forget, as an encouragement to it, 
 your indulgent reception of my sentiments 
 on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 every ligament of your hearts, no recom- 
 mendation of mine is necessary to fortify 
 or confirm the attachment. 
 
 The unity of government which consti- 
 tutes you one people, is also now dear to 
 you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar 
 in the edifice of your real independence — 
 the support of your tranquillity at home, 
 your peace abroad, of your safety, of your 
 prosperity, of that very liberty which you 
 so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee 
 that, froln different causes and from differ- 
 ent quarters, much pains will be taken, 
 many artifices employed, to weaken in 
 your minds the conviction of this truth ; 
 as this is the point in your political fortress 
 against which the batteries of internal and 
 external enemies will be most constantly 
 and actively, (though often covertly and 
 insidiously)" directed, — it is of infinite mo- 
 ment that you should properly estimate the 
 immense value of your national union to 
 your collective and individual happiness ; 
 that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, 
 and immovable attachment to it; accus- 
 toming yourself to think and speak of it as 
 of the jjalladium of your political safety 
 and prosperity, watching for its preserva- 
 tion with jealous anxiety; discountenan- 
 cing whatever may suggest even a suspicion 
 that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; 
 and indignantly frowning upon the first 
 dawning of every attempt to alienate any 
 portion of our country from the rest, or to 
 enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to- 
 gether the various parts. 
 
 For this you have every inducement of 
 sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth 
 or choice, of a common country, that coun- 
 try has a right to concentrate your affec- 
 tions. The name of American, which be- 
 longs to you in your national capacity, 
 must always exalt the just pride of patri- 
 otism, more than appellations derived from 
 local discriminations. With slight shades 
 of difference, you have the same religion, 
 manners, habits, and j)olitical principles. 
 You have, in a common cause, fought and 
 triumphed together ; the independence and 
 liberty you possess are the work of joint 
 counsels and joint efforts, of common dan- 
 gers, sufferings, and successes. But these 
 considerations, however powerfully they 
 address themselves to your sensibility, are 
 generally outweighed by those which ap- 
 itly more inimediaU-ly to your interest; 
 here every portion of our country finds the 
 most commanding motives for carefully 
 guarding and preserving the union of the 
 whole. 
 
 The North, in an unrestrained inter- 
 course with the South, protected by the 
 equal laws of a common gr)vernmcnt, finds, 
 in the productions of the latter, great ad- 
 ditional resources of maritime and com- 
 mercial onter]irise, and precious materials 
 of manufacturing industry. The South, in 
 
 the same intercourse benefiting by the 
 agency of the North, sees its agriculture 
 grow, and its commerce expanded. Turn- 
 ing partly into its own channels the sea- 
 men of the North, it finds its particular 
 navigation invigorated ; and while it con- 
 tributes, in different ways, to nourish and 
 increase the general mass of the national 
 navigation, it looks forward to the protec- 
 tion of a maritime strength to which itself 
 is unequally adapted. The East, in like 
 intercourse with the West, already finds, 
 and in the progressive improvement of in- 
 terior communication, by land and by 
 water, will more and more find, a valuable 
 vent for the commodities which each brings 
 from abroad or manufactures at home. The 
 West derives from the East supplies re- 
 quisite to its growth or comfort, and what 
 is perhaps of still greater consequence, it 
 must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoy- 
 ment of indispensable outlets for its own 
 productions, to the weight, influence, and 
 the maritime strength of the Atlantic side 
 of the Union, directed by an indissoluble 
 community of interests as one nation. Any 
 other tenure by which the West can hold 
 this essential advantage, whether derived 
 from its own separate strength, or from an 
 apostate and unnatural connexion with any 
 foreign power, must be intrinsically pre- 
 carious. 
 
 While, then, every part of our country 
 thus feels an immediate and particular in- 
 terest in union, all the parts combined can- 
 not fail to find, in the united mass of 
 means and efforts, greater strength, greater 
 resource, proportionably greater security 
 from external danger, a less frequent inter- 
 ruption of their peace by foreign nations ; 
 and what is of inestimable value, they must 
 derive from union an exejiiption from those 
 broils and wars between themselves, which 
 so frequently afflict neighboring countries, 
 not tied together by the same government ; 
 which their own rivalship alone would be 
 sufficient to produce, but which o])])Osit6 
 foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, 
 would stimulate and embitter. Hence, 
 likewise, they will avoid the necessity of 
 those overgrown military establishments, 
 which, under any form of government, are 
 inauspicious to liberty, and which are to 
 be regarded as particularly hostile to re- 
 publican liberty ; in this sense it is that 
 your union ought to be considered as a 
 main prop of your liberty, and that the 
 love of one ought to endear to you the pre- 
 servation of the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive 
 language to every reflecting and virtuous 
 mind, and exhibit the continuance of the 
 Union as a j)rimary object of patriotic de- 
 sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common 
 government can embrace so large a sphere? 
 l^ct experience solve it. To listen to mero 
 speculation, in such a case, were criminal.
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 17 
 
 We are authorized to hope, that a proper 
 organization of the wliole, with the aux- 
 iliary agency of governments f(ir the re- 
 ypective subdivisions, will allord a luippy 
 issue to the experiment. It is well worth 
 u fair and lull experiment. With such 
 powerful and obvious motives to Union, 
 affecting all j)arts of our country, while ex- 
 perience shall not have demonstrated its 
 impracticability, there will always be rea- 
 son to distrust the patriotism of those who, 
 in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken 
 its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may 
 disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of 
 serious concern, that any ground should 
 have been furnished for characterizing 
 
 Sarties by geograpliical discriminations — 
 [orthern and Southern — Atlantic and 
 Western : whence designing men nuiy en- 
 deavor to excite a belief that there is a real 
 difference of local interests and views. One 
 of the expedients of party to acquire in- 
 fluence within particular districts, is to 
 misrepresent the opinions and aims of oth- 
 er districts. You cannot sliield yourselves 
 too much against the jealousies and heart- 
 burnings which spring from these misrep- 
 re-^entations ; they tend to render alien to 
 each other those who ought to be bound 
 together by i)atcrnal affection. The inhabi- 
 tants of our Western country have lately 
 had a useful lesson on this head ; they have 
 seen in the negotiation by the executive, 
 and in the unanimous ratification by the 
 Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the 
 universal satisfaction at that event through- 
 out the United States, decisive proof how 
 unfounded were the suspicions propagated 
 among them, of a policy in the general 
 government, and in the Atlantic States, 
 unfriendly to their interest in regard to the 
 Mississippi — that with Great Britain, and 
 that with Spain, which secure to them 
 everything they could desire in respect to 
 our foreign relations, towards confirming 
 their prosperity. Will it not be their wis- 
 dom to rely ibr the preservation of these 
 advantages on the Union by which they 
 were procured ? Will they not henceforth 
 be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, 
 who would sever them from their brethren, 
 and connect them with aliens? 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your 
 Union a government of the whole is indis- 
 pensable. No alliance, however strict be- 
 tween the parties, can be an adequate sub- 
 stitute ; they must inevitably experience 
 the infractions and interruptions which all 
 alliances, in all time, have experienced. 
 Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
 have improved upon your first essay, by 
 the adoption of a Constitution of govern- 
 ment, better calculated than your former 
 for an intimate union, and for the effica- 
 cious management of your common con- 
 cerns. This government, the offspring of 
 21 
 
 our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed 
 — adoj)ted upon full investigation and ma- 
 ture deliberation, completely free in its 
 princij)les, in the distribution of its powers 
 — uniting security with energy, and con- 
 taining within itself a provision for its own 
 amendment, has a just claim to your con- 
 fidence and your support. Respect for its 
 authority, compliance with its laws, ac- 
 quiescence in its measures, are duties en- 
 joined by the fundamental maxims of true 
 liberty. The basis of our political system 
 is the right of the i)eople to make and to 
 alter their Constitutions of government; 
 but the Constitution which at any time 
 exists, till changed by an explicit and 
 authentic act of the whole })eople, is sacred- 
 ly obligatory upon all. The very idea of 
 the power and right of the peo})le to estab- 
 lish government, presupposes the duty of 
 every individual to obey the established 
 government. 
 
 All obstruction to the execution of laws, 
 all combinations and associations under 
 whatever j)lausible character, with the 
 real design to direct, control, counteract, or 
 awe the regular deliberation and action of 
 the constituted authorities, are destructive 
 to this fundamental principle, and of fatal 
 tendency. They serve to organize faction, 
 to give it an artificial and extraordinary 
 ibrce, to put in the place of the delegated 
 will of the nation, the will of a party, often 
 a small but artful and enterprising minority 
 of the community; and, according to the 
 alternate triumphs of different parties, to 
 make the public administration the mirror 
 of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro- 
 jects of fashion, rather than the organ of 
 consistent and wholesome plans, digested 
 by common counsels and modified by mu- 
 tual interests. 
 
 However combinations or associations of 
 the above description may now and then 
 answer popular ends, they are likely, in 
 the course of time and things, to become 
 potent engines, by which cunn'ng, am- 
 bitious, and unprincipled men will be 
 enabled to subvert the power of the ])eople, 
 and to usurp for themselves the reins of 
 government; destroying, afterwards, the 
 very engiiies which had lifted them to un- 
 just dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your gov- 
 ernment, and the permanency of your 
 present happy state, it is requisite, not only 
 that you steadily discountenance irregular 
 op})Ositions to its acknowledged authority, 
 but also that you resist with care the spirit 
 of innovation upon its principles, however 
 specious the pretexts. One method of .is- 
 sault may be to effect, in the forms of tlie 
 Constitution, alterations which will im;>air 
 the energy of the system, ami thus to un- 
 dermine what cannot be directly over- 
 tlirown. In all the changes to which you 
 may be invited, remember that lime and
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 habit are at least as necessary to fix the 
 true character of governments as of other 
 human institutions ; that experience is the 
 surest standard by which to test the real 
 tendency of the existing constitution of a 
 country ; that facility in changes, upon the 
 credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ex- 
 poses to perpetual change, from the end- 
 less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and 
 remember, especially, that for the efficient 
 management of your common interests, in 
 a country so extensive as ours, a govern- 
 ment of as much vigor as is consistent with 
 the perfect security of liberty is indispen- 
 sable. Liberty itself will find in such a 
 government, with powers properly distri- 
 buted, and adjusted, its surest guardian. 
 It is, indeed, little else than a name, where 
 the government is too feeble to withstand 
 the entei'prise of faction, to confine each 
 member of the society within the limits de- 
 scribed by the laws, and to maintain all 
 in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of 
 the rights of person and property. 
 
 I have already intimated to you the 
 danger of parties in the state with particu- 
 lar reference to the founding of them on 
 geographical discriminations. Let me 
 now take a more comprehensive view, and 
 warn you, in the most solemn manner, 
 against the baneful effects of the spirit of 
 party generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable 
 from our nature, having its root in the 
 strongest passions of the human mind. It 
 exists under diflerent shapes in all govern- 
 ments, more or less stifled, controlled, or 
 repressed ; but in those of the popular 
 form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and 
 is truly their worst enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction 
 over another, sharpened by the spirit of 
 revenge, natural to party dissensions, 
 which, in diflerent ages and countries, has 
 perpetrated tlio most horrid enormities, is 
 itself a frightful despotism. But this 
 leads, at length, to a more formal and 
 permanent despotism. The disorders and 
 miseries which result, gradually incline 
 the minds of men to seek security and re- 
 pose in the absolute power of an indi- 
 vidual ; and sooner or later, the chief of 
 some prevailing faction, more able or more 
 fortunate than his competitors, turns this 
 disposition to the purposes of his own ele- 
 vation on the ruins of public lijjert)'. 
 
 Without looking forward to an ex- 
 tremity of this kind (whicli, nevertheless, 
 ought not to be entirely out of sight), the 
 common and continual mischiefs of the 
 spirit of i)arty are sufficient to make it the 
 interest and (hity of a wise people to dis- 
 courage and restrain it. 
 
 It serves alwavs t^) distract the puVilic 
 councils, and enfeeble tlie public adminis- 
 tration. It agitates the community with 
 ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; 
 
 kindles the animosity of one part against 
 another ; foments, occasionally, riot and 
 insurrection. It opens the door to foreign 
 influence and corruption, which find a 
 facilitated access to the government itself, 
 through the channels of party passions. 
 Thus the policy and the will of one coun- 
 try are subjected to the policy and will of 
 another. 
 
 There is an opinion that parties, in free 
 countries, are useful checks upon the ad- 
 ministration of the government, and serve 
 to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, 
 within certain limits, is probably true; 
 and in governments of a monarchical cast, 
 patriotism may look with indulgence, if 
 not with favor, upon the spirit of party. 
 But in those of the popular character, in 
 governments purely elective, it is a spirit 
 not to be encouraged. From their natural 
 tendency, it is certain there will always be 
 enough of that spirit for every salutary 
 purpose. And there being constant dan- 
 ger of excess, the effort ought to be, by 
 force of public opinion, to mitigate and 
 assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it 
 demands a uniform vigilance to prevent 
 its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of 
 warming, it should consume. 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits 
 of thinking, in a free country, should in- 
 spire caution in those intrusted with its 
 administration, to confine themselves with- 
 in their respective constitutional spheres, 
 avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of 
 one department, to encroach upon another. 
 The spirit of encroachment tends to con- 
 solidate the powers of all the departments in 
 one, and thus to create, whatever the form 
 of government, a real despotism. A just 
 estimate of that love of power, and prone- 
 ness to abuse it, which predominates in 
 the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us 
 of the truth of this position. 
 
 The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
 exercise of political power, by dividing 
 and distributing it into different deposito- 
 ries, and constituting each the guardian 
 of the public weal, against invasions by 
 the others, has been evinced by experi- 
 ments, ancient and modern ; some of them 
 in our own country, and under our own 
 eyes. To jireserve them must be as neces- 
 sary as to institute them. If, in the 
 opinion of the people, the distribution or 
 modification of the constitutional powers 
 be, in any particular, wrong, let it be cor- 
 rected by an amendment in the way which 
 the Constitution designates. I5ut let there 
 be no change by usurpation ; for though 
 this, in one instance, may be the instru- 
 ment of gf)0(l, it is the customary weapon 
 by which free governments are destroyed. 
 Tlie precedent must alwavs greatly over- 
 balance, in jiermanent evil, any partial or 
 transient benefit which the use can at any 
 time yield.
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 19 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which 
 lead to political prosperity, religion and 
 morality are indispensable supi^rts. In 
 vain would that man claim the tribute of 
 patriotism, who should labor to subvert 
 these great pillars of human happiness, 
 these nrmest props of the duties of men 
 and citizens. The mere politician, equally 
 with the pious man, ought to respect and 
 cherish them. A volume could not trace 
 all their connexions with private and j)ub- 
 lic felicity. Let it simply be asked, where 
 is the security for property, for reputation, 
 for life, if the sense of religious obligation 
 desert the oaths which are the instruments 
 of investigation in courts of justice? And 
 let us with caution indulge the supposition, 
 that morality can be maintained without 
 religion. Whatever may be conceded to 
 the influence of refined education on minds 
 of peculiar structure, reason and experi- 
 ence both forbid us to expect that national 
 morality can prevail in exclusion of re- 
 ligious principles. It is substantially true, 
 that virtue or morality is a necessary 
 spring of popular government. The rule, 
 indeed, extends with more or less force to 
 every species of free government. Who, 
 that is a sincere friend to it, can look with 
 indifference upon attempts to shake the 
 foundation of the fabric? 
 
 Promote then, as an object of primary 
 importance, institutions for the general 
 diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as 
 the structure of a government gives force 
 to public opinion, it is essential that pub- 
 lic opinion should be enlightened. 
 
 As a very important source of strength 
 and security, cherish public credit. One 
 method of preserving it is to use it as spar- 
 ingly as possible, avoiding occasions of 
 expense by cultivating peace, but remem- 
 bering also that timely disbursement to 
 j)repare for danger frequently prevent 
 much greater disbursements to repel it ; 
 avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of 
 debt, not only by shunning occasions of 
 expense, but by vigorous exertions in time 
 of peace to discharge the debts which un- 
 avoidable wars may have occasioned ; not 
 ungenerously tiirowing upon posterity the 
 burden which we ourselves ought to bear. 
 The execution of these maxims belongs to 
 your representatives, but it is necessary 
 that public opinion should co-operate. To 
 facilitate to them the performance of their 
 duty, it is essential that you should practi- 
 cally bear in mind, that toward the payments 
 of debts there must be revenues ; that to 
 have revenue there must be taxes ; that no 
 taxes can be devised, which are not more 
 or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that 
 the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable 
 from the selection of the proper objects 
 (which is ahvavs a choice of difficulties) 
 ought to be a decisive moment for a can- 
 did construction of the conduct of the 
 
 government in making it, and for a spirit 
 of acquiescence in the measure for obtain- 
 ing revenue, which the public exigencies 
 may at any time dictate. 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards 
 all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony 
 with all ; religion and morality enjoin this 
 conduct; and can it be that good jtolicy 
 does not equally enjoin it? It will be 
 worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no 
 distant period a great nation, t<j give to 
 mankind the magnanimous and too novel 
 example of a people always guided by an 
 exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
 can doubt that, in the course of time and 
 things, the fruits of such a plan would 
 richly repay any temporary advantages 
 which might be lost by a steady adherence 
 to it? Can it be that Providence has not 
 connected the permanent felicity of a na- 
 tion with its virtue? The experiment, at 
 least, is recommended by every sentiment 
 which ennobles human nature. Alas! is 
 it rendered impossible by its vices? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing 
 is more essential than that permanent, in- 
 veterate antipathies against particular na- 
 tions, and passionate attachment for others, 
 should be excluded : and that in place of 
 them, just and amicable feelings towards 
 all should be cultivated. The nation 
 which indulges towards another an habitual 
 hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some 
 degree, a slave. It is a slave to its ani- 
 mosity or to its affection ; either of which 
 is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty 
 and its interest. Antipathy in one nation 
 against another, disposes each more readily 
 to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of 
 slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty 
 and untractable, when accidental or trifling 
 occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre- 
 quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and 
 bloody contests. The nation, prompted by 
 ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels 
 to war the government, contrary to the best 
 calculations of policy. The government 
 sometimes participates in the national 
 propensity, and adopts, through passion, 
 what reason would reject ; at other times 
 it makes the animosity of the nation sub- 
 servient to projects of hostility, instigated 
 by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
 pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
 times perhaps the liberty, of nations has 
 been the victim. 
 
 So likewise a passionate attachment of 
 one nation to another produces a variety 
 of evils. Symp.'ithy for the favorite na- 
 tion, facilitating the illusion of an im- 
 aginary common interest, in cases where 
 no real common interest exists, and infus- 
 ing into one the enmities of the other, 
 betrays the former into a participation in 
 the quarrels and wars of the lattor, without 
 adequate inducement or justification. It 
 leads also to concessions to the favorite
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 {book II. 
 
 nation of privileges denied to others, which 
 is apt doubly to injure the nation making 
 the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting 
 wich what ought to have been retained, 
 and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a 
 disposition to retaliate, in the parties Irom 
 whom equal privileges are witliheld ; and 
 it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
 luded citizens (who devote themselves 
 to the favorite nation) facilitj' to betray, or 
 sacrifice the interest of their own country, 
 without odium ; sometimes even with popu- 
 larity ; gilding with the appearance of a 
 virtuous sense of obligation, a commend- 
 able deference for public opinion, or a 
 laudable zeal for public good, the base or 
 foolish compliances of ambition, corrup- 
 tion, or infatuation. 
 
 As avenues to foreign influence in in- 
 numerable ways, such attachments are 
 particularly alarming to the truly enlight- 
 ened and independent patriot. How many 
 opportunities do they afford to tamper 
 with domestic factions, to practice the art 
 of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to 
 influence or awe the public councils? 
 Such an attachment of a small or weak, 
 towards a great and powerful nation, dooms 
 the former to be the satellite of the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign 
 influence (I conjure you to believe me, 
 fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free peo- 
 ple ought to be constantly awake ; since 
 history and experience prove that foreign 
 influence is one of the most baneful I'oes 
 of republican government.- But that 
 jealousy, to be useliil, must be impar- 
 tial ; else it becomes the instrument of the 
 very influence to be avoided, instead of a 
 defence against it. Excessive partiality 
 for ope foreign nation, and excessive dis- 
 like for another, cause those whom they 
 actuate to see danger only on one side, and 
 serve to veil, and even second, the arts of 
 influence on llie other. Real patriots, who 
 may resist the intrigues of the lavorite, are 
 liable to become suspected and odious; 
 while its tools and dupes usurp the ap- 
 plause and confidence of the people, to 
 surrender their interests. 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in re- 
 gard to foreign nations, is, in extend inijj 
 our commercial rchitions, to have witli 
 them as little political connexion as possi- 
 ble. So far as we have already formed 
 engagements, let tlictn be fulfilled with 
 perfect good faith. There lot us stop. 
 
 Kurope hii-s a set of j)riinary interests, 
 which to us have none, or a very remote 
 relation. Hence she must be engaged in 
 frequent controversies, the causes of which 
 are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
 Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us 
 to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in 
 the ordinary vici.ssitudes of her politics, or 
 the ordinary combinations and collisions 
 of her friendships or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation in- 
 vites and enables us to pursue a ditterent 
 course. If we remain one people under 
 an eflicient government, the period is not 
 far otf when we may defy material injurj' 
 from external annoyance ; when we may 
 take such an attitude as will cause the 
 neutrality we may at any time resolve 
 upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when 
 belligerent nations, under the impossibility 
 of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
 lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; 
 when we may choose peace or war, as our 
 interests, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
 
 Why tbrego the advantages of so pecu- 
 liar a situation? Why quit our own to 
 stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by in- 
 terweaving our destiny with that of any 
 part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
 prosperity in the toils of European ambi- 
 tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 
 
 It is our true policy to steer clear of 
 permanent alliances with any portion of 
 the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we 
 are now at liberty to do it; for let me not 
 be understood as capable of patronizing 
 infidelity to existing engagements. I hold 
 the maxim no less applicable to public 
 than to private afiairs, that honesty is al- 
 ways the best policy. I repeat it, there- 
 fore, let those engagements be observed in 
 their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, 
 it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to 
 extend them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by 
 suitable establishments, on a respectable 
 defensive posture, we may safely trust to 
 temporary alliances for extraordinary 
 emergencies. 
 
 Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with 
 all nations, are recommended by policy, 
 humanity, and interest. But even our com- 
 mercial policy should hold an equal and 
 impartial hand; neither seeking nor grant- 
 ing exclusive favors or preferences ; con- 
 sulting the natural cause of things ; difliis- 
 ing and diversifying, by gentle means, the 
 streams of commerce, by forcing nothing; 
 establishing, with powers so disposed, in 
 order to give trade a stable course, to de- 
 fine the rights of our merchants, and to 
 enable the government to sui)i)ort them, 
 conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
 that j)resent circumstances and mutual 
 opinions will permit, but temporary, and 
 liable to be, from time to time, abandoned 
 or varied, as exi)orionce and circumstances 
 shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, 
 that it is folly in one nation to look for dis- 
 interested favors from another; that it 
 must j)ay, with a portion of its independ- 
 ence, for whatever it may accept under 
 that character ; that by such accejjtance it 
 may ])lace itself in the condition of hav- 
 ing given equivalents for nominal favors, 
 and yet of being reproached with ingrati- 
 tude for not giving more. There can be
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 21 
 
 no greater error than to expect, or calcu- 
 late upon, real favors from nation to nation. 
 It is an illusion which experience must 
 cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 
 
 In oflering to you, my countrymen, these 
 counsels of an old and affectionate friend, 
 I dare not hope they will make the strong 
 and lasting impression I could wish ; that 
 they will control the usual current of the 
 passions, or prevent our nation from run- 
 ning the course which has hitherto marked 
 the destiny of nations; but if I may even 
 flatter myself that they may be productive 
 of sonu^ partial benefit, some occasional 
 good ; that they may now and then recur 
 to moderate the fury of i)arty spirit, to 
 warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- 
 trigues, to guard against the impostures of 
 ])retended patriotism ; this hope will be a 
 ftill recompense for the solicitude for your 
 welfare by which they have been dictated. 
 
 How far, in the discharge of my official 
 duties, I have been guided by the princi- 
 ples which have been delineated, the pub- 
 lic records, and other evidences of my con- 
 duct, must witness to you and the world. 
 To myself, the assurance of my own con- 
 science is, that I have at least believed my- 
 self to be guided by them. 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in 
 Europe, my proclamation of the 23d of 
 April, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
 Sanctioned Ijy your approving voice, and 
 by that of your representatives in both 
 Houses of Congress, the spirit of that 
 measure has continually governed me, un- 
 influenced by any attempts to deter or di- 
 vert me from it. 
 
 After deliberate examination, with the 
 aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was 
 well satisfied that our country, under all 
 the circumstances of the case, had a right 
 to take, and was bound in duty and inter- 
 est to take a neutral position. Having 
 taken it, I determined, as far as should 
 depend upon me, to maintain it with mod- 
 eration, perseverance, and firmness. 
 
 The considerations which respect the 
 right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- 
 sary on this occasion to detail. I will only 
 observe, that, according to my understand- 
 ing of the matter, that right, so far from 
 being denied by any of the belligerent 
 powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 
 
 The duty of holding neutral conduct 
 may be inferred, without anything more, 
 from the obligation which justice and hu- 
 manity impose on every nation, in cases in 
 which it is free to act, to maintain invio- 
 late the relations of peace and unity to- 
 wards other nations. 
 
 The inducements of interests, for observ- 
 ing that conduct, will best be referred to 
 your own reflections and experience. 
 With me, a predominant motive has been 
 to endeavor to gain time to our country to 
 settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
 
 and to progress, Avithout interruption, to 
 that degree of strength and consistency 
 which is necessary to give it, hunumly 
 speaking, the command of its own for- 
 tunes. 
 
 Though, in reviewing the incidents of 
 my administration, I am unconscious of 
 intentional error; I am, nevertheless, too 
 sensible of my defects not to think it pro- 
 l)able that I may have committed many 
 errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently 
 beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
 the evils to which they may tend. I shall 
 also carry with me the hope, that my coun- 
 try will never come to view them with in- 
 dulgence ; and that, after forty-five years 
 of my life dedicated to its service with an 
 upright zeal, the faults of incompetent 
 abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
 myself must soon be to the mansions of 
 rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this, as in 
 other things, and actuated by that fervent 
 love towards it which is so natural to a 
 man who views in it the native soil of 
 himself and his progenitors for several 
 generations, I anticipate, with j)leasing ex- 
 pectation, that retreat in which I promise 
 myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet 
 enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of 
 my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of 
 good laws under a free government — the 
 ever favorite object of my heart — and 
 happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual 
 cares, labors, and dangers. 
 
 George Washington. 
 United States, 17th of Sept., 1796. 
 
 1800.— No Federal Platform. 
 
 Republican Platform, Philadelphia. 
 
 Adopted in Congressional Cauctis. 
 
 1. An inviolable preservation of the 
 Federal constitution, according to the true 
 sense in which it was adopted by the states, 
 that in which it was advocated by its 
 friends, and not that which its enemies 
 apprehended, who, therefore, became 
 its enemies. 
 
 2. Opposition to monarchizing its foA- 
 tures by the forms of its administration, 
 with a view to conciliate a transition, first, 
 to a president and senate for life; and, 
 secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those 
 oiRces, and thus to worm out the elective 
 principle. 
 
 3. Preservation to the states of the pow- 
 ers not yielded by them to the Union, and 
 to the legi.-^lature of the L^nion its constitu- 
 tional share in division of powers ; and re- 
 sistance, therefore, to existing movements 
 for transferring all the powers of the states
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 to the general government, and all of those 
 of that government to the executive 
 branch. 
 
 4. A rigorously frugal administration of 
 the government, and the application of all 
 
 Clintonlau Platform. 
 
 New York, Auymt 17. 
 
 1. Opposition to nominations of chief 
 magistrates by congressional caucuses, as 
 
 the possible savings of the public revenue | ^'ell because such practices are the exer- 
 to the liquidation of the public debt; and ; cise of undelegated authority, as of their 
 resistance, therefore, to all measures look- , repugnance to the freedom of elections, 
 ino- to a multiplication of officers and sala- j 2- Opposition to all customs and usages 
 ries, merely to create partisans and to aug- ' in both the executive and legislative de- 
 ment the public debt, on the principle of i partments which have for their object the 
 
 its being a public blessing. 
 
 5. Reliance for internal defense solely 
 upon the militia, till actual invasion, and 
 for such a naval force only as may be suf- 
 ficient to protect our coasts and harbors 
 from depredations ; and opposition, there- 
 fore, to the policy of a standing army in 
 time of peace which may overawe the pub- 
 lic sentiment, and to a navy, which, by its 
 own expenses, and the wars in which it 
 will implicate us, will grind us with pub- 
 lic burdens and sink us under them. 
 
 6. Free commerce with all nations, po- 
 litical connection with none, and little or 
 no diplomatic establishment. 
 
 7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by 
 new treaties, with the quarrels of Europe, 
 entering their fields of slaughter to pre- 
 serve their balance, or joining in the con- 
 federacy of kings to war against the princi- 
 ples of liberty. 
 
 8. Freedom of religion, and opposition 
 to all maneuvers to bring about a legal as- 
 cendency of one sect over another. 
 
 9. Freedom of speech and of the press ; 
 and opposition, therefore, to all violations 
 of the constitution, to silence, by force, and 
 not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, 
 just or unjust, of our citizens against the 
 conduct of their public agents. 
 
 10. Liberal naturalization laws, under 
 which the well disposed of all nations who 
 may desire to embark their fortunes with 
 us and share with us the public burdens, 
 may have that oppportunitv, under mode- 
 rate restrictions, for the development of 
 honest intention, and severe ones to guard 
 against the usurpation of our flag. 
 
 11 Encouragement of science and the 
 arts in all their branches, to the end that 
 the American j)eo])le may perfect their in- 
 dependence of all foreign monopolies, in- 
 stitutions and influences. 
 
 1801— 1811.— No Platforma. 
 
 (No Convention or Caticut held.) 
 
 1813.— No Rvpubllcan Platform. 
 
 No' Federal Platform. 
 
 maintenance of an official regency to pre- 
 scribe tenets of political faith, the line of 
 conduct to be deemed fidelity or recreancy 
 to republican principles, and to perpetuate 
 in themselves or families the offices of the 
 Federal government. 
 
 3. Opposition to all effijrts on the part of 
 particular states to monopolize the princi- 
 pal offices of the government, as well be- 
 cause of their certainty to destroy the har- 
 mony which ought to prevail amongst all 
 the constituent parts of the Union, as of 
 their leanings toward a form of oligarchy 
 entirely at variance with the theory of re- 
 publican government ; and, consequently, 
 particular opposition to continuing a citi- 
 zen of Virginia in the executive office an- 
 other term, unless she can show that she 
 enjoys a corresponding monopoly of talents 
 and patriotism, after she has been honored 
 with the presidency for twenty out of 
 twenty-four years of our constitutional ex- 
 istence, and when it is obvious that the 
 practice has arrayed the agricultural 
 against the commercial interests of the 
 country. 
 
 4. Opposition to continuing public men 
 for long periods in offices of delicate trust 
 and weighty responsibility as the reward 
 of public services, to the detriment of all 
 or any particular interest in, or section of, 
 the country ; and, consequently, to the 
 continuance of Mr. Madison in an office 
 which, in view of our pending difficulties 
 with Great Britain, requires an incumbent 
 of greater decision, energy and efliciency. 
 
 5. Opposition to tlie lingering inadequa- 
 cy of preparation for the war with Great 
 Britain, now about to ensue, and to tlie 
 measure which aUows uninterrupted trade 
 with Spain and Portugal, which, as it can 
 not be carried on under our flag, gives to 
 Great Britain the means of supplying her 
 armies with ])rovisions, of which they 
 would otherwise be destitute, and thus af- 
 fording aid and comfort to our enemy. 
 
 0. Averment of the existing necessity 
 for placing the country in a condition for 
 aggressive action for the conquest of the Bri- 
 tish American Provinces and for the defence 
 of our coasts and e.\'i)(>s('d frontiers: and of 
 the j)ropriety of sucli a levy of taxes as will 
 raise tlie necessary funds for the emergency, 
 
 7. Advocacy of the election of De Witt 
 Glinton as the surest method of relievinjj 
 the country from all the evils existing ana
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 23 
 
 prospective, for the reason that his great 
 talents and inflexible patriotism guaranty 
 a linn and unyielding maintenance of our 
 national sovereignty, and the protection of 
 those commercial interests which were 
 flagging under the weakness and imbecility 
 of the administration. 
 
 1815.— Resolutions passtcl 1>y the Hartford 
 Couveiitlou, Jaiiitary 4. 
 
 Resolved, That it be and is hereby re- 
 commended to the legislatures of the seve- 
 ral states represented in this convention, to 
 adopt all such measures as may be neces- 
 sary eflectually to protect the citizens of 
 said states from the operation and effects of 
 all acts which have been or may be passed 
 by the Congress of the United States, 
 which shall contain provisions subjecting 
 the militia or other citizens to forcible 
 drafts, conscriptions, or impressments not 
 authorized by the constitution of the United 
 States. 
 
 liesoli'^ed, That it be and is hereby re- 
 commended to the said legislatures, to au- 
 thorize an immediate and an earnest ap- 
 plication to be made to the government of 
 the United States, requesting their consent 
 to some arrangement whereby the said 
 states may, separately or in concert, be 
 empowered to assume upon themselves the 
 defense of their territory against the ene- 
 my, and a reasonable portion of the taxes 
 collected within said states may be paid 
 into the respective treasuries thereof, and 
 appropriated to the balance due said states 
 and to the future defense of the same. 
 The amount so paid into said treasuries to 
 be credited, and the disbursements made 
 as aforesaid to be charged to the United 
 States. 
 
 Resolved, That it be and hereby is re- 
 commended to the legislatures of the afore- 
 said states, to pass laws where it has not 
 already been done, authorizing the gov- 
 ernors or commanders-in-chief of their mi- 
 litia to make detachments from the same, 
 or to form voluntary corps, as shall be 
 most convenient and conformable to their 
 constitutions, and to cause the same to be 
 well armed, equipped, and held in readi- 
 ness for service, and upon request of the 
 governor of either of the other states, to 
 employ the whole of such detachment or 
 corps, as well as the regular forces of the 
 state, or such part thereof as may be re- 
 quired, and can be spared consistently with 
 the safety of the state, in assisting the state 
 making such request to repel any invasion 
 thereof which shall be made or attempted 
 by the public enemy. 
 
 Resolved, That the following amendments 
 of the constitution of the United States be 
 recommcuded to the states represented as 
 
 aforesaid, to be proposed by them for 
 adoption by the .state legislatures, and in 
 such cases as may be deemed expedient by 
 a convention chosen by the people of each 
 state. And it is further recommended that 
 the said states shall persevere in their ef- 
 forts to obtain such amendments, until the 
 same shall be effected. 
 
 First, liepresentatives and direct taxes 
 shall be apportioned among the several 
 states which may be included within thus 
 Union, according to their respective num- 
 bers of free persons, including those bound 
 to serve for a term of years, and excluding 
 Indians not taxed, and all other persons; 
 
 Second. No new .state shall be admitted 
 into the Union by Congress, in virtue of 
 the power granted in the constitution, 
 without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
 both houses ; 
 
 Third. Congress shall not have power to 
 lay an embargo on the ships or vessels of the 
 citizens of the United States, in the ports or 
 harbors thereof, for more than sixty days ; 
 
 Fourth. Congress shall not have power, 
 without the concurrence of two-thirds of 
 both houses, to interdict the commercial 
 intercourse between the United States and 
 any foreign nation or the dependencies 
 thereof; 
 
 Fifth. Congress shall not make nor de- 
 clare war, nor authorize acts of hostility 
 against any foreign nation, without the 
 concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, 
 except such acts of hostility be in defense 
 of the territories of the United States when 
 actually invaded ; 
 
 Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be 
 naturalized shall be eligible as a member 
 of the Senate or House of Representatives 
 of the United States, or capable of holding 
 any civil office under the authority of the 
 United States ; 
 
 Seventh. The same person shall not be 
 elected President of the United States a 
 second time, nor shall the President bo 
 elected from the same state two terms in 
 succession. 
 
 Resolved, That if the application of these 
 states to the government of the United 
 States, recommended in a foregoing resolu- 
 tion, should be unsuccessful, and peace 
 should not be concluded, and the defense 
 of these states should be neglected, as it ha.s 
 been since the commencement of the war, 
 it will, in the opinion of this convention, 
 be expedient for the legislatures of the 
 several states to appoint delegates to an- 
 other convention, to meet at Boston, in the 
 state of Massachusetts, on the third Mon- 
 day of June next, with such powers and 
 instructions as the exigency of a crisis so 
 momentous may require. 
 
 Resolved, That the Honorable George 
 Cabot, the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich, 
 the Honorable Daniel Lyman, or any two 
 of them, be authorized to call another
 
 24 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 meeting of this convention, to be holden 
 in Boston at any time before new delegates 
 shall be chosen as recommended in the 
 above resolution, if in their judgment the 
 situation of the country shall urgently re- 
 quire it. 
 
 From 1813-1SS9.— No Platforms Ity either 
 
 political party, except tUat at Hartford 
 
 try Federalists, glveu above. 
 
 1S30.— Anti-masonic resolution, 
 
 Philadeljihia, Heptentber. 
 
 Resolved, That it is recommended to the 
 people of the United States, opposed to 
 secret societies, to meet in convention on 
 Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, 
 at the city of Baltimore, by delegates equal 
 in number to their representatives in both 
 Houses of Congress, to make nominations 
 of suitable candidates for the offices of 
 President and Vice-President, to be sup- 
 ported at the next election, and for the 
 transaction of such other business as the 
 cause of Anti-Masonry may require. 
 
 1832.— National Democratic Platform, 
 adopted at a ratification Meeting 
 
 at Washington City, May 11. 
 
 Resolved, That an adequate protection 
 to American industry is indispensable to 
 the prosperity of the country ; and that an 
 abandonment of the policy at this period 
 would 1)C attended with consequences ruin- 
 ous to the best interests of the nation. 
 
 Resolved, That a uniform system of in- 
 ternal improvements, sustained and sup- 
 f)orted by the general government, is calcu- 
 ated to secure, in the highest degree, the 
 harmony, the strength and permanency of 
 the republic. 
 
 Resolved, That the indiscriminate remo- 
 val of public officers for a mere difference 
 of political opinion, is a gross abuse of 
 power ; and that the doctrine lately boldly 
 preached in the United States Senate, that 
 " to the victors belong the spoils of the 
 vanquished," is detrimental to the interests, 
 corrunting to the morals, and dangerous to 
 the lioerties of the country. 
 
 1836.— "I^cofoco" Platform, 
 
 New York, January. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident, 
 that all men are creatod free and equal ; 
 that they are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain inalienable rights, among 
 wliich are life, libfrty, and (In- pursuit of 
 happiness; that the true foundation of re- 
 
 publican government is the equal rights of 
 every citizen in his person and property, 
 and in their management ; that the idea is 
 quite unfounded that on entering into 
 society we give up any natural right ; that 
 the rightful power of all legislation is to 
 declare and enforce only our natural rights 
 and duties, and to take none of them from 
 us ; that no man has the natural right to 
 commit aggressions on the equal rights of 
 another, and this is all from which the 
 law ought to restrain him ; that everj' man 
 is under the natural duty of contributing 
 to the necessities of society, and this all 
 the law should enforce on him ; that when 
 the laws have declared and enforced all 
 this, they have fulfilled their functions. 
 
 We declare unqualified hostility to bank 
 notes and paper money as a circulating 
 medium, because gold and silver is the only 
 safe and constitutional currency ; hostility 
 to any and all monopolies by legislation, 
 because they are violations of equal rights 
 of the people ; hostility to the dangerous 
 and unconstitutional creation of vested 
 rights or prerogatives by legislation, be- 
 cause they are usurpations of the people's 
 sovereign rights ; no legislative or other 
 authority in the body politic can rightful- 
 ly, by charter or otherwise, exempt any 
 man or body of men, in any case whatever, 
 from trial by jury and the jurisdiction or 
 operation of the laws which govern the 
 community. 
 
 We hold that each and every law or act 
 of incorporation, passed by preceding le- 
 gislatures, can be rightfully altered and re- 
 pealed by their successors ; and that they 
 should be altered or repealed, when neces- 
 sary for the public good, or when required 
 by a majority of the people. 
 
 1836.— Whig Resolutions, 
 
 Albany, N. Y., February 3. 
 
 Resolved, That in support of our cause, 
 we invite all citizens opposed to Martin 
 Van Buren and the Baltimore nomineefi. 
 
 Resolved, That Martin Van Buren, by 
 intriguing with the executive to obtain hia 
 influence to elect him to the presidency, 
 has set an example dangerous to our free- 
 dom and corrupting to our free institutions. 
 
 Resolved, That the support we render to 
 William H. Harrison is oy no means given 
 to him solely on account of his brilliant 
 and successful services as leader of our 
 armies during the last war, but that in 
 him we view also the man of high intellect, 
 the stern patriot, uncontaminated by the 
 machinery of hackneyed jioliticians — a 
 man of the school of Washington. 
 
 Resdlvcd, That in Francis Granger we 
 recognize one of our most distinguished 
 fellow-citizens, whose talenta we admire,
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 25 
 
 whose patriotism we trust, and whose prin- 
 ciples we sanction. 
 
 1830.— Abolition Resolution, 
 
 Wartaw, N. Y., November 13. 
 
 Resolved, That, in our judgment, everj' 
 consideration of duty and expediency 
 which ought to control the action of Chris- 
 tian freemen, requires of the Abolitionists 
 of the United States to organize a distinct 
 and independent political party, embracing 
 all the necessary means for nominating 
 candidates for office and sustaining them 
 by public sufirage. 
 
 Abolition Platforms. 
 
 The first national platform of the Aboli- 
 tion party upon which it went into the 
 contest in 1840, favored the abolition of 
 slavery in the District of Columbia and 
 Territories ; the inter-state slave-trade, and 
 a general opposition to sl^'ery to the full 
 extent of constitutional power. 
 
 In 1848, that portion of the party which 
 did not support the Buffalo nominees took 
 the ground of affirming the constitutional 
 authority and duty of the General Govern- 
 ment to abolish slavery in the States. 
 
 Under the head of " Buffalo," the plat- 
 form of the Free Soil party, which nomi- 
 nated Mr. Van Buren, will be found. 
 
 1840.— Democratic Platform, 
 
 BaUimore, May 5. 
 
 Resolved, That the Federal government 
 is one of limited powers, derived solely 
 from the constitution, and the grants of 
 power shown therein ought to be strictly 
 construed by all the departments and agents 
 of the government, and that it is inexpe- 
 dient and dangerous to exercise doubtful 
 constitutional powers. 
 
 2. Resolved, That the constitution does 
 not confer upon the general government 
 the power to commence and carry on a 
 general system of internal improvements. 
 
 3. Resolved, That the constitution does 
 not confer authority upon the Federal 
 government, directly or indirectly, to as- 
 sume the debts of the several states, con- 
 tracted for local internal improvements or 
 other state purposes ; nor would such as- 
 sumption be just or expedient. 
 
 4. Resolved, That justice and sound po- 
 licy forbid the Federal government to 
 foster one branch of industry to the detri- 
 ment of another, or to cherish the interests 
 of one portion to the injury of another 
 portion of our common country — that every 
 citizen and every section of the country 
 
 has a right to demand and insist upon an 
 equality of rights and privileges, and to 
 complete and ample protection of persons 
 and property from domestic violence or 
 foreign aggression. 
 
 5. Resolved, That it is tlie duty of every 
 branch of the government to enforce and 
 practice the most rigid economy in con- 
 ducting our public affairs, aiid that no 
 more revenue ought to be raised than is 
 required to defray the necessary expenses 
 of the government. 
 
 6. Resolved, That Congress has no power 
 to charter a United States bank ; that we 
 believe such an institution one of deadly 
 hostility to the best interests of the coun- 
 try, dangerous to our republican institu- 
 tions and the liberties of the peoi)le, and 
 calculated to place the business of the 
 country within the control of a concen- 
 trated money power, and above the laws 
 and the will of the people. 
 
 7. Resolved, That Congress has no power 
 under the constitution, to interfere with or 
 control the domestic institutions of the 
 several states ; and that such states are the 
 sole and proper judges of everything per- 
 taining to their own affiiirs, not prohibited 
 by the constitution ; that all efforts, by 
 Abolitionists or others, made to induce 
 Congress to interfere with questions of 
 slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela- 
 tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the 
 most alarming and dangerous consequen- 
 ces, and that all such efforts have aii inevi- 
 table tendency to diminish the happiness 
 of the people, and endanger the stability 
 and permanence of the Union, and ought 
 not to be countenanced by any friend to 
 our political institutions. 
 
 8. Resolved, That the separation of the 
 moneys of the government from banking 
 institutions is indispensable for the safety 
 of the funds of the government and the 
 rights of the people. 
 
 9. Resolved, That the liberal principles 
 embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration 
 of Independence, and sanctioned in the 
 constitution, which makes ours the land of 
 liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of 
 every nation, have ever been cardinal prin- 
 ciples in the democratic faith ; and every 
 attempt to abridge the present privilege 
 of becoming citizens, and the owners of 
 soil among us, ought to be resisted with 
 the same spirit which swept the alien and 
 sedition laws from our statute book. 
 
 Whereas, Several of the states which 
 have nominated Martin Van Buren as a 
 candidate for the presidency, have put in 
 nomination different individuals as candi- 
 dates for Vice-President, thus indicating a 
 diversity of opinion as to the ]>crson best 
 entitled to the nomination; and whereas, 
 some of the said states are not represented 
 in this convention ; therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That the convention deem it
 
 26 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 expedient at the present time not to choose 
 between the individuals in nomination, 
 but to leave the decision to their repub- 
 lican fellow-citizens in the several states, 
 trusting that before the election shall take 
 place, their opinions will become so con- 
 centrated as to secure the choice of a Vice- 
 President by the electoral college. 
 
 1843.— I.il>erty Platform. 
 
 Buffalo, Auffust 60. 
 
 1. Resolved, That human brotherhood is 
 a cardinal principle of true democracy, as 
 well as of pure Christianity, which spurns 
 all inconsistent limitations ; and neither 
 the political party which repudiates it, nor 
 the political system which is not based 
 upon it, can be truly democratic or per- 
 manent. 
 
 2. Resolved, That the Liberty party, 
 placing itself upon this broad principle, 
 will demand the absolute and unqualified 
 divorce of the general government from 
 slavery, and also the restoration of equal- 
 ity of" rights among men, in every state 
 where the party exists, or may exist. 
 
 3. Resolved, That the Liberty party has 
 not been organized for any temporary pur- 
 pose by interested politicians, _ but has 
 arisen from among the people in conse- 
 quence of a conviction, hourly gaining 
 ground, that no other party in the country 
 represents the true principles of American 
 liberty, or the true spirit of the constitu- 
 tion of the United States. 
 
 4. Resolved, That the Liberty party has 
 not been organized merely for the over- 
 throw of slavery ; its first decided eflbrt 
 must, indeed, be directed against slave- 
 holding as the grossest and most revolting 
 manifestation of despotism, but it will also 
 carry out the principle of equal rights into 
 all its practical consequences and applica- 
 tions, and support every just measure con- 
 ducive to individual and social freedom. 
 
 5. Resolved, Tliat the Liberty party is 
 not a sectional })artybuta national party; 
 was not originated in a desire to accom- 
 plish a single object, but in a comprehen- 
 sive regard to the great interests of the 
 whole country ; is not a new party, m)r a 
 third jtarty, but is the jiarty of 177(), re- 
 viving the i)rinciples of tliat memorable 
 era, and striving to carry them into prac- 
 tical application. 
 
 6. Resolved, That it was understood in the 
 times of the declaration and the constitu- 
 tion, that the existence of slavery in some 
 of the states was in derogation of tiie i)rin- 
 cii)leH of AiiM'rican liberty, and a deep 
 stain upon tlic character of the country, 
 and the iini)lied faith r)f the states and the 
 nation was pledged that slavery should 
 never be extended beyond its then exist- 
 
 ing limits, but should be gradually, and 
 yet, at no distant day, wholly abolished by 
 "state authority. 
 
 7. Resolved, That the faith of the states 
 and the nation thus pledged, was most 
 nobly redeemed by the voluntaiy aboli- 
 tion of slavery in several of the states, and 
 by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, 
 for the government of the territory north- 
 west of the river Ohio, then the only ter- 
 ritory in the United States, and conse- 
 quently the only territory subject in this 
 respect to the control of Congress, by 
 which ordinance slavery was forever ex- 
 cluded from the vast regions which now 
 compose the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Michigan, and the territory of Wisconsin, 
 and an incapacity to bear up any other 
 than freemen was impressed on the soil 
 itself. 
 
 8. Resolved, That the faith of the states 
 and the nation thus pledged, has been 
 shamefully violated by the omission, on 
 the part of many of the states, to take any 
 measures whatever for the abolition of 
 slavery within their respective limits ; by 
 the continuanc#of slavery in the District 
 of Columbia, and in the territories of 
 Louisiana and Florida ; by the legislation 
 of Congress ; by the protection aflbrded by 
 national legislation and negotiation to 
 slaveholding in American vessels, on the 
 high seas, employed in the coastwise Slave 
 Trafiic ; and by the extension of slavery' 
 far beyond its original limits, by acts of 
 Congress admitting new slave states into 
 the Union. 
 
 9. Resolved, That the fundamental truths 
 of the Declaration of Independence, that 
 all men are endowed by their Creator with 
 certain inalienable rights, among which 
 are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
 ness, was made the fundamental law of 
 our national government, by that amend- 
 ment of the constitution which declares 
 that no person shall be deprived of life, 
 liberty, or property, without due process 
 of law. 
 
 10. Resolved, That we recognize as sound 
 the doctrine maintained by slaveholding 
 jurists, that slavery is against natun-^l 
 rights, and strictly local, and that its ex- 
 istence and continuance rests on no other 
 support than state legislation, and not on 
 any authority of Congress. 
 
 11. Resolved, That the general govern- 
 ment has, under the constitution, no ])ow- 
 er to establish or continue slavery any- 
 where, and therefore that all treaties and 
 acts of Congress establishing, continuing 
 or favoring slavery in the District of Co- 
 lumbia, in t\w territory of Florida, or on 
 tiic high seas, are unconstitutional, and all 
 att('ini)ts to hohl men as j)rop( r(y within 
 the limits of exclusive national jurisdic- 
 tion ought to bi' ])rohil>ited by law. 
 
 12. Resolved, That the provisions of the
 
 BOOK n.J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 27 
 
 constitution of the United States wjiich 
 confers extraordinary political powers on 
 the owners of slaves, and thereby consti- 
 tuting the two hundred and fifty thousand 
 slaveholders in the slave states a privi- 
 leged aristocracy ; and the provisions for 
 the reclamation of fugitive slaves from 
 service, are anti-re[)ublican in their char- 
 acter, dangerous to the liberties of the peo- 
 ple, and ought to be abrogated. 
 
 1.3. Jiesolved, That the practical opera- 
 tion of the second of these provisions, is 
 seen in the enactment of the act of Con- 
 gress respecting persons escaping from 
 their masters, which act, if the construc- 
 tion given to it by the Supreme Court of 
 the United States in the case of Prigg vs. 
 Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the ha- 
 beas corpus acts of all the states, takes 
 away the whole legal security of per- 
 sonal freedom, and ought, therefore, to be 
 immediately repealed. 
 
 14. Resolved, That the peculiar patron- 
 age and support hitherto extended to 
 slavery and slaveholding, by the general 
 government, ought to be immediately with- 
 drawn, and the example and influence of 
 national authority ought to be arrayed on 
 the side of liberty and free labor. 
 
 15. Resolved, That the practice of the 
 general government, which prevails in 
 the slave states, of employing slaves upon 
 the public works, instead of free laborers, 
 and paying aristocratic masters, with a 
 view to secure or reward political services, 
 is utterly indefensible and ought to be 
 abandoned. 
 
 16. Resolved, That freedom of speech 
 and of the press, and the right of petition, 
 and the right of trial by jury, are sacred 
 and inviolable ; and that all rules, regula- 
 tions and laws, in derogation of either, are 
 oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be 
 endured by a free people. 
 
 17. Resolved, That we regard voting, in 
 an eminent degree, as a moral and reli- 
 gious duty, which, when exercised, should 
 be by voting for those who will do all in 
 their power for immediate emancipation. 
 
 18. Resolved, That this convention re- 
 commend to the friends of liberty in all 
 those free states where any inequality of 
 rights and privileges exists on account of 
 color, to employ their utmost energies to 
 remove all such remnants and efl'ects of 
 the slave system. 
 
 Wkereas, The constitution of these Uni- 
 ted States is a series of agreements, cove- 
 nants or contracts between the people of 
 the United States, each with all, and all 
 with each ; and, 
 
 ]VJiereas, It is a principle of universal 
 morality, that the moral laws of the Crea- 
 tor are paramount to all human laws ; or, 
 in the language of an Apostle, that " we 
 ought to obey God rather than men ; " 
 and, 
 
 ^V^lereas, The principle of common law 
 — that any contract, covenant, or agree- 
 ment, to do an act derogatory to natural 
 right, is vitiated and annulled by its in- 
 herent immorality — has been recognized 
 by one of the justices of the Supreme 
 Ct)urt of the United States, who in a re- 
 cent case expressly holds that " any con- 
 tract that rests upon such a basis is void," 
 and, 
 
 Whereas, The third clause of the second 
 .section of the fourth article of the constitu- 
 tion of the United States, when construed 
 as providing for the surrenderof a fugitive 
 slave, does "rest upon such a basis," in 
 that it is a contract to rob a man of a 
 natural right — namely, his natural right 
 to his own liberty — and is therefore ab- 
 solutely void. Therefore, 
 
 19. Resolved, That we hereby give it to 
 be distinctly understood by this nation 
 and the world, that, as abolitionists, con- 
 sidering that the strength of our cause lies 
 in its righteousness, and our hope for it in 
 our conformity to the laws of God, and our 
 respect for the rights of man, we owe it to 
 the Sovereign Ruler of the Universe, as a 
 proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our 
 civil relations and oflaces, whether as pri- 
 vate citizens, or public functionaries sworn 
 to support the constitution of the United 
 States, to regard and to treat the third 
 clause of the fourth article of that instru- 
 ment, whenever applied to the case of a 
 fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, 
 and consequently as forming no part of the 
 constitution of the United States, when- 
 ever we are called upon or sworn to sup- 
 port it. 
 
 20. Resolved, That the power given to 
 Congress by the constitution, to provide 
 for calling out the militia to suppress in- 
 surrection, does not make it the duty of 
 the government to maintain slavery by 
 military force, much less does it make 
 it the duty of the citizens to form a part 
 of such military force ; when freemen 
 unsheathe the sword it should be to strike 
 for liberty, not for despotism. 
 
 21. Resolved, That to preserve the peace 
 of the citizens, and secure the blessings of 
 freedom, the legislature of each of the free 
 states ought to keep in force suitable statutes 
 rendering it penal for any of its inhabi- 
 tants to transport, or aid in transporting 
 from such state, any person sought to be 
 thus transported, merely because subject 
 to the slave laws of any other state ; this 
 remnant of independence being accorded 
 to the free states by the decision of the 
 Supreme Court, in the case of Prigg vs. 
 the state of Pennsvlvania. 
 
 1844.— WTilf? Platfontt. 
 
 Baltimore, May 1. 
 
 1. Resolved, That these principles may
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 be summed as comprising a well-regulated 
 national currency : a tariff for revenue to 
 defray the necessary expenses of the gov- 
 ernment, and discriminating with special 
 reference to the protection of the domes- 
 tic labor of the country ; the distribution 
 of the proceeds from the sales of the pub- 
 lic lands ; a single term for the presidency ; 
 a reform of executive usurpations ; and 
 generally such an administration of the 
 affairs of the country' as shall impart to 
 every branch of the' public service the 
 greatest practical efficiency, controlled by 
 a well-regulated and wise economy. 
 
 1844.-Deinocratlc Platform. 
 
 Baltimore, May 27. 
 
 Resolutions 1 , 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9, of 
 the platform of 1840, were reaffirmed, to 
 which were added the following : 
 
 10. Resolved, That the proceeds of the 
 public lands ought to be sacredly ap- 
 plied to the national objects specified in 
 the constitution, and that we are opposed 
 to the laws lately adopted, and to any law 
 for the distribution of such proceeds 
 among the states, as alike inexpedient in 
 policy and repugnant to the constitution. 
 
 11." Resolved, That we are decidedly op- 
 posed to taking from the President the 
 qualified veto power by which he is ena- 
 bled, under restrictions and responsibili- 
 tie.s amply sufficient to guard the public 
 interest, to suspend the passage of a bill 
 whose merits can not secure the approval 
 of two-thirds of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, until the judgment of the 
 
 Eeople can be obtained thereon, and which 
 as thrice saved the American people from 
 the corrupt and tyrannical domination of 
 the bank of the United States. 
 
 12. Resolved, That our title to the whole 
 of the territory of Oregon is clear and un- 
 questionable ; that no portion of the same 
 ought to be ceded to England or any other 
 power, and that the reoccupation of Ore- 
 gon and the reannexation of Texas at the 
 earliest practicable period, are great 
 American measures, which this conven- 
 tion recommends to the cordial support of 
 the democracy of the Union. 
 
 1848.— Democratic Platform. 
 
 Hallimore, May 22. 
 
 1. Resolved, That the American democ- 
 racy place their trust in the intelligence, 
 the patriotism, and tlie discriminating jus- 
 tice of the American people. 
 
 2. Resolved, 'J'liat we regard this as a 
 distinctive feature of our j>nlitical creed, 
 which we are proud to miiiritain before tlie 
 world, as the great mural clement in a 
 
 form of government springing from and 
 upheld by the popular will ; and contrast 
 it with the creed and jjractice of federal- 
 ism, under whatever name or form, which 
 seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, 
 and which conceives no imposture too 
 monstrous for the popular credulity. 
 
 3. Resolved, Therefore, that entertain- 
 ing these views, the Democratic party of 
 this Union, through the delegates assem- 
 bled in general convention of the states, 
 coming together in a spirit of concord, of 
 devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free 
 representative government, and appealing 
 to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of 
 their intentions, renew and reassert before 
 the American people, the declaration of 
 principles avowed by them on a former oc- 
 casion, when, in general convention, they 
 presented their candidates for the popular 
 suffrage. 
 
 Resolutions 1, 2, 3 and 4, of the plat- 
 form of 1840, were reaffirmed. 
 
 8. Resolved, That it is the duty of every 
 branch of the government to enforce and 
 practice the most rigid economy in con- 
 ducting our public affairs, and that no 
 more revenue ought to be raised than is re- 
 quired to defray the necessary expenses of 
 the government, and for the gradual but 
 certain extinction of the debt created by 
 the prosecution of a just and necessary 
 war. 
 
 Resolution 5, of the platform of 1840, 
 was enlarged by the following: 
 
 And that the results of democratic legis- 
 lation, in this and all other financial mea- 
 sures, upon which issues have been made 
 between the two political parties of the 
 country, have demonstrated to careful and 
 practical men of all parties, their sound- 
 ness, safety and utility in all business pur- 
 suits. 
 
 Resolutions 7, 8 and 9, of the platform 
 of 1840, were here inserted. 
 
 13. Resolved, That the proceeds of the 
 public lands ought to be sacredly applied 
 to the national objects specified in the con- 
 stitution ; and that we are opposed to any 
 law for the distribution of such proceeds 
 among the states as alike inexpedient in 
 policy and repugnant to the constitution. 
 
 14. Resolved, That we are decidedly op- 
 posed to taking from the President the 
 qualified veto power, by which he is en- 
 abled, under restrictions and responsibili- 
 ties amply sufficient to guard the public in- 
 terests, to sujiend the passage of a bill 
 whose merits can not secure the approval 
 of two-thirds of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, until the judgment of the 
 people c;in be obtained thereon, and which 
 liJiH saved the American peoj)le from the 
 corrupt and tyrannical domination of the 
 Hank of the I'nitcd States, and from a cor- 
 rupting system of general internal im- 
 l)rovements.
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 29 
 
 15. Resolved, That the war with Mexi- 
 co, provoked on her part by years of insult 
 and injury, was commeneed by her army 
 crossing the llio Grande, attacking the 
 American troops, and invading our sister 
 state of Texas, and upon all the principles 
 of patriotism and the laws of nations, it is 
 a just and necessary war on our part, in 
 which every American citizen should have 
 shown himself on the side of his country, 
 and neitlier morally nor physically, by 
 word or by deed, have given " aid and 
 comfort to the enemy. " 
 
 IG. licsolved, That we would be rejoiced 
 at the assurance of peace with Mexico, 
 founded on the ju^t i)rinciples of indem- 
 nity for the past a'ul security for the fu- 
 ture ; but that while the ratification of the 
 liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in 
 doubt, it is the duty of the country to sus- 
 tain the administration and to sustain the 
 country in every measure necessary to pro- 
 vide for the vigorous prosecution of the 
 war, should that treaty be rejected. 
 
 17. ResuUed, That the officers and sol- 
 diers who have carried the arms of their 
 country into Mexico, have crowned it with 
 imperishable glory. Their unconquerable 
 courage, their daring enterprise, their un- 
 faltering perseverance and fortitude when 
 assailed on all sides by innumerable foes 
 and that more formidable enemy — the 
 diseases of the climate — exalt their devoted 
 patriotism into the highest heroism, and 
 give them a right to the profound grati- 
 tude of their country, and the admiration 
 of the world. 
 
 IS. Resolved, That the Democratic Na- 
 tional Convention of thirty states composing 
 the American Republic, tender their fra- 
 ternal congratulations to the National Con- 
 vention of the Republic of France, now as- 
 sembled as the free suffrage representative 
 of the sovereignty of thirty-five millions of 
 Republicans, to establish government on 
 those eternal principles of equal rights, for 
 which their La Fayette and our Washing- 
 ton fought side by side in the struggle for 
 our national independence ; and we would 
 especially convey to them, and to the 
 whole people of France, our earnest wishes 
 for the consolidation of their liberties, 
 through the wisdom that shall guide their 
 councils, on the basis of a democratic con- 
 stitution, not derived from the grants or 
 concessions of kings or dynasties, but orig- 
 inating from the only true source of political 
 power recognized in the states of this 
 Union — the inherent and inalienable right 
 of the people, in their sovereign capacity, 
 to make and to amend their forms of gov- 
 ernment in such manner as the welfare 
 of the community may require. 
 
 19. Resolved, That in view of the recent 
 development of this grand political truth, 
 of the sovereignty of the people and their 
 capacity and power for self-government. 
 
 which is prostrating thrones and erecting 
 rejjublics on the ruins (jf desj)otism in the 
 old world, we feel that a high and sacred 
 duty is devolved, with increased responsi- 
 bility, upon the Democratic party of this 
 country, asthcparty of the peoi)le, to sustain 
 and advance among us constitutional lib- 
 erty, ecjuality, and fraternity, by continu- 
 ing to resist all monopolies and exclusive 
 legislation for the benefit of the i'aw at the 
 expense of the many, and by a vigilant 
 and constant adherence to those principles 
 and compromises of the constitution, which 
 are broad enough and strong enough to 
 embrace and uphold the Union as it was, 
 the Union as it is, and the Union as it 
 shall be in the full expansion of the 
 energies and capacity of this great and 
 I)rogressive people. 
 
 20. Resolved, That a copy of these reso- 
 lutions be forwarded, through the American 
 minister at Paris, to the National Conven- 
 tion of the Republic of France. 
 
 21. Resolved, That the fruits of the 
 great political triumph of 1S44, which elect- 
 ed James K. Polk and George M. Dallas, 
 President and Vice-President of the United 
 States, have fulfilled the hopes of the de- 
 mocracy of the Union in defeating the de- 
 clared purposes of their opponents in 
 creating a National Bank ; in preventing 
 the corrupt and unconstitutional distribu- 
 tion of the land proceeds from the com- 
 mon treasury of the Union for local pur- 
 poses ; in protecting the currency and labor 
 of the country from ruinous fluctuations, 
 and guarding the money of the countiy for 
 the use of the people by the establishment 
 of the constitutional treasury ; in the noble 
 impulse given to the cause of free trade by 
 the repeal of the tariff of '42, and the crea- 
 tion of the more equal, honest, and pro- 
 ductive tariff of 1840 ; and that, in our 
 opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken 
 the bands of a political organization by 
 which these great reforms have been 
 achieved, and risk them in the hands of 
 their known adversaries, with whatever 
 delusive appeals they may solicit our sur- 
 render of that vigilance which is the only 
 safeguard of liberty. 
 
 22. Resolved, That the confidence of the 
 democracy of the Union in the principles, 
 capacity, firmness, and integrity of James 
 K. Polk, manifested by his nomination and 
 election in 1844, has been signally justified 
 by the strictness of his adherence to sound 
 democratic doctrines, by the purity of pur- 
 l)ose, the energj' and ability, which have 
 characterized his administration in all our 
 aflairs at home and abroad ; that we tender 
 to him our cordial congratulations upon 
 the brilliant success which has hitherto 
 crowned his patriotic efforts, and assure 
 him in advance, that at the expiration of 
 his presidential term he will carry with him
 
 30 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 to his retirement, the esteem, respect and 
 admiration of a grateful country. 
 
 23. Besolved, That this convention here- 
 by present to the people of the United States 
 Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate 
 of the Democratic party for the ofhce of 
 President, and William O. Butler, of Ken- 
 tucky, for Vice-President of the United 
 States. 
 
 1848.— WTilg Principles Adopted at a Rati- 
 fication Meeting, 
 
 Philadelphia, June 9. 
 
 1. Resolved, That the Whigs of the 
 United States, here assembled by their 
 representatives, heartily ratify the nomi- 
 nations of General Zachary Taylor as Pres- 
 ident, and IMillard Fillmore as Vice-Pres- 
 ident, of the United States, and pledge 
 themselves to their support. 
 
 2. Resolved, That in the choice of Gen- 
 eral Taylor as the Whig candidate for 
 President, we are glad to discover sympathy 
 ■with a great popular sentiment throughout 
 the nation — a sentiment which having its 
 origin in admiration of great military suc- 
 cess, has been strengthened by the develop- 
 ment, in every action and every word, of 
 sound conservative opinions, and of true 
 fidelity to the great example of former 
 days, and to the principles of the constitu- 
 tion as administered by its founders. 
 
 3. Resolced, That General Taylor, in say- 
 ing that, had he voted in 1844, he would 
 have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the 
 assurance — and no better is needed from a 
 consistent and truth-speaking man — that 
 his heart was with us at the crisis of our 
 political destiny, when Henry Clay Avas 
 our candidate, and when not only Whig 
 principles were well defined and clearly 
 assei-ted, but Whig measures depended on 
 success. The heart that was with us then 
 is with us now, and, we have a soldier's 
 ■word of honor, and a life of public and 
 private virtue, as the security. 
 
 4. Resolvrd, That we look on General 
 Taylor's administration of the government 
 as one conducive of peace, prosperity and 
 union ; of peace, because no one better 
 knows, or has greater reason to deplore, 
 what he has seen sadly on the field oi vic- 
 tory, the horrors of war, and especially of a 
 foreign and aggressive war; of prosperity, 
 now more than ever needed to relieve the 
 nation from a burden of debt, and restore 
 industry — agricultural, manufacturing, and 
 commercial — to its accustomed and peace- 
 ful functions and influences; of union, be- 
 cause we have a candidate whose very 
 position as a southwestern man, reared on 
 tlic banks of the great stream whose trib- 
 utaries, natural and artificial, embrace the 
 whole Union, renders the protection of the 
 intercuts of the whole country his first 
 trust, and whose various duties In past life 
 
 have been rendered, not on the soil, or 
 under the flag of any state or section, but 
 over the wide frontier, and under the 
 broad banner of the nation. 
 
 5. Resolved, That standing, as the Whig 
 party does, on the broad and firm platform 
 of the constitution, braced up by all its in- 
 violable and sacred guarantees and com- 
 promises, and cherished in the affections, 
 because protective of the interests of the 
 people, we are proud to have as the ex- 
 ponent of our opinions, one who is pledged 
 to construe it by the wise and generous 
 rules which Washington applied to it, and 
 who has said — and no Whig desires any 
 other assurance — that he will make Wash- 
 ington's administration his model. 
 
 6. Resolved, That as Whigs and Ameri- 
 cans, we are proud to acknowledge our 
 gratitude for the great militarj' services 
 which, beginning at Palo Alto, and end- 
 ing at Buena Vista, first awakened the 
 American people to a just estimate of him 
 who is now our Whig candidate. In the 
 discharge of a painful duty — for his march 
 into the enemy's country was a reluctant 
 one ; in the command of regulars at one 
 time, and volunteers at another, and of 
 both combined; in the decisive though 
 punctual discipline of his camp, where all 
 respected and loved him ; in the negotia- 
 tion of terms for a dejected and desperate 
 enemy ; in the exigency of actual conflict 
 when the balance was perilously doubtful^ 
 we have found him the same — brave, dis- 
 tinguished, and considerate, no heartless 
 spectator of bloodshed, no trifler with hu- 
 man life or human happiness ; and we do 
 not know which to admire most, his hero- 
 ism in Avithstanding the assaults of the 
 enemy in the most hopeless fields of Buena 
 Vista — mourning in generous sorrow over 
 the graves of Ringgold, of Clay, of Hardin 
 — or in giving, in the heat of battle, terms 
 of merciful capitulation to a vanquished 
 foe at Monterey, and not being ashamed to 
 avow that he did it to spare women and 
 children, helpless infancy and more help- 
 less age, against whom no American sol- 
 dier ever wars. Such a military man, 
 whose triumphs are neither remote nor 
 doubtful, whose virtues these trials have 
 tested, we are proud to make our candidate. 
 
 7. Resolved, That in supjiort of this 
 nomination, we ask our Whig friends 
 throughout the nation to unite, to co-op- 
 erate zealously, resolutely, with earnest- 
 ness, in behalf of our candidate, whom 
 calumny can not reach, and with respect- 
 ful demeanor to our adversaries, whose can- 
 didates have yet to prove their claims on 
 the gratitude of the nation. 
 
 1848.— Biiflalo Platform. 
 
 Vlica, JuiiP 2'J. 
 
 ^V^lereas, Wc have assembled in conven- 
 tion as a union of freemen, for the sake of
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 31 
 
 freedom, forgetting all past political dif- 
 ference, in a common resolve to maintain 
 the rights of free hibor against the aggres- 
 sion of the slave power, and to secure free 
 soil to a free people ; and, 
 
 Whereas, The political conventions re- 
 cently assembled at Baltimore and Phila- 
 delphia — the one stilling the voice of a 
 great constituency, entitled to be heard in 
 its deliberations, and the other abandoning 
 its distinctive principles for mere avail- 
 ability — have dissolved the national i)arty 
 organization heretofore existing, by nomi- 
 nating for the chief magistracy of the 
 United States, under the slaveholding dic- 
 tation, candidates, neither of whom can be 
 supported by the opponents of slavery ex- 
 tension, without a sacrifice of consistency, 
 duty, and self-respect ; and, 
 
 ll/wrcds, These nominations so made, 
 furnish the occasion, and demonstrate the 
 necessity of the union of the people under 
 the banner of free democracy, in a solemn 
 and formal declaration of their independ- 
 ence of the slave power, and of their fixed 
 determination to rescue the Federal gov- 
 ernment from its control, 
 
 1. Reaolved^ therefore, That we, the peo- 
 ple here assembled, remembering the ex- 
 amjile of our fathers in the days of the 
 first Declaration of Independence, putting 
 our trust in God for the triumph of our 
 cause, and invoking His guidance in our 
 endeavors to advance it, do now plant our- 
 selves upon the national platform of free- 
 dom, in opposition to the sectional plat- 
 form of slavery. 
 
 2. Resolved, That slavery in the several 
 states of this Union which recognize its 
 existence, depends upon the state laws 
 alone, which can not be repealed or modi- 
 fied by the Federal government, and for 
 which laws that government is not respon- 
 sible. We therefore propose no interfer- 
 ence by Congress with slavery within the 
 limits of any state. 
 
 3. Resolved, That the proviso of Jeffer- 
 son, to prohibit the existence of slavery, 
 after ISOO, in all the territories of the 
 United States, southern and northern ; the 
 votes of six states and sixteen delegates in 
 Congress of 1784, for the proviso, to three 
 states and seven delegates against it ; the 
 actual exclusion of slavery from the North- 
 western Territory, by the Ordinance of 
 1787, unanimously adopted by the states 
 in Congress; and the entire history of that 
 period, clearly show that it was the settled 
 policy of the nation not to extend, na- 
 tionalize or encourage, but to limit, lo- 
 calize and discourage, slavery ; and to this 
 policy, which should never have been de- 
 parted from, the government ought to 
 return. 
 
 4. Resolved, That our fathers ordained 
 the constitution of the United States, in 
 order, among other great national objects, 
 
 to establish justice, promote the general 
 welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty ; 
 but expressly denied to the Federal gov- 
 ernment, which they created, all constitu- 
 tional power to deprive any person of life, 
 liberty, or property, without due legal 
 process. 
 
 6. Resolved, That in the judgment of 
 this convention. Congress has no more 
 power to make a slave than to make a 
 icing; no more power to institute or estab- 
 lish slavery than to institute or establish a 
 monarchy ; no such power can be found 
 among those specifically conferred by the 
 constitution, or derived by just implication 
 from them. 
 
 6. Resolved, That it is the duty of the 
 Federal government to relieve itself from 
 all responsibility for the existence or con- 
 tinuance of slavery wherever the govern- 
 ment possesses constitutional power to 
 legislate on that subject, and it is thus re- 
 sponsible for its existence. 
 
 7. Resolved, That the true, and, in the 
 judgment of this convention, the only safe 
 means of preventing the extension of 
 slavery into territory now free, is to pro- 
 hibit its extension in all such territory by 
 an act of Congress. 
 
 8. Resolved, That we accept the issue 
 which the slave power has forced uj^on us ; 
 and to their demand for more slave states, 
 and more slave territory, our calm but 
 final answer is, no more slave states and 
 no more slave territory. Let the soil of 
 our extensive domains be kept free for the 
 hardy pioneers of our own land, and the 
 oppressed and banished of other lands, 
 seeking homes of comfort and fields of 
 enterprise in the new world. 
 
 9. Resolved, That the bill lately re- 
 ported by the committee of eight in the 
 Senate of the United States, was no com- 
 promise, but an absolute surrender of the 
 rights of the non-slaveholders of all the 
 states; and while we rejoice to know that 
 a measure which, while opening the door 
 for the introduction of slavery into the 
 territories now free, would also have 
 opened the door to litigation and strife 
 among the future inhabitants thereof, to 
 the ruin of their peace and prosperity, was 
 defeated in the House of Representatives, 
 its passage, in hot haste, by a m.ajority, 
 embracing several senators who voted in 
 open violation of the known will of their 
 constituents, should warn the people to 
 see to it that their representatives oe not 
 suffered to betray them. There must be 
 no more compromises with slavery ; if 
 made, they must be repealed. 
 
 10. Resolved, That we demand freedom 
 and established institutions for our breth- 
 ren in Oregon, now exposed to hardshi}>3, 
 peril, and massacre, by the reckless hos- 
 tility of the slave power to the establish- 
 ment of free government and free territo-
 
 32 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 ries ; and not only for them, but for our 
 brethren in California and New Mexico. 
 
 11. Resolved, It is due not only to this 
 occasion, but to the whole people of the 
 United States, that we should also declare 
 ourselves on certain other questions of na- 
 tional policy ; therefore, 
 
 12. liesolved, That we demand cheap 
 postage for the people ; a retrenchment of 
 the expenses and patronage of the Federal 
 government ; the abolition of all unneces- 
 sary offices and salaries ; and the election 
 by the people of all civil officers in the 
 service of the government, so far as the 
 same mav be practicable. 
 
 13. Jiesolved, that river and harbor im- 
 provements, when demanded by the safety 
 and convenience of ccmmerce with for- 
 eign nations, or among the several states, 
 are objects of national concern, and that it 
 is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of 
 its constitutional power, to provide there- 
 for. 
 
 14. Resolved, That the free grant to 
 actual settlers, in consideration of the ex- 
 penses they incur in making settlements in 
 the wilderness, which are usually fully 
 equal to their actual cost, and of the pub- 
 lic benefits resulting therefrom, of reason- 
 able portions of the public lands, under 
 suitable limitations, is a wise and just 
 measure of public policy, which will pro- 
 mote in various ways the interests of all 
 the states of this IJnion ; and we, there- 
 fore, recommend it to the favorable con- 
 sideration of the American People. 
 
 15. Resolved, That the obligations _ of 
 honor and patriotism require tlie earliest 
 practical paymentof the national debt, .and 
 we are, thei-efore, in favor of such a tariff 
 of duties as will raise revenue adequate to 
 defray the cxpcn.-es of the Federal govern- 
 ment, and to pay annual installments of 
 our del it and the interest thereon. 
 
 16. Resolved, That we inscribe on our 
 banner, " Free Soil, Free Speech, Free 
 Labor, and I'^ree ]\Icn," and under it we will 
 fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant 
 victory shall reward our exertions. 
 
 1852.— Democratic Platform. 
 
 Dnllimorf, June 1. 
 
 Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, of the 
 platform of IMS, were reaffirmed, to whicli 
 were ailded the following: 
 
 H. Jtesolvrd, That it is tl\e duty of every 
 branch of the government to enforce and 
 practice tlie most rigid economy in con- 
 ducting our i»ut)lic, affairs, and that no 
 more revenue ougiit to ])e raised than is 
 required to defray the necessary expenses 
 of the government, and for the gradual but 
 certain extinction of the public (lci)t. 
 
 9. Resolved, That Congrcsa has no power 
 
 to charter a National Bank ; that we be- 
 lieve such an institution one of deadly 
 hostility to the best interests of the cotm- 
 try, dangerous to our republican institu- 
 tions and the liberties of tlie people, and 
 calculated to place the business of the 
 country within the control of a concen- 
 trated money power, and that above the 
 laws and wili of the people ; and that the 
 results of Democratic legislation, in this 
 and all other hnancial measures, upon 
 which issues have been made between the 
 two political parties of the country, have 
 demonstrated to candid and practical men 
 of all parties, their soundness, safety, and 
 utility, in all business pursuits. 
 
 10. Resolved, That the separation of the 
 moneys of the government from banking 
 institutions is indispensable for the safety 
 of the funds of the government and the 
 rights of the people. 
 
 11. Resolved, That the liberal principles 
 embodied by Jeflierson in the Declaration 
 of Independence, and sanctioned in the 
 constitution, which makes ours the land 
 of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed 
 of eveiy nation, have ever been cardinal 
 principles in the Democratic faith ; and 
 every attempt to abridge the privilege of 
 becoming citizens and the owners of the 
 soil among us, ought to be resisted with 
 the same spirit that swept the alien and 
 sedition laws from our statute books. 
 
 12. Resolved, That Congress has no 
 power under the constitution to interfere 
 with, or control, the domestic institutions 
 of the several states, and that such states 
 are the sole and proper judges of every- 
 thing appertaining to their own affairs, not 
 prohibited by the constittition ; that all 
 efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made 
 to induce Congress to interfere Avith ques- 
 tions of slavery, or to take incipient steps 
 in relation thereto, are calculated to lead 
 to the most alarming and dangerous conse- 
 quences ; and that all such cttbrts have an 
 inevitable tendency to diminish the happi- 
 ness of the people, and endanger tlie sta- 
 bility and permanency of the Linion, and 
 ought not to be countenanced by any 
 friend of our political institutions. 
 
 13. Resolved, That the foregoing propo- 
 sition covers, and is intended to embrace, 
 the whole subject of slavery agitation in 
 Congress ; and therefore the Democratic 
 party of the Union, standing on this na- 
 tional ])latform, will abide by, and adhere 
 to, a faitliful execution of the acts known 
 as the Compromise measures settled by 
 last Congress, "the act for reclaiming fugi- 
 tives from service labor" included; which 
 act, being designed to carry out an ex- 
 ])ress provision of the constitution, can 
 not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor 
 so ('liangcd as to destroy or impair its 
 efficiency. 
 
 14. Resolved, That the Democratic party
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 33 
 
 will resist all attempts at renewing in Con- 
 gress, or out of it, the agitation of tlio 
 slavery question, under wliatever shape or 
 color the attempt may be made. 
 
 [Here resolutions Vi and 14, of the plat- 
 form of 1848, were inserted.) 
 
 17. Resolved, That tlie Democratic party 
 will faithfully abide by and uphold the 
 principles laid down in the Kentucky and 
 Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and 
 in the report of Mr. Madison to the Vir- 
 ginia Legislature in 1799 ; that it adopts 
 those principles as constituting one of the 
 main foundations of its political creed, and 
 is resolved to carry them out in their ob- 
 vious meaning and import. 
 
 18. Resolved, That the war with Jlexico, 
 upon all the principles of patriotism and 
 the law of nations, was a just and necessary 
 war on our part, in which no American 
 citizen should have shown himself opposed 
 to his country, and neither morally nor 
 physically, by word or deed, given aid and 
 comfort to the enemy. 
 
 19. Resolved, That we rejoice at the re- 
 storation of friendly relations with our 
 sister Republic of Mexico, and earnestly 
 desire for her all the blessings and pros- 
 perity which we enjoy under republican 
 institution-t, and we congratulate the 
 American people on the results of that 
 war which have so manifestly justified the 
 policy and conduct of the Democratic 
 party, and insured to the United States 
 indemnity for the past and security for the 
 future. 
 
 20. Resolved, That, in view of the condi- 
 tion of popular institutions in the old 
 world, a high and sacred duty is devolved 
 with increased responsibility upon the De- 
 mocracy of this country, as the party of 
 the people, to uphold and maintain the 
 rights of every state, and thereby the 
 union of states, and to sustain and advance 
 among them constitutional liberty, by con- 
 tinuing to resist all monopolies and exclu- 
 sive legislation for the benefit of the few 
 at the expense of the many, and by a 
 vigilant and constant adherence to thos(j 
 principles and com])romises of the consti- 
 tution which are bniad enough and strong 
 enough to embrace and uphold the Union 
 as it is, and the Union as it should be, in 
 tlie full expansion of the energies and ca- 
 pacity of this great and progressive people. 
 
 1853.-\Vhl«5 Platform. 
 
 Btilttmore, June 1(>. 
 
 The Whigs of the United States, in con- 
 vention assembled adhering to the great 
 conservative principles by which they are 
 controlled and governed, and now as ever 
 relying upon the intelligence of the Ameri- 
 can people, with an abiding confidence in 
 their capacity for self-goverumcut and 
 22 
 
 their devotion to the constitution and the 
 Union, do f)roclaim the following as the 
 political sentiments and deterniinatioM for 
 the establishment and mainteiiauce of 
 which their national organization as a 
 party was effected : 
 
 Fijst. The government of the United 
 States is of a limited character, and is con- 
 fined to the exercise of {)owers expressly 
 granted by the constitution, and such as 
 may be necessary and proper for carrying 
 the granted powers into full execution, 
 and that powers not granted or necessarily 
 implietl are reserved to the states respec- 
 tively and to the jieople. 
 
 Second. The state governments should 
 be held secure to their reserved riglits, and 
 the General Cloverninent sustained in its 
 constitutional powers, and that the Union 
 should be revered and watched over as the 
 palladium of our liberties. 
 
 Third. That while struggling freedom 
 everywhere enlists the warmest sympathy 
 of the Whig party, we still adhere to the 
 doctrines of the Father of his Country, as 
 announced in his Farewell Address, of 
 keeping ourselves free from all entangling 
 alliances with foreign countries, and of 
 never quitting. our own to stand upon for- 
 eign ground ; that our mission as a rcjiub- 
 lic is not to propagate our opinions, or im- 
 pose on other countries our forms of gov- 
 ernment, by artifice or force, but to teach 
 by example, and show by our success, 
 moderation and justice, tlie blessings of 
 self-government, and the advantages of 
 free institutions. 
 
 Fourth. That, as the people make and 
 control the government, they should obey 
 its constitution, laws and treaties as they 
 would retain their self-respect and the re- 
 spect which they claim and will enforce 
 from foreign powers. 
 
 Fifth. Governments should be conduc- 
 ted on the principles of the strictest econo- 
 my ; and revenue sufficient for the expen- 
 ses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be 
 derived mainly from a duty on imi)orts, 
 and not from direct taxes; and on laying 
 such duties sound policy requires a just 
 discrimination, and, when practicable, by 
 specific duties, whereby suitable encour- 
 agement may be afforded to American in- 
 dustry, equally to all classes and to all 
 portions of the country. 
 
 Sixth. The constitution vests in Con- 
 gress the power to open and repair har- 
 bv)rs, and remove obstructions from navi- 
 gable rivers, whenever such improvenieiita 
 are necessary lor the common defense, and 
 for the protection and facility of commerce 
 with foreign nations or among the states, 
 said improvements being in every instance 
 national and general in their character. 
 
 Seventh. The Federal and state govern- 
 ments are parts of one system, alike neces- 
 sary for the common prosperity, peace aud
 
 34 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book il 
 
 security, and ought to be regarded alike 
 with a cordial, habitual and immovable at- 
 tachment. Respect for the authority of 
 each, and acquiescence in the just consti- 
 tutional measures of each, are duties re- 
 quired by the plainest considerations of 
 national, state and individual welfare. 
 
 Eighth. That the series of acts of the 
 32d Congress, the act known as the Fugi- 
 tive Slave Law included, are received and 
 acquiesced in by the Whig party of the 
 United States as a settlement in principle 
 and substance of the dangerous and excit- 
 ing questions which they embrace ; and, 
 so far as they are concerned, we will main- 
 tain them, and insist upon their strict en- 
 forcement, until time and experience shall 
 demonstrate the necessity of further legis- 
 lation to guard against the evasion of the 
 laws on the one hand and the abuse of 
 their powers on the other — not impairing 
 their present efficiency ; and we deprecate 
 all ftirther agitation of the question thus 
 settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will 
 discountenance all efibrts to continue or 
 renew such agitation whenever, where- 
 ever or however the attempt may be made ; 
 and we will maintain the system as essen- 
 tial to the nationality of the Whig party, 
 and the integrity of the Union. 
 
 1853.— Free-soil Platform. 
 
 PitlsbuTQ, Anrjust 11. 
 
 Having assembled in national conven- 
 tion as the free democracy of the United 
 States, united by a common resolve to 
 maintain right against wrong, and freedom 
 against slavery ; confiding in the intelli- 
 gence, patriotism, and discriminating jus- 
 tice of the American people; putting our 
 trust in God for the triumph of our cause, 
 and invoking His guidance in our endea- 
 vors to advance it, we now submit to the 
 candid judgment of all men, the following 
 declaration of principles and measures : 
 
 1. That governments, deriving their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed, 
 are instituted among men to secure to all 
 those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness, with whicli they 
 are endowed by their Creator, and of which 
 none can be depri\-cd by valid legislation, 
 except for crime. 
 
 2. That the true mission of American 
 democracy is to maintain the li])erties of 
 the people, the sovereignty of the states, 
 and tlif! perpetuity of the Union, l)y the 
 impartial application of public affairs, 
 without sectional discriminations, of the 
 fuudatnental principles of human rights, 
 Htrict justice, and an economical adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 o. 'I'liat the Federal government is one 
 of limited powers, decived solely Irom the 
 
 constitution, and the grants of power there- 
 in ought to be strictly construed by all the 
 departments and agents of the government, 
 and it is inexpedient and dangerous to ex- 
 ercise doubtful constitutional powers. 
 
 4. That the constitution of the United 
 States, ordained to form a more perfect 
 Union, to establish justice, and secure the 
 blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the 
 general government all power to deprive 
 any person of life, liberty, or property, 
 without due process of law ; and, there- 
 fore, the government, having no more 
 power to make a slave than to make a 
 king, and no more power to establish 
 slavery than to establish a monarchy, 
 should at once proceed to relieve itself 
 from all responsibility for the existence of 
 slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional 
 power to legislate for its extinction. 
 
 5. That, to the persevering and importu- 
 nate demands of the slave power for more 
 slave states, new slave territories, and the 
 nationalization of slavery, our distinct 
 and final answer is — no more slave states, 
 no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, 
 and no national legislation for the extra- 
 dition of slaves. 
 
 6. That slavery is a sin against God, and 
 a crime against man, which no human en- 
 actment nor usage can make right ; and 
 that Christianity, humanity, and patriot- 
 ism alike demand its abolition. 
 
 7. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is 
 repugnant to the constitution, to the prin- 
 ciples of the common law, to the spirit of 
 Christianity, and to the sentiments of the 
 civilized world; we, therefore, deny its 
 binding force on the American people, 
 and demand its immediate and total re- 
 peal. 
 
 8. That the doctrine that any human 
 law is a finality, and not subject to modi- 
 fication or repeal, is not in accordance 
 with the creed of the founders of our gov- 
 ernment, and is dangerous to the liberties 
 of the people. 
 
 9. That the acts of Congress, known as 
 the Compromise measures of 1850, by mak- 
 ing the admission of a sovereign state con- 
 tingent upon the adoption of other mea- 
 sures demanded by the special interests of 
 slavery ; by their omission to guarantee 
 freedom in the free territories ; by their at- 
 tempt to impose unconstitutional limita- 
 tions on the powers of Congress and the 
 ])eople to admit new states; by their pro- 
 visions for the assumption of five millions 
 of the state debt of Texas, and for the pay- 
 ment of five millions more, and the cession 
 of large territory to the same state under 
 menace, as an inducement to the relin- 
 fiuishmcnt of a groundless claim ; and by 
 their invasion of the sovereignty of the 
 states and the liberties of the people, 
 til rough the enactment of an unjust, op- 
 pressive, and unconstitutional fugitive
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 35 
 
 slave law, arc proved to be inconsistent 
 with all the principles and maxims ol" de- 
 mocracy, and wholly inadequate to the 
 settlement of the questions of which they 
 are claimed to be an adjustment. 
 
 10. That no permanent settlement of 
 the slavery question can be looked I'or ex- 
 cept in the practical recognition of the 
 truth that slavery is sectional and freedom 
 national ; by the total separation of the 
 general government from slavery, and the 
 exercise of its legitimate and constitutional 
 influence on the side of freedom ; and by 
 leaving to the states the whole subject of 
 slavery and the extradition of I'ugitives 
 from service. 
 
 11. That all men have a natural right to 
 a portion of the soil ; and that as the use 
 of the soil is indisjiensabletolife, the right 
 of all men to the soil is as sacred as their 
 right to life itself. 
 
 12. That the public lands of the United 
 States belong to the people and should not be 
 sold to individuals nor granted to corpora- 
 tions, but should be held as a sacred trust 
 for the benefit of the people, and should 
 be granted in limited quantities, free of 
 cost, to landless settlers. 
 
 13. That due regard for the Federal 
 constitution, a sound administrative poli- 
 cy, demand that the funds of the general 
 government be kept separate from bank- 
 ing institutions ; that inland and ocean 
 postage should be reduced to the lowest 
 possible point ; that no more revenue 
 should be raised than is required to defray 
 the strictly necessary expenses of the pub- 
 lic service and to pay off the public debt ; 
 and that the power and patronage of the 
 government should be diminished by the 
 abolition of all unnecessary ofBces, salaries 
 and privileges, and by the election of the 
 people of all civil officers in the service of 
 the United States, so far as may be consist- 
 ent with the prompt and efficient transac- 
 tion of the puolic business. 
 
 14. That river and harbor improvements, 
 when necessary to the safety and con- 
 venience of commerce with foreign nations, 
 or among the several states, are objects of 
 national concern; and it is the duty of 
 Congress, in the exercise of its constitu- 
 tional powers, to provide for the same. 
 
 15. That emigrants and exiles from the 
 old world should find a cordial welcome to 
 homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in 
 the new ; and every attempt to abridge 
 their privilege of becoming citizens and 
 owners of soil among us ought to be resist- 
 ed with inflexible determination. 
 
 16. That every nation has a clear right 
 to alter or change its own government, 
 and to administer its own concerns in such 
 manner as may best secure the rights 
 and promote the happiness of the people ; 
 and foreign interference with that right is 
 a dangerous violation of the law of nations. 
 
 against which all independent'^" govern- 
 ments should protest, and endeavor by all 
 jjroper means to prevent; and especially in 
 it the duty of the American government, 
 representing the chief republic of the 
 world, to protest against, and by all pro- 
 per means to prevent, the intervention of 
 kings and emperors against nations seek- 
 ing to establish for themselves republican 
 or constitutional governments. 
 
 17. That the independence of Ilayti 
 ought to be recognized by our government, 
 and our commercial relations with it placed 
 on the footing of the most favored nation.s. 
 
 18. That as by the constitution, "the 
 citizens of each state shall be entitled to 
 all the privileges and immunities of citi- 
 zens in the several states," the practice of 
 imprisoning colored seamen of other states, 
 while the vessels to which they belong lie 
 in ])ort, and refusing the exercise of the 
 right to bring such cases before the Su- 
 preme Court of the United States, to test 
 the legality of such proceedings, is a fla- 
 grant violation of the constitution, and an 
 invasion of the rights of the citizens of 
 other states, utterly inconsistent with the 
 professions made by the slaveholders, that 
 they wish the provisions of the constitu- 
 tion faithfully observed by every state in 
 the Union. 
 
 19. That we recommend the introduc- 
 tion into all treaties hereafter to be nego- 
 tiated between the United States and for- 
 eign nations, of some provision for the 
 amicable settlement of difficulties by a re- 
 sort to decisive arbitrations. 
 
 20. That the free democratic party is 
 not organized to aid either the Whig or 
 Democratic wing of the great slave compro- 
 mise party of the nation, but to defeat 
 them both ; and that repudiating and re- 
 nouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and 
 utterly unworthy'of confidence, the pur- 
 pose of the Free Democracy is to take pos- 
 session of the Federal government and ad- 
 minister it for the better protection of the 
 rights and interests of the whole people. 
 
 21. That we inscribe on our banner 
 Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and 
 Free Men, and under it will fight on and 
 fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall 
 reward our exertions. 
 
 22. That upon this platform, the con- 
 vention presents to the American people, 
 as a candidate for the office of Prcsicfent 
 of the United States, John P. Ilalc, of 
 New Hampshire, and as a candidate for 
 the office of Vice-President of the United 
 States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and 
 earnestly commend them to the support of 
 all freemen and all i>arties. 
 
 1856.— Tbe Ainerlcaii Platform. 
 
 Adopted at Philadelphia February 21. 
 
 1. An humble acknowledjrment to the
 
 36 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [eook II. 
 
 Supreme Being for His protecting care 
 vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- 
 ful revohitionary straggle, and hitherto 
 manifested to us, their descendants, in the 
 preservation of the liberties, the indepen- 
 dence, and the union of these states. 
 
 2. The perpetuation of the Federal 
 Union and constitution, as the palladium 
 of our civil and religious liberties, and the 
 only sure bulwarks of American independ- 
 ence. 
 
 3. Amei'icans must rule America ; and to 
 this end 7ia//re-born citizens should be se- 
 lected for all state, federal, and municipal 
 offices of government employment, in pre- 
 ference to all others. Nevertheless, 
 
 4. Persons born of American parents 
 residing temporarily abroad, should be 
 entitled to all the rights of native-born 
 citizens. 
 
 6. No person should be selected for polit- 
 ical station (whether of native or foreign 
 birth), who recognizes any allegiance or 
 obligation of any description to any foreign 
 prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses 
 to recognize the federal and state constitu- 
 tions (eacli within its sphere) as paramount 
 to all other laws, as rules of political ac- 
 tion. 
 
 6. The unequaled recognition and main- 
 tenance of the reserved rights of the several 
 states, and the cultivation of harmony and 
 fraternal good-will between the citizens 
 of the several states, and, to this end, non- 
 interference by Congress with questions 
 appertaining solely to the individual states, 
 and non-intervention by each state with 
 the affairs of any other state. 
 
 7. The recognition of the right of native- 
 born and naturalized citizens of the Uni- 
 ted States, permanently residing in any 
 territory tlicreof, to frame their constitu- 
 tion and laws, and to regulate their domes- 
 tic and social affairs in their own mode, 
 flubiect only to the })rovisions of the fed- 
 eral constitution, witli the privilege of ad- 
 mission into the Union whenever they 
 have the requisite population for one 
 Representative in Congress: Provided, al- 
 vays, that none but those who arc citizens 
 of the United States under the constitu- 
 tion and laws tliereof, and who have a 
 fixed residence in any such territory, ought 
 to participate in the formation of the con- 
 Btitution or in the enactment of hiws for 
 said territory or state. 
 
 8. An enforcement of the principles 
 that no state or territory ought to admit 
 others tlian citizens to the right of suffrage 
 orof liolding political ofRcesof the United 
 States. 
 
 9. A change in the laws of naturaliza- 
 tion, making a continued resi(h'nce of 
 twenty-one years, of all not heretofore 
 provided for, an indispoTisable requisite for 
 citizenship liereafter, and excluding all 
 paupers and jtcrsons convicted of crime 
 
 from landing upon our shores ; but no in- 
 terference with the vested rights of for- 
 eigners. 
 
 10. Opposition to any union between 
 church and state ; no interference with 
 religious faith or worship; and no test- 
 oaths for office. 
 
 11. Free and thorough investigation 
 into any and all alleged abuses of public 
 functionaries, and a strict economy in pub- 
 lic expenditures. 
 
 12. The maintenance and enforcement 
 of all laws constitutionally enacted, until 
 said laws shall be repealed, or shall be de- 
 clared null and void by competent judicial 
 authority. 
 
 13. Opposition to the reckless and un- 
 wise policy of the present administration 
 in the general management of our national 
 affairs, and more especially as shown in 
 removing "Americans" (by designation) 
 and conservatives in principle, from office, 
 and placing foreigners and ultraists in 
 their places ; as shown in a truckling sub- 
 serviency to the stronger, and an insolent 
 and cowardly bravado towards the weaker 
 powers ; as shown in reopening sectional 
 agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise ; as shoAvn in granting to un- 
 naturalized foreigners the right of suffrage 
 in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its 
 vacillating course on the Kansas and Ne- 
 braska question ; as shown in the corrup- 
 tions which pervade some of the depart- 
 ments of the government ; as shown in dis- 
 gracing meritorious naval officers through 
 prejudice or caprice ; and as shown in the 
 blundering mismanagement of our foreign 
 relations. 
 
 14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils 
 and prevent the disastrous consequences 
 otherwise resulting therefrom, we would 
 build up the " American Party " upon the 
 principles hereinbefore stated. 
 
 15. That each state council shall have 
 authority to amend their several constitu- 
 tions, so as to abolish the several degrees, 
 and substitute a pledge of honor, instead 
 of other obligations, for fellowship and 
 admission into the party. 
 
 16. A free and open discussion of all 
 political principles embraced in our plat- 
 form. 
 
 1856.— Drmocratlc Platform, 
 
 Adopted (U Cincinnati, June 6. 
 
 Resolved, That the American democracy 
 place their trust in the intelligence, the 
 patriotism, and diseriminating justice of 
 the American peo])le. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard this as a dis- 
 tinctive feature of our political creed, 
 which we arc proud to maintain before 
 the world as a great moral element in a 
 form of government springing from and 
 upheld by the popular will ; and we con-
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 37 
 
 trast it Avitli the creed and practice of 
 federalism, under whatever name or form, 
 which seeks to i)alsy the will of the con- 
 stituent, and which conceives no imposture 
 too monstrous for the popular credulity. 
 
 Resolved, therefore, Tliut entertainin;i; 
 these views, the Democratic party of this 
 Union, through their delegates, assembled 
 in general convention, coming together in 
 a spirit of concord, of devotion io the doc- 
 trines and faith of a free representative 
 government, and appealing to their fellow 
 citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, 
 renew and reassert, before the American 
 people, the declaration of principles 
 avowed by them, when, on former occa- 
 sions, in general convention, they have 
 presented their candidates for the popular 
 suffrage. 
 
 1. That the Federal government is one 
 of limited power, derived solely from the 
 constitution, and the grants of power made 
 therein ought to be strictly construed by 
 all the departments and agents of the gov- 
 ernment, and that it is inexpedient and 
 dangerous to exercise doubtful constitu- 
 tional powers. 
 
 2. That the constitution does not confer 
 upon the general government the power to 
 commence and carry on a general system 
 of internal improvements. 
 
 3. That the constitution does not confer 
 authority upon the Federal government, 
 directly or indirectly, to assume the debts 
 of the several states, contracted for local 
 and internal improvements or other state 
 purposes ; nor would such assumption be 
 just or expedient. 
 
 4. That justice and sound policy forbid 
 the Federal government to foster one 
 branch of industry to the detriment of 
 another, or to cherish the interests of one 
 portion of our common country ; that every 
 citizen and every section of the country 
 has a right to demand and insist upon an 
 equality of rights and privileges, and a 
 complete and ample protection of persons 
 and property from domestic violence and 
 foreign aggression. 
 
 5. That it is the duty of every branch 
 of the government to enforce and practice 
 the most rigid economy in conducting our 
 public affairs, and that no more revenue 
 ought to be raised than is required to de- 
 fray the necessary expenses of the govern- 
 ment and gradual but certain extinction of 
 the public debt. 
 
 6. That the proceeds of the public lands 
 ought to be sacredly applied to the national 
 objects specified in the constitution, and 
 that we are opposed to any law for the dis- 
 tribution of such proceeds among the states, 
 as alike inexpedient in policy and repug- 
 nant to the constitution. 
 
 7. That Congress has no power to char- 
 ter a national bank ; that we believe such 
 an institution one of deadly hostility to 
 
 the best interests of this country, danger- 
 ous to our republican institutions and the 
 liberties of the people, and calculated to 
 place the business of the country within 
 the control of a concentrated money power 
 and above the laws and will of the people; 
 and the results of the democratic legisla- 
 tion in this and all other (inancial measures 
 upon which issues have been made between 
 the two political parties of the country, 
 have demonstrated to candid and practical 
 men of all jjarties their soundness, safety, 
 and utility in all business puruiits. 
 
 8. That the separation of the moneys of 
 the government from banking institutions 
 is indispensable to the safety of the funds 
 of the government and the rights of the 
 people. 
 
 y. That we are decidedly opposed to 
 taking from the President the (jualified 
 veto power, by which he is enabled, under 
 restrictions anil responsibilities amply suffi- 
 cient to guard the public interests, to sus- 
 pend the j)assage of a bill whose merits 
 can not secure the approval of two-thirds 
 of the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives, until the judgment of the people can 
 be obtained thereon, and which has saved 
 the American people from the corrupt and 
 tyrannical dominion of the Bank of the 
 United States and from a corrupting sys- 
 tem of general internal improvements. 
 
 10. That the liberal principles embodied 
 by Jefferson in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and sanctioned in the Constitu- 
 tion, Avhich makes ours the land of liberty 
 and the asylum of the oppressed of every 
 nation, have ever been cardinal principles 
 in the democratic faith ; and every at- 
 tempt to abridge the privilege of becom- 
 ing citizens and owners of soil among us, 
 ought to be resisted with the same spirit 
 which swept the alien and sedition laws 
 from our statute books. 
 
 And ivhereas, Since the foregoing decla- 
 ration was uniformly adopted by our prede- 
 cessors in national conventions, an adverse 
 political and religious test has been 
 secretly organized by a party claiming to 
 be exclusively Americans, and it is proper 
 that the American democracy should 
 clearly define its relations thereto ; and 
 declare its determined opposition to all 
 secret political societies, by whatever name 
 they may be called — 
 
 Jiesoh-ed, That the foundation of this 
 union of states having been laid in, and 
 its })rosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent 
 exami)le in free government built upon, 
 entire freedom of matters of religious con- 
 cernment, and no respect of persons in re- 
 gard to rank or place of birth, no party 
 can justly be deemed national, constitu- 
 tional, or in accordance with American 
 principles, which bases its exclusive organ- 
 ization upon religious opinions and acci- 
 dental birth-place. And hence a political
 
 38 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 crusade in the nineteenth century, and in 
 the United States of America, against 
 Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justi- 
 fied by tlie past history or future prospects 
 of the country, nor in unison with the 
 spirit of toleration and enlightened free- 
 dom which peculiarly distinguishes the 
 American system of popular government. 
 liesolced,' That we reiterate with renewed 
 energy of purpose the well-considered 
 declarations of former conventions upon 
 the sectional issue of domestic slavery, 
 and concerning the reserved rights of the 
 states — 
 
 1. That Congress has no power under 
 the constitution to interfere with or con- 
 trol the dome?tic institutions of the several 
 states, and that all such states are the sole 
 and proper judges of everything apper- 
 taining to their own affairs not prohibited 
 by the constitution ; that all efforts of the 
 Abolitionists or others, made to induce 
 Congress to interfere with questions of 
 slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela- 
 tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the 
 most alarming and dangerous conse- 
 quences, and" that all such efforts have an 
 inevitable tendency to diminish the hap- 
 piness of the people and endanger the 
 stability and permanency of the Union, 
 and ought not to be countenanced by any 
 friend of our political institutions. 
 
 2. That the foregoing proposition covers 
 and was intended to embrace the whole 
 subject of slavery agitation in Congress, 
 and therefore the Democratic party of the 
 Union, standing on this national ]>latform, 
 will abide by and adhere to a faithful exe- 
 cution of the acts known as the compro- 
 mise measures, settled by the Congress of 
 1850 — "the act for reclaiming fugitives 
 from service or labor " included ; which 
 act, being designed to carry out an express 
 
 Erovision of the constitution, can not, with 
 delity thereto, be repealed, or so changed 
 as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 
 
 3. That tiie Democratic jiarty will resist 
 all attempts at renewing in Congress, or 
 out of it, the agitation of the slavery ques- 
 tion, under whatever shape or color the 
 attempt may be nuide. 
 
 4. That tiic Dcmofratic party will faith- 
 fully abide by and ujihold the principles 
 laid down iii the Kentucky and Virginia 
 resolutions of 17!i2 and 171)8, and in the 
 report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia 
 legislature in 1791); that it adopts these 
 
 f)rinciples a.s constituting one of the main 
 oundations of its political creed, and is 
 resolved to carry them out in their obvious 
 meaning and import. 
 
 And that we may more distinctly meet 
 the issue on which a sectional party, sub- 
 si-sting exclusively on slavery agitation, 
 now rclic-( to test the fidelity of the i)eoi)lc, 
 north and south, to the constitution and 
 tlic Union — 
 
 1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship 
 with and desiring the co-operation of all 
 who regard the preservation of the Union 
 under the con-stitution as the jjaramount 
 issue, and repudiating all sectional parties 
 and platforms concerning domestic slavery 
 which seek to embroil the states and in- 
 cite to treason and armed resistance to law 
 in the territories, and whose avowed pur- 
 pose, if consummated, must end in civil 
 war and disunion, the American democracy 
 recognize and adopt the principles con- 
 tained in the organic laws establishing the 
 territories of Nebraska and Kansas, as em- 
 bodying the only sound and sa'e solution 
 of the slavery question, upon which the 
 great national idea of the people /if this 
 whole country can repose in its determined 
 conservation of the Union, and non-inter- 
 ference of Congress with slavery in the 
 territories or in the District of Coiumbia. 
 
 2. That this was the basis of the com- 
 promise of 1850, confirmed by both the 
 Democratic and Whig parties in national 
 conventions, ratified by the people in the 
 election of 1852, and rightly applied to the 
 organization of the territories in 1851. 
 
 3. That by the uniform ajiplication of 
 the Democratic principle to the organiza- 
 tion of territories and the admission of 
 new states, with or without domestic sla- 
 very, as they may elect, the equal rights of 
 all the states will be preserved intact, the 
 original compacts of the constitution main- 
 tained inviolate, and the perpetuity and 
 expansion of the Union insured to its ut- 
 most capacity of embracing, in ]icace and 
 harmony, every future American state that 
 may be constituted or annexed with a re- 
 publican form of government. 
 
 Resolved, That we recognize the right 
 of the people of all the territories, includ- 
 ing Kansas and Nebraska, acting through 
 the legally and fairly expressed will of the 
 majority of the actual residents, and when- 
 ever the number of their inhabitants justi- 
 fies it, to form a constitution, with or with- 
 out domestic slavery, and be admitted into 
 the Union upon terms of perfect equality 
 with the other states. 
 
 Resolved, fuudhj, That in view of the 
 condition of the jtopular institutions in the 
 old world (and the dangerous tenc'encies 
 of sectional agitation, combined with the 
 attempt to enforce civil and religious disa- 
 bilities against the rights of acquiring and 
 enjoying citizenship in our own land), a 
 high" and sacred duty is devolved, with in- 
 creased responsibility, upon the Demo- 
 cratic party of this country, as the ])arty 
 of the Union, to uphold and maintain the 
 rights of every state, and therei)y the 
 union of the states, and to sustain and ad- 
 vance among us constitutional liberty, by 
 contiiuiing to resist all monopolies and ex- 
 clusive legislation for the benefit of the few 
 at the expense of the many, and by a vigi-
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 39 
 
 lant and constant adherence to those prin- 
 ciples and coinproinisesof the constitution 
 wiiicliarc Ijroad enough and strong enough 
 to embrace and ujdiold tiie Union as it 
 was, the Union as it is, and the Union as 
 it shall be, in the lull expression of the 
 energies and capacity ol' this great and 
 progressive people. 
 
 1. Itcsolved, That there are questions 
 connected with the foreign policy of this 
 country which are inferior to no domestic 
 questions whatever. The time has come 
 for the pcoi)le of the United States to de- 
 chire themselves in favor of free seas and 
 progressive free trade throughout the world, 
 and, by solemn numifestations, to j)lace 
 their moral iniluence at the side of their 
 successful exami)le. 
 
 2. Jieaolved, That our geographical and 
 political position with reference to the other 
 states of this continent, no less than the 
 interest of our commerce and the develop- 
 ment of our growing power, requires that 
 we should hold sacred the principles in- 
 volved in the Monroe doctrine. Their 
 bearing and import admit of no miscon- 
 struction, and should be applied with un- 
 hending rigidity. 
 
 3. Resolved, That the great highway 
 which nature, as well as the assent of states 
 most immediately interested in its main- 
 tenance, ha.s marked out for free commu- 
 nication between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 oceans, constitutes one of the most impor- 
 tant achievements realized by the spirit of 
 modern times, in the unconquerable energy 
 of our people ; and that result would be 
 secured by a timely and efficient exertion 
 of the control which we have the right to 
 claim over it; and no power on earth 
 should be sufl'ered to impede or clog its 
 progress by any interference with relations 
 that may suit our policy to establish be- 
 tween our government and the govern- 
 ments of the states within whose dominions 
 it lies ; we can under no circumstances sur- 
 render our ])reponderance in the adjust- 
 ment of all (piestions arising out of it. 
 
 4. Resolved, That in view of so com- 
 manding an interest, the people of the 
 United States cannot but sympathize with 
 the elforts which are being made by the 
 people of Central America to regenerate 
 that portion of the continent which covers 
 the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 
 
 5. Resolved, That the Democratic j)arty 
 will expect of the next administration that 
 every proper efibrt be made to insure our 
 ascendency in the (lulf of IMcxico, and to 
 maintain i)ermani>nt protection to the great 
 outlets through which are emptied into its 
 waters the products raised out of the soil 
 and the commodities created by the indus- 
 try of the ])eople of our western valleys 
 and of the Union at large. 
 
 6. Resolved, That the administration of 
 Franklin Pierce has been true to Demo- 
 
 cratic principles, and, therefore, true to the 
 great interests of the country; in the face 
 of violent opi)Osition, he has maintained 
 the laws at home and vindicated the rights 
 of American citizens abroad, and, there- 
 fore, we i)roclaim our unqualified admira- 
 tion of his measures and policy. 
 
 1850.— Repulilican Platform, 
 
 Adopted al Philadelphia, June 17. 
 
 This convention of delegates, assembled 
 in pursuance of a call addressed to the 
 people of the United States, without regard 
 to past political difl'erences or divisions, 
 who are opposed to the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri Compromise, to the policy of the 
 present administration, to the extension of 
 slavery into free territory ; in favor of ad- 
 mitting Kansas as a free state, of restoring 
 the action of the Federal government to 
 the princijiles of Washington and Jeffer- 
 son ; and who ptirjiose to unite in present- 
 ing candidates for the offices of President 
 and Vice-President, do resolve as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the maintenance of the 
 princii)les promulgated in the Declaration 
 of Independence, and embodied in the 
 federal constitution, is essential to the pre- 
 servation of our Ilepid)lican institutions, 
 and that the federal constitution, the right*i 
 of the states, and the union of the states, 
 shall be preserved. 
 
 Resolved, That with our rejniblican 
 fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth 
 that all men are endowed with the inalien- 
 able rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit 
 of happiness, and that the primary object 
 and ulterior design of otir Federal govern- 
 ment were, to secure these rights to all 
 l)ersons within it^ exclusive jurisdiction ; 
 that as otir republican fathers, when they 
 had abolished slavery in all our national 
 territory, ordained that no person should 
 be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
 without due process of law, it becomes otir 
 duty to maintain this provision of the con- 
 stitution against all attempts to violate it 
 for the purpose of establishing slavery in 
 any territory of the United States, by posi- 
 tive legislation, prohibiting its existence or 
 extension therein. That Ave deny the au- 
 thority of Congress, of a territorial legis- 
 lature, of any individual or association of 
 individuals, to give legal existence to sla- 
 very in any territory of the United States, 
 while the present constitution shall bo 
 maintained. 
 
 Resolved, That the constitution confers 
 upon Congress sovereign ]>ower over the 
 territories of the United States for their 
 government, and that in the exercise^ of 
 this power it is both the right and the im- 
 ])erative duty of Congress to jirohibit in 
 the territories those twin relics of barbar- 
 ism — polygamy and slavery.
 
 40 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 Resolved, That while the constitution of 
 the United States was ordained and estab- 
 lished, in order to form a more perfect 
 union, establish justice, insure domestic 
 tranquillity, provide for the common de- 
 fense, jjromote the general welfare, and 
 secure the blessings of libeity, and contains 
 ample provisions for the protection of the 
 life, liberty, and property of every citizen, 
 the dearest constitutional rights of the 
 people of Kansas have been fraudulently 
 and violently taken from them ; their terri- 
 tory has been invaded by an armed force ; 
 spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, 
 and executive officers have been set over 
 them, by whose usurped authority, sus- 
 tained by the military power of the govern- 
 ment, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws 
 have been enacted and enforced ; the rights 
 of the people to keep and bear arms have 
 been infringed; test oaths of an extraordi- 
 nary and entangling nature have been im- 
 posed, as a condition of exercising the 
 right of suffrage and holding office ; the 
 right of an accused person to a speedy and 
 public trial by an impartial jury has been 
 denied ; the right of the people to be se- 
 cure in their persons, houses, papers, and 
 effects against unreasonable searches and 
 seizures, has been violated ; they have been 
 deprived of life, liberty, and property with- 
 out due process of law ; that the freedom 
 of speech and of the press has been abridg- 
 ed ; the right to choose their representa- 
 tives has been made of no effect ; murders, 
 robberies, and arsons have been instigated 
 or encouraged, and the offenders have been 
 allowed to go unpunisbed ; that all these 
 things have been done with the knowledge, 
 sanction, and procurement of the present 
 national administration ; and that for this 
 high crime against the constitution, the 
 Union, and humanity, we arraign the ad- 
 ministration, the President, his advisers, 
 agents, supporters, apologists, and acces- 
 sories, either before or after the facts, be- 
 fore the country and before the world ; 
 and that it is our fixed purpose to ])ringthe 
 actual ])erpotrators of these atrocious out- 
 rages, and their accomplices, to a sure and 
 condign punishinciit hereafter. 
 
 Ji'rsnirril, That Kansas should be im- 
 mediately admitted as a state of the Union 
 with her present free constitution, as at 
 once tlic most effectual way of securing to 
 her citizens the enjoyment of the rights 
 and privileges to which th(\v arc cniith'd, 
 and of ending the civil strife now raging 
 in her territory. 
 
 Jiesolvrd, That the highwayman's ]>lea 
 that "might makes right," embodied in 
 the Ostend circuhir, was in every respect 
 unworthy of vVmerican diplomacy, and 
 would l>ring shame and dislionor npon any 
 government or people that gave it their 
 Banefion. 
 
 litsolvcd, That a railroad to the Pacific 
 
 ocean, by the most central and practicable 
 route, is imperatively demanded by the in- 
 terests of the whole country, and that the 
 Federal government ought to render im- 
 mediate and efficient aid in its construc- 
 tion, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the im- 
 mediate construction of an emigrant route 
 on the line of the railroad. 
 
 liesohed, That appropriations of Con- 
 gress for the improvement of rivers and 
 harbors of a national character, required 
 for the accommodation and security of our 
 existing commerce, are authorized by the 
 constitution, and justified by the obligation 
 of government to protect the lives and 
 property of its citizens. 
 
 Hesolved, That we invite the affiliation 
 and co-operation of the men of all parties, 
 however differing from us in other respects, 
 in support of the principles herein de- 
 clared ; and believing that the spirit of 
 our institutions, as well as the constitution 
 of our country, guarantees liberty of con- 
 science and equality of rights among citi- 
 zens, we oppose all prescriptive legislation 
 affecting their security. 
 
 1856.— "Wlilg Platform. 
 
 BuUimore, September 13. 
 
 Resolved, That the Whigs of the United 
 States, now here assembled, hereby de- 
 clare their reverence for the constitution 
 of the United States, their unalterable at- 
 tachment to the National Union, and a 
 fixed determination to do all in their 
 poAver to preserve them for themselves and 
 their posterity. They .have no new princi- 
 ples to announce ; no new platform to es- 
 tablish ; but are content to broadly rest — 
 where their fathers rested — upon the con- 
 stitutictn of the United States, wishing no 
 safer guide, no higher law. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard with the 
 deepest interest and anxiety the present 
 disordered condition of our national af- 
 fairs — a portion of the country ravaged by 
 civil war, large sections of our po])ulation 
 embittered by mutual recriminations; and 
 we distinctly trace these calamities to the 
 culpabk> neglect of duty by the present 
 national administration. 
 
 Resolved, That the government of the 
 United States was formed by the conjunc- 
 tion in political unity of wide-spread geo- 
 graphical sections, materially ditfering, not 
 only in clinuite and j)roducts, but in social 
 an(l domestic institutions; and that any 
 cause that shall permanently array the 
 diderent sections of the Union in j)()litical 
 hostility and organize parties founded only 
 on geographical distinctions, must inevit- 
 ably jirove fatal to a continuance of the 
 National Union. 
 
 Rvsolved, That the Whigs of the United 
 States declare, as a fundamental article of
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 41 
 
 political faith, an al)solute necessity for 
 avoiding geographical parties. The dan- 
 ger, so clearly discerned by the Father of 
 his Country, has now become feari'ully 
 apparent in the agitation now convulsing 
 the nation, and must be arrested at once 
 if we would preserve our constitution and 
 our Union from dismemberment, and the 
 name of America irom being blotted out 
 from tlie family of civilized nations. 
 
 h'csnlri'd, That all who revere the con- 
 stitution ami the Union, must look with 
 alarm at the parties in the held in the 
 present presidential camp:iign — one claim- 
 ing only to rei)resent sixteen northern 
 states, and the other appealing mainly to 
 the passions and prejudices of the southern 
 states ; that the success of either faction 
 must add fuel to the flame which now 
 threatens to wrap our dearest interests in 
 a common ruin. 
 
 Jii'solved, Tliat the only remedy for an 
 evil so appalling is to suj)port a candidate 
 pledged to neither of the geographical sec- 
 tions nor arrayed in political antagonism, 
 but holding l)oth in a just and equal regard. 
 AVe congratulate the friends of the Union 
 that such a candidate exists in Millard 
 Fillmore. 
 
 liesolced, That, without adopting or re- 
 ferring to the peculiar doctrines of the 
 party which has already selected Mr. Fill- 
 more as a candidate, we look to him as a 
 well tried and faithful friend of the consti- 
 tution and the Union, eminent alike for 
 his wisdom and firmness — for his justice 
 and moderation in our foreign relations — 
 calm and pacific temperament, so well be- 
 coming the head of a great nation — for his 
 devotion to the constitution in its true 
 spirit — his inflexibility in executing the 
 laws but, beyond all these attributes, in 
 possessing the one transcendent merit of 
 being a representative of neither of the 
 two sectional parties now struggling for 
 political supremacy. 
 
 Resolved, That, in the present exigency 
 of political affairs, we are not called upon 
 to discuss the subordinate questions of ad- 
 ministration in the exercising of the con- 
 stitutional powers of the government. It 
 is enough t'> know that civil war is raging, 
 and tluit the Union is in peril ; and we 
 proclaim the conviction that the restora- 
 tion of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency will 
 furnish the best if not the only means of 
 restoring peace. 
 
 I860.— Constitutional Union Platform. 
 
 Baltimore, May 9. 
 
 Whereas, Experience has demonstrated 
 that platforms adopted by the partisan 
 conventions of the country have had the 
 effect to mislead and deceive the people, 
 
 and at the same time to widen the political 
 divisions of the country, by the creatii^n 
 and encouragement of geographical and 
 sectional parties ; therefore. 
 
 Resolved, That it is both the part of 
 patriotism and of duty to reeoynize no po- 
 litical principles other than The Consti- 
 tution OK THE Country, the Union op 
 THE States, and the Eneorcement of 
 THE Laws; and that as reiu'csentativcs of 
 the Constitutional Union men of the coun- 
 try, in national convention assem])led, we 
 hereby j)ledge ourselves to maintain, jjto- 
 tect, and defend, separately and unitedly, 
 these great principles of public' liberty and 
 national safety against all enemies at hoifie 
 and abroad, believing that thereby peace 
 may once more be restored to the country, 
 the rights of the people and of the states 
 re-established, and the government again 
 placed in that condition of ju.-tice, frater- 
 nity, and equality, which, under the exam- 
 ple and constitution of our fathers, has 
 solemnly bound every citizen of the United 
 States to maintain a more perfect union, 
 establish justice, insure domestic tranquil- 
 lity, provide for the common defense, j)ro- 
 mote the general welfare, and secure the 
 blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
 posterity. 
 
 I860.— Republican Platform, 
 
 Chicaijo, Maij 17. 
 
 Resolved, That we, the delegated repre- 
 sentatives of the Republican electors of 
 the United States, in convention assembled, 
 in discharge of the duty we owe to our 
 constituents and our country, unite in the 
 following declarations : 
 
 1. That the history of the nation, dur- 
 ing the last four years, has fully establish- 
 ed the propriety and necessity of the or- 
 ganization and peri)etuation of the Re- 
 publican i)arty, and that the causes whict 
 called it into existence are permanent in 
 their nature, and now, more than ever be- 
 fore, demand its peaceful and constitutional 
 triumph. 
 
 2. That the maintenance of the principles 
 promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence and embodied in the federal 
 constitution, " That all men ar>! created 
 equal ; that they are endowed by their 
 Creator Avith certain inalienable rights; 
 that among these are life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of liappiness ; that to secure these 
 rights, governments are instituted among 
 men, deriving their just powers from the 
 consent of the governed," is essential to 
 the preservation of our'republican institu- 
 tions; and that the federal constitution,^ 
 the rights of the states, and the union of 
 the states, must and shall be preserved. 
 
 3. That to the union of the states this 
 nation owes its unprecedented increase in 
 population, its surprising development of
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 material resources, its rapid augmentation 
 of wealth, its happiness at home and its 
 honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence 
 all schemes for disunion, come from what- 
 ever source they may ; and we congratulate 
 the country that no Republican member of 
 Congress has utteied or countenanced the 
 threats of disunion so often made by De- 
 mocratic members, without rebuke and 
 with applause from their political associ- 
 ates ; and we denounce those threats of dis- 
 union, in case of a popular overthrow of 
 their ascendency, as denying the vital 
 principles of a free government, and as an 
 avowal of contemplated treason, which it 
 is the imperative duty of an indignant 
 people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 
 
 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the 
 rights of the states, and especially the right 
 of each state to order and control its own 
 domestic institutions according to its own 
 judgment exclusively, is essential to that 
 balance of powers on which the perfection 
 and endurance of our political fabric de- 
 pends ; and we denounce the lawless in- 
 vasion, by armed force, of the soil of any 
 state or territory, no matter under what 
 pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 
 
 5. That the present Democratic admini- 
 stration has far exceeded our worst ap- 
 prehensions, in its measureless subserviency 
 to the exactions of a sectional interest, as 
 especially evinced in its desperate exertions 
 to force the infamous Lecompton constitu- 
 tion upon the protesting people of Kansas ; 
 in construing the personal relations be- 
 tween master and servant to involve an 
 unqualilied projjcrty in persons; in its at- 
 tempted enforcement, everywhere, on land 
 and sea, through the intervention of Con- 
 gress and of the federal courts, of the ex- 
 treme pretensions of a purely local interest ; 
 and in its general and unvarying abuse of 
 the power entrusted to it by a confiding 
 people. 
 
 6. That the people justly view with alarm 
 the reckless extravagance which pervades 
 every department of the Federal govern- 
 ment; that a return to rigid economy and 
 accountability is indispensable to arrest the 
 systematic plunder of the public trer.sury 
 by favored partisans; while the recent 
 Ktartling developments of frauds and cor- 
 ruptions at the federal metro])olis, show 
 that an entire change of administration is 
 imperatively demanded. 
 
 7. That the new dogma, that the consti- 
 tution, of its own force, carries slavery into 
 any or all of the territories ol' the Ignited 
 States, is a dangerous political heresy, at 
 variance witli the exi>licit ])rovisions ol 
 that instrument itself, with coiitemiiorane- 
 ous ex])()sition, and with legislative and 
 judicial precedent — is revolutionary in its 
 tenden(ry, and suDversive of the peace and 
 harmony of tiie country. 
 
 8. That the normal condition of all the 
 
 territory of the United States is that*)f 
 freedom ; that as our republican fathers, 
 when they had abolished slavery in all our 
 national territory, ordained that " no per- 
 son shall be deprived of liie, liberty, or 
 property, without due process of law," it 
 becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever 
 such legislation is necessary, to maintain 
 this provision of the constitution against 
 all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the 
 authority of Congress, of a territorial legis- 
 lature, or of any individuals, to give legal 
 existence to slavery in any territory of the 
 United States. 
 
 9. That we brand the recent reopening 
 of the African slave trade, under the cover 
 of our national flag, aided by ])erversions 
 of judicial power, as a crime against human- 
 ity and a burning shame to our country 
 and age ; and we call upon Congress to 
 take prompt and efficient measures for the 
 total and final suppression of that execrable 
 traffic. 
 
 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their 
 federal governors, of the acts of the legis- 
 latures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibit- 
 ing slavery in those territories, we find a 
 practical illustration of the boasted De- 
 mocratic principle of non-intervention and 
 popular sovereignty, embodied in the 
 Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration 
 of the deception and fraud involved 
 therein. 
 
 11. That Kansas should, of right, be 
 immediately admitted as a state under the 
 constitution recently formed and ad()j)ted 
 by her people, and accepted by the House 
 of Re]iresentatives. 
 
 12. That, while providing revenue for 
 tlie support of the general government by 
 duties upon imports, sound policy requires 
 such an adjustment of these imports as to 
 encourage the development of the indus- 
 trial interest of the whole country ; and 
 we commend that policy of national ex- 
 changes which secures to the working men 
 libei'al wages, to agriculture remunerative 
 prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an 
 adeijuate reward for their skill, labor, and 
 enterprise, and to the nation commercial 
 prosperity and inde])cndence. 
 
 18. That we protest against any sale or 
 alienation to others of the ])ublic lands 
 held by actual settlers, and against any 
 view of the homestead policy Avhich re- 
 gards the settlers as paupers or sui)pliants 
 for ])ublic bounty; and we demand the 
 passage by Congress of the com])letc and 
 satisliictory homestead measure which has 
 already ])assed the House. 
 
 14. That the republican party isopjiosed 
 to any change in our naturalization laws, 
 or any state legislation by which the right,s 
 of citizenship hitherto accorded to immi- 
 grants from foreign lands shall l)e abridged 
 or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full 
 and ellicient protection to the rights of all
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 43 
 
 'classes of citizen?^, whether native or na- 
 turalized, both at home and abroad. 
 
 15. Tliat appropriations by Congress for 
 river and harbor iini)r()venients of a na- 
 tional charaeler, reijuired I'or the accommo- 
 dation and security of an existing com- 
 merce, are authorized by the constitution 
 and justified by the obligations of govern- 
 ment to protect tlie Uvea aud property of 
 its citizens. 
 
 10. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean 
 is imperatively demanded l)y the interest 
 of the whole country ; that the Federal 
 government ought to render inunediate and 
 eHicient aid in its construction ; and that 
 as preliminary thereto, a daily overland 
 mail should be promptly established. 
 
 17. Finally, having thus set forth our 
 distinctive principles and views, we invite 
 the co-operation of all citizens, however 
 differing on other questions, who substan- 
 tially agree with us in their affirmance and 
 support. 
 
 18C0.— Democratic (Douglas) Platform, 
 
 Charleston, April 2:5, and Btiltimore, Jane IS. 
 
 1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of 
 the Union, in convention assembled, here- 
 by declare our affirmance of the resolutions 
 unanimously adopted and declared as a 
 Platform of principles by the Democratic 
 convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1850, 
 believing that democratic principles are 
 unchangeable in their nature when applied 
 to the same subject-matters ; and we recom- 
 mend, as the only further resolutions, the 
 following : 
 
 Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist 
 in the Democratic ])arty as to the nature 
 and extent of the powers of a territorial 
 legislature, and as to the powers and duties 
 of Congress, under the constitution of the 
 United States, over the institution of sla- 
 very within the territories : 
 
 2. Resolved, That the Democratic party 
 will abide by the decisions of the Supreme 
 Court of tlie United States on the questions 
 of constitutional law. 
 
 3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the 
 United States to affi)rd ample and complete 
 
 Erotection to all its citizens, whether at 
 ome or abroad, aud whether native or 
 foreign. 
 
 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities 
 of the age, in a military, commercial, and 
 postal point of view, is speedy communi- 
 cation between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 states ; and the Democratic party pledge 
 such constitutional government aid as will 
 insure th&.construction of a railroad to the 
 Pacific coast at the earliest practicable 
 period. 
 
 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party 
 are in favor of the acquisition of the island 
 of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honor- 
 able to ourselves and just to Spaiu. 
 
 G. Resolved, That the enactments of state 
 legislatures to defeat the faithful execution 
 of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in 
 character, subversive of the constitution, 
 and revolutionary in their ellect. 
 
 7. Resolved, That it is in accordance 
 with the true interpretation of the Cincin- 
 nati platibrm, that, during the existence of 
 the territorial governments, the measure 
 of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed 
 by the federal constitution on the power of 
 the territorial legislature over the subject 
 of domestic relations, as the same has been, 
 or shall hereafter be, finally determined by 
 the Supreme Court of the United States, 
 shall be respected by all good citizens, and 
 enforced with promptness and fidelity by 
 every branch of the general g<n'ernment. 
 
 I860.— Democratic (Breckinridge) Platform. 
 
 Cluirlcslon and UuUimore. 
 
 Resolved, That the platform adopted by 
 the Democratic party at Cincinnati be af- 
 firmed, with following explanatory resolu- 
 tions : 
 
 1. That the government of a territory, 
 organized by an act of Congress, is pro- 
 visional and temporary ; and, during its 
 existence, all citizens of the United States 
 have an equal right to settle, with their 
 ])roperty, in the territory, without their 
 rights, either of person or property, being 
 destroyed or impaired by congressional or 
 territorial legislation. 
 
 2. That it" is the duty of the Federal 
 government, in all its departments, to pro- 
 tect, when necessary, the rights of per- 
 sons and property in the territories, and 
 wherever else its constitutional authority 
 extends. 
 
 3. That when the settlers in a territory 
 having an adequate po])ulation form a 
 state constitution in pursuance of law, the 
 right of sovereignty commences, and, be- 
 ing consummated by admission into the 
 Union, they stand on an equal footing 
 with the people of other states, and the 
 state thus organized ought to be admit- 
 ted into the Federal Union, whether its 
 constitution ])rohibit3or recognizes the in- 
 stitution of shivery, 
 
 4. That the Democratic party are in 
 favor of the acquisition of the island of 
 Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable 
 to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earli- 
 est practicable moment. 
 
 5. That the enactments of state legisla- 
 tures to defeat the faithful execution of 
 the Fugitive Slave Law are h)->tile in 
 character, subversive of the constitution, 
 and revolutionarv in their efiect. 
 
 6. That the Democracy of the United 
 States recognize it as the imperative duty 
 of this government to protect the natural-
 
 44 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 ized citizen in all his rights, -whether at 
 home or in foreign lands, to the same ex- 
 tent as its native-born citizens. 
 
 Whereas, One of the greatest necessi- 
 ties of the age, in a political, commercial, 
 postal, and militaiy point of view, is a 
 speedy connnunication between the Pa- 
 cific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That the Democratic party do 
 hereby pledge themselves to use every 
 means in their power to secure the passage 
 of some bill, to the extent of the constitu- 
 tional authority of Congress, for the con- 
 struction of a Pacific railroad from the 
 Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at 
 the earliest practicable moment. 
 
 1SG4:.— Radical Platform. 
 
 Clei-elaud, May 31. 
 
 1. That the Federal Union shall be pre- 
 served. 
 
 2. That the constitution and laws of 
 the United States must be observed and 
 obeyed. 
 
 3. That the Rebellion must be sup- 
 pressed by force of arms, and without com- 
 promise. 
 
 4. That the rights of free speech, free 
 press and the habeas corpus be held invio- 
 late, save in districts where martial law 
 has been proclaimed. 
 
 5. That the Rebellion has destroyed 
 slavery ; and the federal constitution 
 sliould be so amended as to prohibit its 
 re-establisluneiit, and to secure to all men 
 absolute e<iuality before the law. 
 
 6. That integrity and economy are de- 
 manded, i't all times in the administration 
 of the government, and that in time of 
 war the want of them is criminal. 
 
 7. That the right of asylum, except for 
 crime and subject to law, is a recognized 
 principle of American liberty ; and that 
 any violation of it can not be overlooked, 
 and must jdI go unn-buked. 
 
 8. That the national policy known as 
 the "Monroe Doctrine" has become a re- 
 cognized jirinciple; and that the estab- 
 lishment of an anti-republican govern- 
 ment on this continent by any foreign 
 power can not l)e tolerated. 
 
 9. That the gratitude and support of 
 the nation are (hie to the faithi'ul soldiers 
 and tiie cirnest leaders of tlie Union army 
 and navv, for their juroic acJiievements 
 and deathless valor in defenses of our im- 
 perileil country and of civil liberty. 
 
 10. That the one-term ])olicy for the 
 presidency, adopted liy the jicojile, is 
 Ktrengtheiied by the force, of the, existing 
 crisis, an<l should be niaintained by con- 
 Btitntional amendment. 
 
 11. '^'hat the constitution should be so 
 amended that tiie President and Vice- 
 
 President shall be elected by a direct vote 
 of the people. 
 
 12. That the question of the reconstruc- 
 tion of the rebellious states belongs to the 
 people, through their representatives in 
 Congress, and not to the Executive. 
 
 13. That the confiscation of the lands of 
 the rebels, and their distribution among 
 the soldiers and actual settlers, is a mea- 
 sure of justice. 
 
 1864.— Republican Platform. 
 
 Baltimore, June 7. 
 
 Resolved, That it is the highest duty 
 of every American citizen to maintain, 
 against all their enemies, the integrity of 
 the union and the paramount authority of 
 the constitution and laws of the United 
 States ; and that, laying aside all diller- 
 ences of political opinions, we pledge our- 
 selves, as Union men, animated by a com- 
 mon sentiment and aiming at a common 
 object, to do everything in our power to 
 aid the government in quelling, by ibrce 
 of arms, the Rebellion now raging against 
 its authority, and in bringing to the pun- 
 ishment due to their crimes the rebels and 
 traitors arrayed against it. 
 
 Resolved, That we approve the determi- 
 nation of the government of the United 
 States not to compromise with rebels, nor 
 to offer them any terms of peace, except 
 such as may be based upon an " uncondi- 
 tional suri'ender " of their hostility and a 
 return to their allegiance to the constitu- 
 tion and laws of the United States ; and 
 that we call upon the government to main- 
 tain this position, and to prosecute the 
 war with the utmost possible vigor to the 
 complete suppression of the Rebellion, in 
 full reliance upon the self-sacrificing pa- 
 triotism, the heroic valor, and the undying 
 devotion of the American people to the 
 country and its free institutions. 
 
 Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, 
 and now constitutes the strength, of this 
 Rebellion, and as it must be always and 
 everywhere hostile to the jirinciples of re- 
 publican government, justice and the na- 
 tional safety demand its utter ami com- 
 plete extirpation Irom the soil of the Re- 
 public ; and that we uphold and nniiiitain 
 the acts and proclamations by which the 
 government, in its own defense, has aimed 
 a death-l)low at the gigantic evil. We are 
 in favor, furthermore, of such an amend- 
 ment to the constitution, to be made by 
 the peojile in conformity with its ] rovis- 
 ions, as shall terminate and forever ])ro- 
 liihit the existence of slavery within the 
 limits or the jurisdiction of the United 
 Stales. 
 
 Resolved, That tlie thanks of the Amer- 
 ican people are due to the soldiers and 
 sailors of the army and navy, who have 
 periled their livea in defense of tlieir
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 45 
 
 country and in vindication of the honor of 
 its flag ; that the nation owes to them 
 some permanent recognition of tlieir ])a- 
 triotisin and their valor, and ample and 
 permanent provision for those of their 
 survivors who have received disahling ami 
 honorable wcmnds in the service of the 
 country ; and that the memories of those 
 who have fallen in its defense shall be 
 held in grateful and everlasting remem- 
 hrance. 
 
 Rcsoli'cA, Tliat we approve and applaud 
 the practical wisdom, the unseliish patri- 
 otism, and the unswerving fidelity to the 
 constitution and the principles of Ameri- 
 can liberty with whicli Abraham Lincoln 
 has discharged, under circumstances of 
 unparalleled dilRculty, the great duties 
 and rcsj)onsil)ilities of the presidential 
 oihce ; that we approve and indorse, as 
 demanded by the emergency and essential 
 to the jireservation of the nation, and as 
 within the provisions of the constitution, 
 the measures and acts which he has adopt- 
 ed to defend the nation against its open 
 and 33crct foes ; that we approve, especial- 
 ly, the Proclamation of Emancipation, 
 and the employment, as Union soldiers, 
 of men heretofore held in slavery ; and 
 that we have full confidence in his deter- 
 mination to carry these, and all other con- 
 stitutional measures essential to the salva- 
 tion of the country, into full and complete 
 effect. 
 
 Resolved, That we deem it essential to 
 the general welfare that harmony should 
 prevail in the national councils, and we 
 regard as worthy of public confidence and 
 official trust those only who cordially in- 
 dorse the principles proclaimed in these 
 resolutions, and which should characterize 
 the administration of the government. 
 
 Resolved, That the government owes to 
 all men employed in its armies, without 
 regard to distinction of color, the full pro- 
 tection of the laws of war ; and that any 
 violation of these laws, or of the usages of 
 civilized nations in the time of war, by 
 the rebels now in arms, should be made 
 the subject of prompt and full redress. 
 
 Resolved, That foreign immigration, 
 which in the past has added so much to 
 the wealth, development of resources, and 
 increase of power to this nation — the asy- 
 lum of the oppressed of all nations — should 
 be fostered and encouraged by a liberal 
 and just policy. 
 
 Resolved, That we are in favor of the 
 speedy construction of the railroad to the 
 Pacific coast. 
 
 Resolved, That the national f;\ith, pledged 
 for the redemption of the jtublic debt, nuist 
 be kept inviolate ; aiul that, for this ])ur- 
 pose, we recommend economy aiul rigitl 
 responsibility in the public expenditures 
 and a vigorous and just system of taxa- 
 tion ; and that it is the duty of every loyal 
 
 state to sustain the credit and promote the 
 use of the national currency. 
 
 Resolved, That we approve the position 
 taken by the government, that the ]>vo]>\(i 
 of the United iStates can never regard with 
 indilference the attem])t of any European 
 power to overthrow by iorce, or to sup- 
 plant by fraud, the institutions of any re- 
 publican government on the western con- 
 tinent, and that the}^ will view with ex- 
 treme jealousy, as menacing to the peace 
 and indejjendence of this, our country, the 
 efforts of any such power to obtain new 
 footholds for monarchical governments, 
 sustained by a foreign military force, in 
 near proximity to the United States. 
 
 1864:.— Democratic Platform. 
 
 Chicago, August 29. 
 
 Resolved, That in the future, as in the 
 past, we will adhere with unswerving fidel- 
 ity to the Union under the constitution, 
 as the only solid foundation of our 
 strength, security, and happiness as a peo- 
 ple, and as a frame-work of government 
 equally conducive to the welfare and pros- 
 perity of all the states, both northern and 
 southern. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention does ex- 
 plicitly declare, as the sense of the Ameri- 
 can people, that after four years of failure 
 to restore the Union by the experiment of 
 war, during which, under the pretense of 
 a military necessity of a war power higher 
 than the constitution, the constitution it- 
 self has been disregarded in every part, 
 and public liberty and private right alike 
 trodden down, and the material ])rosperity 
 of the country essentially impaired, justice, 
 hunuinity, liberty, and the public welfare 
 demand that immediate efforts be made 
 for a cessation of hostilities, with a view 
 to an ultimate convention of all the states, 
 or other peaceable means, to the end that, 
 at the earliest practicable moment, peace 
 may be restored on the basis of the federal 
 union of all the states. 
 
 Resolved, That the direct interference of 
 the military authority of the United States 
 in the recent elections held' in Kentucky, 
 Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a 
 shameful violation of the constitution ; 
 and the repetition of such acts in the ap- 
 jiroaching election will be held as revolu- 
 tionary, and resisted wifh all the means 
 and power under our contrel. 
 
 Resolved, That the aim and object of the 
 Democratic party is to preserve tlie Fcilc- 
 ral Union and the rights of the states un- 
 impaired ; and they hereby declare that 
 they consider the administrative usurpa- 
 tion of extraordinary and dangerous jiow- 
 ers not granted by the constitution, the 
 subversion of the civil by the military law 
 in states not in insurrection, the arbitrary
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [nooK II. 
 
 military arrest, imprisonment, trial, and 
 sentence of American citizens in states 
 where civil law exists in full force, the 
 suppression of freedom of speech and of 
 the press, the denial of the right of asy- 
 lum, the open and avowed disregard of 
 state rights, the employment of unusual 
 test-oaths, and the interference with and 
 denial of the right of the peoj^le to 
 bear avnvi in their defense, as calculated 
 to prevent a restoration of the Union and 
 the perpetuation of a government deriving 
 its just powers Irom the consent of the gov- 
 erned. 
 
 Resolved, That the shameful disregard of 
 the administration to its duty in respect to 
 our fellow-citizens who now are, and long 
 have Ijcen, prisoners of war, in a suffering 
 condition, deserves the sevei'est reproba- 
 tion, on the score alike of public policy 
 and common humanity. 
 
 Resolved, That the sympathy of the De- 
 mocratic party is heartily and earnestly 
 extended to the soldiery of our army and 
 the sailors of our navy, who are and have 
 been in the field and on the sea under the 
 flag of their country ; and, in the event of 
 our attaining power, they will receive all 
 the care and protection, regard and kind- 
 ness, that the brave soldiers of the Eepub- 
 lic have so nobly earned. 
 
 1868. Repabllcan Platform. 
 
 Clikago, May 20. 
 
 1. We congratulate the country on the 
 assured success of the reconstruction poli- 
 cy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, 
 in the majority of the states lately in rebel- 
 lion, of constitutions securing equal civil 
 and political rights to all ; and it is the 
 duty of the government to sustain those 
 institutions and to prevent the people of 
 such states from being remitted to a state 
 of anarchy. 
 
 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal 
 suffrage to all loyal men at the south was 
 demanded by every consideration of pub- 
 lic safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and 
 must be maintained ; while the question of 
 suflragc in all tlie loyal states properly be- 
 longs to the people of those states. 
 
 3. We denounce all forms of repudiation 
 as a national crime ; and the national 
 lionor requires the i)ayme"nt of the public 
 indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to 
 all creditors at home and a])road, not only 
 according to the letter but the spirit 
 of the laws under which it was con- 
 tracted. 
 
 4. It is due to the lal)()r of the nation 
 that taxation slioiild Ix; e(|ualized and re- 
 duced as rapidly as the national faith will 
 permit. 
 
 G. The national debt, contracted as it 
 
 has been for the preservation of the Union 
 for all time to come, should be extended 
 over a fair period for redemption ; and it is 
 the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of 
 interest thereon whenever it can be honest- 
 ly done. 
 
 6. That the best policy to diminish our 
 burden of debts is to so improve our credit 
 that capitalists will seek to loan us money 
 at lower rates of interest than we now pay, 
 and must continue to pay, so long as re- 
 pudiation, partial or total, open or covert, 
 IS threatened or suspected. 
 
 7. The government of the United States 
 should be administered with the strictest 
 economy ; and the corruptions which have 
 been so shamefully nursed and ibstcred by 
 Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical re- 
 form. 
 
 8. We profoundly deplore the tragic 
 death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the 
 accession to the presidency of Andrew 
 Johnson, who has acted treacherously to 
 the people who elected him and the cause 
 he was pledged to support ; who has usurped 
 high legislative and judicial functions; 
 who has refused to execute the laws ; who 
 has used his high office to induce other 
 officers to ignore and violate the laws; 
 who has employed his executive powers to 
 render insecure the property, the peace, 
 liberty, and life of the citizen ; who has 
 abused the pardoning power ; who has 
 denounced the national legislature as un- 
 constitutional ; who has persistently and 
 corruptly resisted, by every means in his 
 power, every proper attempt at the recon- 
 struction of the states lately in rebellion ; 
 who has perverted the public jiatronage 
 into an engine of wholesale corruption ; 
 and who has been justly impeached for 
 high crimes and misdemeanors, and pro- 
 perly pronounced guilty thereof by the 
 vote of thirty-five Senators. 
 
 9. Tiie doctrine of Great Britain and 
 other European powers, that because a 
 man is once a subject he is always so, must 
 be resisted at every hazard by ihe United 
 States, as a relic of feudal times, not au- 
 thorized by the laws of nations, and at war 
 with our national honor and independence. 
 Naturalized citizens are entitled to pro- 
 tection in all their rights of citizensliip as 
 though they were native-born ; and no 
 citizen of the United Slates, native or na- 
 turalized, must be liable to arrest and im- 
 prisonment by any Ibrcign power for acts 
 done or words spoken in this country ; 
 and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is 
 tJie duty of the government to interl'ere in 
 his belinlf. 
 
 10. Of all who were faithful in the trials 
 of tlie late war, there were none entitled to 
 more special honor than the brave soldiers 
 and seamen who endured the hardships of 
 campaign and cruise, and imperiled their 
 lives in the service of the country. The
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 47 
 
 bounties anrl pensions provided by the 
 laws for tlicsc nravc defenders of the na- 
 tion are ol)ligations never to be forgotten ; 
 the widows and orjjhans of the gallant 
 dead are the wards of the i)eople — a sacred 
 legaey bequeathed to the nation's protect- 
 ing care. 
 
 IL Foreign immigration, which in the 
 past has added so much to the wealth, de- 
 velopment, and re-ionrees, and increase of 
 power to this Republic, the asylum of the 
 opj)resscd of all nations, should be fostered 
 and encouraged by a liberal and just 
 policy. 
 
 12. Thi^ convention declares itself in 
 sympathy with all oppressed people who 
 are struggling for their rights. 
 
 13. That we highly commend the spirit 
 of magnanimity and forbearance Avith 
 which men who have served in the Rebel- 
 lion, but who now frankly and honestly 
 co-operate with lus in restoring the peace 
 of the country and reconstructing the 
 southern state governments upon the basis 
 of impartial justice and equal rights, are re- 
 ceived back into the communion of the 
 loyal ])eople ; and we favor the removal of 
 the disqualifications and restrictions im- 
 posed upon the late rebels, in the same 
 measure as the spirit of disloyalty shall die 
 out, and as may be consistent with the 
 safety of the loyal peo])le. 
 
 14. That we recognize the great princi- 
 ples laid down in the immortal Declara- 
 tion of Independence, as the true founda- 
 tion of democratic government; and we 
 hail with gladness every eflbrt toward 
 making these principles a living reality on 
 every inch of American soil. 
 
 1868.— Democratic Platform. 
 
 Neic York, July 4. 
 
 The Democratic party, in national con- 
 vention assembled, reposing its trust in 
 the intelligence, patriotism, and discrimi- 
 nating justice of the people, standing upon 
 t!ie constitution as the foundation and 
 limitation of the i)owers of the government 
 and the guarantee of the liberties of the 
 citizen, and recognizing the questions of 
 slavery and secession as having been set- 
 tled, for all time to come, by the war or 
 voluntary action of the southern states in 
 constitutional conventions assembled, and 
 never to be revived or reagitated, do, with 
 the return of peace, demand — 
 
 1. Immediate restoration of all the states 
 to their rights in the Union under the con- 
 stitution, and of civil government to the 
 American people. 
 
 2. Amnesty for all past political offenses, 
 and the regulation of the elective franchise 
 in the states by their citizens. 
 
 3. Payment ot all the public debt of the 
 United States as rapidly as practicable — 
 
 all money drawn from the people by taxa- 
 tion, except so much as is requisite for tlio 
 necessities of the government, ec(jnon!ically 
 administered, being honestly applied to 
 such payment; and where the obligations 
 of the government do not expressly state 
 upon their face, or the law under "which 
 they were issued does not provide that 
 they shall be piiid in coin, they ought, in 
 right and in justice, to be paid in the law- 
 ful money of the United States. 
 
 4. Equal taxation of every species of 
 property according to its real value, in- 
 cluding government bonds and other pub- 
 lic securities. 
 
 5. One currency for the government and 
 the people, the laborer and the office- 
 holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the 
 l)roducer and the bondholder. 
 
 0. Economy in the administration of the 
 government ; the reduction of tlie standing 
 army and navy; the abolition of the Freed- 
 men's Bureau and all political instrumen- 
 talities designed to secure negro suprema- 
 cy ; simplification of the system and dis- 
 continuance of inquisitorial modes of as- 
 sessing and collecting internal revenue; 
 that the burden of taxation may be equal- 
 ized and lessened, and the credit of the 
 government and the currency made good ; 
 the repeal of all enactments for enrolling 
 the state militia into national forces in 
 time of peace; and a tariff for revenue' 
 upon foreign imports, and such equal taxa- 
 tion under .the internal revenue laws ^^as 
 will afford incidental protection to domes- 
 tic manufactures, and as will, without im- 
 pairing the revenue, impose the least bur- 
 den upon, and best promote and encourage, 
 the great industrial interests of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 7. Reform of abu.^es in the administra- 
 tion ; the expulsion of corrupt men from 
 office; the abrogation of useless offices; 
 the restoration of rightful authority to, 
 and the independence of, the executive and 
 judicial departments of the government; 
 the subordination of the military to the 
 civil power, to the end that the usurpa- 
 tions of Congress and the despotism of the 
 sword may cease. 
 
 8. Equal rights and protection for na- 
 turalized and native-born citizens, at home 
 and abroad ; the assertion of American na- 
 tionality winch shall command the re- 
 spect of foreign powers, and furnish an 
 example and encouragement to people 
 struggling for national integrity, constitu- 
 tional liberty and individual rights; and 
 the maintenance of the rights of natural- 
 ized citizens against the absolute doctrine 
 of immutable allegiance and the claims of 
 foreign powers to punish them for alleged 
 crimes committed beyond their jurisdic- 
 tion. 
 
 In demanding these measure* and re- 
 forms, we arraign the Radical party for its
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 disregard of right and the unparalleled 
 oppression and tyranny which have 
 marked its career. After the most solemn 
 and unanimous pledge of both Houses of 
 Congress to prosecute the war exclusively 
 for the maintenance of the government 
 and the preservation of the Union under 
 the constitution, it has repeatedly violated 
 the most sacred pledge under which alone 
 was rallied that noble volunteer army 
 which carried our flag to victorj\ Instead 
 of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in 
 its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten 
 states, in time of profound peace, to mili- 
 tary despotism and negro supremacy. It 
 has nullified there the right of trial by 
 jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, 
 that most sacred writ of liberty ; it has 
 overthrown the freedom of speech and 
 press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures 
 and arrests, and military trials and secret 
 star-chamber inquisitions, for the consti- 
 tutional tribunals ; it has disregarded, in 
 time of peace, the right of the people to be 
 free from searches and seizures ; it has 
 entered the post and telegraph oflices, and 
 even the private rooms of individuals, and 
 seized their private papers and letters, 
 without any specific charge or notice of 
 affidavit, as 'required by the organic law. 
 It has converted the ' American capitol 
 into a bastile ; it has established a system 
 of spies and official espionage to which no 
 constitutional monarchy of Europe would 
 now dare to resort. It has abolished the 
 riglit of appeal, on important constitutional 
 questions, to the supreme judicial tribu- 
 nals, and threatens to curtaU or destroy 
 its original jurisdiction, which is irrevoca- 
 bly vested by the constitution ; while the 
 learned Chief Justice has been subjected 
 to the most atrocious calumnies, nierely 
 because he would not prostitute his high 
 office to the support of the false and parti- 
 san charges preferred against the Presi- 
 dent. Its corruption and extravagance 
 have exceeded anything known in history; 
 and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has 
 nearly doubled the burden of the debt 
 created by the war. It has stripped the 
 President of his constitutional power of 
 il)pointinent, even of his own cabinet. 
 Under its repeated assaults, the pillars 
 of the government are rocking on their 
 base ; and should it succeed in November 
 next, and inatigurate its President, we will 
 meet, as a sul)jectcd and contiuered people, 
 amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered 
 fragments of the constitution. 
 
 And we do declare and resolve that 
 ever since the people of the United States 
 tlirew off all subjection to the British 
 crown, the jirivilege and trust of suffrage 
 liave belonged U) the several states, and 
 have been granted, regulated, and con- 
 trolled exclusively by the political power 
 of each state respectively ; and that any 
 
 attempt by Congress, on any pretext what- 
 ever, to deprive any state of this right, or 
 interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant 
 usurpation of power which can find no 
 warrant in the constitution, and, if sanc- 
 tioned by the people, will subvert our 
 form of government, and can only end in a 
 single, centralized, and consolidated, gov- 
 ernment, in which the separate existence 
 of the states will be entirely absorbed, and 
 an unqualified despotism be established in 
 place of a federal union of co-equal states. 
 And that we regard the construction acts 
 (so called) of Congress as usurpations, and 
 unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void. 
 That our soldiers and sailors, who car- 
 ried the flag of our country to victory 
 against the most gallant and determined 
 foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, 
 and all the guarantees given in their favor 
 must be faithfully carried into execution. 
 That the public lands should be dis- 
 tributed as widely as possible among the 
 people, and should be disposed of either 
 under the pre-emption of homestead lands 
 or sold in reasonable quantities, and to 
 none but actual occupants, at the minimum 
 price established by the government. 
 When grants of public lands may be al- 
 lowed, necessary for the encouragement of 
 important public improvements, the pro- 
 ceeds of the sale of such lands, and not 
 the lands themselves, should be so applied. 
 That the President of the United States, 
 Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power 
 of his high office in resisting the aggres- 
 sions of Congress upon the constitutional 
 rights of the states and the people, is en- 
 titled to the gratitude of the whole Ameri- 
 can people ; and, on behalf of the Demo- 
 cratic party, we tender him our thanks for 
 his patriotic efforts in that regard. 
 
 Upon this platform, the Democratic 
 party appeal to every patriot, including all 
 the conservative element and all who de- 
 sire to support the constitution and restore 
 the Union, forgetting all past differences 
 of opinion, to unite with us in the present 
 great struggle for the liberties of the peo- 
 ple ; and "that to all such, to whatever 
 ])arty they may have heretofore belonged, 
 we extend the right hand of fellowship, 
 and hail all such, co-operating with us, as 
 friends and brethren. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention sympa- 
 thizes cordially with the workingmcn of 
 the United States in their efforts to protect 
 the rights and interests of the laboring 
 classes of the country. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of the con- 
 vention are tendered to Chief Justice 
 Salmon P. Chase, for the justice, dignity, 
 and iin])artiality with which he presided 
 over the court of impeachment on tho 
 trial of President Andrew Johnson.
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 49 
 
 1872.— Laljor Reform Platform. 
 
 ColumbuH^ FiAiraiiry '21. 
 
 We hold that all political power is in- 
 herent in the people, and free government 
 founded on their authority and established 
 for their benefit ; that all citizens are equal 
 in political rights, entitled to the largest 
 religious and political liberty compatible 
 with the good order of society, as al.sf) the 
 use and enjoyment of the fruits of their 
 labor and talents ; and no man or set of 
 men is entitled to exclusive separable en- 
 dowments and privileges or immunities 
 from the government, but in consideration 
 of public services; and any laws destruc- 
 tive of these fundamental principles are 
 without moral binding force, and should 
 be repealed. And betieving that all the 
 evils resulting from unjust legislation now 
 affecting the industrial classes can be re- 
 moved by the adoption of the principles 
 contained in the following declaration : 
 therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That it is the duty of the gov- 
 ernment to establish a just standard of 
 di.stribution of capital and labor, by provid- 
 ing a purely national circulating medium, 
 based on the faith and resources of the na- 
 tion, issued directly to the people without 
 the intervention of any system of banking 
 corporations, which money shall be legal 
 tender in the payment of all debts, public 
 and private, and interchangeable, at the 
 option of the holder, for government 
 bonds bearing a rate of interest not to ex- 
 ceed 3.G5 per cent., subject to future legis- 
 lation by Congress. 
 
 2. That the national debt should be paid 
 in good faith, according to the original 
 contract, at the earliest option of the gov- 
 ernment, without mortgaging the property 
 of the people or the future exigencies of 
 labor to enrich a few capitalists at home 
 and abroad. 
 
 3. That justice demands that the burdens 
 of govm-nment should be so adjusted as to 
 bear eijually on all classes, and that the 
 exemption from taxation of government 
 bonds bearing extravagant rates of inter- 
 est, is a violation of all just principles of 
 revenue laws. 
 
 4. That the public lands of the United 
 States belong to the people, and should 
 not be sold to individuals nor granted to 
 corporations, but should be held as a sa- 
 cred trust for the benefit of the people, and 
 should be granted to landless settlers only, 
 in amounts not exceeding one hundred and 
 sixty acres of land. 
 
 5. That Congress should modify the 
 tariff so as to admit free such articles of 
 common use as we can neither {)roduce nor 
 grow, and lay duties for reveiuie mainly 
 upon articles of luxury and u})on such ar- 
 ticles of manufacture as will, we having 
 the raw materials, assist in further develop- 
 ing the resources of the country. 
 
 23 
 
 6. That the presence in our country of 
 Chinese laborers, imported by capitalists 
 in large numbers for servile use is an evil 
 entailing want and its attendant train of 
 misery and crime on all classes of the 
 American peojjle, and should be prohib- 
 ited by legislation. 
 
 7. That we ask for the enactment of a 
 law by which all mechanics and day-la- 
 borers employed by or on behalf of the 
 government, whether directly or indirectly, 
 through persons, firms, or corporalions, 
 contracting with the state, shall conform 
 to the reduced standard of eight hours a 
 day, recently adopted by Congress for na- 
 tional emi)loyes ; and also for an amend- 
 ment to. the acts of incorporation for cities 
 and towns, by which all laborers and me- 
 chanics employed at their expense shall 
 conform to the same number of hours. 
 
 8. That the enlightened spirit of the age 
 demands the abolition of the system of 
 contract labor in our prisons and other re- 
 formatory institutions. 
 
 9. That the protection of life, liberty, 
 and property are the three cardinal prin- 
 ciples of government, and the first two^ 
 are more sacred than the latter; therefore,, 
 money needed for prosecuting wars should,, 
 a'S it is required, be assessed and collected 
 from the wealthy of the country, and not^ 
 entailed as a burden on posterity. 
 
 10. That it is the duty of the govern- 
 ment to exercise its power over railroads- 
 and telegraph corporations, that they shall 
 not in any case be privileged to exact such 
 rates of freight, transportation, or charges,, 
 by whatever name, as may bear unduly or 
 unequally upon the producer or con.sumer.. 
 
 11. That there should be such a reform, 
 in the civil service of the national govern-- 
 ment as will remove it beyond all partisan, 
 influence, and place it in the charge and 
 under the direction of intelligent and com-- 
 petent business men. 
 
 12. That as both history and experience ■ 
 teach us that power ever seeks to perpetu- • 
 ate itself by every and all means, and that 
 its prolonged possession in the hands of. 
 one person is always dangerous to the in- 
 terests of a free peojjle, and believing that 
 the spirit of our organic laws and the sta- 
 bility and safety of our free in.stitutions are 
 best obeyed on the one hand, and secured 
 on the other, by a regular constitutional 
 change in the chief of the country at each 
 election ; therefore, we are in favor of 
 limiting the occupancy of the presidential, 
 chair to one term. 
 
 13. That we are in favor of granting, 
 general amnesty and restoring the Union 
 at once on the basis of equality of rights 
 and privileges to all, the impartial adminis- 
 tration of justice being the only true bond 
 of union to bind the states together and re- 
 store the government of the people. 
 
 14. That we demand the subjectioa of
 
 50 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 the military to the civil authorities, and 
 the confinement of its operations to nation- 
 al purpo>es alone. 
 
 15. That we deem it expedient for Con- 
 gress to supervise the patent laws so as to 
 give labor more fully the benefit of its own 
 ideas and inventions. 
 
 16. That fitness, and not political or per- 
 sonal considerations, should be the only 
 reconmiendation to public office, either ap- 
 pointive or elective ; and any and all laws 
 looking to the establishment of this prin- 
 ciple are heartily approved. 
 
 1873.— Prohibition Platform. 
 
 Columbus, Ohio, February 22. 
 
 The preamble recites that protection and 
 allegiance are reciprocal duties ; and every 
 citizen who yields obediently to the full 
 commands of government should be pro- 
 tected in all enjoyment of personal security, 
 personal liberty, and private property. 
 That the trafiic in intoxicating drinks 
 greatly impairs the personal security and 
 personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, 
 and renders "private property insecure. 
 That all political parties are hopelessly un- 
 willing to adopt an adequate policy on this 
 question : Therefore, as a national conven- 
 tion, we adopt the following declaration of 
 principles : 
 
 That while we acknowledge the pure 
 patriotism and profound statesmanship of 
 those patriots who laid the foundation of 
 this government, securing at once the 
 rights of the states severally and their in- 
 separable union by the federal constitution, 
 we would not merely garnish the sepulchres 
 of our republican fathers, but we do hereby 
 renew our pledges of solemn fealty to the 
 imperishable principles of civil and reli- 
 gious liberty embodied in the Declaration 
 of Independence and our federal constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 That the traffic in intoxicating beverages 
 is a dishonor to Christian civilization, a 
 political wrong of unequalled enormitj', 
 subversive of ordinary oujects of govern- 
 ment, not capable of being regulated or re- 
 strained by any system of license whatever, 
 and imperatively demands, for its suppres- 
 sion, effective legal prohibition, both by 
 state and national leg'..;lation. 
 
 That there can be no greater peril to a 
 nation than existing party competition for 
 the liquor voU'. That any party not op- 
 posed to the traffic, experience shows will 
 engage in this competition — will court the 
 favor of criminal classes— will barter away 
 the public morals, the purity of the ballot, 
 and every object of good government, for 
 party success. 
 
 That, lus j)rohibitionists, we will individ- 
 ually use all cfrort« to persuade men from 
 
 the use of intoxicating liquors ; and we in- 
 vite all persons to assist in this movement. 
 
 That competence, honesty, and sobriety 
 are indispensable qualifications for holding 
 office. 
 
 That removals from public office for 
 mere political differences of opinion are 
 wrong. 
 
 That fixed and moderate salaries of pub- 
 lic officers should take the places of fees and 
 ])erquisites ; and that all means should be 
 taken to prevent corruption and encourage 
 economy. 
 
 That the President and Vice-President 
 should be elected directly by the people. 
 
 That we are in favor of a sound national 
 currency, adequate to the demands of bus- 
 iness, and convertible into gold and silver 
 at the will of the holder, and the adoption 
 of every measure compatible with justice 
 and public safety to appreciate our present 
 currency to the gold standard. 
 
 That the rates of ocean and inland post- 
 age, and railroad telegraph lines and 
 water transportation, should be made as 
 low as possible by law. 
 
 That we are opposed to all discrimination 
 in favor of capital against labor, as well as 
 all monopoly and class legislation. 
 
 That the removal of the burdens imposed 
 in the traffic in intoxicating drinks will 
 emanci])ate labor, and will practically pro- 
 mote labor reform. 
 
 That suffrage should be granted to all 
 persons, without regard to sex. 
 
 That the fostering and extension of com- 
 mon schools is a primary duty of the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 That a liberal policy should be pursued 
 to promote foreign immigration. 
 
 1S7!3.— lilberal Repnblican Platform. 
 
 Cincimiati, May 1. 
 
 We, the Liberal Republicans of the 
 L'Tnited States, in national convention as- 
 sembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the follow- 
 ing principles as essential to just govern- 
 ment. 
 
 1. We recognize the equality of all men 
 before the law, and hold that it is the duty 
 of government, in its dealings with the 
 people, to mete out equal and exact justice 
 to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or 
 persuasion, religious or political. 
 
 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the 
 union of these states, emancijiation, and 
 enfranchisement, and to oppose any re- 
 ojiening of the questions settled by the 
 thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amend- 
 ments of the constitution. 
 
 3. AVe demand the immediate and abso- 
 lute removal of all disabilities imj)Osed on 
 iiceoiuitof the Rebellion, which was finally 
 subdued seven years ago, believing that
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 51 
 
 universal amnesty will result in coni[)k'te 
 pacifieation in all sections of the country. 
 
 4. Local self-government, witli im})arLial 
 suffrage, will guard the rights of all citi- 
 zens more securely than any centralized 
 power. The jiuhlic welfare requires the 
 supremacy of the civil over the military 
 authoritylandthe freedom of person under 
 the protection of the habeas corpus. Wc; 
 demand for the individual the largest lih- 
 erty consistent with i)ublic order, for the 
 state self-government, and for the nation a 
 return to the inethotls of i_)eace and the 
 constitutional limitations ot jxtwer. 
 
 5. The civil service of the government 
 has become a mere instrument of partisan 
 tyranny and personal ambition, and an ob- 
 ject of "selfish greed. It is a scandal and 
 rei'roach ui)on free institutions, and breeds 
 a demoralization dangerous to the per- 
 petuity of republican government. We, 
 therefore, regard a thorough rei'orm of the 
 civil service as one of the most })ressing 
 necessities of the hour ; that honesty, ca- 
 pacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid 
 claims to public employment ; that the of- 
 fices of the government cease to be a mat- 
 ter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, 
 and that public station shall become again 
 a post of honor. To this end, it is impera- 
 tively required that no President shall be 
 a candidate for re-election. 
 
 G. Wo demand a system of federal taxa- 
 tion which shall not unnecessarily interfere 
 with the industry of the people, and which 
 shall provide the means necessary to pay 
 the expenses of the government, economi- 
 cally administered, the pensions, the inter- 
 est on the public debt, and a moderate re- 
 duction annually of the principal thereof; 
 and recognizing that there are in our midst 
 honest but irreconcilable diflferences of 
 — op inion with regard to the respective sys- 
 tems of protection and free trade, we remit 
 the discussion of the subject to the people 
 in their congressional districts and the de- 
 cision of Congress thereon, wholly free 
 from Executive interference or dictation. 
 
 7. The public credit must be sacredly 
 maintained, and we denounce repudiation 
 in every form and guise. 
 
 8. A speedy return to specie payment is 
 demanded alike by the highest considera- 
 tions of commercial morality and honest 
 government. 
 
 9. We remember with gratitude the hero- 
 ism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors 
 of the Rei)ublic ; and no act of ours shall 
 ever detract from their justly earned fame 
 or the full rewards of their patriotism. 
 
 10. We are opposed to all further grants 
 of lands to railroads or other corporations. 
 The public domain should be held sacred 
 to actual settlers. 
 
 11. We hold that it is the duty of the 
 government, in its intercourse with foreign 
 nations, to cultivate the friendships of 
 
 peace, by treating with all on fair and equal 
 terms, regarding it alike dishonorable 
 either to demand what is not right or sub- 
 mit to what is wrong. 
 
 12. For the promotion and success of 
 these vital principles and the suj>port of 
 the candidates nominated by this cmven- 
 tion, we invite and cordially welcome the 
 co-operation of all patriotic citizens, with- 
 out regard to previous political alhliatious. 
 
 1 872.— Democratic Platform, 
 
 BuJtimore, July 9. 
 
 We, the Democratic electors of the 
 United States, in convention assembled, 
 do present the following principles, already 
 adopted at Cincinnati, as essential to just 
 government: 
 
 I Here followed the "Liberal Republican 
 Platform ;" which see above.] 
 
 1872.— Republican Platform, 
 
 Philadelphia, June 5. 
 
 The -Republican party of the United 
 States, assembled in national convention 
 in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and 
 (jth days of June, 1872, again declares its 
 faith, appeals to its history, and announces 
 its position upon the questions before the 
 country ; 
 
 1. During eleven years of supremacy it 
 has accepted, with grand courage, the sol- 
 emn duties of the time. It suppressed a 
 gigantic rebellion, emancipated four mil- 
 lions of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship 
 of all, and established universal suffrage. 
 Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it 
 criminally punished no man for political 
 offenses, and warmly welcomed all who 
 proved their loyalty by obeying the laws 
 and dealing justly with their neighbors. 
 It has steadily decreased, with firm hand, 
 the resultant disorders of a great war, and 
 initiated a wise and humane policy toward 
 the Indians. The Pacific railroad and 
 similar vast enterprises have been gener- 
 ously aided and successfully conducted, the 
 public lands freely given to actual settlers, 
 immigration protected and encouraged, 
 and a full acknowledgment of the natural- 
 ized citizen's rights secured from European 
 powers. A uniform national currency has 
 been provided, repudiation frowned tlown, 
 the national credit sustained under the 
 most extraordinary burdens, and new 
 bonds negotiated at lower rates. The rev- 
 enues have been carefully collected and 
 honestly applied. Despite annual large 
 reductions of the rates of taxation, tlie 
 public debt has been reduced during Gen- 
 eral Grant's presidency at tlie rate of a 
 hundred millions a year, great financial
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 crises have been avoided, and peace and 
 plenty prevail tbruughout the laud. Me- 
 nacing foreign dithculties have been peace- 
 fully and honorably compromised, and the 
 honor and power of the nation kept in 
 high respect throughout the world. This 
 glorious record of the past is the party's 
 best pledge for the future. "We believe the 
 people will nut intrust the government to 
 any party or combination of men composed 
 chietly of those who have resisted ever)' 
 step of this beneficent progress. 
 
 2. The recent amendments to the national 
 constitution should be cordially sustained 
 because they are right, not merely tolerated 
 because they are law, and should be carried 
 out according to their spirit by apjn'opriate 
 legislation, the enforcement of which can 
 safely be intrusted only to the party that 
 secured those amendments. 
 
 3. Complete liberty and exact equality 
 in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and 
 public rights should be established and 
 eriectually maintained throughout the 
 Union by efficient and appropriate state 
 and lederal legislation. Neither the law 
 nor its administration should admit any 
 discrimination in respect to citizens by 
 reason of race, creed, color, or previous 
 condition of servitude. 
 
 4. The national government should seek 
 to maintain honorable peace with all na- 
 tions, protecting its citizens ever^'where, 
 and sympathizing Avith all jDeoples who 
 strive for greater liberty. 
 
 5. Any system of civil service under 
 which the subordinate positions of the 
 government are considered rewards for 
 mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing ; 
 and we, therefore, favor a reform of the 
 system, by laws which shall abolish the 
 evils of jiatronage, and make honesty, 
 efficiency, and fidelity the essential quali- 
 fications for public positions, without prac- 
 tically creating a life tenure of office. 
 
 6. We are opposed to further grants of 
 the public lands to corporations and mo- 
 nopolies, and demand that the national 
 domain be set apart for free homes for the 
 people. 
 
 7. The annual revenue, after paying cur- 
 rent expenditures, pensions, and the inter- 
 est on the j)ublic debt, should furnish a 
 moderate balance for tlie reduction of the 
 j>rincipal ; and that revenue, except so 
 much as may be derived from a tax upon 
 tobaeco and liquors, should l)e raised by 
 duties upon importations, the details of 
 which sliould I)e so adjusted as to aid in 
 securing remunerative wages to labor, and 
 promote the industries, prosperity, and 
 growth of tlie whole country. 
 
 8. We liohl in undying honor the sol- 
 diers and sailors whose valor saved tlie 
 Union. Tlieir pensions are a saere<l d(!bt 
 of the nation, and the widows and orphans 
 of those who died for their country are en- 
 
 [ titled to the care of a generous and grate- 
 ful people. "We favor such additional legis- 
 lation as will extend the bounty of the 
 government to all our soldiers and sailors 
 who were honorably discharged, and who 
 in the line of duty became disabled, with- 
 out regard to the length of service or the 
 cause of such discharge. 
 
 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and 
 other European powers concerning alle- 
 giance — ''once a subject always a subject" — 
 having at last, through the efforts of the 
 Republican party, been abandoned, and 
 the American idea of the individual's right 
 to transfer allegiance having been accepted 
 by European nations, it is the duty of our 
 government to guard with jealous care the 
 rights of adopted citizens against the as- 
 sumption of unauthorized claims by their 
 former governments, and we urge contin- 
 ued careful encouragement and protection 
 of voluntary immigration. 
 
 10. The franking privilege ought to be 
 abolished, and a way prepared for a speedy 
 reduction in the rates of postage. 
 
 11. Among the questions which press for 
 attention is that which concerns the rela- 
 tions of capital and labor ; and the Re- 
 publican party recognizes the duty of so 
 shaping legislation as to secure full pro- 
 tection and the amplest field for capital, 
 and for labor, the creator of capital, the 
 largest opportunities and a just share of 
 the mutual profits of these two great ser- 
 vants of civilization. 
 
 12. "We hold that Congress and the 
 President have only fulfilled an imperative 
 duty in their measures ibr the suppression 
 of violence and treasonable organizations 
 in certain lately rebellious regions, and for 
 the protection of the ballot-box ; and, 
 therefore, they are entitled to the thanks 
 of the nation. 
 
 13. "We denounce repudiation of the 
 l)ul)lic debt, in any form or disguise, as a 
 national crime. We witness with pride 
 the reduction of the principal of the debt, 
 and of the rates of interest upon the bal- 
 ance, and confidently expect that our ex- 
 cellent national currency will be perfected 
 by a speedy resumption of S2)ecie payment. 
 
 14. The Republican party is mindful of 
 its obligations to the loyal women of 
 America for their nol)le devotitm to the 
 cause of freedom. Their admission to 
 wider fields of usefulness is viewed with 
 satisfaction ; and the honest demand of 
 any class of citizens for additional rights 
 should be treated with respectful considera- 
 tion. 
 
 1"). We heartily approve the action of 
 Congress in extending amnesty to those 
 lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth 
 of peace and fraternal feeling througliout 
 the land. 
 
 1(1. The Republican party proposes to 
 respect the riglits reserved by the i)eople to
 
 BOOK ri.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 53 
 
 tliemselves as carefully as the powers dele- 
 gated by them to the states and to the 
 federal governinent. It disapproves of tlie 
 resort to unconstitutional laws for the pur- 
 pose of removing evils, by interference 
 Avith rights not surrendered by the peoj)le 
 to eitlier the state or national government. 
 
 17. It is the duty of the general govern- 
 ment to adoi)t such measures as may tend 
 to encourage and restore American com- 
 merce and sliip-building. 
 
 18. We believe that the modest patriot- 
 ism, the earnest purpose, the sound judg- 
 ment, the practical wisdom, the incorrupti- 
 ble integrity, and the illustrious services 
 of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him 
 to the heart of the American people ; and 
 with him at our head, we start to-day upon 
 a new march to victory. 
 
 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the 
 Vice-Presidency, known to the whole laud 
 from the early days of the great struggle 
 for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in 
 all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator 
 and representative man of American insti- 
 tutions, is worthy to associate with our 
 great leader and share the honors which 
 we pledge our best ellbrts to bestow upon 
 them 
 
 1872.— Democratic (Straiglit-out) Platform, 
 
 Louisville, Ky., September 3. 
 
 Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first 
 principles and eternal vigilance against 
 abuses are the wisest provisions for liberty, 
 which is the source of progress, and fidelity 
 to our constitutional system is the only 
 protection for either : therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That the original basis of our 
 whole political structure is consent in every 
 part thereof. The people of each state 
 voluntarily created their state, and the 
 states voluntarily formed the Union ; and 
 each state i)rovided by its written constitu- 
 tion for everything a state could do f )r the 
 protection of life, liberty, and property 
 within it; and each state, jointly with the 
 others, provided a federal union for foreign 
 and inter-state relations. 
 
 Resolved, That all governmental powers, 
 whether state or federal, are trust powers 
 coming from the people of each state, and 
 that they are limited to the written letter 
 of the constitution and the laws passed in 
 pursutmce of it; which powers must be 
 exercised in the utmost good faith, the 
 constitution itself stating in what manner 
 thev may be altered and amended. 
 
 Resolved, That the interests of labor and 
 capital should not be permitted to conflict, 
 but should be harmonized by judicious 
 legislation. While such a conflict con- 
 tinues, labor, which is the parent of wealth, 
 is entitled to paramount consideration. 
 
 Resolved, That we proclaim to the world 
 that principle is to be i)referred to power ; 
 that the Democratic party is held together 
 by the cohesion of time-honored princi- 
 I)les, which they will never surrender in 
 exchange for all the offices whii'h Presi- 
 dents can confer. The pangs of the mi- 
 norities are doubtless excruciating; ])ut 
 we welcome an eternal minority, under the 
 banner inscribed with our principles, 
 rather than an almighty and everlasting 
 majority, jiurchased by their abandonment. 
 
 Resolved, That, having been betrayed at 
 Baltimore into a false creed and a false 
 leadership by the convention, we repudiate 
 both, and appeal to the people to approve 
 our platform, and to rally to the polls and 
 sup})ort the true platform and the candi- 
 dates who embody it. 
 
 1875.— The American National Platform, 
 
 Adopted in Mass Meeting, Pittsburg, June 9. 
 
 We hold : 
 
 1. That ours is a Christian and not a 
 heathen nation, and that the God of the 
 Christian Scriptures is the author of civil 
 government. 
 
 2. That God requires and man needs a 
 Sabbath. 
 
 3. That the prohibition of the importa- 
 tion, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating 
 drinks as a beverage, is the true policy ou 
 the temperance question. 
 
 4. The charters of all secret lodges 
 granted by our federal and state legisla- 
 tures should be withdrawn, and their 
 oaths prohibited by law. 
 
 5. That the civil equality secured to all 
 American citizens by articles 13th, 14th, 
 and ISth of our amended constitution 
 should be jireserved inviolate. 
 
 6. That arbitration of differences with 
 nations is the" most direct and sure method 
 of securing and perpetuating a permanent 
 peace. 
 
 7. That to cultivate the intellect without 
 improving the morals of men is to nudce 
 mere adejits and experts: therefore, the 
 Bible should be associated with books of 
 science and literature in all our educa- 
 tional institutions. 
 
 8. That land and other monopolies 
 should be discountenanced. 
 
 9. That the government should furnish 
 the people with an ample and sound cur- 
 rency and a return to specie payment, aa 
 soon as practicable. 
 
 10. That maintenance of the public 
 credit, protection to all loyal citizens, and 
 justice to Indians are es.scntial tu the honor 
 and safety of our nation. 
 
 11. And, finally, we demand for the 
 American people the abolition of electoral 
 colleges, and a direct vote for President 
 and Vice-President of the United States.
 
 64 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 [Their candidates were James B. Walker, 
 "WTieaton, Illinois, for President ; and Don- 
 ald Kirkpatrick, Syracuse, Xew York, for 
 Vice-President.J 
 
 1876.— Prohibition Reform Platform, 
 
 Cleveland, Ohio, May 17. 
 
 The Prohibition Reform party of the 
 United States, organized in the name of 
 the people, to revive, enforce, and perpet- 
 uate in the government the doctrines of 
 the Declaration of Independence, submit, in 
 this centennial year of the republic, for the 
 suffrages of all good citizens, the following 
 platform of national reforms and measures : 
 
 First. The legal prohibition in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, the territories, and in 
 every other place subject to the laws of 
 Congress, of the importation, exportation, 
 manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic 
 beverages, as high crimes against society ; 
 an amendment of the national constitu- 
 tion, to render these prohibitory measures 
 universal and permanent ; and the adop- 
 tion of treaty stipulations with foreign 
 powers, to prevent the importation and 
 exportation of all alcoholic beverages. 
 
 Second. The abolition of class legisla- 
 tion, and of special privileges in the gov- 
 ernment, and the adoption of equal suffrage 
 and eligibility to office, without distinction 
 of race, religious creed, property, or sex. 
 
 Third. The appropriation of the public 
 lands, in limited quantities, to actual set- 
 tlers only ; the reduction of the rates of 
 inland and ocean postage ; of telegraphic 
 communication ; of railroad and water 
 transportation and travel, to the lowest 
 practical point, by force of laws, wisely 
 and justly framed, with reference, not only 
 to the interest of capital employed, but to 
 the higher claims of the general good. 
 
 Fourth. The suppression, by laws, of 
 lotteries and gambling in gold, stocks, pro- 
 duce, and every form of money and pro- 
 perty, and tlie penal inhibition of the use 
 of the public mails for advertising schemes 
 of gambling and lotteries. 
 
 Fifth. Tlie abolition of those foul enor- 
 mities, polygamy and the social evil ; and 
 the protection of purity, peace, and hap- 
 
 {)ines3 of homes, Ijy ample and efficient 
 egislati(m. 
 
 Sixth. The national observance of the 
 Cliristian Sal)bath, estal)lished by law.s 
 prohibiting ordinary labor and business 
 in all departnicnt.H of public service and 
 j)rivatc cmpluyiucnl (works of necessity, 
 charity, and religion excepted) on tbatday. 
 Seventh. Tiie cstaltlislunent, by m mda- 
 t<^)ry provisif)ns in natimial and state con- 
 stitutions, and by all n('<-(!ssary legishition, 
 of a system of free public schools for the 
 universal and forced education of all the 
 youLh of the land. 
 
 Eighth. The free use of the Bible, not 
 as a ground of religious creeds, but as a 
 text-book of the purest morality, the best 
 liberty, and the noblest literature in our 
 public schools, that our children may grow 
 up in its light, and that its spirit and prin- 
 ciples may pervade our nation. 
 
 Ninth. The separation of the govern- 
 ment in all its departments and institu- 
 tions, including the public schools and all 
 funds for their maintenance, from the con- 
 trol of every religiotis sect or other asso- 
 ciation, and the protection alike of all 
 sects by equal laws, with entire freedom of 
 religious faith and worship. 
 
 Tenth. The introduction into all treaties 
 hereafter negotiated with foreign govern- 
 ments of a provision for the amicable set- 
 tlement of international difficulties by 
 arbitration. 
 
 Eleventh. The abolition of all barbar- 
 ous modes and instruments of punishment; 
 the recognition of the laws of God and 
 the claims of htimanity in the discipline 
 of jails and prisons, and of that higher 
 and wiser civilization worthy of our age 
 and nation, which regards the reform of 
 criminals as a means for the prevention of 
 crime. 
 
 Tirelfth. The abolition of executive and 
 legislative patronage, and the election of 
 President, Vice-President, United States 
 Senators, and of all civil officers, so far as 
 practicable, by the direct vote of the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 Thirteenth. The practice of a friendly 
 and liberal policy to immigrants from all 
 nations, the guaranty to them of ample 
 protection, and of equal rights and privi- 
 leges. 
 
 Fourteenth. The separation of the money 
 of government from all banking institu- 
 tions. The national government, only, 
 should exercise the high prerogative of 
 issuing paper money, and that should be 
 subject to prompt redemption on demand, 
 in gold and silver, the only equal stand- 
 ards of value recognized by the civilized 
 world. 
 
 Fifteenth. The reduction of the salaries 
 of ])'ublic officers in a just ratio with the 
 decline of wages and market prices; the 
 abolition of sinecures, unnecessary ofhces, 
 and ofhcial fees and perquisites ; the prac- 
 tice of strict economy in government ex- 
 penses ; and a free and thorough investi- 
 gation into any and all alleged abuses of 
 public trusts. 
 
 1876 Independent (Greenback) Platform, 
 
 Imli'innpolU, Ind., May 17, 
 
 The Independent party is called into 
 (existence by the necessities of the ])eople, 
 whose industries are prostrated, whose 
 labor is deprived of its just reward by a
 
 BOOK II. J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 55 
 
 ruinous policy which the Republican and 
 Democratic parties refuse to change ; and, 
 in view of the failure of these parties to 
 furnish relief to the depressed nidustries 
 of the country, tliereby disappointing the 
 just hopes and expectations of the sutier- 
 ing peoi)le, we delare our jtrinciples, and 
 invite all independent and patriotic nn-n 
 to join our ranks in this movement for fi- 
 nancial reform and industrial enumcipation. 
 
 First. We demand the immediate and 
 unconditional repeal of the specie resumj)- 
 tion act of .January 14, 187.'>, and the res- 
 cue of our industries from ruin and disas- 
 ter resulting from its enforcement; and we 
 call upon all j)atriotic men to organize in 
 every congressional district of the country, 
 with a view of electing representatives to 
 Congress who will carry out the wishes of 
 the people in this regard and stop the 
 present suicidal and destructive policy of 
 contraction. 
 
 Second. We believe that a United States 
 note, issued directly by the government, 
 and convertible, on demand, into United 
 States obligations, bearing a rate of inter- 
 est not exceeding one cent a day on each 
 one hundred dollars, and exchangeable lor 
 United States notes at par, will afford the 
 best circulating medium ever devised. 
 Such United States notes should be full 
 legal tenders for all purposes, except for 
 the payment of such obligations as are, by 
 existing contracts, especially made paya- 
 ble in coin ; and we hold that it is the 
 duty of the government to provide such a 
 circulating jnedium, and insist, in the 
 language of Thomas Jefferson, that " bank 
 paper must be suppressed, and the circu- 
 lation restored to the nation, to whom it 
 belongs." 
 
 Third. It is the paramount duty of the 
 government, in all its legislation, to keei> 
 in view the full development of all legiti- 
 mate business, agricultural, mining, manu- 
 facturing, and commercial. 
 
 Fourth. We most earnestly protest 
 against any further issue of gold bonds for 
 sale in foreign markets, by which we 
 would be made, for a long period, "hewers 
 of wood and drawers of water" to for- 
 eigners, especially as the American ])eople 
 would gladly and promptly take at par all 
 'bonds the government may need to sell, 
 provided they are made payable at the op- 
 tion of the holder, and bearing interest at 
 3.65 per cent, per annum or even a lower 
 rate. 
 
 Fifth. We further protest against the 
 sale of government bonds for the ])urpose 
 of purchasing silver to be used as a sub- 
 stitute for our more convenient and less 
 fluituatiug fractional currency, which, al- 
 though well calculated to enrich owners of 
 silver mines, yet in operation it will still 
 further opjiress, in taxation, an already 
 overburdened people. 
 
 187G.— Republican Platfomi, 
 
 C'hiciniiati, Ohio, June 14. 
 
 When, in the economy of Providence, 
 this land was to be purged of human 
 slavery, and when the strength of the g(jv- 
 ernment of the people, by the peojjle, and 
 for the people, was to be demonstrated, the 
 Republican party came into power. Its 
 deeds have passed into history, and we 
 look back to them with pride. Incited by 
 their memories to high aims for the good 
 of our country and mankind, and looking 
 to the future with unfaltering courage, 
 hope, and ])urpose, we, the representatives 
 of the party, in national convention as- 
 sembled, make the following declaration 
 of principles : 
 
 1. The United States of America is a 
 nation, not a league. By the combined 
 workings of the national and state govern- 
 ments, under their respective constitu- 
 tions, the rights of every citizen are se- 
 cured, at home and abroad, and the com- 
 mon welfare promoted. 
 
 2. The Republican party has preserved 
 these governments to the hundredth anni- 
 versary of the nation's birth, and they are 
 now embodiments of the great truths spo- 
 ken at its cradle — " That all men are cre- 
 ated equal; that they are endowed by 
 their Creator with certain inalienable 
 rights, among whivh are life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness; that for the at- 
 tainment of these ends governments have 
 been instituted among men, deriving their 
 just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned." Until these truths are cheerfully 
 obeyed, or, if need be, vigorout^ly enforced, 
 the work of the Republican party is un- 
 finished. 
 
 3. The permanent pacification of the 
 southern section of the Union, and the 
 complete protection of all its citizens in the 
 free enjoyment of all their rights, is a duty 
 to which the Republican party stands sa- 
 credly pledged. The power to provide for 
 the enforcement of the principles embodied 
 in the recent constitutional amendments is 
 vested, by those amendments, in the Con- 
 gress of the United States ; and we declare 
 it to be the solemn obligation of the legis- 
 lative and executive departments of the 
 government to put into immediate and 
 vigorous exercise all their constitutional 
 powers for removing any just causes of 
 discontent on the part of any class, and 
 for securing to every American citizen 
 complete liberty and exact equality in the 
 exercise of all civil, political, and public 
 rights. To this end we imi)eratively de- 
 mand a Congress and a Chief Exeiutive 
 whose courage and fidelity to these duties 
 shall not falter until these results are 
 placed bevoiid dispute or recall. 
 
 4. In the first act of Congress signed by 
 President (Irant. the national government 
 assumed to remove any doubt of ita pur-
 
 66 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 pose to discharge all just obligations to 
 the public creditors, and " solemnly pledged 
 its faith to make provision at the earliest 
 practicable period for the redemption of 
 the United States notes in coin." Com- 
 mercial prosperity', public morals, and na- 
 tional credit demand that this promise be 
 fulfilled by a continuous and steady pro- 
 gress to specie payment. 
 
 5. Under the constitution, the President 
 and heads of dejiartments are to make 
 nominations for office, the Senate is to ad- 
 vise and consent to appointments, and the 
 House of Representatives is to accuse and 
 prosecute faithless officers. The best in- 
 terest of the public service demand that 
 these distinctions be respected ; that Sena- 
 tors and Representatives who may be 
 judges and accusers should not dictate ap- 
 pointments to office. The invariable rule 
 in appointments should have reference to 
 the honestj', fidelity, and capacity of the 
 appointees, giving to the party in power 
 those places where harmony and vigor of 
 administration require its policy to be rep- 
 resented, but permitting all others to be 
 filled by persons selected with sole refer- 
 ence to the efficiency of the public service, 
 and the right of all citizens to share in the 
 honor of rendering faithful service to the 
 country. 
 
 6. We rejoice in the quickened con- 
 science of the people concerning political 
 affiiirs, and will hold all public officers to 
 d rigid responsibility, and engage that the 
 prosecution and i)unishment of all who be- 
 tray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, 
 ajod unsparing. 
 
 7. The public school system of the several 
 states is the luilwark of the American Re- 
 public ; and, with a view to its security 
 and permanence, we recommend an amend- 
 ment to the constitution of the United 
 States, forl)idding the application of any 
 public funds or property for the benefit of 
 any schools or institutions under sectarian 
 control. 
 
 8. The revenue necessary for current 
 expenditures, and the obligations of the 
 ])ulilic debt, must be largely derived from 
 duties uj>ou importations, which, so far as 
 possible, shouhl be adjusted to i)r()mote 
 tlie interests of American labor and ad- 
 vance the prosperity of the whole country. 
 
 9. We reaffirm our opposition to further 
 grants of the jjublic laiuls to corporations 
 and monopolies, and demand tliat tiie na- 
 tional domain be devoted to free homes 
 for the people. 
 
 10. It is the imperative duty of tlie gfiv- 
 rrnment so to modify existing treaties with 
 European governments, that the. same pro- 
 tection shall be afl'orded to the adopted 
 Ameriean citizen that is given to the na- 
 tive-born ; and that all necessary laws 
 bhould be passed to protect emigrants in 
 
 the absence of power in the states for that 
 purpose. 
 
 11. It is the immediate duty of Con- 
 gress to fully investigate the effect of the 
 immigration and importation of Mongo- 
 lians upon the moral and material in- 
 terests of the country. 
 
 12. The Republican party recognizes, 
 with approval, the substantial advances 
 recently made towards the establishment 
 of equal rights for women by the many 
 important amendments effected by Repub- 
 lican legislatures in the laws which con- 
 cern the personal and property relations 
 of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the 
 appointment and election of women to the 
 superintendence of education, charities, 
 and other public trusts. The honest de- 
 mands of this class of citizens for addi- 
 tional rights, privileges, and immunities, 
 should be treated with respectful consider- 
 ation. 
 
 13. The constitution confers upon Con- 
 gress sovereign power over the territories 
 of the United States for their government; 
 and in the exercise of this power it is the 
 right and duty of Congress to prohibit and 
 extirpate, in the territories, that relic of 
 barbarism — polygamy; and we demand 
 such legislation as shall secure this end 
 and the supremacy of American institu- 
 tions in all the territories. 
 
 14. The pledges which the nation has 
 given to her soldiers and sailors must be 
 fulfilled, and a grateful people will alw^ays 
 hold those who imperiled their lives for 
 the country's preservation in the kindest 
 rememl)rance. 
 
 15. ^V'e sincerely deprecate all sectional 
 feeling and tendencies. We^ therefore, 
 note with deep solicitude that the Demo- 
 cratic party counts, as its chief hope of 
 success, upon the electoral vote of a united 
 south, secured through the efforts of those 
 who were recently arrayed against the na- 
 tion ; and we invoke the earnest attention 
 of the country to the grave truth that a' 
 success thus achieved would reojien sec- 
 tional strife, and imperil national honor 
 and human rights. 
 
 16. We charge the Democratic party 
 with being the same in character and spirit 
 as when it sympathized with treason ; with 
 making its control of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives the triuin{)li and opportunity of 
 the nation's recent foes; with reasserting 
 ami applauding, in the national capital, 
 the scntiint'iits of unrepentant rebellion; 
 with sending Union soldiers to the rear, 
 and i)ronioting Confederate soldiers to the 
 tront ; with (lelil)erately jiroposing to repu- 
 diate the plifihted faith of the government; 
 with being e(iually false and ind)ecile upon 
 the overshadowing financial questions; 
 with thwarting the ends of justice by its 
 partisan mismanagement and obstruction 
 of investigation; with proving itself
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 57 
 
 throu2;h the period of its ascendency in 
 tlie lower house of Congress, utterly in- 
 competent to iuhninister tlie government ; 
 and we warn the country against trusting 
 a party thus alike unworthy, recreant, and 
 incapable. 
 
 17. The national administration merits 
 conimendatioii for its honorable work in 
 the management of dome-^tic and foreign 
 aflairs, and PresicU-nt (Jrant deserves the 
 continued hearty gratitude of the Ameri- 
 can people i'or his patriotism and his emi- 
 nent services in war ami in peace. 
 
 18. We present, as our candidates for 
 President and Vice-President of the United 
 States, two distinguished statesmen, ol 
 eminent ability and character, and con- 
 spicuously fitted for those high offices, and 
 we confidently api)eal to the American 
 people to intrust the administration of 
 their public aflairs to Rutherford 13. Hayes 
 and William A. Wheeler. 
 
 1876.— Democratic Platform. 
 
 St. Louis, Mo., June 27. 
 
 We, the delegates of the Democratic 
 party of the United States, in national con- 
 vention assembled, do hereby declare the 
 administration of the Federal government 
 to be in urgent need of immediate reform ; 
 do hereby enjoin ui)on the nominees of 
 this convention, and of the Democratic 
 party in each state, a zealous effort and co- 
 operation to this end ; and do hereby ap- 
 peal to our fellow-citizens of every former 
 political connection to undertake, with us, 
 this first and most pressing patriotic duty. 
 
 For the Democracy of the whole coun- 
 try, we do here reaffirm our faith in the per- 
 manence of the Federal Union, our devo- 
 tion to the constitution of the United States, 
 with its amendments universally accepted 
 as a final settlement of the controversies 
 that engendered civil war, and do here re- 
 cord our steadfast confidence in the per- 
 petuity of republican self-government. 
 
 In absolute acquiescence in the will of 
 the majority — the vital principle of repub- 
 lics; in tlic supremacy of the civil over the 
 military authority ; in the total separation 
 of church and state, for the sake alike of 
 civil and religious freedom; in the equal- 
 ity of all citizens before just laws of their 
 own enactment ; in the liberty of indi- 
 vidual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary 
 laws; in the faithful education of the ris- 
 ing generation, that they may preserve, 
 enjoy, and transmit these best conditions 
 of human happiness and hope — we behold 
 the noblest products of a hundred years of 
 changeful history ; but while upholding 
 the bond of our Union and great charter 
 of these our rights, it behooves a free peo- 
 jile to practice also that eternal vigilance 
 which is the price of liberty. 
 
 Reform is necessary to rebuild and e,s- 
 tablish in the hearts of the wliolo people 
 the Union, eleven years ago happily res- 
 cued from the danger of a secessicai of 
 states, but nf>w to be saved from a corrupt 
 centralism which, after iiiHicting upon ten 
 states the rapacity of carpet-bag tyranny, 
 has honey-combed the oliicesof the Federal 
 government itself, with incapacity, waste, 
 and fraud; infected states and municipali- 
 ties with the contagion of misrule; and 
 locked fast the prosperity of an industrious 
 people in the paralysis of" hard times." 
 
 Reform is necessary to estal)lish a sound 
 currency, restore the public credit, and 
 maintain the national honor. 
 
 We denounce the failure, for all these 
 eleven years of peace, to make good the 
 promise of the legal tender notes, which 
 are a changing standard of value in the 
 hands of the people, and the non-jiayment 
 of which is a disregard of the plighted 
 faith of the nation. 
 
 We denounce the improvidence which, 
 in eleven years of peace, has taken from 
 the people, in federal taxes, thirteen times 
 the whole amount of the legal-tender notes, 
 and squandered four times their sum in 
 useless expense without accumulating any 
 reserve for their redemption. 
 
 We denounce the financial imbecility 
 and immorality of that party which, dur- 
 ing eleven years of peace, has made no ad- 
 vance toward resumption, no iireparation 
 for resumption, but, instead, has obstructed 
 resumption, by wasting our resources and 
 exhausting all our surplus income ; and, 
 while annually professing to intend a 
 speedy return to specie payments, has an- 
 nually enacted fresh hinderances thereto. 
 As such hinderance we denounce the re- 
 sumjjtion clause of 1875, and we here de- 
 mand its repeal. 
 
 We demand a judicious system of prepa- 
 ration, by jiublic economies, by official re- 
 trenchments, and by Avise finance, which 
 shall enable the nation soon to assure the 
 whole world of its perfect ability and of its 
 perfect readiness to meet any of its pro- 
 mises at the call of the creditor entitled to 
 ]iayment. We believe such a system, well 
 devised, and, above all, intrusted to com- 
 petent hands for execution, creating, at no 
 time, an artificial scarcity of currency, and 
 at no time alarming the pul)lic mind into 
 a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of 
 credit by which ninety-five per cent, of all 
 business transactions are performed. A 
 sj-stem open, public, and inspiring general 
 confidence, would, from the day of its 
 adoption, bring healing on its wings to all 
 our hara.ssed industries — set in motion the 
 wheels of commerce, manufactures, And the 
 mechanic arts — restore employment to la- 
 bor — and. renew, in all its natural sources, 
 the prosperity of the ])eople. 
 
 Reform is necessarv in the sum and
 
 58 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 modes of federal taxation, to the end that 
 capital may be set free from distrust and 
 li;bor lightly burdened. 
 
 We denounce the present tariff, levied 
 upon nearly four thousand articles, as a 
 masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and 
 false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not 
 a yearly rising, revenue. It has impover- 
 ished many industries to subsidize a few. 
 It prohibits imports that might purchase 
 the products of American labor. It has 
 degraded American commerce from the 
 first to an inferior rank on the high seas. 
 It hiis cut down the sales of American 
 manufactures at home and abroad, and 
 depicted the returns of American agri- 
 culture — an industry followed by half our 
 people. It costs the people five times 
 more than it produces to the treasury, ob- 
 structs the processes of production, and 
 wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes 
 fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dis- 
 honest ofiicials, and bankrupts honest 
 merchants. We demand that all custom- 
 house taxation shall be only for revenue. 
 
 Reform is necessary in the scale of public 
 expense — federal, state, and municipal. 
 Our federal taxation has swollen from sixty 
 millions gold, in 18(30, to four hundred and 
 fifty millions currency, in 1870; our ag- 
 gregate taxation I'rom one hundred and fifty- 
 four millions gold, in 18(30, to seven hun- 
 dred and thirty millions currency, in 1870 
 — or, in one decade, fi'om less than five 
 dollars per head to more than eighteen 
 doUars per head. Since the peace, the 
 people have paid to their tax-gatherers 
 more than thrice the sura of the national 
 debt, and more than twice that sum for the 
 Federal government alone. We demand 
 a rigorous frugality in every department 
 and from every officer of the government. 
 
 Rei'orm is necessary to put a stop to the 
 profligate waste of public lands, and their 
 diversion from actual settlers, by the party 
 in power, which has squandered 200,000,000 
 of acres upon railroads alone, and, out of 
 more than thrice that aggregate, has dis- 
 posed of less than a sixth directly to tillers 
 of the soil. 
 
 Reform is necessary to correct the omis- 
 sion of a Republican Congress, and the 
 errors of our treaties and our dij)lomacy 
 which have Htri])pe<l our fellow-citizens of 
 i'oreign birili and kindred race, recrossing 
 the Atlantic, of the shield of American 
 citizenship, and have exposed our l)rethren 
 of the I'acific coast to the incursions of a 
 race not sprung from tlie same great parent 
 stock, and in fact now, by law, denied 
 citizensjiip througli naturalization, as being 
 neither accustoincil to the traditions of a 
 j>rogressive civilization nor exercised in 
 liberty under equal laws. We denounce 
 the policy which thus discards the lil)erty- 
 loving (icrinan and tolerates a revival of 
 the coolie trade in Moiigoiiun women, im- 
 
 ported for immoral puq^oses, and Mongolian 
 men, held to perform servile labor contracts 
 and demand such modification of the treaty 
 with the Chinese Empire, or such legisla- 
 tion within constitutional limitations, as 
 shall prevent further importation or immi- 
 I gration of the Mongolian race. 
 
 Reform is necessary, and can never be 
 I effected but by making it the controlling 
 j issue of the elections, and lifting it above 
 j the two false issues with which the oflfice- 
 ; holding class and the party in power seek 
 to smother it : 
 
 1. The false issue with which they would 
 enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the 
 public schools, of which the establishment 
 and support belongs exclusively to the 
 several states, and which the Democratic 
 party has cherished from their foundation, 
 and is resolved to maintain, without preju- 
 dice or preference for any class, sect, or 
 creed, and without largesses from the trea- 
 sury to any. 
 
 2. The false issue by which they seek to 
 light anew the dying embers of sectional hate 
 between kindred peoples once estranged, 
 but now reunited in one indivisible re- 
 public and a common destiny. 
 
 Reform is necessary in the civil service. 
 Exjjerience 15 roves that efficient, economical 
 conduct of the governmental business is 
 not possible if its civil service be subject 
 to change at every election, be a prize 
 fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief re- 
 ward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor 
 assigned for proved competency, and held 
 for fidelity in the public employ ; that the 
 disi^ensing of patronage should neither be a 
 tax upon the time of all our public men, 
 nor the instrument of their ambition. 
 Here, again, promises, falsified in the per- 
 formance, attest that the party in power 
 can work out no practical or salutary re- 
 form. 
 
 Reform is necessary, even more, in the 
 higher grades of the public service. Presi- 
 dent, Vice-President, Judges, Senators, 
 llejiresentatives, Cabinet officers — these, 
 and all others in authority — are the people's 
 servants. Their offices are not a private 
 perquisite ; they arc a public trust. When 
 the annals of this Republic sliow the dis- 
 grace and censure of a Vice-President ; a 
 late Speaker of the House of Representa- 
 tives marketing his rulings as a presiding 
 (tfficer ; three Senators profiting secretly by 
 their votes aa law-makers; five chairmen 
 of the leading committees of the late Plouse 
 of Representatives exposed in jobber}' ; a 
 late Secretary of the Treasury forcing ba- 
 lances in the public accounts; a late At- 
 torney-General misappro])riating public 
 funds; a Secretary of the Navy enriched, 
 or enriching friends, by percentages levied 
 ofl' the ))rofits of contractors with his de- 
 I)artment ; an Ambassador to England con- 
 cerned in a dishonorable speculation ; the
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 59 
 
 President's private secretary barely escaj)- 
 ing conviction upon trial for guilty compli- 
 city in frauds uj)ou the revenue; ; a Secre- 
 tary of War ini{)eached for high crinu's 
 and misdemeanors — the demonstration is 
 complete, that the first stej) in reform must 
 be the jieople's choice of honest men from 
 another [)arty, lest the disease of one poli- 
 tical organization infect the body politic, 
 and lest by making no change of men or 
 parties we get no change of measures and 
 no real reform. 
 
 All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes — 
 the j)roduct of sixteen years' ascendency of 
 the Hopublican party — create a necessity 
 for reform, confessed by the Republicans 
 themselves ; but their reformers are voted 
 down in convention and displaced from the 
 cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters 
 is powerless to resist the 80,000 olhce-hold- 
 ers, its leaders and guides. 
 
 Reform can only be had by a peaceful 
 civic revolution. We demand a change 
 of system, a change of administration, a 
 change of parties, that we may have a 
 change of measures and of men. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention, repre- 
 senting the Democratic party of the United 
 States, do cordially indorse the action of 
 the present House of Representatives, in re- 
 ducing and curtailing the expenses of the 
 Federal government, in cutting down sa- 
 laries and extravagant appropriations, and 
 in abolishing useless offices and places not 
 required by the public necessities; and we 
 shall trust to the firmness of the Democra- 
 tic members of the House that no commit- 
 tee of conference and no misinterpretation 
 of the rules will be allowed to defeat these 
 wholesome measures of economy demanded 
 by the country. 
 
 Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors 
 of the Republic, and the widows and or- 
 phans of those who have fallen in battle, 
 have a just claim upon the care, protection, 
 and gratitude of their fellow-citizens. 
 
 187S.— National Platform. 
 
 Toledo, Ohio, February 22. 
 
 Whereas, Throughout our entire country 
 the value of real estate is depreciated, in- 
 dustry paralyzed, trade depressed, business 
 incomes and wages reduced, unparalleled 
 distress inflicted upon the poorer and mid- 
 dle ranks of our people, the "land filled 
 with fraud, embezzlement, bankrui)tcy, 
 crime, suffering, pauperism, and starvation ; 
 and 
 
 Whereas, This state of things has been 
 brought about by legislation in the interest 
 of, and dictated by, money-lenders, bankers 
 and bondholders ; and 
 
 Whereas, While we recognize the fact 
 that the men in Congress connected with 
 
 the old jjolitical parties have stood up man- 
 fully for the rights of the people, and im-t 
 the threats of the money power, and the 
 ridicule of an ignorant and subsidized 
 press, yet neither the Republican nor the 
 Democratic parties, in their j)olicies, pro- 
 pose remedies for the existing evils ; and 
 
 Whereas, The Independent Greenback 
 party, and other associations more or less 
 effective, have been unable, hitherto, to 
 make a formidable opi)osition to old party 
 organizations; and 
 
 Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender 
 quality of the greenbacks, the changing of 
 currency bonds into coin bonds, the de- 
 monetization of the silver dollar, the ex- 
 empting of bonds from taxation, the con- 
 traction of the circulating medium, the 
 ])roposed forced resumption of si)ecie pay- 
 ments, and the prodigal waste of the i)ublic 
 lands, wei'e crimes against the peoi)le; and, 
 as far as possible, the results of these cri- 
 minal acts must be counteracted by judi- 
 cious legislation : 
 
 TJierefore, We assemble in national con- 
 vention and make a declaration of our 
 principles, and invite all patriotic citizens 
 to unite in an effort to secure financial re- 
 form and industrial emancipation. The 
 organization shall be known as the "Na- 
 tional Party," and under this name we will 
 perfect, without delay, national, state, and 
 local associations, to secure the election to 
 office of such men only as will pledge 
 themselves to do all in their power to es- 
 tablish these principles: 
 
 First. It is the exclusive function of the 
 general government to coin and create 
 money and regulate its value. All bank 
 issues designed to circulate as money should 
 be suppressed. The circulating medium, 
 whether of metal or paper, shall be issued 
 by the government, and made a full legal- 
 tender for all debts, duties, and taxes in 
 the United States, at its stamped value. 
 
 Second. There shall be no privileged 
 class of creditors. Official salaries, pensions, 
 bonds, and all other debts and obligations, 
 ])ublic and private, shall be discharged in 
 the legal-tender money of the United 
 States strictly according to the stipulations 
 of the laws under which they were con- 
 tracted. 
 
 Third. The coinage of silver shall be 
 placed on the same footing as that of gold. 
 
 Fourth. Congress shall ]>rovide said 
 money adequate to the full employment of 
 labor, the equitable distribution of its ]iro- 
 ducts, and the requirement of business, 
 fixing a minimum amount jxr cajiita of the 
 population as near as may be, and other- 
 wise regulating its value by wise and equi- 
 table provisions of law, so that the rate of 
 interest will secure to labor its just reward. 
 
 Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius 
 of popular government that any s/ecies of 
 private property should be exempt from
 
 60 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 bearing its proper share of the public 
 burdens. Government bonds and money 
 should be taxed precisely as other property, 
 and a graduated income tax should be 
 levied for the support of the government 
 and the payment of its debts. 
 
 Sixih. Public lands are the common 
 property of the whole people, and should 
 not be sold to speculators nor granted to 
 railroads or other corporations, but should 
 be donated to actual settlers, in limited 
 quantities. 
 
 Seventh. The government should, by gen- 
 eral enactments, encourage the develop- 
 ment of our agricultural, mineral, mecha- 
 nical, mauutiicturing, and commercial re- 
 sources, to the end that labor may be fully 
 and profitably employed ; but no monopo- 
 lies should be legalized. 
 
 Eighth. All useless offices should be abol- 
 ished, the most rigid economy favored in 
 ever}' branch of the public service, and 
 severe punishment inflicted upon public 
 officers who betray the trusts reposed in 
 them. 
 
 iS'inth. As educated labor has devised 
 moans for multiplying productions by in- 
 ventions and discoveries, and as their use 
 requires the exercise of mind as well as 
 body, such legislation should be had that 
 the number of hours of daily toil will be 
 reduced, giving to the working classes more 
 leisure for mental improvement and their 
 several enjoyments, and saving them from 
 premature decay and death. 
 
 Tenth. The adoption of an American 
 monetary system, as proposed herein, will 
 harmonize all differences in regard to tariff 
 and federal taxation, reduce and equlize 
 the cost of trans]K>rtation by land and 
 water, distril)ute e(]uitably the joint earn- 
 ings of cai)ital and labor, secure to the 
 producers of wealth the results of their 
 labor and skill, and muster out of service 
 the vast army of idlers, who, under the 
 existing system, grow rich upon the earn- 
 ings of others, that every man and woman 
 may, by their own eflorts, secure a compe- 
 tency, so tliat overgrown fortunes and ex- 
 treme poverty will be seldom found within 
 the limits of our rej)u])lic. 
 
 Eleventh. Poth national and state govern- 
 ments should establish bureaus of labor 
 and industrial statistics, clothed with the 
 power of gathering and publishing the 
 same. 
 
 Tvelfth, That the contract system of em- 
 ploying labor in our prisons and reforma- 
 t<jry institiitioMs works great injustice to 
 our mfcli;inics and artisans, and should bo 
 proliibitcil. 
 
 Tiiirtcenlh. The importation of servile 
 labor into the United States from China is 
 a problem of the most serious importance, 
 and we recommend legislation looking (o 
 its suppression. 
 
 Fuurtccnih. We believe in the hu j)renia(y 
 
 of law over and above all perishable ma- 
 terial, and in the necessity of a party of 
 united people that will rise above old ))arty 
 lines and prejudices. We will not affiliate 
 in any degree with any of the old parties, 
 btit, in all cases and localities, will organize 
 anew, as united National men — nominate 
 for office and official positions only such 
 persons as are clearly believers in and 
 identified with this our sacred cause ; and, 
 irrespective of creed, color, place of birth, 
 or past condition of political or other serv- 
 itude, vote only for men who entirely 
 abandon old party lines and organizations. 
 
 1879.— National Liberal Platform. 
 
 Cincimudi, Ohio, Septenihir 14. 
 
 1. Total separation of Church and State, 
 to be guaranteed by amendment of the 
 United States constitution ; including the 
 equitable taxation of church property, se- 
 cularization of the i)ublic schools, abroga- 
 tion of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of chap- 
 laincies, prohibition of public appropria- 
 tions for religious purposes, and all mea- 
 sures necessary to the same general end. 
 
 2. National protection for national citi- 
 zens in their equal civil, political, and re- 
 ligious rights, to be guaranteed by amend- 
 ment of the United States constitution 
 and aflibrded through the United States 
 courts. 
 
 3. Universal education, the basis of uni- 
 versal suffrage in this secular Republic, to 
 be guaranteed by amendment of the United 
 States constitution, requiring every state to 
 maintain a thoroughly secularized public 
 school system, and to permit no child 
 within its limits to grow up without a good 
 elementary education. 
 
 1880.— Indeprndcnt Rcpnbllcau Principles. 
 
 I. Independent Republicans adhere to 
 the republican jirinciples of national supre- 
 macy, sound finances, and civil service re- 
 form, ex])ressed in the Republican plat- 
 form of 1876, in the letter of acceptance of 
 President Hayes, and in his message of 
 187'J; and they seek the realization of 
 those i)rincii)les in i)ractical laws and their 
 efficient administration. This retiuires, 
 
 1. The continuaiue on the statute-book 
 of laws |)r(Uectiug the rights of voters at 
 national elections. Put national supre- 
 macy affords no j)rctext for interference 
 with the loeal rights of communities; and 
 the development of the soutli from its pre- 
 sent del'eetive civilization can be secured 
 only under constitutional methods, such as 
 those of President JIayes. 
 
 2. The passage of laws whicli shall de- 
 prive greenbacks of their h'gal-tender 
 •jualily, as a first step toward their ulti-
 
 BOOK II. J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 61 
 
 mate withdrawal and cancellation, and 
 shall nuiintuin all coins made legal tender 
 at such weight and lineness as will enable 
 them to be used without discount in the 
 commercial transactions of the world. 
 
 ;5. The repeal oi' the acts which limit the 
 terms of ollice of certain government ofli- 
 cials to four years ; the repeal of the 
 tenure-of-office acts, which limit the j)()wer 
 of the executive to remove for cause ; the 
 establishment of a permanent civil service 
 commission, or equivalent measures to as- 
 certain, by open comi)etition, and certify 
 to the President or other appointing power 
 the fitness of applicants for nomination or 
 a})pointinent to all non-i)olitical offices. 
 
 II. Independent Republicans believe 
 that local issues should be indei)endent of 
 jiarty. The words Republican and Demo- 
 crat should have no weight in determining 
 whether a school or city shall be adminis- 
 tered on business princii)les by cajjable 
 men. With a view to this, legislation is 
 asked which shall prescribe for the voting 
 for local and for state officers upon sepa- 
 rate ballots. 
 
 III. Independent Republicans assert 
 that a political party is a co-operatiou of 
 voters to secure the practical enactment 
 into legislation of political convictions set 
 forth as its jilatform. Every voter accept- 
 ing that i)!atform is a member of that 
 party ; any representative of that party op- 
 posing the princii)les or evading the pro- 
 mises of its platform forfeits the sup])ort 
 of its voters. No voter should be held by 
 the action or noniination of any caucus or 
 convention of his party against his private 
 judgment. It is his duty to vote against 
 bad measures and unfit men, as the only 
 means of obtaining good ones; and if his 
 party no longer re|)resents its professed 
 princi[)les in its practical workings, it is 
 his duty to vote against it. 
 
 IV. Independent Republicans seek good 
 nominations through participation in the 
 primaries and through the defeat of bad 
 nominees ; they will labor for the defeat of 
 any local Republican candidate, and, in 
 co-operation with those holding like views 
 elsewhere, for the defeat of any general 
 Republican candidate whom they do not 
 deem fit. 
 
 1880. Republican Platform. 
 
 Cfiicago, ntinois, June 2. 
 
 The Republican party, in national con- 
 vention assembled, at the end of twenty 
 years since the Federal government was 
 first committed to its charge, submits to 
 the people of the United States its brief 
 report of its administration : 
 
 It suppressed a rebellion which had 
 armetl nearly a million of men to subvert 
 the national authority. It reconstructed 
 the union of the states with freedom, in- 
 
 stead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It 
 transformed four million of human beings 
 from the likeness u{ things to the rank <jf 
 citizens. It relieved Ccmgress from the in- 
 famous work of hunting fugitive slaves, 
 and charged it to see that slavery does not 
 exist. 
 
 It has raised the value of our paper cur- 
 rency from thirty-eight per cent, to tlie 
 par of gold. It has restored, U])on a solid 
 basis, j)ayment in coin for all the national 
 obligations, and has given us a currency 
 absolutely good and equal in every j)art of 
 our extended country. It has lifted the 
 credit of the nation from the i)oint where 
 six per cent, bonds sold at eighty-six to 
 that where four i)er cent, bonds arc eagerly 
 sought at a premium. 
 
 Under its administration railways have 
 increased from 31,000 miles in 1860, to more 
 than 82,000 miles in 1879. 
 
 Our foreign trade has increased from 
 $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same 
 time ; and our exports, which were $20,- 
 000,000 less than our imports in 18G0, were 
 $264,000,000 more than our imports in 
 1879. 
 
 Without resorting to loans, it has, since 
 the war closed, defrayed the ordinary ex- 
 penses of government, besides the accruing 
 interest on the public debt, and disbursed, 
 annuallv, over $30,000,000 for soldiers' 
 pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the 
 imblic debt, and, by refunding the balance 
 at lower rates, has reduced the annual 
 interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 
 to less than $89,000,000. 
 
 All the industries of the country have 
 revived, labor is in demand, wages have 
 increased, and throughout the entire coun- 
 try there is evidence of a coming prosperity 
 greater than we have ever enjoyed. 
 
 Upon this record, the Republican party 
 asks for the continued confidence and sup- 
 port of the people ; and this convention 
 submits for tlieir approval the following 
 statement of the principles and purposes 
 which will continue to guide and inspire 
 its efforts : 
 
 1. We affirm that the work of the last 
 twenty years has been such as to com- 
 mend itself to the favor of the nation, and 
 that th(> fruits of the costly victories which 
 we have achieved, through immense difti- 
 culties, should be ])reserved ; that the peace 
 regained should be cherished; that the 
 dissevereil Union, now happily restored, 
 should be perpetuated, and that the lil)er- 
 ties secured to this generation should be 
 transmitted, undiminished, to future gene- 
 rations; that the order established and the 
 credit at'quired should never be impaired ; 
 that the pensions promised should be paid ; 
 that the debt so much reduced should be 
 extinguished by the full payment of every 
 dollar therenf:"that the reviving industries 
 should be further promoted ; and that the
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 commerce, already so great, should be 
 steadily encouraged. 
 
 2. The constitution of the United States 
 is a supreme law, and not a mere contract ; 
 out of confederate states it made a sove- 
 reign nation. Some powers are denied to 
 the nation, while others are denied to 
 states ; but the boundary between the pow- 
 ers delegated and those reserved is to be 
 determined by the national and not by the 
 state tribTinals. 
 
 3. The work of popular education is one 
 left to the care of the several states, but it 
 is the duty of the national government to 
 aid that work to the extent of its constitu- 
 tional ability. The intelligence of the na- 
 tion is but the aggregate of the intelligence 
 in the several states ; and the destiny of 
 the nation must be guided, not by the 
 genius of any one state, but by the aver- 
 age genius of all. 
 
 4. The constitution wisely forbids Con- 
 gress to make any law respecting an es- 
 tablishment of religion ; but it is idle to 
 hope that the nation can be protected 
 against the influences of sectarianism while 
 each state is exposed to its domination. We, 
 therefore, recommend that the constitution 
 be so amended as to lay the same prohibi- 
 tion upon the legislature of each state, to 
 forijid the appropriation of public funds to 
 the support of sectarian schools. 
 
 5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 
 1876, that the duties levied for the pur- 
 pose of revenue should so discriminate as 
 to favor American labor ; that no further 
 grant of the public domain should be made 
 to any railway or other corporation ; that 
 slaveiy having perished in the states, its 
 twin barbarity — polygamy — must die in 
 the territories ; that everywhere the pro- 
 tection accorded to citizens of American 
 birth must be secured to citizens by Ameri- 
 can adojition. That we esteem it the duty 
 of Conjrress to develop and improve our 
 water-courses and harbors, but insist that 
 furdier subsidies to private persons or cor- 
 porations must cease. That the obliga- 
 tions of the republic to the men who pre- 
 served its integrity in the day of battle 
 are undiminished by the lajise of fifteen 
 years since their final victor^' — to do them 
 perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, 
 the grateful privilege and sacred duty of 
 the American people. 
 
 6. Since the authority to regulate immi- 
 gration and intercourse between tlic United 
 States and foreign nations rests with the 
 Congress of the United States and its 
 treaty-making pf)wers, the Kepnl)lican 
 l)arty, regarding the unrestricted immigra- 
 tion of the (!]iinese as an evil of great 
 magnitude, invoke the exercise of that 
 power to restrain and limit that immigra- 
 tion ])y the enaetmentof such just, humane, 
 and reasoiuible provisions as will produce 
 that result. 
 
 That the purity and patriotism which 
 characterized the early career of Ruther- 
 ford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which 
 guided the thoughts of our immediate pre- 
 decessors to select him for a presidential 
 candidate, have continued to insi^ire him 
 in his career as chief executive, and that 
 history will accord to his administration 
 the honors which are due to an efficient, 
 just, and courteous discharge of the public 
 business, and will honor his interposition 
 between the people and proposed partisan 
 laws. 
 
 8. "We charge upon the Democratic party 
 the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and 
 justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for 
 office and patronage. That to obtain pos- 
 session of the national and state govern- 
 ments, and the control of place and position, 
 they have obstructed all efforts to promote 
 the purity and to conserve the freedom of 
 suffi-age ; have devised fraudulent certifi- 
 cations and returns ; have labored to un- 
 seat lawfully-elected members of Congress, 
 to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a ma- 
 jority of the states in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives ; have endeavored to occupy, by 
 force and fraud the places of trust given to 
 others by the people of Maine, and rescued 
 by the courageous action of Maine's pa- 
 triotic sons ; have, by methods vicious in 
 principle and tyrannical in practice, at- 
 tached partisan legislation to ajipropria- 
 tion bills, upon whose passage the very 
 movements of government depend ; have 
 crushed the rights of the individual ; have 
 advocated the principle and sought the 
 favor of rebellion against the nation, and 
 have endeavored to obliterate the sacred 
 memories of the war, and to overcome its 
 inestimably valuable results of nationality, 
 personal freedom, and individual equality. 
 Equal, steady, and complete enforcement 
 of the laws, and protection of all our citizens 
 in the enjoyment of all privileges and im- 
 munities guaranteed by the constitution, 
 are the first duties of the nation. The dan- 
 ger of a solid south can only be averted by 
 the faithful performance of every promise 
 which the nation made to (he citi/en. The 
 execution of the laws, and the ])unishment 
 of all those who violate them, are the only 
 safe methods by which an enduring peace 
 can be secured, and genuine prosperity es- 
 tablished throughout the south. What- 
 ever promises the nation makes, the na- 
 tion must jierform ; and the nation can not 
 with safety relegate this duty to the states. 
 The solid south must be divided by the 
 l)eaceful agencies of the ballot, and all 
 o))inions nuist (liere find free expression; 
 and to this end honest voters must be pro- 
 tected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. 
 And we affirm it to be the duty and the 
 j)urpose of the Rei)ublican party to use all 
 legitimate means to restore all the states of 
 this Union to the most perfect harmony
 
 BOOK II. J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 63 
 
 which may be practicable ; and wc submit to 
 Ihe i)racticul. sensible people oftlie United 
 States to say whether it would not be dun- 
 gei'ou-i to the dearest interests of our coun- 
 try, at this time to surrender the adminis- 
 tration of the national government to a 
 ])arty which seeks to overthrow the exist- 
 ing policy, under which we are so ])rosi)er- 
 ous, and thus bring distrust and confusion 
 where there is now order, confidence, and 
 hope. 
 
 9. The Republican party, adhering to a 
 principle aflirmed by its last national con- 
 vention, of respect for the constitutional 
 rule covering appointments to office, adopts 
 the declaration of President Hayes, that 
 the reform of the civil service should be 
 thorough, radical, and comi)lete. To this 
 end it demands the co-operation of the 
 legislative with the executive department 
 of the government, and that Congress shall 
 so legislate that fitness, ascertained by 
 proper. practical tests, shall admit to the 
 public service ; and that the power of re- 
 moval for cause, Avith due responsibility 
 for the good conduct of subordinates, shall 
 accompany the power of appointment. 
 
 1880.— National (Greenback) Platform, 
 
 Chicago, Illinois, June 9. 
 
 The civil government should guarantee 
 the div ine right of every laborer to the re- 
 sults of his toil, thus enabling the pro- 
 ducers of wealth to provide themselves 
 with the means for physical comfort, and 
 facilities for mental, social, and moral cul- 
 ture ; and we condemn, as unworthy of our 
 civilization, the barbarism which imposes 
 upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery 
 as the price of a bare animal existence. 
 Notwithstanding the enormous increase of 
 productive ])ower by the universal intro- 
 auction of labor-saving machinery and the 
 discovery of new agents for the increase ol' 
 wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely 
 lightened, the hours of toil are but little 
 shortened, and few producers are lifted 
 from poverty into comfort and pecuniary 
 independence. The associated monopolies, 
 the international syndicates, and other in- 
 come classes demand dear money, cheap 
 labor, and a strong government, and, hence, 
 a weak people. Corporate control of the 
 volume of money has been the means 
 of dividing soeieiy into hostile classes, of 
 an unjust distribution of the products of 
 labor, and of building up monopolies of 
 associated capital, endowed with ]iower tf) 
 confiscate private proj)erty. It has kept 
 money scarce ; and the scarcity of money 
 enforces debt-trade, aiid public and cor- 
 porate loans ; debt engenders usury, and 
 usury ends in the bankruptcy of tlie bor- 
 rower. Other results are — deranged mar- 
 kets, uncertainty in manufacturing enter- 
 
 prises and agriculture, precarious and 
 
 intermittent employment for the laborer, 
 industrial war, increasing pauperism and 
 crime, and the consequent intimidation 
 and disfranchisement of the producer, and 
 a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. 
 Therefore, we declare — 
 
 First. That the right tn make and is.sue 
 money is a sovereign power, to be main- 
 tained by the people for their common 
 benefit. The delegation of this right to 
 corporations is a surrender of the central 
 attribute of sovereignty, void of constitu- 
 tional sanction, and conferring upon a sub- 
 ordinate and irresi)onsible power an abso- 
 lute dominion over industry and commerce. 
 All money, whether metallic or j)aper, 
 should be issued, and its volume controlled, 
 by the government, and not by or through 
 l)anking corporations ; and, when so issued, 
 should be a full legal tender for all debts, 
 i:)ublic and private. 
 
 Second. That the bonds of the United 
 States should not be refunded, but paid as 
 rapidly as j^racticable, according to con- 
 tract. To enable the government to meet 
 these obligations, legal-tender currency 
 should be substituted for the notes of the 
 national banks, the national banking sys- 
 tem abolished, and the unlimited coinage 
 of silver, as w^ell as gold, established by 
 law. 
 
 Third. That labor should be so pro- 
 tected by national and state authority as to 
 equalize its burdens and insure a just dis- 
 tribution of its results. The eight hour 
 law of Congress should be enforced, the 
 sanitary condition of industrial establish- 
 ments placed under the rigid control, the 
 competition of contract convict labor abol- 
 ished, a bureau of labor statistics estab- 
 lished, factories, mines, and workshops in- 
 spected, the employment of children under 
 fourteen years of age forbidden, and wages 
 paid in cash. 
 
 Fourth. Slavery being simply cheap 
 labor, and cheap labor being simply sla- 
 very, the importation and presence of 
 Chinese serfs necessarily tends to brutalize 
 and degrade American labor ; therefore, 
 immediate steps should be taken to ab- 
 rogate the Burlingame treaty. 
 
 Fifth. Railroad land grants forfeited by 
 reason of non-fulfillment of contract should 
 be immediately reclaimed by the govern- 
 ment, and, henceforth, the public donniiu 
 reserved exclusively as homes for actual 
 settlers. 
 
 Sixth. It is the duty of Congress to reg- 
 ulate inter-state commerce. All lines of 
 communication and transportation sliould 
 be brought under such legislative control 
 as shall secure moderate, lair, and uniform 
 rates for passenger and freight traffic. 
 
 Sei-cnth. We denounce as destructive to 
 property and dangerous t<i liberty the ac- 
 tion of the old parties in fostering and sua*
 
 64 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 tainin^ gigantic land, railroad, and money 
 corporations, and monopolies invested with 
 and exercising powers belonging to the 
 government, and yet not responsible to it 
 lor the manner of their exercise. 
 
 Eujldh. That the constitution, in giving 
 Congress the jiower to borrow money, to 
 declare war, to raise and supjjort armies, 
 to provide and maintain a navy, never in- 
 tended that the men who loaned their 
 money tor an interest-consideration should 
 be preferred to the soldiers and sailors who 
 
 f)eriled their lives and shed their blood on 
 and and sea in defense of their country ; 
 and we condemn the cruel class legislation 
 of the Eepublican ])arty, which, while pro- 
 fessing great gratitude to the soldier, has 
 most unjustly discriminated against him 
 and in favor of the bondholder. 
 
 Xinth. All jiroperty should bear its just 
 proportion of taxation, and we demand a 
 graduated income tax. 
 
 Tenth. We denounce as dangerous the 
 efforts everywhere manifest to restrict the 
 right of suti'rage. 
 
 Eleventh. We are opposed to an increase 
 of the standing army in time of peace, and 
 the insidious scheme to establish an enor- 
 mous military power under the guise of 
 militia laws. 
 
 Twelfth. We demand absolute democra- 
 tic rules for the government of Congress, 
 placing all representatives of the people 
 upon an equal footing, and taking away 
 from committees a veto power greater than 
 that of the President. 
 
 Thirteenth. We demand a government of 
 the people, by the i)eople, and for the peo- 
 ple, instead of a government of the bond- 
 holder, by the bondholder, and for the 
 bondholder ; and we denounce every at- 
 tempt to stir up sectional strife as an eflbrt to 
 conceal monstrous crimes against the people. 
 
 Fourteenth. In the furtherance of these 
 ends we ask the co-operation of all fair- 
 minded people. We have no quarrel with 
 individuals, wage no war on classes, but 
 only against vicious institutions. We are 
 not content to endure furtiier discipline 
 from our present actual rulers, who, liaving 
 dominion over money, over transportation, 
 over land and labor, over the press and the 
 machinery of government, wield unwar- 
 rantable power over our institutions and 
 )ver life and proi)erty. 
 
 1880.— Prohibition Reform Platform, 
 
 Cli-vvlunil, Ohii), .June 17. 
 
 The prohibition Reform i)arty of the 
 Unitvid States, organized, in the name of 
 the iH'oitIc, to revive, enforce, and perpetu- 
 ate in tne governniont the doctrines of the 
 Declaration of Iinlriicndciice, submit, for 
 the suffrage of all good citizens, the foUow- 
 
 ' ing platform of national reforms and mea- 
 , sures : 
 
 ! In the examination and discussion of the' 
 temperance question, it has been proven, 
 and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic 
 drinks, whether fermented, brewed, or dis- 
 tilled, are poisonous to the healthy human 
 body, the drinking of which is not only 
 needless but hurtful, necessarily tending to 
 form intemperate habits, increasing greatly 
 the number, severity, and fatal termina- 
 tion of diseases, weakening and deranging 
 the intellect, polluting the affections, hard- 
 ening the heart and corrupting the morals, 
 depriving many of reason and still more of 
 its healthful exercise, and annually bring- 
 ing down large numbers to untimely graves, 
 producing, in the children of many who 
 drink, a predisposition to intemperance, 
 insanity, and various bodily and mental 
 diseases, causing diminution of strength, 
 feebleness of vision, fickleness of purpose, 
 and premature old age, and inducing, in 
 all future generations, deterioration of 
 moral and physical character. Alcoholic 
 drinks are thus the implacable foe of man 
 as an individual. 
 
 First. The legalized importation, manu- 
 facture, and sale of intoxicating drinks 
 ministers to their use, and teaches the erro- 
 neous and destructive sentiment that such 
 use is right, thus tending to produce and 
 perpetuate the above mentioned evils. 
 
 Second. To the home it is an enemy — 
 proving itself to be a disturber and de- 
 stroyer of its peace, prosperity, and happi- 
 ness ; taking from it the earnings of the 
 husband; depriving the dependent wife 
 and children of essential food, clothing, 
 and education ; bringing into it profanity, 
 abuse, and violence; setting at naught the 
 vows of the marriage altar; breaking up 
 the family and sundering the children from 
 the parents, and thus destroying one of 
 the most beneficent institutions of our Cre- 
 ator, and removing the sure foundation of 
 good government, national prosperity, and 
 welfare. 
 
 Third. To the community it is equally 
 an enemy — producing vice, demoralization, 
 and wickedness; its places of sale being 
 resorts of gaming, lewdness, and debauch- 
 ery, and the hiding-place of those who 
 prey upon society; counteracting the 
 cflicacy of religious effort, and of all means 
 of intelleclual elevation, moral purity, 
 social happiness, and the eternal good of 
 mankind, without rendering any ccmnter- 
 acting or coni])eiisating benefits; being in 
 its influence and elfcct evil and only evil, 
 and that continually. 
 
 Fourth. To the state it is equally an 
 eneniy— legislative iiKjuiries, judicial inves- 
 tigations, and ollicial reports of all penal, 
 reformatory, and dependent institutions 
 showing that the mamifactun? and sale of 
 such beverages is the promoting cause of
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 
 
 65 
 
 intemperance, crime, and pauperism, and of 
 demands upon public and private cliarity, 
 imposing tlie larger part of taxation, ])ara- 
 lyzing thrift, industry, manufactures, and 
 commercial life, which, but for it, would 
 be unnecessary ; disturljiiig the peace of 
 streets and highways ; filling prisons and 
 poor-houses ; corrupting politics, legisla- 
 tion, and the execution of the laws ; short- 
 ening lives; diminishing health, industry, 
 and productive power in manufactures and 
 art; and is manifestly unjust as well as 
 injurious to the commuuity upon which it 
 is imposed, and is contrary to all just 
 views of civil liberty, as well as a violation 
 of the fundamental maxim of our common 
 law, to use j'our own property or liberty 
 so as not to injure others. 
 
 Fifth. It is neither right nor politic for 
 the state to afford legal protection to any 
 traffic or any system which tends to waste 
 the resources, to corrupt the social habits, 
 and to destroy the health and lives of the 
 people; that the importation, manufacture, 
 and sale of intoxicating beverages is 
 proven to be inimical to the true interests 
 of the individual home, community, and 
 state, and destructive to the order and wel- 
 fare of society, and ought, therefore, to be 
 classed among crimes to be prohibited. 
 
 Sixtli. In this time of profound i)eace at 
 home and abroad, the entire separation of 
 the general government from the drink- 
 traffic, and its prohibition in the District 
 of Columbia, territories, and in all places 
 and ways over which, under the constitu- 
 tion, Congress has control and power, is a 
 political issue of the first importance to the 
 2Jeace and prosperity of the nation. There 
 can be no stable peace and protection to 
 personal liberty, life, or property, until 
 secured by national or state constitutional 
 provisions, enforced by adequate laws. 
 
 Seventh. All legitimate industries require 
 deliverance from the taxation and loss 
 which the liquor traffic imposes upon them ; 
 and financial or other legislation could not 
 accomplish so much to increase production 
 and cause a demand for labor, and, as a 
 result, for the comforts of living, as the 
 suppression of thi? traffic would bring to 
 thousands of homes as one of its blessings. 
 
 Eighth. The administration of the gov- 
 ernment and the execution of the laws are 
 through political parties ; and we arraign 
 the Repiiblican party, wliich has been in 
 continuous power in the nation for twenty 
 years, as being false to duty, as false to 
 loudly-proclaimed principles of equal jus- 
 tice to all and special favors to none, and 
 of protection to the weak and dependent, 
 insensible to the mischief which the trade 
 in liquor has constantly inflicted upon in- 
 dustry, trade, commerce, and the social 
 liappiness of the people ; that 5,052 dis- 
 tilleries, 3,830 breweries, and 175,2(30 places 
 for the sale of these poisonous liquors, in- 
 24 
 
 volving an annual waste to the nation of 
 one million five hundred thousand dollars, 
 and the sacrifice of one hundred thousand 
 lives, have, under its legislation, grown up 
 and been fostered a.s a legitimate source of 
 revenue ; that during its history, six terri- 
 tories have been organized and live states 
 been admitted into the Union, with consti- 
 tutions provided and approved by Con- 
 gress, but the prohibition of this debasing 
 and destructive traffic has not been pro- 
 vided, nor even the people given, at the 
 time of admission, power to forbid it in 
 any one of them. Its history further 
 shows, that not in a single instance has an 
 (original prohibitory law been passed by 
 any state that was controlled by it, while 
 in four states, so governed, the laws found 
 on its advent to power have been repealed. 
 At its national convention in 1872, it de- 
 clared, as part of its party faith, that " it 
 disapproves of the resort to unconstitu- 
 tional laws for the purpose of removing 
 evils, by interference with rights not sur- 
 rendered by the people to either the state 
 or national government," which, the au- 
 thor of this plank says, was adopted by 
 the platform committee with the full and 
 implicit understanding that its purpose 
 was the discountenancing of all so-called 
 temperance, prohibitory, and Sunday laws. 
 
 Ninth. We arraign, also, the Democra- 
 tic party as unfaithful and unworthy of 
 reliance on this question ; for, although 
 not clothed with power, but occupying the 
 relation of an opposition party during 
 twenty years past, strong in numbers and 
 organization, it has allied itself with 
 liquor-traffickers, and become, in all the 
 states of the Union, their special political 
 defenders, and in its national convention 
 in 1870, as an article of its political faith, 
 declared against prohibition and just laws 
 in restraint of the trade in drink, by say- 
 ing it was opposed to what it was pleased 
 to call "all sumptuary laws." The Na- 
 tional party has been dumb on this ques- 
 tion. 
 
 Tenth. Drink-traffickers, having the his- 
 tory and experience of all ages, climes, and 
 conditions of men, declaring their business 
 destructive of all good — finding no support 
 in the Bible, morals, or reason — appeal to 
 misapplied law for their justification, and 
 intrench themselves behind the evil ele- 
 ments of political party for defense, party 
 tactics and party inertia become battling 
 forces, protecting this evil. 
 
 Eleventh. In view of the foregoing facts 
 and history, we cordially invite all voters, 
 without regard to former party affiliations, 
 to unite with us in the use of the ballot for 
 tlie abolition of the drinking system, under 
 the authority of our national and state 
 governments. We also demand, as a right, 
 that women, having the privileges of citi- 
 zens in other respects, be clothed with the
 
 66 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 ballot for their protection, and as a rightful 
 means for the proper settlement of the 
 liquor question. 
 
 Twelfth . To remove the apprehension of 
 some who allege that a loss of public rev- 
 enue would follow the suppression of the 
 direct trade, we confidently point to the 
 experience of governments abroad and at 
 home, which shows that thrift and revenue 
 from the consumption of legitimate manu- 
 factures and commerce have so largely fol- 
 lowed the abolition of drink as to fully 
 supply all loss of liquor taxes. 
 
 Thirteenth. "We recognize the good provi- 
 dence of Almighty God, who has preserved 
 and prospered us as a nation ; and, asking 
 for His Spirit to guide us to ultimate suc- 
 cess, we all look for it, relying upon His 
 omnipotent arm. 
 
 1880.— Democratic Platform, 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, June 22. 
 
 The Democrats of the United States, in 
 convention assembled, declare : 
 
 First. We pledge ourselves anew to the 
 constitutional doctrines and traditions of 
 the Democratic party, as illustrated by the 
 teachings and examples of a long line of 
 Democratic statesmen and patriots, and 
 embodied in the platform of the last na- 
 tional convention of the party. 
 
 Second. Opposition to centralization, 
 and to tliat dangerous spirit of encroach- 
 ment which tends to consolidate the powers 
 of all the departments in one, and thus to 
 create, whatever the form of government, 
 a real despotism ; no sumptuary laws ; 
 se])aration of the church and state for the 
 good of each ; common schools fostered 
 and protected. 
 
 Third. Home rule; honest money, con- 
 sisting of gold and silver, and paper, con- 
 vertible into coin on demand ; the strict 
 maintenance of the public faith, state and 
 national ; and a tariff for roveinie only ; 
 the subordination of the military to the 
 civil power; and a general and thorough 
 reform of the civil service. 
 
 Fourth. The right to a free ballot is a 
 right preservative of all rights ; and must 
 and sliall be maintained in every part of 
 the United States. 
 
 Fifth. The existing administration is the 
 rPf)rcsontative of conspiracy oidy ; and its 
 ciiiiiii of riglit (osiirroimd tlir l);illot-boxes 
 with trof)ps ;iii(l deputy marsiisils, to in- 
 tiriii(l;itc and obstruct the elections, and 
 th(! unprecedented use of tlie veto to main- 
 tain its corrupt and despotic power, insults 
 the j)eople and iin[)erils their institutions. 
 We execrate the course of this administra- 
 tion in making places in the civil service a 
 reward for political crime ; and demand a 
 reform, by statute, which shall make it for- 
 
 ever impossible for a defeated candidate to 
 bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by 
 billeting villains upon the peo2)le. 
 
 Sixth. The great fraud of 1876-7, by 
 which, upon a false count of the electoral 
 votes of two states, the candidate defeated 
 at the polls was declared to be President, 
 and, for the first time in American history, 
 the will of the people was set aside under 
 a threat of military violence, struck a 
 deadly blow at our system of representa- 
 tive government. The Democratic party, 
 to preserve the country from the horrors of 
 a civil war, submitted for the time, in the 
 firm and patriotic belief that the people 
 would punish the crime in 1880. This is- 
 sue precedes and dwarfs every other. It 
 imposes a more sacred duty upon the peojjle 
 of the Union than ever addressed the con- 
 sciences of a nation of freemen. 
 
 Seventh. The resolution of Samuel J. 
 Tilden, not again to be a candidate for the 
 exalted place to which he was elected by 
 a majority of his countrymen, and from 
 which he was excluded by the leaders of 
 the Republican party, is received by the 
 Democrats of the United States with deep 
 sensibility ; and they declare their confi- 
 dence in his wisdom, patriotism, and in- 
 tegrity unshaken by the assaults of the 
 common enemy ; and they further assure 
 him that he is followed into the retirement 
 he has chosen for himself by the sympathy 
 and respect of his fellow-citizens, who re- 
 gard him as one who, by elevating the 
 standard of the public morality, and adorn- 
 ing and purifying the public service, merits 
 the lasting gratitude of his country and 
 his party. 
 
 Eighth. Free ships, and a living chance 
 for American commerce upon the seas ; 
 and on the land, no discrimination in favor 
 of. transportation lines, corporations, or 
 monopolies. 
 
 Ninth. Amendments of theBurlingame 
 treaty ; no more Chinese immigration, ex- 
 cept for travel, education, and foreign com- 
 merce, and, therein, carefully guarded. 
 
 Tenth. Public money and public credit 
 for public purposes solely, and public land 
 for actual settlers. 
 
 Eleventh. The Democratic party is the 
 friend of labor and the laboring man,- and 
 ])ledges itself to protect him alike against 
 the cormorants and the commune. 
 
 Tirrlffh. We congratulate the country 
 upon the honesty anil thrift of a Demo- 
 cratic Congress, which has reduced the 
 IHibiic exi)enditure .t 10,000,000 a year; 
 upon the continuation of prosperity at 
 home and the national honor abroad; and, 
 above all, upon tlu' jjromise of sucli a 
 change in tlH> administration of the govern- 
 ment as shall insure a genuine and lasting 
 reform in every department of the public 
 service.
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 67 
 
 Virginia Republican. 
 
 [Adopted August 11.] 
 
 Whereas, It is proper that when the 
 people assemble in convention they should 
 avow distinctly the principles of govern- 
 ment on which they stand ; now, therefore, 
 be it, 
 
 Resolved, That we, the Republicans of 
 Virginia, hereby make a declaration of our 
 allegiance and adhesion to the principles 
 of the Republican party of the country, 
 and our determination to stand squarely by 
 the organization of the Republican party 
 of Virginia, always defending it against 
 the assaults of all persons or parties what- 
 soever. 
 
 Second. That amongst the principles of 
 the Republican party none is of more vital 
 importance to the welfare and interest of 
 the country in all its parts than that which 
 pertains to the sanctity of Government 
 contracts. It therefore becomes the special 
 duty and province of the Republican party 
 of Virginia to guard and protect the credit 
 of our time-honored State, which has been 
 besmirched with repudiation, or received 
 with distrust, by the gross mismanagement 
 of various factions of the Democratic 
 party, which have controlled the legisla- 
 tion of the State. 
 
 Third. That the Republican party of 
 Virginia hereby j^ledges itself to redeem 
 the State from the discredit that now hangs 
 over her in regard to her just obligations 
 for moneys loaned her for constructing her 
 internal improvements and charitable in- 
 stitutions, which, permeating every quarter 
 of the State, bring benefits of far greater 
 value than their cost to our whole people, 
 and we in the most solemn form pledge the 
 Republican party or" the State to the full 
 payment of the Avhole debt of the State, less 
 the one-third set aside as justly falling on 
 West Virginia ; that the industries of the 
 country should be fostered through pro- 
 tective laws, so as to develop our own re- 
 sources, employ our own labor, create a 
 home market, enhance values, and promote 
 the happiness and prosperity of the people. 
 
 Fourth. That the public school system 
 of Virginia is the creature of the Repub- 
 lican party, and we demand that every 
 dollar the Constitution dedicates to it shall 
 be sacredly applied thereto as a means of 
 educating the children of the State, with- 
 out regard to condition or race. 
 
 Fifth. That the elective franchise as an 
 equal right should be based on manhood 
 qualification, and that we favor the repeal 
 of the requirements of the prepayment of 
 the capitation tax as a prerequisite to the 
 franchise as opposed to the Constitution of 
 the United States, and in violation of the 
 condition whereby the State was read- 
 mitted Jis a member of our Constitutional 
 Union, as well a? against the spirit of the 
 
 Constitution ; but demand the imposition 
 of the capitation tax as a source of revenue 
 for the support of the public schools with- 
 out its disfranchising efi'ects. 
 
 Sixth. That we favor the repeal of the 
 disqualification for the elective franchise 
 by a conviction of petty larceny, and of 
 the infamous laws which place it in the 
 power of a single justice of the peace (oft- 
 times being more corruj)t than the criminal 
 before him) to disfranchise his fellow-man. 
 
 Seventh. Finally, that we urge the repeal 
 of the barbarous law permitting the im- 
 position of stripes as degrading and inhu- 
 man, contrary to the genius of a true and 
 enlightened people, and a relic of bar- 
 barism. 
 
 [The Convention considered it inexpe- 
 dient to nominate candidates for State 
 officers.] 
 
 Virginia Readjnster. 
 
 [Adopted Jnne 2.] 
 
 First. We recognize our obligation to 
 support the institution for the deaf, dumb 
 and blind, the lunatic asylum, the public 
 free schools and the Government out of 
 the revenues of the State ; and we depre- 
 cate and denounce that policy of ring rule 
 and subordinated sovereignty which for 
 years borrowed money out of banks at high 
 rates of interest for the discharge of these 
 paramount trusts, w'hile our revenues were 
 left the prey of commercial exchanges, 
 available to the State only at the option 
 of speculators and syndicates. 
 
 Second. We reassert our purpose to settle 
 and adjust our State obligations on the 
 principles of the " Bill to re-establish pub- 
 lic credit," known as the " Riddleberger 
 bill," passed by the last General Assembly 
 and vetoed by the Governor. We main- 
 tain that this measure recognizes the just 
 debt of Virginia, in this, that it assumes 
 two-thirds of all the money Virginia bor- 
 rowed, and sets aside the other third to 
 West Virginia to be dealt with by her in 
 her own way and at her own pleasure ; that 
 it places those of her creditors who have 
 received but 6 per cent, instalments of in- 
 terest in nine years upon an exact equality 
 with those who by corrupt agencies were 
 enabled to absorb and monopolize our 
 lAeans of payment ; that it agrees to pay 
 such rate of interest on our securities as 
 can with certainty be met out of the rev- 
 enues of the State, and that it contains all 
 the essential features of finality. 
 
 Third. We reassert our adherence to the 
 Constitutional requirements for the " equal 
 and uniform" taxation of projierty, ex- 
 empting none except that specified by the 
 Constitution and used exclusively for " re- 
 ligious, charitable and educational pur- 
 poses."
 
 68 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 Fourth,. We reassert that the paramount 
 obligation of the various works of internal 
 imi)rovement is to the people of the State, 
 by whose authority they were created, by 
 whose money they were constructed and 
 by whose grace they live ; and it is enjoin- 
 ed upon our representative and executive 
 officers to enforce the discharge of that 
 dutj' ; to insure to our people such rates, 
 facilities and connections as will protect 
 ei'ery industry and interest against dis- 
 crimination, tend to the development of 
 our agricultural and mineral resources, en- 
 courage the investment of active capital in 
 manufactures and the profitable employ- 
 ment of labor in industrial enterprises, 
 grasp for our city and our whole State those 
 advantages to which by their geographical 
 position they are entitled, and fulfil all the 
 great public ends for which they were de- 
 signed. 
 
 Fifth. The Eeadjusters hold the right to 
 a free ballot to be the right preservative of 
 all rights, and that it should be maintained 
 in every State in the Union. We believe 
 the capitation tax restriction upon the suf- 
 frage in Virginia to be in conflict with the 
 XlVth Amendment to the Constitution of 
 the United States. We believe that it is a 
 violation of that condition of reconstruc- 
 tion wherein the pledge was given not so 
 to amend our State Constitution as to de- 
 prive any citizen or class of citizens of a 
 right to vote, except as punishment for 
 such crimes as are felony at common law. 
 We believe such a prerequisite to voting to 
 be contrary to the genius of our institu- 
 tions, the very foundation of which is re- 
 presentation as antecedent to taxation. 
 We know that it has been a failure as a 
 measure for the collection of revenue, the 
 pretended reason for its invention in 1876, 
 and we know the base, demoralizing and 
 dangerous uses to which it has been pros- 
 tituted. We know it contributes to the 
 increase of monopoly power, and to cor- 
 rupting the voter. For these and other 
 reasons we adhere to the purpose hitherto 
 expressed to provide more effectual legisla- 
 tion for the collection of this tax, dedicated 
 by the Constitution to the public free 
 schools, and to abolish it as a qualification 
 for and restriction upon suffrage. 
 
 Sixth. The Readjusters congratulate the 
 whole people of Virginia on tlie jirogrcss 
 of the last few years in developing mineral 
 resources and promoting manufacturing 
 cnteri)rises in the State, and they declare 
 tlu'ir purpose to aid these great and grow- 
 ing industries by all projxT and essential 
 legislation, State and Federal. Totliisend 
 they will continue their efforts in behalf 
 of more cordial and fraternal relations be- 
 tween the sections and States, and esjx'- 
 cially for that concord and harmony which 
 will make the country to know liow earn- 
 estly and siucercly Virginia invites all men 
 
 into her borders as visitors or to become 
 citizens without fear of social or political 
 ostracism ; that every man, from whatever 
 section of country, shall enjoy the fullest 
 freedom of thought, speech, politics and 
 religion, and that the State which first 
 formulated these principles as fundamental 
 in free government is yet the citadel for 
 their exercise and protection. 
 
 Virginia Democratic. 
 
 [Adopted Augitst 4.] 
 
 The Conservative Democratic party of 
 Virginia — Democratic in its Federal rela- 
 tions and Conservative in its State policy — 
 assembled in convention, in view of the 
 present condition of the Union and of this 
 Commonwealth, for the clear and distinct 
 assertion of its political principles, doth 
 declare that we adopt the following articles 
 of political faith : 
 
 Fi7~st. Equality of right and exact jus- 
 tice to all men, special privileges to none ; 
 freedom of religion, freedom of the press, 
 and freedom of the person under the pro- 
 tection of the habeas corjjus ; of trial by 
 juries impartially selected, and of a pure, 
 upright and non-partisan judiciary ; elec- 
 tions by the people, free from force or fraud 
 of citizens or of the military and civil of- 
 ficers of Government ; and the selection 
 for public offices of those who are honest 
 and best fitted to fill them ; the support of 
 the State governments in all their rights as 
 the most comiietent administrations of our 
 domestic concerns andthe surest bulwarks 
 against anti-rejniblican tendencies ; and 
 the preservation of the General Govern- 
 ment in its whole constitutional vigor as 
 the best sheet-anchor of our peace at home 
 and our safety abroad. 
 
 Second. That the maintenance of the 
 public credit of Virginia is an essential 
 means to the promotion of her prosperity. 
 We condemn repudiation in every shape 
 and form as a blot uj)on her honor, a blow 
 at her permanent welfare, and an obstacle 
 to her progress in wealth, influence and 
 power ; and that we will make every eflbrt 
 to secure a settlement of the public debt, 
 with the consent of her creditoi-s, Avhich is 
 consistent with her honor and dictated by 
 justice and sound public policy ; that it is 
 eminently desirable and proper that the 
 several classes of the debt now existing 
 should be unified, so that equality, which 
 is equity, may control in the annual pay- 
 ment of interest and the ultimate redemp- 
 tion of princi])al ; that, with a view of se- 
 curing such (Hpiality, we ])ledge our party 
 to use all lawliil authority to secure a settle- 
 ment of the State debt so that there shall 
 be l)ut one class of the public debt; that 
 we will use all lawful and constitutional 
 means iu our power to secure a settlement
 
 BOOK 11.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 of the State debt upon the basis of a 3 per 
 cent, bond, and that the Conservative- 
 Democratic party pledges itself, as a part 
 of its policy, not to increase the present 
 rate of taxation. 
 
 Third. That we will Uphold, in its full 
 constitutional integrity and efficiency, our 
 public-school system for the education of 
 both wliitc and colored children — a system 
 inaugurated by the Constitution of the 
 State and established l)y the action of the 
 Conservative party years before it wa.s re- 
 quired by the Constitution ; ami will take 
 flie most effectual means for the faithful 
 execution of the same by applying to its 
 support all the reveiuies set apart for that 
 object by the Constitution or otherwise. 
 
 Fourth. Upon this declaration of prin- 
 ciples we cordially invite the co-operation 
 of^ all Conservative Democrats, whatever 
 may have been or now are their views 
 upon the public debt, in the election of the 
 nominees of this Convention and in the 
 maintenance of the supremacy of the 
 Democratic party in this State. 
 
 Resolved, further, That any intimation, 
 coming from any q^uartcr, that the Con- 
 servative-Democratic party of Virginia has 
 been, is now, or proposes to be, opposed to 
 an honest ballot and a fair count, is a 
 calumny upon the State of Virginia as un- 
 founded in fact as it is dishonorable to its 
 authors. * 
 
 That special efforts be made to foster and 
 encourage the agricultural, mechanical, 
 mining, manufacturing and other indus- 
 trial interests of the State. 
 
 That, in common with all good citizens 
 of the Union, we reflect with deep abhor- 
 rence upon the crime of the man who 
 aimed a blow at the life of the eminent 
 citizen who was called by the constitutional 
 voice of fifty millions of people to be the 
 President of the United States ; and we 
 tender to him and to his friends the sym- 
 pathy and respect of this Convention and 
 of those we represent, in this great calam- 
 ity, and our hearty desire for his complete 
 restoration to health and return to the dis- 
 charge of his important duties, for the wel- 
 fare and honor of our common country. 
 
 COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANKS ON GREAT 
 
 POLITICAL QUESTIONS. 
 
 General Party Doctrines. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1856— That the 
 liberal principles 
 embodied by Jeffer- 
 son in the Declara- 
 tion of Independ- 
 ence, and sanctioned 
 in the Constitution, 
 which makes ours 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1856— That the 
 maintenance of the 
 ])rinciples promul- 
 gated in the Decla- 
 ration of Inde{)end- 
 enee and embodied 
 in the Federal Con- 
 stitution, is essential 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 tlie land of liberty 
 and the asylum of 
 the oppressed o f 
 every nation, have 
 ever been cardinal 
 l)rinciples in the 
 Democratic f a i t h ; 
 and every attempt to 
 abridge the present 
 j)rivilege of becom- 
 ing citizens and the 
 owners of soil among 
 us ought to be re- 
 sisted with the same 
 spirit which swept 
 the alien and sedi- 
 tion laws from our 
 statute books. 
 
 [Plank 8. 
 
 1860— Reaffirm- 
 
 ed. 
 
 1864— 
 
 1868— 
 
 1872 — We recog- 
 nize the equality of 
 all men before the 
 law, and hold that 
 
 REPUBLICAN, 
 
 to the preservation 
 of our Republican 
 institutions, and 
 that the Federal 
 Constitution, the 
 rights of the States, 
 and the union of the 
 States shall be pre- 
 served; that with our 
 Republican iathers, 
 we hold it to be a 
 self-evident truth 
 that all men are en- 
 dowed with tiie in- 
 alienable rights to 
 life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit o f happi- 
 ness, and that the 
 primary object and 
 ulterior design of 
 our Federal Govern- 
 ment were to secure 
 these rights to all 
 persons within its 
 exclusive jurisdic- 
 tion. [Plank 1. 
 
 1860— That the 
 maintenance of the 
 principles promul- 
 gated in the Decla- 
 ration of Independ- 
 ence and embodied 
 in the Federal Con- 
 stitution. "That all 
 men are created 
 equal ; that they are 
 endowed by their 
 Creator with certa'in 
 inalienable rights ; 
 that among these 
 are life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of hap- 
 piness ; that to se- 
 c u r e these rights 
 governments are in- 
 stituted among men, 
 deriving their just 
 powers from the 
 consent of the gov- 
 erned," is essential 
 to the preservation 
 of our Republican 
 institutions ; and 
 that the Federal 
 Constitution, the 
 rights of the States, 
 and the Union of 
 the States must and 
 shall be preserved. 
 [Plank 2. 
 
 1864— 
 
 1868— 
 
 1872 — Complete 
 liberty and exact 
 equality in the en- 
 joyment of all civil,
 
 70 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 it is the duty of Gov- 
 ernment in its deal- 
 ings with the peo- 
 ple to mete out 
 equal and exact jus- 
 tice to all, of what- 
 ever nativity, race, 
 color, or persuasion, 
 religious or politi- 
 cal. [Plank 1. 
 
 1876— 
 
 1880 — Opposi- 
 tion to centraliza- 
 tionism, and to tluit 
 dangerous spirit of 
 encroachment 
 which tends to con- 
 solidate the powers 
 of all the depart- 
 ments in one, and 
 thus to create, what- 
 ever be the form of 
 Government, a real 
 despotism. 
 
 [Plank 2. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 political and public 
 rights should be es- 
 tablished and etfec- 
 tually maintained 
 throughout the Un- 
 ion by efficient and 
 appropriate State 
 and Federal Legis- 
 lation. Neither the 
 law nor its adminis- 
 tration should ad- 
 mit any discrimina- 
 tion in respect of 
 citizens by reasons 
 of race, creed, color 
 or previous condi- 
 tion of servitude. 
 
 [Plank 3. 
 1876— The United 
 States of America is 
 a Na tio n not a 
 league. By the com- 
 bined workings of 
 the National and 
 State Governments, 
 under their respec- 
 tive constitutions, 
 the rights of every 
 citizen are secured 
 at home or abroad, 
 and the common 
 welfare promoted. 
 
 1880— r^e consti- 
 tution of the United 
 States is a supreme 
 law and not a mere 
 contract. Out of 
 confederate States it 
 made a sovereign 
 nation. Some pow- 
 ers are denied to the 
 nation, while others 
 are denied to the 
 States, but the 
 boundary between 
 the powers dele- 
 gated and those re- 
 served is to be de- 
 termined by the Na- 
 tional, and not by 
 the State tribunal. 
 [Cheers.] 
 [Plank 2. 
 
 The Rebellion. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1WJ+— That this 
 convention does ex- 
 plicitly declare, as 
 t li e sense of the 
 A merican people, 
 that after four years 
 of failure to restore 
 the Union by the ex- 
 
 RKPUBLICAN. 
 
 1804— Til at it is 
 the highest duty of 
 every American cit- 
 izen to maintain 
 against all th e i r 
 enemies the integ- 
 rity of tli(^ Union 
 and the paramount 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 periment of war , 
 during which, un- 
 der tlie pretense of 
 a military necessity 
 or war-power higher 
 than the Constitu- 
 tion, tlie Constitu- 
 tion itself has been 
 disregarded in every 
 part, and public lib- 
 erty and private 
 right alike trodden 
 down, and the ma- 
 terial prosperity of 
 the country essen- 
 tially impaired, jus- 
 tice, humanity, lib- 
 erty, and the public 
 welfare demand that 
 immediate efforts be 
 made for a cessation 
 of hostilities, with a 
 view to the ultimate 
 convention of the 
 States, or other 
 peaceable means, 
 to the end that, at 
 the earliest practi- 
 cable moment peace 
 may be restored on 
 the basis of the Fed- 
 eral Union of the 
 States. 
 
 [1st resolution. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 authority of the 
 Constitution and 
 laws of the United 
 States ; and that lay- 
 ing aside all differ- 
 e n c e s of political 
 opinions, we pledge 
 ourselves as Union 
 men, animated by 
 a common s e n t i- 
 ment, and aiming at 
 a common object, to 
 d o everything i n 
 our power to aid the- 
 Government, in 
 quelling by force of 
 arms the rebellion 
 now raging against 
 its authority, and in 
 bringing to the pun- j 
 ishment due to their ; 
 crimes the rebels * 
 and traitors arrayed 
 against it. 
 
 That we approve 
 the determination 
 of the Government 
 of the United States 
 not to comj)romise 
 with rebels, or to 
 offer them any terms 
 of peace, except 
 such as may be 
 based upon an un- 
 conditional sur- 
 render of their hos- 
 tility and a return 
 to their just allegi- 
 ance to the Constitu- 
 tion and laws of the 
 United States; and 
 that we call upon 
 the Government to 
 maintain this posi- 
 tion and to prose- 
 cute the war with 
 the utmost possible 
 vigor to the com- 
 plete suppression of 
 the rebellion, in full 
 reliance upon the 
 self-sacrificing pa- 
 triotism, the heroic 
 valor, and the un- 
 dying devotion o f 
 the American peo- 
 ple to the country 
 and its free institu- 
 tions. 
 
 1 1st and 2d resolu- 
 tions.] 
 
 Home Kule. 
 
 democratic:. REPUBLICAN. 
 
 ],sr,G— That we 18.'36— * * • 
 recognize the right The dearest consti-
 
 BOOK II.J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 71 
 
 DEMOCRATIC, 
 of the people in all 
 the Territories, in- 
 cluding Kansas and 
 Nebraska, acting 
 through the legally 
 and i'airly expressed 
 will of a majority of 
 actual residents, 
 and wherever the 
 number of their in- 
 habitants justifies it, 
 to form a constitu- 
 tion * * * and 
 be admitted into the 
 Union upon terms 
 of perfect equality 
 with the other 
 States. 
 
 REPUBLICAN, 
 tutional r igh ts of 
 the people of Kan- 
 sas have been Iraud- 
 ulently and violent- 
 ly taken from them ; 
 their territory has 
 been invaded by an 
 armed force; spur- 
 ious and pretended 
 legislative, judicial, 
 and executive of- 
 ficers have been set 
 over them, l)y whose 
 usurped authority, 
 sustained by the 
 military power of 
 the Government, 
 tyrannical and un- 
 constitutional laws 
 have been enacted 
 and enforced ; the 
 right of the people 
 to keep and bear 
 arms has been in- 
 fringed ; test-oaths 
 of an extraordinary 
 and entangling na- 
 ture have been im- 
 posed as a condition 
 of exercising the 
 right of suffrage 
 and holding ofSce ; 
 the right of an ac- 
 cused person to a 
 speedy and public 
 trial by an impartial 
 jury has been de- 
 nied ; the right of 
 the people to be se- 
 cure in their per- 
 sons, houses, papers, 
 and effects against 
 u n r e a son able 
 searches and seiz- 
 ures, has been vio- 
 lated ; they h a v e 
 been deprived of life, 
 liberty, and prop- 
 erty without due 
 process of law ; that 
 the f r e e d o m of 
 speech and of the 
 press has been 
 abridged; the right 
 to choose their rep- 
 resentatives has 
 been made of no 
 effect ; murders, rob- 
 beries, and arsons 
 have been instigated 
 and encouraged, 
 and the offenders 
 have been allowed 
 to go unpunished ; 
 that all those things 
 Lave been done 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 I860— That when 
 the settlers in a Ter- 
 ritory, having an ad- 
 equate population, 
 form a State Consti- 
 tution, the right of 
 sovereignty com- 
 mences, and, being 
 consummated by ad- 
 mission into the Un- 
 ion, they stand on 
 an equal footing with 
 the people of other 
 States; and the State 
 thus organized ought 
 to be admitted into 
 the Federal Union, 
 whether its consti- 
 tution prohibits or 
 recognizees the insti- 
 tutionof slavery. 
 [Plank 3, Breckin- 
 ridge, Dem. 
 
 1864— 
 
 1868 — After the 
 most solemn and 
 unanimous pledge of 
 both Houses of Con- 
 gress to prosecute the 
 war exclusively for 
 the maintenance of 
 the Government and 
 the preservation of 
 the Union under the 
 t'onstitution, it [the 
 Republican party] 
 has repeatedly vio- 
 
 EEPUBLICAX. 
 with the knowledge, 
 sanction, and pro- 
 curement of the 
 present Adminis- 
 tration, and that for 
 this high crime 
 against the Consti- 
 tution, the Union, 
 and humanity, we 
 arraign the Admin- 
 istration, the Presi- 
 dent, his advisers, 
 agents, supporters, 
 apologists, and ac- 
 cessories, either be- 
 fore or ajler the fact, 
 before the country 
 and before the 
 world; and that it 
 is our fixed purpose 
 to bring the actual 
 perpetrators of these 
 atrocious outrages 
 and their accom- 
 plices to a sure and 
 condign punish- 
 ment. [Plank 3. 
 
 I860 — That the 
 maintenance invio- 
 late of the rights of 
 the States, and espe- 
 cially the right of 
 each State to order 
 and control its own 
 domestic institutions 
 according to its own 
 judgment exclusive- 
 ly, is essential to that 
 balance of power on 
 which the perfection 
 and endunmceof our 
 political fabric de- 
 pends; and we de- 
 nounce the lawless 
 inviusion by armed 
 force of the soil of 
 any State or Terri- 
 tory, no matter un- 
 der what pretext, as 
 among the gravest 
 of crimes, 
 
 [Plank 4, 
 
 1864— 
 
 1868— We con- 
 gratulate the coun- 
 try on the a.ssurcd 
 success of the recon- 
 struction policy of 
 Congress, as evinced 
 by the adoption, in 
 the majority of the 
 States lately in re- 
 bellion, of constitu- 
 tions securing eipial 
 civil and political 
 rights to all ; and it
 
 72 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 lated that most sa- 
 cred pledge under 
 which alone was ral- 
 lied that noble vol- 
 unteer army which 
 carried our flag to 
 victory. Instead of 
 restoring the Union, 
 it has, so fivr as in its 
 power, dissolved it, 
 and subjected ten 
 States, in time of 
 profound peace, to 
 militiiry despotism 
 and negro suprema- 
 cy. It has nullified 
 there the right of 
 trial by jurj- ; it has 
 abolished the habeas 
 coi-pns, that most sa- 
 cred writ of liberty ; 
 it has overthrown the 
 freedom of speech 
 and the press; it has 
 substituted arbitrary 
 seizures and arrests, 
 and military trials 
 and secret star-cham- 
 ber inquisitions for 
 the constitutional 
 tribunals ; it has 
 disregarded in time 
 of peace the right of 
 the peo{)le to be free 
 from searches and 
 seizures ; it has en- 
 tered the post and 
 telegraph offices, and 
 even the private 
 rooms of individuals, 
 and seized their pri- 
 vate papers and let- 
 ters without any spe- 
 cific cliargc or notice 
 of affidavit, as re- 
 quired by the or- 
 ganic law ; it has 
 converted tlie Anier- 
 can Capitol into a 
 bastilc ; it has cstab- 
 lislied a syst<m of 
 8j)icH and otlicial es- 
 pionage to which no 
 constitutional mon- 
 archy of VjUTope 
 would now dare to 
 resort ; it has al)ol- 
 ishcd the right of 
 ap[)cal on important 
 constitutional ques- 
 tions to tbe su])n'me 
 judicial tribunals, 
 and threatens tocur- 
 tail C)r destroy it8 
 original jurisdiction, 
 which is irrevocably 
 
 EEPUBLICAN. 
 
 is the duty of the 
 Government to sus- 
 tain those institu- 
 tions and prevent 
 the people of such 
 IStates from being 
 remitted to a state 
 of anarchy. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 vested by the Con- 
 stitution, while the 
 learned Chief Jus- 
 tice has been sub- 
 jected to the most 
 atrocious calumnies, 
 merely because he 
 would not prostitute 
 his high office to the 
 support of the false 
 and partisan charges 
 preferred against the 
 President. * * * 
 Under its repeated 
 assaults the pillars 
 of the Government 
 are rocking on their 
 base, and should it 
 succeed in Novem- 
 ber next and inaugu- 
 rate its President, we 
 will meet as a sub- 
 jected and conquered 
 people, amid the 
 ruins of liberty and 
 the scattered frag- 
 ments of the Consti- 
 tution. 
 
 1872— Local self- 
 government, with 
 impartial suffrage, 
 will guard the rights 
 of all citizens more 
 securely than any 
 centralized power. 
 The public welfare 
 requires the supre- 
 macy of the civil 
 over the militaiy au- 
 thority, and freedom 
 of persons under the 
 protection of the ha- 
 beas corpus. We de- 
 mand for the indi- 
 vidual the largest 
 liberty consistent 
 with public order ; 
 for the State self- 
 government, and for 
 the nation a return 
 to the methods of 
 peace and the con- 
 stitutional limita- 
 tions of power. 
 
 [Plank 4. 
 
 1880—* * " Home 
 Rule." [Plank 3. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1872 — We hold 
 that Congress and 
 the President have 
 only fulfilled an im- 
 perative duty in 
 their measures for 
 the suppression o f 
 violent and treason- 
 able organizations in 
 certain lately rebel- 
 lious regions, and for 
 the protection of the 
 ballot-box ; and, 
 therefore, they are 
 entitled to the thanks 
 of the nation. 
 
 [Plank 12. 
 
 1880— 
 
 Intt-rual Improvemeuts. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1S5(; — That the 
 Constitution does 
 not confer upon the 
 g(!neral (Jovernnient 
 the power to com- 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 18r)() — That ap- 
 propriations by con- 
 gress for the im- 
 provement of rivers 
 and harbors of a na-
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 73 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 mence and carry on 
 a general system of 
 internal improve- 
 ments. [Plank 2. 
 
 I860— Reaffirmed. 
 
 1864— 
 1868— 
 1872— 
 1876— 
 
 1880— Plank 2 of 
 1856 reaffirmed. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 tional character, re- 
 quired for the ac- 
 commodation and 
 security of our exist- 
 ing commerce, are 
 authorized by the 
 Constitution and 
 justified by the obli- 
 gation f Govern- 
 ment to protect the 
 lives and property 
 of its citizens. 
 
 (Plank 7. 
 18G0— That ap- 
 propriations by Con- 
 gress for river and 
 harbor improve- 
 ments of a national 
 character, required 
 for the accommoda- 
 tion and security of 
 an existing com- 
 merce, are author- 
 ized by the Constitu- 
 tion and justified by 
 the obligation of 
 Government to pro- 
 tect the lives and 
 property of its citi- 
 zens. [Plank 15. 
 
 1864r- 
 
 1868— 
 
 1872— 
 
 1876— 
 
 1880— * * * That 
 we deem it the duty 
 of Congress to de- 
 velop and improve 
 our seacoast a n d 
 harbors, but insist 
 that further subsi- 
 dies to private per- 
 sons or corporations 
 must cease. 
 
 The National Debt and Interest, tbe Public 
 Crefllt, Repudiation, etc. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 1864— 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1864— That the 
 National faith, 
 pledged for the re- 
 demption of the 
 Eublic debt, mast be 
 ept inviolate, and 
 that for this purpose 
 we recommend eco- 
 nomy and rigid re- 
 sponsibility in the 
 public expenditures, 
 and a vigorous and 
 just system of taxa- 
 tion ; and that it is 
 the duty of every 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1868— Payment of 
 the i)ublic debt of 
 the United States as 
 rapidly as practica- 
 ble ; all moneys 
 drawn from the peo- 
 ple by taxation, ex- 
 cept so much as is 
 requisite for the ne- 
 cessities of the Gov- 
 ernment, economi- 
 cally administered, 
 being honestly ap- 
 plied to such pay- 
 ment, and where the 
 obligations of the 
 Government do not 
 expressly state upon 
 their face, or the law 
 under which they 
 were issued does not 
 provide that they 
 shall be paid in coin, 
 they ought, in right 
 and in justice, to be 
 paid in the lawful 
 money of the United 
 States. [Plank 3. 
 
 Equal taxation of 
 every species of pro- 
 perty according to 
 its real value, in- 
 cluding Government 
 bonds and other 
 public securities. 
 
 [Plank 4. 
 
 1872 — We de- 
 mand a system of 
 Federal taxation 
 which sliall not un- 
 necessarily interfere 
 witli the industries 
 of the people, and 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 loyal State to sastain 
 the credit and jjro- 
 mote the use of the 
 National currency. 
 [Plank 10. 
 
 1868 — We de- 
 nounce all forms of 
 repudiation as a Na- 
 tional crime ; and 
 the National honor 
 requires the pay- 
 ment of the public 
 indebtedness in the 
 uttermost good faith 
 to all creditors at 
 home and al)road, 
 not only according 
 to the letter, but the 
 spirit of the laws 
 under which it was 
 contracted. 
 
 [Plank 3. 
 
 It is due to the 
 labor of the nation 
 that taxation should 
 be equalized and re- 
 duced as rapidly as 
 the national faith 
 will jjermit. 
 
 [Plank 4. 
 
 Tlie national debt, 
 contracted as it has 
 been for the preser- 
 vation of the Union 
 for all time to come, 
 should be extended 
 over a fair period for 
 redemption ; and it 
 is the duty of Con- 
 gress to reduce the 
 rate of interest 
 thereon whenever it 
 can be honestly 
 done. [Plank 5. 
 
 That the Ijcst po- 
 licy to diminish our 
 burden of debt is to 
 so improve our cred- 
 it that capitalists 
 will seek to loan us 
 money at lower rates 
 of interest than we 
 now pay and must 
 continue to pay so 
 long as repudiation, 
 partial or total, oj)en 
 or covert, is threat- 
 ened or sus])ected. 
 [Plank 6. 
 
 1,S72— * * * A 
 uniform nation a 1 
 curreiu-y has been 
 provided, repudia- 
 tion frowned down, 
 the nationnl credit 
 sustained under the
 
 74 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 which shall provide 
 the means necessa- 
 ry to pay the expen- 
 ses of the Govern- 
 ment, economically 
 administered, the 
 pensions, the inter- 
 est on the public 
 debt, and a mode- 
 rate reduction an- 
 nually of the princi- 
 pal thereof. * * * 
 
 The public credit 
 must be sacredly 
 maintained, and we 
 denounce rejjudia- 
 tion in every form 
 and guise. [Plank 7. 
 
 1876 — Reform is 
 necessary to estab- 
 lish a sound curren- 
 cy, restore the pub- 
 lic credit, and main- 
 tain the national 
 honor. 
 
 1880— *** Hon- 
 est m o n e y — t h e 
 striet maintenance 
 of the public faith 
 — consisting of gold 
 and silver, and pa- 
 per convertible into 
 coin on demand; 
 the strict mainte- 
 nance of the jmblic 
 faith, State and na- 
 tional. [Plank 3. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 most extraordinary 
 burdens, and new 
 bonds negotiated at 
 lower rates. * * 
 [Plank 1. 
 We denounce re- 
 pudiation of the 
 public debt, in any 
 form of disguise, as 
 a national crime. 
 We witness with 
 pride the reduction 
 of the principal of 
 the debt, and of the 
 rates of interest upon 
 the balance. 
 
 [Plank 13. 
 
 1876— In the first 
 act of Congress 
 signed by President 
 Grant, the National 
 Government as- 
 sumed to remove 
 any doubts of its 
 purpose to discharge 
 all just obligations 
 to the public- credi- 
 tors, and " solemnly 
 pledged its faith to 
 make provision at 
 the earliest practica- 
 ble period for the 
 redemption of the 
 United States notes 
 in coin." Commer- 
 cial prosperity, ])ub- 
 lic morals, and na- 
 tional credit demand 
 that this promise be 
 fulfilled by a con- 
 tinuance and steady 
 progress to specie 
 pavment. [Plank 4. 
 
 1880— It [the Re- 
 publican party] has 
 raised the value of 
 our paper currency 
 from 38 per cent, to 
 the par of gold [ap- 
 plause] ; it has re- 
 stored, upon a solid 
 basis, payment in 
 coin of all national 
 obligations, and has 
 given us a currency 
 absolutely good and 
 eoual in every part 
 01 our extended 
 country [applause] ; 
 it has lifted the 
 credit of tiie nation 
 from the point of 
 where 6 jxt cent. 
 l)onds sold at 8(;, to 
 that where 4 per 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 cent, bonds are 
 eagerly sought at a 
 premium. 
 
 [Preamble. 
 
 Resumption. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1872 — A speedy 
 return to specie pay- 
 ment is demanded 
 alike by the highest 
 c o n s i d e rations of 
 commercial morali- 
 ty and honest gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 [Plank 8. 
 
 1876 — We de- 
 nounce the financial 
 imbecility and im- 
 morality of that 
 party, Avhich, during 
 eleven years of 
 peace, has made no 
 advance toward re- 
 sumption, no prepa- 
 ration for resump- 
 tion, but instead has 
 obstructed resump- 
 tion, by wasting our 
 resources and ex- 
 hausting all our sur- 
 plus income ; and, 
 while annually pro- 
 fessing to intend a 
 speedy return to 
 specie payments, 
 has annually enac- 
 ted fresh hindrances 
 thereto. As such 
 hindrance we de- 
 nounce the resump- 
 tion clause of the act 
 oJ"[875, and we here 
 demand its repeal. 
 
 1880—* * * Hon- 
 est money, * * * 
 consisting of gold, 
 and silver, and pa- 
 per convertible into 
 coin on demand. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1872—* * * Our 
 excellent national 
 currency will be 
 perfected by a spee- 
 dy resumption of 
 specie payment. 
 [Plank 13. 
 
 ,1876— In the first 
 act of Congress 
 signed by President 
 Grant, the National 
 Government as- 
 sumed to remove 
 any doubts of its 
 purpose to discharge 
 all just obligations 
 to the public credi- 
 tors, and solemnly 
 pledged its faitk 
 to make provision 
 at the "earliest 
 practicable period 
 for the redemption 
 of the United States 
 notes in coin." Com- 
 mercial prosperity, 
 public morals and 
 national credit de- 
 mand that this pro- 
 mise be fulfillecl by 
 a continuous aiid 
 steady progress to 
 specie patjment. 
 
 1880— * * * It 
 [the Republican 
 party] has restored, 
 upon a solid basis, 
 payment in coin of 
 all National obli- 
 g a t i o n s , and has 
 given us a currency 
 absolutely good and 
 equal in every part 
 of our extended 
 country. 
 
 Capital and I^abor. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1868 — liesolvcd, 
 That this conven- 
 tion synipatliize cor- 
 dial 1 y with the 
 working men of the 
 United States in 
 
 1868—
 
 BOOK II.J 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 75 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 their efforts to pro- 
 tect the rights and 
 interests of the la- 
 boring classes of the 
 country. 
 1872— 
 
 1880— The Demo- 
 cratic party is the 
 friend of labor and 
 the laboring man, 
 and pledges itself to 
 protect him alike 
 against the cormo- 
 rant and the com- 
 mune. [Plank 13. 
 
 BEPUBLICAN. 
 
 1872— Among the 
 questions which 
 press for attention is 
 that which concerns 
 the relations of capi- 
 tal and labor, and 
 the Republican par- 
 ty recognizes the du- 
 ty of so shaping le- 
 gislation as to secure 
 full protection and 
 the amplest field for 
 capital,and for labor, 
 the creator of capital 
 the largest opportu- 
 nities and a just 
 share of the mutual 
 profits of these two 
 great servants of ci- 
 vilization. 
 
 [Plank 11. 
 1880— 
 
 Tariff. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1856 — The time 
 has come for the 
 people of the United 
 States to declare 
 themselves in favor 
 
 EEPUBLICAIT. 
 
 1856— 
 
 of 
 
 progressive 
 
 free trade through- 
 out the world, by 
 solemn manifesta- 
 tions, to place their 
 moral influence at 
 the side of their suc- 
 cessful example. 
 [Resolve i. 
 That justice and 
 sound policy forbid 
 the Federal Govern- 
 ment to foster one 
 branch of industry 
 to the detriment of 
 any other, or to 
 cherish the interests 
 of one portion to 
 the injury of another 
 portion of our com- 
 mon country. 
 
 [Plank 4. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1860— Reafirmed. 
 
 1864— 
 
 1868— * * * A 
 tariff for revenue 
 upon foreign im- 
 ports, and such equal 
 taxation under the 
 Internal Revenue 
 laws as will afford 
 incidental protec- 
 tion to domestic 
 manufactures, and 
 as will, without im- 
 pairing the revenue, 
 impose the least 
 burden upon and 
 best promote and 
 encourage the great 
 industrial interesta 
 of the country. 
 
 [Plank 6. 
 
 1872— * * * * Re- 
 cognizing that there 
 are in our midst 
 honest but irrecon- 
 cilable differences of 
 opinion with regard 
 to the respective 
 systems of protection 
 and free trade, we 
 remit the discussion 
 of the subject to the 
 people in their Con- 
 gressional districts, 
 and to the decision 
 of the Congress 
 thereon, wholly free 
 from executive iu- 
 
 REPURl.lCAN. 
 1860— That, while 
 
 f)roviding revenue 
 or the supiKjrt of 
 the general Govern- 
 ment by duties upon 
 imports, sound poli- 
 cy requires such an 
 adjustment of these 
 imposts aa to encour- 
 age the development 
 of the industrial in- 
 terests of the whole 
 country ; and we 
 commend that poli- 
 cy of national ex- 
 changes which se- 
 cures to the work- 
 ingmen liberal wa- 
 ges, to agriculture re- 
 munerative prices, 
 to mechanics and 
 manufacturers an 
 adequate reward for 
 their skill, labor, and 
 enterprise, and to 
 the nation commer- 
 cial prosperity and 
 independence. 
 
 [Plank 12. 
 1864— 
 1868— 
 
 1872 * * * * 
 
 Revenue except 
 so much as may 
 be derived from a 
 tax upon toV)acco 
 and liquors, should 
 be raiseil by duties 
 iH)on importations, 
 the details of wliich 
 should be so adjusted 
 as to aid in securing 
 remunerative wages 
 to labor, and pro- 
 mote the industries, 
 prosperity, and 
 
 growth of the whole 
 country, [riuuk 7.
 
 76 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 terference or dicta- 
 tion. [Plank 6. 
 
 1876— **** m 
 
 demand that all 
 custom-house taxa- 
 tion shall be only for 
 reven ue. 
 
 [Plank 11. 
 
 1880— * * * * A 
 taritF for revenue on- 
 ly. [Plank 3. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1876— The reve- 
 nue necessary for 
 current expendi- 
 tures and the obliga- 
 tions of the public 
 debt must be largely 
 derived from duties 
 upon importations, 
 which so far as pos- 
 sible, should be ad- 
 justed to promote 
 the interests of 
 American labor and 
 advance the prosper- 
 ity of the whole 
 country. [Plank 8. 
 
 1880— Eeaffirmed. 
 
 Education. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1876— The false 
 issue with which 
 they [the Eepubli- 
 cans] would enkindle 
 sectarian strife in re- 
 spect to the j3ublic 
 schools, of which 
 the establishment 
 and support belong 
 exclusively to the 
 several States, and 
 which the Democra- 
 tic party has cherish- 
 ed from their foun- 
 dation, and is resolv- 
 ed to maintain with- 
 out prejudice or 
 preference for any 
 class, sect, or creed, 
 and without larges- 
 ses from the Trea- 
 sury to any. 
 
 1880- * * * Com- 
 mon Schools foster- 
 ed and i)rotected. 
 [Plank 2. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1876— The public 
 school system of the 
 several States is the 
 bulwark of the 
 American Eepublic, 
 and with a view to 
 its security and per- 
 manence we recom- 
 mend an Amend- 
 ment to the Consti- 
 tution of the United 
 States, forbidding 
 the application of 
 any public funds or 
 property for the ben- 
 efit of any schools or 
 institutions under 
 sectarian control. 
 [Plank 4. 
 
 1880— The work 
 of popular education 
 is one left to the 
 care of the several 
 States, but it is the 
 duty of the National 
 Ciovernmont to aid 
 that work to the ex- 
 tent of its constitu- 
 tional ability. The 
 intelligence of the 
 nation is but the 
 aggregate of the in- 
 telligence in the 
 several States, and 
 the destiny of the 
 Nation must be 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 guided, not by the 
 
 §enius of any one 
 tate, but by the 
 average genius of 
 all. [Plank 3. 
 
 Duty to IJnlou Soldiers and Sallorg. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1864— That the 
 sympathy of the De- 
 mocratic party is 
 heartily and earnest- 
 ly extended to the 
 soldiery of our army 
 and sailors of our 
 nav}% who are and 
 have been in the field 
 and on the sea under 
 the flag of our coun- 
 try, and, in the event 
 of its attaining pow- 
 er, they will receive 
 all the care, protec- 
 tion, and regard that 
 the brave soldiers 
 and sailors of the 
 Republic so nobly 
 earned. [Plank 6. 
 
 Jggg -X- ****•!{■ * 
 
 That our soldiers 
 and sailors, who car- 
 ried the flag of our 
 country to victory, 
 against a most gal- 
 lant and determined 
 foe, must ever be 
 gratefully remem- 
 bered, and all the 
 guarantees given in 
 their favor must be 
 faithfully carried 
 into execution. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1864— That the 
 thanks of the Ameri- 
 can people are due 
 to the soldiers and 
 sailors of the army 
 and navy, who have 
 periled their lives in 
 defense of the coun- 
 try and in vindica- 
 tion of the honor of 
 its flag ; that the na- 
 tion owes to them 
 some permanent re- 
 cognition of their pa- 
 triotism and their 
 valor, and ample and 
 permanent provi- 
 sion for those of their 
 survivors who have 
 received disabling 
 and honorable 
 
 wounds in the serv- 
 ice of the country ; 
 and that the memor- 
 ies of those who have 
 fallen in its defence 
 shall be held in 
 grateful and ever- 
 lasting remem- 
 brance. [Plank 4. 
 
 1868— Of all who 
 were faithi'ul in the 
 trials of the late war, 
 there were none en- 
 titled to more espe- 
 cial honor than the 
 brave soldiers and 
 seamen who endured 
 the hardshij)s of 
 campaign and cruise 
 and imperiled their 
 lives in the service 
 of their country ; 
 the bounties and 
 pensions provided 
 by the laws for these 
 brave defenders of 
 the nation are obli- 
 gations never to be 
 forgotten ; the wi- 
 dows and or])hanH of 
 the gallant dead are 
 the wards of the i)eo- 
 ijK — a sacred legacy 
 bequeathed to the 
 nation's care. 
 
 [Plank 10.
 
 BOOK 11.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 77 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1872—* We re- 
 member with grati- 
 tude tlie heroism 
 and sacrifices of tlie 
 soldiers and sailors 
 of thellepublic, and 
 no act of ours shall 
 ever detract from 
 their justly earned 
 fame for the full re- 
 ward of their i)atriot- 
 isn^ [Plank 9. 
 
 REPUBLICAN, 
 
 1872— We hold in 
 undying honor the 
 soldiers and sailors 
 whose valor saved 
 the Union. Their 
 pensions are a.sacred 
 debt of the nation, 
 and the widows and 
 orphans of those 
 who died for their 
 country are entitled 
 to the care of a gen- 
 erous and grateful 
 people. We favor 
 such additional le- 
 gislation as will ex- 
 tend the bounty of 
 the Government to 
 all our soldiers and 
 sailors who were 
 honorably discharg- 
 ed, and who in the 
 line of duty became 
 disabled, without re- 
 gard to the length of 
 service or the cause 
 of such discharge. 
 [Plank's. 
 1876— The pledges 
 which the nation 
 has given to her 
 soldiers and sailors 
 must be fulfilled, 
 and a grateful people 
 will always hold 
 those who imperiled 
 their lives for the 
 country's preserva- 
 tion, in the kindest 
 remembrance. 
 
 [Plank 14. 
 1880— 1880— That the 
 
 obligations of the 
 Eepublic to the men 
 who preserved its in- 
 tegrity in the day of 
 battle are undimin- 
 ished by the lapse 
 of fifteen years since 
 their final victory. 
 To do them honor 
 is and shall forever 
 be the grateful pri- 
 vilege and sacred 
 duty of the Ameri- 
 can people. 
 
 Naturalization and Alle^ance. 
 
 1876— * * * The 
 soldiers and sailors 
 of the Republic, and 
 the widows and or- 
 
 1)hans of those who 
 lave fallen in battle, 
 have a just claim 
 upon the care, pro- 
 tection, and grati- 
 tude of their fellow- 
 citizens. 
 [Last resolution. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1860— That the De- 
 mocracy of the Uni- 
 ted States recognize 
 it as the imperative 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1800 — The Re- 
 publican party is 
 opposed to any 
 change in our na- 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 duty of this Govern- 
 ment to protect the 
 naturalized citizen 
 in all his rights, 
 whether at home or 
 in foreign lands, to 
 the same extent as 
 •ts native-born ci- 
 tizens. [Plank 6. 
 
 1864— 
 
 1868 — Equal 
 rights and protec- 
 tion for naturalized 
 and native-born citi- 
 zens at home and 
 abroad, the assertion 
 of American nation- 
 ality which shall 
 command the re- 
 spect of foreign 
 powers, and furnish 
 an example and en- 
 couragement to peo- 
 ple struggling for 
 national integrity, 
 constitutional liber- 
 ty, and individual 
 rights and the inain- 
 tenance of the rights 
 of naturalized citi- 
 zens against the ab- 
 solute doctrine of 
 immutable allegi- 
 ance, and the claims 
 of foreign powers to 
 punish them for al- 
 leged crime com- 
 mitted beyond their 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 [Plank 8. 
 
 1872— 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 turalization laws, or 
 any 8tatc legislation 
 by which the rights 
 of citizenshin hith- 
 erto accorded to im- 
 migrants fnnn for- 
 eign lands shall be 
 abridged or impair- 
 ed ; and in favor of 
 giving a full and ef- 
 ficient protection to 
 the right of all cla.s- 
 ses of citizens, 
 whether native or 
 naturalized, both 
 home and abroad. 
 [Plank 14. 
 
 1864r— 
 
 1868— The doc- 
 trine of Great Bri- 
 tain and other Euro- 
 pean Powers, that 
 because a man is 
 once a subject he is 
 always so, must be 
 resisted at every 
 hazard by the Uni- 
 ted States, as a re- 
 lic of feudal times, 
 not authoi'ized by 
 the laws of nations, 
 and at war with our 
 national honor and 
 independence. Na- 
 turalized citizens are 
 entitled to protec- 
 tion in all their 
 rights of citizenship 
 as though they were 
 native-born ; and no 
 citizen of the United 
 States, native or na- 
 turalized, must be 
 liable to arrest and 
 imprisonment by 
 any foreign power 
 for acts done or 
 words spoken in this 
 country ; and, if so 
 arrested and im- 
 prisoned, it is the 
 duty of the Govern- 
 ment to interfere in 
 his behalf 
 
 [Plank 9. 
 1872 — The doc- 
 trine of Great Bri- 
 tain and other Eu- 
 ropean Powers con- 
 cerning allegiance 
 — " once a subject 
 always a subject " — 
 h a V i n g at last, 
 through the efforts 
 of the Republican 
 party, been aban-
 
 78 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 1876— 
 
 1880— 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 doned, and the Ame- 
 rican idea of the in- 
 dividual's right to 
 transfer allegiance 
 having been accep- 
 ted by European 
 nations, it is the 
 duty of our Govern- 
 ment to guard with 
 jealous care the 
 rights of adopted 
 citizens against the 
 assumption of unau- 
 thorised claims by 
 their former Gov- 
 ernments, and we 
 urge continued care- 
 ful encouragement 
 and protection of 
 voluntary immigra- 
 tion. [Plank 9, 
 
 1876— It is the im- 
 perative duty of the 
 Government so to 
 modifv' existing trea- 
 ties with European 
 governments, that 
 the same protection 
 shall be afforded to 
 the adopted Ameri- 
 can citizen that is 
 given to the native- 
 born, and that all 
 necessary laws 
 should be passed to 
 protect emigrants in 
 the absence of pow- 
 er in the State for 
 that purpose. 
 
 [Plank 10. 
 1880— * * * * 
 Everywhere the pro- 
 tection accorded to a 
 citizen of American 
 birth must be se- 
 cured to citizens by 
 American adoption. 
 [Plank 5. 
 
 The ChlneHc. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 1876 — Keform is 
 necessarj' to correct 
 the omissions of a 
 Republican Con- 
 gress, and the errors 
 of our treaties and 
 our diplomacy, 
 which have stripppcl 
 our fcllow-citizons 
 of foreign birth and 
 kindred race re- 
 crossing the Atlan- 
 tic, of tlic shield of 
 American citizen- 
 
 REPURLICAN. 
 
 1876— It is the 
 immediate duty of 
 Confess to fully in- 
 vestigate the effect 
 of the immigration 
 a n d importation 
 of Mongolians upon 
 the moral and ma- 
 terial interests of the 
 countrv. 
 
 '[Plank 11. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 ship, and have ex- 
 posed our brethren 
 of the Pacific coast 
 to the incursions of 
 a race not sprung 
 from the same great 
 parent stock, and in 
 fact now by law de- 
 nied citizenship 
 through naturaliza- 
 tion as being neither 
 accustomed to the 
 traditions of a pro- 
 gressive civili- 
 zation nor ex- 
 ercised in liberty 
 under equal laws. 
 We denounce the 
 policy which thus 
 discards the liberty- 
 loving German and 
 tolerates a revival of 
 the coolie trade in 
 Mongolian women 
 imported for im- 
 moral purposes, and 
 Mongolian men held 
 to perform servile 
 labor contracts, and 
 demand such modi- 
 fication of the trea- 
 ty with the Chinese 
 Empire, or such le- 
 gislation within con- 
 stitutional limita- 
 tions, as shall pre- 
 vent further impor- 
 tation or immigra- 
 tion of the Mongo- 
 lian race. 
 
 1880 — Amend- 
 ment of the Burlin- 
 game Treaty. No 
 more Chinese immi- 
 gration, except for 
 travel, education, 
 and foreign com- 
 merce, and therein 
 carefully guarded, 
 [Plank 11. 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1880— Since the 
 authority to regu- 
 late immigration 
 and intercourse be- 
 tween the United 
 States and foreign 
 nations rests with 
 the Congress of the 
 United States and 
 the treaty-making 
 power, the Ke]iubli- 
 can party, regarding 
 the unrestricted im- 
 migration of Chinese 
 as a matter of grave 
 concernment under 
 the exercise of both 
 these powers, would 
 limit and restrict 
 that immigration by 
 the enactment of 
 puch just, humane, 
 and reasonable laws 
 and treaties as will 
 produce that result. 
 [Plank 6.
 
 BOOK II.] 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 
 79 
 
 Civil Service. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 1872 — The civil 
 service of the gov- 
 ernment has become 
 a mere instrnmcnt 
 of partisan tyranny 
 ana personal ambi- 
 tion and an object of 
 selfish greed. It is 
 a scandal and re- 
 proach upon free in- 
 stitutions and breeds 
 a d e m r a 1 iza- 
 tion dangerous to 
 the perpetuity of 
 Kepublican Govern- 
 ment. We therefore 
 regard a thorough 
 reform of the civil 
 service as one of the 
 most pressing neces- 
 sities of the hour; 
 that honesty, ca- 
 pacity and fideli- 
 ty constitute the 
 oidy valid claim to 
 pul>lic employment; 
 and the ofiices of the 
 Government cease 
 to be a matter of ar- 
 bitrary fovoritism 
 and patronage, and 
 public station be- 
 come again a post 
 of honor. To this 
 end it is imperative- 
 n ly required that no 
 if President shall be a 
 candidate lor re- 
 election. 
 
 1876 — Reform is 
 necessarj^ in the 
 civil service. Ex- 
 perience that proves 
 efficient, economical 
 conduct of Govern- 
 mental business is 
 not possible if the 
 civil service be sub- 
 ject to change at 
 every election, be a 
 prize fought for at 
 the ballot-box, be a 
 brief reward of party 
 zeal, instead of posts 
 of honor assigned for 
 proved competency, 
 and held for fidelity 
 in the public em- 
 
 REPUBLICAN. 
 
 1872 — Any system 
 of the civil service, 
 under which the 
 subordinate posi- 
 tions of the Govern- 
 ment are considered 
 rewards for mere 
 party zeal is fatally 
 demoralizing, and 
 we therefore favor a 
 reform of the system 
 by laws which shall 
 abolish the evils of 
 
 t)atronage and make 
 lonesty, efficiency 
 and fidelity the es- 
 sential qualifications 
 for public positions, 
 without practically 
 creating a life ten- 
 ure of office. 
 
 [Plank 5. 
 
 1876— Under the 
 Constitu t i o n the 
 President and heads 
 of Departments are 
 to make nomina- 
 tions for office ; the 
 Senate is to advise 
 and consent to ap- 
 pointments, and the 
 House of Represen- 
 tatives to accuse and 
 prosecute faithless 
 officers. The best 
 interest of the pub- 
 lic service demands 
 that these distinc- 
 tions be respected ; 
 that Senators and 
 Representa tives 
 
 ^ 
 
 DEMOCRATIC. 
 
 ploy ; that the dis- 
 pensing of patron- 
 age should neither 
 be a tax upon the 
 time of all our pub- 
 lic men, nor the in- 
 strument of their 
 ambition. 
 
 1880— * * Tho- 
 rough reform in the 
 civil service. 
 
 REPUBMCAN. 
 who may Ijc judges 
 and accusers sliould 
 not dictate appoint- 
 ments to office. The 
 invarialile rule in 
 appointments 
 should have refer- 
 ence to tiie honesty, 
 fidelity and ciipacity 
 of the appointees, 
 giving to the party 
 in power those 
 places where harmo- 
 ny and vigor of ad- 
 ministration require 
 its policy to be re- 
 presented, but per- 
 mitting all others to 
 be filled by persons 
 selected with sole 
 reference to the effi- 
 ciency of the public 
 service, and the 
 right of all citizens 
 to share in the honor 
 of rendering faith- 
 ful service to the 
 country. 
 
 [Plank 5. 
 
 1880 — The Re- 
 
 Eublican party, ad- 
 ering to the prin- 
 ciples afiirmed by 
 its last National 
 Convention of re- 
 spect for the Consti- 
 tutional rules gov- 
 erning appoint- 
 ments to office, 
 adopts the declara- 
 tion of President 
 Hayes, that the re- 
 form of the civil ser- 
 vice should be tho- 
 rough, radical and 
 complete. To this 
 end it demands the 
 co-operation of the 
 legislative with the 
 executive depart- 
 ments of the Gov- 
 ernment, and that 
 Congress shall so 
 legislate that fitness, 
 ascertained by pro- 
 per practical tests, 
 shall admit to the 
 public service.
 
 AMEEICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 GREAT SPEECHES ON GREAT ISSUES. 
 
 26
 
 AMERICA]^ POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 GEEAT SPEECHES ON" GREAT ISSUES. 
 
 Speecli ot James Wilson, 
 
 January, 1775, in the Convention for the Province of 
 Peitnsj/lvania, 
 
 IN VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES. 
 
 "A most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience 
 Btill prevails in MassachiiBetts, and has broken forth 
 Id fresh violences of a criminal nature. The most 
 proper and etlectual methods have been taken to pre- 
 vent these mischiefs ; and the parlian*'nt may depend 
 upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to 
 weaken or impair tlie supreme authority of jiarlia- 
 ment over all the dominions of the crown." — Speech 
 of the King of Great Britain to Parliament, Nov., 1774. 
 
 Mr. Chairman: — Whence, sir, pro- 
 ceeds all the invidious and ill-grounded 
 clamor against the colonists of America? 
 Why arc they stigmatized in Britain as 
 licentious and ungovernable? Why is 
 their virtuous opposition to the illegal at- 
 tcm2)ts of their governors, represented un- 
 der the falsest colors, and placed in the 
 most ungracious point of view? This 
 opposition, when exhibited in its true 
 liglit, and when viewed, with unjaundiced 
 eyes, from a proper situation, and at a 
 proper distance, stands confessed the lovely 
 offspring of freedom. It breathes the spirit 
 of its parent. Of this ethereal spirit, the 
 whole conduct, and particularly the late 
 conduct, of the colonists has shown them 
 eminently possessed. It has animated and 
 regulated every part of their proceedings. 
 It has been recognized to be genuine, by 
 all those symptoms and effects by which it 
 has been distinguished in other ages and 
 other countries. It has been calm and 
 regular: it has not acted without occasion: 
 it has not acted disproportionably to the 
 occasion. As the attempts, open or secret, 
 to undermine or to destroy it, have been 
 repeated or enforced, in a just degree, its 
 vigilance and its vigor have been exerted 
 to defeat or to disappoint them. As its 
 exertions have been sufficient for those 
 purposes hitherto, let us hence draw a joy- 
 
 ful prognostic, that they will continue suf- 
 ficient for those purposes hereafter. It is 
 not yet exhausted : it will still operate ir- 
 resistibly whenever a necessary occasion 
 shall call forth its strength. 
 
 Permit me, sir, by appealing, in a few 
 instances, to the spirit and conduct of the 
 colonists, to evince that what I have said 
 of them is just. Did they disclose any 
 uneasiness at the proceedings and claims 
 of the British parliament, before those 
 claims and proceedings afforded a reason- 
 able cause for it? Did they even dis- 
 close any uneasiness, when a reasonable 
 cause for it Avas first given ? Our rights 
 were invaded by their regulations of our 
 internal policy. We submitted to them : 
 we were unwilling to oppose them. The 
 spirit of liberty was slow to act. When 
 those invasions were renewed ; when the 
 efficacy and malignancy of them were at- 
 tempted to be redoubled by the stamp act ; 
 when chains were formed for us; and 
 preparations were made for riveting them 
 on our limbs, what measures did we pur- 
 sue? The spirit of liberty found it neces- 
 sary now to act ; but she acted with the 
 calmness and decent dignity suited to her 
 character. Were we rash or seditious? 
 Did we discover want of loyalty to our 
 sovereign ? Did we betray want of affec- 
 tion to our brethren in Britain ? Let our 
 dutiful and reverential petitions to the 
 throne; let our respectful, though firm, 
 remonstrances to the parliament; let our 
 warm and affectionate addresses to our 
 brethren and (we will still call them) our 
 friends in Great Britain,— let all those, trans- 
 mitted from every part of the continent, 
 testif)' the truth. By their testimony let 
 our conduct be tried. 
 
 As our proceedings, during the exist- 
 ence and operation of the stamp act, prove 
 fully and incontestably the painful .><eii^a- 
 tions that tortureil our l)reasts from the 
 prospect of disunion with Britain ; the 
 
 3
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III, 
 
 peals of joy, wliicli burst forth universally, 
 upon the repeal of that odious statute, 
 loudly proclaim the heartfelt delight pro- 
 duced in us by a reconciliation with her. 
 Unsuspicious, because undesigniug, we 
 buried our complaints, and the causes of 
 them, in oblivion, and returned, with ea- 
 gerness, to our former unreserved confi- 
 dence. Our connection with our parent 
 country, and the reciprocal blessings re- 
 sulting from it to her and to us, were the 
 favorite and pleasing topics of our public 
 discourses and our private conversations. 
 Lulled into delightful security, we dreamed 
 of nothing but increasing fondness and 
 friendship, cemented and strengthened by 
 a kind and perpetual communication of 
 good offices. Soon, however, too soon, 
 were we awakened from the soothing 
 dreams ! Our enemies renewed their de- 
 signs against us, not with less malice, but 
 witli more art. Under the plausible pre- 
 tence of regulating our trade, and, at the 
 same time, of making provision for the ad- 
 ministration of justice, and the support of 
 government, in some of the colonies, they 
 pursued their scheme of dei^riving us of 
 our property without our consent. As the 
 attempts to distress us, and to degrade us 
 to a rank inferior to that of freemen, ap- 
 peared now to be reduced into a regular 
 system, it became proper, on our part, to 
 form a regular system for counteracting 
 them. We ceased to import goods from 
 Great Britain. Was this measure dictated 
 by selfishness or by licentiousness? Did 
 it not injure ourselves, while it injured the 
 British merchants and manufacturers? 
 Was it inconsistent with the peaceful de- 
 meanor of subjects to abstain from making 
 purchases, when our freedom and our 
 safety rendered it necessary for us to ab- 
 stain from them? A regard for our free- 
 dom and our safety was our only motive ; 
 for no sooner had the parliament, by re- 
 pealing part of the revenue laws, inspired 
 us with the flattering hopes, that they had 
 departed from their intentions of oppress- 
 ing and of taxing us, than we forsook our 
 {)lan for defeating those intentions, and 
 )egan to import as formerly. Far from 
 being j)cevish or captious, we took no pub- 
 lic notice even of their declaratory law of 
 dominion over us: our candor led us to 
 Cf)nsi(ler it as a decent expedient of re- 
 treat] r)g from the actual exercise of that 
 dominion. 
 
 But, aliis! the root of ])itterness still re- 
 mained. The duty on tea was reserved to 
 furnisli occasion to the ministry for a new 
 effort to ensliive and to rninu-;; and the 
 Ea^t TndiaCoinpany were chosen, and con- 
 Hcnteil to be the detested instruments of 
 ministerial despotism and crneity. A cargo 
 of tlieir tea arrived at Boston. By a low 
 artifice of the governctr, and by the wicked 
 activity of the tools of government, it was 
 
 rendered impossible to store it up, or to 
 send it back, as was done at other places. 
 A number of persons, unknown, de- 
 stroyed it. 
 
 Let us here make a concession to our 
 enemies : let us su^jpose, that the transac- 
 tion deserves all the dark and hideous 
 colors in which they have painted it : let 
 us even suppose (for our cause admits of 
 an excess of candor) that all their exag- 
 gerated accounts of it were confined strict- 
 ly to the truth : what will follow? Will 
 it follow, that every British colony in Amer- 
 ica, or even the colony of Massachusetts 
 Bay, or even the town of Boston, in that 
 colony, merits the imputation of being fac- 
 tious and seditious ? Let the frequent 
 mobs and riots, that have hai^pened in 
 Great Britain upon much more trivial oc- 
 casions, shame our calumniators into si- 
 lence. Will it follow, because the rules of 
 order and regular government were, in that 
 instance, violated^by the offenders, that, 
 for this reason, the principles of the con- 
 stitution, and the maxims of justice, must 
 be violated by their punishment? Will it 
 follow, because those who were guilty could 
 not be known, that, therefore, those who 
 were known not to be guilty must suffer ? 
 Will it follow, that even the guilty should 
 be condemned without being heard — that 
 they should be condemned upon partial 
 testimony, upon the representations of 
 their avowed and imbittered enemies? 
 Why were they not tried in courts of justice 
 known to their constitution, and by juries 
 of their neighborhood ? Their courts and 
 their juries were not, in the case of captain 
 Preston, transported beyond the bounds 
 of justice by their resentment: why, then, 
 should it be presumed, that, in the case of 
 those offenders, they would be prevented 
 from doing justice by their affection? But 
 the colonists, it seems, must be stripped of 
 their judicial, as well as of their legislative 
 powers. They must be bound by a legisla- 
 ture, they must be tried by a jurisdiction, 
 not their own. Their constitutions must 
 be changed : their liberties must be 
 abridged : and those who shall be most in- 
 famously active in changing their constitu- 
 tions and abridging their liberties, must, 
 by an express provision, be exempted 
 from punishment. 
 
 I CIO not exaggerate the matter, sir, 
 when I extend these observ.itions to 
 all the colonists. The parliament meant 
 to extend the effects of their pro- 
 ceedings to all the colonists. The plan, 
 on which their proceedings are formed, 
 extends to them all. From an incident of 
 no very uncommon or .atrocious nature, 
 which happened in one c^olony, in one 
 town in that colony, and in which only 
 a few of the inhabiiaiits of that town took 
 a i)art, an occasion has been taken by 
 those, who probaljly intended it, and who
 
 BOOK III.] WILSON'S VINDICATION OF TUE COLONIES. 
 
 certainly prepared the way for it, to im- 
 j)ose upon that colony, and to lay a loun- 
 datioii and a precedent for imposing upon 
 all the rest, a system of statutes, arbitrary, 
 unconstitutional, oppressive, in every view, 
 and in every degree subversive of the rights, 
 and inconsistent with even the name, ot' 
 freemen. 
 
 Were the colonists so blind as not to 
 discern the consequences of these mea- 
 sures? Were they so supinely inactive, as 
 to take no steps for guarding against them? 
 They were not. They ought not to have 
 been so. We saw a breach made in those 
 barriers, which our ancestors, British and 
 American, with so much care, with so 
 much danger, with so much treasure, and 
 with so much blood, had erected, cemented 
 a!i(l established fur the security of their 
 liberties, and — with filial piety let us men- 
 tion it — of ours. AVe saw the attack actu- 
 ally begun upon one part: ought we to 
 have folded our hands in indolence, to have 
 lulled our eyes in slumbers, till the attack 
 was carried on, so as to become irresistible, 
 in every part? Sir, I presume to think not. 
 We were roused ; we were alarmed, as Ave 
 had reason to be. But still our measures 
 have been such as the spirit of liberty and 
 of loyalty directed ; not such as the spirit 
 of sedition or of disaffection would pursue. 
 Our counsels have been conducted without 
 rashness and faction : our resolutions have 
 been taken without phrensy or fury. 
 
 That the sentiments of every individual 
 concerning that important object, his lib- 
 erty, might be known and regarded, meet- 
 ings have been held, and deliberations car- 
 ried on, in every particular district. That 
 the sentiments of all tlrose individuals 
 might gradually and regularly be collected 
 into a single point, and the conduct of 
 each inspired and directed by the result of 
 the whole united, county committees, pro- 
 vincial conventions, a continental congress, 
 have been appointed, have met and resolved. 
 By this means, a chain — more inesti- 
 mable, and, while the necessity for it con- 
 tinues, we hope, more indissoluble than 
 one of gold — a chain of freedom has been 
 formed, of which every individual in these 
 colonies, who is willing to preserve the 
 greatest of human blessings, his liberty, 
 has the pleasure of beholding himself a 
 link. 
 
 Are these measures, sir, the brats of dis- 
 loyalty, of disaffection ? There are mis- 
 creants among us, wasps that suck poison 
 from the most salubrious flowers, who tell 
 iLs they are. They tell us that all those 
 assemblies are unlawful, and unauthorized 
 by our constitutions ; and that all their 
 deliberations and resolutions are so many 
 transgressions of the duty of subjects. The 
 utmost malice brooding over the utmost 
 baseness, and nothing but such a hated 
 commixture, must have hatched this 
 
 calumny. Do not those men know — would 
 they have others not to know — that it was 
 impossible for the inhabitants of the same 
 province, and for the legislatures of the 
 different provinces, to communicate their 
 sentiments to one another in the modes 
 appointed for such purposes, by their dif- 
 ferent constitutions? Do not they know — 
 would they have others not to know — 
 that all this was rendered impossible by 
 those very persons, Avho now, or whose 
 minions uoav, urge this objection against 
 us? Do not they know — would they 
 have others not to know — that the 
 diflerent assemblies, who could be dis- 
 solved by the governors, were in conse- 
 quence of ministerial mandates, dissolved 
 l)y them, whenever they attempted to turn 
 their attention to the greatest objects, 
 which, as guardians of the liberty of their 
 constituents, could be presented to their 
 view? The arch enemy of the human 
 race torments them only for those actions 
 to which he has tempted, but to which he 
 has not necessarily obliged them. Those 
 men refine even upon infernal malice : 
 they accuse, they threaten us, (superlative 
 impudence ! ) for taking those very steps, 
 which we were laid under the disagreeable 
 necessity of taking by themselves, or by 
 those in whose hateful service they are en- 
 listed. But let them know, that our 
 counsels, our deliberations, our resolutions, 
 if not authorized by the forms, because 
 that was rendered impossible by our 
 enemies, are nevertheless authorized by 
 that which weighs much more in the scale 
 of reason — by the spirit of our constitu- 
 tions. Was the convention of the barons at 
 Runnymede, where the tyranny of John 
 was checked, and viarjna charia was signed, 
 authorized by the forms of the constitu- 
 tion ? Was the convention parliament, 
 that recalled Charles the Second, and re- 
 stored the monarchy, authorized by the 
 forms of the constitution? Was the con- 
 vention of lords and commons, that placed 
 king William on the throne, and secured 
 the monarchy and liberty likewise, author- 
 ized by the forms of the constitution? I 
 cannot conceal my emotions of pleasure, 
 when I observe, that the objections of our 
 adversaries cannot .be urged against us, 
 but in common with those venerable 
 assemblies, whose proceedings formed such 
 an accession to British libertv and British 
 
 We can be at no loss in resolving, 
 that the king cannot, by his jirerogative, 
 alter the charter or constituticm of the 
 colony of IMassachusetts Bay. Upon what 
 principle could such an exertion of i)re- 
 rogative be justified ? On the acts of jiar- 
 liament? They are already proved to be 
 void. On the discretionary power which 
 the king has of acting where the laws are
 
 6 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iii^ 
 
 silent? That power must be subservient to 
 the interest and happiness of those con- 
 cerning whom it operates. But I go fur- 
 ther. Instead of being supported by hiw, 
 or tlie principles of prerogative, such an 
 alteration is totally and absolutely repug- 
 nant to both. It is contrary to express law. 
 The charter and constitution, we speak of, 
 are confirmed by the only legislative power 
 capable of confirming them ; and no other 
 power, but that which can ratify, can 
 destroy. If it is contrary to express law, 
 the consequence is necessary, that it is con- 
 trary to the principles of prerogative ; for 
 prerogative can operate only when the law 
 is silent. 
 
 In no view can this alteration be justi- 
 fied, or so much as excused. It cannot be 
 justified or excused by the acts of parlia- 
 ment ; because the authority of parliament 
 does not extend to it ; it cannot be justified 
 or excused by the operation of prerogative ; 
 because this is none of the cases in which 
 prerogative can operate : it cannot be justi- 
 fied or excused by the legislative authority 
 of the colony ; because that authority 
 never has been, and, I presume, never will 
 be given for any such purpose. 
 
 If I have proceeded hitherto, as I am 
 persuaded I have, upon safe and sure 
 ground, I can, with great confidence, ad- 
 vance a step further, and say that all at- 
 tempts to alter the charter or constitution 
 of that colony, unless by the authority of 
 its own legislature, are violations of its 
 rights, and illegal. 
 
 If those attempts are illegal, must not 
 all force, employed to carry them into ex- 
 ecution, be force employed against law, and 
 without authority? The conclusion is un- 
 avoidable. 
 
 Have not British subjects, then, a right 
 to resist such force — force acting without 
 authority — force employed contrary to law 
 — force employed to destroy the very exist- 
 ence of law and of liberty ? They have, sir, 
 and this right is secured to them both by 
 the letter and the si)iritof the British con- 
 stitution, by wliich tlie measures and tlie 
 conditions of their oI)cdience are appointed. 
 The British liberties, sir, and the means 
 and the riglit of defending them, arc not 
 the grants oi' ])riri('i's ; and of wliat our 
 princes never granted they surely can never 
 
 deprive us. 
 
 ******* 
 
 " Id rex pntrsf" says the law, " qmxl de 
 jure polc.sl. The king's j)ower is a ])ow('r 
 according to law. His commands, if the 
 authority of lord chief jiislice Hale nuiy 
 be depended upon, are under the directive 
 power of the law; and consequently in- 
 valid, if utilawful. "("ominis-'ions," says 
 my lord C.'oke, "are legal; and are like the 
 king's writs; and none arc lawful, but such 
 as arc allowed by the common law, or war- 
 ranted by some act of parliament." 
 
 And now, sir, let me appeal to the im- 
 partial tribunal of reason and truth ; let 
 me appeal to every unprejudiced and 
 judicious observer of the laws of Britain, 
 and of the constitution of the British gov- 
 ernment; let me appeal, I say, whether 
 the principles on which I argue, or the 
 princii:)les on which alone my arguments 
 can be opposed, are those which ought to 
 be adhered to and acted upon ; which of 
 them are most consonant to our laAVS and 
 liberties ; which of them have the strong- 
 est, and are likely to have the most effect- 
 ual tendency to establish and secure the 
 royal power and dignity. 
 
 Are we deficient in loyalty to his ma- 
 jesty? Let our conduct convict, for it will 
 fully convict, the insinuation that we are, 
 of falsehood. Our loyalty has always ap- 
 peared in the true form of loyalty ; in obey- 
 ing our sovereign according to law ; let 
 those, who would require it in any other 
 form, know, that we call the persons who 
 execute his commands, when contrary to 
 law, disloyal and traitors. Are we enemies 
 to the power of the crown ? No, sir, -we 
 are its best friends : this friendship })rompt3 
 us to wish, that the power of the crown 
 may be firmly established on the most solid 
 basis : but we know, that the constitution 
 alone will perpetuate the former, and se- 
 curely uphold the latter. Are our princi- 
 ples irreverent to majesty? They are quite 
 the reverse: we ascribe to it perfection al- 
 most divine. We say, that the king can 
 do no wrong : we say, that to do wrong is 
 the property, not of power, but of weak- 
 ness. We feel oppression, and will oppose 
 it ; but we kno.w, for our constitution tells 
 US, that oppression can never spring from 
 the throne. We must, therefore, search 
 elsewhere for its source : our infallible 
 guide will direct us to it. Our constitution 
 tells us, that all oppression springs from 
 the ministers of the throne. The attri- 
 butes of perfection, ascribed to the king, 
 are, neither by the constitution, nor in fact, 
 communicable to his ministers. They may 
 do wrong; they have often done wrong; 
 they have been often punished for doing 
 wrong. 
 
 Here we may discern the true cause of 
 all the impudent clamor and unsup])orted 
 accusations of the ministers and of their 
 minions, that have been raised and made 
 against the conduct of the Americans. 
 Those ministers and minions are sensible, 
 that the op})osition is directed, not against 
 his majesty, but against them ; because 
 they have abused his majesty's confidence, 
 brought discredit ujion his govcriunent, 
 and derogated from his justice. They see 
 the public vengeance collected in dark 
 clouds around them : their consciences tell 
 them, that it should be hurled, like a 
 tluinderholt, at tlieir guilty heads. Ap- 
 palled with guilt and icar, they skulk be-
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 SPEECH OF PATRICK HENRY. 
 
 hind the throne. Is it disrespectful to drag 
 them into public view, and make a dis- 
 tinction between them and his majesty, 
 under whose venerable name they daringly 
 attempt to shelter their crimes ? Nothing 
 can more effectually contribute to estab- 
 lish his majesty on the throne, and to se- 
 cure to him the affections of his people, 
 than this distinction. By it we are taught 
 to consider all the blessings of government 
 as flowing from the throne ; and to con- 
 sider every instance of oppression as pro- 
 ceeding, which, in truth, is oftcnest the 
 case, from the ministers. 
 
 If, now, it is true, that all force employ- 
 ed for the purposes so often mentioned, is 
 force unwarranted by any act of parlia- 
 ment ; uusupported by any principle of 
 the common law; unauthorized by any 
 commission from the crown ; that, instead 
 of being employed for the support of the 
 constitution and his majesty's government, 
 it must be employed for the support of 
 oppression and ministerial tyranny ; if all 
 this is true (and I flatter myself it appears 
 to be true), can any one hesitate to say, 
 tliat to resist such force is lawful ; and 
 that both the letter and 'the spirit of the 
 British constitution justify- such resistance? 
 
 Resistance, both by the letter and the 
 spirit of the British constitution, may be 
 carried further, when necessity requires it, 
 than I have carried it. Many examples in 
 the English history might be adduced, and 
 many authorities of the greatest weight 
 might be brought to show, that when the 
 king, forgetting his character and his 
 dignity, has stepi)ed forth, and openly 
 avowed and taken a part in such iniquitous 
 conduct as has been described ; in such 
 cases, indeed, the distinction above men- 
 tioned, wisely made by the constitution 
 for the security of the crown, could not be 
 applied ; because the crown had uncon- 
 stitutionally rendered the application of it 
 impossible. What has been the conse- 
 quence? The distinction between him 
 and his ministers has been lost ; but they 
 have not been raised to his situation : he 
 has sunk to theirs. 
 
 Speech of Patriclc Henry, 
 
 March 23, 1775, in the Cmi'veiition of Delegates of Virginia, 
 On Ihe following resolutions, introduced by himself: 
 
 " Resolved, That a well-rogiilated militia, composed of 
 gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural Btivngth aiiil 
 only Becurity of a free government ; that such a militia 
 in thia colony, would forever render it unnecessary for 
 the mother covintrj- to keep among us, for the purpose 
 of our defence, aiiy standing army of mercenary sol- 
 diers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous 
 to the liberties of the people, an<l woulil obviate the 
 pretext of taxing us for their support. 
 
 " That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, 
 peculiarly necessary, by the state of our laws for the 
 protection and defence of the country, some of which 
 are already expired, and others will shortly be so; and 
 that the known remissness of government in calling us 
 together in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure, 
 in this time «f danger and distress, to n ly, that oppor- 
 
 tunity will be given of renewing them, in general as- 
 sembly, or making any provision to secure our ineati- 
 niable riglita and liberties from those further riulatioua 
 with which they are threatened. 
 "Resolved, therefore. That this colony be immediately put 
 into a state of defence, and that U- a 
 
 committee to prepare a plan for imbodying, arming and 
 di8<'i)>liniiig such a number of men as may be sulflciunt 
 for tliat jmrpose." 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: — No man thinks more 
 highly than I do of the patriotism, as well 
 as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen 
 who have just addressed the house. But 
 different men often see the same subject in 
 different lights ; and, therefore, I hope it 
 will not be thought disrespectful to those 
 gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do, opinions 
 of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall 
 speak forth my sentiments freely and with- 
 out reserve. This is no time for ceremony. 
 The question before the house is one of aw- 
 ful moment to this countrj'. For my own 
 part, I consider it as nothing less than a 
 question of freedom or slavery ; and in 
 I)roportion to the magnitude of the subject 
 ought to be the freedom of the debate. It 
 is only in this way that we can hope to ar- 
 rive at truth, and fulfil the great responsi- 
 bility which we hold to God and our coun- 
 try. Should I keep back my opinions at 
 such a time, through fear of giving offence, 
 I should consider myself as guilty of trea- 
 son towards my country, and of an act of 
 disloyalty towards the Majesty of Heaven, 
 which I revere above all earthly kings. 
 
 Mr. President, it is natural to man to 
 indulge in the illusions of hope. We are 
 apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, 
 and listen to the song of that siren, till he 
 transforms us into beasts. Is this the part 
 of wise men, engaged in a great and ardu- 
 ous struggle for liberty ? Are we disposed 
 to be of the number of those, who, having 
 eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the 
 things which so nearly concern their tem- 
 poral salvation? For my part, whatever 
 anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing 
 to know the whole truth; to know the 
 worst, and to provide for it. 
 
 I have but one lamp by which my feet 
 are guided ; and that is the lamp of expe- 
 rience. I know' of no way of judging of the 
 future but by the past. And judging by 
 the past, I wish to know what there has 
 been in the conduct of the British ministry 
 for the last ten years, to justifj- those hopes 
 with which gentlemen have been pleased 
 to solace themselves and the house? Is it 
 that insidious smile with which our petition 
 has been lately received ? Trust it not, sir ; 
 it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer 
 not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. 
 Ask yourselves how this gracious reception 
 of our petition comports with those warlike 
 preparations which cover our waters and 
 darken our land. Are fleets and armiee 
 necessary to a work of love and reconcilia- 
 tion ? Have we shown ourselves so un^ 
 willing to be reconciled, that force must be
 
 8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 called in to mn back our love? Let us 
 not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the 
 implements of war and subjugation ; the 
 last arguments to which kings resort. I 
 ask gentlemen, sir, what means this mar- 
 tial array, if its purpose be not to force us 
 to submission ? Can gentlemen assign any 
 other possible motive for it ? Has Great 
 Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the 
 world, to call for all this accumulation of 
 navies and armies ? No, sir, she has none. 
 They are meant for us : they can be meant 
 for no other. They are sent over to bind 
 and rivet upon us those chains, which the 
 British ministry have been so long forging. 
 And what have we to oppose to them? 
 Shall we tr*' argument ? Sir, we have been 
 trying that for the last ten years. Have 
 we any thing new to offer upon the sub- 
 ject? Nothing. We have held the subject 
 up in every light of which it is capable ; 
 but it has been all in vain. Shall we re- 
 sort to entreaty and humble supplication ? 
 AV^hat terms shall we find, which have not 
 been already e<x:hausted? Let us not, I 
 beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. 
 Sir, wo liave done every thing that could 
 be done, to avert the storm which is now 
 coming on. We have petitioned ; we have 
 remonstrated ; we have supplicated ; we 
 have prostrated ourselves before the throne, 
 and have implored its interposition to ar- 
 rest tlie tyrannical hands of the ministry 
 and parliament. Our petitions have been 
 slighted ; our remonstrances have produced 
 additional violence and insult ; our suppli- 
 cations have been disregarded ; and w^e 
 have been spurned, with contempt, from the 
 foot of the throne ! In vain, after these 
 things, may we indulge the fond hope of 
 
 {)eace and reconciliation. There is no 
 onger any room for hope. If we wish to 
 be free — if we mean to preserve inviolate 
 those inestimable privileges for w'hich we 
 have been so long contending — if we mean 
 not basely to abandon the noble struggle 
 in which we have been so long engaged, 
 and which we have pledged ourselves ne- 
 ver to abandon, until the glorious object 
 of our contest sliall be obtained — we must 
 fight! I repeat it, sir, we must figlit! An 
 appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is 
 all that is left us ! 
 
 They tell us, sir, that we are weak ; un- 
 able to cope with so formidable an ad- 
 versary. But wlicn shall we be stronger? 
 Will it be the next week, or the next year? 
 Will it be when we arc totally disarniod, 
 and when a British guard shall be stationed 
 in every house? Shall we gather strenglli 
 by irresolution and inaction? Shall wc 
 acquire the means of cfTectual resistance, 
 bv lying Huninely on our backs, and hug- 
 ging the delusive phantom of hojje, until 
 our enemies shall iiave])ounil us hand and 
 foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a 
 proper use of those means which the God 
 
 of nature hath placed in our power. Three 
 millions of people, armed in the holy cause 
 of liberty, and in such a country as that 
 which we possess, are invincible by any 
 force which our enemy can send against 
 us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our 
 battles alone. There is a just God who 
 presides over the destinies of nations, and 
 who wull raise up friends to fight our bat- 
 tles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the 
 strong alone ; it is to the vigilant, the ac- 
 tive, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no 
 election. If we were base enough to de- 
 sire it, it is now too late to retire from the 
 contest. There is no retreat, but in sub- 
 mission and slavery ! Otir chains are forged ! 
 Their clanking may be heard on the 
 plains of Boston ! The war is inevitable — 
 and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it 
 come. 
 
 It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the mat- 
 ter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace — 
 but there is no peace. The war is actually 
 begun ! The next gale, that sweeps from 
 the north, will bring to our ears the clash 
 of resounding arms ! Our brethren are 
 already in the field ! Why stand we here 
 idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? 
 What would they have ? Is life so dear, or 
 peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the 
 price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, 
 Almighty God ! I know not what course 
 others may take ; but as for me, give me 
 liberty, or give me death 1 
 
 Supposed Speech of Jolin Adams In favor of 
 the Declaratioji of Independence. 
 
 ^8 given by Daniel Wehster. 
 
 Sink or swim, live or die, survive or 
 perish, I give my hand and my heart to this 
 vote. It is trtie, indeed, that in the begin- 
 ning we aimed not at independence. But 
 there's a divinity which shapes our ends. 
 The injustice of England has driven us to 
 arms ; and, blinded to her own interest 
 for our good, she has obstinately persisted, 
 till independence is now within our grasp. 
 We have but to reach forth to it, and it is 
 ours. 
 
 Why then shoitld we defer the declara- 
 tion ? Is any man so weak as now to hope 
 for a reconciliation with England, which 
 shall leave cither safety to the country and 
 its liberties, or safety to his own life and 
 his own honor? Are not you, sir, who sit 
 in that chair, is not he, our venerable col- 
 league near you, are you not both already 
 the proscribed and predestined objects of 
 ])unisliment and of vengeance? Cutoff" 
 from all hope of royal clemency, what are 
 you, what can you be, while the power of 
 Kngland remains, but outlaws? 
 
 If we postpone independence, do we 
 mean to curry on, or to give up the war ?
 
 BOOK III. J 
 
 JOHN ADAMS ON THE DECLARATION. 
 
 9 
 
 Do we mean to submit to the measures of 
 j)arliamcnt, Boston j)ort l)ill and all? Do 
 we mean to submit, and consent that we 
 ourselves shall be ground to jiowder, and 
 our country and its rights trodden down in 
 the dust? I know we do not mean to 
 sul)mit. We never shall submit. 
 
 Do we intend to violate that most solemn 
 obligation ever entered into by men, that 
 plighting, before (Jod, of our sacred honor 
 to Washington, when putting him forth to 
 incur the (hingers of war, as well as the 
 political hazards of the times, we promised 
 to adhere to him, in every extremity, with 
 our fortunes and our lives? I know there 
 is not a man here, who would not rather 
 see a general conflagration sweep over the 
 land, or an earthquake sink it, than one 
 jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to 
 the ground. 
 
 For myself, having, twelve months ago, 
 in this place, moved you that George 
 Washington be appointed commander of 
 the forces, raised or to be raised, for de- 
 fence of American liberty, may my right 
 liand forget her cunning, and my tongue 
 cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate 
 or waver in the support I give him. The 
 war, then, must go on. We must fight it 
 through. And if the war must go on, why 
 put off longer the declaration of independ- 
 ence? That measure Avill strengthen us. 
 It will give us character abroad. 
 
 The nations will then treat with us, 
 which they never can do while we acknow- 
 ledge ourselves subjects, in arms against 
 our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that Eng- 
 land, herself, will sooner treat for peace 
 with us on the footing of independence, 
 than consent, by repealing her acts, to ac- 
 knowledge that her whole conduct toward 
 us has been a course of injustice and op- 
 pression. Her pride will be less wounded 
 by submitting to that course of things 
 Avhich now predestinates our independ- 
 ence, than by yielding the points in con- 
 troversy to her rebellious subjects. The 
 former she would regard as the result of 
 fortune; the latter she would feel as her 
 own deep disgrace. Why then, why then, 
 .sir, do we not as soon as possible change 
 this from a civil to a national war ? And 
 since we must fight it through, why not 
 put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the 
 benefits of victory, if we gain the victory ? 
 
 If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But 
 we shall not fail. The cause will raise u\) 
 armies ; the cause will create navies. The 
 people, the people, if we are true to them, 
 will carry us, and will carry themselves, 
 gloriously, through this struggle. I care 
 not how fickle other people have been 
 found, I know the people of these colo- 
 nies, and I know that resistance to British 
 aggression is deep and settled in their 
 liearts and cannot be eradicated. Every 
 colony, indeed, has expressed its willing- 
 
 ness to follow, if we but take the lead. 
 Sir, the declaration will insjiire the [)eople 
 with increased courage. Instead of a long 
 and Idoody war for restoration of privi- 
 leges, for redress of grievances, for char- 
 tered immunities, held under a British 
 king, set before them the glorious ol)j(ct 
 of entire independence, and it will breathe 
 into them anew the breath of life. 
 
 Read this declaration at the head of the 
 army; every sword will be drawn from its 
 scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered to 
 nuiiiitain it, or to perish on the bed of 
 honor. Publish it from the pulpit; re- 
 ligion will approve it, and the love of re- 
 ligious liberty will cling round it, resolved 
 to stand with it, or fall with it. Bend it 
 to the puldic halls; proclaim it there; let 
 them hear it, who heard the first roar of 
 the enemy's cannon ; let them see it, who 
 saw their brothers and their sons fall on 
 the field of Bunker hill, and in the streets 
 of Lexington and Concord, and the very 
 walls will cry out in its support. 
 
 Sir, I know the uncertainty of human 
 affiiirs, but I see, I see clearly through this 
 day's business. You and I, indeed, may 
 rue it. W^emay not live to the time when 
 this declaration shall be made good. We 
 may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it 
 may be, ignominiously and on the scafibld. 
 Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure 
 of Heaven that my country shall require 
 the poor offering of my life, the victim shall 
 be ready, at the appointed hour of sacri- 
 fice, come when that hour may. But while 
 I do live, let me have a countiy, or at least 
 the hope of a country, and that a free 
 country. 
 
 But whatever may be our fate, be assured, 
 be assured, that this declaration will stand. 
 It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood ; 
 but it will stand, and it will richly com- 
 pensate for both. Through the (hick gloom 
 of the present, I see the brightness of the 
 future, as the sun in heaven. We shall 
 make this a glorious, an immortal day. 
 When we are in our graves, our children 
 will honor it. They will celebrate it with 
 thanksgiving, with festivit}', with bonfires 
 and illuminations. On its annual return 
 they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, 
 not of subjection and slavery, not of agony 
 and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, 
 and of joy. 
 
 Sir, before God, I believe the hour is 
 come. ]\Iy judgment approves this measure, 
 and my whole heart is in it. All that I 
 have, and all that I am, and all that I 
 hope, in this life, I am now ready here to 
 stake upon it; and I leave off as I begun, 
 that live or die, survive or perish, I am for 
 the declaration. It is my living sentiment, 
 and by the blessing of God it shall be my 
 dying sentiment; independence noic ; and 
 IXDEPENDEXCE FOR EVER.
 
 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 Speecli of Patrlclt Henry, 
 
 On the erpedient-y of adopting the Federal ConstUtUion de- 
 livered in the conrention of Virijinia, Jnne 24, 178S.* Enun- 
 ciatitig views ichich have ever tince been accepted by Ute 
 Jjemocratic parti/. 
 
 Mr. Chairman : — The proposal of rati- 
 fication is premature. The importance of 
 the subject requires the most mature 
 deliberation. The honorable member must 
 forgive me for declaring my dissent from 
 it, because, if I understand it rightly, it 
 admits that the new system is defective, 
 and most capitally ; for, immediately after 
 the proposed ratification, there comes a 
 declaration, that the paper before you is 
 not intended to violate any of these three 
 great rights — the liberty of religion, liberty 
 of the press, and the trial by jury. AVhat 
 is the inference, when you enumerate the 
 rights which you are to enjoy? That those 
 not enumerated are relinquished. There 
 are only three things to be retained — reli- 
 gion, freedom of the press, and jury trial. 
 Will not the ratification carry every thing, 
 without excepting these three things? 
 Will not all the world pronounce, that we 
 intended to give up all the rest? Every 
 thing it speaks of, by way of rights, is 
 comprised in these three things. Your 
 subsequent amendments only go to these 
 three amendments. I feel myself distressed, 
 because the necessity of securing our 
 personal rights seems not to have pervaded 
 the minds of men ; for many other valuable 
 things are omitted. For instance : general 
 warrants, by which an officer may search 
 suspected place? without evidence of the 
 commission of a fact, or seize any person 
 without evidence of his crime, ought to be 
 prohibited. As these are admitted, any 
 man may be seized ; any property may be 
 taken, in the most arbitrary manner, with- 
 out any evidence or reason. Every thing, 
 the most sacred, may be searched and 
 ransacked by the strong hand of power. 
 We have infinitely more reason to dread 
 general warrants here, than they have in 
 England ; because there, if a person be 
 confiiu'd, liberty may be quickly ()l)tained 
 by the writ of hahean corpus. But here, a 
 man living many hundred miles i'rom the 
 judges may rot in prison before he can get 
 that writ. 
 
 Anotlier most fatal omission is, Avith re- 
 spect to standing armies. In vour bill of 
 rights of Virginia, they are said to be dan- 
 gerous to liberty; and it tells you, that the 
 proper defence of a free state consists in 
 militia; and ho I might go on to ten or 
 eleven things of immense consequence se- 
 cured in your bill of rights, concerning 
 
 •Upon thn ronoliitlon of Mr. Wyth(>, wlilch propoMod, 
 "Thiit 111"' conimitti'i- nlmnlil riitlfv the cinslitulion, iind 
 th;it wlmtH()cv(ir nmfn<lmrritH nilKlit lin dronud iicceHmiry 
 nhoulil h« rc-ommcndft'l to the r'in''lfl"mtlon of thn ron- 
 KF'-M, which "hotild ftr«t n««i-ml)ln iindor tho rotrntltii- 
 tion, to bo actnd upon accurdiug to tlio mode proHiribod 
 tUoroln." 
 
 which that proposal is silent. Is that the 
 language of the bill of rights in England ? 
 Is it the language of the American bill of 
 rights, that these three rights, and these 
 only, are valuable? Is it the language of 
 men going into a new government? Is it 
 not necessary to speak of those things be- 
 fore you go into a compact? How do these 
 three things stand ? As one of the parties, 
 we declare we do not mean to give them 
 up. This is very dictatorial ; much more 
 so than the conduct which proposes altera- 
 tions as the condition of adoption. In a 
 compact, there are two parties — one ac- 
 cepting, and another proposing. As a 
 party, we propose that we shall secure these 
 three things ; and before we have the as- 
 sent of the other contracting part}', we go 
 into the compact, and leave these things at 
 their mercy. What will be the conse- 
 quence ? Suppose the other states will call 
 this dictatorial : they will say, Virginia has 
 gone into the government, and carried with 
 her certain propositions, which, she saj's, 
 ought to be concurred in by the other 
 states. They will declare, that she has no 
 right to dictate to other states the condi- 
 tions on which they shall come into the 
 union. According to the honorable mem- 
 ber's proposal, the ratification will cease to 
 be obligatory unless they accede to these 
 amendments. We have ratified it. You 
 have committed a violation, they Avill say. 
 They have not violated it. We say we will 
 go out of it. You are then reduced to a 
 sad dilemma — to give up these three rights, 
 or leave the government. This is worse 
 than our present confederation, to which 
 we have hitherto adhered honestly and 
 faithfully. We shall be told we have vio- 
 lated it, because we have left it for the in- 
 fringement and violation of conditions, 
 which they never agreed to be a part of 
 the ratification. The ratification will be 
 complete. The proposal is made by one 
 party. We, as the other, accede to it, and 
 propose the security of these three great 
 rights; for it is only a proposal. In order 
 to secure them, you are left in that state of 
 fatal hostility, which I shall as much de- 
 ]ilore as the honorable gentleman. I ex- 
 hort gentlemen to think seriously before 
 they ratify this constitution, and persuade 
 themselves that they will succeed in mak- 
 ing a feeble effort to get amendments after 
 ado])tion. \Vith respect to that part of 
 the proi)osal which says that every jiower 
 not granted remains with the people, it 
 must be previous to adoption, or it will in- 
 volve this country in inevitable destruc- 
 tion. To talk of it is a thing subsetpient, 
 not as one of your inalienable rights, is 
 leaving it to (he casual opinion of the con- 
 gress who shall take up the consideration 
 of the matter. They will not reason with 
 you about the effect of this constitution. 
 They will not take the opinion of this com-
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 HENRY'S DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. 
 
 11 
 
 mittee concerning its operation. They 
 will construe it aa they please. If you 
 place it subsequently, let me ask the con- 
 sequences. Among ten thousand implied 
 powers which they may assume, they may, 
 if we be engaged in war, liberate every one 
 of your slaves, if they please. And this 
 must and will be done by men, a majority 
 of whom have not a common interest with 
 you. They will, therefore, have no feeling 
 for your interests. 
 
 It has been repeatedly said here that the 
 great object of a national government is 
 national defence. That power which is 
 said to be intended for security and safety, 
 may be rendered detestable and opjjressive. 
 If you give power to the general govern- 
 ment to provide for the general defence, 
 the means must be commensurate to the 
 end. All the means in the possession of the 
 people must be given to the government 
 which is intrusted with the public defence. 
 In this state there are two hundred and 
 thirty-six thousand blacks, and there are 
 many in several other states; but there are 
 few or none in the Northern States ; and yet, 
 if the Northern States shall be of opinion 
 that our numbers are numberless, they 
 may call forth every national resource. 
 May congress not say, that every black 
 man must fight? Did we not see a little 
 of this in the last war? We were not so 
 hard pushed as to make emancipation 
 general : but acts of assembly passed, that 
 every slave who would go to the army should 
 be free. Another thing will contribute to 
 bring this event about : slavery is detested ; 
 we feel its fatal effects ; we deplore it with 
 all the i)ity of humanity. Let all these 
 considerations, at some future i)eriod, press 
 with full force on the minds of congress. 
 Let that urbanity, which I trust Avill dis- 
 tinguish vVmeriea, and the necessity of na- 
 tional defence — let all these things operate 
 on their n^inds, and they will search that 
 paj^er, and see if thej' have jiower of manu- 
 mission. And have they not, sir? Have 
 they not power to provide for the general 
 defence and welfare? May they not think 
 that these call for the abolition of slavery ? 
 May they not pronounce all slaves free, 
 and will they not be warranted by that 
 power? There is no ambiguous implica- 
 tion, or logical deduction. The paper 
 speaks to the point. They have the power 
 in clear, unequivocal terms, and will 
 clearly and certainly exercise it. As much 
 as I deplore .slavery, I see that prudence 
 forbids its abolition. I deny that the 
 general government ought to set them free, 
 because a decided majority of the states 
 have not the ties of sympathy and fellow- 
 feeling for those whose interest would be 
 affected by their emancipation. The ma- 
 jority of congress is to the north, and the 
 slaves are to the south. In this situation, 
 I see a great deal of the property of the 
 
 people of Virginia in jeopardy, and their 
 peace and tranquillity gone away. I re- 
 peat it again, that it would rejoice my very 
 soul that everj' one of my fellow-bcing.s 
 was emancipated. As we ought with 
 gratitude to admire that decree of Jlcaveu 
 wiiich has numbered us among the free, we 
 ought to lanu'ut and dei)lore the necessity 
 of holding our fellow-men in bondage. 
 Hut is it ])racticable, by any human means, 
 to liberate them, without producing the 
 most dreadful and ruinous con.sequences ? 
 We ought to possess them in the Jnanner 
 we have inherited them from our ancestors, 
 as their manumission is incompatible with 
 the felicity of the country. Uut we ought 
 to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of 
 their unhappy fate. I know that in a va- 
 riety of particular instances, the legisla- 
 ture, listening to complaints, have admitted 
 their emancipation. Let me not dwell on 
 this subject. I will only add, that this, 
 as well as every other property of the ])eo- 
 ple of Virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in 
 the hands of those who have no similarity 
 of situation with us. This is a local mat- 
 ter, and I can see no propriety in subject- 
 ing it to congress. 
 
 [Here Mr. Henry informed the com- 
 mittee, that he had a resolution prepared, 
 to refer a declaration of rights, with cer- 
 tain amendments to the most exception- 
 able Y>aris of the constitution, to the other 
 states in the confederacy, for their consid- 
 eration, previous to its ratification. The 
 clerk then read the resolution, the de- 
 claration of rights, and amendments, which 
 were nearly the same as those ultimately 
 proposed by the convention, for the con- 
 sideration of congress. He then resumed 
 the subject.] I have thus candidly sub- 
 mitted to you, Mr. Chairman, and this 
 conmiittee, what occurred to me as projier 
 amendments to the constitution, and the de- 
 claration of rights containing those funda- 
 mental, inalienable privileges, which I 
 conceive to be essential to liberty and hap- 
 piness. I believe, that, on a review of 
 these amendments, it will still be found, 
 that the arm of power will be sufficiently 
 strong for national purposes, when these 
 restrictions shall be a part of the govern- 
 ment. I believe no gentleman, who op- 
 poses me in sentiments, will be able to dis- 
 cover that any one feature of a strong 
 government is altered ; and at the same 
 time your inalienable rights are secured by 
 them. The government unaltered may be 
 tcrrilile to America, but can never be 
 loved, till it be amended. You find all 
 the resources of the continent may be 
 drawn to a point. In danger, the presi- 
 dent may concentre to a point every cfl'ort 
 of the continent. If the government be 
 constructed to satisfy the peojile and re- 
 move their ajiprehensions, tiie wealth and 
 strength of the continent will go where
 
 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 public utility shall direct. This goveru- 
 ment, with these restrictions, will be a, 
 sti'ong government united with the priv- 
 ileges of the people. In my weak judg- 
 ment, a government is strong, when it ap- 
 plies to the most important end of all gov- 
 ernments — the rights and privileges of the 
 people. In the honorable members pro- 
 posal, jury trial, the press, and religion, 
 and other essential rights, are not to be 
 given up. Other essential rights — what 
 are they ? The world will say, that you 
 intended to give them up. When you go 
 into an enumeration of your rights, and 
 stop that enumeration, the inevitable con- 
 clusion is, that what is omitted is intended 
 to be surrendered. 
 
 Anxious as I am to be as little trouble- 
 some as posible, I cannot leave this part of 
 the subject without adverting to one re- 
 mark of the honorable gentleman. He 
 says, that, rather than bring the union into 
 danger, he will adopt it with its imperfec- 
 tions. A great deal is said about disunion, 
 and consequent dangers. I have no claim 
 to a greater share of fortitude than others ; 
 but I can see no kind of danger. I form 
 my judgment on a single tact alone, that 
 we are at peace with all the world ; nor is 
 there any apparent cause of a rupture with 
 any nation in the world. Is it among the 
 American states that the cause of disunion 
 is to be feared ? Are not the states using 
 all their efforts for the promotion of union ? 
 New England sacrifices local prejudices 
 for the purposes of union. We hear the 
 necessity of the union, and predilection for 
 the union, re-echoed from all parts of the 
 continent ; and all at once disunion is to 
 follow! If gentlemen dread disunion, the 
 very thing they advocate will inevitably 
 produce it. A previous ratification will 
 raise insurmountable obstacles to union. 
 New York is an insurmountable obstacle 
 to it, and North Carolina also. They will 
 never accede to it till it be amended. A 
 great part of Virginia is opposed, most de- 
 cidedly, to it, as it stands. This very 
 spirit which will govern us in these three 
 states, will find a kindred spirit in the 
 adopting states. Give me leave to say, 
 that it is very problematical whether the 
 adopting states can stand on their own legs. 
 I hear only on one side, but as far as my in- 
 formation goes, there are heart-burnings 
 and animosities among theni. Will these 
 animosities be cured by subsequent amend- 
 ments ? 
 
 Turn away from American, and consid- 
 er European politics. The nations there, 
 which can trouble us, are France, Eng- 
 land, and Spain. Ikit at present we know 
 for a certainty, that those nations are en- 
 gaged in a very different pursuit from 
 American con(iuc3ts. We are told by our 
 intelligent ami)assador, that there is no 
 such danger as has been apprehended. 
 
 Give me leave then to say, that dangers 
 from beyond the Atlantic are imaginary. 
 From these premises, then, it may be con- 
 eluded, that, from the creation of the world 
 to this time, there never was a more fair 
 and projjer opjjortunity than we have at 
 this day to establish sueh a government as 
 will permanently establish the most tran- 
 scendent political felicity. Since the rev- 
 olution there has not been so much ex- 
 perience. Since then, the general interests 
 of America have not been betterunderstood, 
 nor the union more ardently loved, than at 
 this present moment. I acknowledge the 
 weakness of the old confederation. Eveiy 
 man says, that something must be done. 
 Where is the moment more favorable than 
 this? During the war, when ten thous- 
 and dangers surrounded us, America was 
 magnanimous. What was thelaniruage of 
 the little state of Maryland ? " I will have 
 time to consider. I will hold out three 
 years. Let what may come I will have 
 time to reflect." Magnanimity appeared 
 everywhere. What was the upshot? — 
 America triumphed. Is there any thing 
 to forbid us to offer these amendments to 
 the other states? If this moment goes 
 away unimproved, we shall never see its 
 return. We now act under a happy system, 
 which says, that a majority may alter the 
 government when necessary. But by the 
 paper proposed, a majority will forever en- 
 deavor in vain to alter it. Three fourths 
 may. Is not this the most promising time 
 for securing the necessary alterations? 
 Will you go into that government, where 
 it is a principle, that a contemptible mino- 
 rity may prevent an alteration? What 
 will be the language of the majority? — 
 Change the government — Nay, seven 
 eighths of the people of America may wish 
 the change ; but the minority may come 
 with a Roman Vefo, and object to the alter- 
 ation. The language of a magnanimous 
 country and of freemen is. Till you remove 
 the defects, Ave will not accede. It would 
 be in vain for me to show, that there is no 
 danger to prevent our obtaining those 
 amendments, if you are not convinced al- 
 ready. If the other states will not agree 
 to them, it is not an inducement to union. 
 The language of this paper is not dic- 
 tatorial, but merely a proposition for 
 amendments. The j)roposition of Virginia 
 met with a favorable reception before. 
 We i)roposed that convention which met 
 at Annapolis. It was not called dictatorial. 
 Wo ]>roposed that at Philadelphia. Was 
 Virginia thought dictatorial? But Vir- 
 ginia is now to lose her pre-eminence. 
 Those rights of equality, to which the 
 meanest individual in the community is 
 (entitled, are to bring us down infinitely 
 Ix'low the Delaware people. Have we not 
 a right to say. Hear our propositions? 
 Why, sir, your slaves have a right to make
 
 BOOK III.] JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST A TARIFF. 
 
 13 
 
 their humble requests. Those who are in the 
 meanest occuputioiis of human life, have 
 a right to complain. What do we require? 
 Not pre-eminence, but safety ; that our cit- 
 izens may be able to sit down in peace and 
 security under their own fig-trees. I am 
 confident that sentiments like these will 
 meet with unison in every state; for they 
 will wish to banish discord from the 
 American soil. I am certain that the 
 warmest friend of the constitution wishes 
 to have fewer enemies — fewer of those who 
 j)ester and plague him with ojinosition. I 
 could not withhold from my fellow-citizens 
 anything so reasonable. I fear you will 
 have no union, unless you remove the 
 cause of opposition. Will you sit down 
 contented with the name of union 
 without any solid foundation ? 
 
 Speech of Jobn Randolpli 
 
 Against the TaHjr Bill, delivered in the Tlonse of Represent- 
 atives of the United Stales, April 15, 1824. 
 
 I AM, Mr. Speaker, practising no de- 
 ception upon myself, much less upon the 
 house, when I say, that if I had consulted 
 my own feelings and inclinations, I should 
 not have troubled the house, exhausted as 
 it is, and as I am, with any further re- 
 marks upon this subject. I come to the 
 discharge of this task, not merely with re- 
 luctance, but with disgust; jaded, worn 
 down, abraded, I may say, as I am by 
 long attendance upon this body, and con- 
 tinued stretch of the attention upon this 
 subject. I come to it, however, at the 
 suggestion, and in pursuance of the wishes 
 of those, whose wishes are to me, in all 
 matters touching my public duty, para- 
 mount law ; I speak with those reserva- 
 tions, of course, which every moral agent 
 must be supposed to make to himself. 
 
 It was not more to my surj^rise, than to 
 my disappointment, that on my return to 
 the house, after a necessary absence of a 
 few days, on indispensable business, I 
 found it engaged in discussing the general 
 principle ot the bill, when its details were 
 under consideration. If I had expected 
 such a turn in the debate, I would, at any 
 private sacrifice, however great, have re- 
 mained a spectator and auditnr'of that dis- 
 cussion. With the exception of the speech, 
 already published, of my worthy colleague 
 on my right (Mr. P. P. Barbour), I have 
 been nearly deprived of the benefit of the 
 discussion which has taken place. Many 
 weeks have been occupied with this bill (I 
 hope the house will pardon me for saying 
 so) before I took the slightest part in the 
 deliberations of the details ; and I now 
 sincerely regret that I had not firmness 
 enough to adhere to the resolution which 
 I had laid down to myself, in the early 
 
 stage of the debate, not to take any part 
 in the discussion of the details of the mea- 
 sure. But, as I trust, what I now have to 
 say upon this subject, although more and 
 better things have been said by others, 
 may not be the same that they have said, or 
 may not be said in the same manner. I 
 liere borrow the language of a man who 
 lias been heretofore conspicuous in the 
 councils of the country; of one who wa.s 
 unrivalled for readiness and dexterity in 
 debate ; wlio Avas long without an equal on 
 the floor of this body ; who contributed as 
 much to the revolution of 1801, as any 
 man in this nation, and derived as little 
 benefit from it ; as, to use the words of that 
 celebrated man, what I have to say is not 
 that which has been said by others, and 
 will not be said in their manner, the house 
 will, I trust, have patience with me during 
 the time that my strength will allow me to 
 occupy their attention. And I beg them 
 to understand, that the notes which I hold 
 in my hand are not the notes on which I 
 mean to speak, but of what others have 
 spoken, and from which I will make the 
 
 smallest selection in my power. 
 
 * * * * -if * * 
 
 Sir, when are we to have enough of this 
 tariff" question? In 1816 it was supposed 
 to be settled. Only three years thereafter, 
 another proposition for increa.sing it was 
 sent from this house to the senate, baited 
 with a tax of four cents per pound on 
 brown sugar. It was fortunately rejected 
 in that body. In what manner ikis Mil is 
 baited, it does not become me to say ; but 
 I have too distinct a recollection of the 
 vote in committee of the whole, on the 
 duty upon molasses, and afterwards of the 
 vote in the house on the same question ; 
 of the votes of more than one of the states 
 on that question, not to mark it well. I 
 do not say that the change of the vote on 
 that question was affected by any man's 
 voting against his own motion ; but I do 
 not hesitate to say that it was effected by 
 one man's electioneering against his own 
 motion. I am very glad, Mr. Speaker, 
 that old ]\Iassachusetts Bay, and the prov- 
 ince of Maine and Sagadahock, by whom 
 we stood in the days of the revolution, now 
 stand by the south, and will not aid in 
 fixing on us this sy.stem of taxation, com- 
 l)ared Avith which the taxation of ;Mr. 
 (Jrenvilleand Lord North was as nothing. 
 I speak with knowledge of what I say, 
 when I declare, that this bill is an attemjit 
 to reduce the country, south of Mason and 
 Dixon's line and east of the Alleghany 
 mountains, to a state of worse than colonial 
 bondage ; a state to which the domination 
 of Great Britain was, in my judgment, far 
 preferable; and I trust I shall always have 
 the fearless integrity to utter any political 
 sentiment which the head sanctions and 
 the heart ratifies ; for the British parlia-
 
 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 ment never would have dared to lay such 
 duties on our imports, or their exports to 
 us, either " at home " or here, as is now 
 proposed to be laid upon the imports fi-om 
 abroad. At that time we had the com- 
 mand of the market of the vast dominions 
 then subject, and we should have had those 
 which have since been subjected, to the 
 British empire ; we enjoyed a free trade 
 eminently superior to any thing that we 
 can enjoy, if this bill shall go into opera- 
 tion. It is a sacrifice of the interests of a 
 part of this nation to the ideal benefit of 
 the rest. It marks us out as the victims 
 of a worse than Egyptian bondage. It is 
 a barter of so much of our rights, of so 
 much of the fruits of our labor, for politi- 
 cal power to be transferred to other hands. 
 It ought to be met, and I trust it will be 
 met, in the southern country, as was the 
 stamp act, and by all those measures, 
 which I will not detain the house by re- 
 capitulating, which succeeded the stamp 
 act, and produced the final breach with 
 the mother country, which it took about 
 ten years to bring about, as I trust, in my 
 conscience, it will not take as long to bring 
 about shnilar results from this measure, 
 should it become a law. 
 
 Sir, events now passing elsewhere, which 
 plant a thorn in my pillow and a dagger 
 in my heart, admonish me of the difficulty 
 of governing with sobriety any people who 
 are over head and ears in debt. That state 
 of things begets a temper which sets at 
 nought every thing like reason and com- 
 mon sense. This country is unquestionably 
 laboring under great distress ; but we can- 
 not legislate it out of that distress. We 
 may, by your legislation, reduce all the 
 country south and east of Mason and 
 Dixon's line, the whites as well as the 
 blacks, to the condition of Helots : you 
 can do no more. We have had placed be- 
 fore us, in the course of this discussion, for- 
 eign examples and authorities ; and among 
 other things, we have been told, as an ar- 
 gument in favor of this measure, of the 
 prosj)erity of Great Britain. Have gentle- 
 men taken into consideration the peculiar 
 advantages of Great Britain? Have they 
 taken into consideration that, not except- 
 ing Mexico, and that fine country which 
 lies between the Orinoco and Caribbean 
 sea, England is decidedly superior, in point 
 of physical advantages, to every country 
 unner the sun? Tliis is unquestionably 
 true. I will enumerate some of those ad- 
 vantages. First, there is her climate. In 
 England, such is the temperature of the 
 air, that a man can there do more days' 
 work in the year, and more hours' work in 
 the day, than in any other (tliniate in the 
 world; of course I include Scotland and 
 Ireland in this dcscri[)tion. It is in such 
 a climate only, that the human nniiiialcau 
 bear without extirpation the corrupted air, 
 
 the noisome exhalations, the incessant 
 labor of these accursed manufactories. 
 Yes, sir, accursed ; for I say it is an accurs- 
 ed thing, which I will neither taste, nor 
 touch, nor handle. If we were to act here 
 on the English system, we should have 
 the yellow fever at Philadelphia and New 
 York, not in August merely, but from June 
 to January, and from January to June. 
 The climate of this country alone, were 
 there no other natural obstacle to it, says 
 aloud. You shall not manufacture ! Even 
 our tobacco factories, admitted to be the 
 most wholesome of any sort of factories, 
 are known to be, where extensive, the very 
 nidus (if I may use the expression) of yel- 
 low fever and other fevers of similar type. 
 In another of the advantages of Great 
 Britain, so important to her prosperity, we 
 are almost on a par with her, if we know 
 how properly to use it. Fortunatos nimi- 
 um sua si bona nuriat — for, as regards de- 
 fence, we are, to all intents and purposes, 
 almost as much an island as England her- 
 self. But one of her insular advantages 
 we can never acquire. Every part of that 
 country is accessible from the sea. There, as 
 you recede from the sea, you do not get 
 further from the sea. I know that a great 
 deal will be said of our majestic rivers, 
 about the father of floods, and his tributary 
 streams ; but, with the Ohio, frozen up all 
 the winter and dry all the summer, with a 
 long tortuous, difficult, and dangerous navi- 
 gation thence to the ocean, the gentlemen of 
 the west may rest assured that they will 
 never derive one particle of advantage from 
 even a total prohibition of foreign manu- 
 factures. You may succeed in reducing us 
 to your own level of misery ; but if we 
 were to agree to become your slaves, you 
 never can derive one farthing of advantage 
 from this bill. What parts of this coun- 
 try can derive any advantage from it? 
 Those parts only, where there is a water 
 power in immediate contact with naviga- 
 tion, such as the vicinities of Boston, Pro- 
 vidence, Baltimore, and Richmond. Pe- 
 tersburg is the last of these as you travel 
 south. You take a bag of cotton up the 
 river to Pittsburg, or to Zanesville, to have 
 it manufactured and sent down to New 
 Orleans for a market, and before your bag 
 of cotton has got to the place of manufac- 
 ture, the manufacturer of Providence has 
 received liis returns for the goods made 
 from his bag of cotton purchased at the 
 same time that you purchased yours. No, 
 sir, gentlemen may as well insist that be- 
 caus(^ the Chesapeake bay, viare nostrum, 
 our Mediterranean sea, gives us every ad- 
 vantage of navigation, we shall exclude 
 from it every thing but steam-boats and 
 those boats called w'-' c^oxv^, per emphasin, 
 par excellence, Kentucky boats — a sort of 
 huge s(|uar(', clumsy, wooden box. And 
 why not insist upon it? Ilav'u't you " the
 
 BOOKiii.] JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST A TARIFF. 
 
 15 
 
 power to REGULATE COMMERCE " ? Would 
 
 not that too be a " recjulation of com- 
 merce? " It would, indeed, and a pretty 
 regulation it is; and so is this bill. Aud, 
 sir, I marvel that the representation from 
 the great commercial state of New York 
 should be in favor of this bill. If opera- 
 tive — and if inoperative why talk of it? — 
 if operative, it must, like tlie embargo of 
 1807 — 1809, transfer no small portion of 
 the wealth of the London of America, as 
 New York has been called, to Quebec 
 and Montreal. She will receive the most 
 of her impdrts from abroad, down the river. 
 I do not know any bill that could be better 
 calculated for Vermont than this bill ; 
 because, through Vermont, from Quebec, 
 Montreal, and other positions on the St. 
 Lawrence, we are, if it passes, unquestion- 
 ably to receive our supplies of foreign 
 goods. It will, no doubt, suit the Niagara 
 frontier. 
 
 But, sir, I must not suffer myself to be 
 led too far astray from the topic of the pe- 
 culiar advantages of England as a manu- 
 facturing country. Her vast beds of coal 
 are inexhaustible ; there are daily discov- 
 eries of quantities of it, greater tlian ages 
 past have yet consumed ; to which beds of 
 coal her manufacturing establishments 
 have been transferred, as any man may see 
 ■who will compare the present population 
 of her towns with what it was formerly. 
 It is to these beds of coal that Birmingham, 
 Manchester, Wolverhampton, Sheffield, 
 Leeds, and other manufacturing towns, 
 owe their growth. If you could destroy 
 her coal in one day, you would cut at once 
 the sinews of her power. Then, there are 
 her metals, and particularly tin, of which 
 slie has the exclusive monoj^oly. Tin, I 
 know, is to be found in Japan, and perhaps 
 elsewhere ; but, in practice, England has 
 now the monopoly of that article. I might 
 go further, and I might say, that England 
 possesses an advantage, quoad hoc, in her 
 institutions; for tJiei-e men are compelled 
 to pay their debts. But here, men are not 
 only not compelled to pay their debts, but 
 they are protected in the refusal to pay 
 them, in the scandalous evasion of their 
 legal obligations ; and, after being convict- 
 ed of embezzling the public money, and 
 the money of others, ot which they were 
 appointed guardians and trustees, they 
 have the impudence to obtrude their un- 
 blushing fronts into society, and elbow 
 honest men out of their way. There, 
 though all men are on a footing of equality 
 on the high way, and in the courts of law, 
 at will and at market, yet the castes in 
 Hindoostan are not more distinctly separa- 
 ted, one from the other, than tlie different 
 classes of society are in England. It is 
 true that it is practicable for a wealthy 
 merchant or manufacturer, or his de- 
 scendants, after having, through two or 
 
 three generations, washed out, what is con- 
 sidered the stain of their original occupa- 
 tion, to emerge, by slow degrees, into tlio 
 higher ranks of society; but this rarely 
 happens. Can you find men of vast for- 
 tune, in this country, content to move in 
 the lower circles — content as the ox under 
 the daily drudgery of the yoke ? It is true 
 that, in England, some of these wealthy 
 peo])le take it into their heads to buy .seats 
 in parliament. But, when they get there, 
 unless they j)ossess groat talents, they are 
 mere nonentities ; tlieir existence is only to 
 be found in the red book which contains a 
 list of the members of parliament. Now, 
 sir, I wish to know if, in the western coun- 
 try, where any man may get beastly drunk 
 for three pence sterling — in England, you 
 cannot get a small wine-glass of spirits under 
 twenty-five cents ; one such drink of grog 
 as I aave seen swallowed in this country, 
 would there cost a dollar — in the western 
 country, where eveiy man can get as much 
 meat and bread as he can consume, and yet 
 spend the best part of his days, and nights 
 too, pcrhai)s, on the tavern benches, or 
 loitering at the cross roads asking the news, 
 can you expect the people of such a coun- 
 try, with countless millions of wild land 
 and wild animals besides, can be cooped 
 up in manufacturing establishments, and 
 made to work sixteen hours a day, under 
 the superintendence of a driver, yes, a 
 driver, compared with whom a southern 
 overseer is a gentleman aud man of refine- 
 ment; for, if they do not work, these work 
 people in the manufactories, they cannot 
 eat ; and, among all the punishments that 
 can be devised (put death even among the 
 number), I defy you to get as much work 
 out of a man by any of them, as when he 
 knows that he must work before he can 
 eat. 
 
 ******* 
 
 In the course of this discussion, I have 
 heard, I will not say with surprise, because 
 nil admiruri is my motto — no doctrine 
 that can be broached on this floor, can 
 ever, hereafter, excite surprise in my mind 
 — I have heard the names of Say, Ganilh, 
 Adam Smith, and Eicardo, pronounced 
 not only in terms, but in a tone of sneering 
 contempt, visionary theorists, destitute of 
 practical wisdom, and the whole clan of 
 Scotch and Quarterly Reviewers lugged in 
 to boot. This, sir, is a sweeping clause of 
 proscription. "With the names of Say, 
 Smith, and Ganilh, I profess to be ac- 
 quainted, for I, too, am versed in title- 
 ])agcs ; but I did not expect to hear, in this 
 house, a name, with which I am a little 
 further acquainted, treated with so little 
 ceremony ; and by whom ? I leave Adam 
 Smith to the simplicity, the majesty, and 
 strength of his own native genius, which 
 has canonized his name — a name which 
 will be pronounced with veneration, when
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 not one in this house will be remembered. 
 But one word as to Ricardo, the last men- 
 tioned of these writers — a new authority, 
 though the grave has already closed upon 
 him, and set its seal upon his reputation. 
 I shall speak of him in the language of a 
 man of as great a genius as this, or per- 
 haps any, age has ever produced ; a man 
 remarkable for the depth of his reflections 
 and the acumen of his penetration. " I 
 had been led," says this man, " to look 
 into loads of books — my understanding 
 had for too many years been intimate with 
 severe thinkers,' with logic, and the great 
 masters of knowledge, not to be aware of 
 the utter feebleness of the herd of modern 
 economists. I sometimes read chapters 
 from more recent works, or part of parlia- 
 mentary debates. I saw that these [omi- 
 nous words I] were generally the very dregs 
 and rinsings of the human intellect." [I 
 am very glad, sir, he did not read our de- 
 bates. What would he have said of ours ?] 
 " At length a friend sent me Mr. Ricardo's 
 book, ami, recurring to my own prophetic 
 anticipation of the advent of some legisla- 
 tor on this science, I said. Thou art the 
 man. Wonder and curiosity had long 
 been dead in me; yet I wondered once 
 more. Had this profound work been really 
 written in England during the 19th cen- 
 tury? Could it be that an Englishman, 
 and he not in academic bowers, but op- 
 pressed by mercantile and senatorial cares, 
 had accomplished what all the universities 
 and a century of thought had failed to ad- 
 vance by one hair's breadth ? All other 
 writers had been crushed and overlaid by 
 the enormous weight of facts and docu- 
 ments : Mr. Ricardo had deduced, a priori, 
 from the luiderstanding itself, laws which 
 first gave a ray of light into the unwieldy 
 chaos of materials, and had constructed 
 what had been but a collection of tentative 
 discussions, into a science of regular pro- 
 portions, now iirst standing on an eternal 
 basis." 
 
 I pronounce no opinion of my own on 
 Ricardo; I recur rather to the opinion of a 
 man inferior, in point of original and na- 
 tive genius, and that higlily cultivated, 
 too, to none of tlio moderns, and few of 
 the ancients. Upon this sul)jcct, what 
 shall we say to the following iact? Butler, 
 who is known to gontlenicn of the profes- 
 sion of the law, as the annotator, with 
 Hargravc, on lord Coke, speaking with 
 Fox as to political economy — that most 
 extraordinary man, unrivallcil for his pow- 
 ers of debate, excelled by no man that 
 ever livcil, or ]jrol)ably ever will live, as a 
 ])ublic debater, and of* the deepest ])olitical 
 erudition, fairly confessed that he had 
 never read Adam Smith. Butler said to 
 Mr. Fox, "that he had never read Adam 
 Smith's work on the Wealth of Nations." 
 "To tell y(ju the truth," replied Mr. Fox, 
 
 " nor I neither. There is something in all 
 these subjects that jjasses my comprehen- 
 sion — something so wide that I could never 
 embrace them myself, or find any one who 
 did." And yet we see how we, with our 
 little dividers, undertake to lay ofi" the 
 scale, and with our pack-thread to take 
 the soundings, and speak with a confidence 
 peculiar to quacks (in which the regular- 
 bred professor never indulges) on this ab- 
 struse and perplexing subject. Confidence 
 is one thing, knowledge another ; of the 
 want of which, overweening confidence is 
 notoriously the indication. What of that ? 
 Let Ganilh, Say, Ricardo, Smith, all Greek 
 and Roman fame be against us ; we appeal 
 to Dionysius in support of our doctrines ; 
 and to him, not on the throne of Syracuse, 
 but at Corinth — not in absolute possession 
 of the most wonderful and enigmatical 
 city, as difficult to comprehend as the ab- 
 strusest problem of political economy which 
 furnished not only the means but the men 
 for supporting the greatest wars — a king- 
 dom within itself, under whose ascendant 
 the genius of Athens, in her most high 
 and palmy state, quailed, and stood re- 
 buked. No ; we follow the pedagogue to 
 the schools — dictating in the classic shades 
 of Longwood — [lucus a nan lucendo) — ^to 
 his disciples. * * * 
 
 But it is said, a measure of this sort is 
 necessary to create employment for the 
 people. Why, sir, where are the handles 
 of the plough ? Are they unfit for young 
 gentlemen to touch ? Or will they rather 
 choose to enter your military academies, 
 where the sons of the rich are educated at 
 the expense of the poor, and where so many 
 political janissaries are every year turned 
 out, always ready for war, and to support the 
 powers that be — equal to the strelitzes of 
 Moscow or St. Petersburg. I do not speak 
 now of individuals, of course, but of the 
 tendency of the system — the hounds follow 
 the huntsman because he feeds them, and 
 bears the whip, I speak of the system. I 
 concur most heartily, sir, in the censure 
 which has been passed upon the greediness 
 of office, which stands a stigma on the pre- 
 sent generation. Men from whom we might 
 expect, and from whom I did expect, bet- 
 ter things, crowd the ante-chamber of the 
 l)alace, for every vacant office ; nay, even 
 before men are dead, their shoes are wanted 
 for some barefooted office-seeker. How 
 mistaken was the old Roman, the old con- 
 sul, who, wliilst he held the plough by one 
 hand, and death held the other, exclaimed, 
 " Diis itiiniorfdlihu.t scrol" 
 
 Our fathers, how did they acquire their 
 proi)erty? By straighti'orvvard industiy, 
 rectitude, and frugality. How did they 
 become dispossessed of their property ? By 
 indulging in speculative hopes and designs; 
 seeking the shadow whilst they lost the 
 substance ; and now, instead of being, aa
 
 BOOKiii.] JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST A TARIFF. 
 
 17 
 
 they were, men of respectability, men of 
 substance, men capable and willing to live 
 independently and honestly, and hospita- 
 bly too — for who so parsimonious as the 
 Erodigal who has nothing to give? — what 
 avc we become? A nation of sharks, 
 preying on one another through the instru- 
 mentality of this paper system, which, if 
 Lycurgus had known of it, he would un- 
 questionably have adopted, in preference 
 to his iron money, if his object had been 
 to make the Spartans the most accom- 
 j)lished knaves as well as to keep them 
 poor. 
 
 The manufacturer of the east may carry 
 his woolens or his cottons, or his coffins, 
 to what market he pleases — I do not buy 
 of him. Self-defence is the first law of na- 
 ture. You drive us into it. You create 
 heats and animosities amon^ this great fa- 
 mily, who ought to live like brothers ; and, 
 after you have got this temper of mind 
 roused among the southern people, do you 
 expect to come among us to trade, and ex- 
 pect us to buy your wares ? Sir, not only 
 shall we not buy them, but we shall take 
 such measures (I will not enter into the 
 detail of them now) as shall render it im- 
 possible for you to sell them. Whatever 
 may be said here of the " misguided coun- 
 sels," as they have been termed, " of the 
 theorists of Virginia," they have, so far as 
 regards this question, the confidence of 
 united Virginia. We are asked — Does the 
 south lose any thing by this bill — why do 
 you cry out ? I put it, sir, to any man from 
 any part of the country, from the gulf of 
 Mexico, from the Balize, to the eastern 
 shore of Maryland — which, I thank Hea- 
 ven, is not yet under the government of 
 Baltimore, and will not be, unless certain 
 theories should come into })lay in that 
 state, which we have lately heard of, and 
 a majority of men, told by the head, should 
 govern — whether the whole country be- 
 tween the points I have named, is not una- 
 nimous in opposition to this bill. Would 
 it not be unexampled, that we should thus 
 complain, protest, resist, and that all the 
 while nothing should be the matter? Are 
 our understandings (however low mine 
 may be rated, much sounder than mine are 
 engaged in this resistance), to be rated so 
 low, aa that we are to be made to believe 
 that we are children affrighted by a bug- 
 bear? We are asked, however, why do 
 you cry out? it is all for your good. Sir, 
 this reminds me of the mistresses of George 
 II., who, when they were insulted by the 
 populaee on arriving in London (as all 
 such creatures deserve to be, by every 
 mob), put their heads out of the window, 
 and said to them in their broken English, 
 " Goot people, tee he come for your goots ;" 
 to which one of the mob rejoined — " Yes, 
 and for our chattels too, I fancy." Just so 
 it is with the oppressive exactions proposed 
 
 26 
 
 and advocated by the supporters of this 
 bill, on the plea of the go(jd of those who 
 are its victims. * * * * 
 
 I had more to say, Mr. Speaker, could I 
 have said it, on this subject. But I cannot 
 sit down without asking those, wlio were 
 once my brethren of the church, tiie elders 
 of the young family of this good old rej)ub- 
 lic of the thirteen states, if thoy can con- 
 sent to rivet upon us tliis system, from which 
 no benefit can possibly result to themselves. 
 I put it to them as descendants of the re- 
 nowned colony of Virginia; as children 
 sprung from her loins; if for the sake of 
 all the benefits, with which this bill is pre- 
 tended to be freighted to them, granting 
 such to be the fact for argument's sake, they 
 could consent to do such an act of violence 
 to the unanimous opinion, feelings, preju- 
 dices, if you will, of the whole Southern 
 States, as to pass it? I go farther. I ask 
 of them what is there in the condition of 
 the nation at this time, that calls for the 
 immediate adoption of this measure? Are 
 the Gauls at the gate of the capitol? If 
 they are, the cacklings of the Capitoline 
 geese will hardly save it. What is there to 
 induce us to plunge into the vortex of 
 those evils so severely felt in Europe from 
 this very manufacturing and paper policy? 
 For it is evident that, if we go into this 
 system of policy, we must adopt the Euro- 
 pean institutions also. We have very good 
 materials to work with; we have only to 
 make our elective king president for life, 
 in the first place, and then to make the 
 succession hereditarj' in the family of the 
 first that shall happen to have a promising 
 son. For a king we can be at no loss — 
 ex quovis ligno — any block will do for him. 
 The senate may, perhaps, be transmuted 
 into a house of peers, although we should 
 meet with more difficulty than in the other 
 case ; for Bonaparte himself was not more 
 hardly put to it, to recruit the ranks of his 
 mushroom nobility, than we should be to 
 furnish a house of peers. As for us, we 
 are the faithful commons, ready made to 
 hand ; but with all our loyalty, I congratu- 
 late the house — I congratulate the nation 
 — that, although this body is daily degraded 
 by the sight of members of Congress manu- 
 factured into placemen, we have not yet 
 reached such a point of degradation as to 
 suffer executive minions to be manufac- 
 tured into members of congress. We have 
 shut that door; I wish we could shut the 
 other also. I wish we could liave a per- 
 petual call of the house in this view, and 
 suffer no one to get out from its closed 
 doors. The time is peculiarly inauspicious 
 for the chanoje in our policy which ia j)ro- 
 posed by this bill. We are on the eve of 
 an election that promises to be the most 
 distracted that this nation ha.s ever yet 
 undergone. It may turn out to be a Polish 
 election. At such a time, ought any
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iir. 
 
 measure to be brought forward which is 
 supposed to be capable of being demon- 
 strated to be extremely injurious to one 
 great portion of this country, and benefi- 
 cial in proportion to another? Sutficient 
 for the day is the evil thereof There are 
 firebrands enough in the land, without this 
 apple of discord being cast into this assem- 
 bly. Suppose this measure is not what it 
 is represented to be ; that the fears of the 
 south are altogether illusory and visionary ; 
 that it will produce all the good predicted 
 of it — an honorable gentleman from Ken- 
 tucky said yesterday — and I was sorry to 
 hear it, for I have great respect for that 
 gentleman, and for other gentlemen from 
 that state — that the question was not 
 whether a bare majority should pass the 
 bill, but whether the majority or the mi- 
 nority should rule. The gentleman is 
 wrong, and, if he will consider the matter 
 rightly, he will see it. Is there no differ- 
 ence between the patient and the actor? 
 We are passive : we do not call them to act 
 or to suffer, but we call upon them not so 
 to act as that we must necessarily suffer; 
 and I venture to say, that in any govern- 
 ment, properly constituted, this very con- 
 sideration would operate conclusively, that 
 if the burden is to be laid on 102, it ought 
 not to be laid by 105. We are the eel that 
 is being flayed, while the cook-maid pats 
 us on the head, and cries, with the clown 
 in King Lear, " Down, wantons, do^m." 
 There is but one portion of the country 
 which can profit by this bill, and from that 
 portion of the country comes this bare 
 majority in favor of it. I bless God that 
 Massachusetts and old Virginia are once 
 again rallying under the same banner, 
 against oppressive and unconstitutional 
 taxation; for, if all the blood be drawn 
 from out the body, I care not whether it be 
 by the British parliament or the American 
 congress ; by an emperor or a king abroad, 
 or by a president at home. 
 
 Under these views, and with feelings of 
 mortification and shame at the very weak 
 opposition I have been able to make to this 
 bill, I entreat gentlemen to consent that it 
 may lie over, at least, until the next ses- 
 sion of congress. We have other busi- 
 ness to attend to, and our families and 
 affairs need our attention at home; and 
 indeed I, sir, would not give one farthing 
 for any man who prefers being here to 
 being at home; who is a good public man 
 and a had i)rivate one. With these views 
 and feelings, I move you, sir, that the bill 
 be indefiuitely postponed- 
 
 Ed-ward Everett. 
 
 The example of the Northern In the Southern Jiepublir* nf 
 America 
 
 The great triumphs of constitutional 
 freedom, to which our independence haa fur- 
 
 nished the example, have been witnessed 
 in the southern portion of our hemisphere. 
 Sunk to the last point of colonial degrada- 
 tion, they have risen at once into the 
 organization of three republics. Their 
 struggle has been arduous ; and eighteen 
 years of checkered fortune have not yet 
 brought it to a close. But we must not 
 infer, from their prolonged agitation, that 
 their independence is uncertain ; that they 
 have prematurely put on the toga virilis of 
 freedom. They have not begun too soon ; 
 they have more to do. Our war of inde- 
 pendence was shorter ; — happily we were 
 contending with a government, that could 
 not, like that of Spain, pursue an inter- 
 minable and hopeless contest, in defiance 
 of the jjeople's will. Our transition to a 
 mature and well adjusted constitution was 
 more prompt than that of our sister repub- 
 lics ; for the foundations had long been 
 settled, the preparation long made. And 
 when we consider that it is our example, 
 which has aroused the spirit of indepen- 
 dence firom California to Cape Horn ; that 
 the experiment of liberty, if it had failed 
 with us, most surely would not have been 
 attempted by them; that even now our 
 counsels and acts will operate as powerful 
 precedents in this great family of republics, 
 we learn the importance of the post which 
 Providence has assigned us in the world. 
 A wise and harmonious administration of 
 the public affairs, — a faithful, liberal, and 
 patriotic exercise of the private duties of 
 the citizen, — while they secure our happi- 
 ness at home, will diffuse a healthful in- 
 fluence through the channels of national 
 communication, and serve the cause of 
 liberty beyond the Equator and the Andes. 
 When we show a united, conciliatory, and 
 imposing front to their rising states we 
 show them, better than sounding eulogies 
 can do, the true aspect of an independent 
 republic; we give them a living example 
 that the fireside policy of a people is like 
 that of the individual man. As the one, 
 commencing in the prudence, order, and 
 industry of the private circle, extends itself 
 to all the duties of social life, of the family, 
 the neighborhood, the countrj' ; so the true 
 domestic policy of the republic, beginning 
 in the wise organization of its own institu- 
 tions, pervades its territories with a 
 vigilant, prudent, temperate administra- 
 tion ; and extends the hand of cordial in- 
 terest to all the friendly nations, especially 
 to those Avhich are of the household of 
 liberty. 
 
 It is in this way that we are to fulfil our 
 destiny in the world. The greatest engine 
 of moral power, which human nature 
 knows, is an organized, prosperous state. 
 .Ml that man, in his individual capacity, 
 can do — all that he can effect by hia 
 fraternities — by his ingenious discoveries 
 and wonders of art, — or by his influence
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 WEBSTER ON THE GREEK QUESTION. 
 
 19 
 
 over others — is as nothinj^, compared with 
 the collective, perpetuated influence on 
 human affairs and human happiness of a 
 well constituted, powerful commonwealth. 
 It blesses generations with its sweet influ- 
 ence ; — even the barren earth seems to pour 
 out its fruits under a system where nro- 
 jierty is secure, while her fairest gardens 
 are blighted by despotism ; — men, think- 
 ing, reasoning men, abound beneath its 
 benignant sway; — nature enters into a 
 beautiful accord, a better, purer asienfo 
 with man, and guides an industrious citizen 
 to every rood of her smiling wastes; — and 
 we see, at length, that what has been called 
 a state of nature, has been most falsely, 
 caluraniously so denominated ; that the na- 
 ture of man is neither that of a savage, a 
 hermit, nor a slave ; but that of a member 
 of a well-ordered family, that of a good 
 neighbor, a free citizen, a well informed, 
 good man, acting with others like him. 
 This is the lesson which is taught in the 
 charter of our independence ; this is the 
 lesson which our example is to teach the 
 world. 
 
 The epic poet of Rome — the faithful 
 subject of an absolute prince — in unfold- 
 ing the duties and destinies of his coun- 
 trymen, bids them look down with disdain 
 on the polished and intellectual arts of 
 Greece, and deem their arts to be 
 
 To rule tho nations with imperial sway ; 
 
 To spare tlie tribes that yield ; fight down the proud ; 
 
 And force the mood of peace upon the worid. 
 
 A nobler counsel breathes from the char- 
 ter of our independence ; a happier pro- 
 vince belongs to our republic. Peace we 
 would extend, but by persuasion and ex- 
 ample, — the moral force, by which alone it 
 can prevail among the nations. Wars we 
 may encounter, but it is in the sacred 
 character of the injured and the wronged ; 
 to raise the trampled rights of humanity 
 from the dust ; to rescue the mild form of 
 liberty from her abode among the prisons 
 and the scaflFolds of the elder world, and 
 to seat her in the chair of state among her 
 adoring children ; to give her beauty for 
 ashes; a healthful action for her cruel 
 agony ; to put at last a period to her war- 
 fare on earth ; to tear her star-spangled 
 banner from the perilous ridges of battle, 
 and plant it on the rock of ages. There 
 be it fixed for ever, — the power of a free 
 people slumbering in its folds, their peace 
 reposing in its shade ! 
 
 Close of the Speech of Daniel Webster 
 
 On the Greek question, in the HouJie of Repreientative* 
 of the United Statet, January, 1824. 
 
 The house had gone into committee of the whole, Mr. 
 Taylor in the chair, on the resolution offered by Mr. 
 Webster, which is in the words following: 
 
 " Besolved, That provision ought to be made by law for 
 
 defraying the expense incident to the appointment of an 
 agriit, or comraiHsioncr, to Greece, wlicmver IIm' i'lwi- 
 dc^nt tiliall deem it expedient to make micli apijoiutiiicut." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, — It may be a.sked, will 
 this resolution do the Greeks any good? 
 Ye.s, it will do them much good. It will 
 give them courage and spirit, which is 
 better than money. It will a.ssure them 
 of the public sympathy, and will in.spire 
 them with fresh constancy. It will teach 
 them that they are not forgotten by the 
 civilized world, and to hope one day to oc- 
 cupy, in that world, an iionorable station. 
 
 A farther question remains. Is this 
 measure pacific? It has no other charac- 
 ter. It simi)ly prf)poses to make a pecuni- 
 ary provision for a mission, when tne pre- 
 sident shall deem such mission expedient. 
 It is a mere reciprocation to the sentiments 
 of his message ; it imposes upon him no 
 new duty ; it gives him no new power ; it 
 does not hasten or urge him forward ; it 
 simply provides, in an open and avowed 
 manner, the means of doing, what would 
 else be done out of the contingent fund. 
 It leaves him at the most perfect liberty, 
 and it reposes the whole matter in his sole 
 discretion. He might do it without this 
 resolution, as he did in the case of South 
 America, — but it merely answers the query, 
 whether on so great and interesting a ques- 
 tion as the condition of the Greeks, this 
 house holds no opinion which is worth ex- 
 pressing ? But, suppose a commissioner is 
 sent, the measure is pacific still. Where 
 is the breach of neutrality? Where a just 
 cause of offence? And besides, Mr. Chair- 
 man, is all the danger in this matter on 
 one side? may we not inquire, whose 
 fleets cover the Archipelago ? may we not 
 ask, what would be the result to our trade 
 should Smyrna be blockaded? A com- 
 missioner could at least procure for us 
 what we do not now possess — that is, au- 
 thentic information of the true state of 
 things. The document on your table ex- 
 hibits a meagre appearance on this point 
 — what does it contain? Letters of Mr. 
 Luriottis and paragraphs from a French 
 paper. My personal opinion is, that an 
 agent ought immediately to be sent ; but 
 the resolution I have offered by no means 
 goes so far. 
 
 Do gentlemen fear the result of this re- 
 solution in embroiling us with the Porte? 
 Why, sir, how much is it ahead of the 
 whole nation, or rather let me ask how 
 much is the nation ahead of it? Is not 
 this whole people already in a state of 
 open and avowed excitement on this sub- 
 ject? Does not the land ring from side to 
 side with one common sentiment of sym- 
 
 Eathy for Greece, and indignation toward 
 er oppressors? nay, more, sir — are we not 
 giving money to this cause? More still, 
 sir — is not the secretary of state in open 
 correspondence with the president of the 
 Greek committee in London ? The nation
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 has gone as far as it can go, short of an offi- 
 cial act of hostility. This resolution adds 
 nothing beyond what is already done — 
 nor can any of the European governments 
 take offence at such a measure. But if 
 they would, should we be withheld from 
 an honest expression of liberal feelings in 
 the cause of freedom, for fear of giving 
 umbrage to some member of the holy 
 alliance? We are not, surely, yet pre- 
 pared to purchase their smiles by a sacri- 
 fice of every manly principle. Dare any 
 Christian prince even ask us not to sym- 
 pathize with a Christian nation struggling 
 against Tartar tyranny ? We do not inter- 
 fere — we break no engagements — we violate 
 no treaties ; with the Porte we have none. 
 Mr. Chairman, there are some things 
 which, to be well done, must be promptly 
 done. If we even determine to do the 
 thing that is now proposed, we may do it 
 too late. Sir, I am not of those who are 
 for withholding aid when it is most ur- 
 gently needed, and when the stress is past, 
 and the aid no longer necessary, over- 
 whelming the suSerers with caresses. I 
 will not stand by and see my fellow man 
 drowning without stretching out a hand to 
 help him, till he has by his own efforts and 
 presence of mind reached the shore in 
 safety, and then encumber him with aid. 
 With suffering Greece now is the crisis of 
 her fate, — her great, it may be, her last 
 struggle. Sir, while we sit here deliberat- 
 ing, her destiny may be decided. The 
 Greeks, contending with ruthless oppres- 
 sors, turn their eyes to us, and invoke us 
 by their ancestors, slaughtered wives and 
 children, by their own blood, poured out 
 like water, by the hecatombs of dead they 
 have heaped up as it were to heaven, they 
 invoke, they implore us for some cheering 
 sound, some look of sympathy, some token 
 of compassionate regard. They look to us 
 as the great republic of the earth — and 
 they ask us by our common faith, whetlier 
 we can forget that they are struggling, as 
 we once struggled, for what we now so 
 happily enjoy ? I cannot say, sir, that they 
 will succeed ; that rests with heaven. But 
 for myself, sir, if I should to-morrow hear 
 that they have failed — that their last pha- 
 lanx hud sunk beneath the Turkish cime- 
 ter, that the flames of their last city had 
 sunk in its a.shes, and that naught remained 
 but the wide melancholy waste where 
 Greece once was, I should still reflect, with 
 the most heartfelt satisfaction, that I have 
 asked you in the name of seven millions of 
 freemen, that you would give them at lea.st 
 the cheering of one friendly voice. 
 
 John Randolplt on tlie other aide of 
 Hame <4n«^iition. 
 
 Mr. CnAiRMAN, — It is with serious con- 
 cern and alarm, that I have heard doc- 
 
 trines broached in this debate, fraught 
 with consequences more disastrous to the 
 best interests of this people than any that 
 I have ever heard advanced during the 
 five-and-twenty years that I have been 
 honored with a seat on this floor. They 
 imply, to my apprehension, a total and 
 fundamental change of the policy pursued 
 by this government, ab urbe condita — from 
 the foundation of the republic, to the 
 present day. Are we, sir, to go on a cru- 
 sade, in another hemisphere, for the pro- 
 pagation of two objects — objects as dear 
 and delightful to my heart as to that of 
 any gentleman in this, or in any other as- 
 sembly — liberty and religion — and, in the 
 name of these holy words — by this power- 
 ful spell, is this nation to be conjured and 
 persuaded out of the highway of heaven 
 — out of its present comparatively happy 
 state, into all the disastrous conflicts aris- 
 ing from the policy of European powers, 
 with all the consequences which flow from 
 them? 
 
 Liberty and religion, sir ! I believe that 
 nothing similar to this proposition is to be 
 found in modern history, unless in the 
 famous decree of the French national as- 
 sembly, which brought combined Europe 
 against them, with its united strength, 
 and, after repeated struggles, finally effect- 
 ed the downfall of the French power. Sir, 
 I am wrong — there is another example of 
 like doctrine ; and you find it among that 
 strange and peculiar people — in that mys- 
 terious book, which is of the highest au- 
 thority with them, (for it is at once their 
 gospel and their law,) the Koran, which 
 enjoins it to be the duty of all good Mos- 
 lems to propagate its doctrines at the point 
 of the sword — by the edge of the cimeter. 
 The character of that people is a peculiar 
 one : they differ from every other race. It 
 has been said, here, that it is four hundred 
 years since they encamped in Europe. Sir, 
 they were encamped, on the spot where we 
 now find them, before this country was 
 discovered, and their title to the country 
 which they occupy is at least as good as 
 ours. They hold their possessions there 
 by the same title by which all other coun- 
 tries are held — possession, obtained at first 
 by a successful employment of force, con- 
 firmed by time, usage, prescription — the 
 best of all possible titles. Their })olicy 
 has been not tortuous, like that of other 
 states of Europe, but straightforward : they 
 had invariably appealed to the sword, and 
 they held by the sword. The Russ had, 
 indeed, made great encroachments on their 
 emnire, but the ground had been contested 
 incn by inch ; and the acquisitions of 
 Russia on the side of Christian Europe — 
 Livonia, Ingria,Courland — Finland, to the 
 Gulf of Bothnia — Poland ! — had been 
 greater than that of the Mahometans. 
 And, in consequence of this straightfor-
 
 BOOK III.J 
 
 HAYNE AGAINST A TARIFF. 
 
 21 
 
 ward policy to which T before referred, this 
 peculiar people could boast of being the 
 only one of the continental Europe, whose 
 capital had never been insulted by the 
 presence of a foreign military force. It 
 was a curious fact, well worthy of atten- 
 tion, that Constantinople was the only 
 capital in continental Europe — for Moscow 
 was the true capital of Russia — that had 
 never been in possession of an enemy. It 
 is, indeed, true, that the Empress Catharine 
 did inscribe over the gate of one of the 
 cities that she had won in the Krimea, 
 (Cherson, I think,) "the road to Byzan- 
 tium ;" but, sir, it has proved — perhaps too 
 low a word for the subject — but a istumpy 
 road for Russia. Who, at that day, would 
 have been believed, had he foretold to that 
 august (for so she was) and illustrious 
 woman that her Cossacks of the Ukraine, 
 and of the Don, would have encamped in 
 Paris before they reached Constantinople? 
 Who would have been believed, if he had 
 foretold that a French invading force — 
 such as the world never saw before, and, I 
 trust, will never again see — would lay 
 Moscow itself in ashes? These are con- 
 siderations worthy of attention, before we 
 embark in the project proposed by this 
 resolution, the consequences of which no 
 human eye can divine. 
 
 I would respectfully ask the gentleman 
 from Massachusetts, whether in his very 
 able and masterly argument — and he has 
 said all that could be said upon the sub- 
 ject, and more than I supposed could be 
 said by any man in favor of his resolution 
 — whether he himself has not furnished an 
 answer to his speech — I had not the happi- 
 ness myself to hear his speech, but a friend 
 has read it to me. In one of the argu- 
 ments in that speech, toward the conclu- 
 sion, I think, of his speech, the gentleman 
 lays down, from Pufl'endorf, in reference 
 to the honeyed words and pious profes- 
 sions of the holy alliance, that these arc 
 all surplusage, because nations are always 
 supposed to be ready to do what justice 
 and national law require. Well, sir, if 
 this be so, why may not the Greeks pre- 
 sume — why are they not, on this principle, 
 bound to presume, that this government is 
 disposed to do all, in reference to them, 
 that they ought to do, without any formal 
 resolutions to that eftect ? I ask the gen- 
 tleman from Massachusetts, whether the 
 doctrine of Puffendorf does not apply as 
 strongly to the resolution as to the declara- 
 tion of the allies — that is, if the resolution 
 of the gentleman be indeed that ahnost 
 nothing he would have us suppose, if there 
 be not something behind this nothing 
 which divides this house (not horizontaJhj, 
 as the gentleman has ludicrously said — but 
 verticdUy) into two unequal parties, one 
 the advociite of a splendid system of cru- 
 sades, the other the friends of peace and 
 
 harmony ; the advocates of a fireside pol- 
 io/ — for, as had been truly said, as long as 
 all is right at the fireside, there cannot be 
 much wrong elsewhere — whether, I repeat, 
 docs not the doctrine of Putiendorf aj)ply 
 as well to the words of the resolution ua to 
 the words of the holy alliance? 
 
 But, sir, we have already done more than 
 this. The president of the United .States, 
 the only organ of communication which 
 the people have seen fit to establish be- 
 tween us and foreign powers, has already 
 expressed all, in reference to Greece, that 
 the resolution goes to express actum est — 
 it is done — it is finished — there is an end. 
 Not, that I would have the house to infer, 
 that I mean to express any opinion as to the 
 policy of such a declaration — the practice 
 of responding to presidential addresses 
 and messages had gone out for, now, these 
 two or three-and-twenty years. 
 
 E^xtract from Mr. Hayne's Speecb against 
 tlic Tariff BUI, In Congress, 
 
 Jatiuary, 1832. 
 
 Mr. President, — The plain and seem- 
 ingly obvious truth, that in a fair and equal 
 exchange of commodities all parties gained, 
 is a noble discovery of modern times. The 
 contrary principle naturally led to com- 
 mercial rivalries, wars, and abuses of all 
 sorts. The benefits of commerce being re- 
 garded as a stake to be won, or an advan- 
 tage to be wrested from others by fraud or 
 by force, governments naturally strove to se- 
 cure them to their own subjects; and when 
 they once set out in this wrong direction, 
 it was quite natural that they should not 
 stop short till they ended in binding, in the 
 bonds of restriction, not only the Avhole 
 countrj', but all of its parts. Thus we are 
 told that England first protected by her 
 restrictive policy, her whole empire against 
 all the world, then Great Britain against 
 the colonies, then the British islands 
 against each other, and ended by vainly 
 attempting to protect all the great interests 
 and employment of the state by balancing 
 them against eachother. Sir, such a system, 
 carried fully out, is not confined to rival na- 
 tions, but protects one towai against another, 
 considers villages, and even families as 
 rivals ; and cannot stop short of " Robin- 
 son Crusoe in his goat skins." It takes 
 but one step further to make every man 
 liis own lawyer, doctor, farmer, and shoe- 
 maker — and^ if I may be allowed an Irish- 
 ism, his own seamstress and washerwoman. 
 The doctrine of free trade, on the contrar^•, 
 is fimnded on the true social system. It 
 looks on all mankind as children of a com- 
 mon parent— and the great family of na- 
 tions as linked together by mutual interests. 
 Sir, as there is a religion, so I believe tlure 
 is a politics of nature. Cast your eyes over
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book nr. 
 
 this various earth — see its surface diversi- 
 fied by hills and valleys, rocks, and fertile 
 fields. Notice its diflerent productions — 
 its infinite varieties of soil and climate. See 
 the mighty rivers winding their way to the 
 very mountain's base, and thence guiding 
 man to the vast ocean, dividing, yet con- 
 necting nations. Can any man who con- 
 siders these things with the eye of a philo- 
 sopher, not read the design of the great 
 Creator (written legibly in his works) that 
 his children should be drawn together in 
 a free commercial intercourse, and mutual 
 exchanges of the various gifts with which 
 a bountiful Providence has blessed them. 
 Commerce, sir, restricted even as she has 
 been, has been the great source of civiliza- 
 tion and refinement all over the world. 
 Next to the Christian religion, I consider 
 fi-ee trade in its largest sense as the greatest 
 blessing that can be conferred upon any 
 people. Hear, sir, what Patrick Henry, 
 the great orator of Virginia, whose squI 
 was the very temple of freedom, says on 
 this subject : — 
 
 " Why should we fetter commerce? If 
 a man is in chains, he droops and bows to 
 the earth, because his spirits are broken, 
 but let him twist the fetters from his legs, 
 and he will stand erect. Fetter not com- 
 merce ! Let her be as free as the air. She 
 will range the whole creation, and return 
 on the four winds of heaven to bless the 
 land with plenty." 
 
 But, it has been said, that free trade 
 would do very well, if all nations would 
 adopt it; but as it is, every nation must 
 protect itself from the effect of restrictions 
 by countervailing measures. I am per- 
 suaded, sir, that this is a great, a most 
 fatal error. If retaliation is resorted to for 
 the honest purpose of producing a redress 
 of the grievance, and while adhered to no 
 longer than there is a hope of success, it 
 may, like war itself, be sometimes just and 
 necessary. But if it have no such object, 
 " it is the unprofitable combat of seeing 
 which can do the other the most harm." 
 The case can hardly be conceived in which 
 permanent restrictions, as a measure of re- 
 taliation, could be profitable. In every 
 possible situation, a trade, whether more 
 or less restricted, is profitable, or it is not. 
 This can only be decided by experience, 
 and if the trade be left to regulate itself, 
 water would not more naturally seek its 
 level, than the intercourse adjust itself to 
 the true interest of the parties. Sir, as to 
 this idea of the regulation by government 
 of the pursuits of men, I consider it a.s a 
 remnant of barbarism disgraceful to an en- 
 lightened age, and inconsistent with tlic 
 first principles of rational lil)erty. I hold 
 government to be utterly incapable, from 
 its position, of exercising sucii a {xtwcr 
 wisely, prudently, or justly. Are the 
 rulers of the world the depositaries of its 
 
 collected wisdom ? Sir, can we forget the 
 advice of a great statesman to his son — 
 " Go, see the world, my sou, that you may 
 learn with how little wisdom mankind is 
 governed." And is our own government 
 an exception to this rule, or do we not find 
 here, as every where else, that 
 
 " Man, proud man, 
 Robed in a little brief authority, 
 Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven, 
 Ab make the angels weep ?" 
 
 The gentleman has appealed to the ex- 
 ample of other nations. Sir, they are all 
 against him. They have had restrictions 
 enough, to be sure; but they are getting 
 heartily sick of them, and in England, par- 
 ticularly, would willingly get rid of them 
 if they could. We have been assured, by 
 the declaration of a minister of the crown, 
 from his place in parliament, " that there 
 is a growing conviction, among all men of 
 sense and reflection in that country, that 
 the true policy of all nations is to be found 
 in unrestricted industry. Sir, in England 
 they are now retracing their steps, and en- 
 deavoring to relieve themselves of the 
 system as fast as they can. Within a few 
 years past, upwards of three hundred sta- 
 tutes, imposing restrictions in that coun- 
 try, have been repealed ; and a case has 
 recently occurred there, which seems to 
 leave no doubt that, if Great Britain has 
 grown great, it is, as Mr. Huskisson has 
 declared, " not in consequence of, but in 
 spite of their restrictions." The silk manu- 
 facture, protected by enormous bounties, 
 was found to be in such a declining condi- 
 tion, that the government was obliged to 
 do something to save it from total ruin. 
 And what did they do? They consider- 
 ably reduced the duty on foreign silks, 
 both on the raw material and the manu- 
 factured article. The consequence was 
 the immediate revival of the silk manufac- 
 ture, which has since been nearly doubled. 
 Sir, the experience of France is equally 
 decisive. Bonaparte's effort to introduce 
 cotton and sugar has cost that country 
 millions ; and, but the other day, a foolish 
 attempt to protect the iron mines spread 
 devastation through half of France, and 
 nearly ruined the wine trade, on which one 
 fifth of her citizens depend for subsistence. 
 As to Spain, unhapjiy Spain, " fenced 
 round with restrictions," her experience, 
 one would suppose, would convince us, if 
 anything could, that the protecting system 
 in politics, like bigotry in religion, was ut- 
 terly at war witli sound principles and a 
 liberal and enlightened policy. Sir, I say, 
 in the words of the philosoi)hical statesnum 
 of England, " leave a generous nation free 
 to seek their own road to perfection." 
 Thank God, the night is passing away, and 
 wo, have lived to seethe dawn of a glorious 
 day. The cause of free trade must and will 
 prosper, and finally triumph. The politi-
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 CLAY ON HIS LAND BILL. 
 
 23 
 
 cal economist is abroad ; light has come 
 into the world ; and, in this instance at 
 least, men will not " prefer darkness rather 
 than light." Sir, let it not be said, in after 
 times, that the statesmen of America were 
 behind the age in which they lived — tiiat 
 they initiated this young and vigorous 
 country into the enervating and corruj)t- 
 ing ])ractices of European nations — and 
 liiat, at the moment when the whole world 
 were looking to us for an example, we ar- 
 rayed ourselves in the ca«t-olf follies and 
 exploded errors of the old world, and, by 
 the introduction of a vile system of artifi- 
 cial stimulants and political gambling, im- 
 paired the healthful vigor of the body 
 })olitic, and brought on a decrepitude and 
 premature dissolution. 
 
 Mr. Clay's Speech on his Public Lands Bill. 
 
 Mil. President, — Although I find my- 
 self borne down by the severest affliction 
 with which Providence has ever been 
 pleased to visit me, I have thought that 
 my private griefs ought not longer to pre- 
 vent me from attempting, ill as I feel quali- 
 fied, to discharge my public duties. And I 
 now rise, in pursuance of the notice which 
 has been given, to ask leave to introduce a 
 bill to apijropriate, for a limited time, the 
 proceeds of the sales of the public lands of 
 the United States, and for granting land to 
 certain states. 
 
 I feel it incumbent on me to make a 
 brief explanation of the highly important 
 measure which I have now the honor to 
 propose. The bill which I desire to intro- 
 duce, provides for the distribution of the 
 proceetls of the public lands in the years 
 1833, 1834, 1885, 183G and 1837, among the 
 twenty-four states of the union, and con- 
 forms substantially to that which passed in 
 1833. It is therefore of a temporary char- 
 acter ; but if it shall be found to have sal- 
 utary operation, it will be in the power of 
 a future congress to give it an indefinite 
 continuance; and if otherwise, it will ex- 
 pire by its own terms. In the event of war 
 unfortunately breaking out with any for- 
 eign power, the bill is to cease, and the 
 fund which it distributes is to be applied 
 to the iirosecution of the war. The bill 
 directs that ten per cent, of the net pro- 
 ceeds of the public lands sold within the 
 limits of the seven new states, shall be first 
 set apart for them, in addition to the five 
 per cent, reserved by their several com- 
 pacts with the United States ; and that the 
 residue of the proceeds, whether from sales 
 made in the states or territories, shall be 
 divided among the twenty-four states in 
 proportion to their respective federal ])opu- 
 lation. In this respect the bill conforms 
 to that which was introduced in 1832. For 
 one, I should have been willing to have 
 
 allowed the new states twelve and a half 
 instead of ten per cent. ; but as that wa.s 
 objected to by the president, in his veto 
 message, and has been opposed in other 
 quarters, I thought it best to restrict the 
 allowance to the more moderate sum. The 
 bill also contains large and liberal grants 
 of land to several of the new states, to place 
 them upon an equality with others to which 
 the bounty of congress has been heretofore 
 extended, and provides that, when other 
 new states shall be admitted into the union, 
 they shall receive their share of the com- 
 mon fund. 
 ***** *^(.^ 
 
 Mr. President, I have ever regarded, with 
 feelings of the profoundest regret, the de- 
 cision which the president of the United 
 States felt himself induced to make on the 
 bill of 1833. If the bill had passed, about 
 twenty millions of dollars would have been, 
 during the last three years, in the hands of 
 the several states, applicable by them to 
 the beneficent purposes of internal improve- 
 ment, education or colonization. What 
 immense benefits might not have been dif- 
 fused throughout the land by the active 
 employment of that large sum ? What new 
 channels of commerce and communication 
 might not have been opened ? What in- 
 dustry stimulated, what labor rewarded? 
 How many youthful minds might have re- 
 ceived the blessings of education and know- 
 ledge, and been rescued from ignorance, 
 vice, and ruin? How many descendants 
 of Africa might have been transported from 
 a country where they never can enjoy po- 
 litical or social equality, to the native land 
 of their fathers, where no impediment ex- 
 ists to their attainment of the highest de- 
 gree of elevation, intellectual, social and 
 political ! where they might have been 
 successful instruments, in the hands of God, 
 to spread the religion of His Son, and to 
 lay the foundation of civil liberty. 
 
 But, although we have lost three i>recious 
 years, the secretary of the treasurv' tells us 
 that the principal of this vast sum is 
 yet safe; and much good may still be 
 achieved with it. The spirit of iiiiprove- 
 ment pervades tlie land in every variety 
 of form, active, vigorous and enterjirising, 
 wanting pecuniary aid as well as intelligent, 
 direction. The states are strengthening the 
 union by various lines of communication 
 thrown across and through the mountains. 
 New York has completed one great cliain. 
 Pennsylvania another, ])older in concej'tion 
 and more arduous in the execution. Vir- 
 ginia has a similar work in jirogress, worthy 
 of all her enterprise and energy. A fourth, 
 further south, where the parts of the union 
 are too loosely connected, bos been pro- 
 jected, and it can certainly be executed 
 with the supplies which this bill atlbrds, 
 and perhaps not without them. 
 
 This bill passed, and these and other si-
 
 24 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 milar undertakings completed, we may in- 
 dulge the patriotic hope that our union will 
 be hound by ties and interests that render 
 it indissoluble. As the general government 
 withholds all direct agency from these truly 
 national works, and from all new objects of 
 internal improvement, ought it not to yield 
 to the states, what is their own, the amount 
 received from the public lands? It would 
 thus but execute faithfully a trust expressly 
 created by the original deeds of cession, or 
 resulting from the treaties of acquisition. 
 With this ample resource, every desirable 
 object of improvement, in every part of our 
 extensive country, may in due time be ac- 
 complished. — Placing this exhaustless fund 
 in the hands of the several members of the 
 confederacy, their common federal head 
 may address them in the glowing language 
 of the British bard, and. 
 
 Bid harbors open, public ways extend, 
 
 Bid temples wortliier of the God ascend. 
 
 Bid the liroad arch the dangerous flood contain, 
 
 The mole projecting break the roaring main. 
 
 Back to his bounds their subject sea command, 
 
 And roll obedient rivers through the land. 
 
 I confess I feel anxious for the fate of 
 this measure, less on account of any agency 
 I have had in proposing it, as I hope and 
 believe, than from a firm, sincere and tho- 
 rough conviction, that no one measure ever 
 presented to the councils of the nation, was 
 fraught with so much unmixed good, and 
 could exert such powerful and enduring 
 influence in the preservation of the union 
 itself and upon some of its highest interests. 
 If I can be instrumental, in any degree, in 
 the adoption of it, I shall enjoy, in that re- 
 tirement into which I hope shortly to en- 
 ter, a heart-feeling satisfaction and a lasting 
 consolation. I shall carry there no regrets, 
 no complaints, no reproaches on my own 
 account. When I look back upon my hum- 
 ble origin, left an orphan too young to have 
 been conscious of a father's smiles and ca- 
 resses; with a widowed mother, surrounded 
 by a numerous offspring, in the midst of 
 pecuniary eml)arrassmeuts ; without a re- 
 gular education, without fortune, without 
 friends, witliout patrons, I have reason to 
 be satisfied with my public career. I ought 
 to be thankful for the high places and ho- 
 nors to which I have been called by the 
 favor and partiality of my countrymen, 
 and I am tiiankful and grateful. And I 
 shall take with me the pleasing conscious- 
 ness that in whatever staticni I have been 
 placed, I have earnestly and honestly la- 
 bored to justify their confidence by a faith- 
 ful, fearless, and zealous discharge of my 
 ftublic duties. Pardon these personal al- 
 usions. 
 
 Np«>ecti of Jolin C. Calhonn, 
 
 Agnimt Ihe I'Mv- LikhIk Hill, .hmiKiry Zi, 1841. 
 
 "Whether the government can constitu- 
 kioually distribute the revenue from the 
 
 public lands among the states must depend 
 on the fact whether they belong to them 
 in their united federal character, or indi- 
 vidually and separately. If in the for- 
 mer, it is manifest that the government, as 
 their common agent or trustee, can have 
 no right to distribute among them, for 
 their individual, separate use, a fund de- 
 rived from property held in their united 
 and federal character, without a special 
 power for that purpose which is not pre- 
 tended. A position so clear of itself and 
 resting on the established principles of 
 law, when applied to individuals holding 
 property in like manner, needs no illustra- 
 tion. If, on the contrary, they belong to 
 the states in their individual and separate 
 character, then the government would not 
 only have the right but would be bound to 
 apply the revenue to the separate use of 
 the states. So far is incontrovertible, 
 which presents the question : In which of 
 the two characters are the lands held by 
 the state? 
 
 "To give a satisfactory answer to this 
 question, it will be necessary to distinguish 
 between the lands that have been ceded by 
 the states, and those that have been pur- 
 chased by the government out of the com- 
 mon funds of the Union. 
 
 "The principal cessions were made by 
 Virginia and Georgia. The former of all 
 the tract of country between the Ohio, the 
 Mississippi, and the lakes, including the 
 states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Mich- 
 igan, and the territory of Wisconsin ; and 
 the latter, of the tract included in Ala- 
 bama and Mississippi. 1 shall begin with 
 the cession of Virginia, as it is on that 
 the advocates for the distribution mainly 
 rely to establish the right. 
 
 " I hold in my hand an extract of all 
 that portion of the Virginia deed of cession 
 which has any bearing on the point at 
 issue, taken from the volume lying on the 
 table before me, with the place marked, 
 and to which any one desirous of examin- 
 ing the deed may refer. The cession is 
 'to the United States in Congress assem- 
 bled, for the benefit of said states.' Every 
 word implies the states in their united 
 federal character. That is the meaning of 
 the phrase United States. It stands in con- 
 tradistinction to the states taken separately 
 and individually ; and if there could be, 
 by possibility, any doubt on that point, it 
 would be removed by the expression ' in 
 Congress assembled ' — an assemblage which 
 constituted the very knot that united them. 
 I regard the execution of such a deed to 
 the Unit(!d States, so assembled, so con- 
 elusive that the cession was to them in 
 their united and aggregate character, in 
 (•ontradistiiiction to their individual and 
 separate! character, and, by necessnry con- 
 se(]neiic(', that the lands so ceded belonged 
 to them in their former and not in their
 
 BOOK III.] HAYNE ON SALES OF PUBLIC LANDS. 
 
 25 
 
 latter character, that I am at a loss for 
 words to make it clearer. To deny it, 
 would be to deny that there is any truth in 
 language. 
 
 "But strong as this is, it is not all. 
 The deed proceeds and says, that all the 
 lands so ceded ' shall be considered a com- 
 mon fund for the use and benefit of such of 
 the United States as have become, or shall 
 become, members of the confederation or 
 federal alliance of said states, Virginia in- 
 clusive, and concludes by saying, 'and 
 shall be faithfully and bona fide disposed 
 of for that purpose, and for no other use 
 or purpose whatever.' IT it were possible 
 to raise a doubt before, those lull, clear, 
 and explicit terms would dispel it. It is 
 impossible for language to be clearer. To 
 be ' considered a common fund * is an ex- 
 pression directly in contradistinction to 
 separate or individual, and is, by necessary 
 implication, as clear a negative of the lat- 
 ter as if it had been positively expressed. 
 This common fund to ' be for the use and 
 benefit of such of the United States as 
 have become, or shall become, members of 
 the confederation or federal alliance.' That 
 is as clear as language can express it, for 
 their common use iu j^heir united federal 
 character, Virginia being included as the 
 grantor, out of abundant caution." 
 
 "The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. 
 Clay), and, as I now understand, the Sena- 
 tor from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster), 
 agree, that the revenue from taxes can be 
 applied only to the objects specifically 
 enumerated in the Constitution. Thus re- 
 pudiating the general welfare principle, as 
 applied to the money power, so far as the 
 revenue may be derived from that source. 
 To this extent they profess to be good 
 State Rights Jetfersonian Republicans. 
 Now, sir, I would be happy to be informed 
 by either of the able senators, by what 
 political alchemy the revenue from taxes, 
 oy being vested in land, or other property, 
 can, when again turned into revenue by 
 sales, be entirely freed from all the consti- 
 tutional restrictions to which they were lia- 
 ble before the investment, according to 
 their own confessions. A satisfactory ex- 
 planation of so curious and apparently in- 
 com])reliensible a process would be a treat. 
 " When I look, Mr. President, to what 
 induced the states, and especially Virginia, 
 to make this magnificent cession to the 
 Union, and the high and patriotic motives 
 urged by the old Congress to induce them 
 to do it, and turn to what is now jiro- 
 posed, I am struck with the contrast and 
 the great nvutatiou to which human affairs 
 are subject. The great and patriotic men 
 of former times regarded it as essential to 
 the consummation of the Union and the 
 reservation of the public faith that the 
 ands should be ceded as a common fund ; 
 but now, meu di:5tinguished for their 
 
 ability and influence are striving with all 
 their might to undo their holy work. Yes, 
 sir ; distribution and cession are the very 
 reverse, in character- and effect ; the ten- 
 dency of one is to union, and the other to 
 disunion. The wisest of modern states- 
 men, and who had the keenest and deepest 
 glance into futurity (Edmund Burke), 
 truly said that the revenue is the state; to 
 which I add, that to (listril.ute the revenue, 
 in a confederated community, amongst its 
 members, is to dissolve the community — 
 that is, with us, the Union — as time will 
 prove, if ever this fatal measure should be 
 adopted." 
 
 la 
 
 Speech of Hon. Robt. Y. Ha}rne 
 
 Senator from Soul li Curolitui, ddiveredin the HKiiate C'luiinher 
 
 January 2l,lS:iU, on Mr. Foofs resolidion reUUiny 
 
 to the sales of the public lands. 
 
 Mr. Hayne said, when he took occasion, 
 two days ago, to throw out some ideas with 
 respect to the policy of the government, 
 in relation to the public lands, nothing 
 certainly could have been further from his 
 thoughts, than that he should have been 
 compelled again to throw himself ui)on the 
 indulgence of the Senate. Little did I 
 expect, said Mr. H., to be called upon to 
 meet such an ar^f^ument as was yesterday 
 urged by the gentleman from IMassachusctts 
 (Mr. Webster.) Sir, I questioned no man's 
 opinions ; I impeached no man's motives ; 
 I charged no party, or state, or section of 
 country with hostility to any other, but 
 ventured, as I thought, in a becoming spirit 
 to put forth my own sentiments in relation 
 to a great national question of public 
 policy. Such wa,s my course. The gentle- 
 man from Missouri, (Mr. Benton,) it is 
 true, had charged upon the Eastern States 
 an early and continued hostility towards 
 the west, and referred to a number of his- 
 torical facts and documents in support of 
 that charge. Now, sir, how have these 
 different arguments been met? The honor- 
 able gentleman from Massachusetts, after 
 deliberating a whole night upon his course, 
 comes into this chamber to vindicate New 
 England ; and instead of making up his 
 issue with the gentleman from Missouri, 
 on the charges which he had preferred, 
 chooses to consider me as the author of 
 those charges, and losing sight entirely of 
 that gentleman, selects me as his adversary, 
 and pours out all the vials of his mighty 
 wrath upon my devoted head. Nor is he 
 willing to stop there. He goe^s on to assail 
 the institutions and policy of the south, 
 and calls in question the principles and 
 conduct of the state whicli I have the 
 honor to represent. When 1 find a gentle- 
 man of mature age and exjjeriencc, of ac- 
 knowledged talents and profound sagacity, 
 pursuing a course like this, declining tlie 
 contest offered from the west, and making
 
 26 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 war upon the unoffending south, I must 
 believe, I am bound to believe, he has some 
 object in view which he has not ventured 
 to disclose. Mr. President, why is this? 
 Has the gentleman discovered in former 
 controversies with the gentleman from 
 Missouri, that he is overmatched by that 
 senator? And does he hope for an easy vic- 
 tory over a more feeble adversary ? Has the 
 gentleman's distempered fancy been dis- 
 turbed by gloomy forebodings of "new 
 alliances to be formed," at which he hinted ? 
 Has the ghost of the murdered Coalition 
 come back, like the ghost of Banquo, to 
 "sear the eyeballs of the gentleman," and 
 will it not down at his bidding ? Are dark 
 visions of broken hopes, and honors lost 
 forever, still floating before his heated 
 imagination? Sir, if it be his object to 
 thrust me between the gentleman from 
 Missouri and himself, in order to rescue 
 the east from the contest it has provoked 
 with the west, he shall not be gratified. 
 Sir, I will not be dragged into the defence 
 of my friend from Missouri. The south 
 shall not be forced into a conflict not its 
 own. The gentleman from Missouri is 
 able to fight his own battles. The gallant 
 west needs no aid from the south to repel 
 any attack which may be made on them 
 from any quarter. Let the gentleman from 
 Massachusetts controvert the facts and 
 arguments of the gentleman from Mis- 
 souri, if he can — and if he win the victory, 
 let him wear the honors ; I shall not de- 
 prive him of his laurels. 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts, in 
 reply to my remarks on the injurious 
 operations of our land system on the pros- 
 perity of the west, pronounced an extrav- 
 agant eulogium on the paternal care which 
 the government had extended towards the 
 west, to which he attributed all that was 
 great and excellent in the present condi- 
 tion of the new states. The language of 
 the gentleman on this topic fell upon my 
 ears like the almost forgotten tones of the 
 tory leaders of the British Parliament, at 
 the commencement of the American revo- 
 lution. They, too, discovered that the 
 colonies had grown great under the foster- 
 ing care of the mother country; and I 
 must confess, while listening to the gentle- 
 man, I thought the appropriate reply to 
 his argument wa.s to l»e found in the re- 
 mark of a celebrated orator, made on that 
 occasion : " They have grown great in spite 
 of your protection." 
 
 The gentleman, in commenting on the 
 policy of the government in relation to the 
 new states, has introduced to our notice a 
 certain Nalhan Dane, of ]\Iassachusc(ts, 
 to whom lie attributes tlie celel)rated ordi- 
 nance of 'H7, by which he tells us, *' slnrcrij 
 was forever exehided from the new states 
 north of the Oiiio." After eulogizing the 
 wisdom of this provision iu terms of the 
 
 most extravagant praise, he breaks forth in 
 admiration of the greatness of Nathan 
 Dane — and great indeed he must be, if it 
 be true, as stated by the senator from Mas- 
 sachusetts, that " he was greater than 
 Solon and Lycurgus, Minos, Numa Pom- 
 pilius, and all the legislators and philoso- 
 phers of the world," ancient and modern. 
 Sir, to such high authority it is certainly 
 my dut}', in a becoming spirit of humility, 
 to submit. And yet, the gentleman will 
 pardon me, when I say, that it is a little 
 unfortunate for the fame of this great legis- 
 lator, that the gentleman from Missouri 
 should have proved that he was not the 
 author of the ordinance of '87, on which 
 the senator from Massachusetts has reared 
 so glorious a monument to his name. Sir, 
 I doubt not the senator will feel some com- 
 passion for our ignorance, when I tell him, 
 that so little are we acquainted with the 
 modern great men of New England, that 
 until he informed us yesterday that we pos- 
 sessed a Solon and a Lycurgus in the person 
 of Nathan Dane, he was only known to 
 the south as a member of a celebrated 
 assembly, called and known by the name 
 of the " Hartford Convention." In the 
 proceedings of that assembly, which I hold 
 in my hand, (at p. i9,) will be found in a 
 few lines, the history of Nathan Dane; 
 and a little farther on, there is conclusive 
 evidence of that ardent devotion to the 
 interest of the new states, which, it seems, 
 has given him a just claim to the title of 
 "Father of the West." By the 2d resolu- 
 tion of the " Hartford Convention," it is 
 declared, " that it is expedient to attempt 
 to make provisionybr i-estraining Congvess 
 in the exercise of an %inlirnited power to 
 make new states, and admitting them into 
 the Union." So much for Nathan Dane, 
 of Beverly, Massachusetts. 
 
 In commenting upon my views in rela- 
 tion to the public lands, the gentleman in- 
 sists, that it being one of the conditions of 
 the grants that these lands should be ap- 
 plied to " the common benefit of all the 
 states, they must always remain a fund for 
 revenue ; " and adds, "they must be treated 
 as so much treasure." Sir, the gentleman 
 could hardly find language strong enough 
 to convey his disapprobation of tlie policy 
 which I had ventured to recommend to the 
 favoralile consideration of the country. 
 And what, sir, was that policy, and what 
 is the diflerence between that gentleman 
 and myself on that subject? I threw out 
 the idea that the public lands ought not to 
 1)6 reserved forever, as "a great fund 
 for reveiuie ; " that they ought not to be 
 " treated as a great treasure ;" butthatthe 
 course of our policy should rather be di- 
 rected toward the creation of new states, 
 and building up great and flourishing 
 communities. 
 
 Now, sir, will it be believed, by those
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 27 
 
 who now hear me, — and who listened to 
 the gentleman's denuuciatiuu of my doc- 
 trines yesterday, — that a book then lay 
 open before him — nay, that he held it in 
 his hand, and read from it certain passa- 
 ges of his own speech, delivered to the 
 House of Representatives in 1825, in which 
 speech he himself contended for the very 
 doctrine I had advocated, and almost in 
 the same terms ? Here is the speech of 
 the Hon. Daniel Webster, contained in the 
 first volume of Gales and Beaton's Regis- 
 ter of Debates, (p. 251,) delivered in the 
 House of Representatives on the 18th of 
 January, 1825, in a debate on the Cum- 
 herland road — the very debate from which 
 the senator read yesterday. I shall read 
 from the celebrated speech two passages, 
 from which it will appear that both as to 
 the past and the future policy of the gov- 
 ernment in relation to the public lands, 
 the gentleman from IMassachusetts main- 
 tained, in 1825, substantially the same 
 opinions which I have advanced, but 
 which he now so strongly reprobates. I 
 said, sir, that the system of credit sales by 
 which the west had been kept constantly 
 in debt to the United States, and by which 
 their wealth was drained otf to be expended 
 elsewhere, had operated injuriously on 
 their prosperity. On this point the gentle- 
 man from Massachusetts, in January, 1825, 
 expressed himself thus : " There could be 
 no doubt, if gentlemen looked at the 
 money received into the treasury from the 
 sale of the public lands to the west, and 
 then looked to the whole amount expended 
 by government, (even including the whole 
 amount of what was laid out for the army,) 
 the latter must be allowed to be very in- 
 considerable, and there must be a constant 
 drain of money froTU the west to pay for the 
 public lands." It might indeed be said 
 that this was no more tlian the refluence of 
 capital which had previously gone over 
 the mountains. Be it so. Still its practical 
 effect was to produce inconvenience, if not 
 distress, by absorbing the money of thepeople. 
 I contended that the public lands ought 
 not to be treated merely as " a fund for re- 
 venue ; " that they ought not to be hoarded 
 " as a great treasure." On this point the 
 senator expressed himself thus : " Govern- 
 ment, he believed, had received eighteen 
 or twenty millions of dollars from the pub- 
 lic lands, and it was with the greatest satis- 
 faction he adverted to the change which 
 had been introduced in the mode of pay- 
 ing for them ; yet he could never think the 
 national domain was to be regarded as any 
 great source of revenue. The great object 
 of the government, in respect of these 
 lands, was not so much the money derived 
 from their sale, as it was the getting them 
 settled. What ho meant to say was, he did 
 not think they ought to hug that domain AS A 
 GREAT TKliASUKE, to enrich the Exchequer." 
 
 Now, Mr. President, it will be seen that 
 the very doctrines which the gentleman 
 so indignantly abandons were urged by 
 him in 1825; and if 1 had actually bor- 
 rowed my sentiments from those which 
 he then avowed, 1 could not have (olhjwcd 
 more closely in his foot.steits. Sir, it is 
 only since the gentleman quoted this book, 
 yesterday, that my attenliijn has been 
 turned to the sentiments he exi)ressed in 
 1825; and if I had renieml)ered them, I 
 might possibly have been deterred from 
 uttering sentiments here, which, it might 
 well be sujjposed, I had borrowed from 
 that gentleman. 
 
 In 1825, the gentleman told the world 
 that the public lands "ought not to be 
 treated as a treasure." He now tells us 
 that " they must be treated as so much 
 treasure." What the deliberate ojiinion 
 of the gentleman on this subject maybe, 
 belongs not to me to determine; but I do 
 not think he can, with the shadow of jus- 
 tice or propriety, impugn my sentiments, 
 while his own recorded opinions are iden- 
 tical with my own. When the gentleman 
 refers to the conditions of the grants under 
 which the United States have acquired 
 these lands, and insists that, as they are 
 declared to be " for the common benefit of 
 all the states," they can only be treated as 
 so much treasure, I think he has apj)lied a 
 rule of construction too narrow lor the 
 case. If in the deeds of cession it has 
 been declared that the grants were in- 
 tended for "the common benefit of all the 
 states," it is clear, from other provisions, 
 that they were not intended merely as so 
 7nuch pro]>erty ; for it is expressly declared, 
 that the object of the grants is the erection 
 of new states ; and the United States, in 
 accepting this trust, bind themselves to 
 facilitate the foundation of these states, 
 to be admitted into the Union with 
 all the rights and privileges of the 
 original states. This, sir, was the great 
 end to which all parties looked, and it is 
 by,the fulfillment of this high trust that 
 " the common benefit of all the states " is 
 to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the 
 gentleman, that in the part of the country 
 in which I live, we do not measure politi- 
 cal benefits by the money standard. We 
 consider as more valuable than gold liber- 
 ty, principle, and justice. But, sir, if we 
 are bound to act on the narrow principles 
 contended for by the gentleman, I am 
 wholly at a loss to conceive how he can 
 reconcile his principles with his own prac- 
 tice. The lands are, it seems, to be treated 
 "as so much treasure," and nui^t be ap- 
 plied to the "common benefit of all the 
 states." Now, if this be so, whence doeiS 
 he derive theright to appropriate them for 
 partial and local objects? How can the 
 gejitleman consent to vote away immense 
 bodies of these lauds for canals in Indiana
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III, 
 
 and Illinois, to the Louisville and Portland 
 Canal, to Kenyon College in Ohio, to 
 Schools for the t)eaf and Dumb, and other 
 objects of a similar description ? If grants 
 of this character can fairly be considered 
 as made " for the common benefit of all the 
 states," it can only be, because all the 
 states are interested in the welfare of each 
 — a principle which, carried to the full 
 extent, destroys all distinction between 
 local and national objects, and is certainly 
 broad enough to embrace the principles for 
 which I have ventured to contend. Sir, 
 the true difference between us I take to be 
 this : the gentleman wishes to treat the 
 public lands as a great treasure, just as so 
 much money in the treasury, to be applied 
 to all objects, constitutional and unconsti- 
 tutional, to which the public money is 
 constantly applied. I consider it as a 
 sacred trust which we ought to fulfil, on 
 the principles for which I have con- 
 tended. 
 
 The senator from Massachusetts has 
 thought projier to present, in strong con- 
 trast, the friendly feelings of the east to- 
 wards the west, with sentiments of an op- 
 posite character displayed by the south in 
 relation to appropriations for internal im- 
 provements. Now, sir, let it be recollected 
 that the south have made no professions ; 
 I have certainly made none in their be- 
 half, of regard for the west. It has been 
 reserved for the gentleman from Massa- 
 chusetts, while he vaunts over his own 
 personal devotion to western interests, to 
 claim for the entire section of country to 
 which he belongs an ardent friendship for 
 the west, as manifested by their support of 
 the system of internal improvement, while 
 he casts in our teeth the reproach that the 
 south has manifested hostility to western 
 interests in opposing appropriations for 
 such objects. That gentleman, at the 
 same time, acknowledged that the south 
 entertains constitutional scruples on this 
 subject. Are we then, sir, to understand that 
 the gentlemtin considers it a just subject 
 of rei)roach that we respect our oaths, by 
 which we are bound " to preserve, protect, 
 and defend tiie constitution of the U. 
 States ?" Would the gentleman have us 
 manifest our love to the west by trampling 
 under foot our constitutional scruples ? 
 Does he not perceive, if the south is to be 
 reproached with unkindness to the west, in 
 voting against appropriations which the 
 gentleman admits they coulil not vote for 
 without doing violcince to their constitu- 
 tional opitiioris, that ho exjjoses himself to 
 the question, wh('ther, if he was in our 
 situation, he couhl vote for these aj)pro- 
 priations, regardless of liis scruples? No, 
 sir, I will not do the gciithinum so great 
 injustice. He has fallen into tliis error 
 from not having duly weighed the fitrce 
 and effect of the rei)roach which he was 
 
 endeavoring to cast upon the south. In 
 relation to the other point, the friendship 
 manifested by New England towards the 
 west, in their support of the system of in- 
 ternal improvement, the gentleman will 
 pardon me for saying, that I think he is 
 equally unfortunate in having introduced 
 that topic. As that gentleman has forced 
 it upon us, however, I cannot suffer it to 
 pass unnoticed. When the gentleman 
 tells us that the approj)riations for internal 
 improvement in the west would, in almost 
 every instance, have failed but for New 
 England votes, he has forgotten to tell us 
 the when, the hoto, and the wherefore this 
 new-born zeal for the west sprung up in 
 the bosom of New England. If we look 
 back only a few years, we will find in 
 both houses of Congress a uniform and 
 steady opposition on the part of the mem- 
 bers from the P^astern States, generally, to 
 all appropriations of this character. At 
 the time I became a member of this house, 
 and for some time afterwards, a decided 
 majority of the New England senators 
 were opposed to the very measures which 
 the senator from Massachusetts tells us 
 they now cordially, support. Sir, the 
 Journals are before me, and an examina- 
 tion of them will satisfy every gentleman 
 of that fact. 
 
 It must be well known to every one 
 whose experience dates back as far as 
 1825, that up to a certain period, New 
 England was generally opposed to appro- 
 priations for internal improvements in the 
 west. The gentleman from Massachusetts 
 may be himself an exception, but if he 
 went for the system before 1825, it is cer- 
 tain that his colleagues did not go with 
 him. 
 
 In the session of 1824 and '25, however, 
 (a memorable era in the history of this 
 country,) a wonderful change took place 
 in New England, in relation to western in- 
 terests. Sir, an extraordinary union of 
 sympathies and of interests was then ef- 
 fected, which brought the east and the 
 west into close alliance. The book from 
 which I have before read contains the first 
 public annunciation of that happy recon- 
 ciliation of conflicting interests, personal 
 and political, which brought the east and 
 west together and locked in a fraternal 
 embrace the two great orators of the east 
 and the west. Sir, it was on the 18th of 
 January, 1825, while the result of the 
 presidential election, in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, was still doubtful, while the 
 whole country was looking with intense 
 anxiety to that legislative hall where the 
 niiglity drama was so soon to be acted, 
 that we saw the leaders of two great par- 
 ties in the liouse :ind in the nation, "tak- 
 ing sweet counsel together," and in a cele- 
 brated dil)atc on th" Oumherland road, 
 fighting si<le by side for western interests.
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 29 
 
 It was on that memorable occasion tliat 
 the senator from Massachusetts held out 
 the white Jlaq to the went, and uttered those 
 liberal sentiments which he yesterday so 
 indignantly repudiated. Then it was, that 
 that happy union between the two mem- 
 bers of tlie celebrated coalition was con- 
 summated, whose immediate issue was a 
 president from one quarter of the Union, 
 with the succession (as it was supposed) 
 secured to another. The "American sys- 
 tem," before a rude, disjointed, and 
 misshapen mass, now assumed form 
 and consistency. Then it was that it 
 became " the settled policy of the govern- 
 ment," that this system should be so ad- 
 ministered as to create a reciprocity of in- 
 terests and a reciprocal distribution of 
 government favors, east and west, (the 
 tariff and internal improvements,) while 
 the south — yes, sir, the impracticable 
 south — was to be " out of your protec- 
 tion." The gentleman may boast as much 
 as he pleases of the friendship of New 
 England for the west, as displayed in their 
 support of internal improvement; but 
 when he next introduces that topic, I 
 trust that he will tell us when that friend- 
 ship commenced, how it was brought 
 about, and why it was established. Before 
 I leave this topic, I must be permitted to 
 say that the true character of the policy 
 now pursued by the gentleman from Mas- 
 sachusetts and his friends, in relation to 
 appropriations of land and money, for the 
 benefit of the Avest, is in my estimation 
 very similar to that pursued by Jacob of 
 old towards his brother Esau : " it robs 
 them of their birthright for a mess of 
 pottage." 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts, in 
 alluding to a remark of mine, that before 
 any disposition could be made of the public 
 lands, the national debt, for which they stand 
 pledged, must be first paid, took occasion 
 to intimate " that the extraordinary fervor 
 which seems to exist in a certain quarter, 
 (meaning the south, sir,) for the payment 
 of the debt, arises from a disposition to 
 weaken the ties which bind the people to the 
 Union." While the gentleman deals us 
 this blow, he professes an ardent desire to 
 see the debt speedily extinguished. He 
 must excuse me, however, for feeling some 
 distrust on that subject until I find this 
 disposition manifested by something 
 stronger than professions. I shall look 
 for acts, decided and unequivocal acts ; 
 for the performance of which an opportu- 
 nity will very soon (if I am not greatly 
 mistaken) be afforded. Sir, if I were at 
 liberty to judge of the course which that 
 gentleman would pursue, from the princi- 
 ples which he has laid down in relation to 
 this matter. I should be bound to conclude 
 that he will be found acting with those 
 with whom it is a darling object to pre- 
 
 vent the payment of the public debt. lie 
 tells us he is desiroas of paying the debt. 
 " because we are under an obligation to 
 discharge it." Now, sir, suppose it should 
 happen that the public creditors, with 
 whom we have contracted the obligation, 
 should release us from it, so far as to de- 
 clare their willingness to wait for payment 
 for filty years to come, provided only the 
 interest shall be punctually discharged. 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts will 
 then be releiused from the obligation which 
 now makes him desirous of j)aying the 
 debt; and, let me tell the gentleman, the 
 holders of the stock will not only release 
 us from this obligation, but they will im- 
 plore, nay, they will even pay vs not to 
 pay them. But, adds the gentleman, so 
 far as the debt may have an effect in bind- 
 ing the debtors to the country, and thereby 
 serving as a link to hold the states to- 
 gether, he would be glad that it sh(;uld 
 exist forever. Surely then, sir, on the 
 gentleman's own principles, he must be op- 
 posed to the ])ayment of the debt. 
 
 Sir, let me tell that gentleman, that the 
 south repudiates the idea that a pecuniai'y 
 dependence on the federal government is 
 one of the legitimate means of holding the 
 states together. A moneyed interest in 
 the government is essentially a base inter- 
 est; and just so far as it operates to bind 
 the feelings of those who are subjected to 
 it to the government, — just so far as it 
 operates in creating sympathies and inter- 
 ests that would not otherwise exist, — is it 
 opposed to all the principles of free gov- 
 ernment, and at war with virtue and pa- 
 triotism. Sir, the link which binds the 
 public creditors, as such, to their country, 
 binds them equally to all governments, 
 whether arbitrary or free. In a free gov- 
 ernment, this principle of abject dei)end- 
 ence, if extended through all the ramifica- 
 tions of society, must be fatal to liberty. 
 Already have we made alarming strides in 
 that direction. The entire class of manu- 
 facturers, the holders of stocks, with their 
 hundreds of millions of capital, are held to 
 the government by the strong link of pe- 
 cuniary interests; millions of people — en- 
 tire sections of country, interested, or be- 
 lieving themselves to be so, in the public 
 lands, and the public treasure — are bound 
 to the government by the expectation of 
 pecuniary favors. If this system is carried 
 much further, no man can fail to see that 
 every generous motive of attachment to 
 the country will be destroyed, and in its 
 place will spring up those low. grovelling, 
 base, and selfish feelings which bind men 
 to the footvstool of a despot by bonds a-s 
 strong and enduring as those which atl.ich 
 them to free institutions. Sir, I would lay 
 the foundation of this government in the 
 affections of the people — I would tenth 
 them to cling to it by dispensing equal
 
 30 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book in. 
 
 justice, and above all, by securing the 
 "blesj^ings of liberty" to "themselves and 
 to their posterity." 
 
 The honorable gentleman from Massa- 
 chusetts has gone out of his way to pass a 
 high eulogium on the state of Ohio. In 
 the most impassioned tones of eloquence, 
 he described her majestic march to great- 
 ness. He told us, that, having already 
 left all the other states far behind, she was 
 now passing by Virginia and Pennsylvania, 
 and about to take her station by the side 
 of New York. To all this, sir, I was dis- 
 
 Eosed most cordially to respond. When, 
 owever, the gentleman proceeded to con- 
 trast the state of Ohio with Kentucky, to 
 the disadvantage of the latter, I listened to 
 him with regret ; and when he proceeded 
 further to attribute the great, and, as he 
 supposed, acknowledged superiority of the 
 former in population, Avealth, and general 
 prosperity, to the policy of Nathan Dane, 
 of Massachusetts, which had secured to 
 the people of Ohio (by the ordinance of 
 '87) a population offreemaij I will confess 
 that my feelings suffered a revulsion which 
 I am now unable to describe in any lan- 
 guage sufficiently respectful tov/ards the 
 gentleman from Massachusetts. In con- 
 trasting the state of Ohio with Kentucky, 
 for the purpose of pointing out the superi- 
 ority of the former, and of attributing that 
 superiority to the existence of slavery in the 
 one state, and its absence in the other, I 
 thought I could discern the very spirit of 
 the Missouri question, intruded into this 
 debate, for objects best known to the gen- 
 tleman himself. Did that gentleman, sir, 
 when he formed the determination to cross 
 the southern border, in order to invade the 
 state of South Carolina, deem it prudent 
 or necessary to enlist under his banners 
 the prejudices of the world, which, like 
 Siciss troops, may be engaged in any cause, 
 and are prepared to serve under any 
 leader ? Did he desire to avail himself of 
 those remorseless allies, the passions of 
 mankind, of which it may be more truly 
 said than of the savage tribes of the wil- 
 derness, *' that their known rule of warfare 
 is an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages, 
 sexes, and conditions?" Or was it sup- 
 posed, sir, that, in a premeditated and un- 
 provoked attack upon the south, it was 
 advisable to begin oy a gentle admonition 
 of our supposed weakness, in order to pre- 
 vent us from making that firm and manly 
 resistance due to our own character and our 
 dearest interests? Was the significant hint 
 of the weakness of slaveholdinr} states, when 
 contra-stcd with the superior strenr/th of 
 free states, — like the glare of the weapon 
 naif drawn from its scabbard, — intended 
 to enforce the lessons of prudence and of 
 patriotism, which the gentleman had re- 
 solved, out of his abundant generosity, 
 gratuitrmsly to bestow upon us ? Mr. Pres- 
 
 ident, the impression which has gone 
 abroad of the iveakncss of the south, as con- 
 nected with the slave question, exposes us 
 to such constant attacks, has done us so 
 much injury, and is calculated to produce 
 such infinite mischiefs, that I embrace the 
 occasion presented by the remarks of the 
 gentleman of Ma.ssachusetts, to declare 
 that we are ready to meet the question 
 promj^tly and fearlessly. It is one from 
 which we are not disposed to shrink, in 
 whatever form or under whatever circum- 
 stances it may be pressed upon us. 
 
 We are ready to make up the issue with 
 the gentleman, as to the influence of 
 slavery on individual or national charac- 
 ter — on the prosperity and greatness, either 
 of the United States or of pai-ticular states. 
 Sir, when arraigned before the bar of pub- 
 lic opinion, on this charge of slavery, we 
 can stand up with conscious rectitude, 
 ])lead not guilty, and put ourselves upon 
 God and our country. Sir, we will not con- 
 sent to look at slavery in the abstract. We 
 will not stop to inquire whether the black 
 man, as some philosophers have contended, 
 is of an inferior race, nor whether his color 
 and condition are the effects of a curse in- 
 flicted for the offences of his ancestors. We 
 deal in no abstractions. We will not look 
 back to inquire whether our fathers were 
 guiltless in introducing slaves into this 
 country. If an inquiry should ever be in- 
 stituted in these matters, however, it Avill 
 be found that the profits of the slave trade 
 were not confined to the south. Southern 
 ships and southern sailors were not the in- 
 struments of bringing slaves to the shores 
 of America, nor did our merchants reap 
 the profits of that " accursed traffic." But, 
 sir, we will pass over all this. If slaverj"-, 
 as it now exists in this country, be an 
 evil, we of the present day found it ready 
 made to our hands. Finding our lot cast 
 among a people whom God had manifestly 
 committed to our care, we did not sit down 
 to speculate on abstract questions of theo- 
 retical liberty. We met it as a practical 
 question of obligation and duty. We re- 
 solved to make the best of the situation in 
 which Providence had placed us, and to 
 fulfil the high trusts which had devolved 
 upon us as the owners of slaves, in the 
 only way in which such a trust could be 
 fulfilled, without spreading misery and ruin 
 throughout the land. We found that we 
 had to deal with a people whose physical, 
 moral, and intellectual habits and charac- 
 ter totally disqualified them from the en- 
 joyment of the blessings of freedom. We 
 could not send them back to the shores 
 from whence their fathers had been taken; 
 their numbers forbade the thought, even 
 if wo did not know that their condition 
 here is infinitely preferable to what it pos- 
 sibly could be among the barren sands and 
 savage tribes of Africa ; and it was wholly
 
 BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 31 
 
 irreconcilable with all our notions of hu- 
 manity to tear asunder the tender ties 
 which they had formed anionf!:; us, to grat- 
 ify the feelings of a false philanthropy. 
 What a commentary on the wisdom, jus- 
 tice, and humanity of the southern slave 
 owner is presented by the example of cer- 
 tain benevolent Jissociations and charitable 
 individuals elseichcre / i^lu'dding weak 
 tears over .sutlerings which had existence 
 in their own sickly imaginations, these 
 " friends of humanity " set themselves sys- 
 tematically to work to seduce the slaves of 
 the south from their masters. By means 
 of fiiissionaries and political tracts, the 
 scheme was in a great measure successful. 
 Thousands of these deluded victims of 
 ianaticism were seduced into the enjoy- 
 ment of freedom in our northern cities. 
 And what has been the consequence ? Go 
 to these cities now and ask the question. 
 Visit the dark and narrow lanes, and ob- 
 scure recesses, which have been assigned 
 by common consent as the abodes of those 
 outcasts of the world, the free people of 
 color. Sir, there does not exist, on the 
 face of the whole earth, a poijulation so 
 l)Oor, so wretched, so vile, so loathsome, so 
 utterly destitute of all the comforts, con- 
 veniences, and decencies of life, as the un- 
 fortunate blacks of Philadelphia, and New 
 York, and Boston. Libei'ty has been to 
 them the greatest of calamities, the heaviest 
 of curses. Sir, I have had some opportu- 
 nities of making comparison between the 
 condition of the free negroes of the north 
 and the slaves of the south, and the com- 
 parison has left not only an indelible im- 
 pression of the superior advantages of the 
 latter, but has gone far to reconcile me to 
 slavery itself. Never have I felt so forci- 
 bly that touching description, " the foxes 
 have holes, and the birds of the air have 
 nests, but the Son of man hath not where 
 to lay his head," as when I have seen this 
 unhappy race, naked and houseless, al- 
 most starving in the streets, and abandoned 
 by all the world. Sir, I have seen in the 
 neighborhood of one of the most moral, 
 religious, and refined cities of the north, 
 a family of free blacks, driven to the caves 
 of the rocks, and there obtaining a precar- 
 ious sub.sistence from charity and plunder. 
 When the gentleman from Ma.ssachu- 
 setts adopts and reiterates the old charge 
 of weakness as resulting from slaverj', I 
 must be permitted to call for the proof of 
 those blighting effects which he ascribes to 
 its influence. I suspect that when the sub- 
 ject is closely examined, it will be found 
 that there is not much force even in the 
 plausible objection of the want of physical 
 power in slaveholding states. The power 
 of a country is compounded of its popula- 
 tion and its wealth, and in modern times, 
 where, from the very form and structure of 
 society, by far the greater portion of the 
 
 people must, even during the continuance 
 of the most d'jsoiating wars, be employed 
 in the cultivation of the soil and other 
 peaceful pursuits, it may be well doul)ted 
 whether slaveholding states, by rea.son of 
 the superior value, of their productions, 
 are not alile to maintain a numl)er of troops 
 in the field fully equal t<i what could be 
 supported by states with a larger white popu- 
 lation, but not possessedof equal resources. 
 It is a popular error to su])pose that, in 
 any possible state of things, the people of 
 a country could ever be called out eiivia.sse, 
 or that a half, or a third, or even a fifth 
 part of the physical force of any country 
 could ever be brought into the field. The 
 difficulty is, not to procure men, but to 
 provide the tneons of' waintainivg them; 
 and in this view of the subject, it may be 
 asked whether the Southern States are not 
 a source of strength and power, and not of 
 weakness, to the country — whether they 
 have not contributed, and are not now con- 
 tributing, largely to the wealth and pros- 
 perity of every state in this Union. From 
 a statement which I hold in my hand, it 
 appears that in ten years — from 1818 to 
 1827, inclusive — the whole amount of the 
 domestic exports of the United States was 
 $521,811,045 ; of which three articles, {the 
 product of slave labor,) viz., cotton, rice, 
 and tobacco, amounted to $339,203,232 — 
 equal to about two thirds of the whole. It 
 is not true, as has been supposed, that the 
 advantige of this labor is confined almost 
 exclusively to the Southern States. Sir, I 
 am thoroughly convinced that, at this time, 
 the states north of the Potomac actually de- 
 rive greater profits from the labor of our 
 slaves than we do ourselves. It appears 
 from our public documents, that in seven 
 vears — from 1821 to 1827, inclusive — the 
 six Southern States exported $190,337,281, 
 and imported only $55,646,301. Now, the 
 difference between these two sums (near 
 $140,000,000) i)asse(Z through the hands of the 
 northern merchants, and enabled them to 
 carry on their commercial operations with 
 all the world. Such part of these goods as 
 found its way back to our hands came 
 charged with the duties, as well as the 
 profits, of the merchant, the ship owner, 
 and a host of others, who found employ- 
 ment in carr>nng on these immense ex- 
 changes ; and for such part as was con- 
 sumed at the north, we received in ex- 
 change northern manufactures, charged 
 with an increased price, to cover all the 
 taxes which the northern consumer had 
 been compelled to pay on the imported ar- 
 ticle. It will be seen, therefore, at a glance, 
 how much slave labor has contributed to 
 the wealth and prosperity of the United 
 States, and howlargely our northern breth- 
 ren have participated in the profits of that 
 labor. Sir, on this subject I will quote an 
 authoritv, which will, 1 doubt not, be con-
 
 32 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 sidered by the Senator from Massachusetts 
 as entitled to high respect. It is from the 
 great father of the American System," 
 honest Matthew Carey — no great friend, it 
 is true, at this time, to southern rights and 
 southern interests, but not the worst author- 
 ity on that account, on the point in question. 
 
 Speaking of the relative importance to the 
 Union of the Southern and the Eastern 
 States, Matthew Carey, in the sixth edi- 
 tion of his Olive Branch, (p. 278,) after 
 exhibiting a number of statistical tables to 
 show the decided superiority of the former, 
 thus proceeds: — 
 
 " But I am tired of this investigation — I 
 sicken for the honor of the human species. 
 What idea must the world form of the ar- 
 rogance of the pretensions of the one side, 
 [the east,] and of the folly and weakness 
 of the rest of the Union, to have so long 
 suffered them to pass without exposure and 
 detection. The naked fact is, that the 
 demagogues in the Eastern States, not sat- 
 isfied with deriving all the benefit from the 
 southern section of the Union that they icould 
 from so many loealthy colonies — with making 
 princely fortunes by the carriage and ex- 
 portation of its bulky and valuable pro- 
 ductions, and supplying it with their own 
 manufactures, and the productions of Eu- 
 rope and the E;ist and West Indies, to an 
 enormous amount, and at an immense 
 profit, have uniformly treated it with out- 
 rage, insult, and injury. And, regardless 
 of their vital interests, the Eastern States 
 were lately courting their oicn destruction, 
 by allowhig a few restless, turbulent men 
 to lead them blindfolded to a separation 
 which wa.^ pregnant with their certainruin. 
 Whenever that event takes place, they sink 
 into insignificance. If a separation were 
 desirable to any part of the Union, it would 
 be to the Middle and Southern States, par- 
 ticularly the latter, who have been so long 
 harassed with the complaints, the restless- 
 ness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude 
 of the Eastern States, that their patience 
 has been tried almost beyond endurance. 
 'Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked ' — and he 
 will be severely punished for his kicking, 
 in the event of a dissolution of theUnion.' 
 Sir, I wish it to be distinctly understood 
 that I do not ailopt these sentiments as my 
 own. I quote them to show that very dif- 
 ferent sentiments have prevailed in former 
 times as to the weakness of the slavehold- 
 ing states from those which now seem to 
 have become i'ashiouable in certain quarters. 
 I know it has been supposed by certain ill- 
 informed persons, that the south exists only 
 by the countenance and protection of the 
 north. Sir, this is the idlest of all idle and 
 ridiculous fancies that ever entered into 
 the mind of man. In every state of this 
 Union, except one, the free white popula- 
 tion actually preponderates; while in the 
 British West India Islands, (where the 
 
 average white population is less than ten 
 per cent, of the whole,) the slaves are kept 
 in entire subjection: it is preposterous to 
 suppose that the Southern States could ever 
 find the smallest difficulty in this respect. 
 On this subject, as in all others, we ask 
 nothing of our northern brethren but to 
 " let us alone." Leave us to the undis- 
 turbed management of our domestic con- 
 cerns, and the direction of our own industry, 
 and we will ask no more. Sir, all our dif- 
 ficulties on this subject have arisen from 
 interference from abroad, which has dis- 
 turbed, and may again disturb, our domes- 
 tic tranquillity just so far as to bring d^wn 
 punishment upon the heads of the unfor- 
 tunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken 
 humanity. 
 
 There is a spirit, which, like the father 
 of evil, is constantly " walking to and fro 
 about the earth, seeking whom it may 
 devour:" it is the spirit of false philan- 
 thropy. The persons whom it possesses 
 do not indeed throw themselves into the 
 flames, but they are employed in lighting up 
 the torches of discord throughout the com- 
 munity. Their first principle of action is 
 to leave their own affairs, and neglect 
 their own duties, to regulate the affairs 
 and duties of others. Theirs is the task 
 to feed the hungry, and clothe the naked, 
 of other lands, while they thrust the naked, 
 famished, and shivering beggar from their 
 own doors ; to instruct the heathen, while 
 their own children want the bread of life. 
 When this spirit infuses itself into the 
 bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed 
 can be called a statesman,) it converts 
 him at once into a visionary enthusiast. 
 Then it is that he indulges in golden 
 dreams of national greatness and prosper- 
 ity, lie discovers that " liberty is power," 
 and not content with vast schemes of im- 
 provement at home, which it would bank- 
 rupt the treasury of the world to execute, 
 he flies to foreign lands, to fulfil obligations 
 to "the human race" by inculcating the 
 principles of " political and religious lib- 
 erty," and promoting the "general wel- 
 I fiire " of the whole human race. It is a 
 spirit which has long been busy with the 
 slaves of the south; and is even now dis- 
 playing itself in vain efforts to drive the 
 government from its wise polijcy in rela- 
 tion to the Indians. It is this si)irit 
 which has filled the land with thousands 
 of wild and visionary projects, which can 
 have no effect but to waste the energies 
 and dissipate the resources of the coun- 
 try. It is the spirit of which the aspir- 
 ing politician dexterously avails himself, 
 when, by inscribing on liis banner the 
 magical words liberty and piiilan- 
 ! THKOPY, he draws to his support that 
 I cla.s3 of persons who are rcaciy to bow 
 I down at the very name of their idols. 
 1 But, sir, whatever difference of opinion
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 33 
 
 may exist as to the effect of slavery on 
 national wealth and prosperity, if we may 
 trust to experience, there can be no doubt 
 that it has never yet produced any inju- 
 rious efl'ect on individual or luitional char- 
 acter. Look through the whole history 
 of the country, from the commencement 
 of the revolution down to the present 
 hour ; where are there to be found brighter 
 examples of intellectual and moral great- 
 ness than have been exhibited by the 
 sons of the south?- From the Father of 
 HIS Country down to the di.stingi:ished 
 CHIEFTAIN who has been elevated by a 
 grateful people to the highest office in 
 their gift, the interval is tilled up by a 
 long line of orators, of statesmen, and of 
 heroes, justly entitled to rank among the 
 ornaments of their country, and the bene- 
 factors of mankind. Look at the "Old 
 Dominion," great and magnanimous Vir- 
 ginia, "whose jewels are her sons." Is 
 there any state in this Union which 
 has contributed so much to the honor 
 and welfare of the country? Sir, I 
 will yield the whole question — I will ac- 
 knowledge the fatal eti'ects of slavery upon 
 character, if any one can say, that for 
 noble disinterestedness, ardent love of 
 country, exalted virtue, and a pure and 
 holy devotion to liberty, the people of the 
 Southern States have ever been surpassed 
 by any in the world. I know, sir, that 
 this devotion to liberty has sometimes been 
 supposed to be at war with our institutions ; 
 but it is in some degree the result of those 
 very institutions. Burke, the most philo- 
 sophical of statesmen, as he was the most 
 accomplished of orators, well understood 
 the operation of this principle, in elevat- 
 ing the sentiments and exalting the princi- 
 ples of the people in slaveholding states. I 
 will conclude my remarks on this branch 
 of the subject, by reading a few passages 
 from his speech " on moving his resolu- 
 tions for conciliation with the colonies," 
 the 22d of March, 1775. 
 
 " There is a circumstance attending the 
 southern colonies which makes the spirit 
 of liberty still more high and haughty than 
 in those to the northward. It is, that in 
 Virginia and the Carolinas they have a 
 vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the 
 case, in any part of the world, those who 
 are free are by for the most proud and 
 jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to 
 them not only an enjoyment, but a kind 
 of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, 
 as in countries where it is a common bless- 
 ing, and as broad and general as the air, 
 that it may be united with much abject 
 toil, with great misery, with all the exte- 
 rior of servitude, liberty looks among them 
 like something more noble and liberal. I 
 do not mean, sir, to commend the superior 
 morality of this sentiment, which has, at 
 least, a.s much pride as virtue in it — but I 
 27 
 
 cannot alter the nature of man. The fact 
 is so ; and these people of tlie southern 
 colonies are much more strongly, and with 
 a higher and more stubborn siiirit, attached 
 to liberty than those to the northward. 
 Such were all the ancient commonwealths 
 — such were our Gothic ancestors — such, in 
 our days, were the Poles — and such will be 
 all masters of slaves who are not slaves 
 themselves. In .such a people, the haughti- 
 ness of domination combines with the spir- 
 it of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it in- 
 vincible." 
 
 In the course of my former remarks, Mr. 
 President, I took occasion to deprecate, aa 
 one of the greatest evils, the consolidation 
 of this government. The gentleman takes 
 alarm at the sound. " Consolidation" 
 " like the tnrijf," grates upon his ear. lie 
 tells us, "we have heard much of late 
 about consolidation ; that it is the rallying 
 word of all who are endeavoring to weaken 
 the Union, by adding to the power of the 
 states." But consolidation (says the gen- 
 tleman) was the very object for which the 
 Union was formed ; and, in support of that 
 opinion, he read a passage from the ad- 
 dress of the president of the convention to 
 Congress, which he assumes to be authority 
 on his side of the question. But, sir, the 
 gentleman is mistaken. The object of the 
 framers of the constitution, as disclosed in 
 that address, was not the consolidation of 
 the government, hut "the consolidation of 
 the Union." It was not to draw jjower 
 from the states, in order to transfer it to a 
 great national government, but, in the 
 language of the constitution itself, " to form 
 a more perfect Union ;" — and by what 
 means? By "establishing justice, pro- 
 moting domestic tranquillity, and securing 
 the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
 posterity." This is the true reading of the 
 constitution. But, according to the gen- 
 tleman's reading, the object of the consti- 
 tution was, to consolidate the government, 
 and the means would seem to be, the pro- 
 motion of injustice, causing domestic dis- 
 cord, and depriving the states and the 
 people "of the blessings of liberty" for- 
 ever. 
 
 The gentleman boasts of belonging to 
 the party of National Repuiu.icans. 
 National Eeimblicans ! A new name, sir, 
 for a very old thing. The National Repub- 
 licans of the present day were the Federal- 
 ists of '9H, who became Federal liepuhlirans 
 during the war of 1812, and were manufac- 
 tured into National li epublicans aomewhere 
 about the year 1825. 
 
 As a parti/, (by whatever name distin- 
 guished,) they have always been animated 
 by the same principles, and have kept 
 steadily in view a common object, the c<m- 
 solidation of the governnuMit. Sir, the 
 party to which I am proud of having be- 
 longed, from the very commencement of
 
 34 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 my political life to the present day, were 
 the Democrats of '98, [Anarchists, Anti- 
 Federalists, Revolutionists, I think they 
 were sometimes called.) They assumed 
 the name of Democratic Eepuhlicans in 
 1822, and have retained their name and 
 principles up to the present hour. True to 
 their political faith, they have always, as a 
 party, been in favor of limitations of pow- 
 er ; "they have insisted that all powers not 
 delegated to the federal government are 
 reserved, and have been constantly strug- 
 gling, as they now are, to preserve the 
 rightcj of the states, and to prevent them 
 from being drawn into the vortex, and 
 swallowed up by one great consolidated 
 government. 
 
 Sir, any one acquainted with the history 
 of parties' in this country will recognize in 
 the points now in dispute between the sen- 
 ator from Massachusetts and myself the 
 very grounds which have, from the begin- 
 ning, divided the two great parties in this 
 country, and which (call these parties by 
 what names you will, and amalgamate them 
 as you may) will divide them forever. _ The 
 true distinction between those parties is 
 laid down in a celebrated manifesto, issued 
 bv the convention of the Federalists of 
 Massachusetts, assembled in Boston, in 
 February, 1824, on the occasion of organ- 
 izing a party opposition to the reelection 
 of Governor Eustis. The gentleman will 
 recognize this as "the canonical book of 
 political scripture;" and it instructs us 
 that, when the American colonies redeemed 
 themselves from British bondage, and be- 
 came so many independent nations, they 
 proposed to foVm a National Ukion, (not 
 a Federal Union, sir, but a national Union. ) 
 Those who were in favor of a union of the 
 states in this form became known by the 
 name of Federalists ; those who wanted no 
 union of the states, or disliked the proposed 
 form of union, became known by the name 
 of Anti- Federalists. By means which need 
 not be enumerated, the Anti- Federalists 
 became (after tlie expiration of twelve 
 years) our national rulers, and for a ])eriod 
 of sixteen years, until the close of Mr. 
 Madison's administration, in 1817, contin- 
 ued U) exercise the exclusive direction of 
 our public affairs. Here, sir, is the true 
 history f)f the origin, rise, and progress of 
 the party of National Rcpuhlirans, who 
 date back to the very origin of the govern- 
 ment, and who, then, as now, chose to con- 
 sider the constitution as having created, 
 not a Federal, but a National Union ; who 
 regarded "consolidation" as no evil, and 
 ■who doubtless considere'l it "a consunmia- 
 tion <lcvoutly to be wished " to build up a 
 great" central government," "one and indi- 
 visible." Sir, there have existed, in every 
 age and every country, two distinct orders of 
 men — the hirers (f freedom, and tlu; devoted 
 advocaie* of power. 
 
 The same great leading principles, modi- 
 fied only by the peculiarities of manners, 
 habits, and institutions, divided parties in 
 the ancient republics, animated the whigs 
 and tories of Great Britain, distinguished 
 in our own times the liberals and ultras of 
 France, and may be traced even in the 
 bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, 
 when the gallant liiego, who devoted him- 
 self, and all that he possessed, to the liberties 
 of his country, was dragged to the scaffold, 
 followed by the tears and lamentations of 
 every lover of freedom throughout the 
 world, he perished amid the deafening cries 
 of " Long live the absolute king ! " The 
 people whom I represent, Mr. President, 
 are the descendants of those who brought 
 with them to this country, as the most pre- 
 cious of their possessions, " an ardent love 
 of liberty ; " and while that shall be pre- 
 served, they will always be found manftilly 
 struggling against the consolidation of the 
 government — AS the worst of evils. 
 
 The senator from Massachusetts, in allu- 
 ding to the tariff, becomes quite facetious. 
 He tells us that " he hears of nothing but 
 tariff, tariff, tariff ; and, if a word could 
 be found to rhyme with it, he presumes it 
 would be celebrated in verse, and set to 
 music." Sir, perhaps the gentleman, in 
 mockery of our complaints, may be himself 
 disposed to sing the praises of the tariff, in 
 doggerel verse, to the tune of " Old Hun- 
 dred." I am not at all surprised, however, 
 at the aversion of the gentleman to the 
 very name of tariff. I doubt not that it 
 must always bring up some very unpleasant 
 recollections to his mind. If I am not 
 greatly mistaken, the senator Irom Massa- 
 chusetts was a leading actor at a great 
 meeting got up in Boston, in 1820, against 
 the tariff. It has generally been supposed 
 that he drew up the resolutions adopted by 
 that meeting, denouncing the tariff system 
 as unequal, oppressive, and unjust, and if I 
 am not much mistaken, denying its consti- 
 tutionality. Certain it is, that the gentle- 
 man made a speech on that occasion in 
 support of those resolutions, denouncing 
 the system in no very measured terms; 
 and, if my memory serves me, calling its 
 constitutionality in question. I regret that 
 I have not been ai)le to lay my hands on 
 those proceedings ; but T have seen them, 
 :ind cannot be mistaken in their character. 
 At that time, sir, the senator from Massa- 
 chusetts entertained the very sentiments in 
 relation to the tariff which the south now 
 entertains. We next find the senator from 
 Massachusetts expressing his opinion on 
 the tariff, as a member of the Ilouse of 
 Representatives from the city of Boston, 
 in 1824. On that occasion, sir, the gentle- 
 man assumed a position which commanded 
 the respect and admiration of his country. 
 He stood forlh the j)owerful and fearless 
 champion of free trade. He met, in that
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 35 
 
 conflict, the advocates of restriction and 
 monopoly, and they '' fled from before his 
 face." With a j)r()fbund saj^acity, a fuhiess 
 of knowledge, and a richness of illustration 
 that have never been surpassed, he main- 
 tained and established the principles of 
 commercial freedom, on a foundation never 
 to be shaken. Great indeed was the vic- 
 tory achieved by the gentleman on that 
 occasion ; most striking the contrast be- 
 tween the clear, ^forcible, and convincing 
 arguments by which he carried away the 
 understandings of his hearers, and the 
 narrow views and wretched sophistry of 
 anoilwr distinguished orator, who may be 
 truly said to have " held up his farthing 
 candle to the sun." 
 
 Sir, the Senator from Massachusetts, on 
 that, the proudest day of his life, like a 
 mighty giant, bore away upon his shoulders 
 the i>illars of the temple of error and delu- 
 sion, escaping himself unhurt, and leaving 
 his adversaries overwhelmed in its ruins. 
 Then it was that he erected to free trade a 
 beautiful and enduring monument, and 
 " inscribed the marble with his name." 
 Mr. President, it is with pain and regret 
 that I now go forward to the next great 
 era in the political life of that gentleman 
 when he was found on this floor, support- 
 ing, advocating, and finally voting for the 
 tariff" of 1828 — that "bill of abominations." 
 By that act, sir, the senator from Massa- 
 chusetts has destroyed the labors of his 
 whole life, and given a wound to the cause 
 of free trade never to be healed. Sir, when 
 I recollect the position which that gentle- 
 man once occupied, and that which he now 
 holds in public estimation, in relation to 
 this subject, it is not at all surprising that 
 the tariff' should be hateful to his ears. 
 Sir, if I had erected to my own tame so 
 proud a monument as that which the gen- 
 tleman built up in 1824, and I could have 
 been tempted to destroy it with my own 
 hands, I should hate the voice that should 
 ring " the accursed tariff"" in my ears. I 
 douiit not the gentleman feels very much, 
 in relation to the tariff", as a certain knight 
 did to " instinct" and with him would be 
 disposed to exclaim, — 
 
 " Ah ! no more of that, Hal, an thou lovest mc." 
 
 But, Mr. President, to be more serious ; 
 A'hat are we of the south to think of what 
 we have heard this day ? The senator from 
 Massachusetts tells us that the tariff" is not 
 an eastern measure, and treats it as if the 
 east had no interest in it. The senator 
 from Missouri insists it is not a western 
 measure, and that it has done no good to 
 the west. The south comes in, and, in the 
 most earnest manner, represents to you that 
 this measure, which we are told " is of no 
 value to the east or the west," is " utterly 
 destructive of our interests." We represent 
 
 to you that it has spread ruin and devasta- 
 tion through the land, and prostrated our 
 hopes in the dust. We solemnly declare 
 that we believe the system to i)e whollv 
 unconstitutional, and ii violation of the 
 compact between the states and the Union ; 
 and our brethren turn a deaf ear to our 
 comjilaints, and refuse to relieve us from a 
 system "which not enriches them, but 
 nuikcs us poor indeed." Good God ! Mr. 
 President, has it come to this ? Do gentle- 
 men hold the feelings and wishes of their 
 brethren at so cheap a rate, that they re- 
 iiise to gratify them at so small a price? 
 Do gentlemen value so lightly the peace 
 and harmony of the country, that they will 
 not yield a measure of this description to 
 the affectionate entreaties and earnest re- 
 monstrances of their friends? Do gentle- 
 men estimate the value of the Union at so 
 low a price, that they will not even make 
 one effort to bind the states together with 
 the cords of affection? And has it come to 
 this? Is this the spirit in which this gov- 
 ernment is to be administered? If so, let 
 me tell, gentlemen, the seeds of dissolu- 
 tion are already sown, and our children 
 will reap the bitter fruit. 
 
 The honorable gentleman from Massa- 
 chusetts, (Mr. Webster,) while he exoner- 
 ates me personally from the charge, inti- 
 mates that there is a party in the country 
 who are looking to disunion. Sir, if the 
 gentleman had stopped there, the accusa- 
 tion would have " passed by me like the 
 idle wind, which I regard not." But when 
 he goes on to give to his accusation " a 
 local habitation and a name," by quoting 
 the expression of a distinguished citizen of 
 South Carolina, (Dr. Cooper,) "that it was 
 time for the south to calculate the value of 
 the Union," and in the language of the 
 bitterest sarcasm, adds, "Surely then the 
 Union cannot last longer than July, 1831," 
 it is impossible to mistake either the allu- 
 sion or the object of the gentleman. Now, 
 Mr. President, I call upon every one who 
 hears me to bear witness that this contro- 
 versy is not of my seeking. The Senate 
 will do me the justice to remember that, at 
 the time this unprovoked and uncalled-for 
 attack was made on the south, not one 
 word had been uttered by me in disparage- 
 ment of New England ; nor had I made 
 the most distant allusion either to the sen- 
 ator from Massachusetts or the state he re- 
 jn-esents. But, sir, that gentleman has 
 thought proper, for purposes best known 
 to himself, to strike the south, through me, 
 the most unworthy of her servants. He 
 has crossed the border, he has invaded the 
 state of South Carolina, is making wiir 
 u]ion her citizens, and endeavoring to over- 
 throw her principles and her institutions. 
 Sir. when the gentleman jirovokcs me to 
 such a conflict, I meet him at the thresh- 
 old ; I will struggle, while I have life, fl*
 
 36 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 our altars and our firesides ; and, if God 
 gives me strength, I will drive back the in- 
 vader discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. 
 If the gentleman provokes the war, he 
 shall have war. Sir, I will not stop at the 
 border ; I will carry the war into the 
 enemy's territory, and not consent to lay 
 down my arms until I have obtained " in- 
 demnity for the past and security for the 
 future." It is with unfeigned reluctance, 
 Mr. President, that I enter upon the per- 
 formance of this part of my duty ; I shrink 
 almost instinctively from a course, however 
 necessary, which may have a tendency to 
 excite sectional feelings and sectional jeal- 
 ousies. But, sir, the task has been forced 
 upon me ; and I proceed right onward to the 
 performance of my duty. Be the conse- 
 quences what they may, the responsibility 
 is with those who have imposed upon me 
 this necessity. The senator from Massa- 
 chusetts has thought proper to cast the first 
 stone ; and if he shall find, according to a 
 homely adage, " that he lives in a glass 
 house," on his head be the consequences. 
 The gentleman has made a great flourish 
 about his fidelity to Massachusetts. I shall 
 make no professions of zeal for the interests 
 and honor of South Carolina ; of that my 
 constituents shall judge. If there be one 
 state in the Union, Mr. President, (and I 
 say it not in a boastful spirit,) that may 
 challenge comparison with any other, for a 
 uniform, zealous, ardent, and uncalculating 
 devotion to the Union, that state is South 
 Carolina. Sir, from the very commence- 
 ment of the revolution up to this hour, 
 there is no sacrifice, however great, she has 
 not cheerfully made, no service she has 
 ever hesitated to perform. She has adhered 
 to you in your prosperity ; but in your ad- 
 versity she has clung to you with more 
 than filial affection. No matter what was 
 the conditioTi of her domestic affairs, though 
 deprived of her resources, divided by par- 
 ties, or surrounded with difficulties, the call 
 of the country has been to her as the voice 
 of God. Domestic discord ceased at the 
 sound ; every man became at once recon- 
 ciled to his brethren, and the sons of Car- 
 olina were all seen crowding together to 
 the temple, bringing their gifts to the altar 
 of their common country. 
 
 Whut, sir, was the conduct of the South 
 during the revolution? Sir, I honor New 
 England for her conduct in that glorious 
 struggle. But great as is the i)raise which 
 V)ei()ngs to her, I think, at least, equal 
 honor is due to the south. They espoused 
 the quarrel of their brethren with a gener- 
 ous zeal, which did not .suffer them to stoji 
 to calculate their interest in the di.spute. 
 Favorites of tlu; mother country, possessed 
 of neither shins nor seamen to create a 
 commercial nvalsliip, they might have 
 found in their situation a guarantee that 
 thii'ir trade would be forever fostered and 
 
 protected by Great Britain. But, tramp- 
 ling on all considerations either of inter- 
 est or of safety, they rushed into the conflict, 
 and fighting "for principle, perilled all, in 
 the sacred cause of freedom. Never was 
 there exhibited in the history of the world 
 higher examples of noble daring, dreadful 
 suffering, and heroic endurance, than by 
 the whigs of Carolina during the revolu- 
 tion. The whole state,from the mountains to 
 the sea, was overrun by an overwhelming 
 force of the enemy. The fruits of industry 
 perished on the spot where they were pro- 
 duced, or were consumed by the foe. The 
 " plains of Carolina " drank up the most 
 precious blood of her citizens. Black and 
 smoking ruins marked the places which 
 had been the habitations of her children. 
 Driven from their homes into the gloomy 
 and almost impenetrable swamps, even 
 there the spirit of liberty survived, and 
 South Carolina (sustained by the example 
 of her Sumpters and her Marions) proved, 
 by her conduct, that though her soil might 
 be overrun, the spirit of her people was 
 invincible. 
 
 But, sir, our country was soon called 
 upon to engage in another revolutionary 
 struggle, and that, too, was a struggle for 
 principle. I mean the political revolution 
 which dates back to '98, and which, if it had 
 not been successfully achieved, would have 
 left us none of the fruits of the revolution 
 of '76. The revolution of '98 restored the 
 constitution, rescued the liberty of the cit- 
 izens from the grasp of those who were aim- 
 ing at its life, and in the emphatic language 
 of Mr. Jeflerson, "saved the constitution 
 at its last gasp." And by whom was it 
 achieved ? By the south, sir, aided only 
 by the democracy of the north and west. 
 
 I come now to the war of 1812 — a war, 
 which, I will remember, was called in 
 derision (while its event was doubtful) 
 the southern war, and sometimes the Caro- 
 lina war; but which is now universally ac- 
 knowledged to have done more for the 
 honor and prosperity of the country than 
 all other events in our history put togeth- 
 er. What, sir, were the objects of that 
 war? "Free trade and sailors' rights!" 
 It was for the protection of northern ship- 
 ping and New England seamen that the 
 country flew to arms. What interest liad 
 the south in that contest? If they had sat 
 down coldly to calculate the value of their 
 interest involved in it, they would have 
 found that they had every thing to lose, 
 and nothing to gain. But, sir, with that 
 generous devotion to country so character- 
 istic of the south, they only asked if the 
 rights of any portion of their fellr)w-citi- 
 /.cns had been invaded ; and when told 
 that northern ships and New England sea- 
 men had been arrested on the common 
 higiiway of nations, they felt that the hon- 
 or of their country was a.s.sailed ; and act-
 
 BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 37 
 
 inji; on that exalted sentiment "which feels 
 astain liken wound," they resolved to seek, 
 in o{)en war, for a redress of those injuries 
 whieh it did not become freemen to en- 
 dure. Sir, the wiiole south, animated as 
 by a common impulse, cordially united in 
 declaring and promoting that war. South 
 Carolina sent to your councils, as the ad- 
 vocates and supporters of that war, the 
 noblest of her sons. How they fulfilled 
 that trust let a grateful country tell. Not 
 a measure was adopted, not a battle fouglit, 
 not a victory won, which contributed, in 
 any degree, to the success of that war, to 
 which southern councils and southern valor 
 did not largely contribute. Sir, since 
 South Carolina is assailed, I must be suf- 
 fered to speak it to her praise, that at the 
 very moment when, in one quarter, we 
 heard it solemnly proclaimed, " that it did 
 not become a religious and moral jjcople 
 to rejoice at the victories of our army or 
 our navy," her legislature unanimously 
 
 " Resolved, That we will cordially sup- 
 port the government in the vigorous pros- 
 ecution of the war, until a peace can be 
 obtained on honorable terms, and we will 
 cheerfully submit to every privation that 
 may be required of us, by our government, 
 for the accomplishment of this object." 
 
 South Carolina redeemed that {)ledge. 
 She threw 0])en her treasury to the gov- 
 ernment. She put at the absolute disposal 
 of the officers of the United States all that 
 she possessed — her men, her money, and 
 her arms. She appropriated half a million 
 of dollars, on her own account, in defence 
 of her maritime frontier, ordered a brigade 
 of state troops to be raised, and when left 
 to protect herself by her own means, never 
 suffered the enemy to touch her soil, with- 
 out being instantly driven off or captured. 
 
 Such, sir, was the conduct of the south — 
 such the conduct of my own state in that 
 dark hour " which tried men's souls." 
 
 When I look back and contem])late the 
 spectacle exhibited at that time in another 
 quarter of the Union — when I think of the 
 conduct of certain portions of New P^ng- 
 land, and remember the part which was 
 acted on that memorable occasion by the 
 
 Solitical associates of the gentleman from 
 lassachusetts — nay, when I follow that 
 gentleman into the councils of the nation, 
 and listen to his voice during the darkest 
 period of the war, I am indeed astonished 
 that he should venture to touch upon the 
 topics which he has introduced into thisde- 
 bate. South Carolina reproached by Mas- 
 sachusetts! And from whom docs this ac- 
 cusation come? Not from the democracy of 
 New England ; for they have been in times 
 past, as they are now, the friends and alliens 
 of the south. No, sir, the accusation 
 comes from that party whose acts, during 
 the most trying and eventful period of our 
 national history, were of such a character, 
 
 that their own legislature, but a few years 
 ago, actually blotted them out from their 
 records, as a stain upon the honor of the 
 country, ikit how can they ever be blot- 
 ted out from the recollection of any one 
 who had a heart U) feel, a mind to com- 
 prehend, and a memory to retain, the 
 events of that day ! Sir, J shall not attempt 
 to write the history of the ])iiny in New 
 England to which I have alluded — the war 
 party in peace, and the peace party in war. 
 That task I shall leave to some future bio- 
 grapher of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not 
 it will be found quite easy to prove that 
 the peace party of Massachusetts were the 
 only defenders of their country during 
 their war, and actually achieved all our 
 victories by land and sea. In the mean- 
 time, sir, and until that history shall be 
 written, I propose, with the feeble and 
 glimmering lights which I possess, to re- 
 view the conduct of this party, in connec- 
 tion with the war, and the events which 
 immediately preceded it. 
 
 It will be recollected, sir, that our great 
 causes of quarrel Avith Great Britain were 
 her depredations on the northern com- 
 merce, and the impressment of New Eng- 
 land seamen. From every quarter we were 
 called upon for protection. Importunate 
 as the west is now represented to be en 
 another subj ect, the importunity of the 
 east on that occasion was far greater. I 
 hold in my hands the evidence of the fact. 
 Here are petitions, memorials, and remon- 
 strances from all parts of New England, 
 setting forth the injustice, the oppressions, 
 the depredations, the insults, the outrages 
 committed by Great Britain against the 
 unoffending commerce and seamen of New 
 England, and calling upon Congress for 
 redress. Sir, I cannot .stop to read these 
 memorials. In that from Boston, alter 
 stating the alarming and extensive con- 
 demnation of our vessels by Great Britai]), 
 which threatened "to sweep ourcommeice 
 from the face of the ocean,'' and "to in- 
 volve our merchants in bankruptcy," they 
 call upon the government " to assert our 
 rights, and to adopt such measures as will 
 support the dignity and honor of the 
 United States. 
 
 From Salem we heard a language sti'l 
 more decisive ; they call explicitly lor '" an 
 appeal to arms," and pledge their lives ard 
 property in support of any measures which 
 Congress might adopt. From N\'wbury- 
 port an appeal was nuule "to the ffrmne>s 
 and justiceofthegovernment toobtain com- 
 pensation and protection." It was here, I 
 think, that, when the war was declared, it 
 was resolved "to resist our own govern- 
 ment even unto blood." (Olive Branch, 
 p. 101.) 
 
 In other quarters the common language of 
 that day was, that our commerce and our 
 seamen were entitled to protection ; and that
 
 38 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book in 
 
 it was the duty of tlie government to afford ' 
 it at every hazard. The conduct of Great | 
 Britain, we were then told, was " an out- 
 rage upon our national independence." 
 These clamors, which commenced as early 
 as January, 1806, were continued up to 
 1812. In a message from the governor of 
 one of the New England States, as late as 
 the 10th October, 1811, this language is 
 held : " A manly and decisive course has 
 become indispensable ; a course to satisfy 
 foreign nations, that, while we desire 
 peace, we have the means and the spirit to 
 repel aggression. We are false to our- 
 selves when our commerce, or our terri- 
 tory, is invaded with impunity." 
 
 About this time, however, a remarkable 
 change was observable in the tone and 
 temper of those who had been endeavoring 
 to force the country into a war. The lan- 
 guage of complaint was changed into that 
 of insult, and calls for protection converted 
 into reproaches. "Smoke, smoke!" says 
 one writer ; " my life on it, our executive 
 has no more idea of declaring war than 
 my grandmother." The committee of 
 ways ami means," says another, " have 
 come out with their Pandora's box of 
 taxes, and yet nobody dreams of war." 
 " Congress do not mean to declare war ; 
 they dare not." But why multiply exam- 
 ples ■? An honorable member of the other 
 house, from the city of Boston, [Mr. 
 Quincy,] in a speech delivered on the 3d 
 April, 1812, says, " Neither promises, 
 nor threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths 
 will make me believe that you will go to 
 Avar. The navigation states are sacrificed, 
 and the spirit and character of the country 
 prostrated by fear and avarice." " You 
 cannot," said the same gentleman, on 
 aaotlier occasion, "be kicked into a war." 
 
 Well, sir, the war at length came, and 
 what did we behold ? The very men wlio 
 had been f )r six years clamorous for war, 
 and for whose protection it was waged, 
 became at once equally clamorous against it. 
 They had received a miraculous visitation; 
 a new light suddenly beamed upon their 
 minds ; tlie scales fell from their eyes, and 
 it was discovered that the war was declared 
 from " subserviency to France ; " and that 
 Congress, and the executive, " had sold 
 themHclves to Naooleon ; " that Gnuit Bri- 
 tain had in fact ' (lone us no essential in- 
 jury;" that she was "the l)ul\vark of our 
 religion;" that where "she took one of 
 our ships, sh(! protected twenty;" and that, 
 if Great Britain liad iinjjrcssed a few of 
 our seamen, it was because "shcscouhl not 
 distin^^uish them from tiieir own." And 
 HO far did this spirit extend, that a com- 
 mittee of the Ma-<sachusetts iegi-<lature ac- 
 tually fell to calcuhition, ami discovered, 
 to their infinite satisfiiction, but to the 
 a^tonislimciiit of all the world besides, that 
 only eleven Masaachasctts sailors had ever 
 
 been impressed. Never shall I forget the 
 appeals that had been made to the sympa- 
 thies of the south in behalf of the " thou- 
 sands of impressed Americans," who had 
 been torn from their families and friends, 
 and immured in the floating dungeons of 
 Britain." The most touching pictures 
 were drawn of the hard condition of the 
 American sailor, " treated like a slave," 
 forced to fight the battles of his enemy, 
 " lashed to the mast, to be shot at like a 
 dog." But, sir, the very moment we had 
 taken up arms in their defence, it was dis- 
 covered that all these were mere " fictions 
 of the brain ; " and that the whole number 
 in the state of Massachusetts was but 
 eleven ; and that even these had been 
 " taken by mistake." Wonderful discov- 
 ery ! The secretary of state had collected 
 authentic lists of no less than six thousand 
 impressed Americans. Lord Castlereagh 
 himself acknowledged sixteen hundred. 
 Calculations on the basis of the number 
 found on board of the Guerriere, the 
 Macedonian, the Java, and other British 
 ships, (captured by the skill and gallantry 
 of those heroes wdiose achievements are 
 the treasured monuments of their coun- 
 try's glory,) fixed the number at seven 
 thousand ; and yet, it seems, Massachusetts 
 had lost but eleven ! Eleven Massachu- 
 setts sailors taken by mistake ! A cause 
 of war indeed ! Their ships too, the cap- 
 ture of which had threatened " universal 
 bankruptcy," it was discovered that Great 
 Britain was their friend and protector; 
 where she had taken one she had jjrotected 
 twenty." Then was the discovery made, 
 that subserviency to France, hostility to 
 commerce, " a determination, on the part 
 of the south and west, to break down the 
 Eastern States," and especially as reported 
 by a committee of the M:issaciiusetls legis- 
 lature) "to force the sons of commerce to 
 populate the wilderness," were the true 
 causes of the war." (Olive Branch, pj). 
 134, 291.) But let us look a little further 
 into the conduct of the peace party of New 
 England at that im])ortant crisis. What- 
 ever difference of opinion might have ex- 
 isted as to the causes of the war, the country 
 had a right to expect, that, when once in- 
 volved in the contest, all America would 
 have cordially united in its support. Sir, 
 tlie war effected, in its j)rogress, a union of 
 all i)arties at the south. But not so in 
 New lOngland ; there great efforts were 
 made to .stir up the minds of the people to 
 o])pose it. Nothing was left undone to 
 embarrass the financial operations of the 
 government, to i)revent the enlistment of 
 troo])s, to keep back the men and money 
 of New England from the service of the 
 Union, to forccahe president from his seat. 
 Yes, sir, " the Island of Elba, or a halter I " 
 were the alternatives they presented to the 
 excellent and venerable James Madison.
 
 BOOK III.J 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 39 
 
 Sir, the war was further opposed by openly 
 carrying on illicit trade with the enemy, 
 by permitting that enemy to establisli her- 
 self on the very soil of Massachusetts, and 
 by opening a free trade between Great 
 Britain and America, with a separate cus- 
 tom house. Yes, sir, those who cannot 
 endure the thought that we should insist 
 on a free trade, in time of profound peace, 
 could, without scruple, claim and ex- 
 ercise the right of carrying on a free trade 
 with the enemy in a time of war ; and 
 finally by getting up the renowned " Hart- 
 ford Convention," and preparing the way 
 for an open resistance to tlie government, 
 and a separation of the states. Sir, if I am 
 asked for the proof of those things, I fear- 
 lessly aj)peal to the contemporary history, 
 to the public documents of the country, to 
 the recorded opinion and acts of jiublic 
 assemblies, to the declaration and acknow- 
 ledgments, since made, of the executive 
 and legislature of Massachusetts herself.* 
 
 Sir, the time has not been allowed me to 
 trace this subject through, even if I had 
 been disposed to do so. But I cannot re- 
 frain from referring to one or two docu- 
 ments, which have fallen in my way since 
 this debate began. I read, sir, from the 
 Olive Branch of Matthew Carey, in which 
 are collected " the actings and doings " of 
 the peace party in New England, during 
 the continuance of the embargo and the 
 war. I know the senator from Massachu- 
 setts will respect the high authority of his 
 political friend and fellow-laborer in the 
 great cause of " domestic industry." 
 
 In p. 301, et seq., 309 of this work, is a 
 detailed account of the measures adopted 
 in Massachusets during the war, for the ex- 
 press purpose of embarrassing the linaniial 
 operations of the government, by prevent- 
 ing loans, and thereby driving our rulers 
 from their seats, and "forcing the country 
 
 * In answer to an address of Governor Eustis, denounc- 
 ing the conduot of the peace party during the war, the 
 House of Kepresentatives of Massiicliusetts, in Juno, 
 182;5, say, " The change of the jiolitical sentiments 
 evinced in tlie late eh'ctions forms indeed a new era in 
 the history of our commonwealtli. It is the triumph of 
 reason over i)as8ion ; of patriotism over party spirit 
 Massacliusotts has returne<l to her first love, and is no 
 longer a stranger in the Union. We rejoice that though, 
 during the last war, such measures were adopted in this 
 state as occiisioiiod double sacrifice of treasure and of 
 life, covered the friends of the nation with humiliation 
 and mourning, and fixed a stain on the page of our his- 
 tory, a redeemingsi)irit has at length arisen to take away 
 o»ir reproach, and restore to us our good name, our rank 
 •mong our sister states, and our just influence in the 
 Union. 
 
 " Though we would not renew contentions, or irritiite 
 wantonly, wo believe tliat there are ciuses when it is 
 neces.-iary wo shuuld 'wound to heal.' And wo consider 
 it among the first duties of the friends of our national 
 government, on this return of power, to disavow the un- 
 warninfable course pursued' by this state, during the late 
 war, and to hold up the measures of that period as boa- 
 cons; that the present and' succeeding; gciieniliniis may 
 shun that career which must inevitably terniiiiato in the 
 destruction of the individual or party who pursues it; 
 and may learn the in\port:int lesson, that, in all times, 
 the path of duty is the path of safety ; and that it is nev.^r 
 dangerous to rally around the standard of our country." 
 
 into a dishonorable peace. It appears that 
 the Boston banks commenced an operation 
 by which a run was to be made ujkmi all 
 the banks of the south ; at the same time 
 stojiping their own discounts ; the eliect of 
 which was to produce a sudden and almost 
 alarming diminution of the circulating 
 medium, and universal distress over the 
 whole cf)untry — " a distress which they 
 failed not to attribute to the unholy war." 
 
 To such an extent was this system car- 
 ried, that it appears, from a statement of 
 the condition of the Boston banks, made 
 up in January, 1814, that with nearly 
 §5,000,000 of specie in their vaults, they 
 had but $2,000,000 of bills in circulation. 
 It is added by Carey, that at this very time 
 an extensive trade was carried on in Brit- 
 ish government bills, for which specie was 
 sent to Canada, for the payment of the 
 British troops, then laying waste our north- 
 ern frontier ; and this too at the very mo- 
 ment when New England ships, sailing 
 under British licenses, (a trade declared to 
 be lawful by the courts both of Great Brit- 
 ain and Massachusetts,*) were supplying 
 with provisions those very armies destined 
 for the invasion of our own shores. Sir, 
 the author of the Olive Branch, with a 
 holy indignation, denounces these acts as 
 "treasonable;" "giving aid and comfort 
 to tlie enemy." I shall not follow his ex- 
 ample. But I will ask, "With what justice 
 or propriety can the south be accused of 
 disloyalty from that quarter? If we had 
 any evidence that the senator from Massa- 
 chusetts had admonislied his brethren then, 
 he might, with a better grace, assume the 
 office of admonishing us now. 
 
 When I look at the measures adopted in 
 Boston, at that day, to deprive the govern- 
 ment of the necessary means for carrying 
 on the war, and think of the succe.'^s and 
 the consequences of these measures, I feel 
 my pride, as an American, humbled in the 
 dust. Hear, sir, the language of that day. 
 I read from pages 301 and 302 of the Olive 
 Branch. " Let no man who wishes to con- 
 tinue the war, by active means, by vote, or 
 lending monev, dare to prostrate himself 
 at the altar on the fast day." " Will fede- 
 ralists subscribe to the loan? Will they 
 lend money to our national rulers? It is 
 impossible. First, because of principle, 
 and secondly, because of i)rincipal and in- 
 terest." " Do not jjrevent the a1)users of 
 their trust from becoming bankruj)t. Do 
 not prevent them from becoming odious to 
 the public, and being replaced by better 
 men." "Any federalist who lends money 
 to government must go and shake hands 
 with James Madison, and claim fellowship 
 with Felix Grundy." (I beg jnirdon of 
 my honorable friend from Tennessee — but 
 
 * 2d Dodaon'a Admiralty lleporta, 48. 1311- SUss. B«. 
 ports, id.
 
 40 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 he is in good company. I had thought it was 
 " James Madison, Felix Grundy, and the 
 dei'il.") Let him no more ''call himsell" 
 a federalist, and a friend to his country : 
 he will be called by others infamous," &c. 
 
 Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under 
 these appeals. Such was the effect pro- 
 duced by them on the public mind, that 
 the very agents of the government (as ap- 
 pears from their public advertisements, 
 now before me) could not obtain loans 
 without a pledge that " the names of the 
 subscribers should not be known." Here 
 are the advertisements : " The names of all 
 subscribers " (say Gilbert and Dean, the 
 brokers employed by government) "shall 
 be known only to the undersigned." As if 
 those who came forward to aid their coun- 
 try, in the hour of her utmost need, were 
 engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, 
 they were assured " that their names should 
 not' be known." Can any thing show more 
 conclusively the unhappy state of public 
 feeling which prevailed at that day than 
 this single fact? Of the same character 
 with these measures was the conduct of 
 Massachusetts in withholding her militia 
 from the service of the United States, and 
 devising measures for withdrawing her 
 quota of the taxes, thereby attempting, not 
 merely to cripple the resources of the coun- 
 try, but actually depriving the government 
 (as far as depended upon her) of all the 
 means of carrying on the war — of the bone, 
 and muscle, and sinews of war — " of man 
 and steel — the soldier and his sword." But 
 it seems Massachusetts was to reserve her 
 resources for herself — she was to defend 
 and protect her own shores. And how was 
 that duty performed? In some places on 
 the coast neutrality was declared, and the 
 enemy was sulfered to invade the soil of 
 Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her 
 territory until the peace, without one ef- 
 fort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay, more 
 — while our own government and our 
 rulers were considered as enemies, the 
 troops of the enemy were treated like 
 friends — the most intimate commercial re- 
 lations were establisiied with them, and 
 maintained up to the peace. At this dark 
 period of our national affairs, where was 
 the senator from Massachusetts? How 
 were his political associates employed ? 
 "Calculating the value of the Union?" 
 Yes, sir, that w;us the propitious moment, 
 when our country stood alone, the last 
 hope of the world, struggling for her ex- 
 istence against the colossal power of Great 
 Britain, "concentrated f)ne miglify effort 
 to crush us at a blow ;" that was the chosen 
 hour U) revive the grand scheme of l)uil(l- 
 ing un " a great northern confederacy " 
 — a sclK^mc which, it is stated in the work 
 before me, hail its origin as far back as the 
 year 17!'(i, and which appeani never to 
 have been entirely abandoned. 
 
 In the language of the writers of that 
 day, (1796,) "rather than have a constitu- 
 tion such as the anti-federalists were con- 
 tending for, (such as we are now contend- 
 ing for,) the Union ought to be dissolved ; " 
 and to prepare the way for that measure, 
 the same methods were resorted to then 
 that have always been relied on for that 
 purpose, exciting prejudice against the 
 south. Yes, sir, our northern brethren 
 were then told, " that if the negroes were 
 good for food, their southern masters would 
 claim the right to destroy them at pleasure." 
 (Olive Branch, p. 267.) Sir, in 1814, all 
 these topics were revived. Again we hear 
 of " northern confederacy." " The slave 
 states by themselves ; " " the mountains are 
 the natural boundary ; " we want neither 
 " the counsels nor the power of the west,' 
 &c., &c. The papers teemed with accusa- 
 tions against the south and the west, and 
 tlie calls for a dissolution of all connection 
 with them were loud and strong. I cannot 
 consent to go through the disgusting details. 
 But to show the height to which the spirit 
 of disaffection was carried, I will take you 
 to the temple of the living God, and show 
 you that sacred place, which should be de- 
 voted to the extension of " peace on earth 
 and good will towards men," where " one 
 day's truce ought surely to be allowed to 
 the dissensions and animosities of man- 
 kind," converted into a fierce arena of po- 
 litical strife, where, from the lips of the 
 priest, standing between the horns of the 
 altar, there went forth the most terrible 
 denunciations against all who should be 
 true to their country in the hour of her 
 utmost need. 
 
 " If you do not wish," said a reverend 
 clergyman, in a sermon preached in Bos- 
 ton, on the 23d cf July, 1812, " to become 
 the slaves of those who own slaves, and 
 who are themselves the slaves of French 
 slaves, you must either, in the language of 
 the d(ii/,'c\]T THE CONNECTION Or SO far alter 
 the national compact as to insure to your- 
 selves a due share in the government." 
 ((Jlivc Braitc-h, p. 319.) "The Union," 
 says the same writer, (p. 320,) "has been 
 long since virtually dissolved, and it is full 
 time that this part of the disunited states 
 sliould take care of itself" 
 
 Another reverend gentleman, pastor of 
 achurch atMedford, (p. 321,) issues his ana- 
 thema — "Let him stand accursed" — 
 against all, all who I)y their " personal servi- 
 ces," for " loans of money,"," conversation," 
 or " writing," or " influence," give counte- 
 nance or suj)port to the righteous war, in 
 the following terms: "That man is an ac- 
 complice in the wickedness — he loads his 
 conscience with the blackest crimes — he 
 brings theguiltof i)loo'd upon his soul, and 
 in the sight of God and his law, he is a 
 
 Mt'RDEHER." 
 
 One or two more quotations, sir, and I
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 41 
 
 shall have done. A reverend doctor of di- 
 vinity, the pastor of a church at Byfield, 
 Massachusetts, on the 7th of April, 1814, 
 thus addresses his Hock, (p. 321:) "The 
 Israelites became weary of yielding the 
 fruit of their labor to pamper tlieir splendid 
 tyrants. They left their political woes. 
 TllEY SEPAKATEP; where is our Moses? 
 AV'here the rod of his miracles? Where 
 is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the 
 burning bush has directed them here." 
 
 " We must trample on the mandates of 
 despotism, or remain slaves forever," 
 (p. 822.) "You must drag the chains of 
 Virginian desjjotism, unless you discover 
 .some other mode of escape." "Those 
 Western States which have been violent 
 for this abominable war — those states 
 which have thirsted for blood — God has 
 given them blood to drink," (p. 323.) Mr. 
 President, I can go no further. The re- 
 cords of the day are full of such sentiments, 
 issued from the press, spoken in public a.s- 
 semhlies, poured out from the sacred desk. 
 God forbid, sir, that I should charge the 
 people of Massachusetts with ])articipating 
 m these sentiments. The south and the 
 west had there their friends — men who 
 stood by their country, though encom- 
 passed all around by their enemies. The 
 senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Silsbee) 
 was one of them ; the senator from Con- 
 necticut (Mr. Foot) was another; and 
 there are others now on this floor. The 
 sentiments I have read were the sentiments 
 of a party embracing the political associ- 
 ates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. 
 If they could only be found in the columns 
 of a newspaper, in a few occasional pam- 
 phlets, issued by men of intemperate feel- 
 ing, I should not consider them as aff'ord- 
 ing any evidence of the oj)inions even of 
 the peace party of New England. But, 
 eir, they were the common language of that 
 day ; they pervaded the wliole land ; they 
 were issued from the legislative hall, from 
 the {lulpit, and the press. Our books are 
 full of them ; and there is no man who now 
 hears me but knows that they were the 
 sentiments of a party, by whose members 
 they were promulgated. Indeed, no evi- 
 dence of this would seem to be required 
 beyond the fact that such sentiments found 
 their way even into the pulpits of New 
 England. What must be the state of pub- 
 lic opinion, where any respectable clergy- 
 m m would venture to preach, and to jH-int, 
 sermons containing the sentiments I 
 have quoted ? I doubt not the piety 
 or moral worth of these gentlemen. Iain 
 told they were respectable and pious men. 
 But they were men, and they " kindled in 
 a common blaze." And now, sir, I must 
 be suffered to remark that, at this awful 
 and melancholy period of our national his- 
 tory, the gentleman from Massachusetts, | 
 who now manifests so great a devotion to [ 
 
 the Union, and so much anxiety lest it 
 should be endangered from the south, wa.s 
 "with his brethren in Israel." He saw 
 all these things passing before his eyes^ 
 he heard these sentiments uttered all 
 around him. I do not charge that 
 gentleman with any participation in these 
 acts, or with ap})roving of these sentiments. 
 
 But I will ask, why, if he was animated 
 by the same sentiments then wiiich he now 
 professes, if he can "au'/ur disunion at a 
 distance, and snuff u]) rebellion in every 
 tainted breeze," why did he not, at that day, 
 exert his great talents and ack-iiowledged 
 influence with the political assoeiates by 
 whom he was surrounded, and who then, 
 as now, looked up to him for guidance and 
 direction, in allaying this general excite- 
 ment, in pointing out to his deluded friends 
 the value of the Union, in instructing them 
 that, instead of looking "to some prophet 
 to lead them out of the land of Egypt," 
 they should become reconciled to their 
 brethren, and unite with them in the sup- 
 port of a just and necessary war? Sir, the 
 gentleman must excuse me for saying, that 
 if the records of our country afforded any 
 evidence that he had pursued such a 
 course, then, if we could find it recorded 
 in the history of those times, that, like the 
 immortal Dexter, he had breasted that 
 mighty torrent which was sweeping 
 before it all that was great and valuable in 
 our political institutions-^if like him he 
 had stood by his country in opj)osition to 
 his party, sir, we would, like little children, 
 listen to his precepts, and abide by his 
 counsels. 
 
 As soon as the public mind was suffi- 
 ciently prepared for the measure, the cele- 
 brated Hartford Convention was got up ; 
 not as the act of a few unauthorized individ- 
 uals, but by the authority of the legisla- 
 ture of Massachusetts; and, as has been 
 shown by the able historian of that con- 
 vention, in accordance with the views and 
 wishes of the party f)f which it was the 
 organ. Now, sir, I do not desire to call 
 in question the motives of the gentlemen 
 who composed that assembly. I knew 
 many of them to be in private life accom- 
 plished and honorable men, and I doul)t 
 not there were some among them who did 
 not perceive the dangerous tendency of 
 their proceedings. I will even go further, 
 and say, that if the authors of the Hart- 
 ford Convention believed that " gross, de- 
 liberate, and palpable violations of the 
 constitution" had taken place, utterly de- 
 structive of their rights and interests. I 
 should be the last man to deny their right 
 to resort to any constitutional measures 
 for redress. lUit, sir, in any view of the 
 case, the time when and the circumstances 
 under which that convention assembled, 
 as well as the measures recommended, 
 render their conduct, in my opinion,
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book III. 
 
 wholly indefensible. Let U3 contemplate, 
 for a moment, the spectacle then exhibited 
 to the view of the world. I will not go 
 over the disasters of the war, nor describe 
 the difficulties in which the government 
 was involved. It will be recollected that 
 its credit was nearly gone, Washington 
 had fallen, the whole coast was blockaded, 
 and an immense force, collected in the 
 West Indies, was about to make a de- 
 scent, which it was supposed we had no 
 means of resisting. In this awful state of 
 our public affairs, when the government 
 seemed almost to be tottering on its base, 
 when Great Britain, relieved from all her 
 other enemies, had proclaimed her purpose 
 of " reducing us to unconditional submis- 
 sion," we beheld the peace party of New 
 England (in the language of the work be- 
 fore us) pursuing a course calculated to do 
 more injury to their country, and to ren- 
 der England more effective service than all 
 her armies." Those who could not find it 
 in their hearts to rejoice at our victories 
 sang Te Deum at the King's Chapel in 
 Boston, for the restoration of the Bour- 
 bons. Those who could not consent to 
 illuminate their dwellings for the capture 
 of the Guerriere could give no visible 
 tokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. 
 The "beacon fires" of their hills Avere 
 lighted up, not for the encouragement of 
 their friends, but as signals to the enemy ; 
 and in the gloomy hours of midnight, the 
 very lights burned blue. Such were the 
 dark and portentous signs of the times, 
 which usbered into being the renowned 
 Hartford Conventien. That convention 
 met, and, from their proceedings, it ap- 
 pears that their chief object was to keep 
 back the money and men of New England 
 from the service of the Union, and to ef- 
 fect radical changes in the government — 
 changes that can never be effected without 
 a dissolution of the Union. 
 
 Let us now, sir, look at their proceed- 
 ings. I read from "A Short Account of 
 the Hartford Convention," (written by 
 one of its members,) a very rare book, of 
 which I was fortunate enough, a few years 
 ago, to obtain a copy. [Here Mr. H. read 
 from the proceedings.*] 
 
 • Itappoars nt p. <5 of the "Account" that hy a vote of 
 thf> Hoiisi- of Ki-|iri'Huntiitiv(!B of Miusachiisetts, (2(10 to 
 2'JO ) (iel(^;;at'''( to tliU reinvention were or(icrc<l to lii' iiji- 
 pointi-il to coiiHiilt np'in th(> guhjcct "of their puhlic 
 giii.'Viinccs an'l conrcrn-i," and npon "tho bpst moann of 
 prcHorvinR their resonrcoM," and for procuring a roviMJon 
 of the conMtitntion of th() United St:it«'H, " nioro oflertu- 
 ally to geciiro tlin snjiport and attaelmient of all the 
 jjcoplo, by placin;; all upon the hasis of fair rcprexen- 
 tati on." 
 
 Tho convention a«senihled at IFarlford on tho l.lth 
 December, 1X14. On the next day It wiw 
 
 Jlen'ilted, That the most inviolalilo secrecy Hliall bo nb- 
 Borved by each niemlH-r of this convention, inclmlin); tho 
 Bocretary, a* to all |iro[K)»ltlonH, debates, and proceedin'.rs 
 thereof, until thin injunctiim shall bu snspendeil or al- 
 tered. 
 
 On the 24th of Dereniber, the Committee aiiiwilnted to 
 prepare and ru|iorl u geuorul projuct uf uuch muutiuroH ua 
 
 It is unnecessary to trace the matter 
 farther, or to ask what would have been 
 the next chapter in this history, if the 
 measures recommended had been carried 
 into effect ; and if, with the men and 
 money of New England withheld from the 
 government of the United States, she had 
 been withdrawn from the war ; if New Or- 
 leans had fallen into the hands of the ene- 
 my ; and if, without troops and almost 
 destitute of money, the Southern and the 
 Western States had been thrown upon 
 their own resources, for the prosecution of 
 the war, and the recovery of New Orleans. 
 
 Sir, whatever may have been the issue 
 of the contest, the Union must have been 
 dissolved. But a wise and just Providence, 
 which " shapes our ends, roughhew them 
 as we will," gave us the victory, and 
 crowned our efibiis with a glorious peace. 
 The ambassadors of Hartford were seen re- 
 tracing their steps from Washington, " the 
 bearers of the glad tidings of great joy." 
 Courage and patriotism triumphed — the 
 country was saved — the Union was pre- 
 served. And are we, Mr. President, who 
 stood by our country then, who threw open 
 our coffers, who bared our bo.soms, who 
 freely perilled all in that conflict, to be re- 
 proached with want of attachment to the 
 Union ? If, sir, we are to have lessons of 
 patriotism read to us, they must come from 
 a different quarter. The senator from 
 
 may be proper for the convention to adopt, repotted 
 among otlier things, — 
 
 " 1. That it was expedient to recommend to the l.-x's- 
 latures of the states the adoption of the most effectual 
 and decisive meusures to protect tlie militia of the ^(t9,te3 
 from the usurpations contained in these procoed.'ngs." 
 [The proceedings of Congress and the executive, iu rela- 
 tion to the militia and the war.] 
 
 " 2 That it wsis e.^pedient also to prepare a statement, 
 exhibiting the necessity which the improvidence and in- 
 ability of the general government have imposed upon tho 
 states of I'roviding for their own defence, and the im- 
 possibility of their discharging this duty, ani at tlie 
 same time fulfilling the requisitions of fh.e genoral gov- 
 ernment, and also to recommend to the legislatui-es of tho 
 several states to make provision for mutual defonce. and 
 to make an earnest application to the governmoTit of the 
 United States, with a view to some arrangemenv whereby 
 the state may be enabled to retain a portion of the taxes 
 levied by Congress, for the purpose of self-delenco, and 
 for the reimbursement of expenses already incurred on 
 account of the United States. 
 
 "3. That it is expedient to recommend to t^e several 
 stite legislatures certain amendments to tho co. istitution, 
 viz. — 
 
 " That the power to declare or make war, bj the Con- 
 gress of the United States, be restricted. 
 
 " That it is expedient to attempt to make prevision for 
 restraining C<ingrt'S8 in tho exercise of an aidimited 
 power to make new states, and admit them into the 
 Union. 
 
 "That an amendment be proposed respecft.ig siavo 
 representation and slave taxation." 
 
 On the 2!lth of December, 1814, it ^vas proi>osed " that 
 tlie rajiacity of naturalized citizens to hold oflicesof trust, 
 h(iiior, or profit ought to be restrained," ^'c. 
 
 The subsequent proceedings are not given at large, 
 Hut it seems lliat the report of the ennimiltee wa.s adopted, 
 and also a rerciioiiiendation of certain ineiusuros (of tho 
 cbariwter of wliieh we are not informed) to the states for 
 their mutual defenre; and havini: voted that the injunc- 
 tion of serrecy, in regard to all the debates and proceed- 
 ings of the convention, (except so far as relates to the 
 report finally adojited,) >><i continued, the convention ad- 
 Journerl »;»<■ (?iV. but as was supposed, to meet ttgain when 
 circuuiHtaucen should requini it. .
 
 BooKiii.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 43 
 
 Massachusetts, who is now so sensitive 
 on all subjects connected with the Union, 
 seems to have a nieniory forgetlul of the 
 political events that have passed away. I 
 must therefore refresh his recollection a 
 little further on these subjects. The his- 
 tory of disunion has been written by one 
 whose authority stands too high with the 
 American people to be questioned ; I mean 
 Thomas Jetierson. I know not how the 
 {reutleman may receive this authority. 
 When that great and good man occupied 
 the jtresidential chair, I believe he com- 
 manded no portion of the gentleman's re- 
 spect. 
 
 I hold in my hand a celebrated pamph- 
 let on the embargo, in which language is 
 held, in relation to Mr. JeflTerson, which 
 my resj)ect for his memory will prevent me 
 from reading, unless any gentleman should 
 call for it. But the senator from 3Iassa- 
 chusetts has since joined in singing hosan- 
 nas to his name ; he has assisted at his 
 apotheosis, and has fixed him as " a bril- 
 liant star in the clear upper sky." I hope, 
 therefore, he is now prepared to receive 
 with deference and respect the high author- 
 ity of Mr. Jefferson. In the fourth volume 
 of his Memoirs, which has just issued from 
 the press, we have the following history of 
 disunion fix)m the pen of that illustrious 
 statesman: "Mr. Adams called on me 
 pending the embargo, and while endeavors 
 were making to obtain its repeal : he spoke 
 of the dissatisfaction of the eastern i)ortion 
 of our confederacy with the restraints of 
 the embargo then existing, and their rest- 
 lessness under it; that there was nothing 
 which might not be attempted to rid them- 
 selves of it; that he had information of 
 the most unquestionable authority, that 
 certain citizens of the Eastern States (I 
 think he named Massachusetts particularly ) 
 wt-re in negotiation with agents of the 
 IJritish government, the object of which 
 was an agreement that the Xcw England 
 States should take no further part in the 
 war (the commercial war, the ' war of re- 
 strictions,' as it was called) then going on, 
 and that, without formally declaring their 
 separation from the Union, they should 
 withdraw from all aid and obedience to 
 them, &c. From that moment," says Mr. 
 J., " I saw the necessity of abandoning it, 
 [the embargo,] and, instead of efl'ecting 
 our purpose by this ]icaceful measure, we 
 must fight it out or break the Union." In 
 anotlicr letter Mr. .Tefierson adds, " I doul)t 
 whether a single fact known to the world 
 will carry as clear conviction to it of the 
 correctness of our knowledge of the treason- 
 able views of the federal party of that day, 
 as that disclosed by this, the most nefa- 
 rious and daring attempt to dissever the 
 Union, of which the Hartford Convention 
 was a subsequent chapter; and both of 
 these having failed, consolidation becomes 
 
 the fourth chapter of the next 1>ook of 
 their history. But this opens with u vast 
 accession of strength, from their younger 
 recruits, who, having nothing in them of 
 the feelings and principles of '70, now look 
 to a single and splendid government, Sec, 
 riding and ruling over the plundered 
 ploughman and beggared yeomanry." (vol. 
 iv. PI). 411), 422.) 
 
 The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of 
 that history, is to be found in the conduct 
 of those who are endeavoring to bring 
 about consolidation ; ay, sir, that very con- 
 solidation for which the gentleman from 
 Massachusetts is contending — the exercise 
 by the federal goverment of powers not 
 delegated in relation to " internal improve- 
 ments" and " the protection of manufac- 
 tures." And why, sir, does Mr. Jefferson 
 consider consolidation as leading directly 
 to disunion? Because he knew that the 
 exercise, by the federal government, of 
 the powers contended for, would make 
 this " a government without limitation of 
 I)Owers," the submission to which he con- 
 sidered as a greater evil than disunion it- 
 self. There is one chapter in this history, 
 however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filled 
 up ; and I must therefore supply the defi- 
 ciency. It is to be found in the })rot(sts 
 made by New England against the acquisi- 
 tion of Louisiana. In relation to that sub- 
 ject, the New England doctrine is thus laid 
 down by one of her learned doctors of that 
 day, now a doctor of laws, at the head of 
 the great literary institution of the east ; 
 I mean Josiah Quincy, president of Har- 
 vard College. I quote from the speech 
 delivered by that gentleman on the floor 
 of Congress, on the occasion of the admis- 
 sion of Louisiana into the LTnion. 
 
 " Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a 
 remark he had made, which, to save all 
 misapprehension, he had committed to 
 writing, in the following words : If this bill 
 passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is 
 virtually a dissolution of the L'nion; that 
 it will free the states from their moral oldi- 
 gation; and as it will be the right of all, 
 so it will be the duty of some, to ])re}):!re 
 for a separation, amicably if they can, 
 violently if they must." 
 
 Mr. President, I wish it to be distinctly 
 understood, that all the remarks I have 
 made on this subject are intended to be 
 exclusively api^lied to a jnirty, which I 
 have destribed as the " jieace ])arty of New 
 England" — embracing the political asso- 
 ciates of the senator from 31 assachu setts — 
 a jiarty which controlled the operations of 
 that state during the embargo and the war, 
 and who are justly chargeable with all the 
 measures I have reprobated. Sir, nothing 
 has been further from my thoughts than to 
 iin]ieach the character or conduct of the 
 people of New England. For their steady 
 habits and h;irdy Virtues I trust I enter-
 
 44 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 tain a becoming respect. I ftilly subscribe ' 
 to the truth of the description given be- j 
 fore the revolution, by one whose praise is 
 the highest eulogy, " that the perseverance 
 of Holland, the activity of France, and the 
 dexterous and firm sagacity of English 
 enterprise, have been more than equalled 
 by this recent people." The hardy peo- 
 ple of Xew England of the present day 
 are worthy of their ancestors. Still less, 
 Mr. President, has it been my intention to 
 say anything that could be construed into 
 a want of respect for that party, who, 
 have been true to their principles in the 
 worst of times ; I mean the democracy of 
 Kew England. 
 
 Sir, I will declare that, highly as I appre- 
 ciate the democracy of the south, I con- 
 sider even higher praise to be due to the 
 democracy of New England, who have 
 maintained their principles " through good 
 and through evil report," who, at every 
 period of our national history, have stood 
 up manfully for " their country, their whole 
 country, and nothing but their country." 
 In the great political revolution of '98, 
 they were found united with the democracy 
 of the south, marching under the banner 
 of the constitution, led on by the ijatriarch 
 of liberty, in search of the land of politi- 
 cal promise, which they lived not only to 
 behold, but to possess and to enjoy. Again, 
 sir, in the darkest and most gloomy period 
 of the war, when our country stood single- 
 handed against " the conqueror of the con- 
 querors of the world," when all about and 
 around them was dark and dreary, disas- 
 trous and discouraging,they stood a Spartan 
 band in that narrow pass, where the honor 
 of their country was to be defended, or to 
 find its grave. And in the last great strug- 
 gle, involving, as we believe, the very ex- 
 istence of the principle of popular sover- 
 eignty, where were the democracy of New 
 England? Where they always have been 
 found, sir, struggling side by side, with 
 their i)retliren of the south and the west 
 for popular rights, and assisting in that tri- 
 umph, by which the man of the people w.as 
 elevated to the highest office in their gift. 
 
 Who, then, Mr. President, arc the true 
 friends of the Union? Those who would 
 confine the federal government strictly 
 within the limits prescribed by the consti- 
 tution ; who would preserve to the states 
 and tlie peo|)ie ail powers not expressly 
 delegated; wlio would make this ii federal 
 and not a national Unifjn, and who, ad- 
 ministering the government in a sjiirit of 
 equal justice, would make it a blessing, 
 and not a curse. And who arc; its ene- 
 mies? Those who are in favor of con- 
 sf)lidation ; who are constantly stealing 
 l)Ower from tlie states, and adding strength 
 to the federal government; who, assuming 
 an unwarrantable jurisdiction over the 
 states and the people, undertake to regu- 
 
 late the whole industry and capital of the 
 country. But, sir, of all descriptions of 
 men, I consider those as the worst enemies 
 of the Union, who sacrifice the equal rights 
 which belong to every member of the con- 
 federacy to combinations of interested ma- 
 jorities, for personal or political objects. 
 But the gentleman apprehends no evil 
 from the dependence of the states on the 
 federal government ; he can see no danger 
 of corruption from the influence of money 
 or of patronage. Sir, I know that it is 
 supposed to be a wise saying that " patron- 
 age is a source of weakness ;" and in sup- 
 port of that maxim, it has been said, that 
 " every ten appointments make a hundred 
 enemies." But I am rather inclined to 
 think, with the eloquent and sagacious 
 orator now reposing on his laurels on the 
 banks of the Roanoke, that " the power of 
 conferring favors creates a crowd of de- 
 pendants ;" he gave a forcible illustration 
 of the truth of the remark, when he told 
 us of the effect of holding up the savory 
 morsel to the eager eyes of the hungry 
 hounds gathered around his door. It mat- 
 tered not whether the gift was bestowed 
 on Towzer or Sweetlipg, " Tray, Blanche, or 
 Sweetheart ;" while held in suspense, they 
 were governed by a nod, and when the mor- 
 sel was bestowed, expectation of favors of 
 to-morrow kept up the subjection of to-day. 
 The senator from Massachusetts, in de- 
 nouncing what he is pleased to call the 
 Carolina doctrine, has attempted to throw 
 ridicule upon the idea that a state has any 
 constitutional remedy, by the exercise of 
 its sovereign authority, against "a gross, 
 palpable, and deliberate violation of the 
 constitution." He calls it "an idle" or 
 " a ridiculous notion," or something to that 
 effect, and added, that it would make the 
 Union a " mere rope of sand." Now, sir, 
 as the gentleman has not condescended to 
 enter into any examination of the question, 
 and has been satisfied with throwing the 
 weight of his authority into the scale, I 
 do not deem it necessary to do more than 
 to throw into the opposite scale the author- 
 ity on which South Carolina relies; and 
 there, for the present, I am perfectly will- 
 ing to leave the controversy. The South 
 Carolina doctrine, that is to say, the doc- 
 trine contained in an exposition reported 
 by a committee of the legislature in De- 
 cember, 1.S28, and published by their au- 
 thority, is the good old repui)lican doctrine 
 of '!)8— the doctrine of the celebrated 
 "VirLMnia Resolutions" of that year, and 
 of " ALidison's Report" of '99. It will be 
 recollected that the legislature of Virginia, 
 in December, '9S, took into consideration 
 the alien ami secHtionlaws, then considered 
 by all republicans .as a gross violation of 
 the constitution of the United States, and 
 on that day passed, among others, the fol- 
 lowing resolutions,—
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 45 
 
 "The General Assembly doth explicitly 
 and pereniptDrily declare, that it views the 
 powers of the federal government, as re- 
 sulting from the compact to which the 
 states arc parties, as liiuitod by tiie plain 
 sense and intention of the instrument con- 
 stituting that compact, as no further valid 
 than they are authorized by the grants 
 enumerated in that compact; and that in 
 case of a deliberate, jSalpable, and danger- 
 ous exercise of other powers not granted 
 by the said compact, the states who are 
 parties thereto have the right, and are in 
 duty bound, to interpose for arresting the 
 progress of the evil, and for maintaining, 
 witliin their respective limits, authorities, 
 rights, and liberties, belonging- to them." 
 
 In addition to tlie above resolution, the 
 General Assembly of Virginia " apjiealcd 
 to the other states, in the confidence that 
 they would concur with that common- 
 wealth, that the acts aforesaid [the alien 
 and sedition laws] are unconstitutional, 
 and that the necessary and proper mea- 
 sures would be taken by each for co-operat- 
 ing with Virginia in maintaining un- 
 impaired the authorities, rights, and liber- 
 ties reserved to the states resijeetively, or 
 to the people." 
 
 The legislatures of several of the New 
 England States, having, contrary to the 
 expectation of the legislature of Virginia, 
 expressed their dissent from these doc- 
 trines, the subject came up again for 
 consideration during the session of 1799, 
 1800, when it was referred to a select com- 
 mittee, by whom was made that celebrated 
 report which is familiarly known as 
 " Madison's Report," and which deserves 
 to last as long as the constitution itself. In 
 that, report, which was subsequently 
 adopted by the legislature, the whole sub- 
 ject was deliberately re-examined, and the 
 objections urged against the Virginia doc- 
 trines carefully considered. The result 
 was, that the legislature of Virginia re- 
 affirmed all the principles laid down in the 
 resolutions of 1798, and issued to the world 
 that admirable report which has stamped 
 the character ol' ]\Ir. Madison as the pre- 
 server of that constitution which he had 
 contributed so largely to create and estab- 
 lish. I will here quote from Mr. Madison's 
 report one or two passages which bear 
 more immediately on the point in contro- 
 versy. " The resolutions, having taken 
 this view of the federal compact, jiroceed 
 to infer ' that in case of a deliberate, palpa- 
 ble, and dangerous exercise of other powers 
 the states who are parties thereto have the 
 right, and are in duty bound, to interpose 
 for arresting the progress of the evil, and 
 for maintaining, within their respective 
 limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties 
 apnertaining to them.' " 
 
 It appears to your committee to be a 
 plain principle, founded in common sense, 
 
 illustrated by common practice, and cs.sen- 
 tial to the nature of conij)acts, that, where 
 resort can l)e had to no tribunal superior 
 to the authority of the j)artics, the jjarties 
 themselves must be the rightful jutiges in 
 the last resort, whether the bargain made 
 has been jmrsued or violated. The con- 
 stitution of the United States was formed 
 by the sanction of the states, given by each 
 in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the 
 stability and dignity, as well as to the au- 
 thority, of the constitution, that it rests 
 upon this legitimate and solid foundation. 
 The states, then, being the parties to the 
 (Vanstitutional com]jact, and in their sov- 
 ereign capacity, it follows of necessity that 
 there can be no tribunal above their au- 
 thority, to decide, in the last resort, wheth- 
 er the compact made by them be violated, 
 and consequently that, as the parties to it, 
 they must decide, in the last resort, such 
 questions as may be of sufficient magni- 
 tude to retjuire their interposition." 
 
 " The resolution has guarded against 
 any misapprehension of its object by ex- 
 pressly requiring for such an interposition 
 'the case of a deliberate, palpable, and 
 dangerous breach of the constitution, by 
 the exercise of powers not granted by it.' 
 It must be a case, not of a light and tran- 
 sient nature, but of a nature dangerous to 
 the great purposes for^which the constitu- 
 tion was established. 
 
 " But the resolution has done more than 
 guard against misconstructions, by ex- 
 pressly referring to cases of a deliberate, 
 palpable, and dangerous nature. It speci- 
 fies the object of the interposition, which 
 it contemplates, to be solely that of arrest- 
 ing the progress of the evil of usurpation, 
 and of maintaining the authorities, rights, 
 and liberties api)ertaining to the states, as 
 parties to the constitution. 
 
 " From this view of the resolution, it 
 would seem inconceivable that it can in- 
 cur any just disaj^probation from those 
 who, laying aside all momentary imj)ress- 
 ions, and recollecting the genuine source 
 and object of the federal constitution, shall 
 candidly and accurately interpret the 
 meaning of the General Assembly. If the 
 deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, 
 palpably withheld by the constitution, 
 could not justify the parties to it in inter- 
 posing even so far as to arrest the progress 
 of the evil, and thereby to preserve the 
 constitution itself, as well as to ])rovide for 
 the safety of the parties to it, there would 
 be an ctkI to all relief from usurped jiower, 
 and a direct subversion of the rights speci- 
 fied or recoganized under all the state 
 constitutions, as well as a jilain denial of 
 the fundamental principles on which our 
 independence itself was declared." 
 
 But, sir, our authorities do not stop here. 
 The state of Kentucky responded to Vir- 
 ginia, and on the lOth of November, 1798,
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 adopted those celebrated resolutions, well 
 known to have been penned by the author 
 of the Declaration of American Independ- 
 ence. In those resolutions, the legishiture 
 of Kentucky declare, "that the govern- 
 ment created by this compact was not 
 made the exclusive or final judge of the 
 extent of the powers delegated to itself, 
 since that would have made its discretion, 
 and not the constitution, the measure of 
 its powers ; but that, as in all other cases 
 of compact among parties having no com- 
 mon judge, each party has an equal right 
 to judge, for itself, as well of infractions as 
 of the mode and measure of redress." 
 
 At the ensuing session of the legislature, 
 the subject was re-examined, and on the 
 14th of November, 1799, the resolutions of 
 the preceding year were deliberately reaf- 
 firmed, and it was, among other things, sol- 
 emnly declared, — 
 
 "That, if those who administer the gen- 
 eral government be permitted to transgress 
 the limits fixed by that compact, by a total 
 disregard to the special delegations of 
 power therein contained, an annihilation 
 of tlie state governments, and the erection 
 upon their ruins of a general consolidated 
 government, will be the inevitable conse- 
 quence. That the principles of construc- 
 tion contended for by sundry of the state 
 legislatures, that the general government 
 is the exclusive judge of the extent of the 
 powers delegated to it, stop nothing short 
 of despotism ; since the discretion of those 
 who administer the government, and not 
 the constitution, would be the measure of 
 their powers. That the several states who 
 formed that instrument, being sovereign 
 and independent, have the unquestionable 
 right to judge of its infraction, and that a 
 nullification, by those sovereignties, of all 
 unauthorized acts done under color of that 
 instrument, is the rightful remedy." 
 
 Time and experience confirmed Mr. 
 Jefferson's opinion on this all important 
 point. In the year 1821, he expressed 
 nimself in this emphatic manner: "It is 
 a fatal heresy to suppose that either our 
 state governments are superior to the fed- 
 eral, or the federal to the state ; neither is 
 authorized literally to decide which be- 
 longs to itself or its copartner in govern- 
 ment; in dilferences of opinion, between 
 their diHerfiit sets of public servants, the 
 a;)peal is to neither, but to their employ- 
 ers peaceably assembled by their repre- 
 sentatives in convention." The opinion of 
 Mr. Jefferson on this subject has been so 
 repeatedly and so solemnly expressed, that 
 they may be said to have been the most 
 fixed and settled convictions of his mind. 
 
 In the ])rot(-<t i)re[)arcd by him for the 
 legislature of Virginia, in December, lK2r), 
 in respect to the powers exercised by the 
 federal government in relatioti to the tarill' 
 and internal improvements, which he de- 
 
 clares to be "usurpations of the powers re- 
 tained by the states, mere interpolations 
 into the compact, and direct infractions of 
 it," he solemnly reasserts all the principles 
 of the Virginia Resolutions of '98, protests 
 against " these acts of the federal branch of 
 the government as null and void, and de- 
 clares that, although Virginia would con- 
 sider a dissolution of the Union as among 
 the greatest calamities that could befall 
 them, yet it is not the greatest. There is 
 one yet greater — submission to a govern- 
 ment of unlimited powers. It is only when 
 the hope of this shall become absolutely 
 desperate, that further forbearance could 
 not be indulged." 
 
 In his letter to Mr. Giles, written about 
 the same time, he says, — 
 
 " I see as you do, and with the deepest 
 atfliction, the raj)id strides with which the 
 federal branch of our government is ad- 
 vancing towards the usurpation of all the 
 rights reserved to the states, and the con- 
 solidation in itself of all powers, foreign 
 and domestic, and that too by constructions 
 which leave no limits to their powers, &c. 
 Under the power to regulate commerce, 
 they assume, indefinitely, that also over 
 agriculture and manufaclures, &c. Under 
 the authority to establish post roads, they 
 claim that of cutting down mountains for 
 the construction of roads, and digging 
 canals, &c. And what is our resource for 
 the preservation of the constitution ? Reason 
 and argument? You might as well reason 
 and argue with the marble columns encir- 
 cling them, &c. Are we then to stand to 
 our arms with the hot-headed Georgian? 
 No ; [and I say no, and South Carolina has 
 said no;] that must be the last resource. 
 We must have patience and long endurance 
 with our brethren, &c., and separate from 
 our companions only when the sole alter- 
 natives left are a dissolution of our Union 
 with them, or submission. Between these 
 two evils, when we must make a choice, 
 there can be no hesitation." 
 
 Such, sir, are the high and imposing au- 
 thorities in support of " The Carolina doc- 
 trine," which is, in fact, the doctrine of the 
 Virginia Resolutions of 1798, 
 
 Sir, at that day the whole country was 
 divided on this very question. It formed 
 the line of demarcation between the federal 
 and republican parties; and the great po- 
 litical revolution which then took place 
 turned upon the very questions involved in 
 these resolutions. That question was de- 
 cided by the people, and oy that decision 
 the constitution was, in the emphatic lan- 
 guage of Mr. Jefferson, "saved at its last 
 gas|)." I .should suppose, sir, it would re- 
 (juirc more self-respect than any gentleman 
 here would be willing to assume, to treat 
 lightly doctrines derived from such high 
 resources. Resting on authority like this, I 
 will ask gentlemen whether South Carolina 
 
 I
 
 BOOK III. J 
 
 MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 
 
 47 
 
 has not manifested a high regard for the 
 Union, when, under a tyranny ten times 
 more grievous than the alien and sedition 
 laws, slie has hitherto gone no iurther than 
 to petition, remonstrate, and to solemnly 
 protest against a series of measures wliieh 
 she believes to be wholly uneonstitutional 
 and utterly destructive of her interests. 
 Sir, South Carolina has not gone one step 
 further than Mr. Jefferson himself was dis- 
 posed to go, in relation to the present sub- 
 ject of our present complaints — not a step 
 further than the statesman from New Eng- 
 land was disposed to go, under similar cir- 
 cumstances; no further than the senator 
 from Massachusetts himself once considered 
 as within "the limits of a constitutional 
 opposition," The doctrine that it is the 
 right of a state to judge of the violations of 
 the constitution on the part of the federal 
 government, and to protect her citizens 
 from the operations of unconstitutional 
 laws, was held by the enlightened citizens 
 of Boston, who assembled in Faneuil Hall, 
 on the 2oth of January, 1809. They state, 
 in that celebrated memorial, that "they 
 looked onJy to the state legislature, who 
 were competent to devise relief against the 
 unconstitutional acts of the general gov- 
 ernment. That your power (say they) is 
 adecjuate to that object, is evident from the 
 organization of the confederacy," 
 
 A distinguished senator from one of the 
 New England States, (Mr, Hillhouse,) in a 
 speech delivered here, on a bill for enforc- 
 ing the embargo, declared, " I feel mysell" 
 bound in conscience to declare, (lest the 
 blood of those who shall fall in the execu- 
 tion of this measure shall be on my head, i 
 that I consider this to be an act which directs 
 a mortal blow at the liberties of my country 
 — an act containing unconstitutional pro- 
 visions, to which the people are not bound 
 to submit, and to which, in my opinion, 
 they will not submit," 
 
 And the senator from Massachusetts him- 
 self, in a speech delivered on the same sub- 
 ject in the other house, said, "This opposi- 
 tion is constitutional and legal ; it is also 
 conscientious. It rests on settled and sober 
 conviction, that such policy is destructive 
 to the interests of the people, and danger- 
 ous to the being of government. The ex- 
 perience of every day confirms these senti- 
 ments. Men who act from such motives 
 are not to be discouraged by trifling obsta- 
 cles, nor awed by any dangers. They know 
 the limit of constitutional opposition ; up 
 to that limit, at their own discretion, they 
 will walk, and walk fearlessly," How " the 
 being of the government " was to be endan- 
 gerecl by " constitutional opposition " to the 
 embargo, Heave the gentleman to explain. 
 
 Thus it will be seen, Mr. President, that 
 the South Carolina doctrine is the republi- 
 can doctrine of '98 — that it was pmmul- 
 gated by the fathers of the faith — that it 
 
 was maintained by Virginia and Kentucky 
 in the worst of times — that it constituted 
 the very pivot on which the political revo- 
 Uition of that day turned — that it end>race« 
 the very principles, the triumph of which, 
 at that time, saved the constitution at its 
 last gasp, and which New England states- 
 men were not unwilling to adopt, when 
 they believed themselves to be the victims 
 of unconstitutional legislation. Sir, as to 
 the doctrine that the federal government is 
 the exclusive judge of the extent as well as 
 the limitations of its powers, it seems to me 
 to be utterly subversive of the sovereignty 
 and independence of the states. It makes 
 hut little difi'erence, in my estimation, 
 whether Congress or the Supreme Court are 
 invested with this power. If the federal 
 government, in all, or any, of its depart- 
 ments, is to prescribe the limits of its own 
 authority, and the states are bound to sub- 
 mit to the decision, and are not to be al- 
 lowed to examine and decide for them- 
 selves, when the barriers of the constitution 
 shall be overleaped, this is practically " a 
 government without limitation of j)owers," 
 The states are at once reduced to mere 
 petty corporations, and the people are en- 
 tirely at your mercy, I have but one word 
 more to add. In all the efforts that have 
 been made by South Carolina to resist the 
 unconstitutional laws which Congress has 
 extended over them, she has kejit steadily 
 in view the preservation of the Uiii(m, by 
 the only means by which she believes it 
 can be long preserved — a firm, manly, and 
 steady resistance against usurpation. The 
 measixres of the federal government have, 
 it is true, prostrated her interests, and will 
 soon involve the whole south in irretriev- 
 able ruin. But even this evil, great as it 
 is, is not the ciiief ground of our complaints. 
 It is the princi})le involved in the contest 
 — a principle which, substituting the dis- 
 cretion of Congress for the limitations of 
 the constitution, brings the states and the 
 people to the feet of the federal govern- 
 ment, and leaves them nothing they can 
 call their own. Sir, if the measures of the 
 federal government were less o]>i>ressive, 
 we should still strive against this usurpa- 
 tion. The south is acting on a principle 
 she has always held sacred — resistance to 
 unauthorized taxation. These, sir, are the 
 Iirinciples which induced the immortal 
 Iiami)den to resist the payment of a tiix 
 of twenty shillings. Would twenty shil- 
 lings have ruined his fortune? No! but 
 the payment of half twenty shillings, 
 on the principle on which it was demanded, 
 would have made him a slave. Sir, if act- 
 ing on these high motives — if animated by 
 that ardent love of liberty- which has always 
 l)een the most prominent trait in the south- 
 ern character — we should be hurried be- 
 yond the bounds of a cold and caU'ulating 
 prudence, who is there, with one noble and
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 generous sentiment in liis bosom, that 
 wjiild not be disposed, in the language of 
 Burke, to exclaim, "You must pardon 
 something to the spirit of liberty? " 
 
 AVebster'8 Great Reply to Hayme, 
 
 In which he " Expovuds the Coistihilion," delUered in 
 Isenate, Junuari/ 26, iS30. 
 
 Following Mr. Hayne in the debate, Mr. 
 Webster addressed ' the Senate as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 Mr. President: When the mariner has 
 been tossed, for many days, in thick 
 weather, and on an unknown sea, he natu- 
 rally avails himself of the first pause in the 
 storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to 
 take his latitude, and ascertain how far the 
 elements have driven him from his true 
 course. Let us imitate this prudence, and 
 before we float farther, refer to the point 
 from which we departed, that we may at 
 least be able to conjecture where we now 
 are. I ask for the reading of the resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 [The Secretary read the resolution as 
 follows ; 
 
 " Resolved, That the committee on pub- 
 lic lands be instructed to inquire and re- 
 port the quantity of the public lands 
 remaining unsold" within each state and 
 territory, and whether it be expedient to 
 limit, for a certain period, the sales of the 
 
 Eublic lands to such lands only as have 
 cretofcjre been offered for sale, and are 
 now subject to entry at the minimum price. 
 And, also, whether the ofnce of surveyor 
 general, and some of the land offices, may 
 not be abolished without detriment to the 
 publia interest; or whether it be expedient 
 to adopt measures to hasten the sales, and 
 extend more rapidly the surveys of the 
 public lands."] 
 
 We have thus heard, sir, what the reso- 
 lution is, which is actually before us for 
 consideration ; and it will readily occur to 
 every one that it is almost the only subject 
 about which something has not been said 
 in the speech, running through two days, 
 by which tlie Senate has been now enter- 
 tained by the gentleman from S<mth Caro- 
 lina. Every topic in the wide range of our 
 public affairs, whether past or present, — 
 every thing, general or local, whether be- 
 longing to national politics or party poli- 
 tics, — seems to have attracted more or less 
 of the honorable member's attention, save 
 only the resohition before us. lie has 
 ppokenof every thing but the ])ublic lands. 
 They have escaped his notice. To that 
 subject, in all his excursions, he has not 
 jiaid even the cold respect of a i)assing 
 glance. 
 
 When this debate, sir, was to be resumed, 
 on Tlmrsdny morning, it so hapiiened that 
 it would have been convenient for me to 
 
 be elsewhere. The honorable member, 
 however, did not incline to put off' the dis- 
 cussion to another day. He had a shot, he 
 said, to return, and he wished to discharge 
 it. That shot, sir, which it was kind thus 
 to inform us Avas coming, that Ave might 
 stand out of the way, or prepare ourselves 
 to fall before it, and die with decency, has 
 now been received. Under all advantages, 
 and with expectation awakened by the 
 tone which preceded it, it has been dis- 
 charged, and has spent its force. It may 
 become me to say no more of its effect than 
 that, if nobody is found, after all, either 
 killed or wounded by it, it is not the first 
 time in the history of human affairs that 
 the vigor and success of the war have not 
 quite come up to the lofty and sounding 
 phrase of the manifesto. 
 
 The gentleman, sir, in declining to post- 
 pone the debate, told the Senate, with the 
 emphasis of his hand upon his heart, that 
 there was something rankling here, Avhich 
 he wished to relieve. [Mr. Hayne rose 
 and disclaimed having used the word 
 rankling.] It would not, Mr. President, 
 be safe for the honorable member to appeal 
 to those around him, upon the question 
 Avhether he did, in fact, make use of that 
 Avord. But he may have been unconscious 
 of it. At any rate, it is enough that he 
 disclaims it. But still, with or Avithout the 
 use of that particular Avord, he had yet 
 something here, he said, of which he wished 
 to rid himself by an immediate reply. In 
 this respect, sir, I have a great advantage 
 over the honorable gentleman. There is 
 nothing here, sir,Avhich gives me the slight- 
 est uneasiness ; neither fear, nor anger, nor 
 that Avhich is sometimes more troublesome 
 than either, the consciousness of having 
 been in the wrong. There is nothing either 
 originating here, or now received here, by 
 the gentleman's shot. Nothing original, 
 for I had not the slightest feeling of disre- 
 spect or unkindness tOAvards the honorable 
 member. Some passages, it is true, had 
 occurred, since our acquaintance in this 
 body, Avhich I could haA'e Avished might 
 have l)een otherAvise; but I had used phil- 
 osophy, and forgotten them. When the 
 honorable member rose, in his first sj)eech, 
 I jiaid him the respect of attentive listen- 
 ing; and when he sat doAvn, though sur- 
 prised, and I must say even astonished, at 
 some of his opinions, nothing Avas farther 
 from my intention than to commence any 
 personal Avarfare; and through the Avhole 
 of the few remarks I made in ansAver, I 
 avoided, studiously and carefully, every 
 thing wliich I thought possible to be con- 
 strued into disrepect. And, sir, Avhile 
 there is thus nothing originating here, 
 which I Avished at any time, or noAV Avish 
 to discharge, I must rej)eat, also, that no- 
 tiiiiig has l)een received AcrcAvhich rankles, 
 or in any way gives me annoyance. I Ai'ill
 
 BooKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 49 
 
 not accuse the hononvble member of violat- 
 ing the rule-) of civilized war — I will not 
 say that he poisoned his arrows. But 
 whether his shafts were, or were not, dipj^ed 
 ill that which would have caused ranliliiig 
 if they had reached, there was not, as it 
 happened, quite strength enough in the 
 bow to bring them to their mark. If he 
 wishes now to find those shafts, he must 
 look for them elsewhere ; they will not be 
 found fixed and quivering in the object at 
 which they were aimed. 
 
 The honorable member complained that 
 I had slept on his speech. I must have 
 slept on it, or not slept at all. The mo- 
 ment the honorable member sat down, his 
 friend from Missouri arose, and, with much 
 honeyed commendation of the speech, sug- 
 gested that the impressions which it had 
 produced were too charming and delight- 
 ful to be di^^tiirbcd by other sentiments or 
 other sounds, and proposed that the Senate 
 should adjourn. Would it have been quite 
 amiable in me, sir, to interrupt this excel- 
 lent good feeling? Must I not have been 
 absolutely malicious, if I could have thrust 
 myself forward to destroy sensations thus 
 pleasing? Was it not much better and 
 kinder, both to sleep upon them myself, 
 and to allow others, also, the pleasure of 
 sleeping upon them? But if it be meant, 
 by sleeping ui)on his speech, that I took 
 time to prepare a reply to it, it is quite a 
 mistake; owin^ to other engagements, I 
 could not employ even the interval be- 
 tween the adjournment of the Senate and 
 its meeting the next morning in attention 
 to the subject of tiiis debate. Nevertheless, 
 sir, the mere matter of fact is undoubtedly 
 true — I did sleep on the gentleman's speech, 
 and slept souudly. And I slept equally 
 well on his speech of yesterday, to which 
 I am now replying. It is quite possible 
 that, in this respect, also, I possess some 
 advantage over tne honorable member, at- 
 tributable, doubtless, to a cooler tempera- 
 ment on my part ; for in truth I slept upon 
 his speeches remarkably well. But the 
 gentleman inquires why he was made the 
 object of sucn a reply. Why was he 
 singled out? If an attack had been made 
 on the east, he, he assures us, did not be- 
 gin it — it was the gentleman from Missouri, 
 feir, I answered the gentleman's speech, be- 
 cause I happened to hear it ; and because, 
 also, I choose to give an answer to that 
 ■ speech, which, if unanswered, I thought 
 most likely to produce injurious impres- 
 sions. I did not stop to inquire who was 
 the original drawer of the bill. I found a 
 responsible endorser before me, and it was 
 ray purpose to hold him liable, and to 
 bring him to his just responsibility w'ithout 
 delay. But, sir, this interrogatory of the 
 honorable member was only introductory 
 to another. He proceeded to a-<k me 
 whether I had turned upon him in this dc- 
 28 
 
 bate from the consciousness that I should 
 find an overmatch if I ventured on a con- 
 test with his friend from Missouri. If, sir, 
 the honorable member, ex gratia modestice, 
 had cliosen thus to defer to his friend, and 
 to pay him a compliment, without inten- 
 tional disparagement to others, it wcmld 
 have been quite according to the friendly 
 courtesies of debate, and not at all ungrate- 
 ful to my own feelings. I am not one of 
 those, sir, who esteem any tribute of regard, 
 whether light and occasional, or more seri- 
 ous and deliberate, which may be be- 
 stowed on others, as so much unjustly with- 
 holden from themselves. But the tone 
 and manner of the gentleman's question, 
 forl)id me thus to interpret it. I am not at 
 liberty to consider it as nothing more than 
 a civility to his friend. It had an air of 
 taunt and disparagement, a little of the 
 loftiness of asserted superiority, which does 
 not allow me to pass it over without notice. 
 It was put as a question for me to answer, 
 and so put as if it were difficult for me to 
 answer, whether I deemed the member 
 from Missouri an overmatch for myself in 
 debate here. It seems to me, sir, that is 
 extraordinary language, and an extraordi- 
 nary tone for the discussions of this body. 
 Matches and overmatches? Those 
 terms are more applicable elewhere than 
 here, and fitter for other assemblies than 
 this. Sir, the gentleman seems to forget 
 where and what we are. This is a Senate ; 
 a Senate of equals ; of men of individual 
 honor and personal character, and of ab- 
 solute independence. We know no mas- 
 ters ; we acknowledge no dictators. This 
 is a hall of mutual consultation and dis- 
 cussion, not an arena for the exhibition of 
 champions. I offer myself, sir, as a match 
 for no man ; I throw the challenge of de- 
 bate at no man's feet. But, then, sir, 
 since the honorable member has put the 
 question in a manner that calls for an 
 answer, I will give him an answer; and I 
 tell him that, holding myself to be the 
 humblest of tlie members here, I yet know 
 nothing in the arm of his friend from 
 Missouri, either alone or when aided by 
 the arm of his friend from South Carolina, 
 that need deter even me from espousing 
 whatever opinions I may choose to es- 
 pouse, from debating whenever I may 
 choose to debate, or from speaking what- 
 ever I may see fit to say on the floor of the 
 Senate. Sir, when uttered as matter of 
 commendation or compliment, I should 
 dissent from nothing Avnich the honorable 
 member miglit say of his friend. Still less 
 do I put forth any pretensions of my own. 
 I'ut when put to me as a matter of taunt, I 
 throw it back, and say to the gentleman 
 tjiat he could possibly say nothing le.>M 
 likely than such a comparison to wound 
 my pride of personal character. The an- 
 ger of its tone rescued the remark from
 
 50 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 intentional irony, which otherwise, pro- 
 bably, would have been its general accep- 
 tation. But, sir, if it be imagined that by 
 this mutual quotation and commendation ; 
 if it be supposed that, by casting the 
 characters of the drama, assigning to each 
 his part, — to one the attack, to another 
 the cr}' of onset, — or if it be thought that 
 by a loud and empty vaunt of anticipated 
 victor}' any laurels are to be won here ; if 
 it be imagined, especially, that any or all 
 these things will shake any purpose of 
 mine, I can tell the honorable member, 
 once for all, that he is greatly mistaken, 
 and that he is dealing with one of whose 
 temper and character he has yet much to 
 learn. Sir, I shall not allow myself, on 
 this occasion — I hope on no occasion — to 
 be betrayed into any loss of temper ; but 
 if provoked, as I trust I never shall allow 
 myself to be, into crimination and recrimi- 
 nation, the honorable member may, per- 
 haps, find that in that contest there will 
 be blows to take as well as blows to give ; 
 that others can state comparisons as signi- 
 ficant, at least, as his own; and that his 
 impunity may, perhaps, demand of him 
 whatever powers of taunt and sarcasm he 
 may possess. I commend him to a pru- 
 dent husbandry of his resources. 
 
 But, sir, the coalition ! The coalition ! 
 Aye, " the murdered coalition ! " The 
 gentleman asks if I were led or frighted 
 into this debate by the spectre of the coali- 
 tion. " Was it the ghost of the murdered 
 coalition," he exclaims, "which haunted 
 the member from Massachusetts, and 
 which, like the ghost of Banquo, would 
 never down?" "The murdered coali- 
 tion ! " Sir, this charge of a coalition, in 
 reference to the late administration, is not 
 original with the honorable member. It 
 did not spring up in the Senate. Whether 
 as a fact, as an argument, or as an embel- 
 lishment, it is all borrowed. He adopts 
 it, indeed, from a very low origin, andastill 
 lower present condition. It is one of the 
 thousand calumnies with which the press 
 teemed during an excited political can- 
 vass. It was a charge of which there was 
 not only no proof or probability, but 
 which was, in itself, wholly impossible to 
 be true. No man of common information 
 ever believed a syllable of it. Yet it was 
 of that cla.s3 of falsehoods which, by con- 
 tinued repetition through all the organs of 
 detraction and abuse, are capable of mis- 
 leading those who are alrcafly far misled, 
 and of further fanning passion already 
 kindling into flame. Doubtless it served 
 its day, and, in a greater or less degree, 
 the end designed by it. Having done that, 
 it has sunk into the general mass of stale 
 and loathed ciilumnies. It is the very ciist- 
 off slough of a polluted and shameless 
 press. Incapable of further mischief, it 
 lies in the eewer lifeless and despised. It 
 
 is not now, sir, in the power of the honora- 
 ble member to give it dignity or decency, 
 by attempting to elevate it, and to intro- 
 duce it into the Senate. He cannot change 
 it from what it is — an object of general 
 disgust and scorn. On the contrary, the 
 contact, if he choose to touch it, is more 
 likely to drag him down, down, to the 
 place where it lies itself. 
 
 But, sir, the honorable member was not, 
 for other reasons, entirely happy in his al- 
 lusion to the story of Banquo's murder and 
 Banquo's ghost. It was not, I think, the 
 friends, but the enemies of the murdered 
 Banquo, at whose bidding his spirit would 
 not down. The honorable gentleman is 
 fresh in his reading of the English classics, 
 and can put me right if I am wrong ; but 
 according to my poor recollection, it Avas 
 at those who had begun with caresses, and 
 ended with foul and treacherous murder, 
 that the gory locks were shaken. The 
 ghost of Banquo, like that of Hamlet, was \ 
 an honest ghost. It disturbed no innocent 
 man. It knew where its appearance would 
 strike terror, and who would cry out A 
 ghost ! It made itself visible in the right 
 quarter, and compelled the guilty, and 
 the conscience-smitten, and none others, to 
 start, with, 
 
 " Prithee, see there ! behold ! — look ! lo ! 
 If I staud here, I saw him ! " 
 
 Their eyeballs were seared — was it not so, 
 sir? — who had thought to shield them- 
 selves by concealing their own hand and 
 laying the imputation of the crime on a 
 low and hireling agency in wickedness; 
 who had vainly attempted to stifle the 
 workings of their own coward consciences, 
 by circulating, through white lips and 
 chattering teeth, "Thou canst not say I 
 did it!" I have misread the great poet, 
 if it was those who had no way partaken 
 in the deed of the death, who either found 
 that they were, or feared that they shovid 
 be, pushed from their stools by the ghost of 
 the slain, or who cried oixt to a spectre 
 created by their own fears, and their own 
 remf)rse, " Avauiit! and quit our sight! 
 
 There is another particular, sir, in 
 which the honorable member's quick per- 
 ception of resemblances might, I should 
 think, have seen something in the story of 
 Banquo, making it not altogether a sub- 
 ject of the most pleasant contemplation. 
 Those who murdered Banquo, wliat did 
 they win by it? Substantial good? Per- 
 manent power? Or disappointment, rath- 
 er, and sore mortification — dust and ashes 
 — the common fate of vaulting ambition 
 overleaping itsself? Did not even-handed 
 justice, ere long, commend the poisoned 
 chalice to their own lips? Did thcv not 
 soon find that for another they had filed 
 their mind?" that their ambition though 
 apparently for the moment successful, had
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 51 
 
 but put a barren sceptre in their grasp ? 
 Aye, sir,— 
 
 " A barren sceptre in their gripo, 
 Thence to be rorenched by an unlineal }iand. 
 No eon of theirs lucceeding." 
 
 Sir, I need pursue the allusion no fur- 
 ther. I leave the honorable gentleman to 
 run it out at his leisure, and to derive from 
 it all the gratification it is calculated to 
 administer. If he finds himself pleased 
 with the associations, and prepared to be 
 quite satisfied, though the parallel should 
 be entirely completed, I had almost said I 
 am satisfied also — but that I shall think 
 of. Yes, sir, I will think of that. 
 
 In the course of my observations the oth- 
 er day, Mr. President, I paid a passing 
 tribute of respect to a very worthy man, 
 Mr. Dane, of Massachusetts. It so hap- 
 pened that he drew the ordinance of 1787 
 for the government of the North-western 
 Territory. A man of so much ability, and 
 80 little pretence ; of so great a capacity to 
 do good, and so unmixed a disposition to 
 do it for its own sake ; a gentleman who 
 acted an important part, forty years ago, in 
 a measure the inflnence of which is still 
 deeply felt in the very matter which was 
 the subject of debatf>, might, I thought, re- 
 ceive from me a commendatory recogni- 
 tion. 
 
 But the honorable gentleman was in- 
 clined to be facetious on the subject. He 
 was rather disposed to make it a matter of 
 ridicule that I had introduced into the de- 
 bate the name of one Nathan Dane, of 
 whom he assures un he had never before 
 heard. Sir, if the honorable member had 
 never before hea'^d of Mr. Dane, I am 
 sorry tor it. It shows him less acquainted 
 with the public men of the country than I 
 had supposed. Let me tell him, however, 
 that a sneer f:/^ m him at the mention of 
 the name of Ivfr, Dane is in bad taste. It 
 may well be a high mark of ambition, sir, 
 either with the honorable gentleman or 
 myself, to accomplish as much to make 
 our names known to advantage, and re- 
 membered with gratitude, as Mr. Dane has 
 accomplished. But the truth is, sir, I sus- 
 pect that Mr. Dane lives a little too far 
 north. He is of Massachusetts, and too 
 near the north star to be reached by the 
 honorable gentleman's telescope. If his 
 sphere had happened to range south of 
 Mason and Dixon's line, he might, prob- 
 ably, have come within the scope of his 
 vision ! 
 
 I spoke, sir, of the ordinance of 1787, 
 which prohibited slavery in all future 
 times north-west of the Ohio, as a measure 
 of great wisdom and foresight, and one 
 which had been attended with highly 
 beneficial and permanent consequences. I 
 suppose that on this point no two gentle- 
 men in the Senate could entertain different 
 
 opinions. But the simple expression of 
 this sentiment has led the gentlenum, not 
 only into a labored defence of slavery in 
 the abstract, and on principle, but also into 
 a warm accusation against me, as having 
 attacked the system of slavery now exist- 
 ing in the Southern States. For all this 
 there was not the slightest foundation in 
 anything said or intimated by me. I did 
 not utter a single word which any ingenu- 
 ity could torture into an attack on the 
 slavery of the South. I said only that it 
 was highly wise and useful in legislating 
 for the north-western country, while it was 
 yet a wilderness, to prohibit the introduc- 
 tion of slaves ; and added, that I presumed, 
 in the neighboring state of Kentucky, 
 there was no reflecting and intelligent 
 gentleman who would doubt that, if the 
 same prohibition had been extended, at 
 the same early period, over that common- 
 wealth, her strength and population would, 
 at this day, have been far greater than they 
 are. If these opinions be thought doubtful, 
 they are, nevertheless, I trust, neither ex- 
 traordinary nor disrespectful. They at- 
 tack nobody and menace nobody. And 
 yet, sir, the gentleman's optics have dis- 
 covered, even in the mere expression of 
 this sentiment, what he calls the very 
 spirit of the Missouri question ! He rep- 
 resents me as making an attack on the 
 whole south, and manifesting a spirit 
 which would interfere with and disturb 
 their domestic condition. Sir, this in- 
 justice no otherwise surprises me than as 
 it is done here, and done without the 
 slightest pretence of ground for it. I say 
 it only surprises me as being done here ; 
 for I know full well that it is and has been 
 the settled policy of some persons in the 
 south, for years, to represent the people of 
 the north as disposed to interfere with 
 them in their own exclusive and peculiar 
 concerns. This is a delicate and sensitive 
 point in southern feeling ; and of late years 
 it has always been touched, and generally 
 with effect, whenever the object has been 
 to unite the whole south against northern 
 men or northern measures. This feeling, 
 always carefully kept alive, and maintained 
 at too intense a heat to admit discrimina- 
 tion or reflection, is a lever of great power 
 in our political machine. It moves vast 
 bodies, and gives to them one and the 
 same direction. But the feeling is without 
 adequate cause, and the suspicion which 
 exists wholly groundless. There is not, 
 and never has been, a disposition in the 
 north to interfere with these interests of 
 the south. Such interference has never 
 been supposed to be within the power of the 
 government, nor has it been in any way 
 attempted. It has always been regarded 
 as a matter of domestic policy, left with 
 the states themselves, and with which the 
 federal government had nothing to do.
 
 52 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 Certainly, sir, I am, and ever had been, of 
 that opinion. The gentleman, indeed, 
 argues that slavery in the abstract is no 
 evil. Most assuredly I need not say I dif- 
 fer with him altogether and most widely 
 on that point. I regard domestic slavery 
 as one of the greatest evils, both moral and 
 political. But, though it be a malady, and 
 whether it be curable, and if so, by what 
 means ; or, on the other hand, whether it 
 be the culnus immedicahile of the social 
 system, I leave it to those whose right and 
 dutj' it is to inquire and to decide. And this 
 I believe, sir, is, and uniformly has been, 
 the sentiment of the north. Let us look a 
 little at the history of this matter. 
 
 When the present constitution was sub- 
 mitted for the ratification of the people, 
 there were those who imagined that the 
 powers of the government which it pro- 
 posed to establish might, perhaps, in some 
 possible mode, be exerted in measures 
 tending to the abolition of slavery. This 
 suggestion would, of course, attract much 
 attention in the southern conventions. In 
 that of Virginia, Governor Randolph 
 said : — 
 
 " I hope there is none here, who, consi- 
 dering the subject in the calm light of phi- 
 losophy, will make an objection dishonora- 
 ble to Virginia — that, at the moment they 
 are securing the rights of their citizens, an 
 objection is started, that there is a spark of 
 hope that those unfortunate men now held 
 in bondage may, by the operation of the 
 geijeral government, be made free." 
 
 At the very first Congress, petitions on 
 the subject were presented, if I mistake 
 not, from different states. The Pennsylva- 
 nia Society for promoting the Abolition of 
 Slaverj', took a lead, and laid before Con- 
 gress a memorial, praying Congress to pro- 
 mote the abolition by such powers as it 
 possessed. This memorial was referred, in 
 the House of Representatives, to a select 
 committee, consisting of Mr. Foster, of 
 New Hampshire, Mr. Gerry, of Massachu- 
 setts, Mr. Huntington, of Connecticut, 
 Mr. Lawrence, of New York, Mr. Dickin- 
 son, of New Jersey, Mr. Hartley, of Penn- 
 sylvania, and Mr. Parker, of Virginia ; all 
 of them, sir, as you will observe, northern 
 men, but the last. This committee made a 
 report, which was committed to a commit- 
 tee of the whole house, and there consid- 
 ered and discus-sed on several days ; and 
 being amended, although in no material 
 respect, it was ma<le to exnrcss three dis- 
 tinct t)roj)Osition8 on the suojccts of slavery 
 and the slave trade. First, in tlie words 
 of the constitution, that Congress could not, 
 prior to the year 1808, prohi])it the migra- 
 tion or imjortation of such j)orsi)ns as any 
 of tlie states then existing sliould think 
 |)roj)or to admit. Second, tliat Congress 
 nan authority to restrain the citizens of the 
 United States from carrying on the African 
 
 slave trade for the purpose of supplying 
 foreign countries. On this proposition, our 
 early laws against those who engage in that 
 traffic are founded. The third proposition, 
 and that which bears on the present ques- 
 tion, was expressed in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 " Resolved, That Congress have no au- 
 thority to interfere in the emancipation of 
 slaves, or of the treatment of them in any 
 of the states ; it remaining with the several 
 states alone to provide rules and regulations 
 therein, which humanity and true policy 
 may require." 
 
 This resolution received the sanction of 
 the House of Representatives so early as 
 March, 1790. And, now, sir, the honorable 
 member will allow me to remind him, that 
 not only were the select committee who re- 
 ported the resolution, with a single excep- 
 tion, all northern men, but also that of the 
 members then composing the House of 
 Representatives, a large majority, I believe 
 nearly two-thirds, were northern men also. 
 
 The house agreed to insert these resolu- 
 tions in its journal ; and, from that day to 
 this, it has never been maintained or con- 
 tended that Congress had any authority to 
 regulate or interfere with the condition of 
 slaves in the several states. No northern 
 gentleman, to my knowledge, has moved 
 any such question in either house of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The fears of the south, whatever fears 
 they might have entertained, were allayed 
 and quieted by this early decision ; and so 
 remained, till they were excited afresh, 
 without cause, but for collateral and indi- 
 rect purposes. When it became necessary, 
 or was thought so, by some political per- 
 sons, to find an unvarying ground for the 
 exclusion of northern men from confidence 
 and from lead in the affairs of the republic, 
 then, and not till then, the cry was raised, 
 and the feeling industriously excited, that 
 the influence of northern men in the public 
 councils would endanger the relation of 
 master and slave. For myself, I claim no 
 other merit, than that this gross and enor- 
 mous injustice towards the whole north has 
 not wrought upon me to change my opin- 
 ions, or my political conduct. I hope I 
 am above violating my principles, even 
 under the smart of injury and false impu- 
 tations. Unjust suspicions and undeserved 
 reproach, whatever pain I may experience 
 from them, will not induce me, I trust, 
 nevertheless, to overstep the limits of con- 
 stitutional duty, or to encroach on the 
 rights of others. The domestic slavery of 
 the south I leave where I find it — in the 
 liands of their own governments. It is 
 their afl'air, not mine. Nor do I complain 
 of the peculiar effect which the majjuitude 
 of that i)Oi)ulation has had in the distribu- 
 tion of power under this federal govern- 
 ment. Wo know, sir, that the representa-
 
 BOOK in.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNB. 
 
 53 
 
 tioii of the states in the other house is not 
 equal. We know that great advantage, in 
 that respect, is enjoyed by tlie shiveholding 
 states ; and we know, too, that the intended 
 equivalent for that advantage — that is to 
 say, the imposition of direct taxes in the 
 saine ratio — has become merely nominal ; 
 the habit of the government being almost 
 invariably to collect ita revenues from other 
 sources, and in other modes. Nevertheless, 
 I do not complain ; nor would I counte- 
 nance any movement to alter this arrange- 
 ment of representation. It is the original 
 bargain, the compact — let it stand ; let the 
 advantage of it be fully enjoyed. The 
 Union itself is too full of benefit to be 
 hazarded in propositions for changing its 
 original basis. I go for the constitution as 
 it is, and for the Union as it ia But I am 
 resolved not to submit, in silence, to accu- 
 sations, either against myself individually, 
 or against the north, wholly unfounded 
 and unjust — accusations which impute to 
 us a disposition to evade the constitutional 
 compact, and to extend the power of the 
 government over the internal laws and do- 
 mestic condition of the states. All such 
 accusations, wherever and whenever made, 
 all insinuations of the existence of any such 
 purposes, I know and feel to be groundless 
 and injurious. And we must confide in 
 southern gentlemen themselves ; we must 
 trust to those whose integrity of heart and 
 magnanimity of feeling will lead them to 
 a desire to maintain and disseminate truths 
 and who possess the means of its diffusion 
 with the southern public ; we must leave 
 it to them to disabuse that public of its 
 prejudices. But, in the mean time, for my 
 own part, I shall continue to act justly, 
 whether those towards whom justice is ex- 
 ercised receive it with candor or with con- 
 tumely. 
 
 Having had occasion to recur to the or- 
 dinance of 1787, in order to defend myself 
 against the inferences which the honorable 
 member has chosen to draw from my 
 former observations on that subject, I am 
 not willing now entirely to take leave of it 
 without another remark. It need hardly 
 be said, that that paper expresses just sen- 
 timents on the great subject of civil and 
 religious liberty. Such sentiments were 
 common, and abound in all our state papers 
 of that day. But this ordinance did that 
 which was not so common, and which is 
 not, even now, universal ; that is, it set 
 forth and declared, as a hi(jh and binding 
 duty of government itself, to encourage 
 schools and advance the means of educa- 
 tion; on the plain reason that religion, 
 morality and knowledge are necessary to 
 good government, and to the ha|)i)iness of 
 mankind. One observation further. The 
 important provision incorporated into the 
 constitution of the United States, and sev- 
 eral of those of the states, and recently, as 
 
 we have seen, adopted into the reformed 
 constitution of Virginia, restraining legis- 
 lative power, in questions of private right, 
 and from impairing the obligation of con- 
 tracts, is first introduced and established, 
 as far as I am informed, as matter of ex- 
 press written constitutional law, in this or- 
 dinance of 1787. And I must add, also, in 
 regard to the author of the ordinance, who 
 has not had the hajjpiness to attract the 
 gentleman's notice heretofore, nor to avoid 
 his sarcasm now, that he was chairman of 
 that select committee of the old Congress, 
 whose report first expressed the strong 
 sense of that body, that the old confedera- 
 tion was not adequate to the exigencies of 
 the country, and recommending to the 
 states to send delegates to the convention 
 which formed the present constitution. 
 
 An attempt has been made to transfer 
 from the north to the south the honor of 
 this exclusion of slavery from the North- 
 western territory. The journal, without 
 argument or comment, refutes such at- 
 temj^t. The session of Virginia was made 
 March, 1784. On the 19th of April fol- 
 lowing, a committee, consisting of Messrs. 
 Jefferson, Chase and Howell, reported 
 a plan for a temporary government of 
 the territory, in which was this article : 
 " That after the year 1800, there should be 
 neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
 in any of the said states, otherwise than in 
 punishment of crimes, whereof the party 
 shall have been convicted." Mr. Speight, 
 of North Carolina, moved to strike out 
 this paragraph. The question was put ac- 
 cording to the form then practiced : " Shall, 
 these words stand, as i)art of the plan?" 
 &c. New Hampshire, IMassachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New 
 Jersey and Pennsylvania — seven states — 
 voted in the affirmative; Marjdand, Virgin- 
 ia and South Carolina, in the negative. 
 North Carolina was divided. As the consent 
 of nine states was necessary, the words could 
 not stand, and were struck out accordingly. 
 Mr. Jefferson voted for the clause, but was 
 overruled by his colleagues. 
 
 In March of the next year (1785) ]\Ir. 
 King, of Massachusetts, seconded by Mr. 
 Ellery, of Rhode Island, proposed the 
 formerly rejected article, with this addi- 
 tion : " A7id that this regulation shall bean 
 article of compact, and remain a funda- 
 mental principle of the constitution between 
 the thirteen original states and each of the 
 states described in the resolve,^' <fcc. On 
 this clause, which provided the adomi.itc 
 and thorough security, the eight Nortnern 
 States, at that time, voted affirmatively, 
 and the four Southern States negatively. 
 The votes of nine states were not yet ob- 
 tained, and thus the provision was again 
 rejected by the Southern States. The per- 
 severance of the nortli held out. atnl two 
 years afterwards the object was attained.
 
 54 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 It is no derogation from the credit, what- 
 ever that may be, of drawing the ordi- 
 nance, that its principles Iiad before been 
 prepared and discussed, in the form of 
 resolutions. If one should reason in that 
 way, what would become of the distin- 
 guished honor of the author of the decla- 
 ration of Independence? There is not a 
 sentiment in that paper which had not 
 been voted and resolved in the assemblies, 
 and other popular bodies in the countrj', 
 over and over again. 
 
 But the honorable member has now 
 found out that this gentleman, Mr. Dane, 
 was a member of the Hartford Convention. 
 However uninformed the honorable mem- 
 ber may be of characters and occurrences 
 at the north, it would seem that he has at 
 his elbows, on this occasion, some high- 
 minded and lofty spirit, some magnani- 
 mous and true-hearted monitor, possessing 
 the means of local knowledge, and ready 
 to supply the honorable member with 
 every thing, down even to forgotten and 
 moth-eaten twopenny pamphlets, which 
 may be used to the disadvantage of his 
 own country. But, as to the Hartford 
 Convention, sir, allow me to say that the 
 proceedings of that body seem now to be 
 less read and studied in New England 
 than farther south. They appear to be 
 looked to, not in New England, but else- 
 where, for the purpose of seeing how far 
 they may serve as a precedent. But they 
 will not answer the purpose — they are 
 quite too tame. The latitude in which 
 they originated was too cold. Other con- 
 ventions, of more recent existence, have 
 gone a whole bar's length beyond it. The 
 learned doctors of Colleton and Abbeville 
 have pushed their commentaries on the 
 Hartford collect so far that the original 
 text writers are thrown entirely into the 
 .shade. I have nothing to do, sir, with the 
 Hartford Convention. Its journal, which 
 the gentleman has quoted, I never read. 
 So far as the honorable member may dis- 
 cover in its proceedings a spirit in any 
 degree resembling that which was avowed 
 and justified in those other conventions to 
 which I have alluded, or so far as those 
 proceedings can be shown to be disloyal to 
 the constitutifjn, or tending to disunion, 
 so far I shall be a.s ready as any one 
 U) bestow on them reprehension and cen- 
 sure. 
 
 Having dwelt long on this convention, 
 an«l other occurrences of that day, in the 
 liope, iirobably, (wliicli will not be grati- 
 fied,) that I should leave the course of this 
 debate to follow him at lengtli in those ex- 
 cursions, the honorable member returned, 
 and attemjjted another oljjcct. He re- 
 ferred to a speech of mine in the otiier i 
 hrmse, the same which I had occasion to | 
 allude; to myself tlie other day; and has, 
 quoted u paaaage or two from it, with a j 
 
 bold though uneasy and laboring air of 
 confidence, as if he had detected in me an 
 inconsistency. Judging from the gentle- 
 man's manner, a stranger to the course of 
 the debate, and to the point in discussion, 
 would have imagined, from so triumphant 
 a tone, that the honorable member was 
 about to overwhelm me with a mani- 
 fest contradiction. Any one who heard 
 him, and who had not heard what I had, 
 in fact, previously said, must have thought 
 me routed and discomfited, as the gentle- 
 man had promised. Sir, a breath blows 
 all this triumph away. There is not the 
 slightest difference in the sentiments of 
 my remarks on the two occasions. What 
 I said here on Wednesday is in exact ac- 
 cordance with the opinions expressed by 
 me in the other house in 1825. Though 
 the gentleman had the metaphysics of 
 Hudibras — though he were able 
 
 " to sever and divide 
 A hair 'twixt north and north-west side," 
 
 he could not yet insert his metaphysical 
 scissors between the fair reading of my re- 
 marks in 1825 and what I said here last 
 week. There is not only no contradiction, 
 no difference, but, in truth, too exact a 
 similarity, both in thought and language, 
 to be entirely in just taste. I had myself 
 quoted the same speech ; had recurred to 
 it, and spoke with it open before me ; and 
 much of what I said was little more than 
 a repetition from it. In order to make 
 finishing work with this alleged contradic- 
 tion, permit me to recur to the origin of 
 this debate, and review its course. This 
 seems expedient, and may be done as well 
 now as at any time. 
 
 Well, then, its history is this : the hon- 
 orable member from Connecticut moved a 
 resolution, which constituted the first 
 branch of that which is now before us ; that 
 is to say, a resolution instructing the com- 
 mittee on public lands to inquire into the 
 expediency of limiting, for a certain pe- 
 riod, the sales of public lands to such as 
 have heretofore been offered for sale ; and 
 whether sundry offices, connected with the 
 sales of the lands, might not be abolished 
 without detriment to the ]niblic service. 
 
 In the progress of the discussion which 
 arose on tliis resolution, an honorable mem- 
 ber from New Hanii)shire moved to amend 
 the resolution, so Jis entirely to reverse its 
 object ; that is to strike it all out, and in- 
 sert a direction to the committee to inquire 
 into the expediency of adoi)ting measures 
 to hasten the sales, and extend more ra- 
 l)idly the surveys of the lands. 
 
 The honorable member from IMaine (Mr. 
 Sprague) suggested that both these propo- 
 sitions might well enough go, for considera- 
 tion, to tlie committee; and in this state 
 of the question, the member from Soutli 
 Carolina addressed the Senate in his first
 
 nooK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 55 
 
 speech. He rose, he said, to give his own 
 free thoughts on the public lands. I saw 
 him rise, with pleasure, and listened with 
 expectation, though before he concluded 
 I was filled with surprise. Certainly, I 
 was never more surprised than to find him 
 following up, to the extent he did, the sen- 
 timents and opinions which the gentlenum 
 from Missouri had put forth, and which it 
 is known he has long entertained. 
 
 I need not repeat, at large, the general 
 topics of the honorable gentleman's speech. 
 When he said, yesterday, that he did not 
 attack the Eastern States, he certainly 
 must have forgotten not only particular 
 remarks, but the whole drift and tenor of 
 his speech ; unless he means by not at- 
 tacking, that he did not commence hostili- 
 ties, but that another had preceded him in 
 the attack. He, in the first place, disap- 
 proved of the whole course of the govern- 
 ment for forty years, in regard to its dis- 
 positions of the public land ; and then, 
 turning northward and eastward, and fan- 
 cying he had found a cause for alleged 
 narrowness and niggardliness in the " ac- 
 cursed policy " of the tariff, to which he 
 represented the people of New England as 
 wedded, he went on, for a full hour, with 
 remarks, the whole scope of which was to 
 exhibit the results of this policy, in feelings 
 and in measures unfavorable to the west. 
 I thought his opinions unfounded and erro- 
 neous, as to the general course of the gov- 
 ernment, and ventured to reply to them. 
 
 The gentleman had remarked on the 
 analogy of other cases, and quoted the con- 
 duct of European governments towards 
 their own subjects, settling on this conti- 
 nent, as in point, to show that we had been 
 harsh and rigid in selling when we should 
 have given the public lands to settlers. I 
 thought the honorable member had suf- 
 fered his judgment to be betrayed by a 
 false analogy ; that he w;ls struck with an 
 appearance of resemblance where there 
 was no real similitude. I think so still. 
 The first settlers of North America were 
 enterprising s[)irits, engaging in private 
 adventure, or fleeing from tyrannj' at home. 
 When arrived here, they were forgotten by 
 the mother country, or remembered only 
 to be oppressed. Carried away again by 
 the appearance of analogy, or struck with 
 the eloquence of the passage, the honor- 
 able member yesterday observed that the 
 conduct of government towards the western 
 emigrants, or my representation of it, 
 brought to his mind a celebrated speech 
 in the British Parliament. It ^vas, sir, 
 the speech of Colonel Barre. On the ques- 
 tion of the stamp act, or tea tax, I forget 
 which. Colonel Barre had heard a member 
 on the treasury bench argue, that the peo- 
 ple of the United States, being British 
 colonists, planted by the maternal care, 
 nourished by the indulgence, and protected 
 
 by the arms of England, would not grudge 
 their mite to relieve the mother country 
 from the heavy burden under which she 
 groaned. The language of Colonel JJarre, 
 in reply to this, was, " They planted by 
 your care ? Your oppression planted them 
 in America. They fled from your tyranny, 
 and grew by your neglect of them. So 
 soon as you began to care for them, you 
 showed your care by sending persons to spy 
 out their liberties, misrepresent their char- 
 acter, prey upon them, and eat out their 
 substance." 
 
 And does this honorable gentleman mean 
 to maintain that language like this is ap- 
 plicable to the conduct of the govern- 
 ment of the United States towards the 
 western emigrants, or to any representa- 
 tion given by me of that conduct? Were 
 the settlers in the west driven thither by 
 our oppression ? Have they flourished only 
 by our neglect of them ? Has the govern- 
 ment done nothing but prey upon them, 
 and eat out their substance ? Sir, this fer- 
 vid eloquence of the British speaker, just 
 when and where it was uttered, and fit to 
 remain an exercise for the schools, is not a 
 little out of place, when it was brought 
 thence to be applied here, to the con- 
 duct of our own country towards her 
 own citizens. From America to England 
 it may be true ; from Americans to their 
 own government it would be strange lan- 
 guage. Let us leave it to be recited and 
 declaimed by our boys against a foreign 
 nation ; not introduce it here, to recite and 
 declaim ourselves against our own. 
 
 But I come to the point of the alleged 
 contradiction. In my remarks on Wednes- 
 day, I contended that we could not give 
 away gratuitously all the public lands; that 
 we held them in trust ; that the govern- 
 ment had solemnly pledged itself to dis- 
 pose of them as a common fund for the 
 common benefit, and to sell and settle them 
 as its discretion should dictate. Now, sir, 
 what contradiction does the gentleman fiml 
 to this sentiment in the speech of 182")? 
 He quotes me as having then said, that we 
 ought not to hug these lands as a very 
 great treasure. Very well, sir; supposing 
 me to be accurately reported in that ex- 
 pression, what is the contradiction ? I have 
 not now said, that we should hu>( these 
 lands as a favorite source of pecuniary in- 
 come. No such thing. It is not my view. 
 What I have said, and what I do say, is, 
 that they are a common fund — to be dis- 
 posed of for the common benefit — to be sold 
 at low prices, for the accommodation ol 
 settlers, keeping the object of settling the 
 lands as much in view as that of raising 
 money from them. This I say now, and 
 this i have always said. Is this hugging 
 them as a favorite treiusure? Is there no 
 difference between hugging and hoard- 
 ing this fund, on the one hand, as a great
 
 56 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 treasure, and on the other of disposing of 
 it at low prices, placing the proceeds in the 
 general treasury of the Union ? My opin- 
 ion is, that as much is to be made of the 
 land, as fair and reasonably may be, selling 
 it all the while at such rates as to give the 
 fullest effect to settlement. This is not 
 giving it all away to the states, as the gen- 
 tleman would propose ; nor is it hugging 
 the fund closely and tenaciously, as a fa- 
 vorite treasure ; but it is, in my judgment, 
 a just and wise policy, perfectly according 
 with all the various duties which rest on 
 government. So much for my contradic- 
 tion. And what is it? Where is the 
 ground of the gentleman's triumph ? What 
 inconsistency, in word or doctrine, has he 
 been able to detect? Sir, if this be a sam- 
 ple of that discomfiture with which the 
 honorable gentleman threatened me, com- 
 mend me to the word discomfiture for the 
 rest of my life. 
 
 But, after all, this is not the point of the 
 debate; and I mubt bring the gentleman 
 back to that which is the point. 
 
 The real question between me and him 
 is , Where has the doctrine been advanced, 
 at the south or the east, that the popula- 
 tion of the west should be retarded, or, at 
 least, need not be hastened, on account of 
 its effect to drain off the people from the 
 Atlantic States? Is this doctrine, as has 
 been alleged, of eastern origin? That is 
 the question. Has the gentleman found any- 
 thing by which he can make good his ac- 
 cusation ? I submit to the Senate, that he 
 has entirely failed ; and as far as this de- 
 bate has shown, the only person who has 
 advanced such sentiments is a gentleman 
 from South Carolina, and a friend to the 
 honorable member himself. This honor- 
 able gentleman has given no answer to 
 this; there is none which can be given. 
 This simple fact, while it requires no com- 
 ment to enforce it, defies all argument to 
 refute it. I could refer to the speeches of 
 another southern gentleman, in years be- 
 fore, of the same general character, and to 
 the same effect, as that which has been 
 quoted ; but I will not consume the time 
 of the Senate by the reading of them. 
 
 So then, sir. New England is guiltless of 
 the policy of retarding western population, 
 and of all envy and jealousy of the growth 
 of the new states. Whatever there be of 
 that policy in the country, no part of it is 
 hers. Ifithiisalocal ha])itation, the honor- 
 able member has probal)ly seen, by this 
 time, where he is to look for it; and if it 
 now hsis received a name, he himself has 
 christened it. 
 
 We a[)proach, at length, sir, to a more 
 impf)rtant part of the honf)ral)le gentle- 
 man's f)bHervatioiis. Since it does not ac- 
 cord with my views of justice and ]»olicy, 
 to vote away the public lands altoircthcr, 
 aa mere matter of gratuity, I am aaked, by 
 
 the honorable gentleman, on what ground 
 it is that I consent to give them away in 
 particular instances. How, he inquires, 
 do I reconcile with these professed senti- 
 ments my support of measures appropri- 
 ating portions of the lands to particular 
 roads, particular canals, particular rivers, 
 and particular institutions of education in 
 the west? This leads, sir, to the real and 
 wide difference in political opinions be- 
 tween the honorable gentleman and my- 
 self. On my part, I look upon all these 
 objects as connected with the common 
 good, fairly embraced in its objects and its 
 terms ; he, on the contrary, deems them all, 
 if good at all, only local good. This is 
 our difference. The interrogatory which 
 he proceeded to put, at once explains this 
 difference. " What interest," asks he, " has 
 South Carolina in a canal in Ohio?" Sir, 
 this very question is full of significance. 
 It develops the gentleman's whole political 
 system ; and its answer expounds mine. 
 Here we differ toto ccelo. I look upon a 
 road over the Alleghany, a canal round the 
 falls of the Ohio, or a canal or railway 
 from the Atlantic to the western waters, as 
 being objects large and extensive enough 
 to be fairly said to be for the common 
 benefit. The gentleman thinks otherwise, 
 and this is the key to open his construction 
 of the powers of the government. He 
 may well ask, upon his system. What in- 
 terest has South Carolina in a canal in 
 Ohio? On that system, it is true, she has 
 no interest. On that system, Ohio and 
 Carolina are different governments and 
 different countries, connected here, it is 
 true, by some slight and ill-defined bond 
 of union, but in all main respects separate 
 and diverse. On that system, Carolina has 
 no more interest in a canal in Ohio than 
 in Mexico, The gentleman, therefore, 
 only follows out his own principles ; he 
 does no more than arrive at the natural 
 conclusions of his own doctrines ; he only 
 announces the true results of that creed 
 which he has adopted himself, and would 
 persuade others to adopt, when he thus 
 declares that South Carolina has no inter- 
 est in a public work in Ohio. Sir, Ave nar- 
 row-minded people of New England do 
 not reason thus. Our notion of things is 
 entirely different. We look u])on the states 
 not as separated, but as united. We love 
 to dwell on that Union, and on the mutual 
 happiness which it has so much promoted, 
 and the common renown which it has so 
 greatly contributed to acquire. In our con- 
 tenijilation, Carolina ancl Ohio are parts of 
 the same country — states united under the 
 same general government, having interests 
 common, associateil, intermingled. In 
 whatever is within the proper sphere of the 
 eorislitufional power of this government, 
 we look npon the states as one. We do 
 not impose geographical limits to our patri-
 
 BOOKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 otic feeling or regard; we do not follow 
 rivers, and mountains, and lines of latitude, 
 to find boundaries beyond which public 
 improvements do not benefit us. We, who 
 come here as agents and representatives of 
 those narrow-minded and selfish men of 
 New England, consider ourselves as bound 
 to regard, with equal eye, the good of the 
 whole, in whatever is within our power of 
 legislation. Sir, if a railroad or canal, 
 beginning in South Carolina, appeared to 
 me to be of national importance and nation- 
 al magnitude, believing as I do that the 
 power of government extends to the en- 
 couragement of works of that description, 
 if I were to stand up here and ask, " What 
 interest has Massachusetts in a railroad in 
 South Carolina?" I should not be willing to 
 face my constituents. These same narrow- 
 minded men would tell me that they had 
 sent me to act for the whole country, and 
 that one who possessed too little compre- 
 hension, either of intellect or feeling — one 
 who was not large enough, in mind and 
 heart, to embrace the whole — was not fit 
 to be intrusted with the interest of any part. 
 Sir, I do not desire to enlarge the powers 
 of government by unjustifiable construc- 
 tion, nor to exercise any not within a fair 
 interpretation. But when it is believed 
 that a power does exist, then it is, in my 
 judgment, to be exercised for the general 
 Denefit of the whole : so far as respects the 
 exercise of such a power, the states are 
 one. It was the very great object of the 
 constitution to create unity of interests to 
 the extent of the powers of the general 
 government. In war and peace we are 
 one; in commerce one; because the author- 
 ity of the general government reaches to 
 war and peace, and to the regulation of 
 commerce. I have never seen any more 
 difficulty in erecting lighthouses on the 
 lakes than on the ocean ; in improving the 
 harbors of inland seas, than if they were 
 within the ebb and flow of the tide ; or of 
 removing obstructions in the vast streams 
 of the west, more than in any work to facili- 
 tate commerce on the Atlantic coa.st. If 
 there be power for one, there is power also 
 for the other ; and they are all and equally 
 for the country. 
 
 There are other objects, apparently more 
 local, or the benefit of which is less general, 
 towards which, nevertheless, I have con- 
 curred with others to give aid by donations 
 of land. It is proposed to construct a road 
 in or through one of the new states in 
 which the government possesses large 
 quantities of land. Have the United States 
 no right, as a great and untaxed proprietor 
 — are they under no obligation — to con- 
 tribute to an object thus calculated to pro- 
 mote the common good of all the pro- 
 prietors, themselves included? And even 
 with respect to education, Avhich is the ex- 
 treme case, let the question be considered. 
 
 In the first place, as we have seen, it was 
 made matter of compact with these states 
 that they should do their part to jironiote 
 education. In the next place, our whole 
 system of land laws i)rocceds on the idea 
 that education is for the common good; 
 because, in every division, a certain por- 
 tion is uniformly reserved and appropriated 
 for the use of schools. And, finally have 
 not these new states singularly strong 
 claims, founded on the ground already 
 stated, that the government is a great un- 
 taxed proprietor in the ownersliip of the 
 soil? It is a consideration of great im- 
 portance that probably there is in no part 
 of the country, or of the world, so great a 
 call for the means of education as in those 
 new states, owing to the vast number of 
 pereons within those ages in which educa- 
 tion and instruction are usually received, 
 if received at all. This is the natural con- 
 sequence of recency of settlement and 
 rapid increase. The census of these states 
 shows how great a proportion of the whole 
 population occupies the classes between 
 infancy and childhood. These are the 
 wide fields, and here is the deep and quick 
 soil for the seeds of knowledge and virtue ; 
 and this is the favored season, the spring 
 time for sowing them. Let them be dis- 
 seminated without stint. Let them be 
 scattered with a bountiful broadcast. 
 Whatever the government can fairly do 
 towards these objects, in my opinion, ought 
 to be done. 
 
 These, sir, are the grounds, succinctly 
 stated, on which my vote for grants of lands 
 for particular objects rest, while I main- 
 tain, at the same time, that it is all a com- 
 mon fund, for the common benefit. And 
 reasons like these, I presume, have in- 
 fluenced the votes of other gentlemen from 
 New England. Those who have a differ- 
 ent view of the powers of the government, 
 of course, come to different conclusions on 
 these as on other questions. I observed, 
 when speaking on this subject before, that 
 if we looked to any measure, whether for 
 a road, a canal, or any thing else intended 
 for the improvement of the west, it would 
 be found, that if the New England ayes 
 were struck out of the list of votes, the 
 southern noes would always have rejected 
 the measure. The truth of this has not 
 been denied, and cannot be denied. In 
 stating this, I thought it just to ascribe it 
 to the constitutional scruples of the south, 
 rather than to any other less favorable 
 or less charitable cause. But no sooner 
 had I done this, than the honorable gen- 
 tleman asks if I reproach him and his 
 friends with their constitutional scrupK-s. 
 Sir, I reproach nobody, I stated a fact, 
 and gave the most respectful reason for it 
 that occurred to me. The gentleman can- 
 not deny the fact — he may. if he choose, 
 disclaiui the reason. It is not long since
 
 58 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 I had "occasion, in presenting a petition 
 from his own state, to account for its being 
 intrusted to my hands by saying, that the 
 constitutional opinions of the gentleman 
 and his worthy colleague prevented them 
 from supporting it. Sir, did I state this as 
 a matter of reproach ? Far from it. Did 
 I attempt to find any other cause than an 
 honest one for these scruples ? Sir, I did 
 not. It did not become me to doubt, nor 
 to insinuate that the gentleman had either 
 changed his sentiments, or that he _ had 
 made" up a set of constitutional opinions, 
 accommodated to any particular combina- 
 tion of political occurrences. Had I done 
 so, I should have felt, that while I was en- 
 titled to little respect in thus questioning 
 other people's motives, I justified the whole 
 world in suspecting my own. 
 
 But how has the gentleman returned this 
 respect for others' opinions? His own 
 candor and justice, how have they been 
 exhibited towards the motives of others, 
 while he has been at so much pains to 
 maintain— what nobody has disputed — the 
 purity of his own ? Why, sir, he has asked 
 when, and how, and why New England 
 votes were found going for measures favor- 
 able to the west; he has demanded to be 
 informed whether all this did not begin in 
 1825, and while the election of President 
 was still pending. Sir, to these questions 
 retort would be justified ; and it is both 
 cogent and at hand. Nevertheless, I will 
 answer the inquiry not by retort, but by 
 facts. I will tell the gentleman u-hen, and 
 how, and why New England has supported 
 measures favorable to the west. I have 
 already referred to the early history of the 
 government — to the first acquisition of the 
 lan(ls — to the original laws for disposing 
 of tliem and for governing the territories 
 where they lie ; and have shown the in- 
 fluence of New England men and New 
 England principles in all these leading 
 measures. I should not be pardoned were 
 I to go over that ground again. Coming 
 to more recent times, and to measures of 
 a less general character, I have endeavored 
 tf) prove tluit every thing of this kind de- 
 signed for western improvement has de- 
 pended on the votes of New England. All 
 tliis is true beyond the power of contradic- 
 tion. 
 
 And now, sir, there are two measures to 
 which I will refer, not so ancient as to ])e- 
 long to the early history of the public 
 lands, and not so recent as to be on this 
 side of the period when the gentleman 
 charitably imagines a new direction may 
 have bccli given to New England feeling 
 and New England votes. These measures, 
 and the New England votes in support oi' 
 ihvm, may be taken as samples and speci- 
 mens of all the rest. In 1«20, (observe, 
 Mr. President, in 1820,) the peoule of the 
 west besought Congress for a reduction in 
 
 the price of lands. In favor of that reduc- 
 tion. New England, with a delegation of 
 forty members in the other house, gave 
 thirty-three votes, and one only against it. 
 The "four Southern States, with fifty mem- 
 bers, gave thirty-two votes for it, and seven 
 against it. Again, in 1821, (observe again, 
 sir, the time,) the law passed for the relief 
 of the purchasers of the public lands. 
 This was a measure of vital importance to 
 the west, and more especially to the south- 
 west. It authorized the relinquishment of 
 contracts for lands, which had been entered 
 into at high prices, and a reduction, in 
 other cases, of not less than STi per cent, 
 on the purchase money. Many millions of 
 dollars, six or seven I believe at least, — 
 probably much more, — were relinquished 
 by this law. On this bill New England, 
 with her forty members, gave more affirma- 
 tive votes than the four Southern States 
 with their fiftj'-two or three members. 
 These two are far the most important 
 measures respecting the public lands which 
 have been adopted within the last twenty 
 years. They took place in 1820 and 1821. 
 That is the time when. And as to the 
 manner how, the gentleman already sees 
 that it was by voting, in solid column, for 
 the required relief; and lastly, as to the 
 cause why, I tell the gentleman, it was be- 
 cause the members from New England 
 thought the measures just and salutary ; 
 because they entertained towards the Avest 
 neither envy, hatred, nor malice; because 
 they deemed it becoming them, as just and 
 enlightened public men, to meet the exi- 
 gency which had arisen in the west with 
 the appropriate measure of relief ; because 
 they felt it due to their own characters of 
 their New England predecessors in this 
 government, to act towards the new states 
 in the spirit of a liberal, patronizing, mag- 
 nanimous policy. So much, sir, for the 
 cause why ; and I hope that by this time, 
 sir, the honorable gentleman is satisfied; 
 if not, I do not know when, or how, or why, 
 he ever will be. 
 
 Having recurred to these two important 
 measures, in answer to the gentleman's 
 in(iuiries, I must now beg permission to go 
 back to a period still something earlier, for 
 the ])urp()se still further of showing how 
 much, or rather how little reason there is 
 for the gentleman's insinuation that politi- 
 cal hopes, or fears, or party associations, 
 were the grounds of these New England 
 votes. And after what has been said, I 
 hope it may be forgiven me if I allude to 
 some jiolitical opinions and votes of my 
 own, of very little public importance, cer- 
 tainly, but which, from the time at which 
 tliey were given and ex])ressed, may pass 
 for good witnesses on this occasion. 
 
 This governnu'nt, ]\Ir. President, from its 
 origin to the peace of ISIT), had l)een too 
 much engrossed with various other impor-
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE, 
 
 iO 
 
 tant concerns to be able to turn its 
 thoughts inward, and look to the develop- 
 ment of its vast internal resources. In the 
 early part of President Washington's ad- 
 ministration, it was fully occupied with 
 organizing the government, providing for 
 the public debt, defending the frontiers, 
 and maintaining domestic i)eace. Before 
 the termination of that administration, the 
 fires of the French revolution blazed forth, 
 as from a new opened volcano, and the 
 whole breadth of the ocean did not en- 
 tirely secure us from its effects. The smoke 
 and the cinders reached us, though not the 
 burning lava. Uillicult and agitating ques- 
 tions, embarrrassing to government, and 
 dividing public opinion, sprung out of the 
 new state of our foreign relations, and were 
 succeeded by others, and yet again by 
 others, equally embarrassing, and equally 
 exciting division and discord, through the 
 long series of twenty years, till they finally 
 issued in the war with England. Down to 
 the close of that war, no distinct, marked 
 and deliberate attention had been given, 
 or could have been given, to the internal 
 condition of the country, its capacities of 
 improvement, or the constitutional power 
 of the government, in regard to objects 
 connected with such improvement. 
 
 The peace, Mr. President, brought about 
 an entirely new and a most interesting 
 state of things ; it opened to us other pros- 
 pects, and suggested other duties ; we our- 
 selves were changed, and the whole world 
 was changed. The pacification of Europe, 
 after June, 1815, assumed a firm and per- 
 manent aspect. The nations evidently 
 manifested that they were disposed for 
 peace : some agitation of the waves might 
 DC expected, even after the storm had sub- 
 sided ; but the tendency was, strongly and 
 rapidly, towards settled repose. 
 
 It so happened, sir, that I was at that 
 time a member of Congress, and, like 
 others, naturally turned my attention to 
 the contemplation of the newly-altered 
 condition of the country, and of the world. 
 It appeared plainly enough to me, as well 
 as to wiser and more experienced men, 
 that the policy of the government would 
 necessarily take a start in anew direction, 
 because new directions would necessarily 
 be given to the pursuits and occupa- 
 tions of the people. We had pushed 
 our commerce far and fast, under the ad- 
 vantage of a neutral flag. But there were 
 now no longer flags, either neutral or bel- 
 ligerent. The harvest of neutrality had 
 been great, but we had gathered "it all. 
 With the peace of Europe, it was obvious ; 
 there would spring up, in her circle of na- j 
 tions, a revived and invigorated spirit of 
 trade, and a new activity in all the business ! 
 and objects of civilized life. Hereafter, 
 our commercial gains were to be earned 
 only by success in a close and iutease ' 
 
 competition. Other nations would pro- 
 duce for themselves, and carry for them- 
 selves, and manufacture for themselves, to 
 the full extent of their aljilities. The 
 crops of our plains would no longer sus- 
 tain European armies, nor our shiixs longer 
 supply those whom war had renclered un- 
 able to sup{)ly themselves. It was obvious 
 that under these circumstances, the coun- 
 try would begin to survey itself, and to 
 estimate its own capacity of improvement. 
 And this improvement, how was it to be ac- 
 complished, and who was to accomplish it? 
 We were ten or twelve millions of peo- 
 ple, spread over almost half a world. We 
 were twenty-four states, some stretching 
 along the same sea-board, some along the 
 same line of inland frontier, and others on 
 opposite banks of the same vast rivers. Two 
 considerations at once presented them- 
 selves, in looking at this state of things, 
 with great force. One was th at that great 
 branch of improvement, which consisted 
 in furnishing new facilities of intercourse, 
 necessarily ran into different states, in 
 every leading instance, and would benefit 
 the citizens of all such states. No one 
 state therefore, in such cases, would assume 
 the whole expense, nor was the co-o]jera- 
 tion of several states to be expected. Take 
 the instance of the Delaware Breakwater. 
 It will cost several millions of money. 
 Would Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and 
 Delaware have united to accomplish it at 
 their joint expense? Certainly not, for 
 the same reason. It could not be done, 
 therefore, but by the general government. 
 The same may be said of the large inland 
 undertakings, except that, in them, gov- 
 ernment, instead of bearing the whole ex- 
 pense, co-operates with others to bear a 
 part. The other consideration is, that the 
 United States have the means. They en- 
 joy the revenues derived from commerce, 
 and the states have no abundant and easy 
 sources of public income. The custom 
 houses fill the general treasury, while the 
 states have scanty resources, except by re- 
 sort to heavy direct taxes. 
 
 Under this view of things, I thought it 
 necessary to settle, at least for myself, some 
 definite notions, with respect to the powers 
 of government, in regard to internal af- 
 fairs. It may not savor too much of self- 
 commendation to remark, that, with this ob- 
 ject, I considered the constitution, its judi- 
 cial construction, its contemporaneous ex- 
 position, and the whole history of the 
 legislation of Congress under it; and I 
 arrived at the conclusion that government 
 had ^lower to accomplish sundry object.'^, 
 or aid in their accomplishment, which 
 are now commonly spoken of as Ixtkrnal 
 Improvemknts. Thatconclusion,sir, may 
 have been right or it may have been wrong. 
 I am not about to argue the grounds of it at 
 large. I say only that it was adopted, and
 
 60 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 acted on, even so early as in 1816. Yes, Mr. 
 President, I made up my opinion, and de- 
 termined on my intended course of politi- 
 cal conduct on these subjects, in the 14th 
 Congress iu 1816. And now, Mr. Presi- 
 dent, I have further to say, that I made up 
 these opinions, and entered on this course 
 of political conduct, Teiicro duce. Yes, sir, 
 I pursued, in all this, a South Carolina 
 track. On the doctrines of internal im- 
 provement, South Carolina, as she was 
 then represented in the other house, set 
 forth, in 1816, under a fresh and leading 
 breeze ; and I was among the followers. 
 But if my leader sees new lights, and turns 
 a sharp corner, unless I see new lights 
 also, I keep straight on in the same path. 
 I repeat, that leading gentlemen from 
 South Carolina were first and foremost in 
 behalf of the doctrines of internal improve- 
 ments, when those doctrines first came to 
 be considered and acted upon in Congress. 
 The debate on the bank question, on the 
 tariff" of 1816, and on the direct tax, will 
 show who was who, and what was what, 
 at that time. The tariff" of 1816, one of the 
 plain cases of oppression and usurpation, 
 from which, if the government does not 
 recede, individual states may justly secede 
 from the government, is, sir, in truth, a 
 South Carolina tariff", supported by South 
 Carolina votes. But for those votes, it 
 could not have passed in the form in which 
 it did»pass ; whereas, if it had depended on 
 Massachusetts votes, it would have been 
 lost. Does not the honorable gentleman 
 well know all this? There are certainly 
 those who do full well know it all. I do 
 not say this to reproach South Carolina ; I 
 only state the fact, and I think it will ap- 
 pear to be true, that among the earliest 
 and boldest advocates of the tariflT, as a 
 measure of protection, and on the express 
 ground of protection, were leading gentle- 
 men of South Carolina in Congress. I did 
 not then, and cannot now, understand 
 their language in any other sense. While 
 this tariff" of 1816 was under discussion in 
 the House of Representatives, an honora- 
 ble gentleman from Georgia, now of this 
 house, (Mr. Forsyth,) moved to reduce the 
 proposed duty on cotton. He failed by 
 four votes. South Carolina giving three 
 votes (enough to have turned the scale) 
 against his motion. The .act, sir, then 
 pa.ssed, and received on its passage the 
 support of a majority of the reprascnta- 
 tives of South Carolina present and voting. 
 This act is the first, in the order of those 
 now denounced as plain usurpatif)nH. We 
 Bee it daily in the list by the side of those 
 of 1824 and 1828, as a case of manifest oj)- 
 pression. justifying disunion. I ])ut it 
 home to the honorable mciubcr from Sorith 
 Carolina, that his own state was notonly "art 
 and [)art" in this meastire, but the causa 
 cmt^ans. Without her aid, this seminal 
 
 principle of mischief, this root of upas, 
 could not have been planted. I have al- 
 ready said — and, it is true — th.at this act 
 preceded on the ground of protection. It 
 interfered directly with existing in- 
 terests of great value and amount. It cut 
 up the Calcutta cotton trade by the roots. 
 But it passed, nevertheless, and it passed 
 on the principle of protecting manufac- 
 tures, on the principle against free trade, 
 on the principle opposed to that which lets 
 us alone. 
 
 Such, Mr. President, were the opinions 
 of important and leading gentlemen of 
 South Carolina, on the subject of internal 
 improvement, in 1816. I went out of 
 Congress the next year, and returning 
 again in 1823, thought I found South 
 Carolina where I had left her. I really 
 supposed that all things remained as they 
 were, and that the South Carolina doctrine 
 of internal improvements would be de- 
 fended by the same eloquent voices, and 
 the same strong arms as formerly. In the 
 lapse of these six years, it is true, political 
 associations had assumed a new aspect and 
 new divisions. A party had arisen in the 
 south, hostile to the doctrine of internal 
 improvements, and had vigorously attacked 
 that doctrine. Anti-consolidation was the 
 flag under which this party fought, and 
 its supporters inveighed against internal 
 improvements, much after the same man- 
 ner in which the honorable gentleman has 
 now inveighed against them, as part and 
 parcel of the system of consolidation. 
 
 Whether this party arose in South Caro- 
 lina herself, or in her neighborhood, is 
 more than I know. I think the latter. 
 However that may have been, there were 
 those found in South Carolina ready to 
 make war upon it, and who did make in- 
 trepid war upon it. Names being regarded 
 as things, in such controversies, they be- 
 stowed on the anti-improvement gentle- 
 men the appellation of radicals. Yes, sir, 
 the name of radicals, as a term of distinc- 
 tion, applicable and applied to those who 
 defended the liberal doctrines of internal 
 improvements, originated, according to 
 the best of my recollection, somewhere be- 
 tween North Carolina and Georgia. Well, 
 sir, those mischievous radicals were to be 
 put down, and the strong arm of South 
 Carolina was stretched out to put them 
 down. About this time, sir, I returned to 
 Congress. The battle with the radicals 
 had been fought, and our South Carolina 
 champions of the doctrine of internal im- 
 provements had nobly maintained their 
 ground, and were understood to have 
 achieved a victory. They had driven 
 back the enemy with discomfiture ; a 
 thing, by the way, sir, which is not always 
 performed when it is promised. A gentle- 
 man, to wlioni I have already referred in 
 this del)ate, had come into Congress, dur-
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE, 
 
 61 
 
 ing my absence from it, from South Caro- 
 lina, and had brought with him a higli 
 reputation for ability. He came from a 
 school with which we had been acquainted, 
 et noscitura sociis. I hold in my hand, sir, a 
 printed 8[)eech of this distinguished gen- 
 tleman, (Mr. McDuFFiE,) "on internal 
 IMPROVEMENTS," delivered about the pe- 
 riod to which I now refer, and printed 
 with a few introductory remarks upon con- 
 solidation ; in which, sir, I think he quite 
 consolidated the arguments of his oppo- 
 nents, the radicals, if to crush be to con- 
 solidate. I give you a short but substan- 
 tive quotation from these remarks. He is 
 speaking of a pamphlet, then recently 
 
 Eublished, entitled, " Consolidation ;" and 
 aving alluded to the question of rechart- 
 ering the former Bank of the United 
 States, he says : " Moreover, in the early 
 history of parties, and when Mr. Crawford 
 advocated the renewal of the old charter, 
 it was considered a federal measure; 
 which internal improvement never was, 
 as this author erroneously states. This 
 Matter measure originated in the adminis- 
 tration of Mr. Jefferson, with the appro- 
 priation for the Cumberland road ; and 
 was first proposed, as a si/stein, by Mr. 
 Calhoun, and carried through the House 
 of Representatives by a large majority of 
 the republicans, including almost every 
 one of the leading men who carried us 
 through the late war." 
 
 80, then, internal improvement is not 
 one of the federal heresies. One para- 
 graph more, sir. 
 
 "The author in question, not content with 
 denouncing as federalists Gen. Jackson, 
 Mr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and the major- 
 ity of the South Carolina delegation in 
 Congress, modestly extends the denuncia- 
 tion to Mr. Monroe and the whole republi- 
 can party. Here are his words ; ' During 
 the administration of Mr. Monroe, ipuch 
 has passed which the republican party 
 would be glad to approve, if they could 1 1 
 But the principal feature, and that which 
 has chiefly elicited these observations, is 
 the renewal of the system of internal 
 IMPROVEMENTS.' Now, this measure was 
 adopted by a vote of 115 to 86, of a repub- 
 lican Congress, and sanctioned by a repub- 
 lican president. Who, then, is this author, 
 who assumes the high prerogative of de- 
 nouncing, in the name of the republican 
 party, the republican administration of the 
 country — a denunciation including within 
 its sweep Calhoun, Lowndes, and Cheves ; 
 men who will be regarded as the brightest 
 ornaments of South Carolina, and the 
 strongest pillars of the republican party, 
 aa long as the late war shall be remem- 
 bered, and talents and patriotism shall be 
 regarded as the proper objects of the 
 admiration and gratitude of a free 
 people ! !" 
 
 Such are the opinions, sir, which wore 
 maintained by South Carolina gentlemen 
 in the House of Representatives on the 
 subject of internal improvements, when I 
 took my seat there as a member I'rom 
 Massachusetts, in 1823. But this is not 
 all ; we had a bill belbre us, and passed it 
 in that house, entitled, "An act to procure 
 the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates 
 uj)on the subject of roads and canals." It 
 authorized the president to cause surveys 
 and estimates to be made of the routes of 
 such roads and canals as he might deem of 
 national importance i7i a commercial or mili- 
 tary point of view, or for the transportation 
 of the mail ; and appropriated thirty thou- 
 sand dollars out of the treasury to defray 
 the expense. This act, though prelimi- 
 nary in its nature, covered the whole 
 ground. It took for granted the complete 
 power of internal improvement, as far as 
 any of its advocates had ever contended 
 for it. Having passed the other Ikjusc, 
 the bill came up to the Senate, and was 
 here considered and debated in Aj^ril, 
 1824. The honorable member from South 
 Carolina was a member of the Senate at 
 that time. While the bill was under con- 
 sideration here, a motion was made to add 
 the following proviso : — 
 
 ^^ Provided, That nothing herein con- 
 tained shall be construed to affirm or acZ//«< 
 a power in Congress, on their own author- 
 ity, to make roads or canals within any of 
 the states of the Union." 
 
 The yeas and nays were taken on this 
 proviso, and the honorable member voted 
 in tkstnegative. The proviso failed. 
 
 A motion was then made to add this 
 proxnao, viz : — 
 
 "Provided, That the faith of the United 
 States is hereby pledged, that no money 
 shall ever be expended for roads or canals 
 except it shall be among the several states, 
 and in the same proportion as direct taxes 
 are laid and assessed by the provisions of 
 the constitution." 
 
 The honorable member voted against 
 this proviso also, and it failed. 
 
 The bill was then put on its passage, 
 and the honorable member voted for it, 
 and it passed, and became a law. 
 
 Now, it strikes me, sir, that there is no 
 maintaining these votes but upon the 
 power of internal improvement, in its 
 broadest sense. In truth, these bills for 
 surveys and estimates have always been 
 considered as test questions. They show 
 who is for and who against internal im- 
 provement. This law itself went the 
 whole length, and assumed the full and 
 complete power. The gentleman's vote 
 sustained that power, in every form in 
 which the various propositions to amend 
 presented it. He went for the entire and 
 unrestrained authority, without consulting 
 the states, and without agreeing to any
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 111. 
 
 proportionate distribution. And now, 1 
 suffer me to remind you, Mr. President, 
 that it is this very same power, tlms sanc- 
 tioned, in every form, by the gentleman's 
 own oi)inion, that is so plain and manifest 
 a usurpation, that the state of South Caro- 
 lina is supposed to be justified in refusing 
 submission to any laws carrying the power 
 into effect. Truly, sir, is not this a little 
 too hard ? May we not crave some mercy, 
 under favor and protection of the gentle- 
 man's own authority ? Admitting that a 
 road or a canal must be written down flat 
 usurpation as ever was committed, may we 
 find no mitigation in our respect for his 
 place, and his vote, as one that knows the 
 law? 
 
 The tariff which South Carolina had an 
 efficient hand in establishing in 1816, and 
 this asserted power of internal improve- 
 ment — advanced by her in the same year, 
 and, as we have seen, approved and sanc- 
 tioned by her representatives in 1824, — 
 these two measures are the great grounds 
 on which she is now thought to be justified 
 in breaking up the Union, if she sees fit to 
 break it up. 
 
 I may now safely say, I tnink, that we 
 have had the authority of leading and dis- 
 tinguished gentlemen from South Carolina 
 in support of the doctrine of internal im- 
 provement. I repeat that, up to 1824, I, 
 for one, followed South Carolina ; but when 
 that star in its ascension veered off in an 
 unexpected direction, I relied on its light 
 no longer. [Here the Vice-President said. 
 Does the Chair understand the gentleman 
 from Massachusetts to say that the person 
 now occupying the chair of the Senate has 
 changed his opinion on the subject of in- 
 ternal improvement?] From nothing ever 
 said to me, sir, have I had reason to know 
 of any change in the opinions of the per- 
 son filling the chair of the Senate. If 
 such change has taken place, I regret it ; I 
 speak generally of the state of South Car- 
 olina. Individuals we know there are who 
 hold opinions favorable to the power. An 
 application for its exercise in behalf of a 
 public work in South Carolina itself is 
 now pending, I believe, in the other house, 
 presented by members from that state. 
 
 I have thus, sir, perhaps not without 
 some tediousnesfl of detail, shown that, if I 
 am in error on the subject of internal im- 
 provements, how and in what company I 
 fell into that error. If I am wrong, it is 
 apparent who misled me. 
 
 I go to other remarks of the honorable 
 member — and I have to complain of an en- 
 tire misapprehension of what I said on the 
 subject of the national debt^ — though I can 
 hardly perceive how any one could mis- 
 understand me. What I said was, not that 
 I wished to put off the payment of the debt, 
 but, on the contrary, thnt I hnd always 
 voted for every measure for its reduction, 
 
 as uniformly as the gentleman himself. 
 He seems to claim the exclusive merit of a 
 disposition to reduce the public charge ; I 
 do not allow it to him. As a debt, I was, 
 I am, for paying it ; because it is a charge 
 on our finances, and on the industry of the 
 country. But I observed that I thought I 
 perceived a morbid fervor on that subject; 
 an excessive anxiety to pay ofl' the debt ; 
 not 80 much because it is a debt simply, as 
 because, while it lasts, it furnishes one ob- 
 jection to disunion. It is a tie of common in- 
 terest while it lasts. I did not impute such 
 motive to the honorable member himself; 
 but that there is such a feeling in existence 
 I have not a particle of doubt. The most 
 I said was, that if one effect of the debt was 
 to strengthen our Union, that effect itself 
 was not regretted by me, however much 
 others might regret it. The gentleman has 
 not seen how to reply to this otherwise 
 than by supposing me to have advanced 
 the doctrine that a national debt is a na- 
 tional blessing. Others, I must hope, will 
 find less difiiculty in understanding me. I 
 distinctly and pointedly cautioned the 
 honorable member not to understand me 
 as expressing an opinion favorable to the 
 continuance of the debt. I repeated this 
 caution, and repeated it more than once — 
 but it was thrown away. 
 
 On yet another point I was still more 
 unaccountably misunderstood. The gentle- 
 man had harangued against " consolida- 
 tion." I told him, in reply, that there was 
 one kind of consolidation to which I was 
 attached, and that was, the consolida- 
 tion OF OUR Union ; and that this was 
 precisely that consolidation to which I 
 feared others were not attached ; that such 
 consolidation was the very end of the 
 constitution — the leading object, as they 
 had informed us themselves, which its 
 framers had kept in view. I turned to 
 their communication, and read their very 
 words, — " the consolidation of the Union," 
 — and expressed my devotion to this sort 
 of consolidation. I said in terms that I 
 wished not, in the slightest degree, to aug- 
 ment the powers of this government ; that 
 my object was to preserve, not to enlarge; 
 and that, by consolidating the Union, I 
 understood no more than the strengthening 
 of the Union and perpetuating it. Having 
 been thus explicit; having thus read, from 
 the printed book, the precise words which 
 I adopted, as expressing my own senti- 
 ments, it passes comprenension, how any 
 man could understand me as contending 
 for an extension of the powers of the gov- 
 ernment, or for consolidation in the odious 
 sense in which it means an accumulation, 
 in the federal government, of the powers 
 properly belonging to the states. 
 
 I repeat, sir, that, in adopting the senti- 
 ments of the framers of the constitution, I 
 , read their language audibly, and word for
 
 BOOK in.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE, 
 
 63 
 
 word; and I pointed out the distinction, 
 just as fully as T have now done, between 
 the consolidation of the Union and that 
 Ouher obnoxious consolidation which I dis- 
 claimed ; and yet the honorable gentle- 
 man misunderstood me. The gentleman 
 had said that he wished for no fixed reve- 
 nue — not a shilling. If, by a word, he 
 could convert the Capitol into gold, he 
 would not do it. Why all this fear of 
 revenue ? Why, sir, because, as the 
 gentleman told us, it tends to consolida- 
 tion. Now, this can mean neither more 
 or less than that a common revenue is a 
 common interest, and tliat all common in- 
 terests tend to hold the union of the states 
 together. I confess I like that tendency ; 
 if the gentleman dislikes it, he is right in 
 deprecating a shilling's fixed revenue. So 
 much, sir, for consolidation. 
 
 As well as I recollect the course of his 
 remarks, the honorable gentleman next re- 
 curred to the subject of the tariff. He did 
 not doubt the word must be of unpleasant 
 siund to me, and proceeded, with an effort 
 neither new nor attended with new success, 
 to involve me and my votes in inconsist- 
 ency and contradiction. I am happy the 
 honorable gentleman has funiished me an 
 opportunity of a timely remark or two on 
 that subject. I was glad he approached 
 it, for it is a question 1 enter upon without 
 fear from any body. The strenuous toil of 
 the gentleman has been to raise an incon- 
 sistency between my dissent to the tariff, 
 in 1824 and my vote in 1828. It is labor 
 lost. He pays undeserved compliment to 
 my speech in 1824 ; but this is to raise me 
 high, that my fall, as he would have it, in 
 1828 may be the more signal. Sir, there 
 was no fall at all. Between the ground I 
 stood on in 1824 and that I took in 1828, 
 there was not only no precipice, but no de- 
 clivity. It was a change of position, to 
 meet new circumstances, but on the same 
 level. A plain tale explains the whole 
 matter. In 1816, I had not acquiesced in 
 the tariff, then supported by South Caro- 
 lina. To some parts of it, especially, I felt 
 and expressed great repugnance. I held 
 the same opinions in 1821, at the meeting 
 in Faneuil Hall, to which the gentleman 
 has alluded. I said then, and say now, 
 that, as an original question, the authority 
 of Congress to exercise the revenue power, 
 with direct reference to the protection of 
 manufactures, is a questionable authority, 
 far more questionable in my judgment, 
 than the power of internal improvements. 
 I must confess, sir, that, in one respect, 
 some impression has been made on my 
 opinions lately. Mr. Madison's publica- 
 tion has put the power in a very strong 
 light. He has placed it, I must acknow- 
 ledge, upon grounds of construction and 
 argument which seem impregnable. But 
 even if the power were doubted, on the 
 
 face of the constitution itself, it had been 
 assumed and asserted in the first revenue 
 law ever passed under the same constitu- 
 tion; and, on this gnmnd, as a matter set- 
 tled by contemporaneous practice, I had 
 refrained from expressing the opinion that 
 the tariff laws transcended constitutional 
 limits, as the gentleman supposes. What 
 I did say at Faneuil Hall, as far as I now 
 remember, was, that this was originally 
 matter of doubtful construction. The 
 gentleman himself, I suppose, thinks there 
 is no doubt about it, and that the laws are 
 plainly against the constitution. Mr. 
 Madison's letters, already referred to, con- 
 tain, in my judgment, by far the most able 
 exposition extant of this part of the consti- 
 tution. He has satisfied me, so far as the 
 practice of the government had left it an 
 open question. 
 
 . With a great majority of the repre- 
 sentatives of Massachusetts, I voted against 
 the tariff of 1824. My reasons were then 
 given, and I will not now repeat them. 
 But notwithstanding our dissent, the great 
 states of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
 and Kentucky went for the bill, in almost 
 unbroken column, and it passed. Congress 
 and the president sanctioned it, and it be- 
 came the law of the land. What, then, 
 were we to do? Our only option was eith- 
 er to fall in with this settled course of pub- 
 lic policy, and to accommodate ourselves 
 to it as well as we could, or to embrace the 
 South Carolina doctrine, and talk of nulli- 
 fj'ing tho statute by state interference. 
 
 The last alternative did not suit our 
 principles, and, of course, we adopted the 
 former. In 1827, the subject came again 
 before Congress, on a proposition favorable 
 to wool and woolens. We looked upon 
 the system of protection as being fixed and 
 settled. The law of 1824 remained. It 
 had gone into full operation, and in regard 
 to some objects intended by it, perhaps 
 most of them had produced all its expect- 
 ed effects. No man proposed to repeal it 
 — no man attempted to renew the general 
 contest on its principle. But, owing to 
 subsequent and unforeseen occurrences, 
 the benefit intended by it to wool and 
 woolen fabrics had not been realized. 
 Events, not known here when the law 
 passed, had taken place, which defeat- 
 ed its object in that particular respect. A 
 measure was accordingly brought forward 
 to meet this precise deficiency, to remedy 
 this particular defect. It was limited to 
 wool and woolens. Was ever any thing 
 more rcasonal)lc? If the policy of the 
 tariff laws had become established in prin- 
 ciple as the permanent policy of the gov- 
 ernment, should they not be revised and 
 amended, and made equal, like other laws, 
 as exigencies should arise, or justice re- 
 quire? Because we had doubted aliout 
 adopting the system, were we to refuse to
 
 64 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 b 
 
 cure its manifest defects after it became 
 adopted, and when no one attempted its 
 repeal ? And this, sir, is the inconsistency 
 80 much bruited. I had voted against tlie 
 tarifFof 182-t— but it passed; and in 1827 
 and 1828, I voted to amend it in a point 
 essential to the interest of my constituents. 
 Where is the inconsistency? Could I do 
 otherwise ? 
 
 Sir, does political consistency consist in 
 always giving negative votes ? Does it re- 
 quire' of a public man to refuse to concur 
 in amending laws because they passed 
 against his consent? Having voted against 
 the tariff originally, does consistency de- 
 mand that I should' do all in my power to 
 maintain an unequal tariff, burdensome to 
 my own constituents, in many respects, — 
 favorable in none ? To consistency of that 
 sort I lay no claim ; and there is another 
 sort to which I lay as little — and that is, 
 a kind of consistency by which persons 
 feel themselves as much bound to oppose 
 a proposition after it has become the law 
 of the land as before. 
 
 The bill of 1827, limited, as I have said, 
 to the single object in which the tariff of 
 1824 had manifestly failed in its effects, 
 passed the House of Representatives, but 
 was lost here. We had then the act of 
 1828. I need not recur to the history of a 
 measure so recent. Its enemies spiced it 
 with whatsoever they thought would render 
 it distasteful ; its friends took it, drugged 
 as it was. Vast amounts of proj)erty, many 
 millions, had been invevsted m manufac- 
 tures, under the inducements of the act of 
 1824. Events called loudly, I thought for 
 further regulations to secure the degree of 
 protection intended by that act. I was 
 disposed to vote for such regulations and 
 desired nothing more ; but certainly was 
 not to be bantered out of my purpose by a 
 threatened augmentation of duty on mo- 
 lasses, put into the bill for the avowed 
 purpose of making it obnoxious. The vote 
 may have ])cen right or wrong, wise or un- 
 wise ; but it is a little less than absurd to 
 allege against it an inconsistency with op- 
 position to the former law. 
 
 Sir, as to the general .subject of the tariff, 
 I have little now to say. Another oppor- 
 tunity may be presented. I remarketl, the 
 other day, that tliis policy did not be^in 
 with us in New England ; and vet, sir. New 
 England is charged with vehemence as 
 being favorable, or charged with equal 
 vehemence as being unfavorable, to the 
 tariff policy, just as best suits the time, 
 place, and occa.sion for making some 
 charge against lier. Tlie credulity of the 
 public has been put to its extreme capacity 
 of false impression relative to her conduct 
 in this particular. Through all the south, 
 during the late conte.st, it was New Eng- 
 land policy, and a New England adminis- 
 tration, tliat was inflicting the country 
 
 with a tariff policy beyond all endurance, 
 while on the other side of the Alleghany, 
 even the act of 1828 itself— the very sub- 
 limated essence of oppression, according 
 to southern oi^inions — was pronounced to 
 be one of those blessings for which the west 
 was indebted to the " generous south." 
 
 With large investments in manufactur- 
 ing establishments, and various interests 
 connected with and dependent on them, 
 it is not to be expected that New England, 
 any more than other portions of the coun- 
 try, will now consent to any measures de- 
 structive or highly dangerous. The duty 
 of the government, at the present moment, 
 would seem to be to preserve, not to de- 
 stroy ; to maintain the position which it 
 has assumed ; and for one, I shall feel it 
 an indispensable obligation to hold it 
 steady, as far as in my power, to that de- 
 gree of protection which it has undertaken 
 to bestow. No more of the tariff. 
 
 Professing to be provoked by what he 
 chose to consider a charge made by me 
 against South Carolina, the honorable 
 member, Mr. President, has taken up a new 
 crusade against New , England. Leaving 
 altogether the subject of the public lands, 
 in which his success, perhaps, had been 
 neither distinguished nor satisfactory, and 
 letting go, also, of the topic of the tariff, 
 he sailed forth in a general assault on the 
 opinions, politics, and parties of New Eng- 
 land, as they have been exhibited in the 
 last thirty vears. This is natural. The 
 " narrow policy " of the public lands had 
 proved a legal settlement in South Car- 
 olina, and was not to be removed. The 
 " accursed policy " of the tariff, also, had 
 established the fact of its birth and pa- 
 rentage in the same state. No wonder, 
 therefore, the gentleman wished to carry 
 the war, as he expressed it, into the enemy's 
 countrj'. Prudently willing to quit these 
 subjects, he was doubtless desirous of fast- 
 ening others, which could not be transferred 
 south of Mason and Dixon's line. The 
 politics of New England became his 
 theme; and it was in this part of his 
 speech, I think, that he menaced me with 
 such sore discomfiture. 
 
 Discomfiture I why, sir, when he attacks 
 anything which I maintain, and over- 
 throws it ; when he turns the right or lefl 
 of any position which I take up ; when he 
 drives me from any ground I ciioose to oc- 
 cupy, he may then talk of discomfiture, 
 but'not till that distant dav. What has he 
 done? Hashe maintained his own charges? 
 Has he proved what he alleged? Hashe 
 sustained himself in his attack on the gov- 
 eriunent, and on the history of the north, 
 in the matter of the public lands? Has 
 he disproved a fact, refiitod a proposition, 
 weakened an argument maintained by me? 
 Hiw he come within beat of drum of any 
 l)Osition of mine? O, no; but he has " car-
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE, 
 
 66 
 
 ried the war into the enemy's country ! " 
 Carried the war into the enemy's country ! 
 Yes, sir, and what sort of a war lias lie 
 made of it? VVhy, sir, he has stretclied 
 a dragnet over the whole surface of per- 
 ished pamphlets, indiscreet sermons, frothy 
 paragraphs, and funiinj;; popular addresses ; 
 over whatever the pulj)it in its moments of 
 alarm, the press in its heats, and parties in 
 their extravagances, have severally tlirown 
 off, in times of general excitement and 
 violence. He has thus swept together a 
 mass of such things, as, but they are not 
 now old, the puldic liealth would have re- 
 
 auired him rather to leave in their state of 
 ispersion. 
 
 For a good long hour or two, we had the 
 unbroken pleasure of listening to the hon- 
 orable member, while he recited, with his 
 usual grace and spirit, and with evident 
 high gusto, speeches, pamphlets, addresses, 
 and all that et ccferas of the political press, 
 such as warm heads produce in warm 
 times, and such as it would be "discomfi- 
 ture " indeed for any one, whose taste did 
 not delight in that sort of reading, to be 
 obliged to peruse. This is his war. This 
 is to carry the war into the enemy's coun- 
 try. It is in an invasion of this sort that 
 he flatters himself with the expectation of 
 gaining laurels fit to adorn a senator's 
 brow. 
 
 Mr. President, I shall not, it will, I 
 trust, not be exi^ected that I should, either 
 now or at any time, separate this farrago 
 into parts, and answer and examine its 
 components. I shall hardly bestow upon 
 it all a general remark or two. In the run 
 of forty years, sir, under this constitution, 
 we have experienced sundry successive 
 violent party contests. Party arose, in- 
 deed, with the constitution itself, and in 
 some form or other has attended through 
 the greater part of its history. 
 
 Whether any other constitution than the 
 old articles of confederation was desirable, 
 was itself, a question on which parties di- 
 vided ; if a new constitution wa8 framed, 
 what powers should be given to it was 
 another question ; and when it had been 
 formed, what was, in fact, the just extent 
 of the powers actually conferred was a 
 third. Parties, as we knov,', existed under 
 the first administration, as distinctly 
 marked as those which manifested them- 
 selves at any subsequent period. 
 
 The contest imnieiliately preceding the 
 political change in 1801, and that, again, 
 which existed at the commencement of the 
 late war, are other instances of party ex- 
 citement, of something more than usual 
 strength and intensity. In all these con- 
 flicts there was, no doubt, much of vio- 
 lence on both and all sides. It would be 
 impossible, if one had a fancy for such 
 employment, to adjust the relative qxinnfum 
 of violence between these two contending 
 29 
 
 parties. There was enough in each, as 
 
 must always be expected in popular gov- 
 ernments. With a great deal of proper 
 and decorous discussion there was mingled 
 a great deal, also, of declamation, viru- 
 lence, crimination, and abuse. 
 
 In regard to any party, probably, at one of 
 the leading epochs in the history of parties, 
 enough may he found to make out aiiotlier 
 equally inflamed exhibition as that wiili 
 which the honorable member has edified 
 us. For myself, sir, I shall not rake among 
 the rubbish of by-gone times to see what 
 I can fintl or whether I cannot And some- 
 thing by which I can fix a blot on the escut- 
 cheon of any state, any party,*or any part of 
 the country. General Washington's admin- 
 istration was steadily and zealously main- 
 tained, as we all know, by New England. It 
 was violently opposed elsewhere. We know 
 in what quarter he had the most earnest, 
 constant and persevering support, in all 
 his great and leading mciisures, ' We know 
 where his private and personal character 
 was held in the highest degree of attach- 
 ment and veneration ; and we know, too, 
 where his measures were opposed, his ser- 
 vices slighted, and his character vilified. 
 
 We know, or we might know, if we turn 
 to the journals, who expressed respect, 
 gratitude, and regret, when he retired from 
 the chief magistracy ; and who refused to 
 express either respect, gratitude or regret. I 
 shall not open those journals. Publica- 
 tions more abusive or scurrilous never saw 
 the light than were sent forth against 
 Washington, and all his leading measures, 
 from presses south of New England ; but I 
 shall not look them up. I employ no 
 scavengers — no one is in attendance on 
 me, tendering such means of retaliation ; 
 and if there were, with an ass's load of 
 them, with a bulk as huge as that which 
 the gentleman himself has produced, I 
 would not touch one of them. I see enough 
 of the violence of our own times to be no 
 way anxious to rescue from forgetfulness 
 the extravagances of times past. Besides, 
 what is all this to the present purpose ? 
 It has nothing to do with the public lands, 
 in regard to which the attack was begun ; 
 and it has nothing to do with those senti- 
 ments and opinions, which I have thought 
 tend to disunion, and all of which the 
 honorable member seems to have adojUed 
 himself, and undertaken to defend. New 
 England has. at times — so argues the gen- 
 tleman, — held opinions as- dangerous as 
 those which he now holdsv Bo it so. But 
 why, therefore, does he abuse New Eng- 
 land? If he firsds himself countenanced 
 by acts of hers, how is it that, while he re- 
 lies on these acts, he covt-rs, or seeks to 
 cover, their authors with repnmch? 
 
 But, sir, if, in the course of forty years, 
 there have been undue effervescences of 
 party in New England, has the same thing
 
 66 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 happened no where else ? Party animosi- 
 ty and party outrage, not in JS'ew Eng- 
 land, but elsewhere, denounced President 
 Washington, not only as a federalist, but 
 as a tory, a British agent, a man who, in 
 his high office, sanctioned corruption. But 
 does the honorable member suppose that, if 
 I had a tender here, who should put such 
 an etiusion of wickedness and folly in my 
 hand, that I would stand up and read it 
 against the south ? Parties ran into great 
 heats, again, in 1799. What was said, sir, 
 or rather what was not said, in those years, 
 against John Adams, one of the signers of 
 the Declaration of Independence, and its 
 admitted ablest defender on the floor of 
 Congress ? If the gentleman wants to in- 
 crease his stores of part}' abuse and frothy 
 violence, if he has a determined proclivi- 
 ty to such pursuits, there are treasures of 
 that sort south of the Potomac, much to 
 his taste, yet " untouched. I shall not 
 touch them. 
 
 The parties which divided the countrj'', 
 at the commencement of the late war, were 
 violent. But, then, there was violence on 
 both sides, and violence in every state. 
 Minorities and majorities were equally vio- 
 lent. There was no more violence against 
 the war in New England than in other 
 states ; nor any more appearance of vio- 
 lence, except that, owing to a dense popu- 
 lation, greater facility for assembling, and 
 more presses, there may have been more, 
 in quantity, spoken and printed there than 
 in some other places. In the article of 
 sermons, too, New England is somewhat 
 more abundant than South Carolina : and 
 for that reason, the chance of finding here 
 and there an exceptionable one may be 
 greater. I hope, too, there are more "good 
 ones. Opposition may have been more 
 formidable in New England, as it embraced 
 a larger portion of the whole population : 
 but it was no more unrestrained in its 
 principle, or violent in manner. The 
 minorities dealt quite as harshly Avith their 
 own state governments as the majorities 
 dealt with the administration here. Tliere 
 were presses on both sides, jiopular meet- 
 ings on both sides, ay, and puli)its on both 
 sides, also. The gentleman's purveyors 
 have only catered for him among the pro- 
 ductions of one side. I certainly shall not 
 supply the deficiency by furnishing sam- 
 ples of the other. I leave to him, and to 
 them, the whole concern. 
 
 It is enough for me to say, that if, in 
 any part of this, their grateful occupation 
 — if in all their researclics — they find any- 
 thing in tlie history of Massachusetts, or 
 New England, or in the proceedings of any 
 legislative or other public body, disloyal to 
 the Union, speaking slightly of its value, 
 projjosing to break it uj), or recommending 
 non-intercourse with neighboring states, on 
 account of dilference of political opinion. 
 
 then, sir, I give them all up to the honor- 
 able gentleman's unrestrained rebuke ; ex- 
 pecting, however, that he will extend his 
 bufietings, in like manner, to all similar 
 proceedings, wherever else found. 
 
 The gentleman, sir, has spoken at large 
 of former parties, now no longer in being, 
 by their received api:)ellations, and has un- 
 dertaken to instruct us, not only in the 
 knowledge of their principles, but of their 
 respective pedigrees also. He has as- 
 cended to their origin and run out their 
 genealogies. With most exemplary modesty, 
 he speaks of the party to which he professes 
 to have belonged himself, as the true, pure, 
 the only honest, patriotic party, derived by 
 regular descent, from father to son, from 
 the time of the virtuous Romans ! Spread- 
 ing before us the family tree of political 
 parties, he takes especial care to show him- 
 self snugly perched on a popular bough ! 
 He is wakeful to the expediency of adopt- 
 ing such rules of descent, for political par- 
 ties, as shall bring him in, in exclusion of 
 others, as an heir to the inheritance of all 
 public virtue, and all true political princi- 
 ples. His doxy is always orthodoxy. 
 Heterodoxy is confined to his opponents. 
 He spoke, sir, of the federalists, and I 
 thought I saw some eyes begin to open and 
 stare a little, when he ventured on that 
 ground. I expected he would draw his 
 sketches rather lightly, when he looked on 
 the circle round him, and especially if he 
 should cast his thoughts to the high places 
 out of the Senate. Nevertheless, he went 
 back to Rome, ac? annuvi urhs condita,Sind 
 found the fathers of the federalists in the 
 primeval aristocrats of that renowned em- 
 pire ! He traced the flow of federal blood 
 down through successive ages and centu- 
 ries, till he got into the veins of the Ameri- 
 can tories, (of whom, by the way, there 
 were twenty in the Carolinas for one in 
 Massachusetts.) From the tories, he fol- 
 lowed it to the federalists ; and as the 
 federal party was broken up, and there was 
 no possibility of transmitting it farther on 
 this side of the Atlantic, he seems to have 
 discovered that it has gone off, collaterally, 
 though against all the canons of descent, 
 into the ultras of France, and finally be- 
 came extinguished, like exploded gas, 
 among the adherents of Don Miguel. 
 
 This, sir, is an abstract of the gentle- 
 man's history of federalism. I am not 
 about to controvert it. It is not, at pre- 
 sent, worth the pains of refutation, because, 
 sir, if at this day one feels the sin of 
 federalism lying heavily on his conscience, 
 he can easily obtain remission. He may 
 even have an indulgence, if he is desirous 
 of repeating flu; transgression. It is an 
 affair of no difliculty to get into this same 
 right line of patriotic descent. A man, 
 nowadays, is at liberty to choose his politi- 
 cal parentage. He may elect his own fa-
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE. 
 
 67 
 
 ther. Federalist or not, he m;iy, if he 
 choose, claim to belong to the Ihvored -stock, 
 and his claim will be allowed. He may 
 carry back his pretensions just as far as the 
 honorable gentleman himself; nay, he may 
 make himself out the honorable gentle- 
 man's cousin, and prove satisfactorily that 
 he is descended from the same political 
 great-grandfather. All this is allowable. 
 We all know a process, sir, by which the 
 whole Essex Junto could, in one hour be 
 all washed white from their ancient federal- 
 ism, and come out every one of them, an 
 original democrat, dyed in the wool ! Some 
 of them have actually undergone the ope- 
 ration, and they say it is quite easy. The 
 only inconvenience it occasions, as they 
 tell us, is a slight tendency of the blood to 
 the face, a soft suffusion, which, however, 
 is very transient, since nothing is said cal- 
 culated to deepen the red on the cheek, 
 but a prudent silence observed in regard 
 to all the past. Indeed, sir, some smiles 
 of approbation have been bestowed, and 
 some crumbs of comfort have fallen, not a 
 thousand miles from the door of the Hartford 
 Convention itself. And if the author of the 
 ordinance of 1787 possessed the other re- 
 quisite qualifications, there is no knowing, 
 notwithstanding his federalism, to what 
 heights of favor he might not yet attain. 
 
 Mr. President, in carrying his warfare, 
 such as it was, into New England, the 
 honorable gentleman all along professes to 
 be acting on the defensive. He desires to con- 
 sider me as having assailed South Caro- 
 lina, and insists that he comes forth only 
 as her champion, and in her defence. Sir, 
 I do not admit that I made any attack what- 
 ever on South Carolina. Nothing like it. 
 The honorable member, in his first speech, 
 expressed opinions, in regard to revenue, 
 and some other topics, which I heard both 
 with i)ain and surprise. I told the gentle- 
 man that I was aware that such sentiments 
 were entertained out of the government, 
 but had not expected to find them advanced 
 in it ; that I knew there were persons in 
 the south who speak of our Union with in- 
 difference, or doubt, taking pains to mag- 
 nify its evils, and to say nothing of its 
 benefits ; that the honorable member him- 
 self, I was sure, could never be one of 
 these; and I regretted the expression of 
 such opinions as he had avowed, because I 
 thought their obvious tendency was to en- 
 courage feelings of disrespect to the Union, 
 and to weaken its connection. This, sir, is 
 the sum and substance of all I said on the 
 subject. And this constitutes the attack 
 which called on the chivalry of the gentle- 
 man, in his opinion, to harry us with such 
 a forage among the party pamphlets and 
 party proceedings of Massachusetts. If he 
 means that I spoke with dissatisfaction or 
 disrespect of the ebullitions of individuals 
 in South Carolina, it is true. But, if he 
 
 means that I had assailed the character of 
 the state, her honor, or patriotism, that I 
 had reflected on her history or her con- 
 duct, he had not the slightest ground for 
 any such assumption. I did not even refer, 
 I think, in my observations, to any collec- 
 tion of individuals. I said nothing of the 
 recent conventions. I spoke in the most 
 guarded and careful manner, and only ex- 
 pressed my regret for the publication of 
 opinions which I presumed the honorable 
 member disapproved as much as myself. 
 In this, it seems, I was mistaken. 
 
 I do not remember that the gentleman 
 has disclaimed any sentiment, or any opin- 
 ion, of a supposed anti-Union tendency, 
 which on' all or any of the recent occasions 
 has been expressed. The whole drift of 
 his speech has been rather to prove, that, 
 in divers times and manners, sentiments 
 equally liable to objection have been 
 promulgated in New England. And one 
 would suppose that his object, in this refer- 
 ence to Massachusetts, was to find a pre- 
 cedent to justify proceedings in the south, 
 were it not for the reproach and contumely 
 with which he labors, all along, to load 
 his precedents. 
 
 By way of defending South Carolina 
 from what he chooses to think an attack on 
 her, he first quotes the example of Massa- 
 chusetts, and then denounces that example, 
 in good set terms. This twofold purpose, 
 not very consistent with itself, one would 
 think, was exhibited more than once in the 
 course of his speech. He referred, for in- 
 stance, to the Hartford Convention. Did 
 he do this for authority, or for a topic of 
 reproach ? Apparently for both ; for he 
 told us that he should find no fault with 
 the mere fact of holding such a conven- 
 tion, and considering and discussing such 
 questions as he supposes were then and 
 there discussed ; but what rendered it ob- 
 noxious was the time it was holden, and the 
 circumstances of the country then existing. 
 We were in a war, he said, and the coun- 
 try needed all our aid ; the hand of gov- 
 ernment required to be strengthened, not 
 weakened ; and patriotism should have 
 postponed such proceedings to another day. 
 The thing itself, then, is a precedent ; the 
 time and manner of it, only, subject of 
 censure. 
 
 Now, sir, I go much farther, on this 
 point, than the honorable member. Sup- 
 posing, as the gentleman seems to, that the 
 Hartford Convention assembled for any 
 such purpose as breaking up the Union, 
 because they thought unconstitutional lawa 
 had been passed, or to concert on that sub- 
 ject, or to calculate the value of the Union ; 
 supposing this to be their purpose, or any 
 part of it, then I say the meeting itself 
 was disloyal, and obnoxious to censure, 
 whether held in time of peace, or time of 
 war, or under whatever circumstances.
 
 68 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 The material matter is the object. Is dis- 1 
 solution the object? If it be, external cir- { 
 cumstances may make it a more or less ! 
 aggravated case, but cannot affect the prin- 1 
 ciple. I do not hold, therefore, that the '■ 
 Hartford Convention was pardonable, even : 
 to the extent of the gentleman's admission, | 
 if its objects were really such as have been j 
 imputed to it. Sir, there never was a time, 
 under any degree of excitement, in which 
 the Hartford Convention, or any other 
 convention, could maintain itself one mo- 
 ment in New England, if assembled for 
 any such purpose as the gentleman says 
 would have been an allowable purpose. 
 To hold conventions to decide questions of 
 constitutional law ! to try the validity of 
 statutes, by votes in a convention ! Sir, 
 the Hartford Convention, I presume, would 
 not desire that the honorable gentleman 
 should be their defender or advocate, if 
 he puts their case upon such untenable 
 and extravagant grounds. 
 
 Then, sir.the gentleman has no fault to 
 find with these recently-promulgated South 
 Carolina opinions. "^And, certainly, he 
 need have none ; for his own sentiments, 
 as now advanced, and advanced on reflec- 
 tion, as far as I have been able to compre- 
 hend them, go the full length of all these 
 opinions, I propose, sir, to say something 
 on these, and to consider how far they are 
 j ust and constitutional. Before doing that, 
 however, let me observe, that the eulogium 
 pronounced on the character of the state 
 of South Carolina, by the honorable gen- 
 tleman, for her revolutionary and other 
 merits, meets my hearty concurrence. I 
 shall not acknowledge that the honorable 
 member goes before me in regard for what- 
 ever of distinguished talent or distin- 
 guished character South Carolina has pro- 
 duced. I claim part of the honor, I par- 
 take in the i)ride, of her great names. I 
 claim them for countrymen, one and all. 
 The Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinck- 
 neys, the Sumpters, the Marions — Ameri- 
 cans all — whose fame is no more to be 
 hemmed in by state lines than their talents 
 and their patriotism were capable of being 
 circumscribed within the same narrow 
 limits. In their day and generation, they 
 sei-ved and honored tlie country, and the 
 whole country ; and their renown is of the 
 treasures of the whole country. Him 
 whose honored name the gentleman him- 
 self bears — does he suppose me less ca])able 
 of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympa- 
 thy for his sufToringrt, than if his eyes had 
 first opened u})on the light in Massachu- 
 setts instead of South Carolina? Sir, does 
 he suppose it is in his power to exhibit a 
 Carolina name so bright as to produce envy 
 in my bosom? No, sir, increased gratifica- 
 tion and delight, rather. 
 
 Sir, I thank (iod that ifl am gifted with 
 little of the spirit which is said to be able 
 
 to raise mortals to the skies, I have yet 
 none, as I trust, of that other spirit, which 
 would drag angels down. When I shall 
 be found, sir, in my place here in the 
 Senate, or elsewhere, to sneer at public 
 merit, because it happened to spring up 
 beyond the little limits of my own state, or 
 neighborhood ; when I refuse, for any such 
 cause, or for any cause, the homage due to 
 American talent, to elevated patriotism, to 
 sincere devotion to liberty and the coun- 
 try ; or if I see an uncommon endowment 
 of Heaven, if I see extraordinary' capacity 
 and virtue in any son of the south, and if, 
 moved by local prejudice, or gangrened by 
 state jealousy, I get up here to abate the 
 tithe of a hair from his just character and 
 just fame, — may my tongue cleave to the 
 roof of my mouth ! Sir, let me recur to 
 pleasing recollections ; let me indulge in 
 refreshing remembrance of the past ; let 
 me remind you that in early times no states 
 cherished greater harmony, both of prin- 
 ciple and feeling, than Massachusetts and 
 South Carolina. "Would to God that har- 
 mony might again return. Shoulder to 
 shoulder they went through the revolu- 
 tion ; hand in hand they stood round the 
 administration of AVashington, and felt 
 his own great arm lean on them for sup- 
 port. Unkind feeling, if it exist, aliena- 
 tion, and distrust are the growth, unnatural 
 to such soils, of false principles since sown. 
 They are weeds, the seeds of which that 
 same great arm never scattered. 
 
 Mr. President, I shall enter on no en- 
 comium upon Massachusetts — she needs 
 none. There she is — behold her, and judge 
 for yourselves. There is her history — the 
 world knows it by heart. The past, at 
 least, is secure. There is Boston, and Con- 
 cord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill ; 
 and there they will remain forever. The 
 bones of her sons, fallen in the great strug- 
 gle for independence, now lie mingled with 
 the soil of every state from New England 
 to Georgia ; and there they will lie forever. 
 And, sir, where American liberty raised its 
 first voice, and where its youth Avas nur- 
 tured and sustained, there it still lives, in 
 the strength of its manhood, and full of its 
 original spirit. If discord and disunion 
 .shall wound it ; if folly and madness, if 
 uneasiness under salutary and neces.^ary 
 restraint, shall succeed to separate it from 
 that Union by which alone its existence is 
 made sure, — it will stand, in the end, by 
 the side of that cradle in which its infancy 
 was rocked ; it will stretch forth its arm, 
 with whatever vigor it may still retain, 
 over the friends who gather around it; 
 and it will fall at last, if fall it must, 
 amidst the proudest monuments of its 
 glory, and on the very spot of its origin. 
 
 There yet remains to be performed, Mr. 
 President, by far the most grave and im- 
 portant duty ; which I feel to be devolved
 
 BooKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 69 
 
 on me by this occasion. It is to state, and 
 to defend, what I conceive to be the true 
 principles of the constitution under whicli 
 we are here assembled. I might well have 
 desired that so weighty a task should have 
 fallen into other and abler hands. 1 could 
 have wished that it should have been exe- 
 cuted by those whose character and expe- 
 rience give weight and influence to their 
 opinions, such as cannot possibly belong to 
 mine. But, sir, I have met the occasion, 
 not sought it ; and I shall proceed to state 
 my own sentiments, without challenging for 
 them any particular regard, with studied 
 plainness and as much precision as possi- 
 ble. 
 
 I understand the honorable gentleman 
 from South Carolina to maintain that it is 
 a right of the state legislatures to interfere, 
 whenever in their judgment, this govern- 
 ment transcends its constitutional limits, 
 and to arrest the operation of its laws. 
 
 I understand him to maintain this right 
 as a right existing under the constitution, 
 nf)t as a right to overthrow it, on the 
 ground of extreme necessity, such as would 
 justify violent revolution. 
 
 I understand him to maintain an author- 
 ity, on the part of the states, thus to inter- 
 fere for the purpose of correcting the ex- 
 ercise of power by the general government, 
 of checking it, and of compelling it to con- 
 form to their opinion of the extent of its 
 power. 
 
 I understand him to maintain that the 
 ultimate power of judging of the constitu- 
 tional extent of its own authority is not 
 lodged exclusively in the general govern- 
 ment or any branch of it ; but that, on the 
 contrary, the states may lawfully decide 
 for themselves, and each state for itself, 
 whether, in a given case, the act of the 
 general government transcends its power. 
 
 I understand him to insist that, if the 
 exigency of the case, in the opinion of any 
 state government, require it, such state 
 government may, by its own sovereign au- 
 thority, annul an act of the general govern- 
 ment which it deems plainly and palpably 
 unconstitutional. 
 
 This is the sum of what I understand 
 from him to be the South Carolina doc- 
 trine. I propose to consider it, and to 
 compare it with the constitution. Allow 
 me to say, as a preliminary remark, that I 
 call this the South Carolina doctrine, only 
 because the gentleman himself has so de- 
 nominated it. I do not feel at liberty to 
 say that South Carolina, as a state, has ever 
 advanced these sentiments. I hope she has 
 not, and never may. That a great majority 
 of her people are opposed to the tariff laws 
 is doubtless true. That a majority, some- 
 what less than that just mentioned, consci- 
 entiously believe these laws unconstitu- 
 tional, may probably be also true. But 
 that any majority holds to the right of 
 
 direct state interference, at state discretion, 
 the right of nullifying acts of Congress by 
 acts of state legislation, is more than I 
 know, and what I sluiU be slow to believe. 
 
 That there are individuals, besides the 
 honorable gentleman, who do maintain 
 these opinions, is quite certain. I recollect 
 the recent expression of a sentiment which 
 circumstances attending its utterance and 
 publication justify us in supposing was not 
 unpremeditated — "The sovereignty of the 
 state ; never to be controlled, construed, or 
 decided on, but by her own feelings of 
 honorable justice." 
 
 [Mr. Hayne here rose, and said, that for 
 the purpose of being clearly understood, he 
 would state that his proposition was in the 
 words of the Virginia resolution, as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 " That this Assembly doth explicitly and 
 peremptorily declare, that it views the 
 powers of the federal government, as re- 
 sulting from the compact, to which the 
 states are parties, as limited by the plain 
 sense and intention of the instrument con- 
 stituting that compact, as no further valid 
 than they are authorized by the grants 
 enumerated in that compact ; and that, in 
 case of a deliberate, palpable, and danger- 
 ous exercise of other powers not granted 
 by the same compact, the states who are 
 ])arties thereto have the right and are in 
 duty bound, to interpose for arresting the 
 progress of the evil, and for maintaining, 
 within their respective limits, the authori- 
 ties, rights, and liberties pertaining to 
 them."] 
 
 Mr. Webster resumed : — 
 
 I am quite aware, Mr. President, of the 
 existence of the resolution which the gen- 
 tleman read, and has now repeated, and 
 that he relies on it as his authority. I 
 know the source, too, from which it is un- 
 derstood to have proceeded. I need not 
 say, that I have much respect for the con- 
 stitutional opinions of Mr. Madison ; they 
 would weigh greatly with me, always. 
 But, before the authority of his opinion be 
 vouched for the gentleman's proposition, it 
 will be proper to consider what is the fair 
 interpretation of that resolution, to which 
 Mr. Madison is understood to have given 
 his sanction. As the gentleman construea 
 it, it is an authority for him. Possibly he 
 may not have adopted the right construc- 
 tion. That resolution declares, that in the 
 case of the dangerous exercise of poioers not 
 granted by the general government^ the states 
 mat/ interpose to arrest the progress of the 
 evil. But how interpose? and what does 
 this declaration purport? Does it mean 
 no more than that there may be extreme 
 cases in which the people, in any mode of 
 assembling, may resist usurpation, ami 
 relieve themselves from a tyrannical gov- 
 ernment? No one will deny this. Such 
 resistance is not only acknowledged to be
 
 70 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 just in America, but in England also. 
 Blackstone admits as much, in the theory 
 and practice, too, of the English constitu- 
 tion. We, sir, who oppose the Carolina 
 doctrine, do not deny that the people may, 
 if they choose, throw off any government, 
 when it becomes oppressive and intolerable, 
 and erect a better in its stead. We all 
 know that civil institutions are established 
 for the public benefit, and that, when they 
 cease to answer the ends of their existence 
 they may be changed. 
 
 But I do not understand the doctrine now 
 contended for to be that which, for the sake 
 of distinctness, we may call the right of 
 revolution. I understand the gentleman to 
 maintain, that without revolution, without 
 civil commotion, without rebellion, a rem- 
 edy for supposed abuse and transgression 
 of the powers of the general government 
 lies in a direct appeal to the interference 
 of the state governments. [Mr. Hayxe 
 here rose : He did not contend, he said, 
 for the mere right of revolution, but for the 
 right of constitutional resistance. What 
 he maintained was, that, in case of a plain, 
 palpable violation of the constitution by 
 the general government, a state may 
 interpose; and that this interposition is 
 constitutional.] 
 
 Mr. Webster resumed : 
 
 So, sir, I understood the gentleman, and 
 am happy to find that I did not misunder- 
 stand him. What he contends for is, that 
 it is constitutional to interrupt the admin- 
 istration of the constitution itself, in the 
 hands of those who are chosen and sworn 
 to administer it, by the direct interference, 
 in form of law, of the states, in virtue of 
 their sovereign capacity. The inherent 
 right in the people to reform their govern- 
 ment I do not deny ; and that they have 
 another right, and tliat is, to resist uncon- 
 stitutional laws without overturning the 
 government. It is no doctrine of mine, 
 that unconstitutional laws bind the people. 
 The great question is, Whose prerogative is 
 it to decide on the constitutionality or uncon- 
 stitutionality of the laws ? On that the main 
 debate hinges. The proposition that, in the 
 case of a supposed violation of the consti- 
 tution by Congress, the states have a con- 
 stitutional right to interfere, and annul the 
 law of Congres."?, is tlic pr()i)ositioii of the 
 gentleman ; I do not admit it. If tlie gen- 
 tleman had intended no more than to 
 assert the right of revolution for justifiable 
 cause, he wouM have said only wliat all 
 agree to. — But I cannot conceive that there 
 can be a middle course l)et\veen su])missi()n 
 to the laws, wlicn regularly pronouneed 
 constitutional, on the one hand, and open 
 resistance, which is revohilion or rebellion, 
 on the otlier. I say the right of a state to 
 annul a law of Congress cannot lie main- 
 tained but on the ground of the unaliena- 
 ble right of man to resist o])pression ; that 
 
 is to say, upon the ground of revolution. 
 I admit that there is no ultimate violent 
 remedy, above the constitution, and defi- 
 ance of the constitution, which may be 
 resorted to, when a revolution is to be jus- 
 tified. But I do not admit that under the 
 constitution, and in conformity with it, 
 there is any mode in which a state govern- 
 ment, as a member of the Union can 
 interfere and stop the progress of the gen- 
 eral government, by force of her own laws, 
 under any circumstances whatever. 
 
 This leads us to inquire into the origin 
 of this government, and the source of its 
 power. Whose agent is it? Is it the 
 creature of the state legislatures, or the 
 creature of the people ? If the government 
 of the United States be the agent of the 
 state governments, then they may control 
 it, provided they can agree in the manner 
 of controlling it ; if it is the agent of the 
 people, then the people alone can control 
 it, restrain it, modify or reform it. It is 
 observable enough, that the doctrine for 
 which the honorable gentleman contends 
 leads him to the necessity of maintaining, 
 not only that this general government is 
 the creature of the states, but that it is the 
 creature of each of the states severally ; so 
 that each may assert the power, for itself, 
 of determining Avhether it acts within the 
 limits of its authority. It is the servant 
 of four and twenty masters, of different 
 wills and diflerent purposes ; and yet bound 
 to obey ail. This absurdity (for it seems 
 no less) arises from a misconception as to 
 the origin of this government, and its true 
 character. It is, sir, the people's constitu- 
 tion, the people's government; made for 
 the people; made by the people; and 
 answerable to the people. The people of 
 the United States have declared that this 
 constitution shall be the supreme law. We 
 must either admit the proposition, or dis- 
 pute their authority. The states are un- 
 questionably sovereign, so far astheir sover- 
 eignty is not affected by this supreme law. 
 The state legislatures, as political bodies, 
 however sovereign, are yet not sovereign 
 over the people. So far as the people have 
 given i>owcr to the general government, so 
 lar the grant is unquestionably good, and 
 the government holds of the people, and 
 not of the state governments. We are all 
 agents of the same supreme power, the 
 j)eo])le. The general government and the 
 state governments derive their authority 
 from the same source. Neither can, in re- 
 lation to the other, be called jirimary; 
 tliougli one is definite and restricted, and 
 the other general and residuary. 
 
 The national government possesses those 
 powers whieli it can be shown the peo]>le 
 have conferred on it, and no more. All 
 the rest belongs to the state governments, 
 or to the people themselves. So far as the 
 people have restrained state sovereignty
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 71 
 
 by tlie expression of their will, in the con- 
 stitution of the United States, so far, it 
 must be admitted, state sovereignty is 
 effectually controlled. I do not contend 
 that it is, or ought to be, controlled further. 
 The sentiment to which 1 have referred 
 propounds that state sovereignty is only 
 to be controlled by its own " feelings of 
 justice ;" that is to say, it is not to be con- 
 trolled at all ; for one who is to follow his 
 feelings, is under no legal control. Now, 
 however men may think this ought to be, 
 the fact is, that the people of the United 
 States have chosen to imj)ose control on 
 state sovereignties. The constitution has 
 ordered the matter differently Irom what 
 this opinion announces. To make war, for 
 instance, is an exercise of sovereignty ; but 
 the constitution declares that no state shall 
 make war. To coin money is another ex- 
 ercise of sovereign power ; but no state is 
 at liberty to coin money. Again : the 
 constitution says, that no sovereign state 
 shall be so sovereign as to make a treaty. 
 These prohibitions, it must be confessed, 
 are a control on the state sovereignty of 
 South Carolina, as well as of the other 
 states, which does not arise " from feelings 
 of honorable justice." Such an opinion, 
 therefore, is in defiance of the plainest 
 provisions of the constitution. 
 
 There are other proceedings of public 
 bodies which have already been alluded to, 
 and to which I refer again for the purpose 
 of ascertaining more fully what is the 
 length and breadth of that doctrine, de- 
 nominated the Carolina doctrine, which 
 the lumorable member has now stood up 
 on this floor to maintain. 
 
 In one of them I find it resolved that 
 "the tariff of 1828, and every other tariff 
 designed to promote one branch of in- 
 dustry at the expense of others, is contrary 
 to the meaning and intention of the federal 
 compact; and as such a dangerous, palp- 
 able, and deliberate usurpation of power, 
 by a determined majority, wielding the 
 general government beyond the limits of 
 it"! delegated powers, as calls upon the 
 states which compose the suffering minor- 
 ity, in their sovereign capacity, to exercise 
 the powers which, as sovereigns, neces- 
 sarily devolve upon them, when their com- 
 pact is violated." 
 
 Observe, sir, that this resolution holds 
 the tariff of 1828, and every other tariff, 
 designed to promote one branch of industry 
 at the expense of another, to be such a 
 dangerous, palpable, and deliberate usur- 
 pation of power, jis calls upon the states, 
 in their sovereign capacity, to interfere, by 
 their own power. This denunciation, Mr. 
 President, you will please to observe, in- 
 cludes our old tariff of 181(3, as wi'U as all 
 others; because that was established to 
 promote the interest of the manufacturers 
 of cotton, to the manifest and admitted 
 
 injury of the Calcutta cotton trade. Ob- 
 serve, again, that all the qualifications are 
 here rehearsed, and charged upon the tariff, 
 which are necessary to bring the case witliin 
 the gentlenum's propositiiMi. The tariff is 
 a usurpation ; it is a dangerous usurpation ; 
 it is a pali)able usur[jation ; it is a de- 
 liberate usur])ation. It is such a usurj)a- 
 tion as calls, upon the states to exercise 
 their right of interference. Here is a case, 
 then, within the gentleman's princii)les, 
 and all his qualifications of his principles. 
 It is a case for action. The constitution is 
 plainly, dangerously, palpably, and de- 
 liberately violated; and the states must 
 interpose their own authority to arrest the 
 law. Let us suppose the state of South 
 Carolina to express this same opinion, by 
 the voice of her legislature. That would 
 be very imposing ; but what then ? Is the 
 voice of one state conclusive ? It so haj)- 
 pens that, at the very moment when South 
 Carolina resolves that the tariff laws are 
 unconstitutional, Pennsylvania and Ken- 
 tucky resolve exactly the reverse. They 
 hold those laws to be both highly proper 
 and strictly constitutional. And now, sir, 
 how does the honorable member propose 
 to deal with this case? How does he get 
 out of this difficulty, upon any principle of 
 his? His construction gets us into it; how 
 does he propose to get us out ? 
 
 In Carolina the tariff is a palpable, de- 
 liberate usurpation ; Carolina, therefore, 
 may nullify it, and refuse to pay the du- 
 ties. In Pennsylvania, it is both clearly 
 constitutional and highly expedient ; and 
 there the duties are to be paid. And yet 
 we live under a government of uniform 
 laws, and under a constitution, too, which 
 contains an express provision, as it hap- 
 pens, that all duties shall be equal in all 
 the states! Does not this approach ab- 
 surdity ? 
 
 If there be no power to settle such ques- 
 tions, independent of either of the states, 
 is not the whole Union a rope of sand ? 
 Are we not thrown back again precisely 
 upon the old confederation? 
 
 It is too plain to be argued. Four and 
 twenty interpreters of c(Uistitutional, law, 
 each with a power to decide for itself, and 
 none with authority to bind anybody else, 
 and this constitutional law the only bond 
 of their union ! What is such a state of 
 things but a mere connection during plea- 
 sure, or, to use the phraseology of the 
 times, durincifcdingf And that feeling, 
 too, not the feeling nf the ijcople who es- 
 tablished the constitution, but the feeling 
 of the state government-*. 
 
 In another of the South Carolina ad- 
 dresses, having premised that the crisis re- 
 quires "all the concentrated energy of 
 ])assion," an attitude of open resistance to 
 tlie laws of the Union is advised. Open 
 resistance to the laws, then, ia the consti-
 
 72 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 tutional remedy, tie conservative power 
 of the state, which the Soutli Carolina 
 doctrines teach for the redress of political 
 evils, real or imaginary. And its authors 
 further say that, appealing with coutidence 
 to the constitution itself to justify their 
 opinions, they cannot consent to try their 
 accuracy by the courts of justice. In one 
 sense, indeed, sir, this is assuming an atti- 
 tude of open resistance in favor of liberty. 
 But what sort of liberty ? The liberty of 
 establishing their own opinions, in defi- 
 ance of the opinions of all others ; the 
 liberty of judging and of deciding exclu- 
 sively themselves, in a matter in which 
 others have as much right to judge and 
 decide as they; the liberty of placing 
 their opinions above the judgment of all 
 others, above the laws, and above the con- 
 stitution. This is their liberty, and this is 
 the fair result of the proposition contended 
 for by the honorable gentleman. Or it 
 may be more properly said, it is identical 
 with it, rather than a result from it. In 
 the same publication we find the follow- 
 ing : " Previously to our revolution, when 
 the arm of oppression was stretched over 
 New England, where did our northern 
 brethren meet with a braver sympathy 
 than that which sprung from the bosom of 
 Carolinians ? We had no extortion, no op- 
 pression, no collision with the king^s minis- 
 ters, no navigation interest springing up, in 
 envious rivali-y of England." 
 
 This seems extraordinary language. 
 South Carolina no collision with the king's 
 ministers in 1775! no extortion! no op- 
 pression ! But, sir, it is also most signifi- 
 cant language. Does any man doubt the 
 purpose for which it was penned ? Can 
 any one fail to see that it was designed to 
 raise in the reader's mind the question, 
 whether, at this time, — that is to say, in 
 1828, — South Carolina has any collision 
 with the king's ministers, any oppression, 
 or extortion, to fear from England ? 
 whether, in short, England is not as natur- 
 ally the friend of South Carolina as New 
 England, with her navigation interests 
 si)ringing up in ^envious rivalry of 
 England ? 
 
 Is it not strange, sir, that an intelligent 
 man in South Carolina, in 1828, sliould 
 thus labor to prove, that in 1775, there 
 was no liostility, no cause of war, between 
 South Carolina and England? that she 
 had no occasion, in reference to her own 
 interest, or from regard to her own welfare, 
 to take up arms in the revolutionary con- 
 test? Can any one account for tiie ex- 
 pression of sucii strange sentiments, and 
 their circulation through the state, other- 
 wise than by supposing tlie object to lie, 
 wliat I have already intimated, to raise the 
 
 ?uestion, if lliey had no " r(illisi<in" 
 mark the ex])ression) with tlie ministers 
 of King George the Third, in 1775, what 
 
 collision have they, in 1828, with the min- 
 isters of King George the Fourth ? What 
 is there now, in the existing state of 
 things, to separate Carolina from Old, 
 more, or rather less, than from New 
 England ? 
 
 Resolutions, sir, have been recently 
 passed by the legislature of South Caro- 
 lina. I need not refer to them ; they go 
 no further than the honorable gentleman 
 himself has gone — and I hope not so far. 
 I content myself therefore, Avith debating 
 the matter with him. 
 
 And now, sir, what I have first to say on 
 this subject is, that at no time, and under 
 no circumstances, has New England, or 
 any state in New England, or any respect- 
 able body of persons in New England, or 
 any public man of standing in New Eng- 
 land, put forth such a doctrine as this 
 Carolina doctrine. 
 
 The gentleman has found no case — he 
 can find none — to support his own opin- 
 ions by New England authority. New 
 England has studied the constitution in 
 other schools, and under other teachers. 
 She looks upon it with other regards, and 
 deems more highly and reverently, both of 
 its just authority and its utility and excel- 
 lence. The history of her legislative pro- 
 ceedings may be traced — the ephemeral 
 effiisions of temporary bodies, called to- 
 gether by the excitement of the occasion, 
 may be hunted up — they have been hunted 
 up. The opinions and votes of her public 
 men, in and out of Congress, may be ex- 
 plored — it will all be in vain. The Caro- 
 lina doctrine can derive from her neither 
 countenance nor support. She rejects it 
 now ; she always did reject it. The hon- 
 orable member has referred to expressions 
 on the subject of the embargo law, made 
 in this place by an honorable and vener- 
 able gentleman (Mr. Hillhouse) now 
 favoring us with his i)resence. He quotes 
 that distinguished senator as saying, that 
 in his judgment the embargo law was un- 
 constitutional, and that, therefore, in his 
 opinion, the people were not bound to 
 obey it. 
 
 That, sir, is perfectly constitutional lan- 
 guage. An unconstitutional law is not 
 Ijinding; hut then it does not rest uith a 
 rcsdhttiiin or a lato of a state Icgislatrtre to 
 decide whether an act of Congress be or be 
 not constitutional. An unconstitutional 
 act of Congress w'ould not bind the people 
 of this district although they have no leg- 
 islature to interfere in their l)ehalf ; and, 
 on the other iiand, a constitutional law of 
 Congress does bind the citizens of every 
 state, although all tlicir legislatures should 
 undertake to annul it, by actor resolution. 
 The venerable Connecticut senator is a 
 constitutional lawyer, of scmnd i)rinci])le3 
 and enlarged kiK)wle(Ige ; a statesman 
 practiced uud experienced, bred in the
 
 BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE. 
 
 t3 
 
 company of Washington, and holdinj? just 
 vi(3W.s upon tlio nature of our f^ovcrinuentrt. 
 lie believed the einl)argo unconstitutional, 
 and so did others ; but what then ? Who 
 did he su[)pose was to decide that (jues- 
 tion ? The state legislature? Certainly 
 not. No such sentiment ever escaped his 
 lips. Let us follow up, sir, this New Eng- 
 hmd opposition to the embargo laws ; let 
 us trace it, till we discern the principle 
 which controlled and governed New Eng- 
 land throughout the whole course of that 
 opposition. We shall then see what simi- 
 larity there is between the New England 
 school of constitutional opinions and this 
 modern Carolina school. The gentleman, 
 I think, reail a petition from some single 
 individual, addressed to the legislature of 
 IVLvssachusetts, asserting the Carolina doc- 
 trine — that is, the right of state interfer- 
 ence to arrest the laws of the Union. The 
 fate of that petition shows the sentiment 
 of the legislature. It met no favor. The 
 opinions of Massachusetts were otherwise. 
 They had been expressed in 1798, in an- 
 swer to the resolutions of Virginia, and 
 she did not depart from them, nor bend 
 them to the times. Misgoverned, wronged, 
 oppressed, as she felt herself to be, she 
 still held fast her integrity to the Union. 
 The gentleman may find in her proceed- 
 ings much evidence of dissatisftiction with 
 tlie measures of government, and great 
 and deep dislike, she claimed no right 
 still to sever asunder the bonds of the 
 Union. There was heat, and there was 
 anger in her political feeling. Be it so. 
 Her heat or her anger did not, neverthe- 
 less, betray her into infidelity to the gov- 
 ernment. Tiie gentleman labors to prove 
 that she disliked the embargo as much as 
 South Carolina dislikes the tariff, and ex- 
 press, -d her dislike as strongly. Be it so ; 
 but did she propose the Carolina remedy ? 
 Did she threaten to interfere, bij state au- 
 thorifi/, to annid the laws of the Union ? 
 That is the question for the gentleman's 
 consideration. 
 
 No doubt, sir, a great majority of the 
 people of New England conscientiously 
 believe the embargo law of 1807 unconsti- 
 tutional — as conscientiously, certainly, as 
 the people of South Carolina hold that 
 opinion of the tariff. — They reasoned thus : 
 Congress has power to regulate commerce ; 
 but here is a law, they said, stopping all 
 commerce, and stopping it indefinitely. 
 The law is perpetual, therefore, as the law 
 against treason or murder. Now, is this 
 regulating commerce, or destroying it? Is 
 it guiding, controlling, giving the rule to 
 commerce, as a subsisting tiling, or is it 
 putting an end to it altogether? Nothing 
 is more certain than that a majority in New 
 England deemed this law a violation of the 
 constitution. This very case required by 
 the gentleman to justify state interference 
 
 had then arisen. Massachasetts believed 
 this law to be "a deliberate, palpalAe, aiul 
 dani/i^ous exercise of a power not <j ranted 
 by the constitution." Deliberate it wa.s, 
 for it wa.s long continued ; pal])ablc she 
 thought it, as no words in the constitution 
 gave the power, and only a construction, 
 in her opinion most violent, raised it ; dan- 
 gerous it was, since it threatened utter ruin 
 to her most important interests. Here, 
 then, wa.s a Carolina case. How did Mas- 
 sachusetts deal with it? It w;us, as she 
 thought, a plain, manifest, palpable viola- 
 tion of the constitution ; anil it brought 
 ruin to her doors. Thousands of families, 
 and hiuulreds of thousands of individuals, 
 were beggared by it. While she saw and 
 felt all tliis, she saw and felt, also, that as 
 a measure of national policy, it was per- 
 fectly futile ; that the country was no way 
 benefited by that which caused so much 
 individual distress ; that it w;is efficient 
 only for the production of evil, and all that 
 evil infiicted on ourselves. In such a case, 
 under such circumstances, how did Mas- 
 sachusetts demean herself? Sir, she re- 
 monstrated, she memorialized, she address- 
 ed herself to the general government, not 
 exactly " with the concentrated energy of 
 passion," but with her strong sense, and the 
 energy of sober conviction. But she did 
 not interpose the arm of her power to ar- 
 rest the law, and break the embargo. Far 
 from it. Her principles bound her to two 
 things; and she followed her jirinciples, 
 lead where they might. First, to submit 
 to every constitutional law of Congress ; 
 and secondly, if the constitutional validity 
 of the law be doubted, to refer that ques- 
 tion to the decision of the proper tribunals. 
 The first princii)le is vain and ineffectual' 
 without the second. A majority of as in 
 New England believe the embargo law un- 
 constitutional ; but the great question was, 
 and always will be in such cases. Who is 
 to decide this? Who is to judge between 
 the people and the government ? And, sir, 
 it is quite plain, that the constitution of 
 the United States confers on the govern- 
 ment itself, to be exercised by its approjiri- 
 ate de[)artment, this power of deciding, 
 ultimately and conclusively, upon the just 
 extent of its own authority. If this had not 
 been done, we should not have advanced a 
 single step beyond the old confederation. 
 
 Being fully of opinion that the embargo 
 law was unconstitutional, the people of 
 New England were yet equally clear in the 
 opinion — it was a matter they did not doubt 
 upon — that the question, after all, must 
 be decided by the judicial tribunals of the 
 United States. Before those tribunals, 
 therefore, tiiey brou^^ht thequestion. L'^nder 
 the provisions of the law, they had given 
 lioiids, to millions in amount, and wliich 
 were alle-vd to be forfeited. Tliey sulit're<l 
 the bonds to be sued, and thus raised the
 
 74 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 question. In the old-fashioned way of set- 
 tling disjjutes, they went to law. The case 
 came to hearing and solemn argument; 
 and he who espoused their cause and stood 
 up for them against the validity of the act, 
 was none other than that great man, of 
 whom the gentleman has made honorable 
 mention, Samuel Dexter. He was then, 
 sir, in the fulness of his knowledge and the 
 maturity of his strength. He had retired 
 from long and distinguished public service 
 here, to the renewed pursuit of professional 
 duties ; carrying with him all that enlarge- 
 ment and expansion, all the new strength 
 and force, which an acquaintance with the 
 more general subjects discussed in the na- 
 tional councils is capable of adding to pro- 
 fessional attainment, in a mind of true 
 greatness and comprehension. He was a 
 lawyer, and he was also a statesman. He 
 had studied the constitution, when he filled 
 public station, that he might defend it ; he 
 had examined its principles, that he might 
 maintain them. 3Iore than all men, or at 
 leai^t as much as any man, he was attached 
 to the general government, and to the 
 union of the states. His feelings and 
 opinions all ran in that direction. A ques- 
 tion of constitutional law, too, was, of all 
 subjects, that one which was best suited to 
 his talents and learning. Aloof from tech- 
 nicality, and unfettered by artificial rule, 
 such a question gave opportunity for that 
 deep and clear analysis, that mighty grasp 
 of principle, which so much distinguished 
 his higlier efforts. His very statement 
 was argument ; his inference seemed dem- 
 onstration. The earnestness of his own 
 conviction wrought conviction in others. 
 One was convinced, and believed, and con- 
 sented, becau-^e it was gratifying, delightful, 
 to think, and feel, and believe, in unison 
 with an intellect of such evident sujieriority. 
 Mr. Dexter, sir, such as I have described 
 him, argued the New England cause. He 
 put inti) his ell'ort his whole heart, as well 
 as all the powers of his understanding ; for 
 he had avowed, in the most ]mblic manner, 
 his entire concurrence with his neighbors, 
 on the point in dispute. He argued the 
 cause ; it wa.s lost, and New England sub- 
 mitted. The established tribunals pro- 
 nnunced the law constitutional, and New 
 England acfiuicsced. Now, sir, is not this 
 the exact opijosite of the doctrine of the 
 gentleman from South Carolina? Accord- 
 ing to hini, instead of referring to the 
 judicial tril)unals, we should have broken 
 U|) tiic (■inl)argo, by laws of our own; we 
 shoulil liave rcjx-alcd it, (luixtd New Eng- 
 land ; for we had a strong, palpable, and 
 oppressive case. Sir, we believe the em- 
 l)argo unconstitutional ; but still, that was 
 matter of opinion, and who was to deciilc 
 it? W(; thought it a clear case; but, 
 n(!vertheh'ss, we di<l not taki- the laws iiitu 
 uur liaDd», because W6 did not wish to 
 
 brinrj about a revolution, nor to break up 
 the Union; for I maintain, that, between 
 submission to the decision of the con-tituted 
 tribunals, and revolution, or disunion, 
 there is no middle ground — there is no 
 ambiguous condition, half allegiance and 
 half rebellion. There is no treason, mad- 
 eosy. And, sir, how futile, how very futile 
 it is, to admit the right of state interfer- 
 ence, and then to attempt to save it Irom 
 the character of unlawful resistance, by 
 adding terms of qualification to the causes 
 and occasions, leaving all the qualifications, 
 like the case itself in the discretion of the 
 state governments. It must be a clear case, 
 it is said; a deliberate case; a palpable 
 case ; a dangerous case. But, then, the 
 state is still left at liberty to decide for her- 
 self what is clear, what is deliberate, what 
 is palpable, what is dangerous. 
 
 Do adjectives and epithets avail any 
 thing ? Sir, the human mind is so consti- 
 tuted, that the merits of both sides of a 
 controversy appear very clear, and very 
 palpable, to those who respectively espouse 
 them, and both sides usually grow clearer, 
 as the controversy advances. South Caro- 
 lina sees unconstitutionality in the tariff — 
 she sees oppression there, also, and she sees 
 danger. Pennsylvania, with a vision not 
 less sharp, looks at the same tariff, and 
 sees no such thing in it — she sees it all 
 constitutional, all useful, all safe. The 
 faith of South Carolina is strengthened by 
 oijposition, and she now not only sees, but 
 resolves, that the tarifl" is palpably uncon- 
 stitutional, t)ppressive, and dangerous ; but 
 Pennsylvania, not to be behind her neigh- 
 bors, and eqiuilly willing to strengthen her 
 own faith by a confident asseveration, re- 
 solves also, and gives to every warm affirm- 
 ative of South Carolina, a plain downright 
 Pennsylvania negative. South Carolina 
 to show the strength and unity of her ojiin- 
 ions, brings her assembly to a unanimity, 
 within seven votes; Pennsylvania, not to 
 be outdone in this respect more than 
 others, reduces her dissentient fraction to 
 one vote. Now, sir, again I ask the gen- 
 tleman, what is to be done? Are these 
 states l)oth right? Is he bound to con- 
 sider them both right ? If not, which is 
 in the wrong ? or, rather, which has the 
 best right to decide? 
 
 And if he, and if I, are not to know 
 what the constitution means, and what it 
 is, till those two state legislatures, and tho 
 twenty-two others, shall agree in its con- 
 struction what have we sworn (o, when 
 \vc have sworn to maintain it? I wa« 
 forcibly struck, sir, with one refiecti(m, as 
 the gciith luati wriit on with his speech. 
 He (piotcd Mr. Madison's resolutions to 
 prove that a state may interfere, in a case 
 of deliberate, pali)able, and dangerous ex- 
 ercise of a power not granted. The hon- 
 orable member supposes the tariff law to
 
 liooKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 75 
 
 be such an exercise of power, and that 
 c;i)iise(iiK'ntly, a case has risen in which 
 the state may, if it see lit, interfere by its 
 own Uiw. Now, it so hai)i)ens, neverthe- 
 less, that Madison hiuiscH deems this same 
 taritf hiw quite constitutional. Instead of 
 a clear and palpable violation, it is, in his 
 ju(lu;nK'Mt, no violation at all. So that, 
 while they use his authority for a hypo- 
 thetical case, they reject it in the very case 
 before them. All this, sir, shows the in- 
 h(n-ent futility. I had almost used a 
 stronger word — of conceding this power of 
 interference to the states, and then attem{)t- 
 ing to secure it from abuse by imposing 
 qualifications of which the states them- 
 selves are to judge. One of two things is 
 true; either the laws of the Union are be- 
 yond the control of the states, or else we 
 have no constitution of general govern- 
 ment, and are thrust back again to the 
 days of the confederacy. 
 
 Let me here say, sir, that if the gentle- 
 man's doctrine had been received and 
 acted upon in New England, in the times 
 of the embargo and non-intercourse, we 
 sliituld probaldy not now have been here. 
 The government would very likely have 
 gone to pieces and crumbled into dust. 
 No stronger case can ever arise than ex- 
 isted under those laws ; no states can ever 
 entertain a clearer conviction than the 
 New England States then entertained ; and 
 if they had been under the influence of 
 that heresy of opinion, as I must call it, 
 which the honorable member espouses, 
 this Union would, in all probability have 
 been scattered to tlie four winds. I ask 
 the gentleman, therefore, to apply his prin- 
 cii)les to that case ; I ask him to come forth 
 and declare whether, in his opinion, the 
 New P]ngland States would have been jus- 
 tified in interl'ering to break up the em- 
 bargo system, under the conscientious opin- 
 ions which he held upon it. Had they a 
 right to annul that law? Does he admit, 
 or deny? If that which is thought palpa- 
 bly unconstitutional in South Carolina jus- 
 tifies that state in arresting the progress of 
 the law, tell me whether that which was 
 thought palpably unconstitutirmal also in 
 Massachusetts would have justified her in 
 doing the same thing. Sir, I deny the 
 whole doctrine. It has not a foot of ground 
 in the constitution to stand on. No public 
 man of reputation ever advanced it in Ma-;- 
 sai'husetts, in the warmest times, or could 
 maintain himself upon it there at any 
 time. 
 
 I wish now, sir, to make a remark upon 
 the Virginia resolutions of 1798. I cannot 
 undertake to say how these resolutions 
 were understood by those who passed 
 tliem. Their language is not a little in- 
 definite. In the case of the exercise, by 
 Congress, of a dangerous power, not granted 
 to them, the resolutions assert the right, 
 
 on the part of the state to interfere, and 
 arrest the progress of the evil. This is 
 susceptible of more than one interpretation. 
 It may mean no more than that the states 
 may interfere by comjdaint and remon- 
 strance, or by proposing t(j the pcoph- an 
 alteration of the federal constitution. This 
 would all be<juiteunobjecti(Jiuil)lc; or itmay 
 be that no more is meant than to assert the 
 general right of revolution, as against all 
 governments, in cases of intolerable op- 
 pression. Tills no one doubts; and this, 
 in my opinion, is all that he who framed 
 these resolutions could have meant by it; 
 for I shall not readily believe that he was 
 ever of opinion that a state, under the 
 constitution, and in conformity with it, 
 could, uj)on the ground other own opinion 
 of its unconstitutionality, however clear 
 and palpable she might think the case, 
 annul a law of Congress, so far as it should 
 operate on herself, by her own legislative 
 power. 
 
 I must now beg to ask, sir, Whence is 
 this supposed right of the states derived? 
 Where do they get the i)ower to interfere 
 with the laws of the Union? Sir, the 
 ojMnion which the honorable gentleman 
 maintains is a notion founded in a total 
 misapprehension, in my judgment, of the 
 origin of this government, and of the foun- 
 dation on which it stands. I hold it to be 
 a popular government, erected by the 
 people, those who administer it responsi- 
 ble to the people, and itself capable of be- 
 ing amended and modified, just as the peo- 
 ple may choose it should be. It is as pop- 
 ular, just as truly emanating from the 
 people, as the state governments. It is 
 created for one purpose ; the state govern- 
 ments for another. It has its own powers ; 
 they have theirs. There is no more au- 
 thority with them to arrest the operation 
 of a law of Congress, than with Congress 
 to arrest the operation of their laws. We 
 are here to administer a constitution ema- 
 nating immediately from the people, and 
 trusted by them to our administration. It 
 is not the creature of the state govern- 
 ments. It is of no moment to the argu- 
 ment that certain acts of the state legisla- 
 tures are necessary to fill our seats in this 
 l)ody. That is not one of their original 
 state powers, a part of the sovereignty of 
 the state. It is a duty which the people, 
 by the constitution itself, have imposed <m 
 the state legislatures, and which they 
 might have left to be jierformed elsewhere, 
 if they had seen fit. So they have left the 
 choice of president with electors; but all 
 this does not affect the proposition that 
 this whole government — President, Senate 
 and House of Representatives — is a ]>opu- 
 lar government. It leaves it still all its 
 popular character. The governor of a 
 state I in some of the states! is chosen not 
 directly by the people for the purpose of
 
 76 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 performing, among other duties, that of 
 electing a governor. Is the government of 
 the state on that account not a popular 
 government? This government, sir, is the 
 independent offspring of the popular will. 
 It is not the creature of state legislatures ; 
 nay, more, if the whole truth must be told, 
 the people brought it into existence, es- 
 tablished it, and have hitherto supported 
 it, for the very purpose, amongst others, of 
 imposing certain salutarj' restraints on state 
 sovereignties. The states cannot now make 
 war ; they cannot contract alliances ; they 
 cannot make, each for itself, separate reg- 
 ulations of commerce ; they cannot lay im- 
 posts ; they cannot coin money. If this 
 constitution, sir, be the creature of state 
 legislatures, it must be admitted that it 
 hiis obtained a strange control over the 
 volition of its creators. 
 
 The people then, sir, erected this govern- 
 ment. They gave it a constitution, and in 
 that constitution they have enumerated the 
 powers which they bestow on it. They 
 have made it a limited government. They 
 have defined its authority. They have re- 
 strained it to the exercise of such powers 
 as are granted ; and all others, they declare, 
 are reserved to the states or the people. 
 But, sir, they have not stopped here. If 
 they had, they would have accomplished 
 but half their work. No definition can be 
 so clear as to avoid possibility of doubt ; no 
 limitation so precise as to exclude all un- 
 certainty. Who, then, shall construe this 
 grant of the people? Who shall interpret 
 their will, where it may be supposed they 
 have leit it doubtful? VVith whom do they 
 leave this ultimate right of deciding on the 
 powers of the government? Sir, they have 
 settled all this in the fullest manner. They 
 have left it with the government itself, in 
 its appropriate branches. Sir, the very 
 chief end, the main design for which the 
 whole constitution was framed and adopt- 
 ed, was to establish a government that 
 should not be obliged to act through state 
 agency, or depend on state opinion and 
 discretion. The people had h.ad quite 
 enough of that kind of government under 
 the confederacy. Under that system, the 
 legal action — the a[)]ilication of law to 
 individuals — belonged exclusively to the 
 states. Congress could only recommend — 
 their acts were not of Itiiiding force till the 
 states had adf)pted and sanctioned them. 
 Are we in that condition still? Are we yet 
 at the mercy of state discretion and state 
 construction? Sir, if we are, then vain 
 will he our attempt to maintain the consti- 
 tution under which we sit. 
 
 But, sir, the jieofile have wisely provided, 
 in the const itiition itself, a proper, suital>l(' 
 mode and tribunal for srttling (piestioiis of 
 constitutif)iial law. There arc, in the con- 
 stitution, grants (»f powers to Conjrress, and 
 restrictions on those powers. There are I 
 
 also prohibitions on the states. Some au- 
 thority must therefore necessarily exist, 
 having the ultimate jurisdiction to fix and 
 ascertain the interpretation of these grants, 
 restrictions and prohibitions. The consti- 
 tution has itself pointed out, ordained, and 
 established that authority. How has it 
 accomplished this great and essential end ? 
 By declaring, sir, that "the constitution and 
 the laws of the United States, made in pur- 
 suance thereof, shall be the supreme law of 
 the land, any thing in the constitution or 
 laics of any state to the contrary notwith- 
 standing.''' 
 
 This, sir, was the first great step. By 
 this, the supremacy of the constitution and 
 laws of the United States is declared. The 
 people so will it. No state law is to be 
 valid which comes in conflict with the con- 
 stitution or any law of the United States. 
 But who shall decide this question of inter- I 
 iereuce? To whom lies the last appeal? 
 This, sir, the constitution itself decides also, 
 by declaring "that the judicial poiver shall 
 extend to cdl cases arising under the consti- 
 tution and laws of the United States." 
 These two provisions, sir, cover the whole 
 ground. They are, in truth, the keystone 
 of the arch. With these it is a govern- 
 ment; without them it is a confederacy. 
 In pursuance of these clear and express 
 provisions, Congress established, at its very 
 first session, in the judicial act, a mode for 
 carrying them into full effect, and for 
 bringing all questions of constitutional 
 power to the final decision of the Supreme 
 Court. It fhen, sir, became a government. 
 It then had the means of self-protection ; 
 and but for this, it would, in all proba- 
 bility, have been now among things which 
 are passed. Having constituted the gov- 
 ernment, and declared its powers, the peo- 
 ple have further said, that since somebody 
 must decide on the extent of these powers, 
 the government shall itself decide — subject 
 always like other popular governments, to 
 its responsibility to the people. And now, 
 sir, I repeat, how is it that a state legisla- 
 ture acquires any right to interfere? Who, 
 or what, gives them the right to say to the 
 l)eople, " We, who are your agents and ser- 
 vants for one purpose, will undertake to 
 decide, that your other agents and servants, 
 appointed by y()U for another purpose, have 
 transcended the authority you gave them"? 
 The reply would be, I think, not imperti- 
 nent, " Who made you a judge over anoth- 
 er's servants. To their own masters they 
 stand or fall." 
 
 Sir, I deny this power of state legisla- 
 tures altogether. It cannot stand the test 
 of examination. Cientlemen may say, that, 
 in an extreme case, a state government 
 might protect the pcojtle from intolerable 
 oppression. Sir, in such a case the peoj)le 
 might protect themselves, without the aid 
 of the state governments. Such a case
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 77 
 
 warrants revolution. It must make, when 
 it comes, a law lor itself. A nullifying act 
 of a state legislature cannot alter the case, 
 nor make resistance any more lawful. In 
 maintaining these sentiments, sir, I am 
 but asserting the rights of the people. 1 
 state what they have declared, and insist 
 on their right to declare it. They have 
 chosen to rei)ose this power in the general 
 government, and I think it my duty to suji- 
 port it, like other constitutional i>owers. 
 
 For myself, sir, I douht the jurisdiction 
 of South Carolina, or any other state, to 
 prescribe my constitutional duty, or to 
 settle, between me and the people, the va- 
 lidity of laws of Congress for which I have 
 voted. I decline her umpirage. I have 
 not sworn to support the constitution ac- 
 cording to her construction of its clauses. 
 I have not stipulated, by my oath of ofhce 
 or otherwise, to come under any responsi- 
 bility, except to the people and those whom 
 they have appointed to pass upon the ques- 
 tion, whether the laws, supported by my 
 votes, conform to the constitution of the 
 country. And, sir, if we look to the gen- 
 eral nature of the case, could any thing 
 have been more preposterous than to have 
 made a government for the whole Union, 
 and yet left its powers subject, not to one 
 inter|)retation, but to thirteen or twenty- 
 four interpretations ? Instead of one tribu- 
 nal, established by all, responsible to all, 
 Avitli j)ower to decide for all, shall constitu- 
 tional questions be left to four and twenty 
 popular bodies, each at liberty to decide 
 for itself, and none bound to respect the 
 decisions of others; and each at liberty, 
 too, to give a new construction, on every 
 new election of its own members? Would 
 any thing, with such a principle in it, or 
 rather with such a destitution of all prin- 
 ciple, be fit to be called a government? 
 No, sir. It should not be denominated a 
 constitution. It should be called, rather, 
 a collection of topics for everlasting con- 
 troversy ; heads of debate for a disputatious 
 people. It would not be a government. It 
 would not be adequate to any practical 
 good, nor fit for any country to live under. 
 To avoid all possibility of being misunder- 
 stood, allow me to repeat again, in the full- 
 est manner, that I claim no powers for the 
 government by forced or unfair construc- 
 tion. I admit that it is a government of 
 strictly limited powers; of enumerated, 
 specified, and particularized powers ; and 
 that whatsoever is not granted is withheld. 
 But, notwithstanding all this, and however 
 the grant of powers may be exjiressed, its 
 limits and extent may yet, in some cases, 
 admit of doubt; and the general govern- 
 ment would be good for nothing, it would 
 be incapable of long existence, if some 
 mode had not been provided in which 
 those doubts, as they should arise, might 
 be peaceably, but not authoritatively solved. 
 
 And now, Mr. President, let me run the 
 honorable gentleman's doctrine a little into 
 its practical application. Let us look at 
 his probable modus optrundi. If a thin<' 
 can be done, an ingenious man can teil 
 how it is to be done. Now, I wish to be 
 informed how this state interference is to 
 be i)ut in practice. ^V'e will take the ex- 
 isting case of the tarifi" law. South Caro- 
 lina is said to have made up her opinion 
 ui)on it. If we do not repeal it, (as we 
 probably shall not,) she will then apply to 
 the case the remedy of her doctrine. She 
 will, we must suppose, pass a law of her 
 legislature, declaring the several acts of 
 Congress, usually called the tariff" laws, 
 null and void, so far as they respect South 
 Carolina, or the citizens thereof. So lUr, 
 all is a paper transaction, and easy enough. 
 But the collector at Charleston is collect- 
 ing the duties imposed by these tariff" laws 
 — -he, therefore, must be stoj)i)ed. The 
 collector will seize the goods if the tariff 
 duties are not paid. The .state authorities 
 will undertake their rescue : the marshal, 
 with his posse, will come to the collector's 
 aid; and here the contest begins. The 
 militia of the state will be called out to 
 sustain the nullifying act. They will 
 march, sir, under a very gallant leader; 
 for I believe the honorable member him- 
 self commands the militia of that part of 
 the state. He will raise the nullifying 
 ACT on his standard, and spread it out as 
 his banner. It will have a preamble, bear- 
 ing that the tariff" law's are palpable, de- 
 liberate, and dangerous violations of the 
 constitution. He will proceed, with his 
 banner flying, to the custom house in 
 Charleston, — 
 
 " all the wliile 
 Sonorous motal blowing martial sounds." 
 
 Arrived at the custom house, he will tell 
 the collector that he must collect no more 
 duties under any of the tariff" laws. This 
 he will be somewhat puzzled t') say, by the 
 way, with a grave countenance, consider- 
 ing what hand South Carolina herself had 
 in that of 1816. But, sir, the collector 
 would, probably, not desist at his bidding. 
 Here would ensue a pause ; for they say, 
 that a certain stillness precedes the tem- 
 pest. Before this military array should 
 fall on custom house, collector, clerks, and 
 all, it is very ])robable some of those com- 
 posing it woulil request of their gallant 
 comniander-in-chief to be informed a little 
 upon the point of law ; for they have 
 doubtless a just respect for his opinion as 
 a lawyer, as well ils for his bravery as a 
 soldier. They know he luus read Black- 
 stone and the constitutiim, :us well as Tu- 
 renne and Vauban. They would tusk him, 
 therefore, something concerning their 
 risrhts in this matter. They would inquire 
 whether it was not somewhat dangerous to
 
 78 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 resist a law of the United States. What 
 would be the nature of their ofl'ence, they 
 would wish to learn, if they, by military 
 force and array, resisted the execution in 
 Carolina of a law of the United States, and 
 it should turn out, after all, that the law 
 teas constitutional. He would answer, of 
 course, treason. No la^\7'er could give any 
 other answer. John Fries, he would tell 
 them, had learned that some years ago. 
 How, then, they would ask, do you propose 
 to defend us ? We are not afraid of bullets, 
 but treason has a way of taking people oft" 
 that we do not much relish. How do you 
 propose to defend us ? " Look at my floating 
 banner," he would reply ; ** see there the 
 nullifying laic ! " Is it your opinion, gal- 
 lant commander, they would then say, that 
 if we should be indicted for treason, that 
 same floating banner of yours would make 
 a good plea in bar? "South Carolina is a 
 sovereign state," he would reply. That is 
 true ; but would the judge admit our plea ? 
 " These tariff laws," he would repeat, " are 
 unconstitutional, palpably, deliberately, 
 dangerously." That all may be so ; but if 
 the tribunals should not happen to be of 
 that opinion, shall we swing for it? We 
 are ready to die for our country, but it is 
 rather an awkward business, this dying 
 without touching the ground. After all, 
 this is a sort of hemj)-tax, worse than any 
 part of the tariff". 
 
 Mr. President, the honorable gentleman 
 would be in a dilemma like that of another 
 great general. He would have a knot be- 
 fore him which he could not untie. He 
 mu>t cut it with his sword. He must say 
 to his followers. Defend yourselves with 
 your bayonets; and this is war — civil war. 
 
 Direct collision, therefore, between force 
 and force, is the unavoidable result of that 
 remedy for the revision of unconstitutional 
 laws which the gentleman contends for. 
 It must happen in the very first case to 
 which it is applied. Is not this the plain 
 result? To resist, by force, the execution 
 of a law, generally, is treason. Can the 
 courts of the United States take notice of 
 the indulgence of a state to commit trea- 
 son? The common saying, that a state 
 cannot commit trca.son herself, is nothing 
 to tlifi i)urpose. Can it authorize others to 
 doit? If .John Fries had jjroduced an act 
 of Pennsylvania, annulling tlie law of Con- 
 prcs.«, would it have hcljiecl his case? Talk 
 about it as we will, these doctrines go the 
 length of revolution. They are incompa- 
 tible witii any peaceable administration of 
 the government. They leatl directly to 
 disunion and civil commotion; and there- 
 fore it is, that at the commencement, when 
 they arc first found to be maintained by 
 respectaldemen,and in atangil)!e form, that 
 I enter my public protest against them all. 
 
 The honorable gentleman argues, that if 
 this government be the sole judge of the 
 
 extent of its own powers, whether that 
 right of judging be in Congress or the Su- 
 preme Court, it equally subverts state 
 sovereignty. This the gentleman sees, or 
 thinks he sees, although he cannot per- 
 ceive how the right of judging in this mat- 
 ter, if left to the exercise of state legisla- 
 tures, has any -tendency to subvert the 
 government of the Union. The gentle- 
 man's opinion may be that the right ought 
 not to have been lodged with the general 
 government ; he may like better such a 
 constitution as we should have under the 
 right of state interference ; but I ask him 
 to meet me on the plain matter of fact — I 
 ask him to meet me on the constitution it- 
 self — I ask him if the power is not there — 
 clearly and visibly found there. 
 
 But, sir, what is this danger, and what 
 the grounds of it ? Let it be remembered, 
 that the constitution of the United States 
 is not unalterable. It is to continue in its 
 present form no longer than the people 
 who established it shall choose to continue 
 it. If they shall become convinced that 
 they have made an injudicious or inexpe- 
 dient partition and distribution of power 
 between the state governments and the 
 general government, they can alter that 
 distribution at will. 
 
 If anything be found in the national 
 constitution, either by original provision 
 or subsequent interpretation, which ought 
 not to be in it, the people know how to get 
 rid of it. If any construction be established, 
 unacceptable to them, so as to become, 
 [iractically, a part of the constitution, they 
 will amend it at their own sovereign plea- 
 sure. But while the people choose to main- 
 tain it as it is, while they are satisfied with 
 it, and refuse to change it, who has given, 
 or who can give, to the state legislatures a 
 right to alter it, either by interference, 
 construction, or otherwise? Gentlemen 
 do not seem to recollect that the people 
 have any power to do anything for them- 
 selves ; tiiey imagine there is no safety for 
 them any longer than they are under the 
 close guardianship of the state legislatures. 
 Sir, the people have not trusted their 
 safety, in regard to the general constitu- 
 tion, to these hands they have required 
 other security, and taken other bonds. 
 They have chosen to trust themselves, first 
 to the plain words of the instrument, and 
 to such construction as the government it- 
 self, in doubtful cases, should put on its 
 own jxtwers, under their oaths of office, 
 and subj<'ct to their responsibility to them ; 
 just as the people of a state trust their own 
 state governments with a similar power. 
 Secondly, they have reposed their trust in 
 the efficacy of freqiumt elections, and in 
 their own power to remove their own ser- 
 vants and agents, whenever they see cause. 
 'I'hirdly, they have reposed trust in the 
 judicial power, which, in order that it might
 
 BOOK IIT.] 
 
 WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 
 
 79 
 
 be trustworthy, they have made as respect- 
 able, as disinterested, and aa independent 
 a.s practicable. Fourthly, they have seen 
 fit to rely, in case of necessity, or high ex- 
 pediency, on their known and admitted 
 power to alter or amend the constitution, 
 peaceably and quietly, whenever experi- 
 ence shall j)oint out defects or imperfec- 
 tions. And finally, the people of the 
 United States have at no time, in no way, 
 directly or indirectly, authorized any state 
 legislature to construe or interpret their 
 instrument of government; much less to 
 interfere, by their own power, to arrest its 
 course and operation. 
 
 If sir, the people, in these respects, had 
 done otherwise than they have done, their 
 constitution could neither have been pre- 
 served, nor would it have been worth pre- 
 serving. And if its plain ])rovision shall 
 now be disregarded, and these new doc- 
 trines interpolated in it, it will become as 
 feeble and helpless a being as enemies, 
 wliether early or more recent, could pos- 
 sibly desire. It will exist in every state, 
 but as a poor dependant on state permis- 
 sion. It must borrow leave to be, and will 
 be, no longer than state pleasure, or state 
 discretion, sees fit to grant the indulgence, 
 and to prolong its poor existence. 
 
 But, sir, although there are fears, there 
 are hopes also. The people have preserved 
 this, their own chosen constitution, for 
 forty years, and have seen their happiness, 
 prosperity, and renown grow with its 
 growth and strengthen with its strength. 
 They are now, generally, strongly attached 
 to it. Overthrown by direct assault it can- 
 not be ; evaded, undermined, nullified, 
 it will not be, if we, and th(jse who shall 
 succeed us here, as agents and representa- 
 tives of the ])eoj)le, shall c<mscientiously 
 and vigilantly discharge the two great 
 branches of our public trust — faithfully 
 to preserve and wisely to administer it. 
 
 Mr. President, I have thus stated the 
 reasons of my dissent to the doctrines 
 which have been advanced and main- 
 tained. I am conscious of having detained 
 you. and the Senate, much too long. I was 
 drawn into the debate with no ])revious 
 deliberation such as is suited to the dis- 
 cussion of so grave and important a subject. 
 But it is a sul)ject of which my heart is I'nll, 
 and I have not been willing to suppress the 
 utterance of its spontaneous sentiments. 
 
 I cannot, even now, jiersuade myself to 
 relinquish it, without expressing once more, 
 my deep conviction, that since it re- 
 spects nothing less than the union of the 
 states, it is of most vital and essential im- 
 portance to the public happiness. I pro- 
 fess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have 
 kept steadily in view the prosperity and 
 honor of the whole country, anil the pres- 
 ervation of our Federal Union. It is to 
 that Union we owe our safety at home and 
 
 our consideration and dignity abroad. It 
 is to that Union we are chiefly indebted 
 for wliatever makes us most proud of our 
 country. That Union we reached oidy by 
 the discipline of our virtues in the severe 
 school of adversity. It had its origin in 
 the necessities of disordered finance, pros- 
 trate commerce, and ruined credit. Under 
 its benign influences, these great interests 
 immediately awoke, as from the dead, and 
 s{)rang forth with newness of life. Every 
 year of its duration has teemed with fresh 
 prooliiofits utility audits blessings; and 
 although our territory has stretched out 
 wider and wider, and our population 
 spread farther and forther, they have not 
 outrun its protection or its benefits. It has 
 been to us all a copious fotmtain of na- 
 tional, social, i^ersonal happiness. I have 
 not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the 
 Union, to see what might lie hidden in the 
 dark recess behind. 1 have not coolly 
 weighed the chances of preserving liberty, 
 when the bonds that unite us together 
 shall be broken asunder. I have not ac- 
 customed myself to hang over the i)recipice 
 of disunion, to see whether, with my short 
 sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss 
 below ; nor could I regard him as a safe 
 counsellor in the affairs of this govern- 
 ment, whose thoughts should be mainly 
 bent on considering, not how the Union 
 should be best preserved, but how tolerable 
 might be the condition of the people when 
 it shall be broken \i\> and destroyed. While 
 the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, 
 gratifying prospects spread out before us, 
 for us and otir children. Beyond that I 
 seek not lo jienetrate the veil. God grant 
 that in my day at least, that curtain may 
 not rise. God grant that on my vision 
 never may be opened what lies behind. 
 When my eyes shall be turned to behold, 
 for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I 
 not see him shining on the broken and 
 dishonored fragments of a once-glorious 
 Union ; on states dissevered, discordant, 
 belligerent ; on a land rent with civil feuds, 
 or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood ! 
 Let their last feeble and lingering glance, 
 rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the 
 republic, now known and honored through- 
 out earth, still full high advanced, its 
 arms and trophies streaming in their origi- 
 nal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, 
 nor a single star obscured — bearing for its 
 motto no such miserable interrogator^' as, 
 What is all this icorthf nor those other 
 words of delusion and folly, Libert;/ first, 
 and Union a/tericards : but every wliere, 
 spread all over in characters of living 
 light, blazing on all its ample folds as they 
 float over the sea and over the land, and 
 in every wind under the whole heavens, 
 that other sentiment, dear to every true 
 American heart — Liberty ami Union, now 
 and forever, one and inseparable!
 
 80 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 Juhn C. CaUioim on the Rights of the 
 
 States. 
 
 Delivered July 26, 1831. 
 
 The question of the relation which the 
 states and general government bear to each 
 other, is not one of recent origin. From the 
 commencement of our system, it has divi- 
 ded public sentiment. Even in the con- 
 vention, while the Constitution was strug- 
 gling into existence, there were two par- 
 ties, as to what this relation should be, 
 whose different sentiments constituted no 
 small impediment in forming that instru- 
 ment. After the general government went 
 into operation, experience soon proved 
 that the question had not terminated with 
 the labors of the convention. The great 
 struggle that preceded the political revo- 
 lution of 1801, which brought Mr. Jeffer- 
 son into.power, turned essentially on it; and 
 the doctrines and arguments on both sides 
 were embodied and ably sustained ; on the 
 one, in the Virginia and Kentucky resolu- 
 tions and the report to the Virginia legis- 
 lature ; and on the other, in the replies of 
 the legislature of Massachusetts and some 
 of the other states. These resolutions and 
 this report, with the decision of the Su- 
 preme Court of Pennsylvania about the 
 same time (particularly in the caseof Cob- 
 bett, delivered by Chief Justice McKean, 
 and concurred in by the whole bench), 
 contain what I believe to be the true doc- 
 trine on this important subject. I refer to 
 them in order to avoid the necessity of 
 presenting my views, with the reasons in 
 support of them in detail. 
 
 As my object is simply to state my 
 opinions, I might pause with this refer- 
 ence to documents that so fully and ably 
 state all the points immediately connected 
 with this deeply important subject; but as 
 there are many wlio may not have the op- 
 portunity or leisure to refer to them, and, 
 as it is possible, however clear they may 
 be, that different persons may place differ- 
 ent interpretations on their moaning, I 
 will, in order that my sentiments may be 
 fully known, and to avoid all ambiguity, 
 proceed to state, summarily, the doctrines 
 which I conceive they embrace. 
 
 The groat an<l loading principle is, that 
 the general govorninont emanatid from the 
 people of the several states, forming dis- 
 tinct i)oliti('ul comiiiunitios, and acting in 
 their separate and sovereign capacity, and 
 not fn)Tn all of the peo]>le fr)rming one ag- 
 gregate political community ; that the Con- 
 stitution of tho United States is in fact a 
 comj);i('t, to wliicli each state is a party, in 
 the charai'lor already described ; and that 
 the several stati"". or nsirties, have a right 
 to judge of its infractions, and in ease of a 
 deliberate, jialpable, and dangerous exer- 
 cise of ])ower not delegated, they have the 
 right, in flu- la<t resort, to ust; the lan- 
 guage of the Virginia resolutions; "to in- 
 
 terpose for arresting the progress of the 
 evil, and for maintaining, within their re- 
 spective limits, the authorities, rights, and 
 liberties appertaining to them." This 
 right of interposition thus solemnly as- 
 serted by the state of Virginia, be it called 
 what it may — state right, veto, nullifica- 
 tion, or by any other name — I conceive to 
 be the fundamental principle of our sys- 
 tem, resting on facts, historically as certain 
 as our revolution itself, and deductions as 
 simple and demonstrative as that of any 
 political or moral truth whatever ; and I 
 firmly believe that on its recognition de- 
 pends the stability and safety of our poli- 
 tical institutions. 
 
 I am not ignorant that those opposed to 
 the doctrine have always, now and for- 
 merly, regarded it in a verj^ different light, 
 as anarchical and revolutionary. Could I 
 believe such in fact to be its tendency, to 
 me it would be no recommendation. I 
 yield to none, I trust, in a deep and sin- 
 cere attachment to our political institu- 
 tions, and the union of these states. I 
 never breathed an opposite sentiment ; but, 
 on the contrary, I have ever considered 
 them the great instruments of preserving 
 our liberty, and promoting the happiness 
 of ourselves and our posterity ; and next to 
 these, I have ever held them most dear. 
 Nearly half my life has passed in the ser- 
 vice of the Union, and whatever public re- 
 putation I have acquired, is indissolubly 
 identified with it. To be too national has, 
 indeed, been considered, by many, even of 
 my friends, to be my greatest political 
 fault. AVith these strong feelings of at- 
 tachment, I have examined, with the ut- 
 most care, the bearing of the doctrine in 
 question ; and so far from anarchical or re- 
 volutionary, I solemnly believe it to be the 
 only solid foundationof our system, and of 
 the Union itself, and that the ojtposite 
 doctrine, which denies to the states the 
 right of protecting their reserved powera, 
 and which would vest in the general gov- 
 ernment (it nuitters not through what de- 
 partment) the right of determining exclu- 
 sively and finally the powers delegated to 
 it, is incompatible with the sovereignty of 
 the states, and of the Constitution itself, 
 considered as the basis of a Federal Union. 
 As strong as this language is, it is not 
 stronger than that used by the illustrious 
 .TefFerson, who said, to give to the general 
 government the final and I'xciusive right to 
 judge of its powers, is to make " its discre- 
 tion and not the Constitution tho measure 
 f)f its powers;" and that "in all cases of 
 com])aet between i)arties having no com- 
 mon judge, each party lias an equal right 
 to judge for itself, as well of the operation, 
 as of the mode and measure of redress." 
 Language cannot be more explicit; nor 
 can hi'.rher authority be adduced. 
 
 That dilfercnt opinions are entertained
 
 CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF STATES. 
 
 81 
 
 on this subject, I consider but as an addi- 
 tional evidence of the f::reat divor.siry of 
 the human intellect. Had not able, ex- 
 perienced, and patriotic individuals, lor 
 whom I have the highest respect, taken 
 different views, I would have thought the 
 right too clear to admit of doubt ; but I am 
 taught by this, as well as by many similar 
 instances, to treat with deference opinions 
 ditfering from my own. The error may 
 possibly be with me; but, if so, I can only 
 say, that after the most mature and con- 
 scientious examination, I have not been 
 able to detect it. But with all proper de- 
 ference, I must think that theirs is the 
 error, who deny what seems to be an es- 
 sential attribute of the conceded sovereign- 
 ty of the states ; and who attribute to the 
 general government a right utterly incom- 
 patible with what all acknowledge to be its 
 limited and restricted character ; an error 
 originating principally, as I must think, 
 in not duly reflecting on the nature of our 
 institutions, and on what constitutes the 
 only rational object of all political consti- 
 tutions. 
 
 It has been well said by one of the most 
 sagacious men of anti<]uity, that the object 
 of a constitution is to restrain the govern- 
 ment, as that of laws is to restrain indi- 
 viduals. The remark is correct, nor is it 
 less true where the government is vested 
 in a majority, than where it is in a single 
 or a few individuals; in a republic, than 
 a monarchy or aristocracy. No one can 
 have a higher respect for the maxim that 
 the majority ought to govern than I have, 
 taken in its proper sense, subject to the 
 restrictions imi)osed by the Constitution, 
 and confined to subjects in which every 
 portion of the community have similar 
 interests ; but it is a great error to suppose, 
 as many do, that the right of a majorit}' to 
 govern is a natural and not a conventional 
 right; and, therefore, absolute and unlim- 
 ited. By nature every individual has the 
 right to govern himself; and governments, 
 whether founded on majorities or minori- 
 ties, must derive their right from the as- 
 sent, expressed or imjilied, of the governed, 
 and be subject to such limitations as thej^ 
 may impose. Where the interests are the 
 same, that is, where the laws that may 
 benefit one will benefit all, or the reverse, 
 it is just and proper to place them under 
 the control of the majority ; but where 
 they are dissimilar, so that the law that 
 may benefit one portion may be ruinous to 
 another, it would be, on the contrary, un- 
 just and absurd to subject them to its will : 
 and such I conceive to be the theory on 
 which our Constitution rests. 
 
 That such dissimilarity of interests may 
 exist it is impossible to doubt. They are 
 to be found in every community, in a 
 greater or less degree, however small or 
 homogeneous, and they constitute, every- 
 30 
 
 where, the great difficulty of forming and 
 preserving free institutions. To guard 
 against the unequal action of the laws, 
 when applied to dissimilar and oi)posing 
 interests, is in fact what mainly renders a 
 constitution indispensable; to overlook 
 which in reasoning on our Constitution, 
 would be to omit the j)rincipal element by 
 which to determine its character. ^V'ere 
 there no contrariety of interests, nothing 
 would be more simple and easy than to 
 form and j)reserve Iree institutions. The 
 right of sufi'rage alone would be a sufficient 
 guarantee. It is the conflict of oi)pos- 
 ing interests which renders it the most 
 difficult work of man. 
 
 Where the diversity of interests exists in 
 separate and distinct classes of the com- 
 munity, as is the case in England, and was 
 formerly the case in Sparta, Rome, and 
 most of the free states of antiquity, the ra- 
 tional constitutional provision is, that each 
 should be represented in the government 
 as a separate estate, with a distinct voice, 
 and a negative on the acts of its co-estates, 
 in order to check their encroachments. In 
 England the constitution has assumed ex- 
 pressly this form, while in the governments 
 of Sparta and Rome the same thing was 
 efTected, under different but not much 
 less efficacious forms. The perfection of 
 their organization, in this particular, was 
 that which gave to the constitutions of 
 these renowned states all of their celebrity, 
 which secured their liberty for so many 
 centuries, and raised them to so great a 
 height of power and prosperity. Indeed, 
 a constitutional provision giving to the 
 great and separate interests of the commu- 
 nity the right of self-protection, must ap- 
 pear to those who will duly reflect on the 
 subject, not less essential to the preserva- 
 tion of liberty than the right of suffrage 
 itself. They in fact have a common ob- 
 ject, to effect which the one is as necessary 
 as the other — to secure resi)onsibility ; that 
 is, that those who make and execute the 
 laws should be accountable to those on 
 whom the laws in reality operate ; the only 
 solid and durable foundation of liberty. 
 If without the right to suffrage our rulers 
 would oppress us, so without the right of 
 self-protection, the major would equally 
 oppress the minor interests of the commu- 
 nity. The absence of the former would 
 make the governed the slaves of the rulei-s, 
 and of the latter the feebler interests the 
 victim of the stronger. 
 
 Happily for us we have no artificial and 
 separate classes of society. We have wisely 
 exploded all such distinctions ; but we are 
 not, on that account, exempt from all con- 
 trariety of interests, as the present distract- 
 ed and dangerous condition of our country 
 unfortunately but too clearly proves. NVith 
 us they are almost exclusively geographical, 
 resulting mainly fromdifference of climate,
 
 82 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 soil, situation, industry, and production, 
 but are not, therefore, less necessarj' to be 
 protected by an adequate constitutional 
 provision than where the distinct interests 
 exist in separate classes. The necessity is, 
 in truth, greater, as such separate and dis- 
 similar geographical interests are more 
 liable to come into conflict, and more dan- 
 gerous when in that state than those of any 
 other description ; so much so, that ours is 
 the first instance on record where they have 
 not formed in an extensive territory sepa- 
 rate and independent communities, or 
 subjected the whole to despotic sway. 
 That such may not be our unhappy fate 
 also, must be the sincere prayer of every 
 lover of his country. 
 
 So numerous and diversified are the inte- 
 rests of our country, that they could not be 
 fairly represented in a single government, 
 organized so as to give to each great and 
 leading interest a separate and distinct 
 voice, as in governments to which I have 
 referred. A plan was adopted better suited 
 to our situation, but perfectly novel in its 
 character. The powers of the government 
 were divided, not as heretofore, in reference 
 to classes, but geographically. One gener- 
 al government was formed for the whole, 
 to which was delegated all of the powers 
 supposed to be necessary to regulate the 
 interests common to all of the states, leav- 
 ing others .subject to the separate control 
 of the states, being from their local and 
 
 {jeculiar character such that they could not 
 )e subject to the will of the majority of the 
 whole Union, without the certain hazard 
 of injustice and oppression. It was thus 
 that the interests of the whole were .sub- 
 jected, as they ought to be, to the will of 
 the whole, while the peculiar and local in- 
 terests were left under the control of the 
 states separately, to whose custody only 
 they could be safely confided. This dis- 
 tribution of power, settled solemnly by a 
 constitutional compact, to which all of the 
 states are parties, constitutes the peculiar 
 character and excellence of our political 
 system. It is truly and emphatically 
 American, without example or parallel. 
 
 To realize its perfection, wc must view 
 the general government and the states as 
 a whole, each in its proper sphere, .sover- 
 eign and independent; each perfectly 
 adapted to their respective objects; the 
 states acting separately, representing and 
 protecting the local and peculiar interests ; 
 acting jointly, through one general govern- 
 ment, with the weight respectively assigned 
 t<^) each by the Constitution, representing 
 and protecting the interest of the whole, 
 and thus perfecting, by an admirable but 
 simple arrangement, the gre:it principle of 
 representation and resjionsibility, witliout 
 which no government can he free f)r just. 
 To preserve this sacred distribution as 
 originally settled, by coercing each to 
 
 move in its prescribed orb, is the great and 
 difficult problem, on the solution of which 
 the duration of our Constitution, of our 
 Union, and, in all probability our liberty, 
 depends. How is this to be effected ? 
 
 The question is new when applied to our 
 peculiar political organization, where the 
 separate i^md conflicting interests of society 
 are represented by distinct but connected 
 governments ; but is in reality an old ques- 
 tion under a new form, long since per- 
 fectly solved. Whenever separate and 
 dissimilar interests have been separately 
 represented in any government ; whenever 
 the sovereign power has been divided in 
 its exercise, the experience and wisdom of 
 ages have devised but one mode by which 
 such political organization can be pre- 
 served ; the mode adopted in England, and 
 by all governments, ancient or modern, 
 blessed with constitutions deserving to be 
 called free ; to give to each co-estate the 
 right to judge of its powers, with a nega- 
 tive or veto on the acts of the others, in 
 order to protect against encroachments the 
 interests it particularly represents ; a prin- 
 ciple which all of our constitutions recog- 
 nize in the distribution of power among 
 their respective departments, as essential 
 to maintain the independence of each, but 
 which, to all who will duly reflect on the 
 subject, must appear far more essential, 
 for the same object, in that great and 
 fundamental distribution of powers be- 
 tween the states and general government. 
 So essential is the principle, that to with- 
 hold the right from either, where the sov- 
 ereign power is divided, is, in fact, to an- 
 nul the division itself, and to consolidate 
 in the one left in the exclusive possession 
 of the right, all of the powers of the gov- 
 ernment ; for it is not possible to distin- 
 guish practically between a government 
 having all power, and one having the right 
 to take what powers it pleases. Nor does 
 it in the least vary the principle, whether 
 the distribution of power between co- 
 estates, as in England, or between distinct- 
 ly organized but connected governments, 
 as with us. The reason is the same in both 
 cases, while the necessity is greater in our 
 case, as the danger of conflict is greater 
 where the interests of a society are divided 
 geographically than in any other, as has 
 already been shown. 
 
 These truths do seem to me to be incon- 
 trovertible ; and I am at a loss to under- 
 stand how any one, who has maturely re- 
 flected on the nature of our institutions, or 
 who has read historj' or studied the prin- 
 ciples of free government to any purpose, 
 can call them in question. The explana- 
 tion must, it appears to me, be sought in 
 the fact, that in every free state, there are 
 those who look more to the necessity of 
 maintaining power, than guarding against 
 it« abuses. 1 do not intend reproach, but
 
 BOOK III.] CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF STATES. 
 
 83 
 
 simply to state a fact apparently necessary 
 to explain the contrariety of opinions, 
 ainon^ the intelligent, where the abstract 
 consideration of the subject would seem 
 scarcely to admit of doubt. W such be 
 the true cause, I must think the I'car of 
 weakeninjj; the government too much in 
 this case to be in a great measure un- 
 founded, or at least that the danger is 
 much less from that than the opposite side. 
 I do not deny that a power of so high a 
 nature may be abused by a state, but 
 when I reflect that the states unanimously 
 called the general government into exist- 
 ence with all of its powers, which they 
 freely surrendered on their part, under the 
 conviction that their common peace, safety 
 and i)ro-!perity required it ; that they are 
 bound together by a common origin, and 
 the recollection of common sull'ering and 
 common triumph in the great and splen- 
 did achievement of their independence ; 
 and the strongest feelings of our nature, 
 and among them, the love of national 
 power and distinction, are on the side of 
 the Union ; it does seem to me, that the 
 fear which would strip the states of their 
 sovereignty, and degrade them, in fact, to 
 mere dependent corporations, lest they 
 should abuse a right indispensable to the 
 peaceable protection of those interests 
 which they reserved under their own pecu- 
 liar guaniianship when they created the 
 general government, is unnatural and un- 
 reasonable. If those who voluntarily 
 created the systom, cannot be trusted to 
 preserve it, what power can ? 
 
 So far from extreme danger, I hold that 
 there never was a free state, in which this 
 great conservative principle, indispensable 
 in all, was ever so safely lodged. In 
 others, when the co-estates, representing 
 the dissimilar and coutlicting interests of 
 the community, came into contact, the 
 only alternative was compromise, submis- 
 sion or force. Not so in ours. Should 
 the general government and a state come 
 into conflict, we have a higher remedy ; 
 the power which called the general gov- 
 ernment into existence, which gave it all 
 its authority, and can enlarge, contract, 
 or abolish its powers at its pleasure, may 
 be invoked. The states themselves may 
 be appealed to, three-fourths of which, in 
 fact, form a power, whose decrees are the 
 constitution itself, and whose voice can 
 silence all discontent. The utmost extent 
 then of the power is, that a state acting in 
 its sovereign capacity, as one of the par- 
 ties to the constitutional compact, may 
 compel the government, created by that 
 compact, to submit a question touching 
 it^ infraction to the parties who created 
 it ; to avoid the supposed dangers of 
 which, it is proposed to report to the novel, 
 the hazardous, and, I must add, fatal pro- 
 ject of giving to the general government 
 
 the sole and final right of interpreting the 
 Constitution, thereby reserving the whole 
 system, making that instrument the crra- 
 ture of its will, instead of a rule of action 
 impressed on it at its creation, and anni- 
 hilating in fact the authority which im- 
 posed it, and i'rom which the government 
 itself derives its existence. 
 
 That such would be the result, were the 
 right in question vested in the legislative 
 or executive branch of the government, is 
 conceded by all. No one ha.s been so hardy 
 as to assert that Congress or the President 
 ought to have the right, or to deny that, if 
 vested finally and exclusively in either, the 
 consequences which I have stated would 
 not necessarily follow; but its advocates 
 have been reconciled to the doctrine, on 
 the supposition that there is one depart- 
 ment of the general government, which, 
 from its peculiar organization, affords an 
 independent tribunal through which the 
 government may exercise the high author- 
 ity which is the subject of consideration, 
 with perfect safety to all. 
 
 I yield, I trust, to few in my attachment 
 to the judiciary department. I am fully 
 sensible of its importance, and would main- 
 tain it to the fullest extent in its constitu- 
 tional powers and independence ; but it is 
 impossible for me to believe that it was 
 ever intended by the Constitution, that it 
 should exercise the power in question, or that 
 it is competent to do so, and, if it were, that 
 it would be a safe depository of the power. 
 
 Its powers are judicial and not political, 
 and are expressly confined by the Consti- 
 tution " to all cases in law and equity 
 arising under this Constitution, the laws of 
 the United States, and the treaties made, 
 or which shall be made, under its authori- 
 ty ;" and which I have high authority in 
 asserting, excludes political questions, and 
 comprehends those only where there are 
 l^arties amenable to the process of the 
 court.* Nor is its incompetency less clear, 
 than its want of constitutional authority. 
 There may be many and the most danger- 
 ous infractions on the part of Congress, of 
 which it is conceded by all, the court, as a 
 judicial tribunal, cannot from its nature 
 take cognisance. The tariff itself is a 
 strong Ciise in point ; and the reason aji- 
 plies equally to all others, where Congress 
 perverts a power from an object intended 
 to one not intended, the most insidious 
 and dangerous of all the infractions; and 
 which may be extended to all of its powers, 
 more especially to the taxing and appropri- 
 ating. But supposing it competent to take 
 cognisance of all infractions of every de- 
 scription, the insuperable objection still 
 remains, that it would not be a safe tribu- 
 nal to exercise the power in question. 
 
 •I rpfer to the authority of Chief Justice Marshall in 
 the case nf Joniitlmn RoMiins. I have not b(>en nblo t« 
 refer to the 8i>eech, and speak from memory.
 
 84 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 It is an universal and fundamental po- 
 litical principle, that the power to protect, 
 can safely be contiJed only to those inter- 
 ested in protecting, or their responsible 
 agents — a maxim not less true in private 
 than in public atfairs. The danger in our 
 system is, that the general government, 
 "which represents the interests of the whole, 
 may encroach on the states, which repre- 
 sent the peculiar and local interests, or 
 that the latter may encroach on the 
 firmer. 
 
 In examining this point, we ought not 
 to forget that the government, through all 
 of its departments, judicial as well as 
 others, is administered by delegated and 
 responsible agents ; and that the power 
 which really controls ultimately all the 
 movements, is not in the agents, but those 
 who elect or appoint them. To under- 
 stand then its real character, and what 
 would be the action of the system in any 
 supposable case, we must raise our view 
 from the mere agents, to this high con- 
 trolling i:»ower which finally impels every 
 movement of the machine. By doing so, 
 we shall find all under the control of the 
 will of a majority, compounded of the 
 majority of the states, taken as corporate 
 bodies, and the majority of the people of 
 the states estimated in federal numbers. 
 These united constitute the real and final 
 power, which impels and directs the move- 
 ments of the general government. The 
 majority of the states elect the majority of 
 the Senate ; of the people of the states, that 
 of the House of Rej)rescntatives ; the two 
 united, the President ; and the President 
 and a majority of the Senate appoint the 
 judges, a majority of whom and a major- 
 ity of the Senate and the House with the 
 Prc.-*ident, really exercise all of the pow- 
 ers of the government with the exception 
 of the ca.ses where the Constitution re- 
 quires a greater number than a majority. 
 The judges are, in fact, as truly the judi- 
 cial representatives of this united majority, 
 {Ls the majority of Congress itself, or the 
 President, is its legislative or executive 
 representative ; and to confide the power 
 to the judiciary to determine finally 
 and conclusively what ])Owers are dele- 
 gated and what reserved, would be in real- 
 ity to confide it to the majority, whose 
 agents they are, and l)y whom tliey can be 
 controlled in various ways; and, of course, 
 to subject (against tlie fiindamciilal prin- 
 cil)le of our system, and all sound political 
 reafoning) the reserved jtowers of the 
 states, with all of the local and peculiar 
 interests they were intended to protect, to 
 the will of the very majority against 
 wbiib the [>rotection was intended. Nor 
 will the teiuire by which the judges hold 
 their office, however valuable tlie |)rovi- 
 sion in many other resjx'cts, materially 
 vary tlie casi\ Its highest possible effect 
 
 would be to retard, and not finally to 
 resist, the will of a dominant majority. 
 
 But it is useless to multiply arguments. 
 Were it possible that reason could settle a 
 question where the passions and interests of 
 men are concerned, this point would have 
 been long since settled for ever, by the 
 state of Virginia. The report of her legis- 
 lature, to which I have already referred, 
 lias really, in my opinion, placed it beyond 
 controversy. Speaking in reference to this 
 subject, it says, " It has been objected" (to 
 the right of a state to interpose for the 
 protection of her reserved rights), " that 
 the judicial authority is to be regarded as 
 the sole expositor of the Constitution ; on 
 this subject it might be observed first that 
 there may be instances of usurped powers 
 which the forms of the Constitution could 
 never draw within the control of the judi- 
 cial department ; secondly, that if the de- 
 cision of the judiciary be raised above the 
 sovereign parties to the Constitution, the 
 decisions of the other departments, not 
 carried by the forms of the Constitution 
 before the judiciary, must be equally au- 
 thoritative and final with the decision of 
 that department. But the proper answer 
 to the objection is, that the resolution of 
 the General Assembly relates to those 
 great and extraordinary cases, in which all 
 of the forms of the Constitution niay prove 
 ineffectual against infraction dangerous to 
 the essential rights of the parties to it. 
 The resolution supposes that dangerous 
 powers not delegated, may not only be 
 usurped and executed by the other de- 
 partments, but that the judicial depart- 
 ment may also exercise or sanction dan- 
 gerous powers beyond the grant of the 
 Constitution, and consequently that the 
 ultimate right of the parties to the Consti- 
 tution to judge whether the compact has 
 been dangerously violated, must extend to 
 violations by one delegated authority, as 
 well as by another — by the judiciary, as 
 well as by the executive or legislative." 
 
 Against these conclusive arguments, as 
 they seem to me, it is objected, that if one 
 of the ))arties has the right to judge of in- 
 fractions of the Constitution, so has the 
 other, and that consequently in cases of 
 contested powers between a state and the 
 general govennnent, each would have a 
 right to maintain its opinion, as is the case 
 when sovereign powers ditler in the con- 
 struction of treaties or compacts, and that 
 of c<)urs(> it would come to be a mere ques- 
 tion of force. The error is in the assump- 
 tion that the general government is a ]>aity 
 to th(> constitutional compact. The states, 
 as has been shown, formed the compact, 
 acting as sovereign and ind(^pendent com- 
 munities. The general government is but 
 its creature ; and though in reality a gov- 
 ernment with all the ri'ihts and authority 
 which belong to any other government,
 
 BOOK in.] CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF STATES. 
 
 85 
 
 within the orb of its powers, it is, never- 
 theless, a goverment emanating from a 
 compact between sovereigns, and partak- 
 in.'^, in its nature and object, of the charac- 
 ter ofajoint commission, appointed to super- 
 intend and administer tne interests in 
 which all are jointly concerned, but hav- 
 ing, beyond its pro[)er sphere, no more 
 I)(>\ver than if it did not exist. To deny 
 this would be to deny the most incontestable 
 facts, and the clearest conclusions ; while 
 to acknowledge its truth, is to destroy ut- 
 terly the objection that the appeal would 
 be to force, in the case supposed. For if 
 each party has a right t;) judge, then under 
 our system of government, the final cogni- 
 sance of a question of contested power 
 would be in the states, and not in the. gen- 
 eral government. It wouM be the duty of 
 the latter, as in all similar cases of a con- 
 test between one or more of the principals 
 and a joint commission or agency, to refer 
 the contest to the i)rincipals themselves. 
 Such are the plain dictates of reason and 
 analogy both. On no sound principle can 
 the agents have a right to final cognisance, 
 as against the principals, much less to use 
 force against them, to. maintain their con- 
 struction of their powers. Such a right 
 would be monstrous ; and has never, here- 
 tofore, been claimed in similar cases. 
 
 That the doctrine is applicable to the 
 ca-<e of a contested power between the 
 states and the general government, we 
 have the authority not only of reason and 
 analogy, but of the distinguished statesman 
 already referred to. I\Ir. Jefferson, at a 
 late period of his life, after h)ng experience 
 and mature reflection, says, " With respect 
 to our state and federal governments, I do 
 not think their relations are correctly un- 
 derstood by foreigners. They suppose the 
 former subordinate to the latter. This is 
 not the case. They are co-ordinate de- 
 partments of one simple and integral 
 whole. But you may ask if the two de- 
 partments should claim each the same 
 subject of power, where is the umpire to 
 decide between them? In cases of little 
 urgency or importance, the prudence of 
 b')th partie-f will keep them aloof from the 
 questionable ground ; but if it can neither 
 be avoided nor compromised, a convention 
 of the states must be called to ascribe the 
 iloubtful power to that department which 
 they may think best." — It is thus that our 
 Constitution, by authorizing amendments, 
 and by prescribing the authority and mode 
 of making them, has by a simple contriv- 
 ance, with its characteristic wisdom, pro- 
 vided a power which, in the last resort, 
 supersedes effectually the necessity and 
 even the pretext for f()rce ; a ])ower to 
 which none can f^airly object; with which 
 the interests of all are safe ; which can 
 definitely close all controversies in the 
 only elfectual mode, by freeing the com- 
 
 pact of every defect and uncertainty, by 
 an amendment of the instrument itself.' It 
 is impossil)le tor human wisdom, in a sys- 
 tem like ours, to devise another mode 
 which shall be safe and effectual, and at 
 the same time consistent with what are 
 the relations and acknowledged powers (;f 
 the two great departments of our govern- 
 ment. It gives a beauty and security 
 peculiar to our system, which, if duly 
 appreciated, will transmit its blessings to 
 the remotest generations; but, if not, our 
 splendid anticipations of the future will 
 prove but an empty dream. Stripped of all 
 its covering, and the naked question is, 
 whether ours is a federal or a consolidated 
 government : a constitutional or absolute 
 one ; a government resting ultimately on 
 the solid basis of the sovereignty of the 
 states, or on the unrestrained will of a 
 majority ; a form of government, as in all 
 other unlimited ones, in which injustice 
 and violence, and force, must finally pre- 
 vail. Let it never be forgotten, that where 
 the majority rules, the minority is the sub- 
 ject; and that if we should absurdly attri- 
 bute to the former the exclusive right of 
 construing the Constitution, there would 
 be in fact between the sovereign and sub- 
 ject, under such a government, no consti- 
 tution ; or at least nothing deserving the 
 name, or serving the legitimate object of so 
 sacred an instrument. 
 
 How the states are to exercise this high 
 power of interposition which constitutes so 
 essential a portion of their reserved rights 
 that it cannot be delegated without an en- 
 tire surrender of their sovereignty, ami 
 converting our system from a federal into 
 a consolidated government, is a question 
 that the states only are competent to de- 
 termine. The arguments which prove 
 that they possess the power, equally prove 
 that they are, in the language of Jefferson, 
 "the rightful judges of the mode and 
 measure of redress." But the .spirit of 
 forbearance, as well as the nature of the 
 right itself, forbids a recourse to it, exce;)t 
 in cases of dangerous infractions of the 
 Constitution ; and then only in the hist 
 resort, when all reasonable hope of relief 
 from the ordinary action of the govern- 
 ment has failed; when, if the right to in- 
 terpose did not exist, the alternative would 
 be submission and oppres-sion on the one 
 side, or resistance by force on the other. 
 That our system should afford, in such ex- 
 treme ca-ses, an intermediate point between 
 these dire alternatives, by which tlie g<iv- 
 ernment may be brought to a patise, an<l 
 thereby an interval olitained to compro- 
 mise differences, or. if impracticable, be 
 compelled to submit the question to a con- 
 stitutional adjustment, through an appeal 
 to the states themselves, is an evidence of 
 its high wisdom; an element not, as is 
 supposed by some, of weakne^, but of
 
 »6 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 strength ; not of anarchy or revolution, 
 but of peace and safety. Its general re- 
 cognition would of itself, in a great mea- 
 sure, if not altogether, supersede the neces- 
 sity of its exercise, by impressing on the 
 movements of the government that mod- 
 eration and justice so essential to harmony 
 and peace, in a country of such vast ex- 
 tent and diversity of interests as ours ; and 
 would, if controversy should come, turn 
 the resentment of the aggrieved from the 
 system to those who had abused its powers 
 (a point all important), and cause them to 
 seek redress, not in revolution or over- 
 throw, but in reformation. It is, in fact, 
 properly understood, a substitute where 
 the alternative would be force, tending to 
 prevent, and if that fails, to correct peace- 
 ably the aberrations to which all political 
 systems are liable, and which, if per- 
 mitted to accumulate, without correction, 
 must finally end in a general catastrophe. 
 
 Speecli of Henry Clay 
 
 In Defence of the American System* in which is given th^ 
 Prevvjus History of Tarijf Contests in the /Senate 
 of Die United Stules, Februa>-y 2d, 
 3d and iith, 1832. 
 PMr Ci.AT, having retired from Congress soon after the 
 establishment of the American System, by the passage 
 of the Tariff of lS^-1, did not return to it till l«31-v:, 
 when the opponents of this system had acquired the 
 ascendency, and were bent on its destruction. An act 
 reducing the duties on niany of the protected an ides, 
 was devised and passed. The bill being under considera- 
 tion in the Senate, Mr. Clay addressed that body as 
 follows :] 
 
 In one sentiment, Mr. President, ex- 
 pressed by the honorable gentleman from 
 South Carolina, (General Hayne,) though 
 
 ferhaps not in the sense intended by him, 
 entirely concur, I agree with him, that 
 the decision on the system of policy em- 
 braced in this debate, involves the future 
 destiny of this growing countrj-. One way 
 I verily believe, it would lead to deep and 
 general distress, general bankruptcy and 
 national ruin, without benefit to any part 
 of the Union: the other, the existing pros- 
 peritv will be preserved and augmented, 
 and the nation will continue rapidly to 
 advance in wealth, power, and greatness, 
 without prejudice to any section of the 
 confederacy. 
 
 Thus viewing the question, I stand here 
 a'-* the humble nut zealous advocate, not of 
 the interests of one State, or seven States 
 onlv, but of the whole Union. And never 
 before have I felt more intensely, the over- 
 powering wei'/lit c)f that share of respon- 
 sibility which belongs to me in th(>se de- 
 liberations. Never before have I had more 
 occasion than I now have to lament my 
 want of those intellectual powers, the pos- 
 session of which might enable me to un- 
 fold to this Senate, and to illustrate to this 
 
 *In this extended atwlracts are given and data refer- 
 ences omitted uot applicable to these times. 
 
 people great truths, intimately connected 
 with the lasting welfare of my country. I 
 should, indeed, sink overwhelmed and sub- 
 dued beneath the appalling magnitude of 
 the task which lies before me, if I did not 
 feel myself sustained and fortified by a 
 thorough consciousness of the justness of 
 the cause which I have espoused, and by 
 a persuasion I hope not presumptuous, that 
 it has the approbation of that Providence 
 who has so often smiled upon these United 
 States. 
 
 Eight years ago it was my painful duty 
 to present to the other House of Congress, 
 an unexaggerated picture of the general 
 distress pervading the whole land. We 
 must all yet remember some of its fright- 
 ful features. We all know that the jjcople 
 were then oppressed and borne down by 
 an enormous load of debt ; that the value 
 of property was at the lowest point of de- 
 pression ; that ruinous sales and sacrifices 
 were everj'where made of real estate ; that 
 stop laws, and relief laws, and paper money 
 were adopted to save the people from im- 
 pending destruction ; that a deficit in the 
 public revenue existed, which compelled 
 government to seize upon, and divert from 
 its legitimate object the appropriations to 
 the sinking fund, to redeem the national 
 debt ; and that our commerce and naviga- 
 tion were threatened with a complete para- 
 lysis. In short, sir, if I were to select any 
 term of seven years since the adoption of 
 the present constitution which exhibited a 
 scene of the most wide-spread dismay and 
 desolation, it would be exactly that term 
 of seven years which immediately preceded 
 the establishment of the tarifl" of 1824. 
 
 I have now to perform the more pleasing 
 task of exhibiting an imperfect sketch of 
 the existing state of the unparalleled pros- 
 perity of the country. On a general sur- 
 vey, we behold cultivation extended, the 
 arts flourishing, the face of the country 
 improved, our jieople fully and profitably 
 enii)loyed, and the ])ublic countenance ex- 
 hibiting tranquillity, contentment and hap- 
 piness. And if we descend into particu- 
 lars, we have the agreeable contemplation 
 of a peo{)le out of debt, land rising slowly 
 in value, but in a secure and salutary 
 degree ; a ready though not extravagant 
 market for all the surplus productions of 
 our industry; innumerable flocks and 
 herds browsing and gamboling on ten 
 thousand liills and jilains, covered with 
 rich and verdant grasses; our cities ex- 
 panded, and whole villages springing up, 
 us it were, by enchantment ; our exports 
 and ini])orts increased and increasing; our 
 tonnage, foreign and coa.stwise, swelling 
 and fully occujned ; the rivers of our in- 
 terior animated by the i»erj)etual thunder 
 and lightning of countless steani-l)oats; the 
 currency sound and abundant ; the jmblic 
 debt of two wars nearly redeemed ; and, to
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 
 
 87 
 
 crown all, the public treasury overflowing, 
 embarrassing Congress, not to find subjects 
 of taxation, but to select the objects which 
 shall be liberated from the imj)Ost. If the 
 term of seven years were to be selected, 
 of the greatest prosperity which this 
 j)oople have enjoyed since the establish- 
 ment of their present constitution, it would 
 be exactly that period of seven years which 
 immediately followed the passage of the 
 tariff of 1824. 
 
 This transformation of the condition of 
 the country from gloom and distress to 
 brightness and prosperity, has been mainly 
 the work of American legislation, fostering 
 American industry, instead of allowing it 
 to be controlled by foreign legislation, 
 cherishing foreign industry. The foes of 
 the American System, in 1824, with great 
 boldness ami confidence, predicted, 1st. 
 The ruin of the public revenue, and the 
 creation of a neceasit// to resort to direct 
 taxation. Tlie gentleman from South 
 Carolina, (General Hayne,) I believe, 
 thought that the tariff of 1824 would oper- 
 ate a reduction of revenue to the large 
 amount of eight millions of dollars. 2d. 
 The destruction of our navigation. 3d. 
 The desolation of commercial cities. And 
 4th. The augmentation of the price of ob- 
 jects of consumption, and further decline 
 in that of the articles of our exports. 
 Every prediction which they made has 
 failed — utterly failed. Instead of the ruin 
 of the public revenue, with which they 
 then sought to deter us from the adoption 
 of the A'nerican System, we are now 
 threatene 1 with its subversion, by the vast 
 amount of the public revenue produced by 
 that system. Every branch of our navi- 
 gation has increased. 
 ***** *** 
 
 Whilst we thus behold the entire failure 
 of all that was foretold against the system, 
 it is a subject of just felicitation to its 
 friends, that all their anticipations of its 
 benefits have been fulfilled, or are in pro- 
 gress of fulfillment. The honorable gen- 
 tleman from South Carolina has made an 
 allusion to a speech made by me, in 1824, 
 in the other House, in support of the tariff, 
 and to which, otherwise, I should not have 
 particularly referred. But I would ask 
 aay one, who can now command the cour- 
 age to peruse that long production, what 
 principle there laid down is not true? what 
 prediction then made has been falsified by 
 practical experience? 
 
 It is now proposed to abolish the system, 
 to which we owe so much of the public 
 prosperity, and it is urged that the arrival 
 of the period of the redemption of the pub- 
 lic debt has been confidently looked to as 
 presenting a suitable occasion to rid the 
 country of evils with which the system is 
 alleged to be fraught. Not an inattentive 
 observer of passing events, I have been 
 
 aware that, among those who were most 
 early pressing the payment of the public 
 debt, and upon that ground were opposing 
 appropriations to other great interests, 
 there were some who cared less about the 
 debt than the accomplishment of otlicr ob- 
 jects. But the people of the United States 
 have not cou{Mcd the payment of their 
 public debt with the destruction of the 
 
 f>rotection of MeiV industry, against foreign 
 aw8 and foreign industry. They have 
 been accustomed to regard the extinction 
 of the public debt as relief from a burthen, 
 and not as the infliction of a curse. If it 
 is to be attended or followed by the sub- 
 version of the American system, and an 
 exposure of our establishments and our 
 productions to the unguarded consequences 
 of the selfish policy of foreign powers, the 
 payment of the public debt will be the 
 bitterest of curses. Its fruit will be like 
 the fruit 
 
 "Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste 
 Brought death into the world, and all our woe. 
 With loss of Edeu." 
 
 If the system of protection be founded 
 on principles erroneous in theory, perni- 
 cious in practice — above all if it be uncon- 
 stitutional, as is alleged, it ought to be 
 forthwith abolished, and not a vestige of it 
 suffered to remain. But, before we sanc- 
 tion this sweeping denunciation, let us 
 look a little at this system, its magnitude, 
 its ramifications, its duration, and the high 
 authorities which have sustained it. We 
 shall see that its foes will have accom- 
 plished comparatively nothing, after hav- 
 ing achieved their present aim of breaking 
 down our iron-foundries, our woolen, 
 cotton, and hemp manufactories, and our 
 sugar plantations. The destruction of 
 these would, undoubtedly, lead to the sac- 
 rifice of immense capital, the ruin of many 
 thousands of our fellow citizens, and in- 
 calculable loss to the whole community. 
 But their prostration would not disfigure, 
 nor produce greater effect upon the ^chole 
 system of protection, in all its branches, 
 than the destruction of the beautiful domes 
 upon the capitol would occasion to the 
 magnificent edifice which they surmount. 
 Why, sir, there is scarcely an interest, 
 scarcely a vocation in society, which is not 
 embraced by the beneficence of this sys- 
 tem. 
 
 It comprehends our coasting tonnage 
 and trade, from which all foreign tonnage 
 is absolutely excluded. 
 
 It includes all our foreign tonnage, with 
 the inconsiderable exception made by 
 treaties of reciprocity with a few foreign 
 powers. 
 
 It embraces our fisheries, and all our 
 hardv and enterprising fishermen. 
 
 It "extends to almost every mechanic 
 art: * * * * *
 
 88 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 It extends to all lower Louisiana, the 
 Delta of which might as well be sub- 
 merged again in the Gulf of Mexico, from 
 which it has been a gradual conquest, as 
 now to be deprived of the protecting duty 
 upon its great staple. 
 
 It aftects the cotton planter himself, and 
 the tobacco planter, both of whom enjoy 
 protection. 
 
 Such are some of the items of this vast 
 system of protection, which it is now pro- 
 posed to abandon. We might well pause 
 and contemplate, if human imagination 
 could conceive the extent of mischief and 
 ruin from its total overthrow, before we 
 proceed to the work of destruction. Its 
 duration is worthy also of serious con- 
 sideration. Xot to go behind the consti- 
 tution, its date is coeval with that instru- 
 ment. It began on the ever memorable 
 fourth day of July — the fourth day of July, 
 1789. The second act which stands re- 
 corded in the statute book, bearing the il- 
 lustrious signature of George Washington, 
 laid the corner-stone of the whole system. 
 That there might be no mistake about the 
 matter, it was then solemnly proclaimed 
 to the American people and to the world, 
 that it was necessary for "the encourage- 
 ment and protection of manufactures," that 
 duties should be laid. It is in vain to 
 urge the small amount of the measure of 
 the protection then extended. The great 
 principle was then established by the fa- 
 thers of the constitution, with the father 
 of his country at their head. And it can- 
 not now be questioned, that, if the govern- 
 ment had not then been new and the sub- 
 ject untried, a greater measure of protec- 
 tion would have been applied, if it had 
 been supposed necessary. Shortly after, 
 the master minds of Jefferson and Hamil- 
 ton were brought to act on this interesting 
 subject. Taking views of it appertaining 
 to the departments of foreign ali'airs and of 
 the treasury, which they respectively filled, 
 they presented, severally, reports which 
 yet remain monuments of their profound 
 wisdom, and came to the same conclusion 
 of protection to American industry. Mr. 
 Jcfierson argued that foreign restrictions, 
 foreign f)rohibitions, and foreign high du- 
 ties, ought to be met at home by Ameri- 
 can restrictions, American prohibitions, 
 and American high duties. Mr. Hamil- 
 ton, surveying the entire ground, and look- 
 ing at the inlierent nature of the subject, 
 treated it with an ability, which, if ever 
 equalled, has not been surpassed, and ear- 
 nestly recommended protection. 
 
 The wars of the French revolution com- 
 menced aV)out this jtcriod, and streams of 
 gold poured into the United States through 
 a thousand channels, opened or enlarged 
 by the successful commerce which our 
 neutrality enabled us to ])roaecu(e. We 
 forgot or overlooked, in the general pros- 
 
 perity, the necessity of encouraging our 
 domestic manufactures. Then came the 
 edicts of Napoleon, and the British orders 
 in council ; and our embargo, non-inter- 
 course, non-importation, and war, followed 
 in rapid succession. These national mea- 
 sures, amounting to a total suspension, for 
 the period of their duration, of our foreign 
 commerce, aflbrded the most efficacious 
 encouragement to American manufactures ; 
 and accordingly they everywhere sprung 
 up. While these measures of restriction, 
 and this state of war continued, the manu- 
 facturers were stimulated in their enter- 
 prise by every assurance of support, by 
 public sentiment, and by legislative re- 
 solves. It was about that period (1808) 
 that South Carolina bore her high testi- 
 mony to the wisdom of the policy, in an 
 act of her legislature, the preamble of 
 which, now before me, reads : 
 
 " Whereas, the establishment and encour- 
 agement of domestic manufactures, is con- 
 ducive to the interests of a State, by adding 
 new incentives to industri/, and as being 
 the means of disposing to advantage the 
 surplus productions of the agriculturist : 
 and whereas, in the present unexampled 
 state of the world, their establishment in 
 our country is not only expedient, but 
 politic in rendering us independent of 
 foreign nations," 
 
 The legislature, not being competent to 
 afford the most efficacious aid, by imposing 
 duties on foreign rival articles, proceeded 
 to incorjjorate a company. 
 
 Peace, under the treaty of Ghent, re- 
 turned in 1815, but there did not return 
 with it the golden days which preceded 
 the edicts levelled at our commerce by 
 Great Britain and France. It found all 
 Europe tranquilly resuming the arts and 
 business of civil life. It found Europe no 
 longer the consumer of our surplus, and 
 the employer of our navigation, but ex- 
 cluding, or heavily bwrthening, almost all 
 the productions of our agriculture, and our 
 rivals in manufactures, in navigation, and 
 in commerce. It found our country, in 
 short, in a situation totally different from 
 all the i)ast — new and untried. It became 
 necessary to adapt our laws, and especially 
 our laws of impost, to the new circum- 
 stances in which we found ourselves. Ac- 
 cordingly, that eminent and lamented citi- 
 zen, then at the head of the treasury, (Mr. 
 Dallas,) was required, by a resolution of 
 the House of Representatives, under date 
 the twenty-third day of February, 1815, to 
 l)repare and report to the succeeding ses- 
 sion of Congress, a system of revenue con- 
 formable with the actual condition of the 
 country. He had the circle of a whole 
 year to perform the work, consulted mer- 
 chants, manufacturers, and other practical 
 men, and openec] an extensive correspon- 
 deuce. The re^Jort which he made at the
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 
 
 89 
 
 session of 1816, was the result of his in- 
 quiries and reflections, iind embodies the 
 principles which he thought applicable to 
 the subject. It has been said, that the 
 tariff of 181(J w;ts a measure of mere reve- 
 nue, and that it only reduced the war 
 duties to a i)eace standard. It is true that 
 the question tlicn was, how much and in 
 what way should the d()ul)le duties of the 
 war be reduced? Now, also, the (piestk)!! 
 is, on what articlas shall the duties be re- 
 duced so as to subject the amounts of the 
 future revenue to the wants of the ijovern- 
 ment? Then it was deemed an inquiry of 
 the first importance, as it should be now, 
 how, the reduction should be made, so as 
 to secure proper encouraijement to our do- 
 mestic industry. That this was a leadino: 
 object in the arrantiement of the tariff of 
 1816, I well remember, and it is demon- 
 strated by the lanjiuage of Mr. Dallas. 
 He says in his report : 
 
 "There are few, if any governments, 
 which do not regard the establishment of 
 domestic manufactures as a chief object 
 of public policy. The United States have 
 always so regarded it. * * * * The 
 demands of the country, while the acqui- 
 sitions of sui)i)lies from foreign nations was 
 either prohil)ited or impracticable, may 
 have afforded sufficient inducement for 
 this investment of capital, and this appli- 
 cation of labor ; but the inducement, in its 
 necessary extent, must fail when the day 
 of compel if ion returns. Upon that change 
 in the condition of the country, the preser- 
 vation of the manufiu^tures, which jirivate 
 citizens under favorable auspices have con- 
 stituted the ]-)roi)erty of the nation, be- 
 comes a con-iideration of general policy, to 
 be resolved by a recollection of past em- 
 barrassments; by the certainty of an in- 
 creased difficulty of reinstating, upon any 
 emergency, the manufactures which shall 
 be allowed to perish and pass away," &c. 
 
 The measure of protection which ho 
 proposed was not adopted, in regard to 
 some leading articles, and there was great 
 difficulty in ascertaining what it ought to 
 have been. But the principle was then 
 distinctly asserted and fully sanctioned. 
 
 The subject of the American system was 
 again brought up in 1820, by the bill re- 
 ported by the chairman of the committee 
 of manufactures, now a member of the 
 bench of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, and the principle was successfully 
 maintained by the repre-ientatives of the 
 people ; but the bill which they passed was 
 defeated in the Senate. It was revived in 
 1824:; the whole ground carefully and de- 
 libertitoly explored, and the bill then in- 
 troduced, receiving all the sanctions of the 
 constitution, became the law of the land. 
 An amendment of the system was proposed 
 in 1828, to the history of which T refer 
 with no agreeable recollections. The bill 
 
 of that year, in some of its provisions, wa.s 
 framed on principles directly adverse to 
 the declared wishes of the friends of tiie 
 policy of protection. I have heard, with- 
 out vouching for the fact, that it was so 
 framed, upon the advice of a i)rominent 
 citizen, now abroad, wilh the view of ulti- 
 mately dcrcating the bill, and with ;u<sur- 
 ances that, l)cing altogether unaccei)table 
 to the friends of the American system, the 
 bill would be lost. Be that as it may, the 
 most exceptional features of the bill were 
 stamped ujion it, against the earnest re- 
 monstrances of the friends of the system, 
 by the votes of southern members, upon a 
 principle, I think, as unsound in legisla- 
 tion as it is reprehensible in ethics. The 
 bill was passed, notwithstanding all this, it 
 having been deemed better to take the bad 
 along with the good which it contained, 
 than reject it altogether. Subsequent leg- 
 islation has corrected the error then i)er- 
 petrated, but still that measure is vehe- 
 mently denounced by gentlemen who con- 
 tributed to make it what it was. 
 
 Thus, sir, has this great system of pro- 
 tection been gradually built, stone U])on 
 stone, and step by step, from the fourth of 
 July, 1789, down to the present perioil. In 
 every stage of its progress it has received 
 the deliberate sanction of Congress. A 
 vast majority of the people of the United 
 States has approved and continue to ap- 
 prove it. Every chief magistrate of the 
 United States, from Washington to the 
 present, in some form or other, has given 
 to it the authority of his name; and how- 
 ever the opinions of the existing President 
 are interpreted South of Mason's and Dix- 
 on's line, on the north they are at least 
 understood to favor the establishment of a 
 judicious tariff. 
 
 The question, therefore, which we are 
 now calleil upon to determine, is not 
 whether we shall establish a new and 
 doubtful system of policy, just {)roposed, 
 and for the first time presented to our con- 
 sideration, but whether we shall break 
 down and destroy a long established sys- 
 tem, patiently and carefully built up and 
 sanctioned, during a series of years, again 
 and again, by the nation and its highest 
 and most revered authorities. Arc we not 
 bound deliberately to consider whether we 
 can proceed to this work of destruction 
 without a violation of the public faith? 
 The peojile of the United States have jti<tlv 
 supposed that the policy of jirotecting their 
 industry against foreign legislation and 
 foreign industry was fully settled, not by a 
 single act, lint by repeated and deliberate 
 acts of government, performed at distant 
 and frequent interval. In fidl confidence 
 th.'itthe policy was firmly and unchange- 
 ably fixea, thousands upon thousands iuive 
 invested their capital, ))urcha>i'd a vast 
 amount of real and other estate, made \)^t-
 
 90 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 manent establishments, and accommodated i come naturalized in our country ; whilst, 
 
 their industry. Can we expose to utter 
 and irretrievable ruin this countless multi- 
 tude, without justly incurring the reproach 
 of violating the national faith ? 
 
 Such are the origin, duration, extent and 
 
 happily, there are many others who readily 
 attach themselves to our principles and our 
 institutions. The honest, patient and in- 
 dustrious German readily unites with our 
 people, establishes himself upon some of 
 
 sanctions of the policy which we are now our fat land, fills his capacious barn, and 
 called upon to subvert. Its beneficial ef- I enjoys in tranquillity, the abundant fruits 
 fects, although thev may vary in degree, I which his diligence gathers around him, 
 have been felt in all parts of the Union. \ always ready to fly to the standard of his 
 To none, I verily believe, has it been pre- j adopted country, or of its laws, when called 
 judicial. In the North, every where, testi- j by the duties of patriotism. The gay, the 
 menials are borne to the high prosperity ^ versatile, the philosophic Frenchman, ac- 
 which it has diffused. There, all branches ; commodating himself cheerfully to all the 
 of industry are animated and flourishing. 1 vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself 
 Commerce, foreign and domestic, active ; j without difficulty in our society. ^-^ -*" 
 
 cities and towns springing up, enlargmg 
 and beautifying ; navigation fully and pro- 
 fitably employed, and the whole face of the 
 country smiling with improvement, cheer- 
 fulness and abundance. 
 
 ******* 
 
 When gentlemen have succeeded in their 
 
 But, of 
 all foreigners, none amalgamate themselves 
 so quickly with our people as the natives 
 of the Emerald Isle. In some of the vis- 
 ions which have passed through my im- 
 agination, I have supposed that Ireland 
 was originally, part and parcel of this con- 
 tinent, and that, by some extraordinary 
 design of"an immediate or gradual destruc- 1 convulsion of nature, it was torn from 
 tion of the American System, what is their | America, and drifting across the ocean, 
 substitute? Free trade! Free trade! The i was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of 
 call for free trade is as unavailing as the Great Britain. The same open-hearted- 
 cry of a spoiled child, in its nurse's arms, I ness ; the same generous hospitality ; the 
 for the moon, or the stars that glitter in same careless and uncalculating indifFer- 
 the firmament of heaven. It never has ence about human life, characterize the in- 
 existed, it never will exist. Trade implies, habitants of both countries. Kentucky 
 at least two parties. To be free^it should j has been sometimes called the Ireland of 
 
 America. And I have no doubt, that if 
 the current of emigration were reversed, 
 and set from America upon the shores of 
 Europe, instead of bearing from Europe to 
 America, every American emigrant to Ire- 
 land would there find, as every Irish emi- 
 grant here finds, a hearty welcome and a 
 happy home ! 
 
 But I have said that the syst-^m nomi- 
 nally called " free trade," so earnestly and 
 
 be fair, equfd and reciprocal. But if we 
 throw our ports wide open to the admission 
 of foreign productions, free of all duty, 
 what porte of any other foreign nation shall 
 we find open to the free admission of our 
 surplus produce? We may breakdown all 
 barriers to free trade on our part, but the 
 work will not be complete until foreign 
 powers shall have removed theirs. There 
 would be freedom on one side, and restriC' 
 
 tions, prohibitions and exclusions on the | eloquently recommended to our adoption, 
 other. The bolts, and the bars, and the is a mere revival of the British colonial 
 chains of all other nations will remain un- 
 disturbed. It is, indeed, possible, that our 
 industry and commerce would accommo 
 
 system, forced upon us by Great Britain 
 during the existence of our colonial vas- 
 salage. The whole system is fully explained 
 date themselves to this unequal and unjust and illustrated in a work published as far 
 state of things ; for, such is the flexibility back as the year 1750, entitled " The_ Trade 
 of our nature, tliat it bends itself to all and Navigation of Great Britain considered, 
 circumstances. The wretched prisoner in- by Joshua Gee," with extracts from which 
 carcerated in a jail, after a long time be- 1 1 have been furnished by the diligent re- 
 comes reconciled to his solitude, and regu- 1 searches of a friend. It will be seen from 
 larly notches down the passing days of his j these, that the South Carolina policy now, 
 conifinement. is'identical with the long cherished policy 
 
 Gentlemen deceive themselves. It is not of Great Britain, which remains the same 
 free trade that they are recommending to as it was when the thirteen colonies were 
 our acceptance. It is in effect, the British ! part of the British empire, 
 colonial system that we are invited to I regret, Mr. President, that one topic 
 adopt; ancl, if their policy prevail, it will ' has, I think, unnecessarily been intro- 
 lead substantially to the re-colonization of duced into this debate. I allude to the 
 
 charge brought against the manufacturing 
 system, as favoring the groAvth of aristoc- 
 racy. If it were true, would gentlemen 
 
 these States, under the commercial domin^ 
 ion of Great Britain. And whom do we 
 find some of the principal sup})orters, out 
 of Congress, of this foreign system ?_ Mr. 
 rrcsident, there are are some foreigners 
 who always remain exotics, and never be- 
 
 prefer supjjorting foreign accumulations 
 of wealth, by that description of industry, 
 rather than in their own country ? But is
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 
 
 91 
 
 it correct? The joint stock companies of 
 the north, as I understand them, are no- 
 thing more than associations, sometimes of 
 hundreds, by means of wliich the small 
 earnings of many are brought into a com- 
 mon stock, and the associates, obtaining 
 corporate privileges, are enabled to prose- 
 cute, under one superintending head, their 
 business to better advantage. Nothing 
 can be more essentially democratic or bet- 
 ter devised to counterpoise the influence of 
 individual wealth. In Kentucky, almost 
 every manufactory known to me, is in the 
 hands of enterprising and self-made men, 
 who have acquired Avhatever wealth they 
 possess by patient and diligent labor. 
 Comparisons are odious, and but in defence, 
 would not be made by me. But is there 
 more tendency to aristocracy in a manu- 
 factory supporting hundreds of freemen, 
 or in a cotton plantation, with its not less 
 numerous slaves, sustaining perhaps only 
 two white families — that of the master and 
 the overseer? 
 
 I pass, with pleasure, from this disagree- 
 able topic, to two general propositions, 
 which cover the entire ground of debate. 
 The first is, that under the operation of the 
 American System, the objects which it pro- 
 tects and fosters are brought to the con- 
 sumer at cheaper prices than they com- 
 manded prior to its introduction, or, than 
 they would command if it did not exist. 
 If that be true, ought not the country to be 
 contented and satisfied with the system, 
 unless the second proposition, which I 
 mean presently also to consider, is unfound- 
 e I ? And that is, that the tendency of the 
 system is to sustain, and that it has upheld 
 the prices of all our agricultural and other 
 produce, including cotton. 
 
 And is the fact not indisputable, that all 
 essential objects of consumption effected by 
 the tariff, are cheaper and better since the 
 act of 1824, than they were for several 
 years prior to that law ? I appeal for its 
 truth to common observation and to all 
 practical men. I appeal to the farmer of 
 the country, whether he does not purchase 
 on better term? his iron, salt, brown sugar, 
 cotton goods, and woolens, for his laboring 
 people? And I ask the cotton planter if 
 he has not been better and more cheaply 
 su Implied with his cotton bagging? In re- 
 gard to this latter article, the gentleman 
 from South Carolina was mistaken in sup- 
 posing that I complained that, under the 
 existing duty the Kentucky manufacturer 
 could not compete with the Scotch. The 
 Kentuckian furnishes a more substantial 
 and a cheaper article, and at a more uni- 
 form and regular price. But it was the 
 frauds, the violations of law of which I 
 did complain ; not smuggling, in the com- 
 mon sense of that practice, which has 
 something bold, daring, and enterprising 
 in it, but mean, barefaced cheating, by 
 
 fraudulent invoices and false denomina- 
 tion. 
 
 I plant myself upon this fact, of cheap- 
 ness and superiority, as upon impregnable 
 ground. Gentlemen may tax their inge- 
 nuity and produce a thousaiid speculative 
 solutions of the fact, but the fact itself will 
 remain undisturbed. 
 
 This brings me to consider what I ap- 
 prehend to have been the most efhcient of 
 all the causes in the reduction of the prices 
 of manufactured articles — and that is com- 
 petition. By competition, the total 
 amount of the supply is increased, and by 
 increase of the supply, a competition in the 
 sale ensues, and this enables the consumer 
 to buy at lower rates. Of all human 
 powers operating on the affairs of man- 
 kind, none is greater than that of compe- 
 tition. It is action and re-action. It 
 operates between individuals in the same 
 nation, and between different nations. It 
 resembles the meeting of the mountain 
 torrent, grooving by its precipitous motion, 
 its o\Yn channel, and ocean's tide. Unop- 
 posed, it sweeps everything before it; but, 
 counterpoised, the waters become calm, 
 safe and regular. It is like the segments 
 of a circle or an arch ; taken separately, 
 each is nothing ; but in their combination 
 they produce efficiency, symmetry, and 
 perfection. By the American System this 
 vast power has been excited in America, 
 and brought into being to act in co-oj^era- 
 tion or collision with European industry. 
 Europe acts within itself, and with Ameri- 
 ca ; and America acts within itself, and 
 with Europe. The consequence is, the re- 
 duction of prices in both hemispheres. Nor 
 is it fair to argue from the reduction of 
 prices in Europe, to her own presumed 
 skill and labor, exclusively. We affect 
 her prices, and she affects ours. This must 
 always be the case, at least in reference to 
 any articles as to which there is not a to- 
 tal non-intercourse ; and if our industry, 
 by diminishing the demand for her sup- 
 plies, should produce a diminution in the 
 price of those supplies, it would be very 
 unfair to ascribe that reduction to her in- 
 genuity instead of placing it to the credit 
 of our own skill and excited industry. 
 
 The great law of price is determined by 
 supply and demand. Whatever affects 
 either, affects the price. If the supply is 
 increased, the demand remaining the same, 
 the price declines; if the demand is in- 
 creased, the supply remaining the same, 
 the price advances ; if both supply and de- 
 mand are undiminished, the price is sta- 
 tionary, and the price is influenced exactly 
 in proportion to the degree of disturbance 
 to the demand or supply. It is therefore a 
 great error to suppose that an existing or 
 new duty necessarilj/ becomes a component 
 element to its exact amount of price. If 
 the proportion of demand and supply are
 
 92 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 varied by the duty, either in augmenting 
 the supply, or diminishing the demand, or 
 vice versa, price is affected to the extent of 
 that variation. But the duty never becomes 
 an integral part of the price, except in the 
 instances where the demand and the supply 
 remain after the duty is imposed, precisely 
 what they were before, or the demand is 
 increased, and the supply remains sta- 
 tionary. 
 
 Competition, therefore, wherever exist- 
 ing, whether at home or abroad, is the 
 parent cause of cheapness. If a high duty 
 excites jjroduction at home, and the quan- 
 tity of the domestic article exceeds the 
 amount which had been previously im- 
 ported the price will fall. This accounts 
 for an extraordinary fact stated by a Sena- 
 tor from Missouri. Three cents were laid as a 
 duty upon a pound of lead, by the act of 
 1S28. The price at Galena, and the other 
 lead mines, afterwards fell to one and a 
 half cents per pound. Kow it is obvious 
 that the duty did not, in this case, enter 
 into the price : for it was twice the amount 
 of the price. What produced the fall ? It 
 was stwiulated production at home, excited 
 by the temptation of the exclusive posses- 
 sion of the home market. This state of 
 things could not last. Men would not con- 
 tinue an unprofitable pursuit; some aban- 
 doned the business, or the total quantity 
 produced was diminished, and living prices 
 have been the consequence. But, break 
 down the domestic supply, place us again 
 in a state of dependence on the foreign 
 source, and can it be doubted that we 
 should ultimately have to supply ourselves 
 at dearer rates ? It is not fair to credit the 
 foreign market with the depression of prices 
 produced there by the influence of our 
 competition. Let the competition be with- 
 drawn, and their prices would instantly 
 rise. 
 
 But, it is argued that if, by the skill, ex- 
 perience, and perfection which we have 
 acquired in certain branches of manufac- 
 ture, they can be made as cheap as similar 
 articles abroad, and enter fairly into com- 
 petition with them, why not repeal the 
 duties as to those articles ? And why should 
 we ? Assuming the truth of the supposi- 
 tion the foreign article would not be intro- 
 duced in the regular course of trade, but 
 would remain excluded by the possession 
 of the home market, which the domestic 
 article had obtained. The repeal, therefore, 
 would have no legitimate effect. But might 
 not the foreign article be imported in vast 
 quantities, U) glut our markets, break down 
 our cstablisbments, and ultimately to enable 
 the foreigner to monopolize the supply of 
 our consumption? America is the greatest 
 foreign market for European manufac- 
 tures. It is tliat to which European at- 
 tention is constantly directed. If a great 
 house becomes bankrupt there, its store- 
 
 houses are emptied, and the goods are ship- 
 ped to America, where, in consequence of 
 our auctions, and our custom-house credits, 
 the greatest facilities are afforded in the 
 sale of them. Combinations among manu- 
 facturers might take place, or even the op- 
 erations of foreign governments might be 
 directed to the destruction of our establish- 
 ments. A repeal, therefoi-e, of one protect- 
 ing duty, from some one or all of these 
 causes, would be followed by flooding the 
 country with the foreign fabric, surcharg- 
 ing the market, reducing the price, and a 
 complete prostration of our manufactories ; 
 after which the foreigner would leisurely 
 look about to indemnify himself in the in- 
 creased prices which he Avould be enabled 
 to command by his monopoly of the supply 
 of our consumption. What American cit- 
 izen, after the government had displayed 
 this vacillating policy, would be again 
 tempted to place the smallest confidence in 
 the public faith, and adventure once more 
 in this branch of industry ? 
 
 Gentlemen have allowed to the manu- 
 facturing portions of the community no 
 peace ; they have been constantly threat- 
 ened with the overthrow of the American 
 System. From the year 1820, if not from 
 1816, down to this time, they have been 
 held in a condition of constant alarm and 
 insecurity. Nothing is more prejudicial to 
 the great interests of a nation than unset- 
 tled and varying policy. Although every 
 appeal to the national legislature has been 
 responded to in conformity with the wishes 
 and sentiments of the great majority of the 
 people, measures of protection have only 
 been carried by such small majorities as to 
 excite hopes on the one hand, and fears on 
 the other. Let the countiy breathe, let its 
 vast resources be developed, let its ener- 
 gies be fully put forth, let it have tran- 
 quillity, and my word for it, the degree of 
 perfection in the arts which it will exhibit, 
 will be greater than that which has been 
 presented, astonishing as our progress has 
 been. Although some branches of our 
 manufactures might, and in foreign mar- 
 kets now do, fearlessly contend with simi- 
 lar foreign fabrics, there are many others 
 yet in their infancy, struggling with the 
 difficulties which encompass them. We 
 should look at the whole system, and re- 
 collect that time, when we contemplate the 
 great movements of a nation, is very difl'er- 
 ent from the short period which is allotted 
 for the duration of individual life. The 
 honorable gentleman from South Caro- 
 lina well and eloquently said, in 1824, 
 " No great interest of any country ever yet 
 grew up in a day ; no new branch of in- 
 dustry can l)ecome firmly and profitably 
 established but in a long course of years; 
 every thing, indeed, great or good, is ma- 
 tured by slow degrees: that which attains 
 a speedy maturity is of small value, and is
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 
 
 93 
 
 destined to a brief existence. It is the or- 
 der of Providence, that powers gradually 
 developed, shall alone attain jiermanency 
 and perfection. Thus must it be with our 
 national institutions, and national charac- 
 ter itself.'' 
 
 I feel most sensibly, Mr. President, how 
 much I have trespassed upon the Senate. 
 My apology is a deep and deliberate con- 
 viction, that the great cause under debate 
 involves the prosj^erity and the destiny of 
 the Union. But the best requital I can 
 make, for the friendly indulgence which 
 has been extended to me by the Senate, 
 and for which I shall ever retain senti- 
 ments of lasting gratitude, is to proceed 
 with as little delay as practicable, to the 
 conclusion of a discourse which has not 
 been more tedious to the Senate than ex- 
 hausting to me. I have now to consider 
 the remaining of the two propositions 
 which I have already announced. That 
 is: 
 
 Secondly. That under the operation of 
 the American System, the products of our 
 agriculture command a higher price than 
 they would do without it, by the creation 
 of a home market ; and by the augmenta- 
 tion of wealth produced by manufacturing 
 industry, which enlarges our powers of 
 consumption both of domestic and foreign 
 articles. The importance of the home 
 market is among tlie established maxims 
 which are universally recognized by all 
 writers and all men. However some may 
 differ as to the relative advantages of the 
 foreign and the home market, none deny 
 to the latter great value and high conside- 
 ration. It is nearer to us; beyond the 
 control of foreign legislation ; and undis- 
 turbed by those vicissitudes to which all 
 international intercourse is more or less 
 exposed. The most stujDid are sensible of 
 the benefit of a residence in the vicinity of 
 a large manufactory, or of a i^flarket town, 
 of a good road, or of a navigable stream, 
 which connects their farms with some 
 great capital. If the pursuits of all men 
 were perfectly the same, although they 
 would be in possession of the greatest 
 abundance of the particular produce of 
 their industry, they might, at the same 
 time, be in extreme want of other neces- 
 sary articles of human subsistence. The 
 uniformity of the general occupation would 
 preclude all exchanges, all commerce It 
 is only in the diversity of the vocations of 
 the members of a community that the 
 means can be found for those salutary ex- 
 changes which conduce to the general 
 prosperity. And the greater that diversity, 
 the more extensive and the more animat- 
 ing is the circle of exchange. Even if 
 foreign markets were freely and widely 
 open to the reception of our agricultural 
 produce, from its bulky nature, and the 
 distance of the interior, and the dangers 
 
 of the ocean, large portions of it could 
 never profitably reach the foreign market. 
 But let us quit this field of theory, clear as 
 it is, and look at the practical operation of 
 the system of protection, beginning with 
 the most valuable staple of our agricul- 
 ture. 
 
 But if all this reasoning were totally 
 fallacious — if the price of manufactured 
 articles were really higher, under the 
 American system, than without it, I should 
 still argue that high or low prices were 
 themselves relative — relative to the ability 
 to pay them. It is in vain to tempt, to 
 tantalize us with the lower prices of Euro- 
 pean fabrics than our own, if we have 
 nothing wherewith to purchase them. If, 
 by the home exchanges, we can be sup- 
 plied with necessary, even if they are 
 dearer and worse, articles of American 
 production than the foreign, it is better 
 than not to be supplied at all. And how 
 would the large portion of our country 
 which I have described be supplied, but 
 for the home exchanges? A poor peoi)le, 
 destitute of wealth or of exchangeable 
 commodities, has nothing to purchase for- 
 eign fabrics. To them they are equally 
 beyond their reach, whether their cost be 
 a dollar or a guinea. It is in this view of 
 the matter that Great Britain, by her vast 
 wealth — her excited and protected industry 
 — is enabled to bear a burden of taxation 
 which, when compared to that of other 
 nations, appears enormous ; but which, 
 when her immense riches are compared to 
 theirs, is light and trivial. The gentle- 
 man from South Carolina has drawn a 
 lively and flattering picture of our coasts, 
 bays, rivers, and harbors ; and he argues 
 that these proclaimed the design of Provi- 
 dence, that we should be a commercial 
 people. I agree with him. We differ 
 only as to the means. He would cherish 
 the foreign, and neglect the internal tfade. 
 I would foster both. What is navigation 
 without ships, or ships without cargoes ? 
 By penetrating the bosoms of our moun- 
 tains, and extracting from them their pre- 
 cious treasures ; by cultivating the earth, 
 and securing a home market for its rich 
 p.nd abundant products ; by employing the 
 Avater power with which we are blessed ; 
 by stimulating and protecting our native 
 industry, in all its forms ; we shall but 
 nourish and promote the prosperity of 
 commerce, foreign and domestic. 
 
 I have hitherto considered the question 
 in reference only to a state of peace ; Init 
 a season of war ought not to be entirely 
 overlooked. We have enjoyed near twen- 
 ty years of peace ; but who can tell when 
 the storm of war shall again break forth ? 
 Have we forgotten so soon, the ])rivation3 
 to which, not merely our brave soldiers 
 and our gallant tars were subjected, but 
 the whole community, during the last
 
 94 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 war, for the want of absolute necessaries ? 
 To what an enormous price they rose ! 
 And how inadequate tlae sujaply was, at 
 any price! Tlie statesman wlio justly 
 elevates his views, will look behind, as 
 well as forward, and at the existing state 
 of things ; and he will graduate the policy 
 which he recommends, to all the probable 
 exigencies which may arise in the Repub- 
 lic. Taking this comprehensive range, it 
 would be easy to show that the higher 
 prices of peace, if prices were higher in 
 peace, were more than compensated by the 
 lower prices of war, during which supplies 
 of all essential articles are indispensable to 
 its vigorous, effectual and glorious prose- 
 cution. I conclude this part of the argu- 
 ment with the hope that my humble exer- 
 tions have not been altogether unsuccess- 
 ful in showing — 
 
 1. That the policy which we have been 
 considering ought to continue to be re- 
 garded as the genuine American System. 
 
 2. That the Free Trade System, which 
 is proposed as its substitute, ought really 
 to be considered as the British Colonial 
 System. 
 
 3. That the American System is bene- 
 ficial to all parts of the Union, and abso- 
 lutely necessary to much the larger 
 portion. 
 
 4. That the price of the great staple of 
 cotton, and of all our chief productions of 
 agriculture, has been sustained and up- 
 held, and a decline averted by the Protec- 
 tive System. 
 
 5. That if the foreign demand for cot- 
 ton has been at all diminished by the 
 operation of that system, the diminution 
 has been more than compensated in the 
 additional demand created at home. 
 
 6. That the constant tendency of the 
 system, by creating competition among 
 ourselves, and between American and Eu- 
 ropean industry, reciprocally acting upon 
 each other, is to reduce prices of manufac- 
 tured objects. 
 
 7. That in point of fact, objects within 
 the scojie of the policy of protection have 
 greatly fhllen in price. 
 
 8. That if, in a season of peace, these 
 benefits are experienced, in a season of 
 war, when the foreign supply might be 
 cut r)ff, they would be much more exten- 
 sively felt. 
 
 9. And finally, that the substitution of 
 the British Colonial System for the Ameri- 
 can System, without benefiting any sec- 
 tion of the Union, by sulyecting us to a 
 foreign legislation, regulated by foreign 
 interests, would lead to the prostration of 
 our manufactures, general impoverishment, 
 and ultimate ruin. 
 
 The danger to our Union does not lie on 
 the side of persistence in the American 
 System, but on that of its abandonment, 
 if, aa I have supposed and believe, the 
 
 inhabitants of all north and east of James 
 river, and all west of the mountains, in- 
 cluding Louisiana, are deeply interested in 
 the preservation of that system, would they 
 be reconciled to its overthrow ? Can it be 
 expected that two-thirds, if not three- 
 fourths, of the people of the United States, 
 would consent to the destruction of a 
 policy, believed to be indispensably ne- 
 cessary to their prosperity? \7hen, too, 
 the sacrifice is made at the instance of a 
 single interest, which they verily believe 
 will not be promoted by it? In estima- 
 ting the degree of peril which may be in- 
 cident to two opposite courses of human 
 policy, the statesman would be short- 
 sighted who should content himself with 
 viewing only the evils, real or imaginary, 
 which belong to that course which is in 
 practical operation. He should lift himself 
 up to the contemplation of those greater 
 and more certain dangers which might 
 inevitably attend the adoption of the al- 
 ternative course. What would be the 
 condition of this Union, if Pennsylvania 
 and New York, those mammoth merhbers 
 of our confederacy, were firmly persuaded 
 that their industry was paralyzed, and 
 their prosperity blighted, by the enforce- 
 ment of the British colonial system, under 
 the delusive name of free trade? They 
 are now tranquil and happy, and con- 
 tented, conscious of their welfare, and feel- 
 ing a salutary and rapid circulation of the 
 products of home manufactures and home 
 industry throughout all their great arteries. 
 But let that be checked, let them feel that 
 a foreign system is to predominate, and the 
 sources of their subsistence and comfort 
 dried up ; let New England and the west, 
 and the middle States, all feel that they 
 too are the victims of a mistaken policy, 
 and let these vast portions of our country 
 despair of ai^y favorable change, and then 
 indeed might we tremble for the continu- 
 ance and safety of this Union ! 
 
 And now, sir, I would address a few 
 words to the friends of the American Sys- 
 tem in the Senate. The revenue must — 
 ought to be reduced. The country will 
 not, after, by the payment of the public 
 debt, ten or twelve millions of dollars be- 
 come unnecessary, bear such an annual sur- 
 plus. Its distribution would form a sub- 
 ject of perpetual contention. Some of the 
 opponents of the system understand the 
 stratagem by which to attack it, and are 
 shaping their course accordingly. It is to 
 crush the system by the accumulation of 
 revenue, and by the effort to persuade the 
 people that they are unnecessarily taxed, 
 wliile those would really tax them who 
 would break up the native sources of sup- 
 l)ly, and render them dependent upon the 
 foreign. I'ut the revenue ought to be re- 
 (hiced, so as to accommodate it to the fact 
 of the payment of the public debt. And
 
 BOOK III.] BUCHANAN ON AN INDEPENDENT TREASURY. 
 
 95 
 
 the alternative is or may be, to preserve 
 the protecting system, and repeal the du- 
 ties on the unprotected articles, or to pre- 
 serce the duties on unprotected uriioXcs,, and 
 endanger if not destroy the system. Let 
 us then adopt the measure before us, which 
 will benefit all classes ; the farmer, the pro- 
 fessional man, the merchant, the manufac- 
 turer, the mechanic ; and the cotton plant- 
 er more than all. A few mouths ago there 
 was no diversity of opinion as to the ex- 
 pediency of this measure. All, then, 
 seemed to unite in the selection of these 
 objects for a repeal of duties which were 
 not produced within the country. Such a 
 repeal did not touch our domestic indus- 
 try, violated no principle, offended no 
 prejudice. 
 
 Can we not all, whatever may be our 
 favorite theories, cordially unite on this 
 neutral ground ? When that is occupied, 
 let us look beyond it, and see if anything 
 can be done in the field of protection, to 
 modify, or improve it, or to satisfy those 
 who are opposed to the system. Our 
 southern brethren believe that it is injuri- 
 ous to them, and ask its repeal. We be- 
 lieve that its abandonment will be preju- 
 dicial to them, and ruinous to every other 
 section of the Union. However strong 
 their convictions may be, they are not 
 stranger than ours. Between the points of 
 the preservation of the system and its ab- 
 solute repeal, there is no principle of 
 union. If it can be shown to operate im- 
 moderately on any quarter — if the measure 
 of protection to any article can be demon- 
 strated to be undue and inordinate, it 
 would be the duty of Congress to inter- 
 pose and apply a remedy. And none will 
 co-operate mire heartily than I shall in 
 the performince of that duty. It is quite 
 probable that beneficial mKlifications of 
 the svstem may be made without impairing 
 its efficacy. But to make it fulfill the pur- 
 poses of its institution, the measure of pro- 
 tection ought to be adequate. If it be not, 
 all interests will be injuriously affected. 
 The manufacturer, crippled in his exer- 
 tion-*, will produce less perfect and dearer 
 fabrics, and the consumer will feel the 
 consequence. This is the spirit, and these 
 are the principles only, on which, it seems 
 to me, that a settlement of the great ques- 
 tion can be made, satisfactorily to all parts 
 of our Union. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan's Speech on the Independent 
 Treasury, 
 
 January 22, IS-k), which gave rise to the " ten cent" charge. 
 
 "We are also charged by the Senator 
 from Kentucky with a desire to reduce the 
 wages of the poor man's labor. We have 
 often been termed agrarians on our side of 
 the House. It is something new under 
 the sun, to hear the Senator and his friends 
 
 attribute to us a desire to elevate the 
 wealthy manufacturer, at the expense of 
 the laboring 'man and the mechanic. 
 From my soul, I respect the laboring man. 
 Labor is the foundation of the wealth of 
 every country ; and the free laborers of the 
 North deserve respect, both for their probity 
 and their intelligence. Heaven forbid that 
 I should do them wrong! Of all the 
 countries on the earth, we ought to have 
 the most consideration for the laboring 
 man. From the very nature of our insti- 
 tutions, the wheel of fortune is constantly 
 revolving, and producing such mutations 
 in property, that the wealthy man of to- 
 day may become the poor laborer of to- 
 morrow. Truly, wealth often takes to itself 
 wings and flies away. A large fortune 
 rarely lasts beyond the third generation, 
 even if it endure so long. We must all 
 know instances of individuals obliged to 
 labor for their daily bread, whose grand- 
 fathers were men of fortune. The regular 
 process of society would almost seem to 
 consist of the efforts of one class to dissi- 
 pate the fortunes wdiich they have inherit- 
 ed, whilst another clasps, by their industry 
 and economy, are regularly rising to 
 wealth. We have all, therefore, a common 
 interest, as it is our common duty, to pro- 
 tect the rights of the laboring man : and if 
 I believed for a moment that this bill 
 would prove injurious to him, it should 
 meet my unqualified opposition. 
 
 " Although this bill will not have as 
 great an influence as I could desire, yet, as 
 far as it goes, it will benefit the laboring 
 man as much, and probably more than any 
 other class of society. What is it he ought 
 most to desire? Constant employment, 
 regular wages, and uniform reasonable 
 prices for the necessaries and comforts of 
 life which he requires. Now, sir, what 
 has been his condition under our system 
 of expansions and contractions? He has 
 suffered more by them than any other class 
 of society. The rate of his wages is fixed 
 and known ; and they are the last to rise 
 with the increasing expansion and the first 
 to fall when the corresponding revulsion 
 occurs. He still continues to receive his 
 dollar per day, whilst the price of every 
 article which he consumes is rapidly rising. 
 He is at length made to feel that, although 
 he nominally earns as much, or even more 
 than he did formerly, yet, from the in- 
 creased price of all the necessaries of life, 
 he cannot support his family. Hence the 
 strikes for higher wages, and the uneasy and 
 excited feelings which have at different 
 periods, existed among the laboring clas-es. 
 But the expansion at length reaches the 
 exploding point, and what does the Labor- 
 ing man now suffer? He is for a season 
 thrown out of employment altogether. Our 
 manufactures are suspended ; our public 
 works iire stopped ; our private enterprises
 
 96 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 of different kinds are abandoned; and, 
 whilst others are able to weather the storm, 
 he can scarcely procure the means of bare 
 subsistence. 
 
 " Again, sir ; who, do you suppose, held 
 the greater part of the worthless paper of 
 the one hundred and sixty-five broken 
 banks to which I have referred ? Certainly 
 it was not the keen and wary speculator, 
 who snufis danger from afar. If you were 
 to make the search, you Avould find more 
 broken bank notes in the cottages of the 
 laboring poor than anywhere else. And 
 these miserable shinplasters, where are 
 they ? After the revulsion of 1837, labor- 
 ers were glad to obtain employment on any 
 terms ; and they often received it upon the 
 express condition that they should accept 
 this worthless trash in payment. Sir, an 
 entire suppression of all bank notes of a 
 lower denomination than the value of one 
 week's wages of the laboring man is abso- 
 lutely necessary for his protection. He 
 ought always to receive his wages in gold 
 and silver. ' Of all men on the earth, the 
 laborer is most interested in having a sound 
 and stable currency. 
 
 "All other circumstances being equal, I 
 agree with the Senator from Kentucky 
 that that country is most prosperous where 
 labor commands the highest wages. I do 
 not, however, mean by the terms ' highest 
 wages,' the greatest nominal amount. 
 During the revolutionary war, one day's 
 work commanded a hundred dollars of 
 continental paper ; but this would have 
 scarcely purchased a breakfast. The more 
 proper expression would be, to say that 
 that country is most prosperous where 
 labor commands the greatest reward ; 
 where one day's labor will procure not the 
 greatest nominal amount of a depreciated 
 currency, but most of the necessaries and 
 comforts of life. If, therefore, you should, 
 in some degree, reduce the nominal jirice 
 paid for labor, by reducing the amount of 
 your bank issues within reasonable and safe 
 limits, and establishing a metallic basis 
 for your paper circuhition, would this in- 
 jure the lal)oror? Certainly not ; because 
 the price of all the necessaries and com- 
 forts of life are reduced in the same pro- 
 portion, and he will be able to jmrchase 
 more of them for one dollar in a sound 
 state of the currency, than he could have 
 done, in the days of extravagant expansion, 
 for a dollar and a quarter. So far from in- 
 juring, it will greatly benefit the labor- 
 ing man. It will insure to him constant em- 
 ployment and regular prices, paid in a 
 sound currency, which, of all things, he 
 ought most to desire ; and it will save him 
 from being involved in niin l)y a recur- 
 rence of those periodical expansions and 
 crintractions of the currency, which have 
 liithcrto convulsed the country. 
 
 " This sound state of the currency will 
 
 have another most happy effect upon the 
 laboring man. He will receive his wages 
 in gold and silver ; and this will induce 
 him to lay up, for future use, such a por- 
 tion of them as he can spare, after satisfy- 
 ing his immediate wants. This he will 
 not do at present, because he knows not 
 whether the trash which he is now com- 
 pelled to receive as money, will continue 
 to be of any value a week or a month 
 hereafter. A knowledge of this fact tends 
 to banish economy from his dwelling, and 
 induces him to expend all his wages as 
 rapidly as possible, lest they may become 
 worthless on his hands. 
 
 "Sir, the laboring classes understand 
 this subject perfectly. It is the hard- 
 handed and firm-fisted men of the country 
 on whom we must rely in the day of 
 danger, who are the most friendly to the 
 passage of this bill. It is they who are 
 the most ardently in favor of infusing into 
 the currency of the country a very large 
 amount of the precious metals." 
 
 liexria Cass on tlie Missouri Compromise. 
 
 From a speech made on the 20th of February, 1 854. 
 
 Mr. President : I have not withheld the 
 expression of my regret elsewhere, nor 
 shall I withhold it here, that this question 
 of repeal of the Missouri compromise, 
 which opens all the disputed points con- 
 nected with the subject of Congressional 
 action upon slavery in the territories of the 
 United States, has been brought beibre us. 
 I do not think the practical advantages to 
 result from the measure will outweigh the 
 injurj^ which the ill-feeling, fated to ac- 
 company the discussion of this subject 
 through the country, is sure to produce. 
 And I was confirmed in this impression 
 from what was said by the Senator from 
 Tennessee, (Mr. Jones,") by the Senator 
 from Kentucky, (Mr. Dixon,) and from 
 North Carolina, (Mr. Badger,) and also by 
 the remarks which fell Irom the Senator 
 from Virginia, (Mr. Hunter,) and in which 
 I ftilly c(mcur, that the Soutli will never 
 receive any benefit from this measure, so 
 far as respects the extension of slavery ; 
 for, legislate as we may, no human power 
 can establish it in the regions defined by 
 these liills. And such were the sentiments 
 of two eminent j)atriots, to whose exertions 
 we are greatly indebted for the satisfactory 
 termination of the ditficulties of 1850, and 
 who since j)assed from their labors, and, I 
 trust, to their reward. Thus believing, I 
 should have been better content had tlie 
 wlioU'sul)ject Iteen left as it was by the bill 
 when first introduced by the Senator from 
 Illinois, without any provision regarding 
 the Missouri compromise. I am aware 
 that it was reported that I intended to pro-
 
 BOOKiii.J CLEMENT L, VALLANDIGHAM ON SLAVERY, 
 
 97 
 
 pose the repeal of that measure, but it was 
 an error. My intentions were wholly mis- 
 understood. I had no design whatever to 
 take such a step, and thus resuscitate a 
 deed of conciliation which had done its 
 work, and done it well, and which was 
 hallowed by patriotism, by success, and by 
 its a-ssociation with great names, now trans- 
 ferred to history. It belonged to a past 
 generation; and in the midst of a political 
 tempest which appalled the wisest and 
 firmest in the land, it had said to the waves 
 of agitation, raicc, he still, and they be- 
 came still. It would have been better, in 
 mv opinion, not to disturb its slumber, as 
 all useful and practical objects could have 
 been attained without it. But the ques- 
 tion is here without my agency. 
 
 Clement Ij. Vallandlgham on Slavery. 
 
 October 29, 1855. 
 
 "Slavery, gentlemen, older in other 
 countries also, than the records of human 
 society, existed in America at the date of 
 its discovery. The first slaves of the Euro- 
 
 gean, were natives of the soil : and a 
 'uritan governor of Massachusetts, founder 
 of the family of Winthrop, bequeathed 
 his soul to God, and his Indian slaves to 
 the lawful heirs of his body. Negro 
 slavery w;is introduced into Hispaniola in 
 1501 : more than a century before the colo- 
 nization of America by the English. 
 Massachusetts, by express enactment in 
 Itjll punishing ' manstealing ' with death : 
 — ana it is so punished to this day under 
 th^^ laws of the United States — legalized 
 yet the enslaving of captives taken in war, 
 and of such ' strangers,' foreigners, as 
 should be acquired by purchase: while 
 confederate New England, two years later, 
 
 f>roviding for the equitable division of 
 ands, goods and 'persons,' as equally a 
 part of the 'spoils' of war, enacted also 
 the first fugitive slave law in America. 
 White slaves — convicts and paupers some 
 of them ; others at a later day, prisoners 
 taken at the battles of Dunbar and Wor- 
 cestar, and of Sedgemoor — were at the 
 first, employed in Virginia and the British 
 West Indies. Bought in England by 
 English dealers, among whom was the 
 queen of James II., with many of his no- 
 bles and courtiers, some of them perhaps 
 of the house of Sutherland ; they were 
 imported and sold at auction to the highest 
 bidder. In 1620, a Dutch man-of-war first 
 landed a cargo of slaves upon the banks 
 of James River. But the earliest slave 
 ship belonging to English colonists, was 
 fitted out in 1645, by a member of the 
 Puritan church of Boston. Fostered still 
 by English princes and nobles : confirmed 
 and cherished by British legislation and 
 31 
 
 judicial decisions, even against the wishes 
 and in spite of the remonstrances of the 
 Colonies, the traffic increased ; slaves mul- 
 tiplied, and on the Fourth of July, 1776, 
 every colony was now become a slave state ; 
 and the sun went down that day upon four 
 hundred and fifty thousand of those who 
 in the cant of eighty years later, are styled 
 ' human chattels,' but who were not by the 
 act of that day emancipated. 
 
 " Eleven years alterwards, delegates as- 
 sembled at Philadelphia, from every state 
 except Rhode Island, ignoring the ques- 
 tion of the sinfulness and immorality of 
 slavery, as a subject with which they as 
 the representatives of separate and inde- 
 pendent states had no concern, founded a 
 union and framed a constitution, which 
 leaving with each state the exclusive con- 
 trol and regulation of its own domestic 
 institutions, and providing for the taxation 
 and representation of slaves, gave no right 
 to Congress to debate or to legislate con- 
 cerning slavery in the states or territories, 
 except for the interdiction of the slave 
 trade and the extradition of fugitive 
 slaves. The Plan of Union proposed by 
 Franklin in 1754, had contained no allu- 
 sion even to slavery ; and the articles of 
 Confederation of 1778, but a simple recog- 
 nition of its existence — so wholly was it re- 
 garded then, a domestic and local concern. 
 In 1787 every state, except perhaps Massa- 
 chusetts, tolerated slavery either absolutely 
 or conditionally. — But the number of 
 slaves north of Maryland, never great, 
 was even yet comparatively small ; not ex- 
 ceeding forty thousand in a total slave 
 population of six hundred thousand. In 
 the North, chief carrier of slaves to others 
 even as late as 1807, slavery never took 
 firm root. Nature warred against it in 
 that latitude ; otherwise every state in the 
 Union would have been a slave-holding 
 state to this day. It was not profitable 
 there ; and it died out — lingering indeed 
 in New York till July, 1827. It died out : 
 but not so much by the manumission of 
 slaves, as by their transportation and sale 
 in the South : and thus New England, sir, 
 turned an honest penny with her left hand, 
 and with her right, modestly wrote herself 
 down in history, as both generous and 
 just. 
 
 " In the South, gentlemen, all this was 
 precisely reversed. The earliest and most 
 resolute enemies to slavery, were Southern 
 men. But climate had fiistened the insti- 
 tution upon them ; and they found no \yay 
 to strike it down. From the beginning 
 indeed, the Southern colonies especially 
 had resisted the introduction of African 
 slaves ; and at the very outset of the revo- 
 lution, Virginia and North Carolina in- 
 terdicted the slave trade. The Continental 
 Congress soon after, on the sixth of April, 
 1776, three months earlier than the Do-
 
 98 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 claration of Independence, resolved that 
 no more slaves ought to be imported into 
 the thirteen colonies. Jetlerson, in his 
 draught of the Declaration, had de- 
 nounced the King of England alike for 
 encouraging the slave trade, and for fo- 
 menting servile insurrection in the prov- 
 inces. Ten years later, he boldly attacked 
 slavery in his " Notes on Virginia ;" and 
 in the Congress of the Confederation, 
 prior to the adoption of the Constitution, 
 Icith its solemn compacts and compromises 
 upon the subject of slavery, proposed to ex- 
 clude it from the territory^ northwest the 
 river Ohio. Colonel Mason of Virginia 
 vehemently condemned it, in the conven- 
 tion of 1787. Nevertheless it had already 
 become manifest that slavery must soon 
 die away in the North, but in the South 
 continue and harden into perhaps a per- 
 manent, uneradicable system. Hostile in- 
 terests and jealousies sprang up, therefore, 
 in bitterness even in the convention. But 
 the blood of the patriot brothers of Caro- 
 lina and Massachusetts smoked yet upon 
 the battle fields of the revolution. The 
 recollection of their kindred language, 
 and common dangers and sufferings, 
 burned still fresh in their hearts. Patriot- 
 ism proved more powerful than jealousy, 
 and good sense stronger than fanaticism. 
 There were no Sewards, no Hales, no 
 Sumners, no Greeleys, no Parkers, no 
 Chase, in that convention. There was a 
 Wilson ; but he rejoiced not in the name 
 of Henry; and he was a Scotchman. 
 There was a clergyman — no, not in the 
 convention of '87, but in the Congress of 
 '76 ; but it was the devout, the learned, the 
 pious, the patriotic Witherspoon ; of for- 
 eign birth also, a native of Scotland, too. 
 The men of that day and generation, sir 
 were content to leave the question of 
 slavery just where it belonged. It did not 
 occur to them, that each one among them 
 was accountable for * the sin of slave-hold- 
 ing ' in his fellow ; and that to ease his 
 tender conscience of the burden, all the 
 fruits of revolutionary privation and 
 blood and treasure ; all the recollections of 
 the past ; all the hopes of the future : 
 nay the Union, and with it, domestic tran- 
 quillity and national indenendence, ought 
 to be offered up as a sacrifice. Tlioy were 
 content to deal with political questions ; 
 and to leave cases or conscience to the 
 church and the schools, or to the indi- 
 vidual man. And accordingly to this 
 Union and Constitution, based upon these 
 compromises — execrated now as ' cove- 
 nants with death and leagues with hell ' — 
 every state acxieded : and upon these 
 foundations, thus broad and deep, and 
 Ptable, * political Hupcrstructure has, as if 
 by magic, arisen, which in symmetry and 
 proportion — and, if we would but be 
 true to our trust, in etrength and durabil- 
 
 ity — finds no parallel in the world's 
 history. 
 
 " Patriotic sentiments, sir, such as 
 marked the era of '81), continued to guide 
 the statesmen and people of the country 
 for more than thirty years, full of pros- 
 pei'ity ; till in a dead political calm, con- 
 sequent upon temporary extinguishment 
 of the ancient party lines and issues, the 
 Missouri Question resounded through 
 the land with the hollow moan of the 
 earthquake, shook the pillars of the re- 
 public even to their deep foundations. 
 
 " Within these thirty years, gentlemen, 
 slavery as a system, had been abolished by 
 law or disuse, quietly and without agita- 
 tion, in every state north of Mason and 
 Dixon's line — in many of them, lingering^ 
 indeed, in individual cases, so late as tb 3 
 census of 1840. But except in half a 
 score of instances, the question had rot 
 been obtruded upon Congress. The Fugi- 
 tive Slave Act of 1793 had been passed 
 without opposition and without a division, 
 in the Senate ; and by a vote of forty-eight 
 to seven, in the House. The slave trade 
 had been declared piracy punishable with 
 death. Eespectful petitions from the 
 Quakers of Pennsylvania, and others, 
 ujion the slavery question, were referred 
 to a committee, and a report made there- 
 on, which laid the matter at rest. Other 
 petitions afterwards were quietly rejected, 
 and, in one instance, returned to the peti- 
 tioner. Louisiana and Florida, both 
 slave-holding countries, had without agi- 
 tation been added to our territory. Ken- 
 tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, 
 and Alabama, slave states each one of 
 them, had been admitted into the Union 
 without a murmur. No Missouri Restric- 
 tion, no Wilmot Proviso had as yet reared 
 its discordant front to terrify and confound. 
 Non-intervention was then both the 
 practice and the doctrine of the statesmen 
 and people of that period : though, as 
 yet, no hollow platform enunciated it as 
 an article of faith, from which, neverthe- 
 less, obedience might be withheld, and the 
 platform ' spit upon,' provided the tender 
 conscience of the recusant did not forbid 
 him to support the candidate and help to 
 secure the spoils.' 
 
 spoi 
 
 " I know, sir, that it is easy, very easy, 
 to denounce all this as a defence of slav- 
 ery itself Be it so : be it so. But I have 
 not discussed the institution in any re- 
 s])ect; moral, religious, or political. Hear 
 me. I express no opinion in regard to it: 
 and as a citizen of the north, I have ever 
 recused, and will steadily refuse, to discuss 
 the system in any of these particulars. It 
 is precisely this continued and persistent 
 fiiscussion and 'denunciation in tne North, 
 which has brought upon us this present 
 most i)erilous crisis : since to teach men to 
 hate, is to prejjare them to destroy, at
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 
 
 99 
 
 every hazard, the object of their hatred. 
 Bir, I am resolved only to look upon slav- 
 ery outside of Ohio, just a.s the founders 
 of the constitution and Union regarded it. 
 It is no concern of mine ; none, none : nor 
 of yours, Abolitionist. Neither of us 
 will attain heaven, by denunciations of 
 slavery : nor shall we, I trow, be cast into 
 hell for the sin of others who may hold 
 slaves. I have not so learned the moral 
 government of the universe : nor do I pre- 
 sumptuously and impiously luspire to the 
 attributes of Godhead ; and seek to bear 
 upon my poor body the iniquities of the 
 world. 
 
 " I know well indeed, Mr. President, 
 that in the evil day which has befallen us, 
 all this and he who utters it, shall be de- 
 nounced as ' pro-slavery ; ' and already 
 from ribald throats, there comes up the 
 slavering, drivelling, idiot epithet of 
 'dough-face.' Again, be it so. These, 
 Abolitionist, are your only weapons of 
 warfare : and I hurl them back defiantly 
 into your teeth. I speak thus boldly, be- 
 cause I speak in and to and for the North. 
 It is time that the truth should be known, 
 and heard, in this the age of trimming 
 and subterfuge. I speak this day not as a 
 northern man, nor a southern man ; but, 
 God, be thanked, still as a United States 
 man, with United States principles ; — and 
 though the worst happen which can hap- 
 pen — though all be lost, if that shall be 
 our fate ; and I walk through the valley of 
 the shadow of political death, I will live 
 by them and die by thom. If to love my 
 country ; to cherish the Union ; to revere 
 the Constitution : if to abhor the madness 
 and hate the treason which would lift up 
 a sacrilegious hand against either; if to 
 read that in the past, to behold it in the 
 
 firesent, to foresee it in the future of this 
 and, which is of more value to us and the 
 world for ages to come, than all the multi- 
 plied millions who have inhabited Africa 
 from the creation to this day : — if this it 
 is to be pro-slavery, then, in every nerve, 
 fibre, vein, bone, tendon, joint and liga- 
 ment, from the topmost hair of the head 
 to the last extremity of the foot, I am all 
 over and altogether a pro-slavery man." 
 
 Speecli of Horace Greeley on the Grounds 
 of Protection.* 
 
 Mr. President and Respected Audi- 
 tors: — It has devolved on me, as junior 
 
 • Speech at tho Tabornacle, New Tork, February 10, 
 IS-ixl, in public debate on this resolution : — 
 
 Renolvcd, That a Protective Tariff is conducive to our 
 National Prosperity. 
 Afflnuative : Joseph Blunt, 
 
 Horace Greelet. 
 
 Negatire: Samuel J. Tilden. 
 Pakkk Gudwin. 
 Trom Greeley's " Recollections of a Busy Lifo." 
 
 advocate for the cause of Protection, to 
 open the discussion of this question. I do 
 this with less diffidence than I should feel 
 in meeting able opponents and j)racticed 
 disputants on almost any other topic, be- 
 cause I am strongly confident that you, 
 my hearers, will regard this as a subject 
 dismanding logic rather than rhetoric, the 
 exhil)ition and i)roper treatment of homely 
 truths, rather tlian the indulgence of flights 
 of fancy. As sensible as you can be of my 
 deficiencies as a debater, I have chosen to 
 put my views on paper, in order th;;t I 
 may present them in as concise a manner 
 as possible, and not consume my hour be- 
 fore commencing my argument. You have 
 nothing of oratory to lose by this course; I 
 will hope that something may be gained 
 to my cause in clearness and force. And 
 here let me say that, while the hours I 
 have been enabled to give to preparation 
 for this debate have been few indeed, I feel 
 the less regret in that my life has been in 
 some measure a preparation. If there be 
 any subject to which I have devf)ted time, 
 and thought, and patient study, in a spirit 
 of anxious desire to learn and follow the 
 truth, it is this very question of Protection ; 
 if I have totally misapprehended its 
 character and bearings, then am I ignor- 
 ant, hopelessly ignorant indeed. And, 
 while I may not hope to set before you, in 
 the brief space allotted me, all that is 
 essential to a full understanding of a ques- 
 tion which spans the whole arch of Politi- 
 cal Economy, — on which able men have 
 written volumes without at all exhausting 
 it — I do entertain a sanguine hope that I 
 shall be able to set before you considera- 
 tions conclusive to the candid and un- 
 biassed mind of the policy and necessity of 
 Protection. Let us not waste our time 
 on non-essentials. That unwise and un- 
 just measures have been adopted under 
 the pretence of Protection, I stand not here 
 to deny ; that laws intended to be Protec- 
 tive have sometimes been injurious in 
 their tendency, I need not dispute. The 
 logic which would thence infer the futility 
 or the danger of Protective Legislation 
 would just as easily prove all laws and all 
 policy mischievous and destructive. Po- 
 litical Economy is one of the latest horn of 
 the Sciences ; the very fact that we meet 
 here this evening to discuss a question so 
 fundamental as this proves it to be yet in 
 its comparative infancy. The sole favor I 
 shall ask of my opponents, therefore, is 
 that they will not waste their efforts and 
 your time in attacking positions that we do 
 not maintain, and hewing down straw 
 giants of their own manufacture, but meet 
 directly the arguments which I shall ad- 
 vance, and which, for the sake of simplicity 
 and clearness, I will proceed to put before 
 you in the form of Propositions and their 
 Illustrations, as follows: —
 
 100 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 Proposition I. A Nation which would 
 be prosperous, must prosecute various 
 branches of Industry, and supply its vital 
 Wants mainly by the Labor oj' its oicnHands. 
 
 Cast your eyes where you will over the 
 face of the earth, trace back the History 
 of Man and of Nations to the earliest re- 
 corded periods, and I think you will find 
 this rule uniformly prevailing, that the 
 nation which is eminently Agricultural 
 and Grain-exporting, — which depends 
 mainly or principally on other nations 
 for its regular supplies of Manufactured 
 fabrics, — has been comparatively a poor 
 nation, and ultimately a dependent nation. 
 I do not say that this is the instant re- 
 sult of exchanging the rude staples of 
 Agriculture for the more delicate fabrics 
 of Art ; but I maintain that it is the in- 
 evitable tendency. The Agricultural na- 
 tion falls in debt, becomes impoverished, 
 and ultimately subject. The palaces of 
 "merchant princes" may emblazon its 
 harbors and overshadow its navigable 
 waters ; there may be a mighty Alex- 
 andria, but a miserable Egypt behind it; 
 a flourishing Odessa or Dantzic, but a 
 rude, thinly peopled southern Russia or 
 Poland ; the exchangers may flourish and 
 roll in luxury, but the producers famish 
 and die. Indeed, few old and civilized 
 countries become largely exporters of 
 grain until they have lost, or by corrup- 
 tion are prepared to surrender, their in- 
 dependence ; and these often present the 
 spectacle of the laborer starving on the 
 fields he has tilled, in the midst of their 
 fertility and promise. These appearances 
 rest upon and indicate a law, which I 
 .shall endeavor hereafter to explain. I 
 pass now to my 
 
 Proposition II. There is a natural ten- 
 dency in a comparatively new Country to 
 become and continue an Exporter of Grain 
 and other rude Staples and an Importer of 
 Manufactures. 
 
 I think I hardly need waste time in de- 
 monstrating this proposition, since it is il- 
 lustrated and confirmed by universal ex- 
 perience, and rests on obvious laws. The 
 new country has abundant and fertile soil, 
 and produces (irain with remarkable fa- 
 cility ; also. Meats, Timber, Ashes, and 
 most rude and bulky articles. Labor is 
 there in demand, being required to clear, 
 to build, to open roads, &c., and the la- 
 borers are comi)aratively few; while, in 
 older countries, La])or is almndant and 
 cheap, as also are CJapital, Machinery, and 
 all the means of the cheap ])roduction of 
 Manufactured fabrics. I surely need not 
 waste words to show that, in the absence 
 of any countera(!ting ])olicy, the new coun- 
 try will import, and continue to import, 
 largely of tn(! fabrics of older countries, 
 and U) pay for them, ao far a-s she may, 
 with her Agricultural staples. I will en- 
 
 deavor to show hereafter that she will con- 
 tinue to do this long after she has attained' 
 a condition to manufacture them as cheaply 
 for herself, even regarding the money cost 
 alone. But that does not come under the 
 present head. The whole history of our 
 country, and especially from 1782 to '90, 
 when we had no Tariff and scarcely any 
 Paper Money, — proves that, whatever 
 may be the Currency or the internal 
 condition of the new country, it will con- 
 tinue to draw its chief supplies from the 
 old, — large or small according to its mea- 
 sure of ability to pay or obtain credit for 
 them ; but still, putting Duties on Imports 
 out of the question, it will continue to buy 
 its Manufactures abroad, whether in pros- 
 perity or adversity, inflation or depression. 
 
 I now advance to my 
 
 Proposition III. It is injurious to the 
 New Country thus to continue dependent for 
 its supplies of Clothing and Manufactur- 
 ed Fabrics on the Old. 
 
 As this is probably the point on which 
 the doctrines of Protection first come di- 
 rectly in collision with those of Free Trade, 
 I will treat it more deliberately, and en- 
 deavor to illustrate and demonstrate it. 
 
 I presume I need not waste time in 
 showing that the ruling price of Grain (as 
 any Manufacture) in a region whence it is 
 considerably exported, will be its price at 
 the point to which it is exported, less the 
 cost of such transportation. For instance: 
 the cost of transporting Wheat hither from 
 large grain-growing sections of Illinois 
 was last fall sixty cents ; and, New York 
 being their most available market, and the 
 price here ninety cents, the market there 
 at once settled at thirty cents. As this ad- 
 justment of prices reste on a law obvious, 
 immutable as gravitation, I presume I 
 neeet not waste words in establishing it. 
 
 I proceed, then, to my next point. The 
 average price of Wheat throughout the 
 world is something less than one dollar 
 per bushel ; higher where the consumption 
 largely exceeds the adjacent production, 
 lower where the production largely 
 exceeds the immediate consumption 
 (I put out of view in this statement the 
 inequalities created by Tariffs, as I choose 
 at this point to argue the question on the 
 basis of universal Free Trade, which is of 
 course the basis most favorable to my op- 
 ponents). I say, then, if all Tariffs were 
 abolished to-morrow, the price of Wheat 
 in England — that being the most consider- 
 able ultimate market of surpluses, and the 
 chief supplier of our manufactures — would 
 govern the price in this country, while it 
 would be itself governed by the price at 
 which that staple could be procured in 
 sufficiency from other grain-growing re- 
 gions. Now, Soutliern Russia and Central 
 I'oland produce Wheat for exportation at 
 thirty to fifty cents per bushel ; but the
 
 BOOK 111,] 
 
 HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION, 
 
 101 
 
 price is so increased by the cost of trans- 
 portation that at Dantzic it averages some 
 ninety and at Odessa some eighty cents per 
 bushel. The cost of importation to Eng- 
 land from these ports being ten and fifteen 
 cents respectively, the actual cost of the 
 article in England, all charges i)aid, and 
 allowing for a small increase of ])rice con- 
 sequent on the increased demand, would 
 not in the absence of all Tariffs whatever, 
 exceed one dollar and ten cents per bushel ; 
 and this would be the average price at 
 which we must sell it in pjiigland in order 
 to buy thence the great bulk of our Manu- 
 factures. I think no man will dispute or seri- 
 ously vary this calculation. Neither can any 
 reflecting man seriously contend that we 
 could purchase forty or fifty millions' worth 
 or more of Foreign Manufactures per an- 
 num, and pay for them in additional pro- 
 ducts of our Slave Labor — in Cotton and 
 Tobacco. The consumption of these arti- 
 cles is now pressed to its utmost limit, — 
 that of Cotton especially is borne down by 
 the immense weight of the crops annually 
 thrown upon it, and almost constantly on 
 the verge of a glut. If we are to buy our 
 Manufactures principally from Europe, we 
 must pay for the additional amount mainly 
 in the products of Northern Agricultural 
 industry, — that is universally agreed on. 
 The point to be determined is, whether we 
 could obtain them abroad cheaper — realhj 
 and positively cheaper, all Tariffs being 
 abrogated — than under an efficient system 
 of Protection. 
 
 Let us closely scan this question. Illi- 
 nois and Indiana, natural grain-growing 
 States, need cloths ; and, in the absence of 
 all tariffs, tliese can be transported to them 
 from England for two to three per cent, of 
 their value. It follows, then, that, in order 
 to undersell any American competition, 
 the British manufacturer need only put his 
 cloths at his factory^'re per cent, below the 
 wholesale price of such cloths in Illinois, 
 in order to command the American market. 
 That is, allowing a fair broadcloth to be 
 manufactured in or near Illinois for three 
 dollars and a quarter per yard, cash price, 
 in the face of British rivalry, and paying 
 American prices for materials and labor, 
 the British manufacturer has only to make 
 that same cloth at three dollars per yard in 
 Leeds or Huddersfield, and he can de- 
 cidedly undersell liis American rival, and 
 drive him out of the market. Mind, I do 
 not say that he would supply the Illinois 
 market at that price after the American 
 rivalry had been crushed ; I know he irmild 
 not; but, so long as any serious effort to 
 build up or sustain manufactures in this 
 country existed, the large and strong Euro- 
 pean establishments would struggle for the 
 additional market which our growing and 
 plenteous countr\' so invitingly proffers. 
 It is well known that in 1815-16, after the 
 
 close of the la.st war, British manufactures 
 were offered for sale in our chief marketH 
 at the rate of " pound for pound," — that is, 
 fabrics of which the first cost to the manu- 
 facturer was $4.44 were offered in Boston 
 market at $8.88, duty paid. This was not 
 sac^rifice — it was dictated by a profound 
 forecast. Well did the foreign fai)rlcants 
 know tluit their self-interest dictated the 
 utter overthrow, at whatever cost, of the 
 young rivals which the war had built up 
 in this country, and which our government 
 and a majority of the people had blindly 
 or indolently abandoned to their fate. 
 William (Jobbett, the celebrated radical, 
 but with a sturdy English heart, boasted 
 upon his first return to England that he 
 had been actively engaged here in pro- 
 moting the interests of his country by 
 compassing the destruction of American 
 manufactories in various ways which he 
 specified — "sometimes (says he) bt/ Fire." 
 We all know that great sacrifices are often 
 submitted to by a rich and long established 
 stage owner, steamboat proprietor, or what- 
 ever, to break down a young and compara- 
 tively penniless rival. So in a thousand 
 instances, especially in a rivalry for so large 
 a prize as the supplying Avith manufactures 
 of a great and growing nation. But I here 
 put aside all calculations of a temporary 
 sacrifice ; I suppose merely that the foreign 
 manufacturers will supply our grain grow- 
 ing states with cloths at a trifling j^rofit so 
 long as they encounter American rivalry; 
 and I say it is perfectly obvious that, if 
 it cost three dollars and a quarter a yard 
 to make a fair broadcloth in or near Illinois 
 in the infancy of our arts and a like article 
 could be made in Europe for three dollai-s, 
 then the utter destruction of the American 
 manufacture is inevitable. The foreign 
 drives it out of the market and its maker 
 into bankruptcy; and now our farmers, in 
 purchasing their cloths, " buy where they 
 can buy cheapest," which is the first com- 
 mandment of free trade, and get their 
 cloth of England at three dollars a yard. 
 I maintain that this would not last a year 
 after the American factories had been 
 silenced — that then the British operator 
 would begin to think of jyrofits as well as 
 bare cost for his cloth, and to adjust his 
 j)rices so as to recover what it had cost him 
 to put down the dangerous comj)etition. 
 But let this pass for the ])resent, and say 
 the foreign cloth is sold to Illinois for 
 three dollars per yard. We have yet to 
 ascertain how much she has gained or lost 
 liy the operation. 
 
 This, says Free Trade, is very plain and 
 easv. The four simple rules of arithmetic 
 suflice to measure it. She has l>ought, say 
 a million yards of foreign cloth for three 
 dollars, where she formerly paid three and 
 a quarter for American; making a clear 
 saving of a quarter of a million dollars.
 
 102 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 But not so fast — ^we have omitted one 
 important element of the calculation. 
 We have yet to see what effect the pur- 
 chase of her cloth in Europe, as contrasted 
 with its manufacture at home, will have 
 on the price of her Agricultural staples. 
 We have seen already that, in case she is 
 forced to sell a portion of her surplus pro- 
 duct in Eiu-ope, the price of that surplus 
 must be the price which can be procured 
 for it in England, less the cost of carrying 
 it there. In other words: the average 
 price in England being one dollar and ten 
 cents, and the average cost of bringing it 
 to New York being at least fifty cents and 
 then of transporting it to England at least 
 twenty-five more, the net proceeds to Il- 
 linois cannot exceed thirty^-five cents per 
 bushel. I need not more than state so ob- 
 vious a truth as that the price at which the 
 ■ surplus can be sold governs the price of 
 the whole crop ; nor, indeed, if it were 
 possible to deny this, would it at all affect 
 the argument. The real question to be de- 
 termined is, not whether the American or 
 the British manufacturers will furnish the 
 most cloth for the least cas/i, but which 
 will supply the requisite quantity of Cloth 
 for the least Grain in Illinois. Now we 
 have seen already that the price of Grain 
 at any point where it is readily and largely 
 produced is governed by its nearness to or 
 remoteness from the market to which its 
 surplus tends, and the least favorable mar- 
 ket in which any portion of it must be 
 sold. For instance : If Illinois produces 
 a surplus of five million bushels of Grain, 
 and can sell one million of bushels in New 
 York, and two millions in New England, 
 and another million in the West Indies, 
 and for the fifth million is compelled to 
 seek a market in England, and that, being 
 the remotest point at which she sells, and 
 the point most exposed to disadvantageous 
 competition, is naturally the poorest mar- 
 ket, that farthest and lowest market to 
 which she sends her surplus will govern, to 
 a great extent if not absolutely, the price 
 she receives for the whole surplus. But, 
 on the other hand, let her Cloths, her 
 wares, be manufactured in her midst, or 
 on the junctions and waterfalls in her vi- 
 cinity, thus affording an immediate market 
 for her Grain, and now the average ])rice 
 of it rises, by an irresistible law, nearly or 
 quite to the average of the world. Assum- 
 ing that average to be one dollar, the price 
 in Illinois, making allowance for tlie fer- 
 tility anil cheapness of \n'r soil, could not 
 fall below an average of seventy-five cents. 
 Tndt'cd, the experience of the periods 
 wh(!n her consumption of Grain has been 
 ofjual to her production, as well as that of 
 other sections where tlu; same has been the 
 case, proves conclusively that the averag(> 
 price of her Wheat would exceed that 
 sum. 
 
 We are now ready to calculate the profit 
 and loss. Illinois, under Free Trade, with 
 her " workshops in Europe," will buy her 
 cloth twenty-five cents per yard cheaper, 
 and thus make a nominal saving of two 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars in her 
 year's supply; but, she thereby compels 
 herself to pay for it in Wheat at thirty- 
 five instead of seventy -five cents per bush- 
 el, or to give over nine and one third 
 bushels of Wheat for eveiy yard under 
 Free Trade, instead of four and a third 
 under a system of Home Production. In 
 other words, while she is making a quarter 
 of a million dollars by buying her Cloth 
 " where she can buy cheapest," she is los- 
 ing nearly Two Millions of Dollars on the 
 net product of her Grain. The striking of 
 a balance between her profit and her loss 
 is certainly not a difficult, but rather an 
 unpromising, operation. 
 
 Or, let us state the result in another 
 form : She can buy her cloth a little cheap- 
 er in England, — Labor being there lower, 
 Machinery more perfect, and Capital more 
 abundant ; but, in order to pay for it, she 
 must not merely sell her own products at a 
 correspondingly low price, but enough 
 lower to overcome the cost of transporting 
 them from Illinois to England. 8he will 
 give the cloth-maker in England less Grain 
 for her Cloth than she would give to the 
 man who made it on her own soil ; but for 
 every bushel she sends him in payment 
 for his fabric, she must give two to the 
 wagoner, boatman, shipper, and factor who 
 transport it thither. On the whole product 
 of her industry, two thirds is tolled out by 
 carriers and bored out by Inspectors, until 
 but a beggarly remnant is left to satisfy the 
 fabricator of her goods. 
 
 And here I trust I have made obvious to 
 you the law which dooms an Agricultural 
 Country to inevitable and ruinous disad- 
 vantage in exchanging its staples for Manu- 
 factures, and involves it in perpetual and 
 increasing debt and dependence. The/act, 
 I early alluded to ; is not the reason now 
 apparent ? It is not that Agricultural com- 
 munities are more extravagant or less in- 
 dustrious than those in which Manufactures 
 or Commerce preponderate, — it is because 
 there is an inevitable disadvantjige to Ag* 
 riculture in the very nature of all distant 
 exchanges. Its products are far more 
 I)erishable than any other ; they cannot so 
 well await a future demand ; but in their 
 excessive bulk and density is the great evil. 
 We have seen that, while the English 
 Manufiicturer can send his fabrics to Illi- 
 nois for less than five per cent, on their 
 first cost, the Illinois farmer must pay two 
 hundnnl per cent, on his Grain for ita trans- 
 portation to English consumers. In other 
 words : the English manufacturer need 
 oidy produce his goods five per cent, below 
 the American to drive the latter out of the
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 
 
 103 
 
 Illinois market, the Illinoisan must produce 
 wheat for one-third of its English price in 
 order to compete with the English and Po- 
 lish grain-grower in Birmingham and Shef- 
 field. 
 
 And here is the answer to that scintil- 
 lation of Free Trade wisdom which fhishes 
 out in wonder that Manufactures are 
 eternally and espei-ially in want of Protec- 
 tion, while Agriculture and Commerce need 
 none. The assumption is false in any 
 sense, — our ConinuTce and Navigation 
 cannot live without Protection, — never did 
 live so, — hut let that pass. It is the inter- 
 est of the wlutle country which demands 
 that that portion of its Industry which is 
 most exposed to ruinous foreign rivalry 
 should be cherished and sustained. The 
 wheat-grower, the grazier, is protected by 
 ocean and land ; by the fact that no foreign 
 article can be introduced to rival his ex- 
 cept at a cost for transportation of some 
 thirty to one hundred per cent, on its 
 value ; while our Manufactures can be in- 
 undated by foreign com25etition at a cost 
 of some two to ten per cent. It is the 
 grain-grower, the cattle-raiser, who is pro- 
 tected by a duty on Foreign Manufactures, 
 quite as much a.s the spinner or shoema- 
 ker. He who talks of Manufactures being 
 protected and nothing else, might just as 
 sensibly complain that we fortify Boston 
 and New York and not Pittsburg and Cin- 
 cinnati. 
 
 Again : You see here our answer to those 
 philosophers who modestly tell us that 
 their views are liberal and enlightened, 
 while ours are benighted, selfish, and un- 
 christian. They tell us that the foreign 
 fiictory-laborer is anxious to exchange 
 with us the fruits of his labor, — that he 
 asks us to give him of our surplus of grain 
 for the cloth that he is ready to make 
 cheaper than we can now get it, while we 
 have a superabundance of bread. Now, 
 putting for the present out of the question 
 the fact that, though our Tariff were 
 abolished. Ins could remain, — that neither 
 England, nor France, nor any great man- 
 ufacturing country, would receive our 
 Grain untaxed though we offered so to 
 take their goods, — especially the fact that 
 they never did so take of us while we were 
 freely taking of them, — we say to them, 
 "Sirs, we arc willing to take Cloth of you 
 for Grain; but why prefer to trade at a 
 ruinous disadvantage to both ? Why should 
 there be half the diameter of the earth be- 
 tween him who makes coats and him who 
 makes bread, the one for the other? We 
 are willing to give you bread for clothes; 
 but we are not willing to pay two-thirds 
 of our bread as the cost of transj)orting 
 the other third to you, because we sincere- 
 ly believe it needless and greatly to our 
 disadvantage. We are willing to work for 
 and buy ot you, but not to support the 
 
 u.seles3 and crippling activity of a falsely 
 directed Commerce; not to contribute by 
 our sweat to the luxury of your n(jbles, 
 the powei of your kings. But'comu to us, 
 you who are honest, peaceable, and indus- 
 trious; bring hither your machinery, or, if 
 that is not yours, bring out your sinews; 
 and we will aid you to reproduce the im- 
 plements of your skill. We will give you 
 more bread for your cloth here than you 
 can possibly earn for it where you are, if 
 you will but come among us and aid us to 
 sustain the policy that secures steady em- 
 ployment and a fair reward to Home In- 
 dustry. We will no longer aid to prolong 
 your existence in a state of semi-starvation 
 where you are ; but we are ready to share 
 with you our Plenty and our Freedom 
 here." Such is the answer which the friends 
 of Protection make to the demand and the 
 imputation ; judge ye whether our policy 
 be indeed selfish, un-Christian, and insane. 
 I proceed now to set forth my 
 Proposition IV. That Equilibrium 
 between Agriculture, Manufactures and 
 Commerce, which we need, can only be main- 
 tained by means of Protective Duties. 
 
 You will have seen that the object we 
 seek is not to make our country a Manu- 
 facturer for other nations, but for herself, 
 — not to make her the baker and brewer 
 and tailor of other people, but of her own 
 household. If I understand at all the 
 first rudiments of National Economy, it is 
 best for each and all nations that each 
 should mainly fabricate for itself, freely 
 purchasing of others all such staples as its 
 own soil or climate proves ungenial to. 
 We appreciate quite as well as our 
 opponents the impolicy of attempting to 
 grow coffee in Greenland or glaciers in 
 Malabar, — to extract blood from a turnip 
 or sunbeams from cucumbers. A vast 
 deal of wit has been expended on our 
 stupidity by our acuter adverearies, but it 
 has been quite thrown away, except as it 
 has excited the hollow laughter of the 
 ignorant as well as thoughtless. All this, 
 however sharply pushed, falls wide of our 
 true position. To all the fine words we 
 hear about " the impossibility of counter- 
 acting the laws of Nature," "Trade Regu- 
 lating itself," &c., &c., we bow with due 
 deference, and wait for the sage to resume 
 his argument. What we do affirm is this, 
 that it is best for every nation to make at 
 home all those articles of its own consump- 
 tion that can just as well — that is, with 
 nearly or quite as little labor — be made there 
 as anywhere else. We say it is not wise, it 
 is not well, to send to France for boots, to 
 Germany for hose, to England for knives 
 and forks, and so on ; because the real cost 
 of them would be less, — even though the 
 nominal ])rice should be slightly more, — 
 if we made them in our own country; 
 while the facility of paying for them would
 
 104 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 be much greater. "We do not object to the 
 occasional importation of choice articles to 
 operate as specimens and incentives to our 
 own artisans to improve the quality and 
 finish of their workmanship, — where the 
 home competition does not avail to bring 
 the process to its perfection, as it often 
 ■will. In such cases, the rich and luxurious 
 will usually be the buyers of these choice 
 articles, and can afford to pay a good duty. 
 There are gentlemen of extra polish in our 
 cities and villages who think no coat good 
 enough for them which is not woven in an 
 English loom, — no boot adequately trans- 
 parent which has not been fashioned by a 
 Parisian master. I quarrel not with their 
 taste : I only say that, since the Govern- 
 ment must have Eevenue and the American 
 artisan should have Protection, I am glad 
 it is so fixed that these gentlemen shall 
 contribute handsomely to the former, and 
 gratify their aspirations with the least pos- 
 sible detriment to the latter. It does not 
 invalidate the fact nor the efficiency of 
 Protection that foreign competition with 
 American workmanship is not entirely 
 shut out. It is the general result which is 
 important, and not the exception. Now, 
 he who can seriously contend, as some 
 have seemed to do, that Protective Duties 
 do not aid and extend the domestic pro- 
 duction of the articles so protected might 
 as well undertake to argue the sun out of 
 the heavens at mid-day. All experience, 
 all common sense, condemn him. Do we 
 not know that our Manufactures first shot 
 up under the stringent Protection of the 
 Embargo and War? that they withered 
 and crumbled under the comparative Free 
 Trade of the few succeeding years ? that 
 they were revived and extended by the 
 Tariffs of 1824 and '28? Do we not know 
 that Germany, crippled by British policy, 
 which inundated her with goods yet ex- 
 cluded her grain and timber, was driven, 
 years since, to the establishment of her 
 " Zoll-Verein " or Tariff Union, — a mea- 
 sure of careful and stringent Protection, 
 under which Manufactures have grown up 
 and flourished through all her many 
 States? She has adhered steadily, firmly, 
 to her Protective Policy, while we have 
 faltered and oscillated ; and what is the 
 result? She has created and esfablished 
 her Manufactures ; and in doing so has 
 vastly increased her wealth and augmented 
 the reward of her industry. Her public 
 Kcntiment, as expressed througli its thou- 
 sand channels, is almost unanimous in 
 favor of the I'rotective Policy ; uthI now, 
 when England, finding at length that her 
 cupidity has overreached itself, — tliat she 
 cannot sui)j>Iy the Germans with clothes 
 refuse to buy their bread, — talks of relax- 
 ing her Corn-Laws in order to coax back 
 her ancient and ])rofitahle customer, the 
 answer is, "No; it is now too late. We 
 
 have built up Home Manufactures in re- 
 pelling your rapacity, — we cannot destroy 
 them at your caprice. What guarantee 
 have we that, should we accede to your 
 terms, you would not return again to your 
 policy of taking all and giving none so 
 soon as our factories had crumbled into 
 ruin? Besides, we have found that we can 
 make cheaper — really cheaper — than we 
 were able to buy, — can pay better wages to 
 our laborers, and secure a better and 
 steadier mai'ket lor our products. We are 
 content to abide in the position to which 
 you have driven us. Pass on ! " 
 
 But this is not the sentiment of Germany 
 alone. All Europe acts on the principle 
 of self-protection ; because all Europe sees 
 its benefits. The British journals complain 
 that, though they have made a show of re- 
 laxation in their own Tariff, and their Pre- 
 mier has made a Free Trade speech in Par- 
 liament, the chaff has caught no birds; hut 
 six hostile Tariff's — all Protective in their 
 character, and all aimed at the supremacy 
 of British Manufactures — were enacted 
 within the year 1842. And thus, while 
 schoolmen plausibly talk of the adoption 
 and spread of Free Trade principles, and 
 their rapid advances to speedy ascendency, 
 the practical man knows that the truth is 
 otherwise, and that many 3'ears must 
 elapse before the great Colossus of Manu- 
 facturing monopoly will find another Por- 
 tugal to drain of her life-blood under the 
 delusive pretence of a commercial recip- 
 rocity. And, while Britain continues to 
 pour forth her specious treatises on Politi- 
 cal Economy, proving Protection a mistake 
 and an impossibility through her Pai'lia- 
 mentary Eei^orts and Speeches in Praise of 
 Free Trade, the shrewd statesmen of other 
 nations humor the joke with all possible 
 gravity, and pass it on to the next neigh- 
 bor ; yet all the time take care of their own 
 interests, just as though Adam Smith had 
 never speculated nor Peel soberly expati- 
 ated on the blessings of Free Trade, look- 
 ing round occasionally with a curious in- 
 terest to see whether anybody was really 
 taken in by it. 
 
 I have partly anticipated, yet I will state 
 distinctly, my 
 
 Proposition V. Protection is necessary 
 and proper to sustain as urll as to create a 
 hcnrjicent adjustment of our National In- 
 dustry. 
 
 "Why cjin't our Manufacturers go alone?" 
 petulantly asks a Free-Trader; " they have 
 had Protection long enough. They ought 
 not to need it any more." To this I answer 
 that, if ]\Linufactures were protected as a 
 matter of special bounty or favor to the 
 Manufacturers, a single day were too long. 
 I would not consent that they should be 
 sustained one day longer than the interests 
 of the whole Cinintry required. I think 
 you have already seen that, not for the
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 
 
 105 
 
 sake of Manufacturers, but for the sake of 
 all Productive Labor, should Protection be 
 afforded. If I have been intelligible, you 
 will have seen that the purpose and essence 
 of Protection is Labor- Ha viN(}, — the 
 makinjj; two blades of <!;riiss grow instead of 
 one. This it does by "planting the Man- 
 ufacturer as nearly as may be by the side 
 of the Farmer," as Mr. Jelferson expressed 
 it, and thereby securing to the latter a 
 market for which he had looked to Europe 
 in vain. Now, the market of the latter is 
 certain as the recurrence of appetite ; but 
 that is not all. The Farmer and the Man- 
 ufacturer, being virtually neighbors, will 
 interchange their productions directly, or 
 with but one intermediate, instead of send- 
 ing them reciprocally across half a conti- 
 nent and a broad ocean, through the hands 
 of many holders, until the toll taken out 
 by one after another has exceeded what re- 
 mains of the grist. " Dear-bought and 
 far-fetched " is an old maxim, containing 
 more essential truth than many a chapter 
 by a modern Professor of Political Econ- 
 omy. Under the Protective policy, instead 
 of having one thousand men making Cloth 
 in one hemisphere, and an equal number 
 raising Grain in the other, with three 
 thousand factitiously employed in trans- 
 porting and interchanging these products, 
 we have over two thousand producers of 
 Grain, and as many of Cloth, leaving far 
 too little employment for one thousand in 
 making the exchanges between them. This 
 consequence is inevitable; although the 
 production on either side is not confined to 
 the very choicest locations, the total prod- 
 uct of their labor is twice as much as for- 
 merly. In other words, there is a double 
 quantity of food, clothing, and all the ne- 
 cessaries and comforts of life, to be shared 
 among the producers of w-ealth, simply 
 from the diminution of the number of non- 
 producers. If all the men now enrolled in 
 Armies and Navies were advantageously 
 employed in Productive Labor, there would 
 doubtless be a larger dividend of comforts 
 and necessaries of life for all, because more 
 to be divided than now and no greater 
 number to receive it; just so in the case 
 before us. Every thousand persons em- 
 ployed in needless Transportation and in 
 factitious Commerce are so many subtract- 
 ed from the great body of Producers, from 
 "the proceeds of whose labor all must be 
 subsisted. The dividend for each must, of 
 course, be governed by the magnitude of 
 the quotient. 
 
 But, if this be so advantageous, it is 
 queried, why is any legislation necessary? 
 Why would not all voluntarily see and 
 embrace it? I answer, because the ap- 
 parent individual advantage is often to be 
 pursued by a course directly adverse to the 
 general welfare. We know that Free Traclc 
 asserts the contrary of this; maintain- 
 
 ing that, if every man pursues that course 
 most conducive to his individual interest, 
 the general good will thereby be most cer- 
 tainly and signally promoted. ]5ut, to say 
 nothing of the glaring exceptifins to this 
 law which crowd our statute-books with 
 injunctions and penalties, we are every- 
 where met with pointed contradictions of 
 its assumption, which hallows and blesses 
 the pursuits of the gambler, the distiller, 
 and the libertine, making the usurer a 
 saint and the swindler a hero. Adam 
 Smith himself admits that there are avo- 
 cations which enrich the individual but 
 impoverish the community. 80 in the 
 case before us. A B is a farmer in Illi- 
 nois, and has much grain to sell or ex- 
 change for goods. But, while it is demon- 
 strable that, li all the manufactures con- 
 sumed in Illinois were produced there, the 
 price of grain must rise nearly to the 
 average of the world, it is equally certain 
 that A B's single act, in buying and consum- 
 ing American cloth, will not raise the 
 price of grain generally, nor of his grain. 
 It will not perceptibly aflect the price of 
 grain at all. A solemn compact of the 
 whole community to use only American 
 fabrics would have some effect ; but this 
 could never be established, or never en- 
 forced. A few Free-Traders standing out, 
 selling their grain at any advance which 
 might accrue, and buying " wdiere they 
 could buy cheapest," would induce one 
 after another to look out for No. 1, and let 
 the public interests take care of them- 
 selves: so the whole compact would fall to 
 pieces like a rope of sand. Many a one 
 would say, " Why should I aid to keep up 
 the price of Produce? I am only a co7i- 
 sumer of it," — not realizing or caring for 
 the interest of the community, even though 
 it less palpably involved his own ; and 
 that would be an end. Granted that it is de- 
 sirable to encourage and prefer Home Pro- 
 duction and Manufacture, a Tariff is the ob- 
 vious way, and the only way, in which it can 
 be effectively and certainly accomplished. 
 
 But Avhy is a Tariff necessary after l\Ianu- 
 factures are once established? " You say," 
 says a Free-Trader, " that you can Manu- 
 facture cheaper if Protected than we can 
 buy abroad : then why not do it jcif/iout 
 Protection, and save all trouble ? " Let 
 me answer this cavil : — 
 
 I will suppose that the Manufactures of 
 this Country amount in value to One 
 Hundred Millions of Dollars per annum, 
 and those of Great Britain to Three Hun- 
 dred Millions. Let us suppose also that, 
 under an efficient Protective Tariff, ours are 
 produced five percent, cheaper than those 
 of England, and that our own markets are 
 supplied ciitiroly from the Home Product. 
 But at the end of this year, 1S4.'1, we, — 
 coni'Ubling that our M;iiuifacturcs have 
 been protected long enough aud ought
 
 106 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 now to go alone, — repeal absolutely our 
 Tariff, and commit our great interests 
 thoroughly to the guidance of " Free 
 Trade." Well: at this very time the 
 British Manufacturers, on making up the 
 account and review of their year's business, 
 find that they have manufactured goods 
 costing them Three Hundred Millions, as 
 aforesaid, and have sold to just about that 
 amount, leaving a residue or surplus on 
 hand of Fifteen or Twenty Millions' worth. 
 These are to be sold ; and their net pro- 
 ceeds will constitute the interest on their 
 capital and the profit on their year's busi- 
 ness. But where shall they be sold? If 
 crowded on the Home or their established 
 Foreign Markets, they will glut and de- 
 press those markets, causing a general de- 
 cline of prices and a heavy loss, not mere- 
 ly on this quantity of goods, but on the 
 whole of their next year's business. They 
 know better than to do any such thing. 
 Instead of it, they say, " Here is the 
 American Market just thrown open to us 
 by a repeal of their Tariff: let us send 
 thither our surplus, and sell it for what it 
 will fetch." They ship it over according- 
 ly, and in two or three weeks it is rattling 
 off through our auction stores, at prices 
 first five, then ten, fifteen, twenty, and 
 down to thirty per cent, below our pre- 
 vious rates. Every jobber and dealer is 
 tickled with the idea of buying goods of 
 novel patterns so wonderfully cheap ; and 
 the sale proceeds briskly, though, at con- 
 stantly declining prices, till the whole 
 stock is disposed of and our market is 
 gorged to re])letion. 
 
 Now, the British manufacturers may not 
 have received for the whole Twenty Mil- 
 lions' worth of Goods over Fourteen or 
 Fifteen Millions ; but what of it? What- 
 ever it may be is clear profit on their year's 
 business in cash or its full equivalent. All 
 their established markets are kept clear 
 and eager; and they can now go on vigor- 
 ously and profitably with the business of 
 the new year. But more: they have crip- 
 
 Eled an active and growing rival ; they 
 ave opened a new market, which shall 
 erelong be theirs also. 
 
 Let us now look at our side of the ques- 
 tion : — 
 
 The American Manufacturers have also 
 a stock of goods on hand, and they come 
 into our inarket to dispose of them. But 
 they suddenly find that market forestalled 
 and d('j)resscd by rival fal>rics of attractive 
 novelty, and selling in profusion at prices 
 which ra|)idly run down to twenty-five 
 per cent, below cost. What are they to do? 
 They cannot force sales at any price not 
 utterly ruinous; tliere is no demand at any 
 rate. They cannot retaliate upf)n JCngland^ 
 the mischief they mu<t suffer, — lier Tariff 
 forbids; and th(! other markets of the 
 world are fully supplied, and will bear but 
 
 a limited pressure. The foreign influx has 
 created a scarcity of money as well aa a 
 plethora of goods. Specie has largely been 
 exported in payment, which has compelled 
 the Banks to contract and deny loans. 
 Still, their obligations must be met ; if they 
 cannot make sales, the Sheriff will, and 
 must. It is not merely their surplus, but 
 their whole product, which has been de- 
 preciated and made unavailable at a blow. 
 The end is easily foreseen : our Manufac- 
 turers become bankrupt and are broken 
 up ; their works are brought to a dead 
 stand ; the Laborers therein, after spend- 
 ing months in constrained idleness, are 
 driven by famine into the Western wilder- 
 ness, or into less productive and less con- 
 genial vocations ; their acquired skill and 
 dexterity, as well as a portion of their time, 
 are a dead loss to themselves and the com- 
 munity ; and we commence the slow and 
 toilsome process of rebuilding and rear- 
 ranging our industry on the one-sided or 
 Agricultural basis. Such is the process 
 which we have undergone twice already. 
 How many repetitions shall satisfy us ? 
 
 Now, will any man gravely argue that 
 we have made Five or Six Millions by this 
 cheap purchase of British goods, — by "buy- 
 ing where we could buy cheapest?" Will 
 he not see that, though the price was low, 
 the cost is very great? But the apparent 
 saving is doubly deceptive ; for the British 
 manufacturers, having utterly crushed 
 their American rivals by one or two o])er- 
 ations of this kind, soon find here a mar- 
 kef, not for a beggarly surplus of Fifteen 
 or Twenty Millions, but they have now a 
 demand for the amount of our whole con- 
 sumption, which, making allowance for 
 our diminished ability to pay, would prob- 
 ably still reach Fifty Millions per annum. 
 This increased demand would soon pro- 
 duce activity and buoyancy in the general 
 market ; and now the foreign Manufac- 
 turers would say in their consultations, 
 " We have sold some millions' worth of 
 goods to America for less than cost, in 
 order to obtain control of that market; 
 now we have it, and must retrieve our 
 losses," — and they would retrieve them, 
 with interest. They would have a perfect 
 right to do so. I hope no man has under- 
 stood me as imjdying any infringement of 
 the dictates of honesty on their part, still 
 less of the laws of trade. They have a per- ' 
 feet right to sell goods in our markets on 
 such terms as we prescribe and they can 
 afford ; it is we, who set uj) our own vital 
 interests to be bowled down by their rival- 
 ry,' who are alone to be blamed. 
 
 Who does not see that this sending out 
 our great Industrial Interests unarmed 
 and nnshieldi'd to battle against the mail- 
 clad legions opposed to them in the arena 
 of Trade is to insure their destruction ? It 
 were just as wise to say that, because our
 
 BOOK III.J 
 
 HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 
 
 107 
 
 people are brave, therefore they shall repel 
 any invader without fire-arras, as to say 
 that the restrictions of other nations ought 
 not to be opposed by us because our arti- 
 sans are skiliul and our manufactures have 
 made great advances. The very fact that 
 our manufactures are greatly extended and 
 improved is the strong reason why they 
 should not be exposed to destruction. If 
 they were of no amount or value, their 
 loss would be less disastrous ; but now the 
 Five or Six Millions we should make on 
 the cheaper importation of goods would 
 cost us One Hundred Millions in the de- 
 struction of Manufacturing Property alone. 
 Yet this is but an item of our damage. 
 The manufacturing classes feel the first 
 effect of the blow, but it would paralyze 
 every muscle of society. One hundred 
 thousand artisans and laborers, discharged 
 from our ruined factories, after being some 
 time out of employment, at a waste of mil- 
 lions of the National wealth, are at last 
 driven by famine to engage in other 
 avocations, — of course with inferior skill 
 and at an inferior price. The farmer, 
 gardener, grocer, lose them as customers to 
 meet them as rivals. They crowd the la- 
 bor-markets of those branches of industry 
 which we are still permitted to pursue, just 
 at the time when the demand for their pro- 
 ducts has fallen off, and the price is rapidly 
 declining. The result is just what we have 
 seen in a former instance: all that any 
 man may make by buying Foreign goods 
 cheap, he loses ten times over by the de- 
 cline of his own property, product, or la- 
 bor; while to nine-tenths of the whole 
 people the result is unmixed calamity. 
 The disastrous consequences to a nation of 
 the mere derangement and paralysis of its 
 Industry which must follow the breaking 
 down of any of its great Producing Inter- 
 ests have never yet been sufficiently esti- 
 mated. Free Trade, indeed, assures us 
 that every person thrown out of employ- 
 ment in one place or capacity has only to 
 choose another; but almost every working- 
 man knows from experience that such is 
 not the fact, — that the loss of situation 
 through the failure of his business is often- 
 er a sore calamity. I know a w^orthy cit- 
 izen who spent six years in learning the 
 trade of a hatter, which he had just perfect- 
 ed in 1798, when an immense importation 
 of foreign hats utterly paralyzed the man- 
 ufacture in this country. He traveled and 
 sought for months, but could find no em- 
 ployment at any price, and at last gave up 
 the pursuit, found work in some other ca- 
 pacity, and has never made a hat since. 
 He lives yet, and now comfortably, for he 
 is industrious and frugal ; but the six years 
 he gave to learn his trade were utterly lost 
 to him, — lost for the want of adeiiuate and 
 steady Protection to Home Industry. I 
 insist that the Groverumeut has failed of 
 
 discharging its nroper and rightful duty to 
 that citizen and to thous;ui<is, and tens of 
 thousands who have suflered from like 
 causes. I insist that, if the Government 
 had permitted without complaint a foreign 
 force to land on our shores and jilunder 
 that man's house of the savings of six 
 years of faithful industry, the neglect of 
 duty would not have been more flagrant. 
 And I firmly believe that the jjcople of 
 this country are One Thousand Millions of 
 Dollars poorer at this moment than they 
 would have been had their entire I'roduc- 
 tive Industry been constantly protected, on 
 the principles I have laid down, from the 
 formation of the Government till now. The 
 steadiness of employment and of recom- 
 pense thus secured, the comparative ab- 
 sence of constrained idleness, and the more 
 efficient application of the labor actually 
 performed, would have vastly increased 
 the product, — would have improved and 
 beautified the whole face of the country ; 
 and the Moral and Intellectual advantages 
 thence accruing would alone have been 
 inestimable. A season of suspension of 
 labor in a community is usually one of ag- 
 gravated dissipation, drunkenness, and 
 crime. 
 
 But let me more clearly illustrate the 
 effect of foreign competition in raising 
 prices to the consumer. To do this, I will 
 take my own calling for an example, be- 
 cause I understand that best ; th(}ugli any 
 of you can apply the principle to that with 
 which he may be better acquainted. I am 
 a: publisher of newspapers, and sui)pose I 
 afford them at a cheap rate. But the abil- 
 ity to maintain that cheapness is ba.sed on 
 the fact that I can certainly sell a large 
 edition daily, so that no part of that edition 
 shall remain a dead loss on my hands. 
 Now, if there were an active and formid- 
 able Foreign competition in newspapers, — • 
 if the edition Avhich I printed during the 
 night were frequently rendered unsalable by 
 the arrival of a foreign ship freighted with 
 newspapers early in the morning, — the pre- 
 sent rates could not be continued : the price 
 must be increased or the quality would de- 
 cline. I presume this holds equally good 
 of the production of calicoes, glass, and 
 penknives as of newspapers, though it may 
 be somewhat modified by the nature of the 
 article to which it is applied. That it does 
 hold true of sheetings, nails, and thou- 
 sands of articles, is abundantly notorious. 
 
 I have not burdened you with statistics, 
 —you know they are the reliance, the strong- 
 hold, of the cause of Protection, and that 
 we can produce them by acres. ]\Iy aim 
 h:is been to exhibit not mere collections of 
 facts, however pertinent and forcible, but 
 the laws on which those facts are l>:i.-*ed, — 
 not tlie inmiediate manifestation, l)ut the 
 ever-living necessity from which it s])rinu's. 
 The contemplation of these la>vs assure*
 
 108 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 me that those articles which are supplied 
 to us by Home Production alone are rela- 
 tively cheaper than those which are rivalled 
 and competed with from abroad. And I 
 am equally confident that the shutting out 
 of Foreign competition from our markets 
 for other articles of general necessity and 
 liberal consumption which can be made 
 here with as little labor as anywhere would 
 be followed by a corresponding result, — a 
 reduction of the price to the consumer at 
 the same time with increased employment 
 and reward to our Producing Classes. 
 
 But, Mr. President, Avere this only on one 
 side true, — were it certain that the price of 
 the Home product would be permanently 
 higher than that of the Foreign, I should 
 still insist on efficient Protection, and for 
 reasons I have sufficiently shown. Grant 
 that a British cloth costs but $3 per yard, 
 and a corresponding American fabric $4, I 
 still hold that the latter would be decided- 
 ly the cheaper for us. The Fuel, Timber, 
 Fruits, Vegetables, &c., which make up so 
 large a share of the cost of the Home pro- 
 duct, would be rendered comparatively 
 valueless by having our workshops in Eu- 
 rope. I look not so much to the nominal 
 price as to the comparative facility of pay- 
 ment. And, where cheapness is only to be 
 attained by a depression of the wages of 
 Labor to the neighborhood of the Euro- 
 pean standard, I prefer that it should be 
 dispensed with. One thing must answer 
 to another; and I hold that the farmers of 
 this country can better afford, as a mat- 
 ter of pecuniary advantage, to pay a good 
 price for manufactured articles than to ob- 
 tain them lower through the depression and 
 inadequacy of the wages of the artisan and 
 laborer. 
 
 You will understand me, then, to be ut- 
 terly hostile to that idol of Free Trade 
 worship, known as Free or unlimited Com- 
 petition. The sands of my hour are run- 
 ning low, and I cannot ask time to ex- 
 amine this topic more closely; yet I am 
 confident I could show that this Free 
 Competition is a most delusive and dan- 
 gerous clement of Political Economy. Bear 
 with a brief illustration : At tliis moment, 
 common sliirts are made in London at the 
 incr(><libly low price of three cents per pair, 
 Should we admit these articles free of duty 
 and buy them because they are so cheap? 
 Free trade says Yes; but I say No ! Sound 
 Policy siH well as Humanity forl)ids it.' By 
 admitting them, we simply re<lu(e a large 
 and worthy and suffering class of our pop- 
 ulation from the ability they now pf)sscss 
 of procuring a liaro su])sist('ncc by their 
 labor to unavoidable destilntion and pau- 
 perism. Tlu'y must now subsist ujioii the 
 charity of relatives or of the comnuinity, 
 — unless we are ready to adopt the de- 
 moniac, doctriiui of the Vvcc. Tnidc pliilos- 
 oj)hcr Multhus, that the dcpcudcut I'oor 
 
 ought to be rigorously starved to death. 
 Then what have we gained by getting these 
 articles so exorbitantly cheap? or, rather, 
 what have we not lost? The labor which 
 formerly produced them is mainly struck 
 out of existence; the poor widows and 
 seamstresses among us must still have a 
 subsistence; and the imported garments 
 must be paid for : where are the profits of 
 our speculation? 
 
 But even this is not the worst feature of 
 the case. The labor 'which we have here 
 thrown out of employment by the cheap 
 importation of this article is now ready to 
 be employed again at any price, — if not 
 one that will ailbrd bread and straw, then 
 it must accept one that will produce pota- 
 toes and rubbish ; and with the product 
 some Free-Trader proceeds to break down 
 the price and destroy the reward of similar 
 labor in some other portion of the earth. 
 And thus each depression of wages pro- 
 duces another, and that a third, and so on, 
 making the circuit of the globe, — the ag- 
 gravated necessities of the Poor acting and 
 reacting upon each other, increasing the 
 omnipotence of Capital and deepening the 
 dependence of Labor, swelling and pam- 
 pering a bloated and factitious Commerce, 
 grinding down and grinding down the des- 
 titute, until Malthus's remedy for Poverty 
 shall become a grateful specific, and, amid 
 the splendors and luxuries of an all-de- 
 vouring Commercial Feudalism, the squalid 
 and famished Millions, its dependants and 
 victims, shall welcome death as a deliverer 
 from their sufferings and despair. 
 
 I wish time permitted me to give a hasty 
 glance over the doctrines and teachings of 
 the Free Trade sophists, who esteem them- 
 selves the Political Economists, christen 
 their own views liberal and enlightened, 
 and complacently put ours aside as be- 
 nighted and barbarous. I should delight 
 to show you hoAV they mingle subtle fallacy 
 with obvious truth, how they reason 
 acutely from assumed premises, which, be- 
 ing mistaken or incomplete, lead to false 
 and often absurd conclusions, — how they 
 contradict and confound each other, and 
 often, from Adam Smith, their patriarch, 
 down to McCulloch and Eicardo, either 
 make admissions which undermine their 
 whole fabric, or confess themselves igno- 
 rant or in the dark on points the most vital 
 to a correct understanding of the great 
 subject they profess to have reduced to a 
 Science. Yet even Adam Smith himself 
 expressly apjirovcs and justifies the British 
 Navigation Act, the most aggressively Pro- 
 tective measure ever enacted, — a measure 
 which, not being understood and season- 
 ably counteracted by other nations, changed 
 for centuries the destinies of the World, — 
 which silently sapped and overthrew the 
 t 'ommerciid iiinl i'olitical grcntness of Hol- 
 land, — which silenced the thunder of Van
 
 BOOK in.] HENRY A. WISE AGAINST KNO W-NOTHINGISM. 
 
 109 
 
 Tromp, and swept the broom from his 
 mast-head. But I must not detain you 
 longer. I do not ask you to judge of this 
 matter by authority, but from facts which 
 eome home to your reason and your daily 
 experience. There is not an observing 
 and strong-minded mechanic in our city 
 who couhl not set any one of these Doctors 
 of the Law riglit on essential pointw. I beg 
 you to consider how few great practical 
 Statesmen they have ever been able to win 
 to their standard, — I might almost say 
 none; for Huskisson was but a nominal 
 disciple, and expressly contravened their 
 whole system upon an attempt to apply it 
 to the Corn Laws ; and Calhoun is but a 
 Free-Trader by location, and lias never 
 yet answered his own powerful arguments 
 in behalf of Protection. On the other hand, 
 we point you to the long array of mighty 
 names which have illustrated the annals of 
 Statesmanship of modern times, — to 
 Chatham, William Pitt, and the Great 
 Frederick of Prussia; to the whole array 
 of memorable French Statesmen, including 
 Napoleon the first of them all ; to our own 
 Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, 
 and Madison; to our two Clintons, 
 Tompkins, to say nothing of the eagle- 
 eyed and genial-hearted living master- 
 spirit [Henry Clay] of our time. The opin- 
 ions and the arguments of all these are on 
 record ; it is by hearkening to and heeding 
 their counsels that we shall be prepared 
 to walk in the light of experience and look 
 forward to a glorious National destiny. 
 My friends ! I dare not detain you longer. 
 I commit to you the cause of the Nation's 
 Independence, of her Stability and her 
 Prosperity. Guard it wisely and shield it 
 well ; for it involves your own happiness 
 and the enduring welfare of your country- 
 men! 
 
 Henry A. Wise 
 
 Against Knotc- Nothing ism, Sept. 18, 1852. 
 
 The laws of the United States — federal 
 and state laws — declare and defend the 
 liberties of our people. They are free in 
 every sense — free in the sense of Magna 
 Charta and beyond Magna Charta; free 
 by the surpassing franchise of American 
 charters, wliich makes them sovereign and 
 their wills the sources of constitutions and 
 laws. 
 
 In this country, at this time, does any 
 man think anything? Would he think 
 aloud? Would he speak anything? Would 
 he write anything? His mind is free; his 
 
 Eerson is safe ; his property is secure ; his 
 ouse is his castle ; the spirit of the laws 
 is his body-guard and his house-guard ; 
 the fate of one is the fate of all measured 
 by the same common rule of right ; his 
 voice is heard and felt in the general suf- 
 frage of freemen ; his trial is in open court, 
 
 confronted by witnesses and accusers ; his 
 prison house has no secrets, and ho has the 
 judgment of his peers ; and there is nought 
 to make him afraid, so long as he respects 
 the rights of his equals in the eye of the 
 law. Would he propagate truth ? Truth 
 is free to combat error. Would he projia- 
 gate error? Error itself may stalk abroad 
 and do her mischief, and make night itself 
 grow darker, provided truth is left free to 
 follow, however slowly, with her torches 
 to light up the wreck ! Why, then, should 
 any portion of the people desire to retire 
 in secret, and by secret means to propagate 
 a political thought, or word, or deed, by 
 stealth? Why band together, exclusive of 
 others, to do something which all may not 
 know of, towards some political end? If it 
 be good, why not make the good known ? 
 Why not think it, speak it, write it, act it 
 out openly and aloud ? Or, is it evil, which 
 loveth darkness rather than light? When 
 there is no necessity to justify a secret 
 association for political ends, what else can 
 justify it? A caucus may sit in secret to 
 consult on the general policy of a great 
 public party. That may be necessary or 
 convenient ; but that even is reprehensible, 
 if carried too far. But here is proposed a 
 great primary, national organization, in 
 its inception — What? Nobody knows. To 
 do what? Nobody knows. How organized? 
 Nobody knows. Governed by whom ? No- 
 body knows. How bound? By what rites? 
 By what test oaths ? With what limitations 
 and restraints ? Nobody, nobody knows ! 
 All we know is that persons of foreign 
 birth and of Catholic faith are proscribed ; 
 and so are all others who don't proscribe 
 them at the polls. This is certainly against 
 
 the spirit of Magna Charta. 
 
 ******* 
 
 A Prussian born subject came to this 
 country. He complied with our natural- 
 ization laws in all respects of notice of in- 
 tention, residence, oath of allegiance, and 
 proof of good moral character. He re- 
 mained continuously in the United States 
 the full period of five years. When he had 
 fully filled the measure of his probation 
 and was consummately a naturalized citi- 
 zen of the United States, he then, and not 
 until then, returned to Prussia to visit an 
 aged father. He was immediately, on his 
 return, seized and forced into the Land- 
 wehr, or militia system of Prussia, under 
 the maxim: "Once a citizen, always a cit- 
 izen I" There he is forced to do service 
 to the king of Prussia at this very hour. 
 He applies for protection to the United 
 States. Would the Know-Nothings inter- 
 pose in his behalf or not? Look at the 
 principles involved. We, by our laws, en- 
 couraged him to come to our country, and 
 here he was allowed to become natundizod, 
 and to that end required to renounce ami 
 abjure all allegiance and fidelity to the
 
 110 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 king of Prussia, and to swear allegiance 
 and fidelity to the United States. The king 
 of Prussia now claims no legal forfeiture 
 from him — he punishes him for no crime 
 — he claims of him no legal debt — he 
 claims alone that ven," allegiance and fidel- 
 ity which we required the man to abjure 
 an^ renounce. Not only so, but he hin- 
 ders the man from returning to the United 
 States, and from discharging the allegiance 
 and fidelity we required him to swear to 
 the United States. The king of Prussia 
 says he should do him service for seven 
 years, for this was what he was born to 
 perform ; his obligations were due to him 
 first, and his laws were first binding him. 
 The United States say — true, he was born 
 under your laws, but he had a right to ex- 
 patriate himself; he owed allegiance first 
 to you, but he had a right to forswear it 
 and to swear allegiance to us ; your laws 
 first applied, but this is a case of po- 
 litical obligation, not of legal obligation ; 
 it is not for any crime or debt you claim to 
 bind him, but it is for allegiance ; and the 
 claim you set up to his services on the 
 ground of his political obligation, his alle- 
 giance to you, which we allow him to ab- 
 jure and renounce, is inconsistent Avith his 
 political obligation, his allegiance, which 
 we required him to swear to the United 
 States ; he has sworn fidelity to us, and we 
 have, by our laws, pledged protection to 
 him. 
 
 Such is the issue. Now, with which will 
 the Know-Nothings take sides? With the 
 king of Prussia against our naturalized cit- 
 izen and against America, or with America 
 and our naturalized citizen ? Mark, now, 
 Know-Nothingism is opposed to all foreign 
 influence — against American institutions. 
 The king of Prussia is a pretty potent for- 
 eign influence — he was one of the holy al- 
 liance of crowned heads. Will they take 
 part with him, and not protect the citizen? 
 Then they will aid a foreign influence 
 against our laws! Will they take sides 
 with our naturalized citizen? If so, then 
 upon what grounds? Now, they must have 
 a good cause of interposition to justify us 
 against all the received dogmas of Eu- 
 ropean despotism. 
 
 Don't they see, can't they perceive, that 
 they have no other grounds than those I 
 have urged? He is our citizen, national- 
 ized, owing us allegiance and we owing him 
 protection. And if we owe him protection 
 abroad, because of his sworn allegiance to 
 us a.s a naturalized citizen, what then can 
 deprive him of his privileges at home 
 among us when he returns ? If he be a 
 citizen at all, he must be allowed the privi- 
 leges of citizenship, or he will not be the 
 equal of his fellow-citizens. And must 
 not Know-Nothingism strike at the very 
 equality of citizenship, or allow liim to en- 
 joy all its lawful privilegea? If Catholics 
 
 and naturalized citizens are to be citizens 
 and yet to be proscribed from office, they 
 must be rated as an inferior class — an ex- 
 cluded class of citizens. Will it be said 
 that the law will not make this distinction? 
 Then are we to understand that Know- 
 Nothings would not make them equal by 
 law ? If not by law, how can they pretend 
 to make them unequal, by their secret or- 
 der, without law and against laAV ? For 
 them, by secret combination, to make them 
 unequal, to impose a burthen or restriction 
 upon their privileges which the law does 
 not, is to set themselves up above the law, 
 and to supersede by private and secret au- 
 thority, intangible and irresponsible, the 
 rule of public, political right. Indeed, is 
 this not the very essence of the " Higner 
 Law " doctrine? It cannot be said to be 
 legitimate public sentiment and the action 
 of its authorit)\ Public sentiment, proper, 
 is a concurrence of the common mind in 
 some conclusion, conviction, opinion, taste, 
 or action in respect to persons or things 
 subject to its public notice. It will, and it 
 must control the minds and actions of men, 
 by public and conventional opinion. 
 Count Mole said that in France it was 
 stronger than statutes. It is so here. That 
 it is which should decide at the polls of a 
 republic. But, here is a secret sentiment, 
 which may be so organized as to contradict 
 the public sentiment. Candidate A. may 
 be a native and a Protestant, and may con- 
 cur with the community, if it be a Know- 
 Nothing community, on every other subject 
 except that of proscribing Catholics and 
 naturalized citizens : and candidate B. may 
 concur with the community on the subject 
 of this proscription alone, and upon no 
 other subject ; and yet the Know-Nothings 
 might elect B. by their secret sentiment 
 against the public sentiment. Thus it at- 
 tacks not only American doctrines of ex- 
 patriation, allegiance, and protection, but 
 the equality of citizenship, and the au- 
 thority of public sentiment. In the affair 
 of Koszta, now did our blood rush to hia 
 rescue ? Did the Know-Nothing side with 
 him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and 
 Austria ? If with Koszta, why ? Let them 
 ask themselves for the rationale, and see if 
 it can in reason abide with their orders. 
 There is no middle ground in respect to 
 naturalization. We must either have natu- 
 ralization laws and let foreigners become 
 citizens, on equal terms of capacities and 
 privileges, or we must exclude them alto- 
 gether. If we abolish naturalization laws, 
 we return to the European dogma : "Once 
 a citizen, always a citizen." If we let for- 
 eigners be naturalized and don't extend to 
 them equality of privileges, we set up 
 classes and distinctions of persons wholly 
 o|)j)Osed to republicanism. We will, as 
 Rome did, have citizens who may be 
 scourged. The three alternatives are pre-
 
 BOOK iii.J HENRY A. WISE AGAINST KNO W-NOTHINGISM. m 
 
 sented — Our present policy, liberal, and 
 just, and tolerant, and equal ; or the Euro- 
 pean policy of holding tlie noses of native 
 born slaves to the grind-stone of tyranny 
 all their lives; or, odious distinctions of 
 citizenship tending to social and political 
 aristocracy. I am for the present laws of 
 naturalization. 
 
 As to religion, the Constitution of the 
 United States, art. 6, sec. 3, especially pro- 
 vides that no religious test shall ever be 
 required as a qualification to any otKce or 
 public trust under the United States. The 
 state of Virginia has, from her earliest his- 
 tory, passed the most liberal laws, not only 
 towards naturalization, but towards for- 
 eigners. But I have said enough to show 
 the spirit of American laws and the true 
 sense of American maxims. 
 
 3d. Know-Nothingism is against the 
 spirit of Reformation and of Protestantism. 
 
 What was there to reform ? 
 
 Let the most bigoted Protestant enumer- 
 ate what he defines to have been the 
 abominations of the church of Rome. 
 What would he say were the worst? The 
 secrets of Jesuitism, of the Auto da fe, of 
 the Monasteries and of the Nunneries. The 
 private penalties of the Inquisition's Scav- 
 enger's Daughter. Proscription, persecu- 
 tion, bigotry, intolerance, shutting up of 
 the book of the word. And do Protestants 
 now mean to out- Jesuit the Jesuits ? Do 
 they mean to strike and not be seen ? To 
 be felt and not to be heard ? To put a 
 shudder upon humanity by the masks of 
 mutes ? Will they wear the monkish cowls? 
 Will they inflict penalties at the polls with- 
 out reasoning together with their fellows 
 at the hustings? Will they proscribe? 
 Persecute ? Will they bloat up tliemselves 
 into that bigotry which would burn non- 
 conformists ? Will they not tolerate free- 
 dom of conscience, but doom dissenters, in 
 secret conclave, to a forfeiture of civil 
 privileges for a religious difference? Will 
 they not translate the scripture of their 
 faith ? Will they visit us with dark lanterns 
 and execute us by signs, and test oaths, 
 and in secrecy ? Protestantism ! forbid it ! 
 
 If anything was ever open, fair, and free 
 — if anything was ever blatant even — it 
 was the Reformation. To quote from a 
 mighty British pen : " It gave a mighty 
 impulse and increased activity to thought 
 and inquiry, agitated the inert mass of ac- 
 cumulated prejudices throughout Europe. 
 The effect of the concussion was general, 
 but the shock was greatest in this country '' 
 (England). It toppled down the full grown 
 intolerable abuses of centuries at a blow ; 
 heaved the ground from under the feet of 
 bigoted faith and slavish obedience ; and 
 the roar and dashing of opinions, loosened 
 from their accustomed hold, might be heard 
 like the noise of an angry sea, and has 
 never yet subsided. Germany first broke 
 
 the spell of misbegotten fear, and gave the 
 watchword ; but England joined the sliout, 
 and echoed it back, with her island voice, 
 from her thousand cliffs and craggy shores, 
 in a longer and louder strain. With that 
 cry the genius of Great Britain rose, and 
 threw down the gauntlet to the nations. 
 There was a mighty fermentation : the 
 Avatcrs were out ; public opinion was in a 
 state of projection ; liberty was held out to 
 all to think and speak the truth ; men's 
 brains were busy; their spirits stirring; 
 their hearts full ; and their hands not idle. 
 Their eyes were opened to ex[)ect the great- 
 est things, and their ears burned with cu- 
 riosity and zeal to know the truth, that the 
 truth might make them free. The death 
 blow which had been struck at scarlet vice 
 and bloated hypocrisy, loosened tongues, 
 and made the talismans and love tokens of 
 popish superstitions with which she had 
 beguiled her followers and committed 
 abominations with the people, fall harmless 
 from their necks.'' 
 
 The translation of the Bible wa-s the chief 
 engine in the great work. It threw open, 
 by a secret spring, the rich treasures of re- 
 ligion and morality, which had then been 
 locked up as in a shrine. It revealed the 
 visions of the Prophets, and conveyed the 
 lessons of inspired teachers to the meanest 
 of the people. It gave them a common 
 interest in a common cause. Their hearts 
 burnt within them as they read. It gave a 
 mind to the people, by giving them com- 
 mon subjects of thought and feeling. It 
 cemented their Union of character and 
 sentiment ; it created endless diversity and 
 collision of opinion. They found objects 
 to employ their faculties, and a motive in 
 the magnitude of the consequences attached 
 to them, to exert the utmost eagerness in 
 the pursuit of truth, and the most daring 
 intrepidity in maintaining it. Religious 
 controversy sharpens the understanding by 
 the subtlety and remoteness of the topics 
 it discusses, and braces the will by their 
 infinite importance. We perceive in the 
 history of this period a nervous, masculine 
 intellect. No levity, no feebleness, no in- 
 difference ; or, if there were, it is a relaxa- 
 tion from the intense activity which gives 
 a tone to its general character. But there 
 is a gravity approaching to piety, a serious- 
 ness of impression, a conscientious severity 
 of argument, an habitual fervor of enthu- 
 siasm in their method of handling almost 
 every subject. The debates of the school- 
 men were sharp and subtle enough : but 
 they wanted interest and grandeur, and 
 were besides confined to a few. They did 
 not affect the general ma.es of the commu- 
 nity. But the Bible w.-is thrown open to 
 all "ranks and conditions " to own and read," 
 with its wonderful table of contents, from 
 Genesis t^ the Revelation. Every village 
 in England would present the scene so well
 
 112 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 described in Burns's "Cotter's Saturday 
 Night.'' How unlike this agitation, this 
 sliock, this angry sea, this fermentation, 
 this shout and its echoes, this impulse and 
 activity, this concussion, this general effect, 
 this blow, this earthquake, this roar and 
 dashing, this longer and louder strain, this 
 public opinion, this liberty to all to think 
 and speak the truth, this stirring of spirits, 
 this opening of eyes, this zeal to know — 
 not nothing — but the truth, that the truth 
 might make them free. How unlike to 
 this is Know-Nothingism, sitting and 
 brooding in secret to proscribe Catholics 
 and naturalized citizens I Protestantism 
 protested against secrecy, it protested 
 against shutting out the light of truth, it 
 protested against proscription, bigotry, and 
 intolerance. It loosened all tongues, and 
 fought the owls and bats of night with the 
 light of meridian day. The argument of 
 Know-Nothings is the argument of silence. 
 The order ignores all knowledge. And its 
 proscription can't arrest itself within the 
 limit of excluding Catholics and natural- 
 ized citizens. It must proscribe natives 
 and Protestants both, who will not consent 
 to unite in proscribing Catholics and natu- 
 ralized citizens. Nor is that all ; it must 
 not only apply to birth and religion, it must 
 necessarily extend itself to the business of 
 life as well as to political preferments. 
 
 Keiuietli Raynor, of North. Carolina, on 
 
 Fusion of Fremont and Fillmore 
 
 Forces. 
 
 Extract* from hit Speech at Philadelphia, Xovemher'l, 1856. 
 
 My brother Americans, do you intend to 
 let these mischief-makers put you and me 
 together by the ears ? [Many voices ; " no, 
 no."j Then let us beat James Buchanan 
 for the Presidency. [" We will — we will,'' 
 and great applause.] He is the representa- 
 tive of slavery agitation ; he is the repre- 
 sentative of discord between sections ; he 
 is the man whom Northern and Southern 
 agitators have agreed to present as their 
 candidate. If he be elected now, and the 
 difficulties in Kans;i.s be healed, at the end 
 of four years they will spring upon you an- 
 other question of slavery agitation. It will 
 be the taking of Cuba from Spain, or cut- 
 ting off another slice from Mexico for the 
 purpose of embroiling the North against 
 the South ; and then, if I shall resist that 
 agitation, I shall be called an Abolitionist, 
 again. 
 
 ***** 
 
 My countrymen, God forbid that I should 
 attempt to dictate to you or even advise 
 you. I am not competent to do so. I 
 know that divisions exist among you, 
 while I feel also confident that the same 
 purpose animates all your hearts. Do not 
 
 suppose for one moment that I am the rep- 
 resentative of any clique or faction. 
 
 Unfortunately, I find that our friends 
 here are in the same condition in which 
 the Jews were, when besieged by the Ro- 
 man general, Titus. Whilst the battering- 
 rams of the Romans were beating down 
 their walls, and the firebrand of the 
 heathen was consuming their temple, the 
 historian tells us that that great people 
 were engaged in intestine commotions, 
 some advocating the claims of one, and 
 some of another, to the high priesthood 
 of that nation ; and instead of the Ro- 
 mans devouring them, they devoured each 
 other. God forbid that my brother Amer- 
 icans should devour each other, at a time 
 when every heart and every hand should 
 be enlisted in the same cause, of overthrow- 
 ing the common enemy of us all. 
 
 Who is that common enemy ? [Voices, 
 *' The Democratic party."] Yes, that 
 party have reviled us, abused us, perse- 
 cuted us, and all only because we are de- 
 termined to adhere to the Constitution of 
 our country. Give Buchanan a lease of 
 power for four years, and we must toil 
 through persecution, submit to degrada- 
 tion, or cause the streets of our cities to run 
 blood. But we will submit to degradation 
 provided we can see the end of our troubles. 
 We are willing to go through a pilgrimage, 
 not only of four years, but of ten, or twen- 
 ty, or forty years, provided we can have an 
 assurance that at last we shall reach the 
 top of Pisgah, and see the promised land 
 which our children are to inherit. God 
 has not given to us poor frail mortals the 
 power, at all times, of controlling events. 
 When we cannot control events, should 
 we not, where no sacrifice of honor is in- 
 volved, pursue the policy of Lysander, and 
 where the lion's skin is too short, eke it 
 out with the fox's [applause] — not where 
 principle is involved — not where a sur- 
 render of our devotion to our country is 
 at stake. No ; never, never ! 
 
 I know nothing of your straight-out 
 ticket; I know nothing of your Union 
 ticket ; I know nothing of Fremont. I do 
 know something of Fillmore ; but I would 
 not give my Americanism, and the hopes 
 which I cherish of seeing Americanism in- 
 stalled as the policy of this nation, for all 
 the Fillmores, or Fremonts, or Buchanans, 
 that ever lived on the face of the earth. 
 
 St. Paul says, " if it offends my brother, 
 I will eat no meat ;" and if it offends my 
 brother here, I will not open my mouth. 
 Nobody can suspect me. [Voices : " cer- 
 tainly not."] Then I say, can't you com- 
 bine the vote of this state, and beat Bu- 
 chanan ? [This question was responded to 
 in the affirmative, with the greatest en- 
 thusiasm. Repeated cheers were proposed 
 for the straight ticket, but the responding 
 voices were by no means numerous, and
 
 BOOK III.] RAYNOR ON THE FUSION OF FORCES. 
 
 113 
 
 were mingled with hisses. Such was the 
 universal excitement, that for some min- 
 utes the speaker was obliged to pause. He 
 finally raised his voice above the subsiding 
 storm, and said : — 
 
 Come, my friends, we are all brothers ; we 
 are all seeking the same end. Our object 
 is the same. We are all struggling to reach 
 the same haven of safety. The only diff- 
 ference of opinion is as to the proper 
 means by which to accomplish our com- 
 mon end. Will not Americans learn pru- 
 dence from the past ? Misfortune should 
 have taught us charity for each other. We 
 have passed through the ordeal of perse- 
 cution together; we have been subjected to 
 the same difficulties, and the same oppress- 
 ion ; we have been baptized (I may say) in 
 the same stream of calumny. Then, in the 
 name of God — in the name of our common 
 country — in the name of Americanism — in 
 the name of American nationality — in the 
 name of religious freedom — in the name of 
 the Union, I beseech you to learn charity 
 for the difference of opinion which pre- 
 vails among you. Let brethren forbear 
 with brethren. Let us recollect that it is 
 not by vituperation, by the censure of our 
 brethren, that we can ever accomplish this 
 great end of conquering a common enemy. 
 My friends, how long are we to suffer? 
 How long will it be before we shall learn 
 that it is only by a union of counsels, a 
 concentration ,"of energy, a combination 
 of purpose, that we can destroy the com- 
 mon enemy of every conservative man. 
 [Great applause.] 
 
 I shall not attempt to advise you, for I 
 am not competent to do it. You have in- 
 formation which I do not possess. You 
 know all the undercurrents of opinion 
 which prevail here in your community, 
 with which I am unacquainted ; but will 
 you allow an humble man to express his 
 opinion to brethren whom he loves? May 
 I do it? I am a Fillmore man — nothing 
 but a Fillmore man, and if I resided here, 
 I would vote no ticket which had not the 
 name of Millard Fillmore at its head, and 
 I would advise no Fillmore man to vote a 
 ticket with Fremont's name on it ; but I 
 would vote for that ticket which would 
 make my voice tell at the polls. 
 
 Now let us look at this thing practically. 
 In reading history I have always admired 
 the character of Oliver Cromwell. What 
 was the great motive by which he was 
 actuated in overthrowing the house of 
 Stuart? It was unfailing devotion to 
 principle. His motto was, "Put your 
 trust in God, and keep your powder dry." 
 I admire the devotion to principle in every 
 man who says that he does not intend to 
 vote any but the straight ticket, for it 
 shows that Americanism has such a lodg- 
 ment in his heart, that he cannot bear 
 even seemingly to compromise it. That is 
 32 
 
 "putting your trust in God;" but, my 
 friends, is it "keeping your powder dry?" 
 The enemy may steal into the camp while 
 you are asleep, and may pour water upon 
 your cartridges, so that when the day of 
 battle shall come, you may shoot, but you 
 will kill nobody. I want the vote of every 
 American, on Tuesday next, to tell. Would 
 to God that you could give the twenty- 
 seven electoral votes of Pennsylvania to 
 Fillmore. Then vote the straight ticket, 
 if that will give him the twenty-seven 
 votes. But suppose it will not (and I am 
 afraid it will not), then the question is, 
 had you better give Buchanan the twenty- 
 seven votes, or give Fillmore eight, ten, 
 twelve, or twenty, as the case may be. I 
 go for beating Buchanan. 
 
 Gentlemen, you do not know what we 
 Americans suffer at the South. I am 
 abused and reviled for standing up in de- 
 fence of you. When I hear the whole 
 North denounced as a set of Abolitionists, 
 whose purpose it is to interfere with the 
 peculiar institutions of the South, I brand 
 such charges as slanders on the Northern 
 people. I tell them that the great mass of 
 the Northern people are sound on this 
 question ; that they are opposed to slavery, 
 as I should be if I were a Northern man ; 
 but that I do not believe that the great 
 mass of the Northern people have any idea 
 of interfering with the constitutional rights 
 of the people of the South. I know that 
 such men as Garrison and Forney have. 
 I know that Garrison believes the Con- 
 stitution to be a " league with hell," and 
 would therefore destroy it if he could; 
 and I know that Forney loves office so 
 well, that even at the risk of snapping 
 the Union, he will keep alive slavery agi- 
 tation. But Garrison does not represent 
 NcAv England, and Forney does not repre- 
 sent you. 
 
 As much as I have been reviled for 
 standing by you, I am so anxious to have 
 Buchanan beaten, that were I residing 
 here, if I could not give Fillmore the whole 
 twenty-seven votes, I would give him all I 
 could, by giving him the number to which 
 he might be entitled by the numerical pro- 
 portion of the votes at the ballot-box. Yet, 
 if there is a brother American here who 
 feels in his " heart of hearts," that by vot- 
 ing that Union ticket, he would compro- 
 mise his Americanism, I say to such an 
 one, " do not vote that ticket." At the 
 same time, candor compels me to say, that 
 I differ in opinion with him. If I believed 
 that that ticket was a fusion, or that it 
 called upon any Fillmore man to vote for 
 Fremont, I would advise no one to vote it. 
 I would not vote a ticket that had on it 
 the name of Fremont ; but I would vote a 
 ticket with Fillmore's name upon it, and 
 which would give him (if not the twenty- 
 seven electoral votes) seven, or ten, or
 
 114 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 twenty, just as the numerical proportion 
 of the votes might decide. 
 
 I appeal to every conservative, Union- 
 loving man in this nation, who is disposed 
 to give to the South all the constitutional 
 privileges to which she is entitled, and who 
 wishes to rebuke the Democratic party for 
 the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and 
 for keeping up the eternal agitation of 
 slavery. I appeal to you as a southern 
 man — as a slaveholder. I do not ask you 
 to be pro-slavery men, to be the advocates 
 of slavery, when I say to you that we, your 
 brethren of the South, expect you to pre- 
 serve our constitutional rights — and, God 
 knows, we ask nothing more — against 
 fanatics, either north or south. Will you 
 do it? 
 
 My friends, the election is fast approach- 
 ing. There is but little time for delibera- 
 tion left. Is there no way by which the 
 votes of the anti-Buchanan party can be 
 concentrated on the same ticket? I would 
 shed tears of blood — God knows I would — 
 if I could be instrumental in prevailing on 
 all true Americans to combine. I cannot 
 tell you how to combine ; but is it yet too 
 late ? If it is too late to do it throughout 
 the state, cannot you in Philadelphia do 
 it? The Presidential election may depend 
 upon the state of Pennsylvania, and the 
 state of Pennsylvania may depend upon the 
 city of Philadelphia. On the vote of the 
 city of Philadelphia may depend not only 
 our own rights, but the rights of our chil- 
 dren and our children's children. I ap- 
 peal to my brother Americans, for I have 
 no right to appeal to anybody else ; I can- 
 not address the Fremont party, for I have 
 no affiliation with them ; I cannot address 
 the Buchanan party, for my object is to 
 destroy them if possible. To my Ameri- 
 can brethren, then, I appeal, for God's 
 Bake, do not let the sun rise upon that 
 wrath, which I see divides you. Your 
 object is the same — to rescue your common 
 country. 
 
 Let me advise you who know nothing of 
 your divisions — who belong neither to one 
 clique or the other. I say with the deep- 
 est sincerity that I think all parties ought 
 to have concentrated upon the Fillmore 
 ticket. Mr. Fillmore is a northern man. 
 Your southern brethren were willing to sup- 
 port him. He had guided the ship of 
 state safely through the storm, and it was 
 but reasonable to suppose that in time of 
 difficulty he would again be found the 
 same good pilot. But if we cannot get all 
 others to unite on Mr. Fillmore, each of us 
 must inquire, "What is my duty? If the 
 mountain will not come to Mahomet, shall 
 not Malioniet go to the mountain ; and if 
 he will not go U) the mountain, in heaven's 
 name, sliall he not go halfway?" 
 
 I am fighting for the victory which we 
 may obtain in this contest. And what an 
 
 issue is now pending! We read in the 
 Iliad how, for ten long years, a great peo- 
 ple of antiquity were engaged in the siege 
 of Troy. What was the stake for which 
 they contended? It was nothing more 
 than a beautiful woman, who had been 
 ravished by a sprig of the royal line of 
 Troy. What is the stake for which we con- 
 tend? It is constitutional liberty — the 
 right of the American people to govern 
 their own country — the right of every cit- 
 izen to worship God according to the dic- 
 tates of his conscience. The great issue 
 is, whether the American flag shall still 
 wave in glory when we shall have gone to 
 our graves, or whether it shall be trailed 
 in dishonor — whether the " blackness of 
 darkness " which Avould follow the disso- 
 lution of this Union, shall cover the land. 
 
 I do not tell you how to combine : but I 
 urge you to resort to that mode (if there 
 is such a mode possible), by which you can 
 get together — by which your votes can be 
 made effectual at the polls — by which Mil- 
 lard Fillmore can go before the House of 
 Representatives with the strong moral 
 power which a large electoral vote will 
 give him. 
 
 That is the way in which we must view 
 the question as practical men. Yet so dif- 
 ferent are the conditions of our nature, so 
 different the sentiments which actuate us, 
 that I will not be guilty of such presump- 
 tion, as to tell any man what particular 
 course he should take. You know my 
 opinions ; if they are worth anything, re- 
 ceive them into your hearts, simply as the 
 sentiments of a brother American ; if they 
 are worth nothing, let them pass as the idle 
 wind. 
 
 In conclusion I will only say that wheth- 
 er we be defeated or whether we be vic- 
 torious, the only reward I ask for in the 
 labor in which I am engaged is, that you 
 may recollect me as one who had .at heart 
 only the welfare of his country, and who 
 endeavored to promote it by appealing to 
 the associations of the past, and all the 
 hopes of the future. 
 
 Religious Test. 
 
 Debate in the Convention on Hint nrlide in the Constitution 
 in reyai d to it. 
 
 Mr. Pinkney moved that no religious 
 test shall ever be required as a qualifica- 
 tion to any office or public trust under the 
 United States. 
 
 Mu. Shkrman thought it unnecessary, 
 the prevailing liberality being a sufficient 
 security against all sucli tests. 
 
 Rev. Mr. Backus of Mass. I beg leave 
 to ofler a few tlioughts u]K)n the Constitu- 
 tion projiosed to us ; and I shall begin 
 with the exclusion of any religious test. 
 Many appear to be much concerned about
 
 BOOK III.] HENRY W. DAVIS ON THE AMERICAN PARTY. 
 
 115 
 
 it; but nothing is more evident, both in 
 reason and the Holy Scriptures, than that 
 religion is ever a matter between God and 
 individuals ; and that, therefore, no man 
 or set of men can impose any religious 
 test without invading the essential pre- 
 rogatives of our Lord .Jesus Christ. Min- 
 isters first assumed this power under the 
 Christian name, and then Constantine ap- 
 proved of the practice when he adopted 
 the profession of Christianity as an engine 
 of state policy. And let the history of all 
 nations be searched, from that day t5 this, 
 and it will appear that the imposing of 
 religious tests hath been the greatest en- 
 gine of tyranny in the world. 
 
 Oliver Wolcott of Conn. For my- 
 self I should be content either with or 
 without that clause in the Constitution 
 which excludes test laws. Knowledge 
 and liberty are so prevalent in this coun- 
 try, that I do not believe that the United 
 States would ever be disposed to establish 
 one religious sect and lay all others under 
 legal disabilities. But as we know not 
 what may take place hereafter, and any 
 such test would be destructive of the 
 rights of free citizens, I cannot think it 
 superfluous to have added a clause which 
 secures us from the possibility of such op- 
 pression. 
 
 Mr. Madison of Va. I confess to you, 
 sir, that were uniformity of religion to be 
 introduced by this system, it would, in my 
 opinion, be ineligible ; but I have no 
 reason to conclude that uniformity of gov- 
 ernment will produce that of religion. 
 This subject is, for the honor of America, 
 left perfectly free and unshackled. The 
 government has no jurisdiction over it — 
 the least reflection will convince us there 
 is no danger on this ground. Happily for 
 the states, they enjoy the utmost freedom 
 of religion. This freedom arises from that 
 multiplicity of sects which pervades Amer- 
 ica, and which is the best and only security 
 for religious liberty in any society. For, 
 where there is such a variety of sects, 
 there cannot be a majority of any one sect 
 to oppress and persecute the rest. 
 
 Mr. Iredell of N. C. used this lan- 
 guage : " Every person in the least con- 
 versant with the history of mankind, knows 
 what dreadful mischiefs have been com- 
 mitted by religious persecution. Under 
 the color of religious tests, the utmost 
 cruelties have been exercised. Those in 
 
 Sower have generally considered all wis- 
 om centred in themselves, that they 
 alone had the right to dictate to the rest of 
 mankind, and that all opposition to their 
 tenets was profane and impious. The 
 consequence of this intolerant spirit has 
 been that each church has in turn set it- 
 self up against every other, and persecu- 
 tions and wars of the most implacable and 
 bloody nature have taken place in every 
 
 part of the world. America has set an ex- 
 ami)le to mankind to think more ration- 
 ally — that a man may be of religious sen- 
 timents difl'ering from our own, without be- 
 ing a bad member of society. The prin- 
 ciples of toleration, to the honor of this 
 age, are doing away those errors and pre- 
 judices which have so long prevailed even 
 in the most intolerant countries. In Ro- 
 man Catholic lands, principles of modera- 
 tion are adopted, which would have been 
 spurned a century or two ago. It will be 
 fatal, indeed, to find, at the time when ex- 
 amples of toleration are set even by arbi- 
 trary governments, that this country, so 
 impressed with the highest sense of lib- 
 erty, should adopt principles on this sub- 
 ject that were narrow, despotic, and 
 illiberal." 
 
 Speech of Henry W. Davis, of Maryland, 
 
 On the Mission of the American Party. 
 
 Extract from Mr. Davis's speech in the House of 
 Uc]>rescntatives, on tin; (ith of .Jan., 1857, on the results 
 of the recent Presidential election: — 
 
 ******* 
 
 " The great lesson is taught by this 
 election that both the parties which rested 
 their hopes on sectional hostility, stand at 
 this day condemned by the great majority 
 of the country, as common disturbers of 
 the public peace of the country. 
 
 " The Republican party was a hasty 
 levy, en masse, of the Northern people to 
 repel or revenge an intrusion by Northern 
 votes alone. With its occasion it must 
 pass away. The gentlemen of the Repub- 
 lican side of the House can now do noth- 
 ing. They can pass no law excluding 
 slavery from Kansas in the next Congress 
 — for they are in a minority. Within two 
 years Kansas must be a state of the Union. 
 She will be admitted with or without 
 slavery, as her people prefer. Beyond 
 Kansas there is no question that is practi- 
 cally open. I speak to practical men. 
 Slavery does not exist in any other terri- 
 tory, — it is excluded by law from several, 
 and not likely to exist anywhere ; and the 
 Republican party has nothing to do and 
 can do nothing. It has no future. Why 
 cumbers it the ground? 
 
 " Between these two stand the firm ranks 
 of the American party, thinned by deser- 
 tions, but still unshaken. To them the 
 eye of the country turns in hope. The 
 gentleman from Georgia saluted the 
 Northern Democrat-s with the title of he- 
 roes — who swam vigorously down the cur- 
 rent. The men of the American party 
 faced, in each section, the sectional mad- 
 ness. They would cry neither free nor 
 slave Kansas; but proposed a safe admin- 
 istration of the laws, before which every 
 right would find protection. Their voice 
 was drowned amia the din of factions. The
 
 116 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 men of the North would have no modera- 
 tion, and they have paid the penalty. The 
 American party elected a majority of this 
 House : had they of the North held fast to 
 the great American principle of silence on 
 the negro question, and, firmly refusing to 
 join either agitation, stood by the Ameri- 
 can candidate, they would not now be 
 writhing, crushed beneath an utter over- 
 throw. If they would now destroy the 
 Democrats, they can do it only by return- 
 ing to the American party. By it alone 
 can a party be created strong at the South 
 as well as at the North. To it alone be- 
 longs a principle accepted wherever the 
 American name is heard — the same at the 
 North as at the South, on the Atlantic or 
 the Pacific shore. It alone is free from 
 sectional affiliations at either end of the 
 Union which would cripple it at the other. 
 Its principle is silence, peace, and compro- 
 mise. It abides by the existing law. It 
 allows no agitation. It maintains the pre- 
 sent condition of affairs. It asks no change 
 in any territory, and it will countenance 
 no agitation for the aggrandizement of 
 either section. Though thousands fell off 
 in the day of trial — allured by ambition, 
 or terrified by fear — at the North and at 
 the South, carried away by the torrent of 
 fanaticism in one part of the Union, or 
 driven by the fierce onset of the Democrats 
 in another, who shook Southern institu- 
 tions by the violence of their attack, and 
 half waked the sleeping negro by painting 
 the Republican as his liberator, still a 
 million of men, on the great day, in the 
 face of both factions, heroically refused to 
 bow the knee to either Baal. They knew 
 the necessities of the times, and they set 
 the example of sacrifice, that others might 
 profit by it. They now stand the hope of 
 the nation, around whose firm ranks the 
 shattered elements of the great majority 
 may rally and vindicate the right of the 
 majority to rule, and of the native of the 
 land to make the law of the land. 
 
 The recent election has developed, in an 
 aggravatea form, every evil against which 
 the American party protested. Again in the 
 war of domestic parties. Republican and 
 Democrat have rivalled each other in bid- 
 ding for the foreign vote to turn the bal- 
 ance of a domestic election. Foreign 
 allies have decided the government of the 
 country — men naturalized in thousands on 
 the eve of the election — eagerlv struggled 
 for by competing parties, mad with sec- 
 tional fury, and gra.sping any instrument 
 which would prostrate their opponents. 
 Again, in the fierce struggle for suprema- 
 cy, men have forgotten the ban which the 
 Republic puts on the intrusion of religious 
 influence on the {)olitical arena. These 
 influences have brought vast multitudes of 
 foreign-born citizens to the polls, ignorant 
 of American interests, without American 
 
 feelings, influenced by foreign sympathies, 
 to vote on American affairs ; and those 
 votes have, in point of fact, accomplished 
 the present result. 
 
 The high mission of the American is to 
 restore the influence of the interests of the 
 people in the conduct of affairs ; to ex- 
 clude appeals to foreign birth or religious 
 feeling as elements of power in politics ; to 
 silence the voice of sectional strife — not by 
 joining either section, but by recalling the 
 people from a profitless and maddening 
 contrdversy which aids no interest, and 
 shakes the foundation not only of the com- 
 mon industry of the people, but of the Re- 
 public itself; to lay a storm amid whose 
 fury no voice can be heard in behalf of the 
 industrial interests of the countrj', no eye 
 can watch and guard the foreign policy of 
 the government, till our ears may be 
 opened by the crash of foreign war waged 
 for purposes of political and party ambi- 
 tion, in the name, but not by the authori- 
 ty nor for the interests, of the American 
 people. 
 
 Return, then, Americans of the North, 
 from the paths of error to which in an evil 
 hour fierce passions and indignation have 
 seduced you, to the sound position of the 
 American party — silence on the slavery 
 agitation. Leave the territories as they 
 are — to the operation of natural causes. 
 Prevent aggression by excluding from 
 power the aggressors, and there will be no 
 more wrong to redress. Awake the na- 
 tional spirit to the danger and degrada- 
 tion of having the balance of power held 
 by foreigners. Recall the warnings of 
 Washington against foreign influence — 
 here in our midst — wielding part of our 
 sovereignty ; and with these sound words 
 of wisdom let us recall the people from 
 paths of strife and error to guard their 
 peace and power; and when once the mind 
 of the people is turned from the slavery 
 agitation, that party which waked the 
 agitation will cease to have power to dis- 
 turb the peace of the land. 
 
 This is the great mission of the Ameri- 
 can party. The first condition of success i» 
 to prevent the administration from having 
 a majority in the next Congress ; for, with 
 that, the agitation will be resumed for very 
 different objects. The Ostend manifesto is 
 full of warning ; and they who struggle 
 over Kansas may awake and find them- 
 selves in the midst of an agitation com- 
 pared to which that of Kansas was a sum- 
 mer's sea ; whose instruments will be, not 
 words, but the sword. 
 
 JosHua R. Olddtnff* Against tli« Fnf^ltlT* 
 Slave taw. 
 
 In the Home of Repretentativa, AprU 25, 1848. 
 
 "Why, sir, I never saw a panting fugi- 
 tive speeding his way to a land of free-
 
 BOOK III.J 
 
 ROBERT TOOMBS ON SLAVERY. 
 
 IIT 
 
 (lorn, that an involuntary invocation did 
 not burst from my lips, that God would 
 aid him in his flight ! Such are the feel- 
 ings of every man in our free states, whose 
 heart has not become hardened in iniquity. 
 I do not confine this virtue to Republi- 
 cans, nor to Anti-Slavery men ; I speak 
 of all men, of all parties, in all Christian 
 communities. Northern Democrats feel 
 it; they ordinarily bow to this higher law 
 of their natures, and they only prove re- 
 creant to the law of the ' Most High,' when 
 they regard the interests of the Democratic 
 party as superior to God's law and the 
 rights of mankind. 
 
 " Gentlemen will bear with me when I 
 assure them and the President that I have 
 seen as many as nine fugitives dining at one 
 time in my own house — fathers, mothers, 
 husbands, wives, parents, and children. 
 When they came to my door, hungry and 
 faint, cold and but partially clad, I did not 
 turn round to consult the Fugitive Law, 
 nor to ask the President what I should do. 
 I knew the constitution of my country, and 
 would not violate it, I obeyed the divine 
 mandate, to feed the hungry and clothe the 
 naked. I fed them, I clothed them, gave 
 them money for their journey, and sent 
 them on their way rejoicing, I obeyed 
 God rather than the President. I obeyed 
 my conscience, the dictates of my heart, 
 the law of my moral being, the commands 
 of Heaven, and, I will add, the constitu- 
 tion of my country ; for no man of in- 
 telligence ever believed that the framers 
 of that instrument intended to involve 
 their descendants of the free states in 
 any act that should violate the teachings 
 of the Most High, by seizing a fellow- 
 being, and returning him to the hell of 
 slavery. If that be treason, make the 
 most of it. 
 
 " Mr. Bexnett, of Mississippi. I want 
 to know if the gentleman would not have 
 gone one step farther? 
 
 "Mr. Giddings. Yes, sir; I would 
 have gone one step farther. I would have 
 driven the slave-catcher who dared pursue 
 them from my premises, I would have 
 kicked him from my door-yard, if he had 
 made his appearance there ; or, had he at- 
 tempted to enter my dwelling, I would 
 have stricken him down upon the threshold 
 of my door. 
 
 Robert Toomba on Hla.-very, 
 
 At Tremont Temple, Boston, Januari/ 'Zith, 1856. 
 
 In 1790 there were less than seven hun- 
 dred thousand slaves in the United States ; 
 in 1850 the number exceeded throe and 
 one quarter millions. The same authority 
 shows their increase, for the ten years pro- 
 ceding the last census, to have been above 
 twenty-eight per cent,, or nearly three per 
 
 cent, per annum, an increaj^e equal, allow- 
 ing for the element of foreign immigration, 
 to the white race, and nearly three times 
 that of the free blacks of the North. But 
 these legal rights of the slave embrace but 
 a small portion of the privileges actually 
 enjoyed by him. He has, by universal 
 custom, the control of much of his own 
 time, which is applied, at his own choici 
 and convenience, to the mechanic arts, to 
 agriculture, or to some other profitable 
 pursuit, which not only gives him the 
 power of purchase over many additional 
 necessaries of life, but over many of its 
 luxuries, and in numerous ciuses, enables 
 him to purchase his freedom when he de- 
 sires it. Besides, the nature of the relation 
 of master and slave begets kindnesses, im- 
 poses duties (and secures their perform- 
 ance), which exist in no other relation of 
 capital and labor. Interest and humanity 
 co-operate in harmony for the well-being 
 of slave labor. Thus the monster objection 
 to our institution of slavery, that it deprives 
 labor of its wages, cannot stand the test of 
 a truthful investigation, A slight examina- 
 tion of the true theory of wao;es, will fur- 
 ther expose its fallacy. Under a system 
 of free labor, wages are usually paid in 
 money, the representative of products — 
 under ours, in products themselves. One 
 of your most distinguished statesmen and 
 patriots. President John Adams, said that 
 the difference to the state was "imaginary." 
 " What matters it (said he) whether a 
 landlord, employing ten laborers on his 
 farm, gives them annually as much money 
 as will buy them the necessaries of life, or 
 gives them those necessaries atshort hand?" 
 All experience has shown that if that be 
 the measure of the wages of labor, it is 
 safer for the laborer to take his wages in 
 products than in their fluctuating pecuni- 
 ary value. Therefore, if we pay in the 
 necessaries and comforts of life more than 
 any given amount of pecuniary wages will 
 buy, then our laborer is paid higher than 
 the laborer who receives that amount of 
 wages. The most authentic agricultural 
 statistics of England show that the wages 
 of agricultural and unskilled labor in that 
 kingdom, not only fail to furnish the la- 
 borer ^yith the comforts of our slave, hut 
 oven with the necessaries of life; and no 
 slaveholder could escape a conviction for 
 cruelty to his slaves who gave his slave no 
 more of the necessaries of life for his labor 
 than the wages paid to their agricultural 
 laborers by the noblemen and gentlemen 
 of England would buy. U^ndor their sys- 
 tem man has become less valuable and le.'is 
 cared for than domestic animals; and no- 
 ble dukes will depopulate whole districts 
 of mon to supply their places with sheep, 
 and then with intrepid audacity lecture 
 and denounce American slaveholders. 
 The great conflict between labor and
 
 118 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 capital, under free competition, has ever 
 been how the earnings of labor shall be di- 
 vided between them. In new and sparsely 
 settled countries, where land is cheap, and 
 food is easily produced, and education and 
 intelligence approximate equality, labor 
 can successfully struggle m this warfare 
 with capital. But this is an exceptional 
 and temporary condition of society. In 
 the Old World this state of things has long 
 since passed away, and the conflict with 
 the lower grades of labor has long since 
 ceased. There the compensation of un- 
 skilled labor, which first succumbs to cap- 
 ital, is reduced to a point scarcely adequate 
 to the continuance of the race. The rate 
 of increase is scarcely one per cent, per 
 annum, and even at that rate, population, 
 until recently, was considered a curse ; in 
 short, capital has become the master of la- 
 bor, with all the benefits, without the nat- 
 ural burdens of the relation. 
 
 In this division of the earnings of labor 
 between it and capital, the southern slave 
 has a marked advantage over the English 
 laborer, and is often equal to the free la- 
 borer of the North. Here again we are 
 furnished with authentic data from which 
 to reason. The census of 1850 shows that, 
 on the cotton estates of the South, which 
 is the chief branch of our agricultural in- 
 dustry, one-half of the arable lands are 
 annually put under food crops. This half 
 is usually wholly consumed on the farm by 
 the laborers and necessary animals ; out of 
 the other half must be paid all the neces- 
 sary expenses of production, often inclu- 
 ding additional supplies of food beyond the 
 produce of the land, which usually equals 
 one-third of the residue, leaving but one- 
 third for net rent. The average rent of 
 land in the older non-slaveholding states 
 is ecjual to one-third of the gross product, 
 and it not unfrequently amounts to one- 
 half of it (in England it is sometimes even 
 greater), the tenant, from his portion, pay- 
 ing all expenses of i)roduction and the 
 exjienses of himself and family. From this 
 statement it is apparent that the form la- 
 borers of the South receive always as much, 
 and frequently a greater jiortion of the pro- 
 duce of the land, than the laborer in the 
 New or Old England. Bedsides, here the 
 portion due the slave is a charge upon the 
 whole product of capital and the capital 
 itself; it is neither dependent upon seasons 
 nor subject to accidents, and survives his 
 own cai)acity for labor, and even the ruin 
 of his master. 
 
 But it is ol)jected that religious instruc- 
 tion is denied the slave — while it is true 
 that religious instruction and privileges are 
 not enjoined by law in all of the states, 
 the numbt'r of slaves who are in connec- 
 tion with the difrcrentchurchcs almndaiitly 
 prov(!S the universality of their eiijoynicnt 
 of those privileges. And a much larger 
 
 number of the race in slavery enjoy the 
 consolations of religion than the efforts of 
 the combined Christian world have been 
 able to convert to Christianity out of all 
 the millions of their countrymen who re- 
 mained in their native land. 
 
 The immoralities of the slaves, and of 
 those connected with slavery, are constant 
 themes of abolition denunciatiofl. They 
 are lamentably great ; but it remains to be 
 shown that they are greater than with the 
 laboring poor of England, or any other 
 country. And it is shown that our slaves 
 are without the additional stimulant of 
 want to di'ive them to crime — we have at 
 least removed from them the temptation 
 and excuse of hunger. Poor human nature 
 is here at least spared the wretched fate of 
 the utter prostration of its moral nature at 
 the feet of its physical wants. Lord Ash- 
 ley's report to the British Parliment shows 
 that in the capital of that empire, perhaps ' 
 within the hearing of Stafford House and 
 Exeter Hall, hunger alone daily drives its 
 thousands of men and women into the 
 abyss of crime. 
 
 It is also objected that our slaves are de- 
 barred the benefits of education. This ob- 
 jection is also well taken, and is not without 
 force. And for this evil the slaves are 
 greatly indebted to the abolitionists. For- 
 merly in none of the slaveholding states 
 was it forbidden to teach slaves to read and 
 write ; but the character of the literature 
 sought to be furnished them by the aboli- 
 tionists caused these states to take counsel 
 rather of their passions than their reason, 
 and to lay the axe at the root of the evil ; 
 better counsels will in time prevail, and 
 this will be remedied. It is true that the 
 slave, from his protected position, has less 
 need of education than the free laborer, 
 who has to struggle for himself in the war- 
 fare of society ; yet it is both useful to him, 
 his master, and society. 
 
 The want of legal protection to the mar- 
 riage relation is also a iruitful source of 
 agitation among the opponents of slavery. 
 The complaint is not without foundation. 
 Tins is an evil not yet removed by law ; 
 but marriage is not inconsistent with the 
 institution of slavery as it exists among 
 us, and the objection, therefore, lies rather 
 to an incident than to the essence of the 
 system. But in the truth and fact mar- 
 riage does exist to a verj' great extent 
 among slaves, and is encouraged and pro- 
 tected by their owners ; and it will be 
 found, upon careful investigation, that 
 fewer children are born out of wedlock 
 among slaves than in the capitals of two 
 of the most civilized countries of Europe 
 — Austria and France; in the former, one- 
 half of the children are thus born ; in the 
 latter, more than one-fourth. But even 
 in this we have (le2)rived the slave of no 
 pre-existing right. We fouud the race
 
 BOOK III.] JUDAH P. BENJAMIN ON SLAVE PROPERTY. 
 
 119 
 
 without any knowledge of or regard for 
 the institution of marriage, and we are re- 
 l)roached witii not liaving sui yet secured to 
 it that, with all otiier blessings of civiliza- 
 tion. To protect that and other domestic 
 tics by laws forbidding, under proper regu- 
 lations, the separation of families, would 
 be wise, proper, and humane ; and some of 
 the slave-holding states have already 
 adopted partial legislation for the removal 
 of these evils. But the objection is far 
 more formidable in theory than in prac- 
 tice. The accidents and necessities of 
 life, the desire to better one's condition, 
 produce infinitely a greater amount of 
 separation in families of the white than 
 ever hap[)ens to the colored race. This is 
 true even in the United States, where the 
 general condition of the people is prosper- 
 ous. But it is still more marked in Europe. 
 The injustice and despotism of England 
 towards Ireland has produced more sepa- 
 ration of Irish families, and sundered 
 more domestic ties within the last ten 
 years, than African slavery has effected 
 since its introduction into the United 
 States. The twenty millions of freemen 
 in the United States are witnesses of the 
 dispersive injustice of the Old World. 
 The general happiness, cheerfulness, and 
 contentment of slaves attest both the 
 mildness and humanity of the system and 
 their natural adaptation to their condition. 
 They require no standing armies to enforce 
 their obedience; while the evidence of 
 discontent, ami the api)lianco3 of force to 
 repress it, are everywhere visible among 
 the toiling millions of the earth ; even in 
 the northern states of this Union, strikes 
 and mobs, unions and combinations against 
 employers, attest at once the misery and 
 discontent of labor among them. Eng- 
 lanvl keeps one hundred thousand soldiers 
 in time of peice, a large navy, and an in- 
 numerable police, to secure obedience to 
 her social institutions ; and physical force 
 is the sole guarantee of her social order, 
 the only cement of her gigantic empire. 
 
 I have briefly traced the condition of 
 the African race through all ages and all 
 countries, and described it fairly and truly 
 under American slavery, and I submit that 
 the proposition is fully proven, that his 
 position in slavery among us is supe- 
 rior to any which he has ever at- 
 tained in any a^e or country. The 
 pictiire is not without shade "as well 
 iis light; evils and imperfections cling 
 to man and all of his works, and this 
 is not exempt from them. 
 
 Judah P. Benjamin, of Lionislana, 
 
 On 5i<ife I'roperly, in U. S. Semite, March 11, 1S5S. 
 
 Examine your Constitution ; arc slaves 
 the only species of property there recog- 
 
 nized as requiring peculiar protection ? Sir, 
 the inventive genius of our brethren of the 
 north is a source of vast wealth t(j them 
 and vast benefit to the nation. I saw a 
 short time ago in one of the New York 
 journals, that the estimated value of a 
 few of the jjatents now before us in this 
 Capitol for renewal was §4O,0i)U,UO0. I 
 cannot believe that the entire capital in- 
 vested in inventions of this character in 
 the United States can fall short of one 
 hundred and fifty or two hundred million 
 dollars. On what protection does this vast 
 property rest? Just upon that same con- 
 stitutional protection which gives a remedy 
 to the slave owner when his property is 
 also found outside of the limits of the state 
 in which he lives. 
 
 Without this protection what would be 
 the condition of the northern inventor? 
 W^hy, sir, the Vermont inventor i)rotected 
 by his own law would come to Massachu- 
 setts, and there say to the pirate who had 
 stolen his property, " render me up my 
 property, or pay me value for its use." 
 The Senator from Vermont would receive 
 for answer, if he were the counsel of this 
 Vermont inventor, " Sir, if you want pro- 
 tection for your property go to your own 
 state ; property is governed by the laws of 
 the state within whose jurisdiction it is 
 found ; you have no property in your in- 
 vention outside of the limits of your state ; 
 you cannot go an inch beyond it." Would 
 not this be so? Does not every man see at 
 once that the right of the inventor to his 
 discovery, that the right of the poet to his 
 inspiration, depends upon those principles 
 of eternal justice which God has implanted 
 in the heart of man, and that wherever he 
 cannot exercise them, it is because man, 
 faithless to the trust that he has received 
 from God, denies them the protection to 
 which they are entitled ? 
 
 Sir, follow out the illustration which the 
 Senator from Vermont himself has given ; 
 take his very case of the Delaware owner 
 of a liorse riding him across the line into 
 Pennsylvania. The Senator says : "Now, 
 you see that slaves are not property like 
 other property; if slaves were property 
 like other property, why have you this 
 special clause in your constitution to pro- 
 tect a slave ? You have no clause to pro- 
 tect the horse, because liorses are recog- 
 nized as property everywhere." !Mr. Presi- 
 dent, the same fallacy lurks at the bottom 
 of this argument, as of all the rest. Let 
 Pennsylvania exercise her undoubted juris- 
 diction over persons and things within her 
 own boundary' ; let her do as she has a 
 perfect right to do — declare that heroafler, 
 within the state of Pennsylvania, there 
 shall be no property in horses, and that no 
 man shall maintain a suit in her court.s for 
 the recovery of projierty in a liorse; and 
 where will your horse owner be then ? Juat
 
 120 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 where the English poet is now ; just where 
 the slaveholder and the inventor would be 
 if the Constitution, foreseeing a difference 
 of opinion in relation to rights in these 
 subject-matters, had not provided the 
 remedy in relation to such property as 
 might easily be plundered. Slaves, if you 
 please, are not property like other property 
 in this : that you can easily rob us of them ; 
 but as to the right in them, that man has 
 to overthrow the whole history of the 
 world, he has to overthrow every treatise 
 on jurisprudence, he has to ignore the 
 common sentiment of mankind, he has to 
 repudiate the authority of all that is con- 
 sidered sacred with man, ere he can reach 
 the conclusion that the person who owns a 
 slave, in a countrj- where slavery* has been 
 established for ages, has no other property 
 in that slave than the mere title which is 
 given by the statute law of the land where 
 it is found. 
 
 'WilUam Uoyd Garrison Upon tbeSla-veiy 
 Question. 
 
 " Tj-rants ! confident of its overthrow, 
 proclaim not to your vassals, that the 
 American Union is an experiment of free- 
 dom, which, if it fails, will forever demon- 
 strate the necessity of whips for the backs, 
 and chains for limbs of people. Know 
 that its subversion is essential to the 
 triumph of justice, the deliverance of the 
 oppressed, the vindication of the brother- 
 hood of the race. It was conceived in sin, 
 and brought forth in iniquity ; and its 
 career has been marked by unparalleled 
 hypocrisy, by high-handed tj^ranny, by a 
 bold defiance of the omniscience and 
 omnipotence of God. Freedom indignantly 
 disowns it, and calls for its extinction ; for 
 within its borders are three millions of 
 slaves, whose blood constitutes its cement, 
 whose flesh forms a large and flourishing 
 branch of its commerce, and who are 
 ranked with four-footed beasts and creep- 
 ing things. To secure the adoption of the 
 constitution of the United States, first, that 
 the African slave trade — till that time a 
 feeble, isolated, colonial traffic — should, 
 for at least twenty years, be prosecuted as 
 a national interest, under the American 
 flag, and protected by the national arm ; 
 secondly, that slavery holding oligarchy, 
 created by allowing three-fifths of the 
 slave-holding population to be represented 
 by their taskmasters, should be allowed a 
 permanent seat in congress ; thirdly, that 
 the slave system should be secured against 
 internal revolt and external invasion, by 
 the united physical force of the country; 
 fourthly, that not a foot of national torri- 
 U)ry should be granted, on which the pant- 
 ing fugitive from slavery might stand, and 
 be safe from his pursuers, thus making 
 
 every citizen a slave-hunter and slave 
 catcher. To say that this ' covenant with 
 death ' shall not be annulled — that this 
 ' agreement with hell ' shall continue to 
 stand — that this refuge of lies shall not be 
 swept away — is to hurl defiance at the 
 eternal throne, and to give the lie to Him 
 that sits thereon. It is an attempt, alike 
 monstrous and impracticable, to blend the 
 light of heaven with the darkness of the bot- 
 tomless pit, to unite the living with the 
 dead, to associate the Son of God with the 
 Prince of Evil. Accursed be the American 
 Union, as a stupendous, republican impos- 
 ture ! " 
 
 ******* 
 
 I am accused of using hard language. I 
 admit the charge. I have been unable to 
 find a soft word to describe villainy, or to 
 identify the perpetrator of it. The man 
 who makes a chattel of his brother — what 
 is he? The man who keeps back the hire f 
 of his laborers by fraud — what is he ? They j 
 who prohibit the circulation of the Bible — ' 
 what are they? They who compel three 
 millions of men and women to herd to- 
 gether like brute beasts — what are they ? 
 They who sell mothers by the pound, and 
 children in lots to suit purchasers — what 
 are they ? I care not what terms are ap- 
 plied to them, provided they do apply. If 
 they are not thieves, if they are not 
 tyrants, if they are not men stealers, I 
 should like to know what is their true 
 character, and by what names they may 
 be called. It is as mild an epithet to say 
 that a thief is a thief, as to say that a spade 
 is a spade. Words are but the signs of 
 ideas. ' A rose by any other name would 
 smell as sweet.' Language may be misap- 
 plied, and so be absurd or unjust; as for 
 example, to say that an abolitionist is a 
 fanatic, or that a slave-holder is an honest 
 man. But to call things by their righi 
 names is to use neither hard nor improper 
 language. Epithets may be rightly ap- 
 plied, it is true, and yet be uttered in a 
 hard spirit, or with a malicious design. 
 What then? Shall we discard all terms 
 which are descriptive of crime, because 
 they are not always used with fairness and 
 propriety ? He who, when he sees oppret- 
 sion, cries out against it — who, when he 
 beholds his equal brother trodden under 
 foot by the iron hoof of despotism, rushes 
 to his rescue — who, when he sees the weak 
 overborne by the strong, takes his side 
 with the former, at the imminent peril of 
 his own safety — such a man needs no 
 certificate to the excellence of his temper, 
 or the sincerity of his heart, or the disin- 
 terestedness of his conduct. Or is tQe 
 apologist of slavery, he who can see the 
 victim of thieves lying bliseding and help- 
 less on the cold earth, and yet turn aside, 
 like the callous-hearted priest or Levite, 
 who needs absolution. Let ua call tyrants,
 
 BOOK III.] PARKER AGAINST THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 
 
 121 
 
 tyrants ; not to do so is to misuse language, 
 to deal treacherously with freedom, to con- 
 sent to the enslavement of mankind. It is 
 neither amiable nor virtuous, but a fool- 
 ish and pernicious thing, not to call things 
 by their right names. ' Woe unto them,' 
 says one of the world's great proi)hets, 
 ' that call evil good, and good evil ;' that 
 put darkness for light, and light for dark- 
 ness ; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet 
 for bitter." 
 
 Theodore Parker Against tlie Furtive Slave 
 L>aw. 
 
 Hit Protest Against the Ilelitrn of Simms by the U. S. Com- 
 minsioner at Huston. 
 
 "Come with me, my friends, a moment 
 more, pass over this golgotha of human 
 history, treading reverent as you go, for 
 our feet are on our mother's graves, and 
 our shoes defile our father's hallowed 
 bones. Let us not talk of them ; go farther 
 on, look and pass by. Come with me 
 into the inferno of the nations, with such 
 poor guidance as my lamp can lend. Let 
 us disquiet and bring up the awful shad- 
 ows of empires buried long ago, and learn a 
 lesson from the tomb. " Come, old Assyria, 
 with the Ninevitish dove upon thy emerald 
 crown ! what laid thee low? ' I fell by my 
 own injustice. Thereby Nineveh and 
 Babylon came with me also to the ground." 
 " Oh, queenly Persia, flame of the nations, 
 wherefore art thou so fallen, who troddest 
 the people under thee, bridgest the Helles- 
 pont with ships, and pouredst thy temple- 
 wasting millions on the world? Because I 
 trod the people under me, and bridged the 
 Hellespont with ships, and poured my tem- 
 
 Fle-wasting millions on the western world, 
 fell by my own misdeeds." " Thou muse- 
 like Grecian queen, fairest of all thy classic 
 sisterhood of states, enchanting yet the 
 world with thy sweet witchery, speaking 
 in art and most seductive song, why liest 
 thou there, with beauteous yet dishonored 
 brow, reposing on thy broken harp? 'I 
 scorned the law of Grod ; banished and 
 poisoned wisest, justestmen; I loved the 
 loveliness of thought, and treasured that 
 in more than Parian speech. But the 
 beauty of justice, the loveliness of love, I 
 trod them down to earth! Lo, therefore 
 have I become as those barbarian states — 
 as one of them ! ' " " Oh, manly and majes- 
 tic Rome, thy seven-fold mural crown all 
 broken at thy feet, why art thou here? It 
 was not injustice brought thee low; for 
 thy great book of law is prefaced with 
 these words — justice is the unchanged, 
 everlasting will to give each man his right ! 
 ' It was not the saint's ideal ; it was the 
 hypocrite's pretense.' I made iniquity my 
 law. I trod the nations under mc. Their 
 wealth gilded my palaces — where thou 
 mayest see the fox and hear the owl — it 
 
 fed mycourticrs and my courtesans. Wicked 
 men were my cabinet counselors, the flat- 
 terer breathed his poison in my car. Mil- 
 lions of bondsmen wet the soil with tears 
 and blood. Do you not hear it crying yet 
 to God? Lo, here have I my recompense, 
 tormented with such downfall as you see I 
 Go back and tell the new-born child who 
 sitteth on the Alleghanies, laying his either 
 hand upon a tributary sea, a crown of 
 thirty stars upon his youthful brow — tell 
 him that there are rights which states must 
 keep, or they shall suffer wrongs! Tell 
 him there is a God who keeps the black 
 man and the white, and hurls to earth the 
 loftiest realm that breaks his just, eternal 
 law! Warn the young empire, that he 
 come not down dim and dishonored to my 
 shameful tomb I Tell him that justice is 
 the unchanging, everlasting will to give 
 each man his right. I knew it, broke it, 
 and am lost. Bid him know it, keep it, 
 and be safe." 
 
 The same speaker protests against the relum of Simms. 
 
 " Where shall I find a parallel with men 
 who will do such a deed— do it in Boston ? 
 I will open the tombs and bring up most 
 hideous tyrants from the dead. Come, brood 
 of monsters, let me bring up from the deep 
 damnation of the graves wherein your 
 hated memories continue for all time their 
 never-ending rot. Come, birds of evil 
 omen! come, ravens, vultures, carrion 
 crows, and see the spectacle I come, see the 
 meeting of congenial souls! I will disturl), 
 disquiet, and bring up the greatest mon- 
 sters of the human race! Tremble not, 
 women ! They cannot harm you now ! 
 Fear the living, not the dead !" 
 
 Come hither, Herod, the wicked. Thou 
 that didst seek after that young child's 
 life, and destroyed the innocents ! Let me 
 look on thy face ! No, go I Thou wert a 
 heathen ! Go, lie with the innocents thou 
 hast massacred. Thou art too good for 
 this company ! " Come, Nero ; thou awful 
 Roman emperor, come up ! No, thfiu 
 wast drunk with power ! schooled in Ro- 
 man depravity. Thou hadst, besides, the 
 example of thy fancied gods. Go, wait 
 another day. I will seek a worse man. 
 
 " Come hither, St. Dominic ! come, Tor- 
 quemada ; fathers of the Inquisition I 
 merciless monsters, seek your equal here. 
 No; pa-ss by. You are no companion for 
 such men as these. You were the servants 
 of the atheistic popes, of cruel kings. Go 
 to, and get you gone. Another time I 
 may have work for you — now, lie there, 
 and persevere to rot. You are not yet 
 quite wicked and corrupt enough for this 
 comparison. Go, get you gone, lest the 
 sun goes back at sight of ye ! 
 
 " Come up, thou heap of wickedness, 
 George .lefllries ! thy hands deep purple 
 with the blood of thy fellow-men. Ah ! I
 
 122 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 know thee, awful and accursed shade ! 
 Two hundred years after thy death men 
 hate thee still, not without cause. Look 
 me upon thee ! I know thy history. 
 Pause, and be still, while I tell to these 
 men. * * * Come, shade of judicial 
 butcher. Two hundred years, thy name 
 has been pillowed in face of tlie world, 
 and thy memory gibbeted before mankind. 
 Let us see how thou wilt compare with 
 those who kidnap men in Boston. Go, 
 seek companionship with them. Go, claim 
 thy kindred if such they be. Go, tell 
 them that the memory of the wicked shall 
 rot ; that there is a God ; an eternity ; ay, 
 and a judgment, too, where the slave may 
 appeal against him that made him a slave, 
 to Him that made him a man. 
 
 "What! Dost thou shudder? Thou 
 turn back ! These not thy kindred ! Why 
 dost thou turn pale, as when the crowd 
 clutched at thy life in London street? 
 Forgive me, that I should send thee on 
 such an errand, or bid thee seek compan- 
 ionship with such— with Boston hunters of 
 the slave ! Thou wert not base enough ! It 
 was a great bribe that tempted thee ! 
 Again, I say, pardon me for sending thee 
 to keep company with such men ! Thou 
 only struckest at men accused of crime ; 
 not at men accused only of their birth ! 
 Thou wouldst not send a man into bond- 
 age lor two pounds ! I will not rank thee 
 with men who, in Boston, for ten dollars, 
 would enslave a negro now ! Eest still, 
 Herod ! Be quiet, Nero ! Sleep, St. Dom- 
 inic, and sleep, O Torquemada, in your 
 fiery jail ! Sleep, Jeffries, underneath ' the 
 altar of the church ' which seeks, with 
 Christian charity to hide your hated bones !" 
 
 'WlUlam II. Seward's Speech on tlie Higher 
 lia-w. 
 
 In the U. S. Senate, March 11, 1850. 
 
 "But it is insisted that the admission of 
 California shall be attended by a compro- 
 mise of questions which have arisen out 
 
 of slavery! I AM OPPOSED TO ANY 
 SUCH COMPROMISE IN ANY AND ALL THE 
 FORMS IN WHICH IT HAS BEEN PROPOSED. 
 
 Because, while admitting the purity and 
 the patriotism of all from whom it is my 
 misfortune to diflcr, I think all legisla- 
 tive compromises radically wrong, and 
 GHsentially vicious. They involve the sur- 
 render of the exercise of judgment and 
 the conscience on distinct ami separate 
 questions, at distinct and separate times, 
 with the indispensable advantages it 
 affords for ascertaining the truth. They 
 involve a rclinqiiishincnt of the right to 
 reconsider in future the decision of th(! 
 present, on questions premalurely antici- 
 pated. And they are a usurpation as to 
 future (|iiestion8 of the providence of fu- 
 ture Icgialatora. 
 
 "Sir, it seems to me as if slavery had 
 laid its paralyzing hand upon myself, and 
 the blood were coursing less freely than its 
 wont through my veins, when I endeavor 
 to suppose that such a compromise has 
 been etfected, and my utterance forever is 
 arrested upon all the great questions, social, 
 moral, and political, arising out of a sub- 
 ject so important, and yet so incomprehen- 
 sible. What am I to receive in this com- 
 promise? Freedom in California. It is 
 well ; it is a noble acquisition ; it is worth 
 a sacrifice. But what am I to give as an 
 equivalent ? A recognition of a claim to 
 perpetuate slavery in the District of Co- 
 lumbia ; forbearance towards more strin- 
 gent laws concerning the arrest of persons 
 suspected of being slaves found in the free 
 States ; forbearance from the proviso of 
 freedom in the charter of new territories. 
 None of the plans of compromise offered 
 demand less than two, and most of them 
 insist on all these conditions. The equiva- 
 lent then is, some portion of liberty, some 
 portion of human rights in one region, for 
 liberty in another." 
 
 " It is true indeed that the national do- 
 main is ours. It is true it was acquired by 
 the valor and the wealth of the whole na- 
 tion. But we hold, nevertheless, no arbi- 
 trary power over it. We hold no arbitrary 
 power over anything, whether acquired by 
 law or seized by usurpation. The consti- 
 tution regulates our stewardship ; the con- 
 stitution devotes the domain to union, to 
 justice, to welfare and to liberty. But there 
 is a higher law than the constitution, which 
 regulates our authority over the domain, and 
 devotes it to the same noble pur jwse. The 
 territory is a part, no inconsiderable part 
 of the common heritage of mankind, be- 
 stowed upon them by the Creator of the 
 universe. We are his stewards, and must 
 so discharge our trust, as to secure in the 
 highest attainable degree their haj)]nness. 
 This is a State, and we are deliberating for 
 it, just as our fathers deliberated in estab- 
 lisiiing the institutions we enjoy. What- 
 ever superiority there is in our condition 
 and hoi)es over those of any other ' king- 
 dom ' or ' estate,' is due to the fortunate 
 circumstance that our ancestors did not 
 leave things to ' take their chances ' but 
 that they 'added amplitude and greatness' 
 to our commonwealth ' by introducing 
 such ordinances, constitutions, and cus- 
 toms as were wise.' We in our turn have 
 succeeded to the same responsibilities, and 
 we cannot approach the duty before us 
 wisely or justly, except we raise ourselves 
 to tlie great consideration of how we can 
 most certainly ' sow greatness to our pos- 
 terity and successors.' 
 
 "And now tiie sinijde, bold, and awful 
 question whicii presents itself to us is this: 
 shall we, wlio are founding institutions, 
 social and i)oliticaI, for countless millions ,
 
 BOOKiii.J GALUSHA A. GROW ON TUE HOMESTEAD BILL, 
 
 123 
 
 shall we, who know by experience the 
 wise and just, and are free to choose them, 
 and to reject the erroneous and unjust ; 
 shall we establish human bondaj^e, or per- 
 mit it by our sufferance to be established ? 
 Sir, our forefathers would not have hesi- 
 tated an hour. They found slavery exist- 
 ing here, and they left it only because they 
 could not remove it. There is not only no 
 free State which would now establish it, 
 but there is no slave State which, if it had 
 had the free alternative, as we now have, 
 would have founded slavery. Indeed, our 
 revolutionary predecessors had precisely 
 the same question before them in estab- 
 lishing an organic law, under which the 
 States of Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, Wis- 
 consin, and Iowa have since come into the 
 Union, and they solemnly repudiated and 
 excluded slavery from those States forever." 
 
 Charles Sumner on the Fallibility of Judi- 
 cial Tribunals. 
 
 Let me here say that I hold j udges, and 
 especially the Supreme Court of the coun- 
 try, in much respect ; but I am too familiar 
 with the history of Judicial proceedings to 
 regard them with any superstitious rever- 
 ence. Judges are but men and in all ages 
 have shown a full share of frailty. Alas ! 
 alaa! the worst crimes of history have been 
 perpetrated under their sanction. The 
 blood of martyrs and of patriots, crying 
 from the ground, summons them to judg- 
 ment. 
 
 It was a judicial tribunal which con- 
 demned Socrates to drink the fatal hemlock, 
 and which pushed the Saviour barefoot 
 over the pavements of Jerusalem, bending 
 beneath his cross. It was a judicial tribu- 
 nal which, against the testimony and en- 
 treaties of her father, surrendered the fair 
 Virginia as a slave; which arrested the 
 teachings of the great apostle to the Gen- 
 tiles, and sent him in bonds from Judea to 
 Rome ; which, in the name of the old reli- 
 gion, adjured the saints and fathers of the 
 Christian Church to death, in all its most 
 dreadful forms ; and which afterwards in 
 the name of the new religion, enforced the 
 tortures of the Inquisition, amidst the 
 shrieks and agonies of its victims, while it 
 compelled Galileo to declare, in solemn de- 
 nial of the great truth he had disclosed, 
 that the earth did not move round the sun. 
 
 It was a judicial tribunal which, in 
 France, during the long reign of her mon- 
 archs, lent itself to be the instrument of 
 every tyranny, as during the brief reign of 
 terror it did not hesitate to stand forth the 
 unpitying accessory of the unpitying guil- 
 .lotine. Ay, sir, it was a judicial tribunal 
 in England, surrounded by all llie forms of 
 law, which sanctioned every despotic ca- 
 price of Henry the eighth, from the unjust 
 
 divorce of his queen to the beheading of 
 Sir Thomas Moore; which lighted the (ires 
 of |)ersecution, that glowed at Oxlord and 
 Smithiield, over the cinders of J^atimcr, 
 Ridley, and John Rodgers; which, alter 
 elaborate argument, upheld the fatal tyran- 
 ny of ship money against the patriotic re- 
 sistance of i lampden ; which, in defiance of 
 justice and humanity, sent Sydney and 
 Russell to the block ; which persistently 
 enforced the laws of conformity that our 
 Puritan Fathers persistently refused to 
 obey; and which afterwards, with Jeffries 
 on the bench, crimsoned the pages of Eng- 
 lish history with massacre and murder, even 
 with the blood of innocent women. Ay, sir, 
 and it was a judicial tribunal in our coun- 
 try, surrounded by all the f(jrms of law, 
 which hung witches at Salem, which af- 
 firmed the constitutionality of the Stamp 
 Act, while it admonished "jurors and the 
 people" to obey; and which now, in our 
 day, has lent its sanction to the unutterable 
 atrocity of the Fugitive Slave Law." 
 
 Galujslia A. Gro-iv'« Speech on the Home- 
 stead BUI. 
 
 In the Home of ItepresenlaUves, March 30, 1852. " Man't 
 
 Jiiyht to the Soil." 
 
 ******* 
 
 But even if the Government could de- 
 rive any revenue from the actual sale of 
 ptiblic lands, it is neither just nor sound 
 policy to hold them for that purpose. 
 Aware, however, that it is a poor place, 
 under a one hour rule, to attempt to dis- 
 cuss any of the natural rights of men, for, 
 stirrounded by the authority of ages, it be- 
 comes necessary, without the time to do it, 
 first to brush away the dust that has 
 gathered upon their errors. Yet it is well 
 sometimes to go back of the authority of 
 books and treatises, composed by authors 
 reared and educated under monarchical 
 institutions, and whose opinions and habits 
 of thought consequently were more or less 
 shaped and moulded by such influences, 
 and examine, by the light of reason and 
 nature, the true foundation of government 
 and the inherent rights of men. 
 
 The fundamental rights of man may be 
 summed up in two words — Life and Hap- 
 piness. The first is the gift of the Creator, 
 and may be bestowed at his plciisurc ; but 
 it is not consistent with his character for 
 benevolence, that it should be bestowed 
 for any other purpose than to be enjoyed, 
 and that we call happiness. Therefore, 
 whatever nature has provided for preserv- 
 ing the one, or promoting the other, be- 
 longs alike to the whole race. Ami as the 
 means for sustaining life are derived al- 
 most entirely from the soil, every person 
 has a right to so much of the earth's sur- 
 faee as is necessary for his support. To 
 whatever unoccupied portion of it, there-
 
 124 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 fore, he shall apply his labor for that pur- 
 pose, from that time forth it becomes ap- 
 propriated to his own exclusive use ; and 
 whatever improvements he may make by 
 his industry become his property, and 
 subject to his disposal. 
 
 The only true foundation of any right to 
 projDerty is man's labor. That is property, 
 and that alone which the labor of man has 
 made such. What right, then, can the 
 Government have in the soil of a wild and 
 uncultivated wilderness as a source of re- 
 venue, to which not a day nor hour's labor 
 has been applied, to make it more produc- 
 tive, and answer the end for which it was 
 created, the support and happiness of the 
 race? 
 
 It is said by the great expounder of the 
 common law in his commentaries, that 
 " there is no foundation in nature or 
 natural law, why a set of words upon 
 parchment should convey the dominion of 
 land." The use and occupancy alone 
 gives to man, in the language of the com- 
 mentaries, " an exclusive right to retain, 
 in a permanent manner, that specific land 
 which before belonged generally to every- 
 body, but particularly to nobody." * * * 
 
 It may be said, true, such would be 
 man's right to the soil in a state of nature; 
 but when he entered into society, he gave 
 up part of his natural rights, in order to 
 enjoy the advantages of an organized com- 
 munity. This is a doctrine, I am aware, 
 of the'books and treatises on society and 
 government ; but it is a doctrine of despot- 
 ism, and belongs not to enlightened states- 
 men in a liberal age. It is the excuse of 
 the despot in encroaching upon the rights 
 of the subject. He admits the encroach- 
 ment, but claims that the citizen gave up 
 part of his natural rights when he entered 
 into society ; and who is to judge what 
 ones he relinquished but the ruling power? 
 It was not necessary that any of man's na- 
 tural rights should be yielded to the state 
 in the formation of society. He yielded 
 no right, but the right to do wrong, and 
 that he never had hy nature. All that he 
 yielded in entering into organized society, 
 was a portion of his unrestrained liberty, 
 which was, that he would submit his con- 
 duct, that before was subject to the control 
 of no living being, to the tribunals to be 
 established by the state, and with a tacit 
 consent that society, or the Government, 
 might regulate the mode and manner of 
 the exercise of his rights. Why should he 
 consent to be deprived of them? It is 
 upon this ground that we justify resistance 
 to tyrants. Whenever the ruling power so 
 fur encroaches uj)on the natural rights of 
 men that an appeal to arms hecoint's pre- 
 ferable to Hu1)mission, tlicy iippcal i'loni 
 human to divine laws, and plciul the na- 
 tural rights of man in their justification. 
 That government, and that alone, is just. 
 
 which enforces and defends all of man's « 
 natural rights, and protects him against 
 the wrongs of his fellow-men. But it may 
 be said, although such might be the natu- 
 ral rights of men, yet the Government has 
 a right to these lands, and may use them 
 as a source of revenue, under the doctrine 
 of eminent domain. * * * * 
 
 What is there in the constitution of 
 things giving to one individual the sole 
 and exclusive right to any of the bounties 
 provided by nature for the benefit and 
 support of the whole race, because, per- 
 chance, he was the first to look upon a 
 mere fragment of creation ? By the same 
 process of reasoning, he who should first 
 discover the source or mouth of a river, 
 would be entitled to a monopoly of the 
 waters that flow in the channel, or he who 
 should first look upon one of the rills or 
 fountains of the earth might prevent fainting 
 man from quenching there his thirst, unless 
 his right was first secured by parchment. 
 
 Why has the claim to monopolize any of 
 the gifts of God to man been confined, by 
 legal codes, to the soil alone? Is there 
 any other reason than that it is a right 
 which, having its origin in feudal times — 
 under a system that regarded man but as 
 an appendage of the soil that he tilled, 
 and whose life, liberty and happiness, were 
 but means of increasing the pleasures, 
 pampering the passions and appetites of 
 his liege lord — and, having once found a 
 place in the books, it has been retained by 
 the reverence which man is wont to pay to 
 the past, and to time-honored precedents ? 
 The human mind is so constituted that it 
 is prone to regard as right what has come 
 down to us approved by long usage, and 
 hallowed by gray age. It is a claim that 
 had its origin with the kindred idea that 
 royal blood flows only in the veins of an 
 exclusive few, whose souls are more ethe- 
 real, because born amid the glitter of 
 courts, and cradled amid the pomp of lords 
 and courtiers, and, therefore, they are to 
 be installed as rulers and law-givers of the 
 race. Most of the evils that afllict society 
 have had their origin in violence and 
 wrong enacted into law by the experience 
 of the past, and retained by the prejudices 
 of the present. 
 
 Is it not time to sweep from the statute 
 book its still lingering relics of feudalism ; 
 and to blot out the principles engrafted 
 upon it by the narrow-minded policy of 
 other times, and a<lapt the legislation of 
 the country to the spirit of the age, and to 
 the true ideas of man's rights and relations 
 to liis (rovernnient? If a man has a right 
 on earth, he has a right U) land enough to 
 roar a habitation on. If he has a right to 
 live, he has a right to the free use of what-, 
 ever nature has provided for his sustenance 
 — air to hroathc, water to drink, and land 
 enough to cultivate for his subsistence ; lor
 
 BOOK in.] GALUSHA A. GROW ON THE HOMESTEAD BILL. 
 
 126 
 
 these are the necessary and indispensable 
 means for the enjoyment of his inalienable 
 rights of " life, liberty and the pursuit of 
 happiness." And is it for a Government 
 that claims to dispense equal and exact 
 justice to all cla-sses of men, and that has 
 laid down correct principles in its great 
 chart of human rights, to violate those 
 principles and its solemn declarations in 
 its legislative enactments? 
 
 The struggle between capital and labor 
 is an unequal one at best. It is a struggle 
 between tne bones and sinews of men, and 
 dollars and cents. And in that struggle, 
 is it for the government to stretch forth its 
 arm to aid the strong against the weak? 
 Shall it continue, by its legislation, to ele- 
 vate and enrich idleness on the wail and 
 woe of industry? 
 
 If the rule be correct as applied to 
 governments as well as individiials, that 
 whatever a person permits another to do, 
 having the right and means to prevent it, 
 he does himself, then indeed is the govern- 
 ment responsible for all the evils that may 
 result from speculation and land monopoly 
 in the public domain. For it is not denied 
 that Congress has the power to make any 
 regulations for the disposal of these lands, 
 not injurious to the general welfare. Now, 
 when a new tract is surveyed, and you open 
 the land office and expose it to sale, the 
 man with the most money is the largest 
 purchaser. The most desirable and avail- 
 able locations are seized upon by the capi- 
 talists of the country, who seek that kind 
 of investment. The settler who chances 
 not to have a pre-emption right, or to be 
 there at the time of sale, when he comes to 
 seek a home for himself and his family, 
 must pay the speculator three or four hun- 
 dred per cent, on his investment, or en- 
 counter the trials and hardships of a still 
 more remote border life. And thus, under 
 the operation of laws that are called equal 
 and just, you take from the settler three or 
 four dollars per acre, and put it in the 
 pocket of the speculator — thus, by the 
 operation of law, abstracting so much of 
 his hard earnings for the benefit of capital ; 
 for not an hour's labor has been applied to 
 the land since it was sold by the govern- 
 ment, nor is it more valuable to the settler. 
 Has not the laborer a right to complain of 
 legislation that compels him to endure 
 greater toils and hardships, or contribute 
 a portion of his earnings for the benefit of 
 the capitalist? But not upon the capitalist 
 or the speculator is it proper that the blame 
 should fall. Man must seek a livelihood 
 and do business under the laws of the 
 country ; and whatever rights he may ac- 
 quire under the laws, though they may be 
 wrong, yet the well-being of society re- 
 quires that they be respected and faithfully 
 observed. If a person engage in a business 
 legalized and regulated by the law, and 
 
 uses no fraud or deception in its pursuit, 
 and evils result to the community, let them 
 apply the remedy to the proper source — 
 that is to the law-making power. The 
 laws and the law-makers are responsible 
 for whatever evils necessarily grow out of 
 their enactments. 
 
 While the public lands are exposed to 
 indiscriminate sale, as they have been since 
 the organization of the government, it 
 opens the door to the wildest system of 
 land monopoly. It requires no lengthy 
 dissertation to portray its evils. In the 
 Old World its history is written in sighs 
 and tears. Under its influence, you behold 
 in England, the proudest and most splen- 
 did aristocracy, side by side with the most 
 abject and destitute people ; 'vast manors 
 hemmed in by hedges as a sporting-ground 
 for her nobility, while men are dying be- 
 side the enclosure for the want of land to 
 till. Thirty thousand proprietors hold the 
 title deeds to the soil of^ Great Britain, 
 while in Ireland alone there are two and 
 a-half millions of tenants who own no part 
 of the land they cultivate, nor can they 
 ever acquire a title to ajfoot of it, yet they 
 pay annually from their hard earnings 
 twenty millions of dollars to absentee land- 
 lords for the privilege of dying on their 
 soil. Under its blighting influence you 
 behold industry in rags and patience in 
 despair. Such are some of the fruits of 
 land monopoly in the Old World; and, 
 shall we plant its seeds in the virgin soil of 
 the Now? * * * * * 
 
 If you would raise fallen man from hia 
 degradation, elevate the servile from their 
 grovelling pursuits to the rights and dig- 
 nity of men, you must first place within 
 their reach the means for satisfying their 
 pressing physical wants, so that religion 
 can exert its influence on the soul, and 
 soothe the weary pilgrim in his pathway to 
 the tomb. It is in vain you talk of the 
 goodness and benevolence of an Omniscient 
 Ruler to him, whose life from the cradle to 
 the grave is one continued scene of pain, 
 misery and want. Talk not of free agency 
 to him whose only freedom is to choose his 
 own method to die. In such cases, there 
 might, perhaps, be some feeble conceptions 
 of religion and its duties — of the infinite, 
 everlasting, and pure ; but unless there be 
 a more than common intellect, they would 
 be like the dim shadows that float in the 
 twilight. ***** 
 
 Riches, it is true, are not necessary to 
 man's real enjoyment; but the means to 
 prevent starvation are. Nor is a splendid 
 palace necessary to his real happiness ; but 
 a shelter against the storm and winter's 
 blast is. 
 
 If you would lead the erring back from 
 the paths of vice and crime to virtue and 
 honor, give him a home— give him a hearth- 
 stone, and he will surround it with house-
 
 126 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 hold gods. If you would make men wiser I ger and death. It is a life of toil and ad- 
 and better, relieve the almshouse, close the venture, spent upon one continued battle- 
 doors of the penitentiary, and break in j field, unlike that, however, on which mar- 
 pieces the gallows, purify the influences of . tial hosts contend, for there the struggle is 
 the domestic fireside. For that is the short and expected, and the victim strikes 
 
 school in which human character is formed, 
 and there its destiny is shaped. There the 
 soul receives its first impress, and man his 
 first lesson, and they go with him for weal 
 or woe throu2;h life. For purifying the 
 
 not alone, while the highest meed of ambi- 
 tion crowns the victor. Not so with the 
 hardy pioneer. He is oft called upon to 
 meet death in a struggle with fearful odds, 
 while no herald will tell to the world of 
 
 sentiments, elevating the thoughts, and ! the unequal combat. Startled at the mid 
 
 developing the noblest impulses of man's 
 nature, the influences of a moral fireside 
 and agricultural life are the noblest and 
 the best. ***** 
 
 It was said by Lord Chatham, in his 
 appeal to the House of Commons, in 1775, 
 to withdraw t*he British troops from Boston, 
 that "trade, indeed, increases the glory 
 and wealth of a country ; but its true 
 strength and stamina are to be looked for 
 in the cultivators of the land. In the 
 simplicity of their lives is found the simple- 
 ness of virtue, the integrity and courage 
 of freedom. These true, genuine sons of 
 the soil are invincible." 
 
 The history of American prowess has 
 recorded these words as prophetic : man, 
 in defence of his hearth-stone and fireside, 
 is invincible against a world of mercena- 
 ries. In battling for his home and all that 
 is dear to him on earth, he is never con- 
 quered save with his life. In such a strug- 
 gle every pass becomes a Thermopylje, 
 every plain a Marathon. With an inde- 
 pendent yeomanry scattered over our vast 
 domain, the "young eagle" may bid defi- 
 ance to the world in arms. Even though 
 a foe should devastate our seaboard, lay in 
 ashes its cities, they have made not one 
 single advance towards conquering the 
 country ; for from the interior comes its 
 hardy yeomanry, with their hearts of oak 
 and nerves of steel, to expel the invader. 
 Their hearts arc the citadel of a nation's 
 
 power — their arms the bulwarks of liberty. 
 * * * * * . * * 
 
 Every consideration of policy, then, 
 both as to revenue for the general govern- 
 ment, and increased taxation for the new 
 States, as well as a means for removing the 
 causes of pauperism and crime in the old, 
 demands that the public lands be granted 
 in limited quantities to the actual settler. 
 Every consideration of justice and human- 
 ity calls upon us to restore man to his natu- 
 ral rights in the soil. * * * 
 
 In a new country the first and most im- 
 portant labor, as it is the most difllcult to 
 be performed, is to subdue the forest, and 
 to convert the lair of the wild beast into a 
 home for civilized man. This is the labor 
 of the pioneer settler. His achievements, 
 if not equ.allv brilliant with those of the 
 
 fdumed w.nrrior, are equally, if not more, 
 asting; his life, if not at times exposed to 
 80 great a hazard, is still one of equal dan- 
 
 night hour by the war-whoop, he wakes 
 from his dreams to behold his cottage in 
 flames ; the sharer of his joys and sorrows, 
 with perhaps a tender inlaiit, hurled, with 
 rude hands, to the distant council-fire. 
 Still he presses on into the wilderness, 
 snatching new areas from the wild beast, 
 and bequeathing them a legacy to civilized 
 man. And all he asks of his country and 
 his Government is, to protect him against 
 the cupidity of soulless capital and the iron 
 grasp of the speculator. Upon his wild 
 battle-field these are the only foes that his 
 own stern heart and right arm cannot van- 
 quish. 
 
 Ijlncoln and Douglas. 
 
 The Last Joint Debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858.* 
 SENATOR DOUGLAS'S SPEECH. 
 
 Ladies AND Gentlemen: It is now 
 nearly four months since the canvass be- 
 tween Mr. Lincoln and myself commenced. 
 On the 16th of June the" Republican Con- 
 vention assembled at Springfield and nomi- 
 nated Mr. Lincoln as their candidate for 
 the United States Senate, and he, on that 
 occasion, delivered a speech in which he 
 laid down what he understood to be the 
 Republican creed and the platform on 
 which he proposed to stand during the 
 contest. The principal points in that 
 speech of Mr. Lincoln's were: First, that 
 this Government could not endure perma- 
 nently divided into free and slave States, 
 as our fathers made it; that they must all 
 become free or all become slave ; all be- 
 come one thing or all become the other, 
 otherwise this Union could not continue 
 to exist. I give you his opinions almost 
 in the identical language he used. His 
 second proposition was a crusade against 
 the Supreme Court of the United States 
 because of the Dred Scot decision ; urging 
 as an esjiecial reason for his opjjosition to 
 that decision that it deprived the negroes 
 of the rights and benefits of that clause in 
 the Constitution of the United States 
 which guaranties to the citizens of each 
 State all the rights, privileges, and immu- 
 nities of the citizens of the several States. 
 On the 10th of July I returned home, and 
 delivered a speech to the people of Chicago, 
 
 ♦ All <hp Reries wnro published 
 Foster & Co., Coluinbus, Ohio. 
 
 in 1860 bj FoUel,
 
 BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE, 
 
 127 
 
 in wliich I annouhced it to be my purpose 
 to Jipi)C'al to the people of Illinois to sus- 
 tain the course I had pursued in Congress. 
 In th it speech I joined issue with Mr. 
 Lincoln on the points which he had pre- 
 sented. Thus there was an issue clear and 
 distinct made up between us on these two 
 propositions laid down in the speech of 
 Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, and contro- 
 verteil by me in my reply to liim at Chi- 
 cago. ( )n the next day, the 1 1th of July, Mr. 
 Lincoln replied to me at Chicago, explain- 
 ing at some length, and reafjirming the 
 positions which he had taken in his 
 Springtield speech. In that Chicago 
 spee.'h he even went further than he had 
 before, and uttered sentiments in regard to 
 the negro being on an equality with the 
 white mm. He adopted in support of this 
 position the argument which Lovejoy and 
 Codding, and other Abolition lecturers had 
 made familiar in the n :)rtlicrn and central 
 portions of the State, to wit: that the De- 
 claration of Independence having declared 
 all men free and equal, by Divine law, also 
 that nej;ro equality was an inalienable 
 right, of which they could not be deprived. 
 He insisted, in that speech, that the De- 
 claration of Independence included the 
 negro in the clause, asserting that all men 
 were created equal, and went so far as to 
 say that if one man was allowed to take 
 the position, that it did not include the 
 ne^ro, others might take the position that 
 it did n')t include other men. He said that 
 all these distinctions between this man and 
 that man, this race and the other race, 
 must be discarded, and we must all stand 
 by the Declaration of Independence, de- 
 claring that all men were created equal. 
 
 The issue thus being made up between 
 Mr. Lincoln and myself on three points, we 
 went before the people of the State. Dur- 
 ing the following seven weeks, between the 
 Chicago speeches and our first meeting at 
 Ottawa, he and I addressed large assem- 
 blages of the people in many of the central 
 counties. In my speeches I confined my- 
 self closely to those three positions which 
 he had taken, controverting his proposition 
 that this Union could not exist as our fa- 
 thers made it, divided into free and Slave 
 States, controverting his proposition of a 
 crusade against the feuprerae Court because 
 of the Dred Scott decision, and controvert- 
 ing his proposition that the Declaration of 
 Independence included and meant the ne- 
 
 Sroes as well as the white men when it 
 eclared all men to be created equal. I 
 supposed at that time that these proposi- 
 tions constituted a distinct issue between 
 us, and that the opposite positions we had 
 taken upon them we would be willing to 
 be held to in every part of the State. I 
 never intended to waver one hair's breadth 
 from that issue either in the north or the 
 south, or wherever I should address the 
 
 people of Illinois. I hold that when the 
 time arrives that I cannot proclaim my 
 political creed in the same terms not only 
 in the northern but the soutiiern part of 
 Illinois, not only in the Northern but the 
 Southern States, and wherever the Ameri- 
 can flag waves over American soil, that 
 then there must be something wrong in 
 that creed. So long as we live under a 
 common Constitution, so long as we live in 
 a confederacy of sovereign and equal 
 States, joined together as one for certain 
 purposes, that any political creed is radi- 
 cally wrong which cannot be proclaimed 
 in every State, and every section of that 
 Union, alike. I took up Mr. Lincoln's 
 three propositions in my several speeches, 
 analyzed them, and pointed out what I 
 believed to be the radical errors contained 
 in them. First, in regard to his doctrine 
 that this Government was in violation of 
 the law of God, which says that a house 
 divided against itself cannot stand, I re- 
 pudiated it as a slander upon the immor- 
 tal framers of our Constitution. I then 
 said, I have often repeated, and now again 
 assert, that in my opinion our Government 
 can endure forever, divided into free and 
 slave States as our fathers made it, — each 
 State having the right to prohibit, abolish 
 or sustain slavery, just as it pleases. This 
 Government was made upon the great 
 basis of the sovereignty of the States, the 
 right of each State to regulate its own do- 
 mestic institutions to suit itself, and that 
 right was conferred with the understand- 
 ing and expectation that inasmuch as each 
 locality had separate interests, each lo- 
 cality 'must have different and distinct lo- 
 cal and domestic institutions, correspond- 
 ing to its wants and interests. Our fathers 
 knew when they made the Government, 
 that the laws and institutions which were 
 well adapted to the green mountains of 
 Vermont, were unsuited to the rice planta- 
 tions of South Carolina. They knew then, 
 as well as we know now, that the laws and 
 institutions which would be well adapted to 
 the beautiful prairies of Illinois would not 
 be suited to the mining regions of Cali- 
 fornia. They knew that in a Republic as 
 broad as this, having such a variety of 
 soil, climate and interest, there must ne- 
 cessarily be a corresponding variety of lo- 
 cal laws — the policy and institutions of 
 each State adapted to it,s condition and 
 wants. For this reason this Union wiis 
 established on the right of each State to do 
 as it pleased on the question of slaver*', and 
 every other question ; and the vario;is 
 States were not allowed to complain of. 
 much less interfere with the policy, of 
 their neighbors. 
 
 Suppose the doctrine advocated by Mr. 
 Lincoln and the Abolitionists of this day 
 had prevailed when the Constituti(m w.as 
 made, what would have been the result?
 
 128 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book m. 
 
 Imagine for a moment that Mr. Lincoln 
 had been a member of the Convention that 
 framed the Constitution of the United 
 States, and that when its members were 
 about to sign that wonderful document, he 
 had arisen in that Convention as he did at 
 Springfield this summer, and addressing 
 himself to the President, had said, "A 
 house divided against itself cannot stand ; 
 this Government, divided into free and 
 slave States, cannot endure, they must all 
 be free or all be slave, they must all be one 
 thing or all be the other, otherwise, it is a 
 violation of the law of God, and cannot 
 continue to exist;" — suppose Mr. Lincoln 
 had convinced that body of sages that that 
 doctrine was sound, what would have been 
 the result? Remember that the Union 
 was then composed of thirteen States, 
 twelve of which were slaveholding and one 
 free. Do you think that the one free State 
 would have outvoted the twelve slave- 
 holding States, and thus have secured the 
 abolition of slavery? On the other hand, 
 would not the twelve slave-holding States 
 have outvoted the one free State, and thus 
 have fastened slaverj', by a Constitutional 
 provision, on every foot of the American 
 Republic forever? You see that if this 
 Abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln had 
 prevailed when the Government was made, 
 it would have established slavery as a per- 
 manent institution, in all the States, 
 whether they wanted it or not, and the 
 question for us to determine in Illinois 
 now as one of the free States is, whether 
 or not we are willing, having become the 
 majority .section, to enforce a doctrine on 
 the minority, which we would have re- 
 sisted with our hearts' blood had it been 
 attempted on us when we were in a mi- 
 nority. ITow has the South lost her power 
 as the majority section in this Union, and 
 how have the free States gained it, except 
 under the operation of that principle which 
 declares the right of the people of each 
 State and each Territory to form and 
 regulate their domestic institutions in their 
 own way. It was under that principle 
 that slavery was abolished in New Hamp- 
 shire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
 York, New .lorscy, and Pennsylvania; it 
 was under th;it principle that one half of 
 the slaveholding States became free; it 
 was under that prin(ii)le that the number 
 of free States increased until from being 
 one out of twelve States, we have grown to 
 be the mnioritv of States of the whole 
 T^nion, with the power to control the 
 House of Represent.itives and Senate, and 
 tho power, ronsequentlv, to elect a Presi- 
 dent bv Northorn votes without the aid of 
 a Southern State. Having obtained this 
 power under the operation of that great 
 })rinciple, are you now prepared to aban- 
 don the principle and declare thnt merely 
 because we have the power you will wage 
 
 a war against the Southern States and 
 their institutions until you force them to 
 abolish slavery everywhere. 
 
 After having pressed these arguments 
 home on Mr. Lincoln for seven weeks, pub- 
 lishing a number of my speeches, we met 
 at Ottawa in joint discussion, and he then 
 began to crawfish a little, and let himself 
 down. I there propounded certain ques- 
 tions to him. Amongst others, I asked 
 him whether he would vote for the admis- 
 sion of any more slave States in the event 
 the people wanted them. He would not 
 answer. I then told him that if he did not 
 answer the question there I would renew it 
 at Freeport, and would then trot him down 
 into Egypt and again put it to him. Well, 
 at Freeport, knowing that the next joint 
 discussion took place in Egypt, and being 
 in dread of it, he did answer my question 
 in regard to no more slave States in a mode 
 which he hoped would be satisfactory to 
 me, and accomplish the object he had in 
 view. I will show you what his answer 
 was. After saying that he was not pledged 
 to the Republican doctrine of " no more 
 slave States," he declared: 
 
 " I state to you freely, frankly, that I 
 should be exceedingly sorry to ever be put 
 in the position of having to pass upon that 
 question. I should be exceedingly glad 
 to know that there never would be another 
 slave State admitted into this Union." 
 
 Here permit me to remark, that I do not 
 think the people will ever force him into 
 a position against his will. He went on to 
 say: 
 
 "But I must add in regard to this, that if 
 slavery shall be kept out of the Territory 
 during the territorial existence of any one 
 given Territory, and then the people should, 
 having a fair chance and a clear field when 
 they come to adopt a Constitution, if they 
 should do the extraordinary thing of adopt- 
 ing a slave Constitution, uninfluenced by 
 the actual presence of the institution 
 among them, I see no alternative, if we 
 own the country, but we must admit it into 
 the Union." 
 
 That answer Mr. Lincoln supposed would 
 satisfy the old line Whigs, composed of 
 Kentuckians and Virginians down in the 
 southern part of the State. Now what does 
 it amount to ? I desired to know whether 
 he would vote to allow Kansas to come 
 into the Union with slavery or not, as her 
 people desired. He would not answer; 
 but in a roundabout Avay said that if sla- 
 ver}' should be kept out of a Territory 
 during the whole of its territorial existence, 
 and then the people, when they adopted a 
 State Constitution, asked admission as a 
 slave State, he supposed he would have to 
 let the State come in. The case I put to 
 liim was an entirely different one. I de- 
 sired to know whether he would vote to 
 admit a State if Congress had not prohib-
 
 BOOKiii.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 129 
 
 ited slavery in it during its territorial 
 existence, as Congress never pretend- 
 ed to do under Clay's Compromise mea- 
 sures of 1850. He would not answer, 
 and I have not yet been able to get an an- 
 swer from him. I have asked him whe- 
 ther he woukl vote to admit Nebraska 
 if her people asked to come in as a State 
 with a Constitution recognizing slavery, 
 and he refused to answer. I have put the 
 question to him with reference to New 
 Mexico, and he has not uttered a word in 
 answer. I have enumerated the Territories, 
 one after another, putting the same ques- 
 tion to him with reference to each, and he 
 lias not said, ard will not say, whether, if 
 elected to Congress, he will vote to admit 
 any Territory now in existence with such 
 a Constitution as her people may adopt. 
 He invents a case which does not exist, 
 and cannot exist under this Government, 
 and answers it ; but lie will not answer the 
 question I put to him in connection with 
 any of the Territories now in existence. 
 The contract we entered into with Texas 
 when she entered the Union obliges us to 
 allow four States to be formed out of the 
 old State, and admitted with or without 
 slavery as the respective inhabitants of 
 each may determine. I have asked Mr. 
 Lincoln three times in our joint discussions 
 whether he would vote to redeem that 
 pledge, and he has never yet answered. 
 He is as silent as the grave on the subject. 
 He would rather answer as to a state of 
 the case which will never arise than com- 
 mit himself by telling what he would do 
 in a case which would come up for his ac- 
 tion soon after his election to Congress, 
 Why can he not say whether he is willing 
 to allow the people of each State to have 
 slavery or not as they please, and to come 
 into the Union when they have the requi- 
 site population as a slave or a free Stat^i as 
 they decide ? I have no trouble in answer- 
 ing the questions. I have said every where, 
 and now repeat it to you, that if the peo- 
 ple of Kansas want a slave State they have 
 a right, under the Constitution of the 
 United States, to form such a State, and I 
 will let them come into the Union with 
 slavery or without, as they determine. If 
 the people of any other Territory desire 
 slavery, let them have it. If they do not 
 want it, let them prohibit it. It is their 
 business, not mine. It is none of our busi- 
 ness in Illinois whether Kansas is a free 
 State or a slave State. It is none of your 
 business in Missouri whether Kansas shall 
 adopt slavery or reject it. It is the busi- 
 ness of her people and none of yours. The 
 n)le of Kansas have as much right to 
 de that question for themselves as you 
 have in Missouri to decide it for your- 
 selves, or we ia Illinois to decide it for our- 
 selves. 
 And here I may repeat what I have said 
 
 33 
 
 in every speech I have made in Illinois, 
 that I fought the Lecompton Constitution 
 to its deatli, not because of the slavery 
 clause in it, but because it was not the act 
 and deed of the people of Kansas. I said 
 then in Congress, and I say now, that if 
 the people of Kansas want a slave State, 
 they have a right to have it. If they 
 wanted the Lecompton Constitution, they 
 had a right to have it. I was opposed to 
 that Constitution because I did not believe 
 that it was the act and deed of the people, 
 but on the contrary, the act of a small, 
 pitiful minority acting in the name of the 
 majority. When at last it was determined 
 to send that Constitution back to the peo- 
 ple, and accordingly, in August last, the 
 question of admission under it was submit- 
 ted to a popular vote, the citizens rejected 
 it by nearly ten to one, thus show- 
 ing conclusively, that I was right when 
 I said that the Lecompton Constitution 
 was not the act and the deed of the peo- 
 ple of Kansas, and did not embody their 
 will. 
 
 I hold that there is no power on earth, 
 under our system of Government, which 
 has the right to force a Constitution upon 
 an unwilling people. Suppose that there 
 had been a majorit\'' of ten to one in favor 
 of slavery in Kansas, and suppose there 
 had been an Abolition President, and an 
 Abolition Administration, and by some 
 means the Abolitionists succeeded in for- 
 cing an Abolition Constitution on those 
 slave-holding people, would the people of 
 the South have submitted to that act for 
 one instant ? Well, if you of the South 
 would not have submitted to it a day, how 
 can you, as fair, honorable and honest 
 men, insist on putting a slave Constitution 
 on a people who desire a free State ? Your 
 safety and ours depend upon both of us 
 acting in good faith, and living up to that 
 great i^rinciple which asserts the right of 
 every ])eople to form and regulate their 
 domestic institutions to suit themselves, 
 subject only to the Constitution of the 
 United States. 
 
 Most of the men who denounced my 
 course on the Lecompton question, objected 
 to it not because I was not right, but be- 
 cause they thought it expedient at that 
 time, for the sake of keeping the party to- 
 gether, to do wrong. I never knew the 
 Democratic party to violate any one of its 
 princii)les out of policy or expediency, that 
 it did not pay the debt with sorrow. There 
 is no safety or success for our party unless 
 we always do right, and trust the conse- 
 quences "to God and the people. I chose 
 not to depart from princijde for the sake 
 of expediency in the Lecompton que^stion, 
 and I never intend to do it on that or any 
 other question. 
 
 But I am told that I would have been 
 all right if I had only voted for the Eng-
 
 130 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III, 
 
 lish bill after Lecompton was killed. You 
 krow a general pardon was granted to all 
 political offenders on the Lecompton ques- 
 tion, provided they would only vote for 
 the English bill. I did not accept the 
 benefits of that pardon, for the reason that 
 I had been right in the course I had 
 pursued, and hence did not require any 
 forgiveness. Let us see how the result has 
 been worked out. English brought in his 
 bill referring the Lecompton Constitution 
 back to the people, with the provision that 
 if it was rejected Kansas should be kept 
 out of the Union until she had the full 
 ratio of population required fur a member 
 of Congress, thus in eflect declaring that 
 if the people of Kansas would only consent 
 to come into the Union under the Lecomp- 
 ton Constitution, and have a slave State 
 when they did not want it, they should be 
 admitted with a population of 35,000, but 
 that if they were so obstinate as to insist 
 upon having just such a Constitution as 
 they thought best, and to desire admission 
 as a free State, then they should be kept 
 out until they had 93,420 inhabitants. I 
 then said, and I now repeat to you, that 
 whenever Kansas has people enough for a 
 slave State she has people enough for a free 
 State. I was and am willing to adopt the 
 rule that no State shall ever come into the 
 Union until she has the full ratio of popu- 
 lation for a member of Congress, provided 
 that rule is made uniform. I made that 
 proposition in the Senate last winter, but a 
 majority of the Senators would not agree 
 to it ; and I then said to them if you will 
 not adopt the general rule I will not con- 
 sent to make an exception of Kansas. 
 
 I hold that it is a violation of the funda- 
 mental principles of this Government to 
 throw the weight of federal power into the 
 scale, either in favor of the free or the 
 slave States. Equality among all the 
 States of this Union is a fundamental prin- 
 ciple in our political system. We have no 
 more right to throw the weight of the 
 Federal Government into the scale in favor 
 of the slaveholding than tlie free States, 
 and last of all should our friends in tlie 
 South consent f(jr a moment that Congress 
 should withhold its powers cither way 
 when they know that there is a majority 
 against them in both Houses of Congress. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, how have the supporters 
 of the English bill stood up to their 
 pledges not to admit Kansas until she ob- 
 tained a population of 03,420 in the event 
 she rejected the Lecompton Constitution ? 
 How? The newspapers inform us that 
 English himself, whilst conducting his 
 canvass for re-election, and in order to 
 secure it, pledged himself to his constitu- 
 ents that if returned he would disregard 
 his own l)ill und vote to admit Kansas into 
 the Union with such population as she 
 might have when she made application. 
 
 We are informed that every Democratic 
 candidate for Congress in all the States 
 where elections have recently been held, 
 was pledged against the English bill, with 
 perhaps one or two exceptions. Now, if I 
 had only done as these anti-Lecompton 
 men who voted for the English bill in Con- 
 gress, pledging themselves to refuse to ad- 
 mit Kansas if she refused to become a slave 
 State until she had a population of 93,420, 
 and then return to their people, forfeited 
 their pledge, and made a new pledge to 
 admit Kansas at any time she ap- 
 plied, without regard to population, I 
 would have had no trouble. You saw the 
 whole power and patronage of the Federal 
 Government wielded in Indiana, Ohio and 
 Pennsylvania to re-elect anti-Lecompton 
 men to Congress who voted against Lecomp- 
 ton, then voted for the English bill, and 
 then denounced the English bill, and 
 pledged themselves to their people to dis- 
 regard it. My sin consists in not having 
 given a pledge, and then in not having af- 
 terward forfeited it. For that reason, in 
 this State, every postmaster, every route 
 agent, every collector of the ports, and 
 everj'^ federal office-holder, forfeits his head 
 the moment he expresses a preference for 
 the Democratic candidates against Lincoln 
 and his Abolition associates. A Demo- 
 cratic Administration which we helped to 
 bring into power, deems it consistent with 
 its fidelity to principle and its regard to 
 duty, to wield its power in this State in be- 
 half of the Republican Abolition candi- 
 dates in every county and every Congres- 
 sional District against the Democratic 
 party. All I have to say in reference to 
 the matter is, that if that Administration 
 have not regard enough for principle, if 
 they are not sufficiently attached to the 
 creed of the Democratic party to bury for- 
 ever their personal hostilities in order to 
 succeed in carrying out our glorious prin- 
 ciples, I have. I have no personal diffi- 
 culty with Mr. Buchanan or his cabinet. 
 He chose to make certain recommendations 
 to Congress, as he had a right to do, on the 
 Lecompton question. I could not vote in 
 favor of them. I had as much right to 
 judge for myself how I should vote as he 
 had how he should recommend. He un- 
 dertook to say to me, if you do not vote as 
 I tell you, I will take off the heads of your 
 friends. I replied to him, '" You did not 
 elect me, I represent Illinois and I am ac- 
 countable to Illinois, as my constituency, 
 and to CJod, but not to the JPresident or to 
 any other power on earth." 
 
 And now this warfiireis made on me be- 
 cause I would not surrender my convic- 
 tions of duty, because I would not aban- 
 don my constituency, and receive the or- 
 ders of the executive authorities how I 
 should vote in the Senate of the United 
 States. I hold that an attempt to control
 
 I 
 
 BOOKiii.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 131 
 
 the Senate on the part of the Executive is 
 subversive of the principles of our Con- 
 stitution. Tlie Executive department is 
 independent of the Senate, and tlie Senate 
 is independent of the President. In mat- 
 ters of legislation the President has a veto 
 on the action of the Senate, and in aj)- 
 j)ointments and treaties the Senate has a 
 veto on the President. He has no more 
 right to tell me how I shall vote on his ap- 
 pointments than I have to tell him wheth- 
 er he shall veto or approve a bill that the 
 Senate has passed. Whenever you recog- 
 nize the right of the Executive to say to a 
 Senator, " Do this, or I will take otf the 
 heads of your friends," you convert this 
 Government from a republic into a despot- 
 ism. Whenever you recognize the right of 
 a President to say to a member of Congress, 
 " Vote as I tell you, or I will bring a pow- 
 er to bear against you at home which will 
 crush you," you destroy the independence 
 of the representative, and convert him in- 
 to a tool of Executive power. I resisted 
 this invasion of the constitutional rights of 
 a Senator, and I intend to resist it as long 
 as I have a voice to speak, or a vote to give. 
 Yet, Mr. Buchanan cannot provoke me to 
 abandon one iota of Democratic principles 
 out of revenge or hostility to his course. 
 I stand by the platform of the Democratic 
 party, and by its organization, and sup- 
 port its nominees. If there are any who 
 choose to bolt, the foct only shows that they 
 are not as good Democrats as I am. 
 
 My friends, there never was a time when 
 it was as important for the Democratic 
 party, for all national men, to rally and 
 stand together as it is to-day. We find all 
 sectional men giving up past differences 
 and continuing the one question of slavery, 
 and when we find sectional men thus unit- 
 ing, we should unite to resist them and 
 their treasonable designs. Such was the 
 case in 1850, when Clay left the quiet and 
 peace of his home, and again entered up- 
 on public life to quell agitation and restore 
 peace to a distracted Union. Then we 
 Democrats, with Cass at our head, wel- 
 comed Henry Clay, whom the whole na- 
 tion regarded as having been preserved by 
 God for the times. He became our leader 
 in that great fight, and we rallied around 
 him the same as the Whigs rallied around 
 old Hickory in 1832, to put down nullifi- 
 cation. Thus you see that whilst Wliigs 
 and Democrats fought fearlessly in old 
 times about banks, the tariff", distribution, 
 the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, 
 all ixnited as a band of brothers when the 
 peace, harmony, or integrity of the Union 
 was imperilled. It was so in 1850, when 
 Abolitionism had even so far divided this 
 country. North and South, as to endanger 
 the peace of the Union ; Whigs and Dem- 
 ocrats united in establishing the Com- 
 promise measures of that year, and restor- 
 
 ing tranquillity and good feeling. These 
 measures passed on the joint action of the 
 two parties. They rested on the great 
 principle that the people of each State and 
 each Territory should be left perfectly free 
 to form and regulate their domestic insti- 
 tutions to suit themselves. You Whigs, and 
 we Democrats justified them in that prin- 
 ciple. In 1854, when it became necessary 
 to organize the Territories of Kansas and 
 Nebraska, I brought forward the bill on 
 the same principle. In the Kansas-Ne- 
 braska bill you find it declared to be the 
 true intent and meaning of the act not to 
 legislate slavery into any State or Terri- 
 tory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to 
 leave the people thereof perfectly free to 
 form and regulate their domestic institu- 
 tions in their own way. I stand on that 
 same platform in 1858 that I did in 1850, 
 1854, and 185(3. The Washington Union, 
 pretending to be the organ of the Admin- 
 istration, in the number of the 5th of this 
 month, devotes three colurflns and a half 
 to establish these propositions : First, that 
 Douglas, in his Freeport speech, held the 
 same doctrine that he did in his Nebraska 
 bill in 1854 ; second, that in 1854 Douglas 
 justified the Nebraska bill upon the ground 
 that it was based upon the same principle 
 as Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. 
 The Union thus proved that Douglas was 
 the same in 1858 that he was in 1856, 1854, 
 and 1850, and consequently argued that he 
 was never a Democrat. Is it not fiinny 
 that I was never a Democrat ? There is 
 no pretense that I have changed a hair's 
 breadth. The C/?2?'ow proves by my speeches 
 that I explained the Compromise measures 
 of 1850 just as I do now, and that I ex- 
 plained the Kansas and Nebniska bill in 
 1854 just as I did in my Freeport speech, 
 and yet says- that I am not a Democrat, 
 and cannot be trusted, because I have not 
 changed during the whole of that time. 
 It has occurred to me that in 1854 the au- 
 thor of the Kansas and Nebraska bill was 
 considered a pretty good Democrat. It has 
 occurred to me that in 1856, when I was ex- 
 erting every nerve and every energy for 
 James Buchanan, standing on the same plat- 
 form then that I do now, that I was a pretty 
 good Democrat, They now tell me that I am 
 not a Democrat, because I assert that the 
 people of a Territory, as well as those of a 
 State, have the right to decide for them- 
 selves whether slavery can or cannot exist 
 in such Territory. Let me read what James 
 Buchanan said on that point when he ac- 
 cepted the Democratic nomination for the 
 Presidency in 1856. In his letter of ac- 
 ceptance, he used the following language : 
 " The recent legislation of Congress re- 
 specting domestic slavery, derived as it has 
 been from the original and pure ftuuibiin or 
 legitimate political power, the will ot the 
 majority, promises ere long to allay the dan-
 
 132 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book III. 
 
 gerous excitement. This legislation is 
 founded upon principles as ancient as free 
 government itself, and in accordance with 
 them has simply declared that the people 
 of a Territory, like those of a State, shall 
 decide for themselves whether slavery shall 
 or shall not exist within their limits." 
 
 Dr. Hope will there find my answer to 
 the question he propounded to me before I 
 commenced speaking. Of couree no man 
 will consider it an answer, who is outside 
 of the Democratic organization, bolts Dem- 
 ocratic nominations, and indirectly aids to 
 ptit Abolitionists into power over Demo- 
 crats. But whether Dr. Hope considers it 
 an answer or not, every fair-minded man 
 will see that James Buchanan has answered 
 the question, and has asserted that the Y>eo- 
 ple of a Territory like those of a State, 
 shall decide for themselves whether slavery 
 shall or shall not exist within their limits. 
 I answer specifically if you want a further 
 answer, and say that while under the de- 
 cision of the Stipreme Court, as recorded in 
 the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, slaves 
 are property like all other property, and 
 can be carried into any Territory of the 
 United States the same as any other de- 
 scription of property, yet when you get 
 them there they are subject to the local law 
 of the Territory just like all other prop- 
 erty. You will find in a recent speech de- 
 livered by that able and eloquent statesman, 
 Hon. Jefferson Davis, at Bangor, Maine, 
 that he took the same view of this stibject 
 that I did in my Freeport speech. He there 
 said : 
 
 "If the inhabitants of any Territory 
 should refuse to enact such laws and police 
 regulations as would give security to their 
 proj)erty or to his, it would be rendered 
 more or loss valueless in proportion to the 
 difficulties of holding it ■without such pro- 
 tection. In the case of property in the 
 labor of man, or what is usually called slave 
 property, the insecurity would be so great 
 that the owner could not ordinarily retain 
 it. Therefore, though the right would re- 
 main, tlie remedy being withheld, it would 
 follow that the owner would be practically 
 del)arre(l, by the circumstances of the 
 case, from taking slave j)ropcrty into a 
 Territory where the sense of the inhabitants 
 VfiiH opjiosed to its introduction. So much 
 forth(M)('t-rei)eated fallacy of forcingslavery 
 upon any community." 
 
 You will also finil that the distinguished 
 Speaker of the present House of Ilep- 
 rosontativcH, Hon. .Tas. L. Orr, construed 
 the Kansas and Nebraska l>ill in this same 
 ■way in IWO, and also that grrat intellect 
 of the South, Alex. H. Stephens, put the 
 Bame construction upon it in (.ongress that 
 I did in my Freeport speech. Tlie whole 
 Soutli are rallving to the sujiport of the 
 doctrine that if the people of a Territor\' 
 •want slavery they have a right to have it, 
 
 I and if they do not want it that no power 
 on earth can force it upon them. I hold 
 I that there is no principle on earth more 
 sacred to all the friends of freedom than 
 that which says that no institution, no law, 
 : no constitution, should be forced on an un- 
 I willingpeoplecontraiy to their wishes ; and 
 ! I assert that the Kansas and Nebraska bill 
 I contains that principle. It is the great 
 principle contained in that bill. It is the 
 I principle on which James Buchanan was 
 : made President. Without that principle 
 he never would have been made President 
 of the United States. I will never violate 
 or abandon that doctrine if I have to stand 
 alone. I have resisted the blandishments 
 and threats of power on the one side, and 
 seduction on the other, and have stood im- 
 movably for that principle, fighting for it 
 when assailed by Northern mobs, or threat- 
 ened by Sotithern hostility. I have de- 
 fended it against the North and South, 
 and I will defend it against "n'hoever 
 assails it, and I will follow it wherever its 
 logical conclusions lead me. I say to you 
 that there is but one hope, one safety for 
 this country, and that is to stand immovably 
 by that principle which declares the right 
 of each State and each Territory to decide 
 these questions for themselves. This Gov- 
 ernment was founded on that principle, and 
 must be administered in the same sense in 
 Avhich it was founded. 
 
 But the Abolition party really think that 
 under the Declaration of Independence 
 the negro is equal to the white man, and 
 that negro equality is an inalienable right 
 conferred by the Almighty, and hence that 
 all htiman laws in violation of it are null 
 and void. With such men it is no use lor 
 me to argue. I hold that the signers of 
 the Declaration of Independence had no 
 reference to negroes at all when they de- 
 clared all men to be created equal. They 
 did not mean negroes, nor savage Indians, 
 nor the Fejee Islanders, nor any other bar- 
 barous race. They were sj)eaking of white 
 men. They alluded to men of European 
 birth and Eurojiean descent — to white 
 men, and to none others, Avhen they de- 
 clared tliat doctrine. I hold that this Gov- 
 ernment was established on the white basis. 
 It was established by white men for the 
 benefit of white men and their posterity for- 
 ever, an<l sliould be administered by white 
 men, and none others. But it docs not fol- 
 low, by any means, that merely because 
 the negro is not a citizen, and merely be- 
 cause he is not our equal, that, therefore, he 
 should be a slave. On the contrary, it does 
 follow that we ought to extend to the 
 negro race, and to all other dejiendcnt races 
 all the rights, all the privileges, and all 
 the immunities which they can exercise 
 consistently with the safety of society. Hu- 
 manity requires that we should give them 
 all these privileges ; Christianity commands
 
 BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 133 
 
 that we should extend those privik^ges to 
 them. The question then arises what are 
 these privik'ges, and what is the nature 
 and extent of theni. My answer is tliat that 
 is a question which eaeli Htate must an- 
 swer lor itself. We in Illinois have decided 
 it for ourselves. We tried slavery, kept it 
 up for twelve years, and finding that it 
 was not profitable, we ai)olished it for that 
 reason, and became a free 8tate. We 
 adopted in its stead the policy that a negro 
 in this State shall not be a slave and shall 
 not be a citizen. We have a right to adopt 
 that policy. For my part I think it is a 
 wise and sound policy for us. You in 
 Missouri must judge for yourselves whether 
 it is a wise policy for you. If you choose 
 to follow our examjile, very good ; if you 
 reject it, still well, it is your business, not 
 ours. >So with Kentucky. Let Kentucky 
 adopt a policy to suit herself. If we do not 
 like it we will keep away from it, and if 
 she docs not like ours let her stay at home, 
 mind her own business jind let us alone. 
 If the people of all the States will act on 
 that great j)rinciple, and each State mind 
 its own business, attend to its own aflairs, 
 take care of its own negroes and not meddle 
 with its neighbors, then there will be peace 
 between the North and the South, the 
 East and the West, throughout the whole 
 Union. Why can we not thus have peace ? 
 Why should we thus allow a sectional 
 party to agitate this country, to array the 
 North against the South, and convert us 
 into enemies instead of friends, merely that 
 a few ambitious men may ride into power 
 on a sectional hobby? How long is it 
 since these ambitious Northern men wished 
 for a sectional organization? Did any 
 one of them dream of a sectional party as 
 long as the North was the weaker section 
 and the South the stronger? Then all 
 Avere opposed to sectional parties ; but the 
 moment the North obtained the majority 
 in the House and Senate by the admission 
 of California, and could elect a President 
 without the aid of Southern votes, that 
 moment ambitious Northern men formed a 
 scheme to excite the North against the 
 South, and make the people be governed in 
 their votes by geographical lines, thinking 
 that the North, being the stronger section, 
 would out-vote the South, and consequently 
 they, tlie leaders, would ride into oiiice on 
 a sectional hobby. I am told that my 
 hour is out. It was very short. 
 
 Mr. Lilncoljx's Reply. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlkmkx : — I have been 
 somewhat, in my own mind, comjilimented 
 by a large portion of Judge Douglas's 
 speech — I mean that portion which he de- 
 votes to the controversy between himself 
 and the ]n-esent Administration. This is 
 the seventh time Judge Douglas and mv- 
 
 self have met in these joint discussions, 
 and he has been gradually imjiroving in 
 regard to his war with the administration. 
 Att^uincy, day before yesterday, he was a 
 little more severe upon the Administration 
 than I had heard him upon any occasion, 
 and I took pains to compliment him fur it. I 
 then told him to " Give itto them with all the 
 power he had ; " and as some of them were 
 present, I told them I would be very much 
 obliged if they would ijlce it to him in 
 about the same way. I take it he has now 
 vastly improved upon the attack he made 
 then upon the Administration. I flatter 
 nrvself he has really taken my advice on 
 this subject. All I can say now is to re- 
 commend to him and to them what I then 
 commended — to prosecute the war against 
 one another in the most vigorous manner. 
 I say to them again — " Go it, hasbaud ! — 
 Go it, bear !" 
 
 There is one other thing I will mention be- 
 fore I leave this branch of thediscassion — 
 although I do not consider it much of my 
 business, any way. I refer to that part of 
 the Judge's remarks where he undertakes 
 to involve Mr. Buchanan in an inconsis- 
 tency. He reads something from Mr. Bu- 
 chanan, from which he undertakes to in- 
 volve him in an inconsistency ; and he gets 
 sometliing of a cheer for having done so. 
 I would only remind the Judge that while 
 he is very valiantly fighting for the Ne- 
 braska bill and the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise, it has been but a little while 
 since he was the valiant advocate of the 
 Missouri Compromise. I want to know if 
 Buchanan has not as much right to be in- 
 consistent as Douglas has ? Has Douglas 
 the exclusive right, in this country, of be- 
 ing on all sides of all questions ? Is no- 
 body allowed that high jirivilege but him; 
 self? Is he to have an entire monojjoli/ on 
 that subject? 
 
 So far as Judge Douglas addressed liia 
 speech to me, or so far as it was about me, 
 it is my business to pay some attention to 
 it. I have heard the Judge state two or 
 three times what he has stated to-day — that 
 in a speech which I made at Si)ringfleld, 
 Illinois, I had in a very especial manner 
 complained that the Supreme Court in the 
 Dred Scott case had decided that a negro 
 could never be a citizen of the L^nited 
 States. I have omitted by some accident 
 heretofore to analyze this statement, and it 
 is required of me to notice it now. In 
 point of fact it is untrue. I never have com- 
 plained esppcially of the Dred Scot decision 
 because it held that a negro could not be a 
 citizen, and the Judge is always wrong 
 when he says I ever did so com])lain of it. I 
 have the speech here, and I will thank him 
 or any of his friends to show where I said 
 that a negro should be a citizen, and com- 
 j)lained especially of tlie Dred Scott de- 
 cision because it declared he could not
 
 134 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book in. 
 
 be one. I have done no such thing, and 
 Judge Douglas so persistently insisting 
 that I have done so, has strongly impressed 
 me with the belief of a predetermination 
 on his part to misrepresent me. He could 
 not get his foundation for insisting that I 
 was in favor of this negro equality any 
 where else as well as he could by assuming 
 that untrue proposition. Let me tell this 
 audience what is true in regard to that 
 matter ; and the means by which they may 
 correct me if I do not tell them truly is by 
 a recurrence to the speech itself. I spoke 
 of the Dred Scott decision in my Spring- 
 field speech, and I was then endeavoring to 
 prove that the Dred Scott decision was a 
 portion of a system or scheme to make 
 slavery national in this country. I pointed 
 out wiiat things had been decided by the 
 court. I mentioned as a fact that they had 
 decided that a negro could not be a citi- 
 zen — that they had done so, as I supposed, 
 to deprive the negro, under all circum- 
 stances, of the remotest possibility of ever 
 becoming a citizen and claiming the rights 
 of a citizen of the United States under a 
 certain clause of the Constitution. I stated 
 that, without making any complaint of it 
 at all. I then went on and stated the other 
 points decided in the case, viz : that the 
 bringing of a negro into the State of Il- 
 linois and holding him in slavery for two 
 years here was a matter in regard to which 
 they would not decide whether it would 
 make him free or not; that they decided 
 the further point that taking him into a 
 United States Territory where slavery was 
 prohil)ited by act of Congress, did not 
 make him free, because that act of Con- 
 gress, as they held, was unconstitutional. 
 I mentioned these three things as making 
 up the points decided in that case. I 
 mentioned them in a lump taken in con- 
 nection with tlie introduction of the Ne- 
 braska l)ill, and the amendment of Chase, 
 ofiered at the time, declaratory of the right 
 of the people of the Territories to exclude 
 slavery, which was voted down by the 
 friends of the bill. I mentioned all these 
 things togetlier, as evidence tending to prove 
 a (•<mil)ination and consjiiracy to make the 
 institution of slavery national. In that con- 
 nection and in that way I mentioned the 
 decision on the point that a negro could 
 not be a citizen, and in no other connection. 
 
 Out of this, Judge Douglas builds uj) 
 his l)eautiful fal^rication — of my purpose 
 to introduce a perfect, social, and jMjlitical 
 equality between the wliite and l)lack races. 
 His assertion that I made an " especial ob- 
 jection " (that is his exart language) to the 
 decision on this account, is untrue in point 
 of fa<-t. 
 
 Now, while I ain upon this subject, and 
 a-s Jlcnry (Jlay has liccii iilludcd to, I dc- 
 Bire to place myself, in comu'ctioii with 
 Mr. Clay, as nearly right before IhLs peo- 
 
 ple as may be. I am quite aware what the 
 Judge's object is here by all these allusions. 
 He knows that we are before an audience, 
 having strong sympathies southward by re- 
 lationship, place of birth, and so on. He 
 desires to place me in an extremely Abo- 
 lition attitude. He read upon a former 
 occasion, and alludes without reading to- 
 day, to a portion of a speech which I de- 
 livered in Chicago. In his quotations 
 from that speech, as he has made them up- 
 on former occasions, the extracts were ta- 
 ken in such a way as, I suppose, brings 
 them within the definition of what is 
 caWeA garbling — taking portions of a speech 
 which, when taken by themselves, do not 
 present the entire sense of the speaker as 
 expressed at the time. I propose, there- 
 fore, out of that same speech, to show how 
 one portion of it which he skipped over 
 (taking an extract before and an extract 
 after) will give a different idea, and the 
 true idea I intended to convey. It will 
 take me some little time to read it, but I 
 believe I will occupy the time that way. 
 
 You have heard him frequently allude 
 to my controversy with him in regard to 
 the Declaration of Independence. I con- 
 fess that I have had a struggle with Judge 
 Douglas on that matter, and I will try 
 briefly to place myself right in regard to it 
 on this occasion. I said — and it is between 
 the extracts Judge Douglas has taken 
 from this speech and put in his published 
 speeches : 
 
 "It may be argued that there are certain 
 conditions that make necessities and im- 
 pose them upon us, and to the extent that 
 a necessity is imposed upon a man he must 
 stibmit to it. I think that was the condi- 
 tion in which we found ourselves when we 
 established this Government. We had 
 slaves among us, we could not get our Con- 
 stitution unless we permitted them to re- 
 main in slavery, we could not secure the 
 good we did secure if we gras])ed for 
 more ; and having by necessity submitted 
 to that much, it does not destroy the prin- 
 ciple that is the charter of our liberties. 
 Let the charter renuiin as our standard." 
 
 Now I have ujKm all occasions declared 
 as strongly as Judge Douglas against the 
 disposition to interfere with the existing 
 institution of slavery. You hear me read 
 it from the same si)eech from which he 
 takes garbled extracts for the ])urpose of 
 ])roving upon me a disposition to interfere 
 with the institution of slavery, and estab- 
 lish a ])erfect social and political equality 
 between negroes and white people. 
 
 Allow me while upon this subject briefly 
 to present one other extract from a speech 
 of mine, more than a year ago, at Spriug- 
 tield, in discussing this very same ques- 
 tiou, soon after Judge Douglas took his 
 ground that negroes were not included in 
 the Declaration of Independence:
 
 BOOKiii.J THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 135 
 
 "I think the authors of that notable in- 
 strument intended to include all men, but 
 they did not mean to declare all men 
 equal in all respects. They did not mean 
 to say all men were equal in color, size, in- 
 tellect, moral development or social capa- 
 city. They defined with tolerable distinct- 
 ness in what they did consider all men 
 created eciual — equal in certain inalienable 
 rights, amimsj which are life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness. This they said, 
 and this they meant. They did not mean 
 to assert the obvious untruth, that all were 
 then actually enjoyin<^ that equality, or 
 yet, that they were about to confer it im- 
 mediately upon them. In fact they had 
 no power to confer such a bof)n. They 
 meant simply to declare the right, so that 
 the enjorce/nent of it might follow as fast 
 as circumstances should permit. 
 
 " They meant to set up a standard maxim 
 for free society which sliould be familiar 
 to all : constantly looked to, constantly 
 labored for, and even, though never per- 
 fectly attained, constantly approximated, 
 and thereby constantly spreading and 
 deepening its influence and augmenting 
 the happiness and value of life to all peo- 
 ple, of all colors, every where." 
 
 There again are the sentiments I have 
 expressed in regard to the Declaration of 
 Independence upon a former occasion — 
 sentiments which have been put in print 
 and read wherever any body cared to know 
 what so humble an individual as myself 
 chose to say in regard to it. 
 
 At Galcsburg the other day, I said in 
 answer to Judge Douglas, that three years 
 ago there never had been a man, so far as I 
 knew or believed, in the whole world, who 
 had said that the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence did not include negroes in the term 
 " all men." I reassert it to-day. I assert 
 that Judge Douglas and all his friends 
 may search the whole records of the coun- 
 try, and it will be a matter of great aston- 
 ishment to me if they shall be able to find 
 that one liuman being three years ago had 
 ever uttered the astounding sentiment that 
 the term " all men " in the Declaration did 
 not include the negro. Do not let me be 
 misunderstood. I know that more than 
 three years ago there were men who, find- 
 ing this assertion constantly in the way of 
 their schemes to bring about the ascend- 
 ancy and perpetuation of slavery, denied 
 the truth nf it. I know that Mr. Calhoun 
 and all the politicians of his school denied 
 the truth of the Declaration. I know that 
 it ran along in the mouth of some vSouthern 
 men for a period of years, ending at last 
 in that shameful though rather forcible 
 declaration of Pettit of Indiana, upon the 
 floor of the United States Senate, that the 
 Declaration of Independence was in that 
 respect " a self-evident lie," rather than a 
 self-evident truth. But I say, with a per- 
 
 fect knowledge of all this hawking at the 
 Declaration without directly attacking it, 
 that three years ago there never had lived 
 a man who had ventured to assail it in the 
 sneaking way of i)retending to believe it 
 and then asserting it did not incluile the 
 negro. I believe the first man who ever 
 said it was Chief Justice Taney in the 
 Dred Scott case, and the next to him wa.s 
 our friend, Stephen A. Douglas. And now 
 it has become the catch-word of the entire 
 party. I would like to call upon his friends 
 every where to consider how they have 
 come in so short a time to view this matter 
 in a way so entirely different from their 
 former belief? to ask whether they are not 
 being borne along by an irresistible cur- 
 rent — whither, they know not? 
 
 In answer to my proposition at Gales- 
 burg last week, I see that some man in 
 Chicago has got up a letter addressed to 
 the Chicago Times, to show, as he professes, 
 that somebody had said so before ; and he 
 signs himself " An Old Line Whig," if I 
 remember correctly. In the first place I 
 would say he was not an old line Whig. I 
 am somewhat acquainted with old line 
 Whigs. I was with the old line Whigs 
 from the origin to the end of that party ; 
 I became pretty well acquainted with them, 
 and I know they always had some sense, 
 whatever else you could ascribe to them, 
 I know there never was one who had not 
 more sense than to try to show by the evi- 
 dence he prt)duce3 that some man had, 
 prior to the time I named, said that negroes 
 were not included in the term "all men" 
 in the Declaration of Independence. What 
 is the evidence he produces? I will bring 
 forward his evidence and let you see what 
 he offers by way of showing that somebody 
 more than three years ago had said negroes 
 were not included in the Declaration. He 
 brings forward part of a speech from Henry 
 Clay — the part of the speech of Henry Clay 
 which I used to bring forward to prove 
 precisely the contrary. I guess we are 
 surrounded to some extent to-day by the 
 old friends of Mr. Clay, and they will be 
 glad to hear any thing from that authority. 
 While he was in Indiana a man presented 
 a petition to liberate his negroes, and he 
 (Mr. Clay) made a speech in answer to it, 
 which I suppose he carefully wrote out 
 himself and caused to be published. I 
 have before me an extract from that speech 
 which constitutes the evidence this pre- 
 tended "Old Line Whig" at Chicago 
 lirought forward to show that Mr. Clay 
 didn't suppose the negro was included in 
 the Declaration of Independence. Hear 
 what Mr. Clay said : 
 
 " And what is the foundation of this ap- 
 peal to me in Indiana, to liberate the slaves 
 under my care in Kentucky? It is a gen- 
 eral declaration in the act announcing to 
 the world the independence of the thirt<ien
 
 136 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 American colonies, that all men are 
 created equal. Now, as an abstract prin- 
 ciple, there is no doubt of the truth of that 
 declaration ; and it is desirable, in the origi- 
 nal construction of society , and in organized 
 societies, to keep it in view was a great 
 fundamental princiijle. But, then, I ap- 
 prehend that in no society that ever did 
 exist, or ever shall be formed, was or can 
 the equality asserted among the members 
 of the human race, be practically enforced 
 and carried out. There are portions, large 
 portions, women, minors, insane, culprits, 
 transient sojourners, that will always prob- 
 ably remain subject to the government of 
 another portion of the community. 
 
 " That declaration, wliatever may be the 
 extent of its import, was made by the del- 
 egations of the thirteen States. In most of 
 them slavery existed, and had long existed, 
 and was established by law. It was intro- 
 duced and forced upon the colonies by the 
 paramount law of England. Do you be- 
 lieve, that in making that declaration the 
 States that concurred in it intended tliat it 
 should be tortured into a virtual emanci- 
 pation of all the slaves within their respec- 
 tive limits? Would Virginia and other 
 Southern States have ever united in a de- 
 claration which was to be interpreted into 
 an abolition of slavery among them? Did 
 any one of the thirteen colonies entertain 
 such a design or expectation ? To impute 
 such a secret and unavowed purpose, would 
 be to charge a political fraud upon the no- 
 blest band of patriots that ever assembled in 
 council — a fraud upon the Confederacy of 
 the Revolution — a fraud upon the union 
 of those States whose Constitution not 
 only recognized the lawfulness of slavery, 
 but permitted the importation of slaves 
 from Africa until the year 1808." 
 
 This is the entire quotation brought for- 
 ward to prove that somebody previous to 
 three years ago had said the negro was 
 not included in the term "all men " in the 
 Declaration. How does it do so? In what 
 way has it a tendency to prove that? Mr. 
 Clay says it is true as an abstract principle 
 that all men are created equal, but that we 
 cannot practically aj)ply it in all cases. He 
 illustrates this by bringing forward the 
 cases of females, minors, and insane per- 
 sons, with whom it cannot be enforced ; 
 but he says it is true as an abstract prin- 
 ciple in the organization of society as well 
 as in organized society, and it should be 
 kept in view as a fundamental principle. 
 Let me read a few words more before I add 
 8ome commonts of my own. Mr. Clay says 
 a little further on : 
 
 " I desire no concealment of myopinions 
 in regard to the institution of slavery. I 
 look U[)on it us a great evil, and deeply 
 lament that we havt^ derived it from the 
 parental Government, and from ouraiices- 
 tors. But here they are, and the question i 
 
 is, how can they be best dealt with ? If a 
 state of nature existed, and we were about 
 to lay the foundations of society, no man 
 woidd be more strongly ojjposed than I 
 should be, to incorporating the institution 
 of slavery among its elements." 
 I Now, here in this same book — in this 
 j same speech — in this same extract brought 
 ; forward to prove that Mr. Clay held that 
 the negro was not included in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence — no such statement 
 on his part, but the declaration that it is a 
 great fundamentcd tridh, which should be 
 constantly kept in view in the organization 
 of society and in societies already organ- 
 ized. But if I say a word about it — if I at- 
 tempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought 
 to do, to keep it in view — if, in this "or- 
 ganized society," I ask to have the public 
 eye turned upon it — if I ask in relation to 
 the organization of new Territories, that 
 the public eye should be turned upon it — 
 forthwith I am villified as you hear me to- 
 day. "What have I done, that I have not 
 the license of Henry Clay's illustrious ex- 
 ample here in doing? Have I done aught 
 that I have not his authority for, while 
 maintaining that in organizing new Ter- 
 ritories and societies, this lundamental 
 principle should be regarded, and in or- 
 ganized society holding it up to the public 
 view and recognizing what he recognized 
 as the great principle of free government? 
 
 And when this new principle — this new 
 proposition that no human being ever 
 thought of three years ago — is brought for- 
 ward, / combat it as having an evil ten- 
 dency, if not an evil design. I combat it 
 as having a tendency to dehumanize the 
 negro — to take away from him the right of 
 ever striving to be a man. I combat it as 
 being one of the thousand things constant- 
 ly done in these days to prepare the public 
 mind to make j^roperty, and nothing but 
 property, of the negro in all the States of 
 this Union. 
 
 But there is a point that I wish, before 
 leaving this part of the discussion, to ask 
 attention to. I have read and I repeat the 
 words of Henry Clay: 
 
 " I desire no concealment of my opinions 
 in regard to the institution of slavery. I 
 look upon it as a great evil, and deeply 
 lament that we have derived it from the 
 ])arental Government, and from our an- 
 cestors. I wish every slave in the United 
 States was in the country of his ancestors. 
 But here they are ; the question is how 
 they can best be dealt with ? If a state of 
 nature existed, and we were about to lay 
 the foundations of society, no man would 
 he more strongly ojtpdsed than I should 
 be, to incorporate the institution of slavery 
 among its elenients." 
 
 The principle upon which I have insist- 
 ed in this canvass, is in relation to laying 
 the foundations of new societies. I have
 
 BOOKiii.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 137 
 
 ever sought to apply these principles to 
 the old States for the purpose of al)olishing 
 slavery in those States. It is nothing but 
 a miserable perversion of what I have said, 
 to assume that I have declared Missouri, 
 or anv otiicr slave State, shall emancipate 
 her slaves. I have proposed no such thing. 
 But when Mr. Clay says that in laying the 
 foundations of S(H;ietie3 in our Territories 
 where it does not exist, he would be opposed 
 to the introduction of slavery as an ele- 
 ment, I insist that we have his warrant — 
 his license for insisting upon the exclusion 
 of that element which he declared in such 
 strong and emphatic language was most 
 hateful to him. 
 
 Judge Douglas has again referred to a 
 Springlield s[)cech in which I said " a 
 house divided against itself cannot stand." 
 The Judge has so often made the entire quo- 
 tation from that speech that I can make it 
 from memory. I used this language : 
 
 " \Vq are now far into the fifth year 
 since a policy was initiated with the 
 avowed object and confident promise of 
 putting an end to the slavery agitation, 
 tinder the operation of this policy, that 
 agitation has not only not ceased, but has 
 constantly augmented. In my opinion it 
 will not cease until a crisis shall have been 
 reached and passed. ' A house divided 
 against itself cannot stand.' 1 believe this 
 Government cannot endure pei'manently 
 half slave and half free. I do not expect 
 the house to fall — but I do expect it will 
 cease to be divided. It will become all 
 one thing or all the other. Either the op- 
 ponents of slavery will arrest the further 
 spread of it, and place it where the public 
 mind shall rest in the belief that it is in 
 the course of ultimate extinction, or its ad- 
 vocates will push it forward till it shall be- 
 come alike lawful in all the States — old as 
 well as new, North as well as South." 
 
 That extract and the sentiments ex- 
 pressed in it, have been extremely offensive 
 to Judge Douglas. He has warred upon 
 them as Satan wars upon the Bible. His 
 perversions upon it are endless. Here now 
 are my views upon it in brief. 
 
 I said we were now far into the fifth 
 year, since a policy was initiated with the 
 avowed object and confident promise of 
 putting an end to the slavery agitation. Is 
 it not so? When that Nebraska bill was 
 brought forward four years ago last Janu- 
 ary, was it not for the "avoAved object" of 
 putting an end to the slavery agitation? 
 We were to have no more agitation in Con- 
 press, it was all to be banished to the 
 Territories. By the way, I will remark 
 hgre that, as Judge Douglas is very foml 
 of complimenting ]\Ir. Crittenden in these 
 days, Mr. Crittenden has said there was a 
 falsehood in that whole business, for there 
 was 110 slaveiij a</ifaiion at that time to 
 allay. "We were for a little while (luid on 
 
 the troublesome thing, and that vcr}' allay- 
 ing plaster of Judge Doughis's st'irredit 
 U[) again. But was it n(jt understood or 
 intimated with the "confident promise" 
 of putting an end to the slavery agitation? 
 Surely it was. In every s])eecii you heard 
 .luilge Douglas make, until he got into 
 this " iini)roglio," as they call it, with the 
 Administration aljout the Lecom])ton Con- 
 stitution, every speech on that Nebraska 
 bill was full of his felicitations that wo 
 wave just at the end of the slavery agita- 
 tion. The last tip of the last joint of the 
 old serpent's tail was just drawing out of 
 view. But has it proved so? I have as- 
 serted that under that policy that agitation 
 " has not only not ceased, but has con- 
 stantly augmented." When was there ever 
 a greater agitation in Congress than last 
 winter? When was it as great in the 
 country as to-day? 
 
 There was a collateral object in the in- 
 troduction of that Nebraska policy which 
 was to clothe the people of the Territories 
 with the superior degree of self-govern- 
 ment, beyond what they had ever had be- 
 fore. The first object and the main one of 
 conferring upon the people a higher de- 
 gree of " self-government,'' is a question of 
 fact to be determined l)y you in answer to 
 a single question. Have you ever heard 
 or known of a people any where on earth 
 who had as little to do, as, in tlio first in- 
 stance of its use, the people of Kansas had 
 with this same right of" self-government? " 
 In its main policy and in its collateral object, 
 it has been nothing but a livimj, creeping lie 
 from the time of its introduction till to-d<aj. 
 
 I have intimated that I thought the agi- 
 tation would not cease until a crisis shoidd 
 have been reached and passed. I have 
 stated in what way I thought it would 
 be reached and passed, I have said 
 that it might go one way or the other. 
 We might, by arresting the further spread 
 of it, and placing it where the fathers 
 originally ])laced it, put it where the pub- 
 lic mind should rest in the belief that it 
 was in the course of ultimate extinction. 
 Thus the agitation may cease. It may be 
 pushed forward until it shall become alike 
 lawful in all the States, old as well as new, 
 North as well as South. I have said, and 
 I repeat, my wish is that tlie further spread 
 of it may be arrested, and that it may be 
 [ilacod where the public mind shall rest in 
 {\Yi belief that it is in the course of ulti- 
 mate extinction. I have expressed that as 
 my wish. I entertain the opinion upon 
 evidence sufficient to my mind, tliat the 
 fathers of this Government )>laeed that in- 
 stitution wlu're the jniblic mind «7/(Zrest in 
 the belief that it was in the course of ulti- 
 mate extinction. Let me ask why they 
 made provision that the source of slavery 
 — the African slave-trade — should be cut 
 off at the end of twenty years? Why did
 
 138 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iir. 
 
 they make provision that in all the new 
 territory we owned at that time, slaverj- 
 should be forever inhibited ? Why stop its 
 spread in one direction and cut oil" its source 
 in another, if they did not look to its being 
 placed in the course of ultimate extinction ? 
 
 Again ; the institution of slavery is only 
 mentioned in the Constitution of the 
 United States two or three times, and in 
 neither of these cases does the word 
 " slavery " or " negro race " occur ; but 
 covert language is used each time, and for 
 a purpose full of significance. What is the 
 language in regard to the prohibition of 
 the African slave-trade ? It runs in about 
 this way : " The migration or importation 
 of such persons as any of the States now ex- 
 isting shall think proper to admit, shall not 
 be prohibited by the Congress prior to the 
 year one thousand eight hundred and 
 eight." 
 
 The next allusion in the Constitution to 
 the question of slavery and the black race, 
 is on the subject of the basis of represen- 
 tation, and there the language used is, 
 "Representatives and direct taxes shall be 
 apportioned among the several states 
 ■which may be included within this Union, 
 according to their respective numbers, 
 •which shall be determined by adding to 
 the whole number of free persons, includ- 
 ing those bound to service for a term of 
 years, and excluding Indians not taxed — 
 three-fifths of all other persons." 
 
 It says "persons," not slaves, not ne- 
 groes; but this "three-fifths" can be ap- 
 plied to no other class among us than the 
 negroes. 
 
 La.stly, in the provision for the reclama- 
 tion of fugitive slaves, it is said : " No 
 person held to service or labor in one 
 State, under the laws thereof, escaping 
 into another shall in consequence of any 
 law or regulation therein, be discharged 
 from such service or labor, but shall be 
 delivered up, on claim of the party to 
 whom such service or labor may be due." 
 There again there is no mention of the 
 word "negro" or of slavciy. In all three 
 of these phices, being the only allusion to 
 slavery in tiie instrument covert language 
 is used. Language is used not .suggesting 
 that slavery existed or that the l)lack race 
 tvere among us. And I understand the 
 coteniporancous liistory of those times to, 
 be that covert language was used with a 
 purpose, and that purpose was that in our 
 Constitution, wliich it was hoped and is 
 still hoped will endure forever — when it 
 should be road by intelligent and patri- 
 otic men, after the institution of slavery 
 had j)assed from among us — tlicrc shonhl 
 be notliing on tlie face of tlie great charter 
 of lit)erty suggesting that snch a thing as 
 negro shivery had ever existed among us. 
 Tiiis is part of tlie evidence that the fathers 
 of the Government expected and intended 
 
 the institution of slavery to come to an 
 end. They expected and intended that it 
 should be in the course of ultimate ex- 
 tinction. And when I say that I desire to 
 see the further spread of it arrested, I only 
 say I desire to see that done which the 
 fathers have first done. Wlien I say I de- 
 sire to see it placed where the public 
 mind will rest in the belief that it is in 
 the course of ultimate extinction, I only 
 say I desire to see it placed where they 
 placed it. It is not true that our fathers, aa 
 Judge Douglas assumes, made this Gov- 
 ernment part slave and part free. Under- 
 stand the sense in which he puts it. He 
 assumes that slavery is a rightful thing 
 within itself— was introduced by the 
 tramers of the constitution. The" exact 
 truth is, that they found the institution 
 existing among us, and they left it as they 
 found it. But in making the Government 
 they left this institution with many clear 
 marks of disapprobation upon it. They 
 found slavery among them, and they left 
 it among them because of the difficulty — 
 the absolute impossibility of its immediate 
 removal. And when Judge Douglas asks 
 me why we cannot let it remain part slave 
 and part free, as the fathers of the Gov- 
 ernment made it, he asks a question based 
 upon an assumption which is itself a false- 
 hood ; and I turn upon him and ask him 
 the question, when the policy that the 
 fathers of the Government had adopted in 
 relation to this element among us was the 
 best policy in the world — the only wise 
 policy — the only policy that we can ever 
 safely continue upon — that will ever give 
 us peace, unless this dangerous element 
 masters us all and becomes a national in- 
 stitution — / htm iipon him and ask him 
 u-hy he could not leave it alone. I turn and 
 ask him why he was driven to the neces- 
 sity of introducing a new polinj in regard 
 to it. He has himself said he introduced 
 a new policy. He said so in his speech on 
 the 22d of March of the present year, 
 1858. I ask him why he could not let it 
 remain where our fathers jilared it. I as^k, 
 too, of Judge Douglas and his friends 
 why we shall not again place this institu- 
 tion U})on the basis on Avhich the fathers 
 left it. I ask you, when he infers that I 
 am in favor of setting the free and slave 
 States at war, when the institution was 
 placed in that attitude by those who made 
 the Constitution, did thn/viahe any war f 
 If we had no war out of it, when thus 
 placed, wherein is the ground of belief 
 that we shall have war oift of it, if we re- 
 turn to that policy ? Have we had any 
 peace upf)n this matter springing from any 
 other basis? I maintain that we have not. 
 r have proposed notliing more than a re- 
 turn to the policy of the fathers. 
 
 I confess, when I propose a certain mea- 
 sure of policy, it is not enough for me
 
 BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 139 
 
 that I do not intend any thing evil in the 
 result, but it is incumbent on me to show 
 that it has not a tendency to that result. I 
 have met Judge Douglas in that i)oint of 
 view. I have not only made the declara- 
 tion that I do not mean to produce a con- 
 flict between the Htates, but I have tried 
 to show by lair reasoning, and I think I 
 have shown to the minds of fair men, that 
 I i)ropose nothing but what has a most 
 peaceful tendency. The quotation that I 
 happened to make in that ►S|)ringtield 
 speech, that "a house divided against it- 
 self cannot stand," and which has proved 
 so offensive to the Judge, was part and 
 parcel of the same thing. He tries to 
 show that variety in the domestic institu- 
 tions of the different States is necessary 
 and indispensable. I do not dispute it. I 
 have no controversy with Judge Douglas 
 al)out that. I shall very readily agree 
 with him that it would be foolish for us to 
 insist upon having a cranberry law here, 
 in Illinois, where we have no cran- 
 berries, because they have a cranberry law 
 in Indiana, where they have cranberries. I 
 should insist that it would be exceedingly 
 wrong in us to deny to Virginia the right 
 to enact oyster laws, where they have oys- 
 ters, because we want no such laws here. I 
 understand, I hope, quite as well as Judge 
 Douglas or any body else, that the variety 
 in the soil and climate and face of the 
 country, and consequent variety in the in- 
 dustrial pursuits and productions of a 
 country, recjuire systems of law conform- 
 ing to this variety in the natural features 
 of the country. I understand quite as 
 well as Judge Douglas, that if we here 
 raise a barrel of flour more than we want, 
 and the Louisianians raise a barrel of 
 sugar more than they want, it is of 
 mutual advantage to exchange. That 
 produces commerce, brings us together, 
 and makes us better friends. We like one 
 another the more for it. And I under- 
 8t;ind as well as Judge Douglas, or any 
 body else, that these mutual accommoda- 
 tions are the cements which bind together 
 the different parts of this Union — that in- 
 stead of being a thing to *' divide the 
 house " — figuratively expressing the Union 
 — they tend to sustain it ; they are the jirops 
 of the house tending always to hold it up. 
 H>it when I have admitted all this, I a-<k 
 if there is any parallel between these 
 things and this institution of slavery? I 
 do not see that there is any parallel at all 
 between them. Consider it. When have 
 we had any difficulty or quarrel amongst 
 ourselves about the cranberry laws of In- 
 diana, or the oyster laws of Virginia, or 
 the pine lumber laws of Elaine, or the fact 
 that Louisiana produces sugar, and Illinois 
 flour ? When have we had any quarrels 
 over these things? When have we had 
 perfect peace in regard to this thing which 
 
 I say is an element of discord in thLs 
 Union ? We have sometimes had i)eace, 
 but when was it? It was when the insti- 
 tution of slavery remained quiet where it 
 was. We have had difficulty and turmoil 
 whenever it has made a struggle to sjiread 
 itself where it was not. I ask, then, if ex- 
 perience does not speak in thunder-tones, 
 telling us that the policy which has given 
 peace to the country heretofore, being re- 
 turned to, gives the greatest promise of 
 peace again. You may say, and Judge 
 Douglas has intimated the same thing, that 
 all this diffi(;ulty in regard to the institu- 
 tion of slavery is the mere agitation of 
 office-seekers and ambitious northern jioli- 
 ticians. He thinks we want to get " his 
 place," I suppose. I agree that there are 
 office-seekers amongst us. The Bible says 
 somewhere that we are desperately selfish. 
 I think we would have discovered that 
 fact without the Bil)le. I do not claim 
 that I am any less so than the average of 
 men, but I do claim that I am not more 
 selfish than Judge Douglas. 
 
 But is it true that all the difficulty and 
 agitation we have in regard to this institu- 
 tion of slavery springs from office-seeking 
 — from the mere ambition of politicians? 
 Is that the truth ? How many times have 
 we had danger from this question ? Go 
 back to the day of the IMissouri Compro- 
 mise. Go back to the Nullification question, 
 atthebottom of which lay this same slavery 
 question. Go back to the time of the 
 Annexation of Texas. Go back to the 
 troubles that led to the Compromise of 
 L850. You will find that every time, with 
 the single exception of the Nullification 
 question, they sjirang from an endeavor to 
 spread this institution. There never was 
 a party in the history of this country, and 
 there probably never will be, of sufficient 
 strength to disturb the general peace of the 
 country. Parties themselves may be di- 
 vided and quarrel on minor questions, yet 
 it extends not beyond the parties them- 
 selves. But does n(jt this question make a 
 disturbance outside of political circles? 
 Does it not enter into the churches and 
 rend them asunder? What divided the 
 great IMethodist Church into two parts. 
 North and South ? AVhat has raised this 
 constant disturbance in every Presbyterian 
 General Assembly that meets ? What 
 disturbed the L'nitariau Church in this 
 very city two years ago ? What has jarred 
 and shaken the great American Tract 
 Society recently, not yet splitting it, but 
 sure to divide it in the end ? Is it not this 
 same mighty, deep-seated power that some- 
 how operates on the mimls of men, excit- 
 ing and stirring them up in every avenue 
 of society — in politics, in religion, in lit- 
 erature, in morals, in all the manifold re- 
 lations of life? Is tliis the W'lrk of ptdi- 
 ticians ? Is that irresistible power which.
 
 140 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 for fifty years has shaken the Government 
 and agitated the people to be stilled and 
 subdued by pretending that it is an ex- 
 ceedingly simple thing, and we ought not 
 to talk about it ? If you will get every- 
 body else to stop talking about it, I assure 
 you I will quit before they have half done 
 so. But where is the philosophy or states- 
 manship which assumes that you can 
 quiet that disturbing element in our soci- 
 ety which has disturbed us for more than 
 half a century, which has been the only 
 serious danger that has threatened our in- 
 stitutions — I say, where is the philosophy 
 or the statesmanship based on the assump- 
 tion that we are to quit talking about it, and 
 that the public mind is all at once to cease 
 being agitated by it? Yet this is the 
 policy here in the north that Douglas is 
 advocating — that we are to care nothing 
 about it ! I ask you if it is not a false 
 philosophy ? Is it not a false statesman- 
 ship that undertakes to build up a syst_em 
 of policy upon the basis of caring nothing 
 about the very thing that every body does 
 care the most about f — a thing which all 
 experience has shown we care a very great 
 deal about ? 
 
 The Judge alludes very often in the 
 course of his remarks to the exclusive right 
 which the States have to decide the whole 
 thing for themselves. I agree with him 
 very readily that the different States have 
 thai right. He is but fighting a man of 
 straw when he assumes that I am contend- 
 ing against the right of the States to do as 
 they })lease about it. Our controversy with 
 him is in regard to the new Territories. 
 "We agree that when States come in as 
 States they have the right and the power 
 to do as they please. We have no power 
 as citizens of the free States or in our fed- 
 eral capacity as members of the Federal 
 Union through the General Government, 
 to disturb slavery in the States where it 
 exists. "We profess constantly that we have 
 no more inclination than belief in the 
 power of the Government to disturb it; yet 
 we are driven constantly to defend our- 
 selves from the assumption that we are 
 warring upon the rights of the States. 
 "What I insist upon is, that the new Terri- 
 tories shall ])e kept free from it while in 
 the Territorial condition. Judge Douglas 
 a.ssumes that we have no interest in them 
 — that we have no right whatever to inter- 
 fere. I think we liave some interest. Itliink 
 that a.s white men we have. Do we not 
 wi.sh for an faitlet for our surplus popula- 
 tion, if I may so express myself? Do we 
 not feel an interest in getting at that out- 
 let with such institutions as we would like 
 to have prevail there? If you go to the 
 Territory opposed to slavery and anotlu-r 
 man comes ui)on the same gronml with his 
 slave, upon the assninptioii (hat the things 
 are equal, it turns out that he has the eijual 
 
 right all his way and you have no part 
 of it your way. If he goes in and makes 
 it a slave Territory, and by consequence a 
 slave State, is it not time that those who de- 
 sire to have it a free State were on equal 
 ground? Let me suggest it in a different 
 way. How many Democrats are there 
 about here ["A thousand "J who left slave 
 States and came into the free State of Illi- 
 nois to get rid of the institution of slavery? 
 [Another voice — "A thousand and one."''] 
 I reckon there are a thousand and one. I 
 will ask you, if the policy you are noAv ad- 
 vocating had prevailed when this country 
 was in a Territorial condition, where would 
 you have gone to get rid of it? "Where 
 would you have found your free State or 
 Territory to go to ? And when hereafter, 
 for any cause, the people in this place shall 
 desire to find new homes, if 1;hey w^ish to 
 be rid of the institution, where will they 
 find the place to go to? 
 
 Now irrespective of the moral aspect of 
 this question as to whether there is a right 
 or wrong in enslaving a negro, I am still 
 in favor of our new Territories being in 
 such a condition that white men may find 
 a home — may find some spot where they 
 can better their condition — where they can 
 settle upon new soil and better their con- 
 dition in life. I am in favor of this not 
 merely (I must say it here as I have else- 
 where) for our own people who are born 
 amongst us, but as an outlet for free v-hite 
 people every relieve, the Avorld over — in 
 which Hans and Baptiste and Patrick, and 
 all other men from all the world, may find 
 new homes and better their conditions in 
 life. 
 
 I have stated upon former occasions, and 
 I may as well state again, what I under- 
 stand to be the real issue in this contro- 
 versy between Judge Douglas and myself. 
 On the point of my wanting to make war 
 between the free and the slave States, there 
 has been no issue between us. So, too, 
 when he assumes that I am in favor of in- 
 troducing a perfect social and political 
 equality between the white and black 
 races. These are false issues, upon which 
 Judge Douglas has tried to force the con- 
 versy. There is no foundation in truth for 
 the charge that I maintain either of these 
 propositions. The real issue in this con- 
 troversy — the one j>ressing upon every 
 mind — is the sentiment on the j)art of one 
 class that looks upon the institution of 
 slavery as a wrong, and of another class 
 that does not look upon it as a wrong. The 
 sentiment that contemplates the institution 
 of slavery in this country as a wrong is the 
 sentiment of the Republican party. It is 
 the sentiment around which all their ac- 
 tions — !ill their arguments circle — from 
 wliich all their projKisitions radiate. They 
 look upon it as being a moral, social and 
 political wrong; and while they contem-
 
 )0K III. J 
 
 THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 141 
 
 plate it as such, they nevertheless have due 
 re,<i;ar<l for its actual existence auiouf;; us, 
 and the diflicultics of getting rid of it in 
 any satisfactory way and to all the consti- 
 tutional obligations thrown about it. Yet 
 having a due regard for these, they desire 
 a policy in regard to it that looks to its not 
 creating any more danger. They insist 
 that it shouM as far as may be, be treated 
 as a wrong, and one of the methods of treat- 
 ing it as a wrong is to rnnke provision that 
 it hIioU (jroio no larger. They also desire a 
 policy that looks to a peaceful end of slav- 
 ery at some time, as being wrong. These 
 are the views they entertain in regard to it 
 as I understand them ; and all their senti- 
 ments — all their arguments and proposi- 
 tions are brought within this range. I 
 have said, and I repeat it here, that if there 
 be a man amongst us who does not think 
 that the institution of slavery is wrong, in 
 any one of the aspects of which I have 
 spoken, he is misplaced and ought not to 
 be with us. And if there be a man 
 amongst us who is so impatient of it as a 
 wrong as to disregard its actual presence 
 among us and the difficulty of getting rid 
 of it suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to 
 disregard the constitutional obligations 
 thrown about it, that man is misplaced if 
 he is on our platform, AVe disclaim sym- 
 pathy with him in practical action. He is 
 not placed properly with us. 
 
 On this subject of treating it as a wrong, 
 and limiting its spread, let me say a word. 
 Has any thing ever threatened the exis- 
 tence of this Union save and except this 
 very institution of slavery? What is it 
 that wc hold most dear amongst us? Our 
 own liberty and prosperity. What has ever 
 threatened our liberty and prosperity save 
 and except this institution of slavery? If 
 this is true, how do you propose to imjirove 
 the con<lition of things by enlarging slavery 
 — by spreading it out and making it big- 
 ger? You may have a wen or cancer upon 
 vour person and not be able to cut it out 
 lest you bleed to deatli ; but surely it is no 
 way to cure it, to engraft it and spread it 
 over your whole body. That is no j)roper 
 way of treating what you regard a wrong. 
 You see this jieaceful w.-iy of dealing with 
 it as a wrong — restricting the spread of it, 
 and not allowing it to go into new coun- 
 tries where it has not already existed. 
 That is the peaceful way, the old-fashioned 
 way, the way in whii-h the fathers them- 
 selves set us the examjile. 
 
 On the other hand, I have said there is 
 a sentiment wliich treats it as not ))eing 
 wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment 
 of this day. I do not mean to say that 
 every man who stands within that range 
 positively asserts that it is right. That 
 class will include all who ]K)sitively assert 
 that it is right, and all who like .Tudge 
 Douglas treat it as iuditfereut and do not 
 
 say it is cither right or wrong. These two 
 classes of men fall within the general class 
 of those who do not look upon it as a 
 wrong. And if there be among you any 
 body who supposes that he, as a Democrat, 
 can consider himself "as nuich oj>posed to 
 slavery as anybody," I would like to 
 reason with him. You never treat it as a 
 wrong. What other thing that you con- 
 sider as a wrong, do you deal with as you 
 deal with that? Perhaps you sutf it is 
 wrong, hut yoxir leader never does, and you 
 quarrel with any body icho says it is tcrong. 
 Although you pretend to say so yourself 
 you can find no fit phace to deal with it as 
 a wrong. You must not say any thing 
 about it in the free States, because it is not 
 here. You must not say any thing about 
 it in the slave States, because it is there. 
 You must not say anything about it in the 
 pulpit, because that is religion and has 
 notliing to do with it. You must not say 
 any thing about in politics, because that 
 trill disturb the security of '' 7ny place." 
 There is no place to talk about it as 
 being a wrong, although you say yourself 
 it is a wrong. But finally you will screw 
 yourself up to the belief that if the people 
 of the slave States should adopt a system 
 of gradual emancipation on the slavery 
 question, you would be in favor of it. You 
 would be in favor of it. You say that is 
 getting it in the right place, and you would 
 be glad to see it succeed. But you are de- 
 ceiving yourself. You all know that 
 Frank Blair and Gratz Brown, down there 
 in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that 
 system in Missouri. They fought as 
 valiantly as they could for the system of 
 gradual emancipation which you pretend 
 you would be glad to sec succeed. Now I 
 will bring you to the test. After a hard 
 fight they w'ere beaten, and when the news 
 came over here you threw up your hats 
 and hurrahed for Democracy. More than 
 that, take all the argument made in favor 
 of the system you have proposed, and it 
 carefully excludes the idea that there is 
 any thing wrong in the institution of 
 slavery. The arguments to sustain that 
 policy carefully excluded it. Even here to- 
 day you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with 
 me because I uttered a wish that it miglit 
 some time come to an end. Altlmugh 
 Henry Clay could say he wished every 
 slave in the United States was in the coun- 
 try of his ancestors, I am denounced by 
 those pretending to respect Henry Clay 
 for uttering a wish that it might some time, 
 in some peaceful way, come to an end. 
 The Democratic policy in regard to tiiat 
 institution will not tolerate the merest 
 breath, the slightest hint, of the least de- 
 gree of wrong about it. Try it by some of 
 .Tudge Douglas's arguments'. He says he 
 " don't care whether it is voted up or voted 
 down " in the Territories. I do not care
 
 142 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 myself in dealing vritli that expression, 
 whether it is intended to be expressive of 
 his individual sentiments on the subject, 
 or only of the national policy he desires 
 to have established. It is alike valuable 
 for my purpose. Any man can say that 
 he does not see any thing wrong in 
 slaveiy, but no man can logically say it 
 who does see a wrong in it ; because no 
 man can logically say he don't care 
 whether a wrong is voted up or voted 
 down. He may say he don't care whether 
 an indifferent thing is voted up or down, 
 but he must logically have a choice be- 
 tween a right thing and a wrong thing. 
 He contends that whatever community 
 wants slaves has a right to have them. So 
 they have if it is not a wrong. But if it is 
 a wrong, he cannot say people have a right 
 to do wrong. He says that upon the score 
 of equalit)', slaves should be allowed to go 
 in a new"^ Territory, like other property. 
 This is strictly logical if there is no dif- 
 ference between it and other property. If 
 it and other property are equal, his argu- 
 ment is entirely logical. But if you insist 
 that one is wrong and the other right, there 
 is no use to institute a comparison between 
 right and wrong. You may turn over 
 every thing in the Democratic policy from 
 beginning to end, whether in the shape it 
 takes on the statute books, in the shape it 
 takes in the Dred Scott decision, in the 
 shape it takes in conversation, or the shape 
 it takes in short maxim-like arguments — 
 it eveiywhere carefully excludes the idea 
 that there is any thing wrong in it. 
 
 That is the real issue. That is the issue 
 that will continue in this country when 
 these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and 
 myself shall be silent. It is the eternal 
 struggle between these two principles — 
 right and wrong — throughout the world. 
 They are the two principles that have stbod 
 face to face from the beginning of time ; 
 and will ever continue to struggle. The 
 one is the common right of humanity and 
 the other the divine right of kings. It is 
 the same principle in whatever shape it 
 develops itself. It is the same spirit that 
 says, " You work and toil and earn bread, 
 aud I'll eat it." No matter in what shape 
 it comes, whether from the mouth of a 
 king who seeks to bestride the people of 
 his own nation and live by the fruit of 
 their labor, or from one race of men as an 
 apology for enslaving another race, it is 
 the same tyrannical principle. I was glad 
 to express my gratitude at (iuiiicy, and I 
 re-express it here to .Judge Douglas — thai 
 he looks to no end of the institution of 
 slavery. That will liel)) tlie people to see 
 where the struggle really is. It will here- 
 after Jilacc witii us nil men who really do 
 wish the wrong may have an end. And 
 whenever we can get riil of the fog which 
 obscures the real question — when we can 
 
 get Judge Douglas and his friends to avow 
 a policy looking to its perpetuation — we 
 can get out from among that class of men 
 and bring them to the side of those who 
 treat it as a wrong. Then there will soon 
 be an end of it, and that end will be its 
 " ultimate extinction." Whenever the 
 issue can be distinctly made, and all ex- 
 traneous matter thrown out so that men 
 can fairly see the real difference between 
 the parties, this controversy will soon be 
 settled, and it will be done peaceably too. 
 There will be no war, no violence. It will 
 be placed again where the wisest and best 
 men of the world placed it. Brooks of 
 South Carolina once declared that when 
 this Constitution was framed, its framers 
 did not look to the institution existing 
 until this day. When he said this, I think 
 he stated a fact that is fully borne out by the 
 history of the times. But he also said they 
 were better and wiser men than the men 
 of these days ; yet the men of these days 
 had experience which they had not, and 
 by the invention of the cotton-gin it be- 
 came a necessity in this country that 
 slavery should be perpetual. I now say 
 that, willingly or unwillingly, purposely or 
 without purpose, Judge Douglas has been 
 the most prominent instrument in chang- 
 ing the position of the institution of slavery 
 which the fathers of the Government ex- 
 pected to come to an end ere this — and 
 putting it upon Brooks's cotton-gin basis 
 — placing it where he openly confesses he 
 has no desire there shall ever be an end 
 of it. 
 
 I understand I have ten minutes yet. I 
 will employ it in saying something about 
 this argument Judge Douglas uses, while 
 he sustains the Dred Scott decision, that 
 the people of the Territories can still some- 
 how exclude slavery. The first thing I 
 ask attention to is the fact that Judge 
 Douglas constantly said, before the deci- 
 sion, that whether they could or not, was 
 a question for the Supreme Court. But 
 after the court has made the decision he 
 virtually says it is not a question for the 
 Supreme Court, but for the people. And 
 how is it he tells us they can exclude it ? 
 He says it needs " police regulations," and 
 that admits of " unfriendly legislation." 
 Although it is a right established by the 
 Constitution of the United States to take a 
 slave into a Territory of the United States 
 and hold him as i)roperty, yet unless the 
 Tcrritiirial Legislature will give friendly 
 legislation, and, more especially, if they 
 adopt unfriendly legislation, they can 
 practically exclude him. Now, without 
 meeting this proi)osition as a matter of 
 fact, I jiass to consider the real Constitu- 
 tional obligation. Let me take the gentle- 
 man wiio looks me in the face before me, 
 and let us suj)pose that he is a member of 
 . the Territorial Legislature. The first thing
 
 BOOK iii.J THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 143 
 
 he will do will be to swear that he will 
 support the Constitution of the United 
 States. His neighbor by his side in the 
 Territory has slaves and needs Territorial 
 legislation to enable him to enjoy that 
 Constitutional right. Can he withhold 
 the legislation which his neighbor needs 
 for the enjoyment of a right which is fixed 
 la his favor in the Constitution of the 
 United States which he has sworn to sup- 
 port? Can he withhold it without violat- 
 nig his oath ? And more especially, can 
 he pass unfriendly legislation to violate 
 his oath ? Why, this is a monstrous sort 
 of talk about the Constitution of the United 
 States ! There has never been as outland- 
 ish or lawless a doctrine from the mouth of 
 any respectable man on earth. I do not 
 believe it is a Constitutional right to hold 
 slaves in a Territory of the United States. 
 I believe the decision was improperly made 
 and I go for reversing it. Judge Douglas 
 is furious against those who go for revers- 
 ing a decision. But he is for legislating it 
 out of all force while the law itself stands. 
 I repeat that there has never been so mon- 
 strous a doctrine uttered from the mouth of 
 a respectable man. 
 
 I suppose most of us (I know it of my- 
 self) believe that the people of the South- 
 ern States are entitled to a Congressional 
 Fugitive Slave law — that is a right fixed in 
 the Constitution. But it cannot be made 
 available to them without Congressional 
 legislation. In the Judge's language, it is 
 a barren right " which needs legislation 
 before it can become efficient and valuable 
 to the persons to whom it is guarantied. 
 And as the right is Constitutional I agree 
 that the legislation shall be granted to it 
 — and that not that we like the institution 
 of slavery. We profess to have no taste 
 for running and catching niggers — at least 
 I profess no taste for that job at all. Why 
 then do I yield support to a Fugitive Slave 
 law ? Because I do not understand that 
 the Constitution, which guaranties that 
 right, can be supported without it. And 
 if I believed that the right to hold a slave 
 in a Territory was, equally fixed in the Con- 
 stitution with the right to reclaim fugitives, 
 I should be bound to give it the legislation 
 necessary to support it. I say that no man 
 can deny his obligation to give the neces- 
 sary legislation to support slavery in a Ter- 
 ritory, who believes it is a Constitutional 
 right to have it there. No man can, who 
 does not give the Abolitionists an argu- 
 ment to deny the obligation enjoined by 
 the Constitution to enact a Fugitive Slave 
 law. Try it now. It is the strongest Abo- 
 lition argument ever made. I say if that 
 Dred vSeott decision is correct, then the 
 right to hold slaves in a Territory is equal- 
 ly a Constitutional right with the right of 
 a slaveholder to have his runaway returned. 
 No one can show the distinction between 
 
 them. The one is express, so that we can- 
 not deny it. Tlie other is construed to be 
 in the Constitution, so that he who believes 
 the decision to be correct believes in the 
 right. And the man who argues tliat by 
 uiilriendly legislation, in spite of that Con- 
 stitutional right, slavery may l)e driven 
 from the Territories, cannot avoid furnish- 
 ing an argument by which AbolilionLsts 
 may deny the obligation to return fugitives, 
 and claim the power to pass laws unfriend- 
 ly to the right of the slaveholder to reclaim 
 his fugitive. I do not know how such an 
 argument may strike a i)0])ular assembly 
 like this, but I defy any body to go before 
 a body of men whose minds are educated 
 to estimating evidence and reasoning, and 
 show that there is an iota of difference be- 
 tween the Constitutional right to reclaim a 
 fugitive, and the Constitutional right to 
 hold a slave, in a Territory, provided this 
 Dred Scott decision is correct. I defy any 
 man to make an argument that will jiistify 
 unfriendly legislation to de])rive a slave- 
 holder of his right to hold his slave in a 
 Territory, that will not equally, in all its 
 length, bri-adth and thickness, furnish an 
 argument for nullifying the Fugitive Slave 
 law. Why, there is not such an Aboli- 
 tionist in the nation as Douglas, after all. 
 
 MR. DOUGLAS'S REPLY. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln has concluded his remarks 
 by saying that there is not such an Aboli- 
 tionist as I am in all America. If he could 
 make the Abolitionists of Illinois believe 
 that, he would not have much show for 
 the Senate. Let him make the Abolition- 
 ists believe the truth of that statement and 
 his political back is broken. 
 
 His first criticism upon me is the expres- 
 sion of his hope that the war of the Ad- 
 ministration will be prosecuted against me 
 and the Democratic party of this State with 
 vigor. He w\'ints that war prosecuted with 
 vigor ; I have no doubt of it. His hopes 
 of success, and the hopes of his party de- 
 pend solely upon it. They have no chance 
 of destroying the Democracy of this State 
 except by the aid of federal jiatronage. He 
 has all the federal office-liolders here as his 
 allies, running separate tickets against the 
 Democracy to divide the party, although 
 the leaders all intend to vote directly the 
 Abolition ticket, and only leave the green- 
 horns to vote this separate ticket who re- 
 fuse to go into the Abolition camp. There 
 is something really refreshing in the 
 thought that Mr. Lincoln is in favor of 
 prosecuting one war vigorously. It is the 
 first war I ever knew him to be in favor of 
 prosecuting. It is the first war I ever 
 knew him to believe to l)e just or Consti- 
 tutional. When the ^Mexican war was 
 being waged, and the American army was
 
 144 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 surrounded "by the enemy in Mexico, he 
 thought that war was unconstitutioual, un- 
 necessary, and unjust. He thought it was 
 not commenced on the right spot. 
 
 When I made an incidental allusion of 
 that kind in the joint discussion over at 
 Charleston some weeks ago, Lincoln, in re- 
 plying, said that I, Douglas, had charged 
 him with voting against supplies for the 
 Mexican war, and then he reared uj5, full 
 length, and swore that he never voted 
 against the supplies — that it was a slander 
 — and caught hold of Ficklin, who sat on 
 the stand, and said, " Here, Fioklin, tell 
 the people that it is a lie." Well, Ficklin, 
 who had served in Congress with him, stood 
 up and told them all that he recollected 
 about it. It was that when George Ash- 
 mun, of Massachusetts, brought forward a 
 resolution declaring the war unconstitu- 
 tional, unnecessary, and unjust, that Lin- 
 coln had v(.ted for it. "Yes," said Lin- 
 coln, " I did." Thus he confessed that he 
 voted that the war was wrong, that our 
 country was in the wrong, and consequent- 
 ly that the Mexicans were in the right ; 
 but charged that I had slandered him by 
 saying that he voted against the supplies. 
 I never charged him with voting against 
 the supplies in my life, because I knew 
 that he was not in Congress when they were 
 vftted. The war was commenced on the 
 13th day of I\Iay, 1846, and on that day we 
 appropriated in Congress ten millions of 
 dollars and fifty thousand men to prosecute 
 it. During the same session we voted more 
 men and more money, and at the next ses- 
 sion we voted more men and more money, 
 so that by the time Mr. Lincoln entered 
 Congress we had enough men and enough 
 money to carry on the war, and had no oc- 
 casion to vote for any more. When he got 
 into tlie House, being opposed to the war, 
 and not being able to stop the supplies, be- 
 cau-;e they had all gone forward, all he 
 could do was to follow the lead of Corwin, 
 and prove that the war was not begun on 
 the right spot, and that it was unconstitu- 
 tional, unnecessary, and wrong. Remem- 
 ber, too, that this he did after the war had 
 been begun. It is one thing to be opposed 
 t^) the declaration of a war, another and 
 very different thing to take sides with the 
 enemy against your own country after the 
 war has been commenced. Our army was 
 in Mexico at the time, many battles had 
 been fought; our citizens, who were de- 
 fending the honor of their country's ilag, 
 were surroumled l)y the <laggers, the guns 
 and the poison of the enemy. Then it was 
 that CV)rwiii made his si)ee(li in whicli he 
 declared that the American soldiers ought 
 to be wclcf)mc<l by tlie Mi-xicans with 
 bloody hands and hospitable graves ; then 
 it was that Ashmnn and Lincoln voted in 
 the House of Rcpri'scntativcs that the war 
 was unconstitutional and unjust ; and Ash- 
 
 mun's resolution, Corwin's speech, and 
 Lincoln's vote, were sent to Mexico and 
 read at the head of the Mexican army, to 
 I^rove to them that there was a Mexican 
 party in the Congress of the United States 
 who were doing all in their power to aid 
 them. That a man who takes sides with 
 the common enemy against his own coun- 
 try in time of war should rejoice in a war 
 being made on me now, is very natural. 
 And in my opinion, no other kind of a man 
 would rejoice in it. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln has told you a great deal to- 
 day about his being an old line Clay Whig. 
 Bear in mind that there are a great many 
 old Clay Whigs down in this region. It is 
 more agreeable, therefore, for him to talk 
 about the old Clay Whig party than it is 
 for him to talk Abolitionism. We did not 
 hear much about the old Clay Whig party 
 up in the Abolition districts. How much 
 of an old line Henry Clay Whig was he? 
 Have you read General Singleton's sj^eech 
 at Jacksonville? You know that Gen. 
 Singleton was, for twenty-five years, the 
 confidential friend of Henry Clay in Illi- 
 nois, and he testified that in 1847, when 
 the Constitutional Convention of this State 
 was in session, the Whig members were 
 invited to a Whig caucus at the house of 
 Mr. Lincoln's brother-in-law, where Mr. 
 Lincoln proposed to throw Henry Clay 
 overboard and take up Gen. Taylor in his 
 place, giving, as his reason, that if the 
 Whigs did not take up Gen. Taylor the 
 Democrats would. Singleton testifies that 
 Lincoln, in that speech, urged, as another 
 reason for throwing Henry Clay overl)oard, 
 that the Whigs had fought long enough 
 for principle and ought to begin to fight 
 for success. Singleton also testifies that 
 Lincoln's speech did have the eflect of 
 cutting Clay's throat, and that he (Single- 
 ton) and others withdrew from the caucus 
 in indignation. He further states that 
 when they got to Philadeljjhia to attend 
 the National Convention of the Whig party, 
 that Lincoln was there, the bitter and dead- 
 ly enemy of Clay, and that he tried to keep 
 him (Singleton) out of the Convention be- 
 cause he insisted on voting for Clay, and 
 Lincoln was determined to have Taylor. 
 Singleton says that Lincoln rejoiced with 
 very great joy when he fi)und the mangled 
 remains of the murdered AVhig statesman 
 lying cold before him. Now, Mr. Lincoln 
 tells you that he is an old line Clay Whig 1 
 Gen. Singleton testifies to the facts I have 
 narrated, in a public speech which has been 
 printed and circulated broadcast over the 
 State for weeks, yet not a lisp have we heard 
 from Mr. Liiu-oln on tlie subject, except 
 that lu' is an old Clay Whig. 
 
 \Vhat i>art of Henry Clay's policy did 
 Lincoln fver advocate? He was in Con- 
 gress in 1848-i>, when the Wilmot proviso 
 warfare disturbed the peace and harmony
 
 BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 
 
 145 
 
 of the countrj', until it shook the founda- 
 tion of the Ilepuljlic from its centre to its 
 circumference. It was that agitation that 
 brougiit Chiy forth from his retirement at 
 Ashhmd again to occupy his seat in the 
 Senate of the United States, to see if he 
 couhl not, l)y his great wisdom and expe- 
 rience, and the renown of his name, do 
 sometliiiig to restore i)eace and quiet to a 
 disturbed country. Who got up that sec- 
 tional strife that Clay had to be called upon 
 to quell? I have heard Lincoln boast that 
 ho voted forty-two times for the Wilmot 
 proviso, and that he would have voted as 
 many times more if he could. Lincoln is 
 the man, in connection with Seward, Chase, 
 Giddings, and other Abolitionists, who got 
 up that strife that I helped Clay to put down. 
 Henry Clay came back to the Senate in 
 1849, and saw that he must do something 
 to restore peace to the country. The T fnion 
 Whigs and the Union Democrats welcomed 
 him the inomeut he arrived, as the man for 
 the occasion. We believed that he, of all 
 men on earth, had been preserved by Di- 
 vine Providence to guide us out of our 
 difficulties, and we Democrats rallied under 
 Clay then, as you Whigs in nullification 
 time rallied under the banner of old Jack- 
 son, forgetting party when the country was 
 in danger, in order that we might have a 
 country first, and parties afterward. 
 
 And this reminds me that Mr. Lincoln 
 told you that the slavery question was the 
 only thing that ever disturbed the peace 
 and harmony of the Union. Did not nulli- 
 fication once raise its head and disturb 
 the peace of this Union in 1832? Was 
 that the slavery question, Mr. Lincoln? 
 Did not disunion raise its monster head 
 during the last war with Great Britain? 
 Was that the slavery question, Mr. Lin- 
 coln ? The peace of this country has been 
 disturbed three times, once during the war 
 with Great Britain, once on the tariff ques- 
 tion, and once on the slavery question. 
 His argument, therefore, that slavery is the 
 only question that has ever created dis- 
 sension in the Union falls to the ground. 
 It is true that agitators are enabled now to 
 use this slavery question for the purpose 
 of sectional strife. He admits that in re- 
 gard to all things else, the principle that I 
 a<lvocate, making each State and Territory 
 free to decide for itself, ought to prevail. 
 He instances the cranberry laws, and the 
 oyster laws, and he might have gone 
 through the whole list with the same effect. 
 I say that all these laws are local and do- 
 mestic, and that local and domestic con- 
 cerns should be left to each State and each 
 Territory to manage for itself. If agitators 
 would acquiesce in that principle, there 
 never would be any danger to the peace 
 and harmony of the Union. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln tries to avoid the main issue 
 by attacking the truth of my proposition, 
 34 
 
 that our fiithers made this Government divi- 
 ded into free and slave States, recognizing 
 the right of each to decide all its local ques- 
 tions for itself. Did they not thus make 
 it? It is true that they did not establish 
 slavery in any of the States, or abolish it 
 in any of them ; but finding thirteen States, 
 twelve of which were slave and one free, 
 they agreed to form a government uniting 
 them together, as they stood divided into 
 free and slave States, and to guaranty for- 
 ever to each State the right to do as it 
 pleased on the slavery question. Having 
 thus made the government, and conferred 
 this right upon each State forever, I assert 
 that this Government can exist as they 
 made it, divided into free and slave States, 
 if any one State chooses to retain slavery. 
 He says that he looks forward to a time 
 when slavery shall be abolished every- 
 where. I look forward to a time when each 
 State shall be allowed to do as it pleases. 
 If it chooses to keep slavery forever, it is 
 not my business, but its own ; if it chooses 
 to abolish slavery, it is its own business — 
 not mine. I care more for the great prin- 
 ciple of self-government, the right of the 
 people to rule, than I do for all the negroes 
 in Christendom. I would not endanger the 
 perpetuity of this Union, I would not blot 
 out the great inalienable rights of the white 
 men for all the negroes that ever existed. 
 Hence, I say, let us maintain this Govern- 
 ment on the jjrinciples that our fathers 
 made it, recognizing the right of each State 
 to keep slavery as long as its people deter- 
 mine, or to abolish it when they please. 
 But iMr. Lincoln says that when our fath- 
 ers made this Government they did not 
 look forward to the state of things now ex- 
 isting ; and therefore he thinks the doctrine 
 was wrong ; and he quotes Brooks, of South 
 Carolina, to prove that our fathers then 
 thought that probably slavery would be 
 abolished by each State acting for itself 
 before this time. Suppose they did ; sup- 
 pose they did not foresee what has oc- 
 curred, — does that change the principles 
 of our Government? They did not pro- 
 bably foresee the telegraph that transmits 
 intelligence by lightning, nor did they fore- 
 see the railroads that now form the bonds 
 of union between the diflerent States, or 
 the thousand mechanical inventions that 
 have elevated mankind. But do these 
 things change the principles of the Gov- 
 ernment? Our fathers, I say, made this 
 Government on the principle of the right 
 of each State to do as it pleases in its own 
 domestic affairs, subject to the Constitu- 
 tion, and allowed the people of each to 
 apply to ever}' new change of circum- 
 stances such remedy as they may see fit to 
 improve their condition. T'his right they 
 have for all time to come. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln went on to tell you that he 
 did not at all desire to interfere with sla-
 
 146 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 very in the States where it exists, nor does 
 his party. I expected him to say that down 
 here. Let me ask him then how he expects 
 to put slavery in the course of ultimate ex- 
 tinction every where, if he does not intend 
 to interfere with il in the States where it 
 exists? He says that he will prohibit it in all 
 the Territories, and the inference is, then, 
 that unless they make free States out of 
 them he will keep them out of the Union ; 
 for, mark you, he did not say whether or 
 not he would vote to admit Kansas with 
 slavery or not, as her people might apply 
 (he forgot that as usual, etc.) ; he did not 
 say whether or not he was in favor of 
 bringing the Territories now in existence 
 into the Union on the principle of Clay's 
 Compromise measures on the slavery ques- 
 tion. I told you that he would not. His 
 idea is that he will prohibit slavery in all 
 the Territories and thus force them all to 
 become free States, surrounding the slave 
 States with a cordon of free States and 
 hemming them in, keeping the slaves con- 
 fined to their present limits whilst they go 
 on multiplying until the soil on which they 
 live will no longer feed them, and he will 
 thus be able to put slavery in a course of 
 ultimate extinction by starvation. He will 
 extinguish slaverj^ in the Southern States as 
 the French general did the Algerines when 
 he smoked them out. He is going to ex- 
 tinguish slavery by surrounding the slave 
 States, hemming in the slaves, and starving 
 them out of existence, as you smoke a fox 
 out of his hole. He intends to do that in 
 the name of humanity and Christianity, in 
 order that we may get rid of the terrible 
 crime and sin entailed upon our fathers of 
 holding slaves. Mr. Lincoln makes out 
 that line of policy, and appeals to the 
 moral sense of^ justice and to the Christian 
 feeling of the community to sustain him. He 
 says that any man who holds to the con- 
 trary doctrine is in the position of the king 
 who claimed to govern by divine right. 
 Let us examine for a moment and see what 
 j)rinciple it was that overthrew the Divine 
 right of George the Third to govern us. 
 Did not these colonies rebel because the 
 Lritish parliament had no right to pass laws 
 concerning our property and domestic and 
 private institutions Avithout our consent? 
 We demanded that the British Govern- 
 ment should not pass such laws unless they 
 gave us representation in the body passing 
 them, — and this the British government 
 insisting on doing, — wc went to war, on 
 the principle that the Home Government 
 should not control and govern distant col- 
 onies without giving them representation. 
 Now, Mr. Lincoln proposes to govern the 
 TerriU)rie3 without giving them a represen- 
 tation, and calls on Congress to pass laws 
 controlling their property and domestic 
 concerns without tneir consent and against 
 their will. Thus, he asserts for his i>arty 
 
 the identical principle asserted by George 
 III. and the Tories of the Revolution. 
 
 I ask you to look into these things, and 
 then tell me whether the Democracy or 
 the Abolitionists are right. I hold that 
 the people of a Territory, like those of a 
 State (I use the language of Mr. Buchanan 
 in his letter of acceptance), have the 
 right to decide for themselves whether slav- 
 ery shall or shall not exist within their 
 limits. The point upon which Chief Jus- 
 tice Taney expresses his opinion is simply 
 this, that slaves being projjerty, stand on 
 an equal footing with other property, and 
 consequently that the owner has the same 
 right to carry that property into a Territory 
 that he has any other, subject to the same 
 conditions. Sujipose that one of your 
 merchants was to take fifty or one hundred 
 thousand dollars' worth of liquors to Kan- 
 sas. He has a right to go there under that 
 decision, but when he gets there he finds 
 the Maine liquor law in force, and what can 
 he do with his property after he gets it 
 there ? He cannot sell it, he cannot use it, 
 it is subject to the local law, and that law 
 is against him, and the best thing he can 
 do with it is to bring it back into Missouri 
 or Illinois and sell it. If you take negroes 
 to Kansas, as Col. JefF. Davis said in his 
 Bangor speech, from Avhich I have quoted 
 to-day, you must take them there subject 
 to the local law. If the people want the 
 institution of slaverj' they will i:)rotect and 
 encourage it ; but if they do not want it 
 they will withhold that protection, and the 
 absence of local legislation protecting slav- 
 ery excludes it as completely as a positive 
 prohibition. You slaveholders of Missouri 
 might as well understand what you know 
 practically, that you cannot carry slavery 
 where the people do not want it. All you 
 have a right to ask is that the j^eople shall 
 do as they please; if they want slavery 
 let them have it ; if they do not want it, 
 allow them to refuse to encourage it. 
 
 ]\Iy friends, if, as I have said before, we 
 will only live up to this great fundamental 
 principle, there will be peace between the 
 North and the South. Mr. Lincoln admits 
 that under the Constitution on all domes- 
 tic questions, except slavery, we ought not 
 to interfere with the people of each State. 
 What right have we to interfere with 
 slavery any more than we have to interfere 
 with any other question? He says that 
 this slavery qiicstion is now the bone of 
 contention. Why ? Simply because agita- 
 tors have combined in all the free States to 
 make war upon it. Suppose the agitators 
 in the States should combine in one-half of 
 the Union to make war upon the railroad 
 system of the other half? They would thus 
 be driven to the same sectional strife. Sup- 
 pose one section makes war upon any other 
 peculiar institution of the opi)()site section 
 and the same strife is produced. The only
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 JEFFERSON DAVIS ON RETIRING. 
 
 147 
 
 remedy and safety is that we shall standby 
 the Constitution as our fathers made it, 
 obey the laws as they are passed, while 
 they stand the proper test and sustain the 
 decisions of the Supreme Court and the 
 constituted authorities. 
 
 Speech of Hon. JetTerson DavlB, Senator 
 from Mississippi, 
 
 On retiring from the t'nited States Senate. Delivered in 
 the Seitate Chamber January 21, 18G1. 
 
 I rise, Mr. President, for the purpose of 
 announcing to the Senate that I have satis- 
 factory evidence that the State of Missis- 
 sippi, by a solemn ordinance of her people 
 in convention assembled, has declared her 
 separation from the United States. Under 
 these circumstances, of course my func- 
 tions are terminated here. It has seemed 
 to me proper, however, that I should appear 
 in the Senate to announce that fact to my 
 associates, and I will say but very little 
 more. The occasion does not invite me to 
 go into argument; and my physical con- 
 dition would not permit me to do so if it 
 were otherwise, and yet it seems to become 
 me to say something on the part of the 
 State I here represent, on an occasion so 
 solemn as this. It is known to Senators 
 who have served with me here, that I have 
 for many years advocated as an essential 
 attribute of State sovereignty, the right of 
 a State to secede from the Union. There- 
 fore, if I had not believed there was justi- 
 fiable cause ; if I had thought that Missis- 
 sippi was acting without sufficient provoca- 
 tion, or without an existing necessity, I 
 should still, under my theory of the 
 government, because of my allegiance to 
 the State of which I am a citizen, have 
 been bound by her action. I, however, 
 may be permitted to say that I do think 
 she has justifiable cause and I approve of 
 her act. I conferred with her people be- 
 fore that act was taken, counseled them 
 then that if the state of things which they 
 apprehended should exist when the con- 
 vention met, they should take the action 
 which they have now adopted. 
 
 I hope none who hear me will confound 
 this expression of mine with the advocacy 
 of the right of a State to remain in the 
 Union and to disregard its constitutional 
 obligations by the nullification of the law. 
 Such is not my theory. Nullification and 
 secession so often confounded are indeed 
 antagonistic principles. Nullification is a 
 remedy which it is sought to apply within 
 the Union and against the agents of the 
 States. It is only to be justified when the 
 agent has violated his constitutional obli- 
 gation, and a State, assuming to judge for 
 itself denies the right of the agent thus to 
 act and appeals to the other States of the 
 Union for a decision ; but when the States 
 
 themselves and when the people of the 
 States have so acted as to convince us that 
 tlicy will not regard our constitutional 
 rights, then, and then for the first time, 
 arises the doctrine of secession in its prac- 
 tical ajjplication. 
 
 A great man who now reposes with his 
 fathers and who has been often arraigned 
 for a want of fealty to the Union advocated 
 the doctrine of Nullification because it pre- 
 served the Union. It wan because of his 
 deep-seated attachment to the Union, his 
 determination to find some remedy for exist- 
 ing ills short of the severance of the ties 
 which bound South Carolina to the other 
 States, that Mr. Calhoun advocated the 
 doctrine of nullification, which he pro- 
 claimed to be peaceful, to be within the 
 limits of State power, not to disturb the 
 Union, but only to be a means of bringing 
 the agent before the tribunal of the States 
 for their judgment. 
 
 Secession belongs to a different class of 
 remedies. It is to be justified upon the 
 basis that the States are sovereign. There 
 was a time when none denied it. I hope 
 the time may come again when a better 
 comprehension of the theory of our govern- 
 ment and the inalienable rights of the 
 people of the States will prevent any one 
 from denying that each State is a sovereign, 
 and thus may reclaim the grants which it 
 has made to any agent whomsoever. 
 
 I therefore say I concur in the action of 
 the people of Mississippi, believing it to 
 be necessary and proper, and should have 
 been bound by their action if my belief 
 had been otherwise ; and this brings me 
 at the important point which I wish, on 
 this last occasion, to present to the Senate. 
 It is by this confounding of nullification 
 and secession that the name of a great 
 man whose ashes now mingle with his 
 mother earth, has been invoked to justify 
 coercion against a seceding state. The 
 phrase " to execute the laws " was an ex- 
 pression which General Jackson applied to 
 the case of a State refusing to obey the 
 laws while yet a member of the Union. 
 That is not the case which is now presented. 
 The laws are to be executed over the Uni- 
 ted States, and upon the people of the Uni- 
 ted States. They have no relation with 
 any foreign country. It is a perversion of 
 terms, at least it is a great misapprehension 
 of the case, which cites that expression for 
 application to a State which has withdrawn 
 from the Union. You may make war on 
 a foreign State. If it be the purpose of 
 gentlemen they may make war against a 
 State which has withdrawn from the 
 Union ; but there are no laws of the Uni- 
 ted States to be executed within the limits 
 of a Seceded State. A State finding her- 
 self in the condition in which Mississippi 
 has judged she is ; in which her safety re- 
 quires that she should provide for the
 
 148 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 maintenance of her rights out of the Union, 
 surrenders all the benefits, (and they are 
 known to be many) deprives herself of the 
 advantages, (they are known to be great) 
 severs all the ties of affection (and they are 
 close and enduring) which have bound her 
 to the Union ; and thus divesting herself 
 of everj' benefit, taking upon herself every 
 burden, she claims to be exempt from any 
 power to execute the laws of the United 
 States within her limits. 
 
 I well remember an occasion when 
 Massachusetts was arraigned before the Bar 
 of the Senate, and when then the doctrine 
 of coercion was rife, and to be applied 
 against her because of the rescue of a fu- 
 gitive slave in Boston. My opinion then 
 was the same as it is now. Not in the 
 spirit of egotism, but to show that I am 
 not influenced in my opinion because the 
 case is my own, I refer to that time and 
 that occasion as containing the opinion 
 which I then entertained and on which my 
 present conduct is based. I then said, if 
 Massachusetts, following her through a 
 stated line of conduct, chooses to take the 
 last step which separates her from the 
 Union, it is her right to go, and I will 
 neither vote one dollar nor one man to co- 
 erce her back ; but will say to her, " God 
 speed," in memory of the kind associations 
 which once existed between her and the 
 other States. It has been a conviction of 
 pressing necessity, it has been a belief that 
 we are to be deprived in the Union, of the 
 rights which our fathers bequeathed to us, 
 which has brought Mississippi into her 
 present decision. She has heard pro- 
 claimed the theory that all men are created 
 free and equal, and this made the basis of 
 an attack on her social institutions ; and 
 the sacred Declaration of Independence has 
 been invoked to maintain the position of 
 the equality of the races. That Declara- 
 tion of Independence is to be construed by 
 the circumstances and purposes for which 
 it was made. The communities were de- 
 claring their independence ; the people of 
 those communities were asserting that no 
 man was born — to use the language of Mr. 
 Jefferson — booted and spurred to ride over 
 the rest of mankind ; that men were crea- 
 ted equal — meaning the men of the po- 
 litical community; that there was no divine 
 right to rule; that no man inherited the 
 right to gf)vem ; that there were no classes 
 by which power and place descended to 
 families, but that all stations were equally 
 within the grasp of each member of the 
 body politic. These were the great prin- 
 ciples they announced ; these were the j)ur- 
 poses for which they made their declara- 
 tion ; these were the ends to which their 
 enunciation was directed. Tliey have no 
 reference to the slave ; else, how happened 
 it that among the it(>ms of arraignment 
 made against George III. was that he en- 
 
 deavored to do just what the North has 
 been endeavoring of late to do — to stir up 
 insurrection among our slaves ? Had the 
 Declaration announced that the negroes 
 were free and equal how was it the Prince 
 was to be arraigned for stirring up insur- 
 rection among them ? And how was this 
 to be enumerated among the high crimes 
 which caused the colonies to sever their 
 connection with the mother country ? 
 When our constitution was formed, the 
 same idea was rendered more palpable, for 
 there we find provision made for that very 
 class of persons as property ; they were not 
 put upon the footing of equality with white 
 men — not even upon that of paupers and 
 convicts, but so far as representation was 
 concerned, were discriminated against as 
 a lower caste only to be represented in a 
 numerical proportion of three-fifths. 
 
 Then, Senators, we recur to the compact 
 which binds us together ; we recur to the 
 principles upon which our government 
 was founded ; and when you deny them, 
 and when you deny to us, the right to 
 withdraw from a government which thus 
 prevented, threatens to be destructive of 
 our rights, we but tread in the path of our 
 fathers when we proclaim our indepen- 
 dence, and take the hazard. This is done 
 not in hostility to others, not to injure any 
 section of the country, not even for our 
 own pecuniary benefit, but from the high 
 and solemn motive of defending and pro- 
 tecting the rights we inherited, and which 
 it is our sacred duty to transmit unshorn 
 to our children. 
 
 I find in myself, perhaps, a type of the 
 general feeling of my constituents towards 
 yours. I am sure I feel no hostility to you, 
 Senators from the North. I am sure there 
 is not one of you, whatever sharp discus- 
 sion there may have been between us, to 
 whom I cannot now say, in the presence of 
 my God, " I wish you well,'' and such, I am 
 sure, is the feeling of the people whom I 
 represent towards those whom you repre- 
 sent. I therefore feel that I but express 
 their desire when I say I hope, and they 
 hope for peaceful relations with you, 
 though we must part. They may be mu- 
 tually beneficial to us in the future as they 
 have been in the past, if you so will it. 
 The reverse may bring disaster on every 
 
 Eortion of the country; and if you will 
 ave it thus, we will invoke the God of 
 our fathers, who delivered them from the 
 power of the lion, to protect us from the 
 ravages of the bear, and thus, putting our 
 trust in God, and to our firm hearts and 
 strong arms we will vindicate the right as 
 best we may. 
 
 In the course of my service here, asso- 
 ciated at different times with a great variety 
 of Senators, I see now around me some 
 with whom I have served long ; there have 
 been points of collision, but whatever of
 
 BOOKiiJ.] HENRY WILSON IN THE GREELEY CANVASS. 
 
 149 
 
 offense there has been to me I leave here ; 
 I carry with me no hostile remembrance. 
 Whatever offense I have i^iven whi(;h has 
 not been redressed, or for which satisfaction 
 has not been demanded, 1 have, Senators, 
 in this hour of our parting, to offer you an 
 apology for any harm which, in the heat 
 of discussion, I have inflicted. I go hence 
 unencumbered of any injury received, and 
 having discharged the duty of making tlie 
 only reparation in my power for any injury 
 offered. 
 
 Mr. President and Senators, having 
 made the announcement which the occa- 
 sion seemed to me to require, it only re- 
 mains for me to bid you a final adieu. 
 
 Speech of the Hon. Henry AVllson of Massa- 
 chusetts 
 
 In the canvoBS against Horace Greeley at Bichmond, Ind., 
 August 3, 1872. 
 
 AN ABSTRACT. 
 
 Gentlemen, standing here to-day, in this 
 presence, among these liberty-loving, pa- 
 triotic men and women of Wayne county, 
 I want to call your attention for a few mo- 
 ments to what we have struggled for in the 
 past. 
 
 Nearly forty years ago, when the slave 
 
 Sower dominated the country — when the 
 ark shadow of human slavery fell upon 
 us all here in the North — there arose a 
 body of conscientious men and women 
 who proclaimed the doctrine that emanci- 
 pation was the duty of the master and the 
 right of the slave ; they proclaimed it to 
 be a duty to let the oppressed go free. Re- 
 wards were offered — they were denounced, 
 mobbed — violence pervaded the land. Yet 
 these faithful ones maintained with fidel- 
 ity, against all odds, the sublime creed of 
 human liberty. The struggle, commencing 
 forty years ago against the assumptions 
 and dominations of the slave-power, went 
 on from one step to another — the slave 
 power went right on to the conquest of the 
 country — promises were broken, without 
 regard to constitutions or laws of the hu- 
 man race. The work went on till the 
 people, in their majesty, in 1860, went to 
 the ballot-box and made Abraham Lincoln 
 President of the United States. [Cheers.] 
 Then came a great trial ; that trial was 
 whether we should do battle for the prin- 
 ciples of eternal right, and maintain the 
 cause of liberty, or surrender ; whether 
 we would be true to our principles or 
 false. We stood firm — stood by the sacred 
 cause — and then the slave power plunged 
 the country into a godless rebellion. 
 
 Then came another trial, testing the 
 manhood, the courage, the sublime fidelity 
 of the lovers of liberty in the country. 
 We met that test as we had met every 
 
 other test — trusting in God, trusting in the 
 peoj)le — willing to stand or fall by our 
 principles. Through four years of blood 
 we maintained those principles ; we broke 
 down the rebellion, restored a broken 
 Union, and vindicated the authority and 
 power of the nation. In that struggle In- 
 diana played a glorious part in the field, 
 and her voice in the councils of the nation 
 had great and deserved influence. [Clieers.J 
 
 Now, gentlemen, measured by the high 
 standard of fidelity to country, of patriot- 
 ism, the great political party to which we 
 belong to-day was as true to the country 
 in war as it had been in peace — true 
 to the country every time, and on all occa- 
 sions. 
 
 Not only true to the country, but the Re- 
 publican party was true to liberty. It struck 
 the fetters from the bondman, and ele- 
 vated four and a half millions of men 
 from chattelhood to manhood ; gave them 
 civil rights, gave them political rights, and 
 gave them part and parcel of the power of 
 the country. [Applause.] 
 
 Now, gentlemen, here to-day, I point to 
 this record — this great record — and say to 
 you, that, measured by the standard of pa- 
 triotism — one of the greatest and grandest 
 standards by which to measure public men, 
 political organizations or nations — mea- 
 sured by that standard which the whole 
 world recognizes, the Republican party of 
 the United States stands before the world 
 with none to accuse it of want of fidelity to 
 country. [Cheers.] Measured by the 
 standard of liberty, equal, universal, im- 
 partial liberty — liberty to all races, all 
 colors and all nationalities — the Republi- 
 can party stands to-day before the country 
 pre-eminently the party of universal liber- 
 ty. [Loud cheers.] Measured by the stan- 
 dard of humanity — that humanity that 
 stoops down and lifts up the poor and low- 
 ly, the oppressed and the castaways, the 
 poor, struggling sons and daughters* of toil 
 and misfortune — measured by that stan- 
 dard, the Republican party stands before 
 this country to-day without a peer in our 
 history, or in the history of any other peo- 
 ple. [Renewed and general applause.] 
 We have gone further, embraced more, 
 lifted up lowlier men, carried them to a 
 higher elevation, labored amid obloquy 
 and reproach to lift up the despised and 
 lowly nations of the earth than any politi- 
 cal organization that the sun ever shone 
 upon. 
 
 And then, gentlemen, tested by the sup- 
 port of all the great ideas that tend to lift 
 up humanity, to pull none down, to lift all 
 up, to carry the country ui)ward and for- 
 ward, ever toward God, the Republican 
 party of the countn,' has been, and now is, 
 to-day, in advance of any political organ- 
 ization the world knows. 
 
 Gentlemen, I am not here to maintain
 
 150 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 that this great party, with its three and a 
 half millious of voters, tested aud tried as 
 it hsm been during twelve years — I am not 
 here to say that it has made no mistakes. 
 We have committed errors ; we could 
 not always see what the right was; we 
 failed sometimes ; but, gentlemen, take our 
 record — take it as it stands — it is a bright 
 and glorious record, that any man, or set 
 of men, may be jjroud of. We have stood, 
 and we stand to-day, on the side of man, 
 and on the side of the ideas God has given 
 us in His Holy Word. [Applause.] There 
 has not been a day since by the labors, 
 the prayers and the sacrifices of the old 
 anti-slavery men and women of the coun- 
 try, from 1830 to 1855 — during twenty-five 
 years — I say to you, gentlemen, here, to- 
 day, that this party, the product of these 
 prayers, and these sacrifices, and these ef- 
 forts — with all its faults — has been true to 
 patriotism, true to liberty, true to justice, 
 true to humanity, true to Christian civili- 
 zation. [Cheers.] 
 
 I say to you here to-day, that all along 
 during this time, the Democratic party 
 carried the banners of slavery. When- 
 ever the slave power desired anything they 
 got it. They wielded the entire power of 
 the nation, until, in their arrogance, when 
 we elected Abraham Lincoln, they plunged 
 the country into the fire and blood of the 
 greatest civil war recorded in history. 
 After the war all the measures inaugurated 
 for emancipation — to make the country 
 free — to lift an emauciiiated race up — to 
 give them instruction and make them citi- 
 zens — to give them civil rights and make 
 them voters — to put them on an equality 
 with the rest of the people — to every one 
 of that series of thirty or forty measui-es 
 the Democratic party gave their President 
 unqualified and united opposition. Well, 
 now, we have been accustomed to say that 
 they were mistaken, misinibrmed, that they 
 were honest — that they believed what they 
 did; but, gentlemen, if they have believed 
 what they have said, that they have acted 
 according to their convictions from 1832 
 to 1872 — a period of forty years — can they 
 be honest, to-day, in indorsing the Cincin- 
 nati platform — in supporting Horace Gree- 
 ley? ["No, no!"] 
 
 Why, we have read of sudden and mira- 
 culous conversions. We read of St. PauTs 
 conversion, of the light that shone around 
 liiin, l)ut I ask you, in the history of the 
 liuinaii family have you ever known three 
 millions of men — three millions of great 
 .sinners for forty years — [laughter] — throe 
 millions of jiien, ail convicted, all convert- 
 ed, and all changed in the twinkling of an 
 eye. [Renewed laughter.) Why, gentle- 
 men, iritis HO, for one I will lift up my 
 eyes and my lieart to (Jod, that those sin- 
 ners, that this great political party that 
 has been for forty years, every time and all 
 
 the time, on every question and on all 
 questions pertaining to the human race and 
 the rights of the colored race, on the wrong 
 side — oh the side of injustice, oppres- 
 sion and inhumanity — on the side that has 
 been against man, and against God's holy 
 word ; I say, gentlemen, that I will lift up 
 my heart in gratitude to God that these 
 men have suddenly repented. 
 
 Why, I have been accustomed to think 
 that the greatest victory the Republican 
 party would ever be called upon to win — 
 and I knew it would win it, because the 
 Republican party, as Napoleon said of 
 his armies, are accustomed to sleep on the 
 field of victory. The Republican party — 
 that always won — always ought to win, 
 because it is on the right side; and when 
 it is defeated, it only falls back to gather 
 strength to advance again. [Applause.] 
 I did suppose that the greatest task it 
 would ever have, greater than putting down 
 the rebellion, greater than emancipating 
 four millions of men, greater than lifting 
 them up to civil rights — greater than all 
 its grand deeds — would be the conviction 
 and conversion of the Democratic party of 
 the United States. [Laughter and cheers.] 
 Just as we are going into a Presidential 
 election — when it was certain that if the 
 Republican jjarty said and afiirnied, said 
 by its members, said altogether, that its 
 ideas, its principles, its policy, its measures, 
 were stronger than were the political or- 
 ganization of the Democrats. I say, just 
 as we are going into the contest, Avhen it 
 was certain that we would break down 
 and crush out its ideas, and take its flags 
 and disband it, and out of the wreck we 
 would gather hundreds of thousands of 
 changed and converted men, the best part 
 of the body — just at that time some of our 
 men are so anxious to embrace somebody 
 that has always been wrong that they start 
 out at once in a wild hunt to clasp hands 
 with our enemies and to save the Demo- 
 cratic party from absolute annihilation. 
 [Laughter.] To do what they want us is 
 to disband. Well, gentlemen, I suppose 
 there are some here to-day that belonged 
 to the grand old Army of the Potomac. If 
 when Lee had retreated on Richmond, and 
 Phil. Sheridan sent back to Grant that if 
 he pushed things he would capture the 
 army — if, instead of sending back to Sheri- 
 dan, as Grant did, "I'ush things," he had 
 said to him, " Let us disband the Army of 
 the Potomac; don't hurt the feelings of 
 these retreating men ; let us cla.sp hands 
 with them," what Avould have been the re- 
 .sult? I su])]»ose there are some of you 
 here to-day that followed Shernum — that 
 were with him in his terrible march from 
 Chattanooga to Atlanta — with him in that 
 great niar(;h from Atlanta to tlie sea — what 
 would you have thought of him if, when 
 you came in sight of the Atlantic ocean,
 
 BOOK III.] OLIVER P. MORTON ON THE NATIONAL IDEA. 
 
 151 
 
 you had had orders to disband before the 
 baimers of the rebellion had disappeared 
 from the Southern heavens ? 
 
 I tell you, to-day, this movement of a 
 portion of our forces is this and nothing 
 more. I would as soon have disbanded 
 that Army of the Potomac after Sheridan's 
 ride throufrlithe valley of the Shenandoah, 
 or when Sherman had reached the sea, as 
 to disband the Republican party to-day. 
 The time has not come. [Loud and con- 
 tinued applause. ) 
 
 I am not making a mere j)artisan appeal 
 to you. I believe in this Republican i^arty, 
 and, if I know myself, rather than see it 
 defeated to-day — rather than see the gov- 
 ernment pass out of its hands — I would 
 sacrifice anything on earth in my posses- 
 sion, even life itself. [Loud applause] I 
 have seen brave and good men — patriotic, 
 liberty-loving, God-fearing men — I have 
 seen them die for the cause of the country 
 — for the ideas we profess, and I tell you 
 to-day, with all the faults of the Repul)li- 
 can party — and it has had faults and has 
 made some mistakes — I say to you that I 
 believe upon my conscience its defeat 
 would be a disaster to the country, and 
 would be a stain upon our record. It 
 would bring upon us — we might say what 
 we pleased, our enemies would claim it, 
 and the world would record it — that this 
 great, patriotic, liberty-loving Republican 
 party of the United States, after all its 
 great lal)ors and great history, had been 
 weighed in the balances and found want- 
 ing, and condemned by the American 
 pople. 
 
 Well, gentlemen, I choose, if it is to fall, 
 to fall with it. I became an anti-slaverv 
 man in IS^f). In 1836 I tied myself, 
 pledged myself, to do all I could to over- 
 throw the slave power of my country. 
 During all these years I have never given 
 a vote, uttered a word, or written a line 
 that I did not suppose tended to this result. 
 I invoke you old anti-slavery men here to- 
 day — and I know I am speaking to men 
 who have been engaged in the cause — I 
 implore you men who have been true in 
 the past, no matter what the men or their 
 natures are, to stand with the grand organi- 
 zation of the Reijublican party — be true to 
 its cause and fight its battles — if we are 
 defeated, let us accept the defeat as best 
 we may; if we are victorious, let us make 
 our future n^ore glorious than the past. If 
 we fail, let us have the proud consciousness 
 that we have been faithful to our princi- 
 ples, true to our convictions ; that we go 
 down with our flag flying — that we go 
 down trusting in God that our country may 
 become, what we have striven to make it, 
 the foremost nation on the globe. [Im- 
 mense applause.] 
 
 Speecb ot Senator Oliver P. Slorton, of 
 Indiana, 
 
 On the NiUional Idea, at Providence, It. I. 
 
 The distinguished orator was introduced 
 by Senator Anthony, and made an ex- 
 tended speech, from which we take the 
 more pertinent paragraphs : 
 
 From this proposition two corollarien 
 have been adduced from time to time, and 
 [ nmst say with great force of logic. The 
 first is that this Union is comi)osed of sov- 
 ereign and independent States who have 
 simply entered into a compact for particu- 
 lar jnirposes, and the government is mere- 
 ly their agent ; that any State has tlie right 
 to withdraw from the Union at pleasure, 
 or whenever in its judgment the terms of 
 the compact have been violated, or the in- 
 terests of the State require its withdrawal. 
 The second is that each State has the right 
 to nullify any law of Congress which, in 
 the judgment of the State, is in violation 
 of the compact by which the government 
 was formed. This doctrine has been the 
 evil genius of the country from the found- 
 ation of our government. It may be said 
 to be the devil in our political system. It 
 has been our danger from the first. It is 
 the rock in the straits, and we fear that 
 the end i.s not yet. Now what can we op- 
 pose to this doctrine? We oppose what 
 we call " the national idea." We assume 
 that this government was formed by the 
 governments of the United States in their 
 aggregate and in their primary capacity. 
 We assume that, instead of there being 
 thirty-seven nations, there is but one; in- 
 stead of there being thirty-seven sover- 
 eignties, there is but one sovereignty. We 
 assume that the States are not sovereign, 
 but that they are integral and subordinate 
 parts of one great countiy. I may be asked 
 the question here, "Are there no State 
 rights? Would you override the States? 
 Would you obliterate State lines?" I an- 
 swer, " iSTo." I answer that this doctrine 
 is the only doctrine that can preserve the 
 peace of this nation and preserve the rights 
 of the States. I answer that there is a vast 
 body of State rights guaranteed and se- 
 cured by the Constitution of the United 
 Slates, by the same Constitution that 
 created and upholds the government of the 
 United States ; that these State rights have 
 the same guarantee that the rights of the 
 National Government have, equally en- 
 titled to the protection of the Supreme 
 Court, springing out of the same instru- 
 ment, and that one set of rights are ju^t as 
 sacred as the other. Some confound the 
 idea of State sovereignty and State rights 
 as being one and the same thing. Others 
 seem to supi)ose that State rights are only 
 consistent with State sovereignty, and can- 
 not exist except upon the theory of State 
 sovereignty ; while I as-jume that State 
 rights are consistent with National sover-
 
 152 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 eignty, and are safest under the protection 
 of the nation. The Constitution gives one 
 class of rights to the government of the 
 United States. They are specified, and 
 they carry with them all the rights that 
 are indisi>ensable and necessaiy to their 
 full execution and enjoyment. The rest 
 are to be held and enjoyed by the States, 
 or reserved to the peojile. The States have 
 their rights by the agreement of the nation. 
 That seems to be the important truth that 
 is so often overlooked, that the rights of 
 tke States, sacred and unapproachable, are 
 sacred by the agreement of the nation, as 
 much so as are the powers that are con- 
 ferred upon the government of the United 
 States, that the States derive their powers 
 from the same source, viz : The Constitu- 
 tion of the United States. That Constitu- 
 tion says that the government shall have 
 one class of powers, and that other powers 
 shall be gained by the States, to be enjoyed 
 by them or reserved to the people. In the 
 consideration of this question, we must re- 
 flect that the nation had assembled in con- 
 vention in 1787, and there formed a gov- 
 ernment, there declared what rights should 
 be given to the National Government, and 
 what rights should be reserved to the 
 States, and that, in either case, the grant 
 and guarantee is an act of national sover- 
 eignty by the people in convention assem- 
 bled. When we shall embrace this idea 
 fully, all the danger of centralization will 
 pass away, though we discard the idea of 
 State sovereignty. 
 
 I do not differ so much with many gen- 
 tlemen in regard to what the rights of the 
 States are. I differ with them in regard 
 to the titles by which they hold them. I 
 say that so far as State rights are con- 
 cerned, and the rights of the government, 
 that we are not to go back beyond the 
 period of 1787, when the Constitution was 
 formed. The rights of the elder States, 
 and of Rhode Island as she has them now, 
 are to be dated from the formation of the 
 Constitution. Then they came into con- 
 vention. They had the right to make any 
 sort of government they pleased, and they 
 did. And in that government they guar- 
 antied and secured to the States the great 
 body of rights in regard to local and do- 
 mestic government, but it was the agree- 
 ment of the nation at that time. So far 
 as the new States are concerned, they are 
 to come in on an equality. They are to 
 have the same rights with the old; and 
 this theory would be impossible of execu- 
 tion except upon the idea that the rights 
 of the States and of tlie National Govern- 
 ment are to be determined from the action 
 that was taken at that time. Tlie difliculty 
 had been in regard to this tlicf)ry of State 
 sovereignty, and the assumed right of se- 
 cession and of nullific.ition v.as tlie result. 
 They assumed that these States existed as 
 
 nations separate and distinct before that 
 time, and that they only loaned a portion 
 of tiaeir rights for a particular purpose. 
 This is the base of that theory ; while we 
 assume that the people were acting to- 
 gether at that time in their aggregate capa- 
 city, raising a system of government, giv- 
 ing the United States certain powers, and 
 providing that the States should hold and 
 enjoy the rest, excepting those that were 
 reserved to the people. The preservation 
 of local self-government is essential to the 
 liberties of this nation. Nobody endorses 
 that sentiment more strongly than I do. 
 Nobody will stand by the rights of the 
 States more firmly than I will. I hold that 
 their rights are consistent with national 
 sovereignty, and that national sovereignty 
 is consistent with the rights of the States, 
 and I deny that these rights are the result 
 of inherent original State sovereignty. In 
 other words, we differ in regard to the title. 
 What the States should have, and what 
 the government should have, was settled 
 by the act of the nation in convention in 
 1787, changed to some extent by the adop- 
 tion of amendments since that time. It is 
 not enough for a party to deny the right 
 of secession. It is not enough for a party 
 to deny the right of nullification. They 
 must go further. They must deny the 
 doctrine of State sovereignty ; for as long 
 as that doctrine is admitted, these other 
 things will spring up spontaneously from 
 it, and whenever the occasion allows it. If 
 we were to admit that the States were sov- 
 ereign, then we would be bound to say 
 that Webster did not answer Hayne, and 
 that Webster and Hayne never answered 
 Calhoun. If once it is admitted that the 
 States are sovereign, it is hard to resist the 
 corollaries to which I have referred, that 
 they have the right to secede, and that 
 they have the right to nullif)^ 
 
 The doctrine of nationality planted deep 
 in the hearts of the American people is our 
 only sheet-anchor of safety for the future. 
 Our country is greatly extended, from the 
 tropical to the arctic regions, with every 
 variety of climate, soil, and productions, 
 with different commercial and manufac- 
 turing interests. The States on the Pa- 
 cific slopes are sejiarated from those on 
 this side of the Rocky ^Fountains by fifteen 
 hundred miles of mountain and desert. 
 Tliey have a different commerce from 
 what you have, almost an independent 
 commerce. Tlieir commerce will be with 
 China, Jai)an, Australia, the Avestern coun- 
 tries of South America, and the islands of 
 the Southern Pacific. It is now but in its 
 infancy, but it l)ids fair to develop into 
 colo.ssal proportions, and may change the 
 commercial asjiect of the world. We know 
 not what feelings of independence may 
 arise in those States in time to come. It 
 is diflieult to deny the effect that may be
 
 BOOK III.] OLIVEli P. MORTON ON THE NATIONAL IDEA. 
 
 153 
 
 produced by the separation of vast States 
 with a different commerce actini? in con- 
 junction witli forced theories of the origin 
 and laws of our government. In saying 
 this I will cast no imputation ujxjn the 
 loyalty of those States. They are now as 
 loyal as any, and were during the war. 
 But we can imagine that what has been 
 may be again. And we can understand 
 what may be the danger of this doctrine, if 
 it should still maintain its hold in tlie 
 minds of the American people, when con- 
 flicting interests arise, and conflicting no- 
 tions arise as to what may be the interests 
 of the people ; as in 1812 a war was brought 
 about which was regarded as being fatal to 
 the interests of the New T^ngland States, 
 they took their position upon it. We have 
 had a law which was regarded in South 
 Carolina as being fatal to her interests, 
 and she took her position upon it. This doc- 
 trine was again seized by slavery in 18(51, 
 and the rebellion was brought on. And 
 what may happen in the far future upon 
 the eiustern and western coasts, upon the 
 northern and southern extremities of our 
 nation, we cannot tell. 
 
 The idea that we are a nation, that we 
 are one people, undivided and indivisible, 
 should be a plank in the platform of every 
 party. It should be printed on the banner 
 of eveiy party. It should be taught in 
 every school, academy, and college. It 
 should be the political North Star by which 
 every political manager should steer his 
 bark. It should be the central idea of 
 American politics, and every child, so to 
 speak, should be vaccinated with this idea, 
 so that he may be protected against this 
 political distemper that has brought such 
 calamity upon our country. Were the 
 mind of the nation, so to speak, fiiUy satu- 
 rated with this sentiment of nationality, 
 that we are but one people, undivided and 
 indivisible, there would be no danger 
 though our boundaries came to embrace 
 the entire continent. It is therefore of the 
 utmost importance that it should be taught 
 and inculcated upon all occasions. What 
 the sun is in the heavens, diffusing light, 
 and life, and warmth, and by its subtle in- 
 fluence holding the planets in their orbits 
 and preserving the harmony of the uni- 
 verse — such is the sentiment of nationality 
 in a nation, diffusing light and protection 
 in every part, holding the faces of Amer- 
 icans always toward their home, protect- 
 ing the States in the exercise of their just 
 powers, and preserving the harmony and 
 prosperity of all. 
 
 We must have a nation. It is a necessity 
 of our political existence, and we find the 
 countries of the Old World now aspiring 
 for nationality. Italy, after a long absence, 
 has returned. Rome has again become the 
 centre and the capital of a great nation. 
 The bleeding fragments of the beautiful 
 
 land have been bound up together, and 
 Italy again resumes her i)lace iimong the 
 nations. And we find the great (iermanic 
 family has been sighing for a nationality. 
 That race, whose overmastering civilization 
 is acknowledged by all the world, has 
 hitherto been divided into petty Principal- 
 ities and States, such as Virginia and South 
 Carolina aspire to be, but now are coming 
 together and a.sserting their unity, their 
 national existence, and are now able to 
 dominate all the nations of lOurope. We 
 should then cherish this idea, that while 
 the States have their rights sacred and un- 
 approachable, which we should guard with 
 untiring vigilance, never permitting an en- 
 croachment, and remembering that such 
 encroachment is as mu(Ji a violation of the 
 Constitution of the United States as to en- 
 croach upon the rights of the general 
 Government, still bearing in mind that the 
 States are but subordinate parts of one great 
 nation, and that the nation is over, all even 
 as God is over the universe. Without 
 entering into any of the consequences that 
 flow from this doctrine, allow me for to- 
 night to refer to that great national attri- 
 bute, that great national duty — the duty and 
 the power to protect the citizen in the en- 
 joyment of life, liberty, and property. If 
 the Government of the United States has 
 not the power to protect the citizens of the 
 United States in the enjoyment of life, lib- 
 erty, and propei'ty in cases where the States 
 fail, or refuse, or are unable to grant pro- 
 tection, then that Government should be 
 amended, or should give place to a better. 
 Great Britain sent forth a costly and pow- 
 erful expedition to Abyssinia to rescue four 
 British subjects who had been captured and 
 imprisoned by the government of that coun- 
 try. She has recently threatened Greece 
 with war, if she did not use all her power 
 to bring to justice two brigands who had 
 lately murdered two British sulyects. These 
 these things are greatly to the honor of 
 Great Britain. And our Government 
 threatened Austria with war if she did not 
 release Martin Kosta, who had declared his 
 intention to become a citizen of the United 
 States, and was therefore protected by the 
 Government of the United States. More 
 recently we have made war upon Corea, a 
 province in Asia, and slaughtered her peo- 
 ple, and battered down her^forts, because 
 Americans shipwrecked upon her coast 
 were murdered and the government had 
 refused to give satisfaction for it. And if 
 a mob in London should murder half a 
 dozen American citizens, we would call 
 upon that government to use all its power 
 to bring the murderers to punishment, and 
 if Great Britain did not do so, it would be 
 regarded as a cause of war. And yet some 
 people entertain the idea that our Govern- 
 ment has the power to protect it^ citizens 
 everywhere except upon its own soil. The
 
 154 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book in. 
 
 idea that I would advocate, the doctrine 
 that I would urge as being the only true 
 and national one, flowing inevitably from 
 national sovereignty, is that our Govern- 
 ment has the right to protect her citizens 
 in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and prop- 
 erty wherever the flag floats, whether at 
 home or abroad. 
 
 Speech of Hon. J. Proctor Kuott, of 
 KLezttucky, 
 
 Deliverecl in the Bouse of Rcpresentalires on the St. Croix 
 and Su2)erior Land Grant, January 21, 1871. 
 
 The house having under consideration 
 the joint resolution (S. E. No. 11) extend- 
 ing the time to construct a railroad from 
 St. Croix river or*lake to the west end of 
 Lake Superior and to Bayfield — 
 
 Mr. Knott said : Mr. Speaker — If I could 
 be actuated by any conceivable inducement 
 to betray the sacred trust in me by those 
 to whose generous confidence I am in- 
 debted for the honor of a seat on this floor ; 
 if I could be influenced by any possible 
 consideration to become instrumental in 
 giving away, in violation of their known 
 wishes any portion of their interest in the 
 public domain for the mere promotion of 
 any railroad enterprise whatever, I should 
 certainly feel a strong inclination to give 
 this measure my most earnest and hearty 
 support ; for I am assured that its success 
 would materially enhance the pecuniary 
 prosperity of some of the most valued 
 friends I have on earth ; friends for. whose 
 accommodation I would be willing to make 
 almost any sacrifice not involving my per- 
 sonal iKjiior or my fidelity as the trustee of 
 an express trust. And that act of itself 
 would be sufiicient to countervail almost 
 any objection I might entertain to the pas- 
 sage of this bill not inspired by any im- 
 perative and inexorable sense of public 
 duty. 
 
 But, independent of the seductive in- 
 fluences of private friendship, to which I 
 admit I am, perhaps, as susceptible as any 
 of the gentlemen I see around me, the in- 
 trinsic merits of tlie measure itself are of 
 such an extraordinary character as to com- 
 mend it most strongly to the favorable con- 
 sideration of every member of this house, 
 myself not excepted, notwithstanding my 
 constituents, in wliose behalf alone I am 
 acting liere, would not be benefited by its 
 passage one particle more than tliey would 
 be l)y a project to cultivate an orange grove 
 on the l)leakest summit of Greenland's icy 
 mountains. 
 
 Now, sir, as to those great trunk lines of 
 railways, spanning tlie continent from 
 ocean to ocean, I confess my mind has 
 never been fully ma<le u{). It is true they 
 may afTbrd some trifling advantages to local 
 traffic, and they may even in time become 
 the channels of u more extended commerce. 
 
 Yet I have never been thoroughly satisfied 
 either of the necessity or expediency of 
 projects promising such meagre results to 
 the great body of our people. But with 
 regard to the transcendent merits of the 
 gigantic enterprise contemplated in this 
 bill, I have never entertained the shadow 
 of a doubt. 
 
 Years ago, when I first heard that there 
 was somewhere in the vast terra incognita, 
 somewhere in the bleak regions of the 
 great northwest, a stream of water known 
 to the nomadic inhabitants of the neighbor- 
 hood as the river St. Croix, I became satis- 
 fied that the construction of a railroad from 
 that raging torrent to some point in the 
 civilized world was essential to the happi- 
 ness and prosperity of the American people 
 if not absolutely indispensable to the per- 
 petuity of republican institutions on this 
 continent. I felt instinctively that the 
 boundless resources of that prolific region 
 of sand and pine shrubbery would never 
 be fully developed without a railroad con- 
 structed and equipped at the expense of 
 the government, and perhaps not then. I 
 had an abiding presentiment that, some 
 day or other, the people of this whole 
 country, irrespective of party afiiliations, 
 regardless of sectional prejudices, and 
 " without distinction of race, color, or pre- 
 vious condition of servitude," would rise 
 in their majesty and demand an outlet for 
 the enormous agricultural productions of 
 those vast and fertile pine barrens, drained 
 in the rainy season by the surging waters 
 of the turbid St. Croix. 
 
 These impressions, derived simply and 
 solely from the " eternal fitness of things," 
 were not only strengthened by the interest- 
 ing and eloquent debate on this bill, to 
 which I listened with so much pleasure 
 the other day, but intensified, if possible, 
 as I read over this morning, the lively col- 
 loquy which took place on that occasion, 
 as I find it reported in last Friday's Globe. 
 I will ask the indulgence of the house 
 while I read a lew short passages, which 
 are sufiicient, in my judgment, to place the 
 merits of the great enterprise, contem- 
 plated in the measure now under discus- 
 sion, beyond all possible controversy. 
 
 The honorable gentleman from Minne- 
 sota (Mr. Wilson), who, I believe, is ma- 
 naging this bill, in speaking of the charac- 
 ter of the country through which this rail- 
 road is to ];ass, says this : 
 
 " We want to have the timber brought 
 to us as cheai)ly as possible. Now, if you 
 tie up the lands, in this way, so that no 
 title can be obtained to them — for no set- 
 tler will go on these lands, for he* cannot 
 make a living — you dei)rive us of the bene- 
 fit of that timber." 
 
 Now, sir, I would not have it by any 
 means inferred from this tliat tlie gentle- 
 man from Minnesota would insinuate that
 
 BooKiii.] J. PROCTOR KNOTT'S DULUTH SPEECH. 
 
 155 
 
 the peoi^le out in this section desire this 
 timber merely for the purpose of fencing 
 up their farms so that their stock may not 
 wander off and die of starvation among the 
 bleak hills of St. Croix. I read it ibr no 
 such purpose, sir, and make no comment 
 on it myself. In corroboration of this state- 
 ment of the gentleman from Minnesota, I 
 find this testimony given by the honorable 
 gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Wash- 
 burn). Speaking of these same lands, he 
 says : 
 
 " Under the bill, as amended by my 
 friend from Minnesota, nine-tenths of the 
 land is open to actual settlers at $2.50 per 
 acre ; the remaining one-tenth is pine- 
 timbered land, that is not fit for settle- 
 ment, and never will be settled upon ; but 
 the timber will be cut off. I admit that it 
 is the most valuable portion of the grant, 
 for most of the grant is not valuable. It is 
 quite valueless ; and if you put in this 
 amendment of the gentleman from Indiana 
 you nuiy as well just kill the bill, for no 
 man and tio company will take the grant 
 and build the road." 
 
 I simply pause here to ask some gentle- 
 man better versed in the science of mathe- 
 matics than I am, to tell me if the tim- 
 bered lands are in fact the most valuable 
 portion of that section of country, and they 
 would be entirely valueless without the 
 timber that is in them, what the remainder 
 of the land is worth which has no timber 
 on it at all ? 
 
 But, further on, I find a most entertain- 
 ing and instructive interchange of views 
 between the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. 
 Rogers), the gentlenuin from Wisconsin 
 (Mr. Washburn), and the gentleman from 
 Maine (Mr. Peters), upon the subject of 
 pine lauds generally, which I will tax the 
 patience of the house to read : 
 
 " Mr. Rogers — Will the gentleman allow 
 me to ask him a question ? 
 
 " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — Cer- 
 tainly. 
 
 " Mr. Rogers — Are these pine lands en- 
 tirely worthless except for tmiber? 
 
 " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — They 
 are generally worthless for any other pur- 
 pose. I am personally familiar with that 
 subject. These' lands are not valuable for 
 purposes of settlement. 
 
 "Mr. Farnsworth — They will be after 
 the timber is taken off. 
 
 " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — No, sir. 
 " Mr. Rogers — I want to know the cha- 
 racter of these i)ine lands. 
 
 " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — They 
 are generally sandy, barren lands. My 
 friend from the Green Bay district (Mr. 
 Sawyer) is himself perfectly familiar with 
 this question, and he will bear me out in 
 what I say, that these timber lands are not 
 ada])ted to settlement. 
 
 "Mr. Rogers — The pine lauds to which 
 
 I am accustomed are generally very good. 
 What I want to know is, what is the dilffr- 
 euce between our pine lands and your pine 
 lands? 
 
 "Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — The 
 pine timber of Wisconsin generally grows 
 upon barren, sandy land. The gentleman 
 from Maine (Mr. Peters) wdio is familiar 
 with ])ine lands, will, I have no doubt, say 
 that ])ine timber grows generally upon the 
 most barren lands." 
 
 " Mr. Peters — As a general thing pine 
 lands are not worth much for cultiva- 
 tion." 
 
 And further on I find this pregnant ques- 
 tion the joint production of the two gentle- 
 men from Wisconsin. 
 
 "Mr. Paine — Does my friend from Indi- 
 ana suppose that in any event settlers 
 will occupy and cultivate these pine 
 lands ? 
 
 " Mr, Washburn, of Wisconsin — Partic- 
 ularly without a railroad." 
 
 Yes, sir, "particularly without a rail- 
 road." It will be asked after awhile, I am 
 afraid, if settlers will go anywhere unless 
 the government builds a railroad for them 
 to go on. 
 
 1 desire to call attention to only one more 
 statement, which I think sufficient to settle 
 the question. It is one made by the gen- 
 tleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Paine), who 
 says : 
 
 " These lands will be abandoned for the 
 present. It may be that at some remote 
 period there will spring up in that region 
 a new kind of agriculture, which will cause 
 a demand for these particular lands ; and 
 they may then come into use and be valu- 
 able for agricultural purposes. But I 
 know, and I cannot help thinking that my 
 friend from Indiana understands that, for 
 the present, and for many years to come, 
 these pine lands can have no possible 
 value other than that arising irom the pine 
 timber which stands on them." 
 
 Now, sir, who, ufter listening to this em- 
 phatic and unequivocal testimony of these 
 intelligent, competent and able-bodied wit- 
 nesses, who that is not as incredulous as 
 St. Thomas himself, will doubt for a mo- 
 ment that the Goshen of America is to be 
 found in the sandy valleys and U])on the 
 pine-clad hills of the St. Croix? Who will 
 have the hardihood to rise in his seat on 
 this floor and assert that, excepting the 
 pine bushes, the entire region would not 
 produce vegetation enough in ten years to 
 fatten a grasshopper? Where is the patriot 
 who is willing that his country shall incur 
 the peril of remaining another day without 
 the amplest railroad connection with such 
 an inexhaustible mine of agricultural 
 wealth ? Who will answer for the conse- 
 quences of abandoning a great and warlike 
 people, in the possession of a country like 
 that, to brood over the iudillereuce and
 
 156 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 neglect of their government? How long 
 Avould it be before they would take to 
 studying the Declaration of Independence 
 and hatching out the damnable heresy of 
 secession ? How long before the grim de- 
 mon of civil discord would rear again his 
 horrid head in our midst, " gnash loud his 
 iron fangs and shake his crest of bristling 
 bayonets?" 
 
 Then, sir, think of the long and painful 
 process of reconstruction that must follow 
 with its concomitant amendments to the 
 constitution, the seventeenth, eighteenth 
 and nineteenth articles. The sixteenth, it 
 is of course understood, is to be appropri- 
 ated to those blushing damsels who are, 
 day after day, beseeching us to let them 
 vote, hold office, drink cocktails, ride 
 a-straddle, and do everything else the men 
 do. But above all, sir, let me implore you to 
 reflect for a single moment on the deplor- 
 able condition of our country in case of a 
 foreign war, with all our ports blockaded, 
 all our cities in a state of^siege, the gaunt 
 specter of famine brooding like a hungry 
 vulture over our starving land ; our com- 
 missary stores all exhausted, and our fam- 
 ishing armies withering away in the field, 
 a helpless prey to the insatiate demon of 
 hunger ; our navy rotting in the docks for 
 want of provisions for our gallant seamen, 
 and we without any railroad communica- 
 tion whatever with the prolific pine 
 thickets of the St. Croix. 
 
 Ah, sir, I could very well understand 
 why my amiable friends from Pennsyl- 
 vania (Mr. Myers, Mr. Kelley and Mr. 
 O'Neill) should be so earnest in their sup- 
 port of this bill the other day; and if their 
 honorable colleague, my friend, Mr. Ran- 
 dall, will pardon the remark, I will say I 
 consider his criticism of their action on 
 that occasion as not only unjust, but un- 
 generous. I knew they were looking for- 
 ward with a far-reaching ken of enlight- 
 ened statesmanshii) to the pitia1)le condi- 
 tion in which Philadelphia will be left 
 unless speedily supplied with railroad coii- 
 nection in some way or other witli this 
 garden spot of the universe. And beside, 
 sir, tills discussion has relieved my mind 
 of a mystery tliat has weighed upon it like 
 an incubus for years. I could never un- 
 derstand before why there was so much 
 excitement during the last Congress over 
 tlie acquisition of Alta Vela. I could 
 never understand why it was that some ol" 
 our ablest statesmen and most disinterested 
 patriots shrmld entertain such dark ioro- 
 bodings of the untold calamities that were 
 to befall our beloved country unless we 
 should take immediate possession of tliat 
 desirable island. But I see now that (licy 
 were laboring under the mistaken impres- 
 sion that the government would need the 
 guano to manure the public lauds on the 
 8t. Croix. 
 
 Now, sir, I repeat, I have been satisfied 
 for years that if there was any portion of 
 the inhabited globe absolutely in a suffer- 
 ing condition for want of a railroad it was 
 these teeming pine barrens of the St. 
 Croix. At what particular point on that 
 noble stream such a road should be com- 
 menced I knew was immaterial, and it 
 seems so to have been considered by the 
 draughtsman of this bill. It might be up 
 at the spring or down at the foot-log, or 
 the water-gate, or the fish- dam, or any- 
 where along the bank, no matter where. 
 But in what direction should it run, or 
 where it should terminate, were always to 
 my mind questions of the most painful 
 perplexity. I could conceive of no place 
 on " God's green earth " in such straitened 
 circumstances for railroad facilities as to be 
 likely to desire or willing to accept such a 
 connection. I knew that neither Bayfield 
 nor Superior city would have it, for they 
 both indignantly spurned the munificence 
 of the government when coupled with such 
 ignominious conditions, and let this very 
 same land grant die on their hands years 
 and years ago rather than submit to the 
 degradation of a direct communication by 
 railroad with the piny woods of the St. 
 Croix ; and I knew that what the enter- 
 prising inhabitants of those giant young 
 cities would refuse to take would have few 
 charms for others, whatever their necessi- 
 ties or cupidity might be. 
 
 Hence as I have said, sir, I was utterly 
 at a loss to determine where the terminus 
 of this great and indispensable road should 
 be, until I accidentally overheard some 
 gentleman the other day mention the 
 name of " Duluth." 
 
 Duluth! The word fell upon my ear 
 with a peculiar and indescribable charm, 
 like the gentle murmur of a low fountain 
 stealing forth in the midst of roses ; or the 
 soft, sweet accents of an angel's whisper in 
 the bright, joyous dream of sleeping in- 
 nocence. 
 
 " Duluth ! " 'Twas the name for which 
 my soul had panted for years, as the hart 
 pantcth for the water-brooks. But where 
 was Duluth f Never in all my limited 
 reading, had my vision been gladdened by 
 seeing the celestial word in print. And I 
 felt a profound humiliation in my ignorance 
 that its dulcet syllables had never before 
 ravished my delighted ear. I was certain 
 the draughtsman in this bill had never 
 heard of it or it would liave been desig- 
 nated as one of the termini of this road. I 
 asked my friends about it, but they knew 
 nothing of it. I rushed to the library, 
 and examined all the maps I could find, 
 r discovered in oneof them a delicate hair- 
 like line, diverging from the Mississippi 
 iic.'ir a ]ilace marked Prescott, which, I sup- 
 posed, was intended to represent llic river 
 St. Croix, but, could nowhere find Duluth.
 
 BOOKiii.] J. PROCTOR KNOTT'S DULUTH SPEECH. 
 
 157 
 
 Nevertheless, I was confident it existed 
 somewhere, and that its discovery would 
 constitute the crowning glory of the pres- 
 ent century, if not of all modern times. I 
 knew it was bound to exist in the very na- 
 ture of things ; that the symmetry and per- 
 fection of our planetary system would be 
 incomplete without it. That the elements 
 of maternal nature would since have re- 
 solved themselves back into original chaos 
 if there had been such a hiatus in creation 
 as would have resulted from leaving out 
 Duluth I In fact, sir, I was overwhelmed 
 with the conviction tliat Duluth not only 
 existed somewhere, but that wherever it 
 was, it was a great and glorious place. I 
 was convinced that the greatest calamity 
 that ever befell the benighted nations of 
 the ancient world was in their having 
 passed away without a knowledge of the 
 actual existence of Duluth ; that their fa- 
 bled Atlantis, never seen save by the hal- 
 lowed vision of the inspired poesy, was, in 
 fact, but another name for Duluth; that 
 the golden orchard of the Hesperides, was 
 but a poetical synonym for the beer-gar- 
 dens in the vicinity of Duluth. I was cer- 
 tain that Herodotus had died a miserable 
 death, because in all his travels and with 
 all his geograi)hical research he had never 
 heard of Duluth. I knew that if the im- 
 mortal spirit of Homer could look down 
 from another heaven than that created by 
 his own celestial genius upon the long 
 lines of pilgrims from every nation of the 
 earth to the gushing fountain of poesy 
 opened by the touch of his magic wand, if 
 he could be permitted to behold the vast 
 assemblage ot grand and glorious produc- 
 tions of the lyric art called into being by 
 his own inspired strains, he would weep 
 tears of bitter anguish that, instead of lav- 
 ishing all the stores of his mighty genius 
 upon the foil of Illion, it had not been his 
 more blessed lot to crystalize in deathless 
 song the rising glories of Duluth. Yes, 
 sir, had it not been for this map, kindly 
 furnished me by the legislature of Minne- 
 sota, I might have gone down to my ob- 
 scure and humble grave in an agony of 
 despair, because I could nowhere find 
 Duluth. Had such been my melancholy 
 fote, I have no doubt that with the last 
 feeble pulsation of my breaking heart, with 
 the last faint exhalation of my fleeting 
 breath, I should have whispered, " Where 
 is Duluth f '' 
 
 But, thanks to the beneficence of that 
 band of ministering angels who have their 
 bright abodes in the far-oif capital of Min- 
 nesota, just as the agony of my anxiety 
 was about to culminate in the frenzy of de- 
 spair, this blessed map was placed in my 
 hands ; and as I unfolded it a resplendent 
 scene of ineffable glory opened before me, 
 such as I imagined burst upon the enrap- 
 txxied vision of the wandering peri through 
 
 the opening ^ates of Paradise. Tliere, 
 there, for the first time, my enchanted eye 
 rested upon the ravishing word, " Duluth I " 
 This map, sir, is intended, as it appears 
 from its title, to illustrate the position of 
 Duluth in the United States ; but if gen- 
 tlemen will examine it, I think they will 
 concur with me in the opinion, that it is far 
 too modest in its pretensions. It not only 
 illustrates the position of Duluth in the 
 United States, but exhibits its relations 
 with all created things. It even goes fur- 
 ther than this. It hits the shadowy vale 
 of futurity, and affords us a view of the 
 golden prospects of Duluth far along the 
 dim vista of ages yet to come. 
 
 If gentlemen will examine it, they will 
 find Duluth not only in the center of the 
 map, but represented in the center of a 
 series of concentric circles one hundred 
 miles apart, and some of them as much as 
 four thousand miles in diameter, embracing 
 alike, in their tremendous sweep the frag- 
 rant savannas of the sunlit South and the 
 eternal solitudes of snow that mantle the 
 ice-bound North. How these circles were 
 produced is perhaps one of those primordial 
 mysteries that the most skilled paleologist 
 will never be able to explain. But the fact is, 
 sir, Duluth is pre-eminently a central point, 
 for I am told by gentlemen who have been 
 so reckless of their owij personal safety as 
 to venture away into those awful regions 
 where Duluth is supposed to be, that it is 
 so exactly in the center of the visible uni- 
 verse that the sky comes down at precisely 
 the same distance all around it. 
 
 I find, by reference to this map, that 
 Duluth is situated somewhere near the 
 western end of Lake Superior, but as there 
 is no dot or other mark indicating its exact 
 location, I am unable to say whether it is 
 actually confined to any particular spot, or 
 Avhether "it is just lying around there 
 loose." I really cannot tell whether it is 
 one of those ethereal creations of intellec- 
 tual frostwork, more intangible than the 
 rose-tinted clouds of a summer sunset ; one 
 of those airy exhalations of the specula- 
 tor's brain which, I am told, are very flit- 
 ting in the form of towns and cities along 
 those lines of railroad, built with govern- 
 ment subsidies, luring the unwary settler as 
 the mirage of the desert lures the famish- 
 ing traveler on, and ever on, until it fades 
 away in the darkening horizon ; or whether 
 it is a real, bona Jide, substantial city, all 
 " staked off," with the lots marked with 
 their owners' names, like that proud com- 
 mercial metropolis recently discovered 
 on the desirable shores of San Domingo. 
 But, however that may be, I am satisfied 
 Duluth is there, or thereabouts, for I see 
 it stated here on the map that it is ex- 
 actly thirtj'-nine hundred and ninety miles 
 from Liverpool, though I have no doubt, 
 for the sake of convenience, it will be
 
 158 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book hi. 
 
 moved back ten miles, so as to make the 
 distance an ev^en four thousand. 
 
 Then, sir, there is the climate of Diiluth, 
 unquestionably the most salubrious and 
 delightful to be found anywhere on 
 the Lord's earth. Now, I have always 
 been under the impression, as I pre- 
 sume other gentlemen have, that in the 
 region around Lake Superior it was cold 
 enough for at least nine months in the 
 year to freeze the smoke-stack off a loco- 
 motive. But I see it represented on this map 
 that Duluth is situated exactly half way be- 
 tween the latitudes of Paris and Venice, 
 so that gentlemen who have inhaled the 
 exhilarating air of the one, or basked in 
 the golden sunlight of the other, may see 
 at a glance that Duluth must be the place of 
 untold delight, a terrestrial paradise,fanned 
 by the balmy zephyrs of an eternal spring, 
 clothed in the gorgeous sheen of ever bloom- 
 ing flowers, and vocal with the silvery melo- 
 dy of nature's choicest songsters. In fact 
 sir, since I have seen this map, I have no 
 doubt that Byron was vainly endeavoring 
 to convey some faint conception of the de- 
 liciofus charms of Duluth when his poetic 
 soul gushed forth, in the rippling strains 
 of that beautiful rhapsody — 
 
 " Know yo the land of the cedar and the vine, 
 AVhence the flowers over blossom, the beams ever ehino ; 
 Where the light winga of Zephyr, oppressed with pur- 
 fume. 
 Wax faint o'er the gardens of Gul in her bloom ; 
 Where the citron and olive are fairest of fruit. 
 And the voice of the nightingale never is mute ; 
 Where the tints of the earth and the hues of the sky, 
 In color though varied, ia beauty may vie ? " 
 
 As to the commercial resources of 
 Duluth, sir, they are simply illimitable 
 and inexhaustible, as is shown by this 
 map. I see it stated here that there is a 
 vast scope of territory, embracing an area 
 of over two millions of square miles, rich 
 in every element of material wealth and 
 commercial prosperity, all tributary to 
 Duluth. Look at it, sir, (pointing to 
 the map.) Here are inexhaustible mines 
 of gold, immeasurable veins of silver, im- 
 penetrable depths of boundless forest, vast 
 coal measures, wide extended plains of 
 richest pasturage — all, all embraced in 
 this vast territory — which must, in the 
 very nature of tilings, empty the untold 
 treasures of its commerce into the lap of 
 Duluth. Look at it, sir, (pointing to the 
 map) ; do not you see from these broad, 
 brown lines drawn around this immense ter- 
 ritory, that the enterprising inhabitants of 
 Duluth intend some day to inclose it all 
 in one vast corrall, so that its commerce 
 ■Vfill be bound to go there whether it would 
 or not? And liero, sir, (still pointing to 
 the map), T find within a convenient dis- 
 tance the Picgan Indians, which, of all 
 the many accessories to the glory of 
 Duluth, I consifler by far the most in 
 
 estimable. For, sir, I have been told that 
 when the small-pox breaks out among the 
 women and children of the famous tribe, 
 as it sometimes does, they afford the finest 
 subjects in the world for the strategical ex- 
 periments of any enterprising military hero 
 who desires to improve himself in the no- 
 ble art of war, especially for any valiant 
 lieutenant-general whose 
 
 "Trenchant blade, Toledo trnsty. 
 For w ant of fighting has grown rusty, 
 And eats into itself for lack, 
 Of somebody to hew and hack " 
 
 Sir, the great conflict now raging in the 
 Old World has presented a phenomenon in 
 military science unprecedented in the an- 
 nals of mankind, a phenomenon that has 
 reversed all the traditions of the past as it 
 has disappointed all the expectations of 
 the present. A great and warlike people, 
 renowned alike for their skill and valor, 
 have been swept away before the triumph- 
 ant advance of an inferior foe, like autumn 
 stubble before a hurricane of fire. For 
 aught I know the next flash of electric fire 
 that simmers along the ocean cable may 
 tell us that Paris, with every fibre quiver- 
 ing with the agony of impotent despair, 
 writhes beneath the conquering heel of 
 her loathed invader. Ere another moon 
 shall wax and wane, the brightest star in 
 the galaxy of nations may fall from the 
 zenith of her glory never to rise again. 
 Ere the modest violets of early spring shall 
 ope their beauteous eyes, the genius of civ- 
 ilizntion may chaunt the wailing requiem 
 of the proudest nationality the world has 
 ever seen, as she scatters her withered and 
 tear-moistened lilies o'er the bloody tomb 
 of butchered France. But, sir, I wish to 
 ask if you honestly and candidly believe 
 that the Dutch would have overrun the 
 French in that kind of style if General 
 Sheridan had not gone over there, and told 
 King William and Von Moltke how he 
 had managed to whip the Piegan Indians. 
 
 And here, sir, recurring to this map, I 
 find in the immediate vicinity of the 
 Piegans " vast herds of buffalo '' and "im- 
 mense fields of rich wheat lands." 
 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
 [Many cries : " Go on !" " go on !"] 
 
 The Speaker — Is there any objection to 
 the gentleman from Kentucky continuing 
 his remarks? The chair hears none. The 
 gentleman will proceed. 
 
 Mr. Knott — I was remarking, sir, upon 
 these vast " wheat fields " represented on 
 this map in the immediate neighborhood 
 of the buffaloes and Picg.ans, and was about 
 to say that the idea of there being these 
 immense wheat fields in the very heart of 
 a wilderness, hundreds and hundreds of 
 miles beyond the utmost verge of civiliza- 
 tion, may appear to some gentlemen as 
 rather incongruous, as rather too great a
 
 BOOKiii.J HENRY CAREY ON THE RATES OP INTEREST. 
 
 159 
 
 strain on the " blankets " of veracity. But 
 to my mind there is no difliculty in the mat- 
 ter whatever. The phenomenon is very 
 easily accounted for. It is evident, sir, 
 that the Piej^ans sowed that wheat there 
 and ])louf;hed it in with butt'alo bulls. Now, 
 sir, this fortunate coml)ination of bufl'aloes 
 and Piegans, considering their relatiA'e po- 
 sitions to each other and to Diilufh, as they 
 are arranged on this map, satislies me that 
 Ihduth is destined to be the best market of 
 the world. Here, you will observe, (point- 
 ing to the map), arc the buflaloe.s, directly 
 between the Piegans and Ihduth ; and 
 here, right on the road to Duhith, are the 
 Creeks. Now, sir, when the buflidoes are 
 sufficiently fat from grazing on tliose im- 
 mense wheat fields, you see it will be the 
 easiest thing in the world for the Piegans 
 to drive them on down, stay all night with 
 their friends, the Creeks, and go into Du- 
 lutk in the morning. I think I see them, 
 now, sir, a vast herd of buffaloes, with their 
 heads down, their eyes glaring, their nos- 
 trils dilated, their tongues out, and their 
 tails curled over their backs, tearing along 
 toward Duluth, with about a thousand Pie- 
 gans on their grass-bellied ponies, yelling 
 at their heels I On they come ! And as 
 they sweep past the Creeks, they join in 
 the chase, and away they all go, yelling, 
 bellowing, ripping and tearing along, amid 
 clouds of dust, until the last buffalo is 
 safely penned in the stock-yards at Duluth. 
 Sir, I might stand here for hours and 
 hours, and expatiate with rapture upon 
 the gorgeous prospects of Duluth, as de- 
 picted upon this map. But human life is 
 too short, and the time of this house far 
 too valuable to allow me to linger longer 
 upon this delightful theme. I think every 
 gentleman upon this floor is as well satisfied 
 as I am that Duluth is destined to become 
 the commercial metropolis of the universe 
 and that this road should be built at once. 
 I am fully persuaded that no patriotic rep- 
 resentative of the American people, who 
 has a proper appreciation of the associated 
 glories of Duluth and the St. Croix, will 
 hesitate a moment that every able-bodied 
 female in the land, between the ages of 
 eighteen and forty-five, who is in favor of 
 " woman's rights," should be drafted and 
 set to work upon this great work without 
 delay. Nevertheless, sir, it grieves my very 
 soul to be compelled to say that I cannot vote 
 for the grant of lands provided for in this bill. 
 Ah, sir, you can have no conception of 
 the poignancy of my anguish that I am de- 
 prived of that blessed privilege ! There are 
 two insuperable obstacles in the way. In 
 the first place my constituents, for whom I 
 am acting here, have no more interest in 
 this road than they have in the great ques- 
 tion of culinary taste now, perhaps, agitat- 
 ing the public mind of Dominica, as to 
 whether the illustrious commissioners, who 
 
 recently left this capital for that free and 
 enlightened republic, would be lictter fri- 
 casseed, boiled, or roasted, and, in the sec- 
 ond place, these lands, which I am asked 
 to give away, alas, are not mine to bestow! 
 My relation to them is 8im])ly that of trustee 
 to an express trust. And shall I ever be- 
 tray that trust? Never, sir! Rather perish 
 Duluth/ Perish the paragon of cities! 
 Rather let the freezing cyclones of the 
 bleak northwest bury it forever beneath 
 the eddying sands of the raging St. Croix. 
 
 Henry Carey's Speech on the Rates of 
 Interest. 
 
 In the Pennsylvania Coiuiitulional Convention, 1873. 
 
 . In the Constitutional Convention, in 
 Committee of the Whole on the article re- 
 ported from the Committee on Agriculture, 
 Mining, Manufactures, and Commerce, the 
 first section being as follows : — " In the 
 absence of special contracts the legal rate 
 of interest and discount shall be seven per 
 centum per annum, but special contracts 
 for* higher or lower rates shall be lawful. 
 All national and other banks of issue shall 
 be restricted to the rate of seven i)er cen- 
 tum per annum." Mr. H. C. Carey made 
 an address in favor of striking out the sec- 
 tion. The following is an abstract of his 
 remarks : — 
 
 Precisely a century and a half since, in 
 1723, the General Assembly of Pennsylva- 
 nia reduced the legal charge for the use of 
 money from eight to six per cent, per annum. 
 This was a great step in the direction of civil- 
 ization, proving, as it did, that the labor of 
 the present was obtaining increased power 
 over accumulations of the past, the laborer 
 approaching toward equality with the 
 capitalist. At that point it has since re- 
 mained, with, however, some change in the 
 penalties which had been then prescribed 
 for violations of the law. 
 
 Throughout the recent war the financial 
 policy of -the National Government so 
 greatly favored the money-borrower and 
 the laborer as to have afforded reason for 
 believing that the actual rate of interest 
 was about to fall permanently below the 
 legal one, with the effect of speedily caus- 
 ing usury laws to fall into entire disuse. 
 Since its close, however, under a mistaken 
 idea that such was the real road to resump- 
 tion, all the Treasury operation of favoring 
 the money-lender ; the result exhibiting it- 
 self in the facts that combinations are being 
 everywhere formed for raising the price of 
 money ; that the long loans of the past are 
 being daily more and more superseded by 
 the call loans of the present; that manu- 
 facturer and merchant arc more and more 
 fleeced by Shylocks who would gladly tjike 
 "the pound of flesh nearest the heart"
 
 160 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book in. 
 
 from all over whom they are enabled to 
 obtain control. 
 
 Anxious for the perpetuation of this un- 
 hajipy state of things, these latter now in- 
 vite their victims to give their aid towards 
 leveling the barriers by which they them- 
 selves are even yet to a considerable ex- 
 tent protected, assuring them that ftirther 
 grant of power will be followed by greater 
 moderation in its exercise. Misled there- 
 by, money borrowers, traders, and manu- 
 facturers "are seen uniting, year after year 
 with their common enemy in the effort at 
 obtaining a repeal of the laws in regard to 
 money, under which the State has so 
 greatly prospered. Happily our working 
 men, farmers, mechanics, and laborers fail 
 to see that advantage is likely to accrue to 
 them from a change whose obvious ten- 
 dency is that of increasing the power of 
 the few who have money to lend over the 
 many who need to borrow ; and hence it 
 is that their Representatives at Harrisburg 
 have so steadily closed their ears against 
 the siren song by which it is sought to 
 lead their constituents to give their aid to 
 the work of their own destruction. 
 
 Under these circumstances is it that Ave 
 are now asked to give place in the organic 
 law to a provision by means of which this 
 deplorable system is to be made permanent, 
 the Legislature being thereby prohibited, 
 be the necessity what it may, from placing 
 any restraint upon the few who now con- 
 trol the supply of the most important of 
 all the macliineiy of commerce, as against 
 the many whose existence, and that of 
 their wives and children, is dependent 
 upon the nlitaining the use thereof on such 
 terms as shall not from year to year cause 
 them to become more and more mere tools 
 in the hands of the already rich. This 
 being the first time in the world's history 
 that any such idea has been suggested, it 
 may be Avell, before determining on its 
 adoption, to study what has been elsewhere 
 done in this direction, and what has been 
 the result. 
 
 Mr. Carey then proceeded to quote at 
 great length from recent and able writers 
 the rcstilts that Iiad followed in England 
 from the adoption of the proposition now 
 before the convention. These may be 
 summed up as the charging of enormous 
 rates of interest, the London joint-stock 
 banks making dividends among their stock- 
 holders to the extent of twenty, tliirty, and 
 almost forty per cent., the whole of which 
 has ultimately to be taken frojn the wages 
 of la1)or employed in manufactures, or in 
 agriculture. At no time, said Mr. Carey, 
 in Britain's history, have pauperism and 
 usury traveled so closely hand in luind to- 
 gether ; the ricli growing rich to an extent 
 that, till now, would liave b(>en regarded 
 as fal)ulous, ami tlic wretchedness of the 
 poor having grown in like proportion. 
 
 After discussing the effects of the repeal 
 of the usury laws in some of the American 
 States, Mr. Carey continued : — 
 
 " We may be told, however, that at times 
 money is abundant, and that even so late 
 as last summer it was difhcult to obtain 
 legal interest. Such certainly was the 
 case with those who desired to put it out 
 on call ; but at that very moment those 
 who needed to obtain the use of money for 
 long periods were being taxed, even on se- 
 curities of unexceptionable character, at 
 double, or more than double, the legal 
 rates. The whole tendency of the existing 
 system is in the direction of annihilating 
 the disposition for making those perma- 
 nent loans of money by means of which 
 the people of other countries are enabled 
 to carry into effect operations tending to 
 secure to themselves control of the world's 
 commerce. Under that system there is, 
 and there can be, none of that stabilitj' in 
 the price of money required for carrying i 
 out such operations. 
 
 Leaving out of view the recent great 
 combination for the maintenance and per- 
 petuation of slavery, there has been none 
 so powerful, none so dangerous as that 
 which now exists among those who, hav- 
 ing obtained a complete control of the 
 money power, are laboring to obtain legal 
 recognition of the right of capital to per- 
 fect freedom as regards all the measures to 
 which it may be pleased to resort for the 
 purpose of obtaining more perfect control 
 over labor. Already several of the States 
 have to some extent yielded to the pressure 
 that has been brought to bear upon them. 
 Chief among these is Massachusetts, the 
 usury laws having there been totally re- 
 pealed, and with the effect, says a distin- 
 guished citizen of that State, that "all the 
 savings institutions of the city at once 
 raised the rate from six to seven per cent.; 
 those out of the city to seven and a half 
 and eight per cent, and there was no rate 
 too high for the greedy. The conse- 
 quence," as he continues, "has been disas- 
 trous to industrial pursuits. Of farming 
 towns in my county, more than one quar- 
 ter have diminished in population." Rates 
 per day have now to a great extent, as I 
 am assured, superseded the old rates per 
 month or year ; two cents per day, or $7.30 
 per annum, having become the charge for 
 securities of the highest order. What, un- 
 der such circumstances, must be the rate 
 for paper of those who, sound and solvent 
 •as they may be, cannot furnish such secu- 
 rity, may readily be imagined. Let the 
 monopoly system be maintained and the 
 rate, even at its headquarters. New Eng- 
 land, will attain a far liigher point than 
 any that has yet been reached; this, too 
 in despite of the fact that her people had 
 so promptly secured to tliemselves a third 
 of the whole circulation allowed to the
 
 * 
 
 BOOK HI.] HENRY CAREY ON THE RATES OF INTEREST. 161 
 
 40,000,000 of the population of tlie Union 
 scattered throughout almost a continent. 
 How greatly they value the power that has 
 been thus obtained is proved by the fact 
 that to every effort at inducing tliein to 
 surrender, for advantage of the West or 
 South, any portion thereof, has met with 
 resistance so determined that nothing has 
 been yet accomplished. 
 
 Abandonment of our present policy is 
 strongly urged upon us for the reason that 
 mortgages bear in New York a higher rate 
 of interest. A Pennsylvanian in any of 
 the northern counties has, as we are told, 
 but to cross the line to obtain the best se- 
 curity at seven per cent. Why, however, 
 is it that his neighbors find themselves 
 comj)elled to go abroad when desirous of 
 obtaining money on such security? The 
 answer to this question is found in the fact 
 that the taxation of mortgages is there so 
 great as to absorb from half to two-thirds 
 of the interest promised to be paid. 
 
 Again, we are told that Ohio legalizes 
 "special contracts" up to eight percent. 
 and, that if we would prevent the efflux of 
 capital we must follow in the same direc- 
 tion. Is there, however, in the exhibit 
 now made by that State, anything to war- 
 rant us in so doing? Like Pentisylvania, 
 she has abundant coal and ore. Shje has 
 two large cities, the one fronting on the 
 Ohio, and the other on the lakes, giving 
 her more natural facilities for maintaining 
 commerce than are possessed by Pennsyl- 
 vania; and yet, while the addition to her 
 population in the last decade was but 306,- 
 000, that of Pennsylvania was 015,000. In 
 that time she added 900 to her railroad 
 mileage, Pennsylvania meantime adding 
 2,500. While her cajntal engaged in man- 
 ufactures rose from 57 to 141 millions, that 
 of Pennsylvania grew from 109 to 406, the 
 mere increase of the one being more than 
 fifty per cent, in excess of the total of the 
 other. May we find in these figures any 
 evidence that capital has been attracted to 
 Ohio by a higher rate of interest, or re- 
 pelled from our State by a lower one ? As- 
 suredly not! 
 
 Wh.it in this direction is proposed to be 
 done among f)urselvcs is shown in the sec- 
 tion n )w presented for our consideration. 
 Bv it the legal rate in the absence of "spe- 
 cial contracts " is to be raised to seven per 
 cent., such " contracts," however ruinous 
 in their character, and whatsoever the na- 
 ture of the security, are to be legalized ; 
 the only exception to these sweeping 
 changes being that national banks, issuing 
 circulating notes are to be limited to seven 
 per cent. Shylock asked only " the due 
 and forfeit of his bond." Let "this section 
 be adopted, let him then present himself 
 in any of our courts, can its judge do other 
 than decide that "the law allows it and 
 the court awards it," monstrous as may 
 35 
 
 have been the usury, and discreditable aa 
 may have been the arts by means of which 
 the unfortunate debtor may have been en- 
 trai)i)ed ? Assuredly not. Shylock, hap- 
 pily, was outwitted, the bond having made 
 no provision for taking even " one jot of 
 blood." Here, the unfortunate debtor, 
 forced by his fiinty-hearted creditor into ;i 
 "special contract" utterly ruinous, may, 
 in view of the destruction of all hope for 
 the future of his wife and children, she<l 
 almost tears of blood, but they will be oi 
 no avail ; yet do we claim to live under a 
 system whose foundation-stone exhibits it- 
 self in the great precept from which we 
 learn that duty requires of us to do to others 
 as we would that others should do unto 
 ourselves. 
 
 13y the English law the little landowner, 
 the mechanic who owns the house in which 
 he lives, is protected against his wealthy 
 mortgagee. Here, on the contrary, the 
 farmer, suffering under the effects of blight 
 or drought, and thus deprived of ])ower to 
 meet with punctuality the demands of his 
 mortgagee, is to have no protection what- 
 soever. So, too, with the poor mechanic 
 suffering temporarily by reason of acciden- 
 tal incapacity for work, and, with the 
 sheriff full in view before him, compelled 
 to enter into a "special contract " doubling 
 if not trebling, the previous rate of interest. 
 Infamous as may be its extortion the court 
 may not deny the aid required for its en- 
 forcement. 
 
 The amount now loaned on mortgage se- 
 curity in this State at six ]ier cent, is cer- 
 tainlv not less than $400,000,000, and prob- 
 ably 'extends to $500,000,000, a large por- 
 tion of which is liable to be called for at 
 any moment. Let this section be adopted 
 and we shall almost at once witness a com- 
 bined movement among mortgagees for 
 raising the rate of interest. Notices de- 
 manding payment will fly thick as hail 
 throughcmt the State, every holder of such 
 security knowing well that the greater the 
 alarm that can be produced and the more 
 utter the impossibility of obtaining other 
 moneys the larger may be made the future 
 rate of interest. The unfortunate mort- 
 gagor must then accept the terms, hard as 
 they may be, dictated to him, be they 8, 
 10, 12, or 20 per cent. Such, as I am as- 
 sured has been the course of tilings in Con- 
 necticut, where distress the most severe 
 has been produced by a recent abandon- 
 ment by the State of the policy under 
 which it has in the past so greatly pros- 
 pered. At this moment her savings' banks 
 are engaged in compelling mortgagers to 
 accept eight per cent, as the present rate. 
 How long it will be before they will carry 
 it up to ten or twelve, or what will be the 
 ! effect, remains to be seen. Already among 
 I ourselves the effects of the sad blunders <if 
 1 our great financiers exhibit themselves in
 
 162 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 the very unpleasant fact that sheriffs' sales 
 are six times more numerous than they 
 were in the period from 1861 to 1867, 
 ■when the country was so severely suffering 
 under the waste of property, labor, and 
 life, which had but then oecurred. Let 
 this section be adopted, giving perfect free- 
 dom to the Shylocks of the day, and the 
 next half dozen years will witness the 
 transfer, under the sheriff's hammer, of 
 the larger poi'tion of the real property of 
 both the city and the State. Of all the de- 
 vices yet invented for the subjugation of 
 labor by capital, there is none that can 
 claim to be entitled to take precedence of 
 that wliich nas been now proposed for our 
 consideration. 
 
 Eightly styled the Keystone of the 
 Union, one duty yet remains to her to be 
 performed, to wit : that of bringing about 
 equality in the distribution of power over 
 that machinery for whose use men pay in- 
 terest, wliich is known as money. New 
 England, being rich and having her peo- 
 ple concentrated within ver}' narrow limits, 
 has been allowed to absorb a portion of 
 that power fully equal to her needs, while 
 this State, richer still, has been so " cabined, 
 cribbed, confined," tliat her mine and fur- 
 nace operators find it difficult to obtain 
 that circulating medium by vtdiose aid 
 alone can they distribute among their 
 workmen their shares of the things pro- 
 duced. — Xew York, already rich, has been 
 allowed to absorb a fourth of the permitted 
 circulation, to tlie almost entire exclusion 
 of the States south of Pennsylvania and 
 Vv'cst of the Mississippi ; and hence it is 
 that her people are enabled to levy upon 
 those of all these latter such enormous 
 taxes. To the work of correcting this 
 enormous evil Petinsylvania should now 
 address licrself. Instead of following in 
 the wake of New .Jersey and Connecticut, 
 thereby giving to the monopoly an increase 
 of strength, let lier place herself side by 
 side wish the suffering States of the West, 
 the Soutli, and tlie Southwest, demanding 
 that what has been made free to New 
 York and New England shall be made 
 equally free to her and tlicm. Let her do 
 tills, and the remedy will be secured, with 
 such increase in the general j)Ower for dc- 
 velof)ing tlie wonderful resources of tlie 
 Union as will speedily make cif it an iron 
 and clotli exporting State, with such power 
 for retaining and controlling the precious 
 metals as will place it on a surer footing in 
 that respect than any of the powers of the 
 Eastern world. The more rapid the socie- 
 tary circulation, and the greater the facili- 
 ty of making exchanges from liand to 
 hand, and from j)lace to place, the greater 
 is the ten(ien(;y toward reduction in the 
 rate of interest, toward equality in tlie con- 
 dition of laborer and enqiloyer, and toward 
 gn^)wtli an<I j)ower to command the services 
 
 of all the metals, gold and silver in- 
 cluded. 
 
 It will be said, however, that adoption 
 of such measures as have been indicated 
 would tend to produce a general rise of 
 prices ; or, in the words of our self-styled 
 economists, would cause " inflation." The 
 vulgar error here involved was examined 
 some thirty years since by an eminent 
 British economist, and with a thorough- 
 ness never before exhibited in reference to 
 any other economic question whatsoever, 
 the result exhibiting itself in the follow- 
 ing brief words of a highly distinguished 
 American one, published some twelve or 
 fifteen years since, to wit: 
 
 " Among the innumerable influences 
 which go to determine the general rate of 
 prices, the quantity of money, or currency, 
 is one of the least effective." 
 
 Since then we have had a great war, in 
 the course of which there have been 
 numerous and extensive changes in the 
 price of commodities, every one of which 
 is clearly traceable to causes widely differ- 
 ent from those to which they so generally 
 are attributed. Be that, however, as it 
 may, the question now before us is one of 
 right an^ justice, and not of mere expedi- 
 ency. North and east of Pennsylvania 
 eight millions of people have been allowed 
 a greater share of the most im.portant of 
 all powers, the money one, than has been 
 allotted to the thirty-two millions south 
 and west of New York, and have thus been 
 granted a power of taxation that should be 
 no longer tolerated. The basis of our 
 whole system is to be ibund in equality 
 before the law, each and even/ man, each 
 and every State, being entitled to exercise 
 the same powers that are permitted to our 
 people, or other States. If the Union is 
 to be maintained, it can be so on no terms 
 other than those of recognition of the ex- 
 istence of the equality that has here been 
 indicated. To the work of compelling 
 that recognition Pennsylvania should give 
 herself, inscribing on her shield the brief 
 words Jiat justifia, riiat coclum — let justice 
 be done though the heavens fall! 
 
 SpeccU of Gen. Simon Cameron. 
 
 On the honcfits derived by renn-tyhmnia from the Pulicy of 
 Internal Imj^rovemcnts. 
 
 Any one will see, who will take the 
 trouble to read the debates on the location 
 of the National Capital, that the decision 
 of that question seems to have been made 
 solely with reference to a connection of the 
 F/ist with the then great wilderness of the 
 ^^'est. AH the sagacious men then in pub- 
 lie life looked to the time Avlien the West, 
 with its wonderful ])roductive soil brought 
 under subjection by industry, would exer- 
 cise a controlling influence on the destiny
 
 BOOKiii.] CAMERON ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. 
 
 163 
 
 of the country. Columbia, in the State of 
 Pennsylvania, was at one time within one 
 vote of becoming tlie site of the Capital; 
 and Germantown, near, and now a i)art of, 
 Philadelphia, was actually decided on as 
 the })roper location by a majority of one. 
 The first of these was favored because it 
 was believed to be a favorable point from 
 which to begin a slack water route to the 
 west, (terniantown near the Schuylkill, 
 was chosen for the same reason. All looked 
 forward to a system of canals which would 
 accomplish this desirable object, and ex- 
 perience has fully demonstrated their wis- 
 dom in that great design. About 1790, 
 General Washington and the great finan- 
 cier Robert Morris, traveled on horseback 
 from Philadelphia to the Susquehanna 
 river, with a view of deciding whether a 
 canal could be built over that route. 
 
 Shortly after this, some gentlemen near 
 Philadelphia actually began building a 
 canal to the west, did some work on its 
 eastern end, built one or two locks on the 
 dividing ridge near Lebanon, and for want 
 of sufficient funds and knowledge of the 
 subject the work was stopped. The money 
 expended on the enterprise was lost. 
 
 But the progressive men of the country, 
 keeping their minds on the subject, con- 
 tinued to agitate the popular mind on it 
 until 1820, wdien the Legislature of Penn- 
 sylvania chartered the Union Canal Com- 
 pany, and appropriated one million dollars 
 to aid its construction. In a few years the 
 canal was completed between the Schuyl- 
 kill and Susquehanna. Although very 
 small, this improvement did a great deal 
 of good. And the most remarkable thing 
 about it was its unpopularity with the 
 masses. Not only the members of General 
 Assembly who passed the bill, but Gov- 
 ernor Heister, who sio;ned the act of in- 
 corporation, were driven from office at the 
 first opportunity legally presented for test- 
 ing public opinion, and the partj'to which 
 they belonged went into a minority. I 
 remember well what a mighty sum a mil- 
 lion dollars seemed to be ; and the politi- 
 cal revolution caused by this appropriation 
 showed me that the idea of its vastness 
 was not confined by any means to myself. 
 
 Our system of cananals was completed, 
 and the benefits derived from them were 
 incalculable. Whenthey were commenced 
 our State was poor. Industry languished. 
 The interchange of her products was dif- 
 ficult. Population was sparse. Intelli- 
 gence was not generally diffiised. Manu- 
 factures struggled weakly along. Work 
 was not plentiful. Wages "were low. When 
 they were finished the busy hum of indus- 
 try was heard on every hand. Ourpopu-. 
 lation had grown until we numbered mil- 
 lions. Our iron ore beds were yielding 
 their precious hoards for human use. Coal 
 mines, unknown or useless until means 
 
 were provided for transporting their wealth 
 to market, now sent millions of tons in 
 every direction. Progress in every walk of 
 advanced civilization was realized, and we 
 were on the high road to permanent pros- 
 perity. But in the meantime a new and 
 better means of communication had been 
 discovered, and the building of railroads 
 quickly reduced the value of canals, and 
 the works we had completed at so much 
 cost, and with such infinite labor, were 
 suddenly superseded. We lost nearly all 
 the money they had cost us, but this in- 
 vestment was wisely made. The return to 
 our State was many times greater than the 
 outlay. 
 
 Like all great projects intended for the 
 public good, that of Internal Improvement 
 progressed. In 1823, the New York canal 
 — which had been j)ushed through against 
 the jjrejudiced opposition of the people, 
 by the genius of De Witt Clinton — was 
 opened. Its success caused a revolution 
 in the public mind all over the country. 
 The effect was so marked in the State, 
 that in 1825 a convention was called to 
 consider the subject. Every county in the 
 State was represented, I believe. That 
 body pronounced in favor of a grand tys- 
 tem of public works, which should not 
 only connect the East and West, but also 
 the waters of the Susquehanna with the 
 great lakes, the West and the North-west. 
 Appropriations were recommended to the 
 amount of three millions of dollars, and in 
 1826, I think the [work began. This sum 
 seemed to be enormous, and the estimates 
 of the engineers reached a total of six mil- 
 lions of dollars. Meeting an ardent friend 
 of the system one day, he declared that a 
 sum of that magnitude could never be ex- 
 pended on these works. I ventured to re- 
 ply, with great deference to his age and 
 experience, that I thought it would be in- 
 sufficient, and before they were completed 
 I would not be surprised if ten millions 
 would be found necessary. Looking at me 
 steadily for a few moments, he closed the 
 conversation by exclaiming, " Young man, 
 
 you are a d d fool ! " I was thus left 
 
 in full possession of his opinion of me. 
 But after we had spent $41,698,594.74 in 
 the construction of these works, I found 
 my estimate of his judgment was singular- 
 ly in harmony with my opinion of his 
 politeness. His candor I never doubted. 
 
 In the convention of 1825, there were two 
 gentlemen who voted for railways instead 
 of canals. One was professor Vcthake of 
 Dickinson College, Carlisle ; and the other 
 was Jacob Alter, a man of very little edu- 
 cation, but of strong understanding. The 
 professor was looked upon as a dreamer, 
 and was supposed to have led his colle<igue 
 astray in his vagaries. But they both liv^'d 
 to see railroads extended over the whole 
 world. As a 'part of our system of public
 
 164 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 works, we built a railroad from the Dela- 
 ware to the Susquehanna, from Philadel- 
 Y'hia to Columbia, and one from the east- 
 ern base of the Allegheny mountains to 
 their western base. They were originally 
 intended to be used with horse power. In 
 the meantime the railroad system had been 
 commenced, and the Pennsylvania Rail- 
 road, under the charge of a man of extra- 
 ordinary ability, John Edgar Thomj^son, 
 was rapidly pushed to completion. An- 
 other great railway, the Philadelphia and 
 Reading, was built to carry anthracite coal 
 from the Schuylkill mines to the market. 
 A railroad was built each side of the Le- 
 high river, that another part of our coal 
 territory might find a market in New York. 
 Another was built from the north branch 
 of the Susquehanna, connecting with the 
 New York roads, and leading to the 
 northern coal field. And yet another was 
 built along the Susquehanna, through the 
 southern coal basin, to the city of Balti- 
 more. The total cost of these roads, inde- 
 pendent of the Pennsylvania railroad, was 
 895,250,410.10, as shown by official reports. 
 Their earnings last vear are officiallv given 
 at §24,753,065.32. Each of these was forced 
 to contend with difficulty and prejudice. 
 All were unpopular, and all were looked 
 upon with suspicion until they actually 
 forced their usefulness on the public mind. 
 Those who made the fight for canals were 
 forced to go over the whole ground again 
 for railroads, and their double victory is 
 greater than the success generally vouch- 
 safed to the pioneers in any cause. These 
 roads, with the Pennsylvania railroad and 
 the lesser lines of improvements running 
 through the coal region cost over §207,000,- 
 000. 
 
 The Reading Railroad will serve to illus- 
 trate the struggle of these great schemes. 
 Its stock, now worth over par, once sold 
 for twenty cents on the dollar ; and at one 
 time it was forced to sell its bonds at forty 
 cents on the dollar to pay operating expen- 
 ses. The vindication of the sagacity of the 
 pioneers in these great enterprises is com- 
 plete. All these lines are now profitable, 
 and it has been demonstrated everywhere 
 in the United States, that every new rail- 
 road creates the business from which its 
 stockholders receive their dividends. It 
 .'^ecms, therefore, scarcely possible to fix a 
 limit to our profitable railroad expansion. 
 They open new fields of enterprise, and this 
 enterprise in turn, makes the trafiic which 
 fills the coffers of the companies. 
 
 I cannot now look back to the struggle 
 to imnres.H the pcoi)lc with the advantages 
 of railways, witliout a feeling of wearineps 
 at the seeming ho|)eless struggle, and one 
 of merriment at tin; geucral unbelief in our 
 ncw-fanglofl ])roject. Once at Eli7,al)eth- 
 town in this State a public meeting had 
 been called for the puri)03C of securing 
 
 subscriptions to the stock of the Harrisburg 
 and Lancaster Railroad. This road was 
 intended to complete the railway l)etween 
 Philadelphia and Harrisburg, one hundred 
 and five miles. A large concourse had 
 gathered. Ovid F. Johnson, Attorney- 
 General of our State, and a brilliant orator, 
 made an excellent speech ; but the effect 
 was not in proportion to the effort. I deter- 
 mined to' make an appeal, and I gave such 
 arguments as I could. In closing I pre- 
 dicted that those now listening to me would 
 see the day when a man could breakfast in 
 Harrisburg, go to Philadelphia, transact a 
 fair day's business there, and returning, 
 eat his supper at home. Great applause 
 followed this, and some additional subscrip- 
 tions. Abram Harnly, a friend of the 
 road, and one of the most intelligent of his 
 class, worked his way to me, and taking 
 me aside whispered, " That was a good idea 
 about going to Philadelphia and back to 
 Harrisburg the same day;" and then, 
 bursting with laughter, he added , — " But 
 you and I know better than that ! " We 
 both lived to see the road built ; and now 
 people can come and go over the distance 
 twice a day, which Abram seemed to con- 
 sider impossible for a single daily trip. 
 
 The peculiar condition of the States then 
 known as "the West" was the subject of 
 anxiety to many. They had attracted a 
 large population, but the people were ex- 
 clusively devoted to agriculture. Lacking 
 diversified industry, they were without 
 accumulated wealth to enable them to 
 build railways ; nor were the States in con- 
 dition to undertake such an onerous duty, 
 although several of them made a feeble 
 attempt to do so. At one time the bonds 
 of Illinois, issued to build her canals, sold 
 as low as thirty cents on the dollar. So 
 with Indiana. Both States were supposed 
 to be bankrupt. It became, thereiore, an 
 important problem as to how means of 
 commiuiication should be supplied to the 
 people of the West. Congress, in 1846, 
 gave a grant of land to aid in building a 
 railroad in Illinois. Every alternate sec- 
 tion was given to the Company, and each 
 alternate section was reserved by the Gov- 
 ernment, The road was built; and the 
 one-half of the land retained by the gov- 
 ernment sold for a great deal more than 
 all was Worth before the road was con- 
 structed. This idea was original, 1 think, 
 with Mr. Whitney of Mass., who spent two 
 winters in Washington, about 1845, en- 
 deavoring to induce Congress to adopt that 
 plan for the construction of a Trans-Con- 
 tinental Railway. 
 
 He died before seeing his scheme suc- 
 ceed. Otliers have built a road across the 
 continent on the Central route. Another 
 on the Northern route is now progressing, 
 and the wealth and entcrj)rise of those 
 having it in charge renders its completion
 
 BOOKiii.J JOEN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT, 
 
 165 
 
 certain. And it yet remains for us to give 
 the people of tlie Southern route a road to 
 the Pacific which shall develop the mag- 
 nificent region through which itwillpasa, 
 and give the country one route to the great 
 ocean protected from tlie ordinary diliiculty 
 of climate with which railroads must con- 
 tend over so large a part of our territory. 
 But I am admonished by the value of your 
 space to confine myself to the limits of my 
 own State, 
 
 I have said that the outlay we have 
 made in building our })ublic works was of 
 great benefit to us even when the canals 
 had been rendered almost valueless through 
 the competition of railroads. This is 
 paradoxical, but it is true nevertheless. 
 That expenditure gave our people a needed 
 knowledge of our vast resources. It 
 familiarized them with large expenditures 
 when made for the public good. And it 
 showed them how a great debt may be 
 beneficially incurred, and yet not break 
 down the enterprise of the people. We at 
 one time owed $41,098,595.74. By a steady 
 attention to our finances, it is now reduced 
 to $31,000,009, with resources, — the pro- 
 ceeds of the sale of pul)lic works — on hand 
 amounting to $10,000,000. And while we 
 have been steadily reducing our State 
 debt, we have built 5,384 miles of railway 
 on the surface of the earth, and 500 miles un- 
 derground in our mines, at a cost of not less 
 than $350,000,000, for a mile of railroad in 
 Pennsylvania means something. We sent 
 368,000 men to the Federal Army. And 
 our credit stands high on every stock ex- 
 change. Gratifying as this progress is, it 
 is only a fair beginning. There is a large 
 part of our territory rich in timber and 
 full of iron, coal, and all kinds of mineral 
 wealth, so entirely undeveloped by rail- 
 roads that we call it " the Wilderness." 
 To open it up is the business of to-day, 
 and I sincerely hope to see it done soon. 
 
 Forty years ago George Shoemaker, a 
 young tavern-keeper of more vigor and en- 
 terprise than his neighbors, came to the 
 conclusion that anthracite coal could be 
 used as fuel. He went to the expense of 
 taking a wagon load of it to Philadelphia, 
 a hundred miles away, and, after peddling 
 it about the streets for some days, was 
 forced to give it away, and lose his time, 
 his labor and his coal. He afterwards saw a 
 great railway built to carry the same article 
 to the same point, and enriching thousands 
 from the i)rofits of the traffic. But his ex- 
 perience did not end there. He saw a 
 thousand dollars .paid eagerly for an acre 
 of coal land, which at the time of his ven- 
 ture to Philadelphia, no one would have, 
 and he could not give away. 
 
 I have thought that a retrospective sur- 
 vey of our wonderful development might 
 point plainly to the duty of the future. 
 For if the experience of what has gone be- 
 
 fore is not useful to cast light on what is 
 yet to come, then it will be difficult indeed 
 to discover wherein its value lies. It 
 teaches me to devote time and labor for the 
 advancement of all Public Improvements, 
 and I trust it may have a like efiect on all 
 who have the time and patience to read 
 what I have here written. 
 
 Speech of Hon. John A. Logan, 
 
 On Self- Governmenl in lyouisiatui, January X'.i and 14, 1875 
 
 The Senate having under consideration 
 the resolution submitted by Mr. Sciiuiiz 
 on the 8th of January, directing the Com- 
 mittee of the Judiciary to inquire what 
 legislation is necessary to secure to the 
 peo[)le of the State of Louisiana their rights 
 of Self-government under the Constituiion 
 Mr. Logan said : 
 
 Mr. President : I believe it is consid- 
 ered the duty of a good sailor to stand by 
 his ship in the midst of a great storm. We 
 have been told in this Chamber that a great 
 storm of indignation is sweeping over this 
 land, which will rend asunder and sink the 
 old republican craft. We have listened to 
 denunciations of the President, of the re- 
 publicans in this Chamber, of the republi- 
 can party as an organization, their acts 
 heretofore and their purposes in reference 
 to acts hereafter, of such a character as has 
 seldom been listened to in this or in any 
 other legislative hall. Every fact on the side 
 of the republican party has been perverted, 
 every falsehood on the part of the opposi- 
 tion has been exaggerated, arguments have 
 been made here calculated to inflame and 
 arouse a certain class of the people of this 
 country against the authorities of the Gov- 
 ernment, based not upon truth but upon 
 manufactured statements which were utter- 
 ly false. The republican party has been 
 characterized as despotic, as tyrannical, as 
 oppressive. The course of the Administra- 
 tion and the party toward the southern i)eo- 
 ple has been denounced as of the most 
 tyrannical character by men who have re- 
 ceived clemency at the hands of this same 
 party. 
 
 Now, sir, what is the cause of all this 
 vain declamation ? What is the cause of 
 all this studied denunciation? What is 
 the reason for all these accusations made 
 against a party or an administration? I 
 may be mistaken, but, if I am not, this is 
 the commencement of the campaign of 
 1876. It has been thought necessary on 
 the part of the opposition Senators here to 
 commence, if I may use a homely phrase, 
 a raid upon the republican party and upon 
 this Administration, and to ba.se that upon 
 false statements in reference to the conduct 
 of affairs in the State of Louisiana. 
 
 I propose in this debate, and I hope I 
 shall not be too tedious, though I may be
 
 166 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 somewhat so, to discuss the question tliat 
 should be presented to the American peo- 
 ple. I pr')pose to discuss tliat question 
 fairly, candidly, and trutiifully. I propose 
 to discuss it from a just, honest, and legal 
 stand-point. Sir, what is that question? 
 There wa-^ a resolution offered in this Cham- 
 ber calling on the President to furnish cer- 
 tain iniormation. A second resolution was 
 introduced, (whether lor the purpose of 
 hanging on it an elaborate speech or not I 
 am not aware,) asking the Committee on 
 the Juduiary to rejjort at once some legis- 
 lation in reierence to Louisiana. Without 
 any facts presented officially arguments 
 have been made, the country has been 
 aroused, and some jjeople have announced 
 themselves in a manner calculated to pro- 
 duce a very sore feeling against the course 
 and conduct of the party in power. I say 
 this is done without the facts; without any 
 basis wliatever ; without any knowledge 
 officially communicated to them in refer- 
 ence to the conduct of any of the parties 
 in the State of Louisiana. In discussing 
 this question we ought to have a stand- 
 point; we ought to have a beginning; 
 some point from which we may all reason 
 and see whether or not any gj-eat outrage 
 has been perpetrated against the rights of 
 the American people or any portion of 
 them. 
 
 I then propose to start r.t this point, that 
 there is a government in the State of Loui- 
 siana. AVhether that government is a 
 government of right or not is not the ques- 
 tion. Is there a government in that State 
 against which treason, insurrection, or re- 
 bellion, may be committed ? Is there such 
 a government in the State of Louisiana as 
 should require the maintenance of peace 
 and order among the citizens of that State? 
 Is there such a government in the State of 
 Louisiana as requires the exercise of Exec- 
 utive auihority lor the purpose of preserv- 
 ing peace and order within its borders? I 
 ask any Senator on this floor to-day if he 
 can stand up here as a lawyer, as a Sena- 
 tor, as an honest man, and deny the fact 
 that agovernmentdoes exist? Whether he 
 calls it a government dejure or a govern- 
 ment de facto, it is immaterial. It is such 
 an organization as involves the liberties 
 and the protection of the rights of the peo- 
 ple of that State. It will not do for Sena- 
 tors to talk about the election of 1872. The 
 election of 1872 has no more to do with 
 this " military usurj)ation " that you speak 
 of tf)-day than an election of a hundred 
 years ago. It is not a question as to wheth- 
 er this man or that was elected. The 
 question is, is there such a government 
 there :is can be overturned, and has there 
 been an attempt to overturn it? If so, then 
 what is required to preserve its status or 
 preserve the peace and order of the peo- 
 ple? 
 
 But the other day when I asked the 
 question of a Senator on the other side, 
 who was discussing this (juestion, Avhether 
 or not he indorsed the Penn rcl'cllion, he 
 answered me in a playful numner that 
 excited the mirth of people who did not 
 understand the question, by saying Ihat I 
 had decided that there was no election, 
 and that therefore there was no govern- 
 ment to overturn. Now I ask Senators, I 
 ask men of common understanding if that 
 is the way to treat a question of this kihd ; 
 when asked whether insurrection against 
 a government recognized is not an insur- 
 rection and whether he endorses it, he 
 says there is no government to overturn. 
 It' there is no government to overturn, 
 why do you make this noise and confusion 
 about a Legislature there ? If there is 
 no State government, there is no State 
 Legislature. But I will not answer in 
 that manner. I will not avoid the issue; 
 I will not evade the question. I answer 
 there is a Legislature, as there is a State 
 government, recognized by the President, 
 recognized by the Legislature, recognized 
 by the courts, recognized by one branch of 
 Congress, and recognized by the majority 
 of the citizens by their recognition of the 
 laws of the State; and it will not do to 
 undertake to avoid questions in this 
 manner. 
 
 Let us see, then, starting from that stand- 
 point, Avhat the position of Louisiana is 
 now, and what it has been. On the 14th 
 day of September last a man by the name 
 of Penn, as to whom we have official in- 
 formation this morning, with some seven 
 or ten thousand white-leaguers made war 
 against that government, overtunud it, dis- 
 persed it, drove the governor from the ex- 
 ecutive chamber, and he had to t;ike refuge 
 under the jurisdiction of the Government 
 of the United States, on the soil occupied 
 by the United States custom-house, where 
 the exclusive jurisdiction of the United 
 States Government extends, for the purpose 
 of protecting his own life. 
 
 This then was a revolution; this then 
 was a rebellion ; this then was treason 
 against the State, for which these men 
 should have been arrested, tried, and ])un- 
 ished. Let gentlemen dodge the question 
 as they may ; it may be well ibr some men 
 there who engaged in this treasonalile act 
 against the government that tliey had Mr. 
 Kellogg for governor. It might not have 
 been so well ibr them, jierhaps, had there 
 been some other man in his place. I tell 
 the Senator from Maryland if any crowd 
 of armed men shoidd undertake to disperse 
 the government of the State of Illinois, 
 drive its governor from the executive 
 chamber, enter into his private drawers, 
 take his private letters, ami jniblish them, 
 and act as those men did, some of them 
 would pay the penalty either in the pcui-
 
 BOOK III.] JOHN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT. 
 
 167 
 
 tciituuy or by dancing at the end of a 
 rope. 
 
 But when this rebellion was going on 
 against that State, these gentlemen say it 
 was a 8tate affair; the (loverunient of the 
 United States has nothing to do with it! 
 That is the old-fashioned seeession doctrine 
 again. The government of the United 
 vStates has nothing to do willi it! Tliis 
 national government is made uj) of Stales, 
 and each State is a part of the Government, 
 each is a part of its life, of its body. It 
 takes them all to nuike up the whole; and 
 treason against any part of it is treason 
 against the whole of it, and it became the 
 duty of the President to i)ut it down, as he 
 did do ; and, in putting down that treason 
 against the Kellogg government, the whole 
 country almost responded favorably to his 
 action. 
 
 But our friend from Maryland, not in 
 his seat now, [Mr. Hamilton | said that 
 that was part of the cause of the elections 
 going as they diil. In other words, my 
 friend from Maryland undertook in a round- 
 about way to endorse the Penn rebellion, 
 and claim that people of the country did 
 the same thing against the government of 
 the State of Louisiana, and on this floor 
 since this discussion has been going on, 
 not one Senator on that side of the cham- 
 ber has lisped one word against the rebel- 
 lion against the government of the State 
 of Louisiana, and all who have spoken of 
 it have passed it by in silence so as to indi- 
 cate clearly that they endorse it, and I be- 
 lieve they do. 
 
 Then, going further, the President issued 
 his proclamation requiring those insurgents 
 to lay down their arms and to resume their 
 peaceful pursuits. This morning we have 
 heard read at the clerk's desk that these 
 men have not yet complied fully with that 
 proclamation. Their rebellious organiza- 
 tion continued up to the time of the elec- 
 tion and at the election. When the elec- 
 tion took place, we are told by some of 
 these St'iiators that the election was a 
 peaceable, and a fair election, that a major- 
 ity of democrats were elected. That is the 
 question we propose to discuss as well as 
 we are able to do it. They tell us that 
 there was no intimidation resorted to by 
 any one in the State of Louisiana. I dis- 
 like very much to follow out these state- 
 ments that are not true and attempt to 
 controvert them because it does seem to 
 nie that we ought to act fairly and candidly 
 in this Chamber and discuss questions 
 without trying to pervert the issue or the 
 facts in connection with it. 
 
 Now, I state it .as a fact, and I appeal to 
 the Senator from Louisiana to say whether 
 or not I state truly, that on the night be- 
 fore the election in Louisiana notices were 
 posted all over that country on tlie doors 
 of the colored republicans and the white 
 
 republicans, too, of a character giving them 
 tf) under-taad tiiat if ihey voted their livcv-* 
 would be in dang(;r ; and here is one ol the 
 notices posted all over that country : 
 
 2x6 
 
 This " 2 X G " was to show the length and 
 wiilth of the grave they would have. Not 
 only that, but the negroes that they could 
 impose upon and get to vote the democratic 
 ticket received, after they had voted, a 
 card of safety ; and here is that card issued 
 to the colored people whom they had in- 
 duced to vote the democratic ticket, so that 
 they might present it if any white-leaguers 
 should undertake to plunder or murder 
 them : 
 
 New Orleans, Nov. 28, 1874. 
 T/iW is to certify that Cltarles Durassa, a barber by 
 occupation, is a Member of the 1st Ward Colored 
 Vemocriitic Oliib, and thai at the ItUe election he voted 
 for ioid worked iu the interests of the Democratic Can- 
 didates. 
 
 WILLIAM ALEXANDEH. 
 
 President 1st Ward Col'd Uemocralic Club. 
 NICK HOPE, Secretary. 
 
 KooMS Democratic Parish Committee. 
 
 Keiv Orleans, Nov. 2S, 1874- 
 The tindersirined, Speci<d ComnUitee. appointed on 
 behalf of the Parish Committee, approve of the above 
 Certificate. 
 
 ED. FLOOD. Chatrnmn. 
 PAUL WATEUMAX. 
 Attest: H J. RIVET. 
 
 J. II. HARDY, AssH Sec. Parish Committee. 
 
 These were the certificates given to 
 negroes who voted the democratic ticket, 
 that they might present them to save their 
 lives when attacked by the men commonly 
 known as Ku-Klux or white leaguers in 
 that country ; and we are told that there is 
 no intimidation in the State of Louisiana! 
 
 Our friend from Georgia [Mr. (tORDOx] 
 has been very profuse in his declamation 
 as to the civility and good order and good 
 bearing of the people of Louisiana and 
 the otiier Southern States. But, sir, this 
 intimidation continued up to the election. 
 After the election, it was necessary for the 
 governor of that State to i)rocced in some 
 manner best calculated to preserve the 
 peace and order of the country.
 
 168 
 
 A3IERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book m. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, I want to ask can- 
 did, honest, fair-minded men, after read- 
 ing tlie report of General Sheridan showing 
 the fnurder, not for gain, not for pkmder, 
 but for political opinions in the last few 
 years of thirty-five hundred persons in the 
 State of Louisiana, all of them republi- 
 cans, not one of them a democrat — I want 
 to ask if they can stand here before this 
 countTf and" defend the democratic party 
 of Louisiana ? I put this question to them 
 for they have been here for days crying 
 against the wrongs upon the democracy of 
 Louisiana. I want any one of them to tell 
 me if he is prepared to defend the de- 
 mocracy of Louisiana. What is your de- 
 mocracy of Louisiana? You are excited, 
 your extreme wrath is aroused at General 
 "Sheridan because he called your White 
 Leagues down there "banditti." I ask you 
 if the murder of thirty-five hundred men 
 in a short time for political purposes by a 
 band of men banded together for the pur- 
 pose of murder does not make them ban- 
 ditti, what it does make them? Does it 
 make them democrats? It certainly does 
 not make them republicans. Does it make 
 them honest men? It certainly does not. 
 Does it make them law-abiding men? It 
 certainly does not. Does it make them 
 peaceable citizens ? It certainly does not. 
 But what does it make them ? A band of 
 men banded together and perpetrating mur- 
 derin their ownState? Webster says a ban- 
 dit is " a lawless or desperate fellow ; a 
 robber; a brigand," and "banditti" are 
 men banded together for j^lunder and 
 murder ; and what are your White Leagues 
 banded together for if the result proves 
 that they are banded together for murder 
 for political purposes? 
 
 O, what a crime it was in Sheridan to 
 say that these men were banditti ! He is a 
 wretch. From the papers he ought to be 
 hanged to a lamp-post ; from the Senators 
 he is not fit to breathe the free air of heav- 
 en or of this free Republic ; but your mur- 
 derers of thirty-five hundred people for 
 political oflenses are fit to breathe the air 
 of this country and are defended on this 
 floor to-day, and they are defended here 
 by tlie democratic party, and you cannot 
 avoid or escape the proposition. You have 
 denounced republicans for trying to keep 
 the peace in Louisiana; you have de- 
 nounced the Administration for trying to 
 8up])re-,s bloodshed in Louisiana ; you have 
 denouMce(l all for tlic same purpose; but 
 not one word has fallen from the lips of a 
 solitary democratic Senator denouncing 
 these wholesale murders in I^ouisiana. 
 You liave said, " I am sorry these things 
 are done," but you have defendetl tlu; 
 White Leagues; you have defended I'enn; 
 you have defended rebellion; and you 
 "ptaiid here to-day the a])ologists of murder, 
 of rebellion, and of treason in that State. 
 
 I want to ask the judgment of an honest 
 country, I want to ask the judgment of the 
 moral sentiments of the law-abiding people 
 of this grand and glorious Republic to tell 
 me whether men shall murder by the score, 
 whether men shall trample the law under 
 foot, whether men shall force judges to re- 
 sign, whether men shall force prosecuting 
 attorneys to resign, whether men shall take 
 five officers of a State out and hang or shoot 
 them if they attemjrt to exercise the fiuic- 
 tions of their office, whether men shall ter- 
 rify the voters and office-holders of a State, 
 whether men shall undertake in violation i 
 of law to organize a Legislature for revolu- • 
 tionary purposes, for the purpose of putting ' 
 a governor in possession and taking pos- 
 session of the State and then ask the 
 democracy to stand by them — I appeal to 
 the honest judgment of the people of this ■ 
 land and ask them to respond whether this j 
 was not an excusable case when this man u 
 used the Army to protect the life of that ' 
 State and to preserve the peace of that . 
 people ? Sir, the man who will not use all i 
 the means in his power to preserve the na- • 
 tionality, the integrity of this Government, . 
 the integrity of a State or the peace and ! 
 happiness of a people, is not fit to govern, , 
 he is not fit to hold position in this or any ■ 
 other civilized age. 
 
 Does liberty mean wholesale slaughter? 
 Does republican government mean tyranny 
 and oppression of its citizens? Does an 
 intelligent and enlightened age of civiliza- 
 tion mean murder and pillage, bloodshed 
 at the hands of Ku-Klux or White Leagues 
 or anybody else, and if any one attempts to 
 put it down, attempts to reorganize and 
 produce order where chaos and confusion i 
 laave reigned, they are to be denounced as 
 tyrants, as oppressors, and as acting against 
 republican institutions? I say then the 
 happy days of this Republic are gone. 
 When we fail to see that republicanism 
 means nothing, that liberty means nothing 
 but the unrestrained license of the mobs to 
 do as they please, then republican govern- 
 ment is a failure. Liberty of the citizen 
 means the right to exercise such rights as 
 are prescribed within tlie limits of the law 
 so that he does not in the exercise of these 
 rights infringe the rights of other citizens. 
 But the definition is not well made by our 
 friends on the op])osite side of this Cham- 
 ber. Their idea of liberty is license ; it is 
 not liberty, but it is license. License to do 
 what? License to violate law, to trample 
 constitutions under foot, to take life, to 
 take ])ro]ierty, to use the bludgeon and the 
 gun or anything else for the purpose ot 
 giving themselves power. What statesman 
 ever heard of that as a definition of liberty? 
 What man in a civilized age has ever heard 
 of liberty being the unrestrained license of 
 the jieople to do as they please without any 
 restraint of law or of authority? No man,
 
 BooKiii.J JOHN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT. 
 
 169 
 
 no not one until we found the democratic 
 party, would advocate this proposition and 
 indorse and encourage this kiud of license 
 in a free country. 
 
 Mr. President, I have perhaps said more 
 (111 this question of Louisiana than mi^ht 
 hiive been well for nie to say on account of 
 niv strenti:th, but what I have said about it 
 I have said because I honestly believed it. 
 WHiat I have said in reference to it comes 
 ipiiu an honest conviction in my mind and 
 in my heart of what has been done to sup- 
 press violence and wronj^. I5at I have a 
 li w remarks in conclusion to submit now 
 [i> niv friends on the other side, in answer 
 \>> what they have said not by way of ar- 
 ■iiiuent but by way of accusation. You 
 - ly to us — I had it re])eated to me this 
 innrninij; in private conversation — "With- 
 draw your troops from Louisiana and you 
 will have peace." Ah, I heard it said on 
 litis lloor once "Withdraw your troops 
 troin Louisiana and your State government 
 will not la-it a minute." I heard that said 
 tVoiu the opposite si<le of the Chamber, and 
 II' iw you say " Withdraw your troops from 
 JjDLiisian-i and you will have peace." 
 
 Mr. President, I dislike to refer to things 
 that are past and gone ; I dislike to have 
 my mind called back to things of the past; 
 but I well remember the voice in thi- 
 Chamber once that rang out -nd was heard 
 throughout this land, "Withdraw your 
 troops from Fort Sumter if you want 
 peace." I heard that said. Now it is 
 Withdraw your troops from Louisiana 
 if you want peace." Yes, I say, withdraw 
 your troops from Louisiana if you want a 
 revolution, and that is what is meant. 
 But, sir, we are told, and doubtless it is be- 
 lieved by the Senators who tell us so, who 
 denounce the republican party, that it is 
 tyrannical, oppressive, and outrageous. 
 They have argued the-nselves into the idea 
 that they are patriots, pure and undetiled, 
 They hive argued themselves into the idea 
 that the democratic party never did any 
 wrong. They have been out of power so 
 long that they have convinced themselves 
 that if they only had control of this coun- 
 try for a short time, what a glorious coun- 
 try they would make it. They had control 
 for nearly forty long years, and while they 
 were the agents of this country — I appeal 
 to history to bear me out — they made the 
 Government a bankrupt, with rebellion 
 and treason in the land, and were then 
 svmpalhizing with it wherever it existed. 
 That is the condition in which they left 
 the country when they hail it in tlieir pos- 
 session and within their cmtrol. But they 
 say the republican party is a tyrant ; that 
 it is oppressive. As I have said, I wish to 
 make a few suggestions to my friends in 
 answer to this accusation — ojipressive to 
 whom? They say to the South, that the 
 republican party has tyrannized over the 
 
 South. Let me ask you how has it tvran- 
 nized over the South'? Witlumt spL-ukin" 
 of our troubles and trials through which we 
 l)assed, I will say this: at the end of a 
 rebellion that scourged this land, that 
 drenched it with blood, that devastated a 
 portion of it, left us in debt and almost 
 bankrupt, what did the republican party 
 do? Instead of leaving these our friend.s 
 and citizens to-day in a territorial condi- 
 tion where we might exercise jurisdiction 
 over them for the next coming twenty 
 years, where we might have deprived them 
 of the rights of members on this floor, what 
 did we do? We reorganized them into 
 States, admitted them back into the Union, 
 and through the clemency of the re]tubli- 
 can jiarty we admitted representatives on 
 this lloor who had thundered against the 
 gates of lil)erty Jbr ibur bloody years. Is 
 that the tyranny and oppression of which 
 you complain at the hands of the republi- 
 can i)arty? Is that a part of our oppres- 
 sion against you southern people? 
 
 Let Us go a little further. When the 
 armed democracy, for that is wliat they 
 were, laid down their arms in tlie Sou;hern 
 States, after disputing the right of freedom 
 and liberty in this land for four years, how 
 did the republican [larty show itself in its 
 acts of tyranny and opjiression toward 
 you ? You appealed to them for clemency. 
 Did you get it? Not a man was punished 
 for his treason. Not a man ever knocked 
 at the d<)f)rs of a republican Congress for a 
 pardon who did not get it. Not a man 
 ever petitioned the generosity of the repub- 
 lican party to be excused for his crimes 
 who was not excused. Was that oppres- 
 sion upon the part of the republicans in 
 this land ? Is that a part of the oppression 
 of which you accuse us ? 
 
 Let us look a little further. We find 
 to-day twenty-seven democratic Represent- 
 atives in the other branch of Congress who 
 took arms in their hands and tried to de- 
 stroy this Government holding commis- 
 sions there by the clemency of the repub- 
 lican party. We find in this Chamber by 
 the clemency of the republican party three 
 Senators who held such commissions. Is 
 that tyranny; is that oppression; is that 
 the outrage of this republican party on you 
 southern people? Sir, when Jefi" Davis, 
 the head of the great rebellion, who roams 
 the land free as air, North, South, East, 
 and West, makes democratic speeches 
 wherever invited, and the vice-])resident 
 of the southern rebellion holds his scat in 
 the other House of Congress, are we to be 
 told that we are tyrants, and oppressing 
 the southi rn people? These tilings may 
 sound a little hansh, but it i-: time to tell 
 the truth in this country. The time has 
 come to talk facts. The time ha« come when 
 cowards should hide, and honest men 
 should come to the front and tell you plain,
 
 170 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 honest truths. You of the South talk to 
 us about oppressing you. You drenched 
 your land in blood, caused ^veeping 
 throughout this vast domain, covered the 
 land iu weeds of mourning both North and 
 South, widowed thousands and orphaned 
 many, made the pension-roll as long as an 
 army-list, made the debt that grinds the 
 poor of this land — for all these things you 
 have been pardoned, and yet you talk to 
 us about oppression. So much for the op- 
 pression of the republican party of your 
 patriotic souls and selves. Next coines the 
 President of the United States. He is a 
 tyrant, too. He is an oppressor still, in 
 conjunction with the republican party. 
 Oppressor of what ? Who has he oppressed 
 of your Southern people, and when, and 
 where? When your Ku-Klux, banded to- 
 gether for murder and plunder in the 
 Southern States, were convicted by their 
 own confession, your own representatives 
 pleaded to the President and said, " Give 
 them pardon, and it will reconcile many 
 of the southern people." The President 
 pardoned them; pardoned them of their 
 murder, of their plunder, of their piracy 
 on land ; and for this I suppose he is a 
 tyrant. 
 
 M<ire than that, sir, this tyrant in the 
 White House has done more for you south- 
 ern people than you ought to have asked 
 him to do. He has had confidence in you 
 until you betrayed that confidence. He 
 has not only pardoned the oifences of the 
 South, pardoned the criminals of the dem- 
 ocratic party, but he has i>laced in high 
 official position in this Union some of the 
 leading men who fought in the rebellion. 
 He luus put in his Cabinet one of your 
 men ; lie ha-* made governors of Territories 
 of Kome of your leading men who fought 
 in the rebellion ; he has sent on foreign 
 missions abroad some of your men wlio 
 warred against this country ; he has placed 
 others in the Departments ; and has tried 
 to reconcile you in every way on earth, by 
 appealing to your people, by recognizing 
 them and forgiving tliem for their oflenses, 
 an<l ior these acts of generosity, for these 
 acts of kindness, he is arraigned to-day as 
 a CiTsar, as a tyrant, as an oppressor. 
 
 Such kindness in return as the Presi- 
 dent has received from these people will 
 mirk itself in the history of generosity. O, 
 but say Ihey, (Jrant wants to opI)re^^s the 
 While Leagues in Lonisiaiia; therefore 
 he is an oppressor. Ye-<, Mr. President, 
 Grant does <h'sire that these men sliould 
 qu:t tlu'ir every-day chivalric sports of 
 gunning U'on ncgroe.s ,and republicans. 
 He asks kirnlly tliat you stop it. He says 
 to you, " '1 li it is all I want you to do ; " and 
 you say thit you are desirous that tliey 
 shall quit it. You have but to say it and 
 they will (piit it. It is because you have 
 never suiu it that they have not quit it. It 
 
 is in the power of the democratic party 
 to-day but to speak in tones of majesty, of 
 honor, and justice in favor of human lile, 
 and your Ku-Klux and murderers will 
 stop. But you do not do it ; and that is 
 the reason they do not stop. In States 
 where it has been done they have stopped. 
 But it will not do to oppress those people ; 
 it will not do to make them submit and 
 subject them to the law ; it will not do to 
 stop these gentlemen in their daily sports 
 and in their lively recreations. They ai'e 
 "White Leagues; they are banded together 
 as gentlemen ; they are of southern blood; 
 they are of old southern stock ; they are 
 the chivalry of days gone by; they are 
 knights of the bloody shield ; and the 
 shield must not be taken from them. Sirs, 
 their shield will be taken from them ; this 
 country will be aroused to its danger ; this 
 country will be aroused to do justice to its 
 citizens ; and when it does, the perpetrat- 
 ors of crime may fear and tremble. Ty- 
 ranny and oppression I A people who 
 without one word of opposition allows men 
 who have been the enemies of a govern- 
 ment to come into these legislative Halls 
 and make laws for that government to be 
 told that they are oppressors is a monstros- 
 ity in declanuition and assertion. Who ever 
 heard of such a thing before ? Who ever 
 believed that such men could make such 
 charges ? Yet we are tyrants ! 
 
 Mr. President, the reading of the title of 
 that bill from the House only reminds me 
 of more acts of tyranny and ojipression of 
 the republican party, and there is a contin- 
 uation of the f<ame great ollenses constant- 
 ly going on in this Chamber. But some 
 may say " It is strange to see Logan de- 
 fending the President of the United 
 States." It is not strange to me. I can 
 disagree with the President when I think 
 he is wrong; and I do not blame him lor 
 disagreeing with me ; but when these at- 
 tacks are made, coming from where they 
 do, I am ready to stand from the rising 
 sun in the morning to the setting sun in 
 the evening to defend every act of his in 
 connection with this matter before us. 
 
 I nuiy have disagreed with I'resident 
 Grant in many things; but I was calling 
 attention to the men who have been ac- 
 cusing him here, on this floor, on the ' 
 stump, and in the other House; the kind 
 of men who do it, tlie manner of its doing, 
 the sharpness of the shafts that are sent at 
 him, the poisonous barbs that they bear 
 with them, and from these men who, at 
 his hands, liave received more clemency 
 than any men ever received at the hands 
 of any President or any man wlio governed 
 a <ountry. ^^'hy, sir, 1 will appeal to the 
 soldiers of the rebel army to testily in be- 
 half of what I say in del'cnse of President 
 Grant — the honorable men who fought 
 against the country, if there was honor in
 
 p.ooicnr.] JAMES G. BLAINE ON A FALSE ISSUE. 
 
 171 
 
 .I'liii'j; it. Whiit will be their testimony? 
 Il will be that he i-iptured your armed de- 
 nidcraey of the Kouth, he treated them 
 kindly, turned them loose, with their 
 horses, with their wagons, with their pro- 
 visions; treated them as men, and not as 
 pirates. Grant built no prison-pens for 
 the southern soldiers; (irant provided no 
 starvation for southern men; Clrant pro- 
 vided no "dead-lines" upon which to 
 shoot southern soldiers if they crossed 
 them; ({rant provided no outra':i;eous pun- 
 ishment against these people that now call 
 him a tyrant, (lenerous to a i'ault in all 
 his actions toward the men who Avere fight- 
 ing his country and destroying the consti- 
 tution, that man to-day is denounced u.d a 
 veryCa'sar! ^_ 
 
 i5hoffnah~Titis not been denounced, but 
 the only reason is that he Avas not one oi' 
 the actors in this transaction ; but I want 
 now to say to my friends on the other side, 
 especially to my friend from Delaware, 
 who rej)eated his bitter denunciation 
 against Sheridan yesterday — and I say this 
 in all kindness, because I am speaking 
 what future history will bear me out in — 
 when Sheridan and Grant and Sherman, 
 and others like them, are forgotten in this 
 country, you will have no country. When 
 the democratic party is rotten for centu- 
 ries in its grave, the life, the course, the 
 conduct of these men will live as bright as 
 the noonday sun in the heart of every pa- 
 triotofa republic like the American Union. 
 Sirs, you may talk about tyranny, you may 
 talk about oppression, you may denounce 
 these men ; their glory may fade into the 
 darkness of night; but that darkness will 
 be a brilliant light compared with the 
 darkness of the democratic party. Their 
 pathway is illuminated by glory ; yours by 
 dark deeds against the Government. That 
 is a dilTerence which the country will 
 bear witness to in future history when 
 speaking of this country and the actors on 
 its stage. '^-. . ^ . 
 
 Now, Mr. President, I have a w6ra to 
 say about our duty. A great many people 
 are asking, what shall we do? Plain and 
 simple in my judgment is the proposition. 
 I say to republicans, do not be scared. No 
 man is ever hurt by doing an honest act 
 and performing a patriotic duty. If we 
 are to have a war of words outside or in- 
 side, let us have them in truth and sober- 
 ness, but in earnest. What then is our 
 duty? I did not believe that in 1872 there 
 were official data upon which we could de- 
 cide who was elected governor of Louisi- 
 ana. But this is not the point of my argu- 
 ment. It is that the Presitlent has recog- 
 nized Kellogg as governor of that State, and 
 he has acted for two years. The Legisla- 
 ture of the State has recognized him; the 
 supreme court of the State has recognized 
 huu ; one branch of Congress has recog- 
 
 nized him. The duty is plain, and that ia 
 for this, the other branch of Congress, to 
 do it, and that settles the (juestion. Then, 
 when it does it, your duty ii plain and sim- 
 ple, and as the President has tuld you, he 
 will perform his without Icar, favor, or af- 
 fection. Recognize the governjient that 
 revolution has been against and intended 
 to overthrow, and leave the President to 
 his duty, and he will do it. That is what 
 to do. 
 
 Sir, we have been told that this old craft 
 is rapidly going to pieces; that the angry 
 waves of dissension in the land are lashing 
 against her sides. We are told that she is 
 sinking, sinking, sinking to tlu; bottom of 
 the i)olitical ocean. Is that true? Is it true 
 that this gallant old party, that this gal- 
 lant old ship that lias sailed through 
 troubled seas before is going to be stranded 
 now upon the rock of fury that has been 
 set Uj) by a clamor in this Chamber and a 
 few newspapers in the country ? Is it true 
 that the party that saved this couniry in 
 all its great crises, in all its great trials, is 
 sinkiiig to-day on account of its fear and 
 trembling before an inferior enemy? I 
 hope not, I re'nember, sir, once I was 
 told that the old republican ship was gone ; 
 but when I steadied myself on the shores 
 bounding the political ocean of strife and 
 commotion, I looked afar olF and there I 
 could see a vessel bounding the boisterous 
 billows Avith white sails unfurled, marked 
 on her sides " Freighted with the hopes of 
 mankind," Avhile the great Mariner above, 
 as her helmsman, steered her, navigated 
 her to a haven of rest, of peace, and of 
 safety. You liave but to look again upon 
 that broad ocean of political commotion 
 to-day, and the time will soon come Avhen 
 the same old craft, provided with the same 
 cargo, will be seen, flying the same flag, 
 passing through these tempestuous waves, 
 anchoring herself at the shores of honesty 
 and justice, and there she Avill lie undis- 
 turbed by strife and tumu't, again in peace 
 and safety. [^Manifestations of applause 
 in the galleries.] 
 
 Speech ot Hon. James G. Blaine, of Mainci 
 
 On the False Ixsue raisctj bi/ the Democralic Pirlit, De- 
 livered ill the tienute of the I'nited Stales, Muttd-.iy, 
 April 14, 1879. 
 
 The Senate having under consideration 
 the bill (H. E,. No. 1,) making ajipropria- 
 tions for the support of the Army for the 
 fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for 
 other purposes — 
 
 Mr. Blaine said: 
 
 Mr. Pkesidkn'T: The existing section 
 of the Revised Statutes numbered 2002 
 reads thus : 
 
 No military or naval officer, or other 
 person engaged in the civil, military, or 
 naval service of the United States, shall
 
 172 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 order, bring, keep or have under his au- 
 thority or control, any troops or armed 
 men at the place where any general or 
 special election is held in any State, unless 
 it be necessary to repel the armed enemies 
 of the United' States, c^r to keep the peace at 
 the polls. 
 
 The object of the proposed section, which 
 has just been read at the Clerk's desk, is 
 to get rid of the eight closing words, name- 
 ly, "or to keep the peace at the polls," 
 and therefore the mode of legislation pro- 
 posed in the Army bill now before the 
 Senate is an unusual mode ; it is an extra- 
 ordinary mode. If you want to take ofl' a 
 single sentence at the end of a section in 
 the Revised Statutes the ordinary way is 
 to strike off those words, but the mode 
 chosen in this bill is to repeat and re-en- 
 act the whole section leaving tliose few 
 ■words out. While I do not wish to be 
 needlessly suspicious on a small point I 
 am quite'persuaded that this did not hap- 
 pen by accident but that it came by design. 
 If I may so speak it came of cunning, the 
 intent being to create the impression that 
 whereas the republicans in the adminis- 
 tration of the General Government had 
 been using troops right and left, hither 
 and thither, in every direction, as soon as 
 the democrats got power they enacted this 
 section. I can imagine democratic candi- 
 dates for Congress all over the country 
 reading this section to gaping and listen- 
 ing audiences as one of the first offsprings 
 of democratic reform, whereas every word 
 of it, every syllable of it, from its first to 
 its last, is the enactment of a republican 
 Congress. 
 
 I repeat that this unusual form presents 
 a dishonest issue, whether so intended or 
 not. It presents the issue that as soon as 
 the democrats got possession of the Fed- 
 eral Government they proceeded to enact 
 the clause which is thus expressed. The 
 law Avas passed by a re]niblican Congress 
 in 18(35. There were forty-six Senators 
 sitting in this Chamber at that time, of 
 whom only ten or at most eleven were 
 democrats.' The House of Rejiresentativcs 
 was overwhelmingly republican. We were 
 in the midst of a war. The republican ad- 
 ministration liad a million or possibly 
 twelve hundred thousand bayonets at its 
 command. Thus circumstanced and thus 
 Burrouudcd, with the amplest possible 
 power to interfere with elections had they 
 so designed, with soldiers in every hamlet 
 and county of the United States, the re- 
 publican jiarty themselves placed that ])ro- 
 vision on the Htatute-l)onk, and Abraham 
 Lincoln, their President, signed it. 
 
 I beg you to ol)serve, !Mr. President, 
 that this is the first instance in the legisla- 
 tion of tlie United States in which any re- 
 strictive clause wliatever was put upon the 
 Statute-book in regard to the use of troops 
 
 at the polls. The republican party did it 
 with the Senate and the House in their 
 control. Abraham Lincoln signed it when 
 he was Commander-in-Chief of an army 
 larger than ever Napoleon Bonaparte had 
 at his command. So much by way of cor- 
 recting an ingenious and studied attempt 
 at misrepresentation. 
 
 The alleged object is to strike out the 
 few words that authorize the use of troops 
 to keep peace at the polls. This country 
 has been alarmed, I rather think indeed 
 amused, at the great effort made to create 
 a widespread impi-ession that the republi- 
 can party relies for its popular strength 
 upon the use of the bayonet. This demo- 
 cratic Congress has attempted to give a 
 bad name to this country throughout the 
 civilized world, and to give it on a false 
 issue. They have raised an issue that has 
 no foundation in fact — that is false in 
 whole and detail, false in the charge, false 
 in all the specifications. That impression 
 sought to be created, as I say, not only 
 throughout the North American continent 
 but in Eui'ope to-day, is that elections are 
 attempted in this country to be controlled 
 by the bayonet. 
 
 I denounce it here as a false issue. I 
 am not at liberty to say that any gentle- 
 man making this issue knows it to be false; 
 I hope he does not; but I am going to 
 prove to him that it is false, and that there 
 is not a solitary inch of solid earth on 
 which to rest the foot of any man who makes 
 that issue. I have in my hand an official 
 transcript of the location and the number of 
 all the troops of the United States east of 
 Omaha. By "east of Omaha," I mean all 
 the United States east of the Mississippi 
 river and that belt of States that border 
 the Mississippi river on the west, includ- 
 ing forty-one million at least out of the 
 forty-five million of people that this coun- 
 try is supposed to contain to-day. In that 
 magnificent area, I will not pretend to 
 state its extent, but with forty-one million 
 people, how many troops of the United 
 States are there to-day? Would any Sen- 
 ator on the opposite side like to guess, or 
 would he like to state how many men M'ith 
 muskets in their hands there are in the 
 vast area I have named? There are two 
 thousand seven hundred and ninety -seven I 
 And not one more. 
 
 From the headwaters of the Mississippi 
 River to the lakes, and down the great 
 chain of lakes, and down the Saint Law- 
 rence and down the valley of the Saint 
 .John and down the St. Croix striking the 
 Atlantic Ocean and following it down to 
 Key West, around the Gulf, up to the 
 mouth of the Mississipju again, a frontier 
 of eight thous.'ind miles either bordering 
 on the ocean or upon loreign territory is 
 guarded by these troo])s. Witliin this do- 
 nuiiu forty-five fortifications are manned
 
 BOOK III.] JAMES G. BLAINE ON A FALSE ISSUE. 
 
 173 
 
 and eleven arsenals protected. There are 
 sixty troops to every million of people. 
 In the South I have the entire number 
 in each State, and will give it. 
 
 And the entire South has eleven hun- 
 dred and fifty-five soldiers to intiniiilate, 
 overrun, oppress and destroy the liber- 
 ties of fifteen million i)eople ! In the 
 Southern States there are twelve hundred 
 and three counties. If you distribute the 
 soldiers there is not quite one for each 
 county ; and when I give the counties I 
 give them from the census of 1870. If 
 you distribute them territorially there is 
 one for every seven hundred square miles 
 of territory, so that if you make a terri- 
 torial distribution, I would remind the 
 honorable Senator from Delaware, if I 
 saw him in his seat, that the quota for 
 his State would be three — " one ragged 
 sergeant and two abreast," as the old 
 song has it. [Laughter. | That is the 
 force ready to destroy the liberties of 
 Delaware ! 
 
 Mr. President, it was said, as the old 
 maxim has it, that the soothsayers of 
 Eome could not look each other in the 
 face without smiling. There are not two 
 democratic Senators on this floor who can 
 go into the cloak-room and look each 
 other in the face Avithout smiling at this 
 talk, or, more appropriately, I should say 
 without blushing — the whole thing is such 
 a prodigious and absolute farce, such a 
 miserably manufactured false issue, such 
 a pretense without the slightest founda- 
 tion in the world, and talked about most 
 and denounced the loudest in States that 
 have not and have not had a single Federal 
 soldier. In New England we have three 
 hundred and eighty soldiers. Throughout 
 the South it does not run quite seventy to 
 the million people. • In New England we 
 have absolutely one hundred and twenty 
 soldiers to the million. New England is 
 far more overrun to-day by the Federal 
 soldier, immensely more, than the whole 
 South is. I never heard anybody complain 
 about it in New England, or express any 
 great fear of his liberties being endangered 
 by the presence of a handful of troops. 
 
 As I have said, the tendency of this talk 
 is to give us a bad name in Europe. Re- 
 publican institutions are looked upon there 
 with jealousy. Every misrepresentation, 
 every slander is taken up and exaggerated 
 and talked about to our discredit, and the 
 democratic party of the country to-day 
 stand indicted, and I here indict them, for 
 public slander of their country, creating 
 the impression in the civilized world that 
 we are governed by a ruthless military 
 despotism. I wonder how amazing it 
 would be to any man in Europe, familiar 
 as Europeans are with great armies, if he 
 were told that over a territory larger than 
 France and Spain and Portugal and Great 
 
 Britain and Holland and Belgium and the 
 (Jerman Eni[.ire all combined, llicre were 
 but eleven hundred and fifty-five soldiers! 
 That is all this democratic howl, this mad 
 cry, this i'alse issue, this absurd talk is 
 l)ased on — the presence of eleven hundred 
 and fifty-five soldiers on eight luimlred 
 and filty thousand sqtiare miles of terri- 
 tory, not double the nundjer of the demo- 
 cratic police in the city of Baltimore, not a 
 third of the police in the city of New 
 York, not double the democratic police 
 in the city of New Orleans. I repeat, the 
 number indicts them ; it stamps the whole 
 cry as without any foundation; it derides 
 the issue as a false and scandalous and 
 partisan makeshift. 
 
 What then is the real motive underlying 
 this movement? Senators on that side, 
 democratic orators on the stump cannot 
 make any sensible set of men at the cross- 
 roads believe that they are afraid of eleven 
 hundred and fifty-five soldiers distributed 
 one to each county in the South. The 
 minute you state that, .everybody sees the 
 utter, palpable and laughable al)surdity of 
 it, and therefore we must go further and 
 find a motive for all this cry. We want to 
 find out, to use a familiar and vulgar 
 phrase, what is "the cat under the meal." 
 It is not the troops. That is evident. 
 There are more troops by fifty per cent, 
 scattered through the Northern States east 
 of the Mississippi to-day than through the 
 Southern States east of the Mississippi, 
 and yet nobody in the North speaks of it; 
 everybody would be laughed at for speak- 
 ing of it; and therefore the issue, I take 
 no riskin stating, I make bold to declare, 
 that this issue on the troops, ])eing a false 
 one, being one without foundation, con- 
 ceals the true issue, which is simply to get 
 rid of the Federal presence at Federal 
 elections, to get rid of the civil potcer of the 
 United States in the election of Repre- 
 sentatives to the Congress of the United 
 States. That is the Avhole of it ; and dis- 
 guise it as you may there is nothing else in 
 it or of it. 
 
 You simply want to get rid of the super- 
 vision by the Federal Government of the 
 election of Representatives to Congress 
 through civil means; and therefore this 
 bill connects itself directly with another 
 bill, and you cannot discuss this military 
 bill without discussing a bill which we 
 had before us last winter, known as the 
 legislative, executive, and judicial appro- 
 priation bill. I am quite well aware, I 
 profess to be as well aware as any one, 
 that it is not permissible for me to discuss 
 a bill that is pending before the other 
 House. I am quite well aware tlmt pro- 
 jirietyand parliaiiiontaiy rule forbid th'itl 
 should speak of what is "done in the House 
 of Representatives ; but I know very well 
 that I am not forbidden to speak of that
 
 174 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [nooK III. 
 
 which is not done in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. I am quite free to speak of the 
 things that are not done there, and there- 
 fore I am free to declare that neither this 
 militarj- bill nor the legislative, executive, 
 and judicial appropriation bill ever 
 emanated from any committee of the House 
 of Representatives at all ; they are not the 
 work of any committee of the House of 
 Representatives, and, although the present 
 House of Representatives is almost evenly 
 balanced in party division, no solitary sug- 
 gestion has been allowed to come from the 
 minority of that House in regard to the 
 shaping of these bills. Where do they 
 come h-om ? We are not left to infer ; we 
 are not even left to the Yankee privilege 
 of guessing, because we know. The Sena- 
 tor from Kentucky [Mr. Beck] obligingly 
 told us — I have his exact words here — 
 "that the honorable Senator from Ohio 
 [Mr. Thurman] was the chairman of a 
 committee appointed by the democratic 
 party to see how it was best to present all 
 these questions before us." 
 
 We are told, too, rather a novel thing, 
 that if we do not take these laws, we are 
 not to have the appropriations. I believe 
 it has been announced in both branches of 
 Congress, I suppose on the authority of the 
 democratic caucus, that if we do not take 
 these bills as they are planned, we shall 
 not have any of the appropriations that go 
 with them. The honorable Senator from 
 West Virginia [3Ir. Hereford] told it to 
 xis on Friday ; the honorable Senator from 
 Ohio [Mr. Thurjian] told it to us last 
 session ; the honorable Senator from Ken- 
 tucky [Mr. Beck] told it to us at the same 
 time, and I am not permitted to speak of 
 the legions who told us so in the other 
 House. They say all these appropriations 
 are to be refused — not merely the Army 
 approj)riation, ibr they do not stop at that. 
 Look lor a moment at the legislative bill 
 that came from the democratic caucus. 
 Here is an appropriation in it for defray- 
 ing the expenses of the Supreme Court and 
 the circuit and district courts of the United 
 States, including the District of Columbia, 
 &c., "$2,800,000: " Provided "—provided 
 what? 
 
 That the following sections of the Re- 
 vised Statutes relating to elections — going 
 on to recite them — he repealed. 
 
 That is, you will pass an appropriation 
 for the support of the ju<liciary of the 
 United States only on condition of this re- 
 peal. Wc often speak .of this government 
 being divided l)etwecn three great depart- 
 ments, the executive, the legislative, and 
 the judicial — co-ordinate, independent, 
 <''iual. The legislative, under the control 
 oi a democratic caucus, now steps forw.ird 
 and says, " We olfer to the Ejtecative tiiis 
 bill, and if he docs not sign it, we are go- 
 ing U) stJiTve the judiciary." Tliat in car- 
 
 rying the thing a little further than I have 
 ever known. We do not merely propose to 
 starve the Executive if he will not sign the 
 bill, but we propose to starve the judiciary 
 that has had nothing whatever to do with 
 the question. That has been boldly 
 avowed on this floor ; that has been boldly 
 avowed in the other House ; that has been 
 boldly avowed in democratic papers 
 throughout the country. 
 
 And you proi)Ose not merely to starve 
 the judiciary but you jn-opose that you will 
 not appropriate a solitary dollar to take 
 care of this Capitol. The men who take 
 care of this great amount of public prop- 
 erty are provided for in that bill. You 
 say they shall not have any pay if the 
 President will not agree to change the elec- 
 tion laws. There is the public printing 
 that goes on for the enlightenment of the 
 whole country and for printing the public 
 documents of every one of the Depart- 
 ments. You say they shall not have a 
 dollar for public printing unless the Pres- 
 ident agrees to repeal these laws. 
 
 There is the Congressional Library that 
 has become the pride of the whole Ameri- 
 can peojile for its magnificent growth and 
 extent. You say it shall not have one dol- 
 lar to take care of it, much less add a new 
 book, unless the President signs these bills. 
 There is the Dei)artment of State that we 
 think throughout the historj' of the Gov- 
 ernment has been a great pride to this 
 country for the ability with which it has 
 conducted our foreign aflairs ; it is also to 
 be starved. You say we shall not have 
 any intercourse with foreign nations, not a 
 dollar shall be appropriated therelbr unless 
 the President signs these bills. There is 
 the Light-House Board that provides for 
 the beacons and the warnings on seventeen 
 thousand miles of sea and gulf and lake 
 coast. 
 
 You say those lights shall all go out 
 and not a dollar shall be appropriated for 
 the board if the President does not sign 
 these bills. There are the mints of the 
 United States at Philadelphia, New Or- 
 leans, Denver, San Francisco, coining sil- 
 ver and coining gold — not a dollar shall be 
 appropriated for them if the President does 
 not sign these bills. There is the Patent 
 Oflice, the patents issued which embody 
 the invention of the country — not a dollar 
 for them. The Pension Bureau shall cease 
 its operations unless these bills are signed 
 and patriotic soldiers may starve. The 
 Agricultural Bureau, the Post Office De- 
 jiartment, every one of the great executive 
 functions of theCovernment is threatened, 
 taken by the throat, highwayman-style, 
 collared on the highway, commanded to 
 stand and deliver in the name of the dem- 
 ocratic congressional caucus. That is what 
 it is ; simply that. No committee of this 
 Congress in either branch has ever recom-
 
 BOOK III.] JAMES G. BLAINE ON A FALSE ISSUE. 
 
 175 
 
 mended that letrislation — not one. Simply 
 a democratic caucus has done it. 
 
 Of course this is new. We are learning 
 something every day. I think you may 
 search tlie records of the Federal Govern- 
 ment in vain ; it will take Home one much 
 more industrious in that search than I 
 have ever been, and much more oljservant 
 than I have ever been, to find any possible 
 parallel or any possible suggestion in our 
 past history of any such thing. Most of 
 the Senators who sit in this Chamber can 
 remember some vetoes by Presidents that 
 shook this country to its centre with ex- 
 citement. The veto of the national-bank 
 bill by Jackson in 1832, remembered by 
 the oldest in this Chamber ; the veto of the 
 national-bank bill in 1841 by Tyler, re- 
 membered by those not the oldest, shook 
 this country with a political excitement 
 which up to that time had scarcely a i)aral- 
 lel ; and it Avas believed, whether rightluUy 
 or wrongfully is no matter, it was believed 
 by those who advocated those financial 
 measures at the time, that they were of 
 the very last importance to the well-being 
 and prosperity of the people of the Union. 
 That was believed by the great and shin- 
 ing lights of that day. It was believed by 
 that man of imperial character and im- 
 perious will, the great Senator from Ken- 
 tucky. It was believed by Mr. Webster, 
 the greatest of New England Senators. 
 When Jackson vetoed the one or Tyler ve- 
 toed the other, did you ever hear a sug- 
 gestion that those bank charters should be 
 put on ajipropriation bills or that there 
 should not be a dollar to run the Govern- 
 ment until they were signed ? So far from 
 it tliat, in 1841, when temper was at its 
 height ; when the whig party, in addition 
 to losing their great measure, lost it under 
 the sting and the irritation of what they 
 bclii'vcd was a desertion by tae President 
 whom they had chosen ; and when Mr. 
 Clay, goaded bj'' all these considerations, 
 rose to debate the question rn the Senate, 
 he repelled the suggestion of William C. 
 Rives, of Virginia, who attempted to make 
 upon him the point that he had injlulged 
 in some threat involving the independence 
 of the Executive. Mr. Clay rose to his 
 full height and thus responded : 
 
 " I said nothing whatever of any obliga- 
 tion on the part of the President to con- 
 form his judgment to the opinions of the 
 Senate and the House of Eepresentatives, 
 although the Senator argued as if I had, 
 and persevered in so arguing after repeated 
 correction. I said no such thing. I know 
 and I respect the perfect independence of 
 each department, acting within its proper 
 sphere, of the other departments." 
 
 A leading democrat, an eloquent man, a 
 man who has courage and frankness and 
 many good qualities, has ])oasted publicly 
 that the democracy are in power for the 
 
 first time in eighteen years, and they do 
 not intend to stop until they have wiped 
 out every vestige of every war measure. 
 Well, " forewarned is forearmed," and you 
 begin ajjpropriately on a measure that has 
 the signature of Abraham Lincoln. I 
 think the picture is a striking one when 
 you hear these words Irom a man who was 
 then in arms against the CJovernment of 
 the United States, doing his best to destroy 
 it, exerting every power given him in a 
 bloody and terrible rebellion against the 
 authority of the United States and when 
 Abraham Lincoln was marching at the 
 same time to his martyrdom in it< defense ! 
 Strange times have fallen upon us that 
 those of us who had .the great honor to be 
 associated in higher or lower degree with 
 Mr. Lincoln in the administration of the 
 Government should live to hear men in 
 public life and on the floors of Congress, 
 fresh from the battle-fields of the rebellion, 
 threatening the people of the United States 
 that the democratic party, in power for 
 the first time in eighteen years, proposes 
 not to stay its hand until every vestige of 
 the war measures has been wiped out ! 
 the late vice-president of the confederacy 
 boasted — perhaps I had better say stated 
 — that for sixty out of the seventy-two 
 years preceding the outbreak of the re- 
 bellion, from the foundation of the Gov- 
 ernment, the South, though in a minority, 
 had by combining with what he termed 
 the anti-centralists in the North ruled the 
 country ; and in 1866 the same gentleman 
 indicated in a speech, I think before the 
 Legislature of Georgia, that by a return to 
 Congress the South might repeat the ex- 
 periment with the same successful result. 
 I read that speech at the time ; but I little 
 thought I should live to see so near a ful- 
 fillment of its prediction. I see here to- 
 day two great measures emanating, as I 
 have said, not from a committee of either 
 House, but from a democratic caucus in 
 which the South has an overwhelming ma- 
 jority, two-thirds in the House, and out of 
 forty-two Senators on the other side of 
 this Chamber professing the democratic 
 faith thirty are from the South — twenty- 
 three, a positive and pronounced majority, 
 having themselves been participants in the 
 war against the Union either in military 
 or civil station. So that as a matter of 
 fact, plainly deducible from counting your 
 fingers, the legislation of this country to- 
 day, shaped and fashioned in a democratic 
 caucus where the confederates of the South 
 hold the majority, is the realization of Mr. 
 Stephens' prophecy. And very appro- 
 priately the House under that control and 
 the Senate un<ler that control, embodying 
 thus the entire legi'^lative powers of the 
 Government, deriving its political strength 
 from tlie South, elected from the South, 
 say to the President of the United States,
 
 176 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 at the head of the Executive Department 
 of the Government, elected as h-^ was from 
 the North — elected by the whole people, 
 but elected as a Northern man ; elected on 
 Republican principles, elected in opposi- 
 tion to the party that controls both branches 
 of Congress to-day — they naturally say, 
 " You shall not exercise your constitutional 
 power to veto a bill." 
 
 Some gentleman may rise and say, " Do 
 you call it revolution to put an amendment 
 on an approjjriation bill ?" Of course not. 
 There have been a great many amendments 
 put on appropriation bills, some mischie- 
 A'Otis and some harmless ; but I call it the 
 audacity of revolution for any Senator or 
 Representative, or any caucus of Senators 
 or Representatives, to get together and say, 
 "We will have this legislation or we will 
 stop the great departments of the Govern- 
 ment." That is revolutionary. I do not 
 think it will amount to revoltition ; my 
 opinion is it will not. I think that is a 
 revolution that will not go around ; I think 
 that is a revolution which will not revolve; 
 I think that is a revolution whose wheel 
 will not turn ; but it is a revolution if per- 
 6i.sted in, and if not persisted in, it must be 
 backed out from with ignominy. The de- 
 mocratic party in Congress have put them- 
 selves exactly in this position to-day, that 
 if they go forward in the announced j^i'o- 
 gramme, they march to revolution. I 
 think they will, in the end, go back in an 
 ignominious retreat. That is my judg- 
 ment. 
 
 The extent to which they control the 
 legislation of the country is worth pointing 
 out. In round numbers, the Southern 
 people are about one-third of the poj)ula- 
 tion of the Union. I am not permitted to 
 speak of the organization of the House of 
 Representatives, but I can refer to that of 
 the last House. In the last House of Re- 
 presentatives, of the forty-two standing 
 committees the South had twenty-five. I 
 am not Ijhimiiig tlie honorable Speaker for 
 it. He was hedged in by partisan forces, 
 and could not avoid it. In this very Se- 
 nate, out of thirty-four standing commit- 
 tees the South has twenty -two. I am not 
 calling these tilings up just now in re- 
 proach; I am only showing what .an admi- 
 rable prophet the late vice-president of the 
 Southern (confederacy was, and how en- 
 tirely true all his words have been, and 
 how he has lived to see them realized. 
 
 I do not profess to know, Mr. President, 
 least of all Senators on this floor, certainly 
 a.s little as any Senator on tliis floor, do I 
 profess to know, what the J 'resident of the 
 United States will do when these bills are 
 presented to him, as I suppose in due 
 co'irsc of time they will be. I certainly 
 should never speak a solitary word of dis- 
 respect of the gentleman hohling that ex- 
 alted position, and 1 hope I should not 
 
 speak a word unbefitting the dignity of the 
 office of a Senator of the United States. 
 But as there has been speculation here and 
 there on both sides as to what he would 
 do, it seems to me that the dead heroes of 
 the Union would rise from their graves if 
 he should consent to be intimidated and 
 outraged in his proper constitutional pow- 
 ers by threats like these. 
 
 All the war measures of Abraham Lin- 
 coln are to be wiped out, say leading demo- 
 crats! The Bourbons of France busied 
 themselves, I believe, after the restoration, 
 in removing every trace of Napoleon's 
 power and grandeur, even chiseling the 
 " N " from public monuments raised to 
 perpetuate his glory ; but the dead man's 
 hand from Saint Helena reached out and 
 destroyed them in their pride and in their 
 folly. And I tell the Senators on the other 
 side of this Chamber, — I tell the demo- 
 cratic party North and South — South in 
 the lead and North following, — that, the 
 slow, unmoving finger of scorn, from the 
 tomb of the martyred President on the 
 prairies of Illinois, will wither and destroy 
 them. Though dead he speaketh. [Great 
 applause in the galleries.] 
 
 The presiding officer, (Mr. Aistthoitx' in 
 the chair.) The Sergeant-at-Arms will 
 preserve order in the galleries and arrest 
 persons manifesting approbation or disap- 
 probation. 
 
 Mr. Blaine. When you present these 
 bills with the^e threats to the living Presi- 
 dent, who bore the commission of Abraham 
 Lincoln and served with honor in the 
 Army of the Union, which Lincoln re- 
 stored and preserved, I can think only of 
 one appropriate response from his lips or 
 his pen. He should say to you with all 
 the scorn befitting his station : 
 
 Is thy servant a dog that ho should do this thing ? 
 
 Speech of Roscoe Conklln^. 
 
 0)1 the Extra Session of 187'.). Whul il Tearlien ntid trhat 
 il Means. In the Senate of the Vnited States, April :i4,1879. 
 
 The Senate having under consideration 
 the bill (H. R. No. 1) making appropria- 
 tions for the support of the Army for the 
 fiseal year ending June 30, 1880, and for 
 other jnirposes — 
 
 Mr. CONKLING said: 
 
 Mr. Pkksidknt : During the last fiscal 
 vcar the amount of national taxes paid in- 
 to the Treasury was $234,831,401,77. Of 
 this sum one hundred and thirty million 
 an<l a fraction was collected under tarifTiaws 
 as duties on imported merchandise, and one 
 hundred and four million aTid a fraction as 
 tax on American productions. Of this 
 total of $235,000,000 in round numbers, 
 twenty-fleven States which adhered to the 
 Union during the recent war ],)aid $221,- 
 204,208,88. The residue came Irom eleven
 
 BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 
 
 177 
 
 States. I will read their names : Alabama, 
 Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, North Carolina, South Caro- 
 lina,Tenncssee, TcxaSjVirgiiua. These elev- 
 en States paid $13,027,102.89. Of this sum 
 more than six million and a half came 
 from the tobacco of Virginia. Deducting 
 the amount of the tobacco-tax in Virginia, 
 the eleven States enumerated paid $7,12"),- 
 462,60 of the revenues and supplies of the 
 Republic. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Will the Senator 
 from New York allow me to ask him a 
 question? 
 
 Mr. CoxKLIxo. If the Senator thinks 
 that two of us are needed to make a state- 
 ment of figures I will. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Two no doubt can 
 make it better. 
 
 The Presiding Officer. Does the 
 Senator from New York yield to the Sena- 
 tor from Georgia? 
 
 Mr. CoNKLiNG. After the expressed 
 opinion of the Senator from Georgia that 
 the statement needs his aid, I cannot 
 decline. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I will not inter- 
 rupt the Senator if it is disagreeable to 
 him, I assure him. I ask if in the compu- 
 tation he has made of the amount paid he 
 does not ascribe to the States that adhered 
 to the Union, to use his language, all 
 
 Mr. CoNKLiNO. Having heard the 
 Senator so far, I must ask him to desist. 
 
 The Presiding Officer. The Senator 
 from New York declines to yield further. 
 
 Mr. Conk LING. I have stated certain 
 figures as they appear in the published 
 official accounts : the Senator seems about 
 to challenge the process or system by which 
 the accounts are made up. I cannot give 
 way for this, and must beg him to allow 
 me to proceed with observations which I 
 fear to prolong lest they become too weari- 
 some to the Senate. 
 
 The laws exacting these few millions 
 from eleven States, and these hundreds of 
 millions from twenty-seven States, origi- 
 nated, as the Constitution requires all bills 
 for raising revenue to originate, in the 
 House of Representatives. They are not 
 recent laws. They have been approved 
 and affirmed by succeeding Congresses. The 
 last House of Representatives and its pre- 
 decessor approved them, and both these 
 Houses were ruled by a democratic Speak- 
 er, by democratic committees, and by a 
 democratic majority. Both Senate and 
 House are democratic now, and avc hear of 
 no purpose to repeal or .suspend existing 
 revenue laws. They are to remain in full 
 force. They will continue to operate and 
 to take tribute of the people. If the sum 
 they exact this year and next year, shall 
 be less than last year, it will be only or 
 chiefly because recent legislation favoring 
 southern and tobacco-growing regions has 
 
 36 
 
 dismissed twelve or fourteen million of 
 annual tax on tobacco. 
 
 This vast revenue is raised and to be 
 raised for three uses. It is 8upi)lied in 
 time of severe dejiression and distress, to 
 I)ay debt inflicted by rebellion ; to pay jien- 
 sions to widows, orphans, and cripples 
 made by rebellion ; and to maintain the 
 (lovernment and enforce the laws pre- 
 served at inestimable cost of life and 
 treasure. 
 
 It can be devoted to its uses in only one 
 mode. Once in the Treasury, it must re- 
 main there useless until appropriated by 
 act of Congress. The Constitution so or- 
 dains. To collect it, and then defeat or 
 ])revent its object or use, would be recreant 
 and abominable oppression. 
 
 The Constitution leaves no discretion 
 to Congress whether needful appropria- 
 tions shall be made. Discretion to as- 
 certain and determine amounts needful, is 
 committed to Congress, but the appropria- 
 tion of whatever is needful alter the 
 amount has been ascertained, is command- 
 ed positively and absolutely. "When, for 
 example, the Constitution declares that 
 the President and the judges at stated pe- 
 riods shall receive compensation fixed by 
 law, the duty to make the appropriations 
 is plain and peremptory' ; to refuse to make 
 them, is disobedience of the Constitution, 
 and treasonable. So, when it is declared 
 that Congress shall have power to provide 
 money to pay debts, and f(ir the common 
 defense and the general welfare, the plain 
 meaning is that Congress shall do these 
 things, and a refusal to do them is revolu- 
 tionary, and subversive of the Constitu- 
 tion. A refusal less flagrant would be im- 
 peachable in the case of every officer and 
 department of the Government within the 
 reach of impeachment. Were the Presi- 
 dent to refuse to do any act enjoined on 
 him by the Constitution, he would be im- 
 peachable, and ought to be convicted and 
 removed from office as a convict. Should 
 the judges, one, or some, or all of them, re- 
 fuse to perform any duty which the Con- 
 stitution commits to the judicial branch, 
 the refusal would be plainly impeachable. 
 
 Congress is not amenable to impeach- 
 ment. Congressional majorities are tri- 
 able at the bar of public opinion, and in 
 no other human forum. Could Congress 
 be dissolved instantly here as in England, 
 could Senators and Representatives be 
 driven instantly from their seats by popu- 
 lar disapjiroval, were they amenable pres- 
 ently somewhere, there would be more of 
 bravery, if not less of guilt, in a disregard 
 of sworn obligation. Legislators are bound 
 chiefly by their honor and their oaths ; and 
 the very impunity and exemption they en- 
 joy exalts and measures their obligations, 
 and the crime and odium of violating 
 them. Because of the fixed tenure by
 
 178 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iir. 
 
 which the members of each House hold 
 their places and their trusts, irreparable 
 harni may come of their acts and omis- 
 sions, before they can be visited with even 
 political defeat, and before the wrong 
 they do can be undone. A congressional 
 majority is absolutely safe during its term, 
 and those who suffered such impunity to 
 exist in the frame of our Government, 
 must have relied on the enormity and 
 turpitude of the act to deter the represen- 
 tatives of the people and the representa- 
 tives of States from betraying a trust so 
 exalted and so sacred as their offices imply. 
 
 Mr. President, it does not escape my at- 
 tention, as it must occur to those around 
 me, that in ordinary times obvious apho- 
 risms, I might say truisms like these would 
 be needless, if not out of place in the Sen- 
 ate. They are pertinent now because 
 of an occasion without example in Ameri- 
 can histor}'. I know of no similar instance 
 in British historj'. Could one be found, 
 it would only mark the difference between 
 an hereditary monarchy without a written 
 constitution, and a free republic with a 
 written charter plainly defining from the 
 beginning the powers, the rights, and the 
 duties of everj' department of the Govern- 
 ment. The nearest approaches in English 
 experience to the transactions which now 
 menace this country, only gild with broad 
 light the wisdom of those who established 
 a system to exempt America forever from 
 the struggles between kingcraft and lib- 
 erty, between aristocratic pretensions and 
 human rights, which in succeeding centu- 
 ries had checkered and begrimed the an- 
 nals of Great Britain. It was not to trans- 
 plant, but to leave behind and shut out 
 the usurpations and prerogatives of kings, 
 nobles, and gentry, and the rude and vio- 
 lent resorts which, with varying and only 
 partial success, had been matched against 
 them, that wise and far-seeing men of 
 many nationalities came to these shores 
 and founded " a government of the people, 
 for the people, and by the people." Such 
 boisterous conflicts as the Old World had 
 witnessed between subjects and rulers — 
 between privilege and right, were the 
 warnings which our fatliers heeded, the 
 dangers which they shunned, the evils 
 which they averted, the disasters which 
 they mncle impossible so long as tlieir pos- 
 terity should cherisli their inheritance. 
 
 Until now no madness of party, no au- 
 dacity or desperation of sinister, sectional, 
 or nartisan design, has ever ventured on 
 8U('n an attempt as has recently come to 
 paas in tlie two Houses of Congress. The 
 proceeding I mean to cliaractcrize, if mis- 
 understoofi anywlu-re, is misunderstood 
 here. One listening to addresses delivered 
 to the Senate during (his debate, as it is 
 called, must think that the majority is 
 arraigned, certainly that the majority 
 
 wishes to seem and is determined to seem 
 arraigned, merely for insisting that pro- 
 visions appropriating money to keep the 
 Government alive, and provisions not in 
 themselves improper relating to other mat- 
 ters, may be united in the same bill. With 
 somewhat of monotonous and ostentatious 
 iteration we have been asked whether in- 
 corporating general legislation in appro- 
 priation bills is revolution, or revolution- 
 ary ? No one in my hearing has ever so 
 contended. 
 
 Each House is empowered by the Con- 
 stitution to make rules governing the 
 modes of its own procedure. The rules 
 permitting, I know of nothing except con- 
 venience, common sense, and the danger 
 of log-rolling combinations, which forbids 
 putting all the appropriations into one 
 bill, and in the same bill, all the revenue 
 laws, a provision admitting a State into 
 the Union, another paying a pension to a 
 widow, another changing the name of a 
 steamboat. The votes and the executive 
 approval which would make one of these 
 provisions a law, would make them all a 
 law. The proceeding would be outland- 
 ish, but it would not violate the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 A Senator might vote against such a 
 huddle of incongruities, although separate- 
 ly he would approve each one of them. If, 
 however, they passed both Houses in a 
 bunch, and the Executive found no objec- 
 tion to any feature of the bill on its merits, 
 and the only criticism should be that it 
 would have been better legislative practice 
 to divide it into separate enactments, it is 
 not easy to see on "what ground a veto 
 could stand. 
 
 The assault which has been made on the 
 executive branch of the Government and 
 on the Constitution itself, would not be 
 less flagrant if separate bills had been re- 
 sorted to as the wea])ons of attack. Sup- 
 pose in a separate bill, the majority had, in 
 advance of the appropriations, repealed 
 the national-bank act and the resumption 
 act, and had declared that unless the Exe- 
 cutive surrendered his convictions and 
 yielded up his approval of the repealing 
 act, no api)ro2)riations should be made; 
 would the separation of the bills have pal- 
 liated or condoned the revolutionary ])ur- 
 posc? In the absence of an avowal that 
 ajjpropriations were to be finally withheld, 
 or that a])propriations were to be made to 
 hinge upon the approval or veto of some- 
 thing else, a resort to separate bills might 
 have cloaked and secreted for a time the 
 real meaning of the transaction. In that 
 respect it would liave been wise and artful 
 to resort to separate bills on this occasion; 
 and I speak, I think, in the hearing of at 
 least one democratic Senator who did not 
 overlook in advance the suggession now 
 made. But when it was declared, or in-
 
 BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 
 
 179 
 
 tended, that unless another species of le- 
 gishition is agreed to, tlie money of the 
 peopk^ paid for tiiat iiur]»(jse, shall not be 
 used to maintain their (xoveriiment and to 
 enforce the laws — wlien it is designed that 
 the Govcrninent shall be thrown into eon- 
 fusion and shall stoj) unless private charity 
 or public succor comes to its relief, the 
 threat is rev(jlutiouary, and its execution 
 is treasonable. 
 
 In the ease before us, the design to make 
 appropriations hinge and depend ujjon the 
 destruction of certain laws is plain on tlie 
 face of the bills befoi-e us, — the bill now 
 pending, and another one on our tables. 
 The same design was plain on the face of the 
 bills sent us at the last session. The very 
 fact that the sections uncovering the ballot- 
 box to violence and fraud, are not, and never 
 have been separately presented, but are 
 thrust into appropriation bills, discloses and 
 proves a belief, if not a knowledge, that in 
 a separate bill the Executive would not 
 approve them. Moreover both Houses 
 have rung with the assertion that the Exe- 
 cutive would not approve in a separate 
 maasure the overthrow of existing safe- 
 guards of the ballot-box, and that should 
 he refuse to give his approval to appropri- 
 ations and an overthrow of those safeguards 
 linkctl together, no appropriations should 
 be made. 
 
 The plot and the purpose then, is by 
 duress to compel the Executive to give up 
 his convictions, his duty, and his oath, as 
 the price to be paid a political party for 
 allowing the Government to live ! Whether 
 the bills be united or divided, is mere 
 method and form. The substance in either 
 form is the same, and the plot if persisted 
 in will bury its aiders and abettors in op- 
 probrium, and will leave a buoy on the 
 sea of time warning political mariners to 
 keep aloof from a treacherous channel in 
 which a political party foundered and 
 went down. 
 
 The size of the Army and its pay, have 
 both been exactly fixed by law — by law 
 enacted by a democratic House, and ap- 
 proved by a second democratic House. 
 It has been decided and voted that the 
 coast defenses and the Indian and fron- 
 tier service, require a certain number of 
 soldiers; and the appropriations needed 
 for provision and pay have been ascer- 
 tained to a farthing. Nothing remains to 
 be done, but to give formal sanction and 
 warrant for the use of the money from 
 time to time. This was all true at the 
 last session. But a democratic House, or 
 more justly speaking the democratic ma- 
 jority in the House refused to give its 
 sanction, refused to allow the people's 
 money, to reach the use for which the 
 people paid it, unless certain long-stand- 
 ing laws were repealed. When the Senate 
 voted against the repeal, we were bluntly 
 
 told 'that unless that vote was reversed, 
 unless the Senate and the Executive would 
 accejjt the bills, repealing clauses and all, 
 the session should die, no appropriations 
 should be made, and the wheels of the 
 ( Jovernment should stop. The threat wa.s 
 executed ; the session did die, and every 
 branch of the Government was leit with- 
 out the power to execute its duties after 
 the 30th of next June. 
 
 We were further told that when the 
 extra session, thus to be brought about, 
 should convene, the democrats would rule 
 both Houses, that the nuijority would 
 again insist on its terms, and that then un- 
 less the Executive submitted to become 
 an accomplice in the design to fling down 
 the barriers that block the way to the bal- 
 lot-box against fraud and force, apj)ropria- 
 tions would again be refused, and again 
 the session should die leaving the Govern- 
 ment paralyzed. The extra session has 
 convened ; the democrats have indeed the 
 power in both Houses, and thus far the 
 war and the caucus have come up to the 
 manifesto. So far the exploit has been 
 easy. The time of trial is to come ; the 
 issue has been made, and of its ignomini- 
 ous failure, there can be no doubt if the 
 Executive shall plant itself on constitu- 
 tional right and duty, and stand firm. The 
 actors in this scheme have managed them- 
 selves and their party into a j)redicament, 
 and unless the President lets them out they 
 will and they must back out. [Laugh- 
 ter, and manifestations of applause in the 
 galleries.] 
 
 Should the Executive interpose the con- 
 stitutional shield against the political 
 enormities of the proposed bills, and then 
 should the majority carry out the threat to 
 desert their posts by adjournment without 
 making the needed appropriations, I hope 
 and trust they Avill be called back instantly 
 and called back as often as need be until 
 they relinquish a monstrous pretension 
 and abandon a treasonable position. 
 
 The Army bill now pending, is not, in 
 its political features, tlie bill tendered us 
 at the last session a few days ago ; it is not 
 the same bill then insisted on as the ulti- 
 matum of the majority. The bill as it 
 comes to us now, condemns its predecessor 
 as crude and objectionable. It was found 
 to need alteration. It did need altera- 
 tion badly, and those who lately insisted 
 on it as it was, insist on it now as it then 
 was not. A grave proviso has been added 
 to save the right of the President to aid a 
 State gasping in the throes of re])ellion or 
 invasion and calling for help. As the pro- 
 vision stood when thrust upon us first and 
 last at the recent session, it would have 
 punished as a felon the President of the 
 United States, the General of the Army, 
 and others, for attempting to obey the Con- 
 stitution of the United States and two an-
 
 180 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 cient acts of Congress, one of them signed 
 by George Washington. Shorn of this ab- 
 surdity, the bill as it now stands, should it 
 become a law, will be the first enactment 
 of its kind that ever found its way into the 
 statutes of the United States. A century, 
 with all its activities and party strifes, 
 with all its passionate discords, with all its 
 expedients for party advantage, with all 
 its wisdom and its "folly, with all its pa- 
 triotism and its treason, has never till now 
 produced a congressional majority which 
 deemed such a statute fit to be enacted. 
 
 Let me state the meaning of the amend- 
 ments proposed under guise of enlarging 
 liberty on election day — that day of days 
 whenorder, peacx?, and security for all, aS 
 well as liberty, should reign. The amend- 
 ments declare in jdain legal effect that, no 
 matter what the exigency may be, no mat- 
 ter what violence or carnage may run riot 
 and trample down right and life, no matter 
 what mob brutality may become master, if 
 the day be election day, any officer or per- 
 son, civil, military, or naval, from the 
 President down, who attempts to interfere, 
 to prevent or quell violence by the aid of 
 national soldiers, or armed men not sol- 
 diers, shall be punished, and may be fined 
 So,000 and imprisoned for five years. This 
 is the law we are required to set up. Yes, 
 not only to leave murderous rutfianism un- 
 touched, but to invite it into action by as- 
 surances of safety in advance. 
 
 In the city of New York, all the thugs 
 and shoulder-hitters and repeaters, all the 
 carriers of slung-shot, dirks, and blud- 
 geons, all the fraternity of the bucket- 
 shops, the rat-pits, the hells and the 
 slums, all the graduates of the nurseries 
 of modern so-called democracy, [laughter ;] 
 all those who employ and incite them, from 
 King's Bridge to the Battery, are to be told 
 in advance that on the day when the mil- 
 lion people around them choose their 
 members of the National Legislature, no 
 matter what (rod-daring or nmn-burling 
 enormities they may commit, no matter 
 what they do, nothing that they can do 
 will meet with the slightest resistance 
 from any national soldier or armed man 
 clothed with national authority. 
 
 Another bill, already on our tables, 
 strikes down even police officers armed, 
 or unarmed, of the United States. 
 
 In South Carolina, in Louisiana, in Mis- 
 si.ssipj)!, ami in the other States where the 
 colored citizens are counted to swell the 
 representation in (Congress, and then nibbed 
 of their ballots and disn)isscd from the 
 political sun — in all such States, every 
 rifle club, and white league, and mur- 
 derous band, and every tissue ballot-box 
 stuffer, night-rider, ami law-breaker, is to 
 be told that tlicy mav turn national elec- 
 tions into a bloody f'arce, that they may 
 choke the whole proceeding with force 
 
 and fraud, and blood, and that the na- 
 tion shall not confront them with one 
 armed man. State troops, whether under 
 the name of rifle clubs or white leagues, or 
 any other, armed with the muskets of the 
 United States, may constitute the mob, may 
 incite the mob, but the national arm is to 
 be tied and palsied. 
 
 I repeat such an act of Congress has 
 never yet existed. If there ever was a 
 time when such an act could safely and 
 fitly stand upon the statute-book, that time 
 is not now, and is not likely to arrive in 
 the near future. L'ntil rebellion raised its 
 iron hand, all parties and all sections had 
 been content to leave where the Constitu- 
 tion left it the power and duty of the 
 President to take care that the laws be 
 faithfully executed. 
 
 The Constitution has in this regard three 
 plain commands: 
 
 The President " shall take care that the 
 laws be faithfully executed." 
 
 Again, "The President shall be Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of 
 the United States, and of the militia of the 
 several States, when called into the actual 
 service of the L'nited States." 
 
 " The actual service of the United 
 States" some man may say means war 
 merely, service in time of war. Let me read 
 again, " Congress shall have power to pro- 
 vide for calling forth the militia." For 
 what? First of all, " to execute the laws of 
 the Union." 
 
 Yes, Congress shall have power " to pro- 
 vide for calling forth the militia to execute 
 the laws of the L'nion." Speaking to law- 
 yers, I venture to emphasize the word 
 " execute." It is a term of art ; it has a 
 long-defined meaning. The act of 1795, 
 re-enacted since, emphasized these consti- 
 tutional jirovisious. 
 * * * * * 
 
 The election law came in to correct 
 abuses which reached their climax in 18(58 
 in the city of New York. In that year in 
 the State of New York the republican 
 eandidate for governor was elected; the 
 democratic candidate was counted in. 
 Members of the Legislature were fraudu- 
 lently seated. The election was a barba- 
 rous burlesque. ]\Iany thousand forged 
 naturalization }iapers were issued; some of 
 them were white and some were coffee-col- 
 ored. The same witnesses jmrjxnted to 
 attest hundreds and thousands of natural- 
 ization affidavits, and the stuiHiidous 
 fraud of the whole thing was and is an 
 open secret. Some of these naturalization 
 pajiers were sent to other States. So plen- 
 ty were they, that some of them were sent 
 to (Jennany, and Germans who had never 
 left tiu'ir country claimed exemption from 
 the German draft for soldiers in the Fran- 
 co-Prussian war, because they were natu- 
 ralized American citizens! [Laughter.]
 
 BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 
 
 181 
 
 Repeating, ballot-box stuffing, ruffian- 
 ism, and false counting decided every- 
 thing. Tweed made the election officers, 
 and the election officers were corrupt. In 
 18G8, thirty thousand votes were falsely 
 added to the denidcratic majority in the 
 cities of New York and Bnxdvlyn alone. 
 Taxes and elections were the mere spoil 
 and booty of a corruj)t junta in Tammany 
 Hall. Assessments, exactions, and ex- 
 emptions were made the bribes and the 
 penalties of political submission. Usurpa- 
 tion and fraud inaugurated a carnival of 
 corrupt disorder; ancl obscene birds with- 
 out number swooped down to the harvest 
 and gorged themselves on every side in 
 plunder and spoliation. Wrongs and usur- 
 pations springing from the pollution and 
 desecration of the ballot-box stalked high- 
 headed in the public way. The courts and 
 the machinery of justice were impotent in 
 the pre-sence of culprits too great to be 
 punished. 
 
 The act of 1870 came in to tlirottle such 
 abuses. It was not born without throes 
 and pangs. It passed the Senate after a 
 day and a night which rang with demo- 
 cratic maledictions and foul aspersions. 
 
 In the autumn of that year an election 
 was held for the choice of Representatives 
 in Congress. I see more than one friend 
 near me who for himself and for others 
 has reason even unto this day to remember 
 that election and the apprehension which 
 preceded it. It was the first time the law 
 of 1870 had been put in force. Resistance 
 was openly counseled. Democratic news- 
 papers in New York advised that the offi- 
 cers of the law be pitched into the river. 
 Disorder was afoot. Men, not wanting in 
 bravery, and not repul)licans, dreaded the 
 day. Bloodshed, arson, riot were feared. 
 Ghastly spectacles were still fresh in mem- 
 ory. The draft riots had spread terror which 
 had never died, and strong men shuddered 
 when they remembered the l)loody assizes 
 of the democratic party. They had seen 
 men and women, blind with party hate, 
 dizzy and drunk with party madness, stab 
 and burn and revel in murder and in 
 \jiutilating the dead. They had seen an 
 asylum for colored orphans made a funeral 
 pile, and its smoke .sent up from their 
 Christian and imperial city to tell in 
 heaven of the inhuman !)igotrv, the horri- 
 ble barbarity of man. Remembering such 
 sickening scenes, and dreading their repe- 
 tition, they asked the President to protect 
 them — to protect them with the beak and 
 claw of national power. Instantly the un- 
 kenneled packs of i)arty barke<l in venge- 
 ful chorus. Imprecations, maledictions, 
 and threats were hurled at (Irant; but 
 with that splendid courage which never 
 blanched in battle, which never quaked 
 before clamor — with that matchless self- 
 poise which did not desert him even when 
 
 a continent beyond the sea rose and un- 
 covered before him, [applause in the galle- 
 ries, ] he res[)onded in the orders wiiich it 
 has pleased the honorable Senator from 
 Delaware to read. The election thus pro- 
 tected was the fairest, the freest, the most 
 secure, a generation has seen. When, two 
 years afterward, New York came to crown 
 Grant with her vote, his action in protect- 
 ing her chief city on the Ides of Novem- 
 ber, 1870, was not forgotten. When next 
 New York has occasion to record her judg- 
 ment of the services of Grant, his action in 
 1870 touching peace in the city of New 
 York will not be hidden away by those 
 who espouse him wisely. [Applause in the 
 galleries.] 
 
 Now, the election law is to be emascu- 
 lated ; no national soldier must confront 
 rioters or mobs ; no armed man by nation- 
 al authority, though not a soldier, must 
 stay the tide of brutality or force ; no dep- 
 uty marshal must be within call ; no su- 
 pervisor must have power to arrest any 
 man who in his sight commits the most fla- 
 grant breach of the peace. But the demo- 
 crats tell us " we have not abolished the 
 supervisors; we have left them." Yes, the 
 legislative bill leaves the supervisors, two 
 stool-pigeons with their wings clipped, 
 [laugliter, ] two licensed witnesses U) stand 
 about idle, and look — yes, " a cat may look 
 at a king" — but they must not touch bul- 
 lies or lawbreakers, not if they do murders 
 right Ijefore their eyes. 
 
 If axiivil officer should, under the pend- 
 ing amendment, attempt to quell a riot by 
 calling on the bystanders, if they have 
 arms, he is punishable for that. If a mar- 
 shal, the marshal of the district in which 
 the election occurs, the marshal nominated 
 to the Senate and confirmed by the Senate 
 — I do not mean a deputy marshal — should 
 see an aiFi-ay or a riot at the polls on elec- 
 tion day and call U})on the bystanders to 
 quell it, if this bill becomes a law, and one 
 of those bystanders has a revolver in his 
 pocket, or another one takes a stick or a 
 cudgel in his Imnd, the marshal may be 
 fined !?"),0(J0 and punished by five years' 
 imprisonment. 
 
 Such are the devices to belittle national 
 authority and national law, to turn the idea 
 of the sovereignty of the nation into a 
 laughing-stock and a by-word. 
 
 Under what pretexts' is this uprooting 
 and overturning to be? Any officer who 
 transgresses the law, be he civil or military, 
 may be punished in the courts of the State 
 or in the courts of the nation under exist- 
 ing law. Is the election act unconstitu- 
 tional ? The courts for ten years have been 
 o]ien to that question. The law has been 
 pounded with all the hammers of the law- 
 yers, but it has stood the te-;t ; no court 
 has pronounced it unconstitutional, al- 
 1 though many men have been prosecuted
 
 182 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 and convicted under it. Judge Woodruff 
 and Judge Blatohford have vindicated its 
 constitutionality. But, as I said before, 
 the constitutional argument has been aban- 
 doned. The supreme political court, prac- 
 tically now above Congresses or even con- 
 stitutions, the democratic caucus, has de- 
 cided that the law is constitutional. The 
 record of the judgment is in the legislative 
 bill. 
 
 We are told it costs money to enforce 
 the law. Yes, it costs money to enforce all 
 laws; it costs money to prosecute smug- 
 glers, counterfeiters, murderers, mail rob- 
 bers and others. We have been informed 
 that it has cost $200,000 to execute the 
 election act. It cost more than $5,000,000,- 
 000 in money alone, to preserve our insti- 
 tutions and our laws, in one war, and the 
 nation which bled and the nation which 
 paid is not likely to give up its institutions 
 and the birthright of its citizens for $200,- 
 000. [Applause in the galleries.] 
 
 The presiding officer, (Mr. Cockrell, 
 in the chair.) The Senator will suspend a 
 moment. The chair will announce to the 
 galleries that there shall be no more ap- 
 plause ; if so, the galleries will be cleared 
 immediately. 
 
 Mr. CoxKLiXG. Mr. President, that in- 
 terruption reminds me, the present occu- 
 })ant of the chair having been deeply inter- 
 ested in the bill, that the apjiropriations 
 made and squandered for local and unlaw- 
 ful improvements in the last river and 
 harbor bill alone, would pay for executing 
 the election law as long as grass grows or 
 water runs. The interest on the money 
 wrongfully squandered in that one bill, 
 would execute it twice over perpetually. 
 Tlie cost of this needless extra session, 
 brought about as a partisan contrivance, 
 would execute the election law for a great 
 while. A better way to save the cost, than 
 to repeal the law, is to obey it. Let White 
 Leagues and rifle clubs disband; let your 
 night-riders dismount; let your tissue bal- 
 lot-box staffers desist; let repeaters, false- 
 counters, and ruffians no longer be em- 
 ployed to carry elections, and tlien the cost 
 of executing the law will disap2)ear from 
 the public ledger. 
 
 Again we are told that forty-five million 
 people are in danger from an army nomi- 
 nally of twenty-five thousand men scat- 
 tered over a continent, most of them be- 
 yond the frontiers of civilized abode. W\\- 
 itary power has l)ecome an affrighting 
 Hpectcr. Soldiers at the polls are displeas- 
 ing to a political jiarty. Wliat party? 
 That party whose Aijministration ordered 
 soldiers, who obcycnl, to shoot down and 
 kill unoffending citizens hen; in the streets 
 of Washington on election day ; that party 
 which has arrested and dis])crscd Legisla- 
 tures at tlie point of the bayonet; that 
 party whicii has employed troops to carry 
 
 elections to decide that a State should be 
 slave and should not be free; that party 
 Avhich has corraled courts of justice with 
 national bayonets, and hunted panting 
 fugitive slaves, in peaceful communities, 
 with artillery and dragoons ; that party 
 which would have to-day no majority in 
 either House of Congress except for elec- 
 tions dominated and decided by violence 
 and fraud ; that party under whose sway, 
 in several States, not only the right to vote, 
 but the right to be, is now tramjiled under 
 foot. 
 
 Such is the source of an insulting sum- 
 mons to the Executive to become particeps 
 criminis in prostrating wholesome laws, 
 and this is the condition on which the 
 money of the people, paid by the people, 
 shall be permitted to be used lor the pur- 
 poses for which the people paid it. 
 
 Has the present national Administration 
 been officiously robust in checking the en- 
 croachments and turbulence of democrats, 
 either by the use of troops or otherwise? 
 I ask this question because the next elec- 
 tion is to occur during the term of the pres- 
 ent Administration. 
 
 What is the need of revolutionary mea- 
 sures now? What is all this uproar and 
 commotion, this daring venture of partisan 
 experiment, for? Why not make your 
 issue against these laws, and carry your 
 issue to the people? If you can elect a 
 President and a Congress of your think- 
 ing, you will have it all your own way. 
 
 Why now should there be an attempt to 
 block the wheels of government on the eve 
 of an election at which this whole question 
 is triable before the princijnils and masters 
 of us all? The answer is inevitable. But 
 one truthful explanation can be made of 
 this daring enterprise. It is a political, a 
 partisan manoeuvre. It is a strike for 
 party advantage. With a fair election 
 and an honest count, the democratic party 
 cannot carry the country. These laws, if 
 executed, insure some approach to a liiir 
 election. Therefore they stand in the 
 way, and therefore they are to be broken 
 down. 
 
 I reflect upon no man's motives, but t 
 believe that the sentiment which finds ex- 
 I)ression in the transaction now proceeding 
 in the two houses of Congress, lias its ori- 
 gin in the idea I have stated. I believe 
 that the managers and charioteers of the 
 democratic party think that with a fair 
 election and a fair count they cannot carry 
 the State of New York. They know that 
 with free course, such as existed in 18()8, 
 to the ballot-box and coiuit, no matter 
 what majority may be given in that State 
 wliere tlu^ green grass grows, the great ci- ' 
 ties will overl)alance and swanij) it. They 
 know that with the aliility to give eighty, 
 ninety, one liundred thonsaiid majority in 
 the county of New York and the county of
 
 BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 
 
 183 
 
 Kings, half of it fraudulently added, it is 
 idle for the three million people living 
 above the Highlands of the Hudson to 
 vote. 
 
 This is a struggle for power. It is a 
 fight for empire. It is a contrivance to 
 clutch the National Government. That 
 we believe ; that I believe. 
 
 The nation has tasted, and drunk to the 
 dregs, the sway of the democratic party, 
 organized and dominated by the same in- 
 fluences which dominate it again and still. 
 You want to restore that dominion. We 
 mean to resist you at every step and by 
 every lawful means that opportunity places 
 in our hands. We believe that it is good 
 for the country, good for every man North 
 and South who loves the country now, that 
 the Government should remain in the 
 hands of those who Avere never against it. 
 We believe that it is not wise or safe to 
 give over our nationality to the dominion 
 of the forces which formerly and now again 
 rule the democratic i)arty. We do not 
 mean to connive at further conquests, and 
 we tell you that if you gain further politi- 
 cal power, you must gain it by fair means, 
 and not by foul. We believe that these laws 
 are wholesome. We believe that they 
 are necessary barriers against wrongs, ne- 
 cessary defenses for rights; and so be- 
 lieving, we will keep and defend them even 
 to the uttermost of lawful honest effort. 
 
 The other day, it was Tuesday I think, 
 it pleased the honorable Senator from Il- 
 linois I Mr. Davis] to deliver to the Senate 
 an address, I had rather said an ojnnion, 
 able and carefully prepared. That h(mor- 
 able Senator knows well the regard not 
 only, but the sincere respect in which I 
 hold him, and he will not misunderstand 
 the freedom with which I shall refer to 
 some of his utterances. 
 
 Whatever else his sayings foil to prove, 
 they did I think, prove their author, after 
 Mrs. Winslow, the most copious and inex- 
 haustible fountain of soothing syrup. The 
 honorable Senator seemed like one slum- 
 bering in a storm and dreaming of a calm. 
 He said there was no uproar anywhere — 
 one would infer you could hear a pin drop 
 — from centre to circumference. Rights, 
 he said, are secure. I have his language 
 here. If I do not seem to give the sub- 
 stance aright I will stop and read it. 
 Rights secure North and South ; peace and 
 tranquillity everywhere. The law obeyed 
 and no need of special provisions or anx- 
 iety. It was in this strain that the Sena- 
 tor discoursed. 
 
 Are rights securfe, when fresh-done bar- 
 barities show that local government in one 
 portion of our land is no better than des- 
 potism tempered by assassination? Riglits 
 secure, when such things can be, as stand 
 proved and recorded by committees of the 
 Senate ! Rights secure, when the old and 
 
 the young fly in terror from their liomes 
 and from the graves of their murdered 
 dead! Rights secure, when thousands 
 brave cold^ hunger, death, seeking among 
 strangers in a far country a humanity 
 which will remejnber that — 
 
 "Bi'fdro man made tliem citizeiw, 
 Great nature made thum men 1 " 
 
 Read the memorial signed by Judge 
 Dillon, by the democratic mayor of Saint 
 Louis, by Mr. Henderson, once a member 
 of the Senate, and by other men known to 
 the nation, detailing what has been done 
 in recent weeks on the Southern Missis- 
 sippi. Read the affidavits accompanying 
 this memorial. Has any one a copy of the 
 memorial here? I have seen the memorial. 
 I have seen the signatures. I hope the 
 honorable Senator from Illinois will read 
 it, and read the affidavits which accom- 
 pany it. When he does, he will read one 
 of the most sickening recitals of modern 
 times. He will look upon one of the 
 bloodiest and blackest pictures in the book 
 of recent years. Yet the Senator says, all 
 is quiet. " There is not such faith, no not 
 in Israel." Verily " order reigns in War- 
 saw." 
 
 Soliiudinem Jaciunf, pacem appellant. 
 
 Mr. President, the republican party 
 every where wants peace and prosperity — 
 peace and prosperity in the South, as 
 much and as sincerely as elsewhere. Dis- 
 guising the truth, will not bring peace and 
 prosperity'. Soft phrases will not bring 
 peace, " Fair words butter no parsnips." 
 We hear a great deal of loose, flabby talk 
 about " fanning dying embers," " rekind- 
 ling smoldering fires," and so on. When- 
 ever the plain truth is sj)oken, these unc- 
 tioas monitions, with a Peter Parley be- 
 nevolence, fall copiously upon us. This 
 lullaby and hush has been in my belief a 
 mistake from the beginning. It has mis- 
 led the South and misled the North. In 
 Andrew Johnson's time a convention was 
 worked up at Philadelphia, and men were 
 brought from the North and South, for 
 ecstasy and gush. A man from Massachu- 
 setts and a man from South Carolina locked 
 arms and walked into the convention arm 
 in arm, and sensation and credulity pal- 
 pitated, and clapped their hands, and 
 thought an universal solvent had been 
 found. Serenades were held at which 
 "Dixie" was played. Later on, anniver- 
 saries of battles fought in the war of Inde- 
 pendence, were made occasions by men 
 from the North and men from the South 
 for emotional, dramatic, hugging ceremo- 
 nies. General Sherman, I remember, at- 
 tended one of them, and I remember also, 
 that with the bluntness of a soldier, and 
 the wisdom and hard sense of a statesman, 
 he plainly cautioned all concerned not to 
 be carried away, and not to be fooled.
 
 184 
 
 ■"AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 But many have been fooled, and being 
 fooled, have helped to swell the democratic 
 majorities which now display themselves 
 before the public eye. 
 
 Of all such effusive demonstrations I 
 have this to say: honest, serious convic- 
 tions are not ecstatic or emotional. Grave 
 affairs and lasting purposes do not express 
 or vent themselves in honeyed phrase or 
 sickly sentimentality, rhapsody, or profuse 
 professions. 
 
 This is as true of political as of religious 
 duties. The Divine Master tells us, " Not 
 every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, 
 shall enter into the kingdom of heaven; 
 but he that doeth the will of my Father 
 which is in heaven." 
 
 Facts are stubborn things, but the better 
 way to deal with them is to look them 
 squarely in the face. 
 
 The republican party and the Northern 
 people preach no crusade against the South. 
 I will say nothing of the past beyond a 
 single fact. When the war was over, no 
 man who fought against his flag was pun- 
 ished even by imprisonment. No estate 
 was confiscated. Every man was left free 
 to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness. After the Southern States were 
 restored to their relations in the Union, no 
 man was ever disfranchised by national 
 authority — not one. If this statement is 
 denied, I invite any Senator to correct me. 
 I repeat it. After the Southern State go- 
 vernments were rebuilded, and the States 
 were restored to their relations in the 
 Union, by national authority, not one man 
 for one moment was ever denied the right 
 to vote, or hindered in the right. From 
 the time that Mississippi was restored, there 
 never ha.s been an hour when Jefferson Da- 
 vis might not vote as freely as the honora- 
 ble Senator in his State of Illinois. The 
 North, burdened with taxes, draped in 
 mourning, dotted over with new-made 
 
 f raves tenanted by her bravest and her 
 est, sought to inflict no penalty upon 
 those who had stricken her with the great- 
 est, and, as she believed, the guiltiest re- 
 bellion that ever crimsoned the annals of 
 the human race. 
 
 As an example of generosity and mag- 
 nanimity, the conduct of the nation in vic- 
 tory was the grandest the worUl has ever 
 seen. The same spirit prevails now. Yet 
 our ears are larumed with the charge that 
 the republicans of the North seek to revive 
 and intensify the wounds and pangs and 
 passions of the war, and that the southern 
 democrats seek to bury them in oblivion 
 of kind forgetful n ess. 
 
 We can test the truth of these assertions 
 right before our eyes. Let us test them. 
 Twenty-seven States adhered to the Union 
 in the dark hour. Those States send to 
 Congress two hundred and sixty-nine 
 Senators and llepreseutativcs. Of these 
 
 two hundred and sixty-nine Senators and 
 Representatives, fifty-four, and only fifty- 
 four, were soldiers in the armies of the 
 Union. The elcA'en States which were 
 disloyal send ninety-three Senators and 
 Representatives to Congress. Of these, 
 eighty-five were soldiers in the armies of 
 the rebellion, and at least three more 
 held high civil station in the rebellion, 
 making in all eighty-eight out of ninety- 
 three. 
 
 Let me state the same fact, dividing the 
 Houses. There are but four Senators here 
 who fought in the Union Army. They all 
 sit here now ; and there are but four. 
 Twenty Senators sit here who fought in the 
 army of the rebellion, and three more 
 Senators sit here who held high civil com- 
 mand in the confederacy. 
 
 In the House, there are fifty Union 
 soldiers from twenty-seven States, and 
 sixty-five confederate soldiers from eleven 
 States. 
 
 Who, I ask you. Senators, tried by this 
 record, is keeping up party divisions on 
 the issues and hatreds of the war ? 
 
 The South is solid. Throughout all its 
 borders it has no seat here save two in 
 which a republican sits. The Senator from 
 Mississippi [Me. Bruce] and the Senator 
 from Louisiana [Mr. Kellogg] are still 
 spared ; and whisj^er says that an enter- 
 prise is afoot to deprive one of these Sena- 
 tors of his seat. The South is emphatically 
 solid. Can you wonder that the North 
 soon becomes solid too ? Do you not see 
 that the doings witnessed now in Congress 
 fill the North with alarm, and distrust of 
 the patriotism and good faith of men from 
 the South? Forty-two democrats have 
 seats on this floor; forty-three if you add 
 the honorable Senator from Illinois, [Mr. 
 Davis.] He does not belong to the 
 democratic party, although I must say, 
 after reading his speech the other day, 
 that a democrat who asks anything more 
 of him is an insatiate monster. ] Laughter.] 
 If we count the Senator from Illinois, 
 there are forty-three democrats in this 
 Chamber. Twenty-three is a clear majority 
 of all, and twenty-three haj)pens to be ex- 
 actly the number of Senators from the 
 South who were leaders in the lute re- 
 bellion. 
 
 Do you anticipate my object in stating 
 these numbers? For fear you do not, let 
 me explain. Forty-two Senators rule the 
 Senate ; twenty-three Senators rule the 
 caucus. A majority rules the Senate; a 
 caucus rules the majority; and the twenty- 
 three southern Senators rule the caucus. 
 The same thing, in the same way, governed 
 by the same elenu'uts, is true in the House. 
 
 This present assault U])on the juirity and 
 fairness of elections, upon the Constitu- 
 tion, upon the executive (lei)artment, and 
 upon the rights of the people; not the
 
 BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 
 
 185 
 
 rights of a king, not on such rights as we 
 heard the distinguished presiding officer, 
 wlio I am ghid now to discover in his seat, 
 dihite upon of a morning some weelcs ago ; 
 not the divine right of kings, but the in- 
 born riglits of the peoi)Ie — tlio j)rcsent as- 
 sault upon them, could never have been 
 inaugurated without the action of the 
 twenty-three southern Senators here, and 
 the southern Representatives there, [point- 
 ing to the House.] 
 
 The people of the North know this and 
 see it. They see the lead and control of 
 the democratic party again whore it was 
 before the war, in the hands of the South. 
 "By their fruits ye shall know them." 
 The honorable Senator from Alabama [Mr. 
 Morgan], educated no doubt by experi- 
 ence in political appearances, and specta- 
 cular effects, said the other day that he 
 preferred the democrats Irom the North 
 should go first in this debate. I admired 
 his sagacity. It was the skill of an expe- 
 rienced tactician to deploy the northern 
 levies as the sappers and miners ; it was 
 very becoming certainly. It was not from 
 cruelty, or to make them food for powder, 
 that he set them in the forefront of the 
 battle ; he thought it would appear better 
 for the northern auxiliaries to go first and 
 tunnel the citadel. Good, excellent, as far 
 as it went ; but it did not go very far in 
 misleading anybody ; ptitting the tail fore- 
 most and the head in the sand, only dis- 
 flayed the species and habits of the bird. 
 Laughter.] 
 
 We heard the other day that " the 
 logic of events " had filled the southern 
 seats here with men banded together by a 
 common history and a common purpose. 
 The Senator who made that sage observa- 
 tion perhaps builded better than he knew. 
 The same logic of events, let me tell 
 democratic Senators, ^nd the communities 
 behind them, is destined to bring from the 
 North more united delegations. 
 
 I read in a newspaper that it was pro- 
 posed the other day in another place, to 
 restore to the Army of the United States 
 men who, educated at the nation's cost and 
 presented with the nation's sword, drew 
 the sword against the nation's life. In 
 the pending bill is a provision for the re- 
 tirement of officers now in the Army, with 
 advanced rank and exaggerated pay. This 
 may be harmless, it may be kind. One 
 swallow proves not spring, but along with 
 other things, suspicion will see in it an at- 
 tempt to coax officers now in the Army to 
 dismount, to empty their saddles, iu order 
 that others may get on. 
 
 So hue and cry is raised because courts, 
 on motion, for cause shown in open court, 
 have a right to purge juries in certain 
 cases. No man in all the South, under 
 thirty-five years of age, can be affected by 
 this provision, because every such man 
 
 was too young when the armies of the re- 
 bellion were recruited to be subject to the 
 provision complained of As to the rest, 
 the discretion is a wholesome one. But, 
 even if it were not, let me say in all kind- 
 ness to southern Senators, it was not wise 
 to make it a part of this i)roceeding, and 
 raise this ujjroar in regard to it. 
 
 Even the purpose, in part already 
 executed, to remove the old and faithful 
 officers of the Senate, even Union soldiers, 
 that their places may be snatched by 
 others — to overturn an order of the Senate 
 which has existed for a quarter of a cen- 
 tury, in order to grasp all the petty places 
 here, seems to me unwise. It is not wise, 
 if you want to disarm suspicion that you 
 mean aggrandizing, gormandizing, un- 
 reasonal)le things. 
 
 Viewing all these doings in the light of 
 I)arty advantage — advantage to the party 
 to which I belong, I could not deplore 
 them ; far from it ; but wishing the repose 
 of the countrv', and the real, lasting, 
 ultimate welfare of the South, and wishing 
 it from the bottom of my heart, I believe 
 they are flagrantly unwise, hurtfully in- 
 judiciotis. 
 
 What the South needs is to heal, build, 
 mend, ])lant, sow. In short, to go to work. 
 Invite labor ; cherish it ; do not drive it 
 out. Quit proscription, both for opinion's 
 sake, and for color's sake. Reform it alto- 
 gether. I know there are difficulties in 
 the way. I know there is natural repug- 
 nance in the way ; but droj) i)assion, drop 
 sentiment which signifies naught, and let 
 the material prosperity and civilization of 
 your land advance. i)o not give so much 
 energy, so much restless, sleepless activity, 
 to an attempt so soon to get possession 
 once more, and dominate and rule the 
 country. 'There is room enough at the 
 national board, and it is not needed, it is 
 not decorous, plainly speaking, that the 
 South should be the MacGregor at the ta- 
 ble, and that the head of the table should 
 be wherever he sits. For a good many 
 reasons, it is not worthwhile to insist upon 
 it. 
 
 Mr. President, one of Rome's famous 
 legends stands in these words : " Let what 
 each man thinks of the Republic be writ- 
 ten on his brow." I have spoken in the 
 spirit of this injunction. Meaning offence 
 to no man, and holding ill-will to no man, 
 l)ecause he comes from the South, or be- 
 cause lie differs with me in political ojtin- 
 ion, I have spoken frankly, but with malice 
 toward none. 
 
 This session, and the bill pending, are 
 acts in a partisan and political enter])rise. 
 This debate, begun after a caucus had de- 
 fined and clenched the position of every 
 man in the majority, has not been waged 
 to convince anybody here. It has re- 
 sounded to tire the democratic heart, to
 
 186 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iil 
 
 sound a blast to the cohorts of party, to 
 beat the lono:-roll, and set the squadrons in 
 the field. That is its object, as plainly to 
 be seen as the ultimate object of the at- 
 tempted overthrow of laws. 
 
 Political speeches having been thus or- 
 dained, I have discussed political themes, 
 and with ill-will to no portion of the coun- 
 try but good-will toward every portion of 
 it, I have with candor spoken somewhat of 
 my thoughts of the duties and dangers of 
 the hour. [Applause on the floor and in 
 the galleries.] 
 
 Lilncoln's Speecli at Gettysburg. 
 
 " Four-score and seven years ago, our 
 fathers brought forth on this continent, a 
 new Xation, conceived in liberty, and ded- 
 icated to the proposition that all men are 
 created equal. 
 
 " Now, we are engaged in a great civil 
 war testing whether that Nation, or any 
 Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can 
 long endure. We are met on a great bat- 
 tle-field of that war. We have come to 
 dedicate a portion of that field, as a final 
 resting-place for those, who here gave their 
 lives that that Nation might live. It is 
 altogether fitting and proper that we should 
 do this. 
 
 " But, in a large sense, we cannot dedi- 
 cate — we cannot consecrate — we cannot 
 hallow this ground. The brave men, living 
 and dead, who struggled here, have conse- 
 crated far above our poor power to add or 
 detract. The world will little note, nor 
 long remember what we say here, but it 
 can never forget what they did here. It is 
 for us the living, rather, to be dedicated 
 here to the unfinished work which they 
 who fought here have thus far so nobly 
 advanced. It is rather for us to be here 
 dedicated to the great task remaining be- 
 fore us, that from these honored dead, we 
 take increased devotion to that cause for 
 which they gave the last full measure of 
 devotion, that we here highly resolve that 
 these dead shall not have died in vain ; 
 that this Nation, under God, shall have a 
 new birth of freedom ; and that Govern- 
 ment of the people, by the people, and for 
 the people shall not i)erish from this earth. 
 
 Speech of Hon. .Toltii M. nrooinuII,of Penn- 
 Hyl vuitlii, 
 
 On the Civil IliglUs liill. i/oiwc of UcprcHOiUitirrt, Mmrh 
 8, IHfiO. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, it is alleged that this species 
 of legislation will widen the l)rca('li exist- 
 ing hctwci'ii the two sections of the coun- 
 try, will ofrcnd our southern hretliren. Do 
 not gentlemen know that those who are 
 most earnestly asking this legislation arc 
 our southern brethren thcm.sclves. 
 
 They are imploring us to protect them 
 against the conquered enemies of the coun- 
 try, who notwithstanding their surrender, 
 have managed, through their skill or our 
 weakness, to seize nearly all the conquered 
 territory. 
 
 This is not the first instance in the 
 world's history in which all that had been 
 gained by hard fighting was lost by bad 
 diplomacy. 
 
 But they, whose feelings are entitled to 
 so much consideration in the estimation of 
 those who urge this argument, are not our 
 southern brethren, but the southern breth- 
 ren of our political opponents ; the con- 
 quered rebels, pardoned and unpardoned ; 
 traitors priding themselves upon their trea- 
 son. 
 
 These people are fastidious. The ordi- 
 nary terms of the English language must 
 be perverted to suit their tastes. Though 
 they surrendered in open and public war, 
 they are not to be treated as prisoners. 
 Though beaten in the last ditch of the last 
 fortification, they are not to be called a 
 conquered people. The decision of the 
 forum of their own choosing is to be ex- 
 plained away into meaningless formality 
 for their benefit. Though guilty of treason, 
 murder, arson, and all the crimes in the 
 calendar, they are " our southern brethren." 
 The entire decalogue must be suspended 
 lest it should offend these polished candi- 
 dates for the contempt and execration of 
 posterity. 
 
 Out of deference to the feelings of these 
 sensitive gentlemen, an executive construc- 
 tion must be given to the word "loyalty," so 
 that it shall embrace men who only are not 
 hanged because they have been pardoned, 
 and who only did hot destroy the Govern- 
 ment because they could not. Out of 
 deference to the feelings of these sensitive 
 gentlemen, too, a distinguished public 
 functionary, once the champion of the 
 rights of man, a leader in the cause of hu- 
 man progress, a statesman whose keen 
 foreknowledge could point out the " irre- 
 pressible conflict between slavery and free- 
 dom," cannot now see that treason and 
 loyalty are uncompromising antagonisms. 
 
 It is charged against us that the wheels 
 of Government are stopped by our rel'usal 
 to admit the re])resentatives of these south- 
 ern communities. When w6 complain 
 that Europe is underselling us in our mar- 
 kets, and demand protection for tlie Amer- 
 ican lal)orer, we are told to "admit the 
 southern Senators and Representatives." 
 When we (H)m])lain that excessive impor- 
 tations arc impoverishing the country, and 
 rapidly bringing on financial ruin, we are 
 told to " admit the southern Senators and 
 Representatives." When we complain that 
 an inllateil currency is making the rich 
 richer, and the ])oor poorer, kc(']>ing the 
 prices of even the necessaries of life beyond
 
 BOOKiii.] JOHN M. BROOMALL ON CIVIL RIGHTS. 
 
 187 
 
 the reach of widows and orphans who are 
 living upon fixed incomes, the Htereotyped 
 answer comes, "Admit tlie southern Sena- 
 tors and Representatives." When we de- 
 mand a tax upon cotton to defray the 
 enormous outlay made in detlironing that 
 usurping " king of the world," still the 
 answer comes, and the executive parrots 
 everywhere repeat it, "Admit the southern 
 Senators and Representatives." 
 
 The mind of the man who can see in 
 that prescription a remedy for all political 
 and social diseases must be curiously con- 
 stituted. Would these Senators and Rei>- 
 resentati ves vote a tax upon cotton ? Would 
 they protect American industry by in- 
 creasing duties? Would they prevent ex- 
 cessive importations? To believe this re- 
 quires as unquestioning a faith as to be- 
 lieve in the sudden conversion of whole 
 communities from treason to loyalty. 
 
 We are blocking the wheels of Govern- 
 ment! Why, the Government has man- 
 aged to get along for four years, not only 
 without the aid of the Southern Senators 
 and Representatives, but against their ef- 
 forts to destroy it ; and in the mean time 
 has crushed a rebellion that would have 
 destroyed any other Government under 
 heaven. Surely the nation can do without 
 the services of these men, at least during 
 the time required to examine their claims 
 and to protect by appropriate legislation 
 our Southern brethren. None but a Dem- 
 ocrat would think of consulting the wolf 
 about what safeguard should be thrown 
 around the flock. 
 
 Those who advocate the admission of the 
 Senators and Representatives from the 
 States lately reclaimed from the rebellion, 
 as a means of protecting the loyal men in 
 those States and as a substitute "for the sys- 
 tem of legislation of which this bill is 
 part, well know that the majority in both 
 Houses of Congress ardently desire the 
 full recognition of those States, and only 
 ask that the rights and interests of the 
 truly loyal men in those States shall be first 
 satisfactorily secured. 
 
 Much useless controversy has been had 
 about the legal slafus of those States. There 
 is no difference between the two parties of 
 the country on that point. The actual 
 point of difference is this : the Democrats 
 affiliate with their old political friends in 
 the South, the late rebels, the friends and 
 followers of Breckinridge, Lee, and Davis. 
 The Union majority, on the other hand, 
 naturally affiliate with the loyal men in 
 the South, the men who have always sup- 
 ported the Government against Breckin- 
 ridge, Lee, and Davis. Each party wants 
 the South reconstructed in the hanils of its 
 own ".-southern brethren." 
 
 In short, the northern party correspond- 
 ing with the loyal men of the Soutli ask 
 that the legitimate results of Grant's vic- 
 
 tory shall be carried out, while the north- 
 ern party corresponding witii the rebels of 
 the South ask that things should be cou- 
 .fidered as if Lee had been the conqueror, 
 or at least as if there had been a drawn 
 battle, without victory on either side. 
 
 This brings the rights of tliose in whose 
 behalf the ojiponents of the bill under 
 consideration are acting directly in ques- 
 tion, and in order to limit down the field of 
 controversy as far as possible, let us inquire 
 how far all parties agree upon the legal 
 status of the communities lately in re- 
 bellion. Now, the meanest of all contro- 
 versies is that which comes from dialec- 
 tics. Where the disputants attach ditler- 
 ent meanings to the same word their time 
 is worse than thrown away. I have always 
 looked upon the question whether the 
 States are in or out of the Union as only 
 worthy of the schoolmen of the middle 
 ages, who could write volumes upon a mere 
 verbal quibble. The disputants would 
 agree if they were compelled to use the 
 word " State " in the same sense. I will 
 endeavor to avoid this trifling. 
 
 All parties agree that at the close of the 
 rebellion the people of North Carolina, for 
 example, had been " dei)rived of all civil 
 government." The President, in his proc- 
 lamation of May 29, 1865, tells the people 
 of North Carolina this in so many words, 
 and he tells the people of the other rebel 
 States the same thing in his several procla- 
 mations to them. This jncludes the Con- 
 servatives and Democrats, who, however 
 they may disagree, at last agree in this, 
 that the President shall do their thinking. 
 
 The Rejjublicans subscribe to this doc- 
 trine, though they differ in their modes of 
 expressing it. Some say that those States 
 have ceased to possess any of the rights 
 and powers of government as States of the 
 Union. Others say, with the late lamented 
 President, that " those States are out of 
 practical relations with the Government." 
 
 Others hold that the State organizations 
 are out of the Union. And still others 
 that the rebels are conquered, and therefore 
 that their organizations are at the will of 
 the conqueror. 
 
 The President has hit upon a mode of ex- 
 pression which embraces concisely all these 
 ideas. He says that the people of those 
 States were, by the progress of the rebel- 
 lion and by its termination, "deprived of 
 all civil government." 
 
 One step further. All parties agree that 
 the people of these States, being thus dis- 
 organized for all State purposes, are still 
 at the election of the government, citizens 
 of the United States, and as surh. as far 
 as they have not been disqualified l)y 
 treason, ought to be allowed to form their 
 own State governments, subject to thr re- 
 quirements of the Constitution of the 
 Uuited States.
 
 188 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 Still one step further. All parties agree 
 that this cannot be done by mere unauthor- 
 ized congregations of the people, but that 
 the time, place and manner must be pre- 
 scribed by some department of the Govern- 
 ment, according to the argument of Mr. 
 AVebster and the spirit of the decision of 
 the Supreme Court in Luther vs. Borden, 
 7 Howard, page 1. 
 
 Yet another step in the series of proposi- 
 tions. All parties agree that as Congress 
 was not in session at the close of the rebel- 
 lion, the President, as Commander-in- 
 Chief, was bound to take possession of the 
 conquered country and establish such gov- 
 ernment as was necessary. 
 
 Thus far all is harmonious; but now the 
 divergence begins. At the commencement 
 of the present session of Congress three- 
 fourths of both Houses held that when 
 the people of the States are" deprived of all 
 civil government," and when, therefore, it 
 becomes necessary to prescribe the time, 
 place, and manner in and by which they 
 shall organize themselves again into States 
 while the President may take temporary 
 measures, yet only the law-making power 
 of the Government is competent to the full 
 accomplishment of the task. In other 
 words, that only Congress can enable citi- 
 zens of the United States to create States. 
 I have said that at the commencement of 
 the session three-fourths of both houses 
 held this opinion. The proportion is 
 smaller now, and by a judicious use of 
 executive patronage it may become still 
 smaller ; but the truth of the proposition 
 will not be affected if every Representative 
 and Senator should be manipulated into 
 denying it. 
 
 On the other hand, the remaining fourth, 
 composed of the supple Democracy and 
 its accessions, maintain that this State- 
 creating power is vested in the President 
 alone, and that he has already exercised it. 
 
 The holy horror with which our ojipo- 
 nents affect to contemplate the doctrine of 
 destruction of States is that much political 
 hypocrisy. Every man who asks the recog- 
 nition of tlie existing local governments 
 in the South therel)y commits himself to 
 that doctrine. The only possible claim 
 that can be set up in favor of the existing 
 governments is hitsed upon the theory that 
 the old ones have been destroyed. The 
 present organ iz.ations sprang up at the bitl- 
 ding of the President after the conquest 
 among a people who, he said, had uccn 
 " deprived of all civil government." 
 
 If tlie 1 'resident's " ex|ierimcnt " had re- 
 sulted in organizing the soutliern com- 
 munities in loyal hands, the nuijority in 
 Congress would have found no difficulty 
 in indorsing it and giving it the necessary 
 elficiency by legislative enactment. 
 
 In this case, too, the President never 
 would have denied the power of Congress 
 
 in the premises. He never would have set 
 up the theory that the citizens of the Uni- 
 ted States, "though their representatives, 
 are not to be consulted when those who 
 have once broken faith with them ask to 
 have the compact renewed. 
 
 Our opponents have no love for the 
 President. They called him a usurper and 
 a tyrant in Tennessee. They ridiculed him 
 as a negro '' Moses." They tried to kill 
 him, and failing that, they accused him of 
 being privy to the murder of his predeces- 
 sor. But when his " experiment " at re- 
 construction was found to result in favor 
 of their friends, the rebels, then they hung 
 themselves about his neck like so many 
 mill-stones, and tried to damn him to eter- 
 nal infamy by indorsing his policy. Will 
 they succeed ? Will he shake them off, or 
 go down Avith them ? 
 
 But let us sutler these discordant ele- 
 ments to settle their ow-n terms of combi- 
 nations as best they may. The final result 
 cannot be doubtful. 
 
 If ten righteous men were needed to save 
 Sodom, even Andrew Johnson will find it 
 impossible to save the Democratic party. 
 
 Our path of duty is plain before us. 
 Let us pass this bill and such others as 
 may be necessary to secure protection to 
 the loyal men of the South. If our politi- 
 cal opponents thwart our purposes in this, 
 let us go to the country upon that issue. 
 
 I am by no means an advocate of exten- 
 sive punishment, either in the way of hang- 
 ing or confiscation, though some of both 
 might be salutary. I do not ask that full 
 retribution be enforced against those who 
 have so grievously sinned. I am willing 
 to make forgiveness the rule and jiunish- 
 ment the exception ; yet I have my ulti- 
 matum. I might excuse the pardon of the 
 traitors Lee and Davis, even after the hang- 
 ing of Wirz, who but obeyed their orders, 
 orders which he would have been shot for 
 disobeying. I might excuse the sparing 
 of the master after killing the dog whose 
 bite but carried with it the venom engend- 
 ered in the master's soul. I might look 
 calmly upon a constituency ground down 
 liy taxation, and tell the com])lainants that 
 they have neither remedy nor hope of ven- 
 geance upon the authoi-s of their wrongs. 
 I might agree to turn un])ityingly from the 
 mother wliose son fell in the Wilderness, 
 and the widow whose husl)and was starved 
 at Andersonville, and tell them that in the 
 nature of things retributivejustice is denied 
 them, and that the murderers of their kin- 
 dred may yet sit in the councils of their 
 country; yet even I have my i(lti»iatum, 
 I might consent that the glorious deeds of 
 the last five years should be blotted from 
 the country's liistory; that the trophies 
 won on a hunilrc<l battle-fields, the sub- 
 lime visii)]e evidence of the heroic devotion 
 of America's citizen soldiery, should be
 
 BOOK iii.J ELDRIDGE AGAINST THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. 
 
 189 
 
 burned on the altar of reconciliation. I 
 might consent that the cemetery at Gettys- 
 burg should be razed to the ground ; that 
 its .soil should be submitted to the plow, 
 and that the lamentation of the bereaved 
 should give place to the lowing of cattle. 
 But there is a point beyond which I shall 
 neither be forced nor persuaded. I will 
 never consent that the government shall 
 desert its allies in the South and surrender 
 their rights and interests to the enemy, 
 and in this I will make no distinction of 
 caste or color either among friends or foes. 
 
 The people of the South were not all 
 traitors. Among theni were knees that 
 never bowed to the Baal of secession, lips 
 that never kissed his image. Among the 
 fastness of the mountains, in the rural dis- 
 tricts, far from the contagion of political 
 centres, the fires of patriotism still burned, 
 sometimes in the higher walks of life, 
 oftcner in obscure hamlets, and still oftener 
 under skins as black as the hearts of those 
 who claimed to own them. 
 
 These people devoted all they had to 
 their country. The homes of some have 
 been confiscated, and they are now fugi- 
 tives from the scenes that gladdened their 
 childhood. Some were cast into dungeons 
 for refusing to fire upon their country's 
 flag, and still others bear the marks of 
 stripes inflicted forgiving bread and water 
 to the weary soldier of the Republic, and 
 aiding the fugitive to escape the penalty 
 of the disloyalty to treason. If the God 
 of nations listened to the prayers that as- 
 cended from so many altars during those 
 eventful years, it was to the prayers of 
 these people. 
 
 Sir, we talked of patriotism in our hap- 
 py northern homes, and claimed credit for 
 the part we acted ; but if the history of 
 these peoi)le shall ever be Avritten, it will 
 make us blush that we ever professed to 
 love our country. 
 
 The government now stands guard over 
 the lives and fortunes of these ])Cople. 
 They are imploring us not to yield them 
 up without condition to those into whose 
 hands recent events have committed the 
 destinies of the unfortunate South. A 
 nation which could thus withdraw its pro- 
 tection from such allies, at such a time, 
 without their full and free consent, could 
 neither hope for the approval of mankind 
 nor the blessing of heaven. 
 
 Speech of Hon. Charles A. Eldrldge, of 
 AVlsconslu , 
 
 Against the Civil Jlighta Hill, in lite Hoiue of Repraenta- 
 tii-e*, March 2, 1866. 
 
 Mr. Speaker : I thought yesterday that 
 I would discuss this measure at some 
 length ; but I find myself this morning 
 very unwell ; and I sliall therefore make 
 
 only a few remarks, suggesting some ob- 
 jections to the bill. 
 
 I look upcm the bill before us, Mr. 
 Speaker, as one of the series of measures 
 rising out of a feeling of distrust and 
 hatred on the part of certain individuals, 
 not only in this House, but throughout the 
 country, toward these persons_who formerly 
 held slaves. I had hoped that long Ijef ire 
 this time the i)eople of^ this country would 
 have come to the conclusicm that the sub- 
 ject of slavery and the questions connected 
 with it had already sufliciently agitated 
 this country. I had hoped that now, when 
 the war is over, when peace has been re- 
 stored, when in every State of the Uiiion 
 the institution of slavery has been freely 
 given up, its abolition acquiesced in, and 
 the Constitution of the United States 
 amended in accordance with that idea, 
 this subject would cease to haunt us as it 
 is made to do in the various measures 
 which are constantly being here intro- 
 duced. 
 
 This bill is, it appears to me, one of the 
 most insidious and dangerous of the vari- 
 ous measures which have been directed 
 against the interest of the people of tliis 
 country. It is another of the measures de- 
 signed to take away the essential rights of 
 the State. I know that when I speak of 
 States and State rights, I enter upon un- 
 popular subjects. But, sir, whatever other 
 gentlemen may think, I hold that the 
 rights of the States are the rights of the 
 Union, that the rights of the States and 
 the liberty of the States are essential to the 
 liberty of the individual citizen. * * * * * 
 Now, it may be said that there is no rea- 
 son for this distinction ; but I claim that 
 there is. And there is no man that can 
 look upon this crime, horrid as it is, dia- 
 bolical as it is when committed by the 
 white man, and not say that such a crime 
 committed by a negro upon a white woman 
 deserves, in the sense and judgment of the 
 American people, a different punishment 
 from that inflicted upon the white num. 
 And yet the very purpose of this section, 
 as I contend, is to abolish or prevent the 
 execution of laws making a distinction in 
 regard to the punishment. 
 
 But, further, it is said the negro race is 
 weak and feeble ; that they are mere child- 
 ren — "wards of the Government." In 
 many instances it might be ju<t and pro- 
 I per to inflict a less punishment upon them 
 for certain crimes than ujion men of intel- 
 ' ligenoe and education, whose motives may 
 have been worse. It might be better for 
 I the community to control them by milder 
 ! and gentler means. If the judge sitting 
 j upon the bench of the State court shall, in 
 I carrying out the law of the State, inflict a 
 ' higher jienalty upon the white man than 
 that which attaches to the freedman, not 
 that I suppose it is ever contemplated to
 
 190 
 
 'AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 enforce that, yet it would be equally ap- 
 plicable, and the penalty would be in- 
 curred by the judge in the same manner 
 precisely. 
 
 But I proceed to the section I was about 
 to remark upon when the gentleman in- 
 terrupted me. The marshals who may be 
 employed to execute warrants and pre- 
 cepts under this bill, as I have already re- 
 marked, are offered a bribe for the execu- 
 tion of them. It creates marshals in great 
 numbers, and authorizes commissioners to 
 appoint almost anybody for that purpose, 
 and it stimulates them by the offer of a re- 
 ward not given in the case of the arrest of 
 persons guilty of any other crime. 
 
 It goes further. It authorizes the Presi- 
 dent, when he is apprehensive that some 
 crime of that sort may be committed, on 
 mere suspicion, mere information or state- 
 ment that it is likely to be committed, to 
 take any judge from the bench or any 
 marshal from his office to the place where 
 the crime is apprehended, for the purpose 
 of more efficiently and speedily carrying 
 out the provisions of the bill. 
 
 The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. 
 Thayer) tells us that it is very remarkable 
 that it should be claimed that this bill is 
 intended to create and continue a sort of 
 military despotism over the people where 
 this law is to be executed. It seems to 
 me nothing is plainer. Where do we 
 find any laws heretofore passed ha^nng no 
 relation to the negro in which such a pro- 
 vision as this tenth section is to be found ? 
 Generally the marshal seeks by himself to 
 execute this warrant, and failing, he calls 
 out his POSSE coMiTAxrs. But this bill 
 authorizes the use in the first instance of 
 the Army and Navy by the President for 
 the purpose of executing such writs. 
 
 The gentlemen who advocate this bill 
 are great sticklers for equality, and insist 
 that there shall be no distinction made on 
 account of race or color. 
 
 Why, sir, every provision of this bill 
 carries upon its face the distinction, and is 
 calculated to jicrpetuate it forever as long 
 as the act shall be in force. Where di(l 
 this measure originate but in the recogni- 
 tion of the difference between races and 
 colors? Does any one pretend that this 
 bill is intended to protect wliite men — to 
 save them from any wrongs which may be 
 inflicted upon them by the negroes? Not 
 at all. It is introduced and pressed in the 
 pretended interest of the black man, and 
 recognizes and virtually declares distinc- 
 tion between race and color. 
 
 ******* 
 
 I deprecate all these measures because of 
 the imjilication they carry upon their face, 
 that the peoj)le who have heretofore f)\vned 
 slaves intenn to do them harm. I do not 
 believe it. 80 far as my knowledge goes, 
 and so far aa my information extends, I be- 
 
 lieve that the people who have held the 
 freedmen as slaves will treat them with 
 more kindness, with more leniency, than 
 those of the North who make such loud pro- 
 fessions of love and affection for them, and 
 are so anxious to pass these bills. They 
 know their nature ; they know their wants ; 
 they know their habits ; they have been 
 brought up together ; none of the pre- 
 judices and unkind feelings which many 
 in the north would have toward them. 
 
 I do not credit all these stories about the 
 general feeling of hostility in the Soulh to- 
 ward the negro. So far as I have heard 
 opinions expressed upon the subject, and I 
 have conversed with many persons from 
 that section of the country, they do not 
 blame the negro for anything that has hap- 
 pened. As a general thing, he was faith- 
 ful to them and their interests, until the 
 army reached the place and took him from 
 them. He has supported their wives and 
 children in the absence of the husbands 
 and fathers in the armies of the South. 
 He has done for them what no one else 
 could have done. They recognize his 
 general good feeling toward them, and are 
 inclined to reciprocate that feeling toward 
 him. 
 
 I believe that is the general feeling of 
 the southern people to-day. The cases of 
 ill-treatment are exceptional cases. They 
 are like the cases which have occurred in 
 the northern States where the unfortunate 
 have been thrown upon our charity. 
 
 Take, for instance, the stories of the 
 cruel treatment of the insane in the State 
 of Massachusetts. They may have been 
 barbarously confined in the loathsome dens 
 as stated in particular instances ; but is 
 that any evidence of the general ill-will of 
 the people of the State of Massachusetts 
 toward the insane? Is that any reason 
 why the Federal arm should be extended 
 to Massachusetts to control and protect the 
 insane there ? 
 
 It has also been said that certain paupers 
 in certain States have been badly used, 
 paupers, too, who were whites. Is that any 
 reason why we should extend the arm of 
 the Federal Government to those States to 
 protect the poor who are thrown upon the 
 charity of the people there? 
 
 Sir, we must yield to the altered state of 
 things in this country. We must trust the 
 peo})le ; it is our duty to do so ; we cannot 
 do othenvise. And the sooner we place 
 ourselves in a position where we can win 
 the confidence of our late enemies, where 
 our counsels will be heeded, where our ad- 
 vice may be regarded, the sooner will the 
 people of the whole country be fully recon- 
 ciled to each other and their changed re- 
 lationship; the sooner will all the inhabi- 
 tants of our country be in the possession of 
 all the rights and im)nuiiities essential to 
 their prosperity and happiness.
 
 BOOK III.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 
 
 191 
 
 Hon. A. K. KcClnre on "Wbat of the Re- 
 public 7 
 
 Annual Address delii-'ered he/ore the Literary Societies of 
 bickinxon College, June 'IGth, 1873. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Literary Socie- 
 ties:— What of the Eepublic? The 
 trials and triumphs of our free institutions 
 are hackneyed themes. They are the star 
 attractions of every political conflict. 
 They furnish a perpetual well-spring of 
 every grade of rhetoric for the hustings, 
 and partisan organs proclaim with the 
 regularity of the season*, the annual 
 perils of free government. 
 
 But a ditferent occasion, with widely 
 different opportunities and duties, has 
 brought us together. The dissembling of 
 the partisan would be unwelcome, but 
 here truth may be manfully spoken of that 
 which so profoundly concerns us alL I 
 am called to address young men who are 
 to rank among the scholars, the teachers, 
 the statesmen, the scientists of their age. 
 They will be of the chiss that must furnish 
 a large proportion of the executives, legis- 
 lators, ministers, and instructors of the 
 generation now rapidly crowding us to the 
 long halt that soon must come. Doubt- 
 less, here and there, some who have been 
 less favored with opportunities, will sur- 
 pass them in the race for distinction ; but 
 in our free government where education is 
 proffered to all, and the largest freedom of 
 conviction and action invites the humblest 
 to honorable preferment, the learned must 
 bear a conspicuous part in directing the 
 destiny of the nation. Every one Avho 
 moulds a thought or inspires a fresh re- 
 solve even in the remotest regions of the 
 Continent, shapes, in some measure, the 
 sovereign power of the Republic. 
 
 The time and the occasion are alke 
 propitious for a dispassionate review of 
 our political system, and of the political 
 duties which none can reject and be blame- 
 less. Second only to the claims of religion 
 are the claims of country. Especially 
 should the Christian, whether teacher or 
 liearer, discharge political duties with 
 fidelity. I do not mean that the harangue 
 of the partisan should desecrate holy 
 places, or that men should join in the 
 brawls of pot-house politicians ; but I do 
 mean thata faithful discharge of our duty to 
 free government is not only consistent 
 with the most exemplary and religious 
 life, but is a Christian as well as a civil 
 obligation. The government that main- 
 tains liberty of conscience as one of its 
 fun4amental principles, and under which 
 Christianity is recognized as the common 
 law, has just claims upon the Christian 
 citizen for the vigilant exercise of all 
 political rights. 
 
 If it be true, as is so often confessed around 
 us, that we have suffered a marked decline 
 in political morality and in our political 
 
 administration, let it not be a.ssumed that 
 the defect is in our system of government, 
 or that the Ijlame lies wholly with those 
 who are faithless or incompetent. Here no 
 citizen is voiceless, and i^one can claim 
 exemption from just responsibility for 
 evils in the body politic. Ours is, in fact 
 as well as in theory, a government of the 
 people ; and its administration is neither 
 better nor worse than the people them- 
 selves. It was devised by wise and 
 patriotic men, who gave to it the highest 
 measure of fidelity ; and so perfectly and 
 harmoniously is its framework fashioned, 
 that the sovereign power can always ex- 
 ercise a salutary control over its own ser- 
 vants. An accidental mistake of popular 
 judgment, or the perfidy of an executive, 
 or the enactment of profligate or violent 
 laws, are all held in such wholesome check 
 by co-ordinate powers, as to enable the 
 supreme authority of the nation to restrain 
 or correct almost every conceivable evil. 
 
 Until the people as a whole are given 
 over to debauchery the safety of our free 
 institutions cannot be seriously endan- 
 gered. True, such a result might be 
 possible without the demoralization of a 
 majority of the people, if good citizens 
 surrender their rights, and their duties, 
 and their government to those who desire 
 to rule in profligacy and oppression. 
 
 If reputable citizens refrain from active 
 participation in our political conflicts, 
 they voluntarily surrender the safety of 
 their persons and property, and the good 
 order and well-being of society, to those 
 who are least fitted for the exercise of au- 
 thority. "When such results are visible in 
 any of the various branches of our politi- 
 cal system, turn to the true source and 
 place the responsibility where it justly be- 
 longs. Do not blame the thief and the 
 adventurer, for they are but plying their 
 vocations, and they rob public rather than 
 private treasure, because men guard the 
 one and do not guard the other. Good 
 men employ every proper precaution to 
 protect their property from the lawless. 
 When an injury is done to them individ- 
 ually they are swift to invoke the aveng- 
 ing arm of justice. They are faithful guar- 
 I dians of their own homes and treasures 
 against the untitled spoiler, while they are 
 criminally inditferent to the public wronirs 
 done by those who, in the enactment and 
 execution of the laws, directly affect their 
 happiness and prosperity. Do not answer 
 that politics have become disreputable. 
 Such a declaration is a confession of guilt. 
 He who utters it becomes his own accuser. 
 If it be true that our polities, either gen- 
 erally or in any particular municipality or 
 State, have become disreputable, who 
 must answer for it? Who have made our 
 polities disreputable? Surely not the dis- 
 reputable citizens, for they are a small mi-
 
 192 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 nority in every community and in every | 
 party. If they have obtained control of 
 political organizations, and thereby secured ; 
 their election to responsible trusts, it must 
 have been Avith the active or passive ap- 
 proval of the good citizens who hold the 
 actual power in their own hands. There 
 is not a disgraceful official shaming the 
 people of this country to-day, who does 
 not owe his place to the silent assent or 
 positive support of those who justly claim 
 to be respectable citizens, and who habit- 
 ually plead their own wrongs to escape 
 plain and imperative duties. If dishonest 
 or incompetent appointments have been 
 made, in obedience to the demands of 
 mere partisans, a just expression of the 
 honest sentiments of better citizens, made 
 with the manliness that would point to 
 retribution for such wrongs, would prompt- 
 ly give us a sound practical civil service, 
 and profligacy and dishonesty would 
 end. 
 
 Our Presidents and Governors are not 
 wholly or even mainly responsible for the 
 low standard of our officials. If good men 
 concede primary political control to those 
 who wield it for selfish ends, by refraining 
 from an active discharge of their political 
 duties, and make the appointing powers 
 dependent for both counsel and support 
 upon the worst political elements, who is 
 to blame when public sentiment is out- 
 raged by the selection of unworthy men to 
 important public trusts? The fruits are 
 but the natural, logical results of good cit- 
 izens refusing to accept their political 
 duties. There is not a blot on our body 
 politic to-day that the better elements of 
 the people could not remove whenever 
 they resolved to do so, — and they will so 
 resolve in good time, as they have always 
 done in the ])ast. There is not a defect or 
 deformity in our political administration 
 that they cannot, and will not correct, by 
 the peaceful expression of their sober con- 
 victions, in the legitimate way pointed out 
 by our free institutions. 
 
 You who are destined to be more or less 
 conspicuous among the tcatdiors of men, 
 should study well this reserved power so 
 immediately (lonnected with the preserva- 
 tion of our government. The virtue and 
 intelligence of the people is the sure bul- 
 wark of safety for tlie Republic. It has 
 been the source of safety in all times past, 
 in peace and in war, and it is to-day, and 
 will ever continue! to be, tlie omnipotent 
 power that forbids us to doubt the com- 
 ])letc success of free government. It may, 
 at times, l)e long sull'rring and slow to re- 
 sent wrouL's which grow gradually in 
 strcngtli ami dilfusc tlieir jjoisoii through- 
 out tile land. It may invoke just censure 
 for its forbearance in seasons of partisan 
 strife. It may long seem lost as a riding 
 element of our political .system, and may 
 
 appear to be faithless to its high and sacred 
 duties. It may be unfelt in its gentler in- 
 fluences, which should ever be active in 
 maintaining the purity and dignity of so- 
 ciety and government. But if for a season 
 the better efforts of a free people are not 
 evident to quicken and support pixblic vir- 
 tue, it must not be assumed that the source 
 of good influences has been destroyed, or 
 that public virtue cannot be restored to its 
 just supremacy. When healthful influ- 
 ences do not come like the dew drops 
 which glitter in the morning as they re- 
 vive the harvest of the earth, they will 
 most surely come in their terrible majesty, 
 as the tempest comes to purify the atmos- 
 phere about us. The miasmas which arise 
 from material corruption, poison the air 
 we breathe and disease all physical life 
 within their reach. The poison of political 
 corruption is no less subtle and destructive 
 in its influences upon commimities and 
 nations. But when either becomes general 
 or apparently beyond the power of ordi- 
 nary means of correction, the angry sweep 
 of the hurricane must perform the work of 
 regeneration. In our government the 
 mild, but effectual restraints of good men 
 should be ceaseless in their beneficent 
 ofiices, but when they fail to be lelt in our 
 public aflairs, and evil control has widened 
 and strengthened itself in departments of 
 power, the storm and the thunderbolt have 
 to be invoked for the public safety, and our 
 convulsive but lawful revolutions attest 
 the omnipotence of the reserved virtue of 
 a faithful and intelligent people. 
 
 I am not before you to garner the scars 
 and disjointed columns of free government. 
 The Eejmblic that has been reared by a 
 century of patriotic labor and sacrifice, 
 more than covers its wounds with the 
 noblest achievements ever recorded in 
 man's struggle for the rights of man. It 
 is not perfect in its administration or in 
 the exercise of its vast and responsible 
 powers; but when was it so? when shall it 
 be so? Ko hunuiii work is perfect. No 
 government in all the i)ast has been Avith- 
 out its misshaped ends; and few, indeed, 
 have survived three generations without 
 revolution. "We must have been more than 
 mortals, if (mr history does not j)resent 
 much that we would be glad to efface. We 
 should be uidike all great peoples of the 
 earth, if we did not mark the ebb and ilow 
 of l)ublic virtue, and the conseipient strug- 
 gles between the good and evil elements of 
 a society in which freedom is at times de- 
 based to license. We have had seasoys of 
 war and of peace. We have had tidal waves 
 of ])assion, with their sweeping demoraliza- 
 tion. We have enlisted the nation.al pride 
 in the |)erilous line of (;on(]uest, and vindi- 
 cated it by the beneficcuit fruits of our 
 civilization. We have liad the temj)est of 
 aggression, and the jjrofound calm that
 
 BOOK in.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 
 
 193 
 
 was the conservator of peace throughout 
 the world. We have revolutionized tlie 
 policy of the government through the bit- 
 ter conflicts of opposing opinions, and it 
 has been strengthened by its trials. We 
 have had the fruits of national struggles 
 transferred to the vanquished, without a 
 shade of violence; and the extreme power 
 of impeachment has been invoked in the 
 midst of intensest political strife, and its 
 
 i'udgmcnt patriotically obeyed. We have 
 lad fraternal war with its terrible bereave- 
 ments and destruction. We have com- 
 pleted the circle of national perils, and the 
 virtue and intelligence of the people have 
 ever been the safety of the Republic. 
 
 At no previous period of our history 
 have opportunity and duty so happily 
 united to direct the people of this country 
 to the triumphs and to the imperfections 
 of our government. We have reached a 
 healthy calm in our political struggles. 
 The nation has a trusted ruler, just chosen 
 by an overwhelming vote. The disappoint- 
 ments of conviction or of ambition have 
 passed away, and all yield cordial obedi- 
 ence and respect to the lawful authority of 
 the country. The long-lingering passions 
 of civil war have, for the last time, embit- 
 tered our political strife, and must now be 
 consigned to forgetfulness. The nation is 
 assured of peace. The embers of discord 
 may convulse a State until justice shall be 
 enthroned over mad partisanship, but peace 
 and justice are the inexorable purposes of 
 the people, and they will be obeyed. Sec- 
 tional hatred, long fanned by political ne- 
 cessities, is henceforth effaced from our 
 politics, and the unity of a sincere brother- 
 nood will be the cherished faith of every 
 citizen. We first conquered rebellion, and 
 now have conquered the bitterness and 
 estrangement of its discomfiture. 
 
 The Vice-President of the insurgent Con- 
 federacy is a Representative in our Con- 
 Ecss. One who was first in the field and 
 st in tlie Senate in support of rebellion 
 has just died while representing the go- 
 vernment in a diplomatic position of the 
 highest honor. Another who served the 
 Confederacy in the field and in the forum, 
 has been one of the constitutional advisers 
 of the national administration. One of the 
 most brilliant of Confederate warriors now 
 serves in the United States Senate, and 
 has presided over that body. The first 
 Lieutenant of Lee was long since honored 
 with responsible and lucrative official trust, 
 and many of lesser note, lately our ene- 
 mies, are discharging important public du- 
 ties. The war and its issues are settled 
 forever. Those who were arrayed against 
 each other in deadly conflict are now 
 friends. The appeal from the ballot to the 
 sword has been made, and its arbitrament 
 has been irrevocably ratified by the su- 
 preme power of the nation. Each has won 
 87 
 
 from the other the respect that is ever 
 awarded to brave men, and the aflectioa 
 that was clouded by the passion that made 
 both rush to achieve an easy triumph, hiLs 
 returned chastened and strengthened by 
 our common sacrifices. Our baltle-ficlda 
 will be memorable as the theatres of the 
 conflicts of the noblest peoj)le the world 
 had to oifer to the god of carnage, and the 
 monuments to our dead. North and South, 
 will be pointed to by succeeding genera- 
 tions as the proud records of the heroLsm 
 of the American people. 
 
 The overshadowing issues touching the 
 war and its logical results are now no 
 longer in controversy, and in vain will the 
 unworthy invoke patriotism to give them 
 unmerited distinction. No supreme dan- 
 ger can now confront the citi/.en who de- 
 sires to correct errors or abuses of our po- 
 litical system. He who desjiairs of free 
 institutions because evils have been tole- 
 rated, would have despaired of every ad- 
 ministration the countr}' has ever had, and 
 of every government the worid has ever 
 known. If corruption pervades our insti- 
 tutions to an alarming extent, let it not be 
 forgotten that it is the natural order of his- 
 tory repeating itself. It is but the experi- 
 ence of every nation, and our own experi- 
 ence returning to us, to call into vigorous 
 action the regenerating power of a patri- 
 otic people. We have a supreme tribunal 
 that is most jealous of its high preroga- 
 tives, and that will wield its authority 
 mercilessly when the opportune season ar- 
 rives. We have just emerged from the 
 most impassioned and convulsive strife of 
 modern history. It called out the highest 
 type of patriotism, and life and treasure 
 were freely given with the holiest devotion 
 to the cause of self-government. With it 
 came those of mean ambition, and of venal 
 purposes, and they could gain power while 
 the unselfish were devoted to the country's 
 cause. They could not be dethroned be- 
 cause there were grave issues which dare 
 not be sacrificed. Such evils must be 
 borne at times in all governments, rather 
 than destroy the temple to punish the ene- 
 mies of public virtue. To whatever extent 
 these evils exist, they are not the legitimate 
 creation of our free institutions. They are 
 not the creation of mal-administraticm, nor 
 of any party. They are the monstrous bar- 
 nacles spawned by unnatural war, which 
 clogged the gallant ship of State in her ex- 
 tremity, and had to be borne into port with 
 her. And now that the battle is ended, and 
 the issues settled, do not distrust the re- 
 served power of our free institutions. It 
 will heal the scars of war and eflace the 
 stains of corruption, and present the great 
 Republic to the world surpassing in gran- 
 dour, might and excellence, the sublimest 
 ccmceptions ever cherished of human go- 
 vernment.
 
 194 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 As you come to assume the responsibili- 
 ties which must be accepted by the edu- 
 cated citizen, you will be profoundly im- 
 pressed with the multiplied dangers which 
 threaten the government. They will ap- 
 pear not only to be innumerable and likely 
 to defy correction, but they will seem to be 
 of modern creation. It is common to hear 
 intelligent political leaders declaim against 
 the moral and intellectual degeneracy of 
 the times, and especially against the de- 
 cline in public morality and statesmanship. 
 They would make it appear that the people 
 and the government in past times were mo- 
 dels of purity and excellence, while we are 
 unworthy sons of noble sires. Our rulers 
 are pronounced imbecile, or wholly devoted 
 to selfish ends. 
 
 Our law-makers are declared to be reek- 
 ing with corruption or blinded by ambi- 
 tion, and greed and faithlessness are held 
 up to the world as the chief characteristics 
 oi our officials. From this painful picture 
 we turn to the history of those who ruled 
 in the earlier and what we call the better 
 days of the Republic, and the contrast sinks 
 us deep in the slough of despair. I am 
 not prepared to say that much of the com- 
 plaint against the political degeneracy of 
 the times, and the standard of our officials, 
 is not just; but in the face of all that can 
 be charged against the present, I regard it 
 as the very best age this nation has ever 
 known. The despairing accusations made 
 against our public servants are not the pe- 
 culiar creation of the times in which we 
 live, and the allegation of wide spread de- 
 moralization in the body politic, was no 
 more novel in any of the generations of 
 the past than it is now. We say nothing 
 of our rulers that was not said of those 
 whose memory we so sacredly worship. 
 License is one of the chief penalties, indeed 
 the sole defect of liberty, and it has ever 
 a-sserted its prerogatives with tireless in- 
 dustry. It was a.s irreverent with Wash- 
 ington as it is with Grant. It racked Jef- 
 ferson and Jackson, and it pained and 
 scarred Lincoln and Chase, and their com- 
 patriots. It criticised the campaigns and 
 the heroes of the revolutionary times, as 
 we criticise the living heroes of our day. 
 It belittled the statesmen of every epoch in 
 our national progress, just as we belittle 
 those who are now the guardians of our 
 free institutions. Perhaps we have more 
 provocation than they had ; but if so, they 
 were less charitable, for the tide of ungen- 
 erous criticism and distrust has known no 
 ceasation. I })clieve we have had sea.'^ons 
 when our political system wa.s more free 
 from blemish than it is now, and that we 
 have had periods when both government 
 and people maintained a higher standard 
 of excellence than we can boa.st of ; but it 
 is equally true that we liave, in the i)ast, 
 sounded a depth in the decline of our po- 
 
 litical administration that the present age 
 can never reach. 
 
 You must soon appear in the active 
 struggles for the perpetuity of free govern- 
 ment, and some of the sealed chapters of the 
 past are most worthy of your careful study. 
 I would not efface one good inspiration 
 that you have gathered iVom the lives and 
 deeds of our fathers, whose courage and 
 patriotism have survived their infirmities. 
 Whatever we have from them that is puri- 
 fying or elevating, is but the truth of his- 
 tory ; and when unborn generations shall 
 have succeeded us, no age in all the long 
 century of freedom in the New World, will 
 furnish to them higher standards of heroism 
 and statesmanshii? than the defamed and 
 unappreciated times in which Ave live. 
 And when the future statesmen shall tnrn 
 to history for the most unselfish and en- 
 lightened devotion to the Republic, they 
 will pause over the records we have writ- 
 ten, and esteem them the brightest in all 
 the annals of man's best eflx)rts for his race. 
 We can judge of the true standard of our 
 government and people only by a faithful 
 comparison with the true standard of the 
 men and events which have passed away. 
 You find widespread distrust of the success 
 of our political system.- It is the favorite 
 theme of every disappointed ambition, and 
 the vanquished of every important struggle 
 are tempted, in the bitterness of defeat, to 
 despair of the government. AVould you 
 know Avhence comes this chronic or spas- 
 modic political despair ? If so, you must 
 turn back over the graves of ages, for it is 
 as old as free government. Glance at the 
 better days of which we all have read, and 
 to which modern campaign eloquence is so 
 much indebted. Do not stop with the ap- 
 proved histories of the fathers of the Re- 
 public. They tell only of the transcendent 
 wisdom and matchless perfections of those 
 who gave us liberty and ordained govern- 
 ment of the people. Go to the inner tem- 
 ple of truth. Seek that which was then 
 hidden from the nation, but which in these 
 days of newspapers and free schools, and 
 steam and lightning, is an open record so 
 that he who runs may read. Gather up 
 the few public journals of a century ago, 
 and the rare personal letters and sacred 
 diaries of the good and wise men whose 
 examples are so earnestly longed for in the 
 degenerate present, and your despair will 
 be softened and your indignati(»n at cur- 
 rent events will be tem])ered, as you learn 
 that our history is steadily rejieating itself, 
 and that with all our many faults, we grow 
 better as we progref^s. 
 
 Do you point to the unfaltering courage 
 and countless sacrifices of those who gave 
 us freedom, so deejdy crimsoned with their 
 Itlood? I join you in naming them with 
 reverence, but t must point to their sons, 
 for whom we have not yet ceased to mourn,
 
 BOOK III.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OP THE REPUBLIC? 
 
 195 
 
 who equalled them in every manly and 
 
 f)atriotic attribute. When wealth and 
 uxury were about us to tempt our people 
 to indifferenee and ease, the world has no 
 records of heroism which dim the lustre of 
 the achievements we have witnessed in the 
 preservation of the liberty our fathers be- 
 queathed to us. Have corruption and 
 perfidy stained the triumphs of which we 
 boast? So did corruption and perfidy stain 
 the revolutionary "times that tried men's 
 souls." Do we question the laurels with 
 which our successful captains have been 
 crowned by a grateful country ? 80 did our 
 forefathers question the just dictinction 
 of him who was first in war and first in 
 peace, and he had not a lieutenant who 
 escaped distrust, nor a council of war that 
 was free from unworthy jealousies and 
 strife. Do jmliticians and even statesmen 
 teach the early destruction of our free 
 institutions? It is the old, old story ; " the 
 babbling echo mocks itself." It distracted 
 the cabinets of Washington and the elder 
 Adams. It was the tireless assailant of 
 Jefferson and Madison. It made the Jack- 
 son administration tempestuous. It gave 
 us foreign war under Polk. It was a teem- 
 ing fountain of discord under Taylor, 
 Pierce and Buchanan. It gave us deadly 
 fraternal conflict under Lincoln. Its dying 
 throes convulsed the nation under John- 
 son. The promise of peace, soberly ac- 
 cepted from Grant, was the crown of an 
 unbroken column of triumphs over the 
 distrust of every age, that was attacking 
 free government. Do we complain of vio- 
 lent and profligate legislation ? Hamilton, 
 the favorite statesman of Washington, 
 was the author of laws, enacted in time of 
 peace, which could not have been enforced 
 in our day even under the necessities and 
 passions of war. And when the judgment 
 of the nation repealed them, he sought to 
 overthrow the popular verdict, because he 
 believed that the government was over- 
 thrown. Almost before order began after 
 the political chaos of the revolution, the 
 intensest struggles were made, and the 
 most violent enactments urged, for mere 
 partisan control. Jeflerson, the chief 
 apostle of government of the people, did 
 not always cherish supreme faith in his 
 own work. He trembled at the tendencies 
 to monarchy, and feared because of " the 
 dupery of which our countrymen have 
 shown themselves susceptible." He res- 
 cued the infant Republic from the central- 
 ization that was the lingering dregs of 
 despotism, and unconsciously sowed the 
 Beecls which ripened into States' rights and 
 nullification under Jackson, and into re- 
 bellion under Lincoln. But for the des- 
 perate conflict of opposing convictions as 
 to the corner-stone of the new structure, 
 Jefferson would have been more wise and 
 conservative. He was faithful to popular 
 
 government in the broadest acceptation of 
 the theory. He summed it up in his 
 memorable utterance to his neighbors when 
 he returned from France. He said : — 
 "The will of the majority, the natural law 
 of every society, is the only sure guardian 
 of the rights of man. Perhaps even this 
 may sometimes err, but its errors arc honest 
 solitary and short-lived." Politically speak- 
 ing, with the patriots and statesmen of the 
 " better days" of the Republic, their con- 
 fidence in, or distrust of, the government, 
 depended much upon whether Hamilton or 
 Jeflerson ruled. Dream of them as we 
 may, they were but men, with the same 
 ambition, the same love of power, the 
 same infirmities, which we regard as the 
 peculiar ])esetting sins of our times. If 
 you would refresh your store of distrust of 
 all political greatness, study Jeflterson 
 through Burr and Hamilton, or Washing- 
 ton and Hamilton through Jeflerson, or 
 Jackson through Clay and the second 
 Adams, or (^lay and Adams through Jack- 
 son and Randolph, and you will think 
 better of the enlightened and liberal age 
 in which you live. 
 
 No error is so common among free 
 people as the tendency to depreciate the 
 present and all its agencies and achieve- 
 ments. 
 
 We all turn with boundless pride to the 
 Senate of Clay, Webster and Calhoun. In 
 the period of their great conflicts, it w:i.s 
 the ablest legislative tribunal the world 
 has ever furnished. Rome and Greece in 
 the zenith of their greatness, never gath- 
 ered such a galaxy of statesmen. But not 
 until they had passed away did the nation 
 learn to judge them justly. Like the tow- 
 ering oaks when the tempest sweeps over 
 the forest, the storm of faction was fiercest 
 among their crowns, and their struggles of 
 mere ambition, and their infirmities, which 
 have been kindly forgotten, often made the 
 thoughtless or the unfaithful despair of 
 our free institutions. Not one of them es- 
 caped detraction or popular reprobation. 
 Not one was exempt from the grave accu- 
 sation of shaping the destruction of our 
 nationality, and yet not one meditated de- 
 liberate wrong to the country on which all 
 reflected so much honor. Calhoun des- 
 paired of the Union, because of the irre- 
 pressible antagonism of sectional interests, 
 but he cherished the sincerest faith in free 
 institutions. But when the dispassionate 
 historian of the future is brought to the 
 task of recording the most memorable tri- 
 umphs of our political system, he will puss 
 over the great Senate of the last genera- 
 tion, and picture in their just proportions 
 the grander achievements of the heroes 
 and statesmen who have been created in 
 our own time. If we could draw aside the 
 veil that conceals the future from us, and 
 see how our children will judge the trials
 
 196 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 and triumphs of the last decade, we would 
 be shamed at our distrust of ourselves and 
 of the instruments we have employed to 
 discharge the noblest duties. Our agents 
 came up from among us. We knew them 
 before they were great, and remembered 
 well their common inheritance of human 
 defects. — They are not greater than were 
 men who had lived before them, but the 
 nation has had none in all the past who 
 could have written their names higher on 
 the scroll of fame. We knew Lincoln as 
 the uncouth Western campaigner and ad- 
 vocate; as a man of jest, untutored in the 
 graces, and unschooled in statesmanship. 
 We know him in the heat and strife of the 
 political contests which made him our 
 President, and our passions and prejudices 
 survived his achievements. If his friends, 
 we were brought face to face with his im- 
 perfections, and perhaps complained that 
 he was unequal to impossibilities. If his 
 enemies, we antagonized his policy and 
 magnified his errors. We saw him wrestle 
 with the greed of the place-man, with the 
 ambitious warrior and with the disappoint- 
 ed statesman. We received his great act 
 of Emancipation as a part of the mere po- 
 litical policy of his rule, and jvidged it by 
 the light of prejudiced partisan convic- 
 tions. 
 
 But how will those of the future judge 
 him? When the hatreds which attached 
 to his public acts have passed into forget- 
 fulness; when his infirmities shall have 
 been buried in oblivion, and when all his 
 master monuments shall stand out in bold 
 relief, made stainless by the generous offi- 
 ces of time, his name will be linked with 
 devotion wherever liberty has a worship- 
 per. And it will be measurably so of those 
 who were his faithful co-laborers. It will 
 be forgotten that they were at times weak, 
 discordant, irresolute men when they had 
 to confront problems the solution of which 
 had no precedents in the world's history. 
 It will not be conspicuous in the future 
 records of those great events, that the 
 most learned and experienced member of 
 his cabinet would have accepted peace by 
 any supportable compromise, and that one 
 of the most trusted of his constitutional 
 advisers would have assented to peaceable 
 dismemberment to escape internecine war. 
 Few will ever knowthatour eminent Min- 
 ister of War was one of those who was 
 lea.st hopeful of the preservation of the 
 unity of the States, when armed secession 
 made its first trial of strength with the ad- 
 ministration. It will not be recorded how 
 the surrender of Sumter was gravely dis- 
 cussed to postpone the presence of actual 
 hostilities, and how the midsummer mad- 
 ness of rebellion made weakness and dis- 
 cord give way to might and harmony, by 
 the first gun that sent its unprovoked mes- 
 senger of death against the flag and de- 
 
 fenders of the Union. It will not be re- 
 membered that faction ran riot in the high- 
 est places, and that the struggle for the 
 throne embittered cabinet councils and es- 
 tranged eminent statesmen, even when the 
 artillery of the enemy thundered within 
 sound of the Capital. 
 
 It will not be declared how great captains 
 toyed with armies and decimated them 
 upon the deadly altar of ambition, and how 
 blighted hopes of preferment made jangled 
 strife and fruitless campaigns. Nor will 
 the insidious treason that wounded the 
 cause of free government in the home of 
 its friends, blot the future pages of our 
 history in the just proportions in which 
 the living felt and knew it. It will be told 
 that in the hour of greatest peril, the ad- 
 ministration was criticised, and the consti- 
 tution and laws expounded, with supreme 
 ability and boldness, while the meaner 
 struggles of the cowardly and faithless will 
 be effaced with the passions of the times 
 that created them. And it is best that 
 these defects of greatness should slumber 
 with mortality. Not only the heroes and 
 rulers, but the philanthropists as well, of 
 all nations and ages, have had no exemp- 
 tion from the frailties which are colossal 
 when in actual view. That we have been 
 no better than we have seen ourselves, does 
 not prove that we are a degenerate people. 
 On the contrary, it teaches how much of 
 good and great achievement may be hoped 
 for with all the imperfections we see about 
 us. In our unexampled struggle, when 
 faction, and corruption, and faithlessness 
 had done their worst, a [regenerated na- 
 tionality, saved to perfected justice, liberty 
 and law, was the rich fruits of the patriotic 
 efforts of the people and their trusted but 
 fallible leaders. There is the ineffaceable 
 record we have written for history, and it 
 will be pointed to as the sublimest tribute 
 the world has given to the theory of self- 
 government. The many grievous errors 
 and bitter jealousies of the conflict which 
 weakened and endangered the cause; the 
 venality that grew in hideous strength, 
 while higher and holier cares gave it 
 safety ; the incompetency that grasped 
 place on the tidal waves of devotion to 
 country, and the wide-spread political evild 
 which still linger as sorrowful legacies 
 among us, will in the fulness of time be 
 healed and forgotten, and only the grand 
 consummation will be memorable. Thi» 
 generous judgment of the virtue and intel- 
 figence of the people, that corrects the 
 varying efforts and successes of political 
 prostitution ; that pardons the defects of 
 those who are faithful in pnrj)ose, and 
 without which the greatest deeds would go 
 down to posterity scarred and deformed, is 
 the glass through which all must read of 
 the noblest triumphs of men. 
 
 Our Republic stands alone in the whole
 
 BOOK III.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 
 
 197 
 
 records of civil government. In its theory, 
 in its complete organization, and in its ad- 
 ministration, it is wholly exceptional. We 
 talk thoughtlessly of the overthrow of the 
 old Republics, and the weak or disap- 
 pointed turn to history for the evidence of 
 our destruction. It is true that Rei>ublics 
 which have been mighty among the iK)wers 
 of the earth have crumbled into hopeless 
 decay, and that the shiflinj^ sands of time 
 have left desolate places where once were 
 omnipotence and grandeur. Rome made 
 her ahnost boundless conquests under the 
 banner of the Republic, and a sister Re- 
 public was her rival in greatness and splen- 
 dor. They are traced obscurely on the 
 pages of history as governments of the peo- 
 ple. Rome became mistress of the world. 
 Her triumphal arches of costliest art re- 
 corded her many victories. Her temples 
 of surpassing elegance, her colossal and 
 exquisite statues of her chieftains, her im- 
 posing columns dedicated to her invincible 
 soldiery, and her apparently rapid progress 
 toward a beneficent civilization, give the 
 story of the devotion and heroism of her 
 citizens. But Rome never was a free rep- 
 resentative government. AVhat is called 
 her Republic was but a series of surging 
 plebeian and patrician revolutions, of Tri- 
 bunes, Consuls and Dictators, with seasons 
 of marvelous prowess under the desperate 
 lead of as marvelous ambition. The tran- 
 quillity, the safety, and the inspiration of a 
 government of liberty and law, are not to 
 be found in all the thousand years of Ro- 
 man greatness. The lust of empire wa.s 
 the ruling passion in the ancient Repub- 
 lics. Hannibal reflected the supreme sen- 
 timent of Carthage when he bowed at the 
 altar and swore eternal hostility to Rome ; 
 and Cato, the Censor, as faithfully spoke 
 for Rome when he declared to an approv- 
 ing Senate — " Carthago delenda /" Such 
 was the mission of what history hands 
 down to us as the great free governments of 
 the ancients. Despotism was the forerun- 
 ner of corruption, and the proudest eras 
 they knew were but hastening them to in- 
 evitable destruction. 
 
 The imperial purple soon followed in 
 Rome, as a debauched people were pre- 
 
 f)ared to accept in form what they had 
 ong accepted with the mockery of free- 
 dom. Rulers and subjects, noble and ig- 
 noble, church and state, made common 
 cause to precipitate her decay. At la.st 
 the columns of the barbarian clouded her 
 valleys. The rude hosts of Attila, the 
 "Scourge of God," swarmed upon her, and 
 their battle-axes smote the demoralized I 
 warriors of the tottering empire. The Goth ' 
 and the Vandal jostled each other from the ' 
 degraded sceptre they had conquered, and j 
 Rome was left widowed in her ruins. And ! 
 Carthage ! — she too had reartnl a great 
 government by spoliation, and called it a j 
 
 Republic. It was the creation of ambition 
 and conquest. Her great chieftain swept 
 over the Pyrenees and the Alps with his 
 victorious legions, and even made tlie gates 
 of the Eternal City tremble bel'ore the 
 impetuous advance of the Carthagenians. 
 But Carthage never was free until the 
 cormorant and the bittern possessed it, 
 and the God of nations had " stretched out 
 upon it the line of confusion and the stones 
 of emptiness." Conqueror and confjuered 
 are blotted from the list of the nations of 
 the earth. We read of the Grecian Re- 
 public ; but it was a libel upon free gov- 
 ernment. Her so-called free institutions 
 consisted of a loose, discordant confedera- 
 tion of independent States, where despo- 
 tism ruled in the name of liberty. Sparta 
 has made romance i)ale before the achieve- 
 ments of her sons, but her triumj)hs were 
 not of peace, nor were they for free gov- 
 ernment. Athens abolished royalty more 
 than a thousand years before the Chris- 
 tian era, and made Athenian history most 
 thrilling and instructive, but her citizens 
 were strangers to freedom. The most 
 sanguinary wars with sister States, domes- 
 tic convulsions almost without cessation, 
 and the grinding oppression of caste, were 
 the chief offerings of the government to its 
 subjects. Solon restored her laws to some 
 measure of justice, only to be cast aside for 
 the usurper. Greece yet has a name among 
 the nations of the world, but her sceptre 
 for which the mightiest once warred to en- 
 slave her people under the banner of the 
 Republic, has long since been unfelt in 
 shaping the destiny of mankind. Thus 
 did Rome and Carthage and Greece fade 
 from the zenith of distinction and power, 
 before constitutional government of the 
 people had been born among men. To- 
 day there is not an established sister Re- 
 public that equals our single Common- 
 wealth in population. Spain, France and 
 Mexico have in turn worshiped Emperors, 
 Kings, Dictators and popular Presidents. 
 Yesterday they were reckoned Republics. 
 What they have been made to-day, or 
 what they will be made to-morrow, is un- 
 certain and unimportant. They are not 
 now, and never have been. Republics save 
 in name, and never can be free govern- 
 ments until their people are transformed 
 into law-creating and law-abiding com- 
 munities. With them monarchy is a re- 
 fuge from the license they miscall liberty, 
 and desjiotism is peace. Switzerland is 
 called a Republic. She point.s to her ac- 
 knowledged independence four hundred 
 years ago, but not until the middle of the 
 present century did the Republic of the 
 Alps find tranquillity in a constitutional 
 government that inaugurated the liberty 
 of law. Away on a rugged mountain-top 
 in Italy, is the only Republic that has 
 maintained popular government among
 
 198 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book m. 
 
 the States of Europe. For more than four- 
 teen hundred years a handful of isolated 
 people, the followers of a Dalmatian her- 
 mit priest, have given the world an ex- 
 ample of unsullied freedom. Through all 
 the mutations, and revolutions, and re- 
 linings of the maps of Europe, the little 
 territory of San Marino has heen sacredly 
 respected. Her less than ten thousand 
 people have prospered without interrup- 
 tion; and civil commotions and foreign 
 disputes or conflicts have been unknown 
 among them. She has had no wealth to 
 tempt the spoiler ; no commerce or teem- 
 ing valleys to invite conquest ; no wars to 
 breed dictators; no surplus revenues to 
 corrupt her officials ; and in patient and 
 frugal industry her citizens have enjoyed 
 the national felicity of having no history. 
 They have had no trials and no triumphs, 
 and have made civilization better only by 
 the banner of peace they have worshipped 
 through all the convulsions and bloody 
 strife of many centuries. 
 
 The world has but one Eepublic 
 that has illustrated constitutional freedom 
 in all its beneficence, power and grandeur, 
 and that is our own priceless inheritance. 
 As a government, our Republic has alone 
 been capable of, and faithful to, represen- 
 tative free institutions, with equal rights, 
 equal justice, and equal laws for every con- 
 dition of our fellows. All the nations of 
 the past furnish no history that can logic- 
 ally repeat itself in our advancement or 
 decline. Created through the severest trials 
 and sacrifices ; maintained through foreign 
 and civil war with unexampled devotion ; 
 faithful to law as the offspring and safety 
 of liberty ; progressive in all that ennobles 
 our peaceful industry, and cherishing en- 
 lightened and liberal Christian civilization 
 as the trust and pride of our citizens, for 
 our government of the people, none but 
 itself can be its parallel. 
 
 In what are called free governments of 
 antiquity, we search in vain for constitu- 
 tional freedom, or that liberty that subor- 
 dinates passion and license to law. The 
 refuge from the constant jjcrils of an unre- 
 strained Democracy was always found in 
 despotism, and when absolutism became 
 intolerable, the tide of passion would surge 
 back to Democracy. The people, in mass 
 councils, would rule Consuls, I'residents 
 and (k-nerals, but it was fruitful only of 
 chaos and revolution. Tiie victorious 
 chieftain and the illustrious philosopher 
 would l)e honored with thanksgivings to 
 th(^ gods for their achievements, and their 
 banislmu'Tit or death would next be de- 
 manded by the same supreme tribunal. 
 Grand tenii)les and columns and triuni])]ial 
 arches would be erected to commcniorate 
 the victories of the dominant ])ower, atul 
 the returning waves of revolution would 
 decree the actors and their monumcuts to 
 
 destruction. Ambitious demagogues pros- 
 tituted such mockeries of government to 
 the basest purposes. The Olympic games 
 of Greece became the mere instruments of 
 unscrupulous leaders to lure the people, in 
 the name of freedom, to oppression and 
 degradation, and the wealth of Rome was 
 lavishly employed to corrupt the source of 
 popular power, and spread demoralization 
 throughout the Republic. The debauched 
 citizens and soldiers were inflamed by cun- 
 ning and corrupt devices, against the purest 
 and most eminent of the sincere defenders 
 of liberty; and the vengeance of the infu- 
 riated mob, usurping the supreme power of 
 the State, would doom to exile or to death, 
 honest Romans who struggled for Roman 
 freedom. Cato, the younger. Tribune of 
 the people, and faithful to his country, took 
 his own life to escape the reprobation of a 
 polluted sovereignty. Cicero was Consul 
 of the people, made so by his triumph over 
 CiBsar. But the same peo^jle who wor- 
 shijjped him and to whose honor and pros- 
 perity he was devoted, banished him in 
 disgrace, confiscated his wealth and devas- 
 tated his home. Again he was recalled 
 through a triumphal ovation, and again 
 proscribed by the triumvirs and murdered 
 by the soldiers of Antony. The Grecian 
 Republic banished "Aristides the just," 
 and Demosthenes, the first orator of the 
 world, who withstood the temptations of 
 Macedonian wealth, was fined, exiled and 
 his death decreed. He saved his country 
 the shame of his murder by suicide. Mil- 
 tiades won the plaudits of Greece for his 
 victories, only to die in prison of wounds 
 received in fighting her battles. Themis- 
 tocles, orator, statesman and chieftain, was 
 banished and died in exile. Pericles, once 
 master of Athens, and who gave the world 
 the highest attainments in Grecian arts, 
 was deposed from military and civil au- 
 thority by the people he had honored. 
 Socrates, immortal teacher of Grecian 
 philosophy, soldier and senator, and one of 
 the most shining examples of public vir- 
 tue, was ostracised and condemned and 
 drank the fatal hemlock. The ]\epublic 
 of Carthage gave the ancients their great- 
 est general, and as chief magistrate, he was 
 as wise in statesmanship as lie was skillful 
 in war ; but in a strange land Hannibal 
 closed his eyes to his country's woes by 
 taking his own life. Nor need we confine 
 oiu' research to Pagan antiquity alone, for 
 such stains ujion what is called popular 
 government. During the present century 
 France has enthroned and banished the 
 Pourbons, ami worshiped and execrated 
 the Bonajiartes ; and fe])ain and Mexico, 
 and scores of States of lesser note, have 
 welcomed and s]nirned the same rulers, 
 and created and overthrew the same dy- 
 Uiusties. 
 For the matchless progress of cnlight-
 
 BOOKiii.J A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 
 
 199 
 
 ened rule during the last century, the 
 world i.s indebted to JCnghuid luul America. 
 Parent and child, though separated by 
 violence and estranged in their sympathies 
 even to the latest days, have been co- 
 workers in the great cause of perl'ecting and 
 strengthening liberal government. Each 
 has been too prone to hope and labor for 
 the decline or subordination of the other, 
 but they both have thereby " builded 
 wiser than they knew." Their ceaseless 
 rivalry for the approving judgment of 
 civilization and for the development of the 
 noblest attributes of a generous and en- 
 during authority, have made them vastly 
 better and wiser than either would have 
 been without the other. We have in- 
 herited her supreme sanctity for law, and 
 thus bounded our liberties by conservative 
 restraints upon popular passions, until the 
 sober judgment of the people can correct 
 them. She has, however unwillingly, 
 yielded to the inspiration of our enlarged 
 freedom and advanced with hesitating 
 steps toward the amelioration of her less 
 favored classes. She maintains the form 
 and splendor of royalty, but no monarch, 
 no ministry, no House of Lords, can now 
 defy the Commoners of the English people. 
 The breath of disapproval coming from the 
 popular branch of the government, dis- 
 solves a cabinet or compels an api)eal to 
 the country. A justly beloved Queen, un- 
 vexed by the cares of State, is the symbol 
 of the majesty of English law, and there 
 monarchy practically ends. We have 
 reared a nobler structure, more delicate in 
 its framework, more exquisite in its har- 
 mony, and more imposing in its progress. 
 Its beneticence would be its weakness with 
 any other people than our own. Solon 
 summed up the history of many peoples, 
 when, in answer to the question whether 
 he had given the Athenians the best of 
 laws, he said: "The best they were capa- 
 ble of receiving!" Even England with 
 her marked distinctions of rank, and 
 widely divided and unsympathetic classes, 
 could not entrust her administration to 
 popular control, without inviting convul- 
 sive discord and probable disintegration. 
 Here we confide the enactment and execu- 
 tion of our laws to the immediate repre- 
 sentatives of the people; but executives, 
 and judicial tribunals, and conservative 
 legislative branches, are firmly established, 
 to receive the occasional surges of popular 
 error, as the rock-ribbed shore makes 
 harmless the waves of the tempest. We 
 have no antagonism of rank or caste ; no 
 patent of nobility save that of merit, and 
 the Republic has no distinction that may 
 not be won by the humblest of her citizens. 
 Our illustrious patriots, statesmen, and 
 chieftains are cherislieel as household gods. 
 Thov have not in turn been ai)plaudcd and 
 condemned, unless they have betrayed pub- 
 
 lic trust. They are the creation of our people 
 under our exceptional system, that educates 
 all and advances those who are most emi- 
 nentand faithful ; and they are, from genera- 
 tion to generation, tlie enduring monuments 
 of the Republic. We need no triumphal 
 arches, or towering columns, or magnificent 
 temples to record our achievements. Every 
 patriotic memory bears in perpetual fresh- 
 ness the inscriptions of our noblest deeds, 
 and every devoted heart quickens its pulsa- 
 tions at the contemj)lation of the power 
 and safety of government of the people. 
 In every trial, in peace and in war, we 
 have created our warriors, our pacificators 
 and our great teachers of the country's 
 sublime duties and necessities. It is not 
 always our most polished scholars, or our 
 ripest statesmen who have the true inspi- 
 ration of the loyal leader. Ten years ago 
 one of the most illustrious scholars and 
 orators of our age, was called to dedicate 
 the memorable battle field of Gettysburg, 
 as the resting place of our martyred dead. 
 In studied grandeur he told the story of 
 the heroism of the soldiers of the Repub- 
 lic, and in chaste and eloquent passages he 
 plead the cause of the imperiled and bleed- 
 ing Union. The renowned orator has 
 passed away, and his oration is forgotten. 
 There was present on that occasion, the 
 chosen ruler and leader of the people. He 
 was untutored in eloquence, and a stranger 
 to the art of playing upon the hopes or 
 grief of the nation. He was the sincere, 
 the unfaltering guardian of the unity of the 
 States, and his utterance, brief and un- 
 studied, inspired and strengthened every 
 patriotic impulse, and made a great people 
 renew their great work with the holiest 
 devotion. As he turned from the dead to 
 the living, he gave the text of liberty for 
 all time, when he declared : " It is rather 
 for us to be here dedicated to the great 
 task remaining before us, — that from these 
 honored dead we take increased devotion 
 to the cause for which they here gave the 
 last full measure of devotion — that we here 
 highly resolve that the dead shall not 
 have died in vain ; that the nation shall, 
 under God, have a new birth of freedom, 
 and that the government of the people, by 
 the jjcople, and for the people, shall not 
 perish from the earth." 
 
 Neitlier birth, nor circumstance, nor 
 power, can command the devotion of our 
 people. Our revolutions in enlightened 
 sentiment, have been the creation of all 
 the varied agencies of our free government, 
 and the judgments of the nation have 
 passed into history a:5 marvels of justice. 
 We have wreathed our military and civil 
 heroes with the greenest laurels. In the 
 strife of ambition, some have felt keenly 
 what they deemed the ingratitude of the 
 Republic ; but in their disappointment, 
 they could not understand that the highest
 
 200 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book in. 
 
 homage of a free people is not measured 
 by place or titled honors. Clay was none 
 the less beloved, and Webster none the less 
 revered, because their chief ambition was 
 not realized. Scott was not less the " Great 
 Captain of the Age," because he was smit- 
 ten in his eflforts to attain the highest civil 
 distinction. But a few months ago two 
 men of humblest opportunities and oppo- 
 site characteristics, were before us as rival 
 candidates for our first office. One had 
 been a great teacher, who through patient 
 years of honest and earnest effort, had 
 made his impress upon the civilization of 
 every clime. He was the defender of the 
 oppressed, and the unswerving advocate of 
 equal rights for all mankind. Gradually 
 his labors ripened, but the fruits were to 
 be gathered through the flame of battle, 
 and he was unskilled in the sword. An- 
 other had to come with his brave reapers 
 into the valley of death. He was unknown 
 to fame, and the nation trusted others who 
 wore its stars. But he transformed despair 
 into hope, and defeat into victory. He 
 rose through tribulation and malice, by 
 his invincible courage and matchless com- 
 mand, until the fruition of his rival's 
 teachings had been realized in their own, 
 and their country's grandest achievement. 
 In the race for civil trust, partisan de- 
 traction swept mercilessly over both, and 
 two men who had written the proudest re- 
 cords of their age, in their respective 
 spheres of public duty, were assailed as 
 incompetent and unworthy. Both taught 
 peace. One dared more for hastened re- 
 conciliation, forgiveness and brotherhood. 
 The other triumphed, and vindicated his 
 rival and himself by calling the insurgent 
 to share tlie honors of the Republic. Soon 
 after the strife was ended, they met at the 
 gates of the " City of the Silent," and the 
 victor, as chief of the nation, paid the na- 
 tion's sincere homage to its untitled, but 
 most beloved and lamented citizen. Had 
 the victor been the vanquished, the lustre 
 of his crown would have been undimmed 
 in the judgment of our people or of his- 
 tory. Our rulers are but our agents, cho- 
 sen in obedience to the convictions which 
 govern the policy of the selection, and 
 mere political success is no enduring con- 
 stituent of greatness. The public servant, 
 and the private citizen, will alike be hon- 
 ored or condemned, as they are faithful or 
 unfaithful to their responsible duties. 
 
 When we search for the agencies of the 
 great epochs in our national i)rogrcss, we 
 look not to the accidents of place. Un- 
 like all other govcrnmeuts, ours is guided 
 Bupremely by intelligent and educated pub- 
 lic convictions, and those who are clothed 
 with authority, are but the exponents of 
 the popular will. Herein is the source of 
 safety and advancement of our free in- 
 stitutions. On every hand, in the ranks 
 
 of people, are the tireless teachers of our 
 destiny. Away in the forefront of every 
 struggle, are to be found the masters who 
 brave passion and prejudice and interest, 
 in the perfection of our nationality. 
 
 Our free press reaching into almost every 
 hamlet of the land ; our colleges now reared 
 in every section ; our schools with open 
 doors to all ; our churches teaching every 
 faith, with the protection of the law ; our 
 citizens endowed with the sacred right of 
 freedom of speech and action ; our rail- 
 roads spanning the continent, climbing our 
 mountains, and stretching into our valleys; 
 our telegraphs making every community 
 the centre of the world's daily records — 
 these are the agencies which are omnipo- 
 tent in the expression of our national pur- 
 poses and duties. Thus directed and main- 
 tained, our free government has braved 
 foreign and domestic war, and been purified 
 and strengthened in the crucible of conflict. 
 It has grown from a few feeble States east 
 of the Ohio wilderness, to a vast continent 
 of commonwealths, and forty millions of 
 population. It has made freedom as uni- 
 versal as its authority within its vast pos- 
 sessions. The laws of inequality and caste 
 are blotted from its statutes. It reaches 
 the golden slopes of the Pacific with its 
 beneficence, and makes beauty and plenty 
 in the valleys of the mountains on the sun- 
 set side of' the Father of Waters. From 
 the cool lakes of the north, to the sunny 
 gulfs of the South, and from the eastern 
 seas to the waters that wash the lands of 
 the Pagan, a homogeneous people obey one 
 constitution, and are devoted to one coun- 
 try. Nor have its agencies and influences 
 been limited to our own boundaries. The 
 whole accessible world has felt its power, 
 and paid tribute to its excellence. Europe 
 has been convulsed from centre to circum- 
 ference by the resistless throbbings of op- 
 pressed peoples for the liberty they cannot 
 know and could not maintain. The proud 
 Briton has imitated his wayward but reso- 
 lute child, and now rules his own throne. 
 France has sung the Marseillaise, her an- 
 them of freedom, and waded through blood 
 in ill-directed struggles for her disentliral- 
 ment. The scattered tribes of the Father- 
 land now worship at the- altar of (xerman 
 unity, with a liberalized Empire. The sad 
 song of the serf is no longer lieard from the 
 chihlren of the Czar. Italy, dismembered 
 and tempest tossed through centuries, again 
 ordains her laws in the Eternal City, un- 
 der a monarch of her choice. The throne 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella has now no 
 kingly ruler, and the inspiration of free- 
 dom iias unsettled the title of desi)otism to 
 the Spanish scejitre. The trained light- 
 ning flashes the lessons of our civilization 
 to the home of the Pyramids; the land of 
 the Heathen has our teachers in its deso- 
 late places, and the God of Day sets not
 
 BooKiii.J ROBERT G. INGERSOLL NOMINATING BLAINE. 201 
 
 upon the boundless triumphs of our go- 
 vernment of the people. 
 
 Robert O. JngeTuoll, of IIII110I8, 
 
 Jn the Ndlionnl IlepublicuH Conveii/ion at t'hi<mn<Ui, June, 
 18"G, in Huminuliiig James 0. liluiiie fvr Ihe IVusUlency, 
 
 " Massaeliusotts may be satisfied with 
 the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristovv ; so 
 am I ; but if any man nominated by this 
 convention cannot carry the State of Mas- 
 sachusetts, I am not satisfied with the 
 loyalty of that State. If the nominee of 
 this convention cannot carry the grand old 
 Commonwealth of Massachusetts by 
 seventy-five thousand majority, I would 
 advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a 
 Democratic headquarters. I would advise 
 them to take from Bunker Hill that old 
 monument of glory. 
 
 "The Republicans of the United States 
 demand as their leader in the great contest 
 of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of 
 integrity, a man of well-known and ap- 
 proved political opinions. They demand 
 a reformer after as well as before the elec- 
 tion. They demand a politician in the 
 highest, broadest and best sense — a maii of 
 superb moral courage. They demand a 
 man acquainted with public affairs, with 
 the wants of the people ; with not only the 
 requirements of the hour, but with the 
 demands of the future. They demand a 
 man brwad enough to comprehend the re- 
 lations of this government to the other 
 nations of the earth. They demand a man 
 well versed in the powers, duties, and pre- 
 rogatives of each and everj' department of 
 this Government. They demand a man 
 who will sacredly preserve the financial 
 honor of the United States ; one who knows 
 enough to know that the national debt 
 must be paid through the prosi)erity of this 
 people ; one who knows enough to know 
 that all tlie financial theories in the world 
 cannot redeem a single dollar; one who 
 knows enough to know that all the money 
 must be made, not by law, but by labor ; 
 one who knows enough to know that the 
 people of the United States have the in- 
 dustry to make the money and the honor 
 to pay it over just as fast as they make it. 
 The Republicans of the United States 
 demand a man who knows that prosjicrity 
 and resumption, when they come must 
 come together ; that when they come, they 
 will come hand in hand through the golden 
 harvest fields ; hand in hand by the whirl- 
 ing spindles and the turning wheels ; hand 
 in hand past the o])en furnace doors ; hand 
 in hand by the fiaming forges; hand in 
 hand by the chinuieys filled Avith eager fire 
 — greeted and grasped by the countless 
 sons of toil. 
 
 " This money has to be dug out of the 
 
 earth. You cannot make it by passing 
 resolutions in a political convention. 
 
 "The Republic'ans of tlie United States 
 want a man who knows that tliis Govern- 
 ment should protect every citizen, at home 
 and abroad ; who knows that any govern- 
 ment that will not defend its defenders, 
 and protect its ])rotectors, is a disgrace to 
 tiie map of the world. They demand a 
 man who believes in the eternal separation 
 and divorcement of Church and School. 
 'J'jiey demand a nmn whose political repu- 
 tation is spotless as a star ; but they do not 
 demand that their candidate shall have a 
 certificate of moral character signed by a 
 (Jonfederate Congress. The man who has, 
 in full, heai)ed and rounded measure, all 
 these splendid qualifications, is the present 
 grand and gallant leader of the Republi- 
 can party — James G. Blaine. 
 
 " Our country, crowned with the vast 
 and marvelous achievements of its first 
 cent^iry, asks for a man worthy of the past 
 and prophetic of her fiiture ; asks for a 
 man who has the audacity of genius; 
 asks for a man who is the grandest com- 
 bination of heart, conscience and brain 
 beneath her flag. Such a man js James G. 
 Blaine. 
 
 "For the Republican host, led by this 
 intrepid man, there can be no defeat. 
 
 " This is a grand year — a year filled with 
 the recollections of the Revolution ; filled 
 with proud and tender memories of the 
 past ; with the sacred legends of liberty ; 
 a year in which the sons of freedom will 
 drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; 
 a year in which the people call for a man 
 who has preserved in Congress what our 
 soldiers won u])on the field ; a year in which 
 they call for the man who has torn from 
 the throat of treason the tongue of slander; 
 for the man who has snatched the mask of 
 Democracy from the hideous face of rebel- 
 lion ; for the man who, like an intellectual 
 athlete, has stood in the arena of debate 
 and challenged all comers, and who is still 
 a total stranger to defeat. 
 
 " Like an armed warrior, like a plumed 
 knight, James G. Blaine marched d(nvn 
 the halls of the American Congress, and 
 threw hisshining lance full and fairagainst 
 the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his 
 country and the maligners of his honor. 
 
 " For the Republican party to desert this 
 gallant leader now, is as though an army 
 should desert their general upon the field 
 of battle. 
 
 " James G. Blaine is now and has been 
 for years the bearer of the sacred standard 
 of the Republican party. I call it sacred, 
 because no human being can stand beneath 
 its folds without becoming and without re- 
 maining free. 
 
 "Gentlemen of the convention, in the 
 name of the great l\epublic, the only Re- 
 public that ever existed upon this earth ;
 
 202 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 in the name of all her defenders and of all 
 her supportei-s ; in the name of all her sol- 
 diers living ; in the name of all her soldiers 
 dead upon the field of battle, and in the 
 name of those who perished in the skeleton 
 clutch of famine at Andersouville and 
 Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly re- 
 members, Illinois — Illinois nominates for 
 the next President of this country, that 
 prince of parliamentarians — that leader of 
 leaders — James G. Blaine." 
 
 Roscoe ConKUxig, of New York, 
 
 In the Natiotial EeptthJican Coyivention at Chicago, June, 
 1880, tiominaling Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency. 
 
 "And when asked what State he hails from. 
 Our sole reply shall be, 
 He halls from Appomattox 
 And the famous Apple tree." 
 
 Obeying instructions I should never dare to 
 disregard, I rise in behalf of the State of New 
 York to propose a nomination with wjjich 
 the country and the Republican party can 
 grandly win. The election before us will 
 be the Austerlitz of American politics. It 
 will decide whether for years to come the 
 country will be 'Republican or Cossack.' 
 The need of the hour is a candidate who 
 can carry doubtftil States, North and South ; 
 and believing that he more surely than any 
 other can carry New York against any op- 
 ponent, and carry not only the North, but 
 several States of the South, New York is 
 for Ulysses S. Grant. He alone of living 
 Republicans has carried New York as a 
 Presidential candidate. Once he carried 
 it even according to a Democratic count, 
 and twice he carried it by the people's 
 vote, and he is stronger now. The Repub- 
 lican party with its standard in his hand, 
 is stronger now than in 1868 or 1872. 
 Never defeated in war or in peace, his 
 name is the most illustrious borne by any 
 living man ; his services attest his great- 
 ness, and the country knows them by heart. 
 His fame Avas born not alone of things 
 written and said, but of the arduous great- 
 ness of things done, and dangers and 
 emergencies will search in vain in the fu- 
 ture, as they have searched in vain in the 
 f>ast, for any other on whom the nation 
 cans witli such confidence and trust. 
 Standing on the highest eminence of hu- 
 man distinction, and liaving filled all lands 
 with his renown, modest, firm, simple and 
 self-poised, he has seen not only the titled 
 but the pour and the lowly in the utmost 
 ends of tlio world rise and uncover before 
 him. He Inis studied the needs and <le- 
 fects of many systems of government, and 
 he comoa back a bettor American than 
 ever, with a wealth of knowledge and ex- 
 perience added to the hard common sense 
 whifh so conspicuously distinguished liini 
 in all the fierce light tli.it heat upon him 
 throughout the moat eventful, trying uud 
 
 perilous sixteen years of the nation's his- 
 tory. 
 
 " Never having had ' a policy to enforce 
 against the will of the people,' he never 
 betrayed a cause or a friend, and the peo- 
 ple will never betray or desert him. Vili- 
 fied and reviled, truthlessly aspersed by 
 numberless presses, not in other lands, but 
 in his own, the assaults upon him have 
 strengthened and seasoned his hold upon 
 the public heart. The ammunition of 
 calumny has all been exploded ; the pow- 
 der has all been burned once, its force is 
 spent, and General Grant's name will glit- 
 ter as a bright and imperishable star in the 
 diadem of the Republic when those who 
 have tried to tarnish it will have mouldered 
 in forgotten graves and their memories and 
 epitaphs have vanished utterly. 
 
 " Never elated by success, never de- 
 pressed by adversity, he has ever in peace, 
 as in war, shown the very genius of com- 
 mon sense. The terms he prescribed for 
 Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest 
 principles and prophecies of true recon- 
 struction. 
 
 " Victor in the greatest of modern wars, 
 he quickly signalized his aversion to war 
 and his love of peace by an arbitration of 
 international disputes which stands as the 
 wisest and most majestic example of ita 
 kind in the world's diplomacy. When 
 inflation, at the height of its popularity 
 and frenzy, had swept both houses of Con- 
 gress, it was the veto of Grant which, sin- 
 gle and alone, overthrew expansion and 
 cleared the way for specie resumption. To 
 him, immeasurably more than to any 
 other man, is due the fact that every paper 
 dollar is as good as gold, ^^'ith him as 
 our leader we shall have no defensive cam- 
 paign, no apologies or explanations to 
 make. The shafts and arrows have all 
 been aimed at him and lie broken and 
 harmless at his feet. Life, liberty and 
 property will find safeguard in him. When 
 he said of the black man in Florida, 
 ' Wherever I am they may come also,' he 
 meant that, had he the power to help it, 
 the poor dwellei's in the cabins of the 
 South should not be driven in terror from 
 the homes of their childhood and the 
 graves of their murdered dead. When he 
 refused to receive Denis Kearney he meant 
 that lawlessness and communism, although 
 it should dictate laws to a whole city, would 
 everywhere meet a foe in him, and, ])opu- 
 lar or unpo})ular, he will hew to the line 
 of right, let the chips fly where they 
 mav. 
 
 His integrity, his common sense, his 
 courage and his une(iualed experience are 
 the qualities offered to his country. The 
 only argument against accejiting them 
 would amaze Solomon. He thought there 
 could 1)(" nothing lU'W under the sun. Hav- 
 ing tried Craut twice and found him faith-
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 GARFIELD NOMINATING SHERMAN. 
 
 203 
 
 fill, we are told we must not, even after an 
 interval of years, trust him again. What 
 stultification does not such a fallacy in- 
 volve I The American people exclude Jef- 
 ferson Davis Irom puGlic trust. Why ? 
 Because he was the arch traitor and would 
 be a destroyer. And now the same people 
 are asked to ostracize Grant and not trust 
 him. Why? Because he was the arch 
 preserver of his country ; because, not only 
 in Avar, but alterward, twice as a civic 
 magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest 
 efforts to the Republic. Is such absurdity 
 an electioneeriug jugglery or hypocrisy's 
 masquerade ? 
 
 " There is no field of human activity, 
 responsibility or reason in which rational 
 beings object to Grant because he has been 
 weighed in the balance and not found 
 wanting, and because he has had unequal ed 
 experience, making him exceptionally 
 competent and fit. From the man who 
 shoes your horse to the lawyer who pleads 
 your case, the officers who manage your rail- 
 way, the doctor into whose hands you give 
 your life, or the minister who seeks to save 
 your souls, what now do you reject because 
 you have tried him and by his works have 
 known him ? What mal<>es the Presidential 
 office an exception to all things else in the 
 common sense to be applied to selecting 
 its incumbent? Who dares to put fetters 
 on the free choice and judgment which is 
 the birthright of the American people? 
 Can it be said that Grant has used official 
 power to perpetuate his plan ? lie has no 
 
 Elace. No official power has been ased for 
 im. Without patronage or power, with- 
 out telegraph wires running from his 
 house to the convention, without elec- 
 tioneering contrivances, without ellbrt on 
 his part, his name is on his country's lips, 
 and he is struck at by the whole Democra- 
 tic party because his nomination will be 
 the death-blow to Democratic success. He 
 is struck at by others who find offense and 
 disqualification in the very service he has 
 rendered and in the very experience he 
 has gained. Show me a better man. Name 
 one and I am answered. But do not point, 
 as a disqualification, to the very facts 
 which make this man fit beyond all others. 
 Let not experience disqualify or excellence 
 impeach him. There is no third term in 
 the case, and the pretense will die with 
 the political dog-days which engendered 
 it. Nobody is really worried about a third 
 term except those hopelessly longing for a 
 first term and the dupes they have made. 
 Without bureaus, committees, officials or 
 emissaries to manufacture sentiment in 
 his favor, without intrigue or eftbrt on his 
 part, Grant is the candidate whose sup- 
 porters have never threatened to bolt. As 
 they say, he is a Republican who never 
 wavers. He and his friends stood by the 
 creed and the candidates of the Republican 
 
 l)arty, holding the right of a majority su 
 the very essence of their faith, and mean- 
 ing to uphold that faith against the com- 
 mon enemy and the charlatans and guer- 
 rillas who from time to time deploy be- 
 tween the lines and forage on one side or 
 the other. 
 
 " The Democratic party is a standing- 
 protest against progress. Its purposes are 
 spoils. Its hope and very existence is a 
 solid South, its success is a menace to 
 prosperity and order. 
 
 " This convention is master of a supreme 
 opportunity, can name the next President 
 of the United States and make sure of his 
 election and his peaceful inauguration. It 
 can break the power which dominates and 
 mildews the South. It can speed the 
 nation in a careerof grandeur eclipsing all 
 past achievements. We have only to lis- 
 ten above the din and look beyond the 
 dust of an hour to behold the Republican 
 party advancing to victory, with its great- 
 est marshal at its head." 
 
 James A. Garfleld, of Oliio, 
 
 In the Natiowil Reptiblican Convention at ChUago. June, 
 1880, nominating John Hherman for the Presidency. 
 
 " I have witnessed the extraordinary 
 scenes of this convention with deep solici- 
 tude. No emotion touches my heart more 
 quickly than a sentiment in honor of a 
 great and noble character. But as I sat on 
 these seats and witnessed these demonstra- 
 tions, it seemed to me you were a human 
 ocean in a tempest. I have seen the sea 
 lashed into a fury and tossed into a spray, 
 and its grandeur moves the soul of the 
 dullest man. But I remember that it is 
 not the billows, but the calm level of the 
 sea from which all heights and depths are 
 measured. When the storm has passed 
 and the hour of calm settles on the ocean, 
 when sunlight bathes its smooth surface, 
 then the astronomer and surveyor takes 
 the level from which he measures all 
 terrestrial heights and depths. Gentlemen 
 of the convention, your present temper 
 may not mark the healthful pulse of our 
 people. When our enthusiasm has passed, 
 when the emotions of this hour have sub- 
 sided, we shall find the calm level of pub- 
 lic opinion below the storm from which 
 the thoughts of a mighty people are to be 
 measured, and by which their final action 
 will be determined. Not here, in this 
 brilliant circle where fifteen thousand men 
 and women are assembled, is the destiny 
 of the Republic to be decreed ; not here, 
 where I see the enthusiastic faces of seven 
 hundred and fitly-six delegates waiting tn 
 cast their votes into the urn and (htcrmine 
 the choice of their party ; but by four mil- 
 lion Republican firesides, where the 
 thoughtful fathers, with wives and children
 
 204 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 about them, with the calm thoughts in- 
 spired by love of home and love of country, 
 with the history of the past, the hopes of 
 the future, and the knowledge of the great 
 men who have adorned and blessed our 
 nation in days gone by — there God pre- 
 pares the verdict that shall determine the 
 wisdom of our work to-night. Not in 
 Chicago in the heat of June, but in the 
 sober quiet that comes between now and 
 the melancholy days of November, in the 
 silence of deliberate judgment will this 
 great question be settled. Let us aid them 
 to-night. 
 
 But now, gentlemen of the convention, 
 what do we want? Bear with me a mo- 
 ment. Hear me for this cause, and for a 
 moment be silent, that you may hear. 
 Twenty-five years ago this Republic was 
 wearing a triple chain of bondage. Long 
 familiarity with traffic in the bodies and 
 souls of men had paralyzed the conscience 
 of a majority of our people. The baleful 
 doctrine of State Sovereignty had shocked 
 and weakened the noblest and most benefi- 
 cent powers of the National Government, 
 and the grasping power of slavery was 
 seizing the virgin territory of the West and 
 dragging them into the den of eternal 
 bondage. At that crisis the Republican 
 party Avas born. It drew its first inspira- 
 tion from that fire of liberty which God 
 has lighted in every man's heart, and 
 which all the powers of ignorance and 
 tyrannv can never wholly extinguish. The 
 Republican party came to deliver and save 
 the Republic. It entered the arena when 
 the beleaguered and assailed territories were 
 struggling for freedom, and drew around 
 them the sacred circle of liberty which the 
 demon of slavery has never dared to cross. 
 It made them free forever. Strengthened 
 by its victory on the frontier, the young 
 party, under the leadership of that great 
 man who, on this spot, twenty years ago, 
 was made its leader, entered the national 
 capital and assumed the high duties of the 
 Government. The light which shone from 
 its banner dispelled the darkness in which 
 slavery had enshrouded the capital, and 
 melted the shackles of every slave, and 
 consumed, in the fire of liberty, every 
 slave-pen within the shadow of the Capi- 
 tol. Our national industries, by an im- 
 poverishing policy, were themselves pros- 
 trated, and tiie streams of revenue flowed 
 in such feeble currents that the Treasury 
 itself was well nigh empty. The money of 
 the people was the wretched notes of two 
 thousand uncontrolled and irresponsible 
 State banking cori)orations, which was 
 filling the country with a circulation that 
 
 Eoisoned rather than sustained the life of 
 usiness. The Reiiuhlican party changed 
 all this. It abolished the hahel of coni'u- 
 sion, and gave tlic country a currency as 
 national as its flag, based upon the sacred 
 
 faith of the jieople. It threw its protecting 
 arm around our great industries, and they 
 stood erect as with new life. It filled with 
 the spirit of true nationality all the great 
 functions of the Government. It con- 
 fronted a rebellion of unexampled magni- 
 tude, with slavery behind it, and, under 
 God, fought the final battle of liberty until 
 victory was won. Then, after the storms 
 of battle, were heard the sweet, calm words 
 of peace uttered by the conquering nation, 
 and saying to the conquered foe that lay 
 prostrate at its feet : ' This is our only re- 
 venge, that you join us in lifting to the 
 serene firmament of the Constitution, to 
 shine like stars for ever and ever, the im- 
 mortal principles of truth and justice, that 
 all men, white or black, shall be free and 
 stand equal before the law.' 
 
 " Then came the question of reconstruc- 
 tion, the public debt, and the public faith. 
 In the settlement of the questions the Re- 
 publican party has completed its twenty- 
 five years of glorious existence, and it has 
 sent us here to prepare it for another lus- 
 trum of duty and of victory. How shall 
 we do this great work ? We cannot do it, 
 my friends, by assailing our Republican 
 brethren. God fbrbid that I should say 
 one word to cast a shadow upon any name 
 on the roll of our heroes. This coming 
 fight is our Thermopylae. We are stand- 
 ing upon a narrow isthmus. If our Spartan 
 hosts are united, we can withstand all the 
 Persians that the Xerxes of Democracy can 
 bring against us. Let us hold our ground 
 this one year, for the stars in their courses 
 fight for us in the future. The census 
 taken this year will bring reinforcements 
 and continued power. But in order to win 
 this victory now, we want the vote of every 
 Republican, of every Grant Republican 
 and every anti-Grant Republican in 
 America, of every Blaine man and every 
 anti-Blaine man. The vote of every fol- 
 lower of every candidate is needed to make 
 our success certain ; therefore I say, gen- 
 tlemen and brethren, we are here to take 
 calm counsel together, and inquire what 
 we shall do. We want a man whose life 
 and opinions embody all the achievements 
 of which I have spoken. We want a man 
 who, standing on a mountain height, seee 
 all the achievements of otir past history, 
 and carries in his heart the memory of all 
 its glorious deeds, and who, looking for- 
 ward, prepares to meet the labor and the 
 dangers to come. AVe want one who will 
 act in no s[)irit of unkindncss toward those 
 we lately met in battle. The Republican 
 party oilers to our brethren of the South 
 the olive branch of peace, and wishes them 
 to return to brotherhood, on this supreme 
 condition, that it shall he admitted Jorever 
 and forevermorc, that, in th(! war for 
 the Union, we were right and they were 
 wrong. On that supreme condition we
 
 BOOK III.] GEORGE GRAY NOMINATING BAYARD. 
 
 205 
 
 meet them as brethren, and on no other. 
 We ask them to .share witli us the blessings 
 and honors of this great Rejjublic. 
 
 " Now, gentlemen, not to weary you, I 
 am about to present a name for your con- 
 sideration — the name of a man who was 
 the comrade and associate and friend of 
 nearly all tliose noble dead whose faces 
 look down upon us from these walls to- 
 night ; a man who began his career of pub- 
 lic service twenty-live years ago, whose first 
 duty was courageously done in the days of 
 peril on the plains of Kansas, when the first 
 red drops of that bloody shower began to 
 fall which finally swelled into the deluge 
 of war. He bravely stood by young Kan- 
 sas then, and, returning to his duty in the 
 National Legislature, through all subse- 
 quent time, his pathway has been marked 
 by labors performed in every department 
 of legislation. You ask for his monu- 
 ments. I point you to twenty-five years 
 of national statutes. Not one great be- 
 neficent statute has been placed in our 
 statute books without his intelligent and 
 powerful aid. He aided these men to for- 
 mulate the laws that raised our great 
 armies and carried us through the war. 
 His hand was seen in the workmanship of 
 those statutes that restored and brought 
 back the unity and married calm of the 
 States. His hand was in all that great 
 legislation that created the war currency, 
 and in a still greater work that redeemed 
 the promises of the Government, and made 
 the currency equal to gold. And when at 
 last called from the halls of legislation into 
 a high executive office he displayed that 
 experience, intelligence, firmness and poise 
 of character which has carried us through 
 a stormy period of three years. With one- 
 half the public press crying ' crucify him, ' 
 and a hostile Congress seeking to prevent 
 success, in all this he remained unmoved 
 until victory crowned him. The great fiscal 
 affairs of the nation, and the great busi- 
 ness interests of the country, he has guard- 
 ed and preserved, while executing the law 
 of resumption and effecting its object with- 
 out a jar and against the false prophecies of 
 one-half of the press and all the Democracy 
 of this continent. He has shown himself 
 able to meet with calmness the great emer- 
 encies of the Government for twenty-five 
 years. He has trodden the perilous heights 
 of public duty, and against all the shafts 
 of malice has borne his breast unharmed. 
 He has stood in the blaze of ' that fierce 
 light that beats against the throne,' but its 
 fiercest ray has found no flaw in his armor, 
 no stain on his shield. I do jiot present 
 him as a better Republican or as a better 
 man than thousands of others we honor, 
 but I present him for your deliberate con- 
 sideration. I nominate John Sherman, of 
 Ohio. 
 
 Daniel Doii^Itertjr, of Pennsylvania, 
 
 In the Deinocriitic N'lliimnl Convention at Cinciiiiinti, Jun« 
 
 18SU, nomirtaliny ]\'injiel(l HcoU Hancock fur the 
 
 Presidency, 
 
 "I propose to present to the thoughtful 
 consideration of the convention tlie name 
 of one who, on the field of battle, was 
 styled 'The Superb,' yet won the still no- 
 bler renown as a military governor whose 
 first act when in command of Louisiana 
 and Texas was to salute the Constitution 
 by proclaiming that the military rule .shall 
 ever be subservient to the civil power. 
 The plighted word of a soldier was proved 
 I>y the acts of a statesman. I nominate 
 one whose name will suppress all factions, 
 will be alike acceptable to the North and 
 to the South — a name that will thrill the 
 Republic, a name, if nominated, of a man 
 that will crush the last embers of sectional 
 strife, and whose name will be hailed as the 
 dawning of the day of perpetual brother- 
 hood. With him we can fling away our 
 shields and wage an aggressive war. We 
 can appeal to the supreme tribunal of the 
 American people against the corruption of 
 the Republican party and their untold vio- 
 lations of constitutional liberty. With him 
 as our chieftain the bloody banner of the 
 Republicans will fall from their palsied 
 grasp. Oh, my countrymen, in this su- 
 preme moment the destinies of the Repub- 
 lic are at stake, and the liberties of the peo- 
 ple are imperiled. The people hang breath- 
 less on your deliberation. Take heed! 
 Make no mis-step ! I nominate one who 
 can carry every Southern State, and who 
 can carry Pennsylvania, Indiana, Connec- 
 ticut, New Jersey and New York — the 
 soldier-statesman, with a record as stain- 
 less as his sword — Winfield Scott Han- 
 cock, of Pennsylvania. If elected, he will 
 take his seat.' ' 
 
 George Gray, ot DelaTvare, 
 
 In the Democratic Nntionnl Cnnrentinn at Cincinnnti, June, 
 1880, noviinating Thomas F. Bayard for the Presidency, 
 
 " I am instnicted by the Delaware dele- 
 gation to make in their behalf a nomina- 
 tion for the Presidency of the United States. 
 Small in territorj' and population, Dela- 
 ware is proud of her history and of her po- 
 sition in the sisterhood of States. Always 
 devoted to the principles of that great party 
 which maintains the equality and rights of 
 the States, as well as of the individual citi- 
 zen, she is here to-day in grand council to 
 do all that in her lies for the advancement 
 of our common cause. Who will best lead 
 the Democratic hosts in the impending 
 struggle for the restoration of honest go- 
 vernment and the constitutional rights of 
 the States and of their people, is the im- 
 portant question that we must decide. De- 
 laware is not blinded by her affections 
 when she presents to this convention, as a
 
 206 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 candidate for this great tnist, the name of! 
 her gallant son, Thomas Francis Bayard, j 
 He is no carpet knight rashly put forth to ; 
 flash a maiden sword in this great contest. 
 He is a veteran covered with the scars of 
 many hard-fought battles, when the prin- 
 ciples of constitutional liberty have been 
 at stake in an arena where the giants of ra- 
 dicalism were his foes, and his bruised 
 arms, not 'hung up/ but still burnished 
 brightly, are monuments of his prowess. 
 Thomas F. Bayard is a statesman who will 
 need no introduction to the American peo- 
 ple. His name and his record are known 
 wherever our flag floats — aye, wherever the 
 English tongue is spoken. His is no sec- 
 tional fame. With sympathies as broad as 
 the continent, a private character as spot- 
 less as the snow from heaven, a judgment 
 as clear as the sunlight, an intellect keen 
 and bright as a flashing sabre,_ a courage 
 that noiie dare question, honest in thought 
 and deed, the people all know him by 
 heart, and, as I said before, they need not 
 be told who and what he is. But you, gen- 
 tlemen of the convention, who must keep 
 in view the success so important to be 
 achieved in November, pray consider the 
 elements of his strength. Who more than 
 he will as a candidate appeal to the best 
 traditions of our party and our country ? 
 In whom more than he will the business 
 interests of the country, now re-awakening 
 to new life and hope, confide for that eco- 
 nomy and repose which shall send capital 
 and labor forth like twin brothers hand in 
 hand to the great work of building up the 
 country's prosperity and advancing its ci- 
 vilization? Who better than he will re- 
 present the heart and intellect of our great 
 party, or give expression to its noblest in- 
 spirations? Who will draw so largely 
 upon the honest and reflecting independent 
 voters as he, whose very naine is a syno- 
 nym for honest and fearless opposition to 
 corruption every where and in every form, 
 and who has dared to follow in what he 
 thought the path of duty with a chivalrous 
 devotion that never counted personal gains 
 or losses? Who has contributed more than 
 Thomas Francis Bayard to the command- 
 ing strength that the Democratic party 
 possesses to-day? Blot out him and his 
 influence, and who would not feel and 
 mourn his loss? Pardon Delaware if she 
 Bays too much ; she speaks in no disparage- 
 ment of the distinguished Democrats whose 
 names sparkle like stars in the political fir- 
 mament. iShe honors them all. But she 
 knows her son, and her heart will speak. 
 Nominate him and success is assured. His 
 very name will be a platform. It will fire 
 every Democratic heart with a new zeal 
 and put a sword in the hand of every ho- 
 nest man with which to drive from place 
 and power the reckless men who have for 
 four years held both against the expressed 
 
 will of the American people. Don't tell us 
 that you admire and love him, but that he 
 is unavailable. Tell the country that the 
 sneer of our Republican enemies is a lie, 
 and that such a man as Thomas F. Bayard 
 is not too good a man to receive the nomi- 
 nation of the Democratic party. Take the 
 whole people into your confidence, and 
 tell them that an honest and patriotic party 
 is to be led by as honest and pure a man 
 as God ever made ; that a brave party is 
 to be led by a brave man whose courage 
 will never falter, be the danger or emer- 
 gency what it may. Tell them that our 
 party has the courage of its convictions, and 
 that statesmanship, ability and honestj' are 
 to be realized once more in the government 
 of these United States, and the nomination 
 of Thomas F. Bayard will fall like a bene- 
 diction on the land, and will be the pre- 
 sage of a victory that will sweep like a 
 whirlwind from the lakes to the Gulf and 
 from ocean to ocean." 
 
 Frye Nominating Blaine 
 
 In the CItkago Convention, 1880. 
 
 " I once saw a storm at sea in the night- 
 time ; an old ship battling for its life with 
 the fury of the tempest; darkness every- 
 where ; the winds raging and howling ; the 
 huge waves beating on the sides of the 
 ship, and making her shiver from stem to 
 stern. The lightning was flashing, the 
 thunders rolling; there was danger every- 
 where. I saw at the helm, a bold, coura- 
 geous, immovable, commanding man. In 
 the tempest, calm ; in the commotion, 
 quiet; in the danger, hopetul, I saw him 
 take that old ship and bring her into her 
 harbor, into still waters, into safety. That 
 man was a hero. [Applause.] I saw the 
 good old ship of State, the State of Maine, 
 within the last year, fighting her way 
 through the same waves, against the 
 dangers. She was freighted with all that 
 is precious in the princi]ilcs of our repub- 
 lic ; with the rights of the American citi- 
 zenship, with all that is guaranteed to the 
 American citizen by our Constitution. The 
 eyes of the whole nation were on her, and 
 intense anxiety filled every American 
 heart lest the grand old ship, the " State of 
 Maine," might go down beneath the waves 
 forever, carrying her precious freight with 
 her. But there was a man at the helm, 
 calm, deliberate, connnanding, sagacious; 
 he made even the foolish man wise; coura- 
 geous, he inspired the timid with courage ; 
 hopeful, h« gave heart to the dismayed, 
 and ho l)rouglit that good old shin safely 
 into liarbor, into safety; and she floats to- 
 day greater, purer, stronger for her bap- 
 tism of danger. That man too, was heroic, 
 and his name was James G. Blaine. [Loud 
 cheers.J
 
 BOOK III.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 
 
 207 
 
 Maine sent us to this magnificent Con- 
 vention with a memory of lier own salva- 
 tion from impending; peril fresh upon her. 
 To you representatives of r)0,()0(),000 of the 
 American people, who have met here to 
 counsel how tlie llepublic can he saved, 
 «he says, " Representatives of the peojile, 
 take the man, the true man, the staunch 
 man, for your leader, who has just saved 
 me, and lie will bring you to safety and 
 certain victory." 
 
 Senator Hill's Denunciation of Senator 
 Mall one. 
 
 In Extra Session of the Senate, March 14, 1881. 
 
 Very well ; the records of the country- 
 must settle that with the Senator. The 
 Senator will say who was elected as a re- 
 publican from any of the States to which 
 I allude. I say what the whole world 
 knows, that there are thirty-eight men on 
 this floor elected as democrats, declaring 
 themselves to be democrats, who supported 
 Hancock, and who have supported the 
 democratic ticket in every election that has 
 occurred, and who were elected, moreover, 
 by democratic Legislatures, elected by Leg- 
 islatures which were largely democratic ; 
 and the Senator from New York will not 
 deny it. One other Senator who was 
 elected, not as a democrat, but as an inde- 
 ])en(leut, hjis announced his purpose to 
 vote with us on this question. That makes 
 thirty-nine, unless some man of the thirty- 
 eight who was elected by a democratic 
 Legislature proves false to "his trust. Now, 
 the Senator from New York does not .say 
 that somebody has been bought. No; I 
 have not said that. He does not say some- 
 body has been taken and carried away. 
 No ; I have not said that. But the Sena- 
 tor has said, and here is his language, and I 
 hope he will not find it necessary to correct 
 it: 
 
 It may be said, very likely I shall be 
 found to say despite some criticism that I 
 may make upon so saying in advance, that 
 notwithstanding the words " during the 
 jiresent session," day after to-morrow or 
 the day after that, if the majority then 
 present in the Chamber changes, that ma- 
 jority may overthrow all this proceeding, 
 obliterate it, and set up an organization of 
 the Senate in conformity with and not in 
 contradiction of the edict of the election. 
 
 The presidential election he was refer- 
 ring to — 
 
 If an apology is needed for the objection 
 which I feel to that, it will be found I 
 think in the circumstance that a majority, 
 a constitutional majority of the Senate, is 
 against that resolution, is against the for- 
 mation of committees democratic in inspi- 
 ration and persuasion, to which are to go 
 for this session all executive matters. 
 
 The Senator has announced to-day that 
 the majority on this side of the Cliamber 
 was only temporary. He has announced 
 over and over that it was to be a tempora- 
 ry majority. I meet him on the fact. I 
 say there are thirty-eight mciiil)ers sitting 
 in this Hall to-day who were elected by 
 democratic Legislatures, and as democrats, 
 and one distinguished Senator who was 
 not elected as a democrat, but ])y demo- 
 cratic votes, the distinguished Senator from 
 Illinois, [Mr. Davis, J has announced his 
 purpose to vote with these thirty-eight 
 democrats. Where, then, have I misrep- 
 resented? If that be true, and if those who 
 were elected as democrats are not faithless 
 to the constituency that elected them, you 
 will not have the majority when the Sen- 
 ate is full. 
 
 Again, so far from charging the Senator 
 from New York with being a personal par- 
 ty to this arrangement, I acquitted him 
 boldly and fearlessly, for I undertake to 
 say what I stated before, and I repeat it, to 
 his credit, he is no party to an arrangement 
 by which any man chosen by a democratic 
 Legislature and as a democrat is not going 
 to vote for the party that sent him here. 
 Sir, I know too well what frowns would 
 gather with lightning fierceness upon the 
 brow of the Senator from New York if I 
 were to intimate or any other man were to 
 intimate that he, elected as a republican, 
 because he happened to have a controlling 
 vote was going to vote with the democrats 
 on the organization. What would be in- 
 sulting to him he cannot, he will not re- 
 spect in another. 
 
 Now, sir, I say the Senator has been un- 
 just in the conclusion which he has drawn, 
 because it necessarily makes somebody who 
 was chosen as a democrat ally himself with 
 the republicans, not on great questions of 
 policy, but on a question of organization, 
 on a question of mere political organiza- 
 tion. I assume that that has not been 
 done. No man can charge that I have 
 come forward and assumed that his fidelity 
 was in question. I have assumed that the 
 Senator from New York was wrong in his 
 statement. "W^iy? Because if any gentle- 
 man who was chosen to this body as a 
 democrat has concluded not to vote with 
 the democrats on the organization, he has 
 not given us notice, and I take it for 
 granted that when a gentleman changes 
 his opinions, as every Senator has a right 
 to change his opinions, his first duty is to 
 give notice of that change to those with 
 whom he has been associated. He has not 
 given that notice; no democrat of thethir- 
 tv-eight has given that notice to this side 
 of the House. I therefore assume that no 
 such change has occurred. 
 
 But there is another obligation. \V\\\\e 
 I concede the right of any gentleman to 
 change his opinions and change his party
 
 208 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 aflBliations, yet I say tliat when he has ar- 
 rived at the conclusion tliat duty requires 
 him to make that change he must give no- 
 tice to the constituency that sent him here. 
 I have heard of no such notice. If the 
 people of any of these democratic States, 
 who through democratic Legislatures have 
 sent thirty-eight democrats to this body 
 and one more by democratic votes, have 
 received notice of a change of party opin- 
 ion or a change of party affiliations by any 
 of those they sent here, I have not heard 
 of it; the evidence of it has not been pro- 
 duced. 
 
 Sir, I concede the right of every man to 
 change his opinions ; I concede the right 
 of every man to change his party affilia- 
 tions ; i concede the right of any man who 
 was elected to the high place of a seat in 
 this Senate as a democrat to change and 
 become a republican; but I deny in the 
 presence of this Senate, I deny in the 
 hearing of this people, that any man has a 
 right to accept a commission from one 
 
 Earty and execute the trust confided to 
 im in the interest of another party. De- 
 moralized as this country has become, 
 though every wind bears to us charges of 
 fraud and bargain and corruption; though 
 the highest jiositions in the land, we fear, 
 have been degraded by being occupied by 
 persons who procured them otherwise than 
 by the popular will, yet I deny that the 
 people of either party in this country have 
 yet given any man a right to be faithless 
 to a trust. They have given no man a 
 right to accept a commission as a demo- 
 crat and hold that commission and act with 
 the repul)licans. Manhood, bravery, cour- 
 age, fidelity, morality, respect for the opin- 
 ions of mankind requires that whenever -a 
 man has arrived at the conclusion that he 
 cannot carry out the trust which was con- 
 fided to hiiii, he should return the commis- 
 sion and tell his constituents, "I have 
 changed my mind and therefore return you 
 the commission you gave me." Sir, I do not 
 believe that a single one of the thirty-eight 
 gentlemen who were elected as democrats 
 and whose names are before me here, will 
 hold in his pocket a commision conferred 
 by democrats, conferred on him as a dem- 
 ocrat, and without giving notice to his con- 
 stituency, without giving notice to his as- 
 sociates, will execute that commission in 
 the interest of the adversary party and go 
 and communicate his conclusion, first of 
 all, and only, to the members of the adver- 
 sary party. 
 
 Sir, who is it that has changed? Whom 
 of these thirty-eight does the Senator rely 
 upon to vote wilii the republicans? Tliat 
 one has not notified us; he has not notified 
 his constituency. Therefore I say it is not 
 true, and I cannot sit here quietly and 
 allow a gentleman on the other side of the 
 Chamber, however distinguished, to get up 
 
 here and assume and asseverate over and 
 over that somebody elected as a democrat 
 is faithless to his trust, and not repel it. 
 No, gentlemen, you are deceived ; you will 
 be disappointed. I vindicate the character 
 of American citizenship, I vindicate the 
 honor of human nature when I say you 
 will be disappointed, and no man elected 
 as a democrat is going to help you organ- 
 ize the committees of this Senate. I do not 
 say so because I know. No, I have no 
 personal information, but I will stand here 
 and affirm that no man who has been 
 deemed by any constituency in this coun- 
 try to be worthy of a place in this body 
 will be guilty of that treachery. And how 
 is the Senator's majority to come? How 
 many are there ? He has not told us. The 
 papers said this morning that there were 
 two or three, and they named my good 
 friend from Tennessee, [Mr. Harris.] 
 When I saw that I knew the whole thing 
 was absurd. The idea that anybody in 
 this world would ever believe that my 
 friend from Tennessee could possibly be 
 guilty of such a thing, and my colleague 
 [Mr.BROWN] also was named — gentlemen 
 who were born and reared in the school of 
 fidelity to their party. How many ? Have 
 you one ? If you have but one that was 
 elected as a democrat and who has con- 
 cluded to go with the republicans, then 
 you have only half, you have 38 to 38, and 
 I suppose you count upon the vote of the 
 Vice-President. Has that been arranged ? 
 Sir, I will not blame you if you vote for 
 voting according to the sentiment that 
 elected you, for voting according to the 
 professions of your principles which you 
 avowed when you were elected. I deny 
 myself the riglit of the Vice-President to 
 take part in the constitution and organiza- 
 tion of this Senate; but I shall not make 
 the question. If vou have got one, the 
 vote will be 38 to'38. Who is the one ? 
 Who is ambitious to do what no man in 
 the history of this country has ever done, 
 to be the first man to stand up in this high 
 presence, after this country has reached 
 fifty million people, and i)roclaim from this 
 jiroud eminence that he disgraces the com- 
 mission he holds. [Applause in the gal- 
 leries.] 
 The Vice-President rapped to order, 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Who is it? Who 
 can he be? Do you receive him with af- 
 fection ? Do you receive him with rcsi)ect? 
 Is such a man worthy of your association ? 
 Such a man is not worthy to be a demo- 
 crat. Is he worthy to be a republican ? If 
 my friend from Illinois, my friend from 
 Kansas, or my friend from New York, 
 were to come to me holding a republican 
 commission in his pocket, f^ent here by a 
 republican Legislature, and whisper tome 
 " I will vote with the democrats on organ- 
 ization," I would tell him that if he so
 
 BOOK III.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 
 
 209 
 
 came he would be expelled with ignominy 
 from the ranks of the party. 
 
 And why do you beg us to wait? If all 
 who were elected as democrats are to re- 
 main democrats, what good will waiting 
 do you? You will still be in a minority ot 
 two, the same minority you are in this 
 morning. 
 
 Mr. President, I affirm that no man 
 elected and sent here by a democratic Leg- 
 islature as a democrat, whatever may have 
 been local issues, whatever may have 
 been the divisions of factions, and above 
 all no man who i)rofessed to be a democrat 
 when he Avas elected and who procured 
 his election by jirofessing to be a democrat, 
 in the name of democracy and republican- 
 ism as well, in the name of American na- 
 ture, I charge that no such man will prove 
 false to his trust; and therefore why wait? 
 Why delay the business of the country ? 
 Why should the nominations lie on the 
 table unacted on? Why should we spend 
 days and days here with the parties on the 
 other side filibustering for time to get de- 
 lay, to get a few days? Why should we do 
 that when upon the assumption that the 
 Senate is not to blush at an exhibition of 
 treachery the result will be the same one 
 week, two weeks, six months, two years 
 from now that it is now? 
 
 Sir, I know that there is a great deal in 
 this question. The American people have 
 had much to humiliate them; all peoples 
 have much to humiliate them. I know- 
 that the patronage of this Government has 
 become very great. I know that the dis- 
 tinguished gentleman who presides at the 
 other end ot the Avenue holds in his hand 
 millions and hundreds of millions of pat- 
 ronage. To our shame be it said it has 
 been whispered a hundred times all through 
 the country by the presses of both parties 
 until it has become absolutely familiar to 
 American ears that the patronage of the 
 Federal Government ha.s been used to buy 
 votes and control elections to keep one 
 party in power. It is a question that con- 
 fronts every honest statesman whether 
 something shall not be done to lessen that 
 patronage. I respond to the sentiment ol' 
 the President in his inaugural when I say 
 there ought to be a rule in even the civil 
 service by which this patronage shall be 
 placed where it cannot be used for such 
 purposes. If it is not done, I do not knmv 
 what humiliations are in store for us all. 
 
 But, Mr. President, here are facts that 
 no man can escape. Gentlemen of the re- 
 publican party of this Senate, you cannot 
 organize the Senate unless you can get the 
 vote of some man who was elected as a 
 democrat. You cannot escape that. Have 
 you gotten it? If so, how? If you have, 
 nobody knows it but yourselves. How ? 
 There is no effect without a cause ; there is 
 no change without a purpose ; there is no 
 38 
 
 bargain without a consideration. What ia 
 the cause? If there luus been a change, 
 why a change? ilow does it haj>peu that 
 you know the change and we do not? 
 What induced the change? I deny that 
 there has been a change. I maintain that 
 all the distinguished gentlemen who make 
 up the thirty-eight democrats on this side 
 of the Chamber are firm, firm to the prin- 
 ciples that sent them here, firm to the pnj- 
 fessions that sent them here, and firm to 
 the constituencies that sent them here. 
 They were elected as democrats. Now on 
 the question of organization, which is 
 nothing in the Avorld but a pure political 
 question and a party question at that, they 
 will act with the "democratic party, ani 
 you, gentlemen, will be deceived if you 
 calculate otherwise. Therefore, there ia 
 no necessity for you to enter into all this 
 filibustering and producing this delay for 
 the purpose of getting the organization. 
 
 Mr. President, as I said beibre, the 
 Senate should be a place where there 
 should be no masquerading ; men should 
 deal frankly with each other. If I were 
 to charge any gentleman on the republican 
 side of the Chamber who was elected as a 
 republican, who professed to be a republi- 
 can when he was elected, with having 
 made arrangements with the democrats to 
 vote with them, I should insult him and 
 he would resent it as an insult, and gen- 
 tlemen excuse me for repelling the charge 
 which if made against you, you would 
 repel as an insult. I repel as an insult 
 the charge made against any democrat 
 that he would be false to his colors and is 
 intending to vote with you on the organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Harris. Mr. President, I rise only 
 to say that I regret that the honorable 
 Senator from Georgia should have deemed 
 it proper to dignify the miserable newspa- 
 per twaddle in respect to my political posi- 
 tion 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia, I will say to my 
 friend I did not intend 
 
 Mr. Harris. I am quite sure the Sena- 
 tor did not intend anything unkind to me; 
 yet, by mentioning the matter here, he 
 gives a dignity to it that it never could 
 have had otherwise, and one that it is not 
 worthy of, es])ecially in view of the fact, 
 as I very well know, that there is not a 
 democrat or a republican in America, who 
 knows me, who has ever doubted, or doubts 
 to-day, what my political position is. It is 
 unworthy of further notice, and I will 
 notice it no more. 
 
 Mr. Mahone. Mr. President, I do not 
 projjose to detain you and the Senate more 
 than a few minutes. The distinguished 
 Senator from Georgia has manifestly en- 
 gaged in an effort to disclose my position 
 on this floor. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I do not know
 
 210 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III, 
 
 what your position is. How could I dis- 
 close it ? 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. Sir, the Senator might 
 be a little more direct as he might well 
 have been in the course of his remarks in 
 asking my position ; and that I will give 
 him. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, the Senator has as- 
 sumed not only to be the custodian here of 
 the democratic party of this nation, but he 
 has dared to assert his right to speak for a 
 constituency that I have the privilege, the 
 proud and honorable privilege on this floor, 
 of representing [applause in the galleries] 
 without his assent, without the assent of 
 such democracy as that he speaks for. 
 [Applause in the galleries.] I owe them, sir, 
 I owe you [addressing Mr. Hill] and those 
 for whom you undertake to speak nothing 
 in this Chamber. [Applause in the galle- 
 ries.] I came here, sir, as a Virginian to 
 represent my people, not to represent that 
 democracy for which you stand. [Ap- 
 plause in the galleries.] I come with as 
 proud a claim to represent that people as 
 you to represent the people of Georgia, 
 won on fields where I have vied with Geor- 
 gians whom I commanded and others in 
 the cause of my people and of their section 
 in the late unhappy contest; but thank 
 God for the peace and the good of the 
 country that contest is over, and as one of 
 those who engaged in it, and who has 
 neither here nor elsewhere any apology to 
 make for the part taken, I am here by my 
 humble efibrts to bring peace to this whole 
 country, peace and good will between the 
 sections, not here as a partisan, not here to 
 represent that Bourbonism which has done 
 80 much injury to my section of the coun- 
 try. [Applause in the galleries.] 
 
 Now, sir, the gentleman undertakes to 
 say what constitutes a democrat. A dem- 
 ocrat ! I hold, sir, that to-day I am a bet- 
 ter democrat than he, infinitely better — he 
 who stands nominally committed to a full 
 vote, a free ballot, and an honest count. I 
 should like to know how he stands for 
 those things where tissue ballots are fash- 
 ionable. [Laughter, and applause in the 
 galleries.] 
 
 Now, sir, I serve notice on you that I 
 intend to be here the custodian of my own 
 democracy. I do not intend to be run by 
 your caucus. I am in every sense a free 
 man here. I trust I am able to protect 
 my own rights and to defend those of the 
 j)eoplc whom I r(>present, and certainly to 
 take care of my own. I do not intend tliat 
 any Senator on this floor shall undertake 
 to critic;ise my conduct by innuendoes, a 
 method not l)ecoming this body or a 
 straightforward legitimate line of pursuit in 
 argument. 
 
 I wish the Senator from Georgia to un- 
 derstand just liere that we may get along 
 in the future harmoniously, that the way 
 
 to deal with me is to deal directly. We 
 want no bills of discovery. Now, sir, you 
 will find out how I am going to vote in a 
 little while. [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. Davis, of West Virginia. Mr. 
 President, during this temporary suspen- 
 sion 
 
 Mr. Mahone. I have not yielded the 
 floor. I am waiting for a little order. 
 
 Mr. Davis, of West Virginia. I Avish to 
 call the attention of the Chair to the dis- 
 order in the Senate both when my friend 
 from Georgia was speaking and now. I 
 believe it has been some time since we 
 have had as much disorder as we have had 
 to-day in the galleries. I hope the Chair 
 will enforce order. 
 
 Mr. Teller. I should like to say that 
 much of the disorder originated in the first 
 place from the cheering on the democratic 
 side of the Chamber 
 
 The Vice-President. The Chair an- 
 nounces that order must be maintained in 
 the galleries ; otherwise the Sergeant-at- 
 Arms will be directed to clear the galle- 
 ries. 
 
 Mr. Mahoke. I promised not to detain 
 the Senate, and I regret that so early after 
 my appearance here I should find it neces- 
 sary to intrude any remarks whatsoever 
 upon the attention of this body. I would 
 prefer to be a little modest ; I would prefer 
 to listen and to learn ; but I cannot feel 
 content after what has passed in this pres- 
 ence, when the gentleman by all manner 
 of methods, all manner of insinuations, di- 
 rect and indirect, has sought to do that 
 which would have been better done and 
 more bravely pursued if he had gone di- 
 rectly to the question itself. He has 
 sought to discover where the democrat was 
 who should here choose to exercise his 
 right to cast his vote as he pleased, who 
 should here exercise the liberty of man- 
 hood to differ with his caucus. Why, sir, 
 the gentleman seems to have forgotten that 
 I reftised positively to attend his little love- 
 feast ; not only that, I refused to take part 
 in a caucus which represents a party that 
 has not only waged Avar upon me but upon 
 those whom I represent on this floor. 
 They have not only intruded within the 
 l^oundaries of my own State, without provo- 
 cation, to teach honesty and true democracy, 
 l)ut they would now jmrsue my people fur- 
 tlier l)y intruding their unsolicited advice 
 and admonition to their representative in 
 this Chamber. Yes, sir, you have been 
 notificil, duly notified that I would take no 
 part or lot in any political machinery. 
 
 Further than that, you have been notified 
 that I was su[)remely indiflerent to what 
 you did ; that I had no wish to prefer, and 
 was indifferent to your performances; that 
 I shonid stand on this floor representing in 
 l)art (he people of the State of Virginia, for 
 whom I have the right to speak (and not
 
 BOOK in.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 
 
 211 
 
 the Senator from Georgia) even of their 
 democracy. The geiitleinan may not be 
 advised that the Legishiture whicli elected 
 me did not require tliat I should state 
 either that I was a democrat or anything 
 else. I suppose he could not get here I'rom 
 Georgia unless he was to say that he was a 
 democrat, anyhow. [Laughter.] I come 
 here without being required to state to my 
 people what I am. Tiiey were willing to 
 trust me, sir, and I was elected by the peo- 
 ple, and not by a legislature, for it was an 
 issue in the canvass. There was no man 
 elected by the party with which I am iden- 
 tified that did not go to the Legislature in- 
 structed by the sovereigns to vote for me 
 for the position I occui)y on this floor. It 
 required no oath of allegiance blindly 
 given to stand by your democracy, such as 
 is is, [laughter,] that makes a platform and 
 practices another thing. That is the de- 
 mocracy they have in some of the Southern 
 States. 
 
 Now, I hope the gentleman will be re- 
 lieved. He has been cli;i.ssezing all around 
 this Chamber to see if he could not find a 
 partner somewhere ; he has been looking 
 around in every direction ; occasionally he 
 would refer to some other Senator to know 
 exactly where the Senator was who stood 
 here a.s a democrat that had the manhood 
 and the boldness to assert his ojjinions in 
 this Chamber free fi'om the dictation of a 
 mere caucus. Now, I want the gentleman 
 to know henceforth and forever here is a 
 man, sir, that dares stand up [applause] 
 and speak for himself without regard to 
 caucus in all matters. (Applause, long 
 continued, in the galleries and on the floor.] 
 Mr. President, pardon me ; I have done. 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Mr. President — 
 The Vice-Presidext. The Senate will 
 be in order. Gentlemen on the floor 
 not members of the Senate will take seats. 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Mr. President, 
 I hope nobody imagines that I rise to make 
 any particular reply to the remarkable ex- 
 hibition we have just seen. I rise to say a 
 few things in justification of myself I 
 certainly did not say one word to justify 
 the gentleman in the statement that I made 
 an assault upon him, unless he was the one 
 man who had been elected as a democrat 
 and was not going to vote with his party. 
 I never saw that gentleman before the 
 other day. I have not the slightest un- 
 kind feeling for him. I never alluded to 
 him by name ; I never alluded to his State ; 
 and I cannot understand how the gentle- 
 man says that I alluded to him except up- 
 on the rule laid down by the distinguished 
 Senator from New York, that a guilty 
 conscience needs no accuser. [Applause 
 and hisses in the galleries.] I did not 
 mention the Senator. It had been stated 
 here by the Senator from New York over 
 and over that the other side would have a 
 
 majority when that side was full. I showed 
 
 it was impossible that they should have a 
 majority unless they could get one demo- 
 cratic vote, with the vote of the Vice- 
 President. I did not know who it was; I 
 asked who it was; I begged to know who 
 it was ; and to my utter astonishment the 
 gentleman from Virginia comes out and 
 says he is the man. 
 
 The Senator from Virginia makes a 
 very strange announcement. He charged 
 me not only with attacking him, but with 
 attacking the jieople of Virginia? Did I 
 sayawordof thepeopleof Virginia? I said 
 that the people of no portion of this coun- 
 try would tolerate treachery. Wsis that at- 
 tacking the i)eople of Virginia? I said 
 that thirty-eight men had been elected to 
 this body as democrats. Does the Senat^jr 
 deny that? Does he say he was elected 
 here not as a democrat? He says he was not 
 required to declare that he was a democrat, 
 and in the next breath he says he is a truer, 
 better democrat than I am. Then I commend 
 him to you. Take good care of him, my 
 friends. Nurse him well. How do you 
 like to have a worse democrat than I am ? 
 Mr. Conkling and others. A better 
 democrat. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Oh, a better I 
 Then my friend from New York is a better 
 democrat than I am. You have all turned 
 democrats ; and we have in the United 
 States Senate such an exhibition as that of 
 a gentleman showing his democracy by 
 going over to the Republicans ! 
 
 Sir, I will not defend Virginia. She 
 needs no defense. Virginia has given this 
 country and the world and humanity some 
 of the brightest names of history. She 
 holds in her bosom to-day the ashes of 
 some of the noblest and greatest men that 
 ever illustrated the glories of any country. 
 I say to the Senator from Virginia that 
 neither Jefferson, nor Madison, nor Henry, 
 nor Washington, nor Leigh, nor Tucker, 
 nor any of the long list of great men that 
 Virginia has produced ever accepted a 
 commission to represent one party and 
 came here and represented another. [Ap- 
 plause on the floor and in the galleries.] 
 
 Mr. CoCKRELL. I trust that those at 
 least who are enjoying the privilege of the 
 floor of the Senate Chamber will be pro- 
 hibited from cheering. 
 
 The Vice President. The Chair will 
 state that the violation of the rules does 
 not appear to be in the galleries, but by 
 persons who have been admitted to the 
 privilege of the floor. The Chair regrets 
 to clear the floor, but if the manifestation 
 is continued he will be obliged to do so. 
 It is a violation of the rules of the Senate. 
 Mr. M.VHOXE rose. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Does the Sena- 
 tor from Virginia wish to interrupt me? 
 Mr. Mahone. I do wish to interrupt you.
 
 212 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 The Yice-Presidext. Does the Sena- 
 tor Irom Georgia yield ? 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly. 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. I understand you to say 
 that I accejited a commission from one 
 party and came here to represent another. 
 Do 1 understand you correctly? 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I understood 
 that vou were elected as a democrat. 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. Never mind ; answer the 
 question. I 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Yes, I say you j 
 accepted a commission, having been elect- ! 
 ed as a democrat. That is my informa- j 
 tion. 1 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. I ask you the question : 
 Did you say that I had accepted a com- 
 mission from one party and came here to 
 •epresent another ? That is the question. 
 
 Mr Hill, of Georgia. Oh, I said that 
 will be the case if you vote with the re- 
 
 fublicans. You have not done it yet, and 
 say you will not do it. 
 
 Mr.' Mahone. If not out of order in this 
 place, I say to the gentleman that if he 
 undertakes to make that statement it is 
 unwarranted and untrue. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I should like to 
 ask the gentleman a question : Was he not 
 acting with the deniocratic part}', and was 
 he not elected as a democrat to this body ? 
 Answer that question. 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. Quickly, sir. I was 
 elected as a readjuster. Do you know 
 what they are? [Laughter and applause.] 
 
 The Yice-President rapj5ed with his 
 gavel. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I understand 
 there are in Virginia what are called re- 
 adjuster democrats and debt-paying demo- 
 crats, or something of that kind, but as I 
 understand they are all democrats. We 
 have nothing to do with that issue. We 
 are not to settle the debt of Yirginia in the 
 Senate Chamber ; but I ask the Senator 
 again, was he not elected to this body as a 
 member of the national democratic party ? 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. I will answer you, sir. 
 No. You have got the answer now. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of (xeorgia. Then I conceive 
 that the gentleman spoke truly when he 
 said that I do not know what lie is. Wlmt 
 is he? Everyltody has understood that 
 he voted with tiie democrats. Did lie not 
 .support ILmcock for the Presidency? Did 
 not the Senator support Hancock for tiie 
 Presidency, I ask him? |A jiausej 
 Dumb! Did he not act with the demo- 
 cratic party in the national election, and 
 was not the Senator from Virgina himself 
 a democrat? That is the question. Why 
 attemy)t to evade? Gentlemen, I com- 
 mend liim to yon. Is there a man on that 
 side of th(! Chamber wiio doubts that the 
 Senator was sent to this body as a demo- 
 crat? Is tliere a man in this wliole Ixxly 
 who doubts it? Ls there a man in Vir- 
 
 ginia who doubts it ? The gentleman will 
 not deny it. Up to this very hour it was 
 not known on this siie of the Chamber or 
 in the country how he would vote in this 
 case, or whether he was still a democrat or 
 not. I maintain that he is. The Senator 
 from New York seemed to have informa- 
 tion that somebody who was elected as a 
 democrat was not, and I went to work to 
 find out who it was. It seems I have un- 
 covered him. For months the papers of 
 the country have been discussing and de- 
 bating how the Senator would A'ote. No- 
 body could know, nobody could tell, no- 
 body could guess. I have been a truer 
 friend to the Senator than he has been to 
 himself I have maintained always that 
 when it came to the test the Senator would 
 be true to his commission ; that the Senator 
 would be true to the democratic professions 
 he made when he was elected. He will 
 not rise in this presence and say he could 
 have been elected to the Senate as a re- 
 publican. He will not rise in the Senate 
 and say he could have been elected to the 
 Senate if he had given notice that on the 
 organization of this body he would vote 
 with the republicans. He will not say it. 
 
 The gentleman makes some remarks 
 about the caucus. I have no objection to 
 a gentleman remaining out of a caucus. 
 That is not the question. I have no ob- 
 jection to a gentleman being independent. 
 That is not the question. I have no ob- 
 jection to a gentleman being a readjuster 
 in local politics. That is not the question. 
 I have no objection to a man dodging from 
 one side to another on such a question. 
 With that I have nothing to do. That is 
 a matter of taste with him ; but I do object 
 to any man coming into this high council, 
 sent here by one sentiment, commissioned 
 by one party, professing to be a democrat, 
 and after he gets here acting with the other 
 party. If the gentleman wants to be what 
 he so proudly said, a man, when he changes 
 [ opinions, as lie had a right to do, when he 
 changes jiarty affiliations as he had a right 
 to do, he should have gone to the people 
 of Virginia and said, " You believed me to 
 be a democrat when you gave me this com- 
 mission ; while I dill'ered with many of you 
 on the local question of the debt, I was 
 with you cordially in national politics;! 
 belonged to the national democratic party ; 
 but I feel that it is my duty now to co- 
 operate with tlie republican party, and I 
 return you the commission which yoa 
 gave to me.'" If the gentleman had done 
 that and then gone before the jieojde of 
 Virginia and asked them to renew his 
 commission upon his change of opinion, he 
 W(mld iiave been entitled to the eulogy of 
 manhood he pronounced upon himself 
 here in such theatrical style. I like man- 
 hood. 
 
 I s.ay once more, it is very far from me
 
 BOOK III.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 
 
 213 
 
 to desire to do the Senator injury. I have 
 nothing but the kindest feelings for him. 
 He is very much mistaken if he supposes I 
 had any personal enmity against him. I 
 have not the slightest. As I said before, I 
 never spoke to the gentleman in my life 
 until I met him a few days ago ; but I 
 have done what the newspai)ers could not 
 do, both sides having been engaged in the 
 effort for months ; I have done what Ijotli 
 parties could not do, what the whole coun- 
 try could not do — I have brought out the 
 fcsenator from Virginia. 
 
 But now, in the kindest spirit, knowing 
 the country from which the honorable 
 Senator comes, identified iw I am with its 
 fame and its character, loving as I do 
 every line in its history, revering as I do 
 it^ long list of great names, I perform the 
 friendly office unasked of making a last 
 appeal to the honorable Senator, whatever 
 other fates befall him, to be true to the 
 trust which the proud people of Virginia 
 gave him, and whoever else may be disap- 
 pointed, whoever else may be deceived, 
 whoever else may be offended at the or- 
 ganization of the Senate, I appeal to the 
 gentleman to be true to the people, to the 
 sentiment, to the party which he knows 
 commissioned him to a seat in this body. 
 
 Mr. LoGAX. Mr. President, I have but 
 a word to say. I have listened to a very 
 extraordinary speech. The Senate of the 
 United States is a body where each Sena- 
 tor hii3 a right to have a free voice. I 
 have never known before a Senator, espe- 
 cially a new Senator, to be arraigned in 
 the manner in which the Senator from Vir- 
 ginia has been, and his conduct criticised 
 before he had performed any official act, 
 save one, so far as voting is concerned. He 
 needs no defense at my hands ; he is able 
 to take care of himself; but I tell the Sena- 
 tor from Georgia when he says to this 
 country that no man has a right to come 
 here unless he fulfills that office which 
 wa-s dictated to him by a party, he says 
 that which does not belong to American 
 independence. Sir, it takes more nerve, 
 more manhood, to strike the party shackles 
 from your limbs and give free thought it.s 
 scope than any other act that man can 
 perform. The Senator from Georgia him- 
 self, in times gone by, has changed his 
 opinions. If the records of this country 
 are true (and he knows whether they are 
 or not) he, when elected to a convention 
 as a Union man, voted for secession. 
 [Applause in the galleries.] 
 
 The Vice-President rapped with his 
 gavel. 
 
 Mr. Hoar. If my friend will pardon 
 me a moment, I desire to call the attention 
 of the Chair to the fact that there ha.sbeen 
 more disorder in this Chamber during this 
 brief session of the Senate than in all the 
 aggregate of many years before. I take 
 
 occasion when a gentleman with whose 
 opinions I perfectly agree myself in speak- 
 ing to say that I shall move the Chair to 
 clear any portion of the gallery from which 
 expressions of applause or dissent shall 
 come if they occur again. 
 
 Mr. LocjAN. What I have said in re- 
 ference to this record I do not say by 
 way of casting at the Senator, but mere- 
 ly to call attention to the fact that men 
 are not always criticised so severely for 
 changing their opinions. The Senator 
 from Georgia spoke well of my colleague. 
 Well he may. He is an honorable man 
 and a man deserving well of all the people 
 of this country. He was elected not as a 
 democrat but by democratic votes. He 
 votes with you. He never was a democrat 
 in his life ; he is not to-day. You applaud 
 him and why? Because he votes with 
 you. You want his vote ; that is all. You 
 criticise another man who was elected by 
 republican votes and democratic votes, re- 
 adjusters as they are called, and say that 
 he has no right to his opinions in this 
 Chamber. The criticism is not well. Do 
 you say that a man shall not change his 
 political opinions? 
 
 The Senator from Georgia in days gone 
 by, in my boyhood days, I heard of, not as 
 a democrat. To-day he sits here as a de- 
 mocrat. No one wishes to citicise him be- 
 cause he has changed hisijolitical opinions. 
 He had a right to do so. I was a demo- 
 crat once, too, and I had a right to change 
 my opinions and I did change them. The 
 man who will not change his opinions 
 when he is honestly convinced that he was 
 in error is a man who is not entitled to the 
 respect of men. I say this to the Senator 
 from Georgia. The Senator says to us, 
 " take him," referring to the Senator from 
 Virginia. Yes, sir, we will take him if he 
 will come with us, and we will take every 
 other honest man who will come. We 
 will take every honest man in the South 
 who wants to come and join the republi- 
 can party, and give him the right hand of 
 fellowship, be he black or white. Will 
 you do as much ? 
 
 Mr. Hill of Georgia. We have got 
 them already. 
 
 ]\Ir. LooAX. Yes, and if a man hap- 
 pens to differ with you the tyranny of po- 
 litical oi)inion in your section of country 
 is such that you undertake to lash him 
 upon the world and try to expose him to 
 the gaze of the public as a man unfaithful 
 t<j his trust. We have no such tyranny of 
 ()[)inion in the country where I live; and 
 it will be better for your section when such 
 notions are driven to the shades and re- 
 tired from the action of your people. 
 
 I do not know that the gentleman from 
 Virginia intends to vote as a republican. 
 I have never heard him say so. I know- 
 only what he has said here to-day ; but
 
 214 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iii_ 
 
 I respect him for stating to the Senate and 
 the country that he is tired of the Bourbon 
 democracy ; and if more men were tired of 
 it the country would be better oiF. Tlie 
 people are getting tired of it even down in 
 your country, every where. The sooner we 
 have a division down there the better it 
 will be for both sides, for the people of the 
 whole country. 
 
 I did not rise to make any defense of the 
 Senator from Virginia, for he is able, as I 
 said, to defend himself, but merely to say 
 to the Senator from Georgia that the criti- 
 cism made upon that Senator without any 
 just cause is something I never witnessed 
 before in this Chamber or in any other de- 
 liberative body, and in my judgment it was 
 not justified in any way whatever. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I desire to say 
 once more, what everybody in the audi- 
 ence knows is true, that I did not ar- 
 raign the Senator from Virginia. In the 
 first speech I never alluded to Virginia or 
 to the Senator from Virginia. 
 
 Mr. Logan. Every one in the Chamber 
 knew to whom the Senator alluded. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I alluded to 
 somebody who was elected as a democrat, 
 and who was going to vote as a republican. 
 
 Mr. Teller. He was not elected as a 
 democrat. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Then I did not 
 allude to the Senator from Virginia. 
 
 Mr. Teller. The Senator said that 
 thirty-eight members of the Senate were 
 elected as democrats. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly they 
 were. 
 
 Mr. Teller. That is a mistake. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly they 
 were, and the record shows it. 
 
 Mr. Coxkling. May I ask the Senator 
 a question ? 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Let me go on 
 and then you can follow me. I again say 
 it is strange that the Senator from Virginia 
 should say I arraigned him, and his valiant 
 defender, the Senator from Illinois, comes 
 to defend him from an arraignment that 
 was never made. 
 
 Mr. Logan. Did not the Senator from 
 Georgia ask the Senator from Virginia in 
 his seat if he wa.s not elected as a Demo- 
 crat? Did not the Senator charge that a 
 man was acting treacherously to his con- 
 stituents ? Did the Senator not make the 
 most severe arraignment of him that he 
 could possibly make ? 
 
 Mr. niLi>, of Georgia. If the Senator 
 will allow me, I did that only after the 
 Senator from Virginia had arraigned him- 
 Hclf The Senator from Virginia insisted 
 that I alluded to him when I had not 
 called his name, and I had not alluded to 
 his State and when I had arraigned nobody. 
 
 Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow mc 
 to a.sk him this question : Did he not have 
 
 in his mind distinctly the Senator from 
 Virginia when he made his insinuations? 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I will answer 
 the gentleman's question fairly. I did be- 
 lieve that the gentlemen on the other side 
 who were counting upon a democratic vote 
 were counting upon the Senator from Vir- 
 ginia, but I equally believed that they 
 would be disappointed. I did not believe 
 that the Senator from Virginia was guilty, 
 and I in perfect sincerity and good faith, 
 so far from arraigning him, intended to 
 defend him from the foul suspicion, and 
 my honest repulsion of the insinuation, 
 which was necessary in consequence of 
 what they expected, was regarded by the 
 Senator himself as an arraignment. There 
 is an anecdote told in the life of the great 
 minister, Whitefield. When he was speak- 
 ing one day in the country to an audience, 
 he described the enormity of sin and the 
 characteristics of sin ; he did it with won- 
 derful power. When he came out he was 
 assailed by a gentleman for having made 
 a personal assault on him. " Why," said 
 Whitefield, "I never heard of you before; 
 I did not intend any assault upon you." 
 He replied, " Well, sir, you told me every- 
 thing I have been doing all my life." I 
 frankly confess I am not a man to dodge. 
 The papers have justified me in believing, 
 Senators have justified me in believing, 
 that you are calculating to get the demo- 
 cratic vote of the Senator from Virginia, 
 whom the whole country has treated as 
 having been elected as a democrat. I be- 
 lieved you would be disappointed ; I be- 
 lieved that because you would be disap- 
 pointed it was wholly unnecessary to delay 
 this organization. I did not believe the 
 Senator would vote with you, and in vin- 
 dication of that Senator I will not believe 
 it yet. He has not said so. He has made 
 the mistake, because of what the papers 
 say, of assuming that I alluded to him ; 
 but I vindicate him yet. He said if I as- 
 serted that he was elected as a democrat 
 and would be false to his commission, I 
 said what was not warranted and what 
 was untrue. I am glad he said so. I did 
 not say he would ; but I say you expected 
 it, I say your papers expected' it, and I say 
 it has been calculated on. I vindicate the 
 Senator from Virginia, and I hope he will 
 vindicate himself by not doing what you 
 expect him to do. The Senator from 
 Illinois charges me again with criticising 
 a man for changing his o])inion, I dis- 
 tinctly said that every man in this country 
 has a right to change his opinion The dis- 
 tinguished Senator from Illinois has chang- 
 ed his o])inion. He says the country is 
 tired of Bourbon democracy. He ought to 
 know, for he used to be one of the worst 
 Bourbon democrats this country ever saw. 
 .Mr. Lo(wVN. That was when you be- 
 lontjed to the other side.
 
 BOOKiii.J SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 
 
 215 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. The first time I 
 ever heard of that Senator was when I was 
 battling in the South for the good old whig 
 principles and he was an outrageous Bour- 
 bon democrat. That amounts to nothing. 
 You had a right to change, if you have 
 changed ; I do not say you have. 
 
 Mr. Logan. I will only say, if the 
 Senator will allow me, that when I saw 
 the light I cliauged for the right. The 
 Senator saw the darkness and changed for 
 the wrong. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Ah, that is not 
 argument. 
 
 Mr. Logan. It is true, however, just 
 the same. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I hope the Sen- 
 ator will see more light and change a^ain. 
 
 Mr. Logan. I do not think I shall. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. He needs a great 
 deal of light. 
 
 Mr. Logan. No doubt of that. I do 
 not expect to get it, however, from that 
 side. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I object to this 
 style of interruption ; it is unworthy of 
 the Senate. I am not here to indulge in 
 such remarks. The Senator has a right to 
 change ; I have arraigned nobody for 
 changing his opinion. If the Senator from 
 Virginia has changed his opinions he has 
 a right to change them ; I have not said 
 he has not. I do not deny his right. I 
 admit that a man has a right also to change 
 his party affiliations if he is convinced he 
 has been wrong ; but a man has no right 
 to hold a commission which was given him 
 while he was a democrat and because he 
 was a democrat and given to him as a dem- 
 ocrat, and change his opinions and act 
 with the adversary party. It is his duty 
 to return that commission to the people 
 who gave it and ask them to renew it up- 
 on his change of opinion. That is all I 
 ask. 
 
 Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow me 
 to ask him what right has he as a Senator 
 to undertake to dictate to the Senator from 
 Virginia as to what shall be required in 
 his State ? 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. That is incor- 
 rect again. I have not undertaken to dic- 
 tate to the Senator from Virginia. Tlie 
 Senator from Virginia can do just a.s he 
 pleases ; but when the Senator from Vir- 
 ginia acts a-s a public man I have a right 
 to my opinion of his public acts, and I 
 have a right to speak of all public acts 
 and their character. T will not deny his 
 right; I am not dictating to him — far 
 from it. There is not in my heart now an 
 unkind feeling for the Senator from Vir- 
 ginia. I would if I could rescue him from 
 the infamy into which others are trying to 
 precipitate him. That is what I want to 
 do. I am not assailing him; I am not 
 arraigning him ; I am not dictating to 
 
 him. I know the proud nature of the 
 Senator from New \ork. I know if that 
 Senator was elected to this body as a re- 
 publican, although he might have been a 
 readjuster at the time, and if he should 
 come to this body and the democrats 
 should begin to intimate in this Hall and 
 the democratic papers should intimate 
 over the country that he wa-s going to 
 vote with the democrats on the organiza- 
 tion, he would feel insulted just as my 
 friend from Tennessee (Mr. Harris) justly 
 felt by the allusions to him in the news- 
 papers. So with any other man on that 
 side. If the Senator from Virginia was 
 elected as a democrat I am right ; but if 
 as a republican I have nothing more to 
 say. 
 
 Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow me 
 right there? Is it not true that the demo- 
 cracy of the Virginia Legislature that 
 elected the Senator now in his seat from 
 Virginia did nominate Mr. Withers as 
 their candidate and supported him, and 
 was not this senator elected by the oj^po- 
 nents of the democrats of that Legisla- 
 ture ? Is not that true ? I ask the Senator 
 from Virginia. 
 
 Mr. Mahone. Substantially so. 
 
 Mr. Logan. Then if that be true, why 
 say that he came here as the representa- 
 tive of the democracy of Virginia ? 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. My understand- 
 ing is that the democracy of Virginia is 
 very much like the democracy of other 
 States, as Tennessee. We are divided 
 down there in several States on local ques- 
 tions that have nothing to do with national 
 politics. In Virginia the democracy was 
 divided between what are called readjuster 
 democrats and debt-paying democrats, but 
 all democrats. 
 
 Wliat was called the republican party 
 it was said, although I must vindicate 
 many of the republicans in the State from 
 the charge, coalesced with what are called 
 the readjuster democrats. The late Sena- 
 tor from Virginia was nominated by what 
 are called the debt-paying democrats, and 
 the present Senator from Virginia, as I 
 understand it, was run against him as a 
 readjuster democrat. 
 
 Mr. Logan. And the republicans all 
 supi)orted him. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly, be- 
 cause they always support a candidate who 
 is running against the regular nominee. I 
 suppose the rej)ublicans always go for 
 men who are not in favor of paying debts! 
 I had thought that republicans professed 
 to affiliate with those who would jxiy debts. 
 l>ut I have nothing to do with that ques- 
 tion ; it does not come in here. What I 
 say and what will not be denied, and I am 
 ashamed that there is an attempt to deny 
 it, is, and it is the worst feature of this 
 whole thing, that anybody should get up
 
 216 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book iit. 
 
 here and attempt to deny that the Senator 
 from Virginia was elected to the Senate as 
 a democrat ; should attempt to evade the 
 fact that he was a Hancock democrat last 
 year ; that he has acted with the national 
 democracy all the time ; and that what- 
 ever might have been the local ditferences 
 in Virginia, he has been a national demo- 
 crat every hour, held out to the country 
 as such. I say I am ashamed that any- 
 body should attempt to make a question 
 of that fact. He wiis not only a democrat, 
 a national democrat, and voted for Han- 
 cock, but I remember the historical fact 
 that he had what he called his own ticket in 
 the field for Hancock and voted for it. 
 He is just as much a democrat, sent here 
 as a readjuster democrat, as the other can- 
 didate, the debt-paying democrat, would 
 have been if he had been elected. 
 
 Mr. Logan. The difference is, if the 
 Senator will allow me, if the other had 
 been elected, he would have been in full 
 accord with the democracy here. This 
 gentleman does not happen to be, and 
 therefore the criticism of the Senator from 
 Georgia. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I do not wish to 
 do the republicans of Virginia injustice ; I 
 do not wish to do any body injustice. 
 There are some republicans of Virginia 
 for whom I confess, if reports be true, I 
 have a profound respect. When a portion 
 of the democrats, under the cry of read- 
 justerism, sought to get the support of the 
 repul)licansof Virginia, there were manly 
 republicans who refused to go into a coali- 
 tion that would compromise the character 
 of the State on the question of its debt. I 
 am told there are republicans now in Vir- 
 ginia w^ho say that if republicanism here 
 means the Senator from Virgin! ., and you 
 accept him as a rc]Hxblican, you must give 
 them up as republicans. I do not know 
 how true it is. But this is unworthy of the 
 Senate. 
 
 I repeat, the worst feature of this whole 
 transaction is that anybody should get up 
 here and attempt to make an impression 
 that there was a doubt as to the democracy 
 of the Senator from Virginia heretofore. 
 That is an evasion unworthy of the issue, 
 unworthy of the place, unworthy of the 
 occasion, unworthy of Virginia, unworthy 
 of the Senator, unworthy of his defenders. 
 A<lmit the fact that he was a democrat, 
 and then claim that he exercised the in- 
 alienable right of changing his opinions 
 and his party afTiliations, but do not claim 
 that he had a right to do it in the manner 
 you say he has clone it. 
 
 Once more let me say, the Senator from 
 Virginia ought to know that by all the 
 memories of the past tlicre is not a man in 
 this body whose; wliolc soul goes out more 
 in earnest to protect liis honor than my 
 own. I would rather lose the organizatiou 
 
 of the Senate by the democratic party and 
 never again have a democratic committee 
 in this body than have Virginia soiled with 
 dishonor. I do not say that the Senator is 
 going to do it, but I see the precipice yawn- 
 ing before him. I see whither potential 
 influences are leading him. I know the 
 danger just ahead. I would rescue him if 
 I could. He may say it is enmity ; he may 
 say it is an unfriendly spirit ; he will live 
 to know the force of the words I am utter- 
 ing. Men in this country have a right to be 
 democrats ; men in this country have a 
 right to be republicans ; men in this coun- 
 try have a right to divide on national 
 issues and local issues ; but no man has a 
 right to be false to a trust, I repeat it, and 
 whether the Senator from Virginia shall 
 be guilty or not is not for me to judge and 
 I will not judge. I say if he votes as you 
 want him to vote God save him or he is 
 gone. If he comes here to illustrate his 
 democracy by going over to that side of 
 the House and voting with that side of the 
 House, he will be beyond my rescue. No, 
 gentlemen, I honor you. I like a proud 
 I'epublican as well as I do a proud demo- 
 crat. I am conscious of the fact that some 
 of the best personal friends I have in this 
 body sit on that side of the Chamber, men 
 whose high character I would tru;-t any- 
 where and everywhere. Gentlemen, you 
 know your hearts respond to every word I 
 am uttering when I say you despise treach- 
 ery, and you honor me to-day for making 
 an effort to rescue a gentleman, not from 
 treachery, but from the charge of it. If 
 the Senator shall vote as you desire him 
 to vote, he cannot escape the charge. 
 
 Mr. Mahoxe. Mr. President, I want to 
 interrupt the Senator from Georgia. 
 
 The Vice-President. Does the Sena- 
 tor from Georgia yield ? 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly. 
 
 ]\Ir. Mahone. I cannot allow you to 
 make any such insinuation. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I make no in- 
 sinuation. 
 
 I\Ir. Mahone. You did emphatically, 
 and it was unmanly. Now it must stop. 
 Let us understand that. 
 
 ]Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I repeat, I do 
 not know how the Senator is going to vote. 
 I believe he is not going to vote as you ex- 
 pect. I believe he is not going to be guilty 
 of being i'alse to his commission. 1 will 
 not charge that he will ; I will not insinu- 
 ate that he will. I have not insinuated it. 
 The gentleman must be his own keeper ; 
 the gentleman must solve his own ques- 
 tions ; hut 1 repeat, I repeat as a friend, I 
 repeat as a friend whose friendship will be 
 appreciated some day, that the Senator is 
 in danger of bringing upon himself a 
 chiirge wliich he will never have the power 
 to explain. 
 
 Mr. Mahone. I cannot allow you or
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 SENATOR MAHONE'S REPLY TO HILL. 
 
 217 
 
 any other man to make that charge with- 
 out a pro])er answer. 
 
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Oh, well. 
 
 Senator Malione'a Rt-x>Iy to Senator Hill 
 
 ill Extra Senate HeKniuti, Marth SHh, IbSl. 
 
 Mr. Mahonk. Mr. rresident, my pro- 
 found respect for the wisdom and ex- 
 perience of my seniors in this Chamlx-r 
 compels me to renew expression of thr 
 reluctance with which I so soon intrude 
 upon its deliberations. Senators and the 
 country will concede that to this seeming 
 forwardness I have been provoked. 
 
 If I do not challenge generous considera- 
 tion i'roin those who would appear to have 
 found pleasure in their unjustifiable as- 
 saults, I do not doubt that I shall com- 
 mand the respect of the brave and inde- 
 pendent here, :is I know I shall commaml 
 that of my own people. I shall not com- 
 plain of the intolerance and indirection 
 which have characterized the allusions oi' 
 some Senators to myself. Doubtless they 
 comport entirely with their own sense of 
 manly deportment and senatorial dignity, 
 however little they do with mine. Vir- 
 ginia is accustomed to meet occasions 
 where the independent spirit of the Anglo- 
 Saxon is required to assert itself; Virginia 
 has ever met, with fortitude and dignity, 
 every duty that destiny has imposed, 
 always, however, with much ontempt for 
 small party tactics where principles were 
 involved to which her faith and her honor 
 were committed. 
 
 With absolute confidence in my loyalty 
 to her and my devotion to every inti^rest of 
 her people, I shall not relax my pur{>ose 
 to repel every impeachment of the consti- 
 tuency which sent me here with clearly 
 defined duties which they and 1 compre- 
 hend. I was elected to the Senate of the 
 United States to do their will, not to a cau- 
 cus to do its petty bidding. Virginia 
 earned her title of the Old Dominion by 
 the proud and independent action of her 
 own people, by the loyalty of her sons to 
 the instincts of independence, witiiout help 
 at the hands of those who would now inter- 
 fere with her affairs. 
 
 However feebly I may assert that spirit 
 against the gratuitous and hypocritical 
 concern for her of strangers to her trials, 
 her sacrifices, and her will, I feel that the 
 spirit of my peoi)le inspires me when I 
 scornfully repel for them and for myself 
 ungracious attcm])ts to instruct a Virginia 
 Sen.itor as to his duty to them and to him- 
 self. Senators should learn to deal with 
 their constituencies, while I answer to mine. 
 
 To him who would insinuate that my 
 action in respect to the organization ot 
 the committees of this body and the pro- 
 posed election of its officers has been 
 governed or controlled by impure consider- 
 
 ations — and T am loth to believe that any 
 honorable Senator has so intended — in the 
 language of ancjther, I say : 
 
 If fliou ^ai(lBt I mil not peer 
 To liny loiil in S( Dlliui.l here, 
 Lowland ur liitcliland, lur or near, 
 Lord Angus, tlum lia»t lied ! 
 
 And now, Mr. President, permit me to say 
 that Senators can no more realize my re- 
 gret than they can measure my amazement 
 I hat my colleague should have felt it in- 
 cumbent up(m him to join the assaulting 
 column in this Chamber. He first intro- 
 duces the consideration of my political 
 consistency, and he next introduces me, 
 with the eighty-odd thousand of his fellow- 
 citizens who sent me here, to this honor- 
 able body as a repudiator of public obliga- 
 tions. The sens3 of justice of fellow Sen- 
 ators renders it unnecessary for me to 
 apologize for noticing my colleague's criti- 
 cisms on the one hand and his jjcrversions 
 on the other. However much he and his 
 friends may endeavor, by the chop-logic of 
 the attorney, to demonstrate what I ought 
 to be, I know by my convictions and ijy 
 my sense of duty what I am. In this par- 
 ticular I have largely the advantage of my 
 colleague ; for if I take him by his record, 
 diminutive as it is, he neither knows what he 
 was, what he is, or what duty he came here 
 to perform. A very brief recital of Vir- 
 ginia political history, covering but a dec- 
 ade, will give a clear view of the Virginia 
 situation as it is represented on this floor. 
 ]\Iy colleague gave the first page, and then, 
 like the lazy, truant scliool-boy, skipped 
 many pages, or, like the shifty lawyer, read 
 only so much of the authority as suited his 
 case. I am duly grateful to him for the 
 small meed of jiraise he would deal out to 
 nie for the humble ])art I bore in the great 
 liberal movement of iSdO, which was under- 
 taken to return our State to her normal 
 condition in the Union. 
 
 I am the more grateful because the 
 organs of the faction he represents here 
 have recently published columns to prove 
 that I was breathed into jjolitical existence 
 subsequently to that momentous jjeriod. 
 Not being sworn, my colleague thought it 
 was sullicient for him to tell the truth with- 
 out the usual obligation to tell the jv/iole 
 truth. It is now my ])rivilege, as well as 
 duty, to supply all deficiencies. The views 
 I entertained then I still adhere to, and 
 though, as far as my information goes, we 
 bad no material assistance from him in 
 tiiat severe and trying ordeal of 180!), I do 
 know tiiat alter his election to this body 
 he confessed himself in entire accord with 
 all that had been done by Virginia as a 
 condition-precedent to her restoration, and 
 with the zeal of a new cimvert expressed 
 the hope that other States of the Union 
 without the same propelling cau^c should 
 do likewise. In a letter addresjsed to the
 
 218 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III 
 
 then governor of Virginia (Walker) he 
 wrote as follows : 
 
 JOHNSTON TO GOVERNOR WALKER IN 1869. 
 
 Believing fully not only that we in Vir- 
 ginia could not prosper, but that our con- 
 tinued exclusion from the Union interfered 
 with the business of the whole country, I 
 have been anxious for an early compliance 
 with the reconstruction laws, and that the 
 State should itself inaugurate some move- 
 ment similar to that which resulted in your 
 election for the purpose, and not wait, like 
 
 Micawber, " for something to turn up." 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 The fifteenth amendment, which I trust 
 
 will soon be adopted by States enough to 
 
 make it a part of the Constitution of the 
 
 United States, will end a question which 
 
 has agitated the country for half a century. 
 
 I entirely approve of the principles of that 
 
 amendment, and as we have invested the 
 
 freedman with the right to vote, let us give 
 
 him a fair opportunity to vote understand- 
 
 ingly. He has civil rights, and it is our 
 
 interest he should know their value. 
 ******* 
 
 That we are apparently so near to the con- 
 summation of reconstruction we are greatly 
 indebted to President Grant's kind offices. 
 The State was in a dilemma ; it wanted a 
 constitution ; but the one made for it has 
 at least two very objectionable features. 
 We felt that we were suffering in all our 
 material interests by staying out of the 
 Union, and yet to go in under the consti- 
 tution with all its provisions would have 
 been worse. 
 
 The Gordian knot was happily cut by 
 the President's first message to Congress 
 and the prompt I'esponse of that body. Up 
 to this time the conduct of the administra- 
 tion has been liberal, and if the same pol- 
 icy is pursued hereafter it ought to have 
 the hearty sujiport of this State. If we cast 
 dead issues behind us and look only to that 
 line of conduct wliich shall restore quiet 
 and confidence, and encourage cnterjjrisc 
 and industry, we shall even see the coun- 
 try richer and more prosperous than it has 
 ever been. 
 
 This movement in 1869 accomplished 
 the restoration of our State under the ex- 
 purgated constitution and gave us repre- 
 sentation herein the j)ersons of my colleague 
 and ex-Senator Lewis. We were relieved 
 of military government, became rehnbilita- 
 ted in our sovereignty, with entire control 
 of our local autonomy. Thus, for a period, 
 Virginia seemed to be enjoying (he full 
 freedom of herlong-deferrcd liope for peace. 
 
 In the curious ]ianoraniic, exhil)itioTi of 
 my colleague I next appear as a candidate 
 for governor in 1S77. To Ix- a candidate 
 in Virginia is a privilejre which every 
 f|ualified voter mjiy er)nstitutioniilly exer- 
 cise, and in that year there were three prom- 
 
 inent candidates other than those named 
 by the Senator. Two of them had been 
 major-generals and one a brigadier-general. 
 What an omission ! Shades of departed 
 glory defend us ! when a United States 
 Senator of the Bourbon persuasion can 
 omit imposing titles in detailing events 
 with which they were intimately associa- 
 ted. 'Tis true I was not nominated, lack- 
 ing forty votes of a certain majority of a 
 convention composed of over fourteen hun- 
 dred delegates against a combination of 
 five candidates, one of whom my colleague 
 preferred, that preference perhaps being 
 based upon motives as unselfish as are usual 
 in veteran jioliticians and office-holders. 
 
 Mr. President, I can scarcely hope, in 
 the presence of this body, where my col- 
 league has served for many years, and 
 where the altitude of his statesmanship 
 frowns contemptuously down uj)on all who 
 would aspire to reach its summit, to attain I 
 the awful diffidence with which I should 
 undertake to correct any of his statements. 
 He is one of the conscript fathers of the 
 Senate, old in all its ways and usages ; and 
 long absence from his constituency and 
 perpetual service to the national democrat- 
 ic party in helping to organize its numer- 
 ous defeats make himi forgetful of recent 
 events in Virginia. Hence the necessity 
 of my attempting to inform him as to cer- 
 tain matters of recent historj' at home. 
 
 " The next event," says my colleague, 
 " was that the readjusters separated them- 
 selves from the democratic party ;" and 
 alter treating this at some length he says, 
 "This brings us down to what is called 
 Mozart Hall convention," in which, he 
 adds, " I spoke of the conservative party as 
 though I belonged to it." 
 
 Mr. President, I confess my inability to 
 understand all this curious mixture of the 
 odds and ends of my colleague's scrap-book. 
 He parades his facts in curiously-contrived 
 array. He emj)ties his ill-assorted jewels 
 of information and "chunks of wisdom," 
 and seems to rely upon Senators to give 
 them that consecutive arrangement as to 
 I'act and date which they have, possibly, in 
 his own great mind. JUit, sir, the fact is 
 there was no renuirkable incident in Vir- 
 ginia ])olities between the election of 1877 
 and 1879, the month of February of the 
 latter year being, the date of the assem- 
 l)ling of the Mozart Hall convention. 
 Certainly until February, 1879, there was 
 no change in the status of jiarties in Vir- 
 ginia within that period. There was no 
 organization of readjusters until February, 
 1.S79, and ther(> was no declared democratic 
 [larty until 1880. 
 
 Tins Itrings me, Mr. President, to a pe- 
 riod when I |)ropose (o do more than follow 
 my collengue in his half-way candid and 
 nearly always inaccurate statement. It is 
 at this juncture, he says, that Mr. lliddle-
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 UMAHONE'S REPLY TO HILL. 
 
 219 
 
 berger and I are so much identified that 
 he cannot separate us. It is at this point 
 the organization of the readjusters begins; 
 and it is at this point he appears to seek 
 to make an impression wliolly unwarranted 
 by any act of the readjusters in Virginia. 
 It is at this point, too, Mr. I'rcsident, tliat 
 I am constrained by a sense of duty to my 
 people, my State, and myself to treat the 
 question of our State debt as it ])resents 
 itself in Virginia. In doing this, I wish it 
 distinctly understood that I hold this to be 
 a matter belonging exclusively to the State 
 of Virginia, and I should rej)el any Fed- 
 eral interference with this as I would with 
 any other question of mere State concern. 
 I shall presume upon the indulgence of 
 Senators because they have heard but one 
 side, and that more than once, and I know 
 they Avill be willing to hear a defense of 
 Virginia against unjust attacks from those 
 who ought to be her defenders. 
 
 Sir, there is not a fact upon which to 
 base any one of the statements or argu- 
 ments of my colleague. Instead of the 
 Mozart Hall convention being held to ef- 
 fect a repeal of an irrepealable contract, it 
 was a body of people assembled on a call 
 of members of the General Assembly o{)- 
 posed to what is known in Virginia as the 
 
 brokers' bill." They assembled before 
 that bill had passed either House of the 
 General Assembly, and, coming Iresh from 
 the people, expressed their unqualified dis- 
 approval of that measure. It was appa- 
 rent the measure was to pass, and organized 
 opposition began. But, Mr. President, 
 this is neither the beginning nor the end of 
 this question. It was in 1871 that the first 
 funding bill was enacted, and this we know 
 in Virginia as the first contract. 
 
 Lwill not go into the details of this mea- 
 sure, as I shall ask the clerk to read a re- 
 view of all the Virginia funding acts before 
 concluding my remarks. It is my purpose 
 now only to notice the speeches of Senators, 
 notably that of my colleague, in this Cham- 
 ber, it Avill be news to Senators to hear 
 to-day that the readjusters never repealed 
 either of the funding contracts. That en- 
 acted and only partially executed in 18()(5- 
 '67 was in effect repealed by the Assembly 
 which j^assed it, and the work of repeal 
 was consummated by the Legislature that 
 enacted -the more o])n()xi()Us measure of 
 1871. This in turn was repealed by the 
 Assembly of 1872, the propounder of the 
 repeal measnre being the present lieuten- 
 ant-governor of the State, sul)sequently in 
 full fellowship with the alleged debt-pay- 
 ers. Indeed this measure was so obnox- 
 ious that Governor Walker, who was con- 
 ceded to be its author, subsequently urged 
 that the Federal Government should as- 
 sume the debts of the Southern States. 
 
 Mr. President, I might pause to inquire 
 if that is a part of the doctrine of my col- 
 
 league and the Senators who co-operate 
 with him, when they stand here to repre- 
 sent the party for which Governor WalkiT 
 then sj)oke, the pretended deijt-payers of 
 Virginia? It was this rej)eal bill which 
 the Virginia court of appeals held to be 
 unconstitutional, and here the matter rest- 
 ed until the State had accumulated interest 
 arrears to over five million dollars, beside 
 diverting one and a half million dollars 
 which was dedicated by the constitution 
 to the public free schools. 
 
 In 1877 what is known as the Barbour 
 bill was jn-oposed and passed, not a few of 
 the latter-day self-styled debt-payers being 
 among its most zealous supporters. Al- 
 though this did not repeal in terms the 
 original funding bill, it was nevertheless 
 vet(jed by the governor. 
 
 Such was our condition at the succeed- 
 ing election — schools reduced f)0 per cent., 
 length of sessions abridged, asylums sus- 
 tained by money borrowed from the banks 
 — after exhausting every possible expedient 
 even to a reduction of judicial salaries, 
 that a Legislature was returned pledged to 
 a resettlement of this debt. 
 
 That settlement came in the form of the 
 brokers' bill, for which my colleague stands 
 at home and here the champion, aided and 
 abetted by distinguished gentlemen on this 
 floor. I commend the virtuous democracy 
 of this Chamber to read that bill, and 
 then tell this Senate whether there ever 
 was a more undemocratic measure than 
 the bill propounded in Virginia by the 
 party whose cause they espouse. 
 
 That settlement came in the form of the 
 broker's bill, as I have said, and this was 
 the last repeal of the original contract. 
 Yet my colleague would say the readjusters 
 of to-day disregard the court decisions. 
 Surely he has not forgotten that he was 
 upon the hustings in Virginia advocating 
 each of the successive measures repealing 
 the " irrepealable " contract, while in every 
 instance the readjusters proper opposed the 
 new measure. 
 
 But here again I am called upon to an- 
 swer the charge of personal inconsistency. 
 My colleague cannot ascertain that 1 oj)- 
 posed the funding scheme of 1871 — a mea- 
 sure which, I assert without the fear of 
 contradiction, not only repudiateil but 
 forcibly repudiated what my colleague un- 
 derstands to be one-third of the debt of 
 Virginia. 1 suggest to my fellow-Senators 
 on the op])osite side to take care of that 
 contamination of which they have warned 
 the country in respect to the readjusters of 
 Virginia. 
 
 ^ly colleague adverted to the Richmond 
 Whig, and "proclaimed it as my mouth- 
 piece. Mr. President, nobody speaks for 
 me; I speak for myself. AVhy not have 
 ascertained from the same source how I 
 stood on the funding bill of 1871? Sena-
 
 220 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III, 
 
 tors will not find that I ever supported the 
 measure of 1871. 
 
 Passing over what appears in my col- 
 league's speech as extracts from newspa- 
 pers, to whose misstatements he has con- 
 tributed a full share, I come now to notice 
 his animadversions on the Riddleberger 
 bill. If his criticisms were based on fact 
 and a proper understanding of that mea- 
 sure, they would be unanswerable. He 
 says that " the ' Riddleberger bill ' has been 
 substantially pronounced unconstitutional 
 by the Supreme Court of the United 
 States." I ask him in what particular? 
 Is it in this — that it does not recognize the 
 interest that accrued during the war ? If 
 so, will my learned colleague inform me 
 upon what principle of right he last sum- 
 mer sustained a measure which repudiated 
 one-half of the interest that has accrued 
 since the completerestorationof our State? 
 Docs he not know that that measure of 
 forcible readjustment absolutely repudiated 
 one-half of the accrued and unfunded in- 
 terest, while the Riddleberger bill provides 
 for paying it dollar for dollar? The differ- 
 ence is simply this: that since 1871 we 
 have denied the rigbt of the creditor to 
 exact war interest and proposed to pay 
 him all else in full. Our adversaries would 
 and did fimd that war interest and pro- 
 posed to repudiate one-half of that which 
 we are in honor and in law bound to pay. 
 
 Is it unconstitutional in that it pays 
 but 3 per cent. ? The only measure ever 
 passed by the Virginia Assembly to pay 
 as much as 4 per cent, and the only one 
 under which one-third of our creditors 
 have received a penny of interest, was in- 
 troduced and patronized by Mr. Riddle- 
 berger. The first time that our Legislature 
 ever voiced 3 per cent, was when they 
 passed the brokers' job, the pet scheme of 
 my colleague, so ably re-enforced in his 
 advocacy of it on this floor by distin- 
 guished gentlemen on the other side, the 
 Legislature then themselves admitting and 
 declaring in the preamble of their bill that 
 this is all the State can pay for ten years 
 "witliout destroying its industries;" and 
 last winter every legislator of their party 
 voted to run the 3 per cent, for the whole 
 time. 
 
 Is it unconstitutional in that it does not 
 exempt the bonds froir\ taxation forever, 
 as the brokers' bill attempted to do, a 
 feature peculiar to that measure for pay- 
 ing the debt of Virginia which my col- 
 league advf)cate3 here? If so, I would re- 
 spectfully refer my colleague to his State 
 constitution, which says that all projx-rty 
 shall be taxed equally and uniformly ; that 
 no one species of property shall be taxed 
 higher than another, and that oidy siieh 
 property as is used for religious, eduea- 
 tif»nal, and charitable purposes may be 
 exemj)t from taxation. J\Iy learned col- 
 
 league, who so unkindly characterized the 
 patron of that bill as a county court law- 
 yer, cites only Hartman vs. Greenhow as 
 the case which holds this bill unconstitu- 
 tional. That case decided no principle 
 that this bill infringes. The Riddleberger 
 bill imposes no tax upon bonds held either 
 in or out of the State. It simply does not 
 exempt any. By what authority, I would 
 ask my colleague, can such a tax be made 
 and collected? He must answer to the 
 party which he undertakes to represent 
 here for doing an unconstitutional act : to 
 tax bonds of the State of Virginia held by 
 a non-resident. The Riddleberger bill 
 does not tax them. Whenever tJie General 
 Assembly, carrying out the Riddleberger 
 bill, shall endeavor to tax bonds held out 
 of the State, it will be time for the Senator 
 to renew the test in the Supreme Court of 
 the United States and cite the precedent 
 of Hartman vs. Greenhow. 
 
 Is it the much-discussed fourteenth sec- 
 tion which is unconstitutional? If so I 
 would remind my legal colleague that it is 
 a verbatim copy of a statute jiassed by the 
 State of Tennessee, adjudicated by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, and 
 not only held by that high tribunal to be 
 constitutional but proper legislation for 
 the protection and maintenance of gov- 
 ernment. Is it unconstitutional in what 
 is called its force feature ? If so it has 
 precedent in the bill of '71, which forbade 
 the payment of any interest to a creditor 
 who did not accept a reduction of one- 
 third. It has precedent in the brokers' 
 bill, Avhich provided tax certificates to 
 compete at a reduced price with the re- 
 ceivable coupon, and both of these mea- 
 sures found a hustings advocate in my 
 colleague. 
 
 But he would imply that our debt was 
 ascertained at a certain sum in pursuance 
 of the State Constitution, which he savs 
 was $29,067,304.70. 
 
 Mr. President, if there is any man in the 
 party which my colleague represents who 
 agrees with another member of that party 
 in Virginia as to what the debt of that 
 State is, we have yet to find the concur- 
 rence ; it is with one leader this figure, 
 with another leader another figure ; by one 
 report of their officers one sum, and then 
 by another report of other ofiicers a difler- 
 ent sum. Grant that sum to be the true 
 one; but let the Senator state that our 
 constitution recognized no specific sum. 
 It says there shall first be a settlement 
 with West Virginia, which has not yet 
 l)een had, and commands ])aymentof what 
 Virginia shall owe. That is the language, 
 that is the instruction of the constitution 
 of Virginia; that, after a settlement with 
 West Virginia, covering one-third of old 
 Virginia's territory, sliall liave been 
 arrived at by an adjustment of their rela-
 
 BOOK III.J 
 
 MAHONE'S REPLY TO HILL, 
 
 221 
 
 tive proportions of the public debt, Vir- 
 ginia will provide for her share. Now I 
 would like the Senators from West Vir- 
 ginia in this cry against readjusters as re- 
 pudiators to tell the country what answer 
 they have made to their obligation for 
 one-third of the debt contracted by the old 
 Commonwealth of Virginia. Will they 
 tell the country wliere they have ever 
 made a proposition to i)ay one stiver of 
 their share of the public debt of that State 
 to maintain the honor and the dignity of 
 their own Commonwealth '? Let them an- 
 swer. 
 
 It was the party of my colleague, that re- 
 pudiated the settlement of 1871 by the pas- 
 sage of the brokers' bill in 1S7'J, and in 
 turn attempted to repudiate the latter by 
 unanimously indorsing what is known as 
 the " Ross Hamilton bill." I suppose it 
 would not suit my colleague to tell this 
 audience who Ross Hamilton is. Yet, I 
 beg Senators to take notice that the party 
 of my colleague, after a winter spent in the 
 vain effort to find a leader capable of de- 
 vising means to overthrow the j)opular will, 
 discovered such, as they supposed, in the 
 person of Ross Hamilton, a colored repub- 
 lican member of the Legislature from the 
 county of Mecklenburg, and blindly fol- 
 lowed him to defeat. Hamilton's bill, 
 which was thus unanimously supported ])y 
 my colleague's party, not only in effect re- 
 pealed their pet scheme, the brokers' bill, 
 but all other acts in respect to the public 
 debt of Virginia. 
 
 I come now to perform a duty — the most 
 unpleasant in one sense and the most agree- 
 able in another. It is to repel the charge 
 flippantly, I hope inconsiderately, made on 
 this floor that we are repudiators and our 
 proposed measure dishonorable. To the 
 first I reply that my colleague's party in 
 eight years of administration of our State 
 atiairs j)aid 2 per cent, installments of in- 
 terest on ten millions of our public debt 
 just six times, or 12 per cent, in all ; 6 
 times 8 would be 48 per cent. Instead of 
 that they paid 12 per cent-, and that is 
 debt-paying I 
 
 Let this suffice. But when Senators ap- 
 ply the word dishonorable, they do not 
 know either whom or what they character- 
 ize. Two things they have endeavored to 
 demonstrate, and one is that I received a 
 majority of the white conservative vote of 
 both branches of the Virginia General As- 
 sembly. Proudly do I proclaim the truth 
 of this. Every one of those who voted for 
 me to come to this Chamber gave an un- 
 qualified vote for the l\iddleberger bill. 
 Are they dishonorable men? Scornfully 
 do I repel the charge that any one of them 
 is capable of dishonorable action. 
 
 Were it true, what a sad commentary it 
 would be upon those honorable gentlemen 
 whom it is said I am not representing i 
 
 here. Mr. President, my colleague comes 
 from what we call in Virginia the gnat 
 Southwest, a noble and i)rosperous sectifm 
 of Virginia. Fifteen white Conservative 
 counties comjjose his congressional dis- 
 trict, and though the ablest of the oraturs 
 of my colleague's party canvassed it 
 thoroughly against me and the views set 
 forth in this measure, but two delegates 
 and no senator of the gentleman's party 
 came to the Legislature. To a man they 
 supported the Riddlebergcr bill. Every 
 senator and every delegate from my col- 
 league's own congressional district, save 
 andexcei^t two delegates, supported me for 
 the Senate and the Riddlebergcr bill as a 
 measure for debt-paying. He would do 
 well to spend a little more time with his 
 constituents I 
 
 Whatever our differences on this ques- 
 tion, it seems to me those people should 
 have had a defender in him against such 
 foul and slanderous accusations as have 
 been made — that they are dishonorable 
 men. O Shame! where is thy blush? 
 Dishonorable in Virginia to beg the privi- 
 lege of paying every dollar she borrowed 
 — that is, her rightful share, instead of not 
 only paying that but also the share of 
 West Virginia — dishonorable to pay every 
 dollar she borrowed, only abating the war 
 interest! Dishonorable, too, in the opinion 
 of the gentlemen who rej)resent States on 
 this floor and municipalities which have 
 by arbitrary legislation reduced their in- 
 debtedness from $243,000,000 down to 
 $84,000,000 1 Dishonorable in Virginia not 
 only to assume her full share of her public 
 obligations, as measured by her territory 
 in this division of it, but offering to tax 
 her ])eople to an extent threatening the 
 destruction of her industrial interests! Is 
 that dishonorable in that people? If so, 
 what have you to say of this tier of South- 
 ern States whose public indebtedness, 
 whose plighted laith, whose sacred obliga- 
 tions — as sacred as are those of my State 
 of Virginia — have been reduced from 
 §243,000,000 by one or another method of 
 repudiation, upon one or another excuse, 
 down to $84,000,000, with a reduced in- 
 terest rate upon the curtailed principal, 
 and only proposing to pay interest in some 
 cases at 2 per cent, and in others 3 and in 
 others 4 on the reduced principal? Is it 
 dishonorable in Virginia to assume $20,- 
 000,000 of the debt\)f the old State and 
 then to tax her industries within the verge 
 of endurance to pay on that sum the high- 
 est rate of interest? Let Senators who as- 
 sail unjustly the conduct of Virginia in 
 this respect put their own houses in order. 
 I want, Mr. President, the Secretary to 
 read from the International Review the 
 measures of readjustment in the Southern 
 States thatSenators may know how f:L<hi«'n- 
 able readjustment has been in that section
 
 222 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book III. 
 
 of this great country on which northern 
 democrats rely in a presidential election. 
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 o 
 
 
 
 Mr. Maho^te. There is no mere read- 
 justment there ; I will not say it is repudia- 
 tion. " Repudiation " is honorable, per- 
 haps; "readjustment" dishonorable. 
 
 Oh, Virginia ! It was for this you bared 
 your bosom to soldier's tread and horse's 
 hoof. It wa.s for this you laid waste your 
 fields. It was for this you displayed your 
 noble virtues of fortitude and courage, 
 your heroic suffering and sacrifice. It was 
 for this you suffered the dismemberment 
 of your territory and sent your sons to the 
 field to return to tlie ruins where were 
 once tiicir homes. It was for this you so 
 reluctantly abandoned your allegiance to 
 a common country to be the last to make 
 war and the last to surrender. O Ingrati- 
 tude, thou basest and meanest of crimes I 
 
 And now, Mr. President, at the time of 
 my ele'-.tion who constitutcii my oj)po- 
 nents? Already, ius you have been advised, 
 another representing distinctly the Bour- 
 bon democracy of Virginia and the so- 
 
 called democracy of this Chamber, another 
 representing distinctly the republican 
 party of Virginia — these were the candi- 
 dates before the Legislature which elected 
 me to this body. I received not only a 
 majority of the so-called democratic read- 
 justers but of the so-called republican re- 
 adjusters. And now what were the efforts, 
 known there if not here to gentlemen, to 
 defeat me? Were not combinations sought 
 to be made ? It is known of all men there 
 at the capital of my State, if not here, that 
 every influence from whatsoever quarter it 
 could be adduced, whether democratic or 
 republican, was brought together at Rich- 
 mond for the jjurijose by combination of 
 defeating my election, of defeating the 
 sovereign will of the people of that Corn- 
 wealth as expressed on the 4th of No- 
 vember, 1879. 
 
 There was a democracy which sought to 
 secure the election of an orthodox, simon- 
 pure, unadulterated republican, but of that 
 kind called Bourbons in Virginia — a de- 
 mocracy which was not only willing but 
 ready and anxious to send here in the 
 place I have the honor to hold a republi- 
 can whom they would otherwise profess to 
 despise. What for? For the considera- 
 tion well known there, that they might 
 elect certain county judges and control the 
 State offices, and by that means prevent 
 the disclosures which have subsequently 
 followed since the readjusters have gotten 
 possession of the capitol. That democracy 
 which like Ca?sar's wife would stand 
 " above suspicion," were ready to trade a 
 seat in the United States Senate so that a 
 few county judges might be preserved, that 
 the offices in the capitol at Richmond 
 might be retained in their control ; I say 
 in order, perhaps, that the disclosures 
 which have followed the advent of the 
 party I represent might have been longer 
 concealed ; moreover that control of the 
 ballot-box in the State might continue 
 where it had been ; so certainly I believe; 
 and all this by those who professed to rep- 
 resent the party which had declared in na- 
 tional convention for a full vote, a free 
 ballot, and an honest count. 
 
 Such were the considerations, such I say 
 were the inducements which prompted 
 that democracy to its efforts to send to this 
 (Chamber a republican beyond question 
 since these many long and weary years. 
 If that is the democracy that the gentlemen 
 on that side love, I proclaim my inability 
 to co-operate with them. 
 
 I supported neither of the candidates for 
 Congress in my district, and emphatically 
 declared that pur})ose on more than one 
 public occasion, because one was a can- 
 didate of that party, the Bourbon reaction- 
 ists, and the other a Bourbon republican 
 with accommodating views on the debt 
 question.
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION. 
 
 223 
 
 To obey the behests of the democratic 
 caucus of this body, whose leadership on 
 this floor, whose representative national 
 authority — the one here and the other 
 elsewhere — have champicjned the cause of 
 the Bourbon- hinder party in Virginia, 
 would be an obsequious surrender of our 
 State policy and self-condemnation of our 
 independent action. 
 
 The desire of our people for cordial re- 
 lations with all sections of a common coun- 
 try and the people of all the States of the 
 Union, their devotion to poi)ular educa- 
 tion, their ellorts for the free enjoyment of 
 a priceless suffra<ije and an honest count of 
 ballots, their determination to make Vir- 
 ginia, in the public belief, a desirable home 
 for all men, wherever their birthplace, 
 whatever their opinions, and to open her 
 fields and her mines to enterprise and capi- 
 tal, and to stay the retrograde movement of 
 years, so as to bring her back from the fif- 
 teenth in grade to her original position 
 among the tirst in the sisterhood ot States, 
 forbid that my action here should be con- 
 trolled or influenced by a caucus whose 
 party has waged war upon my constituency 
 and whore party success is held paramount 
 to what I conceive to be the interests of Vir- 
 ginia and the welfare of the whole country. 
 
 The readjusters of Virginia have no 
 feeling of hostility, no words of unkind- 
 ness for the colored man. His freedom 
 has come, and whether by purpose or by 
 accident, thank God, that among other is- 
 sues which so long distracted our country 
 and restrained its growth, was concluded, 
 and I trust forever, by the results of the 
 sanguinary struggle between the sections. 
 
 I have faith, and it is my earnest hope, 
 that the march of an enlightened civiliza- 
 tion and the progress of human freedom 
 will proceed until God's great family shall 
 everywhere enjoy the j^roducts of their own 
 labor and the blessings of civil, political, 
 and religious liberty. 
 
 The colored man was loyal to Virginia 
 in all the days of conflict and devastation 
 which came of the heroic struggle in the 
 war of sections that made her fields his- 
 toric. By no act of his was either the 
 clash of arms provoked or freedom secured. 
 He did not solve his duty by considera- 
 tionr of self-interest. 
 
 Si»eecli of Hon. Justin S. Morrill, of Ver- 
 mont, 
 
 {Author of the Tariff Bill o/1861), delivered in the Senate of 
 
 the United Staten, December 8, 18S1, on the Bill to 
 
 AppoitU a Tariff Commitsion. 
 
 The Senate, being as in Committee of the 
 Whole, and having under consideration the 
 bill (S. No. 22) to provide for the appoint- 
 ment of a commission to investigate the 
 
 question of the tariff and internal revenue 
 
 laws — 
 
 Mi: Morrill said: I have brought this 
 subject to the early attention of the Senate 
 because, if early legislative action on the 
 tariir is to be had, obviously the measure 
 jtroposed by Senator Eaton and passed at 
 the last session of the Senate is a wise and 
 indispensable preliminary, which cannot 
 be started too soon. The essential infor- 
 mation needed concerns important inte- 
 rests, vast in number and overspreading 
 every nook and corner of our country ; and 
 when made available by the ingathering 
 and collocation of all the related facts, will 
 secure the earliest attention of Congress, as 
 well as the trust and confidence of the 
 country, and save the appropriate commit- 
 tees of both Houses weeks and months of 
 irksome labor — possibly save them also 
 from some blunders and from final defeat. 
 
 An enlargement of the free list, essential 
 reductions and readjustments of rates, are 
 to be fully considered, and some errors of 
 conflicting codifications corrected. 
 
 If a general revision of the Bible seems 
 to have been called for, it is hardly to be 
 wondered at that some revision of our re- 
 venue laws should be invited. But changes 
 in the frame-work of a law that has had 
 more of stability than any other of its kind 
 in our history, and from which an unex- 
 ampled growth of varied industries has 
 risen up, should be made with much cir- 
 cumspection, after deliberate consideration, 
 by just and friendly hands, and not by ill- 
 informed and reckless revolutionists. When 
 our recent great army was disbanded, war 
 taxes were also largely dismissed, and we 
 have now, and certainly shall have here- 
 after, no unlimited margin for slashing ex- 
 periments. 
 
 THE TARIFF OF 1861. 
 
 The tariff act of 1861, which, by a nick- 
 name given l)y baffled opponents as an 
 echo to a name so humble as my own, it 
 was perha[)S hoped to render odious, was 
 yet approved by a democratic President 
 and gave to Mr. Buchanan a much-needed 
 opportunity to perform at last one official 
 act approved by the peojjle. 
 
 If I refer to this measure, it will not be 
 egotistically nor to shirk res])onsibility, but 
 only in defense of those who aided its ])as- 
 sage — such as the never-to-be-forgotten 
 Henry Winter Davis, Thad. Stevens, and 
 William A. Howard, and, let me add, the 
 names of Fcssenden and Crittenden — and, 
 without the parliamentary skill of one 
 (Mr. Sherman) now a member of this 
 body, its success would not have been 
 
 I made certain. 
 
 And yet this so-called "Morrill tariff," 
 
 ' hooted at as a "Chinese wall " that was to 
 shut out both commerce and revenue, not- 
 
 i withstanding amendments subsequently
 
 224 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 piled and patched upon it at even- fresh 
 demand during the war, but retaining its 
 vertebrae and all of its specific characteris- 
 tics, has been as a financial measure an 
 unprecedented success in spite of its sup- 
 posed patronymical incumbrance. Trans- 
 forming ad valorem duties into specific, 
 then averaging but 25 per cent, upon the 
 invoice values, imposing much higher rates 
 upon luxuries than upon necessaries, and 
 introducing compound duties* upon wool- 
 ens, justly compensatory for the duties on 
 wool, it has secured all the revenue antici- 
 pated, or $198,159,676 in 1881 against $53,- 
 187,511 in 1860, and our total trade, exports 
 and imports, in 1860, of $687,192,176, ap- 
 pears to have expanded in 1880 to $1,613,- 
 770,633, with a grand excess of exports in 
 our favor of $167,683,912, and an excess in 
 1881 of $259,726,254, while it was $20,040,- 
 062 against us in 1860. A great reduction 
 of the public debt has followed, and the 
 interest charged has fallen from $143,781,- 
 591 in 1867 to about $60,500,000 at the 
 present time. 
 
 If such a result is not a practical demon- 
 stration of healthy intrinsic merits, when 
 both revenue and commerce increase in a 
 much greater ratio than population, what 
 is it? Our imports in the past two years 
 have been further brilliantly embellished 
 by $167,060,041 of gold and silver coin and 
 bullion, while retaining in addition all of 
 our own immense domestic productions ; 
 and it was this only which enabled us to 
 resume and to maintain specie payments. 
 Let the contrast of 1860 be also borne in 
 mind, when the excess of our exports of 
 gold and silver was $57,996,004. 
 
 As a protective measure this tariff, with 
 all its increasing amendments, has proven 
 more satisfactory to the peoj^le and to va- 
 rious industries of the country than any 
 other on record. The jury of the country 
 has so recorded its verdict. Agriculture 
 has made immense strides forward. The 
 recent exports of food ])roducts, though 
 never larger, is not equal by twenty-fold to 
 home consumption, and prices are every 
 where more remunerative, agricultural 
 products being higher and manufactures 
 lower. Of wlieat, corn, and oats there was 
 produced 1,184,540,849 i)usliels in 1860, but 
 in 18S0 the crop liad swelled to 2.622,200,- 
 039 bushels, or had much more tlian don- 
 bU'd. Since 1860 hinds in many of the 
 Western States have risen from 100 to 175 
 per cent. The production of rice, during 
 tlie same time, rose Irom 11,0(10,000 pounds 
 to 117,1)00,000. Thi" fires of the tall chim- 
 neys have everywhere been lighted up; 
 and while we made oidy 987,559 tons of 
 piir irrin in I860, in 1880 we made 4,295,- 
 414 tons; and of railroad iron the increase 
 
 * Tlic (luminion (i{ Cnnmln lia« sincp im]Kistd compound 
 duties u]iciu a large- Duuljur uf urtick-ii. 
 
 ' was from 235,107 tons to 1,461,837 ton.s. 
 
 In twentv vears the production of salt rose 
 
 from 12,717,200 bushels to 29,800,298 bush- 
 
 , els, No previous crop of cotton equalled 
 
 [the 4,861,000 bales of 1860; but the crop 
 
 of 1880 was larger, and that of 1881 is re- 
 
 I ported at 6,606^^^000 bales. The yield of 
 
 cotton from 1865 to 1881 shows an increase 
 
 over the fifteen years from 1845 to 1861 of 
 
 14,029,000 bales, or almost an average gain 
 
 { of a million bales a year. 
 
 The giant water-wheels have revolved 
 j more brisklv, showing the manufacture of 
 1 1,797,000 bales of cotton in 1880 against 
 I only 979,000 bales in 1860, and this brought 
 I up the price of raw cotton to higher figures 
 : than in 1860. Thirteen States and one 
 I Territorj' produced cotton, but its manu- 
 I facture spreads over thirty States and one 
 Territory. The census of cotton manufac- 
 ture shows : 
 
 CapitBl invested 
 
 Number of operatives 
 
 Wages paid 
 
 Value of productions 
 
 1860. 
 
 $98,595,269 
 
 V2'^,02S 
 
 $23,940,108 
 
 115,681,774 
 
 1880. 
 
 8207,781,868 
 
 175,187 
 
 $41,9/1,106 
 
 192,773,960 
 
 It will be found that a larger dmount of 
 capital has been invested in cotton mills 
 than in woolen, and that the increase of 
 productions has been large and healthy, a 
 very handsome proportion of which is to 
 be credited to Southern States. Goods of 
 many descriptions have also been cheap- 
 ened in price. Standard prints or calicoes 
 Avhich sold in 1860 for nine and one-half 
 cents per yard now sell for six and one- 
 half cents. 
 
 The census returns of woolen manufac- 
 tures show the following astonishing re- 
 sults : 
 
 ]\Tales employed 
 
 Females tmployed 
 
 Capital invested 
 
 Wages paid 
 
 Value raw mater'l oonsum'd 
 
 Value of annual product 
 
 Imijortations of woolens 
 
 Ann'al product'nof wooI..ft)« 
 
 Census of 
 
 Census of 
 
 1880. 
 
 1860. 
 
 74,367 
 
 65,261 
 
 $155,454,105 
 
 47,11.5,614 
 
 162,609,436 
 
 24,841 
 
 16,519 
 
 $30,862,654 
 
 9,808,254 
 36,5Sr,,887 
 
 266,684,790 
 
 33,613,^!'7 
 
 264,500,000 
 
 61,895,217 
 37,876,945 
 60,611,343 
 
 I It thus appears, that while the number 
 
 1 of hands employed is three times and a half 
 
 larger tl;an in 1860, the wages paid is about 
 
 five times larger and the cajjital is five 
 
 limes greater. The annual productions 
 
 have been more than quadrupled, and the 
 
 I aggregate im]iortations have fallen off four 
 
 I millions. With these results in our fronts 
 
 I jirotection on wool aii<l Avoolcns will ]y& 
 
 I likely to withstand the hand-grenades of 
 
 I all Irec-trade besiegers.
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION. 
 
 225 
 
 In New England and some other States 
 sheep liusbaudry has fallen off, and in 
 some i)Iaces it has been replaeed by the 
 dairy business; but in other States the 
 wool-clip has largely increased, especially 
 has the weight of the fleece increased. 
 The number of sheep has increased about 
 80 per cent, and the weight of wool over 
 400 per cent. The discovery that the fine 
 long mcrind wools, known as the Ameri- 
 can merino, are in fact the best of combing 
 wools and now used in many styles of dress 
 goods has added greatly to their demand 
 and value. Many kinds of woolen goods 
 can be had at a less price than twenty 
 years ago. Cushmerets that then brought 
 forty -six cents per yard brought only thirty- 
 eight and one-fourth cents in 1880, and 
 muslin de laines dropped from twenty cents 
 to fifteen, showing that the tariff did not 
 make them dearer, but that American com- 
 petition caused a reduction of jn'ices. 
 
 The length of our railroads has been 
 trebled, rising from 31,185 miles in 18G0 to 
 94,000 miles in 1881, and possibly to one- 
 half of all in the world. For commercial 
 purposes the wide area of our country has 
 been compressed within narrow limits, and 
 transportation in time and expense, from 
 New York to Kansas, or from Chicago to 
 Baltimore, is now less formidable than it 
 was from Albany or Pittsburgh to Phila- 
 delphia prior to the era of railroads. The 
 most distant States reach the same mar- 
 kets, and are no longer neighbors-in-law, 
 but sister States. The cost of eastern or 
 western bound freight is less than one- 
 third of former rates. Working-men, in- 
 cluding every ship-load of emigrants, have 
 found acceptable employment. Our ag- 
 gregate wealth in 1860 was $19,089,1.56,289, 
 but is estimated to have advanced in 
 1880 to over forty billions. Further ex- 
 amination will show that the United States 
 are steadily increasing in wealth, and in- 
 creasing, too, much more rapidly than 
 free-trade England, notwithstanding all 
 her early advantages of practical experi- 
 ence and her supremacy in accumulated 
 capital. The increase of wealth in France 
 is twice as rapid as in Englan 1, but in the 
 United States it is more rapid than even 
 in France. 
 
 These are monumental facts, and they 
 can no more be blinked out of sight than 
 the AUeghanies or the Rocky Mountains. 
 They belong to our country, and sufhciently 
 illustrate its progress and vindicate the 
 tariff of 1861. If the facts cannot be de- 
 nied, the argument remains irrefutable. 
 If royal "cowboys" who attempted to 
 whistle down American independence one 
 hundred years ago ingloriously failed, so it 
 may be hoped will fail royal trumpeters of 
 free-trade who seem to take siiles against 
 the United States in all commercial con- 
 tests for industrial independence. 
 39 
 
 Among the branches of manufactures 
 absolutely waked into life by the tariff of 
 1861, and which then had no i)lace above 
 zero, may be named crockery and china 
 ware. The number of white-ware facttjries 
 is now filty-tliree, with forty decorating 
 establishments ; and the products, amount- 
 ing to several millions, are sold at prices 
 25 to 50 2)er cent, below the j)revailing 
 prices of twenty years ago. Clay aiul 
 kaolin equal to the best in China have 
 been found east, west, and south in such 
 abundance as to promise a large extension 
 of American enterprise, not only in the 
 ordinary but in the highest branches of 
 ceramic art. Steel may also here claim its 
 birth. No more of all sorts than 11,838 
 tons were made in 1860, but 1,397,015 tons 
 were made in 1880. Those who objected 
 to a duty on steel have found they were 
 biting something more than a file. Silks 
 in 1860, hardly unwound from the cocoon, 
 were creeping along with only a small 
 showing of sewing-silk and a few trim- 
 mings, but now this industry rises to na- 
 tional importance, furnishing ajjt employ- 
 ment to many thousand women as well iis 
 to men ; and the annual products, sharply 
 competing with even the Bonnet silks of 
 Lyons, amount to the round sum of $34,- 
 5(J0,000. Notwithstanding the exception- 
 ally heavy duties, I am assured that silk 
 goods in general are sold for 25 per cent. 
 less than they were twenty years ago. 
 
 Plate-glass is another notable manufac- 
 ture, requiring great scientific and mecha- 
 nical skill and large capital, whose origin 
 bears date since the tariff of 1861. It is 
 made in Missouri and in Indiana, and to a 
 small extent in Kentucky and Massachu- 
 setts; but in Indiana it is made of the 
 purest and best quality by an establish- 
 ment which, after surmounting many 
 perils, has now few equals in the magni- 
 tude or perfection of its productions, 
 whether on this or the other side of the 
 Atlantic, and richly merits not only the 
 fiivor but the patronage of the Government 
 itself. Copper is another industry npon 
 which a specific duty was imposed in 1861, 
 which has had a rapid growth, and now 
 makes a large contribution to our mineral 
 wealth. The amount produced in I860 
 was less than one-fifth of the present pro- 
 duction, and valued at $2,288,182 ; M'hile 
 in 1880 the production rose to the value of 
 $8,849,961. The capital invested increased 
 from $8,525,500 to .*31, 675,096. In 1860 
 the United States Mint paid from twenty- 
 three and one-half to twenty-five cents per 
 pound for copper; but has obtained it the 
 present year under a protective tariff as low 
 as seventeen cents. Like our mines of in- 
 exhaustible coal and iron, copper is found 
 in m:iny States, some of it superior to any in 
 th'^ world, and for special uses is constantly 
 sought aft^er bv foreign governments.
 
 226 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 Many American productions sustain the 
 character they have won by being the best 
 in the -world. Our carpenters and joiners 
 could not be hired to handle any other 
 than American tools ; and there are no 
 foreign agricultural implements, from a 
 spade to a reaper, that an American farmer 
 would accept as a gift. There is no sad- 
 dlery hardware nor house-furnishing, equal 
 in quality and style to American. Watches 
 and jewelry and the electric gold and silver 
 plated ware of American workmanship as 
 to quality have the foremost place in the 
 marts of the world. The superiority of 
 ourstaple cotton goods is indisputable, as 
 is proven by the tribute of frequent counter- 
 feits displayed abroad. The city of Phila- 
 delphia alone makes many better carpets 
 and more in quantity than the whole of 
 Great Britain. These are noble achieve- 
 ments, which should neither be obscured 
 nor lost by the sinister handling and in- 
 dustrious vituperation of free-trade mono- 
 graphists. 
 
 The vast array of important and useftil 
 inventions recorded in our Patent Office, 
 and in use the world over, shows that it is 
 hardly arrogance for us to accept the com- 
 pliment of Mr. Cobden and claim that the 
 natural mechanical genius of average 
 Americans will soon appear as much su- 
 perior to that of Englishmen as was that of 
 Englishmen one hundred years ago to that 
 of the Dutch, 
 
 THE TARIFF SHIELDED US IN 1873. 
 
 If we had been under the banner of free 
 trade in 1878, when the wide-spread finan- 
 cial storm struck our sails, what would 
 have been our fate? Is it not apparent 
 that our people would have been stranded 
 on a lee shore, and that the general over- 
 production and excess of unsold merchan- 
 dise everywhere abroad would have come 
 without hindrance, with the swiftness of 
 the winds, to find a market here at any 
 price? As it was the gloom and suffering 
 here were very great, but American work- 
 ing-men found some shelter in their home 
 markets, and their recovery from the shock 
 was much earlier assured than that of those 
 who in addition to their own calamities 
 had also to bear the pressure of the hard 
 times of other nations. 
 
 In six years, ending June 80, 18S1, our 
 exports of merchandise exceeded imports 
 by over i?l,17.''),000,000 — a large sum in it- 
 self, largely increasing oiir stock of gold, 
 filling the pockets of the people with more 
 than two hundred and fifty millions not 
 found in the Treasury or banks, making 
 the return to specie payments easy, and 
 arresting the painful drain of interest so 
 loner paid abroad. It is also a very con- 
 clusive refutation of the wild free-trade 
 chimeras that exports are dependent upon 
 
 imports, and that comparatively high du- 
 ties are invariably less productive of reve- 
 nue than low duties. The pertinent ques- 
 tion arises. Shall we not in the main hold 
 fast to the blessings we have? As Ameri- 
 cans we must reject free trade. To use some 
 words of Burke upon another subject: " If 
 it be a panacea we do not want it. We 
 know the consequences of unnecessary 
 physic. If it be a plague, it is such a 
 plague that the precautions of the most 
 severe quarantine ought to be established 
 against it.'' 
 
 FREE-TRADE PROSPERITY ON THE WANE. 
 
 It gives me no pleasure to notice retro- 
 grade steps in the prosperity of Great 
 Britain ; and, if some evidence of this sort 
 is brought out, like that of the five thou- 
 sand houses now marked "To let" in Shef- 
 field and ten thousand in Birmingham, it 
 will have no other purpose than to show 
 that free trade has failed to secure the jiro- 
 mised supremacy to English manufactures. 
 The avowal of Mr. Gladstone that the ad- 
 ditional penny to the income-tax produces 
 less revenue than formerly indicates a 
 positive decrease of wealth ; and the steady 
 diminution of British ex.ports since 1873, 
 amounting in 1880 to one hundred and 
 sixty million dollars, Avith a diminution in 
 the total of exports and imports of two 
 hundred and fifty million dollars, is more 
 conclusive proof as well of British de- 
 cadence as of the advancement of other 
 nations. 
 
 COMMERCIAL PROTECTION. 
 
 The sum of our annual support bestowed 
 upon the Na^^', like that upon the Army, 
 may be too close-fisted and disproportion- 
 ate to our extended ocean boundaries, and 
 to the value of American commerce afloat; 
 yet whatever has been granted has been 
 designed almost exclusively for the protec- 
 tion of our foreign commerce, and amounts 
 in the aggregate to untold millions. Manu- 
 facturers do not complain that this is a 
 needless and excessive favor to imj)orters; 
 and why, then, should im])orters object to 
 some protection to a much larger amount 
 of capital, and to far greater numbers em- 
 barked certainly in an equally laudable 
 enterprise at home ? 
 
 THE FREE-TRADE PROPAGANDISTS OF 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 For the last thirty-five years England 
 has been making extraordinary efforts, po- 
 litical, industrial, legislative, diplomatic, 
 social, and literary, all combined, to per- 
 suade mankind to follow her example of 
 reversing that policy of protection, supreme 
 in her Augustan age, or from Ciueen Anne 
 down throughout the Georgian era, and 
 the policy maintained by Chatham, by the 
 younger Pitt, and by Canning with an
 
 BOOK III.] 
 
 MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION, 
 
 227 
 
 energy that created and sustained the most 
 varicfl aiid extensive workshops of the 
 world. Ah'cady mistress of" the ocean and 
 abounding in wealth, the sea-girt Island 
 aspired to a world-wide monopoly of trade. 
 Penetrated with this later free-trade am- 
 bition, and not infreciuently accused of 
 trying to make all Kngland tributary to 
 Manchester, and all the rest of the world 
 tributary to England, the eloquent Mr. 
 Bright, who gnuuUy rejected any idea of a 
 new nation in America, resorts even to the 
 infelicitous language of passion when he 
 denounces his opponents, as he does, by 
 declaring that any looking toward protec- 
 tive legislation anywhere in the world is 
 j)roof either of " congenital depravity or 
 defect of judgment." Let us be thankful 
 it is no worse, for what would have hap- 
 pened if the wrathful Englishman had 
 said "total depravity?" 
 
 The repeal of the corn laws was not for 
 the benefit of foreign nations, but solely 
 for the benefit of Englishmen. 
 
 FlKST. It was their belief that their 
 Bkill and great capital gave them that su- 
 periority which would secure them against 
 all competition except that arising from 
 cheaper food. 
 
 Second. The cheaper-fed workmen of 
 Germany, France, and America presented 
 the only competition not to be resisted, and 
 it had to be at once squarely met. Protec- 
 tion was abandoned, and abandoned possi- 
 bly forever, but abandoned because the la- 
 boring British population had become too 
 great and too hungrj', with over a million 
 and a half of [)aupers, when measured by 
 the supply of home-grown food. Some of 
 the little Benjamins must go to Egypt for 
 corn. Starving men do little work, but 
 occasionally do too much. The sole condi- 
 tions to the continuance of the dense popu- 
 lation and thegrand scale of British manu- 
 factures in competition with modern na- 
 tions appeared to be parsimony and priva- 
 tion, or lower-priced bread and lowest- 
 priced labor. With these partially secured 
 there came a season of temporary relief, 
 but, unfortunately, with no increase of 
 wages. It was barely success at the cost 
 of an alliance with the discontent of un- 
 derpaid workmen, with strikes and organ- 
 ized expatriation. Free trade, it is found, 
 grinds labor to the bone, and forces it to 
 fly, with muscles and machinery, to more 
 inviting fields. 
 
 British agriculture, long depressed and 
 chronically exposed to bad harvests, is now 
 threatened with ruin by foreign competi- 
 tion, and British manufactures also seem 
 almost as destitute of sunshine as their 
 agriculture, though still owning a reluctant 
 allegiance to the laws of the universe and 
 to the exact science of the garrulous 
 Bonamy Price. Lord Derby, in a late 
 speech to the Lancashire fiirmers, recom- 
 
 mended that some of the farmers should 
 emigrate — five millions, I believe, he pro- 
 posed — and those who might remain, .said 
 he, will then be able to farm on better 
 terms. 
 
 True enough ; but what a cold, sunless, 
 and desperate remedy is that ! If not Ro- 
 man decimation, at least a sentence of 
 banishment, crushing out the sweetest af- 
 fections planted in human hearts, their love 
 for their birthplaces, the homes of their 
 fathers! But if these ill-fated men have 
 barely supported life by the pittances 
 daily earned, by what means, at whose 
 cost, can they be transported to better and 
 more welcome homes? The advice of Lord 
 Derby is like that of the children of Marie 
 Antoinette when the populace of Paris 
 were clamoring for bread. Said the chil- 
 dren: "Why don't they buy cake?" 
 Equally " child-like and bland " is Lord 
 Derby. It would seem, when over 40 per 
 cent, of their yearly imports must be of 
 food, that the British Islands are too small 
 for the foundations of the empire. The 
 grand pyramid stands upon its apex re- 
 versed. 
 
 English statesmen have not forgotten 
 the reservation of Sir Robert Peel, the 
 author of the free-trade bill in 1846: " I 
 reserve to myself," said he, "distinctly 
 and unequivocally the right of adapting 
 my conduct to the exigencies of the mo- 
 ment and to the wants of the country ; " 
 and that is all protectionists ever claim 
 to do. 
 
 Already Sir Stafford Northcote, the 
 leader of the Tory opposition in the House 
 of Commons, is on the fence, and only 
 ventures to favor " universal free trade. ' 
 That is surely a horse of another color, not 
 Wellington's " Copenhagen," but more 
 like Sancho Panza's " Dapple." 
 
 The recent reaction or change in many 
 organs of British opinion shows that this 
 right of adaptation to the exigencies of the 
 moment is neither surrendered nor obso- 
 lete. Let me cite an extract from an in- 
 fluential paper, called the Observer : 
 
 There is no obligation upon us to incur 
 industrial martyrdom for the sake of pro- 
 pagating free-trade principles, even sup- 
 posing their truth to be as self-evident a.'? 
 we fondly imagined. Moreover, to speak 
 the honest truth, we are beginning t^ 
 doubt how far the creed to which we 
 pinned our faith is so self-evident as we 
 originally conceived. If we can persuatle 
 other nations to follow our example, then 
 free trade is unquestionably the best thing 
 for England. It does not follow, however, 
 that it is the best thing for us, if we are to 
 be left the sole adherents of free trade in 
 the midst of a community of nations de- 
 voted to protection. 
 
 The Observer does not say, as will be 
 seen, that it is best for other nations, bat
 
 228 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book III. 
 
 only, if they will follow her example, 
 " unquestionably the best thing for Eng- 
 land ; '' and that will not be disputed. 
 
 Other nations, however, seem to prefer 
 to profit by the earlier English example, 
 displayed for seventy years after Smith's 
 Wealth of Nations appeared, and free 
 trade, like the favorite English plum-pud- 
 ding, is now called for by nobody but 
 themselves, and is getting so cold as to be 
 unpalatable even at home. Yet it is pro- 
 posed by the amateur statesmen of our 
 urban free-trade clubs, guiltless of any 
 drop of perspiration in the paths of indus- 
 trj', to arrest American development by 
 copying this foreign example, and thus 
 bring our home labor and all of its re- 
 wards down to the European and Asiatic 
 level. Nevertheless, I have faith that we 
 shall abide in the track of the principles 
 and politics which elevate and give char- 
 acter to American citizens, surrounding 
 them with the daily presence and beauty 
 of the useful arts, which so largely add to 
 the power and dignity of any people in 
 the great family of nations. To limit the 
 industrial forces of an active, inventive, 
 and ingenious people to agriculture alone, 
 excluding manufactures and the mechanic 
 arts, would be little better than in time of 
 war to restrict an army to infantiy alone, 
 t^ the exclusion of cavalry and artillery. 
 Great battles are not often so won. 
 
 A diversity of pursuits makes a great 
 nation possible in peace, and greater in 
 war. General competence, habits of self- 
 reliance, and higher culture are thus more 
 surely obtained. The improvement in one 
 occupation is conta^ous, and spreads to 
 all others. Philosopliy, politics, and liber- 
 ty all go up higher, and the happiness 
 and dignity of mankind are promoted. 
 
 It is an axiom of British free-trade 
 economy that for any branch of manufac- 
 tures to rest on safe foundations it is in- 
 dispensable that both the raw material 
 and the skilled labor required should be 
 indigenous. This seems to be a rule in- 
 tended to fence out of the field all nations 
 where cither the raw material or the skilled 
 labor called for is not native and abundant ; 
 but, if applied where the raw material is 
 not indigenous, the British Islands would 
 be stripped of a great share of their indus- 
 try. Nor can any nation claim a class of 
 men aa born with a monopoly of skilled 
 endowments ; these, at any rate, are not 
 " congenital," and trades inust be taught 
 by long afipronticeships; but raw mate- 
 rials are usually iilanted jjy nature, and 
 climate and soil fix and detcrniine inflexi- 
 ble ])ounflarieH. ('ott^)n is not indigenous 
 in tlie British Islands, though tiicir ac- 
 complished cotton manufactures have 
 made it the leading article of commerce, 
 leading their national j)olicy. Hemp and 
 silk, also, are the products of other lands. 
 
 Having no timber or lumber good enough 
 for ships, it is all brought, like their royal 
 timber, from any place in the world but 
 home. The steel used at Sheffield for 
 cutler}' is made from iron imported from 
 Sweden and Norway ; and no fine or 
 merino wool consumed is of home gro^rth. 
 Not a little of the best machinerj' now 
 alive in England had its birth on this side 
 of the Atlantic, and must be credited to 
 American genius. 
 
 The title of the British Islands to all the 
 raw material, and to exclu-^ive and heredi- 
 tary mechanical skill among men, is widely 
 contested, and the world will not fold its 
 arms unresistingly to any such pretentious 
 domination. The power of steam, though 
 marvelously developed by English clever- 
 ness, is an auxiliary force belonging of 
 right to the whole human race, as much 
 as gravity- or electricity, wherever its ser- 
 vice may be called for, and its abode can 
 no more be exclusively monopolized than 
 that of the Promethean fire stolen from 
 Heaven. 
 
 The first steam-engine is supposed to 
 have been employed at Manchester in 
 1790, wliere there are now, it is stated, in 
 daily use within a circuit of ten miles 
 more than filty thousand boilers, yielding 
 a total force equal to the power of one mil- 
 lion horses, and the combined steam-power 
 of Great Britain is represented to be equal 
 to the manual labor of twice the number 
 of males living on the globe. We greatly 
 admire the prodigious enterprise of Great 
 Britain, and it would be strange if, with 
 our immensely greater coal-fields, it should 
 let Americans sleep. 
 
 THE THEORY. 
 
 Free trade, as a theory, unembarrassed 
 by contact with practical aflairs, and di- 
 vorced from any idea of supplying other 
 equal and legitimate sources of revenue 
 for the support of governments, ajipears 
 wonderfully simple and seductive. Tear- 
 ing down custom-houses, as a knock-down 
 argument, is held to be scientific, but it is 
 not conclusive. Some schoolmen, inno- 
 cent of earning even a coat or a pair of 
 shoes by the sweat of the brow, and sage 
 without experience, adopt the theory be- 
 cause it is an article of faith — saving with- 
 out works — with a ready-made catediism 
 in imported text-books, and requires no 
 comprehensive investigation of the multi- 
 form and ever-vaiying facts and exigen- 
 cies in national affairs ; but when the 
 theory comes to be practically applied alike 
 to all times, j)laces and coiiditions oCmen, 
 it obviously becomes political quackery, 
 as untenable and ])reposterous as it would 
 be to insist upon clothing all mankind in 
 garments of the same material, in summer 
 or winter, and of equal cut and dimen- 
 sions, whether for big men or little, on the
 
 BOOKiii.l MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION, 
 
 ^9 
 
 Danube or on the Mississippi. But how- 
 ever i'ree trade comes to America, it comes 
 as a strait-jacket, and whether new or 
 second-hand, it is equally a misfit and un- 
 acceptable. 
 
 The affairs of communities are subject 
 to endless differences from age to age and 
 year to year, and governments that do not 
 recognize these differences are either stu- 
 pid or tyrannical, and deserve to be super- 
 seded or overthrown. In 1816 the sound 
 policy of England, Jis Lord Brougham de- 
 clared, was to stifle " in the cradle those 
 infant manufactures in the United States 
 which the war had forced into existence." 
 In 1824 the policy, according to Huskis- 
 son, was "an extension of the principle of 
 reducing duties just so far as was consistent 
 with complete protection of British indus- 
 try." In 1846 duties upon most foreign 
 manufactures had almost ceased to yield 
 any revenue, and Sir Robert Peel was 
 forced to listen to the cry for cheap bread, 
 though he was teased almost to the fight- 
 ing point by the fertile, bitter, and match- 
 less sarcasms of Disraeli, who also said : 
 "The time will come when the working 
 classes of England will come to you on 
 bended knees and pray you to undo your 
 present legislation." 
 
 At this moment important changes of 
 public opinion seem to be going on abroad, 
 and the ponderous octavos of Malthus, 
 Ricardo, McCuUoch, and J\Iill may have 
 some repose. What may have been found 
 expedient yesterday may be fraught with 
 mischief to-day, and he that has no dis- 
 trust of an inflexible free-trade hobby will 
 turn out to be, unwittingly perhaps, as has 
 been well said, "a friend of every other 
 country but his own," and find at last that 
 he has rejected the solid school of experi- 
 ence only to get astride of an imported 
 catch-word, vainly imagining he is bot- 
 tomed on a scientific and universal princi- 
 ple. Daniel Webster declared, "I give up 
 what is called the science of political 
 economy. There is no such science. There 
 are no rules on these subjects so fi.xed and 
 invariable that their aggregate constitutes 
 a science." 
 
 PR.VCTICE VERSUS THEORY. 
 
 But English free trade does not mean 
 free trade in such articles as the poor re- 
 quire and must have, like tea and coflee, 
 nor in tobacco, wines and spirituous liquors. 
 These articles they reserve for merciless 
 exactions, all specific, yielding a hundred 
 millions of revenue, and at three times the 
 rate we levy on spirits and more than five 
 times the rate we levy on tobacco ! This 
 is the sly part of the entertainment to 
 which we are invited by free-traders. 
 
 In 1880 Great Britain, upon tobacco and 
 cigars, mainly from the United States, 
 valued at $6J5S6,520, collected $43,9oo,- 
 
 670 duties, or nearly two-thirds aa much 
 as we collect from our entire importations 
 of merchandise from Great Britain. 
 
 After all, is it not rather couspicuouu 
 hypocrisy for England to disclaim all pro- 
 tection, so long as she imposes twenty-nine 
 cents per pound more upon manufactured 
 tobacco than upon unmanufactured, and 
 double the rate ui)on manufactured cocoa 
 of that upon the raw? American locomo- 
 tives are supposed to have great merit, and 
 the foreign demand for them is not un- 
 known, but the use of any save Engli.sii 
 locomotives upon English railroads is pro- 
 hibited. Is there any higher protection 
 than j)rohibition ? And have not her sugar 
 refiners lived upon the difierence of the 
 rates imposed ujjon raw and refined su- 
 gars? On this side of the Atlantic such 
 legislation would be called protection. 
 
 WHAT THEY MEAN. 
 
 One of the cardinal principles of British 
 free-traders is, " Buy where you can buy 
 cheapest, and sell where you can sell dear- 
 est , " and that is precisely what they 
 mean. They expect to buy of us cheapest 
 and sell to us dearest. It is the only logi- 
 cal outcome of the whole policy. We are 
 to be the victims of sharpers, whether we 
 sell or buy. One-half of this resounding 
 phrase, " buy where you can buy cheai)- 
 est," often appears to touch the pocket 
 nerve of those who, having nothing to sell, 
 derive their income from capital, or from 
 a fixed salary, and they forget that their 
 capital or their salary might have been 
 much smaller had it not been for the great- 
 er prosperity and compensation which pro- 
 tection has given to labor and to all busi- 
 ness enterprises. Some part of this class 
 are accustomed to make periodical jour- 
 neys through foreign lands, and as they 
 often bring home more or less ef esthetic 
 rarities, they feel aggrieved that such ex- 
 pensive luxuries, which, if cheap and com- 
 mon, would have had no attractions for 
 them, often happen to be among the very 
 tidbits upon which it is the fitting policy 
 of a republican form of government to levy 
 revenue. The tax falls upon those able to 
 pay. No country on the globe sends out 
 so many foreign travelers with a spendable 
 surplus, as the United States, or that scat- 
 ter their money more generously, not to 
 say extravagantly. English reciprocity in 
 pleasure travel, however, like their often 
 proposed commercial reciprocity, is com- 
 ])aratively jug-handled. They come singly; 
 we go in droves and caravans. 
 
 AMERICA VINDICATED BY THOSE WHO 
 COME TO STAY. 
 
 But if foreign countries send compara- 
 tively an unequal number of visitors tend- 
 ing to reimburse the abounding expendi- 
 tures of Americans abroad, they do send
 
 230 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 us a far more numerous if not valuable 
 company who come to stay, bringing both 
 fortunes and aflections, and adding, as they 
 have added wiihin the jiast two years, over 
 a million and a quarter of brave hearts 
 and willing hands to the productive forces 
 of the country. Their tracks are all one 
 way. None go back and noue come here 
 as drones, for such stay away to absorb 
 honey already stored; but "the "tenth 
 legions," so to say, of all the conscripted 
 armies of Europe, in health and fit for any 
 service, are rushing to our shore on the 
 "waves of the Atlantic, three thousand 
 miled long," as volunteers for life. Were 
 we to drop protection this western exodus 
 would cea.-e and the emigrants now here 
 would be reL'gated to the same scale of 
 wages iro.u wiiich they so anxiously at- 
 tempted tj escape. 
 
 These tacts are pregnant arguments an- 
 nually reproduced, upholding the Ameri- 
 can policy of protection, and show that 
 those who expect to earn their living — 
 tempted, it is true, by the highest rewards, 
 and tempted by free schools for their chil- 
 dren — -know where to find the largest op- 
 portunities for the comtbrts of life, for 
 happiness and intellectual progress; and 
 know also that America is not and never 
 intends to be a transatlantic Ireland nor 
 au agricultural back lot of Eui-oi^e. 
 
 COMMERCIAL RULES KOT A SCIENCE. 
 
 We have some worthy literary professors 
 of free trade and some hacks who know 
 their master's crib "of quick conception 
 and easy delivery," as John Randolph 
 would have described them, who, having 
 determined that the sun shall hereafter 
 rise in the west, assume for their doctrines, 
 like their English masters, the basis of ab- 
 solute science, which they insist shall be 
 everywhere accepted, regardless of all con- 
 ditions, wants, or circumstances, as the 
 latest revelation of economic truth ; but 
 free trade fails, shamefully fails, to stand 
 the admitted tests of an exact science, as 
 its results must ever be both an inconsist- 
 ent quantity and incapable of prediction. 
 It yields to the condition of nations and of 
 the seasons, to war. to time, and constantly 
 yields to facts. The blackboard compels 
 universal a^^scnt to mathematics, and the 
 laboratorv offers the same service to chem- 
 istrv; but any test or analysis of free trade 
 yields notliing but polemical vagaries, and 
 it may ai)propriately be consigned to the 
 witches' cauluron with — 
 
 Ev" of nowt, anil too of froR, 
 Wool of l«it, anil toiiguo of <log. 
 
 * * » 
 
 Minelc, mincl'", miriKlo, 
 Yuii that iniiiKlc may. 
 
 Qiieorly enough sf)me of the parties re- 
 ferred Uj, denounce the tariff men as but 
 
 "half-educated," while, perhaps, properly 
 demanding themselve-s exclusive copyright 
 protection for all of their own literary 
 productions, whether ephemeral or abid- 
 ing. It is right, they seem to think, to 
 protect brains — and of these they claim 
 the mono]ioIy — but monstrous to protect 
 muscles ; right to protect the i)en, but not 
 the hoe nor the hammer. 
 
 Free trade would almost seem to be an 
 aristocratic disease from which working- 
 men are exempt, and those that catch it 
 are as proud of it as they would be of the 
 gout — another aristocratic dislinction. 
 
 It might be more modest for these " neb- 
 ulous professors " of political economy to 
 agree among themselves how to define and 
 locate the leading idea of their " dismal 
 science" whether in the value in exchange 
 or value in use, in profits of capital or 
 wages, whether in the desire for wealth or 
 aversion to labor, or in the creation, accu- 
 mulation, distribution and consumption of 
 wealth, and whether rent is the recom- 
 pense for the work of nature or the conse- 
 quence of a monopoly of pro] erty, before 
 they ask a doubting world to ai cept tlie 
 flickering and much disputed theory of 
 free trade as an infallible truth about 
 which they have themselves never ceased 
 to wrangle. The weight of nations against 
 it is as forty to one. It may be safe to say 
 that when sea-serpents, mermaids, and 
 centaurs find a place in natural history, 
 free trade will obtain recognition as a sci- 
 ence ; but till then it must go uncrowned, 
 wearing no august title, and be content 
 with the fhick-and-thin championship of 
 the " Cobden Club." 
 
 THE BRITISH POLICY EVERYW'HERE RE- 
 JECTED. . 
 
 All of the principal British colonies 
 from the rising to the setting of the sun — 
 India alone possibly excepted — are in open 
 and successful revolt against (he ap])lica- 
 tion of the free-trade tyranny of their 
 mother country, and Eurojiean k^tates not 
 only refuse to copy the loudly-heralded 
 examide, but they are retreating from it as 
 though it were cliarged with dynamite. 
 Even the London Times, the great " thun- 
 dcrer " of public opinion in (ireat Britain, 
 does not refrain from giving a stunning 
 blow to free trade when it indicates that it 
 has proved a blunder, and reminds the 
 world that it [iredicted it would so prove 
 at the start. The ceremony of free trade, 
 with only one party res])onding solitary 
 and alone, turns out as dull ami disconso- 
 late as that of a wedding without a bride. 
 The honeymoon of buying cheap and sell- 
 ing dear appears indefinilely ))ostponed. 
 
 There does not seem to be any party 
 coming to rescue England from her isolated 
 predicament. I'ismarck, while aiming to 
 take care of the interests of his own coun-
 
 MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION. 
 
 231 
 
 try, as do all rainistei's, on this question per- 
 liaps represents the attitude of the greater 
 part ot the ikr-.sighled statesmen of lOu- 
 rope, and he, in one of his recent parlia- 
 mentary speeches, declared : 
 
 Without being a passionate protection- 
 ist, I aui as a llnancier, however, a passion- 
 ate iniposer of duties, from the conviction 
 that the taxes, the duties levied at the 
 frontier, are almost exclusively borne by 
 the foreigner, especially for numufactured 
 artii'les, and that they have always an 
 advantageous, retrospective, protectionist 
 action. 
 
 Practically the nations of continental 
 Europe acipiiesce in this opinion, and are 
 a unit in their flat refusal of British i'ree 
 trade. They prefer the example of Amer- 
 ica. Before self-confident men pronounce 
 the whole world of tarilf men, at home 
 and abroad, " half-educated or half-wit- 
 ted," they would do well to sec to it that 
 the stupidity is not nearer houie, or that 
 they have not themselves cut adrift from 
 the logic of their own brains, only to be 
 wofuUy imposed upon by free-trade (quack- 
 ery, wliich treats man as a niere fact, no 
 more important than any other fact, and 
 ranks labor only as a commodity to be 
 bought and sold in the cheapest or dear- 
 est markets. 
 
 So long as statesmen are expected to 
 study the prosperity and advancement of 
 the people for whose government and guid- 
 ance they are made responsible, so long 
 free-trade theories must l)e postponed to 
 that Utopian era when the health, strength 
 and skill, capital and labor of the whole 
 human race shall be reduced or elevated to 
 an entire eipiality, and when each individ- 
 ual shall dwell in an equal climate, upon 
 an equal soil, freely pasture his herds and 
 flocks where he pleases, and love his 
 neighbor better than himself. 
 
 OUR FARMERS. 
 
 The test of profitable farming is the state 
 of the account at the end of the year. Un- 
 der free tradj the evidence multiplie-i that 
 the English farmer comes to the end of the 
 year with no surplus, often in debt, bare 
 and discontented. Their laborers rarely 
 know the luxury of meat, not over sixteen 
 ounces per week,* and never expect to own 
 Urrood of the soil. 
 
 But under the protective policy the 
 American farmer holds and cultivates his 
 own land, has a surplus at the end of the 
 year f )r permanent investments or improve- 
 ments, and educates and brings up his sons 
 and daughters with the advantages and 
 comforts of good society. There are more 
 American houses with carpets than in any 
 
 * In tho British Almannc of ISSl it is stated that moat 
 is oaten in Ireland hy only 59 per cent, of the farm la- 
 boro s, and in quantity only four and oue-half ounces 
 per week. 
 
 other country of the world. I believe it 
 will not be disputed that the down-trod- 
 den tillers of the soil in Cireat Britain are 
 not well fed ; that they are coarsely under- 
 clad, and that lor lack of common-school 
 culture they would hardly be regarded as 
 fit associates here for Americans who drive 
 their teams afield, or for the young men 
 who start in life as laborers upon farms. 
 The claim that free trade is the true policy 
 of the American farmer would seem to be, 
 therefore, a very courageous falsehood. 
 
 It is an unfortunate tendency of the age 
 that nearly one-half of the population of 
 the globe is concentrated in cities, often 
 badly governed, and sharply exposed to 
 extravagance, pauperism, immorality, and 
 all the crimes and vices which overtake 
 mankind reared in hot-beds. I would 
 neither undervalue the men of brilliant 
 parts, nor blot out the material splendor of 
 cities, but regret to see the rural districts 
 depopulated for their unhealthy aggran- 
 dizement. Free trade builds up a few of 
 these custom-house cities, where gain from 
 foreign trade is the chief object sought, 
 where mechanics, greater in numbers than 
 any other class, often hang their heads, 
 though Crcesus rolls in Pactolian wealth, 
 and Shylock wins his pound of flesh ; but 
 protection assembles artisans and skilled 
 workmen in tidy villages and towns, de- 
 tails many s([uadrons of industry to other 
 and distant localities, puts idle and play- 
 ful v.-aterfalls at work, opens, builds up, 
 and illumines, as with an electric light, the 
 whole interior of the country ; and the far- 
 mer of Texas or of New England, of Iowa 
 or of Wisconsin, is benefited by such re- 
 enforcements of consumers, whether they 
 are by his side or across the river, at At- 
 lanta or South Bend, at Paterson or at 
 Providence. The farmers own and occupy 
 more than nineteen-twenticths of our 
 whole territory, and their interest is in 
 harmony with the even-handed growth 
 and prosperity of the whole country. 
 
 There is not a State whose interests 
 would not be jeopardized by free trade, 
 and I should like to dwell upon the salient 
 facts as to Missouri, Kansas, Indiana, Al- 
 abama, Illinois, and many other States, 
 but I shall only refer to one. The State 
 of Texas, surpassing empires in its vast 
 domains, doubling its population within a 
 decade, and expending over twenty million 
 dollars within a year in the construction 
 of additional railroads, with a promised 
 expenditure within the next fifteen months 
 of over twenty-seven millions more, has 
 sent to market as raw material the p:Lst 
 year 12,2t)2, 032 pounds of hides, 20,G71.- 
 ()39 pounds of wool, and 1,2G0,247 bales of 
 cotton. Ilcr mineral resources, though 
 known to be immense, are ;isyet untouched. 
 Her bullocks, in countless herds on their 
 way to market, annually crowd and crop
 
 232 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book III. 
 
 the prairies from Denver to Chicago. But 
 now possessed of a liberal system of rail- 
 roads, how long will the dashing spirit of 
 the Lone Star State — where precious mem- 
 ories still survive of Austin, of Houston, of 
 Rusk, and of Schleicher — be content to 
 send off unmanufactured her immense 
 bulk of precious raw materials, which 
 should be doubled in value at home, and 
 by the same process largely multiply her 
 population? With half as many in num- 
 ber now as had the original thirteen, and 
 soon to pass our largest States, wanting in- 
 definite quantities of future manufactures at 
 home, Texas should also prepare to supply 
 the opening trade with Mexico, in all of its 
 magnitude and variety, and far more wor- 
 thy of ambition than in the golden days of 
 Montezuma. 
 
 No State can run and maintain railroads 
 unless the way-stations, active and grow- 
 ing settlements and towns, are numerous 
 enough to ofier a large, constant, and in- 
 creasing support. The through business 
 of long lines of railroads is of great im- 
 portance to the termini, and gives the 
 roads some prestige, but the prosperity 
 and dividends mainly accrue from the 
 local business of thrifty towns on the line 
 of the roads. It is these, especially manu- 
 facturing towns, which make freight both 
 ways, to and from, that free trade must 
 ever fail to do, and while through freights, 
 owing to inevitable competition, pay little 
 or no profit, the local freights sustain the 
 roads, and are and must be the basis of 
 their chief future value. Without this 
 efficient local support, cheap and rapid 
 long transportation would be wholly im- 
 practicable. 
 
 The Southern States, in the production 
 of cotton, have possibly already reached 
 the maximum quantity that can be culti- 
 vated with greatest profit, unless the 
 demand of the world expands. A short 
 crop now often brings producers a larger 
 sum than a full crop. The amount of the 
 surplus sent abroad determines the price 
 of the whole crop. Production appears 
 likely soon to outrun the demand. Texas 
 alone has latent power to overstock the 
 world. Is it not time, therefore, to curtail 
 the crop, or to stop any large increase of 
 it, while sure to obtain as nuich or more 
 for it, and to turn unfruitful capital and 
 labor into other and more profitable chan- 
 nels of industry? The uiitro<ld(>n fields, 
 where capital and labor wait to be 
 organized for the development of Southern 
 matin factures and mining, offer unrivaled 
 temptations to leaders among men in 
 Kcarcli of legitimate wealth. 
 
 The same facts are almost equally ap- 
 plicable to general agriculture, but nutn; 
 particularly to the great grain-growing rv- 
 pions of the West. A great harvest 
 frequently tends to render the labor of the 
 
 whole year almost profitless, whenever 
 foreign countries are blessed with com- 
 paratively an equal abundance. The ex- 
 port of corn last year in October was 
 8,535,067 bushels, valued at $4,604,840, 
 but the export of only 4,974,661 bushels 
 this year brings $3,605,813. An equal dif- 
 ference appears in the increased value of 
 exports of flour. A much larger share of 
 crops must be consumed nearer home, if 
 any sure and regular market is to be per- 
 manently secured. The foreign demand, 
 fitful and uncertain as it is, rarely exceeds 
 one-twentieth of even the present home re- 
 quirements, and the losses from long 
 transportation, incident to products of 
 great bulk, can never be successfully 
 avoided except by an adequate home de- 
 mand. 
 
 Farmers do not look for a market for 
 grain among farmers, but solely among 
 non-producing consumers, and these it is 
 greatly to their interest to multiply rather 
 than to diminish by forcing them to join 
 in producing or doubling cro^^s for which 
 there may be an insufiicient demand. 
 Every ship-load of wheat sent abroad tends 
 to bring down foreign prices ; and such 
 I'ar-ofl' markets should be sought only 
 when the surplus at home is excessive or 
 when foreign prices are extraordinarily 
 remunerative. 
 
 The Avheat regions of the West, superb 
 as they undoubtedly are, it is to be feared, 
 have too little staying character to be 
 prodigally squandered, and their natural 
 fertility noticeably vanishes in the rear un- 
 less retained by costly fertilizers almost as 
 rapidly as new fields open in front. Some 
 of the Middle States as well as the New 
 England, though seeking fertilizers far and 
 near, already look to the West for much of 
 their corn and bread ; and there is written 
 all over Eastern fields, as Western visitors 
 may read, the old epitaph, '' As we are 
 now so you may be." It will take time for 
 this threatened decadence, but not long in 
 the life of nations. The wdieat crop runs 
 away from the Atlantic coast to the 
 Pacific, and sinks in other localities as it 
 looms up in Minnesota, Nebraska, and 
 Dakota. Six years of cropping in Califor- 
 nia, it is said, reduces the yield per acre 
 nearly one-half. 
 
 There was in ISSO devoted to wheat cul- 
 ture over thirty-five million acres, or 
 nearly double the acreage of 1S75. In 
 twenty-five years a hundred million people 
 will more than overtake any present or 
 prospective surplus, and we may yet need 
 all of our present magnificent wheat-fields 
 to give bread to our own jieople. ('crtainly 
 we need not be in haste to slaughter and 
 utterly exhaust the native fertility of our 
 fic^lds on the cheap terms now presented. 
 
 lOngland, with all her fiuilts, is great, 
 but unfortunately has uot room to support
 
 BOOKiii.l REVENUE SPEECH OF SENATOR CAMERON. 
 
 233 
 
 ter p^rcatness, and must have cheap food 
 and be able to offer better wages or part 
 with great numbers of her people. I most 
 sincerely hope her statesmen — and she 
 is never without those of eminencie — will 
 prove equal to their great trust and to any 
 crisis ; but we cannot surrender tlie welfare 
 of our Republic to any foreign empire. 
 Free trade may or may not be England's 
 necessity. Certainly it is not our necessity ; 
 and it has not reached, and never will 
 reach, the altitude of a science. An im- 
 post on corn there, it is clear, would now 
 produce an exodus of her laboring popula- 
 tion that would soon leave the banner of 
 Victoria waving over a second-rate power. 
 Among the nations of the world the high 
 position of the United States was never 
 more universally and cordially admitted. 
 Our rights are everywhere promptly con- 
 ceded, and we ask nothing more. It is an 
 age of industry, and we can only succeed 
 by doing our i)est. Our citizens under a 
 protective tariff are exceptionally pros- 
 perous and hajjpy, andnot strangers to no- 
 ble deeds nor to i)rivate virtues. A popu- 
 lar government based on universal suffrage 
 will be best and most certainly perpetuated 
 by the elevation of laboring men through 
 the more liberal rewards of diversified em- 
 ployments, which give scope to all grades 
 of genius and intelligence and tend to 
 secure to posterity the blessings of univer- 
 sal education and the better hope of 
 personal independence. 
 
 Speech of Hon. J. D. Cameron, of Penna. 
 
 On the Ui-iliirlion <>/ Revenue a» AfTectinfi the Tariff. De- 
 livered in tite I'liiled States Setuile Janiuiry llj, 1882. 
 
 Mr. C.VMERON, of Pennsylvania. I move 
 to take up the resolution submitted by me 
 in relation to internal-revenue taxes. 
 
 The motion was agreed to ; and the Sen- 
 ate proceeded to consider the following 
 resolution .submitted by Mr. Oamerox, of 
 Pennsylvania, December G, 1881 : 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of the 
 Senate it is expedient to reduce the revenue 
 of the (Tovernment by abolishing all ex- 
 isting internal revenue taxes except those 
 imposed upon high wines and distilled 
 spirits. 
 
 Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Mr. 
 President, the surplus revenue of this 
 Government applicable to the payment of 
 the public debt for the year ending June 
 30, 1881, was $100,0139,464.08. 
 
 The inference from these figures must be 
 that if such surplus receipts are applied to 
 the reduction of the debt it will be paid 
 within ten or twelve years. The question 
 then is: Should the people continue to be 
 taxed as heavily as they now are to pay 
 it off within so short a period? Is it wise 
 or prudent ? 
 
 No one will deny the wisdom of the leg- 
 islators who inaugurated the sy.stem of 
 reducing the debt, or the patriotism of the 
 ])eoj)le who have endured a heavy load of 
 taxation to i)ay the interest and reduce the 
 principal of such indebtedness. Both have 
 been causes of wonder to the world, and 
 have shown the strength, honesty, and 
 prudence attainable under a republican 
 form of government in matters where it 
 was thought to be weak. It is acknow- 
 ledged that the course thus j)ursued by Con- 
 gress, and supported by the people, has had 
 several good results. The exercise of the 
 power of the Government and the cheer- 
 ful submission to the enacting nature of 
 the laws by the people has had an un- 
 doubted tendency to elevate and strength- 
 en the moral tone of the nation, giving the 
 people mf)re confidence in each other, and 
 compelling the approval of the world. It 
 has reduced the principal sum of our na- 
 tional indebtedness until it is entirely 
 within the ready control of the financial 
 ability of the people either to pay of!" or to 
 pay the interest thereon. It has estab- 
 lished the credit of the country, and 
 brought it up from a position where the 6 
 per cent, gold bonds of the United States 
 before the war would not command par 
 to a present premium of 17 per cent, on a 4 
 per cent, bond, and to the ready exchange 
 of called (5 per cent, bonds into new ones 
 bearing 3j per cent, interest. It has dem- 
 onstrated the ability of the country not 
 only to carry on a most expensive internal 
 war, but to pay off its cost in a time un- 
 known to any other people ; and further, 
 that the ability of the country to furnish 
 men and material of war and to meet in- 
 creased financial demands is cumulative. 
 The burden carried by this country from 
 18(51 to the present day has been much 
 greater than it would be if laid upon this 
 nation and j)eople from 1881 to 1900. 
 
 The burden, therefore, of the present 
 debt would tiill but lightly on the country 
 if the payment thereof should l>e for a 
 time delayed, or the rate at which it has 
 been paid be decreased. It thus becomes 
 a question of prudence with the Govern- 
 ment whether they will continue the bur- 
 den upon the people, or relieve them of 
 part of it. 
 
 The burdens of general taxation borne 
 by the people are very onerous. They 
 have not only the General Government to 
 sustain, on which devolves the expenses of 
 legislation, of the Federal judiciary, of the 
 representatives of our country in all the 
 principal governments and cities ot the 
 world, of the management of such of our 
 internal affairs and conveniences as belong 
 to Congress, the keeping up of our Army 
 and Navy, the erection of public btiildings, 
 the improvement of the rivers and harbors, 
 and manv other items that require large
 
 234 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 annual expenditures. With the increase 
 of population and the filling up of our un- 
 of'cupied lands almost all these annual out- 
 lays and expenses will tend to increase in 
 place of decreasing, and all such expendi- 
 tures must be in some way met by the 
 people of the country. They have also to 
 sustain their State governments with the 
 expenses and outlays incident to them, 
 their legislatures, judiciaries, peniten- 
 tiaries, places of reform, hospitals, and all 
 means of aiding the afflicted, to sustain the 
 common schools, to pay the cost of such 
 improvements of rivers, of canals, of rail- 
 ways, or of roads as the States may under- 
 take. They have also the heavy cost to 
 meet of city governments, of county, town 
 and borough governments ; they must pay 
 the inferior Legislatures, erect buildings, 
 provide water, police, jails, poor-houses, 
 and build roads and take care of them. 
 
 On the liberality of the peojjle the coun- 
 try depends for the building of charitable 
 institutions, universities, colleges, private 
 schools of high grade, and every variety of 
 relief to the poor and the afflicted. In 
 addition to these burdens almost all the 
 States, most of the large cities, and many 
 ot the counties and towns in the States 
 still labor under the burdens of indebted- 
 ness incurred during the war to sustain the 
 General Government, which indebtedness, 
 incurred on the then value of paper cur- 
 rency, has now to be paid in gold. They 
 have not had the means at command to 
 pay off much of such indebtedness like the 
 General Government, nor to refund it at a 
 lower rate of interest. The sujicrior credit 
 of the General Government has been made 
 partially at the expense of the local gov- 
 ernments. I have stated these fiicts that 
 Senators might keep in mind that the 
 question should not be considered as mere- 
 ly one of our ability to reduce our indebt- 
 edness by i)aying off annually one hundred 
 millions of dollars and by continuing our 
 present laws for raising revenues, as if it 
 were but a small matter for the j)eoj)le to 
 do, but it should be considered in connec- 
 tion with tlie total burden of taxation im- 
 posed by the revenue laws of the General 
 (lovernment, as well as by those of the 
 State and tlie subordinate governments 
 witliin their bounds. 
 
 There is, therefore, a strong argument to 
 be found in these facts of the other !)ur- 
 dens of taxation borne by the peojtle in 
 favor of reducing the amount of revenue 
 applicable to the payment of the pnblic 
 del)t wli<»n it can be done without injury 
 to the credit of the Government and with- 
 out risking in tlic least the ability of the 
 Government either to pay such indcbtcd- 
 nesH a I it nuiturcs or to interfere with the 
 ability of the (tovernment to fully jirovide 
 for the wants of tlie country as they may 
 be developed. A complete statement of 
 
 the percentage of taxation borne by each 
 male citizen of the United States over 
 twenty-one years of age in the various 
 ways stated would astound the Senate and 
 the country. There is probably no coun- 
 try in the world where the taxation direct 
 and indirect is so heavy, and only a people 
 situated and circumstanced as the Ameri- 
 can people are could prosper under such 
 a burden. If no other reason could be ad- 
 vanced in favor of a reduction of the 
 amount of moneys derived from our inter- 
 nal-revenue laws than this one of reducing 
 theburdens of the people, it would be amply 
 sufficient, in my judgment, to warrant the 
 proposed reduction. Yet I will say frank- 
 ly that I have another object in wi.-hing to 
 have the internal revenue reduced, and I 
 hope before long that every vestige of that 
 system will cea^se to exist. That object is 
 to prevent any material change being 
 made in the tariff upon imports as it now 
 exists, for upon its existence depends the 
 prosperity, the happiness, the improve- 
 ment, the education of the laboring people 
 of the country, although I do not object to 
 a careful revision of it by a comjjetent 
 commission. 
 
 I want to say a word here about the ar- 
 rears of pension act. This act never should 
 be repealed, and in my judgment it never 
 will or can be. It has lately been held up 
 to contempt by that class of people who 
 twenty years ago were engaged in exhorting 
 these same pensioners to go to the front, 
 and who now object to rewarding them; 
 but their opinion is not shared by the peo- 
 j)le at large ; in fact, no more essentially 
 just law was ever placed uj^on the statute- 
 book. Its effect is simply and solely to 
 prevent the Government from pleading 
 the statue of limitation against its former 
 defenders. It did not increase the rate of 
 pensions in any way whatever, but merely 
 said that a man entitled to a pension for 
 physical injury received in Government 
 service should not be debarred fnni re- 
 ceiving it because he was late in making 
 his application. To the payment of these 
 I)ensions every sentiment of hone-ty and 
 gratitude should hold us firmly coiiiniittcd. 
 
 iMy friend the Senator from Kentucky 
 [Mr. Beck] is very honest, is generally 
 very astute, and has great capacity as a 
 leader. iMy personal friendshij) makes me 
 desire his success, and as an individual 
 I want him to be the recii)ient of all the 
 honors his jiarty can bestow upon him, but 
 1 am very sure that he is now opposing a 
 measure that is intended to promote the 
 welfare of and is in accord with the wishes 
 of the ])Coi)le of the country. He is lead- 
 ing his party astray, he is holding it baek, 
 he is tving it to the carcass of free trade. 
 
 Politically I am glad that he is; on his 
 own account I regret it. He is oj^posing 
 the principle of i)rotectioD, and, in my
 
 BOOK III.] REVENUE SPEECH OF SENATOR CAMERON. 
 
 235 
 
 judgment, no man can do that and retain 
 the supjioit of the people. No party can 
 to-day prOL'laim the doctrine of " a tariff I'or 
 revenue only" and survive. Opposition 
 to an earnest prosecution of the war for 
 the suppression of the re])ellion failed to 
 destroy the Democratic party hecause of 
 the recruits it received from the South, but 
 opposition to the doctrine of protection to 
 American productions, hostility to the ele- 
 vation of American lal)or, no party in this 
 enlightened day can advocate and live. I 
 am astonished that the Democratic party 
 does not learn by experience. The "tarifl- 
 for-a-revenue-only " })lank in the Cincin- 
 nati platform lost it Indiana, lost it New 
 York, and in 18S4itwill lose it one-half of 
 the Sout'.iern States. 
 
 The PiiESlDENT/jro tempore. The morn- 
 ing hour has expired. Is it the pleasure 
 of the Senate that unanimous consent be 
 given to the Senator from Pennsylvania to 
 proceed with his remarks? 
 
 Mr. Bkck. I move that unanimous con- 
 sent be granted. 
 
 The Vrms.idt.^t pro tempore. The Chair 
 hears no objection, and the morning hour 
 will be continued until the Senator from 
 Pennsylvania closes his remarks. 
 
 Mr.'CAMERON, of Pennsylvania. The 
 great question of protection to American 
 labor will be the question which will obli- 
 terate old dissensions and unite the States 
 in one common brotherhood. The Demo- 
 cratic party has made its last great fight. 
 It will struggle hard, and in its death 
 throes will, with the aid of a few unsuc- 
 cessful and disappointed Republicans, pos- 
 sibly have temporary local successes, but 
 death has marked it for its victim, die it 
 will, and on its tomb will be inscribed, 
 " Died because of opposition to the educa- 
 tion, the elevation, the advancement of the 
 people." 
 
 The historic policy of this country has 
 been to raise its revenues mainly from du- 
 ties on imports and from the sale of the 
 public lands. There are many reasons in 
 favor of this policy. It is more just and 
 equal in its burdens on the Stares and on 
 the people; it is less inquisitorial, less ox- 
 pensive, less liable to corruption ; it is free 
 from many vexed questions which our ex- 
 perience of twenty years in collecting in- 
 ternal revenue has developed. The inter- 
 nal revenue brings the General Govern- 
 mcnt in contact with the people in almost 
 every thing they eat, wear, or use. The 
 collection of revenue by duties on import-; 
 is so indirect as to remove much of the 
 harshness felt when the citizen comes in 
 direct contact with the iron grip of the law 
 compelling him to affix a stamp to what he 
 makes or uses. No one will question the 
 fact that the collection of internal duties 
 unfavorably affected the general morals of 
 the nation. 
 
 The internal revenue laws were adojited 
 by the Goveriuncnt as a war nie;isure, a.s an 
 extraordinary and unusual means of raising 
 money for an emergency, and it is proper 
 and in accordance with pul)lic opinion 
 that with the end of the emergency such 
 j)olicy should cease. I caiuiot but think 
 that every Senator will agree with me 
 that the end of the emergency has been 
 reached. The emergency eml)raced not 
 only the time of tin; expenditures, but their 
 continuation until the debt incurnd during 
 the emergency was so reduced as to be 
 readily managed, if not exclusively by the 
 ordinary reveiuies of the Government, yet 
 with a greatly reduced system of internal 
 revenues and for a limited time. But in 
 determining wherein such reduction shall 
 be made, two great interests of the country 
 are to be considered : 
 
 First, the system of duties on foreign 
 goods, wares, &c. 
 
 Second, our national banking system. 
 
 It has been proposed to meet this ques- 
 tion of reduction by lowering the rates of 
 duty, and thus to continue in this country 
 indefinitely the use of direct and indirect 
 taxation, supposing that such reduction 
 would require the prolonged continuation 
 of internal taxation. 
 
 The first effei't of this would be to in- 
 crease the revenues, as lower duties would 
 lead for awhile to increased importations; 
 but ultimately these increased importations 
 would de-itroy our manufacture-i and im- 
 poverish the people to the point of inabi- 
 lity to buy largely abroad, and when that 
 point Avould be reached, we should have 
 no other source of revenue than internal 
 taxes upon an impoverished people. At 
 fir.^t we should have more revenue than we 
 nee 1, but in the end much less. 
 
 This statement of the effect of lower du- 
 ties may at first seem anomalous and ques- 
 tionable, but that such would be the result 
 is proven by the elfect on the revenues of 
 the country of the reduction in duties in 
 tlie tariff of 184!) below that of 1842. This 
 will be evident from the Treasurv statistics 
 of the years 1844, 184'), 1816, 1847, &c., 
 which will show for the latter years a large 
 increase of revenues. A reduction of du- 
 ties which would all'ect the ability of our 
 manufacturers to compete with foreign 
 makers would cause a large importation of 
 goods, with two objects: first, to find a 
 market, the eflcct of which would be to 
 keep the mills of England and other coun- 
 tries fully emi)loyed; and, second, a repe- 
 tition of the custom of English manufac- 
 turers to put goods on our markets at low 
 and losing prices for the jnirpose of crip- 
 [iling and breaking down our OTierators. 
 And this increase of our national revenues 
 would continue until oiu* fires were stopped, 
 our mills and mines closed, our laborers 
 starved, and our capital and skill, the work
 
 236 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 of many years, lost. This time would be 
 marked by a renewal of our vassalage to 
 England. Then the tables would be 
 turned, our revenues would fall off with our 
 inability to purchase, our taxation would 
 continue and become very onerous, and in 
 T)lace of a strong, reliant, and self-support- 
 ing people, exercising a healthful influence 
 over the nations of the world, we would be 
 owned and be the servants of Europe, til- 
 ling the ground for the benefit of its peo- 
 ple; our laborers would be brought down 
 to a level with the pauper labor of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 Our form of government will not permit 
 the employment of ignorant pauper labor. 
 It is a government of the people, and to 
 have it continue to grow and prosper the 
 people must be paid such wages as will 
 enable them to be educated sufficiently to 
 realize and appreciate the benefits of its 
 free institutions; and knowing these bene- 
 fits, they will maintain them. If, on the 
 other hand, it is desirable that the reve- 
 nues from duties should be decreased, and 
 thereby retain both kinds of taxation, the 
 direct and the indirect, the best possible 
 way to do this would be to largel-y increase 
 the duties on imported goods, which would 
 for a time decre.ase the imports, thereby 
 decreasing the amount of duties received. 
 This tendency would last until, through 
 this policy, the wealth and purchasing- 
 power of the country would so largely in- 
 crease that the revenues would again in- 
 crease, both by reason of decreased cost in 
 foreign countries and because of the pur- 
 chase by us of articles of special beauty, 
 skill, and luxury. It may be said (and 
 however paradoxical it may appear, the as- 
 sertion is proven by the history of the 
 tariff) that while the immediate tendency 
 with free-trade duties is to increase im- 
 ports and revenues, the ultimate result of 
 such low duties is to decrease the im]»orts 
 and revenues, due to the decreasing ability 
 of the country to purchase. Tlie imme- 
 diate tendency of protective tariffs is to 
 decrease im])ort8 and revenues, but the 
 final result is to increase the imports and 
 duties, arising from the greater ability of 
 the country to j)urchase. But my inten- 
 tion is not to discuss at this time the 
 question of a tariff, but to show the efli'ct 
 of a change in the duties on imports upon 
 the revenues of the country. 
 
 I dearly recognize tiiat while the public 
 mind is deciiK-dly in favor of encouraging 
 hom(! manufa(;turers by levying what are 
 called protective duties, yet the peo])le are 
 oppose<l to placing those duties so high 
 tluit they become prohil)itory and making 
 thereby an exclusive market for our inaini- 
 facturers at home. It seems very clear to 
 my mind, in view of these st:ifenients as to 
 tlie result of decreasing or iiicrca'^ing the 
 duties on our imports, that no reduction 
 
 of revenue is practicable by changes in 
 our tariff. 
 
 The second great interest of the people, 
 which will very shortly be directly af- 
 fected by the large and increasing surplus 
 revenues of the country, is the system of 
 national banks, and this through the de- 
 crease of the public indebtedness by the 
 application of the annual surplus to its 
 payment. The large annual reduction of 
 the public debt will very shortly begin to 
 affect the confidence of the public in the 
 continuation of the system. It ^vill in- 
 crease public anxieties and excite their 
 fears as to a substitution of any other sys- 
 tem for this that has proven so acceptable 
 and so valuable to the country. If the na- 
 tional banking system is to be worked out 
 of existence, it will inevitably cause serious 
 financial trouble. 
 
 Financial difficulties among a people 
 like those of this country, however ill-based 
 or slight, are always attended by disas- 
 trous consequences, because in times of 
 jn-osperity the energies and hopefulness of 
 the people are stretched to the utmost 
 limits, and the shock of financial trouble 
 has the effect of an almost total paralysis 
 on the business of the country. It is cer- 
 tainly the part of statemanship to avoid 
 such a calamity whenever it is possible. 
 
 I unhesitatingly declare and believe that 
 the value of our system of national banks 
 is so great in the benefits the country de- 
 rives therefrom and the dangers arid losses 
 its continuance will avoid that it were 
 better to continue in existence an indebt- 
 edness equal to the wants of the banks 
 which the country may from time to time 
 require until some equally conservative 
 plan may be oflered that will enable us to 
 dispense with the system. 
 
 It is also important in this connection 
 for Senators to bear in mind that the in- 
 creasing business of the country will an- 
 nually require increased banking facili- 
 ties, and consequently increased bonds as 
 the basis on which they can be organized ; 
 and it should not be overlooked that a 
 j)Ossible determination by Congress to pay 
 off by retiring or by funding the greenbacks 
 will create a great hiatus in the circulating 
 medium of the country, which can only be 
 rej)laced by additional national-banknotes 
 based upon an equivalent anu)unt of pub- 
 lie indebtedness. 
 
 In view of the statements I have made, I 
 cannot but conclude that the wisest and 
 most prudent course lor Congress is to 
 leave the question of changes in the tariflf 
 laws to b(' adjusted as they may from time 
 to time require, and to make whatever re- 
 duction of the iiH'onie of the (iovernmcnt 
 tiiat may be found desirable by reducing 
 the changers in tlu' inlernal-revenuc laws. 
 
 Th(! national revenue laws as they now 
 are may be greatly and profitably changed.
 
 BOOK III.] BENTON ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 
 
 237 
 
 They are very burdensome to a heavily- 
 taxed people, and such burdens should be 
 relieved wherever it is possil^le. "J'his can 
 now be done with safety by providing that 
 so much ofthei)ublic debt may be paid oli' 
 from time to time as may not be requireil 
 to sustain the systcna of national banks. 
 
 I move that the resolution be referred to 
 the Committee on Finance. 
 
 The motion was ap-rced to. 
 
 Kxtracta ft-om Speech of Hon. Thoiuas H. 
 ' Beiitou, 
 
 On Proposed Amen'hnenI* of the Constitution in rdfitioyi to 
 the election of I'reailent and Viee-Presiilent, Delivered 
 in the U. 8. Senate (JItamlier, A. D. 1824. 
 
 He said : — The evil of a want of uni- 
 formity in the choice of Presidential elect- 
 ors, is not limited to its disfiguring effect 
 upon the face of our government, but goes 
 to endanger the rights of the people, by 
 permitting sudden alterations on the eve 
 of an election, and to annihilate the rights 
 of the small States, by enabling the large 
 ones to combine, and to throw all their 
 votes into the scale of a particular candi- 
 date. These obvious evils make it certain 
 that ant/ uniform rule would be preferable 
 to the present state of things. But, in fix- 
 ing on one, it is the duty of statesmen to 
 select that which is calculated to give to 
 every portion of the Union its due share 
 in the choice of a chief magistrate, and 
 to every individual citizen a fair opportu- 
 nitj' of voting according to his will. This 
 would be effected by adopting the District 
 Sj/stem. It would divide every State into 
 districts equal to the whole number of votes 
 to be given, and the people of each district 
 would be governed oy its own majority, 
 and not by a majority existing in some re- 
 mote part of the State. This would be 
 agreeable to the rights of individuals : for 
 in entering into society, and submitting to 
 be bound by the decision of the majority, 
 each individual retained the right of voting 
 for himself wherever it was practicable, 
 and of being governed by a majority of 
 the vicinage, and not by majorities brought 
 from remote sections to overwhelm him 
 with their accumulated numbers. It would 
 be agreeable to the interests of all parts of 
 the States; for each State may have differ- 
 ent interests in different parts; one part 
 may be agricultural, another manufactur- 
 ing, another commercial ; and it would be 
 unjust that the strongest should govern, or 
 that two should combine and sacrifice the 
 third. The district system would be agree- 
 able to the intention of our present consti- 
 tution, which, in giving to each elector a 
 separate vote, instead of giving to each 
 Stiite a consolidated vote, composed of all 
 its electoral suffrages, clearly intended that 
 each mass of persons entitled to one elector, 
 
 should have the right of giving one vote, 
 according to their own sense of their own 
 interest. 
 
 The general ticket system now existing 
 in ten States, was the offspring of policy, 
 and not of any disposition to give fair play 
 to the will of the people. It was adopted 
 by the leading men of those States, to en- 
 able them to consolidate the vote of the 
 State. It would be easy to prove this by 
 referring to facts of historical notoriety. 
 It contributes to give power and conse- 
 quence to the leaders who manage the 
 eh'ctious, but it is a departure from the 
 intention of the constitution ; violates the 
 rights of the minorities, and is attended 
 with many other evils. 
 
 The intention of the constitution is vio- 
 lated because it was the intention of that 
 instrument to give to each mass of persons, 
 entitled to one elector, the power of giving 
 an electoral vote to any candidate they 
 preferred. The rights of minorities are 
 violated, because a majority of one will 
 carry the vote of the whole State. The 
 principle is the same, whether the elector 
 is chosen by general ticket, or by legisla- 
 tive ballot; a majority of one, in either 
 case, carries the vote of the whole State. 
 In New York, thirty-six electors are chosen; 
 nineteen is a majority, and the candidate 
 receiving this majority is fairly entitled to 
 receive nineteen votes ; but he counts in 
 reality thirty-six: because the minority of 
 seventeen are added to the majority. These 
 seventeen votes belong to seventeen masses 
 of people, of 40,000 souls each, in all 680,- 
 000 people, whose votes are seized upon, 
 taken away, and presented to whom the 
 majority pleases. Extend the calculation 
 to the seventeen States now choosing elect- 
 ors by general ticket or legislative ballot, 
 and it will show that three millions of 
 souls, a population equal to that which 
 carried us through the Revolution, may 
 have their votes taken from them in the 
 same way. To lose their votes is the fate 
 of all minorities, and it is theirs only to 
 submic ; but this is not a case of votes lost, 
 but of votes taken away, added to those of 
 the majority, and given to a person to whom 
 the minority Avas opposed. 
 
 He said, this objection (to the direct 
 vote of the people) had a weight in the 
 year 1787, to which it is not entitled in the 
 year 1824. Our government was then 
 young, schools and colleges were scarce, 
 political science was then confined to few, 
 and the means of diffusing intelligence 
 were both inadequate and uncertain. The 
 experiment of a popular government was 
 just beginning; the people had been just 
 released from subjection to an hereditary 
 king, and were not yet practiced in the art 
 of choosing a temporary chief for them- 
 selves. But thirty-six years have reversed 
 this picture ; thirty-six years, which have
 
 238 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 produced so many wonderful changes in 
 America, have accomplished the work of 
 many centuries upon the intelligence of 
 its inhabitants. Within that period, schools, 
 colleges, and universities have multiplied 
 to an amazing extent. The means of dif- 
 fusing intelligence have been wonderfully 
 augmented by the establishment of six 
 hundred newspapers, and upwards of five 
 thousand post-offices. The whole course 
 of an American's life, civil, social, and re- 
 ligious, has become one continued scene of 
 intellectual and of moral improvement. 
 Once in every week, more than eleven 
 thousand men, eminent for learning and 
 for piety, perform the double duty of amend- 
 ing the hearts, and enlightening the under- 
 standings, of more than eleven thousand 
 congregations of people. Under the benign 
 influence of a free government, both our 
 public institutions and private pursuits, our 
 juries, elections, courts of justice, the liberal 
 professions, and the mechanical arts, have 
 each become a school of political science 
 and of mental improvement. The federal 
 legislatui-e, in the annual message of the 
 President, in reports of heads of depart- 
 ments, and committees of Congress, and 
 speeches of members, pours forth a flood 
 of intelligence which carries its waves to 
 the remotest confines of the republic. In 
 the different States, twenty-four State ex- 
 ecutives and State legislatures, are annu- 
 ally repeating the same process within a 
 more limited s])here. The habit of uni- 
 versal travelling, and the practice of uni- 
 versal interchangeof thought, are continu- 
 ally circulating the intelligence of the 
 country, and augmenting its mass. The 
 face of our country itself, its vast extent, 
 its grand and varied features, contribute to 
 expand the human intellect and magnify 
 its power. Less than half a century of the 
 enjoyment of liberty has given practical 
 evidence of the great moral truth, that 
 under a free government, the power of the 
 intellect is the only power which rules the 
 affairs of men ; and virtue and intelligence 
 the only durable passports to honor and 
 jireferment. The conviction of this great 
 truth has created an universal taste for 
 learning and for reading, and has con- 
 vinced every parent that the endowments 
 of the mind and the virtues of the heart, 
 are the only imperishable, the only inesti- 
 mable riches which he can leave to his 
 posterity. 
 
 This objection (the danger of tumults 
 and violence at the elections) is taken 
 from the history of the ancient republics ; 
 and the tumultuary elections of Rome and 
 Cjreece. But the justness of the example 
 is denied. There is nothing in the laws of 
 jdiysiology wliicli admits a parallel between 
 the sanguinary Roman, the volatile (Ireek, 
 and the phlegmatic American. There is 
 nothing in the state of the respective coun- 
 
 tries, or in the manner of voting, which 
 makes one an examjjle for the othrr. The 
 Romans voted in a mass, at a single voting 
 place, even when the qualified voters 
 amounted to millions of persons. 
 
 They came to the polls armed, and di- 
 vided into classes, and voted, not by heads, 
 but by centuries. 
 
 In the Grecian republics all the voters 
 were brought together in a great city, and 
 decided the contest in one great struggle. 
 
 In such assemblages, both the induce- 
 ment to violence, and the means of com- 
 mitting it, were prepared by the govern- 
 ment itself. In the United States all this 
 is different. The voters arc assembled in 
 small bodies, at innumerable voting places, 
 distributed over a vast extent of country. 
 They come to the polls without arms, with- 
 out odious instructions, without any temp- 
 tation to violence, and with every induce- 
 ment to harmony. 
 
 If heated during the day of election, 
 they cool off" upon returning to their 
 homes, and resuming their ordinary occu- 
 pations. 
 
 But let us admit the truth of the objec- 
 tion. Let us admit that the American 
 people would be as tumultuarj' at this 
 jDresidential election as were the citizens 
 of the ancient republics at the election of 
 their chief magistrates. What then ? Are 
 we thence to infer the inferiority of the 
 officers thus elected, and the consequent 
 degradation of the countries over which 
 they presided? I answer no. So far from 
 it, that I assert the superiority of these 
 officers over all others ever obtained for 
 the same countries, either by hereditary 
 succession, or the most select mode of 
 election. I affirm those periods of history 
 to be the most glorious in arms, the most 
 renowned in arts, the most celebrated in 
 letters, the most useful in practice, and the 
 most happy in the condition of the people, 
 in which the whole body of the citizens 
 voted direct for the chief officer of their 
 country. Take the history of that com- 
 monwealth which yet shines as the leading 
 star in the firmanent of nations. Of the 
 twenty-five centuries that the Roman state 
 has existed, to what period do we look for 
 the generals and statesmen, the poets and 
 orators, the philosophers and historians, 
 the sculptors, painters and architects, whose 
 immortal works have fixed upon their 
 country the admiring eyes of all succeed- 
 ing ages? Is it to the reign of the seven 
 first kings? — to the reigns of the emperors, 
 proclaimed by the praetorian bands? — to 
 the reigns of the Sovereign Pontiffs, chosen 
 by a select body of electors in a conclave 
 of most holy cardinals? No. — We look 
 to none of these, but to that short interval 
 of four centuries and a half which lies be- 
 tween tlie expulsion of the Tarquins, and 
 the re-establishment of monarchy in the
 
 BOOK iii.J BENTON ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 
 
 239 
 
 person of Octavius Cassar, It is to this 
 short period, during wliich the consuls, 
 tribunes, and prietors, were annually 
 elected by a direct vote of the people, to 
 which Ave look ourselves, and to which we 
 direct the infant minds of our (;hildren, 
 for all the works and monuments of Roman 
 greatness ; for roads, bridges, and acque- 
 (lucts, constructed ; for victories gained, 
 nations vanijuishcd, commerce extended, 
 treasure imported, libraries founded, learn- 
 ing encouraged, the arts flourishing, the 
 city embellished, and the kings of the earth 
 humbly suing to be admitted into the 
 friendship, and taken under the protection 
 of the Roman ])eople. It was of this mag- 
 nificent period that Cicero spoke, when he 
 proclaimed the people of Rome to be the 
 masters of kings, and the conquerors and 
 commanders of all the nations of the earth. 
 And, what is wonderful, during this whole 
 
 Eeriod, in a succession of four hundred and 
 fty annual elections, the people never 
 once prepared a citizen to the consulship 
 who did not carry the prosperity and glory 
 of the Republic to a point beyond that at 
 which he had found it. 
 
 It is the same with the Grecian Repub- 
 lics. Thirty centuries have elapsed since 
 they were founded ; yet it is to an ephem- 
 eral period of one hundred and fifty years 
 only the period of popular elections which 
 intervened between the dispersing of a 
 cloud of petty tyrants, and the coming of a 
 great one in the person of Philip, King of 
 Macedon, that we are to look for that 
 galaxy of names which shed so much lus- 
 tre upon their country, and in which we 
 are to find the first cause of that intense 
 sympathy which now burns in our bosoms 
 at the name of Greece. 
 
 These short and brilliant periods exhib- 
 it the great triumph of popular elections; 
 often tumultuary, often stained with blood, 
 but always ending gloriously for the 
 country. 
 
 Then the right of suffrage was enjoyed ; 
 the sovereignty of the people was no fiction. 
 Then a sublime spectacle was seen, when 
 the Roman citizen advanced to the polls 
 and proclaimed : "/ vote for Cato to be 
 consul ;" the Athenian, ^^ I vote for Aristides 
 to be Archon ;" the Hebran, "/ vote for 
 Pelopidas to be BcBotrach ;" the Lacede- 
 monian, " I vote for Leonidas to be first of 
 the Ephori" and why not an American 
 citizen the same? Why may he not go up 
 to the poll and proclaim, "Ivotefor Thomas 
 Jefferson to be President of the United 
 States ?" Why is he compelled to put his 
 vote in the hands of another, and to incur 
 all the hazards of an irresponsible agency, 
 when he himself could immediat^'ly give 
 his own vote for his own chosen candiclate, 
 without the slightest assistance from agents 
 or managers? 
 But I have other objections to these in- 
 
 termediate electors. They are the peculiar 
 and favorite institution of aristocratic re- 
 publics, and elective monarchies. I refer 
 the Senate to the late republics of Venice 
 and Genoa; of France, and her litter; to 
 tile Kingdom of Poland; the empire of 
 Germany, and the Pontificate of Rome. 
 On the contrary, a direct vote by the peo- 
 ple is the peculiar and favorite institution 
 of democratic republics; as we have just 
 seen in the governments of Rome, Athens, 
 Thebes, and Sparta; to which may be 
 added the principal cities of the Amphyc- 
 tionic and Achaian leagues, and the re- 
 nowned republic of Carthage when the 
 rival of Rome. 
 
 I have now answered the objections 
 which were brought forward in the year 
 '78. I ask for no judgment upon their 
 validity of that day, but I affirm them to 
 be without force or reason in the year 1824. 
 
 Time and EXPERIE^XE have so decided. 
 Yes, time and experience, the only infallible 
 tests of good or bad institutions, have now 
 shown that the continuance of the elec- 
 toral system will be both u.scless and dan- 
 gerous to the liberties of the people, and 
 that the only effectual mode of preserving 
 our government from the corruptions 
 which have undermined the liberties of so 
 many nations, is, to confide the election of 
 our chief magistrates to those who are 
 farthest removed from the influence of his 
 patronage ; that is to say, to the whole 
 body of American citizens. 
 
 The electors are not independent ; they 
 have no superior intelligence ; they are not 
 left to their own judgment in the choice of 
 a President ; they are not above the con- 
 trol of the people ; on the contrary, every 
 elector is pledged, before he is chosen, to 
 give his vote according to the will of those 
 who choose him. 
 
 He is nothing but an agent, tied down to 
 the execution of a precise trust. Every 
 reason which induced the convention to 
 institute electors has failed. They are no 
 longer of any use, and may be dangerous 
 to the liberties of the people. They are 
 not useful, because they have no power 
 over their own vote, and because the peo- 
 ple can vote for a President as easily as 
 they can vote for an elector. They are 
 dangerous to the liberties of the people, 
 because, in the first place, they introduce 
 extraneous considerations into the election 
 of President; and in the second place, they 
 may sell the vote which is intrusted to 
 their keeping. They introduce extraneous 
 considerations, by bringing their own char- 
 acter and their own exertions into the pre- 
 sidential canvass. Every one sees this. 
 Candidates for electors are now selected, 
 not for the reasons mentioned in the Fed- 
 eralist, but for their devotion to a particu- 
 lar party, for their manners, and their 
 talent at electioneering. The elector may
 
 240 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 betray the liberties of the people, by selling 
 his vote. The operation is easy, because 
 he votes by ballot ; detection is impossible, 
 because he does not sign his vote ; the re- 
 straint is nothing but his own conscience, 
 for there is no legal punishment for this 
 breach of trust. If a swindler defrauds 
 you out of a few dollars of property or 
 money, he is whipped and pilloried, and 
 rendered infamous in the eye of the law ; 
 but, if an elector should defraud 40,000 
 people of their vote, there is no remedy 
 but to abuse him in newspapers, where the 
 best men in the country may be abused, as 
 Benedict Arnold or Judas Iscariot. 
 
 Every reason for instituting electors has 
 failed, and every consideration of prudence 
 requires them to be discontinued. They 
 are nothing but agents, in a case which re- 
 quires no agent; and no prudent man would, 
 or ought, to employ an agent to take care of 
 his money, his property, or his liberty, 
 when he is equally capable to take care of 
 them himself. 
 
 But, if the plan of the constitution had 
 not failed — if we were now deriving from 
 electors all the advantages expected from 
 their institution — I, for one, would still be 
 in favor of getting rid of them. 
 
 I should esteem the incorruptibility of 
 the people, their disinterested desire to get 
 the best man for President, to be more 
 than a counterpoise to all the advantages 
 which might be derived from the superior 
 intelligence of a more enlightened, but 
 smaller, and therefore, more corruptible 
 body. I should be opposed to the inter- 
 vention of electors, because the double 
 process of electing a man to elect a man, 
 would paralyze the spirit of the people, 
 and destroy the life of the election itself 
 Doubtless this machinery was introduced 
 into our constitution for the purpose of 
 softening the action of the democratic ele- 
 ment; but it also softens the interest of the 
 peoj)le in the result of the election itself. 
 It i)laccs them at too great a distance from 
 their first servant. It interposes a body 
 of men between the people and the object 
 of their choice, and gives a false direction 
 to the gratitude of the President elected. 
 lie feels himself indebted to the electors 
 who collected the votes of the people, and 
 not to the people, who gave their votes to 
 the electors. 
 
 It enables a few men to govern many, 
 and, in time, it will transfer the whole 
 jiowcr of the election into the hands of a 
 few, leaving to the people the humble oc- 
 cupation of confirming what has been done 
 by superior authority. 
 
 IN MEMORIAM. 
 
 Hou. James G. Blaine's Oration oik Presl- 
 deut Qarlield. 
 
 THE GRAND MORAL OF HIS CAREER. 
 
 An Ehibomte, PulUhed and Scliolarli/ Tribute htj an Accom- 
 
 2>li)ilud Orator, in the Hall nf the House of llepresenta- 
 
 tires, on Monday, Feb 27, 1882. 
 
 At ten o'clock the doors of the House of 
 Representatives were opened to holders of 
 tickets for the memorial services, and in 
 less than half an hour the galleries were 
 filled, a large majority of the spectators 
 being ladies, mostly in black. There were 
 no signs of mourning in the hall, even the 
 full-length portrait of the late President, 
 James Abram Garfield, jjainted by E. F. 
 And j, of Washington, being undraped. 
 The three front rows of desks had been re- 
 placed by chairs to accommodate the invited 
 guests, and the Marine Band was stationed 
 in the lobby, back of the Speaker's desk. 
 
 Among the distinguished guests first to 
 arrive were George Bancroit, W. W. Cor- 
 coran, Cyrus Field and Admiral Worden, 
 who took seats directly in front of the 
 clerk's desk. Among the guests who occu- 
 pied seats upon the floor were General 
 Schenck, Governor Hoyt, of Pennsylvania ; 
 Foster, of Ohio ; Porter, of Indiana; Ham- 
 ilton, of Maryland, and Bigelow, of Con- 
 necticut, and Adjutant-General Harmine, 
 of Connecticut. 
 
 At 11.30 Generals Sherman, Sheridan, 
 Hancock, Howard and Meigs, and Admi- 
 rals Ammen and Eodgers entered at the 
 north door of the chamber and were as- 
 signed seats to the left of the Speaker's 
 desk, and a few moments later the mem- 
 bers of the Diplomatic Corps, in full re- 
 galia, were ushered in, headed by the 
 Hawaiian Minister, as dean of the Corps. 
 The Supreme Covirt of the District, headed 
 by Marshal Henry, arrived next. Mrs. 
 Blaine occupied a front seat in the gallery 
 reserved for friends of the President. At 
 twelve o'clock the House was called to 
 order by Speaker Keifer, and jirayer was 
 ofiiered by the Chaplain. The Speaker 
 then announced that the House was assem- 
 bled and ready to perform its ])art in the 
 memorial services, and the resolutions to 
 that effect were read by Clerk McPherson. 
 At 12.10 the Senate was announced, and 
 that body, headed by its ofiicers, entered 
 and took their assigned seats. The Chief 
 Justice and Associate Justices of the Su- 
 preme Court, in their robes of ollice, came 
 next, and were followed by President Ar- 
 thur and his Cabinet. The President took 
 the front seat on the right of the Presiding 
 Oflicer's chair, next to that occujiied by 
 Cyrus W. Field. 
 
 Senator Sherman and Representative 
 McKiidey (Ohio) occupied seats at the 
 desk on the right and Icll of the orator of 
 the day. Mr. West, the British Minister,
 
 BOOK III.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 241 
 
 was the only member of the Diplomatic 
 Corps who did not wear the court uni- 
 form, 
 
 A delegation of gentlemen from the 
 Society of the Army of the Cumberland 
 acted as ushers at the main entrance to 
 the Rotunda and in the various corridors 
 leading to the galleries. 
 
 At 12.30 the orator of the day was an- 
 nounced, and after a short ])rayer by the 
 Chaplain of the House, F. 1). Power, pre- 
 sident Davis .said: "This day is dedicated 
 • by Congress for memorial services of the 
 late President of the United States, James 
 A. Garfield. I present to you the Hon. 
 James G. Blaine, who lias been fitly chosen 
 as the orator for this historical occasion." 
 
 Mr. Blaine then rose, and .standing at 
 the clerk's desk, immediately in front of 
 the two presiding officers, proceeded, with 
 impressiveness of manner and clearness of 
 tone, to deliver his eulogy from manu- 
 script, as follows : 
 
 Mr. Blaluc'a Oration. 
 
 Mr. President : For the second time in 
 this generation the great departments of 
 the Government of the United States are 
 assembled in the Hall of Representatives 
 to do honor to the memory of a murdered 
 President. Lincoln fell at the close of a 
 mighty struggle in which the passions of 
 men had been deeply stirred. The tragi- 
 cal termination of his great life added but 
 another to tlie lengthened succession of 
 horrors which had marked so many lintels 
 with the blood of the first born. Garfield 
 was slain in a day of peace, when brother 
 had been reconciled to brother, and when 
 anger and liate had been banished from 
 the land. " Whoever shall hereafter draw 
 the portrait of murder, if he will show it 
 as it has been exhibited where such ex- 
 ample was last to have been looked for, let 
 him not give it the grim visage of Moloch, 
 the brow knitted by revenge, the face 
 black with settled hate. Let him draw, 
 rather, a decorous smooth-faced, bloodless 
 demon ; not so much an example of human 
 nature in its depravity and in its par- 
 oxysms of crime, as an infernal being, a 
 fiend in the ordinary display and develop- 
 ment of his character." 
 
 GARFIELD'S ANCESTORS. 
 
 From the landing of the Pilgrims at 
 Plymouth till the uprising against Charles 
 First, about twenty thousand emigrants 
 came from old England to New England. 
 As they came in pursuit of intellectual 
 freedom and ecclesiastical independence 
 rather than for worldly honor and profit, 
 the emigration naturally ceased when the 
 contest for religious liberty began in 
 earnest at home. The man who struck 
 his most effective blow for freedom of con- 
 40 
 
 science by sailing for the colonies in 1G20 
 would have been accounted a deserter to 
 leave after 1G40. The opportunity had 
 then come on the soil of England for that 
 great contest which established the au- 
 thority of Parliament, gave religious free- 
 dom to the people, sent Charles to the 
 block, and committed to the hands of Oli- 
 ver Cromwell the Supreme Executive au- 
 thority of England. The English emigra- 
 tion was never renewed, and from these 
 twenty thousand men with a small emi- 
 gration from Scotland and from France 
 are descended the vast numbers who have 
 New England blood in their veins. 
 
 In 1G85 the revocation of the edict of 
 Nantes by Louis XIV. scattered to other 
 countries four hundred thousand Protes- 
 tants, who were among the most intelli- 
 gent and enterprising of French subjects — 
 merchants of capital, skilled manufac- 
 turers, and handicraftsmen superior at the 
 time to all others in Europe. A consider- 
 able number of these Huguenot French 
 came to America ; a few landed in New 
 England and became honorably prominent 
 in its history. Their names have in large 
 part become anglicised, or have disap- 
 peared, but their blood is traceable in 
 many of the most reputable families, and 
 their fame is perpetuated in honorable 
 memorials and useful institutions. 
 
 From these two sources, the English- 
 Puritan and the French-Huguenot, came 
 the late President — his father, Abram Gar- 
 field, being descended from the one, and 
 his mother, Eliza Ballon, from the other. 
 
 It was good stock on both sides — none 
 better, none braver, none truer. There 
 was in it an inheritance of courage, of 
 manliness, of imperishable love of liberty, 
 of undying adherence to principle. Gar- 
 field was proud of his blood ; and, with as 
 much satisfaction as if he were a British 
 nobleman reading his stately ancestral 
 record in Burke's Peerage, he spoke of 
 himself as ninth in descent from those who 
 would not endure the op2>ression of the 
 Stuarts, and seventh in descent from the 
 brave French Protestants who refused to 
 submit to tyranny even from the Grand 
 Monarque. 
 
 General Garfield delighted to dwell on 
 these traitvS, and during his only visit to 
 England, he busied himself in discovering 
 every trace of his forefathers in parish 
 registries and on ancient army rolls. Sit- 
 ting with a friend in the gallery of the 
 House of Commons one night after a long 
 day's labor in this field of research, he said 
 with evident elation that in every war in 
 which for three centuries patriots of En- 
 glish blood had struck sturdy blows for 
 constitutional government and human lib- 
 erty, his family had been represented. 
 They were at Marston Moor, at Naseby 
 and at Preston ; they were at Bunker Hill,
 
 242 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III, 
 
 1 
 
 at Saratoga, and at Monmouth, and in his 
 own person had battled for the same great 
 cause in the war which j^reserved the 
 Union of the States. 
 
 Losing his father before he was two 
 years old, the early life of Garfield was one 
 of privation, but its poverty has been made 
 indelicately and unjustly prominent. 
 Thousands' of readers have imagined him 
 as the ragged, starving child, whose reality 
 too otten greets the eye in the squalid sec- 
 tions of our large cities. General Garfield's 
 infancy and youth had none of their des- 
 titution, none of their pitiful features ap- 
 pealing to the tender heart and to the 
 open hand of charity He was a poor boy 
 in the same sense in which Henry Clay 
 ■was a poor boy ; in which Andrew Jack- 
 son was a poor boy ; in which Daniel Web- 
 ster was a poor boy ; in the sense in which 
 a large majority of the eminent men of 
 America in all generations have been poor 
 boys. Before a great multitude of men, in 
 a JDublic speech, Mr. Webster bore this 
 testimony : 
 
 HIS EAELY DAYS. 
 
 " It did not happen to me to be born in 
 a log cabin, but my elder brothers and sis- 
 ters were born in a log cabin raised amid 
 the snow drifts of New Hampshire, at a 
 period so early that when the smoke rose 
 first from its rude chimney and curled over 
 the frozen hills there was no similar evi- 
 dence of a white man's habitation l)etween 
 it and the settlements on the rivers of 
 Canada. Its remains still exist. I make 
 to it an annual visit. I carry my children 
 to it to teach them the hardships endured 
 by the generations which have gone before 
 them. I love to dwell on the tender recol- 
 lections, the kindred ties, the early affec- 
 tions and the touching narratives and in- 
 cidents which mingle with all I know of 
 this primitive family abode." 
 
 With the requisite change of scene the 
 same words would aptly portray the early 
 days of Garfield. The poverty of the 
 frontier, where all arc engaged in a com- 
 mon struggle and where a common sym- 
 iiatliy and hearty co-operation lighten the 
 imrdens of each, is a very different pov- 
 erty, different in kind, different in influ- 
 ence and effect from that conscious and 
 humiliating indigence which is every day 
 forced i<> contrast itself with neighboring 
 wealth on which it feels a sense of grind- 
 ing dependence. The poverty of the 
 frontier is indeed no poverty. It is but 
 the beginning of wealth, and has the 
 l)0undl('ss possibilities of the future always 
 f)pcning before it. No man ever grew up 
 in the agricultural regions of the West, 
 where a house-raising, or even a corn- 
 husking, is a matter of common interest 
 and licl[>fulness, with any other feeling 
 than that of broad-minded, gcncnnis inde- 
 
 pendence. This honorable independence 
 marked the youth of Garfield as it marks 
 the youth of millions of the best blood 
 and brain now training lor the future citi- 
 zenship and future government of the re- 
 public. Garfield was born heir to land, to 
 the title of free-holder which has been the 
 patent and passport of self-respect with 
 the Anglo-Saxon race ever since Hengist 
 and Horsa landed on the shores of Eng- 
 land. His adventure on the canal — an 
 alternative between that and the deck of a 
 Lake Erie schooner — was a farmer boy's * 
 device for earning money, just as the New 
 England lad begins a possibly great career 
 by sailing before the mast on a coasting 
 vessel or on a merchantman bound to the 
 farther India or to the China Seas. 
 
 No manly man feels anything of shame 
 in looking back to early struggles with ad- 
 verse circumstances, and no man feels a. 
 worthier pride than when he has con- 
 quered the obstacles to his progress. But 
 no one of noble mould desires to be looked 
 upon as having occupied a menial position, 
 as having been repressed by a feeling of 
 inferiority, or as having suffered the evils 
 of poverty until relief was found at the 
 hand of charity. General Garfield's youth 
 I^resented no hardships which family love 
 and family energy did not overcome, sub- 
 jected him to no privations which he did 
 not cheerfully accept, and left no memories 
 save those which were recalled with de- 
 light, and transmitted with profit and with 
 pride. 
 
 Garfield's early opportunities for secur- 
 ing an education were extremely limited, 
 and yet were sufficient to develop in him 
 an intense desire to learn. He could read 
 at three years of age, and each winter he 
 had the advantage of the district school. 
 He read all the books to be found within 
 the circle of his acquaintance ; some of 
 them he got by heart. While yet in child- 
 hood he was a constant student of the 
 Bible, and became familiar with its liter- 
 ature. The dignity and earnestness of his 
 speech in his maturerlife gave evidence of 
 this early training. At eighteen years of 
 age he was able to teach school, and thence- 
 forward his ambition was to obtain a col- 
 lege education. To this end he bent all 
 his eflbrts, working in the harvest field, at 
 the carpenter's bendi, and, in the winter 
 season, teaching tlie common schools of 
 the neighborhood. While thus laborious- 
 ly occupied he found time to prosecute his 
 studies and was so successful that at twenty- 
 two years of age he was able to enter the 
 junior class at Williams College, then un- 
 der the presidency of the v(neral)le and 
 honored Mark Hopkins, who, in the full- 
 ness of his powers, survives the eminent 
 pupil to whom he was of inestimable ser- 
 vice. 
 
 The history of Garfield's life to this
 
 BOOK iii.J BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 243 
 
 Eeriod presents no novel features. He 
 ad undoubtedly shown jjerseverance, self- 
 reliance, self-sacrifice, and ambition — (jual- 
 ities which, be it said for the honor of our 
 country, are every wliere to be found among 
 the young men of America. But from his 
 graduation at Williams onward, to the 
 hour of his tragical death, Oarfield's career 
 was eminent and exceptional. Slowly 
 working through his educational period, 
 receiving liis diploma when twenty-four 
 years of age, he seemed at one i)()un(l to 
 spring into conspicuous and brilliant suc- 
 cess. Witliin six years he was success- 
 ively president of a college. State Senator 
 of Ohio, Major General of the Army of 
 the United States and Representative-elect 
 to the National Congress. A combination 
 of honors so varied, so elevated, within a 
 period so brief and to a man so young, is 
 without i)recedent or parallel in the his- 
 tory of the country. 
 
 IN THE ARMY. 
 
 Garfield's army life was begun with no 
 other military knowledge than such as he 
 had hastily gained from books in the few 
 months preceding his march to the field. 
 Stepping from civil life to the head of a 
 regiment, the first order he received when 
 ready to cross the Ohio was to assume com- 
 mand of a brigade, and to operate as an 
 independent force in Eastern Kentucky. 
 His imniedi;ite duty was to check the ad- 
 vance of Humphrey Marshall, who was 
 marchiiig down the Big Sandy with the 
 intention of occupying in connection with 
 other Confederate forces the entire terri- 
 tory of Kentucky, and of precipitating the 
 State into secession. This was at the close 
 of the year 1861. Seldom, if ever, has a 
 young college professor been thrown into 
 a more embarrassing and discouraging po- 
 sition. He knew just enough of military 
 science, as he expressed it himself, to mea- 
 sure the extent of his ignorance, and with 
 a handful of men he was marching, in 
 rough winter weather, into a strange coun- 
 try, among a hostile population to confront 
 a largely superior force under the com- 
 mand of a distinguished graduate of West 
 Point, who liad seen active and important 
 service in two preceding wars. 
 
 The result of the campaign is matter of 
 history. The skill, the endurance, the ex- 
 traordinary energy shown by Garfield, the 
 courage imparted to his men, raw and un- 
 tried a-s himself, the measures he adopted 
 to increase his force and to create in the 
 enemy's mind exaggerated estimates of 
 Ins numbers, bore perfect fruit in the rout- 
 ing of Marshall, the capture of his camp, 
 the dispersion of his force, and the eman- 
 cipation of an important territory from the 
 control of the rebellion. Coming at the 
 close of a long series of disasters to the 
 Union arms, Garfield's victory had an un- 
 
 usual and extraneous importance, and in 
 tlie popular judgment elevated the young 
 commander to the rank of a military liero. 
 With less than two thousand men in his 
 entire command, with a mobilized force of 
 only eleven hundred, without cannon, ho 
 had met an army of five thousand and de- 
 feated them— driving Marshall's forces suc- 
 cessively from two strongholds of their 
 own selection, fortified with abundant ar- 
 tillery. Major-General Buell, command- 
 ing the Department of the Ohio, an ex- 
 perienced and able soldier of the regular 
 army, published an order of thanks and 
 congratulation on the brilliant result of 
 the Big Sandy campaign which would 
 have turned the head of a less cool and 
 sensible man than Garfield. Buell declared 
 that his services had called into action the 
 highest qualities of a soldier, and President 
 Lincoln supplemented these words of praise 
 by the more substantial reward of a brig- 
 adier-general's commission, to bear date 
 from the day of his decisive victory over 
 Marshall. 
 
 The subsequent military career of Gar- 
 field fully sustained its brilliant beginning. 
 With his new commission he was assigned 
 to the command of a brigade in the Army 
 of the Ohio, and took part in the second 
 and decisive day's fight in the great battle 
 of Shiloh. The remainder of the year 
 1862 was not especially eventful to Gar- 
 field, as it was not to the armies with 
 which he was serving. His j^ractical sense 
 was called into exercise in completing the 
 task, assigned him by General Buell, of re- 
 constructing bridges and re-establishing 
 lines of railway communication for the 
 army. His occupation in this useful but 
 not brilliant field was varied by service on 
 courts-martial of importance, in which de- 
 partment of duty he won a valuable repu- 
 tation, attracting the notice and securing 
 the approval of the able and eminent 
 Judge- Advocate-General of the Army. 
 That of itself was a warrant to honorable 
 fame ; for among the great men who in 
 those trying days gave themselves, with 
 entire devotion, to the service of their 
 country, one who brought to that service 
 the ripest learning, the most fervid elo- 
 quence, the most varied attainments, who 
 labored with modesty and shunned ap- 
 plause, who in the day of triumph sat re- 
 served and silent and grateftil — as Francis 
 Deak in the hour of Hungary's deliverance 
 — was Jose])h Holt, of Kentucky, who in 
 his honorable retirement enjoys the respect 
 and veneration of all who love the Union 
 of the States. 
 
 Early in 1863 Garfield wa-s assigned to 
 the highly important and responsible post 
 of chief of staff to General Rosecrans, then 
 at the head of the Army of the Cumber- 
 land. Perhaps in a great military cam- 
 paign no subordinate officer requires
 
 244 
 
 FAMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 sounder judgment and quicker knowledge 
 of men than the chief of staff to the com- 
 manding general. An indiscreet man in 
 such a position can sow more discord, 
 breed more jealousy and disseminate more 
 strife than any other officer in the entire 
 organization. When General Garfield as- 
 sumed his new duties he found various 
 troubles already well developed and seri- 
 ously affecting the value and efficiency of 
 the Army of Cumberland. The energy, 
 the impartialit}' and the tact with which 
 he sought to allay these dissensions, and 
 to dischA-ge the duties of his new and try- 
 ing position, will always remain one of the 
 most striking proofs ofhis great versatility. 
 His military duties closed on the memoi'- 
 able field of Chickamauga, a field which 
 however disastrous to the Union arms gave 
 to him the occasion of winning imperish- 
 able laurels. The very rare distinction 
 was accorded him of great promotion for 
 his bravery on a field that was lost. Pres- 
 ident Lincoln appointed himaMajor-Gen- 
 eral in the Army of the United States for 
 gallant and meritorious conduct in the bat- 
 tle of Chickamauga. 
 
 The Army of the Cumberland was re- 
 organized under the command of General 
 Thomas, who promptly offered Garfield 
 one of its divisions. He was extremely 
 desirous to accept the position, but was 
 embarrassed by the fact that he had, a 
 year before, been elected to Congress, and 
 the time when he must take his seat was 
 drawing near. He preferred to remain in 
 the military service, and had within his 
 own breast the largest confidence of suc- 
 cess in the wider field which his new rank 
 opened to him. Balancing the arguments 
 on the one side and the other, anxious to 
 determine what was for the best, desirous 
 above all things to do his patriotic duty, 
 he was decisively influenced by the advice 
 of President Lincoln and Secretarj' Stan- 
 ton, both of whom assured him that he 
 could at that time, be of especial value in 
 the House of Eepresentatives. He re- 
 .signed his commission of Major-General 
 on the 5th day of December, 1863, and 
 took liis seat in the House of Representa- 
 tives on tlie 7th. He had served two years 
 and four months in the army, and had just 
 completed his thirty -second year. 
 
 IN CONGRESS. 
 
 The Thirty-eighth Congress is pre-emi- 
 nently entitled in history to the designa- 
 tion of the War Congress. It was elected 
 while the war was flagrant, and every 
 member was chosen upon the issues in- 
 volved in the continuance of the struggle. 
 The Thirty-seventh Congress had, indeed, 
 legislated to a largo extent on war measures 
 but it was chosen before any one believed 
 that secession of the States would be actu- 
 ally attempted. The magnitude of the 
 
 work which fell upon its successor was un- 
 precedented, both in respect to the vast 
 sums of money raised for the support of 
 the Army and Na'S'y, and of the new and 
 extraordinary powers of legislation which 
 it was forced to exercise. Only twenty- 
 four States w^ere represented, and one hun- 
 dred and eighty-two members Avere upon 
 its roll. Among these were many dis- 
 tinguished party leaders on both sides, 
 veterans in the public service, with estab- 
 lished reputations for ability, and with 
 that skill which comes only from parlia- 
 mentary experience. Into this assemblage 
 of men Garfield entered without special 
 preparation, and it might almost be said 
 unexpectedly. The question of taking 
 command of a division of troops under 
 General Thomas, or taking his seat in 
 Congress was kept open till the last moment 
 so late, indeed, that the resignation of his 
 military commission and his appearance 
 in the House were almost contempora- 
 neous. He wore the uniform of a Major- 
 General of the United States Army on 
 Saturday, and on Monday in civilian's 
 dress, he answered to the roll-call as a 
 Representative in Congress fi"om the State 
 of Ohio. 
 
 He was especially fortunate in the con- 
 stituency which elected him. Descended 
 almost entirely from New England stock, 
 the men of the Ashtabula district were in- 
 tensely radical on all questions relating to 
 human rights. Well educated, thrifty, 
 thoroughly intelligent in affairs, acutely 
 discerning of character, not quick to bestow 
 confidence, and slow to withdraw it, they 
 were at once the most helpful and most ex- 
 acting of supporters. Their tenacious trust 
 in men in whom they have once confided 
 is illustrated by the unparalleled fact that 
 Elisha Whittlesey, Joshua E. Giddings, 
 and James A. Garfield represented the dis- 
 trict for fifty-four years. 
 
 There is no test of a man's ability in any 
 dejjartment of public life more severe than 
 service in the House of Representatives; 
 there is no place where so little deference 
 is paid to reputation previously acquired 
 or to eminence won outside ; no ])lace where 
 so little consideration is shown for the feel- 
 ings or failures of beginners. What a man 
 gains in the House he gains by sheer force 
 of his own character, and if he loses and 
 falls back he must expect no mercy and 
 will receive no sympathy. It is a field in 
 which the survival of the strongest is the 
 recognized rule and where no pretense can 
 deceive and no glamour can mislead. The 
 real man is discovered, his worth is impar- 
 tially weighed, his rank is irreversibly de- 
 creed. 
 
 With possibly a single exception Garfield 
 was the youngest member in the House 
 when he entered, and was but seven years 
 from his college graduation. But he had
 
 BOOKiii.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 245 
 
 not been in his seat sixty days before his 
 ability was recognized and his place con- 
 ceded. He stepped to the front with the 
 confidence of one who belonged there. The 
 House was crowded with strong men of 
 both parties ; nineteen of them have since 
 been transferred to the Senate, and many 
 of them have served with distinction in the 
 
 §ubernatorial chairs of their resj^ective 
 tates, and on foreign missions ot great 
 consequence ; but among them all none 
 grew so rapidly none so firmly as Garfield. 
 As is said by Trevelyan of his parliament- 
 ary hero, Garfield succeeded " because all 
 the world in concert could not have kept 
 him in the background, and because when 
 once in tlie front he played his part with a 
 prompt intrepidity and a commanding ease 
 that were but the outward symptoms of the 
 immense reserves of energy, on which it 
 was in his power to draw." Indeed the 
 apparently reserved force which Garfield 
 possessed was one of his great characteris- 
 tics. He never did so well but that it seemed 
 he could easily have done better. He 
 never expended so much strength but that 
 he seemed to be holding additional power 
 at call. This is one of the happiest and 
 rarest distinctions of an effective debater, 
 and often counts for as much in persuading 
 an assembly as the eloquent and elaborate 
 argument. 
 
 The great measure of Garfield's fame 
 was filled by his service in the House of 
 Representatives. His military life, illus- 
 trated by honorable performance, and rich 
 in promise, was, as he himself felt, prema- 
 turely terminated, and necessarily incom- 
 Elete. Speculation as to what he might 
 ave done in a field, where the great prizes 
 are so few, cannot be profitable. It is 
 sufficient to say that as a soldier he did his 
 duty bravely ; he did it intelligently ; he 
 won an enviable fame, and he retired from 
 the service without blot or breath against 
 him. As a lawyer, though admirably 
 equipped for the profession, he can scarcely 
 be said to have entered on its practice. 
 The few efforts he made at the bar were 
 distinguished by the same high order of 
 talent which he exhibited on every field 
 where he was put to the test, and if a man 
 may be accepted as a competent judge of 
 his own capacities and adaptations, the 
 law was the profession to which Garfield 
 should have devoted himself. But fate or- 
 dained otherwise, and his reputation in 
 history will rest largely upon his service 
 in the House of Representatives. That 
 service was exceptionally long. He was 
 nine times consecutively chosen to the 
 House, an honor enjoyed by not more than 
 six other Representatives of the more than 
 five thousand who have been elected from 
 the organization of the government to this 
 hour. 
 
 ORATOR AND DKBATER. 
 
 As a parliamentary orator, as a debater 
 on an issue squarely joined, where the 
 position had been chosen and the ground 
 laid out, Garfield must be assigned a very 
 high rank. More, perhaps, than any man 
 with whom he was associated in pujjlic 
 life, he gave careful and systematic study 
 to public questions, and he came to every 
 discussion in which he took part with 
 elaborate and complete preparation. He 
 was a steady and indefatigable worker. 
 Those that imagine that talent or geniu.s 
 can supi)ly the place or achieve the results 
 of labor will find no encouragement in 
 Garfield's life. In preliminary work he 
 was apt, rapid and skillful. He possessed 
 in a high degree the power of readily ab- 
 sorbing ideas and facts, and, like Dr. John- 
 son, had the art of getting from a book all 
 that was of value in it by a reading ap- 
 parently so quick and cursory that it 
 seemed like a mere glance at the table of 
 contents. He was a pre-eminently fair and 
 candid man in debate, took no petty ad- 
 vantage, stooped to no unworthy methods, 
 avoided personal allusions, rarely appealed 
 to prejudice, did not seek to inflame pas- 
 sion. He had a quicker eye for the strong 
 point of his adversary than for his Aveak 
 point, and on his own side he so marshaled 
 his weighty arguments as to make his 
 hearers forget any possible lack in the 
 complete strength of his position. He had 
 a habit of stating his opponent's side with 
 such amplitude of fairness and such liber- 
 ality of concession that his followers often 
 complained that he was giving his cases 
 away. But never in his prolonged partici- 
 pation in the proceedings of the House did 
 he give his case away, or fail in the judg- 
 ment of competent and impartial listeners 
 to gain the mastery. 
 
 These characteristics, which marked 
 Garfield as a great debater, did not, how- 
 ever, make iiim a great parliamentary 
 leader. A parliamentary leader, as that 
 term is understood wherever free repre- 
 sentative government exists, is necessarily 
 and very strictly the organ of his party. 
 An ardent American defined the instinctive 
 warmth of patriotism when he offered the 
 toast, " Our country always right, but 
 right or wrong, our country." The par- 
 liamentary' leader who has a body of fol- 
 lowers that will do and dare and die for 
 the cause, is one who believes his party 
 always right, but right or wrong, is for his 
 party. No more important or exacting 
 duty devolves upon him than the selection 
 of the field and the time for contact. He 
 must know not merely how to strike, but 
 where to strike and when to strike. He 
 often skillfully avoids the strength of his 
 opponent's position and scatters confusion 
 in his ranks by attacking an exposed point 
 when really the righteousness of the cause
 
 246 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 and the strength of logical intrenchment 
 are against him. He conquers often both 
 against the right and the heavj^ battalions ; 
 as when young Chas. Fox, in the days of 
 his Toryism, carried the House of Commons 
 against justice, against its immemorial 
 rights, against his own convictions, if, in- 
 deed, at that period Fox had convictions, 
 and, in the interest of a corrupt administra- 
 tion, in obedience to a tj'rannical sovereign, 
 drove Wilkes from the seat to which the 
 electors of Middlesex had chosen him and 
 installed Luttrell in defiance, not merely 
 of law, but of public decency. For an 
 achievement of that kind Garfield was dis- 
 qualified — disqualified by the texture of 
 his mind, by the honesty of his heart, by 
 his conscience, and by every instinct and 
 aspiration of his nature. 
 
 The three most distinguished parlia- 
 mentary leaders hitherto developed in this 
 countrj' are Mr. Clay, Mr. Douglas and 
 Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. Each was a man 
 of consummate ability, of great earnest- 
 ness, of intense personality, differing 
 widely each from the others, and yet with 
 a signal trait in common — the power to 
 command. In the give and take of daily 
 discussion, in the art of controlling and 
 consolidating reluctant and refractory fol- 
 lowers ; in the skill to overcome all forms 
 of opposition, and to meet with compe- 
 tency and courage the varying phases of 
 unlooked-for assault or unsuspected defec- 
 tion, it would be difficult to rank with 
 these a fourth name in all our Congres- 
 sional history. But of these Mr. Clay was 
 the greatest. It would, perhaps, be im- 
 possible to find in the parliamentary 
 annals of the world a parallel to Mr. Clay, 
 in 1841, when at sixty-four years of age 
 he took the control of the Whig party 
 from the President who had received their 
 suffrages, against the power of Webster in 
 the Cabinet, against the eloquence of 
 Choate in the Senate, against the Hercu- 
 lean efforts of Caleb Gushing and Henry 
 A. Wise in the House. In unshared lead- 
 ership, in the pride and plenitude of 
 power he hurled against John Tyler with 
 deepest scorn the mass of that conquering 
 column which had swept over the land in 
 1840, and drove his administration to seek 
 shelter behind the lines of his political 
 foes. Mr. Douglas achieved a victory 
 scarcely less wonderful when, in 1854, 
 against the secret desires of a strong ad- 
 ministration, against the wise counsel of 
 the older chiefs, against the conservative 
 instincts and even the moral sense of the 
 country, he forced a reluctant Congress 
 into a repeal of the Missouri compromise. 
 Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, in his contests 
 from 1865 to 1868, actual ly advanced his 
 parliamentary leadership until Congress 
 tied the hanrjs of the President and gov- 
 erned the country by its own will, leaving 
 
 only perfunctory duties to be discharged 
 by the Executive. With two hundred mil- 
 lions of patronage in his hands at the open- 
 ing of the contest, aided by the active force 
 of Steward in the Cabinet and the moral 
 power of Chase on the Bench, Andrew 
 Johnson could not command the support 
 of one-third in either House against the 
 parliamentary uprising of which Thaddeus 
 Stevens was the animating spirit and the 
 unquestioned leader. 
 
 From these three great men Garfield 
 differed radically, differed in the quality of 
 his mind, in temperament, in the form 
 and phase of ambition. He could not do 
 what they did, but he could do what they 
 could not, and in the breadth of his Con- 
 gressional work he left that which will 
 longer exert a potential influence among 
 men, and which, measured by the severe 
 test of posthumous criticism, will secure a 
 more enduring and more enviable fame. 
 
 gaefield's industry. 
 
 Those unfamiliar with Garfield's indus- 
 try and ignorant of the details of his work 
 may, in some degree, measure them by the 
 annals of Congress. No one of the gen- 
 eration of public men to which he be- 
 longed has contributed so much that will 
 be valuable for future reference. His 
 speeches are numerous, many of them 
 brilliant, all of them well studied, care- 
 ftilly phrased and exhaustive of the sub- 
 ject under consideration. Collected from 
 the scattered pages of ninety royal octavo 
 volumes of Congressional Record they 
 would present an invaluable compendium 
 of the political history of the most impor- 
 tant era through which the national gov- 
 ernment has ever passed. When the his- 
 tory of this period shall be impartially 
 written, when war legislation, measures of 
 reconstruction, protection of human rights, 
 amendments to the constitution, mainte- 
 nance of public credit, steps toward specie 
 resumption, true theories of revenue may 
 be reviewed, unsurrounded by prejudice 
 and disconnected from partisanism, the 
 speeches of Garfield will be estimated at 
 their true value, and will be found to com- 
 prise a vast magazine of fact and argu- 
 ment, of clear analysis and sound conclu- 
 sion. Indeed, if no other authority were 
 accessible, his speeches in the House of 
 Representatives from December 1863, to 
 June, 1880, would give a well connected 
 history and complete defence of the im- 
 portant legislation of the seventeen event- 
 ful years that constitute his Parliamentary 
 life. Far bevond that, his speeches would 
 be found to forecast many great measures, 
 vet to be completed — measures which he 
 knew were beyond the public opinion of 
 the hour, but which he confidently be- 
 lieved would secure popular approval
 
 BOOKiii.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON GENERAL GARFIELD. 
 
 247 
 
 within the period of his own lifetime, and 
 by the aid of his own efforts. 
 
 Differing, as Garfield does, from the 
 brilliant parliamentary leaders, it is not 
 easy to find his counterpart anywhere in 
 the record of American public life. He 
 perhaps more nearly resembles Mr. Seward 
 HI his supreme faith in the all-conquering 
 
 f)ower of a principle. He had the love of 
 earning, and the patient industry of in- 
 vestigation, to which John Quincy Adams 
 owes his prominence and his Presidency. 
 He had some of those ponderous elements 
 of mind which distinguished Mr. Webster, 
 and which indeed, in all our public life, 
 have left the great Massachusetts Senator 
 without an intellectual peer. 
 
 In English parliamentary history, as in 
 our own, the leaders in the House of Com- 
 mons present points of essential difference 
 from Garfield. But some of his methods 
 recall the best features in the strong, inde- 
 pendent course of Sir Robert Peel, and 
 striking resemblances are discernible in 
 that most promising of modern conserva- 
 tives, who died too early for his country 
 and his fame, the Lord George Bentinck. 
 He had all of Burke's love for the sublime 
 and the beautiful, with, possibly, some- 
 thing of his superabundance, and in his 
 faith and his magnanimity, in his power of 
 statement, in his subtle analysis, in his 
 faultless logic, in his love of literature, in 
 his wealth and world of illustration, one is 
 reminded of that great English statesman 
 of to-day, who, confronted with obstacles 
 that would daunt any but the dauntless, 
 reviled by those whom he would relieve as 
 bitterly as by those whose supposed rights 
 he is forced to invade, still labors with se- 
 rene courage for the amelioration of Ire- 
 land, and for the honor of the English 
 name. 
 
 NOMINATIOX TO THE PRESIDENCY. 
 
 Garfield's nomination to the Presidency, 
 while not predicted or anticipated, was not 
 a surprise to the country. His prominence 
 in Congress, his solid qualities, his wide 
 reputation, strengthened by his then recent 
 election as Senator from Ohio, kept him in 
 the public eye as a man occupying the very 
 highest rank among those entitled to be 
 called statesmen. It was not mere chance 
 that brought him this high honor. " We 
 must," says Mr. Emerson, " reckon success 
 a constitutional trait. If Eric is in robust 
 health, and has slept well and is at the top 
 of his condition, and thirty years old at his 
 departure from Greenland, he will steer 
 west and his ships will reach New Found- 
 land. But take Eric out and put in a 
 stronger and bolder man and the ships will 
 sail six hundred, one thousand, fifteen 
 hundred miles farther and reach Labrador 
 and New England. There is no chance in 
 results." 
 
 As a candidate, Garfield steadily grew 
 in poi)ular favor. He was met with a 
 storm of detraction at the very hour of his 
 nomination, and it continued with increas- 
 ing volume and momentum until the close 
 of his victorious campaign : 
 
 No might nor grcatnegg in mortality 
 Can censure 'scapo ; btickwouudiug calumny 
 Tho whitest virtue strikes. AVhiit king so strong 
 Can tie the gall up in the slauUerouii tongue ? 
 
 Under it all he was calm, and strong, 
 and confident ; never lost his self-posses- 
 sion, did no unwise act, spoke no hasty or 
 ill-considered word. Indeed nothing in 
 his whole life is more remarkable or more 
 creditable than his bearing through those 
 five full months of vituperation — a pro- 
 longed agony of trial to a sensitive man, a 
 constant and cruel draft upon the powers 
 of moral endurance. The great mass of 
 these unjust imputations passed unnoticed, 
 and, with the general debris of the cam- 
 paign, fell into oblivion. But in a few 
 instances the iron entered his soul and he 
 died Avith the injury unforgotten if not un- 
 forgiven. 
 
 One aspect 'of Garfield's candidacy was 
 unprecedented. Never before in the his- 
 tory of partisan contests in this country 
 had a successful Presidential candidate 
 spoken freely on passing events and cur- 
 rent issues. To attempt anything of the 
 kind seemed novel, rash, and even desper- 
 ate. The older class of voters recalled the 
 unfortunate Alabama letter, in which Mr. 
 Clay was supposed to have signed his 
 political death-warrant. They remembered 
 also the hot-tempered effusion by which 
 General Scott lost a large share of his 
 popularity before his nomination, and the 
 unfortunate speeches which rapidly con- 
 sumed the remainder. The younger voters 
 had seen Mr. Greeley in a series of vigor- 
 ous and original addresses, preparing the 
 pathway for his own defeat. Unmindful 
 of these warnings, unheeding the advice of 
 friends, Garfield spoke to large crowds as 
 he journeyed to and from New York in 
 August, to a great multitude in that city, 
 to delegations and deputations of every 
 kind that called at Mentor during the 
 summer and autumn. With innumerable 
 critics, watchful and eager to catch a 
 phrase that might be turned into odium 
 or ridicule, or a sentence th.at might be 
 distorted to his own or his party's injury, 
 Garfield did not trip or halt in any one of 
 his seventy speeches. This seems all the 
 more remarkable when it is remembered 
 that he did not write what he said, and 
 yet spoke with such logical conspcutive- 
 ness of thought and such admirable preci- 
 sion of phrase as to defy the accident of 
 misreport and the malignity of misrepre- 
 sentation.
 
 248 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 AS PEESIDENT. 
 
 In the beginning of his Presidential life 
 Garfield's experience did not yield him 
 pleasure or satisfaction. The duties that 
 engross so large a portion of the Presi- 
 dent's time were distasteful to him, and 
 were unfavorably contrasted with his leg- 
 islative work. " I have been dealing all 
 these years with ideas," he impatiently ex- 
 claimed one day, " and here I am dealing 
 only with persons. I have been heretofore 
 treating of the fundamental principles of 
 government, and here I am considering all 
 day whether A or B shall be aj)pointed to 
 this or that office.'' He was earnestly 
 seeking some practical way of correcting 
 the evils arising from the distribution of 
 overgrown and unwieldy patronage — evils 
 always appreciated and often discussed by 
 him, but whose magnitude had been more 
 deeply impressed upon his mind since his 
 accession to the Presidency. Had he lived, 
 a comprehensive improvement in the mode 
 of appointment and in the tenure of office 
 would have been proposed by him, and 
 with the aid of Congress no doubt per- 
 fected. 
 
 But, while many of the Executive duties 
 were not grateful to him, he was assiduous 
 and conscientious in their discharge. From 
 the very outset he exhibited administrative 
 talent of a high order. He grasped the 
 helm of office with the hand of a master. 
 In this respect, indeed, he constantly sur- 
 prised many who were most intimately as- 
 sociated with him in the government, and 
 especially those who had feared that he 
 might be lacking in the executive faculty. 
 His disposition of business was orderly and 
 rapid. His power of analysis, and his 
 skill in classification, enabled him to des- 
 patch a vast mass of detail with singular 
 promptness and ease. His Cabinet meet- 
 ings were admirably conducted. His clear 
 presentation of official subjects, his well- 
 considered suggestion of topics on which 
 discussion was invited, his quick decision 
 when all had been heard, combined to 
 show a thoroughness of mental training as 
 rare as his natural ability and his facile 
 adaptation to a new and enlarged field of 
 labor. 
 
 With perfect comprehension of all the 
 inheritances of the war, with a cool calcu- 
 lation of the obstacles in his way, im- 
 pelled always by a generous enthusiasm, 
 Garfield conceived that much might be 
 done by his administration towards restor- 
 ing harmony between the different sections 
 of the Union. He wa-s anxious to go South 
 and speak to the people. As early as 
 April he had ineffectually endeavored to 
 arrange for a trip to Nashville, whither 
 he had been cordially invited, and he was 
 again disappointed a few weeks later to find 
 that he could not go to South C'arolina to 
 attend the centennial celebratiou of the vic- 
 
 tory of the Cowpens, But for the autumn 
 he definitely counted on being present at 
 three memorable assemblies in the South, 
 the celebration at Yorktown, the opening 
 of the Cotton Exposition at Atlanta, and 
 the meeting of the Army of the Cumber- 
 land at Chattanooga. He was already 
 turning over in his mind his address for 
 each occasion, and the three taken toge- 
 ther, he said to a friend, gave him the 
 exact scope and verge which he needed. 
 At Yorktown he would have before him 
 the associations of a himdred years that 
 bound the South and the North in the 
 sacred memory of a common danger and 
 a common victory. At Atlanta he would 
 present the material interests and the in- 
 dustrial dcA'elopment which appealed to 
 the thrift and independence of every 
 household, and which should unite the 
 two sections by the instinct of self-interest 
 and self-defence. At Chattanooga he 
 would revive memories of the war only to 
 show that after all its disaster and all its 
 suffering, the country was stronger and 
 greater, the Union rendered indissoluble, 
 and the future, through the agony and 
 blood of one generation, made brighter 
 and better for all. 
 
 Garfield's ambition for the success of 
 his administration was high. With strong 
 caution and conservatism in his nature, 
 he was in no danger of attempting rash 
 experiments or of resorting to the empiri- 
 cism of statesmanship. But he believed 
 that renewed and closer attention should 
 be given to questions affecting the mate- 
 rial interests and commercial prospects of 
 fifty millions of people. He believed that 
 our continental relations, extensive and 
 undeveloped as they are, involved respon- 
 sibility, and could be cultivated into pro- 
 fitable friendship or be abandoned to 
 harmful indifference or lasting enmity. 
 He believed with equal confidence that an 
 essential forerunner to a new era of na- 
 tional progress must be a feeling of con- 
 tentment in every section of the Union, 
 and a generous belief that the benefits and 
 burdens of government would be common 
 to all. Himself a conspicuous illustration 
 of what ability and ambition may do 
 under republican institutions, he loved 
 his country with a passion of patriotic de- 
 votion, and every waking thought waa 
 given to her advancement. He was an 
 American in all his aspirations, and he 
 looked to the destiny and influence of the 
 United States with the philosophic com- 
 posure of Jefferson and the demonstrative 
 confidence of John Adams. 
 
 THE POLITICAL CONTROVERSY. 
 
 The political events which disturbed the 
 President's serenity for many weeks before 
 that fatal day in July form an important 
 chapter in his career, and, in his own judg-
 
 BOOK III.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 249 
 
 merit, involved questions of principle and 
 of right which are vitally essential to the 
 constitutional administration of the Fede- 
 ral Government. It would be out of place 
 here and now to speak the language of 
 controversy, but the events referred to, 
 however they may continue to be source 
 of contention with others, have become, 
 so far as Garfield is concerned, as much a 
 matter of history as his heroism atChicka- 
 mauga or his illustrious service in the 
 House. Detail is not needful, and personal 
 antagonism shall not be rekindled by any 
 ■word uttered to-day. The motives of those 
 opposing him are not to be here adversely 
 interpreted nor their course harshly charac- 
 terized. But of the dead President this is 
 to be said, and said because his own speech 
 is forever silenced and he can be no more 
 heard except through the fidelity and the 
 love of surviving friends. From the be- 
 ginning to the end of the controversy he 
 so much deplored, the President was never 
 for one moment actuated by any motive of 
 gain to himself or of loss to others. Least 
 of all men did he harbor revenge, rarely 
 did he even show resentment, and malice 
 was not in his nature. He was congenially 
 employed only in the exchange of good 
 offices and the doing of kindly deeds. 
 
 There was not an hour, from the begin- 
 ning of the trouble till the fatal shot 
 entered his body, when the President would 
 not gladly, for the sake of restoring har- 
 mony, have retraced any step he had taken 
 if such retracing had merely involved con- 
 sequences personal to himself. The pride 
 of consistency, or any supposed sense of 
 humiliation that might result from sur- 
 rendering his position, had not a feather's 
 weight with him. No man was ever less 
 subject to such influences from within or 
 from without. But after the most anxious 
 deliberation and the coolest survey of all 
 the circumstances, he solemnly believed 
 that the true prerogatives of the Executive 
 were involved in the issue which had been 
 raised, and that he would be unfaithful to 
 his supreme obligation if he failed to main- 
 tain, in all their vigor, the constitutional 
 rights and dignities of his great office. 
 He believed this in all the convictions of 
 conscience when in sound and vigorous 
 health, and he believed it in his suffering 
 and prostration in the last conscious 
 thought which his wearied mind bestowed 
 on the transitory struggles of life. 
 
 More than this need not be said. Less 
 than this could not be said. Justice to the 
 dead, the highest obligation that devolves 
 upon the living, demands the declaration 
 that in all the bearings of the subject, 
 actual or possible, the President was con- 
 tent in his mind, justified in his conscience, 
 immovable in his conclusions. 
 
 GARFIELD'S RELIGION. 
 
 The religious element in Garfield's char- 
 acter was deep and earnest. In his early 
 youth he espoused the faith of the Disci- 
 ples, a sect of that great Baptist Commu- 
 nion which in diHerent ecclesiastical estab- 
 lishments is so numerous and so influential 
 throughout all parts of the United .Stjites. 
 But the broadening tendency of his mind 
 and his active spirit of impiiry were early 
 apparent and carried him beyond the 
 dogmas of sect and the restraints of asso- 
 ciation. In selecting a college in which to 
 continue his education he rejected Bethany, 
 though presided over by Alexander Camp- 
 bell, the greatest preacher of his church. 
 His reasons were characteristic : first, that 
 Bethany leaned too heavily towjud slavery ; 
 and, second, that being himself a Disciple 
 and the son of Disciple parents, he had lit- 
 tle acquaintance with people of other be- 
 liefs, and he thought it would make him 
 more liberal, quoting his own words, both 
 in his religious and general views, to go 
 into a new circle and be under n«w influ- 
 ences. 
 
 The liberal tendency which he had an- 
 ticipated as the result of wider culture was 
 fully realized. He was emancipated from 
 mere sectarian belief, and with eager in- 
 terest pushed his investigations in the di- 
 rection of modern progressive thought. He 
 followed with quickening step in the paths 
 of exploration and speculation so fearlessly 
 trodden by Darwin, by Huxley, by Tyn- 
 dall, and by other living scientists of the 
 radical and advanced type. His own 
 church, binding its disciples by no formu- 
 lated creed, but accepting the Old and New 
 Testaments as the word of God, with un- 
 biased liberality of private interpretation, 
 favored, if it did not stimulate, the spirit of 
 investigation. Its members profess with 
 sincerity, and profess only, to be of one 
 mind and one faith with those wdio imme- 
 diately followed the Master, and who were 
 first called Christians at Antioch.. 
 
 But however high Garfield reasoned of 
 " fixed fate, free-will, foreknowledge abso- 
 lute," he was never separated from the 
 Church of the Disciples in his affections 
 and in his associations. For him it held 
 the ark of the covenant. To him it was 
 the gate of Heaven. The world of re- 
 ligious belief is full of solecisms and con- 
 tradictions. A philosophic observer de- 
 clares that men by the thousand will die 
 in defence of a creed whose doctrines they 
 do not comprehend and whose tenets they 
 habitually violate. It is equally true that 
 men by thq. thousand will cling to church 
 organizations with instinctive and undeny- 
 ing fidelity when their belief in maturcr 
 years is radically different from that which 
 inspired them as neophytes. 
 
 But after this range of speculation, and 
 this latitude of doubt, Garfaeld came back
 
 250 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book III. 
 
 always with freshness and delight to the 
 simpler instincts of religious faith, which, 
 earliest implanted, longest survive. Not 
 many weeks before his assassination, walk- 
 ing on the banks of the Potomac with a 
 friend, and conversing on these topics of 
 personal religion, concerning which noble 
 natures have an unconquerable reserve, he 
 said that he found the Lord's Prayer and 
 the simple petitions learned in infancy in- 
 finitely resthil to him, not merely in their 
 stated" repetition, but in their casual and 
 frequent recall as he went about the daily 
 duties of life. Certain texts of scripture 
 had a very strong hold on his memory and 
 his heart. He heard, while in Edinburgh 
 some years ago, an eminent Scotch preach- 
 er who prefoced his sermon with reading 
 the eighth chapter of the Epistle to the 
 Romans, which book had been the subject 
 of careful study with Garfield during his 
 religious life. He was greatly impressed 
 by the elocution of the preacher and de- 
 clared that it had imparted a new and 
 deeper meaning to the majestic utterances 
 of Saint Paul. He referred often in after 
 years to that memorable service, and dwelt 
 with exaltation of feeling upon the radiant 
 promise and the assured hope with which 
 the great apostle of the Gentiles was " per- 
 suaded that neither death, nor life, nor 
 principalities, nor powers nor things pres- 
 ent, nor things to come, nor height, nor 
 depth, nor any other creature, shall be 
 able to separate us from the love of God, 
 which is in Christ Jesus our Lord." 
 
 The crowning characteristic of General 
 Garfield's religious opinions, as, indeed, of 
 all his opinions, was his liberality. In all 
 things he had charity. Tolerance was of 
 his nature. He respected in others the 
 qualities which he possessed himself — 
 sincerity of conviction and frankness of 
 expression. "With him the inquiry was not 
 so much what a man believes, but does he 
 believe it? The lines of his friendship and 
 his confidence encircled men of every creed, 
 and men of no creed, and to the end of his 
 life, on his ever lengthening list of friends, 
 were to be found the names of a pious 
 Catholic priest and of an honest-minded 
 and generous-hearted free-thinker. 
 
 THE assassin's BULLET. 
 
 On the morning of Saturday, July 2d, 
 the President wits a contented and happy 
 man — not in an ordinary degree, but joy- 
 fully, almost boyishly hapjn'. On his way 
 to the railroad station to which he drove 
 slowly, in conscious enjoyment of the beau- 
 tiful morning, with an unwonted sense of 
 leisure, and a keen anticipation'of pleasure, 
 his talk was all in the grateful and gratu- 
 latory vein. He felt that after four months 
 oftrial his administration was strong in its 
 grasj) of affairs, strong in ])0])ular favor 
 and destined to grow .stronger ; that grave 
 
 difficulties confronting him at his inau- 
 guration had been safely passed ; that 
 troubles lay behind him and not before 
 him ; that he was soon to meet the wife 
 whom he loved, now recovering from an 
 illness which had but lately disquieted and 
 at times almost unnerved him ; that he 
 was going to his Alma Mater to reneAv the 
 most cherished associations of his young 
 manhood, and to exchange greetings with 
 those whose deepening interest had fol- 
 lowed every step of his upward progress 
 from the day he entered upon his college 
 course until he had attained the loftiest 
 elevation in the gift of his countrymen. 
 
 Surely, if happiness can ever come from 
 the honors or triumphs of this world, on 
 that quiet July morning James A. Gar- 
 field may well have been a happy man. 
 No foreboding of evil haunted him ; no 
 slightest premonition"of danger clouded his 
 sky. His terrible fate was upon him in an 
 instant. One moment he stood erect, strong, 
 confident, in the years stretching peaceftilly 
 out before him. The next he lay wounded, 
 bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks 
 of torture, to silence and the grave. 
 
 Great in life, he was surpassingly great 
 in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy 
 of wantonness and wickedness by the red 
 hand of murder, he was thrust from the 
 full tide of this world's interest, from its 
 hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the 
 visible presence of death — and he did not 
 quail. Not alone for one short moment in 
 which, stunned and dazed, he could give 
 up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, 
 but through days of deadly languor, 
 through weeks of agony, that was not less 
 agony because silently borne, with clear 
 sight and calm courage, he looked into his 
 open grave. What blight and ruin met 
 his anguished eyes, whose lips may tell — 
 what brilliant, broken plans, what baffled, 
 high ambitions, what sundering of strong, 
 warm, manhood's friendship, what bitter 
 rending of sweet household ties ! Behind 
 him a proud, expectant nation, a great host 
 of sustaining friends, a cherished and happy 
 mother, wearing the full, rich honore of 
 her early toil and tears ; the wife of his 
 youth, whose whole life lav in his; the 
 little boys not yet emerged from child- 
 hood's day of frolic ; the fiiir, young daugh- 
 ter ; the sturdy sons just springing into 
 closest companionshi]), claiming every day 
 and every day rewarding a father's love 
 and care; and in liis heart the eager, re- 
 joicing power to meet all demand. Before 
 him, desolation and great darkness! And 
 his soul was not shaken. His country- 
 men were thrilled with instant, i)rofound, 
 and universal symj)athy. Masterful in his 
 mortal weakness, he became the centre of 
 a nation's love, enshrined in the prayers 
 of a world. But all the love and all the 
 sympathy could not share with him his
 
 BOOK III.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD, 
 
 251 
 
 suffc'rin<i;. He trod the wine-press alone. 
 With unfaltering front he; liiced death. 
 With unfailing tenderness he took leave 
 of life. Above the demoniac hiss of the 
 assassin's hullet he heard tlie voice of God. 
 AV^ith simple resignation he bowed to the 
 Divine deeree. 
 
 As the end drew near, his early craving 
 for the sea returned. The stately mansion 
 of power had been to him the wearisome 
 hospital of pain, and he begged to be tak- 
 en from his prison walls, from its oppres- 
 sive, stilling air, from its homelessness and 
 its hopelessness. Gently, silently, the love 
 of a great people bore the pale sufferer to 
 the longed-for healing of the sea, to live or 
 to die, as God should will, within sight of 
 its heaving billows, within sound of its 
 manifold voices. With wan, fevered face 
 tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he 
 looked out wistfully upon the ocean's 
 changing wonders; on its far sails, whiten- 
 ing in the morning light; on its restless 
 waves, rolling shoreward to break and die 
 beneath the noonday sun ; on the red 
 clouds of evening, arching low to the hori- 
 zon ; on the serene and shining pathway 
 of the stars. Let us think that his dying 
 eyes read a mystic meaning which only 
 the rapt and parting soul may know. Let 
 us believe that in the silence of the reced- 
 ing world he heard the great waves break- 
 ing on a further shore and felt already up- 
 on his wasted brow the breath of the eter- 
 nal morning. 
 
 AFTER THE ORATION. 
 
 The eulogy was concluded at 1.50, hav- 
 ing taken just an hour and a half in its 
 delivery. As Mr. Blaine gave utterance 
 to the last solemn words the spectators 
 broke into a storm of applause, which was 
 not hushed for some moments. The ad- 
 dress was listened to with an intense inter- 
 est and in solemn silence, unbroken by 
 any sound except by a sigh of relief (such 
 
 a.s arises from a large audience when a 
 strong tension is removed from their minds) 
 when the orator passed from his allusion 
 to diflerences existing in the Republican 
 party last spring. Benediction was then 
 offered by the Rev. Dr. Bullock, Chaplain 
 of the Senate. The Marine Band played 
 the " Garfield Dead March " as the invited 
 guests filed out of the Chandx'r in the 
 same order in which they had entered it. 
 The Senate was the last to leave, and then 
 the House was called to order by the 
 Speaker. 
 
 Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, offered the fol- 
 lowing resolution : 
 
 Resolved, The Senate concurring, that 
 the thanks of Congress are hereby pre- 
 sented to the Hon. James G. Blaine for the 
 appro])riate memorial address delivered by 
 him on the life and services of James A. 
 Garfield, late President of the United 
 States, in the Representative IL'ill, before 
 both houses of Congress and their invited 
 guests, on the 27th of February, 1882, and 
 that he be requested to furnish a copy for 
 publication. 
 
 Resolved, That the Chairman of the 
 Joint Committee appointed to make the 
 necessary arrangements to carry into ef- 
 fect the resolution of Congress in relation 
 to the memorial exercises in honor of James 
 A. Garfield be requested to communicate to 
 JMr. Blaine the foregoing resolution, re- 
 ceive his answer thereto and present the 
 same to both Houses of Congress. The 
 resolution was adopted unanimously. 
 
 Mr. McKinley then offered the following : 
 
 Resolved, That as a further mark of re- 
 spect to the memory of the deceased Pres- 
 ident of the United States the House do 
 now adjourn. 
 
 The resolution was unanimously adopt- 
 ed, and in accordance therewith the 
 Speaker at 1.55 declared the House ad- 
 journed until to-morrow.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 PAELIAMENTAKT PEACTIOE.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 PAELIAMENTAliY PEACTIOE. 
 
 Declaration of Independence. 
 
 A Declaration by the Representatives of the United Slatet of 
 America in Congress assetnbled. July 4, 177G. 
 
 When in the Course of human events, 
 it becomes necessary for one people to dis- 
 solve the political bands which have con- 
 nected them with another, and to assume 
 among the powers of the earth, the sepa- 
 rate and equal station to which the Laws 
 of Nature and of Nature's God entitle 
 them, a decent respect to the opinions of 
 mankind requires that they should declare 
 the causes which im2)el them to the sepa- 
 ration. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident, 
 that all men are created equal ; that they 
 are endowed by their Creator with certain 
 unalienable Rights ; that among these are 
 Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happi- 
 ness. That to secure these rights, Gov- 
 ernments are instituted among Men, de- 
 riving their just powers from the consent 
 of the governed ; That whenever any 
 Form of Government becomes destructive 
 of these ends, it is the Right of the People 
 to alter or to abolish it, and to institute 
 new Government, laying its foundation on 
 such principles and organizing its powers 
 in such form, as to them shall seem most 
 likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. 
 Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Gov- 
 ernments long established should not be 
 changed for light and transient causes; 
 and accordingly all experience hath shown, 
 that mankind are more disposed to suffer, 
 while evils are sufforable, than to right 
 themselves by abolishing the forms to 
 which they are accustomed. But when a 
 long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- 
 suing invariably the same Object, evinces a 
 design to reduce them under absolute 
 Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, 
 to throw off such Government, and to pro- 
 vide new Guards for their future security. 
 Such has been the patient sufferance of 
 these Colonies; and such is now the 
 
 necessity which constrains them to alter 
 their former Systems of Government. The 
 history of the present King of Great Britain 
 is a history of repeated injuries and usur- 
 pations, all having in direct object the 
 establishment of an absolute Tyranny 
 over these States. To prove this, let Facta 
 be submitted to a candid world. 
 
 He has reftised his Assent to Laws, the 
 most wholesome and necessary for the 
 public good. 
 
 He has forbidden his Governors to pass 
 Laws of immediate and pressing import- 
 ance, unless suspended in their operation 
 till his Assent should be obtained ; and 
 when so suspended, he has utterly neglected 
 to attend to them. 
 
 He has refused to pass other Laws for 
 the accommodation of large districts of 
 people, unless those people would relin- 
 quish the right of Representation in the 
 Legislature, a right inestimable to them 
 and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 He has called together legislative bodies 
 at places unusual, uncomfortable, and dis- 
 tant from the Depository of their public 
 Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
 them into compliance with his measures. 
 
 He has dissolved Representative Houses 
 repeatedly, for opposing with manly firm- 
 ness his invasions on the rights of the 
 people. 
 
 He has refused for a long time, after 
 such dissolutions, to cause others to be 
 elected ; whereby the Legislative Powers, 
 incapable of Annihilation, have returned 
 to the People at large for their exercise ; 
 the State remaining in the meantime ex- 
 posed to all the dangers of invasion from 
 without, and convulsions within. 
 
 He has endeavored to jirevent the Pop- 
 ulation of these States ; for that purpose 
 obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of 
 Foreigners ; refusing to pass others to en- 
 courage their migrations hither, and rais-
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 ing the conditions of new Appropriations 
 of Lands. 
 
 He has obstructed the Administration 
 of Justice, by refusing his Assent to laws 
 for establishing Judiciary Powers. 
 
 He has made Judges dependent on his 
 Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, 
 and the amount and payment of their sal- 
 aries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of New Offi- 
 ces, and sent hither swarms of Officers to 
 harass our People, and eat out their sub- 
 stance. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times of peace. 
 Standing Armies without the Consent of 
 our Legislatures. 
 
 He has affected to render the Military in- 
 dependent of and superior to the Civil 
 Power. 
 
 He has combined with others to subject 
 us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitu- 
 tion, and unacknowledged by our laws ; 
 giving his Assent to their Acts of pre- 
 tended Legislation : 
 
 For quartering large bodies of armed 
 troops among us : 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock Trial, 
 from punishment for any Murders which 
 they should commit on the Inhabitants of 
 these States : 
 
 For cutting off our Trade with all paiis 
 of the world : 
 
 For Imposing Taxes on us without our 
 Consent : 
 
 For depriving us, in many dases, of the 
 benefits of Trial by Jury : 
 
 For transporting us beyond Seas to be 
 tried for pretended offenses : 
 
 For abolishing the free System of Eng- 
 lish Laws in a neighboring Province, es- 
 tablishing therein an Arbitrary govern- 
 ment, and enlarging its Boundaries so as 
 to render it at once an example and fit in- 
 strument for introducing the same abso- 
 lute rule into these Colonies : 
 
 For taking away our Charters, abolish- 
 ing our most valuable Laws, and altering 
 fundamentally the Forms of our Govern- 
 ments : 
 
 For suspending our own Legislatures, 
 and declaring themselves invested witii 
 power to legislate for us in all cases what- 
 soever. 
 
 He has abdicated Government here, by 
 declaring us out of his I'rotection and 
 waging War against us. 
 
 lie has plundered our seas, ravaged our 
 Coasts, burnt our towns, and desti'oyed 
 the Lives of our People. 
 
 He is at this time transporting large 
 Annies of foreign Mercenaries to com- 
 plete the works of death, dcHf)lati()n and 
 tyranny, already b('giin with circumstances 
 of Cruelty and i'eilidy s(;arcely |iaralleled 
 in the most barl)arous ages, and totally un- 
 worthy the Head ol" a civilized nation. 
 
 He has constrained our fellow-citizens 
 
 taken Captive on the high Seas to bear 
 Arms against their Country, to become the 
 executioners of their friends and Breth- 
 ren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. 
 
 He has excited domestic insurrections 
 amongst us, and has endeavored to bring 
 on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the 
 merciless Indian Savages, whose known 
 rule of warfare is an undistinguished de- 
 struction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 
 
 In every stage of these Oppressions We 
 have Petitioned for Redress in the most 
 humble terms ; our repeated Petitions have 
 been answered only by repeated injury. 
 A Prince,whose character is thus marked 
 by every act which may define a Tyrant, 
 is unfit to be the ruler of a free People. 
 
 Nor have We been wanting in attentions 
 to our British brethren. We have warned 
 them, from time to time, of attempts by 
 their legislature to extend an unwarrant- 
 able jurisdiction over us. We have re- 
 minded them of the circumstances of our 
 emigration and settlement here. We have 
 appealed to their native justice and mag- 
 nanimity, and we have conjured them by 
 the ties of our common kindred to disavow 
 these usurpations, which would inevitably 
 interrupt our connections and correspon- 
 dence. They, too, have been deaf to the 
 voice of justice and of consanguinity. We 
 must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity 
 which denounces our Separation, and hold 
 them, as we hold the rest of mankind, En- 
 emies in War, in Peace, Friends. 
 
 We, therefore, the Representatives 
 of the United States of America in 
 GENERAL CONGRESS assembled, appealing 
 to the Supreme Judge of the World for 
 the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the 
 Name, and by Authority of the good Peo- 
 ple of these Colonies, solemnly publish 
 and DECLARE, That these United Colo- 
 nies are, and of Right ought to be, free 
 AND independent States; that they are 
 Absolved from all Allegiance to the Brit- 
 ish Crown, and that all political connection 
 between them and the State of Great Brit- 
 ain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; 
 and that as free and independent 
 Statks, they have full Power to levy War, 
 conclude Peace, contract Alliances, estab- 
 lish Commerce, and to do all other Acta 
 and things which INDEPENDENT STATES 
 may of right do. And for the support of 
 this Declaration, witli a firm reliance on 
 the Protection of Divine Providence, We 
 mutually pledge to each other our Lives, 
 our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor. 
 
 'J'he foregoing declaration was, })y order 
 of (-(ingress, engrossed, and signed by the 
 I'oUowing members: 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK. 
 
 f Josiah Bartlett, 
 New Hampshire < William Whipple. 
 [ Matthew Thornton.
 
 BOOK IV.] 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 
 New York. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 {Samuel Adams, 
 John Adams, 
 Robert Treat Paine, 
 Elbridge Gerry. 
 
 Rhode Island, f 8te])hen Hopkins, 
 etc. \ William P^llery. 
 
 {Roger Sherman, 
 Samuel Huntington, 
 William Williams, 
 Oliver Woleott. 
 
 (William Floyd, 
 Philip Livingston, 
 Franeis Lewis, 
 Lewis Morris. 
 
 ' Richard Stockton, 
 John Witherspoon, 
 Francis Hopkinson, 
 John Hart, 
 Abraham Clark. 
 
 ' Robert Morris, 
 Benjamin Rush, 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 John Morton, 
 George Clymer, 
 James Smith, 
 George Taylor, 
 James Wilson, 
 George Ross. 
 
 ! Cesar Rodney, 
 George Read, 
 Thomes McKean. 
 
 Samuel Chase, 
 William Paca, 
 Thomas Stone, 
 Charles Carroll, of 
 CarroUton. 
 
 ' George Wythe, 
 Richard Henry Lee, 
 Thomas Jefferson, 
 Benjamin Harrison, 
 Thomas Nelson, jr., 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
 
 ^ Carter Braxton. 
 
 i William Hooper, 
 Joseph Hewes, 
 John Penn. 
 
 {Edward Rutledge, 
 Thomas Hevward, ir., 
 Thomas Lynch, jr.,"^ 
 Arthur Middleton. 
 
 {Button Gwinnett, 
 Lyman Hall, 
 George Walton.- 
 
 Resolved, That copies of the Declaration 
 be sent to the several assemblies, conven- 
 tions, and committees or councils of safety, 
 and to the several commanding officers of 
 the Continental Trooi>s : That it be pro- 
 claimed in each of the Uxited States, 
 and at the Head of the Army. — [Joicr. 
 Cong., vol. 1, p. 396.] 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 Articles of Confederation. 
 
 Done at I'liiladelpliia on the 'Mh day of July, 1778. 
 
 [While the Declaration of Independence 
 was under consideration in the Continental 
 Congress, and before it was finally agreed 
 upon, measures were taken for the estab- 
 lishment of a constitutional form of gov- 
 ernment; and on the 11th of June, 1776, 
 it was '■^Resolved, That a committee be ap- 
 pointed to prepare and digest the form of 
 aconi'ederation to be entered into between 
 these Colonies ; " which committee was 
 appointed the next day, June 12, and con- 
 sisted of a member Irom each Colony, 
 namely : Mr. Bartlett. Mr. S. Adams, Mr. 
 Hopkins, Mr. Sherman, Mr. R. R. Livings- 
 ton, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. McKean, Mr. 
 Stone, Mr. Nelson, Mr. Hewes, Mr. E, 
 Rutledge, and Mr. Gwinnett. On the 
 12th of July, 1776, the committee reported 
 a draught of the Articles of Confedera- 
 tion, which was printed for the use of the 
 members under the strictest injunctions of 
 secrecy. 
 
 This report underwent a thorough dis- 
 cussion in Congress, from time to time, 
 until the 15th of November, 1777 ; on 
 which day, " Articles of Confederation 
 and Perpetual Union " were finally agreed 
 to in form, and they were directed to be 
 proposed to the Legislatures of all the 
 United States, and if approved by them, 
 they were advised to authorize their dele- 
 gates to ratify"^ the same in the Congress of 
 the United States ; and in that event they 
 were to become conclusive. On the 17th 
 of November, 1777, the Congress agreed 
 upon the form of a circular letter to ac- 
 company the Articles of Confederation, 
 which concluded with a recommendation 
 to each of the several Legislatures " to 
 invest its delegates with competent pow- 
 ers, ultimately, and in the name and be- 
 half of the State, to subscribe articles of 
 confederation and perpetual union of the 
 United States, and to attend Congress for 
 that purpose on or before the 10th day of 
 March next." This letter was signed by 
 the President of Congress and sent, with 
 a copy of the articles, to each State Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 On the 26th of June, 1778, Congress 
 agreed upon the form of a ratification of 
 the Articles of Confederation, and di- 
 rected a copy of the articles and the ratifi- 
 cation to be engrossed on parchment ; 
 which, on the 9th of July, 1778, having 
 been examined and the blanks filled, was 
 signed by the delegates of New Hamp- 
 shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, 
 New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and 
 South Carolina. Congress then directed 
 that a circular letter be addressed to the 
 States whose delegates were not present, 
 or being present, conceived they were not
 
 6 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it^ 
 
 -/ '^ 
 
 tl^ 
 
 authorized to sign'the ratification, inform- 
 ing them how many and what States had 
 ratified the Articles of Confederation, and 
 desiring them, with all convenient dis- 
 patch, to authorize their delegates to ratify | 
 the same. Of these States, North Caro- j 
 lina ratified on the 21st and Georgia on 
 the 24th of July, 1778 ; New Jersey on the 
 26th of November following ; Delaware on 
 the 5th of May, 1779; Maryland on the 1st 
 of March, 1781 ; and on the 2d of March, 
 1781, Congress assembled under the new 
 form of government.] 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 To all to whom these presents shall come, 
 
 We, the undersigned, delegates of the 
 States afiixed to our names, send greeting : 
 
 Whereas the delegates of the United 
 States of America in Congress assembled 
 did, on the fifteenth day of November, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- 
 (Ired and seventy-seven, and in the second 
 year of the independence of America, agree 
 to certain Articles of Confederation and Per- 
 petual Union between the States of New 
 Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations, Con- 
 necticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
 sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- 
 gia, in the words following, viz : 
 
 Articles of Confederation and Perpetual 
 Union between the States of New Hamp- 
 shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantations, Connecti- 
 cut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
 vania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
 Georgia. 
 
 Article T. The style of this Confederacy 
 shall be, " The United States of America." 
 
 Article II. Each State retains its sov- 
 ereignty, freedom, and independence, and 
 every power, jurisdiction, and right, which 
 is not oy this confederation expressly dele- 
 gated to the United States in Congress as- 
 sembled. 
 
 Article III. The said States hereby 
 severally enter into a lirm league of friend- 
 ship with each other for their common de- 
 fense, the security of their liberties, and 
 their mutual and general welfare; binding 
 themselves to assist each other against all 
 force oU'ered to, or attacks made upon 
 them, or any of them, on account of reli- 
 gion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pre- 
 tense whatever. 
 
 Artici^k IV. The bettor to secure and 
 perpetuate mutual friendshij) and inter- 
 course among the pennic of the different 
 States in this Uni(m, tne free inliabitants 
 of each (»f these States, paupers, vagabonds, 
 and fugitives from justice excepted, sliall 
 
 ' / 
 
 be entitled to all privileges and immunities 
 of free citizens in the several States ; and 
 the people of each State shall have free in- 
 gress and regress to and from any other 
 State, and shall enjoy therein all the priv- 
 ileges of trade and commerce, subject to 
 the same duties, impositions, and restric- 
 tions, as the inhabitants thereof respective- 
 ly : Provided, That such restrictions, shall 
 not extend so far as to prevent the removal 
 of property imported into any State to any 
 other State, of which the owner is an in- 
 habitant : Provided, also, That no imposi- 
 tion, duties, or restriction shall be laid by 
 any State on the property of the United 
 States or either of them. 
 
 If any person guilty of or charged with 
 treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, 
 in any State, shall flee from justice, and be 
 found in any of the United States, he shall, 
 upon demand of the governor or executive 
 power of the State from which he fled, be 
 delivered up, and removed to the State 
 having jurisdiction of his offense. 
 
 Full faith and credit shall be given in 
 each of these States to the records, acts, 
 and judicial proceedings of the courts and 
 magistrates of every other State. 
 
 Article V. For the more convenient 
 management of the general interests of the 
 United States, dele gates shall be annually 
 appointed in such manner as the Legisla- 
 ture oFeach State shall direct, to meet in 
 Congress on the first Monday in Novem- 
 ber, in every year, w i t h a p ower reserved 
 to each State to recalW.b delegates or any 
 of them, at any time within the^year, and 
 to send others in their stead for the re- 
 mainder of the year. 
 
 No State shall be represented in Con- 
 gress by less than two nor by more than 
 seven members ; and no person shall ^ye 
 capable of being a delegate for more than 
 three years in any term of six years ; nor 
 shall any person, being a delegate, be ca- 
 pable of holding any oflice under the 
 United States, for which he, or another for 
 his benefit, receives any salary, fees or 
 emolument of any kind. 
 
 Each State shall maintain its own dele- 
 gates in a meeting of the States, and while 
 they act as members of the committee of 
 these States. 
 
 In determining questions in the United 
 States in Congress assembled, each ^tate_ 
 shall have one vote. 
 
 Freedom of speech and debate in Con- 
 gress shall not be impeached or (juestioned 
 in any court or place out of Congress; and 
 the meml)ers of Congress shall be protected 
 in their |)ersons from arrests and imprison- 
 menls during the time of their going to 
 and from, and attendance on. Congress, ex- 
 cept for treason, felony, or breach of the 
 peace. 
 
 Article VI. No State, without the con- 
 sent of the United States in Cong.ress as-
 
 BOOK IV,J 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 sembled, shall send any embassy to, or re- 
 ceive any embassy from, or enter into any 
 conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty 
 with any King, prince, or state ; nor shall 
 any person holding any office of profit or 
 trast under the United States, or any of 
 them, accept of any present, emolument, 
 office or title of any kind whatever from 
 any King, prince, or foreign state; nor 
 shall the United States in Congress as- 
 sembled, or any of them, grant any title of 
 nobility. 
 
 No two or more States shall enter into 
 any treaty, confederation, or alliance what- 
 ever between them without the consent of 
 the United States in Congress assembled, 
 specifying accurately the purposes for 
 which the same is to be entered into, and 
 how long it shall continue. 
 
 No State shall lay any imposts or duties, 
 which may interfere with any stipulations 
 in treaties entered into by the United 
 States in Congress assembled with any 
 King, prince, or state, in pursuance of any 
 treaties already proposed by Congress to 
 the Courts of France and Spain, 
 
 No vessels of war shall be kept up in 
 time of peace by any State, except such 
 number only as shall be deemed necessary 
 by the United States in Congress assem- 
 bled, for the defense of such State, or its 
 trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept 
 up by any State in time of peace, except 
 such number only, as, in the judgment of 
 the United States, in Congress assembled, 
 shall be deemed requisite to garrison the 
 forts necessary for the defense of such 
 State ; but every State shall always keep 
 up a well regulated and disciplined militia, 
 sufficiently armed and accoutered, and 
 shall provide and constantly have ready 
 for use, in public stores, a due number of 
 field-pieces and tents, and a proper quan- 
 tity of arms, ammunition, and camp equip- 
 age. 
 
 No State shall engage in any war with- 
 out the consent of the United States in 
 Congress assembled, unless such State be 
 actually invaded by enemies, or shall have 
 received certain advice of a resolution be- 
 ing formed by some nation of Indians to 
 invade such State, and the danger is so 
 imminent as not to admit of a delay till 
 the United States in Congress assembled 
 can be consulted ; nor shall any State grant 
 commissions to any ships or vessels of war, 
 nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it 
 be after a declaration of war by the United 
 States in Congress assembled ; and then 
 only against the kingdom or state, and the 
 subjects thereof, against which war has 
 been so declared, and under such regulations 
 as shall be established by the United States 
 in Congress assembled, unless such State 
 be infested by pirates, in which case ves- 
 sels of war may be fitted out for that occa- 
 sion, and kept so long as the danger shall 
 
 XavC*^ i~»-v^ • 
 
 continue, or until the United States in Con- 
 gress assembled shall determine otherwise. 
 
 Article VII. VV^hen land forces aret^vr' 
 raised by any State for the common defense, 
 all officers of, or under the rank of colonel, 
 shall be appointed by the Legislature of 
 each State respectively by whom such 
 forces shall be raised, or in such manner 
 as such State shall direct; and all vacan- 
 cies shall be filled up by the State which 
 first made the appointment. 
 
 Article VIII. All charges of war, and 
 all other expenses that shall be incurred 
 for the common defense or general welfare 
 and allowed by the United States in Con- 
 gress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a 
 common treasury, which shall be supplied ^t/|t)tLj A i 
 by the several States, in proportion to the j^ - 
 value of all land within each State, granted '''"*'*^><^ ^^♦y 
 to, or surveyed for, any person, as such 
 land and the buildings and improvements 
 thereon shall be estimated, according to 
 such mode as the United States in Congress 
 assembled shall, from time to time, direct 
 and appoint. 
 
 The taxes for paying that proportion 
 shall be laid and levied by the authority 
 and direction of the Legislatures of the 
 several States, within the time agreed upon 
 by the United States in Congress assem- 
 bled. 
 
 Article IX. The United States in Con- 
 gress assembled shall have the sole and ex- 
 clusive right and power of determining on 
 peace and war, except in the cases men- 
 tioned in the sixth article; of sending and 
 receiving embassadors ; entering into trea- 
 ties and alliances: Provided, That no 
 treaty of commerce shall be made whereby 
 the legislative power of the respective 
 States shall be restrained from imposing 
 such imposts and duties on foreigners as 
 their own people are subjected to, or from 
 prohibiting the exportation or importation 
 of any species of goods or commodities 
 whatsoever ; of establishing rules for de- 
 ciding, in all cases, what captures on land 
 or water shall be legal, and in what man- 
 ner prizes taken by land or naval forces in 
 the service of the United States, shall be 
 divided or appropriated ; of granting let- 
 ters of marque and reprisal in times of 
 peace ; appointing courts for the trial of 
 piracies and felonies committed on the high 
 seas, and establishing courts for receiving 
 and determining finally, appeals in all cases 
 of captures : Provided, That no member 
 of Congress shall be appointed a judge of 
 any of the said courts. 
 
 The United States in Congress assem- 
 bled shall also be the last resort on appeal 
 in all disputes and differences now subsist- 
 ing, or that hereafter may arise between 
 two or more States concerning boundary, 
 jurisdiction, or anv other cause whatever; 
 which authority shall always be exercised 
 in the manner ' following : Whenever the
 
 8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [booe iy. 
 
 legislative or executive authority or 
 lawful agent of any State in controversy 
 with another, shall present a petition 
 to Congress, stating the matter in ques- 
 tion, and praying for a hearing, notice 
 thereof shall be given by order of Congress 
 to the legislative or executive authority of 
 the other State in controversy, and a day 
 assigned for the appearance of the parties 
 by their lawful agents, who shall then be 
 directed to appoint, by joint consent, com- 
 missioners or judges to constitute a court 
 for hearing and determining the matter in 
 question ; but if they cannot agree. Con- 
 gress shall name three persons out of each 
 of the United States, and from the list of 
 such persons each party shall alternately 
 strike out one, the petitioners beginning, 
 until the number shall be reduced to thir- 
 teen ; and from that number not less than 
 seven nor more than nine names, as Con- 
 gress shall direct, shall, in the presence of 
 Congress, be drawn out by lot ; and the 
 persons whose names shall be so drawn, or 
 any five of them, shall be commissioners or 
 judges, to hear and finally determine the 
 controversy, so always as a major part of 
 the judges who shall hear the cause, shall 
 agree in the determination ; and if either 
 party shall neglect to attend at the day ap- 
 pointed, without showing reasons which 
 Congress shall judge sufficient, or, being 
 present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress 
 shall proceed to nominate three persons 
 out of each State, and the Secretary of 
 Congress shall strike in behalf of such 
 party absent or refusing ; and the judg- 
 ment and sentence of the court to be ap- 
 pointed in the manner before prescribed 
 shall be final and conclusive ; and if any 
 of the parties shall refuse to submit to the 
 authority of such court or to appear or de- 
 fend their claim or cause, the court shall, 
 nevertheless, proceed to pronounce sen- 
 tence or judgment, which shall, in like 
 manner, be final and decisive; the judg- 
 ment or sentence, and other proceedings, 
 being in either case transmitted to Con- 
 gress, and lodged among the acts of Con- 
 gress for the security of the parties con- 
 cerned : Provided, That every commis- 
 sioner, before he sits in judgment, shall 
 take an oath, to be administered by one of 
 the judges of the 8Ui»rcme or superior court 
 of the State, where the cause shall be tried, 
 " well and truly to hear and determine the 
 matter in question, according to the best of 
 hisj'udr/ment without favor, affection, or hope 
 of reward:^' Provided, also. That no State 
 shall be deprived of territory for the bene- 
 fit of the United States. 
 
 All controversies concerning the private 
 right of soil claimed under different grants 
 01 two or more States, whose jurisdictions, 
 afl they may respect such lands, and the 
 States which passed such grants, are ad- 
 justed, the said grants or cither of them 
 
 being at the same time claimed to have 
 originated antecedent to such settlement 
 of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of 
 either party to the Congress of the United 
 States, be finally determined, as near as 
 may be, in the same manner as is before 
 prescribed for deciding disputes respecting 
 territorial jurisdiction between difierent 
 States. 
 
 The United States in Congress assembled 
 shall also have the sole and exclusive right 
 and power of regulating the alloy and 
 value of coin struck by their own author- 
 ity, or by that of the respective States; 
 fixing the standard of weights and mea- 
 sures throughout the United States ; regu- 
 lating the trade and managing all aflairs 
 with the Indians, not members of any of 
 the States : Provided, That the legislative 
 right of any State within its own limits, be 
 not infringed or violated ; establishing and 
 regulating post-offices from one State to 
 another, throughout all the United States, 
 and exacting such postage on the papers 
 passing through the same, as may be re- 
 quisite to defray the expenses of the said of- 
 fice ; appointing all officers of the land forces 
 in the service of the United States, excepting 
 regimental officers ; appointing all the offi- 
 cers of the naval forces, and commissioning 
 all officers whatever in the service of the 
 United States ; making rules for the gov- 
 ernment and regulation of the said land 
 and naval forces, and directing their ope- 
 rations. 
 
 The United States in Congress assembled 
 shall have authority to appoint a commit- 
 tee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be 
 denominated " a Committee of the States," 
 and to consist of one delegate from each 
 State, and to appoint such other commit- 
 tees and civil officers as may be necessary 
 for managing the general afiairs of the 
 United States, under their direction ; to ap- 
 point one of their number to preside ; pro- 
 vided that no person be allowed to serve in 
 the office of president more than one year 
 in any term of three years ; to ascertain the 
 necessary sums of money to be raised for 
 the service of the United States, and to 
 appropriate and apply the same for defray- 
 ing the public expenses; to borrow money 
 or emit bills on the credit of the United 
 States, transmitting every half year to the 
 respective St.ates, an account of the sums 
 of money so borrowed or emitted ; to build 
 and equip a navy; to agree upon the num- 
 ber of land forces, .and to make requisitions 
 from each State for its quota, in proportion 
 to the number of white inhabitants in such 
 State, which rccjuisitions sh.all be binding; 
 and th('reui>on the Legislature of each 
 State shall appoint the regimental officers, 
 raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip 
 them in a soldier-like manner, at the ex- 
 pense of the United States; and the offi- 
 cers and men so clothed, armed, and
 
 BOOK IV.] 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 equipped, shall march to the place ap- 
 pointed, and within the time agreed on by 
 the United States in Congress assembled ; 
 but if the United States in Congress as- 
 sembled shall, on consideration of circum- 
 stances, judge proper that any State should 
 not raise men, or should raise a smaller 
 number than its quota, and that any other 
 State should raise a greater number of men 
 than the quota thereof, such extra number 
 shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, 
 and equipped in the same manner as the 
 quota of each State, unless the Legislature 
 of such State shall judge that such extra 
 number cannot be safely spared out of the 
 same ; in which case they shall raise, offi- 
 cer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such 
 extra number as they judge can be safely 
 spared. And the officers and men so 
 clothed, armed, and equipped shall march 
 to the place appointed, and within the 
 time agreed on by the United States in 
 Congress assembled. 
 
 The United States in Congress assembled 
 shall never engage in a war, nor grant let- 
 ters of marque and reprisal in time of 
 peace, nor enter into any treaties or alli- 
 ances, nor coin money, nor regulate the 
 value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and 
 expenses necessary for the defense and 
 welfare of the United States or any of 
 them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on 
 the credit of the United States, nor appro- 
 priate money, nor agree upon the number 
 of vessels of war to be built or purchased, 
 or the number of land or sea forces to be 
 raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief 
 of the Army or Navy, unless nine States 
 assent to the same ; nor shall a question 
 on any other point, except for adjourning 
 from day to day, be determined, unless by 
 the votes of a majority of the United 
 States in Congress assembled. 
 
 The Congress of the United States shall 
 have power to adjourn to any time within 
 the year, and to any place within the 
 United States, so that no period of adjourn- 
 ment be for a longer duration than the 
 space of six months ; and shall publish the 
 journal of their proceedings monthly, ex- 
 cept such parts thereof relating to treaties, 
 alliances, or military operations, as in their 
 judgment require secrecy; and the yeas 
 and nays of the delegates of each State on 
 any question, shall be entered on the jour- 
 nal, when it is desired by any delegate; 
 and the delegates of a State, or any of 
 them, at his or their request, shall be fur- 
 nished with a transcript of the said jour- 
 nal, except such jiarts as are above ex- 
 cepted, to lay before the Legislature of the 
 several States. 
 
 Article X. The committee of the States, 
 or any nine of them, shall be authorized 
 to execute, in the recess of Congress, such 
 of the powers of Congress as the United 
 States in Congress assembled, by the con- 
 
 sent of nine States, shall, from time to 
 time, think expedient to vest them with : 
 Provided, That no power be delegated to 
 the said committee, for the exercise of 
 which, by the Articles of Confederation, 
 the voice of nine States in the Congress of 
 the United States assembled is requisite. 
 
 Article XI. Canada, acceding to this 
 confederation, and joining in the measures 
 of the United States, shall be admitted 
 into, and entitled to, all the advantages of 
 this Union ; but no other colony shall be 
 admitted into the same, unless such admis- 
 sion be agreed to by nine States. 
 
 Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, 
 moneys borrowed, and debts contracted, 
 by or under the authority of Congress, be- 
 fore the assembling of the United States, 
 in pursuance of the present confederation, 
 shall be deemed and considered as a charge 
 against the United States, for payment and 
 satisfaction whereof the said United States 
 and the public faith are hereby solemnly 
 pledged. 
 
 Article XIII. Every State shall abide 
 by the determinations of the United States 
 in Congress assembled, on all questions 
 which by this confederation are submitted 
 to them. And the articles of this confed- 
 eration shall be inviolably observed by 
 every State, and the union shall be per- 
 petual ; nor shall any alteration at any 
 time hereafter be made in any of them, 
 unless such alteration be agreed to in a 
 Congress of the United States, and be after- 
 wards confirmed by the Legislatures of every 
 State. 
 
 And whereas it has pleased the Great 
 Governor of the world to incline the hearts 
 of the Legislatures we respectively repre- 
 sent in Congress, to approve of, and to 
 authorize us to ratify the said articles of 
 confederation and perpetual union: Know 
 ye, That we, the undersigned delegates, by 
 virtue of the power and authority to us 
 given for that purpose, do, by these pres- 
 ents, in the name and in behalf of our re- 
 spective constituents, fully and entirely 
 ratify and confirm each and every of the 
 said Articles of Confederation and Per- 
 petual Union, and all and singular the 
 matters and things therein contained. And 
 we do further solemnly plight and engage 
 the faith of our respective constituents, 
 that they shall abide by the determina- 
 tions of the United States, in Congress 
 assembled, on all questions which, by the 
 said confederation, are submitted to them ; 
 and that the articles thereof shall be in- 
 violably observed by the States we respect- 
 ively represent ; and that the union shall 
 be perpetual. 
 
 In witness whereof we have here- 
 unto set our hands, in Congress. Done 
 AT Philadelphia, in the State of Penn- 
 sylvania, the ninth day of July, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand seven hun-
 
 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iy. 
 
 dred and seventy-eight, and in the third 
 year of the Indepexdexce of America. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State 
 of New Hampshire. — Josiah Bartlett, John 
 Wentworth, jr., August 8, 1778. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 Massachusetts Bay. — John Hancock, Sam- 
 uel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, 
 James Lovell, Samuel Holten. 
 
 On the part and in behalf of the State of 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 
 — William EUery, Henry Marchant, John 
 Collins. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 Connecticut. — Roger Sherman, Samuel 
 Huntington, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hos- 
 mer, Andrew Adams. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of New 
 York. — Jas. Duane, Fra. Lewis, Wm. Duer, 
 Gouv. Morris. 
 
 On the part and in behalf of the State of 
 Ncio Jerset/. — Jno. Witherspoon, Nath. 
 Scudder, Nov. 26, 1778. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 Pennsylvania. — Robt.Morris, Daniel Rober- 
 deau, Jona. Bavard Smith, William Clin- 
 gan, Joseph Reed, July 22d, 1778. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State ofDel- 
 a?care.— Thos. McKean, Feb. 13, 1779, 
 John Dickinson, May 5, 1779, Nicholas 
 Van Dyke. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 Iluryland. — John Hanson, March 1, 1781, 
 Daniel Carroll, March 1, 1781. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 Virginia. — Richard Henry Lee, John Ban- 
 ister, Thomas Adams, Jno. Harvie, Fran- 
 cis Lightfoot Leo. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 North Carolina. — John Penn, July 21, 
 1778, Corns. Harnett, Jno. Williams. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 South Carolina. — Henry Laurens, William 
 Henry Drayton, Jno. "Mathews, Richard 
 Hutson, Thomas Heyward, Jr. 
 
 On the part and behalf of the State of 
 Georgia.— .h\n. Walton, July 24, 1778, 
 Edw. Telfair, Edw. Langworthy. 
 
 Ordinance of 1787. 
 
 An Ordinnncp for the Gmernmenl of the Territ-on/ of the 
 I'nited Stnli-n .Wnrthwent of the Ohio River. [In O'jng- 
 rem,Julii 1:1, 17«7.J 
 
 Be it ordained by the United States in 
 Congress assembled, That the said Terri- 
 tory, for the purposes of temporary govern- 
 ment, be one district; subject, however to 
 be divided into two districts, as future cir- 
 cumstances may, in the opinion of Cong- 
 ress, make it ex[)e(rtcnt. 
 
 Beit ordaineil by the authority aforesaid, 
 That the estates l)oth of resident and non- 
 resident proprietors in the said Territory, 
 dying intestate, shall descend to and bo 
 distributed among their children, and the 
 
 descendants of a deceased child, in equal 
 part:?; the descendants of a deceased child 
 or grandchild to take the share of their 
 deceased parent in equal parts among 
 them ; and where there shall be no chil- 
 dren or descendants, then in equal parts 
 to the next of kin, in equal degree ; and 
 among collaterals, the children of a de- 
 ceased brother or sister of the intestate 
 shall have, in equal parts among them, 
 their deceased parents' share ; and there 
 shall, in no case, be a distinction between 
 kindred of the whole and half blood; 
 saving in all cases to the widow of the 
 intestate, her third part of the real estate 
 for life, and one-third part of the personal 
 estate; and this law relative to descents 
 and dower shall remain in full force until 
 altered by the Legislature of the district. 
 And until the governor and judges shall 
 adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, es- 
 tates in the said Territory may be devised 
 or bequeathed by wills in writing, signed 
 and sealed by him or her, in whom the 
 estate may be, (being of full age,) and 
 attested by three witnesses; and real estates 
 may be conveyed by lease and release, or 
 bargain and sale, signed, sealed, and de- 
 livered by the person, being of full age, in 
 whom the estate may be and attested by 
 two witnesses, provided such wills be duly 
 proved, and such conveyances be acknow- 
 ledged, or the execution thereof duly proved 
 and be recorded within one year, after 
 proper magistrates, courts, and registers 
 shall be appointed for that purpose ; and 
 personal property may be transferred by 
 delivery, saving, however, to the French 
 anjd Canadian inhabitants, and other set- 
 tlers of the Kaskaskies, Saint Vincent's, 
 and the neighboring villages, who have 
 heretofore professed themselves citizens of 
 Virginia, their laws and customs now in 
 force among them, relative to the descent 
 and conveyance of property. 
 
 Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, 
 That there shall be appointed, from time 
 to time, by Congress, a governor, whose 
 commission shall continue in force for the 
 term of three years, unless sooner revoked 
 by Congress; he shall reside in the dis- 
 trict, and have a freehold estate therein, in 
 one thousand acres of land, while in the 
 exercise of his office. 
 
 There shall be appointed, from time to 
 time, by Congress, a secretary, whose com- 
 mission shall continue in force for four 
 years, unless sooner revoked ; he shall re- 
 side in the district, and have a freehold 
 estate therein, in five hundred acres of 
 land, wliile in the exercise of his office; it 
 sluill l)e his duty to keep and ])reserve the 
 acts iiml l;vws passed by the liCgislature, 
 and the pnl)]ic records of the district, and 
 the proceedings of the governor in hia 
 executive department; and transmit au- 
 thentic copies of such acts and proceed-
 
 BOOK IV.] 
 
 ORDINANCE OF 1787. 
 
 11 
 
 ing3 every six months to the secretary of 
 Congress. There shall also be appointed 
 a court, to consist of three judges, any two 
 of whom to form a court, who shall have 
 a common law jurisdiction, and reside in 
 the district, and have each therein a free- 
 hold estate, in five iiundrcd acres of land, 
 while in the exercise of their offices, and 
 their commissions shall continue in force 
 during good behavior. 
 
 The governor and judges, or a majority 
 of them, shall adopt and publish in the 
 district such laws of the original States, 
 criminal and civil, as may be necessary, 
 and best suited to the circumstances of the 
 . district, and report them to Congress, from 
 time to time, which laws shall be in force 
 in the district until the organization of tlie 
 general a&sembly tlierein, unless disap- 
 
 E roved of by Congress ; but afterwards the 
 legislature shall have authority to alter 
 them as they shall think fit. 
 
 The governor for the time being shall 
 be commander-in-chief of the militia ; ap- 
 point and commission all officers in the 
 same below the ranlc of general officers. 
 All general officers shall be appointed and 
 commissioned by Congress. 
 
 Previous to the organization of the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, the governor shall appoint 
 such magistrates and other civil officers in 
 each county or township as he shall find 
 necessary for the preservation of the peace 
 and good order in the same. After the 
 General Assembly shall be organized, the 
 powers and duties of magistrates and other 
 civil officers shall be regulated and defined 
 by the said assembly ; but all magistrates 
 and other civil officers, not herein other- 
 wise directed, shall, during the continu- 
 ance of this temporary government, be ap- 
 pointed by the governor. 
 
 For the prevention of crimes and in- 
 juries, the laws to be adopted or made shall 
 nave force in all parts of the district, and 
 for the execution of process, criminal and 
 civil, the governor shall make proper di- 
 visions thereof; and he shall proceed from 
 time to time, as circumstances may re- 
 quire, to lay oiit the parts of the district 
 in which the Indian titles shall have been 
 extinguished, into counties and townships, 
 subject, however, to such alterations as 
 may thereafter be made by the Legislature. 
 
 So soon as there shall be five thousand 
 free male inhabitants of full age in the 
 district, upon giving proof thereof to the 
 governor, they shall receive authority', with 
 time and place, to elect representatives 
 from their counties or townships, to repre- 
 sent them in the General Assembly ; Pro- 
 vided, That for every five hundred free 
 male inhabitants, there shall be one rep- 
 resentative ; and so on, progressively, with 
 the number of free male inhabitants, shall 
 the right of representation increase, until 
 the number of representatives shall amount 
 
 to twenty-five ; after which the numher 
 and ])roi>ortion of representatives shall be 
 regulated by the Legislature: Provided. 
 That no Person be eligible or qualified to 
 act a.s a representative unless he shall 
 have been a citizen of one of the United 
 States three years, and be a resident in the 
 district, or unless he shall have resided in 
 the district three years ; and in either case, 
 shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee 
 simj)le, two hundred acres of land within 
 the same : Provided, also, That a freehold 
 in fifty acres of land in the district, having 
 been a citizen of one of the States, and be- 
 ing resident in the district, or the like free 
 hold and two years' residence in the dis- 
 trict, shall be necessary to qualify a man 
 as an elector of a representative. 
 
 The representatives thus elected shall 
 serve for the term of two years ; and in 
 case of the death of a representative, or 
 removal from office, the governor shall issue 
 a writ to the county or township for which 
 he was a member to elect another in his 
 stead, to serve for the residue of the term. 
 The General Assembly, or Legislature, 
 shall consist of the governor, legislative 
 council, and a house of representatives. 
 The legislative council shall consist of five 
 members, to continue in office five years, 
 unless sooner removed by Congress, any 
 three of whom to be a quorum ; and the 
 members of the council shall be nominated 
 and appointed in the following manner, 
 to wit : As soon as representatives shall be 
 elected, the governor shall appoint a time 
 and place for them to meet together, and 
 when met, they shall nominate ten per- 
 sons, residents in the district, and each 
 possessed of a freehold in five hundred 
 acres of land, and return their names to 
 Congress ; five of whom Congress shall ap- 
 point and commission to serve as aforesaid ; 
 and whenever a vacancy shall happen in the 
 council, by death or removal from ofiicc,the 
 house of representatives shall nominate 
 two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each 
 vacancy, and return their names to Con- 
 gress ; one of whom Congress shall ap- 
 point and commission for the residue of 
 the term. And every five years, four 
 months at least before the expiration of 
 the time of service of the members of the 
 council, the said house shall nominate ten 
 persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return 
 their names to Congress ; five of whom 
 Congress shall appoint and commission to 
 serve as members of the council five years, 
 unless sooner removed. And the governor, 
 legislative council, and house of represen- 
 tatives, shall have authority to make laws 
 in all cases for the good government 
 of the district, not repugnant to the 
 princii)les and articles in this ordinance 
 established and declared, and all bills 
 j having passed by a majority in the 
 1 house, and by a majority in the coun-
 
 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ly. 
 
 cil, shall be referred to the governor for 
 his assent ; but no bill or legislative act 
 whatever shall be of any force without his 
 assent. The governor shall have power 
 to convene, prorogue, and dissolve the 
 General Assembly when in his opinion it 
 shall be expedient. 
 
 The governor, judges, legislative council, 
 secretary, and such other officers as Con- 
 gress shall appoint in the district, shall 
 take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and 
 of office, the governor before the President 
 of Congress, and all other officers before 
 the governor. As soon as a Legislature 
 shall be formed in the district, the council 
 and house assemble, in one room, shall 
 have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a 
 delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat 
 in Congress, with a right of debating, but 
 not of voting during this temporary gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 And for extending the fundamental 
 principles of civil and religious liberty, 
 which form the basis whereon these re- 
 publics, their laws and constitutions, are 
 erected ; to fix and establish those princi- 
 ples as the basis of all laws, constitutions, 
 and governments, which forever hereafter 
 shall be formed in the said Territory ; to pro- 
 vide, also, for the establishment of States, 
 and permanent government therein, and 
 for their admission to a share in the Fed- 
 eral councils on an equal footing with the 
 original States, at as early periods as may 
 be consistent with the general interest : 
 
 It is hereby ordained and declared, by the 
 authority aforesaid, That the following ar- 
 ticles shall be considered as articles of 
 compact, between the original States and 
 the people and States in the said Territory, 
 and forever remain unalterable, unless by 
 common consent, to wit : 
 
 Article i. No person, demeaning him- 
 self in a peaceable and orderly manner, 
 shall ever be molested on account of his 
 mode of worship or religious sentiments, 
 in the said Territory. 
 
 Art. 2. The inhabitants of the said Ter- 
 ritory shall always be entitled to the bene- 
 fits of the writ oi' habeas corpus, and of the 
 trial by jury; of a j)roportionate represen- 
 tation of the people in the Legislature, 
 and of judicial proceedings according to 
 the course of the common law. All per- 
 sons shall be bailable, unless for capital 
 offiinses, where the proof shall be evident 
 or the presumption great. All fines shall 
 be moderate ; and no cruel or unusual 
 punishments shall be infiicted. No man 
 shall V)e deprived of his liberty or property 
 but by the jufigment of his noers, or the 
 law of the land ; and should tne pul)lic ex- 
 igencies make it necessary for the com- 
 mon preservation to tak<! any person's 
 property, or to demand his particular ser- 
 vices, full compensation shall be made for 
 the 8ame. And, in the juiit preservation 
 
 of rights and property, it is understood and 
 declared that no law ought ever to be 
 made, or have force in the said Territory, 
 that shall, in any manner whatever, inter- 
 fere with, or affect, private contracts or 
 engagements, bonajide and without fraud, 
 previously formed. 
 
 Art. 3. Religion, morality, and know- 
 ledge, being necessary to good government 
 and the happiness of mankind, schools and 
 the means of education shall forever be 
 encouraged. The utmost good faith shall 
 always be observed toward the Indians; 
 their lands and property shall never be 
 taken from them without their consent; 
 and in their property, rights, and liberty 
 they shall never be invaded or disturbed, 
 unless in just and unlawful wars authorized 
 by Congress ; but laws founded in justice 
 and humanity shall, from time to time, be 
 made for preventing wrongs being done to 
 them, and for preserving peace and friend- 
 ship with them. 
 
 Art. 4. The said Territory, and the 
 States which may be formed therein, shall 
 evere remain a part of this confederacy of 
 the United States of America, subject to 
 the Articles of Confederation, and to such 
 alterations therein as shall be constitution- 
 ally made ; and to all the acts and ordi- 
 nances of the United States in Congress 
 assembled, conformable thereto. The in- 
 habitants and settlers in the Territory 
 shall be subject to pay apart of the Feder- 
 al debts, contracted or to be contracted, and 
 a proportional part of the expenses of 
 Government, to be apportioned on them 
 by Congress, according to the same com- 
 mon rule and measure by which apportion- 
 ments thereof shall be made on the other 
 States ; and the taxes for paying their pro- 
 portion shall be laid and levied by the 
 authority and direction of Legislatures 
 of the district or districts, or new States, as 
 in the original States, within the time 
 agreed upon by the United States in Con- 
 gress assembled. The Legislatures of those 
 districts, or new States shall never interfere 
 with the primary disposal of the soil by 
 the United States in Congress assembled, 
 nor with any regulations Congress may 
 find necessary for securing the title in such 
 soil to the bona jide purchasers. No tax 
 shall be imposed on lands the property of 
 the United States ; and in no case shall 
 non-resident proprietors be taxed higher 
 than residents. The navigable waters lead- 
 ing into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, 
 and the carrying places between the same, 
 shall be common highways, and forever 
 free, as well to the inhabitants of the said 
 Territory a.s to the citizens of the United 
 States, and those of any other States that 
 may be admitted into the confederacy, 
 without any tax, impost, or duty therefor. 
 
 Art. 5. There shall be formed in the 
 said Territory not less than three, nor
 
 BOOKiv.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 13 
 
 more than five States ; and the boundaries 
 of the States, as .soon as Virginia shall alter 
 her act of cession, and consent to the 
 same, shall become fixed and established 
 as follows, to wit: The western State in 
 the said territory shall be bounded by the 
 Mississippi, the Ohio, and Wabash Rivers ; 
 a direct line drawn from the AV^abash and 
 Post Vincents, due north, to the territorial 
 line between the United States and 
 Canada ; and by the said territorial line to 
 the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. 
 The middle States shall be bounded by 
 the said direct line, the Wabash, from Post 
 Vincents to the Ohio, by the Ohio, by a 
 direct line drawn due north from the 
 mouth of the Great Miami to the said ter- 
 ritorial line, and by the said territorial 
 line. The eastern State shall be bounded 
 by the last mentioned direct line, the 
 Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said terri- 
 torial line: Provided, however, And it is 
 further understood and declared that the 
 boundaries of these three States shall be 
 subject so far to be altered, that, if Con- 
 gress shall hereafter find it expedient, they 
 shall have authority to form one or two 
 States in that part of the said Territory 
 which lies north of an east and west line 
 drawn through the southerly bend or ex- 
 treme of Lake Michigan. And whenever 
 any of the said States shall have sixty 
 thousand free inhabitants therein, such 
 State shall be admitted, by its delegates, 
 into the Congress of the United States, on 
 an equal footing with the original States 
 in all respects whatever; and shall be at 
 liberty to form a permanent constitution 
 and State government : Provided, The con- 
 stitution and government so to be formed 
 shall be republican, and in conformity to 
 the principles contained in these articles; 
 and, so far as it can be consistent with the 
 general interest of the confederacy, such 
 admission shall be allowed at an earlier 
 period, and when there may be a less num- 
 ber of free inhabitants in the State than 
 sixty thousand. 
 
 Art. G. There shall be neither slavery 
 nor involuntary servitude in the said Ter- 
 ritory', otherwise than in the punishment 
 of crimes, whereof the party shall have 
 been duly convicted: Provided always, 
 Tliat any person escaping into the same, 
 from whom labor or service is lawfully 
 claimed in any one of the original States, 
 such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, 
 and conveyed to the person claiming his 
 or her labor or service as aforesaid. 
 
 Be it ordained Inj the authority aforesaid, 
 That the resolutions of the 23d of April, 
 1784, relative to the subject of this ordi- 
 nance, be, and the same are hereby re- 
 pealed and declared null and void. 
 
 Done by the United States in Congress 
 assembled the thirteenth day of July, in 
 the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
 
 hundred and eighty-seven, and of their 
 sovereignty and independence the twelfth. 
 
 Charles Thomp.son, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 Couatltutlon of the United St«tea 
 of America, 
 
 With amendmenU and date* of ratification. 
 
 We the People of the United States, in 
 order to form a more perfect Union, estab- 
 lish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, 
 provide for the common defence, promote 
 the general Welfare, and secure the Bless- 
 ings of Liberty to ourselves and our 
 Posterity, do ordain and establish this 
 CONSTITUTION for the United States 
 of America. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Section 1. All legislative Powers herein 
 granted shall be vested in a Congress of 
 the United States, which shall consist of a 
 Senate and House of Representatives. 
 
 Section 2. The House of Representa- 
 tives shall be composed of Members chosen 
 every second Year by the People of the 
 several States, and the Electors in each 
 State shall have the Qualifications requisite 
 for Electors of the most numerous Branch 
 of the State Legislature. 
 
 No Person shall be a Representative 
 who shall not have attained to the Age of 
 twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a 
 Citizen of the United States, and who shall 
 not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that 
 State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 Representatives and direct Taxes shall 
 be apportioned among the several States 
 which may be included within this Union, 
 according to their respective Numbers, 
 I which shall be determined by adding to 
 the whole Number of free Persons, inclu- 
 ding those bound to Service for a Term of 
 Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, 
 three-fifths of all other Persons.*] The 
 actual Enumeration shall be made within 
 three Years after the first Meeting of the 
 Congress of the United States, ancl Avithin 
 every subsequent Term of ten Years, in 
 such Manner as they shall by Law direct. 
 The Number of Representatives shall not 
 exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but 
 each State shall have at Least one Rejire- 
 sentative ; and until such enumerati(m 
 shall be niado, the State of New Hamp- 
 shire shall be entitled to chuse three, 
 Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and 
 Providence Plantations one, Connecticut 
 five. New York six. New Jersey four, Penn- 
 sylvania eight, Delaware one, ^laryland 
 six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, 
 South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 
 
 AVhen vacancies hapi)en in the Repre- 
 sentation from any State, the Executive 
 
 * The portion of thU clause within brackets has been 
 amended b^ the 14th amendmuut, viud sectioo.
 
 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [booi it. 
 
 Authority thereof shall issue Writs of 
 Election to fill such Vacancies. 
 
 The House of Representatives shall chuse 
 their Speaker and other Officers ; and shall 
 have the sole Power of Impeachment. 
 
 Section 3. The Senate of the United 
 States shall be composed of two Senators 
 from each State, chosen by the Legislature 
 thereof, for six Years ; and each Senator 
 shall have one Vote. 
 
 Immediately after they shaU be assem- 
 bled in Consequence of the first Election, 
 they shall be divided as equally as may be 
 into three Classes. The Seats of the Sen- 
 ators of the first Class shall be vacated at 
 the Expiration of the second Year, of the 
 second Class at the Expiration of the fourth 
 Year, and of the third Class at the expira- 
 tion of the sixth Year, so that one-third 
 may be chosen every second Year ; and if 
 Vacancies happen by Resignation, or other- 
 wise, during the Recess of the Legislature 
 of any State, the Executive thereof may 
 make temporary Appointments until the 
 next Meeting of the Legislature, which 
 shall then fill such Vacancies. 
 
 No Person shall be a Senator who shall 
 not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, 
 and been nine Years a Citizen of the Uni- 
 ted States, and who shall not, when elected, 
 be an Inhabitant of that State for which 
 he shall be chosen. 
 
 The Vice President of the United States 
 shall be President of the Senate, but shall 
 have no Vote, unless they be equally di- 
 vided. 
 
 The Senate shall chuse' their other Offi- 
 cers, and also a President pro tempore, in 
 the Absence of the Vice President, or 
 when he shall exercise the Office of Pre- 
 sident of the United States. 
 
 The Senate shall have the sole Power to 
 try all Impeachments. When sitting for 
 that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Af- 
 firmation. When the President of the 
 United States is tried, the Chief Justice 
 shall preside : And no person shall be con- 
 victed without the Concurrence of two- 
 thirds of the Members present. 
 
 Judgment in Cases of Impeachment 
 shall not extend further than to removal 
 from Office, and Disqualification to hold 
 and enjoy any Office of Honour, Trust or 
 Profit under the United States: but the 
 Party convicted shall nevertheless be lia- 
 ble and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judg- 
 ment and Punishment, according to Law. 
 Section IV. — The Times, Places and 
 Manner of holding Elections for Senators 
 and Representatives, shall be prescribed 
 in each State by the Legislature thereof ; 
 but the Congre.ss may at any time by law 
 make or alter such Regulations, except as 
 to the places of chusing Senators. 
 
 The Congress shall assemble at least 
 once in every Year, and such Meeting shall 
 be on the first Monday in December, un- 
 
 less they shall by Law appoint a different 
 Day. 
 
 Section V. — Each House shall be the 
 Judge of the Elections, Returns, and 
 Qualifications of its own Members, and a 
 Majority of each shall constitute a Quo- 
 rum to do Business ; but a smaller Num- 
 ber may adjourn from day to day, and 
 may be authorized to compel the Attend- 
 ance of Absent Members, in such Manner, 
 and under such Penalties as each House 
 may provide. 
 
 Each House may determine the Rules 
 of its Proceedings, punish its Members for 
 disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Con- 
 currence of two-thirds, expel a Member. 
 
 Each House shall keep a Journal of its 
 Proceedings, and from time to time pub- 
 lish the same, excepting such Parts as 
 may in their Judgment require Secrecy; 
 and the Yeas and Nays of the Members 
 of either House on any question shall, at the 
 Desire of one-fifth of those Present, be en- 
 tered on the Journal. 
 
 Neither House, during the Session of 
 Congress, shall, without the Consent of the 
 other, adjourn for more than three days, 
 nor to any other Place than that in which 
 the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section VI. — The Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives shall receive a Compensation 
 for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, 
 and paid out of the Treasury of the United 
 States, They shall in all Cases, except 
 Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, 
 be privileged from Arrest during their At- 
 tendance at the Session of their respective 
 Houses, and in going to and returning 
 from the same ; and for any Speech or 
 Debate in either House, they shall not be 
 questioned in any other Place. 
 
 No Senator or Representative shall, dur- 
 ing the Time for which he was elected, 
 be appointed to any civil Office under the 
 Authority of the LTnited States, which 
 shall have been created, or the Emolu- 
 ments whereof shall have been increased 
 during such time ; and no Person holding 
 any Office under the United States, shall 
 be a Member of either House during his 
 Continuance in Office. 
 
 Section VII. — All bills for raising Reve- 
 nue shall originate in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives ; but the Senate may propose or 
 concur with Amendments as on other Bills. 
 
 Every P.ill which shall have passed the 
 House of Representatives anil the Senate, 
 shall, before it becomes a Law, be pre- 
 sented to the President of the United 
 States ; If he approve he shall sign it, but 
 if not he shall return it, with his Objec- 
 tions to tliat House in which it shall have 
 originated, who shall enter the Objections 
 at large on their Journal, and proceed to 
 reconsider it. If after such Reconsidera- 
 tion two-thirds of that House shall agree 
 to paas the Bill, it shall be sent, together
 
 BOOKiY.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 15 
 
 with the Objections, to the other House, 
 by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, 
 and if approved by two-thirds of that 
 House, it shall become a Law. But in all 
 Buch cases the Votes of both Houses shall 
 be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the 
 Names of the Persons voting for and against 
 the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of 
 each House respectively. If any Bill shall 
 not be returned by the President within 
 ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall 
 have been presented to him, the Same 
 shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he 
 had signed it, unless the Congress by their 
 Adjournment prevent its Return, in which 
 Case it shall not be a Law. 
 
 Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to 
 which the Concurrence of the Senate and 
 House of Representaiivcs may be neces- 
 sary (except on a question of Adjourn- 
 ment) shall be presented to the President 
 of the United States; and before the Same 
 shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, 
 or being disapproved by him, shall be re- 
 passed by two-thirds of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives, according to the 
 Rules and Limitations prescribed in the 
 Case of a Bill. 
 
 Section VIII. — The Congress shall have 
 Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties 
 Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and 
 provide for the common Defence and gen- 
 eral Welfare of the United States; but all 
 Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uni- 
 form throughout the United States ; 
 
 To borrow Money on the credit of the 
 United States ; 
 
 To regulate Commerce with foreign Na- 
 tions, and among the several States, and 
 with the Indian Tribes ; 
 
 To establish an uniform Rule of Natural- 
 ization, and uniform Laws on the subject of 
 Bankruptcies throughout the United States; 
 
 To coin Money, regulate the Value 
 thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the 
 Standard of Weights and Measures ; 
 
 To provide for the Punishment of coun- 
 terfeiting the Securities and current Coin 
 of the United States ; 
 
 To establish Post Offices and post Roads ; 
 
 To promote the progress of Science and 
 useful Arts, by securing for limited Times 
 to Authors and Inventors the exclusive 
 Right to their respective Writings and 
 Discoveries ; 
 
 To constitute Tribunals inferior to the 
 Supreme Court ; 
 
 To define and punish Piracies and Fel- 
 onies committed on the high Seas, and 
 Offences against the Law of Nations ; 
 
 To declare War, grant Letters of Marque 
 and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning 
 Captures on Land and Water ; 
 
 To raise and support Armies, but no Ap- 
 propriation of Money to that LTse shall be 
 tor a longer Term than two Years ; 
 
 To provide and maintain a NaAry ; 
 
 To make Rules for the Government and 
 Regulation of the land and naval Forces ; 
 
 To provide for calling forth the Militia 
 to execute the Laws of the Union, sup- 
 press Insurrections and repel Invasions; 
 
 To nrovide for organizing, arming, and 
 disciplining, the Militia, and for governing 
 such Part of them as mav be employed in 
 the Service of the United States, reserving 
 to the States re.spectively, the Appoint- 
 ment of the Officers, and the Authority of 
 training the Militia according to the Dis- 
 cipline prescribed by Congress ; 
 
 To exercise exclusive Legislation in all 
 Cases whatsoever, over such District (not 
 exceeding ten Miles square) as may, hy 
 Cession of particular States, and the 
 Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat 
 of the Government of the United States, 
 and to exercise like Authority over all 
 Places purchased by the Consent of the 
 Legislature of the State in which the Same 
 shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Maga- 
 zines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other 
 needful Buildings ; — And 
 
 To make all Laws which shall be neces- 
 sary and i>roper for carrying into Execu- 
 tion the foregoing Powers, and all other 
 Powers vested by this Constitution in the 
 Government of the United States, or in any 
 Department or Officer thereof. 
 
 Section IX. The Migration or Importa- 
 tion of such Persons as any of the States 
 now existing shall think proper to admit, 
 shall not be prohibited by the Congress 
 prior to the Year one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be 
 imposed on such Importation, not exceed- 
 ing ten dollars for each Person. 
 
 The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas 
 Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when 
 in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the pub- 
 lic Safety may require it. 
 
 No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto 
 Law shall be passed. 
 
 No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall 
 be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census 
 or Enumeration hereinbefore directed to be 
 taken. 
 
 No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles 
 exported from any State. 
 
 No Preference shall be given by any 
 Regulation of Commerce or Revenne to 
 the Ports of one State over those of another : 
 nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one 
 State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay 
 Duties in another. 
 
 No Money shall be drawn from the 
 Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropri- 
 ations made by Law ; and a regular State- 
 ment and Account of the Receij^ts and 
 Expenditures of all public Money shall be 
 published from time to time. 
 
 No Title of Nobility shall be granted be 
 the United States: And noPorsini holding 
 any ofliro of Profit or Trust umler them, 
 shall, without the Consent of the Congress,
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 accept of any present, Emolument, Office, 
 or Title, of any kind whatever, from any 
 King, Prince, or foreign State. 
 
 Section X — No State shall enter into any 
 Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation ; grant 
 Letters of Marque and Eeprisal ; coin 
 Money ; emit Bills of Credit ; make any 
 Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender 
 in Payment of Debts ; pass any Bill of At- 
 tainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impair- 
 ing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant 
 any Title of Nobility. 
 
 No State shall, without the Consent of 
 the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on 
 Imports or Exports, except what may be 
 absolutely necessary for executing its in- 
 spection Laws : and the net Produce of all 
 Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on 
 Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of 
 the Treasury of the United States ; and all 
 such Laws shall be subject to the Revision 
 and Controul of the Congress. 
 
 No State shall, without the Consent of 
 Congress, lay any Duty on Tonnage, keep 
 Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, 
 enter into any Agreement or Compact with 
 another State, or with a foreign Power, or 
 engage in War, unless actually invaded, or 
 in such imminent Danger as will not admit 
 of Delay. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Section I. — The executive Power shall 
 be vested in a President of the United 
 States of America. He shall hold his Of- 
 fice during the Term of four Years, and, 
 together with the Vice President, chosen 
 for the same Term, be elected as follows : 
 
 Each State shall appoint, in such man- 
 ner as the Legislature thereof may direct, 
 a Number of Electors, equal to the whole 
 Number of Senators and Representatives 
 to which the State may be entitled in the 
 Congress : but no Senator or Representa- 
 tive, or Person holding an Office of Trust 
 or Profit under the United States, shall be 
 appointed an Elector. 
 
 * [The Electors shall meet in their re- 
 spective States, and vote by Ballot for two 
 Persons, of whom one at least shall not be 
 an Inhabitant of the same State with them- 
 eelves. And they shall make a List of 
 all the Persons voted for, and of the Num- 
 ber of Votes for each; which List thev 
 shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed 
 to the Seat of the Government of the 
 United States, directed to the President of 
 the Senate. The President of the Senate 
 shall, in the {)resence of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives, open all tlie 
 Certificates, and tlie Votes siiall then ])c 
 counted. The IVrson having tlie greatest 
 number of Votes sliall be tlie Prcsi.lcnt, if 
 such Number he a Majority of the whole 
 Number of Electors appointed; and if 
 
 * Thifl rlaiiKP hag been suiioncdod and annulled by the 
 l^it h amcndmuut. 
 
 there be more than one who have such 
 Majority, and have an equal Number of 
 Votes, then the House of Representatives 
 shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of 
 them for President ; and if no Person have 
 a Majority, then from the five highest on 
 the List the said House shall in like man- 
 ner chuse the President. But in chusing 
 the President, the Votes shall be taken by 
 States, the Representation from each State 
 having one Vote ; A Quorum for this pur- 
 pose shall consist of a Member or Members 
 from two-thirds of the States, and a Major- 
 ity of all the States shall be necessary to a 
 Choice. In every case, after the Choice of 
 the President, the Person having the great- 
 est Number of Votes of the Electors shall 
 be the Vice President. But if there should 
 remain two or more who have equal Votes, 
 the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot 
 the Vice President.] 
 
 The Congress may determine the Time 
 of chusing the Electors, and the Day on 
 which they shall give their Votes ; which 
 Day shall be the same throughout the 
 United States. 
 
 No person except a natural-bom Citizen, 
 or a Citizen of the United States, at the 
 time of the Adoption of this Constitution, 
 shall be eligible to the Office of President ; 
 neither shall any Person be eligible to 
 that Office who shall not have attained to 
 the Age of thirty-five Years, and been 
 fourteen Years a Resident within the 
 United States. 
 
 In case of the Removal of the President 
 from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, 
 or Inability to discharge the Powers and 
 Duties of the said Office, the same shall 
 devolve on the Vice President, and the 
 Congress may by Law provide for the 
 Case of Removal, Death, Resignation, or 
 Inability, both of the President and Vice 
 President, declaring what Officer shall then 
 act as President, and such Officer shall act 
 accordingly, until the Disability be re- 
 moved, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 The President shall, at stated Times, re- 
 ceive for his Services, a Compensation, 
 which shall neither be increased nor 
 diminished during the Period for which he 
 shall have been elected, and he shall not 
 receive witliin that Period any other 
 Einolument irom the United States, or any 
 of them. 
 
 Before he enter on the execution of his 
 Office he shall take the following Oath or 
 Affirmation : — 
 
 " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I 
 will faithfully execute the Office of Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and will to the 
 best of my Ability, preserve, protectand de- 
 fend the Constitution of the United States." 
 Sertion U. The President shall be Com- 
 mander in Chief of the Army and Navy of 
 the I'nited States, and of the Militia of 
 the several States, when called into the
 
 BooKiv.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 17 
 
 actual Service of the United States ; he 
 may require the Opinion, in writing, of 
 the principal OlRcer in each of the execu- 
 tive Departments, upon any Subject relat- 
 ing to the Dutie.^ of their respective 
 Olhces, and he shall have Power to grant 
 Reprieves and Pardons for Olfences against 
 the United States, except in Cases of Im- 
 peachment. 
 
 He shall liave Power, by and with the 
 Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make 
 T.eaties, proviiled two-thirds of the Senators 
 present concur ; and lie shall nominate, and 
 t)y and with the Advice and Consent of 
 the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, 
 other public ]\Iini.sters and Consuls, Judges 
 of the Supreme Court, and all other 
 Officers of the United States, whose Ap- 
 pointments are not herein otherwise pro- 
 vided for, and which shall be established 
 by Law ; but the Congress may by Law 
 vest the Appointment of such inferior 
 Officers, as they think proper, in the 
 President alone, in the Courts of Law, or 
 in the Pleads of Departments. 
 
 The President shall have Power to fill 
 up all Vacancies that may happen during 
 the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com- 
 missions which shall expire at the End of 
 their next Session. 
 
 Section III. He shall from time to time 
 give to the Congress Information of the 
 State of the Union, and recommend to 
 their Consideration such jMeasures as he 
 shall judge necessary and expedient; he 
 may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene 
 both Houses, or either of them, and in 
 Case of Disagreement between them, with 
 Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he 
 may adjourn them to such Time as he 
 shall think proper; he shall receive Am- 
 bassadors and other public Ministers ; he 
 shall t-.ike Care that the Laws be faithfully 
 executed, and shall Commission all the 
 officers of the United States. 
 
 Section IV. — The President, Vice Presi- 
 dent and all civil Officers of the United 
 States, shall be removed from Office on 
 Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Trea- 
 son, Bribery, or other high Crimes and 
 Misdemeanors. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 Section I. — The judicial Power of the 
 United States, shall be vested in one Su- 
 preme Court, and in such inferior Courts 
 as the Congress may from time to time 
 ordain and establish. The Judges, both of 
 the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold 
 their Offices during good Behaviour, ami 
 shall, at stated Times, receive for their 
 Services a Compensation, which shall not 
 be diminished during their Continuance in 
 Office. 
 
 Section II. — The judicial Power shall 
 extend to all Cases, in Law and Ei|uity, 
 arising under this Constitution, the Laws 
 
 of the United States, and Treaties made, 
 or wliifh shall be made, under their Au- 
 thority ; — to all Cases atfiicting Ambassa- 
 dors, or other public ^linistcrs, and Con- 
 suls; — to all Cases of admiralty and mari- 
 time Jurisdiction; — to Controversies to 
 which the United States shall be a Party; 
 — to C(jntroversies between two or more 
 States ; — iietween a State and Citizens of 
 another State; — between Citizens of differ- 
 ent States, — between Citizens of the same 
 State claiming Lands under Grants of 
 different States, and between a State, or 
 the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, 
 Citizens or Subjects. 
 
 In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other 
 public Ministers and Consuls, and those in 
 which a State shall be Party, the Su})reme 
 Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In 
 all the other Cases before mentioned, the 
 Supreme Court shall have appellate Juris- 
 diction, both as to Law and Fact,- with such 
 Exceptions, and under such Regulations 
 as the Congress shall make. 
 
 The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases 
 of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and 
 such Trial shall be held in the State where 
 the said Crime shall have been committed; 
 but when not committed within any State, 
 the Trial shall be at such Place or Places 
 as the Congress may by Law have directed. 
 
 Section III. — Treason against the United 
 States, shall consist only in levying War 
 against them, or in adhering to their Ene- 
 mies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No 
 Person shall be convicted of Treason unless 
 on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the 
 same overt Act, or on Confession in open 
 Court. 
 
 The Congress shall have Power to declare 
 the Punishment of Treason, but no Attain- 
 der of Treason shall work Corruption of 
 Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life 
 of the Person attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 Section I. — Full Faith and Credit shall 
 be given in each State to the public Acts, 
 Records, and judicial Proceedings of every 
 other State. And the Congress may by 
 general Laws prescribe the Manner in 
 wliich such Acts, Records and Proceedings 
 shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. 
 
 Section II. — The Citizens of each State 
 shall be entitled to all Privileges and Im- 
 munities of Citizens in the several States. 
 
 A Person charged in any State with 
 Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall 
 flee from Justice, and be found in another 
 State, shall on Demand of the executive 
 Authority of the State from which he fled, 
 ])e delivered up, to be removed to the 
 State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 
 
 No Person held to Service or Labour in 
 one State, under the Laws thereof, escap- 
 ing into another, shall, in Consequence of 
 any Law or Regulation therein, be dis-
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book iv_ 
 
 charged from such Service or Labour, but 
 shall be delivered up ou Claim of the 
 Party to whom such Service or Labour 
 may be due. 
 
 S'ectiox III. New States may be ad- 
 mitted by the Congress into this Union ; 
 but no new State shall be formed or erect- 
 ed within the Jurisdiction of any other 
 State; nor any State be formed by the 
 Junction of two or more States, or Parts of 
 States, without the Consent of the Legis- 
 latures of the States concerned as well as 
 of the Congress. 
 
 The Congress shall have Power to dis- 
 pose of and make all needful Rules and 
 Regulations respecting the Territory or 
 other Property belonging to the United 
 States; and nothing in this Constitution 
 shall be so construed as to Prejudice any 
 Claims of the United States, or of any par- 
 ticular State. 
 
 Section iv. The United States shall 
 guarantee to every State in this Union a 
 Republican Form of Government, and 
 shall protect each of them against Inva- 
 sion, and on Application of the Legisla- 
 ture, or of the Executive (when the Legis- 
 lature cannot be convened) against domes- 
 tic Violence. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 The Congress, whenever two-thirds of 
 both Houses shall deem it necessary', shall 
 propose Amendments to this Constitution, 
 or, on the Application of the Legislatures 
 of two-thirds of the several States, shall 
 call a Convention for proposing Amend- 
 ments, which, in either Case, shall be valid 
 to all Intents and Purposes, as part of this 
 Constitution, when ratified by the Legisla- 
 tures of three-fourths of the several States, 
 or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, 
 as the one or the other Mode of Ratification 
 may be proposed by the Congress; Pro- 
 vided that no Amendment which may be 
 made prior to the Year one thousand eight 
 hundred and eight shall in any Manner 
 affect the first and fourth Clauses in the 
 Ninth Section of the first Article; and 
 that no State, without its Consent, shall be 
 deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 
 
 Article vi. 
 
 All Debts contracted and Engagements 
 entered into, before the Adoptiun of this 
 Constitution, shall be as valid against the 
 United Stat&s under this Constitution, 
 as under the Confederation. 
 
 This Constitution, and the Laws of the 
 United States which sh;ill be made in 
 Pursuance tliereof ; and all Treaties made, 
 f)r which shall be made under the Au- 
 thority of the United States, shall be the 
 supreme Law of the Land ; and the .ludges 
 in every State shall be l)ound thereby, any 
 Thing in the Constitution or J^aws of any 
 State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 The Senators and ReprcseulaLivcs before 
 
 mentioned, and the Members of the sev- 
 eral State Legislatures, and all executive 
 and judicial Officers, both of the United 
 States and of the several States, shall be 
 bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support 
 this Constitution; but no religious Test 
 shall ever be required as a Qualification to 
 any Office or public Trust under the 
 United States. 
 
 Article vii. 
 The Ratification of the Convention of 
 nine States, shall be sufficient for the Es- 
 tablishment of this Constitution between 
 the States so ratifying the Same. 
 Done in Convention by the Unanimous 
 Consent of the States present the Sev- 
 enteenth Day of September in the Year 
 of our Lord one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and Eighty-seven and of the Inde- 
 pendence of the United States of 
 America the Twelfth. In witness 
 whereof We have hereunto subscribed 
 our Names. 
 
 Geo. Washington — 
 Presidt. and deputy from Virginia. 
 
 Mio Hampshire. | 5^^'^L^^"S^.lo°' 
 
 -^ JNicholas Oilman. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Keiv York. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 Maryland. 
 Virginia. 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 i Nathaniel Gorham, 
 
 I Rufus King. 
 
 j Wm. Saml. Johnson, 
 
 \ Roger Sherman. 
 
 "j Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 Wil: Livingston, 
 
 Wm. Paterson, 
 
 David Brearley, 
 
 Jona. Davton. 
 
 B. Franklin, 
 
 Robt. Morris, 
 
 Tho: Fitzsimons, 
 
 James Wilson, 
 
 Thomas Mifflin, 
 
 Geo: Clymer, 
 
 Jared Ingersoll, 
 ^Gouv: Morris. 
 
 Geo : Read, 
 
 John Dickinson, 
 
 Jaco: Broom, 
 
 Gunning Bedford, Jr., 
 
 Richard Bassett. 
 
 James M'Henry, 
 
 Danl. Carroll, 
 
 Dan: of St. Thos: 
 Jenifer. 
 
 John Blair, 
 
 James Madison, Jr. 
 
 Wm. Blount, 
 
 Hu. Williamson, 
 
 Rich'd Dobbs Spaight 
 
 J. Rutledge, 
 
 Charles Pinckney, 
 
 Charles Cotesworth 
 Pinckney, 
 
 Pierce Butler, 
 
 William Few, 
 
 Abr. Baldwin. 
 
 Attest : William Jackson, Secretary.
 
 BOOK IV.] AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 19 
 
 Articles In Atldltlnn to, and Amendment of, 
 
 Uie Ccnstltntlon of tl»e t/nlted States 
 
 of America, 
 
 Proposed by Cnngreis and Ral'Jied by (he Legiflnluren of 
 
 the neveral i>t<Ue«, purmani lo the Fifth Article of the 
 
 Original t'oitstiltttion. 
 
 Article I. Congress shall make no law 
 respecting an establishment of religion, or 
 prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or 
 abridging the freedom of speech, or of the 
 press ; or the right of the people peaceably 
 to assemble, and to petition the Govern- 
 ment for a redress of grievances. 
 
 Article II. A well regulated Militia, 
 being necessary to the security of a free 
 Htate, the right of the people to keep and 
 bear Arms, shall not be infringed. 
 
 Article III. No Soldier shall, in time 
 of peace be quartered in any house, with- 
 out the consent of the Owner, nor in time 
 of war, but in a manner to be prescribed 
 by law. 
 
 Article IV. The right of the people 
 to be secure in their persons, houses, 
 papers, and effects, against unreasonable 
 searches and seizures, shall not be violated, 
 and no Warrants shall issue, but upon pro- 
 bable cause, supported by Oath or affirma- 
 tion, and particularly describing the place 
 to be searched, and the persons or things 
 to be seized. 
 
 Article V. — No person shall be held 
 to answer for a capital, or otherwise infa- 
 mous crime, unless on a presentment or 
 indictment of a Grand Jury, except in 
 cases arising in the land or naval forces, 
 or in the Militia, when in actual service in 
 time of War or public danger; nor shall 
 any person be subject for the same otFence 
 to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; 
 nor shall be compelled in any Criminal 
 Case to be a witness against himself, nor 
 be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
 without due process of law ; nor shall 
 private property be taken for public use, 
 without just compensation. 
 
 Article VI. — In all criminal prosecu- 
 tions, the accused shall enjoy the right to 
 a speedy and public trial, by an impartial 
 jury of the State and district wherein the 
 crime shall have been committed, which 
 district shall have been previously ascer- 
 tained by law, and to be informed of the 
 nature and cause of the accusation ; to be 
 confronted with the witnesses against him ; 
 to have Compulsory process for obtaining 
 Witnesses in his favor, and to have the 
 assistance of Counsel for his defence. 
 
 Article VII. — In Suits at common law, 
 where the value in controversy shall ex- 
 ceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by 
 jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried 
 by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined 
 in any Court of the United States, than 
 according to the rules of the common law 
 
 Article VIII. — Excessive bail shal 
 not be required, nor excessive fines im- 
 
 posed, nor cruel and unusual punishment 
 inflicted. 
 
 Article IX. — The enumeration in the 
 Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be 
 construed to deny or disparage others re- 
 tained by tiie peoi)le. 
 
 Article X. — The powers not delegated 
 to the United States by the Constitution, 
 nor jirohil)ited by it to the States, are re- 
 served to the States respectively or to the 
 people. 
 
 Article XI. — The Judicial power of 
 the United States shall not be construed 
 to extend to any suit in law and equity, 
 commenced and prosecuted against one of 
 the United States by Citizens of another 
 State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any 
 Foreign State. 
 
 Article XII. — The Electors shall meet 
 in their respective States, and vote by bal- 
 lot for President and Vice-President, one 
 of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabi- 
 tant of the same State with themselves ; 
 they shall name in their ballots the person 
 voted for as President, and in distinct bal- 
 lots the person voted for as Vice-President, 
 and they shall make distinct lists of all 
 persons voted for as President, and of all 
 persons voted for as Vice-President, and of 
 the number of votes for each, which lists 
 they shall sign and certify, and transmit 
 sealed to the seat of the government of 
 the United States, directed to the Presi- 
 dent of the Senate. The President of the 
 Senate shall, in the presence of tlie Senate 
 and House of Representatives, ojien all the 
 certificates and the votes shall then be 
 counted. The person having the greatest 
 number of votes for President, shall be the 
 President, if such number be a majority of 
 the whole number of Electors apjjointcd ; 
 and if no person have such majority, then 
 from the persons having the highest num- 
 bers not exceeding three on the list of 
 those voted for as President, the House of 
 Representatives shall choose immediately, 
 by ballot, the President. But in choosing 
 the President, the votes shall be taken by 
 States, the representation from each State 
 having one vote; a quorum for this pur- 
 pose shall consist of a member or members 
 from two-thirds of the States, and a major- 
 ity of all the States shall be necessary to 
 a choice. And if the House of Repre- 
 sentatives shall not choose a President 
 whenever the right of choice shall devolve 
 upon them, before the fourth day of March 
 next following, then the Vice-President 
 shall act as President, as in the case of the 
 death or other constitutional disability of 
 the President. The person having the 
 greatest number of votes as Vice-President 
 shall be the Vice-President, if such num- 
 ber be a majority of the whole number of 
 Electors appointed, and if no person have 
 1 a majoritv, then from the two highest 
 ! numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 the Vice-President; a quorum for the pur- 1 
 
 pose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole 
 number of Senators, and a majority of the 
 whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
 But no person constitutionally ineligible to 
 the office of President shall be eligible to 
 that of Vice-President of the United States. 
 
 Article xiii. Section I. Neither slav- 
 ery nor involuntary servitude, except as a 
 punishment for crime whereof the party 
 shall have been duly convicted, shall ex- 
 ist within the United States, or any place 
 subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Section II. Congress shall have power to 
 enforce this article by appropriate leg- 
 islation. 
 
 Article xiv. Section I. All persons 
 born or naturalized in the United States, 
 and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are 
 citizens of the United States and of the 
 State wherein they reside. No State shall 
 make or enforce any law which shall 
 abridge the privileges or immunities of 
 citizens of the United States ; nor shall 
 any State deprive any person of life, liberty, 
 or property, without due process of law, nor 
 deny to any person within its jurisdic- 
 tion the equal protection of the laws. 
 
 Section II. Representatives shall be 
 apportioned among the several States ac- 
 cording to their respective numbers, count- 
 ing the whole number of persons in each 
 State, excluding Indians not taxed. But 
 when the right to vote at any election for 
 the choice of electors for President and 
 Vice President of the United Statee, rep- 
 resentatives in Congress, the executive and 
 judicial officers of a State, or the members 
 of the legislature thereof, is denied to any 
 of the male inhabitants of such State, 
 being twenty-one years of age, and citi- 
 zens of the United States, or in any way 
 abridged, except for participation in re- 
 bellion, or other crime, the basis of rep- 
 resentation therein shall be reduced in the 
 proportion which the number of such male 
 citizens shall bear to the whole number of 
 male citizens twenty-one years of age in 
 such State. 
 
 Section III. No person shall be a sen- 
 ator or representative in Congress, or elect- 
 or of President and Vice I'resident, or 
 hold any office, civil or military', under 
 the United States, or under any State, who, 
 having previously taken an oath, as a 
 member of Congress, or as an officer of 
 the United States, or as a member of any 
 State legislature, or as an executive or judi- 
 cial officer of any State, to supr)f>rt the Con- 
 stitution of the United States shall have en- 
 gaged in insurrection or rebellion against 
 the same, or given aid or comfort to the ene- 
 mies thereof But Congress may by a vote of 
 two-thirds of each house, remove such dis- 
 ability. 
 
 Section IV. The validity of the public 
 debt of the United States, authorized by 
 
 law, including debts incurred for payment 
 of pensions and bounties for services in 
 suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall 
 not be questioned. But neither the United 
 States nor any State shall assume or pay 
 any debt or obligation incurred in aid of 
 insurrection or rebellion against the United 
 States, or any claim for the loss or emanci- 
 pation of any slave ; but all such debts, ob- 
 ligations and claims shall beheld illegal 
 and void. 
 
 Section V. — The Congress shall have 
 power to enforce, by appropriate legisla- 
 tion, the provisions of this article. 
 
 Article xv. Section I. — The right of 
 citizens of the United States to vote shall 
 not be denied or abridged by the United 
 States or by any State on account of race, 
 color, or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Section II. — The Congress shall have 
 power to enforce this article by appropriate 
 legislation. 
 
 Ratiflcatlons of the Constitution. * 
 
 Of the thirteen States which originally 
 composed the Union under the Confedera- 
 tion, eleven ratified the Constitution prior 
 to the 4th of March, 1789, the time fixed 
 by the resolution of September 13, 1788, 
 for commencing proceedings under it, viz : 
 
 Delaware, December 7, 1787. 
 Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787. 
 New Jersey, December 18, 1787. 
 Georgia, January 2, 1788. 
 Connecticut, Januarj' 9, 1788. 
 Massachusetts, February 6, 1788. 
 Maryland, April 28, 1788. 
 South Carolina, May 23, 1788. 
 New Hampshire, June 21, 1788. 
 Virginia, June 26, 1788. 
 New York, July 26, 1788. 
 
 Of the other two States, North Corolina 
 ratified the Constitution on the 21st of 
 November, 1789; of which, information 
 was communicated to Congress by the 
 President, in a message dated January 28, 
 1790. 
 
 Rhode Island ratified it on the 29th of 
 May, 1790 ; of which, also, information 
 was communicated to Congress by the 
 President, in a message dated June 1, 
 1790. 
 
 The State of Vermont, by convention, 
 ratified the Constitution on the 10th of 
 January, 1791, and was, by an act of Con- 
 gress of the 18th of February, 1791, "re- 
 ceived and admitted into this Union as a 
 new and entire member of the United 
 States of America." 
 
 * From W. J. McDonald's " Constitution, Rules and 
 Manual."
 
 BOOK IV.] 
 
 RATIFICATION OF THE AMENDMENTS. 
 
 21 
 
 RatiflcatlouB of the Amendments to the 
 Constitution. 
 
 From W. J. McDonald's " ConstUulion, Rtdea and Mantuil." 
 
 The first ten of the preceding articles of 
 amendment, (with two others which were 
 not ratified by the requisite number of 
 States,) were submitted to the several 
 State Lejijislatures by a resolution of Con- 
 gress wliich passed on the 25th of Septem- 
 ber, 178i>, at the first session of the First 
 Congress, and were ratified by the Legis- 
 latures of the following States : 
 
 New Jersey, November 20, 1789. 
 
 Maryland,*December 19, 1789. 
 
 North Carolina, December 22, 1789. 
 
 South Carolina, January 19, 1790. 
 
 New Hampshire, January 25, 1790. 
 
 Delaware, January 28, 1790. 
 
 Pennsylvania, March 10, 1790. 
 
 New York, March 27, 1790. 
 
 Ehode Island, June 15, 1790. 
 
 Vermont, November 3, 1791. 
 
 Virginia, December 15, 1791. 
 
 The acts of the Legislatures of the States 
 ratifying these amendments were trans- 
 mitted by the governors to the President, 
 and by him communicated to Congress. 
 The Legislatures of Massachusetts, Con- 
 necticut, and Georgia, do not appear by 
 the record to have ratified them. 
 
 The 11th article was submitted to the 
 Legislatures of the several States by a 
 resolution of Congress passed on the 5th of 
 March, 1794, at the first session of the 
 Third Congress ; and on the 8th of Janu- 
 ary, 1798, at the second session of the 
 Fifth Congress, it was declared by the 
 President, in a message to the two Houses 
 of Congress, to have been adopted by the 
 Legislatures of three-fourths ot the States, 
 there being at that time sixteen States in 
 the Union. 
 
 The twelfth article was submitted to the 
 Legislatures of the several States, there 
 being then seventeen States, by a resolu- 
 tion of Congress passed on the 12th of 
 December, 1803, at the first session of the 
 Eighth Congress ; and was ratified by the 
 Legislatures of three-fourths of the States, 
 in 1804, according to a proclamation of the 
 Secretary of State dated the 25th of 
 September, 1804. 
 
 The thirteenth article was submitted to 
 the Legislatures of the several States, 
 there being then thirty-six States, by a 
 resolution of Congress passed on the 1st of 
 February, 1865, at the second session of 
 the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was rati- 
 fied, according to a proclamation of the 
 Secretary of State dated December 18, 
 1865,- by the Legislatures of the following 
 States : 
 
 Illinois, February 1, 1865. 
 
 Rhode Island, February 2, 1865. 
 
 Michigan, February 2, 1865. 
 Marj'land, February 3, 1865. 
 
 New York, February 3, 1865. 
 
 West Virginia, February 3, 1865. 
 
 Massachusetts, February 3, 1865. 
 
 Pennsylvania, February 3, 1865. 
 
 Maine, February 7, 1865. 
 
 Kansas, February 8, 1865. 
 
 Ohio, February 8, 1865. 
 
 Minnesota, February 7, 1865. 
 
 Virginia, February 9, 1865. 
 
 Indiana, February 13, 1865. 
 
 Nevada, February 16, 1865. 
 
 Louisiana, February 17, 1865. 
 
 Wisconsin, February 21, 1865. 
 
 Missouri, February 24, 1865. 
 
 Tennessee, March 4, 1865. 
 
 Vermont, March 9, 1865. 
 
 Arkansas, April 14, 1865. 
 
 Connecticut, May 4, 1865. ^— 
 
 New Hampshire, June 30, 1865. 
 
 South Carolina, November 13, 1865. 
 
 North Carolina, December 1, 1865, 
 
 Alabama, December 2, 1865. 
 
 Georgia, December 6, 1865. 
 
 The following States not enumerated in 
 the proclamation of the Secretary of State, 
 also ratified this amendment : 
 
 Oregon, December 11, 1865. 
 
 California, December 20, 1865. 
 
 Florida, June 9, 1868. 
 
 The States of Delaware, New Jersey, 
 and Kentucky rejected the amendment. 
 
 The fourteenth article was submitted to 
 the Legislatures of the different States, 
 there being then thirty-seven States, by a 
 resolution of Congress passed on the 16th 
 of June, 1866, at the first session of the 
 Thirty-ninth Congress; and was ratified, 
 according to a proclamation of the Secre- 
 tary of State, dated July 28, 1868, by the 
 Legislatures of the following States : 
 
 Connecticut, June 30, 1866. 
 
 New Hampshire, Julv 7, 1866. 
 
 Tennessee, July 19, 1866. 
 
 * New Jersey, September 11, 1866. 
 t Oregon, September 19, 1866. 
 Vermont, November 9, 1866. 
 New York, January 10, 1867. 
 
 t Ohio, January 11, 1867. 
 Illinois, January 15, 1867. 
 West Virginia, January 16, 1867. 
 Kansas, January 18, 1867. 
 Maine, January 19, 1867. 
 Nevada, January 22, 1867. 
 Missouri, January 26, 1867. 
 Indiana, January 29, 1867. 
 Minnesota, February 1, 1867. 
 Rhode Island, February 7, 1867. 
 Wisconsin, February 13, 1867. 
 Pennsylvania, February 13, 1867. 
 Michigan, February 15, 1867. 
 Massachusetts, March 20, 1867. 
 Nebraska, June 15, 1867. 
 
 * New Jerspy withdrew her consent to the ratification 
 April — , 18Ci8. .^ . ^ 
 
 + Oregon withdrew her consent to the ratification Oc- 
 tober 15, 18G8. . , 
 
 J Ohio withdrew her consent to the ratificaUon January 
 ' — , 1868.
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 Iowa, April 3, 1868. 
 Arkansas, April 6, 1868. 
 Florida, June 9, 1868. 
 
 * North Carolina, July 4, 1868. 
 Louisiana, July 9, 1868. 
 
 * South Carolina, July 9, 1868. 
 Alabama, July 13, 1868. 
 
 * Georgia, July 21, 1868. 
 
 * The State of Virginia ratified this 
 amendment on the 8th of October, 1869, 
 subsequent to the date of the proclamation 
 of the Secretary of State. 
 
 The States of Delaware, Maryland, Ken- 
 tucky, and Texas rejected the amendment. 
 
 The fifteenth article was submitted to 
 the Legislatures of the several States, there 
 being then thirty-seven States, by a reso- 
 lution of Congress passed on the 27th of 
 February, 1869, at the first session of the 
 Forty -first Congress ; and was ratified, ac- 
 cording to a proclamation of the Secretary 
 of State dated March 30, 1870, by the Le- 
 gislatures of the following States : 
 
 Nevada, March 1, 1869. 
 
 West Virginia, March 3, 1869. 
 
 North Carolina, March 5, 1869. 
 
 Louisiana, March 6, 1869. 
 
 Illinois, March 5, 1869. 
 
 Michigan, March 8, 1869. 
 
 Wisconsin, March 9, 1869. 
 
 Massachusetts, March 12, 1869. 
 
 Maine, March 12, 1869. 
 
 South Carolina, March 16, 1869. 
 
 Pennsylvania, March 26, 1869. 
 
 Arkansas, March 30, 1869. 
 
 t New York, April 14, 1869. 
 
 Indiana, May 14, 1869. 
 
 Connecticut, May 19, 1869. 
 
 Florida, June 15, 1869. 
 
 New Hampshire, July 7, 1869. 
 
 Virginia, October 8, 1869. 
 
 Vermont, October 21, 1869. 
 
 Alabama, November 24, 1869. 
 
 Missouri, January 10, 1870. 
 
 Mississippi, January 17, 1870. 
 
 Ehode Island, January 18, 1870. 
 
 Kansas, January 19, 1870. 
 
 t Ohio, January 27, 1870. 
 
 Georgia, February 2, 1870. 
 
 Iowa, February 3, 1870. 
 
 Nebraska, February 17, 1870. 
 
 Texas, February 18, 1870. 
 
 Minnesota, February 19, 1870. 
 
 § The State of New Jersey ratified this 
 amendment on the 21st of February, 1871, 
 subsequent to the date of the proclamation 
 of the Secretary of State. 
 
 The States of California, Delaware, Ken- 
 tucky, Maryland, Oregon, and Tennessee 
 rejected this amendment. 
 
 * North Carolina, South Carolina, Ooorgia, and Virfriiiia 
 liad proviouHly rcjectorl the aniDiidmciit. 
 
 t Now York withdrew her conHcnt to tlio ratiflcation 
 January 6, 1870. 
 
 X Ohio had pruviouBly rejected the amendment May 4, 
 18«!t. 
 
 2 Now Jersey bad previuuBly rejected tbo ameudmont. 
 
 JEFFERSON'S MANUAL OF PARLIAMENTARY 
 PRACTICE, 
 
 Importance of Rules. 
 
 SEC. I. — IMPORTAKCE OF ADHERING TO 
 RULES. 
 
 Mr. Onslow, the ablest among the Speak- 
 ers of the House of Commons, used to say, 
 " It was a maxim he had often heard when 
 he was a young man, from old and experi- 
 enced members, that nothing tended more 
 to throw power into the hands of adminis- 
 tration, and those who acted with the ma- 
 jority of the House of Commons, than a 
 neglect of, or departure from, the rules of 
 proceeding ; that these forms, as instituted 
 by our ancestors, operated as a check and 
 control on the actions of the majority, and 
 that they were, in many instances, a shel- 
 ter and protection to the minority, against 
 the attempts of power." So far the maxim 
 is certainly true, and is founded in good 
 sense, that as it is always in the power of 
 the majority, by their numbers, to stop any 
 improper measures proposed on the part of 
 their opponents, the only weapons by 
 which the minority can defend themselves 
 against similar attempts from those in 
 power, are the forms and rules of proceed- 
 ing which have been adopted as they were 
 found necessary, from time to time, and 
 are become the law of the House ; by a 
 strict adherence to which, the weaker 
 party can only be protected from those ir- 
 regularities and abuses which these forms 
 were intended to check, and which the 
 wantonness of power is but too often apt to 
 suggest to large and successful majorities. 
 2 Hats., 171, 172, 
 
 And whether these forms be in all cases 
 the most rational or not, is really not of so 
 great importance. It is much more ma- 
 terial that there should be a rule to go by, 
 than what that rule is ; that there may be 
 a uniformity of proceedings in business, 
 not subject to the caprice of the Speaker, 
 or captiousness of the members. It is very 
 material that order, decency, and regular- 
 ity be preserved in a dignified public body. 
 2 Hats., 149. 
 
 SEC. II. — LEGISLATURE, 
 
 [All legislative powers herein granted 
 shall be vested in a Congress of the United 
 States, which shall consist of a Senate and 
 House of Representatives. Constitution 
 of the United IStates, Art. 1, Sec. 1.) 
 
 [The Senators and Representatives shall 
 receive a compensation for their services, 
 to be ascertained by law, and paid out of 
 the Treasury of the United States. Con- 
 stitution of the United States, Art. 1, 
 Sec. (). J 
 
 I For the powers of Congress, see the fol- 
 lowing Articles and Sections of the Consti- 
 tution of the United States: I, 4, 7, 8, 9. 
 II, 1, 2. Ill, 3. IV, 1, 3, 5, and all the 
 amendments.]
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 23 
 
 SEC. III. — PRIVILEGE. 
 
 The privileges of member.s of Parliament, 
 from small and Qbscure beginnings, have 
 been advancing for centuries with a lirm 
 and never-yielding pace. Claims seem to 
 have been brought forward from time to 
 time, and rei)eated, till some example of 
 their admission enabled them to build law 
 on that example. We can only, therefore, 
 state the points of progression at which 
 they now are. It is now acknowledged, 
 1st. That they are at all times exempted 
 from question elsewhere, for anything said 
 in their own House; that during the time 
 of privilege, 2d. Neither a member him- 
 self, his wife, nor his servants, (faiuiliares 
 sui,) for any matter of their own, may be 
 arrested on mesne process, in any civil 
 suit : 3d. Nor be detained under execu- 
 tion, though levied before time of privilege : 
 4th. Nor impleaded, cited, or subpoenaed 
 in any court: 5th. Nor summoned as a 
 witness or juror: 6th. Nor may their 
 lands or goods be distrained : 7th. Nor 
 their persons assaulted, or characters tra- 
 duced. And the period of time covered by 
 ])rivilege, before and after the session, with 
 the practice of short prorogations under 
 the connivance of the Crown, amounts in 
 fact to a peri^etual protection against the 
 course of justice. In one instance, indeed, 
 it has been relaxed by the 10 CI. 3, c. 50, 
 which ])ermits judiciary proceedings to go 
 on against tlicni. That these j)rivileges 
 must be continually progressive, seems to 
 result from their rejecting all definition of 
 them; the doctrine being, that "their dig- 
 nity and independence are preserved by 
 keeping their privileges indehnite ; and 
 that 'the maxim upon which they proceed, 
 together with the method of proceeding, 
 rest entirely in their own breast, and are 
 not defined and Jiscertained by anv partic- 
 ular stated laws.' " 1 Blackst, 1G3, 104. 
 
 [It Avas i)robably from this view of the 
 encroaching character of privilege that the 
 framers of our Constitution, in their care 
 to provide that the laws shall bind equally 
 on all, and especially that those who make 
 them shall not exempt themselves from 
 their operation, have only privileged "Sen- 
 ators and Representatives" themselves from 
 the single act of "arrest in all cases except 
 treason, felony, and breach of the peace, 
 during their attendance at the session of 
 their respective Houses, and in going to 
 and returning from the same, and from 
 being questioned in any other place for any 
 speech or debate in either House." Coast. 
 U. S., Art. 1, Sec. 6. Under the general 
 authority "to make all laws necessary and 
 ])roper for carrying into execution the 
 powers given them," Confff. U. S., Art. 2, 
 Sec. 8, they niay provide by law the details 
 which may be necessary for giving full 
 effect to the enjoyment of this privilege. 
 No such law being as yet made, it seems to 
 
 stand at present on the following ground : 
 1. The act of arrest is void, ab initio. 2. 
 The member arrested may be discharged 
 on motion, 1 BL, lOG ; 2 Sira., 990 ; or'^ljy 
 habeas corpus under the Federal or .State 
 authority, as the ease may be; or by a writ 
 of privilege out of the chancery, 2 Stra., 
 089, in those .States which have adopted 
 that part of the laws of England. Order.i 
 of the Iloune of Commons, 1550^ February 
 20. 3. The arrest being unlawl'ul, is a 
 trespass for which the officer and others con- 
 cerned arc liable to action or indictment in 
 the ordinary courts of justice, as in other 
 cases of unauthorized arrest. 4. The court 
 before which the process is returnable is 
 bound to act as in other cases of unauthor- 
 ized proceeding, and liable, also, as in 
 other similar cases, to have their proceed- 
 ings stayed or corrected by the superior 
 courts.] 
 
 [The time necessary for going to, and re- 
 turning from. Congress, not being defined, 
 it will, of course, be judged of in every 
 particular case by those who will have to 
 decide the case.] While privilege was un- 
 derstood in England to extend, as it does 
 here, only to exemption from arrest, eundo, 
 morando, et redeundo, the House of Com- 
 mons themselves decided that "a conve- 
 nient time was to be understood." (1580,) 
 1 Hats., 99, 100. Nor is the law so strict 
 in point of time as to require the party to set 
 out immediately on his return, but allows 
 him time to settle his private affairs, and to 
 prepare for his journey ; and does not even 
 scan his road very nicely, nor forfeit his pro- 
 tection for a little deviation from that which 
 is most direct ; some necessity perhaps 
 constraining him to it. 2 Stra., 986, 987. 
 
 This in-ivilege from arrest, privileges, of 
 course, against all process the disobedience 
 to which is i)unishable by an attachment 
 of the i^erson ; as a subpoena ad responden- 
 dum, or testificandum, or a summons on a 
 jury ; and with reason, because a member 
 has superior duties to perform in another 
 place. [When a representative is with- 
 drawn from his seat by summons, the 40,- 
 000 people whom he represents lose their 
 voice in debate and vote, as they do on his 
 voluntary absence ; when a Senator is with- 
 drawn by summons, his State loses half its 
 voice in debate and vote, as it does on his 
 voluntary absence. The enormous dispari- 
 ty of evil admits no comparison.] 
 
 [So far there will probably be no differ- 
 ence of opinion as to the privileges of the 
 two Houses of Congress ; but in the follow- 
 ing cases it is otherwise. In December, 
 1795, the House of Representatives com- 
 mitted two persons of the name of Randall 
 and Whitney, for attempting to corrupt the 
 integrity of certain members, which they^ 
 considered as a contempt and breach of 
 the privileges of the House ; ami the fact> 
 being proved, ^^'h^tnf^y was detained iu
 
 24 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 confinement a fortnight, and Randall three 
 weeks, and was reprimanded by the Speak- 
 er. In March, 1796, the House of Repre- 
 sentatives voted a challenge given to a 
 member of their House to be a breach of 
 the privileges of the House; but satisfac- 
 tory apologies and acknowledgments being 
 made, no further proceeding was had. 
 The editor of the Aurora having, in his 
 paper of February 19, 1800, inseiled some 
 paragraphs defamatory of the Senate, and 
 failed in his appearance, he was ordered to 
 be committed. 
 
 In debating the legality of this order, it 
 was insisted, in support of it, that every 
 man, by the law of nature, and every body 
 of men, possesses the right of self-defense; 
 that all public functionaries are essentially 
 invested with the powers of self-preserva- 
 tion ; that they have an inherent right to 
 do all acts necessary to keep themselves in 
 a condition to discharge the trusts confided 
 to them ; that whenever authorities are 
 given, the means of carrying them into 
 execution are given by necessary implica- 
 tion ; that thus we see the British Parlia- 
 ment exercise the right of punishing con- 
 tempts ; all the State Legislatures exercise 
 the same power, and every court does the 
 same ; that, if we have it not, we sit at the 
 mercy of every intruder who may enter 
 our doors or gallery, and, by noise and 
 tumult, render proceeding in business im- 
 practicable ; that if our tranquillity is to 
 be perpetually disturbed by newspaper de- 
 famation, it will not be possible to exer- 
 cise our functions with the requisite cool- 
 ness and deliberation ; and that we must 
 therefore have a power to punish these 
 disturbers of our peace and proceedings. 
 To this it was answered, that the Parlia- 
 ment and courts of England have cogni- 
 zance of contempts by the express provi- 
 sions of their law ; that the State Legisla- 
 tures have equal authority, because their 
 powers are plenary ; they represent their 
 constituents completely, and possess all 
 their powers, except such as their consti- 
 tutions have expressly denied them ; that 
 the courts of the sevei'al States have 
 the same powers by the laws of their 
 States, and those of the Federal Govern- 
 ment by the same State laws adopted in 
 each State, by a law of Congress ; that 
 none of these bodies, therefore, derive 
 those powers from natural or necessary 
 right, l)ut from exi)ress law; that Congress 
 have no sucli natural or necessary power, 
 nor any powers but such as are given them 
 by the Constitution ; thjit tliat has given 
 them, directly, excm])tion from i)ersonal 
 arrest, exemption I'roni question elscwlu'rc 
 for what is said in their House, and power 
 over their own members and j)roceedings; 
 for tliesc no further l;iw is necessary, the 
 Constitution being the law; that, more- 
 over, by that article of tiio Constitution 
 
 which authorizes them " to make all laws 
 necessary and proper for carrying into 
 execution the powers vested by Constitu- 
 tion in them," they may provid* by law 
 for an undisturbed exercise of their func- 
 tions, e. g., for the punishment of con- 
 tempts, of affrays or tumult in their pre- 
 sence, &c. ; but, till the law be made, it 
 does not exist; and does not exist, from 
 their own neglect ; that, in the mean time, 
 however, they are not unprotected, the 
 ordinary magistrates and courts of law 
 being open and competent to punish all 
 unjustifiable disturbances or defamations, 
 and even their own sergeant, who may ap- 
 point deputies ad libitum to aid him, 3 
 Grey, 59, 147, 255, is equal to small dis- 
 turbances ; that in requiring a previous 
 law, the Constitution had regard to the 
 inviolability of the citizen, as well as of 
 the member ; as, should one House, in the 
 form of a bill, aim at too broad privileges, 
 it may be checked by the other, and both 
 by the President; and also as, the law 
 being promulgated, the citizen wall know 
 how to avoid oftense. But if one branch 
 may assume its own privileges without 
 control, if it may do it on the sjiur of the 
 occasion, conceal the law in its own breast, 
 and, after the fact committed, make its 
 sentence both the law and the judgment 
 on that fact ; if the oftense is to be kept 
 undefined, and to be declared only ex re 
 nata, and according to the passions of the 
 moment, and there be no limitation either 
 in the manner or measure of the punish- 
 ment, the condition of the citizen will be 
 perilous indeed. Which of these doc- 
 trines is to prevail, time will decide. 
 Where there is no fixed law, the judgment 
 on any particular case is the law of that 
 single case only, and dies with it. When 
 a new and even a similar case arises, the 
 judgment which is to make and at the 
 same time apply the law, is open to ques- 
 tion and consideration, as are all new 
 laws. Perhajjs Congress, in the mean 
 time, in their care for the safety of the 
 citizen, as well as that for their own pro- 
 tection, may declare by law what is neces- 
 sary and proper to enable them to carry 
 into execution the powers vested in them, 
 and thereby liang uj) a rule for the inspec- 
 tion of all, which may direct the conduct 
 of the citizen, and at the same time test 
 the judgments they shall themselves pro- 
 nounce in their own case.] 
 
 Privilege from arrest takes place by 
 force of the election ; and before a return 
 be made a member elected may be named 
 of a committee, and is to every extent a 
 member except that he cannot vote until 
 he is sworn. Memur., 107, lOH, JfEwes, 
 (548, col. 2 ; 643, col. 1.' Pd. Miscd. Pari., 
 119. Lex. Pari, c. 23. 2 Hafs., 22, 62. 
 
 I'^very man nuist, at his peril, take no- 
 tice who are members of either House
 
 BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, 
 
 25 
 
 returned of record. Lex. Pari., 23; 4 
 Inst., 24. 
 
 On complaint of a breach of privilege, 
 the party may either be summoned, or 
 sent for in custody of the sergeant. 1 Grey, 
 88, 95. 
 
 The privilege of a member is the 
 privilege of the House. If the member 
 waive it without leave, it is a ground for 
 punishing him, but cannot in effect waive 
 the privilege of the House. 3 Grey, 140, 
 222. 
 
 For any speech or debate in either 
 House, they shall not be questioned in any 
 other place. Const. U. S., I, 6 ; »S'. P. pro- 
 test of the Commons to James I, 1G21 ; 2 
 Rapin, No. 54, pp. 211, 212. But this is 
 restrained to things done in the House in 
 a parliamentary course. 1 Rush., 663. 
 For he is not to have privilege contra 
 morem parliamentarium, to exceed the 
 bounds and limits of his place and duty. 
 Com. p. 
 
 If an offence be committed by a member 
 in the House, of which the House has 
 cognizance, it is an infringement of their 
 right for any person or court to take notice 
 of it, till the House has punished the 
 oflender, or referred him to a due course. 
 Lex. Parl.,Q'i. 
 
 Privilege is in the power of the House, 
 and is a restraint to the proceedings of 
 inferior courts, but not of the House itself. 
 2 Nalson, 450 ; 2 Grey, 399. For whatever 
 is spoken in the House is subject to the 
 censure of the House ; and offenses of this 
 kind have been severely punished by call- 
 ing the person to the bar to make submis- 
 sion, commiting him to the tower, ex- 
 pelling the House, &c. Scoh., 72 ; L. 
 Pari., c. 22. 
 
 It is a breach of order for the Speaker 
 to refuse to put a question which is in or- 
 der. 1 Hats., 175-6 ; 5 Grey, 133. 
 
 And even in cases of treason, felony, 
 and breach of the peace, to which privilege 
 does not extend as to substance, yet in 
 Parliament a member is privileged as to 
 the mode of proceeding. The case is first 
 to be laid before the House, that it may 
 judge of the fact and of the grounds of 
 the accusation, and how far forth the man- 
 ner of the trial may concern their privi- 
 lege; otherwise it would be in the power 
 of other branches of the government, and 
 even of every private man, under pre- 
 tenses of treason, &c., to take any man 
 from his services in the House, and so, as 
 many, one afler another, as would make 
 the House what he pleaseth. Dec. of the 
 Com, on the King's declaring Sir John 
 Hotham a traitor. 4 Rushw., 586. So, 
 when a member stood indicted for felony, 
 it was adjudged that he ought to remain 
 of the House till conviction ; for it may be 
 any man's case, who is guiltless, to be 
 accused and indicted of felony or the like 
 
 crime. 23 EL, 1580 ; D'Ewes, 283, col. 1 • 
 Lex Pari., 133. 
 
 When it is found necessary for the pub- 
 lic service to put a niL-mber under arrest, 
 or when, on any public inquiry, matter 
 comes out which may lead to affect the 
 person of a mcml)er, it is the practice im- 
 mediately to actpiaint the H(juse, tiiatthey 
 may know the reason for such a jiroceed- 
 ing, and take such steps as they think 
 proper. 2 7/rt^.s., 259. Of which see many 
 exami)les. lb., 256, 257, 258. But the 
 comnuinication is subsequent to the arrest. 
 1 lUackst., 167. 
 
 It is highly expedient, says Hatsel, for 
 the due preservation of the privileges of 
 the sejiaratc branches of the legislature, 
 that neither should encroach on the other, 
 or interfere in any matter depending be- 
 fore them, so as to preclude, or even in- 
 fluence, that freedom of debate which is 
 essential to a free council. They are, 
 therefore, not to take notice of any bills or 
 other matters depending, or of votes that 
 have been given, or of speeches which 
 have been held, by the members of either 
 of the other branches of the legislature, 
 until the same have been communicated 
 to them in the usual parliamentarv man- 
 ner. 2 Hats., 252 ; 4 Inst., 15 ; Seld. Jiid., 
 53. Thus the King's taking notice of the 
 bill for suppressing soldiers, depending 
 before the House ; his proposing a pro- 
 visional clause for a bill before it was 
 presented to him by the two Houses ; his 
 expressing displeasure against some persons 
 for matters moved in Parlianicnt dur- 
 ing the debate and preparation of a bill, 
 were breaches of privilege ; 2 Salson, 743; 
 and in 1788, December 17, it was declared 
 a breach of fundamental privileges, &c., to 
 report any opinion or pretended opinion 
 of the King on any bill or proceeding de- 
 pending in either House of Parliament, 
 with a view to influence the votes of the 
 members. 2 Hats., 251, 6. 
 
 SEC. IV. — ELECTIONS. 
 
 [The times, places, and manner of hold- 
 ing elections for Senators and Re])resenta- 
 tives shall be prescribed in each State by 
 the Legislature thereof; but the Congress 
 may at any time by law make or alter such 
 regulations, except as to the places of 
 choosing Senators. Const., 1, 4. 
 
 [Each House shall be the judge of the 
 elections, returns, and qualifications of its 
 own members. Const., I, 5.] 
 
 SEC. V. — QUALIFICATIOXS. 
 
 [The Senate of the United Stares shall 
 be composed of two Senators from each 
 State, chosen by the Legislature thereof 
 for six years, and each Senator shall have 
 one vote.] 
 
 [Immediately after they shall be assem- 
 bled in consequence of the first election,
 
 26 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 they shall be divided as equally as may be 
 into three classes. The seats of the Sena- 
 tors of the first class shall be vacated at 
 the end of the second year ; of the second 
 class at the expiration of the fourth year ; 
 and of the third class at the expiration of ; 
 the sixth year ; so that one-third may be I 
 chosen every second year ; and if vacan- , 
 cies happen", by resignation or otherwise, , 
 during the recess of the Legislature of any 
 State, the executive thereof may make 
 temporary appointments until the next 
 meeting of the Legislature, which shall 
 then fill such vacancies. Const., I, 3.] 1 
 [No person shall be a Senator who shall j 
 not have attained to the age of thirty 
 years, and been nine years a citizen of the 
 United States, and who shall not, when 
 elected, be an inhabitant of that State for 
 which he shall be chosen. Const. I, 3.] 
 
 [The House of Representatives shall be 
 composed of members chosen every second 
 year by the people of the several States ; 
 and the electors in each State shall have 
 the qualifications requisite for electors of 
 the most numerous branch of the State Le- 
 gislature. Const., I, 2.] 
 
 [Xo person shall be a Representative 
 who shall not have attained to the age of 
 twenty-five years and been seven years a 
 citizen of the United States, and who shall 
 not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
 State in which he shall be chosen. Const., 
 I,2.J 
 
 [Representatives and direct taxes shall 
 be apportioned among the several States 
 which may be included within this Union, 
 according to their respective numbers; 
 which shall be determined by adding to 
 the whole number of free persons, includ- 
 ing those bound to service for a term of 
 years, and excluding Indians not taxed, 
 "three-filths of all other persons. The ac- 
 tual enumeration shall be made within 
 three .years after the first meeting of the 
 Congress of the United States, and within 
 every subsequent term of ten years, in such 
 manner as they shall by law direct. The 
 number of Representatives shall not ex- 
 exceed one for every thirty thousand, but 
 each State shall have at least one Repre- 
 .sentative. Const., I, 2.] 
 
 [When vacancies happen in the repre- 
 sentation from any State, the executive 
 authority thereof sliall issue writs of elec- 
 tion to fill su(!h vacancies. Const., I, 2.] 
 
 [No Sen.itor or Representative shall, 
 during the time for wliich ho was elected, 
 be ajjpointed to any civil ofhce under the 
 authority of the TTnited States which shall 
 have been created, or the emoluments 
 whereof sliull have been increased, during 
 such time; and no person holding any 
 office under the United States shall be a 
 member of either House during his con- 
 tinuance in office. Const., I, G.J 
 
 SEC. VI. — QUORUM. 
 
 [A majority of each House shall consti- 
 tute a quorum to do business, but a 
 smaller number may adjourn from day to 
 day, and may be authorized to compel the 
 attendance of absent members in such 
 manner and under such penalties as each 
 House may provide. Const., I, 5.] 
 
 In general the chair is not to be taken 
 till a quorum for business is present ; un- 
 less, after due waiting, such a quorum be 
 despaired of, when the chair may be taken 
 and the House adjourned. And whenever, 
 during business, it is observed that a 
 quorum is not present, any member may 
 call for the House to be counted, and being 
 found deficient, business is suspended. 2 
 Hats., 125, 126. 
 
 [The President having taken the chair, 
 and a quorum being present, the journal 
 of the preceding day shall be read, to the 
 end that any mistake may be corrected 
 that shall have been made in the entries. 
 Rules of the Senate.^ 
 
 SEC. VII. — CALL OF THE HOUSE. 
 
 On a call of the House, each person 
 rises up as he is called, and answereth; 
 the absentees are then only noted, but no 
 excuse to be made till the House be fully 
 called over. Then the absentees are called 
 a second time, and if still absent, excuses 
 are to be heard. Ord. House of Commons, 
 92. 
 
 They rise that their persons may be 
 recognized ; the voice, in such a crowd, 
 being an insufficient verification of their 
 presence. But in so small a body as the 
 Senate of the United States, the trouble of 
 rising cannot be necessary. 
 
 Orders for calls on different days may 
 subsist at the same time. 2 Hats., 72. 
 
 SEC. VIII. — ABSENCE. 
 
 [No member shall absent himself from 
 the service of the Senate without leave of 
 the Senate first obtained. And in case a 
 less number than a quorum of the Senate 
 shall convene, they are hereby authorized 
 to send the Sergeant-at-Arms, or any other 
 person or persons by them authorized, for 
 any or all absent members, as the majority 
 of such members present shall agree, at 
 the expense of such absent members, re- 
 spectively, unless such excuse for non-at- 
 tendance shall be made as the Senate, 
 when a quorum is convened, shall judge 
 sufHcicnt : and in that case the exjiense 
 shall be paid out of the contingent fund. 
 And this rule shall apply as well to the 
 first convention of the Senate, at the legal 
 time of meeting, as to each day of the 
 session, alter th(; hour is arrived to which 
 the Senate stood adjourned. Ihdc 8.J 
 
 SEC. IX. — SPEAK Ii;R. 
 
 [The Vice-President of the United 
 States shall be President of the Senate, but
 
 BOOK IT.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 27 
 
 shall have no vote unless they be equally 
 divided. Conatituiion, I, 3.] 
 
 [The Senate shall choose their officers, 
 and also a President ^^ro tempore in the 
 absence of the Vice-President, or when he 
 shall exercise the office of President of the 
 United States. lb.] 
 
 [Tiie House of Representatives shall 
 choose their Speaker and other officers. 
 Const., I, 2. 1 
 
 When but one person is proposed, and 
 no objection made, it has not been usual 
 in Parliament to put any question to the 
 House ; but witliout a question the mem- 
 bers proposinj^ him conduct him to the 
 chair. But if there be objection, or another 
 proposed, a question is put by the Clerk. 
 2 Hats., 158. As are also questions of ad- 
 journment. 6 Grey, 406. Where the House 
 debated and exchanged messages and an- 
 swers with the King for a week without a 
 Speaker, till they were prorogued. They 
 have done it de die in diem for fourteen 
 davs. 1 Chand., 331, 335. 
 
 [in the Senate, a President pro tempore, 
 in the absence of the Vice-President, is 
 proposed and chosen by ballot. Ilis office 
 IS understood to be determined on the 
 Vice-President's appearing and taking the 
 chair, or at the meeting of the Senate after 
 the first recess. ) 
 
 Where the Speaker has been ill, other 
 Speakers pro tempore\ia.\e been appointed. 
 Instances of this are 1 H., A. Sir John 
 Chevney, and Sir William Sturton, and in 
 15 H., (>. Sir John Tyrrel, in 1650, Jan- 
 uary 27 ; 1658, March 9 ; 1659, January 13. 
 
 Sir Job Charl- 
 ton ill, Sevmour 
 chosen, 16 7 3, 
 February 18, 
 
 Seymour being 
 ill, Sir Robert 
 Sawver chosen, 
 1678, April 15. 
 
 Sawyer being 
 ill, Seymour cho- 
 sen. 
 
 Thorpe in execution, a new Speaker 
 chosen, 31 H. VI, 3 ffrei/, 11 ; and March 
 14, 1694, Sir John Trevor chosen. There 
 have been no later instances. 2 Hats., 
 161 ; 4 Inst. 8 ; L. Pari, 263. 
 
 A Speaker may be removed at the will 
 of the House, and a Speaker pro tempore 
 appointed. 2 Grey, 186 ; 5 Grey, 134. 
 
 SEC. X. — ADDRESS. 
 
 [The President shall, from time to time, 
 give to the Congress information of the state 
 of the Union, and recommend to their con- 
 sideration such measures as he shall jiulge 
 necessary and expedient. Const., II, 3.] 
 
 A joint address of both Houses of Par- 
 liament is read by the Speaker of the 
 House of Lords. It may be attended by 
 both Houses in a body, or by a committee 
 
 Not merely ^ro tempore. 
 1 CAaMd,169,276,277. 
 
 from each House, or by the two Speakers 
 only. An address of the House of Com- 
 mons only may be presented by the wlnjle 
 House, or by the Speaker, 9 Grey, 473 ; 1 
 Chandler, 298, 301 ; or by such particular 
 members as are of the privy council. 2 
 Hats., 278. 
 
 SEC. XI. — COMMITTEES. 
 
 Standing committees, as of Privileges 
 and Elections, &c., are usually apj)ointed 
 at the first meeting, to continue through 
 the session. The person first named is 
 generally permitted to act as chairman. 
 But this is a matter of courtesy ; every 
 committee having a right to elect their own 
 chairman, who presides over them, puts 
 questions, and reports their proceedings to 
 the House. 4 Inst., 11, 12; Scoh., 9; 1 
 Grey, 122. 
 
 At these committees the members are to 
 speak standing, and not sitting; though 
 there is reason to conjecture it was for- 
 merlv otherwise. D' Ewes, 630, col. 1 ; 4 
 Pari, Hist., 440 ; 2 Hats., 77. 
 
 Their proceedings are not to be pub- 
 lished, as they are of no force till confirmed 
 by the House, liushw., j^c-^'t 3, vol. 2, 74 ; 
 3 Grey, 401 ; Scoh., 39. Nor can they re- 
 ceive a petition but through the Ilouse. 9 
 Grey, 412. 
 
 When a committee is charged with an 
 inquiry, if a member jirove to be involved, 
 they cannot proceed against him, but nuist 
 make a special report to the House ; where- 
 upon the member is heard in his i)lace, or 
 at the bar, or a special authority is given 
 to the committee to inquire concerning 
 him. 9 Grey, 523. 
 
 So soon as the House sits, and a commit- 
 tee is notified of it, the chairman is in duty 
 bound to rise instantly, and the members 
 to attend the service of the House. 2 Nals., 
 319. 
 
 It appears that on joint committees of 
 the Lords anrl Commons, each committee 
 acted integrally in the following instances: 
 7 Grey, 26\ 278, 285, 338 ; 1 Chandler, 357, 
 462. In tlie following instances it does not 
 appear whether they did or not ; 6 Grey, 
 129 ; 7 Grey, 213, 229, 321. 
 
 SEC. XII. — COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE. 
 
 The speech, messages, and other matters 
 of great concernment, are usually referred 
 to a committee of the Whole House, (6 
 Grey, 311,) where general principles are 
 digested in the form of resolutions, which 
 are debated and amended till they get in- 
 to a shape which meets the apjirobation 
 of a majority. These being reported and 
 confirmed by the House, are then referred 
 to one or more select committees, accord- 
 ing as the subject divides itself into one or 
 more bills. Scoh., 36, 44. Propositions 
 I for any charge on the people are especial- 
 , ly to be first made in a Committee of the
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 Whole. 3 Hais., 127. The sense of the ' 
 whole is better taken in committee, be- 
 cause in all committees every one speaks 
 as often as he pleases. Scob., 49. They 
 generally acquiesce in the chairman named 
 by the Speaker ; but, as well as all other 
 committees, have a right to elect one, some 
 member, by consent, putting the question. 
 Scob., 36 ; 3 Grei/, 301. The form of go- 
 ing from the House into committee, is for 
 the Speaker, on motion, to put the ques- 
 tion that the House do now resolve itself 
 into a Committee of the Whole to take in- 
 to consideration such a matter, naming it. 
 If determined in the affirmative, he leaves 
 the chair and takes a seat elsewhere, as 
 any other member ; and the person ap- 
 pointed chairman seats himself at the 
 Clerk's table. /Sco6.,'36. Their quorum is 
 the same as that of the House ; and if a 
 defect happens, the chairman, on a motion 
 and question, rises, the Sj^eaker resumes 
 the chair, and the chairman can make no 
 other report than to inform the House of 
 the cause of their dissolution. If a mes- 
 sage is announced during a committee, 
 the Speaker takes the chair and receives it, 
 because the committee cannot. 2 Hats., 
 125, 126. 
 
 In a Committee of the "\^Tiole, the tel- 
 lers on a division differing as to numbers, 
 great heats and confusion arose, and dan- 
 ger of a decision by the sword. The 
 Speaker took the chair, the mace was 
 forcibly laid on the table ; whereupon, the 
 members retiring to their places, the 
 Speaker told the House "he had taken 
 the chair without an order, to bring the 
 House into order." Some excepted against 
 it ; but it was generally approved, as the 
 only expedient to suppress the disorder. 
 And every member was required, standing 
 up in his place, to engage that he would 
 proceed no further in consequence of what 
 had happened in the grand committee, 
 which was done. 3 Grey, 128. 
 
 A Committee of the Whole being broken 
 up in disorder, and the chair resumed by 
 the Speaker without an order, the House 
 was adjourned. The next day the com- 
 mittee was considered as thereby dis- 
 solved, and the subject again before the 
 House ; and it was decided in the House, 
 without returning into committee. 3 Grey, 
 130. 
 
 No previous question can be put in a 
 committee ; nor can this committee ad- 
 journ as others may; but if their business 
 is unfinished, they rise, on a (juestion, the 
 House is resumed, and the chairman re- 
 ports that the Committee of tlic Whole 
 nave, according to order, had un(k>r their 
 consideration such a matter, and have 
 made progress therein ; l)ut not having 
 had time to go through the same, have 
 directed him to ask leave to sit again. 
 AVhereupon a question is put on their 
 
 having leave, and on the time the House 
 will again resolve itself into a committee. 
 Scob., 38. But if they have gone through 
 the matter referred to them, a member 
 moves that the committee may rise, and 
 the chairman report their proceedings to 
 the House ; which being resolved, the 
 chairman rises, the Speaker resumes the 
 chair, the chairman informs him that the 
 committee have gone through the business 
 referred to them, and that he is ready to 
 make report when the House shall think 
 proper to receive it. If the House have 
 time to receive it, there is usually a cry of 
 " now, now," whereupon he makes the re- 
 port ; but if it be late, the cry is " to-mor- 
 row, to-morrow," or " Monday," &c., or a 
 motion is made to that effect, and a ques- • 
 tion put that it be received to-morrow, 
 &c. Scob., 38. 
 
 In other things the rules of proceeding 
 are to be the same as in the House. Scob., 
 39. 
 
 SEC. XIII. — EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES. 
 
 Common fame is a good ground for the 
 House to proceed by inquiry, and even to 
 accusation. Resolution House of Commons, 
 1 Car. 1, 1625; Rush, L. Pari,, 115; 1 
 Grey, 16-22, 92 ; 8 Grey, 21, 23, 27, 45. 
 
 Witnesses are not to be produced but 
 where the House has previously instituted 
 an inquiry, 2 Hats., 102, nor then are 
 orders for their attendance given blank. 
 3 Grey, 51. 
 
 When any person is examined before a 
 committee, or at the bar of the House, any 
 member wishing to ask the person a ques- 
 tion, must address 'it to the Speaker or 
 chairman, who repeats the question to 
 the person, or says to him, " You hear the 
 question — answer it." But if the pro- 
 priety of the question be objected to, the 
 Speaker directs the witness, counsel, and 
 parties to withdraw ; for no question can 
 be moved or put or debated while they are 
 there. 2 Hats., 108. Sometimes the ques- 
 tions are previously settled in writing be- 
 fore the witness enters. lb., 106, 107 ; 8 
 Grey, 64. The questions asked must be 
 entered in the journals. 3 Grey, 81. But 
 the testimony given in answer before the 
 House is never written down ; but before 
 a committee, it must be, for the informa- 
 tion of the House, who are not present to 
 hear it. 7 Grey, 52, 334. 
 
 If either House have occasion for the 
 presence of a person in custody of the 
 other, they ask the other their leave that 
 he may be brought up to them in custody. 
 3 Hats., 52. 
 
 A member, in his place, gives informa- 
 tion to the House of what he knows of 
 anv matter un(h'r hearing at the bar. Jour. 
 Hnf C, Jan. 22, 1744-5. 
 
 Either House may request, but not com- 
 mand, the attendance of a member of the
 
 BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 29 
 
 other. They are to make the request bj' 
 message of the other House, and to ex- 
 press clearly the purpose of attendance, 
 that no improi)or subject of examination 
 may be tendered to him. The House then 
 gives leave to the member to attend, if he 
 choose it ; waiting first to know from the 
 member himself whether he chooses to 
 attend, till which they do not take the 
 message into consideration. But when the 
 peers are sitting as a court of criminal 
 judicature, they may order attendance, 
 unless where it be a case of impeachment 
 by the Commons. There, it is to be a re- 
 quest. 3 Hats., 17 ; 9 Grey, 306, 406 ; 10 
 Grey, 133. 
 
 Counsel are to be heard only on private, 
 not on public bills, and on such points of 
 law only as the House shall direct. 10 
 Grey, 61. 
 
 8EC. XIV. — ARRANGEMENT OF BUSINESS. 
 
 The Speaker is not precisely bound to 
 any rules as to what bills or other matter 
 shall be first taken up ; but it is left to his 
 own discretion, unless the House on a 
 question decide to' take up a particular 
 subject. Hakew., 136. 
 
 A settled order of business is, however, 
 necessary for the government of the pre- 
 siding person, and to restrain individual 
 members from calling up favorite measures, 
 or matters under their special ])atronage, 
 out of their just turn. It is useful also for 
 directing the discretion of the House, when 
 they are moved to take up a particular 
 matter, to the prejudice of others, having 
 priority of right to their attention in the 
 general order of business. 
 
 [ In the Senate, the bills and other papers 
 which are in possession of the House, and 
 in a state to be acted on, are arranged 
 every morning and brought on ia the fol- 
 lowing order :] 
 
 [1. Bills ready for a second reading are 
 read, that they may be referred to commit- 
 tees, and so be put under way. But if, on 
 their being read, no motion is made for 
 commitment, they are then laid on the 
 table in the general file, to be taken up in 
 their just turn.] 
 
 [2. After 12 o'clock, bills ready for it 
 are put on their passage.] 
 
 [3. Reports in possession of the House, 
 which otter grounds for a bill, are to be 
 taken up, that the bill may be ordered in.] 
 
 [4. Bills or other matters before the 
 House, and unfinished on the preceding 
 day, whether taken up in turn or on special 
 order, are entitled to be resumed and passed 
 on through their present stage.] 
 
 [5. These matters being dispatched, for 
 preparing and expediting business, the 
 general file of bills and other papers is 
 then taken up, and each article of it is 
 brought on according to its seniority, reck- 
 oned by the date of its first introduction 
 
 to the House. Reports on bills belong to 
 the dates of their bills.] 
 
 [The arrangement of the business of the 
 Senate is now as follows:]* 
 
 1. JNIotions previously submitted.] 
 
 2. Rci)orts of committees previously 
 made.] 
 
 [3. Bills from the House of Representa- 
 tives, and those introduced on leave, which 
 have been read the first time, are read the 
 second time; and if not referred to a com- 
 mittee, are considered in Committee of the 
 Whole, and proceeded with as in other 
 cases.] 
 
 [4. After twelve o'clock, engrossed bills 
 of the Senate, and bills of the House of 
 Representatives, on third reading, are put 
 on their passage.] 
 
 [5. If the above are finished before one 
 o'clock, the general file of bills, consisting 
 of those reported from committees on the 
 second reading, and those reported from 
 committees after having been referred, are 
 taken up in the order in which they were 
 reported to the Senate by the respective 
 committees.] 
 
 [6. At one o'clock, if no business be 
 pending, or if no motion be made to pro- 
 ceed to other business, the special ordera 
 are called, at the head of which stands the 
 unfinished business of the preceding day.] 
 
 [In this way we do not waste our time 
 in debating what shall be taken up. We 
 do one thing at a time ; follow up a sub- 
 ject while it is fresh, and till it is done 
 with ; clear the House of business grada- 
 tim as it is brought on, and prevent, to a 
 certain degree, its immense accumulation 
 toward the close of the session.] 
 
 [Arrangement, however, can only take 
 hold of matters in possession of the House. 
 New matter may be moved at any time 
 when no question is before the House. 
 Such are original motions and reports on 
 bills. Such are bills from the other House, 
 which are received at all times, and receive 
 their first reading as soon as the question 
 then before the House is disposed of; and 
 bills brought in on leave, which are read 
 first whenever presented. So messages 
 from the other House respecting amend- 
 ments to bills are taken up as soon as the 
 House is clear of a question, unless they 
 require to be printed, for better considera- 
 tion. Orders of the day may be called for 
 even when another question is before the 
 House.] 
 
 SEC. XV. — ORDER. 
 
 [Each House may determine the rules 
 of its proceedings ; punish its members for 
 disorderly behavior; and, with the con- 
 currence of two-thirds, expel a member, 
 Connt., I. 5.] 
 In Parliament, " instances make order," 
 
 * This arrangement la changed by the 8th rule.
 
 30 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 per Speaker Onslow, 2 Hats., 141. But 
 what is done only by one Parliament, can- 
 not be called custom of Parliament, by 
 Prynne. 1 Grey, 52. 
 
 SEC. XVI. — ORDER RESPECTING PAPERS. 
 
 The Clerk is to let no journals, records, 
 accounts, or papers be taken from the table 
 or out of his custody. 2 Huts., 193, 194. 
 
 Mr. Primne, having at a Committee of 
 the Whole amended a mistake in a bill 
 without order or knowledge of the com- 
 mittee, was reprimanded. 1 Chand., 77. 
 
 A bill being missing, the House resolved 
 that a protestation should be made and 
 subscribed by the members "before Al- 
 mighty God, and this honorable House, 
 that neither myself, nor any other to my 
 knowledge, have taken away, or do at this 
 present conceal a bill entitled," &c. 5 
 Grey, 202. 
 
 After a bill is engrossed, it is put into 
 the Speaker's hands, and he is not to let 
 any one have it to look into. Town, col., 209. 
 
 SEC. XVII. — ORDER IN DEBATE. 
 
 When the Speaker is seated in his chair, 
 every member is to sit in his place. Scab., 
 6 ; Grey, 40.3. 
 
 When any member means to speak, he 
 is to stand up in his place, uncovered, and 
 to address himself, not to the House, or 
 any particular member, but to the Speaker, 
 who calls him by his name, that the House 
 may take notice who it is that speaks. 
 Scoh., 6; D'Ewes, 487, col. 1 ; 2 Hats., 77 ; 
 4 Grey, ()6 ; 8 Grey, 108. But members 
 who are indisposed may be indulged to 
 speak sitting. 2 Hats., 75, 77 ; 1 Grey, 143. 
 
 [In Senate, every member, when he 
 speaks, shall address the Chair standing in 
 his place, and, when he has finished, shall 
 sit down. Rule 3.] 
 
 When a member stands up to speak, no 
 question is to be put, but he is to be heard, 
 unless the House overrule him. 4 Grey, 
 390 ; 5 Grey, 6, 143. 
 
 If two or more rise to speak nearly to- 
 gether, the Speaker determines who was 
 first up, and calls him by name, whereupon 
 he proceeds, unless he voluntarily sits down 
 and gives way to the other. But some- 
 times the House docs not acquiesce in the 
 Speaker's decision, in which case the ques- 
 tion is put, " wliich member was first up ?" 
 2 Hats., 76 ; Srob., 7 ; D'Eives, 434, col. 1, 2. 
 
 [In the Senate of the United States, the 
 President's decision is without appeal. 
 Their rule is : IV/im fico members rise afjhe 
 same time, the /'resident shall name the per- 
 son to speak ; but in all cases the member 
 who shall first rise and address the Chair 
 shall s[)oak first. Rvle 38.) 
 
 No man may speak more than once on 
 the same bill on the same day ; or even on 
 another day, if tlie debate be adjourned. 
 
 But if it be read more than once in the 
 same day, he may speak once at every read- 
 ing. €"0., 12, 11.5; Hakew.,\A^; iScob., 58; 
 2 Hats., 75. Even a change of opinion 
 does not give a right to be heard a second 
 time. Smyth'' s Comw. L. 2, c. 3; Arcan. 
 Pari., 17. 
 
 [The corresponding rule of the Senate is 
 in these words : No member shall speak 
 more than twice, in any one debate, on the 
 same dav, without leave of the Senate. 
 Rtile 39.f 
 
 But he may be permitted to speak again 
 to clear a matter of fact, 3 Grey, 357, 416 ; 
 or merely to explain himself 2 Hats., 73, in 
 some material part of his speech, lb., 75; 
 or to the manner or words of the question, 
 keeping himself to that only, and not 
 traveling into the merits of it. Memorials 
 in Hakew., 29 ; or to the orders of the 
 House if they be transgressed, keeping with- 
 in that line, and not falling into the matter 
 itself. Mem. Hakew., 30, 31. 
 
 But if the Speaker rise to speak, the mem- 
 ber standing up ought to sit down, that he 
 may be first heard. Toicn., col. 205 ; Hale 
 Pari, 133 ; iMem. in Hakew., 30, 31. Never- 
 theless, though the Speaker may of right 
 speak to matters of order, and be first 
 heard, he is restrained from speaking on 
 any other subject, except where the House 
 have occasion for facts within his know- 
 ledge ; then he may, with their leave, state 
 tlic matter of fact. 3 Grey, 38. 
 
 No one is to speak impertinently or be- 
 side the question, superfluous, or tediously. 
 Scob., 31, 33 ; 2 Hats., 160, 168 ; Hale Pari, 
 133. 
 
 No person is to use indecent language 
 against the proceedings of the House ; no 
 prior determination of which is to be re- 
 flected on by any niembei", unless he means 
 to conclude with a motion to rescind it. 2 
 Hats., 169, 170; Rnshw., jy. 3, v. 1, fol. 42. 
 But while a proposition under considera- 
 tion is still injicri, though it has even 
 been reported by a committee, reflections 
 on it are no reflections on the House. 9 
 Grey, 608. 
 
 No person, in speaking, is to mention a 
 member then present by his name, but to 
 describe him by his seat in the House, or 
 who spoke last, or on the other side of the 
 question, &c., Mem, in Hakew., 3; Smythh 
 Comw., L. 2, c. 8; nor to digress from the mat- 
 ter to fall upon the person Scob., 31 ; Hale 
 Parl.,Vi^^•, 2 //(fif/.s., 166 by speaking, revil- 
 ing, nipping, or unmannerly words against 
 a particular member. Smyth's Comw., L. 
 2, c. 3. The consequences of a measure 
 m.ay be reprobated in strong terms; but to 
 arraign the motives of those who propose 
 to advocate it is a personality, and against 
 order. Qui dif/reditur a materia ad perso- 
 nam, Mr. Speaker ought to suppress. Ord. 
 Com., 1604, Apr. 19. 
 
 [When a member shall be called to
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 31 
 
 order by the President or a Senator, he 
 .shall sit down ; and every (juestion of order 
 shall be decided by the President, witbout 
 debate, subject to an ajipeal to the Senate ; 
 and the President may call for the sense of 
 the Senate on any question of order. Rule 
 40. 1 
 
 [No member shall speak to another or 
 otherwise interrupt the business of tlu' 
 Seiuite, or read any newspupers while the 
 journals or public papers are being read, 
 or when any member is speaking in any 
 debate. Rule 38. J 
 
 No one is to disturb another in his 
 speech by hissing, coughing, spitting, 6 
 Grey, 382; ticoh., 8; If Ewes, 332, col. 1, 
 640, col. 2, speaking or whispering to an- 
 other, Scab., 6 ; D' Ewes, 487, col. 1 ; nor 
 stand up to interrupt him. Town., col. 205 ; 
 Mem. in Hakeiv., 31 ; nor to pass between 
 the Speaker and the speaking men^ber, nor 
 to go across the House, iSV-o6., (J, to walk 
 up and down it, or to take books or papers 
 Irom the table or write there, 2 Hats., 
 171. 
 
 Nevertheless, if a member finds that it is 
 not the inclination of the House to hear 
 him, and that by conversation or any other 
 noise they endeavor to drown his voice, it 
 is his most prudent way to submit to the 
 pleasure of the House, and sit down ; for it 
 scarcely ever happens that they are guilty 
 of this piece of ill-manners without suffi- 
 cient reason, or inattentive to a member 
 who savs anything worth their hearing. 2 
 Hats., 77, 78. 
 
 If repeated calls do not produce order, 
 the Speaker may call by his name any 
 member obstinately persisting in irregu- 
 larity ; whereupon the House may require 
 the member to withdraw. He is then to 
 l)e heard in exculpation, and to withdraw. 
 Then the Speaker states the offense com- 
 mitted ; and the House considers the de- 
 gree of punishment they will inflict. 2 
 Hats., 167, 7, 8, 172. 
 
 For instances of assaults and affrays in 
 the House of Commons, and the proceed- 
 ings thereon, see 1 Pet. Misc., 82; 3 Gre>/, 
 128; 4 Grei/, 328 ; 5 Gre;/, 382 ; 6 Gre;/, 254 ; 
 10 Gre;/, 8. Whenever warm words or an 
 assault have passed between members, the 
 House, for the protection of their members, 
 requires them to declare in their places not 
 to prosecute any quarrel, 3 Grei/, 128, 293 ; 
 5 Grei/, 280 ; or orders them to attend the 
 Speaker, who is to accommodate their dif- 
 ferences, and report to the House, 3 Gretj, 
 419 ; and they are put under restraint if 
 they refuse, or until they do. 9 Grey, 234, 
 312. 
 
 Disorderly works are not to be noticed 
 till the member has finished his speech. 5 
 Grey, 356 ; 6 Grey, 60. Then the person 
 objecting to them, and desiring them to be 
 taken down by the Clerk at the table, must 
 repeat them. The Speaker then may di- 
 
 rect the Clerk to take them down in his 
 minutes; but if he thinks them not disor- 
 derly, he delays the direction. If the call 
 becomes pretty general, he orders the Clerk 
 to take them down, as stated by tlie olyect- 
 ing meml)er. They are then a part of his 
 minutes, and when read to the odending 
 meni1)er, he may deny they were his words, 
 and the House nnistthcn decide by aques- 
 tion whether they are his words or not. 
 Then the memlier may justify them, or ex- 
 plain the sense in which he used them, or 
 apologize. If the House is satisfied, no 
 further proceeding is necessary. But if 
 two members still insist to take the sense of 
 the House, the mend)er must withdraw be- 
 fore that question is stated, and then the 
 sense of the House is to be taken. 2 Hats., 
 199; 4 Grey, 170 ; 6 Grey, 59. When any 
 member has spoken, or other business in- 
 tervened, after offensive words spoken, 
 they cannot be taken notice of for censure. 
 And this is for the commf)n security of all, 
 and to prevent mistakes which must hap- 
 pen if words are not taken down immedi- 
 ately. Formerly they might be taken down 
 at any time the same day. 2 Hats, 196 ; 
 Mem. in Hakew., 71 ; 3 Grey, 48 ; 9 Grey, 
 514. 
 
 Disorderly words spoken in a committee 
 must be written down as in the House; 
 but the committee can only report them to 
 the House for animadversion. 6 Grey, 46. 
 
 [The rule of the Senate says : If the 
 member be called to order by a Senator 
 for words spoken, the exception.able words 
 shall immediately be taken down in writ- 
 ing, that the President may be better able 
 to judge of the matter. Rule 37.] 
 
 In Parliament, to speak irreverently or 
 seditiously against the King, is against 
 order, SmyWs Comic, L. 2, c. 3; 2 Hats., 
 170. 
 
 It is a breach of order in debate to no- 
 tice what has been said on the same sub- 
 ject in the other House, or the particular 
 votes or majorities on it there; because the 
 opinion of each House should be left to its 
 own independency, not to be influenced by 
 the proceedings of the other; and the 
 quoting them might beget reflections lead- 
 ing to a misunderstanding between the two 
 Houses. 2 Grey, 22. 
 
 Neither House can exercise any author- 
 ity over a member or officer of the other, 
 but should complain to the House of which 
 he is, and leave the punishment to them. 
 Where the complaint is of words disresjiect- 
 fully spoken by a member of another 
 House, it is difficult to obtain punishment, 
 because of the rules supposed necessary to 
 be observed (as to the immediate noting 
 down of words) for the security of mem- 
 bers. Therefore it is the duty of the 
 House, and more particularly of the 
 Speaker, to interfere immediately, and not 
 to permit expressions to go unnoticed
 
 32 
 
 'AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 which may give a ground of complaint to 
 the other House, and introduce proceed- 
 ings and mutual accusations between the 
 two Houses, which can hardly be termi- 
 nated without difficulty and disorder. 
 3 Hats., 51. 
 
 No member may be present when a bill 
 or any business concerning himself is de- 
 bating ; nor is any member to speak to the 
 merits of it till he withdraws. 2 Hats., 219. 
 The rule is, that if a charge against a mem- 
 ber arise out of a report of a committee, or 
 examination of witnesses in the House, as 
 the member knows from that to what 
 points he is to direct his exculpation, he 
 may be heard to those points before any 
 question is moved or stated against him. 
 He is then to be heard, and withdraw be- 
 fore any question is moved. But if the 
 question itself is the charge, as for breach 
 of order or matter arising in the debate, 
 then the charge must be stated, (that is, 
 the question must be moved,) himself 
 heard, and then to withdraw. 2 Hats., 
 121, 122. 
 
 Where the private interests of a member 
 are concerned in a bill or question he is to 
 withdraw. And where such an interest 
 has appeared, his voice has been disal- 
 lowed, even after a division. In a case so 
 contrary, not only to the laws of decency, 
 but to the fundamental principle of the 
 social compact, which denies to any man 
 to be a judge in his own cause, it is for 
 the honor of the House that this rule of 
 immemorial observance should be strictlv 
 adhered to. 2 Hats., 119, 121 ; 6 Greij, 368. 
 
 No memlier is to come into the House 
 with his head covered, nor to remove from 
 one place to another with his hat on, nor 
 is he to put on his hat in coming in or re- 
 moving, until lic be set down in his place. 
 Scoh., G. 
 
 A question of order may be adjourned to 
 give time to look into precedents. 2 
 Hats., lis. 
 
 In Parliament, all decisions of the 
 Speaker mav be controlled by the House. 
 3 Grey, 319.' 
 
 8EC. XVIII. — ORDERS OF THE HOUSE. 
 
 Of right, the door of the House ought 
 not to be sluit, but to be kept by porters, 
 or Sergcants-at-Arms, assigned for that 
 purpose. Mod. ten. Pari., 23. 
 
 flJy the rules of the Senate, on motion 
 made and seconded to sbut the doors of 
 the Senate on the discussion of any busi- 
 ness which may, in the opinion of a mem- 
 ber, require secrecy, the President shall 
 direct tne gallerj' to be cleared ; and dur- 
 ing the discussion of surh motion the 
 doors shall remain shut. Rule 04.] 
 
 [No motion shall be deemed in order to 
 admit any person or persons whatsoever 
 within the doora of the Senate chamber to 
 
 present any petition, memorial, or address, 
 or to hear any such read. Rule 19.] 
 
 The only case where a member has a 
 right to insist on anything, is where he 
 calls for the execution ot a subsisting 
 order of the Plouse. Here, there having 
 been already a resolution, any person has 
 a right to insist that the Speaker, or any 
 other whose duty it is, shall carry it into 
 execution ; and no debate or delay can be 
 had on it. Thus any member has a right 
 to have the House or gallery cleared of 
 strangers, an order existing for that pur- 
 pose ; or to have the House told when 
 there is not a quorum present. 2 Hats., 
 87, 129. How far an order of the House 
 is binding, see Hakeio., 392. 
 
 But where an order is made that any 
 particular matter be taken up on a par- 
 ticular day, there a question is to be put, 
 when it is called for, whether the House 
 will now proceed to that matter? Where 
 orders of the day are on important or in- 
 teresting matter, they ought not to be pro- 
 ceeded on till an hour at which the House 
 is usually full, [ichich in Senate is at noon.] 
 
 Orders of the day may be discharged at 
 anv time, and a new one made for a differ- 
 ent day. 3 Grej/, 48, 313. 
 
 Wlien a session is drawing to a close, 
 and the important bills are all brought in, 
 the House, in order to prevent interrupt 
 tion by further unimportant bills, some^ 
 times comes to a resolution that no new 
 bill be brought in, except it be sent from 
 the other House. 3 Grey, 156. 
 
 All orders of the House determine with 
 the session ; and one taken under such an 
 order may, after the session is ended, be 
 discharged on a habeas corpus. Raym., 
 120; JacoVs L. D. by Rvffhead ; Farlia- 
 ment, 1 Lev., 165, Frit chard's case. 
 
 [Where the Constitution authorizes each 
 House to determine the rules of its pro- 
 ceedings, it must mean in those cases 
 (legislative, executive, or judiciary) sub- 
 mitted to them by the Constitution, or in 
 something relating to these, and necessary 
 toward their execution. But orders and 
 resolutions are sometimes entered in the 
 journals having no relation to these, such 
 as acceptances of invitations to attend ora- 
 tions, to take part in processions, &c. 
 These must be understood to be merely 
 conventional among those who are willing 
 to participate in the ceremony, and are 
 therefore, perhaps, improperly placed 
 among the records of the House.] 
 
 BEC. XIX. — PETITION. 
 
 A petition prays something. A remon- 
 strance has no pr.iyer. 1 Grey, 58. 
 
 Petitions must be subscribed by the 
 petitioners, Scob., 87 ; L. Pari, c. 22 ; 9 
 Grej/, 362, unless they are attending, 1 
 Orey, 401, or unable to sign, and averred
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFF.ERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, 
 
 33 
 
 by a member, 3 Grey, 418. But a petition 
 not subscribed, but which the member 
 
 E resenting it affirmed to be all in the 
 andwriting of the petitioner, and hi.s 
 name written in the beginning, was on the 
 question (March 14, 1800) received by the 
 Senate. The averment of a member, or 
 of somebody without doors, that they know 
 the handwriting of the petitioners, is 
 necessary, if it be questioned. 6 Grcij, 36. 
 It must be presented by a member — not 
 by the petitioners, and must be opened by 
 him holding it in liis hand. 10 Orey, /37. 
 [Before any petition or memorial ad- 
 dressed to the Senate shall be received 
 and read at the table, whether the same 
 shall be introduced by the President or a 
 member, a brief statement of the contents 
 of the petition or memorial shall verbally 
 be made by the introducer. liuU 14. J 
 
 Regularly a motion for receiving it must 
 be made and seconded, and a question put, 
 whether it shall be received? but a cry 
 from the House of " received," or even its 
 silence, dispenses with the formality of 
 this question. It is then to be read at the 
 table and disposed of. 
 
 SEC. XX. — MOTIONS. 
 
 When a motion has been made, it is not 
 to be put to the question or debated until it 
 is seconded. Scob., 21. 
 
 [The Senate says: No motion shall be 
 debated until the same shall be seconded. 
 Rule 42.] 
 
 It is then, and not till then, in possess- 
 ion of the House, and cannot be withdrawn 
 but by leave of the House. It is to be put 
 into writing, if the House or Speaker re- 
 quire it, and must be read to the House by 
 the Speaker as often as any member de- 
 sires it for his information. 2 Hats., 82. 
 
 [The rule of the Senate is, when a mo- 
 tion shall be made- and seconded, it shall 
 be reduced to writing, if desired by the 
 President or any member, delivered in at 
 the table, and read by the President, be- 
 fore the same shall be debated. Ihde 42.] 
 
 It might be asked whether a motion for 
 adjournment or for the orders of the day 
 can be made by one member while anoth- 
 er is speaking? It cannot. When two 
 members offer to »])eak, he who rose first 
 is to be heard, and it is a breach of order 
 in another to interrupt him, unless by 
 calling him to order if he departs from it. 
 And the question of order being decided, 
 he is still to be heard through. A call for 
 adjournment, or for the order of the day, 
 or for the question, by gentlemen from 
 their seats, is not a motion. No motion 
 can be made without rising and address- 
 ing the Chair. Such calls are themselves 
 breaches of order, which, though the mem- 
 ber who has risen may respect, as an ex- 
 pression of impatience of the House 
 
 against further debate, yet, if he chooses, 
 he has a right to go on. 
 
 SEC. XXI. — RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 When the House commands, it is by an 
 "order." But fact, principles, and their 
 own opinions and purposes, are expressed 
 in the form of resolutions. 
 
 I A resolution for an allowance of money 
 to the clerks being moved, it wa.s objected 
 to as not in order, and so ruled by the 
 Chair ; but on appeal to the Senate, [i. e., 
 a call for their sense by the President, oa 
 account of doubt in his mind, according to 
 Rule 6,) the decision was overruled. Joxtr. 
 Senate, June 1, 1796. I presume the doubt 
 was, whether an allowance of money could 
 be made otherwise than by bill.] 
 
 SEC. XXII. — BILLS. 
 
 [Every bill shall receive three readings 
 previous to its being passed ; and the Pres- 
 ident shall give notice at each whether it 
 be first, second, or third ; which readings 
 shall be on three different days, unless the 
 Senate unanimously direct otherwise. 
 Rule 23.] 
 
 SEC. XXIII. — BILLS, LEAVE TO BRING IN, 
 
 [One day's notice, at least, shall be given 
 of an intended motion for leave to bring in 
 a bill. Rule 22.] 
 
 When a member desires to bring in a 
 bill on any subject, he states to the House 
 in general terms tlie causes for doing it, 
 and concludes by moving for leave to 
 bring in a bill, entitled, &c. Leave being 
 given, on the question, a committee is ap- 
 pointed to prepare and bring in the bill. 
 The mover and seconder are always ap- 
 pointed of this committee, and one or more 
 in addition. Ilakew., 132 ; Scob., 40. 
 
 It is to be presented fairly written, with- 
 out any erasure or interlineation, or the 
 Speaker may refuse it. Scob., 41 ; 1 Grey, 
 82, 84. 
 
 SEC. XXIV. — BILLS, FIRST READING. 
 
 When a bill is first presented, the Clerk 
 reads it at the table, and hands it to the 
 Speaker, who, rising, states to the House 
 the title of the bill ; that this is the first 
 time of reading it ; and the question will 
 be, whether it shall be read a second time? 
 then sitting down to give an opening for 
 objections. If none be made, he rise-s 
 again, and puts the question, whether it 
 shall be read a second time? Hakeu\ 137, 
 141. A bill cannot be amended on the 
 first reading, 6 Grey, 286 ; nor is it usual 
 for it to be opposed then, but it may be 
 done, and rejected. UEwes, 335, col. 1 ; 3 
 Hats., 198. 
 
 SEC. XXV. — BILLS, SECOND READING. 
 
 The second reading must regularly be on 
 another day. Hakew., 143. It is done by
 
 34 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 the Clerk at the table, who then hands it 
 to the Speaker. The Speaker, rising, states 
 to the House the title of the bill ; that this 
 is the second time of reading it; and that 
 the question will be, whether it shall be 
 committed, or engrossed and read a third 
 time ? But if the bill came from tjie other 
 House, as it always comes engrossed, he 
 states that the question will be read a 
 third time ? and before he has so reported 
 the state of the bill, no one is to speak to 
 it. Hakew., 143-146. 
 
 [In the Senate of the United States, the 
 President reports the title of the bill ; that 
 this is the second time of reading it ; that 
 it is now to be considered as in a Commit- 
 tee of the Whole ; and the question will 
 be, whether it shall be read a third time ? 
 or that it may be referred to a special 
 committee ?] 
 
 SEC. XXVI. — BILLS, COMMITMENT. 
 
 If on motion and question it be decided 
 that the bill shall be committed, it may 
 then be moved to be referred to Commit- 
 tee of the Whole House, or to a special 
 committee. If the latter, the Speaker pro- 
 ceeds to name the committee. Any mem- 
 ber also may name a single person, and 
 the Clerk is to write him down as of the 
 committee. But the House have a con- 
 trolling power over the names and num- 
 ber, if a question be moved against any 
 one ; and may in any case put in and put 
 out whom they please. 
 
 Those who take exceptions to some par- 
 ticulars in the bill are to be of the com- 
 mittee, but none who speak directly 
 against the body of the bill; for he that would 
 totally destroy will not amend it, Hakev\, 
 146 ; Town., col. 208 ; D'Ewes, 634, col. 2 ; 
 tScob., 47, or, as is said, 5 Grey, 145, the child 
 is not to be put to a nurse that cares not 
 for it, 6 Grey, 373. It is therefore a con- 
 stant rule " that no man is to be employed 
 in any matter who has declared himself 
 against it." And when any member who 
 is against the bill hears himself named of 
 its committee, he ought to ask to be ex- 
 cused. Thus, March 7, 1606, Mr. Hadley 
 was, on the question being put, excused 
 from being of a committee, declaring him- 
 self to be against the matter itself. 
 Scab., 46. 
 
 [No bill shall be committed or amended 
 until it shuU have been twice read ; after 
 which it may be referred to a committee. 
 Rule 24. 1 
 
 [In the ai)[)ointmcnt of the standing 
 committees, tlie Senate will ]>roceed, by 
 ballot, severally to a])point the chairman 
 of each cnmmittcf, and then, by one ballot, 
 the other members necessary to coni])le1e 
 the same; and a majority of tlie whole 
 number of votes given shall be necessary 
 to the choice of a cliairman of a standing 
 committee. All other committees shall bo 
 
 appointed by ballot, and a plurality of 
 votes shall make a choice. When any 
 subject or matter shall have been referred 
 to a committee, any other subject or matter 
 of a similar nature, may, on motion, be re- 
 ferred to such committee. 
 
 The Clerk may deliver the bill to any 
 member of the committee. Town., col. 138 ; 
 but it is usual to deliver it to him who is 
 first named. , 
 
 In some cases the House has ordered a 
 committee to withdraw immediately into 
 the committee chamber, and act on and 
 bring back the bill, sitting the House, 
 Scab., 48. A committee meet when and 
 where they please, if the House has not 
 ordered time and place for them, 6 Grey, 
 370 ; but they can only act when together, 
 and not by separate consultation and con- 
 sent — nothing being the report of the com- 
 mittee but what has been agreed to in 
 committee actually assembled. 
 
 A majority of the committee constitutes 
 a quorum for business. Elsynge's Method 
 of Passing Bills, 11. 
 
 Any member of the House may be 
 present at any select committee, but can- 
 not vote, and must give place to all of the 
 committee, and sit below them. Elsynge, 
 12; *S'ro6., 49. 
 
 The committee have full power over the 
 bill or other paper committed to them, ex- 
 cept that they cannot change the title or 
 subject. 8 Grey, 228. 
 
 The paper before a committee, whether 
 select or of the whole, may be a bill, reso- 
 lutions, draught of an address, &c., and it 
 may either originate with them or be re- 
 ferred to them. In every case the whole 
 paper is read first by the Clerk, and then 
 by the chairman, by paragraphs, Scob., 49, 
 pausing at the end of each paragraph, and 
 putting questions for amending, if pro- 
 posed. In case of resolutions on distinct 
 subjects, originating with themselves, a 
 question is put on each separately, as 
 amended or unamended, and no final ques- 
 tion on the whole, 3 Hats., 276 ; but if they 
 relate to the same subject, a question is 
 put on the whole. If it be a bill, draught 
 of an address, or other paper originating 
 with them, they proceed by paragraphs, 
 putting questions tor amending, either by 
 insertion or striking out, if proposed ; but 
 no question on agreeing to the paragraphs 
 separately ; ibis is reserved to the close, 
 when a question is put on the whole, for 
 agreeing to it as amended or unamended, 
 l^ut if it be a paper referred to them, they 
 proceed to put questions of amendment, if 
 ])ro])osed, but no final question on the 
 whole; because all parts of the paper, hav- 
 ing been adopted by the House, stand, of 
 course, unless altered or struck out by a 
 vote. Even if they are opjiosed to the 
 whole paper, and think it cannot be made 
 good by amendments, they cannot reject
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 35 
 
 it, but must report it back to the House 
 without amenflments, and there make 
 their ()p[)08ition. 
 
 The natural order in considering and 
 amending any paper is, to begin at the be- 
 ginning, and proceed through it by para- 
 graphs; and this order is so strictly ad- 
 hered to in Parliament, that when a latter 
 part has been amended, you cannot recur 
 back and make any alteration in a former 
 part. 2 Hata., 90. In numerous assem- 
 blies this restraint is doubtless important. 
 [But in the Senate of t)ie United States, 
 though in the main we consider and amend 
 the paragraphs in their natural order, yet 
 recurrences are indulged ; and they seem, 
 on the whole, in that small body, to pro- 
 duce advantages overweighing their incon- 
 veniences.] 
 
 To this natural order of beginning at 
 the beginning, there is a single exception 
 found in parliamentary usage. When a 
 bill is taken up in committee, or on its 
 second reading, they postpone the pream- 
 ble till the other parts of tlie bill arc gone 
 through. The reason is, that on considera- 
 tion of the body of the bill such alterations 
 may therein be made as may also occasion 
 the alteration of the preamble. Scob., 50 ; 
 7 Grey, 431. 
 
 On this head the following case occurred 
 in the Senate, March (5, 1800 : A resolution 
 which had no preamble having been al- 
 ready amended by the House so that a few 
 words only of the original remained in it, 
 a motion was made to prefix a preamble, 
 which having an aspect very dilforent from 
 the resolution, the mover intimated that 
 he should afterwards propose a correspon- 
 dent amendment in the body of the resolu- 
 tion. It was objected that a preamble 
 could not be taken up till the body of the 
 resolution is done with ; but the preamble 
 was received, because we are in fact through 
 the body of the resolution ; we have amend- 
 ed that as fiir as amendments have been 
 offered, and, indeed, till little of the ori- 
 ginal is left. It is the proper time, there- 
 fore, to consider a preamble ; and whether 
 the one offered be consistent with the re- 
 solution is for the House to determine. 
 The mover, indeed, has intimated that he 
 shall offer a subsequent projjosition for the 
 body of the resolution ; but the House is 
 not in possession of it ; it remains in his 
 breast, and may be withheld. The rules 
 of the House can only operate on what is 
 before them. [The practice of the Senate, 
 too, allows recurrences backward and for- 
 ward for the purposes of amendment, not 
 permitting amendments in a subsequent, 
 to preclude those in a prior part, or e con- 
 verso. ] 
 
 When the committee is through the 
 whole, a member moves that the commit- 
 tee may rise, and the chairman report the 
 paper to the House, with or without 
 
 amendments, as the case mav be. 2 Eats., 
 289, 292 ; Scab., 53 ; 2 Hats', 290 ; 8 Scob., 
 50. 
 
 When a vote is once passed in a com- 
 mittee, it cannot be altered but by the 
 llimse, their votes being binding on them- 
 selves. 1()07, June 4. 
 
 The committee may not era,se, interline, 
 or blot the bill itself; but must, in a pa- 
 per by itself, set down the amendments, 
 stating the words which are to be inserted 
 or omitted, Scob., 50, and where, by refer- 
 ences to page, line, and word of the bill. 
 Scob., 50. 
 
 SEC. XXVII. — REPORT OF COMMITTEE. 
 
 The chairman of the committee, stand- 
 ing in his place, informs the House that 
 the committee to whom was referred such 
 a bill, have, according to order, had the 
 same under consideration, and have di- 
 rected him to report the same without any 
 amendment, or with sundry amendments 
 (as the case may be), which he is ready to 
 do when the House pleases to receive it. 
 And he or any other may move that it be 
 now received ; but the cry of " now, now," 
 from the House, generally dispenses with 
 the formality of a motion and question. 
 He then reads the amendments, with the 
 coherence in the bill, and opens the altera- 
 tions and the reasons of the committee for 
 such amendments, until he has gone 
 through the whole. He then delivers it 
 at the Clerk's table, where the amend- 
 ments reported are read by the Clerk 
 without the coherence ; whereupon the 
 papers lie upon the table till the House, at 
 its convenience, shall take up the report. 
 Scab., 52 ; Ilakeic, 148. 
 
 The report being made, the committee 
 is dissolved, and can act no more without 
 a new power. Scob., 51. But it may be 
 revived by a vote, and the same matter re- 
 committed to them. 4 Grey, 361. 
 
 SEC. XXVIII. — BILL, RECOMMITMENT. 
 
 After a bill has been committed and re- 
 ported, it ought not, in an ordinary course, 
 to be recommitted; but in cases of im- 
 portance, and for special reasons, it is 
 sometimes recommitted, and usually to 
 the same committee. II(tkeu\, 151. If a 
 report be recommitted before agreed to in 
 the House, what havS passed in committee 
 is of no validity ; the whole question is 
 again before the committee, and a new 
 resolution must be again moved, as if noth- 
 inec had passed. 3 Ilats., 131 — note. 
 
 In Senate, January. 1800, the salvage 
 bill was recommitted "three times after the 
 commitment. 
 
 A particular clause of a bill may be 
 committed without the whole bill, 3 Hats., 
 131 ; or so much of a paper to one and so 
 much to another committee.
 
 36 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 SEC. XXIX. — BILL, REPORTS TAKEN UP. J 
 
 When the report of a paper originating 
 •n-ith a committee is taken up by the 
 House, they proceed exactly as in com- 
 mittee. Here, as in committee, when the 
 paragraphs have, on distinct questions, 
 been agreed to seriatim, 5 Gi'ey, 36G ; 6 
 G^re2/,368; 8 (?r€;y, 47. 104,360; 1 Torbuck's 
 Deb., 125; 3 Hats., 348, no question needs 
 be put on the whole report. 5 Grei/, 381. 
 
 On taking up a bill reported with 
 amendments, the amendments only are 
 read by the Clerk. The Speaker then 
 reads the first, and puts it to the question, 
 and so on till the whole are adopted or re- 
 jected, before any other amendment be 
 admitted, except it be an amendment to 
 an amendment. Elsi/nge's Me7H.,o3. When 
 through the amendments of the commit- 
 tee, the Speaker pauses, and gives time for 
 amendments to be proposed in the House 
 to the body of the bill ; as he does also if 
 it has been reported without amendments : 
 putting no questions but on amendments 
 proposed ; and when through the whole, 
 he puts the question whether the bill shall 
 be read a third time ? 
 
 SEC. XXX. — QUASI-COMMITTEE. 
 
 If on motion and question the bill be 
 not committed, or if no proposition for 
 commitment be made, then the proceed- 
 ings in the Senate of the United States 
 and in Parliament are totally different. 
 The former shall be first stated. 
 
 [The 25th rule of the Senate says : " All 
 bills on a .second reading shall first be con- 
 sidered by the Senate in the same manner 
 as if the Senate were in Committee of the 
 Whole before they shall be taken up and 
 proceeded on by the Senate agreeably to 
 the standing rules, unless otherwise or- 
 dered;" (that is to say, unless ordered to 
 be referred to a special committee.) And 
 •when the Senate shall consider a treaty, 
 bill, or resolution, as in Committee of the 
 Whole, the Vice-President or President 
 pro tempore may call a member to fill the 
 chair during the time the Senate shall re- 
 main in Committee of the Whole; and the 
 chairman (.so called) shall, during .such 
 time, have the powers of a President pro 
 tempore.] 
 
 [The proceeding of the Senate as in a 
 Committee of the Whole, or in quasi-com- 
 mittee, i>i precisely as in a real Committee 
 of the Whf)le, taking no questions l)ut on 
 amendments. When througli the whole, 
 they consider the quasi-committee as risen, 
 the House resumed without any motion, 
 que.stion, or resolution to that effect, and 
 tne President reports that " the House, 
 acting as in a Committee of the Whole, 
 have had under their consideration the 
 bill entitled, &(',., and have made sundry 
 amendments, which he will now rei)ort to 
 the House." The bill is then before them, 
 
 as it would have been if reported from a 
 committee, and questions are regularly to 
 be put again on every amendment ; which 
 being gone through, the President pauses 
 to give time to the House to propose 
 amendments to the body of the bill, and, 
 when through, puts the question whether 
 it shall be read a third time ?] 
 
 [After progress in amending the bill in 
 quasi-committee, a motion maybe made to 
 refer it to a special committee. If the 
 motion prevails, it is equivalent in effect to 
 the several votes, that the committee rise, 
 the House resume itself, discharge the 
 Committee of the Whole, and refer the 
 bill to a special committee. In that case, 
 the amendments already made fall. But 
 if the motion fails, the quasi-committee 
 stands in statu quo.] 
 
 [How far does this 25th rule subject the 
 House, when in quasi-committee, to the 
 laws which regulate the proceedings of 
 Committees of the Whole ?] The particu- 
 lars in which these difl'er from proceedings 
 in the House are the following : 1. In a 
 committee every member may speak as of- 
 ten as he pleases. 2. The votes of a com- 
 mittee may be rejected or altered when re- 
 ported to the House. 3. A committee, 
 even of the whole, cannot refer any matter 
 to another committee. 4. In a committee 
 no previous question can be taken : the 
 only means to avoid an improper discus- 
 sion is to move that the committee rise ; 
 and if it be apprehended that the same 
 discussion will be attempted on returning 
 into committee, the House can discharge 
 them, and proceed itself on the business, 
 keeping down the improper discussion by 
 the previous question. 5. A committee 
 cannot punish a breach of order in the 
 House or in the gallery. 9 Grey, 113. It 
 can only rise and report it to the House, 
 who may proceed to punish. [The first 
 and second of these peculiarities attach to 
 the quasi-committee of the Senate, as eveiy 
 day's practice proves, and it seems to be the 
 only ones to which the 25th rule meant to 
 subject them; for it continues to be a 
 House, and therefore, though it acts in 
 some respects as a committee, in others it 
 preserves its character as a House. Thus 
 (3) it is in the daily habit of referring its 
 business to a special committee. 4. It ad- 
 mits of the previous question. If it did 
 not, it would have no means of preventing 
 an improper discussion: not being able, as 
 a committee is, to avoid it by returning 
 into the House, for the moment it would 
 resume the same subject there, the 25th 
 rule declares it again a quasi-conmiittee. 
 5. It would doubtless exercise its powers 
 as a House on any breach of order. 6. 
 It takes a question by yea and nay, as the 
 Mouse does. 7. It receives messages from 
 the President and the other House. 8. In 
 the midst of a debate it receives a motion
 
 BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 37 
 
 to adjourn, and adjourns as a House, not 
 as a committee.] 
 
 SEC. XXXI. — BILL, SECOND READING IN 
 THE HOUSE. 
 
 In Parliament, after the bill has been 
 read a second time, if on the motion and 
 question it be not committed, or if no propo- 
 sition for commitment be made, the Speaker 
 reads it by paragraphs, pausing between 
 each, but putting no question but on amend- 
 ments proposed ; and when through the 
 whole, he puts the question whether it shall 
 be read a third time? if it came from the 
 other House ; or, if originating with them- 
 selves, whetlier it shall be engrossed and 
 read a third time? The Speaker reads 
 sitting, but rises to put questions. The 
 Clerk stands while he reads. 
 
 [* But the Senate of the United States is 
 so much in the habit of making many and 
 material amendments at the third reading, 
 that it has become the practice not to en- 
 gross a bill till it has passed — an irregu- 
 lar and dangerous practice; because in 
 this way the paper which passes the 
 Senate is not that which goes to the other 
 House, and that which goes to the other 
 House as the act of the Senate, has never 
 been seen in Senate. In reducing nu- 
 merous, difficult, and illegible amend- 
 ments into the text, the Secretary may, 
 with the most innocent intentions, com- 
 mit errors which can never again be cor- 
 rected.] 
 
 The bill being now as perfect as its 
 friends can make it, this is the proper 
 stage for those ftindamentally opposed 
 to make their first attack. All attempts 
 at earlier periods are with disjointed ef- 
 forts, because many who do not expect to 
 be in favor of the bill ultimately, are wil- 
 ling to let it go on to its perfect state, to 
 take time to examine it themselves and to 
 hear what can be said for it, knowing that 
 after all they will have sufficient opportu- 
 nities of giving it their veto. Its two last 
 stages, therefore, are reserved for this — 
 that is to say, on the question whether it 
 shall be engrossed and read a third time? 
 and, lastly, whether it shall pass? The 
 first of these is usually the most interesting 
 contest ; because then the whole subject is 
 
 * The former practice of the Senate referred to in this 
 para!;riirih hiis heeii cUaiigod by the foUowins; rule : 
 
 (The final question upon the second roadinfr of every 
 bill, resolution, constitutional amendment, or motion, 
 originating in the Senate and requiring three re.id in fjs 
 previous to being passed, sliall be, " whether it shall be 
 engrossed and read a thii-d time?" and no amendment 
 8h:dl bo received for discussion at the third reading of 
 any bill, resolution, amendment, or motion, unless by 
 unanimous consent of the members present; but it shall 
 at all times be in order before the final passage of any 
 such bill, resolution, constitutional amendment, or mo- 
 tion, to move its commitment ; and should such commit- 
 Kiont take place, and any amendment be reported by the 
 committee, the said bill, resolution, constitutional aniend- 
 mont or motion, shall be again read a second time, and 
 Considered as in Committee of the Whole, and then the 
 aforesiiid <iue^ion aball bo again put — liiile ;;6.] 
 
 new and engaging, and the minds of the 
 members having not yet been declared by 
 any trying vote the issue is the more 
 doubtful. In this stage, therefore, is the 
 main trial of strength between its friends 
 and opponents, and it l)ehuoves every one 
 to make up his mind decisively for this 
 question, or he loses the main battle ; and 
 accident and management may, and often 
 do, prevent a successful rallying on the 
 next and last question, whether it shall 
 pass ? 
 
 When the bill is engrossed, the title is 
 to be indorsed on the back, and not within 
 the hill— Hakew., 250. 
 
 SEC. XXXII. — READING PAPERS. 
 
 Where papers are laid before the House 
 or referred to a committee, every member 
 has a right to have them once read at the 
 table before he can be compelled to vote 
 on them ; but it is a great though common 
 error to suppose that he has a right, toties 
 quoties, to have acts, journals, accounts, or 
 papers on the table, read independently of 
 the will of the House. The delay and in- 
 terruption which this might be made to 
 produce evince the impossibility of the ex- 
 istence of such a right. There is, indeed, 
 so manifest a propriety of permitting every 
 member to have as much information as 
 possible on every question on which he is 
 to vote, that when he desires the reading, 
 if it be seen that it is really for informa- 
 tion and not for delay, the Speaker directs 
 it to be read without putting a question, if 
 no one objects ; but if objected to, a ques- 
 tion must be put. — 2 Hats., 117, 118. 
 
 It is equally an error to suppose that 
 any member has a right, without a ques- 
 tion put, to lay a book or paper on the table, 
 and have it read, on suggesting that it 
 contains matter infringing on the privi- 
 leges of the House. — lb. 
 
 For the same reason, a member has not 
 a right to read a paper in his place, if it 
 l)e objected to, without leave of the House. 
 But this rigor is never exercised but where 
 there is an intentional or gross abuse of 
 the time and patience of the House. 
 
 A member has not a right even to read 
 his own speech, committed to writing, 
 without leave. This also is to prevent an 
 abuse of time, and therefore is not refused 
 but where that is intended. — 2 Gret/, 227. 
 
 A report of a committee of the Senate 
 on a bill from the House of Representa- 
 tives being under consideration: on mo- 
 tion that the report of the committee of 
 the House of Representatives on the same 
 bill be read in the Senate, it passed in the 
 negative.— i-'efc. 28, 1793. 
 
 Formerly, when papers were referred to 
 a committee, they used to be first read ; 
 but of late only the titles, unless a mem- 
 ber insists they shall be read, and then 
 nobody can oppose it. — 2 Hats., 117.
 
 38 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 SEC. XXXIII.— PRITILEGED QUESTIONS, 
 
 [* While a question is before the Senate, ] 
 no motion shall be received, unless for an 
 amendment, for the previous question, or 
 for postponing the main question, or to 
 commit it, or to adjourn. — Rule 8.] _ 1 
 
 It is no possession of a bill unless it be 
 delivered to the Clerk to read, or the 
 Speaker reads the title.— iex. Pari, '21 A: ; 
 Elsynge Mem., 85 ; Ord. House of Com- 
 muns, 64. 
 
 It is a general rule that the question 
 first moved and seconded shall be first put. 
 Scoh., 28, 22 ; 2 Hats., 81. But this rule 
 gives way to what may be called privileged 
 questions ; and the privileged questions are 
 of different grades among themselves. 
 
 A motion to adjourn simply takes place 
 of all others; for otherwise the House 
 might be kept sitting against its will, and 
 indefinitely. Yet this motion cannot be 
 received after another question is actually 
 put, and while the House is engaged in 
 voting. 
 
 Orders of the day take place of all other 
 questions, except for adjournment — that is 
 to say, the question which is the subject of 
 an order is made a privileged one, pro hac 
 vice. The order is a repeal of the general 
 rule as to this special case. When any 
 member moves, therefore, for the order of 
 the day to be read, no further debate is 
 permitted on the question which was be- 
 fore the House ; for if the debate might 
 proceed, it might continue through the 
 day and defeat the order. This motion, to 
 entitle it to precedence, must be for the 
 orders generally, and not for any particu- 
 lar one ; and if it be carried on the ques- 
 tion " Whether the House will now pro- 
 ceed to the orders of the day ? " they must 
 be read and proceeded on in the course in 
 which they stand, 2 Hats., 83 ; for priority 
 of order gives priority of right, which 
 cannot be taken away but by another 
 special order. 
 
 After these there are other privileged 
 questions, which will require considerable 
 explanation. 
 
 It is proper that every parliamentary 
 assembly should have certain forms of 
 questions, so adapted as to enable them 
 fitly to dispose of every proposition which 
 can be made to them. Such are, 1. The 
 previous question. 2. To posti)()ne indefi- 
 nitely. 3. To adjourn a question to a dofi- 
 
 *TliiH ni)ii liiiM Ic'cii nioflififd so iin to spocify tlu' ques- 
 tionn cntitk'd U> prcfcii'iici'. 'I'lio rule iif now as folldWH: 
 
 Rri.K 43. Wlieii a <iiicHtion ih uikIit lUibutc^ no motion 
 Hhiill be received l>ut toiid.jimrn, to lul.joiirn ton iliiy cer- 
 
 tiiin, or thiit, when tlio Senate udj ti, it hIiuII lie to a 
 
 day certain ; to take a recess, to pr 'ceed to the coiisideia- 
 tion of tlio exeeiitivn iMiHinesfi, to lay on the talile, to 
 jKiBtpono indefinitely, to poHti.one to a day certain, to 
 commit, or to amend : wlii(^li several motions shall have 
 I)reeedenc4- in the order in u hieli they Htanil arianped, 
 and the motions rehilim,' to adjournment, to pnx'eed to 
 the consideration of ex'enlive l.iisinesH, and to lay on 
 the table, vhall bu ducided without Uubuto. 
 
 nite day, 4. To lie on the table. 5. To 
 commit. 6. To amend. The proper oc- 
 casion for each of these questions should 
 be understood. 
 
 1. When a proposition is moved which 
 it is useless or inexpedient now to express 
 or discuss, the previous question has been 
 introduced for suppressing for that time 
 the motion and its discussion. 3 Hats., 
 188, 189. 
 
 2. But as the previous question gets rid 
 of it only for that day, and the same pro- 
 position may recur the next day, if they 
 wish to suppress it for the whole of that 
 session, they postpone it indefinitely. 3 
 Hats., 183. This quashes the proposition 
 for that session, as an indefinite adjourn- 
 ment is a dissolution, or the continuance 
 of a suit sine die is a discontinuance of it. 
 
 3. When a motion is made which it will 
 be proper to act on, but information is 
 wanted, or something more pressing claims 
 the present time, the question or debate is 
 adjourned to such day within the session 
 as will answer the views of the House. 2 
 Hats., 81. And those who have spoken 
 before may not speak again when the ad- 
 journed debate is resumed. 2 Hats., 73. 
 Sometimes, however, this has been abu- 
 sively used by adjourning it to a day be- 
 yond the session, to get rid of it altogether, 
 as would be done by an indefinite post- 
 ponement. 
 
 4. When the House has something else 
 which claims its present attention, but 
 would be willing to reserve in their power 
 to take up a proposition whenever it shall 
 suit them, they order it to lie on their 
 table. It may then be called for at any 
 time. 
 
 5. If the proposition will want more 
 amendment and digestion than the for- 
 malities of the House will conveniently 
 admit, they refer it to a coumiittee. 
 
 6. But if the proposition be well di- 
 gested, and may need but few and simple 
 amendments, and especially if these be of 
 leading consequence, they then proceed to 
 consider and amend it themselves. 
 
 The Senate, in their practice, vary from 
 this regular gradation of forms. Their 
 practice companitivcly with that of Par- 
 liament stands thus : 
 
 for the parlia 
 
 mentahy: 
 Postponement in 
 definite, 
 
 THE SENATE USES: 
 
 Postponement to a 
 day beyond the 
 session. 
 Postponement to a 
 day w ithin the 
 session. 
 Postponement in- 
 definite. M 
 . Lying on the table.|| 
 In their eighth rule, therefore, which 
 declares that while a question is before 
 
 Adjournment, 
 
 Lying on the table,
 
 Booiiv.J JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 39 
 
 the Senate no motion shall be received, 
 unless it be for the previous question, or 
 to postpone, commit, or amend the main 
 question, the term postponement must be 
 understood according to their broad use 
 of it, and not in its parliamentary sense. 
 Their rule, then establishes as privileged 
 questions, the previous (juestion, jjostpone- 
 ment, commitment, and amendment. 
 
 But it may he asked : Have these ques- 
 tions any privilege among themselves? or 
 are they so equal that the common {>rinci- 
 ple of the " first moved first put " takes 
 place among them? This will need ex- 
 jilanation. Their competitions may be as 
 follows : 
 
 1. Previous question and ' 
 
 postpone 
 
 commit In the first, se- 
 
 amend cond, and the 
 
 2. Postpone and previous third classes, 
 
 question and the first 
 
 commit member of 
 
 amend the fourth 
 
 3. Commit and previous class, the rule 
 
 question " first moved 
 
 postpone first put" 
 
 amend takes place. 
 
 4. Amend and previous 
 
 question 
 postpone 
 commit 
 
 In the first class, where the previous 
 question is first moved, the effect is pecu- 
 liar ; for it not only prevents the after 
 motion to postpone or commit from being 
 put to question before it, but also from 
 Deing put after it ; for if the previous ques- 
 tion be decided affirmatively, to wit, that 
 the main question shall iioiv be put, it 
 would of course be against the decision to 
 postpone or commit ; and if it be decided 
 negatively, to wit, that the main question 
 shall not now be put, this puts the House 
 out of possession of the main question, 
 and consequently there is nothing before 
 them to postpone or commit. So that 
 neither voting for nor against the previous 
 question will enable the advocates for post- 
 poning or committing to get at their object. 
 Whether it may be amended shall be ex- 
 amined hereafter. 
 
 Second class. If postponement be de- 
 cided affirmatively, tlie proposition is re- 
 moved from before the House, and conse- 
 quently there is no ground for tlie previr)us 
 question, commitment, or amendment ; but 
 if decided negatively, (that it shall not be 
 
 Postponed, ) the main question may then 
 e suppressed by the previous question, or 
 may be committed, or amended. 
 
 The third class is subject to the same 
 observations as the second. 
 
 The fourth class. Amendment of the 
 main question first moved, and afterwards 
 
 the previous question, the question of 
 amendment shall be first put. 
 
 Amendment and posti)onement com- 
 peting, postponement is first put, as the 
 equivalent proposition to adjourn the 
 main question would be in Parliament. 
 The reason is that the question for amend- 
 ment is not sui)pressed by i)ostponing or 
 adjourning the main question, but remains 
 before the House whenever the main ques- 
 tion is resumed ; and it might be that the 
 occasion for other urgent business might 
 go by, and be lost by length of debate on 
 the amendment, if the House had it not 
 in their power to postpone the whole sub- 
 ject. 
 
 Amendment and commitment. The 
 question for committing, though last moved 
 shall be first put ; because, in truth, it 
 facilitates and befriends the motion to 
 amend. Scohell is express : " On motion 
 to amend a bill, any one may notwith- 
 standing move to commit it, and the ques- 
 tion for commitment shall be first put." 
 Scab., 4G. 
 
 We have hitherto considered the case of 
 two or more of the privileged questions 
 contending for privilege between them- 
 selves, when both are moved on the orig- 
 inal or main question ; but now let us sup- 
 pose one of them to be moved, not on the 
 original primary question, but on the 
 secondary one, e. g. : 
 
 Suppose a motion to postpone, commit, 
 or amend the main question, and that it 
 be moved to suppress that motion by put- 
 ting a previous question on it. This is not 
 allowed : because it would embarrass ques- 
 tions too much to allow them to be piled 
 on one another several stories high; and 
 the same result may be had in a more 
 simple way — by deciding against the post- 
 ponement, commitment, or amendment. 
 2 Hats., 81, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 Suppose a motion for the previous ques- 
 tion, or commitment or amendment of the 
 main question, and that it be then moved 
 to postpone the motion for the previous 
 question, or for commitment or amend- 
 ment of the main question. 1. It would 
 be absuril to postpone the previous ques- 
 tion, commitment, or amendment, alone, 
 and thus separate the appendage from it^ 
 principal ; yet it must be i)ostponed sepa- 
 rately from its original, if at all ; because 
 the eighth rule of Senate says that when 
 a main question is before the House no 
 motion shall be received but to commit, 
 amend, or pre-(|ue6tion the original ques- 
 tion, which is the parliamentary doctrine 
 also. Therefore the motion to postpone 
 the secondary motion for the previous ques- 
 tion, or for committing or amending, can- 
 not be received. 2. This is a piling of 
 questions one on another ; which, to avoid 
 embarrassment, is not allowed. 3. The 
 same result may be had more simply by
 
 40 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 voting against the previous question, com- 
 mitment, or amendment. 
 
 Suppose a commitment moved of a mo- 
 tion for the previous question, or to post- 
 pone or amend. The first, second, and 
 third reasons, before stated, all hold good 
 against this. 
 
 Suppose an amendment moved to a mo- 
 tion for the previous question. Answer : 
 The previous question cannot be amended. 
 Parliamentary usage, as well as the ninth 
 rule of the Senate, has fixed its form to be, 
 "Shall the main question be now put?" — 
 i. e., at this instant ; and as the present in- 
 stant is but one, it can admit of no modifi- 
 cation. To change it to to-morrow, or any 
 other moment, is without example and 
 without utility. But suppose a motion to 
 amend a motion for postponement, as to 
 one day instead of another, or to a special 
 instead of an indefinite time. The useful 
 character of amendment gives it a privi- 
 lege of attaching itself to a secondary and 
 privileged motion : that is, we may amend 
 a postponement of a main question. So, 
 we may amend a commitment of a main 
 question, as by adding, for example, " with 
 instructions to inquire," &c. In like man- 
 ner, if an amendment be moved to an 
 amendment, it is admitted ; but it would 
 not be admitted in another degree, to wit, 
 t-o amend an amendment to an amendment 
 of a main question. This would lead to 
 too much embarrassment. The line must 
 be drawn somewhere, and usage has drawn 
 it after the amendment to the amendment. 
 The same result must be sought by decid- 
 ing against the amendment to the amend- 
 ment, and then moving it again as it was 
 ■wished to be amended. In this form it be- 
 comes only an amendment to an amend- 
 ment. 
 
 [When motions are made for reference 
 of the same subject to a select committee 
 and to a standing committee, the question 
 on reference to the standing committee 
 shall be first put. Rule 48.J 
 
 [In filling a blank with a sum, thelargest 
 CTim shall be first put to the question, by 
 the thirteenth rule of the Senate,*] con- 
 trary to the rule of Parliament, which pri- 
 vileges the smallest sum and longest time. 
 5 Grey, 171) ; 2 Jhds., 8, 83 ; 3 Hats., 132, 
 133.] And this is considered to be not in 
 the form of an amendment to the question, 
 but as alternative or successive originals. 
 In all cases of time or number, we must 
 consider whether tlie larger comjn-ehends 
 the lesser, as in a question to what day a 
 postponement shall be, the number of a 
 committee, amount of a fine, term of an 
 imprisonment, term of irredeemability of 
 a loan, or the terminus in quem in any 
 other Ciuse ; then the question must be- 
 gin a maximo. Or whether the lesser 
 
 *Tn filling up tilankd, thn largest Hum auj longeat 
 time Hhall be finit put. liule 32. 
 
 includes the greater, as in questions on the 
 limitation of the rate of interest, on what 
 day the session shall be closed by adjourn- 
 ment, on what day the next shall com- 
 mence, when an act shall commence, or 
 the terminus a quo in any other case where 
 the question must begin a minimo ; the ob- 
 ject being not to begin at that extreme 
 which, and more, being within every 
 man's wish, no one could negative it, and 
 yet, if he should vote in the affirmative, 
 every question for more would be preclud- 
 ed ; but at that extreme which would unite 
 few, and then to advance or recede till you 
 get to a number which wdll unite a bare 
 majority. 3 Grey, 376, 384, 385. "The 
 fair question in this case is not that to 
 which, and more, all will agree, but whether 
 there shall be addition to the question." 1 
 Grey, 365. 
 
 Another exception to the rule of prior- 
 ity is when a motion has been made to ( 
 strike out, or agree to, a paragraph. Mo- 
 tions to amend it are to be put to the ques- 
 tion before a vote is taken on striking out 
 or agreeing to the whole paragraph. 
 
 But there are several questions which, 
 being incidental to every one, will take 
 place of every one, privileged or not ; to 
 wit, a question of order arising out of any 
 other question must be decided before that 
 question. 2 Hats., 88. 
 
 A matter of privilege arising out of any 
 question, or from a quarrel between two 
 members, or any other cause, suj^ersedes 
 the consideration of the original question, 
 and must be first disposed of. 2 Hats., 88. 
 
 Reading papers relative to the question 
 before the House. This question must be 
 put before the principal one. 2 Hats. 88. 
 
 Leave asked to withdraw a motion. The 
 rule of Parliament being that a motion 
 made and seconded is in the possession of 
 the House, and cannot be withdrawn with- 
 out leave, the very terms of the rule im- 
 ply that leave may be given, and, conse- 
 quently, may be asked and put to the 
 question. 
 
 SEC. XXXIV. — THE PKEVI0U8 QUESTION. 
 
 When any question is before the House, 
 any member may move a previous ques- 
 tion, " Whether that question (called the 
 main question) shall now be jnit?" If it 
 pass in the aflirmative, then the main 
 question is to be put immediately, and no 
 man may 8i)eak anything further to it, 
 cither to add or alter. Mcmor. in 
 Hakcw., 28 ; 4 Greij, 27. 
 
 The ])revious question being moved and 
 seconded, the question from the Chair 
 slijill be, " Shall the main question be now 
 [)Ut?'' and if the nays prevail, the main 
 question shall not then be put. 
 
 This kind of question is understood by 
 Mr. Hatsell to nave been introduced in 
 1G04. 2 Hats., 80. Sir Henry Vaue in-
 
 BOOKiv.J JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 41 
 
 troducedit. 2 ffrey, 113, 114; 3 Grey, 384. 
 When the question was put in this form, 
 "Shall the main question be put?" a de- 
 termination in the negative suppressed the 
 main question during; the session ; but 
 since the words " now put" are used, they 
 exclude it for the i)reseut only ; formerly, 
 indeed, only till the j)rcsent debate was 
 over, 4 Griij, 43, but now for that day and 
 no longer. 2 Gre]i, 113, 114. 
 
 Beibre the question " Whether the main 
 (juestion shall now be put?" any person 
 might formerly have spoken to the main 
 question, because otherwise he would be 
 precluded from si^eaking to it at all. Mem. 
 in Hakew., 28. 
 
 The proper occasion for the previous 
 question is when a subject is brouglit for- 
 ward of a delicate nature as to high per- 
 sonages, &c., or the discussion of which 
 may call forth observations which might 
 be of injurious consequences. Then the 
 previous question is proposed ; and in the 
 modern usage, the discussion of the main 
 
 Question is suspended, and the debate con- 
 ned to the previous question. The use of 
 it has been extended abusively to other 
 cases ; but in these it has been an embar- 
 rassing procedure ; its uses would be as 
 well answered by other more simple par- 
 liamentary forms, and therefore it should 
 not be favored, but restricted within as 
 narrow limits as possible. 
 
 Whether a main question may be 
 amended after the previous question on it 
 has been moved and seconded ? 2 Hats., 
 88, says, if the previous question has been 
 moved and seconded, and also i)roposed 
 from the Chair, (by which he means 
 stated by the Speaker for debate,) it has 
 been doubted whether an amendment can be 
 admitted to the main question. He thinks 
 it may, after the previous question moved 
 and seconded ; but not after it has been pro- 
 jjosed from the Cliair. In this case, he 
 thinks the friends to tlie amendment must 
 vote that the main question be not now 
 put ; and then move their amended ques- 
 tion, which being made new by the amend- 
 ment, is no longer the same which has 
 been just suppressed, and therefore may l)e 
 proposed as a new one. But this proceed- 
 ing certainly endangers the main cjucstion, 
 by dividing its friends, some of whom may 
 ciiose it unamended, rather than lose it 
 altogether; while others of tliem may vote, 
 as Hatsell advises, that the main question 
 be not now put, with a view to move it 
 again in an amended form. The enemies 
 of the main question, by this maneuver to 
 the previous question, get the enemies to 
 the amendment added to them on the 
 first vote, and throw the friends of the 
 main question under the embarrassment of 
 rallying again as they can. To su])port 
 this opinion, too, he makes the deciding 
 circumstance, whether an amendment may 
 
 or may not be made, to be, that the pre- 
 vious question has been proposed from the 
 Chair. But, as the rule is that the House 
 is in possession of a question as soon as it 
 is moved and seconded, it cannot be more 
 than possessed of it l)y its l)eing also pro- 
 posed from the Chair. It may be said, in- 
 deed, tliat the object of the previous (jues- 
 tion being to get rid of a <[iiestion, which 
 it is not expedient should be discussed, 
 this object may be defeated by moving to 
 amend; and in the discussion of that mo- 
 tion, involving the subject of the main 
 question. But so may the object of the 
 previous question be defeated, by moving 
 the amended question, as Mr. Hatsell pro- 
 poses, after the decision against putting 
 the original question. He acknowledges, 
 too, that the practice has been to admit 
 previous amendments, and only cites a 
 few late instances to the contrary. On the 
 whole, I should think it best to decide it 
 ab inconvenienti, to wit: Which is most 
 inconvenient, to put it in the power of one 
 side of the House to defeat a j)roposition 
 by hastily moving the previous question, 
 and thus forcing the main question to be 
 put unamended ; or to put it in the power 
 of the other side to force on, incidentally 
 at least, a discussion which would be bet- 
 ter avoided ? Perhaps the last is the least 
 inconvenience ; inasmuch as the Speaker, 
 by confining the discussion rigorously to 
 the amendment only, may prevent their 
 going into the main question ; and inas- 
 much also as so great a proportion of the 
 cases in which the previous question is 
 called for, are fair and projier subjects of 
 public discussion, and ought not to be ob- 
 structed by a formality introduced for 
 questions oif a peculiar charactei-. 
 
 SEC. XXXV. — AMENDMENTS. 
 
 On an amendment being moved, a mem- 
 ber who has spoken to the main question 
 may speak again to the amendment. 
 Scoh., 23. 
 
 If an amendment be proposed incon- 
 sistent with one already agreed to, it is a 
 fit ground for its rejection by the House, 
 but not within the comjietence of the 
 Speaker to supj)ress as if it were against 
 order. For were he permitted to draw 
 questions of consistence within the vortex 
 of order, he mitrht usurp a negative on 
 important modifications, and suppress, in- 
 stead of subserving, the legislative will. 
 
 Amendments may be made so as totally 
 to alter the nature of the proposition : and 
 it is a way of getting rid of a iiroposition, 
 bv making it bear a .sense dillerent from 
 what it was intended by the movers, so 
 that thev vote asrainst it themselves. 2 
 JIafs.,79; 4, 82, 84. A new bill maybe 
 iinrrafted. by wav of amendment, on the 
 words " Be it enacted," &c. 1 Gret/, 190, 
 192.
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 If it be proposed to amend by leaving 
 out certain words, it may be moved, as an 
 amendment to this amendment, to leave 
 oat a part of the words of the amendment, 
 which is equivalent to leaving them in the 
 bill. 2 Hats., 80, 9. The parliamentary 
 question is, always, whether the words 
 shall stand part of the bill. 
 
 When it is proposed to amend by insert- 
 ing a paragraph, or part of one, the friends 
 of the paragraph may make it as perfect as 
 they can by amendments before the ques- 
 tion is put for inserting it. If it be re- 
 ceived, it cannot be amended afterward, in 
 the same stage, because the House has, on 
 a vote, agreed to it in that form. In like 
 manner, if it is proposed to amend by 
 striking out a paragraph, the friends of the 
 paragraph are first to make it as perfect as 
 they can by amendmehts, before the ques- 
 tion is put for striking it out. If on the 
 question it be retained, it cannot be 
 amended afterward, because a vote against 
 striking out is equivalent to a vote agree- 
 ing to it in that form. 
 
 When it is moved to amend by striking 
 out certain words and inserting others, the 
 manner of stating the question is first to 
 read the whole passage to be amended as 
 it stands at present, then the words pro- 
 posed to be struck out, next those to be 
 inserted, and lastly the whole passage as it 
 will be when amended. And the question, 
 if desired, is then to be divided, and put 
 first on striking out. If carried, it is next 
 on inserting the words proposed. If that 
 be lost, it may be ihovea to insert others. 
 2 Hats., 80, 7. 
 
 A motion is made to amend by striking 
 out certain words and inserting others in 
 their place, which is negatived. Then it 
 is moved to strike out the same words and 
 to insert others of a tendr entirely different 
 from those first proposed. It is negatived. 
 Then it is moved to strike out the same 
 words and insert nothing, which is agreed to. 
 All this is admissible, because to strike out 
 and insert A is one proposition. To strike 
 out and insert B is a different proposition. 
 And to strike out and insert nothing is still 
 different. And the rejection of one propo- 
 sition does not preclude the offering a dif- 
 ferent one. Nor would it change the case 
 were the first motion divided by putting the 
 question first on striking out, and that nega- 
 tived ; for, as putting the whole motion to 
 the question at once would not have jire- 
 cluded.the puttiiigthehalfof it caiinotdoit. 
 
 (The i)nictic(' in the United States Sen- 
 ate in this respect is now fixed by the ^Ust 
 rule, as follows: If the question in debate 
 contains several points, any Sen.ator may 
 have the same divided ; hut on a motion 
 to strike out and insert, it shall not be in 
 order to move for a division of the ques- 
 tion ; but the rejection of ,a motion to 
 strike out and insert one proposition shall 
 
 not prevent a motion to strike out and in- 
 sert a different proposition, nor prevent a 
 subsequent motion simply to strike out ; 
 nor shall the rejection of a motion simply 
 to strike out prevent a subsequent motion 
 to strike out and insert.] 
 
 But if it had been carried affirmatively 
 to strike out the words and to insert A, it 
 could not afterward be permitted to strike 
 out A and insert B. The mover of B 
 should have notified, while the insertion 
 of A was under debate, that he would 
 move to insert B ; in which case those 
 who preferred it would join in rejecting A. 
 
 After A is inserted, however, it may be 
 moved to strike out a portion of the origi- 
 nal paragraph, comprehending A, provi- 
 ded the coherence to be struck out be so 
 substantial as to make this effectively a 
 different proposition ; for then it is resolved 
 into the common case of striking out a 
 paragraph after amending it. Nor does 
 anything forbid a new insertion, instead of 
 A and its coherence. 
 
 In Senate, January 25, 1798 a motion to 
 postpone until the second Tuesday in Feb- 
 ruary some amendments proposed to the 
 Constitution ; the words " until the second 
 Tuesday in February," were struck out by 
 way of amendment. Then it was moved 
 to add, " until the first day of June." Ob- 
 jected that it was not in order, as the 
 question should be first put on the longest 
 time ; therefore, after a shorter time deci- 
 ded against, a longer cannot be put to 
 question. It was answered that this rule 
 takes place only in filling blanks for time. 
 But when a specific time stands part of a 
 motion, that may be struck out as well as 
 any other part of the motion ; and when 
 struck out, a motion may be received to 
 insert any other. In fact, it is not until 
 they are struck out, and a blank for the 
 time thereby produced, that the rule can 
 begin to operate, by receiving all the pro- 
 ]>ositions for different times, and putting 
 the questions successively on the longest. 
 Otherwise it w'ould be in the power of the 
 mover, by insertingoriginally a short time, 
 to preclude the possibility of a longer ; for 
 till the short time is struck out, you can- 
 not insert a longer ; and if, after it is struck 
 out, you cannot do it, then it cannot be 
 done at all. Suppose the first motion had 
 been made to amend by striking out "the 
 second Tuesday in February," and insert- 
 ing instead thereof " the first of June," it 
 would have been regular, then, to divide 
 the question, by proposing first the ques- 
 tion to strike out and then that to insert. 
 Now tliis is precisely the effect of the pres- 
 ent proceeding; only, instead of one mo- 
 tion and two questions, there are two mo- 
 tions and two questions to effect it. — the 
 motions l)eing divided as well as the ques- 
 tion. 
 
 When the matter contained in two bills
 
 BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 43 
 
 might be better put into one, the manner 
 is to reject the one, and incorporate its mat- 
 ter into another bill by way ofaineiKlment. 
 So if the matter of one bill would bo bet- 
 ter distributed into two, any part may be 
 struck out by way of amendment, and i)Ut 
 into a new bill. If a section is to be trans- 
 l)Osed, a question must be put on etrikinj^ 
 it out where it stands and another for in- 
 serting it in the place desired. 
 
 A bill passed by the one House with 
 blanks. These may be filled up by the 
 other by way of amendments, returned to 
 the first as such, and passed. 3 Hats., 88. 
 
 The number prefixed to the section of a 
 bill, being merely a marginal indication, 
 and no j)art of the text of the bill, the 
 Clerk regulates that — the House or com- 
 mittee is only to amend the text. 
 
 SEC. XXXVI. — DIVISION OF THE QUES- 
 TION. 
 
 If a question contains more parts than 
 one, it may be divided into two or more 
 questions. Mem. in Hakew., 29. But not 
 as the right of an individual member, but 
 with the consent of the House. For who 
 is to decide whether a question is compli- 
 cated or not — where it is complicated — 
 into how many propositions it may be di- 
 vided ? The fact is that the only mode of 
 separating a complicated question is by 
 moving amendments to it; and these must 
 be decided by the House, on a question, 
 unless the House orders it to be divided ; 
 as, on the question, December 2, 1640, 
 making void the election of the knights 
 for Worcester, on a motion it was resolved 
 to make two questions of it, to wit, one on 
 each night. 2 Hats., 85, 86. So, where- 
 ever there are several names in a question, 
 they raav be divided and put one bv one. 
 
 9 Greij, 444. So, 1729, April 17, on an 
 objection thataquestion was complicated, it 
 was separated by amendment. 2 Hats., 79. 
 
 The soundness of these observations will 
 bo evident from the embarrassments pro- 
 duced by the twelfth rule of the Senate, 
 which says, *' if the question in debate 
 contains several points, any member may 
 have the same divided." 
 
 1798, May 30, the alien bill in quasi- 
 committee. To a section and proviso in 
 the original, had been added two new pro- 
 visos by way of amendment. On a motion 
 to strike out the section as amended, the 
 question was desired to be divided. To do 
 this it must be put first on striking out 
 either the former proviso, or some distinct 
 member of the section. But when nothing 
 remains but the last member of the section 
 and the provisos, they cannot be divided 
 so as to put the last member to question by 
 itself; for the provisos might thus be left 
 standing alone as exceptions to a rule when 
 the rule is taken away ; or the new j^rovi- 
 803 might be left to a second question, 
 
 after having been decided on once before 
 at the same reading, which is contrary to 
 rule. But the question must be on strik- 
 ing out the last member of the section as 
 amended. This sweeps away the excej)- 
 tions with the rule, and relieves from in- 
 consistence. A question to be divisible 
 must comprehend ])oints so distinct and 
 entire that one of them being taken away, 
 the other may stand entire. But a proviso 
 or exception, without an enacting clause, 
 does not contain an entire point or propo- 
 sition. 
 
 May 31. — The same bill being before the 
 Senate. There was a proviso that the bill 
 should not extend — 1. To any foreign 
 minister ; nor, 2. To any person to whom 
 the President should give a passport ; nor, 
 3. To any alien merchant conforming 
 himself to such regulations as the President 
 shall prescribe ; and a division of the ques- 
 tion into its simplest elements was called 
 for. It was divided into four parts, the 4th 
 taking in the words "conforming himself," 
 &c. It was objected that the words "any 
 alien merchant," could not be separated 
 from their modifying words, " conforming," 
 &c., because these words, if left by them- 
 selves, contain no substantive idea, will 
 make no sense. But admitting that the 
 divisions of a paragraph into separate 
 questions must be so made as that each 
 part may stand by itself, yet the House 
 having, on the question, retained the two 
 first divisions, the words " any alien mer- 
 chant " may be struck out, and their modi- . 
 fying words will then attach themselves to 
 the preceding description of persons, and 
 become a modification of that description. 
 
 When a question is divided, after the 
 question on the 1st member, the 2d is open 
 to debate and amendment ; because it is a 
 known rule that a person may rise and 
 speak at any time before the question has 
 been completely decided, by putting the 
 negative as well as the affirmative side. 
 But the question is not completely put 
 when the vote has been taken on the first 
 member only. One-half of the question, 
 both affirmative and negative, remains still 
 to be put. See Execut. Jour., June 25, 1795. 
 The same decision by President Adams. 
 
 SEC. XXXVII. — COEXISTING QUESTIONS. 
 
 It may be asked whether the House can 
 be in possession of two motions or proposi- 
 tions at the same time? so that, one of 
 them being decided, the other goes to 
 question without being moved anew? The 
 answer must be special. When a question 
 is interrupted by a vote of adjournniont. it 
 is thereby removed from before the House, 
 and does not stand ipso facto before them 
 at their next meeting, but must come for- 
 ward iji the usual way. So, when it is in- 
 terrupted by the order of the day. Such 
 other privileged questions also as dispose
 
 44 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 of the main question, {e. g., the previous 
 question, postponement, or commitment,) 
 remove it from before the House. But it 
 is only suspended by a motion to amend, 
 to withdraw, to read papers, or by a ques- 
 tion of order or privilege, and stands again 
 before the House when these are decided. 
 None but the class of privileged questions 
 can be brought forward while there is an- 
 other question before the House, the rule 
 being that when a motion has been made 
 and seconded, no other can be received ex- 
 cept it be a privileged one. 
 
 SEC. XXXVIII. — EQUIVALENT QUESTIONS. 
 
 If, on a question for rejection, a bill be 
 retained, it passes, of course, to its next 
 reading. Hakew., 141 ; Scoh., 42. And a 
 question for a second reading determined 
 negatively, is a rejection without further 
 question. 4 Grey, 149. And see Elsynge's 
 Memor., 42, in what cases questions are to 
 be taken for rejection. 
 
 Where questions are perfectly equiva- 
 lent, so that the negative of the one 
 amounts to the affirmative of the other, 
 and leaves no other alternative, the de- 
 cision of the one concludes necessarily the 
 other. 4 Grey, 157. Thus the negative of 
 striking out amounts to the affirmative of 
 agreeing; and therefore to put a question on 
 agreeing after that on striking out, would 
 be to put the same question in effect twice 
 over. Not so in questions of amendments 
 between the two Houses. A motion to re- 
 cede being negatived, does not amount to 
 a positive vote to insist, because there is an- 
 other alternative, to wit, to adhere. A bill 
 originating in one House is passed by the 
 other with an amendment. A motion in 
 the originating House to agree to the 
 amendment is negatived. Does there re- 
 sult from this vote of disagreement, or must 
 the question on disagreement be expressly 
 voted? The question respecting amend- 
 ments from another House are — 1st, to 
 agree ; 2d, disagree ; 3d, recede ; 4th, insist ; 
 6th, adhere, 
 
 1st. To agree. ) Either of these con- 
 2d. To disagree, j eludes the other neces- 
 sarily, for the positive 
 of either is exactly the 
 equivalent of the nega- 
 tive of the other, and 
 no other alternative re- 
 mains. On either mo- 
 tion amendments to the 
 amendment may be pro- 
 posed ; e. (J., if it be 
 moved to disagree, those 
 who are for the ameml- 
 ment have a right to 
 jiropose amendments, 
 and to make it as per- 
 fect as tliey can, before 
 thccjUOHtion of disagree- 
 ing 18 put. 
 
 3d. To recede. ] You may then either 
 4th. To insist. >■ insist or adhere. 
 5th. To adhere. ] You may then either 
 recede or adhere. 
 
 You may then either 
 recede or insist. 
 
 Consequently the neg- 
 ative of these is not 
 equivalent to a positive 
 vote, the other way. It 
 does not raise so neces- 
 sary an implication as 
 may authorize the Sec- 
 retary by inference to 
 enter another vote ; for 
 two alternatives still re- 
 main, either of which 
 may be adopted by the 
 House. 
 
 SEC. XXXIX. — THE QUESTION. 
 
 The question is to be put first on the 
 affirmative, and then on the negative side. 
 
 After the Speaker has put the affirma- 
 tive part of the question, any member who 
 has not spoken before to the question may 
 rise and speak before the negative be put ; 
 because it is no full question till the nega- 
 tive part be put. Scab., 23 ; 2 Hats., 73. 
 
 But in small matters, and which are of 
 course, such as receiving jietitions, reports, 
 withdrawing motions, reading papers, &c., 
 the Speaker most commonly supposes the 
 consent of the House where no objection 
 IS expressed, and does not give them the 
 trouble of putting the question formally. 
 Scab., 22; 2 Hats., 87; 5 Grey, 129; 9 
 Grey, 301. 
 
 SEC. XL. — BILLS, THIRD READING. 
 
 To prevent bills from being passed by 
 surprise, the House, by a standing order, 
 directs that they shall not be put on their 
 passage before a fixed hour, naming one 
 at which the House is commonly Inll. 
 Hakew., 153. 
 
 [The usage of the Senate is, not to put 
 bills on their passage till noon.] 
 
 A bill reported and passed to the third 
 reading, cannot on that day be read the 
 third time and passed ; because this would 
 be to pa«s on two readings in the same 
 day. 
 
 At the third reading the Clerk reads the 
 bill and delivers it to the Speaker, who 
 states the title, that it is the third time of 
 reading the bill, and that the question will 
 l)e whether it shall pass. Formerly the 
 Si)eakcr, or those who prepared a bill, pre- 
 pared also a breviate or summary state- 
 !nent of it.s contents, which the Speaker 
 read when he declared the state of the 
 bill, at tlie several readings. Sometimes, 
 however, lie read the bill itself, especially 
 on its ])assage. Hakew., 13(5, 137, 153; 
 (hke, 22, 115. Latterly, instead of tliis, he, 
 , at the third reading, states the whole con-
 
 BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 45 
 
 tents of the bill verbatim, only, instead of 
 reading the formal parts, " Be it enacted," 
 &c., he states that "preamble recites so 
 and so — the Lst section enacts that, &c. ; 
 the 2d section enacts," &c. 
 
 [But in the Senate of the United States, 
 both of these formalities are dispensed 
 with ; the breviate presenting but an im- 
 perfect view of the bill, and being capable 
 of being made to present a false one; and 
 the full statement being a useless waste of 
 time, immediately after a full reading by 
 the Olerk, and especially as every member 
 has a printed copy in his hand.) 
 
 A bill on the third reading is not to be 
 committed for the matter or body thereof, 
 but to receive some particular clause or 
 proviso, it hath been sometimes suffered, 
 but as a thing very unusual. Hakew., ir)(3. 
 Thus, 27 El., 1584, a bill was committed 
 on the third reading, having l)een former- 
 ly committed on the second, but is de- 
 clared not usual. D'Ewes, 337, col, 2 ; 
 414, col. 2. 
 
 When an essential provision has been 
 omitted, rather than erase the bill and 
 render it suspicious, they add a clause on 
 a separate paper, engrossed and called a 
 rider, which is read and put to the ques- 
 tion three times. Elsynge's Memo., 59 ; 6 
 Gra/, 335 ; 1 Blackst., 183. For examples 
 of riders, see 3 Hats., 121, 122, 124, 15(5. 
 Every one is at liberty to bring in a rider 
 without asking leave. 10 Grerj, 52. 
 
 It is laid down as a general rule, that 
 amendments proposed at the second read- 
 ing shall be twice read, and those proposed 
 at the third reading thrice read; as also 
 all amendments from the other House. 
 Towti., col. 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 2S. 
 
 It is with great and almost invincible 
 reluctance that amendments are admitted 
 at this reading, which occasion erasures or 
 interlineations. Sometimes a proviso has 
 been cut off from a bill ; sometimes erased. 
 9 Grei/, 513. 
 
 This is the proper stage for filling up 
 blanks ; for if filled up before, and now al- 
 tered by enisure, it would be peculiarly un- 
 safe. 
 
 At this reading the bill is debated afresh, 
 and for the most part is more spoken to at 
 this time than on any of the former read- 
 ings. Hdkew., 153. 
 
 The debate on the question whether it 
 should be read a third time, has discovered 
 to its friends and opponents the arguments 
 on which each side relies, and which of 
 these appear to have influence with the 
 House; they have had time to meet them 
 with new arguments, and to put their old 
 ones into new shajies. The former vote 
 has tried the strength of the first opinion, 
 and furnished grounds to estimate the is- 
 sue ; and the question now offered for its 
 passage is the last occasion which is ever 
 to be offered for carrying or rejecting it. 
 
 When the debate is ended, the Speaker, 
 holding the bill in his hand, puts the ques- 
 tion for its passage, by saying, " Gentlemen, 
 all you who are of ojnnion that this bill 
 shall pass, say aye;" and after the answer 
 of the ayes, "AH those of the contrary 
 opinion, say no." Hakew., 154. 
 
 After the bill is passed, there can be no 
 further alteration of it in any point. 
 Hakew., 159. 
 
 SEC. XLI. — DIVISION OF THE HOUSE. 
 
 The affirmative and negative of the ques- 
 tion having been both jjut and answered, 
 the Speaker declares whether the yeas or 
 nays have it by the sound, if he be himself 
 satisfied, and it stands as the judgment of 
 the House. But if he be not himself satis- 
 fied which voice is the greater, or if before 
 any other member comes into the House, 
 or before any new motion made, (for it i« 
 too late after that,) any member shall rise 
 and declare himself dissatisfied with the 
 Speaker's decision, then the Speaker is to 
 divide the House. Scab., 24 ; 2 Hats., 140. 
 
 When the House of Commons is divided, 
 the one party goes forth, and the other re- 
 mains in the House. This has made it im- 
 portant which go forth and which remain ; 
 because the latter gain all the indolent, the 
 indifferent, and inattentive. Their general 
 rule, therefore, is, that those who give their 
 vote for the preservation of the orders of 
 the House shall stay in ; and those who are 
 'for introducing any new matter or altera- 
 tion, or proceeding contrary to the estab- 
 lished course, are to go out. But this rule 
 is subject to manv exceptions and modifi- 
 cations. 2 Hats., 134 ; 1 Rush., p. 3, fol. 92; 
 Scab., 43, 52 ; Co., 12, 116 ; D'Ewes, 505, col. 
 1 ; Mem. in Hakew., 25, 29 ; as will appear 
 by the following statement of who go forth: 
 Petition that it be received... ) . 
 
 Read I^y^^- 
 
 Lie on the table ] 
 
 Rejected after refusal to lie > Noes, 
 on table ) 
 
 Referred to a committee, for 
 further proceeding... 
 Bill, that it be brought in ' 
 
 Read first or second time... 
 
 Engrossed or read third time 
 
 Proceeding on every other 
 stage 
 
 Committed 
 
 To Committee of the whole... 
 
 Ta a select committee Ayes. 
 
 Report of bill to lie on table.. Noes. 
 Bq now read ] Ayes. 
 
 Be taken into consideration V 
 
 three months hence.. ) 30,P.J. 251. 
 Amendments to be read a se- 
 cond time Noes. 
 
 Clause offered on report of hill 1 
 
 to be read second time I Ayes. 
 
 For receiving a clause f 334. 
 
 With amendm'ts be engrossed J 395. 
 
 Ayes. 
 
 Ayes. 
 
 Noes.
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 Noes. 
 
 Ayes. 
 
 398. 
 
 260. 
 259. 
 
 } Noes. 291. 
 
 Ayes. 344. 
 
 That a bill be note read a 
 
 third time 
 
 Receive a rider 
 
 Pass 
 
 Be printed 
 
 Committees. That A take " 
 
 the chair 
 
 To agree to the whole or 
 
 any part of report 
 
 That the House do now 
 
 resolve into committee... 
 Speaker. That he now 
 
 leave the chair, after or- 
 der to go into commit- 
 tee 
 
 That he issue warrant for 
 
 a new writ 
 
 Member. That none be 
 
 absent without leave , 
 
 Witness. That he be fur- 
 ther examined 
 
 Previous question Noes. 
 
 Blanks. That they be fill- ] 
 
 ed with the largest sum. I » ^ 
 Amendments. That words | ^^^es. 
 
 stand part of. J 
 
 Lords. That their amend- 1 
 
 ment be read a second > Noes. 
 
 time ) 
 
 Messenger be received | 
 
 Orders of day to be now V Ayes. 
 
 read, if before 2 o'clock... J 
 
 If after 2 o'clock Noes. 
 
 Adjournment. Till the ] 
 
 next sitting day, if before > Ayes. 
 
 4 o'clock ] 
 
 If after 4 o'clock Noes. 
 
 Over a sitting day, (un- ) . 
 
 less a previous resolution. J ^ ' 
 
 Over the 80th of Janu- ] -jyT 
 
 ary | -iNoes. 
 
 For sitting on Sunday, or | 
 
 any other day not being V Ayes. 
 
 a sitting day J 
 
 The one party being gone forth, the 
 Speaker names two tellers from the affirm- 
 ative and two from the negative side, who 
 first count those sitting in the House and 
 report the number to the Speaker. Then 
 they place themselves within the door, two 
 on each side, and count those who went 
 forth as they come in, and report the num- 
 ber to the Speaker. Mem. in Jfakew., 2(). 
 
 A mistake in tlie report of the tellers 
 may be rectified alter the report made. 2 
 Hats., 145, note. 
 
 [But in both Houses of Congress all 
 these intricacies are avoided. The ayes 
 first rise, and are counted standing in their 
 places by the President or Speaker. Then 
 they sit, and the noes rise and are counted 
 in like manner.] 
 
 I In Sen.'ite, if they be equallj divided, 
 the Vice-President announces his opinion, 
 which decides. I 
 
 I The Constitution, however, has directed 
 that " the yeas and nays of the members 
 
 of either House on any question, shall at 
 the desire of one-fifth of those present, be 
 entered on the journal." And again : that 
 in all cases of reconsidering a bill disajj- 
 proved by the President, and returned with 
 his objections, " the votes of both Houses 
 shall be determined by yeas and nays, and 
 the names of persons voting for and against 
 the bill shall be entered on the journals of 
 each House respectively."] 
 
 [By the 16th and 17th rules of the Sen- 
 ate, when the yeas and nays shall be called 
 for by one-fifth of the members present, 
 each member called upon shall, unless for 
 special reasons he be excused by the Sen- 
 ate, declare openly, and without debate, 
 his assent or dissent to the question. In 
 taking the yeas and nays, and upon the 
 call of the House, the names of the mem- 
 bers shall be taken alphabetically.] 
 
 [ When the yeas and nays shall be taken 
 upon any question in pursuance of the 
 above rule, no member shall be permitted, 
 under any circumstances whatever, to vote 
 after the decision is announced from the 
 Chair.] 
 
 [ When it is proposed to take the vote by 
 yeas and nays, the President or Speaker 
 states that *' the question is whether, e. g., 
 the bill shall pass — that it is proposed that 
 the yeas and nays shall be entered on the 
 journal. Those, therefore, who desire it, 
 will rise." If he finds and declares that 
 one-fifth have risen, he then states that 
 " those who are of opinion that the bill 
 shall pass are to answer in the affirmative ; 
 those of the contrary opinion in the nega- 
 tive." The Clerk then calls over the names 
 alphabetically, note the yea or nay of each, 
 and gives the list to the President or Speak- 
 er, who declares the result. In the Senate, 
 if there be an equal division, the Secretary 
 calls on the Vice-President and notes his 
 .affirmative or negative, which becomes the 
 decision of the House.] 
 
 In the House of Commons, every mem- 
 ber must give his vote the one way or the 
 other, Scot)., 24, as it is not permitted to 
 any one to withdraw who is in the House 
 when the question is put, nor is any one to 
 l)e told in the division who was not in when 
 the question was put. 2 Hats., 140. 
 
 This last position is always true when 
 the vote is by ye.as and nays ; where the 
 negative as well as affirmative of the ques- 
 tion is stated by the President at the same 
 time, and the vote of both sides begins and 
 jiroceeds pari passu. It is true also when 
 the question is put in the usual way, if the 
 negative has also been put; but if it has 
 not, the member entering, or any other 
 member, may speak, and even ]>ropose 
 amendments, by which the debate may be 
 opeTied again, and the question be greatly 
 deferred. And as some who have an- 
 swered ay may have been changed by the 
 new arguments, the affirmative must be
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 47 
 
 put over again. If, then, the member en- 
 tarinji: may, by speaking a few words, 
 occasion a repetition of a question, it 
 would be useless to deny it on his simple 
 call for it. 
 
 While the House is telling, no member 
 may speak or move out of his place ; for if 
 any mistake be suspected, it nmst be 
 told again. Mem. in Ilakew., 26 ; 2 Hats., 
 148. 
 
 If any difficulty arises in point of order 
 during the division, the speaker is to de- 
 cide peremptorily, subject to the future 
 censure of the House if irregular. He 
 sometimes permits old experienced mem- 
 bers to assist him with their advice, which 
 they do sitting in their seats, covered, to 
 avoid the appearance of debate ; but this 
 can only be with the Speaker's leave, else 
 the division might last several hours. 2 
 Hats., 143. 
 
 The voice of the majority decides ; for 
 the lex majoris partis is the law of all 
 councils, elections, &c., where not other- 
 wise expressly provided. Hakeic, 93. But 
 if the House be equally divided, semper 
 presumatur j)ro negante ; that is, the former 
 law is not to be changed but by a majority. 
 Towns., col. 134. 
 
 [But in the Senate of the United States, 
 the Vice-President decides when the 
 House is divided. Const. U. S. I, 3.] 
 
 When from counting the House on a 
 division it appears that there is not a 
 quorum, the matter continues exactly in 
 the state in which it was before the divi- 
 sion, and must be resumed at that point on 
 any future day. 2 Hats., 12G. 
 
 iG0(3, May 1, on a question whether a 
 member having said yea may afterwards 
 sit and change his opinion, a precedent 
 was remembered by the Speaker, of Mr. 
 Morris, attorney of the wards, in 39 Eiiz., 
 who in like case changed his opinion. 
 Mem. in Hakew., 27. 
 
 SEC. XLII. — TITLES. 
 
 After the bill has passed, and not before, 
 the title may be amended, and is to be 
 fixed by a question ; and the bill is then 
 sent to the other House. 
 
 SEC. XLIII. — RECONSIDERATION. 
 
 [When a question has been once made 
 and carried in the affirmative or negative, 
 it shall be in order ft)r any member of the 
 majority to move for the reconsideration 
 thereof; but no motion for the reconsidera- 
 tion of any vote shall be in order after a 
 bill, resolution, message, report, amend- 
 ment, or motion upon which the vote was 
 taken shall have gone out of the pos.session 
 of the Senate announcing their decision ; 
 nor shall any motion for reconsideration 
 be in order unless made on the same day 
 on which the vote was taken, or witliin 
 the two next days of actual session of the 
 Senate thereafter. Bide 20.] 
 
 [1798, Jan. A bill on its second read- 
 ing being amended, and on the question 
 wliether it shall be read a third time 
 negatived, was restored by a decision U) re- 
 consider that question. Here the votes 
 of negative and reconsideration, like posi- 
 tive and negative quantities in equation, 
 destroy one another, and are as if they 
 were expunged from the journals. Con- 
 sequently the bill is open for amendment, 
 just so far as it was the moment preced- 
 ing the question for the third reading ; 
 that is to say, all parts of the bill are open 
 for amendment except those on which 
 votes have been already taken in its 
 present stage. So, also, it may be recom- 
 mitted.] 
 
 [*The rule permitting a reconsideration 
 of a question affixing to it no limitation of 
 time or circumstance, it may be asked 
 whether there is no limitation ? If, after 
 the vote, the paper on which it is passed 
 has been parted with, there can be no re- 
 consideration ; as if a vote has })een for the 
 passage of a bill, and the bill has been 
 sent to the other House. But where the 
 paper remains, as on a bill rejected ; when, 
 or under what circumstances, does it cea.se 
 to be susceptible of reconsideration? This 
 remains to be settled ; unless a sense that 
 the right of reconsideration is a right to 
 waste the time of the House in repeated 
 agitations of the same question, so that it 
 shall never know when a question is done 
 with, should induce them to reform this 
 anomalous proceeding.] 
 
 In Parliament a question once carried 
 cannot be questioned again at the same 
 session, but must stand as the judgment of 
 the House. Towns., col. 67 ; Mem. in 
 Hakew., .33. And a bill once rejected, 
 another of the same substance cannot be 
 brought in again the same session. Hakew., 
 158 ; G Gy-ey, 392. But this does not ex- 
 tend to prevent putting the same question 
 in diffi^rent stages of a bill ; because every 
 stage of a bill submits the whole and 
 every part of it to the opinion of the 
 House, as open for amendment, either by 
 insertion or omission, though the same 
 amendment has been accepted or rejected 
 in a former stage. So in reports of com- 
 mittees, e. g., report of an address, the 
 same question is before the House, and 
 open for free discussion. Toicns., col. 2G ; 
 2 Jlafs., 98, 100, 101. So orders of the 
 House, or instructions to committees, may 
 be discharged. So a bill, begun in one 
 House, and sent to the other, and there 
 rejected, may be renewed again in that 
 other, passed and sent back. lb., 92: 3 
 Hats., 161. Or if, instead of being re- 
 jected, they read it once and lay it aside 
 or amend it, and put it otf a month, they 
 may order in another to the same ellect, 
 
 •The rule now fixes »Hnu<5tion.
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 with the same or a different title. Eakew., 
 97, 98. 
 
 Divers expedients are used to correct 
 the effects of this rule ; as, by passing an 
 explanatory act, if anj'thing has been 
 omitted or ill expressed, 3 Hats., 278, or an 
 act to enforce, and make more effectual an 
 act, &c., or to rectity mistakes in an act, 
 &c., or a committee on one bill may be in- 
 structed to receive a clause to rectify the 
 mistakes of another. Thus, June 24, 1685, 
 a clause was inserted in a bill for rectify- 
 ing a mistake committed by a clerk in en- 
 grossing a bill of supply. 2 Hats., 194, 6. 
 Or the session may be closed for one, two, 
 three or more days, and a new one com- 
 menced. But then all matters depending 
 must be finished, or they fall, and are to 
 begin de novo. 2 Hats., 94, 98. Or a 
 part of the subject may be taken up by 
 another bill, or taken up in a different 
 way. 6 Greij, 304, 316. 
 
 And in cases of the last magnitude, this 
 rule has not been so strictly and verbally 
 observed as to stop indispensable proceed- 
 ings altogether. 2 Hats., 92, 98. Thus 
 when the address on the preliminaries of 
 peace in 1782 had been lost by a majority 
 of one, on account of the importance of 
 the question, and smallness of the majority, 
 the same question in substance, though 
 with some words not in the first, and 
 which might change the opinion of some 
 members, was brought on again and car- 
 ried, as the motives for it were thought to 
 outweigh the objection of form. 2 Hats., 
 99, 100. 
 
 A second bill may be passed to continue 
 an act of the sanie session, or to enlarge 
 the time limited for its execution. 2 
 Hats., 95, 98. This is not in contradiction 
 to the first act. 
 
 SEC. XLIV. — BILLS SENT TO THE OTHER 
 HOUSE. 
 
 [All bills passed in the Senate shall, 
 before they are sent to the House of Ke- 
 presentatives, be examined by a commit- 
 tee, consisting of three members, whose 
 duty it shall be to examine all bills, 
 amendments, resolutions, or motions, be- 
 fore they go out of the possession of the 
 Senate, and to make report that they are 
 correctly engrossed ; wliich report shall be 
 entered on tlie journal. Hide .34.] 
 
 A bill from the other House is some- 
 times ordered to lie on the table. 2 Huts., 
 97. 
 
 When bills, passed in one House and 
 sent to the other, are grounded on special 
 facts requiring proof, it is usual, either by 
 message or at a eonferenee, to ask the 
 grounds and evi leni-c; and this evidence, 
 whether arising out of papers, or from the 
 examination ol' witnesses, is immediately 
 communicated. 3 Hats., 48. 
 
 SEC. 
 
 XLV. — AMENDMENTS BETWEEN THE 
 HOUSES. 
 
 When either House, e. g., the House of 
 Commons, send a bill to the other, the 
 other may pass It with amendments. The 
 regular progression in this case is, that the 
 Commons disagree to the amendment ; the 
 Lords insist on it; the Commons insist 
 on their disagreement ; the Lords adhere 
 to their amendment ; the Commons adhere 
 to their disagreement. The term of insist- 
 ing may be repeated as often as they 
 choose to keej} the question open. But 
 the first adherence by either renders it 
 necessary for the other to recede or adhere 
 also ; when the matter is usually suffered 
 to fall. 10 Grei/, 148. Latterly, hoAvever, 
 there are instances of their having gone to 
 a second adherence. There must be an 
 absolute conclusion of the subject some- 
 where, or otherwise transactions between 
 the Houses would become endless. 3 
 Hats., 268, 270. The term of insisting, we 
 are told by Sir John Trevor, was then (1679) 
 newly introduced into parliamentary usage, 
 by the Lords. 7 Gret/, M. It was certainly a 
 happy innovation, as it multiplies the op- 
 portunities of trying modifications which 
 may bring the Houses to a concurrence. 
 Either House, however, is free to pass over 
 the term of insisting, and to adhere in the 
 first instance ; 10 Grey, 146 ; but it is not 
 respectful to the other. In the ordinary 
 parliamentary course, there are two 'free 
 conferences, at least, before an adherence. 
 10 Grey, 147. 
 
 Either House may recede from its 
 amendment and agree to the bill ; or re- 
 cede from their disagreement to the amend- 
 ment, and agree to the same absolutely, or 
 with an amendment ; for here the disagree- 
 ment and receding destroy one another, 
 and the subject stands as before the agree- 
 ment. Elsynge, 23, 27 ; 9 Grey, 476. 
 
 But the House cannot recede from or in- 
 sist on its own amendment, with an amend- 
 ment; for the same reason that it cannot 
 send to the other House an amendment to 
 its own act after it has passed the act. They 
 may modify an amendment from the other 
 House by ingrafting an amendment on it, 
 because they have never assented to it ; 
 t)Ut they ctmnot amend their own amend- 
 ment, because they have, on the question, 
 passed it in that form. 9 Grey, 363 ; 10 
 Grey, 240. In the Senate, March 29, 1798. 
 Nor where one House has adhered to their 
 amendment, and the other agrees with an 
 amendment, can the first House depart 
 from the form which they have fixed by 
 an adherence. 
 
 Ill the case of a money bill, the Lords' 
 proposed amendments, become, by declay, 
 confessedly necessary. The Commons, 
 however, refused them, as infringing on 
 their j>rivilege as to money bills ; but they 
 I ulfered themselves to add to the bill a pro*
 
 BOOK iv.J JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 49 
 
 vise to the same effect, which had no co- 
 herence with the Lords' aineudments ; and 
 urged that it was an expedient warranted 
 by precedent, and not unparliamentary in 
 a case become impracticable, and irremedi- 
 able in any other way. 8 Hats., 250, 26tj, 
 270, 271. But the Lords refused, and the 
 bill waa lost. I Chaiid., 288. A like ca.se, 
 1 Chand.,?,\\. So the Commons resolvetl 
 that it is unparliamentary to strike out, at a 
 conference, anything in a bill which hath 
 been agreed and passed by both Houses. 
 6 Grey, 274; 1 C/mHt/., 312. 
 
 A motion to amend an amendment from 
 the other House takes precedence of a 
 motion to agree or disagree. 
 
 A bill originating in one House is passed 
 by the other with an amendment. 
 
 The originating House agrees to their 
 amendment with an amendment. The 
 other may agree to their amendment with 
 an amendment, that being only in the 2d 
 and not the 3d degree ; for, as to the 
 amending House, the first amendment with 
 which they passed the bill is a part of its 
 text ; it is the only text they have agreed 
 to. The amendment to that text by the 
 originating House, therefore, is only in the 
 1st degree, and the amendment to that 
 again by the amending House is only in 
 the 2d, to wit, an amendmentto an amend- 
 ment, and so admissible. Just so, when, 
 on a bill from the originating House, the 
 other, at its second reading, makes an 
 amendment ; on the third reading this 
 amendment is become the text of the bill, 
 and if an amendment to it be moved, an 
 amendment to that amendment may also 
 be moved, as being only in the 2d degree. 
 
 SEC. XLVI. — CONFERENCES. 
 
 It is on the occasion of amendments be- 
 tween the Houses that conferences are 
 usually asked ; but they may be asked in 
 all cases of difference of opinion between 
 the two Houses on matters depending be- 
 tween them. The recjuest of a conference, 
 however, must always be by the House 
 which is possessed of the papers. 3 Hats., 
 31 ; 1 Grey, 425. 
 
 Conferences may be either simple or 
 free. At a conference simply, written rea- 
 sons are prepared by the House asking it, 
 and they are read and delivered, without 
 debate, to the managers of the other House 
 at the conference ; but are not then to be 
 answered. 4 Grey, 144. The other House 
 then, if satisfied, vote the reasons satisfac- 
 tory, or say nothing ; if not satisfied, they 
 resolve them not satisfactory and ask a 
 conference) on the subject of the last con- 
 ference, where they read and deliver, in 
 like manner, Avritten answers to those 
 reasons. 3 Grey, 183. They are meant 
 chiefly to record the justification of each 
 House to the nation at large, and to pos- 
 terity, and in proof that the miscarriage of 
 
 a necessary mea.sure is not imputable to 
 them, 3 Grey, 2.05. At free conferences, 
 the managers discuss, viva voce and freely, 
 and interchange propositions for such 
 modifications as may he made in a parlia- 
 mentary way, and may bring the sense of 
 the two Houses together. And each party 
 reports in writing to their respective Housi « 
 the substance of what is said on both sides, 
 and it is entered on their journals. 9 Grey, 
 220 ; 3 Hats., 280. This report cannot be 
 amended or altered, as that of a committee 
 may be. Journal Senate, May 24, 1790. 
 
 A conference may be asked, before the 
 House asking it has come to a resolution 
 of disagreement, insisting or adhering. 3 
 Hats., 209, 341. In which case the papers 
 are not left with the other conferees, but 
 are brought back to be the foundation of 
 the vote to be given. And this is the most 
 reasonable and respectful proceeding ; for, 
 as was urged by the Lords on a particular 
 occasion, " it is held vain, and below the 
 wisdom of Parliament, to reason or argue 
 against fixed resolutions, and upon terms 
 of impossibility to persuade." 3 Hats., 
 226. So the Commons say, " an adherence 
 is never delivered at a free conference, 
 which implies debate." 10 Grey, 137. And 
 on another occasion the Lords made it an 
 objection that the Commons had asked a 
 free conference after they had made reso- 
 lutions of adhering. It was then affirmed, 
 however, on the part of the Commons, that 
 nothing was more parliamentary than to 
 proceed with free conferences after adher- 
 ing, 3 Hats., 209, and we do in fact see in- 
 stances of conference, or of free confer- 
 ence, asked after the resolution of disa- 
 greeing, 3 Hats., 251, 253, 200, 280, 291, 
 310,349; of insisting, ib., 280, 290, 299, 
 319,322, 355; of adhering, 209,270, 283, 
 300 ; and even of a second or final adher- 
 ence. 3 Hats., 270. And in all cases of 
 conference asked after a vote of disagree- 
 ment, &c., the conferees of the House ask- 
 ing it are to leave the papers with the con- 
 ferees of the other ; and in one case where 
 they refused to receive them, they were 
 left on the table in the conference cham- 
 ber, ib., 271, 317, 323, 354 ; 10 Grey, 146. 
 
 After a free conference, the usage is to 
 proceed with free conferences, and not to 
 return again to a conference. 3 Hats., 270 ; 
 9 Grey, 229. 
 
 After a conference denied, a free con- 
 ference may be asked. 1 Grey, 45. 
 
 When a conference is asked, the subject 
 of it must be expressed, or the conference 
 not agreed to. Ord. H Com., 89 ; Grey, 
 425 ; 7 Grey, 31. They are sometimes asked 
 to inquire concerning an oflCcnse or default 
 of a member of the other House. Grey, 
 181 ; 1 Chand., 304. Or the failure of the 
 other House to present to the King a bill 
 passed by both Houses, 8 Grey, 3(»2. Or on 
 information received, and relating to the
 
 50 
 
 AMERICA.N POLITICS. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 safety of the nation. 10 Graj, 171. Or 
 when the methods of Parliament are 
 thought by the one House to have been 
 departed from by the other, a conference 
 is asked to come to a right understanding 
 thereon. 10 Grey, 148. So when an un- 
 parliamentary message has been sent, in- 
 stead of answering it, they ask a confer- 
 ence. 3 Grey, 155. Formerly an address 
 or articles of impeachment, or a bill with 
 amendments, or a vote of the House, or 
 concurrence in a vote, or a message from 
 the King, were sometimes communicated 
 by way of conference. 6 Grey, 128, 300, 
 387 ; 7 Grey, 80 ; 8 Grey, 210, 255 ; 1 Tor- 
 buck's Deb., 278 ; 10 Grey, 293 ; 1 Chandler, 
 49, 287. But this is not the modern prac- 
 tice. 8 Grey, 255. 
 
 A conference has been asked after the 
 first reading of a bill. 1 Grey, 194. This 
 is a singular instance. 
 
 SEC. XLVII. — MESSAGES. 
 
 Messages between the Houses are to be 
 sent only while both Houses are sitting. 
 3 Hats., 15. They are received during a 
 debate without adjourning the debate. 3 
 Hats., 22. 
 
 [In Senate the messengers are introduced 
 iri any state of business, except, 1. While 
 a question is being put. 2. While the yeas 
 and nays are being called. 3. While the 
 ballots are being counted. Rule 51. The 
 first case is short ; the second and third are 
 <;ase3 where any interruption might oc- 
 casion errors difficult to be corrected. So 
 arranged June 15, 1798.] 
 
 In the House of Representatives, as in 
 Parliament, if the House be in committee 
 when a messenger attends, the Speaker 
 takes the chair to receive the message, and 
 then quits it to return into committee, 
 without any question or interruption. 4 
 Grey, 226. 
 
 Messengers are not saluted by the mem- 
 bers, but by the Speaker for the House. 2 
 Grey, 253, 274. 
 
 If messengers commit an error in deliv- 
 ering their message, they may be admitted 
 or called in to correct their message. 4 
 6Vct/, 41. Accordingly, March 13, 1800, 
 the Senate having made two amendments 
 to a bill from the House of Representatives, 
 their Secretary, by mistake, delivered one 
 only; which being inadmissible by itself, 
 that House disagreed, and notified the 
 Senate of their (lisagreement. This pro- 
 duced a discovery of the mistake. The Sec- 
 rotary was sent to the other House to correct 
 his mistake, the correction was received, 
 and the two amendments acted on de novo. 
 
 As soon as tlie messenger, who has 
 brought bills from the other House, has 
 retired, the Speaker holds the bills in his 
 hand, and acquaints the House "that the 
 other House have by their messenger sent 
 certain bills," and then reads their titles, 
 
 and delivers them td the Clerk, to be safely 
 kept till they shall be called for to be readf. 
 Hakew., 178. 
 
 It is not the usage for one House to in- 
 form the other by what numbers a bill is 
 passed. 10 Grey, 150. Yet they have 
 sometimes recommended a bill, as of great 
 importance, to the consideration of the 
 House to which it is sent. 3 Bats., 25. 
 Nor when they have rejected a bill from 
 the other House, do they give notice of it ; 
 but it passes sub silentio, to prevent unbe- 
 coming altercations. 1 Blackst., 183. 
 
 [But in Congress the rejection is notified 
 by message to the House in which the bill 
 originated.] 
 
 A question is never asked by the one 
 House of the other by way of message, but 
 only at a conference ; for this is an inter- 
 rogatory, not a message. 3 Grey, 151, 181. 
 
 When a bill is sent by one House to the 
 other, and is neglected, they may send a \ 
 message to remind them of it. 3 Hats., 
 25 ; 5 Grey, 154. But if it be mere inat- 
 tention, it is better to have it done inferm- 
 ally by communications between the 
 Speakers or members of the two Houses. 
 
 Where the subject of a message is of a 
 nature that it can properly be communi- 
 cated to both Houses of Parliament, it is 
 expected that this communication should 
 be made to both on the same day. But 
 where a message was accompanied with an 
 original declaration, signed by the party 
 to which the message referred, its being 
 sent to one House was not noticed by the 
 other, because the declaration, being origi- 
 nal, could not possibly be sent to both 
 Houses at the same time. 2 Hats., 260, 
 261, 262. 
 
 The King having sent original letters 
 to the Commons, afterward desires they 
 may be returned, that he may communi- 
 cate them to the Lords. 1 Chandler, 303. 
 
 SEC. XLViii. — Assekt;, 
 The House which has received a bill and 
 passed it may present it for the King's as- 
 sent, and ought to do it, though they have 
 not by message notified to the other their 
 passage of it. Yet the notifying by mes- 
 sage is a form which ought to be observed 
 between the two Houses from motives of 
 respect and good understanding. 2 Hats., 
 242. Were the bill to be withheld from 
 being presented to the King, it would be 
 an infringement of the rules of Parlia- 
 ment. II). 
 
 I When a bill has passed both Houses of , 
 Congress, the House last acting on it noti- 
 fies its passage to the other, and delivers! 
 the bill to the Joint Committee of En- 
 rolment, who see that it is truly enrolled, 
 in parchment]. When the bill is en- 
 rolled, it is not to be written in para- 
 gra))hs, but solidly, and all of a piece, 
 that the blanks between the paragraphs
 
 Bootiv.l JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 51 
 
 may not give room for forgery. 9 (^rey, 
 143. [It is then put into the hands of the 
 Clerk of the House of Representatives to 
 have it signed by the Speaker. The Clerk 
 then brings it by way of message to the 
 Senate to l)e signed by their President. The 
 Secretary of the Senate returns it to the 
 Committee of Enrolment, who present it to 
 the President of the Ihiited States. If he 
 approve, he signs, and deposits it among 
 the rolls in the office of the Secretary of 
 State, and notifies by message the House 
 in which it originated that he has ap- 
 proved and signed it; of which that 
 House informs the other by message. If 
 the President disapproves, he is to return 
 it, with his objections, to that House in 
 which it shall have originated ; who are 
 to enter the objections at large on their 
 journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, 
 after such reconsideration, two-thirds of 
 that House shall agree to pass the bill, it 
 shall be sent, together with the Presi- 
 dent's objections, to the other House, by 
 which it shall likewise be reconsidered; 
 and if approved by two-thirds of that 
 House, it shall become a law. If any bill 
 shall not be returned by the President 
 within ten days (Sundays excepted) after 
 it shall have been presented to him, the 
 same shall be a law, in like manner after 
 he had signed it, unless the Congress, by 
 their adjournment, prevent its return ; in 
 which case it shall not be a law. Const., 1,7.] 
 [Every order, resolution, or vote, to 
 which the concurrence of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives may be neces- 
 sary, (except on a question of adjourn- 
 ment), shall be presented to the President 
 of the United States, and, before the same 
 shall take effect, shall be approved by him ; 
 or, being disapproved by him, shall be re-- 
 passed by two-thirds of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives, according to the 
 rules and limitations prescribed in the case 
 of a bill. Const, 1,1.] 
 
 SEC. XLIX. — JOURNALS. 
 
 [Each House shall keep a journal of its 
 proceedings, and from time to time publish 
 the same, excepting such parts as may, in 
 their judgment, require secrecy. Const., 
 1,5.1 
 
 [The proceedings of the Senate, when 
 not acting as in a Committee of the Whole, 
 shall be entered on the journals as con- 
 cisely as possible, care being taken to de- 
 tail a true account of the proceedings. 
 Every vote of the Senate shall be entered 
 on the journals, and a brief statement of 
 the contents of each petition, memorial, 
 or paper presented to the Senate, be also 
 inserted on the journal. Rule 5. J 
 
 [The titles of bills, and such parts there- 
 of, only, as shall be affected by proposed 
 amendments, shall be inserted on the jour- 
 nals. Rule 5.] 
 
 If a question is interrupted by a vote 
 to adjourn, or to proceed to the orders of 
 the day, the original question is never 
 printed in the journal, it never having 
 t)een a vote, nor introductory to any vote ; 
 but when suppressed by the previous ques- 
 tion, the first question must be stated, in 
 order to introduce and make intelligible 
 the second. 2 Hats., 83. 
 
 So also when a question is postponed, 
 adjourned, or laid on the table, the ori- 
 ginal question, though not yet a vote, must 
 be expressed in the journals ; because it 
 makes part of the vote of postponement, 
 adjourning, or laying it on the table. 
 
 Where amendments are made to a ques- 
 tion, those amendments are not printed in 
 the journals, separated from the question; 
 l)ut only the question as finally agreed to 
 by the House. The rule of entering in the 
 journals only what the House has agreed 
 to, is founded in great prudence and good 
 sense ; as there may be many questions 
 proposed, which it may be improper to 
 publish to the world in the form in which 
 they are made. 2 Hats., 85. 
 
 [In both Houses of Congress, all ques- 
 tions whereon the yeas and nays are de- 
 sired by one-fifth of the members present, 
 whether decided affirmatively or nega- 
 tively, must be entered in the journals. 
 Const., I, 5.] 
 
 The first order for printing the votes of 
 the House of Commons was October 30, 
 1(585. 1 Chandler, 387. 
 
 Some judges have been of opinion that 
 the journals of the House of Commons 
 are no records, but only remembrances. 
 But this is not law. Hob., 110, 111 ; Lex 
 Pari., 114, 115; Jour. H. C, Mar. 17, 1592; 
 Hale, Pari., 105. For the Lords in their 
 House have power of judicature, the Com- 
 mons in their House have power of judi- 
 cature, and both Houses together have 
 power of judicature ; and the book of the 
 Clerk of the House of Commons is a 
 record, as is affirmed by act of Pari., (3 H. 
 8, r. 16 ; 4 Inst., 23, 24 ; and every member 
 of the House of Commons hath a judicial 
 place. 4 Inst., 15. As records they are 
 open to every person, and a printed vote 
 of either House is sufficient ground for the 
 other to notice it. Either may appoint a 
 committee to inspect the journals of the 
 other, and report what has been done by 
 the other in anv particular case. 2 Hats., 
 261 ; 3 Hats., 27-30. Every member has a 
 right to see the journals and to take and 
 publish votes from them. Being a record, 
 everv one mav see and publish them. 6 
 Greif, 118, 119! 
 
 On information of a mis-entrj' or omis- 
 sion of an entry in the journal, a committee 
 may be appointed to examine and rectify 
 it, and report it to the House. 2 Hats., 
 194,1195.
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 SEC. L. — ADJOURNMEXT. 
 
 The two Houses of Parliament have the 
 sole, separate, and independent power of 
 adjourning each their respective Houses. 
 The King has no authority to adjourn 
 them ; he can only signify his desire, and 
 it is in the wisdom and prudence of either 
 House to comply with his requisition, or 
 not, as thev see fitting. 2 Hats., 232 ; 1 
 Blackst., 18(3;; 5 Grey, 122. 
 
 [By the Constitution of the United States, 
 a smaller number than a majority may ad- 
 journ from day to day. 1,5. But " neither 
 House, during the Session of Congress, 
 :*hall, without the consent of the other, ad- 
 journ for more than three days, nor to any 
 other place than that in which the two 
 Houses shall be sitting." I, 5. And in 
 case of disagreement between them, with 
 respect to the time of adjournment, the 
 President may adjourn them to such time 
 as he shall think proper. Const., II, 3.] 
 
 A motion to adjourn, simply, cannot be 
 amended, as by adding " to a particular 
 day ;" but must be put simply " that this 
 House do now adjourn ;" and if carried in 
 the affirmative, it is adjourned to the next 
 sitting day, unless it has come to a pre- 
 vious resolution, " that at its rising it will 
 adjourn to a particular day," and then the 
 House is adjourned to that day. 2 Hats., 82. 
 
 Where it is convenient that the business 
 of the House be suspended for a short 
 time, as for a conference presently to be 
 held, &c., it adjourns during pleasure; 2 
 Hats., 305 ; or for a quarter of an hour. 5 
 Grey, 331. 
 
 If a question be put for adjournment, it 
 is no adjournment till the Speaker pro- 
 nounces it. 5 Grei/, 137. And from cour- 
 tesy and respect, no member leaves his 
 place till the Speaker has passed on. 
 
 SEC. LI. — A SESSION, 
 
 Parliament have three modes of separa- 
 tion, to wit : by adjournment, by proroga- 
 tion or dissolution by the King, or by the 
 efflux of the term for which they were 
 elected. Prorogation or dissolution con- 
 stitutes there what is called a session ; pro- 
 vided feome act was passed. In this case 
 all matters depending before them are dis- 
 continued, and at their next meeting are 
 to be taken up de novo, if taken up at all. 
 1 Black.Ht., 186. Adjournment, which is 
 by themselves, is no more than a continu- 
 ance of the session from f)ne day tf) an- 
 other, or for a fortnight, a month, &c., ad 
 libitum. All matters d('])ending remain in 
 statu quo, and when they meet again, be 
 the term ever so distant, are resumed, with- 
 out any fresh commencement, at the point 
 at which they were left. 1 Lev., 165; Lex. 
 Pari, 0. 2; 1 Ro. Rep., 29; 4 Inst., 1, 27, 
 28; Hutt.JW; 1 Mod.,2r)2; Ru/fh. Jar., L. 
 Did. Parliament ; 1 Blackst., \>iij. Their 
 
 whole session is considered in law but as 
 one day, and has relation to the first day 
 thereof. Bro. Abr. Parliament, 86. 
 
 Committees may be appointed to sit 
 during a recess by adjournment, but not 
 by prorogation. 5 Grey, 374 ; 9 Grey, 350 ; 
 1 Chandler, 50. Neither House can con- 
 tinue any portion of itself in any parlia- 
 mentary function beyond the end of the 
 session, without the consent of the other 
 two branches. When done, it is by a bill 
 constituting them commissioners for the 
 particular purpose. 
 
 [Congress separate in two ways only, to 
 wit : by adjournment, or dissolution by the 
 efflux of their time. AVhat, then, consti- 
 tutes a session with them ? A dissolution 
 certainly closes one session, and the meet- 
 ing of the new Congress begins another. 
 The Constitution authorizes the President 
 " on extraordinary occasions, to convene 
 both Houses, or either of them." I, 3. If 
 convened by the President's proclamation, 
 this must begin a new session, and of 
 course determine the preceding one to 
 have been a session. So if it meets 
 under the clause of the Constitution, 
 which says, "the Congress shall assemble 
 at least once in every year, and such meet- 
 ing shall be on the fir.st Monday in De- 
 cember, unless they shall by law appoint 
 a different day." I, 4. This must begin 
 a new session ; for even if the last adjourn- 
 ment was to this day, the act of adjourn- 
 ment is merged in the higher authority of 
 the Constitution, and the meeting will be 
 under that, and not under their adjourn- 
 ment. So far we have fixed landmarks 
 for determining sessions. In other cases 
 it is declared by the joint vote authorizing 
 the President of the Senate and the 
 Speaker to close the session on a fixed day, 
 which is usually in the following form : 
 " Resolved by the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, that tlie President of the 
 Senate and the Speaker of the House of 
 Representatives be authorized to close the 
 present session by adjourning their re- 
 spective Plouses on the day of ."J 
 
 When it was said above that all matters 
 depending before Parliament were discon- 
 tinued by the determination of the session, 
 it was not meant for judiciary cases de- 
 })ending before the House of Lords, such 
 as impeachments, appeals, and writs of 
 error. These stand continued, of course, 
 to the next session. Raym., 120, 381 ; 
 Ru(]'h. Jac, Ij. 1). Parliament. 
 
 [impeachments stand, in like manner, 
 continued before the Senate of the United 
 States. ] 
 
 SEC. I.II. — TREATIES. 
 
 [The President of the United States has 
 power, by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- 
 vided two-thirds of the Senators present 
 concur. Const., II, 2.]
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 53 
 
 [Resolved, that all confidential commu- 
 nications made by the President of the 
 United States to the Senate shall be, by 
 the members thereof, kept secret ; and that 
 all treaties which may hereafter be laid 
 before the Senate shall also be kej)t secret, 
 until the Senate shall, by their resolution, 
 take off the injunction of secrecy. Rule 
 67.*] 
 
 [Treaties are legislative acts. A treaty 
 is I^tlie law of the laud. It differs from 
 other laws only as it must have the con- 
 sent of a foreign nation, being but a con- 
 tract with respect to that nation. In all 
 countries, I believe, except England, trea- 
 ties are made by the legislative power; 
 and there, also, if they touch the laws of 
 the land, they must be approved by Par- 
 liament. Ware v. Ilylton, 8 DdJlas's Rep., 
 223. It is acknowledged, for instance, that 
 the King of Clreat Britain cannot by a 
 treaty make a citizen of an alien. Vattel, 
 b. 1, c. 19, sec. 214. An act of Parliament 
 was necessary to validate the American 
 treaty of 1783. And abundant examples 
 of such acts can be cited. In the case of 
 the treaty of Utrecht, in 1712, the com- 
 mercial articles required the concurrence 
 of Parliament; but a bill brought in for 
 that purpose was rejected. France, the 
 other contracting party, suffered these ar- 
 ticles, in practice, to be not insisted on, 
 and adhered to the rest of the treaty. 4 
 Russell's Hist. Mod. Europe, 45il ; 2 Smol- 
 Id, 242, 246. 
 
 [By the Constitution of the United 
 States this dcjiartment of legislation is 
 confined to two branches only of the or- 
 dinary legislature — the President originat- 
 ing and the Senate having a negative. To 
 what subjects this power exte^ids has not 
 been defined in detail by the Constitution ; 
 nor are we entirely agreed among our- 
 selves. 1. It is admitted that it must 
 concern the foreign nation party to the 
 contract, or it would be a mere nullity, 
 res inter alias acta. 2. By the general 
 power to make treaties, the Constitution 
 must have intended to comprehend only 
 those subjects which are usually regulated 
 by treaty, and cannot be otherwise regu- 
 lated. 3. It must have meant to excejit 
 oiit of these the rights reserved to the 
 States ; for surely the President and Sen- 
 ate cannot do by treaty what the whole 
 Government is interdicted from doing in 
 any way. 4. And also to except those 
 subjects of legislation in which it gave a 
 participation to the House of Rejiresenta- 
 tives. This last exception is denied by 
 some on the ground that it would leave 
 very little matter for the treaty power to 
 work on. The less the better, say others. 
 
 * Thia nile has been so amended as to except Indian 
 treaties ; which shall be cmisidiTcd and actod upon in 
 open Senate, unless the same sliall he transmitted by the 
 President to the Senate in conJidence. 
 
 44 
 
 The Constitution thought it wise to re- 
 strain the Executive and Senate from en- 
 tangling and embroiling our affairs with 
 those of Europe. Besides, as the negotia- 
 tions are carried on by the Executive alone, 
 the sulijecting to the ratification of the 
 Re]>resentatives such articles are within 
 their participation is no more inconvenient 
 than to the Senate. But the ground of this 
 exception is denied as unfounded. For 
 examine, e. g., the treaty of commerce with 
 France, and it will l>e found that, out of 
 thirty-one articles, there arenotmore than 
 small portions or two or three of them 
 which would not still remain as subjects of 
 treaties, untouched by these excei)tions. | 
 
 [Treaties being declared, equally with 
 the laws of the United States, to be the 
 supreme law of the land, it is understood 
 that an act of the legislature alone can de- 
 clare them infringed and rescinded. This 
 was accordingly the process adopted in the 
 case of France in 1798.] 
 
 [It has been the usage for the Execu- 
 tive, when it communicates a treaty to the 
 Senate for their ratification, to communi- 
 cate also the correspondence of the ne- 
 gotiators. This having been omitted in 
 the case of the Prussian treaty, was asked 
 by a vote of the House of February 12, 
 1800, and was obtained. And in Decem- 
 ber, 1800, the convention that year be- 
 tween the United States and France, with 
 the report of the negotiations by the en- 
 voys, but not their instructions, being laid 
 before the Senate, the instructions were 
 asked for and communicated by the Pres- 
 ident.] 
 
 [The mode of voting on questions of rat- 
 ification is by nominal call.] 
 
 [Whenever a treaty shall be laid before 
 the Senate for ratification, it shall be read 
 a first time for information only; when no 
 motion to reject, ratifv', or modify the 
 whole or any part, shall be received. Its 
 second reading shall be for consideration, 
 and on a subsequent day, when it shall be 
 taken up as in a Committee of the Whole, 
 and every one shall be free to move a ques- 
 tion on any particular article in this form : 
 " Will the Senate advise and consent to 
 the ratification of this article?" or to pro- 
 pose amendments thereto, either by in- 
 serting or by leaving out words, in which 
 last case the question shall be, "Shall the 
 words stand part of the article?" And in 
 every of the said cases the concurrence 
 of two-thirds of the Senators present shall 
 be requisite to decide affirmatively. And, 
 when through the whole, the proceedings 
 shall be stated to the House, and questions 
 be again severally put thereon, for confir- 
 mation, or new ones proposed, requiring 
 in like manner a concurrence of two-thirds 
 for whatever is retained or inserted.) 
 
 [The votes so confirmed shall, by the 
 Hoase, or a committee thereof, be reduced
 
 54 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book IV. 
 
 into the form of a ratification, with or with- 
 out modifications, as may have been de- 
 cided, and shall be proposed on a subse- 
 quent day, when every one shall again be 
 free to move amendments, either by insert- 
 ing or leaving out words ; in which last 
 case the question shall be, *' Shall the words 
 stand part of the resolution ?" And in both 
 cases the concurrence of two-thirds shall 
 be requisite to carry the affirmative; as 
 well as on the final question to advise and 
 consent to the ratification in the form 
 agreed to. Rule 69.*] 
 
 [When any question may have been de- 
 cided by the Senate, in which two-thirds 
 of the members present are necessary to 
 carry the affirmative, any member who 
 voted on that side which prevailed in the 
 question, may be at liberty to move for a 
 reconsideration ; and a motion for a recon- 
 sideration shall be decided by a majority of 
 votes. Rule 20.] 
 
 SEC. LIII. — IMPEACHMENT. 
 
 [The House of Representatives shall have 
 thesole power of impeachment. Const. ,1,Z.] 
 
 [The Senate shall have the sole power to 
 try all impeachments. When sitting for that 
 purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. 
 When the President of the United States 
 is tried the Chief Justice shall preside ; and 
 no person shall be convicted without the 
 concurrence of two-thirds of the members 
 present. Judgment in cases of impeach- 
 ment shall not extend further than to re- 
 moval from office and disqualification to 
 hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, 
 or profit under the United States. But the 
 party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable 
 and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, 
 and punishment according to law. Const., 
 1,3.] 
 
 [The President, Vice-President, and all 
 civil officers of the United States, shall be 
 removed from office on impeachment for, 
 and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other 
 high crimes and misdemeanors. Const., II, 
 4. J 
 
 [The trial of crimes, except in cases of 
 impeachment, shall be by jury. Const., 
 Ill, 2.] 
 
 These are the provisions of the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States on the subject of 
 impeachments. The following is a sketch 
 of some of the principles and practices of 
 England on the same subject : 
 
 Jurisdiction. The Lords cannot impeach 
 any to themselves, nor join in the accusa- 
 tion, l)ecause they arc the judges. Seld. 
 Judic. in Pari., 12, 63. Nor can they pro- 
 ceed against a commoner but on (complaint 
 of the Commons. 7/>.,H4. The Lords may 
 not, by the law, try a commoner for a cap- 
 ital offense, on tlie information of the King 
 or a private person, because the accused is 
 entitled to a trial by his peers generally ; 
 
 ♦This rule hag bince been mudlflod by the U. S. Sonato. 
 
 but on accusation by the House of Com- 
 mons, they may proceed against the delin- 
 quent, of whatsoever degree, and whatso- 
 ever be the nature of the offense ; for there 
 they do not assume to themselves trial at 
 common law. The Commons are then in- 
 stead of a jury, and the judgment is given 
 on their demand, which is instead of a ver- 
 dict. So the Lords do only judge, but not 
 try the delinquent. 7?)., 6, 7. But Woodde- 
 son denies that a commoner can now be 
 charged capitally before the Lords, even by 
 the Commons ; and cites Fitzharris's case, 
 1681, impeached of high treason, where 
 the Lords remitted the prosecution to 
 the inferior court. 8 Grey's Deh., 325-7 ; 
 2 Wooddesov, 576, 601 ; 3 Seld., 1604,1610, 
 1618, 1619, 1641 ; 4 Blackst., 257 ; 9 Seld., 
 1656. 
 
 Accusation. The Commons, as the grand 
 inquest of the nation, become suitors for 
 penal justice. 2 Wood., 597 ; 6 Grei/, 356. 
 The general course is to pass a resolution 
 containing a criminal charge against the 
 supposed delinquent, and then to direct 
 some member to impeach him by oral accu- 
 sation, at the bar of the House of Lords, 
 in the name of the Commons. The person 
 signifies that the articles will be exhibited, 
 and desires that the delinquent may be 
 sequestered from his seat, or oe committed, 
 or that the peers will take order for his ap- 
 pearance. Sachev. Trial, 325 ; 2 Wood., 
 602, 605; Lords' Journ., 3 June, 1701; 1 
 Wins., 616 ; 6 Grey, 824. 
 
 Process. If the party do not appear, 
 proclamations are to be issued, giving him 
 a day to appear. On their return they are 
 strictly examined. If any error be found 
 in them, a new proclamation issues, giving 
 a short day. If he appear not, his goods 
 may be arrested, and they may proceed. 
 Seld. Jud., 98, 99. 
 
 Articles. The accusation (articles) of 
 the Commons is substituted in place of an 
 indictment. Thus, by the usage of Parlia- 
 ment, in impeachment for writing or speak- 
 ing, the particular words need not be 
 specified. Sack. Tr., 325; 2 Wood., 602, 
 605 ; Lords' Journ., 3 June, 1701 ; 1 Wms., 
 616. 
 
 Appearance. If he appear, and the case 
 be capital, he answers in custody ; though 
 not if the accusations be general. He is 
 not to be committed but on special accusa- 
 tions. If it be for a misdemeanor only, 
 lie answers, a lord in his place, a commoner 
 at the bar, and not in custody, unless, on 
 the answer, the Lords find cause to com- 
 mit him, till he find sureties to attend, and 
 lest he should fly. Seld. Jud., 98, 99. A 
 copy of the articles is given him and a day 
 fixed for his answer. T. Ray.; 1 Rushw., 
 268; Fn.st., 232; 1 Clar. Hist of the Reb., 
 379. On a misdemeanor, his appearance 
 may be in person, or he may answer in 
 writing, or by attorney. Seld. Jud,, 100.
 
 BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 
 
 55 
 
 The general rule on accusation for a mis- 
 demeanor is, that in such a state of liberty 
 or restraint as the [)arty is when the Com- 
 mons complain of him, in such he is to 
 answer. lb., 101. If previously committed 
 by the Commone, he answers as a prisoner. 
 But this may be called in some sort judi- 
 cium parium suorum. lb. In misdemean- 
 ors the party has a right to counsel by the 
 common law, but not in capital cases. 
 Scld. Jiul, 102, 105. 
 
 Answer. The answer need not observe 
 great strictness of form. He may plead 
 guilty as to part, and defend as to the resi- 
 due ; or, saving all exceptions, deny the 
 whole or give a particular answer to each 
 article separately. 1 Rush., 27-4 ; 2 Rush., 
 1374; VI Pari Hist.,4A2; S Lords' Journ., 
 13 Nov., 1G43 ; 2 Wood., 607. But he can- 
 not plead a pardon in bar to the impeach- 
 ment. 2 IVood., 615 ; 2 St. Tr., 735. 
 
 Replication, rejoinder, &c. There may 
 be a replication, rejoinder, &c. Sd. Jud., 
 114; 8 Greijs Deb., 233; >Sach. Tr., 15; 
 Journ. H. of Commons, 6 March, 1640-1. 
 
 Witnesses. The practice is to swear the 
 witnesses in open House, and then examine 
 them there ; or a committee may be named 
 who shall examine them in committee, 
 either on interrogatories agreed on in the 
 House, or such as the committee in their 
 discretion shall demand. Seld. Jud., 120, 
 123. 
 
 Jury. In the case of Alice Pierce, 1 R., 
 2, a jury was impaneled for her trial before 
 a committee. Sdd. Jud., 123. But this 
 was on a complaint, not on impeachment 
 by the Commons. Seld. Jud., 163. It 
 must also have been for a misdemeanor 
 only, as the Lords spiritual sat in the case, 
 which they do on misdemeanors, but not 
 in capital cases, /ci, 148. The judgment 
 was a forfeiture of all her lands and goods. 
 /(/., 188. This, Selden says, is the only 
 jury he finds recorded in Parliament for 
 misdemeanors ; but he makes no doubt, if 
 the delinquent doth put himself on the 
 trial of his country, a jury ought to be im- 
 paneled, and he adds that it is not so on 
 impeachment by the Commons ; for they 
 are in loco proprio, and there no jury ought 
 to be impaneled. /(/., 124. The Ld. 
 Berkeley, 6 E., 3, was arraigned for the 
 murder of L. 2, on an information on the 
 part of the King, and not on impeachment 
 of the Commons ; for then they had been 
 patria sua. He waived his peerage and 
 was tried by a jurj' of Gloucestershire and 
 Warwickshire. Id., 125. In 1 H. 7, the 
 Commons protest that they are not to be 
 considered as parties to any judgmentgivcn 
 or hereafter to be given in Parliament. 
 Id., 133. They have been generally and 
 more justly considered, as is before stated, 
 as the grand jury ; for the conceit of Sel- 
 den is certainly not accurate, that they are 
 the patria sua of the accused, and that the 
 
 Lords do only judge, but not try. It ia 
 undeniable that they do try ; for they ex- 
 amine witnesses as to the facts, and acquit 
 or condemn, according to their own belief 
 of them. And Lord Hale says, " the peers 
 are judges of law as well as of fact; 2 
 Hale, r. C, 275 ; consequently of fact as 
 well as of law. 
 
 Presence of Commons. The Commons 
 are to be present at the examination of 
 witnesses, tield. Jud., 124. Indeed, they 
 are to attend throughout, either a.s a com- 
 mittee of the whole House, or otherwise, at 
 discretion, appoint managers to conduct 
 the proofs. Rushiv, T)-. of Straff. , 37 ; 
 Com. Journ., 4 Feb., 1709-10 ; 2 Wood., 614. 
 And judgment is not to be given till they 
 demand it. Seld. Jud., 124. But they are 
 not to be present on impeachment when 
 the Lords consider of the answer or proofe 
 and determine of their judgment. Their 
 presence, however, is necessary at the 
 answer and judgment in cases capital, Id. 
 58, 159 as well as not capital ; 162. The 
 Lords debate the judgment among them- 
 selves. Then the vote is first taken on the 
 question of guilty or not guilty ; and if 
 they convict, the question, or particular 
 sentence, is out of that which seemeth to 
 be most generally agreed on. Seld. Jud., 
 167; 2 Wood., 612. 
 
 Judgment. Judgments in Parliament, 
 for death, have been strictly guided per 
 legem terrse, which they cannot alter ; and 
 not at all according to their discretion. 
 They can neither omit any part of the legal 
 judgment, nor add to it. Their sentence 
 must be secundum, non ultra legem. 
 Seld. Jud., 168, 171. This trial, though it 
 varies in external ceremony, yet differs not 
 in essentials from criminal prosecutions 
 before inferior courts. The same rules of 
 evidence, the same legal notion of crimes 
 and punishments, prevailed ; for impeach- 
 ments are not framed to alter the law, but 
 to carry it into more effectual execution 
 against too powerful delinquents. The 
 judgment, therefore, is to be such as is 
 warranted by legal principles or precedents. 
 6 Sta. Tr., 14 ; 2 Wood., 611. The Chan- 
 cellor gives judgment in misdemeanors; 
 the Lord High Steward formerly in cases 
 of life and death. Seld. Jud., 180. But 
 now the Steward is deemed not necessary. 
 Fast., 144 ; 2 Wood., 613. In misdemeanors 
 the greatest corporal punishment hath been 
 imprisonment. Seld. Jud., 184. The King's 
 assent is necessary in capital judgments, 
 (but 2 Wood., 614, contra,) but not in mis- 
 demeanors. Seld. Jud., 136. 
 
 Continuance. An impeachment is riot 
 discontinued by the dissolution of Parlia- 
 ment, but may be resumed by the new 
 Parliament. T. Ray., 383; 4 Com. Journ., 
 23 Dec., 1790 ; Lords' Jour., May 15, 1791 ; 
 2 Wood., 618.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS.
 
 J
 
 AMERICAI^ POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 EXISTOTG POLITIOAX, LAWS. 
 
 Great Seal of tlie United States. 
 
 In the Continental Congress, on the 4th 
 of July, 1776, after the signing of the De- 
 claration of Independence, and just before 
 adjourning on that day, a committee, con- 
 sisting of Dr. Franklin, Mr. J. Adams, 
 and Mr. Jefferson, was appointed " to 
 
 Srepare a device for a seal for the United 
 tates of America." 
 
 On the 20th of August, 1776, this com- 
 mittee made a report, which was ordered 
 to lie on the table. 
 
 On the 20th of June, 1782, in the Con- 
 gress of the Confederation, the following 
 " device for an armorial achievement and 
 reverse of the great seal lor the United 
 States in Congress assembled," was 
 adopted. 
 
 Arms : Paleways of thirteen pieces, 
 argent and gules ; a chief, azure ; the es- 
 cutcheon on the breast of the American 
 eagle displayed proper, holding in his dex- 
 ter talon an olive branch, and in his sinis- 
 ter a bundle of thirteen arrows, all proper, 
 and in his beak a scroll inscribed with this 
 motto, " E phiribus Unum." 
 
 For the Crest : Over the head of the 
 eagle, which ai)pears above the escutcheon, 
 a glory, or, breaking through a cloud, pro- 
 per, and surrounding thirteen stars, form- 
 ing a constellation, argent, on an azure 
 field. 
 
 Reverse : A pyramid unfinished. In 
 the zenith, an eye in a triangle surrounded 
 with glory, proper. Over the eye, these 
 words : " Annuit cceptis." On the base 
 of the pyramid, the numerical letters, 
 " MDCCLXXVI." And underneath, the 
 following motto : " Nonts ordo seclorum." 
 [Jour. Cong., vol. 4, p. 39.] 
 
 By the third section of an act approved 
 September 15, 1789, to provide for the safe 
 keeping of the acts, records, and seal of the 
 United States, and for other purposes, it 
 was enacted, " That the seal heretofore used 
 
 by the United States in Congress assembled^ 
 shall be, and hereby is, declared to be the 
 seal of the United States." 
 
 The fourth section of the same act pro- 
 vides : " That the Secretary of State shall 
 keep the said seal, and shall make out and 
 record, and shall affix the said seal to, all 
 civil commissions to officers of the United 
 States, to be appointed by the President 
 by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, or by the President alone : Pro- 
 vided, That the said seal shall not be 
 affixed to any commission before the same 
 shall have been signed by the President of 
 the United States, nor to any other instru- 
 ment or act without the special warrant of 
 the President therefor." [Sept. 15, 1789; 
 1 Stat, 68.] 
 
 Relating to the National Flag. 
 
 The first action taken in regard to a 
 national flag is to be found in the proceed- 
 ings of the Continental Congress of the 
 14th of June, 1777, when the following 
 resolution was adopted : 
 
 " Resolved, That the flag of the thirteen 
 United States be thirteen stripes, alternate 
 red and white ; that the union be thirteen 
 stars, white, in a blue field, representing a 
 new constellation." 
 
 This continued to be the national flag, 
 the thirteen stripes and the thirteen stnrs 
 representing the thirteen States, until two 
 " new States " were admitted into the 
 Union ; Vermont on the 4th of March, 
 
 1791, and Kentucky on the 1st of June, 
 
 1792, when Congress passed an act, Janu- 
 ary 13, 1794, making an alteration in the 
 flag of the United State's, which provided 
 "tiiat from and after the fir^t day May, 
 Anno Domini one thousand seven hundred 
 and ninety-five, the flag of the United 
 States be fifteen stripes, alternate red and 
 white. That the union be fifteen stars, 
 white, in a blue field,"
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book 
 
 No further actiou seems to have been 
 taken respecting the flag, until the subject 
 was brought to the notice of the House of 
 Eepresentatives at the second session of 
 the Fourteenth Congress, on the 9th of 
 December, 1816, by Mr. Peter H^ Wen- 
 dover, a Representative from the State of 
 New York ; at whose instance a committee 
 was appointed who made a report, which, 
 however, was not acted upon, and the sub- 
 ject dropped with the close of the session. 
 
 At the next session it was renewed by 
 the same gentleman, who again made a re- 
 port upon the subject, in which he said: 
 The committee are fully persuaded that the 
 form selected for the American flag was 
 truly emblematical of our origin and exist- 
 ence as an independent nation ; but they 
 believe, however, that an|increase in the 
 number of States in the Union since the 
 flag was altered by law, sufficiently indi- 
 cates the propriety of such a change in the 
 arrangement of the flag as shall best ac- 
 cord with the reason that led to its origi- 
 nal adoption, and sufficiently to mark im- 
 portant periods of our national history. 
 
 Referring to the alteration made in the 
 flag by the act of January 13, 1794, he 
 says : The accession of new States since 
 that alteration, and the certain prospect 
 that at no distant period the number of 
 States will be considerably multiplied, ren- 
 der it, in the opinion of the committee, 
 highly inexpedient to increase the num- 
 ber of stripes, as every flag must, in some 
 measure, be limited in size. That under 
 the circumstances they are led to believe 
 no alteration could be made more emble- 
 matical of our origin and present existence 
 than to reduce the stripes of the original 
 number of thirteen, to represent the num- 
 ber then contending for and happily 
 achieving their independence. And to in- 
 ci'ease the stars to the number correspond- 
 ing to the number of States in the Union, 
 and hereafter to add one star to the flag 
 whenever a new State shall be admitted. 
 
 The recommendations of this report were 
 adopted by Congress and embodied in the 
 following act, which was approved April 
 4, 1818: 
 
 AN ACT to establish the flag of the United States. 
 
 Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of 
 Representatives of the United Slates of 
 America in Gont/ress assembled, That from 
 and after the 4tli day of July next, the 
 flag of the United States he tiurteen hori- 
 zontal strij)es, alternate red and wliite, that 
 the Union be twenty stars, white in a blue 
 field. 
 
 Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That 
 0!i the admlHsiou of every new State into 
 tiic Union, one star he added to tlic union 
 of the flag; and that such addition shall 
 take ellect on the 4th day of July then 
 
 next succeeding such admission. [April 
 i, 1818 ; 3 Stat., 415.] 
 
 [From the Kevised Statutes and Supplements.] 
 
 ELECTION OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT AND 
 
 PROVIDING FOR VACANCIES IN THOSE OFFICES. 
 
 Number of Electors now composing tlie 
 
 Electoral College of eacli State. 
 
 Each State shall appoint, in such man- 
 ner as the legislature thereof may direct, a 
 number of electors, equal to the whole 
 number of Senators and Representatives, 
 to which the State may be entitled in the 
 Congress ; but no Senator or Representa- 
 tive or jaerson holding an office of trust or 
 profit under the United States shall be ap- 
 pointed an elector. [Cons., Art. II., Sec. 
 1, cl. 2.] 
 
 Under the foregoing clause of the Con- 
 stitution and the last apportionment of 
 Representatives among the several States, 
 the whole number of electors for President 
 and Vice-President is 369, and the number 
 of electors which each State will be en- 
 titled to choose is — 
 
 Alabama .... 10 
 
 Arkansas .... 6 
 
 California .... 6 
 
 Colorado .... 3 
 
 Connecticut ... 6 
 
 Delaware .... 3 
 
 Florida 4 
 
 Georgia 11 
 
 Illinois 21 
 
 Indiana 15 
 
 Iowa 11 
 
 Kansas 5 
 
 Kentucky .... 12 
 
 Louisiana .... 8 
 
 Maine 7 
 
 Maryland .... 8 
 
 Massachusetts . . 13 
 
 Michigan .... 11 
 
 Minnesota .... 5 
 
 Mississippi. ... 8 
 
 Missouri 15 
 
 Nebraska .... 3 
 
 Nevada 3 
 
 New Hampshire . . 5 
 
 New Jersey ... 
 
 New York .... 35 
 
 North Carolina . . 10 
 
 Ohio 22 
 
 Oregon 3 
 
 Pennsylvania. . . 29 
 
 Rhode Island. . . 4 
 
 South Carolina . . 7 
 
 Tennessee .... 12 
 
 Texas ...... 8 
 
 Vermont 5 
 
 Virginia 11 
 
 West Virginia . . 5 
 
 Wisconsin .... 10 
 
 Time of Appointing Klectors. 
 
 Seo. 131. Except in case of a presiden- 
 tial election prior to the ordinary period, 
 as specified in sections one hundred and 
 forty-seven to one hundred and forty-nine 
 inclusive, when the offices of President 
 and Vice-President both become vacant, 
 the electors of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent shall be a])pointed in each State on 
 the Tuesday next after the first Monday in 
 November, in every fourth year succeeding 
 every election of a President and Vice- 
 President. [See Sec. 5520.] 
 
 [Sec. 5520. If two or more persons in any 
 State or Territory conspire to prevent by 
 force, iiitiinidiition, or tlireat, any citizon wlio 
 is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his 
 support or advocacy, in a legal manner, 
 Idwanl or in favor of the election of any 
 lawfully ipialified person as an elector for 
 President or Vice-President, or as u member
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 of the Congress of the Uuited States, or to in- 
 jure any citizen in person or property, on ac- 
 count of such supi>ort or advocacy, each of 
 such persons shall be punished Ijy a fine of 
 not less tiian five liuiidrod nor more than five 
 thousand dollars, or l)y imprisonment, with or 
 without liard labor, not less than six months 
 nor more than six years, or by both such fine 
 and imprisonment.] 
 
 Tfumber of Electors. 
 
 Sec. L32. The number of electors shall 
 be equal to the luiinber of Senators and 
 Re2:»resentativos to whieh the several States 
 are by law entitled at the time when the 
 President and Vice-President to be chosen 
 come into otHce, except that where no ap- 
 portionment of Representatives has been 
 made after any enumeration, at the time 
 of choosing electors, the number of elec- 
 tors shall lae according to the then exist- 
 ing apportionment of Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Vacancies In the Electoral College. 
 
 Sec. 11)8. Each State may, by law, pro- 
 vide for the filling of any vacancies which 
 may occur in its college of electors when 
 such college meets to give its electoral 
 vote. 
 
 In case of Failure to Elect on the day ap- 
 pointed. 
 
 Sec. 134. Whenever any State has held 
 an election for the purpose of choosing 
 electors, and has failed to make a choice 
 on the day prescribed by law, the electors 
 may be appointed on a subsequent day in 
 such a manner as the legislature of such 
 State shall direct. 
 
 Meeting of the Electoral College. 
 
 Sec. 135. The electors for each State 
 shall meet and give their votes upon the 
 first Wednesday in December in the year 
 in which they are appointed, at such place 
 in each State as the legislature of such 
 State shall direct. 
 
 Certified Lists of Electors to be made. 
 
 Sec. 136. It shall be the duty of the 
 executive of each State to cause three lists 
 of the names of the electors of such State 
 to be made and certified, and to be de- 
 livered to the electors on or before the day 
 on which they are required, by the prece- 
 ding section, to meet. 
 
 Manner of Voting. 
 
 Sec. 137. The electors shall vote for 
 President and Vice-President, respectively, 
 in the manner directed by the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Certificates to he Signed by the Electors. 
 
 _ Sec. 138. The electors shall make and 
 aign three certificates of all the votes given 
 
 by them, each of which certificates shall 
 contain two distinct lists, one of the votes 
 for President, and the other of the votes 
 for Vice-I*resident, and shall annex to each 
 of the certificates one of the lists of the 
 electors which shall have been furnished 
 to them by direction of the executive of 
 the State. 
 
 Certificates to be Sealed and Indorsed by 
 tlic Electors. 
 
 Sec. 139. The elector.'* nhall seal up the 
 certificates so made by them, and certify 
 ui)on each that the lists of all the votes of 
 such State given for President, and of all 
 the votes given for Vice-President, are 
 contained therein. 
 
 Disposition to be made of the Certificates. 
 
 Sec. 140. The electors shall dispose of 
 the certificates thus made by them in the 
 following manner: 
 
 One. They shall, by writing under their 
 hands, or under the hands of a majority of 
 them, appoint a person to take charge of 
 and deliver to the President of the Senate, 
 at the seat of Government, before the first 
 Wednesday in January then next ensuing, 
 one of the certificates. 
 
 Two. They shall forthwith forward, by 
 the post-oflice, to the President of the 
 Senate, at the seat of Government, one 
 other of the certificates. 
 
 Three. They shall forthwith cause the 
 other of the certificates to be delivered to 
 the judge of that district iu which the 
 electors shall assemble. 
 
 In case of Failure to receive the Certificates. 
 
 Sec. 141. Whenever a certificate of votes 
 from any State has not been received at 
 the seat of Government on the first Wed- 
 nesday of January indicated by the pre- 
 ceding section, the Secretary of State shall 
 send a special messenger to the district 
 judge in whose custody one certificate of 
 the votes from that State has been lodged, 
 and such judge shall forthwith transmit 
 that list to the seat of Government. 
 
 Counting the Electoral Votes. 
 
 Sec. 142. Congress shall be in session 
 on the second Wednesday in February 
 succeeding every meeting of the electors, 
 and the certificates, or so many of them a.s 
 have been received, shall then be opened, 
 the votes counted, and the persons to fill 
 the offices of President and Vice-President 
 ascertained and declared, agreeable to the 
 Constitution. 
 
 In case tl»e President of the Sonnti- b«- aliscnt, 
 
 tl»e Certificates are to be dellvertd to 
 
 the Secretary of State. 
 
 Sec. 143. In case there shall be no 
 President of the Senate at the seat of 
 Govenmient on the arrival of the persons 
 intrusted with the certificates of the votes
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [look V, 
 
 of the electors, then such person shall 
 deliver such certificates into the office of 
 the Secretary of State, to be safely kept 
 and delivered over, as soon as may be, to 
 the President of the Senate. 
 
 Mileage of Messengers. 
 
 Sec. 144. Each of the persons appointed 
 by the electors to deliver the certificates of 
 votes to the President of the Senate, shall 
 be allowed, on the delivery of the list in- 
 trusted to him, twenty-five cents for every 
 mile of the estimated distance, by the most 
 usual road, from the place of meeting of 
 the electors to the seat of Government of 
 the United States, computed for the one 
 distance only. \^Act of December 18, 1876.] 
 
 Penalty for Neglect of Duty toy any Mes- 
 senger. 
 
 Sec. 145. Every person who, having 
 been appointed, pursuant to sub-division 
 one, of section one hundred and forty, or 
 to section one hundred and forty-one, to 
 deliver the certificates of the votes of the 
 electors to the President of the Senate, 
 and having accepted such appointment, 
 shall neglect to perform the services re- 
 quired from him, shall forfeit the sum of one 
 thousand dollars. 
 
 In Case of Vacancies In tlie Offices of Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President. 
 
 Sec. 146. In case of removal, death, 
 resignation, or inability of both the Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President of the United 
 States, the President of the Senate, or, if 
 there is none, then the Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives for the time be- 
 ing, shall act as President until the disa- 
 bility is removed or a President elected. 
 
 Kxecntives of the States to be Notified of 
 Vacancies. 
 
 Sec. 147. Whenever the offices of Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President both become va- 
 cant, the Secretary of State shall forth- 
 with cause a notification thereof to be 
 made to the executive of every State, and 
 shall also cause the same to be published 
 in at lea.st one of the newspapers printed 
 in each State. 
 
 Character of the Notification to the Ex- 
 ecutives of the States. 
 
 Sec. 148. The notification shall specify 
 that electors of a President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent of the United States shall be appointed 
 or chosen in the several States as follows: 
 
 First. If there shall be the space of two 
 months yet to ensue between the date ol' 
 Huch notification and the first Wednesday 
 in December then next ensuing, such no- 
 tification shall specify that the electors 
 shall be appointed ortihoscn within thirty- 
 four days preceding such first Wednesday 
 in December. 
 
 Second. It' there sliull not he the space 
 of two months between the dale of such 
 
 notification and such first Wednesday in 
 December, and if the term for which the 
 President and Vice-President last in office 
 were elected will not exjjire on the third 
 day of March next ensuing, the notifica- 
 tion shall specify that the electors shall be 
 appointed or chosen within thirty-four 
 days preceding the first Wednesday in De- 
 cember in the year next ensuing. But if 
 there shall not be the space of two months 
 between the date of such notification and 
 the first Wednesday in December then 
 next ensuing, and if the term for which 
 the President and Vice-President last in 
 office were elected will expire on the third 
 day of March next ensuing, the notifica- 
 tion shall not specify that electors are to 
 be appointed or chosen. 
 
 Time of holding Elections to fill Vacancies. 
 
 Sec. 149. Electors appointed or chosen 
 upon the notification prescribed by the 
 preceding section shall meet and give their 
 votes upon the first Wednesday of Decem- 
 ber specified in the notification. 
 
 Regulations for Q,nadrenuial Elections ap- 
 plicable to Elections to fill Vacancies. 
 
 Sec. 150. The provisions of this Title 
 relating to the quadrennial election of 
 President and Vice-President shall apply 
 with respect to any election to fill vacan- 
 cies in the offices of President and Vice- 
 President, held upon a notification given 
 when both offices become vacant. 
 
 Resignation or Refusal to Accept the Office 
 of President or Vice-President. 
 
 Sec. 151. The only evidence of a refusal 
 to accept, or of the resignation of, the office 
 of President or Vice-President, shall be an 
 instrument in writing, declaring the same, 
 and subscribed by the person refusing to 
 accept, or resigning, as the case may be, 
 and delivered into iJie office of the Secre- 
 tary of State. 
 
 Oath of Senators and'*lE*resldent of the 
 Senate. 
 
 Sec. 28. The oath of office shall be ad- 
 ministered by the President of the Senate 
 to each Senator who shall hereafter be 
 elected, previous to his taking his seat. 
 
 Sec. 29. When a President of the Senate 
 has not taken the oath of office, it shall be 
 administered to him by any member of the 
 Senate.* 
 
 * When the term of a Senator expires while 
 holding the office of I'resident />ro tempore, and 
 he is re-elected, there being no Vice-President, 
 or lie being iibsent at the commencement of 
 the next Session of the kSenatc, the usage has 
 boon, on the first (hiy of tlie session, to direct 
 hy resolution that the oaths be administered 
 to him by a Senator named in the resolution 
 (usually the Senator of longest continuous ser- 
 vice) and that he be chosen President ^ro tern- 
 pore.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 Election of Senators. 
 
 Sec. 14. The legislature of each State 
 which is chosen next preceding the expi- 
 ration of the time for which any Senator 
 was elected to rei)resent such State in Con- 
 gress shall, on the second Tuesday after 
 the meeting and organization thereof, pro- 
 ceed to elect a Senator in Congress. 
 
 Sec. 15. Such election shall be conduct- 
 ed in the following manner : Each house 
 shall openly, by a viva-voce vote of each 
 member present, name one person for 
 Senator in Congress from such State, and 
 the name of the person so voted for, who 
 receives a majority of the whole number of 
 votes cast in each house, shall be entered 
 on the journal of that house by the clerk 
 or secretary thereof; or if either house 
 fails to give such majority to any person 
 on that day, the fact shall be entered on 
 the journal. At twelve o'clock meridian 
 of the day following that on which pro- 
 ceedings are required to take place as 
 aforesaid, the members of the two houses 
 shall convene in joint assembly, and the 
 journal of each house shall then be read, 
 and if the same person has received a ma- 
 jority of all the votes in each house, he 
 shall be declared duly elected Senator. 
 But if the same person has not received a 
 majority of the votes in each house, or if 
 either house has failed to take proceedings 
 as required by this section, the joint assem- 
 bly shall then proceed to choose, by a 
 viva-voce vote of each member present, a 
 person for senator, and the person who re- 
 ceives a majority of all the votes of the 
 joint assembly, a majority of all the mem- 
 bers elected to both houses being present 
 and voting, shall be declared duly elected. 
 If no person receives such majority on the 
 first day, the joint assembly shall meet at 
 twelve o'clock meridian of each succeed- 
 ing day during the session of the legisla- 
 ture, and shall take at least one vote, until 
 a Senator is elected. 
 
 Sec. 16. Whenever on the meeting of 
 the legislature of any State a vacancy ex- 
 ists in the representation of such State in 
 the Senate, the legislature shall proceed, 
 on the second Tuesday after meeting and 
 organization, to elect a person to fill such 
 vacancy, in the manner prescribed in the 
 preceding section for the election of a Sen- 
 ator for a full term. 
 
 Sec. 17. AVhenever during the session of 
 the legislature of any State a vacancy oc- 
 curs in the representation of such State in 
 the Senate, similar proceedings to fill such 
 vacancy shall be had on the second Tues- 
 day after the legislature is organized and 
 has notice of such vacancy. 
 
 Sec. 18. It shall be theduty of the ex- 
 ecutive of the State from which any Sen- 
 ator has been chosen, to certify his elec- 
 tion, under the seal of the State, to the 
 President of the Senate of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 19. The certificate mentioned in 
 the preceding section shall be counter- 
 signed by the secretary of state of the 
 State. 
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- 
 TIVES. 
 
 Sec. 30. At the first session of Congress 
 after every general election of Representa- 
 tives, the oath of office shall be adminis- 
 tered by any member of the House of 
 Representatives to the Speaker ; and by 
 the Speaker to all the Members and Dele- 
 gates present, and to the Clerk, previous 
 to entering on any other business ; and to 
 the Members and Delegates who after- 
 ward appear, previous to their taking their 
 seats. 
 
 Roll ot Representatives Elect to be made 
 by tbe Clerk. 
 
 Sec. 31. Before the first meeting of each 
 Congress the Clerk of the next preceding 
 House of Representatives shall make a 
 roll of the Representatives elect, and place 
 thereon the names of those persons, and 
 of such persons only, whose credentials 
 show that they were regularly elected in 
 accordance with the laws of their States, 
 respectively, or the laws of the United 
 States. 
 
 If there be no Clerk, then the Scrgeant-at- 
 Arms to Act. 
 
 Sec. 32. In case of a vacancy in the 
 office of Clerk of the House of Represen- 
 tatives, or of the absence or inability of 
 the Clerk to discharge the duties imjjosed 
 on him by law or custom, relative to the 
 preparation of the roll of Representatives 
 or the organization of the House, those 
 duties shall devolve on the Sergeant-at- 
 Arms of the next preceding House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 If there be no Clerk nor Ser^eaut-at-Arims, 
 then the Door-keeper to Act. 
 
 Sec. 33. In case of vacancies in the 
 offices of both the Clerk and Sergeant-at- 
 Arras, or of the absence or inability of 
 both to act, the duties of the Clerk rela- 
 tive to the preparation of the roll of the 
 House of Representatives or the organiza- 
 tion of the House shall be performed by 
 the Doorkeeper of the next preceding 
 House of Representatives 
 
 APPORTIONMENT AND REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Number of MeinberM of tl»o lioust- of Re- 
 
 prcsentatlvea. 
 
 Sec. 20. After the third day of March, 
 oightcon hundred and seventy-three, the 
 House of Representatives shall be com- 
 posed of two hundred and ninety [two]
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 three members,* to be apportioned among 
 the several States as follows : 
 
 Kentucky .... 10 
 Tennessee .... 10 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Illinois 19 
 
 Missouri 13 
 
 Arkansas .... 4 
 Michigan .... 9 
 
 Florida 2 
 
 Texas 6 
 
 Iowa 9 
 
 Wisconsin .... 8 
 California .... 4 
 Minnesota .... 3 
 
 Oregon 1 
 
 Kansas 3 
 
 West Virginia . . 3 
 
 Nevada 1 
 
 Nebraska . . . . 1 
 *Colorado . . . . 1 
 
 Maine .... 
 
 . 5 
 
 New Hampshire . 
 Vermont .... 
 
 . 3 
 . 3 
 
 Massachusetts . 
 
 . 11 
 
 Rhode Island . 
 
 2 
 
 Connecticut . . 
 
 . 4 
 
 New York . . . 
 
 . 33 
 
 New Jersey . . 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 . 7 
 .27 
 
 Delaware . . . 
 
 . 1 
 
 Maryland . . . 
 
 . 6 
 
 Virginia . . . 
 North Carolina . 
 
 . 9 
 
 . 8 
 
 South Carolina . 
 
 . 
 
 Georgia .... 
 
 . 9 
 
 Alabama . . . 
 
 . 8 
 
 Mississippi . . 
 Louisiana . . . 
 
 . 6 
 . 6 
 
 Ohio 
 
 . 20 
 
 Kepresentetives of Neiv States. 
 
 Sec. 21. Whenever a new State is ad- 
 mitted to the Union, the Representatives 
 assigned to it shall be in addition to the 
 number two hundred and ninety -two. 
 
 [Since the admission of Colorado two hun- 
 dred and ninety-three.] 
 
 R«ductlou of Representatives under 14rt]i 
 Ameuduieut. 
 
 Sec. 22. Should any State deny or 
 abridge the right of any of the male in- 
 habitants thereof, being twenty-one years 
 of age, and citizens of the United States, 
 to vote at any election named in the 
 amendment to the Constitution, article 
 fourteen, section two, except for participa- 
 tion in the rebellion or other crime, the 
 number of Representatives apportioned 
 to such State shall be reduced in the pro- 
 portion wliich the number of such male 
 citizens shall have to the whole number 
 of male citizens twenty-one years of age 
 in such State. 
 
 Elections to be by Districts of contiguous 
 Territory. 
 
 Sec. 23. In each State entitled under 
 this apportionment to more than one 
 Representative, the number to which such 
 State may be entitled in the Forty-third 
 and each subseipicnt Congress shall be 
 elected by districts composed of contiguous 
 territory ,'and containing as nearly as prac- 
 ticable an equal mmiber of inhabitants, 
 and equal in numl)cr to tbe number of 
 Representatives to which such State may 
 be entitled in Congress, but no one district 
 
 * The State of Colorado was admitted into 
 the Union on the first day of August, 1870, 
 and is entitled to one l{oi)reHentaUvo, making 
 the number two hundred and ninety-three. 
 A new apportionment is now pending, with 
 325 members as the total number. 
 
 electing more than one Representative; 
 but in the election of Representatives to 
 the Forty-third Congress in any State to 
 which an increased number of Represen- 
 tatives is given by this apportionment, the 
 additional Rejiresentative or Representa- 
 tives may be elected by the State at large, 
 and the other Representatives by the dis- 
 tricts as now prescribed by law, unless the 
 legislature of the State shall otherwise 
 provide before the time fixed by law for 
 the election of Representatives therein. 
 
 Uniform Time for holding Elections in the 
 States and Territories. 
 
 Sec. 25. The Tuesday next after the 
 first Monday in November, in the year 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-six, is es- 
 tablished as the day in each of the States 
 and Territories of the United States for 
 the election of Representatives and Dele- 
 gates to the Forty-fifth Congress ; and the 
 Tuesday next after the first Monday in 
 November in every second year thereafter 
 is established as the day for the election 
 in each of said States and Territories, of 
 Representatives and Delegates to the Con- 
 gress commencing on the fourth day of 
 March next thereafter. 
 
 Sec. 1863. The first election of a Dele- 
 gate in any Territory for which a tem- 
 porary government is hereafter provided 
 by Congress, shall be held at the time and 
 places, and in the manner the governor of 
 such Territory may direct, after at least 
 sixty days' notice, to be given by pro- 
 clamation ; but at all subsequent elections 
 therein, as well as all elections for a Dele- 
 gate in organized Territories, such time, 
 places, and manner of holding the elec- 
 tions shall be prescribed by the law of 
 each Territory. 
 
 Elections to Fill Vacancies. 
 
 Sec. 26. The time for holding elections 
 in any State, district, or Territory, for a 
 Representative or Delegate to fill a va- 
 cancy, whether such vacancy is caused by 
 a failure to elect at the time prescribed by 
 law, or by the death, resignation, or in- 
 capacity of a person elected, may be pre- 
 scribed by the laws of the several States 
 and Territories respectively. 
 
 Votes for Representati-res to l3e by 'Written 
 or Printed Ballot. 
 
 Sec. 27. All votes for Representatives 
 in Congress must be by written or printed 
 ballot ; and all votes received or recorded 
 contrary to this section shall be of no 
 effect. But this section shall not apply to j 
 auy State voting otherwise, whose election | 
 lor H('])resentativcs occurs ])revious to the, 
 rt^guiur nu-eling of its legislature next af- 
 ter tlie twenty-eighth day of February,; 
 eighteen hundred and seventy -one.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 9 
 
 WHEN THE PRESIDENT MAY CHANCE THE PLACE OF 
 MEETING OF CONGRESS. 
 
 Sec. 34. Whenever Congress is about to 
 convene, and from the prevalence of con- 
 tagious sickness, or the existence of other 
 circumstances, it would, in the opinion of 
 the President, be hazardous to the lives or 
 health of the members to meet at the seat 
 of Government, the President is author- 
 ized, by proclamation, to convene Con- 
 gress at such other place as he may judge 
 proper. 
 
 PAY OF CERTAIN PUBLIC OFFICERS. 
 Pay of tlie President of the IJiUted States. 
 
 Sec. 153. The President shall receive in 
 full for his services, during the term for 
 which he shall have been elected, the sum 
 of fifty thousand dollars a year, to be paid 
 monthly, and shall be entitled to the use 
 of the furniture and other effects belong- 
 ing to the United States and kept in the 
 Executive Mansion. 
 
 Pay of the Vice-President and Heads of 
 Departiueuts. 
 
 Hereafter the annual compensation of 
 the Vice-President, Secretaries of State, 
 Treasury, War, Navy, and Interior, and 
 of the Postmaster-General and the Attor- 
 ney-General, shall be eight thousand dol- 
 lai's each. [Stat. 11, 48.J 
 
 Pay of the President of the Senate pro tem- 
 pore and of the Speaker of the House 
 of Representatives. 
 
 The President of the Senate pro tempore, 
 when there shall be no Vice-President or 
 the Vice-President shall become President 
 of the United States, shall receive the 
 compensation provided by law for the 
 Vice-President. [Sfat. 11, 48.] 
 
 The pay of the Speaker of the House 
 of Representatives shall be eiglit thousand 
 dollars per annum. [Stat. 14, 323. J 
 
 Pay of Members of Congress. 
 
 The compensation of each Senator, 
 Representative, and Delegate in Congress 
 shall be five thousand dollars per annum ; 
 and in addition thereto, mileage at the 
 rate of twenty cents per mile, to be esti- 
 mated by the nearest route usually traveled 
 in going to and returning from each regu- 
 lar session : Provided, That hereafter, mile- 
 age-accounts of Senators shall be certified 
 by the President of the Senate, and those 
 of Representatives and Delegates by the 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 [Juh/ 28, 1866 ; 14 Stat., 323.] 
 
 Mileage for two sessions only, to be paid 
 in the following manner, to wit : On the 
 first day of each regular session, each 
 Senator, Representative, and Delegate shall 
 
 receive his mileage for one session ; at the 
 beginning of the second regular session of 
 the Congress, each Senator, Representa- 
 tive, and Delegate shall receive las mile- 
 age for such second session. [Aua. 16 
 1850 ; n Stat., 48.] 
 
 On the first day of the first session of 
 each Congress, or as soon tiiereafter as he 
 may be in attendance and ai)ply, each 
 Senator, Representative, and Delegate shall 
 receive his mileage as ncnv allowed by 
 law; and on the first day of the second, 
 or any subsequent session he shall receive 
 his mileage as now allowed. [Dec. 23, 
 1857 ; 11 Stat., 367.] 
 
 A yearly allowance of one hundred and 
 twenty-five dollars for stationery and news- 
 papers is now made to Senators. [March 
 3, 1869; 15 Stat., 284.] 
 
 In all cases of vacancy in either house 
 of Congress, by death or otherwise, of any 
 member elected or appointed thereto, after 
 the commencement of the Congress to 
 which he shall have been elected, each 
 person afterwards elected or appointed to 
 fill such vacancy shall be compensated 
 and paid from the time the compensation 
 of his predecessor ceased. [Juli/ 12, 1862 ; 
 12 Stat., 624.] 
 
 In the event of the death of any Senator, 
 Representative, or Delegate prior to the 
 commencement of the first session of the 
 Congress, he shall be neither entitled to 
 mileage or compensation ; and in the event 
 of death after the commencement of any 
 session, his representatives shall be entitled 
 to receive so much of his compensation, 
 computed at the rate of [three] Jive thou- 
 sand dollars per annum, as he may not 
 have received, and any mileage that may 
 have actuallv accrued and be due and un- 
 paid. [Aug. 16, 1856 ; 11 Stat., 48.] 
 
 That whenever, hereafter, any person 
 elected a member of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives shall die after the com- 
 mencement of the Congress to which he 
 shall have been so elected, compensation 
 shall be computed and paid to his widow, 
 or if no widow survive him to his heirs at 
 law, for the period that shall have elapsed 
 from the commencement of such Congress 
 as aforesaid to the time of his death at the 
 rate of [three] Jive thousand dollars per 
 annum : Provided, hoicever, that compensa- 
 tion shall be computed and paid in all 
 cases for a period of not less than three 
 months : And provided further. That in no 
 case shall constructive mileage be com- 
 puted or paid. 
 
 That the compensation of each person 
 elected, or appointed afterward, to supply 
 the vacancy so occasioned, shall hereafter 
 be computed and paid from the time the 
 compensation of his predecessor is hereby 
 directed to be computed and paid for, and 
 not othenA-ise. [March 3, 1859; 11 Stat., 
 442.]
 
 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 Pay ot tlie Judges of tlie Supreme Court. 
 
 The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court 
 of the United States shall receive the sum 
 of ten thousand five hundred dollars a 
 year, and the Justices thereof shall receive 
 the sum of ten thousand dollars a year 
 each, to be paid monthly. [B. S., s. 676.] 
 
 SUPREME COURT. 
 
 Sec. 673. The Supreme Court of the 
 United States shall consist of a Chief Jus- 
 tice of the United States and eight associate 
 justices, any six of whom shall constitute a 
 quorum. 
 
 Precedence of Associate Justices. 
 
 Sec. 674. The associate justices shall 
 have precedence according to the dates of 
 their commissions, or, when the commis- 
 sions of two or more of them bear the 
 same date, according to their ages. 
 
 Vacancy In the Office of Clilef Justice. 
 
 Sec. 675. In case of a vacancy in the 
 office of Chief Justice, or of his inability 
 to perform the duties and powers of his 
 office, they shall devolve upon the associate 
 justice who is first in precedence, until 
 such disability' is removed, or another 
 Chief Justice is appointed and duly quali- 
 fied. This provision shall apply to every 
 associate justice who succeeds to the office 
 of Chief justice. 
 
 Sessions and Quorum of the Court. 
 
 Sec. 684, The Supreme Court shall 
 hold, at the seat of government, one term 
 annually, commencing on the second Mon- 
 day in October, and such adjourned or 
 special terms as it may find necessary for 
 the dispatch of business ; and suits, pro- 
 ceedings, recognizances, and processes 
 pending in or returnable to said court, 
 shall be tried, heard, and proceeded with 
 as if the time of holding said sessions had 
 not been hereby altered. 
 
 Sec. 714. Wlicn any judge of any court 
 of the United States resigns his office, 
 after having held his commission as such 
 at least ten years, and having attained the 
 age of seventy years, he shall, during the 
 residue of his natural life, receive the 
 same salary which was bv law payable to 
 him at the time of his resignation. 
 
 COURT OF CLAIMS. 
 Appointment and Pay of the Jud|B;ca. 
 
 Sfx\ 104f). The Court of Claims, cstab- 
 lislied by the act of February 24, eighteen 
 hundrecl and fifty-five, shall be continued. 
 It shall consist of a chief justice and four 
 judges, who shall be appointed by the 
 
 President, by and with the advice and 
 consent of the Senate, and hold their 
 offices during good behavior. Each of 
 them shall take an oath to support the 
 Constitution of the United States and to 
 discharge faithfully the duties of his office, 
 and shall be entitled to receive an annual 
 salary of four thousand five hundred dol- 
 lars, payable quarterly from the Treasury. 
 
 Session of the Court. 
 
 Sec. 1052. The Court of Claims shall 
 hold one annual session at the city of 
 Washington, beginning on the first Mon- 
 day in December, and continuing as long 
 as may be necessary for the prompt dis- 
 position of the business of the court. 
 
 Sec. 1057. On the first day of every 
 December session of Congress, the clerk of 
 the Court of Claims shall transmit to Con- 
 gress a full and complete statement of all 
 the judgments rendered by the court dur- 
 ing the previous year. 
 
 Sec. 1058. Members of either house of 
 Congress shall not practice in the Court of 
 Claims. 
 
 PROVISIONS RELATING TO THE TENURE OF CERTAIN 
 CIVIL OFFICES. 
 
 Sec. 1767. Every person holding any 
 civil office to which he has been or herd- 
 after may be appointed, by and with the 
 advice and consent of the Senate, and who 
 shall have become duly qualified to act 
 therein, shall be entitled to hold such of- 
 fice during the term for which he was ap- 
 pointed, unless sooner removed, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
 or by the ajipointment, with the like ad- 
 vice and consent, of a successor in hia 
 place, except as herein otherwise provided. 
 ^ Sec. 1768. During any recess of the 
 Senate the President is authorized, in his 
 discretion, to suspend any civil ofticer ap- 
 pointed by and with the' advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate, except judges of the 
 courts of the United States, until the end 
 of the next session of the Senate, and to 
 designate some suitable person, sul^ject to 
 be removed, in his discretion, by thedesig- 
 nation of another, to perform the duties of 
 such suspended officer in the mean time; 
 and the iierson so designated shall take the 
 oath and give the bond required bv law to 
 be taken and given by the susnended offi- 
 cer, and shall, during the time he performs 
 the duties of such officer, be entitled to 
 the salary and emoluments of the office, 
 no part of which shall belong to the officer 
 susi)cnded. The President shall, within 
 thirty days after the commencement of 
 each session of the Senate, excejit for any 
 office which in his opinion ought not to 
 be filled, to nominate persons to fill all 
 vacancies in office which existed at the 
 meeting of the Senate, whether tempo-
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 11 
 
 rarily filled or not, and also in the place of 
 all oflicers suspended ; and if the tSenate 
 during such session shall refuse to advise 
 and consent to an appointment in the place 
 of any suspended officer, then, and not 
 otherwise, the President shall nominate 
 another person as soon as practicable to 
 the same session of the Senate lor the 
 office. 
 
 Sec. 1769. The President is authorized 
 to fill all vacancies which may happen dur- 
 ing the recess of the Senate by reason of 
 death or resignation, or expiration of term 
 of office, by granting commissions which 
 shall expire at the end of their next ses- 
 sion thereafter. And if no appointment, 
 by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, is made to an office so vacant or 
 temporarily filled during such next session 
 of the Senate, the office shall remain in 
 abeyance, without any salary, fees, or 
 emoluments attached thereto, until it is 
 filled by appointment thereto, by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Senate ; and 
 during such time all the powers and duties 
 belonging to such office shall be exercised 
 by such other officer as may by law exer- 
 cise such powers and duties in case of a 
 vacancy in such office. 
 
 Sec. 1770. That nothing in sections 
 seventeen hundred and sixty-seven, seven- 
 teen hundred and sixty-eight, or seventeen 
 hundred and sixty-nine, shall be construed 
 to extend the term of any office the dura- 
 tion of which is limited by law. 
 
 Sec. 1771. Every person who, contrary 
 to the provisions of the four preceding 
 sections, accepts any appointment to or 
 employment in any office, or holds or ex- 
 ercises or attempts to hold or exercise, any 
 such office or employment, shall be deemed 
 guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be 
 imprisoned not more than five years, or 
 fined not moi'e than ten thousand dollars, 
 or both. 
 
 Sec. 1772. Every removal, appointment, 
 or employment made, had, or exercised, 
 contrary to section seventeen hundred and 
 sixty-seven to seventeen hundred and .sev- 
 enty, inclusive, and the making, signing, 
 sealing, countersigning, or issuing of any 
 commission or letter of authority for or in 
 respect to any such appointment or em- 
 ployment, shall be deemed a high misde- 
 meanor, and ever}^ person guilty thereof 
 shall be imprisoned not more than five 
 years, or fined not more than ten thousand 
 dollars, or both. 
 
 Sec. 1773. The President is authorized 
 to make out and deliver, after the adjourn- 
 ment of the Senate, commissions for all 
 officers whose appointments have been ad- 
 vised and consented to by the Senate. 
 
 Sec. 1774. Whenever the President, 
 without the advice and consent of the 
 
 Senate, designates, authorizes, or employs 
 any jierson to jierform the duties of any 
 office, he shall forthwith notify the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury tlicreof ; and the Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury shall thereupon 
 communicate such notice to all the projier 
 accounting and disbursing officers of his 
 Dei>artment. 
 
 Sec. 1775. The Secretary of the Senate 
 shall, at the close of each session thereof, 
 deliver to the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 and to each of the Assistant Secretaries of 
 the Treasury, and to each of tlie Auditors, 
 and to each of the (Jom])trol]ers in the 
 Treasury, and to the Treasurer, and to the 
 Register of the Treasury, a full and com- 
 plete list, duly certified, of all persons who 
 have been nominated to and rejected by 
 the Senate during such session, and a like 
 list of all the offices to which noniinatioTis 
 have been made and not confirmed and 
 filled at such session. 
 
 Sec. 1760. No money shall be paid from 
 the Treasury to any person acting or as- 
 suming to act as an officer, civil, military, 
 or naval, as salary, in any office, when the 
 office is not authorized by some previously 
 existing law, unless such ofiice is subse- 
 quently sanctioned by law. 
 
 Sec. 1761. No money shall be paid from 
 the Treasury, as salary, to any person ap- 
 ])ointed during the recess of the Senate, to 
 fill a vacancy in any existing ofiice, if the 
 vacancy existed while the Senate was in 
 session, and was by law required to be 
 filled by and with the advice and consent 
 of the Senate, until such appointee has 
 been confirmed by the Senate. 
 
 Sec. 1762. No money shall be paid or 
 received from the Treasurj' or paid or re- 
 ceived from or retained out of any public 
 moneys or funds of the United States, 
 whether in the Treasury or not, to or by 
 or for the benefit of any person appointed 
 to or authorized to act in or holding or ex- 
 ercising the duties or functions of any 
 ofiice contrary to sections seventeen hun- 
 dred and sixty-seven to seventeen lunidred 
 and seventy, inclusive ; nor shall any claim, 
 account, voucher, order, certificate, war- 
 rant, or other instrument providing for or 
 relating to such payment, receipt, or reten- 
 tion, be presented, passed, allowed, ap- 
 proved, certified, or paid by any oflicer, or 
 by any person exercising the functions or 
 performing the duties of any ofiice or place 
 of trust under the United States, for or in 
 respect to such office, or the exercising or 
 performing the functions or duties thereof. 
 Everv person who violates any of the pro- 
 visions of this section shall be deemed 
 guilty of a high, misdemeanor, and shall 
 be imprisoned not more than ten years or 
 fined not more than ten thousand dollars, 
 or both.
 
 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [hook v. 
 
 Election of Senators. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 14. When Senators to be elected. 
 
 15. Mode of election. 
 
 IS. Vacancy occurring before meeting of legislature. 
 
 17. Vacancy during session of legislature. 
 
 18. Election of Senators certified. 
 
 19. Countersign of certificate. 
 
 Sec. 14. The legislature of each State 
 which is chosen next preceding the expi- 
 ration of the time for which any Senator 
 was elected to represent such State in Con- 
 gress shall, on the second Tuesday after 
 the meeting and organization thereof, pro- 
 ceed to elect a Senator in Congress. 
 
 Sec. 15. Such election shall be con- 
 ducted in the following manner : Each 
 house shall openly, by a viva-voce vote of 
 each member present, name one person for 
 Senator in Congress from such State, and 
 the name of the person so voted for, who 
 receives a majority of the whole number of 
 votes cast in each house, shall be entered 
 on the journal of that house by the clerk 
 or secretary' thereof; or if either house 
 fails to give such majoritj' to any person on 
 that day, the fact shall be entered on the 
 journal. At twelve o'clock meridian of 
 the day following that on which proceed- 
 ings are required to take place as aforesaid, 
 the members of the two houses shall con- 
 vene in joint assembly, and the journal of 
 each house shall then be read, and if the 
 same person has received a majority of all 
 the votes in each house, he shall be de- 
 clared duly elected Senator. But if the 
 same person has not received a majority of 
 the votes in each house, or if either house 
 has failed to take proceedings as required 
 by this section, the joint assembly shall 
 then proceed to choose, by a viva-voce 
 vote of each member present, a person for 
 Senator, and the person who receives a ma- 
 jority of all the votes of the joint assem- 
 bly, a majority of all the members elected 
 to both houses being present and voting, 
 shall be declared duly elected. If no per- 
 son receives such majority on the first day, 
 the joint assembly shall meet at twelve 
 o'clock meridian of each succeeding day 
 during the session of the legislature, and 
 shall take at least one vote, until a Senator 
 is elected. 
 
 Sec. 16. Whenever on the meeting of 
 the legislature of any State a vacancy ex- 
 ists in the representation of such State in 
 the Senate, the legislature shall proceed, 
 on the second Tuesday after meeting and 
 organization, to elect a person to fill such 
 vacancy, in the manner ])resoril)ed in the 
 preceding section for the election of a Sena- 
 tor for a full term. 
 
 Src, 17. Whenever during the session of 
 the legislature of any State a vacancy oc- 
 curs in the representation of such Stale in 
 the Senate, similar proceedings to fill such 
 vacancy shall be had on the second Tues- 
 day after the legislature ha.s organized and 
 haa notice of such vacancy. 
 
 Sec. 18. It shall be the duty of the ex- 
 ecutive of the State from which any Sena- 
 tor has been chosen, to certify his election, 
 under the seal of the State, to the Presi- 
 dent of the Senate of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 19. The certificate mentioned in the 
 preceding section shall be countersigned 
 by the secretary of state of the State. 
 
 Salaries. 
 
 1874. — Chap. 11. — AX ACT rei>ealing the increase of 
 salaries of members of Congress, and other officers. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of 
 Representatives of 'the United States of 
 America in Congress assembled, That so 
 much of the act of March third, eighteen 
 hundred and seventy-three, entitled " An 
 act making appropriations for legislative, 
 executive, and judicial expenses of the 
 Government for the year ending June 
 thirtieth, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 four," as provides for the increase of the 
 compensation of public ofiicers and em- 
 ployees, whether members of Congress, 
 Delegates, or others, except the President 
 of the United States and the Justices of 
 the Supreme Court, be, and the same is 
 hereby, repealed, and the salaries, com- 
 pensation, and allowances of all said per- 
 sons, except as aforesaid, shall be as fixed 
 by the laws in force at the time of the pas- 
 sage of said act : Provided, That mileage 
 shall not be allowed for the first session of 
 the Forty-third Congress ; that all moneys 
 appropriated as compensation to the mem- 
 bers of the Forty-second Congress in ex- 
 cess of the mileage and allowances fixed 
 by law at the commencement of said Con- 
 gress, and which shall not have been 
 drawn by the members of said Congress 
 respectively, or which having been drawn, 
 have been returned in any form *o the 
 United States, are hereby covered into the 
 Trcasun,- of the United States, and are de- 
 clared to be the monej's of the United 
 States absolutely, the same as if they had 
 never been appropriated as aforesaid. 
 
 [Note. — The following schedules have 
 been furnished by the First Comptroller of 
 the Treasury, and are introduced here to 
 show the reduction of Salaries made by 
 the above act.] 
 
 Schedules showing the reduction in salaries 
 made hy the act of January 20, 1874. 
 
 Increased by act of March Annual 
 3, 1873. salary. 
 
 Vice-President $10,000 00 
 
 Secretary of State 10,000 00 
 
 Secretary of Treasurv 10,000 00 
 
 Secretary of War....: 10,000 00 
 
 Secretary of Navv 10,000 00 
 
 SecrctarV of Interior... 10,000 00 
 
 Attorncv-General 10,000 00 
 
 I'ostmaster-Gencral 10,000 00 
 
 Assistant Secretaries of State (5,000 00 
 
 i
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 13 
 
 Increated by Act of March 3, 1873. Annual Salary. 
 
 Assistant Secretaries of Treasury 6,000 00 
 
 Assistant Secretaries of Interior (5,000 00 
 
 Speaker 10,000 00 
 
 Senators 7,rm 00 
 
 Members 7,r>00 00 
 
 Delegates 7,500 00 
 
 Decreated by Act of January 20, 1874. Annual Salary. 
 
 Vice-President $8,000 00 
 
 Secretary of State 8,000 00 
 
 Secretary of Treasury 8,000 00 
 
 Secretary of War 8,000 00 
 
 Secretary of Naw 8,000 00 
 
 Secretary of Interior 8,000 00 
 
 Attorney-General 8,000 00 
 
 Postmaster-General 8,000 00 
 
 Assistant Secretaries of State 3,500 00 
 
 Assistant Secretaries of Treasury 4,500 00 
 
 Assistant Secretaries of Interior 3,500 00 
 
 Speaker 8,000 00 
 
 Senators 5,000 00 
 
 Members 5,000 00 
 
 Delegates 5,000 00 
 
 Present Salaries of Officers of tJie Senate. 
 
 Extract from pay-roll of officers, tkc, of 
 United States Senate. 
 
 Capacity. Annual Salary. 
 
 Secretary, including compensa- 
 tion as disbursing-oflicer and 
 
 hire of horses and wagons $6,096 00 
 
 Chief clerk 4,000 00 
 
 Principal clerk 2,592 00 
 
 Principal executive clerk 2,592 00 
 
 Minute and journal clerk 2,592 00 
 
 Financial clerk 2,592 00 
 
 Librarian 2,220 00 
 
 Clerk 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,220 00 
 
 Do 2,100 00 
 
 Do 2,100 00 
 
 Do 2,100 00 
 
 Do 2,100 00 
 
 Do 2,100 00 
 
 Clerk of printing records 2,220 00 
 
 Keeper of Stationer}' 2,102 40 
 
 Assistant keeper of stationery 1,800 00 
 
 Messenger 1,296 00 
 
 Special policeman 1,296 00 
 
 Laborer 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Chaplain 900 00 
 
 Secretary to Vice-President 2,102 40 
 
 Clerk to Committee on Appropria- 
 tions 2,500 00 
 
 Clerk to Committee on Finance.. 2,220 00 
 Clerk to Committee on Claims.... 2,220 00 
 Clerk to Committee on Commerce 2,220 00 
 45 
 
 Capacity. Annual Salary. 
 
 Clerk to Committee on Judiciary 2,220 00 
 Clerk to Committee on Private 
 
 Land-Claims 2,220 00 
 
 Clerk to Committee on Privileges 
 
 and Elections 2,220 00 
 
 Telegraph-operator *100 00 
 
 Serjeant-at-Arms 4,820 00 
 
 Assistant doorkeeper 2,592 00 
 
 Acting assistant doorkeeper 2,592 00 
 
 Postmaster 2,100 00 
 
 Assistant postmaster and mail- 
 carrier 2,088 00 
 
 Mail-carrier 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Superintendent of document-room 2,160 00 
 First assistant in document-room 1,440 00 
 Second assistant in document- 
 room 1,440 00 
 
 Superintendent of folding-room.. 2,160 00 
 
 Assistant in folding-room 1,200 00 
 
 Messenger, acting assistant door- 
 keeper 1,800 00 
 
 Do 1,800 00 
 
 Do 1,800 00 
 
 Messenger 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do '. 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Messenger (uphoLsterer) 1,440 00 
 
 Messenger in charge of store- 
 room 1,200 00 
 
 Laborer in charge of private pas- 
 sage 840 00 
 
 Laborer in charge of ladies' room 720 00 
 
 Chief engineer 2,160 00 
 
 Assistant engineer 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1.440 00 
 
 Do 1,440 00 
 
 Do 1,-140 00 
 
 Conductor of elevator 1,200 00 
 
 Fireman 1,095 00 
 
 Do 1,095 00 
 
 Laborer in engineer's depart- 
 ment .! 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do.!.". 720 00 
 
 * Per month during session^
 
 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 Capacity. Anntud Salary. 
 
 Laborer (skilled) 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Laborer 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Laborer (from October 15, special 
 
 session) 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Messenger to Committee on Ap- 
 propriations, from March 5, 
 1877, to December 31, 1877, at 
 $1,440 per annum; appropri- 
 ated $1,188. 
 
 Present Salaries of Officers of House of Re- 
 presentatives, 1877. 
 
 Capacity. Annual Salary. 
 
 Clerk $4,500 00 
 
 Chief clerk 2,500 00 
 
 Journal-clerk 2,500 00 
 
 Reading-clerk 2,500 00 
 
 Do 2,500 00 
 
 Tally-clerk 2,500 00 
 
 Disbursing-clerk 2,250 00 
 
 File-clerk 2,250 00 
 
 Printing and bill clerk 2,250 00 
 
 Enrolling-clerk 2,250 00 
 
 Assistant to chief clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Assistant en rolling-clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Resolution and petition clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Newspaper-clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Superintendent document-room .. 2,000 00 
 
 Index-clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Librarian 2,000 00 
 
 Distributing-clerk 1,800 00 
 
 Stationery-clerk 1,600 00 
 
 Document-clerk 1,440 00 
 
 Uphr)lsterer and locksmith 1,440 00 
 
 Chief messenger 1,440 00 
 
 Messenger in library 1,4-10 00 
 
 Bookkeeper ." I,(;oo oo 
 
 Clerk ],(;oo oo 
 
 Do ],(;oo 00 
 
 Do i,(;oo 00 
 
 Do 1,G00 00 
 
 Capacity, 
 
 Anntud Salary. 
 
 Laborer 820 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Doorkeeper 2,500 00 
 
 Assistant doorkeeper 2,000 00 
 
 Clerk 1,200 00 
 
 Janitor 1,200 00 
 
 Superintendent folding-room 2,000 00 
 
 Chief-clerk folding-room 1,800 00 
 
 Clerk 1,200 00 
 
 Do.. 1,200 00 
 
 Superintendent document-room 2,000 00 
 Assistant superintendent docu- 
 ment-room 2,000 00 
 
 File-clerk 1,400 00 
 
 Seal-room 1,200 00 
 
 Messenger 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Chief engineer 1,700 00 
 
 Assistant engineer 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Fireman 900 00 
 
 Do 900 00 
 
 Do 900 00 
 
 Do 900 00 
 
 Do 900 00 
 
 Laborer 840 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 720 00 
 
 Do 72000 
 
 Do 600 00 
 
 Do 600 00 
 
 Sergeant-at-Arms 4,000 00 
 
 Clerk to Sergeant-at-Arms 2,100 00 
 
 Paying -teller t« Sergeant-at- 
 Arms 2,000 00 
 
 Messenger to Sergeant-at-Arms... 1,200 00 
 
 P..stniaster 2,500 00 
 
 I'^rst assistant postmaster 2,000 00 
 
 Messenircr 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00 
 
 Do 1,000 00
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 15 
 
 Capacity. AnrmaX Bnlary. 
 
 Messenger 1,000 00 
 
 Stenographer r),000 00 
 
 Do 5,000 OU 
 
 Clerk to Committee of Ways and 
 
 Means 2,500 00 
 
 Messenger to Committee of Ways 
 
 and Means 1,200 00 
 
 Clerk to Committee on Appro- 
 priations 2,500 00 
 
 Messenger to Committee on Ap- 
 propriations 1,200 00 
 
 Clerk to Committee of Claims .... 2,000 00 
 Clerk to Committee on the Pub- 
 lic Lands 2,000 00 
 
 Clerk to Committee on War- 
 Claims 2,000 00 
 
 Clerk at Speaker's table 1,S00 00 
 
 Private Secretary to Speaker 1,800 00 
 
 Disabled soldier 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Do 1,200 00 
 
 Office and Compensation of the President. 
 
 REVISED STATUTES, CHAPTER 2. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 \Tyi. Commencement of term of oflBco. 
 
 lf)3. President's salary. 
 
 154. Vice-Prcsidents's sal.iry. 
 
 IM. Officers of the President's household. 
 
 l.'jri. Duties of the steward. 
 
 167. The steward's bond. 
 
 Sfx". 152. The term of four years for 
 which a President and Vice-President shall 
 be elected, shall, in all cases, commence 
 on the fourth day of March next succeed- 
 ing the day on which the votes of the elec- 
 tors have been given. 
 
 Sec. 153. The President shall receive 
 in full for his services during the term for 
 which he shall have been elected the sum 
 of fifty thousand dollars a year, to be paid 
 monthly, and shall be entitled to the use 
 of the furniture and other effects belong- 
 ing to the United States and kept in the 
 Executive Mansion. 
 
 Sec. 154. The Vice-President shall re- 
 ceive in full for his services during 'the 
 term for which he shall have been elected 
 the sum of ten thousand dollars a year, to 
 be paid monthly. 
 
 Sec. 155. The President is authorized to 
 appoint or employ in his official household 
 the following officers : 
 
 One private secretary, at a salary of three 
 thousand five hundred dollars a year. 
 
 One assistant secretary, who shall be a 
 
 short-hand writer, at a salary of two thou- 
 sand five hundred dollars a year. 
 
 Two executive clerks, at a salary of two 
 thousand three hundred dollars a year 
 each. 
 
 One steward of the President's house- 
 hold, at a salarj' of two thousand dollars a 
 year. 
 
 One messenger, at a saUiry of one thou- 
 sand two hundred dollars a year. 
 
 Sec. 15G. Tlic steward of the President's 
 household sjiall, under the direction of the 
 President, have the charge and custody of 
 and be resiHuisilile for the plate, furniture, 
 and other public property in the President's 
 mansion, and shall discharge such duties 
 as the President may assign him. I See i 
 
 Sec. 157. The steward of the President's 
 household shall, before entering upon the 
 duties of his office, give a bond to the 
 United States for the faithful discharge of 
 his trust. Such bond must be in such sum 
 as the Secretary of the Interior shall deem 
 sufficient, and must be approved by him. 
 
 Provisions Applicable to several Classes of 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 17.").!. President to regulate admissions to the civil service. 
 
 1754. Preference of pereon.'^ disabled in military or naval 
 
 service. 
 ITS,"). Recommendation for employment of such persona. 
 175K. Form of uatli of office. 
 17.'J7. Oiith for certJiin persons. 
 
 1758. Who mav administer oath. 
 
 1759. Custody 'of i.utli. 
 
 1700. Unauthorized office, no salary for. 
 17(il. Appointees to fill VHoanciee diirinp recess of Senate. 
 1702. Salaries to officers improperly holding over. 
 17(>;5. Double salaries. 
 
 1704. Kxtra services. 
 
 1705. Extra allowance*. 
 1700. Officer ip arrears. 
 1707. Tenure of office. 
 
 1 70S. Suspension and filling vRcancies. 
 17o;t. Filling vacancies temporarily. 
 17711. Term of office not to be extended. 
 
 1771. .\ccepting or exercising office contrary to law. 
 
 1772. Removing, appointing, or commissioning officer 
 
 contrary to law. 
 
 1773. Commissions. 
 
 1774. Notification of appointments to Secretary of Trea- 
 
 sury. 
 
 1775. Notification of nominations, rejections, 4c., to Sec- 
 
 retary of Treasury. 
 1770. Removal of office. 
 
 777. Preservation of copies of Statutes at Large. 
 177H. Taking oaths, ackiinwh-dgnients, kc. 
 1770. Restriction ui«'n payments fcir inwhpapcrs, 4c 
 178(1. Failure to make returns nr reports. 
 
 1781. Prohibition upon taking consideration for procur- 
 
 ing contnicig, offices, .Vc 
 
 1782. Upon taking compensation in matters U> which 
 
 Initet) States is a party. 
 
 1783. Persons interested not to act as agents of the gov- 
 
 ernment. 
 
 1784. Prohibition of contributions, presents, 4c., to sti- 
 
 pe riors. 
 
 1785. Punishment for aiding, 4c., in importing or trading 
 
 in obscene lilenitiire. 
 17S6. Proceedings against persons illegally holding office. 
 17s7. Penalty for illegiilly holding office. 
 
 1788. Disbursing officers forbidden to tnido in publio 
 
 funds or property 
 
 1789. Collecting officers forbidden to trade in public pro- 
 
 pi Tty. 
 
 1790. Restriction on payment for serrlces. 
 
 Sec. 1753. The President is authorized 
 to prescribe such regulations for the ad- 
 mission of persons into the civil service of
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 the United States as may best promote the 
 efficiency thereof, and ascertain the fitness 
 of each candidate in respect to age, health, 
 character, knowledge, and ability for the 
 branch of service into which he seeks to 
 enter; and for this purpose he may employ 
 suitable persons to conduct such inquiries, 
 and may prescribe their duties, and estab- 
 lish regulations for the conduct of persons 
 who may receive appointments in the civil 
 service. 
 
 Sec. 1754. Persons honorably dis- 
 charged from the military or naval service 
 by reason of disability resulting from 
 wounds or sickness incurred in the line of 
 duty, shall be preferred for appointments to 
 civil offices, provided they are found to 
 possess the business capacity necessary for 
 the proper discharge of the duties of such 
 offices. 
 
 Sec. 1755. In grateful recognition of 
 the services, sacrifices, and sufferings of 
 persons honorably discharged from the 
 military and naval service of the country, 
 by reason of wounds, disease, or the ex- 
 piration of terms of enlistment, it is re- 
 spectfully recommended to bankers,. mer- 
 chants, manufacturers, mechanics, farmers, 
 and persons engaged in industrial pursuits, 
 to give them the preference for appoint- 
 ments to remunerative situations and em- 
 ployments. 
 
 Sec. 1756. Every person elected or ap- 
 pointed to any office of honor or profit, 
 either in the civil, military, or naval ser- 
 vice, excepting the President and the per- 
 sons embraced by the section following, 
 shall, before entering ujion the duties of 
 such office, and before being entitled to 
 any part of the salary or other emoluments 
 thereof, take ami subscribe the following 
 oath: "I, A B, do solemnly swear (or af- 
 firm) that I have never voluntarily borne 
 arms against the United States since I have 
 been a citizen thereof; that I have volun- 
 tarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, 
 or encouragement to persons engaged in 
 armed hostility thereto; that I have nei- 
 ther sought, nor accei)ted, nor attempted 
 to exercise the functions of any office, 
 whatever, under any authority, or pretend- 
 ed authority, in hostility to the United 
 States ; that I have not yielded a voluntary 
 support to any pretended government, 
 authority, power, or constitution within 
 the United States, hostile or inimical there- 
 to. And I do further swear (or affirm) 
 that, to the best of my knowledge and abi- 
 lity, I will support and defend the Consti- 
 tution of the United States against all ene- 
 mies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear 
 true faith and allegiance to the same; that 
 I take this obligation freely, without any 
 jnental reservation ar purpose of evasion, 
 and that I will w(;ll and faithfully dis- 
 charge the duties of the office on which I 
 am about to enter, so help me God." 
 
 Sec. 1757. Whenever any person who 
 is not rendered ineligible to office by the 
 provisions of the fourteenth amendment to 
 the Constitution is elected or appointed to 
 any office of honor or trust under the 
 Government of the United States, and is 
 not able, on account of his participation in 
 the late rebellion, to take the oath pre- 
 scribed in the preceding section, he shall, 
 before entering upon the duties of his of- 
 fice, take and subscribe in lieu of that oath 
 the following oath : "I, A B, do solemnly 
 swear (or affirm) that I will support and 
 defend the Constitution of the United 
 States against all enemies, foreign and do- 
 mestic ; that I will bear true faith and al- 
 legiance to the same ; that I take this obli- 
 gation freely, without any mental reser- 
 vation or purpose of evasion ; and that I 
 will well and faithfully discharge the duties 
 of the office on which I am about to enter. 
 So help me God." 
 
 Sec. 1758. The oath of office required 
 by either of the two preceding sections may 
 be taken before any officer who is author- 
 ized either by the laws of the United 
 States, or by the local municipal law, to ad- 
 minister oaths, in the State, Territory, or 
 District where such oath may be adinin- 
 istered. [See f 2617.] 
 
 Sec. 1759. The oath of office taken by 
 any person pursuant to the requirements of 
 section seventeen hundred and fifty-six, or 
 of section seventeen hundred and fifty- 
 seven, shall be delivered in by him to be 
 preserved among the files of the House of 
 Congress, Department, or court to which 
 the office in respect to which the oath is 
 made may appertain. 
 
 Sec. 1760. No money shall be paid from 
 the Treasury to any person acting or as- 
 suming to act as an officer, civil, military, 
 or naval, as salary, in any office when the 
 office is not authorised by some previously 
 existing law, unless such office is subse- 
 quently sanctioned by law. 
 
 Sec. 1761. No money shall be paid from 
 the Treasury, as salarj', to any person ap- 
 pointed during the recess of the Senate, to 
 fill a vacancy in any existing office, if the 
 vacancy existed while the Senate was in 
 session and was by law required to be filled 
 by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, until such appointee has been con- 
 firmed by the Senate. 
 
 Sec. 1762. No money shall be paid or 
 received from the Treasury, or paid or re- 
 ceived from or retained out of any public 
 moneys or funds of the United States, 
 whether in the Treasury or not, to or by or 
 for the benefit of any person appointed to 
 or authorized to act in or holding or exer- 
 cising the duties or functions of any office 
 contrary to sections seventeen hundred and 
 sixty-seven to seventeen hundred and 
 seventy, inclusive; nor shall any claim, 
 account, voucher, order, certificate, war-
 
 BOOK V.J 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 IT 
 
 rant, or other instrument providing for or 
 relating to such payment, receipt, or reten- 
 tion, be presented, passed, allowed, ap- 
 proved, certified, or paid by any officer, or 
 by any person exercising the functions or 
 performing the duties of any office or place 
 of trust under the United States, for or in re- 
 spect to such office, or the exercising or 
 performing the functions or duties thereof 
 Every person who violates any of the pro- 
 visions of this section shall be denned 
 guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall 
 be imprisoned not more than ten years, or 
 fined not more than ten thousand dollars, 
 or both. 
 
 Sec. 1763. No person who holds an of- 
 fice, the salary or annual compensation at- 
 tached to which amounts to the sum of 
 two thousand five hundred dollars, shall 
 receive compensation for discharging the 
 duties of any other office, unless expressly 
 authorized by law. 
 
 Sec. 1764. No allowance or compensa- 
 tion shall be made to any officer or clerk, 
 by reason of the discharge of duties which 
 belong to any other officer or clerk in the 
 same or any other Department; and no 
 allowance or compensation shall be made 
 for any extra services whatever, which any 
 officer or clerk may be required to perform, 
 unless expressly authorized by law. 
 
 Sec. 1765. No officer in any branch of 
 the public service, or any other person 
 whose salary, pay, or emoluments are fixed 
 by law or regulation, shall receive any ad- 
 ditional pay, extra allowance, or compen- 
 sation, in any form whatever, for the dis- 
 bursement of public money, or for any 
 other service or duty whatever, unless the 
 same is authorized by law, and the appro- 
 priation therefor explicitly states that it is 
 for such additional pay, extra allowance, 
 or compensation. 
 
 Sec. 1766. No money shall be paid to 
 any person for his compensation who is in 
 arrears to the United States, until he has 
 accounted for and paid into the Treasury 
 all sums for which he may be liable. In 
 all cases where the pay or salary of any 
 person is wit*iheld in pursuance of this 
 section, the accounting officers of the 
 Treasury, if required to do so by the party, 
 his agent or attorney, shall o-eport forth- 
 with to the Solicitor of the Treasury the 
 balance due ; and the Solicitor shall, with- 
 in sixty days thereafter, order suit to be 
 commenced against such delinquent and 
 his sureties. 
 
 Sec. 1767. Every person holding any 
 civil office to whicli he has been or here- 
 after may be appointed by and with the 
 advice and consent of the Senate, and who 
 shall have become duly qualified to act 
 therein, shall be entitled to hold such of- 
 fice during the term for which he was ap- 
 pointed, unless sooner removed by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
 
 or by the appointment, with the like advice 
 and consent, of a successor in his place 
 except as herein otherwise provided. 
 
 Sec. 1768. During any recess of the 
 Senate the President is authorized, in his 
 discretion, to suspend any civil ofiicer ap- 
 pointed by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the Senate, except judges of the 
 courts of the United States, until the end 
 of the next session of the Senate, and to 
 designate some suitable person, subject to 
 be removed, in his discretion, by the de- 
 signation of another, to perform the duties 
 of such suspended officer in the mean 
 time ; and the person so designated shall 
 take the oath and give the bond required 
 by law to be taken and given by the sus- 
 pended officer, and shall, during the time 
 he performs the duties of such officer, be 
 entitled to the salary and emoluments of 
 the office, no part of which shall belong to 
 the officer suspended. The President shall, 
 within thirty days after the commencement 
 of each session of the Senate, except for 
 any office which in his opinion ought not 
 to be filled, nominate persons to fill all 
 vacancies in office which existed at the 
 meeting of the Senate, whether temporari- 
 ly filled or not, and also in the place of all 
 officers suspended ; and if the Senate dur- 
 ing such session shall refuse to advise and 
 consent to an appointment in the place of 
 any suspended officer, then, and not other- 
 wise, the President shall nominate another 
 person as soon as practicable to the same 
 session of the Senate for the office. 
 
 Sec. 1769. The President is authorized 
 to fill all vacancies which may happen dur- 
 ing the recess of the Senate by reason of 
 death or resignation or expiration of terra 
 of office, by granting commissions which 
 shall expire at the end of their next ses- 
 sion thereafter. And if no appointment, 
 by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, is made to an office so vacant or 
 temporarily filled during such next session 
 of the Senate, the office shall remain in 
 abeyance, without any salary, fees, or 
 emoluments attached thereto, until it is 
 filled by appointment thereto by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Senate ; and 
 during such time all the powers and duties 
 belonging to such office shall be exercised 
 by such other officer as may by law exer- 
 cise such powers and duties in case of a 
 vacancy in such office. 
 
 Sec. 1770. Nothing in sections seven- 
 teen hundred and sixty-seven, seventeen 
 hundred and sixty-eight, or seventeen 
 liundred and sixty-nine shall be construed 
 to extend the term of any office the dura- 
 tion of which is limited by law. 
 
 Sec. 1771. Every person who, contrary 
 to the four preceding sections, accepts any 
 appointment to or employment in any 
 office, or holds or exercise?*, or attempts to 
 hold or exercise, any such office or em-
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book V, 
 
 ployment, shall be deemed guilty of a high 
 misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not 
 more than five years, or fined not more 
 than ten thousand dollars, or both. 
 
 Sec. 1772. Every removal, appointment, 
 or employment, made, had, or exercised, 
 contrary to sections seventeen hundred 
 and sixty-seven, to seventeen hundred and 
 seventy, inclusive, and the making, sign- 
 ing, sealing, countersigning, or issuing of 
 any commission or letter of authority for 
 or in respect to any such appointment or 
 employment, shall be deemed a high mis- 
 demeanor, and every person guilty thereof 
 shall be imprisoned not more than five 
 years, or fined not more than ten thousand 
 dollars, or both. 
 
 Sec. 1773. The President is authorized 
 to make out and deliver, after the adjourn- 
 ment of the Senate, commissions for all 
 officers whose appointments have been ad- 
 vised and consented to by the Senate. 
 
 Sec. 1774. Whenever the President, with- 
 out the advice and consent of the Senate, 
 designates authorizes, or employs any per- 
 son to perform the duties of any oflice, he 
 shall forthwith notity the Secretary of the 
 Treasury thereof, and the Secretary of the 
 Treasury shall thereupon communicate 
 such notice to all the proper accounting 
 and disbursing officers of his Department. 
 
 Sec. 1775. The Secretary of the Senate 
 shall, at the close of each session thereof, 
 deliver to the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 and to each of the Assistant Secretaries of 
 the Treasury, and to each of the Auditors, 
 and to each of the Comptrollers in the 
 Treasury, and to the Treasurer, and to the 
 Eegister of the Treasury, a full and com- 
 plete lint, duly certified, of all the persons 
 who have been nominated to and rejected 
 by the Senate during such session, and a 
 like list of all the offices to which nomina- 
 tions have been made and not confirmed 
 and filled at such session. 
 
 Sec. 177<). Whenever any public office 
 is removed by reason of sickness which 
 may prevail in the town or city where it is 
 located, a particular account of the cost of 
 such removal sliall be laid before Congress. 
 [See ?? 47'.i7-i7'.»i).J 
 
 Sec. 1777. The various officers of the 
 United States, to wbom, in virtue of their 
 offices and for tbe uses thereof, copies of 
 tile United States Statutes at Large, pub- 
 lished by Little, Brown and Company, 
 have been or may be distrii)uted at the 
 public expense, by authority of law, shall 
 preserve such copies, and deliver them to 
 their successors respectively as a ]tart of 
 the property apnertaining to the office. A 
 y)rinte<l copy ot this section shall be in- 
 serted in each volume of the Statutes dis- 
 tributtid to any su('h officers. 
 
 Si:c. 1778. in all cases in which, under 
 the laws of the United States, oaths or ac- 
 knowledgments may now be taken or made 
 
 before any justice of the peace of any 
 State or Territory, or in the District of 
 Columbia, they may hereafter be also 
 taken or made by or before any notary 
 public duly appointed in any State, dis- 
 trict, or Territory, or any of the commis- 
 sioners of the circuit courts, and, when 
 certified under the hand and official seal 
 of such notary or commissioner, shall have 
 the same force and effect as if taken or 
 madd by or before such justice of the peace. 
 
 Sec. 1779. No executive officer, other 
 than the heads of Departments, shall apply 
 more than thirty dollars, annually, out of 
 the contingent fund under his control, to 
 pay for newspapers, pamphlets, periodi- 
 cals, or other books or prints not necessary 
 for the business of his office. 
 
 Sec. 1780. Every officer who neglects or 
 refuses to make any return or report which 
 he is required to make at stated times by 
 any act of Congress or regulation of the 
 Department of the Treasury, other than 
 his accounts, within the time prescribed 
 by such act or regulation, shall be fined 
 not more than one thousand dollars and 
 not less than one hundred. 
 
 Sec. 1781. Every member of Congress 
 or any officer or agent of the Government 
 who, directly or indirectly, takes, receives, 
 or agrees to receive, any money, property, 
 or other valuable consideration whatever, 
 from any person for procuring, or aiding 
 to procure, any contract, office, or place, 
 from the Government or any Department 
 thereof, or from any officer of the United 
 States, for any person whatever, or for 
 giving any such contract, office, or place to 
 any person whomsoever, and every person 
 who, directly or indirectly, offers or agrees 
 to give, or gives, or bestows any money, 
 property, or other valuable consideration 
 whatever, for the procuring or aiding to 
 procure any such contract, office, or place, 
 and every member of Congress who, di- 
 rectly or indirectly, takes, receives, or 
 agrees to receive any money, property, or 
 other valuable consideration whatever af- 
 ter his election as such member, for his 
 attention to, services, action, vote, or de- 
 cision on any question, matter, cause, or 
 proceeding which may then be pending, 
 or may by law or under the Constitution 
 be brought before him in his official ca- 
 pacity, or in his place as sucli member of 
 Congress, shall be deemed guilty of a mis- 
 demeanor, and shall be imprisoned not 
 more than two years and fined not more 
 than ten thousand dollars. And any such 
 contract or agreement may, at the option 
 of the President^ be declared absolutely , 
 null and void ; and any member of Con- 
 gress or officer convicted of a violation of 
 this section, shall, moreover, be disquali- 
 fied from holdinjr any office of honor, 
 j)rofit, or trust under the Government of 
 the United States. 
 
 1
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 19 
 
 Sec. 1782. No Senator, Representative, 
 or Delegate, alter his election and during 
 his continuance in office, and no head of a 
 Department, or other officer or clerk in 
 the employ of the Government, shall re- 
 ceive or agree to receive any compensation 
 whatever, directly or indirectly, for any 
 services rendered, or to be rendered, U) 
 any person, either by himself or another, 
 in relation to any proceeding, contract, 
 claim, controversy, charge, accusation, ar- 
 rest, or other matter or thing in which the 
 United States is a party, or directly or in- 
 directly interested, before any Dei)artment, 
 court-martial, Bureau, ofliccr, or any civil, 
 military, or naval commission whatever. 
 Every person offending against this sec- 
 tion shall be deemed guilty of a misde- 
 meanor, and shall be imprisoned not more 
 than two years, and fined not more than 
 ten thousand dollars, and shall, moreover, 
 by conviction therefor, be rendered for- 
 ever thereafter incapable of holding any 
 office of honor, trust, or profit under the 
 Government of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 1783. No officer or agent of any 
 banking or other commercial corporation, 
 and no member of any mercantile or trad- 
 ing firm, or person directly or indirectly 
 interested in the pecuniary profits or con- 
 tracts of such corporation or firm, shall be 
 employed or shall act as an officer or agent 
 of the United States for the transaction of 
 business with such corporation or firm; 
 and every such officer, agent, or member, 
 or person, so interested, who so acts, shall 
 be imprisoned not more than two years, 
 and fined not more than two thousand 
 dollars nor less than five hundred dollars. 
 
 Sec. 1784. No officer, clerk, or employe 
 in the United States Government employ 
 shall at any time solicit contributions trom 
 other officers, clerks, or employes in the 
 Government service for a gift or present to 
 those in a superior official position ; nor 
 shall any such officials or clerical superiors 
 receive any gift or present ofl'ered or pre- 
 sented to them as a contribution from per- 
 sons in Government employ receiving a 
 less salary than themselves ; nor shall any 
 officer or clerk make any donation as a gift 
 or present to any official superior. Every 
 person who violates this section shall be 
 summarily discharged from the Govern- 
 ment employ. 
 
 Sec. 1785. Whoever, being an officer, 
 agent, or employ^ of the Government of 
 the United States, shall knowingly aid or 
 abet any ])erson engaged in any violation 
 of any of the provisions of law prohibiting 
 importing, advertising, dealing in, exhibit- 
 . ing, or sending or receiving by mail, ob- 
 scene or indecent publications, or repre- 
 sentations, or means for preventing con- 
 ception or procuring abortion, or other ar- 
 ticles of indecent or immoral use or ten- 
 dency, shall be deemed guilty of a misde- 
 
 meanor, and shall for every offijnsebe pun- 
 ishable by a fine of not less than one hun- 
 dred dollars and not more than five thou- 
 sand, or by imprisonment at hard labor 
 for not less than one year nor more than 
 ten, or both. [See |§ 2491, 3893.] 
 
 Sec. 178G. Whenever any person holds 
 office, except as a member of Congress or 
 of some State legislature, contrary to the 
 provisions of the third section of the four- 
 teenth article of amendment of the Con- 
 stitution, the district attorney for the dis- 
 trict in which such person holds office 
 shall proceed against him by writ of quo 
 warranto, returnable to the circuit or dis- 
 trict court of the United States in such 
 district, and prosecute the same to the re- 
 moval of such person from office. 
 
 Sec. 1787. Every person who knowingly 
 accepts or holds any office under the 
 United States, or any State, to which he is 
 ineligible under the third section of the 
 fourteenth article of amendment of the 
 Constitution, or who attempts to hold or 
 exercise the duties of any such office, shall 
 be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and 
 shall be imprisoned not more than one 
 year, or fined not more than one thousand 
 dollars, or both. 
 
 Sec. 1788. Every officer of the United 
 States concerned in the disbursement of 
 the revenues thereof who carries on any 
 trade or business in the funds or debts of 
 the United States, or of any State, or in 
 any public property of either, shall be 
 deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and pun- 
 ished by a fine of three thousand dollars, 
 and shall, upon conviction, be removed 
 from office, and forever thereafter be inca- 
 pable of holding any office under the 
 United States. 
 
 Sec. 1789. Every officer concerned in 
 the collection of the revenues of the 
 United States who carries on any trade or 
 business in any public property of the 
 United States, or of any State, shall be 
 deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and pun- 
 ished by a fine of three thousand dollars, 
 and shall, upon conviction, be removed 
 from office, and forever thereafter be inca- 
 pable of holding any office under the 
 United States. 
 
 Sec. 1790. No officer or clerk whose 
 duty it is to make payments on account of 
 the salary or wages of any officer or per- 
 son employed in connection with the cus- 
 toms or the internal-revenue service, shall 
 make any payment to any officer or person so 
 employed on account of services rendered, 
 or of salary, unless such officer or person so 
 to be paid has made and subscribed an 
 oath that, during the period for which he 
 is to receive pay, neither he, nor any 
 member of his family, hius received, either 
 personally or by the intervention of ano- 
 ther party, any money or compensation of 
 any description whatever, nor any prom-
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 ises for the same, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, for services rendered or to be ren- 
 dered, or acta performed or to be per- 
 formed, in connection with the customs or 
 internal revenue ; or has purchased, for 
 like services or acts, from any importer, if 
 affiant is connected with the customs, or 
 manufacturer, if affiant is connected with 
 the internal-revenue service, consignee, 
 agent, or custom-house broker, or other 
 person whomsoever, any merchandise, at 
 less than regular retail market prices 
 therefor. 
 
 Crimes against the Elective Franchise and 
 ClvU Rights of Citizens. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 5506. Preventing, Ac, citizens from voting. 
 6507. Intimidating voters by bribery or throats. 
 6308. Conspiracy to injure or intimidate citizens in the 
 exercise of civil rights. 
 
 5509. Other crimes committed while violating the pre- 
 
 ceding sections. 
 
 5510. Depriving citizens of civil rights under color of 
 
 State laws. 
 
 5511. Fraudulent voting, &c., at elections for Represen- 
 
 tative to Congress. 
 
 5512. Fraudulent registration, Ac. 
 
 5513. What deemed a registration under last section. 
 
 6514. Voting or offering to vote in certain cases prima- 
 
 facie evidence, <Stc. 
 
 6515. Violation of duty by officers of election. 
 
 6516. Obstructing execution of process in civil-rights 
 
 cases, &c. 
 
 5517. Marshal refusing to receive or execute process. 
 
 5518. Conspiracy to prevent accepting or holding office 
 
 under United States, &c. 
 
 5519. Conspiracy to deprive any person of the equal pro- 
 
 tection of the laws. 
 
 6520. Conspiracy to prevent the support of any candi- 
 
 date, &c. 
 
 6521. Supervisor of election, &c., neglecting to discharge 
 
 duties. 
 5522. Interfering with supervisor of election, marshal s 
 or deputies. 
 
 6523. Obstructing verification of registration-lists, &c. 
 
 6524. Receiving or carrying away any person to be sold 
 
 or held as a slave. 
 5525. Kidnapping. 
 652fi. Holding or returning persons to peonage. 
 
 5527. Obstructing execution of laws prohibiting peon- 
 
 age. 
 
 5528. Unlawful presence of troops at elections. 
 
 6529. Intimidation of voters by officers, &c., of Army or 
 Navy. 
 
 6630. Officers of Anny or Navy prescribing qualifica- 
 
 tions of voters. 
 
 6631. Officers, Ac, of Army or Navy interfering with 
 
 officers of election, Ac. 
 
 6632. Disqualification for holding office. 
 
 Sec. 5506. Every person who, by any 
 unlawful means, hind(;r.s, delays, prevents, 
 or obstructs, or combines and confederates 
 with others to liinder, delay, prevent, or 
 obstruct, any citizen from doing any act 
 required to ])e done to qualify liim to vote, 
 or from voting at any election in any 8tate, 
 Territory, district, county, city, parish, 
 townshij), school-district, niunicij)ality, or 
 other territorial sul)divisioii, shall l)e fined 
 not less than five liuiidred dollars, or he 
 impri.soned not less than one month n(»r 
 more tiian one year, or be punished l)y 
 both such fine and imprisonment. [Sec 
 U 2004-2010.] 
 
 Sec. 5507. Every person who prevents, 
 hinders, controls, or intimidates another 
 from exercising the riglit of sulfnige, to 
 whom that right is guaranteed by the fif- 
 
 teenth amendment to the Constitution of 
 the United States, by means of bribery or 
 threats of depriving such person of em- 
 ployment or occupation, or of ejecting 
 such person from a rented house, lands, or 
 other property, or by threats of refusing 
 to renew leases or contracts for labor, or 
 by threats of violence to himself or fami- 
 ly, shall be punished as provided in the 
 preceding section. 
 
 Sec. 5508. If two or more persons con- 
 spire to injure, oppress, threaten, or intimi- 
 date any citizen in the free exercise or 
 enjoyment of any right or privilege secured 
 to him by the Constitution or laws of 
 the United States, or because of his having 
 so exercised the same ; or if two or more 
 persons go in disguise on the highway, or 
 on the premises of another, with intent to 
 prevent or hinder his free exercise or en- 
 joyment of any right or privilege so se- 
 cured, they shall be fined not more than 
 five thousand dollars and imprisoned not 
 more than ten years; and shall, more- 
 over, be thereafter ineligible to any office, 
 or place of honor, profit, or trust created 
 by the Constitution or laws of the United 
 States. [See ^ 5407.] 
 
 Sec. 6509. If in the act of violating 
 any provision in either of the two preced- 
 ing sections any other felony or misde- 
 meanor be committed, the offender shall 
 be punished for the same with such punish- 
 ment as is attached to such felony or mis- 
 demeanor by the laws of the State in 
 which the offense is committed. 
 
 Sec. 5510. Every person who, under 
 color of any law, statute, ordinance, regu- 
 lation, or custom, subjects, or causes to be 
 subjected, any inhabitant of any State or 
 Territory to the deprivation of any rights, 
 privileges or immunities, secured or pro- 
 tected by the Constitution and laws of 
 the United States, or to different punish- 
 ments, pains, or penalties, on account of 
 such inhabitant being an alien, or by reason 
 of his color or race, than are prescribed for 
 the punishment of citizens, shall be pun- 
 ished by a fine of not more than one 
 thousand dollars, or by imprisonment not 
 more than one year, or by both. 
 
 Sec. 5511. If, at any election for Re- 
 presentative or Delegate in Congress, any 
 j)erson knowingly personates and votes, or 
 attempts to vote, in the name of any other 
 person, whether living, dead, or fictitious; 
 or votes more than once at the same elec- 
 tion for any candidate for the same office; 
 or votes at a ])lace where he may not be 
 lawfully cntitK'd to vote; or votes without 
 having a lawful right to vote; or docs any 
 unlawful act to secure an opportunity to 
 vote for himself, or any other person; or 
 by force, threat, intimidation, l)ribery, 
 reward, or offer thereof, unlawfully pre- 
 vents any qualified voter of any State, or of 
 any Territory, from freely excrcijiing the
 
 BOOK y.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 21 
 
 right of suffrage, or by any such means 
 induces any voter to refuse to exercise 
 such right, or comj)els, or induces, by any 
 such means, any officer of an election in 
 any such State or Territory to receive a 
 vote from a person not legally qualiiied or 
 entitled to vote; or interferes in any man- 
 ner with any officer of such election in 
 the discharge of his duties ; or by any 
 such means, or other unlawful means, in- 
 duces any officer of an election or officer 
 whose duty it is to ascertain, announce, or 
 declare the result of any such election, or 
 give or make any certificate, document, or 
 evidence in relation thereto, to violate or 
 refuse to comply with his duty or any law 
 regulating the same; or knowingly receives 
 the vote of any j)erson not entitled to vote, 
 or refuses to receive the vote of any person 
 entitled to vote, or aids, counsels, jirocures, 
 or advises any such voter, person, or of- 
 ficer to do any act hereby made a crime, 
 or omit to do any duty the omission of 
 which is hereby made a crime, or attempt 
 to do so, he shall be j)unished by a fine of 
 not more than five hundred dollars, or by 
 imprisonment not more than three years, 
 or by both, and shall pay the costs of the 
 prosecution. 
 
 Sec. 5512. If, at any registration of 
 voters for an election for Representative or 
 Delegate in the Congress of the United 
 States, any person knowingly personates 
 and registers, or attempts to register, in 
 the name of any other person, whether 
 living, dead, or fictitious, or fraudulently 
 registers, or fraudulently attempts to re- 
 gister, not having a lawful right so to do ; 
 or does any unlawful act to secure registra- 
 tion for himself or any other person ; or 
 by force, threat, menace, intimidation, 
 bribery, reward, or ofier, or promise there- 
 of, or other unlawful means, i)revents or 
 hinders any person having a lawful right 
 to register from duly exercising such right ; 
 or compels or induces by any of such 
 means, or other unlawful means, any of- 
 ficer of registration to admit to registration 
 any person not legally entitled thereto, or 
 interferes in any manner with any officer 
 of registration in the discharge of his 
 duties, or by any such means, or other un- 
 lawful means, induces any officer of regis- 
 tration to violate or refuse to comply with 
 his duty or any law regulating the same ; or 
 if any such officer knowingly and willfully 
 registers as a voter any person not entitled 
 to be registered, or refuses to so register 
 any person entitled to be registered ; or if 
 any such officer or other jierson who has any 
 duty to perforin in relation to such registra- 
 tion or election, in ascertaining, announcing 
 or declaring the result thereof, or in giving 
 or making any certificate, document, or evi- 
 dence in relation thereto, knowingly neg- 
 lecfc? or refuses to perform any duty re(juired 
 by law, or violates any duty imposed by law, 
 
 or does any act unauthorized by law relating 
 to or affecting such registration or election, 
 or the result thereof, or any certifieate, 
 document, or evidence in relation thereto, 
 or if any person aids, counsels, procures, 
 or advises, any such voter, person, or of- 
 ficer to do any act hereby made a crime, 
 or to omit any act the omission of which 
 is hereby made a crime, every such jierson 
 shall be i)unishuble as prescribed in the 
 preceding section. 
 
 Skc". 5513. Every registration made un- 
 der th(! laws of any State or Territory, for 
 any State or other election at which such 
 Representative or Delegate in Congress 
 may be chosen, shall be deemed to be a 
 registration within the meaning of the pre- 
 ceding section, notwithstanding such reg- 
 istration is also made for the purposes of 
 any State, territorial, or niunicijial election. 
 
 Sec. 6514. Whenever the laws of any 
 State or Territory require that the name 
 of a candidate or person to be voted for as 
 Representative or Delegate in Congress 
 shall be printed, written, or contained, on 
 any ticket or ballot with the names of 
 other candidates or persons to be voted for 
 at the [same election as State, territorial, 
 municipal, or local officers, it shall be 
 deemed sufficient prima-facie evidence to 
 convict any person charged with voting, or 
 ofl'ering to vote, unlawfully, under the pro- 
 visions of this (hai)ter, to prove that the 
 pers(m so charged cast or ofiered to cast 
 such a ticket or ballot whereon the name 
 of such Representative or Delegate might 
 by law be printed, written, or contained, 
 or that the person so charged committed 
 any of the oflenses denounced in this chap- 
 ter with reference to such ticket or ballot. 
 
 Sec. 5515. Every officer of an election 
 at which anv Representative or Delegate 
 in Congress is voted for, whether such offi- 
 cer of election be apjjointed or created by 
 or under any law or authority of the Uni- 
 ted States, or by or under any State, terri- 
 torial, district, or municipal law or author- 
 ity, who neglects or refuses to perform any 
 duty in regard to such election required 
 of him by any law of the United States, 
 or of any State or Territory thereof; or 
 who violates any duty so imposed; or who 
 knowingly does any acts thereby unauthor- 
 ized, with intent to afl'ect any such election, 
 or the result thereof; or who fraudulently 
 makes any false certificate of the result of 
 such election in regard to siuh Represen- 
 tative or Delegate ; or who withholds, con- 
 ceals, or destroys any certifieate of record 
 so required by law res])ecting the election 
 of any sueh Representative or Delegate; 
 or who negleets or refuses to make and re- 
 turn such certificate as required by law; 
 or who aids, counsels, procures, or advises 
 any voter, person, or officer to do any act 
 by this or any of the preceding sections 
 made a crime, or to omit to do any duty
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 the omission of which is by this or any of 
 such sections made a crime, or attempts to 
 do so, shall be punished as prescribed in 
 section fifty-five hundred and [ten] 
 [eleven.] [See | 5511.] 
 
 Sec. 5516. Every person who willfully 
 obstructs, hinders, or prevents any officer 
 or other person charged with the execution 
 of any warrant or process issued under the 
 provisions of sections nineteen hundred 
 an 1 eightv-four and nineteen hundred and 
 eighty-five, Title " Civil Rights," or any 
 person lawfully assisting him, from arrest- 
 ing any person for whose apprehension 
 such warrant or process may have been 
 issued ; or rescues, or attempts to rescue, 
 such person from the custody of the officer 
 or other person lawfully assisting when so 
 arrested, pursuant to the authority herein 
 given ; or aids, abets, or assists any person 
 so arrested, directly or indirectly, to escape 
 from the custody .'of the officer or other 
 person legally authorized to arrest the 
 party ; or harbors or conceals any person 
 for whose arrest a warrant or process has 
 been issued, so as to prevent his discovery 
 and arrest, after notice or knowledge of the 
 fact that a warrant has been issued for the 
 apprehension of such persons, shall, for 
 any of such offenses, be subject to a fine of 
 not more than one thousand dollai-s, or im- 
 prisonment not more than six months, or 
 both. 
 
 Sec. 5517. Every marshal and deputy 
 marshal who refuses to receive any war- 
 rant or other process when tendered to 
 him, issued in pursuance of the provisions 
 of section nineteen hundred and eighty- 
 five, Title "Civil Rights," or reftises or 
 neglects to use all proper means diligently 
 to execute the same, shall be liable to a 
 fine in the sum of one thousand dollars, 
 for the benefit of the party aggrieved 
 thereby. 
 
 Sec. 5518. If two or more persons in 
 any State or Territory conspire to prevent, 
 by force, intimidation, or threat, any per- 
 son from accepting or holding any office, 
 trust, or place of confidence under the 
 United States, or from discharging any 
 duties thereof; or to induce by like means 
 any o(Fi(;er of the United States to leave 
 any State, district, or place, where his 
 duties iLS an officer are required to be per- 
 forincfl, or to injure him in his person or 
 property on account of his lawful discharge 
 of the duties of his office, or while en- 
 gaged in tile lawful discharge thereof, or 
 to injure his property so as to molest, in- 
 terrupt, hinilcr, or ini|)('<h^ liini in the dis- 
 charge of his official duties; each of such 
 persons shall be punished hy a fine of not 
 less than fiv(; hundred nor more than live 
 thousand dollars, or by iinprisonmeiit, with 
 or without hard labor, not less than six 
 months nor more than six yi^ars, or l)y botii 
 Buch line and imprlsoumeut. [See i 54U7.J i 
 
 Sec. 5519. If two or more persons in 
 any State or Territory conspire, or go in 
 disguise on the highway or on the premises 
 of another, for the purpose of depriving, 
 either directly or indirectly, any person or 
 class of persons of the equal protection of 
 the laws, or of equal privileges and immuni- 
 ties under the laws ; or for the purpose of 
 preventing or hindering the constituted 
 authorities of any State or Territory I'rom 
 giving or securing to all persons within 
 such State or Territory' the equal protec- 
 tion of the laws ; each of such persons 
 shall be punished by a fine of not less than 
 five hundred nor more than five thousand 
 dollars, or by imprisonment, with or with- 
 out hard labor, not less than six months 
 nor more than six years, or by both such 
 fine and imprisonment. [See ^ 5336.] 
 
 Sec. 5520. If two or more persons in 
 any State or Territory conspire to prevent 
 by force, intimidation, or threat, any citi- 
 zen who is lawfully entitled to vote, from 
 giving his support or advocacy, in a legal 
 manner, toward or in favor of tlie election 
 of any lawfully qualified person as an 
 elector for President or Vice-President, or 
 as a member of the Congress of the United 
 States ; or to injure any citizen in person 
 or property on account of such support or 
 advocacy ; each of such persons shall be 
 punished by a fine of not less than five 
 hundred nor more than five thousand dol- 
 lars, or by imprisonment, with or without 
 hard labor, not less than six months nor 
 more than six years, or by both such fine 
 and imprisonment. 
 
 Sec. 5521. If any person be appointed 
 a supervisor of election or a special deputy 
 marshal under the provisions of Title 
 "The Elective Franchise," and has 
 taken the oath of office as such supervisor 
 of election or such special deputy mar- 
 shal, and thereafter neglects or refuses, 
 without good and lawful excuse, to per- 
 form and discharge fully the duties, obli- 
 gations, and requirements of such office un- 
 til the expiration of the term for which he 
 was apjjointed, he shall not only be subject 
 to removal from office with loss of all pay 
 or emoluments, but shall l)e punished by 
 imprisonment for not less than six months 
 nor more than one year, or by a fine of not 
 less than two hunilred dollars and not 
 more than five hundred dollars, or by both 
 fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the 
 costs of prosecution. |See ^.'i 2011-2031.] 
 
 Si:c. 5522. Every person, whether with 
 or without any authority, ])ower, or pro- 
 cess, or ])retended authority, power, or 
 I»rocess, of any State, Territory, or muni- 
 ei])!ility, who obstructs, hinders, assaults, 
 or hy bribery, solicitation, or otherwise, 
 interferes with or prevents the supervisors 
 of election, or either of them, or the mar- 
 slial or his general or special deputies, or 
 either of them, iu the perl'ormance of any
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 23 
 
 duty required of them, or cither of tliem, 
 or whicn he or they, or cither of them, 
 may be authorized to perform by luiy law 
 of the United States, in the execution of 
 process or otherwise, or who by any of the 
 means before mentioned hinders or per- 
 verts the free attendance and presence at 
 such places of registration or at such polls 
 of election, or full and free access and 
 egress to and from any such place of regis- 
 tration or poll of election, or in going to 
 and from any such place of registration or 
 poll of election, or to and from any room, 
 where any such registration or election or 
 canvass of votes, or of making any returns 
 or certificates thereof, may be had, or who 
 molests, interferes with, removes, or ejects 
 from any such place of registration or poll 
 of election, or of canvassing votes cast 
 thereat, or of making returns or certifi- 
 cates thereof, any supervisor of election, 
 the marshal, or his general or special dej)- 
 iitiea, or either of them ; or who threatens, 
 or altempts, or offers so to do, or refuses or 
 neglects to aid and assist any supervisor of 
 election, or the marshal or his general or 
 special deputies, or either of them, in the 
 performance of his or their duties, when 
 required by him or them, or either of them, 
 to give such aid and assistance, shall be 
 liable to instant arrest Avithout process, 
 and shall be punished by imprisonment 
 not more than two years, or by a fine of 
 not more than three thousand dollars, or 
 by both such fine and imprisonment, and 
 shall pay the cost of the jjrosecution. 
 
 Skc. 5523. Everyperson who, during the 
 progress of any verification of any list of 
 the persons who may have registered or 
 voted, which is had or made under any of 
 the provisions of Title "The Elective 
 Franchise," refuses to answer, or refrains 
 from answering, or, answering, knowingly 
 gives false information in respect to any in- 
 quiry lawfully made, shall be punishable 
 by imi>risonment for not more than thirty 
 days, or by a fine of not more than one 
 hundred dollars, or by both, and shall pay 
 the costs of the prosecution. [See g§ 2016, 
 2026.] 
 
 Sec. 5524. Ever)' master or owner or 
 person having charge of any vessel who 
 receives on board any other person, with 
 the knowledge or intent that such person 
 is to be carried from any State, Territory, 
 or district of the United States to a foreign 
 country, state, or place, to l)e held or sold 
 as a slave, or carries away from any State, 
 Territory, or district of the Unitecl States 
 any such person, with the intent that he 
 may be so held or sold as a slave, shall be 
 punished by a fine of not more tlian five 
 thousand nor less than five hundred dol- 
 lars, or by imprisonment not more than 
 five years, or by both. [See ^ 5879.] 
 
 Sec. 5525. Even.' person who kidnaps 
 or carries away any other person, with the 
 
 intent that such other person be sold into 
 involuntary servitude, or held a.s a slave ; 
 or who entices, persuades, or induces any 
 other person to go on b(jard any vessel or 
 to any other place with the intent that he 
 may be made or held as a slave, or sent 
 out of the country to be so made or held ; 
 or who in any way knowingly aids in 
 causing any other person to be held, sold, 
 or carried away to be held or sold as a slave, 
 shall be jjunished by a fine of not less than 
 five hundred nor more than five thousand 
 (lollars, or by imprisonment not nnjre than 
 five years, or by both, [See ^ 5875. J 
 
 Sec. 5526. Every person who holds, 
 arrests, returns, or causes to be held, 
 arrested, or returned, or in any manner aids 
 in the arrest or return of any i>erson to a 
 condition of peonage, shall be punished by 
 a fine of not less than one thousand nor 
 more than five thousand dollars, or by im- 
 prisonment not less than one year nor 
 more than five years, or by both. (See ? 
 1990.] 
 
 Sec. 5527. Every person who obstructs 
 or attempts to obstruct, or in any way 
 interferes with, or prevents the enlbrce- 
 ment of, the preceding section, shall be 
 liable to the pains and penalties therein 
 prescribed. [See ^ 1991. J 
 
 Sec. 6528. Everj- officer of the Army «r 
 Navy, or other person in the civil, military, 
 or naval service of the United States, who 
 orders, brings, keeps, or has under his 
 authority or control, any troops or armed 
 men at any place where a general or 
 special election is held in any State, unless 
 such force be necessary to' repel armed 
 enemies of the United States or to keep 
 the peace at the polls, shall be fined not 
 niore than five thousand dollars, aiul suffer 
 imprisonment at hard labor not less than 
 three months nor more than five years. 
 [See g 2002.] 
 
 Sec. 5529. Every officer or other person 
 in the militarj' or naval service who, by- 
 force, threat, intimidation, order, advice, 
 or otherwise, prevents, or attempts to pre- 
 vent, any qualified voter of any State 
 from freely exercising the right of suffrage 
 at any general or special election in such 
 State, shall be fined not more than five 
 thousand dollars, and im])risoned at hard 
 labor not more than five years. [See 3 
 2003.] 
 
 Sec. 5530. Every officer of the Army or 
 Navy who prescribes or fixes, or attempts 
 to prescribe or fix, whether by j>roclama- 
 tion, order, or otherwise, the qualifications 
 of voters at any election in any State, shall 
 be punished as j)rovided in tlie preceding 
 section. [See ^ 2008.] 
 
 Sec. 5581. Every officer or other person 
 in the military or naval service wlio, by 
 force, threat, intimidation, order, or other- 
 wise, coni]»els, or attempts to compel, any 
 officer holding an election in any State to
 
 24 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 receive a vote from a person not legally 
 qualified to vote, or who imposes, or 
 attempts to impose, any regulations for 
 conducting any general or special election 
 in a State different from those prescribed 
 by law, or who interferes in any manner 
 with any officer of an election in the dis- 
 charge of his duty, shall be punished as 
 provided in section fifty-five hundred and 
 twenty-nine. 
 
 Sec. 5532. Every person convicted of 
 any of the offences specified in the five 
 preceding sections, shall, in addition to 
 the punishments therein severally pre- 
 scribed, be disqualified from holding any 
 office of honor, profit, or trust under the 
 United States ; but nothing in those sec- 
 tions shall be construed to prevent any 
 officer, soldier, sailor, or marine from exer- 
 cising the right of suffrage in any election 
 district to which he may belong, if other- 
 wise qualified according to the laws of the 
 State in which he offers to vote. 
 
 Immigration. 
 
 21.i8. Cooly-trade prohibited. 
 
 21.J9. Vegsi'ls employed in cooly-trade shall be forfeited. 
 
 2160. Building veesela to engage in cooly-trade, how pun- 
 
 ished. 
 
 2161. Punishment for violation of section 2158. 
 
 2162. This Title not to interfere with voluntary emigra- 
 
 tion. 
 
 2163. Examination of vessels. 
 
 2164. No charge upon particular persons immigrating, &c. 
 
 Sec. 2158. No citizen of the United 
 States, or foreigner coming into or residing 
 within the same, shall, for himself or for 
 any other person, either as master, factor, 
 owner, or otherwise, build, equip, load, or 
 otherwise prepare, any vessel, registered, 
 enrolled, or licensed, in the United States, 
 for the purpose of procuring from any port 
 or place the subjects of China, Japan, or of 
 any other oriental country, known as 
 " coolies," to be transported to any foreign 
 port, or place, to be disposed of, or sold, 
 or transferred, for any time, as servants or 
 apprentices, or to be held to service or 
 labor. 
 
 Sec. 2159. If any vessel, belonging in 
 whole or in part to a citizen of the United 
 States, and registered, enrolled, or other- 
 wise licensed therein, be employed in the 
 " cooly-trade," so called, contrary to the 
 provisions of the preceding section, such 
 vessel, her tiickle, apparel, furniture, and 
 other ajjpurtenances, shall lie forfeited to 
 the United States, and shall l)e liable to be 
 seized, prosecuted, luid condenineil in any 
 of the circuit courts or district c(»urts of tlio 
 United States for the district where the 
 vessel may be found, seized, or carried. 
 
 Sec. 21(30. Every j)er.Hon who so l)uilds, 
 fits out, equips, loads, or otherwise pre- 
 jiares, or who .sends to sea, or navigates, as 
 owner, ma.ster, factor, agent, or otherwise, 
 any vessel, lielonging in wlioh^ or in part 
 to a citizen of the United States, or regis- 
 
 tered, enrolled, or licensed within the same, 
 knowing or intending that such vessel is to 
 be or may be employed in that trade, con- 
 trary to the provisions of section twenty- 
 one hundred and fifty-eight, shall be liable 
 to a fine not exceeding two thousand dol- 
 lars, and be imprisoned not exceeding one 
 year. 
 
 Sec. 2161. Every citizen of the United 
 States who, contrary to the provisions of 
 section twenty-one hundred and fifty-eight, 
 takes on board of any vessel, or receives 
 or transports any such subjects as are de- 
 scribed in that section, for the purpose of 
 disposing of them in any way as therein 
 prohibited, shall be liable to a fine not ex- 
 ceeding two thousand dollars and be im- 
 prisoned not exceeding one year. 
 
 Sec. 2162. Nothing herein contained 
 shall be deemed to apply to any voluntary 
 emigration of the subjects specified in sec- 
 tion twenty-one hundred and fifty-eight, 
 or to any vessel carrying such person as 
 passenger on board the same, but a certifi- 
 cate shall be jirepared and signed by the 
 consul or consular agent of the United 
 States residing at the port from which such 
 vessel may take her departure, containing 
 the name of such person, and setting forth 
 the fact of his voluntary emigration from 
 such port, which certificate shall be given 
 to the master of such vessel ; and the same 
 shall not be given until such consul or con- 
 sular agent is first personally satisfied by 
 evidence of the truth of the facts therein 
 contained. 
 
 Sec. 2163. The President is empowered, 
 in such way and at such time as he may 
 judge proper, to direct the vessels of the 
 United States, and the masters and com- 
 manders thereof, to examine all vessels 
 navigated or owned in whole or in part by 
 citizens of the United States, and regis- 
 tered, enrolled, or licensed under the laws 
 thereof, whenever, in the judgment of 
 such master or commanding officer, rea- 
 sonable cause exists to believe that such 
 vessel has on board any subjects of China, 
 .Japan, or other oriental countrj', known as 
 " coolies ; " and, upon sufficient proof that 
 such vessel is employed in violation of the 
 preceding provisions, to cause her to be 
 carried, with her officers and crew, into 
 any port or district within the United 
 States, and delivered to the marshal of such 
 district, to be held and disposed of accord- 
 ing to law. 
 
 Sec. 2164. No tax or charge shall be im- 
 })osed or enforced by any State upon any 
 I)erson immigrating thereto from a foreign 
 eountr}', which is not equally imposed and 
 enforceil upon every jierson iniinigrating 
 to such State from any other foreign 
 country. 
 
 Natnrallzatlon. ' 
 
 Soc. 
 
 ViirLl. Aliens, how naturiili/.cd. 
 
 216G. Aliens honoralily dibchargod from military eorvlo*.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 25 
 
 21fi7. Minor rcaldcntd. 
 21f>8. Widow iiiiil (.liildrenof dfclaranta. 
 2It>9. Alieiia of African nativity and di-gci-nt. 
 2170. Ki'siduncu of five yean in United States. 
 2171 Alien enemies not admitted. 
 
 2172. Ctiildren of |)eri)ond naturalized under certain laws 
 
 to be citizens. 
 
 2173. Police court of District of Columbia haa no power 
 
 to naturalize foreiKnera 
 
 2174. Naturalization of seamen. 
 
 Sec. 2165. An alien may be admitted to 
 become a citizen of the United States in 
 the following manner, and not otherwi.se : 
 
 First. He shall dechire on oath, before 
 a circuit or di.strict court of tlie United 
 States, or a district or supreme court of the 
 Territories, or a court of record of any of 
 the States having common-law jurisdic- 
 tion, and a seal and clerk, two years, at 
 least, prior to his admission, that it is bona 
 fide his intention to become a citizen of 
 the United States, and to renounce forever 
 all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign 
 prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, 
 and, particularly, by name, to the prince, 
 potentate, state, or sovereignty of which 
 the alien may be at the time a citizen or 
 subject. 
 
 Second. He shall, at the time of his ap- 
 plication to be admitted, declare, on oath, 
 Defore some one of the courts above speci- 
 fied, that he will supi^ort the Constitution 
 of the United States, and that he abso- 
 lutely and entirely renounces and abjures 
 all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign 
 prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty ; 
 and, particularly, by name, to the prince, 
 potentate, state, or sovereignty of which he 
 wa.s before a citizen or subject; which pro- 
 ceedings shall be recorded by the clerk of 
 the court. 
 
 Third. It shall be made to appear to the 
 satisfaction of the court admitting .such 
 alien that he has resided within the United 
 States five years at least, and within the 
 State or Territorj' where such court is at 
 the time held, one year at lea.st ; and that 
 during that time he has behaved as a man 
 of good moral character, attached to the 
 principles of the Constitution of the Uni- 
 ted States, and well 'disposed to the good 
 order and happiness of the same ; but the 
 oath of the applicant shall in no case be 
 allowed to prove his residence. 
 
 Fourth. In case the alien applying to be 
 admitted to citizenship has borne any he- 
 reditary title, or been of any of the orders 
 of nobility in the kingdom or state from 
 which he came, he shall, in addition to the 
 above requisites, make an express renun- 
 ciation of his title or order of nobility in 
 the court to which his application is made, 
 and his renunciation shall be recorded in 
 the court. 
 
 Fifth. Any alien who was residing with- 
 in the limits and under the jurisdiction of 
 the United States before the twenty-ninth 
 day of January-, one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and ninety-five, may be admitted to 
 
 become a citizen, on due proof made to 
 some one of the courts above specified, that 
 he has resided two years, at lea.st, within 
 the jurisdiction of the United States, ami 
 one year, at lea.st, immediately preceding 
 his aj)nlication, within the State or Terri- 
 tory wliere such court is at the time held ; 
 and on his declaring on oath that he will 
 support the Constitution of the United 
 States, and that he absolutely and en- 
 tirely renounces and abjures all allegiance 
 and fidelity to any foreign prince, poten- 
 tate, state, or sovereignty, and, particularly, 
 by name, to the prince, potentate, state, 
 or sovereignty whereof he was before a 
 citizen or subject ; and, also, on its ap- 
 pearing to the satisfaction of the court, 
 that during such term of two years he 
 has behaved as a man of good moral 
 chiracter, attached to the Constitution of 
 the United States, and well disposed to the 
 good order and happiness of the same ; 
 and where the alien, applying for admis- 
 sion to citizenship, has borne any heredi- 
 tary title, or been of any of the orders of 
 nobility in the kingdom or state from 
 which he came, on his, moreover, making 
 in the court an express renunciation of his 
 title or order of nobility. All of the pro- 
 ceedings, required in this condition to be 
 performed in the court, shall be recorded 
 by the clerk thereof. 
 
 Sixth. Any alien who was residing 
 within the limits and under the jurisdic- 
 tion of the United States, between the 
 eighteenth day of June, one thousand 
 seven hundred and ninety-eight, and the 
 eighteenth day of June, one thousand 
 eight hundred and twelve, and who has 
 continued to reside within the same, may 
 l)e admitted to become a citizen of the 
 United States without having made any 
 previous declaration of his intention to 
 become such ; but whenever any person, 
 withoiit a certificate of such declaration of 
 intention, makes application to be admit- 
 ted a citizen, it must be proved to the 
 satisfaction of the court, that the applicant 
 was residing within the limits and under 
 the jurisdiction of the United States before 
 the eighteenth day of June, one thousand 
 eight hundred and twelve, and has con- 
 tinued to reside within the same; and the 
 residence of the applicant within the 
 limits and under the jurisdiction of the 
 United States, for at least five years im- 
 mediately preceding the time of such ap- 
 plication, must be proyed by the oath of 
 citizens of the United States, which citi- 
 zens shall be named in the record as wit- 
 nesses ; and such continued residence 
 within the limits and under the jurisdic- 
 tion of the United States, when .satisfac- 
 torily proved, and the place where the 
 applicant has resided for at least five years, 
 shall he stated and set forth, together with 
 the names of such citizens, in the record
 
 26 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book t. 
 
 of the court admitting the applicant ; 
 otherwise the same shall not entitle tiim 
 to be considered and deemed a citizen of 
 the United States. [Be it enacted by the 
 Senate and House of Representatives of 
 the United States of America in Congress 
 assembled, That the declaration of inten- 
 tion to become a citizen of the United 
 States, required by section two thousand 
 one hunilred and sixty-five of the Revised 
 Statutes of the United States, may be made 
 by an alien before the clerk of any of the 
 courts named in said section two thousand 
 one hundred and sixty-five ; and all such 
 declarations heretofore made before any 
 such clerk are hereby declared as legal 
 and valid as if made before one of the 
 courts named in said section.] 
 
 Sec. 2166. Any alien, of the age of 
 twenty-one years and upward, who has 
 enlisted, or may enlist, in the armies of 
 the United States, either the regular or 
 the volunteer forces, and has been, or may 
 be hereafter, honorably discharged, shall 
 be admitted to become a citizen of the 
 United States, upon his petition, without 
 any previous declaration of his intention 
 to become such ; and he shall not be re- 
 quired to prove more than one year's resi- 
 dence within the United States previous to 
 his application to become such citizen ; 
 and the court admitting such alien shall, 
 in addition to such proof of residence and 
 good moral character, as now provided by 
 law, be satisfied by competent proof of 
 such person's having been honorably dis- 
 charged from the service of the Lfnited 
 States. 
 
 Sec. 2167. Any alien, being under the 
 age of twenty-one years, who has resided 
 in the United States three years next pre- 
 ceding his arriving at that age, and who 
 has continued to reside therein to the time 
 he may make application to be admitted a 
 citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the 
 age of twenty-one years, and after he has 
 resided five years within the United States, 
 including the three years of his minority, 
 be admitted a citizen of the United States, 
 without having made the declaration re- 
 quired in the first condition of section 
 twenty-one hundred and sixty-five ; but 
 such alien shall make the declaration re- 
 quired th(!rein at the time of his admission ; 
 and shall further declare, on oath, and 
 prove to the satisfaction of the court, that, 
 for two years next preceding, it lias been 
 his bona-fide intention to become a citizen 
 of the United States; and he shall in all 
 other respects comply with the laws in re- 
 gard to naturalization. 
 
 Sec. 216H. When any alien, who has 
 complied with the first condition specified 
 in section twenty-one hutulred and sixty- 
 five, dies before he is actually naturalized, 
 the widow and the children of sucli alien 
 shall bo considere<I sw citizens of the 
 
 United States, and shall be entitled to all 
 rights and privileges as such, upon taking 
 the oaths prescribed bv law. 
 
 Sec. 2169. The provisions of this Title 
 shall apply to aliens [being free white per- 
 sons, and to aliens] of African nativity 
 and to persons of African descent. 
 
 Sec. 2170. No alien shall be admitted to 
 become a citizen who has not for the con- 
 tinued term of five years next preceding his 
 admission resided within the United States. 
 
 Sec. 2171. No alien who is a native citi- 
 zen or subject, or a denizen of any country, 
 state, or sovereignty with which the United 
 States are at war, at the time of his appli- 
 cation, shall be then admitted to become a 
 citizen of the United States ; but persons 
 resident within the United States, or the 
 Territories thereof, on the eighteenth day 
 of June, in the year one thousand eight 
 hundred and twelve, who had before that 
 day made a declaration, according to law, 
 of their intention to become citizens of the 
 United States, or who were on that day 
 entitled to become citizens without making 
 such declaration, may be admitted to be- 
 come citizens thereof, notwithstanding they 
 were alien enemies at the time and in the 
 manner prescribed by the laws heretofore 
 passed on that subject ; nor shall anything 
 herein contained be taken or construed to 
 interfere with or prevent the apprehension 
 and removal, agreeably to law, of any alien 
 enemy at any time previous to the actual 
 naturalization of such alien. 
 
 Sec. 2172. The children of persons who 
 have been duly naturalized under any law 
 of the United States, or who, previous to 
 the passing of any law on that subject, by 
 the Government of the United States, may 
 have become citizens of any one of the 
 States, under the laws thereof, being under 
 the age of twenty-one years at the time of 
 the naturalization of their parents, shall, 
 if dwelling in the United States be con- 
 sidered as citizens thereof; and the chil- 
 dren of persons who now are, or have been, 
 citizens of the United States, shall, though 
 born out of the limits and jurisdiction of 
 the United States, be considered as citizens 
 thereof; but no person heretofore pro- 
 scribed by any State, or who has been 
 legally convicted of having joined the 
 army of Great Britain during the Revolu- 
 tionary War, shall be admitted to become 
 a citizen without the consent of the legis- 
 lature of the State in which such person 
 was ])r()scribed. 
 
 Sec. 2173. The police court of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia shall have no power to 
 naturalize foreigners. 
 
 SEf. 2174. Every seaman, being a 
 foreigner, who declares his intention of 
 becoming a citizen of the United States in 
 any competent court, and shall have 
 served three years on board of a merchant- 
 vessel of the United States subsequent to
 
 BOOK y.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 27 
 
 the date of such declaration, may, on his 
 application to any competent court, and 
 the production of his certificate of dis- 
 charf>;e and ^ood conduct during that time, 
 together with the certificate of his declara- 
 tion of intention to become a citizen, be 
 admitted a citizen of the United States ; 
 and every seaman, being a foreigner, shall, 
 after his declaration of intention to become 
 a citizen of the United States, and after he 
 shall have served such three years, be 
 deemed a citizen of the United States for 
 the purpose of manning and serving on 
 boara any merchant-vessel of the United 
 States, anything to the contrary in any act 
 of Congress notwithstanding ; but such 
 seaman shall, for all purposes of protection 
 as an American citizen, be deemed such, 
 after the filing of his declaration of inten- 
 tion to become such citizen. 
 
 An Act to Amen<l tUe Revised Statutes Re- 
 latlitfj; to Katuralizatloii. 
 
 Declaration of intention, Ac, for nutunilization may be 
 made before clerks of certain court<i. 
 
 Be it enacted, dc, That the declaration 
 of intention to become a citizen of the 
 United States, required by section two 
 thousand one hundred and sixty-five of 
 the Revised Statutes of the United States, 
 may be made by an alien before the clerk 
 of any of the courts named in said section 
 two thousand one hundred and sixty-five ; 
 and all such declarations heretofore made 
 bef(fre any such clerk are hereby declared 
 as legal and valid as if made before one of 
 the courts named in said section. [Febru- 
 ury 1, 187G.] 
 
 Note. — This act is in the second edition of R. S., g 2165. 
 Passed Feb. 1, ls76. 
 
 Homesteads. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 22ii'J. ^\Tio may enter certain unappropriated public 
 
 landM. 
 2990. Mmle of procedure. 
 
 2291. Ortificate and patent, when given and issued. 
 
 Proof of i-esiili'nce. 
 
 False swearing, penalty for. 
 
 2292. When right« inure to the benefit of infant chil- 
 
 dren. 
 
 2293. Persons in military or naval service, wbon and 
 
 before whom to make affidavit. 
 
 2294. When persons may make affidavit before clerk of 
 
 court. 
 229.'>. Reci>nl of applications. 
 2i96. Homestead lands not to be subject to prior debts. 
 
 2297. When lands entered for homestead revert to Gov- 
 
 ernment. 
 
 2298. Limitation of amount entered for homestead. 
 
 2299. Kxi.stiiiK p'e cniption rights not impaired. 
 
 2300. Wliat minors may have the privileges of this chap- 
 
 ter. 
 
 2301. Payment before expiration of five years, rights of 
 
 applicant. 
 
 2302. No distinction on account of race or color. Ac. 
 
 2303. What lands disposed of only as liomesteads. 
 23o:i. Rejieal of sectim and furtlier disposition of lands. 
 
 2304. Soldiers' and sailors' homestead. 
 
 2305. Deduction of military and naval service from time, 
 
 &c. 
 23»6. Pers(ms who have entered less than 160 acres, 
 rights of. 
 
 2307. Widows and minor children of persons entitled to 
 
 homestead, &c. 
 
 2308. Actual service in the Army or Navy squivalcnt to 
 
 residence, &C. 
 
 2309. Who may enter by agent. 
 
 2310. Chiefs, kc, of Stockbridge HanaeM, bomeat<-&<i 
 
 rigliti* of. 
 2-'Ul. Exemiitions of homestead of Stockbridge Mun- 
 
 sees. 
 
 '2312. Stoekbridgo Munsees becoming citizens. 
 
 2;il3. Unsold lands of the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, 
 
 how upeiied for homestead. 
 2314. Selec'tiun fur minors under pn-ceding section. 
 2:il.'>. Hona-tide settlers on above lands prior to, ic. 
 2:il6. Certain lands tu be ]>atented to Indians making 
 
 selection. 
 2317. Cultivation of trees on homestead tracts. 
 
 Sec. 2289. Every person who is the 
 head of a family, or who has arrived at the 
 age of twenty-one years, and is a citizen of 
 the United States, or who has filed his 
 declaration of intention to become such, as 
 ru([uired by the naturalization laws, shall 
 be entitled to enter one quarter-section or a 
 less quantity of unappropriated public 
 lands, upon which such person may have 
 filed a pre-emption claim, or which may, 
 at the time the application is made, be 
 subject to pre-emption at one dollar and 
 twenty-five cents per acre ; or eighty acres 
 or less of such unappropriated lands, at 
 two dollars and fifty cents per acre, to be 
 located in a body, in conformity to the legal 
 subdivisions of the public lands, and after 
 the same have been surveyed. And every 
 person owning and residing on land may, 
 under the provisions of this section, enter 
 other land lying contiguous to his land, 
 which shall not, with the land so already 
 owned and occupied, exceed in the aggre- 
 gate one hundred and sixty acres. 
 
 Sec. 2290. The person applying for the 
 benefit of the preceding section shall, upon 
 application to the register of the land- 
 ofiice in which he is about to make such 
 entry, make aflidavit before the register or 
 receiver that he is the head of a family, or 
 is twenty-one years or more of age, or has 
 performed service in the Army or Navy 
 of the United States, and that such appli- 
 cation is made for his exclusive u.se and 
 benefit, and that his entry is made for the 
 purpose of actual settlement and cultiva- 
 tion, and not either directly or indirectly 
 for the use or benefit of any other person; 
 and ujion filing such aflidavit with the re- 
 gister or receiver, on payment of five dol- 
 lars when the cntrj- is of not more than 
 eighty acres, and on payment of ten dollars 
 when the entrj' is for more than eighty 
 acres, he shall thereupon be permitted to 
 enter the amount of land specified. 
 
 Sec. 2291. No certificate, however, shall 
 be given, or patent is.-<ued therefor, until 
 the expiration of five years from tlie date 
 of such entry; and if at the expiration of 
 such time, or at any time within two 
 years thereafter, the person making such 
 "entrv; or if he be dead, his widow; or in 
 caj^eof her death, his heirs or devisee; or 
 in case of a widow making such entrj-, her 
 heirs or devisee, in case of her death, 
 proves by two credible witnesses that he, 
 she, or thev have resided upon or culti- 
 vated the same for the term of five years
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book V, 
 
 immediately succeeding the time of filing 
 the affidavit, and makes affidavit that no 
 part of such land has been alienated, ex- 
 cept as provided in section twenty-two 
 hundred and eighty-eight, and that he, 
 she, or they will bear true allegiance to the 
 Government of the United States ; then, in 
 such case, he, she, or they, if at that time 
 citizens of the United States, shall be en- 
 titled to a patent, as in other cases pro- 
 vided by law. [That the proof of resi- 
 dence, occupation, or cultivation, the 
 affidavit of non-alienation, and the oath 
 of allegiance, required to be made by sec- 
 tion twenty-two hundred and ninety-one 
 of the Revised Statutes, may be made be- 
 fore the judge, or, in his absence, before 
 the clerk, of any court of record of the 
 county and State, or district and Territorj^ 
 in which the lands are situated ; and if 
 said lands are situated in any unorganized 
 county, such proof may be made in a 
 similar manner in any adjacent county in 
 said State or Territory ; and the proof, 
 affidavit, and oath, when so made and duly 
 subscribed, shall have the same force and 
 effect as if made before the register or re- 
 ceiver of the proper land-district ; and the 
 same shall be transmitted by such judge, 
 or the clerk of his court, to the register 
 and the receiver, with the fee and charges 
 allowed by law to him ; and the register 
 and receiver shall be entitled to the same 
 fees for examining and approving said testi- 
 mony as are now allowed by law for taking 
 the same. That if any witness making 
 such proof, or the said applicant making 
 such affidavit or oath, swears falsely as to 
 any material matter contained in said 
 proof, affidavits, or oaths, the said false 
 swearing being willful and corrupt, he 
 shall be deemed guilty of perjury, and 
 shall be liable to the same pains and pen- 
 alties as if he had sworn falsely before the 
 register.] 
 
 Sec. 2292. In case of the death of both 
 father and mother, leaving an infant child 
 or children under twenty-one years of age, 
 the right and fee shall inure to the benefit 
 of such infant child or children ; and the 
 executor, administrator, or guardian may, 
 at any time witliin two years after the 
 death of the surviving parent, and in 
 accordance with the laws of the State in 
 which such children, for the time being, 
 have their domicile, sell the land for the 
 benefit of such infants, but for no other 
 purpose ; and the j»urchaser shall acquire 
 the absolute title by the purchase, and be 
 entitle<l to a patent from the United States 
 on the payment of the office-fees and sum 
 of money above specified. 
 
 8i;c. 221).'>. In case of any person de- 
 sirous of availing himself of tlie benefits 
 of this chapter; l)ut who, by rcasf)n of 
 actual service in the military or naval ser- 
 vice of the United States, is unable to do 
 
 the personal preliminary acts at the dis- 
 trict land-office which the preceding sec- 
 tions require ; and whose family, or some 
 member thereof, is residing on the land 
 which he desires to enter, and upon which 
 a bona-fide improvement and settlement 
 have been made, such person may make 
 the affidavit required by law before the 
 officer commanding in the branch of the 
 service in which the party is engaged, 
 which affidavit shall be as binding in law, 
 and with like penalties, as if taken before 
 the register or receiver; and upon such 
 affidavit being filed with the register by 
 the wife or other representative of the 
 party, the same shall become effective 
 from the date of such filing, provided the 
 application and affidavit are accompanied 
 by the fee and commissions as required by 
 law. 
 
 Sec. 2294. In any case in which the ap- 
 plicant for the benefit of the homestead, 
 and whose family or some member thereof, 
 is residing on the land which he desires 
 to enter, and upon which a bona-fide 
 improvement and settlement have been 
 made, is prevented, by reason of distance, 
 bodily infirmity, or o^er good cause, from 
 personal attendance at the district land- 
 office, it may be lawful for him to make 
 the affidavit required by law before the 
 clerk of the court for the county in which 
 the applicant is an actual resident, and to 
 transmit the same, with the fee and com- 
 missions, to the register and receiver. • 
 
 Sec. 2295. The register of the land-office 
 shall note all applications under the pro- 
 visions of this chapter, on the tract-books 
 and plats of his office, and keep a register 
 of all such entries, and make return 
 thereof to the General Land Office, to- 
 gether with the proof upon which they 
 have been founded. 
 
 Sec. 2296. No lands required under the 
 provisions of this chapter shall in any 
 event become liable to the satisfaction of 
 any debt contracted prior to the issuing 
 of the patent therefor. 
 
 Sec. 2297. If, at any time after the 
 filing of the affidavit, as required in sec- 
 tion twenty-two hundred and ninety, and 
 before the expiration of the five years 
 mentioned in section twenty-two hundred 
 and ninety-one, it is proved, after due no- 
 tice to the settler, to tlie satisfaction of the 
 register of the land-office, that the person 
 having filed such affidavit has actually 
 changed his residence, or abandoned the 
 land for more than six months at any 
 time, then and in that event the land so 
 entered shall revert to the Government. 
 
 Sec. 2298. No person shall be permitted 
 to acquire title to more than one quarter- 
 section under the provisions of this chap- 
 ter. 
 
 Sec. 2299. Nothing contained in this 
 chapter shall be so construed as to impair
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 29 
 
 or interfere in any manner with existing 
 pre-emption rights ; and all persons who 
 may have tiled their applications for a pre- 
 emption right prior to the twentieth day 
 of May, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, 
 shall be entitled to all the privileges ol 
 this chapter. 
 
 Sec. 23U0. No person who has served, 
 or may hereafter serve, for a period not 
 less than Iburteen days in the Army or 
 Navy of the United States, either regular 
 or volunteer, under the laws thereof, dur- 
 ing the existence of an actual war, domes- 
 tic or foreign, shall be deprived of the 
 benefits of this chapter on account of not 
 having attained the age of twentj'-one years. 
 
 Sec. 2301. Nothing in this chapter shall 
 be so construed a« to prevent any person 
 who has availed himself of the benefits of 
 section twenty-two hundred and eighty- 
 nine, from paying the minimum }>rice for 
 the quantity of land so entered, at any 
 time bel'ore the expiration of the five 
 years, and obtaining a patent therefor 
 from the Government, as in other cases 
 directed by law, on making })roof of set- 
 tlement and cultivation as provided by 
 law, granting pre-emption rights. 
 
 Sec. 2302. No distinction shall be made 
 in the construction or execution of this 
 chapter, on account of race or color ; nor 
 shall any mineral lands be liable to entry 
 and settlement under its provisions. 
 
 Sec. 2303. [All the public lands in the 
 States of Alabarna, Missitisippi, Louisiana, 
 Arkansas, and Florida, shall be disposed 
 of in no other manner than according to 
 the tm'ms and stipulations contained in the 
 preceding provisions of this chapter. ] 
 (That section two thousand three hundred 
 and three of the Revised Statutes of the 
 United States, confining the disposal of 
 the public lands in the States of Alabama, 
 Missi-ssippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Flo- 
 rida to the provisions of the homestead 
 law, be, and the same is hereby, repealed : 
 I'vovidcd, That the repeal of said section 
 shall not have the effect to impair the 
 right, complete or inchoate, of any home- 
 stead settler, and no land occupied by 
 such settler at the time this act shall take 
 effect, shall be subject to entry, ])re-emp- 
 tion, or sale : And provided, That the pub- 
 lic lands affected by this act, shall be 
 offered at public sale, as soon as practica- 
 ble from time to time, and according to 
 the provisions of existing law, and shall 
 not be subject to private entry until they 
 are so offered.] 
 
 Sec. 2304. Every private soldier and 
 ol^cer who has served in the Army of the 
 United Stiites during the recent rebellion, 
 for ninety days, and who was honorably 
 dischai^ed, and has remained loyal to the 
 Government, including the troops mus- 
 tered into the service of the United States 
 by virtue of the third section of an act 
 46 
 
 approved February thirteen, eighteen 
 hundred and sixty-two, and every seaman, 
 marine, and officer who has served in the 
 Navy of the United States, or in the 
 Marine Corps, during the rel>ellion, for 
 ninety days, and who was honorably dis- 
 charged, and has remained loyal to the 
 Government, shall, on compliance with 
 the prcjvisious of this chapter, a.s herein- 
 after modified, be entitled to enter uj)on 
 and receive patents for a quantity of j)ub- 
 lic lands not exceeding one hundred and 
 sixty acres, or one quarter .section, to be 
 taken in compact form, according to legal 
 subdivisions, including the alternate re- 
 served sections of public lands along the 
 line of any railroad or other public work, 
 not otherwise reserved or approj)riated, 
 and other lands subject to entry under the 
 homestead laws of the United States ; but 
 such homestead settler shall be allowed 
 six months after locating his homestead, 
 and filing his declaratory statement, within 
 which to make his entry and commence 
 his settlement and improvement. 
 
 Sec, 2305. The time which the home- 
 stead settler has served in the Army, 
 Navy, or Marine Corps shall be deducted 
 from the time heretofore required to per- 
 fect title, or if discharged on account of 
 wounds received or disability incurred in 
 the line of duty, then the term of enlist- 
 ment shall be deducted from the time 
 heretofore required to perfect title, with- 
 out reference to the length of time he may 
 have served ; but no patent shall issue to 
 any homestead settler who has not resided 
 upon, improved, and cultivated his home- 
 stead for a period of at least one year after 
 he shall have commenced his improve- 
 ments. 
 
 Sec. 2306, Every person entitled, under 
 the provisions of section twenty-three 
 hundred and four, to enter a homestead 
 who may have heretofore entered, under 
 the homestead laws, a quantity of land 
 less than one hundred and sixty acres, 
 shall be permitted to enter so much land 
 as, when added to the quantity previously 
 entered, shall not exceed one hundred and 
 sixty acres. 
 
 Sec, 2307, In case of the death of any 
 person who would be entitled to a home- 
 stead under the provisions of section 
 twenty-three hundred and four, his widow, 
 if unmarried, or in Ciise of her death or 
 marriage, then his minor orphan children, 
 by a guardian duly appointed and offi- 
 cially accredited at the Department of the 
 Interior, shall be entitled to all the bene- 
 fits enumerated in this chapter, subject to 
 all the i)rovisions as to settlement and im- 
 provements therein contained; but if such 
 person died during his term of^ enlistment, 
 the whole term of his enli.stment shall be 
 deducted from the time heret^jforo required 
 to perfect the title.
 
 30 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 Sec. 2308. Where a party at the date of 
 his entry of a tract of land under the 
 homestead laws, or subsequently thereto, 
 was actually enlisted and employed in the 
 Army or Navy of the United States, his 
 services therein shall, in the administra- 
 tion of such homestead laws, be construed 
 to be equivalent, to all intents and i)ur- 
 poses, to a residence for the same length 
 of time upon the tract so entered. And 
 if his entry has been canceled by reason of 
 his absence from such tract while in the 
 military or naval service of the United 
 States, and such tract has not been dis- 
 posed of, his entry shall be restored ; but 
 if such tract has been disposed of, the 
 party may enter another tract subject to 
 entry under the homestead laws, and his 
 right to a patent therefor may be deter- 
 mined by the proofs touching his residence 
 and cultivation of the first tract and his 
 absence therefrom in such service. 
 
 Sec. 2309. Every soldier, sailor, marine, 
 officer, or other person coming within the 
 provisions of section twenty-three hundred 
 and four, may, as well by an agent as in 
 person, enter upon such homestead by fil- 
 ing a declaratory statement, as in pre- 
 emption cases; but such clainant in person 
 shall within the time prescribed make his 
 actual entry, commence settlements and 
 improvements on the same, and thereafter 
 fulfill all the requirements of law. 
 
 Sec. 2310. Each of the chiefs, warriors, 
 and heads of families of the Stockbridge 
 Munsee tribes of Indians, residing in the 
 county of Shawana, State of Wisconsin, 
 may, under the direction of the Secretary 
 of the Interior, enter a homestead and be- 
 come entitled to all the benefits of this 
 chapter, free from any fee or charge ; and 
 any part of their present reservation, which 
 is abandoned for that purpose, may be sold, 
 under the direction of the Secretary of the 
 Interior, and the proceeds applied for the 
 benefit of such Indians as may settle on 
 homesteads, to aid them in improving the 
 same. 
 
 Sec. 2311. The homestead secured, by 
 virtue of the preceding section, shall not 
 be subject to any tax, levy, or sale; nor 
 Hhall it be sold, conveyed, mortgaged, or 
 in any manner incumbered, except upon 
 the decree of the district court of the 
 United States, as provided in the follow- 
 ing section. 
 
 Sec. 2312. Whenever any of the chiefs, 
 warriors, or heads of families of the tribes 
 mentioned in section twenty-throe hun- 
 dred and ten, having filed with the clerk 
 of the district court of the United States a 
 declaration of his intention to boc<ime a 
 citizen of the United States, and to dis- 
 solve all relations with any Indian tribe, 
 two years j)revio\iH thereto, appears in such 
 court, and proves to the satisf'uction thenv 
 of, by the tewtimony of two citizens, that 
 
 for five years last past he has adopted the 
 habits of civilized life ; that he has main- 
 tained himself and family by his own in- 
 dustry ; that he reads and speaks the Eng- 
 lish language; that he is well disposed to 
 become a peaceable and orderly citizen; 
 and that he has sufficient capacity to man- 
 age his own affairs ; the court may enter a 
 decree admitting him to all the rights of a 
 citizen of the United States, and thence- 
 forth he shall be no longer held or treated 
 as a member of any Indian tribe, but shall 
 be entitled to all the rights and privileges, 
 and be subject to all the duties and liabili- 
 ties to taxation of other citizens of the 
 United States. But nothing herein con- 
 tained shall be construed to deprive such 
 chiefs, warriors, or heads of families of 
 annuities to which they are or may be en- 
 titled. 
 
 Sec. 2313. The unoccupied lands in the 
 reservation made for the Ottawa and Chip- 
 pewa Indians, of Michigan, by the treaty 
 of July thirty-one, eighteen hundred and 
 fifty-five, shall be open to homestead entry 
 for six months from the tenth day of June, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-two, by 
 Indians only of those tribes, who have not 
 made selections of purchases under the 
 treaty, including such members of the 
 tribes as have become of age since the ex- 
 piration of the ten years named in the 
 treaty ; and every Indian so entitled shall 
 be permitted to make his homestead entry, 
 at the local land-office, within such six 
 months, of not exceeding one hundred and 
 sixty acres, or one quarter-section of min- 
 imum, or eighty acres of double minimum 
 land, on making proper proof of his right, 
 under such rules as may be prescribed by 
 the Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 Sec. 2314. The collector of customs for 
 the district in which such land is situated, 
 is authorized, and it is made his duty, to se- 
 lect for such minor children as would be 
 entitled, under the preceding section, as 
 the heirs of any Indian. 
 
 Sec. 2315. All actual, permanent, bona- 
 fide settlers on any of such lands who set- 
 tled prior to the first day of January, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-two, shall 
 be entitled to enter either under the home- 
 stead laws or to pay for at the mimimum 
 or double minimum price, as the case may 
 be, not exceeding one hundred and sixty 
 acres of the former or eighty acres of the 
 latter class of land on making proof of his 
 settlement and continued residence before 
 the expiration of six months from the tenth 
 day of June, eighteen hundred and aev- 
 enty-two. 
 
 Sec. 2316. All selections of such lands 
 by Indians heretofore made and regularly 
 r(!ported and recognized as valid and pro- 
 per l)y the Secretary of the Interior and 
 (Commissioner of Indian Affairs, shall be 
 j)atented to the respective Indians making
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 
 
 31 
 
 the same ; and all sales heretofore made 
 and reported, where the same arc regular 
 and not in conflict with such selections, or 
 with any other valid adverse right, except 
 of the United States, are conhrined, and 
 patents shall issue thereon as in other cases 
 according to law. 
 
 Sec. 2.'U7. Every person having a home- 
 stead on the public aomain, under the pro- 
 visions of this chapter, who, at the end of 
 the third year of his residence thereon, 
 shall have had under cultivation, for two 
 years, one acre of timber, the trees thereon 
 not being more than twelve feet apart each 
 way, and in a good, thrifty condition, for 
 each and every sixteen acres of such home- 
 stead, shall, upon due proof of the fact by 
 two credible witnesses, receive his patent 
 for such homestead. 
 
 From Supplement Revised Statntes. 
 
 Chap. II. — That the sixth paragraph of 
 section 2,238 of the Revised Statutes of the 
 United States be, and the same is hereby, 
 repealed, and that in lieu thereof the fol- 
 lowing paragraph be substituted: 
 
 " A fee in donation cases of $2.50 for 
 each final certificate of 160 acres of land, 
 $5 for 320 acres, and $7.50 for 640 acres." 
 — [Approved December 17, 1880. 
 
 CiiAP. XIX. — That all persons who 
 shall have settled and made valuable and 
 permanent improvements upon any odd 
 numbered section of land within any rail- 
 road withdrawal in good faith, and with 
 the permission or license of the railroad 
 company for whose benefit the same shall 
 have been made, and with the expectation 
 of pun-hasiiig of such comjiany the land 
 so settled ui)on, which land so settled upon 
 and improved may, for any cause, be re- 
 stored to the public domain, and who, at 
 the time of such restoration, may not be 
 entitled to enter and acquire title to such 
 land under the pre-emption, homestead or 
 timber-culture acts of the United States, 
 shall be permitted, at any time within 
 three months after such restoration, and 
 under such rules and regulations a-s the 
 Commissioner of the General Land Office 
 may prescribe, to purchase not to exceed 
 KiO acres in extent of the same legal sub- 
 divisions, at the price of $2.50 per acre, 
 and to receive patents therefor.-- [Approved 
 January 13, 1881 
 
 Chap. CLIII. — That section num- 
 bered 2,297, of title numbered 32, be 
 amended by adding thereto the following 
 proviso, namely: ''Provided, That where 
 there may be climatic rea.sons the Com- 
 missioner of the General Land Office may, 
 in his discretion, allow the settler twelve 
 months from the time of filing in which 
 to commence his residence on said land 
 under such rules and regulations as he 
 may prescribe. — [Approved March 3, 1881. 
 
 Complete List of IT. S. Land Ofllces. 
 
 A 1. A HA. MA — lluntsville, Montgomery. 
 
 AuKANSAs — Little Rock, Camden, Har- 
 rison, Dardanelle. 
 
 AiiizoNA Tkuritoey — Prescott, Flor- 
 ence. 
 
 California — San Francisco, Marys- 
 ville, Hunil)oldt, Stockton, Visalia, Sacra- 
 mento, Los Angeles, Shasta, Susanville, 
 Bodie. 
 
 Colorado — Denver City, Fair Play, 
 Central City, Pueblo, Del Norte, Lake City. 
 
 Dakota Territory — Sioux Falls, 
 Springfield, Fargo, Yankton, Bismarck, 
 Deadwood. 
 
 Florida — Gainesville. 
 
 Idaho Territory — Boise City, Lewis- 
 ton. 
 
 Iowa — Fort Des Moines. 
 
 Kansas — Topeka, Salina, Independ- 
 ence, Wichita, Kirwin, Concordia, Larned, 
 Hays City. 
 
 Louisiana — New Orleans, Monroe, 
 Natchitoches, 
 
 Michigan — Detroit, East Saginaw, 
 Reed City, Marquette. 
 
 Minnesota — Taylor's Falls, Saint 
 Cloud, Du Luth, Fergus Falls, Worthing- 
 ton. New Ulm, Benson, Detroit, Redwood 
 Falls. 
 
 Mississippi — Jackson. 
 
 Missouri — Boonville, Ironton, Spring- 
 field. 
 
 Montana Territory — Helena, Boze- 
 man. 
 
 Nebraska — Norfolk, Beatrice, Lincoln, 
 Niobrara, Grand Island, North Platte, 
 Bloomington. 
 
 Nevada — Carson City, Eureka. 
 
 New Mexico Territory — Stata F6, 
 La Mesilla. 
 
 Oregon — Oregon City, Roseburg, Le 
 Grand, Lakeview, The Dalles. 
 
 Utah Territory— Salt Lake City. 
 
 Washington Territory — Olympia, 
 Vancouver, Walla Walla, Colfax. 
 
 Wisconsin — Menasha, Falls of St. 
 Croix, Wausau, La Crosse, Bayfield, Eau 
 Claire. 
 
 Wyoming Territory — Cheyenne, 
 Evanston. 
 
 civil Rights. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 1977. Equal rights under the law. 
 
 1978. Rights of citizens in respect to real and personal 
 
 property. 
 
 1979. Civil action for deprivation of right*. 
 
 1980. Conspiracy 
 
 1981. Action for neglect to prevent conspii-acy. 
 
 1982. District attorney, &c., to prosecute. 
 1981!. Conwuissioners. 
 
 1984. They may appoint persons to execute warrants, Ac 
 19H.5. Jlarshals to obey precepts, Ac. 
 
 1986. Fees of district attorney, Ac 
 
 1987. Of persons api>ointed to execute proceas, Ac 
 
 1988. Speedy triiU. 
 
 1989. Aid of the niilitAry and naval forces. 
 
 1990. Peonane «lM)lishiHl. 
 
 1991. Foregoing section, liow enforced. 
 
 Sec. 1977. All persons within the jurii*- 
 diction of the United States shall have the
 
 32 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book y. 
 
 same right in every State and Territory to 
 make and enforce contracts, to sue, be par- 
 ties, give evidence, and to the full and 
 equal benefit of all laws and proceedings 
 for the security of persons and property as 
 is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be 
 subject to like punishment, pains, penal- 
 ties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every 
 kind, and to no other. [See § 858.J 
 
 Sec. 1978. All citizens of the United 
 States shall have the same right, in every 
 State and Territory, as is enjoyed by white 
 citizens thereof to inherit, purchase, lease, 
 sell, hold, and convey real and personal 
 property. 
 
 Sec. 1979. Every person who, under 
 color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, 
 custom, or usage, of any State or Territory, 
 subjects, or causes to be subjected, any citi- 
 zen of the United States or other person 
 within the jurisdiction thereof to the de- 
 privation of any rights, privileges, or im- 
 munities secured by the Constitution and 
 laws, shall be liable to the party injured in 
 an action at law, suit in equity, or other 
 I)roper proceeding for redress. [See §§ 563, 
 629. J 
 
 Sec. 1980. First. If two or more persons 
 in any State or Territory conspire to pre- 
 vent, by force, intimidation, or threat, any 
 person from accepting or holding any of- 
 fice, trust, or place of confidence under the 
 United States, or from discharging any du- 
 ties thereof; or to induce by like means 
 any officer of the United States to leave 
 any State, district, or place, where his du- 
 ties as an officer are required to be per- 
 formed, or to injure him in his person or 
 property on account of his lawful discharge 
 of the duties of his office, or while en- 
 gaged in the lawful discharge thereof, or to 
 injure his property so as to molest, inter- 
 rupt, hinder, or impede him in the dis- 
 charge of his official duties ; 
 
 Second. If two or more persons in any 
 State or Territory conspire to deter, by 
 force, intimidation, or threat, any party or 
 witness in any court of the United States 
 from attending such court, or from testify- 
 ing to any matter pending therein, freely, 
 fully, and truthfully, or to injure such party 
 or witness in his person or property on ac- 
 count of his liaving so attended or testified, 
 or to infiiience the verdict, presentment, or 
 indictment of any grand or petit juror in 
 any such court, or to injure such juror in 
 his person or proj)erty on account of any 
 verdict, presentment, or indictment lawful- 
 ly assented to by him, or of his being or 
 having been such juror; or if two or more 
 persons conspire for the purpose of imped- 
 ing, hindering, obstructing, or defeating, 
 in any manner, tlie due course of justice 
 in any State or Territory, with intent to 
 deny U) any citizen the cfpial protection of 
 the laws, or to injure him or his property 
 for lawfully enforcing, or attempting to en- j 
 
 force, the right of any person, or class of 
 persons, to the equal protection of the 
 laws; 
 
 Third. If two or more persons in any 
 State or Territory conspire, or go in dis- 
 guise on the highway or on the premises 
 of another, for the purpose of depriving, 
 either directly or indirectly, any person or 
 class of persons of the equal protection of 
 the laws, or of equal privileges and immu- 
 nities under the laws ; or for the purpose 
 of preventing or hindering the constituted 
 authorities of any State or Territory from 
 giving or securing to all persons within 
 such State or Territory the equal protec- 
 tion of the laws ; or if two or more per- 
 sons conspire to prevent by force, intimi- 
 dation, or threat, any citizen who is law- 
 fully entitled to vote, from giving his sup- 
 port or advocacy in a legal manner, toward 
 or in favor of the election of any lawfully 
 qualified person as an elector for President 
 or Vice-President, or as a member of Con- 
 gress of the United States ; or to injure any 
 citizen in person or property on account of 
 such support or advocacy ; in any case of 
 conspiracy set forth in this section, if one 
 or more persons engaged therein do, or 
 cause to be done, any act in furtherance of 
 the object of such conspiracy, whereby 
 another is injured in his person or property, 
 or deprived of having and exercising any 
 right or privilege of a citizen of the Uni- 
 ted States, the party so injured or deprived 
 may have an action for the recovery of 
 damages, occasioned by such injury or de- 
 privation, against any one or more of the 
 conspirators. 
 
 Sec. 1981. Every person who, having 
 knowledge that any of the wrongs conspired 
 to be done, and mentioned in the preced- 
 ing section, are about to be committed, and 
 having power to prevent or aid in prevent- 
 ing the commission of the same, neglects 
 or refuses so to do, if such wrongful act be 
 committed, shall be liable to the party in- 
 jured, or his legal rei)resentatives, for all 
 damages caused by such wrongful act, 
 which such person by reasonable diligence 
 could have prevented ; and such damages 
 may be recovered in an action on the case ; 
 and any number of persons guilty of such 
 wrongful neglect or refusal may be joined 
 as defendants in the action ; and if the 
 death of any party be caused by any such 
 wrongful act and neglect, the legal repre- 
 sentatives of the deceased shall have such 
 action therefor, and may recover not ex- 
 ceeding five thousand dollars damages 
 therein, for the benefit of the widow of the 
 deceased, if there be one, and if there be i 
 no widow, then for the benefit of the next vl 
 of kin of the deceased. But no action 
 under tlie provisions of this section shall 
 he sustained which is not commenced with- 
 in one year after the cause of action has 
 accrued. 
 
 I
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 83 
 
 Sec. 1982. The district attorneys, mar- 
 shals, and deputy marshals, the commis- 
 sioners appointed by the circuit and terri- 
 torial courts, with power to arrest, imprison, 
 or bail od'enders, and every other officer 
 who is especially empowered by the Presi- 
 dent, are authorized and required, at the 
 expen.se of the United States, to institute 
 prosecutions against all persons violating 
 any of the provisions of chapter seven of 
 the Title " Crimes," and to cause such 
 persons to be arrested, and imprisoned or 
 bailed, for trial before the court of the 
 United States or the territorial court having 
 cognizance of the offense. 
 
 Sec. 1983. The circuit courts of the Uni- 
 ted States and the district courts of the 
 Territories, from time to time, shall increase 
 the number of commissioners, so as to af- 
 ford a speedy and convenient means for the 
 arrest and examination of persons charged 
 with the crimes referred to in the preced- 
 ing section ; and such commissioners are 
 authorized and required to exercise all the 
 powers and duties conferred on them here- 
 in with regard to such offenses in like 
 manner as they are authorized by law to 
 exercise with regard to other offenses 
 against the laws of the United States. 
 
 Sec, 1984. The commissioners author- 
 ized to be appointed by the preceding sec- 
 tion are empowered, within their respec- 
 tive counties, to appoint, in writing, under 
 their hands, one or more suitable persons, 
 from time to time, who shall execute all 
 such warrants or other process as the com- 
 missioners may issue in the lawful per- 
 formance of their duties, and the persons 
 so appointed shall have authority to sum- 
 mon and call to their aid the bystanders or 
 posse comitatus of the proper county, or 
 such portion of the land or naval forces of 
 the United States, or of the militia, as may 
 be necessary to the performance of the 
 duty with which they are charged ; and 
 such warrants shall run and be executed 
 anywhere in the State or Territory within 
 which they are issued. [See § 5516.] 
 
 Sec. 1985. Every marshal and deputy 
 marshal shall obey and execute all war- 
 rants or other process, when directed to 
 him, issued under the provisions hereof 
 [See ^ 6516.] 
 
 Sec. 1986. The district attorneys, mar- 
 shals, their deputies, and the clerks of the 
 courts of the United States and territorial 
 courts shall be paid for their services, in 
 cases under the foregoing provisions, the 
 same fees as are allowed to them for like 
 services in other cases ; and where the 
 proceedings are before a commissioner ho 
 shall be entitled to a fee of ten dollars for 
 his services in each case, inclusive of all 
 services incident to the arrest and exami- 
 nation. 
 
 Sec. 1987. Everj^ person appointed to 
 execute process under section nineteen 
 
 hundred and eighty-four shall be entitled 
 to a fee of five dollars for each party he 
 may arrest and take before any commis- 
 sioner, with such other fees a.s may be 
 deemed reasonable by the commissioner 
 for any additional services necessarily per- 
 formed by him, such a.s attending at the 
 examination, keeping the prisoner in cus- 
 tody, and providing him with food and 
 lodging during his detention, and until the 
 final determination of the commissioner ; 
 such fees to be made up in conformity 
 with the fees usually charged by the offi- 
 cers of the courts of justice within the 
 proper district or county, as near as may 
 be practicable, and paid out of the Trea- 
 sury of the United States on the certificate 
 of the judge of the district within which 
 the arrest is made, and to be recoverable 
 from the defendant as part of the judg- 
 ment in case of conviction. 
 
 Sec. 1988. Whenever the President has 
 reason to believe that offenses have been, 
 or are likely to be committed against the 
 provisions of chapter seven of the Title 
 Crimes, within any judicial district, it 
 shall be lawful for him, in his discretion, 
 to direct the judge, marshal, and district 
 attorney of such district to attend at such 
 place within the district, and for such 
 time as he may designate, for the purpose 
 of the more speedy arrest and trial of oer- 
 sons so charged, and it shall be the duty 
 of every judge or other officer, when any 
 such requisition is received by him to at- 
 tend at the place and for the time therein 
 designated. 
 
 Sec. 1989. It shall be lawful for the 
 President of the United States, or such 
 person as he may empower for that pur- 
 pose, to employ such part of the land or 
 naval forces of the United States, or of 
 the militia, as may be necessary to aid in 
 the execution of judicial process issued 
 under any of the preceding provisions, or 
 as shall be necessary to prevent the viola- 
 tion and enforce the due execution of the 
 provisions of this Title. 
 
 Sec. 1990. The holding of any person to 
 service or labor under the system known 
 as peonage is abolished and forever pro- 
 hibited in the Territory of New Mexico, 
 or in any other Territory or State of the 
 United States ; and all acts, laws, resolu- 
 tions, orders, regulations, or usages of the 
 Territory of New Mexico, or of any other 
 Territory or State, which have heretofore 
 established, maintained, or enforced, or by 
 virtue of which any attempt shall here- 
 after be made to establish, maintain, or 
 enforce, directly or indirectly, the volun- 
 tary or involuntary service or labt)r of any 
 persons as peons, in liouidation, of any 
 debt or obligation, or otnerwise, are de- 
 clared null and void. 
 
 Sec. 1991. Every person in the military 
 or civil service in the Territory of New
 
 34 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 1 
 
 Xbook y'. 
 
 Mexico sliall aid in the enforcement of 
 the preceding section. 
 
 Sec. 1860. At all subsequent elections, 
 however, in any Territory hereafter or- 
 ganized by Congress, as well as at all elec- 
 tions in Territories already organized, the 
 qualifications of voters and of holding 
 ofiice shall be such as may be prescribed 
 by the legislative assembly of each Terri- 
 tory ; subject, nevertheless, to the follow- 
 ing restrictions on the power of the legis- 
 lative assembly, namely : 
 
 First. The right of suffrage and of hold- 
 ing office shall be exercised only by citi- 
 zens of the United States above the age of 
 twenty-one years, and by those above that 
 age who have declared on oath, before a 
 competent court of record, their intention 
 to become such, and have taken an oath to 
 support the Constitution and Government 
 of the United States. 
 
 Second. There shall be no denial of 
 the elective franchise or of holding office 
 to a citizen on account of race, color, or 
 previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Third. No officer, soldier, seaman, mar- 
 iner, or other person in the Army or Na- 
 vy, or attached to troops in the service of 
 the United States, shall be allowed to vote 
 in any Territory, by reason of being on 
 service therein, unless such Territory is, 
 and has been for the period of six months, 
 his permanent domicile. 
 
 Fourth. No person belonging to the 
 Army or Navy shall be elected to or hold 
 any civil office or appointment in any Ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 Cltlzensbip. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 1992. Who are citizens. 
 
 199;j. Oitizoiirthip of children of citizens bom abroad. 
 
 1994. Citizensliip of married women. 
 
 1995. Of persons born in Oregon. 
 
 1996. Uightri lis citizens forfeited for desertion, Ac. 
 
 1997. Certain soldiers and sailors not to incur the for- 
 
 feitures of the last section. 
 
 1998. Avoiding the draft. 
 
 1999. Right of expatriation declared. 
 
 2000. Protection to n:itiinili/,i'd citizens in foreign states. 
 
 2001. Bele;use of citi/.ciis inipriaoned by foreign govern- 
 
 monta to bo demanded. 
 
 Sec. 1992. All persons born in the 
 United States and not subject to any for- 
 eign power, excluding Indians not taxed, 
 are declared to be citizens of the United 
 States. 
 
 Sec. 1993. All children heretofore born 
 or hereafter born out of the limits and 
 jurisdiction of tlie United States, whose 
 fathers wore or may bo at the time of their 
 birth citizens thereof, are decl.ared to be 
 citizens of the United States; but the 
 rights of citizenship shall not descend to 
 children whose fathers never resided in 
 the United States. 
 
 Sec. 1994. Any woman who is now or 
 may hereafter be married to a citizen of 
 the Unitfd States, and wlio might herself 
 be lawfully naturalized, shall be deemed a 
 citizen. 
 
 Sec. 1995, All persons bom in the dis- 
 trict of country formerly known as the 
 Territory of Oregon, and subject to the 
 jurisdiction of the United States on the 
 18th May, 1872, are citizens in the same 
 manner as if born elsewhere in the United 
 States. 
 
 Sec. 1996. All persons who deserted the 
 military or naval service of the United 
 States and did not return thereto or report 
 themselves to a provost-marshal within 
 sixty days after the issuance of the pro- 
 clamation by the President, dated the 
 11th day of March, 1865, are deemed to 
 have voluntarily relinquished and forfeited 
 their rights of citizenship, as well as their 
 right to become citizens; and such de- 
 serters shall be forever incapable of hold- 
 ing any office of trust or profit under the 
 United States, or of exercising any rights 
 of citizens thereof 
 
 Sec. 1997. No soldier or sailor, how- 
 ever, who faithfully served according to 
 his enlistment until the 19th day of April, 
 1865, and who, without proper authority 
 or leave first obtained, quit his command 
 or refused to serve after that date, shall be 
 held to be a deserter from the Army or 
 Navy ; but this section shall be construed 
 solely as a removal of any disability such 
 soldier or sailor may have incurred, under 
 the preceding section, by the loss of citi- 
 zenship and of the right to hold office, in 
 consequence of his desertion. 
 
 Sec. 1998. Every person who hereafter 
 deserts the military or naval service of the 
 United States, or who, being duly enrolled, 
 departs the jurisdiction of the district in 
 which he is enrolled, or goes beyond the 
 limits of the United States, with intent to 
 avoid any draft into the military or naval 
 service, lawfully ordered, shall be liable to 
 all the penalties and forfeitures of section 
 nineteen hundred and ninety-six. 
 
 Sec. 1999. Whereas the right of expa- 
 triation is a natural and inherent right of 
 all people, indispensabletotheenjoymentof 
 the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit 
 of happiness ; and whereas in the recogni- 
 tion of this principle this Government has 
 freely received emigrants from all nations, 
 and invested them with the rights of citi- 
 zenship ; and whereas it is claimed that 
 such American citizens, with their de- 
 scendants, are subjects of foreign states, 
 owing allegiance to the governments 
 thereof; and whereas it is necessary to the 
 maintenance of public peace that this 
 claim of foreign allegiance should be 
 promptly and finally disavowed : There- 
 fore any declaration, instruction, opinion, 
 order, or decision of any officer of the 
 United St.ates which denies, restricts, im- 
 pairs, or (juestions the right of expatria- 
 tion, is (Icclured inconsistent with the 
 fundaniotital principles of the Rei)nblic. 
 
 Sec. 2000. All naturalized citizens ofi
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 35 
 
 the United States, while in foreign coun- 
 tries, arc entitled to and shall receive from 
 this Government the same protection of 
 persons and property which is accorded to 
 native-born citizens. 
 
 Sec. 2001. Whenever it is made known 
 to the President that any citizen of the 
 United States lias been unjustly deprived 
 of his liberty by or under the authority of 
 any foreign government, it shall be the 
 duty of the President forthwith to demand 
 of that government the reasons of such im- 
 prisonment ; and if it appears to be wrong- 
 mi and in violation of the rights of 
 American citizenship, the President shall 
 forthwith demand the release of such citi- 
 zen, and if the release so demanded is un- 
 reasonably delayed or refused, the Presi- 
 dent shall use such means, not amounting 
 to acts of war, as he may think necessary 
 and proper to obtain or efiectuate the re- 
 lease; and all the facts and proceedings 
 relative thereto shall as soon as practicable 
 be communicated by the President to 
 Congress. 
 
 The Elective Franclilse. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 200':;. lirintciiii; iirmod troops to places of election. 
 
 ii(X)3. luterferoiice with froodom of election by officers of 
 
 Army or Navy. 
 20"4. Race, color, or previous condition not to afifect the 
 
 riglit to vote. 
 2005. Nor the performance of any pre-reqnisito. 
 200(i. I'enulty for refusing to give full efieci io preceding 
 
 section. 
 
 2007. What shall entitle a person to vote. 
 
 2008. Penalty for wrongfully refusing to receive a vote. 
 
 2009. For unlawfully hindering a person from voting. 
 2010 Remedy for deprivation of office. 
 
 2011. lu cities or towns of over 20,090 inhabitants, upon 
 
 written ai>pliciition of two citizens, the circuit 
 judge to oi>en court. 
 
 2012. Supervisors of election. 
 20i;5. Court to be kept open. 
 
 2014. District judge mnv perform duties of circuit judge. 
 201.5. I'onsiruction of j.riCiJiijg section. 
 201C. Duties of supervisors of elections. 
 
 2017. Altenfiauce at elections. 
 
 2018. To personally scrutinize and count each ballot. 
 
 2019. Their positions. 
 20-JO. When molested. 
 
 2021. Special deputies. 
 
 2022. Duties of marshals. 
 
 2023. I'ersons arrested to be taken forthwith before a 
 
 judge, <Scc. 
 
 2024. .\ssistanco of by-standers. 
 202.'i. Chief supervisors of elections. 
 
 2026. Their duties. 
 
 2027. Marsh.ils to forward complaint to chief super- 
 
 visors. 
 
 2028. Supervisors and deputy marshals to be qualified 
 
 voters, &c. 
 
 2020. Certain supervisors not to make arrests, <fec. 
 
 2030. No more marshals or deputy marshals to be ap- 
 
 pointed than now authorized. 
 
 2031. Pay of supervisors. 
 
 Sec. 2002. No military or naval officer, 
 or other person engaged in the civil, mili- 
 tary, or naval service of the United States, 
 shall order, bring, keep, or have under his 
 authority or control, any troops or armed 
 men at the place where any general or 
 special election is held in any State, unless 
 it bo necessary to repel the armed enemies 
 of the ITnited States, or to keep the peace 
 at the polls. [See ^^ 5528, 5529, 5532.] 
 
 Sec. 2003. No officer of the Army or 
 Navy of the United States shall prescribe 
 or fix, or attempt to prescribe or fix, by 
 proelamaticni, order, or otherwise, the 
 qualifications of voters in any State, or in 
 any manner interfere with the freedom of 
 any election in any State, or v/ith the ex- 
 ercise of the free right of suffrage in any 
 State. |See§§ 5530-5532.] 
 
 Sec. 2004. All citizens of the United 
 States who are otherwise qualified by law 
 to vote at any election by the people in 
 any State, Territory, district, county, city, 
 parish, township, school district, munici- 
 pality, or other terriUjrial subdivision, 
 .shall be entitled and allowed to vote at all 
 such elections, without distinction of race, 
 color, or previous condition of servitude ; 
 any constitution, law, custom, usage, or 
 regulation of any State or Territory, or by 
 or under its authority, to the contrary not- 
 withstanding. 
 
 Sec. 2005. When, under the authority 
 of the constitution or laws of any State, or 
 the laws of any Territory, any act is re- 
 quired to be done as a prorc^juisite or 
 qualification for voting, and by such con- 
 stitution or laws persons or officers are 
 charged with the duty of furnishing to 
 citizens an opportunity to perform such 
 prerequisite, or to become qualified to 
 vote, every such person and offic'er shall 
 give to all citizens of the United States the 
 .■suuie aud equal opportunity to perform 
 such prerequisite, and to become qualified 
 to vote. 
 
 Sec. 2006. Every person or officer 
 charged with the duty specified in the 
 preceding section, who refuses or know- 
 ingly omits to give full effect to that sec- 
 tion, shall forfeit the suia of five hundred 
 dollars to the party aggrieved by such re- 
 fusal or omi.ssiou, to be recovered by an 
 action on the case, with costs, and such 
 allowance for counsel fees as the court 
 may deem just. 
 
 Sec. 2007. Whenever under the author- 
 ity of the constitution or laws of any State, 
 or the laws of any Territory, any act is re- 
 quired to be done by a citizen as a pre- 
 requisite to qualifj' or entitle him to vote, 
 the offer of such citizen to perform the act 
 required to be done shall, if it fail to be 
 carried into exe<?ution by reason of the 
 wrongful act or omission of the person or 
 officer charged with the duty of receiving 
 or permitting such performance or ofti^ t<> 
 perform, or acting thereon, be deemed and 
 held as a performance in law of such act ; 
 and the i)erson so offering and failing to 
 vote, and being otherwise qualified, shall 
 be entitled to vote in the same manner and 
 to the same extent as if he had in fact i)er- 
 formed such act. 
 
 Sec. 200S. Every iudge, inspector, or other 
 officer ofolection whose duty it is to receive, 
 count, certifj', register, report, or give eliect
 
 36 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 to the vote of such citizen, who wrongfully 
 refuses or omits to receive, count, register, 
 report, or give effect to the vote of such 
 citizen upon the presentation by him of his 
 affidavit, stating such offer and the time 
 and place thereof, and the name of the offi- 
 cer or person whose duty it was to act 
 thereon, and that he was wrongfully pre- 
 vented by such person or officer from per- 
 forming such act, shall forfeit the sum of 
 five hundred dollars to the party aggrieved 
 by such refusal or omission, to be re- 
 covered by an action on the case, with 
 costs, and such allowance for counsel fees 
 as court may deem just. 
 
 Sec. 2009. Every officer or other person, 
 having powers or duties of an official cha- 
 racter to discharge under any of the pro- 
 visions of this Title, who by threats, or 
 any unlawful means, hinders, delays, pre- 
 vents, or obstruct or combines and con- 
 federates with others to hinder, delay, pre- 
 vent or obstructs any citizen from doing 
 any act required to be done to qualify him 
 to vote, or from voting at any election in 
 any State, Territory, district, county, city, 
 parish, township, school district, muni- 
 cipality, or other territorial subdivision, 
 shall forfeit the sum of five hundred dol- 
 lars to the person aggrieved thereby, to be 
 recovered by an action on the case, with 
 costs, and such allowance for counsel fees 
 as the court may deem just. 
 
 Sec. 2010. Whenever any person is de- 
 feated or deprived of his election to any 
 office, except elector of President or Vice- 
 President, Representative or Delegate in 
 Congress, or member of a State legislature, 
 by reason of the denial to any citizen who 
 may offer to vote, of the right to vote, on 
 account of race, color, or previous condi- 
 tion of sers'itude, his right to hold and 
 enjoy such office, and the emoluments 
 thereof, shall not be impaired by such 
 denial ; and the person so defeated or de- 
 prived may bring any appropriate suit or 
 proceeding to recover possession of such 
 office, and in cases where it appears that 
 the sole question touching the title to such 
 office arises out of the denial of the right 
 to vote to citizens who so offered to vote, 
 on account of race, color, or previous con- 
 dition of servitude, such suit or proceed- 
 ing may be instituted in the circuit or 
 district court of the United States of the 
 circuit or district in which such person 
 resides. And the circuit or district court 
 shall have, concurrently with the State 
 c^)urt,s, jurisdiction thereof, so far as to d(>- 
 t^nnine the rights of the parties to such 
 office by rciison of the denial of tlie right 
 guaranteed by the fifteenth article of 
 amendment to the Constitution of the 
 United States, and secured therein. [See 
 2§ 563, 029.] 
 
 Sec. 2011. Wlienever, in any city or 
 town having upward of twenty thousand 
 
 inhabitants, there are two citizens thereof, 
 or whenever , in any county or parish, in 
 any congressional district, there are ten 
 citizens thereof, of good standing, who, 
 prior to any registration of voters for an 
 election for Representative or Delegate in 
 the Congress of the United States, or prior 
 to any election at which a Representative 
 or Delegate in Congress is to be voted for, 
 may make known, in writing, to the judge 
 of the circuit court of the United States 
 for the circuit wherein such city or town, 
 county or parish, is situated, their desire 
 to have such registration, or such election, 
 or both, guarded and scrutinized, the 
 judge, within not less than ten days prior 
 to the registration, if one there be, or, if 
 no registration be required, within not less 
 than ten days prior to the election, shall 
 open the circuit court at the most conve- 
 nient point in the circuit. 
 
 Sec. 2012. The court, when so opened 
 by the judge, shall proceed to appoint and 
 commission, from day to day and from 
 time to time, and under the hand of the 
 judge, and under the seal of the court, for 
 each election district or voting precinct in 
 such city or town, or for such election dis- 
 trict or voting precinct in the congres- 
 sional district, as may have applied in the 
 manner hereinbefore prescribed, and to 
 revoke, change, or renew such appoint- 
 ment from time to time, two citizens, resi- 
 dents of the city or town, or of the election 
 district or voting precinct in the county 
 or parish, who shall be of different political 
 parties, and able to read and write the 
 English language, and who shall be known 
 and designated as supervisors of election. 
 [See U 5521, 5522.] 
 
 Sec. 2013. The circuit court, when 
 opened by the judge as required in the 
 two preceding sections, shall therefrom 
 and thereafter, and up to and including 
 the day following the day of election, be 
 always open for the transaction of business 
 under this Title, and the powers and juris- 
 diction hereby granted and conferred shall 
 be exercised as well in vacation as in term 
 time; and a judge sitting at chambers 
 shall have the same powers and jurisdic- 
 tion, including the power of keeping order 
 and of punishing any contempt of his au- 
 thority, as when sitting in court. 
 
 Sicc. 2014. AVhenever, from any cause, 
 the judge of the circuit court in any judi- 
 cial circuit is unable to perform and dis- 
 charge the duties herein imposed, he is 
 required to select and assign to the per- 
 formance thereof, in his ])lace, such one of 
 tlu^ judges of the district courts within his 
 circuit as he may deem best; and upon 
 such selection and assigimient being made, 
 the district judge so designated shall per- 
 form and discharge, in the place of 
 the circuit judge, all the duties, powers, 
 and obligations imposed and conferred
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 37 
 
 upon the circuit judge by the provisions 
 hereof. 
 
 Sec. 2015. The preceding section shall 
 be construed to authorize each of the 
 judges of the circuit courts of the United 
 States to designate one or ni^re of the 
 judges of the district courts within his cir- 
 cuit to discharge the duties arising under 
 this Title. 
 
 Sec. 2016. The supervisors of election, 
 80 appointed, are authorized and required 
 to attend at all times and places fixed for 
 the registration of voters, who, being re- 
 gistered, would be entitled to vote for a 
 Kepresentative or Delegate in Congress, 
 and to challenge any person offering to 
 register; to attend at all times and places 
 when the names of registered voters may 
 be marked for challenge, and to cause such 
 names registered as they may deem proper 
 to be so marked ; to make, when recpiired, 
 the lists, or either of them, provided for in 
 section two thousand and twenty-six, and 
 verify the same; and upon any occasion, 
 and at any time when in attendance upon 
 the duty herein prescribed, to personally 
 inspect and scrutinize such registry, and 
 for purposes of identification to affix their 
 signature to each page of the original 
 list, and of each copy of any such list of 
 registered voters, at such times, upon each 
 day when any name may be received, en- 
 tered, or registered, and in such manner 
 as will, in their judgment, detect and ex- 
 pase the improper or wrongful removal 
 therefrom, or addition thereto, of any 
 name. 
 
 Sec. 2017. The supervisors of election 
 are authorized and required to attend at 
 all times and places for holding elections 
 of Representatives or Delegates in Con- 
 gress, and for counting the votes cast at 
 such elections; to challenge any vote of- 
 fered by any person whose legal qualifica- 
 tions the supervisors, or either of them, 
 may doubt; to be and remain where the 
 ballot-boxes are kept at all times after the 
 polls are open until every vote cast at such 
 time and place has been counted, the can- 
 vass of all votes polled wholly com]deted, 
 and the proper and requisite certificates or 
 returns made, whether the certificates or 
 returns be required under any law of the 
 United States, or any State, territorial, or 
 municipal law, and to personally inspect 
 and scrutinize, from time to time, and at 
 all times, on the day of election, the man- 
 ner in which the voting is done, and the 
 way and method in which the jioll-books, 
 registrj'-lists, and tallies or check-books, 
 whether the same are required by any law 
 of the United States, or any State, territo- 
 rial, or municijial law, are koi)t. 
 
 Sec. 2018. To the end that each candi- 
 date for the office of Representative or 
 Delegate in Congress may obtain the bene- 
 fit of every vote for him cast, the super- 
 
 visors of election are, and each of them h 
 re(juired to personally scrutinize, count', 
 and canvass each ballot in their election 
 district or voting precinct cast, whatever 
 may be the indorsement on the ballot, or 
 in whatever box it may have been jilaced 
 or be found ; to make and lurward to the 
 officer who, in accordance witli the provi- 
 sions of section two thousand and twenty- 
 five, has been designated as the chief su- 
 pervisor of the ju(licial district in which 
 the city or town wherein they may serve, 
 acts, such certificates and returns of all 
 such ballots as such officer may direct and 
 require, and to attach to the registry-list, 
 and any and all copies thereof and to any 
 certificate, statement, or return, whether 
 the same, or any part or ])ortion thereof, 
 be required by any law of the United States, 
 or of any State, territorial, or munici- 
 pal law, any statement touchiiiir the truth 
 or accuracy of the registry, or the truth or 
 fairness of the election and canvass, which 
 the supervisors of the election, or either of 
 them, may desire to make or attach, or 
 which should properly and honestly be 
 made or attached, in order that the facts 
 mav become known. 
 
 Sec. 2019. The better to enable the 
 supervisors of election to discharge their 
 duties, they are authorized and directed, in 
 their respective election districts or voting 
 lirecincts, on the day of registration, on 
 the day when registered voters may be 
 markecl to be challenged , and on the day 
 of election, to take, occupy, and remain in 
 such position, from time to time, whether 
 before or behind the ballot boxes, as will, 
 in their judgment, best enable them to see 
 each person ofl'ering himself for registration 
 or oftiering to vote, and as will best conduce 
 to their scrutinizing the manner in which 
 the registration or voting is being conduct- 
 ed ; and at the closing of the jjolls for the 
 reception of votes, they are required to 
 place themselves in such position, in rela- 
 tion to the ballot-boxes, for the purpose of 
 engaging in the work of canvassing the 
 ballots, as will enable them to fully per- 
 form the duties in rcsjiect to such canvass 
 provided herein, and shall there remain 
 until every duty in respect to such canvass, 
 certificates, returns, and statements has 
 been wholly completed. [See § 5521.] 
 
 Sec. 2020. When in any election district 
 or voting precinct in any city or town, for 
 which there have been a])pointed super- 
 visors of election for any election at which 
 a Representative or Delegate in Congres.s 
 is voted for, the supervisors of election are 
 not allowed to exercise and discharge, ful- 
 ly and freely, and without hribery, .solici- 
 tation, interference, hinderance, molesta- 
 tion, violence, or threats thereof, on the 
 part of any pei"son, all the duties, obliga- 
 tions, and powers conferred ujion them ny 
 law, the supervisors of electiou shall make
 
 38 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 prompt report, under oath, within ten days 
 after the day of election to the officer who, 
 in accordance with the provisions of section 
 two thousand and twenty-live, has been 
 designated as the cliief supervisor of tlie 
 judicial district in which the city or town 
 wherein they served, acts, of the manner 
 and means by which they were not so al- 
 lowed to fully and freely exercise and dis- 
 charge the duties and obligations required 
 and imposed herein. And upon receiving 
 any such report, the chief supervisor, act- 
 ing both in such capacity and officially as 
 a commissioner of the circuit court, shall 
 forthwith examine into all the facts ; and 
 he shall have power to subpoena and compel 
 the attendance before him of any witness, 
 and to administer oaths and take testi- 
 mony in respect to the charges made ; and, 
 prior to the assembling of the Congress 
 for which any such Representative or 
 Delegate was voted for, he shall file with 
 the Clerk of the House of Representatives 
 all the evidence by him taken, all infor- 
 mation by him obtained, and all reports to 
 him made. [See ^ 5522.] 
 
 Sec. 2021. Whenever an election at 
 which Representatives or Delegates in 
 Congress are to be chosen is held in any 
 city or town of twenty thousand inhabi- 
 tants or upward, the marshal for the district 
 in which the city or town is situated shall, 
 on the application, in writing, of at least 
 two citizens residing in such city or town, 
 appoint special deputy marshals, whose 
 duty it shall be, when required thereto, to 
 aid and assist the supervisors of election 
 in the verification of any list of persons 
 who may have registered or voted ; to at- 
 tend in each election district or voting 
 precinct at the times and places fixed for 
 the registration of voters, and at all times 
 or places when and where the registration 
 may by law be scrutinized, and the names 
 of registered voters be marked for chal- 
 lenge; and also to attend, at all times for 
 holding elections, the polls in such district 
 or precinct. 
 
 Sec. 2022. The marshal and his general 
 deputies, and such special deputies, shall 
 keep the peace, and support and protect 
 the supervisors of election in the discharge 
 of their duties, preserve order at such 
 places of registration and at such polls, 
 
 f>revent rraudnlent registration and fraudu- 
 ent voting thcnjat, or frandulent conduct 
 on the part of any officer of election, and 
 immediately, either at tiie place of regis- 
 tration or polling [jlace, or elsewhere, and 
 cither befon; or alter registering or voting, 
 to arest and take into custody, with or 
 witliont ])rocess, jiny person who commits, 
 or attem])ts or odcrs to crtmmit, any of the 
 acts or olPenscs j>roliil)i(ed herein, or who 
 commits any odcnse against tlic law-iof the 
 Ilnitnd iStatiM ; but no person sliall be !ir- 
 rcatcd without process lor any ofl'cuae not 
 
 committed in the presence of the marshal 
 or his general or special deputies, or either 
 of them, or of the supervisors of election, 
 or either of them, and, for the purposes of 
 arrest or the preservation of the peace, 
 the supervisors of election shall, in the 
 absence of the marshal's deputies, or if 
 required to assist such deputies, have the 
 some duties and powers as deputy marshals ; 
 nor shall any person, on the day of such elec- 
 tion, be arrested without process for any of- 
 fense committed on the day of registration. 
 [See ?| 5521, 5522.] 
 
 Sec. 2023. Whenever any arrest is made 
 under any provision of this Title, the per- 
 son so arrested shall forthwith be brought 
 before a commissioner, judge, or court of 
 the United States for examination of the 
 oflenses alleged against him ; and such 
 commissioner, judge, or court shall proceed 
 in respect thereto as authorized by law in 
 case of crimes against the United States. 
 
 Sec. 2024. The marshal or his general 
 deputies, or such special deputies as are 
 thereto specially empowered by him, in 
 writing and under his hand and seal, 
 whenever he or either or any of them is 
 forcibly resisted in executing their duties 
 under this Title, or shall, by violence, 
 threats, or menaces, be prevented from 
 executing such duties, or from arresting 
 any person who has committed any oflense 
 for which the marshal or his general or 
 his special deputies are authorized to make 
 such arrest, are, and each of them is, 
 empowered to summon and call to his aid 
 the bystanders or posse comitatus of his 
 district. 
 
 Sec. 2025. The circuit courts of the 
 United States for each judicial circuit 
 shall name and appoint, on or before the 
 first day of May, in the year eighteen hun- 
 dred and seventy-one, and thereafter as 
 vacancies may from any cause arise, from 
 among the circuit court commissioners for 
 each judicial district in each judicial cir- 
 cuit, one of such officers, who shall be 
 known for the duties required of him un- 
 der this Title as the chief supervisor of 
 elections of the judicial district for which 
 he is a commissioner, and shall, so long as 
 faithful and capable, discharge the duties 
 in this Title imposed. [See ^ G27.] 
 
 Sec. 202(3. The chiet supervisor shall 
 prepare and furnish all necessary books, 
 forms, blanks, and instructions for the use 
 and direction of the supervisors of election 
 in the several cities and towns in their 
 respective districts; he shall receive the 
 ap])lications of all parties ibr appointment 
 to such positions; upon the opening, as 
 coTitemjilatcd in section two thousand and 
 twelve, of the circuit court for the judicial 
 circuit in which the conunissioner so de- 
 signated acts, he shall present such ap])li- 
 cations to the judge thereof, and furnish 
 information to him in respect to the ap- 
 
 1
 
 BOOK V.J 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 39 
 
 pointment by the court of such supervisors 
 of election; he shall require of the super- 
 visors of election, when necessary, lists of 
 the persons who nuiy register and vote, or 
 either, in their respective election districts 
 or voting precincts, and cause the names 
 of those upon any such list whose right to 
 register or vote is honestly doubted to be 
 verified by proper inquiry and examina- 
 tion at the respective places by them as- 
 signed as their residences; and he shall 
 receive, preserve, and file all oaths of office 
 of supervisors of election, and of all special 
 deputy marshals appointed under the 
 provisions of this Title, and all certificates, 
 returns, reports, and records of every kind 
 and nature contemplated or made re- 
 quisite by the provisions hereof, save 
 where otherwise herein specially directed. 
 [See I 627.] 
 
 Sec. 2027. All United States marshals 
 and commissioners who in any judicial 
 district i)erform any duties under the pre- 
 ceding provisions relating to, concerning, 
 or affecting the election of Representatives 
 or Delegates in the Congress of the United 
 States, Irom time to time, and, with all 
 due diligence, shall forward to the chief 
 supervisor in and for their judicial district, 
 all complaints, examinations, and records 
 pertaining thereto,, and all oaths of o&ce 
 by them administered to any su{)ervisor of 
 election or special deputy marshal, in order 
 that the same may be properly preserved 
 and filed. 
 
 Sec. 2028. No person shall be appointed 
 a supervisor of election or a deputy mar- 
 shal, under the ])receding provisions, who 
 is not, at the time of his appointment, a 
 qualified voter of the city, town, county, 
 parish, election district, or voting precinct 
 in which his duties are to be performed. 
 
 Sec. 2029. The supervisors of election 
 appointed for any county or parish in any 
 congressional district, at the instance of 
 ten citizens, as provided in section two 
 thousand and eleven, shall have no au- 
 thority to make arrests, or to perform other 
 duties than to be in the immediate pre- 
 sence of the officers holding the election, 
 and to witness all their proceedings, in- 
 cluding the counting of the votes and the 
 making of a return thereof. 
 
 Sec. 2030. Nothing in this Title shall 
 be construed to authorize the appointment 
 of any marshals or deputy marshals in ad- 
 dition to those authorized by law, prior to 
 the tenth day of June, eighteen hundred 
 and seventy-two. 
 
 Sec. 203*1. There shall be allowed and 
 paid to the chief supervisor, for his ser- 
 vices as such officer, the following compen- 
 sation, apart from and in excess of all fees 
 allowed by law for the performance of any 
 duty as circuit court commissioner : Iu)r 
 filing and caring for every return, report, 
 record, document, or other paper required 
 
 to be filed by him under any of the pre- 
 ceding provisions, ten cents ; for affixing a 
 seal to any paper, record, report, or instru- 
 ment, twenty cents ; for entering and in- 
 dexing the records of his office, filtecn 
 cents per folio ; and for arranging and 
 transmitting to Congress, as provided for 
 in section two thousand and twenty, any 
 report, statement, record, return, or exami- 
 nation, for each folio, fifteen cents; and 
 for any copy thereof, or of any paper on 
 file, a like sum. And there shall be allowed 
 and paid to each supervisor of election, 
 and each special de])uty marshal who is 
 appointed and performs his duty under the 
 preceding provisions, comiiensation at the 
 rate of five dollars per day lor each day he 
 is actually on duty, not exceeding ten 
 days ; but no compensation shall be al- 
 lowed, in any case, to supervisors of elec- 
 tion, except to those aj>pointed in cities or 
 towns of twenty thousand or more inhabi- 
 tants. And the fees of the chief su])er- 
 visors shall be paid at the Treasury of the 
 United States, such accounts to be made 
 out, verified, examined, and certified as in 
 the case of accounts of commissioners, save 
 that the examination or certificate required 
 may be made by either the circuit^or dis- 
 trict judge. 
 
 The Freemen. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 2032. Certain arts continued in force. 
 
 2033. Such laws to be enforced by Secretary of War. 
 
 2034. Accounts for expenditures, ic, to be paid from 
 
 what fund, and how. 
 
 2035. Secretary of \\Hr appointed trustee of a retained- 
 
 bounty fund, Ac. 
 203r). May invent the fund, and for what purjwse. 
 
 2037. Who to be deemed wife and children of colored 
 
 8.ililier8. 
 
 2038. Freenien'H Hospital in District of Columbia, con- 
 
 tinued, &c. 
 
 Sec. 2032. All laws and parts of laws 
 pertaining to the collection and payment 
 of bounty, prize money, and other legiti- 
 mate claims of colored soldiers, sailors, and 
 marines, or their heirs, shall remain in 
 force until otherwise ordered bv Congress. 
 
 Sec. 2033. The Secretary of" War is au- 
 thorized to carry into eflect all laws and 
 parts of laws referred to in the preceding 
 section, and to this end he may employ 
 such clerical force as he deems necessarj'. 
 
 Sec. 2034. Where accounts have been 
 rendered for necessary exjicnditures in- 
 curred for refugees or freemen, under tho 
 sanction of the proper officers, but which 
 cannot be settled for want of specific ap-_ 
 propriations, the same may be paid out of 
 the fund for the relief of refugees; and 
 freedmen, on the approvsl of the Secretarj' 
 [of] War. 
 
 Sec. 2035. The Secretary- of War is con- 
 stituted the lawful custodian of a retained 
 bounty fund, which has been derived from 
 a portion of the State bounties of certain 
 colored soldiers enlisted in Virginia and 
 North Carolina, during the yeai-s I8{i4 and 
 18t)5, and which, by virtue of General Or-
 
 40 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 ders No. 90, Department of Virginia and 
 North Carolina, was held by the Superin- 
 tendent of Freedmen's Affairs, but was 
 turned over to the Bureau upon its organi- 
 zation ; and the Secretary of War shall 
 hold the fund as trustee for the benefit of 
 such colored soldiers or their legal repre- 
 sentatives, to whom the same shall be paid 
 upon their application or discoverJ^ 
 
 Sec. 203G. The Secretary of War is em- 
 powered to invest the fund, or any portion 
 thereof, in bonds of the United States, for 
 the exclusive benefit of such colored 
 soldiers or their legal representatives ; but 
 a sufficient amount of the same in cash may 
 be retained uninvested to meet all lawful 
 claims thereupon that will probably be pre- 
 sented for payment. 
 
 Sec. 2037." In determining who is the 
 wife or child of any colored soldier, within 
 the meaning of this Title, evidence that 
 the soldier and the woman claimed to be 
 his wife cohabited or associated as husband 
 and wife, and so continued to cohabit or 
 associate at the time of enlistment, or evi- 
 dence that a form of marriage, whether 
 such marriage was authorized or recog- 
 nized by law or not, was entered into by 
 them, and that the parties thereafter lived 
 together as husband and wife, and so con- 
 tinued to live together at the time of the 
 enlistment, shall be deemed sufficient proof 
 of marriage ; and the children born of any 
 such marriage shall be taken to be the 
 children embraced within the provisions 
 of this Title, whether such marriage was 
 or was not dissolved at the time of the en- 
 listment. 
 
 Sec. 2038. The Freedmen's Hospital 
 and Asylum in the District of Columbia 
 is, until' otherwise ordered by Congress, 
 continued under the control and super- 
 vision of the Secretary of War, who shall 
 make all estimates, pass all accounts, and 
 be responsible to the Treasury for all ex- 
 penditures ; but no part of any appropria- 
 tion shall be used in support of, or to pay 
 the expenses on account of, any person 
 hereafter to be admitted to such Hospi- 
 tal and Asylum, unless persons removed 
 thither from some other Grovernment hos- 
 pital. 
 
 An Act to Protect all Citizens in tbieir Civil 
 and Iic^al Rl^Iits.* 
 
 Sections 
 
 Preamble; equity of riRlitn. 
 
 1. All perrtons to have e(iiiul riRhtfl in inns, pviblic 
 
 conveyance!), thoat<jrtf, ami place of jjublic amuHo- 
 mcnt. 
 
 2. PerHons violating provisionH liable to penalty. 
 Klection of renn-Jii-o by j)ers<>nH ajTRrieved. 
 Juiltcmcnt on c>ne harx both remedivB. 
 
 3. JuriHiliction of courts. 
 
 DiHtrirt attorneys. marHliald, and commlHuioners to 
 iriHlituteprocoedinR^ u){ainHt persoimviolatingact. 
 KiKht« of civil actionn not allcctcd. 
 J'ailure of dJHtrict attorney to ))roKeeute. 
 Kffect of Judgment againut district attorney. 
 
 * Act of March 1, 187'), with amondmenta 
 of Ilevised Statutes Supplement, 1882. 
 
 4. Jurors not to be excluded on "account of race or 
 
 color. 
 
 5. Supreme Court may review all cases under this act 
 
 Whereas, it is essential to Just government 
 we recognize the equality of all men before 
 the law, and hold it is the duty of govern- 
 ment in its dealings ivith the people to mete 
 out equal and exact justice to all, of what- 
 ever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, re- 
 ligious or political ; and it being the appro- 
 priate object of legislation to enact great 
 fundamental principles into law : There- 
 fore, 
 
 Be it enacted, etc. 
 
 Section 1. That all persons within 
 the jurisdiction of the United States shall 
 be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment 
 of the accommodations, advantages, facili- 
 ties, and privileges of inns, public convey- 
 ances on land or water, theaters, and other 
 places of public amusement; subject only 
 to the conditions and limitations esta- 
 blished by law, and applicable alike to 
 citizens of every race and color, regardless 
 of any previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Sec. 2. That any person who shall vio- 
 late the foregoing section by denying to 
 any citizen, except for reasons by law ap- 
 plicable to citizens of every race and oolor, 
 and regardless of any previous condition 
 of servitude, the full enjoyment of any of 
 the accommodations, advantages, facili- 
 ties, or privileges in said section enume- 
 rated, or by aiding or inciting such denial, 
 shall, for every such offense, forfeit and 
 pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the 
 person aggrieved thereby, to be recovered 
 in an action of debt, with full costs ; and 
 shall also, for every such offense, be 
 deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, 
 upon conviction thereof, shall be fined 
 not less than five hundred nor more than 
 one thousand dollars, or shall be impris- 
 oned not less than thirty days nor more 
 than one year : 
 
 Provided, That all persons may elect to 
 sue for the penalty' aforesaid, or to pro- 
 ceed under their rights at common law 
 and by State statutes; and having so 
 elected to proceed in the one mode or the 
 other, their right to proceed in the other 
 jurisdiction shall be barred. But this 
 proviso shall not apply to criminal pro- 
 ceedings, either under this act or the 
 criminal law of any State. 
 
 And provided further, That a judgment 
 for the penalty in favor of the party ag- 
 grieved, or a judgment upon an indict- 
 ment, shall be a bar to either prosecution 
 respectively. 
 
 Sec. ,3. That the district and circuit 
 courts of the United States shall have, 
 exclusively of the courts of the several 
 States, cognizance of all crimes and of- 
 fenses against, and violations of, the pro- 
 visions of this act ; and actions for the 
 penalty given by the preceding section
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 41 
 
 may be prosecuted in the territorial, dis- 
 trict, or circuit courts of tlie United States 
 wherever tlie defendant may be found, 
 without regard to the other party. 
 
 And the district attorneys, marshals, 
 and deputy marshals of the United Htatcs, 
 and commissioners appointed by the cir- 
 cuit and territ(jrial courts of the United 
 States, with powers of arresting and im- 
 prisoning or bailing offenders against the 
 laws of the United States, are hereby spe- 
 cially authorized and required to institute 
 proceedings against every person who 
 shall violate the provisions of this act, 
 and cause him to be arrested and impris- 
 oned or bailed, as the case may be, for 
 trial before such court of the United 
 States, or territorial court, as by law has 
 cognizance of the offense, except in re- 
 spect of the right of action accruing to 
 the person aggrieved ; and such district 
 attorneys shall cause such proceedings to 
 be prosecuted to their termination as in 
 other cases : 
 
 Provided, That nothing contained in 
 this section shall be construed to deny or 
 defeat any right of civil action accruing 
 to any person, whether by reason of this 
 act or otherwise ; 
 
 And any district attorney who shall will- 
 fully fail to institute and prosecute the 
 proceedings herein req^uired, shall, for 
 every such offense, forfeit and pay the 
 sum of five hundred dollars to the person 
 aggrieved thereby, to be recovered by an 
 action of debt, with full costs, and shall, 
 on conviction thereof, be deemed guilty 
 of a misdemeanor, and be fined not less 
 than one thousand nor more than five 
 thousand dollars : 
 
 And provided further, That a judgment 
 for the penalty in favor of the party ag- 
 grieved against any such district attorney, 
 or a judgment upon an indictment against 
 any such district attorney, shall be a bar 
 to either prosecution respectively. 
 
 Sec. 4. That no citizen possessing all 
 other qualifications which are or may be 
 prescribed by law shall be disqualified for 
 ser\nce as grand or petit juror in any court 
 of the United States, or of any State, on 
 account of race, color, or previous condi- 
 tion of servitude ; and any officer or other 
 person charged with any duty in the se- 
 lection or summoning of jurors who shall 
 exclude or fail to summon any citizen for 
 the cause aforesaid shall, on conviction 
 thereof, be deemed guilty of a misde- 
 meanor, and be fined not more than five 
 thousand dollars. 
 
 Sec. 5. That all cases arising under the 
 provisions of this act in the courts of the 
 United States shall be reviewable by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, with- 
 out regard to the sum in controversy, un- 
 der the same provisions and regulations 
 as are oow provided by law for the review 
 
 of other causes in said court. [March 1 
 
 1875.J 
 
 Allen Knemles. 
 
 Sec. 4067. Whenever there is a declared 
 war between the United States and any 
 foreign nation or government, or any inva- 
 sion or jjredatory incursion is perpetrated, 
 attempted, or threatened against the ter- 
 ritory of the United States, by any foreign 
 nation or government, and the President 
 makes public proclamation of the event, 
 all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects 
 of the hostile nation or government, being 
 males of the age of fourteen years and up- 
 ward, Avho shall be within the United 
 States, and not actually naturalized, shall 
 be liable to be apprehended, restrained, 
 secured, and removed, as alien enemies. 
 The President is authorized, in any such 
 event, by his proclamation thereof, or 
 other public act, to direct the conduct to 
 be observed, on the part of the United 
 States, towards the aliens who become so 
 liable ; the manner and degree of the re- 
 straint to which they shall be subject, and 
 in what cases, and upon what security 
 their residence shall be permitted, and to 
 provide for the removal of those who, not 
 being permitted to reside within the Uni- 
 ted States, refuse or neglect to depart there- 
 from; and to establish any other regula- 
 tions Avhich are found necessary in the 
 premises and for the public safety. 
 
 Sec. 4068. When an alien who becomes 
 liable as an enemy, in the manner pre- 
 scribed in the preceding section, is not 
 chargeable with actual hostility, or other 
 crime against the public safety, he shall 
 be allowed, for the recoverj', disposal, and 
 removal of his goods and effects, and for 
 his departure, the full time which is or 
 shall be stipulated by any treaty then in 
 force between the United States and the 
 hostile nation or government of which he 
 is a native citizen, denizen, or subject; and 
 where no such treaty exists, or is in force, 
 the President may ascertain and declare 
 such reasonable time as may be consistent 
 with the public safety, and according to 
 the dictates of humanity and national 
 hospitality. 
 
 Sec. 4069. After any such proclamation 
 has been made, the several courts of the 
 United States, having criminal jurisdic- 
 tion, and the several justices and judges 
 of the courts of the United States, are 
 authorized, and it shall be their duty, uj)on 
 complaint against any alien enemy resi- 
 dent and at large within such jurisdiction 
 or district, to the danger of the i>ublic 
 peace or safety, and contrary' to the tenor 
 or intent of such proclamation, or other 
 regulations which tne President may have 
 established, to cause such alien to be duly 
 apprehended and conveyed before such 
 court, judge, or justice; and after a lull
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 examination and hearing on such com- 
 plaint, and sufficient cause appearing, to 
 order such alien to be removed out of the 
 territory of the United States, or to give 
 sureties for his good behavior, or to be 
 Otherwise restrained, conformably to the 
 proclamation or regulations established as 
 aforesaid, and to imprison, or otherwise 
 secure such alien, until the order which 
 may be so made shall be performed. 
 
 Sec. 4070. When an alien enemy is re- 
 quired by the President, or by order of 
 any court, judge, or justice, to depart and 
 to be removed, it shall be the duty of 
 the marshal of the district in which he 
 shall be apprehended to provide therefor, 
 and to execute such order in person, or by 
 his depute', or other discreet person to be 
 employed by him, by causing a removal of 
 such alien out of the territory of the United 
 States ; and for such removal the marshal 
 shall have the warrant of the President, 
 or of the court, judge, or justice, ordering 
 the same, as the case may be. 
 
 Bounty-liaiids. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 2414. Military" bounty-land warrants and locations as- 
 
 sisnable. 
 
 2415. Warrants located at 81.25 ; excess paid in cash. 
 
 2416. Claims for bounty-lands in virtue of certain acts 
 
 named, &c. 
 
 2417. Same subject. 
 
 2418. Bounty-lands for soldiers in certain wars. 
 
 2419. Certain classes of persons in the Mexican war, 
 
 their widows, &c , entitled to forty acres. 
 
 2420. Militia and volunteers in service since 1812. 
 
 2421. Persons not entitled under preceding sections. 
 
 2422. Period of captivity added to actual service. 
 
 2423. Warrant and patent, to issue when. 
 
 2424. Widows of persons entitled. 
 242'>. Additional bounty-lands, &c. 
 
 2426. Classes under last section specified. 
 
 2427. What classes of persons entitled under section 
 
 2425, without regard to length of service. 
 
 2428. Widows and children of persons entitled under 
 
 section 2425. 
 
 24'29. Subsetiuent marriage of widow. 
 
 24)0. MinoiH umler section 2428. 
 
 24-31. Proof of sen'ice. 
 
 2*32. Form«r evidence of right to bounty-land to be re- 
 ceived in certain cases. 
 
 2433. Allowance of time of service for distance from 
 home to place of muster or discharge. 
 
 24.34. Indians included. 
 
 24;35. Former evidence of right to a pension to be re- 
 ceived in certain cases, on application for bounty- 
 land. 
 
 2436. Sales, mortgages, letters of attorney, &c., made be- 
 fore issue of warrant to be void. 
 
 i^il. Warrants to be located free of expense by Com- 
 missioner of Land-Onice, &c. 
 
 24.38. Desert<-rs not entitled to bounty-land. 
 
 24.39. Lost warrants, provisions for. 
 
 2140. Discharges, omissions, and loss of, provided for. 
 2441. New warrant issued in lieu of lost warrant. 
 2'H2. Regulations by Secretary of Interior. 
 
 2443. Mode of issuing patents to the heirs of persons en- 
 
 titled to bounty-lands. 
 
 2444. Desith of claimant after establishing right, and bo- 
 
 fore issuing of warrant. 
 
 2445. When proofs m.iy be filed by legal representatives. 
 
 2446. Belocjition of military bounty-land warrants in 
 
 cases of error. 
 
 Sec. 2414. All warrants for military 
 bounty-lands which have been or may 
 hereafter be issued under any law of the 
 United States, and all valid locations of 
 the .same which have been or may hereaf- 
 ter be made, are declared to be assignable 
 
 by deed or instrument of writing, made 
 and executed according to such form and 
 pursuant to such regulations as may be 
 prescribed by the Commissioner of the 
 General Land-Office, so as to vest the as- 
 signee with all the rights of the original 
 owner of the warrant or location. 
 
 Sec. 2415. The warrants which have 
 been or may hereafter be issued in pursu- 
 ance of law may be located according to 
 the legal subdivisions of the public lands 
 in one body upon any lands of the United 
 States subject to private entry at the time 
 of such location at the minimum price. 
 When such warrant is located on lands 
 which are subject to entry at a greater 
 minimum than one dollar and twenty-five 
 cents per acre, the locator shall pay to the 
 United States in cash the difference be- 
 tween the value of such warrants at one 
 dollar and twenty-five cents per acre and 
 the tract of land located on. But where 
 such tract is rated at one dollar and twenty- 
 five cents per acre, and does not exceed the 
 area specified in the warrant, it must be 
 taken in ftill satisfaction thereof. 
 
 Sec. 2416. In all cases of warrants for 
 bounty lands, issued by virtue of an act 
 approved July twenty-seven, one thousand 
 eight hundred and forty-two, and of two 
 acts approved January twenty-seven, one 
 thousand eight hundred and thirty-five, 
 therein and thereby revised, and of two 
 acts to the same intent, respectively, ap- 
 proved June twentj^-six, eighteen hundred 
 and forty-eight, and February eight, 
 eighteen hundred and fifty-four, for mili- 
 tary services in the revolutionary war, or 
 in the war of eighteen hundred and twelve 
 with Great Britain, which remained un- 
 satisfied on the second day of July, eigh- 
 teen hundred and sixty-four, it is lawful 
 for the person in whose name such warrant 
 issued, his heirs or legal repre.sentatives, to 
 enter in quarter-sections, at the proper 
 local land-office in any of the States or 
 Territories, the quantity of the public 
 lands subject to private entry which he is 
 entitled to under such warrant. 
 
 Sec. 2417. All warrants for bounty-lands 
 referred to in the preceding section may 
 be located at any time, in conformity with 
 the general laws in force at the time of 
 such location. 
 
 Sec. 2418. Each of the surviving, or 
 the widow or minor children of deceased 
 commissioned and non-commissioned offi- 
 cers, musicians, or privates, whether of 
 regulars, volunteers, rangers, or militia, 
 who perform military service in any regi- 
 ment, company, or detachment, in the 
 service of the United States, in the war 
 with Great Britain, declared on the eigh- 
 teenth day of June, eighteen hundred and 
 twelve, or in any of the Indian wars since 
 seventeen hundred and ninety, and prigr 
 to the third of March, eighteen hundred
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 
 
 43 
 
 and fifty, and each of the commissioned 
 officers who \v;ia engaged in the military 
 Bervice of the United States in the war 
 with Mexico, shall be entitled to lands as 
 follows : Those who engaged to serve 
 twelve months or during the war, and 
 actually served nine months, shall receive 
 one hundred and sixty acres, and those 
 who engaged to serve six months, and 
 actually served four months, shall receive 
 eighty acres, and those who engaged to 
 serve for any or an indefinite period, and 
 actually served one month, shall receive 
 forty acres ; but wherever any officer or 
 soldier was honorably discharged in con- 
 sequence of disability contracted in the 
 service, before the expiration of his period 
 of service, he shall receive the amount to 
 which he would have been entitled if he 
 had served the full period for which he 
 had engaged to serve. All the persons 
 enumerated in this section who enlisted in 
 the regular army, or were mustered in any 
 volunteer company for a period of not less 
 than twelvemonths, and who served in the 
 war with Mexico and received an honora- 
 ble discharge, or who were killed or died 
 of wounds received or sickness incurred in 
 the course of such service, or were dis- 
 charged before the expiration of the term 
 of service in consequence of wounds re- 
 ceived or sickness incurred in the course 
 of such service, shall be entitled to receive 
 a certificate or warrant for one hundred 
 and sixty acres of land : or at option Trea- 
 sury scrip for one hundred dollars bearing 
 interest at six per cent, per annum, paya- 
 ble semi-annually, at the pleasure of the 
 ( rovernment. In the event of the death of 
 any one of the persons mentioned in this 
 section during service, or after his dis- 
 charge, and before the issuing of a certifi- 
 cate or warrant, the warrant or scrip shall 
 be issued in favor of his family or rela- 
 tives ; first, to the widow and his children ; 
 second, his father ; third, his mother ; 
 fourth, his brothers and sisters. 
 
 8ec. 2419. The persons enumerated in 
 the preceding section received into service 
 after the commencement of the war with 
 Mexico, for less than twelve months, and 
 who served such torm, or were honorably 
 discharged are entitled to receive a certifi- 
 cate or warrant for forty acres, or scrip for 
 twenty-five dollars if preferred, and in the 
 event of the death of such person during 
 service, or after honorable discharge be- 
 fore the eleventh of February', eighteen 
 hundred and forty-seven, the warrant or 
 scrip shall issue to the wife, child, or chil- 
 dren, if there be any, and if none, to the 
 father, and if no father, to the mother of 
 such soldier. 
 
 8ec. 2420. Where the militia, or volun- 
 teers, or State troops of any State or Ter- 
 ritory, subsequent to the eicrhteenth day of 
 June, eighteen hundred and twelve, aJid 
 
 prior to March twenty-second, eighteen 
 hundred and fifty-two, were called into 
 service, the oflicers and .soldiers thereof 
 shall be entitled to all the benefits of sec- 
 tion two thousand four hundred and 
 eighteen upon proof of length of service 
 as therein re<iuired. 
 
 Sec. 2421. No person shall take any 
 benefit under the j)rovisions of the three 
 preceding sections, if he has received, or 
 is entitled to receive, any military land- 
 bounty under any act of Congress psissed 
 jnior to the twenty-second March, eighteen 
 hundred and fifty-two. 
 
 Sec. 2422. The period during which 
 any ofRecr or soldier remained in captivity 
 with the enemy shall be estimated and 
 added to the period of his actual service, 
 and the person so retained in captivity 
 shall receive land under the i)rovisions of 
 sections twenty-four hundred and eighteen 
 and twenty-four hundred and twenty, in 
 the same manner that he would be entitled 
 in case he had entered the service for the 
 whole term made up by the addition of 
 the time of his captivity, and had served 
 during .such term. 
 
 Sec. 2428. Every person for whom pro- 
 vision is made by sections twenty-four 
 hundred and eighteen and twenty-four 
 hundred and twenty shall receive a war- 
 rant from the Department of the Interior 
 for the quantity of land to which he is en- 
 titled ; and, upon the return of such war- 
 rant, with evidence of the location thereof 
 having been legally inade to the General 
 Land-Office, a patent shall be issued there- 
 for. 
 
 Sec. 2424. In the event of the death of 
 any person, for whom provision is made 
 by sections twenty-four hundred and 
 eighteen and twenty-four hundred and 
 twenty, and who did not receive bounty- 
 land for his services, a like warrant shall 
 issue in favour of his widow, who shall be 
 entitled to one hundred and sixty acres of 
 land in case her hu.sband was killed in 
 battle; nor shall a subsequent marriage 
 impair the right of any widow to such 
 warrant, if she be a widow at the time of 
 making her application. 
 
 Sec. 2425. Each of the surviving per- 
 sons specified in the classes enumerated 
 in the following section, who has served 
 for a period of not less than fourteen days, 
 in any of the wars in wliieh the United 
 States' have been enga^red since the year 
 seventeen hundred and ninety, and nrior 
 to the third dav of March, eighteen hnn- 
 dre<l and fiftv-five, shall be entitled to re- 
 ceive a warrant from the Department of 
 the Interior, for one hundred and sixty 
 acres of land; and, where any person so 
 entitled has, prior to the third day of 
 March, eiirhteen hundred and fifty-five, 
 receiv.^d a warrant for any number of 
 acres less than one hundred and sixty,
 
 44 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 he shall be allowed a warrant for such 
 quantity of land only as will make, in 
 the whole, with what he may have re- 
 ceived prior to that date, one hundred and 
 sixty acres. 
 
 Sec. 2426. The classes of persons em- 
 braced as beneticiaries under the preced- 
 ing section, are as follows, namely : 
 
 First. Commissioned and non-commis- 
 sioned officers, musicians, and privates, 
 whether of the regulars, volunteers, ran- 
 gers, or militia, who were regularly mus- 
 tered into the service of the United States. 
 
 Second. Commissioned and non-com- 
 missioned officers, seamen, ordinary sea- 
 men, flotilla-men, marines, clerks, and 
 landsmen in the Navy. 
 
 Third. Militia, v()lunteers, and State 
 troops of any State or Territory, called into 
 military service, and regularly mustered 
 therein, and whose services have been paid 
 by the United States. 
 
 Fourth. Wagon-masters and teamsters 
 who have been employed under the direc- 
 tion of competent authority, in time of 
 war, in the transportation of military stores 
 and supplies. 
 
 Fifth. Officers and soldiers of the revo- 
 lutionary war, and marines, seamen, and 
 other persons in the naval service of the 
 United States during that war. 
 
 Sixth. Chaplains who served with the 
 Army. 
 
 Seventh. Volunteers who served with 
 the armed forces of the United States in 
 any of the wars mentioned, subject to 
 militaiy orders, whether regularly mus- 
 tered into the service of the United States 
 or not. 
 
 Sec. 2427. The following class of per- 
 sons are included as beneficiaries under 
 section twenty-four hundred and twenty- 
 five, without regard to the length of ser- 
 vice rendered. 
 
 First. Any of the classes of persons 
 mentioned in section twenty-four hundred 
 and twenty-six who have been actually 
 engaged in any battle in any of the wars 
 in which this country has been engaged 
 since seventeen hundred and ninety, and 
 prior to March third, eighteen hundred 
 and fifty-five. 
 
 Second. Those volunteers who served 
 at the invasion of Plattsburgh, in Sep- 
 tember, eighteen hundred and fourteen. 
 
 Third. The volunteers who served at 
 the battle of King's Mountain in the 
 revolutionary war. 
 
 Fourth, The volunteers who served at 
 the battle of Nickojack against the con- 
 federate savages of the South. 
 
 Fifth. The volunteers who served at 
 the attack on Lewistown, in Delaware, by 
 the British fleet, in the war of eighteen 
 hundred and twelve. 
 
 Sec. 2428. In the event of tlic death of 
 any person who would be entitled to a 
 
 warrant, as provided in section twenty- 
 four hundred and twenty-five, leaving a 
 widow, or, if no widow, a minor child, 
 such widow or such minor child shall re- 
 ceive a warrant for the same quantity of 
 land that the decedent would be entitled 
 to receive, if living on the third day of 
 March, eighteen hundred and fifty-five. 
 
 Sec. 2429. A subsequent marriage shall 
 not impair the right of any widow, under 
 the preceding section, if she be a widow 
 at the time of her application. 
 
 Sec. 2430. Persons within the age of 
 twenty-one years on the third day of 
 March, eighteen hundred and fifty-five, 
 shall be considered minors within the in- 
 tent of section twenty-four hundred and 
 twenty-eight. 
 
 Sec. 2431. Where no record evidence 
 of the service for which a warrant is 
 claimed exists, parol evidence may be ad- 
 mitted to prove the service performed, 
 under such regulations as the Commis- 
 sioner of Pensions may prescribe. 
 
 Sec. 2432. Where certificate or a war- 
 rant for bountj^-land for any less quantity 
 than one hundred and sixty acres has 
 been issued to any officer or soldier, or to 
 the widow or minor child of anv officer or 
 soldier, the evidence upon which such 
 certificate or warrant was issued shall be 
 received to establish the service of such 
 officer or soldier in the application of him- 
 self, or of his widow or minor child, for a 
 warrant for so much land as may be re- 
 quired to make up the full sum of one 
 hundred and sixty acres, to which he may 
 be entitled under the preceding section, 
 on proof of the identity of such officer or 
 soldier, or, in case of his death, of the 
 marriage and identity of his widow, or, in 
 case of her death, of the identity of his 
 minor child. But if, upon a review of 
 such evidence, the Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions is not satisfied that the former war- 
 rant was properly granted, he may require 
 additional evidence, as well of the term as 
 of the fact of service. 
 
 Sec. 2433. When any company, bat- 
 talion, or regiment, in an organized form, 
 marched more than twenty miles to the 
 place where they were mustered into the 
 service of the United States, or were dis- 
 charged moi-e than twenty miles from the 
 place where such company, battalion, or 
 regiment was organized, in all such cases, 
 in computing the length of service of the 
 officers and soldiers or any such company, 
 battalion, or regiment, there shall be al- 
 lowed one day for every twenty miles from 
 the place where the company, battalion, 
 or regiment was organized to the place 
 where the same was mustered into the 
 service of the United States, and one day 
 for every twenty miles from the place 
 where such company, battalion, or regi- 
 ment was dischargecl, to the place where 
 
 I
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 
 
 45 
 
 it was organized, and from whence it 
 marched to enter the service, provided 
 that sucli marcli was in obedience to the 
 command or direction of the President, 
 or some general officer of the United 
 States, commanding an army or depart- 
 ment, or the chief executive officer of the 
 State or Territory by whicli such com- 
 pany, battalion, or regiment was called 
 into service. 
 
 Sec. 2434. The provisions of all the 
 bounty-land laws shall be extended to In- 
 dians, in the same manner and to the 
 same extent as to white persons. 
 
 Sec. 2435. Where a pension has been 
 granted to any officer or soldier, the evi- 
 dence upon which such pension was 
 granted sliall be received to establish the 
 service of such officer or soldier in his ap- 
 plication for bounty-land ; and upon prool' 
 of his identity as such pensioner, a war- 
 rant may be issued to him for the quantity 
 of land to which he is entitled ; and in 
 case of the death of such pensioned officer 
 or soldier, his widow shall be entitled to a 
 warrant for the same quantity of land to 
 which her husband would have been en- 
 titled, if living, upon proof that she is 
 such widow; and in case of the death of 
 such officer or soldier, leaving a minor 
 child and no widow, or where the widow 
 may have deceased before the issuing of 
 any warrant, such minor child shall be 
 entitled to a warrant for the same quantity 
 of land as the father would have been en- 
 titled to receive if living, upon proof oi" 
 the decease of father and mother. But if, 
 upon a review of such evidence, the Com- 
 missioner of Pensions is not satisfied that 
 the pension was properly granted, he nuiy 
 require additional evidence, as well of the 
 term as of the fact of service. 
 
 Sec. 243G. All sales, mortgages, letters 
 of attorney, or other instruments of writ- 
 ing, going to affect the title or claim to 
 any warrant issued, or to be issued, or any 
 land granted, or to be granted, under the 
 preceding provisions of this chapter, made 
 or executed prior to the issue of sucli war- 
 rant, shall be null and void to all intents 
 and purposes whatsoever; nor shall such 
 warrant, or the land obtained thereby, be 
 in anywise affected by, or charged with, 
 or subject to, the payment of any debt or 
 claim incurred by any officer or soldier, 
 prior to the issuing of the patent. 
 
 Sec. 2437. It shall be the duty of the 
 Commissioner of the General Land-Office, 
 under such regulations as may be pre- 
 scribed by the Secretary' of the Interior, 
 to cause to be located, free of expense, any 
 warrant which the holder may transmit to 
 the General Land-Office for that purpose, 
 in such State or land-district as the holder 
 or warrantee may designate, and upon 
 
 food farming-land, so far as the same can 
 e ascertained from the maps, plats, and 
 47 
 
 field-notes of the surveyor, or from any 
 other information in the possession of the 
 local office, and, upon the locati(m being 
 made, the Secretary shall cause a patent to 
 be transmitted to such warrantee or lioider. 
 
 Sec. 2438. No person who has been in 
 the military service of the United States 
 shall, in any case, receive a bcninty-laiid 
 warrant if it appears by the muster-rolls 
 of his regiment <jr corps that he deserted or 
 was dishonorably dischargeil from service. 
 
 Sec. 2439. When a soldier of the Regu- 
 lar Army, who ha^ obtained a military 
 land-warrant, loses the same, (jr such war- 
 rant is destroyed by accident, he shall, 
 upon proof thereof to the satisfaction of 
 the Secretary of the Interior, be entitled 
 to a patent in like manner as if the war- 
 rant was produced. 
 
 Sec. 24-K). In all cases of discharge 
 from the military service of the United 
 States of any soldier of the Regular Army, 
 when it appears to the satisfaction of the 
 Secretary of War that a certificate of faith- 
 ful services has been omitted by the ne- 
 glect of the discharging officer, by mis- 
 construction of the law, or by any other 
 neglect or casualty, such omission shall 
 not jirevent the issuing of the warrant 
 and patent as in other cases. And when 
 it is proved that any soldier of the Regu- 
 lar Army has lost his discharge and certi- 
 ficate of faithiul service, the Secretary of 
 War shall cause such papers to be fur- 
 nished such soldier a.s will entitle him to 
 his land-warrant and patent, provided 
 such measure is justified by tlie time of 
 his enlistment, the period oi" service, and 
 the report of some officer of the corps to 
 which he was attached. 
 
 Sec. 2441. W^henever it appears that 
 any certificate or warrant, issued in pursu- 
 ance of any law granting bounty-land, has 
 been lost or destroyed, whether the same 
 has been sold and assigned by the warran- 
 tee or not, the Secretary- of the Interior is 
 required to cause a new certificate or Avar- 
 rant of like tenor to be issued in lieu 
 thereof; which new certificate or warrant 
 may be assigned, located, and patented in 
 like manner as other certificates or war- 
 rants for bounty-land are now authorized 
 by law to be assigned, located, and pa- 
 tented; and in all cases where warrants 
 have been, or may be, re-issued, the origi- 
 nal warrant, in whosoever hands it may be, 
 shall be deemed and held to be null and 
 void, and the assignment thereof, if any 
 there bo, fraudulent; and no natent shall 
 ever i.ssue for any land located therewith, 
 unless such presumption of fraud in the 
 assignment be removed l)y due proof that 
 the same was executed by the warrantee in 
 •rood faith and for a valuable consideration. 
 
 Sec. 24-42. The Secretary of the Inte- 
 rior is required to prescribe such regula- 
 tions for carr>'ing the preceding section
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book V- 
 
 into effect as he may deem necessary and 
 proper in order to protect the Government 
 against imposition and fraud by persons 
 claiming the benefit thereof; and all laws 
 and parts of laws for the punishment of 
 frauds against the United States are made 
 applicable to frauds under that section. 
 
 Sec. 2443. In all cases where an officer 
 or soldier of the revolutionary war, or a 
 soldier of the war of eighteen hundred 
 and twelve, was entitled to bounty-land, 
 has died before obtaining a patent for the 
 land, and where application is made by a 
 part only of the heirs of such deceased 
 officer or soldier for such bounty-land, it 
 shall be the duty of the Secretary of the 
 Interior to issue the patent in the name of 
 the heirs of such deceased officer or sol- 
 dier, without specifying each ; and the pa- 
 tent so issued in the name of the- heirs, 
 generally, shall inure to the benefit of the 
 whole, in such portions as they are sever- 
 ally entitled to by the laws of descent in 
 the State or Territory where the officer or 
 soldier belonged at the time of his death. 
 
 Sec. 2444. When proof has been or 
 hereafter is filed in the Pension Office, dur- 
 ing the life-time of a claimant, establish- 
 ing, to the satisfaction of that office, his 
 right to a warrant for military services, 
 and such warrant has not been, or may not 
 be, issued until after the death of the 
 claimant, and all such warrants as have 
 been hitherto issued subsequent to the 
 death of the claimant, the title to such 
 warrants shall vest in his widow, if there 
 be one, and if there be no widow, then in 
 the heirs or legatees of the claimant ; and 
 all military bounty-land warrants issued 
 pursuant to law shall be treated as per- 
 sonal chattels, and may be conveyed by 
 assignment of such widow, heirs, or lega- 
 tees, or by the legal representatives of the 
 deceased claimant, for the use of such 
 heirs or legatees only. 
 
 Sec. 2445. The legal representatives of 
 a deceased claimant for a bounty-land 
 warrant, whose claim was filed prior to his 
 death, may file the proofs necessary to per- 
 fect such claim. 
 
 Sec. 2446. Where an actual settler on 
 the public lands has sought, or hereaf- 
 ter attemj)ts, to locate the land settled on 
 and improved by him, with a military 
 bounty-land warrant, and where, from any 
 cause, an ernjr has occurred in making 
 such lf)cation, he is authorized to relin- 
 quish the land so erroneously located, and 
 tx) locate such warrant upon the land so 
 settled upon and improved by him, if the 
 same then be vacant, and if not, upon any 
 other vacant land, on making jiroof of 
 those facts to the Hatisfaction of tlie land- 
 officers, according t/i such rules and regula- 
 tions as may be prescribed l)y the ('oininis- 
 sioner of therjcrncril Larid-Ollice, and sub- 
 ject to his final adjudication. 
 
 An Act to Kxtend tbe Time for FUlug 
 Claims for Additional Boonty^ 
 
 Under the Act of July Thventy-eighth, Eighteen Hundred 
 and Sixty sij^, which Expired, by Limitatim, on Jau' 
 tiary Thirtieth, Eighteen Hundred and Seventy-five, 
 until July First, Eighteen Hundred and Eighty. 
 
 Time for filing claims for additional bounty extended 
 to July, 1880, according to statute of 186G, printed in 
 note. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c., That the time for fil- 
 ing claims for additional bounty under the 
 act of July twenty-eighth, eighteen hun- 
 dred and sixty -six, (Ij and which expired 
 by limitation on the thirtieth day of Janu- 
 ary, eighteen hundred and seventy-five, be, 
 and the same is hereby, revived and ex- 
 tended until the first day of July, eighteen 
 hundred and eighty ; and that all claims for 
 such bounty filed in the proper department 
 after the thirtieth day of January, eighteen 
 hundred and seventy-five, and before the 
 passage of this act, shall be, and the same 
 are hereby declared to have been, filed in 
 due time, and shall be considered and de- 
 cided without refiling. [July 5, 1876.] 
 
 Note.— (1) By act of 18G9, ch. 133, g 4 (16 Stat. L., 334), 
 it was enacted that all claims for bountj' under the pro- 
 visions of the act of 18(;G, ch. 200 (14 Stat. L., 323), here 
 referred to, should be void unless presented prior to 
 December, 1869. 
 
 By act of 1870, ch. 253 (16 Stat. L., 254), the time for 
 presenting claims was extended to January 13, 1871 ; by 
 act of 1873, ch. 281 (17 Stat. L., 608), to January 13, 1874, '. 
 and by act of 1874, ch. 303 (18 Stat. L., 79), to January 
 13, 1875. 
 
 The provisions of the act of 1806, ch. 296, extended by 
 the above-iaontioned acts and by this act, until July 1, 
 1880, are as follows: 
 
 Sec. 12. That each and every soldier who enlisted into 
 the army of the United States, after the nineteenth day 
 of April, eighteen hundr^'d and si.\ty-one, for a period of 
 not less than three yeare, and having served the time of 
 his enlistment has been honorablj' discharged, and who 
 has r ccived or who is entitled to receive from the 
 United States under existing laws, a bounty of one hun- 
 dred dollars and no more, and any such soldier enlisted 
 for not less than three years, who has b"en honorably 
 discharged on account of wounds received in the lino of 
 duty, and the widow, minor children or parents in the 
 order named, of any such soldier who died in the service 
 of the United States or of disease or wounds contracted 
 while in tlio service, and in the lino of duty, shall be 
 paid the additional bounty of one hundred dollars hereby 
 authorized. 
 
 Sec. 1:J. Tliat to each and every soldier who enlisted 
 into the army of the United States", after the fourteenth 
 driy of April, eighteen hiindred and sixty-one, for a 
 period of not less than two years and who is not in- 
 cluded in the foregoing section, and has been honorably 
 discharged after serving two years, and who has riMieived 
 or is entitled to receive from the United States, under 
 existing laws, a bounty of one hundred dollars and no 
 inure, shall be paid an additional bounty of fifty dollar.H, 
 and any such soldier enlisted for not less than two years 
 who has been honoralily discharged on account of 
 wounds received in the line of duty, and the widow, 
 minor children, or jiarcnts, in the order named, of any 
 such soldier who died in the service of the United States, 
 nr of disease, or wonu'ls contracted while in the servico, 
 and in the line of duty, shall bo paid th(! additional 
 bounty of fifty dollars hereby authorized. 
 
 Sf.c. 14. That any soldier who sliall have bartered, 
 HiiM, iiHsipiii'd, (niiiKfcrred, loaned, exchanged, or given 
 away bis fuKil discharge pajiers, or any ititerest in the 
 bounty provideil liy this or any other act of t'ongress, iS 
 sliiill not be entitled to receive any additional bounty H 
 whatever; and when application is made by any soldier ■ 
 for said li mtity. he sliatl be required, under the pains 
 and peniillii rt of perjury, to make oath or affirmation of 
 bis identity, and that ho has not so bartered, sold M-
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 47 
 
 (ignod, transferred, exchanged, loaned, or given away 
 either hin ilischurge pHi)erB,or any interest iu any iKiuuty 
 a6 alurewtid. 
 
 And ni) claim for such bounty shall be entertained by 
 the paymaster general or otiier accounting or disbursing 
 oflicer except ii|H)n receipt of tlie claimant's discharge 
 pagjers, accumpani<^d by the stutcmuut under oath, as by 
 this section provided. 
 
 Sec. 15. That in the payment of the additional bounty 
 herein provided for, it shall Ix; the duty of the payuijuster- 
 general, under such rules and regulations as may be pre- 
 ncribed by the Secretary of War, to cause to bo examined 
 the accounts of each and every soldier who makes appli- 
 cation therefor, and if found entitled thereto shall pay 
 ■aid bountieo. 
 
 Skc. IC. That in the reception, examination, settle- 
 ment, and payment of claims for said additional bounty 
 duo the wiilowsor heirs of deceii.sed suliliers, the account- 
 ing otticers of the Treasury shall he g.iverned by the re- 
 strictions proscribed for the iiayiniu-iter-general by the 
 Secretary of \Var,and the payment sli:ill be made in like 
 manner under the direction of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury. 
 
 July 5, 1876. — Supplement of Kevisod Statutes, 1882. 
 
 An Act for the Relief of Settlers on Rail- 
 road Lands. 
 
 Bailroad companies relinquishing lands in their grants 
 entered for pre-emption or homestead may select other 
 lands in lieu thereof. 
 
 Title of settlor-i may be perfected. 
 
 Grant.s to companies not enlarged. 
 
 Act not to bo construed as confirming certain decisions 
 of Interior Department. 
 
 Re it enacted, &c., That in the adjust- 
 ment of all railroad land grants, whether 
 made directly to any railroad company or 
 to any State for railroad purposes, if any 
 of the lands granted be found in the pos- 
 session of an actual settler whose entry or 
 filing has been allowed under the pre- 
 emption or homestead laws of the LTnited 
 States subsequent to the time at which, 
 by the decision of the land-office, the 
 right of said road was declared to have 
 attached to such lands, the grantees, upon 
 a proper relinquishment of the lands so 
 entered or filed for, shall be entitled to 
 select an equal quantity of other lands in 
 lieu thereof from any of the public lands 
 not mineral and within the limits of the 
 grant not otherwise appropriated at the 
 date of selection, to which they shall re- 
 ceive title the same as though originally 
 granted. 
 
 And any such entries or filings thus re- 
 lieved from conflict may be perfected into 
 complete title as if such lands had not 
 been granted : 
 
 Pron'ded, That nothing herein contained 
 shall in any manner be so construed as to 
 enlarge or extend any grant to any such 
 railroad or to extend to lands reserved in 
 any land-grant made for railroad pur- 
 poses : 
 
 And provided further, That this act 
 shall not be construed so as in any man- 
 ner to confirm or legalize any decision or 
 ruling of the Interior Department under 
 which lands have been certified to any 
 railroad company when such lands have 
 been entered by a pre-emption or home- 
 stead settler after the location of the line 
 of the road and prior to the notice to the 
 
 local land-office of the withdrawal of such 
 lands from market. [June 22, 1874.J 
 
 TUe Slave Trade. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 5.^)51. Equipping, Ac, tcsscI for slave-trade ; forfeiture 
 ot vessel. 
 
 .W.")';;. Penalty on persons building, equipping, Ac. 
 
 f>'>5.i. Ki.rfeiture of vessel transporting slaves. 
 
 5ijr>4. Penalty for receiving persons on board to be Bold 
 as slaves. 
 
 5.555. Foil'eituro of vessel found hovering on cojist, Ac. 
 
 55.')(i. Forfeiture of interest in vessels transporting slaves. 
 
 5557. Seizure of vessels engaged in the slave-trade. 
 
 6558. Proceeds of condemned vessels, how distributed. 
 
 5.5,')9. Disposal of perscjns fmnd on Ixmrd seized vesselg. 
 
 .55(i(l. Apprehension of otlicers and crew. 
 
 5.'i()l. Ueniovalof persons delivered from seized vesselg. 
 
 55(12. Bounty. 
 
 5,')6:i. To what port captured vessels sent. 
 
 55IJ4. When owners of foreign vessels shall give bond. 
 
 5."))i5. Distribution of penalties. 
 
 5506 Contracts for reception In Africa of persons de- 
 livered from seized vessels. 
 
 5507. Instructions to commanders of armed vessels. 
 
 5508. Coutnicts for reception, Ac, in West Indies of 
 
 persons delivered from seized vessels. 
 5569. Instructions to commanders of armed vessels. 
 
 Sec. 5551. No person shall, for himself, 
 or for another, as master, I'actor, or owner, 
 build, fit, equip, load, or otherwise prepare 
 any vessel, in any port or place within the 
 jurisdiction of the United States, or cause 
 any vessel to sail from any port or place 
 within the jurisdiction of the same, for the 
 purpose of procuring any negro, mulatto, 
 or person of color, from any foreign king- 
 dom, place, or country, to be transported 
 to any port or place whatsoever, to be 
 held, sold, or otherwise disposed of, as a 
 slave, or to be held to service or labor ; and 
 every vessel so built, fitted out, equipped, 
 laden, or otherwise prepared, with her 
 tackle, apparel, furniture, and lading, shall 
 be forfeited, one moiety to the use of the 
 United States, and the" other to the use of 
 the person who sues for the forfeiture, and 
 prosecutes the same to eflect. [See U 
 5375-5382,] 
 
 Sec. 5552. Every person so building, 
 fitting out, equipping, loading or other- 
 wise prei)aring or sending away any ves- 
 sel, knowing or intending that the same 
 shall be employed in such trade or busi- 
 ness, contrarj' to the provisions of the 
 preceding section, or any ways aiding or 
 abetting therein, shall, besides the for- 
 feiture of the vessel, pay the sum of two 
 thousand dollars ; one moiety thereof to 
 the use of the United States, and the other 
 moiety thereof to the use of the person 
 who sues for and prosecutes the same to 
 effect. (See | 5378^1 
 
 Sec. 5553. Every vessel employod in 
 carrv'ing on the slave-trade, or on which is 
 received or transported any negro, mu- 
 latto, or person of color, from any foreign 
 kingdom or countr\', or from sea, for the 
 purpose of holding," selling, or otherwise 
 disposing of such ])erson as a slave, or of 
 holdimr such person to service or labor, 
 shall, "together with her tackle, apparel, 
 furniture, and the goods and effects which
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 may be found on board, or wliich may 
 have been imported thereon in the same 
 voyage, be toneited ; one moiety to the 
 United States, and the other to the use of 
 the person who sues for and prosecutes the 
 forfeiture to effect. [See || 5378, 5379. J 
 
 Sec. 5554. If any citizen of the United 
 vStates takes on board, receives, or trans- 
 ports any negro, mulatto, or person of 
 color, for the purpose of selling such per- 
 son as a slave, he shall, in addition to the 
 forfeiture of the vessel, pay to each person, 
 so received on board or transported, the 
 sum of two hundred dollars, to be re- 
 covered in any court of the United States ; 
 the one moiety thereof to the use of the 
 United States, and the other moiety to the 
 use of the person who sues for and prose- 
 cutes the same to effect. [See ^§ 5379, 5524, 
 5523.] 
 
 Sec. 5555. Every vessel which is found 
 in any river, port, bay, or harbor, or on 
 the high seas, within the jurisdictional 
 limits of the United States, or hovering 
 on the coasts thereof, and having on board 
 any negro, mulatto, or person of color, 
 with intent to sell such person as a slave, 
 or with intent to land the same for that 
 purpose, either in the United States or 
 elsewhere, shall, together with her tackle, 
 apparel, furniture, and the goods or effects 
 on board of her, be forfeited to the United 
 States. [See | 5380. J 
 
 Sec. 5556. It shall be unlawful for any 
 citizen of the United States, or other per- 
 son residing within them, directly or in- 
 directly to hold or have any right or pro- 
 perty in any vessel employed or made use 
 of in the transportation or carrying of 
 slaves from one foreign country or place 
 to another, and any such right or property 
 shall be forfeited, and may be libeled and 
 condemned for the use of the person suing 
 for the same ; and every person trans- 
 gressing the prohibition of this section 
 shall also forfeit and pay a sum of money 
 equal to double the value of his right or 
 property in such vessel ; and shall also 
 lorfeit a sum of money equal to double the 
 value of the interest he had in the slaves, 
 which at any time may be transported or 
 carried in such vessel. 
 
 Sec. 5557. The President is authorized, 
 when he deems it expedient, to man and 
 employ any of the armed vessels of the 
 Unit(;d States to cruise wherever he may 
 judge attempts are making to carry on the 
 slave-trade, by citizens or residents of the 
 United States, in contravention of laws 
 prohibitory of the same ; and, in such 
 case, ho sliall instruct the commanders of 
 such armed vessels to s(!ize, take, and 
 bring into any port of the United States, 
 to bo proeeed(^d against according to law, 
 all American vessels, wheresoever found, 
 which may have on board, or whitrh jnay 
 be intended for tlu; piirposi; of taking on 
 
 board, or of transporting, or may have 
 transported any negro, mulatto, or person 
 of color, in violation of the i)rovisions of 
 any act of Congress prohibiting the traffic 
 in slaves. [See | 2163. J 
 
 Sec. 6558. The proceeds of all vessels, 
 their tackle, apparel, and furniture, and 
 the goods and effects on board of them, 
 which are so seized, prosecuted and con- 
 demned, shall be divided equally between 
 the United States and the otiicers and men 
 who seize, take, or bring the same into port 
 for condemnation, whether such seizure be 
 made by an armed vessel of the United 
 States or revenue cutter thereof; and the 
 same shall be distributed as is provided by 
 law for the distribution of prizes taken 
 from an enemy. 
 
 Sec. 5559. The officers and men, to be 
 entitled to one-half of the proceeds men- 
 tioned in the last section, shall safely keep 
 every negro, mulatto, or jjerson of color, 
 found on board of any vessel so seized, 
 taken, or brought into port, for condemna- 
 tion, and shall deliver every such negro, 
 mulatto, or person of color, to the marshal 
 of the district into which he may be brought, 
 if into a port of the United States, or if 
 elsewhere, to such persons as may be law- 
 fully appointed by the President, in the 
 manner directed by law; transmitting to 
 the President, as soon as may be after such 
 delivery, a descriptive list of such negroes, 
 mulattoes, or persons of color, in order that 
 lie may give directions for the disposal of 
 them. 
 
 Sec. 5560. The commanders of such 
 commissioned vessels shall cause to be ap- 
 prehended, and taken into custody, every 
 person found on board of such olfending 
 vessel, so seized and taken, being of the 
 officers or crew thereof, and him convey, 
 as soon as conveniently may be, to the 
 civil authority of the United States, to be 
 ])roceeded against in due course of law. 
 [See E 5381, 5382.] 
 
 Sec. 5561. The President is authorized 
 to make such regulations and arrange- 
 ments as he may deem expedient for the 
 safe-keeping, supj)ort, and removal beyond 
 the limits of the United States, of all such 
 negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, as 
 may be delivered and brought within their 
 jurisdiction; and to appoint a proper per- 
 son residing upon the coast of Airica as 
 agent, for rei-eiving the negroes, mulattoes, 
 or persons of color delivered from on board 
 vessels seized in the prosecution of the 
 slave-trade, by commanders of United 
 States armed vessels. 
 
 Sec. 5562. A bounty of twenty-five dol- 
 lars sliall be paid to tlie officers and crews 
 of the commissioned vessels of the United 
 Stat(>s, or revenue-cutters, for each negro, 
 mulatto, or person of color, who may be, 
 as her(!inbefore provide<l, delivered to the 
 marshal or agent duly a2)pointcd to receive
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 49 
 
 such person; and the Secretary of the 
 Treasury is required to pay, or cause to be 
 paid, to such olhcers and crews, or their 
 agent, such bounty for each person so de- 
 livered. 
 
 Sec. 5563. It shall be the duty of the 
 commander of any armed vessel of the 
 United States, whenever lie makes any 
 capture under the preceding provisions, to 
 bring tlie vessel and her cargo, for adjudi- 
 cation, into some of the ports of the State 
 or Territory to which such vessels so cap- 
 tured may belong, if he can ascertain the 
 same ; if not, then to be sent into any 
 convenient port of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 5564. Every owner, master, or fac- 
 tor of any foreign vessel, clearing out for 
 any of the coasts or kingdoms of Africa, 
 or suspected to be intended for the slave- 
 trade, and the suspicion being declared to 
 the officer of the customs by any citizen, 
 on oath, and such information being to 
 the satisfaction of the officer, shall first 
 give bond, with sutlicient sureties, to the 
 Treasurer of the United States, that none 
 of the natives of Africa, or any other for- 
 eign country or place, shall be taken on 
 board such vessel, to be transported or 
 sold as slaves, in any other foreign port 
 or place whatever, within nine months 
 thereafter. 
 
 Sec. 5565. The forfeitures which may 
 hereafter be incurred under any of the 
 preceding provisions, and which are not 
 otherwise expressly disposed of, shall ac- 
 crue and be one moiety thereof to the use 
 of the informer, and the other moiety to 
 the use of the United States, except where 
 tlie ])rosecution is first instituted on behalf 
 of the United States, in which case the 
 whole shall be to their use. 
 
 Sec. 5506. It may be lawful for the 
 President to enter into contract with any 
 person, society, or body corporate, for a 
 terra not exceeding five years, to receive 
 from the United States, through their duly 
 constituted agent upon the coast of Africa, 
 all negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, 
 delivered from on board vessels seized in 
 the prosecution of the slave-trade, by com- 
 manders of the United States armed ves- 
 sels, and to provide such negroes, mulat- 
 toes, and persons of color with comfortable 
 clothing, shelter, and jirovisions, for a 
 
 Seriod not exceeding one year from the 
 ate of their being landed on the coast of 
 Africa, at a jirice in no case to exceed one 
 hundred dt)lhirs for each ])erson so clothed, 
 sheltered, and provided with food ; and any 
 contract so made may be renewed by the 
 President from time to time as found ne- 
 cessary, for periods not tt> exceed five years 
 on each renewal. 
 
 Sec. 5567. The President is authorized 
 to issue instructions to the commanders of 
 tlie armed vessels of the United States, di- 
 recting them, whenever it is practicable, 
 
 and under such rules and regulations as he 
 may i)reseribe, Uj oroeeed directly to the 
 coiust of Africa, and there hand over to the 
 agent of the United States all negroes, mu- 
 lattoes, and persons of color delivered 
 from on board vessels seized in the prose- 
 cution of tlie slave-trade; and they shall 
 afterward bring the captured vessels and 
 persons engaged in prosecuting such trade 
 to the United States for trial and adjudica- 
 tion. 
 
 Sec. 5568. It maybe lawful for the Pre- 
 sident to enter into arrangement, by con- 
 tract or otherwise, with one or more foreign 
 governments having possessions in the 
 West Indies or other troi)ical regions, or 
 with their duly constituted agent, to re- 
 ceive from the United States, for a term 
 not exceeding five years, at such place as 
 may be agreed upon, all negroes, mulattoes, 
 or persons of color, delivered Irom on 
 board vessels seized in the jjrosecution of 
 the slave-trade, by commanrlers of United 
 States armed vessels, and to provide them 
 with suitable instruction, and with com- 
 fortable clothing and shelter, and to em- 
 ploy them, at wages, under such regula- 
 tions as may be agreed ujjon, for a neriod 
 not exceeding five years from the date of 
 their being landed' at the place agreed 
 upon. But the United States shall incur 
 no expenses on account of such negroes, 
 mulattoes, or persons of color, after having 
 landed them at the place agreed upon. 
 And any arrangement so made may be re- 
 newed by the President from time to time, 
 as may be found necessary, for periods not 
 exceeding five years on each renewal. 
 
 Sec. 5569. The President is authorized 
 to issue instructions to the commanders of 
 the armed vessels of the United States, di- 
 recting them, whenever it is practicable, 
 and under such regulations as ne may pre- 
 scribe, to proceed directly to such place as 
 shall have been agreed upon with any for- 
 eign government, or its duly constituted 
 agent, under the provisions of the preced- 
 ing section, and there deliver to the duly 
 constituted authorities or agents of such 
 foreign government all negroes, mulattoes, 
 or persons of color, taken from on board 
 vessels seized in the ])rosecution of the 
 slave trade; and they shall afterward 
 bring the vessel and jicrsons engaged in 
 ])rosecuting such trade to the United 
 States for trial and adjudication. [See 
 U 2158-2164.] 
 
 Crimes— General Provlstoiui. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 ry.i-^X Accessory liofnro tlic fact to ))iriicy, Ac. 
 
 ■>324. Accessory after the fiut to robb<Ty or piracy. 
 
 ;').TJ'>. Punishnient of death by hmigiii);. 
 
 532G. No conviction to work corniptiun of blood or for- 
 
 feittire of estate. 
 5327. Whippint; and the pillory abolinhed. 
 ii-V^K Jurisdictiim of Statu courta. 
 .i:i20. Benefit of clergy. 
 KWO. Pardoning jiower. 
 
 Sec. 5323. Every person who knowing-
 
 50 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 ly aids, abets, causes, procures, commands, 
 or counsels another to commit any mur- 
 der, robbery, or other piracy upon the 
 seas, is an accessory before the fact to such 
 piracies, and every such person being 
 thereof convicted shall suffer death. 
 
 Sec. 532-i. Every person who receives or 
 takes into custody any vessel, goods, or 
 other property feloniously taken by any 
 robber or pirate against the laws of the 
 United States, knowing the same to have 
 been feloniously taken, and every person 
 who, knowing that such pirate or robber 
 has done or committed any such piracy or 
 robbery, on the land or at sea, receives, 
 entertains, or conceals any such pirate or 
 robber, is an accessory after the fact to 
 such robbery or piracy. [See | 5533.] 
 
 Sec. 5325. The manner of inflicting the 
 punishment of death shall be by hanging. 
 [See 1^ 5340, 5400.] 
 
 Sec. 5326. No conviction or judgment 
 shall work corruption of blood or any for- 
 feiture of estate. 
 
 Sec. 5327. The punishment of whipping 
 and of standing in the pillory shall not be 
 inflicted. 
 
 Sec. 5328. Nothing in this Title shall 
 be held to take away or impair the juris- 
 diction of the courts of the several States 
 under the laws thereof 
 
 Sec. 5329. The benefit of clergy shall 
 not be used or allowed, upon conviction of 
 any crime for which the punishment is 
 death. 
 
 Sec. 5330. Whenever, by the judgment 
 of any court or judicial officer of the 
 United States, in any criminal proceeding, 
 any person is sentenced to two kinds of 
 punishment, the one pecuniary and the 
 other corporal, the President shall have 
 full discretionary power to pardon or remit, 
 in whole or in part, either one of the two 
 kinds, without, in any manner, impairing 
 the legal validity of the other kind, or of 
 any portion of either kind, not pardoned 
 or remitted. 
 
 Crimes against tlie existence of tixe Crovem- 
 meut. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 5:5;!1. Treaflon. 
 
 (t'>.U. I'linistiment of treason 
 
 5ri:i3. Mi.s|)rirtion of treiuun. 
 
 63;»4. Incitinx or (TiKasing in rebellion or insurrection. 
 
 63'{.'j. Criminal corresiiondence with foreign governments. 
 
 5'S-W. Seditious conspinioy. 
 
 6:j.'J7. KecniitinK soldiers or Bailors to serve against the 
 
 United states. 
 63.')8. Enlistment to serve against the United States. 
 
 Sec. 5331. Every person owing alle- 
 giance to the Unitea States who levies 
 war against thcin, or adlicres to their ene- 
 mies, giving them aid and comfort witliin 
 tlie United States or elsewhere, is guilty 
 of trca.son. 
 
 Sec. 5332. Every person guilty of trea- 
 fMjn sliail sufler death ; or, at the discretion 
 of the court, sliull l)c iinprisoiicd at hard 
 labor for not less than five years, and fined 
 
 not less than ten thousand dollars, to be 
 levied on and collected out of any or all of 
 his property, real and personal, of which 
 he was the owner at the time of commit- 
 ting such treason, any sale or convey- 
 ance to the contrary notwithstanding ; and 
 every person so convicted of treason shall, 
 moreover, be incapable of holding any 
 otfice under the United States. 
 
 Sec. 5333. Every person, owing alle- 
 giance to the United States and having 
 knowledge of the commission of any trea- 
 son against them, who conceals, and does 
 not, as soon as may be, disclose and make 
 known the same to the President or to 
 some judge of the United States, or to the 
 governor, or to some judge or justice of a 
 particular State, is guilty of misprision of 
 treason, and shall be imprisoned not more 
 than seven years, and fined not more than 
 one thousand dollars. 
 
 Sec. 5334. Every person who incites, 
 sets, on foot, assists, or engages in any re- 
 bellion or insurrection against the authori- 
 ty of the United States, or the laws there- 
 of, or gives aid or comfort thereto, shall 
 be punished by imprisonment not more 
 than ten years, or by a fine of not more 
 than ten thousand dollars, or by both of 
 such punishments ; and shall, moreover, 
 be incapable of holding any ofiice under 
 the United States. 
 
 Sec. 5335. Every citizen of the United 
 States, whether actually resident or abid- 
 ing within the same, or in any foreign 
 country, who, without the permission or 
 authority of the Government, directly or 
 indirectly, commences or carries on any 
 verbal or written correspondence or inter- 
 course with any foreign government, or 
 any officer or agent thereof, with an intent 
 to influence the measures or conduct of 
 any foreign government, or of any ofiieer 
 or agent thereof, in relation to any dis- 
 putes or controversies with the United 
 States, or to defeat the measures of the 
 Government of the United States; and 
 every person, being a citizen of, or resi- 
 dent within, the United States, and not 
 duly authorized, wlio counsels, advises, 
 or assists in any such correspondence, with 
 such intent, shall be punished by a fine of 
 not more than five thousand dollars, and 
 by imprisonment during a term not le-ss 
 than six months, nor more than three 
 years ; but nothing in this section shall be 
 construed to abridge the right of a citizen 
 to apply, himself or his agent, to any for- 
 eign governinoiit or the agents thereof for 
 redress of any injury which he may have 
 sustained from such government, or any 
 of its agents or subjects. 
 
 Six;. 533(). If two or more persons in any 
 State or Territory conspire to overthrow, 
 put down, or to destroy by force the Gov 
 criimciit of the United States, or to levy 
 war against them, or to oppose by force the
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 51 
 
 authority thereof; or by' force to prevent, 
 hinder, or delay the execution of any law 
 of the United States ; or by force to seize, 
 take, or possess any property of the United 
 States contrary to the authority thereof; 
 each of them shall be punished by a fine 
 of not less than five hundred dollars and 
 not more than five thousand dollars ; or by 
 imprisonment, with or without hard labor, 
 for a period not less than six months, nor 
 more than six years, or by both such tine 
 and imprisonment. [See ^? 5518-6520. | 
 
 Sec. 5337. Every person who recruits 
 soldiers or sailors within the United States 
 to engage in armed hostility against the 
 same, or who opens within the United 
 States a recruiting station for the enlist- 
 ment of such soldiers or sailors, to serve in 
 any manner in armed hostility against the 
 United States, shall be fined not less than 
 two hundred dollars, nor more than one 
 thousand dollars, and imprisonment not 
 less than one year, nor more than five 
 years. 
 
 Sec. 5338. Every soldier or sailor en- 
 listed or engaged within the United States, 
 with intent to serve in armed hostility 
 against the same, shall be punished by a 
 fine of one hundred dollars, and by im- 
 prisonment not less than one year, nor 
 more than three years. 
 
 Sec. 5308. Whenever during any insur- 
 rection against the Government of the 
 United States, after the President shall 
 have declared by proclamation that the 
 laws of the United States are opposed, and 
 the execution thereof obstructed, by com- 
 binations too powerful to be suppressed by 
 the ordinary course of judicial proceed- 
 ings, or by the power vested in the mar- 
 shals by law, any person, or his agent, at- 
 torney, or employe, purchases or acquires, 
 sells or gives, any property of whatsoever 
 kind or description, with the intent to use 
 or employ the same, or suffers the same to 
 be used or employed in aiding, abetting, 
 or promoting such insurrection or resist- 
 ance to the laws, or any person engaged 
 therein ; or being the owner of any such 
 property, knowingly uses or employs, or 
 consents to such use or employment of the 
 same, all such property shall be lawful 
 subject of prize and capture wherever 
 found; and it shall be the duty of the Pre- 
 sident to cause the same to be seized, con- 
 fiscated, and condemned. 
 
 Sec. 5309. Such prizes and capture shall 
 be condemned in the district or circuit 
 court of the United States having jurisdic- 
 tion of the amount, or in admiralty in any 
 district in which the same [may] be seized, 
 or iNto which they may be taken and pro- 
 ceedings first instituted. 
 
 Tlie ClvU Ser^-lce — Political Assessments. 
 
 (From Chapter 287 Supplemetit 1882 to Retised Statutes.) 
 
 Sec. 6. That all executive officers or 
 
 employees of the United States not ap- 
 pointed by the President, with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, are prohibited 
 from requesting, giving to, or receiving 
 from, any other officer or employee of the 
 (rovernment, any money or property or 
 other thing of value for political purposes; 
 And any such officer or employee who 
 shall offend against the provisions of this 
 section shall be at once discharged from 
 the service of the United States. 
 
 Funding tlie National Debt. 
 
 (From Chapter 24 Supplement to an Act to Facilitate the Re- 
 funding of the National Debt ) 
 
 Id refunding national debt, 4 per cent, bonda may be ex- 
 chaiiKfd fur b-'M bonilB, and for other bouiis. and re- 
 funding laws to apply to all 6 per cent, bondu. — in- 
 terest on exchange; how allowed. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c., That the Secretary of 
 the Treasury is hereby authorized in the 
 process of refunding the national debt un- 
 der existing laws to exchange directly at 
 par the bonds of the United States bear- 
 ing interest at four per centum per annum 
 authorized by law for the bonds of the 
 United States commonly known as five- 
 twenties outstanding and uncalled, and, 
 whenever all such five-twenty bonds shall 
 have been redeemed, the provisions of this 
 section and all existing provisions of law 
 authorizing the refunding of the national 
 debt shall apply to any bonds of the 
 United States bearing interest at five per 
 centum per annum or a higher rate, which 
 may be redeemable. 
 
 In any exchange made under the pro- 
 visions of this section interest may be al- 
 lowed, on the bonds redeemed, for a period 
 of three months. [January 25, 1879.] 
 
 Amendments to the Constitution. 
 
 Sec. 205. Whenever official notice is re- 
 ceived at the Department of State that 
 any amendment proposed to the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States has been adopted, 
 according to the provisions of the Consti- 
 tution, the Secretary of State shall forth- 
 with cause the amendment to be published 
 in the newspapers authorized to promul- 
 gate the laws, with his certificate, specify- 
 ing the States by which the same may 
 have been adopted, and that the same has 
 become valid, to all intents and purposes^ 
 as a part of the Constitution of the United 
 States. 
 
 Uniform time for the election of Member* 
 
 of Cong^ress not to apply to 
 
 certain States. 
 
 (From Revited Statutet, CItapter 130, Supplement 1882.) 
 
 Sec. 6. That section twenty-five of the 
 Revised Statutes prescribing the time for 
 holding elections for Representatives to 
 Consrress, is herebv modified so a.s not to 
 appiv to anv State that lias not yet changed 
 its day of election, and whose coustitution
 
 52 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 must be amended in order to effect a 
 change in tlie day of the election of State 
 officers in such State. 
 
 Sec. 
 2491. 
 
 2492. 
 2493. 
 249t. 
 2495. 
 2496. 
 
 2497. 
 
 2498. 
 ^99. 
 
 t2500. 
 2501. 
 
 2.502. 
 251)3. 
 2504. 
 
 2505. 
 2506. 
 
 2607. 
 
 2508. 
 2509. 
 2510. 
 
 2511. 
 2512. 
 
 2513. 
 
 2514. 
 
 2515. 
 
 2516. 
 
 THE PRESENT TARIFF LAWS. 
 Duties upou Imports. 
 
 Prohibition upon importation of obscene articles. 
 Mode of proceeding. 
 Importation of neat cattle. 
 When permitted. 
 Penalty. 
 
 Prohibition upon importation of simnlatod watch- 
 movements. 
 
 Upon importation in foreign vessels. 
 Limitation upon the foregoing. 
 Kate for articles resembling enumerated articles; 
 
 and for articles manufactured from two or more 
 
 materials. 
 For re imported goods. 
 For goods produced east of the Cape of Good Hope, 
 
 when imported from west of that rape. 
 For merchandise imported in foreign vessels. 
 Schedules of special rates of duty. 
 
 A. Cotton and cotton goods. 
 
 B. Earths and e;irtlieinvare. 
 
 C. Hemp, jute, and flax goods. 
 
 D. Liquors. 
 
 E. Metals. 
 
 F. Provisions. 
 
 G. Sugars. 
 
 H. Silks and silk goods. 
 
 I. Spices. 
 
 J. Tobacco. 
 
 K. Wood. 
 
 L. Wool and Woolen goods. 
 
 M. Sundries. 
 
 Free list. 
 
 Fish-oil and fish the produce of the fisheries of 
 Canada, Prince Edward's Island, and Newfound- 
 land, when free. 
 
 Special exemption as to Merchandise sunk and 
 abandoned. 
 
 As to lumber from St. John River. 
 
 As to lumber from St. Croix River. 
 
 As to machinery for manufacture of beet-root 
 sugar. 
 
 As to machinery imported for repair. 
 
 Certain paintings, statuary, &c., tc^ be admitted 
 free of duty. 
 
 Importation of materials for construction, Ac, of 
 vessels. 
 
 Importation of articles intended for the repair of 
 vessels. 
 
 Peltries and other goods of Indians, when to be ad- 
 mitted free. 
 
 Duty on articles not enumerated, raw or manufac- 
 tured. 
 
 Sec. 2491. All persons are prohibited 
 from importing into the United States, 
 from any foreign country, any obscene 
 book, pamphlet, paper, writing, advertise- 
 ment, circular, print, picture, drawing, or 
 other representation, figure, or image on or 
 of paper or other nuiterial, or any cast, 
 instrument, or other article of an immoral 
 nature, or any drug or medicine, or any 
 article wiiatevcr, for the prevention of con- 
 ception, or for causing unhnvful abortion. 
 No invoice or ])ackage whatever, or any 
 part of one, in whicli any sucli articles are 
 contained shall be adniitt('(l to entry ; and 
 all invoices or ])ackages whereof any such 
 articles shall conii)ose a part are liable to 
 be proceeded against, seized, and forfeited 
 by due course of law. All such prohibited 
 articles in the course of import .-ition shall 
 bo detained by the officer of customs, and 
 
 proceedings taken against the same as pre- 
 scribed in the following section : Provided, 
 That the drugs hereinbefore mentioned, 
 when imported in bulk and not put up for 
 any of the purposes hereinbefore specified, 
 are excepted from the operation of this 
 section. [See ? 1785.] 
 
 Sec. 2492. Any judge of any district or 
 circuit court of the United States, within 
 the proper district, before whom complaint 
 in writing of any violation of the preced- 
 ing section is made, to the satisfaction of 
 such judge, and founded on knowledge or 
 belief, and, if upon belief, setting forth 
 the grounds of such belief, and supported 
 by oath or affirmation of the complainant, 
 may issue, conformably to the Constitu- 
 tion, a warrant directed to the marshal, or 
 any deputy marshal, in the proper dis- 
 trict, directing him to search for, seize, and 
 take possession of any such article or 
 thing hereinbefore mentioned, and to make 
 due and immediate return thereof, to the 
 end that the same may be condemned and 
 destroyed by proceedings, which shall be 
 conducted in the same manner as other 
 proceedings in case of municipal seizure, 
 and with the same right of appeal or writ 
 of error. 
 
 Sec. 2493, The importation of neat cat- 
 tle and the hides of neat cattle from any 
 foreign country into the United States is 
 prohibited : Provided, That the operation 
 of this section shall be suspended as to 
 any foreign country or countries, or any 
 parts of such country or countries, when- 
 ever the Secretary of the Treasury shall 
 officially determine, and give public notice 
 thereof, that such importation will not 
 tend to the introduction or spread of con- 
 tagious or infectious diseases among the 
 cattle of the United States ; and the Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury is hereby author- 
 ized and empowered, and it shall be his 
 duty, to make all necessary orders and 
 regulations to carry this law into effect, or 
 to suspend the same as therein provided, 
 and to send copies thereof to the proper 
 officers in the United States, and to such 
 officers or agents of the United States in 
 foreign countries as he shall judge neces- 
 sary. 
 
 Sec. 2494. The President of the United 
 States, whenever in his judgment the im- 
 portation of neat cattle and (he hides of 
 neat cattle may be made without danger 
 of the introduction f)r sjiread of conta- 
 gious or infectious disease among the cat- 
 tle of the United States, may, by procla- 
 mation, declare the provisions of the pre- 
 ceding section to be inoperative, and the 
 same shall he afterward inoperative and of 
 no effect from and after tliirty days from 
 the date of said proclamation. 
 
 Six;. 2495. Any jjcrson convicted of a 
 willinl violation of any of the provisions 
 of the two preceding sections, shall be
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 63 
 
 fined not exceeding five hundred dollars, 
 or imprisont'd not exceeding one year, or 
 both, in the discretion (jf the court. 
 
 Sec. 2496. No watches, watch-cases, 
 watch-movements, or parts of watch-move- 
 ments, of foreign manufacture, which shall 
 copy or sinuilate the name or trade-mark 
 of any domestic manufacturer, shall be ad- 
 mitted to entry at the custom-houses ot 
 the United Slates, unless such domestic 
 manufacturer is the importer of the same. 
 And in order to aid the oUicers of the 
 customs in enforcing this prohibition, any 
 domestic manufacturer of watches who 
 has adopted trade-nuirks may require his 
 name and residence and a descripti(»n ol 
 his trade-marks to be recorded iu books 
 which shall be kept for that purpo.se in 
 the Department of the Treasury, under 
 such regulations as the Secretary of the 
 Treasury shall prescribe, and may furnish 
 to the Department fac-similes of such 
 trade-marks ; and thereupon the Secretary 
 of the Treasury shall cause one or more 
 copies of the same to be transmitted to 
 each collector or other proper oflicer of the 
 customs. 
 
 Sec. 2497. No goods, wares, or merchan- 
 dise, unless in cases provided for by treaty, 
 shall be imported into the United States 
 from any foreign port or place, except in 
 vessels of the United States, or in such 
 foreign vessels as truly and wholly belong 
 to the citizens or subjects of that country 
 of which the goods are the growth, pro- 
 duction, or manufacture; or irom which 
 such goods, wares, or merchandise can 
 only be, or most usually are, first shipped 
 for transportation. All goods, wares, or 
 merchandise imported contrary to this 
 section, and the vessel wherein the same 
 shall be imported, together with her cargo, 
 tackle, apparel, and furniture, shall be for- 
 feited to the United States; and such 
 goods, wares, or merchandise, ship, or ves- 
 sel, and cargo shall be liable to be seized, 
 prosecuted, and condemned, in like man- 
 ner, and under the same regulations, re- 
 strictions, and provisions, as liave been 
 heretofore established for the recovers', col- 
 lection, distribution, and remission of for- 
 feitures to the United States by the sev- 
 eral revenue laws. 
 
 Sec. 2498. The preceding section shall 
 not apply to vessels, or goods, wares, or 
 merchandise, imported in vessels of a for- 
 eign nature which does not maintain a 
 similar regulation against vessels of the 
 United States. 
 
 Sec. 2499. There shall be levied, col- 
 lected, and paid, on each aTid every non- 
 enumerated article which bears a simili- 
 tude, either in material, quality, or texture, 
 or the use to which it may be applied, to 
 any article enumerated in this Title, as 
 chargeable with duty, the same rate of 
 duty which is levied and charged on the 
 
 enumerated article which it most resem- 
 bles in any of the particulars before men- 
 tioned ; and if any non-enumerated arti- 
 cle equally resembles two (jr more enume- 
 rated articles, on which different rates of 
 duty are chargeable, there shall he levied, 
 c()llecte<l, and paid, on such non-enume- 
 rated article, the same rate of duty as is 
 chargeable on the article which it resem- 
 bles paying the highest duty: and on all 
 articles manufactured from two or more 
 materials, the duty shall be a.ssessed at the 
 highest rates at which any of its compo- 
 nent i)arts may be chargeable. 
 
 Sec. 2500. Upon the re-importation of 
 articles once exported, of the growth, pro- 
 duct, or nninuiacture of the United States, 
 upon which no internal tax has been as- 
 sessed or paid, or upon which such tax 
 has been jiaid and refunded Ijy allowance 
 or drawback, there shall be levied, collect- 
 ed, and paid a duty equal to the tax imposed 
 by the internal revenue laws upon such 
 articles. 
 
 Sec. 2501. There shall be levied, collect- 
 ed, and paid on all goods, wares, and mer- 
 chandise of the growth or produce of the 
 countries east of the Cape of Good Hope, 
 (except wool, raw cotton, and raw silk, as 
 reeled fnmi the cocoon, or not further ad- 
 vanced than tram, thrown, or organzine,) 
 when imj)orted from places west of the 
 Cape of Good Hoj^e, a duty of ten per 
 centum ad valorem in addition to the du- 
 ties imposed on any such articles when 
 imj)orted directly from the jilace or places 
 of their growth of production. 
 
 Sec. 2o02. A discriminating duty of ten 
 jier centum ad valorem, in aildition to the 
 duties imposed by law, shall be levied, 
 collected, and paid on all goods, wares, 
 and merchandise which shall be imported 
 on vessels not of the United States ; but 
 this discriminating duty shall not applvto 
 goods, wares, and merchandise, which 
 shall be imported in vessels not of the 
 United States, entitled, by treaty or any 
 act of Congress, to be entered in the j^orts 
 of the Ignited States on payment of the 
 same duties as shall then be paid on goods, 
 wares, and merchandise imported in vessels 
 of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 2503. There shall be levied, collect- 
 ed, and paid upon all articles mentioned 
 in the schedules contained in the next 
 section, imported from foreign countries!, 
 the rates of duty which arc by the schedules 
 respectively i)rescribed : rrovid'd. That on 
 the goods, wares, and merchandise in this 
 section enumerated and provided for, im- 
 ported from foreign countries, there shall 
 be levied, collected, and i)aid only ninety 
 per centum of the several duties and rates 
 of duty imposed by the said schedules 
 upon said articles severally, that is to .*ay: 
 
 t)n all manufactures of cotton of which 
 cotton is the component part of chief value.
 
 54 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 On all wools, hair of the alpaca goat, 
 and other animals, and all manufactures 
 wholly or in part of wool or hair of the 
 alpaca and other like animals, except 
 umbrellas, parasols, and sun-shades cov- 
 ered with silk or alpaca. 
 
 On all iron and steel, and on all manu- 
 factures of iron and steel, of which such 
 metals or either of them shall be the com- 
 ponent part of chief value, excepting cot- 
 ton-machiner\% 
 
 On all metals herein otherwise not pro- 
 vided for, and on all manufactures of metals 
 of which either of them is the component 
 part of chief value, excepting percussion- 
 caps, watches, jewelry, and other articles 
 of ornament: Provided, That all wire rope 
 and wire strand or chain made of iron wire, 
 either bright, coppered, galvanized, or 
 coated with other metals, shall pay the 
 same rate of duty that is now levied on the 
 iron wire of which said rope or strand or 
 chain is made ; and all wire rope, and wire 
 strand or chain made of steel wire, either 
 bright, coppered, galvanized, or coated 
 with other metals, shall pay the same rate 
 of duty that is now levied on the steel wire 
 of which said rope or strand or chain is 
 made. 
 
 On all paper, and manufactures of paper, 
 excepting unsized printing-paper, books, 
 and other printed matter, and excepting 
 sized or glued paper suitable only for 
 printing-paper. 
 
 On all manufactures of Indian rubber, 
 gutta-percha, or straw, and on oil cloths of 
 all descriptions. 
 
 On glass and glass ware, and on un- 
 wrought pipe-clay, fine clay, and fullers' 
 earth. 
 
 On all leather not otherwise herein pro- 
 vided for, and on all manufactures of 
 skins, bone, ivory, horn, and leather, ex- 
 cept gloves and mittens, and of which 
 either of said articles is the component 
 part of chief value; and on liquorice-paste 
 or liquorice-juice. 
 
 Schedule A —Cotton and Cotton Goods. 
 
 Sec. 2")01. On all manul'actures of cot- 
 ton (except jeans, denims, drillings, bed- 
 tickings, ginghams, plaids, cottonades, 
 pantaloon stutl", and goods of like descrip- 
 tion) not bleached, colored, stained, paint- 
 ed, or printed, and not exceeding one 
 hundre(l threads to the square inch, count- 
 ing the warp and filling, and exceeding in 
 weight five ounces ))cr scpiare yard, five 
 cents per square yard ; if bleached, five 
 cents ami ahalf per s(juare yard ; if colored, 
 stained, painted, or printed, five cents aiiil 
 a half per square yard, and in addition 
 thereto, ten jjer centum ad valonan. 
 
 On finer and lighter goods of like do- 
 Bcription, not exceeding two hundred 
 threads to th(! s(]uare inch, counting the 
 warp and tilling, unbleached, five cents 
 
 per square yard ; if bleached, five and a 
 half cents per square yard; if colored, 
 stained, painted, or printed, five and a 
 half cents per square yard, and in addition 
 thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 On goods of like description, exceeding 
 two hundred threads to the square inch, 
 counting the warp and filling, unbleached, 
 five cents per square yard ; if bleached, 
 five and a half cents per square yard ; if col- 
 ored, stained, painted, or printed, five and 
 a half cents per square yard, and, in addi- 
 tion thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 On cotton jeans, denims, drillings, bed- 
 tickings, ginghams, plaids, cottonades, 
 pantaloon stufis, and goods of like descrip- 
 tion, or for similar use, if unbleached, and 
 not exceeding one hundred threads to the 
 square inch, counting the warp and filling, 
 and exceeding five ounces to the square 
 yard, six cents per square yard ; if bleached, 
 six cents and a half per square yard ; if 
 colored, stained, painted, or printed, six 
 cents and a half per square yard, and, in 
 addition thereto, ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 On finer, or lighter goods of like descrip- 
 tion, not exceeding two hundred threads 
 to the square inch, counting the warp and 
 filling, if unbleached, six cents per square 
 yard ; if bleached, six and a half cents per 
 square yard ; if colored, stained, painted 
 or printed, six and a half cents per square 
 yard, and, in addition thereto, fifteen per 
 centum ad valorem ; 
 
 On goods of lighter description, exceed- 
 ing two hundred threads to the square 
 inch, counting the warp and filling, if un- 
 bleached, seven cents per square yard ; if 
 bleached, seven and ahalf cents per square 
 yard ; if colored, stained, painted, or print- 
 ed, seven and a half cents per square yard, 
 and, in addition thereto, fifteen per centum 
 ad valorem : Provided, That upon all plain 
 woven cotton goods, not included in the 
 foregoing schedule, unbleached, valued 
 at over sixteen cents per square yard; 
 bleached, valued at over twenty cents per 
 square yard ; colored, valued at over twenty- 
 five cents per square yard, and cotton jeans, 
 denims and drillings, unbleached, valued 
 at over twenty cents per square yard, and 
 all other cotton goods of every description, 
 the value of which shall exceed twenty- 
 five cents per square yard, there shall be 
 levied, collected, and paid a duty of thirty- 
 five per centinn ad valorem . And jnovided 
 further, That no cotton goods having 
 more than two hundred threads to the 
 square incli, counting the warp and filling, 
 shall be admitted to a less rate of duty than 
 is provided for goods which are of that 
 number of threads. 
 
 Cotton thread, yarn, warps, or warp- 
 yarn, not wound upon spools, whether 
 single or advanced l)eyond the condition 
 of single by twiiiting two or more single 
 yarns together, whether on beams or in
 
 HOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 
 
 55 
 
 bundles/skeins, or cops, or in any other 
 form, valued at not excuediug lorty cents 
 per pound: ten cenUs per pound; valued 
 at over forty cents per pound and not ex- 
 ceeding sixty cents per pound : twenty 
 cents per pound ; valued ai over sixty cents 
 j)er pound and not exceeding eighty cents 
 per pound : thirty cents per pound ; valued 
 at over eighty cents per pound : forty cents 
 })er pound ; and, in addition to such rates 
 of duty, twenty per centum atl valorem, 
 
 Spool-thread of cotton : six cents per 
 dozen spools, containing on each spool not 
 exceeding one hundred yards of thread, 
 and, in addition thereto, thirty per centum 
 ad valorem; exceeding one hundred yards, 
 for every additional hundred yards of 
 thread on each spool or fractional part 
 thereof, in excess of one hundred yards : 
 six cents per dozen, and thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Cotton cords, gimps, and galloons and 
 cotton laces colored : thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Cotton shirts and drawers, woven or 
 made on frames, and on all cotton hosiery : 
 thirty-tive per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Cotton velvet: thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Cotton braids, insertings, lace, trimming, 
 or bobbinet, and all other manufactures of 
 cotton, not otherwise provided for : thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Schedule B.— Eartlis and Eartliru Wares. 
 
 Brown earthen ware and common stone 
 ware, gas-retorts, stone ware not orna- 
 mented : twenty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 China, porcelain, and Parian ware, 
 gilded, ornamented, or decorated in any 
 manner; fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 China, porcelain, and Parian ware, plain 
 white, and not decorated in any manner: 
 forty-five per centum ad valorem ; on all 
 other earthen, stone , or crockery ware, 
 white, glazed, edged, printed, painted, 
 dipped, or cream-colored, composed of 
 earthy or mineral substances, and not 
 otherwise provided for : forty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Stone ware above the capacity of ten 
 gallons : twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Slates, slate-pencils, slate chim ney-pieces, 
 mantels, slabs for tables, and all other 
 manufactures of slate: forty per centum 
 ad valorem. Roofing-slates: thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Unwrought clay, pipe-clay, fire-clay: 
 five dollars per ton. 
 
 Kaoline : five dollars per ton. 
 
 On fullers' earth : three dollars per ton. 
 
 Red and French chalk : twenty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Chalk of all descriptions, not otherwise 
 provided for : twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Whiting and Paris-white : one cent per 
 pound. 
 
 Whiting ground in oil : two centa per 
 pound. 
 
 Paris white ground in oil : one cent and 
 a half per pound. 
 
 All jjlain and mould and press glass not 
 cut, engraved or painted: thirty-tive per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 AH articles of glas.s, cut, engraved, 
 painted, colored, i)riuted, stained, silvered, 
 or gilded, not including i)late glass sil- 
 vered, or looking-glass plates : forty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 All unj>olished cylinder, crown, and 
 common window-glass, not exceeding ten 
 by fifteen inches square : one cent and a 
 half per pound ; above that and not ex- 
 ceeding sixteen by twenty-four inches 
 square: two cents per pound ; above that 
 and [not] exceeding twenty-four by thirty 
 inches square : two cents and a half per 
 pound ; all above that : three centa per 
 pound. 
 
 Cylinder and crown glass, polished, not 
 exceeding ten by fiflecn inches square: two 
 and one-half cents per square loot ; above 
 that, and not exceeding sixteen by twenty- 
 lour inches square : four cents per square 
 foot; above that, and not exceeding 
 twenty-four by thirty inches square : six 
 cents per square foot ; above that, and not 
 exceeding twenty-four by sixty inches : 
 twenty cents per square loot ; all above 
 that : forty cents per S(iuare foot. 
 
 Fluted, rolled, or rough jjlate glass, not 
 including crown, cylinder, or common 
 window-glass, not exceeding ten by fifteen 
 inches square: seventy-five cents per one 
 hundred square feet ; above that and not 
 exceeding sixteen by twenty-four inches 
 square : one cent per square foot ; above 
 that, and not exceeding twenty-four by 
 thirty inches square : one cent and a half 
 per square foot ; all above that : two cents 
 per scjuare foot. And all fluted, rolled, or 
 rough plate glass, weighing over one hun- 
 dred pounds per one hundred square feet, 
 shall pay an additional duty on the excess 
 at the same rates here imposed. 
 
 Cast polished plate-glass, unsilvered, not 
 exceeding ten by filteen inches square: 
 three cents per square loot; above that, 
 and not exceeding sixteen by twenty-four 
 inches square: five cents per square foot ; 
 above that, and not exceeding twenty-four 
 by thirty inches .square: eight centa j>er 
 square foot; above that, and not exceeding 
 twenty-four by sixty inches square : twenty- 
 five cents per square foot ; all above that, 
 fifty cents per square foot. 
 
 Cast polishe(l plate glass, silvered, or 
 looking-glass plates not exceeding ten by 
 fifteen inches square: four cents per square 
 foot; above that, ami not exceeding sixteen 
 by twenty-four inches square: six cents 
 per square foot; above that, and not
 
 56 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v_ 
 
 exceeding twenty-four by thirty inches 
 square : ten cents per square foot ; above 
 that, and not exceeding twenty-four by 
 sixty inches square: thirty-five cents per 
 square foot ; all above that, sixty cents per 
 square foot. But no looking-glass plates 
 or plate-glass, silvered, when framed, shall 
 pay a less rate of duty than that imposed 
 upon similar glass of like description not 
 framed, but shall be liable to pay in addi- 
 tion thereto thirty per centum ad valorem 
 upon such frames. 
 
 Glass bottles or jars filled with articles 
 not otherwise provided for: thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Porcelain and Bohemian glass, glass 
 crystals for watches, glass pebbles for spec- 
 tacles, not rough; paintings on glass or 
 glasses, and all manufactures of glass, or of 
 which glass shall be a component material, 
 not otherwise provided for, and all glass 
 bottles or jars filled with sweetmeats or 
 preserves, not otherwise provided for : forty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Scbediile C. — Hemp, Jute, and Flax Goods. 
 
 Flax-straw : five dollars per ton. 
 
 Flax not hackled or dressed : twenty dol- 
 lars per ton. 
 
 Flax hackled, known as "dressed line:" 
 forty dollars per ton. 
 
 Hemp, Manila, and other like substi- 
 tutes for hemp, not otherwise provided for : 
 twenty-five dollars per ton. 
 
 Tow of flax or hemp : ten dollars per 
 ton. 
 
 Jute, sunn, and Sisal grass, and other 
 vegetable substances not enumerated, used 
 for cordage : fifteen dollars per ton. 
 
 Brown and bleached linens, ducks, can- 
 vas, paddings, cot bottoms, diapers, crash, 
 huckabacks, handkerchiefs, lawns, or other 
 manufactures of flax, jute, or hemp, or of 
 which flax, jute, or hemp shall be the com- 
 ponent material of chief value, not other- 
 wise provided for, valued at thirty cents or 
 less per square yard : thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem ; valued at above thirty 
 cents per square yard : forty per centum 
 ad valorem ; flax or linen yarns for car- 
 pets, not exceeding number eight Lea, and 
 valued at twenty-four cents or less per 
 pound: thirty per centum ad valorem; 
 flax or linen yarns valued at above twenty- 
 four cents per pound : thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem ; flax or linen thread, 
 twine and pack-thread, and all otlier manu- 
 factures of flax, or of which flax shall be 
 the component material of chief value, not 
 otherwise, provided for: forty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Thread luce and insertings: thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 On all burlaps, and like manufactures of 
 flax, jute, or hemp, or of which flax, jute, 
 or hemf) shidl be the compfinent material 
 of chief value, excepting such as may be 
 
 suitable for bagging for cotton : thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Oil-cloth foundations or floor-cloth can- 
 vas, made of flax, jute, or hemp, or of 
 which flax, jute, or hemp shall be the com- 
 ponent material of chief value : forty per 
 centum ad valorem ; gunny-cloth, not bag- 
 ging, valued at ten cents or less per square 
 yard, three cents per pound ; over ten cents 
 per square yard, four cents j^er pound. 
 
 On bagging for cotton or other manufac- 
 tures, not otherwise herein provided for, 
 suitable to the uses for which cotton bag- 
 ging is applied, composed in whole or in 
 part of hemp, jute, flax, gunny-bags, gun- 
 ny-cloth, or other material, and valued at 
 seven cents or less per square yard, two 
 cents per pound; valued at over seven 
 cents per square yard, three cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Bags, cotton bags, and bagging, and all 
 other like manufactures, not herein other- 
 wise provided for (excejat bagging for cot- 
 ton,) composed wholly or in part of flax, 
 hemp, jute, gunny-cloth, gunny-bags, or 
 other material : forty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Tarred cables or cordage: three cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Untarred Manila cordage: two and a 
 half cents per pound. 
 
 All other untarred cordage: three and a 
 half cents per pound. 
 
 Hemp yarn: five cents per pound. 
 
 Seines : six and a half cents per pound. 
 
 Sail-duck or canvas for sails : thirty per 
 centum ad valorem, 
 
 Russia and other sheetings of flax or 
 hemp, brown and white: thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 All other manufactures of hemp, or of 
 which hemp shall be the component mate- 
 rial of chief value, not otherwise provided 
 for: thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Grass-cloth : thirty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Jute yarns: twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 All other manufactures of jute or Sisal- 
 grass, not otherwise provided for: thirty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Sclirdnle D. — Liqitors. 
 
 Wines imported in casks, containing not 
 more than twenty-two per centuin of alco- 
 hol, and valued at not exceeding forty 
 cents per gallon : twenty-five cents per gal- 
 lon ; valued at over forty cents, and not 
 over one dollar per gallon : sixty cents per 
 {lallon ; v:ilue(l at over one dollar per gal- 
 lon : one dollar per gallon, and, in addition 
 thereto, twenty-five per eentnni ad valorem. 
 
 AVines of all kincls, iniportcMl in l)ottles, 
 and not otiierwise ])rovi(led for: the same 
 rate i)er gallon as wines imported in casks. 
 I'nt all bottles conlaining on(>. quart or less 
 than one quart, and more than one pint,
 
 liOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 57 
 
 slmll be held to contain one quart, and all 
 liottles containing one |)int or less shall be 
 lield to contain (tnc pint, and sliall pay in 
 addition three cents for each bottle. 
 
 Champagne and all other sparkling 
 wines, in bottles, containing each not more 
 than one (piart and more than one pint: 
 six dollars per dozen bottles; containing 
 init more than one jjint each, and more 
 than one-half pint : three dollars per dozen 
 ii'ittles; contauiing one-half pint each, or 
 
 -s: one dollar and fifty cents per dozen 
 M.ttles; and in bottles containing more 
 than one quart each, shall i)ay, in addition 
 to six dollars per dozen bottles, at the rate 
 of two dollars per gallon on the quantity 
 in excess of one quart per bottle. But 
 any liquors containing more than twenty- 
 two per centum of alcohol, which shall be 
 entered under the name of wine, shall be 
 forfeited to the United States, And wines, 
 brandy, and other spirituous liquors im- 
 ported shall be packed in packages con- 
 taining not less than one dozen bottles in 
 each package ; and all such bottles shall 
 pay an additional duty of three cents for 
 each bottle. No allowance shall be made 
 for breakage unless such breakage is actu- 
 ally ascertained by count, and certified by 
 a custom-house appraiser. 
 
 Brandy and on other spirits manufactured 
 or distilled from grain or other materials 
 and not otherwise provided for: two dol- 
 lars per proof-gallon. Each and every 
 gauge or wine-gallon of measurement shall 
 be counted as at least one proof-gallon ; 
 and the standard for determining the proof 
 of brandy and other spirits, and of wine 
 or liquors of any kind imported, shall be 
 the same as that which is defined in the 
 laws relating to internal revenue. But 
 any brandy or other spirituous liquors ini- 
 porteil in casks of less capacity than four- 
 teen gallons shall forfeited to the United 
 States. 
 
 On all compounds or preparations of 
 which distilled spirits is a component part 
 of chief value, there shall be levied a duty 
 not less than that imposed upon distilled 
 Rj)irits. 
 
 Cordials, liqueurs, arrack, absinthe, 
 kirschwasser, ratafia, and other similar 
 sjiirituous, beverages, or bitters containing 
 spirits, and not otherwise provided for; two 
 dollars per proof-gallon. 
 ' No lower rate or amount of duty shall 
 be levied, collected, and paid, on brandy, 
 spirits, and other sjiirituous beverages, than 
 that fixed bv law for the description of first 
 proof, but it shall be increased in j)ropor- 
 tion for any greater strength than the 
 strength of 'first proof; and no brandy, 
 spirits or other spirituous beverages under 
 first ]>roof shall pay a less rate of duty 
 than fiftv i)er centum ad valorem ; and all 
 iniitationsof brandy, or spirits, or of wines 
 imported by any names whatever, shall be 
 
 subject to the highest rate of dutj' provided 
 for the genuine articles respectively in- 
 tended to be rej)resented, and in no case 
 le.ss than one dollar per gallon. 
 
 Ale, porter, and beer, in bottles: thirty- 
 five cents per gallon ; otherwise than in 
 bottles : twenty cents per gallon. 
 
 Vermuth : the same duty a.s on wines of 
 the same cost. 
 
 Schedule E.— Metal*. 
 
 Iron in pigs : seven dollars per ton. 
 
 Bar-iron, rolled or hammered, compris- 
 ing fiats not less than one inch or more 
 than six inches wide, nor less than three- 
 eighths of an inch or more than tw(j inches 
 thick ; rounds not less than three-fourths 
 of an inch nor more than two inches in 
 diameter; and squares not less than three- 
 fcnirtlis of an inch nor more than two inches 
 square : one cent per pound. Bar-iron, 
 rolled or hammered, comprising flats less 
 than three-eighths of an inch or more than 
 two inches thick, or less than one inch or 
 more than six inches wide ; rounds less 
 than three fourths of an inch or more than 
 two inches in diameter ; and squares less 
 than three-fourths of an inch or more than 
 two inches square : one cent and one-half per 
 pound. But all iron in .slabs, blooms, loops, 
 or other forms, less finished than iron in 
 bars, and more advanced than pig-iron, ex- 
 cej)t castings, shall be rated as iron in bars, 
 and ])ay a duty accordingly ; and none of 
 the above iron shall pay a less rate of duty 
 than thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Moisic iron, made from sand ore by one 
 process : fifteen dollars per ton. 
 
 Iron bars for railroads or inclined planes: 
 seventy cents per one hundred pounds. 
 
 Boiler or other plate-iron not less than 
 three-sixteenths of an inch in thickness : 
 one cent and a half per pound. 
 
 Boiler and other plate-iron, not other- 
 wise provided for: twenty-five dollars per 
 ton. 
 
 Iron wire, bright, coppered, or tinned, 
 drawn and finished, not more than one- 
 fourth of an inch in diameter, not less 
 than number sixteen, wire-gauge : two dol- 
 lars per one hundred p(mnds, and in addi- 
 tion thereto fifteen per centum ad valorem ; 
 over number sixteen and not over number 
 twenty-five, wire-gauge: three dollars and 
 fifty cents per one hundred pounds, and in 
 addition thereto fifteen per centum ad va- 
 lorem ; over or finer than number twenty- 
 five, wire-gauge, four dollars per one hun- 
 dred pounds, and, in addition thereto, fif- 
 teen jier centum ail valorem. But wire 
 covered with cotton, silk, or other material 
 shall pay five cents per pound in addition 
 to the foregoing rates. 
 
 Round iron in coils, three-sixteenths of 
 an inch or less in diameter, whether coated 
 with metal or not so coated, and all de- 
 scriptions of iron wire, and wire of which
 
 58 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 iron is a component part, not otherwise 
 specifically enumerated and provided for, 
 shall pay the same duty as iron wire, bright, 
 coppered, or tinned. 
 
 Wire spiral furniture springs, manufac- 
 tured of iron wire: two cents per pound 
 and fifteen per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Smooth or polished sheet-iron, by what- 
 ever name designated : three cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Sheet-iron, common or black, not thinner 
 than number twent)^, wire-gauge : one cent 
 and one-fourth of one cent per pound ; 
 thinner than number twenty and not thinner 
 than number twenty-five, wire-gauge: one 
 cent and one-half per pound ; thinner than 
 number twenty-five, wire-gauge: one cent 
 and three-fourths of one cent per pound. 
 
 All band, hoop, and scroll iron from one- 
 half to six inches in width, not thinner 
 than one-eighth of an inch : one and one- 
 fourth cents per pound. 
 
 All band, hoop, and scroll iron from one- 
 half to six inches wide, under one-eighth 
 of an inch in thickness, and not thinner 
 than number twenty, wire-gauge : one and 
 one-half cents per pound. 
 
 All band, hoop, and scroll iron thinner 
 than number twenty, wire gauge : one and 
 three-fourth cents per pound. 
 
 SHt rods : one cent and one-half per pound. 
 
 All other descriptions of rolled or ham- 
 mered iron not otherwise provided for : one 
 cent and one-fourth per pound. 
 
 All handsaws not over twenty-four inches 
 in length: seventy-five cents per dozen, 
 and in addition thereto thirty per centum 
 ad valorem; over twenty-four inches in 
 length: one dollar per dozen, and in addi- 
 tion thereto thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 All back saws not over ten inches in 
 length : seventy-five cents per dozen, and in 
 addition thereto thirty per centum ad 
 valorem; over ten inches in length: one 
 dollar per dozen, and in addition thereto 
 thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Files, file-blanks, rasps, and floats of all 
 descriptions, not exceeding ten inches in 
 length : ten cents per pound, and in addition 
 thereto thirty per centum ad valorem ; ex- 
 ceeding ten inches in length: six cents per 
 pound, and in addition thereto thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Penknives, jack-knives, and pocket- 
 knives of all kinds: fifty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Sword-blades : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 S\vords: forty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Needles for knitting orsewing machines: 
 one dollar i)cr thousand, and in addition 
 thereto tliirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Iron s<juares markeil on one side: three 
 cents per [)Ound, and in addition thereto 
 thirty per centum ad valorem ; all other 
 squares of iron or steel : six cents per pound, 
 and thirty per centum ad Valorem. 
 
 All manufactures of steel, or of which 
 steel shall be a component part, not other- 
 wise provided for: forty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. But all articles of steel par- 
 tially manufactured, or of which steel shall 
 be a component part, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for, shall pay the same rate of duty 
 as if wholly manufactured. 
 
 Steel railway bars : one and one-quarter 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Railway -bars made in part of steel : one 
 cent per pound. And metal converted, 
 cast, or made from iron by the Bessemer or 
 pneumatic process, of whatever form or de- 
 scription, shall be classed as steel. 
 
 Locomotive tire, or parts thereof : three 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Mill irons and mill-cranks of wrought 
 iron, and wrought iron for ships, steam-en- 
 gines, and locomotives, or parts thereof, 
 weighing each twenty-five pounds or more : 
 two cents per pound. 
 
 Anvils and iron cables, or cable-chains, 
 or parts thereof: two cents and a half per 
 pound : Provided, That no chains made of 
 wire or rods of a diameter less than one- 
 half of one inch, shall be considered a 
 chain cable. 
 
 Chains, trace-chains, halter-chains, and 
 fence-chains made of wire or rods, not less 
 than one-fourth of one inch in diameter : 
 two cents and a half per pound ; less than 
 one-fourth of one inch in diameter, and not 
 under number nine, wire-gauge : three 
 cents per pound ; under number nine, wire- 
 gauge : thirtj'-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Anchors, or parts thereof: two cents and 
 one-fourth per pound. 
 
 Blacksmiths' hammers and sledges, axles, 
 or parts thereof, and malleable iron in cast- 
 ings, not otherwise provided for : two cents 
 and a half per pound. 
 
 Wrought-iron railroad-chairs, and 
 wrought-iron nuts and washers, ready 
 punched : two cents per pound. 
 
 Bed-screws and wrought-iron hinges : two 
 cents and a half per pound. 
 
 Wrought board-nails, spikes, rivets, and 
 bolts : two and one-half cents per pound. 
 
 Steam, gas, and water tubes ana flues of 
 wrought iron: three and a half cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Cut nails and spikes : one and a half 
 cent*! per pound. 
 
 Horseshoe-nails : five cents per pound. 
 
 Cut tacks, brads, or sprigs, not exceed- ' 
 ing sixteen ounces to the thousand; two 
 and one-half cents per thousand; exceed- 
 ing sixteen ounces to the thousand : three 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Screws, commonly called wood-screws, 
 two inches or over in length : eight cents 
 per pound ; less than two inches in length : 
 eleven cents per pound. 
 
 Screws of any other metal than iron, 
 ■ind all other screws of iron, except wood- 
 screws : thirty-five per centum ad valorem.
 
 BOOK V.J 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 69 
 
 Vessels of cast iron, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for, and on andirons, sadirons, tai- 
 lors' and hatters' irons, stoves and stove- 
 plates of cast iron: one and one-half cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Cast-iron steam, gas, and water pipe : 
 one and one-half cents per pound. 
 
 Cast-iron butts and ninges : two and a 
 half cents per pound. 
 
 Hollow ware glazed or tinned : three and 
 one-half cents per pound. 
 
 Cast scrap-iron of every description : 
 six dollars per ton. 
 
 Wrought scrap-iron of every description : 
 eight dollars per ton. But nothing shall 
 be deemed scrap-iron except waste or re- 
 fuse iron that has been in actual use, and 
 is fit only to be remanufactured. 
 
 All other castings of iron, not otherwise 
 provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Taggers' iron : thirty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Steel, in ingots, bars, coils, sheets, and 
 steel wire, not less than one-fourth of one 
 inch in diameter, valued at seven cents per 
 pound or less : two cents and one-fourth per 
 pound ; valued at above seven cents and 
 not above eleven cents per pound : three 
 cents per pound ; valued at above eleven 
 cents per pound : three cents and a half per 
 pound, and ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Steel wire less than one-fourth of an inch 
 in diameter and not less than number six- 
 teen, wire-gauge: two and one-half cents 
 per pound, and in addition thereto twenty 
 per centum ad valorem ; less or finer than 
 number sixteen, wire-gauge : three cents 
 per j)()uiid, and in addition thereto twenty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Steel commercially known as crinoline, 
 corset, and hat steel wire : nine cents per 
 pound and ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Steel, in any form, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for : thirty per centum ad valorem : 
 Provided, That no allowance or reduction 
 of duties for j)artial loss or damage shall be 
 hereafter made in consequence of rust of 
 iron or steel or upon the manufactures of 
 iron or steel, except on polished Russia 
 sheet iron. 
 
 Cross-cut saws : ten cents per lineal foot. 
 
 On mill, pit, and drag saws, not over 
 nine inches wide : twelve and a half cents 
 per lineal foot; over nine inches wide: 
 twenty cents per lineal foot. 
 
 Lead in sheets, pipes, or shot: two and 
 three-nuarter cents per pound. 
 
 Leaa ore : one andahalf cents per pound. 
 
 Lead in pigs and bars : two cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Old scrap-lead, fit only to be remanufac- 
 tured : one and one-half i-ents per pound. 
 
 Zinc, spelter, or tutenegue, manufactured 
 in block or pigs: one and one-half cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Zinc, spelter, tutenegue in sheets: two 
 and one-quarter cents per pound. 
 
 Tin in plates or sheets, terne and tag- 
 gers' tin: fifteen j)er centum ad vahjrem. 
 
 Iron and tin plates giilvanized or c<jated 
 with any metal by electric batteries: two 
 cents j)er jiouiid. 
 
 Iron and tin plates galvanized or coated 
 with any metal otherwise than by electric 
 batteries: twound one-half cents i>er pound. 
 
 Copper imported in the form of ores: 
 three cents on each pound of fine copper 
 contained therein. 
 
 Regulus of copper, and on all black or 
 coarse copper: four cents on each pound 
 of fine copper contained therein. 
 
 Old copper, fit only for remanufacture: 
 four cents per pound. 
 
 Copper in plates, bars, ingots, pigs, and 
 in other forms not manufacturcfl or here 
 enumerated: five cents per pound. 
 
 Cojiper in rolled plates called braziers' 
 copj)er, sheets, rods, pipes, and copper bot- 
 toms, and all manufactures of copjjcr, or 
 of which copper shall be a component of 
 chief value, not otherwise provided for: 
 forty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Sheathing or yellow metal not wholly of 
 copper, nor wholly nor in part of iron, un- 
 galvanized, in sheets forty-eight inches 
 long and fourteen inches wide, and weigh- 
 ing from fourteen to thirty-four ounces per 
 square foot: three cents per pound. 
 
 Nickel : thirty cents per pound. 
 
 Nickel oxide and alloy of nickel with 
 copper : twenty cents per pound. 
 
 Gold-leaf: one dollar and fifty cents per 
 package of five hundred leaves; silver- 
 leaf: seventy-five cents per package of five 
 hundred leaves. 
 
 Argentine, alabatta, or German silver, 
 unmanufactured: thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Brass in bars or pigs, and old brass, fit 
 only to be remanufactured: fifteen per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Dutch and bronze metal in leaf: ten per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Articles not otherwise provided for, made 
 of gold, silver, German silver, or platina, 
 or of which either of these metals shall be 
 a component part: forty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Silver-plated metal, in sheets or other 
 form : thirty-five j)er centum ad valorem. 
 
 Maiiurueturcs, articles, vessels, and wares 
 not otherwise ])rovided for, of brass, iron, 
 lead, pewter, and tin or other metal, (ex- 
 cept gold, silver, i)latina, copper, and steel.) 
 or of which either of these metals shall be 
 the component material of chief value: 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 IMetals, unmanufactured, not otherwise 
 provided for: twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Schednle F.— I»^OT^•lon•. 
 
 Beef and nork : one cent per pound. 
 Hams ana bacon : two cents per pound
 
 60 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book v. 
 
 Cheese : four cents per pound. 
 
 Wheat : twenty cents per bushel. 
 
 Butter : four cents per pound. 
 
 Lard : two cents per pound. 
 
 Rye and barley: fifteen cents per busheL 
 
 Indian corn or maize: ten cents per 
 bushel. 
 
 Oats : ten cents per busheL 
 
 Fish : Mackerel, two dollars per barrel ; 
 herrings, pickled or salted, one dollar per 
 barrel ; pickled salmon, three dollars per 
 barrel ; all other fish pickled, in barrels, 
 one dollar and fifty cents per barrel; all 
 other foreign-caught fish imported other- 
 wise than in barrels or half-barrels, or 
 whether fresh, smoked, or dried, salted, or 
 pickled, not otherwise provided for, fifty 
 cents per one hundred pounds. 
 
 Salmon, preserved : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Anchovies and sardines, preserved in oil 
 or otherwise : fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Fish preserved in oil, except anchovies 
 and sardines : thirty per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Corn-meal : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Oat-meal : one-half cent per pound. 
 
 Rye-flour : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Rice : cleaned, two and a half cents per 
 pound ; on uncleaned, two cents per pound. 
 
 On paddy: one cent and one-half per 
 pound. 
 
 Capers, pickles, and sauces of all kinds, 
 not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Catsup: forty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Preserved or condensed milk : twenty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Potatoes : fifteen cents per bushel. 
 
 Vegetables, not otherwise provided for : 
 ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Prepared vegetables, meats, fish, poultry, 
 and game, sealed or unsealed, in cans or 
 other\vise : thirty-five per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Vinegar : ten cents per gallon. 
 
 Schedule G.— Sugars. 
 
 Sugar not above number seven, Dutch 
 standard in color: one and three-quarters 
 cents per j)0und. 
 
 Sugar al)()ve number seven, and not 
 above number ten, Dutch standard in 
 color : two cents per jwund. 
 
 Sugar above number ten, and not above 
 number thirteen, Dutch standard in color: 
 two and one quarters cents per pound. 
 
 Sugar above number thirteen, and not 
 above number sixteen, Dutch standard in 
 color: two and three-quarter cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Sugar above number sixteen, and not 
 above number twenty, Dutcli standard in 
 color: three and one-quarter cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Sugar above number twenty, Dutcli 
 standard in color, and on all refined loaf. 
 
 lump, crushed, powdered, and granulated 
 sugar : four cents per pound. But sirup of 
 sugar, sirup of sugar-cane juice, melado, 
 concentrated melado, or concentrated mo- 
 lasses, entered under the name of molasses, 
 shall be forfeited to the United States. 
 
 Sugar-candy, not colored : ten cents per 
 pound. 
 
 All other confectionery, not otherwise 
 provided for, made wholly or in part of 
 sugar, and on sugars after being refined, 
 when tinctured, colored, or in any way 
 adulterated, valued at thirty cents per 
 pound or less : fifteen cents per pound. 
 
 Confectionary valued above thirty cents 
 per pound, or when sold by the box, pack- 
 age, or otherwise than by the pound : fifty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Molasses : five cents per gallon. 
 
 Tank bottoms, sirup of sugar cane, 
 juice, melado, concentrated melado, and 
 concentrated molasses: one and one-half 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Schedule H.— Silks and silk goods. 
 
 Silk in the gum not more advanced than 
 singles, tram, and thrown or organzine : 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Spun silk for filling in skeins or corps : 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Floss-silks : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Sewing-silk in the gum or purified: 
 forty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Silk twist, twist composed of mohair and 
 silk : forty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Dress and piece silks, ribbons, and silk- 
 velvets, or velvets of which silk is the com- 
 ponent material of chief value : sixty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Silk vestings, pongees, shawls, scarfs, 
 mantillas, pelerines, handkerchiefs, veils, 
 laces, shirts, drawers, bonnets, hats, 
 caps, turbans, chemisettes, hose, mitts, 
 aprons, stockings, gloves, suspenders, 
 watch-chains, webbing, braids, fringes, 
 galloons, tassels, cords, and trimmings, 
 and ready-made clothing of silk, or of 
 which silk is a component material of chief 
 value : sixty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Buttons and ornaments for dresses and 
 outside garments made of silk, or of which 
 silk is the component material of chief 
 value, and containing no wool, worsted, or 
 goats' hair: fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Manufactures of silk, or of which silk is 
 the component material of chief value, 
 not otherwise provided for: fifty per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Schedule I.— Spices. 
 
 Pimento and black, white, and red or 
 cayenne pepper: five cents per pouncL 
 
 Ground pimento and ground i)epi)er of 
 all kinds: ten cents per pound. 
 
 ('iunamon : twenty cents per pound. 
 
 Mace: twenty-five cents per pound.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 61 
 
 Nutmegs : twenty cents per pound. 
 
 Cloves : five cents per pound. 
 '' Clove-stems : three cents per pound. 
 
 Cassia and cassia vera: ten cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Cassia buds and ground cassia : twenty 
 cents per pound. 
 
 All other spices: twenty cents per 
 pound ; ground or prepared : thirty cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Ginger, ground : three cents per pound. 
 
 Ginger, preserved or pickled : thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Essence of ginger : thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Schedule J.— Tobacco, 
 
 Cigars, cigarettes, and cheroots of all 
 kinds : two dollars and fifty cents per 
 pound, and, in addition thereto, twenty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. But paper 
 cigars and cigarettes, including wrappers, 
 shall be subject to the same duties as are 
 herein imposed upon cigars. 
 
 Tobacco in leaf, unmanufactured and 
 not stemmed : thirty-five cents per pound. 
 
 Tobacco stems: fifteen cents per pound. 
 
 Tobacco manufactured, of all descrip- 
 tions, and stemmed tobacco not otherwise 
 provided for : fifty cents per pound. 
 
 Snufi" and snufF-flour, manufactured of 
 tobacco, ground, dry, or damp, and pickled, 
 scented, or otherwise, of all descriptions : 
 fifty cents per pound. 
 
 Unmanufactured tobacco, not otherwise 
 
 firovided for : thirty per centum ad va- 
 orem. 
 
 Schedule K.— "Wood 
 
 Timber, hewn or sawed ; timber used in 
 building wharves, and spars : twenty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Timber, squared or sided, not otherwise 
 provided for : one cent per cubic foot. 
 
 Sawed boards, plank, deals, and other 
 lumber of hemlock, white wood, sycamore, 
 and bass-wood : one dollar per thousand 
 feet, board-measure. 
 
 All other varieties of sawed lumber ; two 
 dollars per thousand feet, board-measure. 
 But when lumber of any sort is planed or 
 finished, in addition to the rates herein 
 provided, there shall be levied and paid, 
 for each side so planed or finished, fifty 
 cents per thousand feet ; and if planed on 
 one side and tongued and grooved, one 
 dollar per thousand feet ; and if planed on 
 two sides and tongued and grooved, one 
 dollar and fifty cents per thousand feet. 
 
 Hubs for wheels, posts, last-blocks, 
 wagon-blocks, oar-blocks, gun-blocks, 
 heading-blocks, and all like blocks or 
 sticks, rough-hewn or sawed only : twenty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Staves for pipes, hogsheads, and other 
 casks : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Staves not otherwise provided for: 
 twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 48 
 
 Pickets and palings : twenty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Laths : fifteen cents per thousand pieces. 
 
 Shingles : thirty-five cents per thousand. 
 
 Pine clapboards : two dollars per thou- 
 sand. 
 
 Spruce clapboards : one dollar and fifty 
 cents per thousand. 
 
 House or cabinet furniture, in pieces or 
 rough, and not finished : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Cabinet wares and house furniture, 
 finished: thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Casks and barrels, empty, sugar-box 
 shooks, and packing-boxes of wood, not 
 otherwise provided for : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Manufactures of cedar-wood, granadilla, 
 ebony, mahogany, rose-wood, and satin- 
 wood : thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; 
 manufactures of wood, or of which wood 
 is the chief component part, not otherwise 
 provided for: thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Wood unmanufactured, not otherwise 
 provided for : twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Schedule Ii.— -"Wool and Woolen Ooods. 
 
 All wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, and 
 other like animals, shall be divided, for 
 the purpose of fixing the duties to be 
 charged thereon, into the three following 
 
 classes : 
 
 Class 1. Clothing- Wool. 
 
 That is to say, merino, mestiza, metz or 
 metis wools, or other wools of merino blood, 
 immediate or remote ; down clothing- wools, 
 and wools of like character with any of the 
 preceding, including such as have been 
 heretofore usually imported into the Uni- 
 ted States from Buenos Ayres, New Zea- 
 land, Australia, Cape of Good Hope, Rus- 
 sia, Great Britain, Canada, and elsewhere, 
 and also including all wools not herein- 
 after described or designated in classes two 
 and three. 
 
 Class a.— Conihlng-AVools 
 
 That is to say, Leicester, Cotswold, Lin- 
 colnshire, down combing-wools, Canada 
 long wools, or other like combing-woola 
 of English blood, and usually known by 
 the terms herein used ; and also all hair of 
 the alpaca, goat, and other like animals. 
 
 Class 3.— Carpet Wools and other similar 
 Wools. 
 
 Such as Donskoi, native South Ameri- 
 can, Cordova, Valparaiso, native Smyrna, 
 and including all such wools of like cha- 
 racter as have been heretofore usually im- 
 ported into the United States from Turkey, 
 Greece, Egvpt, Syria, and elsewhere. The 
 duty upon " wool of the first class which
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 shall be imported washed, shall be twice 
 the amount of duty to which it would be 
 subjected, if imported unwashed. 
 
 And the duty upon wool of all classes 
 which shall be imported scoured shall be 
 three times the duty to which it would be 
 subject if imported unwashed. And the 
 duty upon wool of the sheep, or hair of 
 the alpaca, goat, and other like animals, 
 which shall be imported in any other than 
 the ordinary condition as now and hereto- 
 fore practiced, or which shall be changed 
 in its character or condition, for the pur- 
 pose of evading the duty, or which shall 
 be reduced in value by the admixture of 
 dirt, or any other foreign substance, shall 
 be twice the duty to which it would be 
 otherwise subject. 
 
 Wools of the first class, the value 
 whereof at the last port or place whence 
 exported to the United States, excluding 
 charges in such port, shall be thirty-two 
 cents or less per pound : ten cents per 
 pound, and, in addition thereto, eleven 
 per centum ad valorem. Wools of the 
 same class, the value whereof at the last 
 port or place whence exported to the 
 United States, excluding charges in such 
 port, shall exceed thirty-two cents per 
 pound : twelve cents per pound, and, in ad- 
 dition thereto, ten per centum ad valorem. 
 Wools of the second class, and all hair 
 of the alpaca, goat, and other like animals, 
 the value whereof at the last port or place 
 whence exported to the United States, ex- 
 cluding charges in such port, shall be 
 thirty-two cents or less per pound ; ten 
 cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, 
 eleven per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Wools of the same class, the value 
 whereof at the last port or place whence 
 exported to the United States, excluding 
 charges in such port, shall exceed thirty- 
 two cents per pound : twelve cents per 
 pound, and, in addition thereto, ten per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Wools of the third class, the value 
 whereof at the last port or place whence 
 exported into the United States, excluding 
 charges in such port, shall be twelve cents 
 or less per pound : three cents per pound. 
 Wools of the same class, the value 
 whereof at the last port or place whence 
 exported to the United States, excluding 
 charges in such port, shall exceed twelve 
 cents per pound : six cents per pound. 
 
 Wools on the skin : the same rates as 
 other wools, the quantity and value to be 
 a-scertained under such rules as the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury may prcscril^e. 
 
 Sheep-skins and Angora goat-skins, raw 
 or unmanufactured, imported with the 
 wool on, washed or unwashctl: thirty per 
 centum ad valorem on the skins alone. 
 
 Woolen rags, shoddy, mungo, waste, and 
 flocks: twelve cents per pounds. 
 Woolen cloths, woolen shawls, and all 
 
 manufactures of wool of every description, 
 made wholly or in part of wool, not herein 
 otherwise provided for: fifty cents per 
 pound, and, in addition thereto, thirty -five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Flannels, blankets, hats of wool, knit 
 goods, balmorals, woolen and worsted 
 yarns, and all manufactures of every de- 
 scription composed wholly or in part of 
 worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or 
 other like animals, except such as are 
 composed in part of wool, not otherwise 
 provided for, valued at not exceeding forty 
 cents per pound : twenty cents per pound ; 
 valued at above forty cents per pound and 
 not exceeding sixty cents per pound: 
 thirty cents per pound ; valued at above 
 sixty cents per pound and not exceeding 
 eighty cents per pound: forty cents per 
 pound ; valued at above eighty cents per 
 pound : fifty cents per pound ; and, in ad- 
 dition thereto, upon all the above-named 
 articles: thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Endless belts or felts for paper or print- 
 ing machines : twenty cents per pound and 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Bunting : twenty cents per square yard, 
 and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Women's and children's dress-goods and 
 real or imitation Italian cloths, composed 
 wholly or in part of wool, worsted, the 
 hair of the alpaca, goat, or other like ani- 
 mals, valued at not exceeding twenty cents 
 per square yard : six cents per square 
 yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem ; valued at above 
 twenty cents per square yard : eight cents 
 per square yard, and, in addition thereto, 
 forty per centum ad valorem. But on all 
 goods weighing four ounces and over per 
 square yard, the duty shall be fifty cents 
 per pound, and, in addition thereto, thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Clothing ready made, and wearing ap- 
 parel of every description, and balmoral 
 skirts and skirting, and goods of similar 
 description, or used for like purposes, com- 
 posed wholly or in part of wool, worsted, 
 the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other like 
 animals, made up or manufactured wholly 
 or in part by the tailor, seamstress, or 
 manufacturer, except knit goods : fifty 
 cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, 
 forty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Webbings, beltings, bindings, braids, 
 galloons, fringes, gimps, cords, cords and 
 tassels, dress-trimmings, head-nets, but- 
 tons, or barrel buttons, or buttons of other 
 forms for tassels or ornaments, wrought by 
 hand or l)raided by macliinery, made of 
 wool, worsted, or mohair, or of which wool, 
 worsted, or mohair is a component ma- 
 terial : fifty cents per pound, and, in addi- 
 tion thereto, fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Aubusson and Axminster carpets, and
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 63 
 
 carpets woven whole for rooms : fifty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Saxony, Wilton, and Tornay velvet car- 
 pets, wrought by the Jacquard machine : 
 seventy cents per square yard, and, in ad- 
 dition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Brussels carpets, wrought by the Jac- 
 quard machine : forty-four cents per square 
 yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Patent velvet and tapestry velvet car- 
 pets, printed on the warp or otherwise: 
 forty cents per square yard, and, in addi- 
 tion thereto, thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Tapestry Brussels carpets printed on the 
 warp or otherwise : twenty-eight cents per 
 square yard, and, in addition thereto, 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Treble ingrain, three-ply, and worsted 
 chain Venetian carpets : seventeen cents 
 per square yard, and, in addition thereto, 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Yarn Venetian and two-ply ingrain car- 
 pets : twelve cents per square yard, and, 
 in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Druggets and bockings, printed, colored, 
 or otherwise : twenty-five cents per square 
 yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Hemp or jute carpeting: eight cents per 
 square yard. 
 
 Carpets and carpetings of wool, flax, or 
 cotton, or parts of either, or other material 
 not otherwise herein specified : forty per 
 centum ad valorem. And mats, rugs, 
 screens, covers, hassocks, bedsides, and 
 other portions of carpets or carpetings 
 shall be subjected to the rate of duty herein 
 imposed on carpets or carpeting of like 
 character or description, and the duty on 
 all other mats, (not exclusively of vegeta- 
 ble material,) screens, hassocks, and rugs, 
 shall be forty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Oil-cloths for floors, stamped, painted, 
 or printed, valued at fifty cents or less per 
 square yard, thirty -five per centum ad va- 
 lorem ; valued at over fifty cents pe^ square 
 yard, and on all other oil-cloth, (except 
 silk oil-cloth,) and on water-proof cloth, 
 not otherwise provided for, forty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Oil-silk cloth : sixty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Schednle M~Sundries. 
 
 Acetates. — Of ammonia, twenty-five cents 
 per pound ; baryta, twenty -five cents per 
 pound ; copper, ten cents per pound ; iron, 
 twenty-five cents per pound; lead, brown, 
 five cents per pound ; white, ten cents per 
 pound ; lime, twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem ; magnesia, fifty cents per pound ; 
 potassa, twenty-five cents per pound ; soda, 
 twenty -five cents per pound; stroutia, 
 
 twenty-five cents per pound ; zinc, twenty- 
 five cents per pound. 
 
 Acids. — Acetic, acetous, and pyroligne- 
 ous of specific gravity of 1.047, or less, five 
 cents per pound ; acetic, acetous, and pyro- 
 ligneous of specific gravity over 1.047, 
 thirty cents per pound ; benzoic, ten per 
 centum ad valorem ; carbolic, liquid, ten 
 per centum ad valorem ; chromic, fifteen 
 per centum ad valorem ; citric, ten cents 
 per pound; gallic, one dollar per pound; 
 nitric, ten per centum ad valorem ; sul- 
 phuric, fuming, (Nordhausen,) one cent 
 per pound ; tannic, one dollar per pound, 
 tartaric, fifteen cents per pound ; and all 
 other acids of every aescription used for 
 medicinal purposes, or in the fine arts, not 
 otherwise provided for, ten per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Acorn, and dandelion root, raw or pre- 
 pared, and all other articles used or intend- 
 ed to be used as coffee or a substitute for 
 coffee, not otherwise provided for: three 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Alabaster and spar ornaments: thirty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Albata, unmanufactured: thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Almonds : six cents per pound ; shelled : 
 ten cents per pound. 
 
 Alum, patent alum, alum substitute, sul- 
 phate of alumina, and aluminous cake: 
 sixty cents per one hundred pounds. 
 
 Ammonia. — Ammonia, and sulphate and 
 carbonate of ammonia : twenty per centum 
 ad valorem ; sal ammonia and muriate of 
 ammonia: ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Animals, live: twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Antimony, crude, and regulus of: ten 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Argols, (other than crude:) six cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Asbestos, manufactured: twenty -five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Arrowroot : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Asphaltum: twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Assafcetida: twenty per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Balsams, used for medicinal purposes, not 
 otherwise provided for : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Barley, pearl or hulled: one cent per 
 pound. 
 
 Barji;es, and sulphate of: one half cent 
 per pound ; nitrate of: twenty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Baskets, and all other articles composed 
 of grass, osier, palm-leaf, whalebone or 
 willow, not otherwise provided for : thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem ; composed of 
 straw: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Bay-rum "or bay water, whether distilled 
 or compounded : one dollar per gallon of 
 first proof, and in proportion for any 
 greater strength than first proof.
 
 64 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 All beads and bead ornaments, except 
 amber : fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Bees-wax : twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Benzoates : thirtj' per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Billiard-chalk: fifty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Black of bone, or ivory drop black: 
 twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Blacking of all descriptions : thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Bladders, manufactures of: thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Manufactures of bones, horn, ivory, or 
 vegetable ivory : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Bonnets, hats, and hoods, for men, wo- 
 men, and children, composed of chip, 
 grass, palm-leaf, willow, or any other veg- 
 etable substance, hair, whalebone, or other 
 material, not otherwise provided for : forty 
 per centum ad valorem ; composed of straw : 
 forty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Books, periodicals, pamphlets, blank- 
 books, bound or unbound, and all printed 
 matter, engravings, bound or unbound, il- 
 lustrated books and papers, and maps and 
 charts : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Borax, refined : ten cents per pound. 
 
 Bouillons or cannetille, and metal 
 threads, file or gespinst: twenty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Brick, fire-brick, and roofing and paving- 
 tile, not otherwise provided for : twenty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Brimstone, in rolls, or refined : ten dol- 
 lars per ton. 
 
 Bristles : fifteen cents per pound. 
 
 Britannia ware: thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Bronze liquor : ten per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Bronze powder: twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Brooms of all kinds: thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Brushes of all kinds : forty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Bulbous roots, not otherwise provided 
 for: thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Burning fluid: fifty cents per gallon. 
 
 Burr-stones, manufactured or bound up 
 into millstones : twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Buttons and button-molds, not otherwise 
 provided for: thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Calomel : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Camphor, refined: five cents per pound. 
 
 Candles and tapers, stearine and ada- 
 mantine: five cents per pound; spermaceti, 
 paraffine, and wax candles and tapers, 
 pure or mixed: eight cents per pound; all 
 other candles and tapers : two and one half 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Canes and sticks for walking, finished 
 or tinfinished: thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem, 
 
 Card-caaes, pocket-books, shell -boxes, 
 
 souvenirs, and all similar articles of what- 
 ever material composed: thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Carriages and parts of carriages: thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Castor beans or seeds, per bushel of fifty 
 pounds : sixty cents. 
 
 Chiccory-root, ground or unground : one 
 cent per pound. 
 
 Chiccory-root, burnt or prepared: five 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Chloroform : one dollar per pound. 
 
 Chocolate : five cents per pound. 
 
 Chronometers, box or ship's, and parts 
 thereof: ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Clocks, and parts of clocks: thirty -five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Clothing, ready-made, and wearing-ap- 
 parel of every description, of whatever 
 material composed, except wool, silk, and 
 linen, made up or manufactured wholly or 
 in part by the tailor, seamstress, or manu- 
 facturer, not otherwise provided for, caps, 
 gloves, leggins, mitts, socks, stockings, 
 wove shirts and drawers, and all similar 
 articles made on frames, of whatever 
 material composed, except silk and linen, 
 worn by men, women, or children, and not 
 otherwise provided for, articles worn by 
 men, women, or children, of whatever 
 material composed, except silk and linen, 
 made up, or made wholly or in part by 
 hand, not otherwise provided for: thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Coach and harness furniture of all 
 kinds, saddlery, coach, and harness hard- 
 ware, silver plated, brass, brass plated, or 
 covered, common tinned, burnished or 
 japanned, not otherwise provided for: 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Slack coal or culm, such as will pass 
 through a half-inch screen : forty cents per 
 ton of twenty-eight bushels, eighty pounds 
 to the bushel ; bituminous coal, and shale : 
 seventy-five cents per ton of twenty-eight 
 bushels, eighty pounds to the bushel. 
 
 Cobalt, oxide of: twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Cocoa, prepared or manufactured: two 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Coke: twenty -five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Collodion and ethers of all kinds, not 
 otherwise provided for, and etherial pre- 
 parations or extracts, fluid : one dollar per 
 pound. 
 
 Coloring for brandy : fifty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Combs of all kinds : thirty -five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Comfits, sweetmeats, or fruits preserved 
 in sugar, brandy, or molasses, not otherwise 
 provided for: thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Compositions of glass or paste, when set : 
 thirty per centum ad valorem ; when not 
 set : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 I
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 65 
 
 Composition tops for tables, or other ar- 
 ticles of furniture : thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Copperas, green vitriol, or sulphate of 
 iron : one-half of one cent per pound. 
 
 Coral, cut or manufactured : thirty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Corks and cork-bark, manufactured : 
 thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Corsets, or manufactured cloth, woven or 
 made in patterns of such size, shape, and 
 form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for 
 corsets, when valued at six dollars per 
 dozen or less : two dollars per dozen ; when 
 valued over six dollars per dozen : thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Court-plaster : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Crayons of all kinds : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Cream tartar: ten cents per pound. 
 
 Cutlery of all kind : thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Currants, Zante, or other : one cent per 
 pound. 
 
 Dates and prunes : one cent per pound. 
 
 Dolls : thirty -five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Dried pulp : twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Drugs, medicinal and other, crude, not 
 otherwise provided for : twenty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Embroidery. — Manufactures of cotton, 
 linen or silk, if embroidered or tamboured, 
 in the loom or otherwise by machinery or 
 with the needle, or other process not other- 
 wise provided for : thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem ; articles embroidered with gold 
 and silver or other metal : thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Emery-grains : two cents per pound ; 
 emery-ore : six dollars per ton. 
 
 Emery, manufactured, ground, or pul- 
 verized, one cent per pound. 
 
 Encaustic tiles: thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Epaulets, galloons, laces, knots, stars, tas- 
 sels, tresses, and wings of gold, silver, or 
 other metal : thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Essences, extracts, toilet- waters, cosme- 
 tics, hair-oils, pomades, hair-dressings, 
 hair-restoratives, hair-dyes, tooth-washes, 
 dentifrice, tooth-pastes, aromatic cachous, 
 or other perfumeries or cosmetics, by what- 
 soever name or names known, used or ap- 
 plied as perftimes or applications to the 
 nair, mouth, or skin : fifty per centum ad 
 valorem ; cologne-water and other perfu- 
 mer}', of which alcohol forms the principal 
 ingredient: three dollars per gallon, and 
 fifty per centum ad valorem ; rum essence 
 or oil, and bay-rum essence or oil : fifty 
 cents per ounce. 
 
 Eyelets of every description : six cents 
 per thousand. 
 
 Fansandfire-screcnsof every description 
 except common palm-leaf fans, of what- 
 ever material composed : thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Feathers: ostrich, vulture, cock, and 
 other ornamental, crude or not dressed, 
 colored or manufactured : twenty-five per 
 centum ad valorem ; when dressed, colored, 
 or manufactured : fiftv per centum ad va- 
 lorem. Artificial and ornamental feathers 
 and flowers, or parts thereof, of whatever 
 material composed, not othenvise provided 
 for : fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Feather beds: twenty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Feldspar: twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Figs : two and one-half cents per pound. 
 
 Filberts and walnuts, of all kinds : three 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Finishing-powder: twenty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Fire-crackers: one dollar per box of 
 forty packs, not exceeding eignty to each 
 pack, and in the same proportion for any 
 greater or less number. 
 
 Fire-crackers, not otherwise provided 
 for : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Fish-skins : twenty per cent, ad valorem. 
 
 Fruit ethers, essences or oils of apple, 
 pear, peach, apricot, strawberry, and rasp- 
 berry, made or fusel-oil or of fruit, or imi- 
 tations thereof: two dollars and fifty cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Fruits. — Oranges, lemons, pine-apples, 
 and grapes : twenty per centum ad valorem ; 
 limes, bananas, plantains, shaddocks, 
 mangoes, ten per centum ad valorem. But 
 no allowance shall be made for loss by 
 decay on the voyage, unless the loss shall 
 exceed twenty-five per centum of the quan- 
 tity, and the allowance then made shall be 
 only for the amount of loss in excess of 
 twenty -five per centum of the whole quan- 
 tity. Green, ripe, or dried, not otherwise 
 provided for : ten per centum ad valorem ; 
 preserved in their own juice, and fruit- 
 juice : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Fulminates, ftilminating-powders, and 
 all articles used for like purposes, not other- 
 wise provided for : thirty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Fur, articles made of: Caps, hats, muffs, 
 and tippets of fur, and all other manufiic- 
 tures of fur, or of which fur shall be a 
 component material: thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Fusel-oil, or amylic alcohol : two dollars 
 per gallon. 
 
 Gelatine, and all similar preparations, 
 not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Glass'plates or disks, unwrought, for opti- 
 cal instruments : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Gloves, kids, or other leather, of all de- 
 scriptions, for men's, women's or children's 
 wear : fifty per centum ad valorem.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 Glue : t^venty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Glycerine : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Grease, all not specified : ten per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Grindstones, rough or unfinished: one 
 dollar and fifty cents per ton ; finished : two 
 dollars per ton. 
 
 Gum substitute, or burnt starch : ten per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Gunpowder and all. explosive substances 
 used for mining, blasting, artillery, or sport- 
 ing purposes, when valued at twenty cents 
 or less per pound : six cents per pound, 
 and, in addition thereto, twenty per centum 
 ad valorem ; valued above twenty cents per 
 pound : ten cents per pound, and, in addi- 
 tion thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Gutta-percha, manufactured: forty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Hair. — Bracelets, braids, chains, curls, 
 or ringlets, composed of hair, or of which 
 hair is a component material: thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem ; curled hair, ex- 
 cept hair of hogs, used for beds or mattres- 
 ses: thirty per centum ad valorem; hair 
 of hogs : one cent per pound ; human hair, 
 raw, uncleaned, and not drawn: twenty 
 per centum ad valorem ; when cleaned or 
 drawn, but not manufactured : thirty per 
 centum ad valorem ; when manufactured : 
 forty per centum ad valorem ; hair of all 
 kinds, cleaned, but unmanufactured, not 
 otherwise provided for : ten per centum ad 
 ralorem. 
 
 Hair-cloth known as " crinoline-cloth," 
 and all other manufactures of hair, not 
 otherwise provided for : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem ; of the description known as 
 "hair-seating," eighteen inches wide or 
 over : forty cents per square yard ; less than 
 eighteen inches wide: thirty cents per 
 square yard. 
 
 Hair-pencils : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Hair-pins, made of iron wire : fifty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Hat-bodies of cotton: thirty-five per 
 Centura ad valorem. 
 
 Hats, &c., materials for. — Braids, plaits,, 
 flats, laces, trimmings, tissues, willow sheets 
 and squares, used for making or ornament- 
 ing hats, bonnets, and hoods, composed of 
 straw, chip, grass, palm-leaf, willow, or any 
 Other vegetable substance, or of hair, 
 whalebone, or any other material, not other- 
 wise provided for : thirty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Hatters' furs not on the skin, and dressed 
 fiirs on the skin : twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Hatters' plush, composed of silk and 
 cottfjn, but of which cotton is the compo- 
 nent material of chief value: twenty-nvc 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Hemnsccd and rapeseed, and other oil- 
 seeds of like character other tlian linseed 
 or flaxseed : one-half cent per pound. 
 
 Hoffman's anodyne and spirits of nitric 
 ether : fifty cents per pound. 
 
 Honey : twenty cents per gallon. 
 
 Hops : five cents per pound. 
 
 India rubber and silk, manufactures of, 
 or manufactures of India rubber and silk 
 and other materials : fifty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 India rubber articles, composed of. — 
 Braces, suspenders, webbing, or other 
 fabrics, composed wholly or in part of 
 India rubber, not otherwise provided for : 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Articles composed wholly of India rub- 
 ber, not otherwise provided for : twenty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 India rubber boots and shoes: thirty 
 per centum ad valorem 
 
 Ink, printers' ink, and ink -powders: 
 thirty -five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Insulators for use exclusively in telegra- 
 phy, except those made of glass : twenty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Iodine, salts of: fifteen per centtim ad 
 valorem ; resublimed : seventy -five cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Ivory or bone dice, draughts, chess-men, 
 chess-balls, and bagatelle-balls : fifty per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Japanned ware of all kinds, not other- 
 wise provided for : forty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Jellies of all kinds : fifty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Jets, manufactures and imitations of: 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Lead, nitrate of: three cents per pound. 
 
 Leather. — Bend or belting leather, and 
 Spanish or other sole-leather: fifteen per 
 centum ad valorem ; calf-skins, tanned, or 
 tanned and dressed : twenty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem ; upper-leather of all other 
 kinds, and skins dressed and finished of 
 all kinds, not otherwise provided for: 
 twenty per centum ad valorem ; skins for 
 morocco, tanned, but unfinished : ten per 
 centum ad valorem; manufactures and 
 articles of leather, or of which leather shall 
 be a component part, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for : ■ thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Leather and skins, japanned, patent or 
 enameled : thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 All leather and skins, tanned, not other- 
 wise provided for : twenty -five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Lemon and lime-juice: ten per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Licorice-paste, or licorice in rolls: ten 
 cents per pound. 
 
 Licorice-juice : five cents per pound. 
 
 Lime : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Linseed or flaxseed : twenty cents per 
 bushel of fifty-six pounds weight. But no 
 drawback shall be alloAVcd on oil-cake 
 made from imported seed. 
 
 I
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 67 
 
 Magnesia, carbonate : six cents per 
 pound ; calcined, twelve cents per pound. 
 
 Malt: twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Marble. — IMarble, white statuary, bro- 
 catella, sienna, and verd-antique, in block, 
 rough or squared : one dollar per cubic 
 foot, and, in addition thereto, twenty-five 
 per centum ad valorem ; veined marble 
 and marble of all other descriptions, not 
 otherwise t)rovided for, in block, rough or 
 squared : fifty cents per cubic loot, and, in 
 addition thereto, twenty per centum ad 
 valorem ; sawed, dressed, or polished mar- 
 ble, marble slabs, and marble paving-tiles : 
 thirty per centum ad valorem, and, in ad- 
 dition, twenty-five cents per superficial 
 square foot not exceeding two inches in 
 thickness. If more than two inches in 
 thickne.ss, ten cents per foot, in addition to 
 the above rate, for each inch or fractional 
 part thereof in excess of two inches in 
 thickness, but if exceeding six inches in 
 thickness, such marble shall be subject to 
 the duty imposed ujjon marble blocks. 
 All manul'acturi>s of marble not otherwise 
 provided i'nr : fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Mats of cocoanut : thirty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Matting, China, and other floor-matting, 
 and mats made of flags, jute, or grass : 
 thirty per centum ad valorem. Cocoa or 
 coir : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Medicinal preparations not otherwise 
 provided for : forty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Mercurial preparations not otherwise 
 provided for : twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Mineral and bituminous substances in a 
 crude state not otherwise provided for: 
 twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Mineral kernies : ten per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Mineral or medicinal waters, artificial, 
 for each bottle or jug containing not more 
 than one quart : three cents, and, in addi- 
 tion thereto, twenty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem ; containing more than one quart : 
 three cents for each additional quart, or 
 fractional jiart thereof, and, in addition 
 thereto, twenty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. Otherwise than in bottles, thirty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Morphia, and all salts of morphia: one 
 dollar per ounce. 
 
 Music, printed with lines, bound or un- 
 bound : twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Musical instruments of all kinds : thirty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Muskets, rifles, and other fire-arms : 
 tliirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Mustard, ground, in bulk: ten cents per 
 pound ; when inclosed in glass or tin : 
 fourteen cents per pound. 
 
 Needles, sewing, darning, knitting, and 
 all other descriptions not oth(M-wise pro- 
 vided for : twenty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Nuts of all kinds, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for: two cents i)er pound. 
 _ Oils. — Illuminating, and naphtha, ben- 
 zine, and benzole, refined or prcjduced 
 from the distillation of coal, a.sphaltuiii, 
 shale, peat, petroleum or rock oil, (jr other 
 bituminous substances used for like pur- 
 poses: forty cents per gallon; coal-oil, 
 crude: fifteen cents oer gallon ; crude pe- 
 troleum or rock-oil: twenty cents per 
 gallon; croton : one dollar per pound; 
 olive, in flasks or bottles, and salad : one 
 dollar per gallon; castor: one dollar per 
 gallon; cloves: two dollars j)er jiound; 
 cognac or oenanthic ether: four dollars 
 per ounce ; linseed or flaxseed : thirty 
 cents per gallon, seven pounds and a half 
 of weight to be estimated as a gallon ; 
 hemi)seed and rapeseed : twenty -three 
 cents per gallon ; neat's-foot, and all 
 animal, whale, seal, and fish oils: twenty 
 per centum ad valorem ; cotton-seed : thirty 
 cents per gallon ; cenne : thirty cents per 
 gallon. 
 
 Oils, essential or essence. — Bay-leaves : 
 seventeen dollars and fifty cents jier pound ; 
 cubebs : one dollar per pound ; lemons : 
 fifty cents per pound ; orange : fifty cents 
 per pound ; all other essential oils, not 
 otherwise provided for : fifty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Oils, fixed or expressed. — Bay or laurel : 
 twenty cents per pound : olive, not salad : 
 twenty-five cents per gallon ; mustard, not 
 salad: twenty-five cents per gallon; oils 
 expressed, not otherwise provided for : 
 twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Opium : one dollar per pound ; prepared 
 for smoking, and all other preparations of 
 opium not otherwise provided for: six 
 dollars per pound. But opium prepared 
 lor smoking, and other preparations of 
 opium, deposited in bonded warehouse, 
 shall not be removed therefrom for ex- 
 portation without payment of duties, and 
 such duties shall not be refunded. 
 
 Osier or willow, prepared for ba.'sket- 
 makers' use : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Paintings and statuary, not otherwise 
 provided for : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 But the term " statuary," as used in the 
 laws now in force imposing duties on 
 foreign importations, shall be understood 
 to include professional productions of a 
 statuary or of a sculptor only. 
 
 PaintvS and dyes. — Aniline dyes and 
 colors, by whatever name known: fifty 
 cents per pound, and thirty -five j)er centuni 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Blanc-fixe, enameled white, .satin-white, 
 lime-white, and all combinations of bar^-- 
 tes with acids or water: three cents j>er 
 pound ; carmine lake, dry or liquid : thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 French green, Paris green, mineral green, 
 mineral blue, and Prussian bhic. dry or 
 moist : thirty per centum ad vulorom.
 
 es 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 Indian red, twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Indigo, extract of: ten per centum ad 
 valorem ; carmined : twenty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Iron liquor: ten per centum ad valorem. 
 Lamp-black : twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Lastings, mohair cloth, silk twist, or 
 other manufactures of cloth woven or made 
 in patterns of such size, shape, and form, 
 or cut in such manner as to be fit for but- 
 tons exclusively, not combined with India 
 rubber : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Lead, white or red, and litharge, dry or 
 ground in oil : three cents per pound. 
 
 Logwood, and other dye-woods, extracts 
 and decoctions of : ten per centum ad va- 
 lorem, 
 
 Ochers and ochery earths, not otherwise 
 provided for, when dry : fifty cents per one 
 hundred pounds ; when ground in oil : one 
 dollar and fifty cents per one hundred 
 pounds ; Spanish brown : twenty -five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 Sumac : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 Ultramarine : six cents per pound. 
 Umber : fifty cents per one hundred 
 pounds. 
 
 Vandyke brown : twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Water-colors : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Wood lake, Venetian red, vermillion, 
 chrome-yellow, rose-pink, Dutch pink, and 
 paints and painters' colors, (except white 
 and red lead and oxide of zinc,) dry or 
 ground in oil, and moist water-colors used 
 in the manufacture of paper-hangings and 
 colored papers and cards, not otherwise 
 provided for : twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Zinc, oxide of, dry or ground in oil : one 
 and three-fourths cents per pound. 
 
 Paper. — Sized or glued, suitable only for 
 printing paper : twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem ; printing, unsized, used for books 
 and newspapers exclusively: twenty per 
 centum ad valorem ; manufactiu-ed of, or 
 of which paper is a component material, 
 not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per 
 centum ad valorem ; sheathing paper : ten 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Paper boxes, and all other fancy boxes : 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Paper envelopes : thirty-five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Paper-hangings and paper for screens or 
 fire-boards ; paper, antiijuarian, demy, 
 drawing, elepnant, foolscap, imperial let- 
 ter, and all other paper not otherwise pro- 
 vided for: thirty-five per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Papier mach6, manufactures, articles, 
 and wares of: thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 I'arafiine : ten cents per pound. 
 
 Parchment : thirty per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Patent size : twenty per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Paving-stones not otherwise provided 
 for : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Pea-nuts or ground beans : one cent per 
 pound : shelled one and a half cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Pencils of wood, filled with lead or other 
 materials : fifty cents per gross, and, in ad- 
 dition thereto, thirty per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Pencils, lead, not in wood: one dollar 
 per gross. 
 
 Pens, metallic : ten cents per gross, and, 
 in addition thereto, twenty -five per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Pen-tips and pen-holders, or parts there- 
 of: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Percussion-caps: forty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Philosophical apparatus and instru- 
 ments : forty per centum ad valorem : Pro- 
 vided, That any philosophical apparatus 
 and instruments imported for the use of 
 any society incorporated for religious pur- 
 poses, are subject to a duty of fi^fteen per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Pins, solid-head or other: thirty-five 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Pipe-cases, pipe-stems, tips, mouth- 
 pieces, and metallic mountings for pipes, 
 and all other parts of pipes or pipe fixtures, 
 and all smokers' articles : seventy-five per 
 centum ad valorem. 
 
 Pipes and pipe-bowls. — Meerschaum, 
 wood, porcelain, lava, and all other to- 
 bacco-smoking pipes and pipe-bowls, not 
 otherwise provided for: one dollar ajid 
 fifty cents per gross, and, in addition 
 thereto, seventy-five per centum ad valo- 
 rem ; pipes, clay, common or white : thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Pitch : twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Plants. — Fruit, shade, lawn, and orna- 
 mental trees, shrubs, plants, and flower- 
 seeds, not otherwise provided for ; garden 
 seeds, and all other seeds for agricultural 
 and horticultural purposes, not otherwise 
 provided for : twenty per centum ad valo- 
 rem. 
 
 Plaster of Paris, when ground or cal- 
 cined : twenty jicr centum ad valorem. 
 
 Plated and gilt ware of all kinds : thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Plates, engraved, of steel : twenty-five 
 per centum ad valorem ; of wood or other 
 material : twenty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Playing-cards, costing not over twenty- 
 five cents per pack : twenty-five cents per 
 pack ; costing over twenty-five cents per 
 pa(;k : thirty-five cents j)er pack. 
 
 Plums : two and one-half cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Polishing-powders of all descriptions,
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 
 
 69 
 
 Frankfort black, and Berlin, Chinese, fig, 
 and wash blue : twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Potash. — Bichromate of: three cents per 
 pound; chlorate and chromate of: three 
 cents per pound ; hydriodate, iodate, iodide : 
 seventy-five cents per pound ; acetate : 
 twenty-five cents per pound ; prussiate, 
 yellow : five cents per nound ; prussiate, 
 red : ten cents per pound. 
 
 Precious st(^nes and jewelry. — Diamonds, 
 cameos, mosaics, gems, pearls, rubies, and 
 other precious stones, when not set: ten 
 per centum ad valorem ; when set in gold, 
 silver, or other metal, or on imitations 
 thereof, and all other jewelry : twenty-five 
 per centum ad valorem ; watch-jewels : 
 ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Proprietary medicines : Pills, powders, 
 tinctures, troches or lozenges, sirups, cor- 
 dials, bitters, anodynes, tonics, plasters, 
 liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops, 
 waters, essences, spirits, oils, or other medi- 
 cinal preparations or compositions, recom- 
 mended to the public as proi)rietary medi- 
 cines, or prepared according to some pri- 
 vate formula or secret art as remedies or 
 specifics for any disease or diseases or af- 
 fections whatever affecting the human or 
 animal body : fifty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Putty : one dollar and fifty cents per one 
 hundred pounds. 
 
 Quicksilver: fifteen per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Quinine, salts of, other than sulphate of: 
 forty-five per centum ad valorem ; sulphate 
 of: twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Rags of whatever material, not other- 
 wise provided for : ten per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Raisins: two and one-half cents per 
 pound. 
 
 Rattans and reeds, manufactured or par- 
 tially manufactured: twenty-five per cent- 
 um ad valorem. 
 
 Red precipitate : twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Resins, gum, not otherwise provided for, 
 and rosin: twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Rochelle salts : five cents per pound. 
 
 Roman cement: twenty per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Saleratus and bicarbonate of soda : one 
 and one-half cents per pound. 
 
 Sal-soda and soda-ash : one-fourth of a 
 cent per pound. 
 
 Salt. — In bags, sacks, barrels, or other 
 packages : twelve cents per one hundred 
 pounds ; in bulk : eight cents per one hun- 
 dred pounds. 
 
 Saltpeter. — Crude : one cent per pound ; 
 refined and partially refined: two cents 
 per pound. 
 
 Salts. — Epsom : one cent per pound ; 
 glauber : one-half of one cent per })ound ; 
 jireparations of, not otherwi>*e provided 
 lor : twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Santonine: three dollars per pound. 
 
 Scagliola tojis, for tables or other articles 
 of furniture: thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Sealing-wax : thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Shaddock : ten per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Shells, manufactures of: thirty-five per 
 centum a<l valorem. 
 
 Side-arms of every descrij)tion, not oth- 
 erwise pnn'ided for: thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Skates costing twenty cents or less per 
 pair: eight cents per pair; casting over 
 twenty cents per pair: thirty-five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Smalts : twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Soap, fancy, perfumed, honey, transpa- 
 rent, and all descriptions of toilet and shav- 
 ing soaps: ten cents per pound, and, in ad- 
 dition thereto, twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem ; soap not otherwise provided for : 
 one cent per pound, and, in addition there- 
 to, thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Soda. — Caustic : one and one-half centa 
 per pound ; hyposulphate of, and all car- 
 bonates of, by whatever name designated, 
 not otherwise provided for: twenty per 
 centum ad valorem; silicate of, or other 
 alkaline silicates : one-half cent j)er pound. 
 
 Sponges: twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Sporting-gun wads of all descriptions: 
 thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Starch, made of potatoes or corn : one 
 cent per pound, and twenty per centum ad 
 valorem ; made of rice, or any other mate- 
 rial: three cents per pound, and twenty 
 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Staves for pi{)es, hogsheads, or other 
 casks: ten per centum ad valorem: other 
 staves: twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Stereotype plates : twenty -five per cen- 
 tum ad valorem. 
 
 Stones: freestone, granite, sandstone, 
 and all building or monumental stone, 
 except marble : one dollar and fifty cents 
 per ton. 
 
 Strings : all strings of whip-gut or cat- 
 gut, other than strings for musical instru- 
 ments, thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Strychnia: one dollar per ounce. 
 
 Strychnine, salts of, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for : one dollar and fifty cents per 
 ounce. 
 
 Sulphur, [four] [flowers] of: twenty 
 dollars per ton and fifteen per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Tallow: one cent per pound. 
 
 Tannin: two dollars per pound. 
 
 Tar: twenty per centimi ad valorem. 
 
 Tartar-ometic: fifteen cents per pound. 
 
 Teeth, manufactured : twenty per centum 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Tin, oxide, muriatic and salts of tin and 
 tin-foil: thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Toys, wooden and other, for children : 
 fifty per centum ad valorem.
 
 70 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book y. 
 
 Twine or pack-thread, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for: thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Turpentine, spirits of: thirty cents per 
 gallon. 
 
 Types, new: twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Type-metal: twenty-five per centum ad 
 valorem. 
 
 Umbrella and parasol-ribs and stretch- 
 ers, frames, tips, runners, handles, or other 
 parts thereof, when made in whole or chief 
 part of iron, steel, or any other metal: 
 fort)'-five per centum ad valorem ; umbrel- 
 las, parasols, and sun-shades, when cov- 
 ered with silk or alpaca: sixty per centum 
 ad valorem; all other umbrellas: forty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Umbrellas, parasols, and sun-shades, 
 frames and sticks for, finished or unfin- 
 ished, not otherwise provided for: thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Varnish valued at one dollar and fifty 
 cents or less per gallon : fifty cents per gal- 
 lon, and twenty per centum ad valorem; 
 valued at above one dollar and fifty cents 
 per gallon: fifty cents per gallon, and 
 twentj'-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Vellum : thirty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Velvet, when printed or painted: thirty- 
 five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Vitriol, white, or sulphate of zinc: twen- 
 ty per centum ad valorem; blue vitriol: 
 four cents per pound. 
 
 Waste, all not otherwise provided for: 
 twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Watches, watch-cases, watch movements, 
 parts of watches, and watch materials: 
 twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Webbing, composed of cotton, flax, or 
 any other materials, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for: thirty-five per centum ad va- 
 lorem. 
 
 Tlie Free List. 
 
 Sec. 2505. The importation of the fol- 
 lowing articles shall be exempt from duty : 
 
 Acids: arseuious, crude; boracic; nitric, 
 not chemically pure ; muriatic ; oxalic ; 
 picric and nitro-picric ; succinnic; sul- 
 phuric. But carboys containing acids shall 
 be subject to the same duty as if empty. 
 And all acids of every description used for 
 chemical and manufacturing purposes, not 
 otherwise provided for. 
 
 Aconite, root, leaf, and bark. 
 
 Agaric. 
 
 Agates, unmanufactured. 
 
 Albumen and lactariue. 
 
 Alcornoque. 
 
 Alkanet root. 
 
 Alkekengi. 
 
 Almond-shells. 
 
 Aloes. 
 
 Aluminium. 
 
 Am])er beads. 
 
 Ambergris. 
 
 Amber gum. 
 
 American manufactures of casks, bar- 
 rels, or carboys, and other vessels, and 
 grain-bags, (the manufacture of the United 
 States,) if exj^orted containing American 
 produce, and declaration be made of in- 
 tent to return the same empty, under such 
 regulations as shall be prescribed by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 Ammonia, crude. 
 
 Angelica root. 
 
 Aniline oil, crude. 
 
 Animals brought into the United States 
 temporarily and for a period not exceeding 
 six months, for the purpose of exhibition 
 or competition for prizes offered by any 
 agricultural or racing association. But a 
 bond shall be first given, in accordance 
 with the regulations to be prescribed by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, with the condi- 
 tion that the full duty to which such ani- 
 mals would otherwise be liable shall be paid 
 in case of their sale in the United States, 
 or if not re-exported within six months. 
 
 Animals, alive, specially imported for 
 breeding purposes from beyond the seas, 
 shall be admitted free, upon proof thereof 
 satisfactory to the Secretaiy of the Trea- 
 sury, and under such regulations as he 
 may prescribe. And teams of animals, in- 
 cluding their harness and tackle, actually 
 owned by persons immigrating to the 
 United States with their families from for- 
 eign countries, and in actual use for the 
 purposes of such immigration, shall also 
 be admitted free of duty, under such regu- 
 lations as the Secretary of the Treasury 
 may prescribe. 
 
 Annatto, roncou, rocou, or Orleans, and 
 all extracts of. 
 
 Annatto seed. 
 
 Antimony, ore, and crude sulphuret of. 
 
 Aqua-fortis. 
 
 Argal-dust. 
 
 Argols, crude. 
 
 Arsenic. 
 
 Arseniate of aniline. 
 
 Articles, the growth, produce, and manu- 
 facture of the United States, when re- 
 turned in the same condition as exported. 
 But proof of the identity of such articles 
 shall be made under regulations to be pre- 
 scribed by the Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 and if such articles were subject to internal 
 tax at the time of exportation, such tax 
 shall be ]iroved to have been paid before 
 exportation and not refunded. 
 
 Articles imported for the use of the 
 United States : Provided, That the price 
 of the same did not include the duty. 
 
 Asbestos, not manufactured. 
 
 Balm of Gilead. 
 
 Balsams : copaiva, fir or Canada, Peru, 
 and tolu. 
 
 Bamboo-reeds, no furtlier manufactured 
 than cut into suita]>lc lengths for walking- 
 sticks or canes, or for sticks for umbrellas, 
 I^arasols, or-sun-shades.
 
 BOOK V,] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 71 
 
 Bamboos, unmanufactured. 
 
 Barrels, of American manufacture, ex- 
 ported filled with domestic petroleum and 
 returned empty, under such regulations as 
 the Secretary of the Treasury may pre- 
 scribe, and without requiring the filing of 
 a declaration at time of export of intent to 
 return the same empty. 
 
 Barilla. 
 
 Barks: Quilla, Peruvian, Lima, calisaya, 
 and all cinchona barks, canella alba, pom- 
 egranate, croton, cascarilla, and all other 
 barks not otherwise provided for. 
 
 Beans, vanilla, or vanilla plants. 
 
 Bed feathers and downs. 
 
 Belladonna, root and leaf. 
 
 Bells, broken, afld bell-metal, broken, 
 and fit only to be remanufactured. 
 
 Bells, old, and bell-metal. 
 
 Berries, nuts, and vegetables for dyeing, 
 or used for composing dyes, not otherwise 
 provided for. 
 
 Bezoar stones. 
 
 Birds, stuffed. 
 
 Birds, singing and other, and land and 
 water fowls. 
 
 Bismuth. 
 
 Bitter apples, colocynth, coloquinitida. 
 
 Black salts. 
 
 Black tares. 
 
 Bladders, crude, and all integuments of 
 animals not otherwise provided for. 
 
 Bologna sausages. 
 
 Bolting-cloths. 
 
 Bones, crude and not manufactured ; 
 burned ; calcined ; ground ; or steamed. 
 
 Bone-dust and bone-ash for manufacture 
 of phosphates and fertilizers. 
 
 Books which shall have been printed 
 and manufactured more than twenty years 
 at the date of importation. 
 
 Books, maps, and charts imported by 
 authority for the use of the United States 
 or for the use of the Library of Congress. 
 But the duty shall not have been included 
 in the contract or price paid. 
 
 Books, maps, and charts, specially im- 
 ported, not more than two copies in any 
 one invoice, in good faith for the use of 
 any society incorporated or established for 
 philosophical, literary, or religious pur- 
 poses, or for the encouragement of the fine 
 arts, or for the use, or by the order, of any 
 college, academy, school, or seminary of 
 learning in the United States. 
 
 Books, professional, of persons arriving 
 in the United States. 
 
 Books, household effects, or libraries, or 
 
 fiarts of libraries, in use of persons or 
 amilies from foreign countries, if used 
 abroad by them not less than one year, 
 and not intended for any other person or 
 persons, nor for sale. 
 Borate of lime. 
 Borax, crude. 
 
 Brazil pebbles for spectacles, and pebbles 
 for spectacles, rough. 
 
 Brazil paste. 
 
 Brazil-wood, braziletto, and all other 
 dye-woods, in sticks. 
 
 Breccia, in blocks or slabs. 
 
 Brime. 
 
 Brimstone, crude. 
 
 Bromine. 
 
 Buchu-leaves. 
 
 Bullion, gold and silver. 
 
 Burgundy pitch. 
 
 Burr-stone in blocks, rough or unmanu- 
 factured, and not bound up into millstones. 
 
 Cabinets of coins, medals, and all other 
 collections of antiquities. 
 
 Cadmium. 
 
 Calamine. 
 
 Camphor, crude. 
 
 Cantharides. 
 
 Carnelian, unmanufactured. 
 
 Castor, or castoreum. 
 
 Catechu or cutch. 
 
 Cat-gut strings, or gut-cord, for musical 
 instruments. 
 
 Cat-gut or whip-gut, unmanufactured. 
 
 Chalk and cliff-stone, unmanufactured. 
 
 Chamomile-flowers. 
 
 Charcoal. 
 
 China-root. 
 
 Cloride of lime. 
 
 Cinchona-root. 
 
 Citrate of lime. 
 
 Coal, anthracite. 
 
 Coal-stores of American vessels; but 
 none shall be unloaded. 
 
 Cobalt, ore of. 
 
 Cocculus indicus. 
 
 Cochineal. 
 
 Cocoa, or cacao, crude, and fiber, leaves, 
 and shells of. 
 
 Coffee. 
 
 Coins, gold, silver, and copper. 
 
 Coir and coir-yarn. 
 
 Colcothar, dry, or oxide of iron. 
 
 Collections of antiquity, specially im- 
 ported, and not for sale. 
 
 Colt's foot, (crude drug.) 
 
 Columbo root. 
 
 Conium cicuta, or hemlock, seed and 
 leaf. 
 
 Contrayerva root. 
 
 Copper, old, taken from the bottom of 
 American vessels, compelled by marine 
 disaster to repair in foreign ports. 
 
 Copper, when imported for the United 
 States Mint. 
 
 Coral, marine, unmanufactured. 
 
 Cork-wood, or cork-bark, unmanufac- 
 tured. 
 
 Cotton. 
 
 Cowage down. 
 
 Cow or kine pox, or vaccine virus. 
 
 Cubebs. 
 
 Cudbear. 
 
 Curling-stones or quoits. 
 
 Curry and curry-powders. 
 
 Cuttle fish bone. 
 
 Cyanite, or kyanite.
 
 72 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 Diamonds, rough or uncut, including 
 glaziers' diamonds. 
 Diamoud-dust or bort. 
 
 Divi-divi. 
 
 Dragon's-blood. 
 
 Dried and prepared flowers. 
 
 Dried blood. 
 
 Dried bugs. 
 
 Dyeing or tanning: articles in a crude 
 state, used in dyeing or tanning, not other- 
 wise provided for. 
 
 Eggs. 
 
 Elecampane-root. 
 
 Ergot. 
 
 Esparto, or Spanish grass, and other 
 grasses, and pulp of, for the manufacture 
 of paper. 
 
 Fans, commmon palm-leaf. 
 
 Farina. 
 
 Fashion-plates engraved on steel or on 
 wood, colored or plain. 
 
 Felt, adhesive, for sheathing vessels. 
 
 Fibrin, in all forms. 
 
 Fire-wood. 
 
 Fish, fresh for immediate consumption. 
 
 Fish for bait. 
 
 Flint, flints, and ground flint-stones. 
 
 Flowers, leaves, plants, roots, barks, and 
 seeds, for medicinal purposes, in a crude 
 state, not otherwise provided for. 
 
 Folise digitalis. 
 
 Fruit-plants' tropical and semi-tropical 
 for the purpose of propagation or cultiva- 
 tion. 
 
 Fur-skins of all kinds not dressed in any 
 manner. 
 
 Galanga or galangal. 
 
 Garancine. 
 
 Gentian-root. 
 
 Ginger-root. 
 
 Ginseng-root. 
 
 Glass, broken in pieces, and old glass 
 which cannot be cut for use, and fit only to 
 be remanufactured. 
 
 Goat-skins, raw. 
 
 Goldbeaters' molds, and goldbeaters' 
 skins. 
 
 Gold size. 
 
 Grease, for use as soap-stock only, not 
 otherwise provided for. 
 
 Guano, and other animal manures. 
 
 Gums. — Arabic, Jeddo, Senegal, Barbary, 
 East India, Cape Australian, gum benzoin 
 or benjamin, gum copal, sandarac, dammar, 
 gamboge, cowrie, mastic, shellac, traga- 
 canth, olebanum, guiac, myrrh, bdalliuni, 
 garbanum, and all gums not otherwise pro- 
 vided for. 
 
 Gunny-bags and [gunny-cloth, old or 
 refuse, fit only for rcnianufacture. 
 
 Gut and worm-gut, manufactured or un- 
 manufactured, for whip and other cord. 
 
 Guts, salted. 
 
 Gutta-percha, crude. 
 
 Hair, all horse, cattle, cleaned or iiii- 
 clcaned, drawn or undrawn, but umiiium- 
 factured. 
 
 Hair of hogs, curled, for beds and mat- 
 tresses, and not fit for bristles. 
 
 Hellebore-root. 
 
 Hemlock-bark. 
 
 Hide-cuttings, raw, with or without the 
 hair on, lor glue-stock. 
 
 Hide-rope. 
 
 Hides. — Raw or uncured, whether dry, 
 salted, or pickled, and skins, except sheep- 
 skins with the wool on. Angora-goat skins, 
 raw, without the wool, unmanufactured, 
 asses' skins, raw, unmanufactured. 
 
 Hones and whetstones. 
 
 Hoofs, horns, and horn-tips. 
 
 Horn-strips. 
 
 Hop-roots for cultivation. 
 
 Hyoscyamus, or henbane-leaf. 
 
 Ice. 
 
 India rubber, crude, and milk of. 
 
 Indian hemp, (crude drug.) 
 
 Indigo. 
 
 India or Malacca joints, not further 
 manufactured than cut into suitable lengths 
 for the manufactures into which they are 
 intended to be converted. 
 
 Iodine, crude. 
 
 Ipecac. 
 
 Iridium. 
 
 Iris, orris root. 
 
 Isinglass, or fish-glue. 
 
 Istle, or Tampico fiber. 
 
 Ivory and vegetable ivory, unmanufac- 
 tured. 
 
 Jalap. 
 
 Jet, unmanufactured. 
 
 Joss-stick, or joss-light. 
 
 Juniper and laurel berries. 
 
 Junk, old. 
 
 Jute-butts. 
 
 Kelp. 
 
 Kryolite. 
 
 Lac, dye, crude, seed, button, stick, and 
 shell. 
 
 Lac spirits. 
 
 Lac sulphur. 
 
 Lava, unmanufactured. 
 
 Leather, old scrap. 
 
 Leaves, all, not otherwise provided for. 
 
 Leeches. 
 
 Licorice-root. 
 
 Life-boats and life-saving apparatus, 
 specially imported by societies incorpo- 
 rated or established to encourage the sav- 
 ing of human life. 
 
 Lithographic stones, not engraved. 
 
 Litmus and all lichens, prepared or not 
 prepared. 
 
 Loadstones. 
 
 Logs, and round unmanufactured timber 
 not otherwise provided for, and ship-timber. 
 
 Macaroni and vcrinicelli. 
 
 Madder and inunjeet, or Indian madder, 
 ground or prepared, and all extracts of. 
 
 Magnets, 
 
 Manganese, oxide and ore of. 
 
 Manna. 
 
 Manuscripts.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 73 
 
 Marrow, crude. 
 
 Marsh-mallowa. 
 
 Matico-leaf. 
 
 Medals, of gold, silver, or copper. 
 
 Meerschaum, crude or raw. 
 
 Mica and mica waste. 
 
 Mineral waters, all, not artificial. 
 
 Models of inventions and other improve- 
 ments in the arts. But no article or arti- 
 cles shall be deemed a model, or improve- 
 ment, which can be fitted for use. 
 
 Moss, Iceland, and other mosses, crude. 
 
 Moss, sea-weed, and all other vegetable 
 substances used for beds and mattresses. 
 
 Murexide, (a dye.) 
 
 Musk and civet, crude, in natural pod. 
 
 Mustard-seed, brown and white. 
 
 Nitrate of soda, or cubic niter. 
 
 Nut-galls. 
 
 Nuts, cocoa and Brazil or cream. 
 
 Nux vomica. 
 
 Oak-bark. 
 
 Oakum, 
 
 Oil-cake. 
 
 Oil, essential, fixed or expressed, viz: 
 Almonds ; amber, crude and rectified ; 
 ambergris ; anise, or anise-seed ; anthos, or 
 rosemary ; bergamot ; cajeput ; caraway ; 
 cassia ; cedrat ; chamomile ; cinnamon ; ci- 
 tronella, or lemon-grass ; civet ; fennel ; 
 jasmine, or jessamine; juglandium; juni- 
 per ; lavender ; mace ; ottar of roses ; pop- 
 py ; sesame, or sesamum-seed, or bene ; 
 thyme, red, or origanum ; thyme, white ; 
 valerian. 
 
 Oil, spermaceti, whale, and other fish, of 
 American fisheries; and all other articles 
 the produce of such fisheries. 
 
 Olives, green or prepared. 
 
 Orange and lemon peel, not preserved, 
 candied, or otherwise prepared. 
 
 Orange buds and flowers. 
 
 Orchil, or archil, in the weed or liquid. 
 
 Ores of gold and silver. 
 
 Orpiment. 
 
 Osmium. 
 
 Oxidizing-paste. 
 
 Palladium. 
 
 Palm and cocoa-nut oil. 
 
 Palm-leaf, unmanufactured. 
 
 Palm-nuts and palm-nut kernels. 
 
 Paper-stock, crude, of every description, 
 including all grasses, fibers, rags other than 
 wool, waste, snavings, clippings, old paper, 
 rope-ends, waste rope, waste bagging, gun- 
 ny-bags and gunny-cloth, old or retiase, 
 to be used in making and fit only to be 
 converted into paper, and unfit for any 
 other manufacture, and cotton-waste, 
 whether for paper-stock or other purposes. 
 
 Pe^rl, mother of. 
 
 Pellitory-root. 
 
 Persis, or extract of archil, and cudbear. 
 
 Personal and household effects, not mer- 
 chandise, of citizens of the United States 
 dying abroad. 
 
 Peruvian bark. 
 
 Pewter and britannia metal, old, and fit 
 only to be remanufacturcd. 
 
 Phanglein. 
 
 Philosophical and scientific apparatus, 
 instruments, and preparations, statuary, 
 casts of marble, bronze, alaljastor, or plan- 
 ter of Paris, paintings, drawings, and etch- 
 ings, specially imported in good faith for 
 the use of any society or institution incor- 
 porated or established for philosophical, 
 educational, scientific, or literary purposes, 
 or encouragement of the fine arts, and not 
 intended for sale. 
 
 Phosphates, crude or native, for fertiliz- 
 ing purposes. 
 
 Plants, trees, shrubs, roots, seed-cane, 
 and seeds imported by the Department of 
 Agriculture, or the United States Botani- 
 cal Garden. 
 
 Plaster of Paris, or sulphate of lime, un- 
 ground. 
 
 Platina, unmanufactured. 
 
 Platinum vases or retorts for chemical 
 uses, or parts thereof. 
 
 Plumbago. 
 
 Polishing-stones. 
 
 Polypodium. 
 
 Potassa, muriate of. 
 
 Pulu. 
 
 Pumice and pmnice-stones. 
 
 Quassia-wood. 
 
 Quick-grass root. 
 
 Quills, prepared or unprepared. 
 
 Rags, ol cotton, linen, jute, and hemp, 
 and paper-waste, or waste or clippings of 
 any kind fit only for the manufacture of 
 paper, including waste rope and waste 
 bagging. 
 
 Railroad-ties of wood. 
 
 Rattans and reeds, unmanufactured. 
 
 Regalia and gems, and statues and spe- 
 cimens of sculpture, where specially im- 
 ported, in good faith, for the use of any so- 
 ciety incorj)orated or established for philo- 
 sophical, literary, or religious purposes, or 
 for the encouragement of the fine arts, or 
 for the use or by the order of any college, 
 academy, school, or seminary of learning 
 in the United States. 
 
 Rennets, raw or prepared. 
 
 Resins, crude, not otherwise provided 
 for. 
 
 Rhubarb. 
 
 Root-flour. 
 
 Rose-leaves. 
 
 Rottenstone. 
 
 Saffron and safflower, and extract of. 
 
 Saffron-cake. 
 
 Sao;o, sago crude, and sago-flour. 
 
 Saint Jonn's beans. 
 
 Salacine. 
 
 Salep, or saloup. 
 
 Sanaal-wood. 
 
 Sarsaparilla, crude. 
 
 Sassafras bark and root, 
 
 Sauerkraut. 
 
 Sauaage-skins.
 
 74 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 Scammony, or resin of scammony. 
 
 Sea-weed, not otherwise provided for. 
 
 Seeds : cardamon, caraway, coriander, 
 fenugreek, fennel, cummin, and other 
 seeds, not otherwise provided for. 
 
 Seeds : anise, anise star, canary, chia, 
 sesamum, sugar-cane, and seeds of forest- 
 trees. 
 
 Senna, in leaves. 
 
 Shark-skins. 
 
 Shells of every description, not manu- 
 feictured. 
 
 Shingle-bolts and stave-bolts, and " head- 
 ing-bolts " shall be held and construed to 
 be included under the term " stave-bolts." 
 
 Shrimps, or other shell-fish. 
 
 Silk, raw, or as reeled from the cocoon, 
 not being doubled, twisted, or advanced in 
 manufacture any way, and silk cocoons, 
 and silk waste. 
 
 Silk-worm eggs. 
 
 Skeletons and other preparations of ana- 
 tomy. 
 
 Skins, dried, salted, or pickled, [ten per 
 cenftim ad valorem.] 
 
 Snails. 
 
 Soap-stocks. 
 
 Sparterre for making or ornamenting 
 hats. 
 
 Specimens of natural history, botany, 
 and mineralogy, when imported for cabi- 
 nets as objects of taste or science, and not 
 for sale. 
 
 Spunk. 
 
 Squills, or silla. 
 
 Staves-acre, crude. 
 
 Storax, or styrax. 
 
 Straw, unmanufactured. 
 
 Strontia, oxide of, or protoxide of stron- 
 tium. 
 
 Substances expressly used for manure. 
 
 Sugar of milk. 
 
 Sweepings of silver or gold. 
 
 Talc. 
 
 Tamarinds. 
 
 Tapioca, cassava, or cassada. 
 
 Tea. 
 
 Tea-plants. 
 
 Teasels. 
 
 Teeth, unmanufactured. 
 
 Terra-alba, aluminous. 
 
 Terra japonica. 
 
 Tica, crude. 
 
 Tin, in pigs, bars, or blocks, and grain- 
 tin. 
 
 Tonquin, Tonqua, or Tonka beans. 
 
 Tortoise and other shells, unmanufactured 
 
 Tripoli. 
 
 Turmeric. 
 
 Turtles. 
 
 Types, old, and fit only to be remanu- 
 factured. 
 
 Umbrella-sticks, crude, to-wit, all par- 
 tridge, hair-wood, pimento, orange^ myr- 
 tle, and other sticks and canes in the 
 rough, or no further manufactured than 
 cut into lengths suitable for umbrella, j 
 
 parasol, or sun-shade sticks or walking- 
 canes. 
 
 Uranium, oxide of. 
 
 Venice turpentine. 
 
 Verdigris, or subacetate of copper. 
 
 Wafers. 
 
 Wax, bay or myrtle, Brazilian and Chi- 
 nese. 
 
 Wearing apparel in actual use, and 
 other personal effects, (not merchandise,) 
 professional books, implements, instru- 
 ments and tools of trade, occupation, or 
 employment of persons arriving in the 
 Uiiited States. But this exemption shall 
 not be construed to include machinery, or 
 other articles imported for use in any 
 manufacturing establishment, or for sale. 
 
 Whalebone, unmanufactured. 
 
 Woad, weld, or pastel. 
 
 Wood-ashes, and lye of, and beet-root 
 ashes. 
 
 Woods, poplar, or other woods for the 
 manufacture of paper. 
 
 Woods, namely, cedar, lignum-vitse, 
 lance-wood, ebony, box, granadilla, ma- 
 hogany, rose-wood, satin-wood, and all 
 cabinet woods, unmanufactured. 
 
 Works of art : paintings, statuary, foun- 
 tains, and other works of art, the produc- 
 tion of American artists. But the fact of 
 such production must be verified by the 
 certificate of any consul or minister of the 
 United States indorsed upon the written 
 declaration of the artist. 
 
 Works of art : paintings, statuary, foun- 
 tains, and other works of art, imported ex- 
 pressly for presentation to national in- 
 stitutions or to any State, or to any muni- 
 cipal corporation. 
 
 Worm-seed, Levant. 
 
 Xylonite, or Xylotile. 
 
 Yams. 
 
 Yeast-cakes. 
 
 Zaffer. 
 
 Sec. 2506. TVTienever the President of 
 the United States shall receive satisfactory 
 evidence that the Imperial Parliament of 
 Great Britain, the Parliament of Canada, 
 and the legislature of Prince Edward's 
 Island have passed laws on their part to 
 give full effect to the provisions of the 
 treaty between the United States and 
 Great Britain signed at the city of Wash- 
 ington on the eighth day of May, eighteen 
 hundred and seventy-one, as contained in 
 articles eighteenth to twenty-fifth, inclu- 
 sive, and article thirtieth of said treaty, he 
 is hereby authorized to issue his proclama- 
 tion declaring that he has such evidence, 
 and thereupon, from the date of such pro- 
 clamation, and so long as the said articles 
 eighteenth to twentj'^-fifth inclusive, and 
 article thirtieth of said treaty, shall remain 
 in force, according to the terms and con- 
 ditions of article thirty-third of said treaty, 
 all fish-oil and fish of all kinds, (except 
 fish of the inland lakes and of the rivers
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 75 
 
 falling into them, and except fish preserved 
 in oil,) being the produce of the fisheries 
 of the Dominion of Canada or of Prince 
 Edward's Island, shall be admitted into 
 the United States free of duty, and when- 
 ever the colony of Newfoundland shall 
 give its consent to the apjjlication of tlic 
 stipulations and provisions of the said 
 articles eighteenth to twenty-fifth of said 
 treaty, inclusive, to that colony, and the 
 legislature thereof and the Imperial Par- 
 liament shall pass the necessary laws for 
 that pur])ose, the above-enumerated arti- 
 cles, being the produce of the fisheries of 
 the colony of Newfoundland, shall be ad- 
 mitted into the United States free of duty, 
 from and after the date of a proclamation 
 by the President of the United States, de- 
 claring that he has satisfactory evidence 
 that the said colony of Newlbundland has 
 consented, in a due and proper manner, to 
 have the provisions of the said articles 
 eighteenth to twenty-fifth, inclusive, of 
 the said treaty extended to it, and to allow 
 the United States the full benefits of all 
 the stipulations therein contained, and 
 shall be so admitted free of duty, so long 
 as the said articles eighteenth to twenty- 
 fifth, inclusive, and article thirtieth, of 
 said treaty, shall remain in force, accord- 
 ing to the terms and conditions of article 
 thirty-third of said treaty ; but the provi- 
 sions of this section shall not apply to any 
 articles of merchandise mentioned therein 
 which were held in bond by the customs 
 officers of the United States on the first 
 day of July, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 three. 
 
 Sec. 2507. Whenever any vessel laden 
 with merchandise in whole or in part sub- 
 ject to duty has been sunk in any river, 
 harbor, bay, or waters subject to the juris- 
 diction of the United States, and within 
 its limits, for the period of two years, and 
 is abandoned by the owner thereof, any 
 
 Eerson who may raise such a vessel shall 
 e permitted to bring any merchandise 
 recovered therefrom into the port nearest 
 to the place where such vessel was so 
 raised, free from the payment of any duty 
 thereupon, and without being obliged to 
 enter the same at the custom-house ; but 
 under such regulations as the Secretary of 
 the Treasur}' may prescribe. 
 
 Sec. 2508. The produce of the forests of 
 the State of Maine upon the Saint John 
 River and its tributaries, owned by Ameri- 
 can citizens, and sawed or hewed in the 
 Province of New Brunswick by American 
 citizens, the same being unmanufactured 
 in whole or in part, which is now admitted 
 into the ports of [the] United States free 
 of duty, snail continue to be so admitted 
 under such regulations as the Secretary of 
 the Treasury shall, from time to time, pre- 
 scribe. 
 Sec. 2509. The produce of the forests of 
 
 the State of Maine upon the St. CroLs 
 River and its tributaries, owned by Ameri- 
 can citizens, and sawed in the Province of 
 New Brunswick by American citizens, the 
 same being unmanufactured in whole or in 
 part, and having paid the same taxes a.s 
 other American lumber on that river, shall 
 be admitted into the ports of the United 
 States free of duty, under such regulations 
 as the Secretary of the Treasury shall, 
 irom time to time, prescribe. 
 
 Sec. 2510. JMachinery for the manufac- 
 ture of beet sugar, and imported for that 
 purpose solely, shall be exempted from 
 duty. 
 
 Sec. 2511. Machinery for repair may be 
 imported into the United States without 
 payment of duty, under bond, to be given 
 in double the ai)j)raiscd value thereof, to 
 be withdrawn and exported after said ma- 
 chinery shall have been rejiaired ; and the 
 Secretary of the Treasury is authorized 
 and directed to prescribe such rules and 
 regulations as may be necessary' to protect 
 the revenue against fraud, and secure the 
 identity and character of all such importa- 
 tions when again withdrawn and exported, 
 restricting and limiting the export and 
 withdrawal to the same port of cntrj' where 
 imported, and also limiting all bonds to a 
 period of time not more than six months 
 from the date of the importation. 
 
 Sec. 2512. All paintings, statuary, and 
 photographic pictures imported into the 
 United States for exhibition by any associa- 
 tion duly authorized under the laws of the 
 United States or any State for the promo- 
 tion and encouragement of science, art, or 
 industry, and not intended for sale, shall 
 be admitted free of duty, under such regu- 
 lations as the Secretary of the Treasury 
 shall prescribe. But bonds shall be given 
 for the payment to the United States of such 
 duties as are now imposed by law upon 
 any and all of such articles as shall not be 
 re-exported within six months after such 
 importation. 
 
 Sec. 2513. All lumber, timber, hemp, 
 manila, and iron and steel rods, bars, 
 spikes, nails, and bolts, and copper and 
 composition metal which may be necessary 
 for the construction and equipment of ves- 
 sels built in the United States for the pur- 
 pose of being employed in the'foreign trade, 
 including the trade between the Atlantic 
 and Pacific ports of the United States, and 
 finished after the sixth day of June, eigh- 
 teen hundred and seventy' -two, may be im- 
 ported in bond, under such regulations as 
 the Secretary of the Trea-=:ury may prescribe ; 
 and, upon proof that such materials have 
 been used for such purpose, no duties shall 
 be paid thereon. But vessels receiving the 
 benefit of this section shall not be allowed 
 to engage in the coastwise trade of the 
 United States more than two months in 
 any one year, except upon the payment to
 
 76 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 the United States of the duties on which 
 a rebate is herein allowed. 
 
 Sec. 2514. All articles of foreign pro- 
 duction needed for the repair of American 
 vessels engaged exclusively in foreign trade 
 may be withdrawn from bonded ware- 
 houses free of dutj', under such regula- 
 tions as the Secretary of [the] Treasury 
 may prescribe. 
 
 Sec. 2-515. That no duty shall be levied 
 or collected on the importation of peltries 
 brought into the Territories of the United 
 States, nor on the proper goods and eflFects, 
 of whatever nature, of Indians passing or 
 repassing the boundary-line aforesaid, un- 
 less the same be goods in bales or other 
 large packages unusual among Indians, 
 which shall not be considered as goods be- 
 longing to Indians, nor be entitled to the 
 exemption from duty aforesaid. 
 
 Sec. 2516. There shall be levied, col- 
 lected, and paid on the importation of all 
 raw or unmanufactured articles, not herein 
 enumerated or provided for, a duty of ten 
 per centum ad valorem ; and on all articles 
 manufactured in whole or in part, not here- 
 in enumerated or provided for, a duty of 
 twenty per centum ad valorem. 
 
 Snpplements to Tariff L<aws. 
 
 Supplement of Feb. 8, 1875, Chap. 36, Sec. 1-4. 
 
 Sectiox 1. That from and after the 
 date of the passage of this act, in lieu of 
 the duties heretofore imposed on the im- 
 portation of the goods, wares, and merchan- 
 dise hereinafter specified, the following- 
 rates of duty shall be exacted, namely : 
 
 On spun silk, for filling, in skeins or 
 cops, thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; 
 
 On silk in the gum, not more advanced 
 than singles, tram, and thrown or organ- 
 zine, thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; 
 
 On floss-silks, thirty-five per centum ad 
 valorem ; 
 
 On sewing-silk, in the gum or purified, 
 forty per centum ad valorem ; 
 
 On lastings, mohair cloth, silk twist, or 
 other manufactures of cloth, woven or 
 made, in patterns of such size, shape, or 
 form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for 
 buttons exclusively, ten per centum ad 
 valorem ; 
 
 On all goods, wares, and merchandise 
 not otherwise herein provided for, made of 
 silk, or of which silk is the component 
 material of chief value, irrespective of 
 the classification thereof for cfuty by or 
 under previous laws, or of their commercial 
 designation, sixty per centum ad valorem : 
 
 Provided, That this act shall not apply 
 to goods, wares, or merchandise winch 
 have, {US a component material thereof, 
 twenty-five per centum or over in value of 
 cotton, flax, wool, or worsted. 
 
 Sec. 2. That from and after the passage 
 of this act, in lieu of the duties now im- 
 posed by law on the mcrchaudiae herein- 
 
 after enumerated, imported from foreign 
 countries, there shall be levied, collected, 
 and paid the following duties, that is to 
 say: 
 
 On all still wines imported in casks, 
 forty cents per gallon. 
 
 On all still wines imported in bottles, 
 one dollar and sixty cents per case of one 
 dozen bottles, containing each not more 
 than one quart and more than one pint, or 
 twenty-four bottles, containing each not 
 more than one pint; and any excess be- 
 yond those quantities found in such bottles 
 shall be subject to a duty of five cents per 
 pint or fractional part thereof, but no sep- 
 arate or additional duty shall be collected 
 on the bottles : 
 
 Provided, Tltat any wines imported con- 
 taining more than twenty-four per centum 
 of alcohol shall be forfeited to the United 
 States : 
 
 Provided also, That there shall be an al- 
 lowance of five per centum, and no more, 
 on all effervescing wines, liquors, cordials, 
 and distilled spirits, in bottles, to be de- 
 ducted from the invoice quantity in lieu of 
 breakage. 
 
 Sec. 3. That all imported wines of the 
 character provided for in the preceding 
 section which may remain in public store 
 or bonded warehouse on the day this act 
 shall take efiect shall be subject to no 
 other duty upon the withdrawal thereof 
 for consumption than if the same were im- 
 ported after that day : 
 
 Provided, That any such wines remain- 
 ing on shipboard within the limits of any 
 port of entry in the United States on the 
 day aforesaid, duties unpaid, shall, for the 
 purposes of this section, be considered as 
 constructively in public store or bonded 
 warehouse. 
 
 Sec. 4. That on and after the date of 
 the passage of this act, in lieu of the duties 
 imposed by law on the articles in this sec- 
 tion enumerated, there shall be levied, col- 
 lected, and paid on the goods, wares, and 
 merchandise in this section enumerated 
 and provided for, imported from foreign 
 countries, the following duties and rates of 
 duties, that is to say : 
 
 On hops, eight cents per pound. 
 
 On chromate and bichromate of potassa, 
 four cents per pound. 
 
 On macaroni and vermicelli, and on all 
 similar preparations, two cents per pound. 
 
 On nitro-benzole, or oil of mirbane, ten 
 cents per pound. 
 
 On tin in plates or sheets and on terne 
 and tagger's tin, one and one-tenth cents 
 per pound. 
 
 On anchovies and sardines, packed in 
 oil or otherwise, in tin boxes, fifteen cents 
 per whole box, measuring not more than 
 five inches long, four inches wide, and tlireo 
 and one-half inches deep; seven and one- 
 half cents for each half-box, measuring
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 77 
 
 not more than five inches long, four inches 
 wide, and one and five-eighths inches deep ; 
 and four cents for eacli quarter-box, meas- 
 uring n(jt more than four inclics and tlirec- 
 quartcrs long, three and one-half inches 
 wide, and one and one-half inches deep ; 
 when imj)()rted in any other form, sixty per 
 centum ad valorem : 
 
 rrorided, That cans or packages made 
 of tin or otlier material containing fish of 
 any kind admitted free of duty under any 
 existing law or treaty, not exceeding one 
 quart in contents, shall be subject to a duty 
 of one cent and a half on each can or 
 package ; and when exceeding one quart, 
 shall be subject to an additional duty oi' 
 one cent and a half for each additional 
 quart, or fractional part thereof 
 
 Sec. 5. That yellow sheatliing-metal and 
 yellow-metal bolts, of wliieh the compon- 
 ent part of chief value is cop])er, shall be 
 deemed manufactures of cop])er, and shall 
 pay the duty now prescribed ])y law for 
 manufactures of copper, and shall be en- 
 titled to the draAvback allowed by law to 
 copper and composition-metal whenever 
 the same shall be used in the construction 
 or equipment or repair of vessels built in 
 the United States for the purpose of being 
 employed in the foreign trade, including 
 the trade between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 ports of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 6. That section four of the act en- 
 titled " An act to reduce duties on imports 
 and to reduce internal taxes, and for other 
 
 Eurposes," approved June sixth, eighteen 
 undred and seventy-two, be, and the same 
 is hereby, amended by striking out the 
 thirtieth i)aragraph of said section in rela- 
 tion to the duty on Moisic iron ; and from 
 and after the passage of this act, the duty 
 on Moisic iron, of whatever condition, 
 grade, or stage of manufacture, shall be 
 the same as on all other species of iron of 
 like condition, grade, or stage of manu- 
 facture. 
 
 Sec. 7. That the duty on jute-butts shall 
 be six dollars per ton : Pi-oi-ided, That all 
 machinery not now manufactured in the 
 United States adapted exclusively to manu- 
 factures from the fiber of the ramie, jute, 
 or flax, may be admitted into the United 
 States free of duty for two years from the 
 first of July, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 five: 
 
 And provided further, That bags, other 
 than of American manufiicture, in which 
 grain shall have been actually exported 
 from the United States, may be returned 
 empty to the United States free of duty, 
 under regulations to be prescribed by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 Sec. 8. That on and at\er the date of the 
 passage of this act, the imjjortation of the 
 articles enumerated and described in this 
 section shall be exempt from duty, that is 
 to say : 
 49 
 
 Alizarine. 
 
 Quicksilver, 
 
 S]iip-j)laiiking and handle-bolts. 
 
 Spurs and stilts used in the manufacture 
 of eartlien, st(me, or crockery ware. 
 
 Seed of the sugar-beet. 
 
 Sec. 9. That barrels and grain-bags, the 
 manufiuture of the United States, when 
 exportcil filled with American products, or 
 exported cmj)ty and returned filled, with 
 foreign products, may be returned to tlie 
 United States free of duty, under such 
 rules and regulations as shall be jirescribed 
 by the Secretary of the Treasury ; and the 
 provisions of this section shall aj)i>ly to 
 and include shooks, when returned as bar- 
 rels or boxes as aforesaid. 
 
 Sec. 10. That where bullets and gun- 
 powder, manulactured in tbe United States 
 and put up in envelojies or shells in the 
 ibrm of cartridges, such envelope or shell 
 being made wholly or in part of domestic 
 materials, are exported, tliere shall be al- 
 lowed on the bullets or gunjiowder, on the 
 materials of which duties have been paid, 
 a drawback equal in amount to the duty 
 I)aid on such materials, and no more, to be 
 ascertained under .such regulations as shall 
 be prescribed by the Secretary of the 
 Treasury : 
 
 Provided, That ten per centum on the 
 amount of all drawbacks so allowed shall 
 be retained for the use of the United States 
 by the collectors paying such drawback 
 respectively. 
 
 Sec. 11. That the oaths now required to 
 be taken by subordinate oflicers of the cus- 
 toms may be taken before the collector of 
 the customs in the district in which they 
 are a]>pointed, or before any oflScer author- 
 ized to administer oaths generally ; and 
 the oaths shall be taken in duplicate, one 
 copy to be transmitted to the Commissioner 
 of Customs, and the other to be filed with 
 the collector of customs for the district in 
 which the officer appointed acts. 
 
 And in default of taking such oath, or 
 transmitting a certificate thereof, or filing 
 the same with the collector, the party fail- 
 ing shall i'orfeit and pay the sum of two 
 liundred dollars, to be recovered, with cost 
 of suit, in any court of competent jurisdic- 
 tion to the use of the United States. 
 
 Internal Re-venue. 
 
 (i?cj9.) [Sec. 12. That each collector of 
 internal revenue shall be authorized to ap- 
 point, by an instrument in writing under 
 his hand, as many deputies as he may 
 think i)roper, to be by him compensated 
 for tlieir services ; to revoke any such ap- 
 pointment, giving such notice thereof as 
 the Commissioner of Internal Revenue 
 may prescribe ; and to require and accept 
 bonds or other securities from such deputy ; 
 and actions upon such bonds may be 
 brought in any appropriate district or
 
 78 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book y. 
 
 circuit court of the United States ; which 
 courts are hereby given jurisdiction of such 
 actions concurrentlj' with the courts of the 
 several States. 
 
 Each such deputy shall have the like 
 authority in even.' respect to collect the 
 taxes levied or assessed within the portion 
 of the district assigned to him which is, 
 by law, vested in the collector himself. 
 
 But each collector shall, in every respect, 
 be responsible both to the United States 
 and to individuals, as the case may be, for 
 all moneys collected, and for every act 
 done, or neglected to be done, by any of 
 his deputies while acting as such.] 
 
 {Rep.) [Sec. 13. That there shall be 
 further 2:»aid, after the account thereof has 
 been rendered to and approved by the 
 proper officers of the Treasury, to each col- 
 lector, his necessary and reasonable charges 
 for advertising, stationery, and blank 
 books used in the performance of his of- 
 ficial duties, and for postage actually paid 
 on letters and documents received or sent 
 and exclusively relating to official business ; 
 but no such account shall be approved or 
 allowed unless it states the date and the 
 particular items of every such expenditure, 
 and shall be verified by the oath of the 
 collector : 
 
 Provided, That the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, on the recommendation of the 
 Commissioner of Internal Revenue, be 
 authorized to make such further allow- 
 ances, from time to time, as may be reason- 
 able, in cases in which, from the territorial 
 extent of the district, or from the amount of 
 internal duties collected, it may seem just 
 to make such allowances ; but no such allow- 
 ance shall be made except within one year 
 after such services are rendered. 
 
 But the total net compensation of a col- 
 lector shall not in any case exceed four 
 thousand five hundred dollars a year ; 
 
 And no collector shall be entitled to any 
 portion of the salary pertaining to the 
 office unless such collector shall have been 
 confirmed by the Senate, except in cases of 
 commissions to fill vacancies which may 
 have happened by death or resignation 
 during the recess of the Senate.] 
 
 Sec. 14 [Rep.) [That the existing pro- 
 visions of law for the redemption of, or al- 
 lowance for, internal-revenue documentart- 
 stamps, the use of wliich has been rendered 
 unnecessary by the repeal of the taxes for 
 the payment of which such stamps were 
 provided, shall apply only to such of said 
 stamps ;is shall be prescnte<l to the Com- 
 missioner of Internal Revenue for allow- 
 aiice or redemption before the first day of 
 October, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 five; and nf) allowance, rcdonijition, or re- 
 funding on account of such of the afore- 
 said stamps as shall not be so presented to 
 the said Comniissiiincr prif)r to the date 
 la.st mentioned shall be thereafter made.] 
 
 Sec. 15. That the words "bank-check, 
 draft, or order for the payment of any sum 
 of money whatsoever, drawn upon any 
 bank, banker, or trust compay, at sight or 
 on demand, two cents ", in Schedule B of 
 the act of June thirtieth, eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-four, be, and the same is hereby, 
 stricken out, and the following paragraph 
 inserted in lieu thereof: 
 
 "Bank-check, draft, order, or voucher for 
 the payment of any sum of money what- 
 soever, drawn upon any bank, banker, or 
 trust-company, two cents." 
 
 Sec. 16. That any person who shall 
 carrj' on the business of a rectifier, whole- 
 sale liquor-dealer, retail liquor-dealer, 
 wholesale dealer in malt-liquors, retail 
 dealer in malt-liquors, or manufacturer of 
 stills, without having paid the special tax 
 as required by law, or who shall carrj' on 
 the business of a distiller without having 
 given bond as required by law, or who 
 shall engage in or carry on the business of 
 a distiller with intent to defraud the United 
 States of the tax on the spirits distilled by 
 him, or any part thereof, shall, for every 
 such offense, be fined not less than one 
 hundred dollars nor more than five thou- 
 sand dollars and imprisoned not less than 
 thirty days nor more than two years. 
 
 And all distilled spirits or wines, and all 
 stills or other apparatus, fit or intending 
 (3) to be used for the distillation or recti- 
 fication of spirits, or for the compounding 
 of liquors, owned by such person, wherever 
 found, and all distilled spirits or wines and 
 personal property found in the distillery or 
 rectifj'ing establishment, or in any build- 
 ing, room, yard, or inclosure connected 
 therewith, and used with or constituting a 
 part of the premises ; and all the right, 
 title, and interest of such person in the lot 
 or tract of land on which such distillery is 
 situated, and all right, title, and interest 
 therein of every person who knowingly has 
 suffered or permitted the busine^is of a dis- 
 tiller to be there carried on, or has con. 
 nived at the same ; and all personal prop- 
 erty owned by or in possession of any per- 
 son who has permitted or suffered any 
 building, yard, or enclosiire, or any part 
 thereof, to be used for purposes of ingress 
 or egress to or from such distillery which 
 shall be found in any such building, yard, 
 or inclosure, and all the right, title and in- 
 terest of every person in any premises used 
 for ingress or egress to or from such dis- 
 tillery, who has knowingh' .suffered or per- 
 mitted such j)remises to be used for such 
 ingress or egress, shall be forfeited to the 
 United States. 
 
 Six". 17. That if any person shall affix, 
 or cause to be affixed, to or upon any cask 
 or package containing, or intended to con- 
 tain, distilled spirits, any imitation stamp 
 or other engraved, printed, stamped, or 
 photographed label, device, or token,
 
 BOOK V.J 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 79 
 
 whether the same be designed as a trade 
 mark, caution notice, caution, or otherwise, 
 and which sliall be in the similitude or 
 likeness of, or sliall have the resenibhince 
 or general appearance of, any internal 
 revenue stamp required by law to be affixed 
 to or upon any cask or package containing 
 distilled spirits, he shall, for each offense, 
 be liable to a penalty of one hundred dol- 
 lars, and on conviction, shall be fined not 
 more than one thousand d(jllars, and im- 
 jirisoned not more than three years, and 
 the cask or package with its contents shall 
 be forfeited to the United States. 
 
 (Rep.) Sec. 18. [That retail dealers in 
 liquors shall pay twenty-five dollars. Every 
 person who sells, or offers for sale, foreign 
 or domestic distilled spirits, wines or 
 malt licpiors, otherwise than as hereinafter 
 provided, in less quantities than five wine 
 gallons at the same time, shall be regarded 
 as a retail dealer in liquors. 
 
 Wholesale li(iuor dealers shall each pay 
 one hundred dollars. Every person who 
 sells, or offers for sale, foreign or domestic 
 distilled s])irits, wines, or malt liquors, 
 otherwise than is hereinafter provided, in 
 quantities of not less than five wine gallons 
 at the same time, shall be regarded as a 
 wholesale liquor dealer. 
 
 But no distiller, who has given the re- 
 quired bond, and who sells only distilled 
 spirits of his own production at the place 
 of manufacture in the original packages to 
 which the tax stamps are aifixed, shall be 
 required to pay the special tax of a w^hole- 
 sale liquor dealer on account of such sales. 
 
 Retail ilealcrs in malt liquors shall pay 
 twenty dollars. Everj' person who sells, 
 or oft'crs for sale, malt liquors in less quan- 
 tities than five gallons at onetime, but who 
 does not deal in spirituous liquors, shall be 
 regarded as a retail dealer in malt liquors. 
 
 AVholesale dealers in malt liquors shall 
 pay fifty dollars. Every person who sells, 
 or offers for sale, malt liquors in quantities 
 of not less than five gallons at one time, 
 but who does not deal in spirituous liquors, 
 shall be regarded as a wholesale dealer in 
 malt liquors : 
 
 Pr or hied, That no brewer shall be re- 
 
 Suired to pay a special tax as a wholesale 
 ealer by reason of selling in the original 
 stamped packages, whether at the place of 
 manufacture or elsewhere, malt liquors 
 manufactured by him : 
 
 P-nvided further, That any assessments of 
 additional special tax against wholesale 
 liquor dealers, or retail liquor dealers, 
 or against brewers for selling malt 
 liquors of their own production at the 
 place of manufacture in the original 
 casks or packages, made by reason of an 
 amendment to section fiftj'-nine of the in- 
 ternal revenue act approved July twentieth, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-eight, a^j 
 amended by section thirteen of the act ap- 
 
 proved June sixth, eighteen hundred antl 
 seventy-two, further amending said section 
 fifty-nine l)y striking out the words "malt 
 liquor," " malt liijuors," " brewer," and 
 " malt liquors " in the three several para- 
 graphs in which they occur, shall be, on 
 l)roper ])roof's, remitted ; and if such assess- 
 jnents have been paid, the amounts so 
 l)aid shall be, on proper proofs, refunded 
 by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue.] 
 
 Sec. li). That every person, firm, asso- 
 ciation other than national bank associa- 
 tions, and every corporation. State bank, 
 or State banking association, shall pay a 
 tax of ten per centum on the amount of 
 their own notes used for circulation and 
 paid out by them. 
 
 Sec. 20. That every such person, firm 
 association, corporation. State bank, or 
 State banking association, and also every 
 national banking association, shall pay a 
 like tax often per centum on the amount 
 of notes of any person, firm, associatif)n 
 other than a national banking association, 
 or of any corporation. State bank, or State 
 banking association, or of any town, city, 
 or municipal corporation, used for circula- 
 tion and paid out by them. 
 
 Sec. 21. That the amount of such circu- 
 lating notes, and of the tax due thereon, 
 shall be returned, and the tax paid at the 
 same time, and in the same manner, and 
 with like penalties for failure to return and 
 pay the same, as provided by law for the 
 return and payment of taxes on deposits, 
 capital, and circulation, imi)osed by the 
 existing provisions of internal revenue law. 
 
 Sec. 22. That hereafter nothing con- 
 tained in the internal revenue laws shall 
 l)e construed so as to authorize the imposi- 
 tion of any stamp tax upon any medicinal 
 articles prepared by any manufacturing 
 chemist, pharmaceutist, or druggist, in ac- 
 cordance with a formula published in any 
 standard dispensatory or pharmacopoeia in 
 common use by physicians and apotheca- 
 ries, or in any pharmaceutical journal 
 issued by any incorporated college of phar- 
 macy, when such formula and where found 
 shall be distinctly referred to on the print- 
 ed label attached to such article, and no 
 proprietary interest therein is claimed. 
 
 Neither shall any stamp be required 
 when the formula of any medicinal pre- 
 ])aration shall be printed on the label at- 
 tached to such article where no proprietor- 
 ship in such preparation shall be claimed. 
 
 Sec. 23. That all acts and parts of acts 
 imposing fines, penalties, or other punish- 
 ment for offences committed by an inter- 
 nal revenue officer or other officer of the 
 Department of the Treasury of the United 
 States, or under any bureau thereof, shall 
 be, and are hereby,' applied to all persons 
 whomsoever, employed, appointed, or act- 
 ing under the authority of any internal re- 
 venue or customs law, or any revenue pro-
 
 80 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 vision of any law of the United States, 
 when such persons are designated or acting 
 as officers or deputies, or persons having 
 the custody or disposition of any public 
 money. 
 
 Sec. 24. That whenever any manufac- 
 turer of tobacco shall desire to withdraw 
 the same from his factory ibr exportation 
 under existing laws, such manufacturer 
 may, at his option, in lieu of executing an 
 export bond, as now provided by law, give 
 a transportation bond, with sureties satis- 
 factory to the collector of internal revenue, 
 and uiider such rules and regulations as 
 the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 
 with the approval of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, may prescribe, conditioned for 
 the due delivery thereof on board ship at 
 a port of exportation to be named therein ; 
 and in such case, on arrival of the tobacco 
 at the port of export, the exporter or own- 
 er at that port shall immediately notify 
 the collector of the port of the fact, setting 
 forth his intention to export the same, the 
 name of the vessel upon which the same is 
 to be laden, and the port to which it is in- 
 tended to be exported. 
 
 He shall, after the quantity and descrip- 
 tion of tobacco have been verified by the 
 inspector, file with the collector of the port 
 an export entry verified by affidavit. 
 
 He shall also give bond to the United 
 States, with at least two sureties, satisfacto- 
 ry to the collector of customs, conditioned 
 that the principal named in said bond 
 will export the tobacco as specified in said 
 entry, to the port designated in said entry, 
 or to some other port without the jurisdic- 
 tion of the United States. 
 
 And upon the lading of such tobacco, 
 the collector of the port, after proper 
 bonds for the exportation of the same have 
 been completed by the exporter or owner 
 at the port of shipment thereof, shall trans- 
 mit to tlie collector of internal revenue of 
 the district from which the said tobacco 
 was withdrawn for exportation, a clearance 
 certificate and a detailed rcjKjrt of the in- 
 spector ; which report shall show the quan- 
 tity and descrijjtion of manufactured to- 
 bacco, and the marks thereof. 
 
 Ui)on the recei[)t of the certificate and 
 report, ami upon payment of tax on defi- 
 ciency, if any, the collector of internal re- 
 venue shall cancel the transportation l)ond. 
 
 The bonds reiiuired to be given for the 
 landing at a foreign port of such manufac- 
 tured tobacco shall be canceled upon the 
 presentation of satisfactory [)n»ol' and cer- 
 tificates that said tobacco has l)een laiidefl 
 at the port of (k'stiiiation named in the 
 bill of lading, or any other port without 
 tiie jurisdiction of the United States, or 
 upon satisfactory proof that after siiipment 
 the same was lost at sea without fault or 
 neglect of the owner or exporter thereof 
 
 Sec. 23. That if any person or j)ersons 
 
 shall fraudulently claim or seek to obtain 
 an allowance or drawback of duties on any 
 manufactured tobacco, or shall fraudulent- 
 ly claim any greater allowance or draw- 
 back thereon than the duty actually paid, 
 such person or persons shall forfeit triple the ' 
 amount wrongfully or fraudulently claimed 
 or sought to be obtained, or the sum of five 
 hundred dollars, at the election of the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, to be recovered as in 
 other cases of forfeiture provided for in the 
 internal revenue laws. 
 
 Au act to put salts of <^ulnliie and Sulphate 
 of <^uinlue ou tlie free list. 
 
 Quinine and suits and sulphate of quinine exempt from 
 customs duty. 
 
 Be it enacted, etc., That from and after 
 the passage of this act the importation of 
 salts of quinine and sulphate of quinine 
 shall be exempt from customs duties ; and 
 all laws inconsistent herewith are hereby 
 repealed. {Jidy 1, 1879.] 
 
 Tei» per cent, reduction of duties repealed 
 and rates as in revised Statutes restored. 
 
 (From chapter 127 supplemented revised statutes, 1882.) 
 
 Sec. 4. That so much of section two 
 thousand five hundred and three of the 
 Revised Statutes as provides that only 
 ninety per centum of the several duties and 
 rates of duty imposed on certain articles 
 therein enumerated by section two thou- 
 sand five hundred and four shall be levied, 
 collected, and be paid, and the same is 
 hereby, repealed ; and the several duties 
 and rates of duty prescribed in said section 
 two thousand five hundred and four shall 
 be and remain as by that section levied, with- 
 out abatement of ten per centum as pro- 
 vided in section two thousand five hundred 
 and three. 
 
 Tlie Full Pension Laws and Supplements. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 •H;ii2. Who may have pensions. 
 
 4(>i):{. Classes enumerated. 
 
 4(i94. Pension for wounds received or diseases contracted 
 
 only in line of duty. Ac. 
 4005. Rates "of pi^nsion for total disability. 
 4(i9(). l'ensi(jii according to rank. 
 4G'J7. Pensions for permanent specific disability prior to 
 
 .Tune 4, 1X72. 
 4698 After .lune 4, 1872 
 4r)9S'/,';. Increase of pensions. 
 
 4ii 11) Pension for disability not otherwise provided for. 
 47i)(l. Absentees. 
 
 47111. IVrii)d of service, how construed. 
 4702. Pensions to widows, or to children under sixteen 
 
 years, Ac 
 47o:?. Tnrri'ased pension to widows, Ac. 
 1704. What children deemed legitimate. 
 47(l.^. Widows of colored and Indian soldiers, <tc. 
 47(10. Abandimment, &c,., by widow. 
 4707. Succession of dependent relatives. 
 470S HeinarriaKe. 
 1709. Commencement of pensions after March 4, 18G1. 
 
 4710. When pension (hM'nicd to have accrued. 
 
 4711. Arrears of pension. 
 
 4712. l'nivisi(mH of pensl(m-laws extended. 
 47i:!. Cnmmi'ncr'inent of pi'iisions for prior wars. 
 4714. Dec laration of claimants. 
 
 47l.''i. Only one pension at a time. 
 4710. Loyalty. 
 
 4717. Claims to be prosecuted within what time. 
 
 4718. Accrued puusious.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 81 
 
 Sec. 
 
 471ii. Unclaimod pensions. 
 4720. I'eiisiouB uniior special acts of Congress. 
 47^:1. Indian claims. 
 
 472'.i. I'riivisions extended to Missouri State militia. 
 47'j:i. Oulored soldiers enrolled as slaves. 
 47v!4 IJotli pension and pay not allowed, unless, <^c. 
 • 471;;'). ilalf-pay to widows under laws prior to June 3, 
 185^. 
 472fi. To widow for life and tocliildren under si.vteen, Ac. 
 
 4727. Ualf-nionthly pay not to exceed that of liuuteuam- 
 
 colouel. 
 
 4728. Navy pensions. 
 
 4729. Naval pensions to widows and children. 
 47110. Pensions to suldiers of Mexican war. 
 
 47IU. Widows and children of Mexican war pensioners. 
 
 4732. Widows and children of pensioners of war of lSi2, 
 
 and Indian wars. 
 
 4733. Continuance of pensions. 
 
 4734. Pensions not to bo withheld. 
 
 473;'). Time for which a widow shall not receive a pension. 
 
 473(). Pensions to certain soldiei-s of the war of lal2. 
 
 4737. Pensions to be at what rate, &c. 
 
 4738. Pensions to surviving widows of officers, (fee, of 
 
 war of 1812. 
 
 4739. Proof required ; names may be stricken from pen- 
 
 sion-rolls. 
 
 4740. Loss of certificate of discharge, &c. 
 
 4741. Pen.sion to olIic<'r8 and seamen of revenue-cutters. 
 
 4742. Certain claims for revolutionary pensions prohibi- 
 
 ted. 
 
 4743. What evidence sufficient to entitle widow of revolu- 
 
 tionary soldier to get pension. 
 
 4744. Special service in investigating suspected attempts 
 
 at fraiid. 
 474.5. Any pledf^e or transfer of pension void. 
 4741;. Penalty tor false attldavit aod postdating vouchers. 
 4747. Pensions not lial.le to attaeluuent. 
 4748 Connnissioner to furnish printed instructions free 
 
 of charge. 
 
 4749. Certain soldiers and sailors not to bo deemed de- 
 
 sertei-s from Army or Navy, &c. 
 
 4750. gecretjiry of Navy trustee of Navy pension fund. 
 
 4751. Penalties, how to be sued for, &c. 
 
 4752. Prize-money accruing to United Slates to remain a 
 
 fund for pensions 
 
 4753. Naval pension-fund, how to be invested. 
 47.')4. Kate of interest on naval pension-fund. 
 4755. Naval pensions payable fmni fund 
 
 475G. Half-rating to disabled enlisted persons serving 
 twenty years in Navy or Marine thorps. 
 
 4757. Serving not less than ten years, may receive what 
 
 aid. 
 
 4758. Secretary of Navy trustee of privateer pension-fund. 
 
 4759. Pi-ivateer pension-fund, how derived. 
 4700. To be paid into Tre;i8ury, Ac. 
 
 47GI. Wounded, Ac, privateersmen to^be placed on pen- 
 sion-list. 
 
 4762. Commanding officers of privateers to enter names, 
 &c., in a Journal. 
 
 47U3. Transcript of journals to be transmitted to Secre- 
 tary of the Navy. 
 
 4764. Pension-agents to send quarterly vouchers to each 
 pensioner. 
 
 47G5. Clieck to be drawn to order of each pensioner. 
 
 4706. Pensions to be paiii only to persons entitled, Jtc. 
 
 4707. Blanks for vouehore ; notice. 
 
 4708. Certificate of pension ; fee of attorney. 
 470'J. Pension-agent to deduct attorney's fee. 
 
 4770. Duplicates for lost checks, how issued. 
 
 4771. Biennial examinations, &c. 
 
 4772. More frequent examinations. 
 
 4773. Bii'nnial examination by unappointed civil sur- 
 
 geons. 
 
 4774. Boards of examining surgeons. 
 
 4775. Special examinations. 
 
 4776. Medical referee and examining surgeons. 
 
 4777. Appointment of civil examining surgeons author- 
 
 ized. 
 
 4778. Pension-agents; appointment and term of office. 
 
 4779. Bond of jiension-agents. 
 
 4780. Kstalilishnuiit of iieiisionagencies. 
 
 4781. Comiiensation, At., of pension-agents. 
 
 4782. Additional allowance. 
 
 4783. Penalty for embezzlement, Ac, by guardian. 
 
 4784. Pension-agents. &c., to take affidavits without fee. 
 
 4785. l!\>es of attorney for prosecuting claims. 
 
 4786. Agreement for amount of fee to be filed. 
 
 4787. Artificial limbs to be furnished every five years. 
 
 4788. Commutation rates in money value for limb, &C. 
 
 4789. Money commutation, how paid. 
 
 4790. Commutation to persons who cannot use artificial 
 
 limbs. 
 
 4791. Transportation for persons to whom artificial limb* 
 are furnibliod. 
 
 Sec. 4G92. Every person specified in the 
 several classes enumerated in the following 
 section, who has been, since the fourth day 
 of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, 
 or who is hereafter disabled under the con- 
 ditions therein stated, shall, Uj)on making 
 due proof of the fact, according to such 
 forms and regulations as are or may be 
 provided in pursuance of law, be placed 
 on the list of invalid pensioners of the 
 United States, and be entitled to receive, 
 for a total disability, or a jjernianent sjtccific 
 disa])ility, such pension as is hereinafter 
 provided in such cases ; and for an ini'crior 
 disability, except in cases of permanent 
 specific disability, for which the rate of 
 pension is expressly pi'ovided, an amount 
 l)roportionate to that provided for total 
 disability ; and such pension shall com- 
 mence as hereinafter provided, and continue 
 during the existence of the (lisability. 
 
 Sec. 4693. The persons entitled as bene- 
 ficiaries under the preceding section are as 
 follows : 
 
 First. Any officer of the Army, including 
 regulars, volunteers, and militia, or any 
 officer in the Navy or Marine Corps, or 
 any enlisted man, however employed, in 
 the military or naval service of the United 
 States, or in its Marine Corj)s, whether 
 regularly mustered or not, disabled by 
 reason of any wound or injury received, or 
 disease contracted, while in the service of 
 the United States and in the line of duty. 
 
 Second. Any master serving on a gun- 
 boat, or any j:>ilot, engineer, sailor, or other 
 person not regularly mustered, serving 
 upon any gun-boat or war-vessel of the 
 United States, disabled by any wound or 
 injury received, or otherwise incapacitated 
 while in the line of duty, for procuring his 
 subsistence by manual labor. 
 
 Third. Any j^erson not an enlisted soldier 
 in the Army, serving for the time being as 
 a member of the militia of any State, under 
 orders of an officer of the United States, 
 or who volunteered for the time being to 
 serve with any regularly organized military 
 or naval force of the United States, or who 
 otherwise volunteered and rendered service 
 in any engagement with rebels or Indians, 
 disabled in consequence of wounds or in- 
 jury received in the line of duty in such 
 temporary service. But no claim of a 
 State militiaman, or non-enlisted jierson, 
 on account of di.'^ability from wounds, or 
 injury received in battle with rebels or 
 Indians, while temporarily rendering ser- 
 vice, shall be valid unless prosecuted to a 
 successful issue prior to the fourth day of 
 July, eighteen hundred and seventy-four. 
 
 Fourth. Any acting assistant or contract 
 surgeon disabled by any w<nind ot injury 
 received or disease contracted in the line of 
 duty while actually performing the duties
 
 82 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 of assistant surgeon or acting assistant 
 surgeon with any military force in the field, 
 or in transitu, or in hospital. 
 
 Fifth. Any provost-marshal, deputy 
 provost-marshal, or enrolling-officer disa- 
 bled, by reason of any wound or injury, 
 received in the discharge of his duty, to 
 procure a subsistence by manual labor. 
 
 Sec. 4()94. No person shall be entitled 
 to a pension by reason of wounds or injury 
 received or disease contracted in the service 
 of the United States subsequent to the 
 twenty-seventh day of July, eighteen hun- 
 dred and sixt3'-eight, unless the person 
 who was wounded, or injured, or contracted 
 disease was in the line of duty ; and, if in 
 the military service, Avas at the time actu- 
 ally in the field, or on the march, or at 
 some post, fort, or garrison, or en route, by 
 direction of competent authority, to some 
 post, fort, or garrison ; or, if in the naval 
 service, was at the time borne on the books 
 of some ship or other vessel of the United 
 States, at sea or in harbor, actually in com- 
 mission, or was at some naval station, or 
 on his way, by direction of competent 
 authority, to the United States, or to some 
 other vessel or naval station, or hospi- 
 tal. 
 
 Sec. 4695. The pension for total disabil- 
 ity shall be as follows, namely : For lieute- 
 nant-colonel and all officers of higher rank 
 in the military service and in the Marine 
 Corps, and for captain, and all officers of 
 higher rank, commander, surgeon, pay- 
 master, and chief engineer, respectively 
 ranking with commander by law, lieutenant 
 commanding and master commanding, in 
 the naval service, thirty dollars per month ; 
 for major in the military service and in the 
 Marine Corps, and lieutenant, surgeon, 
 paymaster, and chief engineer, respectively 
 ranking with lieutenant by law, and jjassed 
 assistant surgeon in the naval service, 
 twenty-five dollars per month; for captain 
 in the military service and in the Marine 
 Corps, cha])lain in the Army, and provost- 
 marslial, professor of mathematics, master, 
 assistant surgeon, assistant paymaster, and 
 chaphiin in the naval service, twenty dol- 
 lars per month; for first lieutenant in the 
 military service and in the Marine Corps, 
 acting assistant or contract surgeon, and 
 deputy provost-marshal, seventeen dollars 
 per month ; for second lieutenant in the 
 military service and in the Marine Corps, 
 first assistant engineer, ensign, and j)ilot in 
 tli9 naval service, and enrolling-officer, 
 fifteen dollars \tt'v month; for cadet-mid- 
 shipman, i)asscii midshipman, midshipmen, 
 clcrka of admirals and paymasters and of 
 other officers commanding vessels, .'second 
 an I third assistant engineer, master's mate, 
 and all warrant-oiriccrs in the naval service, 
 ten dollars per month ; iiiul for all otlier 
 persons whose rank or office is not nicn- 
 tioucd in this section, eight dollars per 
 
 month ; and the masters, pilots, engineers, 
 sailors, and crews upon the gun -boats and 
 war-vessels shall be entitled to receive the 
 pension allowed herein to those of like 
 rank in the naval service. 
 
 Sec. 4G96. Every commissioned officer 
 of the Army, Navy, or Marine Corps shall 
 receive such and only such pensions as is 
 provided in the preceding section, for the 
 rank he held at the time he received the 
 injury or contracted the disease which 
 resulted in the disability, on account of 
 which he may be entitled to a pension ; 
 and any commission or presidential ai)- 
 pointment, regularly issued to such person, 
 shall be taken to determine his rank froan 
 and after the date, as given in the body of 
 the commission or appointment conferring 
 said rank : Provided, That a vacancy existed 
 in the rank thereby conferred ; "that the 
 person commissioned was not disabled for 
 military duty ; and that he did not will- 
 fully neglect or refuse to be mustered. 
 
 Sec. 4697. For the period commencing 
 July fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 four and ending June third, eighteen hun- 
 dred and seventy-two, those persons en- 
 titled to a less pension than hereinafter 
 mentioned, who shall have logt both feet 
 in the military or naval service and in the 
 line of duty, shall be entitled to a pension 
 of twenty dollars per month ; for the same 
 period those persons who, under like cir- 
 cumstances, shall have lost both hands or 
 the sight of both eyes, shall be entitled to 
 a pension of twenty-five dollars per month ; 
 and for the period commencing March 
 third, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and 
 ending June third, eighteen hundred and 
 seventy -two, those persons who under like 
 circumstances shall have lost one hand and 
 one foot, shalUbe entitled to a pension of 
 twenty dollars per month ; and for the 
 period commencing June sixth, eighteen 
 linndred and sixty-six, and ending June 
 third, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, 
 those persons who under like circumstances 
 shall have lost one hand or one foot, shall 
 be entitled to a pension of fifteen dollars 
 jxT month ; and for the period commen- 
 cing June sixth, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-six, and ending June third, eighteen 
 hundred and seventy-two, those persons 
 entitled to a less pension than hereinafter 
 mentioned, who by reason of injury re- 
 ceived or disease contracted in the military 
 or naval service of the United States and 
 in the line of duty, shall have been ))erma- 
 nently and totally disabled in both hands, 
 or wlio shall have lost the sight of one eye, 
 the other having been ])revious!y lost, or 
 who shall have been otherwise so totally 
 and ])("rmanently disabled as to render 
 them iitterly helpless, or so nearly so as to | 
 r('(|uire regular personal aid and attendance 
 of anotlier person, shall Ix; entitled to aj 
 I)ension of twenty-five dollars per month ;j
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 83 
 
 and for the same period 'those who under 
 like circumstances shall have been totally 
 and permanently disabled in both feet, or 
 in one hand and one foot, or otherwise so 
 disabled as to be incapacitated for the per- 
 formance of any manual labor, but not so 
 much as to require regular personal aid 
 and attention, shall be entitled to a pen- 
 sion of twenty dollars per month ; and for 
 the same period all persons who under like 
 circumstances shall have been totally and 
 permanently disabled in one hand, or one 
 foot, or otherwise so disabled as to render 
 their inability to perform manual labor 
 equivalent to the loss of a hand or foot, 
 shall be entitled to a pension of fifteen 
 dollars per month. 
 
 Sec. 4(598. From and after June fourth, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-two, all 
 persons entitled by law to a less pension 
 than hereinafter specified, who, while in 
 the military or naval service of the United 
 States, and in line of duty, shall have lost 
 the sight of both eyes, or shall have lost 
 the sight of one eye, the sight of the other 
 having been previously lost, or shall have 
 lost both hands, or shall have lost both 
 feet, or been permanently and totally dis- 
 abled in the same, or otherwise so perma- 
 nently and totally disabled as to render 
 them utterly helpless, or so nearly so as to 
 require the regular personal aid and at- 
 tendance of another person, shall be enti- 
 tled to a pension of thirty-one dollars and 
 twenty-five cents per month ; and all per- 
 sons who, under like circumstances, shall 
 have lost one hand and one foot, or been 
 totally and permanently disabled in the 
 same, or otherwise so disabled as to be in- 
 capacitated for performing any manual 
 labor, but not so much as to require regu- 
 lar personal aid and attendance, shall be 
 entitled to a pension of twenty-four dol- 
 lars })cr month; and all persons who, un- 
 der like circumstances, shall have lost one 
 hand, or one foot, or been totally and per- 
 manently disabled in the same, or other- 
 wise so disabled as to render their incapa- 
 city to perform numual labor equivalent to 
 the loss of a hand or foot, shall be entitled 
 to a pension of eighteen dollars per month : 
 Provided, That all persons who, under like 
 circumstances, have lost a leg above the 
 knee, and in consequence thereof are so 
 disabled that they cannot use artificial 
 limbs, shall be rated in the second class 
 and receive twenty-four dollars per month 
 from and after June fourth, eighteen hun- 
 dred and seventy-two; and all persons 
 who, under like circumstances, shall have 
 lost the hearing of both ears, shall be en- 
 titled to a pension of thirteen dollars per 
 month from the same date: PrornZetZ, Tluxt 
 the pension for a disability not permanent, 
 equivalent in degree to any provided for in 
 this section, shall, during the continuance 
 of the disability in such degree, be at the 
 
 same rate as that herein provided for a 
 permanent disability of like degree. 
 
 Sec. 4098J. Except in cases of perma- 
 nent specific disabilities, no increa.se of 
 pension shall be allowed to commence jirior 
 to the date of the examining surgeon's 
 certificate establishing the same made 
 under the pending claim i'or increase ; and 
 in this, as well as all other cases, the certi- 
 ficate of an examining surgeon, or of a 
 board of examining surgeons, shall be 
 subject to the approval of the Commis- 
 sioner of Pensions. 
 
 Sec. 4(199. The rate of eighteen dollars 
 per month may be ])roportionately divided 
 for any degree of disability established for 
 which section forty-six hundred and nine- 
 ty-five makes no provision. 
 
 Sec. 4700. Ofiicers absent on sick-leave, 
 and enlisted men absent on sick-furlough, 
 or on veteran furlough with the organi- 
 zation to which they belong, shall be re- 
 garded in the administration of the pen- 
 sion-laws in the same manner as if they 
 were in the field or hospital. 
 
 Sec. 4701. The period of service of all 
 persons entitled to the benefit*; of the pen- 
 sion-laws, or on account of whose death 
 any person may become entitled to a pen- 
 sion, shall be construed to extend to the 
 time of disbanding the organization to 
 which such persons belonged, or until 
 their actual discharge for other cause than 
 the expiration of the service of such or- 
 ganization. 
 
 Sec. 4702. If any person embraced with- 
 in the provisions of sections forty-six hun- 
 dred and ninety-two and forty-six hun- 
 dred and ninety-three has died since 
 the fourth day of March, eighteen hun- 
 dred and sixty-one, or hereaiter dies by 
 reason of any wound, injury, or disease, 
 Avhich, under the conditions and limita- 
 tions of such sections, would have entitled 
 him to an invalid pension had he been 
 disabled, his widow, or if there be no wi- 
 dow, or in case of her death, without pay- 
 ment to her of any part of the pension 
 hereinafter mentioned, his child or chil- 
 dren, under sixteen years of age, shall be 
 entitled to receive the same pension as the 
 husband or father would have been enti- 
 tled to had he been totally disabled, to 
 commence from the death of the husband 
 or father, to continue to the widow during 
 her widowhood, and to his child or chil- 
 dren until they severally attain the age of 
 sixteen years, and no longer: and, if the 
 widow remarry, the child or children shall 
 be entitled from the date of remarriage. 
 
 Sec. 4703. The pensions of widows shall 
 be increased from and after the twenty- 
 fifth dav of July, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-six, at the" rate of two dollars per 
 month for each child under the age of 
 sixteen vears, of the husband on account 
 of whose death the claim has been, or ahall
 
 84 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 be, granted. And in every case in which 
 the deceased husband has left, or shall 
 leave, no widow, or where his widow has 
 died or married again, or where she has 
 been deprived of her pension under the 
 provisions of the pension-law, the pension 
 granted to such child or children shall be 
 increased to the same amount per month 
 that would be allowed under the foregoing 
 provisions to the widow, if living and en- 
 titled to a pension : Provided, That the ad- 
 ditional pension herein granted to the 
 widow on account of the child or children 
 of the husband by a former wife shall be 
 paid to her only for such period of her 
 widowhood as she has been, or shall be, 
 charged with the maintenance of such 
 child or children ; for any period during 
 which she has not been, or she shall not 
 be, so charged, it shall be granted and paid 
 to the guardian of such child or children : 
 Provided further, That a widow or guar- 
 dian to whom increase of pension has been, 
 or shall hereafter be, granted on account 
 of minor children, shall not be deprived 
 thereof by reason of their being main- 
 tained in whole or in part at the expense 
 of a State or the public in any educational 
 institution, or in any institution organized 
 for the care of soldiers' orphans. 
 
 Sec. 4704. In the administration of the 
 pension-laws, children born before the 
 marriage of their parents, if acknowledged 
 by the father before or after the marriage, 
 shall be deemed legitimate. 
 
 Sec. 4705. The widows of colored and 
 Indian soldiers and sailors who have 
 died, or shall hereafter die, by reason of 
 wounds or injuries received, or casualty 
 received, or disease contracted, in the mi- 
 litary or naval service of the United States, 
 and in the line of duty, shall be entitled to 
 receive the pension provided by law with- 
 out other evidence of marriage than satis- 
 factory proof that the parties were joined 
 in marriage by some ceremony deemed by 
 them obligatory, or habitually recognized 
 each other as man and wife, and were so 
 recognized by their neighbors, and lived 
 together as such up to the date of enlist- 
 ment, when such soldier or sailor died in 
 the service, or, if otherwise, to date of 
 death; and the chihlren born of any mar- 
 riage 80 proved shall be deemed and held 
 to be lawful children of such soldier or 
 Bailor, but this section shall not be appli- 
 cable to any claims on account of persons 
 who enlist after the thin! day of Marcli, 
 one thousand eight hundred and seventy- 
 three. 
 
 Sec. 4706. If any person has died, or 
 shall hereafter die, leaving, a widow enti- 
 tled to a pension by reason of his death, 
 and a (•hild or children under sixteen ye:irs 
 of age by such widow, and it siiall be duly 
 certified under seal by any court having 
 probate jurisdiction, that aatisfuctory evi- 
 
 dence has been produced before such court, 
 upon due notice to the widow, that she has 
 abandoned the care of such child or chil- 
 dren, or that she is an unsuitable person, 
 by reason of immoral conduct, to have the 
 custody of the same, on presentation of 
 satisfactory evidence thereof to the Com- 
 missioner of Pensions, no pension shall be 
 allowed to such widow until such child or 
 children shall have attained the age of six- 
 teen years, any provisions of law to the 
 contrary notwithstanding; and the said 
 child or children shall be pensioned in the 
 same manner, and from the same date, as 
 if no widow had survived such person, and 
 such pension shall be paid to the guardian 
 of such child or children; but if in any 
 case payment of pension shall have been 
 made to the widow, the pension to the 
 child or children shall commence from the 
 date to which her pension has been paid. 
 
 Sec. 4707. If any person embraced with- 
 in the provisions of sections forty-six hun- 
 dred and ninety-two and forty-six hundred 
 and ninety-three has died since the fourth 
 day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 one, or shall hereafter die, by reason of 
 any wound, injury, casualty, or disease, 
 which, under the conditions and limitations 
 of such sections, would have entitled him 
 to an invalid pension, and has not left or 
 shall not leave a widow or legitimate child, 
 but has left or shall leave other relative or 
 relatives who were dependent upon him 
 for support, in whole or in part, at the date 
 of his death, such relative or relatives shall 
 be entitled, in the following order of pre- 
 cedence, to receive the same pension as 
 such person would have been entitled to 
 had he been totally disabled, to commence 
 from the death of such person, namely : 
 first, the mother; secondly, the father; 
 thirdly, orj)han l)rothers and sisters under 
 sixteen years of age, who shall be pen- 
 sioned jointly : Provided, That where 
 orjihan children of the same parent have 
 different guardians, or a portion of them 
 only are under guardianship, the share of 
 the joint pension to which each ward sliall 
 be entitled shall be paid to tlie guardian 
 of such ward : Provided, TJiat if in any 
 case said person shall have left fixther and 
 mother who were dependent ujion him, 
 then, on the death of the mother, the father 
 shall become entitled to the ])ension, com- 
 mencing from and after the death of the 
 niollier ; and upon the death of the mother 
 and father, or ujion tlie death of the father 
 and the remarriage of the mother, the de- 
 pendent brothers and sisters under sixteen 
 years of age shall jointly become entitled 
 to such pension until they attain the age 
 of sixteen years res])ectivcly, commencing 
 from the death or remarriage of the party 
 who had the prior right to the pension : 
 I'ravided, That a niotlier shall he assumed 
 to have been dependent upon her son with-
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 85 
 
 in the meaning of this section if, at the 
 date of his death, she had no other ade- 
 quate means of support tlian tlie ordinary 
 proceeds of her own manual labor and the 
 contributions of said son or of any other 
 persons not legally bound to aid in her 
 8Uj)port ; and if, by actual contributions, 
 or in any other way, the son had recognized 
 his obligations to aid in sujjport of his 
 mother, or was by law bound to such suji- 
 port, and that a father or minor brother or 
 Bister shall, in like manner and under like 
 conditions, Ijc assumed to have Ijeen de- 
 pendent, excej)t that the income which was 
 derived or derivable from his actual or 
 possible manual labor shall be taken into 
 account in estimating a father's means of 
 independent ^ujjjtort : Provided further, 
 That the pension allowed to any person on 
 account of his or her dependence, as here- 
 inbefore i)rovided, shall not be paid for 
 any period during which it shall not be 
 necessary as a means of adequate subsist- 
 ence. 
 
 Sec. 4708. The remarriage of any widow, 
 dependent mother, or dependent sister, en- 
 titled to pension, shall not bar her right to 
 such pension to tlie date of her remarriage, 
 whether an application therefor was filed 
 before or after such marriage ; l)ut on tlie 
 remarriage of any widow, dei)endent 
 mother, or dependent sister, having a pen- 
 sion, such pension shall cease. 
 
 Sec. 4709. All pensions which have 
 been, or which may hereafter be, granted 
 in consequence of deatli occurring from a 
 cause which originated in the service since 
 the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-one, or in consequence of wounds 
 or injuries received or disease contracted 
 since that date, shall commence from the 
 death or discliarge of the person on whose 
 account the claim has been or is hereafter 
 granted, or from the termination of the 
 right of party having prior title to such 
 pension ; provided tlie application for such 
 pension has been or is hereafter filed with 
 the Commissioner of Pensions within five 
 years after the right thereto has, accrued ; 
 otherwise the pension shall commence from 
 the date of filing the last evidence neces- 
 sary to establish the same. P>ut the limita- 
 tion herein prescribed shall not apply to 
 claims by or in behalf of insane persons 
 and children under sixteen years. 
 
 Sec. 4710. In construing the preceding 
 section, the right of persons entitled to 
 pensions shall be recognized as accruing at 
 the date therein stated for the commence- 
 ment of such pension, and the right of a 
 dependent father or dependent brother to 
 
 i)ension shall not in any case be held to 
 lavc accrued prior to the sixth day of 
 June, eighteen luindred and sixty-six ; 
 and the right of all other classes of claim- 
 ants, if ai)plying on account of the death 
 of a person who was regularly mustered 
 
 into the service, or regularly employed in 
 the Navy or upon the gun-boats or war- 
 vessels of the United States, shall not be 
 held to have accrued prior to tlie fourteenth 
 day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 two; if applying on account of acliaj)lain 
 of the Army, their right shall not be held 
 to have ai-trued i)rior to the ninth day of 
 A])ril, eighteen hundred and sixty-four; 
 if applying on account of an enlisted sol- 
 dier who was not mustered, or a non-en- 
 listed man in temporary service, their right 
 shiill not be held to have accrued prior to 
 the fourth day of July, eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-four; if ai)plying on account of 
 an acting assistant or contract surgeon, 
 their riglit shall not be held to have ac- 
 crued prior to the third day of March, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-five ; if aj)ply- 
 ing on account of persons enlisted asteam- 
 stt'rs, wagoners, artificers, hosj)ital-stew- 
 ards, or farriers, their right shall not be 
 held to have accrued i)rior to the sixth day 
 of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-six ; 
 and the right of all classes of claimants 
 applying on account of a provost-marshal, 
 deiHity provost-marshal, or enroUing- 
 officer, shall not be held to have accrued 
 prior to the twenty-fifth day of July, eigh- 
 teen hundred and sixty-six. But the right 
 of a widow or dependent motlier who mar- 
 ried prior, and did not apply till subsequent 
 to the twenty-seventh day of July eighteen 
 hundred and sixty-eight,' shall not be held 
 to have accrued prior to that date. 
 
 Sec. 4711. It shall be the duty of the 
 Commissioner of Pensions, uj)on any ap- 
 plication by letter or otherwise by or on 
 behalf of any pensioner entitled to arrears 
 of pension under section forty-seven hun- 
 dred and nine, or if any such pensioner 
 has died, upon a similar application by or 
 on behalf of any person entitled to receive 
 the accrued pension due such pensioner at 
 his death, to ])ay or cause to be paid to 
 such pensioner, or other person, all such 
 arrears of pension as the pensioner may be 
 entitled to, or, if dead, would have been 
 entitled to under the provisions of that 
 section had he .survived ; and no claim 
 agent or other person shall be entitled to 
 receive any compensation for services in 
 making application for arrears of pen- 
 sion. 
 
 Sec. 4712. The provisions of this Title 
 in respect to the rates of jiension to persons 
 whose right accrued since the fourth day 
 of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, 
 are extended to pensioners whose right to 
 pensi<m accrued under general acts jiassed 
 since the war of the Kevolution and jirior 
 to the fourth day of March, eighteen hun- 
 dred and sixty-one. to take elVect from and 
 after the twi'iity-fitth day of July, eighteen 
 hundred and sixty-six; and the widows of 
 revolutionary soldiers and s:iilors receiving 
 a less sum sliall be paid at the rate of eight
 
 86 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book y. 
 
 dollars per montli from and after the 
 twenty-seventh day of July, eighteen hun- 
 dred and sixty-eight. 
 
 Sec. 4713. In all cases in which the 
 cause of disability or death originated in 
 the service prior to the fourth day of March, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and an 
 application for pension shall not have been 
 filed within three years from the discharge 
 or death of the person on whose account 
 the claim is made, or within three years of 
 the termination of a pension previously 
 granted on account of the service and death 
 of the same person, the pension shall com- 
 mence from the date of filing by the party 
 prosecuting the claim the last jjaper re- 
 quisite to establish the same. But no claim 
 allowed prior to the sixth day of June, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-six, shall be 
 affected by anything herein contained. 
 
 Sec. 4714. Declarations of jjension 
 claimants shall be made before a court of 
 record, or before some officer thereof hav- 
 ing custody of its seal, said officer hereby 
 being fully authorized and empowered to 
 administer and certify any oath or affirma- 
 tion relating to any pension or application 
 therefor : Provided, That the Commissioner 
 of Pensions may designate, in localities 
 more than twenty-five miles distant from 
 any place at which such court is holden, 
 persons duly qualified to administer oaths, 
 before whom declarations may be made 
 and testimony taken, and may accept de- 
 clarations of claimants residing in foreign 
 countries, made before a United States 
 minister or consul, or before some officer 
 of the country duly authorized to adminis- 
 ter oaths for general purposes, and whose 
 official character and signature shall be 
 duly authenticated by the certificate of a 
 United States minister or consul ; declara- 
 tions in claims of Indians made before a 
 United States agent ; and declarations in 
 claims under the provisions of this Title 
 relating to pensions for services in the Avar 
 of eighteen hundred and twelve, made 
 before an officer duly authorized to ad- 
 minister oatlis for general purposes, when 
 the applicants byreason of infirmity of age, 
 are unable to travel : Provided, That any de- 
 claration ma(lc])eforeanoflicor duly author- 
 ized to administer oatlis for general ])nrposes 
 shall 1k' accepted to exempt a claim from 
 the liiiiitatiou as to date of filing prescribed 
 in section forty-seven hiuulred and nine. 
 
 Sec. 471"). Nothing in this Title shall be 
 so construed as to allow more than one 
 pension at the same time to tiie same per- 
 son, or to p(!rsons entitled jointly ; ])ut any 
 Ttciisioiier who shall so elect may surrender 
 Lis certificate, and receive, in lieu thereof, 
 a certi(i(;ate for any other jieiision to which 
 ho would have been entitled had not the 
 surrendered certificate l)een issued. Hut 
 all payments previously made for any 
 period covered by the new certificate shall 
 
 be deducted from the amount allowed by 
 such certificate. 
 
 Sec. 4716. No money on account of pen- 
 sion shall be paid to any person, or to the 
 widow, children, or heirs of any deceased 
 person, who in any manner voluntarily 
 engaged in, or aided or abetted, the late 
 rebellion against the authority of the 
 United States. 
 
 Sec. 4717. No claim for pension not 
 prosecuted to successful issue within five 
 years from the date of filing the same shall 
 be admitted without record-evidence from 
 the War or Navy Department of the injury 
 or the disease which resulted 'in the dis- 
 ability or death of the person on whose 
 account the claim is made : Provided, That 
 in any case in which the limitation pre- 
 scribed by this section bars the further 
 prosecution of the claim, the claimant may 
 present, through the Pension-Office to the 
 Adjutant-General of the Army, or the 
 Surgeon-General of the Navy, evidence 
 that the disease or injury which resulted 
 in the disability or death of the person on 
 whose account the claim is made, origina- 
 ted in the service and in the line of duty ; 
 and if such evidence is deemed satisfactory 
 by the officer to whom it may be sub- 
 mitted, he shall cause a record of the fact 
 so proved to be made, and a copy of the 
 same to be transmitted to the Commis- 
 sioner of Pensions, and the bar to the 
 prosecution of the claim shall thereby be 
 removed. 
 
 Sec. 4718, If any pensioner has died or 
 shall hereafter die ; or if any person en- 
 titled to a pension, having an application 
 therefor pending, has died or shall here- 
 after die, his widow, or if there is no 
 widow, the child or children of such per- 
 son under the age of sixteen years, shall be 
 entitled to receive the accrued pension to 
 the date of the deatli of such person. Such 
 accrued pension shall not be considered as 
 a part of the assets of the estate of deceased, 
 nor liable to be applied to the payment of 
 the debts of said estate in any case what- 
 ever, but shall inure to the sole and exclu- 
 sive benefit of the widow or children ; and 
 if no widow or child survive, no payment 
 whatsoever of the accrued ])ension shall be 
 made or allowed, except so much as may 
 be necessary to re-iinburse the person who 
 bore the expenses of the last sickness and 
 burial of the decedent, in cases where he 
 did not leave sufficient assets to meet such 
 expenses. 
 
 Sec. 4719. The failure of any pensioner 
 to claim his j)ension for three years alter 
 the same shall have become due shall 
 l)e deemed })resumptive evidence that 
 such i)cnsion has legally terminated by 
 reason of the pensioner's death, re- 
 marriage, recovery from the disabil- 
 ity, or otherwise, and the pensioner's 
 name shall be stricken from the list of
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 87 
 
 pensioners, subject to the right of restora- 
 tion to the same on a new aj)plication by 
 the pensioner, or, if" tlie pensioner is dead, 
 by the widow or minor children entitled 
 to receive the accrued pension, accompa- 
 nied by evidence satisfactorily accounting 
 for the failure to claim such pension, and 
 by medical evidence in cases of invalids who 
 were not exempt from biennial examina- 
 tions as to the continuance of the disability. 
 
 Sec. 4720. When the rate, commence- 
 ment, and duration of a pension allowed 
 by special act are fixed by such act, they 
 shall not be subject to be varied by the 
 provisions and limitations of the general 
 pension-laws, but when not thus fixed the 
 rate and continuance of the pension shall 
 be subject to variation in accordance with 
 the general laws, and its commencement 
 shall date from the passage of the special 
 act, and the Commissioner of Pensions 
 shall, upon satisfactory evidence that fraud 
 was perpetrated in obtaining such special 
 act, suspend payment thereupon until the 
 propriety of repealing the same can be 
 considered by Congress. 
 
 Sec. 4721. The term of limitation pre- 
 scribed by sections forty-seven hundred and 
 nine and forty-seven hundred and seventeen 
 shall, in pending claims of Indians, be ex- 
 tended to two years from and after the 
 third day of March, eighteen hundred and 
 seventy-three; all p^oof which has here- 
 tofore been taken before an Indian Agent, 
 or before an officer of any tril)e, competent 
 according to the rules of said tribe to ad- 
 minister oaths, shall be held and regarded 
 by the Pension-Office, in the examining and 
 determining ofclaimsoflndians now on file, 
 asof the same validity as if taken before an 
 officer recognized by the law at the time as 
 competent to administer oaths; all proof 
 wanting in said claims hereafter, as well as 
 in those filed after the third day of March, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-three, shall 
 be taken before the agent of the tribe to 
 which the claimants respectively belong ; 
 in regard to dates, all applications of In- 
 dians now on file shall be treated as though 
 they were made before a comjjetent officer 
 at their resi)ective dates, and if found to 
 be in all other respects conclusive, they 
 shall be allowed; and Indians shall be 
 exe«ii)ted from the obligation to take the 
 oath to support the Constitution of the 
 United States. 
 
 Sec. 4722. The provisions of this Title 
 are extended to the officers and jtrivates of 
 the Missouri State militia, and the provi- 
 sional Missouri militia, disabled by reason 
 of injury received or disease contracted in 
 the line of duty while such militia was 
 co-operating with LTnited States forces, 
 and the widow or children of any such 
 person, dying of injury received or disease 
 contracted under the circumstances herein 
 set forth, shall be entitled to the benefits 
 
 of this Title. But the pensions on account 
 of such militia shall not commence prior 
 to the tliird day of March, one thousand 
 eight hundred and seventy-three. 
 
 Sec. 472.'1 All colored jjcrsons who en- 
 listed in the Army during the war of the 
 ; rebellion, and who are now prohibited 
 j from receiving bounty and pension on ac- 
 I count of being borne on the rolls of their 
 I regiments as "slaves," shall be placed on 
 the same footing, as to bounty and pen- 
 sion, as though they had not been slaves 
 at the date of their enlistment. 
 
 Sec. 4724. iS'o person in the Army, 
 Navy, or Marine Corjjs shall draw botha 
 pension as an invalid, and the pay of his 
 rank or station in the service, unless the 
 disability for which the pension was 
 granted be such as to occasion his employ- 
 ment in a lower grade, or in the civil 
 branch of the service. 
 
 Sec. 4725. All those surviving widows 
 and minor children who have been allowed 
 five years' half-pay, under the provisions 
 of any general laws passed prior to the 
 third day of June, eighteen hundred and 
 fifty-eight, are granted a continuance of 
 such half-pay, to commence from the date 
 of the last payment under the respective 
 acfts of Congress granting the same, and on 
 the terms and limitations provided in the 
 following section. 
 
 Sec. 4726. Such half-pay is granted to 
 such widows during life, and, where there 
 is no widow, to the children, while under 
 the age of sixteen years; but in case of the 
 remarriage or death of any such widow, the 
 half-pay shall go to the children of the de- 
 cedent on account of whose services it is 
 claimed, while such children are under 
 sixteen years of age, and no longer. 
 
 Sec. 4727. The half-pay of siich widows 
 and children shall behalf the monthly pay 
 of the officers, non-commissioned officers, 
 musicians, and privates of the infantry of 
 the Regular Army, and no more, and' no 
 greater sum shall be allowed to any such 
 widow or minor children than the half-]i:iy 
 of a lieutenant-colonel. But the two jire- 
 ceding sections shall not be construed to 
 apply to or embrace the case of any ])er- 
 son receiving a pension for life on the third 
 day of June, eighteen hundred and fifty- 
 eight; and, wherever half-pay has been 
 granted by any special act of Congress, and 
 renewed or continued under the provisions 
 of those sections, the same shall continue 
 from the date above named: Fr<jvid(.d, 
 That pensions under this and the two pre- 
 ceding sections, shall be varied in accord- 
 ance with the provisions of section four 
 thousand seven hundred and twelve of this 
 Title. 
 
 Sec. 4728. If any officer, warrant or pet- 
 ty officer, seaman, engineer, first, second, 
 j or third assistant engineer, fireman or coal- 
 L heaver of the Navy or any marine has
 
 8S 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 been disabled prior to the fourth day of 
 March eighteen hundred and sixty-one by 
 reason of any injury received or disease 
 contracted in the service and line of duty, 
 he shall be entitled to receive during the 
 continuance of his disability a pension pro- 
 portionate to the degree of his disability 
 not exceeding half the monthly pay of his 
 rank as it existed in January eighteen 
 hundred and thirty-five. But the pension 
 of a chief-engineer shall be the same as 
 that of a lieutenant of the Navy ; the pen- 
 sion of a first assistant engineer the same as 
 that of a lieutenant of marines ; the jjension 
 of a second or third assistant engineer the 
 same as that of a forward officer ; the pen- 
 sion of a fireman or coal-heaver the same 
 as that of a seaman ; but an engineer, fire- 
 man or coal-heaver shall not be entitled 
 to any pension by reason of a disability 
 incurred prior to the thirty-first day ot 
 August eighteen hundred and forty-two. 
 
 Sec. 4729. If any person referred to in 
 the preceding section has died in the ser- 
 vice, of injury received or disease con- 
 tracted under the conditions therein stated, 
 his widow shall be entitled to receive hall 
 the monthly pay to which the deceased 
 was entitled at the date of his death; and 
 in case of her death or marriage, the child 
 or children under sixteen years of age 
 shall be entitled to the jiension. But the 
 rate of pension herein allowed shall be 
 governed by the pay of the Navy as it ex- 
 isted in January, eighteen hundred and 
 thirty-five ; and the pension of the widow 
 of a chief-engineer shall be the same as 
 that of a widow of a lieutenant in the 
 Navy ; the pension of the widow of a first 
 assistant engineer shall be the same as that 
 of the widow of a lieutenant of marines ; the 
 pension of the widow of a second or third 
 assistant engineer the same as that of the 
 widow of a forward officer ; the pension of 
 the widow of a fireman or coal-heaver shall 
 be the same as that of the widow of a sea- 
 man. But the rate of pension prescribed 
 by this and the preceding section shall be 
 varied from and after the twenty-fifth day 
 of July eighteen iiundred and sixty-six in 
 accordance with the provisions of section 
 fi)ur thousand seven hundred and twelve 
 of this Title; and the widow of an engi- 
 neer, fireman or coal-heaver shall not be 
 entitled to any pension by reason of the 
 death of lier husband if his death was prior 
 to the thirty-lirst day of August eighteen 
 hunilred and forty-two. . 
 
 iSiX'. 47;}'). Any ollicer, non-commissioned 
 officer, musician or private wiiether of tiic 
 Regular Army or volunteers disabled by 
 "reason at' injury rcceivcil or disease con- 
 tracted while in the line of duty in actual 
 service in tlu' war with Mexico, or in go- 
 ing to or ri'liirning from the siinic, who 
 received an honorable discliarge, shall be 
 entitled to a pension proportionate to his 
 
 disability, not exceeding for total disability 
 half the pay of his rank at the date at 
 which he received the wound or con- 
 tracted the disease which resulted in such 
 disability. But no pension shall exceed 
 half the pay of a lieutenant-colonel. 
 
 Sec. 4731. If any officer or other person 
 referred to in the preceding section has 
 died or shall hereafter die by reason of any 
 injury received or disease contracted under 
 the circumstances therein set forth, his 
 widow shall be entitled to receive the same 
 pension as the husband would have been 
 entitled to had he been totally disabled ; 
 and in case of her death or remarriage, the 
 child or children of such officer or other 
 person referred to in the preceding section, 
 while under the age of sixteen years, shall 
 be entitled to receive the pension. But 
 the rate of pension prescribed by this and 
 the preceding section shall be varied after 
 the twenty-fifth day of July, eighteen hun- 
 dred and sixty-six in accordance with the 
 provisions of section four thousand seven 
 hundred and twelve of this Title. 
 
 Sec. 4732. The widows and children un- 
 der sixteen years of age, of the officers, non- 
 commissioned officers, musicians and pri- 
 vates of the regulars, militia, and volun- 
 teers of the war of one thousand eight 
 hundred and twelve and the various Indian 
 wars since one thousand seven hundred 
 and ninety who remained at the date of 
 their death in the military service of the 
 United States, or who received an honor- 
 ble discharge and have died or shall 
 hereafter die of injury received or disease 
 contracted in the service and in the line of 
 duty shall be entitled to receive half the 
 monthly pay to which the deceased was 
 entitled at the time he received the injury 
 or contracted the disease which resulted in 
 his death. But no half-pay pension shall 
 exceed the half-pay of a lieutenant-colonel, 
 and such half-pay pension shall be varied 
 after the twenty-fifth day of July, one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-six in 
 accordance with the provisions of section 
 four thousand seven hundred and twelve 
 of this Title. 
 
 Sec. 4733. All pensioners whose names 
 are now on the pension-roll or who are 
 entitled to restoration to the roll under 
 any act of Congress, shall be entitled to the 
 continuance of such pensions under the 
 provisions and limitations of this Title, 
 and to such further increase of [)ension as 
 is herein jirovided. 
 
 Six;. 4734. The provisions of law which 
 allow the withholding of the compensation 
 of any person who is in arrears shall not bo 
 construed to autliorizc the pension of any 
 pensioner of the United States to be with- 
 held. 
 
 Sicc. 4735. No pension shall be granted 
 to a widow for the same time that her hus- 
 band received one.
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 89 
 
 Sec. 4736. The Secretary of the Interior 
 is directed to phice on the pension-roll the 
 names of the surviving oiliecrs and enlisted 
 and drafted men, including militia and 
 volunteers, of the military and naval service 
 of the United States, who served sixty days 
 in the war with Great Britain of eighteen 
 hundred and twelve, and were honorably 
 discharged, and such other officers and 
 soldiers as may have been personally 
 named in any resolution of Congress lor 
 any specific service in that war, although 
 their term of service may have been less 
 than sixty days, subject, however, to the 
 provisions of section forty-seven hundred 
 and sixteen. 
 
 Sec. 4737. Pensions, under the preced- 
 ing sections, shall be at the rate of eight 
 dollars per month, and shall be paid to the 
 jersons entitled thereto for the term of 
 their lives, from and after the fourteenth 
 day of February, eighteen hundred and 
 seventy-one. But that section shall not 
 apply to any person who is receiving a 
 pension at the rate of eight dollars or 
 more per month ; nor to any person who 
 is receiving a pension less than eight dol- 
 lars per month, excejit for the dilference 
 between the pension now received and 
 eight dollars per month. 
 
 Sec. 4738. Thesurviving widows of such 
 persons as are embraced within the ])ro- 
 visions of the two preceding sections, shall 
 be allowed, on the conditions and limita- 
 tions therein expressed, the same pension 
 that such persons themselves would have 
 been entitled to receive thereunder if liv- 
 ing on the fourteenth day of February', 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-one : Fro- 
 vided, however, Such widows were married 
 to the husbands, on account of whose ser- 
 vices the pension is claimed, prior to the 
 treaty of peace which terminated the war 
 of eighteen hundred and twelve, and have 
 not remarried. 
 
 Sec. 4739. Before the name of any per- 
 son is placed upon the pension-roll under 
 the three preceding sections, proof shall be 
 made, under such regulations as the Secre- 
 tary of the Interior may prescribe, that 
 the applicant is entitled to a pension under 
 the provisions of the sections herein cited ; 
 and the Secretary of the Interior shall 
 cause to be stricken from the pension-roll 
 the name of any person whenever it ap- 
 pears, by proof satisfactory, that such name 
 was put upon such roll through false or 
 fraudulent representations. 
 
 Sec. 4740. The loss of a certificate of 
 discharge shall not deprive an applicant of 
 the benefits of sections forty-seven hun- 
 dred and thirty-six, forty-seven hundred 
 and thirty-seven, and forty-seven hundred 
 and thirty-eight, but other proof of ser- 
 vices performed and of an honorable dis- 
 charge, if deemed satisfactory, shall be 
 sufficient. 
 
 Sec. 4741. The officers and seamen of 
 the revenue-cutters of the United States, 
 who have been or may be wounded or dis- 
 abled in the discharge of their duty while 
 co-operating with the Navy by order of the 
 President, sliall be entitled to be placed on 
 the Navy pension-list, at the same rate of 
 pension and under the same regulations 
 and restrictions as are provided by law for 
 the officers and seamen of the Navy. 
 
 Sec. 4742. From and after the second 
 day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 two, no claim for a pension, or for an in- 
 crease of pension, shall be allowed in favor 
 of the children or other descendants of any 
 person who served in the war of the Kev- 
 olution, or of the widow of such jierson, 
 when such person or bis widow died with- 
 out having established a claim to a pension. 
 
 Sec. 4743. In all cases where a pension 
 has been granted to any officer or soldier 
 of the Revolution in his life-time, the evi- 
 dence uj)on which such pension was 
 granted shall be conclusive of the service 
 of such officer or soldier in the application 
 of any widow, or woman who may have 
 been the widow, of such officer or soldier, 
 for a pension ; and upon proof by her that 
 she was married to any such officer or 
 soldier, and that she is a widow, she shall 
 thereupon be placed upon the pension- 
 rolls at the same rate that such officer or 
 soldier received during his life-time. 
 
 Sec. 4744. The Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions is authorized to detail, from time to 
 time, clerks in his office to investigate sus- 
 pected attempts at fraud on the Govern- 
 ment, through and by virtue of the provi- 
 sions of the pension-laws, and to aid in 
 prosecuting any person so offending, with 
 such additional compensation as is custom- 
 ary* in cases of special service ; and any 
 person so detailed shall have the power to 
 administer oaths and take affidavits in the 
 course of any such investigation. 
 
 Sec. 4745. Any pledge, mortgage, sale, 
 assignment, or transfer of any right, claim, 
 or interest in any ])ension whii h has been, 
 or may hereafter be, granted, shall be void 
 and of no effect ; and any person acting as 
 attorney to receive and receipt for money 
 for and in behalf of any person entitled to 
 a pensi(m shall, before receiving such 
 money, take and subscribe an oath, to be 
 filed with the pension-agent, and by him 
 to be transmitted, with the vouchers now 
 required by law, to the proper accounting 
 officer of the Treasury, that he has no in- 
 terest in such money by any pledge, mort- 
 gage, sale, assignment, or transfer, and that 
 he does not know or believe that the same 
 has been so disposed of to any })ers()n. 
 
 Sec. 474r). Every person who knowingly 
 or willfully in anywise jirocures the making 
 or presentation of any false or fraudulent 
 affidavit concerning any claim for pension, 
 or payment thereof, or pertaining to any
 
 90 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 other matter within the jurisdiction of the 
 Commissioner of Pensions, or who know- 
 ingly or willfully presents or causes to be 
 presented at atiy pension-agency any power 
 of attorney or other paper required as a 
 voucher in drawing a pension, which paper 
 bears a date subsequent to that on which 
 it was actually signed or executed, shall 
 be punished by a tine not exceeding five 
 hundred dollars, or by imprisonment for a 
 term not exceeding three years, or by both. 
 Sec. 4747. No sum of money due, or to 
 become due, to any pensioner, shall be 
 liable to attachment, levy, or seizure by or 
 under any legal or equitable process what- 
 ever, whether the same remains with the 
 Pension-oiRce, or any officer or agent there- 
 of, or is in course of transmission to the 
 pensioner entitled thereto, but shall inure 
 wholly to the benefit of such pensioner. 
 
 Sec. 4748. That the Commissioner of 
 Pensions, on application being made to 
 him in person, or by letter, by any claim- 
 ant or applicant for pension, bounty-land, 
 or other allowance required by law to be 
 adjusted or paid by the Pension-Ofiice, 
 shall furnish such person, free of all ex- 
 pense, all such printed instructions and 
 forms as may be necessary in establishing 
 and obtaining said claim ; and on the issu- 
 ing of a certificate of pension or of a 
 bountj'-land warrant, he shall forthwith 
 notify the claimant or applicant, and also 
 the agent or attorney in the case, if there 
 be one, that such certificate has been issued, 
 or allowance made, and the date and 
 amount thereof. 
 
 Sec. 4749. No soldier or sailor shall be 
 taken or held to be a deserter from the 
 Army or Navy who faithfully served ac- 
 cording to his enlistment until the nine- 
 teenth day of April, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-five, and who, without proper author- 
 ity or leave first obtained, quit his com- 
 mand or refused to serve after that date ; 
 but nothing herein contained shall operate 
 as a remission of any forfeiture incurred 
 by any such soldier or sailor of his pen- 
 sion ; but this section shall be construed 
 solely as a removal of any disability such 
 soldier or sailor may have incurred by the 
 loss of his citizenship in consequence of 
 his desertion. 
 
 Si:c. 4750. The Secretary of the Navy 
 shall be trustee of the Navy pension-fund. 
 Sec 47")!. All penalties and forfeitures 
 incurred under the ])rovisions of sections 
 twenty-four hundri'd and sixty-one, twenty- 
 four hundred ami sixty-two, and twenty- 
 four hundred and sixtv-three. Title, "The 
 PfiHjr; Lands," shall l)e sued for, recov- 
 ered, distril)ute(l, and account(;(l for, under 
 the directions of the Secretary of the Navy, 
 and shall be paid over, one-half to the in- 
 formers, if any, or captors, where seized, 
 and the other half to the Secretary of the 
 Navy for the use of the Navy pension- 
 
 fund ; and the Secretary is authorized to 
 mitigate, in whole or in part, on such terms 
 and conditions as he deems proper, by an 
 order in writing, any fine, penalty, or for- 
 feitui-e so incurred. 
 
 Sec 4752. All money accruing or which 
 has already accrued to the United States 
 from the sale of prizes shall be and re- 
 main forever a fund for the payment of 
 pensions to the officers, seamen, and 
 marines who may be entitled to receive the 
 same ; and if such fund be insufficient for 
 the purpose, the public faith is pledged to 
 make up the deficiency ; but if it should 
 be more than sufficient, the surplus shall 
 be applied to the making of further provi- 
 sion for the comfort of the disabled officers, 
 seamen, and marines. [See ? 4630.] 
 
 Sec 4753. The Secretary of the Na^y, 
 as trustee of the naval pension-fund, is 
 directed to cause to be invested in the reg- 
 istered securities of the United States, on 
 the first day of January and the first day 
 of July of each year, so much of such fund 
 then in the Treasury of the United States 
 as may not be required for the payment of 
 naval pensions for the then current fiscal 
 year ; and upon the requisition of the Sec- 
 retary, so much of the fund as may not be 
 required for such payment of pensions ac- 
 cruing during the current fiscal year shall 
 be held in the Treasury on the days above 
 named in each year, subject to his order, 
 for the purpose of such immediate invest- 
 ment ; and the interest payable in coin 
 upon the securities in which the fund may 
 be invested, shall be so i)aid, when due, 
 to the order of the Secretary of the Navy, 
 and he is authorized and directed to ex- 
 change the amount of such interest when 
 paid in coin, for so much of the legal cur- 
 rency of the United States as may be ob- 
 tained therefor at the current rates of pre- 
 mium on gold, and to deposit the interest 
 so converted in the Treasury to the credit 
 of the naval pension fund ; but nothing 
 lierein contained shall be construed to in- 
 terfere with the payment of naval pensions 
 under the supervision of the Secretary of 
 the Interior, as regulated by law. 
 
 Sec 4754. The interest on the naval 
 pension-fund shall hereafter be at the rate 
 of three per centum per annum in lawful 
 money. 
 
 Sec 4755. Navy pensions shall be paid 
 from the Navy pension-fund, but no i)ay- 
 ments shall be made therefrom except 
 upon ai^propriations authorized by Con- 
 gress. 
 
 Sec 4756. There shall be paid out of 
 the naval pension-fund to every person 
 who, from age or infirmity, is disabled 
 from sea-service, but who has served as an 
 I'lilistcvl person in the Navy or Marine 
 (!orps for the jieriod of twenty years, and 
 not necn discharged for misconduct, in lieu 
 of being provided with a home in the Naval
 
 liooK y.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 91 
 
 AHylum, Philadelphia, if he so elects, a 
 HUin equal to one-half the pay of his ratinj^ 
 at the time he was discharged, to be i)aid 
 to him quarterly, under the directicm of 
 the Commissioner of Pensions ; and ap- 
 plications for such pension shall be made 
 to the Secretary of the Navy, who, upon 
 being satisfied that the ai)i)licant comes 
 within the provisions of this section, shall 
 certify the same to the Commissioner of 
 I'cnsions, and such certificate shall be his 
 \varrant lor making payment as herein au- 
 thorized. 
 
 Sec. 4757. Every disabled person who 
 luus served in the Navy or Marine Corps 
 Hs an enlisted man for a period of not less 
 than ten years, and not been discharged 
 fur misconduct, may apply to the Secretary 
 of the Navy for aid from the surplus in- 
 come of the naval pension-fund ; and the 
 Secretary of the Navy is authorized to 
 convene a board of not less than three na- 
 val oflicers, one of whom shall be a sur- 
 geon, to examine into the condition of the 
 applicant, and to recommend a suitable 
 amount for his relief, and for a specified 
 time, and upon the approval of such 
 recommendation by the Secretary of 
 the Navy, and certificate thereof to the 
 Commissioner of Pensions, the amount 
 shall be paid in the same manner as is 
 provided in the preceding section for the 
 payment to persons disabled by long ser- 
 vice in the Navy ; but no allowance so 
 made shall exceed the rate of a pension 
 for full disability corresponding to the 
 grade of the applicant, nor, if in addition 
 to a pension, exceed one-fourth the rate of 
 such pension. 
 
 Sec. 4758. The Secretary of the Navy 
 shall be trustee of the privateer pension- 
 fund. 
 
 Sec. 4759. Two per centum on the net 
 amount, after deducting all charges and 
 expenditures, of the prize-money arising 
 from captured vessels and cargoes, and on 
 the net amount of the salvage of vessels 
 and cargoes recaptured by the private 
 armed vessels of the United States, shall 
 be secured and paid over to the collector 
 or other chief officers of the customs at the 
 port or place in the United States, at which 
 such captured or recaptured vessel may 
 arrive ; or to the consul or other public 
 agent of the United States residing at the 
 port or place, not within the United States, 
 at which such captured or recaptured ves- 
 sels may arrive. And the moneys arising 
 therefrom are pledged by the Government 
 of the United States as a fund for the sup- 
 port and maintenance of the widows and 
 orphans of such persons as may be slain, 
 and for the support and maintenance of 
 such persons as may be wounded and dis- 
 abled on board of the private armed ves- 
 sels of the United States, in any engage- 
 ment with the enemy, to be assigned and 
 
 distributed in such manner as is or may be 
 
 provided by law. 
 
 Skc. 47G0. The two per centum reserved 
 in the hands of the collectors and consuls 
 by the preceding section, shall be ])ai(l to 
 the Treasury, under the like regulations 
 ])rovi«led for other pid)lic money, and sliall 
 constitute a fund for the purposes provided 
 for by that section. 
 
 Sec. 47GL The Secretary of the Interior 
 is required to place on the pension-list, 
 under the like regulations and restrictions 
 as are used in relation to the Navy of tlie 
 United States, any officer, seaman, or ma- 
 rine, who, on board of any private armed 
 vessel bearing a commission of letter of 
 manjue, shall liave been wounded or other- 
 wise disabled in any engagement with the 
 enemy, or in the line of their duty as otfi- 
 cers, seamen, or marines of such jjrivate 
 armed vessel ; allowing to the captain a 
 sum not exceeding twenty dollars per 
 month ; to lieutenants and sailing-master 
 a sum not exceeding twelve dollars each 
 per month ; to marine officer, boatswain, 
 gunner, carpenter, master's mate, and 
 l)rize-m asters, a sum not exceeding ten 
 dollars each per month ; to all other offi- 
 cers a sum not exceeding eight dollars 
 each per month, for the highest rate of dis- 
 ability, and so in proportion ; and to a 
 seaman, or acting as a marine, the sum of 
 six dollars per month, for the highest rate 
 of disability, and so in proportion ; which 
 several pensions shall be paid from moneys 
 appropriated for the payment of pensions. 
 
 Sec. 4762. The commanding officer of 
 every vessel having a commission, or let- 
 ters of marque and reprisal, shall enter in 
 his journal the name and rank of any offi- 
 cer, and the name of any seaman, who, 
 during his cruise, is wounded or disabled, 
 describing the manner and extent, as far 
 as jiracticable, of such wound or disability. 
 
 Sec. 4763. Every collector shall trans- 
 mit quarterly to the Secretary of the Navy 
 a transcrij)t of such journals as may have 
 been reported to him, so far as it gives a 
 list of the officers and crew, and the de- 
 scription of wounds and disabilities, the 
 better to enable the Secretary to decide on 
 claims for pensions. 
 
 Sec. 4764. Within fifteen days imme- 
 diately preceding the fourth day of ^larch, 
 June, September, and December in each 
 year, the several agents for the payment 
 of pensions shall prepare a quarterly 
 voucher for every person whose pension is 
 payable at his agency, and transmit the 
 same by mail, directed to the address of 
 tiie pensioner named in such voucher, 
 who, on or after the fourth day of March, 
 June, September, and December next suc- 
 ceeding the date of such voucher, may ex- 
 ecute and return the same to the agency at 
 which it was prepared, and at which the 
 pension of such person is due and payable.
 
 92 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 Sec. 4765. Upon the receipt of such 
 voucher, properly executed, and the iden- 
 tity of the pensioner being established and 
 proved in the manner prescribed by the 
 Secretary of the Interior, the agent for the 
 payment of pensions shall immediately 
 draw his check on the proper assistant 
 treasurer or designated depositary of the 
 United States for the amount due such 
 pensioner, payable to his order, and trans- 
 mit the same by mail, directed to the ad- 
 dress of the pensioner entitled" thereto ; 
 but any pensioner may be required, if 
 thought proper by the Commissioner of 
 Pensions, to appear personally and receive 
 his pension. 
 
 Sec. 4766. Hereafter no pension shall 
 be paid to any person other than the pen- 
 sioner entitled thereto, nor otherwise than 
 according to the provisions of this Title, 
 and no warrant, power of attorney, or 
 other paper executed or purporting to be 
 executed by any pensioner to any attorney, 
 claim-agent, broker, or other person, shall 
 be recognized by any agent for the pay- 
 ment of pensions, nor shall any pension be 
 paid thereon. But payment to persons 
 laboring under legal disabilities may be 
 made to the guardians of such persons in 
 the manner herein prescribed ; and pen- 
 sions payable to persons in foreign coun- 
 tries may be made according to the provi- 
 sions of existing laws. 
 
 Sec. 47G7. The Secretary of the Interior 
 shall cause suitable blanks for the vouch- 
 ers mentioned in section forty-seven hun- 
 dred and sixty-four to be printed and dis- 
 tributed to the agents for the payment of 
 pensions, upon which he shall cause a note 
 to be printed informing pensioners of the 
 fact that hereafter no pension will be paid, 
 except upon the vouchers issued as herein 
 directed. 
 
 Sec. 4768. The Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions shall forward the certificate of [pen- 
 sions] [pension,] granted in any case, to 
 the agent for paying pensions where such 
 certificate is made payable, and at the same 
 time forward therewith one of the articles 
 of agreement filed in the case and approved 
 by the Commissioner, setting forth the fee 
 agreed upon ])etwcen the claimant and the 
 attorney or agent, and where no agreement 
 is on file, as hereinbefore provided, he 
 shall direct that a fee of ten dollars only 
 be paid the agent or attorney. [Sec i^ 
 5485.] 
 
 Sec. 4769. It shall be the duty of the 
 agent paying such 2)ensi()n to deduct from 
 tlie amount due the pensioner the amount 
 of fee so agreed upon or <lirected by the 
 Commissioner to be ])ai(l where no agree- 
 ment is filed and a|)j)roved, and to for- 
 ward or cause to ])e forwarded to tlie agent 
 or attorney of record named in such agree- 
 ment, or, in case there is no agreement, to 
 the agent ]>rosecuting the case, the amount 
 
 of the proper fee, deducting therefrom the 
 sum of thirty cents in payment of his ser- 
 vices in forwarding the same. 
 
 Sec. 4770. [In place of original checks 
 issued for pensions, when lost, stolen, or de- 
 stroyed, disbursing officers and agents of the 
 United States are authorized, after the ex- 
 piration of six months from the date of such 
 checks, to issue duplicate checks, and the 
 Treasurer, assistant treasurers, and desig- 
 nated depositaries of the United States are 
 directed to pay such checks, drawn in pur- 
 suance of law by such officers or agents, 
 upon notice and proof of the loss of the 
 original checks, under such regulations in 
 regard to their issue and p)ayment, and upon 
 the execution of such bonds, with sureties, 
 to indemnify the United States, as the Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury may prescribe. But 
 this section shall not ap2)ly to any check ex- 
 ceeding/ in amount the sum of five hundred 
 dollars.] 
 
 Sec. 4771. In all cases of application 
 for the payment of pensions to invalid pen- 
 sioners to the fourth day of September of 
 an odd year, the certificate of an examin- 
 ing surgeon duly appointed by the Com- 
 missioner of Pensions, or of a soirgeon of 
 the Army or Na\y, stating the continu- 
 ance of the disability for which the' pen- 
 sion was originally granted, describing it, 
 and the degree of such disability at the 
 time of making the certificate, shall be re- 
 quired to accompany the vouchers, and a 
 duplicate thereof shall be filed in the 
 office of the Commissioner of Pensions; 
 and if in a case of continued disability it 
 shall be stated at a degree below that for 
 which the i^ension was originally granted, 
 or was last paid, the pensioner shall only 
 be paid for the quarter then due at the rate 
 stated in the certificate. But where the 
 pension was originally granted for a disa- 
 bility in consequence of the loss of a limb, 
 or other essential portion of the body, or 
 for other cause which cannot, either in 
 whole or in i)art, be removed, or when a 
 disal)ility is certified, by competent ex- 
 aming surgeons, to the satisfaction of the 
 Commissioner of Pensions, to have become 
 permanent in a degree equal to the whole 
 rate of pension, the above certificate shall 
 not be necessary to entitle the pensioner to 
 payment. 
 
 Sec. 4772. Nothing in the preceding 
 section shall be construed to prevent the 
 Commissioner of Pensions from requiring 
 a more fre(juent examination, if, in his 
 judgment, it is necessary. 
 
 Sec. 477.'5. The biennial certificate of 
 two unaj)i)()inted civil surgeons shall not be 
 acce2)ted in any case, except upon satisfac- 
 tory evidence that an examination by a 
 commissioned or duly appointed surgeon 
 is impracticable. 
 
 Sec. 4774. The Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions is authorized to organize, at his dis-
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 93 
 
 cretion, boards of examining surgeons, not 
 to exceed three members, and each mem- 
 ber of a board thus organized who is actu- 
 ally present and makes, in connection with 
 other members or member, an ordered or 
 periodical examination, shall be entitled 
 to the fee of one dollar, on the receipt of 
 a proper certificate of such examination by 
 the Commissioner of Pensions. 
 
 Sec. 4775. Examining surgeons duly 
 appointed by the Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions, and such other qualified surgeons as 
 may be employed in the Pension-Office, 
 may be required by him, from time to 
 time, as he deems for the interests of the 
 Government, to make special examinations 
 of pensioners, or applicants for pension, 
 and such examinations shall have prece- 
 dence over previous examinations, whether 
 special or biennial; but when injustice is 
 alleged to have been done by an examina- 
 tion so ordered, the Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions may, at his discretion, select a board 
 of three duly appointed examining sur- 
 geons, who shall meet at a place to be de- 
 signated by him, and shall review such 
 cases as may be ordered before them on 
 appeal from any special examination, 
 and the decision of such board shall be 
 final on the question so submitted thereto, 
 provided the Commissioner approve the 
 same. The compensation of each of such 
 surgeons shall be three dollars, and shall 
 be paid out of any appropriations made 
 for the payment of pensions, in the same 
 manner as the ordinary fees of appointed 
 surgeons are or may be authorized to be 
 paid. 
 
 Sec. 4776. The Secretary of the In- 
 terior is authorized to appoint a duly 
 qualified surgeon as medical referee who, 
 under the control and direction of the 
 Commissioner of Pensions, shall have 
 charge of the examination and revision of 
 the reports of examining surgeons, and 
 such other duties touching medical and 
 surgical questions in the Pension-Office, as 
 theinterests of the service may demand ; 
 and his salary shall be two thousand five 
 hundred dollars per annum. And the 
 Sccretaiy of the Interior is further author- 
 ized to appoint such qualified surgeons 
 (not exceeding four) as the exigencies of 
 the service may require, who may perform 
 the duties of examining surgeons when so 
 required, and who shall be borne upon the 
 rolls as clerks of the fourth class ; but such 
 appointments shall not increase the cleri- 
 cal force of said Bureau. 
 
 Sec. 4777. The Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions is empowered to appoint, at his dis- 
 cretion, civil surgeons to make the jierio- 
 dical examinations of pensioners which 
 are or may be required by law, and to ex- 
 amine applicants for pension, where he 
 deems an examination by a surgeon ap- 
 pointed by him necessarj' ; and the fee lor 
 60 
 
 such examinations, and the requisite cer. 
 tificates thereof in duplicate, including 
 postage on such as are transmitted to pen- 
 sion-agents, shall be two dollars, wnich 
 shall be paid by the agent for paying pen- 
 sions in the district within which the pen- 
 sioner or claimant resides, out of any 
 money api^ropriated for the payment of 
 pensions, under such regulations as the 
 Commissioner of pensions may prescribe. 
 
 Sec. 4778. The President is authorized 
 to appoint, by and Avith the advice and 
 consent of the Senate, all pension-agents, 
 who shall hold their respective ofliices for 
 the term of four years, unless sooner re- 
 moved or suspended, as provided by law, 
 and until their successors are appointed 
 and qualified. 
 
 Sec. 4779. All pension-agents shall give 
 bond, with good and sufficient sureties, for 
 such amount and in such form as the Sec- 
 retary of the Interior may approve. 
 
 Sec. 4780. The President is authorized 
 to establish agencies for the payment of 
 pensions wherever, in his judgment, the 
 public interests and the convenience of the 
 pensioners require ; but the number of pen- 
 sion-agencies in any State or Territory 
 shall in no case be increased hereafter so 
 as to exceed three, and no such agency 
 shall be established in addition to those 
 now existing in any State or Territory in 
 which the whole amount of pensions paid 
 during the fiscal year next preceding shall 
 not have exceeded the sum of five hun- 
 dred thousand dollars. 
 
 Sec. 4781. Agents for paying pensions 
 shall receive two per centum on all dis- 
 bursements made by them to pensioners. 
 There shall be allowed, however, over and 
 above such compensation, to every pension- 
 agent disbursing fifty thousand dollars 
 annually, not exceeding five hundred dol- 
 lars a year for clerk-hire, office-rent, and 
 office-expenses ; to every agent disbursing 
 one hundred thousand dollars annually, 
 not exceeding seven hundred and filty dol- 
 lars a year ; and for every fifty thousand 
 dollars additional, not exceeding two hun- 
 dred and fifty dollars a year, for like pur- 
 poses. But in no case shall the aggregate 
 amount of compensation to any one agent, 
 paying both Army and Navy pensions, ex- 
 ceed four thousand dollars a year. 
 
 Sec. 4782. In addition to the compensa- 
 tion allowed in this Title, each pension 
 agent shall be allowed, as full compensa- 
 tion for all service, including postage re- 
 quired by the provisions of sections fortA- 
 seven hundred and sixtv'-four and forty- 
 seven hundred and sixty-five, the sum ( f 
 thirty cents, and no more, for each voucher 
 lM-e]iared and paid by him, which amount 
 shall be paid by the United States. 
 
 Sec. 4783. Every guardian having the 
 charge and custody of the pension of his 
 ward who embezzles the same in violation
 
 94 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 of his trust, or fraudulently converts the 
 same to his own use, shall be punished by 
 fine not exceeding two thousand dollars or 
 imprisonment at hard labor for a term not 
 exceeding five vears or both. [See § 5486.] 
 
 Sec. 4784. Agents for the payment of 
 pensions, and any clerks appointed by them 
 and designated in writing for that purpose, 
 which designation shall be returned to and 
 filed in the ofiice of the Commissioner of 
 Pensions, are required, without any fee 
 therefor, to take and certify the affidavits 
 of all pensioners and their witnesses who 
 may personally appear before them for that 
 purpose, in which case the check for the 
 pension, when due and payable, shall be 
 given direct to the hand of the party en- 
 titled thereto, if desired, and not mailed to 
 his address as required by section forty- 
 seven hundred and sixty-five. 
 
 Sec. 4785. No agent or attorney or other 
 person shall demand or receive any other 
 compensation for his services in prosecut- 
 ing a claim for pension or bounty-land 
 than such as the Commissioner of Pensions 
 shall direct to be paid to him, not exceed- 
 ing twentv-five dollars. 
 
 Sec. 4786. It shall be the duty of the 
 agent or attorney of record in the prosecu- 
 tion of the case "to cause to be filed with 
 the Commissioner of Pensions, for his ap- 
 proval, duplicate articles of agreement, 
 without additional cost to the claimant, 
 setting forth the fee agreed Upon by the 
 parties, which agreement shall be executed 
 in the presence of and certified by some 
 officer competent to administer oaths. In 
 all cases where application is made for 
 pension or bounty-land, and no agreement 
 is filed with and approved by the Com- 
 missioner as herein provided, the fee shall 
 be ten dollars and no more. [See § 4768.] 
 
 Sec. 4787. Every officer, soldier, sea- 
 man, and marine, who was disabled, dur- 
 ing the war for the suppression of the re- 
 bellion, in the military or naval service, 
 and in the line of duty, or inconsequence of 
 wounds received or disease contracted 
 therein, and who was furnished by the 
 War Department, since the seventeenth 
 day of June, eighteen hundred and seventy, 
 with an artificial limb ot apparatus for re- 
 section, or who was entitlecl to receive such 
 limb or apparatus since said date, shall be 
 entitled t<j receive a new limb or apparatus 
 at the expiration of every five years there- 
 after, under such regulations as have been 
 or may be prescribed by the Surgeon-Gen- 
 eral of the Army. [Tile provisions of this 
 section shall api)ly to all officers, non-com- 
 missioned officers, enlisted and hired men of 
 the land and naval forces of the United 
 States, who, in the line of their duty as 
 such, shall have lost limbs or sustained 
 bodily injuries depriving them of the use 
 of any of their limbs, to be determined by 
 the Surgeon-General of the Army ; and the 
 
 term of five years herein specified shall be 
 held to commence in each case with the 
 filing of the application for the benefits of 
 this section. [See § 1176.] 
 
 Sec. 4788. Every person entitled to the 
 benefits of the preceding section may, if he 
 so elects, receive, instead of such limb or 
 apparatus, the money value thereof, at the 
 following rates, namely : For artificial legs, 
 seventy-five dollars ; for arms, fifty dollars ; 
 for feet, fifty dollars ; for apparatus for re- 
 section, fiftj- dollars. 
 
 Sec. 4789. The Surgeon-General shall 
 certify to the Commissioner of Pensions a 
 list of all soldiers who elect to receive 
 money commutation instead of limbs or 
 apparatus, with the amount due to each, 
 and the Commissioner of Pensions shall 
 cause the same to be paid to such soldiers 
 in the same manner as pensions are paid. 
 
 Sec. 4790. Every person in the military 
 or naval service who lost a limb during 
 the war of the rebellion, [or is entitled to 
 the benefits of section forty-seven hundred 
 and eighty-seven,] but from the nature of 
 his injury is not able to use an artificial 
 limb, shall be entitled to the benefits of 
 section forty-seven hundred and eighty- 
 eight, and sliall receive money commuta- 
 tion as therein provided. 
 
 Sec. 4791. The Secretary of War is au- 
 thorized and directed to furnish to the per- 
 sons embraced by the provisions of section 
 forty-seven hundred and eighty-seven, 
 transportation to and from their homes and 
 the place where they may be required to 
 go to obtain artificial limbs provided for 
 them under authority of law. [The trans- 
 portation allowed for having artificial limbs 
 fitted shall be furnished by the Quarter- 
 master-General of the Army, the cost of 
 which shall be refunded from the appro- 
 priations for invalid pensions.] 
 
 SUPPLEMENTS. 
 
 An. act amending tlie lai^s 
 
 Granting PensUms to the Soldiem and Sailnrs of Die War of 
 
 Eighteen Hundred and Tirelve and their Wi- 
 
 denes, and for other purjwtes, passed 
 
 March 9, 1878. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 1. War of 1S12; soldiers and sailors of, to bo placed on 
 
 pension-n>ll8. 
 
 2. Porsoiis excluded. 
 
 Uiite and term of pension. 
 Widows. 
 
 3. Proof, and penalty for false oath. 
 Rolls may be corrected, &c. 
 
 Certificate of discharge and record evidence not ne- 
 cessary. 
 
 Orant of land-warrant prima facie evidence. 
 f). Rci^oration of certain pensioners who were stricken 
 from rolls on account of rebellion. 
 
 — without paying durinp suspension. 
 
 6. Tensinn Riven to widows and orphans of those who 
 
 were so stricken off and died before restoration, 
 
 7. Repeal. 
 
 Be it enacted, d'c. 
 
 [Section 1 1, That the Secretary of the 
 Interior be, and he is hereby, authorized
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 9$ 
 
 and directed to place on the pension-rolls 
 the names of the .surviving officers and 
 enlisted and drafted men, without regard 
 to color, including militia and volunteers, 
 of the military and naval service of the 
 United States, who served for fourteen 
 days in the war with Great Britain of 
 eighteeen hundred and twelve, or who 
 were in any engagement, and were honor- 
 ably discharged, and the surviving widows 
 of such officers and enlisted and drafted 
 men. 
 
 Sec. 2. That this act shall not apply to 
 any person who is receiving a pension at 
 the rate of eight dollars per month or 
 more, nor to any person receiving a pen- 
 sion of less than eight dollars per month 
 except for the diff'erence between the pen- 
 sion now received (if less than eight dol- 
 lars per month) and eight dollars per 
 month. 
 
 Pensions under this act shall be at the 
 rate of eight dollars per month, except as 
 herein provided, and shall be paid to the 
 persons entitled thereto, from and after the 
 passage of this act, for and during their 
 natural lives: 
 
 Provided, That the pensions to widows 
 provided for in this act shall cease when 
 they shall marry again. 
 
 Sec. 3. That before the name of any 
 person shall be placed upon the pension- 
 rolls under this act, proof shall be made, 
 under such rules and regulations as the 
 Commissioner of Pensions, with the ap- 
 proval of the Secretary of the Interior, 
 shall prescribe, that the applicant is enti- 
 tled to a pension under this act. * * * 
 
 Sec. 5. That the Secretary of the Inte- 
 rior be, and he is hereby, authorized and 
 directed to restore to the pension-rolls the 
 names of all persons now surviving here- 
 tofore pensioned on account of service in 
 the war of eighteen hundred and twelve 
 against Great Britain, or for service in any 
 of the Indian wars, and whose names were 
 stricken from the rolls in pursuance of the 
 act entitled "An act authorizing the Sec- 
 retary of the Interior to strike from the 
 pension-rolls the names of such persons as 
 have taken up arms against the govern- 
 ment, or who have in any manner encou- 
 raged the rebels," approved February 
 fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty-two; 
 
 And that the joint resolution (1) enti- 
 tled "Joint resolution prohibiting payment 
 by any officer of the government to any 
 person not known to have been opposed to 
 the rebellion and in favor of its suppres- 
 sion," approved March second, eighteen 
 hundred and sixtj'-seven, and section four 
 thousand seven hundred and sixteen of 
 the Revised Statutes of the United States, 
 shall not apply to the persons provided for 
 by this act : 
 
 Provided, That no money shall be paid 
 to any one on account of pensions for the 
 
 time during which his name remained 
 stricken from the rolls. 
 
 Sec. 6. That the surviving widow of any 
 pensioner of the war of eighteen hundred 
 and twelve where the name of said pen- 
 sioner was stricken from the pension-rolls 
 in pursuance of the act entitled " An act 
 authorizing the Secretary of the Interior 
 to strike from the pension-rolls the names 
 of such persons as have taken up arms 
 against the government, or who have in 
 any manner encouraged the rebels," ap- 
 proved February fourth, eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-two, and where, under the exist- 
 ing provisions of law, said pensioner died 
 without his name being restored to the 
 rolls, shall be entitled to make claim for a 
 pension as such widow after the passage of 
 this act: 
 
 Provided, That no such arrearages shall 
 be paid for any period prior to the time of 
 the removal of the disability of the pen- 
 sioner, as provided in section five : 
 
 And provided further. That under this 
 act any widow of a Revolutionary soldier 
 who served fourteen days or was in any 
 engagement shall be placed upon the pen- 
 sion-rolls of the United States, and receive 
 a pension at the rate of eight dollars per 
 month. 
 
 Sec. 7. That all laws and clauses of laws 
 in conflict with this act be, and they are 
 hereby, repealed. [Ma7-ch 9, 1878.] 
 
 Note. — (1) The joint resolution here referred to of 1867, 
 No. 46 (14 Stat. L., 671), is incorporated into Kerifed 
 Statutes in g 3480. 
 
 An Act Amending tbe Pens ion-LAiv 
 
 So <M to remove the ditabiliti/ of those who, having parSct- 
 pated in the Hebellion, have, since its terntination, eTilisted 
 in the Army of the United States, and become disabled. 
 
 Pensions allowed to disabled soldiers, Ac, in certain cases, 
 although they had engaged in rebelliun. 
 
 Be it enacted, ifcc, That the law prohibit- 
 ing the payment of any money on account 
 of pensions to any person, or to the widow, 
 children, or heirs of any deceased person, 
 who, in any manner, engaged in or aided 
 or abetted the late rebellion against the 
 authority of the United States, shall not 
 be construed to apply to such persons as 
 afterward voluntarily enlisted in the Army 
 of the United States, and who, while in 
 such service, incurred disability from a 
 wound or injury received or disease con- 
 tracted in the line of duty. [March 3,1877.] 
 
 An act making appropriations for tbe pay- 
 ment of arrears of pensions 
 
 Granledbij Act of Congress apitroved January tirenty-flfth, 
 eighteen hutidred and seventy-nine, and for other puryoset. 
 Section 
 
 1. Pension agents' fees for services to January 2.'i, 1879. 
 Rate of arreiirs of invalid pensions to be gnided from 
 
 time to time, Ac. 
 Pensions on account of disabilities, Ac, occurring 
 after cessation of hostilities and before mustering 
 out. 
 
 2. Commencement of pensions in consequence of de&th, 
 
 injuri(«. Ac, since March 4, 1861. 
 
 3. Repeal of K. S. I 4709.
 
 96 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 Beit enacted, dec. [Section 1.1 
 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 The pension agents shall receive for 
 their services and expenses in paying the 
 arrears upon pensions allowed previous to 
 January twenty-fifth eighteen hundred and 
 seventy-nine including postage on vouch- 
 ers and checks sent to the pensioner thirty 
 cents for each payment; and the sum of 
 fifteen thousand dollars, or so much thereof 
 as may be necessary, is hereby appropri- 
 ated for tlie payment of the same. 
 
 That the rate at which the arrears of in- 
 valid pensions shall be allowed and com- 
 puted in the cases which have been or 
 shall hereafter be allowed shall be graded 
 according to the degree of the pensioner's 
 disability from time to time and the pro- 
 visions of the pension laws in force over 
 the period for which the arrears shall be 
 computed. 
 
 That section one of the act of January 
 twenty-fifth, eighteen hundred and seven- 
 ty-nine, granting arrears of pensions shall 
 be construed to extend to and include 
 pensions on account of soldiers who were 
 enlisted or drafted for the service in the war 
 of the rebellion, but died or incurred disa- 
 bility from a cause originating after the 
 cessation of hostilities; and before being 
 mustered out: 
 
 Provided, That in no case shall arrears 
 of pensions be allowed and paid from a 
 time prior to the date of actual disability. 
 
 Sec. 2. All pensions which have been, 
 or which may hereafter be, granted in con- 
 sequence of death occurring from a cause 
 which originated in the service since the 
 fourth day of March, eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-one, or in consequence of wounds 
 or injuries received or disease contracted 
 since that date shall commence from the 
 death or discharge of the person on whose 
 account the claim has been or is hereafter 
 granted if the disability occurred prior to 
 discharge, and if such disability occurred 
 after the discharge then from the date of 
 actual disability or from the termination of 
 the right of party having prior title to such 
 pension : 
 
 Provided, The application for such pen- 
 sion has been or is hereafter filed with the 
 Commissioner of Pensions prior to the first 
 day of July eighteen hundred and eighty, 
 otherwise the pension shall commence 
 from the date of filing the application; but 
 the limitation herein prescrioed shall not 
 apply to claims by or in behalf of insane 
 })er.sons and children under sixteen years 
 of age. 
 
 Sec. 3. Section forty-seven hundred and 
 nine of the Revised Statutes is herebv re- 
 pealed. [March S, IS7{).\ 
 
 All act relating to «l:ilm nK<-ntH niifl attui— 
 nty-H In i>cnHloii canvit. 
 
 Srmov 
 
 1. Altoruoys, ugouU, ic, la i>ouBioii cuauD uot to re- 
 
 ceive more than SlO^fee, and fee-contracta not to 
 be filed, &c. 
 
 — fees of not to be deducted and paid to, by pension 
 agout. 
 2. Repeal. 
 
 Be it enacted, Ac. 
 
 [Section IJ. It shall 'be unlawful for 
 any attorney, agent or other person to de- 
 mand or receive for his services in a pen- 
 sion case a greater sum than ten dollars. 
 
 No fee contract shall hereafter be filed 
 with the Commissioner of Pensions in any 
 case. 
 
 In pending cases in which a fee contract 
 has heretofore been filed, if the pension 
 shall be allowed, the Commissioner of Pen- 
 sions shall approve the same as to the 
 amount of the fee to be paid at the amount 
 specified in the contract. 
 
 Sections forty-seven hundred and sixty- 
 eight, forty-seven hundred and sixty-nine 
 and forty-seven hundred and' eighty -six of 
 the Revised Statutes shall not apply to 
 any case or claim hereafter filed, nor to 
 any pending claim in which the claimant 
 has not been represented by an agent or 
 attorney prior to the passage of this act. 
 
 Sec. 2. Section forty-seven hundred and 
 eighty-five of the Revised Statutes is here- 
 by repealed. [June 20, 1878.] 
 
 Penalty for agents, attorneys, &«., demand- 
 Lug illegal fees in pension cases. 
 
 [Par. 2.] The provisions of section fifty- 
 four hundred and eighty-five of the Re- 
 vised Statutes shall be applicable to any 
 person who shall violate the provisions of 
 an act entitled " An act relating to claim 
 agents and attorneys in pension cases," 
 approved June twentieth, eighteen hun- 
 dred and seventy-eight. 
 
 An Act to Amend Section Forty-six Hun- 
 dred and Ninety-five of tlie Revised 
 Statutes of tHe United States. 
 
 Lieutenant commanders' pension. 
 
 Be it enacted, Sc, That from and after 
 July sixteenth, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 two pensions granted to lieutenant-com- 
 manders in the Navy for disability, or on 
 account of their death, shall be the same 
 as theretofore provided for lieutenants-com- 
 manding. [June 18, 1878.] 
 
 An Act for tlie Payment, 
 
 To the Officers and Soldierf of Ihr Merir.an War, of th< 
 
 Jliree, Month*' extrn paij provided fur hi/ the Act of July 
 
 Nineteenth, Eujhteen llnudred and Forty-eight. 
 
 Three months' extra pay to officers and soldiers of Mex- 
 ican war. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c., That the Secretary of 
 the Treasury be, and he is hereby, direct- 
 ed, out of any moneys in the Treasury 
 not otherwise appropriated, to pay to the 
 oflircrs and soldiers "engaged in the mili- 
 tary service of the United States in the 
 war with Mexico, and who served out the
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 97 
 
 time of their engagement or were honora- 
 lily discharged", the three months' extra 
 pay provided for by the act of July nine- 
 teenth, eighteen hundred and forty-eight, 
 and the limitations contained in said act, 
 in all cases, upon the presentation of satis- 
 factory evidence that said extra compensa- 
 tion has not been previously received : 
 
 Frovided, That the provisions of this act 
 shall include also the otiicors, petty-officers, 
 seamen, and marines of the United States 
 Navy, the Kevenue Marine Service and the 
 officers and soldiers of the United States 
 Army employed in the prosecution of said 
 war. [February 19, 1879.J 
 
 An Act to Restore Pensions In certain Cases. 
 
 Pensions allowed prior to July 25, 1866, not to be reduced 
 
 by subtii'iiui'nt acts. 
 — to bo restored if already reduced. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c., That section three of 
 an act entitled " An act increasing the pen- 
 sions of widows and orphans, and for other 
 purposes", approved July twenty-fifth, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-six, and sec- 
 tion thirteen of an act entitled "An act 
 relating to pensions", approved July 
 twenty-seventh, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-eight, and section forty-seven hun- 
 dred and twelve of the Revised Statutes, 
 shall not operate to reduce the rate of any 
 pension which had actually been allowed 
 to the commissioned, non-commissioned, 
 or petty officers of the Navy or their 
 widows or minor children, prior to the 
 twenty-fifth day of July, eighteen hundred 
 and sixty-six ; 
 
 And the Secretary of the Interior is 
 hereby directed to restore all such pen- 
 sions as have already been so reduced to 
 the rate originally granted and allowed, to 
 take effect from the date of such reduction. 
 [June 9, 1880.J 
 
 An Act Relating to Soldiers wKlIe In the 
 ClvU Service of tlie tlnlted States. 
 
 Certain pensioners who lost their pensions by being in 
 the civil service to have same restored. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c., That all persons -who, 
 under and by virtue of the first section of 
 the act entitled "An act supplementary to 
 the several acts relating to pensions," ap- 
 proved March third, eighteen hundred and 
 si xtv-five. were deprived of their pensions 
 (luring anv portion of the time from the 
 third of March, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-five, to the sixth of June, eighteen 
 hundred and sixty-six, by reason of their 
 being in the civil service of the United 
 States, shall be paid their said pensions, 
 withheld by virtue of said section of the 
 act aforesaid, for and during the said period 
 of time from the third of March, eighteen 
 hundred and sixt>^-five, to the sixth of June, 
 eighteen hundred and sixty-six. [March 
 1,^879.] 
 
 lilmitlng Prosecution of Claims. 
 
 Sec. 3. That section forty-seven hundred 
 and .seventeen of the Revised Statutes of 
 the United States, which provides that 
 
 "No claim for pension not pro.secutcd to 
 a successful issue within five years from 
 the date of filing the same shall be admit- 
 ted without record evidence from the War 
 or Navy Department of the injury or the 
 disease wliicli resulted in the disability or 
 death of the i)erson on whose account the 
 claim is made: I'roridcd, That in any case 
 in which the limitation prescribed by this 
 section bars the further prosecution of the 
 claim, the claimant may present, through 
 the Pension Office, to the Adjutant-Gen- 
 eral of the Army or the Surgeon-General 
 of the Navy, evidence that the disease or 
 injury which resulted in the disability or 
 death of the person on whose account the 
 claim is made originated in the service and 
 in the line of duty ; 
 
 And if such evidence is deemed satisfac- 
 tory by the officer to whom it may be sub- 
 mitted, lirf shall cause a record of the fact 
 so proved to be made, and a copy of the 
 same to be transmitted to the Commi.ssioner 
 of Pensions, and the bar to the prosecu- 
 tion of the claim shall thereby be re- 
 moved", be, and the same is hereby, re- 
 pealed. 
 
 Sec. 4. No claim agent or other person 
 shall be entitled to receive any compensa- 
 tion for services in making application for 
 arrears of pension. 
 
 Sec. 5. That all acts or parts of acts so 
 fiir as they may conflict with the provisions 
 of this act be, and the same are hereby, re- 
 pealed. [January 25, 1870.] 
 
 An Act to Increase Pensions In Certain 
 
 Cases. 
 
 Sections 
 
 1. Pension of 824 per month allowed to pensioners 
 who have lost arm above elbow, or leg above knee; but 
 no artificial limbs. 
 
 2. When act takes efiect. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c. 
 
 [Section 1], That all persons who are 
 now entitled to pensions under existing 
 laws and who have lost either an arm at or 
 above the elbow, or a leg at or above the 
 knee, shall be rated in the second class, 
 and shall receive twenty-four dollars per 
 month : 
 
 Provided, That no artificial limbs, or 
 commutation therefor, shall be furnished 
 to such persons as shall be entitled to pen- 
 sions under this act. 
 
 Sec. 2. That this act shall take effect 
 from and after the fourth day of June, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy four. [June 
 18, 1874. J 
 
 An Act for tlie* Relief of Certain Pen- 
 sioners. 
 
 Pension for loPs of leg at hip joint. 
 
 Be it enacted, etc.. That all pensioners 
 now on thei^ension rolls, or who may here-
 
 d8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 after be placed thereon, for amputation of 
 either leg at the hip joint, shall receive a 
 pension at the rate of thirtj'-seven dollars, 
 and fifty cents per month from the date of 
 the approval of this act. [March 3, 1879]. 
 
 An Act for the Relief of 
 
 Soldiers and Sailors Becoming Totally Blind in the Service 
 
 of the Country. 
 Pension to soldiers and sailors who become totally blind. 
 
 Be it enacted, ttc, That the act of June 
 seventeenth, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
 eight, entitled " An act to increase the pen- 
 sions of certain soldiers and sailors who 
 have lost both their hands or both their 
 feet, or the sight of both eyes, in the ser- 
 vice of the country," be so construed as to 
 include all soldiers and sailors who have 
 become totally blind from causes occurring 
 in the service of the United States. [March 
 3, 1879.] 
 
 An Act to Allow a Pension 
 
 of Thirty-six Dollars per Month to Soldiers who have Lost 
 
 both an Arm and a Leg. 
 
 Pensions for loss of one hand and one foot in military 
 
 or naval service. 
 
 Be it enacted, &c., That all persons who, 
 while in the military or naval service of 
 the United States, and in the line of duty, 
 shall have lost one hand and one foot, or 
 been totally and permanently disabled in 
 both, shall be entitled to a pension for each 
 of such disabilities, and at such a rate as is 
 provided for by the provisions of the ex- 
 isting laws for each disability : 
 
 Provided, That this act shall not be so 
 construed as to reduce pensions in any case. 
 [Fehruarxj 28, 1877.] 
 
 An Act to Increase the Pensions 
 
 of Certain Pensioned Soldiers and Sailors who are Utterly 
 Helpless from Injuries Received or Disease Con- 
 tracted ivhile in the United States Service. 
 Section 
 
 1. Pensions of persons permanently disabled in mili- 
 tary service increiiaed to $12 a month. 
 
 2. — to date from Juno 17, 1S78. 
 
 Be it enacted. &c. 
 
 [Section 1], That all soldiers and 
 sailors who are now receiving a pension of 
 fifty dollars per month, under the pro- 
 visions of an act entitled " An act to in- 
 crease the pension of soldiers and sailors 
 who have been totally disabled," approved 
 June eightcentli, eighteen hundred and 
 seventy-four, shall receive, in lieu of all 
 pensions now paid them by the Govern- 
 ment of the United States, and there shall 
 be paid them in the same maniier as pen- 
 sions are now paid to such persons, the 
 sum of seventy-two dollars per month. 
 
 Sec. 2. All pensioners whose pensions 
 shall he increased by the provisions of this 
 act from lil'ly dollars per month to seventy- 
 two dollars per month shall be paid the 
 difference between said sums monthly, 
 from June seventeenth, eighteen hundred 
 and seventy-eight, to the time of the tak- 
 ing effect of this act. [June 16, 1880.] 
 
 LAW OF NATIONS.* 
 Origin and Proji^ess of tlie l<a'%\' of Nations { 
 the Natural, Customary, and Conven- 
 tional La'ws of Nations, Defined. 
 
 The law of nations, in its present im- 
 proved state, has not long existed. Ancient 
 nations were little governed by the prin- 
 ciples of natural justice. Little respect was 
 paid by one nation to the rights of the per- 
 sons and property of the citizens of another. 
 Robbery on land and sea was not only 
 tolerated, but esteemed honorable ; and 
 prisoners of war were either put to death, 
 or reduced to slaverj'. By this rule of 
 national law, commerce was destroyed, and 
 perpetual enmity kept up between nations. 
 
 No essential, permanent improvement in 
 the law of nations seems to have been 
 made until within the last three or four 
 centuries. By the light of science and 
 Christianity, the rights and obligations of 
 nations have come to be better understood, 
 and more generally regarded. Commerce 
 also has done much to improve the law, by 
 showing that the true interests of a nation 
 are promoted by peace and friendly inter- 
 course. 
 
 Hence we find the nations of Europe and 
 America recognizing the same rules of in- 
 ternational law. And as the light of Chris- 
 tianity shall become more widely diffused, 
 and its principles more generally practiced, 
 the law of nations will undergo still further 
 improvements. And may we not hope, 
 that, as one of these improvements, the 
 practice of settling national disputes by 
 war will be abolished, and one more ra- 
 tional and humane be adopted, that of re- 
 ferring all difficulties which the parties are 
 incapable of adjusting, to some disinterested 
 power for adjudication? 
 
 There is, in every nation or state, some 
 acknowledged authority to make laws to 
 protect the rights of the citizens, and 
 courts of justice to try and punish offenders. 
 But there is no tribunal before which one 
 nation can be brought to answer for the 
 violation of the rights of another. Every 
 nation, however small and weak, is inde- 
 pendent of every other. Hence, when in- 
 juries are committed by one upon another, 
 i\\& offended party, unless it chooses quietly 
 to endure the wrong, must obtain redress, 
 either by appealing to the sense of justice 
 of the party offending, or by a resort to 
 force. 
 
 The equality and independence of na- 
 tions, without respect to their relative 
 strength or extent of territory, is a settled 
 principle of national law. P^ach has a right 
 to establish such government and tolerate 
 sufh religion as it thinks proper, and no 
 other nation has a right to interfere with 
 its internal policy. To this general rule, 
 however, writers make an exception. The 
 
 • Andrew W. Young's " Citizen's Manual of QoTern- 
 moDt and Law." 
 
 I
 
 BOOK V.J 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 99 
 
 natural right of every state to provide for 
 its own safety, eivea it the right to interfere 
 where its seeunty is seriously endangered 
 by the internal transactions of another 
 state. But it is admitted, that such cases 
 are so very rare, that it would be danger- 
 ous to reduce them to a rule. The right of 
 forcible interference is only to be interred 
 from the circumstances of the special case. 
 
 So also cases seldom arise, when one na- 
 tion has a right to assist the subjects of 
 another in overturning or changing their 
 government. It is generally agreed, that 
 such assistance may be afforded consistent- 
 ly with the law of nations, in extreme 
 cases; as when the tyranny of a govern- 
 ment becomes so oppressive as to compel 
 the people to rise in their defense, and call 
 for assistance. It is held that rulers may, 
 by an unwarrantable exercise of power, 
 violate the principles of the social com- 
 pact, and give their subjects just cause to 
 consider themselves discharged from their 
 allegiance. 
 
 When the subjects of any government 
 have carried their revolt so far as to have 
 established a new state, and to give rea- 
 sonable evidence of their ability to main- 
 tain a government, the right of assistance 
 is unquestionable. But it is not clear, that, 
 prior to this state of progress in a revolu- 
 tion, the right to interpose would be justi- 
 fiable. The assistance given by France to 
 this country, during the war of our revolu- 
 tion, was not a violation of the law of na- 
 tions. The states having thrown off their 
 allegiance to Great Britain, and established 
 a government of their own, any foreign na- 
 tion had a right to assist the states in se- 
 curing their independence. 
 
 There is a sense, however, in which na- 
 tions are not wholly independent. The 
 happiness of mankind, as has been ob- 
 served, depends upon association. With- 
 out the assistance which men in the social 
 state derive from e?ich other, they could 
 scarcely support their own being. Similar 
 to this is the mutual dependence of nations. 
 Although the people of everj' nation have 
 within themselves the means of maintain- 
 ing their individual and national existence, 
 their prosperity and happiness are greatly 
 promoted by commerce with other nations. 
 And as laws are necessary to govern the 
 conduct of the individual citizens of a 
 state, so certain rules are necessary to reg- 
 ulate the intercourse of nations. 
 
 It has been observed, also, that the law 
 of nature, which is in accordance with the 
 will of the Creator as expressed in his re- 
 vealed law, is a perfect rule for all moral 
 and social beings, and ought to be univer- 
 sally obeyed ; and that its observance con- 
 duces to their highest happiness. E(pially 
 binding is this law upon nations : nor i.s 
 the general good of mankind less promoted 
 by its application to the affairs of nations 
 
 than by its application to the affuirs ()f in- 
 dividual persons. It requires each nation to 
 respect the rights of all others, and to do for 
 them what their necessities demand, and 
 what each is capable of doing, consistently 
 with the duties it owes to itself. 
 
 The law of nature applied to nations or 
 states as moral persons, is called the natural 
 law of nations. It is also called the ncces- 
 sary laic of nations, because nations are 
 morally bound to observe it; and some- 
 times the internal law of nations, from its 
 being binding on the conscience. 
 
 Although, as has been elsewhere re- 
 marked, the law of nature, as expressed in 
 the law of revelation, is a correct rule of 
 human conduct ; yet, as much of this law 
 consists of general principles from which 
 particular duties can not always be de- 
 duced, positive human enactments are 
 necessary to define the law of nature and 
 revelation. So also an important part of 
 the law of nations necessarily consists of 
 positive institutions. Hence, some writers 
 have divided international law under 
 these two principal heads : the natural law 
 of nations, and ih^ positive. 
 
 The positive laio of nations, is founded 
 on usage or custom and agreement ; and 
 may be considered as properly divided into 
 the customary law of nations, and the con- 
 ventional. The ciistomarrj law of nations 
 consists of certain maxims, or is founded 
 on customs and usages which have long 
 been observed and tacitly consented to by 
 nations, and which thereby become bind- 
 ing upon all who have adopted them, so 
 far as their observance does not require the 
 violation of the law of nature. 
 
 A conventional law of nations is one 
 that has been established by a treaty or 
 league. A convention is an assembly of 
 persons who meet for civil or political "pur- 
 poses. But an agreement or contract be- 
 tween nations, though made without a 
 formal meeting, is deemed conventional. 
 The manner in which treaties are made, 
 has been described. 
 
 Thus the rights and interests of nations 
 do not depend for their security entirely 
 upon the law of nature, which is liable to 
 misconstruction. Nor, so far as they are 
 dependent upon positive institutions, do 
 they rest wholly upon the vague and uncer- 
 tain law of usage or custom. Conventional 
 law, because more definite, has been found 
 to afford far greater security to the rights 
 of commerce. Hence the practice, now 
 common among nations, of regulating their 
 intercourse by negotiation. Treaties of 
 commerce have been formed between most 
 of the principal commercial states in the 
 world. Their utility in regulating trade 
 between states, is no'less than that of writ- 
 ten agreements between individuals, by 
 which the rights of the contracting parties 
 are placed beyond dispute.
 
 100 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 One advantage of treaties of commerce 
 is, tliat a nation may, if its interests de- 
 mand, enter into treaties granting special 
 privileges to one or more nations, without 
 giving just cause of offense to others. 
 Such special favors, however, should not 
 be granted without good reasons. It is the 
 dutx of everj' nation to respect the rights 
 of all others, and to cultivate that mutual 
 good will which is the result of liberal, 
 just, and impartial dealing. 
 
 It maybe said, that, if each nation is in- 
 dependent of every other, and if there is 
 no constituted authority to enforce the ful- 
 fillment of treaty stipulations, the rights 
 guarantied by treaties are still insecure. 
 Few governments, however, are so devoid 
 of a sense of honor, as, by a palpable viola- 
 tion of their treaty obligations, to incur 
 the odium and condemnation of all man- 
 kind. Self-respect, and the fear of pro- 
 voking a war, have generally proved suffi- 
 cient incentives to the observance of trea- 
 ties. 
 
 The obligations of nations are sometimes 
 called imperfect. A perfect obligation is 
 one that can be enforced — one that exists 
 where there is a right to compel the party 
 on whom the obligation rests to fulfil it. 
 An imjjerfect obligation gives only the 
 right to demand the fulfillment, leaving 
 the party pledged to judge what his duty 
 requires, and to do as he chooses, without 
 being constrained by another to do other- 
 wise. 
 
 Tbe JurlscUctloni of Xatlons ; their Mutual 
 
 Rlglits aiid Obligations ; tUe Rights 
 
 of Embassadors, Ministers, &c. 
 
 The seas are regarded as the common 
 highway of nations. The main ocean, for 
 navigation and fishing, is open to all man- 
 kind ; and no nation can appropriate it to 
 its own exclusive use. Everj' state, how- 
 ever, has jurisdiction at sea over its own 
 subjects, in its own public and private 
 vessels. The persons on board such ves- 
 sels are protected and governed by the 
 laws of the country to which they belong ; 
 and they may be punished by these laws 
 for ofFenses committed on board of its pub- 
 lic vessels in foreign ports. 
 
 The question how far a nation has juris- 
 diction over the seas adjoining its lands, is 
 not clearly settled. It appears to be gen- 
 erally conceded, tliat a nation lias tlie riglil 
 of exclusive dominion over navigal)le 
 rivers flowing through its territory; the 
 harbors, bays, gulfs, and arms of the sea; 
 and such extent of sea adjoining its terri- 
 tories as is necessary to the safety of the 
 nation, which is considered by some to be 
 as far as a cannon shot will rcacli, or al)out 
 a marine league. Different nations have 
 at times claimed much wider jurisdiction 
 into the sea; but such claim rests upon 
 douljtful authority. 
 
 It is the duty of a nation, in time of 
 peace, to allow the people of other states 
 a passage over its lands and waters, so far 
 as it can be permitted without inconve- 
 nience, and with safety to its own citizens. 
 Of this the nation is to be its own judge. 
 The right of passage is therefore only an 
 imperfect right, so called, because the ob- 
 ligation to grant the right is an imperfect 
 obligation. Whenever, therefore, the in- 
 terests and safety of a nation require it, 
 foreigners may be prohibited from coming 
 within its territory. 
 
 The right of a state to keep foreigners 
 out of its territory, is incident to, or re- 
 sults from the right of domain. Domain, 
 in a general sense, signifies possession, or 
 estate, and is perhaps more frequently ap- 
 plied to lands. Applied to a state, it 
 means its whole territory, with everything 
 included in it. And with respect to other 
 states, the property of the individuals in 
 the aggregate is to be considered as the 
 property of the nation. The right of do- 
 main is unlimited ; that is, the state has 
 the sole and exclusive right to the dominion 
 and control of the territory and other prop- 
 erty within the state. 
 
 In general, it is the duty of a nation to 
 allow foreigners to enter and settle in the 
 country. On being admitted into a state, 
 the state becomes pledged for their pro- 
 tection, and they become subject to its 
 laws while they reside in it ; and in con- 
 sideration of the protection they receive, 
 they are obliged to aid in defending it, 
 and in supporting its government, even be- 
 fore they are admitted to all the rights of 
 citizens. 
 
 But when persons who have committed 
 crimes in one state, flee into another for 
 shelter, the state into which they flee is 
 not bound to rescue them from justice. A 
 person charged with crime, can be tried 
 only in the state Avhqse laws he has vio- 
 lated. It is therefore tlie duty of the gov- 
 ernment to surrender tlie fugitive, on de- 
 mand being made by the proper authori- 
 ties of the state from which the person has 
 fled, and after due examination by a civil 
 magistrate, if it shall appear to the magis- 
 trate that there are sufficient grounds for 
 the charge. The surrender of criminals is 
 often provided for in treaties. 
 
 That rule of the law of nations, which 
 makes foreigners amenable to tlie laws of 
 the state into which they remove, does not 
 a])ply to embassadors. They are wholly 
 exempt from all responsibility to the laws 
 of the country to which they are sent, even 
 wlien guilty of crime. All that can be 
 done is, when their conduct is dangerous 
 to tlie government and its citizens, either 
 to deprive them of liberty by confinement, 
 or to send them home, and demand their 
 punishment. 
 
 As the interests of nations are pro-
 
 ^] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 101 
 
 moted by intercourse, it is necessary that 
 there shouUl be some means of treating 
 with each other, with the view of main- 
 taining friendly rchitions. Tliis can be 
 done in no otiicr way so well as througji the 
 medium of persons representing their re- 
 spective governments. Each nation hav- 
 ing a right to treat and communicate with 
 every other, it ought not to be deprived of 
 the services of its representative. Hence, 
 by the general consent of nations, the per- 
 sons and property of embassadors and 
 other pu])lic ministers, are held sacred and 
 inviolable. 
 
 Embassadors are, by the laws of nations, 
 entitled to the same protection in the 
 countries through which they pass, in go- 
 ing to, and returning from, the govern- 
 ment to which they are sent. And to in- 
 sure them a safe i)assagc, it has been the 
 practice with some governments to grant 
 I)assports, to be shown in case they were re- 
 quired. A }7assport is a written license 
 from the authority of a state, granting per- 
 mission or safe conduct for one to pass 
 through its territory. Passports, though 
 named in our law, are not known in prac- 
 tice, being deemed unnecessary. 
 
 An embassador is entitled to protection, 
 by the law of nations, on his entering the 
 territory of the nation to which he is sent, 
 and making himself known ; though he is 
 uot insured the enjoyment of all his rights 
 until he is formally received by the sov- 
 ereign, and has presented his credentials ; 
 which are letters of attorney from his own 
 sovereign, giving him his authority. In 
 this countiy, ministers from abroad are re- 
 ceived by the president. . 
 
 If a minister at a foreign court treats 
 the sovereign with disrespect, the fact is 
 sometimes communicated to the govern- 
 ment that sent him, with a request for his 
 recall. Or, if the offense is a more serious 
 one, the offended sovereign refuses inter- 
 course with him while his master's answer 
 is awaited. Or, if the case is an aggrava- 
 ted one, he expels him from the country. 
 Every government has a right to judge for 
 itself whether the language or conduct of 
 a foreign minister is offensive. 
 
 Ministers at foreign governments, in 
 their negotiations or business correspond- 
 ence with those governments, sometimes 
 consider themselves ill-treated, and their 
 owB nation dishonored, and take their 
 leave and return home ; or the minister 
 informs his sovereign, who either recalls 
 him, or takes such other measure as he 
 shall think the honor and interest of his 
 nation demand. 
 
 The peculiar condition of a countr\% the 
 nature of the business upon which an em- 
 bassador is sent, or the personal character 
 of the embassador, may be such as to jus- 
 tify a government in refusing to receive 
 such embassador. But in order to pre- 
 
 serve the amicable relations of the two 
 countries, satisfactory explanations ought 
 to be made, or good reasons offered for the 
 refusal. 
 
 Ministers have not power to bind their 
 sovereigns to any treaty or agreement. 
 An ordinary credential, or letter of attor- 
 ney, does not authorize a minister to bind 
 his sovereign conclusively. He could not 
 do so without a special power, containing 
 express authority so to bind his principal. 
 Few governments would act so impru- 
 dently. Their ministers act under secret 
 instructions, which they are not bound to 
 disclose. Even the treaties signed by 
 plenipotentiaries, (a word signifying frill 
 poiver,) are, according to present usage, of 
 no force, until ratified by their sovereigns. 
 
 We have used the words embassador 
 and minister without distinction. The 
 different titles applied to representatives at 
 foreign courts, do not indicate any mate- 
 rial difference between them as to their 
 powers and privileges, but the different 
 degrees of dignity and respectability which 
 custom has attached to them. They are 
 differently classed by different writers. 
 Perhaps the following is correct: Elm- 
 bassadors. (2) Envoys and ministers pleni- 
 potentiary. (3) Ministers resident. (4) 
 Charges d'affairs. The United States are 
 reiiresentcd abroad by ministers and 
 charges d'affairs. 
 
 Consuls are not entitled to the'privileges 
 enjoyed by ministers ; but are subject to 
 the laws of the countrj' in which they re- 
 side. The principal duties of consuls have 
 been described. The ofhce of consul has 
 been found to be one of great utilitj' ; 
 hence, every trading nation has a consul 
 in every considerable commercial port in 
 the world. Their duties and privileges 
 are generally limited and defined in trea- 
 ties of commerce, or by the laws of the 
 country which they represent. As in the 
 case of ministers, consuls carrj' a certificate 
 of their appointment, and must be acknow- 
 ledged a.s consuls by the government with- 
 in whose sovereignty they reside, before 
 they can perform any duties pertaining to 
 their office. 
 
 Offt-nslve and Refonslve "War ; Jnst Cansea 
 and objects of War ; Reprisals; Alli- 
 ances In AVar. 
 
 Considering the immense cost of a war ; 
 the vast sacrifice of human life, and the 
 misery and sorrow consequent thereon ; 
 and its demoralizing effects upon a people; 
 men have formed the conclusion, tnat all 
 wars are inconsistent with the princij^les 
 of Christianity, and therefore wrong. But 
 it is not our purpose to discuss the ques- 
 tion of the lawfulness of war. The general 
 opinion prevalent among Christian nations 
 will be assumed ; namely, that self-pre- 
 servation, or the right of self-defense, is a
 
 102 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 part of the law of our nature ; and that it 
 13 the duty of civil society to protect the 
 lives and property of its members ; and 
 further, that such protection is an essential 
 consideration on which they enter into the 
 social compact. 
 
 Wars are offensive and defensive. The 
 use of force to obtain justice for injuries 
 done, is offensive war. The making use of 
 force against any power that attacks a na- 
 tion or its privileges, is defensive war. A 
 war may be defensive in its principles, 
 though offensive in its operation. Thus, 
 one nation is preparing to invade another ; 
 but before the threatened invasion takes 
 place, the latter attacks the former as the 
 best mode of repelling the invasion. In 
 this case, the party making the attack 
 would be acting on the defensive. The 
 contending parties are called belligerents. 
 The word belligerent is from the Latin 
 bellum, war, and gero, to wage, or carry on. 
 
 Nations that take no part in the contest, 
 are called neutrals. 
 
 War ought never to be undertaken with- 
 out the most cogent reasons. In the first 
 place, there must be aright to make war, 
 SLud just grounds for making it. Nations 
 have no right to employ force any further 
 than is necessary for their own defense, 
 and for the maintenance of their rights. 
 Secondly, it should be made from proper 
 motives; the good of the state, and the 
 safety and common advantage of the citi- 
 zens. Hence, there may be just cause for 
 war, when it would be inexpedient or im- 
 prudent to involve the nation in such ca- 
 lamity. 
 
 The numerous objects of a lawful war 
 may be reduced to these three : (1.) To re- 
 cover what belongs to us, or to obtain 
 satisfaction for injuries. (2.) To provide 
 for our future safety by punishing the of- 
 fender. (3.) To defend or protect ourselves 
 from injury by repelling unjust atttacks. 
 The first and second are objects of an 
 offensive war ; the third is that of a defen- 
 sive war. 
 
 Injury to an individual citizen of a state, 
 by the subjects of another state, is deemed 
 a ju'it cause of war, if tlie persons offending, 
 or the government of tlie state to which they 
 belong, do not make reparation for the in- 
 jury; for every nation is responsible for 
 the good behaviour of its subjects. But, 
 although this would, according to the law 
 of nations, afford justifiable cause of war, 
 neither the honor nor the true interests of 
 a nation, require, that war should always 
 be made for so slight a cause. 
 
 The honor and dignity of a nation 
 would, in some cases, be best maintained 
 by ita making indemnity to its injure(l 
 citizens, if satisfaction is refused, and suf- 
 fer the wrong to |)nss unredressed. An 
 individual who, though under the sanction 
 of law, should avenge every slight act of 
 
 violence committed upon his person, by 
 inflicting personal chastisement upon the 
 offender, would forfeit the public esteem. 
 Nor, as we suppose, is it necessary for a 
 nation, in order to retain the respect of 
 civilized nations, to seek redress for every 
 trifling injury, by a resort to war. A just 
 sense of duty would suggest forbearance, 
 at least until remonstrance against the re- 
 petition of injuries should be found un- 
 availing. 
 
 A government that unnecessarily in- 
 volves a whole nation in war, assumes a 
 fearful responsibility. Generally the in- 
 jury sought to be redressed should be se- 
 rious, and satisfaction be demanded and re- 
 fused, before recourse is had to arms. And 
 where there is a question of right between 
 the parties, the government making war 
 ought to have no reasonable doubt of the 
 justice of its claim. And even when no 
 such doubt exists, it would be the duty of 
 such government to prevent a war, if pos- 
 sible, by proposals of compromise. And 
 it is believed that, in no case ought war to 
 be made until attempts have been made to 
 effect an adjustment of difficulties by com- 
 promise, or by offers to submit them for 
 arbitration. 
 
 These sentiments, it is admitted, do not 
 accord with the general practice of na- 
 tions ; probably they will not receive the 
 assent of every reader. But it is believed, 
 that those who are well instructed in the 
 precepts of revealed religion, and draw their 
 ideas of moral obligation from that system 
 of morality, will find in these sentiments 
 nothing to condemn. In this enlightened, 
 Christian age, almost all national contro- 
 versies might be honorably settled without 
 bloodshed, even when, according to the 
 law of nations, just cause of war exists, if 
 the party aggrieved should faithfully en- 
 deavor, by all proper means, to effect a 
 peaceable adjustment. 
 
 One of the means by which satisfaction 
 is sought without making war, is that of 
 reprisals. If a nation has taken what be- 
 longs to another, or refuses to pay a debt, 
 or to make satisfaction for an injury, the 
 offended nation seizes something belonging 
 to the former or to her citizens, and retains 
 it, or applies it to her own advantage, till 
 she obtains satisfaction : and when there 
 shall be no longer any hope of satisfaction, 
 the effects thus seized are confiscated, ^and 
 the reprisals are complete. To confiscate 
 is to adjudge property to be forfeited, and 
 to appropriate it to the use and benefit of 
 the state. But as the loss in this case 
 would fall upon unoffending citizens, it is 
 the duty of their government to grant them 
 indemnity. 
 
 I5ut to justify reprisals by the law of na- 
 tions, the grounds upon which they are 
 authorize*! must be just and well ascer- 
 tained. W the right of the party demand-
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 103 
 
 ing aatisfaction is doubtful, he must first 
 demand an equitable examination of his 
 claim, and next be able to show that jus- 
 tice has been refused, before he can justly 
 take the nuitter into his own hands. He 
 has no right to disturb the peace and safety 
 of nations on a doubtful pretension. But 
 if the other party refuses to have the mat- 
 ter brought to the proof, or to accede t(j 
 any proposition for terminating the dis- 
 pute in a peaceable manner, reprisals be- 
 come lawful. 
 
 By treaties of alliance, nations some- 
 times agree to assist each other in case of 
 war with a third power. It is a question 
 not clearly settled, whether the govern- 
 ment that is to aflbrd the aid, is bound to 
 do so when it deems the war to be unjust. 
 The reasonable conclusion seems to be, 
 that, in cases simply doubtful, the justice 
 of the war is to be presumed ; and the 
 government pledging its aid is bound to 
 fulfill its engagement. The contrary doc- 
 trine would I'urnish a nation with too ready 
 a pretext for violating its pledge. In cases 
 only of the clearest injustice on the part 
 of its ally, can a nation rightfully avoid a 
 positive engagement to ail()rd assistance. 
 
 When, however, the object of the war is 
 hopeless, or when the state under such en- 
 gagement would, by furnishing the assist- 
 ance, endanger its own safety, it is not 
 bound to render the aid. But the danger 
 must not be slight, remote, or uncertain. 
 None but extreme cases would atlbrd suf- 
 ficient cause for withholding the promised 
 assistance. 
 
 When the alliance is defensive, the treaty 
 binds each party to assist the other only 
 when engaged in a defensive war, and un- 
 justly attacked. By the conventional law 
 of nations, the government that first de- 
 clares, or actually begins the war, is con- 
 sidered as making offensive war ; and though 
 it should not be the first actually to apply 
 force, yet if it first renders the application 
 of force necessary, it is the aggressor; and 
 the other partv. though first to apply force, 
 is engaged in a aefenxive war. 
 
 Declaration of AVur ; Its Effect upon tlie 
 
 Person and Property of tUe Enemy's 
 
 Subjects ; Stratagems In A\'ar. 
 
 When a nation has resolved on making 
 war, it is usual to announce the fact by a 
 public declaration. In monarchical gov- 
 ernments, the power to declare war, which 
 of course includes the right of determin- 
 ing the question whether it shall be made, 
 is vested in the king. In our own coun- 
 try, thispoweris, by the constitution, given 
 to the representatives of the people, for 
 reasons elsewhere stated. 
 
 It was the custom of the Romans, first to 
 send a herald to demand satisfoction of the 
 offending nation ; and if, within a certain 
 period, (thirty-three days,) a satisfactory' 
 
 answer was not returned, and war was re- 
 solved on, the herald was sent back as far 
 as the frontier, wliere he declared it. It 
 was considered due to the people of the of- 
 fending nation, that their chief, knowing 
 the consequences of refusing satisfaction, 
 might be induced to do justice, and to pre- 
 serve the lives and peace of his subjects. 
 War, without such demand and notice, was 
 regarded as unlawful. 
 
 Although the practice of all these for- 
 malities was not observed by nations in later 
 times, it was usual to make a simple de- 
 claration, and communicate it to the enemy. 
 But according to modem practice, war may 
 lawftally exist without a formal declaration 
 to the enemy. Any manifesto or paper 
 from an oflicial source, duly recognized by 
 the government, announcing that the coun- 
 try is in a state of war, is considered suf- 
 ficient. The act of recalling a minister 
 has alone been regarded as a hostile act, 
 and followed by war, without any other 
 declaration. Such cases, however, have 
 not been frequent. Under ordinary cir- 
 cumstances, the recall of a minister is not 
 an offensive act. 
 
 In the war between the United States 
 and Great Britain, declared in 1812, the 
 declaration was not communicated to the 
 British government ; but the war was ac- 
 tually commenced on our part immediately 
 after the act of Congress containing the 
 declaration was passed. The purposes of 
 a declaration are answered when due notice 
 of a state of war is given by the govern- 
 ment to its own citizens and those of neu- 
 tral nations, that they may govern them- 
 selves accordingly ; and the passage of the 
 act of Congress was deemed a formal of- 
 ficial notice to all the world. 
 
 The government of a state acts for and 
 in behalf of all its citizens ; and its acts 
 are binding upon all. Hence, when a war 
 is declared, it is not merely a war between 
 the two governments; all the subjects of 
 the government declaring it, become ene- 
 mies to all the subjects 'of that against 
 which it is deciared. 
 
 The severity of the rules of ancient war- 
 fare has been greatly mitigated. On the 
 breaking out of a war in any state, the 
 persons of the enemy found within the 
 state, and their property, became imme- 
 diately liable to be captured. And it is still 
 held to be the right of a state to confiscate 
 the property of such, and to detain the 
 persons themselves as prisoners of war. 
 Only movable property is thus liable to 
 confiscation. Houses and lands continue to 
 be the enemy's property ; the income there- 
 of only being subject to confiscation. 
 
 Vattel, however, and some others, main- 
 tain, that neither the subjects of an enemy 
 who are in a country when war is declared, 
 nor their effects, can be rightfully detained. 
 Permitting them to enter the state, and to
 
 104 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 continue therein, is a tacit promise of pro- 
 tection and security of return. They are 
 therefore allowed a reasonable time to re- 
 tire with their effects. Although this mild 
 construction of the law is supported by 
 high authority and extensive practice, and 
 is consistent, it would seem, with reason 
 and common justice ; the question has been 
 settled in this country in favor of the more 
 rigid rule. 
 
 By decisions of our national courts, war 
 gives the sovereign power of the nation 
 full right to take the persons and confiscate 
 the property of the enemy wherever they 
 may be found. But while these decisions 
 claimed for Congress the right of confisca- 
 tion, the confiscation could not be made 
 without a special law of Congress author- 
 izing it. So that, without any statute ap- 
 plying directly to the subject, the property 
 would continue under the protection of the 
 law, and might be claimed by the foreign 
 owner at the restoration of peace. 
 
 But whatever may be the true construc- 
 tion of the national law on this subject, 
 the government of every nation may grant 
 such privileges as it thinks proper, to the 
 subject of an enemy. Few civilized nations, 
 at the present day, would, it is believed, 
 deny such persons a reasonable time to re- 
 tire with their property. It is probably 
 owing, in a great measure, to the conflict- 
 ing opinions of the writers on public law, 
 that the privilege spoken of is now so 
 generally secured by treaty. 
 
 When war is declared, all intercourse be- 
 tween the two countries at once ceases. 
 All trade between the citizens, directly or 
 indirectly, is strictly forbidden ; and all 
 contracts with the enemy, made during the 
 war, are void. 
 
 Although a state of war makes all the 
 subjects of one nation enemies of all those 
 of the other, all are not allowed, at plea- 
 sure, to fall upon the enemy. They cannot 
 lawfully engage in offensive hostilities 
 without permission of their government. 
 If they have no written commission as 
 evidence of such permission, and if they 
 should be taken by the enemy, they would 
 not be entitled to the usual mild treatment 
 which other prisoners of war receive, but 
 might be treated without mercy as lawless 
 robbers and banditti. 
 
 The object of a just war is to obtain jus- 
 tice by force when it cannot otherwise be 
 had. When, therefore, a nation has de- 
 clared war, it has a right to use all necessary 
 means, and no other, for attaining that end. 
 A just war gives us the riglitto take the life 
 of the enemy ; but there are limits to this 
 right. If an enemy submits, and lays down 
 liis arms, we cannot justly take his life. 
 
 Although all the sul)jects of a govern- 
 ment are to be considered enemies, justice 
 i\ni\ humanity forbid that women, cliihlre.n, 
 feeble old men and sick persons, who make 
 
 no resistance, should be maltreated. Pris- 
 oners of war are not to be treated with 
 cruelty. They may be confined, and even 
 fettered, if there is reason to apprehend 
 that they will rise against their captors, or 
 make their escape. 
 
 Prisoners of war are detained to prevent 
 their returning to join the enemy, or to 
 obtain from their government a just satis- 
 faction as the price of their liberty. Pris- 
 oners may be kept till the end of the war. 
 Then, or at any time during the war, the 
 government may exchange them for its 
 own soldiers, taken prisoner by the enemy ; 
 or a ransom may be required for their re- 
 lease. It is the duty of the government to 
 procure, at its own expense, the release of 
 its citizens. 
 
 Ravaging a country, burning private 
 dwellings, or otherwise wantonly destroying 
 property, is not justifiable, except in cases 
 of absolute necessity. But ail fortresses, 
 ramparts, and the like, being appropriated 
 to the purposes of war, may be destroyed. 
 
 How far it is right to practice stratagems 
 and deceit to obtain advantage of an 
 enemy, we will not undertake to decide. 
 To some extent they are justified by the 
 law of nations ; but in general they are 
 dishonorable and wrong. 
 
 Spies are sometimes sent among the 
 enemy, to discover the state of his affairs, to 
 pry into his designs, and cany back infor- 
 mation. This is a dishonorable office ; and 
 spies, if detected, are condemned to death. 
 
 The rights of a nation in war at sea are 
 essentially different from those in war 
 upon land. The object of a maritime war 
 is to destroy the commerce and navigation 
 of the enemy, with a view of weakening 
 his naval power. To this end, the capture 
 or destruction of private property is 
 necessary, and is justified by the law of 
 nations. Hence, for purposes of attack as 
 well as defense, every nation of considera- 
 ble power or commercial importance keeps 
 a nary, consisting of a number of war 
 vessels, which are kept ready for service. 
 
 Besides these national ships of war, 
 there are armed vessels owned by private 
 citizens, which are called ^^n'ra^e^rA-. Their 
 owners receive from the government a com- 
 mission to go on the seas, and to cai)ture 
 any vessel of the enemy, whether it is 
 f)wned by the government or by private 
 citizens, or whether it is armed or not. 
 And to encourage privateering, the gov- 
 ernment allows the owner and crew to keep 
 the property captured as their own. 
 
 Tills right being liable to great abuse, . 
 the owners arc required to give security, 
 that the cruise shall be conducted accord- 
 ing to instructions and the usages of war; 
 and that the rights of neutral nations shall 
 not be violated ; and that they will bring 
 in tlie property cantured for adjudication. 
 When a prize is brought into port, tho '
 
 BOOK v.] 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 10-5 
 
 captors make a writing, called libel, stating 
 the facts of the capture, and praying that 
 the property may be condemned ; and this 
 paper is filed in the proper court. 
 
 If it shall be made to appear that the 
 property was taken from the enemy, the 
 court condemns the ])roperty as prize, 
 wiiich is then sold, and the proceeds are 
 distributed among the captors. All prizes, 
 whether taken by a public or ])rivate 
 armed vessel, primarily belong to the sov- 
 ereign ; and no person has any interest in 
 it except what he receives from the state : 
 and due proof must in all cases be made 
 before the proper court, that the seizure 
 was lawfully made. In this countiy, 
 prizes are proved and condemned in a dis- 
 trict court, which, when sitting for this 
 purpose, is called a prize court. 
 
 Rights and Duties of Neutral Nations ; 
 
 Contraband Quods ; Blockade ; RUjht» of Search ; Safe Con- 
 ducU and Pagsportt ; Truces ; Treaties of Peace, Jtc. 
 
 A NEUTRAL nation is bound to observe 
 a strict impartiality toward the parties at 
 war. If she should aid one party to the 
 injury of the other, she would be liable to 
 be herself treated as an enemy. A loan of 
 money to one of the belligerent parties, or 
 supplying him with other means of carry- 
 ing on a war, if done with the view of aid- 
 ing such party in the war, would be a vio- 
 lation of neutrality. But an engagement 
 made in time of peace to furnish a nation 
 a certain number of ships, or troops, or 
 other articles of war, may afterward, in 
 time of war, be fulfilled. 
 
 A nation is not bound, on the occurrence 
 of a war, to change its customary trade, 
 and to cease supplying a belligerent with 
 any articles of trade which such belligerent 
 was wont to receive from her, although the 
 goods may afford him the means of carry- 
 ing on the war. This rule applies also to 
 the loaning of money. If a nation has 
 been accustomed to lend money to another 
 for the sake of interest, and the latter 
 should become engaged in a war Avith a 
 third power, the neutral nation would not 
 break her neutrality if she should continue 
 so to lend her money. The wrong in any 
 case lies in the intention of aiding one to 
 the detriment of the other. 
 
 Vattel, however, in laying down this 
 rule, supposes the case of a belligerent go- 
 ing himself to a neutral country to make 
 his purchases. But in the case of a neu- 
 tral nation carrying goods to the enemy of 
 another, he does not appear to allow the 
 same liberty. A nation in a just war, has 
 a right to deprive her enemy of the means 
 of resisting or injuring her, and therefore 
 may lawfully intercept every thing of a 
 warlike nature which a neutral is carrying 
 to such enemy. 
 
 A neutral nation's being permitted to 
 continue her commerce with belliKcrent 
 
 nations, and at the same time to furnish 
 them with the means of war, renders it dif- 
 ficult sometimes to determine how far 
 freedom of trade is consistent with the 
 laws of war. In determining this question, 
 it is necessary to distinguish correctly be- 
 tween goods that do not subserve the pur- 
 poses of war, and those that do; for na- 
 tions should enjoy full liberty to trade in 
 the former. To attemj)t to stop this tradii 
 would be a violation of the rights of neu- 
 tral nations. 
 
 Articles which are particularly useful in 
 war, are those which a neutral is not al- 
 lowed to carry to an enemy. The goods 
 thus prohibited are called contraband 
 goods. What these are, it is impossible to 
 say with precision, as some articles may in 
 certain cases be lawfully carried, which 
 would be justly prohibited under other 
 circumstances. Among the articles usual- 
 ly contraband, are arrtis, ammunition, 
 materials for ship-building, naval stores, 
 horses, and sometimes even provisions. 
 
 Contraband goods, when ascertained to 
 be such, are confiscated to the captors as 
 lawful prize. Formerly the vessel also 
 was liable to be condemned and confis- 
 cated; but the modern practice, it is 
 said, exempts the ship, unless it belongs to 
 the owner of the contraband articles, or 
 the carrying of them is connected with ag- 
 gravating circumstances. 
 
 One of the rights of a beligerent nation, 
 and one which a neutral is bound to re- 
 gard, is the right of blockade. Blockade is 
 a blocking up. A war blockade is the 
 stationing of ships of war at the entrance 
 of an enemy's ports, to prevent all vessels 
 from coming out or going in. The object 
 of a blockade is to hinder supplies of 
 arms, ammunition and provisions from en- 
 tering, with a view to compel a surrender 
 by hunger and want, without an attack. 
 A neutral vessel attempting to enter or de- 
 part, becomes liable to be seized and con- 
 demned. Towns and fortresses also may be 
 shut up by posting troops at the avenues. 
 A smipie decree or order declaring a 
 certain coast or country in a state of block- 
 ade does not constitute a lawful blockade. 
 A force must be stationed there, competeiit 
 to maintain the blockade, and to make it 
 dangerous to enter. And it is necessary, al- 
 so, that the neutral should have due notice 
 of the blockade in order to subject his prop- 
 erty to condemnation and forfeiture. Ac- 
 cording to modern usage, if a place is 
 blockaded by sea only commerce with it by 
 a neutral may be carried on by inland com- 
 munication.' Also, a neutral vessel, loaded 
 before the blockade was established, has a 
 right to leave the port with her cargo. 
 
 To prevent the conveyance of contra- 
 band goods, the law of nations gives a bel- 
 ligerent nation the n(/Ai «f search ; that is, 
 the right, in time of war, to search ueu-
 
 106 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book v. 
 
 tral vessels, to ascertain their character, 
 and what articles are on board. A neutral 
 vessel refusing to be searched by a lawful 
 cruiser, would thereby render herself lia- 
 ble to condemnation as a prize. Private 
 merchant vessels only are subject to 
 search ; the right does not extend to public 
 ships of war. 
 
 To prove the neutral character of a ves- 
 sel, she must be furnished with the neces- 
 sary documents. The papers required are, 
 sea-letters or passports, describing the 
 name, property, and burden of the ship ; 
 the name and residence of the command- 
 er ; and certificates containing the partic- 
 ulars of the cargo, and place whence the 
 ship sai I ed, signed by the oflBcers of the port. 
 In a time of universal peace the register 
 of the vessel has been deemed sufficient. 
 
 The property of an enemy found on 
 board of a neutral vessel, may be seized, if 
 the vessel is beyond the limits of the juris- 
 diction of the nation to which she belongs ; 
 but the vessel is not confiscated ; and the 
 master is moreover entitled to freight for 
 the carriage of the goods. The property of 
 neutrals found in an enemy^s vessels, is to 
 be restored to the owners. 
 
 A neutral is forbidden, by the law and 
 practice of nations, to permit a belligerent 
 to arm and equip vessels of war within 
 her ports. And our own government has, 
 in conformity with the law of nations, de- 
 clared it to be a misdemeanor for any of 
 our citizens to fit out any vessel within the 
 United States, or to accept or exercise a 
 commission, or to enlist, or hire another 
 to enlist, to go beyond the limits of the 
 United States, to assist any people in war 
 against another with whom we are at peace. 
 
 It has been observed, that, in time of 
 peace, the people of one nation are entitled 
 to an innocent passage over the lands and 
 waters of another. It is held that this 
 right extends to troops of war. But he 
 who desires to march his troops through a 
 neutral country must apply to the govern- 
 ment of the neutral nation for permission ; 
 for it rests' with the sovereign authority 
 to judge whether the passage would be in- 
 nocent. Such passage can scarcely be 
 made without damage. 
 
 If a passage is granted to the troops 
 of one belligerent, the other has no just 
 ground of complaint against the neutral 
 state. But if a neutral nation grants or 
 refus(!s a passage to one of the parties at 
 war, she ought also to grant or refuse it to 
 the other, unless .she was previously bound 
 U) the former by treaty ; in which case a 
 passage can be justly claimed under the 
 provisions of the treaty. 
 
 ft is sometimes agreed to suspend hos- 
 tilities for a time. If the agreement is 
 only for a short neriod, for the purpose of 
 burying the dead after battle, or for a par- 
 icy between the hostile generals, or if it 
 
 regards only some particular place, it is 
 called a cessation or suspension of arms. 
 If for a considerable time, and especially 
 if general, it is called a truce. By a par- 
 tial truce, hostilities are suspended in cer- 
 tain places, as between a town and the 
 general besieging it ; and generals have 
 power to make such truces. By a gene- 
 ral truce, hostilities are to cease generally, 
 and in all places, and are made by the 
 governments or sovereigns. Such truces 
 afford opportunities for nations to settle 
 their disputes by negotiation. 
 
 A truce binds the contracting parties 
 from the time it is made ; but individuals 
 of the nation are not responsible for its vio- 
 lation before they have had due notice of 
 it. And for all prizes taken after the time 
 of its commencement, the government is 
 bound to make restitution. During the 
 cessation of hostilities, each party may, 
 within his own territories, continue his 
 preparations for war, without being charge- 
 able with a breach of good faith. 
 
 Safe conducts and passports are written 
 licenses insuring safety to persons in pass- 
 ing and repassing, or insuring a safe pas- 
 sage of property. The right to grant safe 
 conducts rests in the supreme authority of 
 a state ; but the right is either expressly 
 delegated to subordinate officers, or they 
 derive it from the nature of their trust. If 
 a person suffers damage by a violation of 
 his passport, he is entitled to indemnity 
 from him who promised security. 
 
 War is generally terminated, and peace 
 secured, by treaties, called treaties of peace. 
 The manner of making treaties has been 
 described. A treaty of peace puts an end 
 to the war, and leaves the contracting par- 
 ties no right to take up arms again for the 
 same cause. Hence, the parties agree to 
 preserve " perpetual peace," which, how- 
 ever, relates only to the war which the 
 treatj' terminates ; but does not bind either 
 party never to make war on the other for 
 any cause that may thereafter arise. 
 
 The contracting parties to a treaty of 
 peace are bound by it from the time of its 
 conclusion, which is the day on which it 
 is signed ; but, as in the case of a truce, 
 
 Eersons are not held responsible for any 
 ostile acts committed before the treaty 
 was known ; and their government is 
 bound to order and to enforce the restitu- 
 tion of pro])erty captured subsequently to 
 the conclusion of the treaty. 
 
 War is sometimes terminated by media- 
 tion. A friend to both i>artie3, desirous of 
 stoj)ping the destruction of human life, 
 kindly endeavors to reconcile the parties. 
 The frienrlly sovereign who thus interpo- 
 ses, is called mediator. Many desolating 
 wars might have been early arrested in 
 this way, had tliere always been among 
 friendly powers generally a disposition to 
 recoDcile contending nations. 
 
 i
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 A FEDEEAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 SHOWING THE 
 
 OFFICES, SALARIES AND METHODS OF APPOINTMENT.
 
 I
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 A FEDEKAL BLUE BOOK, 
 
 SHOWING THE 
 
 OFFICES, SALARIES, AND METHODS OF APPOINTMENT. 
 
 Execatlve. 
 
 COMPENSATION. 
 
 President $50,000. 
 
 Vice President 8,000. 
 
 Private Secretary 3,250. 
 
 Ass't. Secretary 2,250. 
 
 Executive Clerks, two, 
 
 each 2,000. 
 
 Stenographer 1,800. 
 
 Clerks, three,$l,800, $1,400, 1,200. 
 
 Steward 1,800. 
 
 Usher 1,400. 
 
 Messengers, five 1,200. 
 
 Doorkeepers, four 1,200. 
 
 Watchman 900. 
 
 Furnace-keeper 8G4. 
 
 [All of the minor officers in the Execu- 
 tive Chamber are appointed by the Presi- 
 dent, as a rule, without other influence 
 than his own knowledge and wish.] 
 
 Ctovemmentjil Dntlea. 
 
 The Federal Government is the central 
 authority of the United States. It was 
 organized in 1789, in accordance with the 
 provisions of the Federal constitution. 
 The instrument provides for a legislative, 
 a judicial, and an executive department. 
 
 The Legislative Department consists of 
 Congress, which is a body of men repre- 
 senting the people and acting in the place 
 of them. This body meets yearly in the 
 Capitol at Washington, on the first Mon- 
 day in December. The regular sessions of 
 Congress begin at this time, and close by 
 custom, at twelve o'clock at night, on the 
 third of the following March. The Presi- 
 dent can call an extra session whenever 
 circumstances demand it. A Congress is 
 51 
 
 said to exist two years, because the larger 
 number of those who compose that body 
 are elected for that time. [" To detenmne 
 the years covered by a given Congress, 
 double the number of the Congress and 
 add the product to 1789 ; the result will be 
 the year in which the Congress closed. To 
 find the number of a Congress sitting in 
 any given year, subtract 1789 from the 
 year; if the result is an even number, half 
 that number will give the Congress, of 
 which the year in question will be the clos- 
 ing year. If the result is an odd number, 
 add one to it, and half the result will give 
 the Congress, of which the year in question . 
 will be the first year," — Am. Almanac] 
 Congress enacts laws, and consists of the 
 Senate and the House of Representatives. 
 These bodies, when acting in a legislative 
 capacity, have the same duties and powers. 
 Laws are passed by the concurrent action 
 of both houses. 
 
 The Senate is composed of two members 
 from each state, chosen for six years by the 
 legislatures thereof. Over this body the 
 Vice-President presides. AVithout the con- 
 currence of the House, the Senate aids as 
 a high court to try cases of impeachment ; 
 authorizes the President to make treaties ; 
 and rejects or confirms the President's 
 nominations to oflice. 
 
 The House of Representatives is composed 
 of members chosen for two years by the 
 people. The number of representatives 
 changes with the increase ot population. 
 The House has the exclusive power of ori- 
 ginating bills for raising revenues and pro- 
 viding for trials by impeachment. 
 
 The Judicial Department determines the 
 
 3
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 meaning of the laws, and consists of the ] 
 Supreme Court and Inferior Courts. 
 
 The Supreme Court, the highest judicial 
 tribunal in the Union, is composed of the 
 Chief Justice and nine associates. It is 
 held annually at Washington city, com- 
 mencing its sessions on the first Monday 
 in December. Most of its labors are con- 
 fined to hearing and determining appeals 
 from Inferior Courts. The decisions of the 
 Supreme Court are regularly reported, and 
 fiirnish autliority for all judicial tribunals 
 in the Union. The reports, extending to 
 more than seventy-nine volumes, are high- 
 ly valued in foreign countries, especially 
 in cases where the laws of the nations and 
 of the sea are involved. 
 
 The Inferior Courts are Circuit Courts, 
 District Courts, the Court of Claims, Local 
 Courts in the District of Columbia, and 
 Territorial Courts. Circuit Courts are held 
 within nine circuits, which include the 
 states of the Union. The District Courts 
 are held in judicial districts, and the Court 
 of Claims, at Washington. 
 
 The Executive Department executes the 
 laws, and consists of the President, aided 
 by the heads of departments with their 
 under-officials. Attached to this branch 
 of the government are the Departments of 
 State, Treasury, War, Navy, Post-Ofiice, 
 Justice, and Interior. The seven otficials 
 who head these departments constitute the 
 cabinet, a name given to the body of men 
 whom the President appoints as his execu- 
 tive ofiicers and advisers. 
 
 DEPARTMENT DUTIES. 
 
 Department ot State. * 
 
 THE SECRETAEY OF STATE. 
 
 The Secretary of State is charged, under 
 the direction of the President, with the 
 duties appertaining to correspondence with 
 the public ministers and consuls of the 
 United States, and with the representa- 
 tives of foreign powers accredited to the 
 United States ; and to negotiations of what- 
 ever charnctcr relating to the foreign affairs 
 of the United States. He is also the me- 
 dium of correspondence between the Pre- 
 sident and tlie chief executive of the seve- 
 ral States of the United States ; he has the 
 custody of the great seal of the United 
 States, and countersigns and aflixes such 
 seal to all executive proclamations, to 
 various commissions, and to warrants for 
 pardon, and the extradition of fugitives 
 from justice. He is regarded as the first 
 in rank among the members f)f tlie ( -ahi- 
 net. Iff is also tlie nistodian of the trea- 
 ties made with foreign states, and of the 
 laws of the United States. He grants and 
 
 • From Bon Pcrli-y roorc'g ConxreBHlotiiil PiroctDry. 
 
 issues passports, and exequaturs to foreign 
 consuls in the United States are issued 
 through his office. He publishes the laws 
 and resolutions of Congress, amendments 
 to the Constitution, and proclamations de- 
 claring the admission of new States into 
 the Union. He is also charged with cer- 
 tain annual reports to Congress relating to 
 commercial information received from di- 
 plomatic and consular officers of the United 
 States. 
 
 THE ASSISTAJn" SECRETARY OF STATE 
 
 Becomes the Acting Secretary of State, in 
 the absence of the Secretary. Under the 
 organization of the Department the Assis- 
 tant Secretary, Second Assistant Secretary, 
 and Third Assistant Secretary are respec- 
 tively charged with the immediate super- 
 vision of all correspondence with the di- 
 plomatic and consular officers in the coun- 
 tries named in Division A, B, and C, of 
 those bureaus, and of the miscellaneous 
 correspondence relating thereto, and, in 
 general, they are entrusted with the pre- 
 paration of the correspondence upon any 
 question arising in the course of the pub- 
 lic business that may be assigned to them 
 by the Secretary. 
 
 THE CHIEF CLERK. 
 
 The Chief Clerk has the general super- 
 vision of the clerks and employees and of 
 the business of the Department. 
 
 BUREAU OF INDEXES AKD ARCHIVES. 
 
 The duty of opening the mails ; preparing, 
 registering, and indexing daily all corres- 
 pondence to and from the Department, both 
 by subjects and persons ; the preservation of 
 the archives ; answering calls of the Secre- 
 tary, Assistant Secretaries, Chief Clerk, and 
 chiefs of bureaus for correspondence, &c. 
 
 DIPLOMATIC BUREAU. 
 
 Diplomatic correspondence and miscel- 
 laneous correspondence relating thereto. 
 
 Division A. — Correspondence with 
 France, Germany, and Great Britain, and 
 miscellaneous correspondence relating to 
 those countries. 
 
 Division B. — Correspondence with Ar- 
 gentine Republic, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, 
 Chili, Denmark, Greece, Italy, Nether- 
 lands, Paraguay, Peru, Portugal, Russia, 
 and Uruguay, and miscellaneous corres- 
 pondence relating to those countries. 
 
 Diinsion C. — Correspondence with Bar- 
 bary States, Bolivia,- Central America, Co- 
 lumbia, China, Ecuador, Egyj)t, Fiji Is- 
 hands, Friendly and Navigator's Islands, 
 Hawaiian Islands, Hayti, .Japan, Liberia, 
 Madagascar, Mexico, Muscat, San Domin- 
 go, Sinm, Society Islands, Turkey, VenC' 
 zuela, and other countries, not assigned 
 and miscellaneous corrcs2K)ndence relating 
 to those coun fries. 
 
 1
 
 BOOK VI. J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 CONSULAR BUREAU. 
 
 Correspondence with consulates, and 
 miscellaneous correspondence relating 
 thereto. 
 
 There are three divisions, A, B, and C, 
 witli certain countries allotted to each, as 
 in the Diplomatic Bureau. 
 
 BUREAU OF ACCOUNTS. 
 
 Custody and disbursement of appropria- 
 tions under direction of the Department; 
 charged with custody of indemnity funds 
 and bonds ; care of the building and pro- 
 perty of the Department. 
 
 ROLLS AND LIBRARY. 
 
 Custody of the rolls, treaties, &c. : pro- 
 mulgation of the laws, &c. ; care and 
 superintendence of the library and public 
 documents ; care of the revolutionary arcii- 
 ives, and of papers relating to internation- 
 al commissions. 
 
 STATISTICS, 
 
 Preparation of the reports on Commer- 
 cial Relations. 
 
 EXAMINER OF CLAIMS. 
 
 From the Department of Justice.] 
 
 The examination of questions of law and 
 other matters submitted by the Secretary 
 or the Assistant Secretary, and of all 
 claims. 
 
 Tlie Treasury Department. 
 
 THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 
 
 The Secretary of the Treasury has charge 
 of the national finances. He digests and 
 prepares plans for the improvement and 
 management of the revenue and support of 
 the public credit; he superintends the col- 
 lection of the revenue, and ]>rescribes the 
 forms of keeping and rendering all public 
 accounts, and making returns; grants all 
 warrants for money to be issued from the 
 Treasury in pursuance of appropriations by 
 law ; makes report and gives information to 
 either branch of Congress, as may be re- 
 quired, respecting all matters referred to 
 him by the Senate or House of Represen- 
 tatives, and generally performs all such 
 services relative to the finances as he is di- 
 rected to perform ; controls the erection of 
 public buildings, the coinage and printing 
 of money, the collection of commercial 
 statistics, the marine hospitals, the revenue- 
 cutter service, the life-saving service. 
 Under his superintendence the Light- 
 House Board discharges the duties relative 
 to the construction, illumination, inspec- 
 tion, and superintendence of light-houses, 
 light-vessels, beacons, buoys, sea-marks and 
 their appendages; makes provision for the 
 payment of the jiublic debtunder enactment 
 of Congress, and publishes statements con- 
 
 cerning it, and submits to Congress, at the 
 commencement of each session, estimates 
 of the probable receipts, ami ol'the recjuired 
 ex])enditures, for the ensuing fiscal year. 
 The routine work of the Secretary's 
 office is transacted in the following ollices: 
 Division of Apimintments ; Division of 
 Warrants, Estimates, and Appropriations ; 
 Division of Public Moneys; Division of 
 Customs ; Division of Internal Revenue 
 and Navigation ; Division of Loans and 
 Currency; Division of Revenue Marine; 
 Division of Stationery, Printing, and 
 Blanks; Division of S2)ecial Agents; and 
 two disbursing-clcrks pay the salaries and 
 compensation of the ofiicers and employes 
 of the Department, and disburse, uj)on the 
 orders of the Secretary, such moneys :is 
 have been appropriated to be expended 
 under the direction of the Department. 
 
 ASSISTANT SECRETARIES OF THE TREA- 
 SURY. 
 
 One of the two Assistant Secretaries 
 (now Hon. .J. K. Upton) has the general 
 supervision of all the work assigned to the 
 Divisions of Appointments, Warrants, Es- 
 timates, and Appropriations, Public 
 Moneys, Stationery, Printing and Blanks, 
 Loans and Currency. Bureau of Engraving 
 and Printing, and office of the Director of 
 the Mint ; the signing of all letters and 
 papers as Assistant Secretary, or " by 
 order of the Secretary," relating to the 
 business of the foregoing divisions and bu- 
 reau, that do not by law require the signa- 
 ture of the Secretary of the Treasury ; the 
 performance of such other duties as may 
 be prescribed by the Secretary or by law. 
 
 The other Assistant Secretary (now Hon. 
 H. F. French) has the general supervision 
 of all the work assignee! to the Divisions of 
 Customs, Special Agents, Revenue ]\Ia- 
 rine. Internal Revenue and Navigation, 
 and to the offices of Supervising Architect, 
 General Superintendent Life-Saving Ser- 
 vice, Supervising Surgeon-treneral of the 
 Marine Hospital Service, Bureau of Statis- 
 tics, and Supervising Inspector-General of 
 Steamboats ; the signing of all letters and 
 papers as Assistant Secretary, or " by oriler 
 of the Secretary," relating to the business 
 of the foregoing divisions, that do not by 
 law require the signature of the Secretary 
 of the Treasury ; the performance of such 
 other duties as may be prescribed by the 
 Secretary or by law. 
 
 THE FIRST COMPTROLLER. 
 
 The First Comptroller countersigns all 
 warrants issued by the Secretarj' of the 
 Treasurv, covering the public revenues into 
 the Treasury, and authorizing payments 
 therefrom. All accounts examined by the 
 First Auditor, except those which go to 
 the Commissioner of Customs, and all ex- 
 amined bv the Fifth Auditor, and accounts
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 and examined by the Commissioner of the 
 General Land-Office, are re-examined and 
 revised in the First Comptroller's Office. 
 Here, also, are examined and reported on 
 the drafts for salaries and expenses drawn 
 by ministers and consuls abroad, and the 
 requisition for advances drawn by marshals, 
 collectors of internal revenue, secretaries 
 of the Territories, and otlier disbursing-offi- 
 cers. Powers of attorney for the collection of 
 drafts on the Treasury are examined ; and 
 many other duties, having reference 
 to the adjustment of claims against the 
 United States, pertain to the office, but are 
 of too varied a character to be enumerated. 
 
 THE SECOND COMPTROLLER. 
 
 Accounts received from the Second, 
 Third, and Fourth Auditors against the 
 United States are examined, revised, and 
 certified to, viz : Reported by the Second 
 Auditor — for organizing volunteers, re- 
 cruiting, pay of the Army, special military 
 accounts, Army ordnance, the Indian ser- 
 vice, the Army Medical Department, con- 
 tingent military expezises, bounty to 
 soldiers, the Soldiers' Home, and the 
 National Home for Disabled Volunteers. 
 Reported by the Third Auditor — disburse- 
 ments by the Quartermaster's Department, 
 the Subsistence Department, the Engineer 
 Department, Army pensions, property 
 taken by military authority for the use 
 of the Army, and nuscellaneous war- 
 claims. Reported by the Fourth Auditor 
 — disbursements for the Marine Cori)s, by 
 the Navy paymasters for pay and rations, 
 by the paymasters at the navy -yards, for 
 Navy pensions at foreign stations, and the 
 financial agent at London. 
 
 These accounts are examined in Divi- 
 sions, devoted respectively to the affiiirs of 
 Army raiimasters, Army Quartermasters, 
 Navy Paymasters and the Marine Corps, 
 Army Pensions, Miscellaneous Claims, and 
 Indian Affairs. 
 
 THE CO^fMISSIOXER OF CUSTOMS. 
 
 The Commissioner of Customs revises 
 and certifies the accounts of revenue col- 
 lected from duties on imports and tonnage ; 
 of mr)neys received on account of the 
 marine-hospital fund, fines, penalties, and 
 forfeitures under the customs and naviga- 
 tion laws; steamboat inspection; licenses 
 to pilots, engineers, &c. ; and from miscel- 
 laneous sources connectc'd with customs 
 matters, accounts of the importation, with- 
 drawal, transportation, and exportation of 
 goods under the war(>house system ; for 
 disbursements for the expenses of collect- 
 ing the revcnne from customs, revenue-cut- 
 ter service, construction and maintenance 
 of lights, marine hosj)itals, dclx'titures, ex- 
 cess of dej)osits for unascertained duties, 
 refund of duties exacted in excess, life-sav- 
 ing service, construction of custom-houses 
 
 and marine hospitals ; fuel, light, water, 
 &Q.., for custonu-houses, &c. ; approves and 
 files the official bonds given by customs 
 officers, and transmits their commissions ; 
 files the oaths of office of the persons paid 
 in the accounts certified by him ; and pre- 
 pares for the use of the hiw-oflicers of the 
 Department the accounts of those in 
 arrears under the heads above mentioned. 
 The office is organized in four Divisions, 
 viz: Customs, Book-keeper^ s, Bond, and 
 Miscellaneous. 
 
 THE FIRST AUDITOR. 
 
 It is the duty of the First Auditor to re- 
 ceive all accounts accruing in the Treasury 
 Department (except those arising under 
 the internal-revenue laws), and, after ex- 
 amination, to certify the balance, and 
 transmit the accounts, with the vouchers 
 and certificate, to the First Comptroller or 
 to the Commissioner of Customs, having 
 respectively the revision thereof. The sub- 
 ordinate Divisions of his office are — 
 
 Customs Division. — Receipts and ex- 
 penditures of the customs service, includ- 
 ing fines, emoluments, forfeitures, deben- 
 tures, drawb^icks, marine-hospital service, 
 revenue-cutter service, &c. 
 
 Judiciary Division. — Salaries of United 
 States marshals, dit-trict attorneys, commis- 
 sioners and clerks ; rent of court-houses, 
 support of prisoners. &c. 
 
 Public Debt Division. — Redemption of 
 the public debt, including principal, 
 premium, and interest ; payment of inter- 
 est ; redemption of certificates of deposit ; 
 notes destroyed. 
 
 Warchoiise and Bond Division. — Ex- 
 amination of accounts received from cus- 
 tom-houses. 
 
 Miscellaneous Division. — Accounts of 
 mints and assay offices ; Territories ; Coast 
 Survey ; salaries and contingent ex])cnses 
 of the legislative, executive, and judicial 
 departments of the Government; construc- 
 tion, repair, and preservation of public 
 buildings ; Treasurer of the LTnited States 
 for general receipts and expenditures. 
 
 THE SECOND AUDITOR. 
 
 The Second Auditor examines, adjusts, 
 and transfers to the Second Comptroller 
 all accounts relating to bounties, the re- 
 cruiting service, the pay and clothing of 
 the Army, the subsistence of oflicers, 
 medical and hospital accounts, the pay of 
 private physicians, and the expenses oithe 
 War Department, contingent disburse- 
 ments of the Army, and all accounts relat- 
 ing to Indian AfTairs. The Divisions are— 
 
 Pay)na.'<ters' Division. — Army paymas- 
 ters' accounts and payments to the soldiers' 
 1 loine and the National Home for Disabled 
 Volunteers. 
 
 Misrellnnonus Claims Division. — Ac- 
 counts of the Ordnance and Medical De-
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 partments of the Army, contingent ex- 
 penses, Army jMedical Museum and publi- 
 cations, regular and volunteer recruiting, 
 i'reemeu's bcninty and pay. 
 
 Indian A/fairs Division. — Disburse- 
 ments for tlie Indians, money accounts 
 and property returns of Indian agents, and 
 claims tor goods supplied and services 
 rendered. 
 
 I'ai/and Bounty Dioinion. — Examination 
 and adjustment of claims of white and 
 colored soldiers and their legal heirs for 
 pay and bounty. 
 
 Investigation of Frauds Division. — In- 
 vestigation of alleged cases of forgery, 
 fraud, over-payments, unlawful withhold- 
 ing of money, &c., in the payment of white 
 and colored soldiers. 
 
 Book-keeper's Division. — Accounts of the 
 numerous requisitions drawn by the Se(.'re- 
 taries of War and Interior, examined and 
 charged to various approi)riatious. 
 
 THE THIRD AUDITOR. 
 
 The Third Auditor examines, adjusts, 
 and transfers to the Second Comptroller 
 all accounts relating to the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department, the Engineer Corps, 
 and the Commissary-General's Department 
 of the Army ; claims for lost horses, ac- 
 counts of unpaid pensions. State war- 
 claims, and the claims of States for organiz- 
 ing, arming, and equipping volunteers 
 after ISlU. The Divisions of the Third 
 Auditor's Office are — 
 
 Book-keeper's Division. — Accounts of the 
 numerous requisitions drawn by the 
 Secretary of AVar and of the Interior, ex- 
 amined and charged to various appropria- 
 tions. 
 
 Quartermaster's Division. — Accounts of 
 disbursements for barracks and quarters, 
 hospitals, offices, stables, and transporta- 
 tion of supplies ; the purchase of clothing, 
 camp and garrison equipage, horses, fuel, 
 forage, straw, bedding, and stationery ; 
 payments of hired men and of extra-duty 
 men; expenses incurred in the apprehen- 
 sion of deserters ; for the burial of officers 
 and soldiers; for hired escorts, expresses, 
 interpreters, spies, and guides ; for veteri- 
 nary surgeons and medicines tor horses ; for 
 supplying posts with water; and for all 
 other authorized outlays connected with 
 the movements of the Army not expressly 
 assigned. 
 
 Subsistence and Engineer Division. — Ac- 
 counts of all commissaries and acting com- 
 missaries in the Army, whose duties are to 
 purchase the provisions and stores neces- 
 sary for its subsistence, and to see to their 
 proper distribution; also, accounts of 
 officers of the Corps of Engineers who dis- 
 burse money for the expenses of the ■Mili- 
 tary Academy, the imjirovement of rivers 
 and harbors, the construction and pre- 
 
 servation of fortifications, the surveys on 
 the coasts, the surveys of lakes and rivers, 
 and the construction and repair of break- 
 waters. 
 
 Army Pension Division. — The duties of 
 this division embrace the settlement of all 
 accounts which pertain to the i)ayment of 
 Army pensions throughout tlie United 
 States. An account is kept with each 
 pension agent, charging him with all 
 moneys advanced for payment to pension- 
 ers, under the projier bond and fiscal year. 
 At the end of each month the agent for- 
 wards his vouchers, abstract of payments, 
 and money statement direct to this ofiice, 
 where a preliminary examination is made 
 to sec if the money advanced is properly 
 accounted for. The receipt of the account 
 is then acknowledged, and the account 
 filed for audit. Each voucher is subse- 
 quently examined, and the payment en- 
 tered on the roll-book opposite the pen- 
 sioner's name. The agent's account, when 
 audited, is reported to the Second Comp- 
 troller for his revision, and a copy of the 
 statement of errors, if any, sent to the 
 agent for his information and explana- 
 tion. The account, when revised, it re- 
 turned by the Second Comf)troller to this 
 office and placed in the settled files, where 
 it permanently remains. 
 
 State War and Horse Claims Division. 
 — The settlement of all claims of the 
 several States and Territories for the ex- 
 penses incurred by them for enrolling, sub- 
 sisting, clothing, arming, paying, and trans- 
 porting their troops while employed by the 
 Government in aiding to suppress the re- 
 cent insurrection against the United 
 States ; also, the settlement of claims for 
 the loss of horses and equipages sustained 
 by officers and enlisted men while in the 
 military service, and for horses, mules, &c., 
 lost while in service by impressment or 
 contract. 
 
 Miscellaneotis Claims Division. — The 
 adjustment of claims for the appropriation 
 of stores, the purchase of vessels, railroad 
 stock, horses, and other means of trans- 
 portation ; the occupation of real estate, 
 court-martial fees, traveling expenses, &c. ; 
 claims for compensation for vessels, cars, 
 engines, &c., lost in the military service; 
 claims growing out of the Oregon and 
 Washington war of 1855 and 1856, and 
 other Indian wars; claims of various 
 descriptions under s])ecial acts of Congress, 
 and claims not otherwise assigned for ad- 
 judication. 
 
 CoUcction Division. — Prepares accounts 
 for suits against defaulting officers; an- 
 swers all calls for information from the 
 files of the office ; examines all claims for 
 bounty-land and ]iensions granted to the 
 soldiers of 1S12, and certifies them to the 
 Commissioner of Pensions.
 
 8 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 THE FOrRTH AUDITOR. 
 
 The Fourth Auditor examines, adjusts, 
 and transfers to the Second Comptroller all 
 accounts concerning the pay, expenditures, 
 pensions, and prize-money of the Navy 
 and the accounts of the Xa%7- Department. 
 The subordinate Divisions of the Bureau 
 are — 
 
 Record Prize Division. — Adjusts the 
 prize-money accounts and prepares tabu- 
 lated statements called for by Congress. 
 
 Navy-Agents Division. — Examines the 
 accounts of the disbursements by the navy- 
 agents at Portsmouth, Boston, Xew York, 
 Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, and 
 San Francisco. 
 
 Paymasters' Division. — Examines the 
 accounts of paymasters, including mechan- 
 ics' rolls. 
 
 THE FIFTH AUDITOR. 
 
 The Fifth Auditor examines, adjusts, 
 and transfers to the First Comptroller the 
 diplomatic and consular accounts, the ex- 
 penditures of the Department of State and 
 the Bureau of Internal Eevenue. There 
 are two Divisions : 
 
 Diplomatic and Consular Divimon. — Ad- 
 justment is made of the expenses of all 
 missions abroad for salaries, contingencies, 
 and loss by exchange ; cousular fees, 
 salaries, and emoluments ; consular courts 
 and prisons ; the relief of American sea- 
 men ; the return of American seamen 
 charged with crime ; the expenses of 
 claims, commissions, boundary-surveys, &c. 
 
 Internal-Revenue Division. — Accounts 
 for assessing and of collecting the internal 
 revenue, including the salaries, commis- 
 sions, and allowances of the assessors and 
 collectors, their contingent expenses, &c. ; 
 the cost of revenue-stamps ; the accounts 
 for salaries and expenses of supervisors, 
 agents, and surveyors of distilleries; the 
 fees and expenses of gangers ; counsel-fees, 
 and taxes refunded. 
 
 THE SIXTH AUDITOR. 
 
 The Sixth Auditor examines and adjusts 
 all accounts relating to the j)Ostal service, 
 and his decisions on these are final, unless 
 an apjjeal be taken in twelve months to the 
 First Comptroller. He superintends the 
 collection of all debts due the Post-Office 
 Department, and all penalties imposed on 
 po.stmasters and mail-contractors ; directs 
 suits and legal procedings, civil and crimi- 
 nal, and takes ail such measures as may be 
 authorized by law to enforce the payment 
 of moneys due to the Dej)artmeiit. There 
 are eight subordinati! divisif)ns, viz: 
 
 CoUectinf/ Division. — The collection of 
 balances due from all postmasters, late 
 postmasters, and contract'TM ; also the ])ay- 
 ment of all balances due to l:;te and j)resent 
 postmasters, and the adjustment and final 
 settlement of postal accounts. 
 
 Stating Division. — The general postal 
 accounts of postmasters and those of late 
 postmasters, until fully stated, are in charge 
 of this division. 
 
 Examining Division. — Receives and 
 audits the quarterly accounts-current of 
 all post-offices in the United States. It is 
 divided into four subdivisions, viz, the 
 opening-room, the stamp-rooms, the ex- 
 amining corps proper, and the error-rooms. 
 
 Money-Order Division. — Accounts of 
 money-orders paid and received are exam- 
 ined, assorted, checked, and filed ; remit- 
 tances are registered and checked ; errors 
 corrected. 
 
 Foreign Mail Division. — Has charge of 
 the postal accounts with foreign govern- 
 ments, and the accounts with steamship 
 companies for ocean transportation of the 
 mails. 
 
 Registering Division. — Receives from the 
 examining division the quarterly accounts- 
 current of all the post-offices in "the United 
 States, re-examines and registers them, 
 and exhibits in the register ending June 
 30 of each year the total amount of receipts 
 and expenditures for the fiscal year. 
 
 Fay Division. — The adjustment and pay- 
 ment of all accounts for the transportation 
 of the mails, whether carried by ocean- 
 steamers, railroads, steamboats, or any 
 mail-carrier; the accounts of the railway 
 j)ostal-service, railway postal clerks, route- 
 agents, and local agents, mail depreda- 
 tions, special agents, free-delivery system, 
 postage-stamps, postal-cards, envelopes, 
 stamps, maps, wrapping-paper, twine, 
 mail-bags, mail-locks and keys, advertis- 
 tising, fees in suits on postal matters, 
 and miscellaneous accounts. 
 
 Book-keeping Division. — The duty of 
 keeping the ledger-accounts of the Depart- 
 ment, embracing postmasters, late post- 
 masters, contractors, late contractors, and 
 accounts of a general, special, and miscel- 
 laneous character. 
 
 THE TREASURER OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 The Treasurer of the United States is 
 charged with the custody of all public 
 moneys received into the Treasury at 
 Washington, or in the sub-treasuries at 
 Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Balti- 
 more, Charleston, Cincinnati, St. Louis, 
 and San Francisco, or in the depositories 
 and depository banks ; disburses all public 
 moneys upon the warrants of the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, and ujjon tlie warrants of 
 the Postmaster-General ; issues and re- 
 deems Treasury notes ; is agent for the 
 redemption of the circulating notes of 
 national banks, is tru.stcc of thebondsheld 
 for the security of the circulating notes 
 of national banks, and of bonds held as 
 security for public deposits; is custodian 
 of Indian trust funds; is agent for paying 
 the interest on the public debt, and for
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 9 
 
 |):iying the salaries of the members of the 
 1 louse of Representatives. The subordi- 
 nate divisions of the Treasury are — 
 
 Issue Division. — Issues are made of 
 Itgal-teiider notes, currency, coin-certifi- 
 cates, &c. 
 
 liedeniption Division. — Coin-certificates, 
 national bank notes, fractional currency, 
 itc, are redeemed, and generally destroyed 
 by maceration. 
 
 " Loan Division. — Bonds are issued, pur- 
 chased, retired, cancelled, or converted. 
 
 Accounts Division. — The accounts of the 
 Treasury, tlie sub-treasuries, and the na- 
 tional banks used as depositories are kept. 
 
 National-Bank Division. — Bonds held as 
 security for national-bank circulation are 
 examined, notes issued, redeemed, and 
 cancelled. 
 
 National-Bank Redemption Agency. — 
 Notes of banks are redeemed and accounted 
 for. 
 
 THE REGISTER OF THE TREASURY. 
 The Register of the Treasury has charge 
 of the great account-books of the United 
 States, which show every receipt and dis- 
 bursement, and from which statements are 
 annually made for transmission to Con- 
 gress, lie signs and issues all bonds, 
 Treasury notes, and other securities; reg- 
 isters all warrants drawn by the Secretary 
 upon the Treasurer ; transmits statements 
 ot balances due to individuals after their 
 settlement by the First Comptroller, on 
 which payment is made; issues ships' 
 registers, licenses, and enrolments ; pre- 
 
 {)ares annual reports of all vessels built, 
 ost, or destroyed ; and also prepares state- 
 ments of the tonnage of vessels in which 
 importations and exportations are made, 
 with the various articles and their values. 
 These duties are attended to in five divi- 
 sions, viz: 
 
 Coupon and Note Division. — Bonds, in- 
 terest-coupons, gold-certificates, certificates 
 of deposit and of indebtedness are exam- 
 ined, registered, and issued or redeemed. 
 
 Note and Fractional Currency Division. 
 — Treasury notes, notes of national banks 
 which have gone into liquidation, and 
 mutilated fractional currency are exam- 
 ined, cancelled, and destroyed. 
 
 Loan Division. — Registered and coupon 
 bonds are issued, embracing the transfer 
 of all registered bonds ; the conversion of 
 coupon into registered ; the ledger accounts 
 with holders of registered bonds, and 
 schedules made out upon which interest on 
 same is paid. 
 
 Receipts and Expenditures Division. — 
 The ledgers of the United States are kept, 
 showing the civil, diplomatic, internal- 
 revenue, miscellaneous, and public-debt 
 receipts and expenditures ; also, statements 
 of the warrants and drafts registered. 
 
 Tonnage Division. — Accounts are kept 
 
 showing the registered, and the enrolled 
 and licensed tonnage, divided into dili'ercut 
 classes, and exhibiting what is annually 
 built and what is engaged iu the fisheries 
 of difi'erent kinds. 
 
 THE COMPTROLLER OF THE CURRENCY. 
 
 The Comptroller of the Currency has. 
 under the direction of the Secretary of 
 the Treasury, the control of the national 
 banks. The Divisions of this liureau are — 
 
 Issue Division. — The prejjaration and 
 issue of national-bank circulation. 
 
 Redemption Division. — The redemption 
 and destruction of notes issued by national 
 banks. 
 
 Reports Division. — Examination and 
 consolidation of the reports of national 
 banks. 
 
 Organization Division. — The organiza- 
 tion of national banks. 
 
 THE DIRECTOR OF THE MIXT. 
 
 The Director of the Mint has general 
 supervision of all mints and assay offices, 
 reports their operations and condition to 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, and pre- 
 pares and lays before him the annual esti- 
 mates for their support. 
 
 He prescribes regulations, approved by 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, for the 
 transaction of business at the mints and 
 assay ofiices, the distributionof silver coin, 
 and the charges to be collected of deposi- 
 tors. He receives for adjustment the 
 monthly and quarterly accounts of super- 
 intendents and officers in charge of mints 
 and assay oflices, superintends their ex- 
 penditures, and the annual settlements of 
 the operative officers, and makes such 
 S2)ecial examinations as may be deemed 
 necessary. All appointments, removals, 
 and changes of clerks, assistants, and 
 workmen in the mints and assay offices 
 are submitted for his approval. The pur- 
 chase of silver bullion, and allotment of 
 its coinage at the mints are made through 
 the office of the Director, and transfers of 
 public moneys in the mints and assay 
 offices, and advances from appropriations 
 for the -mint service, are made at his re- 
 quest. 
 
 The monthly coinage of mints is tested, 
 and ores, bullions and coins are assayed, 
 at the Assay Laboratory under his charge. 
 The values of the standard coins of for- 
 eign countries are annually estimated by 
 the Director, and the collection of the 
 statistics of the annual production of pre- 
 cious metals in the United States is as- 
 signed to him. 
 
 THE SOLICITOR. 
 
 The Solicitor of the Treasury is an offi- 
 cer in the Department of .Justice, having 
 a seal, and is required by law to take cog- 
 nizance, under the direction of the Secre-
 
 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vi_ 
 
 tary of the Treasury, of all frauds or at- 
 tempted frauds upon the revenue, and ex- 
 ercises a general supervision over all legal 
 measures for their prevention and detec- 
 tion ; also to establish regulations, with the 
 approbation of the Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury, for the observance of collectors of the 
 customs ; and, with the approbation of the 
 Attorney-General, for the observance of 
 United States attorneys, marshals and 
 clerks respecting suits in which the United 
 States is a party or interested. He is also 
 empowered and directed to instruct the 
 district attorneys, marshals, and clerks of 
 the circuit and district courts in all matters 
 and proceedings appertaining to suits in 
 which the United States is interested, ex- 
 cept those arising under the internal- 
 revenue laws. 
 
 He is required to examine reports of 
 collectors and district attorneys upon bonds 
 delivered for suit : to inform the President 
 of false reports of bonds delivered for 
 suit, and supervise statements from dis- 
 trict attorneys concerning suits, and those 
 from marshals relating to proceedings on 
 execution ; also reports from clerks as to 
 judgments and decrees ; and is charged by 
 the Attorney-General with all post-office 
 litigation. 
 
 He also has charge of the secret-service 
 employes engaged in the detection of per- 
 sons counterfeiting the coin, currency, and 
 public securities of the United States, and 
 all other fi'auds on the Government. In 
 addition to the duties prescribed by law, 
 the Secretary of the Treasury refers to the 
 Solicitor for opinion a very large number 
 of cases arising in his Department relating 
 to duties, remission of fines, penalties, and 
 forfeitures, navigation and registry laws, 
 steamboat-inspection acts, claims, &c. 
 
 THE COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVE- 
 NUE. 
 
 The Commissioner of Internal Eevenue 
 makes all assessments and superintends 
 the collection of all taxes ; preparation of 
 instructions for special-tax stamps, (for- 
 merly licenses,) forms and stamps of all 
 kinds ; and pays into the Treasury, daily, 
 all moneys received by liim. 
 
 The business of the bureau is transacted 
 in seven divisions, viz : 
 
 Appointment Division. — Is charged with 
 all matters pertaining to issuing of commis- 
 sions, leaves of absence, oflice-discipline, 
 assorting and disj)osition of the mail, reg- 
 istry and copying of all letters, with the 
 care of the general files; and all matters 
 relating to messengers, laborers, oflice- 
 Btationory, printing, advertising, blanks, 
 and blank books for the bureau. 
 
 Jmv} Division. — It is charged with all 
 c^estion8(('Xceptasliereinaftcr stated) rela- 
 ting to seizures, suits, abatement, and re- 
 
 funding claims, and those relating to special 
 taxes, documentary stamp-taxes, taxes on 
 incomes, legacies, and successions, and on 
 dividends, &c. ; also lands purchased for 
 the United States on distraint, and the ex- 
 tension of time on distraints. 
 
 Tobacco Division. — Is charged with all 
 matters (including special taxes) relating 
 to tobacco, snufF, and cigars not in suit or 
 in bond, stamp-tax on medicines and pre- 
 parations. 
 
 Division of Accounts. — Has charge of the 
 examination and reference of the revenue 
 and disbursing accounts, the estimates of 
 collectors and of their applications for 
 special allowances, and other matters rela- 
 tive to advertising and the purchase of 
 blank books, newspapers, and stationery 
 for collectors, revenue-agents, &c. ; also 
 has charge of the examination and refer- 
 ence of the monthly bills of revenue- 
 agents, gangers, and distillery-surveyors, 
 and of all miscellaneous claims presented 
 to this bureau arising under any appro- 
 priation made for carrying into effect the 
 various internal-revenue laws, (excepting 
 claims for abatement, refunding, and draw- 
 back,) and the preparation of estimates 
 for appropriations by Congress, together 
 with the preparation of the statistical re- 
 cords of the bureau. 
 
 Division of Distilled Spirits. — This di- 
 vision is charged with the supervision of 
 all matters pertaining to distilleries, dis- 
 tilled spirits, fermented liquors, wines, 
 rectification, gangers' fees and instruments, 
 approval of bonded warehouses, and the 
 assignment of storekeepers. 
 
 Stamp Division. — This division is 
 charged with the supervision of the pre- 
 paration, safe-keeping,, issue, and redemp- 
 tion of stamps for distilled spirits, tobacco, 
 snufF, and cigars, fermented liquors, special 
 taxes, documentary and proprietary stamps, 
 and the keeping of all accounts pertaining 
 thereto, also the supervision of all busi- 
 ness with Adams Express Company, and 
 the preparation, custody, and issue of steel 
 dies for cancelling stamps. 
 
 Division of Asscssynenfs. — Is charged 
 with the preparation of the assessment- 
 lists, with the consideration of all reports 
 and returns, except those received I'rom 
 distillers, rectifiers, and brewers, aflbrding 
 data from which assessments may be made; 
 also, with keeping the bonded account, 
 and with the consideration of claims for 
 the allowance of drawback. 
 
 Division of Revenue Agents. — Is charged 
 with general supervision, under the direc- 
 tion of the Commissioner, of the work of 
 revenue agents throughout tlie country, 
 examination of their reports and accounts, 
 and the measures taken for the discovery 
 and suppression of violations of internal- 
 revenue law.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 11 
 
 THE SUPERINTENDENT OF THE COAST AND 
 GEODETIC SUKVEY. 
 
 The Coast and Geodetic Survey is 
 charged with tlie survey of the coasts of 
 tlie United States and rivers emptying into 
 the Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, and 
 with tlie interior triangulation of the 
 c'liiuitry, including that of connecting the 
 surveys of the Eastern and Western coasts, 
 (li'tcrniining geographical positions in lati- 
 t'lde and longitude, and furnishing points 
 of reference for State surveys. 
 
 Besides the annual reports to Congress 
 tlie Survey jiublislies niaj)s and charts of 
 our coasts and harliors, l)Ooks of sailing 
 directions, and annual tide tables, coin- 
 ]iuted in advance, for all ports of the 
 United States. 
 
 SUPERVISING SURGEON-GENERAL, U. S., 
 
 {MetcaiUile,) Slurine- Ilonpittil Scrfice. 
 
 The Supervising Surgeon-General is 
 charged with the supervision of " all mat- 
 ters connected with the j\Iarine-Hospital 
 Service and with the disbursement of the 
 fund for the relief of sick and disabled 
 seamen '' employed on the vessels of the 
 mercantile marine of the oceans, lakes, 
 and rivers, and of the Revenue-Cutter 
 Service, the general superintendence of 
 the Marine Hospitals, and purveying of 
 supplies, the orders, details and assignment 
 of medical officers, and the examination 
 of the projierty returns. 
 
 SUPERVISING INSPECTOR-GENERAL OF 
 STEAM-VESSELS. 
 
 The Supervising Inspector-general su- 
 perintends the administration of the 
 steanil)oat inspection laws, presides at the 
 meethigs of the Board of Supervising In- 
 spectors, receives all reports, and examines 
 all accounts of inspectors. 
 
 The Board of Supervising Inspectors 
 meets in Washington annually, on the 
 third Wednesday in January, to establish 
 regulations for carrying out the provisions 
 of the steamboat inspection laws. 
 
 GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT OF THE LIFE- 
 SAVING SERVICE. 
 
 It is the duty of the General Superin- 
 tendent to supervise the organization and 
 government of the emjiloyes of the ser- 
 vice ; to prepare and revise regulations 
 therefor as may be necessarj' ; to fix the 
 number and compensation of surfmen to 
 be employed at the several stations within 
 the provisions of law ; to supervise the 
 expenditure of all appropriations made for 
 the support and maintenance of the Life- 
 Saving Service; to examine the accounts 
 of disbursements of the district superin- 
 tendents, and to certify the same to the ac- 
 counting officers of the Treasury Depart- 
 ment; to examine the property returns of i 
 
 the keepers of the several stations, and see 
 that all public property theret<j belonging 
 is properly accounted for; to acquaint 
 himself, as far as practicable, with all 
 means employed in foreign countries which 
 may seem to advantagi'ously all'ect the in- 
 terest of the service, and to cause to be 
 properly investigated all plan-;, devices, 
 and inventions Ibr the improvement of 
 life-saving a[)i)aratus for use at the sta- 
 tions, which may appear to be meritori- 
 ous and available; to exercise supervision 
 over the selection of sites for new stations 
 the establishment of which may be au- 
 thorized by law, or for old ones the re- 
 moval of which may be made necessary 
 by the encroachment of the sea or by 
 other causes ; to prepare and submit to the 
 Secretary of the Treasury estimates for the 
 suj)port of the service ; to collect and com- 
 pile the statistics of marine disasters con- 
 templated by the act of June twentieth, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-four, and to 
 submit to the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 for the transmission to Congress, an annual 
 report of the expenditures of the moneys 
 appropriated for the maintenance of the 
 Life-Saving Service, and of the operations 
 of said service during the year. 
 
 The War Department. 
 
 THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
 The Secretary of War performs such 
 duties as the President of the United 
 States, who is Commander-inChief, may 
 enjoin upon him concerning the military 
 service, and has the superintendence of 
 the purchase of Army suj>plies, transporta- 
 tion, &c. 
 
 The Chief Clerk receives in the Secre- 
 tary's Office the public mail and corres- 
 pondence; distributes, records, and an- 
 swers it ; keeps the accounts of appropria- 
 tions and estimates; is the medium of 
 communication between the Secretary and 
 officers of the Department, and has the 
 general superintendence of the Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 MILITARY BUREAUS OF THE WAR DEPART- 
 MENT. 
 
 The chiefs of the militar^' bureaus of the 
 War Department are othcers of the Regu- 
 lar Army of the United States, and a part 
 of the military establishment, viz : 
 
 The Adjutdnf-Gnieral promulgates the 
 orders of the President and the General 
 commanding the Army, and conduct.s cor- 
 respondence between the General and the 
 Army, receives reports, issues commissions 
 and resignations, superintends recruiting 
 and the military prison at Leavenworth, 
 ha-< charge of the i>.ipers concerning the 
 enlistment and drafting of volunteers, re-
 
 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 ceives all muster-rolls, and furnishes con- 
 solidated reports of the entire Army, and 
 has charge, under the General, of details 
 affecting the discipline of the Army. 
 
 The Inspector- General, with his assis- 
 tants, inspect and report upon the person- 
 nel and the materiel of the Army, at all 
 posts, stations, and depots, and give in- 
 struction relative to the correct interpre- 
 tation of doubtful points of law, regula- 
 tions, and orders, and upon other mooted 
 questions regarding the proper perform- 
 ance of militan,' duties ; and they also in- 
 spect the money accounts of all disbursing 
 officers of the Army. 
 
 The Quartermaster- General , aided by as- 
 sistants, provides quarters and transporta- 
 tion for the Army, clothing, camp and 
 garrison equipage, horses and mules, for- 
 age, wagons, stoves, stationery, fuel, lights, 
 straw, hospitals, and medicines ; he pays 
 the expenses of guides, spies, and inter- 
 preters, and veterinary surgeons ; pays the 
 funeral expenses of officers and men, and 
 is in charge of the national cemeteries. 
 
 The Commissary-General has administra- 
 tive control of the Subsistence Depart- 
 ment — of the disbursement of its appro- 
 priations; the providing of rations and 
 their issue to the Army ; the purchase and 
 distribution of articles authorized to be 
 kept for sale to officers and enlisted men ; 
 and the adjustment of accounts and re- 
 turns for subsistence funds and supplies, 
 preliminary to their settlement by the 
 proper accounting officers of the Treasurj'. 
 
 The Surgeon- General, under the imme- 
 diate direction of the Secretary of War, is 
 charged with the administrative duties of 
 the Medical Department ; the designation 
 of the stations of medical officers, and the 
 issuing of all orders and instructions rela- 
 ting to their professional duties. lie di- 
 rects as to the selection, purchase, and dis- 
 tribution of the medical supplies of the 
 Army. The Army Medical Museum and 
 the official publications of the Surgeon- 
 General's Office are also under his direct 
 control. 
 
 TTie Paymaster- Genei-al and his assistants 
 pay the Army, also Second Auditor's Trea- 
 sury certificates, and keep a record of said 
 pavment". 
 
 The Chief of Engineers commands the 
 f'orps of Engineers, which is charged with 
 ail duties n;latingto fortifications, whether 
 ])crnianent or tt^mponiry ; with torpedoes 
 for coast defence ; with all works for the 
 attack and defence of pla('cs ; with all 
 military bridgen, and with such surveys as 
 may be required for these objeels, or the 
 movement of armies in the field. It is 
 also charged with the harbor and river im- 
 provements ; with military and geographi- 
 cal explorations and surveys; with the 
 survey of the lakes; and witii any other 
 engineer work specially assigned to the 
 
 Corps by acts of Congress or orders of the 
 President. 
 
 • The Chief of Ordnance commands the 
 Ordnance Dejiartment, the duties of which 
 consist in providing, preserving, distri- 
 buting, and accounting for every descrip- 
 tion of artillery, small-arms, and all the 
 munitions of war which may be required 
 for the fortresses of the country, the armies 
 in the field, and for the whole body of the 
 militia of the Union. In these duties are 
 comprised that of determining the general 
 principles of construction and of prescrib- 
 ing in details the models and forms of all 
 military weapons employed in war. They 
 comprise also the duty of prescribing the 
 regulations for the proof and insjjection of 
 all these weapons, for maintaining uni- 
 formity and economy in their fabrication, 
 for insuring their good quality, and for 
 their preservation and distribution ; and for 
 carrying into effect the general purposes 
 here stated large annual appropriations are 
 made, and in order to fulfil the purposes, 
 extensive operations are conducted at the 
 national armories, arsenals, and ordnance 
 depots. 
 
 The Judge-Advocate General and his as- 
 sistants receive, review, and have recorded 
 the proceedings of the courts-martial, 
 courts of inquiry, and military commis- 
 sions of the Armies of the United States, 
 and furnish reports and opinions on such 
 questions of law and other matters as may 
 be referred to the Bureau of Military Jus- 
 tice by the Secretary of War. 
 
 The Chief Signal "<9/?;V«- superintends the 
 instruction of officers and men in signal 
 duties, supervises the preparation of maps 
 and charts, and has the reports from the 
 numerous stations received at Washington 
 consolidated and published. 
 
 The Navy Department. 
 
 THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy performs such 
 duties as the President of the United Slates, 
 who is Commander-in-Chief, may assign 
 him, and has the general superintendence 
 of construction, manning, armament, equip- 
 ment, and em]iloyment of vessels of war. 
 
 The Chief Clerk has general charge of 
 the records and correspondence of the 
 Secretary's Office. 
 
 NAVAL BUREAUS OF THE NAVY DEPART- 
 MENT. 
 
 The chiefs of the naval bureaus of the 
 Navy Department are officers of the United 
 States Navy, and a part of the naval estab- 
 lishment, viz: 
 
 The Chief of the Bureau of Yards and 
 Dorks has charge of the navy-yards and 
 naval stations, their construction and re-
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 13 
 
 pair ; he purchases timber and other mate- 
 rials. 
 
 The Chief of the Bureau of Navigation 
 supplies vessels of war with maps, charts, 
 chronometers, barunictiTs, Hags, signal- 
 lights, glassi's, and stationery ; he has 
 charge of the publication of charts, the 
 Nautical Almanac, and surveys; and the 
 Naval Observatory and llydrographic Of- 
 fice at Washington are under the direction 
 of this Bureau. 
 
 The Chief of the Bur eati of Ordnance has 
 charge of the manutacture of nav:d ord- 
 nance and ammunition ; the armament of 
 vessels of war ; the arsenals and maga- 
 zines; the trials and tests of ordnance, 
 small-arms, and ammunition ; also of the 
 torpedo-service, and torpedo-station at 
 Newport, and experimental battery at 
 Annapolis. 
 
 The Chief of the Bureau of Provisions 
 and Clothing has charge of all contracts 
 and purchases for the supply of provisions, 
 water for cooking and drinking purposes, 
 clothing, and smalL stores for the use of 
 the Navy. 
 
 The Chief of the Bureau of Medicine and 
 Surgery superintends everything relating 
 to medicines, medical stores, surgical in- 
 struments, and hospital supplies required 
 for the treatment of the sick and wounded 
 of the Navy and the Marine Corps. 
 
 The Chief of the Bureau of Construction 
 and Repair has charge of dry-docks and of 
 all vessels undergoing repairs; the design- 
 ing, building, and fitting-out of vessels, and 
 the armor of iron-clads. 
 
 The Chief of the Bureau of Equipment 
 and Recruiting has charge of the equip- 
 ment of all vessels of Avar, and the sui)ply 
 to their sails, rigging, anchors, and fuel ; 
 also of the recruiting of sailors of the va- 
 rious grades. 
 
 The Engineer-in- Chief directs the design- 
 ing, fitting-out, running, and reiJairing of 
 the steam marine-engines, boilers and ap- 
 purtenances, used on vessels of war, and 
 the workshops in the navy-yards where 
 they are made and repaired. 
 
 The Departmeut of the Interior. 
 
 THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. 
 
 The Secretary of the Interior is charged 
 with the supervision of public business re- 
 lating to patents for inventions ; pensions 
 and bounty-lands ; the public lan<ls, in- 
 cluding mines ; the Indians ; education ; 
 railroads ; the public surveys ; the census, 
 when directed by law ; the custody and 
 distribution of public documents ; and cer- 
 tain hospitals and eleemosynary institu- 
 tions in the District of Columbia. He also 
 exercises certain poAAcrs and duties in re- 
 lation to the Territories of the United 
 States. 
 
 THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE 
 INTERIOR. 
 
 The Assistant Secretary of the Interior 
 performs such duties as are prescribed by 
 the Secretary or required by law, aiding in 
 the general administration of the alfairs of 
 the Department. In the absence of the 
 Secretary, he acts as the head of the De- 
 partment. 
 
 The Chief Clerk has the general super- 
 vision of the clerks and employes, order of 
 business, records and correspondence, and 
 contingent expenditures in the Secretary's 
 Ollice; a,lso superintendence of the Depart- 
 ment Building, which is transacted in di- 
 visions, viz: Appointment Division, Dis- 
 bursement Division, .Land and llailroad 
 Division, Indian Division, Pension and 
 Miscellaneous Division, Document Divi- 
 sion, Stationery Division and Returns 
 Office. 
 
 COMMISSIONER OF PATENTS. 
 
 The Commissioner of Patents is charged 
 with the administration of the j^atent- 
 laws, and supervises all matters relating to 
 the issue of letters-patent for new and use- 
 ful discoveries, inventions, and improve- 
 ments. He is aided by an Assistant Com- 
 missioner, three Examiners-in-Chief, an 
 Examiner of Interferences, an Examiner 
 of Trade-marks, and twenty-five Principal 
 Examiners. 
 
 COMMISSIONER OF PENSIONS. 
 
 The Commissioner of Pensions supervises 
 the examination and adjudication of all 
 claims arising under laws passed by Con- 
 gress granting bounty-land or pension on 
 account of service in the Army or Navy 
 during the Revolutionary War and all 
 subsequent wars in which the L'nited 
 States has been engaged. He is aided by 
 two Deputy Commissionei's and a Medical 
 Referee. 
 
 COMMISSIONER OF THE GENERAL LAND- 
 OFFICE. 
 
 The Commissioner of Public Lands is 
 charged with the survey, management, and 
 sale of the public domain, and the issuing 
 of titles therefor, whether derived from 
 confirmations of grants made by former 
 governments, by sales, donations, or grants 
 for schools, railroads, military bounties, or 
 public improvements. The Land-Olfice 
 audits its own accounts. The divisions of 
 the oflice are : the Chief Clerk's, Recor- 
 der's, Public Lands, Private Land-Claims, 
 Surveys, Railroad-Lands, Pre-emption 
 Claims, Swamp-Lands, Drafting, Accounts, 
 Mineral Claims, and Timber Depredations. 
 
 COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 
 
 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs h.as 
 charge of the several tribes of Indians in
 
 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 the States and Territories. He issues in- 
 structions to, and receives reports from, 
 Agents, Special Agents, and Traders ; su- 
 perintends the purcliase, transportation, 
 and distribution of presents and annuities ; 
 and reports, annually, the relations of the 
 Government with each tribe. 
 
 COMMISSIOXER OF EDUCATION. 
 
 The duties of the Commissioner of Edu- 
 cation are to collect such statistics and facts 
 as shall show the condition and progress 
 of education in the several States and Ter- 
 ritories, and to diffuse such information 
 respecting the organization and manage- 
 ment of schools and school systems, and 
 methods of teaching, as shall aid the peo- 
 ple of the United States in the establish- 
 ment and maintenance of efficient school 
 systems, and otherwise promote the cause 
 of education throughout the country. 
 
 COMMISSIONER OF RAILROADS. 
 
 The Commissioner of Railroads is charged 
 with prescribing a system of reports to be 
 rendered to him by the railroad compa- 
 nies, whose roads are in whole or in part 
 west, north, or south of the Missouri 
 River, and to which the United States have 
 granted any loan of credit or subsidy in 
 lands or bonds ; to examine the books, ac- 
 counts, and property of said companies; to 
 see that the laws relating to said compa- 
 nies are enforced ; and to assist the Gov- 
 ernment Directors of any of said railroad 
 companies in all matters which come un- 
 der their cognizance, whenever they may 
 officially request such assistance. 
 
 DIRECTOR OF THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEY. 
 
 The Director of the Geological Survey 
 has charge of the classification of the pub- 
 lic lands, and examination of the geologi- 
 cal structure, mineral resources, and pro- 
 ducts of the national domain. 
 
 SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CENSUS. 
 
 The Superintendent of the Census super- 
 vises the taking of the census of the United 
 States every tenth year, and the subsequent 
 arrangement, compilation, and publication 
 of the statistics collected. 
 
 Tlic PoHt-Oflfice Drpartment. 
 
 Tin; I '( )s T.M A ST I-; R-f ; ic x !•; n a l. 
 ^ The Postmastor-rjeneral has the direc- 
 tion and management of tlie Post-Officp 
 Department. lie ai)f)oints all officers and 
 emitloyds of the Department, except the 
 three Assistant Postmasters-General, who 
 are ap|)()inted by the President, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate; 
 apjioints all postmasters whose compensa- 
 tion docs not exceed one thousand dollars ; 
 
 makes postal treaties with foreign govern- 
 ments, by and with the advice and consent 
 of the President, awards and executes con- 
 tracts, and directs the management of the 
 domestic and foreign mail service. 
 
 THE FIRST ASSISTANT POSTMASTER- 
 GENERAL. 
 
 The First Assistant Postmaster-General 
 has charge of the Appointment Office, 
 which includes five Divisions, viz. : 
 
 Appoinitiieat Division. — The duty of pre- 
 paring all cases for the establishment, dis- 
 continuance, and change of name or site of 
 post-offices, and for the appointment of all 
 postmasters, agents, postal clerks, mail- 
 messengers, and Department employes, and 
 attending to all correspondence consequent 
 thereto. 
 
 Bond Division. — The duty of receiving 
 and recording appointments ; sending out 
 papers for postmasters and their assistants 
 to qualify ; receiving, entering, and filing 
 their bonds and oaths ; and issuing the 
 commissions for postmasters. 
 
 Salary and Allowance Division. — The 
 duty of readjusting the salaries of post- 
 masters and the consideration of allow- 
 ances for rent, fuel, lights, clerk-hire and 
 other expenditures. 
 
 Free Delivery. — The duty of preparing 
 cases for the inauguration of the system in 
 cities, the appointment of letter-carriers, 
 and the general supervision of the sys- 
 tem. 
 
 Blank-Agency Division. — The duty of 
 sending out the blanks, wrapping-paper, 
 and twine, letter-balances, and canceling- 
 stamps, to offices entitled to receive the 
 same. 
 
 SECOND ASSISTANT POSTMASTER-GENERAL. 
 
 The Second Assistant Postmaster-Gen- 
 eral has charge of the Contract Office, mail 
 equipments, &c., including the following 
 three Divisions : 
 
 Contract Division. — The arrangement of 
 the mail service of the United States, and 
 placing the same under contract, embrac- 
 ing all correspondence and proceedings re- 
 specting the frequency of trips, mode of 
 conveyance, and times of departures and 
 arrivals on all the routes, the course of the 
 mails ])etween the diflercnt sections of the 
 country, the points of mail distribution, 
 and the regulations for the government of 
 the domestic mail service. Itpreparcs the 
 advertisements for mail proposals, receives 
 the l)ids, and has charge of the annual and 
 occasional mail lettings, and the adjust- 
 ment and execution of the contracts. All 
 applications for the establishment or alter- 
 ation of mail arrangements and for mail 
 messengers sliould be sent to this office. 
 All claims should be sul)niitted to it for 
 transportation service not under contract.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 15 
 
 From this office all postmasters at the end 
 (it routes receive the statement of mail ar- 
 rangements prescribed for the respective 
 rmites. It reports weekly to the Auditor 
 all contracts executed, and all orders af- 
 tLcting the accounts for mail transporta- 
 tion; prepares the statistical exhibits of 
 the mail service, and the reports to Con- 
 gress of the mail lettings, giving a state- 
 ment of each bid; also of the contracts 
 made, the new service originated, the cur- 
 tailments ordered, and the additional al- 
 lowances granted within the year. 
 
 Innpr.ctiim Division. — The duty of receiv- 
 ing and examining the registers of the ar- 
 rivals and departures of the mails, certifi- 
 cates of the service of route-agcmts, ami 
 reports of mail failures ; noting the delin- 
 quencics of contractors, and preparing 
 eases thereon for the action of the Post- 
 master-General, furnishing blanks for mail 
 re.Msters, reports of mail failures, and other 
 duties wliieh may be necessary to secure a 
 laithful and exact performance of all mail 
 service. 
 
 Mail- Equipment Division. — The issuing 
 of mail locks and keys, mail pouches and 
 sacks, and the construction of mail-bag 
 catchers. 
 
 THIRD ASSISTANT POSTMASTER-GEXERAL. 
 
 The Third Assistant Postmaster-General 
 has charge of the Finance Office, &c., em- 
 bracing the following four Divisions : 
 
 Dinsion of Finance. — The duty of issu- 
 ing drafts and warrants in payment of bal- 
 ances reported by the Auditor to be due to 
 mail contractors or other persons; the su- 
 perintendence of the collection of revenue 
 at depository, draft, and depositing offices, 
 and the accounts between the Department 
 and the Treasurer and Assistant Treasur- 
 ers and special designated depositories of 
 the United States. This Division receives 
 all accounts, monthly or quarterly, of the 
 depository and draft offices, and certificates 
 of deposit from depositing offices. 
 
 Division of rostage- Stamps and Stamped 
 Envelopes. — The issuing of postage-stamps, 
 stamped envelopes, newspaper-wrappers 
 andlpostal cards ; also the supplying of post- 
 ma-sters with envelojies for their official use, 
 and registered-package envelopes and seals. 
 
 Division of Registered Letters. — The duty 
 of preparing instructions for the guidance 
 of postmasters relative to registered letters, 
 ana all correspondence connected there- 
 with ; also, the compilation of statistics as 
 to the transactions of the business. 
 
 Division of Dead Letters. — The exami- 
 nation and return to the writers of dead 
 letters, and all correspondence relating 
 thereto. 
 
 The Superintendent of Foreign Mails has 
 charge of all foreign postal arrangements, 
 and the supervision of the ocean mail- 
 steamship service. 
 
 The Suj)erintendent of the Money-Order 
 System has the general supervisicjn and 
 control of the postal money-order system 
 throughout the United Slates, und the su- 
 pervision of the international money-order 
 correspondence with foreign countries. 
 
 Department of Juatlce. 
 
 THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 
 
 The Attorney-General is the head of the 
 Department of Justice, and the chief law 
 officer of the Government. He represents 
 the United States in matters involving le- 
 gal questions; he gives his advice and 
 opinion on questions of law when they are • 
 required by the President, or by the heads 
 of the other Executive Dei)artments on 
 questions of law arising upon the adminis- 
 tration of their resjjcctive departments ; he 
 exercises a general superintendence and 
 direction over United States Attorneys and 
 Marshals in all judicial districts in the 
 States and Territories ; and he provides 
 special counsel for the United States when- 
 ever required by any Department of the 
 Government. 
 
 He is assisted by a Chief Clerk and 
 other clerks and employes in the executive 
 numagement of the business of the Depart- 
 ment. 
 
 The Law Clerk, who is also an Exam- 
 iner of Titles, assists the Attorney-General 
 in the investigation of legal questions and 
 in the preparation of opinions. 
 
 THE solicitor-gen:eral. 
 The Solicitor-General assists the Attor- 
 ney-General in the performance of his gen- 
 eral duties, and by special provision of 
 law in the case of a vacancy in the office 
 of Attorney-General, or in his absence, ex- 
 ercises all these duties. Except when the 
 Attorney-General in particular cases other- 
 wise directs, the Attorney-General and So- 
 licitor-General conduct and argue all cases 
 in the Supreme Court, and in the Court of 
 Claims, in which the United States are in- 
 terested ; and, when the Attorney-General 
 so directs, any such case in any Court of 
 the United States may be conducted and 
 argued by the Solicitor-General ; and in 
 the same way the Solicitor-General may 
 be sent by the Attorney-General to attend 
 to the interests of the United States in any 
 State Court, or elsewhere. 
 
 THE assistant ATTORNEYS-GENERAL. 
 
 Two Assistant Attorneys-General assist 
 the Attorney-General and the Solieitor- 
 General in the performance of their du- 
 ties. One assists in theargunient of causes 
 in the Supreme Court and in the prepa- 
 ration of legal opinions ; the other is charged 
 with the conduct of the defense of the 
 United States in the Court of Claims.
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Under the act of 1870 the different law- 
 officers of the Executive Departments ex- 
 ercise their functions under the supervis- 
 ion and control of the Attorney-General. 
 They are : the Assistant Attorney- General 
 for the Department of the Interior ; the 
 Assistant Attorney- General for the Post 
 Office Department ; the Solicitor of the 
 Treasury, and the Solicitor of Internal Bev- 
 enue, Treasury Department; the Kaval 
 Solicitor, Isavy Department ; and the Ex- 
 aminer of Claims, State Department. 
 
 The Department of Agriculture. 
 
 THE COMMISSIONER OF AGRICULTURE. 
 
 The Commissioner of Agriculture is re- 
 quired to collect and diffuse useful infor- 
 mation on subjects connected with agri- 
 culture. He is to acquire and preserve in 
 his office all information he can obtain con- 
 cerning agriculture by means of books and 
 correspondence, and by practical and sci- 
 entific experiments, the collection of sta- 
 tistics, and other approj^riate means ; to 
 collect new and valuable seeds and plants; 
 to learn by actual cultivation such of them 
 as may require such tests ; to jiropagate 
 such as may be worthy of propagation, 
 and to distribute them among agricultur- 
 ists. 
 
 The Statistician. — He collects reliable 
 information as to the condition, prospects, 
 and results of the cereal, cotton, and other 
 crops, by the instrumentality of four cor- 
 respondents in each county of every State ; 
 this information is gathered at stated peri- 
 ods of each month, carefully studied, esti- 
 mated, tabulated, and published. 
 
 The Entomologist. — He obtains informa- 
 tion with regard to insects injurious to 
 vegetation ; investigates the character of 
 insects sent him, to point out their modes 
 of infliction and the means by which their 
 depredations may be avoided ; and arranges 
 specimens of their injuries and nest archi- 
 tecture. 
 
 The Botanist. — He receives botanical 
 contributions, and after making desirable 
 selections for the National Herbarium, dis- 
 tributes the duplicate plants among for- 
 eign and domestic scientific societies, in- 
 stitutions of learning, and botanists ; and 
 answers inquiries of a botanico-agricultural 
 character. 
 
 T^e Chemist. — He makes analyses of 
 natural fertilizers, vegetable products, and 
 other materials which f)ertain to the inter- 
 ests of agriculture. Ai)pli('ations are con- 
 stantly made from all |)ortions of the coun- 
 try for the analysis of soils, minerals, li- 
 quids, and manures. 
 
 The Mirrosrojiisf. — Ho makes original 
 investigatif)ns, mostly relating to the hab- 
 its of parasitic fungoid plants, which are 
 frequently found on living plants and ani- 
 
 mals, producing sickly growth and in many 
 cases premature death. 
 
 The Propagating Garden. — Large num- 
 bers of exotic, utilizable, and economic 
 plants are propagated and distributed. The 
 orange family is particularly valuable, and 
 the best commercial varieties are propa- 
 gated and distributed to the greatest prac- 
 ticable extent. 
 
 TIte Seed Division. — Seeds are purchased 
 in this and foreign countries of reliable 
 firms, whose guarantee of good quality 
 and genuineness cannot be questioned ; 
 they are packed at the Department, and 
 distributed to applicants in all parts of 
 the country. 
 
 Tlie Library. — Exchanges are made, by 
 which the library receives reports of the 
 leading agricultural, pomological, and 
 meteorological societies of the world. 
 
 Supreme Court of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Chief-Justice Waite, 1717 Rhode Is- 
 land avenue, N. W., Salary, $10,500. 
 
 Mr. Justice Miller, 1415 Massachusetts 
 avenue, N. W., Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Field, 21 First street east, 
 Capitol Hill, Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Bradley, 201 I street, corner 
 of New Jersey avenue. Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Hunt, Connecticut avenue, 
 corner of De Sales street. Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Harlan, 162 Massachusetts 
 avenue, N. W., Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Woods, 1323 G street, N. W., 
 Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mn .Justice Matthews, Riggs House, 
 Salary, $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Swayne, (resigned) Salary, 
 $10,000. 
 
 Mr. Justice Strong, (resigned) Salary, 
 $10,000. 
 
 OFFICERS OF THE SUPREME COURT. 
 
 CZerA-.— James H. McKenney, 1517 
 Rhode Island avenue, N. W., Fees, $2,000. 
 
 Deputy CTerA-.-Chas. B. Beall, 927 P 
 street, N. W., Fees, $2,000. 
 
 Marshall— John G. Nicolay, 212 B street, 
 S. E., Fees, $3,000. 
 
 Reporter.— WWWiim T. Otto, 931 K street, 
 N. W., Fees, $2,500. 
 
 circuit Court of tlie Vnltecl States. 
 
 (Salaries, $G,000 each.) 
 First Judicial Circuit.— Mr. Justice 
 Harlan, of Louisville, Kentucky. Dis- 
 tricts of ]\raine, New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, and Ilhode Island. 
 
 Circuit Judge.— John Lowell, Boston, 
 Mass. 
 
 Second .Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice 
 Hunt, of Utica, New York. Districts of
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 17 
 
 Vermont, Connecticut, Northern New 
 York, Southcru New York, and Eastern 
 New York. 
 
 Circuit Judge.— Samuel Blatchford, New 
 York City. 
 
 Third Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice 
 Bradley, of Newark, New Jersey. Dis- 
 tricts of New Jersey, Eastern Pennsylva- 
 nia, Western Pennsylvania, and Delaware. 
 
 Circuit Judtjje. — William McKennan, 
 Washiiijj^ton, Pa. 
 
 Fourth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Chief- Jus- 
 tice Waite. Districts of Maryland, West 
 Virginia, Virginia, North Carolina, and 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Circuit Judge. — Hugh L. Bond, Balti- 
 more, Md. 
 
 Fifth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice 
 Woods, of Atlanta, Georgia. Districts of 
 Georgia, Northern Florida, Southern Flor- 
 ida, Northern Alabama, Southern Alabama, 
 Mississipjn, Louisiana, Eastern Texas, and 
 Western Texas. 
 
 Circuit Judge. — 
 
 Sixth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice 
 Matthews, of Cincinnati, Ohio. Districts 
 of Northern Ohio, Southern Ohio, Eastern 
 Michigan, Western Michigan, Kentucky, 
 Eastren Tennessee, and Western Ten- 
 nessee. 
 
 Circuit Judge. — John Baxter, Knox- 
 ville, Tenn. 
 
 Seventh Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice 
 Harlan, of Louisville, Kentucky. Districts 
 of Indiana, Northern Illinois, Southern 
 Illinois, and Wisconsin. 
 
 Circuit Judge. — Thomas Drummond, 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 Eighth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice 
 Miller, of Keokuk, Iowa. Districts of 
 Minnesota, Iowa, Eastern ^Missouri, West- 
 ern Missouri, Kansas, Eastern Arkansas, 
 Western Arkansas, and Nebraska. 
 
 Circuit Judge. — George W. McCrary, 
 Keokuk, Iowa. 
 
 Xinfh Judicial Circuit. — jNIr. Justice 
 Field, of San Francisco, California. Dis- 
 tricts of California, Oregon, amd Nevada. 
 
 Circuit Judge. — Lorenzo Sawyer, San 
 Francisco, Cal. 
 
 United States Conrt of Claims. 
 
 (1509 Pennsylvania avenue. J 
 
 Chief-Justice Charles D. Drake, 2117 G 
 street, N. W., Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Judge Charles C.'^Nott, 826 Connecticut 
 avenue, N. W., Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Judge William A. Richardson, 924 Mc- 
 Pherson Square, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Judge Glenni W. Scofield, Riggs House, 
 Salaiy, 84,500. 
 
 Chief C/frA-.— Archibald Hopkins, 1S26 
 Massachusetts avenue, N. W., Salary, 
 $3,000. ^ 
 
 Assistant Clerk.— John Randolph, 28 I 
 street, N. W., Salary, $2,000. 
 
 yi«/7///:— Stark b! Taylor, 485 H street, 
 S. W., Salary, $1,200. 
 
 Mr.s-senger. — Richard F. Kearney, 1811 
 Twellth street, N. W., Salary, $1,200. 
 
 DISTRICT JUDGES. 
 
 Alabama. — John Bruce, Montgomery, 
 Fifth Circuit, Salary, .$3,500. 
 
 Arka)tsu.s, [E. 7A)— Henry C. Caldwell, 
 Little Rock, Eighth Circuit, Salary, $3,500. 
 Arkansas, ( \V. J).) — Isaac C. Parker, 
 Fort Smith, Eighth Circuit, Salary, $3,500. 
 California — Ogden Hoffman, San Fran- 
 cisco, Ninth Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 Colorado— M.oses Hallett, Denver,Eighth 
 Circuit, $5,000. 
 
 Connecticut — Nathaniel Shipman, Hart- 
 ford, Second Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Delaware — Edward G. Bradford, Wil- 
 mington, Third Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Florida [N. /A)— Thomas Settle, Jack- 
 sonville, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Florida [S. D.) — James W. Locke, Key 
 West, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Geonjla — John Erskine, Atlanta, Fifth 
 Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 lUinois {N. i).)— Henry W. Blodgett, 
 Chicago, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Illinois [S. D.)— Samuel H. Treat, jr., 
 Springfield, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Indiana — Walter Q. Gresham, Indian- 
 apolis, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 lotra — James M. Love, Keokuk, Eighth 
 Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Kansas — Cassius G. Foster, Atchison, 
 Eighth Circuit, $3,500. 
 . Kentuchj — John W. Barr, Louisville, 
 Sixth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Louisiana — Edward C. Billings, New 
 Orleans, Fifth Circuit, $4,500. 
 
 Maine — Edward Fox, Portland, First 
 Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Jilari/land — Thomas J. Morris, Balti- 
 more, Fourth Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 Missachusetts — T. L. Nelson, Boston, 
 First Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 Michigan (E. D.) — Henry B. Brown, De- 
 troit, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Michigan ( W. /).)— Solomon L. Withey, 
 Grand Rapids, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Minnesota — Rensselaer R. Nelson, St. 
 Paul, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Mississippi — Robert A. Hill, Oxford, 
 Fifth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Missouri {E. !>.)— Samuel Treat, St. 
 Louis, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Missouri ( IF. D.)— Arnold Krekel, Jef- 
 ferson Citv, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Nebraska— Elmer S". Dundv, Falls City, 
 Eighth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Nevada — Edgar W. Hillver, Carson, 
 Ninth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Neio Hampshire — Daniel Clark, Man- 
 chester, First Circuit, $3,500.
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Nnc Jersey — John T. Nixon, Trenton, 
 Third Circuit, H,000. 
 
 Neu' York [N. i>.)^William J. Wallace, 
 Syracuse, Second Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 'New York (S. D.)— Addison Brown, Sec- 
 ond Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 Kew York (E. B.) — Charles L.Benedict, 
 Brooklyn, Second Circuit, §4,000, 
 
 North Carolina [E. J).) — George W, 
 Brooks, Elizabeth City, Fourth Circuit, 
 1=3,500. 
 
 North Carolina ( W. Z>.)— Eobert P. Dick, 
 Greensboro, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Ohio (E. D.)— Martin Welker, Wooster, 
 Sixth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Ohio ( W. D.)— Philip B. Swing, Batayia, 
 Sixth Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 Oregon — Matthew P. Deady, Portland, 
 Ninth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 I\'i>i)s>/h-ania (E. D.) — William Butler, 
 Philadi'ii-hia, Third Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 I'enHsi/lvania { W. 7>.)— Mark W. Ache- 
 son, Pittsl)urg, Third Circuit, $4,000. 
 
 l^kode hland — Le Baron B. Colt, Proyi- 
 dence. First Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 South Carolina — George S. Bryan, 
 Charleston, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Tennessee [E. and M. Z*.)— David M. 
 Key, Knoxville, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Tennessee [W. D.) — Eli S. Hammond, 
 Memphis, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Texas (E. /).)— Amos Morrill, Galves- 
 ton, Fifth Circuit, $3,600. 
 
 Texas ( W. iJ*.)— Ezekiel B. Turner, Aus- 
 tin, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Texas {N. D.)—K. P. McCormick, Dal- 
 las, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Vermont— Koyt H. Wheeler, Burlington, 
 Second Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Virginia [E. D.) — Robert W. Hughes, 
 Eichmond, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Virginia [W. D.) — Alexander Rives, 
 Charlotteville, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 West Virginia — John J. Jackson, jr., 
 Parkersburg, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Wisconsin {E. />.)— Charles E. Dyer, 
 Racine, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 Wisconsin {W. D.) — Romanza Bunn, 
 Madison, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. 
 
 COURT OF CLAIMS. 
 
 Chief-Justice — Charles D. Drake, of Mis- 
 souri, 'appointed in 1870 by Ulyssea S. 
 Grant. Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Assoriate-Juslice — Charles C. Nott, of 
 New York; api)ointed in 1865, by Abra- 
 ham Lincoln. Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Assoriate-Justice — ^Villiam A. Richard- 
 son, of Massachusetts ; api)ointcd in 1874, 
 by Ulysses S. Grant. Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Associate-Justice — Glenni W. Scofield, of 
 Pennsylvania; ai)pointed in 1S81, by 
 James' A. Garfield. Salary, $4,500. 
 
 UNITED STATK8 COURTS' IN THE TERRI- 
 TORIES. 
 
 Arizona — Chief-Justice : C. J. W. 
 
 French. Associates: Charles Silent, De- 
 Forest Porter. 
 
 Dakota — Chief-Justice : Peter C. Shan- 
 non. Associates : Gideon C. Moody, Alan- 
 son H. Barnes, Jeflerson P. Kidder. 
 
 Idaho — Chief-Justice : John T.Morgan. 
 Associates : Henry E. Prickett, Norman 
 Buck. 
 
 Montana — Chief- Justice : Decius S. 
 Wade. Associates: E. J. Conger, Wm. J. 
 Galbraith. 
 
 New Mexico — Chief Justice : L. Brad- 
 ford Prince. Associates : Warren Bristol, 
 Samuel C. Parks. 
 
 Utah — Chief-Justice : John A. Hunter. 
 Associates : Philip E. Emerson, S. B. Twiss. 
 
 Washington — Chief-Justice : Roger S. 
 Greene. Associates: John P. Hoyt, Sam- 
 uel C. Wingard. 
 
 Wyoming — Chief-Justice : James B. 
 Sener. Associates : Jacob B. Blair, Wm. 
 Ware Peck. 
 
 Foreign Legations In tlie United States. 
 
 ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. • 
 
 Senor Don Manuel Rafael Garcia, En- 
 voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary. (Absent.) 
 
 Senor Don Julio Carrie, Secretary of Le- 
 gation and Charge d'Affaires ad interim, 60 
 Wall street. New York. 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 
 
 Count Lippe-Weissenfeld, Councillor of 
 Legation and Charge d'Atiaires ad interim, 
 1015 Connecticut avenue, 
 
 BELGIUM, 
 
 Mr. Bounder de Melsbroeck, Envoy Ex- 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1015 Connecticut avenue. 
 
 Baron A. d'Anethan, Councillor of Le- 
 gation and Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim, 
 1015 Connecticut avenue, 
 
 BOLIVIA. 
 
 Sefior Don Ladislao Cabrera, Envoy Ex- 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1714 Pennsylvania avenue. 
 
 Doctor Apolinar Aramayo, Secretary of 
 Legation. Absent. 
 
 BRAZIL. 
 
 Scfihor J. G. de Amaral Valentc, ChargS 
 d'Affaires ad interim, 1710 I'ennsylvania 
 avenue. 
 
 Scfihor Dom Henrique de Miranda, At- 
 tache, 1710 Pennsylvania avenue, 
 
 CHILL 
 
 Sefior Don Marcial Martinez, Envoy 
 Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotenti- 
 ary, 1400 Massachusetts avenue. 
 
 Senor Don Fedcrico Pinto, First Secre- 
 tary of Legation, 1400 Massacbuaetta 
 avenue.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 19 
 
 Scnor Don Jos6 Bernales, Second Secre- 
 tary of Legation, 1400 Massachusetts 
 avenue. 
 
 Senor Nemecio Davila, Attach^, 125 
 West Fifteenth street, New York. 
 
 Senor Arturo Edwards, Attach^. Ab- 
 sent. 
 
 CHINA. 
 
 Chen Lan Pin, Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1705 K street. 
 
 Mr. Yung Wing, Assistant Envoy Ex- 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 Hartford, Connecticut. 
 
 Chen Song Liang, Secretary of Legation, 
 1705 K street. 
 
 Tseng Yin Nan, Secretary of Legation, 
 1705 K street. 
 
 Mr. D. W. Bartlett, Secretary of Lega- 
 tion, 1337 L street. 
 
 Tsai Sill Yung, Interpreter and Trans- 
 lator, 1705 K street. 
 
 Chang Sze Sliun, Interpreter and Trans- 
 lator, 1705 K street. 
 
 Ho Shen Cliee, Interpreter and Transla- 
 tor, 1705 K street. 
 
 Chen Moo, Attach^, 1705 K street. 
 
 Yen Sze Chee, Attache, 1705 K street. 
 
 Lee Ta Lun, Attache, 1705 K street. 
 
 COLOMBIA. 
 
 (No diplomatic representative at present. ) 
 
 COSTA RICA. 
 
 Sefior Don Manuel M. Peralta, Minister 
 Resident. (Absent.) 
 
 DENMARK. 
 
 Mr. Carl Steen Andersen de Bille 
 Charg6 d'Affaires and Consul General, 
 2109 Pennsylvania avenue. 
 
 rRAN<;E. 
 
 Mr. Maxime Outrey, Envoy Extraor- 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1025 
 Connecticut avenue. 
 
 Mr. Augustc Gerard, Second Secretary 
 of Legation, 1714 Pennsylvania avenue. 
 
 Mr. Phillippe Berard, Third Secretary, 
 1408 N street. 
 
 Mr. Henri Bertout, Attache. 
 
 Mr. Henri de Lachere, Military Attache. 
 
 Mr. Charles Riballier des Isles, Chan- 
 cellor, 1100 O street. 
 
 GERMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 Mr. Kurd von Schlozer, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinarv and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 734 Fifteenth street. 
 
 Count Henry von Beust, Secretary of 
 Legation, and Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim, 
 734 Fifteenth street. 
 
 Captain Adolf Mensing, Naval Attach^, 
 New York. 
 
 Mr. P. W. Biiddecke, Chancellor of Le- 
 gation, 72 Defrees street. 
 62 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 The Hon. L. S. Sackville West, Envoy 
 Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotenti- 
 ary, British Legation, Connecticut avenue. 
 
 Victor Arthur Wellington Drummond, 
 Esq., Secretary of Legation, 82G Four- 
 teenth street. 
 
 Captain William Arthur, C. B. R. N., 
 Naval Attach6, Wormley's. 
 
 Henry Howard, Esq., C. B., Second 
 Secretary, 1617 I street. 
 
 Charles Fox Frederick Adam, Esq., 
 Second Secretary, 1711 Rhode Island ave. 
 
 Lord George F. Montagu, Third Secre- 
 tary, 1340 I street. 
 
 H. G. G. Cadogan, Esq., Attach^, British 
 Legation, Connecticut avenue. 
 
 GUATEMALA. 
 
 [See also Salvador.] 
 
 Sefior Don Arturo Ubico, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, the 
 Arlington, and 318 Madison avenue New 
 York. 
 
 Sefior Doctor Lorcuzo Montufar, Minis- 
 ter of State of Guatemala, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, pn 
 Special Mission, the Arlington. 
 
 HAWAII. 
 Mr. Elisha H. Allen, Envoy Extraor- 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 216 
 West Forty-fourth street. New York and 
 the Riggs House, Washington. 
 
 HAYTI. 
 
 Mr. Stephen Preston, Envoy Extraor- 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1403 
 K street. 
 
 Mr. Charles A. Preston, Secretary of 
 Legation, 54 East Twenty-fifth street, New 
 York. 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 Baron de Fava, Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary', Willard's. 
 
 Prince de Camporeale, First Secretary of 
 Legation. (Absent.) 
 
 JAPAN. 
 
 Jushie Yoshida Kiyonari, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1310 N street. 
 
 Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Attach^, 1300 
 Vermont avenue. 
 
 Mr. Hashiguchi Naoyemou, Attach^, 945 
 K street. 
 
 MEXICO. 
 
 Sefior Don Manuel M. de Zamacona, 
 Envpy Extraordinary' and Minister Pleni- 
 potentiary-, 1416 and 1418 K street. 
 
 Sefior Don Jos6 T. de Cuellar, First 
 Secretary of Legation, 1313 Riggs street. 
 
 Sefior Don Cayetano Romero, Second 
 Secretarj', 1316 I street. 
 
 SefiorDon Miguel Covarrubiaa, Auxil- 
 iary Secretary, 1418 K street.
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Senor D. Heberto E. Rodriguez, Auxil- 
 iary Secretary, 1013 Fourteenth street. 
 
 Senor Don Rafael Pardo, Attache. (Ao- 
 sent.) 
 
 IsTETHEKLANDS. 
 
 Mr. Rudolph de Pestel, Minister Resi- 
 dent, 1415 G street. (Absent.) 
 
 Mr. Rudolph C. Burlage, Charge de Af- 
 fairs ad interim, Netherlands Consulate 
 General, New York. 
 
 NICARAGUA. 
 
 (No representative at present.) 
 
 PERU. 
 
 Sefior Don J. Federico Elmore, Minis- 
 ter Resident, the Hamilton, Fourteenth 
 and K streets. 
 
 PORTUGAL. 
 
 Viscount das Nogueiras, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1724 I street. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 Mr. Michel Bartholomei, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1015- Connecticut avenue. 
 
 Mr. Gregoire de Willamov, Secretary of 
 Legation. 
 
 Mr. Wladimir de Meissner, Second Sec- 
 retary, 1736 N street. 
 
 SALVADOR. 
 
 [See also Guatemala.] 
 Senor Don Arturo Ubico, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minis-ter Plenipotentiary, the 
 Arlington. Summer address: 35 Broad- 
 way, New York. 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 Sefior Don Francisco Barca, Envoy Ex- 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1925 F street. 
 
 Sefior Don Eduardo Bosch, First Secre- 
 tary of Legation. (Absent.) 
 
 Sefior Don Jos6 de Soto, Second Secre- 
 tary' of Legation, 813 Fifteenth street. 
 
 Sefior Don Fernando Roca de Togores, 
 Third Secretary, 503 Thirteenth street. 
 
 Sefior Don Jose Viudes Giron, Attache, 
 1340 I street. 
 
 Senor Don Rafoel Moore y de Pedro, At- 
 tache, 1340 I street. 
 
 Colonel Don Jose Ramon de Olafieta, 
 Military Attach6, Windsor Hotel, New 
 York. 
 
 Com. Don Juan Montojo, Naval Attach^, 
 1916 F street. 
 
 Office of the Legation, 1916 F street. 
 
 SWEDEN AND NORWAY. 
 
 Count Carl Lowonhaui>t, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 1021 Connecticut avenne. 
 
 Mr. de T?ildt, Secretary of Legation, 920 
 Seventeenth street. 
 
 TURKEY. 
 
 Gregoire Aristarchi Bey, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and ^linister Plenipotentiary, 804 
 Seventeenth street. 
 
 Rustem Eflfendi, Secretary of Legation 
 725 Fifteenth street. 
 
 VENEZUELA. 
 
 Senor Don Simon Camacho, Charge 
 d' Affaires, 1325 F street Washington, or 
 P O. box 1368, New York. 
 
 Alpbabetlcal List of Senators, Representa- 
 tives and Delegates, 
 
 Of the 47«ft Congress,— Sessiotis 1881-83. With their Eome 
 Posl-Qffices. 
 
 SENATORS. 
 
 Salary, 85,000 each and Mileage. 
 
 David Davis. Pres. pro tern. {Salary, 
 
 $8,000.) Bloomington, 111. 
 Aldrich, N. W., Providence, R. I. 
 Allison, B. William, Dubuque, Iowa. 
 Anthony, Henry B., Providence, R. I. 
 Bayard,' Thomas F., Wilmington, Del. 
 Beck, James B., Lexington, Ky. 
 Blair, Henry W., Plymouth, N. H. 
 Brown, Joseph E., Atlanta, Ga. 
 Butler, M. C, Edgefield, S. C. 
 Call, Wilkinson, Jacksonville, Fla. 
 Camden, Johnson N., Parkersburg, W. Va. 
 Cameron, James Donald, Harrisburg, Pa. 
 Cameron, Angus, La Crosse, Wis. 
 Cockrell, Francis M., Warrenburg, Mo. 
 Coke, Richard, Waco, Tex. 
 Congar, Omar D., Port Huron, Mich. 
 Davis, Henry G., Piedmont, W. Va. 
 Dawes, Henry L., Pittsfield, Mass. 
 Edmunds, George F., Burlington, Vt. 
 Fair, James G., Virginia City, Nev. 
 Farley, James T., Jackson, Cal. 
 Ferry, Thomas W., Grand Haven, Mich. 
 Frye, William P., Lcwiston, Me. 
 Garland, Augustus H., Little Rock, Ark. 
 George, James Z., Jackson, Miss. 
 Gorman, Arthur P., Laurel, Md. 
 Groome, James B., Elkton, Md. 
 Grover, Lafayette, Salem, Greg. 
 Hale, Eugene, Ellsworth, Me^ 
 Hampton, Wade, Columl)i:i, S. C. 
 Harris, Isham G., Mem])his, Tenn. 
 Harrison, Benjamin, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 Hawlev, Joseph R., Hartford, Conn. 
 Hill, Nathaniel P., Denver, Colo. 
 Hill, Benjamin H., Atlanta, Ga. 
 Hoar, George F., Worcester, Mass. 
 Ingalls, John James, Atchison, Kan. 
 Jackson, Howell E., Jackson, Tenn. 
 Johnston, Jolin W., Abingdon, Va. 
 Jonas, Benjamin Franklin, N. Orleans,!*. 
 Jones, Charles W., Pensacola, Fla. 
 Jones, John P., Gold Hill, Nev. 
 Kellogg, William Pitt, New Orleans, La. 
 , Lamar, L. Q. C, Oxford, Miss.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 21 
 
 Lapham, Elbriclge G., Canandaigua, N. Y. 
 Logan, John A., Chicago, 111. 
 McDill, James W., Alton, Iowa. 
 McMillan, Samuel J. R., St. Paul, Minn. 
 McPher.son, John R., Jersey City, N. J. 
 Mahone, William, Petersl>urg, Va. 
 Maxey, Samuel B., Paris, Tex. 
 Miller, John F., San Francisco, Cal. 
 Miller, Warner, Herkimer, N. Y. 
 Mitchell, John I., Wellsboro', Pa. 
 Morgan, .Tohn T., Washington, D. C. 
 Morrill, Justin S., Stall'. )r(l, Vt. 
 Pendleton, George H., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 Piatt, Orville H., Meriden, Conn. 
 Plumb, Preston B., li^mporia, Kans. 
 Pugh, James L., Eufaula, Ala. 
 Eansom, Matt. W., Weldon, N. C. 
 Rollins, Edward H., Concord, N. H. 
 Saulsbury, Eli, Dover, Del. 
 Saunders, Alvin, Omaha, Nebr. 
 Sawver, Philetus, Oshkosh, Wis. 
 Scwell, William J., Camden, N. J. 
 Sherman, John, Mansfield, Ohio. 
 Slater, James H., La Grande, Oreg. 
 Teller, Henry M., Central City, Colo. 
 Vance, Zebulon, Charlotte, N. C. 
 Van Wyck, Chas. H., Nebra.ska City, Nebr. 
 Vest, George G., Kansas City, Mo. 
 Voorhees, Daniel W., Terre Haute, Ind. 
 Walker, James D., Fayetteville, Ark. 
 Williams, John S., Mount Sterling, Ky. 
 Wiudom, William, Winona, Minn. 
 
 REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Salary, $5,(X10 each, and Mileage. 
 
 Keifer, J. W., Speal-er, Springfield, Ohio. 
 Aiken, I). Wyatt, Cokesbury, S. C. 
 Aldrich, William, Chicago, 111. 
 Allen, Thomas, Saint Louis, Mo. 
 Anderson, .John A., Manhattan, Kans. 
 Armfield, R. F., Statesville, N. C. 
 Atkins, J. D. C, Paris, Tennessee. 
 Atherton, Gibson, Newark, Ohio. 
 Barbour, John S., Alexandria, Va. 
 Barr, Samuel F., Harrisburg, Pa. 
 Bayne, Thomas M., Allegheny City, Pa. 
 Beach, Lewis, Cornwall, N. Y. 
 Belford, James B., Central City, Colo. 
 Belmont, Perry, New York, N. Y. 
 Beltzhoover, Frank E., Carlisle, Pa. 
 Berry, Campbell P., Wheatland, Cal. 
 Bingham, Henry H., Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Black, George R., Sylvania, Ga. 
 Blackljurn, Joseph C. S., Versailles, Ky. 
 Blanchard, N. C, Shreveport, La. 
 Bland, Richard P., Lebanon, Mo. 
 Bliss, Archibald M., Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 Blount, James H., Macon, Ga. 
 Bowman, Selwyn Z., Somerville, Mass, 
 Bragg, Edward S., Fond du Lac, Wis. 
 Brewer, J. Hart, Trenton, N. J. 
 Briggs, James F., Manchester, N. H. 
 Browne, Thomas M., Winchester, Ind. 
 Brumm, C. N., Pottsville, Pa. 
 Buchanan, Hugh, Newnan, Ga. 
 Buck, John R., Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Buckner, Aylett H., ^fexico. Mo. 
 Burrows, Julius C, Kalamazoo, Mich. 
 Burniws, J. H., Cainsville, Mo. 
 Butterworth, Benjamin. Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 Cabell, George C, Danville, Va. 
 Caldwell, John W., Russellville, Kv. 
 Calkins, William H., La Porte, lud. 
 Camp, .John H., Lyons, N. Y. 
 Camjibell, .1. M., Johnstown, Pa. 
 Candler, John W., Boston, Ma.ss. 
 Cannon, Joseph G., Danville, 111. 
 Carlisle, John G., Covington, Ky. 
 Carpenter, Cyrus C, Fort Dodge, Iowa. 
 Cassidy, George W., Eureka, Nev. 
 Caswell, Lucien B., Fort Atkinson, Wis. 
 Chace, Jonathan, Providence, R. I. 
 Chalmers, James Ronald, Vicksburg, Misa. 
 Chapman, A. G., La Plata, Md. 
 Clardy, Martin L., Farmington, Mo. 
 Clark, John B., jr., Fayette, Mo. 
 Clements, Judson C, La Fayette, Ga. 
 Cobb, Thomas R., Vincennes, Ind. 
 Colerick, Walpole G., Fort Wayne, Ind. 
 Converse, George L., Columbus, Ohio. 
 Cook, Philip, Americus, Ga. 
 Cornell, Thomas, Roudout, N. Y. 
 Covington, G. W., Snow Hill, Md. 
 Cox, Samuel S., New York, N. Y. 
 Cox, William R., Raleigh, N. C. 
 Crapo, William W., New Bedford, Mass. 
 Cravens, Jordan E., Clarksville, Ark. 
 Crowley, Richard, Lockport, N. Y. 
 Culberson, David B., Jefferson, Tex. 
 Cullen, William, Ottawa, 111. 
 Curtin, Andrew G., Bellefonte, Pa. 
 Cutts, Madison E., Oskaloosa, Iowa. 
 Darrall, C. B., Morgan City, La. 
 Davidson, Robert H. M., Quincy, Fla. 
 Davis, George R., Chicago, 111. 
 Davis, Lowndes H., Jackson, Mo. 
 Dawes, Rufus R., Marietta, Ohio. 
 Deering, Nathaniel C, Osage, Iowa. 
 De Motte, Mark L., Valparaiso, Ind. 
 Deuster, Peter V., Milwaukee, Wis. 
 Dezendorf, John F., Norfolk, Va. 
 Dibble, Samuel, Orangeburg, S. C. 
 Dibrell, George G., Sparta, Tenn. 
 Dingley, N., jr., Lewiston, Me. 
 Dowd, Clement, Charlotte, N. C. 
 Dugro, P. Henry, New York, N. Y. 
 Dunn, Poindexter, Forest City, Ark. 
 Dunnell, Mark H., Owatonna, Minn. 
 Dwight, Jeremiah W., Dryden, N. Y. 
 Ellis, E. John, New Orleans, La. 
 Ermentrout, Daniel, Reading, Pa. 
 Errett, Russell, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
 Evins, John H., Spartanburir, S. C. 
 Farwell, Charles B., Chicago', 111. 
 Farwell, Sewall S., Monticello, low^a. 
 Finley, Jesse J., Lake City, Fh\. 
 Fisher, Horatio G., Huntingdon, Pa. 
 Flower, R. P., New York, N. Y. 
 Ford, Nicholas, Rochester, Mo. 
 Forney, William H., Jacksonville, Ala. 
 Frost, R. Graham, Saint Louis, Mo. 
 Fulkerson, Abr.am, Bristol, Tenn. 
 Garrison, George T., Accomac, Va.
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Geddes, George W., Mansfield, Oliio. 
 George, M. C, Portland, Oreg. 
 Gibson, Randall Lee, New Orleans, La. 
 Godshalk, William, New Britain, Pa. 
 Grout, William W., Barton, Vt. 
 Guenthcr, Richard, Oshkosh, Wis. 
 Gunter, Thomas M., Fayetteville, Ark. 
 Hall, Joshua G., Dover, N. H. 
 Hammond, John, Crown Point, N. Y. 
 Hammond, N. J., Atlanta, Ga. 
 Hardenbergh, A. A., Jersey City, N. J. 
 Hardy, John, New York. 
 Harnier, Alfred C, Germantown, Pa. 
 Harris, Benj. W., East Bridgewater, Mass. 
 Harris, Henry S., Belvidere, N. J. 
 Haskell, Dudley C., Lawrence, Kan. 
 Hatch, William H., Hannibal, Mo. 
 Hawk, Robert M. A., Mount Carroll, 111. 
 Hazeltine, Ira S., Junction City, Mo. 
 Hazelton George C, Boscobel, Wis. 
 Heilman, William, Evansville, Ind. 
 Henderson, Thomas J., Princeton, 111. 
 Hepburn, W. P., Clarinda, la. 
 Herbert, Hilary A., Montgomery, Ala. 
 Herndon, Thomas H., Mobile, Ala. 
 Hewitt, Abram S., New York, N. Y. 
 Hewitt, Goldsmith W., Birmingham, Ala. 
 Hill, John, Boonton, N. J. 
 Hiscock, Frank, Syracuse, N. Y. 
 Hoblitzell, F. S., Baltimore, Md. 
 Hoge, John Blair, Martinsburg, W. Va. 
 Holman, William S., Aurora, Ind. 
 Hooker, Charles E., Jackson, Miss. 
 Horr, Roswell G., East Saginaw, Mich. 
 Houk, L. C, Knoxville, Tenn. 
 House, John F., Clarksville, Tenn. 
 Hubbell, J. A., Houghton, Mich. 
 Hubbs, Orlando, New Berne, N. C. 
 Humphrey, Herman L., Hudson, Wis. 
 Hutchins, Waldo, New York City. 
 Jacobs, Ferris, jr., Delhi, N. Y. 
 Jadwin, C. C, Honesdale, Pa. 
 Jones, George W., Bastrop, Tex. 
 Jones, James K., Washington, Ark. 
 Jones, Phineas, Newark, N. J. 
 Jorgensen, Joseph, Petersburg, Va. 
 Joyce, Charles IT., Rutland, Vt. 
 Kasson, .John A., Dcs Moines, Iowa. 
 Kelley, William D., Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Kenna, John E., Kanawha C. H., W. Va. 
 Ketcham, John H., Dover Plains, N. Y. 
 King, J. Floyd, Vidalia, La. 
 Klotz, Robert, Mauch Chunk, Pa. 
 Knott, J. I'roctor, Lebanon, Ky. 
 Lace, Edward 8., Charlotte, Mich. 
 Ladd, CJeorge W., Bangor, Me. 
 Latham, L. C, Greenville, N. C. 
 Leedom, John P., West Union, O. 
 LeFevre, Benjamin, Sidney, O. 
 Lewis, J. H., Knoxville, 111. 
 Lindsev, Stei)iien I)., Norridgewock, Me. 
 Lord, J'lcnry AV., Detroit, Mich. 
 Manning, Van JI., Holly Springs, Miss. 
 Marsh, Benjamin F., Warsaw, 111. 
 Martin, Edward L., t^eaford, Del. 
 Mason, Josq)h, Hamilton, N. Y. 
 Mataon, C. C., Green Caatle, Ind. 
 
 McClure, A. S., Wooster, O. 
 McCoid, Moses A., Fairfield, Iowa. 
 McCook, Anson G, New York, N. Y. 
 McKenzie, James A., Lungview, Ky. 
 McKinley, William, jr.. Canton, Ohio. 
 McLane, Robert M., Bulltimore, Md. 
 McMillin, Benton, Carthage, Tenn. 
 Miles, Frederick, Chapinville, Conn. 
 Miller, Samuel H., Mercer, Pa. 
 Mills, Roger Q., Corsicana, Tex. 
 Money, Hernando D., Winona, Miss. 
 Moore, William R., Memphis, Tenn. 
 Morey, Henry L., Hamilton, Ohio. 
 Morrison, William E., Waterloo, 111. 
 Morse, Leopold, Boston, Mass, 
 Mosgrove, James, Kittanning, Pa. 
 Moulton, Samuel W., Shelbyville, 111. 
 Muldrow, Henry L., Stark ville. Miss. 
 Murch, Thompson H., Eockland, Me. 
 Mutchler, William, Easton, Pa. 
 Neal, Henry S., Ironton, Ohio. 
 Nolan, M. N., Albany, N. Y. 
 Norcross, Amasa, Fitchburg, Mass. 
 Gates, William C, Abbeville, Ala. 
 O'Neill, Charles, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Orth, Godlove S., La Fayette, Ind. 
 Pacheco, Romualdo, San Luis Obispo, Cal. 
 Page, Horace F., Placerville, Cal. 
 Parker, A. X., Potsdam, N. Y. 
 Paul, John, Harrisonburg, Va. 
 Payson, Lewis E., Pontiac, 111. 
 Peelle, Stanton J., Indianapolis, Ind. 
 Pierce, R. B. F., Crawfordsville, Ind. 
 Pettiboue, A. H., Greeneville, Tenn. 
 Phelps, James, Essex, Conn. 
 Phister, Elijah C, Maysville, Ky. 
 Pound, Thaddcus C, Chippewa Falls, Wis. 
 Prescott, Cyrus D., Rome, N. Y. 
 Randall, Samuel J., Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Ranney, A. A., Boston, Mass. 
 Ray, Ossian, Lancaster, N. H. 
 Reagan, John H., Palestine, Tex. 
 Reed, Thomas B., Portland, Me. 
 Rice, John B., Fremont, Ohio. 
 Rice, T. M., Boonville, Mo. 
 Rice, William W., Worcester, Mass. 
 Richardson, David P., Angelica, N. Y.' 
 Richardson, John S., Sumter, S. C. 
 Rich, John T., Port Huron, Mich. 
 Ritchie, James M., Toledo, Ohio. 
 Robeson, George M., Camden, N. J. 
 Robertson, Edw. White, Baton Rouge, La. 
 Robinson, George D., Chicopee, Mass, 
 Robinson, .Tames S., Kenton, Ohio. 
 Robinson, William E., Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 Rosecrans, W. S., San Francisco, Cal. 
 Ross, Miles, New Brunswick, N. J. 
 Russell, William A., Lawrence, Mass. 
 Ryan, Thomas, Topeka, Ivans. 
 Scales, Alfred M., Greensboro', N. C. 
 Schultz, Emanuel, Dayton, Ohio. 
 Sco ville, Jonathan, Buffalo, N. Y, 
 Scranton, Josepli A., Scranton, Pa. 
 Shackelford, J. W., Jacksonville, N.C. 
 Shallenberger, William S., Rochester, Pa. 
 Shelley, Charles M. Selma, Ala. 
 Sherwin, JohnC., Aurora, 111.
 
 BOOK YI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 23 
 
 Himonton, Charles B., Covington, Tenn. 
 Singleton, Otho R., Canton, Miss. 
 Singleton, James W., Quincy, 111. 
 Skinner, C. R., Watertown, N. Y.J 
 Smith, A. Herr, Lancaster, Pa. 
 Smith, D. C, Pekin, 111. 
 Smith, J. Hyatt, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 Spaulding, O. L. St. John, Mich. 
 S[)arks, Wm. A. J., Carlisle, 111. 
 S[)eer, Emory, Athens, Ga. 
 S[)00ner, Henry J., Providence, R. I. 
 Springer, William M., Springfield, 111. 
 Steele, George W., Marion, Ind. 
 Stephens, Alex. H., Crawfordville, Ga. 
 Stockslager, S. M., Corydon, Ind. 
 Stone, Eben F., Newburyport, Mass. 
 Strait, Horace B., Shakopee, Minn. 
 Talbott, J. Fred'k C, Towsontown, Md. 
 Taylor, Ezra B., Warren, Ohio. 
 Thomas, John R., Metropolis, 111. 
 Thompson, P. B., jr., Harrodsburg, Ky. 
 Thompson, William G.. Marion, Iowa. 
 Tillman, George D., Clark's Hill, S. C. 
 Townsend, Amos, Cleveland, Ohio. 
 Townshend, Rich'd W., Shawneetown, 111. 
 Tucker, J. Randolph, Lexington, Va. 
 Turner, Oscar, Woodville, Ky. 
 Turner, Henry G., Quitman, Ga. 
 Tyler, James 'M., Brattleboro', Vt. 
 Upde^raff, J. T., Mount Pleasant, Ohio. 
 Updegrafitj Thomas, McGregor, Iowa. 
 Upson, Columbus, San Antonio, Tex. 
 Urner, Milton G., Frederick City, Md. 
 Valentine, Edward K., West Point, Neb. 
 Van Aernam, Henry, Franklinville, N. Y. 
 Vance, Robert B., Asheville, N. C. 
 Van Horn, R. T., Kansas City, Mo. 
 Van Voorhis, John, Rochester, N. Y. 
 Wadsworth, J. W., New York. 
 Wait, John T., Norwich, Conn. 
 Walker, R. J. C, Williamsport, Pa. 
 Ward, William, Chester, Pa. 
 Warner, Richard, Louisburg, Tenn. 
 Washburn, Wm. D., Minneapolis, Minn. 
 Watson, Lewis F., Warren, Pa. 
 Weber, George W., Ionia, Mich. 
 Welborn, Olin, Dallas, Tex. 
 West, George, Ballston, N. Y. 
 Wheeler, Joseph, Wheeler, Ala. 
 White, John D., Lexington, Ky. 
 Whitthorne, W. C, Columbia, Tenn. 
 Willits, Edwin, Monroe, Mich. 
 Willis, Albert S., Louisville, Ky. 
 Williams, Charles G., Janesville, Wis. 
 Williams, Thomas, Wetumpka, Ala. 
 Wilson, Benjamin, Wilsonburg, W. Va. 
 Wise, George D., Richmond, Va. 
 Wise, Morgan R., Waynesburg, Pa. 
 Wood, Benjamin, New York, N. Y. 
 Wood, Walter A., Hoosick Falls, N. Y. 
 Young, Thomas I., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 DELEGATES. 
 
 Ainslie, George, Idaho Citv, Idaho. 
 Brents, Tliomas H., Walla Walla, Wash. 
 Luna, Tranquilino, Los Lunas, N. Mex. 
 
 Maginnis, Martin, Helena, Mont. 
 Oury, Granville H., Florence, Ariz. 
 Pettigrew, R. F., Sioux Falls, Dak. 
 Post, M. E., Cheyenne, Wyo. 
 
 [For salaries of clerks and other em- 
 ployees of both the Senate and House, see 
 the New Act in Book V. of Existing Laws, 
 this volume. ] They are appointed by their 
 respective chiefs, pursuant to the recom- 
 mendations of majority Senators or Repre- 
 sentatives, and with some regard to an 
 equal division among the States. During 
 the Senate Sessions of 1882, the minor of- 
 fices remained in the hands of the Demo- 
 crats, owing to a tie vote, President Davis 
 refusing to remove them by his vote ; but 
 the Republicans have the majority of the 
 Committees, and each Chairman has on 
 these the api)ointment of a clerk, at a com- 
 pensation fixed by the Appropriation Bill 
 
 COMMITTEES OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE. 
 
 Standing Committees. 
 
 Commiitee on Priinleyes and Elections. 
 
 George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. 
 Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin. 
 John Sherman, of Ohio. 
 William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 P^lbridge G. Lapham, of New York. 
 Eli Saulsbury, of Delaware. 
 Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. 
 Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. 
 James L. Pugh, of Alabama. 
 
 Commiliee on Foreign Relationt. 
 
 ^V^illiam Windom, of Minnesota. 
 John F. Miller, of California. 
 Thomas AV. Ferry, of Michigan. 
 George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. 
 Elbridge G. Lapham, of New York. 
 John W. Johnston, of Virgina. 
 .1. T. Morgan, of Alabama. 
 Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. 
 George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. 
 
 Commiitee on Fitiance. 
 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. 
 John Sherman, of Ohio. 
 Thomas W. Ferry, of Michigan. 
 John P. Jones, of Nevada. 
 William B. Allison, of Iowa. 
 Nelson W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island. 
 Tliomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. 
 D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana. 
 James B. Beck, of Kentucky. 
 John R. McPherson, of New Jersey. 
 Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee. 
 
 OommiUee on Appropriatiom, 
 
 William B. Allison, of Iowa. 
 .Tohn A. Logan, of Illiiois. 
 Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. 
 Preston B. Phiinii, of Kansaa. 
 Eugene Hale, of Maine.
 
 24 
 
 •'AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia. 
 James B. Beck, of Kentucky. 
 Matt. W. Ransom, of North Carolina. 
 Francis E. Cockrell, of Missouri. 
 
 CoitDnittee on Coiiimerce. 
 
 Samuel J. R. McMillan, of Minnesota. 
 John P. Jones, of Nevada. 
 William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. 
 Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. 
 Matt. W. Ransom, of North Carolina. 
 Richard Coke, of Texas. 
 James T. Farley, of California. 
 George G. Vest, of Missouri. 
 
 Clommittee on Manufactures. 
 
 Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. 
 Eugene Hale, of Maine. 
 William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. 
 John R. McPherson, of New Jersey. 
 John S. Williams, of Kentucky, 
 
 Committee on Agriculture. 
 
 William Mahone, of Virginia. 
 Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, 
 Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas. 
 Charles H, Van Wyck, of Nebraska. 
 Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia, 
 James H. Slater, of Oregon. 
 James Z. George, of Mississippi. 
 
 Committee on Military Affairs. 
 
 John A. Logan, of Illinois. 
 James Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania. 
 Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 
 William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. 
 Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 
 Francis M. Cockrell, of Missouri. 
 Samuel B. Maxey, of Texas. 
 La Fayette Grover, of Oregon. 
 Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. 
 
 Committee on Naval Affairs. 
 
 James Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania. 
 Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island. 
 Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. 
 John F, Miller, of California. 
 William Mahone, of Virginia. 
 John R. McPherson, of New Jersey. 
 Charles W. Jones, of Florida. 
 Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. 
 James T. Farley, of California. 
 
 Committee on the Judiciary. 
 
 George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, 
 John A Logan, of Illinois. 
 John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, 
 Samuel .1. R. McMillan, of Minnesota. 
 Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. 
 Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas. 
 David Davis, of Illinois. 
 Thomas F'. Bayard, ol" Delaware. 
 L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. 
 
 Committee on Posl-OfficcH and Pi,>t-Jload». 
 
 Thomas W. Ferry, of Michigan. 
 Nathaniel P. Hill, of (Colorado. 
 Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. 
 William Mahone, of Virginia. 
 Warner Miller, of New York. 
 Sanmcl B. Maxey, of Texas. 
 
 Eli Saulsbury, of Delaware, 
 James T. Farley, of California. 
 James B. Groome, of Maryland. 
 
 Committee on Public Lands. 
 
 Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas. 
 Nathaniel P. Hill, of Colorado. 
 Henry W. Blair, of New HamjDshire. 
 Charles H. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. 
 James W. McDill, of Iowa. 
 Charles W. Jones, of Florida. 
 La Fayette Grover, of Oregon. 
 James D. Walker, of Arkansas. 
 John T. Morgan, of Alabama. 
 
 Committee on Private Land-Claim*. 
 
 Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. 
 Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. 
 AVilkinson Call, of Florida. 
 George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. 
 William B. Allison, of Iowa, 
 
 Committee on Indian Affairs. 
 
 Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. 
 John J. Ingalls, of Kansas. 
 A. Saunders, of Nebraska. 
 Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 
 Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin. 
 Richard Coke, of Texas. 
 George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. 
 J. D. Walker, of Arkansas. 
 James H. Slater, of Oregon, 
 
 Committee on Pensions. 
 
 Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. 
 Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. 
 Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire. 
 John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. 
 Charles H. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. 
 James B. Groome, of Maryland. 
 James H. Slater, of Oregon. 
 Howell E. Jackson, of Tennessee. 
 Johnson N, Camden, of West Virginia, 
 
 Committee on Revolutionary Claims. 
 
 John W. Johnston, of Virginia. 
 Charles W. Jones, of Florida. 
 Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. 
 Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island. 
 Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. 
 
 Commitiec on Claims. 
 
 Angus Cameron, of AVisconsin. 
 William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. 
 George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. 
 Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. 
 .Tames L. Pugh, of Alabama. 
 Howell E. Jackson, of Tennessee. 
 James Z. George, of Mississippi, 
 James G. Fair, of Nevada, 
 
 Committee on the District of Oolurnbia, 
 
 •Tohn J. Ingalls, of Kansas. 
 
 E. If. Rollins, of New Hampshire. 
 
 Samuel J. R. McMillan, of Minnesota. 
 
 Nt'lson W. Aldrich, ol' Rhode Island, 
 
 .Fames W. McDill, of Iowa. 
 
 Isliam (}. Harris, of Tennessee, 
 
 M. C. Butler, of South Carolina,
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 25 
 
 Zebulon B. Vance, of Nortli Carolina. 
 Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland. 
 
 Commitlee on Patents. 
 
 Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. 
 George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. 
 John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. 
 William Windoni, of Minnesota. 
 Richard Coke, of Texas. 
 Wilkinson Call, of Florida. 
 John S. Williams, of Kentucky. 
 
 CommiUee on Territories. 
 
 Alvin Saunders, of Nebraska. 
 William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. 
 James W. McDill, of Iowa. 
 Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 
 M. C. Butler, of South Carolina. 
 A. H. Garland, of Arkansas. 
 George G. Vest, of Missouri. 
 
 Committee on Railroads, 
 
 William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. 
 H. M. Teller, of Colorado. 
 A. Saunders, of Nebraska. 
 Joseph R. Hawlcy, of Connecticut. 
 Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. 
 William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. 
 L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. 
 La Fayette Grover, of Oregon. 
 John S. Williams, of Kentucky. 
 Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. 
 Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia. 
 
 Committee on Mines and Mining. 
 
 Nathaniel P. Hill, of Colorado. 
 
 John P. .Jones, of Nevada. 
 
 Charles II. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. 
 
 John F. Miller, of California. 
 
 Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. 
 
 James G. Fair, of Nevada. 
 
 Johnson N. Camden, of West Virginia. 
 
 Committee on the lievision of the Laws of the United Stales^ 
 
 John F. Miller, of California. 
 Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. 
 Eugene Hale, of Maine. 
 David Davis,»of Illinois. 
 George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. 
 
 Committee on Ediu:ation and Labor. 
 
 Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire. 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. 
 William Windom, of Minnesota. 
 William Mahone, of Virginia. 
 Nelson W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island. 
 Samuel B. Maxey, of Texas. 
 Jose])h E. Brown, of Georgia. 
 James Z. George, of Mississippi. 
 James G. Fair, of Nevada. 
 
 Committee on CivU Service and Betreyichment. 
 
 Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 
 Edward H. Rollins, of Ncav Hampshire. 
 John P. Jones, of Nevada. 
 Henrv L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. 
 U. C. Butler, of South Carolina. 
 James D. Walker, of Arkansas. 
 John S. Williams, of Kentucky. 
 
 Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Ezpenu* of 
 
 the tienate. 
 
 John P. Jones, of Nevada. 
 Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. 
 Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. 
 
 Committee on Engroued BUU. 
 
 Eli Saulsbury, of Delaware. 
 Wilkinson Call, of Florida. 
 
 Committee on Rules. 
 
 William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. 
 John Sherman, of Ohio. 
 Wilkinson Call, of Florida. 
 Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland. 
 
 Committee on the Improvement of the Mississippi River and 
 its Tributaries. 
 
 John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. 
 William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. 
 Charles H. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. 
 William P. Frye, of Maine. 
 Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. 
 Francis M. Cockrell, of Missouri. 
 Howell E. Jackson, of Tennessee. 
 
 Committee on Transportation Routes to the Sedboari. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. 
 
 James Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
 
 William Windom, of Minnesota. 
 
 Elbridge G. Lapham, of New York. 
 
 James B. Beck, of Kentucky. 
 
 D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana. 
 
 Johnson N. Camden, of West Virginia. 
 
 Select Commltteea of the Senate. 
 
 Select CommiUee to Examine the Several Branches of the 
 Civil Service. 
 
 Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. 
 Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. 
 Alvin Saunders, of Nebraska. 
 Wade Hampton of South Carolina, 
 James B. Groome, of Maryland. 
 
 Select Committee to ascertain the results of the Tenth Cewmt. 
 
 Eugene Hale, of Maine. 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. 
 Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. 
 James W. IMoDill, of Iowa. 
 George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. 
 John T. Morgan, of Alabama. 
 I. G. Harris, of Tennessee. 
 
 Select Committee to Inve/'tiqatc the Introduction and Spread 
 of Epidemic Diseases. 
 
 I. G. Harris, of Tennessee. 
 L. Q. C. Lamar, of :\Iississippi. 
 A. H. Garland, of Arkansas. 
 Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. 
 Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. 
 AVarner ]\niler, of New York. 
 William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. 
 
 Select ComtniUee In Inquire into Claims of Citisent of lit 
 Vnited Stales against Xicara.jua. 
 
 Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia. 
 James B. Groome, of ^[nryland. 
 John W. Johnston, of Virginia. 
 Nathaniel P. Hill, of Colorado. 
 John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania.
 
 26 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 Joint Committees of tbe Senate. 
 
 Joint Committee on Public Printing, * 
 
 Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island. 
 Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 
 Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland. 
 
 Joint Committee on Enrolled BiiU. 
 
 William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. 
 Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. 
 James L. Pugh, of Alabama. 
 
 Joint Committee on the Library. * 
 
 John Sherman, of Ohio. 
 
 George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. 
 
 Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana. 
 
 Joint Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. * 
 
 Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. 
 Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin. 
 Charles W. Jones, of Florida. 
 George G. Vest, of Missouri. 
 
 Joint Select Committees. 
 
 On Addiliorud Accommodations for the Library of Congress. 
 
 D. W. Vorhees, of Indiana. 
 M. C. Butler, of South Carolina. 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. 
 
 On Honoring the Memory of the late James A. Garfield. 
 
 John Sherman, of Ohio. 
 George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. 
 Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. 
 Elbridge G. Lapham, of New York. 
 Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. 
 J. T. Morgan, of AJabama. 
 
 The committees of the Senate are ap- 
 pointed by the caucuses of their respective 
 parties, and previous rank is as closely ob- 
 served as party lines will permit. Those 
 of the House ate appointed by the Speaker. 
 It is the rule in all parliamentary bodies to 
 give the majority party, in addition to the 
 Chairmanship, a majority on the commit- 
 tees, whether special or standing commit- 
 tees. Exceptions are rare and usually un- 
 important. 
 
 COMMITTEES OF THE UNITED STATES HOOSE OF 
 REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Standing Committees. 
 
 Committee on Eln-linn. 
 
 William H. Calkins, of Indiana. 
 G. C. Hazel ton, of Wisconsin. 
 J. T. Wait, of Connecticut. 
 W. G. Thompson, of Iowa. 
 A. A. Ranncy, of Massachusetts. 
 J. M. Ritchie, of Ohio. 
 A. H, Pettibone, of Tennessee. 
 8. H. Miller, of Pennsylvania. 
 Ferris .lacobs, jr., of New York. 
 John Paul, of Virginia. 
 
 * This committeo hao power to act concurrently with 
 the same conunitteo of the House of KeprcgcDtatlres. 
 
 Frank E. Beltzhoover, of Pennsylvania. 
 Gibson Atherton, of Ohio. 
 Lowndes" H. Davis, of Missouri. 
 G. W. Jones, of Texas. 
 S. W. Moulton, of Illinois. 
 
 Committee on Ways and Meant. 
 
 William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania. 
 John A. Kasson, of Iowa. 
 Mark H. Dunnell, of Minnesota. 
 William McKinley, jr., of Ohio. 
 Jay A. Hubbell, of Michigan. 
 Dudley C. Haskell, of Kans|is. 
 William A. Russell, of Massachusetts. 
 Russell Errett, of Pennsylvania. 
 Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia. 
 John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky. 
 William R. Morrison, of Illinois. 
 Emory Speer, of Georgia. 
 
 Committee on Appropriations. 
 
 Frank Hiscock, of New York. 
 G. M. Robeson, of New Jersey. 
 Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois. 
 J. C. Burrows, of Michigan. 
 Benjamin Buttem^orth, of Ohio. 
 L. B. Caswell, of Michigan. 
 Thomas Ryan, of Kansas. 
 Charles O'Neill, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. H. Ketcham, of New York. 
 Joseph C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. 
 S. S. Cox, of New York. 
 J. D. C. Atkins, of Tennessee. 
 William H. Forney, of Alabama. 
 Benjamin Le Fevre, of Ohio. 
 John E. Ellis, of Louisiana. 
 
 Committee on Judiciary. 
 
 Thomas B. Reed, of Maine. 
 
 Edwin Willits, of Michigan. 
 
 George D. Robinson, of Massachusetts. 
 
 J. F. Briggs, of New Hampshire. 
 
 H. L. Humphrey, of Wisconsin. 
 
 Ezra B. Taylor, of Ohio. 
 
 Moses A. McCoid, of Iowa. 
 
 L. E. Payson, of Illinois. 
 
 A. Norcross, of Massachusetts. 
 
 J. Proctor Knott, of Kentucky. 
 
 N. J. Hammond, of Georgia. 
 
 David B. Culberson, of Texas. 
 
 G. L. Converse, of Ohio. 
 
 Van H. Manning, of Mississippi. 
 
 R. W. Townshend, of Illinois. 
 
 Committee on Banking and Currency. 
 
 William W. Crapo, of Massachusetts. 
 
 D. C. Smith, of Illinois. 
 
 G. W. Webber, of Michigan. 
 
 N. Dingley,jr, of Maine. 
 
 W. R. Moore, of Tennessee. 
 
 Thomas Cornell, of New York. 
 
 C. N. Brumm, of Pennsylvania. 
 A H. Buckner, of Missouri. 
 
 A. A. Ilanlcnborgh, of New Jersey. 
 R. P. Flower, of New York. 
 
 D. Ermcntrout, of Pennsylvania.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 
 
 27 
 
 GommiUee on Coinage, Weights and Measures. 
 
 Horatio G. Fisher, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. B. Belford, of Colorado. 
 A. S. McClure, of Ohio. 
 E. S. Laccy, of Micliigan. 
 ^V. D. Washburn, ol' Minnesota. 
 L. E. Payson, of Illinois. 
 I. S. Hiiseltine, of Missouri. 
 Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. 
 Otho R. Singleton, of Mississippi. 
 W. S. Rosecrans, of California. 
 Richard P. Bland, of Missouri, 
 T. Luna, of N(^w Mexico. 
 
 Commillee on Commerce. 
 
 H. F. Page, of California. 
 
 D. P. Ric-nardson, of New York. 
 
 Amos Townsend, of Ohio. 
 
 R. G. Horr, of Michigan. 
 
 W. D. Washburn, of Minnesota. 
 
 J. W. Candler, of Massachusetts. 
 
 William Ward, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 John D. White, of Kentucky. 
 
 M. C. George, of Oregon. 
 
 R. Guenther, of Wisconsin. 
 
 John H. Regan, of Texas. 
 
 Robert M. McLane, of Maryland. 
 
 R. L. Gibson, of Louisiana. 
 
 Miles Ross, of New Jersey. 
 
 Thomas H. Herndon, of Alabama. 
 
 Committee on Agriculture. 
 
 Edward K. Valentine, of Nebraska. 
 J. T. Updegraff, of Ohio. 
 
 C. C. Carpenter, of Iowa. 
 John A. Anderson, of Kansas. 
 William Godshalk, of Pennsvlvania. 
 J. W. Wadsworth, of New York. 
 John T. Rich, of Michigan. 
 George West, of New York. 
 
 W. Cullen, of Illinois. 
 I. S. Hasoltine, of Missouri. 
 William H. Hatch, of Missouri. 
 George G. Dibrell, of Tennessee. 
 
 D. Wyatt Aiken, of South Carolina. 
 .. C. Latham, of North Carolina. 
 
 G. R. Black, of Georgia. 
 M. E. Post, of Wyoming. 
 
 Committee oti Foreign Affairs. 
 
 C. G. Williams, of Wisconsin. 
 
 Godlove S. Orth, of Indiana. 
 
 S. A. Kasson, of Iowa. 
 
 William W. Rice, of Massachusetts. 
 
 M. H. Dunnell, of Minnesota. 
 
 H. W. Lord, of Michigan. 
 
 R. J. C. Walker, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 •T. H. Blount, of Georgia. 
 
 lienjamin Wilson, of West Virginia. 
 
 Peter V. Deuster, of Wisconsin. 
 
 Perry Belmont, of New York. 
 
 Oommitlee on MUitary .Affairs. 
 
 Thomas J. Henderson, of Illinois. 
 Anson G. McCook, of New York. 
 T. M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. 
 G. W. Steele, of Indiana. 
 George R. Davis, of Illinois. 
 0. L. Spaulding, of Michigan. 
 
 Henry J. Spooner, of Rhode Island. 
 William A. J. Sparks, of Illinois. 
 Columbus Upson, of Texas. 
 Edward S. Bragg, of Wisconsin. 
 Josejih Wheeler, of Alabama. 
 Martin Maginnis, of Montana. 
 
 Committee on Suvul Affairs. 
 
 Benjamin W. Harris, of Massachusetts. 
 George M. Robeson, of New Jersey. 
 Alfred C. Harmer, of Pennsylvania. 
 John R. Thomas, of Illinois. 
 L. F. Watson, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. H. Kctcham, of New York, 
 J. F. Dezendorf, of Virginia. 
 Leopold Morse, of Massachusetts. 
 Robert H. M. Davidson, of Florida. 
 J. Frederick C. Talbot, of Maryland. 
 H. S. Harris, of New Jersey. 
 
 Commillee on the Post- Office and Post Hoods. 
 
 Henry H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania, 
 
 John A. Anderson, of Kansas. 
 
 J. Jorgenson, of Virginia. 
 
 E. S. Lacy, of Michigan. 
 
 Stanton J. Peelle, of Indiana. 
 
 S. S. Farwell, of Iowa. 
 
 H. L. Morey, of Ohio. 
 
 W. M. Springer, of Illinois. 
 
 H. D. Money, of Mississippi. 
 
 John H. Evins, of South Carolina. 
 
 R. F. Armfield, of North Carolina. 
 
 Thomas H. Brents, of Washington. 
 
 Committee on the Public Landt. 
 
 Thad. C. Pound, of Wisconsin. 
 J. B. Belford, of Colorado. 
 W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa. 
 J. W. Dwight, of New York. 
 L. F. Watson, of Pennsylvania* 
 H. B. Straight, of Minnesota. 
 T. M. Rice, of IMissouri. 
 T. R. Cobb, of Indiana. 
 J. E. Cravens, of Arkansas, 
 Elijah C. Phister, of Kentucky. 
 W. Mutchler, of Pennsylvania, 
 
 Committee on Indian Affairs. 
 
 Dudley C. Haskell, of Kansas. 
 
 Nathaniel C. Deering, of Iowa. 
 
 W. W. Rice, of Massachusetts. 
 
 Joseph Mason, of New York. 
 
 O. L. Spaulding, of Michigan. 
 
 J. R. Buck, of Connecticut. 
 
 D. P. Richardson, of New York. 
 
 C. E. Hooker, of Mississippi. 
 
 Alfred M. Scales, of North Carolina, 
 
 Olin Wellborn, of Texas. 
 
 N. C. Blanchard, of Louisiana. 
 
 George Ainslie, of Idaho. 
 
 CommiUee on the Terriloriei. 
 
 J. C. Burrows, of Michigan. 
 William Aldrich. of Illinois. 
 John Van Voorhis, of New York. 
 S. H. IMiller, of Pennsylvania. 
 R. R. Dawes, of Ohio. 
 Richard Crowley, of New York. 
 W. W. Grout, of Vermont.
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 E. Q.Mills, of Texas. 
 
 J. S. Richardson, of South Carolina. 
 
 Henry P. Dugro, of New York. 
 
 J. P. Leedom, of Ohio. 
 
 R. F. Pettigrew, of Dakota. 
 
 Committee on Eailicays and CancUs, 
 
 Amos Townsend, of Ohio. 
 J. W. Dwight, of New York. 
 T. J. Hendei'son, of Illinois. 
 J. M. Campbell, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 E. Schultz, of Ohio. 
 
 H. W. Lord, of Michigan. 
 J. Hart Brewer, of New Jersey. 
 J. E. Kenna, of West Virginia. 
 Morgan R. Wise of Pennsylvania. 
 J. E. Chalmers, of Mississippi. 
 
 F. S. Hoblitzell, of Maryland. 
 
 Committee on Manufacttires. 
 
 J. M. Campbell, of Pennsylvania. 
 John Hammond, of New York. 
 Phineas Jones, of New Jersey. 
 Frederick Miles, of Connecticut. 
 W. Godshalk, of Pennsylvania. 
 George West, of New York. 
 Jonathan Chace, of Rhode Island. 
 J. J. Finley, of Florida. 
 Thompson H. March, of Maine. 
 H. S. Harris, of New Jersey. 
 S. M. Stocklager, of Indiana. 
 
 Committee on UTine.i and Mining. 
 
 John Van Voorhis, of New York. 
 George R. Davis, of Illinois. 
 H. H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania. 
 A. Fulkerson, of Virginia. 
 Orlando Hubbs, of North Carolina. 
 W. H. Calkins, of Indiana. 
 Thomas L. Young, of Ohio. 
 
 G. W. Cassidy, of Nevada. 
 C. P. Berry, of California. 
 Benjamin Wood, of New York. 
 C. N. Brumm, of Pennsylvania. 
 G. H. Oury, of Arizona. 
 
 Committee on Piihlic Buildings and Grounds. 
 
 William S. Shallenberger, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 J. H. Lewis, of Illinois. 
 
 M. E. Cutts, of Iowa. 
 
 M. L. De Motte, of Indiana. 
 
 J. A. Scranton, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Nicholas P'ord, of Missouri. 
 
 J. Hyatt Smith, of New York. 
 
 Philip Cook, of Georgia. 
 
 A. S. Hewitt, of New York. 
 
 J. W. Singleton, of Illinois. 
 
 H. A. Herbert, of Alabama. 
 
 Committee on Pacific liailmads. 
 
 G. C. TIazleton, of Wisconsin. 
 
 A. C. Haniier, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Benjamin lUittcrworlli, of Ohio. 
 
 J. S. Robinson, of Ohio. 
 
 .Tolm Hammond, of New York. 
 
 John Paul, of Virginia. 
 
 C. B. Darrcll, of Louisiana. 
 
 C. B. Farwell. of Illinois. 
 
 James A. McKcnzie, of Kentucky. 
 
 Archibald M. Bliss, of New York. 
 J. F. House, of Tennessee. 
 Poindexter Dunn, of Arkansas. 
 M. Nolan, of New York. 
 
 Committee on Levies and Improvements of the Mississ^tpi 
 River. 
 
 John R. Thomas, of Illinois. 
 
 C. C. Carpenter, of Iowa. 
 
 Cyrus D. Prescott, of New York. 
 
 C. B. Darrell, of Louisiana. 
 
 J. B. Rice, of Ohio. 
 
 W. R. Moore, of Tennessee. 
 
 G. W. Jones, of Texas. 
 
 J. H. Burrows, of Missouri. 
 
 J. Floyd King, of Lousiana. 
 
 P. B. Thompson, jr., of Kentucky. 
 
 T. M. Gunter, of Arkansas. 
 
 M. L. Clardy, of Missouri. 
 
 W. C. Whitthorne, of Tennessee. 
 
 Committee on Education and Labor. 
 
 J. T. Updegratr, of Ohio. 
 John C. Sherwin, of Illinois. 
 Cyrus C. Carpenter, of Iowa. 
 George R. Davis, of Illinois. 
 H. F. Page, of California. 
 James M. Tyler, of Vermont. 
 Albert S. Willis, of Kentucky. 
 J. C. Clements, of Georgia. 
 H. D. Money, of Mississippi. 
 Samuel Dibble, of South Carolina. 
 C. Dowd, of North Carolina. 
 
 Committee on the Militia. 
 
 H. B. Strait, of Minnesota. 
 T. M. Bavne, of Pennsvlvania. 
 Robert M. A. Hawk, of Illinois. 
 H. L. Morey, of Ohio. 
 R. Guenther, of Wisconsin. 
 E. K. Valentine, of Nebraska. 
 P. B. Thompson, jr., of Kentucky. 
 Robert G. Frost, of Missouri. 
 James Mosgrove, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. K. Jones, of Arkansas. 
 
 Committee on Patents. 
 
 T. L. Young, of Ohio. 
 
 T. M. Ritchie, of Ohio. 
 
 C. R. Skinner, of New York. 
 
 Lucien B. Caswell, of Wisconsin. 
 
 S. S. Farwell, of Iowa. 
 
 Phineas Jones, of New Jersey. 
 
 Henry J. Spooncr, of Rhode Island. 
 
 Robert B. Vance, of North Carolina 
 
 Oscar Turner, of Kentucky. 
 
 J. Scoville, of New York. 
 
 C. M. Shelley, of Alabama. 
 
 Committee on Invalid Pensions. 
 
 T. M. Browne, of Indiana. 
 
 C. H. .Joyce, of Vermont. 
 
 W. CuUen, of Illinois. 
 
 Ossian Ray, of New Hampshire. 
 
 R. R. Dawes, of Ohio. 
 
 A. H. Pettibone, of Tennessee. 
 
 A. X. Parker, of New York. 
 
 J. P.. Rice, of Ohio. 
 
 J. W. Wadsworth, of New York. 
 
 C. C. Matsou, of Indiana.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 29 
 
 J. W. Cakhvcll, of Kentucky. 
 C B. Siinoiiton, of Tennessee. 
 G. C. Cabell, of Virginia. 
 L. C. Latham, of North Carolina. 
 Benton McMillin, of Tennessee. 
 
 Commiltee on Pension!. 
 
 B. F. Marsh, of Illinois. 
 W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa. 
 T. M. Rice, of Missouri. 
 E. F. Stone, of Massachusetta. 
 G. W. Steele, of Indiana. 
 G. W. Webber, of Michigan. 
 A. Fulkcrson, of Virginia. 
 G. W. Hewitt, of Alabama. 
 W. R. Cox, of North Carolina. 
 W. E. Robinson, of New York. 
 J. H. Burrows, of Missouri. 
 
 Committee on Claims. 
 
 Richard Crowley, of New York. 
 E. B. Taylor, of Ohio. 
 S. Z. Bowman, of Massachusetts. 
 Joseph Mason, of New York. 
 W. G. Thompson, of Iowa. 
 Ossian Ray, of New Hampshire. 
 Stanton J. Peelle, of Indiana. 
 John Hill, of New Jersey. 
 
 D. C. Smith, of Illinois. 
 
 E. Q. Mills, of Texas. 
 
 Waldo Hutchins, of New York. 
 H. G. Turner, of Georgia. 
 H. Buchanan, of Georgia. 
 J. B. Clark, Jr., of Missouri. 
 W. C. Gates, of Alabama. 
 
 Committee on War Claims. 
 
 L. C. Houk, of Tennessee. 
 
 Thomas Updegraff, of Iowa. 
 
 A. Herr Smith, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 A. A. Ranney, of Massachusetts. 
 
 C. C. Judwin, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Joshua G. Hall, of New Hampshire. 
 
 E. W. Robertson, of Louisiana. 
 
 George W. Geddes, of Ohio. 
 
 W. S. Holman, of Indiana. 
 
 J. S. Barbour, of Virginia. 
 
 A. G. Chapman, of Maryland. 
 
 Committee on Public Expenditures. 
 
 S. J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. 
 Walter A. Wood, of New York. 
 Thomas Ryan, of Kansas. 
 M. L. De Motte, of Indiana. 
 J. H. Lewis, of Illinois. 
 G. W. Ladd, of Maine. 
 A. Fulkerson, of Virginia. 
 E. L. Martin, of Delaware. 
 T. M. Gunter, of Arkansas. 
 C. P. Berry, of California. 
 
 Commitlt'e on Private TMnd Cloims. 
 
 Romualdo Pachcco, of California. 
 Amasa Norcross, of jMassachusetts. 
 G. C. Hazelton, of Wisconsin. 
 Thomas Cornell, of New York. 
 H. L. Morev, of Ohio. 
 M. E. Cutts', of Iowa. 
 
 H. L. Muldrow, of Mississippi. 
 Thomas Williams, of Alabama. 
 Nicholas Ford, of Missouri. 
 J. W. Shackelford, of North Carolina. 
 J. Blair Iloge, of West Virginia. 
 
 Committee for the District of Colmnbia. 
 
 Henry S. Neal, or Ohio. 
 William Ileilman, of Indiana. 
 S. F. Burr, of Pennsylvania. 
 Milton (t. Urner, of Maryland. 
 J. Hyatt Smith, of New York. 
 R. B. F. Pierce, of Indiana. 
 J. F. Dezendorf, of Virginia. 
 Robert Klotz, of Pennsylvania. 
 G. T. Garrison, of Virginia. 
 G. W. Cassidy, of Nevada. 
 Thomas Allen, of Missouri. 
 
 Committee on the Revision of the Laws: 
 
 William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. 
 
 G. D. Robinson, of Massachusetts. 
 
 J. R. Buck, of Connecticut. 
 
 M. C. George, of Oregon. 
 
 C. N. Brumm, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Joshua G. Hall, of New Hampshire. 
 
 C. C. Jadwin, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 G. W. Covington, of Maryhuid. 
 
 J. S. Richardson, of South Carolina. 
 
 J. K. Jones, of Arkansas. 
 
 Benton McMillin, of Tennessee. 
 
 Committee on Expenditures in the Department of State. 
 
 N. C. Deering, of Iowa. 
 S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. 
 S. F. Barr, of Pennsylvania. 
 C. G. Williams, of Wisconsin. 
 Thomas H. Herndon, of Alabama. 
 J. Floyd King, of Louisiana. 
 Robert G. Frost, of Missouri. 
 
 Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury Deparlmenl. 
 
 J. B. Belford, of Colorado. 
 
 T. B. Reed, of Maine. 
 
 W. Heilman, of Indiana. 
 
 J. H. Scranton, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 W. H. Forney, of Alabama. 
 
 A. H. Buckner, of Missouri. 
 
 A. G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Committee on Expenditures in the War Department, 
 
 J. F. Briggs, of New Hampshire. 
 Frederick Miles, of Connecticut. 
 G. W. Steele, of Indiana. 
 
 B. F. Marsh, of Illinois. 
 
 J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. 
 G. W. Jones, of Texas. 
 W. A. J. Sparks, of Illinois. 
 
 committee on Expenditures in the Navy Department, 
 
 G. M. Robeson, of New Jersey. 
 B. W. Harris, of Massachusetts. 
 A. C Harmer, of Pennsylvania. 
 Charles O'Neill, of Pennsylvania. 
 L. Morse, of ]\Iassachusetts. 
 James Phelps, of (Connecticut. 
 Oscar Turner, of Kentucky. 
 
 Cotnmittse on Expenditures in the Po.it-OJice Dep<nimtnL 
 
 J. G. Cannon, of Illinois. 
 
 R. J. C. Walker, of Pennsylvania.
 
 30 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 T. C. Pound, of Wisconsin. 
 
 C. B. Farweil, of Illinois. 
 
 J. H. Reagan, of Texas. 
 
 G. D. Tillman, of South Carolina. 
 
 G. W. Ladd, of Maine. 
 
 Committee on Expenditures in the Interior Department. 
 
 J. A. Hubbell, of Michigan. 
 ^V. W. Crapo, of Massachusetts. 
 Walter A. Wood, of New York. 
 E. Schultz, of Ohio. 
 C. B. Siminton, of Tennessee. 
 X. C. Blanchard, of Louisiana. 
 J. H. Burrows, of Missouri. 
 
 Committee on Expenditures in the Department of Justice. 
 
 Edwin Willits, of Michigan. 
 
 Moses M. McCoid, of Iowa. 
 
 A. Norcross, of Massachusetts. 
 
 H. S. Neal, of Ohio. 
 
 O. R. Singleton, of Mississippi. 
 
 J. H. Blunt, of Georgia. 
 
 E. S. Bragg, of Wisconsin. 
 
 Committee on Expenditures on the Public Buildings. 
 
 Russell Errett, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 J. S. Robinson, of Ohio. 
 
 L. C. Houk, of Tennessee. 
 
 W. W. Grout, of Vermont. 
 
 Morgan R. Wise, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 G. T. Garrison, of Virginia. 
 
 L. C. Latham, of North Carolina. 
 
 Committee on the Rules. 
 
 The Speaker. 
 
 Godlove S. Orth, of Indiana. 
 G. M. Robeson, of New Jersey. 
 S. J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. 
 J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. 
 
 Committee on Accounts. 
 
 M. G. Urner, of Maryland. 
 C. R. Skinner, of New York. 
 J. Hart Brewer, of New Jersey. 
 J. W. Candler, of Massachusetts. 
 E. L. Martin, of Delaware. 
 John Hardy, of New York. 
 J. Blair Hoge, of West Virginia. 
 
 Committee on Mileage. 
 
 J. Jorgensen, of Virginia. 
 John T. Rich, of Michigan. 
 William Ward, of Pennsylvania. 
 Thomas R. Cobb, of Indiana. 
 S. W. Moulton, of Illinois. 
 
 Joint Committees of the House. 
 
 Join* Committee on the Library.* 
 
 A. G. McCook, of New York. 
 S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. 
 George W. Geddes, of Ohio. 
 
 Joint Commillee on Printing.'* 
 
 R. T. Van Horn, of Missouri. 
 A. S. McClure, of Ohif). 
 W. M. Springer, of Illinois. 
 
 Joint Committee on Enrolled BUU.* 
 
 William Aldrich, of Illinois. 
 
 *TliiKroiT)iriittcoliiifl power to act concurrently with tho 
 Kinie coniraittuo of tbo Scnato. 
 
 R. B. F. Pierce, of Indiana. 
 
 George West, of New York. 
 W. S. Shallenberger, of Pennsylvania. 
 John E. Kenna, of West Virginia. 
 Richard Warner, of Tennessee. 
 Perry Belmont, of New York. 
 
 Joint Select Committee on the Censtu. 
 
 Cyrus D. Prescott, of New York. 
 
 John C. Sherwin, of Illinois. 
 
 J. M. Tyler, of Vermont. 
 
 T. M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 A. Fulkerson, of Virginia. 
 
 Moses A. McCoid, of Iowa. 
 
 R. B. F. Pierce, of Indiana. 
 
 Samuel S. Cox, of New York. 
 
 Walpole G. Colerick, of Indiana. 
 
 G. D. Wise, of Virginia. 
 
 G. D. Tillman, of South Carolina. 
 
 Select Committees of the House. 
 
 Select Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. 
 
 Godlove S. Orth, of Indiana. 
 
 J. A. Kasson, of Iowa. 
 
 R. G. Horr, of Michigan. 
 
 J. F. Briggs, of New Hampshire. 
 
 H. S. Neal, of Ohio. 
 
 Jay A. Hubbell, of Michigan. 
 
 Benjamin Butterworth, of Ohio. 
 
 John F. House, of Tennessee. 
 
 S. J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 J. R. Tucker, of Virginia. 
 
 James Phelps, of Connecticut. 
 
 Committee on Law respecling Election of President and 
 Vice-Preside)it. 
 
 Thomas Updegraff, of Iowa. 
 J. H. Camp, of New York. 
 W. W. Crapo, of Massachusetts. 
 John D. White, of Kentucky. 
 H. G. Fisher, of Pennsylvania. 
 Ferris Jacobs, of New York. 
 S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. 
 A. H. Stephens, of Georgia. 
 W. R. Morrison, of Illinois. 
 J. G. Carlisle, of Kentucky. 
 A. S. Hewitt, of New York. 
 
 Select Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. 
 
 J. T. Wait, of Connecticut. 
 C. H. Joyce, of Vermont. 
 Jonathan Chace, of Rhode Island. 
 W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa. 
 N. Dingley, jr., of Maine. 
 Thomas Williams, of Alabama. 
 J. D. C. Atkins, of Tennessee. 
 Lowndes H. Davis, of Missouri. 
 R. B. Vance, of North Carolina. 
 
 Select CommUtee on the Payment of Pensions, Bounty, and 
 Buck Pay. 
 
 C. H. Joyce, of Vermont. 
 
 T. M. Browne, of Indiana. 
 
 S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. 
 
 R. M. A. Hawk, of Illinois. 
 
 W. ('. Whitthoriie, of Tennessee. 
 
 A. G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 James Mosgrovc, of Pennsylvania.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 31 
 
 Select Commillee on the ruhlic Health. 
 
 I [. H. Van Aernam, of New York, 
 
 J, T. Updcgraff, of Ohio. 
 
 S. Z. Bowman, of Massachusetts. 
 
 W. Cullen, of Illinois. 
 
 (). Hubbs, of North Carolina. 
 
 W. S. Rosecrans, of California. 
 
 ^V. Cr. Colcrick, of Indiana. 
 
 1). W. Aiken, of Hoiith Carolina. 
 
 ,1 . Floyd King, of Louisiana. 
 
 JoitU Select Committee on Additional Accoimnodation for 
 ConyrennioivU Library. 
 
 \V. W. Rice, of Massachusetts. 
 C. B. Farwell, of Illinois. 
 II. L. Humphrey, of Wisconsin. 
 George W. Geddes, of Ohio. 
 R. L. Gibson, of Louisiana. 
 
 The litljrary of Congress. 
 
 Librarian of Congress. — Ainsworth li. 
 Spofford, 1621 Massachusetts avenue, N. 
 W., salary $4000. 
 
 Asnstrtnt.f. — Charles W. Hoffman, 332 
 Indiana avenue, salary $2500. 
 
 Louis Solyom, Montgomery County, 
 Maryland, salary $2500. 
 
 And 15 additional clerks. These range 
 from $1200 to $1400. 
 
 The Library of Congress occupies the 
 entire western projection of the central 
 Capitol building. The original library 
 was commenced in 1800, but was destroyed 
 with the Capitol in 1814 during the war 
 with England. It was afterwards replen- 
 ished by the purchase of the library be- 
 longing to Ex-President Jefferson, by Con- 
 gress, embracing about 7,000 volumes. In 
 1851 it contained 55,000 volumes, and by 
 an accidental fire in that year the whole 
 collection was destroyed, except 20,000 
 volumes. It was rebuilt in 1852, when 
 $75,000 was appropriated in one sum to re- 
 
 Elenish the collection. The new library 
 alls, three in number, are fitted up with 
 ornamental iron cases and iron ceiling, the 
 whole being perfectly fire-proof The 
 library is recruited by regular appropria- 
 tions made by Congres.'^, which average 
 about $11,000 per annum ; also by addi- 
 tions received by copyright, and from the 
 Smithsonian Institution. The library of 
 the Smithsonian Institution has now been 
 deposited in the Library of Congress, where 
 it 13 secured against loss by fire. This col- 
 lection is especially rich in scientific works, 
 embracing the largest assemblage of the 
 transactions of learned societies which 
 exist in the country. The library of co]iy- 
 right books was removed here from the 
 Patent Office in 1870, and all copyrights 
 issued in the United States are now re- 
 corded in the books deposited in the oflice of 
 the Librarian of Congress. The present 
 number of volumes in the whole library, 
 including law books, which are kept in a 
 
 separate library room under the Supreme 
 Court, is over 400,000, besides ai)0ut 150,- 
 000 pamphlets. A new building to con- 
 tain its overflowing stores of learning and 
 to afford room for their proper arrange- 
 ment has become a necessity. This col- 
 lection is very rich in histcjry, jjolitical 
 science, jurisprudence, and in books, 
 pamphlets, and periodicals of American 
 j)ublication, or relating in any way to 
 America. At the same time tlie library is 
 a universal one in its range no department 
 of literature or science being unrepre- 
 sented. The public are privileged to use 
 the books in the library, while members of 
 Congress and about thirty official members 
 of the government only can take away 
 books. The library is ojien every day 
 (Sunday excei)ted) during the session of 
 Congress from 9 a. m. to the hour of ad- 
 journment. In the recess of Congress it 
 is open between the hours of 9 a. m. and 
 4 p. m., except Saturdays, when the hour 
 of closing is 3 p. m. 
 
 [All employees appointed on recommen- 
 dation of members of Congress.] 
 
 United States Lie§^ations Abroad. 
 
 ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. 
 
 Thomas O. Osborn, Minister Resident, 
 Buenos Ayres, salary, $7,500. 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. 
 
 , Envoy Extraordinary and 
 
 Minister Plenipotentiary, Vienna, salary, 
 $12,000. 
 
 John F. Delaplaine, Secretary of Lega- 
 tion, Charged 'Affaires ad inimm, Vienna, 
 salary, $1,800. 
 
 BELGIUM. 
 
 James 0. Putnam, Minister Resident, 
 Brussels, salary, $7,500. 
 
 BOLIVIA. 
 
 Charles Adams, Minister Resident and 
 Consul-General, La Paz, salary, $5,000. 
 
 BRAZIL. 
 
 Thomas A. Osborn, Envoy Extraordi- 
 nary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Rio de 
 Janeiro, salary, $12,000. 
 
 John C. White, Secretary of Legation, 
 Rio de Janeiro, salary, $1,800. 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICAN STATES. 
 
 (Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Ni- 
 caragua, and Salvador, paid by Fees.) 
 
 Cornelius A. Logan, Minister Resident, 
 Guatemala Citv, salarv, $10,000. 
 
 CHILI. 
 
 Envov 
 
 Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, Santiago, 
 salary, $10,000.
 
 32 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI, 
 
 CHIXA. 
 
 , Envoy Extraordinary 
 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, Peking, 
 salary, $12,000. 
 
 Chester Holcombe, Secretaiy of Lega- 
 tion and Interpreter, Charge d'Afiaires ad 
 interim, Peking, salary, $5,000. 
 
 COLOMBIA. 
 
 George Maney, Minister Resident, Bo- 
 gota, salary, $7,500. 
 
 DENMARK. 
 
 Charles Payson, Charge d' Affaires, Co- 
 penhagen, salary $5,000. 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 Levi P. Morton, Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, Paris, salary, 
 $17,500. 
 
 G. P. Pomerov, Secretary of Legation, 
 Paris, salary, $2,625. 
 
 Henry Vignaud, Second Secretary of 
 Legation, Paris, salary, $2,000. 
 
 GERMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 , Envoy Extraordinary 
 
 and Minister, Plenipotentiary, Berlin, sal- 
 ary, $17,500. 
 
 _ H. Sidney Everett, Secretary of Lega- 
 tion, Charge d'Affaires ad interim, Berlin, 
 salary $2,625. 
 
 Chapman Coleman, Second Secretary of 
 Legation, Berlin, salary, $2,000. 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 James Russell Lowell, Envoy Extraor- 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Lon- 
 don, salary, $17,500. 
 
 William J. Hoppin, Secretary of Lega- 
 tion, London, salary, $2,625. 
 
 Ehrman S. Nadal, Second Secretary of 
 Legation, London, salary, $2,000. 
 
 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 
 
 J. M. Comly, Minister Resident, Hono- 
 lulu, salary, $7,500. 
 
 HAYTI. 
 
 John M. Langston, Minister Resident 
 and Consul-General, Port au Prince, sal- 
 ary, $7,500. 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 George P. Marsh, Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, Rome, sal- 
 ary, $12,000. 
 
 George W. Wurts, Secretary of Legation, 
 Eome, salary, $1,800. 
 
 JAPAN. 
 
 John A. Bingham, Envoy Extrnordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, Tokei, sal- 
 ary, $] 2,000. 
 
 Durham W. Stevens, Secretary of Lega- 
 tion, Tokei, salary, $2,500. 
 
 Samnfl R. Frazier, Interpreter, Tokei, 
 salary, $2,500. 
 
 LIBERIA. 
 
 Henry H. Garnet, Minister Resident 
 and cousul-General, Monrovia, salary 
 $4,000. ^' 
 
 MEXICO. 
 
 Philip H. Morgan, Envoy Extraordi- 
 nary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Mex- 
 ico, salary, $12,000. 
 
 Edward M. Neill, Secretary of Legation, 
 Mexico, salary, $1,800. 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS. 
 
 James Birney, Minister Resident, the 
 Hague, salary, $7,500. 
 
 PARAGUAY AND URUGUAY 
 
 , Charge d'Affaires, Mon- 
 
 tevido, Uruguay, salary, $5,000. 
 
 PERU. 
 
 Stephen A. Hurlbut, Envoy, Extraor- 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Lima 
 salary, $10,000. 
 
 PORTUGAL. 
 
 Benjamin Moran, Charg6 d'Affaires, 
 
 Lisbon, salary, $5,000. 
 
 ROUMANIA. 
 
 Eugene Schuyler, Charge d'Affaires and 
 Consul General, Bucharest, Fees. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 Envoy Extraordinary 
 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, St. Peters- 
 burg, salary, $17,500. 
 _ Wickham Hoffman, Secretaiy of Lega- 
 tion, Charge d'Affaires ad interim, St. 
 Petersburg, salary, $2,625. 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin, Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary, Madrid, 
 salary, $12,000. 
 
 Dwight T. Reed, Secretary of Legation, 
 Madrid, salary, $1,800. 
 
 SWEDEN AND NORWAY. 
 
 . John L. Stevens, Minister Resident, 
 Stockholm, salary, $7,500. 
 
 SWITZERLAND. 
 
 M. J. Cramer, Charg6 d'Affaires, Berne, 
 salary, $5,000. 
 
 TURKEY. 
 
 Lewis Wallare, Minister Resident, Con- 
 stantinople, salary, $7,500. 
 
 G. Harris Heap, Consul-General, and 
 ex of/icio Secretary of Legation, Constanti- 
 nople, salary, $8,000. 
 
 A. A. Gargiulo, Interpreter, Constanti- 
 nople, salary, $3,000. 
 
 VENEZUELA. 
 
 George W. Carter, Minister Resident, 
 Caracas, salary, $7,500.
 
 BOOK VI.j 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 33 
 
 Consuls and Commercial Agents. 
 
 Argentine Republic, three Consuls, at 
 Ruenos Ayrcs, $3,000 salary ; at Cordoba 
 and Rosario, fees. 
 
 Austria-Hungary, a Consul-General at 
 !^.S,000; three Consuls at Pesth, $3,000; 
 Pra-;ue and Trieste, $2,000 each. 
 
 Barbary States, two Consuls at Tangier 
 and Tunis, each $3,000; Commercial 
 Agent at Tetuan, fees. 
 
 Belgium, four Consuls, at Antwerp and 
 Brussels, $2,500 each; Ghent, fees; Ver- 
 viers and Liege, $1,500. 
 
 Bolivia, Commercial Agent at Cobija, 
 fees. 
 
 Brazil, Consul-General, Rio de Janeiro, 
 si'),00O; five Consuls, at Bahia, $1,500; Para, 
 si ,000 ; Pernambuco, $2,000 ; Rio Grande, 
 si, 000; Santos, fees. 
 
 Costa Rica, Consul at San Jose, fees. 
 
 Guatemala, Consul at Guatemala, fees. 
 
 Honduras, two Consuls, at Amapala, 
 fees; Omoa and Truxillo, $1,000. 
 
 Nicarauga, two Commercial Agents, at 
 San Juan del Norte and Punta Arenas, 
 $1,000 ; at San Juan del Sur, fees. 
 
 Salvador, two Consuls, at La Union and 
 Sonsonate, fees. 
 
 Chili, three Consuls, at Coquimbo, fees; 
 Talcahuno, $1,000; Valparaiso, $3,000. 
 
 China, a Consul-General at Shanghai, 
 $.5,000 ; eiffht Consuls, Amoy, $3,500 ; Can- 
 ton, $3,500; Chin-Kiang, $3,500; Foo- 
 Chow, $3,500; Hankow, $3,500; New- 
 Chwang, fees ; Ningpo, $3,500 ; Tiea-Tsin, 
 $3,500. 
 
 Colombia, United States of, three Con- 
 suls, at Panama, $2,000 ; Sabanella, $1,000 ; 
 Bogota, fees. Also seven Commercial 
 Agents at Buennaventura, Carthagena, 
 ]\Iedellin, Rio Hacha, San Andres, Santa 
 Martha, fees; and at Aspinwall, $3,000. 
 
 Denmark, two Consuls, at Copenhagen, 
 $1,500 ; St. Thomas, $2,500. 
 
 Ecuador, one Consul at Guayaquil, 
 $1,000. 
 
 France, a Consul-General at Paris, 
 $(),000; nine Consuls, Bordeaux, $2,500; 
 Cavenne, fees; Guadaloupe, fees; Havre, 
 $3,000 ; Lvous, $2,500 ; Marseilles, $2,500 ; 
 Martinique, $1,500; Nice, $1,500; Rheims, 
 fees. Also eight Commercial Agents, at 
 Algiers, Gaboon, La Rochelle, Rouen, St. 
 Bartholomew, Etienne, St. Pierre, all on 
 fees; Nantes, $1,000. 
 
 Friendlv and Navigator Islands, one 
 Consul at Apia, $1,000. 
 
 Germanv, two Consuls-General, at Ber- 
 lin, $4,000"; at Frankfort, $3,000 ; fourteen 
 Consuls, at Bremen, $2,000 ; Bremen, 
 $2,500 ; Breslau, fees ; Brunswick, fees ; 
 Chemnitz and Cologne, each, $2,000 ; Dres- 
 den and Hamburg, each, $2,500 ; Leipsic, 
 Nuremberg, Sonneberg, each, $2,000 ; 
 Manheim, Munich and Stuttgart, each, 
 $1,500. 
 
 Great Britain, four Consuls-General, at 
 
 London, $6,000; Calcutta, $5,000; Mel- 
 bourne, $4,500; Montreal, $4,000; Con- 
 suls sixtv-four, Anti<^ua, $1,500; Auck- 
 land, $1,500; Barliadoos, $1,500; Belfast, 
 $2,500; Belleville, fees; Bermuda, $1,500; 
 Birminji:hani, $2,500; Boml)av, fees; Brad- 
 ford, $3,000; Bristol, $1,50;' Cape Town, 
 $1,500; Cardili; $2,000; Cevlon, $1,000; 
 Charlottetown, P. E. L $1,500; Clilton, 
 $1,500; Coaticook, $2,000; Cork, $2,000; 
 Demcrara, $3,000; Dublin, .$2,000; Dun- 
 dee. $2,000; Falmouth, fees; Fort Erie, 
 $1,500; Gaspe Basin, $1,000; Gibraltar, 
 $1,500; Glasgow, .$3,000; Halifax, $2,000; 
 ILimilton, Canada, $2,000; Hobart Town, 
 fees ; Hong-Kong, $4,000 ; Kingston, Can- 
 ada, $1,500; Kingstcm, Jamaica, $2,000; 
 Leeds, $2,000; Leith, $2,000; Liverpool, 
 $6,000; Londonderry, fees; Mahe, Sey- 
 chelles, $1,500; Malta, fees; Manchester, 
 $3,000; Nassau, $2,000 ; Newcastle, $1,500; 
 Ottawa, fees; Pictou, $1,500; Plymouth, 
 fees ; Port Louis, $2,000 ; Port Sarnia, 
 $1,500; Port Stanley, F.L $1,500; Pres- 
 cott, $1,500; Quebec, $1,500; Sheffield, 
 $2,500 ; Sierra Leone, fees ; Singaj)ore, 
 .$2,500; Southampton, $1,000; St. Helena, 
 $1,500 ; St. John, N. B. $2,000 ; St. John's, 
 N. F. fees; St. John's, Quebec, $1,500; 
 Sydney, fees; Toronto, $2,000; Trinidad, 
 fees; Tunstall, $2,500; Turk's Island, fees; 
 Victoria, fees; Windsor, N. S. $1,000; 
 Winnipeg, $1,500; fourteen Commercial 
 Agents, Belize, fees ; Chatham, fees ; Dun- 
 fermline, fees ; Gloucester, fees ; Goderich, 
 $1,500; Hull, fees; Lanthala, F. L $1,000; 
 Nottingham, fees; Port Stanley and St. 
 Thomas, fees; Sherbrooke, Canada, fees; 
 St. Christopher, fees ; St. George, Bermuda, 
 fees ; Stanbridge, fees ; Windsor, Canada, 
 $1,500 ; Greece, one Consul at Patras, fees. 
 
 Hawaiian Islands, one Consul at Hono- 
 lulu, .$4,000. 
 
 Hayti, one Consul, Cape Haytien, $1,000 ; 
 Commercial Agent, St. Marc, fees. 
 
 Italy, one Consul-General at Rome, 
 $3,000; ten Consuls, at Carrara, fees; 
 Florence, Genoa, Leghorn, Messina, Na- 
 ples and Palermo, at $1,500 each ; ]Milan, 
 fees; Venice, $1,000; one Commercial 
 Agent at Castelmare, fees. 
 
 Japan, one Consul-General at Kan- 
 agawa, $4,000 ; two Consuls at Nagasaki, 
 $3,000 ; Osaka and Hiugo, $3,000. 
 
 Liberia, Commercial Agent at Grand 
 Bassa, fees. 
 
 ^Madagascar, one Consul at Tamatave, 
 $2000. 
 
 ^Mexico, one Consul-General at Mexico, 
 $2000 ; sixteen Consuls at Acapulco, $2000 ; 
 Guaymas. $1,000 ; Matamoras, $2,000 ; and 
 fees at Campeachy, Chihuahua, La Paz, 
 Manzanillo, Mazatlui, Marida, ^lonterey, 
 Piedras Negras, Saltillo, San Jose, and 
 Cape St. Lucas, Zacatecas. Nine Com- 
 mercial Agents, all paid by fees at Camar- 
 go, Guerrero, Mier, Muatillon, Nuevo Lar-
 
 34 
 
 rAMERIcAN POLITICS. 
 
 [bock ti. 
 
 edo, Oajaca, Pasa del Norte, Presidio del 
 Norte and San Bias. 
 
 Muscat, Consul at Zanzibar, $1,000. 
 
 Netherlands and Dominions, seven Con- 
 suls, Amsterdam, at $1,500 ; Batavia, $1,000 ; 
 Eotterdam, $2,000 ; on fees at Curacoa, 
 Padang, Paramaribo and St. Martin. 
 
 Urusuav, two Consuls at Colonia, fees, 
 Montevideo, $2,000. 
 
 Peru, three Consuls at Callao, $3,500 ; on 
 fees at Iquique and Lambayeque. 
 
 Portugal, five Consuls at Faval and Fin- 
 igan, each $1,500; Lisbon, $2^000 ; Santi- 
 ago, Cape Verde, and St. Paul de Loando 
 each $1,000. 
 
 Roumania, one Consul at Galatz, fees ; 
 one Commercial Agent at Bucharest, fees. 
 
 Russia, Consul-General at St. Peters- 
 burg, $2,000 ; five Consuls at Odessa, $2,000 ; 
 fees at Archangel, Helsingfors, Moscow, 
 and Warsaw. 
 
 San Domingo, Consul at San Domingo, 
 $1,500 ; two Commercial Agents on fees 
 at Puerto Plata and Samana. 
 
 Siam, Consul at Bangkok, $3,000. 
 
 Society Islands, Consul at Tahiti, $1,000. 
 
 Spain and Dominions, Consul-General 
 at Havana, $6,000 ; fifteen Consuls, Ma- 
 tanzas, $3,000 ; Santiago de Cuba, $2,500 ; 
 San Juan, P. R., $2,000 ; Barcelona, Cadiz, 
 Malaga, $1,500 each ; Cienfuegos, $2,500 ; 
 fees at Alicante, Carthagena, Corunna, 
 Denia, Iloilo, Manila, Santandar, and Ten- 
 eriffe. Seven Commercial Agents, all on 
 fees, at Baracoa, Cardenas, Garrucha, 
 Mayagucz, Ponce, Sagua la Grande, and 
 San Juan de Los Remedios. 
 
 Sweden and Norway, four Consuls all on 
 fees at Bergen, Christiana, Gottenberg, 
 Stockholm. 
 
 Switzerland, three Consuls at Basle and 
 Zurich, $2,000 each ; Geneva, $1,500. One 
 Commercial Agent at St. Galle, fees, 
 
 Turkev and Dominions, Agent and Con- 
 sul-General at Cairo, $4,000. Four Con- 
 8\ils at Beirut and Smyrna, $2,000 each ; 
 Tripoli, $3,000 ; Jerusalem, $1,500. 
 
 Venezuela, two Consuls on fees at Ci- 
 nudad, Bolivar, and Puerto Cabello ; two 
 Commercial Agents at Laguayra, $1,500 ; 
 Maracaibo, fees. 
 
 Japan, two Marshals, at Kanagawa, 
 $1,000; Nagasaki, $1,000. 
 
 Turkey, one Marshal at Constantinople, 
 $1,000. 
 
 Interpreters to Legatlong and Consulates. 
 
 China, Peking, $.5,000; Aniov, $750; 
 Canton, .$750; Foo Chow, $1, . 500 ; Han- 
 kow, $750 ; Hong-Kong, $750 ; Shanghai, 
 $2,000; Tien-Tsin, $2,000. 
 
 Japan, Yedo, $2,500; Kanagawa, $2,000. 
 
 Turkey, at Constantinople, .$3,000, 
 
 marshals to Consular Courts. 
 
 China, five Marshals, Amov, $1,000; 
 Foo Chow, $1,000 ; Hankow, $1 ,000 ; Shang- 
 hai, $1,000; Tien-Tain, $1,000. 
 
 Consular Clerks. 
 
 At Shanghai, $1,200 ; Havana, $1,200 ; 
 Algiers, $1,200; Berlin, $1,200 ; Havana, 
 $1,2^0 ; Rome, $1,200 ; Cairo, $1,200 ; Liv- 
 erpool, $1,000; Paris, $1,000; Honolulu, 
 $1,000 ; Pago-Pago, $1,000; Paris, $1,000. 
 
 Ministers are appointed from the domi- 
 nant party, and are in the main appointed 
 as far as may be among the States, but re- 
 gard is shown to the high abilities of the 
 man. They are not directly applied for, 
 but Congressional delegations press their 
 claims. Consuls and Commercial Agents 
 are appointed at the solicitation frequent- 
 ly, of business interests, but mainly at the 
 request of Senators and Representatives. 
 Commercial Agents frequently pay better 
 than salaried Consulates, this pay de- 
 pending on the fees, and in some instances 
 on the liberty of the Agent to transact 
 business. All applicants, for the conven- 
 ience of the Department, should prepare 
 briefs of their applications, backed by 
 their letters and petitions. A well-arranged 
 brief is in itself a business recommenda- 
 tion. Familiarity with foreign tongues 
 where it exists, should be stated. 
 
 American and Spanlsli Clalnts Commission. 
 
 ( Office in Department of Stale.) 
 
 Arbitrator on the part of the United 
 States. — Joseph J. Steward, 149 Carrollton 
 avenue, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Arbitrator on the part of Spain. — 1714 
 Rhode Island avenue. 
 
 Umpire. — Count Carl Lewenhaupt, 1021 
 Connecticut avenue. 
 
 Counsel on the part of the United States. 
 — Thomas J, Durant, 223 Four and a half 
 street. 
 
 Counsel on the part of Spain. — John D. 
 McPherson, Georgetown. 
 
 Secretary to the Commission. — Eustace 
 Collett, 707 Ninth street, N. E. 
 
 French and American Claims Commission. 
 
 (Officer, No. 1518 If street.) 
 
 Commissioner on the part of the United 
 States.— Asa G. Aldis, 1617 Rhode Island 
 avenue. 
 
 Commissioner on the part of France. — 
 Mr. de Geofroy, 1617 I street. 
 
 Third Commissioner, named by Brazil. — 
 Baron de Arinos, 1404 H street. 
 
 A(/cnt and Counsel on the part of the 
 United States. — George S. Boutwell, 810 
 Twelfth street. 
 
 As.sociate Agent and Counsel on the part 
 of the United States. — John Davis, 1816 I 
 Btreet,
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 35 
 
 Cotmsel on the part of Prance. — Mr. de 
 Chambrun, 1211 K street. 
 
 Agent on the part of France. — Mr. Lanen, 
 1532 I street. 
 
 Secretan/ on the part of the United 
 /S^a^es.— Washington F. Peddrick, 1518 H 
 street. 
 
 PAY OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 Heads of Departments. 
 
 Secretary of State, $8,000 per annum. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury, $8,000 per an- 
 num. 
 
 Secretary of War, $8,000 per annum. 
 
 Secretary of the Navy, $8,000 ])er annum. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior, $8,000 per an- 
 num. 
 
 Postmaster-General, $8,000 per annum. 
 
 Attorney-General, $8,000 per annum. 
 
 liegislatlve Department. 
 
 Speaker ofHouse of Representatives, (mile- 
 age, 20 cents per mile,) $8,000, per annum. 
 United States Senators, Members of Con- 
 gress, and Delegatates from Territories, 
 15,000 per annum. 
 
 Judiciary (Supreme Court of United States.) 
 
 Chief Justice, $10,500 per annum. 
 Associate Justices, (eight in number; 
 
 court meets 1st Monday in December), 
 
 $10,000 per annum. 
 
 Ministers and Diplomatic Agents of tlie 
 United States In Foreign Countries. 
 
 Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary ^ 
 
 Ministers to Great Britain $17,500 per 
 
 annum. 
 Minister to Russia, $17,500 per annum. 
 Minister to France, $17,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Germany, $17,500 per annum. 
 Minister to Spain, $12,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Austria, $12,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Italy, $12,000 per annum. 
 Minister to China, $12,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Mexico, $12,000 per annum, 
 ^linister to Brazil, $12,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Japan, $12,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Chili, $10,000 per annum. 
 Minister to Peru, $10,000 per annum, 
 ^liiiistcr to Central America, $10,000 per 
 
 annum. 
 
 Ministers Resident. 
 
 Minister in Portugal, $7,500 per annum. 
 Minister in Belgium, $7,500 per annum. 
 Minister in Netherlands, $7,500 per annum. 
 JMinister in Denmark, $7,500 per annum. 
 Minister in Sweden and Norway, $7,500 
 per annum. 
 53 
 
 Minister in Switzerland, $7,500 per annum. 
 Minister in Turkey, $7,500 per aniiuin. 
 Minister in Venezuela, $7,5U(J per annum. 
 Minister in Ecuador, $7,50U per auiuun. 
 Minister in Argentine Confederation, $7,- 
 
 500 per annum. 
 ]\Iinister in Hawaiian Islands, $7,500 per 
 
 annum. 
 Minister in Greece, $7,500 per annum. 
 Minister in Columbia, $7,500 i)er annum. 
 Minister in Bolivia, $7,500 i>er annum. 
 
 War Department. 
 
 Secretary of War, $8,000 per annum. 
 
 General, $13,500 per annum. 
 
 Adjutant General, $5,500 j)er annum. 
 
 Assistant Adjutant General, $3,600 per 
 annum. 
 
 Second Assistant Adjutant General, $3,000 
 per annum. 
 
 Third Assistant Adjutant General, $3,000 
 per annum. 
 
 Fourth Assistant Adjutant General, $3,000 
 per annum. 
 
 Chief Clerk Adjutant General's Bureau, 
 $2,000 per annum. 
 
 Inspector General, $3,500 per annum. 
 
 Judge Advocate General, $5,500 per annum. 
 
 Assistant Judge Advocate $3,500 per an- 
 num. 
 
 Quartermaaster General, $5,500 per annum. 
 
 Deputy Quartermaster General, $3,000 per 
 annum. 
 
 Assistant Quartermaster, $3,500 per an- 
 num. 
 
 Chief Clerk Quartermaster's Bureau, 
 $2,000 per annum. 
 
 Chief of Engineer's Bureau, $5,500 per 
 annum. 
 
 Chief Clerk of Engineer's Bureau, $2,000 
 per annum. 
 
 Surgeon General, $5,500 per annum. 
 
 Assistant Surgeon General, $3,500 per an- 
 num. 
 
 Chief Clerk Surgeon General's Bureau, 
 $2,000 per annum. 
 
 Chief of Ordnance, $5,500 per annum. 
 
 Chief Clerk of Ordnance, $2,000 per an- 
 num. 
 
 Paymaster General, $3,500 per annum. 
 
 Deputy Paymaster General, $3,000 per 
 annum. 
 
 Assistant Paymaster General, $3,500 per 
 annum. 
 
 Chief Clerk Paymaster General's Bureau, 
 $2,000 per annum. 
 
 Commissary General of Subsistence, $5,500 
 per annum. 
 
 Assistant Commissary General, $3,500 per 
 annum. 
 
 Chief Clerk Commissary General's Bureau, 
 $2,000 per annum. 
 
 General Officers. 
 
 Lieutenant General, $i)lG.G7 per month.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Aids-de-camp, according to rank. 
 Major-General, $625.00 per month. 
 Brigadier-General, $458.33 per month. 
 
 Adjutant General's Department. 
 
 Adjutant General — Brigadier General, 
 
 ^58.33 per mouth. 
 Assistant Adjutant General — Colonel, 
 
 $291.67 per month. 
 Assistant Adjutant General — Lieutenant 
 
 Colonel, $250.60 per month. 
 Assistant Adjutant General — Major, 
 
 $208.33 per month. 
 Judge Advocate General — Colonel, $291.67 
 
 per month. 
 Judge Advocate— Major, $208.33 per 
 
 month. 
 
 Inspector General's Department. 
 
 Inspector General — Colonel, $291.67 per 
 
 month. 
 Assistant Inspector General — Major, 
 
 $208.33 per month. 
 
 signal Department. 
 
 Signal Officer— Colonel, $292.67 per month. 
 
 Pay Department. 
 
 Paymaster General, $291.67 per month. 
 Deputy Paymaster General, $250.50 per 
 
 month. 
 Paymaster, $208.33 per month. 
 
 Officers of tlxe Corps of Kn^ineers, Topo- 
 
 graplilcal Engineers, and Ordnance 
 
 Department. 
 
 Chief of Ordnance — Brigadier General, 
 
 $485.83 per month. 
 Colonel, $291.67 per month. 
 Lieutenant Colonel, $250.00 per month. 
 Major, $208.33 per month. 
 Captain, $150.00 per month. 
 First Lieutenant, 125.00 per month. 
 Second Lieutenant, $116.67 per month. 
 
 Officers ot Mounted Dragoons, Cavalry, 
 Kiflemtn, and LigUt Artillery. 
 
 Colonel, $291.67 per month. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel, $250.00 per month. 
 
 Major, $208.33 i)cr month. 
 
 Captain, $166.67 per month. 
 
 First Lieutenant, $183.33 per month. 
 
 Second Lieutenant, $125.00 per month. 
 
 Q,narterma8ier'8 Department. 
 
 Quarterma-ster General — Brigadier Gene- 
 ral, $485.33 per month. 
 
 Assistant (Quartermaster General — Colonel, 
 $291.61 per month. 
 
 Deputy Ciuarteriiiastor General — Lieuten- 
 ant (>)lon("l, $250.00 per nionlii. 
 
 Quartermaster — Major, $208.88 pcrnionlh. 
 
 Assistant (Quartermaster — Captain, $16(3.67 
 per month. 
 
 Subsistence Deparment. 
 
 Commissary General of Subsistence — ■ 
 
 Brigadier General, $458.33 per month. 
 Assistant Commissary General — Colonel, 
 
 $291.67 per month. 
 Commissary of Subsistence — Major, $208.- 
 
 33 per month. 
 Commissary of Subsistence — Captain, 
 
 $150.00 per month. 
 
 Medical Department. 
 
 Surgeon General — Brigadier General, 
 
 $485.33 per month. 
 Assistant Surgeon General, $291.67 per 
 
 month. 
 Chief Medical Purveyor, $291.67 per 
 
 month. 
 Assistant Medical Purveyor, $250.00 per 
 
 month. 
 Surgeons— Majors, $208.33 per month. 
 Assistant Surgeons — Captains, $150.00 per 
 
 month. 
 Adjutant Regimental Quartermaster, 
 
 $150.00 per month. 
 
 Officers of Artillery and Infantry. 
 
 Colonel, $291.67 per month. 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, $250.00 per month. 
 Major, $208.33 per month. 
 Caj^tain, $150.00 per month. 
 First-Lieutenant, $125.00 per month. 
 Second Lieutenant, $116.67 per annum. 
 
 Montlily Payment of Knlisted Men of the 
 United States Army. 
 
 First Enlistment. — Company, 
 
 Private — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantry, 
 $13.00 per month. 
 
 Private, 2d class — Engineers and Ord- 
 nance, $13.00 per month. 
 
 Musician — Engineers, Artillery, and In- 
 fantry, $13.00 per month. 
 
 Trumpeter — Cavalry, $13.00 per month. 
 
 Wagoner — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infant- 
 ry, $14.00 per month. 
 
 Artificer — Artillery and Infantry, $15.00 
 per month. 
 
 Corporal — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infant- 
 ry, $15.00 per month. 
 
 Blacksmith and Farrier — Cavalry, $15,00 
 per month. 
 
 Saddler — Cavalry, $15.00 per month. 
 
 (Quartermaster Sergeant, $17.00 per month. 
 
 Sergeant — Artillery, Cavalry and Infantry, 
 $17.00 per month. 
 
 Private, 1st Class — Engineers and Ord- 
 nance, $20.00 per month. 
 
 Corporal — Engineers and Ordnance, $20,00 
 ])er month. 
 
 First Scrgeant^ — Artillery, Cavalry, and 
 Infantrv, $22.00 per month. 
 
 Saddler— Sergeants-Cavalry, $22.00 per 
 month. 
 
 Sergeant — Engineers and Ordnance $34 
 l)cr annum. 
 
 liegiment. 
 
 Clii(>f Trumpeter — Cavalry, 21.00 per 
 month.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 
 
 37 
 
 Principal Musicinn — Artillery and Infant- 
 ry, !i522.0U prr month. 
 
 Chief Musiciuii — ^Artillery, Cavalry and 
 Infantry, $((().0() per month. 
 
 Serf^eant Ma or — Artillery, Cavalry, and 
 Infantry, $23.00 per month. 
 
 Quartermaster Sergeant-^Artillery, Caval- 
 ry, and Infantry, $28. 00 i)er month. 
 
 Seri,a'aiit j\Iajor and Quartermaster Si'r- 
 geant — Engineers, $80.00 per month. 
 
 Veterinary .Surgeon— Senior, $100.00 per 
 month. 
 
 Veterinary Surgeon — Junior, $75.00 per 
 month. 
 
 Fori. 
 
 Hospital IMatron, $10.00 per month. 
 Hospital Steward — 1st class, $30.00 per 
 
 month. 
 Hospital Steward— 2d class, $22.00 per 
 
 month. 
 Hospital Steward— 3d class, $20.00 per 
 
 month. 
 Ordnance Sergeant, $34.00 per month. 
 Commissary Sergeant, $34.00 per month. 
 
 N. B. — The i)ay of enlisted men, except- 
 ing the wagoner, artificer, quartermaster 
 sergeant, chief musician, veterinary sur- 
 geons, and hospital matron, during first 
 enlistment increases $1 per annum after 
 the second year. First re-enlistinent i)ay 
 is increased $2, and $1 for second, third, 
 and foui'th re- enlistment, and is uniform 
 in each. 
 
 Sappers and. Miners, and Pontoonlers. 
 
 Sergeant, $34 ])er month. 
 Corporal, $20 per month. 
 Private — 1st class, $17 per month. 
 Private — 2d cla.ss, $13 per month. 
 Musician, $13 per month. 
 
 PAY OF THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 Omcers. 
 
 Admiral, per year, $13,000 on sea. 
 
 Vice Admiral, per year, $9,000 on sea, 
 
 $8,000 on shore, $0,000 on orders. 
 Rear Admirals, per vear, $6,000 on sea, 
 
 foOuO, on shore, $4,000 on orders. 
 Commodores, per year, $5,000 on sea, $4,000 
 
 on shore, $3,000 on orders. 
 Captains, per year, $4,500 on sea, $3,500 
 
 on shore, $2,800 on orders. 
 Commanders, ))cr year, $3,500'on sea, $3,000 
 
 on shore, $2,300' on orders. 
 Lieut. Commanders — 1st four years of com- 
 mission, per year, $2,800 on sea, $2,400 
 
 on shore, $2,000 on orders. 
 Lieut. Commanders — after four years, per 
 
 yeai-, $3,(100 on sea, $2,G00 on shore, 
 
 $2,200 (n\ orders. 
 Lieutenants — 1st five years of commission, 
 
 per year, $2,400 on sea, $2,000 on shore, 
 
 $1,600 on orders. 
 Lieutenants — after five years, per year, 
 
 $2,600 on sea, $2,200 on shore, $1,800 on 
 
 orders. 
 Masters — 1st five years of commission, per 
 
 year, $1,400 on sea, $1,200 on shore, 
 
 $1,000 on orders. 
 Masters — after five years, per year, $1,800 
 
 on sea, $1,500 on shore, $1,200 on orders. 
 l{;iisign.s — 1st five years of commission, per 
 
 vear, $1,200 on sea, $1,000 on shore, 
 
 $800 on orders. 
 Ensigns — after five years, per year, $1,400 
 
 on sea, $1,200 on shore, $1,000 on orders. 
 Midshipmen, per year, $1,000 on .sea, $800 
 
 on shore, $600 on orders. 
 Fleet Surgeons — Medical and Pay Direc- 
 tors, per year, $4,400 on sea. 
 Medical and Pay Inspectors and Chief 
 
 Engineers, per year, $4,400 on sea. 
 Surgeons — 1st five years of commission, 
 
 per vear, $2,800 on sea, $2,400 on shore, 
 
 $2,000 on orders. 
 Surgeons — 2d five years of commission, per 
 
 vear, $3,200 on sea, $2,800 on shore, 
 
 $2,400 on orders. 
 Surgeons — 3d five years of commission, per 
 
 year, $3,500 on sea, $3,200 on shore, 
 
 $2,600 on orders. 
 Surgeons — 4th five years of commission, 
 
 per year, $3,700 on sea, $3,600 on shore, 
 
 $2,800 on orders. 
 Surgeons — after twenty vears, per vear, 
 
 $4,200 on sea, $4,000 on shore, $3,000 on 
 
 orders. 
 Past Assistant Surgeons — 1st five years of 
 
 commission, per vear, $2,000 on sea, 
 
 $1,800 on shore, $1,500 on orders. 
 Past Assistant Surgeons — after five years, 
 
 per year, $2,200 on sea, $2,000 on shore, 
 
 $1,700 on orders. 
 Assistant Surgeons — 1st five years of com- 
 mission, per year, $1,700 on sea, $1,400 
 
 on shore, $1,000 on orders. 
 Assistant Surgeons — after five vears, per 
 
 year, $1,900 on sea, $1,600 onshore, $1,- 
 
 200 on orders. 
 Paymaster — same as Surgeons. 
 Past Assistant paymasters — same as P. A. 
 
 Surgeons. 
 Assistant Paymasters — 1st five years of 
 
 commission, per vear, $1,700 on sea, 
 
 $1,400 on shore, $1,000 on orders. 
 Assistant Pavmasters — after five vears, per 
 
 vear, $1,900 on sea, $1,600 on shore^ 
 
 $1,200 on orders. 
 Chaplains — 1st five years of commission, 
 
 per year, $2,500 on sea, $2,000 on shore, 
 
 $1,600 on orders. 
 Chaplains — after five years, per vear, $2,- 
 
 800 on sea, $2,300 on shore, $1,900 on 
 
 orders. 
 Professors of Mathematics — 1st five years 
 
 of commission, per year, $2,400 on sea, 
 
 $2,400 on shore, $1,500 on orders. 
 Professors of ■Mathematics — 2d five years 
 
 of commission, j)er vear, $2,700 on sea, 
 
 $2,700 on shore, $1,800 on orders. 
 Professors of Mathematics — 3d five years
 
 38 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 of commission, per year, $3,000 on sea, 
 
 $3,000 on shore, $2,100 on orders. 
 Professors of Mathematics — after fifteen 
 
 years, per year, $3,500 on sea, $3,500 on 
 
 shore, $2,600 on orders. 
 Boatswains — Gunners — Carpenters, per 
 
 year, $1,200 on sea, $900 on shore, $700 
 
 on orders. 
 Sailmakers — 1st three years of commission, 
 
 per year, $1,200 on sea, $900 on shore, 
 
 $700 on orders. 
 Sailmakers — 2d three years of commission, 
 
 per year, $1,300 on sea, $1,000 on shore, 
 
 $800 on orders. 
 Sailmakers — 3d three years of commission, 
 
 per year, $1,400 on sea, $1,300 on shore, 
 
 $90(3 on orders. 
 Sailmakers — 4th three years of commission, 
 
 per year, $1,600 on sea, $1,300 on shore, 
 
 |l,ObO on orders. 
 Sailmakers — after twelve years, per vear, 
 
 $1,800 on sea, $1,600 on shore, i;>l,200 on 
 
 orders. 
 Naval Contractors — 1st five years of com- 
 mission, per year, $3, 200 on shore, $2,- 
 
 200 on order. 
 Naval Contractors — 2d five years of com- 
 mission, per year, $3,400 on shore, $2,- 
 
 400 on order. 
 Naval Contractors — 3d five years of com- 
 mission, per year, $3,700 on shore, $2,700 
 
 on orders. 
 Naval Contractors — 4th five years of com- 
 mission, per year, $4,000 on shore, $3,000 
 
 on orders. 
 Naval Contractors — after twenty years, per 
 
 year, .$4,200 on shore, $3,200 on orders. 
 Assistant Naval Contractors — 1st four 
 
 years of commission, per year, $2,000 on 
 
 shore, $1,500 on orders. 
 Assistant Naval Contractors — 2d four years 
 
 of commission, per year, $2,200 on shore, 
 
 $1,700 on orders. 
 Assistant Naval Contractors — after eight 
 
 years, per year, $2,600 on shore, $1,900 
 
 on orders. 
 Chief Engineers — same as Surgeons. 
 Past Assistant Engineers — same as P. A. 
 
 Surgeons. 
 Assistant Engineers — same as Assistant 
 
 Surgeons. 
 Secretaries to Admiral and Vice Admi- 
 ral, $2500 per annum. 
 Secretaries to Commanders ofSquadrons, 
 
 $2000 per annum. 
 Clerks to (Jommandera of Squadrons, $750 
 
 per annum. 
 Clerks to Commanders of Vessels, $750 
 
 per annum. 
 Clerks at Navy Yards — Boston and New 
 
 York, $1600 per annum. 
 Clerks at Navy Yards — Washington, 
 
 $1600 per annum. 
 Clerks at Navy Yards — Philadelphia, 
 
 $1600 per annum. 
 Clerics at Navy Yards — Mare Island, 
 
 $1800 per year". 
 
 Yeomen — first and second rate, $61 60 
 per month. 
 
 Yeomen — third rate, $56 50 per month. 
 
 " —fourth rate, $51 50 
 Armorers — first rate, $36 50 " 
 
 " — second, third and fourth 
 rate, $31 50 per month. 
 
 Boatswain's Mate and Gunners, each 
 $28 50 per month. 
 
 Carpenters, $31 50 per month. 
 
 Sailmaker's Mate, $26 50 " 
 
 Masters-at-arms — first and second rate, 
 $61 50 \ier mouth. 
 
 Masters-at-arms — third rate, $56 50 per 
 month. 
 
 Masters-at-arms — fourth rate, $51 50 per 
 month. 
 Ship's Corporals, $23 50 per month. 
 Coxswains, Quarter Masters, Quarter 
 Gunners, $26 50 per month. 
 
 Captains of Forecastle, Tops, After- 
 guard, and Hold, $26 50 per month. 
 Coopers, $23 50 per month. 
 
 Painters— first class, $26 50 " 
 " —second " $23 50 " 
 Stewards— of Cabin, $36 50 " 
 
 ' ' —of Ward Eoom, $31 50 per 
 month. 
 Stewards — of Steerage, 21 50 per month. 
 " —of Warrant OflScers, $19 50 
 per month. 
 
 Nurses — complement less than 200 — one 
 nurse, $15 50 per month. 
 
 Nurses — complement ' over 200 — two 
 nurses, $15 50 per month. 
 
 Cooks — Cabin, $31 50 per month. 
 " Ward Room, $26 50 per month. 
 
 Steerage, $19 50 
 " Warrant Officers, $15 50 " 
 
 Musicians — Masters of Band, $51 50 per 
 month. 
 Musicians — first class, $36 50 per month. 
 
 second class, $31 50 " 
 Seamen, $21 50 " 
 
 Ordinary, $17 50 " 
 
 Landsmen, $15 50 " 
 
 Firemen— first class, $31 50 " 
 
 " second class, $26 50 " 
 
 Coal Heavers, $21 50 
 Marine Corps — Brigadier General, $5500 
 per annum. 
 
 Marine Corps — Ass't Quartermaster, cap- 
 tain's rank, $2000 per annum. 
 Marine Corps — Colonel, $3500 per ann. 
 " Lieutenant Col., $3000 
 
 per annum. 
 
 Marine Corps — M.ajor, $2500 per annum 
 Cai)tain, $1800 
 " 1st Lieutenant and Aid- 
 
 dc-camp, $1750 per annum. 
 
 Marine Corjis — 1st Lieutenant, $1500 per 
 annum. 
 
 Marine Corps— 2d „ $1400 per 
 
 annum. 
 
 All ofllccrs on retired list receive 75 or 
 60 per cent, of their sea pay, according aa
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 
 
 39 
 
 they are retired for long and faithful ser- 
 vice or for other causes. 
 
 The navy ration is commuted at 30 cents 
 per day. Tiie navy sjjirit ration was totally 
 abolished July 1, 1S7(). 
 
 Navy oilicers are retired after 40 years' 
 service, on their own application ; and they 
 are retired in any case after G2 years of 
 age, with some exceptions. The compensa- 
 tion of retired olficers is 75 per cent, of the 
 active pay of the same rank, or fyO per cent, 
 (according to the causes of retirenieiit.) 
 
 Admissions to West I'oint and the Naval 
 Academy are only received where vacan- 
 cies occur in the State or section entitled. 
 The appointments are apportioned among 
 the Senators and Re])resentatives, some 
 being reserved to the President. In many 
 Congressional Districts, to avoid favorit- 
 ism, and to make sure of admission when 
 appointed, local boards of exannners are 
 appointed, and those who pass best in the 
 P^nglish branches are given the first trial. 
 The fortunate applicant must pass another 
 and still more rigid examination at the 
 Academy, and must do this without serious 
 failure in each and every year. Tliose who 
 
 Eiss are entitled, in the Army, to a Second 
 ieutenancy ; in the Navy, to a Past Mid- 
 shipman's rank. Those who fail can un- 
 der an Act of Congress, be appointed to 
 the lower grade of vacancies in the Army 
 after all who pass are provided for. At 
 either Academy the student receives suffi- 
 cient allowance from the government. 
 
 Vulted States Military Academy at West 
 Poiut. 
 
 The United States Military Academy at 
 West Point was founded by act of I\Iarch 
 IG, 1802, constituting the corps of engineers 
 of the army, a military academy with fifty 
 students or cadets, who were to receive in- 
 structions under the senior engineer officer 
 as superintendent. Ijatcr acts established 
 professorships of mathematics, engineering, 
 philosopliy, etc., and made the academy a 
 military body, subject to the rules and ar- 
 ticles of war. In 1815, a permanent super- 
 intendent was appointed, and a year later 
 an annual board of visitors was provided 
 for, to be named by the President, the 
 Speaker of the House, and the President 
 ot the Senate. In 1818 the present system 
 of the appointment of cadets was instituted, 
 which assigns one cadet to each Congres- 
 sional district and Territory in the Union, 
 to be named by the Representative in 
 Congress for the time being, and ten ap- 
 pointments at large, speciallv conferred bv 
 the President of the United States. The 
 number of students is thus limited to 812. 
 A large proportion of those appointed fail 
 to pass the examination, and many others 
 to complete the course, the pro])ortion 
 being stated at fully one half hitherto. 
 
 The course of instruction requires four 
 years, and in largely mathematical and 
 professional. The discipline is very strict, 
 even more so than in the army, and the 
 enforcement of penalties for" offences is 
 inflexible rather th.in severe. The whole 
 number of graduates from 1802 to 1877 wa.s 
 about 2,700, of whom 1,200 are deceased 
 and about 1,500 living. Of those surviving, 
 800 are still in the army, and about 700 
 out of service. 
 
 Ai)pointees to the ^Military Academy 
 must be between 17 and 22 years of age, at 
 least five feet in height, and free from in- 
 firnuty, and able to pass a careful exami- 
 nation in various branches of knowledge. 
 Each cadet admitted must bind liimself t<i 
 serve the United States eight years from 
 the time of admission to the academy. The 
 jmy of cadets, formerly fifty dollars per 
 month and rations, was fixed at $540 per 
 year, with no allowance for rations, by the 
 act of 1876. The aggregate amount of 
 money ai)i)ropriated by the United States 
 for the Military Academy from 1802 to 
 1877 inclusive, was $11,89(3,128, being an 
 average of about $140,949 annually. The 
 number of actual members of the academy, 
 by the official register of June, 1879, was 
 212. 
 
 IT lilted States Naval Academy at Annapolis. 
 
 The United States Naval Academy was 
 opened October 10, 1845, and the credit of 
 its foundation is attributed to Hon. George 
 Bancroft, then Secretary of the Navy under 
 President Polk. The course of in'itruction, 
 designed to train midshipmen for the navy, 
 at first occupied five years, of which three 
 were passed at sea. Various changes have 
 been made in the course of instruction, 
 which was made seven years in 1850, four 
 years in 1851, and six years, (the two last 
 of which are spent at sea,) March 3, 1873, 
 where it now remains, under the direct 
 care and supervision of the Navy Depart- 
 ment. There are to be allowed in the aca- 
 demy one cadet-midshipman for every 
 member or delegate in tiie House of Rep- 
 resentatives, appointed at his nomination, 
 one for the District of Columbia, and ten 
 appointed at large by the President. The 
 number of appointments which can be 
 made is limited by law to twenty-five each 
 year, nanu'd by tlie Secretary of the Navy 
 after competitive examinations, the cadets 
 being from fourteen to eighteen years of 
 age. The successful candidates become 
 students of tlie academy, and receive the 
 pay of cadet-midshipmen, !<.')00per aninim. 
 Besides the cadet-midshijimen, 25 cadet- 
 engineers may be apj>oiuted each year, 
 fniin 10 to 20 years of age. on competitive 
 examination involving a higher standard 
 of knowledge. The course for cadet-en- 
 gineers is 4 years at the acailemy, and 2
 
 40 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 additional years at sea. All cadets who 
 graduate are appointed assistant-engineers 
 in the navy as fast as vacancies occur. 
 The course of in^^truction is thorough, in- 
 volving a close pursuit of mathematics, 
 steam engineering, physics, mechanics, sea- 
 manship, ordnance, history, law, etc. The 
 whole number of students, cadet-midship- 
 men, 204 ; cadet-engineers, 80 ; total, 284. 
 
 PAY OF PRINCIPAL OFFICERS IN VARIOUS DE- 
 PARTMENTS. 
 
 Department of State. 
 
 Secretary of State, Salary, §8,000. 
 
 Assistant Secretary, Salary, $3,600. 
 
 Second Assistant Secretary, Salary, 
 $3,500. 
 
 Third Assistant Secretarv, Salary, $3,500. 
 
 Chief Clerk, Salary, $2,500. 
 
 Examiner of Claims, Salarv, $3,500. 
 
 Chief of Consular Bureau, Salary,$2,100. 
 
 Chief of Indexes and Archives, Salary, 
 $2,200. 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Accounts, Salary, 
 2,100. 
 
 Librarian, Salary, $1,800. 
 
 Treasury Department. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Salary, $8,000. 
 
 Assistant Secretary, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Assistant Secretary, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Chief Clerk of Department, Salarj', 
 $2,700. 
 
 First Comptroller, Salary, $5,000. 
 
 Second Comptroller, Salary, .$5,000. 
 
 Commissioner of Customs, Salary, $4,000. 
 
 First Auditor, Salary, $3,600. 
 
 Second Auditor, Salary, $3,600. 
 
 Third Auditor, Salary, $3,600. 
 
 Fourth Auditor, Salarv, $3,600. 
 
 Fifth Auditor, Salary,'$3,600. 
 
 Sixth Auditor, Salary, $3,600. 
 
 Treasurer of the United States, Salary, 
 $6,000. 
 
 Assistant Treasurer, Salary, .$3,600. 
 
 Register of the Treasury, Salary, $4,000. 
 
 Comptroller of the Currency, Salary, 
 $5,000. 
 
 Coni'r of Internal Revenue, Salary, 
 $6,000. 
 
 Solicitor of Internal Revenue, Salarv, 
 $4,500. 
 
 Solicitor of the Treasury, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Director of the Mint, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Engraving and 
 Printing, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Statistics, Salary, 
 $2,400. 
 
 Supervising Architect, Salary, $4,500. 
 
 Supt. of U. S. Coast Survey, Salary, 
 $6,000. 
 
 Assistant in Charge of Office, Salary, 
 $4,200. 
 
 Chairman Litrht-llousc Board. 
 
 Supervising Surgeon-General, Salary, 
 $4,000. 
 
 Supt. of Life-Saving Service, Salarv. 
 $4,000. 
 
 Supervising Inspector-General of Steam- 
 boats, Salary, $3,500. 
 
 Chief of Appointment Division, Salarv. 
 $2,500. ^' 
 
 Chief of Warrant Division, Salarv. 
 $2,750. '' 
 
 Chief of Public Moneys Division, Salarv. 
 $2,500. 'J. 
 
 Chief of Customs Division, Salary, 
 $2,750. 
 
 Chief Int. Rev. and Navigation, Salarv. 
 $2,500. '' 
 
 Chief Loan and Currency Div'n, Salarv. 
 $2,500. 
 
 Chief Revenue Marine, Salary, $2,500. 
 
 Chief Stationery and Printing, Salary, 
 $2,500. 
 
 Department of tlie Interior. 
 
 Secretary of the Interior, Salary, $8,000. 
 
 Assistant Secretary, Salary, $3,500. 
 
 Chief Clerk and Superintendent, Salary, 
 $i,7vO. 
 
 Assistant Attorney-General, Salary, 
 $5,000. 
 
 GENERAL LAND OFFICE. 
 
 Commissioner, Salarv, $4,000. 
 Chief Clerk, Salary, $2,000. 
 
 PENSION OFFICE. 
 
 Commissioner, Salary, $3,000. 
 Deputy Commissioner, Salary, $2,400. 
 Chief Clerk, Salary, $2,000. 
 
 PATENT OFFICE. 
 
 Commissioner $4,500 
 
 Assistant Commissioner 3,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,250 
 
 ] 3,000 
 
 Examiner-in-chief > 3,000 
 
 ] 3,000 
 
 1. Agriculture 2,400 
 
 2. Agricultural Products 2,400 
 
 3. Mc'tullurgv, Kel'rigeration, and 
 
 Distillation 2,400 
 
 4. Civil Engineering. 2,400 
 
 5. Fine Arts 2,400 
 
 6. Chemistry 2,400 
 
 7. Harvesters and Mills 2,400 
 
 8. Household 2,400 
 
 9. Hydraulics and Pneumatics 2,400 
 
 10. Carriages, Wagons, and Cars 2,400 
 
 11. Leather-working Machinery and 
 
 Products '. 2,400 
 
 12. Mechanical Engineering 2,400 
 
 13. Metal-working, Class A 2,400 
 
 14. Metal-working, Cla.ss B 2,400 
 
 15. Plastics 2,400 
 
 16. Philosophical 2,400 
 
 17. Printing and Pai)cr Manufac- 
 
 turing 2,400 
 
 18. Steam Engineering 2,400
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 41 
 
 19. Calorifics, Stoves, and Lamps.... 2,400 
 
 20. Buiklcrs' Hardware, Locks, and 
 
 Surgery 2,400 
 
 21. Sewing Machines and Textile... 
 
 Machinery 2,400 
 
 22. Fire-arms, Navigation, Signals, 
 
 and Wood-working 2,400 
 
 23. Trade-Marks and Labels 2,250 
 
 24. Designs 
 
 Examiner of Interferences 2,400 
 
 Librarian 2,000 
 
 INDIAN OFFICE. 
 
 Commissioner 3,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 BUREAU OF EDUCATION. 
 
 Commissioner of Education 3,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 1,800 
 
 CENSUS OFFICE. 
 
 Superintendent 5,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Auditor of Railroad AccountvS 5,000 
 
 Director of Geological Survey 6,000 
 
 Superintendent of Government Hos- 
 pital for Insane.... 2,500 
 
 President Columbia Institution for 
 
 Deaf and Dumb 4,000 
 
 Architect U. S. Capitol Extension... 4,500 
 
 'War Department. 
 
 OFFICE. SALARY. 
 
 Secretarv of War $S,Ol)0 
 
 Cliief Clerk 2,500 
 
 Adjutant-General 5,500 
 
 Assistant Adjutant-General 4,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Inspector-General 5,500 
 
 Quartermaster-General 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Pavmaster-General 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Commissarv-General 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Surgeon-General 5,500 
 
 r 4,500 
 
 Assistants I '«!'•>"*() 
 
 [3^250 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Judge-Advocate General 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 1,800 
 
 Chief of Engineers 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Assistant in charge of Public Build- 
 ings and Grounds 3,000 
 
 Chief Signal Officer 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 1,800 
 
 Chief of Ordnance 5,500 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,000 
 
 Post-Oflice Department. 
 
 Postmaster-General 8,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 2,200 
 
 First Assistant Postmaster-General.. 3,500 
 
 Second Assistant Postmaster-General 3,500 
 Third Assistant Postmaster-General 3,500 
 
 Sui)erintendent of Foreign Mails 3^000 
 
 Assistant Attorney-General for Post- 
 
 Otlice Department 4 000 
 
 Superintendent of Money-Order Sys- 
 
 tti"i 3,000 
 
 Navy Department. 
 
 Secretarv of the Navy 
 
 Chief Clerk .'." 
 
 Judge-Advocate General 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Yards and Docks 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Navigation 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Ordnance 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Provisions and 
 Clothing 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Medicine and Sur- 
 gery 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Equipment and 
 Recruiting 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Construction and 
 Repair 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Steam-Engineer- 
 ing ; 
 
 Commandant of Navy Yard, Wash- 
 ington 
 
 Navij Pay Office. 
 Paymaster .' 
 
 Marine Corps. 
 
 Commandant Marine Corps 
 
 lu charge Marine Barracks 
 
 8,000 
 2,500 
 4,500 
 5,000 
 5,000 
 5,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 4,500 
 3,500 
 
 Naval Observatory. 
 Superintendent 
 
 Professors. 
 
 Nautical Almanac. 
 Superintendent 
 
 6,000 
 '3,500 
 3,500 
 3,500 
 3,500 
 2,700 
 .2,400 
 
 3,500 
 
 Signal Office. 
 In charge 3,500 
 
 Hydrographic Office. 
 Hydrographer 3,500 
 
 Department bf Justice. 
 
 Attorney-General 8,000 
 
 Solicitor-General 7,000 
 
 .Vssistant Attorney-General 5,oo0 
 
 Assistant Attorney -General 5,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 2.200 
 
 Law Clerk 2,700 
 
 Department of Agrlcnlture. 
 
 Commissi(Mier 3,000 
 
 Chief Clerk 1,900
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Collectors of Internal Revenne. 
 
 IHstricts. Statioiis. Salary, 1S80. 
 
 Alabama Mobile $2,500 
 
 " Montgomerj' 2,500 
 
 Arizona Prescott 2,250 
 
 Arkansas Little Rock 2,750 
 
 California S. Francisco 4,500 
 
 " Sacramento 3,250 
 
 Colorado Denver 2,750 
 
 Connecticut Norwich 2,875 
 
 Bridgeport 3,000 
 
 Dakota Yankton 2,250 
 
 Delaware "Wilmington 3,125 
 
 Florida Jacksonville 2,875 
 
 Georgia Atlanta 4,000 
 
 " Savannah 3,000 
 
 Idaho Boise City 2,125 
 
 Illinois Chicago 4,500 
 
 Aurora 3,000 
 
 " Sterling 4,000 
 
 " Quincy 4,375 
 
 " Peoria 4,500 
 
 " Champaign 2,375 
 
 " Springfield 4,125 
 
 " Cairo 4,375 
 
 Indiana Evansville 3,000 
 
 " Greensburg 4,500 
 
 " Indianapolis 4,250 
 
 " Terre Haute 4,500 
 
 " Warsaw 2,750 
 
 " Anderson 2,625 
 
 Iowa Davenport 3,125 
 
 " Dubuque 3,000 
 
 " Burlington 2,750 
 
 " Des Mmnes 2,625 
 
 Kansas Leavenworth 3,000 
 
 Kentucky Owensboro' 3,750 
 
 " Louisville 4,500 
 
 " Covington 4,500 
 
 " Lexington 4,500 
 
 " Lancaster 3,000 
 
 " Maysville 2,750 
 
 Louisiana N. Orleans 4,000 
 
 Maine Portland 2,500 
 
 Maryland Baltimore 4,500 
 
 " Cumberland 2,750 
 
 Massachusetts... Boston 4,500 
 
 " ... Newburyport 4,250 
 
 " ...N.Adams 3,375 
 
 Michigan Detroit 4,500 
 
 " Hillsdale. 3,000 
 
 " G. Rapids 2,750 
 
 E. Saginaw 2,750 
 
 Minnesota liochester 2 625 
 
 " St. Paul h',()(H) 
 
 Mississippi Jackson 2,(525 
 
 Missouri St. Louis 4,500 
 
 " (!. Girardeau 2,375 
 
 " Louisiana 3,150 
 
 " Cartilage 3,000 
 
 " Kansas City 3,000 
 
 Montana Helena ". 2,125 
 
 Nebraska Omaha 4,250 
 
 Nevada Virginia City 2,500 
 
 N. Hampshire.. Dover ! 3,125 
 
 N. Jersey Camden 3,000 
 
 " Somervillc 3,000 
 
 Districts. Statiotii. Salary, 1880. 
 
 N. Jersey Newark 4,500 
 
 N. Mexico Santa Fe 2,500 
 
 N. York Brooklyn 4,500 
 
 " New York 4,500 
 
 " New York 4,500 
 
 " Middletown 2,750 
 
 " Hudson 3,625 
 
 " Albany 3,750 
 
 " Trov 3,000 
 
 " Utica 3,125 
 
 " Auburn 3,375 
 
 " Binghamton 3,000 
 
 " Rochester 4,375 
 
 " Buffalo 4,500 
 
 N. Carolina New Berne 2,500 
 
 " Raleigh 4,375 
 
 " AVinsted 4,250 
 
 " Statesville 3,500 
 
 Ohio Cincinnati 4,500 
 
 " Davton 4,500 
 
 " Bellefontaine 3,625 
 
 " Wash. C. H 3,875 
 
 " Columbus 3,625 
 
 " Toledo 4.500 
 
 " Portsmouth 4,500 
 
 " Marietta 2,875 
 
 " .....Cleveland 4,000 
 
 Oregon Portland 2.500 
 
 Pennsylvania... Philadelphia 4,500 
 
 " ...Reading 3,750 
 
 " ...Lancaster 4,500 
 
 " ...Wilkesbarre 3.250 
 
 " ...Sunburj' 2,875 
 
 *' ...Somerset 2,875 
 
 " ...Erie 2,625 
 
 " ...Greenville 2 500 
 
 '• ...Pittsburgh 4,500 
 
 " ...Allegheny City 3,875 
 
 R. Island Providence 2,875 
 
 S. Carolina Columbia 3,500 
 
 Tennessee Knoxville 2,500 
 
 Nashville 4,125 
 
 " Memphis 2,625 
 
 Texas Galveston 3,000 
 
 " Austin 2,500 
 
 " Jefferson 2,375 
 
 Utah S. Lake City 2,375 
 
 Vermont Montpelicr." 2,500 
 
 Virginia Petersburg 4,250 
 
 " Richmond 4,500 
 
 " Danville 4,500 
 
 " Lvuchburg 4,500 
 
 " Harrisonburg 3,000 
 
 Washington Olympia 2,250 
 
 W. Virginia Wheeling 3,125 
 
 Grafton 2,375 
 
 Wisconsin Milwaukee 4,500 
 
 Madison 2,750 
 
 Fond du Lac 2,875 
 
 Sparta 2,625 
 
 Wyoming Cheyenne 2,125 
 
 The salaries of Internal Revenue Collec- 
 tors are graduated annually in projjortion 
 to the amount of revenue collected hy each 
 — the maximum salary being limited to 
 $4,500 by law.
 
 BOOK VI.j 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 43 
 
 The number of the collection districts 
 are those retained when the districts in 
 various States were consolidated by law, 
 and those bearing the intervening numbers 
 were al)olished. 
 
 [Wliilc some collectors have fixed sala- 
 ries, other ofiicers are paid, in whole or in 
 part, by lees or commissions, to which the 
 law fixes a maximum limit. J 
 
 Alabama. 
 Mobile $4,195 
 
 Alaska. 
 Sitka 3,370 
 
 CaliJo7-nia. 
 
 San Francisco 7,000 
 
 San Diego 3,000 
 
 Connecticut. 
 
 Fairfield 1,2.S2 
 
 Middletown 1,141 
 
 New Haven 3,000 
 
 New London 2,995 
 
 Stoniugton 620 
 
 Delaware. 
 Wilmington 2,781 
 
 Dist. of Columbia. 
 Georgetown 1,388 
 
 Florida. 
 
 Apalachicola 834 
 
 Fernandina 1,350 
 
 Key West 5,U0n 
 
 Jacksonville 1,431 
 
 Peusacola 3,000 
 
 St. Augustine 543 
 
 Cedar Keys 1,235 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 Brunswick 2,594 
 
 Savannah 3,455 
 
 St. Mary's 1,038 
 
 Illinois. 
 
 Chicago 4,500 
 
 Louisiana. 
 
 Morgan City 1,5GS 
 
 New Orleans 7,000 
 
 Maine. 
 
 Bangor 1,452 
 
 Bath 2,3(jy 
 
 Belfast 1,229 
 
 Ellsworth 1,450 
 
 Kennebunk 188 
 
 Machias 1,()14 
 
 Eastport 3,000 
 
 Castine 892 
 
 Portland 6,000 
 
 Saco 300 
 
 Hmilton 1,50(1 
 
 Waldoborough 1,840 
 
 Wiscasset 752 
 
 York 25S 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 Annapolis , 250 
 
 Baltimore 7,000 
 
 Crisfield 2,192 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Barnstable $2,523 
 
 Boston 8^000 
 
 Edgartown 884 
 
 Fall Biver 1,189 
 
 Gloucester 3,84^) 
 
 MarMehead 311 
 
 Nantuck-L't 400 
 
 New Bcdlord 2,085 
 
 Ncwijurvport 3!)5 
 
 Plymouth 834 
 
 Salem 517 
 
 Mich ifjan. 
 
 Detroit.... 5,273 
 
 (irand Haven 2,700 
 
 ManpTctte 2,5()0 
 
 Port Huron 2,500 
 
 Minnesota. 
 
 Pembina, D. T 2,500 
 
 Duluth 2,500 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 Natchez 500 
 
 Vicksburg 5oO 
 
 Pearl liiver 1,481 
 
 Montana and Idaho. 
 Fort Benton 2,500 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 Portsmouth 741 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 Bridgcton 606 
 
 Somcr's Point 5o0 
 
 Trenton 201 
 
 Newark 1,218 
 
 Perth xVmboy 1,970 
 
 Tuckerton 250 
 
 New York. 
 
 Buffalo 2,500 
 
 Cape Vincent 2,500 
 
 Dunkirk 1,007 
 
 New York 12,000 
 
 ( )swegatchie 2,500 
 
 ( )swego 4,500 
 
 Plattsburgh 2,500 
 
 Rochester 2,550 
 
 Sag Harbor 490 
 
 Suspension Bridge 2,500 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 Beaufort 1,145 
 
 Edenton 1,244 
 
 Newbern 1,588 
 
 Wilmington 2,500 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 Cleveland 2,500 
 
 Sanduskv 2,500 
 
 Toledo .■ 2,512 
 
 Ora/on. 
 
 Astoria .' 3.000 
 
 Portland 3,no0 
 
 Emi)ire City 1,078 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Erie 1.809 
 
 Philadelphia ^^.OoO 
 
 Camden, X. J 1,500
 
 u 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 Bristol 131 
 
 Newport 974 
 
 Providence 4,236 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Charleston 4,000 
 
 Georgetown 493 
 
 Beaufort 2,830 
 
 Texas. 
 
 Brownsville 4,500 
 
 Corpus Christi 3,617 
 
 El Paso 2,00l» 
 
 Galveston 3,179 
 
 Indianola 2,488 
 
 Verniont. 
 
 Burlington 2,500 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 Alexandria 462 
 
 Eastville 915 
 
 Norfolk 3,000 
 
 Petersburg 361 
 
 Richmond 1,900 
 
 Tappahannock 481 
 
 Yorktown 559 
 
 Wisconsin. 
 
 Milwaukee 2,500 
 
 Siir»'eyors of Customs. 
 
 Albany, N. Y,, W. N. Sanders, salary, 
 $4,568. 
 
 Baltimore, Md., G. W. F. Vernon, $4,500. 
 
 Boston, Mass., A. B. Underwood, $500. 
 
 Burlington, Iowa, George Frazee,-$383. 
 
 Cairo, 111., George Fisher, $706. 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, E. H. Stephenson, 
 $5,000. 
 
 Dubuque, Iowa, Delos E Lyon, $606. 
 
 Evansvillo, Ind., Joseph C. Jewell, $925. 
 
 Galena, ill., Daniel Wann, $368. 
 
 La Crosse, Wis., Isaac H. Moulton, 
 $1,200. 
 
 Louisville, Ky., T. O. Shackleford, 
 $2,653. 
 
 Memphis, Tenn., William J. Smith, 
 $960. 
 
 Michigan City, Ind., Thomas Jcrnegan, 
 
 Nashville, Tenn., Adam Woolf, $817. 
 
 New Orleans, La., William B. Hyman, 
 $2,882. 
 
 New York, N. Y., Charles K. Graham, 
 $8,000. 
 
 Omaha, Neb., John Campbell, $395. 
 
 Patcliogiic, N. Y., Edward T. Moore. 
 
 Pliiladelpliia, Pa., E. O'Meara Goodrich, 
 $5,000. 
 
 Pittsburtrh, Pa., James S. Butan, $4,200. 
 
 Port JrlilTson, N. Y., Saiiuu'l R. Davis. 
 
 I'ortlund,. "Maine, (JeorgeW. True, $4,500. 
 
 i'ortsiiioutli, Ohio, James E. Wharton. 
 
 St. Louis, Mo., Gustavus St. ( !em, $5,000. 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., John M. Morton, 
 $5,000. 
 
 Wheeling, W. Va., James Gilchrist, 
 $1,719. 
 
 United States Naval Officers 
 
 Salary. 
 
 Boston, Mass., $5,000 
 
 New York, N. Y 8,000 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., 5,000 
 
 Baltimore, Md., 5,000 
 
 New Orleans, La., 5,069 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., 6,000 
 
 Vuitecl States Aliiit Officers. 
 
 Director of the Mint, Washington, D. 
 C, $4,500. 
 
 Superintendent, Philadelphia, Pa., $4,- 
 500. 
 
 Superintendent, San Francisco, Cal., 
 $4,500. 
 
 Superintendent, New Orleans, La., $3,- 
 500. 
 
 Assayer, Charlotte, N. C, $1,500. 
 
 Superintendent, New York, N. Y., 
 $4,500. 
 
 Assayer, Denver, Col., $2,500. 
 
 Superintendent, Carson City, Nevada, 
 $3,000. 
 
 Assayer, Boise City, Idaho, $2,000. 
 
 Assayer, Helena, Montana, $2,500. 
 
 Assistant Treasurers of the United States. 
 
 Boston, Mass.,... $4,500 
 
 New York, N. Y., 8,000 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., 4,500 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, 4,500 
 
 Chicago, 111., 4,500 
 
 New Orleans, La., 4,000 
 
 St. Louis, Mo., 4,500 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., 5,500 
 
 Baltimore, Md., 4,500 
 
 Washington, D. C, 3,600 
 
 OTHER DEPARTMENT OFFICES, THE PAY AND HOW 
 OBTAINED. 
 
 State Department. 
 
 In addition to the principal and consu- 
 lar officers previously named there are 
 employed in the State Department about 
 50 clerks, watchmen, engineers, etc. The 
 clerks are graded, the lowest class receiving 
 $900, the next $1,000, then $1,200, $1,400, 
 $1,600 and $1,800. The ])roof-reader gets 
 $1,300, litliographcr $1,200, chief-engineer 
 $1 ,200, assistant engineer $1 ,000, messenger 
 $840, assistant messenger $720, snperinten- 
 dentof watch $1,000,' six watclinien $600 
 each, conductor for elevator $720, eight 
 laborers $600 each, six firemen $720 each. 
 
 Treasury I)i-|iartin«'nt. 
 
 This is regarded as the leading depart- 
 ment in the vahie of its patronage, though 
 the Postmaster (Jcnend has more appoint- 
 ments if we include in his list all the Post- 
 masters throughout the land.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 45 
 
 In the Treasury Department, besides the 
 principal officers enumerated, there are 
 over twelve thousand oj/icers. The salaries 
 of the clerks range 'irom .$900 to $2,400, 
 the latter I'or head clerks in bureaus or 
 branche-i ; female clerks, as a rule, $900. 
 The chief messcn.i^ers get $S-iO, assistant 
 messengers $720, laborers $i)(JO, and some 
 female laborers $1 per day ; female messen- 
 gers $1.50 per day, female counters and 
 laborers $2 per day. Tlu-re are great num- 
 bers of clerical and minor officers in all 
 branches of the De[)artment. Some of the 
 male messengers are paid .$4 per day, and 
 some of the female lal)i)rers get $660 a 
 year there being no uniform system, the 
 appi)intinents being pursuant to laws passed 
 at different periods, and in many instances 
 at the discretion of the Secretary. He has 
 more discretion under the law than any 
 other othcer of the government. 
 
 The Si»ecial Agents, employed in different 
 cities of the Union, as a rule, get $8 per 
 day, and while Treasury Agents in distant 
 territories and possessions gotsalaries,rang- 
 ing from .$2,190 to .$2,()oO per annum,\vith 
 an allowance'of $600 for traveling expenses. 
 
 In the Divisions of the Secretary's office 
 about 600 persons, male and female, are em- 
 ployed at sums ranging from $1 per day, for 
 the simplest forms of labor, to $2,500 per 
 annum for high clerical duties. 
 
 In the Bureau of the Mint, eleven per- 
 sons, male and female, get from $660 to 
 $2,300 — the examiner the larger figures ; 
 the clerks from $1,000 to $2,000, translator 
 $1,200, coj^yist $900. 
 
 In the Bureau of Statistics, about forty 
 persons, male and female, are employed, at 
 salaries graded from laborer to chief clerk 
 as follows : $480, $660, $720, $900, $1,000, 
 $1,200, $1,400, $1,600, $1,800, $2,000 and 
 $2,400. 
 
 In the office of the Life-Saving Service 
 about fifteen jiersons, male and female, are 
 employed, at similar salaries to the above, 
 the Superintendent getting $4,000, Assis- 
 tant General Superintendent $2,500. 
 
 In the office of the Light-House Board, 
 nearly sixty persons, male and female, are 
 employed, the female laborers getting $45 
 ami $60 per month ; male laborers $2 per 
 day; custodian of light-house laboratory 
 $75 per month ; clerk of committee on en- 
 gineering $50 per month ; superintendent 
 of repairs $150 per month ; superintendents 
 of construction from $5 per day to $175 
 per month ; draughtsmen from $100 to 
 $150 i^er month ; assistant chief engineer 
 $200 jier month ; about 30 writers from 
 $600 to $1,400 each per year. 
 
 In the Supervising Surgeon General's 
 Office about fifteen ])ersons, male and fe- 
 male, are emjiloyed, the Supervising Sur- 
 geon General getting $4,000, chief clerk 
 $2,000, other clerks from $l,(iOO to $1,600, 
 copyists $900, laborers $25 per month. 
 
 ' In the Bureau of Engraving and Printing 
 nearly fifteen hundred persrjns, male and 
 female, are employed. These comprise 
 the chief clerk at $4,500, assistant chief 
 $2,250, accountant $2,000, stenograjilier 
 $1,600, seven other clerks at from $1,000 to 
 $1,6(10, a lady getting in this instance the 
 liighcst figure, three female copyists at 
 $900 each, two assistant messengers at 
 $720, lour laborers at $660. In the En- 
 graving Division the Superintemlent gets 
 $12 per dav, clerk .$3 per day, engravers 
 from $5 to |;8.75 per day, die sinkers $3.50 
 per day, transferers from $3.50 to $7, 
 provers $5, plate cleaners $4.50, machinist 
 $3, trimmer $1.50, helpers, $2 and $2.50, 
 ai)prentiees $1.25 to $2. There are many 
 other Divisions, all employing skilled and 
 unskilled, male and female, labor. These 
 comprise a custodian of plates, writing di- 
 vision, printing division, surface branch, 
 examining division, binding, numbering 
 and machine divisions, maeeratmvs, watch, 
 vault, cleaning, chance employes and mis- 
 cellaneous. The skilled laborers are prin- 
 cipally paid by the piece, their assistants, 
 generally female, by the day at $1,1.25, 
 $1.50 and $2. 
 
 In the Supervising Architect's Office 
 many civil engineers, draughtsmen, com- 
 puters, modelers, moulders, i)hotographers, 
 phonographers, copyists (all females) and 
 others skilled in mechanical sciences are 
 employed, at from $1 to $9 per day, ac- 
 cording to the skill required, the clerks 
 being on the usual salaries. Nearly 500 
 persons are thus employed. 
 
 There are First and Second Comptroller's 
 Offices, each emidoying from 60 to 100 
 persons, males and females. The Comj)- 
 trollers get $5,000, the Deputies $2,700, 
 Chief of Division $2,100, clerks from $900 
 to $1,800, messengers, watchmen, laborers, 
 etc., same as in other branches. 
 
 In the oflice of the Commissioner of Cus- 
 toms about 40 persons, all males, are em- 
 ployed. The Commissioner gets $4,000, 
 Deputy 2,500, clerks from $1,000 to $2,100, 
 messengers $720, laborer $660. 
 
 There are six Auditor's offices, -which 
 vary in the number emploved from 50 to 
 lOO'. The Auditor gets $3,600, Deputy 
 $2,250, chiefs of Divisions $2,000, clerks, 
 both male and females, from $900to$l,800, 
 messengers, laborers, etc., the usual amount. 
 
 In the Treasurer's office about 3i>0 are 
 employed, more than half of the clerks 
 being females. The Treasurer gets $(5,000, 
 Assistant $3,600, Cashier $3,600, Assistant 
 $3,200, Sui)t. National Bank Ke(lempti(ni 
 Division $3,500, Chief Clerk, $2,50t). five 
 Chiefs of Division each $2,50(), two jirinci- 
 j)al book-keepers each .$2,5o0, two assistants 
 each $2,400, four tellers each $2,500, four . 
 assistants from $2,000, to $2,250, clerks 
 from $900 to $1,800, laborers, messengers, 
 watchmen, etc., same as usual.
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 In the Register's office about 200 per- 
 sons, male and female, are employed. The 
 Eegister gets $4,000; Assistant, $2,250; 
 Disbursing Clerk, §2,000; Chief Clerk, 
 82,000; other clerks, from $900 to $1,800; 
 Counters, $900 ; Laborers, $660. 
 
 In the office of the Comptroller of the 
 Currency, about 100 are employed. The 
 Comptroller gets $5,000 ; Deputy, $2,800 ; 
 Chiefs of Division, $2,200; Bond Clerk, 
 $2,000; Superintendent, $2,000; Teller, 
 $2,000 ; Book Keeper and Assistant, each, 
 $2,000; Stenographer, $1,600; about 700 
 clerks, more than half of them females, 
 from $900 to $1,800— the smaller sum, as 
 a rule, being paid to the females ; messen- 
 gers, Avatchmen, laborers, same as hereto- 
 fore. 
 
 In the office of Internal Revenue, about 
 250 persons, male and female, are em- 
 ployed. The Commissioner gets $6,000 ; 
 Deputy, $3,200 ; Heads of Divisions from 
 $2,250" to $2,500 ; Stenographer, $1,800 ; 
 nearly 200 clerks, half of them temales, 
 from '$900 to $1,800— the females, as a 
 rule, getting the smaller sum, though 
 some of them run as high as $1,600 ; 
 messengers, $720 ; ten laborers, $660. 
 
 INTERNAL REVENUE AGENTS. 
 
 The Internal Revenue Agents, to the 
 number of about 200, are employed in the 
 larger towns and cities, and are appointed 
 from the State in which they act. The 
 following is the list, with their compensa- 
 tion: 
 
 Where employed. Pay per diem. 
 
 Washington, D. C $12 
 
 Detroit, Mich 8 
 
 Ottumwa, Iowa 8 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio 8 
 
 New York, N. Y 8 
 
 Boston, Mass 8 
 
 San Francisco, Cal 8 
 
 Saint Louis, Mo 8 
 
 Chicaco, 111 8 
 
 (io 8 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y 8 
 
 Bangor, I\Ie 8 
 
 Kew York, N. Y 8 
 
 La Porte, Ind 8 
 
 IMiihulelphin, Pa 8 
 
 AVashington, 1). C 8 
 
 Louisville, Ky 8 
 
 lluntsville, Ala 7 
 
 Pittsburg, Pa 7 
 
 New York, N. Y 7 
 
 Austin, Texas 8 
 
 Norwalk, Ohio 7 
 
 Burlington, Iowa 8 
 
 Nashville, Tenn 7 
 
 Omaha, Neb 6 
 
 Stateaville, N. C 7 
 
 Where employed. Compensation. 
 
 San Francisco, Cal 7 
 
 Washington, D. C 8 
 
 Atlanta," Ga 8 
 
 Raleigh, N. C 6 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio 6 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa 6 
 
 New Orleans, La 8 
 
 New York, N. Y 6 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio 6 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 Mobile $1,500 
 
 ....do 1,000 
 
 Eufaula 900 
 
 Tuscaloosa 1,000 
 
 Haw Ridge 900 
 
 Choctaw Bluff. 900 
 
 Montgomery 1,500 
 
 do 650 
 
 Prattville 1,200 
 
 Huntsville 1,200 
 
 Wedowee 1,200 
 
 Tuscumbia 1,200 
 
 Talladega 1,200 
 
 Decatur 1,200 
 
 Marion 1,200 
 
 Montgomery 1,200 
 
 Arizona. 
 
 Prescott 500 
 
 Tucson 1,000 
 
 Yuma 400 
 
 Arkausas. 
 
 Helena 1,200 
 
 Little Rock 1,300 
 
 Fort Smith 1,200 
 
 Fayetteville 1,500 
 
 Augusta 1,200 
 
 Hot Springs 1,200 
 
 Little Rock 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Harrison 1,200 
 
 California. 
 
 San Francisco 2,000 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Los Angeles 1,900 
 
 Stockton 1,500 
 
 Santa Cruz 1,500 
 
 Santa Barbara 1,500 
 
 Visalia 1,500 
 
 1,500 
 
 SanJos6 1,200 
 
 Mercede 900 
 
 Bishop Creek 900 
 
 San Francisco 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 
 
 do
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 47 
 
 La Porte 1,700 
 
 Napa City 1,700 
 
 Ukiah GOO 
 
 Sacramento 1/.)00 
 
 Placerville 1,700 
 
 Yreka 1,(500 
 
 Sacramento 1 ,200 
 
 Suisun 1,000 
 
 Areata 1,500 
 
 Sacramento 1,500 
 
 Nevada City 1,700 
 
 Colorado. 
 
 Denver 1,500 
 
 Colorado Springs 1,500 
 
 Del Norte 1,500 
 
 Central City -. 1,500 
 
 Loadville 1,250 
 
 Denver 9U0 
 
 CoiMiectlcut. 
 
 Norwich 1,400 
 
 Hartford 1,400 
 
 Suffield 1,400 
 
 Hartford 1,000 
 
 Norwich 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 Bridgeport 1,400 
 
 New Haven 1,400 
 
 Clintcm 1,275 
 
 West Winsted 1,300 
 
 Waterbury 725 
 
 New Haven 1,000 
 
 Bridgeport 1,000 
 
 Deadwood 1,300 
 
 Yankton 1,6' 
 
 do 500 
 
 Bismarck 1,050 
 
 Dela^vare. 
 
 Milford 1,400 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 Port Deposit 1,400 
 
 Church Creek 1,400 
 
 Dela'ware. 
 
 Wilmington 1,400 
 
 Florida. 
 
 Jacksonville $1,400 
 
 Tallahasse 1,500 
 
 Key West 1,400 
 
 Pensacola 1,400 
 
 Jacksonville 1,500 
 
 1,400 
 
 G«orgla. 
 
 Atlanta 1,200 
 
 Macon 1,200 
 
 Newman 1,100 
 
 Columbus 1,100 
 
 Cuthbert 900 
 
 Albanv 900 
 
 Griffin 1,100 
 
 Athens 1,100 
 
 Gainesville 1,100 
 
 Toccoa Citv 1,100 
 
 Rome .' 1,100 
 
 Cartersvil le 900 
 
 Dahlonega 1,100 
 
 Atlanta. 
 
 ,300 
 ,500 
 ,■200 
 .400 
 ,5<)0 
 ,200 
 ,4' 10 
 ,300 
 ,200 
 ,500 
 200 
 ,400 
 ,400 
 ,400 
 ,200 
 ,200 
 
 ,800 
 ,500 
 
 1 
 
 Savannah i 
 
 " ;::■.; i 
 
 , " 1 
 
 Waynesborough i 
 
 Miliedgeville i 
 
 Crawford ville 1 
 
 Augusta 1 
 
 " 1 
 
 Brunswick ] 
 
 Thomasville 1 
 
 Gordon 1 
 
 Greensborough 1 
 
 Savannah i 
 
 Idaho. 
 
 Bois^ City i 
 
 Lewistou 1 
 
 Illinois. 
 
 Chicago 2,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do i/jOO 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 840 
 
 Aurora 1,600 
 
 Chemung 1,100 
 
 Joliet 1,100 
 
 Aurora 600 
 
 Savannah 1,500 
 
 Freeport 900 
 
 Galena 900 
 
 Sterling 900 
 
 do 500 
 
 Quincy 1,100 
 
 Rock Island 1,100 
 
 Pittsficld 1,600 
 
 Canton 300 
 
 Jacksonville 300 
 
 Bushnell 200 
 
 Havana 200 
 
 CarroUton 200 
 
 Pana 250 
 
 Quincv, 1,000 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Rock Island 300 
 
 Pittsfield 200 
 
 Quincy 500 
 
 Peoria 1.700 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1.500 
 
 1.000 
 
 Champaign 1,000 
 
 Springfield 1,800
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Springfield 1,400 
 
 Bloomington 1 ,400 
 
 Pekin 1,400 
 
 Springfield 1,200 
 
 Bloomington 200 
 
 Alton 1,400 
 
 Olney 1,200 
 
 Cairo 1,200 
 
 Centralia 1,100 
 
 Lebanon 1,200 
 
 Cairo 1,500 
 
 Belleville 1,000 
 
 ludlaua. 
 
 Evansville 1,600 
 
 New Medberry 1,400 
 
 .'. 1,200 
 
 Tell City 100 
 
 Huntingburgh 100 
 
 Evansville 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Brookville 240 
 
 Aurora 600 
 
 Madison , 400 
 
 Madison 600 
 
 Lawrenceburgh 1 ,400 
 
 Osgood 1,250 
 
 Harrison 1,700 
 
 do 300 
 
 Greensburgh 700 
 
 Indianapolis 1,800 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 900 
 
 Shelbyville 300 
 
 La Fayette 1,100 
 
 Terre Haute 1,500 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Bloomington 1,200 
 
 Fort Wayne 1,400 
 
 Warsaw 1,200 
 
 Logansport 1,200 
 
 South Bend 1,300 
 
 Warsaw 800 
 
 Anderson 1,200 
 
 Kichmond 1,200 
 
 Anderson 900 
 
 do 300 
 
 Iowa. 
 
 Davenport 1,300 
 
 Clinton 600 
 
 Iowa City 600 
 
 Davenport 1,200 
 
 Diibuqne 1,600 
 
 Dulmquo 1,000 
 
 McGregor HOO 
 
 Waterloo 1,000 
 
 Fort Dodge 1,000 
 
 Sif.ux City 1,000 
 
 Dubn(iue 1,000 
 
 Burlington l,00li 
 
 Newton 1,000 
 
 0.skaloos;i 1,000 
 
 Keokuk _. 1,0(»0 
 
 Burlington 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 Des Moines 
 
 Afton 
 
 Council Bluffs. 
 
 Atlantic 
 
 Des Moines.... 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
 , 800 
 
 800 
 
 600 
 
 Kansas. 
 
 Leavenworth Sl,700 
 
 Chanute 1,700 
 
 Manhattan 1,700 
 
 Newton 1,700 
 
 Leavenworth 1,300 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Keiitiicky. 
 
 Bowling Green $1,400 
 
 Greenville 1,400 
 
 Henderson 1,400 
 
 Paducah 1,400 
 
 Burkeville 1,400 
 
 Owensborough 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 900 
 
 Louisville .- 1,700 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 .... do 1,800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Lawrenceburg 1,100 
 
 New Castle 1,100 
 
 Lebanon 1,100 
 
 Bardstown 1,100 
 
 Louisville 800 
 
 Covington 1,900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Cynthiana 1,300 
 
 Covington 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 Lexington 1,900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 Paris 1,300 
 
 Nicholasville 1,300 
 
 400 
 
 Lancaster 1,400 
 
 Irvine .... 1,100 
 
 Richmond 1,100 
 
 Lancaster 900 
 
 Somerset 600 
 
 Lancaster 900 
 
 London 1,100 
 
 Maysville 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Salyersville 800 
 
 Mount Sterling 800 
 
 Cfrayson 800 
 
 Louisiana. 
 
 New Orleans $1,500 
 
 1,409
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 
 
 49 
 
 Delta $1,400 
 
 New Orleans 1,500 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 Baton Kouge 1,700 
 
 New Orleans 1,400 
 
 Monroe l,r)00 
 
 New Orleans 1,()00 
 
 New Orleans 1,500 
 
 Bhreveport 1,400 
 
 New Orleans 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Malue. 
 
 Bangor 975 
 
 Portland 1,250 
 
 Augusta 1,075 
 
 Lewiston 1,075 
 
 Maryland. 
 
 District of Columbia 1,400 
 
 Baltimore 1,200 
 
 Washington, D. C 1,200 
 
 Baltimore 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 1,700 
 
 Baltimore 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 1,100 
 
 1,100 
 
 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 
 do 
 
 1,200 
 1,100 
 
 Cumberland 1,300 
 
 Westminster 900 
 
 Ha2;erstown 1,000 
 
 Frederick 1,100 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Boston 1,100 Mississippi. 
 
 do 1,400 Jackson 1,500 
 
 New Bedford 1,100 do 1,300 
 
 Boston 1,400 Mount Comb Citv 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 Ocean Springs '. 1,500 
 
 Boston $1,350 
 
 Gloucester ',-,75 
 
 Lowell 1,200 
 
 Lawrence 1 ^050 
 
 Boston i]200 
 
 ( Jroveland 1, j!00 
 
 Salem '2OO 
 
 Ncwl)uryi)ort 800 
 
 Boston 700 
 
 North Adams 1.000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Westfu'ld 1,100 
 
 Springfield 1,000 
 
 Greenfield 1,000 
 
 Northampton 1,300 
 
 Worcester '. 1,100 
 
 Fitchburg 1,100 
 
 Mlcliigan. 
 
 Detroit 1,900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Flat Rock 1,000 
 
 Pontiac 1,400 
 
 Detroit 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 Hillsdale 1,100 
 
 Jackson 1 ,100 
 
 Kalamazoo 1 ,050 
 
 Constantine 1 ,050 
 
 Hillsdale 1,100 
 
 Grand Rapids 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 East Saginaw 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 Negaunee 900 
 
 Houghton 900 
 
 Minnesota. 
 
 Rochester 1,350 
 
 Lanesborough 750 
 
 Saint Peter 950 
 
 Mankato 900 
 
 Winona 900 
 
 Rochester 800 
 
 Richfield 1,220 
 
 Saint Paul 1,200 
 
 Sauk Rapids 1,260 
 
 Saint Paul 900 
 
 do 040 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Bridgewater 1,100 
 
 Boston 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Newburyport 1 ,400 
 
 do 1,350 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Pontotoc 1,400 
 
 Vicksburg 
 
 Holly Springs. 
 
 1,500 
 1,400 
 1,400 
 1,400 
 1,400 
 1,400 
 1.500
 
 50 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 Missouri. 
 
 Saint Louis $1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Farmington 1,400 
 
 Cape Girardeau 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Louisiana 1,500 
 
 Hannibal 1,300 
 
 Kirksville 1,300 
 
 Louisiana 900 
 
 Montgomery city 1,300 
 
 Carthage 1,100 
 
 Jefferson citj^ 1,400 
 
 Carthage 1,200 
 
 Springfield 1,500 
 
 Sedalia........ 1,300 
 
 Kansas city 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Saint Joseph 1,100 
 
 Kansas city 1,100 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Montana. 
 
 Helena l.rjQO 
 
 Miles citv 1,600 
 
 do. ' 1,600 
 
 Virginia city 1,600 
 
 Nettraska. 
 
 Omaha 1,600 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 Nebraska citv 1,700 
 
 Omaha ." 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Nevada. 
 
 Virginia city 1,800 
 
 Austin 1,500 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 Ne^v Hampslilre. 
 
 New Hampshire 1,100 
 
 rortsmouth 850 
 
 Manchester 600 
 
 Con cord 600 
 
 Cornish 600 
 
 Lebanon 1,000 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 New Jersey 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 Camden 1,500 
 
 Somcrville 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Phillipsburg 
 
 Fleming-ton 800 
 
 Somerville 1,500 
 
 Elizabeth 1,800 
 
 Jamesburg 100 
 
 New Brunswick 300 
 
 Newark 1,800 
 
 Jersey City 1,200 
 
 Newark 1,400 
 
 Jersey City 800 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Paterson 1,400 
 
 Newton 700 
 
 Newark 1,400 
 
 Jersey City 1,400 
 
 Mendham 1,000 
 
 Hoboken 1,400 
 
 Newark 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 New Mexico. 
 
 Santa Fe 1,100 
 
 Las Cruces 1,600 
 
 Las Vegas 1,400 
 
 New Yorlt. 
 
 Brooklyn 2,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 New York City 2,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,250 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200
 
 BOOK VI.j 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 51 
 
 New York City $1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 000 
 
 do 4,500 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Middletown 1,400 
 
 Kingston 1,400 
 
 Newburgli 1,200 
 
 Catskill 900 
 
 Fosterdalo 900 
 
 Middletown GOO 
 
 Hudson 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 Dover Plains 800 
 
 Hudson 1,200 
 
 Morrisania 500 
 
 Upi^er lied Hook 400 
 
 Brewster's 1,200 
 
 White Plains 1,080 
 
 Pouchkccpsie 1,200 
 
 Sing" Sing 1,200 
 
 Lebanon Spa 200 
 
 Albany 1,700 
 
 Albany 1,350 
 
 Gloversville 1,350 
 
 Albany 1,050 
 
 Schenectady 1,350 
 
 Middleborough 500 
 
 Trov 1,700 
 
 Salem 600 
 
 Plattsburg 600 
 
 Trov 500 
 
 TroV 700 
 
 Oswego 1,100 
 
 Malone 50<^ 
 
 Watertown 250 
 
 Utica 600 
 
 Ogdensburg 500 
 
 Little Falls 450 
 
 Auburn 1,500 
 
 64 
 
 Auburn $1,100 
 
 Waterloo 9(K) 
 
 Newark 900 
 
 Syracuse 1,100 
 
 1,200 
 
 Binghamton 1 ,1 00 
 
 Ithaca 1,100 
 
 Norwich 1,000 
 
 Oswego 450 
 
 Delhi 450 
 
 Binghamton 900 
 
 Rochester 1,800 
 
 " 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,500 
 
 Elmira 850 
 
 Penn Yan 1,250 
 
 Lockport 1,200 
 
 Bufililo 1,900 
 
 " 1,400 
 
 " 1,400 
 
 " 1,400 
 
 " 1,400 
 
 East Randolph 1,400 
 
 Buffalo 1,300 
 
 Williamsville 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 Buffalo 1,000 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 New Berne 900 
 
 900 
 
 " 600 
 
 Goldsborough 1,000 
 
 Tarborough 1,400 
 
 Weldon 1,400 
 
 Plvmouth 1,100 
 
 South Mills 1,100 
 
 New Berne 1,700 
 
 Trenton 1,700 
 
 Oxford 1,000 
 
 Clinton 1,000 
 
 Henderson 1,000 
 
 Favetteville 1,000 
 
 Raleigh 1,000 
 
 Chapel Hill 1,000 
 
 Smithfield 1,000 
 
 Egvpt Depot 1,000 
 
 Durham 1,200 
 
 Wadesborough 1,000 
 
 Grissom 1,000 
 
 " 1,200 
 
 Wilmington 1,000 
 
 Troy : 1,000 
 
 Wilmington 300 
 
 Raleigh 1,000 
 
 " 900 
 
 " 1,100 
 
 Germantown 1,100 
 
 Winston 1,100 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 Reidsville 1.100 
 
 Winston 1,100 
 
 Roxborough 1,100 
 
 Greensborough 1,100 
 
 Ashborough 1,100
 
 52 
 
 AMEEICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 ■Winston 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Eeidsville , 300 
 
 Statesville 1,700 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Dallas 1,400 
 
 Morgautown 1,400 
 
 Wilkesborough 1,400 
 
 Asheville 1.400 
 
 Statesville 1,400 
 
 Eutherfordton 1,100 
 
 Asheville 1,100 
 
 Salisburv 1,100 
 
 Murphv! 1,100 
 
 Statesville 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 Salisburv 1,100 
 
 Statesville 1,400 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 Cincinnati 2,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 Dayton 1,900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Hamilton 1,400 
 
 Middletown 300 
 
 Dayton 1,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Bellefontaine 1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 Findlay 1,400 
 
 Piqua 300 
 
 New Eichmond 1,400 
 
 Lynchburg 700 
 
 Washington C, H 400 
 
 Higginsport 300 
 
 AVnshington C. II 1,300 
 
 Columbus 1,600 
 
 Xonia 1,300 
 
 Zancsvillo 1,300 
 
 Columbus 900 
 
 do 1,.300 
 
 do 720 
 
 Toledo $1,900 
 
 do 900 
 
 Norwalk 300 
 
 Sandusky 1,100 
 
 Toledo 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 Sandusky 1,000 
 
 Portsmouth 1,600 
 
 Ironton 700 
 
 Gallipolis 400 
 
 Chillicothe 1,200 
 
 Lancaster 1,100 
 
 Waverly 800 
 
 Portsmouth 600 
 
 Marietta 1,200 
 
 Cambridge 1,100 
 
 Bellaire 1,000 
 
 Marietta , 1,000 
 
 Cleveland 1,900 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Ashtabula 1,100 
 
 Warren 1,100 
 
 Alliance 1,100 
 
 Steubenville 1,100 
 
 Mount Vernon 1,400 
 
 Cleveland 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Oregon. 
 
 Portland 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 ' do 1,500 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Philadelphia 2,000 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 tlo 1,600 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 1,
 
 BOOK VI. J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 53 
 
 Philadelphia $800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Allentown 300 
 
 Pottsville 1,100 
 
 Lebanon 800 
 
 Pottsville 1,100 
 
 Berks County 1,100 
 
 Lehigh County 1,100 
 
 Berks County 1,100 
 
 Beading 1,150 
 
 do 500 
 
 Lancaster 1,500 
 
 West End 1,400 
 
 Hempfield 1,400 
 
 Lancaster 1,000 
 
 Carlisle 1,400 
 
 Lancaster 1,200 
 
 York 1,200 
 
 Shrewsbury 1,500 
 
 Towanda 1,400 
 
 Scranton 1,200 
 
 Wilkesbarre 1,400 
 
 Danville 1,200 
 
 Honesdale 1,000 
 
 Easton 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Wilkesbarre 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Williamsport 1,350 
 
 WellsV)rough 1,050 
 
 Sunbury , 1,350 
 
 Harrisburg 1,350 
 
 do 250 
 
 Williamsport 250 
 
 Sunbury 1,200 
 
 Johnstown 1,100 
 
 Gettysburg 1,100 
 
 Huntingdon 800 
 
 Somerset 900 
 
 Chambersburg 1,100 
 
 Somerset 1,100 
 
 Warren 1,300 
 
 Erie 600 
 
 Warren 1,300 
 
 Meadville 975 
 
 Oil City 1,450 
 
 New Ciistle 1,175 
 
 Greenville 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Pittsburg 1,400 
 
 Washington .... 1,350 
 
 Grecnsburg • 1,350 
 
 Pittsburg 1,800 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 800 
 
 Allegheny.... 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Beaver 1,400 
 
 Freeport 1,400 
 
 Brookville 1,100 
 
 Allegheny 1^400 
 
 tlo 1^200 
 
 Kliode Iitlantl. 
 
 Providence 1,400 
 
 do i|iuO 
 
 Hope Valley 1,400 
 
 Providence 1,400 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Columbia 1,400 
 
 Charleston 1,100 
 
 Beaufort 1,100 
 
 Chester 1,100 
 
 Columbia 1,100 
 
 Spartanburg 1,100 
 
 Walhalla 1,100 
 
 Newberry 1,100 
 
 Tennessee. 
 
 Athens $1,200 
 
 Knoxville 1,300 
 
 Mossy Creek 1,200 
 
 Greenville 1,200 
 
 Johnson City 1,600 
 
 Knoxville 1,600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Nashville 1,700 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Springfield 1,000 
 
 Columbia 1,000 
 
 Shelbyville 1,080 
 
 Lynchburg 1,080 
 
 Chattanooga 1,000 
 
 McMinnville 1,125 
 
 Cookeville 1,000 
 
 Chattanooga 3G0 
 
 Clarksville 60 
 
 Nashville 1,300 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Memphis 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Huntingdon 1,100 
 
 Memphis 1,800 
 
 do 900 
 
 Texas. 
 
 Galveston 1,500 
 
 Hockley 1,300 
 
 Galveston 1,300 
 
 Victoria 1,300 
 
 Huntsville 1,300 
 
 Corpus Christi 1,300 
 
 Galveston 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Austin 1,600 
 
 San Antonio 1,600 
 
 Waco 1.400 
 
 Fort Worth 1,600 
 
 Austin 1.600 
 
 do 1.200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Jefferson 1,200 
 
 Dallas 1,200 
 
 Jefferson 1,200 
 
 Marshall 1.200 
 
 Sulphur Springs 1,200
 
 54 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI, 
 
 Utab. 
 
 Salt Lake City 1,300 
 
 Beaver 1,100 
 
 Vermont. 
 
 Montpelier 950 
 
 Brattleborough 600 
 
 Bennington 500 
 
 Burlington 500 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 Petersburg 1,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 Hicksford., 1,100 
 
 Norfolk 1,300 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 Smithfield 1,100 
 
 Hampton 1,300 
 
 Stevensville 1,100 
 
 Heathville 1,300 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 Richmond $1,800 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Fredericksburg 900 
 
 Culpeper 1,200 
 
 Richmond 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 900 
 
 Danville 1,600 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Leatherwood 1,600 
 
 Danville 1,100 
 
 Clarksville 1,100 
 
 Farmville 700 
 
 Burkesville 700 
 
 Amelia C. H 1,000 
 
 Danville 1,000 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 900 
 
 Lynchburg 1,700 
 
 do 1,480 
 
 1,400 
 
 Liberty 1,400 
 
 1,400 
 
 1,400 
 
 Bristol 1,400 
 
 1,400 
 
 Lynchburg 1,500 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 
 
 Rocky Mount -. 1,400 
 
 Delaplane 1,400 
 
 Alexandria 1,400 
 
 Harrisonburg 1,200 
 
 Lexington 1,400 
 
 Winchester 1,200 
 
 Harrisonburg 1,600 
 
 Staunton 1,400 
 
 Charlottesville 1,400 
 
 Walla Walla 1,300 
 
 do , 1,100 
 
 "West Virginia. 
 
 Wheeling 1,100 
 
 Barbours\nlle 800 
 
 Wheeling 1,100 
 
 Clarksburg 600 
 
 Wheeling 1,5(j0 
 
 Charleston 1,10') 
 
 Parkersburg 1,000 
 
 Bald Knob 700 
 
 Wheeling 500 
 
 Grafton 1,100 
 
 Beverly 600 
 
 Headsville 600 
 
 Martinsburg 500 
 
 Wisconsin. 
 
 Milwaukee 1.400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,501) 
 
 do 500 
 
 do ■. 600 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 Madison 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Watertown 1,400 
 
 Madison 1,400 
 
 Beaver Dam 1,100 
 
 Oshkosh 1,100 
 
 Sheboygan 1,100 
 
 Manitowoc 1,100 
 
 Oshkosh 700 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 La Crosse 900 
 
 Eau Claire 1,000 
 
 Grand Rapids 1,000 
 
 Sparta 800 
 
 Wyoming. 
 
 Cheyenne 1,500 
 
 Green River City , 1,300 
 
 Internal-Revenue Gangers. 
 
 There are Internal Revenue Gangers 
 appointed by the Treasury Department, 
 on the recommendation of the Internal 
 Revenue Collectors, in all of the States, 
 tliough their duties are not always at the 
 same points or districts, as the Dejiuty Col- 
 lectors are paid by fees, and they earn from 
 $200 to $1,800 a year. 
 
 Internal-Revenue Storekeepers. _ 
 
 These officers number nearly two thou- " 
 sand, and are appointed on the recommen-
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 55 
 
 datioii of Internal Revenue Collectors at 
 every important point where liquors are 
 distilled or stored. They are paid $4 per 
 day. Like the Gaugers and Deputy Col- 
 lectors, they are appointed in Revenue 
 Districts. 
 
 Internal Revenue Inspectors of Tobacco 
 are also appointed by the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, on the recommendation of Inter- 
 nal Revenue Collectors, at all points where 
 tobacco is raised and stored to any extent. 
 They are paid by fees, and can earn from 
 $400 to $1800. 
 
 Sub-Treasuries. 
 
 Sub-Treasuries of the United States are 
 located at Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, 
 Cincinnati, New York, New Orleans, 
 Philadelphia, St. Louis, and San Francis- 
 co, Thev each employ an assistant treasu- 
 rer at $4,500, cashier, $2,500; clerks and 
 book-keepers at from $1,200 to $1,800, 
 messengers at $840, watchmen $720, and 
 detectives (at the more important points) 
 at from $1,400 to $1,800. These sub-trea- 
 suries employ both males and females. 
 The Assistant Treasurer is appointed by 
 the Secretary with the approval of the 
 President, and this chief officer recom- 
 mends all subordinates. 
 
 V. S. Mints. 
 
 There are United States Mints at Car- 
 son City, Nevada, Denver, Col., New Or- 
 leans, Philadelphia and San Francisco. 
 The Superintendents get from $3,000 to 
 $4,500 according to location. They are 
 appointed by the President, and recom- 
 mend all subordinates to the Secretary of 
 the Treasury. These several Mints employ 
 about 1,000 persons in all, many of them 
 skilled. That at Philadelphia, which em- 
 ploys about 250 persons, is a good guide to 
 the compensation, and we give herewith a 
 partial list from which all can be readily 
 determined : 
 
 Superintendent 4,500 00 
 
 Chief clerk 2,250 00 
 
 Cashier 2,500 00 
 
 Weigh clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Book- keeper 2,000 00 
 
 Deposit clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Redemption clerk 1,600 00 
 
 Warrant clerk p. d. 5 50 
 
 Counter p. d. 5 50 
 
 Register p. d. 5 50 
 
 Medal clerk p. d. 5 00 
 
 Weigher p. d. 5 00 
 
 Assistant to book-keeper .... p. d. 4 25 
 
 Register p. d. 4 25 
 
 Assistant . p. d. 4 25 
 
 Assistant in weigh-room .... p. d. 3 85 
 
 Assi.stant messenger p. d. 3 00 
 
 Doorkeeper p. d. 4 00 
 
 Assistant doorkeeper p. d. 3 75 
 
 Conductor p. d. 3 50 
 
 J" p. d. 3 50 
 
 'lo p. d. 3 50 
 
 Cabinet p. j. 4 25 
 
 do p. d. 4 50 
 
 do p. d. 4 00 
 
 do p. d. 5 0() 
 
 do p. d. 3 50 
 
 do p. d. 3 50 
 
 do p. d. 1 75 
 
 Foreman carpenter-shop . , . . p. d. 5 00 
 
 Carpenter p. d. 3 00 
 
 do p. d, 3 00 
 
 Carpenter p. d. 3 00 
 
 do p. d. 3 00 
 
 Chief engineer p. d. 4 75 
 
 Kngineer p. d. 4 00 
 
 Fireman p. d. 2 90 
 
 do p. d. 2 'JO 
 
 do p. d. 2 90 
 
 Oiler p. d. 3 00 
 
 Foreman machine-shop p. d. 4 50 
 
 Machinist p. d. 4 00 
 
 Adjuster of scales p. d. 4 00 
 
 Painter p. d. 3 25 
 
 Blacksmith p. d. 3 50 
 
 do p. d. 3 0<J 
 
 Gas-fitter p. d. 3 25 
 
 Plumber p. d. 2 75 
 
 Millwright p. d. 3 00 
 
 Counter p. d. 3 25 
 
 do p. d. 3 00 
 
 do p. d. 3 00 
 
 Helper p. d. 3 00 
 
 do p. d. 2 75 
 
 Night watch p. d. 3 00 
 
 Laborer p. d. 2 75 
 
 Coining rooms, mostly females . p. d. 1 75 
 
 There are about 30 coiners, and nearly that 
 many females. 
 
 U. S. Assay Offices. 
 
 There are Assay Offices at Boise City, 
 Idaho ; Charlotte, N, C. ; Helena, Monta- 
 na, and New York City. At Boise City 
 the assayer in charge gets $2,000 a year, 
 one clerk, $1,000; one workman. At 
 Charlotte the assayer in charge gets $1,500, 
 one clerk $1,000, one laborer $16 a month. 
 At Helena the assaver gets $2,500, melter 
 $2,000, chief clerk $1,200, and nine other 
 assistants from $2.50 to $3.25 a day. At 
 New York the Superintendent gets from 
 $4,000 to $5,000, the assaver $3,000, melter 
 and refiner $3,000, chief clerk $2,500, 
 weigh clerk $2,000, and 56 otlier employees 
 from $3 per day to $2,150 a year. 
 
 The Customs Ser%-ice. 
 
 The Customs Service inchule all officers 
 and employees under the direction of Col- 
 lectors of the Ports, Ajipraisers, Surveyors 
 of Ports, etc. They employ nearly 4,000 
 officers throughout the country. The 
 President appoints all the heads, and these 
 recommend minor officers to the Secreta- 
 ry of the Treasuiy, Appointments are
 
 56 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 not confined to either the States or cities 
 in which the Custom House is located. 
 The pay varias somewhat at each Port, 
 New York being the highest. Boston will 
 give a good idea of the character of the 
 positions and compensation. We there- 
 fore quote from it : 
 
 Collector $8,000 00 
 
 Special deputy collector 3,000 00 
 
 Deputy collector 3,000 00 
 
 ........ 3,000 00 
 
 3,000 00 
 
 Deputy collector and inspector . . p. d. 3 50 
 Auditor and disbursing clerk . . 3,000 00 
 
 Cashier 3,000 00 
 
 Clerk of correspondence .... 2,500 00 
 
 Clerk (designated) 1,800 00 
 
 Assistant cashier 2,000 00 
 
 Chief clerk 2,000 00 
 
 2,000 00 
 
 2,000 00 
 
 2,000 00 
 
 Clerk and storekeeper 2,000 00 
 
 Clerk 2,000 00 
 
 Liquidating clerk 1,800 00 
 
 Clerk 1,800 00 
 
 " 1,800 00 
 
 " 1,800 00 
 
 " 1,800 00 
 
 Clerk and storekeeper 1,800 00 
 
 Clerk 1,600 00 
 
 Inspectors p. d. 3 50 
 
 Weighers p. d. 3 50 
 
 Gaugers p. d. 3 50 
 
 Measurers p. d. 3 50 
 
 Storekeepers p. d. 2 00 
 
 Watchmen p. d. 2 50 
 
 Revenue Marine Service. 
 
 In this about 250 skilled officers, engin- 
 eers, etc., are employed. The appoint- 
 ments are made by the Secretary of the 
 Treasury with the approval of the Presi- 
 dent. The following is the compensa- 
 tion: 
 
 Captains $2,590 
 
 First-Lieutenants 1,800 
 
 Second-Lieutenants 1,500 
 
 Third-Lieutenants 1,200 
 
 Cadets 900 
 
 Chief Engineers 1,800 
 
 First Asst. Engineer 1,800 
 
 Second Asst. Engineers 1,200 
 
 IT. S. Coast Survey. 
 
 About 250 skilled jjcrsons employed. 
 The Superintendent gets $G,000, consult- 
 ing geometer $4,000, assistant in charge of 
 office $4,200, about filly assistants from 
 $1,200 up to $.">,8;i0, aids $75 ])er monlli, 
 acting aids $85 i)er month, ten computiTs 
 from $45 per month to $1,740 a year, draw- 
 ing division from $3 per day to $2,850 a 
 year, clerks $1,200, mechanics from $2.50 
 to $5 per day, female copyists^ $30 to $00 
 a mouth. 
 
 liiglit-Honse Service. 
 
 This has grown to immense proportions, 
 and now employs nearly 200 persons. The 
 Secretary of the Treasury is President of 
 the Board, and controls the appointments, 
 only the leading details and ajjpointment 
 being submitted to the President. 
 
 It is provided by section 9 of the act 
 approved March 3, 1851, and there shall 
 be detailed from the Engineer Corps of 
 the Army such officers as may be neces- 
 sary to superintend the construction and 
 renovation of light-houses ; also, by section 
 12 of the act approved August 31, 1852, 
 that an officer of the Army or Navy, shall 
 be assigned to each district as a light-house 
 inspector, subject to the orders of the 
 Light-House Board, who shall receive for 
 such service the same i^ay and emolu- 
 ments that he would be entitled to by law 
 for the performance of duty in the regular 
 line of his profession, and no other, excei:)t 
 the legal allowance per mile when travel- 
 ing under orders connected with his du- 
 ties. 
 
 The following are the light-house dis- 
 tricts in the United States : 
 
 DIST. LIMITS OF DISTRICT. 
 
 1 Extends from the north-eastern boundary 
 
 of the United States (Maine) to and in- 
 cluding Hampton Harbor, New Hamp- 
 shire, and includes all aids to naviga- 
 tion on the coasts of Maine and New 
 Hampshire. 
 
 2 Extends from Hampton Harbor, New 
 
 Hampshire, to include Gooseberry Point, 
 entrance to Bu zzard' s Bay, and embraces 
 all the aids to navigation on the coast 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 3 Extends from Gooseberry Point, Massa- 
 
 chusetts, to include Squan Inlet, New 
 Jersey, and embraces all the aids to na- 
 vigation on the sea and sound coasts of 
 Ehode Island, Connecticut and Now 
 York; Narragansett and New York 
 Bays, Providence and Hudson Rivers, 
 Whitehall Narrows, and Lake Cham- 
 plain. 
 
 4 Extends from Squan Inlet, New Jersey, 
 
 to and including Motomkin Inlet, Vir- 
 ginia. It includes the sea-const of New 
 Jersey below the Highlands of Nave- 
 sink, the bay-coasts of New Jersey and 
 Delaware, the sea-coasts of Delaware 
 and IVhiryland, and part of the sea-coast 
 of Virginia. 
 
 5 Extends from Metomkin Inlet, Virginia, 
 
 to include New Biver Inlet, North Ca- 
 rolina, and embraces part of tlie sea- 
 coast of Virginia and North Carolinff, 
 Chesapeake Bay, the sounds of Nortli 
 Carolina, and tho James and Potomac 
 Bivers. 
 
 6 Extends from New Biver Inlet, North 
 
 Carolina, to and including Cajie Cana- 
 veral light-house, Florida, and embraces 
 pai't of the coast of North Carolina, the 
 coasts of South ('arolina anil Georgia, 
 and part of the coast of I'lorida.
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 57 
 
 7 Extends from Cape Canaveral, on the 
 
 eastern coast of Florida, to tlie I'enliilo 
 River, on the Gulf Coast, and embraces 
 all the aids to navigation within those 
 limits. 
 
 8 Extends from the Perdido River, Florida, 
 
 to the Rio (irundc, Texas, and embraces 
 the coasts of Alabama, Mississippi, Loui- 
 siana, and Texas. 
 
 10 Extenils from the mouth of Saint Regis 
 
 River, New Vork, to include Grassy 
 Island lighthouse, Detroit River, Michi- 
 gan, and embraces all the aids to navi- 
 gation on the American shores of Lakes 
 Erie and Ontario and Saint Lawrence 
 River. 
 
 11 Embraces all aids to navigation on the 
 
 northern and noi-th-western lakes above 
 Grassy Island light-station, Detroit Ri- 
 ver, and includes Lakes Saint Clair, 
 Huron, Michigan, and Superior, and the 
 straits connecting them. 
 
 12 Embraces .all aids to navigation on the 
 
 Pacific coast of the United States, be- 
 tween the Mexican frontier and the 
 southern boundary of Oregon, and in- 
 cludes the coast of California. 
 
 13 Embraces all aids to navigation on the 
 
 Pacific coast of the United States north 
 of the southern boundary of Oregon. 
 It extends from the forty-first parallel 
 of latitude to British Columbia, and in- 
 cludes the coasts of Oregon and Wash- 
 ington Territory. 
 
 14 Extends from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 
 
 to Cairo, Illinois, and embraces all the 
 aids to navigation on the Ohio River. 
 
 15 Extends on the Mississippi River from 
 
 the head of navigation to New Orleans, 
 and on the Missouri River from the 
 head of navigation to its mouth, and 
 embraces all the aids to navigation with- 
 in these limits. 
 
 The pay of light-house keepers varies 
 from i^lGO to 81000 a year, the average be- 
 ing about ii>700. The monthly compensa- 
 tion of the other officers : Clerks, $125 ; 
 masters, $100 ; engineers, $60 to $75 ; mes- 
 sengers, $50. 
 
 Emploj^ees In Pnl)llc Buildings. 
 
 These number about 400, a]i])oiiite(l by 
 the heads of Departments. The janitors 
 get from !?450 to !r>1200 a year ; engineers, 
 $3.50 to $5.00 per day ; firemen, $2.00 ; ele- 
 vator tenders, watchmen, cleaners, etc., $2 
 per day. 
 
 War Department. 
 
 The pay here for clerical service is about 
 the same as in the Treasury, both males 
 and females being employed in almost as 
 great ju'oportion. The poj)ular idea that 
 only the Treasury employs iVmalcs must 
 disappear before the fact that they are ra- 
 pidly invading all of the Departmeutij. In 
 
 the office of the Secretary, about 100 clerks, 
 messengers, watchmen, laborers, etc., are 
 employed, all ap])oiuted by tliu Secretary. 
 In the Adjutant General's office, about 300 
 are employed, all males, the clerks number- 
 ing about 200, at salaries Irom !?1000 t(j 
 $2000. Other officers about same i)ay ;ls in 
 Treasury. In the Quartermaster-General's 
 office about 150 males and females are era- 
 j)loyed at same rates of pay. Though un- 
 der the Ciuartermaster-General, who is de- 
 tailed from the army, they are ajipointed 
 l)y the Secretary of War. There are aljout 
 400 employees in the Quartermaster's De- 
 partment-at- Large, aud these are paid sala- 
 ries varying from that of a teamster, $540, 
 to clerks at $1800. 
 
 Superintendents of National Cemeteries. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa $840 
 
 Mobile, Ala 840 
 
 Cypress Hill, N. Y 720 
 
 Chattanooga, Tenn 900 
 
 Salisbury, N. C 900 
 
 Staunton, Va 720 
 
 Baton Rouge, La 840 
 
 Saint Louis, Mo 900 
 
 Alexandria, La 840 
 
 Richmond, Va 720 
 
 Danville, Va 780 
 
 Fayetteville, Ark 780 
 
 Annapolis, Md 780 
 
 Logan's Cross Roads, Ky . . 840 
 
 Raleigh, N. C 840 
 
 Pittsburg Landing, Tenn. . , 900 
 
 Alexandria, A'a 840 
 
 Fort Smith, Ark 840 
 
 City Point, Va 840 
 
 Anderson ville, Ga 900 
 
 Stone's River, Tenn 900 
 
 Fredericksburg, Va 900 
 
 Mound City, 111 900 
 
 Louisville, Ky 720 
 
 Beaufort, S. C 900 
 
 Soldiers' Home, D. C 900 
 
 Brightwood, D. C 720 
 
 Nashville, Tenn 900 
 
 Cold Harbor, Va 780 
 
 Glendale, Va 720 
 
 Port Hudson, La 900 
 
 Culpeper, Va 840 
 
 Marietta, Ga 900 
 
 Fort Gibson, Ind. Ter 780 
 
 Keokuk, Iowa 780 
 
 Fort Scott, Kans 840 
 
 Antietam, Md 900 
 
 Barrancas, Fla 780 
 
 New Berne, N. C 840 
 
 Grafton, W. Va 720 
 
 Arlington, Va 900 
 
 New Albany, Ind 780 
 
 Jefferson City, Mo 780 
 
 Petersburg, Va 900 
 
 Camp Butler, 111 780 
 
 Beverly, N. J 720 
 
 Hampton, Va 900 
 
 Florence, S. C 840
 
 58 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Springfield, Mo 780 
 
 Little Rock, Ark 900 
 
 Natchez, Miss 900 
 
 Fort McPherson, Neb 720 
 
 Loudon Park, Md 720 
 
 Riclimond, Va 900 
 
 Knoxville, Tenn 840 
 
 Camp Nelson, Ky 900 
 
 Corinth, Miss 900 
 
 Yorktown, Va 780 
 
 Finn's Point, N. Y 720 
 
 San Antonio, Tex 720 
 
 Chalmette, La 900 
 
 Andersonville, Ga 900 
 
 Fort Donaldson, Tenn 780 
 
 Lebanon, Ky 720 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss 900 
 
 Wilmington, N. C 840 
 
 Brownsville, Tex 840 
 
 In tlie Subsistence Department about 
 130 are employed, nearly all male clerks at 
 from $1,000 to $1,800, nine storekeepers 
 from $65 to $135 a month, two mechanics 
 $60 to $100 a month, eight coopers from 
 $60 to $75 a month, eighteen messengers at 
 from $30 to $75 a month, twenty-eight la- 
 borers from $30 to $75 per month, six 
 watchmen at from $35 to $50 per month. 
 
 The Medical Department proper em- 
 ploys about 200, the great majority male 
 clerks, pay same as usual ; here are twelve 
 laborers at $660 a year and twelve watch- 
 men same pay. The Medical Department 
 at large employs about 200 persons at 
 various fortifications and stations, but 
 these are detailed from the army or navy. 
 The Pay Department employs about 150, 
 the Paymaster's clerks being located and 
 paid by the month as follows : 
 
 Fort Buford, Dak $100 
 
 Governor's Island, New York 
 
 Harbor 100 
 
 Detroit, Mich. •••.... 100 
 
 Chicago, 111 100 
 
 San Antonio, Texas 100 
 
 Helena, Mont 100 
 
 Leavenworth, Kansas .... 100 
 
 Omaha, Nebr 100 
 
 Port Townsend, Wash 100 
 
 Washington, D. C 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Fort Brown, Texas 100 
 
 Boston, Mass 100 
 
 Portland, Oreg 100 
 
 New York, N. Y 100 
 
 Newport Barracks, Ky. . . . 100 
 
 Washington, D.C 100 
 
 Leavenworth, Kansas .... 100 
 Governor's Island, New York 
 
 Harbor 100 
 
 Saint Louis, Mo 100 
 
 Walla Walla, Wash 100 
 
 Washington, D. (J lOO 
 
 Saint Louis, Mo 100 
 
 Walla AValla, Wash 100 
 
 New York, N. Y 100 
 
 Presidio of Saa Francisco, Cal. 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Newport Barracks, Ky. . . . 100 
 
 Saint Paul, Minn 100 
 
 Presidio of San Francisco, Cal. 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Newport Barracks, Ky. ... 100 
 
 Saint Paul, Minn 100 
 
 Fort Douglas, Utah 100 
 
 Saint Paul, Minn, 100 
 
 Yankton, Dak 100 
 
 Camp Lowell, Ariz 100 
 
 Santa Fe, N. Mex 100 
 
 San Antonio, Tex 100 
 
 Prescott Barracks, Ariz. . . . 100 
 
 Fort Omaha, Nebr 100 
 
 Fort Buford, Dak 100 
 
 New Orleans, La 100 
 
 San Francisco, Cal 100 
 
 Washington, D.C 100 
 
 San Antonio, Texas 100 
 
 Santa Fe, N. Mex 100 
 
 San Antonio, Texas 100 
 
 Fort D. A. Russell, Wyo. ... 100 
 
 Post-Office Department. 
 
 The Postmaster-General has more ap- 
 pointments than any other officer, if we in- 
 clude the Postmasters throughout th e coun- 
 try. All getting over $1000 annual salary 
 must be confirmed by the Senate, and as a 
 rule the President appoints those at imjior- 
 tant points. The U. S. Senators control 
 these appointments in minority districts, as 
 a rule, and the Eejiresentatives those in 
 home districts representing the party to 
 which they belong. This has long been 
 the custom, and President Arthur recently 
 confirmed it by the selection of the Wilkes- 
 barre postmaster, sujjported by Representa- 
 tive Scranton, after a contest in which the 
 Governor of the State of Pennsylvania was 
 against him. 
 
 In the general office or Department, fully 
 600 persons are employed, many of the 
 clerks being females — in fact all of those 
 in the Dead-Letter office — some 70 in num- 
 ber, at salaries of $900. The salaries of the 
 male clerks, messengers, watchmen, labo- 
 rers, etc., are about the same as in the 
 Treasury. The First, Second, and Third 
 Assistant Postmasters-General get $3500, 
 and the higher clerical places vary from 
 $1800 to $2500, the Superintendents of 
 mail service getting $3000; the Division 
 Superintendents, nine in number, $2500 
 each ; about 250 male clerks from $900 to 
 $1800; about 40 laborers at $660 each; 
 messengers, watchmen, etc., from $480 to 
 $720. 
 
 The Rall-vray Mall Service. 
 
 This is a very important branch of the 
 mail service, from the standpoint of official 
 ]i()litic"i] patroiKige. It cmi)Ioys over 3000 
 men, at wliat are generally acce|)tcd as 
 good salaries. They arc appointed on the
 
 BOOK VI,] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 59 
 
 recommendation of Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, and are appointed 
 witli some show oi" fairness to the Congres- 
 sional districts. Under a Republican ad- 
 ministration, as in other cases, the Ri'[)ub- 
 lican Representative names ai)pointees from 
 his district; in districts represented in the 
 House by Democrats, the Republican 
 United States Senators are presunu'd to 
 have the appointee. This rule has many 
 exceptions, but it has long been known as 
 the rule of the caucus. 
 
 The General Superintendent of the Rail- 
 way Mail Service is paid $8,500; his as- 
 sistant, $1,G0I) ; nine Division Superin- 
 tendents, $2,500 each; four assistants, 
 $1,200 and $1,(500. 
 
 There are about 700 Railway Post Office 
 Clerks employed on the routes, at salaries 
 varying from $900 to $1,400. Like the 
 Route Agents, their pay is changeable, de- 
 pending largely upon the increasing or 
 decreasing im|)ortance of the routes ; one 
 of tlie objects being to make the Post Ofiice 
 Department as nearly self-supporting as 
 possible. 
 
 There are more than 2,000 Route Agents, 
 paid, as a rule, annually, $900, $920, $940, 
 $9G0, or $1,000, according to the length of 
 service or importance of the route. There 
 are about 300 Mail Route Messengers, paid 
 from $100 per annum up to $800, accord- 
 ing to the importance of the service. Also 
 160 local agents, who get from $200 to 
 $1,300. 
 
 There are about 8,000 Mail Contractors, 
 besides the corporations which take con- 
 tracts, and all are paid accordingly as they 
 bid, the lowest and best being accepted. 
 The letting of these routes is advertised by 
 the Department, and bids must be accom- 
 panied by a bond for the faithful perform- 
 ance of the contract. There is also what 
 is known as a special mail service, where 
 contracts are made with Postmasters or 
 others at comparatively unimportant Post 
 Offices, for the carrying of the mails, and 
 much the same rule applies to a large 
 number of Mail Messengers, who are a 
 grade or two higher in point of compensa- 
 tion. All of these are bid for, the Depart- 
 ment exercising the discretion of saying 
 what shall be paid for merely local and 
 new postal routes. 
 
 Postmasters. 
 
 The number of Postmasters are legions. 
 They are appointed as a rule by Congres- 
 sional influence, the same as described 
 above, though the more important places 
 are named by the President instead of the 
 Postmaster-General, and he acce]>ts the 
 recommendation of the Representatives or 
 Senators interested and supjiorting his ad- 
 ministration. Women are often appointed 
 to the minor places, and latterly to some 
 of very considerable importance. Appli- 
 
 cations are generally accompanied by peti- 
 tions or letter, and these are sent through 
 Congressmen to the head of the Depart- 
 ment, or the President. In the smaller 
 offices the pay is based u]ion the number 
 of stamps sold annually; in others the pay 
 is regulated either by the Department or 
 by law. All receiving $I,O0O a year or 
 more must be confirmed by the United 
 States Senate, and of course the higher ap- 
 pointments must be acceptable to the Re- 
 publican Senators of the State, if there be 
 such, and when these agree, objection is 
 rarely made. 
 
 Salaries of Postmasters at Important places. 
 
 Mobile, Ala $3,000 
 
 Montgomery, Ala 2,400 
 
 lluntsville, Ala 1,900 
 
 Prescott, Arizona 2,100 
 
 Tucson, Arizona 1,.SOO 
 
 Fort Smith, Ark 1,900 
 
 Helena, Ark 2,000 
 
 Hot Springs, Ark 2,000 
 
 Little Rock, Ark 2,800 
 
 Pine Bluff, Ark 1,900 
 
 Chico, Cal 1,900 
 
 Grass Vallev, Cal 2,700 
 
 Los Angeles, Cal 2,400 
 
 Marvsville, Cal 2,200 
 
 Napa Citv, 2,200 
 
 Nevada City, California $2,000 
 
 Murphy's, do 2,200 
 
 Oakland, do 2,500 
 
 Petaluma, do 2,000 
 
 Sacramento, do 2,()00 
 
 San Diego, do 1,900 
 
 San Francisco, do 4,000 
 
 San Jose, do 2,800 
 
 Santa Barbara, do 2,400 
 
 SautaRosa, do 2,300 
 
 Stockton, do 2,800 
 
 Bismarck, Colorado 2,000 
 
 Boulder, do 2,000 
 
 Central City, do 2,7(l0 
 
 Colorado Spngs. do 2,100 
 
 Del Norte, do 2,100 
 
 Denver, do 2,700 
 
 Golden, do 1,900 
 
 Leadville, do 1.325 
 
 Pueblo, ■ do 2,300 
 
 Ansonin, Connecticut 1,900 
 
 Birmingham, do 2,000 
 
 Bridgeport do 2.i;o0 
 
 Bristol, do 1.8<'0 
 
 Danburv, do 2.700 
 
 FairHiiven, do l.'^"0 
 
 New Haven, do 3,0(»0 
 
 New London, do ^^.^^00 
 
 Norwalk, do -',000 
 
 Norwich, do -^8<l0 
 
 Stamford, do -.-'»*> 
 
 WaterburA% do 2,oO0 
 
 West Meriden, do ^,-100 
 
 lUsmarck, Dakota Terr l-OoO 
 
 Deadwood. do 2.3)0 
 
 Dover, Delaware 1,500
 
 60 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vr. 
 
 Wilmington, do $2,G00 
 
 Washington, District of Columbia. 3,300 
 
 Jacksonville, Florida 2,400 
 
 Key West, do 1,800 
 
 Pensacola, do 1,700 
 
 Saint Augustine, do 1,600 
 
 Tallahassee, do 1,700 
 
 Athens, Georgia 1,900 
 
 Atlanta, do 3,000 
 
 Augusta, do 2,500 
 
 Columbus, do 2,200 
 
 Griffin, do 1,800 
 
 Macon, do 2,500 
 
 Eome, do 1,800 
 
 Boise City, Idaho Ter 2,200 
 
 Alton, ' Illinois 2,100 
 
 Amboy, do 1,700 
 
 Aurora, do 2,800 
 
 Batavia, do 1,800 
 
 Belleville, do 2,100 
 
 Belvidere, do 2,000 
 
 Bloomington, do 3,000 
 
 Cairo, do 2,000 
 
 Canton, do 1,900 
 
 Carlinville, do 1,800 
 
 Centralia, do 1,900 
 
 Champaign, do 1,800 
 
 Chicago, do 4,000 
 
 Danville, do 2,600 
 
 Dixon, do 2,100 
 
 Elgin, do 2,500 
 
 Freeport, do 2,800 
 
 Galena, do 1,900 
 
 Galesburg, do 2,800 
 
 Jacksonville, do 1,900 
 
 Jerseyville, do 1,900 
 
 Joliet, do 2,400 
 
 Kankakee, do 1,900 
 
 La Salle, do 2,200 
 
 Lincoln, do 2,100 
 
 Mcndota, do 1,800 
 
 Moline, do 2,400 
 
 Morris, do 1,800 
 
 Morrison, do 2,100 
 
 Mount Carroll,do 1,800 
 
 Ottawa, do 2,400 
 
 Pana, do 1,800 
 
 Paris, do 2,200 
 
 Pekin, do 2,000 
 
 Peoria, do 3,000 
 
 Pontiac, do 1,800 
 
 Princeton, do 2,000 
 
 Quincv, do 3,000 
 
 liockCord, do 2,500 
 
 Rock Island, do 2,500 
 
 Slicll.vvillc, do 2,100 
 
 Springfield, do 8,000 
 
 Sterling, do 2,000 
 
 Svcamore, do 2,000 
 
 Urbanna, do 1,800 
 
 Dearborn, Indiana 1,900 
 
 Bloomington, do 1,700 
 
 Columbus, do 1,700 
 
 Conncrsville, do 1,800 
 
 Crawfonlsvilic, do 2,200 
 
 Evansville, do 3,000 
 
 Fort Wayne, do 3,000 
 
 Green Castle, Indiana $2,100 
 
 Huntingdon, do 1,700 
 
 Jeffersonville, do 1,800 
 
 Kokomo, do 1,700 
 
 La Porte, do 2,000 
 
 Logansport, do 2,800 
 
 Madison, do 2,300 
 
 New Albany, do 2,400 
 
 Plymouth, do 1,800 
 
 Richmond, do 2,000 
 
 Seymour, do 1,800 
 
 Shelbyville, do 1,700 
 
 South Bend, do 2,500 
 
 Terre Haute, do 2,900 
 
 Vincennes, do 2,300 
 
 Wabash, do 1,900 
 
 Warsaw, do 1,800 
 
 Atlantic, Iowa 2,000 
 
 Arvea, do 1,800 
 
 Bedford, do „. 1,700 
 
 Boone, do 1,900 
 
 Burlington, do 3,000 
 
 Cedar Falls, do 2,300 
 
 Cedar Rapids, do 2,900 
 
 Charles City, do 1,800 
 
 Chariton, do 1,800 
 
 Clarinda, do 1,700 
 
 Clinton, do 2,600 
 
 Council Blufis, do 2,800 
 
 Cresco, do 1,700 
 
 Creston, do 1,900 
 
 Davenport, do 3,000 
 
 Decorah, do 2,000 
 
 Des Moines, do 3,000 
 
 Dubuque, do 3,000 
 
 Fairfield, do 1,900 
 
 Fort Dodge, do 1,900 
 
 Fort Madison, do 1,800 
 
 Grove, do 1,700 
 
 Independence, do 2,100 
 
 Indianola, do 1,700 
 
 Iowa City, do 2,800 
 
 Keokuk, do 2,900 
 
 Lemars, do 1,800 
 
 McGregor, do 1,800 
 
 Manchester, do 1,900 
 
 Marengo, do 1,700 
 
 Marion, do 1,800 
 
 Marshalltow^n, do 2,600 
 
 Mason City, do 1,800 
 
 Mount Pleasant, do 2,000 
 
 Muscatine, do 2,400 
 
 Osage, do 1,900 
 
 Ottumwa, do 2,500 
 
 Red Oak, do 2,000 
 
 Sioux City, do 2,40u 
 
 Vinton, do 2,000 
 
 Washington, do 1,900 
 
 Waterloo, do 2,100 
 
 Waverly, do 1,800 
 
 Webster City, do 1,700 
 
 Atchison, Kansas 2,800 
 
 Emporia, do 2,100 
 
 Fort Scott, do ,. 2,500 
 
 Hutchison, do 1,800 
 
 fndopendcnce, do 1,900 
 
 Junction City, do 1,900
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 61 
 
 Lawrence, Kansas $2,800 
 
 Leavenworth, do 3,000 
 
 Manhattan, do 1,700 
 
 Ohithe, do 1,900 
 
 Paola, do 1,800 
 
 Salina, do 1,800 
 
 Topcka, do 2,900 
 
 Wichita, do 2,400 
 
 Wyandotte, do 2,100 
 
 Bowling Green, Kentucky 1,000 
 
 Covington, do 2,400 
 
 Danville, do 1,900 
 
 Franklbrd, do 2,000 
 
 Georgetown, do 1,600 
 
 Henderson, do 2,000 
 
 Hopkinsville, do .- 1,800 
 
 Lexington, do 2,800 
 
 Louisville, do 3,200 
 
 Maysvillc, do 1,900 
 
 Mount Sterling, do 1,700 
 
 Newport do 2,100 
 
 Owcnsborough, do 2,100 
 
 Paducah, do 2,300 
 
 Paris C. H., do 2,000 
 
 Shelbyville, do 1,700 
 
 Baton Rouge, Louisiana 1,800 
 
 New Orleans, do 3,400 
 
 Shreveport, do 2,400 
 
 Auburn, Maine 2,000 
 
 Augusta, do 2,600 
 
 Bangor, do 3,000 
 
 Bath, do 2,400 
 
 Biddeford, do 2,700 
 
 Brunswick, do 1,800 
 
 Calais, do 1,700 
 
 Gardiner, do 1,900 
 
 Hallowell, do 1,800 
 
 Lewiston, do 2,600 
 
 Portland, do 3,000 
 
 Rockland, do 2,000 
 
 Saco, do 2,300 
 
 Annapolis, Maryland 1,800 
 
 Baltimore, do 4,000 
 
 Cumberland, do 2,200 
 
 Frederick, do 1,900 
 
 Hagerstown, do 1,800 
 
 Adams, Massachusetts 1,700 
 
 Amesbury, do 1,900 
 
 Amherst, do 2,100 
 
 Andover, do 1,800 
 
 Athol, do 1,700 
 
 Beverly, do 1,900 
 
 Boston, do 4,000 
 
 Brockton, do 1,900 
 
 Brookline, do 2,200 
 
 Chicopee, do 2,100 
 
 Clinton, do 2,100 
 
 East Hampton, do 2,100 
 
 Fall River, do 3,000 
 
 Fitchburg, do 2,400 
 
 Gloucester, do 2,300 
 
 Great Barrington, do 1,700 
 
 Greenfiold, do 2,200 
 
 Haverhill, do 2,800 
 
 Holvoke, do 2,600 
 
 HyiiePark, do 1,800 
 
 Lawrence, do 3,000 
 
 'Lee, Massachusetts $1,700 
 
 Leominster, do 2,100 
 
 Lowell, do 3|00'> 
 
 2,60') 
 
 1,900 
 
 1,700 
 
 1,700 
 
 1,800 
 
 1,800 
 
 - 2,100 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,100 
 
 2,50> 
 
 2,400 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,.'300 
 
 2,100 
 
 1,900 
 
 1,900 
 
 2,800 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,500 
 
 1,700 
 
 1,800 
 
 3,000 
 
 1,800 
 
 2,800 
 
 2,400 
 
 1,900 
 
 1,800 
 
 2,000 
 
 2.700 
 
 2,300 
 
 3,000 
 
 Adrian, ' Michigan 2,300 
 
 Albion, do 2,700 
 
 Allen, do 1,700 
 
 Alpena, do 2,000 
 
 Ann Harbor, do 2,800 
 
 Battle Creek, do 2,500 
 
 Bay City, do 2,800 
 
 Big Rapids, do 1,900 
 
 Calumet, do 2,100 
 
 Charlotte, do 1,800 
 
 Cold water, do 2,500 
 
 Detroit, do 3,300 
 
 Dowagiac, do 1,700 
 
 East Saginaw, do 2,800 
 
 Flint, do 2,500 
 
 Grand Junction, do 1,900 
 
 Grand Rapids, do 3,000 
 
 Greenville, do 1,800 
 
 Hancock, do 1,700 
 
 Hastings, do 1,700 
 
 Hillsdale, do 1,900 
 
 Hudson, do 2,100 
 
 Ionia, do 1,900 
 
 Ishpenning, do 2,200 
 
 Jackson, do 2,900 
 
 Kalamazoo, do 2,800 
 
 Lansing, do 2,SoO 
 
 Lapeer, do 1,7<>0 
 
 Ludington, do 1,700 
 
 Manistee, do 2,200 
 
 Marquette, do 2,500 
 
 Marshall, do 2,400 
 
 Monroe, do 2,000 
 
 Lvnn, 
 
 do 
 
 Maiden, 
 
 do 
 
 Marblehead, 
 
 do 
 
 Marshfield, 
 
 do 
 
 Medford, 
 
 do 
 
 Middleborough, 
 
 do 
 
 I\Iillbrd, 
 
 do 
 
 Nantucket, 
 
 do 
 
 Natick, 
 
 do 
 
 New Bedford, 
 
 do 
 
 Newburyport, 
 
 do 
 
 Newton, 
 
 do 
 
 North Adams, 
 
 do 
 
 Northampton, 
 
 do 
 
 North Attleboro' 
 
 do 
 
 Peabody, 
 
 do 
 
 Pittafield, 
 
 do 
 
 Plymouth, 
 
 do 
 
 Salem, 
 
 do 
 
 S. Farmingham, 
 
 do 
 
 Spencer, 
 
 do 
 
 Springfield, 
 
 do 
 
 Stoneham, 
 
 do 
 
 Taunton, 
 
 do 
 
 V ineyard Grove, 
 
 do 
 
 Wakefield, 
 
 do 
 
 Webster, 
 
 do 
 
 Westborough, 
 
 do 
 
 Westfield, 
 
 do 
 
 Woburn, 
 
 do 
 
 Worcester, 
 
 do
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI, 
 
 Muskegon, Michigan $2,600 
 
 Niles, do 2,100 
 
 Owasso, do 1,700 
 
 Poutiac, do 2,200 
 
 Port Huron, do 1,900 
 
 Saginaw, do 2,700 
 
 Saint John's, do 1,700 
 
 St. Joseph's, do 1,800 
 
 Tecumseh, do 1,700 
 
 Three Rivers, do 1,800 
 
 WestBayCity, do 1,800 
 
 Ypsilanti, _ do 2,300 
 
 Austin, Minnesota 1,800 
 
 Dulutli, do 1,700 
 
 Faribault, do 1,900 
 
 Hastings, do 1,900 
 
 Lake City, do 2,000 
 
 Mankato do 2,000 
 
 Minneapolis, do 3,000 
 
 Northfield, do 1,700 
 
 Owatonna, do 1,700 
 
 Red Wing, do 2,500 
 
 Rochester, do 2,200 
 
 Saint Paul, do 3,000 
 
 Stillwater, do 2,300 
 
 Winona, do _ 2,400 
 
 Canton, Mississippi 1,800 
 
 Columbus, do 1,800 
 
 Holly Springs,do 1,800 
 
 Jackson, do 2,000 
 
 Meridian, do 1,900 
 
 Natchez, do 2,300 
 
 Vicksburgh, do 2,700 
 
 Boonville, Missouri 1,800 
 
 Carrollton, do 1,800 
 
 Carthage, do 1,800 
 
 Chillicothe, do 1,900 
 
 Clinton, do 1,700 
 
 Columbia, do 1,700 
 
 Hannibal, do 2,800 
 
 Jefferson City, do 2,000 
 
 Jnplin, do 2,000 
 
 Kansas City, do 8,000 
 
 Kirksville, do 1,700 
 
 Lexington, do 1,800 
 
 Louisiana, do 1,700 
 
 Madison, do 1,800 
 
 Maryville, do 1,700 
 
 Mexico, do 1,700 
 
 Moberlv, do 1,900 
 
 Saint Charles, do 1,800 
 
 Saint Joseph, do 3,000 
 
 Saint Louis, do 4,000 
 
 Sedalia, do 2,800 
 
 Springfield, do 2,200 
 
 Warrensburgh do 1,800 
 
 I'ozcman, do 1,700 
 
 Butte City, do 1,700 
 
 Helena C.H., do 2,70n 
 
 Virginia City, do 2,000 
 
 Beatrice, Nebraska I,(i00 
 
 Fremont, do 1,900 
 
 Hastings, do l.flOO 
 
 Lincoln, An 2,800 
 
 Nebraska City, do 2,400 
 
 Omnha, do .S,000 
 
 Plattsmouth, do 1,800 
 
 Austin, Nevada $1,800 
 
 Elko, do 1,600 
 
 Eureka, do 2,700 
 
 Gold Hill, do 2,700 
 
 Pioche, do 1,800 
 
 Reno, do 2,200 
 
 Tuscarora, do 2,100 
 
 Virginia City, do 2,800 
 
 Concord, New Hampshire 2,500 
 
 Claremont, do 1,800 
 
 Dover, do 2,700 
 
 Great Falls, do 1,900 
 
 Hanover, do 1,600 
 
 Keene, do 2,500 
 
 Laconia, do 1,600 
 
 Manchester, do 2,500 
 
 Nashua, do 2,800 
 
 Portsmouth, do 2,400 
 
 Atlantic City, New Jersey, 1,700 
 
 Bordentown, do 1,600 
 
 Bridgeton, do 1,700 
 
 Burlington, do 1,700 
 
 Camden, do 2,034 
 
 Cape May, do 1,700 
 
 Elizabeth, do 3,000 
 
 Freehold, do 1,600 
 
 Hoboken, do 2,400 
 
 Jersey City, do 2,700 
 
 Lambertvi'lle, do 1,600 
 
 Norristown, do 2,200 
 
 Mount Holly, do 1,600 
 
 Newark do 2,900 
 
 New Brunswick, do 2,700 
 
 Newton, do 1,600 
 
 Orange, do 2,700 
 
 Passaic, do 1,700 
 
 Paterson, do 2,500 
 
 Plainfield, do 2,800 
 
 Princeton, do 2,000 
 
 Rahway, do 2,100 
 
 Trenton, do 2,600 
 
 Vineland, do 1,900 
 
 Santa Fe, New Mexico 1,800 
 
 Albany, New York 3,100 
 
 Albion, do 2,000 
 
 Amsterdam, do 2,100 
 
 Auburn, do 2,600 
 
 Batavia, do 2,500 
 
 Bath, do 1,900 
 
 Bingham pton, do 2,900 
 
 Brockport, do 1,900 
 
 Brooklyn, do 4,(100 
 
 Buffalo, do 3,200 
 
 Canandaigua, do 2,200 
 
 Catskill, do 1,800 
 
 Clyde, do 1,700 
 
 Cohoes, do 2,700 
 
 Cortland Village, do 1,900 
 
 Dansville, do 1,800 
 
 Dunkirk, do 2,100 
 
 Elmira, do 2,500 
 
 Flushing, do 1,800 
 
 Fredonia, do 1,800 
 
 Fulton, do 1,800 
 
 (Jeneseo, do 1,700 
 
 Geneva, do 2,700 
 
 Gloversville, do 2,000
 
 BOOK Vl] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 63 
 
 Hornellsville, 
 
 Hudson, 
 
 Ilion, 
 
 Ithaca, 
 
 Johnstown, 
 
 Kingston, 
 
 Lansingburgh, 
 
 Le Hoy, 
 
 Little Falls, 
 
 Lockport, 
 
 Long Island City, 
 
 Lyons, 
 
 Medina, 
 
 Middletown, 
 
 Newburg, 
 
 New York City, 
 
 Niagara Falls, 
 
 Norwich, 
 
 Nyack, 
 
 Ogdensburg, 
 
 Oneida, 
 
 Oswego, 
 
 Owego 
 
 Palmyra, 
 
 Peekskill, 
 
 Penn Yan, 
 
 Plattsburg, 
 
 Port Jarvis, 
 
 Poughkeepsie, 
 
 Rome, 
 
 Romulus, 
 
 Saratoga Springs, 
 
 Schenectady, 
 
 Seneca Falls, 
 
 Syracuse, 
 
 Tarrytown, 
 
 Troy, 
 
 Utica, 
 
 Sing Sing, 
 
 Waterloo, 
 
 Waterford 
 
 Watcrtown, 
 
 Waterville, 
 
 Watkins, 
 
 Waverly, 
 
 West Troy, 
 
 White Plains, 
 
 West Chester, 
 
 New York $2,100 
 
 do 2,.W() 
 
 do ],i>00 
 
 do 2,700 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 2,800 
 
 do 8,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 2,300 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 2,300 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 2,800 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,900 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 Charlotte, North Carolina, 2,100 
 
 Greensborough, do 1,700 
 
 New Berne, do 1,800 
 
 New Hanover, do 2,400 
 
 Summit, Ohio 2,500 
 
 Alliance, do 1,800 
 
 Ashtabula, do 2,100 
 
 Athens, do 1,700 
 
 Belmont, do 1,800 
 
 Logan, do 1,900 
 
 Bucyrus, do 1,800 
 
 Canton, do 2,700 
 
 Chillicothe, do 2,300 
 
 Cincinnati, do 4,000 
 
 Circleville, do 1,900 
 
 Cleveland, do 3,400 
 
 Columbus, do 3,000 
 
 Dayton, do 3,000; 
 
 Defiance. do 1,800 I 
 
 Delaware, Ohio $2,500 
 
 Elyria, do 2!500 
 
 Findlay, do IJUO 
 
 Fremont, do 2,200 
 
 (Jalion, do 1,7(0 
 
 (Jreenville, do I,7o0 
 
 Hamilton, do 2,300 
 
 Ironton, do 1,^00 
 
 Kenton, do 1,700 
 
 Lancaster, do 1,800 
 
 Lebanon, do 1,700 
 
 Lima, do 1,900 
 
 Mansfield, do 2,G00 
 
 Marietta, do 1,800 
 
 Marion, do 1,700 
 
 Massillon, do 2,200 
 
 Mount Vernon, do 2,000 
 
 Newark, do 2,200 
 
 Huron, do 2,300 
 
 Lorain, do 2,100 
 
 Painesville, do 2,300 
 
 Piqua, do 2,300 
 
 Portsmouth, do 2,500 
 
 Ravenna, do 1,800 
 
 Salem, do 1,900 
 
 Sandusky, do 2,400 
 
 Sidney, do 1,700 
 
 Springfield, do 2,600 
 
 Steubenville, do 2,200 
 
 Tiffin, do 2,100 
 
 Toledo, do 2,900 
 
 Troy, do 2,000 
 
 Upper Sandusky, do 1,700 
 
 Urbana, do 2,200 
 
 Warren, do 2,000 
 
 Wooster, do 2,200 
 
 Xenia, do 2,300 
 
 Youngstown, do 2,300 
 
 Zanesville, do 2,500 
 
 Albany, Oregon 1,700 
 
 Astoria, do 1,800 
 
 Portland, do 2,600 
 
 Salem, do 2,600 
 
 Allegheny, Pennsylvania 2,500 
 
 Allentown, do 2,700 
 
 Altoona, do 2,500 
 
 Barnharts Mill, do 2,200 
 
 Bellefonte, do 1.800 
 
 Bethlehem, do 1.800 
 
 Bradford, do 2,3"0 
 
 Butler, do 1,735 
 
 Carlisle, do 1,900 
 
 Chambersburgh, do 1,900 
 
 Chester, do 2.000 
 
 Corry, do 2,200 
 
 Danville C.H., do 1,800 
 
 Easton, do 2.400 
 
 Erie, do 2.500 
 
 Franklin, do 2,200 
 
 Harrisburg, do 3.100 
 
 Hazleton, do 1.900 
 
 HoUidaysburgh, do 1,700 
 
 Huntingdon, do 1.800 
 
 Johnstown, do 2.000 
 
 Kittanning, do 1.700 
 
 Knox, do 2.7<'0 
 
 Lancaster, do 2,50;
 
 64 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Lebanon, Pennsylvania $1,900 
 
 Lewistown, do 1,700 
 
 Lock Haven, do 2,000 
 
 McKeesport do 1,800 
 
 Meadville, do 2,500 
 
 Newcastle, do 2,000 
 
 Norristown, do 1,900 
 
 Oil City, do 2,600 
 
 Parker's Landing, do 2,000 
 
 Petrolia, do 2,400 
 
 Philadelphia, do 4,000 
 
 Pittsburgh, do 3,500 
 
 Pittston, do 2,400 
 
 Pottstown, do 1,700 
 
 Pottsville, do 2,400 
 
 Reading, do 2,500 
 
 Saint Petersburg, do 2,200 
 
 Scranton, do 2,800 
 
 Sharon, do 2,200 
 
 Tidioute, do 1,900 
 
 Titusville, do 2,800 
 
 Towanda, do 2,000 
 
 Warren, do 2,525 
 
 Westchester, do 1,800 
 
 Wilkesbarre, do 2,800 
 
 Williamsport, do 2,800 
 
 York, do 2,300 
 
 Bristol, Rhode Island 1,700 
 
 Central Falls, do 1,700 
 
 Newport, do 2,500 
 
 Pawtucket, do 2,800 
 
 Providence, do 3,500 
 
 Westerly, do 2,600 
 
 Woonsocket, do 2,300 
 
 Charleston, South Carolina 3,000 
 
 Columbia, do 2,200 
 
 Spartanburg C. H., do 1,700 
 
 Clarkeville, Tennessee 2,000 
 
 Columbia, do 1,800 
 
 Jackson, do 1,700 
 
 Knoxville, do 2,500 
 
 Memphis, do 3,000 
 
 IMurfroesborough, do 1,400 
 
 Nashville, do 3,000 
 
 P.renham, Texas 1,900 
 
 Brownsville, do 2,300 
 
 Bryan's Mill, do 2,000 
 
 Nueces, do 2,100 
 
 Navarro, do 2,000 
 
 Dallas, do 2,900 
 
 Denison City, do 2,000 
 
 Fort Worth,' do 2,800 
 
 Galveston, do 2,800 
 
 Houston, do 2,900 
 
 .Jefferson, do 1,900 
 
 Marshall, do 2,000 
 
 Palestine, do 1,900 
 
 Paris, do 1,700 
 
 San Antonia, do 2,500 
 
 Sherman, do 2,300 
 
 Tj'ler, do 1,800 
 
 Waco, do 2,600 
 
 Weatherford, do 1,800 
 
 Ogdon City, Utah Territory 2,100 
 
 Salt Lake City, do 2,800 
 
 1?ellows Falls, Vermont 1,700 
 
 Bennington, do 1,800 
 
 Brandon, Vermont Sl,700 
 
 Brattleborough, do 2,400 
 
 Burlington, do 2,300 
 
 Middlebury, do 1,700 
 
 Monti^elier, do 2,200 
 
 Rutland, do 2,000 
 
 Saint Albans, do 2,100 
 
 Saint Johnsburv, do 1,700 
 
 Alexandria, Virginia 2,100 
 
 Charlottesville, do 1,700 
 
 Danville, do 2,200 
 
 Fredericksburgh, do 1,700 
 
 Lexington, do 1,700 
 
 Lvnchburgh, do 2,500 
 
 Norfolk, do 3,000 
 
 Petersbureh, do 3,000 
 
 Portsmouth, do 1,900 
 
 Stanton, do 2,000 
 
 Winchester, . do 2,000 
 
 Thurston, Washington Territory 1,700 
 
 Seattle, do 1,900 
 
 Walla Walla, do 2,100 
 
 Kanawha, C. H., West Virginia 1,700 
 
 Parkersburg, do 1,700 
 
 Wheeling, do 2,600 
 
 Appleton, Wisconsin 2,300 
 
 Beaver Dam, do 2,000 
 
 Beloit, do 2,400 
 
 Berlin, do 1,900 
 
 Chippewa Falls, do 2,100 
 
 Eau Claire, do 2,300 
 
 Fond du Lac, do 2,400 
 
 Green Bay, do 2,400 
 
 Danesville, do 2,400 
 
 Kenosha, do 2,100 
 
 La Crosse, do 2,600 
 
 Manitowoc, do 1,900 
 
 Mineral Point, do 1,700 
 
 Monroe, do 1,800 
 
 Neenah, do 1,900 
 
 Oshkosh, do 2,400 
 
 Portage, do 2,000 
 
 Racine, do 2,500 
 
 Ripon, do 2,000 
 
 Sheboygan, do 1,900 
 
 Sparta, do 2,000 
 
 Watertown, do 2,100 
 
 Waukesha, do 1,900 
 
 Whitewater, do 2,000 
 
 Cheyenne City, Wyoming Territory. 2,700 
 Laramie City, do .. 2,300 
 
 Postmasters can be appointed from any 
 portion of the State or nation, as can all 
 Federal officers, the law only requiring 
 them to be citizens ; but they are usually 
 selected from the places in which the 
 duties are performea. The same rule ap- 
 plies to clerks, carriers, messengers, etc. 
 
 Clerks In Post-Office and their Salaries. 
 
 Abbeyville, Alabama $ 50 
 
 do 
 
 Aberdeen, Mississippi 400 
 
 Abingdon, Virginia 
 
 do
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 65 
 
 Adams, New York $ 400 
 
 Addison, do 330 
 
 Adrian, Michigan 6iiO 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 3G0 
 
 do 300 
 
 Afton, Iowa 270 
 
 Akron, Ohio 300 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Alamosa, Colorado 800 
 
 do 000 
 
 Albany, Georgia 300 
 
 do 200 
 
 Albany, Missouri 180 
 
 Albany, Oregon 
 
 do 
 
 Albany, New York 860 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 8()0 
 
 do 8G0 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 350 
 
 do 8G0 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 806 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 2,300 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 784 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Albert Lea, Minnesota 720 
 
 Albia, Iowa 180 
 
 Albion, Michigan 520 
 
 do 300 
 
 Albion, New York 550 
 
 do 150 
 
 do 100 
 
 Alexandria, Louisiana 500 
 
 Alexandria, Virginia 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 650 
 
 Algona, Iowa 270 
 
 Allegan, Michigan 
 
 Allegheny, Pennsylvania 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 Allegheny, Pennsylvania $ 78 
 
 do 1,322 
 
 AUensville, Kentucky lOO 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 AUentown, Pennsylvania 442 
 
 do G24 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 5!)8 
 
 Alliance, Ohio 800 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 200 
 
 Alpena, Michigan 
 
 do 
 
 Alton, Illinois 797 
 
 do 668 
 
 do Ill 
 
 do 122 
 
 Altoona, Pennsylvania 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 60 
 
 Alvin, Illinois 150 
 
 Amboy, Illinois 600 
 
 do 180 
 
 Americus, Georgia 450 
 
 Ames, Iowa 150 
 
 Amesbury, Massachusetts 600 
 
 Amherst, do 600 
 
 do do 150 
 
 Amsterdam, New York 400 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 3Q0 
 
 Anamosa, Iowa 300 
 
 Andalusia, Alabama 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Anderson, Indiana 240 
 
 Andover, Massachusetts 300 
 
 Annapolis, Maryland 1,200 
 
 do 920 
 
 do 680 
 
 Annapolis, Indiana 100 
 
 Ann Arbor, Michigan 300 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 300 
 
 Antelope Springs, Colorado 100 
 
 Appleton, Wisconsin 450 
 
 Areola, Illinois 180 
 
 Arkadelphia, Arkansas 180 
 
 do 200 
 
 Arkansas City, Arkansas 50 
 
 do Kansas 100 
 
 Arlington, Missouri 100 
 
 Artcsia, Mississippi 50 
 
 Ashland, Qhio 450 
 
 Ashland, Virginia '• 240 
 
 do 160 
 
 Ashland, Alabama 30 
 
 Ashland, Nebraska 270 
 
 Asheville, North Carolina 420 
 
 do 300 
 
 Ashley, Illinois 200 
 
 'do 200 
 
 do 200
 
 6G 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 Ashtabula, Ohio $ 300 
 
 do 150 
 
 Ashville, Alabama 100 
 
 Astoria, Oregon 300 
 
 Atchison, Kansas 720 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 460 
 
 Athens, Georgia 480 
 
 Athens, Ohio, 360 
 
 Athol, Massachusetts 250 
 
 Atlanta, Georgia 500 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 1,975 
 
 do 1,425 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 1,525 
 
 do 225 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 600 
 
 Atlantic, Iowa 660 
 
 Atlantic City, New Jersey 500 
 
 Atalla, Alabama, 60 
 
 Attica, Indiana 400 
 
 do 600 
 
 Attica, New York 360 
 
 do 250 
 
 Auburn, Maine 400 
 
 Auburn, New York 408 
 
 do 369 
 
 do 792 
 
 do ;. 492 
 
 do 792 
 
 do 360 
 
 do ^ 996 
 
 Augusta, Georgia 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 900 
 
 Augu>ta, Kansas 180 
 
 Augusta, Maine 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 240 
 
 Aurora, Illinois 420 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 660 
 
 Aurora, Indiana 270 
 
 Aurora, Nevada 600 
 
 Aurora Mills, Oregon 100 
 
 Au Sable Forks, New York 100 
 
 Austin, Texas 1,200 
 
 do 935 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 450 
 
 Austin, Texas $ 200 
 
 do 1,010 
 
 Austin, Minnesota 500 
 
 do 300 
 
 Austin, Nevada 420 
 
 Avoca, Iowa 720 
 
 Avon, New York 300 
 
 Bainbridge, Georgia 275 
 
 Baker City, Oregon 300 
 
 Ballston, New York 180 
 
 Baltimore, Maryland 960 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 960 
 
 do • 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,040 
 
 do 380 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 540
 
 BOOK TI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 67 
 
 Baltimore, Maryland 940 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Bangor, Maine 1,800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 Bangor, Alabama 50 
 
 Banta, California 100 
 
 Baraboo, Wisconsin 600 
 
 do 200 
 
 Barnard, Missouri 50 
 
 Barnesville, Ohio 270 
 
 Barnesville, Virginia 100 
 
 Barry, Maryland 50 
 
 Bastrop, Louisiana 200 
 
 Bastrop, Texas 270 
 
 Batavia, New York 300 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 Batavia, Ohio 100 
 
 Batesville, Arkansas 480 
 
 Bath, Maine 87 
 
 do 368 
 
 do 325 
 
 do 520 
 
 Bath, New York 600 
 
 do 480 
 
 Baton Rouge, Louisiana 720 
 
 do 360 
 
 Battle Creek, Michigan 1,200 
 
 do 520 
 
 do 260 
 
 do 520 
 
 Baxter Springs, Kansas 270 
 
 Bay City, Michigan 1,200 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 360 
 
 Bay Minette, Alabama 50 
 
 Beatrice, Nebraska 350 
 
 Beaver, Utah 100 
 
 Beaver Dam, Wisconsin 500 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 50 
 
 Bedford, Iowa 100 
 
 55 
 
 Bedford, Pennsylvania 180 
 
 Belfiwt, Maine 720 
 
 do 3{Kj 
 
 Bellaire, Ohio 108 
 
 do 270 
 
 Bellefonte, Pennsylvania 30<) 
 
 Bellefoutaine, Ohio 480 
 
 do 300 
 
 Beloit, Kansas 576 
 
 do .042 
 
 do 510 
 
 Beloit, Wisconsin 000 
 
 do 240 
 
 Beloit, Iowa 100 
 
 Bellows Falls, Vermont 270 
 
 Belvidere, Illinois 500 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 150 
 
 Belvidere, New York 100 
 
 Benicia, California 270 
 
 Benson, Minnesota 200 
 
 Benton, Arkansas 60 
 
 Berkeley Springs, West Virginia.... 100 
 
 Berlin, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Bethany, Missouri 180 
 
 Bethlehem, Pennsylvania 400 
 
 do 480 
 
 Beverlv, Massachusetts 313 
 
 Biddefbrd, Maine 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 Big Rapids, Michigan 240 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 216 
 
 Binghamton, New York 1,400 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 350 
 
 do 550 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 500 
 
 Birmingham, Alabama 100 
 
 Birmingham, Connecticut 420 
 
 Bismarck, Dakota 200 
 
 Blanchester, Ohio 100 
 
 Black River Falls, Wisconsin 270 
 
 Bloomfield, Iowa 180 
 
 Bloomington, Illinois 1,060 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 860 
 
 do 760 
 
 do 460 
 
 Bloomington, Indiana 360 
 
 Bloomington, Nebraska 360 
 
 Bloomsburg, Pennsylvania 270 
 
 Blossburgh, Pennsylvania 200 
 
 Blountsville, Alabama 100 
 
 Blue Earth, Minnesota 300 
 
 Bodie, California 600 
 
 Boise City, Idaho 1,000 
 
 do 360 
 
 Bolivar, Missouri 120 
 
 Boone, Iowa 400 
 
 Booneville, Missouri 600 
 
 do 240 
 
 Booneville, New York 268 
 
 Booneville, Indiana 100
 
 68 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Boonsborongh, Arkansas 50 
 
 Bordentown, New Jersey 200 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts 3,000 
 
 do 1,920 
 
 do 1,920 
 
 do 1,728 
 
 do 822 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do 2,400 
 
 do 1,920 
 
 do 1,308 
 
 do 1,728 
 
 do 1,308 
 
 do 1,104 
 
 do , 1,104 
 
 do ' 1,038 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 924 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,182 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 978 
 
 do 924 
 
 do 978 
 
 do 1,062 
 
 do 852 
 
 do 600 
 
 do ■ 924 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 636 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 984 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do ■ 540 
 
 do 1,266 
 
 do 1,248 
 
 do 984 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 672 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts 672 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 792 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 402 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 978 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,266 
 
 do 1,038 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 804 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,092 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 696 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,920 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,212 
 
 do 1,092 
 
 do 1,056 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,062 
 
 do 804 
 
 do 702 
 
 do 1,008 
 
 do 804 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 204 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 120 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,032
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 C9 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts $1,092 
 
 do (i90 
 
 do 402 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,808 
 
 do 1,2(j6 
 
 do 1,038 
 
 do G72 
 
 do 924 
 
 do 924 
 
 do 63() 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do 696 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 1,092 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,248 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 702 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 480 
 
 do , 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do 978 
 
 do 924 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 1,008 
 
 do 978 
 
 do 804 
 
 do 852 
 
 do 852 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 636 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do 1,008 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,650 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 1,008 
 
 do 1,008 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 1,104 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,266 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts $702 
 
 do 072 
 
 do «>72 
 
 do (;72 
 
 do 540 
 
 do G72 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 804 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 150 
 
 do 1,266 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 672 
 
 do 576 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 978 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 1,038 
 
 do 1,038 
 
 do 1,152 
 
 do 918 
 
 do 636 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,062 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 624 
 
 do 1,032 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 900 
 
 Boulder, Colorado 600 
 
 do 480 
 
 Boulder Valley, Montana 50 
 
 Bowling Green, Kentucky 640 
 
 Bovdton, Virginia 50 
 
 Brackettsville, Texas 200 
 
 Bradford, Pennsylvania 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Brandon, Mississippi 180 
 
 Brattleborough, Vermont 325 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Braxton, "West Virginia 50 
 
 Brenham, Texas 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Bridgeport, Alabama 50 
 
 Bridgeport, Connecticut 192 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 900
 
 70 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 ■[book VI. 
 
 Bridgeport, Connecticut $ 540 
 
 do 384 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 972 
 
 Bridgeton, New Jersey 315 
 
 Brinkley, Arkansas 100 
 
 Bristol, Connecticut 250 
 
 do 312 
 
 Bristol, Tennessee 300 
 
 do 220 
 
 Bristol, Pennsylvania 260 
 
 do 260 
 
 Brockton, Massachusetts 800 
 
 do 520 
 
 do _ _ 450 
 
 Brookhaven, Mississippi 200 
 
 Brookline, Massachusetts 660 
 
 Brookline, Massachusetts 200 
 
 Brooklyn, New York 1,000 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 520 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 260 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Brookville, Indiana 360 
 
 Brookville, Pennsylvania 200 
 
 Brownsville, Texas 450 
 
 I'rownsville, Tennesee 300 
 
 Brownvillc, Nebraska 3(50 
 
 Brunswick, Maine 600 
 
 do 200 
 
 Bryan, Ohio 600 
 
 Bryan, Texas $ 450 
 
 Buckhannon, West Virginia 100 
 
 Bucksport, Maine 225 
 
 Bucyrus, Ohio 600 
 
 do 240 
 
 Buffalo, New York 850 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 925 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 745 
 
 do 35 
 
 do 975 
 
 do 975 
 
 do 975 
 
 do 2,280 
 
 do 825 
 
 do 975 
 
 do 925 
 
 do 1,705 
 
 do 925 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 745 
 
 do 1,705 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 975 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 975 
 
 do 1,185 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 850 
 
 Bull's Gap, Tennessee 100 
 
 Bureau Junction, Illinois 50 
 
 Burgh Hill, Ohio 100 
 
 Burkville, Virginia 140 
 
 Burlington, Iowa 1,040 
 
 do 572 
 
 do 520 
 
 do 468 
 
 Burlington, New Jersey 200 
 
 do 200 
 
 Burlington, Vermont 1,500 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 300 
 
 Burlington, Kansas 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Bushnell, Illinois 300 
 
 Butler, Indiana 100 
 
 Butler, Pennsylvania 420 
 
 Caddo, Indian Territory 360 
 
 Cadiz, Kentucky 100 
 
 Cairo, Illinois 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Calais, Maine 850 
 
 do 150 
 
 Calamus, Nebraska 100 
 
 Caledonia, Minnesota 150 
 
 Calistoga, California 180 
 
 Calmar, Iowa 300 
 
 Calumet, Michigan 360 
 
 do 600 
 
 Cambbridge, Maryland 180
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 71 
 
 Cambridge, Ohio $ 270 
 
 Cambridge City, Indiana 270 
 
 Camden, Arkansas 600 
 
 Camden, New Jersey 1,180 
 
 do 780 
 
 Cameron, Missouri 180 
 
 Campbellville, Kentucky 100 
 
 Camp Halleck, Nevada 200 
 
 Camp Robinson, Nebraska 200 
 
 Canaan, Connecticut 300 
 
 Canandaigua, New York 408 
 
 do 56G 
 
 do 466 
 
 Canisteo, New York 100 
 
 Canon, City Colorado ) oQn 
 
 do I 
 
 Canton, Mississippi 600 
 
 Canton, Missouri 100 
 
 Canton, Ohio 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 Canton, Illinois 480 
 
 Canton, Mississippi 100 
 
 Cape May, New Jersey | 
 
 do :::::::::.v;:: ^oo 
 
 do J 
 
 Carbondale, Illinois 360 
 
 Carlinville, Illinois 180 
 
 Carlisle, Pa 600 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 180 
 
 do 100 
 
 Carroll City, Iowa 100 
 
 Carson City, Nevada 900 
 
 Carter Depot, Tennessee 50 
 
 Cartersville, Georgia 180 
 
 Carthage, Missouri 500 
 
 do 365 
 
 do 300 
 
 Carthage, New York 360 
 
 Carver, Minnesota 100 
 
 Catlett, Virginia 50 
 
 Catskill, New York 400 
 
 do 350 
 
 Cattlesburgh, Kentucky 180 
 
 Cawker City, Kansas 180 
 
 do 300 
 
 Cazenovia, New York 500 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 60 
 
 do 65 
 
 Cedar Falls, Iowa ) n-^ 
 
 do I ^'^ 
 
 Cedar Keys, Florida 150 
 
 Cedar Rapids, Iowa 1,100 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 350 
 
 Central Citv, Colorado 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 Centralia, Illinois 60(» 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 150 
 
 Centre, Alabama 100 
 
 Centreville, Iowa 400 
 
 Centreville, Maryland 100 
 
 Centreville. Tennessee $ 100 
 
 Central City, Nebraska 100 
 
 Chambersburg, Pennsylvania (lOO 
 
 do 600 
 
 Champaign, Illinois 600 
 
 d" :::::::::::::::::} «» 
 
 Chanute, Kansas 50 
 
 Charlton, Iowa 270 
 
 Charles City, Iowa 720 
 
 Charleston, Illinois 4<i0 
 
 do 4(K) 
 
 Charleston, South Carolina 1,722 
 
 do H22 
 
 do 942 
 
 do 746 
 
 do 1,422 
 
 do 684 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,182 
 
 do 480 
 
 Charleston, West Virginia 600 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 200 
 
 Charlotte, Michigan 270 
 
 Charlotte, North Carolina 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Charlottesville, Virginia 600 
 
 do 200 
 
 Chasca, Minnesota 100 
 
 Chatham Village, New York 270 
 
 Chattahoochee, Florida 100 
 
 Chattanooga, Tennessee 580 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 1,060 
 
 do 720 
 
 Chenango Forks, New York 100 
 
 Cheraw, South Carolina 100 
 
 Chester, Illinois 180 
 
 Chester, Pa 788 
 
 do 312 
 
 Chestnut Level, Pennsylvania 60 
 
 Chetopa, Kansas.... 270 
 
 Cheyenne, Wyoming 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 1,060 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 5(X) 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do I,2o0 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 9(>0 
 
 do 1.<^W 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1.100 
 
 do 8O0 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1.500 
 
 do 900
 
 72 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Chicago, niinois $1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do .. 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do .- 1,100 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 340 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Chicago, Illinois $1,300 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 340 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,250 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 740 
 
 do ! 500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 3,500 
 
 do 900
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 73 
 
 Chicago, Illinois $1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 2,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 2,700 
 
 do 340 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 340 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 Chicago, lUinoia $ 800 
 
 do 2,50<J 
 
 do i,i(>o 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 8,700 
 
 do 1,.300 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do G40 
 
 do 1,250 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 775 
 
 Chicopee, Massahcusetts 156 
 
 do 480 
 
 Chillicothe, Missouri 300 
 
 do 450 
 
 Chillicothe, Ohio 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin] 
 
 do )■ 500 
 
 do ] 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio 800 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 720
 
 74 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, $ 750 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 ido 900 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio $ 950 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Circleville, Ohio 450 
 
 Clermont, New Hampshire 400 
 
 Clarinda, Iowa 240 
 
 do 300 
 
 Clarion, Pennsylvania 400 
 
 do 200 
 
 Clarksburgh, West Virginia 450 
 
 Clarksville, Arkansas 360 
 
 Clarksville, Tennessee 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Clarksville, Texas 360 
 
 Clarksville, Virginia 50 
 
 Clay Centre, Kansas 360 
 
 Cleburne, Texas \ -.qq 
 
 do j 
 
 Cleveland, Ohio 1,000 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 550 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 660
 
 BOOK TI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 75 
 
 Cleveland, Ohio $ 600 
 
 do COO 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 820 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do 550 
 
 Clinton, Iowa 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Clinton, Massachusetts 3(50 
 
 do 120 
 
 Clinton, Missouri 5(10 
 
 Clinton, New York 600 
 
 do 200 
 
 Clyde, Ohio j -^^q 
 
 do j 
 
 Coatesville, Pennsylvania 180 
 
 Cobleskill, New York 200 
 
 Coftcyvillo, Kansas 200 
 
 Cohoes, New York 500 
 
 do 400 
 
 Coldwater, Michigan ) 
 
 do } 900 
 
 do J 
 
 College Springs, Iowa 100 
 
 Colliersville, New York 50 
 
 Collins, Arkansas | -.^q 
 
 do I 
 
 Colorado Springs, Colorado 1 
 
 d^ :::::::::::: ^^o 
 
 do J 
 
 Colton, California 100 
 
 Columbia, Louisiana 100 
 
 Columbia, Missouri 270 
 
 Columbia, Pennsylvania 800 
 
 do 200 
 
 Columbia, South Carolina 940 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 720 
 
 Columbia, Tennessee 900 
 
 Columbia, Kentucky 150 
 
 Columbus, Kansas 360 
 
 Columbus, Kentucky 180 
 
 Columbus, IMississippi 450 
 
 Columbus, Ohio 2,(i00 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 250 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 440 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 1,8(10 
 
 Columliu-<, Texas 100 
 
 Columbus, Indiana ] oyn 
 
 do 
 
 Colusa, California $ 200 
 
 Comanche, Texaa lOO 
 
 Concord, New Hampshire 1,100 
 
 do 875 
 
 do 450 
 
 do G75 
 
 Concordia, Kansas 180 
 
 Connersville, Indiana, 3(50 
 
 Cooperstown, New York, 200 
 
 do 200 
 
 Coerine, Utah, 180 
 
 Corinth, Mississippi, 350 
 
 Corning, Iowa 600 
 
 Corning, New York, 120 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 300 
 
 Corpus Christi, Texas, 270 
 
 Corry, Pennsylvania, 1,200 
 
 Corsicana, Texas 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 Cortland, Ohio, 100 
 
 Cortland Village, New York, 400 
 
 do 600 
 
 Corvallis, Oregon, 180 
 
 Corj'don, Iowa, 200 
 
 Coudersport, Pennsylvania 180 
 
 Council Bluffs, Iowa 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 900 
 
 Council Grove, Kansas 300 
 
 Council Hill Station, Illinois 40 
 
 Covington, Indiana 180 
 
 do 180 
 
 do 180 
 
 Covington, Kentucky 1,200 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 300 
 
 Crawfordsville, Indiana 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 Cresco, Iowa 180 
 
 Crestline, Ohio 324 
 
 Creston, Iowa 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Crete, Nebraska 180 
 
 do 180 
 
 Crisficld, Maryland 100 
 
 Crockett, Texas 180 
 
 Crossville, Tennessee 150 
 
 Cuero, Texas 180 
 
 Culpeper, Virginia 270 
 
 Cumberland, Maryland 800 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 480 
 
 Cuthbert, Georgia 220 
 
 Curwinsville, Pennsvlvania 200 
 
 Dallas, Iowa ." 100 
 
 Dallas, Texas 1,550 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 690 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 6iM) 
 
 do 690
 
 76 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Dallas, Texas' $ 450 
 
 Danbury, Connecticut 416 
 
 do 1,040 
 
 do 156 
 
 Danielsonville, Connecticut 360 
 
 Danville, Indiana 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Danville, Illinois 300 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 300 
 
 Danville, Kentucky 540 
 
 Danville, Pennsylvania 450 
 
 Danville, Virginia 360 
 
 do 240 
 
 Dansville, New York 600 
 
 do 420 
 
 Dardanelle, Arkansas 75 
 
 Davenport, Iowa 200 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 950 
 
 Dayton, Ohio 700 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Deadwood, Dakota 2,000 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 Decatur, Nebraska 100 
 
 Decatur, Alabama " 270 
 
 Decatur, Texas 200 
 
 do 200 
 
 Decatur, Illinois 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Decorah, Iowa 540 
 
 do 640 
 
 Deer Lodge, Montana 720 
 
 do 720 
 
 Defiance, Ohio 300 
 
 do 3u0 
 
 Delaware, Ohio 460 
 
 do 352 
 
 do 288 
 
 Delaware Station, New Jersey 50 
 
 Delhi, Louisiana 100 
 
 Delhi, Iowa 135 
 
 Delhi, New York 270 
 
 do 270 
 
 Del Norte, Colorado 600 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Delphi, Indiana 270 
 
 do 270 
 
 Demopolis, Alabama 135 
 
 Dcnison, Iowa 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Denison City, Texas 660 
 
 do 440 
 
 Denison City, Texas $ 100 
 
 Deunysville, Maine 180 
 
 Denver, Colorado 480 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1.200 
 
 do 1^200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,040 
 
 Des Moines, Iowa 1,800 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 725 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 820 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 600 
 
 Detroit, Michigan 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 775 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 II
 
 BOOK VI. J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 77 
 
 Detroit, Michigan $1,000 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 Devall's Bluff, Arkansas 270 
 
 Dexter, Maine 180 
 
 Dixon, Illinois 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 Dover, New Hampshire 1,700 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 Dover, New Jersey ) -.ta 
 
 do { ^-"^ 
 
 Downingtown, Pennsylvania | -.oo 
 
 do j 
 
 Doylestown, Pennsylvania 200 
 
 Dubuque, Iowa 1,700 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 750 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do 400 
 
 Ducktown, Tennessee 50 
 
 Duluth, Minnesota ) oaa 
 
 Dunkirk, New York"..'.!......!!.."..... 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Duquoin, Illinois > nr-f> 
 
 do j "^'^ 
 
 Durant, Mississippi 100 
 
 Eagle Springs, Texas f30 
 
 East Dubuque, Illinois 270 
 
 Easton, Pennsylvania 610 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 325 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 160 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 25 
 
 Eastport, Maine 600 
 
 do 700 
 
 East Saginaw, Michigan 780 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 360 
 
 Ea.stville, Virginia 50 
 
 Eaton, Ohio 270 
 
 Eau Claire, Wisconsin '. I 
 
 t ;.•;;■.■.::;;;:::: >-«»» 
 
 do J 
 
 Edgar Nebraska 50 
 
 Edgefield, South Carolina 75 
 
 Edgerton, Wisconsin 150 
 
 Effingham, Illinois 270 
 
 Eldora, Iowa 200 
 
 El Dorado, Kansas I r.AA 
 
 do j 
 
 Elgin, Illinois ) 
 
 do } 1,000 
 
 do ) 
 
 Elizabeth, New Jersey W7 
 
 do 767 
 
 do 566 
 
 Elizabeth City,N.C., Pennsylvania \ , qq 
 do j 
 
 Elizabethton, Tennessee 100 
 
 Elizabethtown, Kentucky ISO 
 
 Elkader, Iowa 270 
 
 Elkhart, Indiana $ (]00 
 
 do ' 260 
 
 do 240 
 
 Elko, Nevada 270 
 
 do 270 
 
 Ellenborough, West Virginia 50 
 
 Ellsworth, Maine 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Ellsworth, Kansas 1.50 
 
 Elmira, New York 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 Elyria, Ohio 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Emlenton, Pennsylvania 100 
 
 Emporia, Kansas 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 Ennis, Texas 200 
 
 Erie, Pennsylvania 250 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 1,050 
 
 do 1,050 
 
 Esses Junction, Vermont 100 
 
 Eufaula, Alabama 720 
 
 Eureka, Nevada 500 
 
 Eureka, Kansas 400 
 
 do 400 
 
 Eutaw, Alabama 100 
 
 Evanston, Illinois 550 
 
 do 350 
 
 Evansville, Indiana 260 
 
 do 855 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 855 
 
 do 1,850 
 
 Exira, Iowa 100 
 
 Exeter, New Hampshire 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 Fairfield, Iowa 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Faribault, Minnesota 600 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 280 
 
 Fairmont, Minnesota 150 
 
 Fairmont, West Virginia 180 
 
 Fair Play, Colorado 180 
 
 Fall River, Massachusetts 736 
 
 do 920 
 
 do 164 
 
 do 1,3S() 
 
 Falls City, Nebraska ISO 
 
 Fargo, Dakota 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Farley, Iowa 135 
 
 Farmington, Maine 270 
 
 Fannington, Minnesota 180 
 
 Fannville, Virginia 270 
 
 Fayette Court-House, Alabama 100 
 
 Fayettville, Arkansas 460
 
 78 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 Fersrus Falls, Minnesota $ 100 
 
 Findlav, Ohio 350 
 
 'do 250 
 
 Fishkill, New York... 100 
 
 Fishkill on the Hudson, New York 270 
 
 Fitchburgh, Massachusetts 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do , 1,500 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 Flint, Michigan 720 
 
 Florence, Kansas 100 
 
 Flushing, New York 180 
 
 Fonda, New York 180 
 
 Fond du Lac, Wisconsin 2,400 
 
 do 2,400 
 
 do 2,400 
 
 do 2,400 
 
 Forest, Mississippi 100 
 
 Forest City, Arkansas 200 
 
 Forsyth, Missouri 60 
 
 Fort' Atkinson, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Fort Concho, Texas 270 
 
 Fort Dodge, Iowa 540 
 
 do 540 
 
 Fort Gaines, Georgia 180 
 
 Fort Hamilton, New York 270 
 
 Fort Howard, Wisconsin ] oqq 
 
 do J 
 
 Fort Jefferson, Kentucky 100 
 
 Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 200 
 
 Fort Plain, NewYork I 
 
 do )■ 450 
 
 do ] 
 
 Fort Randall, Dakota 100 
 
 Fort Scott, Kansas ) 
 
 do y 2,200 
 
 do ] 
 
 Fort Smith, Arkansas \ ^oq 
 
 do j 
 
 Fort Stanton, New Mexico 150 
 
 Fredericksburgh, Viginia .$ 900 
 
 Fredonia. NewYork 
 
 Fort Union, do 
 
 Fort Wayne, Indiana. 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 270 
 780 
 780 
 420 
 300 
 780 
 780 
 1,440 
 
 Fort Worth, Texas 720 
 
 do G60 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 460 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 24 
 700 
 400 
 
 Fox Piver, Wisconsin 
 
 Frankfort, Kentucky 
 
 do 
 
 Franklin, Pennsylvania 304 
 
 do 364 
 
 do 520 
 
 Franklin, Tennessee 200 
 
 Franklin, North Carolina 100 
 
 Franklin, Idalio 100 
 
 Franklinville, New York 100 
 
 P'rederick, Maryland 3(10 
 
 do 600 
 
 Fredericksburgh, Texas 300 
 
 do 
 Freehold, New Jersey. 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 Frceport, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 600 
 
 450 
 
 2,200 
 
 Freeville, New York 100 
 
 Fremont, Nebraska 250 
 
 Fremont, Ohio 300 
 
 do 450 
 
 Fulton, NewYork 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 450 
 
 Fulton, Illinois 
 
 Gadsden, Alabama. .. 
 
 do 
 Gainesville, Georgia., 
 Gainesville, Florida. 
 Galena, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 Galesburgh, Illinois., 
 do 
 do 
 
 do _ ., 
 
 Gallatin, Missouri.... 
 
 do 
 Gallatin, Tennessee.. 
 
 Gallipolis, Ohio 
 
 Galveston, Texas 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Gardiner, New York 
 
 do 
 
 Gardiner, Maine 
 
 Garner, Iowa 
 
 Geneseo, New York 
 
 do 
 
 Geneseo, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 Geneva, New York 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Geneva, Ohio 
 
 Genoa, Nevada 
 
 Cieorgotown, Texas 
 
 (Jeorgetown, Colorado 
 
 do ....... 
 
 Gettysburgh, Pennsylvania. 
 do 
 
 180 
 
 100 
 
 270 
 270 
 
 900 
 
 1,050 
 800 
 550 
 400 
 
 180 
 
 300 
 
 600 
 
 2,000 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,500 
 
 840 
 
 720 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 600 
 
 1,200 
 
 50 
 
 450 
 100 
 
 270 
 
 270 
 
 660 
 180 
 6()0 
 100 
 180 
 100 
 
 540 
 270
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 79 
 
 Girard^Kansas | ^^^^ 
 
 Glasgow, Kentucky 180 
 
 Glencoe, Minnesota 200 
 
 Glens Falls, New York ) . -^ 
 
 do I 4^0 
 
 Glenville, West Virginia 50 
 
 Glenwood, Iowa ) oaa 
 
 do I ^"" 
 
 Gloucester, Massachusetts 432 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 720 
 
 Gloversville, New York ) „nn 
 
 do f ^^^ 
 
 Golden, Colorado- ( .^^ 
 
 do I ^^ 
 
 Goldsborough, North Carolina 400 
 
 Gonzales, Texas ] ^^^ 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Gordonsville, Virginia 1 .g^ 
 
 do } ^^^ 
 
 Goshen, Indiana 300 
 
 do 600 
 
 Goshen, New York 160 
 
 do 200 
 
 Gouverneur, New York ) nnr\ 
 
 do f ^^^ 
 
 Grafton, West Virginia | ,„„ 
 
 do I 1^" 
 
 Grand Haven, Michigan ) ^^a 
 
 do \ ^^<^ 
 
 Grand Island, Nebraska [ „^^ 
 
 do f "^^^ 
 
 Grand Rapids, Wisconsin [ ,n^ 
 
 Grand Rapids, Michigan 1,025 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 625 
 
 do 475 
 
 do 625 
 
 do 300 
 
 Grass Valley, California 720 
 
 Great Falls, New Hampshire 450 
 
 Greeley, Colorado ) o^^ 
 
 do I ^"^ 
 
 Greene, New York 100 
 
 Green I3ay, Wisconsin 1 
 
 do V 1,400 
 
 do 
 
 Greencastle, Indiana I „^r. 
 
 do I 65^ 
 
 Greenfield, New Hampshire 100 
 
 Greenfield, Missouri ] ^.^ 
 
 do I 15^ 
 
 Greensborough, Alabama 180 
 
 Greensborough, North Carolina 400 
 
 Greensburgh, Indiana 270 
 
 Greenville, Pennsylvania 400 
 
 Greenville, Michigan 270 
 
 Greenville, South Carolina 500 
 
 Greenville, Tennessee 200 
 
 Greenville, Alabama 180 
 
 Greenville, Ohio ' 
 
 do 
 
 Grenada, Mississippi ' 
 
 do 
 
 Griffin, Georgia 
 
 do 
 
 Grinnell, Iowa 
 
 do 
 
 Grundy Centre, Iowa 
 
 (kuitersville, Alabama 
 
 $ 180 
 300 
 300 
 
 270 
 
 .. 200 
 ... 100 
 
 Hackettstown, New Jersey 
 
 Hagerstown, Maryland 
 
 do 
 
 .. 180 
 500 
 
 do 
 
 
 Hamburgh, Iowa 
 
 do 
 
 270 
 
 Hamilton, Nevada 
 
 do I 
 
 1,500 
 
 Hamilton, Ohio ' 
 
 do 
 
 
 do 
 
 \ 1,800 
 
 do J 
 
 
 Hamburgh, Arka'nsas 
 
 Hampton, Virginia 
 
 do 
 
 Hampton, Arkansas 
 
 .. 100 
 
 ' 270 
 
 75 
 
 Hannibal, Missouri ' 
 
 do 
 
 
 do 
 
 [ 2,500 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 
 Hanover, Pennsylvania 
 
 .. 100 
 
 Harlan, Iowa 
 
 .. 300 
 
 Harrisburgh, Pennsylvania 
 
 .. 900 
 
 do 
 
 .. 700 
 
 do 
 
 .. 700 
 
 do 
 
 .. 800 
 
 do 
 
 .. 900 
 
 do 
 
 .. 900 
 
 do 
 
 .. 850 
 
 do 
 
 .. 600 
 
 do 
 
 .. 850 
 
 do 
 
 .. 800 
 
 do 
 
 .. 800 
 
 do 
 
 Harrisonburgh, Louisiana 
 
 Harrisonburgh, Virginia 
 
 Hartford, Connecticut 
 
 do 
 
 .. 2,000 
 .. 100 
 .. 400 
 .. 1,100 
 .. 900 
 
 do 
 
 .. 800 
 
 do 
 
 .. 750 
 
 do 
 
 .. 540 
 
 do 
 
 .. 500 
 
 do 
 
 .. 1,260 
 
 do 
 
 .. 700 
 
 do 
 
 1,080 
 
 do 
 
 . 900 
 
 do 
 
 . 600 
 
 do 
 
 . 750 
 
 do 
 
 . 600 
 
 do 
 
 . 2,000 
 
 do 
 
 . iHiO 
 
 Hartville, IMissouri 
 
 Harvard, Illinois 
 
 .. 100 
 
 do 1 
 
 Harwick, Massachusetts 
 
 Hastings, Minnesota 
 
 100 
 
 . 100 
 . 360
 
 80 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Hastings Michigan...... $ 270 
 
 Hastings, Iowa 100 
 
 Hastings, Nebraska 1 ,c,q 
 
 do j 
 
 Havana, Illinois 100 
 
 Havertiill, Massachusetts ^ 
 
 do I 
 
 do 1 3,000 
 
 do J 
 
 Havre de Grace, Maryland 100 
 
 Hays Cit}', Kansas 120 
 
 Hazleton, Pennsylvania 270 
 
 Hearne, Texas '. 180 
 
 Helena, Arkansas 300 
 
 Helena, Montana 1,180 
 
 do 920 
 
 Hempstead, Texas 180 
 
 Henderson, Texas 100 
 
 Henderson, Kentucky 180 
 
 Herkimer, New York 100 
 
 Hermann, Missouri 180 
 
 Hiawatha, Kansas ] lo^ 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Hicksford, Virginia 175 
 
 Hickory, North Carolina | -;. 
 
 do I ^^ 
 
 Hillsdale, Michigan I 
 
 do I 700 
 
 do ) 
 
 Hillsborough, North Carolina 150 
 
 Hillsborough, Ohio 180 
 
 Hoboken, New Jersey 700 
 
 Holland, Michigan 180 
 
 Hollidaysburgh, Pennsylvania 600 
 
 Holly Springs, Mississippi ] -^^^ 
 
 Holton, Kansas ( .^^ 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Holyoke, Massachusetts 600 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 60 
 
 do 360 
 
 Homer, Louisiana 180 
 
 Honesdale, Pennsylvania ] q„^ 
 
 do j ^'" 
 
 Hookset, New Hampshire 180 
 
 Hope, Arkansas 1 
 
 do :::::::::::::::::::::::: 200 
 
 do ^ I 
 
 Hopkinsville, Kentucky j „»^ 
 
 Homellsville, New York ) ^aa 
 
 do J "^^^' 
 
 Hot Springs, Arkansas 600 
 
 do 520 
 
 do 260 
 
 Houghton, Michigan ] 
 
 do } 300 
 
 do J 
 
 Houlton, Maine 270 
 
 Houston, Tcxa-s 780 
 
 do 60 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 670 
 
 Houston, Texas $1,920 
 
 do 930 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 600 
 
 Houston, Missouri 100 
 
 Hudson, Michigan ] . -^ 
 
 do I 450 
 
 Hudson, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Hudson, New York ~| 
 
 do :::::::::::::::::: moo 
 
 do J 
 
 Humboldt, Kansas 300 
 
 Huntersville, West Virginia 40 
 
 Huntingdon, Indiana 250 
 
 Huntingdon, Pennsylvania 360 
 
 Huntingdon, West Virginia 180 
 
 Huntsville, Alabama 500 
 
 Huntsville, Texas 180 
 
 Huntsville, Tennessee 100 
 
 Hutchinson, Kansas ) n^n 
 
 do I ^^" 
 
 Ilion, New York 600 
 
 do 360 
 
 Independence, Iowa ) ^^^ 
 
 Independence, Kansas 480 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 300 
 
 Independence, Missouri 300 
 
 Indiana, Pennsylvania 250 
 
 do 250 
 
 Indianapolis, Indiana 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 400 
 
 Indianola, Iowa 200 
 
 Indianola, Texas ] n'jQ 
 
 Industry, Texas 50 
 
 Ionia, Michigan ) ^q 
 
 do J
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 81 
 
 Iowa City, Iowa $900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Ironton, Ohio ) 200 
 
 do j 
 
 Island Pond, Vermont 400 
 
 Ishpcming, Michigan 300 
 
 Ithaca, New York 1 
 
 do ::::::::::::::::::::: 2,800 
 
 do J 
 
 Jackson, Michigan 540 
 
 do 1000 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 313 
 
 do 365 
 
 do 365 
 
 Jackson, Mississippi 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 Jackson, Tennessee 450 
 
 Jackson, Ohio 200 
 
 Jacksonville, Alabama 420 
 
 Jacksonville, Illinois 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Jacksonville, Florida 1,600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 350 
 
 do 50 
 
 Jacksonville, Oregon 360 
 
 Jamestown, New York 2G0 
 
 do 156 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 Janesville, Wisconsin 365 
 
 do 1.000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Jasper, Indiana ) 2oo 
 
 do , I 
 
 Jasper, Texas 200 
 
 Jasper, Alabama 150 
 
 Jefferson, Texas 640 
 
 Jefferson, Georgia 150 
 
 Jefferson, Wisconsin 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 Jefferson City, Missouri 1,000 
 
 do 200 
 
 Jeffersonville, Indiana ) r/^/^ 
 
 Jersey City, New Jersey 800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 260 
 
 Jewell, Kansas 180 
 
 Johnstown, Pennsylvania ^ 
 
 do ::::::;:::: «« 
 
 do J 
 
 Joliet, Illinois 1,000 
 
 Joliet, Illinois $ 312 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 192 
 
 Jonesborough, Tennessee 100 
 
 Joplin, Missouri 4,00 
 
 do l.OO 
 
 Junction City, Kansas ] _.^ 
 
 do I ^-^ 
 
 Kalamazoo, Michigan 1,200 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 50(» 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 300 
 
 Kanawha Station, West Virginia 30 
 
 Kankakee, Illinois 450 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri 000 
 
 do 80 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do COO 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 Kasson, Minnesota I -.^/^ 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Kearney, Nebraska 900 
 
 Keedysville, Maryland 50 
 
 Keeseville, New York 500 
 
 Keene, New Hampshire 100 
 
 do 480 
 
 Kelton, Utah 250 
 
 Kendalls ville, Indiana 270 
 
 Kenosha, Wisconsin 270 
 
 do 270 
 
 Kensett, Arkansas f -.r.n, 
 
 do j ^^^ 
 
 Keokuk, Iowa 300 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 400 
 
 Keosauqua, Iowa 100 
 
 Kerneysville, West Virginia 100 
 
 Kewanee, Illinois ) rnn 
 
 do ) 
 
 Key West, Florida.... 800 
 
 Keyser, West Virginia ) jqq 
 
 do i 
 
 Keysville, Virginia 75 
 
 Kingston, New York ) -j-qq 
 
 do j 
 
 Kittery Depot, Maine 225 
 
 Knox, Pennsylvania....". ) g^Q 
 
 do j 
 
 Knoxville, Tennessee 760 
 
 do 980 
 
 do 760 
 
 Knoxville, Iowa 1 ^q 
 
 do j 
 
 Kokomo, Indiana 600
 
 82 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 50 
 
 Kosciusko, Mississippi $ 200 
 
 Kirksville, Missouri ) 
 
 do }■ 180 
 
 do ] 
 
 La Crosse, Wisconsin 1,400 
 
 N do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 75 
 
 La Crosse, Arkansas | gQ 
 
 do J 
 
 La Cvgne, Kansas 300 
 
 ' do 60 
 
 La Fargeville, New York ) 
 
 do j 
 
 La Fayette, Indiana 1,159 
 
 do 1,159 
 
 do 891 
 
 do 491 
 
 do 300 
 
 La Grange, Texas 500 
 
 Lake Charles, La ) 
 
 do ]■ 50 
 
 do j 
 
 Lake City, Colorado 200 
 
 LakeCity, Minnesota \ 095 
 
 do I 
 
 Lake George, New York | 
 
 do } 150 
 
 do ] 
 
 Lamar, Missouri 140 
 
 Lambertville, New Jersey 360 
 
 Lampasas, Texas 100 
 
 Lamsons, New York 75 
 
 Lancaster, New Hampshire 150 
 
 do 150 
 
 Lancaster, Ohio 900 
 
 Lancaster, Wisconsin 250 
 
 Lancaster, Pennsylvania 650 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 825 
 
 do 725 
 
 do 600 
 
 Lansing, Michigan 708 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 360 
 
 Lansing, Iowa 200 
 
 La Porte, Indiana 900 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 300 
 
 Laramie City, Wyoming 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 La Salle, Illinois 800 
 
 do 400 
 
 Lamed, Kansas 300 
 
 Las Vegas, New Mexico 150 
 
 do 150 
 
 do 150 
 
 Laurel, Maryland 100 
 
 Laurens, South Carolina 100 
 
 Lawrence, Kansas 1,500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 Lawrence, Kansas $ 720 
 
 Lawrence, Massachusetts 850 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 820 
 
 do 460 
 
 Lawrenceburgh, Indiana 360 
 
 Lawrenceburgh, Tennessee 100 
 
 Leadville, Colorado 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 do 12,000 
 
 Leavenworth, Kansas 360 
 
 do 180 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 480 
 
 Lebanon, Kentucky 270 
 
 Lebanon, New Hampshire 250 
 
 do 600 
 
 Lebanon, Pennsylvania 550 
 
 do 300 
 
 Lebanon, Tennessee 600 
 
 Leesburgh, Virginia 200 
 
 Lenoir, North Carolina 100 
 
 Lenox, Massachusetts 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Leon, Iowa 180 
 
 Le Roy, New York 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Le Sueur, Minnesota 240 
 
 Lewisburgh, Pennsylvania 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Lewisburgh, West Virginia 180 
 
 Lewiston, Maine 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 Lewistown, Pennsylvania 360 
 
 Lewiston, Idaho 100 
 
 Lexington, ]\Iissouri 650 
 
 Lexington, Virginia 360 
 
 Lexington, Virginia 140 
 
 Lexington, Kentucky 912 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 868 
 
 Liberty, Missouri 200 
 
 Ivibcrtv, Virginia 180 
 
 Lima, Ohio 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Lima, New York 100 
 
 Lincoln, Illinois 360 
 
 do 360 
 
 Lincoln, Nebraska 720
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 83 
 
 Lincoln, Nebraska $ 600 
 
 do 3G0 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do %0 
 
 Lincoln, California 170 
 
 Lisbon, New Hampshire 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 Litchfield, Illinois 300 
 
 do 100 
 
 Litchfield, Minnesota 120 
 
 Little Falls, New York 700 
 
 do 500 
 
 Little Rock, Arkansas 400 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 Live Oak, Florida 100 
 
 Livingston, Texas 100 
 
 Livingston Station, Kentucky 120 
 
 Lock Haven, Pennsylvania 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Lockport, New York 1,000 
 
 do 5.50 
 
 do 650 
 
 do •. 700 
 
 do 300 
 
 Logan, Utah 200 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 200 
 
 Logan, Ohio 
 
 Logansport, Indiana 780 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 000 
 
 Logansport, Iowa 240 
 
 London, Kentucky 100 
 
 Long Branch, New Jersey 450 
 
 do 150 
 
 Lonoke, Arkansas 100 
 
 Loogootee, Indiana 144 
 
 Los Angeles, California 3,000 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 8,000 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 Louisa, Kentucky 100 
 
 Louisiana, Missouri 450 
 
 Louisville, Kentucky 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 600 
 
 56 
 
 Louisville, Kentucky $ 700 
 
 do '1,000 
 
 do 1^000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do GOO 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 900 
 
 Louisville, Kansas 100 
 
 Lowville, New York.... .315 
 
 Lowell, Massachusetts 1,092 
 
 do 936 
 
 do 1,284 
 
 do 936 
 
 do 900 
 
 Lowell, Michigan 300 
 
 do 1.50 
 
 Ludington, Michigan ) ^-^ 
 
 do j ^'"^ 
 
 Luling, Texas 100 
 
 Lynchburgh, Virginia .550 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 1,350 
 
 Lynn, Massachusetts 1,250 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 600 
 
 Lyons, Iowa ) 
 
 do I 
 
 Lyons, New York 600 
 
 do 96 
 
 McGregor, Iowa ) .^^ 
 
 do } ^^" 
 
 McMinnville, Tennessee 180 
 
 Machias, I\Iaine 200 
 
 Macomb, Illinois ] _ .^ 
 
 do I ^-^^ 
 
 Macon, Georgia 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 25 
 
 do 25 
 
 do 1,350 
 
 Macon City, Missouri 450 
 
 Madison, Indiana ) 
 
 do V 1,200 
 
 do ) 
 
 Madison, Wisconsin 885 
 
 do 615 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 Magnolia, Arkansas 100 
 
 ]\Iagnolia, North Carolina 100 
 
 Maloue, New York 720 
 
 Malvern Junction, Arkansas 100 
 
 Manassas, Virginia 35 
 
 Manhattan, Kansas ) 270 
 
 do ) 
 
 Manchester, loXva 200 
 
 450
 
 84 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Manchester, New Hampshire $1,000 
 
 do 880 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 300 
 
 Manistee, Michigan | oga 
 
 do j 
 
 Manitou, Colorado 200 
 
 Manitowoc, Wisconsin | ogn 
 
 do I 
 
 Mankato, Minnesota \ ^20 
 
 do I 
 
 Mann's Choice, Pennsylvania 40 
 
 Mansfield, Ohio 800 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 700 
 
 Mansfield, Pennsylvania 150 
 
 Marblehead, Massachusetts 540 
 
 Marengo, Iowa 200 
 
 Marietta, Georgia 450 
 
 Marietta, Ohio 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 200 
 
 Marion, Oregon 100 
 
 Marion, Indiana \ nga 
 
 do J 
 
 Marion, Illinois 100 
 
 Marion, Texas 100 
 
 Marion, Alabama 270 
 
 Marion, Ohio 220 
 
 do 480 
 
 Marquette, Michigan ) 
 
 do [ 800 
 
 do I 
 
 Marshall, Michigan 1 
 
 do [ 800 
 
 do I 
 
 Marshall, Illinois j ,gQ 
 
 do I 
 
 Marshall, Texas 250 
 
 do 200 
 
 Marshall, Minnesota 100 
 
 Marshalltown, Iowa ) 
 
 do V 1,400 
 
 do j 
 
 Marshfield, Missouri 200 
 
 Martinsburgh, West Virginia 450 
 
 Martinsville, Virginia 150 
 
 Martinsville, Indiana ) nan 
 
 do I '^^^' 
 
 Marysville, California 1,200 
 
 Marysville, Missouri 180 
 
 Massillon, Ohio 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Mason City, Iowa 1 
 
 do y 270 
 
 do j 
 
 Mattoon, Illinois 1,200 
 
 Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania 450 
 
 Mayfield, Kentucky 180 
 
 Mayn-ardsville, Tennsssee 100 
 
 Maysville, Kentucky 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Meadville, Pennsylvania "l 
 
 do :::::::::::: ^,500 
 
 do 
 
 Mechanicsburgh, Pennsylvania... ] ^ ,nn 
 do P ^^^ 
 
 Mechanics Falls, Maine 240 
 
 Medina, New York j „^ 
 
 do I ^^ 
 
 Memphis, Tennessee 1,560 
 
 do 1,440 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,440 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do 900 
 
 do •. 2,000 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 Menasha, Wisconsin 480 
 
 Mendota, Illinois •. 480 
 
 Menominee, Wisconsin 500 
 
 Mercer, Pennsylvania 300 
 
 Mercersburgh, Pennsylvania 270 
 
 Meridian, Mississippi 500 
 
 Mesilla, New Mexico 200 
 
 Metamora, Michigan 100 
 
 Mexico, Missouri 1 qah 
 
 do I ^"" 
 
 Middleburgh, Vermont 200 
 
 Middletown, Connecticut 720 
 
 do 350 
 
 do 325 
 
 do 250 
 
 do - 200 
 
 do 175 
 
 Middletown, New York ) 
 
 do \ 1,200 
 
 do ) 
 
 Milan, Missouri I -.f.^. 
 
 do I ^'-'" 
 
 Milford, Massachusetts ] -./^ 
 
 do I ^40 
 
 Milford, Ohio 200 
 
 Milford, New York 100 
 
 Millborough Depot, Virginia 100 
 
 Mill City, Nevada 150 
 
 Millersburgh, Pennsylvania 180 
 
 Millville, Massachusetts 100 
 
 Milwaukee, Wisconsin 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 480
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 85 
 
 Milwaukee, Wisconsin $1,400 
 
 do 
 
 
 6(]0 
 
 do 
 
 
 fifJO 
 
 do 
 
 
 7H0 
 
 do 
 
 
 720 
 
 do 
 
 
 1,000 
 
 do 
 
 
 780 
 
 do 
 
 
 900 
 
 do 
 
 
 1,080 
 
 do 
 
 
 1,G00 
 
 Minersville, Pennsylvania 
 
 270 
 
 Minneapolis, Minnesota 
 
 do 
 
 660 
 
 480 
 
 do 
 
 
 600 
 
 do 
 
 
 2,000 
 
 do 
 
 
 720 
 
 do 
 
 
 1,500 
 
 do 
 
 
 600 
 
 do 
 
 
 900 
 
 do 
 
 
 360 
 
 do 
 
 
 480 
 
 do 
 
 
 360 
 
 do 
 
 
 1,200 
 
 Minneapolis, Kansas 
 
 do 
 
 Mineola, Texas 
 
 Minonk, Illinois 
 
 Mitchell's Station, Virginia 
 
 Mobile, Alabama 
 
 do 
 
 - 1 200 
 
 .*.'.'.... 200 
 
 180 
 
 100 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 do 
 
 
 2,000 
 
 do 
 
 
 900 
 
 do 
 
 
 840 
 
 do 
 
 
 900 
 
 do 
 
 
 1,360 
 
 do 
 
 
 900 
 
 do 
 
 
 900 
 
 do 
 
 
 540 
 
 do 
 
 
 360 
 
 do 
 
 
 600 
 
 Mokelumne Hill, 
 Moline, Illinois... 
 do 
 
 California.... 
 
 360 
 
 720 
 
 200 
 
 do 480 
 
 Monmouth, Illinois , 
 
 do 
 
 Monroe, Louisiana 
 
 Monroe, Wisconsin 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Monroe, Michigan 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Montague, Michigan 180 
 
 Monterey, Virginia 60 
 
 Montgomery, Alabama 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Montgomery City, Missouri \ 
 
 do ) 
 
 Monticello, New York 180 
 
 Monticello, Iowa 270 
 
 Monticello, Arkansas 150 
 
 Montpelier, Vermont 400 
 
 1,200 
 300 
 
 270 
 450 
 
 3,600 
 
 80 
 
 Montpelier, Vermont $ 800 
 
 Montreal, Virginia 50 
 
 Morganton, North Carolina 100 
 
 Morris, Illinois 450 
 
 Morris, Minnesota 150 
 
 Morristown, New Jersey 632 
 
 do 468 
 
 Morristown, Tennessee 180 
 
 Mount Airy, North Carolina 100 
 
 Mount Airy, Iowa | 
 
 do :::::;::::::::: '»» 
 
 do J 
 
 Mount Clemens, Michigan I n.^ 
 
 Mount Morris, New York I o-n 
 
 do I ^'^ 
 
 Mount Pleasant, Iowa I 
 
 do [ 1,200 
 
 do J 
 
 Mount Sterling, Kentucky I 09A 
 
 do j 
 
 Mount Union, Pennsylvania 100 
 
 Mount Vernon, Ohio 500 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 200 
 
 Mount Zion, Iowa 100 
 
 Muncie, Indiana 170 
 
 Murphysborough, Illinois 360 
 
 Murl'rccsborough, Tennessee 540 
 
 Murphy, North Carolina 50 
 
 Muscatine, Iowa 660 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 360 
 
 Muskegon, Michigan I 
 
 do [ 1,000 
 
 do ] 
 
 Nantucket, Massachusetts 500 
 
 do 125 
 
 Napa City, California 720 
 
 do 480 
 
 Napoleon, Ohio 200 
 
 do 500 
 
 Nashua, N ew Hampshire 300 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 450 
 
 Nashville, Indiana 100 
 
 Nashville, Tennessee 1,150 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 500 
 
 Natchez, Mississippi 800 
 
 do 300 
 
 Natick, Massachusetts 468 
 
 do 260
 
 86 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Navasota, Texas $ 270 
 
 Nebraska City, Nebraska 300 
 
 do 900 
 
 Negaunee, Michigan 600 
 
 Neosho, Missouri | 07/-, 
 
 do j ^'" 
 
 Nevada, Iowa 200 
 
 Nevada, Missouri 350 
 
 Nevada City, California 1 
 
 do [ 720 
 
 do ] 
 
 New Albany, Indiana 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 800 
 
 Newark, New Jersey 1,235 
 
 do 765 
 
 do 765 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 735 
 
 do 1,010 
 
 do 735 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,010 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 765 
 
 do 1,130 
 
 Newark, New York 400 
 
 do 400 
 
 Newark, Ohio 700 
 
 do 500 
 
 New Bedford, Massachusetts 300 
 
 do 410 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 410 
 
 do 1,325 
 
 New Berne, North Carolina 1,000 
 
 do 200 
 
 Newberry, South Carolina 180 
 
 New Britain, Connecticut 480 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 540 
 
 New Brunswick, New Jersey 300 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 Newburgh, New York 240 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 Newburyport, Massachusetts 700 
 
 do 550 
 
 do 450 
 
 Newcastle, Indiana 180 
 
 New Castle, Pennsylvania 626 
 
 do 474 
 
 New Haven, Connecticut 2,300 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 625 
 
 do 425 
 
 New Haven, Connecticut $ 800 
 
 do 550 
 
 do 575 
 
 do 550 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 500 
 
 New Haven, Vermont 100 
 
 New Iberia, Louisiana 650 
 
 New Lisbon, Ohio 100 
 
 New Lisbon, Wisconsin 100 
 
 New London, Wisconsin 100 
 
 New London, Connecticut 1,350 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 760 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 300 
 
 New Madrid, Missouri 150 
 
 New Market, Tennessee 100 
 
 do 100 
 
 New Martinsville, West Virginia.... 40 
 
 do .... 40 
 
 do .... 40 
 
 New Milford, Connecticut 180 
 
 New Orleans, Louisiana 900 
 
 do 350 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 440 
 
 do 575 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 87 
 
 New Orleans, Louisiana $ 840 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 2,500 
 
 do 000 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 740 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 575 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 440 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 640 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 850 
 
 Newport, Kentucky 520 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 60 
 
 Newport, New Hampshire 270 
 
 Newport, Rhode Island 1,320 
 
 do 324 
 
 do 408 
 
 do 156 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 552 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 180 
 
 Newport, Tennessee 100 
 
 New Tacoma, Washington Territory 270 
 do 270 
 
 Newton, Alabama 40 
 
 Newton, Iowa 300 
 
 Newton, Kansas 500 
 
 do 300 
 
 Newton, New Jersey — 450 
 
 Newton, Massachusetts 270 
 
 New Ulm, Minnesota 900 
 
 New York, New York 1,260 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 240 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,0S0 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 New York, New 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 York $ 600 
 
 1,320 
 
 780 
 
 1,500 
 
 2,400 
 
 780 
 
 720 
 
 600 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,020 
 
 960 
 
 1,380 
 
 420 
 
 1,020 
 
 840 
 
 960 
 
 1,020 
 
 780 
 
 840 
 
 720 
 
 4,000 
 
 1,500 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,140 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,800 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 780 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,740 
 
 840 
 
 2,000 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,200 
 
 900 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,140 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,440 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 1840 
 
 1,080 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,020 
 
 900 
 
 840 
 
 960 
 
 600 
 
 960 
 
 960 
 
 1,140 
 
 780 
 
 600 
 
 1,500 
 
 420 
 
 840
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 New York, New 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 York $ 600 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,260 
 
 960 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,800 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,500 
 
 720 
 
 1,800 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,320 
 
 780 
 
 720 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,020 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,080 
 
 1.200 
 
 840 
 
 660 
 
 1,320 
 
 2,200 
 
 1,140 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,500 
 
 720 
 
 1,200 
 
 840 
 
 720 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 960 
 
 1,020 
 
 720 
 
 960 
 
 1,200 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 720 
 
 720 
 
 960 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,320 
 
 900 
 
 960 
 
 840 
 
 720 
 
 1,020 
 
 960 
 
 840 
 
 900 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,260 
 
 1,200 
 
 900 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,020 
 
 720 
 
 New York, New York $1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 3,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,200
 
 BOOK TI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 89 
 
 New York, New York $ 9G0 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 4,000 
 
 do 720 
 
 do • 600 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 New York, New Jersey 600 
 
 New York, District of Columbia 1,020 
 
 New York, New York 1,320 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 New York, New Jersey 600 
 
 New York, New York 1,020 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,170 
 
 New York, Ohio 840 
 
 New York, New York 840 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 New York, California 1,020 
 
 New York, New York 720 
 
 do 2,460 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 New York, New York $1,-000 
 
 do 'l/J20 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,820 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,980 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 New York, Vermont 1,020 
 
 New York. New York 1,440 
 
 do 904 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 3.3.')0 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 9O0 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,2(M 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 2,4(») 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 720
 
 90 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 New York, New 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 ^ do 
 # do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 dO 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 York. 
 
 .$ 960 
 . 1,080 
 . 720 
 . 1,080 
 .. 1,200 
 ,. 840 
 . 1,320 
 . 1,320 
 ,. 900 
 . 2,400 
 . 840 
 . 840 
 .. 1,980 
 .. 840 
 ,. 1,800 
 ,. 1,020 
 .. 1,200 
 .. 1,020 
 .. 1,020 
 .. 1,200 
 .. 1,260 
 .. 720 
 .. 1,080 
 .. 1,020 
 .. 300 
 .. 1,020 
 .. 1,440 
 .. 900 
 .. 720 
 .. 900 
 .. 840 
 .. 720 
 .. 900 
 .. 900 
 .. 1,200 
 .. 1,200 
 .. 1,080 
 .. 840 
 .. 1,020 
 .. 1,200 
 .. 600 
 .. 420 
 .. 900 
 .. 900 
 .. 1,800 
 .. 900 
 .. 960 
 .. 840 
 .. 1,080 
 .. 720 
 .. 900 
 ,.. 840 
 .. 4,000 
 .. 640 
 ,.. 840 
 ,.. 1,260 
 ,.. 1,200 
 ,.. 1,200 
 ... 900 
 ... 720 
 ... 1,320 
 ... 480 
 ... 1,020 
 
 ... 9<;o 
 
 ... 900 
 ... 1,320 
 ... 1,020 
 
 New York, New York 1,380 
 
 do $ 900 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do ...• 1,020 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do ..o 720 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 1,440 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 2,040 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,440 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,440 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 2,400 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 91 
 
 New York, New 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 York $ 9G0 
 
 900 
 
 9(i0 
 
 1,080 
 
 840 
 
 1,880 
 
 840 
 
 600 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,820 
 
 1,080 
 
 9(30 
 
 900 
 
 4,000 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,080 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,020 
 
 720 
 
 720 
 
 1,200 
 
 420 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,200 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 900 
 
 840 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,140 
 
 1,380 
 
 720 
 
 960 
 
 1,080 
 
 2,000 
 
 1,380 
 
 660 
 
 840 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,980 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 720 
 
 780 
 
 1,260 
 
 840 
 
 1,800 
 
 900 
 
 3,000 
 
 1,080 
 
 780 
 
 900 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,140 
 
 2,400 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,380 
 
 New York, New 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do] 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 York $ 720 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,140 
 
 780 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 480 
 
 900 
 
 840 
 
 960 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 720 
 
 1,260 
 
 900 
 
 300 
 
 840 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,080 
 
 2,040 
 
 1,080 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 960 
 
 1,140 
 
 600 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 960 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,380 
 
 660 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,080 
 
 960 
 
 1,500 
 
 1,140 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,800 
 
 780 
 
 840 
 
 1,080 
 
 960 
 
 1,800 
 
 600 
 
 1,020 
 
 600 
 
 1,500 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 1,980 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,200 
 
 540 
 
 1,080 
 
 600 
 
 840 
 
 1,200 
 
 960 
 
 2,460 
 
 780 
 
 9(50 
 
 1,320
 
 92 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book vr. 
 
 New York, New 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 York $1,320 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 1,020 
 
 840 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,320 
 
 960 
 
 1,200 
 
 900 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,500 
 
 1,620 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 960 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,320 
 
 600 
 
 1,020 
 
 840 
 
 ;.... 720 
 
 960 
 
 1,800 
 
 1,500 
 
 720 
 
 1,200 
 
 720 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 840 
 
 960 
 
 1,020 
 
 960 
 
 600 
 
 3,000 
 
 720 
 
 1,020 
 
 1,320 
 
 900 
 
 720 
 
 600 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 900 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 1,200 
 
 600 
 
 1,080 
 
 720 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,080 
 
 1,080 
 
 720 
 
 960 
 
 720 
 
 720 
 
 1,320 
 
 960 
 
 1,380 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 4,000 
 
 New York, New York $ 960 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,080 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 4,000 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 Niagara Falls, New York 480 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 420 
 
 Nicholasvllle, Kentucky 270 
 
 Niles, Michigan 300 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 800 
 
 Nio])rara, Nebraska 40 
 
 Norfolk, Virginia 390 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 1,056 
 
 do 1,524 
 
 do 744 
 
 do 840 
 
 Norfolk, Ncl)raska 150 
 
 Normal, Illinois 180
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 93 
 
 Normal, Illinois 
 
 Norristown, Pennsylvania 
 
 North Adams, Massachusetts. 
 
 do 
 
 Northampton, Massachusetts. 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Northfield, Minnesota 
 
 North McGregor, Iowa 
 
 North Topeka, Kansas 
 
 do 
 
 North Vernon, Indiana 
 
 Norton, Kansas 
 
 do 
 
 Norwalk, Connecticut 
 
 do 
 
 Norwalk, Ohio 
 
 do 
 
 Norwich, Connecticut 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Norwich, New York 
 
 do 
 
 Oak Hill, Ohio 
 
 Oakland, California 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Oakville, Texas 
 
 Oakland, Oregon 
 
 Oberlin, Ohio 
 
 do 
 
 Ocean Grove, New Jersey 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 Oconomowoc, Wisconsin 
 
 Odin, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 Ogden City, Utah 
 
 do 
 
 Ogdensburgh, New York 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Oil City, Pennsylvania 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Okolona, Mississippi 
 
 Olathe, Kansas 
 
 do 
 
 Old Point Comfort, Virginia.., 
 
 Olean, New York 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Olney, Illinois 
 
 180 
 600 
 780 
 31)0 
 515 
 85 
 500 
 550 
 100 
 
 100 
 
 270 
 
 100 
 
 312 
 
 138 
 
 500 
 
 1,500 
 750 
 650 
 300 
 300 
 
 540 
 
 100 
 
 720 
 
 1,200 
 
 600 
 
 1,140 
 
 1,800 
 
 780 
 
 600 
 
 780 
 
 1,200 
 
 720 
 
 100 
 
 100 
 
 800 
 
 400 
 
 270 
 180 
 
 540 
 
 400 
 275 
 760 
 481 
 840 
 470 
 410 
 100 
 
 270 
 
 360 
 
 800 
 
 360 
 
 Olympia, Washington, 
 do 
 
 600 
 
 Omaha, Nebraska '.. i ,000 
 
 ' l!2(i0 
 950 
 920 
 800 
 975 
 920 
 1,000 
 500 
 920 
 935 
 900 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 Omaha Barracks, Nebraska 100 
 
 Omro, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Onawa City, Iowa 100 
 
 Oneida. New York 
 
 do 
 
 650 
 
 180 
 
 2,100 
 
 1,230 
 
 Oneonta, New York | n^^ 
 
 do I "^^'^ 
 
 Opelika, Alabama 180 
 
 Orange, New Jersey 500 
 
 do 450 
 
 Orange, Texas 50 
 
 Orange Court-House, Virginia 180 
 
 Oregon, Illinois ] ^..,. 
 
 do J ^^^ 
 
 Orlando, Florida 50 
 
 Orleans, Nebraska 100 
 
 Orville, California 360 
 
 Osage, Iowa 30(J 
 
 Osage City, Kansas 300 
 
 Osage Mission, Kansas 180 
 
 Osceola, Iowa ) 
 
 do ..[ 
 
 Oshkosh, Wisconsin 1 
 
 do I 
 
 do f 
 
 do J 
 
 Oskaloosa, Iowa ) 
 
 do J 
 
 Oswego, New York 250 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 1,125 
 
 do 1,225 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 500 
 
 Oswego, Kansas 300 
 
 Ottawa, Illinois 1,050 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 150 
 
 Ottawa, Kansas 4'>o 
 
 Ottawa, Ohio 100 
 
 Ottumwa, Iowa ) 
 
 do y 1,100 
 
 do j 
 
 Overton, Texas 100 
 
 Owatonna, Minnesota \ ^qq 
 
 do i 
 
 Owego, New York ) 
 
 do \ 900 
 
 do ) 
 
 Owensborough, Kentucky 270 
 
 Oxford, Pennsylvania 2ii0 
 
 Oxford, Mi.*sissippi 
 
 45n 
 
 Oxford, North Carolina 100
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Ozaukee, Wisconsin 
 
 Paducah, Kentucky 
 
 do 
 
 Painesville, Ohio 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Paintsville, Kentucky 
 
 Palmer, ]\Ia-ssachusetts 
 
 Palestine, Texas 
 
 Palmvra, New York 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Pana, Illinois 
 
 Paola, Kansas 
 
 Paraclifta, Arkansas 
 
 Paris, Texas 
 
 Paris, Kentucky 
 
 Paris, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 Parkersburgh, West Virginia 
 
 do 
 
 Parker's Landing, Pennsylvania,. ) 
 do ..J 
 
 Parsons, Kansas 
 
 Patchogue, New York ) 
 
 do j 
 
 Paterson, New Jersey , 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Pawtucket, Rhode Island 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Peck, Michigan 
 
 Pcekskill, New York \ 
 
 do I 
 
 Pekin, Illinois 1 
 
 do J 
 
 Pembina, Dakota 
 
 Penn Yan, New York ) 
 
 do J 
 
 Pensacola, Florida , 
 
 do 
 
 Pent Water, Michigan 
 
 Peoria, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Perrydale, Oregon 
 
 Peru, Indiana "I 
 
 do I 
 
 do f 
 
 do J 
 
 Petaluma, California 
 
 Petcrsburgh, Virginia 
 
 Petersburgh, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Petosky, Michigan 
 
 135 
 
 200 
 
 1,000 
 
 900 
 
 100 
 360 
 200 
 
 450 
 
 270 
 200 
 50 
 400 
 540 
 225 
 225 
 600 
 500 
 
 700 
 
 400 
 
 75 
 
 580 
 676 
 884 
 200 
 480 
 1,116 
 240 
 420 
 336 
 60 
 
 800 
 
 720 
 
 180 
 
 800 
 
 500 
 
 400 
 
 180 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,000 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 50 
 
 600 
 
 540 
 
 1,800 
 
 180 
 
 1,200 
 
 720 
 
 .'500 
 
 360 
 
 50 
 
 Petrolia, Pennsylvania 900 
 
 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 3,600 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 250 
 
 do 75 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 125 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 350 
 
 do 900
 
 BOOK ri.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 95 
 
 Philadelphia, 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 Pennsylvania $ 950 
 
 800 
 
 150 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,200 
 
 2,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 175 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 1)50 
 
 1,100 
 
 1,500 
 
 900 
 
 700 
 
 450 
 
 1,100 
 
 2,100 
 
 1,080 
 
 75 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 1,000 
 
 800 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 1,000 
 
 600 
 
 1,400 
 
 1,100 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,150 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 700 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,100 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
 850 
 
 1,200 
 
 850 
 
 950 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 850 
 
 800 
 
 100 
 
 2,200 
 
 900 
 
 950 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
 700 
 
 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania $ 800 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 105 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 100 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 175 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 950 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 250 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 250 
 
 do 200 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 3,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 875 
 
 do l.oOO 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800
 
 96 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania..., 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 Philadelphia, Mississippi 
 
 Phcenixville, Pennsylvania.... 
 
 do 
 Pickens Court-House, South 
 
 lina 
 
 Pierce City, Missouri , 
 
 do 
 
 Palatka, Florida 
 
 Pine Bluff, Arkansas 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Piqua, Ohio 
 
 Pittsburgh, Texas 
 
 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 
 
 do 
 
 .$2,000 
 . 800 
 . 800 
 . 800 
 . 800 
 40 
 
 180 
 
 Caro- 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 . 150 
 
 100 
 
 . 135 
 
 800 
 
 . 640 
 
 , 100 
 
 , 900 
 
 , 800 
 
 , 900 
 
 , 1,000 
 
 900 
 
 , 800 
 
 , 500 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 800 
 
 1,700 
 
 2,000 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 500 
 
 800 
 
 700 
 
 750 
 
 800 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 700 
 
 900 
 
 1,100 
 
 900 
 
 1,400 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,000 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 800 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 400 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 750 
 
 800 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 1.000 
 
 700 
 
 800 
 
 1,300 
 
 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 
 
 Pittsfielci, Massachusetts 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Pittston, Pennsylvania 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Placerville, California , 
 
 Plainfield, Wisconsin 
 
 do 
 
 Plants, Arkansas 
 
 Plattsburgh, New York 
 
 do 
 
 Plattsmouth, Nebraska 
 
 Platteville, Wisconsin 
 
 Pleasanthill, Missouri 
 
 do 
 
 Pleasantville, Pennsylvania. 
 
 Plover, Wisconsin 
 
 Plum Creek, Nebraska 
 
 Plymouth, Massachusetts 
 
 do 
 Plymouth, North Carolina.., 
 do 
 
 Point of Eocks, Maryland 
 
 Pomeroy, Ohio 
 
 Pontiac, Michigan 
 
 do 
 
 Poplar Grove, Arkansas 
 
 Portage City, Wisconsin , 
 
 do 
 
 Port Huron, Michigan 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Port Jervis, New York 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Portland, Maine 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Portland, Oregon 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 I 900 
 
 250 
 
 1,200 
 
 250 
 
 400 
 
 500 
 
 900 
 
 90 
 
 50 
 800 
 200 
 500 
 100 
 
 100 
 
 540 
 100 
 150 
 
 450 
 
 55 
 
 65 
 
 162 
 
 180 
 
 700 
 
 150 
 
 450 
 
 1,500 
 
 800 
 
 450 
 900 
 700 
 
 1,710 
 800 
 900 
 
 1,800 
 600 
 400 
 720 
 900 
 855 
 
 1,100 
 450 
 720 
 
 1,100 
 500 
 720 
 650 
 
 1,100 
 600 
 500 
 
 2,000 
 
 1,500 
 900 
 900 
 720
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 97 
 
 Portland, Oregon $376 
 
 do 180 
 
 Portland, West Virginia 60 
 
 Portland, Michigan ) -.qq 
 
 do J 
 
 Portland, Pen nsylvania 100 
 
 Portlandville, Iowa 40 
 
 Port Sanilac, Michigan 100 
 
 Portsmouth, New Hampshire 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 700 
 
 Portsmouth, Ohio..... 400 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 156 
 
 do 75 
 
 Portsmouth, Virginia 700 
 
 do 300 
 
 Port Townsend Washington Ter 360 
 
 Pottstown, Pennsylvania 300 
 
 Pottsville, Pennsylvania 1,100 
 
 do , 500 
 
 do 500 
 
 Poughkeepsie, New York 522 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 366 
 
 do 210 
 
 do 708 
 
 do 1,486 
 
 do 708 
 
 Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Prescott, Arkansas 200 
 
 Prescott, Arizona 800 
 
 Preston, Minnesota 150 
 
 Princeton, Indiana 100 
 
 Princeton, New Jersey 300 
 
 do 500 
 
 Princeton, Illinois ) gQQ 
 
 do j 
 
 Princeton, Arkansas 100 
 
 Princeton, Wisconsin ) -.cq 
 
 do j 
 
 Princeton, Kentucky 240 
 
 Princeton, Missouri 180 
 
 Providence, Rhode Island 400 
 
 do 528 
 
 do 528 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 648 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 648 
 
 do 312 
 
 do 696 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 504 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 450 
 
 Pueblo, Colorado 600 
 
 Pulaski, Tennessee $ 270 
 
 Purcellville, Virginia 50 
 
 Putnam, Connecticut 360 
 
 Quincy, Illinois 600 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 1,700 
 
 do yoo 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 500 
 
 Quincy, Massachusetts 200 
 
 Racine, Wisconsin 480 
 
 do 140 
 
 do 360 
 
 do 920 
 
 Railway, New Jersey 260 
 
 do 624 
 
 Raleigh, North Carolina 425 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 425 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 Raleigh, West Virginia ) qqq 
 
 Rantoul, Illinois 150 
 
 Ravena, Ohio 800 
 
 do 300 
 
 Reading, Pennsylvania 1,000 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 600 
 
 do „. 850 
 
 do 500 
 
 Red Bank Furnace, Pennsylvania ) ^q 
 
 Redding, California 100 
 
 Red Oak, Iowa ) ^oq 
 
 do j 
 
 Red River Landing, Louisiana 1 
 
 do ::::: «» 
 
 do J 
 
 Red Sulphur Springs, W. Virginia... 50 
 
 Red Wing, Minnesota 40 
 
 do 40 
 
 do 2.5 
 
 Redwood Falls, Minnesota 135 
 
 Reed City, Michigan 100 
 
 Reed's Mills, Ohio 100 
 
 Reno, Nevada | ^cq 
 
 do 
 
 Richfield Springs, New York. . . . 
 
 5° y 200 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Richmond, Indigina 520 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 168 
 
 do 416 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 416 
 
 Richmond, Kentucky 270 
 
 Richmond, Virginia 960 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 720
 
 98 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 Eichmond, Virginia... 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Eio Grande, Ohio , 
 
 do 
 
 Eipley, Mississippi 
 
 Eipon, Wisconsin 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Eiver Bend, Colorado. 
 
 Eochelle, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 .$1,500 
 . 840 
 . 960 
 . 600 
 . 1,080 
 . 1,680 
 . 480 
 . 720 
 . ■ 840 
 . 990 
 . 720 
 . 600 
 . 600 
 . 900 
 
 50 
 
 .. 180 
 
 Eochester, Minnesota 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Eochester, New York 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Eochester, Pennsylvania 
 
 Eochester, Indiana 
 
 Eochester, New Hampshire. 
 
 Eock Creek, Wyoming 
 
 Eockdale, Texas 
 
 Eockford, Alabama 
 
 Eockford, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do : 
 
 Eock Island, Illinois 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Eockland, Michigan 
 
 Eockland, Maine 
 
 do 
 
 Eockport, Indiana 
 
 Eock vi Ho, Indiana 
 
 Eockville, Maryland , 
 
 450 
 
 240 
 200 
 
 500 
 
 1,040 
 600 
 540 
 240 
 600 
 
 1,050 
 480 
 
 1,050 
 720 
 
 1,100 
 620 
 900 
 540 
 540 
 
 1,225 
 840 
 850 
 
 2,355 
 810 
 700 
 100 
 180 
 300 
 100 
 180 
 200 
 540 
 600 
 600 
 540 
 720 
 450 
 450 
 350 
 900 
 320 
 720 
 280 
 100 
 180 
 100 
 
 Eockville, Oregon $ 150 
 
 Eockville, Connecticut 
 
 Eock wood, Pennsj^lvania 100 
 
 Eockwood, Ohio 75 
 
 Eogersville, Tennessee 100 
 
 Eolla, Missouri 270 
 
 Eome, Georgia 720 
 
 do 180 
 
 Eome, New York 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 Eomeo, Michigan 260 
 
 do 364 
 
 Eomney, West Virginia , 50 
 
 do 60 
 
 Eondout, New York 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Eoseburgh, Oregon 180 
 
 Eoss Gork, Idaho 100 
 
 Eound Eock, Texas 100 
 
 Eouse's Point, New York 180 
 
 Eouseville, Pennsylvania 500 
 
 Eushville, Illinois ) o-^ 
 
 do } ^^^ 
 
 Eutland, Vermont 1,325 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 325 
 
 Eutledge, Tennessee ) 
 
 do [ 100 
 
 do J 
 
 Eutherford, Tennessee 300 
 
 Eushville, Indiana ] -.q^ 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Eussellville, Kentucky 360 
 
 Sac City, Iowa ] ^^a 
 
 do I 1^^ 
 
 Saco, Maine 450 
 
 Sacramento, California 1,800 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 192 
 
 do 1,608 
 
 do 1,116 
 
 do 1,680 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,116 
 
 Sagetown, Illinois 100 
 
 Saginaw, Michigan 360 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 360 
 
 Saint Albans, Vermont 480 
 
 do 820 
 
 do 800 
 
 Saint Augustine, Florida | 270 
 
 Saint Charles, Missouri 270 
 
 Saint Charles, Illinois 180 
 
 Saint Charles, Minnesota 100 
 
 Saint Clairsville, Ohio 200 
 
 Saint Cloud, Minnesota ) nyn 
 
 do j 
 
 Saint John's Michigan I ^qq 
 
 do I 
 
 Saint Johnsburgh, Vermont 1 qqq 
 
 do J 
 
 Saint Joseph, Missouri 1,277
 
 BOOK VI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 99 
 
 Saint Joseph, Missouri $1 ,080 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Saint Louis, Missouri 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 d'o 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 57 
 
 1,080 
 . 1,002 
 . 1,050 
 
 . mo 
 
 . 1,080 
 
 . 720 
 
 . 600 
 
 . 900 
 
 . 540 
 
 , 1,100 
 
 , 700 
 
 , 900 
 
 , 1,200 
 
 , GOO 
 
 , 1,100 
 
 600 
 
 3,200 
 
 840 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,600 
 
 800 
 
 1,800 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 9(50 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 1,300 
 
 1,200 
 
 800 
 
 700 
 
 640 
 
 2,100 
 
 1,400 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 700 
 
 600 
 
 1,050 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,800 
 
 800 
 
 700 
 
 1,200 
 
 900 
 
 640 
 
 1,500 
 
 1,200 
 
 640 
 
 1,000 
 
 700 
 
 1,000 
 
 800 
 
 2,200 
 
 1,200 
 
 800 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 900 
 
 2,700 
 
 900 
 
 1,000 
 
 Saint Louis, Missouri $1 .000 
 
 do '1^350 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do (500 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do G40 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,300 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do ; 640 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,020 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 150 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,600 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1.100 
 
 do 650 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900
 
 100 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 Saint Louis, Missouri $ 700 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 2,200 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 Saint Paul, Minnesota 900 
 
 do 1,145 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 75 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,125 
 
 do 41 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 568 
 
 do 2,100 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 824 
 
 do 900 
 
 Saint Peter, Minnesota 270 
 
 Salem, Ohio 360 
 
 Salem, Massachusetts 1,080 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 260 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 Salem, Oregon 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 Salem, North Carolina 270 
 
 Salina, Kansas ^ 
 
 il :;::::;:::::;;:;;:;;;;:::: ^.^oo 
 
 do J 
 
 Salisbury, North Carolina 270 
 
 Salisbury, Maryland 100 
 
 Salisbury, Montana 100 
 
 Salisbury, Missouri 100 
 
 Salt Lake City, Utah 1,340 
 
 do 1,500 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 120 
 
 San Andreas, California 200 
 
 San Antonio, Texas 360 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 do 780 
 
 do 1,800 
 
 do 540 
 
 do 540 
 
 San Buenaventura, California 300 
 
 San Diego, California 600 
 
 Sandusky, Ohio 875 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 450 
 
 do 875 
 
 San Francisco, California 1,260 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 San Francisco, California $1,140 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,740 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 2,820 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 do 1,380 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 2,160 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 1,400 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 2,220 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 do 1,320 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,260 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 1,620 
 
 clo 1,260 
 
 San Jose California.... 900 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 480 
 
 Santa Barbara, California ) gQQ 
 
 do I 
 
 Santa F6, New Mexico 1 i oqa 
 
 do J ' 
 
 Santa Rosa, California 500
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 101 
 
 Santa Rosa, California $ 500 
 
 Saratoga Springs, New York 1,008 
 
 do 1,008 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 3G0 
 
 Sardis, Mississippi loO 
 
 Savannah, Georgia $1,080 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 (!o 
 do 
 do 
 
 778 
 
 288 
 
 420 
 
 600 
 
 1,700 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,080 
 
 ()00 
 
 1,080 
 
 780 
 
 100 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 Savannah, Missouri 180 
 
 Schenectady, New York 798 
 
 do 399 
 
 do 388 
 
 do 315 
 
 Schulenburgh, Texas ) 
 
 do [ 100 
 
 do j 
 
 Scranton, Pennsylvania 1,500 
 
 do 420 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 1,200 
 
 Searev, Arkansas 
 
 \lo 
 
 Seattle, Washington 400 
 
 Sedalia, Missouri 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Selma, Alabama 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Seneca, IMissouri 100 
 
 Seneca, Kansas 100 
 
 Seneca Falls, New York I 
 
 do y 800 
 
 do ] 
 
 Seguin, Texas 100 
 
 Seward, Nebraska | oqq 
 
 do f 
 
 Seymour, Indiana 
 
 do 
 
 Shaff's Bridge, Pennsylvania 100 
 
 Shakopee, Minnesota I 
 
 do [ 100 
 
 do ] 
 
 Sharon, Ohio 40 
 
 Shawano, Wisconsin 150 
 
 Sheboygan, Wisconsin 200 
 
 Shelbyville, Kentucky 540 
 
 Shelbyville, Indiana ] 070 
 
 Shelbyville, Tennessee 450 
 
 Sharon, Pennsylvania | or,|^ 
 
 do j 
 
 Shelby, North Carolina 100 
 
 Sheridan, Arkansas 50 
 
 Sidney, Nebraska 600 
 
 180 
 
 Sherman, Texas $1,000 
 
 do '000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do (jOO 
 
 Shippensburgh, Pennsylvania } ,,,„ 
 
 do .... I 200 
 
 Skowhegan, Maine I „_. 
 
 do j 270 
 
 Shreveport, Louisiana | „ 1 aa 
 
 do I 2,100 
 
 Sidney, Iowa 180 
 
 Sigourncy, Iowa 180 
 
 Silver City, New Mexico 100 
 
 Silver Clifl" Colorado 1 
 
 do ::::::;:;:;:::: 1,000 
 
 do J 
 
 Sing Sing, New York 480 
 
 do 240 
 
 Sioux City, Iowa 420 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 800 
 
 Sioux Falls, Dakota ) „„^ 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Snow Hill, Maryland 180 
 
 Solomon City, Kansas 100 
 
 Somerset, Kentucky 200 
 
 Somerset, Pennsylvania 180 
 
 Somerville, New Jersey I ^-m 
 
 do I 270 
 
 Sonora, California 600 
 
 South Bend, Indiana ^ 
 
 do :::;:;::::::;::;: l^so 
 
 do J 
 
 South Boston Depot, Virginia 100 
 
 South Framingham, Massachusetts... 180 
 
 South Norfolk, Connecticut 450 
 
 Sparta, Wisconsin 360 
 
 Sparta, Tennessee 200 
 
 Spartanburgh, South Carolina 270 
 
 Springfield, Missouri 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Springfield, Massachusetts 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 Springfield, Ohio 1,020 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 654 
 
 do 8(;0 
 
 do 1,092 
 
 do 528 
 
 do 624 
 
 Springfield, Illinois 500 
 
 do 875 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 750 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 625 
 
 do 650
 
 102 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 Springfield, Tennessee $ 100 
 
 Springfield, Dakota 360 
 
 Spring Valley, Minnesota ) -.qq 
 
 do j 
 
 Stamford, Connecticut 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Stanton, Nebraska 100 
 
 Staunton, Virginia ) 
 
 do • [ 1,400 
 
 do ] 
 
 Stanwood, Iowa 100 
 
 Statesville, North Carolina ) 200 
 
 do J 
 
 Stephensville, Texas I 
 
 do y 300 
 
 do ] 
 
 Sterling, Illinois 550 
 
 do 550 
 
 Sterling, Kansas ) oqq 
 
 do I 
 
 Steubenville, Ohio 400 
 
 do 600 
 
 Stillwater, Minnesota ) 
 
 do y 600 
 
 do ] 
 
 Stevens' Point, Wisconsin 270 
 
 Stockton, California 940 
 
 do 960 
 
 Storm Lake, Iowa 270 
 
 Strasburgli, Virginia 100 
 
 Streator, Illinois ] .ca 
 
 do J 
 
 Stroudsburgh, Pennsylvania 180 
 
 Sturgis, Michigan ) ^^^ 
 
 do j 
 
 Suff'olk, Virginia 200 
 
 Suggsville, Alabama 50 
 
 Sullivan, Illinois ISO 
 
 Sullivan, Indiana 100 
 
 Sunbury, Pennsylvania 120 
 
 Suspension Bridge, New York 900 
 
 do 660 
 
 Susanville, California 450 
 
 Swan Lake, Dakota 120 
 
 Swanton, Vermont 100 
 
 Sweetwater, Nevada 100 
 
 Sycamore, Illinois 180 
 
 Syracuse, New York 860 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 2,000 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 264 
 
 do ,600 
 
 do 1000 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 216 
 
 Talladega, Alabama 300 
 
 Tallahassee, Florida ) g^Q 
 
 do j 
 
 Tampa, Florida, 200 
 
 Tujx'lo, Mississi])pi 180 
 
 THp])ahannock, Virginia 120 
 
 Turl^orough, North Carolina 270 
 
 Turrytown, New York 250 
 
 Tarrytown, New York $ 250 
 
 Taunton, Massachusetts 658 
 
 do 266 
 
 do 940 
 
 do 336 
 
 Taylorsville, Tennessee 100 
 
 Tazewell Court-House, Virginia 200 
 
 Tazewell, Tennessee I 
 
 do } 60 
 
 do ] 
 
 Terminus, Idaho 500 
 
 Terrell, Texas 300 
 
 Terrene, Mississippi 100 
 
 Terre Haute, Indiana 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 6,100 
 
 Texarkana, Arkansas 600 
 
 The Dalles, Oregon 360 
 
 Thibodeaux, Louisiana 180 
 
 Tidioute, Pennsylvania 450 
 
 Tiffin, Ohio 1 
 
 do ::::;:;:;;:•;:;;;::;::::: '>''' 
 
 do J 
 
 Tilton, New Hampshire 150 
 
 Tionesta, Pennsylvania 50 
 
 Titusville, Pennsylvania 720 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 300 
 
 Tontogany, Ohio 180 
 
 Toquervillc, Utah 100 
 
 Toledo, Ohio 700 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 900 
 800 
 600 
 700 
 600 
 760 
 500 
 
 1,300 
 640 
 800 
 
 1,200 
 800 
 
 1,800 
 
 Topeka, Kansas 1,200 
 
 do 960 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 300 
 
 Towanda, Pennsylvania 720 
 
 Traverse City, Michigan | ^q 
 
 do j 
 
 Trenton, Louisiana 40 
 
 Trenton, Missouri ] oqo 
 
 do I 
 
 Trenton, New Jersey 705 
 
 do 620
 
 BOOK v:.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 103 
 
 Trenton, New Jersey $1,025 
 
 do 825 
 
 do 500 
 
 do 720 
 
 do 925 
 
 Troy, New York 1,000 
 
 do 850 
 
 do 1,050 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 do 1,050 
 
 do 1,150 
 
 Troy^Ohio | q^q 
 
 Truckee, California I 970 
 
 do I 
 
 Tucson, Arizona ) g^^ 
 
 do j 
 
 Tullehoma, Tennessee 130 
 
 Turner, ()ro<j;on 100 
 
 Turuer, Illinois I -iqq 
 
 do j 
 
 Tuscola, Illinois 100 
 
 Tuscaloosa, Alabama ) o/-q 
 
 do J 
 
 Tuscumbia, Alabama 640 
 
 Two Rivers, Wisconsin 100 
 
 Tyler, Texas 180 
 
 Tyrone, Pennsylvania 450 
 
 Urichville, Ohio ) 
 
 do [ 180 
 
 do j 
 
 Ukiah, California 100 
 
 Union, South Carolina 200 
 
 Union, "West Virginia 50 
 
 Union City, Indiana 270 
 
 Union City, Tennessee 270 
 
 Uniontown, Pennsylvania 270 
 
 Upper Marlborough, Maryland 100 
 
 Urbana, Ohio 366 
 
 do 3G(; 
 
 do 360 
 
 Utica. New York 900 
 
 do 000 
 
 do 1,140 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 660 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 600 
 
 Vallejo, California 800 
 
 Valparaiso, Indiana ) -^.^ 
 
 Van Buren, Arkansas 275 
 
 Vancouver, Washington Ter 171 
 
 Vassar, Michigan \ ^on 
 
 do ; 1^^ 
 
 Vergennes, Vermont ) o„^ 
 
 do I -'^' 
 
 Vermillion, Dakota 200 
 
 Vevay, Indiana 200 
 
 Vicksburgh , Mississippi 1 
 
 do I 4740 
 
 do I *''^" 
 
 do J 
 
 Vicksburgh, Mississippi ^ 
 
 :lo :;:::::::■• «v« 
 
 do J 
 
 Victoria, Texas 300 
 
 Vied(_'rsburiih, Indiana 100 
 
 Vienna, Illinois 100 
 
 Vincennes, Indiana 290 
 
 do 330 
 
 do 480 
 
 Vineland, New Jersey 1 
 
 t ::::::::::;;;;:;: 450 
 
 do J 
 
 Virginia, Illinois 135 
 
 Virginia City, Nevada 1,500 
 
 do 1,050 
 
 do 1,050 
 
 Viroqua, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Wabasha, Minnesota 100 
 
 Wabash, Indiana 300 
 
 Waco, Texas 800 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 200 
 
 Wahoo, Nebraska 1,000 
 
 do 100 
 
 Walla Walla, Washington Ter.... ) 
 
 do ... [ 400 
 
 do ....) 
 
 Walnut Ridge, Arkansas 200 
 
 Waltham, Massachusetts 416 
 
 do 416 
 
 Wamego, Kansas 180 
 
 Warnock, Ohio, 100 
 
 Warren, Ohio 600 
 
 do 400 
 
 Warren, Pennsylvania 240 
 
 do 850 
 
 Warrensburgh, Missouri 360 
 
 Warrenton, Virginia 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 Warsaw, Illinois 260 
 
 Warsaw, Indiana 270 
 
 do 570 
 
 Warsaw, New York 360 
 
 do 360 
 
 Warsaw, Virginia 50 
 
 Warwick, New York 320 
 
 do 320 
 
 Waseca, Minnesota 300 
 
 Washington, Arkansas 100 
 
 Washhigton, Kansas 100 
 
 do 1I»0 
 
 do 10(» 
 
 Washington, Louisiana 180 
 
 Washington, D. C 1,000 
 
 do 1,6(10 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 1,000 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 900 
 
 do 1,<"»<'0 
 
 do 0(X) 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 900
 
 104 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book VI. 
 
 "Washington, D. 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 $ 7001 
 900 
 900 
 1,200 
 800 
 300 
 1,000 
 $ 900 
 900 
 , 450 
 , 800 
 1,100 
 , 800 
 1,100 
 , 1,400 
 , 900 
 , 800 
 800 
 , 1,400 
 , 1,100 
 , 700 
 , 900 
 , 800 
 , 720 
 , 1,200 
 . 1,400 
 . 1,400 
 . 900 
 , 1,100 
 . 800 
 . 900 
 . 1,300 
 . 1,100 
 . 900 
 . 1,000 
 . 900 
 . 700 
 . 700 
 . 900 
 . 600 
 . 700 
 . 1,100 
 . 1,500 
 . 900 
 . 1,000 
 . 1,000 
 . 600 
 . 800 
 . 900 
 . 900 
 . 1,000 
 . 900 
 . 900 
 . 1,000 
 . 1,000 
 . 1,200 
 . 900 
 . 700 
 . 1,000 
 . 900 
 . 900 
 . I,(i00 
 . 1,600 
 . 900 
 . 800 
 ,. 450 
 ,. 2,400 
 
 Washington, D. C 1,600 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 1,200 
 800 
 
 1,300 
 800 
 900 
 900 
 
 ■ 700 
 600 
 
 1,200 
 
 1,800 
 
 1,300 
 450 
 450 
 450 
 
 1,200 
 900 
 450 
 900 
 450 
 600 
 
 Washington, Pennsylvania 
 
 Wasliington, Ohio 180 
 
 Waterbury, Connecticut 1,000 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 do 300 
 
 Waterford, Virginia 160 
 
 Waterloo, Iowa 900 
 
 do 480 
 
 do 240 
 
 Watertown, New York 1,080 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 
 600 
 400 
 360 
 100 
 300 
 456 
 144 
 
 Waterto'wn, Wisconsin 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Waterville, Kansas 270 
 
 Watkins, New York 660 
 
 do 360 
 
 Watsontown, Pennsvlvania 50 
 
 Waverly, New York 192 
 
 do 540 
 
 Waverly, Iowa 1 ogA 
 
 do j 
 
 Waukau, Wisconsin 180 
 
 Waukegan, Illinois 540 
 
 Waupaca, Wisconsin 180 
 
 do 180 
 
 Waukesha, Wisconsin 300 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 300 
 
 Wautoma, Wisconsin 50 
 
 do 50 
 
 Waxahachie, Texas 150 
 
 Wayne, West Virginia 75 
 
 Waynesborough, Tennessee 40 
 
 Wayncsborough, Pennsylvania ) 
 
 do y 500 
 
 do ] 
 
 Webster City, Iowa 600 
 
 do 4nO 
 
 Weldon, North Carolina 3(;0 
 
 Wells, Minnesota 100 
 
 \Vclliugton, Kansas 100 
 
 do 100
 
 BOOK TI.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 105 
 
 Wellington, Kansas 
 
 Wellington, Ohio 
 
 do 
 
 Wellsvilic, New York 
 
 do 
 
 Wenona, Illinois 
 
 West Barnstable, Massachusetts.. 
 
 Westborough, Massachusetts 
 
 do 
 
 West Chester, Pennsylvania 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Westerly, Rhode Island 
 
 do 
 
 Westfield, Massachusetts 
 
 do 
 
 West Grove, Pennsylvania 
 
 West Meriden, Connecticut 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Westminster, Maryland 
 
 Weston, West Virginia 
 
 West Plains, Missouri 
 
 West Point, Georgia 
 
 West Point, Nebraska 
 
 West Union, Iowa 
 
 Wetumpka, Alabama 
 
 Weyauwega, Wisconsin 
 
 Wheeling, West Virginia 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 White River Junction, Vermont.. 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 White Sulphur Springs, W. Va... 
 
 White Swan, Dakota 
 
 White Water, Wisconsin 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 Wichita, Kansas 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 do I 
 
 Wilkes Barre, Pennsylvania 
 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 do 
 Wilkesborough, North Carolina. 
 
 Williamsburgh, Mississippi : 
 
 WUliamsport, Pennsylvania 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 do 
 Willimantic, Connecticut 
 
 do 
 
 Willoughby , Ohio 
 
 Wilmington, Delaware 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 $100 
 400 
 300 
 3()0 
 150 
 600 
 75 
 300 
 300 
 
 1,500 
 
 750 
 
 1,000 
 300 
 
 1,600 
 
 300 
 180 
 150 
 270 
 150 
 180 
 270 
 100 
 800 
 600 
 700 
 
 1,200 
 900 
 900 
 900 
 780 
 
 1,104 
 
 390 
 
 180 
 100 
 
 270 
 
 1,700 
 
 2,400 
 
 145 
 
 50 
 658 
 658 
 654 
 230 
 
 270 
 
 100 
 940 
 800 
 920 
 
 Wilmington, Delaware ^900 
 
 do 840 
 
 do 1,.%0 
 
 Wilmington, North Carolina 480 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 960 
 
 do l,.^^tJO 
 
 do 720 
 
 Wilmington, Ohio | , ^.a 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Wilson, North Carolina 100 
 
 Wilton Junction, Iowa 180 
 
 Winchester, Virginia 6G0 
 
 do 840 
 
 Winchendon, Massachusetts ) o/>a 
 
 do I ^^^ 
 
 Winchester, Indiana I , ^^ 
 
 do J ^^^ 
 
 Windsor, Vermont 360 
 
 Windsor, Missouri 180 
 
 Winfield, Kansas 300 
 
 Winnebago City, Minnesota 200 
 
 Winnsborough, South Carolina... 180 
 
 Winona, Minnesota 1 
 
 do .■:.•:::•■.•;.■;;:::::: 2.4^ 
 
 do J 
 
 Winona, Mississippi 200 
 
 Wiusted, Connecticut ) 
 
 do [ 200 
 
 do ] 
 
 Winston, North Carolina 200 
 
 Winterset, Iowa 200 
 
 Wisuer, Nebraska | ,qq 
 
 do I 
 
 Wixom, Michigan 60 
 
 Wolf borough, New Hampshire... 200 
 
 Woonsocket, Rhode Island ) ^q 
 
 do I 
 
 Wooster, Ohio 1 g^ 
 
 do I 
 
 Worcester, Massachusetts 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 700 
 
 do 800 
 
 do 600 
 
 do 1,100 
 
 do 800 
 
 Worthington, Minnesota 100 
 
 Wyandotte, Kansas 540 
 
 Wytheville, Virginia 270 
 
 Xenia, Ohio 1 
 
 t ::::::;;:::::;;:;;::::::::;:: >.'»» 
 
 do J 
 
 Yadkinsville, North Carolina 60 
 
 Yankton, Dakota 1 
 
 •^o I 1,400 
 
 do 
 
 do J 
 
 Yellville, Arkansa.s 100 
 
 Yonkers, New York ) 
 
 do \ 2,000 
 
 do ) 
 
 York, Pennsylvania 1,100
 
 106 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 York, Pennsylvania $500 
 
 do 400 
 
 York Road, Maryland 30 
 
 Youngstown, Ohio 
 
 ^^ 1- 1,200 
 
 do ' ' 
 
 do 
 
 Ypsilanti, Michigan 
 
 do y 900 
 
 do 
 
 Yuma, Arizona 700 
 
 Zauesvme,Ohio 260 
 
 do 400 
 
 do 520 
 
 do 260 
 
 do 260 
 
 do 900 
 
 Letter Carriers. 
 
 These are appointed, as are the clerks, 
 on the recommendation of the Postmaster 
 to the Postmaster-General. The influences 
 are as a rule Congressional, and this in 
 turn is frequently obtained with the aid of 
 members of the State Legislature, and others 
 having influence in their district. In large 
 cities, those selected from the city, are dis- 
 tributed among the wards, but their ap- 
 pointment, as stated, is not confined to the 
 city. 
 
 Albany, N. Y., has fifteen carriers, seven 
 receiving $736, two $735, one $775, two 
 $546, one $641. 
 
 Allegheny, Pa., has eleven carriers, nine 
 at $736.25, two at $641.25. 
 
 Atlanta, Ga., has six carriers, three at 
 $736.25, two at $546.25, one $641.25. 
 
 Baltimore, Md., has sixty -seven carriers, 
 forty-eight receiving $831.25, two $400, 
 seven $641.25, ten $736.25. 
 
 Bangor, Me., has four carriers, each re- 
 ceiving $736.25. 
 
 Bloomington, 111., has six carriers 
 receiving $736.25. 
 
 Boston, Mass., has one hundred and 
 fifty-seven carriers, one hundred and 
 twenty-six receiving $831.25, nine $641.25, 
 and twenty-two at $736.25. It has eight 
 auxiliaries receiving $400. 
 
 Brooklyn, N. Y., has ninety-three car- 
 riers, seventy-four receiving $831.25, seven 
 $736.25, twelve $641.25. 
 
 BuOiilo, N. Y., has thirty-five carriers, 
 twenty-seven receiving $831.25, three 
 $736.25, five at $641.35. 
 
 Burlington, Iowa, has six carriers, four 
 receiving $736.25, two $641.25. 
 
 Camden, N. J., has six carriers, receiv- 
 ing $736.25. 
 
 Charleston, S. C, has eight carriers, re- 
 ceiving 736.25. 
 
 Chicago, 111., has one hundred and fifty- 
 eight carriers, one hundred and tliirty- 
 three receiving $831.25, eleven $736.25, 
 fourteen $<)41.25. 
 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, has seventy-three car- 
 
 riers, fifty-six receiving $831.25, seven 
 $736.25, ten $641.35. 
 
 Cleveland, Ohio, has thirty-four carriers, 
 thirty receiving $831.25, one $736.25, three 
 $641.25. 
 
 Columbus, Ohio, has twelve carriers, re- 
 ceiving $850. 
 
 Covington, Ky., has five carriers, four 
 receiving $736.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Davenport, Iowa, has seven carriers, five 
 receiving $736.25, two $546.25, one auxili- 
 ary receiving $400. 
 
 Dayton, Ohio, has twelve carriers, nine 
 receiving $736.25, two $641.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Des Moines, Iowa, has seven carriers, 
 four receiving $736.25, three $641.25. 
 
 Detroit, Mich., has thirty-one carriers, 
 twenty-nine receiving $831.25, one $736.25, 
 one $641.25. 
 
 Dubuque, Iowa, has five carriers, three 
 receiving $736.25, one $641.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Easton, Pa., has six carriers, four re- 
 ceiving $736.25, two $641.25. 
 
 Elizabeth, N. J., has six carriers, receiv- 
 ing $736.25. 
 
 Elmira, N. Y., has seven carriers, six re- 
 ceiving $736.25, one $400. 
 
 Erie, Pa., has seven carriers, receiving 
 $736.25. 
 
 Evanville, Ind., has seven carriers, re- 
 ceiving $736.25. 
 
 Fall River, Mass., has six carriers, three 
 receiving $736.25, two $546.25, one $641.25. 
 
 Fort Wayne, Ind., has seven carriers, I 
 five receiving $736.25, two $641.25. 
 
 Grand Rapids, Mich., has eight car- 
 riers, receiving $736.25. 
 
 Harrisburg, Pa., has six carriers, four 
 receiving $736.25 one $641.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Hartford, Conn., has eleven carriers, 
 seven receiving $736.25, three $546.25, one 
 $641.25. 
 
 Hoboken, N. J., has four carriers, three 
 receiving $736.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind., has twenty-six car- 
 riers, twenty-three receiving $736.25, one 
 $641.25, one $556.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Jersey City, N. J., has eighteen carriers, 
 thirteen receiving $736.25, five $546.25. 
 
 Kansas City, Mo., has eleven carriers, 
 ten receiving $736.25, one $641.25. 
 
 La Fayette, Ind., has five carriers, three 
 receiving $736.25, two $546.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Lancaster, Pa., has five carriers, receiv- 
 ing $736.25. 
 
 Lawrence, Mass., has eight carriers, re- 
 ceiving $736.25. 
 
 Leavenworth, Kans., has five carriers, 
 two receiving $641.25, one $546.25, one 
 $941.25, one $554.08. 
 
 Louisville, Ky., has thirty carriers, 
 twenty-nine receiving $831. 25, one $736.35. 
 
 Lowell, ;\Iass., has ten carriers, eight re- 
 ceiving $73(j.25, one $(i41.25, one $546.25. 
 
 Lynn, Mass., has seven carriers, receiv- 
 ing $736.25. 
 
 Manchester, N. H. has five carriers^ re-
 
 *00K Tl.] 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 107 
 
 Manchester, N. H., has five carriers, re- 
 ceiving $780.25, 
 
 Memphis, Tcnn., has thirteen carriers 
 eight receiving $78(j.25, five $540.25. 
 
 Milwaukee, Wis., has twenty-six car- 
 riers, twenty-three receiving $831.25, three 
 $780.25. 
 
 Minneapolis, Minn., has eleven carriers, 
 receiving $850. 
 
 Mobile, Ala., hsis six carriers, five re- 
 ceiving $(>41.25, one $540.25. 
 
 Nashville, Tenn., has ten carriers, seven 
 receiving $780.25, two $081.25, one $540. 
 
 Newark, N. J., has twenty-four carriers, 
 twenty receiving $881.25, three $780.25, 
 one $041.25. 
 
 Bedford, Mass., has seven carriers, six 
 receiving $780.25, one $540.25. 
 
 New Haven, Conn., has sixteen carriers, 
 fourteen receiving $730.25, two $546.25. 
 
 New Orleans, La,, has forty-six carriers, 
 forty-two receiving $881.25, one $730.25, 
 three $041.25. 
 
 New York, N. Y., has four hundred and 
 three carriers, three hundred receiving 
 $881.25, thirty-one $780.25, twenty-three 
 $041.25, forty-eight $400, one $440, 
 
 Norfolk, Va., has five carriers, four re- 
 ceiving $780.25, one $540,25, 
 
 Oakland, Cal,, has seven carriers, re- 
 ceiving $540.25. 
 
 Omaha, Neb., has six carriers, four re- 
 ceiving $780.25, one $540.25, one $041.25. 
 
 Oswego, N. Y., has seven carriers, re- 
 ceiving $780.25. 
 
 Paterson, N. J., has seven carriers, six 
 receiving $780.25, one $540.25. 
 
 Peoria, . 111., ^has eight carriers, receiv- 
 ing $780.25. 
 
 Petersburg, Va., has" five carriers re- 
 ceiving $730.25. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., has one hundred and 
 ninety carriers, one hundred and twenty- 
 nine receiving $831.25, sixteen $786.25, 
 forty-five $041.25. 
 
 Pittsburg, Pa., has thirty-four carriers, 
 twenty-eight receiving $881.25, five $041.- 
 25, one $780.25. 
 
 Portland, Me, has ten carriers receiving 
 $780,25. 
 
 Pottsville, Pa., has four carriers, receiv- 
 ing $780.25. 
 
 Poughkeepsie, N. Y., has six carriers, 
 receiving $730.25. 
 
 Providence, R. I., has twenty-one car- 
 riers, nineteen receiving $831.25, two 
 $641.25. 
 
 Quincy, 111., has seven carriers, six re- 
 ceiving .$780. 25, one $041.25. 
 
 Reading, Pa., has eight carriers, six re- 
 ceiving $780.25, two $540.25. 
 
 Richmond, Va., has fifteen carriers, 
 thirteen receiving $736.24, one $001.08, 
 one $585.55. 
 
 Rochester, N. Y., has twenty-two car- 
 riers, eighteen receiving $730.25, three 
 $641.25, one $540.25. 
 
 St. Joseph, Mo., has seven carriers, 
 six receiving $780.25, one $041.25, 
 
 8t. Louis, Mo., has one hundred and 
 two carriers, eighty-seven receiving $831.- 
 25, seven $780.25, ten $041.25, eiglit $4U0. 
 
 8t. Paul, Minn., has ten carriers, seven 
 receiving $780.25, two $041,25, one $540.25. 
 
 Salem, Mass., has six carriers, four re- 
 ceiving $730.25, one $041.25, one $.340.25, 
 
 San Francisco, Cal., has fifty carriers, 
 receiving $'.120.25, 
 
 Savannah, Ga,, has six carriers, five re- 
 ceiving $780.25, one $041.25. 
 
 Springfield, 111., has five carriers, three 
 receiving $730.25, one $041.25, one $540.25. 
 
 Si)ringfield, M;iss., has eight carriers, six 
 receiving $73().25, one $641. 25, one$->4<i.25. 
 
 Syracuse, N. Y., has sixteen carriers, 
 eleven receiving $730.25, three at $546.25, 
 one at $041.25, one 541.25. 
 
 Toledo, Ohio, has thirteen carriers, seven 
 receiving $730.25, two at $041.25, one 
 .$540.25. 
 
 Trenton, N. J., has six carriers, four re- 
 ceiving $730.25, one $641.25, one $540,25, 
 
 Troy, N, Y., has fifteen carriers, thirteen 
 receiving $730,25, one $041.25, one $546.25, 
 
 Utica, N. Y., has twelve carriers, eleven 
 receiving $736.25, one $041.25. 
 
 Washington, D. C, has forty-three car- 
 riers, twenty-nine receiving $1000, four- 
 teen $800. 
 
 Wheeling, W. Va., has six carriers, five 
 receiving $730.25, one $540.25. 
 
 Wilmington, Del,, has ten carriers, nine 
 receiving $730.25, one $041,25, 
 
 Worcester, Mass., has eleven carriers, 
 nine receiving $786.25, one $641.25, one 
 $546.25. 
 
 Interior Department. 
 
 This is a large Department, employing 
 fully four thousand persons, nearly all ap- 
 pointed by the Secretary of the Interior, 
 on the recommendation, as a rule, of Sena- 
 tors and Representatives. The l*rcsident, 
 as in all other cases, actually selects or 
 approves the appointees for the more im- 
 portant positions, and he is reached by the 
 same influences. Where special skill is 
 required, less weight is attached to politi- 
 cal influence, though few Federal er other 
 offices are wholly independent of it, what- 
 ever may be the profession of the parties 
 in or out. It has ever been so, and it is 
 not likely that there will be any material 
 change, even under professions to enforce 
 the civil service rules. 
 
 In the Secretary's office of the Interior 
 Department there are about 140 dlficei-s. 
 The assistant secretary gets ."th.-^OO, chief 
 clerk $2,500, chiefs of division $20(10, male 
 clerks from $1,200 to $1.S(»0, one getting 
 S2.250, male copyists $900. female copyists 
 $yoO, messengers $900, assistant messengers
 
 108 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book ti. 
 
 $720, laborers $660, captain of watch ' 
 §1000, watchmen §660, firemen $720. 
 
 The Patent Office employs about 450 
 persons. The Commissioner of Patents 
 receives $4,500, assistant $3000, chief clerk 
 $2,250, three examiners-in-chief $3000, one 
 examiner of interferences $2,500, twenty- 
 two principal examiners $2,400 each, one 
 examiner of trade-marks $2,400, financial 
 clerk $2000, librarian $2000, twenty-two 
 first assistant examinei-s $1,800 each, 
 twenty-two second assistant examiners 
 $1,600 each, twenty-two third assistant ex- 
 aminers $1,400 each, two clerks $1,800, five 
 clerks $1,600, eight clerks $1,400, thirty-two 
 clerks at $1,200 each, twenty-two clerks 
 $1,000, seventy-five female copyists at $900 
 each. Machinist $1,600 skilled draughtsmen 
 $1,200 each, skilled laborer $1,200, nine 
 model attendants $800 each, about ninety 
 laborers almost equally divided as to sex, 
 $660 each, fifteen male and female clerks 
 employed on the Official Gazette from 
 $480 to $1800, temporary draughtsmen, 
 male and female, from $480 to $1000 each. 
 
 In the Pension Oflice the Commissioner 
 receives $3,600, chief clerk $2000. In the 
 chief clerk's division there are seventeen 
 male and female clerks, at salaries ranging 
 from $1000 to $1800, the latter for males, 
 the females $1,000 to $1400 ; fifteen copy- 
 ists, all females, at $900 each, save one, 
 who gets $840 ; engineers $1,200, assistant 
 engineer $1,000, four messengers $840 each, 
 seven assistant messengers $720 each, two 
 watchmen $660 each, twelve laborers $660. 
 There are several other divisions — the 
 medical referee's, records and accounts, 
 special service, invalid, widows', navy, old 
 war and county-land division, arrears di- 
 vision — all employing clerks, copyists, and 
 messengers at the salaries given above. 
 
 Commissioner receives $4,000, the higher 
 male clerks $2,000, eight other male clerks 
 at $1,800, twenty at $1,600, forty other 
 male clerks at 1,400, about sixty other 
 male clerks at $1,200, about seventy female 
 copyists at $900 each, five assistant mes- 
 sengers at $720, two packers at $720, eight 
 laborers at $660. 
 
 In the Washington office of Indian Af- 
 fairs, the Commissioner receives $3000, 
 chief clerk $2,000, about forty male clerks 
 from $1,000 to $1,800, thirty female copy- 
 ists at from $660 to $900, three inspectors 
 $3,000 each, two special agents at large 
 $2,000 each, one special agents $1,800, 
 other ofiicers same as those quoted. 
 
 Pension Agents. 
 
 Boston, Mass $4,000 
 
 Canandaigua, N. Y 4,000 
 
 Chicago, 111 4,000 
 
 Columbus, Ohio 4,000 
 
 Concord, N. II 4,000 
 
 Des Moines, Iowa 4,000 
 
 Detroit, Mich 4,000 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind 4,000 
 
 Kiioxville, Teiin 4,000 
 
 Louisville, Kv 4,000 
 
 Milwaukee, Wis 4,(K)0 
 
 New York, N. Y 4,000 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa 4,000 
 
 Pittsburgh, Pa 4,000 
 
 Saint Louis, Mo 4,000 
 
 San Francisco, Cal 4,000 
 
 Washington, D. C 4,000 
 
 Cicncrnl I^niid Office. 
 
 This is a branch of the Interior Depart- 
 ment, employing about 200 persons. The 
 
 Offices of United States Sm^eyors-General. 
 
 DISTRICT OF ARIZONA. 
 
 Survevor-General, Tucson, Ariz $2,750 
 
 Chief'Clerk, do 1,500 
 
 Draughtsman, do 1,500 
 
 Messenger, do 240 
 
 DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Surveyor-Gen'l, San Francisco, Cal. 2,750 
 
 Chief Clerk, San Francisco, Cal 2,000 
 
 Chief Draughtsman, do 2,000 
 
 Clerk of Accounts, do 1,800 
 
 Mineral Clerk, do 1,800 
 
 Ranch Clerk, do 1,800 
 
 Clerk of Correspondence, do 1,800 
 
 Translator in Archives, do 2,000 
 
 Draughtsmen, do 1,800 
 
 do do 1,800 
 
 do do 1,800 
 
 do do 1,800 
 
 do do 1,600 
 
 Clerks, do 1,200 
 
 do do 1,200 
 
 do do 1,000 
 
 do do 1,000 
 
 do do 1,000 
 
 do do 1,500 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLORADO. 
 
 Svtrveyor-General, Denver, Col 2,750 
 
 ChiefClerk, do 1,800 
 
 Transcribing Clerks, do 1,500 
 
 do do p.d. 5 
 
 Mineral Clerk, do p.d. 5 
 
 Draughtsmen do 1,500 
 
 do do p.d. 5 
 
 do do p.d. 5 
 
 do do p.d.5 
 
 do do p.d. 6 
 
 do do p.d.6 
 
 Messenger, do 500 
 
 DISTRICT OF DAKOTA. 
 
 Survcvor-Gcneral, Yankton, Dak... 2,000 
 Chief'Clerk, do ... 1,600 
 
 Chief Draughtsmen, do ...1,300 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, do ... 1,200 
 
 Minenil Clerk, do ... p.d.5 
 
 Messenger, do ... 600
 
 BOOK VI.J 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 109 
 
 DISTRICT OF FLORIDA. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Tallahassee, Fla. 1,800 
 Chief Clerk do 1,400 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, Tallahassee, Fla. 0(JO 
 Messenger, do 3G0 
 
 DISTRICT OF IDAHO. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Bois^ City, Idaho 2,500 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,500 
 
 Draughtsmen, do p.m. 100 
 
 Messenger, do 600 
 
 DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Surveyor-General, New Orleans, La. 1,800 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,200 
 
 Chief Draughtsman and Clerk, do 1,000 
 Ass't Draughtsmen and Clerks, do 900 
 do do do 900 
 
 Messenger, do 420 
 
 DISTRICT OF MIN>rESOTA. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Saint Paul, Minn. 2,000 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,500 
 
 Chief Draughtsmen, do 1,200 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, do 750 
 
 Messenger, do 620 
 
 DISTRICT OF MONTANA. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Helena, Mont 2,750 
 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,800 
 
 Draughtsman, do 1,500 
 
 Mineral Clerk, do p.d. 5 
 
 Deputy Surveyors, Montana Ter. Contract. 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 Deputy Marshal Surveyors do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 do do do 
 
 Messenger, Helena, Mont 180 
 
 DISTRICT OF NEBRASKA. 
 
 Survevor-General, Plattsmouth, Neb 2,000 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,500 
 
 Princii)al Draughtsman, do 1,200 
 
 Messenger, do 720 
 
 DISTRICT OF NEVADA. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Virginia City Nev 2,500 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,800 
 
 Draughtsman, do 1,500 
 
 Messenger, do 480 
 
 DISTRICT OF NEW MEXICO. 
 
 Survevor-General, Santa F€, N. Mex 2,500 
 Translator and Chief Clerk, do 2,00(> 
 Draughtsman, do 1,500 
 
 Clerks, do 1,600 
 
 do do 1,500 
 
 Messenger, do 360 
 
 Deputy Mineral Surveyors do 
 
 do Silver City N. M 
 
 do LagunaPeublo, do (*) 
 
 • Surveyor's ftee. 
 
 t) 
 t 
 
 (t) 
 
 !^) 
 (t) 
 
 (t) 
 
 2,500 
 1,800 
 1,400 
 1,200 
 600 
 
 Contracting Deputy Sur. N. IMex. Ter. 
 
 do do 
 
 do do 
 
 do do 
 
 do do 
 
 do do 
 
 do do 
 
 DISTRICT OF OREGON. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Portland, Oreg. 
 Chief Clerk, do 
 
 Draughtsman, do 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, do 
 
 Messenger, do 
 
 DISTRICT OF UTAH. 
 
 Surveyor-Gen., Salt Lake City, Utan 2,750 
 
 Chief Clerk, do 1,800 
 
 ('hief Draughtsman, do 1,500 
 
 Mineral Draughtsmen, do p.d. 4.50 
 
 do do p.d. 4.00 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, do p.d. 4.00 
 
 Messenger, do 120 
 
 DISTRICT OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY. 
 
 Survevor General, Olympia, Wash... 2,500 
 Chief Clerk, do ... 1,500 
 
 Draughtsman, do ... 1,300 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, do ... 1,200 
 
 Messenger, do ... 600 
 
 DISTRICT OF WYOMING. 
 
 Surveyor-General, Cheyenne, Wyo... 2,750 
 Chief Clerk, do ... 1,800 
 
 Transcribing Clerk, do ... 1,400 
 
 Messenger, do ... 600 
 
 Registers of United States Land Offices. 
 
 [Salaries of registers ^>00 per annnm, jrilh fees and com- 
 missions us preKcrihed by law ; the total of salaries, fees, And 
 commissions not to exceed ?;J,UOU per aHJium.J , 
 
 Hunts villa, Alabama. 
 Montgomery, do 
 Little Rock, Arkansas. 
 Camden, do 
 
 Harrison, do 
 
 Dardanelle, do 
 Prescott, Arizona. 
 Florence, do 
 San Francisco, California. 
 INIarysville, do 
 
 Humboldt, do 
 
 Stockton, do 
 
 Visalia, do 
 
 Los Angeles, do 
 
 Sacramento, do 
 
 Shasta, do 
 
 Susanville, do 
 
 Bodie, do 
 
 Denver City, Colorado. 
 Leadville, do 
 
 Central City, do 
 Pueblo, do 
 
 Del Norte, do 
 
 Lake City, do 
 
 Sioux Falls, Dakota. 
 
 t Ckmtract rates.
 
 110 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book T1. 
 
 Springfield, Dakota. 
 
 Fargo, do 
 
 Yankton, do 
 
 Bismarck, do 
 
 Deadwood, do 
 
 Gainesville, Florida. 
 
 Boise City, Idaho. 
 
 Lewiston, do 
 
 Oxford, do 
 
 Des Moines, Iowa. 
 
 Topeka, Kansas. 
 
 Salina, Kansas, 
 
 Independence, Kansas. 
 
 Wichita, do 
 
 Kirwin, do 
 
 Concordia, do 
 
 Larned, do 
 
 Wa-Keeney, do 
 
 New Orleans, Louisiana. 
 
 Natchitoches, do 
 
 Detroit, Michigan. 
 
 East Saginaw, Michigan. 
 
 Eeed City, do 
 
 Marquette, do 
 
 Taylor's Falls, Minnesota. 
 
 Saint Cloud, do 
 
 Duluth, do 
 
 Fergus Falls, do 
 
 Worthington, do 
 
 New Ulm, do 
 
 Benson, do 
 
 Crookston, do 
 
 Eedwood Falls, do 
 
 Jackson, Mississippi. 
 
 Boonville, Missouri. 
 
 Ironton, do 
 
 Springfield, do 
 
 Helena, Montana. 
 
 Bozeman, do 
 
 Norfolk, Nebraska. 
 
 Beatrice, do 
 
 Lincoln, do 
 
 Niobrara, do 
 
 Grand Island, Nebraska. 
 
 North Platte, do 
 
 Bloomington, do 
 
 Carson, City, Nevada. 
 
 Eureka, do 
 
 Santa F^, New Mexico. 
 
 I^a jNIesilla, do 
 
 Oregon City, Oregon. 
 
 Roseburg, do 
 
 La Grancl, do 
 
 Lakeview, do 
 
 The Dalles, do 
 
 Salt Lake City, Utah. 
 
 Olympia, Washington Territory. 
 
 Vancouver, do 
 
 Walla-Walla, do 
 
 Colfax, do 
 
 Mcnasha, Wisconsin. 
 
 Falls of Saint Croix,"Wisconsin. 
 
 Wansau, do 
 
 La Crosse, do 
 
 P.ayfieUl, do 
 
 Eiiu Claire, do 
 
 Cheyenne and Evanston, Wyoming. 
 
 Receivers of Public Moneys at Vulted 
 States Laud Offices. 
 
 [Salaries of receivers $500 per annum, loith fees and coin- 
 missions as jtrescrilied by law ; the total of salary, fees, and 
 commissio)is not to exceed $3,000 ^er annum.] 
 
 Huntsville, Alabama. 
 Montgomery, do 
 Little Rock, Arkansas. 
 Camden, do 
 
 Harrison, do 
 
 Dardanelle, do 
 Prescott, Arizona. 
 Florence, Arizona. 
 San Francisco, California. 
 Marysville, do 
 
 Humboldt, do 
 
 Stockton, do 
 
 Visalia, do 
 
 Sacramento, do 
 
 Los Angeles, do 
 
 Shasta, do 
 
 Susanville, do 
 
 Bo die, do 
 
 Denver City, Colorado. 
 Leadville, do 
 
 Central City, do 
 Pueblo, do 
 
 Del Norte, do 
 
 Lake City, do 
 
 Sioux Falls, Dakota. 
 Springfield, do 
 Fargo, do 
 
 Yankton, do 
 
 Bismarck, do 
 
 Deadwood, do 
 Gainesville, Florida. 
 Bois^ City, Idaho. 
 Lewiston, do 
 Oxford, do 
 
 Des Moines, Iowa. 
 Topeka, Kansas. 
 Salina, do 
 Independence, Kansas. 
 Wichita, do 
 
 Kirwin, Kansas, 
 Concordia, do 
 Larned, do 
 Wa-Keeney, Kansas. 
 New Orleans, Louisiana. 
 Natchitoches, do 
 Detroit, Mich. 
 Eiist Saginaw, Michigan 
 Reed City, do 
 
 INIarquettc, do 
 
 Taylor's Falls, Minnesota. 
 Saint Cloud, do 
 
 Duluth, do 
 
 Fergus Falls, do 
 
 Worthington, do 
 
 New Ulm, do 
 
 Benson, do 
 
 Crookston, do 
 
 Rcclwood Falls, do 
 Jackson, Mississippi. 
 I'xioiiville, I\Iissouri. 
 Ironton, do 
 
 S|iringlicld, do 
 Helena, JMontana.
 
 BOOK TI.j 
 
 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Bozeraan, Montana. 
 
 Norfolk, Nebraska. 
 
 Beatrice, do 
 
 Lincoln, do 
 
 Nioljrara, do 
 
 Grand Island, Nebraska. 
 
 North Platte, do 
 
 Bloomins>;ton, do 
 
 Carson City, Nevada 
 
 Eureka, do 
 
 Santa F4, New Mexico. 
 
 La Mesilla, do 
 
 Oregon City, Oregon. 
 
 Roseburg, do 
 
 La Grand, do 
 
 Lakcview, do 
 
 The Dalles, do 
 
 Salt Lake City, Utah. 
 
 Olynipia, Washington Territory. 
 
 Vancouver, do 
 
 Walla-Walla, do 
 
 Colfax, do 
 
 Menasha, Wisconsin. 
 
 Falls of Saint Croix, Wisconsin. 
 
 Wausau, 
 
 do 
 
 La Crosse, 
 
 do 
 
 Bavfield, 
 
 do 
 
 Eau Claire, 
 
 do 
 
 Cheyenne, Wyoming. 
 
 
 Evanston, do 
 
 
 Indian Agencies. 
 
 Indian Agents are appointed by the 
 President on the recommendation of the 
 Secretary of the Interior, and the latter 
 selects on the Agent's recommendation his 
 physicians, engineers, storekeepers, farm- 
 ers, clerks, interpreters, police, blacksmiths, 
 teamsters, teachers, herders, cooks, adobe- 
 moulders, captains of police, sergeants of 
 police, privates of police, mail carriers, 
 millers and sawyers, carpenters, harness 
 makers, apprentices, and laborers. The 
 Agents get from $720 to $1,500, according 
 to the importance of the agency; the phy- 
 sicians 1,200, engineers $900, farmers 
 $900 to $1,000, clerks $900, adobe-moulders 
 $1 per day, captains of police $8 per month, 
 sergeants of police $5 per month, privates 
 of police $5 per month (small pay, surely, 
 but they are otherwise employed or select- 
 ed from the Indians) cooks $360 a year, 
 blacksmith $1,000 down to $800, butcher 
 $40 per month, mail carriers from $300 to 
 $500, miller and sawver $840, carpenters 
 $700, teachers $720, herders $600, clerks 
 $50 per month, teamsters $480, etc. There 
 are agencies in all the Territories, where- 
 ever there are tribes of Indians on reserva- 
 tions. 
 
 commissioner receives $3,000, chief clerk 
 $1,800, statistician $1,800, translator $l,(iMO, 
 male and female clerks from $900 to $1,600, 
 male and female collectors of statistics 
 from $360 to $2,400. 
 
 The office of the Auditor of Railroad 
 Accounts employs about sixty persons, 
 male and female. The Auditor receives 
 $5,000, the book-keeper $2,4<J0, assistant 
 $2,000, male and female clerks and cojjy- 
 ists from $720 to $1,800, ten special ageuta 
 of statistics $6 per day each. 
 
 Tbe Territories. ' 
 
 ARIZONA. 
 
 Governor, Prescott $2,600 
 
 Secretary, Prescott 1,800 
 
 DAKOTA. 
 
 Governor, Yankton 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Yankton 1,800 
 
 IDAHO. 
 
 Governor, Bois^ City 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Bois6 City 1,800 
 
 MONTANA. 
 
 Governor, Helena 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Helena 1,800 
 
 NEW MEXICO. 
 
 Governor, Santa F^ 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Santa F^ 1,800 
 
 UTAH. 
 
 Governor, Salt Lake City 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Salt Lake City 1,800 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 Governor, Olympia 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Olympia 1,800 
 
 WYOMING. 
 
 Governor, Cheyenne 2,600 
 
 Secretary, Cheyenne 1,800 
 
 Both the Governors and Secretaries of 
 the Territories are appointed by the Pre- 
 sident, usually on the recommendation of 
 Congressional delegations. 
 
 Bnrean of Education. 
 
 This is a branch of the Interior Depart- 
 ment employing twenty-two persons. The 
 
 Department of Justice. 
 
 Tlie Attorney General is in charge here, 
 in the Washington Department cmjiloys 
 less than 100 persons. His next in rank, 
 the Solicitor General, gets a salary of 
 $7,000, two Assistant Attorneys (Jeneral 
 $5,000 each, the chief clerk $2,200, law 
 clerk and examiner of titles $2,700, steno- 
 graphic clerk $1,800, twcntv-two other 
 clerks from $1,200 to $2,000, telegraphic 
 operator $1,000, copyists $900, messenger 
 $840, assistant messengers $720, watchmen 
 $720, laborers $660.
 
 112 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vi_ 
 
 Three assistants to the Attorney General 
 in the preparation of cases for "the Court 
 of Claims get 83,000 each, the Solicitor of 
 the Treasury $4,500, Assistant Solicitor 
 §3,000, Assistant Attorney General in the 
 Department of the Interior $5,000, Solici- 
 tor of Internal Revenue $4,500, Examiner 
 of Claims $3,500, Assistant Attorney 
 General in the Post Office Department 
 $4,500. All of these leading places are 
 appointed by the President ; the others on 
 the recommendation of the Attorney 
 General. Besides the above there are 
 many persons employed in the Govern- 
 ment Hospital for 'the Insane, the Freed- 
 men's Hospital, the Columbia Hospital for 
 Women and Lying-in Asylum, the United 
 States Capitol, Extension and Improve- 
 ment of Grounds, the various Surveys of 
 the Territories, the Entomological Com- 
 mission, National Museum, Department of 
 Justice, Commissioners of Deeds for Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, Reform School, United 
 States Jail and Government Printing 
 Office, all in the District of Columbia, but 
 selections are made from any part of the 
 Union, the chiefs appointing minor officers, 
 or workmen or worlcwomen on the recom- 
 mendation of the President, Cabinet, De- 
 partment officers, or Congressmen. Selec- 
 tions are of course made with a view to 
 fitness, and the pay except for higher posi- 
 tions is by the month or day — good of 
 course, for the United States Government 
 is liberal to its employees. 
 
 Department of Agriculture 
 
 Employs about 80 persons. Commis- 
 sioner $3,000, male and female clerks from 
 $900 to $1,800, female copyists $720 to 
 $1,000, mechanics $720, laborers $660, niale 
 and female employees in seed division 
 from $1.25 per day to $1,000 a year, em- 
 ployees in experimental garden from $1 
 per day to $900 a year. 
 
 National Board of Health, 
 
 Located at Washington, President, mem- 
 bers of the Board and Sanitary Inspectors 
 $10 per day clerks same as in Depart- 
 ments. 
 
 from 23 to 40 cents per hour, or by piece- 
 work, the Washington Union rates. The 
 Public Printer gets $3,600, chief clerk 
 $2,000, other clerks from 1,200 to $1,800, 
 foreman of printing $2,100, assistants $5.75 
 per day, compositors, etc., piecework. 
 
 Government of the District of Colnmbia. 
 
 The District of Columbia is govered by 
 Congress, the chief officers being three 
 Commissioners, two at $5,000 each, the 
 other his rank in the army, from which 
 he is selected. The appointees are all 
 from the District, at least they credit 
 themselves there after appointment. About 
 300 Metropolitan Police get from $75 a 
 month to $1,000 a year. 
 
 Government Printing Office and Bindery 
 
 Employs about 1,600 persons, mostly skilled 
 at printing or binding, and these are paid 
 
 Judicial. 
 
 Among the first pages of this book we 
 have given the United States Circuit 
 Judges with their salaries. The Attorney 
 General, usually on the recommendation of 
 these have the appointment of many Com- 
 missioners and other officers in their re- 
 spective States and Territories, all of whom 
 are paid by fees. They are usually attor- 
 neys at the points where the duties are 
 performed. . The Circuit Judges get $6,000 
 a year. District Judges $3,500, the United 
 States District Attorneys $200 a month 
 and fees, which are usually heavy ; Mar- 
 shals $200 a month and fees. All of these 
 leading officers are appointed by the Pre- 
 sident and subject to confirmation by the 
 United States Senate. 
 
 We have thus completed a careful sum- 
 mary of the L^nited States Official Register, 
 and shown the influences by which Fede- 
 ral offices are obtained, by whom appointed, 
 etc. Of course, only rules can be given, 
 and applicants will in many cases have to 
 depend on their own command of facilities 
 for acquiring the needed attention and in- 
 fluence. Any action under the civil ser- 
 vice rules has been so spasmodic that it 
 would be misleading to attempt to point 
 out where examinations are requisite, if 
 indeed they are now requisite anywhere. 
 Proof of fitness through letters and Con- 
 gressional recommendations are honored, 
 while the civil service rules are " more 
 honored in the breach than the observ-
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT.
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 FROM OFFICIAL SOURCES. 
 
 STATEMENT of OntMaiidiii;; Principal of tlie Public Debt of tine TJnlt«d States on 
 tUe 1st of January of cacti year from 1791 to 1843, Inclusive, aud on tlie 1st of 
 July of eacli year from 1844 to 1881, inclusive. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 1, 1791 
 17'J2 
 1793 
 1794 
 1795 
 1796 
 1797 
 1798 
 1799 
 1800 
 1801 
 1802 
 1803 
 1804 
 1805 
 1806 
 1807 
 1808 
 1809 
 1810 
 1811 
 1812 
 1813 
 1814 
 1815 
 1816 
 1817 
 1818 
 1819 
 1820 
 1821 
 1822 
 1823 
 1824 
 1825 
 1826 
 1827 
 1828 
 1829 
 1830 
 1831 
 1832 
 1833 
 1834 
 1835 
 1836 
 
 Amount. 
 
 77, 
 80. 
 78, 
 80, 
 83, 
 82. 
 79, 
 78, 
 82, 
 83, 
 80. 
 77. 
 86, 
 82. 
 75. 
 69, 
 65. 
 67, 
 53. 
 48, 
 45, 
 55, 
 81. 
 99, 
 127, 
 123 
 103, 
 95, 
 91, 
 89, 
 93. 
 90. 
 90, 
 83 
 81 
 73 
 67 
 58 
 48 
 39 
 24 
 7 
 4 
 
 463,476 
 227,924 
 ,352,634 
 427,404 
 ,747,587 
 ,762,172 
 064,479 
 ,228,529 
 ,408,669 
 ,976,294 
 .038,050 
 712,032 
 ,054,686 
 427,120 
 312,150 
 ,7-J3,270 
 ,218,398 
 ,196,317 
 .023,192 
 ,173,217 
 .005,587 
 ,209,737 
 ,962,827 
 ,487,846 
 ,833,660 
 ,334,933 
 ,491,965 
 466,633 
 ,529,648 
 015,506 
 ,987,427 
 ,546,676 
 ,875,877 
 ,269,777 
 ,788.432 
 ,054,059, 
 ,987,357 
 ,475.043 
 ,421,413 
 ,505,40ij 
 ,123,191 
 ,322,235 
 ,001,698 
 ,700,082 
 37,733 
 37,513 
 
 Year. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 July 
 
 1, 1837 
 1838 
 1839 
 1840 
 1841 
 1842 
 1843 
 
 1, 1843 
 1844 
 1845 
 1846 
 1847 
 1848 
 1849 
 1850 
 1851 
 1852 
 1853 
 1854 
 1855 
 1856 
 1857 
 1858 
 1859 
 1860 
 1861 
 1862 
 1863 
 1864 
 1865 
 1866 
 1867 
 1868 
 1869 
 1870 
 1871 
 1872 
 1873 
 1874 
 1875 
 1876 
 1877 
 1878 
 1879 
 1880 
 1881 
 
 Amount. 
 
 336, 
 
 3,308, 
 
 10,434 
 
 3,573, 
 
 5,250 
 
 13,594 
 
 20,601 
 
 32,742 
 
 23,461 
 
 15,925 
 
 15,550 
 
 38,826 
 
 47,044 
 
 63,061 
 
 63,452 
 
 68,304 
 
 66,199 
 
 59.803 
 
 42,242 
 
 35,586 
 
 31,972 
 
 28,699 
 
 44,911 
 
 68,496 
 
 64,842 
 
 90,580 
 
 624,176 
 
 ,119,772 
 
 ,815,784, 
 
 ,680,647, 
 
 ,773,236, 
 
 ,678,126, 
 
 ,611,687, 
 
 ,588.452, 
 
 ,480,672, 
 
 ,353,211, 
 
 ,253,251. 
 
 ,234,482, 
 
 ,251,69(t, 
 
 ,232,284, 
 
 ,180,395' 
 
 ,205,301, 
 
 ,25'-i.2i5, 
 
 ,349,567, 
 
 ,120,415, 
 
 ,069,013, 
 
 957 83 
 124 07 
 221 14 
 343 82 
 875 54 
 480 73 
 226 28 
 922 00 
 652 50 
 303 01 
 202 97 
 534 77 
 802 23 
 ,858 69 
 ,773 55 
 ,796 02 
 .341 71 
 ,117 70 
 ,222 42 
 ,956 56 
 ,537 90 
 ,831 85 
 ,881 03 
 ,837 88 
 .287 88 
 ,873 72 
 ,412 13 
 ,138 63 
 ,370 57 
 ,869 74 
 ,173 69 
 ,103 87 
 ,851 19 
 ,213 94 
 ,427 81 
 ,332 32 
 .328 78 
 ,993 20 
 ,468 43 
 ,.-.31 95 
 067 15 
 :VX2 10 
 892 53 
 482 04 
 370 63 
 569 58 
 
 * In the ftmount here stated as the outstanding principal of the public debt are inelnded the eertifi- 
 cate.s of dcpo.'sit outstanding on the 3()th'of June, issued under ad of June 8, 1KT2, forwt.ieh a like amount 
 in United States note.s was on special deposit in the Treasuiy for their redemption, and added to t le 
 cash balance in the Treasury. Tliese certificates, as a matter of accounts, are treated as a part ol the 
 public debt, but, being otfsetby notes held on deposit f-r their rniiemption, should properly bo deducted 
 from the principal of the public debt in making comparison with former years. 
 
 68 
 
 3
 
 STATEBIEXT of Receipts of tTnited States from March 4, 1789, to June 30, 1881, 
 
 Year. I Bal. in Treasury 
 
 Customs. 
 
 Internal revenue. Direct tax. Public lands. Miscellaneoas. 
 
 1791 
 
 1792 
 
 1793 
 
 1794 
 
 1795 
 
 1796 
 
 1797 
 
 1798 
 
 1799 
 
 1800 
 
 1801 
 
 1802 
 
 1803 
 
 1804 
 
 1805 
 
 1806 
 
 1807 
 
 1808 
 
 1809 
 
 1810 
 
 1811 
 
 1812 
 
 1813 
 
 1814 
 
 1815 
 
 1816 
 
 1817 
 
 1818 
 
 1819 
 
 1820 
 
 1821 
 
 1822 
 
 182S 
 
 1824 
 
 1825 
 
 1826 
 
 1827 
 
 1828 
 
 1829 
 
 1830 
 
 1831 
 
 1832 
 
 183^ 
 
 1831 
 
 1835 
 
 183G 
 
 1837 
 
 1838 
 
 1839 
 
 1840 
 
 1841 
 
 1842 
 
 1843* 
 
 1844 
 
 1845 
 
 1846 
 
 1847 
 
 1848 
 
 1849 
 
 1850 
 
 1851 
 
 1852 
 
 1853 
 
 1854 
 
 1855 
 
 185G 
 
 1857 
 
 1858 
 
 ia59 
 
 1860 
 1861 
 1862 
 1863 
 1864 
 18C6 
 18r.6 
 1807 
 
 1868 
 18C9 
 1870 
 1871 
 1872 
 1873 
 1874 
 1875 
 1870 
 1877 
 1878 
 187!) 
 1880 
 1881 
 
 $973,905 75 
 
 783,444 51 
 
 753,661 69 
 
 1,151,924 17 
 
 516,442 61 
 
 8£8,995 42 
 
 1.021,899 04 
 
 617,451 43 
 
 2,161,867 77 
 
 2,62j,311 99 
 
 3,295,391 00 
 
 5,020,697 64 
 
 4,825,811 60 
 
 4,037,<y)5 26 
 
 3.999,388 99 
 
 4,538,123 80 
 
 9,643,850 
 
 9,941.809 96 
 
 3,848,056 78 
 
 2,672,276 57 
 
 3,502,305 80 
 
 3,862,217 41 
 
 5,196,.542 00 
 
 1,727,848 63 
 
 13,106,592 88 
 
 22,033,519 19 
 
 14,989,405 48 
 
 1.478,526 74 
 
 2,079,992 38 
 
 1,198,401 21 
 
 1,681,592 24 
 
 4,237,427 55 
 
 9,463,922 81 
 
 1,946,,597 13 
 
 6,201,650 43 
 
 6,358,686 18 
 
 6,668,286 10 
 
 5,972,435 81 
 
 5,755,704 79 
 
 6,014,.539 75 
 
 4,602,914 45 
 
 2,011.777 55 
 
 11,702,905 31 
 
 8,892,858 42 
 
 26.749,803 96 
 
 46,708,436 00 
 
 37,327,252 69 
 
 36,891,196 94 
 
 33,157,503 68 
 
 29,963,163 46 
 
 28,685,111 08 
 
 30,521 979 44 
 
 39,186,284 74 
 
 36,742,829 62 
 
 30,194,274 81 
 
 38,v?61,959 65 
 
 33,079,276 43 
 
 29,416,012 45 
 
 32,827,082 69 
 
 35.871,7.53 31 
 
 40,158.353 25 
 
 43,.338,800 02 
 
 50,261,901 09 
 
 48,.591.073 41 
 
 47,777,072 13 
 
 49,108,229 80 
 
 4r,.802,855 00 
 
 35,113,.'S34 22 
 
 33,103,248 60 
 
 32,979,5:^0 78 
 
 30,963,857 83 
 
 46.905,304 87 
 
 .30,523,1 p.jr, 13 
 
 134,433,738 41 
 
 33,9:i3,0.-)7 89 
 
 160,817,099 73 
 
 198.076, 
 158.930, 
 18.3,781. 
 177,004, 
 138,019, 
 134,006. 
 159,2113. 
 178,833, 
 n2,8fH, 
 149,909, 
 214.887, 
 28B,.'i9l, 
 380,8,32, 
 231,910, 
 
 ,537 09 
 ,082 87 
 ,985 76 
 ,116 61 
 ,122 15 
 ,<m 85 
 073 41 
 ,339 54 
 ,001 32 
 ,377 21 
 ,045 88 
 4.53 88 
 588 06 
 HA 44 
 
 §4,399,473 09 
 
 3.443,070 85 
 
 4,255,306 56 
 
 4,801,005 28 
 
 5,588,461 26 
 
 6,567,987 94 
 
 7,549,049 65 
 
 7,106,001 93 
 
 6,610,449 31 
 
 9,080,932 73 
 
 10,750,778 93 
 
 12,438,235 74 
 
 10,479,417 61 
 
 11,098,565 33 
 
 12.936,487 04 
 
 14,667,098 17 
 
 16,845,521 61 
 
 16,363,550 58 
 
 7,257,506 62 
 
 8,583,309 31 
 
 13,313.222 73 
 
 8,958,777 53 
 
 13,224,623 25 
 
 5,998,772 08 
 
 7,282,042 22 
 
 36,300,874 88 
 
 26,283,348 49 
 
 17,170,385 00 
 
 20,283,608 76 
 
 1.5,005,612 15 
 
 13,004,447 15 
 
 17,589,761 94 
 
 19,1188,433 44 
 
 17,878..S25 71 
 
 20,098,713 45 
 
 23,341,331 77 
 
 19,712,283 29 
 
 23,205,523 64 
 
 22,681,905 91 
 
 21,922,391 39 
 
 24,224,441 77 
 
 28,405,237 24 
 
 29,032,508 91 
 
 16,214,957 15 
 
 19,391,310 59 
 
 23,409,940 53 
 
 11,169,290 39 
 
 10,158,800 36 
 
 23,1.37,924 81 
 
 13,499,.502 17 
 
 14,487,216 
 
 18,187,908 76 
 
 7,046 843 91 
 
 26,183,570 94 
 
 27,.528,112 70 
 
 20,712,607 87 
 
 23.747.804 66 
 31,757.070 96 
 28,346,738 82 
 39,608,086 42 
 49,017,567 92 
 47,339,326 62 
 
 58.931.805 52 
 64,224,190 27 
 53,025,794 21 
 64,022,863 50 
 63,875,905 05 
 41,789.020 96 
 49,505,824 38 
 53,187,511 87 
 39,582,125 64 
 49,050,397 62 
 69,O.')9,042 40 
 
 102,310, !.■.■_' 99 
 
 84,928,200 00 
 
 179,046 051 58 
 
 176,417,810 88 
 
 164,464, 
 180,048, 
 194.538 
 200.,27<l, 
 210,370, 
 188,0H<), 
 lfl-'„103, 
 l.'.7,107 
 14.S071, 
 13O.'l"i0, 
 1.30,170, 
 137,J.5<l, 
 18i-.,522, 
 198,159,1 
 
 ,599 56 
 ,426 03 
 .374 44 
 ,408 05 
 ,280 77 
 ,522 70 
 ,833 09 
 722 35 
 ,98 4 01 
 ,493 07 
 ,0HO 20 
 ,0-17 70 
 004 60 
 076 02 
 
 $208,942 
 
 337,705 
 
 274,089 
 
 337,755 
 
 475,289 
 
 575,491 
 
 644,357 
 
 779,136 
 
 809,396 
 
 1,048,033 
 
 621,898 
 
 215,179 
 
 50,941 
 
 21,747 
 
 20,101 
 
 13,051 
 
 8,190 
 
 4,034 
 
 7,430 
 
 2,295 
 
 4.903 
 
 4,755 
 
 1,662,984 
 
 4,678,059 
 
 5,124,708 
 
 2,678,100 
 
 955,270 
 
 229,593 
 
 106,200 
 
 69,027 
 
 67,665 
 
 34.242 
 
 34,663 
 
 25,771 
 
 21,589 
 
 19,885 
 
 17,451 
 
 14.502 
 
 12,160 
 
 6,933 
 
 11,030 
 
 2,7.^9 
 
 4,196 
 
 10,459 
 
 370 
 
 5,493 
 
 2,407 
 
 2,553 
 
 1,682 
 
 3,261 
 
 495 
 
 103 
 
 1,777 
 
 3,517 
 
 2,897 
 
 375 
 
 375 
 
 37,040,787 95 
 109,741,1.34 10 
 209,404,215 25 
 309,220,813 42 
 266,027,537 43 
 
 191 
 
 158, 
 184 
 143 
 1.30 
 11.3, 
 102, 
 110, 
 110, 
 118, 
 110, 
 11.3, 
 124, 
 135, 
 
 589 41 
 460 86 
 756 49 
 !.53 03 
 177 72 
 314 14 
 784 90 
 ■19.3 58 
 732 03 
 107 83 
 024 74 
 OKI 68 
 373 92 
 J85 61 
 
 8734,223 97 
 
 634.343 38 
 
 206,565 44 
 
 71,879 20 
 
 60,198 44 
 
 21,882 91 
 
 55,763 86 
 
 34,732 66 
 
 19,159 21 
 
 7,517 31 
 
 12,448 68 
 
 7,606 66 
 
 859 22 
 
 3,805 52 
 
 2,219,497 36 
 
 2,162 673 41 
 
 4,253,635 09 
 
 1,834,187 04 
 
 264,333 36 
 
 83,650 78 
 
 31,.586 82 
 
 29,349 05 
 
 20,901 56 
 
 10,337 71 
 
 6,201 96 
 
 2,330 85 
 
 6,638 76 
 
 2,626 90 
 
 2,218 81 
 
 11,335 05 
 
 16,980 .59 
 
 10,.506 01 
 
 6,791 13 
 
 394 12 
 
 19 80 
 
 4,263 33 
 
 728 
 1,687 70 
 
 755 22 
 
 1,795,3.31 73 
 
 1,485,103 61 
 
 475,048 96 
 
 1,200,573 03 
 
 1,974,754 12 
 
 4,200,233 70 
 
 1,788,145 85 
 765.685 61 
 220,102 88 
 580,355 .37 
 
 315,254 51 
 93,798 80 
 
 30 86 
 1,516 89 
 
 $4,836 13 
 83,.t40 60 
 11,963 11 
 
 167 
 
 188, 
 
 165. 
 
 481 
 
 54< 
 
 765 
 
 466, 
 
 647, 
 
 442: 
 
 696, 
 
 1,040, 
 
 710, 
 
 835, 
 
 1,135, 
 
 1,28' 
 
 1.717 
 
 1,991 
 
 2,606. 
 
 3,274 
 
 1,635 
 
 1,212. 
 
 1,803 
 
 916 
 
 984 
 
 1,210 
 
 1,393 
 
 1,495 
 
 1,018 
 
 1,517 
 
 2,329 
 
 3,210. 
 
 2,623 
 
 3,907 
 
 4,857, 
 
 14,75' 
 
 24,877 
 
 6,776 
 
 3,730, 
 
 7,361 
 
 3,411 
 
 1,365 
 
 1,335, 
 
 898, 
 
 2,059, 
 
 2,077 
 
 2,694 
 
 2,498 
 
 3,328 
 
 1,088, 
 
 1,859, 
 
 2,352 
 
 2,043, 
 
 1,667, 
 
 8,470, 
 
 11,497: 
 
 8,917, 
 
 3,829, 
 
 3,513, 
 
 1,756. 
 
 1,778. 
 
 870, 
 
 152, 
 
 107. 
 
 588, 
 
 996. 
 
 665; 
 
 1,163, 
 
 443 75 
 
 ,726 06 
 ,628 02 
 ,675 69 
 ,520 79 
 ,193 80 
 ,245 73 
 1,163 27 
 ,939 06 
 :,252 33 
 ,548 8 
 1,237 53 
 ',427 78 
 ,655 14 
 ,971 09 
 ,9-59 28 
 .985 03 
 ,226 06 
 564 77 
 ,422 78 
 ,871 61 
 ,966 46 
 .581 54 
 ,523 10 
 418 15 
 ,090 56 
 ,785 09 
 ,845 26 
 ,308 75 
 ,175 13 
 356 14 
 ,815 48 
 ,381 03 
 ,682 55 
 ,600 69 
 ,600 75 
 ,179 86 
 ,236 52 
 ,946 66 
 ,576 40 
 ,818 63 
 ,627 42 
 ,797 52 
 158 18 
 939 80 
 ,022 30 
 ,452 48 
 355 20 
 ,042 56 
 ,959 55 
 ,894 25 
 ,305 30 
 ,2,39 58 
 ,084 99 
 ,798 89 
 ,049 07 
 ,644 93 
 ,486 64 
 715 87 
 687 30 
 557 71 
 058 54 
 203 77 
 017 17 
 3.33 29 
 5.53 31 
 031 03 
 675 76 
 
 1,348,715 41 
 4,020,344 34 
 3,3.50,481 76 
 2,388,046 68 
 2.575,714 19 
 2.882,312 38 
 1,852,428 93 
 1,413,640 17 
 1,129 460 95 
 
 970,253 08 
 1,079,743 37 
 
 924,781 06 
 l,O10,.5O0 60 
 2,201,803 17 
 
 4,637,123,102 42 
 
 2.807,357,300 28 27,650,273 47 207,760,182 58 
 
 * For the half-year from January 1, to June 30, 1843.
 
 by calendar years to 1843 and by flscal years (ended Jnne 30) ft-om tbat time. 
 
 Year. Dividends. ^^Jleeefp"^^ Interest. Premiums, l^;;;;^]^^^^^ Gro.e receipte. lUnavail'ble 
 
 $8,028 00 
 38,500 00 
 30:j,472 (10 
 100,000 00 
 IfiO.lHK) (10 
 80,'JOO 00 
 
 7;i,;i'-'o 00 
 71,0-1(1 
 7i,(i'M» (10 
 
 88, Ml 10 00 
 SO.'JOO 00 
 
 202,420 .30 
 
 52.^,ooo 00 
 075.(100 00 
 1,000,000 00 
 105,000 00 
 2!I7,500 00 
 350,000 tK) 
 350,000 00 
 3(17,500 00 
 402,500 00 
 420,000 00 
 455,000 00 
 4!)O,00O 00 
 
 4no,ooo 00 
 
 4')0,(H»0 00 
 
 4!)( 1,000 00 
 
 47t,n85 00 
 
 234,349 50 
 
 500,480 82 
 
 202,674 67 
 
 $4,409,951 1!) 
 3,(ir,9,;i(;o 31 
 4,052,923 14 
 5,431 904 87 
 0,111,534 .59 
 8,377,529 05 
 8,088,780 99 
 7,900,495 80 
 7..540,813 31 
 
 10,S4M,749 10 
 
 ]2,9:;5,:;30 95 
 
 14,995,793 95 
 11.064,(i:i7 03 
 ll,82i;,:!07 3S 
 13,5(:o,093 2(1 
 15,559,931 07 
 1K,.39H,019 20 
 17,000,001 9.3 
 7,773,473 12 
 9 384.214 2K 
 14,422,034 09 
 9,801,1:12 70 
 14,.340,109 95 
 11,181,(;25 16 
 15,(19C.,91(! 82 
 47,(".7('.,9S5 nc, 
 33,099,049 74 
 21,.585,171 04 
 24.003,374 37 
 17,840,009 55 
 14,.573,379 72 
 20,2.32,427 94 
 2O,.54O,00O 2(1 
 19,381,212 79 
 21,840,858 02 
 25,200,434 21 
 22,960,303 90 
 24,703,629 23 
 24,827,627 38 
 24,844,116 51 
 28,.520,820 82 
 31,867,450 00 
 .33.948,420 25 
 21,791,935 .55 
 35,4.30,087 10 
 60,820,796 08 
 24,054,153 04 
 20,302.501 74 
 31,482,749 (11 
 19,480,115 .33 
 16,8()O,100 27 
 19,970,197 25 1 
 8,231,001 20' 
 29,320,707 78 
 29,970,105 80 
 29,09:1,9(17 74i 
 20,407,403 lo! 
 35.608,690 21 1 
 30,721,077 50, 
 43,592,888 88 
 52,555,030 33 ^ 
 49,840,815 60| 
 61, .587,0.31 68 
 73,800,341 40 ! 
 65,350,,574 08 
 74,056,099 241 
 68,905,312 57 1 
 40,655,365 90 
 52,777,107 92 
 56,0.54,.590 83 
 41,476.209 49 
 51,919,201 00 
 112,094,946 .51 
 243,412,971 20 
 322,031,1.58 19 
 519,949,564 38 
 462,846,079 92 
 
 $4,800 00 
 42,800 00 
 
 78,675 00 
 
 10,125 00 
 
 300 00 
 
 85 79 
 
 n,.541 74 
 
 68,605 16 
 
 267,819 14 
 
 412 62 
 
 376, 
 357, 
 305, 
 374, 
 364, 
 322, 
 209, 
 284. 
 290, 
 281, 
 257, 
 272, 
 333, 
 360, 
 
 453 82 
 256 09 
 833 87 
 ,104 94 
 ,229 91 
 ,673 78 
 ,090 84 
 ,771 41 
 .584 70 
 642 00 
 ,776 40 
 ,136 83 
 500 98 
 ,292 57 
 
 32,107 64 
 086 09 
 
 40,000 00 
 
 71,700 83 
 606 60 
 
 28,305 91 
 
 37,080 00 
 
 487,065 48 
 
 10,550 00 
 
 4,264 92 
 
 22 50 
 
 700,357 72 
 
 10,008 00 
 
 33,630 90 
 
 68,400 00 
 
 602,.345 44 
 
 21,174,101 01 
 
 ll,r)83,440 89 
 
 38,083,055 08 
 
 27,787,330 35 
 
 629 50 
 491 12 
 ,043 76 
 839 96 
 0.37 65 
 530 89 
 605 22 
 279 69 
 ,2,S0 58 
 ,770 58 
 ,102 30 
 ,047 63 
 110 00 
 
 $.361,391 34 
 5,1 ((2,498 45 
 1,797,272 01 
 4.007,950 78 
 3,396.424 00 
 
 320,(WO 00 
 70,000 (JO 
 
 200 000 00 
 6,00(),o(K) 00 
 1,565,229 24 
 
 2,750,000 00 
 
 12,837,900 00 
 
 26,184,135 00 
 
 2,3,377,820 00 
 
 35,220,671 40 
 
 9,425,084 91 
 
 460,723 45 
 
 8,353 00 
 
 2.291 00 
 
 3,000,824 13 
 
 5,000,;!24 00 
 
 5,000,000 00 
 6,000,000 00 
 
 2,992,989 16 
 12,716,820 86 
 
 3,8.57,276 21 
 
 6,589,547 51 
 13,659,317 38 
 14,808,735 64 
 12,479,708 36 
 
 1,877,181 35 
 
 28,872, 
 
 21,2.56, 
 
 28,588, 
 
 4,045. 
 
 203. 
 
 40, 
 
 16. 
 
 2. 
 
 3 
 
 23,717 
 
 28,287, 
 
 20,770, 
 
 41,861 
 
 529,692, 
 
 77().082, 
 
 1,128,873, 
 
 1,472,224 
 
 712,851 
 
 640,426, 
 
 ,399 45 
 ,700 00 
 ,7.50 00 
 ,950 00 
 ,400 00 
 ,300 00 
 ,350 00 
 ,fK)l 67 
 800 00 
 200 00 
 ,900 00 
 ,300 00 
 ,500 00 
 .800 00 
 ,709 74 
 ,460 50 
 ,361 57 
 ,945 36 
 ,740 85 
 ,553 05 
 ,910 29 
 
 62.5,111, 
 238,678, 
 285,474, 
 268.768, 
 3a5,047. 
 214,931, 
 4.39,272. 
 387,971. 
 ,397,455, 
 34S,871, 
 404,881. 
 792,807, 
 211,814, 
 113,760. 
 
 ,433 20 
 ,081 06 
 ,496 00 
 ,523 47 
 054 00 
 ,017 00 
 535 46 
 ,556 OO 
 ,.808 00 
 ,740 (H) 
 ,201 00 
 ,043 00 
 ,103 00 
 ,534 00 
 
 84,771,342 
 8,772,458 
 6,4.50,195 
 9,439,K.-,5 
 9,515,758 
 8,740,329 
 8,768,780 
 8,179,170 
 12.546,813 
 12,413,978 
 12.945.-1.55 
 14,995.793 
 11,004.007 
 11,826,307 
 13,560,693 
 15,.5.59,931 
 16,39.S,019 
 17 0(10,(161 
 7,773,473 
 12,1.34,214 
 14,422,034 
 22,639,032 
 40,524,844 
 34.559,530 
 60,961,237 
 67,171,421 
 33,8.33,592 
 21,593.936 
 24.605,665 
 20,881,493 
 19,573,703 
 20,232,427 
 20,540,606 
 24,381,212 
 20,840,858 
 25,260,434 
 22,966,363 
 24,763.629 
 24,827,627 
 24.844,116 
 28.526,820 
 31,867,4.50 
 33,948,426 
 21,791,935 
 35,430,087 
 60,826,796 
 27,947,142 
 39,019,382 
 35,340,025 
 25,069,662 
 30,510,477 
 31,784,932 
 20,782,410 
 31,198,556 
 29,970,106 
 29,099,967 
 55,368,168 
 56,992,479 
 60,796,892 
 47,649,388 
 52,762,704 
 40,803,115 
 61,603,404 
 73,802,343 
 65,351,374 
 74,056,899 
 68,969,212 
 70,372,065 
 81,773,965 
 76,841,407 
 83,371,640 
 581,680,121 
 889,379,652 
 1,393,461,017 
 1,805,939,345 
 1,278,884,173 
 1,131,060,920 
 
 60 $1,889 60 
 
 1,030, 
 609, 
 696, 
 662; 
 679, 
 548, 
 744, 
 675, 
 691 
 630. 
 662. 
 
 1,066, 
 ^45 
 474 
 
 ,749,516 62 
 621,828 27 
 ,720,973 63 
 092,468 30 
 153.921 56 
 ,669,221 07 
 251,201 62 
 971,607 10 
 551,673 28 
 ,278,167 58 
 345,079 70 
 ,834,827 40 
 340,713 98 
 ,.532.826 57 
 
 63,288 35 
 
 ,458,782 93 
 37,469 25 
 
 11,188 00 
 
 28,251 90 
 36,060 06 
 
 103,301 37 
 
 15,408 34 
 
 11,110 81 
 6,000 01 
 9,210 40 
 6,095 11 
 172,094 29 
 721,827 93 
 
 2,675.018 19 
 ' *2,076 73 
 
 ♦3,396 18 
 
 *1 8,228 3.5 
 
 *3,o47 80 
 
 12,601 49 
 
 89,720,136 29| 8,128,200,272 04 48,5,224 45 204,259,220 83 10,711,044,241 84 19,043,988,959 16 2,661,866 63 
 
 • Amounts before credited to the Treasurer as unavailable, and since recovered and charged to him. 5
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATEMXINT of Expenditures of United States from Marcli 4, 1796, to June 30, 1S81, 
 
 Year. 
 
 War. 
 
 Navy. 
 
 Indians. 
 
 Pensions. 
 
 Miscellaneous. 
 
 1791., 
 1792.. 
 1793.. 
 1794.. 
 
 1705.. 
 1796.. 
 
 1797.. 
 
 1798.. 
 
 1799.. 
 
 1800.. 
 
 1801.. 
 
 1802.. 
 
 1803.. 
 
 1804.. 
 
 1805 . 
 
 1306.. 
 
 1807.. 
 
 1S08.. 
 
 1809.. 
 
 1810.. 
 
 1811.. 
 
 1812 . 
 
 1813. 
 
 1814.. 
 
 1815... 
 
 1816.. 
 
 1817... 
 
 1818.. 
 
 1819... 
 
 1820.. 
 
 1821... 
 
 1822... 
 
 1823... 
 
 1824... 
 
 1S25 .. 
 
 1826 .. 
 
 1827... 
 
 1828... 
 
 1829 .. 
 
 1830... 
 
 1831... 
 
 1832... 
 
 1833... 
 
 1834 .. 
 
 1835... 
 
 1836... 
 
 1837... 
 
 1838 .. 
 
 18,39... 
 
 1840... 
 
 1841... 
 
 1842... 
 
 1843... 
 
 1844.. 
 
 1845... 
 
 1846... 
 
 1817... 
 
 1848... 
 
 1849 .. 
 
 18.50... 
 
 1851 .. 
 1852... 
 1853..., 
 1854... 
 1855 .. 
 18.56.... 
 1857.... 
 18.58 ... 
 18.59.... 
 I860.... 
 ISfil.... 
 18G2.... 
 1863.... 
 1804... 
 1865 ... 
 1866... 
 18fi7.... 
 1868 ... 
 1869... 
 1870 ... 
 1871.... 
 1872... 
 1873... 
 1874... 
 1875.... 
 1876.... 
 1877.... 
 1878.... 
 1879 ... 
 1880.... 
 1881 ... 
 
 S032 804 03 
 1,100,702 09 
 1,130,249 08 
 2,630,097 59 
 2,480,910 13 
 1,2(10,263 84 
 1,039,402 46 
 2,009,522 30 
 2,466,946 98 
 2,560,878 77 
 1,072,944 08 
 1,170,148 25 
 822,055 85 
 875,423 93 
 712,781 28 
 1,224,355 38 
 1,288,085 91 
 
 2.900.834 40 
 3,345,772 17 
 2,294.323 94 
 2,032,828 19 
 
 11,817,798 24 
 19,652,013 02 
 20,350,806 86 
 14,794,294 22 
 16,012,096 80 
 8,004,236 53 
 6,622,715 10 
 6,506,300 37 
 2,630,392 31 
 4,461,291 78 
 3,111,981 48 
 3,096,921 43 
 3,340,939 85 
 3,6.59,914 18 
 3,943,194 37 
 3,918,977 88 
 4,145,544 5(5 
 4,724,291 07 
 4,7«7,128 88 
 
 4.841.835 5- 
 5,146,034 88 
 6,704,019 10 
 5,096,189 38 
 5,7'i9,156 89 
 
 11,717,345 25 
 
 13,082,7.30 80 
 
 12,897,224 16 
 
 8,910,995 80 
 
 7,095,267 23 
 
 8,.S01,6lo 24 
 
 6,';iO,438 02 
 
 2,908,071 95 
 
 5,218,183 66 
 
 5,716,291 28 
 
 10,413,:i70 5S 
 
 35,S 10,030 .33 
 
 27,688,334 21 
 
 14,558,473 26 
 
 9,687,024 58 
 
 12,161,965 11 
 
 8,.52l,.5')6 19 
 
 9,!) 10 -198 4 
 
 11,7J2,'.'S2 HI 
 
 14,i;l8,o7.1 07 
 
 16,963,160 51 
 
 ]9,l.VJ,l.'-,0 87 
 
 25,679,121 6.3 
 
 23,154,720 53 
 
 l(vl72,202 72 
 
 2:i,"01,.5:iO (-,7 
 
 389,i;3,.S62 29 
 
 603,314,411 82 
 
 69l):!91,018 66 
 
 1,03(I,C,;)0,41M) OO 
 
 283, 1,54. •176 01 
 
 95,224,415 63 
 
 123,246,648 62 
 
 78,501,990 61 
 
 67,6,55,1175 4(1 
 
 3.5,799,001 8; 
 
 35,372,157 20 
 
 46,323, l.i8 31 
 
 4 ',313 927 22 
 
 41,l20,fVJ5 08 
 
 .38,070.HMS 04 
 
 37,082,735 00 
 
 32,1.54,147 «5 
 
 40,425,i;(iii 7;( 
 
 ,3M, 1 1(1,016 22 
 
 40,46.(1,4110 55 
 
 S61,408 97i 
 
 410,56 J 03 
 
 274,7,'<4 04 
 
 382,631 89 
 
 1,381,347 76 
 
 2,8 ■■8,081 84 
 
 3,448,716 03 
 
 2,111,424 00 
 
 915,501 87 
 
 1,215,230 53 
 
 1,189,832 75 
 
 l,507,5f>0 00 
 
 1,649,641 44 
 
 l,7z2,064 47 
 
 1.884.007 80 
 2,427,758 80 
 1,654,244 20 
 1,965,566 39 
 3,950,365 15 
 6,446,600 10 
 7,311,290 (iO 
 8,660,000 25 
 3,908,278 30 
 3,314,.59S 49 
 2,953,695 00 
 3,847,640 4-; 
 4,387,990 00 
 3,310,243 06 
 2,221.458 98 
 2,503,705 83 
 2,004,581 56 
 
 3.049.08 t 86 
 4,218,902 45 
 4 263,.877 45 
 3,018,786 44 
 3,308,745 47 
 3,230,428 63 
 3,856,183 0/ 
 3,956,370 29 
 3,001,356 75 
 3,956,260 42 
 3,864,039 06 
 5,807,718 23 
 6,046,014 63 
 6,1 31, .580 53 
 6,182,204 25 
 6,li:!,S96 89 
 6,001,076 97 
 8,307 242 95 
 3,727,711 
 6,10.'<,100 11 
 6,'i97,177 89 
 6,4.55,013 9i 
 7,000,635 7( 
 9,408,476 Oi 
 9,786,705 02 
 7,004,724 (iO 
 8,880.5^1 .38 
 8,018 842 10 
 
 11,OC,7,780 .53 
 10,700,006 32 
 13,327,005 11 
 14,074,834 (U 
 12,651.604 61 
 14,053,264 64 
 14,600,027 00 
 11,514,649 83 
 12,:W7,1,56 ,52 
 42,640,353 09 
 G3,-.'6 1,235 31 
 85,701,963 74 
 122,617,431 07 
 4:'.,2.S5,662 00 
 31,031,011 04 
 25,775,.5'!2 72 
 20,000.7 -,7 07 
 21,780 229 87 
 19,4 11,027 21 
 21,219,«00 09 
 2:!,526,25(> 79 
 ;iO,o:i2,5,S7 42 
 21,107,026 27 
 1,S,003,309 >>2 
 14,0.''.0,'n!5 .36 
 ]7,:'.6\301 .37 
 1.5,12.5,126 84 
 13,,530,0H1 74 
 15,686,671 66 
 
 $27,000 00 
 
 13 648 85 
 
 27,282 83 
 
 13,042 46 
 
 23,475 68 
 
 115,503 98 
 
 62,396 58 
 
 16,470 09 
 
 20,302 19 
 
 31 22 
 
 9,000 00 
 
 91,060 00 
 
 CO(X)0 00 
 
 116,.509 00 
 
 196,500 00 
 
 234,200 00 
 
 205.4 .'5 00 
 213,575 00 
 3.37,503 84 
 177,625 00 
 151,875 00 
 277,845 00 
 167,3.58 28 
 167,.394 i'6 
 530,750 00 
 274,512 16 
 319,463 71 
 505,704 27 
 40.3,181 39 
 315,750 01 
 
 477.005 44 
 575,007 41 
 380,781 82 
 42 ;,987 90 
 724,106 44 
 743,447 83 
 750,624 88 
 705,084 21 
 570,344 74 
 622,262 47 
 930,738 04 
 
 1,3,52,419 75 
 1,802,980 93 
 1,00.3,9.53 20 
 1.7t'(vl44 48 
 5,037,022 88 
 4,348,036 19 
 5,50-4,191 34 
 2,528,917 28 
 2,331,794 86 
 2,.51 1,837 12 
 1,109,099 68 
 578,.371 00 
 ],256,.532 39 
 1,539,.351 35 
 1,027,693 64 
 1,430,111 30 
 1,252,296 81 
 1,371,101 55 
 1,663,.591 47 
 2,820 801 77 
 3.0-43,576 04 
 3,880,404 12 
 1,550,3.39 ,55 
 2,772,090 78 
 2(544,263 97 
 4,354,418 87 
 4,978,266 18 
 3,490,534 ,53 
 2.991,121 51 
 2,865.481 17 
 2,327 948 37 
 3,152,012 70 
 2 629,975 97 
 5,0.W,360 71 
 3,295,729 32 
 4,642,531 77 
 4,100,682 32 
 7,042.923 06 
 3,407,938 15 
 7,426,907 41 
 7.061.728 82 
 7,951,704 88 
 e,692,462 09 
 8,384,656 82 
 6,9fifl.558 17 
 5,277,007 22 
 4,6/9,280 28 
 5 206,100 08 
 5,945,457 00 
 0,514,161 00 
 
 817.5,813 
 
 109,243 15 
 
 80,087 81 
 
 81,399 24 
 
 68,673 22 
 
 100,843 71 
 
 92,256 07 
 
 104.845 33 
 
 95,444 03 
 
 64,130 73 
 
 73,,533 37 
 
 85,440 39 
 
 62,902 10 
 
 80,092 80 
 
 81,854 ,59 
 
 81,875 53 
 
 70,,5O0 00 
 
 82,576 04 
 
 87,833 54 
 
 83,744 16 
 
 75,043 88 
 
 91,402 10 
 
 86,9,S0 91 
 
 90,164 36 
 
 69.656 06 
 
 18'',804 15 
 
 297,374 43 
 
 890,719 90 
 
 2,41.5,939 85 
 
 3.208.379 31 
 242,817 25 
 
 1,948.109 40 
 
 1,780,.5,88 52 
 
 1,499,326 59 
 
 1,308,810 57 
 
 1,556,593 83 
 
 976,1.38 86 
 
 850,573 57 
 
 949,504 47 
 
 1,363,297 31 
 
 1,170,005 14 
 
 1,184,422 40 
 
 4,589,152 40 
 
 3,364,285 3) 
 
 ],9.-.4,7M .32 
 
 2.882.707 on 
 2,672,162 45 
 2,156,0.37 20 
 3,142,750 51 
 2,003,562 17 
 2,388,434 51 
 1,378 931 33 
 
 839 041 12 
 
 2,032,008 no 
 
 2,400,788 11 
 1,811,097 50 
 1,744,883 63 
 1,227,406 48 
 1,328,867 64 
 1,806,886 02 
 2,203 377 22 
 2,401,858 78 
 l,756,.3O0 2 
 1,232,605 00 
 1,477,612 33 
 1.296,229 65 
 
 1.310.380 58 
 
 1.219.708 30 
 1,222,222 71 
 1,100,802 32 
 1,031.,599 73 
 
 8.52,170 47 
 1,078,513 36 
 4,08.5,473 00 
 16,347,621 34 
 l.''.,6li.5,.549 88 
 20,936,.551 71 
 2.3,782,380 78 
 28,470.021 78 
 28.:M0,202 17 
 34,14.3,^91 88 
 2H..'".3l,4(i2 76 
 20,3,5!I,,126 86 
 20,o3s,414 m 
 29,4,50,216 22 
 28,257,305 69 
 27,90.3,752 27 
 27 137,019 08 
 3.5,1 21 ,48 J 39 
 66,777,174 44 
 60,(4,59,279 V>i 
 
 $1,083,971 61 
 
 4,672,664 38 
 
 511,451 01 
 
 750,3.50 74 
 
 1,378,920 60 
 
 801,847 68 
 
 1.259,422 62 
 
 1,139,524 94 
 
 l,0.!9,39l 68 
 
 1,337,613 22 
 
 1,114,768 45 
 
 1.462,929 40 
 
 1,842,635 76 
 
 2,191,009 43 
 
 3,708,,598 75 
 
 2,890,137 01 
 
 1,697,897 61 
 
 1,42,3,285 61 
 
 1,21.5,80 4 79 
 
 1,101 144 98 
 
 1,307,201 40 
 
 1,(;8:!,088 21 
 
 1,7-29,435 61 
 
 2.208,029 7(> 
 
 2,808,870 47 
 
 2,089,741 17 
 
 3,518.936 76 
 
 3,835,839 51 
 
 3,007,211 41 
 
 2,592,021 94 
 
 2,223,121 54 
 
 1,067,996 24 
 
 2,022,093 99 
 
 7,15.5, "08 81 
 
 2,748,5-44 89 
 
 2.000,177 79 
 
 2,713,476 58 
 
 3,676,052 64 
 
 3,0,^2,234 65 
 
 3,2:!7,416 04 
 
 3,001.046 10 
 
 4,577,141 45 
 
 5,716,245 93 
 
 4,404.7-8 95 
 
 4,22-', ',98 ,53 
 
 5,;!'i ,270 72 
 
 9,803,370 27 
 
 7,100,064 76 
 
 5,725,990 89 
 
 6,005,.398 96 
 
 6,490,881 45 
 
 6,775,624 61 
 
 3,202,713 00 
 
 6,64.5,183 86 
 
 5,011,760 98 
 
 6,711,283 89 
 
 6.885 608 35 
 
 6,0.JO,85l 25 
 
 12,885,334 24 
 
 16,013.763 36 
 
 17,888,092 18 
 
 17,504,171 45 
 
 17 403,068 01 
 
 26,072,114 68 
 
 24,0'.tO,426 43 
 
 31,79l,o;!8 87 
 
 28,--i6,5,498 77 
 
 26,400,010 42 
 
 23,707,544 40 
 
 27,077,078 30 
 
 23.327,287 09 
 
 21 ,,385,862 59 
 
 23,108,382 37 
 
 27,572,210 87 
 
 42,0,S0,'83 10 
 
 40,613,114 17 
 
 51.110,223 72 
 
 63,009,867 07 
 
 56,471,061 63 
 
 63,237,461 60 
 
 60,4 S 1,9 10 23 
 
 60,084.757 42 
 
 7.3,328,110 06 
 
 85141, ro3 01 
 
 71 070,702 98 
 
 73,599.601 04 
 
 68,920,532 63 
 
 ,53,177 703 57 
 
 65,741, .5.56 40 
 
 64,713,5 9 7C 
 
 64,416,324 71 
 
 4,354,135,493 03 1,028,494,917 03 
 
 193,672,606 31 
 
 507,300,615 19 
 
 1,,579,7.37,.325 73
 
 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— FINANCES. 
 
 by- caleudar years to 184:3 and by flgcal years (ended June 30) from tliat time 
 
 Year. 
 
 Net ordinary 
 expendiiures. 
 
 ' Premiums. 
 
 luterest. 
 
 Public debt. 
 
 Gross ••-xpeudT n„i '= ^ 
 
 tures. B"'- "> Treasury 
 
 5,8'J(i,'258 
 l,74!l,07O 
 
 3,rAry, ■!'.)•.) 
 4,:ic,2,-,u 
 
 2,.-|.'i I, •■!().•} 
 
 2,s;ti;,iU) 
 
 4,001,710 
 
 (;,iH(),i(i(> 
 
 7,4ii,;j(iy 
 
 4,'jf<i,(i(;9 
 
 3,7H7,n79 
 
 4,(K)2,K2i 
 
 4,4.-)2,M->8 
 
 6,:S57,2.i4 
 
 6,080,2(19 
 
 4,984,ri72 
 
 6,504,:i38 
 
 7,414,072 
 
 6,:ill,082 
 
 5,.'J92,(104 
 
 17,829,498 
 
 28,082,:'.9ii 
 
 30,127,686 
 
 26,95:5,r)7l 
 
 23,373,432 
 
 lr.,454,60^) 
 
 13,808,67.3 
 
 10,300,273 
 
 13,134,.5,30 
 
 10,723.479 
 
 9,827,043 
 
 9,784,154 
 
 1,'S,330,144 
 
 11, •190,4.^)9 
 
 13,002,310 
 
 12,053,(195 
 
 13,290,041 
 
 12,041,210 
 
 13,229,.5.33 
 
 13,864,007 
 
 10,51(!,.388 
 
 22,713,755 
 
 18,425,417 
 
 17,5H,9,'iO 
 
 30,80«,104 
 
 37,243,214 
 
 33,849,718 
 
 20.490,948 
 
 24,139,920 
 
 26,190,840 
 
 24,301,336 
 
 11,250,508 
 
 20.(550.108 
 
 21,895,309 
 
 26,418,459 
 
 53,801,569 
 
 45,227,454 
 
 39,933,542 
 
 37,1()5,990 
 
 44,054,717 
 
 40,389,954 
 
 44,078,150 
 
 51,907,5 J8 
 
 5G,:^10,197 
 
 60,772,.527 
 
 60,041,143 
 
 72,330,4.37 
 
 60,3.55,9.50 
 
 60,050,754 
 
 62,610,055 
 
 456,379,896 
 
 694,004,575 
 
 811,283,676 
 
 1,217,7(M,199 
 
 385,954,731 
 
 202,947,733 
 
 229,916,088 
 
 190,490,354 
 
 104,421,507 
 
 157,583,827 
 
 153,201,,S56 
 
 180,488,036 
 
 194,118,985 
 
 171,529,848 
 
 104,857,813 
 
 144,209,9('>3 
 
 134,403,452 
 
 101,i;l 9,934 
 
 109,090,002 
 
 177,142,897 
 
 818,231 43 
 
 82,865 81 
 
 69,713 19 
 
 170,O(;3 42 
 
 420,49.s 04 
 
 2,877,S18 69 
 
 872,047 39 
 
 385.372 90 
 
 363,572 39 
 
 574,443 08 
 
 SI,177,.S03 03 
 2,373,011 28 
 2,097,8.59 17 
 2,752,523 04 
 2,9l7,0."iO 00 
 3,239,:! 17 08 
 3,172,510 73 
 2,9.55,875 90 
 2,81.5,051 41 
 3,402,001 04 
 4,411,,H3() 00 
 4,239,172 16 
 3,949,462 30 
 4,185,048 74 
 2,0.57,114 z2 
 3.,3(iS,908 26 
 3,369,578 48 
 2,.5.57,074 23 
 2,.S00,(n4 90 
 3,103.071 09 
 2,585,435 57 
 2,451,272 57 
 3,.599,4.')5 22 
 4,593,239 04 
 5,990,090 24 
 7,822 923 34 
 4..530,282 65 
 0,209,954 03 
 5,211,730 50 
 5,151,004 32 
 6,120,073 79 
 6,172,788 79 
 4,922,475 40 
 4.943,557 93 
 4,300,7.57 40 
 3,975,542 95 
 3,480,071 51 
 3,098,800 00 
 2,642,843 23 
 1,912,.574 93 
 1,373,748 74 
 772,561 50 
 303,796 87 
 202,152 98 
 67,803 08 
 
 1,717,900 11 
 68,476 51 
 
 10,813,349 38 
 7,001,151 04 
 1,674,680 05 
 
 15,996,555 00 
 9,010,794 74 
 6,9.58,200 7f 
 5,105,919 99 
 1,395,073 56 
 
 2,795,320 4'i 
 1,001,248 78 
 
 14 
 
 399 
 
 174 
 
 284 
 
 773, 
 
 523 
 
 1,83.3 
 
 1,040 
 
 842. 
 
 1,119 
 
 2,390 
 
 3,505 
 
 3,78/, 
 
 .3,096 
 
 4,000 
 
 3,665 
 
 3,070, 
 
 2,314: 
 
 1,9.^3 
 
 1,,593 
 
 1,652 
 
 2,637 
 
 3,144 
 
 4,034 
 
 13,190 
 
 24,729 
 
 63,685 
 
 77,395 
 
 133,067 
 
 143,781. 
 
 140,424. 
 
 130,634, 
 
 129,235. 
 
 125,576, 
 
 117,3.57. 
 
 104,750, 
 
 107,119, 
 
 10:',,093 
 
 100,24.! 
 
 97,124 
 
 102,500 
 
 105,327 
 
 96,767 
 
 82,508 
 
 ,996 48 
 ,833 89 
 ,,598 08 
 ,977 65 
 ,549 85 
 ,583 91 
 ,4.52 13 
 ,458 18 
 ,723 27 
 .214 72 
 ,705 88 
 ,5,35 78 
 ,393 03 
 ,760 75 
 ,297 80 
 ,832 74 
 ,920 09 
 ,404 99 
 ,822 37 
 ,265 23 
 ,055 67 
 ,649 70 
 ,120 94 
 ,157 .30 
 ,314 84 
 ,700 62 
 ,421 69 
 ,090 30 
 ,024 91 
 ,.591 91 
 ,045 71 
 .242 80 
 ,498 00 
 ,505 93 
 ,839 72 
 ,0S8 44 
 ,815 21 
 ,544 57 
 ,271 23 
 ,.-11 58 
 .874 65 
 ,949 00 
 •,675 11 
 ;,741 18 
 
 8099,984 23 
 09:i,O5H 25 
 2,0,3.3,048 07 
 2.743,771 13 
 2,841,039 .37 
 2..577,120 01 
 2,017,--'.5O 12 
 970,03:^ (J9 
 1,700,578 84 
 ],138,.503 11 
 2,879,870 98 
 5,294,235 24 
 3,300,097 07 
 3,977,206 07 
 4,58:i,9(i0 63 
 
 5.572.018 64 
 2,938,141 62 
 7,701,288 96 
 3,580,479 26 
 4,835,241 12 
 6,414,564 43 
 1,998,349 88 
 7,.''08,008 22 
 3..!07,,304 90 
 0,638,832 11 
 
 17,048,139 69 
 20,886,753 67 
 15,080,247 69 
 2,492,195 73 
 3,477,489 96 
 
 3.241.019 83 
 2,070,100 33 
 
 (507,541 01 
 
 11,624,.835 83 
 
 7,728,587 38 
 
 7,0G5,.539 24 
 
 6,517,590 88 
 
 9.004,037 47 
 
 9,860,304 77 
 
 9,443,173 29 
 
 14,8(J0,029 48 
 
 17,007,747 79 
 
 1,2.39,740 61 
 
 5,974,412 21 
 
 328 20 
 
 21,822 91 
 
 5,590,723 79 
 
 10,718,1,53 53 
 
 3,912,015 02 
 
 5,315,712 19 
 
 7,801,990 09 
 
 .3.38.012 04 
 
 11,158.4.50 71 
 
 7,536,.349 49 
 
 371,100 04 
 
 5,000,067 05 
 
 13,030,922 54 
 
 12,804,478 64 
 
 3,650,335 14 
 
 054,912 71 
 
 2,152.293 05 
 
 6,412,574 01 
 
 17,550,890 95 
 
 0,002,005 86 
 
 3,014,018 06 
 
 3,270,000 05 
 
 7,5115.2,50 82 
 
 14,085,043 15 
 
 13,854,250 00 
 
 18,737,100 00 
 
 96,097,322 09 
 
 181,081,035 07 
 
 4,30,572,014 03 
 
 609,016,141 68 
 
 020.20)3,249 10 
 
 7.35,530,980 11 
 
 092,549,685 88 
 
 201,912,718 31 
 
 393,2.54,282 13 
 
 399,.503,G7O 05 
 
 405,O07,.307 54 
 
 2.33,699,352 68 
 
 422,065,060 23 
 
 407,377.492 48 
 
 449,345,272 80 
 
 323,965,424 05 
 
 363,676,944 90 
 
 699.445,809 16 
 
 432,590,280 41 
 
 165,152,3;55 05 
 
 83,797, 
 
 8,&02, 
 
 6,479, 
 
 9,041, 
 
 10,151, 
 
 8,367, 
 
 8,02.5, 
 
 HfiH-.',, 
 
 11,(KI2, 
 
 11,952, 
 
 12,273 
 
 13,270 
 
 11,2.58 
 
 12,61.5. 
 
 13,.598, 
 
 15,021, 
 
 11,292, 
 
 10,702, 
 
 I3,8r)7 
 
 13,309, 
 
 13,.592, 
 
 22.279. 
 
 39,190, 
 
 38,028 
 
 39,582! 
 
 48,244 
 
 40.877. 
 
 36,104, 
 
 24,004. 
 
 21,763. 
 
 19,090, 
 
 17,070, 
 
 1.5,314, 
 
 31,898 
 
 23,585 
 
 24,103, 
 
 22,056, 
 
 25,459 
 
 25,044 
 
 24,585 
 
 30,038, 
 
 34,350 
 
 24,257 
 
 24,001 
 
 17,573, 
 
 30,8(i8, 
 
 37,205 
 
 39,455, 
 
 37,014. 
 
 28,220 
 
 31,797 
 
 32,936 
 
 12,118 
 
 33,642, 
 
 30,490, 
 
 27,632. 
 
 60,520. 
 
 60,055 
 
 56,386 
 
 44,004 
 
 48,470 
 
 46,712, 
 
 54.577, 
 
 75,47.3, 
 
 66,164 
 
 72,726, 
 
 71,274, 
 
 82,062, 
 
 83,078, 
 
 77,055, 
 
 85,387 
 
 565,667, 
 
 899,815, 
 
 1, 295,54 r 
 
 1,906,433, 
 
 1,139,344, 
 
 1,093,079 
 
 1,069,889 
 
 684,777, 
 
 702,907, 
 
 691,680 
 
 082.,525 
 
 624,044 
 
 724,098 
 
 682,000, 
 
 714,440 
 
 665,299, 
 
 69(»,641 
 
 966,393 
 
 700,23;j 
 
 425,805 
 
 ,430 78 
 ,920 00 
 ,977 97 
 ,.593 17 
 ,240 16 
 ,776 84 
 ,877 37 
 ,618 41 
 ,:i9(i 97 
 ,.534 12 
 ,.370 94 
 .487 31 
 ,983 67 
 ,113 72 
 ,309 47 
 ,196 26 
 ,292 99 
 ,702 04 
 ,226 30 
 ,994 49 
 ,604 86 
 ,121 15 
 ,520 36 
 ,230 32 
 ,493 35 
 495 51 
 .046 04 
 ,875 40 
 ,199 73 
 ,024 85 
 ,572 69 
 ,592 63 
 ,171 00 
 ,538 47 
 ,804 72 
 ,398 40 
 ,764 04 
 ,479 52 
 ,358 40 
 ,281 65 
 ,446 12 
 ,698 06 
 .298 49 
 ,982 44 
 ,141 56 
 ,164 04 
 ,0,37 16 
 ,438 36 
 ,936 15 
 ,533 81 
 ,530 03 
 ,870 53 
 ,106 15 
 ,010 85 
 ,408 71 
 ,282 90 
 ,861 74 
 ,143 19 
 ,422 74 
 ,718 26 
 ,104 31 
 ,608 83 
 ,001 74 
 ,170 75 
 ,775 96 
 ,341 57 
 ,587 37 
 ,186 74 
 ,642 92 
 ,125 05 
 ,313 08 
 ,563 74 
 ,911 25 
 ,114 86 
 ,331 37 
 ,081 95 
 ,655 27 
 ,970 74 
 ,996 11 
 ,842 88 
 ,858 90 
 ,270 21 
 ,597 91 
 .933 99 
 ,SS5 32 
 ,,357 .39 
 ,898 91 
 ,271 70 
 ,092 69 
 ,238 19 
 ,222 64 
 
 8073, 
 
 783, 
 
 753, 
 
 1,151, 
 
 610, 
 
 888, 
 
 1,021, 
 
 617, 
 
 2,101, 
 
 2,0 a, 
 
 3,295, 
 
 5,020, 
 
 4,825, 
 
 4,037, 
 
 3,999, 
 
 4,53x, 
 
 9,043, 
 
 9,941, 
 
 3,848, 
 
 2,672, 
 
 3,602, 
 
 3,8f.2, 
 
 5,196, 
 
 1,727, 
 
 1.3,106, 
 
 22,033, 
 
 14,989, 
 
 1,478, 
 
 2,079, 
 
 1,198, 
 
 1.081, 
 
 4,237, 
 
 9,403, 
 
 1,946, 
 
 5,201, 
 
 6,3£8, 
 
 6,068, 
 
 5,972, 
 
 5,755, 
 
 6,014, 
 
 4,602, 
 
 2,011, 
 
 11,702, 
 
 8,892, 
 
 20,749. 
 
 4G,708i 
 
 37,327. 
 
 3(i,891, 
 
 33,157, 
 
 29,903, 
 
 28,685, 
 
 30,521, 
 
 39,180, 
 
 36.742. 
 
 36,194, 
 
 38,261, 
 
 33,079, 
 
 29,410, 
 
 32,827, 
 
 35,871, 
 
 40,158, 
 
 43,:«8, 
 
 60,201. 
 
 48,591, 
 
 47,777, 
 
 49,108, 
 
 40,802, 
 
 35,113, 
 
 33,193, 
 
 32,979, 
 
 80,903, 
 
 40,905, 
 
 30,523, 
 
 134,433, 
 
 33,933, 
 
 105,301, 
 
 198,076, 
 
 158,936, 
 
 183,781, 
 
 177,604, 
 
 138,019, 
 
 134.666, 
 
 159,293, 
 
 178,8;}3, 
 
 172,804, 
 
 149 909, 
 
 214,887, 
 
 286,,591, 
 
 386,832 
 
 231,940 
 
 280,607 
 
 ,905 76 
 4^14 61 
 
 601 69 
 ,924 17 
 ,442 61 
 ,995 42 
 ,899 04 
 ,451 43 
 ,807 77 
 ,311 99 
 ,391 00 
 ,';97 04 
 ,811 60 
 ,(K)5 26 
 ,:'.88 99 
 ,123 80 
 ,8.50 07 
 ,Sf)9 96 
 ,056 78 
 276 57 
 ,305 80 
 ,217 41 
 .542 00 
 ,S48 63 
 ,592 88 
 ,519 19 
 ,406 48 
 ,526 74 
 ,992 38 
 ,401 21 
 ,692 24 
 ,427 55 
 ,922 81 
 ,597 13 
 ,050 43 
 ,086 18 
 ,286 10 
 ,435 81 
 ,704 79 
 ,639 76 
 ,914 46 
 ,777 65 
 ,905 31 
 ,858 42 
 ,803 96 
 ,436 00 
 ,252 69 
 ,196 94 
 ,503 68 
 ,163 46 
 ,111 08 
 ,979 44 
 ,284 74 
 ,829 62 
 ,274 81 
 ,959 65 
 ,276 43 
 ,612 45 
 ,082 69 
 ,753 31 
 ,353 25 
 ,860 02 
 ,901 09 
 ,073 41 
 ,672 18 
 ,229 80 
 ,8.56 OO 
 ,334 22 
 248 60 
 ,530 78 
 857 83 
 ,;W4 87 
 ,046 13 
 738 44 
 li67 89 
 a54 76 
 ,637 09 
 ,082 87 
 ,985 76 
 ,110 ,51 
 ,122 15 
 ,001 85 
 ,073 41 
 ,3.39 54 
 ,061 32 
 ,377 21 
 ,(545 88 
 ,4.^3 88 
 ,588 66 
 ,064 44 
 068 37 
 
 7.753,341,077 89 [ 69,429.303 87 2,188,189,162 79 8,749,769,819 71 
 
 18,700,719,424 26,
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
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 TABULATED HISTORY— FIN ANCES. 
 
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 10 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
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 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— FIN ANCES. 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 12 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vii. 
 
 
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 BOOK vii.J TABULATED HISTORY— FINANCES. 
 
 S S 8 8 
 
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 14 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATEMEBTT ot SO-jrear 6 per cent. Bonds ^Interest payable in January and Jnly) 
 issued to tlie several Pacific Rall^vay Companies under tlie acts of July 1, 18U^) 
 (la Statutes, 493), and July 2, 1864 (13 Statutes, 359). 
 
 Railway companies. 
 
 C M 
 
 .i.a 
 
 < 
 
 Amount of inter- 
 est accrued and 
 paid to date, as 
 per preceding 
 siatement. 
 
 i i o 
 
 — o <» 
 
 <« C.J3 
 C tr o 
 .^ CS « 
 
 C 0) jn 
 3 3 t.c 
 
 <:£'Si 
 
 
 Repayment of in- 
 terest by trans- 
 portal ion of mails, 
 ti oops, &c. 
 
 Balance due the 
 United States on 
 interest account, 
 deducting repay- 
 ments. 
 
 On January 1, 1876 
 Central Pacific 
 
 825.885.120 00 
 6.30i,OO0 00 
 27,236,512 00 
 1,60 1,000 00 
 1,970,500 00 
 1,628,320 00 
 
 31-3,027,697 67 
 
 3,103,893 09 
 
 11,8.84,324 65 
 
 781,808 20 
 
 722,380 14 
 
 682,703 89 
 
 8776,553 60 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 36 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 00 
 
 $11,804,251 27 
 
 3,292,983 ('9 
 
 12,701, t::0 01 
 
 829,808 26 
 
 781,496 94 
 
 731,553 49 
 
 $1,191,705 86 
 
 1,4 40,^1 64 84 
 
 3,943,715 05 
 
 44,408 05 
 
 9,307 00 
 
 39,005 96 
 
 $10,612,485 41 
 1,3.52,318 25 
 
 
 8,757,704 36 
 785,4-10 21 
 772,129 94 
 692,547 53 
 
 Cent. Branch Un. Pac 
 
 Western Paeirtc 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 
 64,623,512 00 
 
 28,202,807 70 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 30,141,513 06 
 
 6,668,927 36 
 
 23,472,585 70 
 
 On July 1,1876: 
 Central Pacific 
 
 25,885.120 00 
 6..3O3,O00 00 
 
 27.236.512 00 
 l.OOO.OtK) 00 
 l,i»7<',560 00 
 1,028,320 00 
 
 11,804,251 27 
 3,292,983 09 
 
 12,701,420 01 
 829,808 26 
 781,496 94 
 731,.553 49 
 
 776,553 00 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 30 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 12 580,804 87 
 3,482,073 09 
 
 13,518,515 .37 
 877,808 20 
 840,013 74 
 780,403 09 
 
 1,2,31,213 76 
 1,448,327 39 
 4,07!*,704 77 
 
 44,408 05 
 9,307 00 
 
 39,470 28 
 
 11,349,,591 U 
 2,033,745 70 
 
 Union Pacific 
 
 Cent. Branc^i Un.Pac. 
 
 9,438.810 00 
 833,400 21 
 831,246 74 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 740,932 81 
 
 
 61,623,512 00 
 
 30,141,513 06 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 32,080,218 42 
 
 6,852,491 25 
 
 25,227,727 17 
 
 On January 1, 1877 : 
 
 25,885.120 00 
 6,303,000 00 
 
 27,236,512 00 
 1,600,000 00 
 1, 070,5(50 00 
 1,628,320 00 
 
 12,580,804 87 
 3,482,073 09 
 
 13,.518,515 37 
 877,808 26 
 840,6 '3 74 
 780,403 09 
 
 776.553 60 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 .30 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 13,357,358 47 
 .3,071,103 09 
 
 14,335,610 73 
 925,808 26 
 899,730 54 
 829,252 69 
 
 1,268,672 12 
 1,515,718 49 
 4,126,871 52 
 
 44.408 05 
 9,367 00 
 
 39,440 28 
 
 12,088,686 35 
 
 Kansas Pai'ific...... 
 
 2 155,444 60 
 10,208,739 Ul 
 
 Cent Branch Un. Pac. 
 
 Western Pacific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 881,400 21 
 890 303 54 
 789,782 41 
 
 
 64,623,512 00 
 
 32,080,218 42 
 
 34,018,923 78 
 
 7,004,507 46 
 
 27,014,416 32 
 
 On July 1,^877: 
 
 $25,885,120 00 
 6,303,000 00 
 27,2.36,512 00 
 1,600,01)0 00 
 1,970,560 00 
 1,628,320 00 
 
 13,357,3.58 47 
 3,071,103 09 
 
 14,335,610 73 
 925 808 26 
 899,730 54 
 829,252 69 
 
 776,553 00 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 30 
 48,000 00 
 69,116 80 
 48,849 00 
 
 14,133,912 07 
 3,860,253 09 
 
 15,152.700 09 
 973,808 20 
 958 847 34 
 878,102 29 
 
 2,065.324 01 
 1,531,680 06 
 4,787.041 67 
 
 58,498 35 
 9,367 00 
 
 63,578 00 
 
 12,068,588 06 
 
 
 2,328,573 03 
 
 10,365,664 42 
 
 915,309 91 
 
 949.480 34 
 
 815,523 49 
 
 
 Cent. Branch Un. Pac. 
 
 We.-tern Pacific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 
 64,623,512 00 
 
 34,018,923 78 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 34,957,629 14 
 
 8,514,489 89 
 
 27,443,139 25 
 
 On January 1, 1878: 
 
 25,885,120 00 
 6,:W3,000 00 
 
 27.230,512 00 
 1,000,000 00 
 1,970,560 00 
 1,628,320 00 
 
 14,133,912 07 
 3,800,253 09 
 
 15,152,700 09 
 973^08 26 
 958,847 34 
 878,102 29 
 
 776,5.53 60 
 189,090 00 
 817.095 36 
 49,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 14,910,405 67 
 4,049,343 09 
 
 15,909,801 45 
 
 1,021,808 26 
 
 1,017,964 14 
 
 920,9.51 89 
 
 2,198,960 71 
 1,532,450 07 
 5,134,103 84 
 
 02.998 35 
 9,.367 00 
 
 68,409 65 
 
 12,711,504 96 
 
 Kan-<as Pai'ific 
 
 2,516,993 02 
 10,835.697 61 
 
 Cent. Brand! Un.Pac 
 
 Western Pacific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 958,808 91 
 
 1,008,.597 14 
 
 858,512 24 
 
 
 64,023,512 00 
 
 35,957,629 14 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 37,890,334 50 
 
 9,006,189 62 
 
 28,890,144 88 
 
 On July 1,1878: 
 Central Pacific 
 
 ;25,885,120 00 
 0,303,000 00 
 27,236,512 00 
 1,600,000 00 
 1,970,560 00 
 1,628,.320 00 
 
 14,910,465 67 
 4,049,343 09 
 
 15,9(i0,801 45 
 
 1,021,808 20 
 
 1,017,904 14 
 
 920,951 89 
 
 776.553 00 
 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 36 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 15,087,019 27 
 4,238,433 09 
 
 10,780,896 81 
 
 1,0(!9,808 26 
 
 1,088,080 94 
 
 975,801 49 
 
 2,343,659 54 
 1,53 .',.530 42 
 5,852,870 95 
 
 67,498 35 
 9,367 00 
 
 7.5,517 99 
 
 13,343,359 73 
 2,705,«02 67 
 
 
 10,934,025 86 
 
 1,002,309 91 
 
 1,067,713 94 
 
 900,283 50 
 
 Cent. Branch Un.Pac. 
 
 Western Pacific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 
 64,623,512 00 
 
 .37,890,334 50 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 39,835,.334 50 
 
 9,881,444 25 
 
 29,953,595 61 
 
 On January 1, 1879: 
 Central Pacific 
 
 25,885,120 OO'' 
 6,303,000 00 
 
 27,236,512 00 
 1,0()(),IK)() 00 
 I,!)70,.''i6(l 00 
 1,628,320 00 
 
 15,087,019 27 
 4,238,4.33 09 
 
 16,786,896 81 
 
 1,069,808 20 
 
 1,077,080 94 
 
 975,801 49 
 
 770,,5.53 60 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 .30 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 00 
 
 10,403,572 87 
 4,427,523 09 
 
 17,603,992 17 
 1,117,808 26 
 1,130,197 74 
 1,024,651 09 
 
 2,516,742 86 
 1,744,683 89 
 6,145,214 86 
 
 71,145 ,54 
 9.367 00 
 
 8.3,648 50 
 
 13,940,8.30 01 
 2,682,829 20 
 
 11,458,777 31 
 1.046,302 72 
 1,120,8.30 74 
 
 Union Pacific 
 
 Cent. Branch Un.Pac. 
 Western Pacific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 941,002 53 
 
 
 64,023,512 00 
 
 39,836,039 86 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 41,773,746 22 
 
 10,571,102 71 
 
 31,202,642 51 
 
 On July 1,1879: 
 
 25,885,120 00 
 6.303,000 00 
 
 27,236,512 00 
 ],6(li),000 (M) 
 1,070,(160 00 
 1,028.320 00 
 
 64,023,320 00 
 
 1 
 
 10,403,572 87 
 4,'127,.523 09 
 
 17,603,992 17 
 1,117,808 20 
 1,1.30,107 74 
 1,021,651 09 
 
 41,773.745 22 
 
 776,553 60 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 36 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 17,2.lO,126''47 
 4,616,613 09 
 
 18,121,087 53 
 1,105,808 26 
 1,19.5,314 54 
 1,073,500 09 
 
 2,771,419 23 
 2.324,910 55 
 7,325,406 49 
 
 73,142 73 
 9,307 00 
 
 91,747 39 
 
 14,468,707 24 
 2,291.702 54 
 
 
 
 11,095,621 04 
 1,092,665 53 
 1.185,947 54 
 
 Cent. Branch Un.Pac 
 Western Pacific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacilic. 
 
 981,753 30 
 
 
 1,9.38,705 36 
 
 43,712,450 58 
 
 12,596,053 39 
 
 31,116,397 19
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FIN ANCES. 15 
 
 STATEMENT of 30-year 6 per cent. Bonds, &c.— [Continued.] 
 
 Railway companies. 
 
 c a 
 a m 
 
 Amount of inter- 
 est accrued and 
 psid to date, as 
 per preceding 
 statement. 
 
 4) 25 
 "5 t. ® 
 
 c ;- cj 
 3 3 a 
 0-3 tn 
 
 73 -O 
 
 ■», a 
 
 Repayment of in- 
 terest by trans- 
 portation of mails, 
 troops, Ac. 
 
 Balance due the 
 I'n ted States on 
 int'^rc'-t account 
 deducting repay- 
 tnouts. 
 
 On January 1, 1880: 
 
 25,88.'),120 00 
 
 o,'io:i,ooo 00 
 27,2:i(;,.'il2 00 
 l,li(l(),(l(10 00 
 l,!l70,'if.O 00 
 1,028,320 00 
 
 ?17,240.120 47 
 4,C.l(i,<;i3 Of) 
 18,421.(187 53 
 1,10'), 808 20 
 l,l!I.Vil4 54 
 1,073,.500 69 
 
 S776.553 60 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 36 
 48,000 00 
 59,116 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 Sl8,01fi,680 07 
 4,805 703 09 
 19,238,182 89 
 l,2l:(,808 26 
 1,224,431 34 
 1,122,3.50 29 
 
 $3,552,1.35 70 
 
 2.370,109 88 
 
 7,421,734 97 
 
 73,142 73 
 
 9,307 00 
 
 03,983 91 
 
 $14 464,544 37 
 2 435 .513 oj 
 
 
 
 11,816,447 92 
 1,140,605 53 
 1, •-'45,064 34 
 1,028,.366 38 
 
 Cent. Branch lln.Pac. 
 
 Western Pa'-ific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 
 C4,C2:},512 00 
 
 43,712,450 58 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 4.5,651,1,55 94 
 
 13,520,474 19 
 
 32,130,681 76 
 
 On July 1,1880: 
 
 Central Pacific 
 
 Kansas Pacific. 
 
 25,885,120 00 
 
 r>,:!o:!,(ioo 00 
 
 27,2:!(;,512 00 
 
 i,i;oo,ooo 00 
 
 1,070,5(;0 00 
 1,028.320 00 
 
 18,016,680 07 
 4,805,703 00 
 
 l!l,238,182 80 
 1,213,808 20 
 1,254,431 34 
 1,122,350 29 
 
 776,653 60 
 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 30 
 48,000 00 
 69,110 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 18,793.2.33 67 
 4,994,793 09 
 
 20,0.=.5,'78 25 
 1,201 808 26 
 1,31,3,548 14 
 1,171,199 89 
 
 3,200,389 64 
 
 2,447,397 28 
 
 7,804,484 37 
 
 47,621 69 
 
 9.307 00 
 
 100,032 67 
 
 ]6,.592,844 03 
 
 2.517,395 81 
 12 ".50 793 88 
 
 Cent. Braiicii Un.Pac. 
 
 Wt>stern I'acifie 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 1,214,186 57 
 1.304,181 14 
 1,065,167 32 
 
 1 
 
 64,623,512 00 
 
 45,651,155 94 
 
 47,589,861 30 
 
 13,615,292 55 
 
 33,974,568 76 
 
 On January 1, 1881: 
 
 25,885,120 00 
 0,* 13,(100 00 
 
 27.23C..512 00 
 1,000,(100 00 
 
 i,970,:)(;o 00 
 
 1,028,320 00 
 
 18,793,233 67 
 4,904,703 09 
 
 20,055,278 25 
 1,201,808 26 
 1,0 3..5.18 14 
 1,171,199 89 
 
 776.533 00 
 189,090 00 
 817,095 .36 
 48,000 00 
 59,110 80 
 48,849 60 
 
 19,569,787 27 
 6.183,883 09 
 
 20,872.373 61 
 1.. 309,808 20 
 1,. 372,064 94 
 1,220,049 49 
 
 3,358,026 85 
 
 2,502,724 32 
 
 7,902,936 82 
 
 74,967 91 
 
 9,367 00 
 
 114,424 58 
 
 16,211,760 42 
 2,081,1.^8 77 
 
 12,879,430 79 
 1,234.840 :« 
 1 '.M'Z •><^^ 94 
 
 Kansas Pacific 
 
 Cent. Branch Un. Pac. 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 1.105,624 91 
 
 1 
 
 64,628,320 00 
 
 47,5S9,861 30 
 
 1,938,705 36 
 
 49,528,566 66 
 
 14,052,447 48 
 
 35.476,110 18 
 
 On July1,18Sl: 
 
 25,885,120 00 
 6,303.000 00 
 
 27,236,-512 00 
 1,000,000 00 
 1,!)70,.'')G() 00 
 1,028,320 00 
 
 19,569,787 27 
 5 183,>-83 09 
 
 20,872,373 61 
 1.309,808 26 
 l,<7 2.0(i4 94 
 1,220,049 49 
 
 776,553 60 
 
 189,090 00 
 
 817,095 36 
 
 48,000 00 
 
 59 110 80 
 
 48.849 60 
 
 20,346.340 87 
 5,372,973 09 
 
 21,6-9.408 97 
 1,3.''>7.80S 20 
 1,431,781 74 
 1,208,899 09 
 
 3,496,492 83 
 
 2,565,443 44 
 
 8, '35,878 56 
 
 93 615 .38 
 
 9,367 00 
 
 124,979 14 
 
 16,849,398 04 
 2 807,529 65 
 
 13,5.53,.';90 41 
 1,?64.292 88 
 1,4 22.4 14 74 
 1,143,919 95 
 
 
 
 Cent. Branch Un.Pac. 
 
 Wcstcin Pa"ific 
 
 Sioux City & Pacific. 
 
 
 64,623,512 00 
 
 49,528,560 66 
 
 1,938,805 36 
 
 51,41.7,272 02 
 
 14,426,126 35 
 
 37,041,145 67 
 
 GOVERNMENT REVENUES. 
 Tlie ordinary revenues from all sonrces for tlic fi.scal 5'ear ended Jnne 30, 1881, as 
 sho^vn by tUc report of C'lias. J. Folger, Secretary of flie Treasury, ■were : 
 
 From customs 819a,l.'i9,676 02 
 
 From internal revenue 135,264,385 61 
 
 Fioin sales of public lands 2,201,863 17 
 
 From tax on circulation and deposits 
 
 of national banks 8,116,115 72 
 
 From repavment of interest by Paci- 
 fic !?ail"\vay Companies SIO.S.IS 80 
 
 From sinking fund for Pacific Rail- 
 way Companies 805,180 54 
 
 From customs' fees, fines, penalties, 
 
 &c 1,225,514 86 
 
 From fce.s— consular, letters-patent 
 and lands 
 
 From proceeds of sales of Govern- 
 ment property 
 
 From profits on coinage 
 
 Frum revenues of the District of 
 Columbia 
 
 From miscellaneous sources 
 
 2,244,983 98 
 
 262,174 00 
 3,4(;8,485 61 
 
 2,016,199 23 
 6.206,880 13 
 
 Total ordinary receipts 300.782,292 57 
 
 Tlie ordinary expendltnres for the same period -^vere — 
 
 For civil expenses 817,941,177 19 
 
 For foreign intercourse 1.093,954 92 
 
 For III lians 6,.514,161 09 
 
 For pensions 50,059,279 62 
 
 For the military establishment, in- 
 cluding river and harbor im- 
 provements, and arsenals 40,466,460 55 
 
 For the naval establishment, includ- 
 ing vessels, machinery, and im- 
 provements at navy-yard" 16,080,671 66 
 
 For miscellaneous expenditures, in- 
 
 To tlie redemption of— 
 
 Bonds for the sinking-fund 74,371,200 00 
 
 Fractional currency for the sinking- 
 fund .' 109,001 05 
 
 Loan of February, 1861 7,418,ooo 00 
 
 Ten-forties of 1804 2,016,1.50 00 
 
 Five-twenties of 1862 18.300 00 
 
 Five-twenties of IS04 .3.4()(i 00 
 
 Five-twenties of 1805 37,.Tvi 00 
 
 Consols of 1865 143,150 00 
 
 eluding public buildings, light- 
 houses, and collecting the revo- 
 
 nne 41,837,280 57 
 
 For expenditure.s on account of the 
 
 District of Columbia 3,84.3,912 03 
 
 For interest on the public debt 82,.508.741 18 
 
 For premium on bonds purchased.... 1,001,248 78 
 
 Total ordinary expenditures... 200,712,887 59 
 
 Leaving a surplus revenue of $100,069,404 98 
 
 Consols of 1867 0.59,1.50 00 
 
 Consols of 1SC,8 a37,400 00 
 
 Texan indemnity stock 1,000 00 
 
 Old demand, compound-interest, and 
 
 other notes 18,330 00 
 
 And to the increase of cash in the 
 
 Treasury 14,637,023 93 
 
 100,or.9,404 98
 
 16 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 FISCAIi YEAR 1883. 
 For tlie present fiscal year tliie revenue, actual and estimated, Is as follows ; 
 
 Source. 
 
 From customs 
 
 From internal revenue 
 
 From sales of public lands 
 
 From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks . 
 From repayment of interest by Pacific Railway Companies 
 
 From customs' fees, fines, penalties, &c 
 
 From fees — consular, letters-patent, and lands 
 
 From proceeds of sales of Government property .... 
 
 From profits on coinage 
 
 From revenues of the District of Columbia 
 
 From miscellaneous sources 
 
 Total receipts 
 
 For the quarter 
 ended Septem- 
 ber 30, 1881. 
 
 Actual. 
 
 $59,184,469 
 
 37,575,502 
 
 948,368 
 
 4,307,988 
 
 59,999 
 
 421,811 
 
 639,180 
 
 66,363 
 
 809,317 
 
 158.445 
 
 4,009,596 
 
 For the remain- 
 ing three quar- 
 ters of they eai\ 
 
 Estimated. 
 
 108,181,043 09 
 
 S155,815 
 
 117,424 
 
 1,551 
 
 3,692 
 
 1,440 
 
 928 
 
 1,810 
 
 183 
 
 2,440 
 
 1,641 
 
 4,890 
 
 530 86 
 497 78 
 631 81 
 Oil 14 
 000 51 
 188 38 
 819 92 
 636 42 
 682 20 
 554 05 
 ,403 85 
 
 291,818,956 91 
 
 expenditures for the same period, actual and estimated, are — 
 
 Source. 
 
 For civil and miscellaneous expenses, including public 
 buildings, light-houses, and collecting the revenues . . 
 
 For Indians 
 
 For pensions 
 
 For military establishment, including fortifications, river 
 and harbor improvements, and arsenals 
 
 For naval establishment, including vessels and machinery, 
 and improvements at navy-yards 
 
 For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia . . 
 
 For interest on the public debt 
 
 Total ordinary expenditures 
 
 For the quarter 
 ended Septem- 
 ber 30, 1881. 
 
 Actual. 
 
 $12,252,053 71 
 
 2,011,984 70 
 
 17,220,122 12 
 
 13,517,184 11 
 
 4,646,969 78 
 
 1,131,476 04 
 
 24.271,948 93 
 
 75,051,739 39 
 
 For the remain- 
 ing three quar- 
 ters of the year. 
 
 Estimated, 
 
 f!47,247,946 29 
 
 4,288,015 30 
 
 52,779,877 88 
 
 30,982,815 89 
 
 10,853,030 22 
 
 2,368,523 96 
 
 46,428,051 07 
 
 194,948,260 61 
 
 Total receipts, actual and estimated $400,000,000 00 
 
 Total expenditures, actual and estimated 270,000,000 00 
 
 130,000,000 00 
 59,634,856 50 
 
 Estimated amount due the sinkinsi fund 
 
 Leaving a balance of 
 
 70,365,148 50 
 
 FISCAL YEAR 1883. 
 The revenues of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1883, estimated npon the hasls of 
 existing laws, will be— 
 
 From customs $215,000,000 00 
 
 From internal revenue • . . . 165,000,000 00 
 
 2,500,000 00 
 
 8,000,000 00 
 
 1,500,000 00 
 
 1,350,000 00 
 
 2,450,000 00 
 
 250,000 00 
 
 3,250,000 00 
 
 1,800,000 00 
 
 8,900,000 00 
 
 From sales of public lands 
 
 From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks . 
 From repayment of interest ))y Pacific Railway Companies 
 
 From customs' foes, fines, penalties, &c 
 
 From fees — consular, letters-patent, and lands 
 
 From proceeds of sales of Government property .... 
 
 From profits on coinage 
 
 From revenues of the District of Columbia 
 
 From miscellaneous sources 
 
 Total estimated ordinary receipts 400,000,000 00
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FIXAXCES. 17 
 
 The estlmatrR of expeudltures for the same period, received from the several Execu- 
 tive Departincutti, are as follows t 
 
 Legislative ?2,903,45r, 92 
 
 Executive 10,201, ;;67 73 
 
 J'id'^i'^1 403,200 00 
 
 Foreign intercourse l,3]o,055 00 
 
 Military csfablishment 29 50'J -O'M 17 
 
 Naval estahlisliiuent 17'24o'l48 46 
 
 Indian affairs 5 841 713 91 
 
 I'eusions lOoioOO^OOO 00 
 
 Public "Works: 
 
 Treasury Department $3,282,000 00 
 
 War Departmont 11,479,5(10 03 
 
 Navy Dcpartnicnt 2,829,938 00 
 
 Interior Department 380,900 00 
 
 rost-Office Department 8,000 00 
 
 Department of Agriculture 43,730 00 
 
 Department of Justice 1,500 00 
 
 18,031,574 03 
 
 Postal service y20 077 95 
 
 Miscellaneous 18,141 ^851 95 
 
 District of Columbia 3,502 599 31 
 
 Perniaueut annual appropriations : 
 
 Interest on the public debt $65,000,000 00 
 
 Sinking-fund 45,011,714 22 
 
 Refunding — customs, internal revenue, lands, &c . . . . 7,514,100 00 
 
 Collecting revenues from customs 5,500,000 00 
 
 Miscellaneous 2,577,125 00 
 
 $126,202,939 22 
 
 Total estimated expenditures, including sinking-fund 340,462,507 65 
 
 Or, an estimated surplus of $59,537,492 35 
 
 Excluding the sinlcing-fund, the estimated expenditures -wfU be $294,850,793.43, showing a 
 Burplus of $105,149,200.57. 
 
 The foregoing estimates of expenditures for the fiscal year 1883 are $56,069,257.60 in excess 
 of those submitted last year, as follows : 
 
 Increase — 
 
 Legislative $389,285 06 
 
 Executive proper 11,736 00 
 
 Department of State 53,520 00 
 
 Treasury Department 1,699,332 69 
 
 AVar Department 914,221 37 
 
 Navy Department 4,132,634 40 
 
 Interior Department 51,586,130 04 
 
 Department of Agriculture 160,260 00 
 
 $58,947,119 55 
 
 Decrease — 
 
 Post-Officc Department 2,648,261 95 
 
 Department of Justice 229,600 00 
 
 2,887,861 95 
 
 Net increase 56,069,257 60 
 
 The estira.ates of this Department are submitted as made up by the officers in charge of the 
 public duties to which they respectively pertain, and while exceeding those of 1881 by the 
 sum .of $1,099,332,69, they are in excess of the appropriations made for the Department at the 
 last session of Congress only to the extent of $008.55. 
 
 CUSTOMS. 
 
 The revenue from customs for the past fiscal year was $198,159 676.02, an increase of 
 $11,637,611.42 over that of the preceding year. 
 
 Of the amount collected, $138, 908. .502. 39 was collected af the port nf New York, leaving 
 $59,251,113.63 as the amount collected at all the other ports of the country. 
 2
 
 18 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Of the total amount, $47,977,137.63 was collected on sugar, melado, and molasses; 
 $27,285,624.78 on wool and its manufactures ; $21,462,534.34 on ii-on and steel, and manufac- 
 tures thereof, §19,038,665.81 on manuftxctures of silk; §10.825, 115. 21 on manufactures of 
 cotton ; and $6,469,643.04 on wines and spirits ; making a total revenue from the articles 
 speciiied, of $133,058,720.81. 
 
 The expenses of collection for the past year were $6,419,845.20, an increase over the pre- 
 ceding year of $387,410.04. AVhile there was an increase in the revenue from customs over 
 the preceding year of over eleven and a h.ilf millions of dollars, the gross value of the imports, 
 including free goods, decreased over twenty-five millions of dollars. The most marked decrease 
 was in the value of unmanufactured wool, $14,023,682, and in that of scrap and pig-iron, 
 $12,810,671. There was, on the other hand, an increase in the value of sugar imported of 
 $7,427,474 ; on steel rails, of $4,345,521 ; on barley, $2,154,204 ; and on steel in ingots, bars, 
 &c., $1,620,046. 
 
 The exports, as contrasted with the imports during the last fiscal year, (1881), are as 
 follows : 
 
 Exports of domestic merchandise $883,925,947 00 
 
 Exports of foreign merchandise 18,451,399 00 
 
 Total 902,377,346 00 
 
 Imports of merchandise 642,664,628 00 
 
 Excess of exports over imports of merchandise 259,712,718 00 
 
 Aggregate of exports and imports 1,545,041,974 00 
 
 Compared with the previous year, there was an increase of $66,738,688 in the v.alue of ex- 
 ports of merchandise, and a decrease of $25,290,118 in the value of imports. The annual 
 average of the excess of imports of merchandise over exports thereof, for ten years previous 
 to June 30, 1873. was $104,706,922; but for the last six years there has been an excess of 
 exports over imports of merchandise amounting to $1,180,668,105 — an annual average of 
 $196,778,017. The specie value of the exports of domestic merchandise has increased from 
 $376,616,473 in 1870, to $883,925,947 in 1881, an increase of $507,309,474, or 135 per cent. 
 The imports of merchandise have increased from $435,958,408 in 1870, to $642,664,628 in 
 1881, an increase of *206, 706,220, or 47 per cent. 
 
 During e;ich year from 1862 to 1879, inclusive, the exports of specie exceeded the imports 
 thereof. The largest excess of such exports over imports was reached during the year 1864, 
 when it amounted to .1^92,280,929. But during the year ended June 30, 1880, the imports of 
 coin an 1 bullion exceeded the exports thereof by .575,891,391 ; and during the last fiscal year 
 the excess uf imports over exports was $91,168,650. 
 
 INTERlVAIi REVENIJE. 
 
 From the various sources of taxation under the internal-revenue laws, the receipts for the 
 fiscal year ended June 30, 1881, were as follows: 
 
 From spirits $67,153,974 88 
 
 From Tobacco 42,854,991 31 
 
 From fermented liquors 13,700,241 21 
 
 From banks and bankers 3,762,208 07 
 
 From adhesive stamps 7,375,255 72 
 
 From penalties 231,078 21 
 
 From collections not otherwise provided for 152,162 90 
 
 Total 135,229,912 30 
 
 ANTE-WAR DEBTS OF THE SEVERAIi STATES. 
 
 Tablb showing the Debts of the several States before the war (1860-61). 
 
 Maino 
 
 Now Hrtrnpshlre... 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Conn'-oticut 
 
 Mew York 
 
 New .If;r.«oy 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryl.'ind 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 MiehJKan 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Wliconsin 
 
 Minnusota 
 
 In 1860-61. 
 
 $699,500 
 
 31,069 
 
 none. 
 
 7,i:i2,027 
 
 none, 
 
 none. 
 
 34,lHv;,U76 
 
 ID 1,000 
 
 .37,06.1 ,602 
 
 none. 
 
 M 2r.n,i73 
 7,770,233 
 2,3H8,8.|3 
 10,277,161 
 100,(100 
 260,000 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 California 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Virginia 
 
 North ("arolina., 
 South Carolina.. 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Florida 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Loiiiniana 
 
 Texas 
 
 Arkansas' 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 In 1860-61. 
 
 200,000 
 
 24,734,000 
 
 150,000 
 
 4,729,234 
 
 5.'5,372 
 
 33,248.141 
 
 9,12!),.')05 
 
 ■3,C,9I,.'>74 
 
 2,c>70,7.''.0 
 
 3.^3 000 
 
 5,018,000 
 
 none. 
 
 10,023,903 
 
 3,092,622 
 16,643,666
 
 BOOK vn.] TABULATED HISTORY— FINANCES. 19 
 
 VALUE IN U. S. MONEY OF FOREIGN GOLD AND SILVER COIN. 
 
 Austria 
 
 l-telsium 
 
 Bolivia 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Britisli Possessions in 
 
 N. America 
 
 BoRota 
 
 Central America 
 
 Chili 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Eiuiador 
 
 E^ypt 
 
 France. 
 
 Great Britain 
 
 Greece 
 
 German Empire 
 
 Japnn 
 
 India 
 
 Italy 
 
 Liberia 
 
 Mexico 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 Norway.... 
 
 Peru 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Russia 
 
 Sandwich Islands 
 
 Spain 
 
 Sweden 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Tripoli 
 
 Tuni.s 
 
 Turkey 
 
 U. S. of Columbia 
 
 MONETART UNIT. 
 
 Florin 
 
 Francs 
 
 Dollar. 
 
 Milreis of 100 reis.... 
 
 Dollar 
 
 Peso 
 
 Dollar 
 
 Peso 
 
 Crown 
 
 Dollar 
 
 Pound of 100 piasters 
 
 Frane 
 
 Pound sterling 
 
 Drachma 
 
 Mark 
 
 Yen 
 
 Rupee of IG annas.... 
 
 Lira 
 
 Dollar 
 
 Dollar 
 
 Florin 
 
 Crown 
 
 Dollars 
 
 Milrei.s of 1000 reis... 
 Rouble ollOOcopecks 
 
 Dollar 
 
 Peseta of 100 cent'es 
 
 Crown 
 
 Franc 
 
 Mahbubof 20piaRt'rs 
 Piaster of 16 caroubs. 
 
 Piaster 
 
 Pesa 
 
 BTANDARD. 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold and silver 
 Gold and sdver 
 Gold 
 
 Gold 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 G..ld 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Gold and silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Gold and silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 Goldand silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold and silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Gold and silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Gold and silver 
 
 Silver 
 
 Silver 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 .453 
 .19:1 
 .90.0 
 .545 
 
 $1.00 
 .9fi.5 
 .til 8 
 .Olli 
 .aiH 
 .iU8 
 4.074 
 .VXi 
 
 4.8t;(ii^ 
 
 .l!)3 
 .2(8 
 .997 
 .436 
 .193 
 1.00 
 .998 
 
 .208 
 
 .918 
 1.08 
 
 .734 
 1.00 
 
 .193 
 
 .208 
 
 .193 
 
 .829 
 
 .118 
 
 .043 
 
 .812 
 
 BTANDABO COIN. 
 
 Florin. 
 
 5^ 10, 20 francs. 
 
 Eseudo, 1/^ boliver, boliver. 
 
 None. 
 
 Dollar. 
 
 Condor, douliloon, cscudo. 
 
 10 and 20 crowns. 
 
 Dollar. 
 
 5, 10, 25, 50'piasters. 
 
 5, 10, 20 francs. 
 
 1^ sovereign, sovereign. 
 
 5, 10, 20, .'■>(i, loo drachmas. 
 
 6, 10, 20 mark.-j. 
 
 1, 2, 5, 10, 20 yen. 
 
 5, 10, 20, 50, 100 lire. 
 
 ■Peso or dollar. 5, 10, 25. .OO centaya 
 Florin, 10 guldens, gold (4.019). 
 10, 20 crowns. 
 
 2, 5, 10 milreis. 
 
 14, 14 aid 1 rouble. 
 
 5, 10, 20, ,50, 100 pesetas. 
 10, 20 crowns. 
 5, 10, 20 francs. 
 
 25, 50, 100, 250, 500 piasters. 
 
 INTEREST LAAVS OP ALL THE STATES AND TERRITORIES IN THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 ST.\TE.S & TERRITORIES. 
 
 PENALTY OF USURY. 
 
 LEGAL. SPECIAL. 
 
 Alabama Loss of interest 85^ 
 
 Arizona No penalty 10 
 
 Arkansas Forfeiture of principal and interest 6 
 
 California No penalty 10 
 
 Colorado No penalty 10 
 
 Connecticut Forfeiture of all interest 6 
 
 Dakota Forfeiture of contract 7 
 
 Delaware Forfeiture of contract 6 
 
 District of Columbia . . Forfeiture of all interest 6 
 
 Florida No penalty 8 
 
 Georgia Forfeiture of excess 7 
 
 Idaho* $.300 fine, or imprisonment six months, or both . 10 
 
 Illinois Forfeiture of all interest 6 
 
 Indiana Forfeiture of interest and costs 6 
 
 Iowa Forfeiture of interest and costs 6 
 
 Kansas Forfeiture of excess over 12;^ 7 
 
 Kentucky Forfeiture of all interest 6 
 
 Louisiana Forfeiture of interest 6 
 
 Maine No penalty 6 
 
 Maryland Forfeiture of excess 6 
 
 Massachusetts No penalty ; 65^ on judgments G 
 
 Michii>;an Forfeiture of excess 7 
 
 Minnesota, Forfeiture of excess over 7«< 7 
 
 Mississippi No penalty 6 
 
 Missouri Forfeiture of all interest 6 
 
 Montana No penalty 10 
 
 Nebraska Forfeiture of all interest and costs 10 
 
 . 10 
 6 
 G 
 6 
 7 
 
 Nevada No penalty 
 
 New Hampshire .... Forfeit of three times interest received . 
 
 New Jersey Forfeit of all interest 
 
 New Mexico No penalty 
 
 New Yorkf Forfeiture of contract 
 
 No limit. 
 No limit. 
 No limit. 
 No limit. 
 No limit. 
 18^ 
 6 
 10 
 No limit 
 12 
 24 
 8 
 10 
 10 
 12 
 8 
 8 
 No limit. 
 
 6 
 
 No limit. 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 No limit. 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 No limit. 
 6 
 7 
 
 12 
 7 
 
 * Liable to arrest for misdemeanor. 
 
 SAl.<!o puuithable as a misdemeanor. Banks forfeit interest only, or double the intoreat if charged 
 vanco. 
 
 59
 
 20 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 INTEREST LAAVS 
 
 STATES & TERRITOlilBS 
 
 North Carolina . . . -j 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania .... 
 Rhode Island* .... 
 South Carolina. . . . 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Utah 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Washington Territory. 
 West Virginia .... 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Wyoming Territory . . 
 * Also GjS on judgments, 
 
 OF AI.Ii THE STATES AND TERRITORIES.— [Continued.] 
 
 PENALTY OF USURY. LEGAL. SPECIAL. 
 
 Forfeiture of double amount of principal, and "In o 
 
 $1,000 fine ; ^^ ^5* 
 
 Forfeiture of excess 6 8 
 
 Forfeiture of principal, interest and costs ... 10 12 
 
 Forfeiture of excess, Act of 1858 6 6 
 
 Forfeiture, unless by contract 6 No limit. 
 
 No penalty 7 No limit. 
 
 Forfeiture of over 6/., and $100 fine 6 10 
 
 No penalty 8 12 
 
 No penalty 10 7 
 
 Forfeit of excess on Railroad Bonds only ... G 
 
 Forfeitof excess. No corporation can plead usury. 6 No limit. 
 
 No penalty 10 6 
 
 Forfeit of excess 6 6 
 
 Forfeit of all interest 7 10 
 
 No penalty 10 No limit. 
 
 AGGREGATE ISSUES OP PAPER MONEY IN WAR TIMES. 
 
 The following table exhibit** the amountjjer capita issued of tl\o Continental monpy. the French astiqnafu, 
 the Confederate currency, and the legal-tender greeubaoks and National bank- notes of the United States 
 
 Continental money 
 
 French assignats 
 
 Confederata currency 
 
 Grpenhack-* and National bank-not°s 
 Highest amount in circulation, Jan. 'CG 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 3000,000 in 1780. 
 
 2ii,50U,()00 (France in 1790). 
 
 9,10 V!--52 (11 Confederate Stales, 18G0). 
 
 31,443,3-21 (United States in 1860). 
 
 AMOUNT ISSUED. 
 
 $359,546,825 
 
 9,11">,000,000 
 
 654,405,903 
 
 750,820,228 
 750,820,228 
 
 AMOUNT 
 PKR H»AD. 
 
 $110.84 ■ 
 
 34398 
 
 7189 
 
 23.87 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Apportionm't of Representatives in Congress, ratio of representation by the Constitution and at each census. 
 
 
 o . 
 ■" a 
 "^ - 
 -£« 
 
 REPRESENTATIVES TO WHICH EACH STATE WAS ENTITLED BY 
 
 STATES. 
 
 .:s ^ 
 o o 
 
 C.2 . 
 
 0^ to 
 
 fa 00 
 
 
 
 g CO 
 
 .g 0- 
 
 oSco 
 
 Or'-* 
 
 
 
 IL 
 
 Eco 
 
 <L 00 
 00 
 
 Ratio of Ropreseiitat'n 
 
 
 30,000 
 
 33,0C0 
 
 33,000 
 
 35,000 
 
 40,110(1 
 
 47,700 
 
 70,680 
 
 03,423 
 
 127,381 
 
 131,425 
 
 134,000 
 
 
 
 181;) 
 1 8:10 
 
 1850 
 1876 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 1 
 
 7 
 2 
 2 
 
 6 
 3 
 3 
 
 8 
 4 
 4 
 *1 
 4 
 
 r 
 2 
 9 
 
 19 
 13 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 10 
 6 
 5 
 6 
 
 11 
 9 
 3 
 6 
 
 13 
 1 
 1 
 3 
 7 
 
 33 
 8 
 
 20 
 1 
 
 27 
 2 
 5 
 
 10 
 6 
 3 
 9 
 3 
 8 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 
 1 
 
 3 ' 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 " "2" 
 
 7 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 '"'"7" 
 1 
 3 
 
 G 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 3 
 7 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 '""s" 
 
 7 
 10 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 9 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 6 
 1 
 9 
 5 
 5 
 5 
 
 10 
 6 
 2 
 5 
 9 
 
 *1 
 
 *1 
 3 
 5 
 
 31 
 7 
 
 19 
 1 
 
 24 
 2 
 4 
 8 
 4 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Florida 
 
 1845 
 
 2 
 10 
 
 
 1818 
 ISIG 
 1S4G 
 1861 
 1702 
 1812 
 1820 
 
 20 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 3 
 7 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 3 
 8 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 4 
 
 ^6 
 10 
 3 
 
 10 
 4 
 6 
 6 
 
 11 
 4 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 6 
 8 
 
 8 
 14 
 
 9 
 17 
 
 9 
 20 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Michig n « 
 
 18:57 
 1858 
 1817 
 1821 
 1807 
 18G4 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 '""3 
 4 
 C 
 6 
 
 ""4" 
 
 5 
 10 
 10 
 
 6 
 17 
 12 
 
 " g" 
 
 6 
 27 
 13 
 
 G 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 34 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 ""6" 
 
 6 
 40 
 13 
 19 
 
 5 
 34 
 
 9 
 21 
 
 "3" 
 
 5 
 33 
 
 8 
 21 
 *1 
 25 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 New Ilampahiro 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 2 
 7 
 34 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 Ohio 
 
 1802 
 1859 
 
 9 
 
 21 
 
 1 
 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 6 
 
 18 
 2 
 8 
 3 
 
 23 
 
 2 
 9 
 C 
 
 26 
 2 
 9 
 9 
 
 28 
 2 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 24 
 
 2 
 7 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 fiouth Carolina 
 
 "ii'uT 
 
 is 15 
 1791 
 
 Ifi'^-l" 
 
 1818 
 
 7 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 22 
 
 G 
 23 
 
 22 
 
 5 
 21 
 
 4 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 Vir;^lnia...... 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Whole number 
 
 
 G3 
 
 105 
 
 141 
 
 181 
 
 213 
 
 240 
 
 223 
 
 234 
 
 243 
 
 293 
 
 326 
 
 • These States admitted subscqueutly to the apportionment.
 
 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTORAL VOTE. 
 
 21 
 
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 t>p., Spm kP^ Sph t>Pw Sch >ai
 
 22 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 •iciox 
 
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 BOOK vii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTO RAL VOTE. 
 
 23 
 
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 24 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 
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 TABULATED HISTORY— APPORTIONMENT. 
 
 25 
 
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 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 
 
 27 
 
 UNITED STATES CENSUS BY COUNTIES, 1880-1870. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Autauga 13108 
 
 Baker 
 
 Baldwin 80O3 
 
 Barbour. 3;«79 
 
 Bibb !)487 
 
 Blount 153G0 
 
 Bullock 2!iOi;il 
 
 Butler I'JCW 
 
 Calhoun 1051)1 
 
 Chamb rs 23M0 
 
 Cherokee 10108 
 
 Chilton 10703 
 
 Choctaw I'i731 
 
 Clarke 17806 
 
 Clay 12038 
 
 Cleburne ~ 10076 
 
 Coffee 8119 
 
 Colbert 1C153 
 
 Conecuh 12r.o.'-) 
 
 Coo3a 15113 
 
 Covington 5G39 
 
 Crenshaw 11726 
 
 Cullman C355 
 
 Dale 12077 
 
 Dallas 48133 
 
 De Kalb 12675 
 
 Elmore 17502 
 
 Escambia 5719 
 
 Etowah 15!08 
 
 Fayette 10135 
 
 Franklin 9155 
 
 Geneva 4342 
 
 Greene 21931 
 
 Hale 26553 
 
 Henry 18761 
 
 Jackson 25114 
 
 Jefferson 23272 
 
 Lamar 12142 
 
 Lauderdale 21035 
 
 Lawrence 21392 
 
 Lee 27262 
 
 Limestone 21600 
 
 Lowndes 31176 
 
 Macon 17371 
 
 Madison 37625 
 
 Marengo 30S90 
 
 Marion 9364 
 
 Marshall 14585 
 
 Mobile 48653 
 
 Monroe 17091 
 
 Montgomery 523:>6 
 
 Morgan 16428 
 
 Perry 30741 
 
 Pickens 21479 
 
 Pike 20640 
 
 Randolph 16575 
 
 Russell 24837 
 
 Sanford 
 
 Saint Clair 14462 
 
 Shelby 17236 
 
 Sumter 28728 
 
 Talladega 2.3.360 
 
 Tallapoosa 23401 
 
 Tuscaloosa 24957 
 
 Walker 94T0 
 
 Washington 4.538 
 
 Wilco.x.. - 31828 
 
 Winston 4253 
 
 1870. 
 
 11623 
 6104 
 6004 
 29309 
 7469 
 9045 
 24171 
 141 IS 1 
 130.SO 
 17562 
 11132 
 
 12676 
 
 14C.r,3 
 9560 
 8017 
 6171 
 
 12.537 
 9574 
 
 119*5 
 4868 
 
 111,56 
 
 Total 1262505 
 
 Of whom, colored... 600358 
 
 11.325 
 
 40705 
 
 7126 
 
 14477 
 
 4041 
 
 10109 
 
 7136 
 
 SO i6 
 
 2059 
 
 18309 
 
 21792 
 
 14191 
 
 19410 
 
 12345 
 
 1.5091 
 
 i(;i'.58 
 
 217.50 
 
 15017 
 
 2.5719 
 
 17727 
 
 31267 
 
 261.51 
 
 6059 
 
 9S71 
 
 49311 
 
 14214 
 
 4,3704 
 
 12187 
 
 24975 
 
 176! 10 
 
 17423 
 
 1200G 
 
 21636 
 
 8803 
 
 9360 
 
 12218 
 
 24109 
 
 180i;4 
 
 16963 
 
 20081 
 
 6543 
 
 3912 
 
 28377 
 
 41.55 
 
 996992 
 470510 
 
 Arlxona Territory. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Apache 5283 
 
 Maricopa 5r)89 
 
 Mohave 1190 
 
 Pima 17000 
 
 Pinal 3044 
 
 Yavapai 5013 
 
 Yuma 3215 
 
 Arkansas. I 
 
 1830. 1870. j 
 
 Arkansas 8038 8268 
 
 Aslik-v 10156 8042 
 
 liaxter GWi 
 
 B. nlon 20328 138 Jl 
 
 Hoone 12146 70.32 
 
 Uradloy 6285 8646 
 
 Cilhoun 5071 38.53 
 
 Carroll 13337 5780 
 
 Ch.cot 10117 7214 1 
 
 Clark 1 ■771 11953 j 
 
 Clay 7213 ! 
 
 Columbia 14090 11397 
 
 Conwav 127.55 8112 
 
 Craigluad 7037 4577 
 
 Crawford 14740 8957 
 
 Crittenden .*. 9415 3831 
 
 Cross 5050 3915 
 
 Hall IS 6505 5707 
 
 Desha 8973 6125 
 
 Dorsey 8370 
 
 Drew 12231 9960 
 
 Faulkner 12786 
 
 Franklin 14951 9627 
 
 Fulton 6720 4843 
 
 Garland 9023 
 
 Grant 6185 .3043 
 
 Greene 7480 7573 
 
 Hempste.ad 1015 13768 
 
 Hot Spring 7775 5877 
 
 Howard 0917 
 
 Independence 18086 14,566 
 
 Izard 10857 6806 
 
 .Jackson 10877 7268 
 
 Jefferson 22386 15733 
 
 Johnson 11565 9152 
 
 La Fayette 5730 9139 
 
 Lawrence 8782 5981 
 
 Lee 13288 
 
 Lincoln 9255 
 
 Little River 6404 3236 
 
 Logan 14885 
 
 Lonoke 12146 
 
 Madison 114-55 8231 
 
 Marion 7007 3979 
 
 .Miller 9919 
 
 Mis,sissippi 7332 
 
 Monroe 9.574 
 
 Montgomery ,5729 
 
 Nevada 12959 
 
 Newton 6120 4374 
 
 Ouachita 117,58 12075 
 
 Perry 3872 2685 
 
 Philips 21262 1.5372 
 
 Pike 6345 3788 
 
 Poinsett 2102 1720 
 
 Polk 5857 3376 
 
 I'opp 14322 8386 
 
 Prairie 8435 .5604 
 
 Pulaski 32616 32066 
 
 Randolph 11724 7466 
 
 Saint Francis 8389 6714 
 
 Saline 80.53 3911 
 
 Scott 9174 74S3 
 
 Searcy 7278 5614 
 
 Sebastian 19560 12940 
 
 Sevier 6192 4492 
 
 Sharp 9047 5400 
 
 Stone 5089 
 
 Union 13419 10,571 
 
 Van Buren 9,565 5107 
 
 Washing'on 23814 17266 
 
 White..: 17704 10.347 
 
 Woodruff *<f'46 6801 
 
 Yell 138.52 804S 
 
 3633 
 8336 
 2984 
 
 1880. 
 
 Del Norto 2584 
 
 Rl Dorado 10683 
 
 Fresno 9478 
 
 Humboldt 1.5512 
 
 Inyo 2928r 
 
 Kern 5601 
 
 Klamath.. 
 
 Lake 6596 
 
 Lassen 3340 
 
 Los Angeles 33,l8l 
 
 Marin 11324 
 
 Mariposa 4:5.39 
 
 Mendocino 12800 
 
 Merced 6656 
 
 Modoc 4399 
 
 Mono 7499 
 
 Monterey 11302 
 
 Napa 132.15 
 
 Nevada 20823 
 
 Placer 14232 
 
 Plumas 6180 
 
 Sacramento 34390 
 
 San Benito 5,584 
 
 San Bernardino 7786 
 
 San Diego 8618 
 
 San I'^raneisco 2339.59 
 
 San Joaquin 24349 
 
 San Luis Obispo 9142 
 
 San Matfo 8669 
 
 Santa Barbara 9513 
 
 Santa Clara 3,5039 
 
 •Santa Cruz 12802 
 
 Shasta 9492 
 
 Sierra 6623 
 
 Siskiyou 86i0 
 
 •Solano 18475 
 
 Sonoma 2.5926 
 
 S'anislaus 8751 
 
 Sutter 5159 
 
 Tehema 9-301 
 
 Trinity 4999 
 
 Tulare 11281 
 
 Tuolumne 7848 
 
 Ventura 5073 
 
 Yolo 11772 
 
 Yuba 11284 
 
 1870. 
 2022 
 
 KtJiK) 
 G:U6 
 C14<» 
 195« 
 29i5 
 l«8(i 
 2'.>l.9 
 1327 
 
 15319 
 0903 
 4,572 
 7545 
 2807 
 
 '""430 
 9876 
 7163 
 19l:;4 
 11357 
 44'!'J 
 26830 
 
 "3988 
 
 4951 
 
 149473 
 
 210.51) 
 4772 
 6635 
 7784 
 
 26246 
 8743 
 4173 
 5619 
 6848 
 
 1687 1 
 
 19819 
 6499 
 .5030 
 3587 
 3213 
 4533 
 81-50 
 
 1870. 
 
 Total 
 
 01 vyliom, colored... 
 
 40440 
 5263 
 
 179 
 5701; 
 
 2142 
 1621 
 
 9658 
 26 
 
 Total 802.525 
 
 Of whom, colored... 210953 
 
 California. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Alameda 62076 
 
 .Alpine 539 
 
 Amador 11334 
 
 Butte 18721 
 
 Calaveras 9094 
 
 Colusa 13118 
 
 , Contra Costa 12>>2o 
 
 484471 
 122160 
 
 1870. 
 
 24287 
 
 685 
 
 9582 
 
 11403 
 8895 
 6165 
 8461 
 
 Total 864694 560247 
 
 Of wh'm,Color'd (in- 
 cluding Chinese) 97420 4272 
 
 Colorado. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Arapahoe 3S644 
 
 Bent 1654 
 
 Boulder 0723 
 
 Chaffeo 6512 
 
 Clear Creek 7823 
 
 Conjegos 5605 
 
 Costilla 2879 
 
 Custer 8080 
 
 Douglas 2486 
 
 Elbert 1708 
 
 El Paso 7949 
 
 Fremont 4735 
 
 Gilpin 6489 
 
 Grand 417 
 
 Greenwood 
 
 Gunnison 82:55 
 
 Hin.sdale 1487 
 
 Huerfarno 4124 
 
 Jefferson 6804 
 
 Lake 23.563 
 
 La Plata IHO 
 
 Larimer 4.'<02 
 
 Las .\nirnas 8903 
 
 Onrav 2669 
 
 Park" 3970 
 
 Pueblo 7617 
 
 Rio Grand 1014 
 
 Koutt 14<1 
 
 Saguache 1973 
 
 San Jnan 1087 
 
 Summit 54.59 
 
 I Weld 5'VI6 
 
 I Total 104327 
 
 , Of whom, Colored.- 3197 
 
 1870. 
 
 68-29 
 
 592 
 
 1939 
 
 "'l596 
 2504 
 1779 
 
 ""l388 
 
 """987 
 1064 
 5490 
 
 2250 
 2390 
 52-2 
 
 '"'8.38 
 4276 
 
 "447 
 
 226.5 
 
 2.58 
 1"'.36 
 
 39864 
 456
 
 28 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Fairfield 112ii42 9r>2~r, 
 
 Hiirttord 1;^538-^ 109i)u7 
 
 hirchfield 52044 48727 
 
 Middlesex 35589 36^9^ 
 
 New Haven 156523 121257 
 
 New London 73152 6t)570 
 
 Tolland 24112 22000 
 
 Windliam 43856 38518 
 
 Total 622700 537454 
 
 Of whom, Colored.. 11793 9068 
 
 1870. 
 
 Dakota Territory. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Anrora 69 
 
 Barnes .' 1585 
 
 Beadle 1290 
 
 Billine-s i:!23 
 
 Bon Homme 5468 
 
 Boreman 534 
 
 Bottineau 
 
 Brookings 4965 
 
 BroWQ 353 
 
 Brule 238 
 
 Buffalo 63 
 
 Burleigh 3246 
 
 Campbell 50 
 
 Cass 8998 
 
 Cavalier 
 
 Charlevi Mix 407 
 
 Clievenne 
 
 Clark 114 
 
 Clay S'Ol 
 
 Codington 2156 
 
 Custer 995 
 
 Davison 1256 
 
 Day 97 
 
 Delano 
 
 De Smet 
 
 Deuel 2302 
 
 Di)Uglas 6 
 
 Edmunds 
 
 Emmons 38 
 
 Faulk 4 
 
 Forsvthe 
 
 Fort'Sisseton 134 
 
 Foster 37 
 
 Gingras 
 
 Grand Forks 6248 
 
 Grant 3010 
 
 Grecory 
 
 Hamlin 693 
 
 Hand 153 
 
 Hanson 1301 
 
 Howard 12 
 
 Hutches 268 
 
 Hut<^;hinson....- 5573 
 
 Hvde 
 
 Kidder „ 81 
 
 Kingsbury 1902 
 
 Jnvne 
 
 Lake 2057 
 
 La Moure 20 
 
 Lawrence 13248 
 
 Lincoln 5896 
 
 Logan 
 
 Lugenbeel 
 
 Lyman 124 
 
 McCook 12.83 
 
 Mf'Henry 
 
 MePherson 
 
 Mandan 
 
 Mercer 
 
 Meyer 115 
 
 Minnehaha 8251 
 
 Minor 303 
 
 Mountraille 13 
 
 Moody 3915 
 
 Morton 200 
 
 Pembina 4«62 
 
 Pennington 2244 
 
 Potter 
 
 Pratt 
 
 Predho 
 
 RanriHey 281 
 
 RMniom 637 
 
 U.nvillo 
 
 Ri<'hland 3597 
 
 Koletto " 
 
 1870. 
 
 608 
 163 
 '240 
 
 152 
 2621 
 
 712 
 
 Rusk , 
 
 Shannon ., 
 Sheridan 
 Si■■set^ln 
 and Wah- 
 
 peton. 
 
 Spink 
 
 Stanley ... 
 
 Stark. 
 
 Stevens. 
 
 Stutsman . 
 
 Sulley. 
 
 Todd 
 
 Traill. 
 
 Tripp 
 
 Tnrner 5320 
 
 Union 6813 
 
 Wallette 4:i2 
 
 Walworth 46 
 
 Wliit-i River 
 
 Williams 46 
 
 Yankton .f.... 8390 
 
 Zieba"h 
 
 Unor'z'd p'rt'n of 
 
 Ter 
 
 Total 135177 14181 
 
 Of whom, Colored.... 2003 94 
 
 .3507 
 
 District of Colnmbia. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Washington Co 177624 1317(X) 
 
 Of whom, Colored .. 69402 43404 
 
 Delavrare. 
 
 1880. 1879. 
 
 Kent 32874 29 04 
 
 New Castle 77710 635I.> 
 
 Sussex 30018 31096 
 
 Total 146008 125015 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 26456 22794 
 
 Florida.. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Alachua.. 16462 17328 
 
 Baker 2303 1325 
 
 Bradford 6112 3071 
 
 Brevard 1478 1210 
 
 Calhoun 1580 998 
 
 Clay 2838 2098 
 
 Columbia 9589 7335 
 
 Dade 257 85 
 
 Duval 19431 11921 
 
 Escambia 12156 7817 
 
 Franklin 1791 1250 
 
 Gadsden 12109 9802 
 
 Hamilton 6790 5749 
 
 Hernando 4248 2938 
 
 Hillsborough 6.S14 3210 
 
 Holmes 2170 1572 
 
 Jackson 14372 9528 
 
 .Jefferson 16005 13398 
 
 La Fayette 2441 1783 
 
 Leon 19662 1,52.30 
 
 Levy 5767 2018 
 
 Liberty 1,302 1050 
 
 Madison 14798 11121 
 
 Manatee 3544 1931 
 
 Marion 1.3046 10804 
 
 Monroe 10940 5657 
 
 Nassau 0035 4247 
 
 Orange 0018 2195 
 
 Polk 3181 3109 
 
 Putnam 0201 3821 
 
 Saint .lohn's 4.')35 2018 
 
 Santa Rosa 6045 3312 
 
 Sumter 40,s6 2952 
 
 Suwannee 7101 3556 
 
 Taylor 2279 14.53 
 
 Volusia 3294 1723 
 
 Wakulla 2723 2.506 
 
 Walton 4201 3041 
 
 Washington 4089 2.302 
 
 Total 209493 187748 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 125317 01089 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Appling 5276 5086 
 
 Baker 7307 0843 
 
 Baldwin 13806 10018 
 
 Banks ~ 7337 4973 
 
 Bartow 18690 10566 
 
 Berrien 0019 4518 
 
 Bibb 27147 20i.55 
 
 Brooks 11727 8342 
 
 Brvan 4929 5252 
 
 Bullock 80.53 5610 
 
 Burke 27128 17079 
 
 Butts 8311 6941 
 
 Calhoun 7ii24 55o3 
 
 Camden 0183 4615 
 
 Campbell 9970 9170 
 
 Carroll 1C901 11782 
 
 Catoosa 4739 4409 
 
 Charlton 21.54 1897 
 
 Chatham 45023 41279 
 
 Chattahooche 5670 60.59 
 
 Chattooga 10021 6902 
 
 Cherokee 14325 10399 
 
 Clarke 11702 12941 
 
 Clay 6050 5493 
 
 Clayton 8027 5477 
 
 Clinch 4138 3945 
 
 Cobb 20748 13814 
 
 Coffee 5070 .3192 
 
 Colquitt 2.527 1054 
 
 Columbia 10405 1.3529 
 
 Coweta 21109 1.5875 
 
 Crawford 8656 75.'>7 
 
 Dade 4702 3033 
 
 Dawson 5837 4.369 
 
 Decatur 19072 1,5183 
 
 De Kalb 14497 10014 
 
 Dodge 53.58 
 
 Dooly 12420 9790 
 
 Dougherty 12622 11617 
 
 Douglas 69.34 
 
 Early 7011 6998 
 
 Echols 2553 1978 
 
 Effingham 5979 4214 
 
 Elbert 129.57 9249 
 
 Emanuel 9759 6134 
 
 Fannin 7245 5429 
 
 Fayette 8005 8221 
 
 Floyd 24418 17230 
 
 Forsyth l<i,5.59 7983 
 
 Franklin 114,53 7893 
 
 Fulton 49137 33346 
 
 Gilmer 8.386 6644 
 
 Glascock 3.577 2736 
 
 Glynn 6497 5376 
 
 GoVdon 11171 9268 
 
 Greene 17.547 12454 
 
 Gwinnett 19,531 12431 
 
 Habersham 8718 6322 
 
 Halt 1,5298 96f>7 
 
 Hancock 16989 11317 
 
 Haral.-on 5974 4004 
 
 Harris 1,57,18 13284 
 
 Hart 9094 6783 
 
 Heard 8709 7866 
 
 Henry 14193 10102 
 
 Houston 22414 20406 
 
 Irwin 2096 1837 
 
 Jackson 10297 11181 
 
 Jasper 11851 104.39 
 
 Jerterson 15071 12190 
 
 Johnson 48(K) 2964 
 
 Jones 11013 9436 
 
 Laurens lon,53 7834 
 
 I ee 10.577 9.567 
 
 Liberty 10049 7088 
 
 Lincoln 0412 5413 
 
 Lowndes 11049 8321 
 
 Lumpkin 6.526 6161 
 
 McDutfv 9449 
 
 Mcintosh 6241 4491 
 
 Maeon 11075 11468 
 
 Madison 7978 6227 
 
 Marion 8,598 8000 
 
 Meriwether 17651 13756 
 
 Miller 3720 3091 
 
 Milton 6261 4284 
 
 Mitchell 9392 6033 
 
 Monroe 18808 17213 
 
 Montgomery 6381 3586 
 
 Morgan 14032 10096 
 
 Murray 8209 6.500 
 
 Muscogee 19322 16663
 
 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTO RY— CENSUS. 
 
 29 
 
 ll78i 
 703!) I 
 5317 > 
 2778 i 
 lO'JOa 
 78 Ji 
 11940 
 li)4(il 
 4150 
 3i5« 
 10501 
 257^4 
 
 Georgia.— [Continued.] 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Newton 13023 140 5 
 
 Oconee 0351 
 
 Oglethorpe 15400 
 
 Paulding 10887 
 
 Pickens 6790 
 
 Pierce <538 
 
 Pike 15849 
 
 Polk ll'J52 
 
 Pulaski 140SS 
 
 Putnam 14539 
 
 Quitman 439i 
 
 Rabun 4034 
 
 Randolph 13341 
 
 Richmond 34605 
 
 Rockdale 0838 
 
 Schley 6302 6129 
 
 Screven 1^786 9175 
 
 Spalding 12585 10205 
 
 Stewart 13998 H2i)4 
 
 Sumter 18239 10550 
 
 Talbot 14115 IVm 
 
 Taliaferro 7034 4790 
 
 ^Tuttnall 0988 4800 
 
 Taylor 8597 7143 
 
 Telfair 4828 3245 
 
 Terrell 10451 9U53 
 
 IThomas 2*597 14.V23 
 
 Towns 3261 2780 
 
 Troup 20565 17'>:12 
 
 Twices 8918 8545 
 
 Union 64.31 52n7 
 
 Upson 12400 9}.30 
 
 ■Walker 11056 9925 
 
 Walton 15022 110(8 
 
 Ware. 4159 22S6 
 
 Warren 10885 10545 
 
 Washington 21964 15842 
 
 Wayne 5980 2177 
 
 Webster 5237 4077 
 
 White 5341 4'(m 
 
 Whitfield 11900 10417 
 
 Wilcox 3109 2439 
 
 Wilkns 15985 11790 
 
 Wilkinson 12051 9383 
 
 Worth 5892 3778 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Total 1542180 11841U9 
 
 Of whom, colored... 724765 545142 
 
 Idabo Territory. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Ada 4074 
 
 Alturas 1603 
 
 Bear Lake 3235 
 
 Boise 3214 
 
 Cassia 1312 
 
 Idaho 2031 
 
 Kootenai. 518 
 
 Lemhi 2230 
 
 Nez Perces 3905 
 
 Oneida 6'-iG4 
 
 Owyhee 1420 
 
 Shoshone 409 
 
 Washington 879 
 
 Total 32010 
 
 Of whom, colored... 3600 
 
 1870. 
 
 2075 
 
 6S9 
 
 lUlnois. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adams 59135 
 
 Alexander 14S03 
 
 Bond 14860 
 
 Boone 11508 
 
 Brown 130U 
 
 Bureau 32172 
 
 Calhoun 7407 
 
 Carroll ICOTfi 
 
 Cass 14193 
 
 Champaign 4nsti3 
 
 Christian 2^227 
 
 Clark 21S04 
 
 Clay 16192 
 
 3834 
 
 849 
 
 "988 
 1607 
 1922 
 1713 
 722 
 
 14999 
 60 
 
 1870. 
 50362 
 10504 
 13152 
 12942 
 12205 
 32415 
 6562 
 107O5 
 115S0 
 32737 
 203(53 
 1S719 
 15875 
 
 Clinton 18714 
 
 Coles 27042 
 
 Cook 007524 
 
 Crawford 10197 
 
 Cumberland 13759 
 
 Do Kalb 2'>708 
 
 De Witt 17U10 
 
 Douglas 15853 
 
 Du Page 19101 
 
 Edgar V '■^*'-*^ 
 
 Rdwards 8597 
 
 Kttingham 18920 
 
 Fayette 2;J241 
 
 Ford 1'099 
 
 Franklin 10129 
 
 Pulton 41240 
 
 Oallatiu 12801 
 
 Greene 23010 
 
 Grundv 16732 
 
 Hamilton 16712 
 
 ILincoek, 35337 
 
 Hardin 0924 
 
 Henderson 10722 
 
 Henry 30597 
 
 Iroquois 35451 
 
 Jackson 22505 
 
 Jasper 14515 
 
 Jetterson 20080 
 
 Jorsey 15542 
 
 Jo Daviess 27528 
 
 Johnsdn 13078 
 
 Kane 44939 
 
 Kankakee 25047 
 
 Kendall 13083 
 
 Kno.x 38344 
 
 Lake i 21296 
 
 La Salle 70403 
 
 Lawrence 13003 
 
 Lee 27491 
 
 Livingston 38450 
 
 Logan 25037 
 
 M.>Donough. 27970 
 
 Mcllenry 21908 
 
 MrLoan 00100 
 
 Macon 30065 
 
 Macoupin 37092 
 
 Madison 50126 
 
 Marion 23686 
 
 Marshall 150.55 
 
 Mason 10242 
 
 Massac 10443 
 
 Menard 13024 
 
 Mercer 19502 
 
 Monroe 13682 
 
 Montgomery 28078 
 
 Morgan 31514 
 
 Moultrie 13099 
 
 Ogle 29937 
 
 Peoria 55355 
 
 Perry 16007 
 
 Piat 15583 
 
 Pike 33751 
 
 Pope 132,56 
 
 Pulaski 9507 
 
 Putnam 5554 
 
 Randolph 25690 
 
 Richland 15545 
 
 Rock Island 38302 
 
 Saint Clair 61806 
 
 Saline 15040 
 
 Sangamon 52894 
 
 Schuyler 16249 
 
 Scott 10741 
 
 Shelby 30270 
 
 Stark 11207 
 
 Stephenson 31963 
 
 Ta»ewell 29666 
 
 Union 18102 
 
 Vermillion 41588 
 
 Wabash 9945 
 
 Warren 22933 
 
 Washington 21112 
 
 Wayne 21291 
 
 White 2.3087 
 
 Whitesides 30885 
 
 Will 63422 
 
 Williamson 19.324 
 
 Winnebaeo 30.505 
 
 Woodford 21020 
 
 102x5 
 '25235 
 34990(! 
 13889 
 12233 
 2 1285 
 14708 
 13484 
 10085 
 21450 
 
 7S05 I 
 
 15053 
 
 19038 
 
 9103 
 
 120.52 
 
 38291 I 
 
 11131 
 
 20277 
 
 11938 I 
 
 13014 i 
 
 35935 1 
 
 5113 
 
 12582 I 
 
 35:11 )0 i 
 
 25782 
 
 19(>34 
 
 11234 
 
 17S04 
 
 15054 
 
 27820 
 
 11248 
 
 39001 
 
 24;J52 
 
 12399 
 
 31522 
 
 21014 i 
 
 60702 : 
 
 12533 
 
 27171 
 
 31471 
 
 23053 
 
 2(;509 
 
 23702 
 
 53088 
 
 20481 
 
 32720 
 
 44131 
 
 20622 
 
 109".6 
 
 16184 
 
 9581 
 
 11735 
 
 18709 
 
 12982 
 
 25314 
 
 28103 
 
 10385 
 
 27492 
 
 47540 
 
 13723 
 
 10953 
 
 30708 
 
 11427 
 
 8752 
 
 0280 
 
 20859 
 
 12803 
 
 29783 
 
 51008 
 
 12714 
 
 40352 
 
 17419 
 
 10530 
 
 25470 
 
 10751 
 
 30608 
 
 27903 
 
 16.518 
 
 30388 
 
 88U 
 
 23174 
 
 17599 
 
 197.58 
 
 1084S 
 
 275(t3 
 
 43013 
 
 17329 
 
 29301 
 
 18950 
 
 Total 3077871 2r)30801 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 46695 28762 
 
 ludlanA. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Adams ~.. 153aj 11382 
 
 Mien 54703 4.3494 
 
 Hnrtholomew 2^777 21i:i3 
 
 Benton 11108 6015 
 
 Hlacklord 8020 0272 
 
 Boone 25922 22593 
 
 Brown 10204 8081 
 
 Carroll 18345 10152 
 
 Cass 27011 24193 
 
 Clarke 28010 24770 
 
 (lay 258.54 19084 
 
 Clinton 23472 17:j:w 
 
 Crawford 12356 9851 
 
 Daviess 21.552 10747 
 
 Dearborn 2007I 24U« 
 
 Decatur 10779 100.53 
 
 DeKalb 20225 17107 
 
 Delaware 22020 10030 
 
 Dubois 15002 12.507 
 
 Elkhart 33454 2r,026 
 
 F'ayette 11394 10476 
 
 Floyd 24590 23.3i»0 
 
 Fountain 20228 10389 
 
 Franklin 2m)92 20223 
 
 Fulton 14301 12726 
 
 Gibson 22742 17371 
 
 Grant 23018 18487 
 
 (4reene 22996 19514 
 
 Hamilton 24801 20882 
 
 Hancock 17123 15123 
 
 Harrison 21326 19913 
 
 Hendricks 22981 20277 
 
 Henry 24016 32986 
 
 Howard 10584 15847 
 
 Huntington 21805 19036 
 
 Jackson .f 230.50 18974 
 
 Jasper 9404 6354 
 
 Jav 19282 15000 
 
 Jefferson 25977 29741 
 
 Jennings 10453 16218 
 
 Johnson 19537 18366 
 
 Knox 20324 21562 
 
 Kosciusko 20494 23531 
 
 Lagrange 15030 14148 
 
 Lake 15091 12399 
 
 La Porte 30085 27062 
 
 Lawrence 18543 14628 
 
 Madison 27527 22770 
 
 Marion 102782 71939 
 
 Marshall 2:1414 20211 
 
 Martin 13175 11103 
 
 Miami 24oa3 21052 
 
 Monroe 15875 14108 
 
 Montgomery 27310 23705 
 
 Morgan 18900 17528 
 
 Newton 8107 5829 
 
 Noble 22950 2o389 
 
 Ohio 5503 6837 
 
 Orange 14.363 13497 
 
 Owen 15001 16137 
 
 Parke 19460 18106 
 
 Perry 10997 14801 
 
 Pike 10.383 -11779 
 
 Portff 17227 13942 
 
 Posey 20857 19185 
 
 Pulaski 0851 7801 
 
 Putnam 22501 21514 
 
 Randolph 20435 22802 
 
 Riplev 21027 20977 
 
 Rush! 192.38 17626 
 
 Saint Joseph 33178 253.2 
 
 Scott 8343 7873 
 
 Shelby 2-52.57 21892 
 
 Spencer 22122 17908 
 
 Stark 5105 38*8 
 
 Sieuben 14645 12854 
 
 Sullivan 2a%30 18453 
 
 Switzerland 133.36 12134 
 
 Tippecanoe 3.5906 13515 
 
 Tipton 14407 11953 
 
 Union 7073 6341 
 
 Vanderburgh 42193 ^3145 
 
 Vermillion 1202.S 10840 
 
 Vigo 54658 3.3.549 
 
 Wlba.sh 2.5241 21.305 
 
 Warron 11497 10204 
 
 ; Warrick 20102 170.55 
 
 Washington 180.55 18495 
 
 Wayne 38613 S4>H8 
 
 Wells 18442 13685
 
 30 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Indiana. — [Continued.] 
 
 1880 1870. 
 
 White 13795 10551 
 
 Wniiley ~ 10941 14399 
 
 Total 1978301 16801537 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 392G8 24560 
 
 Iowa. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adair 11067 
 
 Adams 11888 
 
 Allamakee l'J7;il 
 
 Appanoose 10G36 
 
 Audubon 7443 
 
 Benton 24SS8 
 
 Black Hawk 2.3913 
 
 Boone 20838 
 
 Bremer 14081 
 
 Buchanan 18540 
 
 Buena Vista 7537 
 
 Butler 14293 
 
 Calhoun 5595 
 
 Carroll 12351 
 
 Cass 10943 
 
 Cedar 18936 
 
 Cerro Gordo 11401 
 
 Cherokee 8240 
 
 Chickasaw 14534 
 
 Clarke 11513 
 
 Clav.... 4248 
 
 Clavton 28829 
 
 Clinton .37673 
 
 Crawford 12413 
 
 Dallas 18746 
 
 Davi.s 10408 
 
 Decatur 15.3S6 
 
 Delaware 17950 
 
 Des Moines 33099 
 
 Diekin.-ron ^ 1901 
 
 Dubuque 42996 
 
 Eramett 1550 
 
 Fayette 22258 
 
 Floyd 14,677 
 
 Franklin 10249 
 
 Ftemont 17C52 
 
 Greene 12727 
 
 Grundy 12039 
 
 Guthrie 14394 
 
 Hamilton 11252 
 
 Hancock .3453 
 
 Hardin 17807 
 
 Harrison 16049 
 
 Henry 20986 
 
 Howard 10837 
 
 Humbohlt 5341 
 
 Ida 4382 
 
 Iowa 19221 
 
 Jackson 23771 
 
 Jasppr 25903 
 
 Jefferson 17409 
 
 Johnson 25429 
 
 Jones 210.52 
 
 Keokuk 21258 
 
 Kossuth 0178 
 
 Lee 348.59 
 
 Linn 37237 
 
 Louisa 13142 
 
 Lucas lt.530 
 
 Lyon 1908 
 
 Madi.'^on 17224 
 
 Mahaska 25202 
 
 Marion 25111 
 
 M!\r.HOall 237.52 
 
 Mills 14137 
 
 Mitchell 14303 
 
 Minona 9055 
 
 Monroe 1-37U) 
 
 Montgomery 15895 
 
 Muscatine 23170 
 
 O'Brien 4155 
 
 O.seeola 2219 
 
 Prt^e 19007 
 
 Palfo Alto 4131 
 
 Plymouth 8500 
 
 Pof-ahonta-t 3713 
 
 Polk 42395 
 
 Pottawni'mio 398.50 
 
 Poweshiek l.'<930 
 
 Ringgold 12<iK5 
 
 Sac K774 
 
 Scott 412CC 
 
 1870. 
 
 3982 
 
 4014 
 
 17808 
 
 10456 
 
 1212 
 
 22454 
 
 21700 
 
 14584 
 
 12528 
 
 17034 
 
 1585 
 
 9951 
 
 1602 
 
 2451 
 
 5404 
 
 19731 
 
 4722 
 
 1907 
 
 10180 
 
 8735 
 
 1523 
 
 27771 
 
 35357 
 
 2530 
 
 12019 I 
 
 1880. 
 
 Shelby 12696 
 
 Sioux 5426 
 
 Story 10906 
 
 Tama 11585 
 
 Taylor 150.35 
 
 Union 14980 
 
 Van Ruren 17043 
 
 Wapello 25285 
 
 Warren 19578 
 
 Washington , 20374 
 
 Wavne 10127 
 
 Webster 15951 
 
 Winnebago 4917 
 
 Wtnneshiek 2.3938 
 
 Woodbury 14996 
 
 Worth 79.53 
 
 Wright 5062 
 
 Total 1624015 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 9953 
 
 1870. 
 
 25540 
 
 576 
 
 11651 
 
 16131 
 
 6989 
 
 5986 
 
 17072 
 
 22316 
 
 17980 
 
 18952 
 
 11287 
 
 10484 
 
 1502 
 
 23570 
 
 6172 
 
 2892 
 
 2392 
 
 1194020 
 6762 
 
 15505 
 
 12018 
 
 17432 
 
 27256 
 
 1389 
 
 38909 
 
 1392 
 
 16973 
 
 10708 
 
 4738 
 
 11174 
 
 4627 
 
 6399 
 
 7061 
 
 6055 
 
 999 
 
 13684 
 
 8931 
 
 21463 
 
 6282 
 
 5296 
 
 226 
 
 10644 
 
 22019 
 
 22110 
 
 17839 
 
 24898 
 
 19731 
 
 19434 
 
 3351 
 
 37210 
 
 31080 
 
 12877 
 
 10388 
 
 221 
 
 13884 
 
 22508 
 
 24430 
 
 17.570 
 
 8718 
 
 9.582 
 
 3054 
 
 12724 
 
 5934 
 
 121088 
 
 715 
 
 '6975 
 
 1310 
 
 2199 
 
 1410 
 
 27857 i 
 
 10893 : 
 
 1.5581 
 
 5091 I 
 
 1411 : 
 
 38599 [ 
 
 Kansas. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Allen 11303 
 
 Anderson 9057 
 
 Arrapahoe 3 
 
 Atchison 26668 
 
 Barbour 2001 
 
 Barton 10318 
 
 Bourbon 19591 
 
 Brown 12817 
 
 Buffalo 191 
 
 Butler 18i)80 
 
 Chase '..... 0081 
 
 Chatauqua 11072 
 
 Cherokee 21905 
 
 Cheyenne 37 
 
 Clarke 163 
 
 Clay 12320 
 
 Cloud 15343 
 
 Cott'ey 11438 
 
 Comanche ..., 372 
 
 Cowley 21538 
 
 Crawford 10851 
 
 Davis 6994 
 
 Decatur 4180 
 
 Dickinson 15251 
 
 Doniph.an 14 57 
 
 Douglas 21700 
 
 Edwards 2409 
 
 Elk 10023 
 
 Ellis 6179 
 
 Ellsworth 8494 
 
 Fo )te 411 
 
 Ford 3122 
 
 Franklin 10797 
 
 Gove 1190 
 
 Graham 4258 
 
 Grant 9 
 
 Greeley 3 
 
 Greenwood 10548 
 
 Hamilton 108 
 
 Harper 4133 
 
 Harvey 11451 
 
 Hodgeman 1704 
 
 Howard 
 
 Jackson 10718 
 
 Jefferson 15503 
 
 Jewell 17475 
 
 Johnsou 16853 
 
 Kansas 9 
 
 Kearney 159 
 
 Kingman 3713 
 
 Labette 22735 
 
 Lane 601 
 
 Leavenworth 32355 
 
 Lincoln 8582 
 
 Linn 1.5298 
 
 I,von 17326 
 
 M'cPhor.son 17143 
 
 MariiHi 124.53 
 
 Marshall 161.30 
 
 Meade 290 
 
 Miami 17802 
 
 Miirhell 11911 
 
 Montgomery 18213 
 
 Morris 9205 
 
 Nchama 12402 
 
 Nc.>h1io 15121 
 
 Ness 3722 
 
 Norton 0998 
 
 0»agc 19042 
 
 1870. 
 7022 
 5220 
 
 15507 
 
 2 
 
 1.5076 
 6823 
 
 3035 
 1975 
 
 11038 
 
 2942 
 23i3 
 6201 
 
 1175 
 8160 
 6526 
 
 '3043 
 13909 
 20592 
 
 1336 
 1185 
 
 427 
 10385 
 
 2794 
 0053 
 
 12520 
 207 
 
 13084 
 
 9973 
 
 32444 
 
 610 
 
 12174 
 
 8014 
 738 
 768 
 
 6901 
 
 11724 
 
 4.S5 
 75i;4 
 2225 
 7339 
 10200 
 
 7648 
 
 1880. 
 
 Osborne 12517 
 
 Ottawa 103U7 
 
 Pawnee 5396 
 
 Phillips 12014 
 
 Pottawatomie 17350 
 
 Pratt 1890 
 
 Rawlins 1623 
 
 Reno 12826 
 
 Republic 14913 
 
 Rice 9292 
 
 Rilev 104.30 
 
 Rooks 8112 
 
 Rush 5490 
 
 Russell 7.351 
 
 Saline 13808 
 
 Scott 43 
 
 Sedgwick 187.53 
 
 Sequoyah 568 
 
 Seward 6 
 
 Shawnee , 29093 
 
 Sheridan 1567 
 
 Sherman 13 
 
 Smith 13883 
 
 Stafford 4755 
 
 Stanton 5 
 
 Stevens 12 
 
 Sumner 2812 
 
 Thomas 161 
 
 Trego 25:'.5 
 
 Wabaunsee 8756 
 
 Wallace 680 
 
 Washington 14910 
 
 Wichita 14 
 
 Wilson 13775 
 
 Woodson 6535 
 
 Wyandotte 19143 
 
 Total 990096 
 
 Of whom. Colored 4391 
 
 Kentucky. 
 
 1880 
 
 Adair 13078 
 
 Allen 12089 
 
 Anderson 9001 
 
 Ballard 14378 
 
 Barren 22331 
 
 Bath 11982 
 
 Bell 6055 
 
 Boone 11996 
 
 Bourbon 15950 
 
 Boyd 12105 
 
 Boyle 11930 
 
 Bracken 13.509 
 
 Breathitt 7742 
 
 Breckinridge 17480 
 
 Bullitt 8521 
 
 Butler 12181 
 
 Caldwell. 11282 
 
 Calloway 13295 
 
 Campbell 37440 
 
 Carroll 8953 
 
 Carter 12345 
 
 Ca.sey 10983 
 
 Christian 31682 
 
 Clark 12115 
 
 Clay 10222 
 
 Clinton 7212 
 
 Crittenden 11088 
 
 Cumberland 8894 
 
 Daviess 27730 
 
 Edmonson 7223 
 
 Elliott 0507 
 
 Estill 98fi0 
 
 Fayette 29023 
 
 Fleming 152J1 
 
 Flovd 10170 
 
 Franklin 18099 
 
 Fulton 7977 
 
 GftUa'iti 4832 
 
 Garrard 11704 
 
 Grant 13083 
 
 Grave.s 24138 
 
 Grayson 1.5784 
 
 (ireen 11871 
 
 Greenup 1.".:'.71 
 
 Hancock 8503 
 
 Harilin 22504 
 
 Harlan f278 
 
 Harrison 10,504 
 
 Hwrt 171.33 
 
 Uondurson 24616 
 
 1870. 
 
 33 
 
 2129 
 177 
 
 "7848 
 
 1281 
 5 
 
 5105 
 
 4246 
 1095 
 
 1312 i 
 
 66 
 
 .22 
 
 160 
 3362 
 
 538 
 4081 
 
 6694 
 
 3827 
 
 10015 
 
 364399 
 17108 
 
 1870. 
 11005 
 10290 
 5449 
 12570 
 17T80 
 10145 
 
 10096 
 
 14 803 
 8573 
 9.515 
 
 11409 
 6072 
 
 13440 
 7781 
 9404 
 
 10826 
 9410 
 
 27400 
 6189 
 7.509 
 8884 
 
 23227 
 
 10882 
 8297 
 0497 
 9381 
 7090 
 
 20714 
 4459 
 44.33 
 9198 
 
 20056 
 
 13398 
 7877 
 
 16800 
 6101 
 5074 
 
 10376 
 9529 
 
 19398 
 
 11.580 
 9379 
 
 11403 
 0,591 
 
 15705 
 4415 
 
 12993 
 
 13087 
 
 18467
 
 BOOK VII.] 
 
 T A B UL AT E D H 1 ST K Y— C E N S U S. 
 
 31 
 
 Kentucky.— [Continued.] 
 
 1«80. 
 
 Henrv UV.ri 
 
 Hicktn:iii l(i(i.-)l 
 
 Hopkins 10122 
 
 JiX'^ksoii •iliTS 
 
 Jeffornon HnolO 
 
 Jessamine 1US(14 
 
 Johnson 'Jl55 
 
 Josh li-11 
 
 Kenton 4:{!)K3 
 
 Knox IDMl 
 
 Ija Rue . 
 Laurel . 
 
 1870, 
 lIOfiG 
 Slf).-! 
 13827 
 4517 
 llSll.-.:t 
 H(i:i8 
 74'J4 
 3721 
 3f!l)!)G 
 82'J4 
 82:55 
 GOIO 
 84!l7 
 3055 
 
 4<i(»8 
 
 9115 
 1('!I47 
 
 821)0 
 20429 
 
 0233 
 l:i9.S8 
 
 7014 
 19543 
 
 40«1 
 12838 
 
 9455 
 
 9793 
 
 9131 
 
 Lawrence 13202 
 
 Lee 4254 
 
 Leslie 3740 
 
 Letcher OOOl 
 
 Lewis 13154 
 
 Lincoln ISuSo 
 
 Livingston 9105 
 
 Lopan 24358 
 
 Lyon 0708 
 
 McCrackeii 10202 
 
 Mnljean 9293 
 
 Ma(iis;>n 22052 
 
 Maeoffin 0944 
 
 Marion 14093 
 
 iMarshall 9047 
 
 Martin 3057 
 
 Mason 20109 18120 
 
 IMcailo 10323 9485 I 
 
 Menifee 3755 1980 I 
 
 Mercer 14U2 13144 j 
 
 Metcalfe 9423 7934 i 
 
 Monroe 10741 9231 | 
 
 Montgomery 10560 7577 
 
 Morgan 8455 5975 
 
 Muhlenburgh 15098 12638 
 
 Nelson 16009 14804 
 
 Nicholas 11869 91^9 
 
 Ohio 19009 16501 
 
 Oldham 7607 9027 
 
 Owen 17401 14.309 
 
 Owsley 4942 3889 
 
 Pendleton 16702 14030 
 
 Perry 5007 4274 
 
 Pike 13001 9562 
 
 Powell 3639 2599 
 
 Pulaski 21318 17070 
 
 Robertson 6814 5399 
 
 Rockcastle 9070 7115 
 
 Rowan 4420 2991 
 
 Russell 7591 5809 
 
 Scott 14905 11007 
 
 •Shelby 16813 15733 
 
 Bimpson 10641 9573 
 
 Spencer 7040 6956 
 
 Tnylor 9259 8226 
 
 Todd 1.5994 12012 
 
 Trigs 14489 13080 
 
 Trimble 7171 5577 
 
 Union 17809 13640 
 
 Warren 27531 21742 
 
 Washington 14419 12404 
 
 Wayne 12.512 10002 
 
 Webster 14246 10937 
 
 Whitley 12000 8278 
 
 Wolfe 50.38 3003 
 
 Woodford 11800 8240 
 
 Total 1648690 1321011 
 
 Of whom, colored... 271522 222210 
 
 Lionlslana. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Ascension 10895 11577 
 
 Assumption 17010 13234 
 
 Avoyelles 10747 12926 
 
 Bienville 10442 10030 
 
 Bossier 16042 12075 
 
 Caddo 26296 21714 
 
 Calcasieu 12484 6733 
 
 Caldwell 6767 4820 
 
 Cameron 2416 1.591 
 
 Carrall lOUO 
 
 Catahoula 10277 8475 
 
 Claiborne 18.S37 20240 
 
 Concordia 14914 9077 
 
 De Soto 15693 14902 
 
 East Raton Rouge.. 19960 17816 
 
 East Carroll 12134 
 
 1880. 
 
 East Feliciana 15132 
 
 Franklin 64ii5 
 
 Grant 6188 
 
 Iberia 10070 
 
 Iberville 17544 
 
 Jackson 6328 
 
 Jctt'crson 12106 
 
 La Fayette 132.35 
 
 LaFourche 19113 
 
 Lincoln 11075 
 
 Livinston 5258 
 
 Madison 13900 
 
 Morehouse I42u6 
 
 Natchitoclies 19707 
 
 Orleans 210090 
 
 Ouachit* 14085 
 
 Plaquemines 11575 
 
 Pointe Coupee 17785 
 
 Rapides 23563 
 
 Red River 8573 
 
 Richland 8440 
 
 Sabine 7.344 
 
 St. Bernard 4405 
 
 St. Charles 7101 
 
 St. Helena 7.501 
 
 St. James 14714 
 
 St. John Baptist, 9080 
 
 St. Ijaridry 40004 
 
 St. Martin's 12063 
 
 St. Mary'.s; 19891 
 
 St. Tanimany 6887 
 
 Tangipahoa 9638 
 
 Tensas 17815 
 
 Terre Bonne 179.57 
 
 Union 13520 
 
 Vermillion 8728 
 
 Vernoi 6100 
 
 Washington 5190 
 
 Webster 10005 
 
 West Baton Rouge. 7607 
 
 West Carroll 2776 
 
 West Feliciana 12809 
 
 Winn 5846 
 
 Total 939946 
 
 Of whom, colored... 485200 
 
 Maine. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Androscogan 4.5042 
 
 Aroostook 41700 
 
 Cumberland 80.359 
 
 Fr.anklin 18180 
 
 Hancock 38129 
 
 Kennebec 53058 
 
 Knox 32863 
 
 Lincoln 24821 
 
 0.xford 32627 
 
 Penobscot 70476 
 
 Piscataquis 14872 
 
 Sagadahoc 19272 
 
 Somcr.set 32.333 
 
 Waldo 32403 
 
 Washington 44484 
 
 York 62257 
 
 Total 648930 
 
 Of whom, colored... 2042 
 
 niaryland. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Alleghany 38012 
 
 Anne Arundel 28.526 
 
 Baltimore City 332313 
 
 Baltimore 8,3336 
 
 Calvert 10538 
 
 Caroline 1.3766 
 
 Carroll S0992 
 
 Cecil 27108 
 
 Charles 18548 
 
 Dorchester 23110 
 
 Frederick 504.S2 
 
 Garrett 12175 
 
 Harford 28042 
 
 Howard 16140 
 
 Kent 17605 
 
 Montgomery 247.59 
 
 Prince George 26451 
 
 Queen Anne 19257 
 
 St. Mary's 16934 
 
 1870. 
 13499 
 607« 
 4517 
 9042 
 12317 
 7646 
 17707 
 103H8 
 14719 
 
 4O20 
 80(10 
 93M7 
 18205 
 191418 
 115S2 
 10.552 
 129SI 
 18015 
 
 5110 
 
 0456 
 
 3553 
 
 48(i7 
 
 5423 
 
 10152 
 
 6762 
 
 25553 
 
 9370 
 
 13860 
 
 5580 
 
 7928 
 
 12419 
 
 12451 
 
 110K5 
 
 4528 
 
 3330 
 
 10499 
 4954 
 
 720915 
 304210 
 
 1870. 
 35800 
 29009 
 82021 
 18807 
 30495 
 63203 
 30823 
 25597 
 33488 
 75150 
 14403 
 188113 
 340 U 
 34522 
 43343 
 60174 
 
 620915 
 1006 
 
 1870. 
 
 38536 
 
 24457 
 
 330741 
 
 9805 
 12101 
 28619 
 25874 
 16738 
 19458 
 47572 
 
 '22'!05 
 141.50 
 17102 
 2O503 
 21138 
 16171 
 14944 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Somerset 21008 18190 
 
 Talbot lycMiS l(il37 
 
 Washington 38501 34712 
 
 Wicomico IwiUl 16-02 
 
 Worcester 19.".39 16419 
 
 Total 931943 7a i894 
 
 Of whom, colored... 209914 175391 
 
 Ma«8achu8ett!i. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Barnstable 31897 32774 
 
 Berkshire 690.'52 64827 
 
 Bristol 139040 102.S86 
 
 Dukes 4300 ,3787 
 
 Essex 244.5.35 200S43 
 
 Franklin- 36001 32035 
 
 Hampden 104142 78409 
 
 Hampshire 472.32 44388 
 
 Middlesex ,317830 2743.'i3 
 
 Nantucket 3727 4123 
 
 Norfolk 90.507 89443 
 
 Plymouth 74018 6.5305 
 
 Suffolk 387927 270802 
 
 Worcester 220897 192716 
 
 Total 178 085 1457351 
 
 Of whom, colored... 19004 13947 
 
 Mlcliigan. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Alcona 3107 
 
 Allegan 37815 
 
 Alpena 87^9 
 
 Antrim 6237 
 
 Baraga 1804 
 
 Barry , 26317 
 
 Hay 38081 
 
 Bonzie 3433 
 
 Berrien 30785 
 
 Branch 27941 
 
 Calhoun 384.52 
 
 Cass 22009 
 
 Charlevoix 6115 
 
 Cheboygan 6.524 
 
 Chippewa 5248 
 
 Clare 4187 
 
 Clinton 281(W 
 
 Crawford 1159 
 
 Delta 6812 
 
 Eaton 31225 
 
 Rmmett 6639 
 
 Genesee 39220 
 
 Gladwin 1127 
 
 Grand Traverse 8422 
 
 Gratiot , 21936 
 
 HilNdale 32723 
 
 Houghton 22473 
 
 Huron , 20089 
 
 Ingham 33676 
 
 Ionia 33872 
 
 Iosco 6873 
 
 Lsabella 121.59 
 
 Isle Rovale 55 
 
 Jackson 42031 
 
 Kalamazoo 34.342 
 
 Kalkaska 29.37 
 
 Kent 732.53 
 
 Keweenaw 4270 
 
 Lake 3233 
 
 Lapeer 30138 
 
 Leelenaw 0253 
 
 Lenawee 48.313 
 
 Livingston 22251 
 
 Mackinac 2902 
 
 Macomb 31627 
 
 Manistee 125!2 
 
 Manitnu 1334 
 
 Marquette 25.394 
 
 Mason 10065 
 
 Mecosta 1.3973 
 
 Menominee 11987 
 
 Midland 0R93 
 
 Missaukee 15.53 
 
 Monroe .3.3024 
 
 Montcalm 3.3148 
 
 Muskegon 20.586 
 
 Newnvgo 146«8 
 
 Oakland 415.37 
 
 Oceana ~. 11699 
 
 1870. 
 696 
 
 32105 
 2756 
 1985 
 
 22199 
 
 15900 
 
 2184 
 
 35104 
 
 26226 
 
 30569 
 
 21094 
 
 1724 
 
 2196 
 
 1689 
 
 866 
 
 22845 
 
 "'2.542 
 
 25171 
 
 1211 
 
 33900 
 
 "4443 
 11810 
 31084 
 13879 
 
 9049 
 25263 
 27681 
 
 3163 
 
 4113 
 
 '30047 
 
 32054 
 
 424 
 
 50403 
 
 4205 
 
 548 
 
 21.345 
 
 4576 
 
 45595 
 
 19336 
 
 1716 
 
 27616 
 
 6074 
 
 891 
 
 15033 
 
 3263 
 
 6642 
 
 1791 
 
 3285 
 
 130 
 
 27483 
 
 130-29 
 
 14894 
 
 7294 
 
 4867 
 
 7222
 
 32 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book til 
 
 Miclilgan.— [Continued.] 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Ogemaw 1914 12 
 
 Ontonagon 25)5 2845 
 
 Osceola 10777 209.3 
 
 Oscoda 4G7 70 
 
 Oteego 1974 
 
 Ottawa 3312C 26051 
 
 Presqiie Isle 3113 355 
 
 Roscommon 1459 
 
 Saginaw 59U95 39097 
 
 St. Clair 40197 36G01 
 
 St. Joseph 26626 26275 
 
 Sanilac 263U 14562 
 
 Schoolcraft 1575 
 
 Shiawassee 2T059 2(J858 
 
 Tuscola 25738 13714 
 
 Van Buren 30807 28829 
 
 Washtenaw 41St8 41434 
 
 AVavne 1C0444 119088 
 
 Wexford 6815 650 
 
 Total 1636937 1457351 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 22253 11849 
 
 Minnesota. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Aitkin 366 
 
 Anoka 7108 
 
 Becker 5218 
 
 Beltrami 10 
 
 Benton 3012 
 
 Big Stone 3688 
 
 Blue Earth 228S9 
 
 Brown 12U18 
 
 Carlton 1230 
 
 Carver 14140 
 
 Cass 486 
 
 Chippewa 5408 
 
 Chisago 7982 
 
 Clav 5887 
 
 Cook 65 
 
 Cottonwood 5533 
 
 Crow Wing 2319 
 
 Dakota 17391 
 
 Dodge 11344 
 
 Do'iprlas 91.30 
 
 Faril.atilt ]30lfi 
 
 Fillmore 28162 
 
 FreeViorn 16069 
 
 Goodliue 29C51 
 
 Grant 3004 
 
 Hennepin 67013 
 
 Houston 10332 
 
 Isanti 5063 
 
 Itasra 124 
 
 Jackson 4806 
 
 Kanabec 505 
 
 Kandiyohi 10159 
 
 Kitson 905 
 
 Lac-<]ui-parle 4891 
 
 Lake 106 
 
 Le Sueur 16103 
 
 Lincoln 2945 
 
 Lyon 6257 
 
 MeLeod 12342 
 
 Marnhall 992 
 
 Martin 5249 
 
 Meeker 117.39 
 
 Mille Lacs 1601 
 
 Monongana 
 
 Morrison 5875 
 
 Mowf-r lf.799 
 
 Murray 3004 
 
 Nicollet 12.333 
 
 Nobles 4435 
 
 Olms-ed 21.543 
 
 Otter Tail 18675 
 
 Pembina 
 
 Pine 1365 
 
 Pipe Stone 2092 
 
 Polk 11433 
 
 Pope 6874 
 
 Ramsey 46800 
 
 Redwood 5375 
 
 Renville 10791 
 
 Rice 22481 
 
 Rock 36»<9 
 
 Bt. Louis 4504 
 
 flcott 13516 
 
 Sherburne 3855 
 
 Sibley 10037 
 
 1870. 
 
 178 
 
 3940 
 
 308 
 
 80 
 
 1558 
 
 2i 
 
 17302 
 
 6396 
 
 9^86 
 
 11586 
 
 380 
 
 1467 
 
 4358 
 
 92 
 
 534 
 
 200 
 
 16312 
 
 8598 
 
 4239 
 
 9J40 
 
 24887 
 
 10578 
 
 22618 
 
 340 
 
 31506 
 
 14936 
 
 2035 
 
 96 
 
 1825 
 
 93 
 
 1760 
 
 "'145 
 
 135 
 11607 
 
 5643 
 
 "*38r,7 
 
 6O91) 
 
 1109 
 
 3101 
 
 1081 
 
 10447 
 
 209 
 
 8V)2 
 
 117 
 
 19793 
 
 1968 
 
 04 
 
 648 
 
 2691 
 
 23085 
 
 1829 
 
 8219 
 
 1C0H3 
 
 138 
 
 4561 
 
 11043 
 
 20.50 
 
 6725 
 
 I 1880. 
 
 I Stearns 21956 
 
 I Steele 12*60 
 
 Stevens 3911 
 
 S-.ift 7473 
 
 Todd- 61:33 
 
 Traverse 1507 
 
 ' Wabashaw 18206 
 
 Wadena 2080 
 
 Waseca 12385 
 
 ^ Washington 19563 
 
 ' Watonwan 5104 
 
 ! Wilkin 1906 
 
 Winona 27197 
 
 Wright 18104 
 
 i Yellow Medicine ... 5884 
 
 I Total 780773 
 
 Of whom, colored... 3806 
 
 1870. 1 
 14200 
 8271 
 174 
 
 2036 
 
 13 
 
 15859 
 
 6 
 
 7854 
 
 11809 
 
 2426 
 
 295 
 
 22319 
 
 9457 
 
 1880. 
 
 Wilkinson 17815 
 
 Winston 10087 
 
 Yalabusha 15U49 
 
 Yazoo 33845 
 
 Total 1131597 
 
 Of whom, colored... 652221 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adams 22G49 
 
 Alcorn 14272 
 
 Amite 14004 
 
 Attala 19488 
 
 Benton 11023 
 
 Bohvar 18052 
 
 Calhoun 13492 
 
 Carroll 17795 
 
 Chickasaw 17905 
 
 Choctaw 9036 
 
 Claiborne 16768 
 
 Clarke 15021 
 
 Clay 17367 
 
 Coahoma 135G8 
 
 Copiah 27552 
 
 Covington 5993 
 
 De Soto 22924 
 
 Franklin 9729 
 
 Greene 3194 
 
 Grenada 12071 
 
 Hancock G439 
 
 Harrison 7895 
 
 Hinds 439.58 
 
 Holmes 27164 
 
 Issaquena 10004 
 
 Itawamba 10GG3 
 
 Jackson 7607 
 
 Jasper 12426 
 
 Jefierson 17314 
 
 Jones 3828 
 
 Kemper 15719 
 
 La Fayette 21671 
 
 Lauderdale 21501 
 
 Lawrence 8420 
 
 Leake 13146 
 
 Lee 20470 
 
 Le Flore 1024G 
 
 Lincoln 13547 
 
 Lo*ndes 28244 
 
 Madison 258GG 
 
 Marion GOOl 
 
 M^rshall 20330 
 
 Monroe 28553 
 
 Montgomery 13348 
 
 Neshoba 8741 
 
 Newton 13436 
 
 I Noxubee 29874 
 
 I Oktibbeha 15978 
 
 Panola 28352 
 
 i Perrv 3»27 
 
 I Pike. 1GG88 
 
 i Hontotock 13758 
 
 I Prentiss 121.58 
 
 Quitman 1407 
 
 I Kankin 1G752 
 
 Scott 10845 
 
 I Sharkey 6306 
 
 1 Simpson 8CHJ8 
 
 I Sin'tii 8088 
 
 ! Sumner 9.'i.34 
 
 j Sun Flower 4G61 
 
 Tiillahatchec 10926 
 
 Tato 18721 
 
 Tippah 128G7 
 
 Tishomingo 8774 
 
 Tunica 84G1 
 
 Union 13030 
 
 Warren 312.38 
 
 I WuHhington 25367 
 
 Wayne 8741 
 
 439706 
 759 
 
 1870. 
 19084 
 10431 
 10973 
 14776 
 
 9732 
 105G1 
 21047 
 19899 
 16988 
 1338G 
 
 7505 
 
 7144 
 
 20608 
 
 4753 
 
 32021 
 
 7498 
 
 2038 
 
 10571 
 
 42.39 
 
 5795 
 
 30488 
 
 19370 
 
 6887 
 
 7812 
 
 43G2 
 
 10884 
 
 13840 
 
 3313 
 
 129vO 
 
 18802 
 
 134G2 
 
 6720 
 
 8496 
 
 15955 
 
 10184 
 30502 
 20948 
 4211 
 2041 G 
 22031 
 
 7439 
 100G7 
 20905 
 14891 
 20754 
 
 2G94 
 11303 
 12520 
 
 9348 
 
 12977 
 7847 
 
 6718 
 7126 
 
 5015 
 7852 
 
 20727 
 7.350 
 5358 
 
 26709 
 145r.9 
 4200 
 
 Missoai4. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adair 15190 
 
 Andrew 10318 
 
 Atchison 14556 
 
 I Audrain 19732 
 
 Barry H405 
 
 Barton 10332 
 
 Bates 25.381 
 
 Benton 1239G 
 
 Bollinger 11130 
 
 Boone 25422 
 
 Buchanan 49792 
 
 Butler 6011 
 
 Caldwell 1,3046 
 
 Callaway 23670 
 
 Camden a.. 72G6 
 
 Cape Girardeau 20098 
 
 Carroll 23274 
 
 Carter „ 21C8 
 
 Cass 22431 
 
 Cedar 10741 
 
 Chariton 252z4 
 
 Christian 9G28 
 
 Clarke 15031 
 
 Clay 15572 
 
 Clinton 16073 
 
 Cole 15515 
 
 Cooper 21.596 
 
 Crawford 10756 
 
 Dade 125.57 
 
 Dallas 9263 
 
 Daviess 19145 
 
 De Kalb 13334 
 
 Dent 10646 
 
 Douglass 7753 
 
 Dunklin _ 9G04 
 
 Franklin 2G534 
 
 Gasconade 1U53 
 
 Gentry 17176 
 
 Greene 28801 
 
 Grundy 15185 
 
 Harrison 20304 
 
 Henrv ~ 23906 
 
 Hickory „ 7387 
 
 Holt 15509 
 
 Howard 18428 
 
 Howell 8814 
 
 Iron 8183 
 
 Jackson 82325 
 
 Jasper 32019 
 
 Jefferson 18736 
 
 Johnson 28172 
 
 Knox 13047 
 
 Laclede 11524 
 
 La Fayette 2.'.7I0 
 
 Lawrence 17583 
 
 Lewis 15925 
 
 Lincoln 17426 
 
 Linn 20016 
 
 Livingston 20196 
 
 McDonald 7815 
 
 Macon 2G222 
 
 Madison 8S76 
 
 Maries 7304 
 
 Marion 24837 
 
 Mercer 14673 
 
 Miller 9805 
 
 Mississippi 9270 
 
 Moniteau 14346 
 
 Monroe 19071 
 
 Montgomery 16-,'19 
 
 Morgan 10132 
 
 Now Madrid 7094 
 
 Newton '8947 
 
 Nodaway 29544 
 
 Oregon 5791 
 
 O.sage 11824 
 
 Ozark 6018 
 
 Pemiscot 4299 
 
 Perry 11S95 
 
 Pettis 27J71 
 
 Phelp.S 12508 
 
 1870_ 
 12705 
 
 8984 
 13254 
 17279 
 
 827922 
 444201 
 
 1870. 
 
 11448 
 
 15137 
 
 8440 
 
 12307 
 
 10^73 
 
 f087 
 
 15960 
 
 11322 
 
 8162 
 
 2U765 
 
 35100 
 
 4298 
 
 11390 
 
 19202 
 
 (108 
 
 17558 
 
 1744G 
 
 1465 
 
 19296 
 
 9474 
 
 19136 
 
 6707 
 
 13667 
 
 15564 
 
 14063 
 
 10292 
 
 20G92 
 
 7982 
 
 8G83 
 
 8383 
 
 14410 
 
 9858 
 
 C357 
 
 3915 
 
 5982 
 
 30008 
 
 10093 
 
 11C07 
 
 21549 
 
 10567 
 
 14635 
 
 17401 
 
 6452 
 
 11652 
 
 17233 
 
 4218 
 
 6278 
 
 55041 
 
 14928 
 
 15380 
 
 24648 
 
 10974 
 
 9380 
 
 22023 
 
 13067 
 
 15114 
 
 15960 
 
 15900 
 
 16730 
 
 6226 
 
 23230 
 
 6849 
 
 5916 
 
 23780 
 
 11557 
 
 6616 
 
 4982 
 
 11375 
 
 17149 
 
 10405 
 
 8434 
 
 0357 
 
 12821 
 
 14751 
 
 3287 
 
 10793 
 
 3363 
 
 2059 
 
 9877 
 
 18700 
 
 10506
 
 BOOK Til.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 
 
 38 
 
 Missouri.— [Continued.] i 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Pike 20715 23076 j 
 
 Platte 17:h;6 I7:5j;: i 
 
 Pohc V>rM IJU". 
 
 Piiliiski 72.J0 4711 I 
 
 Putnam i:!'r.5 lljn I 
 
 Ralls 118:»8 10.^10 
 
 Kandolph 22751 15008 | 
 
 Kav 20190 18700 I 
 
 ReVnolds 6722 37.>6 | 
 
 Ripley 5377 3175 
 
 St. Charles 2:50G5 21304 
 
 St. Clair 14125 C74J 
 
 St. Francois 13822 9742 
 
 St. Gnevieve 1O300 8384 
 
 St. Louis City 3.-j051,s ) .....on 
 
 St. Louis Co 318i>8j •"''"•' 
 
 Saline 2a;ill 2U;72 
 
 Schavlor 10470 8-i20 
 
 Scotland 12308 loino 
 
 Scott 8587 7317 
 
 Siiannon 3441 233;) 
 
 Shelby 14'i24 10119 
 
 Stoddard 13431 8535 
 
 Stone 4404 3253 
 
 Sullivan 1G509 1191)7 
 
 Tanev 5599 4107 
 
 Texas 1220G 0018 
 
 Vornon 1031-.9 11247 
 
 Warren 1080G 9073 
 
 Washington 128JG 11719 
 
 Wayne 9036 6008 
 
 Web-ter 12175 10434 
 
 Worth 8203 5001 
 
 Wright 9712 6081 
 
 1880. 
 G08G 
 
 1870 
 
 ""iai 
 
 Total 2108380 1721295 
 
 Colored 145236 118071 
 
 Moutaua. 
 
 18S0. 
 
 Beaver Head 2712 
 
 Big Horn 
 
 Choteau , 30.58 
 
 Custer 2510 
 
 Pawsnn 180 
 
 Deer Lodge 8876 
 
 Gallatin 3043 
 
 Jefferson 2404 
 
 Lewis and Clarke... C.521 
 
 Madison 3915 
 
 Meaglier 2743 
 
 Missoula 2537 
 
 1870. 
 
 722 
 
 38 
 
 617 
 
 177 
 4307 
 1.578 
 1531 
 5040 
 2084 
 1387 
 2554 
 
 Total 39159 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 3089 
 
 Neltraska. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adams 10235 
 
 Antelope 3953 
 
 Blackbird 109 
 
 Boone 4170 
 
 Buffalo 7531 
 
 Burt C9;7 
 
 Butler 9104 
 
 Ca.ss 10683 
 
 Cedar 2899 
 
 Chase _ 70 
 
 Chevenne 15E8 
 
 Clay 11204 
 
 Colfax 0.588 
 
 Cuming 5509 
 
 Custer 2211 
 
 Dakota 3213 
 
 Dawson 2909 
 
 Dixon 4177 
 
 Dodge 11203 
 
 Douglas 37045 
 
 Dnndv 37 
 
 Fillmore 10204 
 
 Franklin 5405 
 
 Frontier 9.34 
 
 Furnas 6407 
 
 Gage 1310-1 
 
 Gosper 107 I 
 
 Grant 
 
 Greeley Hor 
 
 Hall...: 8572 
 
 Hamiltou 8267 
 
 20595 
 183 
 
 1870. 
 19 
 
 31 
 
 193 
 2847 
 1290 
 81.51 
 1032 
 
 190 
 
 54 
 
 1424 
 
 2904 
 
 2040 
 103 
 1345 
 4212 
 19982 
 
 238 
 26 
 
 3359 
 ""484 
 
 1057 
 130 
 
 9 
 2440 
 3429 
 
 58 
 
 7074 
 
 261 
 
 17 
 
 78 
 
 1133 
 
 557 
 
 235 
 
 7503 
 
 8 
 
 12345 
 
 4171 
 
 Harlan 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Hayes 119 
 
 Hitchcock 1012 
 
 Holt a2S7 
 
 Howard 4391 
 
 Jaiikson 
 
 Jefrers(.n 8096 
 
 .lohnson 7.595 
 
 Kearney 4072 
 
 Keith 194 
 
 Knox 3006 
 
 Lancaster 28090 
 
 Lean qui Court 
 
 Lincoln 3032 
 
 Lyon 
 
 Madison 6,589 
 
 Merrick 6341 
 
 Monroe 
 
 Na.ice 1212 
 
 Nemaha 104.51 
 
 Nuckolls 4235 
 
 Otoe 15727 
 
 Pawnee 6920 
 
 Phelps 2447 
 
 Pierce 1202 
 
 Platte 9511 
 
 Polk 6840 
 
 Red Willow 3044 
 
 Richardson 15031 
 
 S.aline 14401 
 
 Sarpy 4481 
 
 Saunders 15810 
 
 Seward 11147 
 
 Sherman 2001 
 
 Sioux 699 
 
 Stanton 1813 
 
 Taylor 
 
 Thayer 6113 
 
 Valley 2324 
 
 Washington 8031 
 
 Wayne 813 
 
 Webster 71o4 
 
 Wheeler „- 614 
 
 York 11170 
 
 Unorganized Tcr.... 2913 
 
 Total 452402 122993 
 
 Of whom, Colored.... 2627 789 
 
 152 
 
 1890 
 
 130 
 
 9780 
 3100 
 2913 
 4547 
 i953 
 
 4452 
 
 182 
 
 16 
 
 604 
 
 258 
 
 Nevada. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Churchhill 479 
 
 Douglass I'iSl 
 
 Rlko 6716 
 
 Esmei-alda 3220 
 
 Kureka 7080 
 
 Huml)oldt .3480 
 
 Landr 3024 
 
 Lincoln 2037 
 
 Lyon 2403 
 
 Nye 1875 
 
 Ormsby 5412 
 
 Roop 280 
 
 .storey 10115 
 
 Washoe 5604 
 
 White Pine 2082 
 
 Total 62266 
 
 Of whom. Colored 
 (inc. Chinese and 
 
 Indians) 8691 
 
 Jicw Hampshire. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Belknap 17948 
 
 Carroll 18224 
 
 Cheshire 28734 
 
 Coos 18.580 
 
 Grnfton 38788 
 
 Hillsborough 75034 
 
 Merrimack 40300 
 
 Rockingham 49004 
 
 Stafford 351-8 
 
 Sullivan ISIOI 
 
 Total 346991 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 720 
 
 1870. 
 
 196 
 
 1215 
 
 3447 
 
 155.5 
 
 "ioi'o 
 
 2815 
 
 2985 
 1837 
 lu87 
 3608 
 133 
 11.3.59 
 .3091 
 7189 
 
 New Jeney, 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Atlantic 1S7IH 14<)93 
 
 Bergen 'MIM 30122 
 
 Burlington 65402 6;J0.39 
 
 Cannlen 02942 4«;H3 
 
 Cape .May 9705 KJW 
 
 Cumberland 37687 34<>06 
 
 Kssex IStO.'y 143^30 
 
 Gloucester 2.j880 21502 
 
 Hudson 1.87914 Il'jiwT 
 
 Hunterdon 38570 30963 
 
 Mercer 6,SO0l 46.3.86 
 
 Middlesex 62286 4.J029 
 
 Monmouth 55.538 4'>195 
 
 Morris 608iU 43 .37 
 
 Ocean 144.55 ];«i2S 
 
 Passaic 688<KJ 4r,41C 
 
 Salem 21.579 2.3940 
 
 Somerset 27)62 2:Jo!0 
 
 Sussex 23.5 19 23168 
 
 Union .5.-.:.7l 41.s.-,9 
 
 Warren 30 ,S9 3»330 
 
 Total 113U16 906090 
 
 Of whom. Colored.. 38853 30C58 
 
 42491 
 
 1870. 
 17681 
 17332 
 27265 
 14932 
 39103 
 64238 
 42151 
 47297 
 .3"243 
 180.^8 
 
 318301) 
 580 
 
 Nevr mexlco. 
 
 1830. 1870. 
 
 Bernalillo: 17223 7501 
 
 Colfax 3:!98 1992 
 
 Dona Ana 7012 5804 
 
 Grant 4539 1143 
 
 Lincoln 2513 1803 
 
 Mora 9751 80.56 
 
 Rio Arriba 11)23 9J04 
 
 San Miguel 2O038 IGO.iS 
 
 Santa Ana 2.509 
 
 Santa Fe 10307 9099 
 
 Socorro 7875 6603 
 
 Taos 11029 12079 
 
 Valencia 1-3095 9003 
 
 Total 110505 91b74 
 
 Of whom, colored.. 1015 172 
 
 New YorU. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Albany 154890 
 
 Alleghany 40-,10 
 
 Hroorne 49483 
 
 Cattauragus 558i 6 
 
 Cayuga 6.50S1 
 
 Chautauqua 6.5342 
 
 Chemu))g 43005 
 
 Chenango 39^01 
 
 Clinton 5ti807 
 
 Columbia 470-'8 
 
 Cortland 25<<25 
 
 Del.aware 427J1 
 
 Dutchess 791S4 
 
 Erie 210SS4 
 
 Kssex 34">15 
 
 Franklin 32300 
 
 Fulton 3O085 
 
 Genesee 32S()6 
 
 Greene 32605 
 
 Hamilton 3923 
 
 Hernimer 42'5))9 
 
 Jeffer-ion' 00i()3 
 
 Kines 599495 
 
 Lewis 31410 
 
 Livingston 30.'i02 
 
 M.idison 44112 
 
 Monroe 14(0o:{ 
 
 Montgomery 38;tl5 
 
 New York 120C209 
 
 Niagara 54173 
 
 Oneida 11.5475 
 
 Onondaga 117893 
 
 Ontario 49.541 
 
 Orange «822') 
 
 Orleans 3i)128 
 
 Oswego 77911 
 
 Otsego 5'.T)7 
 
 Putnam 15181 
 
 Queens 9a-.74 
 
 Ben«selaer 11.5328 
 
 Richmond ■■xWl 
 
 Rockland 27090 
 
 1870. 
 
 133052 
 40314 
 441<-3 
 43)09 
 59550 
 59127 
 35281 
 40564 
 47047 
 47014 
 25173 
 42073 
 740U 
 
 178099 
 29042 
 .30271 
 27064 
 31006 
 31832 
 2960 
 30929 
 05415 
 
 419921 
 2.S099 
 38309 
 435>2 
 
 1178'i8 
 34457 
 
 042292 
 50437 
 
 no«t98 
 
 104183 
 46108 
 80902 
 27689 
 77941 
 48967 
 15420 
 7.3803 
 99549 
 33030 
 23213
 
 34 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 ITe-w York.— [Continued.] 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 St. Lawrence 85997 84.S26 
 
 Saratoga 55156 515J9 
 
 Schenectady, 2:i538 21347 
 
 Schoharie 32910 33:U0 
 
 Schuyler 18S12 189S9 
 
 Seneca '29J7S 27823 
 
 Steuben 77586 07717 
 
 Suffolk 53888 4(3924 
 
 Sullivan 32491 34550 
 
 Tioga 32073 3n57J 
 
 Tompkins 34445 33178 
 
 Ulster 85S38 84075 
 
 Warren 25179 22592 
 
 Washington 47871 49568 
 
 Wavne 51700 47710 
 
 Westcheister 10S9S8 131348 
 
 Wyoming 30907 29164 
 
 Yates 21087 19595 
 
 Total 5082871 4382759 
 
 Of whom, colored... 65104 52081 
 
 North. Carolina. 
 
 18S0. 
 
 Alamance 14613 
 
 Alexander 8355 
 
 Alleghany 5486 
 
 Anson 17094 
 
 Ashe 14437 
 
 Beaufort 17474 
 
 Bertie 16399 
 
 Bladen 16158 
 
 Brunswick 9389 
 
 Buncombe 21909 
 
 Burke 12809 
 
 Cabarrus 14964 
 
 Caldwell 10291 
 
 Camden 6274 
 
 Carteret 9784 
 
 Caswell 17825 
 
 Cat8,wba 14946 
 
 Chatham 23453 
 
 Cherokee 8182 
 
 Chowan 7000 
 
 Clay 3316 
 
 Cleveland 16571 
 
 Columbus 144.39 
 
 Craven 19729 
 
 Cumberland 23836 
 
 Currituck 6476 
 
 Dare 3243 
 
 Davidson 20.333 
 
 Davie 11096 
 
 Duplin 18773 
 
 Kdgecomb 26181 
 
 Forsvth 18070 
 
 Franklin 20829 
 
 Gaston 14254 
 
 Gates 8897 
 
 Graham 2335 
 
 Granville 31286 
 
 Greene 10037 
 
 Guilford 23.585 
 
 Halifax 30300 
 
 Harnett 108G2 
 
 Haywood 10271 
 
 Henderson 10281 
 
 Hertford 11843 
 
 Hyde 7765 
 
 Iredell 22675 
 
 Jackson 7.343 
 
 Johnston 23461 
 
 Jones 7491 
 
 Lenoir 15344 
 
 Lincoln 11061 
 
 McDowell 9836 
 
 Macon 8064 
 
 IMadison 12810 
 
 IVfartin 13140 
 
 Mecklonburgh 34175 
 
 Mitchell 9435 
 
 Montgomery 9.374 
 
 Moore 16821 
 
 Nash 17731 
 
 New-Hanovor 21.376 
 
 Northampton 20032 
 
 Onslow 9H29 
 
 OranKO 23698 
 
 Pamlico 6323 
 
 Tasquotank 10360 
 
 1870. 
 
 11874 
 
 6868 
 
 3691 
 
 12428 
 
 9573 
 
 13011 
 
 12950 
 
 12831 
 
 7754 
 
 15412 
 
 9777 
 
 11954 
 
 8476 
 
 5361 
 
 9010 
 
 16081 
 
 10984 
 
 19723 
 
 8080 
 
 6450 
 
 2461 
 
 12696 
 
 8474 
 
 20516 
 
 17035 
 
 6131 
 
 2778 
 
 17414 
 
 9620 
 
 15542 
 
 22970 
 
 13050 
 
 141,34 
 
 126112 
 
 7724 
 
 24831 
 
 8687 
 
 21736 
 
 20408 
 
 8805 
 
 7921 
 
 7706 
 
 9273 
 
 6445 
 
 16931 
 
 6683 
 
 16897 
 
 6002 
 
 10434 
 
 9573 
 
 7592 
 
 6615 
 
 8102 
 
 9647 
 
 24290 
 
 4705 
 
 7487 
 
 12040 
 
 11077 
 
 27978 
 
 14749 
 
 7669 
 
 17507 
 
 ""mi 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Pender 12468 
 
 Perquimons 9466 7945 
 
 Person 13719 11170 
 
 Pitt 21794 17276 
 
 Polk 5062 4319 
 
 Randolph 208.36 17551 
 
 Richmond 18245 12882 
 
 Robeson 23880 16262 
 
 Rockingham 21744 15708 
 
 Rowan 19065 16810 
 
 Rutherford 15198 13121 
 
 Sampson 22894 16436 
 
 Stanly 10505 8315 
 
 Slokes 15353 11208 
 
 Surry 15302 11252 
 
 Swain 3784 
 
 Tran.«ylvania 5340 3536 
 
 Tyrrell 4545 4173 
 
 Union 18056 12217 
 
 Wake 479.39 35617 
 
 Warren 22619 17768 
 
 Washington 8928 6516 
 
 Watauga 8160 5287 
 
 Wayne 24951 1814J 
 
 Wilkes 19181 15539 
 
 Wilson 16064 122.58 
 
 Yadkin 12420 10697 
 
 Yancy 7694 69ii9 
 
 Total 1399750 1071361 
 
 Of whom, colored... 531277 391t60 
 
 Ohio. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adams 21005 
 
 Allen 31314 
 
 Ashland 23883 
 
 Ashtabula 37139 
 
 Athens 28411 
 
 Auglaize 2-5444 
 
 Belmont 496.38 
 
 Brown 32911 
 
 Butler 42579 
 
 Carroll 16416 
 
 Champaign 27817 
 
 Clarke 41948 
 
 Clermont 36713 
 
 Clinton 24766 
 
 Columbiana 48602 
 
 Coshocton 26642 
 
 Crawford 30583 
 
 Cuyahoga 196943 
 
 Darke 40496 
 
 Defiance 22515 
 
 Delaware 27381 
 
 Erie 32640 
 
 Fairfield 34284 
 
 Fayette 20364 
 
 Franklin 86797 
 
 Fulton 21053 
 
 Gallia 28124 
 
 Geauga 14251 
 
 Greene 31319 
 
 Guernsey 27197 
 
 Hamilton 313374 
 
 Hancock 27784 
 
 Hardin 27023 
 
 Harrison 20456 
 
 Henrv 20585 
 
 Highland 30281 
 
 Hocking.., 21126 
 
 Holmes 20776 
 
 Huron 31609 
 
 Jackson 23686 
 
 Jefferson 3.3018 
 
 Knox 27431 
 
 Lake 16.326 
 
 Lawrence 39068 
 
 i..icking 40450 
 
 Logan 26267 
 
 Lorain 35,526 
 
 Lucas 67,377 
 
 Madifon 20129 
 
 Mahoning 42871 
 
 Marion 20,565 
 
 Medina 214.53 
 
 Meigs 32325 
 
 Morcer 21H(i8 
 
 Miami 36158 
 
 Monroe 26496 
 
 Montgomery 78500 
 
 1870. 
 20750 
 23623 
 21933 
 32517 
 23768 
 20041 
 39714 
 30802 
 39912 
 14491 
 24188 
 32070 
 34268 
 21914 
 38299 
 23600 
 25556 
 
 1,32010 
 32278 
 15719 
 25175 
 28188 
 31138 
 17170 
 63019 
 17789 
 25545 
 14190 
 28038 
 23838 
 
 260371) 
 23847 
 18714 
 18082 
 14028 
 29133 
 17925 
 18177 
 28532 
 21759 
 29188 
 26333 
 1.5035 
 34.380 
 36766 
 23028 
 30308 
 46722 
 15633 
 31001 
 16184 
 2(H)92 
 31465 
 172.54 
 32740 
 25779 
 G1006 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Morgan 20074 20363 
 
 Morrow 19072 18583 
 
 Muskingum 49774 44886 
 
 Noble 21138 19949 
 
 Ottawa 19762 13364 
 
 Pauldins 13485 8544 
 
 Perry 28218 18453 
 
 Pickaway 27415 24875 
 
 Pike 17927 1.5447 
 
 Portage 27500 24584 
 
 Preble 24533 21809 
 
 Putnam 23713 17081 
 
 Richland 363o6 32516 
 
 Ross 40.307 37097 
 
 Sandusky 320,57 25,503 
 
 Scioto 33611 29302 
 
 Seneca 36947 30827 
 
 Shelby 24137 20748 
 
 Stark 64031 62508 
 
 Sua.mit 43788 .34764 
 
 Trumbull 44880 38659 
 
 Tuscarawas 40198 33840 
 
 Union 22375 18730 
 
 Van Wert 23028 158i;3 
 
 Vinton 17223 15027 
 
 Warren 28392 26689 
 
 Washington 43244 40609 
 
 Wavne .• 40076 35116 
 
 Williams 23821 20991 
 
 Wood 34022 24596 
 
 Wyandot 22395 18559 
 
 Total 3198062 2665260 
 
 Of whom, Colored .. 79000 63213 
 
 Oregon. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Baker 4616 
 
 Benton 6403 
 
 Clackamas 9260 
 
 Clatsop 7222 
 
 Columbia 2042 
 
 Coos 4834 
 
 Curry 1208 
 
 Douglas 9596 
 
 Grant 4.303 
 
 Jackson 8154 
 
 Josephine 2485 
 
 Lake 2804 
 
 Lane 9411 
 
 Linn 12676 
 
 Rlarion 14576 
 
 Jlultonomah 25203 
 
 Polk 6601 
 
 Tillamook 970 
 
 Umatilla 9607 
 
 Union 6650 
 
 Wasco 11120 
 
 Washington 7082 
 
 Yam Hill 7945 
 
 Total 174768 
 
 Of whom. Colored 
 (inc. Chinese and 
 
 Indians 9997 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Adams 32455 
 
 Alleghany 3.5.5869 
 
 Armstrong 47641 
 
 Beaver .39605 
 
 Bedford 34929 
 
 Berks 122.597 
 
 Blair 62740 
 
 Bradford 68,541 
 
 Bucks 686.56 
 
 Butler 52,536 
 
 Cambria 40811 
 
 Cameron 6169 
 
 Carbon 31923 
 
 Centre 37922 
 
 Chester 83481 
 
 Clarion 40328 
 
 Clearfield 43408 
 
 Clinton 20278 
 
 Columbia 32409 
 
 Crawford 68607 
 
 Cumberland 45977 
 
 Dauphin 76148 
 
 1870. 
 2804 
 4584 
 5993 
 1255 
 
 863 
 1644 
 
 504 
 6066 
 2251 
 4778 
 1204 
 
 "6426 
 8717 
 9965 
 11510 
 4701 
 498 
 2916 
 2562 
 2509 
 4261 
 5012 
 
 90923 
 
 346 
 
 1870. 
 80316 
 
 262204 
 43382 
 36148 
 29635 
 
 106701 
 38051 
 63204 
 64336 
 36510 
 36569 
 4273 
 28144 
 34418 
 77805 
 26537 
 2,5741 
 23211 
 28766 
 C3832 
 43912 
 00740
 
 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 
 
 35 
 
 Pennsylvania.— [Conti 
 
 1880. 
 
 Delaware 60101 
 
 Elk 128 10 
 
 Erie 741588 
 
 Fayetto 58842 
 
 Forest 4385 
 
 Franklin 49855 
 
 Fulton 10149 
 
 Greene 28273 
 
 Huntingdon 33954 
 
 Imliana 40527 
 
 Jefferson 27'J35 
 
 Juniata 18227 
 
 Larikawanna 89209 
 
 Lancaster 139447 
 
 Lawrence 33312 
 
 Lebanon. 3S47G 
 
 Lehi^'l^ 659ii9 
 
 Luzerne 1330i)5 
 
 Lycoming 574.S() 
 
 MoKean 42365 
 
 Mnrccr SGliil 
 
 Mifflin 19577 
 
 Monroe 20175 
 
 Montgomery 90494 
 
 Montour. 15408 
 
 Northampton 7031i 
 
 Northuraoerland ... 53123 
 
 Perry 27522 
 
 Philadelphia 847170 
 
 Pike 9063 
 
 Potler 13797 
 
 Schuylkill 129974 
 
 Snyder 17797 
 
 Somerset 33110 
 
 Sullivan 8073 
 
 Susquehanna 403.54 
 
 Tioga 45814 
 
 Union 16905 
 
 Venango 43070 
 
 Warren 27981 
 
 Washington .55418 
 
 Wayne 33513 
 
 Westmoreland 78036 
 
 Wyoming 15598 
 
 York 87.S41 
 
 nued.J 
 1870. 
 39403 
 
 8488 
 65973 
 43284 
 
 4010 
 45:ti>5 
 
 93liO 
 25887 
 31251 
 36138 
 216.56 
 17390 
 
 121340 
 27298 
 31096 
 56796 
 
 160915 
 47026 
 8825 
 49977 
 17.508 
 1H302 
 81012 
 15344 
 61432 
 4144-1 
 25417 
 
 674022 
 
 843ii 
 
 11205 
 
 110428 
 156 i6 
 28226 
 6191 
 37523 
 3:iU97 
 155o5 
 47925 
 23897 
 4818.J 
 33188 
 68719 
 14->85 
 76134 
 
 Total 4282891 3521951 
 
 Colored 85535 65294 
 
 RUoae Island. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Bristol - 11394 
 
 Kent 20588 
 
 Newport 21180 
 
 Providence 197874 
 
 Washington 22495 
 
 Total 270531 217353 
 
 Of whom, colored... 6488 4980 
 
 1870. 
 9421 
 
 18595 
 
 20050 ; 
 
 149190 i 
 
 20097 I 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Abbeville 40815 
 
 Aiken 28112 
 
 Anderson 33612 
 
 Barnwell 39857 
 
 Beaufort 30176 
 
 Charleston 102800 
 
 Chester 241.53 
 
 Chesterfield 16345 
 
 Clarendon 19190 
 
 Colleton 30386 
 
 Darlington 31485 
 
 Edgefield 4.5844 
 
 Fairfisld 27765 
 
 Georgetown 19013 
 
 Greenville 37496 
 
 Hampton 18741 
 
 Horry 15.574 
 
 Kershaw 21.538 
 
 Lancaster 10903 
 
 Laurens 29444 
 
 Lexington 18.564 
 
 Miwion 34107 
 
 Marlborough 20.598 
 
 Newberry 26497 
 
 Oconee 162.'i6 
 
 Orangeburgh 41.395 
 
 Pickens 14389 
 
 60 
 
 1870. 
 31129 
 
 24094 
 3.5724 
 34359 
 88863 
 l.S,S05 
 10584 
 14<J38 
 25410 
 20243 
 42486 
 19S88 
 16101 
 22202 
 
 "ioiii 
 
 11751 
 12087 
 22536 
 12988 
 22160 
 11814 
 20775 
 10536 
 16805 
 10260 
 
 18'iO. 
 
 Richland 28573 
 
 Spartanburgh 4'i4<)9 
 
 Sumter 37^37 
 
 Union 24080 
 
 Williamsburgii 24110 
 
 York 30713 
 
 Total 99,5577 
 
 Of whom, colored .. 604332 
 
 Tennesaee. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Anderson 10,820 87o4 
 
 Bedford 20025 24.333 
 
 Bentou 9780 82.34 
 
 Bledsoe- 5617 4870 
 
 Blount 15985 14237 
 
 Bradley 12124 11652 
 
 Campbell 1005 7445 
 
 Cannon 11859 10502 
 
 Carroll 22103 19417 
 
 Carter 10019 7909 
 
 Cheatham 79.56 6078 
 
 Claiborne 13373 9321 
 
 Clay 6987 
 
 Cocke 14S08 129.5S 
 
 Coffee 12894 102;17 
 
 Crockett 14109 
 
 Cumberland 4.-.38 3401 
 
 Davidson 79026 62897 
 
 Decatur..., 8498 7772 
 
 De Kalb 14813 11425 
 
 Dickson 124»iO 9340 
 
 Dyer 15118 1.3706 
 
 Fayette 31871 26145 
 
 Fentress 5941 4717 
 
 Franklin 17178 14970 
 
 Gibson 32685 25066 
 
 Giles .36014 32413 
 
 Grainger 123.84 12421 
 
 Greene 24005 21068 
 
 (irundv 4592 3250 
 
 HHml)len 10187 
 
 Hamilton 23642 17241 
 
 Hancock 9098 7148 
 
 Hardeman 22921 18074 
 
 Hardin 14793 11708 
 
 Hawkins 20010 1.58.37 
 
 Haywood 20053 25094 
 
 Henderson 174.30 14217 
 
 Henry 22142 20.380 
 
 Hickman 12095 9856 
 
 Houston 4295 
 
 Humphreys 11379 9320 
 
 .lackson 12008 12.583 
 
 James 6187 
 
 Jefferson 15846 19476 
 
 Johnson 7706 6852 
 
 Knox 39124 28990 
 
 Lake 3908 2428 
 
 Lauderdiile 14918 10838 
 
 Lawrence 10383 760l 
 
 Lewis 2181 1986 
 
 Lincoln 26900 28050 
 
 Loudon 9148 
 
 McMinn 1.5004 13969 
 
 McNairy 17271 12726 
 
 Macon 9.321 603.3 
 
 .Madison 30874 2:5480 
 
 M.arion 10910 6841 
 
 Marshall 19250 I6207 
 
 Maury 3'.i904 36289 
 
 Meigs 7117 4511 
 
 Monroe 14283 12589 
 
 Montgomery 28481 24747 
 
 Moore 6232 
 
 Morgan 5'56 2969 
 
 Obion 22912 1.5.584 
 
 Overton 121.53 11297 
 
 Perry 7174 6925 
 
 Polk 7209 7309 
 
 Putn.am 11-501 8098 
 
 Rhea 7073 5.-..38 
 
 Roane 152.37 1.5022 
 
 Robertson ISSOl lOlOG 
 
 Rutherford 36741 .3:i289 
 
 .Scott 6021 40.54 
 
 Sequatchie 2.565 2335 
 
 Seviar 1,5.541 11028 
 
 Shelby 78430 70.^78 
 
 Smith 17799 15994 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Stewart 12690 I20I9 
 
 •Sullivan 18321 13136 
 
 Summer 2:j6-i5 23711 
 
 Tipton 21033 14884 
 
 Trousdale 6646 
 
 Unicoi 3t>15 
 
 Union 102t;<j 7'i«5 
 
 Van liuren 2',i.l3 27i5 
 
 Warren 14079 12714 
 
 Waihington 10l8l 16317 
 
 Wayne 11301 10209 
 
 Weakley 24.5.'W 207.55 
 
 While 11170 9375 
 
 Williamson 28313 253^8 
 
 Wilson 28747 2.5881 
 
 Total 1642359 1258520 
 
 Of whom, colored .. 403151 322331 
 
 Texas. 
 
 1889. 
 
 Anderson 17395 
 
 Andrews 
 
 Angelina 5239 
 
 Aransas 996 
 
 Archer 596 
 
 Armstrong 31 
 
 Atascosa 4217 
 
 Austin 144^:9 
 
 Bandera 2158 
 
 Ba-*trop 17215 
 
 Baylor 715 
 
 Bee 2298 
 
 Bell 20518 
 
 Bexar „.... 30470 
 
 Blanco 3583 
 
 Borden 35 
 
 Bosque 11217 
 
 Bowie 10965 
 
 Brazoria 9774 
 
 Brazos 1.3576 
 
 12 
 
 8414 
 
 924;j 
 
 6855 
 
 11757 
 
 1739 
 
 34.53 
 
 Briscoe. 
 Brown .... 
 Burleson . 
 Burnet ... 
 Caldwell., 
 Calhoun.. 
 Callahan., 
 
 Cameron 14959 
 
 Camp 5931 
 
 Cass 10724 
 
 Chambers t 21,S7 
 
 Cherokee 16723 
 
 Childress 25 
 
 Clay 5045 
 
 Coleman 3003 
 
 Collin 25983 
 
 Collingsworth 6 
 
 Colorado 16673 
 
 Comal 5.546 
 
 Comanche 8O08 
 
 Concho 800 
 
 Cooke 20.391 
 
 Coryell 10924 
 
 Cottle 24 
 
 Crockett 127 
 
 Crosby 82 
 
 Dallas 3,3488 
 
 Davis 
 
 Dawson 24 
 
 Deaf Smith .38 
 
 Delta , 5597 
 
 Denton 18143 
 
 De Witt 10082 
 
 Dickens 28 
 
 Dimmit ''^665 
 
 Donley KM) 
 
 Duval 5732 
 
 Eastland 48-55 
 
 Edwards 266 
 
 Ellis 21294 
 
 El Paso 3815 
 
 Encinal 1902 
 
 Erath "796 
 
 Falls 16240 
 
 Fannin 2.">5tll 
 
 Fayette 27906 
 
 Fisher 13«-. 
 
 Floyd 3 
 
 Fort B^nd 9380 
 
 Franklin 6280 
 
 1870. 
 9229 
 
 2915 
 
 1,5087 
 
 649 
 
 12290 
 
 "'iii82 
 
 9771 
 
 17120 
 
 1187 
 
 4084 
 7527 
 9205 
 
 * bii 
 
 8'W2 
 3088 
 6572 
 3443 
 
 109M 
 
 1503 
 11079 
 
 347 
 14013 
 
 »}26 
 6283 
 1001 
 
 "ms 
 
 4124 
 
 1.3314 
 
 8875 
 
 72-.1 
 IH43 
 
 1083 
 88 
 
 "v"u 
 
 3671 
 4-27 
 1801 
 9851 
 13207 
 16863 
 
 7114
 
 36 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Texas.— [Continued.] 
 1880. 
 
 Freestone 14921 
 
 Frio 2130 
 
 Gaines 8 
 
 Galveston 24121 
 
 Garza ' 36 , 
 
 Gillespie 5228 
 
 Goliad 5832 
 
 Gonzales 14840 
 
 Gray 56 
 
 Grayson 38108 
 
 Gregg 8.530 
 
 Grimes 18603 
 
 Guadalupe 12202 
 
 Hall 36 
 
 Hamilt<^>n 6365 
 
 Hansford 18 
 
 Hardeman 50 
 
 Hardin 1870 
 
 Harris 27385 
 
 Harrison 25177 
 
 Hartley 100 
 
 Haskell 48 
 
 Hays 7555 
 
 Hemphiil 149 
 
 Henderson 9735 
 
 Hidalgo 4347 
 
 Hill 16554 
 
 Hood 6125 
 
 Hopkins 15461 
 
 Houston 16702 
 
 Howard 50 
 
 Hunt 17230 
 
 Hutchinson 50 
 
 Jack 6626 
 
 Jackson 2723 
 
 Jasper 5779 
 
 Jefferson 3489 
 
 Johnson 17911 
 
 Jones 546 
 
 Karnes 3270 
 
 Kaufman 15448 
 
 Kendall 2703 
 
 Kent 92 
 
 Kerr 2168 
 
 Kimble 1343 
 
 King 40 
 
 Kinney 4487 
 
 Knox 77 
 
 Lamar 27193 
 
 Lampasas 6421 
 
 La Salle 789 
 
 Lavaca 13641 
 
 Lee 8937 
 
 Leon 12817 
 
 Liberty 4999 
 
 Limestone 16246 
 
 Lipscomb 69 
 
 Live Oak 1994 
 
 Llano 4962 
 
 Lubbock 25 
 
 Lynn 9 
 
 McCuUoch 1533 
 
 McLennan 26934 
 
 McMullen 701 
 
 Madison 5395 
 
 Marion 10983 
 
 Martin 12 
 
 Mason 2655 
 
 Matagorda 3940 
 
 Maverick 2967 
 
 Medina 4402 
 
 Menard 1239 
 
 Milam 18659 
 
 Mitchell 117 
 
 Montagui 11257 
 
 Montgomery ?0154 
 
 Morris 5032 
 
 Motley 24 
 
 NHcoKdoches 11500 
 
 Navarro 21702 
 
 Newton 43.')9 
 
 Nolan 640 
 
 Nueces 7673 
 
 Oldliam 287 
 
 Oran^'e 2938 
 
 Palo Pinto 5885 
 
 Panola 12219 
 
 Parker 15870 
 
 Pecos 1«"7 
 
 Polk 7189 
 
 Potter 28 
 
 Presidio 2873 
 
 1870. ! 
 8139 I 
 
 3566 
 3628 
 8951 
 
 13218 
 72S2 
 
 1460 
 17375 
 13-^41 
 
 4088 
 
 6786 
 2387 
 74.53 
 2585 
 12651 
 8147 
 
 10291 
 
 694 
 2278 
 
 4218 
 190G 
 49-23 
 
 1705 
 6895 
 1536 
 
 1042 
 72 
 
 1204 
 
 15790 
 
 1344 
 
 69 
 
 9168 
 
 6523 
 4414 
 8591 
 
 852 
 1379 
 
 173 
 
 13500 
 
 230 
 
 4061 
 
 8562 
 
 678 
 3377 
 1951 
 2078 
 
 667 
 8984 
 
 890 
 C483 
 
 9614 
 
 8879 
 2187 
 
 1255 
 
 10119 
 41 86 
 
 1880. 
 
 Rains 3035 
 
 Randall 3 
 
 Red River 17194 
 
 Refugio 1585 
 
 Roberts 32 
 
 Robertson 22388 
 
 Rockwall 2984 
 
 Runnels 980 
 
 Rusk 18986 
 
 Sab'ne 4101 
 
 San Augustine 5084 
 
 San Jacinto 6186 
 
 San Patricio 1010 
 
 San Saba 5324 
 
 Shackleford 2037 
 
 Shelby 9523 
 
 Scurry 102 
 
 Smith 21863 
 
 Somervell 2649 
 
 Starr 8304 
 
 Stephens 4725 
 
 Stonewall 104 
 
 Swisher 4 
 
 Tarrant 24671 
 
 Taylor 1736 
 
 Throckmorton 711 
 
 Titus 5959 
 
 Tom Green 3615 
 
 Travis 27028 
 
 Trinity 4915 
 
 Tyler 5825 
 
 Upshur 10266 
 
 Uvalde 2541 
 
 Van Zaudt 12019 
 
 Victoria 6289 
 
 Walker 12024 
 
 Waller 9024 
 
 Washington 27565 
 
 Wobb 5278 
 
 Wharton 4549 
 
 Wheeler 512 
 
 Wichita 4.33 
 
 WilViarger 126 
 
 Williamson 15155 
 
 Wilson 7118 
 
 Wise 10601 
 
 Wood 11212 
 
 Young 4726 
 
 Zapata 3036 
 
 Zavala 410 
 
 Total 1591749 
 
 Of whom, colored... 393384 
 
 Vtall Territory. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Beaver 3918 
 
 Box Elder 6761 
 
 Cache 12562 
 
 Davis 5279 
 
 Emery 656 
 
 Iron 4013 
 
 Juab 3474 
 
 Kane- 3085 
 
 Millard 3727 
 
 Morgan 1783 
 
 Pi Ute 1651 
 
 Rich 1263 
 
 Rio Virgin 
 
 Salt Lake 31077 
 
 San Juan 204 
 
 San Pete 11557 
 
 Sevier 4457 
 
 Summit 4921 
 
 Toole 4497 
 
 Uintah 799 
 
 Utah 17973 
 
 Wahsatch 2927 
 
 Washington 4235 
 
 Weber 12.344 
 
 Total 143903 
 
 Of whom, colored.... 1557 
 
 1870. 
 
 87«»7 
 ilJ36 
 
 Veriiiont. 
 
 1880. 
 
 Addison 24173 
 
 Binnington 21950 
 
 Caledonia 23r,()7 
 
 Chittenden 32792 
 
 10655 
 23-24 
 
 9090 
 
 16916 
 3256 
 4196 
 
 602 
 1425 
 
 455 
 5732 
 
 16532 
 
 4154 
 330 
 
 11339 
 
 13153 
 4141 
 5010 
 
 12039 
 
 851 
 6494 
 4860 
 9776 
 
 23104 
 2015 
 3426 
 
 6308 
 2550 
 1450 
 6894 
 
 135 
 1488 
 
 l:;3 
 
 818579 
 253475 
 
 1870. 
 
 2007 
 4855 
 8229 
 4459 
 
 2277 
 
 2034 
 
 1513 
 
 2753 
 
 1972 
 
 82 
 
 1955 
 
 450 
 
 18337 
 
 678(> 
 
 19 
 
 2512 
 
 2177 
 
 12203 
 1244 
 300)4 
 
 7858 
 
 80786 
 118 
 
 1870. 
 23484 
 21325 
 22235 
 3U480 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Essex 7931 6811 
 
 Franklin 302-25 30291 
 
 Grand Isle 4124 4029 
 
 Lamoille 12084 12448 
 
 Orange 235-25 23090 
 
 Orleans 2-2083 21035 
 
 Rutland 41829 40G51 
 
 Washington 25404 20520 
 
 Windham 20763 2C036 
 
 Windsor 35196 30063 
 
 Total 332-286 330559 
 
 Of whom, colored... 1043 924 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Accomac 24408 204O9 
 
 Albemarle 3-2018 27544 
 
 Ale.x:andria 17546 10755 
 
 Alleghany 5586 3674 
 
 Amelia 10377 9878 
 
 Amherst 18709 14900 
 
 Appomattox 10080 8950 
 
 Augusta 35710 28703 
 
 Bath 4482 3795 
 
 Bedford 31-.i05 25327 
 
 Bland 5('04 4000 
 
 Botetourt 14809 113'29 
 
 Brunswick 16707 13427 
 
 Buchanan 5694 3777 
 
 Buckingham 15.540 13371 
 
 Campbell 36250 28384 
 
 Caroline 17243 151-28 
 
 Carroll 13.323 9147 
 
 Charles Cily 5512 4975 
 
 Charlotte 10C53 14513 
 
 Chesterfield 25085 18470 
 
 Clarke 7682 6070 
 
 Craig 3794 2942 
 
 Culpepper 13'08 12227 
 
 Cumberland 10540 8142 
 
 Dinwiddle 32870 30702 
 
 Elizabeth City 10689 8303 
 
 Essex 11032 9927 
 
 Fairfax 16025 129.52 
 
 Fauquier 22993 19690 
 
 Floyd 13-255 9824 
 
 Fluvanna 10802 9875 
 
 Franklin 25084 18204 
 
 Frederick 17553 16596 
 
 Giles 8794 6875 
 
 Gloucester 11876 10211 
 
 Goochland 10292 10313 
 
 Grayson 13068 9587 
 
 Greene 5380 4(h}4 
 
 Greenville 8407 6362 
 
 Halifax 33588 27828 
 
 Hanover 18588 16455 
 
 Henrico 82703 60179 
 
 Henry ir>009 12303 
 
 Highland 5104 4151 
 
 Isle of Wight 10572 83-20 
 
 James City 5422 4425 
 
 King and Queen.... 10502 9709 
 
 Kinc George 0397 5742 
 
 King William 8751 7515 
 
 Lancaster 6100 5.355 
 
 Lee 15116 13208 
 
 Loudoun, 23034 20929 
 
 Louisa 18942 163.32 
 
 Lunenburgh 11535 10403 
 
 Madison 10562 8670 
 
 Matthews 7501 6200 
 
 Mecklenburgh 24G10 21318 
 
 Middlesex 6252 4981 
 
 Montgomery 16093 12556 
 
 Nansemond 15903 11576 
 
 Nf-lson 16536 13898 
 
 Now K<mt 5515 4381 
 
 Norfolk 58657 46702 
 
 Noriliampton 9152 8046 
 
 Nortbuiiiderland.... 79-29 6803 
 
 Nottoway 11166 9291 
 
 Orange 13052 10;i96 
 
 Page 9905 8462 
 
 Patrick 12833 lOlOl 
 
 Pittsylvania 6-2589 31343 
 
 Powhatan 7817 7667 
 
 Prince Edward 14i-.68 12004 
 
 Prince (ieorgn 10054 7820 
 
 I'rincess Anne 9394 8273 
 
 Prince William 9180 7504
 
 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 
 
 37 
 
 Virginia.— [Continued.] 
 
 1880. 1870, 
 
 Pula'^ki 87.^)5 6.V!8 
 
 RappahannooU 92'.il 82iil 
 
 Ri(!limoiul 7195 fi5(W 
 
 Koanolo' l.ilos 9;J,5() 
 
 RncMvliridfie 2(lOO.'i VMnH 
 
 Rockingham 2!).")t;7 2:iii(l8 
 
 Russfll 1:5906 111<'3 
 
 Soott 17233 13036 
 
 Shensmdoali 18204 14936 
 
 Smyth 12100 8898 
 
 SouthaiiiptDn 18012 1228.'< 
 
 Spi.ttsvlvaiiia 14828 11728 
 
 Stafford 7211 6420 
 
 Surry 7391 ."i.W"} 
 
 Sussex 10062 7885 
 
 TazewoU 12861 10791 
 
 Warren 7399 5716 
 
 Warwick 2258 1672 
 
 Washington 25203 16816 
 
 Westmoreland 8816 7iW2 
 
 Wise 7772 4785 
 
 Wythe 14318 11611 
 
 York 7349 7198 
 
 Total 1512565 1225163 
 
 Of whom, Colored.... 631616 512841 
 
 AVasliliigtou Territory. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Chehalis 921 401 
 
 Clallam 638 4o8 
 
 Clarke 5490 3081 
 
 Cohimhia 7103 
 
 Cowlitz 2062 730 
 
 Island 1087 626 
 
 Jefferson 1712 1268 
 
 King 6910 2120 
 
 Kitsap 1738 866 
 
 Klikiiat 4055 329 
 
 Lewis 2600 888 
 
 Mason 639 289 
 
 Pacific 1645 738 
 
 Pierce 3319 1409 
 
 San Juan 948 
 
 Skamania 809 133 
 
 Snohomish 1.387 .599 
 
 Spokan 4262 
 
 Stevens 1245 734 
 
 Thurston 3270 2246 
 
 Wahkiakum 1598 270 
 
 Walla- Walla 8716 5300 
 
 Whatcom 3137 534 
 
 Whitman 7014 
 
 Yakima 2811 432 
 
 Disputed Islands 554 
 
 Total 75116 23955 
 
 Of whom, Colored... 7771 207 
 
 West Virginia. 
 
 1S80. 
 
 Barbour 11870 
 
 Berkeley 17380 
 
 Boone 5824 
 
 1870. 
 10312 
 14900 
 4553 
 
 I 1880. 
 
 ! Braxton 9787 
 
 Brooke 60iu 
 
 Cabt'M 13744 
 
 ' Calhoun 0072 
 
 1 Clay 3460 
 
 Doddridge lo5,S2 
 
 Kayeite ]1.'>60 
 
 Gilmer 7108 
 
 Grant 5542 
 
 Greenhrier 15000 
 
 Hampfhire l<i3o6 
 
 Hancock 4882 
 
 Hardy 6794 
 
 Harrison 20181 
 
 Jack.soii 16312 
 
 Jelferson I,5ii05 
 
 Kanawha 32466 
 
 Lewis 13269 
 
 Lincoln 8739 
 
 Logan 7329 
 
 McDowell 3074 
 
 Marion 17198 
 
 Marshall 18840 
 
 Mason 22293 
 
 M'Tcer 7467 
 
 Mineral 8630 
 
 Monongalia 14985 
 
 Monroe 11501 
 
 Morgan 5777 
 
 Nicholas 7223 
 
 Ohio 37457 
 
 Pendleton 8622 
 
 Pleasants 6256 
 
 Pocahontas 5.591 
 
 Preston 19091 
 
 Putnam 11375 
 
 Raleigh 7367 
 
 liandolph 8102 
 
 Ritchie 1.3474 
 
 Roane 12184 
 
 Summers 90.33 
 
 Taylor 11455 
 
 Tucker 3141 
 
 Tvler 11073 
 
 Upshur 10249 
 
 Wavne 14739 
 
 Webster 3207 
 
 Wetzel 13896 
 
 Wirt i 7104 
 
 Wood 25006 
 
 Wyoming 4322 
 
 Total 618457 
 
 Of whom, colored.... 25886 
 
 'Wlscoiisln. 
 
 1889. 
 
 Adams 6741 
 
 .-Ashland 1559 
 
 Barron 7024 
 
 Bayfield 664 
 
 Brown 34078 
 
 Buffalo 1.5528 
 
 Burnett 3140 
 
 Calumet 16632 
 
 r'hippewa 15491 
 
 Clark 10715 
 
 Columbia 28065 
 
 1870. 
 
 6480 
 
 64(>4 
 
 6429 
 
 2939 
 
 2196 
 
 7076 
 
 6647 
 
 4338 
 
 4467 
 
 11417 
 
 7(i43 
 
 4363 
 
 5518 
 
 16714 
 
 103(H) 
 
 1.3219 
 
 22.349 
 
 10175 
 
 50.53 
 
 5124 
 
 19.52 
 
 12107 
 
 14041 
 
 15987 
 
 70r)4 
 
 6332 
 
 13547 
 
 11124 
 
 4316 
 
 4458 
 
 28.S31 
 
 6455 
 
 3012 
 
 4069 
 
 145,55 
 
 7794 
 
 3673 i 
 
 6503 I 
 
 9055 ! 
 
 7332 I 
 
 93r,7 
 1907 
 7832 
 8023 
 7852 
 1730 
 8595 
 4804 
 190(10 
 3171 
 
 442014 
 17980 
 
 1870. 
 
 6601 
 
 221 
 
 638 
 
 344 
 
 25168 
 
 11123 
 
 706 
 
 12335 
 
 8311 
 
 3450 
 
 28802 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 [Crawford I5t^4 y.nnn 
 
 L)aue 03ra ^f^j^ 
 
 j l^o'lgo 4.5931 470;i5 
 
 Door ii(j45 4U19 
 
 Douglas (j,j5 ii:^,i 
 
 Dunn 16817 ■9488 
 
 Kau Claire 19993 10769 
 
 Fond du Lac 468.59 4<;272 
 
 Grant 37852 37979 
 
 Green 217'29 23011 
 
 Green Lake 14483 13195 
 
 Iowa 2:5628 24.544 
 
 Jackson 13285 76»7 
 
 Jefferson 32156 34040 
 
 Jimeau 15582 12372 
 
 Kenosha 135.50 13147 
 
 Kewaunee 1,5807 IOI28 
 
 La Crosse 27073 20297 
 
 La Fayette 21279 22059 
 
 Langlade 685 
 
 Lincoln 2011 
 
 Manitowoc 37.505 33.304 
 
 Marathon 17121 5885 
 
 Marinette 8929 
 
 Marquette 8908 8056 
 
 Milwaukee 1.38.537 89930 
 
 Monroe 21607 16.550 
 
 Oconto 9848 8321 
 
 Outagamie 28716 18430 
 
 Ozaukee 15461 15564 
 
 Pepin 6226 46.59 
 
 Pierce 17744 9958 
 
 Polk 10018 3122 
 
 Portage 17731 10634 
 
 Price 785 
 
 Racine 30922 26740 
 
 Richland 18174 157:51 
 
 Hock .3.>*823 39;i.lO 
 
 St. Croix 180.56 110.35 
 
 Sauk 28729 2:5860 
 
 Shawano 10.371 3100 
 
 Sheboygan 34206 31749 
 
 Taylor 2311 
 
 Trempealeau 17189 107:52 
 
 Vernon 23235 ;i8r45 
 
 Walworth 26249 2-5972 
 
 Washington 2.3442 23919 
 
 Waukesha 289.57 28271 
 
 Waupaca 20955 1.5.5.39 
 
 Waushara 12687 11279 
 
 Winnebago 42740 37279 
 
 Wood 8981 3912 
 
 Total 1315497 1054(;70 
 
 Of whom, colored.... 2702 2113 
 
 "Wyoming Territory. 
 
 1880. 1870. 
 
 Albany 4626 
 
 Carbon 34.38 
 
 Crook 239 
 
 Laramie 6409 
 
 Pease 637 
 
 Sweetwater 2561 1916 
 
 Uintah 2879 856 
 
 2021 
 1368 
 
 2957 
 
 Total 20789 
 
 Colored and Indian 1212 
 
 9118 
 183 
 
 CHANGES IN THE REIiATIVE COLORED POPULATION BET%VEEN 18T0 AND 1880, 
 (tbe number of "WKltes being assumed as 100,000.) 
 
 Increase in the Decade. 
 
 South Carolina 10909 
 
 Mississippi 9936 
 
 Louisiana 5735 
 
 Georgia 3078 
 
 North Carolina ,3,527 
 
 Arkansas 1863 
 
 District of Columbia 10.53 
 
 Tennessee 94t 
 
 Connceticut 688 
 
 Texas 11985 
 
 Florida 6993 
 
 Alabama ,574 
 
 Wyoming 6.59 
 
 Kentucky 514 
 
 Dakota 443 
 
 Kansas 412 
 
 Indiana 528 
 
 New Mexico 409 
 
 Illinois 380 
 
 Pennsylvania 144 
 
 Ohio 126 
 
 Arizona 121 
 
 Colorado 121 
 
 West Virginia 115 
 
 Iowa 100 
 
 Decrease in the Decade. 
 
 Washington 403 
 
 Idaho :5C.5 
 
 Virginia 3(i9 
 
 Delaware 294 
 
 Missouri 197 
 
 Montana 187 
 
 California 147 
 
 New York 
 
 Massachiisett.-'.... 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Vermont , 
 
 Minneseta 
 
 Utah 
 
 Wiscensin 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 
 93 
 78 
 G2 
 61 
 32 
 28 
 6 
 7 
 4 
 
 118 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 (Oregon 100 
 
 Michiiran 87 
 
 Nevada. 48 
 
 Maine 38 
 
 Jlaryland 3 
 
 In the United States, as a whole, there has been a gain of 625 on an assumed basis of 100,000 wh itcs, as aboTO.
 
 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. 
 
 POPTTL>ATIOJf IN 1880 :— Native and Foreign; AVKlte and Colored. 
 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 THE STATES 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Lonisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Blinnesota 
 
 Jlississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New-Hampshire 
 
 New-.Jers>'5' 
 
 New-York '. 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Rhode" Island 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 TERRITORIES 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Dakota 
 
 District of Columbia 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Monta,na 
 
 New-Mexico 
 
 Utah 
 
 Washington 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 *Total. 
 
 Native. 
 
 Foreign. 
 
 White. 
 
 Colored. 
 
 tChi- 
 nese. 
 
 In- 
 dians. 
 
 50,155,783 
 
 43,475,840 
 
 6,679,943 
 
 43,40i,970 
 
 6,580,793 
 
 105,465 
 
 66,407 
 
 49,371,340 
 
 42,871,556 
 
 6,499,784 
 
 42,714,479 
 
 6,518,372 
 
 93,782 
 
 44,566 
 
 1.262,505 
 
 1,252,771 
 
 9,734 
 
 662,185 
 
 600,103 
 
 4 
 
 213 
 
 802,525 
 
 792,175 
 
 10,350 
 
 591,531 
 
 210,606 
 
 133 
 
 195 
 
 864,694 
 
 571,820 
 
 202,874 
 
 767,181 
 
 6,018 
 
 75,132 
 
 16,277 
 
 194,327 
 
 154,537 
 
 39,790 
 
 191,126 
 
 2,435 
 
 612 
 
 154 
 
 622700 
 
 492,708 
 
 129,992 
 
 610,769 
 
 11,547 
 
 123 
 
 255 
 
 140,608 
 
 • 137,14(t 
 
 9,468 
 
 120,160 
 
 26,442 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 269,493 
 
 259,584 
 
 9,909 
 
 142,600 
 
 126,090 
 
 18 
 
 180 
 
 1,642,180 
 
 1,531,616 
 
 10,564 
 
 816,906 
 
 725,133 
 
 17 
 
 124 
 
 3,077,871 
 
 2,494,295 
 
 e83.576 
 
 3,031.151 
 
 46,368 
 
 209 
 
 140 
 
 1,978,301 
 
 l,835,ra3 
 
 144,178 
 
 1,938,798 
 
 39,228 
 
 29 
 
 246 
 
 1,624,615 
 
 1,362,965 
 
 261,050 
 
 1,614,600 
 
 9,516 
 
 33 
 
 466 
 
 996,096 
 
 886. 1 10 
 
 110.086 
 
 952,155 
 
 43.107 
 
 19 
 
 815 
 
 1,648,690 
 
 1,589,173 
 
 59,517 
 
 1,.377,179 
 
 271,451 
 
 10 
 
 60 
 
 939,946 
 
 885,800 
 
 54,146 
 
 464,954 
 
 483,656 
 
 489 
 
 848 
 
 648,936 
 
 5911,053 
 
 68,883 
 
 646,852 
 
 1,451 
 
 8 
 
 625 
 
 934,943 
 
 852,137 
 
 8:;,800 
 
 724.693 
 
 210,230 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 1,783,085 
 
 1,339.594 
 
 443,491 
 
 1,763,782 
 
 18,697 
 
 229 
 
 369 
 
 1,636,937 
 
 1,248,429 
 
 388 508 
 
 1,614,560 
 
 15,100 
 
 27 
 
 7,249 
 
 780,773 
 
 613,097 
 
 267,076 
 
 776 884 
 
 1,564 
 
 24 
 
 2,300 
 
 1,131,697 
 
 1,122,388 
 
 9,209 
 
 479,,398 
 
 650.291 
 
 61 
 
 1,,857 
 
 2,168,380 
 
 l,9-='6,802 
 
 211 578 
 
 2,022,826 
 
 145,350 
 
 91 
 
 113 
 
 452,402 
 
 354,988 
 
 97,414 
 
 449,764 
 
 2,385 
 
 18 
 
 235 
 
 62,206 
 
 36,613 
 
 25,653 
 
 53,556 
 
 488 
 
 5,416 
 
 2,803 
 
 340,991 
 
 300,697 
 
 46,294 
 
 346,229 
 
 685 
 
 14 
 
 63 
 
 1.131,116 
 
 909,416 
 
 221 ,700 
 
 1,092,0^7 
 
 38,853 
 
 170 
 
 74 
 
 5,082,871 
 
 3,871,492 
 
 1,211,379 
 
 6,016,022 
 
 65,104 
 
 909 
 
 819 
 
 1,399,750 
 
 1,396,008 
 
 3742 
 
 867,242 
 
 631,277 
 
 
 1,230 
 
 3,198,062 
 
 ^■,803,119 
 
 394,943 
 
 3,117,920 
 
 79,900 
 
 109 
 
 130 
 
 174.768 
 
 144.265 
 
 30,503 
 
 103,076 
 
 487 
 
 9,510 
 
 1,694 
 
 4.282,891 
 
 3,695,062 
 
 687,8-9 
 
 4,197,016 
 
 86,535 
 
 148 
 
 i84 
 
 276,531 
 
 202,538 
 
 73,993 
 
 269,939 
 
 6,488 
 
 27 
 
 77 
 
 995,577 
 
 987,891 
 
 7,686 
 
 391,105 
 
 604,332 
 
 9 
 
 131 
 
 1,542,359 
 
 1,525,6.57 
 
 16,702 
 
 1,13S,.^31 
 
 403.151 
 
 25 
 
 352 
 
 1,591,749 
 
 1,477,133 
 
 114.616 
 
 l,197,-.i37 
 
 393,384 
 
 136 
 
 992 
 
 ,332,286 
 
 291.327 
 
 40,959 
 
 331.218 
 
 1,057 
 
 
 11 
 
 1,512.565 
 
 1,497,869 
 
 14.696 
 
 880,858 
 
 631,616 
 
 6 
 
 85 
 
 018,457 
 
 600,192 
 
 18.265 
 
 592,537 
 
 25,886 
 
 5 
 
 29 
 
 1,315,497 
 
 910,072 
 
 405,425 
 
 1,309,618 
 
 2,702 
 
 16 
 
 3,161 
 
 784,443 
 
 604,284 
 
 180,159 
 
 688,491 
 
 62,421 
 
 11,683 
 
 21,841 
 
 40,440 
 
 24,391 
 
 16.049 
 
 35,160 
 
 155 
 
 1,630 
 
 3,493 
 
 135,177 
 
 83,382 
 
 51,795 
 
 133,147 
 
 401 
 
 238 
 
 1,391 
 
 177,624 
 
 160,.5(i2 
 
 17,122 
 
 118,006 
 
 59,596 
 
 13 
 
 5 
 
 32,610 
 
 22,6;',6 
 
 9.974 
 
 l29,013 
 
 63 
 
 3,379 
 
 165 
 
 39,159 
 
 27,638 
 
 11, .521 
 
 35,386 
 
 346 
 
 1,765 
 
 1,663 
 
 119,565 
 
 111,514 
 
 8,051 
 
 108,721 
 
 1,015 
 
 67 
 
 9,772 
 
 143,963 
 
 99,969 
 
 43.994 
 
 142,423 
 
 232 
 
 501 
 
 807 
 
 7,5,116 
 
 59,313 
 
 15,803 
 
 67,199 
 
 325 
 
 3,186 
 
 4,405 
 
 20,789 
 
 14,939 
 
 5,850 
 
 19,437 
 
 298 
 
 914 
 
 140 
 
 * Males, 26,618,820 ; females, 24,036,963. f 1*8 Japanese. 
 TOTALS, WHITE AND COLORED. 
 
 White. ^Colored. 
 
 1880 43,404 876 6,577,151 
 
 1870 33,,589,377 4,880,000 
 
 White. JColored. 
 
 1860 26,922,.537 4.441,830 
 
 18,50 19,553,068 8,638,808 
 
 J Asiatics and Indians not included. 
 
 SI^AVE POPULATION IN THE V. S. IN 1860. 
 
 1850. 
 
 Alabama 342^ 
 
 Arkansas 47 
 
 Delaware 2 
 
 Florida 30 
 
 Georgia 381 
 
 Kentucky 210 
 
 Louisiana 214 
 
 Maryland 90 
 
 Mississippi 30!) 
 
 Missouri 87 
 
 North Carolina . . . 288, 
 
 18G0. 
 
 ,844 
 
 435,132 
 
 ,100 
 
 111,104 
 
 ,290 
 
 1,798 
 
 ,310 
 
 01,753 
 
 ,682 
 
 402,230 
 
 ,981 
 
 225,490 
 
 ,809 
 
 332,520 
 
 ,;!(18 
 
 87,188 
 
 ,878 
 
 430,090 
 
 ,422 
 
 114,905 
 
 ,648 
 
 331,081 
 
 ST.VTES. 
 
 1850. 
 
 South Carolina .... 884,984 
 
 Tennessee 239,459 
 
 Texas 58,101 
 
 VirjTinia 472,528 
 
 Nebraska (Territory) . 
 
 Utah ('J'crritory) . . . 
 
 New Mexico (Territory) 26 
 
 District of Columbia , . 3,087 
 
 1800. 
 
 402,541 
 
 275,784 
 
 180,388 
 
 490,887 
 
 10 
 
 29 
 
 24 
 
 8,181 
 
 Total 3,204,077 8,952,801
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTION RETURNS. 39 
 
 THE POPUIiATION OF THE UNITED STATES IN 1880 BY STATES— (Official.) 
 
 
 TOTAL 
 POPULATION. 
 
 1880. 
 
 States & Tebbitohies 
 
 1880. 
 
 1870. 
 
 6 
 
 ■a 
 
 a 
 
 6 
 
 > 
 
 a 
 
 \ 
 
 
 2 
 
 T3 
 
 t. 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 i a 
 
 
 1262505 
 
 802525 
 
 804694 
 
 194.327 
 
 622700 
 
 146608 
 
 269493 
 
 1542180 
 
 3077871 
 
 1978301 
 
 1024(11.-) 
 
 99(;o90 
 
 1048(J90 
 
 939940 
 
 648930 
 
 934943 
 
 1783085 
 
 1(>3(!937 
 
 780773 
 
 1131697 
 
 2168380 
 
 452402 
 
 62260 
 
 340991 
 
 1131116 
 
 508 -'87 1 
 
 1399750 
 
 3198002 
 
 174708 
 
 4282891 
 
 276531 
 
 995577 
 
 1542359 
 
 1591749 
 
 332280 
 
 1512505 
 
 6184.57 
 
 1315497 
 
 996992 
 
 4844/1 
 
 560247 
 
 39804 
 
 537454 
 
 12.5015 
 
 187748 
 
 listioil 
 
 2.j:t<(.s91 
 
 lc.soi;37 
 
 11!I4()2(I 
 
 :i(U3:ii) 
 
 13210U 
 720915 
 020915 
 780894 
 
 1457351 
 
 11 840."); t 
 43;)70() 
 827922 
 
 1721295 
 
 122:-t93 
 
 4i!49l 
 
 318,301) 
 
 900090 
 
 438 !759 
 
 1071361 
 
 2605200 
 9092 1 
 
 3521051 
 2173-)3 
 705000 
 
 1258520 
 818.579 
 .330551 
 
 1225103 
 442014 
 
 1054070 
 
 622029 
 410279 
 518170 
 129131 
 305782 
 6 74108 
 13(;4-14 
 7029S1 
 1.58t;.-,23 
 l()103C.l 
 
 sisi.'ii; 
 
 530007 
 832 -.90 
 46875* 
 324(I5S 
 40J187 
 858440 
 8023.55 
 419149 
 567177 
 
 1127187 
 249241 
 42019 
 170520 
 559922 
 
 250.53^2 
 687908 
 
 1013930 
 103.381 
 
 21300,55 
 1330J0 
 490408 
 709277 
 837840 
 160887 
 7455>S9 
 314495 
 680009 
 
 039876 
 380246 
 346518 
 6,5196 
 310918 
 725(M) 
 133049 
 779199 
 
 M9I31.S 
 9079 Hi 
 77(i479 
 4.59429 
 8101OO 
 471192 
 .324878 
 4727.50 
 924045 
 774S82 
 301024 
 564420 
 
 1041193 
 203101 
 20247 
 176405 
 571191 
 
 2577549 
 711S42 
 
 1584120 
 71387 
 
 2140230 
 14.3501 
 505109 
 773082 
 7.53909 
 16.5399 
 766976 
 303962 
 635428 
 
 12.52771 
 7^2175 
 571820 
 154.537 
 492708 
 137110 
 259584 
 1.531010 
 21912:15 
 1S34123 
 13(;20(i5 
 
 K,s(;oi(i 
 
 1.5H.173 
 
 885.S(K) 
 
 590' 153 
 
 8,52137 
 
 1339594 
 
 1218429 
 
 5131197 
 
 11223S8 
 
 1950802 
 
 354988 
 
 80613 
 
 300(i97 
 
 909410 
 
 .3871492 
 
 13o00i'8 
 
 28'l31l9 
 
 144205 
 
 3695002 
 
 202538 
 
 987891 
 
 15250.57 
 
 1477133 
 
 291327 
 
 1497809 
 
 600192 
 
 910(172 
 
 9734 
 
 103.50 
 
 292874 
 
 39790 
 
 129992 
 
 9408 
 
 9909 
 
 10564 
 
 583570 
 
 144178 
 
 20l(i5O 
 
 IKJO.'iO 
 
 59517 
 
 64146 
 
 58883 
 
 82S06 
 
 4-13491 
 
 388508 
 
 207070 
 
 9209 
 
 211578 
 
 97414 
 
 25053 
 
 40294 
 
 2217(J(J 
 
 12U379 
 
 3742 
 
 394943 
 
 30503 
 
 587829 
 
 73993 
 
 7080 
 
 16702 
 
 114616 
 
 40959 
 
 1469G 
 
 182(j5 
 
 405425 
 
 662185 
 
 691,5;U 
 
 7(i7181 
 
 191120 
 
 01(J709 
 
 120100 
 
 142005 
 
 810900 
 
 30311,51 
 
 193879« 
 
 1614000 
 
 9.521.55 
 
 1377179 
 
 454954 
 
 640852 
 
 724(J93 
 
 17()3782 
 
 1614,500 
 
 77<i884 
 
 479398 
 
 2O22S20 
 
 449704 
 
 5355(! 
 
 340229 
 
 1092017 
 
 501(5022 
 
 807242 
 
 3117920 
 
 10,3075 
 
 4197O10 
 
 2(i9939 
 
 .3911(J5 
 
 1138831 
 
 1197Z37 
 
 331218 
 
 8808,58 
 
 692537 
 
 1309018 
 
 6(H)103 
 
 2lo6(;(; 
 
 6018 
 
 2*15 
 
 11547 
 
 20442 
 
 12(i(i90 
 
 725133 
 
 46308 
 
 392-28 
 
 9510 
 
 4.3107 
 
 271451 
 
 483()55 
 
 1451 
 
 210230 
 
 18097 
 
 15100 
 
 1504 
 
 650291 
 
 145350 
 
 2385 
 
 488 
 
 685 
 
 38853 
 
 65104 
 
 531277 
 
 79900 
 
 487 
 
 85535 
 
 6488 
 
 604332 
 
 4<I3151 
 
 393384 
 
 1057 
 
 631010 
 
 2,5886 
 
 2702 
 
 4 
 
 213 
 
 
 13.3' 19.5 
 
 
 75132 
 
 012 
 
 12:1 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 
 209 
 
 29 
 
 33 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 
 489 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 229 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 
 51 
 
 91 
 
 18 
 
 5416 
 
 14 
 
 170 
 
 909 
 
 8(; 10277 
 
 
 154 
 
 
 6 255 
 
 
 5 
 
 Florida 
 
 180 
 
 Gc'orxiii 
 
 Illinois 
 
 i VU 
 
 3 140 
 
 Iiuliana 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 ■ "3 
 
 
 
 2 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 24« 
 4«6 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentneky 
 
 815 
 
 50 
 
 848 
 
 Uliine 
 
 625 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 15 
 369 
 7249 
 
 Sliuncsota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Misssonri 
 
 2300 
 
 18.57 
 
 113 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 2a5 
 
 
 2803 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 63 
 
 74 
 819 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 1230 
 
 Ohio 
 
 109 
 
 9510 
 
 148 
 
 27 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 13(; 
 
 130 
 1094 
 
 
 8 184 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 
 77 
 131 
 
 
 352 
 
 Texas 
 
 992 
 11 
 
 
 6 
 5 
 16 
 
 
 85 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 316i 
 
 The States 
 
 49371340 
 
 40440 
 1.35177 
 
 177624 
 32610 
 39159 
 119565 
 143963 
 75116 
 20789 
 
 38155505 
 
 9658 
 14181 
 1317(K1 
 14999 
 2(1.595 
 91874 
 86786 
 23955 
 9118 
 
 25075619 
 
 28202 
 82296 
 83578 
 21818 
 28177 
 64496 
 74509 
 45973 
 141.52 
 
 24295721 
 
 12238 
 52881 
 94046 
 10792 
 10982 
 55009 
 694.") t 
 29143 
 6637 
 
 42871550 
 
 24.391 
 83382 
 
 160502 
 22a36 
 27638 
 
 111514 
 99969 
 69313 
 149.39 
 
 0499784 
 
 16049 
 51795 
 17122 
 
 9974 
 11521 
 
 8051 
 43994 
 15803 
 
 5850 
 
 42714470 
 
 35160 
 i3:n47 
 118006 
 29013 
 35385 
 108721 
 142423 
 67199 
 19437 
 
 6518372 
 
 1.55 
 401 
 59590 
 53 
 346 
 1015 
 232 
 325 
 298 
 
 93782 
 
 16.30 
 238 
 13 
 3379 
 1765 
 57 
 501 
 3186 
 914 
 
 141 44566 
 
 
 2' 3493 
 
 
 , 1391 
 
 Idaho 
 
 4 6 
 i 165 
 
 
 ' 1603 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 9772 
 
 Utah 
 
 807 
 
 
 1 4405 
 
 
 140 
 
 
 
 The Terrories* 
 
 The United States.. 
 
 784443 
 50155783 
 
 402860 
 38558371 
 
 443201 
 25518820 
 
 341242 
 24636963 
 
 604284 
 43475840 
 
 180159 
 C679943 
 
 688491 
 43402570 
 
 62421 
 6580793 
 
 11683 
 105465 
 
 7j 21841 
 148 66107 
 
 * Indian Territory and Alaska are omitted, as their inhabitants are not considered citizens. Indians 
 not subject to taxation are also omitted. 
 
 STATE ELECTION RETURNS. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 
 
 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Horndon D 10027 4— Shelly, D 9.301 
 
 Gillette, R ,5505 Smith, R 6050 
 
 Throatt, 1 2303 Stevenson, 1 1093 
 
 Mott, G 730 5— William.i, D 11219 
 
 2-Herl)ert, U 1,3271 (No opposition.) 
 
 Strohach, R 8884 6— Hewitt 10045 
 
 Townsend, G 52 fNo oppositiun.) 
 
 3— dates, D 10614 7— Fornov, D 1,30.36 
 
 Mahson, R 5(aQ Bingham, R 5510 
 
 Zachary, 1 69 8— Wheeler, D 12808 
 
 Lowe, 1 12705 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 79444 90272 10828 R 
 
 1874 Governor 107118 9.3928 13190 D 
 
 1876 Governor l(iOS,37 50091 44740 I) 
 
 1876 President 102989 68708 342S1 D 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1878 Governor 89,571 
 
 1880 Governor 134213 
 
 1880 President 89928 
 
 Rep. Maj. 
 
 89571 D 
 
 424.58 917.55 D 
 
 56126 33802 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, R. W. Cobb: Seeretary of State. W. W. 
 Screws; Treasurer, I. H. Vincent, .Vttnrney-Gen- 
 eral, H. C. Tompkins; .Vuditor, .1. M. Carmii-hael; 
 Superintendent of Education, U. C. Armstroug— all 
 Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 
 
 Democrats 33 
 
 Greenhackers , 
 
 Ind. Democrats 
 
 Democratic majority 33 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 93 
 
 126 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 86 
 
 119
 
 40 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [ [book VII, 
 
 Arluiitsas. 
 
 VOTE FOE CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 1— Johnson, R 9G01 
 
 Dunn, D 15456 
 
 2— Williams, R 14309 
 
 Jones, D 16813 
 
 Garland, G 3866 
 
 -Bates, R 11276 
 
 Cravens, D 15195 
 
 -Murphy, R 4058 
 
 Gunter, D 7111 
 
 Peel, I.-D 5305 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 37927 41073 3146 R 
 
 1874 Goveruor 76871 76871 D 
 
 1874 Congress 42671 22808 198G3 D 
 
 1H76 Governor 71298 37306 33992 D 
 
 1876 President 58083 38669 19414 D 
 
 1878 Governor 88792 88792 D 
 
 18S0 President 60489 41661 18828 D 
 
 1880 Governor 84185 31424 52761 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Thomas J. Churchill ; Secretary of 
 State, Jacob Frolich ; Treasurer, W. E. Woodruff, 
 jr.; Audit )r, John Crawford; Attorney-General, C. 
 B Moore; Land Commissioner, D. W. Lear; Super- 
 intendent of Public Instruction, J. L. Denton— all 
 Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. 
 
 Democrats 29 81 
 
 Republicans 11 
 
 Greenbackers 2 1 
 
 Democratic majority 27 
 
 69 
 
 Total 
 
 110 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 96 
 
 California. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Davis, R 19496 
 
 Rosecrans, D £1005 
 
 Maybell, G 683 
 
 2— Page, R 22018 
 
 Glascock, D. 18859 
 
 Dist. 
 
 3— Knight, R 20494 
 
 Berjy, D 21743 
 
 Mussulman, G 
 
 4— P&checo. R 17768 
 
 Leach, D 17577 
 
 Godfrey, G 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Ind. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 40718 54020 1068 133U2 R 
 
 1873 Supreme Court 19247 13841 24554 5207 I 
 
 1875 Sup. Pub. In 39630 45257 5627 R 
 
 1875 Governor ....61509 31.322 29752 30187 D 
 
 1876 President 76464 79269 44 2805 H 
 
 1879 Governor 47647 67965 44482 20318 R 
 
 1880 President 80417 80273 144 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, G. C. Perkins ; Lieutenant-Governor, J. 
 Mansfield; Secretary of State, D. M. Burns; Con- 
 troller, D. N. Kentfield; Treasurer, J. Weil; Attor- 
 ney-General, A. L Hart: Superintendent of Public 
 Instruction, F. M. Campbell— all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. 
 
 Democrats 5 
 
 Reiiublicans 22 
 
 Workinjimen 13 
 
 Republican majority 4 
 
 House. 
 
 Total 
 
 28 
 
 33 
 
 42 
 
 64 
 
 10 
 
 23 
 
 24176 
 
 , li:88 
 
 Colorado. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880 
 
 Helford, R 27089 Morrison, D ... 
 
 Murray, Q 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE AND TERRITORY SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rop. Dom. Maj. 
 
 1R72 Connress f.260 7696 1336 R 
 
 1K71 ConKr«8S 9333 7170 2163 I 
 
 1876 CongreHH 12:!10 33303 998 R 
 
 1870 Governor 13310 lUM 838 R 
 
 Dem. Rep. Gbk. Maj. 
 
 1878 Governor 11573 14396 2755 2^23 R 
 
 1878 Congress 12003 14294 2329 2291 R 
 
 1880 President 24647 27450 1435 2803 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Frederick W. Pitkin ; Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor, vacancy; Secretary, Norman H. Meldrum ; 
 Treasuier, William O. Saunders; Auditor, Joseph 
 T.Davis; Attorney-General, Charles H. Toll ; Super- 
 intendent of Public Instruetien, Leonidas S. Cor- 
 nell — all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 20 36 66 
 
 Democrats 6 13 19 
 
 Republican majority 14 23 37 
 
 Counectlcnt. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Buck, R 17048 
 
 Beach, D 15114 
 
 Hewitt, G 180 
 
 2— Wallace, R 20068 
 
 Phelps, D 21632 
 
 Harrington, P 124 
 
 Dist. 
 
 3— Wait, R 12099 
 
 Sawyer, D 9125 
 
 Wol'f, G 151 
 
 Palmer, P 200 
 
 4— Miles, R 18168 
 
 Peet, D 17634 
 
 Cleveland, G 203 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1872 President 45S94 
 
 1873 Governor 45059 
 
 1874 Governor 46755 
 
 1875 Governor 53752 
 
 1876 President 61934 
 
 1878 Governor 46385 
 
 1880 President 64417 
 
 Rep. Temp. Gbk. Maj. 
 
 50318 206 4218 R 
 
 39'.i45 2541 3273 D 
 
 39973 4960 1809 D 
 
 44272 2942 6538 D 
 
 59034 378 2900 D 
 
 48867 1079 8314 2482 R 
 
 67073 412 868 2656 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor. Hobart B. Bigelow ; Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor, Wm. H. Bulkeley ; Secretary of State, Chas. B. 
 Searls ; Treasurer, David P. Nichols ; Controller, W. 
 T. Batcheller— all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 17 148 165 
 
 Democrats 7 99 106 
 
 Greenbackers 1 1 
 
 Republican majority 10 
 
 48 
 
 68 
 
 Dela-ware. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 Martin, D 14968 Houston, R 14288 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Others. Maj. 
 
 1873 President 10205 11115 487 423 R 
 
 1874 Governor 12488 11259 1229 D 
 
 1876 Congress 13169 10562 238 2<39 D 
 
 1876 President 13379 10691 2688 D 
 
 1878 Governor 107.30 2835 7895 D 
 
 1878 Congress 10576 ii966 7610 D 
 
 1880 President 15180 14148 1032 D 
 
 PRESENT .STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, John W. Hall ; Secretary of State, James 
 1,. Wolfott; Attorney General, George Gray; St.ate 
 Trcasiirfr, Robert ,t. Hovnolds ; Aud'tor, John F. 
 Stunts; Superintendent of Schools, James H. Grover 
 — all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 8 14 22 
 
 1 7 8 
 
 Domocrats.... 
 Republicans. 
 
 Democratic minority 7
 
 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTION RETURNS. 
 
 41 
 
 Florida; 
 
 VOTE FOB CONGUKSSMEN, 1880. 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1- Witherspoon, R..ll()»2 2— Bisbee, R 11930 
 
 Davidson, D 11:>7I Finley, D 13073 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rop. 
 17r>U3 
 
 Dem, 
 
 1872 Governor 10004 
 
 1872 PfP.Mifli-nt 154-^8 
 
 1874 Congrens 17555 
 
 187il Oovornor 24179 23084 
 
 187'; FiosMont 24434 23310 
 
 1878 Congress 20171 
 
 1880 President 2792; 
 
 Maj. 
 1509 R 
 
 177G5 2;j.i7 R 
 
 18600 1054 R 
 
 195 D 
 
 94 D 
 
 2244 D 
 
 4245 D 
 
 17927 
 23080 
 
 1880 Governor 28341 23285 505G D 
 
 PUESENT STATE GOVERN' MENT. 
 
 Governor, VV. D. Bloxham; Lieutenant Governor, 
 L. VV. Betliol; Secreiary of State, John L. Crawford; 
 Attorney General, GeorKO P. Raney; Controller, W. 
 D. Barnes; Treasurer, ?I. A. L'Engle; Land Corn- 
 missiouor, H. A. Corleyr- all Democrats, and ap- 
 pointed by the Governor. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Repnblicnns 5 18 23 
 
 Democrats 27 68 85 
 
 Democratic msyority 22 
 
 40 
 
 62 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 VOTE FOB CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 DM. Dist. 
 
 1— Collins, R 8265 5— Hammond, D 11947 
 
 Blai-k, D 11712 6— Blount, D 8.'.75 
 
 2— Brimberry, R 6417 Scatcering 30 
 
 Turner, D 11496 7— Clements, D 11575 
 
 3— Parker, R 3245 Felton, L D 10727 
 
 Cook, D 7122 8— Stephens, D 11341 
 
 4— Pou, R- 7224 Scattering.. 26 
 
 Buohanan, D 9998 9— Speer. LD 12653 
 
 5-Clark, R 7132 Bell, D «589 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. MaJ. 
 
 1872 Governor 10.3529 46043 O'Conner 66886 D 
 
 1872 President 76278 62715 4000 13,563 D 
 
 1874 (•ongre.is 93347 33161 60186 D 
 
 1876 President 138766 50538 88218 D 
 
 1876 Governor 110017 34.529 76088 D 
 
 1880 President 1024O7 54086 48321 D 
 
 1880 Governor 118349 64ti04* 64345 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Alfred H. Colquitt; Secretary of State, 
 N. C. Barnett; Controller General, Wm. A. Wright; 
 Treasurer, D- N. Speer; Attormy General, Clitford 
 Anderson; Superintendent of Schools, G. J. Orr— 
 all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 1 10 11 
 
 Democrats 43 165 208 
 
 Democratic majority 42 
 
 155 
 
 Illinois. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 Dist. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Aldrich, R 22367 
 
 Muttocks, D 18024 
 
 2— l>avis, K 20002 
 
 Furnswortli, D.... 10014 
 3— Farwell, R 16627 
 
 8— Pavson, R 1R704 
 
 Wallace, D.-G... .13972 
 
 9— Lewis, R 14658 
 
 Lee, D 14294 
 
 Reynolds, G 2548 
 
 Smith, D 11903 10— IMarsh, R 14708 
 
 4— Sherwin, R 20381 Holloway, D 13877 
 
 Warner, D 8455 Meadon, G 716 
 
 Bliusdell, G 1159 11— Kdgar, R 12490 
 
 Singleton, D 17842 
 
 Allen, G 1765 
 
 -Hawk, R 1T021 
 
 King, I) 4160 
 
 John.-iiMi, G 7468 12— -Morrison, R 14761 
 
 6— Henderson R 16650 Springer, D 17376 
 
 Truesdell, D 9631 Miller, G 1657 
 
 McKiunie, G 2037 13— Smith, R 104.33 
 
 7— Cullen, R 16028 Stevenson, D.-G.16115 
 
 Evans, D 12004 14— Cannon, R 19710 
 
 Barber, G 2204 Scott, D.-G 17734 
 
 15— Forsythe, R.-G.. .16809 18— Thomas, R 16873 
 
 Moulton, D 19304 llartzell, D 15146 
 
 16— Ilosmer, R 13921 Robinson, G UMi 
 
 Sparks, D 15392 19— Pavt-v, K 14,><il 
 
 Rutherford, G.... 1331 T9^v^l.•^h«nd, D.iwrjl 
 
 17— Hay, R 159«1 Planugau, (i 1156 
 
 Morrison, D 1G964 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Gbk. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 181770 241-.il8 53120 R 
 
 1874 8upt. Pub. In 197490 100084 3or,iMK)pAD 
 
 1870 Congre.'SS V551870 270.5.52 24<W2 R 
 
 1870 President 268(')Ol 2782:52 lOi^il R 
 
 1876 Governor 2724.32 279226 6794 R 
 
 1878 Treas rer ....170085 20(>t.58 68689 .30373 R 
 
 1S80 President 277321 318031 20358 4<)716 R 
 
 1880 Governor 277532 314565 26ii63 3703:1 U 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Shelby M. Cullom; Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor, John M. Hamilton; Secretary of .State, Henry 
 D. Dement; Auditor, ('harles P. Swigert; Treasurer, 
 Eilw. Rutz; Attorney General, James .McCartney; 
 .Superintendent of Instruction, J. P. Slade — all Re- 
 publicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate, House. Total 
 
 Republicans 32 83 126 
 
 Democrats 18 70 88 
 
 Greenbackers.. , 1 ... 1 
 
 Republican majority 13 
 
 Indiana. 
 
 13 
 
 26 
 
 VOTE FOB CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 Disf. 
 
 Di.'it. 
 
 1— Heilman, R 17719 
 
 Kleiner, D 17420 
 
 Kramer, G 734 
 
 2— Braden, R 14676 
 
 Cobb, D 18443 
 
 Albert, G 852 
 
 3— Charle.s, R :.... 14493 
 
 Stoekslager, D....lb800 
 Poindexter, G 766 
 
 4— Cravens, R 15641 
 
 Holman, D 17388 
 
 Dunn, G 437 
 
 6— Treat, R 16496 
 
 Mat.son, D 17411 
 
 Robinson, G 1279 
 
 6— Browne, R 22136 
 
 Miller, D 12076 
 
 Lee, G - 773 
 
 7— Pealle, R 17610 
 
 Byfield, D 16S06 
 
 De la Matyr, G.. 2136 
 
 8— Peirce, R 19291 
 
 Hannii, D 16996 
 
 Copner, G 3120 
 
 9-Orth, R 18277 
 
 Myers, D 17476 
 
 Armentrout, G.. 1118 
 
 10— Do Motte R 18024 
 
 Skinner, D.-G... 17006 
 
 11— Steele, R 20246 
 
 Slack, D 19713 
 
 Studebaker, G.. 2168 
 
 12— Tavlor, R 17030 
 
 Coferick, D 17800 
 
 13— Calkins, R 17981 
 
 McDonald, D... 16817 
 Carter, G 1786 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 Rep. 
 
 1872 Governor 188276 
 
 1872 President 189144 
 
 1874 Secretary of State 164902 
 
 1870 President 207971 
 
 1870 Governor 208080 
 
 1878 SeeretarvofStatel80657 
 
 ISSO Governor 231405 
 
 1880 President 2.32164 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Albert G. Porter; Lieutenant Governor, 
 Thomas Hauna; Secretary of State, E. R. Hawn; 
 Auditor, E. H. Wolf; Treasurer, R. S. Hill; Attorney 
 G(>neral, D. P. Baldwin ; Superintendent of Public 
 Instruction, John M. Bloss — all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISL.\TURE. 
 
 Senate. House. 
 
 Republicans 24 57 
 
 Democrats 23 43 
 
 Greenbackers 3 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Ind. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 189422 
 
 189 
 
 i:W7 D 
 
 163047 
 
 1417 
 
 21090 R 
 
 182154 
 
 16233 
 
 17252 D 
 
 21.3526 
 
 9533 
 
 5.555 D 
 
 2131(H 
 
 13213 
 
 5084 D 
 
 194770 
 
 39415 
 
 14113 D 
 
 224452 
 
 14881 
 
 6953 B 
 
 225522 
 
 12986 
 
 6642 R 
 
 Republican mtyority. 
 
 14 
 
 Total 
 81 
 68 
 
 3 
 
 Vi 
 
 * ladepcadeDt vot*. 
 
 I o -vr a . 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Gbk. 
 
 Governor iai;v26 7:5;t97 2.8125 
 
 Total vote for Governor, including 191 Antt 
 Masonic, 235,037.
 
 42 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 'vote fob congressmen, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— McCoid, R 17117 
 
 Culbertson, D 12119 
 
 Stubbs, G 2197 
 
 2— Farwell, R 17465 
 
 Rose, D 11091 
 
 Hoopes, G 1236 
 
 3— UpdegrafF, R 17359 
 
 Stewart, D 13968 
 
 Moore, G 2193 
 
 4— Deering, R 21930 
 
 Root, D 8266 
 
 Doolittle, G 2664 
 
 Dean, P 570 
 
 Dist. 
 
 5— Thompson, R 20016 
 
 HnstiQ,D 11345 
 
 Palmer, G 2164 
 
 6— Cutts, R 18U17 
 
 Cook, D.-G 17911 
 
 7— Kasson, R 19932 
 
 Gilleste, D.-G 16752 
 
 Mallorv, D 222 
 
 8— Hepburn, R 24320 
 
 Percival, D 12994 
 
 Avres, G 5922 
 
 9— Carpenter, R 24236 
 
 Guthrie, D 12097 
 
 Campbell, G 2381 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1872 President 131173 
 
 1873 Governor 105143 
 
 1874 Secretary of Statel07250 
 
 1875 Governor 125058 
 
 1876 President 171332 
 
 1876 Secretary of Statel72171 
 
 1877 Governor 121.546 
 
 1878 Secretary of Statel34544 
 
 1879 Governor 157571 
 
 1880 President 183927 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Gbk.-D. Maj. 
 
 71134 
 
 
 60039 R 
 
 82598 
 
 
 22565 R 
 
 79054 
 
 
 28202 R 
 
 93359 
 
 
 31134 R 
 
 112121 
 
 
 59211 R 
 
 112115 
 
 
 60056 R 
 
 79353 
 
 
 42193 R 
 
 1302 123577 
 
 10967 R 
 
 85056 
 
 45429 
 
 72515 R 
 
 105845 
 
 32701 
 
 78082 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Buren R, Sherman; Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor, O. M. Manning; Secretary of State, J. A. T. 
 Hull; Treasurer, Ed. H. Conger; Auditor, Wm. V. 
 Lucas; Attorney General, Smith McPherson; Su- 
 perintendent of Public Instruction, Carl W. Von 
 Coelin— all Republic»ns. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Republicans 45 70 115 
 
 Democrats 2 22 24 
 
 Greenbackers 2 6 8 
 
 Republican majority 41 42 83 
 
 Kansas. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Anderson, R 48.599 2— Green, D.-G 2.3737 
 
 Burns, D 22727 3— Ryan, R 41094 
 
 Davis, G 7318 McDonald, D 16976 
 
 2— Haskell, R .30758 Mitchell, G 9396 
 
 An amendment to the Constitution, forever pro- 
 hibiting the manufacture or sale of intoxicating 
 liquors in the State, except for medical, scientific 
 and mechanical purposes, was adopted by a vote of 
 92,302 to 84,304. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Maj. 
 33,4.s2 K 
 13293 R 
 22869 K 
 40402 R 
 37830 R 
 36X12 R 
 61570 R 
 51647 R 
 
 Dem. Rep. Gbk. 
 
 1872 President 67048 32970 
 
 1874 Governor 48.'")94 3.5.301 
 
 1876 Governor 69073 46204 
 
 1876 President 78.322 .37902 
 
 1877 I^ieut. Governor.02570 24740 
 
 1878 Governor 74020 37208 27057 
 
 1880 President 121549 59789 19851 
 
 1880 Governor 115204 03.557 19477 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor. John P. St. .lohn ; Lieutonant-Governor, 
 D. W. Kinney; Secretary of State, .James Smith; 
 Treasurer, .John F"rancis; Auditor, P. I. Hon'-hrako: 
 Attorney General, W. A. .Johnston; Supcrinteiuli'nt 
 of Public Instruction, H. C. Speor — all Reiiublicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 rienate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 37 112 149 
 
 Democrats 2 9 II 
 
 Fusion 1 4 5 
 
 Republican majority 34 09 133 ' 
 
 KentuclEy. 
 
 VOTE for' CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Turner, D 11448 
 
 Tice, I. D 4244 
 
 Ratlitf, R 5646 
 
 2~McKenzie, D 14694 
 
 Feland, R 8354 
 
 Cook.G 5233 
 
 3— Caldwell D 1.3089 
 
 Flippin, R 10987 
 
 Wright, G 1736 
 
 4— Knott, D 13778 
 
 Thurmond, R 6603 
 
 Green, G 2820 
 
 5— Hays, I. D 3794 
 
 Dist. 
 
 5— Willis, D 11934 
 
 Burn.s, R 8445 
 
 6— Carlisle, D 17291 
 
 Root, R 9862 
 
 7— Blackburn, D 15017 
 
 Hood, R .5624 
 
 8— Thompson, D 13373 
 
 Frv, R 11410 
 
 Cooper.G 642 
 
 9— Turner, D 1.3326 
 
 White, R 15317 
 
 10 Phistee, D 1.3944 
 
 Thomas, R 12955 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Ind.-D. Maj. 
 
 88816 
 
 2.374 11396 D 
 
 53.5(14 
 
 0OS44 D 
 
 90795 
 
 36181 D 
 
 98415 
 
 62030 D 
 
 20451 
 
 76106 D 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. 
 1872 President 100212 
 
 1874 Court of Appeals. 114348 
 
 1875 Governor 126976 
 
 1876 President 160445 
 
 1877 Treasurer 96557 
 
 1879 Governor 125799 81882 18954 43917 D 
 
 1880 President 147999 1045.50 11498 43449 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Luke P. Blackburn ; Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor, James B. Cantrell: Attorney General, P. W. 
 Hardin ; Auditor, Fayette Hewitt ; Treasurer, J. W. 
 Tate; Superintendent rpf Public Instruction, Joseph 
 t»esha Pickett; Register of Land Office, Ralph 
 Sheldon — all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 4 17 21 
 
 Democrats 34 83 117 
 
 Democratic majority.. 
 
 30 
 
 66 
 
 96 
 
 Iiouisiaiia. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Di.st. Dist. 
 
 1— Gibson, D 10526 4— Blanchard, D 12446 
 
 Ker, D 5292 Well.% R 1638 
 
 2— Elli.s, D 10032 
 
 Hahn, R 6722 
 
 3— Billin, D 7786 
 
 Darrcll, R 12651 
 
 5— Kim;, D 1.5305 
 
 Lanier, R 3318 
 
 6— Robertson, D .... 8030 
 Smith, R 4246 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 1872 
 1874 
 1874 
 1876 
 1876 
 1S76 
 1876 
 1878 
 1879 
 1880 
 
 Rep. Dem. Maj. 
 
 Governor 72890 55249 17641 R 
 
 Treasurer *69.544 68586 958 R 
 
 Treasurer tT1962 74901 2939 D 
 
 President *7.5315 70508 4807 R 
 
 President t^7174 8-1723 6549 D 
 
 Governor *74624 71198 3426 R 
 
 Governor ^1^77 84487 8010 D 
 
 Treasurer 31064 77212 43148 D 
 
 Governor 41460 72611 3ii751 D 
 
 President 65310 31890 33419 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Louis A. Wiltz ; Lieutenant Governor, 
 John McEnery ; Secretary of .State, Wm. A. Strong; 
 Attorney General, A. F. Eagan ; Auditor, Allen Ju- 
 mel ; Treasurer, E. A. Burko— all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Democrats 26 70 96 
 
 Rei.iihlicMMS 6 16 22 
 
 Independents 3 9 12 
 
 Democratic majority 17 
 
 45 
 
 C2 
 
 Maine. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 1— Herd, R 16920 
 
 And<'rson, D 16S03 
 
 Stone, P 263 4— Boiit( 
 
 3-Lind.sey, R 1.5131 
 
 Philbrick. D.-G.. 14664 
 
 -Frve, R 14 117 
 
 Fogg, D.-G 12.342 
 
 nliiK Honrd Count. 
 
 Ladd, D.-G 1404T 
 
 5— Milliken, K 1.3977 
 
 Murch, D.-G 14492 
 
 t Duinocrutlc count, aud facfl of returns.
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTI N RETURNS. 
 
 43 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Others. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 2'Jii.s7 (31 122 32:535 R 
 
 1873 Governor 32k1(5 45(174 2090 12«58 R 
 
 1874 (Governor 41734 53131 275 11307 R 
 
 JS75 Governor 53213 57085 3872 R 
 
 ls7i; GoVHrnor f.'l215 757'.0 529 15450 R 
 
 187(; ProHident 4:iJH3 G(;3(K) 0(13 1(5477 K 
 
 1877 Governor 42114 53(i3l 0076 11517 K 
 
 1878 Governor 27872 5C,.-)l!t 41104 15115 R 
 
 188(1 Governor 7378G 735'.l7 4(i3 189 I" 
 
 1880 President C52U 74052 4040 8841 R 
 
 PRESENT ST.VTE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Harris M. Plaisted, D -G.; Secr*tary of 
 State, Jose]))! O. Smith; Treasnrer, Samnel A. Hol- 
 brook ; Adjutant General, George L. Beale; At or- 
 ney General, Henry B. (U aves ; Superintendent of 
 Sciiools, N. A. Lace— all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 22 85 107 
 
 Democrats and Greenbackers. 9 66 75 
 
 Republican majority 13 19 32 
 
 niarylaud. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Smith, R 10080 
 
 Covington, D 125G3 
 
 2— Webster, R 13482 
 
 Talbi.tt, D 14988 
 
 3— Hnrncr, .Jr., R.... 9975 
 
 Iloblitzell, D 13029 
 
 Di.-t. 
 
 4— Maund, R 135^0 
 
 McLane, D 1.5702 
 
 &— Wilmer, R 12432 
 
 Chapman, D 14230 
 
 G— Urner, R 17137 
 
 Schley 16337 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Maj. 
 
 G07G0 
 
 925 
 
 I) 
 
 59088 
 
 10983 
 
 \) 
 
 53377 
 
 141 2G 
 
 
 72530 
 
 l'!)24 
 
 
 711181 
 
 19709 
 
 
 50329 
 
 30379 
 
 
 08009 
 
 22100 
 
 
 73789 
 
 IGICI 
 
 D 
 
 1872 President G7G85 
 
 1873 Controller 79051 
 
 1874 Congress G7503 
 
 1875 Governor 8.5451 
 
 1870 President 91780 
 
 1877 Controller 8ii7o8 
 
 1870 Governor 90771 
 
 1880 President 80050 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, William T. Hamilton; Secretary of 
 State, J. T. Briscoe; Attorney General, C. J. M. 
 Gwinn; Tr>>as(iror, Barnes Compton; Controller, 
 Thomas .1. Keating; Clerk Court of Appeals, Spencer 
 C. Jones — all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Democrats 21 64 85 
 
 Republicans 5 20 25 
 
 Democratic majority 16 44 60 
 
 Governor. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Rep. 
 06609 
 
 Dem. 
 
 5458G 
 
 Pro. Gbk. 
 1610 4880 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Crapo, R 10384 
 
 Davis, D 0009 
 
 Chace 1.50 
 
 French 120 
 
 a— Harris. R 17047 
 
 Dean, I) 9718 
 
 Sherman, G 118 
 
 3— Rannov, R 131.32 
 
 Dearborn. D 12073 
 
 Fair^mnks, G 75 
 
 CushinkT, P 15 
 
 4— Haves. R 10,501 
 
 Morse, D lOGlG 
 
 Gaston, 1 222 
 
 Hutchinson, P... 84 
 
 Dist. 
 
 5— Bowman, R 1C088 
 
 Beebe, D 11720 
 
 Buflam. G 1305 
 
 6— St'.ne, R 14124 
 
 Bovnton, D noon 
 
 7— Russell, R 14082 
 
 Aldrieh, D 10027 
 
 Whitnev, C. 155 
 
 8— Candler, R 10044 
 
 Russell, 1) 11542 
 
 Babcook, G 3ii7 
 
 Staev, P lol 
 
 9— Rice, R 14035 
 
 McCatfertv, D.... 8ii25 
 Brown, G.'. 351 
 
 Dist. 
 
 10— .N'orcross, R.... 15G08 
 
 Aloud, I) 80-7 
 
 Stockbridge, G... 656 
 
 Dist. 
 
 11— Robinson, R 14236 
 
 Wooworth, D 10007 
 
 Dickinson, G IM 
 
 Merrill, P 64 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 
 
 Dem. Rep. 
 
 Lab. 
 
 Temp 
 
 Maj. 
 
 1872 
 
 President 
 
 &02(iO 133*72 
 
 
 
 74212 R 
 
 1873 
 
 (iovernor 
 (iovernor. 
 
 59.J(.0 72183 
 90376 80.345 
 
 
 
 y'ZH.i R 
 
 1874 
 
 
 7(«2 D 
 
 1875 
 
 (iovernor. 
 
 78333 83(^19 
 
 316 
 
 9124 
 
 aw Mi R 
 
 1 h70 
 
 President 
 (iovernor 
 
 108777 15(H)03 
 1008.50 137(i05 
 
 
 770 
 12274 
 
 41 '80 R 
 
 1870 
 
 
 30815 R 
 
 1877 
 
 (iovernor 
 
 73185 012.55 
 
 1 0354 
 
 3552 
 
 18070 R 
 
 1878 
 
 Governor. 
 
 1(1102 l:U725 
 
 »1()'.)435 
 
 1013 
 
 25290 R 
 
 1870 
 
 (iovernor 
 
 9089 122751 
 
 ♦109149 
 
 1(X5 
 
 13(J02 R 
 
 1880 
 
 President lUOGO 1(>42(J5 
 
 4548 
 
 C82 
 
 53245 R 
 
 1880 
 
 Governor. 
 
 111410 164825 
 
 4864 
 
 1059 
 
 63415 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, .John D. Long; Lieutenant Governor, 
 Byron Weston; Secretary, Henry B. Pierce; Trea- 
 surer, Daniel A. Gleason ; Auditor, Cliarles R. La<ld; 
 Attorney General, George Marston — all Republi- 
 cans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 36 181 217 
 
 ItiiiHjcrats 4 65 59 
 
 Independents 4 4 
 
 Republican miijority 32 126 158 
 
 Michigan. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Obk 
 Supreme Judge 127436 72730 33256 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Pro. 
 12744 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— .Lord, R 1.5902 
 
 Mayberry, D 1.5388 
 
 Stowe, G 028 
 
 2— Willits, R 1S045 
 
 Waldby, D 1050G 
 
 Chester, G 1(;74 
 
 3— Liieey, R 21207 
 
 Pringle, D 97.39 
 
 Hodge, G 8959 
 
 4— Burrows, R lOnoG 
 
 Powers 12424 
 
 Vaple, G 4103 
 
 5— Webber, R 22824 
 
 Rand;ill, D 11435 
 
 Dist. 
 
 6— Bl.anehard, G 9506 
 
 6— Siiauldiug, R 23551 
 
 Uiiiu'is, D 18235 
 
 Begole, G 5090 
 
 7— C.nger R 17490 
 
 Black, D 13806 
 
 Warkins, G 1428 
 
 8— Horr. R R 21224 
 
 Tarnsev D 18857 
 
 Smith, G .3829 
 
 9— Hubb^ll, R 23437 
 
 Pratt, D.-G 14042 
 
 Parmelee, G 800 
 
 VOTES OF THE ST.A.TE SINCE 1872. 
 
 1872 
 
 1874 
 1875 
 1870 
 187C 
 1877 
 1878 
 1880 
 1880 
 
 President... 
 Govern, ir ... 
 Sup. Court.. 
 Governor ... 
 Presidt^nt... 
 Sup. Court.. 
 Governor... 
 
 Dem. 
 
 79088 
 1055.50 
 
 91876 
 142402 
 141O06 
 
 85748 
 
 70082 
 
 Rep. Temp. Gbk. 
 
 1302(r2 1271 
 
 111519 3937 
 
 1110,51 
 165026 
 
 100,534 
 
 1120.53 
 
 120.309 74.'«.3 
 
 177054 3,5032 
 
 870 8297 
 
 Governor .,. 137(i01 
 
 President... 131597 185341 942 34895 
 
 Maj. 
 55043 R 
 
 2ti32 R 
 2G075 R 
 23434 R 
 254.39 R 
 20005 R 
 40-17 R 
 403(.3 R 
 53744 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 Governor, David H Jerome; IJeutennnt Givernor, 
 Moreau S. Crosbv: Secretary, William .leriiiy; Trea- 
 surer, Benjamin' D. Pritchar I ; Andirnr. \V. Irving 
 Ijatimer; Land Coinmissioiier, Jas. .M. Neasmith; 
 Superintendent of Public Instru tio-', Varnnm B. 
 Co-'hran Attorney General, J. F. Van Riper— all Re- 
 publicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans •W -"^ 116 
 
 Democrats 2 U 10 
 
 Republican majority . 
 
 100 
 
 • This was the vote for Benjuuto )-'. BuUer,
 
 44 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Minnesota. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN ISSl. 
 
 Rep. Dern. Maj. 
 Governor 6-14S5 36055 27830 
 
 VOTE FOE CONGRESSilEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— DunnelI,R 22392 2— Strait, R 24583 
 
 Welis, D 13768 Poehler, D 187ii7 
 
 Ward, I. R 7656 Chamberlain, G. 309 
 
 Roberts, G 728 3— Washburn, R 36428 
 
 Siblev, D 23804 j 
 
 Ayres, G 707 I 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Mlssoort. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Rep. Temp. 
 
 Gbl£. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 1872 President 
 
 35211 
 
 55709 
 
 
 20498 R 
 
 iS73 Giivernor 
 
 35260 
 
 40781 lOiO 
 
 
 5521 R 
 
 1874 Chief Justice 
 
 42111 
 
 51996 
 
 
 9885 R 
 
 1875 Governor 
 
 351G8 
 
 47053 1484 
 
 
 11885 R 
 
 1876 President 
 
 48779 
 
 72962 
 
 2389 
 
 24163 R 
 
 1877 Governor 
 
 40215 
 
 67644 
 
 
 17429 R 
 
 ls78 Congress 
 
 45339 
 
 53508 
 
 
 8169 R 
 
 1879 Governor 
 
 41583 
 
 56018 2867 
 
 4204 
 
 15335 R 
 
 1880 President 
 
 63315 
 
 93903 286 
 
 3267 
 
 40588 R 
 
 PRESENT 
 
 STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 
 Governor, — 
 
 Hubbard; Lieuten 
 
 ant Governor, 
 
 Cliarles H Gilman; Secretary of State, F. Von 
 Brtumbach ; State Treasurer, Charles Kittelson; 
 Auditor, Braden ; Attorney General, Charles M. Start ; 
 Railroad Comnaissioner, William R. Marshall — all 
 Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Tot.il 
 
 Republicans 29 86 115 
 
 Democrats 11 16 27 
 
 Greenbackers 14 5 
 
 Republican majority 17 
 
 66 
 
 83 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. 
 
 Governor.. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Maj. 
 61364 76365 25001 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Morphis, R 6828 
 
 Muldrow, D 14450 
 
 Davidson, G 10,58 
 
 2— Buchanan, R 9999 
 
 Manning, D 1.5265 
 
 Harris, G 3585 
 
 Dist. 
 
 4— Drennan, R 4179 
 
 Sintjk'ton, D 13749 
 
 6— Osborn, R 925 
 
 Hooker, D 11771 
 
 Deason, I.-R 6193 
 
 Patter.son, G 2; 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 
 47191 
 
 34725 
 
 R 
 
 5-.i904 
 
 2141)3 
 
 R 
 
 9i;806 
 
 .31)117 
 
 1) 
 
 11)9173 
 
 5751 ;8 
 
 D 
 
 96454 
 
 95280 
 
 I) 
 
 75750 
 
 40896 
 
 D 
 
 3— Gunn, G.-R 2790 6— Lynch, R 5393 
 
 Money, D 11722 Chalmers 9172 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1872 President 81916 
 
 1873 Governor 74307 
 
 1875 Treasurer 60659 
 
 1876 President 51605 
 
 1877 Governor *;168 
 
 1880 President 34854 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Robert Lowry; Lieutenant Governor, 
 G. I). Shunds; Socretary of State, Henry C. Myers; 
 Treasurer, W. L. Hemingway; Auditor, Sylvester 
 Gwin; Attorney General, T. C. Catcdiings ; Superin- 
 tendent of Education, J. A. Smith— all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEOISLATdllE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Democrats 34 101 135 
 
 R«pul)licanH 3 14 17 
 
 GreenV)aekers 2 2 
 
 Independents 3 3 
 
 Democratic majority 31 
 
 82 
 
 113 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Fletcher, R 10892 
 
 Clardy, D 11681 
 
 Eshbaush, G 49 
 
 2— Rosenblatt, R 10022 
 
 Allen, D 124.58 
 
 3— Sessinghaus, R ... 9290 
 
 Frost, D 9487 
 
 O'Connel, G 266 
 
 4 — Simpson, R 1251 
 
 Davis, D 19949 
 
 5— Palmer, R 10799 
 
 Bland, D 12977 
 
 6— Hazeltine, R.-G... 22787 
 
 Waddill, D 22680 
 
 7— Rice, R.-G li)744 
 
 Phillips, D...„ 19146 
 
 Dist. 
 8— Van Horn, R 8395 
 
 Allen, D 7656 
 
 Crisp, D 74.59 
 
 Clark, G 1084 
 
 9— Ford, G.-R 
 
 Craig, D 
 
 10— Burrows, R.-G....172S4 
 
 Mausen,-D 17219 
 
 11— Heberling, R 7370 
 
 Clarke, Jr., D 17921 
 
 12— Loudon, R 1.5236 
 
 Hatch, D 17403 
 
 1.3— Haley, R 7.394 
 
 Biickner, D 17233 
 
 Thurmond, G 253 
 
 • No returoi from Sbarke; couDtjr, 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1872 Governor 156714 
 
 1872 President 151433 
 
 1874 Governor 1495.56 
 
 1876 Governor 199.580 
 
 1876 President 20.3077 
 
 1878 Sup. Judge 185171 
 
 issn President 208609 
 
 1880 Governor 207670 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Gbk. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 121271 
 
 
 35443 D 
 
 119196 
 
 
 29808 D 
 
 112104 
 
 
 c7452 D 
 
 147694 
 
 
 51886 D 
 
 145029 
 
 
 5804S D 
 
 !>6994 
 
 61167 
 
 88177 D 
 
 1.53567 
 
 35045 
 
 55042 D 
 
 153636 
 
 36338 
 
 54034 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Thomas T. Crittenden; Lieutenant- 
 Governor, Roliert A. Campbell; Secretary, M. K. 
 MoGrath; Auditor, John Walker; Treasurer, Philip 
 B. Chappel; Attorney-General, D. H. Melntyre; 
 Land Register, Robert MeCulloch ; Superintendent 
 of Schools, Richard D. Shannon — all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Democrats 25 9S 123 
 
 Republicans 7 41 48 
 
 Greenbackers 2 4 6 
 
 Democratic majority 16 53 69 
 
 Nebraska. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 
 Valentine, R 62647 North, D 23634 
 
 Root, G 4069 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 1872 
 1,874 
 1875 
 1876 
 1876 
 1877 
 1878 
 1878 
 18,80 
 1880 
 
 Rep. 
 
 President 18245 
 
 Governor 20874 
 
 Sup. Court 31226 
 
 President 31916 
 
 Governor 31947 
 
 Sup. Court 29,569 
 
 Governor 29469 
 
 (Congress 28341 
 
 President ,54979 
 
 Governor 55237 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Ind. 
 
 Temp 
 
 Maj. 
 
 7705 
 
 
 
 10540 R 
 
 8471 
 
 3987 
 
 1257 
 
 71.59 R 
 
 1,5091 
 
 
 
 16135 R 
 
 17.5,54 
 
 2336 
 
 4964 
 
 14362 R 
 
 17219 
 
 .3022 
 
 30 
 
 14728 R 
 
 15639 
 
 775 
 
 
 l;i930 R 
 
 13473 
 
 9475 
 
 
 1.5996 R 
 
 21752 
 
 110 
 
 
 6689 R 
 
 28523 
 
 3950 
 
 
 26456 R 
 
 28167 
 
 3898 
 
 
 27027 R 
 
 PRESENT .STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Albinos Nance ; Lieutenant-Governor> 
 E. C. Cairns; Secretary of State, 8. J. Alexandi>r , 
 Auditor Public Accounts, John Wallicks; 'I'rcasurer. 
 a. M. Bartlett; Commissioner nf I'ulilic Lands and" 
 Buildings, A. (i. K-'ndall ; Ati<iiuey-geiieral, C. J' 
 I>iUvorth ; Superintendent of Public instruction, W 
 W. W. Jones — all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATlfRE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 27 73 100 
 
 Democrats 3 10 13 
 
 Republican majority 24 63 87
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTIO N RETURNS. 
 
 45 
 
 Nevada. 
 
 VOTE FOE CONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 Daggett, R 8578 Cassidy, D 9815 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Kej). Maj. 
 
 1872 President (V.iJG 8113 2177 R 
 
 1871 fiovcrnor lOIJIi'J 7755 2:)H1 1) 
 
 ls7« Prestident 9)08 lo:5S3 1U75 li 
 
 187r> Congress 7i;70 lo21l 971 R 
 
 1878 Governor 91.11 !iti78 527 K 
 
 1878 Congress 9l)47 9727 080 R 
 
 1880 President 9611 8732 879 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, J. II. Kinkead, R.; Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor, .JewHtt W.Adams, D.; Controller, .1. F. Hal- 
 lock, R. ; Trea.suror, L. L. Crookett, R.; Seerctarv 
 of .State, .lasper IJalicock, R. ; Attorney-General, M. 
 A. Murpiiy, R. : Surveyor-General, A. J. Hato'i, R. ; 
 Superintendent of Public luatruction, D. R. Ses- 
 sions, 1). 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Democrats 10 43 53 
 
 Republicans 14 7 21 
 
 Inaepeudents 1 ... 1 
 
 Dem. maj. on joint ballot ... 31 
 
 Neiv Xlampslilre. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Hall, R 16310 2— Scattering 147 
 
 Sanborn, D 15047 3— Farr, R ISSiiO 
 
 Scattering 311 Bingham, D 12897 
 
 2— BrigKS, R 14480 Scattering 281 
 
 Sulloway, D 13000 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Temp. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 31425 37108 2i)0 5443 R 
 
 1875 Governor 39121 39293 792 172 R 
 
 1870 Governor 38128 417G5 419 3208 R 
 
 1876 President 38.509 41.539 82 3030 R 
 
 1877 Governor 3G721 407.55 338 4034 R 
 
 1.S78 Governor 31135 38175 *6507 7040 R 
 
 1880 President 40798 448.55 708 40.57 R 
 
 1880 Governor 40866 44435 892 3569 R 
 
 • Greenback vote. The vote In this column for 1880 Indicates 
 combined Greenbaok and Prohibition vote. 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 Governor, Charles H. Bell; Secretary of State, A. 
 B. Thompson; Deputy Secretary of State, Ixaac W. 
 Hammond; Trea;*urer, Solon A. Carter; A<ijutanl- 
 General, A. D. Ayling; .State Libarian, William H. 
 Kimball— all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 16 186 203 
 
 Democrats 8 123 131 
 
 Republican majority 8 63 71 
 
 Jiew Jersey, 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGUE.SSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Robeson, R 19807 
 
 Carter, D 1C3.50 
 
 Hollis, G 724 
 
 Woolman, P 76 
 
 2— Brewer, R 18580 
 
 Smith, D 10536 
 
 Dobbins, G 312 
 
 3— Robbins, R 16953 
 
 Ross, D 19725 
 
 Hope, G a34 
 
 4— Kilpatrick, R 12870 
 
 Dist, 
 
 4— Harris, D 17043 
 
 Larison, O 4.57 
 
 5— Hill, R 1(;766 
 
 Cutler, D 1.51(15 
 
 Potter, G :a9 
 
 6 — Jones, R 20«24 
 
 Balback, D 178H8 
 
 Doiiai, G 6S4 
 
 7— Brigham, R 14714 
 
 Hardenbaugh.D 19462 
 Becker, G IGl 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 91till 
 
 14180 R 
 
 81050 
 
 13233 D 
 
 103511 
 
 124-15 D 
 
 85094 
 
 12746 D 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 Rep. 
 
 1872 President 7iiS0l 
 
 1874 Governor 97283 
 
 1876 President 11.59.50 
 
 1877 Governor 97840 
 
 1880 Governor 121015 121606 651 D 
 
 1880 President 120555 122565 2010 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, George C. Ludlow, D. ; Secretary of 
 State, Henry C. Kelsey, D. ; Treasurer, George M. 
 Wright, R.; Attorney-General, John P.Stockton, D.; 
 t;ontroller, E J. ^'Vnderson, R. ; Chancellor, Theo- 
 dore Runyon, D. ; Superintendent of Public In- 
 struction, Ellis A. Apgar, D. 
 
 LEGISLATURE, ELECTED IN 1881. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 Republicans 13 30 43 
 
 Democrats. 
 
 30 
 
 38 
 
 Republican majority 5 
 
 Ne-»v YorU. 
 
 PRESIDENT, 1880. SEC'Y 8TATB, 1881. 
 
 Garfield, Hancock, Weaver, Carr, Puroell, Howe, 
 
 R. D. G. R. D. G. 
 
 Albany ~ 10.->r,4 19024 3.54 12004 10002 5.32 
 
 Alleghany 0827 3182 486 4.506 1986 493 
 
 Broome 7173 5450 108 54.53 4217 104 
 
 Cattaraugus 7401 5406 672 5382 .3.390 9.55 
 
 Cayuga 9372 5976 536 07o3 4018 725 
 
 Chautauqua 10422 5172 585 6991 3047 673 
 
 Chemung 4635 4806 976 3106 ,3428 1205 
 
 Chenango 5709 4.559 623 4448 32ol 974 
 
 Clinton 6080 4250 74 4930 3124 65 
 
 Columbia 64,86 5992 19 4108 5199 34 
 
 Cortland 4124 2749 78 .3214 21.55 44 
 
 Delaware 60.58 6084 218 4076 3032 316 
 
 Dutchess 11045 8475 26 9227 6309 49 
 
 Erie 24199 20.'^48 442 198.58 18039 351 
 
 Essex 4776 2775 109 3.589 1949 176 
 
 Franklin 4185 2799 96 3329 1734 114 
 
 Fulton and Ham'n 49,S5 3879 35 40i8 3539 35 
 
 Genesee 4815 3481 72 3038 2740 83 
 
 Greene 3S79 44o5 175 27.H 3,557 258 
 
 Herkimer 6331 5070 01 4005 3824 44 
 
 Jefferson 94.39 7216 31 7945 5915 26 
 
 Kings 51751 01002 507 4.3909 4.52.52 486 
 
 Lewis 4036 3074 11 3435 3a50 9 
 
 Livingston .5522 4242 161 4023 3141 l88 
 
 Madison 6793 4r,83 182 4830 ,3249 222 
 
 Monroe 17102 13742 316 12303 IOS'25 206 
 
 Montgomery 5230 4947 32 4149 4092 86 
 
 New York...". ■■- 81730 IiW15 610 65225 919.57 916 
 
 Niagara 6478 .5937 .50 .5079 ,5904 149 
 
 Oneida 14540 120(H) 273 10S83 10315 3.50 
 
 Onondago 10163 11732 138 12182 8558 74 
 
 OOVERNOR, 
 
 1879. 
 
 
 PRES" 
 
 r 1876. 
 
 Rob'son 
 
 Cornell 
 
 Kelly, 
 
 Lewis, 
 
 Haves, 
 
 Tllden. 
 
 D. 
 
 R. 
 
 Bolt. 
 
 G. 
 
 R. 
 
 D. 
 
 12976 
 
 14505 
 
 3095 
 
 1091 
 
 10403 
 
 17641 
 
 2710 
 
 5082 
 
 371 
 
 642 
 
 67.39 
 
 3741 
 
 4777 
 
 6020 
 
 120 
 
 105 
 
 6707 
 
 5424 
 
 2972 
 
 5851 
 
 403 
 
 1407 
 
 6718 
 
 6054 
 
 3916 
 
 7316 
 
 712 
 
 948 
 
 8958 
 
 6119 
 
 4303 
 
 7935 
 
 131 
 
 1048 
 
 10O65 
 
 5085 
 
 3547 
 
 3481 
 
 484 
 
 1539 
 
 4732 
 
 5223 
 
 3783 
 
 4851 
 
 130 
 
 10.57 
 
 6173 
 
 4826 
 
 3672 
 
 4604 
 
 87 
 
 34 
 
 5.502 
 
 4796 
 
 46.59 
 
 5979 
 
 121 
 
 83 
 
 5799 
 
 6.311 
 
 2238 
 
 3351 
 
 328 
 
 177 
 
 4038 
 
 2IVJ2 
 
 4.555 
 
 4914 
 
 12 
 
 298 
 
 6807 
 
 6-272 
 
 7ti53 
 
 915,5 
 
 673 
 
 72 
 
 9501 
 
 9103 
 
 17095 
 
 201.50 
 
 338 
 
 612 
 
 20-299 
 
 19.5:$3 
 
 2292 
 
 3049 
 
 48 
 
 IMl 
 
 4477 
 
 29.55 
 
 2206 
 
 3076 
 
 16 
 
 2:i7 
 
 4104 
 
 29 4« 
 
 3-101 
 
 4146 
 
 01 
 
 46 
 
 4^:02 
 
 4231 
 
 2722 
 
 37.35 
 
 217 
 
 82 
 
 4322 
 
 a32l 
 
 4015 
 
 2958 
 
 102 
 
 529 
 
 .3(i78 
 
 4771 
 
 4349 
 
 6206 
 
 211 
 
 179 
 
 5906 
 
 6212 
 
 6703 
 
 79.59 
 
 86 
 
 1.59 
 
 9227 
 
 7094 
 
 44.388 
 
 32816 
 
 5788 
 
 56<1 
 
 39O05 
 
 67.V.7 
 
 3160 
 
 3.397 
 
 358 
 
 2.5 
 
 3010 
 
 3707 
 
 30(H 
 
 47"! 
 
 369 
 
 227 
 
 5207 
 
 4-244 
 
 3034 
 
 5397 
 
 230 
 
 2^3 
 
 ot;.<3 
 
 4702 
 
 7828 
 
 11305 
 
 2(W8 
 
 609 
 
 147:i8 
 
 1.31-27 
 
 4240 
 
 4202 
 
 327 
 
 OS 
 
 4 1.57 
 
 4765 
 
 60.556 
 
 40322 
 
 43(M7 
 
 59 
 
 685i-,r, 
 
 11-26-21 
 
 3902 
 
 •19 -'4 
 
 574 
 
 f.3 
 
 6'i75 
 
 6896 
 
 10801 
 
 11713 
 
 009 
 
 647 
 
 IIOJO 
 
 12844 
 
 7744 
 
 1;:542 
 
 1468 
 
 342 
 
 14807 
 
 11162
 
 46 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 PBESIDENT, 1S80. 
 Garfield, Hancock, Weaver, 
 R. D. U. 
 
 5767 
 9672 
 3104 
 6746 
 7184 
 1708 
 
 Ontaria 6774 
 
 Orange 10088 
 
 Orleans 4581 
 
 Oswego 10236 
 
 Otsego 7156 
 
 Putnam 2114 
 
 Queens 8151 10391 86 
 
 Kensselaer 13672 13031 318 
 
 Richmond — 3291 4S15 10 
 
 Rockland 2688 3415 2 
 
 St. Lawrence 13748 6835 16 
 
 Saratoga 8116 5808 49 
 
 Schenectady. 3250 2628 73 
 
 Schoharie 3646 5262 35 
 
 Schuyler 2790 2293 112 
 
 Seneca 3394 3802 45 
 
 Steuben 10245 8992 584 
 
 Suffolk 6515 6061 49 
 
 Sullivan 3;i39 3718 434 
 
 Tiofa 4750 3627 189 
 
 Tompkins 4896 3956 363 
 
 Ulster 9994 9870 30 
 
 Warren 3130 2618 379 
 
 Washington 7779 4145 59 
 
 Wavne - 7600 5207 225 
 
 Westchester 11367 11858 82 
 
 Wyoming 4695 3309 58 
 
 Yates 3432 2197 07 
 
 New TorU. — [Continued.] 
 TATE, 1881. 
 rcell, 
 D. 
 
 4107 
 
 134 
 
 116 
 
 75 
 
 444 
 
 127 
 
 SEC Y 
 
 Carr, Pu 
 
 R. 
 
 5330 
 
 7410 
 
 3531 
 
 8218 
 
 6113 
 
 1834 
 
 5673 
 10348 
 
 2292 
 
 2076 
 
 9418 
 
 5905 
 
 2563 
 
 2740 
 
 2206 
 
 2951 
 
 7125 
 
 4884 
 
 2573 
 
 3591 
 
 3592 
 
 6551 
 
 2386 
 
 5605 
 
 6307 
 
 7709 
 
 3238 
 
 2544 
 
 GOVEBKOE, 1879. 
 Howe, Rob'son, Cornell, Kellv, 
 G. D. R. Bolt. 
 
 7095 
 2396 
 5204 
 6167 
 1581 
 7422 
 10674 
 3524 
 2827 
 3314 
 3873 
 2707 
 4005 
 1667 
 3010 
 5987 
 4165 
 2882 
 3026 
 2652 
 6772 
 1947 
 2814 
 3901 
 8438 
 2029 
 1490 
 
 4616 
 7275 
 1667 
 3636 
 6300 
 1278 
 7024 
 
 135 11075 10547 
 11 3380 2552 
 2565 2267 
 6033 11378 
 4891 6728 
 2598 
 4756 
 1678 
 2723 
 6674 
 5126 
 2799 
 3340 
 3589 
 7164 
 2622 
 3175 
 s474 
 8461 
 2494 
 1844 
 
 210 
 194 
 62 
 569 
 106 
 
 ""si 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 53 
 
 73 
 
 61 
 
 131 
 
 43 
 
 772 
 
 70 
 
 807 
 
 353 
 
 653 
 
 90 
 
 532 
 
 66 
 
 304 
 
 173 
 
 36 
 
 288 
 
 6457 
 8381 
 3445 
 7437 
 6238 
 1903 
 5435 
 
 2533 
 3045 
 2406 
 2934 
 8466 
 5156 
 2554 
 4149 
 4387 
 7849 
 2639 
 6697 
 5904 
 8778 
 3821 
 2919 
 
 407 
 980 
 371 
 1327 
 
 74 
 
 39 
 
 1568 
 
 1144 
 
 612 
 
 214 
 
 35 
 452 
 246 
 
 16 
 294 
 498 
 836 
 122 
 364 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 1666 
 
 83 
 
 361 
 
 584 
 
 1755 
 
 65 
 213 
 
 Lewis, 
 G. 
 135 
 191 
 107 
 1139 
 206 
 4 
 133 
 784 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 68 
 128 
 144 
 
 45 
 150 
 
 94 
 909 
 
 47 
 822 
 132 
 466 
 
 93 
 289 
 
 70 
 603 
 166 
 
 66 
 
 89 
 
 pbes't, 1876. 
 
 Haves, Tilden. 
 
 R. D. 
 
 6334 
 9430 
 4258 
 10229 
 6859 
 1949 
 6970 
 
 5528 
 9776 
 3117 
 7417 
 7026 
 1805 
 9994 
 
 12254 12926 
 
 2883 4338 
 
 2349 3494 
 
 13465 5784 
 
 7489 6496 
 
 2689 2947 
 
 3549 5324 
 
 2860 2254 
 
 3076 3613 
 
 9762 8803 
 
 5589 6804 
 
 3262 4402 
 
 4675 3906 
 
 5032 4028 
 
 8914 10636 
 
 3135 2663 
 
 7303 4815 
 
 7081 5199 
 
 9574 12054 
 
 4428 3266 
 
 3327 2045 
 
 16015 375790 418567 77566 
 42777 
 
 20286 489225 522043 
 32818 
 
 Total 555544 534511 12373 416915 403893 
 
 Majorities 210a3 13022 
 
 Total vote for Secretary of State. 1881, including 4,863 scattering, 841,686; total vote for President, 1880, 
 including 1,517 Prohibition, 1,103,945; total vote for Governor, 1879, including 4,437 Prohibition and 4,489 
 scattering,901,135; total vote for President, 1876, including 1,987 Greenback and 2,359 Prohibition, 1,015,614. 
 
 VOTE FOR COXGEESSilES, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— King, R 18163 18— Keefe, G '700 
 
 Belmont, D 20815 19— Parker, R 17559 
 
 Markham, G 183 Andrews. D 8385 
 
 2_0'Keilly, I.-D 12166 Norton, G 133 
 
 Robinson, D 20122 20— West, R 21526 
 
 21 
 
 Decker, D 16403 
 
 Gardiner, G 319 
 
 ■Jacobs, R 19078 
 
 Gilbert, D 16491 
 
 Halsey, G 1076 
 
 22— Miller, R 19792 
 
 O'Brien, D 15906 
 
 Gates, P 97 
 
 3— Chittendon, R 20626 
 
 Smith, 1 22084 
 
 4— Tallmadge, R 14614 
 
 Bliss, D 20030 
 
 Ward, G 3J4 
 
 5 — Broekmeier, R... 2714 
 
 Wood, D 11411 
 
 Muller, I.-D 9750 
 
 6— Heimberger, R.... 7162 23— Prescott, R 14499 
 
 Cox D 17025 Sutton, D 12532 
 
 f7_Astor, R 11550 Ryan, G 308 
 
 Dugro, D 11723 24— Mason, R 17101 
 
 8— McCook, R 17392 24— Lewis, D 11510 
 
 Davis, D 12468 Nash, G 757 
 
 9— Hunt, R 9313 25— Hiseock, R 19828 
 
 Wood, D 10842 Ruaer, D 14634 
 
 Handv, L-D 8251 Wieting, G 24 
 
 10— Talcott, R 1IKI98 26— Camp, R 20259 
 
 Hewitt, D 191161 Van Auken, D..14555 
 
 11— Morton, R 18232 Walley, G 1103 
 
 Gerard, D 14898 27— Lapham, R 15673 
 
 12— Taylor, R 14803 Bennett, D 12065 
 
 Hutchins, D 15851 Heath, G 434 
 
 Lyon,G 43 28— Dwight. R 19510 
 
 13— K'otoham, R 20353 
 
 Gaul, D 15312 
 
 Wilson. P 105 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Temp. 
 
 Mai. 
 
 375401 
 
 11103 
 
 14810 D 
 
 489031 
 
 
 30800 D 
 
 489225 
 
 Gbk. 
 
 32818 D 
 
 371798 
 
 20282 
 
 11264 D 
 
 391112 
 
 75133 
 
 34661 R 
 
 346000 
 
 21646 
 
 2815 R 
 
 427240 
 
 2^779 
 
 12441 D 
 
 555544 
 
 12373 
 
 21033 B 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1875 Sec'y of State 390211 
 
 1876 Governor 519831 
 
 1876 President 522043 
 
 1877 Sec'y of State.... 383062 
 
 1878 Sup. Judge 356451 
 
 1879 Treasurer 433485 
 
 1879 Engineer 439681 
 
 1880 President 634511 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Alonzo B. Cornell, R. ; Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor, George B. Hoskins, R.; Secretary of State, 
 Joseph B. Carr, R.; Controller, Ira Davenport, R. ; 
 Treasurer, Robert A. Maxwell, D ; Attorney Gene- 
 ral, Lestie W. Russell, R. ; State Engineer and Sur- 
 veyor, Silas Seymour, R. ; Superintendent of Insur- 
 ance Demrtment, John F Smyth, R. ; Superintend- 
 ent of Bank Department, Henry L. Lamb, R. ; 
 Superintendentnf Public Instruction. Neil Gilmour, 
 R. ; Superintendent of State Prisons, Louis D. Pills- 
 bury, D. ; Superintendent of Public Works, Benja- 
 min S. W. Clark, D. 
 
 LEGISLATURE ELECTED IN 1881. 
 
 Senate. House. 
 Republicans 15 61 
 
 Davis, D 15082 
 
 Wager, G 987 
 
 29— Richardson, R 21211 
 
 Bt-e. her, D.-G...19287 
 
 30— Van Vorhis, R...21481 
 
 Warner, D 16701 
 
 Henkic, G 561 
 
 Pindar,' D 17991 31— Crowley, R 15759 
 
 Graham, G 261 Stevens, D 12868 
 
 16— Vanderpoel, R... 10974 Brooks G 131 
 
 Nolan, D 19176 32— Bush, R..^ 22316 
 
 fjregory, G 224 
 
 14— Pierson, R 16134 
 
 Beach, D 16664 
 
 Clements, G 690 
 
 15_Cornell, R 18845 
 
 Democrats 17 
 
 Total. 
 76 
 84 
 
 Democratic maj. 
 
 Nortli Carolina. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 (iregory, G "* 
 
 17_Wood, R 21902 
 
 FerKUSon.G 5102 
 
 18-H«mmon(l, R 14281 
 
 Walker, D 93<i0 
 
 Soovihe, D 22723 
 
 Smith, G 349 
 
 33— Van Aerman,R.17429 
 V^iiiCampen, D.10.581 
 Sell.-w, P 347 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep.O'Connor.Maj. 
 
 1872 President 387279 440759 1404 51825 R 
 
 Temp. 
 
 1873 Sec'y "f State 341001 331128 32 8 9873 1) 
 
 1874 Governor 416391 360074 11168 60317 D 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Grandv, R 14290 
 
 Latham, D 14796 
 
 2— Hubbs, R 192.59 
 
 Kitchen, D 14305 
 
 (ireen, G 104 
 
 a— Canadav, R 15017 
 
 Shackelford, D.... 10356 
 Kornegav, G 045 
 
 4-Bledsoe, R 16241 
 
 Cox, D 17557 
 
 Dist. 
 
 6— Keogh, R 11623 
 
 Scales, D 13557 
 
 Winston, 1 662 
 
 &— Mvers, R. 12366 
 
 Dowd, D 16401 
 
 7— Furches, R 11383 
 
 Armfield, D 133.31 
 
 8— Atkinson, R 0244 
 
 Vance, D 14099 
 
 Love, 1 1336 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 91363 67489 23904 R 
 
 1872 Governor 98630 9(i731 1899 R 
 
 1874 Supt. Pub. Inst 84181 98217 14036 D 
 
 I
 
 BOOKTii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTIO N RETURNS. 
 
 47 
 
 Dfm. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 125427 
 
 17IHIH D 
 
 12:U9S 
 
 l:)2()8 1) 
 
 C8263 
 
 1481)4 D 
 
 1 ■^421 14 
 
 8:52(5 D 
 
 121827 
 
 6237 D 
 
 Rpp. 
 
 1876 President 108U9 
 
 18"r> Governor lii!):i;)0 
 
 1878 Congr-.MS 5:)i«<) 
 
 1880 President 11J878 
 
 1880 Govortior 115590 
 
 PRESENT STATE OOVERNMENT. 
 
 (rovernor, Thomas J. Jarvis; Lioiit^nant Gover- 
 nor.Jamos L. RohioHon; Sccri'tarv of Siat^-, William 
 L. Saunders; Attorney Gem-ral, Thomas S. Kenun; 
 Treasurer, John M. Worth; Auditor, William P. 
 Roberts; Superintendent of PuMic Instruction — 
 John C. Scarborough — all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. 
 Republicans and Independ'ts 12 32 
 
 L)emoerats 38 78 
 
 Democratic maj 26 
 
 46 
 
 Total. 
 
 44 
 
 110 
 
 72 
 
 O li 1 o . 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Pro. Gbk. Sct'g 
 
 Governor 312735 288426 lti,-)',)7 0330 138 
 
 Supreme Judge 316005 286000 10090 0495 71 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRKSSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Rutterworth, R..104.55 
 
 Hunt, L) 15157 
 
 MeCarthy, G 19 
 
 2— VouiiK. R 17385 
 
 Banning, D 10381 
 
 Wheeler, G 16 
 
 3— Morey, R 188(i3 
 
 Ward, D 17835 
 
 Courts, G 248 
 
 Staley, P U 
 
 4— Schultz. R 21572 
 
 MoMaiion.D 21244 
 
 Stubbs, G 203 
 
 Rush, P 91 
 
 6— Boone, R 1,5488 
 
 LeFevre, D 23598 
 
 Randall, G 172 
 
 6— Ritchie, R 19782 
 
 Hurd, D 19097 
 
 Miaer, G 1038 
 
 Trobridge, P 1.39 
 
 7— Hart, R 1.5003 
 
 Leedom, D 17375 
 
 Santee, G 1 
 
 8— Keifer, R 21182 
 
 Chance, D 15264 
 
 Graham, G 251 
 
 9— Robinson, R 18146 
 
 Norris, D 17007 
 
 Mouser, G 425 
 
 10— Rice. R 18394 
 
 Shaffer, D 17026 
 
 Seitz, G 619 
 
 Seymour, P 121 
 
 Pist. 
 
 11— Neal, R 17218 
 
 Hutehins, D 15080 
 
 Kirkendall, G... 88 
 McFadden, P.... 1.54 
 
 12- Groce, R 17484 
 
 Converse, I) 21073 
 
 Williams, G 510 
 
 Hubbard, P 154 
 
 13— Clark, R ..10503 
 
 Atherton, D 19038 
 
 Baker.G 273 
 
 Myers, P 74 
 
 14— Fink, R 12053 
 
 Geddes, D 18520 
 
 Shull, G 40 
 
 15— Dawe«, R 102S3 
 
 Warner, D 1.5781 
 
 Martin, G 212 
 
 Penrose. P 240 
 
 16— Updprgraph, R..179!"8 
 Charlesworth, D15150 
 Lippett, G 30 
 
 17— McKinlev,Jr. R.20221 
 
 Thomson. 1) 160.50 
 
 Jenkins, G 793 
 
 Leeper, P 120 
 
 18— McClure, R 18570 
 
 Wadsworth, D...13474 
 
 Rice, G 310 
 
 Shoemaker, P.... 205 
 
 19— Taylor, R 22794 
 
 Adam.s, D 10116 
 
 Miller, G 701 
 
 Doorm.sn, P 230 
 
 20— Townsond, R 20333 
 
 Hutehins D 15100 
 
 Jackson, G 687 
 
 Gage, P 254 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Temp. Maj. 
 
 1872 Sec'y of State 2059:iO -251780 2i>45 I2im R 
 
 1872 President 281852 245484 21(J0 342ti8 R 
 
 1873 Governor v!l3837 214ta4 8l7 D 
 
 1874 Sec'y of State 221204 23S4<)« 7815 17202 D 
 
 1875 Governor 297817 292273 2593 6544 R 
 
 1870 President .330098 323182 751ti R 
 
 1876 Sec'y of State 316872 311098 6784 K 
 
 Gbk. 
 
 1877 Governor 249105 271015 29201 22.520 D 
 
 1878 Sec'y of State 274120 270906 38322 3154 R 
 
 1879 Governor .330201 319232 9072 17129 R 
 
 1880 President 37.5048 .340821 0456 .34227 R 
 
 1880 Sec'y of State.... 362021 343016 6786 1905 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Charles Fostsr; I^'eutenant Governor, 
 Roes G. Ricrhards ; Secretary of State, Charles Town- 
 send ; Auditor, John F. Ogievee; S'ate Treasurer, 
 Joseph Turney ; Attorney General, George K. Nash 
 — all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 22 70 92 
 
 Democrats 11 35 46 
 
 Republican maj 11 35 46 
 
 Oregon. 
 
 VOTE FOR GONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 George, R 19578 Whitaker, D 18181 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 • Dem. Rep. Ind. Maj. 
 
 1872 President 7753 11818 3493 R 
 
 1873 Congress 8104 0123 2071 D 
 
 1874 Governor 9713 9103 6532 550 D 
 
 1876 President 14158 15208 508 1050 R 
 
 187G Congre.ss 142.39 15347 1108 R 
 
 1878 Govt-rnor 10003 10009 1353 54 D 
 
 1880 President 19950 20018 245 668 R 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor. W. W. Thayer, D. ; Secretary of State, 
 R. P. rCarhart, R. ; Treasurer, Edward Hirsh, R. ; 
 State Printer, W. H. Odell, R. ; Superintendent of 
 Public Instruction, L. J. Powell, R. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Democrats 13 20 33 
 
 Republicans 16 40 66 
 
 Independents 1 ... 1 
 
 Republican maj 3 20 23 
 
 The Vote of 
 
 TRE.^SCTIEB, 1881. 
 
 Bally, Noble, 'Wolfe, Jtckson, WM 
 
 R. ' D. I. G. P. 
 
 Adams 2318 2871 37 .52 2 
 
 Allegheny 15079 9800 5948 1015 140 
 
 Armstrong 2893 2406 317 208 29 
 
 Beaver 2949 20.54 340 30 10 
 
 Bedford 31R3 3.370 129 55 ... 
 
 Berks 40.50 9920 130 108 3.50 
 
 Blair 3275 2435 297 148 20 
 
 Bradford 4387 2969 1510 409 194 
 
 Bucks 0240 6990 556 43 6 
 
 Butler .3.517 3.327 711 133 178 
 
 Cambria 3117 3565 144 202 37 
 
 Cameron 619 479 14 24 3 
 
 Carbon 21.52 2719 103 49 274 
 
 Centre 2.344 3491 185 151 40 
 
 Chester .5036 4298 941 53 .37 
 
 Clarion... 17.39 27.34 132 422 ... 
 
 Clearfield 1841 2994 55 2;U 20 
 
 Clinton 1819 2.525 273 33 20 
 
 Columbia 1247 2878 127 156 63 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 PRESIDENT, 1880. 
 n, 0»rftd, Hanc'k, 'WeaTcr, 
 
 R. D. G. 
 
 3137 3752 69 
 
 35,539 22096 10;Vi 
 
 4721 3991 375 
 
 4700 3498 129 
 
 3038 3723 53 
 
 9225 109,59 179 
 
 6803 4728 195 
 
 81,52 4950 496 
 
 8385 8027 2.3 
 
 6209 4678 346 
 
 3902 4555 150 
 
 047 582 27 
 
 2857 ^r,4 88 
 
 3002 4.598 99 
 
 11298 7524 90 
 
 2533 44.?3 322 
 
 3105 4928 296 
 
 2284 3117 36 
 
 2-236 4598 192 
 
 GOVERNOR, 1878. 
 
 Hovt, Dill, Utsoa, 
 
 R". D. G. 
 
 2742 3301 139 
 
 20001 13186 7724 
 
 3207 2093 1899 
 
 3571 2908 436 
 
 3014 a347 2l>2 
 
 6500 13480 17,55 
 
 37(X) a390 908 
 
 0010 3132 1846 
 
 70111 7.5,52 200 
 
 3766 3892 2216 
 
 2196 a342 1081 
 
 4<18 .381 219 
 
 21.50 2200 IfrU 
 
 20,59 3,8-27 14''6 
 
 8178 .5466 205 
 
 22rK5 4032 1482 
 
 1002 3207 H9S 
 
 1814 2099 347 
 
 1451 3278 1159 
 
 PR EST. 
 
 , 1.876. 
 
 Havca, 
 
 Tildea 
 
 R. 
 
 D. 
 
 2921 
 
 34;19 
 
 287-29 
 
 19248 
 
 4013 
 
 3821 
 
 3982 
 
 2950 
 
 3210 
 
 3.5,32 
 
 8019 
 
 15612 
 
 4752 
 
 393^ 
 
 80O8 
 
 4989 
 
 77-22 
 
 80-23 
 
 .5043 
 
 4830 
 
 2f|S9 
 
 42.57 
 
 .572 
 
 .543 
 
 2758 
 
 3106 
 
 3206 
 
 4065 
 
 9715 
 
 6021 
 
 3060 
 
 4107 
 
 2:118 
 
 4-220 
 
 1,8<I9 
 
 2974 
 
 nm 
 
 43»4
 
 48 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vn. 
 
 The Vote ot Pennsylvania.— [Continued. 1 
 
 TEEASUREE, ISSl. PRESIDENT, 1880. GOVERNOR, 1878. PEEST., 1876. 
 
 BailT, Noble, Wolfe, Jackson, Wils'n, Garfld, Hsnc'k, Weaver, Hovt, Dill, Mason, Haves, Tilden. 
 
 R. D. I. G. P. R. D. G. R. I). G. R. D. 
 
 Crawford 4507 3718 590 1245 608 1192 5847 1759 5957 3833 3528 7345 6537 
 
 Cumlierland 2922 40-23 150 83 3 4431 5462 119 3743 4831 566 4151 6062 
 
 Dauphin 5793 3800 951 135 1 8573 6619 315 6591 5320 14C8 7493 6474 
 
 Delaware ... 3221 2372 1574 12 9 7(")8 4473 il 4769 3137 364 5484 3250 
 
 Elk 620 1242 20 93 6 720 1534 88 426 11(10 378 534 13:W 
 
 Erie 4056 4130 292 4a7 195 8752 6471 041 6044 4237 1635 8724 6179 
 
 Favette 3458 3752 88 276 77 4920 6250 609 2654 4211 1937 4379 5,'j94 
 
 Forest 371 255 3 315 ... 370 325 281 318 207 277 464 385 
 
 Franklin 4097 4011 147 5 27 5379 4964 4 4734 4091 41 4897 4620 
 
 Fulton 768 1133 8 2 9 853 1252 794 1222 821 1190 
 
 Greene 1530 2976 7 10 69 2210 4271 32 1606 3229 120 1956 3719 
 
 Huntingdon 2629 2084 396 224 2 3787 3039 393 3073 2736 6.39 3493 2982 
 
 Indiana 3i09 1163 161 1204 16 4017 2119 1488 3486 1557 2155 4934 2248 
 
 Jetl>r<on 2203 2212 86 126 10 2750 2635 137 1944 2140 814 2350 2469 
 
 Juniata 1446 1707 29 47 2 1625 1999 62 1473 18.51 142 1550 2013 
 
 Laokawanna 4220 3116 945 92 7357 7178 151 4898 1974 3588 
 
 Lanraster 9899 5770 1495 19 38 19489 10789 39 15518 8714 251 17425 9638 
 
 Lawrence 2062 1221 932 107 129 4360 2047 168 2876 1605 393 3429 17C4 
 
 Lebanon 3191 1622 65 ..._ 154 5042 3218 7 3914 2M6 382 45.52 3028 
 
 Lehigh 4468 5756 67 27 29 6144 8292 17 4975 6705 270 5586 7757 
 
 Luzerne 5870 7695 1447 13 214 11028 12575 372 7322 4414 6086 14919 18.396 
 
 Lvooming 2751 3629 447 571 41 4955 6416 560 3207 4909 2062 4110 5423 
 
 M.^Kean 2477 2192 897 182 40 3693 3169 299 1504 1282 742 1427 1320 
 
 Meroer 3971 3607 535 428 505 6079 5029 490 4436 3708 1850 5508 4587 
 
 Mifflin 1469 1689 197 74 4 2075 1955 25 1744 1756 59 1716 1892 
 
 Monroe 649 2338 34 8 ... 962 3334 17 602 2S29 430 776 3280 
 
 Moiit)romery 8407 8949 944 53 37 11026 11025 75 9006 9164 381 9385 9f'54 
 
 Montour 891 1.340 136 71 8 1265 1862 80 772 1378 483 1136 1728 
 
 Northampton 2714 5178 411 52 25 5901 9653 93 4035 7504 1079 5311 9271 
 
 Northumberland 2948 4410 2084 131 15 4847 5931 319 3281 4.584 1489 4268 5064 
 
 Periy 2420 2135 107 40 3032 2894 2697 2711 97 2684 2789 
 
 Philadelphia 65866 42:557 14722 254 67 97220 76.330 237 7(099 53755 3211 77088 621.38 
 
 Pike 296 803 8 25 2 537 1332 10 497 1135 56 443 1387 
 
 Potter 1236 594 48 384 ... 1773 1134 255 1326 694 669 1621 1280 
 
 Schuylkill 4903 8089 2141 1641 47 9337 11511 2488 5994 7657 6508 8677 10457 
 
 Snyder 1367 1278 860 4 ... 2120 1579 13 1814 1494 154 1922 1539 
 
 Somerset 3528 2053 103 2 15 4150 2500 55 3134 2140 398 3784 2336 
 
 Sullivan 417 677 48 144 ... 625 994 72 436 602 379 502 879 
 
 Susquehanna 3421 2542 127 159 87 5031 3802 256 3832 2246 1825 4823 3885 
 
 Tiotra 27.37 1297 695 919 10 6018 2815 11.51 4253 2128 1681 5892 2729 
 
 Union 638 1134 1720 6 1 22.54 15(I2 11 1836 1656 172 21.54 1489 
 
 Venango 2302 2058 653 933 137 4089 3573 685 3482 3035 1229 3840 3471 
 
 Warren 1927 1360 281 684 79 3207 2118 084 2175 1026 1822 3151 2365 
 
 Washington, 5362 4703 112 223 ... 6451 5580 330 6263 4994 822 5806 5323 
 
 W.avne 1720 2254 748 8 3122 3421 13 1937 1625 1384 2760 3680 
 
 We">itmoreland 4398 5222 211 196 9 7113 7975 899 4795 5968 1642 6217 7466 
 
 Wyoming 1559 1796 30 88 14 1787 1983 38 1417 1600 474 1679 2026 
 
 York 4307 7008 223 1 26 7870 11581 9 6960 9644 79 C827 1O403 
 
 TotaN 265295 258471 49984 14986 4507 444704 407428 206608 319400 297137 81758 381148 306204 
 
 Pluralities 6824 37276 22353 17944 
 
 Aggregate vote in 1881 for Treasurer, 593,2.33; aggregate vote in 1880 for President, including 1,930 for 
 Dow, P., and 44 for Phelp.s, Anti-Masonic, 874,783: aggregate vote in 1878, including 3,750 for Prohibition 
 candidate, 702,144; aggregate vote in 1876, 758,874 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT, 
 
 Governor, Henry M. Hoyt; Lieutenant Governor, Charles Stone ; Secretary of StatP, Mathew S. Quay; 
 
 Attorney General, Henry W. Palmer; Secretary of Internal AtTairs, Aaron K. Dnnkel; State Treasurer, 
 
 SamuelButler; State Treasurer elect, Silas M. Baily, who takes office May 1, 1,SS2. The Government of 
 Pennsylvania will change in 1883, the Governor being ineligible to a second consecutive election under 
 the Constitution. 
 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE, APRIL 6, 1881. 
 
 Rep. Dem. Pro. Gbk 
 
 Governor 10819 47.56 2.53 285 
 
 Secretary of State 10489 4582 281 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Hist. 
 
 l_Alilrieh, R 9.510 2— Chase, R 8515 
 
 Lawrence, D 4586 Treat, D 6027 
 
 VOTES OF THE ST.VTE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. L-Rep._ Mnj 
 
 1872 President 5329 
 
 1872 Governor. 8308 
 
 IKT.'j fiovcrnor 3780 
 
 1H74 Governor 1589 
 
 1875 (iovPTnftr 5166 
 
 1H76 President 10712 
 
 1877 Governor 11787 
 
 1S78 Governor 7639 
 
 1879 Governor 5.508 
 
 1880 President 10770 
 
 1.3665 8.3.36 
 
 9463 1155 R 
 
 96.56 5870 R 
 
 123.35 10746 R 
 
 8.368 8724 .356 L-R 
 6075 R 
 
 1.5787 
 121.58 
 114.54 
 9717 
 18196 
 
 671 
 3815 
 4209 
 7410 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Alfred H. Littlefield; Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor, Henry H. Fay, Secretary of State, .loshua M. 
 Adderman: Attorney General, Willard Sayles ; Gen- 
 eral Treasurer, Samuel Clark — all liepublicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 29 64 93 
 
 Democrats 8 8 16 
 
 Republican maj 11 56 77 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Lee, U 11674 4— Hlythe, R 11780 
 
 Richardson, I) 20142 Kvins, D 27983 
 
 2— Mackev, K 12297 McLane, G 414 
 
 O'Connor, I) 17.567 6— Smalls, R 1.5287 
 
 3— Stolhrand, R 9.578 Tillman, D 23326 
 
 Aikon, D 27863
 
 BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTIO N RETURNS. 
 
 49 
 
 VOTES OP THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Rep. Dqm. Maj. 
 
 1872 Governor cm.iH aOiSS 3.«i)5 R 
 
 1872 Prosiclcnt TZiWI 22G,S3 49007 K 
 
 1872 Con},'res-i 7f.():il rj.5-22 5G,')12 H 
 
 1874 Governor 8()K),J G88i8 ll.Wu R 
 
 1S74 CoiiKrc'SS 7;)2ii'J (12094 17115 R 
 
 l.svr, (ioveriior 91127 92201 ll:i4 I) 
 
 I87f) President 91«70 90K9G 974 R 
 
 1870 CoiiKrcHs 911 t;j 91"..'')9 410 D 
 
 1878 ('onsreHs 4.')08l 110917 7lH.iG D 
 
 1880 President 57900 1112.t0 6;i270 I) 
 
 1880 Governor *4277 117433 113105 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, .Johnson Hagood; Liontenant Governor, 
 J.I). Kennedy; Controller, .lohn Bnitlin; Treasurer, 
 J. P. Rioliardson; .Secretary, R. M. Sims; Attorney 
 General, Leroy J^'. Yoiimans ; Superintendent of 
 Public Instruction, Hn^li S. Thompson; Adjutant 
 General, A. M. Manigault— all Uomoor.its. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE, 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 2 3 5 
 
 Democrats 31 121 152 
 
 Democratic maj 29 118 147 
 
 Tennessee. 
 
 VOTE OF TUE STATK IN 1880. 
 
 Hieh Tax. Low Tax. 
 Rep. Dem. Dem. Gbk. 
 Governor 102909 79191 57424 3041 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 1— Pettibone, R 12261 
 
 Taylor, D 11707 
 
 2— Houk, R 15905 
 
 Williams, D 8498 
 
 3— Case, R 8979 
 
 Dibrell, D 11598 
 
 4— Saunders, R 01.52 
 
 MeMillin, D 11998 
 
 5— Bright, R 0303 
 
 Warner, D 7777 
 
 Holman, I.-D 5077 
 
 Dist. 
 6— MoClain, R 7411 
 
 House, 1) 11125 
 
 Brook-, I.-D 723 
 
 7— Hughes, R 8056 
 
 Whitthorne, D...11110 
 8— Hawkins, R 96.36 
 
 Atkins, D 10419 
 
 TravLs, I.-D 2050 
 
 9-Sliaekolford, R .10805 
 
 SinioMton, D 12150 
 
 10— .Moore, R 11844 
 
 Young, D 10998 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 Dem. 
 
 1872 President 94391 
 
 1872 Congress-at-Large 103088 
 
 1874 Governor 103001 
 
 1870 Governor 12.3740 
 
 1876 President 133106 
 
 1878 Governor 89018 
 
 1880 President 130381 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Alvin Hawkins, R.; Secretary of State, 
 D. A. Nunn, D.; Treasurer, M. T. Polk," D. : Con- 
 troller, James M. Nolan, D.; Superintendent of Pub- 
 lie Instruction, Leon Trousdale, D. ; Commissioner 
 of Agriculture, J. B. Killebrew, D. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Tot.il 
 
 Democrats 14 
 
 Republicans 11 
 
 Greenbackers , 
 
 Dem. maj. on joint ballot 3 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 83655 
 
 10736 D 
 
 80S25 
 
 222(.3 D 
 
 55843 
 
 47218 D 
 
 73095 
 
 50045 D 
 
 80566 
 
 430O0 D 
 
 4'2.J28 
 
 46090 D 
 
 98760 
 
 31021 D 
 
 36 
 
 60 
 
 36 
 
 47 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Texas. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880.f 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Reagan, D 21227 4— Mills, D 301.35 
 
 Withers, G 6095 Brady, G 17920 
 
 2— Culberson, D 26624 5— Shepard, D 22708 
 
 O'Neill, G 16194 Jone", I -G 22941 
 
 3_ Wellborn. D 48005 6— Upson, D 27.^38 
 
 Ke^irby, G 13025 Scattering 637 
 
 * RepnblicaDS raa<1e no nominatinnn. 
 
 t Qreeaback rote : Republicans bad no candldatt. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Gbk. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 4fM«2 
 
 
 22110 D 
 
 47120 
 
 
 19029 D 
 
 52.363 
 
 
 47011 U 
 
 .OOKKI 
 
 
 l(J0.')8l D 
 
 44«0(J 
 
 
 69955 D 
 
 23402 
 
 .55(K»2 
 
 89529 D 
 
 53298 
 
 20244 
 
 93570 D 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1872 Congress 68022 
 
 1872 President B04.55 
 
 187.1 Governor 999«4 
 
 1875 Governor 1.50581 
 
 1876 Presidont 104755 
 
 1878 Governor 15S933 
 
 1880 President 140803 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, Oran M. Roberts; LieutenantGovernor, 
 L.J. Storey; Controller, William M. Brown; Trea- 
 surer, F. R. Luliliock; Attorney General, J il. 
 McLeary; .■Appellate Judge, J. ,\I. Hurt; Land Com- 
 missioner, \Villiam C. Walsh — all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. 
 
 Democrats 2» 83 
 
 Republicans 1 7 
 
 Greenbackers 1 3 
 
 Demecratic majority 27 
 
 73 
 
 Total 
 
 112 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 100 
 
 Vermont. 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Joyce, R 15645 2— Mead, G 411 
 
 Rfindall, D 6771 3— Grout, R 12253 
 
 Martin, G 358 Currier, D 6191 
 
 2— Tyler, R 15900 Tarbell, G 12.56 
 
 Campbell, D 6698 Powers,? 506 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Gbk. Maj. 
 
 10013 2.53:i3 R 
 
 10!I47 29947 R 
 
 132''i8 20324 R 
 
 20988 23735 R 
 
 202.54 23837 R 
 
 17247 20.35 20O05 R 
 
 18310 1215 27251 R 
 
 21245 1578 20003 R 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1872 Governor 41946 
 
 1872 President 41487 
 
 1874 Governor .33.'i82 
 
 187(i Governor 44723 
 
 1876 President 44091 
 
 1878 Governor 37312 
 
 1880 President 4.5507 
 
 1880 Governor 47848 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor. Roswell Farnham; Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor, John L. Barstow; Treasurer, John A. Page; 
 Sccretiry of State. George Nichols; Auditor, E. H. 
 Powell— all Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 30 218 248 
 
 I)emoorats 18 18 
 
 Greenbackers 1 1 
 
 Independents 1 1 
 
 Republican majority 30 198 228 
 
 Vlr^^lnia. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. 
 
 Readj. Dem. Maj. 
 Governor 111473 997.57 11716 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. Dist. 
 
 1— Waltz, R...^. 102.50 6— Tucker, D 13G45 
 
 Frazier, Readj.... 9258 
 
 Woodfin. R 5 
 
 7_MoseU"V, R 1029 
 
 Allen, i) 9!i38 
 
 Paul. Readj 10663 
 
 8— BnvIev.R 9170 
 
 Barbour, D 16.509 
 
 Williams. Readj.. 27.36 
 
 Garrison, D. 11.595 
 
 Critcher, Readj... 2217 
 2— Dezendorf, R 14775 
 
 Goode, D 9715 
 
 Laev, Readj 36O0 
 
 3— G. n. Wise, D .. ..10931 
 
 J. S. Wise, Readj. 8566 
 4 — Jorgensen, R 1.3S25 
 
 Colem.an, D .5708 9— Goodell. R 3640 
 
 5— Cabell. D 11478 Triirc, D 7621 
 
 Stovall, R 10918 Fulkers.m, Readj 8096 
 
 McMiillin, 1 4«3 
 
 r Republican 52663 
 
 Total Vote for Congres8-< Pemocraiic 97073 
 
 (.Rcadjuster 66064
 
 50 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 9:U15 
 
 1972 R 
 
 9:«'J9 
 
 272:» D 
 
 90480 
 
 42963 D 
 
 9J558 
 
 44112 D 
 
 4:!29 
 
 97611 D 
 
 83642 
 
 12957 D 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Iteni. 
 
 1872 President 91440 
 
 187-1 Govprnor 127738 
 
 1876 Congress 139443 
 
 1876 President 139760 
 
 1877 Governor Readj I'lialO 
 
 18S0 President 31484 96599 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, W.E.Cameron; Lieutenant Governor, 
 John F. Lewis; Attorney Gener.al, Frank S. Blair — 
 all Readjusters Tiie remainder of the State officers 
 are elected by the Legislature. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 
 
 Democrats 
 
 Democratic majority 
 
 West Vlrelnla. 
 
 VOTE FOE CONGRESSMAN, 
 Dist. 
 
 Hoge,D 17247 
 
 . 1880 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Hutchinson, R... 18350 2 
 
 WiNon, D 18460 Farusworth, G... 2150 
 
 Bassell, G 2847 3— Walker, (i 16096 
 
 2— Hoke, R. 14565 Kenna, D 21407 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Dem. Rep. I.-Dem. Maj. 
 
 1872 Governor 40305 42883 2583 L-D 
 
 187) President 29537 32283 600 2143 R 
 
 1874 Congress 37823 28874 8949 D 
 
 1874 Congress 56350 4.3ii66 1:^2S4 D 
 
 1876 President 56565 42001 14564 D 
 
 1876 Govtrnir 56i(t6 
 
 1878 Congress 50il8 
 
 1880 President 37391 
 
 1880 Governor 58 07 
 
 4:i477 12729 D 
 
 20056 *2453l 25787 D 
 46243 *9079 11148 R 
 43072 12326 15335 D 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor. Jacob B. Jackson; Secretary of State, 
 Randolph Stalnaker, Jr.; Auditor, Joseph S. Miller; 
 Treasurer, Thomas O'Brien ; Attorney General, C. C. 
 Watts; Superintendent of Schools, B. L. Butcher- 
 all Democrats. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. 
 
 Republicans 2 19 
 
 Democrats 20 44 
 
 Greenback Democrats 2 2 
 
 Democratic majority. 
 
 20 
 
 27 
 
 Total 
 21 
 64 
 4 
 
 47 
 
 * GreeDback vote. 
 
 A proposed constitutional amendment, changing 
 the date of State elections from October to JN'ovem- 
 ber. Is pending before an adjourned session of the 
 Legislature, and will be submitted to the people 
 October, 188^. 
 
 Wisconsin. 
 
 VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. 
 
 Dem. Rep. Gbk. Pro. 
 Governor 81754 69797 13225 7002 
 
 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 1— Williams, R 19014 
 
 Babbitt, D 11782 
 
 Craig, G ,355 
 
 2— Caswell, R 16041 
 
 Gregory, D 14390 
 
 Main,G 435 
 
 3— Hazleton.R 162.36 
 
 Cothren, D 12941 
 
 Jones, G 47 
 
 4— Sanger, R 15018 
 
 Deuster, D 17574 
 
 Godfrey, G 145 
 
 Dist. 
 5 — Colman, R 
 
 Bragg, D 
 
 Thomas, G 
 
 6 — Guenther, R. ... 
 
 Bouck, D 
 
 Stewart, G 
 
 7 — Humphrey, R... 
 
 Freeman, D 
 
 Foster, G 
 
 8— Pound, R 
 
 Silverthorn, D.. 
 
 Meehan.G 
 
 14753 
 16984 
 
 1188 
 20168 
 16807 
 
 1437 
 23179 
 10994 
 
 1674 
 
 19256 
 
 14590 
 
 43 
 
 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 
 
 Maj. 
 
 18515 R 
 
 15411 D 
 
 357 D 
 
 811 R 
 
 3873 R 
 
 6141 R 
 
 8271 R 
 
 6784 R 
 
 25516 R 
 
 29754 R 
 
 Dem. Rep. Gbk. 
 
 1872 President 8647 104992 
 
 1873 Governor 81653 6f!224 
 
 1,874 Congress 94584 93 27 
 
 1875 Governor 84315 85155 
 
 1876 Congress 12.5158 128031 
 
 1870 President 12.3926 130067 
 
 1877 Governor 70482 78753 Gbk. 
 
 1878 Congress 9.32.53 100037 12882 
 
 1879 Governor 75023 1005.39 12998 
 
 1880 President 114644 144398 7896 
 
 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Governor, J. M. Rusk ; Lieutenant Governor, 8. S. 
 Fifield; Secretary of State, E.G. Timme; Treasurer, 
 E. C. McFetridge ; Attorney General, L. F. Frisby; 
 State School Superintendent, Robert Graham— all 
 Republicans. 
 
 PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Republicans 23 63 89 
 
 Democrats 10 37 47 
 
 Republican majority 13 26 39 
 
 ELECTION OP UNITED STATES SENATORS. 
 
 California. 
 
 1881, January 11. -Hon. John F. Miller was elected 
 to serve for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed 
 Hon. Newton Booth. The voting was: 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 John F. Miller, R 27 42 69 
 
 William T. Wallace, D 10 34 44 
 
 Henrv George, I) 2 ... 2 
 
 CamphMll P. Herry, D 2 2 
 
 Ryland, D 1 1 
 
 Totals .39 
 
 Necessary to choice 20 
 
 118 
 
 The vote in the Republican caucus January 4, 
 was : 
 
 John F. Miller 63 I Newton Booth 5 
 
 Ab.sentees 6| 
 
 The votes In the Democratic caucus January 4, 
 were : 
 
 Wallaco 1.3 
 
 Tciniile 15 
 
 RyliiiHJ H 
 
 Hi'ark'H 1 
 
 Totals 37 
 
 Necessary to choice 19 
 
 a 
 
 3 4 
 
 15 
 
 18 Bl 
 
 14 
 
 8 wd'n 
 
 4 
 
 7 10 
 
 3 
 
 4 wd'n 
 
 36 
 
 37 37 
 
 19 
 
 19 19 
 
 Connectlcnt. 
 
 1881, January 18— Hon. Joseph R. Hawlev was 
 chosen to succeed Hon. William W. Eaton, D., for 
 six years from March 3, 1881. The voting was : 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 J. R. Hawlev, R 16 161 177 
 
 W. W. Eaton, D 4 68 72 
 
 Absent 1 19 20 
 
 Totals 21 
 
 Necessary to a choice 11 
 
 248 
 125 
 
 269 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 11, and the 
 Df^nmcr.atic caucus January 13, Messrs. Hawloy, R., 
 and Eaton, D., were respectively nominated, with- 
 out dissent. 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 1S81,' January 18— Hon. Thomas F.Bayard, D.,wa9 
 reelected, for six years from March 3, 18S1, by this 
 vote: 
 
 Senate. House. Total 
 
 Anthony Iliggins, R 17 8 
 
 T. F. Bayard, D 8 14 22 
 
 Totals 9 
 
 21 
 
 30 
 
 In the Democratic caucus January 12, Mr. Bayard, 
 D., was unanimously nominated.
 
 BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— SEN ATORS ELECTED. 
 
 51 
 
 Florida. 
 
 1881, January 18 — Hon. Charles W. Jonos, R., was 
 re-elected, lor six years from March 3, 1881, by this 
 TOte: 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Wm. M. Leflwith, R 4 17 21 
 
 C. W. Jones, D 25 62 77 
 
 Totals 29 69 98 
 
 Nece.ssary to choice 15 35 
 
 In the Democratic caucus January 12, Mr. Jones 
 was unanimously nominated. 
 
 Indiana. 
 
 1881, January 18— Hon. Benjamin Harrison, R., was 
 chosen, for si.K years fri)in .March 3, 1S81, to succeed 
 Hon. Joseph E. McDonald, D. The vote was: 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total 
 
 Benj. Harrison, R 22 67 79 
 
 Isa:ic I'. (Jniv, I) 23 39 G2 
 
 Gilbert De La Matyr, G 2 13 
 
 Totals 47 97 144 
 
 Nece.ssary to choice 24 49 
 
 3 Senators and 3 Assemblymen were absent. 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 11, General 
 Harrison was unanimously nominated. In the 
 Dcmoi-ratic caucus iMr. Gray had 32 votes, Mr. 
 McDonald 19, Mr. Hendricks 2. 
 
 Maine. 
 
 1881, January 18 — Hon. Eugene Hale was elected, 
 for six years from March 3, 18S1, to succeed Hon. 
 Hannibal Hamlin. The voting was: 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 Eugene Hale, R 2t 83 105 
 
 Joseph L. S'Tiith, D 8 64 72 
 
 Harris M. Plaisted, G 1 ... 1 
 
 Absent — 3 3 
 
 Totals 31 150 181 
 
 Necessary to choice IG 76 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 7, Mr. Hale was 
 unanimously nominated. 
 
 March 10 — Hon. Wm. P. Frye, R., was elected, for 
 two years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. James 
 G. Biaine, R., resigned to become Secretary of State : 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 Wm. P. Frye, R 23 82 105 
 
 Richard A. Frye, D 5 59 64 
 
 Totals 28 141 109 
 
 Necessary to choice 15 71 
 
 Blagsacliusetts. 
 
 1881, January 18— Hon. Henry L. Dawes, R., was 
 re-elected, for six years from March 3, 1881, by this 
 vote : 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 H. L. Dawes, R 3-1 1G3 197 
 
 John D. Long, R 23 23 
 
 Henry L. Pierce, R 1 1 
 
 Horace Gray, 11 1 ] 
 
 Chas. T. Russell, R 1 1 
 
 Benj, F. Butler, D 3 41 44 
 
 Total 37 230 267 
 
 Necessary to choice 19 116 
 
 The Republican caucus declined to make a nomi- 
 nation. In the Democratic caucus Gen. Butler was 
 unanimously nominated. 
 
 9Ilchl{!;an. 
 
 1881, .January 18— lion. Omar D. Conger was chosen, 
 for six year-t from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. 
 Henry P. Baldwin, R. The vote was: 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Omar D. Conger, R 28 83 111 
 
 Geo. V. N. Lathrop, D 2 13 15 
 
 Totals .30 !ir. 126 
 
 Necessary to choice 16 49 
 
 61 
 
 For the unexpired term of Hon. Zachariah Chand- 
 ler. R., to which Hon. Henry P. Buldwm, K., had 
 been appointed by the Governor, Gov. Baldwin 
 was chosen, as follows : 
 
 Senate. Hou8e. Total. 
 
 H. P. Baldwin, R 29 83 112 
 
 0. M. Barnes, R 1 ... 1 
 
 Geo. P. Sauford, D 13 1.3 
 
 Totals 30 '.ifl 1:26 
 
 Necessary to choice 10 49 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 5, the Totea 
 were 
 
 1 a 3 4 5 *T 
 
 O. D. Conger, R 32 .33 34 36 36 38 .59 
 
 John J. Biigley, R 43 45 44 '14 45 48 67 
 
 H. P. Baldwin, R 40 38 38 ,36 35 30 .,. 
 
 J. J. Woodman, R 1 
 
 For the short term, Governor Baldwin, R., waa 
 nominated without dissent. 
 
 *This ballot, when first taken, revealed too many 
 votes cast^ having been for Conger, R., 02, Bagley, 
 R, 55. It was re-taken, with the result above 
 stated. — Ed. 
 
 Minnesota. 
 
 1881, January 18— Hon. Samuel J. R. McMillan, R, 
 was re-elected for six years from March 3j 1881, by 
 this vote: 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 S. J. R. McMillan, R 32 92 124 
 
 Daniel Buck, R 6 6 
 
 Henry H. Sibley, D 4 ... 4 
 
 C. H. Roberts, G 2 ... 2 
 
 C. K. Davis, R 1 1 
 
 M. J. Severence, R 1 1 
 
 Totals 38 99 137 
 
 Necessary to choice 20 50 
 
 In the Republican caucus, Mr. McMillan, R., was re- 
 nominated by a vote of 64 to 48. 
 
 1881, October 25— Hon. William Windom, R., was 
 elected to fill the vacancy caused by his resigna- 
 tion, given in order that he might accept, March 6, 
 18S1, the Secretaryship of the Treasury. This term 
 will expire March 3, 1883. The Governor had 
 temporarily filled the vacancy by appointing Hon. 
 Alonzo J. Edgerton, who served during the called 
 session. The vote stood Senate — William Windom, 
 R., 29, James Smith, Jr., D., 5; scattering 4 (1 Rep. 
 and 3 Dems.) H ouse— Windom, R., 86, Smith, I)., 11 ; 
 scattering 3 (2 Reps, and 1 Dem.) 
 
 In the Republican caucus October 20, at which 
 v/dTQ present 108 of the 117 Republican members of 
 the Legislature, Mr. Windom, R., received 50 
 votes, Charles A. Gilman, R., 28, C. C. Dunn, R., 12. 
 The nomination was then made unanimous. 
 
 Mlssonri. 
 
 1881, January 18.r-Hon. Francis M. Cockrell was 
 reelected for six years from March 3, 1881, by thi» 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 David P. Dyer, R 5 37 43 
 
 Francis M. Cockrell, D 24 94 118 
 
 James O. Broadhead. D 1 1 
 
 G B. De Bernardi, G 2 4 e 
 
 Totals 31 130 167 
 
 Necessary to choice 16 09 
 
 In the Democratic caucus, January 7, Senator 
 Cockrell, D., received 115 votes for nomination ; Jas. 
 O. Broadhead, D., 7; Charles P. Johnson, D., 1.
 
 52 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Nebraslca. 
 
 18S1, January 24.— Hon. Charles H. Van Wyck was 
 elected to serve six y- ars, to succeed Hon. Algernon 
 S. Paddock, R. The "votes in joint convention were: 
 
 K - 
 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 6 
 6 
 7 
 8 
 9 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 17 
 
 ;P-|'H 
 
 391-2 
 
 40,13 
 
 40,13 
 
 40]13 
 
 15|39]13 
 
 15|39:i3 
 
 15 38113 
 
 .39J13 
 
 38114 
 
 15 38 14 
 
 38iH 
 38 1 14 
 38|l4 
 38J14 
 38! 14 
 40 8 
 
 681.36' 
 
 113 '57 
 n3i57 
 113 '57 
 113157 
 113J57 
 113,57 
 11458 
 114.58 
 114158 
 114|,58 
 114.58 
 114i58 
 1V2.57 
 113 57 
 113157 
 112.57 
 11257 
 
 The first vote was taken January 18, and stood: 
 Senate— Yan Wyck 3. Paddock 11, Dundy 3, Weaver 
 3. Post 2, Eleazer Wakelv 3, Mason 2, Nance 1, Or- 
 lando Tefft 1, .ffoM.se— Van Wyck 11, Paddock 28, 
 Dundy 8, Weaver 11, Post 7, Wakely 7, Mason 7, 
 Nance 1, Chas. F Manderson 1, James Laird 1, P. 
 P. Ireland 1, H. S. Kaley 1. 
 
 Nevada. 
 
 1881, January 11.— Hon James G. Pair, D., was 
 chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed 
 Hon. William Sharon, R. The voting was : 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Thomas Wren, R 14 7 21 
 
 Rollin M. Daggett, R 1 ... 1 
 
 James G. Fair, D 10 41 51 
 
 Totals 25 48 73 
 
 Necessary to a choice 13 25 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 
 1881, June 14. — The Senate voted— yeas 14» nays 
 10 — that the present Legislature has the right to 
 elect a successor to Hon. Edward H. Rollins, R., 
 whose term will expire March 3, 1883; and on Juno 
 14 it voted for Senator with this result: Edward H. 
 Rollins, R., 7; Harry Bingham, D., 5; Isaac N. Blod- 
 gett, R, 2; James" M. Patterson, R., 2; James F. 
 Brieg8,k.,2; Frank Jones, D., I; Charles Doe, R., I ; 
 Bainbridge Wadleigh, R., 1; Aaron F. Stevens, R., 
 1 ; Alonzo H. (iuint, K., 1 ; Charles H. Burns, R., 1. The 
 House voted — yeas 118, n.aysl82 — thatith.id no right 
 to elect; and no other proceedings occurred. 
 
 flew .Jersey. 
 
 1881, January 25. — Hon. William J. Sewoll, R., was 
 chosen for six years from March 3.1881, to succeed 
 Hon. Theodore F. Randolph, D. 'I he voting was: 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Wm. J. Sewell, R 12 32 44 
 
 Theo. F. Randolph, D 6 20 31 
 
 Totals 17 58 76 
 
 Necessary to choice 9 30 
 
 2 Republican Senators and 2 Republican Assem. 
 blymen were absent Mr. Sewell, who is in the Sen- 
 ate, did not vote. An "indopeadenfAflsemblyman 
 did n<]i vote. 
 
 In the Republican caucus, January 10, Mr. Sewell 
 was nominated on the tenth ballot, as follows: 
 
 12*3*56 78 9 10 
 
 W.J. Sewell, R 13 23 -Zl 21 23 24 23 23 24 25 
 
 G. M. Robeson, R..11 10 14 12 14 12 14 14 13 12 
 
 T. H. Dudley, R... 5 2 
 
 G. A. Hiilsev, R....10 10 11 11 10 11 9 11 10 10 
 
 Cort'd Parker, R.. 7 4 3 2 2 2 " 2 1 1 2 
 Fred'k T. Fre- 
 
 linghuysen, R... 3 
 
 * Two succeeding ballots were incorrectly taken, 
 one member voting twice, and were set aside. Above 
 is the record of accepted and declared ballots. 
 
 New TorU. 
 
 1881, Januarj' 18.— Hon. Thomas C. Piatt, R., was 
 chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed 
 Hon. Francis Kernan, D. Thi» voting was : 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Thomas C. Piatt, R 25 79 104 
 
 Francis Kernan, D 3 44 47 
 
 Totals 28 123 151 
 
 Necessary to choice 15 62 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 13, Mr. Piatt, 
 R., was nominated on the first ballot, the vote being 
 as follows : 
 
 Thomas C. Piatt, R 54 
 
 Richard Crowley, R 26 
 
 Sherman S. Rogers, R..10 
 
 Wm. A. Wheeler, R 10 
 
 Eib'dge G. Lapham, R.. 4 
 Levi P. Morton, R 1 
 
 In the Democratic caucus January 17 Mr. Kernan, 
 D., was unanimously nominated. 
 
 1881, July 16 — Hon. Warner Miller, R., was chosen 
 to succeed Hon. Thomas C. Piatt, R., resigned, for 
 the term ending March 3, 18S7. 
 
 July 22 — Hon. Elbridge G. Lapham, R., was to suc- 
 ceed Hon. Roscoe Conkling, R., resigned, for the 
 term ending March 3, l.'^85. 
 
 The proceedings which thus ended are as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 1881, May 16— Hon. Roscoe Conkling, R.,and Hon. 
 Thomas C. Piatt, R., resigned their seats in the 
 Senate; the Legislature was duly advised there, f 
 by Gov. Cornell. On the 31st" of May the two 
 houses ballotted for successors, no caucus having 
 been held, by the Republicans for candidates. 
 The result was: 
 
 FOR ME. CONKLING's VACANCY. 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 Roscoe Conkling, R 9 26 35 
 
 Sherman S. Rogers, R 5 8 13 
 
 Richard Crowley.R 5 5 
 
 William A.Wheeler, R 4 15 19 
 
 Alonxo B. Cornell, R 3 6 9 
 
 Theodore M. Pomeroy, R 2 13 
 
 Henry E. Tremaiiie, R 2 2 
 
 Charles J. Folger, R 2 2 4 
 
 Andrew 1). White, R 2 2 
 
 James W. Wadsvvorth, R 2 2 
 
 William M. Evarts, R 2 2 
 
 Thomas (i. Alvord, R 2 2 
 
 Hamilton Ward, R 1 1 
 
 Warner Miller, R 1 1 
 
 Samuel S. Edick, R 1 1 
 
 Reuben E. Fenton, R 1 1 
 
 Orlow W. Chapman, R , ... 1 1 
 
 Silas B. Dutcher, R 1 1 
 
 Hamilton Fish, R 1 1 
 
 John C. Jacob.s D 6 47 53 
 
 George B. Bradley, D 1 ... 1 
 
 Totals 32 127 159 
 
 Necessary to choice 17 64 
 
 FOR MR. PLATT's VACANCY. 
 
 Senate. HoiLiie. Total 
 
 Thomas C. Piatt, R 8 
 
 Chauncey M. Depew, R 7 
 
 Alonzo B. Cornell, R 
 
 KIbridge G. Lapham, R 2 
 
 Charles J. Kolger, R 
 
 William M. Evarts, R 
 
 Warner Miller, R 2 
 
 Richard Crowley, R 
 
 Levi P. Mo'ton, R 
 
 James W. Wadsworth, R 
 
 21 
 
 29 
 
 14 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— SEN ATORS ELECTED. 
 
 53 
 
 FOR MR. PLATT 3 VACANCY. 
 
 Henry E. Tremaine, R 
 
 Nojih Davi.s, R 2 
 
 fJuorge H. Sharpe, R 1 
 
 Joseph H. Clioate, R 1 
 
 Shermaa S. Rogers, R 1 
 
 Thcoiiore M. Pomeroy, R 
 
 William A. Wuecler, R i 
 
 John M. Francis, R 
 
 Francis Kernan, D ^ 
 
 Totals :t2 
 
 Neoesaury to choice 17 
 
 127 
 07 
 
 The votes in joint convention wore : 
 
 FOR MR. CONKLINQ 3 VACAKCY. 
 
 BALLOTS. 
 
 05 
 
 i 
 CU 
 
 <u 
 
 60 
 
 ■a 
 .o 
 
 ...„. 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 10 
 12 
 16 
 13 
 16 
 25 
 25 
 2G 
 16 
 17 
 17 
 13 
 10 
 
 8 
 17 
 18 
 17 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 12 
 12 
 67 
 60 
 68 
 69 
 70 
 70 
 68 
 54 
 54 
 68 
 72 
 72 
 67 
 63 
 93 
 
 35 
 
 U) 
 
 a 
 
 '5 
 a 
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 o 
 
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 o 
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 .35 
 34 
 
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 34 
 
 29 
 26 
 34 
 34 
 34 
 23 
 33 
 93 
 24 
 31 
 31 
 32 
 27 
 20 
 23 
 33 
 32 
 32 
 32 
 32 
 32 
 30 
 22 
 24 
 31 
 32 
 32 
 28 
 20 
 16 
 31 
 31 
 32 
 31 
 30 
 32 
 32 
 31 
 28 
 32 
 32 
 32 
 32 
 29 
 27 
 27 
 28 
 28 
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 15 
 14 
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 21 
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 ""i" 
 
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 1 
 
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 3 
 4 
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 03 
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 21 
 
 23 
 
 19 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
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 52 
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 6 
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 22 
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 22 
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 38 
 35 
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 32 
 32 
 42 
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 43 
 38 
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 36 
 42 
 43 
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 38 
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 168 
 165 
 153 
 150 
 112 
 100 
 146 
 154 
 153 
 149 
 148 
 105 
 99 
 151 
 151 
 16G 
 142 
 107 
 96 
 153 
 150 
 155 
 156 
 157 
 156 
 137 
 100 
 101 
 147 
 150 
 153 
 140 
 94 
 84 
 141 
 141 
 165 
 
 160 
 
 148 
 
 150 
 
 1501 
 
 149' 
 
 138 
 
 156 
 
 156 
 
 157 
 
 167 
 
 146 
 
 116 
 
 116 
 
 142 
 
 150 
 
 150 
 
 141 
 
 1.32 
 
 1.34 
 
 80 
 78 
 77 
 76 
 67 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 e:::::: :::::::;::::;:::: 
 
 
 
 
 
 61 
 
 74 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 75 
 76 
 63 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
 
 i" ' 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
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 3 
 
 1:5 
 
 
 
 
 
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 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 79 
 
 li; : 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 70 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 64 
 
 l!) 
 
 ...„. 
 
 53 
 63 
 44 
 34 
 31 
 49 
 62 
 53 
 48 
 31 
 27 
 47 
 47 
 53 
 51 
 52 
 60 
 60 
 50 
 48 
 62 
 52 
 54 
 53 
 47 
 34 
 34 
 46 
 49 
 49 
 
 1 
 1 
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 1 
 
 36 
 
 "i" 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 ...„. 
 
 2 
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 "1* 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 "i" 
 
 I 
 1 
 1 
 
 49 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 2i 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 79 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 78 
 
 2.') 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 2G 
 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 3 
 2 
 6 
 5 
 6 
 8 
 8 
 6 
 5 
 3 
 8 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 69 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 28 
 
 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 51 
 
 29 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 74 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 76 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 32 
 
 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 
 6 
 6 
 6 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 48 
 
 34 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 43 
 
 35 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 .% 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 78 
 
 38 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 40 
 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 75 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 70 
 
 44 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 46 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
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 79 
 
 48 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .59 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 59 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 72 
 
 fi2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 54 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 45 
 40 
 41 
 
 71 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 62 
 
 5G 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 68 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 w 
 
 t Withdrawn after the 32d ballot.
 
 54 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 FOE ME. PLATT S VACANCY. 
 
 BALLTOS. 
 
 03 
 — 
 
 P3 
 
 C5 
 
 C3 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 s" 
 
 "a. 
 
 <s 
 
 Ml 
 
 O 
 
 P3 
 
 if 
 
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 53 
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 34 
 32 
 49 
 52 
 53 
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 31 
 24 
 47 
 47 
 53 
 51 
 52 
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 48 
 52 
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 54 
 53 
 47 
 
 c 
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 1 
 
 4 
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 ...„. 
 
 1 
 
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 :::::: 
 ...„. 
 
 4 
 3 
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 6 
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 6 
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 7 
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 7 
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 "3 
 
 
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 8 
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 8 
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 29 
 28 
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 22 
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 25 
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 42 
 51 
 53 
 54 
 54 
 38 
 36 
 55 
 64 
 54 
 53 
 44 
 37 
 52 
 50 
 52 
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 53 
 52 
 45 
 34 
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 50 
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 61 
 48 
 36 
 32 
 48 
 48 
 53 
 51 
 49 
 51 
 51 
 
 11 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 
 20 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 8 
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 2 
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 5 
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 3 
 
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 4 
 
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 5 
 
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 7 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 20 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 19 
 
 19 
 
 19 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 1 
 
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 2 
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 2 
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 2 
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 1 
 
 158 
 155 
 
 55 
 151 
 112 
 100 
 14G 
 155 
 153 
 149 
 148 
 103 
 
 98 
 151 
 151 
 165 
 142 
 105 
 
 93 
 153 
 150 
 155 
 151 
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 154 
 137 
 101 
 161 
 147 
 150 
 154 
 141 
 
 94 
 
 83 
 141 
 1-11 
 155 
 150 
 160 
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 156 
 155 
 157 
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 80 
 
 
 
 
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 78 
 
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 74 
 
 
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 :;;:;; :^ ...::< .:::: 
 
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 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ::;::::::;;:;;::::: :":::i":::. 
 
 
 
 
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 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 70 
 
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 53 
 
 
 
 
 
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 47 
 
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 4 
 
 77 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 22 
 
 23 _ 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
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 78 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
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 78 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
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 27 
 
 
 
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 51 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
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 62 
 
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 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 74 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 48 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 42 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
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 19 
 
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 21 
 
 23 
 
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 4 
 
 
 71 
 
 36 
 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 37 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 38 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 42 
 
 68 
 61 
 70 
 71 
 73 
 74 
 76 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 
 
 75 
 
 43 
 
 44 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 7 
 11 
 9 
 
 70 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 48 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 
 
 
 
 * Withdrawn after the 31st ballot. 
 
 f On the 8th of July, after forty ballots had been 
 taken, a caucus of the Republican members of the 
 Legislature was called, at which sixty-seven mem- 
 bers were present. Nominations were then made 
 as follows : 
 
 FOE MR. PLATT 3 VACANCY. 
 12 3 
 
 Miller 27 28 29 
 
 Wheeler 22 26 25 
 
 Rogers 9 10 11 
 
 Cornell 2 1 
 
 Evarts 2 
 
 Davis 2 
 
 Tremaine 1 
 
 Conkling 1 
 
 Crowley 1 1 
 
 Totals 67 06 05 
 
 Necessary to choice 34 34 33 
 
 FOR MR. CONKLING S VACANCY. 
 
 4: 
 
 6 
 
 32 
 
 62 
 
 23 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 Lapbam 38 
 
 Cornell 12 
 
 Tremaine 10 
 
 Crowley 5 
 
 Wadsworth . 
 
 Total 66 
 
 Necesi-ary to choice... 34 
 
 On the 22d of .July, after fifty-five ballots had been 
 taken on filling Mr. Conkling's vacancy, a meeting 
 of Republicans was held, on an announcement 
 made by Senator Robertson, which was generally 
 attended; and after discussion It was unanimously 
 
 liesolved, That this meeting do now adjourn to meet 
 in caucus at this place at 3 p.m., for the purpose of 
 nominating a candidate for the office of United 
 States Senator. 
 
 On ft call of the roll Mr. Lapham received CI votes, 
 and Mr. Conkling 28. Mr. Lapham's nomination 
 was made unanimous, and lie was elected at a joint 
 convention of the Legislature at 4 o'clock on that 
 day.
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— SEN ATORS ELECTED. 
 
 55 
 
 Peunsyl-vanla. 
 
 1881, February 23— Hon. John I. Mitchell, R., was elected, to serve for six years from March 3 1881 
 to succeed Hon. William A. Wallace, D. • 
 
 The ballot in each house, Jan. 18, was as follows : 
 
 Senate. 
 
 Henry W. Oliver, R 20 
 
 Galusha A. Grow, R 12 
 
 Daniel Agnew, R 1 
 
 Benj. H. Brewster, R 
 
 Wayne MaeVeagh, R 
 
 William A. Wiillfice, D 16 
 
 Henry C. Baird, G 
 
 Totals 49 
 
 Necessary to choice 25 
 
 A Republican caucus was held January 13, with 
 .59 of the 154 members absent. Three ballots were 
 taken with this result: 
 
 House. 
 
 Total. 
 
 75 
 
 95 
 
 44 
 
 66 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 77 
 
 93 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 199 
 
 248 
 
 100 
 
 
 Henry W. Oliver, R 51 
 
 A. London Snowden, R 12 
 
 Galusha A. Grow, R 10 
 
 Henry H. Bingham, R 6 
 
 Calvin W. Gilfillan, R 5 
 
 William Ward, R 4 
 
 William H. Koontz, R 2 
 
 t Harry Whiti', R 2 
 
 Charles W. Stone, R 2 
 
 Daniel J. Morrell, R 2 
 
 Totals 95 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 C} 
 
 79 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 * Withdrawn. 
 
 t Requested that his name be not used. 
 
 95 
 
 Mr. Oliver, R., was thereupon declared the unanimous nominee, having received a majority of the 
 Republican membership of the Legifilaturc. 
 
 In the Democratic caucus, January 17, Hon. William A. Wallace, D., received the nomination. The 
 vote was : 
 
 Wm. A. Wallace 65 
 
 C. R. Buckalew 5 
 
 W. L. Corbett 3 
 
 John Handley 3 
 
 Samuel Hepburn, Jr... 2 
 R. L. Johnston 1 
 
 Charles E. Boyle 1 
 
 Mr. Wallace, D., was then declared unanimously the nominee. 
 The ballots in joint convention were: 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 * 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 * 
 1!3 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 John I. Mitchell, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Henrv W. Oliver, R 
 
 95 
 56 
 
 95 
 56 
 
 91 
 .1.1 
 
 88 
 64 
 
 89 
 62 
 
 71 
 
 49 
 
 73 
 49 
 
 80 
 55 
 
 85 
 67 
 
 82 
 53 
 
 63 
 42 
 
 35 
 29 
 
 42 
 32 
 
 76 
 50 
 
 80 
 64 
 
 75 
 60 
 
 6S 
 46 
 
 Galusha A. Grow R 
 
 
 1 
 
 Thomas M. Bayne, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "'"1 
 
 1 
 
 "' "i 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 John Welsh, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 George H. Boker, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wm. 1. Newell, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i;::::!::;:: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Thomas H. Lee R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 W. H. Ruddiman, R 
 
 
 Alex. Henry, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alfred C. Harmer, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 B. H. Brewster, R 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 "" "i 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 '"i 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 G. W. Seotield, R 
 
 
 Henry M. Hoyt, R 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Charles W. Stone, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Samuel B. Dick, R 
 
 Benj. L. Hewit, R 
 
 Charles S. Wolfe, B 
 
 
 
 
 
 " " "i 
 
 ""i 
 1 
 
 ■•■ "4 
 
 ■■"4 
 
 "'"4 
 
 ""3 
 
 ■ "3 
 
 '" "i 
 
 ""i 
 
 ""3 
 
 1 
 
 ""'2 
 1 
 
 '""i 
 
 i 
 
 C. W. Gilfillan, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Thomas W. Phillips, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 R. B. Farkison, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Joseph C. Beale, R 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Henrv C. Baird, G 
 
 Wm. A. Wallace, D 
 
 1 
 93 
 
 1 
 
 93 
 
 1 
 92 
 
 1 
 92 
 
 1 
 
 87 
 
 "68 
 
 1 
 66 
 
 1 
 82 
 
 1 
 
 86 
 
 1 
 83 
 
 1 
 64 
 
 "32 
 
 1 
 37 
 
 1 
 78 
 
 1 
 
 82 
 
 1 
 
 78 
 
 1 
 
 69 
 
 H. M. Phillips D 
 
 
 Wm. V. McGrath, D '.. . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 James B. Young, D ' 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 W. S. Hancock, D ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 196 in»l 
 
 1 
 229 
 115 
 
 1 
 239 
 120 
 
 1 
 229 
 115 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 217' 
 
 109 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 229 
 116 
 
 1 
 
 218 
 110 
 
 1 
 
 
 248 24S 
 
 
 
 244 fAd. 
 
 234 
 118 
 
 178 
 90 
 
 101 
 
 117 
 
 1% 
 
 Necessary to choice 
 
 125 
 
 125 
 
 12:5 
 
 123 
 
 99 
 
 100 
 
 98 
 
 * No quorum.
 
 56 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 Pexmsyl-ranla. — [Continued.] 
 
 * 1 * 1 
 
 NAMES. 18 19 20 
 
 .. 
 
 33 
 
 33 
 
 34 
 
 35 
 
 36 
 
 * 
 37 
 
 » 
 38 
 
 39 
 
 30 
 
 31 
 
 * 
 33 
 
 * 
 33 
 
 3* 
 
 35 
 
 Mitchell 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1f)0 
 
 
 26 
 31 
 
 32! 77 
 29 ."iS 
 
 79 
 
 55 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 58 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Grow _ 
 
 
 
 
 63 
 62 
 3 
 7 
 2 
 3 
 2 
 
 68 
 60 
 2 
 6 
 2 
 3 
 2 
 
 74 
 62 
 
 1 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 
 80 
 
 62 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 57 
 49 
 
 1 
 
 27 
 33 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 36 
 
 1 
 
 78 
 57 
 
 1 
 
 78 
 
 59 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 27 
 21 
 
 1 
 
 57 
 49 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 WeHh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 JJoyt 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 
 jjewit _ 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Wolfe 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 GilfiUan 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Phillips 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 " "i 
 
 "l 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Baird 
 
 
 1 
 24 
 
 1 
 80 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 69 
 
 
 Wallace 
 
 21 
 
 72 
 
 86 
 
 86 
 
 85 
 
 85 
 
 51 
 
 27 
 
 31 
 
 74 
 
 1 
 
 77 
 
 82 
 
 21 
 
 99 
 
 
 
 McGrath 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 234 
 118 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 92 
 
 1 
 
 222 
 112 
 
 1 
 233 
 117 
 
 2 
 
 239 
 120 
 
 1 
 238 
 120 
 
 1 
 237 
 119 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 217 
 109 
 
 1 
 233 
 117 
 
 
 
 1 
 199 
 100 
 
 
 
 83 
 
 235 
 118 
 
 162 
 82 
 
 89 
 
 100 
 
 74 
 
 72 
 
 944 
 
 Necessary to choice 
 
 V'3 
 
 
 
 
 * No quorum. 
 [On the 19th and 20th of January and the 10th and 11th of February two ballots were taken on each day. 
 On every other business day Vjut one was taken. An election was made February 23. Messrs. Oliver and 
 Grow withdrew after the 21st ballot.] 
 
 About the middle of February a Committee of 
 Conference, composed of twenty-four persons, of 
 whom twelve were named by each caucus of the two 
 diverse interests, was appointed for the purpose, if 
 possible, of agreeing upon a candidate upon whom 
 all Republicans could unite. They met on February 
 
 17 and succeeding days, and had many ballots and 
 much discussion. Finally, on the night of the 22d 
 of February, the Committee unanimously adopted 
 Mr. Mitchell, R., who was nominated ai a full caucus 
 the next morning, and elected in convention on that 
 day. 
 
 Oblo. 
 
 1881, January 18— Hon. John Sherman was chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. 
 Allen G. Thurman, D. [This is the term for which President Garfield was chosen, and which he declined 
 
 January 5th, 1881.] The vote was : 
 
 Senate. House. Total. 
 
 John Sherman, R 20 C4 84 
 
 Allen G. Thurman, D 12 39 51 
 
 Totals 32 103 135 
 
 Necessary to choice 17 62 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 11, and the Democratic caucus January 12, Messrs. Sherman, R., and 
 Thurman, D., were respectively nominated without dissent. 
 
 1881, October 5 — Hon. Nr^lson W. Aldrich was 
 elected to serve till March .'J, 1H87, for the unexpired 
 term of Hon. Ambrose E. Burnside, who died Sep- 
 tember 13, 1881. The voting was : 
 
 October 4— The vote in each house stood r B«nate 
 — Aldrich 22, G. H. Browne 0, William P. Sheffield .■?, 
 Henry Lippitt 2, Benjamin T. Karnes 1. House— 
 Aldrich 33, Sheffield 8, Lippitt C, Thomas A. Doyle 5, 
 
 Rliode Island. 
 
 Benedict I.apham 4, G. H. Browne 4, Rowland 
 Hazard 3, George II. Corliss 1, William Goddard 1, 
 Benjamin T. Karnes 1, Thomas Durfee 1, Cornelius 
 C. Van Zandt 1, Jonathan Chace 1, Joshua M. Adde- 
 man 1, E. G. Robinson 1. 
 
 October 5 — The vote in joint convention was: Aid- 
 rich 89, Doyle 4, Brown 2, Sheffield 1.
 
 BooKvii.J TABULATED HISTORY— SENATORS ELECTED. 
 
 57 
 
 Tenneaaee. 
 
 January 2G— Hon. Howell E. Jackson was elected, to serve for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed 
 Hon. James E. Hailey. Neither party made a nomination in caucus. 
 January 18 — The following was the vote in each house : 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 Horace M.aynard, R 8 33 41 
 
 John II. SiViiKo, D 6 17 2:J 
 
 Jam.-s E. Huiley, D 5 17 22 
 
 Thoma.s r. Muse, R 2 4 
 
 Wm. B. Hiito, I) 2 ... 2 
 
 John M Bright, D 2 2 
 
 E. A. Jamos, D 1 ... 1 
 
 R. M. Edwards, a 
 
 R .hert L. Taylor, D 1 
 
 S. F. Wilson, I) 
 
 Totals 2.5 
 
 Necessary to choice 13 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 The following were the ballots in joint convention: 
 
 Ballots. 
 
 Q 
 o' 
 
 s 
 
 o 
 c« 
 •-> 
 
 w 
 
 "3 
 
 o 
 
 ■o 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 o 
 
 37 
 35 
 32 
 32 
 
 38 
 36 
 S5 
 
 d 
 o 
 
 'u 
 
 c8 
 X 
 
 a 
 
 O 
 
 X 
 
 3 
 2 
 4 
 4 
 4 
 5 
 8 
 6 
 4 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 d 
 
 m 
 cs 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 5 
 4 
 5 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 "2 
 
 OS 
 £ 
 
 CO 
 
 2 
 
 t 
 5 
 4 
 5 
 4 
 4 
 5 
 5 
 4 
 8 
 
 
 1" 
 
 < 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 2 
 
 0! 
 
 oi 
 
 & 
 
 s 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 
 a 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 W 
 
 1 
 "4 
 
 be 
 
 w 
 
 
 
 
 (.. 
 
 s 
 
 a 
 
 'A 
 
 s 
 
 a 
 
 12 
 11 
 14 
 14 
 25 
 27 
 28 
 29 
 30 
 30 
 31 
 ,30 
 30 
 32 
 32 
 31 
 3t) 
 31 
 25 
 26 
 ^ 
 
 a. 
 
 3 
 
 43 
 
 Q 
 
 '3 
 
 pq 
 
 W 
 
 £ 
 
 22 
 22 
 22 
 2T 
 23 
 21 
 17 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 14 
 16 
 15 
 13 
 12 
 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 22 
 22 
 I3 
 11 
 10 
 
 I 
 11 
 2 
 
 a. 
 
 9 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 §> 
 
 a; 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 -3 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 29 
 
 37 
 
 36 
 
 S2 
 
 31 
 
 38 
 
 a 
 
 
 "i 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 « 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 "o 
 
 CO 
 
 ■■■ 
 
 E 
 
 
 Q 
 
 « 
 
 2 
 2 
 3 
 2 
 
 Q 
 c 
 u 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 4 
 4 
 1 
 
 Q 
 
 i- 
 c 
 
 3 
 
 V 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 Q 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 7 
 6 
 
 S 
 
 w 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1-3 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 u 
 
 S 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 
 a 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 Eh 
 
 100 
 98 
 99 
 98 
 97 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 99 
 100 
 99 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 99 
 100 
 100 
 99 
 97 
 97 
 96 
 96 
 97 
 98 
 95 
 91 
 98 
 98 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 M 
 
 a) 
 <o 
 
 1 
 
 51 
 
 2 
 
 
 50 
 
 3 
 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 
 50 
 
 5 
 
 • 
 
 49 
 
 6 
 
 
 "3 
 3 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 "i 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 7 
 
 
 "i 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 3 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 8 
 
 
 33 
 35 
 11 
 
 51 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5(1 
 
 11 
 
 
 35 
 10 
 •47 
 47 
 47 
 47 
 43 
 36 
 45 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 •4::: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 =>0 
 
 l;i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 14 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 40 
 40 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 2 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 17 
 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 "2 
 
 1 
 
 46 
 45 
 
 "i 
 
 2 
 a 
 1 
 1 
 
 44 
 44 
 
 
 "• 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 "i 
 
 
 
 
 
 "i 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 "i 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 511 
 
 18 
 
 
 51 
 
 19 
 
 
 f)1 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 21 
 
 1 
 
 ::: 
 
 28 
 33 
 9 
 3 
 3 
 4 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 49 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4') 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 49 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 49 
 
 23 
 
 
 1 
 2 
 41 
 43 
 40 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 I 
 
 10 
 6 
 5 
 
 49 
 
 2G 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "2 
 3 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 "i 
 
 50 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4S 
 
 28 
 
 
 "5 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \:\ 
 
 29 
 
 
 2 
 
 "i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 30 
 
 ,. 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 1881, December 20— Harrison H. Riddleberger, G., 
 Readjustcr, was elected to succeed Hon. John W- 
 Johnston, D.,of Virginia, to serve for six years from 
 March 4, 1883. The vote was : 
 
 Se. Ho. Jt.Bal. 
 
 Riddle>ierper, G 22 59 81 
 
 Johnston, D 13 32 45 
 
 W. C. Wickham, K 1 
 
 Total 36 91 127 
 
 Necessary to clioice 19 46 
 
 Texas. 
 
 18Sl,.T.'»nuary 2.5 — Hon.Sam.Bell Maxcy,D.,was re- 
 elected for six years from March 3, 1881, by this vote: 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 S. B. Maxey, P 22 51 73 
 
 J. W. Throckniorto'i, D 8 34 42 
 
 Edmund J. Davis, R 15 6 
 
 John H. Reagan, 1) 1 1 
 
 Totals 31 91 122 
 
 Necessary to choice IG 4G 
 
 Kentncky. 
 
 Election 07 U. 8. Senators. — 1881, December 6— 
 Hon. James B. Beck, D., of Kentncky, was re-elected 
 for six years from March 4, 1883. The vote was : 
 
 James B. Beck, D 29 
 
 John D. White, R 8 
 
 Charles W. Cook, G 4 
 
 Total 41 
 
 Necessary to choice 19 
 
 Ho. 
 
 Jt.Bal. 
 
 72 
 
 101 
 
 20 
 
 28 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 96 
 
 133 
 
 49 
 
 
 "West Virginia. 
 
 1881, .January 2.5— Hon. Jojinson N. Camden, D., 
 was chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to sucs- 
 cced Hon. Frank Hereford. The voting was: 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 J. N.Camden, D 20 44 64 
 
 .Ar^hih.ald W. Campbell, R 3 17 20 
 
 N.B. French, 2 2 
 
 Totals 23 63 86 
 
 Necessary to Ciioice 12 32
 
 58 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [hook VII. 
 
 In the Democratic caucus Mr. Camden, D., was 
 nominated, January 19, by the following vote ; 
 
 1 *a 3 4 5 
 
 Johnson N. Camden, D... 30 24 29 31 33 
 
 Frank Hereford, R 14 ... 13 10 12 
 
 Henry M. Mathews, R.... 8 ... 9 8 8 
 
 John Brannon, R 7 ... 8 8 6 
 
 W. K. Pendleton, R 2 ... 1 1 
 
 John J. Davis, R 1 1 
 
 Scattering 6 3 
 
 Totals 61 30 61 59 62 
 
 Necessary to choice 31 ... 31 30 32 
 
 rnhlican caucus on the evening of the 9th of March. 
 The various ballots were as follows: 
 
 Ballots. 
 
 • No quorum. 
 
 "Wisconsin. 
 
 1881, January 25— Hon. Philetus Sawyer, R., was 
 elected, for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed 
 Hon. Angus Cameron, R. The voting was ; 
 
 Sen. Ho. Total. 
 
 Philetus Sawyer, R 24 74 98 
 
 James G. Jenkins, D 8 21 29 
 
 Charles D. Parker, R 1 ... 1 
 
 C. C. Washburn, R 2 2 
 
 Totals 33 97 130 
 
 Necessary to choice 17 49 
 
 In the Republican caucus January 19, Mr. Sawyer, 
 R., received the nomination on the first ballot. The 
 vote was; Philetus Sawyer, R., 58; E.W. Keyes, R., 
 25 ; Cadwalader C. Washburn, R., 10; Jonathan Bow- 
 man, R., 2 ; James T. Lewis, R., 3 ; Charles E. Dyer, 
 R., 1 ; Charles G. Williams, R., 1 ; Angus Cameron, 
 R., 1 ; George Clementson. R., 1 ; blank 1 ; total, 103. 
 
 March 10, 1881— Hon. Angus Cameron, R., was 
 elected for four years from March 3, 1881, to fill the 
 vacancy caused by the death, February 24, of Hon. 
 Matt. H. Carpenter, R. The vote was, in joint ses- 
 sion ; Cameron, R., 97; William F. Vilas, D., 27. 
 
 Mr. Cameron's nomination was made in the Re- 
 
 .S5!24ll6! 5! 
 .3012719! Cl 
 3r,28llS| 6 
 3(V29 19; 61 
 37i2t;|l8| 7 
 37'27ll7| 7 
 37130,16 5 
 
 7 137 27 18 5 
 
 8 38 2517 7 
 
 9 38 24|17 9 
 
 10 138 2l|'8 10 
 
 Informal . 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 = c:S 
 
 
 o [^ 
 
 £:21n 
 o 
 
 
 :p;,.= = 1.0 .A 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 D 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 '~ 
 
 
 t- 
 
 38!23llG 10 
 41ii221I7 8 
 39,25 18 5 
 38'25ll7 7 
 .38 24:16 4 
 34 23!l5l 5 
 
 17 l?,S 21 If. 3 
 
 18 jHS 24 15; 6; 
 
 19 '. '31 2:1 12 5 
 
 w Z 
 
 RS -^4 1:. 
 411 22' 21 1 
 
 38 27 18 
 3li32;16 
 40'29|16 
 
 39 27] 18 
 
 39 23 1 20 
 37 27!2(»; 5 
 
 40 2G!15 7 
 37 27118 
 
 37 30 16 
 .37 30>17 
 .37 33114 
 39 33114 
 
 38 29 17 
 
 39:28 
 38 .30 
 40 29 
 
 37 26 19 
 
 .37 26il5| 4 
 
 37 27 14 4 
 
 40'20;n 3 
 
 42 i39i'^2']Ol 4 
 
 43 I37;19'l5| 5 
 
 3.'),19 13 2 
 41 21 17 1 7 
 
 4;^ 15 
 
 49 1 
 5ll... 
 
 1 ... 
 
 1 ... 
 
 1 ... 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 ■_' 12 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 46 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 46 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 46 
 
 46 
 
 2j46 
 
 4'47 
 
 3-17 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 47 
 
 46 
 
 49 
 
 4S 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 49 
 
 47 
 
 48 
 
 48 
 
 49 
 
 .^0 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 .50 
 
 61 
 
 51 
 
 ELECTION OF PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE. 
 
 At the Extra Session of the Senate, called in October, by President Arthur, Thomas F. Bayard, of 
 Delaware, was, on the first day, elected President, he receiving the vote of all the Democrats present, 
 prior to the swearing in of the two new Senators from New York, Messrs. Lapham an<i Miller, wlio were 
 elected to fill the vacanies occasioned by the resignation of Messrs. Conkling and Piatt. Mr. Bayard had 
 two majority, Mr. Davis, the only Independent in tho body, not voting. On the following day the New 
 York Sonator.-f were sworn in. A Republican caucus quickly followed, and it w.as there resolved to pre- 
 sent tlie name of David Davis, Independent. Tins was done in open ScnatP, anil ho was elected by one 
 majority, neither he nor Mr. Bayard voting fur themselves. The majority of the Committes being lie- 
 nublican, were left unchanged, and by agreement possibly and certainly, because of a declaration by 
 Mr. Davis, who opposed a change of the minor offices, they remained in tho hands of the Democrats, 
 both at the Extra Session, and in the regular one, beginning with December 3, 1881. 
 
 VOTE IN CONOEESSIONAL REPUBLICAN CAUCUS ON SPEAKER. 
 
 
 1 
 
 » 
 
 3 
 
 4: 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 6.i 
 40 
 17 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 14 
 
 147 
 74 
 
 56 
 .39- 
 16 
 8 
 3 
 9 
 11 
 
 142 
 72 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 58 
 35 
 17 
 8 
 4 
 10 
 13 
 
 145 
 
 15 
 
 61 
 34 
 10 
 7 
 3 
 11 
 13 
 
 145 
 73 
 
 16 
 
 
 52 
 44 
 15 
 8 
 4 
 10 
 13 
 
 140 
 74 
 
 55 
 41 
 16 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 12 
 
 145 
 73 
 
 55 
 38 
 19 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 12 
 
 145 
 73 
 
 55 
 35 
 20 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 15 
 
 146 
 74 
 
 56 
 32 
 19 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 18 
 
 140 
 74 
 
 64 
 34 
 19 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 18 
 
 146 
 74 
 
 51 
 34 
 16 
 10 
 3 
 11 
 20 
 
 145 
 73 
 
 51 
 34 
 17 
 8 
 4 
 10 
 18 
 
 142 
 
 72 
 
 56 
 36 
 19 
 9 
 4 
 10 
 13 
 
 140 
 74 
 
 50 
 38 
 17 
 8 
 3 
 10 
 14 
 
 140 
 74 
 
 93 
 
 Frank Hiseoek 
 
 18 
 10 
 
 Oodlove .S. Orth 
 
 a 
 
 Mark H Dunnell ... 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 Thomas B. Reed 
 
 11 
 
 Totals 
 
 144 
 
 Neces.sary to choice 
 
 73 
 
 • An excess of one vote. Bnllot not counted. General Koifer was then unanimously nominated. 
 and elected by all of the Republican and-fiur Greenback votes. For Clerk the vote was: McPherson 92, 
 Bainey 42, Dawson 3, scattering 4. For 8ergeant-at-Arms the vote was : Hooker 80, Dawson 28, Fort 11, Bunn 11.
 
 feooKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICA N TARIFFS.] 
 
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 60 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATUTES OF LIMIT ATIONS. 
 
 State Laws with reference to limitations of actions, show- 
 ing the limit of time on which action may be brought. 
 
 States and 
 Tebeitokies. 
 
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 5 
 
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 3 
 
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 6 
 
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 9 
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 Yrs. 
 
 10 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 20 
 
 Dist. of Columbia.... 
 Florida 
 
 12 
 20 
 20 
 
 5 
 10 
 20 
 10 
 16 
 15 
 20 
 20 
 12 
 20 
 10 
 20 
 
 7 
 10 
 
 4 
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 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 
 
 Jla-^sachusetts 
 
 
 Mi^sis.sippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Ontario (U. Canada) 
 
 
 Quebec (L. Canada) 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Utah 
 
 
 VirKinia... 
 
 Washington Tertry 
 West Virginia 
 
 
 
 THE PRESENT AMERICAN TARIFFS. 
 
 COMMODITIES. BATE 01" DUTY. 
 
 Ale, porter, and beer — in bottles.... 35 c. per gall. 
 " " " in casks 25 c. per gall. 
 
 Aniline dyes or colors {and 35'p.'c:} 
 
 Animals, living — cattle, hogs, 
 
 hfirses, sheep, etc 20 per cent. 
 
 Burl(;y 15 c. per bush. 
 
 Books and other printed matter.... 25 per cent. 
 
 Braids of straw 30 per cent. 
 
 Brushes 40 per cent. 
 
 Buttons 30 per cent. 
 
 Cheese 4 c. per lb. 
 
 China, porcelain and parian ware, 
 
 filain, white, and not decorated 
 Q any manner 45 per cent. 
 
 Do. gilded, ornamented or deco- 
 rated in any manner 50 per cent. 
 
 Do. otlier earthen, stone, or crock- 
 ery ware, white, glazed, edged, 
 printed, or dipped, or cream 
 colored 40 per cent. 
 
 Coal, bitumen, and nhale 75 c. per ton. 
 
 Corsets and corset-cloth, valued at 
 in per dozen, or less 82 per do/,. 
 
 Do. valued over ?r, per dozen 35 per cent. 
 
 Cotton, mfmiiraf-tures of — plain 
 bleached, value 20 cents or \ei\» 
 per square yard 5]^ c. per sq. yd. 
 
 COMMODITIES. EATE OF DXTTT. 
 
 Do. printed or colored, value 25 j5]4c.Tper sq. > 
 cents or less per square yard ( yd". & 20 p. c. j 
 
 Do. Hosiery 35 per cent. 
 
 Do. Lacfs, cords, braids, gimps, 
 galloons and cotton laces, colored 
 and insertings 35 per cent. 
 
 Do. Thread-yarn, warps, or warp- 
 yarn not wound on spools, valued 
 at over 60 and not exceeding 80 f30 c. per lb.) 
 cents per pound land 20 p. c.j 
 
 Cotton, valued at over 80 cents per J 40 c. per lb. > 
 pound ( and 20 p. c. ) 
 
 Do. Velvet, velveteens, velvet bind- 
 ings, ribbons, and vestings 35 per cent. 
 
 Currants, Zante, or other 1 c. per lb. 
 
 Diamonds (cut), cameos, mosaics, 
 gems, pearls, rubies, and other 
 precious stones, not set 10 per cent. 
 
 Dolls 35 per cent. 
 
 Embroideries, of cotton or wool.... 35 per cent. 
 
 Fans 35 per cent. 
 
 Feathers, ostrich, cock, and other 
 ornamental 25 per cent. 
 
 Feathers and flowers, artificial and 
 ornamental, not otherwise pro- 
 vided for 50 per cent. 
 
 Figs „ 2y2 c. per lb. 
 
 Fire-crackers, in boxes of 40 packs, 
 not exceeding 80 to the pack 81 per box. 
 
 Flax linens, valued at 30 cents or 
 less per square yard 35 per cent. 
 
 Do. valued at above 30 cents per 
 square yard 40 per cent. 
 
 Do. Burlaps, and like manufac- 
 tures of flax, jute, or hemp, of 
 which either shall be the com- 
 ponent of chief value (except 
 bagging for cotton 30 per cent. 
 
 Do. Duck, canvas, paddings, cotton 
 bottoms, diapers, crash, hucka- 
 backs, handkerchiefs (not hem- 
 med), lawns, or other manufac- 
 tures of flax, jute, or hemp, 
 vahud at 30 cents or less per 
 square yard 35 per cent. 
 
 Do. valued at above 30 cents per 
 sqnare yard 40 per cent. 
 
 Do. Thread, twine and pack-thread 40 per cent. 
 
 Do. all other manufacture- of flax 
 not otherwise provided for 40 per cent. 
 
 Fruits and nuts : — 
 
 Almonds, not shelled G c. per lb. 
 
 " shelled 10 r. per lb. 
 
 Filberts and walnuts 3 c. per lb. 
 
 Prunes 1 c. per lb. 
 
 Raisins 2}4 c. per lb. 
 
 Furs, and manufactures of 20 per cent. 
 
 Glass-ware : — 
 Porcelain, Bohemian, cut, en- 
 graved, painted, colored, printed, 
 stained, silvered, or gilded, not 
 including plate-glass silvered, or 
 
 looking-glass plates 40 per cent, 
 
 Plato-glass, cast, polished, not 
 silvered, above 24 by 30, and not 
 
 above 24 by 60 25 c. per sq. ft. 
 
 Above 24 by 60 60 c per sq, ft. 
 
 Window-glase, cylinder, crown, 
 or common, unpolished, above 10 
 
 by 15 and not above 16 by 24 2 C. per lb. 
 
 Above 16 by 24 and not above 24 
 
 by 30 21/^0. per lb. 
 
 Above 24 by 30 3 c. per lb. 
 
 M:inufactures of, not otherwise 
 
 specified 40 x^er oen'. 
 
 Hats, bonnets, and hoods, straw.... 40 per cent. 
 
 Hemp, jute, and other fibre:— 
 Bngs, cotton-bags, and bagging 
 
 (except bagging for cotton) 40 per cent. 
 
 .lute and sunn-hemp $15 per ton. 
 
 .Into butts - $« per ton. 
 
 Manila, India, and other like sub- 
 stitutes for hemp 825 per ton. 
 
 Iniiia Rubber, manufactures of :— 
 Braces, webbing, etc 35 per cent. 
 
 Tron and stei'l, manufactures of: — 
 
 In slabs, blooms, loops, etc 35 per cent. 
 
 Pig-iron - S7pert.Mi. 
 
 Mf-rap-iron, old, wrought $« per ton. 
 
 Manufa>'tures of iron, not other- 
 wise provided for 35 per cent.
 
 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICAN TARIFFS. 
 
 61 
 
 ft. J 
 
 COMMODITIES. BATE OF DUTY. 
 
 Iron and stocl, manufactureB of: — 
 Steol, and manufactures of pun- 
 knive.s, jack-knives and pocket- 
 knives 50 per cent. 
 
 AH other cutlery.iiicluding sword 
 
 blades 36 per cent. 
 
 In ingots, bars, coils, sheets, and 
 steel-wire, not less tlian % inch 
 diameter, valued at 7 cents per 
 
 pound or less 2]/^ c. per lb. 
 
 Valued at above 7 cents and not 
 
 over 11 cents per pound 3 c. per lb. 
 
 Muskets, rifles, and other fire- 
 arms 35 per cent. 
 
 Railway bar, or rails, wholly of 
 
 steel 1% c. per lb. 
 
 Manufaclures of steel, not other- 
 wise provided for 45 per cent. 
 
 Jewelry of gold, silver, or other 
 
 metal, or imitations of. 25 per cent. 
 
 Lead, and manufactures of: — 
 
 Pii;s and liars, and molten 2 c. per lb. 
 
 Leather, and manufactures of; — 
 Calf-skins, tanned, or tanned and 
 
 dressed 25 per cent. 
 
 Gloves, of kid or leather, of all 
 
 descriptions 50 per cent. 
 
 Upper leather of all kinds, and 
 skins, dressed and finished, of all . 
 kinds, not ut'ierwise provided for 20 per cent. 
 ManiUaetures ofj and articles of 
 leather, or of which leather shall 
 be a component part, not other- 
 wise provided for 35 per cent. 
 
 Lemons and oranges 20 per cent. 
 
 Marble, and manufactures of: 
 Veined and all other, in block, ("50 c. per cu. 
 roughed or squared, not other- < ft. & 20 p, 
 
 wise specified ( per cu 
 
 Mats of cocoa-nut china, and all 
 other floor-matting, of flags, jute, 
 
 or grass 30 per cent. 
 
 Metal, manufactures of, not other- 
 wise provided for 35 per cent. 
 
 Musical instruments 30 per cent. 
 
 Oils, olive, salad, in bottles or flasks $\ per gall. 
 
 Opium SI per lb. 
 
 Opium prepared for smoking $6 per lb. 
 
 Paintings and statuary, not by 
 
 .\inerican artists 10 per cent. 
 
 Papier-mache, manufactures, arti- 
 cles, and wares of. 35 per cent. 
 
 Pickles, sauces, and capers 35 per cent. 
 
 Rice, cleaned 2)^ c. per lb. 
 
 Salt, in bags, sacks, barrels, or 
 
 other packages 12 c. per 100 lbs. 
 
 Salt, in bulk 8 c. per 100 lbs. 
 
 Sardines and anchovies, packed it 
 
 oil or otherwise 4 c. per box. 
 
 Seeds, flaxs. orlins. (561bs. tobush.) 20 c. per bush. 
 Silk:— 
 Braids, laces, fringes, galloons, 
 buttons, and ornaments, dress 
 
 and piece goods 60 per cent. 
 
 Velvets 60 per cent. 
 
 Ribbons 60 per cent. 
 
 Ribbons (edge of cotton) 50 per cent. 
 
 Silk manufactures not otherwise 
 provided for, made of silk, or of 
 wliich silk is the component or 
 
 chief value 60 per cent. 
 
 Manufactures of, which have as 
 a component thereof 25 percent., 
 or over. In value of cotton, flax, 
 
 wool, or worsted 50 per cent. 
 
 Soda caustic 1V< c. per lb. 
 
 Soda ash i^ c. per lb. 
 
 Spices: 
 
 Cassia, and Cassia Vera 10 c. per lb. 
 
 Nutmegs 20 c. per lb. 
 
 Pepper, black and white grain ... 5 c. per lb. 
 Spirits and wines : — 
 
 Brandy, proof 52 per gall. 
 
 Cordials, liqueurs, arrack, ab- 
 sinthe, kii'sehwasser, ratafia $2 per gall. 
 
 Spirits, other, m.inufactured or 
 
 distilled from grain 82 per gall. 
 
 Spirits, other (except brandy), 
 manufaetiired or distilled from 
 
 other materials 92 per gall. 
 
 Cologne-watfr and other pe*-- f S:5 per gall, 
 fumery, of which alcohol forms -J an ' 
 the principal ingredient (. 
 
 « per gaii. 
 :5 per gall. ■» 
 id 50 per c. > 
 per gall, j 
 
 I 25 c. per lb. J 
 
 / ^% c. plus I 
 idard | 25 p. c. p. lb. / 
 No. j 2 c. plus 25 { 
 ; ip. c. per lb. j 
 
 coMMODrriES. batb of dtttt. 
 
 Sugar and molasses:— (5 c. plus 25 ) 
 
 Molasses J percent. V 
 
 Molasses concentrated, tank-bot- I per lb. j 
 
 toms, sirup of sugar-cane, and J V/, <:. plus | 
 
 melado 1 25 "c. per lb. j" 
 
 Sugar; > .- . 
 All uotabove No. 7 Dutch standard ' 
 Above No. 7 and not above 
 
 10 
 
 Above No. 7 and not above No. 10 2 c per lb. 
 
 Above No. 13 and not above No. f2%c. plus25) 
 
 !'• \ p. C. pi'T lb. j 
 
 Tartar, cream of lo c. per lb. 
 
 Tartar, argols, other than crude e c. per lb. 
 
 Tin, plates or 8lie(its .' 1 1-10 c. per lb. 
 
 Tobacco, and manufactures of:— 
 Leaf, unmanufactured and not 
 
 stemmed 35 c. per lb. 
 
 Cigars, cigarettes, and cheroots, 
 
 ($2.50 per lb. "I 
 
 . < and 25 p. c. >• 
 
 i p.'r If). J 
 
 Toys, wooden and other 50 per cent. 
 
 Watches, of gold or silver 25 per cent. 
 
 Wines. Champagne, and all other 
 
 sparkling, in bottles, containing 
 
 not more than 1 pint each and 
 
 more than ],^ pint $3 per dozen. 
 
 Wines, Champagne, and all other 
 
 sparkling, in bottles, containing 
 
 not more than 1 quart and more 
 
 than 1 pint dozens 
 
 " Still wines, in casks galls. 
 
 " in bottles, containing each not 
 
 more than 1 quart and not more 
 
 than 1 pint doz. bots. 
 
 Wood : Boards, planks, deals, and 
 
 other lumber M. ft. 
 
 " Manufactures of, not otherwise 
 
 provided for 
 
 Wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, 
 
 etc. : Raw and manufactured. 
 
 Class No. 1, clothing wool, value 
 
 32 cents or less per lb lbs. 
 
 " Value 32 cents or less per 
 pound lbs. 
 
 80 per doz. 
 40 c. per gall. 
 
 81.60 per doz. 
 82 per 1\I. ft. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 flO c. per lb.) 
 \ & 11 p. c. / 
 
 (lOc. p. lb. &1 
 
 ■< 11 p. c, less > 
 
 ( 10 per c. ) 
 
 Value over 32 cents per fl2e. perlb. j 
 
 pound lbs. I & 10 p. c. ) 
 
 J 1'.^ c. per lb. 
 X & 10 p. 
 
 3 c. per lb. 
 6 c. per lb. 
 
 50 per cent. 
 
 I 44 c. per sq. 
 I yd. &35p. c. I 
 f 28 e. per sq. 1 
 I yd. &35p.c. J 
 
 I 40 c. per sc 
 I yd. & 35 ] 
 
 30 p.C. ) 
 
 icr sq I 
 !5p.c. j 
 
 Class No. 2, value over 32 cents 
 per pound lbs. 
 
 " Class No. 3, carpet and other 
 similar wools, valued at 12 cents 
 or less per lb lbs. 
 
 " Value over 12 cents yer 
 pound lbs. 
 
 " Carpets and carpetings of all 
 kinds, Aubusson and Axminster, 
 and carpets woven whole for 
 rooms sq. yds. 
 
 " Brussels carpet wrought by Jac- 
 quard machine sq. yd. 
 
 " Brussels tapestry, printed on 
 the warp or otherwise sq. yds. 
 
 " Patent velvet and tapestry vel- 
 vet, printed on the warp or 
 otherwise sq. yds. 
 
 " Dress goods, women and chil- 
 dren's, and real or imitation 
 Italian cloths, valued at not ex- 
 ceeding 20 cents per sq. 
 yd sq. yds. I. J 
 
 " Valued at above 20 cents per (8 e. per sq. I 
 square yd sq. yds. ^ yd. A 40 p. c. / 
 
 " Dress goods, women and chil- 
 dren's, and real or imitation 
 Italian cloths, weighing 4 ounces 
 and over per square yard lbs. 
 
 " Hosiery, valued at above 80 
 cents per pound lbs. 
 
 " Manufactures not otherwise 
 specified, valued at above 80 
 cents per pound lbs. 
 
 Wool cloths lbs. 
 
 6 c. per sq. 
 yd. & 35 p. c. 
 
 50 c. per lb. I 
 & 35 p. c. j 
 
 (50 c. per lb.) 
 I & 35 p. c. j 
 
 J 50 c. per lb.) 
 "l 4 35 p. c. r 
 
 per lb. ) 
 
 f 50 c. pel 
 I * 35 p. 
 
 Cloths - lbs 
 
 (50 
 
 5o e. per lb. 
 it 35 p. c, 
 ss 10 p. e. 
 
 " Clothing— articles of wear lbs. | ''"^'"^(f p"^ e ' 
 
 " Clothing— ready-made lbs. j" ^'lo^p.'^c.^"
 
 62 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 COMMODITIM. 
 
 Wool, manufactures whoFiy or in 
 part of, not otherwise provided 
 for lbs. 
 
 " Shawls, woolen lbs. 
 
 " Worsted, etc., not otherwise pro- 
 vided for -lbs. 
 
 HATE OF DUTY. 
 
 (50 c. per Ib.l 
 I & 35 p. c. j 
 
 50 e. per lb. ~ 
 & 35 p. C. 
 
 50 c. per lb. 
 & 40 p. c. 
 
 COMMODITIES. BATE OF DUTY. 
 
 " Webbine;s, beltings, bindings, ( m „ r^n.. iv> 1 
 
 braids, ialloous, fringes, cord-, rVsoTc 
 
 buttons, etc lbs. I "• >'" f- •- i 
 
 " Yarns, valued at above 80 cents J50 e. per Ib.l 
 
 per pound lbs. \ & 50 p. c. j 
 
 Zinc, in sheets 2,% c. per lb. 
 
 THE CUSTOMS TARIFF OF GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 No protective duties are now levied on goods imported. Customs duties being charged solely for the sake 
 •f revenue. Formerly the articles subject to duty numbered nearly a thousand; now they are only twen- 
 ty-two, the chief being tobacco, spirits, tea, and wine. The following is a complete list: 
 
 Articles. Duty. 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding 
 
 1065°, per bhl 8 
 
 Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding 
 
 I0n0°, perbbl 11 
 
 Ale or beer, spec, gravity exceeding 1090°, 
 
 perbbl 16 
 
 Beer, Mum, per bbl 110 
 
 Beer, spruce, spec, gravity not exceeding 
 
 119U°, perbbl 110 
 
 Beer, spruce, exceeding 11!)U°, per barrel., 14 
 
 Cards, playing, per doz. packs 3 9 
 
 Chickory (raw or kiln-dried), ewt- 13 3 
 
 Chicory (roasted or ground), lb 2 
 
 Chloral hydrate, pound 13 
 
 Cliloroform, pound 3 
 
 Cocoa, pound 1 
 
 Cocoa, cwt., husks and shells 2 
 
 Cocoa paste and chocolate, pound 2 
 
 Coffee, raw, cwt 14 
 
 Cotfee, kiln-dried, roasted or ground, per 
 
 pr.und 2 
 
 Collodion, gallon 14 
 
 Essence of spruce, 10 per cent, ad valorem 
 
 Ethyl, iodide of, gallon 13 
 
 Ether, gallon 15 
 
 Fruit, dried, cwt 7 
 
 Abticles. 
 
 Duty. 
 
 £ 8. s. 
 9 
 5 
 1 
 
 6 
 5 
 2 
 
 Malt, per quarter 1 4 
 
 Naphtha, purified, gallon 10 
 
 Pickles, in vinegar, gallon 
 
 Plate, gold, ounce 17 
 
 Plate, silver, ounce 1 
 
 Spirits, brandy, Geneva, rum, etc., gallon. 10 
 
 Spirits, rum, from British Colonies, gallon 10 
 
 Spirits, cologne water, gallon 16 
 
 Tea, pound 6 
 
 Tobacco, unmanufactured, lb 3 1^ 
 
 Tobacco, containing less than ten per ct. 
 
 of mo'!sture, lb 3 6 
 
 Cavendish or Negro head 4 6 
 
 Other manufactured tobacco 4 
 
 Snuff, coatainiiig more than 13 percent. 
 
 of moisture, lb 3 9 
 
 Snuff, less than 13 per cent, of moisture, lb. 4 6 
 
 Tobacco, cigar.", pound 5 
 
 Varnish, containing alcohol, gallon 12 
 
 Vinegar, gallon 3 
 
 Wine, containing less than 2G° proof spi- 
 rit, gallon 10 
 
 Wine, containing more than 26° and less 
 
 than 42 spirit, gallon 2 6 
 
 Wine, for each additional degree of 
 
 strength beyond 42°, gallon 3 
 
 PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Term 
 
 *1 
 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 7 
 
 9 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 14a 
 
 15 
 16 
 16a 
 17 
 
 18 
 19 
 20 
 
 20a 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 24 
 24a 
 
 PRESIDENTS. 
 Name. 
 
 Qualified. 
 
 George Washington April 
 
 " " March 
 
 John Adams March 
 
 Thomas Jefferson March 
 
 •' " March 
 
 James Madison March 
 
 " " March 
 
 James Monroe March 
 
 " " March 
 
 John Q. Adams March 
 
 Andrew Jackson March 
 
 " " March 
 
 Martin Van Buren JIarch 
 
 Wm. H.Harrison March 
 
 John Tyler April 
 
 .Jam e.s K. Polk March 4, 
 
 Zachary Tavlor March 5 
 
 Millard Fillmore July lo. 
 
 Franklin Pierce March 4, 1853 
 
 1789 
 1793 
 1797 
 18(11 
 1805 
 1809 
 1813 
 
 1817 
 1821 
 1825 
 1829 
 18:!:5 
 1837 
 1841 
 1841 
 
 1845 
 
 184!) 
 1850 
 
 James Buchanan March 4,1857 
 
 Abraham Lincoln March 4,1861 
 
 " " March 4, 1865 
 
 Andrew Johnson April 15,1865 
 
 Ulysses 8. Grant March 4,1869 
 
 '• " March 4, 1873 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes March 5, 1877 
 
 James A. Garfield March 4, 1881 
 
 Chester A. Arthur Oct. 20,1881 
 
 VICE-PRESIDEETS. 
 Name. 
 
 Qualified. 
 
 John Adams June 
 
 " Dec. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson March 
 
 Aaron Burr f. March 
 
 George Clinton*. March 
 
 " " March 
 
 Elbridge Gerry March 
 
 John Gaillard Nov 
 
 Daniel D. Tompkins March 
 
 " " March 
 
 John C. Calhoun March 
 
 " " March 
 
 Martin Van Buren March 4, 
 
 Richard M.Johnson March 4 
 
 John Tyler March 4 
 
 fSamuel L. Southard April 6 
 
 fWillie P. Maiigum- May 31 
 
 George M. Dallas March 4 
 
 Millard Fillmore March 5 
 
 tWilliam R. King July 11 
 
 William R. King March 4 
 
 + I)avid R. Atchison April 18 
 
 tJesse D. Bright Dec. 5, 
 
 John O. Breckinridge March 4, 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin March 4, 
 
 Andrew Johnson March 4 
 
 fLafavetto S. Foster April 15 
 
 •j-Honjamin F. Wade March 2, 
 
 Schuyler Colfax March 4 
 
 Henry Wilson March 4 
 
 fThonias W. Perry Nov. 22 
 
 William A. Wheeler March 
 
 Chester A. Arthur March 
 
 tThom.as F. Bayard Oct. 12, 
 
 tUavid Davis Oct. 13, 
 
 ,1789 
 ,, 1793 
 , 1797 
 ,1801 
 , 1805 
 , 1809 
 , 1813 
 i, 1814 
 , 1817 
 , 1821 
 , 1825 
 , 1829 
 , 1833 
 ,1837 
 ,1841 
 , 18-11 
 , 1842 
 , 1845 
 , 1849 
 ,1850 
 , 1853 
 , 1853 
 , 1864 
 , 1857 
 , 1861 
 , 1865 
 , 1865 
 :, 1867 
 , 1869 
 , 1873 
 , 1875 
 ,1877 
 ' 1881 
 , 1881 
 ., 1881 
 
 *The figures in this column mark the terms held by the Presidents, 
 t Acting Vice-President and President ;)ro tmn. of the Senate.
 
 BOORVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— POPULAR VOTE, 
 
 63 
 
 SUMMARY OF POPUIiAR AND EliECTORAL VOTES IN PRESIDENTIAI* 
 ELECTIONS, 1789-1880. 
 
 
 o 
 
 2 
 
 „ o 
 
 s 
 
 Party. 
 
 Candidates. 
 
 05 
 
 0) 
 
 3 
 
 Popular Vote. 
 
 3 
 o 
 
 > 
 
 3 
 
 1789 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 73 
 
 135 
 138 
 
 138 
 
 
 
 
 
 C9 
 
 
 John Adams 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 
 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 .John Rutlodge ' 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Edward Telfair 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 : 1792 
 
 Foderal !><(.. 
 
 
 
 
 132 
 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1796 
 
 Federalist 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 
 
 
 08 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 69 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 Oliver Ellsworth 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1800 
 
 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 
 Fedorali^t 
 
 
 
 
 65 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 04 
 
 
 Federalist 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 ui en 
 
 11 
 
 d 
 _ o 
 
 s> 
 
 W 
 
 Party. 
 
 For President. 
 
 0) 
 
 a 
 
 "is" 
 
 2 
 12 
 
 Popular 
 Vote. 
 
 o 
 > 
 
 For Vice-President. " 
 
 
 1804 
 
 21 
 17 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 17G 
 170 
 
 218 
 221 
 
 235 
 
 201 
 
 
 
 
 162 
 14 
 
 122 
 
 f, 
 
 George Clintiin ' 163 
 
 Federalist 
 
 Republican 
 
 Ctias. C. Pinckney 
 
 
 Rufus King i 14 
 
 George Clinton i 113 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 47 
 9 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 47 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •lohn Lani;diin 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 128 
 
 89 
 
 1 
 
 183 
 34 
 
 
 1812 
 
 Republican 
 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 
 Elbridge Gerrv 
 
 De Witt Clinton 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 183 
 
 n 
 
 
 ; 1 •' 
 
 16 
 3 
 
 
 D. D.Tompkins 
 
 ,Iohn E. Howard 
 
 
 Federalist 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 John Marshall 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Robt. G. Harper 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 1820 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 231 
 1 
 
 P. D. Tompkins 
 
 218 
 
 
 
 
 Rich. Stockton 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Daniel Rodney 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Robt. G. Hnrper 
 
 Richard Rash 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 ■■■{; ■. 
 
 
 
 3 
 09 
 
 
 3 
 
 1834 
 
 
 
 10 
 8 
 3 
 3 
 
 155,872 
 
 105 321 
 
 i44,282 
 
 46,587 
 
 •Tohn C. Cnlbonn 
 
 182 
 
 
 Ropuhlican... 
 
 
 84 
 
 Nnthan Panfnrd 
 
 3U 
 
 
 Repuhlir-nn 
 
 Wni H Crawford 
 
 41 Nathaniel Mncon ] 24 
 
 
 Ropuhlican 
 
 
 S7 Andrew .Incksnn ...i 1^ 
 
 
 
 
 M. Van Biiren 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 HAnrv Clnv 
 
 
 
 Vacancy 
 
 
 ] ', „.
 
 64 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vi; 
 
 SUMMARY OF POPUL.AR AND EliECTORAIi VOTES.— [Continuer!,] 
 
 
 11 
 
 -2 
 
 _ o 
 
 c ^ 
 
 1828 
 
 24 
 
 261 
 
 1832 
 
 24 
 
 288 
 
 1836 
 
 26 
 
 294 
 
 1840 
 
 26 
 
 29 1 
 
 1844 
 
 26 
 
 275 
 
 1848 
 
 30 
 
 290 
 
 1852 
 
 31 
 
 296 
 
 1856 
 
 31 
 
 296 
 
 1860 
 
 33 
 
 303 
 
 1864 
 
 36 
 
 314 
 
 1868 
 
 37 
 
 317 
 
 1872 
 
 37 
 
 366 
 
 1876 
 
 38 
 
 369 
 
 1880 
 
 38 
 
 309 
 
 Party. 
 
 For President. 
 
 Popular 
 Vote. 
 
 For Vice-President. 
 
 Democratic 
 
 Nat. Republican. 
 
 Andrew Jaoksuii 
 John Q. Adams. 
 
 Dempcratic 
 
 Nat. Republican. 
 Anti-lMason 
 
 Andrew Jackon. 
 
 Henrv Clay 
 
 William Wirt.... 
 John Floyd 
 
 Vacancies. 
 
 Democratic . 
 Whig 
 
 Whig 
 
 Democratic . 
 Liberty 
 
 Martin Van Buren. 
 Wm. H. Harrison... 
 
 Hugh L.White 
 
 Daniel Webster 
 
 W. P. Mangum 
 
 Wm. H. Harrison... 
 Martin Van Buren. 
 James G. Birney.... 
 
 Democratic . 
 
 Whig ,. 
 
 Liberty 
 
 Whig 
 
 Democratic. 
 Free Soil 
 
 James K. Polk 
 
 Henry Clay 
 
 James G. Birney. 
 
 Zachary Taylor 
 
 Lewis Cass". 
 
 Martin Van Buren. 
 
 Democratic , 
 
 Whig 
 
 Free Democracy.. 
 
 Democratic. 
 Republican.. 
 American.... 
 
 Franklin Pierce. 
 Winfield Scott.... 
 John P. Hale 
 
 James Buchanan. 
 John C. Fremont. 
 Millard Fillmore.. 
 
 Republican 
 
 Democratic 
 
 Democratic 
 
 "Const. Union ' 
 
 Republican.'. 
 Democratic... 
 
 Abraham Lincoln... 
 J. C. Breckinridge. 
 
 S. A. Douglas 
 
 John Bell 
 
 .\braham Lincoln.. 
 
 Geo. B. McClellan.. 
 
 Vacancies* 
 
 Republican.. 
 
 Democratic. 
 
 Republican , 
 
 Dem.and Lib. Rep. 
 
 Democratic 
 
 Temperance , 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant.... 
 
 Horatio Seymour., 
 
 Vacancie.st 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant.. 
 Horace Greeley... 
 
 Chas. O'Conor 
 
 James Biaek 
 
 T. A. Hendricks.. 
 B. Gratz Brown... 
 Chas. J. Jenkins.. 
 David Davis 
 
 Republican.... 
 Democratic ... 
 " (irecnback" 
 "Prohibition' 
 
 Not counted I . 
 
 R. B. Hayes 
 
 S. J. Tilden 
 
 Peter Cooper 
 
 Green C. Smith. 
 
 Republicnn... 
 Democratic.., 
 "'Greenback ' 
 
 James A. Garfield., 
 
 W. S. Hancock, 
 
 James B. Weaver., 
 Scattering 
 
 647,231 
 509,097 
 
 687,502 
 
 530,189 
 
 33,108 
 
 761,549 
 736,656 
 
 1,275,017 
 
 1,128,702 
 
 7,059 
 
 1,-337,243 
 
 1,299,008 
 02,300 
 
 1.360,101 
 
 1,220, 'i44 
 
 291,263 
 
 1,601,474 
 
 1,3,<16,.''.78 
 
 156,149 
 
 1,838,169 
 
 1,.3'1 1.204 
 
 874,534 
 
 1,800,352 
 845,763 
 
 1,375,157 
 589,581 
 
 ?,210,Ofi7 
 1,808,726 
 
 3,015,071 
 2,709,013 
 
 3,597,070 
 
 2.834.079 
 
 29,408 
 
 5,008 
 
 4,033,950 
 
 4,284.885 
 81,740 
 9,522 
 
 4,442,950 
 
 4,442,035 
 
 300,867 
 
 12,576 
 
 John C. Calhonn. 
 
 Richard Rush 
 
 William Smith.... 
 
 M. Van Buren , 
 
 John Sergeant , 
 
 Amos Ellmaker... 
 
 Henry Lee , 
 
 William Wilkins. 
 
 R. M. Johnson 
 
 Francis Granger. 
 
 John Tyler 
 
 William" Smith.... 
 
 John Tyler 
 
 R. M. Johnson., 
 
 L. W. Tazewell.. 
 James K. Polk. 
 
 Geo. M. Dallas 
 
 T. Frelinghuysen., 
 
 Millard Fillmore. 
 
 Wm. O. Butler 
 
 Chas. F. Adams... 
 
 Wm. R. King 
 
 Wm. A. Graham.. 
 Geo. W. Julian.... 
 
 J. C. Breckinridge.. 
 
 Wm. L. Dayton 
 
 A. J. Donelson 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin. 
 
 Jo.«!eph Lane 
 
 H. V. Johnson 
 
 Edward Everett... 
 
 Andrew Johnson.., 
 Geo. H. Pendleton.. 
 
 Schuyler Colfax. 
 F. P. Blair, Jr 
 
 Henry Wilson 
 
 B. Gratz Brown.... 
 John Q. Adams.... 
 
 A. H. Colquite 
 
 John M. Palmer... 
 
 18 Geo. W. Juiian 
 
 T. E. Bramlette.... 
 W. 8. (?roesbeck.. 
 Willis B. Machen. 
 N. P. Banks 
 
 42 
 
 17 
 
 Wm. A. Wheeler., 
 T. A. Hendrick*".. 
 
 S. F.Cary 
 
 R. T. Stewart 
 
 Chester A. Arthur.. 
 Wm. H. English.... 
 B. J. Chambers 
 
 •Not voting— Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia. Louisiana, Mlssis.slppi, North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. 
 
 t Not voting— Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia. 
 
 t Seventeen votes rejected, viz. : 3 from Georgia for Horace Greeley (dead), and 8 from Louisiana, and 
 8 from ArkaoBaa for U. S. Grant
 
 BOOK VII. 1 TABULATED HISTORY— CABINET OFFICERS. 
 
 65 
 
 CABINET OFFICERS OF THE ADMINISTRATIONS. 
 
 Geoboe Washinoton, President. 
 
 I. and II.; 1789-1797. 
 
 Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, 
 SepttMnbur 2i;th, 17^9 ; Ediiuuid Randolph, Virginia, 
 January 2d, 1791; Timothy Pickering. Pennsylvania, 
 beeember l(Uh, 179'). Srrrettin/ of Treasury, Alex- 
 ander Hamilton, New York, September llth, 1789; 
 Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 2d, 179'). 
 Srj-rrtnnj of War, Henry Kno.x, Ma-^saohusetts, 
 September 12th, 17.S9; Timothy Piekering, P<!nn- 
 sylvania, January 2d, 179.'); James IMclIenry, Mary- 
 land, January 27th, 1790. Allornei/ General, Kdmund 
 Itandolph, Virj;inia, September 2(ith, 1789; William 
 Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27th, 1794; Charles 
 Leo, Virj;inia, beeember liHli, 179.5. Postmn.s/er- 
 Cfeneral.,* .Samuel Osgood, MaasaehuscHts, 8ept(;m- 
 ber 2()th, 1789; Timotny Pickering, Pennsylvania, 
 August 12th, 1791 ; Joseph Habersham, Ueorgia, 
 February 2&th, 1795. 
 
 John Adams, President. 
 
 III.; 1797-1801. 
 
 Seerefan/ of State, Timothy Pickering, conlinned; 
 John Marshall, Virginia. May 13th, 1800. Srrrelari/ 
 (,f Treasiiri/, Oliver Wolcoti. continued; .Samuel 
 I'exter, Ma-isaehusetts, January 1st, 1801. Serretary 
 of ir-ic, James Melbiirv, continued; Samuel De.x- 
 tor, Massachusetts, May'l3th, 1800; Roger Griswold, 
 Connecticut, February .'Jd, 18ul. Scerctari/ of iVavi/,f 
 George Cabot, Massachusetts, May 3(1, 1798; Benja- 
 min Stoddert, Maryland, May 21st, 1798. Atlornei/- 
 Oeneral, Charles Lee, continued; Theophilus I'ar- 
 Bons, Massachusetts, February 20th, 1801. Post- 
 master- General, Joseph Habersham, continued. 
 
 TnoMAS Jefferson, President. 
 
 IV. and V. ; 1801-1809. 
 
 Secretary t)f State, James Madison, Virginia, March 
 5th, 1801. ' Secretary of Treasury, Samuel D-xter, 
 continued; AlbertGallatin, Pennsylvania, May llth, 
 1801. Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, Jlassachu- 
 f!etts Mar<'li .^'th, 1801. Secretary of Navy, Benjamin 
 Stoddart, eominued; Robert Smith, Maryland, July 
 Tith, isol; Jae ibCrowniushield, Massachusetts, May, 
 ;id, ISO.'). Attorncy-Oencral. Levi Lincoln, M,assa- 
 chusetts. March ,'jth, 1801; Robert Smith, Maryland, 
 IMareh 3d, ISO."); John Breckinridge, Kentucky, 
 Au'ust7tn, 180.5; Ctesar A. Rodney, Pennsylvanio, 
 January 20th, I807. Postmaster-Ocneral, Joseph 
 Haber.sliani, continued ; Gideon Granger, Connecti- 
 cut, November 2Sth, 1801. 
 
 James Madison, President, 
 
 VI. and VII. ; 1809-1817. 
 
 Secretary of State, Robert Smith, Maryland, March 
 Cth, 1809;' Jamos .Monroe, Virginia, April 2d, 1811. 
 Secretary of Treasuri/. Albert Gallatin, continued; 
 George \V. Campbell. Tennessee, February 9th, 
 ISlt; A. J. D.allas, P -nnsylvania, October Cth, 18U; 
 William H. Crawford, Georgia, October 22d, 1810. 
 S'^crctary of War, William Eustis, Ma«sachusetts, 
 >Iareh 7th, 1809; John Armstrong, New York, Janu- 
 ary l;)th, 1813; Jamos Monroe, Virginia, September 
 i'7th, 181 1; William H, Crawford, Georgia, August 
 l--t, 1815. Secretary of Navy, Paul Hamilton, South 
 Carolini, March 7th, 1809; William Jones, Pennsyl- 
 vania, January 12th, 1813; B. W. Crowninshield. 
 Massachusetts, December 19th, 18U. Attorney-Gen- 
 era', C. A. Rodney, continued; William Pincknev, 
 Maryland, December llth, 1811; Richard Rusfi, 
 Pennsylvania, February 10th, 18U. Postmaster- Gen- 
 era!.. Gideon (Granger, continued; Return J Meigs, 
 Ohio, March 17th, 1814. 
 
 *Nota Cabinet officer, but a subordinate of the 
 Treasury Department until 1829. 
 
 t Naval affairs were under the control of the Sec- 
 retory of War until a separate Navy beparttnent was 
 organized by Act of April 30th, 1798. The Acts 
 organizing the other Departments were of the fol- 
 lowing dates: State, September 1.5th, 1789; TVeasiint, 
 September 2d, 1789; War, August 7th, 1789. The 
 Attorney-General's duties were regulated by the 
 Judiciary Act of September 24th, 1789. 
 
 Jameb Monboe, President. 
 VIII. and IX.; 1817-1825. 
 Secretary of Slate, John Quiney Adams, Mas<>achu- 
 setts, March ,5th, 1817. Secretary of Treasuri/, Wil- 
 liam H. Crawford, continued. Secretary of War, 
 George Graham, Virginia, April 7ih, 1817; John C. 
 Calhoun, South Carolina, October 8th, 1817. Scm:tary 
 of Navy, B. W. Crowninshield, continued; Smitn 
 Thompson, New York, November 9 h, 1818; Jolm 
 Rogers, .Massa(diusetts, September 1st, 18:i3; Samuel 
 L. Southard, New Jersey, September liith, 1823. 
 Attorneti-Gcneral, Richard Rush. continued ; William 
 Wirt, Virginia, November 13tli, 1817. Postmaster- 
 General, R. J. Meigs, continued; John McLean, 
 Ohio, June 2r,th, 1823. 
 
 John Quincy Adams, President. 
 X.; 1825-1829. 
 
 Secretary of State, Henrv Clay, Kentucky, March 
 7th, 1825. Secretary of 'TreasHry, Richard Rusb, 
 Pennsylvania, March 7tli, 1825. Secretary of War, 
 James Barbour, Virginia, March 7th, 1825;' Peter B. 
 Porter, New York, ^f ay 2Gth 1828. Secretary of Navy, 
 S. L. Southard, continue(l, Alforney-Gcneml, William 
 Wirtj continued. Postmaster-General, John McLean, 
 continued. 
 
 Andrew Jackbon, President. 
 XI. and XII.; 1829-1837. 
 
 Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, New York, 
 March (ith, 1829; Edward Livingston, Louisiana, 
 May 24th, 18:!1 ; Louis McLan*, Delaware, May 29th, 
 1833; John P'orsyth, Georgia, June 27th, 1834. Secre- 
 tary of Treasury, SAmnel I). Ingham, Pennsylvania, 
 Jlarch r>th, 18;;9; Louis McLane, Delaware, .Vugust 
 8th, 18.31; William J. Duane, Pennsylvania, May 
 29lh, 1833; Roger B. Taney, Maryland, September 
 23d, 1833; Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, June 
 27th, 1834. Secretary of War, John H. Eaton. Ten- 
 nessee, March 9th, 1829; Lewis Cass, Michigan, 
 August 1st, 1831; Benjamin F Butler, New Y'ork, 
 March 3d, 1837. Secretarii of Navy, John Branch, 
 North Carolina, March 9th, 1829 ; Levi Woodbury, 
 New Hampshire, May 23d, 1831; Mahlon Diekerson, 
 New Jersey, June 30th, 1834. Attorney-General, John 
 M. Berrien, Georgia, March 9th, 1829; Roger B. 
 Taney, Maryland, July 20th, 1831 ; Benjamin F. 
 Butler, New York, November loth, 1833. Postmaster- 
 General, William T. Barry, Kentucky, March 9th, 
 1829; Amos Kendall, Kentucky, May 1st, 1835. 
 
 Martin Van Buren, President. 
 XIII.; 1837-1841. 
 Secretary of State, J ohn Forsyth, continued. Secre- 
 tary of Treasury. Levi Woodbury, continued. Secr&- 
 tary of (far, Joel R. Poinsett, South Carolina, March 
 7th, 1837. Secretary of Navy, Mahlun Diekerson, 
 continued ; James K. Paulding, New York, June 
 25th, 1838. Attorney-General, Benjamin F. Butler; 
 Felix Grundy, Tennessee, July 5th, 1838 ; Henry D. 
 Gilpin, Pennsylvania. January llth, 1840. Post- 
 master-General, .\mos Kendall, continued; John M. 
 Niles, Connecticut, May 19th, 1840. 
 
 Wm. H. Harrison and John Tyler, Presidents. 
 XIV.; 1841-1845. 
 
 Secretary of State. Daniel Webster, Massachusetts, 
 March 5th, "1.841; Hush S. Legare, South Carolina, 
 May 9th, 1843; A. P Upshur, Virginia, July 24th, 
 1843; John C. Calhoun. South Carolina, March 6th, 
 1844. Secretary of TVra.vtry, Thomas Ewing, Ohio, 
 March 5th, 1841; Waller Forward, Pennsylvania, 
 September 13th, 1841 ; John C. Spencer, New Y'ork, 
 March 3d. 1843; George M. Bibb, Kentucky, June 
 15th, 1844. Secretary of War, John Bell, Tennesoee, 
 March 6th, 1841 ; J'ohn McLean, Ohio, September 
 13th, 1841 ; John C. Sp^^ncer, Now Y'ork, October 
 12th, 1841; James M. Porter, Pennsylvania, March 
 8th, 1843; William Wilkins, Pennsylvania, Feb- 
 ruary 15th, 1844. Secretary of Navy, G. E. Badeer, 
 North Carolina, March 5th, 1841 ; A'. V. Upshur, Vir- 
 ginia, September 13th, 1841 ; David Hen.shaw, Mft.<<- 
 sachusetts, July 24th, 1843; T. W. Gilmer, Virginia, 
 February 1,5th, 1844; John Y. Mason, Virginia, 
 March 14th, 1844. Attorney-General. John J. Critten- 
 den, Kentucky, March fith, 1841 ; Hugh S. Legare, 
 South Carolina, September 13th, 1841 ; John Nelson, 
 Maryland, Julv 1st, 1843. Pp.Hmaster-Gcneral. Fran- 
 cis Grancer. New York, March 6th, 1841 : Charles A. 
 Wickliffe, Kentucky, September 13th, 1841.
 
 6Q 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 Jaues K. Polk, President. 
 XV.; 1845-1849. 
 Secretary of .S?atf,l.James Buchanan, Pennsylvania, 
 March 6t{i, 1845. Sen-etary of Treasury, Robert J. 
 Walker, Mi-^sissippi, March Gth, 1845. Secretary of 
 War, William L. Marcy, New York. March 6th, 1845. 
 Secretary of Nao)/, George Bancroft. Mas.«achusetts, 
 March 10th, 1845; John Y. Mai^on, September 9th, 
 1846. Attorncii-Oenernl, John Y Mason, Virginia, 
 March 5th, 1845: Nathau Clifford. .Maine, October 
 ITth, 1846. Postmaster-Oeneral, Cave Johnson, Ten- 
 nessee, March 6th, 1845. 
 
 Zachary Taylor and Millaed Fillmore, Presidents. 
 XVI. ; 1849-1853. 
 Secretary of Stnte, John M. Clayton, Delaware, 
 March 7tii, 1840; Daniel Webster, IMassachusetts, 
 July 2-2d, 1850; Edward Everett, Massachusetts, 
 December 6th, 1852. Secretary of Treasxiry, W. M. 
 Meredith, Pennsylvania, March 8th, 1849 ; Thomas 
 Corwin, Ohio, July 23d, 1850. Secretary of War, 
 George W. Crawford, Georgia, March 8th, 1849; 
 Winfield Scott {ad into-i'm), July 23d, 1850 ; Charles 
 M. Conrad, Louisiana, .\ugust 15th, 1850. Secretary 
 of Navy, William B. Preston, Virginia, March 8th, 
 1849; William A. Graham, North Carolina, July 22d, 
 1850; J. P. Kennedy, Maryland, July 22d, 1852. Sec- 
 retary of Interior, Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio, March 
 8th, i849; A. H. H. Stuart, Virginia, September 12th, 
 1850. Attorney- General, Reverdy Johnson, Mary- 
 land, March 8th, 18 19 ; John J. Crittenden, Kentucky, 
 July 22d, 1S50. Postmaster-General, Jacob Col lamer, 
 Vermont, March 8th, 1849; Nathan K. Hall, New 
 York, July 2.?d, 1850; S. D Hubbard, Conaecticut, 
 August 31st, 1852. 
 
 Franklin Pierce, President. 
 XVII. ; 1853-1857. 
 Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, New York, 
 March 7th, 1853. Secretary of Trensary, James 
 Guthiie, Ken-ucky, March 7th, 1853. Secretary 
 of War, Jefferson Davis, Mississippi, March 7th, 
 1853. Secretary of Navy, James C. Dobbin, 
 North Carolina, March 7th, 1853. Secretary of 
 Interior, Robert McClelland, Michigan, March 7th, 
 18.53; J.-icob Thompson, Mississippi, March 6th,lS56. 
 Attorncu-Gencrnl, Caleb Cuslimg, Massachtisetts, 
 March 7th. is'i:*.. PostmasterGe-'eral, James Camp- 
 bell, Pennsylvaaia, March 7th, 1853. 
 
 James Buchanan, President. 
 XVIII. ; 1857 1861. 
 Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, Michigan, March 
 6th, 1857 ; J. S. Black, Pennsylvania, December 17th, 
 1860. Secretart/ of Treasury, Howell Cobb, Georgia, 
 March 6th, 1857; Philip F. Thomas, Maryland, 
 December lith, 1860; John A. Dix, New York, Janu- 
 ary lltn. 18iil. Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, Vir- 
 ginia, March Gth, 1857; Joseph Holt. Kentucky, 
 January 18th, 1861. Secretary of A'nri/, Isaac Toucey, 
 Connecticut, March Gth, 18.57. Secretary of Interior 
 Jacob Thompson, continued. Attomeu-General, J. S. 
 Black, Pennsylvania, March Gth, 1857; E. M. Stan- 
 ton, Penn.sylvania, December 20th, 1860. Postma.iter- 
 Oeneral, Aaron V. Brown, Tennessee, March Gth, 
 18.57; Joseph Holt, Kentucky, March Uth, 1859; 
 Horatio King, Maine, February 12ih, 18G1. 
 
 Abraham LiNcotN and Andrew Johnson, Presidents. 
 XIX. and XX.; 18GM8G9. 
 Sccretari/ of State, WiUiam IL Seward, New York. 
 March 5th, 1861. Sccri>iary of Trc/isuru, S. P. <^liasc. 
 Ohio, March 5th, ISHl ; ' W. P. Fessenden, Maine, 
 July Ist, 18G4: Hugh McCiilloch, Indiana, March 
 7th, 1865. Secretary of H'nr, Simon Cameron, Penn- 
 sylvania, March 5th, 1861 ; P>lwiii M. Sianton, Penn- 
 
 sylvania, January 15th, 1862; U.S Grant (ad interim), 
 .\ugust 12th, 1867; Edwin M. Stanton (reinstated), 
 January 14th, 1868; J. M. Scholield ; Illinois, May 
 28th, 1868. Secretary of Navy, Gideon Welles, Con- 
 necticut, March 5th. 1861. Secretary of Interior, 
 Caleb P. Smith, March 5th, 1861 ; John P. Usher, In- 
 diana, January 8th, 1803; James Harlan, Iowa, May 
 151 h, 1865; O. H. Browning, Illinois, July 27th, 1H66. 
 Attorney-General, Edward Bates, Missouri, March 
 5lh, ISGl; Titian J. Colfee, June 22d, 1S63; James 
 Speed, Kentucky, December 2d, 1864 ; Henry Stan- 
 bery, Ohio, July 23d, 1866; William M. Evarts, New 
 York, July I5th, 1868. Postmaster-Ge'.eral, Jlont- 
 gomery Blair, .Maryland, March 5th, 1861 ; William 
 Dennison, Ohio, September 24th, 1864; Alexander 
 W. Randall, Wisconsin, July 25th, 1836. 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant, President. 
 
 XXI. and XXII.; 1869-1877. 
 Secretary of State, E. B. Washburne, Illinois, 
 March 5tli, 1869 ; Hamilton Fish, New York, March 
 11th, 1869. Secretary of T/rasurv, George S. Boutwell, 
 Massachusetts, March Uth, 1869; William A. Rich- 
 ardson, Massachusetts, March 17th, 1873; Benjamin 
 H. Bristow, Kentucky, June 2d, 1874; Lot M. Mor- 
 rill, Maine, June 21st, 1876. Secretary of War, John 
 A. Rawlins, Illinois. March Uth, 1869; William T. 
 Sherman, Ohio, September 9th, 1869; William W. 
 Belknap, Iowa, October 25th, 1869 ; Alphonso Taft, 
 Ohio, March 8th, 1876; J. D. Cameron, Pennsylvania, 
 May 22d, 1876. Secretary of Navy, Adolph B. Borie, 
 Pennsylvania. March 5th, 1869 ; George M. Robeson, 
 New Jersey, June 25th, 1869. Secretarr/ of Interior, 
 Jacob D. Cox, Ohio, March 5th, 1869; Columbus 
 Delano, Ohio, November 1st, 1870 ; Zachariah Chan- 
 dler, Michigan, October 19th, 1875. Attorney General, 
 E. R. Hoar, Massachusetts, March 5th, 1869; .\mog 
 T. Akerman, Georgia, June 23d, 1870; George H, 
 Williams, Oregon, December, 14th, 1871 ; Edwards 
 Pierrepont, New York, April 26th, 1875; Alphonso 
 Taft, Ohio, May 22d, 1876. Postmaster-General, J. A. 
 J. Creswell, Maryland, March 5th, 1869; Mar-hall 
 Jewell, Connecticut, Augu'^t 24th, 1874; James M. 
 Tyner, Indiana, July 12ih, 1876. 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, President. 
 XXIII.; 1877-1881. 
 
 Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, New York, 
 Marcli 12th, 1877. Secretary of Treasury, John Sher- 
 man, Ohio, March 8th, 1877. Secretary of IFa?-, George 
 W. McCrary, Iowa, March 12th, 1877; Alexander 
 Ramsey, Minnesota. December 12th, 1879. Secretary 
 of Navy, Richard W. Thompson, Indiana, March 
 12th, 1877; Nathan Goff, Jr., West Virginia, January 
 Cth, 1881. Secretary of Interior, Ca.r\ Schurz. Mis- 
 souri, March 12th, 1877. Attorney-General, Charles 
 L)evens, JIassachusetts, March "l2th, 1877. Post- 
 master-General, David M. Key, Tennessee, March 
 12th, 1877; Horace Maynard, Tennessee, August 
 25th, 1880. 
 
 James A. Garfikld and Chester A. Arthur. 
 
 Presidents. 
 
 XXIV.; 1881-1885. 
 
 Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, Maine, -March 
 5th, 1881 ; 'Frederick T. Frelinghuysen,New Jersey, 
 December 12th, 1881. Secretary o^'Treasury, William 
 H. Windom, Minnesota, March 6th, 1881; Charles J. 
 Folger, New York, October '27th, 1881. Secretary of 
 War, Robert T. Lincoln, Illinoi.s, March 5fh, 1881. 
 Sec-ctartj of Nam, W. H. Hunt, Louisiana. March 
 5th, 1881. Secretary of Interior, S. J. Kiikwood, 
 Iowa, March 5th, 1881. Attorney-General, Wayne 
 IMacVeagh, Pennsylvania, March 5th, 1881 ; Benja- 
 min H, Brewster. Pennsylvania, December 16th, 
 188L Poatmaater-General, Thomas L. James, New 
 York, March 5th, 1881; Timothy O. Howe, Wiscon- 
 sin, December 20th, 1881, 
 
 FOREIGN IMMIGRATION SINCE X870, BY FISCAL YEARS.-Officlal. 
 
 Years. 
 
 1870., 
 1871.. 
 1872 , 
 1873. 
 
 Number. 
 
 387,203 
 321, .3,50 
 404,806 
 459,803 
 
 Years. 
 
 1874.. 
 1875. 
 187«. 
 1877. 
 
 Number. 
 
 313,339 
 227,498 
 169,986 
 141,867 
 
 Years. 
 
 1878. 
 1879. 
 1880. 
 1881. 
 
 Number. 
 
 138,469 
 177,826 
 4.57,257 
 GC9,43l 
 
 Of the arrivals in 1881,410,729 were mates and 2.58,702 female 
 
 Of the arrivals In 1881,410,729 were males ana •iw,7o-.i lemaies. mere were i.i.j,.i» irom ''j'^";- 
 and Ireland; 210,485 from Germany; 21.li>9 from Austria; 11,890 from China; 102,922 from Quebi 
 Ontario: 14,4.17 from Nova Scotia ; 4!i,76(i from Sweden : 22,705 from Norway; 15,387 from Italy ; 5,^i 
 France; 9,117 from Denmark, and 11,293 from Switzerland. 
 
 There were 1.53,718 from Great Britain 
 iboc and 
 ,227 from
 
 BOOK A'll 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY— PATENT FEES. 
 
 07 
 
 SIONER.S OF THE DECIiARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. IN CONGRESS ASSEM- 
 BLED JULY 4:tb, 1776. 
 
 The following list of memVters of the Continental Congress, who signefl the Declaration of Independence 
 (although the names are included in the general list of that Congress, from 1774 to 1778), is given separately 
 for the purpose of showing tlie places and dates of their birth, and the times of tlieir respective deaths for 
 convenient reference : 
 
 Names or the Signers. 
 
 BOBN At 
 
 Delegated Fbom 
 
 Died. 
 
 
 Braintreo Mass., 10 Oct. 173.5 
 
 Boston Mass., 21 S -pt. 1722 
 
 
 4 July, 1R26. 
 2 Oct. 1803 
 
 
 
 
 \meshury, Mass., in Nov. 1729 
 
 Newington, Va , 10 Sept. 173() 
 
 .\nnapoli9, Md., 20 Sept 1737 
 
 Somerset Co., Md., 17 Apr. 1741.... 
 Klizabethtown, N. J., 15 Feb. 172(> 
 
 Piiiliidelplda. Pa., in 1739 
 
 Newport, R. I., 22 IH'C. 1727 
 
 Suffolk Co , N.y., 17 Dee. 1734 
 
 Boston, Mhsm., 17 Jan. 170i) 
 
 
 19 May 1795. 
 10 Oct. 1797 
 
 
 
 Carroll, ('has of Carrollton.. 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Maryland 
 
 14 November, 1832. 
 19 June, 1811 
 
 
 
 — September, 1794. 
 23 Jan. 1813 
 
 
 i'ennsylvania 
 
 Ellery, William 
 
 Floyil, William 
 
 Franklin, B<Mijaniin 
 
 Gerry, Elbridge 
 
 R. I. & Prov. PI 
 
 15 Feb 18'0 
 
 .\ew York 
 
 4 Aug 1821. 
 17 April, 1790. 
 23 November, 1814, 
 
 
 .Marblehead, Mass., 1 July 1744.. . 
 
 
 
 27 May, 1777. 
 — Feb. 1790 
 
 
 1 onniM'tieut, in 1731 
 
 
 
 Braintree, Ma.ss., in 17.37 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 8 Oct 1793. 
 
 Ihirrison, Benjamin 
 
 Berkley Va 
 
 
 — April, 1791. 
 1880. 
 
 Hopewell, N. J., in 171.5 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 lleyward, Thomas, Jr 
 
 Ilewes, Joseph 
 
 Hooper, William 
 
 Hopkins, Stephen 
 
 St. Luke's, S, C., in 1740 
 
 Kingston N J. in 1730 
 
 
 — March, 180a 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 10 Oct. 1779 
 
 Boston, Mass., 17 June, 1712 
 
 Seituate, Mass., 7 Mar., l7o7 
 
 Windluim, Conn., 3 July 1732 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., in 1737 
 
 
 — Oct. 1790. 
 
 R. I. & Prov. PI 
 
 13 July, 1785. 
 5 Jan. 1796 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 
 
 9 May, 1790. 
 4 July. 1826. 
 
 
 Shadwell, Va., 13 Apr. 1731 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 Stratford, Va.. 20 Jan. 1732 
 Stratford, Va , 14 Oct. 17.34 
 
 
 Lee, Francis Lightfoot 
 
 Virginia 
 
 — April, 1797. 
 30 Dec. 1803. 
 
 Lindart, Wales, in Mar. 171-3 
 
 Albany, N. Y., 1.5 Jan. 17Ui 
 
 
 
 New York 
 
 12 June, 1778. 
 
 
 St. Ge'-rge's, S. C, 5 Aug. 1749 
 
 Chester Co.. Pa., 19 Mar 1734 
 
 Middleton Place, S.C, in i743 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 
 
 
 24 June 1817 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 1 Jan. 1787. 
 
 
 
 22 .Ian 1798 
 
 
 liancashire, Eng., Jan. 1733-4 
 
 liidlev. Pa., in 1724 
 
 Vork Va '^6 Dec 1738 
 
 
 8 May, 1806. 
 — April, 1777. 
 4 Jan 1789 
 
 
 Penrisylvania 
 
 
 
 Wye-Hill, Md , 31 Oct. 1740 
 
 Maryland 
 
 1799, 
 
 
 
 11 May, 1804. 
 26 Oct. 1809. 
 
 
 Caroline Co., Va., 17 May 1741 
 
 Cecil Co., Md., in 17.34 
 
 Dover, Del., in 17.30 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 
 Delaware 
 
 , 1798. 
 
 Kodnoy, Ca3sar 
 
 Ross, Goorge 
 
 Rush, Benjamin, M.D 
 
 Rutledge, Edward 
 
 Sherman, Roger 
 
 
 , 1783. 
 
 New Castle, Del. in 1730 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 — July, 1779. 
 
 Byberry, Pa., 24 Dec. 1745 
 
 
 19 April, 1813. 
 23 Jan. ISOO 
 
 Ciiarleston, S.C, in Noc 1749 
 
 Newton, Mass., 19 Apr. 1721 
 
 , Ireland, ■ 
 
 Princeton, N. J., 1 Oct. 1730 
 
 Charles Co., Md., in 1712 
 
 , Ireland, in 1716 
 
 , Ireland, in 1714 
 
 Frederick Co., Va., in 1740 
 
 Kittery, Maine, in 1730 
 
 Lebanon, Conn., 8 Apr. 1731 
 
 Scotland, ab.iut i742 
 
 V>-ster. Scotland, 5 Feb. 1722 
 
 Windsor Conn., 26 Nov. 1726 
 
 Elizabeth City Co., Va., in 1726... 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 
 23 July, 1793. 
 11 July, 1806. 
 28 Fob 1781 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 Oct. 1787. 
 
 Taylor, Geoige 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 23 Feb. 1781. 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 24 June, 1803. 
 
 Walton George 
 
 Whipple Wtn 
 
 Georgia 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 2 Feb. 1804 
 28 Nov. 1785. 
 
 Williams, Wm 
 
 
 2 Aug. 1811. 
 28 Aug. 1798. 
 15 Nov. 1794. 
 
 
 
 WiMierspoon, John 
 
 Wolcott Oliver....'.. 
 
 
 
 1 Dec. 1797. 
 
 Wythe, George 
 
 
 
 
 
 SCHEDULE OF UNITED STATES PATENT FEES. 
 
 Ou filing each application for a Patent SI5 
 
 On issuing each Original l^atent (17 years) 20 
 
 On application for Re-issue 30 
 
 On applleati ni for extension 50 
 
 On granting every extension of Patent (7 years) 50 
 
 On each Caveat 10 
 
 On appeal t > E.xaminers-in-chief. 10 
 
 On api>eal to Commissioner of Patents 20 
 
 On tiling a Disclaimer 10 
 
 On application for Design (3 Va years) 10 
 
 On application for Design (7 years) 15 
 
 On application f>r Design (14 years) 30 
 
 On ea<'h Trade-Mark (30 years) 25 
 
 On each Label (28 years) 6 
 
 Note.— By decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered Nov. 17, 1879, the Trade- 
 mark law of July 8, 1870, by whicli Trade-marks were for the first time recognized and protected by act;»f 
 Congress, was declared unconstitutional. The registry of Trade-marks at the Patent Office is, hfiw- 
 ever, continued to such as seek the benefit of a record, without regard to the ultimate validity of the 
 right. 
 
 62
 
 68 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [nooK VII. 
 
 CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT, 
 
 Since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, March 1st, 1789. 
 
 The following is a list of the Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the United States, as well as those who 
 were candidates for each office, since the organization of the Government: {vide pp. 21-25, 62.) 
 
 1789_George Washington* and John Adams, two 
 terms, no opposition. 
 
 1797_john .-Vdams, opposed by Thomas Jefferson,* 
 who, having the next highest electoral vote, became 
 Vice President. 
 
 1801— Thomas Jefferson* and Aaron Burr; beating 
 John Adams and Charles C. Pinckney.* 
 
 lf!05— Thomas Jefferson* and George Clinton ; 
 beating Charles C. Pinckney* and Rufus King. 
 
 1S^(^— James Madison* and George Clinton; beat- 
 ing Charles C. Pinckney.* 
 
 1813 — lameg Madison* and Eldridge Gerry ; beat- 
 ing DeWitt Clinton. 
 
 ISIT— James IMonroe* and Daniel D. Tompkins ; 
 beating Uiifus King. 
 
 1821— James Monroe* and Daniel D. Tompkins; 
 beating John Quincy Adams. 
 
 1825 — John Quincy .\dams and John C. Calhoun ;* 
 beating .Andrew Jackson,* Henry Clay,* and Wil- 
 liam H. Crawford ;* there being four candidates for 
 President, and Albert Gallatin for Vice President. 
 
 1829 — Andrew Jackson* and John C. Calhoun*; 
 beating John Quincy Adams and Richard Rush. 
 
 1833— Andrew Jackson* and Martin Van Buren ; 
 beating Henry Clay,* John Floyd,* and William Wirt 
 for President; and William Wilkins, John Sergeant, 
 and Henrv Lee* for Vice President. 
 
 1837— Martin Van Buren and Richard M. John- 
 son*; beatine William H. Harrison, Hugh L.White, 
 and Daniel Webster for President, and John Tjier* 
 for Vice President. 
 
 1841_\Villiam H. Harrison and John Tyler*; beat- 
 ing Martin Van Buren and Littleton W. Tazewell.* 
 
 * Candidates from 
 
 Harrison died one month after his inauguration 
 and John Tyler* became President for the rest of 
 the term. 
 
 IS+.T — James K. Polk* and George M. Dallas ; beat- 
 ing Henry Clay* and Theodore Frelinghuvsen. 
 
 1849— Zachary Taylor* and Millard Fillmore: beat- 
 ing Lewis Cass and Martin Van Buren for President, 
 and William O. Butler* and C. F. Adams, for Vice 
 President. 
 
 18.53— Franklin Pierce and William R. King*; 
 beating Winfield Scott and William A. Graham.* 
 
 1857 — James Buchanan and John C. Breckin- 
 ridge*; heating John C. Fremont and Millard Fill- 
 more for President, and William L. Dayton and A. 
 J. Donaldson* for Vice President. 
 
 1861 — .Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin ; 
 beating John Bell, Stephen A. Douglas, and J. C. 
 Breckinridge* for President. 
 
 1865 — .^^hraham Lincoln and j ndrew Johnson,* 
 Union candidates; beating G. B. McClellan and G. 
 H. Pendleton. 
 
 1869— Ulysses S Grant and Schuyler Colfax; beat- 
 ing Horatio Seymour and Frank P. Blair, jr. 
 
 1873— Ulysses S. Grant and Henry Wilson ; beating 
 Horace Greeley and B. Gratz BroWn, for President 
 and Vice President. 
 
 1877— Rutherford B. Hayes and Wm. A. Wheeler; 
 beating Samuel Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. 
 
 1881 — James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur; 
 beating General W. S. Hancock and W. H. English. 
 .\rthur succeeded Garfield, after his death from as- 
 sassination, Sept. 19, 1881, and David Davis is now 
 Acting Vice President. 
 Southern States. 
 
 BTUMBER OF ELECTORAL VOTES TO "WHICH EACH STATE HAS BEEN ENTI- 
 TLED, AT EACH ELECTION, 1789-1876. 
 
 States. 
 
 f-i 
 
 o 
 
 1^ 
 
 s 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 1 
 
 00 
 
 
 00 
 
 CO 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 
 in 
 
 00 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 00 
 
 
 CD 
 
 s 
 
 rH 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 3 
 
 7 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 4 
 4 
 
 9 
 4 
 4 
 
 9 
 4 
 4 
 
 8 
 5 
 5 
 
 8 
 5 
 5 
 
 10 
 6 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 i^ 
 3 
 
 29 
 4 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 5 
 
 11 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 369 
 38 
 
 1? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 7 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 9 
 4 
 
 9 
 4 
 
 9 
 4 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 8 
 3 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 R 
 
 6 
 3 
 3 
 
 10 
 11 
 13 
 4 
 
 6 
 3 
 3 
 10 
 11 
 13 
 4 
 
 6 
 3 
 3 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 8 
 3 
 
 11 
 7 
 7 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 4 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 3 
 3 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 8 
 3 
 
 11 
 7 
 7 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 4 
 7 
 
 11 
 3 
 3 
 5 
 7 
 
 33 
 9 
 
 21 
 3 
 
 26 
 4 
 6 
 
 10 
 6 
 6 
 
 10 
 6 
 8 
 
 317 
 
 37 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 366 
 
 37 
 
 6 
 
 
 3 3 
 3 3 
 
 10 10 
 9 11 
 
 3 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 3 
 3 
 
 9 
 3 
 5 
 
 9 
 3 
 5 
 
 11 
 5 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 9 
 
 11 
 5 
 9 
 
 10 
 9 
 12 
 
 ^9. 
 
 
 ??, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1? 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 q 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 3 
 
 12 
 3 
 
 12 
 3 
 9 
 11 
 15 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 14 
 5 
 9 
 11 
 15 
 
 15 
 5 
 10 
 10 
 14 
 
 15 
 5 
 10 
 10 
 14 
 3 
 
 16 
 5 
 10 
 10 
 14 
 3 
 
 12 
 6 
 9 
 8 
 
 12 
 5 
 
 12 
 6 
 9 
 8 
 
 12 
 6 
 
 12 
 6 
 8 
 8 
 
 13 
 6 
 
 12 
 6 
 8 
 8 
 
 13 
 6 
 
 12 
 6 
 8 
 8 
 
 13 
 6 
 4 
 7 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 8 
 10 
 
 1(1 
 16 
 
 10 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 19 
 
 11 
 22 
 
 11 
 
 22 
 
 8 
 
 
 16 19 
 
 14 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 7 
 
 7 
 9 
 
 7 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 7 
 
 33 
 9 
 
 21 
 3 
 
 26 
 4 
 6 
 
 10 
 6 
 6 
 
 10 
 5 
 
 _i 
 314 
 
 36 
 
 3 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 8 
 7 
 
 6 
 7 
 12 
 12 
 
 6 
 7 
 12 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 8 
 19 
 14 
 3 
 
 7 
 8 
 19 
 14 
 
 8 
 8 
 29 
 15 
 8 
 
 8 
 8 
 29 
 15 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 36 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 36 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 15 
 
 21 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 42 
 
 15 
 
 21 
 
 7 
 8 
 42 
 15 
 21 
 ,, 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 36 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 36 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 23 
 
 5 
 7 
 35 
 10 
 23 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 23 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 9 
 
 
 36 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 (»hio 
 
 11 
 
 93 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 10 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 4 
 8 
 
 15 
 4 
 8 
 3 
 
 15 
 4 
 8 
 3 
 
 20 
 4 
 
 10 
 5 
 
 201 25 
 4 4 
 
 25 
 4 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 25 
 4 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 4 
 11 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 ao 
 
 30 
 
 .W 
 
 26 
 4 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 26 
 4 
 9 
 
 13 
 4 
 6 
 
 17 
 
 27 
 4 
 8 
 
 12 
 4 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 27 
 4 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 ♦ 
 5 
 15 
 
 30 
 
 
 4 4 
 
 4 4 
 11 11 
 15 15 
 
 4 
 
 South CaroUaa. 
 
 10 
 5 
 
 11 
 8 
 
 11 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 4 
 21 
 
 4 
 21 
 
 4 
 21 
 
 6 
 24 
 
 6 
 
 ft 
 
 8 
 25 
 
 8 
 25 
 
 7 
 24 
 
 7 
 24 
 
 .^ 
 
 7 7 
 23 23 
 
 6 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 
 12 
 
 24l 25 
 
 12 
 
 
 a' 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 296 
 31 
 
 5 
 303 
 33 
 
 11 
 
 Total 
 
 91 
 13 
 
 136 
 16 
 
 138 138 
 
 176 
 17 
 
 176 218 
 
 221 
 19 
 
 235 
 24 
 
 261 
 24 
 
 261 
 24 
 
 28- 
 24 
 
 294 294 
 
 276 
 26 
 
 290 296 
 
 401 
 
 Number of States.... 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 
 38
 
 BOOKvii.J TABULATED HlSTUllY— RANK OF STATES. 
 
 69 
 
 RANK OF STATES, WITH DIVISIONS OF POPUIiATION. 
 
 State and Rank in the Union. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Females. 
 
 Native. 
 Foreign. 
 
 White. 
 Colored. 
 
 1 New York 
 
 2 Pennsylvania 
 
 3 Ohio 
 
 4 Illinois 
 
 5 Missouri 
 
 6 Indiana 
 
 7 Massachusetts , 
 
 8 Kentucky 
 
 9 Michigan 
 
 10 Iowa 
 
 11 Texas 
 
 12 Tennessee 
 
 13 Georgia 
 
 14 Virginia 
 
 15 North Carolina 
 
 16 Wisconsin 
 
 17 Alabama , 
 
 18 Mississippi 
 
 19 New Jersey 
 
 20 Kansas 
 
 21 South Carolina 
 
 22 Louisiana 
 
 23 Maryland 
 
 24 California 
 
 25 Arkansas 
 
 26 Minnesota 
 
 27 Maine 
 
 28 Connecticut 
 
 29 West Virginia 
 
 30 Nebraska 
 
 31 New Hampshire.... 
 
 32 Vermont 
 
 33 Rhode Island 
 
 34 Florida _ 
 
 35 Colorado 
 
 36 Dist of Columbia.. 
 
 37 Oregon 
 
 38 Delaware 
 
 39 Utah 
 
 40 Dakota 
 
 41 New Mexico 
 
 42 Washington 
 
 43 Nevada 
 
 44 Arizona 
 
 45 Montana 
 
 46 Idaho ,. 
 
 47 Wyoming 
 
 5,083,810 
 4,282,786 
 3,198,239 
 3,078,7r,9 
 2,10h,K04 
 1,978,302 
 1,783,012 
 1,648,708 
 
 i,63(;,3;}i 
 
 1,024,020 
 
 1,592,574 
 
 1,542,403 
 
 1,539,048 
 
 1,512,806 
 
 1,400,047 
 
 1,815,480 
 
 1,202,794 
 
 1,131,592 
 
 1,130,983 
 
 995,966 
 
 995,022 
 
 940,103 
 
 934,032 
 
 804,080 
 
 802,564 
 
 780,806 
 
 618,945 
 
 622,083 
 
 618,443 
 
 452,433 
 
 340,984 
 
 332,286 
 
 270,528 
 
 267,351 
 
 194,049 
 
 177,638 
 
 174,767 
 
 146,654 
 
 143,900 
 
 1.35,180 
 
 118,430 
 
 75,120 
 
 62,265 
 
 40,441 
 
 39,157 
 
 32,611 
 
 20,786 
 
 2,500,283 
 
 2,577,527 
 2,130,035 
 
 2,140,151 
 1,011,105 
 
 1,5«4,074 
 1,587,4,33 
 
 1.491,336 
 1,1J7,4.'4 
 
 1, on, 380 
 l,01o,r,70 
 
 907,086 
 858.475 
 
 924,537 
 8,32,076 
 
 816,032 
 862,270 
 
 774,055 
 848.2.34 
 
 770,386 
 83.s,719 
 
 7.^i3.8.55 
 709,374 
 
 773,089 
 701,184 
 
 777,804 
 745,839 
 
 700,907 
 688,203 
 
 711,844 
 680,100 
 
 035,374 
 622.890 
 
 039,904 
 507,137 
 
 504,455 
 559,823 
 
 571,160 
 536,725 
 
 459,241 
 490,409 
 
 5115,153 
 468,833 
 
 471,270 
 462,004 
 
 472.628 
 518,271 
 
 346 415 
 410,.383 
 
 .380,181 
 419,204 
 
 301,544 
 324,084 
 
 324,861 
 305,886 
 
 310,797 
 314,479 
 
 303,964 
 249,275 
 
 203,158 
 170,575 
 
 170,409 
 166 888 
 
 10.1,398 
 l3:!,o:;3 
 
 143,405 
 135,393 
 
 131,958 
 129.471 
 05,178 
 83,594 
 94,044 
 103,.3S8 
 71,379 
 74,1.53 
 
 72,501 
 74,470 
 
 09,436 
 82,302 
 
 52,818 
 63,751 
 
 54.679 
 45,977 
 
 29,143 
 42,013 
 
 20,252 
 28,2<12 
 
 12.2.39 
 28,180 
 
 10,977 
 21.818 
 
 10,793 
 14,1. -.1 
 6,637 
 
 3,872.372 
 
 1,211.438 
 3,695,253 
 
 587 ,.533 
 2,803,409 
 
 394,743 
 2,495,177 
 
 58.3,592 
 1,957,504 
 
 211,240 
 1,834,597 
 
 143,765 
 1,339,919 
 
 443.093 
 l,589,2:i7 
 
 59,471 
 1,247,985 
 
 388,346 
 1,36.3,132 
 
 201,488 
 1,478,0,58 
 
 114,510 
 1,525,881 
 
 10,582 
 1,528,733 
 
 10,.315 
 1,498.139 
 
 14.667 
 1,396,308 
 
 3,079 
 910,003 
 4<J5,417 
 1,253,121 
 
 9,673 
 1,122,429 
 
 9,168 
 909,.398 
 
 221, .585 
 880,201 
 
 109,705 
 987,981 
 
 7,041 
 885,904 
 
 54,139 
 851,:t84 
 
 82,648 
 572,0<l0 
 
 292,080 
 792 2(i9 
 
 10,295 
 513,107 
 
 207,099 
 590,070 
 
 58,869 
 492,879 
 
 129,804 
 600,214 
 
 18,229 
 355,043 
 
 97,390 
 300,901 
 
 40,023 
 291,340 
 
 40,946 
 202,598 
 
 73,930 
 257,031 
 
 9,720 
 154,809 
 
 39.780 
 160,523 
 
 17,115 
 143 327 
 
 30,440 
 137,1.S2 
 
 9,472 
 99,974 
 
 43,932 
 83,387 
 51.793 
 108,498 
 
 9,932 
 59,259 
 
 15,861 
 36.023 
 
 25.042 
 24,419 
 
 15,022 
 27,040 
 
 n,.515 
 22,i'29 
 
 9,982 
 14,943 
 5,845 
 
 6,017,116 
 
 00,694 
 4,197,101; 
 
 85,080 
 3,118.341 
 
 79,895 
 3,032,174 
 
 40,595 
 2,023,.508 
 
 1 L'siie 
 1,939,094 
 
 39.268 
 
 l,VA,mn 
 
 19,008 
 1,377.187 
 
 27 1,, 521 
 1,614,07« 
 
 22.253 
 l,614,60fl 
 
 9,954 
 1,197,499 
 
 395,075 
 1,139,120 
 403,343 
 814,251 
 
 724,797 
 880,981 
 
 631,825 
 807,478 
 632 569 
 1,309,622 
 
 5,858 
 662,328 
 
 000,466 
 479,371 
 052,221 
 1,091,947 
 39,036 
 952,050 
 
 43,910 
 391,224 
 
 604,398 
 455,007 
 
 485.096 
 724,718 
 
 2i«,914 
 767,200 
 
 97,420 
 591,611 
 
 210,953 
 776,940 
 
 3,866 
 646,903 
 
 2,042 
 610,884 
 
 11,799 
 592,006 
 
 2.1,837 
 449,.'soo 
 
 2.027 
 346,264 
 
 720 
 331,243 
 
 1,043 
 269,931 
 
 6,597 
 141,832 
 
 12.i,519 
 191,452 
 
 3,197 
 118,2:36 
 
 59,402 
 163,087 
 
 11,680 
 120,198 
 
 20,456 
 142,380 
 
 1,526 
 133,177 
 
 2,003 
 108,127 
 10,303 
 67,349 
 
 7.771 
 53,574 
 
 8.C91 
 35,178 
 
 5,263 
 35,440 
 
 3,711 
 29,011 
 
 .3.000 
 19,430 
 1,35S 
 
 Totals 
 
 50,l.'^2,Sf.6 
 
 25,,520,582 
 24.032,284 
 
 43,475,,506 
 6,077.360 
 
 43,404,870 
 6,747,99«
 
 70 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [hook tix. 
 
 AREA AND ADMISSION OF STATES. 
 
 Historical and Statistical Table of the United States and Territories, showing the Area of each in Square MUc* 
 and Acres; the Date of Orga'ization of Territories : Date of Admission of New States into th» Union, with 
 Statutory References for each. 
 
 The Thirteen Obioijjal States. 
 
 Ratified the 
 Constitution. 
 
 Area of the Original States. 
 
 In Square Miles 
 
 In Acres. 
 
 Kew Hampshire 
 
 Ma.ssachusetts 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Virginia — East and West 
 
 Nortii Carolina 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Georgia 
 
 June 21, 
 
 Feb. 0, 
 
 May 29, 
 
 Jan, 9, 
 
 July 20, 
 
 Dee. 18, 
 
 Dec. 12, 
 
 Dec. 7, 
 
 April 28, 
 
 June 25, 
 
 Nov. 21, 
 
 May 23, 
 
 Jan. 2, 
 
 1788 
 1788 
 1790 
 1788 
 1788 
 1787 
 1787 
 1787 
 1788 
 1788 
 1789 
 1788 
 1788 
 
 7,800 
 
 1.306 
 
 4,750 
 
 47,000 
 
 8,320 
 
 46,000 
 
 2,120 
 
 11,124 
 
 61,352 
 
 50.704 
 
 34,000 
 
 58,000 
 
 5,939,200 
 
 4,992.000 
 
 835,840 
 
 3.040,000 
 
 30,0811,000 
 
 5 ,324,800 
 
 29.440,000 
 
 1,3,50,800 
 
 7,119,300 
 
 39,205,280 
 
 32,450,560 
 
 21,700,000 
 
 37,120,000 
 
 States Admitted. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Maine 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Florida 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Texas 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 California 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Kansas 
 
 West Virginia.. 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Act Organizing 
 
 Territory. 
 
 (<^ut of Virsrinia. ) 
 OutofN.H. AN. Y. 
 ,' Mit of N. C.» 
 Ordu'e of 1787 
 March 3. 1805 
 May 7, 18o'l 
 April 7, 1798 
 Feb. 3, 18(i9 
 March" 3, 1817 
 (Out of Mass.) 
 June 4, 1812 
 March 2, 1819 
 Jan. 11, 1805 
 March 31, 1822 
 June 12, 1838 
 
 (Annexed.) 
 April 20, 1836 
 (From Mexico.) 
 March 3, 1849 
 Aus. 14, 18+8 
 May 30, 1.S54 
 
 (Out of Virginia.) 
 March 2, 1861 
 May 30, 1854 
 Feb. 28, 1801 
 
 Act Admitting 
 
 State. 
 
 Admission 
 Took Efifeot. 
 
 In Sq. 
 Miles. 
 
 Feb. 
 Feb. 
 June 
 .April 
 April 
 Dec. 
 Dee. 
 Dee. 
 Dec. 
 
 4, 
 18, 
 
 1, 
 30, 
 
 8, 
 
 n, 
 
 10, 
 3, 
 
 14, 
 
 March 3, 
 March 2, 
 .lune I'l, 
 Jan. 26, 
 I\Iar(>h 3, 
 Marcih 3, 
 IMareh 1, 
 March 3, 
 Sept. 9, 
 M^y 4, 
 Feb. 14, 
 Jan. 29, 
 Dec. 31, 
 March 21, 
 F.b. 9, 
 March .3, 
 
 1791 
 1791 
 1796 
 1S02 
 1812 
 1816 
 1817 
 1818 
 1819 
 18J0 
 1S21 
 1830 
 1837 
 1845 
 1845 
 1845 
 1847 
 l.S,50 
 1858 
 1859 
 1801 
 1S02 
 1804 
 1807 
 1875 
 
 June 1, 
 March 4, 
 
 June 1, 
 
 ^ov. 29, 
 
 April 30, 
 
 Dec. 11, 
 
 Dec. 10, 
 
 Dec. 3, 
 
 Dec. 14, 
 March 15, 
 
 Aug. 10, 
 
 June 1.5, 
 
 Jan. 20, 
 March 3, 
 
 Dee. 28. 
 Dec. 
 May 
 Sept. 
 May 
 Feb. 
 Jan 
 
 June 19, 
 Oct. 31, 
 March 1, 
 Aug. 1, 
 
 1792 
 1791 
 1790 
 1^02 
 1812 
 ISlO 
 1817 
 1818 
 1819 
 1820 
 1821 
 1836 
 1837 
 1845 
 1840 
 1845 
 1848 
 18.50 
 18.58 
 1859 
 1801 
 1803 
 1864 
 1867 
 1870 
 
 37,080 
 9,612 
 45,000 
 39.964 
 41,346 
 33,809 
 47,156 
 55.410 
 50,722 
 35,000 
 05.350 
 52,198 
 56,451 
 59,208 
 55,045 
 
 274,356 
 ,53.924 
 
 1,57,801 
 ,S3,,531 
 95,274 
 80,(<9l 
 23.000 
 
 112,090 
 75,995 
 
 104,500 
 
 In Acres. 
 
 24,115,200 
 6,151,080 
 29,184,000 
 25,576,900 
 26,461,440 
 21,637,760 
 30,1(9,840 
 35,462,400 
 32,462,080 
 22,400,000 
 41,824,000 
 33.406.720 
 36,128,640 
 37,931,520 
 35,228,800 
 
 175.587,840 
 34,.511 300 
 
 100,992,('-10 
 53,4,59,840 
 60,975,300 
 51,770,240 
 14,720,000 
 71,737,600 
 48,t;36,800 
 66,880,000 
 
 ORGANIZATION AND AREA OF TERRITORIES. 
 
 
 Act Organizing 
 Territory. 
 
 U.S. 
 Statutes. 
 
 Area of the 
 Territories. 
 
 Tebritories. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page. 
 
 In 
 
 Sq. Miles. 
 
 In Acres. 
 
 
 Sept. 9, 1850 
 Sept. 9, 1850 
 March 2, 18.53 
 March 2, 1801 
 Feb. 24, 1863 
 March 3, 180:! 
 May 20, 1804 
 July 2.5, 1,S08 
 June 30, 18,34 
 July 10, 1790 
 March 3, 1791 
 July 27, 1868 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 12 
 12 
 12 
 13 
 15 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 15 
 
 440 
 453 
 172 
 239 
 0()4 
 808 
 85 
 178 
 729 
 139 
 214 
 240 
 
 121,201 
 84,476 
 69,994 
 
 150,932 
 
 113,916 
 80,294 
 
 14:^,776 
 97,833 
 08,991 
 
 } t64 
 577,390 
 
 77,568,040 
 
 Utah 
 
 54,004,t;40 
 
 
 44,790,l(iO 
 
 
 90,59(!,I80 
 
 
 72,9I10,,304 
 
 
 5.5,228,100 
 
 
 92,010,040 
 
 
 62.045,120 
 
 
 44,154,240 
 
 District of Columbia* ■{ 
 
 Alaska* 
 
 41,0C0 
 365,529,000 
 
 * No Territorial government. 
 
 t Reduced from 100 to 04 .square miles l)y recession of part to Virginia in 1846. 
 
 Tho whole area of the Stjites and Territories, including water surface of lakes and rivers, is nearly equal 
 to four million H<)uaro milcH. j 
 
 RATIO OF RFPRESENTATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 From 1780 t.o 1792, according to Constitution,.. 30,ono 
 " 1792 to lHO:i, ha.«erl on 1st census, 1790.... .3:1,000 
 
 " IKO3 to 1H12, " 2d " 1800... 33,000 
 
 " 1S12 to IH'23, " .3d " 1810... 35,000 
 
 " \'*Z\ to \K.vi, •' 4th " 1820... 'Kl.ono 
 
 " 18:!2 to 1813, " Cth " 1830.... 47,700 
 
 From 1813 to 18.52, baaed on 6th census, 1840... 70,680 
 1H52 to 186.3, " 7th " 1850... 93,423 
 
 1803 to 1872, " 8th " 1800. ..127 ,381 
 
 lH72;ol882, " 9th " 1870...131,425 
 
 1882 to " 10th " 1880...154,325
 
 BOOKvii.J TABULATED HISTORY— CIVIL OFFICERS. 
 
 71 
 
 liCNGTH OF SESSIONS OF CONGRESS, 1789-1881. 
 
 No. of No. of 
 (Jon- Sos- 
 gress. sion. 
 
 fist. ..March 
 
 Ist -< 2d ...Jaiiiiury 4, 17;h) — Aufiiist 
 
 (_:id...Dc'coiiiher 0, 17:h>— March 
 
 ,, f lst...(>ctol)er 24, I7i»l— .May 
 
 ^ 1. 2d ...November 6, 17il2— March 
 
 -, fist... December 2, 17'.tU— June 
 
 *^ (2(1 ...November 3, 17'J4— March 
 
 .,, f 1st... December 7,170.') — Juno 
 
 "'' 1 2d ...December 6, 17!tr.— March 
 
 rist...May ir>, 17!t7— July 
 
 5th -< 2d ...November I'i, 17(*7— July 
 
 |.;Jd ...December 3, 1798— March 
 
 fi+h f lst..DecemV)er 2, 17!Ht— May 
 
 °*" t2d ...November 17, 18M0— March 
 
 _,, fist... December 7,1801 — May 
 
 '*" 1 2d ....December 0, 18(I2— March 
 
 ... fist.. .October 17, IHO:!— March 
 
 *•'" t 2d ...November 5, 1804— March 
 
 J 1st... December 2, I8U.-)— .\pril 
 
 '" l2d-L>et-ember 1, ISOti— March 
 
 ,,,., fl.st October 26, 1807— April 
 
 ^ '" \ 2d ...November 7, 1808— March 
 
 (1st. ..May 22, 1809— June 
 
 11th < 2d ...November 27, I80i)— May 
 
 (3d.. December 3, 1810— March 
 
 ,.,,, fist. ..November 4, 1811— July 
 
 ^^'■" 1 2d ...November 2, 1812— March 
 
 flst...May 24, 1813— August 
 
 13th -{2d ...December fi, 1813— April 
 
 (3d ...September 19, 1814— March 
 
 ,.., fist... December 4, 181.")— ,\pril 
 
 ■'*'''' \2d ...December 2, 1810— March 
 
 .,., f 1st... December 1, 1817— April 
 
 *°"» \ 2d ...November li3, 1818— March 
 
 M-ih f lst...December 6, 1819— May 
 
 ^^^'^ \ 2d ...November 1.3, 1820— March 
 
 „ , fist... December 3, 1,S21— May 
 
 ^''" 1 2d ...December 2, 1822— March 
 
 ^r.,. fist. ..December 1, 1823— May 
 
 ^"^^ 1 2d ...December G, 1824— March 
 
 19th 
 
 fist... December 6, 182.')— Mav 
 
 1 2d ...December 4, 1826— March 
 
 „,,., fist... December 3, 1827- M.ay 
 
 ■'""^ t2d ..December 1, 1828— March 
 
 21st 
 
 22d 
 
 2."^ 
 
 fist... December 7, 1829— May 
 
 (2d ...December 6, l8.io— March 
 
 f lst...December 5, 1831— July 
 
 I2d ...December 3, 1832— March 
 
 f Ist. ..December 2, 1833— June 
 
 ( 2(1 ...December 1, 1834— March 
 
 „,iv fist ..December 7,183.5 — luly 
 
 ■"^^ 1 2d ...December 6, 1830— March 
 
 (Ist. ...September 4, 1.S37— October 
 
 25th < 2d ...December 4, 1837— July 
 
 (3d ...December 3, 1838 — March 
 
 Time of Session. 
 
 4, 1789— Sept/'mber 29, 
 12 
 
 1789 
 1790 
 1791 
 1792 
 1793 
 1794 
 1795 
 1796 
 1797 
 1797 
 1798 
 1799 
 1800 
 1801 
 1802 
 1803 
 1804 
 1805 
 i 806 
 1807 
 1808 
 1809 
 1809 
 1810 
 1811 
 1812 
 1813 
 
 1813 
 1814 
 1815 
 181G 
 1817 
 1818 
 1819 
 1820 
 1821 
 1822 
 1823 
 1824 
 1825 
 1820 
 1827 
 1828 
 1829 
 1830 
 1831 
 1832 
 1833 
 183t 
 1835 
 1836 
 1837 
 18.37 
 1838 
 1839 
 
 2Gth 
 
 No. of No. of 
 Con- Scs- 
 gress. sioa. 
 
 fist... December 
 (2d ...December 
 (1st... May 
 27th -; 2d ...December 
 (3d ...December 
 member 
 imber 
 
 28th 
 
 f lst...Decet 
 I2d ...Decer 
 
 30th 
 
 oofh fist... December 
 ^■'^"^ 1 2d ....December 
 
 fist... December 
 
 \'Zd ...December 
 Qiof f 1st.. December 
 '^'■^^ (2d ...December 
 „^> f lst...DecemV)er 
 **"" (2d ...December 
 „„j fist... December 
 ^^ 1 2d ...December 
 
 (1st. ..December 
 34th -{ 2d ...August 
 
 (3d ...December 
 qciv, fist. ..December 
 .JOtn 1 2d ..December 
 
 ■icth fist... December 
 ^^'^ (2d ...December 
 
 (•l.st...July 
 37th < 2d ...December 
 
 (3d ...December 
 oQtK fist... December 
 ^'^^^ 1 2d ...December 
 
 „nj„ fist. ..December 
 '^•'^" 1 2d ...December 
 
 I 1st... March 
 " ...July 
 " ...November 
 2d ...December 
 3d ...December 
 
 Time of Session. 
 
 2, 1R39— July 21, 
 
 7, 1840— March 3, 
 
 31, 1841— September 13, 
 31, 
 3, 
 17, 
 3, 
 
 1", 
 3, 
 
 !■*, 
 3, 
 
 6, 1811 — August 
 
 5, 1842— March 
 4, 1H43— June 
 
 2, 1844-.March 
 1, 1845 -August 
 
 7, 1846— March 
 
 6, 1847— August 
 4, 1848— March 
 
 3, 1849— September 30, 
 
 2, 18.>o— March 
 
 1, 1851— August 
 
 6, 1852— March 
 
 2, 18.53— August 
 
 4, 18.54— March 
 .5, 1855 — August 
 
 21, 18,56— August 
 
 1, 1856- March 
 
 7, 18.57— June 
 
 6, 1858— March 
 
 5, 18.59— June 
 
 3, 1800... March 
 
 4, 1861— August 
 
 2, 1801— Julv 
 
 1, 1802— March 
 
 7, 1863— July 
 
 5, 1864— March 
 
 4, 1865— .July 
 
 3, 1806— March 
 
 4, 1867— March 
 3, 1807— July 
 
 21, 1867— December 
 
 2, 1807- July 
 7, 1808— March 
 
 3, 
 31, 
 3. 
 
 7, 
 
 3, 
 18, 
 30, 
 
 3, 
 14, 
 
 3, 
 25, 
 
 4, 
 
 fi, 
 17, 
 
 4, 
 
 4, 
 4, 
 
 28, 
 4, 
 
 30. 
 20, 
 
 2, 
 27, 
 
 4, 
 
 1840 
 
 1«41 
 1841 
 1«42 
 184.3 
 1814 
 1845 
 ls4U 
 18*7 
 184S 
 1849 
 18.50 
 1851 
 18.52 
 1853 
 18.54 
 1855 
 1856 
 1856 
 18-57 
 1858 
 1859 
 18G0 
 1861 
 1801 
 1802 
 1863 
 1864 
 1865 
 
 1866 
 1867 
 
 1807 
 1867 
 1867 
 1868 
 1869 
 
 (1st.. 
 
 4l3t -^2d.. 
 
 (3d.. 
 
 (1st.. 
 
 42d V2d.. 
 
 (3d.. 
 
 .March 4, 1809— April 23, 1800 
 
 .December 6, 1809— July 16, '870 
 
 .December 6, 1870— March 4, 1871 
 
 March 4, 1871— April 20, 1871 
 
 .December 4, 1871 — June 10, 1872 
 
 .December 2, 1872— March 4, 1873 
 
 43d 
 
 fist. 
 t2d.. 
 
 fist. 
 
 45th -<2d- 
 
 (3d .. 
 
 (1st.. 
 
 46th -( 2d .. 
 
 (3d.. 
 
 47th 
 
 .December 
 .December 
 
 .December 
 .December 
 
 1, 1873— June 
 7, 1874— March 
 
 6, 1875 — August 
 4, 1876— March 
 
 23, 1874 
 4, 1875 
 
 15, 1876 
 4, 1877 
 
 .October 15, 1877— December 3, 1877 
 -December 3, 1877— June 20, 1878 
 
 .December 2, 1878— March 4, 1879 
 
 .March 18, 1879— July 1, 1879 
 
 .December 1, 1879— June 16, 1880 
 
 .December 6, 1880— March 4, 1881 
 
 ...December 5, 1882- 
 
 CrVIIi OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 The following table is made up from the official statements of the heads of the various Departments 
 
 of the Government, sent to Congress in August, 1876, in response to a Senate resolution, showing 
 the number of civil officers employed by each Department from 1859 to 1875. 
 
 1859. 1875. 
 
 Department of State 367 4.30 
 
 Treasury Department 3,778 12,482 
 
 War Departuieut 339 1,4^9 
 
 Navy Department 90 131 
 
 Postotfire Dep.artment 30.817 44,897 
 
 Interior Department 1,081 2,475 
 
 Departmenc of Justice 5 ^23 
 
 36,397 62,427 
 
 Note. -It is to be understood that'the above includes all officers and employees of the Gfovemment 
 at Washington and throughout the country, except those in the military and naval service. The num- 
 ber has since been somewhat decreased by a reduction of revenue officers — the precise figures not 
 being officially reported.
 
 72 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VI!. 
 
 SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 'Chief Justices. 
 
 1 John Jay*. 
 
 John Rutledgef 
 
 Oliver Ellsworth*.. 
 
 John Marshall. 
 
 Roger B. Taney.. 
 
 Salmon P. Chase- 
 
 Morrison R. Wftite. 
 
 Associate Justices. 
 
 State Whence 
 Appointed. 
 
 South Carolina.. 
 
 New York 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Massachusett.'?... 
 
 Maryland 
 
 New York 
 
 John Rutledge* South Carolina., 
 
 William Gushing j Massachusetts... 
 
 James Wilson [Pennsylvania.... 
 
 John Blair* Virginia 
 
 Robert H. Harrison* iMaryland . 
 
 Jame.« Iredell North Carolina. 
 
 Thomas Johnson* Maryland 
 
 William Patterson New Jer.sey 
 
 South Carolina.. 
 
 Samuel Chase [Maryland 
 
 ! Connecticut 
 
 Bushr'd Washington Virginia 
 
 Alfred Moore*. North Carolina . 
 
 Virginia 
 
 William Johnson 
 
 Brockh't Livingston. 
 
 Thomas Todd 
 
 Josepli Story 
 
 Gabriel Duval* 
 
 Smith Thompson 
 
 Robert Trimble j Kentucky 
 
 John McLean 'Ohio 
 
 Henry Baldwin I Pennsylvania 
 
 James M. WayneJ Georgia 
 
 I Maryland 
 
 Philip P. Barbour Virginia 
 
 John Catron [Tennessee 
 
 John MoKinley [.\labama 
 
 Peter V. Daniel Virginia 
 
 Samuel Nelson* iNew York... 
 
 Levi Woodbury New Hampshire.. 
 
 Roberto. Grier* Pennsylvania 
 
 Benjamin R. Curtis* ! Massachusetts 
 
 Jolin A. Campbell* [Alabama 
 
 Nathan Clifford Maine 
 
 Noah H. Swayne Ohio 
 
 Samue! F. Miller Iowa 
 
 David Davis* I Illinois 
 
 Stephen J. Field (California 
 
 lOhio 
 
 William Strong* j Pennsylvania 
 
 Joseph P. Brauf y.. 
 Ward Hunt*.. 
 
 John M. Harlan 
 
 William B. Woods.. 
 
 Gray 
 
 Roscoe Conkling*. 
 
 New Jersey., 
 
 New York 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 New York 
 
 Term of 
 Service. 
 
 >-w\ pa 
 
 Samuel Blatchford |New York , 
 
 New York 1789-1795 
 
 1789-1791 
 89-1810 
 1789-1798 
 1789-1796 
 1789-1790 
 1790-1799 
 1791-1793 
 179:J-1806 
 1795-1795 
 1796-1811 
 1796-1801 
 1798-1829 
 1799-1804 
 1801-1835 
 1804-1834 
 1806-1823 
 1807-1826 
 1811-1845 
 1811-1836 
 1823-1845 
 1826-1828 
 1829-1801 
 1830-1841 
 1835-1807 
 1836-1804 
 1836-1841 
 1837-1865 
 18.37-1852 
 1841-1860 
 1845-1872 
 1845-1851 
 llf:46-1869 
 1851-1857 
 1853-1861 
 1858-. 
 1861-. 
 1862-. 
 18G2-1877 
 1866-. 
 1861-1873 
 1870-1880 
 1870-. 
 1872-. 
 1874-. 
 1877-. 
 1880-. 
 18S1- 
 1882-. 
 1882-. 
 
 1745 1829 
 1739:1800 
 
 l-;« 
 
 174z 
 1732 
 1745 
 
 175111799 
 173211819 
 1745 [1806 
 1739 1800 
 1741 j 1811 
 1745 1807 
 17621829 
 1755 1810 
 1755 1835 
 177lll834 
 
 1810 
 1798 
 1800 
 1790 
 
 1757 
 
 1765 
 
 1779 
 
 17.')2 
 
 1767 
 
 1777 
 
 1785 
 
 1779 
 
 1790 
 
 1777 
 
 1783 
 
 1778 
 
 1780 
 
 1785 
 
 179 
 
 1789 
 
 1794 
 
 1809 
 
 1811 
 
 1803 
 
 1805 
 
 1816 
 
 1815 
 
 1816 
 
 1808 
 
 1808 
 
 1H13 
 
 1811 
 
 1816 
 
 1833 
 
 1826 
 
 1823 
 1826 
 1845 
 1844 
 1845 
 1828 
 18C1 
 1846 
 1867 
 1864 
 1841 
 1865 
 1852 
 1860 
 1873 
 1851 
 1870 
 1874 
 
 * Resigned. 
 
 f Presided one term of the court; appointment not confirmed by the Senate. 
 
 X The Supreme Court, at its first session in 1790, consisted of a Chief Justice and five Associates. The 
 number of Associate Justices was increased to six in 1807 by the appointment of Thom.as Todd ; increased 
 to eight in 1837 by the appointmenis of John Catron and John McKinlcy ; increased to nine in 1863 by the 
 appointment of Stephen J. Field ; decreased to eight on the death of John Catron in 1865; decreased to 
 seven on the death of James M. Wayne in 1867; and again increased to eight in 1870, with a view to get 
 the legal tender decision — a policy for such precedents are found in the governments of England and 
 France. 
 
 TOTAL NUMBER OP TROOPS CALLED INTO SERVICE DURING 
 THE REBELLION.* 
 
 The various calls of the President for men were as follows: 
 
 1861—3 months' men 7.5,noo 
 
 18r,]— 3 vears' men 50(i,i)(H) 
 
 1862—3 years' men 300,000 
 
 1K62— 9 months' men .300,000 
 
 1864—3 years' men, Ffhriinrv .500,000 
 
 ]«(,.] — 3 years' men, Marrh..." 200,000 
 
 I8i;4— 3 years' men, .Inly 500,000 
 
 1864—3 years' men, Deecmbor 300,000 
 
 Total 2,675,000 
 
 * These do not include the militia that were brought into service during the various invasions of Lee's 
 armiea into Maryland and Penn.'^ylvania.
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— THE U. S. ARMY. 73 
 
 SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Name. 
 
 P. A MuhlonherK 
 
 Jonathan Tniinliull. 
 
 P. A. Muhli-nberii; 
 
 Jonathan Dayton 
 
 Theodore Sedgwick. 
 Nathaniel Macon 
 
 Joseph B. Varnum.... 
 
 Henry Clay 
 
 Langdon Cheves 
 
 Henry Clay , 
 
 John VV. Tayior.'."!'.'.".'.! 
 Philip P. Harbour ..... 
 
 Henry Clay 
 
 John W. 'I'aylor , 
 
 Andrew Steplienson.. 
 
 John Bell '.. 
 
 James K. Polk 
 
 Robert M. T. Huiitor 
 
 John White 
 
 John W. .Ionf>s 
 
 John W. Davis 
 
 Kobert C. Winthrop.. 
 
 HowollCobb 
 
 Linn Boyd 
 
 Nathaniel P. Banks .. 
 
 James L. Orr 
 
 William Pennington.. 
 
 Galusha .■\. Grow 
 
 Schuyler Colfa.\ 
 
 James G. Blaine 
 
 Mir-hael C. Kerr 
 
 Samuel J. Randall 
 
 Warren B. Keifer 
 
 Ponn.sylvania 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Pennsylvania..., 
 New Jersey 
 
 Massachusetts.. 
 North Carolina.. 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 S C, 2d Sess!!!'. 
 Kentucky 
 
 Term of Service. 
 
 New York, 2d 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Kentucky , 
 
 New York 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Tennessee, 2d Sess. 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Massachusetts.. 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 South Carolina.. 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvania .. 
 Indiana 
 
 Maine.. 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Penna., 2d Sess. 
 
 Ohio.. 
 
 1st Congress. 
 
 2d ^ 
 
 3d 
 
 4th " 
 
 6th '• 
 
 Gth '• 
 
 7th 
 
 8th « 
 
 9th " 
 
 loth " 
 
 nth " 
 
 12tn " 
 
 13th " 
 
 13th " 
 
 14th " 
 
 15th " 
 
 lGtl» " 
 
 IGth " 
 
 17th " 
 
 18th " 
 
 19th " 
 
 20th " 
 
 21st " 
 22d 
 
 23d " 
 
 23d " 
 
 24th " 
 
 25th " 
 
 2r,th " 
 
 27th " 
 
 28th " 
 
 29th " 
 
 30th " 
 
 31st " 
 
 ,32d " 
 
 33d " 
 
 34th " 
 
 35th " 
 
 .3Cth " 
 
 37th " 
 
 38th " 
 
 39th " 
 
 40th " 
 
 41st " 
 
 42d " 
 43d 
 
 44th " 
 
 44th " 
 45th 
 
 4r,th "• 
 
 47 th " 
 
 April 
 
 Oct. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 May 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Oct. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Oct. 
 
 May 
 
 Nov. 
 
 May 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dee. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 June 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Sept. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 May 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Feb. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Feb. 
 
 July 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 .March 
 
 llan-h 
 
 March 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 Oct. 
 
 March 
 
 Dec. 
 
 1, 178'J, 
 24, 17!)1, 
 
 2, 1793, 
 7, 1795, 
 
 15, 1797, 
 2, 1799, 
 7, l8(ll, 
 
 17, 1803, 
 
 2, 1805, 
 2G, 1807, 
 22, 1809, 
 
 4, 1811, 
 24, 1813, 
 19, 1814, 
 4 181.5, 
 1; 1817, 
 f), 1819, 
 15, 1820, 
 
 4, 1821, 
 
 1, 1823, 
 
 5, 1825, 
 
 3, 1827, 
 7, 1829, 
 5, 1831, 
 
 2, 1833, 
 2, 1834, 
 7, 1835, 
 5, 18.37, 
 
 IG, 18.39, 
 31, 1841, 
 
 4, 1843, 
 1, 1845, 
 fi, 1847, 
 
 22, 1849, 
 
 1, 1851, 
 
 5, 1853, 
 
 2, 185G, 
 7,^8.57, 
 1, 18G0, 
 4, 18G1, 
 7, 1803, 
 4, 1865, 
 4, 1867, 
 4, 18G9, 
 4, 1871, 
 1, 1873, 
 
 6, 1875, 
 
 4, 187G, 
 15, 1877, 
 
 18, 1879, 
 
 5, 1881, 
 
 to .March 4, 
 to M:irch 4, 
 to .March 4, 
 to Marcli 4, 
 to .March 3, 
 to .Mar(!h 4, 
 to .March 4, 
 to .Alarch 4, 
 to iMarch 4, 
 to .March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to Jan. 19, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to May 15, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to June 
 to March 
 to .March 
 to March 
 to March 
 to March 
 to March 
 to March 
 to IMarch 
 to .March 
 to March 
 to March 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to .March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to Aug. 20, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 to March 4, 
 
 1791 
 
 1793 
 1795 
 1797 
 1799 
 18(Jl 
 1803 
 18(J5 
 18U7 
 1809 
 1811 
 1813 
 1814 
 1815 
 1817 
 1819 
 1820 
 1821 
 1823 
 1825 
 1827 
 1829 
 1831 
 1833 
 1834 
 1835 
 1837 
 18 » 
 1841 
 1843 
 1845 
 1847 
 1849 
 1851 
 1853 
 1855 
 1857 
 1859 
 1861 
 1863 
 1865 
 1867 
 1869 
 1871 
 1873 
 1875 
 1876 
 1877 
 1879 
 1881 
 1882 
 
 THE UIVITED STATES ARMY DURING THE GREAT CFVII. WAR OF 1861-1865. 
 
 The following statement shows the number of men furnished by each State : 
 
 States. 
 
 months 
 
 Maine 
 
 771 
 
 New Hampshire... 
 
 779 
 
 Vermont 
 
 782 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 3,736 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 3,147 
 
 Connecticut' 
 
 2,402 
 
 
 13,906 
 
 3,123 
 
 20,175 
 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 
 775 
 
 Maryland 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 
 900 
 
 Dist. of Columbia. 
 
 4,720 
 
 Ohio 
 
 12,357 
 
 
 4,G86 
 
 4,820 
 
 781 
 
 riinois 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 817 
 
 Men furnished under Aegreeate 
 
 Act of April 15, 18G1, No.'of white 
 
 for 75,(1110 militia men fur- 
 
 for three nishod under 
 
 all calls. 
 
 71,745 
 
 34,605 
 
 35,246 
 
 151,785 
 
 23,711 
 
 57,270 
 
 464,1.56 
 
 79,511 
 
 366,326 
 
 13,G51 
 
 49,731 
 
 32,003 
 
 16,872 
 
 317,133 
 
 195,147 
 
 258,217 
 
 90,119 
 
 96,118 
 
 States. 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 California 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Washington Torr'y. 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Dakota 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 Men furnished 
 Act of .\pril l.'i 
 for 75,11011 mil 
 for three 
 months. 
 930 
 968 
 10,501 
 
 650 
 
 under Aggrecate 
 , 1.S61, No.'of white 
 itia men fur- 
 
 nished undec 
 all calls. 
 25,034 
 75,860 
 108,773 
 78,540 
 20,097 
 12,077 
 
 Total. 
 
 1,610 
 
 93,326 
 
 7,451 
 216 
 617 
 895 
 
 1,279 
 
 1,763 
 |181 
 
 2,395 
 
 2,688^23
 
 74 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 TABIiK 
 
 Ebdilbitlnig, by States, the Aggregate of Colored and Drafted Troops famished to the 
 
 Uulon Army, 1861-1865, ^vith Bounties paid by l^tates. 
 
 Col"d Troops 
 States & Tekbi- , furnished 
 TOBIES. 1861-65. 
 
 Connecticut 1,764 
 
 Maine 104 
 
 Massachusetts 3,966 
 
 New Hampshire... 125 
 
 Rhode Island 1,837 
 
 Vermont 120 
 
 New England 
 
 States 7,916 
 
 Kew Jersey 1,185 
 
 New York 4,125 
 
 Pennsylvania 8,612 
 
 Middle States 13,922 
 
 Colorado Ter 95 
 
 Dakota Ter 
 
 Illinois 1,811 
 
 Indiana 1,537 
 
 Iowa 440 
 
 Kansas 2,080 
 
 Michigan 1,387 
 
 Minnesota 104 
 
 Nebraska Ter 
 
 New Mexico Ter 
 
 Ohio 5,092 
 
 Wisconsin 165 
 
 Western States & 
 
 Territories 12,711 
 
 California 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Washington Ten. 
 
 Pacific States 
 
 Number 
 
 Drafted. 
 
 12,031 
 
 27,324 
 
 41,582 
 
 10,806 
 
 4,3Jl 
 
 7,743 
 
 103,807 
 
 32,325 
 151,488 
 178,873 
 
 60,^00 
 38,395 
 
 203,924 
 
 Bounties 
 paid by 
 States. 
 
 S 6.887.554 
 
 Co I'd Troops 
 States & Tekei- furnished 
 TORIES. 1861-65. 
 
 Delaware 954 
 
 7,837,644 Dist. Columbia 3,269 
 
 22,965,550 I Kentucky 23,703 
 
 9,636.313 j Maryland 8,718 
 
 820,769 [ Missouri 8,344 
 
 4,528,775 West Virginia 196 
 
 52,676,605 ! Border States 45,184 
 
 23,86<<,967 
 86,629.228 
 43,154,987 
 
 362,686 153,653,182 
 
 32.085 
 
 17,296,205 
 
 41.158 
 
 '9,182, -1.54 
 
 7,548 
 
 1,615,171 
 
 1,420 
 
 57,407 
 
 22,122 
 
 9,664,855 
 
 10,796 
 
 2,000,464 
 
 23,557,373 
 5,855,356 
 
 69,229,185 
 
 Alabama 4,969 
 
 Arkansas 5,526 
 
 Florida. 1,014 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Louisiana 3,486 
 
 Mississippi 17,869 
 
 North Carolina 5,0.35 
 
 South Carolina ... . 5,462 
 
 Tennessee 20,133 
 
 Te.xas 47 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Southern States.... 63,571 
 
 Indian Nation 
 
 Colored Troops* 
 
 Grand Total 173,079 
 
 At large 
 
 Not accounted for 
 Officers 
 
 733 
 5,083 
 7,122 
 
 186,017 
 
 106,412 
 
 Bounties 
 
 Number 
 
 paid by 
 States. 
 
 Drafted. 
 
 8,635 
 
 1,136,599 
 
 14,338 
 
 134,010 
 
 29,421 
 
 692,577 
 
 29,319 
 
 6,271,992 
 
 21,519 
 
 1,282,149 
 
 3,180 
 
 864,737 
 
 10,382,064 
 
 776,829 285,941,036 
 
 * This gives colored troops enlisted, in the States in rebellion; besides this there were 92.576 colored 
 troops, included fwith the white soldiers) in the quotas of the several States; the 3d column gives the ag- 
 gregate of coloreu, but many enlisted South were credited to Northern States. 
 
 Number of Troops from each of the old Thirteen States, enlisted during the Revolu- 
 tionary AVar, 1775-1783, iuclucUng Continental Soldiers and Militia. 
 
 Compiled and condensed from the Report of the Secretary of War, May 10, 1790. American State Papers, 
 Military Affairs, vol. 1, p. 14 to 19. 
 
 1775. 
 
 1776. 
 
 1777. 
 
 1778. 
 
 1779. 
 
 1780. 
 
 1781. 
 
 1782. 
 
 4,019 
 
 4,483 
 
 1,783 
 
 1,226 
 
 1,777 
 
 700 
 
 744 
 
 20,372 
 
 12,591 
 
 13,437 
 
 7,7.38 
 
 7,8.^9 
 
 5,298 
 
 4,423 
 
 13,127 
 
 6,563 
 
 4,010 
 
 3,544 
 
 3,687 
 
 3,921 
 
 1,732 
 
 1,900 
 
 2,048 
 
 3,056 
 
 1,2(53 
 
 915 
 
 464 
 
 481 
 
 8,094 
 
 5,332 
 
 2,194 
 
 3.756 
 
 4,847 
 
 1,178 
 
 1,198 
 
 9,086 
 
 2,908 
 
 2,586 
 
 1,276 
 
 1,267 
 
 823 
 
 660 
 
 ]0,.305 
 
 9,464 
 
 3,684 
 
 3,470 
 
 3,337 
 
 1,346 
 
 1,265 
 
 754 
 
 1,299 
 
 349 
 
 317 
 
 556 
 
 89 
 
 164 
 
 3,329 
 
 7,565 
 
 3,307 
 
 2,849 
 
 2,065 
 
 2,107 
 
 1,280 
 
 6,181 
 
 11,013 
 
 7,830 
 
 8,573 
 
 6,986 
 
 6,119 
 
 2,204 
 
 4,134 
 
 1,281 
 
 1,287 
 
 4,920 
 
 3,000 
 
 3,545 
 
 1,105 
 
 6,0(!9 
 
 2,000 
 
 3,650 
 
 4,500 
 
 6,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 2,301 
 
 2,173 
 
 3,873 
 
 837 
 
 750 
 
 750 
 
 750 
 
 89,761 
 
 68,720 
 
 51,040 
 
 44,275 
 
 43,076 
 
 29,340 
 
 18,006 
 
 1783. 
 
 New Hampshire.. 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Virginia 
 
 North Carolina... 
 South Carolina.... 
 Georgia 
 
 Total. 
 
 2,824 
 16,444 
 4,607 
 1,193 
 2,075 
 
 400 
 
 3,180 
 2,000 
 4,1 K)0 
 1,000 
 
 37,303 
 
 733 
 
 4,370 
 
 1,740 
 
 372 
 
 1,169 
 
 h76 
 
 1,598 
 
 2:-l5 
 
 974 
 
 629 
 
 697 
 
 139 
 
 145 
 
 13,477 
 
 Last AVar with Great Britain, 1813-1815. 
 
 The whole number of Officers and Men in the Regular Service cannot be accurately given, 
 lowing table at dificrent periods of the war is the nonrost approximation that can be made: 
 
 The whole Militia Force raised during the war was .11,210 officers; +10,412 men ; total, l71,62li. 
 CfUtual ties reported during the war of 1812-15: Killed, 1,877; wounded, 3,737; total, 5,61i. 
 
 The fol- 
 
 Date. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Total. 
 
 July 1812 
 
 ;!0l 
 1,470 
 
 6,385 6.686 
 
 September, 1814 
 
 Feoruary, 1816 
 
 2,395 
 2,396 
 
 36,791 
 31,028 
 
 38 186 
 
 February, 1813 
 
 17,600 
 
 19,030 
 
 33,424 
 

 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— THE U. S. ARMY. 
 
 75 
 
 Number of Aleu and Catiualtlcs In the Regular and Volunteer Forces diirlnc the AVur 
 
 With niexlco, 1846-48. 
 
 State. 
 
 Whole „ ., 
 
 ^"•"- ^ed 
 ber. 
 
 Died 
 
 of 
 W'ds. 
 
 Woun- 
 ded. 
 
 State. 
 
 Whole 
 Num- 
 ber. 
 
 Kill- 
 ed. 
 
 Died 
 
 of 
 W'ds 
 
 WO'Q- 
 
 ded. 
 
 Roijinlar Army, includ- 
 in>; MaritiDS 
 
 27,500 530 
 
 408 
 
 2,102 
 
 No wJerscy Volunteers 
 
 New York do 
 
 North Carolina do 
 
 Oliio do 
 
 Pennsylvania do 
 
 South Carolina do 
 
 Tennessee do 
 
 Texas do 
 
 Virginia do 
 
 Wisconsin do 
 
 Mormons do 
 
 Ke-mustered Volun- 
 teers formed out of 
 12 mos. Volunteers.. 
 
 Total 
 
 425 
 2,:«to 
 
 9."{5 
 6,.'i36 
 2,503 
 1,077 
 5,805 
 8,018 
 1,320 
 
 146 
 
 585 
 
 844 
 
 
 
 
 
 3,(120 
 
 i,;«3 
 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 <56 
 
 Arkansa.s do 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 32 
 
 
 571 
 
 370 
 
 2,l;i2 
 
 4,58 "i 
 
 
 18 
 21 
 30 
 43 
 
 42 
 
 
 39 
 102 
 210 
 129 
 
 29 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 (icort^ia do 
 
 Illinois do 
 
 
 
 8(; 
 
 47 
 
 
 8 
 160 
 92 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 Kentucky do 
 
 4,8 II 
 7,!»47 
 1,. •!.-,.-) 
 l,ll.-.7 
 !,!(« 
 2,t2J 
 7,016 
 
 78 
 13 
 8 
 
 4 
 2 
 3 
 
 lOi 
 
 8 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 Louisiana do 
 
 
 
 
 Maryland ADC.do 
 
 . 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 Mi<'niKan do 
 
 Mississippi do 
 
 Missouri do...... 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 54 
 20 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 los 
 
 46 
 
 101,282 
 
 1,049 
 
 508 
 
 3,420 
 
 
 
 The number of casualties in the volunteer and regular armies of the United States, during the war of 
 ISOl-O.'i, was reported by the Provc^.st-Marshal (ieneral in 1866. 
 
 Killed in battle, 61,362; died of wounds, 34,727 ; died of disease, 183,287; total died, 279,376; total de- 
 serted, 199,105. 
 
 Number of soldiers in the Confederate service, who died of wounds or disease (partial statement), 
 133,821; deserted (partial statement), 101,428. 
 
 Number of United States troops captured during the war, 212,608; Confederate troops captured, 
 476,169. 
 
 Number of United States troops paroled on the field, 16,431; Confederate troop.s paroled on the field, 
 2iS,'m. 
 
 Number of United States troops who died while prisoners, 29,725; Confederate troops who died while 
 prisoners, 26,774. 
 
 GE^NKRALS OF THE ARMY. 
 
 The f illowing is a list of generals who have commanded the army since 1775, with the dates of com- 
 mand as far as can be ascertained from the official records : 
 
 Major-General George Washington, June 15, 1775, to December 23, 1783. 
 
 Major-General Henry Kno.x, December 23, 1783, to June 20, 1784. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Josiah Harmer, general-in-chief by brevet, September, 1788, to March, 1791. 
 
 Major-General Arthur St. Clair, March 4, 1791, to March, 1792. 
 
 Major-General Anthony Wayne, .\pril 11, 1792, to December 15, 1796. 
 
 Major-General James Wilkinson, Docomber 15, 1796, to Jul3', 1798. 
 
 Lieutenant-Goneral George Washington, July 3, 1798, to his death, December 14, 1799. 
 
 Major-General James Wilkinson, June, ISOO, to January, 1812. 
 
 Major-General Henry Dearborn, January 27, 1812, to June, 1815. 
 
 Major-General Jacob Brown, June, 1815, to February 21, 1828. 
 
 Major-General .Me.xander Macomb, May 24, 182*^, to June, 1841. 
 
 Major-General Winfield Scott (brevet lieutenant-general), June, 1841, to November 1, 1861. 
 
 Major-General George B. McClellan, November 1, 1861, to .March 11, 1862. 
 
 Major-General Henry W. Halleck, July 11, 1S62, to March 12, 1864. 
 
 Lieutenant-tionoral Ulysses S. Grant, March 12, 1864, to July 25, 1866, and as General to March 4, 1869. 
 
 General William T. Sherman since March 4, 1869. 
 
 At one period, l)ctween 1781 and 1789, while the entire army as organized, consisted of a small corps 
 of artillery, the corps was commanded by a captain. 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY, 17S9-1879. 
 
 The following table exhibits the strength of the regular army of the United States, from 1789 to 1879, 
 as fixed by acts of Congress. The figures are for the aggregate of officers and men; 
 
 Year. Strength of Armv. 
 
 1789 1 Regiment Infantrv, 1 Bat. Art 840 
 
 1792 Indian Border Wars 6,120 
 
 1794 Peace estahlishnieiit 3,629 
 
 1801 5,141 
 
 1S07 3,278 
 
 1810 7.154 
 
 1S12 War with Great Britain 11,831 
 
 1815 9,413 
 
 1817-1821 Peace establishment 9,9SO 
 
 1822-18,32 " " 6,184 
 
 1333-1837 " " 7.198 
 
 1838-1842 Florida War 12,.'>39 
 
 la4J-1846 Peace eatablishmeut B,613 
 
 Year. Strength of Armv. 
 
 1847 Mexican W'ar 17,812 
 
 1848 " " ,30.8!ti) 
 
 18ip-ia.55 Peace establishment Io.:i20 
 
 18">r,-1861 " " 12,931 
 
 1862 Civil War 39.273 
 
 1863-1866 " " 4^Xii 
 
 18(i7 Peace establishment 51.641 
 
 1868-1869 
 
 1870 
 
 1871 
 
 1872-1874 
 
 1875-1879 
 
 1879-1882 
 
 52,922 
 37,313 
 a'i,3i3 
 32.261 
 27,4,89 
 ^,OUU
 
 76 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 THE ARMIES OF THE \V'ORIjD. 
 
 CoUXTEIEa. 
 
 Argentine Bepublic, 
 
 Austria^Sungary 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Bolivia 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Canada (Dominion).. 
 
 Chili 
 
 China 
 
 Colombia 
 
 Denmaik 
 
 E.gJTt 
 
 France 
 
 Germany 
 
 Great Britain and Ireland. 
 Greece 1 
 
 India, British. 
 Italy. 
 
 Japan 
 
 Luxembourg. 
 
 Mexico 
 
 Netherlands .. 
 
 Norway 
 
 Persia 
 
 Peru 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Koumania 
 
 Russia 
 
 Servia 
 
 Spain 
 
 Sweden 
 
 Switzerland.... 
 
 Turkey 
 
 United States. 
 
 Uruguay.... 
 Venezuela . 
 
 Army. 
 
 War Footing. 
 
 Cost of Army. 
 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 8,283 
 
 J 
 
 Army and Navy. 
 
 1 
 
 4,514,018 
 
 290,218 
 
 1,021,092 
 
 £0,r,80,uOO 
 
 40,277 
 
 103,083 
 
 8,787,909 
 
 4,022 
 10,500 
 
 
 l,120,91ii 
 
 32,000 
 
 10,862,496 
 
 3,000 
 
 655,000 
 
 1,013,944 
 
 3,516 
 700 000 
 
 28,274 
 
 
 1,260,000 
 30,000 
 
 
 2,CO0 
 
 288,000 
 
 35,703 
 
 50,000 
 
 2,406,109 
 
 62,920 
 
 128,000 1 
 
 Army and Navy. 
 4,452,422 
 
 470,000 
 
 1,750,000 
 
 100,007,623 
 
 419,659 
 
 1,034.524 
 
 92,573,403 
 
 133,720 
 
 370,501 
 
 65,161,015 
 
 12,397 
 
 30.000 
 
 1,494,800 
 
 5S.170 
 
 144,700 
 
 70,875,960 
 
 199,577 
 
 807,.509 
 
 37,>.83,755 
 
 35,380 
 
 50,240 
 
 7,506,000 
 
 513 
 
 
 1IK),480 
 
 22,387 
 01.803 
 
 / 
 
 Army and Navy. 
 
 100,000 
 
 10,200,990 
 
 12,750 
 
 18,000 
 
 1,480,760 
 
 28,400 
 
 108,500 
 
 3,400,000 
 
 13,200 
 
 
 
 35,733 
 
 75,000 
 
 4,342,928 
 
 130,158 
 
 144,668 
 
 3,310,198 
 
 787,900 
 
 1,671,674 
 
 144,215,615 
 
 14,150 
 
 150,000 
 
 809,138 
 
 330,000 
 
 400.000 
 
 49,140,491 
 
 30,495 
 
 156.970 
 
 3.579.940 
 
 100,102 
 
 203.262 
 
 2,419,213 
 
 157,007 
 
 618,100 
 
 24,763,095 
 
 20,000 
 
 2,895,469 
 
 37,082,735 
 
 4,000 
 
 24,000 1 
 
 Army and Navy. 
 2,304,100 
 
 5,494 
 
 
 
 STATEMENT SHOWIKG THE EXPENDITURES, 
 
 far as ascertained, necessarily growing out of the War of the Rebellion, from, July 1, 1861, to June 30, 
 
 iS70, inclusive. 
 
 APPROPRIATION. 
 
 Expen.'ies of national loans and currt-ncy 
 
 Premiums 
 
 Interest on public debt 
 
 Expenses oi collecting revenue from customs 
 
 Judgment of Court of Claims 
 
 Payments of judgments Court of Alabama Ulaims 
 
 Salaries and expenses of Southern Clainis Commission 
 
 Salaries and expenses of American and British Claims 
 
 Commission 
 
 Award to British claimant-* 
 
 Tribunal of arbitration at Geneva 
 
 Salaries and expen-ies of .Mabama Claims Commission 
 Salaries and <'ontini;ent expenses of Pension Office 
 
 Salaries and contingent expenses of War Department 
 Salaries and contingent expenses of Executive Departm'nt 
 
 (exclusive of Pension office and War Department) 
 
 Expenses of assessing and collecting niternal revenue 
 
 Miscellaneous accounts 
 
 Subsistence of the .\rmy 
 
 Quartermiister's Department 
 
 Incidental expenses of (Quartermaster's Department 
 
 Transportation of the Army 
 
 Transportation of officers and their baggagi 
 
 Clothing of the Army 
 
 Purchase of horses for cavalry and artillery 
 
 Barracks, quarter.^, etc 
 
 Heating and cooking; stoves 
 
 Pay mileage, general expenses, etc., of the Army 
 
 Pay of two and three years' volunteers 
 
 Pay of three months' volunteers 
 
 Pay, etc., of one hundred days' volunteens 
 
 Pay of militia and vohinteers 
 
 P)iy, etc . to officers and men in the Department of the 
 
 Missouri... 
 
 Pay and supi»li'-s i>f ono hundred clays' volunteers 
 
 Bounty to vobmteers and regulars on enli-'tment 
 
 Bounty to volunteers and their widovv.s and legal heirs 
 
 Additional bounty act of July 28, 1800 
 
 Gross 
 Expenditure. 
 
 Expenditure | Expenditure 
 
 other than for growing out nf 
 
 the war. I the war. 
 
 851,522,730 77 $51,522,730 77 
 
 59,738,167 73 
 
 1,809,301,485 19 
 
 99,090,808 31 
 
 5,516,260 75 
 
 9,315,7.53 19! 
 
 371,321 82j 
 
 295,878 54 i 
 
 1,929,819 OOi 
 
 244,815 40 
 
 253,231 12 
 
 7,095,968 05 
 
 15,331,956 58 
 
 33,944,017 
 
 112,803,841 
 
 2,004,199 
 
 420,04 1, o:',7 
 
 357,51S,il0i; 
 
 101,528,573 
 
 407,403.324 
 
 4.026,219 
 
 350,6.>l,4i!6 
 
 13n,!ll)ii,702 
 
 4'.),S7'.',009 
 
 4S7,.'<.si 
 
 184,473,721 
 
 1,041,102,702 
 
 ,SS6,305 
 
 14,380,778 
 
 6,120,952 
 
 59,738.107 73 
 $45,04.5,286 741 1,704,250,198 45 
 57,151,^50 44 42,539,257 87 
 551,626 07 4,964,034 68 
 9,31.5.753 19 
 371,321 82 
 
 295,878 54 
 
 1,929,S19 00 
 
 244,815 40 
 
 253,231 12 
 
 5,225,788 05 
 
 12,019,262 79 
 
 1,870,180 00 
 2,712,093 79 
 
 10,110,745 70 
 
 450,714 21 
 
 38,023,4.S9 17 
 
 ,58,0:!7,(>4S 95 
 
 10,185,839 74 
 
 70,069,439 25 
 
 1,601,000 00 
 
 11,107.586 11 
 
 4,318,339 51 
 
 18,801.822 89 
 
 39,1.50 00 
 
 100,388,991 79 
 
 84-1,1.50 55 
 
 4,824,877 68 
 
 3S,522,OI6 20 
 
 31.700,345 95 
 
 69,998,780 71 i 
 
 23,833, 
 
 112,803, 
 
 2,207, 
 
 381,417. 
 
 299,481, 
 
 85,342, 
 
 330,793, 
 
 3,025, 
 
 34.-1,543 
 
 120,072, 
 
 31,070, 
 
 448, 
 
 78,084 
 
 1,041,102 
 
 886, 
 
 14,3H0 
 
 6,126, 
 
 ,271 97 
 ,841 31 
 ,485 61 
 ,548 58 
 ,917 63 
 ,733 (-3 
 ,SS5 56 
 ,219 HO 
 ,SSI) 20 
 423 24 
 ,H46 59 
 731 45 
 729 47 
 702 .58 
 ,305 41 
 ,778 29 
 ,952 60 
 
 844,1.50 .55 
 
 4,824, H77 68 
 
 38,522,040 29 
 
 31,760,345 9fi 
 
 69,998,780 61 
 
 I
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— WAR EXPENDITURES. 
 
 STATEMENT SHOWING THE EXPENDITURES [Continued] 
 
 77 
 
 APPROPRIATION. 
 
 Collect'n and payment of bounty, ecc.to oolor'd so!dier8,etc 
 ReimVmrsing States for moneys expended for payment of 
 
 militiu-y service of the United States 
 
 Defruying expenses of minute-men and voluntoers in 
 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky... 
 Refunding to States expenses incurred on account of 
 
 v(jhinteers 
 
 Reirnliursements to Baltimore for aid in construction of 
 
 defensive works in 180:j 
 
 Payment to members of certain military organizations in 
 
 Kansas 
 
 E.xpenses of recruiting 
 
 Draft and substitute fund 
 
 Medical and Hospital DepartmeDl 
 
 Medical and .Surgical History and Statistics 
 
 Medical Museum and Library 
 
 Providing for comfort of sick, wounded and discharged 
 sol dims 
 
 Freedmen's Hospital and Asylum 
 
 Artifieiiil limb.s and appliances - 
 
 Ordnance service , 
 
 Ordnance, ordnance stores and supplies , 
 
 Armament of fortifieati ins 
 
 National .armories, arsenals, &c 
 
 Purchase of arms for volunteers and regular: 
 
 Traveling expenses First Michigan Cavalry and California 
 and Nevada Volunteers 
 
 Payment of expenses under reconstruction acts 
 
 Secret .Service 
 
 Books of tiu'tics 
 
 Medals of Hor.or 
 
 Support of National Home for disabled volunteer soldiers 
 
 Puulication of official records of w.ar of the rebellion 
 
 Contingencies of the Army and Adjutant General's Depart 
 ment , 
 
 Payments under spenal acts of relief , 
 
 Copying offlciiU reports 
 
 Expf^nses of court of inquiry in 1.S58 and 18G9 
 
 United States police for Baltimore 
 
 Preparing register of volunteers 
 
 Army pensions 
 
 Telegraph for military purposes 
 
 Maintenance of gunboat fleet proper 
 
 Keeping, transporting, and supplying prisoners of war 
 
 Permanent forts and fortifications; .surveys for military 
 defences ; contingencies of fortifications ; platform for 
 cannon of large calibre, &c., from 1802 to 18(38 
 
 Construction and mainteriance of steam rams 
 
 Signal service 
 
 Gunboats on the Western rivers 
 
 Supplying, transportinjs;, and delivering arms and muni 
 tions of war to loyal citizens in States in rebellion against 
 the Government of the United St.ites 
 
 Collecting, organizing, and drilling volunteers 
 
 Bridge-trains and equipage 
 
 Tool and siege trains 
 
 Completing the defenses of Washington 
 
 Commutation of rations to prisoners of war in rebel States 
 
 National cemeteries 
 
 Purchase of Ford's Theatre 
 
 Temporary relief to destitute people in District of Colum- 
 bia 
 
 Headstones, erection of headstones, p.ay of superintend- 
 ents, and removing the remains of officers to national 
 cemeteries 
 
 Sta*e of Tennessee for keeping and maintaining United 
 States military prisoners 
 
 Capture of Jeff. Davis 
 
 Removing wreck of gunboat Oregon in Chefunct River, 
 Louisiana 
 
 Support of Bureau of Refugees and Freedmen 
 
 Claims for quartermaster's stores and commissary supplies 
 
 Miscellaneous claims au<iited by Third .Vu-Hfor." 
 
 Claims of loyal citizens for supplies furnished during the 
 rebellion 
 
 Payment for use of Corcoran .\rt Gallery 
 
 Expenses of sales of stores and material 
 
 Transportation of insane volunteer soldiers 
 
 Horses and other property lost in military service 
 
 Purchase of cemetery groumls near Columbus, Ohio 
 
 Fortifications on the Northern Frontier 
 
 Pay of the Navy 
 
 Provisions of the Navy 
 
 Clothing of the Navy.." 
 
 Construction and repair 
 
 Gross 
 Expenditure. 
 
 8208,158 11 
 
 9,035,.512 80 
 
 597,178 30 
 
 31,297,242 60 
 
 96,152 00 
 
 296,097 28 
 
 2,.')ll8,(i39 91 
 
 9,713,873 13 
 
 46,954,140 83 
 
 196,048 32 
 
 55,000 00 
 
 2,2:!-2,78.'5 12 
 
 VS^,■^><^ 49 
 
 50l),J8i 21 
 
 6,lM,.'-):53 38 
 
 69,798,079 70 
 
 12,-330,710 88 
 
 29,730,717 63 
 
 76,378,935 13 
 
 84.131 .-JO 
 
 3,1:^8,905 94 
 
 081,587 42 
 
 172,508 15 
 
 29,.S9il 00 
 
 8.540,184 70 
 
 170,998 98 
 
 3,291,835 14 
 
 1,088,406 83 
 
 5,000 00 
 
 5,000 00 
 
 100,OiK) 00 
 
 1,015 45 
 
 437,744.192 
 
 2,500,OS5 80 
 
 5,244,084 32 
 
 7,059,411 GO 
 
 20,.S87,750 90 
 
 1,370,7.30 4 
 
 2_'2,209 7' 
 
 3,239,314 18 
 
 l,049,.5r.O 57 
 
 29,091, IIGO 57 
 
 1,413,701 75 
 
 702,250 00 
 
 912,283 01 
 
 320,030 r,-> 
 
 4,102,848 39 
 
 88,000 00 
 
 57,000 00 
 
 1,080,185 54 
 
 22,749 49 
 97,031 62 
 
 5,,500 00 
 
 11,454,237 30 
 
 850,220 91 
 
 94,223 11 
 
 4,170,304 54 
 
 12.'>,000 00 
 
 5.812 •13 
 
 1,000 00 
 
 4,281,724 91 
 
 ,500 00 
 
 083,748 12 
 
 144,540,073 90 
 
 32,771,931 10 
 
 2,709,491 98 
 
 170,007,781 25 
 
 Expenditure 
 
 other than for 
 
 the war. 
 
 1,270,073 56 
 
 1,845,376 47 
 
 1,561,001 07 
 3,834,140 87 
 2,118,238 79 
 $6,127,228 21 
 
 Expenditure 
 
 growing out ot 
 
 the war. 
 
 565,130 39 
 
 30,315,000 00 
 
 7,483,705 87 
 78,472 23 
 
 47,112 11 
 
 70,086,769 62 
 
 16,4i«,307 34 
 
 1.114,701 00 
 
 .35,8l>9,684 80 
 
 $268,158 11 
 
 9,635,512 85 
 
 697,178 30 
 
 31.297,242 00 
 
 96,152 00 
 
 296 0ri7 28 
 
 1,207,900 35 
 
 9,713,873 13 
 
 45,108,770 36 
 
 190,048 32 
 
 55,000 00 
 
 2,232,785 12 
 
 123,487 49 
 
 .5(t<l,2.><3 21 
 
 4,553„i31 71 
 
 55,933,032 83 
 
 10,218 472 09 
 
 23.603,489 32 
 
 76,3T8,93o 13 
 
 84,131 ,50 
 
 3,128,905 9t 
 
 681,-587 42 
 
 172,568 15 
 
 29,.S90 0) 
 
 8,.540,184 76 
 
 170,998 98 
 
 2,720,698 75 
 
 1,088,106 83 
 
 5,0(J0 00 
 
 5,000 00 
 
 100,00 1 00 
 
 1,015 45 
 
 407,429,192 80 
 
 2,.500,o85 80 
 
 5,244,684 32 
 
 7,r..59,411 60 
 
 13;4n3,99I 09 
 
 1,370,730 42 
 
 14.3,797 -56 
 
 3,-2.i9,314 18 
 
 1,649,-596 .57 
 
 29,091,066 57 
 
 1,413.701 75 
 
 702,250 00 
 
 912,283 01 
 
 320.6:36 62 
 
 4,162,848 39 
 
 88,000 00 
 
 57,000 00 
 
 l,080,ia5 54 
 
 22,749 49 
 97,031 62 
 
 5,.500 00 
 
 11,4.54,2.37 .30 
 
 850,220 91 
 
 47,111 UO 
 
 4,170,304 54 
 
 1 2-5,1 KK1 00 
 
 5,s42 43 
 
 1-000 00 
 
 4,281,724 91 
 
 .5<K) 00 
 
 6.^3,748 12 
 
 74,4ti2,:io4 34 
 
 l(s3r,s,i;23 82 
 
 1.. 594,790 98 
 
 134,178,096 G5
 
 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. 
 
 STATEMENT SHOWING THE EXPENDITURE*.— [Continued:] 
 
 APPROPRIATION. 
 
 Equipment of vessels 
 
 Ordnance 
 
 Surgeons' necessaries 
 
 Yards and docks 
 
 Fuel for the Navy 
 
 Hemp for the Navy 
 
 Steam machinery 
 
 Navigation 
 
 Naval hospitals 
 
 Magazines • 
 
 Marine corp«, pay, clothing, <fec 
 
 Naval Academy 
 
 Naval Asylum, Philadelphia 
 
 Temporary increase of the Navy 
 
 Miscellaneous appropriations 
 
 Naval pensions 
 
 Bounties to seamen 
 
 Bounty for destruction of enemy's vessels. 
 Indeninity for lost clothing 
 
 $25,174,614 
 
 38,063,357 
 
 2,178,709 
 
 33,6(8,156 
 
 19,952,754 
 
 2,836,916 
 
 49,297,318 
 
 2,526,247 
 
 875,452 
 
 753,822 
 
 10,726,906 
 
 2,(i4<1,440 
 
 652,049 
 
 8,123,766 
 
 2,614,044 
 
 7.540,043 
 
 2,821,530 
 
 271,309 
 
 389,025 
 
 Expenditure Expenditure 
 
 other tlian for growing out of 
 
 the war. the war. 
 
 $6,641,263 30 
 
 241,025 68 
 
 3,337,854 52 
 
 8,612,521 G8 
 
 1,938,664 42 
 
 375,789 40 
 
 349,290 48 
 
 8,969,290 82 
 
 778.308 86 
 
 65,394 00 
 
 950,000 00 
 
 Total expenditures $0,844,571,431 03j $054,641,522 45 $6,189,929,908 58 
 
 $25,174, 
 
 31,422, 
 
 1,937, 
 
 30,300, 
 
 11,310, 
 
 898, 
 
 49,297. 
 
 2,520. 
 
 499. 
 
 404, 
 
 7,757, 
 
 1,802: 
 
 686. 
 
 8,123 
 
 2,614 
 
 6,590, 
 
 2,821 
 
 271 
 
 389, 
 
 614 53 
 ,094 37 
 ,744 06 
 ,302 07 
 ,232 08 
 ,252 27 
 ,.318 57 
 ,247 00 
 ,662 94 
 ,531 65 
 ,016 18 
 .132 01 
 ,065 89 
 ,766 21 
 ,044 77 
 ,043 00 
 530 10 
 ,309 28 
 ,025 33 
 
 Note.— Only the appropriations from which war expenditures were made are included in the above. 
 
 NATlONAIi DEBTS, EXPENDITURE AND COMMERCE, PER CAPITA. 
 
 Debt per 
 head. 
 
 Annual 
 
 Annual 
 
 Annual 
 
 expenditure 
 
 imports 
 
 exports 
 
 per head. 
 
 per head. 
 
 per head. 
 
 $39.07 
 
 $12.04 
 
 $20.31 
 
 $25.06 
 
 5.73 
 
 1.03 
 
 7.19 
 
 5.70 
 
 65.20 
 
 9.29 
 
 
 
 17 68 
 
 7 53 
 
 
 
 48.08 
 
 10.13 
 
 53.41 
 
 40.06 
 
 10.04 
 
 2.58 
 
 3.30 
 
 2.08 
 
 36 43 
 
 6 70 
 
 8,71 
 
 10.31 
 
 31.16 
 
 669 
 
 25.87 
 
 24.94 
 
 24.49 
 
 10 66 
 
 18.21 
 
 17.96 
 
 5.22 
 
 .94 
 
 2.35 
 
 3.38 
 
 27.19 
 
 6.83 
 
 26.31 
 
 17.95 
 
 20.20 
 
 24.36 
 
 8.77 
 
 4.51 
 
 85.82 
 
 10.42 
 
 5..52 
 
 12.94 
 
 127 23 
 
 14.07 
 
 24.17 
 
 26.05 
 
 .70 
 
 3.15 
 
 21.54 
 
 14.21 
 
 10 55 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 114.62 
 
 12.35 
 
 59.11 
 
 40.59 
 
 27.50 
 
 5.35 
 
 16.49 
 
 10.30 
 
 3.01 
 
 142 
 
 .93 
 
 1.48 
 
 71.94 
 
 10.12 
 
 9.67 
 
 8.85 
 
 42.63 
 
 2.08 
 
 3.13 
 
 3.41 
 
 101.21 
 
 1137 
 
 71.27 
 
 67.70 
 
 7.48 
 
 5.91 
 
 28.77 
 
 18.77 
 
 54.72 
 
 3.39 
 
 255 
 
 2.74 
 
 79..S2 
 
 12.02 
 
 
 14.02 
 
 9l>.84 
 
 0.70 
 
 8.60 
 
 5.97 
 
 11.H2 
 
 3.85 
 
 3 19 
 
 5.60 
 
 20.33 
 
 4.83 
 
 4.22 
 
 3.23 
 
 3.01 
 
 1.43 
 
 4.58 
 
 4.06 
 
 142.71 
 
 7.83 
 
 3.96 
 
 448 
 
 888 
 
 4.93 
 
 19.39 
 
 14.11 
 
 2.25 
 
 3.08 
 
 
 
 .31.70 
 
 4.38 
 
 2 23 
 
 \M 
 
 62.58 
 
 6.13 
 
 12.64 
 
 15.40 
 
 98 00 
 
 15.28 
 
 49.25 
 
 38.09 
 
 35.11 
 
 2.04 
 
 6.72 
 
 9.62 
 
 Country. 
 
 Argentine Republic 
 
 Austria-Hungary 
 
 Austria proper 
 
 Hungary proper 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Bolivia 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Canada 
 
 Chili 
 
 Colombia 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Ecuador 
 
 Egypt 
 
 France 
 
 German- Empire 
 
 Prussia 
 
 Great Brittain and Ireland.. 
 
 Greece 
 
 India, British 
 
 Italy 
 
 Mexico 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 Norway. 
 
 ParagiJay 
 
 Peru 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Roumania 
 
 Russia 
 
 Bervia 
 
 Spain 
 
 Sweden. 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Turkey 
 
 United States 
 
 Uruguay 
 
 Venezuela
 
 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— RATES OF "WAGES. 
 
 79 
 
 RTATEMKNT, 
 
 Showing the Average Weekly Rates of Wages in the s(Vi:r<U Countries, eompiltd from the Consular Reports and 
 compared with Ratca preuaUing in the Unitol StutcH. 
 
 Occupation!. 
 
 Bel- 
 guim. 
 
 Den- 
 mark 
 
 Fr'ce. 
 
 Ger- 
 many 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Spain 
 
 United Ki 
 
 Qgdom. 
 
 United Utates. 
 
 Engl'd. 
 
 Irel'd 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 N. York 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 Agricultural laborers: 
 Men without board or 
 lodni'itc 
 
 
 83 15 
 1 3C 
 
 1 10 
 
 82 87 
 1 48 
 
 1 08 
 75 
 
 3 60 
 
 4 00 
 
 3 05 
 
 4 30 
 3 92 
 3 80 
 
 3 (iO 
 
 4 00 
 
 3 50 
 3 55 
 3 82 
 3 20 
 3 85 
 3 97 
 3 30 
 
 3 30 
 
 4 00 
 
 4 00 
 3 25 
 
 3 30 
 
 4 80 
 
 3 CO 
 3 30 
 3 12 
 3 58 
 3 65 
 
 2 92 
 
 8 35 
 
 3 30 
 3 22 
 3 52 
 3 41 
 
 2 Co 
 
 3 10 
 
 83 50 
 1 80 
 
 1 55 
 60 
 
 3 45 
 
 4 18 
 
 3 95 
 
 4 00 
 4 60 
 
 4 35 
 3 90 
 3 9i> 
 
 3 90 
 3 94 
 
 3 no 
 
 5 49 
 
 4 20 
 4 95 
 4 35 
 3 90 
 
 3 91) 
 
 4 00 
 
 3 50 
 
 4 95 
 3 90 
 
 3 90 
 
 3 90 
 
 4 32 
 4 30 
 
 3 CO 
 
 2 60 
 
 9 50 
 
 4 50 
 
 
 |3 00 
 2 CO 
 
 1 80 
 
 1 16 
 
 8 12 
 
 8 26 
 
 7 25 
 
 8 15 
 
 7 25 
 
 8 70 
 7 75 
 
 7 90 
 
 6 50 
 
 8 12 
 
 7 83 
 7 40 
 7 23 
 7 70 
 7 30 
 
 7 40 
 
 8 00 
 
 9 72 
 
 83 40 
 
 1 30 
 
 2 10 
 75 
 
 7 58 
 
 7 33 
 7 95 
 7 58 
 7 54 
 
 7 68 
 
 8 40 
 
 84 26 
 
 tl 50-2 40 
 
 1 80-3 25 
 
 CO-1 00 
 
 9 03 
 
 8 12 
 8 40 
 8 28 
 8 16 
 10 13 
 
 7 13 
 
 8 30 
 
 6 60 
 
 7 04 
 6 6f) 
 6 90 
 4 75 
 
 8 48 
 
 6 10 
 
 7 10 
 
 6 25 
 
 8 75 
 
 7 00 
 7 50 
 7 62 
 
 6 15 
 
 6 33 
 
 7 35 
 
 7 00 
 6 m 
 4 50 
 
 8 70 
 4 90 
 
 4 09! 
 
 5 121 
 5 19 
 4 44 
 4 271 
 
 
 Men, with b'd and Id >{ 
 
 
 
 "1 " • 
 
 Womi'ii, uithouibo'rd 
 and h>du;inn 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Women with bo'rd and 
 
 
 
 
 House building trades: 
 
 86 00 
 
 6 40 
 6 40 
 6 00 
 
 4 20 
 
 5 40 
 
 6 00 
 
 
 400 
 5 42 
 
 85 12 
 4 88 
 4 80 
 
 $12-815 
 
 9- 12 
 10- 14 
 12- 18 
 10- 10 
 10- 16 
 12- 18 
 10- 16 
 
 5- 8 
 10- 14 
 12- 18 
 10- 14 
 
 8- 12 
 
 9- 13 
 12- 10 
 12- 16 
 10- 13 
 15- 25 
 12- 18 
 10- 15 
 
 8- 18 
 
 12- 15 
 12- 18 
 12- 18 
 10- 18 
 10- 14 
 
 6- 9 
 
 $6-810 
 
 7-12 
 
 10- 12 
 
 12- 16 
 
 6- 12 
 
 9- 15 
 
 Carpenters and join- 
 
 U 25 
 
 Gasfitters 
 
 
 4 45 
 4 15 
 
 5 OO 
 4 90 
 
 
 
 7 20 
 
 
 
 5 51) 
 
 12- 20 
 12- 18 
 
 8- 12 
 
 9- 13 
 
 
 
 
 General trades : 
 
 BalviM-s 
 
 4 40 
 4 40 
 
 4 25 
 3 90 
 
 3 72 
 
 4 20 
 4 50 
 
 5 55 
 5 45 
 
 4 85 
 
 5 40 
 4 05 
 3 00 
 
 
 
 
 
 9- 20 
 
 
 
 
 8- 15 
 12- 18 
 
 Hi Ue hers 
 
 4 50 
 4 80 
 
 5 42 
 
 6 00 
 
 7 00 
 
 "4 ^'0 
 4 95 
 
 
 
 
 7- 15 
 0- 15 
 
 roiipers 
 
 4 10 
 3 85 
 3 85 
 
 
 Corpersmiths 
 
 
 
 LV 'H) 
 
 
 
 4 63 
 
 
 15- ''0 
 
 
 
 
 
 9- 30 
 
 
 
 3 85 
 
 4 00 
 4 62 
 
 3 85 
 
 4 85 
 
 3 30 
 
 4 10 
 3 90 
 
 5 40 
 
 
 7 20 
 
 
 16- 25 
 
 
 
 
 7 50 
 7 75 
 
 6 80 
 
 
 12- 20 
 
 
 4 70 
 
 5 00 
 
 
 
 12 18 
 
 Saddlers and harness- 
 
 4 80 
 
 
 
 6- 12 
 
 
 
 7 30 
 7 35 
 85- 7 30 
 7 30 
 5 00 
 
 9 12 
 
 
 12- 15 
 
 
 4 75 
 6 10 
 4 40 
 
 3 90 
 3 91) 
 3 90 
 3 00 
 
 9- 18 
 
 
 
 6- 18 
 9- 12 
 
 
 4 80 
 3 00 
 
 
 Laborers, porters, &c. 
 
 Kaihvay employees: 
 En,i:ineors,pass. trains 
 Firemen, do. 
 
 
 5- 6 
 
 
 11 33 
 25 
 3 60 
 5 85 
 5 50 
 5 00 
 3 35 
 
 9 on 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 00 4 50 
 6 50 4 00 
 5 60 5 00 
 5 60 5 00 
 4 50 4 00 
 4 50 4 Of) 
 
 .. .. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 00 
 4 00 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 401 
 3 30 
 
 
 
 
 Laborers 
 
 
 
 
 
 STATEMENT, 
 
 Showing the Averag* Weekly Rates of Wag-es in the principal Cities of Europe, compiled from Considar Reports 
 and compared with Rates in New York and Chicago. 
 
 Occupation. 
 
 Bel- 
 gium. 
 (Br's- 
 sels). 
 
 Fr'ce 
 (Bor- 
 d'aux 
 
 Ger- 
 many 
 fDr's- 
 den) 
 
 Italy 
 Home 
 
 .Spain Switz- 
 
 (Bar- erl'd 
 
 ce- (Ge- 
 
 lona). 'eva). 
 
 U. . 
 King- 
 dom. 
 Livp'l 
 
 United States. 
 (New York). 
 
 United States. 
 (Chicago). 
 
 House-building trades : 
 
 86 00 
 
 5 40 
 
 6 40 
 6 00 
 
 84 80 
 
 5 00 
 
 
 $3 00 
 3 00 
 
 85 40 *i so 
 
 89 25 
 
 ftT> 
 
 00 to 815 (X) 
 
 — 12 
 
 — 14 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 16 
 
 — 16 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 15 
 
 — 8 
 
 — 14 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 14 
 
 — 12 
 
 — 13 
 
 — 16 
 
 — 16 
 
 — 13 
 
 — 25 
 
 — 18 
 -s 16 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 15 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 18 
 
 — 14 
 
 — 9 
 
 So 00 to *1 II 50 
 
 Carpenters and joiners 
 
 Gasfitters 
 
 $3 75 
 
 5 00 
 
 6 00 
 4 CO 
 
 9 00! 9 
 
 7 80' 10 
 
 8 70i 12 
 
 8 50| 10 
 
 9 72 10 
 9 00 12 
 9 72 10 
 
 7 50 — 12 
 10 — 12 
 
 
 5 40 
 
 3 75 
 
 3 00 
 
 6 Oii 
 
 7 00 
 7 00 
 
 4 80 
 4 60 
 4 60 
 4 CO 
 4 60 
 
 4 SO 
 4 80 
 4 CO 
 
 12 — 15 
 
 
 6 — 12 
 
 
 5 40 
 
 6 00 
 
 
 
 
 9 — 15 
 
 
 C 00 
 
 
 
 12 — 20 
 
 Slaters 
 
 
 ; 
 
 12 — 18 
 
 General trades: 
 
 600 
 6 00 
 
 6 00 
 
 4 80 
 
 4 80 
 4 80 
 
 3 50 
 
 4 00 
 
 2 00 
 
 3 (K) 
 
 4 00 
 
 
 5 40 
 4 50 
 3 00 
 
 6 00 
 
 
 6 
 in 
 
 8 — 12 
 
 Blaek smiths 
 
 3 30 
 
 8 90 
 
 9 — 12 
 
 
 8 00; 12 
 
 7 20 10 
 
 9 — 20 
 
 
 4 75 
 
 8 — li 
 
 
 6 00 
 
 4 80 
 6 00 
 6 00 
 
 5 60 
 
 6 00 
 6 00 
 
 6 00 
 
 4 60 
 6 00 
 4 60 
 4 CO 
 4 60 
 4 80 
 
 
 8 
 q 
 
 12 — 18 
 
 
 
 4 20 
 
 5 50 
 
 8 00 
 
 7 — 15 
 
 
 8 00 
 
 
 8 75 12 
 8 90 12 
 
 6 — 15 
 
 
 4 75 
 4 00 
 
 
 15 — 20 
 
 
 4 20 
 
 ::::::::: :::::::: 
 
 
 10 
 16 
 ^9. 
 
 16 — 20 
 
 Engravers 
 
 Horseshoers 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 — .30 ■ 
 
 4 80 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 6lii 
 
 15 — 25 
 
 Millwrights 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 7it 10 
 10 .50 8 
 7 30 12 
 
 12 — 20 
 
 
 6 00 
 4 80 
 6 00 
 6 00 
 6 00 
 4 80 
 3 50 
 
 3 00 
 
 4 80 
 
 
 
 4 80 
 
 4 60 
 4 60 
 
 12 — 18 
 
 
 
 
 6 — 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 ^9. 
 
 12 — 15 
 
 
 4 20 
 4 80 
 4 80 
 
 2 00 
 
 3 00 
 3 00 
 2 50 
 
 3 60 
 3 fJO 
 
 3 60 
 
 3 60 
 
 4 00 
 
 4 CO 
 4 8'" 
 4 80 
 3 00 
 
 8 75 
 
 9 — 18 
 
 Tailors 
 
 10 
 
 7 .W 10 
 6 82 6 
 
 6 — 18 
 
 
 9 — 12 
 
 
 
 6 50— 9 
 
 
 
 

 
 80 
 
 AMERICxiN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vu 
 
 STATEMENT, 
 
 Shoicing the average Retail Prices of the Necessaries of Life in the Prinripal Cities of Europe, compiled from 
 Consular Reports, and compared with same in New York mid Chicago. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 [3-c 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bel- 
 
 Fran' 
 
 Ger- 
 
 Italy. 
 
 Spain. 
 
 % a 
 
 United King- 
 
 United States, 
 
 
 gium. 
 
 
 many 
 
 
 
 <n~ 
 
 dom. 
 
 
 
 Articles. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Brus- 
 
 Bor- 
 
 Dres- 
 
 
 Barce- 
 
 Cien 
 
 
 
 
 
 sels. 
 
 d'au.K 
 
 den. 
 
 Rome. 
 
 lona. 
 
 eva. 
 
 Liverpool. 
 
 New York. 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 
 Cis. 
 
 as. 
 
 Cts. 
 
 Us. 
 
 as. 
 
 CU. 
 
 as. 
 
 Cts. 
 
 CU. 
 
 Bread per lb. 
 
 Flour do .. 
 
 4-5 
 
 3-1 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 
 4 
 
 33^- 5 
 
 t r^ 
 
 2^- 4<| 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 6^ 
 
 7 
 
 Beef: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Roasting per lb. 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 24 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 22 
 
 12- 16 
 
 8 - 121^ 
 
 Soup do... 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 6- 8 
 
 5 - 8 
 
 Rump do... 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 18 
 
 14- 10 
 
 8 - 121^ 
 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 8- 12 
 
 4 - 7 
 
 Veal; 
 
 
 
 Fore quarter. pr. lb. 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 
 14 
 
 8- 10 
 
 6-10 
 
 Hind quarter....do... 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 10- 12 
 
 10 - 12 
 
 Cutlets do... 
 
 20 
 
 22 
 
 18 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 20- 24 
 
 121^- 15 
 
 Mutton: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Fore qaarter..pr. lb. 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 12 
 
 
 14 
 
 9- 10 
 
 5 - 121^ 
 
 Hind quarter... do... 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 12- 14 
 
 5 - 153^ 
 
 Chops do... 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 
 20 
 
 14:- 16 
 
 10 - 15 
 
 Pork: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Fresh per lb. 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 8- 10 
 
 4 - 8 
 
 Salted do... 
 
 16 
 
 14 
 
 18 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 8- 10 
 
 6-12 
 
 Bacon ...do... 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 25 
 
 30 
 
 
 20 
 
 8- 10 
 
 7-12 
 
 Ham do... 
 
 20 
 
 2.5 
 
 35 
 
 3(^1 
 
 40 
 
 28 
 
 24 
 
 8- 12 
 
 7-15 
 
 Shoulder do... 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 30 
 
 25 
 
 30 
 
 
 16 
 
 8- 10 
 
 4-10 
 
 Sausage do... 
 
 18 
 20 
 
 20 50 
 
 20-25 
 
 50 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 20 
 
 To 
 
 33 
 
 48 
 
 20 
 25 
 10 
 30 
 28 
 SI 20 
 
 
 
 20 
 16 
 
 8- 10 
 10- 12 
 
 6- 7 
 
 25- 32 
 
 12- 20 
 
 SI 40-81 60 
 
 6-10 
 
 19 
 9 
 40 
 25 
 «1 00 
 
 
 6-10 
 
 Codfish do... 
 
 
 5 - 9 
 
 Butter do... 
 
 30 
 23 
 60 
 
 24- 36 
 
 12- 20 
 
 SI 20 - SI 50 
 
 16 - 40 
 
 Cheese do... 
 
 
 5-16 
 
 Potatoes per bush. 
 
 60 
 
 60 - 180 
 
 Rice per lb. 
 
 Beans per qt. 
 
 Milk do... 
 
 
 
 10 
 14 
 
 5 
 15 
 4 
 
 12 
 12 
 
 
 4- 10 
 
 8- 10 
 
 7- 10 
 
 8- 10 
 
 5-10 
 
 
 
 5 - 9 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 - 8 
 
 3 - 6 
 
 Eggs per doz. 
 
 20-25 
 
 10-15 
 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 14 - 18 
 
 25- 30 
 
 10 - 24 
 
 Oatmeal per lb. 
 
 Tea do... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 33^- 4 
 40 - 85 
 24-40 
 
 5-8 
 
 4- 5 
 50- ■ 60 
 20- 30 
 
 8- 10 
 60- 70 
 
 4 - 6 
 
 "3^-"40 
 15-20 
 
 
 75 
 3(; 
 12 
 
 
 60 
 40 
 10 
 
 50 
 
 30 
 
 8 
 
 25 -SI 00 
 
 
 40 
 8 
 
 15 - 40 
 
 Sugar do... 
 
 Molasses per gal. 
 
 
 7-10 
 
 
 40 - 80 
 
 Soap per lb. 
 
 Starch do... 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 
 4-10 
 
 6- 7 
 
 3 - 8 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Sii 00 
 
 9 
 
 S9 00 
 
 
 
 8- 10 
 S4 00-$5 25 
 
 5 - 10 
 
 Coal per ton. 
 
 
 
 $3 10 
 
 
 $3 65 - S4 38 
 
 S4 50 -S6 75 
 
 
 
 
 THE HISTORY OF CORRUPTION. 
 
 Statement showing the Receipts and Dviburgementi of the Government from if.s Orgaiiization to June 30, 1879, and the Amovnl 
 of Iy)sses, and the ratio of such Losses per Sl,(io0 to the Aijiiregii'le Receii-e.d and hishursed, arranged as neiirhj as prac- 
 ticable in periods of Administrations ; also in the periods prior and subsequeyit to June 30, 1861; prepared by the Trea- 
 surij Department in answer to numerotij! iiuptiries. 
 
 Revision of reply to Senate resolution of Feb. 9, 1876, extending the comparison therein made to June 30, 1879. 
 
 U 
 
 p 
 
 '> 
 
 o 
 02 
 
 O 
 
 E 
 
 © 
 
 Total Receipts from Cus- 
 toms, Internal Revenue, 
 Public Lands, Loans, 
 Dividends, Interest, Pre- 
 miums, Direct Tax and 
 Miscellaneous. 
 
 Tot.Hl Di.-bursementi on act. 
 of Public Debt, Premiums, 
 War, Navy, Pensions, Inte- 
 rest, Indians, and all civil 
 expenses, exclusive of Post 
 Office, which receives and 
 disburses its own revenues. 
 
 Recapitulation.* 
 
 
 Receipts. 
 
 Losses. 
 
 Loss 
 on 
 
 SI 000 
 
 Disburse- 
 ments. 
 
 Losses. 
 
 Loss 
 on 
 
 8T(WU 
 
 Amt. Invol'd 
 
 Tot. Los. 
 
 Loss 
 
 on 
 
 SKHIO 
 
 Washington ... 
 Adams, John .. 
 Jefferson 
 
 Yrs 
 8 
 4 
 8 
 8 
 8 
 4 
 8 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 4 
 8 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 56,448,721 
 46,085,418 
 108,238,978 
 266,240,515 
 178,049.964 
 97,818,1155 
 2.55,182,775 
 129,948,549 
 
 116,736,005 
 
 201,857,508 
 
 211,908,613 
 
 28'?,179,K3(l 
 312,359,0811 
 4,070,460,138 
 4,042,310,438 
 fi,3]H,c,98,32l 
 1 ,728,979,907 
 
 S 
 21(),.552 
 42,250 
 287,260 
 294,975 
 629,947 
 332,953 
 1,412,388 
 392,328 
 
 429,981 
 
 18,110 
 
 270,279 
 
 213,002 
 
 191,004 
 
 508,494 
 
 2,562,722 
 
 1,189,140 
 
 None 
 
 S 
 3 72 
 91 
 
 2 65 
 1 10 
 
 3 52 
 3 40j 
 5 53! 
 3 01 
 
 3 68 
 
 08 
 
 1 30 
 75I 
 62 
 10 
 63 
 22 
 none 
 
 S 
 65,426,822 
 43,811,920 
 107,686,312 
 255,105,100 
 188,437.78(1 
 97,264,(10(1 
 223.546,050 
 137,094,438 
 
 109,187,401 
 
 205,194,701 
 
 191,370,493 
 
 285,638,870 
 32.S.I83,'J6« 
 
 4,067 ,4.57 .on 
 
 3,^91,576,259 
 5.287,004,040 
 1,557, 034. 9(!4 
 
 $ 
 38,498 
 
 190,950 
 
 30,3,834 
 1,S.55,447 
 2,192,530 
 
 513,829 
 2.300,237 
 2,899,654 
 
 1,1.33,242 
 
 1,712,170 
 
 1,18,5,193 
 
 1,674,853 
 2,292,825 
 6,599,02.3 
 1,SS9,641 
 1,138,511 
 1,384 
 
 8 
 
 69 
 
 4 35 
 2 82 
 
 7 27 
 13 22 
 
 5 28 
 10 31 
 21 15 
 
 10 37 
 
 8 34 
 7 64 
 
 5 86 
 
 6 98 
 
 1 41 
 
 4S 
 21 
 (K) 
 
 S 
 
 ]12,560,.504 
 90,733,612 
 219,072,736 
 620,704,050 
 370,328,275 
 201,488,077 
 500,081,718 
 285,327,949 
 
 244,590 150 
 
 423,913,687 
 
 432,801 ,(J77 
 
 608.2.57,816 
 697,500,871 
 9,38(),097,144 
 8,014,908,981 
 10,812,922,583 
 3,3,53,629,856 
 
 S 
 
 2,50.970 
 
 235,412 
 
 603,168 
 
 2,191,()00 
 
 3.229,787 
 
 885,374 
 
 3,701,112 
 
 3,343,792 
 
 1,565,903 
 
 1,732,851 
 
 1,814,409 
 
 2,167,982 
 2,659,108 
 7,2(K),984 
 4,619,600 
 2,622,479 
 2,677 
 
 8 
 
 2 22 
 2 59 
 2 75 
 4 16 
 
 
 8 58 
 
 Adams, J. Q.... 
 
 4 39 
 7 62 
 
 Van Buren 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Tyler 
 
 11 71 
 6 40 
 
 Polk 
 
 Taylor 
 
 4 08 
 
 
 
 Pierce 
 
 3 66 
 
 Buchanan 
 
 3 81 
 70 
 
 
 57 
 
 
 8- 1 24 
 
 
 10ml 
 
 
 
 
 18,024,115,418 
 
 8,991, .375 
 
 49 
 
 82 09 
 27 
 
 17.n3».6zO,90n 
 
 2«,527,S5.S 
 
 818,899,269 
 0,628,689 
 
 1 61 
 
 36,317,639 725 
 
 38,887,568 
 
 1 07 
 
 Priorto J'ne30 
 1861 
 
 82,203,600,611 
 15,760,454.807 
 
 84,734,020 
 4.200.355 
 
 $2,2,30,947.173 
 15,403.073,790 
 
 88 47. 
 
 84,719,481,157 
 31,598,158.568 
 
 24,441,829 
 14,445.739 
 
 85 17 
 40 
 
 Fniiri J'ly 1,'6] 
 June .30, 1879 
 
 
 62 
 
 Including ail other amounts collected or disbursed, and the losses thereoa.
 
 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— PRICES OF GOLD, 
 
 81 
 
 HIGHEST AND LOWEST PRICES OF GOLD IN NEW YORK. 
 
 FbOM 1862 UNTIL BETL'EN OF SpECIE PaTME.NTB. 
 
 Compiled from the Commercial and Financial Chronicle. 
 
 Month 
 
 H. 
 
 159% 
 
 IRl 
 
 loo^M 
 
 184-)| 
 
 19(J 
 
 250 
 
 285 
 
 261% 
 
 254a 
 
 227^ 
 
 2C.0 
 
 243 
 
 L. 
 
 1511^ 
 
 157i^ 
 
 159 
 
 166<4 
 
 108 
 
 193 
 
 222 
 
 2311^ 
 
 191 
 
 189 
 
 210 
 
 212?^ 
 
 IRCG. 
 
 H. 
 
 234% 
 210% 
 201 
 
 145t| 
 
 147% 
 
 140U 
 
 145Vi 
 
 145 
 
 149 
 
 148% 
 
 148^ 
 
 197K 
 190% 
 1481^ 
 143k 
 128k 
 135g 
 138% 
 140V| 
 142% 
 144U 
 145>^ 
 
 285 \5ll4 234% 128^^ 
 
 H. L. 
 
 140% 13.5% 
 
 1301^ 124% 
 
 129t| 12.51^ 
 
 141>| 12.5% 
 
 148% 137k 
 141% 131^ 
 
 107% 125% 146% 132% 
 
 H. L. 
 
 137% 132% 
 
 140% 135% 
 
 140% 133% 
 
 141% 132% 
 
 138% 135 
 
 1.3«% 130% 
 
 14f)% l:)8 
 
 142% 1.39% 
 
 140% 141 
 
 145% 14<»4 
 
 141% 1,38% 
 
 137% ia3 
 
 Month. 
 
 January.... 
 February.. 
 
 March 
 
 .•\pril 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 July 
 
 August 
 
 September 
 
 October 
 
 November. 
 December, 
 
 Year 
 
 H. 
 
 142'^ 
 144 
 
 ui'4 
 
 140% 
 
 141 f| 
 
 145>-| 
 
 1.50 
 
 145% 
 
 140% 
 
 137 
 
 130% 
 
 133'4 
 139% 
 137% 
 137% 
 139% 
 139% 
 143% 
 143'/< 
 
 1415| 
 133% 
 132 
 134% 
 
 >6^ 
 !0% 
 
 H. 
 
 136^ 
 130* 
 132l| 
 
 144% 
 
 139% 
 
 137% 
 
 130k 
 
 102^1 
 
 132 
 
 128% 
 
 124 
 
 L. 
 
 134% 
 130% 
 130% 
 131% 
 134% 
 130% 
 134(1 
 131% 
 129% 
 I2814 
 121% 
 119% 
 
 H. 
 
 123W 
 
 121% 
 
 110% 
 
 115% 
 
 115% 
 
 114% 
 
 122% 
 
 122 
 
 116% 
 
 11.3g 
 
 111% 
 
 119% 
 115% 
 
 110<4 
 111% 
 113% 
 110% 
 111% 
 114% 
 
 112!4 
 111^^ 
 
 110 
 110% 
 
 H- 
 
 111% 
 112>| 
 
 "^^ 
 
 111% 
 
 112'| 
 
 113% 
 
 113% 
 
 113% 
 
 115% 
 
 115 
 
 112% 
 
 iio';i 
 
 110% 
 
 110-j| 
 
 110% 
 
 110% 
 
 111 
 
 111% 
 
 111% 
 
 112% 
 
 no% 
 
 108% 
 
 1872 
 
 H. 
 
 110% 
 
 111 
 
 110% 
 113% 
 114% 
 114% 
 115% 
 115% 
 1151^ 
 115l| 
 114% 
 113% 
 
 108% 
 109 U 
 109% 
 109% 
 
 ll'-i^ 
 
 113 
 
 113% 
 
 112% 
 
 112^^ 
 
 112% 
 
 111% 
 
 iii?i 
 
 118% II45I 
 
 119>| 110% 
 
 118% 110% 
 
 118% 115 
 
 110% 115 
 
 116% 114% 
 
 lick 110% 
 
 111% 117% 
 
 110% 100% 
 
 112% 108% 
 
 150 
 
 132 162% 119% j 12;i% 110 i 115% 108% 115% 10S% 119% 106% 
 
 Month. 
 
 H. 
 
 January 
 
 February 
 
 March 
 
 April 
 
 May 
 
 June 
 
 July 
 
 August 
 
 September 
 
 October 
 
 November ! 112''<; 
 
 December \ \VZ^ 
 
 112% 
 113 
 
 WVi 
 113% 
 112<| 
 
 11"% 
 110% 
 110% 
 110'', 
 
 L. 
 
 110% 
 111% 
 111% 
 
 1113-1 
 
 111^ 
 
 110% 
 
 109 
 
 109% 
 
 109% 
 
 109% 
 
 110 
 
 11014 
 
 113% 
 
 115% 
 
 117 
 
 116% 
 
 116% 
 
 117k 
 
 117% 
 
 117-g 
 
 116^2 
 11.5% 
 
 L. 
 
 111% 
 
 113% 
 
 114% 
 
 114 
 
 115 
 
 110% 
 
 112% 
 113?? 
 
 H. I.. 
 
 11.3% 112% 
 
 114% 112% 
 
 115 
 
 11.3% 
 
 113>| 
 
 113 
 
 112^^ 
 
 112% 
 
 IKP^ 
 
 ll:i',' 
 
 110% l(l.><% 
 109 107 
 
 1133^ 
 112% 
 112% 
 111% 
 111% 
 109% 
 lO-.l'C 
 lOs"' 
 
 H. 
 
 107% 
 
 io(;% 
 10,5% 
 
 1(17% 
 106% 
 
 look 
 
 105% 
 104 * 
 
 ia3% 
 mVM 
 10,3% 
 
 1051^ 
 104 ■%• ' 
 104'.^ 
 1<>4% I 
 
 loo'i 
 
 1043? 
 105% 
 
 ia3'i 
 102% I 
 
 10 •% I 
 
 io2V«; 
 
 1027^ 
 
 102 
 
 101% 
 
 101% 
 
 101 
 
 10(>% 
 
 1.10% 
 
 100% 
 
 100:'| 
 
 100% 
 
 10<jk 
 
 101% 
 101% 
 
 loo'i^ 
 
 100% 
 100*i 
 100% 
 100-% 
 10(1% 
 100% 
 100% 
 100% 
 
 loo 
 
 Year.. 
 
 114>'s 109 I 117\s 111% 115 
 
 107"<^ 102% ' 10_'% 100 
 
 Note. — Specie payment resumed January 1, 1879, after a iuspeneion of nearly eighteen years.
 
 82 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 totaIj larpoRTS into the united states. 
 
 From the Official Report of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. 
 
 FREE OF DUTY. 
 
 VALUES. 
 
 Twelve Months ended 
 June 30— 
 
 1880. 
 
 1881. 
 
 Argols 
 
 Articles, the produce of manufacture of the United States, brought back.. 
 Bakks— Medicinal— Peruvian, calisaya, Lima, &e 
 
 Barks used for tanning 
 
 Cork bark and wood unmanufactured 
 
 B'">! ting-clot lis 
 
 Books.. 
 
 Camphor, crude 
 
 I liomioals, drugs, dyes and medicines. 
 Chloride of lime or bleaching powder.... 
 Cocoa, crude, and leaves and snells of... 
 Cochineal 
 
 Coffee 
 
 (;otton, raw 
 
 Cuteh or catechu, and terra-japonica or gambler.. 
 
 Dye-woods, in sticks 
 
 Eggs 
 
 Fish, not of American Fisheries: 
 
 Fresh, of all kinds 
 
 Herring, Pickled 
 
 Mackerel, pickled 
 
 All other 
 
 Fnr-skins, undressed 
 
 Guano (except from bonded island."). 
 
 Gums. 
 
 Gypsum or plaster of paris, unground 
 
 Haih, unmanufactured : 
 
 Horse-hair, used for weaving 
 
 Hair of all kinds 
 
 Hides and .«kin^, other than furs 
 
 Household and pernonal effects and wearing apparel, old and in use, of persons 
 
 arriving from foreign countries 
 
 India»rubber and gutta-percha, crude 
 
 Indigo 
 
 Madder, not including the extract of. 
 
 Oils — Whale or fish, not of ,\meriean fisheries 
 
 Vegetable, fixed or expressed 
 
 Volatile or essential 
 
 Paintings, statuary and other works of art, of American artists.. 
 Paper materials: 
 
 Rags, of cotton or linen 
 
 Other materials 
 
 Seeds 
 
 Silk, raw 
 
 Soda, nitrate of 
 
 Sulphur or brimstone, crude. 
 Tea 
 
 Tin in bars, lilocks or pigs 
 
 Wood, unmanufactured 
 
 All other free articles 
 
 Articles ad.mitted free uni>eb reciprocity treaty with Hawaiian Islands: 
 
 Fruits and nuts 
 
 Rice 
 
 Sugar, brown 
 
 Molasse.s 
 
 Tallow 
 
 All other articles 
 
 Total 
 
 Total imports free of duty., 
 
 $2,105,403 
 
 5,ii44,'i74 
 
 1,()78,113 
 
 470,382 
 
 603,556 
 
 372,227 
 
 291,488 
 
 302,802 
 
 6,739,158 
 
 985,.585 
 
 1,30(J,239 
 
 890,108 
 
 60,300,709 
 
 ,591,120 
 
 1,8(«,542 
 
 1,808,730 
 
 901,932 
 
 320,403 
 
 154,0(13 
 4!)3,059 
 9r2..33fi 
 
 2,490,277 
 108,735 
 
 2,444 ,.3(12 
 120,730 
 
 412,632 
 
 547,439 
 
 30,002,254 
 
 2,078,841 
 9,606,239 
 2,752,900 
 212,384 
 170,525 
 761,210 
 641,307 
 214,787 
 
 5,474,737 
 
 l,.502,4iiO 
 
 .590,103 
 
 12,024,099 
 1,805,110 
 1,927,502 
 
 19,782,()31 
 6,223,1 7t; 
 2,884,579 
 
 10,130,486 
 
 13,384 
 
 294,18(i 
 
 4,135,531 
 
 19,835 
 
 1,527 
 
 $2,266,095 
 
 5 257,527 
 
 1,844,375 
 
 ,500,977 
 
 782,273 
 
 329,289 
 
 332,047 
 
 350,6(J3 
 
 5,830,805 
 
 809,178 
 
 1,046,709 
 
 .537,360 
 
 56,775,391 
 
 757,308 
 
 1,099,510 
 
 1,072,065 
 
 1,203,007 
 
 377,.581 
 
 230,403 
 
 615,429 
 
 1,088,326 
 
 2,826.592 
 
 421,188 
 
 3,170,517 
 
 122,872 
 
 372,893 
 
 501,146 
 
 27,.597,1U 
 
 2,373,084 
 11,054,949 
 1,535,530 
 69,918 
 29^^600 
 657,0.53 
 530,713 
 325,523 
 
 3,507,532 
 
 1,277,104 
 
 271,023 
 
 10,888,264 
 2,356,183 
 2,713,494 
 
 21,014,813 
 3,977,718 
 3.323,814 
 
 11,566,958 
 
 20,600 
 
 3,89,017 
 
 4,92.s,,592 
 
 33,166 
 
 1,402 
 
 ,464,403 $6,373,077 
 
 $208,301,863 $202,491, ,547 
 
 IMPORTS ENTERED FOR CONSUMPTION. 
 
 Tnble shovring Values, Tolal Duties, Rnfrji of Dutv, and Average Duty, ad valorem, on nil Imported Commodities 
 palling 810<),<K)0 or upward into the Treasury', in the year ended June 30, 1881. 
 
 Compiled from the Official Report on Commerce and Navigation of the United Stated States for 1880. 
 
 Animals: Living 
 
 B'er, Ale, and Porfor, in bottles 
 
 " " " not In bottles 
 
 Total Beer, Ale, and Porter 
 
 Books, Engravings, and printed matter 
 
 Total Books, etc : 
 
 Values. 
 Dollars. 
 
 3.917,824 
 .532,174 
 
 210.076 
 
 818,9.59 
 2,445.909 
 
 2 560,.589 
 
 Duties. 
 Dollars. 
 
 783,565 
 205,676 
 115,372 
 
 341,180 
 011,492 
 
 035,230 
 
 Rate of Duty. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 35 c. per gall. 
 20 c. per gall. 
 
 25 per cent. 
 
 Duty 
 ad val. 
 per ct. 
 
 20. 
 
 38.0.5 
 
 53.39 
 
 40.18 
 25.00
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— IMPORTS INTO U. S. 83 
 
 IMPORTS ENTERED FOR CONSUMPTION.— [Continued.] 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Values. 
 Dollars. 
 
 Duties. 
 Dollars. 
 
 Rateof Duty. 
 
 Duty 
 lid vaL. 
 per ct. 
 
 30, 
 
 a5. 
 
 28.41 
 
 21.44 
 
 2(). 
 105.31 
 
 29.99 
 It. 01 
 4(J. 
 30. 
 
 68.4S 
 
 30. 
 
 21.49 
 
 60.25 
 
 40. 
 
 43.81 
 
 26..'i6 
 
 63 51 
 
 17.77 
 
 31.13 
 
 .35. 
 
 25. 
 
 20.46 
 24.03 
 
 24.88 
 45. 
 
 37.22 
 35. 
 
 44.50 
 
 58.05 
 
 35. 
 
 52.25 
 
 35. 
 35. 
 
 61.39 
 
 3.i. 
 35. 
 
 38.54 
 10. 
 
 45. 
 50. 
 40. 
 
 42.72 
 35. 
 
 50. 
 20. 
 35. 
 25. 
 50. 
 50. 
 50. 
 
 41.42 
 101.66 
 43.93 
 
 34.62 
 
 35. 
 40. 
 .30. 
 35. 
 40. 
 40. 
 40. 
 
 23.a 
 
 Braids, Plait.s, etc., of straw. 
 Brass, Manufactures of 
 
 Total Bras'? Manufactures . 
 Breadstuff's, etc : 
 
 Barley 
 
 Barley, Malt 
 
 Rice 
 
 Total Breadstuffs, etc 
 
 Bristles 
 
 Bru.shes 
 
 Button-i and Button Moulds 
 
 Cliernicals, Drugs, Dyes, and Medicines : 
 
 Aniline Dyes or Colors 
 
 Glycerine 
 
 Opium 
 
 Opium, smoking 
 
 Medicinal Pr'-parations, not otherwise specified. 
 
 Potash, Chromate and Bi-Chromate of. 
 
 Nitrate of (Saltpetre) 
 
 Soda, Caustic 
 
 Soda Ash 
 
 Total Chemicals, Drugs, Dyes, etc.. 
 
 Clocks and parts of 
 
 Watches 
 
 Total Clocks and Watches, not otherwise specified . 
 Coal, bituminous 
 
 Total Coal 
 
 Copper Manufactures, not otherwise specified 
 
 Total Copper and Manufactures 
 
 Corsets 
 
 Cotton Manufactures : 
 Plain, bleached, value 20 cents or less square yard 
 
 Printed or colored, 100 to 200 threads per square inch.... 
 
 Hosiery 
 
 Jeans, "Denims, etc., 100 to 200 threads per square 
 
 incii 
 
 Laces, Cords, Braids, etc 
 
 Ready-made Clothing 
 
 Threads, Yarn, etc., 40 to 60 cents per pound 
 
 Thread, 60 to 80 cents per pound 
 
 Thread, value over 80 cents per pound 
 
 Velvets, Velveteens, etc. 
 
 Manufactures of Cotton, not otherwise specified . 
 
 Total Cotton Manufactures 
 
 Diamonds, Gems, etc., not set 
 
 Earthenware and China: 
 
 China, etc., plain, white 
 
 Do. ornamented 
 
 Do. other earthenware or stoneware 
 
 Total Earthenware and China.. 
 
 Embroideries, Cotton or Wool 
 
 Fanijy Articles: 
 
 Beads and Bead Ornaments 
 
 Enamel 
 
 Fans 
 
 Feathers, crude 
 
 Feathers, artificial, etc 
 
 Perfumeries 
 
 Toys 
 
 Total Fancy Articles., 
 
 Fire-Crackers 
 
 Fish: Sardines 
 
 Total Fish 
 
 Flax and Manufactures of: 
 Linens, 30 cents and less per square yard.. 
 Do. over 30 cents " " 
 
 Burlaps, etc 
 
 Duck, f'anva*. Crash, etc 
 
 Handkerchiefs 
 
 Thread and Twine 
 
 Other JIanufaetures of Flax 
 
 2,.)40,38l 
 ■s.n,r>m 
 
 494,249 
 
 6,711,307 
 (•.(!3,218 
 99.5,098 
 
 95G 
 11« 
 
 405 
 
 ,334 
 ,415 
 ,349 
 •.i44 
 
 ,088 
 ,030 
 277 
 ,258 
 
 14,888,493 
 
 359,891 
 
 1,947,873 
 
 2,447,399 
 1,988,199 
 
 2,073,955 
 284,509 
 
 564,924 
 
 448,898 
 
 1,122.984 
 
 453,843 
 
 8,185,959 
 
 1,454,965 
 
 6,124,103 
 
 465,870 
 
 267,455 
 637,719 
 
 1,173,613 
 
 1,1.54,573 
 7,4,35,724 
 
 28,084,117 
 8,320,315 
 
 321,259 
 1,621,112 
 4,413,309 
 
 ,383,574 
 ,133,008 
 
 ,526,734 
 813,107 
 423,428 
 ,83;»,:558 
 996,025 
 224,304 
 024,439 
 
 7,084,302 
 2 8,250 
 913,057 
 
 1,355,725 
 
 9,6.58,405 
 
 2,108,858 
 
 4,12G,t)47 
 
 990 236 
 
 377,428 
 
 780,414 
 
 1,230,582 
 
 702,115 
 110,027 
 
 140,439 
 
 1,438,641 
 
 132,044 
 
 1,047,901 
 
 2,702,128 
 133,781 
 175,942 
 894,139 
 
 827,621 
 
 202,000 
 385,059 
 458,077 
 150,898 
 170,109 
 110,142 
 741,981 
 738,009 
 
 4,0.35,201 
 125,902 
 480,298 
 
 047,057 
 
 489,72i 
 
 510,007 
 128,029 
 
 21O,.308 
 157,114 
 
 499,733 
 
 203,461 
 
 2,865,086 
 
 760,230 
 
 1,793,430 
 
 163,005 
 
 156,004 
 330,110 
 
 633,460 
 
 404,101 
 2,002,504 
 
 10,825,115 
 832,031 
 
 144,507 
 
 810,5.50 
 
 1,705,348 
 
 2,727,476 
 1,906,580 
 
 703,367 
 284,.5S7 
 148,200 
 459,814 
 498,012 
 112,152 
 312,220 
 
 2,934,851 
 221,867 
 401,141 
 
 409,353 
 
 3,380,442 
 879,543 
 
 1,237,814 
 343,083 
 150,971 
 312.105 
 4942;W 
 
 Total Flax Manufactures I 21,020,571 I 6,984,3.5 
 
 6J 
 
 .30 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 15 e. per bush. 
 20 per cent. 
 2i^c. per lb. 
 
 c. per lb. ) 
 d 35 p. c. J 
 
 16 c. per lb. 
 40 per cent. 
 30 per cent. 
 
 '■50 c. 
 
 t and 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 Si per lb. 
 
 $0 per o7,. 
 
 40 per cent. 
 
 4 e. per lb. 
 
 1 c. per lb. 
 
 1\4 c. per lb. 
 
 }4 c. per lb. 
 
 35 per cent. 
 25 per cent. 
 
 75 c. per ton. 
 
 45 per cent. 
 
 35 per cent. 
 
 5)4 per sq. yd. 
 
 {5J4C. per.sq. ) 
 yd". & 20 p. c. J 
 35 per cent. 
 / 6Vii c. per sq. ) 
 lycf. &15p.c.; 
 
 35 per cent. 
 .35 per cent. 
 
 ('A) e. per lb. ) 
 I and 20 p. ct. J 
 j.30 c. per lb. ( 
 1 and 20 p. c. j 
 J40c. per lb. I 
 I and 20 p. c. / 
 
 36 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 
 45 per cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 40 per cent. 
 
 50 per cent. 
 20 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 25 per cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 
 81 per box. 
 4 c. per box. 
 
 35 per cent. 
 4<i per cent. 
 .30 per cent. 
 .')5 per cent. 
 40 per cent. 
 40 per cent. 
 40 per cent.
 
 84 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. 
 
 IMPORTS ElVTERED FOR CONSUMPTION.— [Continued] 
 
 Fruits and Nuts: 
 
 Currants 
 
 Lemons and Oranges... 
 Almonds, not shelled.... 
 
 Do. shelled 
 
 Filberts and Walnuts... 
 Preserved Sweetmeats. 
 
 Prunes 
 
 Kaisins 
 
 Total Fruits and Nuts 
 
 Furs and Manufactures of: 
 
 Dressed 
 
 Undressed 
 
 ; Hats, Caps, Mutfs, etc., of Fur 
 
 Total Furs and l^Ianufactures 
 
 Glass .ind Manufactures of: 
 
 Bottles, containing: liquor 
 
 Porcelaiu, Bohemian, etc 
 
 Plate Glass, 24x.30 to 24x60 square feet 
 
 Do. atiove 24x60 " 
 
 Do. silvered, 16x24 to 24x30 square feet . 
 
 Window Glaas, not overl0xl5 
 
 Do. 10x15 to 64x24 
 
 Window Glass, 16x24 to HxAO 
 
 do above 24xi0 
 
 Glass Manufactures not otherwise specified 
 
 Values. 
 Dollars. 
 
 84.5,773 
 
 3,906,804 
 
 327,724 
 
 24.5,790 
 
 3S3,004 
 
 577,929 
 
 1,552,946 
 
 2,711.772 
 
 12,511,806 
 
 2,388,573 
 
 l,.50l,658 
 
 379,931 
 
 4,270,161 
 
 820.807 
 289,707 
 592,245 
 491,604 
 333,712 
 366,840 
 363,543 
 361,268 
 ,276,094 
 
 Total Glass and Manufactures 6,862,270 
 
 Hair and Manufactures of 734,056 
 
 Hat.s Bonnets and Hoods 1,965,632 
 
 Hemp, Jute, &c., Manufaetureis of: 
 
 Bags and Bagging 1,478,605 
 
 Jute and Sunn Hemp 1,135,248 
 
 Jnte Butts 1,819,192 
 
 JIauilla, &c 3,62.5,341 
 
 Sisal Gras.s, &c - 1,400,048 
 
 Total Hemp, Jute, and other fibre 
 
 Iron and Steel Manufactures : 
 Band, Hoop and Scroll Iron, under J^ inch not thinner 
 
 than No. 20 wire guage 
 
 Bar Iron, rolled or hammered 
 
 Iron Ore, tons 
 
 Pig Iron, cwts 
 
 Bars for railroads 
 
 Rolled or Hammered, not otherwise specified 
 
 Scrap Iron, east, cwts 
 
 do wrought, cwts 
 
 Sheet Iron, polished 
 
 Manufactures of Iron not otherwise specified 
 
 Total Iron and Manufactures 
 
 Steel and JIanufactures of: 
 
 Blooms 
 
 Pen and Pocket Knives 
 
 All other Cutlery 
 
 Ingots, > ars, Ac, 7c. or less per pound 
 
 do 7 to lie. per pound 
 
 Muskets and Fire-arms 
 
 Needles 
 
 Railway Bars or Rails 
 
 Steel, in forms not otherwise specified 
 
 Manufactures of Steel not otherwise specified 
 
 Total Steel and Manufactures of 
 
 Jet, Manufactures of 
 
 Leather and Manufactures of: 
 
 Calfskins, tannod 
 
 Gloves and mittens 
 
 Skins for Morocco 
 
 Upper Leather 
 
 Manufactures of, not otherwise specified 
 
 10,558,126 
 
 194,785 
 ,090,915 
 ,733,126 
 ,901,953 
 ,105,257 
 829,425 
 352,398 
 ,490,985 
 320,241 
 ,615,302 
 
 32,991,038 
 
 Total Leather and Manufactures. 
 
 Marble, veined, cubic feet.. 
 
 Total Marble and Manufactures 
 
 Mats and matting 
 
 Mi-ials, Munufacturcs not otherwise specified. 
 
 Musical Instruments 
 
 Oil, olive 
 
 Total Vegetable or Fixed Oils. 
 
 ,972,577 
 ,310,291 
 696,035 
 551,417 
 ,111 13, .502 
 ,l:'.7,514 
 41.5,379 
 ,101,2.51 
 ,203,2,S() 
 ,492,987 
 
 18,463,535 
 • 323,216 
 
 2,250,434 
 3,783,906 
 1,101,249 
 2,f,33,795 
 618,471 
 
 Duties. 
 Dollars. 
 
 10,522,601 
 470,047 
 
 5.53,900 
 
 480,474 
 
 1,162,913 
 
 1,385,892 
 
 380,428 
 
 216,315 
 781,361 
 176.075 
 122,258 
 183,816 
 202,275 
 312,806 
 991,369 
 
 3,341,849 
 
 477,715 
 300,332 
 1.32,976 
 
 911,022 
 
 150,675 
 328,323 
 172,805 
 651,111 
 170,836 
 190,514 
 245.064 
 273,843 
 289,645 
 510,438 
 
 Rate of Duty. 
 
 3,296.541 
 173,965 
 393,126 
 
 595,442 
 223,786 
 2fi5.727 
 677,573 
 223,666 
 
 2,261,998 
 
 127,.513 
 934,412 
 346,025 
 
 3,712,455 
 
 2,034,622 
 405,041 
 105,598 
 
 2,.399,661 
 129,828 
 
 1,265,356 
 
 12,115,096 
 
 887,660 
 655,145 
 243,612 
 224,289 
 321,709 
 398,130 
 103 845 
 4,654,691 
 !I60.!)84 
 671,844 
 
 9,347 438 
 113,126 
 
 562,009 
 1,891,953 
 110.125 
 526,759 
 216,465 
 
 683,701 
 
 3,337,034 
 297,646 
 
 340,075 
 144.142 
 343,191 
 415,768 
 216,788 
 
 1 e. per lb. 
 20 per cent. 
 
 e. per lb. 
 10 c. per lb. 
 
 3 c. per lb. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 1 c. per lb. 
 2J^ c. per lb. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 20 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 3 c. each. 
 40 per cent. 
 25 c. sq. foot. 
 50 c. sq. foot. 
 10 c. sq. foot. 
 1% c. per lb. 
 2 c. per lb. 
 2}/^c. per lb. 
 3c. per. lb. 
 40 per cent. 
 
 40 per cent 
 
 40 per cent. 
 815 per ton. 
 $r, per ton. 
 $5 per ton. 
 $15 per ton. 
 
 305,336 
 
 I3^c. per lb. 
 
 Ic. per lb. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 
 $7 per ton. 
 
 70c. per 100 lb. 
 
 V'.{c. per lb. 
 
 $6 per ton. 
 
 $8 per ton. 
 
 3c per lb. 
 
 35 per cent. 
 
 45 per cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 '2]4c, per. lb. 
 
 3c. per lb. 
 35 per cent. 
 25 per cent. 
 Ilia, per lb. 
 ,30 per cent. 
 45 per cent. 
 
 35 per cent. 
 
 25 p'r cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 10 per cent. 
 20 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 C 50c. per "I 
 < ct:b. ft. and >- 
 ( 20 per ct. j 
 
 30 per cent. 
 $1 per gall.
 
 BOOKvii.j TABULATED HISTORY— IMPORTS INTO U. S. 
 
 IMPORTS EXTERBD FOR CONSUMPTION [Continued.! 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Values. 
 Dollars. 
 
 Paintings and Statuary 
 
 Paints and Colors 
 
 Papier Mach(5 
 
 Total Paper and Manufactures . 
 
 Pickles, Sauces and Capers 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 Chee.se 
 
 Total Provisions not otherwise specified. 
 
 Salt, in liags, sacks, &c 
 
 Salt, in bulk 
 
 Seeds: Flaxseed or linseed ■ 
 
 Total Seeds 
 
 Silk Manufactures: 
 Silli Hraids, Laces, Ac ... 
 Dress and Piece Goods . 
 
 ; Hosiery 
 
 Ready-made Clothing ... 
 
 Ribbons 
 
 do Edge of Cotton., 
 
 SiLc Manufactures, not otherwise specified, Silk, chief 
 -value 
 
 Silk Manufactures, not otherwise specified, 25 per cent 
 more, of cotton, &c 
 
 Velvets 
 
 Total Silk Manufactures. 
 
 Soap 
 
 Spices: 
 
 Cassia 
 
 Nutmej^s 
 
 Pepper, grain 
 
 Total Spices 
 
 Spirits and Wines: 
 
 Brandy 
 
 Cordials. Liquors, A-c 
 
 Other spirits from Grain 
 
 Other spirits from other materials, gallons 
 
 Total spirits 
 
 Cologne Water 
 
 Wines: 
 
 Champagne, }4 ?•"*■ *•*' P'"* 
 
 do 1 pint to 1 quart 
 
 Still Wines, in casks , 
 
 do in bottles, 1 pint to 1 quart., 
 
 2,183,806 
 
 U8.'">,r,()5 
 
 1,.'-/J2,747 
 
 Duties. 
 Dollars. 
 
 218,387 
 342,782 
 6r.7,4f>2 
 
 l,8iir,,80l 
 327,632 
 871,020 
 022,879 
 
 1,127,875 
 
 1,242,512 
 
 05.S,n08 
 
 l,12(v'!"0 
 
 1,012,207 
 
 2,509,2.53 
 
 18,591 „527 
 
 4.54,512 
 
 410,715 
 
 2,390,799 
 045,829 
 
 2,679,587 
 
 2,683,072 
 l,(i23,921 
 
 32,377,220 
 252,751 
 
 207.100 
 573.917 
 741,119 
 
 Total Spirits and Wines.. 
 Su!iar and Molasses : 
 
 Molasses. 
 
 Syrup and Melado 
 
 Sugar, not above 7, Dutch Standard. 
 
 Sugar, from No. 7 to No. 10 , 
 
 Sugar, from No. 10 to No. 13 
 
 Total Sugars, Molasses, &c. 
 Tin, plates and Sheets 
 
 Total Tin, &c. 
 Tobacco, Leai. 
 
 Cigars, Cigarettes and Cheroots.. 
 
 Toial Tobacco and Manufactures 
 
 Vegetables, preserved 
 
 Wood and Manufartures of: 
 
 Boards, Plank aiul Sawed Lumber, M feet 
 
 Willow Manufacture.s, not otherwise specified. 
 
 Total Wo'^d and Manufacturers of 
 
 Wool and Manufactures of; 
 
 Raw Wool, No. 1, 32c. or less per lb , 
 
 Do. over 32c. per ft) , 
 
 Do. No. 2, 32c. or less per lb. 
 
 2,203,078 
 
 1,338,643 
 143,7^1 
 3.51,211 
 147,178 
 
 019,833 
 114,0.30 
 325,207 
 140,215 
 
 244.089 
 494.931 
 42.3,489 
 159,582 
 
 277,977 
 
 1,505,552 
 
 11,154,916 
 
 272,707 
 
 264.429 
 
 1,434,479 
 322,914 
 
 1,007,752 
 
 1,341,.530 
 9743.52 
 
 19,038,000 
 117,968 
 
 198,705 
 199,901 
 433,082 
 
 2,031 079 
 193,881 
 
 1,261,102 
 1,594,403 
 
 2,023,.309 
 902,059 
 
 8,762,763 
 
 6,306,177 
 
 715,358 
 
 15,395,744 
 
 60,216.407 
 
 7,044,675 
 
 89,811,785 
 14,051,058 
 
 14 724,147 
 4,270,358 
 
 2,161,785 
 
 0,474,939 
 307,270 
 
 5,290,128 
 724,410 
 
 7,490,810 
 
 4,492,840 
 
 244,435 
 
 1.193,900 
 
 1,095,139 
 
 1,144,189 
 
 182.534 
 
 1,133„324 
 
 478,408 
 
 2,903,890 
 124,901 
 
 569,302 
 
 787,109 
 
 1,071,6.30 
 
 .308,273 
 
 6,471,04a 
 
 1,659,064 
 
 385.028 
 
 8,785,579 
 
 33,086,300 
 
 4,016,173 
 
 47,984,033 
 4,147,800 
 
 4,194,090 
 
 2,070,875 
 
 1,897,781 
 
 4,055,592 
 107,547 
 
 951,627 
 253,,543 
 
 1,.536,025 
 
 2,488,216 
 101,703 
 5,52,085 
 
 Rate of Duty. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 .35 per cent. 
 
 15c. per bush. 
 
 4c. per lb. 
 
 12c. per 100 lbs. 
 8o. per 100 lbs. 
 20c. per bush. 
 
 00 per cent. 
 0(t per cent. 
 00 per cent. 
 00 per cent. 
 00 per cent. 
 50 per cent. 
 
 CO per cent. 
 
 60 per cent. 
 W per cent. 
 
 10c. per lb. 
 20c. per lb. 
 5c. per lb. 
 
 $2 per gall. 
 82 per gall. 
 S2 per gall. 
 82 per gall. 
 
 ($3 per gall.) 
 \ & 50 p. c. / 
 
 $3 per doz. 
 
 pi per doz. 
 
 40c. per gall. 
 
 81.00 per doz. 
 
 .5c. per gall. 1 
 
 <fe 26 p. c. j 
 
 IJ^c. per lb. ) 
 
 & 25 p. c. j 
 
 l%c. per lb " 
 
 & 25 p. c. 
 
 2c. per lb. 
 
 I & 25 p. c. J 
 
 J214C. per B)1 
 
 I & 25 per ct. J 
 
 1 10c. per ft 
 
 35f>. per ft 
 f$2..5o per ft) 
 \& 2b per ct. J 
 
 .35 per cent. 
 
 ?2 per M feet. 
 35 per cent. 
 
 loc. per ft 1 
 A 11 per ct. J 
 
 12p. per ft 
 & 10 per ct. ' 
 
 lOc. per ft 1 
 A 11 per ct. J
 
 86 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. 
 
 IMPORTS ENTERED FOR C01VSU3IPTI0N.— [Continued.] 
 
 Abticles. 
 
 Wool and Manufactures of: 
 
 Raw Wool, No. 3, 12c. or less per fc 
 
 Do. over 12c. per ft 
 
 Total Raw Wools 
 
 Carpets, Aubusson and Axminster, sq. yards 
 
 Carpets, Brussels 
 
 Do. Brussels Tapestry 
 
 Screens, Rugs, Ac 
 
 Total Carpeting 
 
 Dress Goods, not oyer 20e. per sq. yard 
 
 Do. above 20c. per sq. yard 
 
 Do. weighing 4 oz. and over sq. yard 
 
 Total Dress Goods 
 
 Hosiery, value over 80c. per ft 
 
 Manufactures, not otherwise specified, over 80c. per lb 
 
 Shirts, Drawers, &e., over 80c. per lb , 
 
 Wool and Worsted Cloths 
 
 Clothing, Ready-made 
 
 Manufactures, not otherwise specified 
 
 Shawls, Worsted, &c 
 
 Webbing, Beltings, Braids, Ac 
 
 Yarns, value over 80c. per ft 
 
 Total Wools and Manufactures of 
 
 Zinc and Manufacturers of 
 
 Total Dutiable Merchandise 
 
 Total Free of Duty 
 
 Total value of Merchandise Imported 
 
 Values. 
 Dollars. 
 
 3,384,424 
 2,653,617 
 
 12,000,827 
 371,681 
 
 213,724 
 
 284,258 
 287,425 
 
 1,400,063 
 4,556,833 
 
 9,395,887 
 2,008,345 
 
 ),961,066 
 827,508 
 
 .,420,824 
 178,685 
 
 1,376,038 
 834,054 
 425,858 
 
 1,064,115 
 327,321 
 531,192 
 
 1,164,149 
 202.218 
 
 ,1(17.216 
 ,557,412 
 
 642,664,628 
 
 Duties. 
 Dollars. 
 
 867,516 
 808.113 
 
 4,860.815 
 185 840 
 
 146,130 
 
 215,815 
 129,341 
 
 50 per cent 
 
 44e. per sq. 
 yard and 
 
 .3.") per cent. 
 j'28e. per sq 
 < yard and ? 
 (.35 per cent.) 
 
 45 per cent. 
 
 817,008 
 3,178,006 
 
 6,281,624 
 1.274 431 
 
 10,734,062 
 461,569 
 
 981,726 
 
 121,443 
 
 6,810,074 
 
 489,051 
 
 288,179 
 
 617,610 
 
 223,444 
 
 417,200 
 
 27,285,025 
 100,914 
 
 193,561,011 
 
 Rate of Duty. 
 
 .3c. per ft 
 6c. per ft 
 
 sq. ■) 
 
 ,d v 
 
 ;nt. ) 
 
 6c. per sq 
 yard and 
 ^35 per cen 
 ( 8c. per sq. 
 < yard and 
 (.40 per cent. 
 J .50c. per ft ) 
 I & 35 per ct. J 
 
 Duty 
 ad. I'a/. 
 per ct. 
 
 25.63 
 30.45 
 
 40.30 
 50. 
 
 68.C7 
 
 75.95 
 45. 
 58.35 
 69.74 
 
 65.79 
 63.46 
 
 43.98 
 
 30.11 
 
 COMPARATIVE STATEMENT, IMPORTS OP FISCAL YEARS 1880 AND 1881. 
 
 1881. 
 
 Total Value of Merchandise Imported 
 
 Total Value of Coin and Bullion Imported. 
 
 8067,954,746 
 93,034,310 
 
 5642,064,628 
 110,575,497 
 
 Grand Total of Imports— Merchandise and Specie . 
 
 $760,989,050 
 
 8753,240,125 
 
 TOTAL EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 From the Official Report of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. 
 
 VALUES. 
 Exjport.s of Merchandise of Twelve Months ended 
 Domestic Production. June .30 — 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Acids 
 
 Agricultural Implements: 
 
 Fanning mill.s 
 
 Horse powers 
 
 Mower.H and reapers 
 
 Plows and Cultivators 
 
 All other 
 
 Animals, living : 
 
 Hogs 
 
 Horned cattle 
 
 Horses 
 
 Mulfs 
 
 Bheep 
 
 All other, and fowls 
 
 1880. 
 $71,231 
 
 .305 
 
 11,682 
 
 768,945 
 
 10!t,211 
 
 1,295,599 
 
 421 ,089 
 13,344,195 
 075,139 
 ,532,302 
 892,047 
 16,688 
 
 1881. 
 $39,240 
 
 764 
 
 2,002 
 
 6.54,1.50 
 
 184,828 
 1,55.S,50S 
 
 572,1.38 
 14,304,103 
 390.243 
 3.53,924 
 762,932 
 29,0,58 
 
 VALUES. 
 Exports of Merchandise of Twelve Months ended 
 
 Domestic Production. June 30— 
 
 Articles. 1880 1881. 
 
 Ashes, pot and pearl no,,575 141,463 
 
 Bark, for tanning 210,126 120,426 
 
 Beer, ale and porter : 
 
 Inljottlef 202,4.50 292,421 
 
 In casks .30,308 55,.367 
 
 Bolls and bronze metal 15,866 24,963 
 
 Billiard tables 28.,390 17,.389 
 
 Blacking 163,021 179,993 
 
 Bonos and bone dust 4(),431 35,066 
 
 Bone black, ivory black & 
 
 lampblack 66,009 51,682 
 
 Books and other publica- 
 tions 626,030 690,359 
 
 Brass and manufactures of 183,408 210,057
 
 COOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— EXPORTS FROM U. S. 
 
 87 
 
 TOTAL KXPORTS FROItt THE UlflTED STATES.-[Continued ] 
 VALUES. 
 Twelve Months ended 
 June 30— 
 
 Exports of Merchandise of 
 Domestic Productions. 
 
 Articles. 
 Bread and breadstuffs : 
 
 Barlev 
 
 Breau and buscuits.. 
 
 1880. 
 
 784,819 
 68(>,1.'')8 
 
 Indian corn 53,298,247 
 
 Indian corn meal 
 
 Oats 
 
 Rye 
 
 Rye Hour 
 
 98l,:«l 
 
 308,129 
 2,302,7(15 
 
 - . - 24,728 
 
 Wheat 190,.')4G,305 
 
 AVheat Hour. 
 
 Other sniHll prain St. pulse 
 
 Maizena, farina and other 
 
 preparations of bread- 
 
 sturts 
 
 Bricks, otiier than tire 
 
 Brooms and brushes of all 
 
 kinds 
 
 Candles, tallow and other... 
 Carriages, carts, and parts 
 
 of ., 
 
 Cars, railroad, passenger & 
 
 freight 
 
 Clocks, and parts of 
 
 Coffee, cocoa and spices 
 
 Coal: 
 
 Anthracite 
 
 Bituminous 
 
 Combs 
 
 Copper and manuf'tures of: 
 
 Ore 
 
 Pigs, bars, sheets and old 
 
 All other manufactures of 
 
 Cordage, rope and twine.... 
 
 Cotton & manufactures of: 
 
 Sea Island 
 
 Other, unmanufactured.. 
 
 Colored 
 
 TJncolored 
 
 All other manufacturesof 
 Drugs, chemicals and med- 
 icines 
 
 Dye-stuffs 
 
 Earthen, stone and china. 
 
 ware 
 
 Fancy articles 
 
 Fruits : 
 
 Apples, dried 
 
 Apples, green or ripe 
 
 Other fruit, green, ripe or 
 
 dried 
 
 Preserved, in cans or 
 
 otherwise 
 
 Fur, and fur-skins 
 
 Gas fi.\tures & chandeliers, 
 
 Ginseng 
 
 Glass and glassware 
 
 Glue 
 
 Hair: 
 
 Unmanufactured 
 
 Manufactures of 
 
 Hat.s, caps and bonnets : 
 
 Of wool, fur and silk 
 
 Of palm-leaf, straw, Ac ... 
 
 Hay 
 
 Hemp, and manuftictures 
 
 of 
 
 Hemp, unmanufactured. 
 
 Cables and cordage 
 
 Al I otlier manufactures of 
 Hides and skins, other than 
 
 fur 
 
 Hops 
 
 Ice 
 
 India-rubber and gutta- 
 percha manufactures: 
 
 Boots and slioes 
 
 All other manufactures... 
 Iron and steel : 
 Iron it; manufactures of— 
 
 Pig 
 
 Bar 
 
 Boiler-plate 
 
 Railroad bars or rails 
 
 Sheet, bund and hoop 
 
 Castings 
 
 Car wheels 
 
 Stoves, and parts of 
 
 35,3.i.3,197 
 1,272,028 
 
 2,4,'?0,n98 
 3ti,299 
 
 110,410 
 237,027 
 
 1881. 
 
 540,24.'') 
 748,41)0 
 
 5o,7o2,(;7;! 
 
 l,270,iy(i 
 
 lHI>,H9y 
 
 1,885,813 
 
 24,082 
 
 167,098,485 
 
 45,047,2.'>7 
 
 776,999 
 
 1,443,005 
 
 27,989 
 
 152,71(; 
 210,842 
 
 823,792 1,012,444 
 
 583,723 
 
 1,356,742 
 
 93,238 
 
 1,362,901 
 
 095,179 
 
 10,098 
 
 55,703 
 607,242 
 120,213 
 356,808 
 
 1,083,900 
 209,852,005 
 2,956,700 
 5,834,541 
 1,190,117 
 
 2,750,469 
 702,750 
 
 100,724 
 618,198 
 
 192,069 
 1,190,560 
 
 272,715 
 
 435,290 
 5,404.418 
 
 30,257 
 633,042 
 749,806 
 
 22,650 
 
 232,720 
 24,552 
 
 198,a39 
 
 2:^,094 
 
 206,819 
 
 8,796 
 
 179,979 
 
 1,083,070 
 
 649,074 
 
 2,573,2;i2 
 
 136,086 
 
 28,072 
 278,608 
 
 54,115 
 25,.i02 
 7,100 
 32.746 
 15,4ol 
 222,276 
 80,ll» 
 91,473 
 
 ■544,041 
 
 1,140,728 
 
 104,380 
 
 2,091,928 
 
 739,532 
 
 15,172 
 
 51,499 
 780,800 
 
 38.030 
 421,732 
 
 2,101,207 
 245,5.34,539 
 4,983,312 
 6,024,374 
 1,903,001 
 
 3,045,338 
 620,749 
 
 123,177 
 653,482 
 
 1,247,891 
 2,301,334 
 
 361,217 
 
 532,277 
 5,444,709 
 
 31,952 
 561,545 
 750,02-J 
 
 59,038 
 
 295,188 
 42,033 
 
 265,856 
 
 17,250 
 
 2153,529 
 
 431 
 
 124,895 
 
 1,080,404 
 
 883,787 
 
 2,010,970 
 
 132,120 
 
 37,437 
 363,097 
 
 117,723 
 33,709 
 12,497 
 48,240 
 10,971 
 
 Exports of Merchandise of 
 Domestic Productions. 
 
 VALUES. 
 
 Twelve Months ended 
 
 June 30 — 
 
 Articles. 
 Iron and steel: 
 
 Steam engines, locomo- 
 tives 
 
 .Steam engines, stat'nary. 
 
 Boilers forsteam engines 
 when separate from 
 the engines 
 
 M.achinery 
 
 Nails and spikes 
 
 All other manufactures of 
 
 iron 
 
 Steel : 
 
 Ingots, bars, sheets and 
 wire 
 
 Cutlery 
 
 Edge tools 
 
 Files and s.iws 
 
 Fire-arms 
 
 Railroad bars or rails 
 
 All otlier manufactures ol^ 
 steel 
 
 Jewelry, and other manu- 
 factures of gold and 
 
 silver 
 
 Junk (old; and oakum 
 
 Lamps 
 
 Lead, and manufactures of. 
 Leather, and Manufactures 
 of: 
 
 Morocco, and other fine... 
 
 Sole, upper, and all other. 
 Manufactures of— 
 
 Boots and shoes 
 
 Saddlery and harness 
 
 All other manufactures of 
 
 Lime and cement 
 
 Manures: 
 
 Guano « 
 
 Other manures 
 
 Marble and stone : 
 
 Rough 
 
 Manufacturesof 
 
 Matches 
 
 Mathematical, philosophical 
 and optical instruments 
 
 1880. 
 
 406,313 
 130,087 
 
 104,271 
 
 3,490.410 
 
 287,9,39 
 
 1881. 
 
 8.03,123 
 79,053 
 
 122,516 
 
 4,037,89tt 
 
 298,.J23 
 
 3,943,870 5,245,306 
 
 15,223 
 
 37,643 
 
 71,122 
 
 83,723 
 
 92f;,882 
 
 1,051,272 
 
 31,118 
 
 39,158 
 
 2,280,0<ll 
 
 1,171,.J:16 
 
 14,744 
 
 0,076 
 
 290,930 
 
 2.31,5.31 
 .32.102 
 
 203,110 
 49,899 
 
 058,242 
 5,080,118 
 
 441,009 
 
 133,705 
 
 441,052 
 
 52,584 
 
 ' "14,891 
 
 688,777 
 
 199,051 
 453,912 
 119,246 
 
 87,161 
 
 Musical instruments: 
 
 Organs, melodeons, Ac 
 
 Piano fortes 
 
 All other 
 
 Naval stores : 
 
 Rosin and turpentine 2,368,180 
 
 "' "■ "='-'■ 84,728 
 
 Tar and pitch 
 
 Oil-cake 6,259,'827 
 
 Oils: 
 
 Mineral, crude 
 
 Mineral, refined or manu 
 
 factured — 
 Napthas, benzines, gaso- 
 
 linCj &c 1,192,229 
 
 Illuminating 31,783,575 
 
 Lubricating (heavy paraf- 
 
 fine, Ac) 1,039,124 
 
 Residuum, (tar, pitch, &e.) 
 Animal — 
 
 Lard 
 
 Neat's-foot, and other ani- 
 mal 
 
 Sperm 
 
 Whale and other fish 
 
 Vegetable- 
 Cotton seed 3,22.i,4U 
 
 409,255 
 
 279,:500 
 29,988 
 
 280,720 
 39,668 
 
 661,019 
 6,472,695 
 
 374,343 
 
 148,567 
 
 43.3,221 
 
 83,598 
 
 29,581 
 681,960 
 
 220,362 
 409,433 
 112,167 
 
 163,893 
 
 599,382 
 
 353,799 
 
 21,801 
 
 2,529,423 
 
 109,394 
 
 6,284,364 
 
 1,927,207 3,065,464 
 
 3,093,975 
 34,317,082 
 
 1,054,004 
 184,411 
 
 530,112 
 
 261,624 
 
 19,441 
 
 270,490 
 
 816,447 
 
 23,519 
 487,004 
 349,109 
 
 Linseed 
 
 Volatile or essential 
 
 Ordnance stores : 
 
 Cannon 
 
 Cartridges and fui*s 
 
 Gunpowder 
 
 Shot and shell 
 
 Ore, argentifer'iiis 
 
 Paints, and painters' colors 
 Paintings anii fogravings 
 
 .31,214 
 219,012 
 
 4,400 
 439,298 
 177,891 
 i:.:.,755 
 187,.3.50 
 2:11,774 
 198,.i79 
 
 Paper and stationery 1,1R3,140 
 
 Perfumery 
 
 Plated ware, of silver, Ac... 
 219,.'i.'')0 I Printing presses and type... 
 1.32.882 Provisions: 
 117,350 Bacon and hams 50,987,623 
 
 302,993 
 292,.5(V} 
 251,2-27 
 
 502,028 
 
 e0,.359 
 3a3,113 
 226,274 
 
 1,465,2.'-|5 
 48,479 
 92,738 
 
 5.W,443 
 
 275,579 
 
 42 
 
 .58.405 
 
 287,338 
 
 2.54,450 
 
 1,347,727 
 
 292,939 
 
 310,577 
 
 185,011 
 
 61,101,205
 
 88 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 TOTAIi EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES.— [Continued.] 
 
 Values. 
 Exports of Merchandise of Twelve Mouths ended 
 
 Domestic Production. June 30 — 
 
 Articles. ISSO. 18S1. 
 Provisions ; 
 
 Beef— Fresh 7,441,918 9,860,434 
 
 Salted or cured 2,881,047 2,r,ri5,r)H 
 
 Butter 6,690,687 6.256,024 
 
 Cheese 12,171,720 16,380,248 
 
 E.^cports of Domestic 
 Production. 
 
 Condensed milk 121,013 139,470 
 
 Eggs 14,148 13,776 
 
 Fish, dried or smoked 739,231 840,109 
 
 Fish, fresh 124,962 97,539 
 
 Fish, pickled 284,293 264,723 
 
 Fish, other cured 2,326,444 2,803,330 
 
 Lard 27,920,367 35,226,575 
 
 Meats, preserved 7,877,200 5,971,909 
 
 Mutton, fresh 176.218 258,008 
 
 Oysters 543,895 581,897 
 
 Pickles and sauces 17,158 21,157 
 
 Pork 5,930,252 8,272,285 
 
 Onions 50,074 37,975 
 
 Potatoes 522,039 460,517 
 
 Other vegetables 89,053 64,231 
 
 Vegetables, prepared 133,900 151,155 
 
 Quicksilver 1,360,176 1,124,955 
 
 Rags : cotton and linen 14,430 25,107 
 
 Woolen.. 3 
 
 Rice 13,366 10,072 
 
 Salt 6,613 14,752 
 
 Scales and balances 199,412 263,571 
 
 Clover 2,401.351 502,646 
 
 Cotton 134,116 147,543 
 
 Timothy, garden, and all 
 
 other 241,356 412,577 
 
 Sewing-machines, and parts 
 
 of 1,649,367 1,982,324 
 
 Soap; 
 
 Perfumed, and all toilet... 38,567 44,496 
 
 Other 690,122 650,361 
 
 Spermaceti 45,018 40,945 
 
 Spirits, distilled : 
 
 From grain 2,586,685 2,878,388 
 
 From molasses .397,247 296,448 
 
 From other materials 4:3,613 7S,095 
 
 Spirits of turpentine 2,132,254 2,414,710 
 
 Starch 447,842 629,710 
 
 Steam and other fire-engine 
 
 apparatus 10,942 9,611 
 
 Sugar and molasses: 
 
 Sugar, brown 1,064 2,045 
 
 Sugar, refined 2,717,563 2,049,082 
 
 Molasses 539,603 548,617 
 
 Candy and confectionery.. 81,757 73,253 
 
 Tallow 7,680,232 6,800,628 
 
 Tin, and manufactures of ... 144,185 198,524 
 
 Tobacco and manufactures 
 of: 
 
 Leaf 16,379.107 18,787,04;3 
 
 Cigars 67,821 94,559 
 
 VALUES. 
 Exports of Merchandise of Twelve months endeu 
 Domestic Production. June 30 — 
 
 Articles. 
 Tobacco and manufact's of: 
 
 Snutf 
 
 All other manufactures of 
 
 Trunks and Valises 
 
 Umbrellas, parasols, &c 
 
 Varnish 
 
 Vessels sold to Foreigners: 
 
 Steamers 
 
 Sailing vessels 
 
 Vinegar 
 
 Watches, and parts of 
 
 Wax (bees') 
 
 Wearmg apparel 
 
 Whalebone 
 
 Wine 
 
 Wood and Manufactures of: 
 
 Boards and planks 
 
 Laths, palings, pickets, 
 curtain -sticks, broom- 
 handles, and bed-sl 4s... 
 
 Shingles 
 
 Box-shooks 
 
 Other shooks, staves, and 
 
 heading 
 
 Hogsheads and barrels, 
 
 empty 
 
 All other lumber 
 
 Fire-wood 
 
 Hop, telegraph and other 
 
 poles 
 
 Logs, masts, spars, and 
 
 other whole timber 
 
 Timber,sawed and hewed 
 
 All other timber 
 
 Household furniture 
 
 Wooden ware 
 
 All other manufactures of 
 
 wood 
 
 Wool and Manufactures of: 
 
 Wool, raw and fleece 
 
 Carpets 
 
 All other manufactures of 
 Zinc, and Manufactures of: 
 
 Ore or oxide 
 
 Plates, sheets, pigs, or 
 
 bars 
 
 All articles not enumerated; 
 AH other unmanufac- 
 tured articles 
 
 All other manufactured 
 articles 
 
 Total exports of domes- 
 tic merchandise 
 
 Total exports of domestic 
 coin and bullion 
 
 1880. 
 
 6,074 
 
 8.710 
 
 ,980 271 
 
 2,038,572 
 
 183,758 
 
 173,639 
 
 8 230 
 
 2,113 
 
 90,002 
 
 156,617 
 
 51,550 
 
 46,000 
 
 184,030 
 
 74,730 
 
 4,123 
 
 9,7i;2 
 
 96,495 
 
 100,710 
 
 48 880 
 
 40,203 
 
 486.233 
 
 533,961 
 
 255,847 
 
 326,400 
 
 123,317 
 
 69,915 
 
 4,223,259 5,192,961 
 
 11,936 
 
 165,893 
 136,082 
 
 262,029 
 
 765.550 
 
 11,552 
 
 427,187 
 
 691,194 
 2,210,320 
 
 ■ 98,733 
 1,053,878 
 
 331,137 
 
 71,987 
 
 8,530 
 
 208,U46 
 
 42,036 
 
 119,264 
 
 22,552 
 
 173,026 
 
 75,720 
 
 3,510,976 3,136,914 
 
 155,662 
 
 1,219,769 
 
 10,947 
 
 158,378 
 
 721,216 
 3,319,443 
 
 109,037 
 
 1,893,748 
 
 331,152 
 
 1,728,060 2,069,142 
 
 19.217 
 10,750 
 320,333 
 
 16,405 
 
 132,805 
 
 782,661 888,445 
 
 5,518,283 6,927,012 
 
 823,046,353 883,925,047 
 
 9,.347,893 14,226,944 
 
 Total Domestic Exports.. 833,294,246 808,152,891 
 
 ToTAt Exports fkom tub United States of Fobeion Pkoduction, last two tears. 
 
 Total value of merchandise $ 11,602,305 
 
 Total value of coin and bullion 7,705,026 
 
 Total Foreign Exports S 19,487,331 
 
 Add Total Domestic Exports 833,204,246 
 
 Gro.S8 Exports $852,781,577 
 
 Carried in American Vessels $115,918,240 
 
 Carried in Foreign Vessels. ..«. 730,072,437 
 
 Carried in cars and other land vehicles 6,70o,9<h) 
 
 Total Exports $852,781,577 
 
 Domestic and Foreign Exports: 1880. 
 
 Total value of Merchandise $835,638,658 
 
 Total vahio of Coin and Bullion 17,112,919 
 
 Gross Exports $852,781,577 
 
 $ 18,451 ,,399 
 5,179,003 
 
 $ 23,631, .■?02 
 898,152,801 
 
 $921,784,191; 
 
 $121,900,930 
 
 700,908,482 
 8,.S,S4,772 
 
 $021,784,193 
 
 1881. 
 $902,377,3-16 
 
 19,406,817 
 
 $921,784,193
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— PENSION STATISTICS. 
 
 89 
 
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 90 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 UNITED STATES INTERNAL REVENUE TAXES. 
 
 [From the Revised Statutes of the United States as amended in 1880.] 
 
 Ale, per barrel of 31 gallons 81 00 
 
 Banks and bankers, on average amount of 
 deposits, each month 1-21 of 1 per ct. 
 
 Banks, savings, and saving institutions, 
 having no capital stock and making no 
 profit un deposits, are exempt from tax on 
 so much of their deposits as is invested in 
 United States securities, and on all sums 
 not exceeding §2.000 in the name of one 
 person 
 
 Bank and hankers, on capital, beyond the 
 average amount invested in United States 
 bonds, eacli mouth 1-21 of I per ct. 
 
 Banks and bankers, on average amount of 
 circulation, each month 1-12 of 1 per ct. 
 
 Banks, on average amount of circulation, be- 
 yond 9 '■ per ct. of the capital, an additional 
 tax each month 1-6 of 1 per cl. 
 
 Banks, persons, firms, associations, etc., on 
 amount of notes of any person, firm, asso- 
 ciation (other than a national banking as- 
 sociation), corporation. State bank, or State 
 banking association, town, city, or munici- 
 pal corporation, used and paid out as cir- 
 culation 10 per ct. 
 
 Banks, persouE, firms, associations (other 
 than national bank associations), and 
 every corporation. State bank, or State 
 banking association, on the amount of 
 their own notes used for circulation and 
 paid out by them 10 per ct. 
 
 Beer, per barrel of 31 gallons $1 00 
 
 Brandy, per gallon 90 
 
 Brewers, manufacturing 500 barrels or more 
 annually 100 00 
 
 manufacturing less than 500 barrels 
 
 annually 50 00 
 
 Cigars, manufacturers of, special tax 
 
 Cigars of all descriptions, made of tobacco or 
 any substitute, per 1,000 
 
 Cigarettes, not weighing more than 3 lbs. per 
 1,000, per 1,000 1 00 
 
 Cigarettes, weight exceeding 3 lbs. per 1,000, 
 perl,OiX) 6 00 
 
 Cigars or cigarettes, imported, in addition to 
 import duty, to pay same as above. 
 
 Liquors, ferniented, per barrel 1 00 
 
 Liquors, distilled, per gallon 
 
 Liquor dealers (wholesale), special tax 
 
 Malt liquor dealers (wholesale) 
 
 Liquor dealers (retail), special tax 
 
 Malt liquor dealers (retail) 
 
 Manufacturers of stills 
 
 Manufacturers of stills, for each still or worm 
 made 
 
 Rectifiers, special tax less than 500 barrels, 
 glOO; above 500 barrels 
 
 Snuff, or snuff flour, manufactured of tobac- 
 co, or any substitute, per lb 
 
 Spirits, distilled, per proof gallon 
 
 Stamps, for distilled spirits for export, whole- 
 sale liquor dealers, special bonded ware- 
 house, distillery warehouse, and rectified 
 spirits, each 
 
 Tobacco, all kinds, per pound 
 
 Tobacco, dealers in 
 
 Tobacco, manufacturers of 
 
 Tobacco, dealers in leaf, wholesale 
 
 Tobacco, dealers in leaf, retail 
 
 Tobacco, dealers in leaf, for sales in excess 
 of S1,0(J0, per dollar of excess 
 
 Tobacco pedlers, traveling with more than 
 two horses, mules, etc 
 
 Tobacco pedlers, traveling with two horses, 
 mules, or other animals 
 
 Tobacco pedlers, traveling with one horse, 
 mule, or other animal 
 
 Tobacco pedlers, traveling on foot, or by 
 public conveyance 
 
 Tobacco, snuff, and cigars, for export, stamps 
 for, each 
 
 Whiskey, per proof gallon 
 
 Wines and champagne (imitation), not made 
 from grapes grown in the United States, 
 and liquors not made from grapes, cur- 
 rants, rhubarb, or berries, grown in the 
 United States, but rectified or mixed with 
 distilled spirits, or by infusion of any mat- 
 ter in spirits, to be sold as wine or substi- 
 tute for it, per dozen bottles of more than 
 pint and not more than a quart 
 
 Imitation wines, containing not more than 
 one pint, per dozen bottles 
 
 100 00 
 50 00 
 25 00 
 20 00 
 50 OO 
 
 20 00 
 
 200 00 
 
 16 
 90 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 5 00 
 
 10 00 
 
 25 00 
 
 500 00 
 
 50 
 
 50 00 
 
 25 00 
 
 15 00 
 
 10 00 
 
 10 
 90 
 
 2 40 
 1 20 
 
 STAMP TAXES. 
 
 Bank check, draft,'or order for the payment 
 of any sum of money whatsoever, drawn 
 upon any bank, banker, or trust company 2 cents 
 
 Playing cards, each pack 5 cents 
 
 MEDICINES, PBEPABATIONS, COSMETICS, ETC. 
 
 Every packet, box, bottle, pot, vial, or other 
 inclosure, containing any pills, powders, 
 tinctures, troches, or lozenges, .syrups, cor- 
 dials, bitters, anodynes, tonics, plasters, 
 liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops, 
 waters, essences, spirits, oils, or other pre- 
 parations or compositions whatsoever, 
 made and sold, or removed for consump- 
 tion and sale, by any person or persons 
 whatever, wherein the person making or 
 preparing the same has, or claims to have, 
 any private formula or occult secret or art 
 for tne making or preparing the same, or 
 has, or claims to have, any exclusive right 
 or title to the making or preparing the 
 same, or which are prepared, uttered, 
 vended or exposed for sale under any 
 letters-patent, or held out or recommended 
 to the public by the makers, vendors, or 
 proprietors thereof as proprietary medi- 
 cines, or as remedies or specifics, and for 
 every packet, box, bottle, pot, vial, or other 
 inclosure, containing any essence, extract, 
 toilet water, cosmetic, hair oil, pomade, 
 hair drowsing, hair restorative, hair dye, 
 tooth wash, dentifrice, tooth paste, aro- 
 matic cachous, or any similar articles, by 
 whatsoever name the same have been, now 
 are, or mav hereafter be called, known, or 
 distinguishel, used or njiplied, or tn be 
 used or applied as perfumes or applica- 
 
 tions to the hair, mouth, or skin, made, 
 prepared, and sold or removed for con- 
 sumption and sale in the United States, 
 as follows: where such packet, bo.x, bottle, 
 vial, or other inclosure, with its contents, 
 shall not exceed, at the retail price or 
 value, the sum of twenty-five cents i cent 
 
 Exceeding twenty-five, and not exceeding fifty 
 cents 2 cents 
 
 Exceeding fifty, and not exceeding seventy- 
 five cents Scents 
 
 Exceeding seventy-five cents, and not exceed- 
 ing one dollar 4 cents 
 
 Exceeding one dollar, for every additional 
 fifty cents orfractional part thereof, an addi- 
 tional 2 cents 
 
 MATCHES, WAX TAPERS, AND CIOAB LIGHTS.. 
 
 Friction matches or lucifer matches, or other 
 articles made in part of wood, and used for 
 like purposes, in parcels or packages con- 
 taining 100 matches or less, for each parcel 
 or package 1 cent 
 
 Packages containing more than 100, and not 
 
 inore than 20C matches 2 cents 
 
 And for every additional 100 matches, or 
 fractional parts thereof 1 cent 
 
 Wax tapers, double the rates upon friciion or 
 lucifor matches. 
 
 Cigar lights, made in partof wood, wax, glass, 
 paper or other materials, in parcels or 
 packoges containing 25 lights or less in 
 each parcel or package 1 cent 
 
 Parcels or packagi-s containing more than 
 25, and not more than 50 li-^hts 2 cents 
 
 For every additional 25 lights or fractional 
 part of that number one cent additional 1 cent
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— PAPER MONEY IN U. S. 
 
 91 
 
 DIVIDENDS, EARNINGS, AND SURPIiUS OF ALL THE NATIONAL BANKS OP 
 THE UNITED STATES, 187U TO 1881. 
 
 [Condensed from the Report of the Comptroller of the Currency, December, 1881.] 
 
 Year ending 
 Sept. 1. 
 
 No. of 
 Banks. 
 
 Capital. 
 
 Surplus. 
 
 Total 
 Dividends. 
 
 Total Net 
 
 ° o~ 
 
 o =,2 ^ 
 
 Earnings. 
 
 ^52 
 
 alC-/- 
 
 5 
 
 $55,810,819 
 
 10.12 
 
 8..35 
 
 5t,558,47:j 
 
 10.14 
 
 8.31 
 
 58,07.'>,1.3() 
 
 10.1 
 
 8.3:j 
 
 G.j,()48,478 
 
 10.31 
 
 8.30 
 
 50 ,.580,93 1 
 
 9.90 
 
 7.87 
 
 b1,V.W,t2i 
 
 9.89 
 
 7.81 
 
 4:5,038,1.52 
 
 9.42 
 
 7.45 
 
 34,8f)f),!t'J() 
 
 8.93 
 
 7 09 
 
 3n,(;il5,.589 
 
 7.80 
 
 C.21 
 
 31,551,860 
 
 7.00 
 
 0.07 
 
 45,180,034 
 
 8.02 
 
 6.35 
 
 53,022,563 
 
 8.38 
 
 6.59 
 
 
 S'^ o"^ 
 
 18-11 1 1,601 
 
 1871 • 1,693 
 
 1872 1 1,8.52 
 
 1873 1 1,955 
 
 1874 ' 1,971 
 
 1875 2,047 
 
 1870 2,081 
 
 1877 2,072 
 
 1878 2,047 
 
 1879 ; 2.015 
 
 1880 2,072 
 
 1881 1 2.100 
 
 $425 
 445 
 
 465 
 
 488, 
 
 480 
 
 497 
 
 500. 
 
 480, 
 
 470, 
 
 45 
 
 454, 
 
 458, 
 
 $91,030,020 
 98,280,591 
 10,5,l,Sl,942 
 118,113,848 
 128,304,039 
 134,123,049 
 132,251,078 
 124,349,254 
 118,687,1.34 
 11.5,149,351 
 120,14.5,649 
 127,238,394 
 
 $42,559,438 
 44,330,429 
 46,i)S7'il5 
 49,019,090 
 48,459,305 
 49,oOS,t)')l 
 47,.37.5,110 
 43,921,085 
 36,941,013 
 34,942,921 
 30,411,473 
 38,377,485 
 
 1098 
 10.23 
 10.36 
 10.87 
 9.08 
 9.22 
 6.87 
 5.02 
 • 5.14 
 5.49 
 7 88 
 9.20 
 
 AMOUNT OF PAPER MONEY IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 From the Report of tho Comptroller of the Currency, Deccember, 1881. 
 
 The following table exhibits, by denominations, the amount of National bank and Legal-tender notes 
 outstanding on November 1, 1881, and the aggregate amounts of both kinds of notes for the same dato in 
 1879 and 1880 ; 
 
 Denominations. 
 
 National 
 b'nk notes 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Ones 1,329,112 
 
 Twos 522,170 
 
 Fives ' 100,480,0,80 
 
 121,308,840 
 81,116,500 
 23,284,200 
 29,951,000 
 732,000 
 201,000 
 
 Tens 
 
 Twenties 
 
 Fifties 
 
 One hundreds 
 
 Five hundreds 
 
 One thousands 
 
 Five thousands 
 
 Ten thousands 
 
 Add for unredeemed fragments of National bank 
 notes 
 
 Deduct legal t'nder notes destroyed in Chicago fire 
 Totals 
 
 *16,586 
 
 Legal 
 tender 
 notes. 
 
 Dollars. 
 24 40,4,059 
 23,732,196 
 67..S99,982 
 75,408,831 
 70,800,003 
 23,1.57,.575 
 33,2.39,370 
 14,217,f)00 
 12,065,500 
 2,430,000 
 260,000 
 
 Aggregate. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 25,793,171 
 
 24,254,S06 
 
 108,380,062 
 
 190,717,071 
 
 151,922,.503 
 
 40,441,775 
 
 63,190,370 
 
 14,949,500 
 
 12,266,590 
 
 2,430,(X)0 
 
 260,000 
 
 *16,580 
 
 1880. 
 
 Aggregate. 
 
 Aggregate. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 24,247,302' 
 
 23,030,578 
 
 107,042,898 
 
 189,05.5,588; 
 
 147,710,837 
 
 45,777,4751 
 
 59,958,000 
 
 10,765,.50o! 
 
 14,04O,.50(i 
 
 665,0(XI 
 
 320,(X)0l 
 
 *1.5,129: 
 
 Dollars. 
 22,.8.s7,502 
 21,0.30,803 
 159,.522,853 
 181,447,.558 
 141,44,5,933 
 40,177,945 
 58,:«9,780 
 23,088,000 
 2.3,1 11, .500 
 3,250,ot)0 
 2,500,000 
 
 '*13,5,86 
 
 1,000,000 l,000,fX)0 1,000,000 1,000,000 
 
 358,941,488! 346,681,010 705,622,.5(H 08S,744,407 0Sl,8I5..52O 
 
 ♦ Estimated. 
 
 Tho aggregate amount of national bank notes in circulation November 1, 1878, was $310,652,121, m 
 against $335,134,.504 on November 1. 1879. $342,063,4,51 November 1, 1880. and $358,941,488, November 1, 1881. 
 The aggregate of legal-tender notes (greenbacks) outstanding was precisely the same November 1, 1881, 
 ai it was three years preceding. The total amount of paper money January 1, 1879, (the date of resump- 
 tion) was 8008,702.134; November 1, 1881, $705,622,504; showing an increase of $36,920,370 in paper money 
 national bank notes) since resumption.
 
 92 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 ARMIES OF THE WORLD. 
 
 [book vii. 
 
 CJOUXTEIES 
 
 Austria Hungary .... 
 Argentine Republic 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Bolivia 
 
 Brazil , 
 
 Canada 
 
 Cliili 
 
 China 
 
 Colombia 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Egypt 
 
 France 
 
 Germany 
 
 Great Britain 
 
 Greece 
 
 India, British 
 
 Italy 
 
 Japan 
 
 Luxembourg 
 
 Mexico 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 Norway 
 
 Persia 
 
 Peru 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Roumania 
 
 Russia 
 
 Servia 
 
 Spain 
 
 Sweden 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Turkey 
 
 United States 
 
 Uruguay 
 
 Venezuela 
 
 Population. 
 
 Regular 
 
 Army. 
 
 War 
 Footing. 
 
 Annual Cost of Army. 
 
 Cost 
 per 
 H'ad 
 
 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 S 
 
 37,739,407 
 
 289,190 
 
 1,125,833 
 
 53,3'-'6,915 
 
 1 41 
 
 2,400,000 
 
 8,227 
 
 304,000 
 
 3,374,518 
 
 1 46 
 
 5,476,008 
 
 46,383 
 
 165,877 
 
 8,776,429 
 
 1 GO 
 
 2,080,000 
 11.108,291 
 
 3,021 
 15,304 
 
 
 1,126,916 
 8,690,000 
 
 54 
 
 32,000 
 
 78 
 
 4,352,080 
 
 2,000 
 
 700,152 
 
 777,699 
 
 17 
 
 2,400,396 
 
 434,62t;,000 
 
 2,774,0110 
 
 3,573 
 
 300,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 50 000 
 
 
 
 1,000,000 
 30,74-^ 
 
 
 
 982,432 
 
 35 
 
 1,909,454 
 
 35,727 
 
 49,054 
 
 2,359,027 
 
 1 19 
 
 17,419,980 
 
 15,000 
 
 43,000 
 
 f Army and Navy. 1 
 \ 2,198,216 / 
 
 12 
 
 36,905,788 
 
 502,764 
 
 3,753.164 
 
 114,279,701 
 
 3 09 
 
 45,194,172 
 
 445,402 
 
 1,492,104 
 
 98,330,429 
 
 2 17 
 
 35,240,562 
 
 131,636 
 
 577,900 
 
 74,9(.1,500 
 
 2 12 
 
 1,079,775 
 
 12.118 
 
 35,000 
 
 2,204,716 
 
 1 34 
 
 252,541,210 
 
 189,597 
 
 380,000 
 
 84,481 195 
 
 33 
 
 28,209,620 
 
 736,502 
 
 1,718,933 
 
 42,947,2(;3 
 
 1 52 
 
 34,338,404 
 
 36,777 
 
 51,721 
 
 8,151 ,000 
 
 23 
 
 209,673 
 
 377 
 
 
 90,980 
 
 43 
 
 9,389,461 
 3,981,887 
 
 24,830 
 65,113 
 
 
 9,786,964 
 
 1 04 
 
 163,198 
 
 8,397,000 
 
 2 10 
 
 1,800,900 
 
 18,750 
 
 241,600 
 
 1,626,750 
 
 00 
 
 7,011(1,000 
 
 57,600 
 4,670 
 34,874 
 
 
 3,392,000 
 
 48 
 
 3,OnO,000 
 4,.34S,,551 
 
 40 000 
 
 
 
 78,024 
 
 4.373,833 
 
 1 00 
 
 5,376,000 
 
 19,812 
 
 200,000 
 
 5,222,227 
 
 97 
 
 72,520,000 
 
 974,771 
 
 2,733.3('5 
 
 137,812,202 
 
 1 90 
 
 1,589,650 
 
 50,000 
 
 205,000 
 
 1.765 > 21 
 
 1 n 
 
 16.333,293 
 
 90,000 
 
 4.''.0,000 
 
 24,802.930 
 
 1 51 
 
 4,531,863 
 
 41,280 
 
 202,783 
 
 4,649,940 
 
 1 02 
 
 2,831,787 
 
 117,500 
 
 210,495 
 
 2,352,160 
 
 83 
 
 8,866,532 
 
 350,000 
 
 610,200 
 
 1(1,642,090 
 
 2 21 
 
 50,155,783 
 
 25,745 
 
 *3,165,000 
 
 40,466,460 
 
 80 
 
 4,531,803 
 
 2,357 
 
 22,357 
 
 / Army and Navy. ) 
 \ 1,870,686 J 
 
 4 18 
 
 1,784,197 
 
 2,240 
 
 185,000 
 
 
 
 Note.— The last column shows the ratio which the military expenditure bears to the total annual ex- 
 penditure of each nation. 
 * Militia force plus the regular army. 
 
 NAVIES OF THE \rORL.D. 
 
 COUNTKIES. 
 
 Argentinp RepuVilic 
 
 An-stria-Hiingary 
 
 Belgnm 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Canida (Dominion) 
 
 Chili 
 
 China 
 
 ColomV)ia 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Eeypt 
 
 Franco 
 
 Oermany 
 
 Gmai Britain and Ireland 
 Greece 
 
 33 
 14 
 
 258 
 86 
 238 
 
 18 
 
 991 
 6,369 
 
 172 
 4,984 
 
 1,468 
 
 1,125 
 
 48,2H3 
 
 1.5,815 
 
 58,800 
 
 052 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 550,439 
 
 4,()33,669 
 
 5,898,132 
 
 1,000,000 
 1.383,940 
 
 32,267,498 
 9,722,721 
 r.1,607,175 
 1 ,0.56,.536 
 
 Countries. 
 
 Italy 
 
 Ja])an 
 
 Mexico 
 
 Netherlands... 
 
 Norway 
 
 Peru 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Roumania 
 
 Russia 
 
 Spain 
 
 Sweden 
 
 lurkey 
 
 United States., 
 Venezuela 
 
 67 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 122 
 
 123 
 
 18 
 
 44 
 
 10 
 
 380 
 
 139 
 
 131 
 
 78 
 
 139 
 
 4 
 
 16,140 
 5,551 
 
 5,914 
 4,342 
 
 3 569 
 
 5;!0 
 
 30.1 91 
 
 15,179 
 
 5,925 
 
 23,000 
 
 11,115 
 
 200 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 9,227,132 
 3,015,000 
 
 4,819,776 
 448,032 
 
 l,m)7,411 
 
 19,268,7.55 
 6.429,168 
 l,424,2C.O 
 2,816,(X)0 
 
 15,686,671
 
 BooKvii.J TABULATED HISTORY— STATISTICS OF STATES. 
 
 93 
 
 STATISTICS OF THK STATES. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut. Gov... 
 
 See. .State 
 
 Treasurer.... 
 
 Auditor 
 
 At. Gen 
 
 Ad. Gen 
 
 Supt. In.str. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Rufus W. Cobb. 
 
 None 
 
 \V. VV. Screws... 
 .J. H. Vin.ent... 
 J. M.Carmioliae 
 H. C. Tomplvins 
 
 J. F. White 
 
 H. C. Armstrong 
 
 Librarian Junius M. Kiggs 
 
 T'rmlTrmends 
 
 2 yra Nov. 29, 82 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 83,000 
 
 1,800 
 2,1(H) 
 1,800 
 
 1,500 
 2,150 
 1,500 
 
 Judiciary Supreme Couet. — Chief Justice, Robert C- 
 Brickell ; Associate Justices, Geo. W. Stone, H. M- 
 Somervillo. Term 6 years. Elected bv the people. 
 Salary, $:5,000 each. Clerk. J. W. A. Sanford. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Oct. 1st, 1881 ; funded, 89,- 
 139,400; unfunded, $J,523,-J52 ; intere.st, 2 to C p. cent. 
 
 State Expenditures for la«t year, $897,803. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, S988,371. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed : Real, 
 887,775,383; personal, $51,3i)l,!»44; total, $139,077,327. 
 
 Rate of State tax. Go cents on $100. 
 
 . ArkanMas. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut, Gov.... 
 
 See. State 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor 
 
 At. Gen 
 
 Supt. Instr.... 
 Land Com 
 
 Name. 
 
 Thos. J. Chur- 
 chill 
 
 None 
 
 Jacob Frolich.... 
 Wm.E.Woodruff 
 John Crawford... 
 
 C. B. Moore 
 
 J. L. Denton 
 
 D. W. Lear 
 
 Trm 
 
 2 yra 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Jan. 2, '83. 
 
 Oct. 4. '82. 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 3,000 
 1,800 
 2,250 
 2,250 
 1,500 
 l,fi()() 
 1,800 
 
 JupiciART Supreme Court. — E H. English. Chief 
 Justice, S years from Oct. 1880. W. M. Harrison, 8 
 years from Oct. 1874, John R. Eakin, 8 years from 
 Oct. 1878- Assncinte Justices. Elected bv the peo- 
 ple. Salary, S3,5oo each. Clerk, Luke E. Barber. 
 
 Amount "of State Debt, Oct. 1, 1880: Funded, 82,813,- 
 600; unfnn<ied, S2.2'i'2,!105, (being amount of interest 
 due on foregoing bonded debt ;) total, S5,O06,405. 
 
 The al>ove is oxelusive of 81,08r),773 Levee Bonds, 
 85,350,000 Railroad Aid Bonds, and of §3,694,644 other 
 disputed debt. The Supreme Court of Arkansas in 
 1878 decided tnat all the Levee bonds are unconsti- 
 tutional and invalid. All of the Railroad Aid bonds 
 have been declared by the Supreme Court to have 
 been illegally issued. Amendment to the State Con- 
 stitution, virtually repudiating a large part of the 
 State debt, was defeated at the election of Nov. 2, 
 1880, by vote of 64,407 in its favor, to 41,o49 against it. 
 As it reijuired a full majority of all the votes c^st at 
 an election to amend the Constitution, and there were 
 132,985 votes cast, it lacked 3,991 votes of a majority. 
 
 Average State Expenditures for year, 8550,196. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation, $613,957. 
 
 Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed — real, 
 $54,60(5,057 ; personal, $32,286,484 ; Total, 886,892.541. 
 
 Rate of State Tax, 6^ mills on the dollar. 
 
 
 California. 
 
 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 Governor 
 
 •Lieut. -Gov... 
 Sec. State 
 
 Geo. C. Perkins, 
 John Manstield.. 
 Daniel M. Burns 
 John Weil' 
 
 3 yrs 
 
 Jan 8, 1883 
 Mar 12, '82 
 
 86000 
 
 3000 
 3000 
 
 Comptroller.. 
 Supt, Instr.... 
 
 At.-Gen 
 
 Sur.-Gen 
 
 Librarian 
 
 D. M. Kenfiold... 
 F. M. Campbell.. 
 August's L. Hart 
 J. W. Shanklin... 
 R. 0. Cravens 
 
 3000 
 3(HiO 
 3000 
 3000 
 ,3000 
 
 * The Lieutenant-Governor receives 812 per day 
 during sessions of the legisUture as President of 
 the Senate. He is Warden of State Prison, and re- 
 ceives for that a salary of $10 per day. 
 
 Judiciary, Sipreme Court.— Robert F Morrison, 
 Chief Justice; M. If. Myri.-k, E. W. McKin>-trv, E. 
 W. Ross, J. D. Thornton, J. R. Sharpstein, S. B. 
 y\.<tKiHi, Associate Justices. Term, l;i years. Elected 
 by the people. Salary, $6,000 each. Clerk, Frank 
 W. (jroHs. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, July, 1881 : Funded, $3,390,- 
 6(K» ; Unfunded none. 
 
 Slate Expenditures, $5,384,385. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, $4,751,574. 
 
 Amount of taxable property aa assessed: Real, 
 *.34K,84K,810; Improvements, $11.5,213,0-11; Person-l, 
 $1.5y,775,.544 ; Railroads 8:U,853,664 ; Total, $658,091,059. 
 
 Rate of State tax, 05J/^ cents on $100. 
 
 
 Colorado 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 Governor 
 
 Fred. W. I'itkins 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan 8, 1883 
 
 83<>'0 
 
 Lieut. -Gov.,.. 
 
 H. A. W. Tabor.. 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 w*y 
 
 See. State 
 
 N. H. Mel.lrum.. 
 
 '• 
 
 " 
 
 2-2<«) 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Nathans. Cul'cr 
 
 " 
 
 t" 
 
 21 H^) 
 
 Auditor 
 
 E. K. Stimpson.. 
 Chas. W. Wright 
 
 " 
 
 
 200!) 
 
 Att.-Gen 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 2iy.li} 
 
 Supt. Inst .... 
 
 Jos. C. Shattuek 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 20(^ 
 
 Adj. -Gen 
 
 Robert S. Roe... 
 
 
 Governor 
 
 ,51 ill 
 
 Librarian 
 
 Jos. C. Shattuek 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan 8, 1883 
 
 500 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court.— Henry C. Thatcher, 
 
 Chief Justice ; term, 9 years; elected'by the people; 
 salary, $;i,250. Samuel 11. Elbert, Wilbur F. Stone, 
 Associates: salary of each, j:i,2.50. After short terms 
 expire, Thatcher, 3 years; Elbert, 6 years; Stone, 9 
 years, 
 
 Amoiml of State Debt on Nov. 30, 1880, $162,880.67; 
 consisting onlj' of State warrants issued in anticipa- 
 tion of taxes accruing. 
 
 Colorado has no bonded debt, the State Cons' itu- 
 tion expressly prohibiting the Legislature from 
 creating any debt in advance of appropriations 
 beyond the amount actually provided for by taxa- 
 tion. 
 
 State E.xpenditures for two years, $558,470. 
 
 Amount raised l)y taxation last year, 8445,594. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as ass«issed: Real, 
 $25,804,345; personal, $17,268,303. 
 
 Rate of .State tax, 3 3-5 mills on $1, besides 50 cents 
 per capita for military purposes. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov... 
 
 Sec. State 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Comptroller., 
 
 Sec, State B'd 
 
 of Educat'n 
 
 Adj. -Gen 
 
 Sec. Bd.Agric 
 Librarian 
 
 Name. 
 
 H. B. Bigelow.... 
 Wm. H. Bulkley 
 Chas. E. Searles 
 David P. Nichols 
 W. P. Batchellor 
 
 B. G. Northrop... 
 Geo. M. Harmon 
 
 T. S. Gold 
 
 Chas. J. Hoadly.. 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 T'm Ends Sal'y 
 
 Jan 3, 1883 $2000 
 5tX) 
 1500 
 1500 
 1500 
 
 12<10 
 
 2500 
 
 700 
 
 1800 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court.— John D. Park, Chief 
 Justice. Elisha Carpenter, Dwight W. Pardee, 
 Dwight Loomis, Miles T. Granger, Associate Justices. 
 Term of all, 8 years. Elected by the General As- 
 sembly. Salary of each, $-l,i)00. 
 
 Amount of Stata Debt, funded, Dec. 1, 1881, 
 $1,967,600, viz. : Bonds of 1863, redeemable 188.3, 6 per 
 cent., $,';87,000; bonds of 1804, redeemable 1884, per 
 cent, $1,318,.560; bonds of 1805, redeemable 1885,6 
 per cent., $1,741,100 ; bonds of 1877, rede.mable 1887, 
 6 per cent., J,1,031,(X)(). Total, $4,007 ,ii<.i0 ; unfunded 
 debt, none. 
 
 State Expenditures for last year, $1,509,8,55. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation hvst year, Sl,460,2O.3..»il. 
 
 Amount of taxal>le property a.* assesseil : Real, 
 $228,487,700 ; per.-onal, $;t,5,9i U ,223. Ti>tal, $324,889,023, 
 Rate of State tax, I'.'i mills on the dollar. 
 
 The amount of State taxes received from the seve- 
 ral towns during the year was 8578,829.04; amount 
 of State taxes derived from other sources than pro- 
 perly of individuals, $887,434.47.
 
 94 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] 
 Delavrare. 
 
 Ctovernor . 
 Lieut. -Gov 
 Srtc. State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor 
 
 Adj. -Gen 
 
 Supt. Pub. In 
 
 Att.-Gen 
 
 See. Bil.Agric 
 Librarian 
 
 John W. Hall 
 
 None. 
 
 Jas. L. Wolcott.. 
 R. J. Reynolds.. 
 John F.'Staats.. 
 J. Park Postle.s. 
 James H. Graven 
 
 George Gray 
 
 R. Harrington.. 
 Ir. R. Kenney... 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 4 yri 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan 16, '83 $2000 
 
 1 
 Jan 16, '83 1000 
 Jim 28, 'SI 1450 
 Jan 28, '81 700 
 
 1 yr. 
 5 yrs 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Oct 9, 1884 
 
 Ap 9, 1881 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court.— Jos. P. Comegys, Chief 
 Justice; h. E. Wales, John W. Houston, Edw. Woot- 
 tnn. Associate Justices; Willard Saulsbury, Chancellor. 
 Term, for life. Appointed for life. Salary, Chief 
 Justice and Chancellor, 82,500 each; Associate Jus- 
 tices, S2,iKX). Clerk, John D. Burton. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, July 1st, 1881, $715,000, all 
 funded. 
 
 The State holds interest-paving securities (rail- 
 road, etc.) to the amount of Sl,120,7fJ9,and is virtually 
 out of debt. The annual receipts were about 815.5- 
 000, and the annual expenditures 3105,000. Of the 
 tax receipts, no less than 840,590 was from licenses, 
 ^3,812 from tax on railroads and passengers, and 
 only $;30,95G from taxes on real and personal pro- 
 perty, in the whole State. Delaware is the least 
 taxed community in the Union, so far as the ex- 
 penses of State government are concerned. Local 
 taxes are also low. 
 
 Florida. 
 
 Junicuny, Suprfme Court. — James Jackson, Chief- 
 Justice; Miiriin J. Crawford, Alexander M. Speer. 
 Associate Justices. Term, 4 years; elected by the 
 Legislature ; salary, 82,500 each. Clerk Supreme 
 Court, Z. D. Harrison. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, October 1, 18S0, 8o,9,51,,500, 
 funded at 6 per cent., 7 per cent., and 8 per cent, in- 
 terest. Railroad bonds indorsed by the State, 
 82.688,000. The new State Constituiion, adopted 
 1877, declared void sundry bonds and State indorse- 
 ments issued in aid of railroads. 
 
 State receipts for year ending Odober 1, 1880, 
 84,589,015.04, including receipts from bonds. 
 
 State expenditures for year ending October 1,1880, 
 84,831,05s. 79, including piiblic debt payments. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, fiscal year 1880, $1,092,- 
 822.42. 
 
 Amount of taxable property, as assessed — real, 
 8139,057,2,')0 ; personal, 8!I9,27C,876. Total, $238,934,126. 
 Rate of State tax, 3y^ Uiills on the dollar, or 35 
 cents on $100. 
 
 There is a poll tax of one dollar, levied in 1880 upon 
 134,323 wliite, and 94,099 colored citizens. 
 
 The State valuation of property in 1.S80 showed the 
 following items: Improved land, 29,815,591 acres, 
 value 880,676,553; wild land, 7.563,316 acres, value 
 $1,749,966; average value of improved land, $2.94; 
 city and town property, value 851.2?.0,730 ; money 
 and solvent debts, value $29,295,439; value of mer- 
 chandise, 813,989,109; stocks and bonds, $5,037,894; 
 live stock, value $23,07,5,704. 
 
 The railroad property subject to tax was valued at 
 $12,490,525 in 1880. 
 
 The property of manufacturing companies (ex- 
 empt from taxation by law) was valued at $4,138,375. 
 
 lUluols. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 . Governor 
 
 Lieut.-(}ov. ... 
 Sec'y of State 
 Treasurer ..... 
 Comptroller.. 
 Att'v-General 
 Supt. of Pub. 
 Instruction 
 Adj. -General 
 ConLofLand." 
 & Imgrtion 
 State Libr'i'n 
 
 Name. 
 
 W. D. Bloxham.. 
 
 L. W. Bethel 
 
 John L.Crawford 
 HenryA.L'Engle 
 
 W. D. Barnes 
 
 Geo. P. Raney... 
 
 E. K. Foster., 
 J. E. Yonge... 
 
 Hugh A. Corley. 
 Sec'y of State.... 
 
 T'rra 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Jan. 7, '85, 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 $3500 
 500 
 2000 
 2000 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Covut.— Chief-Justice, Edwin 
 M. Randall; Associates, James D. ■Westcott, Jr.. R B. 
 Von Valkenburgh. Term, for life, appointed by 
 Governor, with consent of Senate; salary of each, 
 
 $3,000. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, January 1st, 1881— funded, 
 $l,2.s4,700; unfunded, 8il,2.S7. 
 
 Amount in Sinking Fund, $1.50.000. - 
 
 State expenditures for year, $167,756. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, 8272,102. 
 
 Amoiint of taxable property as assessed for year 
 1880, 8M, 1,57 846. Rate of State tax, 70 cents on every 
 $100, for year ending December .31, 1880. Of this tax, 
 3 mills on the dollar goes to expenses of State gov. 
 ernment, 3 mills for interest on State debt, and 1 
 mill for public schools. 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Alf. H. Colquitt.. 
 None 
 
 N. C. Barrett 
 
 D. N. Spear 
 
 Wm.A. Wright.. 
 I CI iff'rd Anderson 
 
 T'rm 
 
 Trmend*! 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 fiovcrnor 
 
 I-ieut.-Gov.... 
 S.'c'y of State 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Compt.-Gen... 
 Att'.v tJencral 
 Supt. of Pub. I 
 
 InstriictioniG. J. Orr 
 
 Adj. -General. |J. M. Baird 
 
 (Vi'tn. Agrict'r J. T. Henderson 
 Slate Libr'i'nF. S. HaraIson...l2 yrs 
 
 Railroad CommlsBioners. 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Nov. 3, '82. 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 83(M)0 
 
 2000 
 2000 
 2000 
 2000 
 
 2000 
 
 2500 
 1000 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov. ... 
 
 Sec'y of State' 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor, 
 
 Att'y-General 
 
 Adj .-General. 
 
 Supt. of Pub. 
 Instruction 
 
 Sec.Bdof Ag 
 
 Railroad 
 Commis 
 sioners.. 
 
 State Libr'i'n 
 
 Name. 
 
 T'rm 
 
 ShelbyM CuUom 
 Jno. M.Hamilton 
 Hen'yD. Dement 
 
 Edward Kutz 
 
 iChas. P. Swigert. 
 Jas. McCartney.. 
 J. H. Elliott 
 
 James P. Slade.. 
 Sam'l D. Fisher 
 Wm. H. Smith... 
 Geo. M. Bogue... 
 W. H. Robinson 
 Sec . of State ex-off 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 By 
 
 yrs 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 Tan. 12,'85 
 
 Jan. 8,'83 
 Jan. 12,'85 
 
 Governor 
 
 Jan. '83 
 
 Mar.26,'83 
 Feb.10,'83 
 
 $6000 
 
 lono 
 
 3500 
 3500 
 3500 
 3500 
 2000 
 
 3500 
 2000 
 3500 
 3500 
 3500 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Covnr .—Chief- Justice, Pinkney 
 H. Walkei-; As.'iocinte Justices, Alfred M. Craig. John 
 Scholfield, T. Lyle Dickey, John M. Scott, John H. 
 Mulkey, Benjarhin R. Sheldon. Term 9 years each ; 
 elected by the people ; salary, $5,000 each. 
 
 Illinois has no State debt. 
 
 State expenditures for two years, $0,365,344.73. 
 Amount raised by taxation, $2,140,000. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed— real, 
 $623,979,369; personal, $175,,S,34,197 ; total, $799,813,666. 
 Rate of State tax, 48 cents on 8100. 
 
 The State taxation forms but a small part of the 
 aggregate amount raised by tax. The county taxes 
 were about 86,000.000 ; city taxes, $7,000,000, and town 
 and district taxes, $11,500,000. 
 
 The State constitution now prohibits cities or 
 counties from substnibing to railroad or other cor- 
 porations, and limits municipal debts to 6 per cent, 
 on aggregate taxable property. 
 
 Indiana. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 "(Joseph M. Smith, 
 J. C. Wall.ve, 
 I S. N. Trammell. 
 
 fiovernor lAlbert d. Porter. 
 
 Lieut. -(;ov. ... Tluunas Hanna. 
 Sec'y of State Enian'l H Hawn 
 
 Treasurer iKo.'^wcU S. Hill... 
 
 Auditor Edw. 11. Woiro... 
 
 Att'y-GcneraliDan'l P. Baldwin 
 Supt. of P. In. John M. Bloss.... 
 
 Sec. BdofAg. Alex. H^rno 
 
 State Libr'i'n, Mrs. E. Winfor.. 
 
 T'rm 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 2 " 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Jan. 12,'86 
 
 Jan. 
 Feb. 
 Jiin. 
 Nov. 
 Mar 
 
 9,' 83 
 25,'S3 
 6," 82 
 15,',S3 
 
 Apr. 1, '83 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 J5000 
 J8dy 
 2000 
 3000 
 1500 
 2500 
 2.500 
 1.500 
 1200
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ST ATISTICS OP STATES. 
 
 95 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE STATES. 
 
 JuDiciABY, Supreme Covm.— William E. Niblack, 
 James L. Worden, GeorK« V. Ilowk, Bymn K. 
 Klliott, Horace P. Hi-ldlo, William A. Woods. Terms 
 of office 6 ye;irs I'ac-h ; '/loctcii by the people ; saliiiy 
 $4,000. ClerkofSni>rt-me(;oiirt, .Jonathan W. Gordon. 
 
 Amount of State debt, Nov. 1st, 1881, $1,870,1)08.34, 
 bearing iV, to r> per cent, interest. 
 
 State expenditiiri'8 for year, $J,7t)(>,G03.U ; amount 
 raised by ta.\alion,3^7•!4,8oU.7'J, 
 
 Amount of taxable property as asse,s.sed — real, 
 $.')2r..4i:!.!)O0; porsoniil, *l!)2,:i82,io2 ; total, »720,914,2:il. 
 Kate of State tax, :tO cents on each 8100. 
 
 
 Iowa. 
 
 
 
 
 State OfHcers 
 
 Name. 
 
 T'rm 
 
 Trm ends Sal'y 
 
 Governor 
 
 B. R. Sherman... 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan. 9, '84 Siiooo 
 
 Lieut. -Gov. ... 
 
 O H. Manning... 
 
 
 " .5.50 
 
 Sec'y of State 
 
 .John A.T. Hull. 
 
 " 
 
 Jan. 1, '83 2200 
 
 Treasurer .... 
 
 E. H. Conger 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 2200 
 
 AucJitor 
 
 Wm. V. Lucas.... 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 2200 
 
 Att'y-Cxeneral 
 
 S. McPherson 
 
 " 
 
 Jan. '83 
 
 1.500 
 
 A(lj.-(_roneraL 
 
 W. L. Alexander 
 
 Bv 
 
 Governor 
 
 1.500 
 
 Supt. of Pub. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Instruction 
 
 John W. Akers... 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan. 2, '84 
 
 2200 
 
 Register of 
 
 
 
 
 
 Land Office 
 
 Jas. K. Powers... 
 
 " 
 
 " '83 2000 
 
 Railroad ~| 
 
 A. R. .Anderson ..i3 " 
 
 Apr. 1, '84 
 
 3000 
 
 Commia- i- 
 
 Peter A. Day " 
 
 " '83 
 
 3000 
 
 sioners.... I 
 
 M. C. Woodruff.. " 
 
 " '82 
 
 3000 
 
 State Libr'i*^n 
 
 Mrs. S. Maxwell 2 " 
 
 By Gov'r 
 
 1000 
 
 JuDiciART StTPREME CouRT. — William H. Seevers, 
 Chief-Justice; Austin Aciams, Joseph M. Beck, James 
 G. I)ay, James H. liothrock, Associate Justices. Term, 
 6 years. Elected by the people. Salary, 84,000 each. 
 Clerk, Edwin J. Holmes, $2,200. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Dec, 1881, $245,435.19. This 
 constitutes the onlyStrUe Deiit, and is a permanent 
 one. The Revenue Fund is responsible to the School 
 Fund for this amount of 824,5,435.19 at 8 per cent, 
 interest. 
 
 State Receipts for two years between Sept. 30th, 
 1870, and Sept. 3nth, 1881, S2,5U 262.08. 
 
 State Expenditures same period, 82,409,807.71. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation same period, $1,643,- 
 768.39. 
 
 Taxable Property— Real, $303,870,905; Personal, 
 $89,327,400. Railroad Property, 825,904,423. Total 
 valuation, $419,102,728. State Tax, 2 mills on $1.00. 
 
 Kansas. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Govornor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov.... 
 Sec. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor..! 
 
 Aty.-Ocneial. 
 Adj.-General. 
 Supt Pub. Ins 
 Sec. Hd. Agri. 
 Reg. Land Of. 
 Ins. Comm'r.. 
 State Libr'n.. 
 
 Name. 
 
 John P. St. John.. 
 
 D. W. Finney 
 
 James Smith 
 
 John Francis 
 
 P. J. Bonebrake.. 
 W. A. Johnston.. 
 
 P. 8. Noble 
 
 H. C. Speer 
 
 F. D. Coburn 
 
 Auditor ex-o/?icio. 
 Orrin T. Welch.. 
 H. J. Dennis 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 2yr.' 
 
 2 yrs 
 4 yrs 
 
 Jan 9,1883 
 
 Jan. 1883 
 
 Julv, 1884 
 Sup. Co't 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 $3,000 
 
 2,001) 
 2,500 
 2,000 
 1,500 
 1,500 
 2,<X)0 
 2,000 
 
 2,000 
 1,500 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Albert H Horton, 
 Chief- Justice ; David J. Brewer, D. M. Valentine, As- 
 sociate Jitstices. Chief-Justice, 6 years; Associate 
 Justices, 4 years. Elected by the people. Salary, 
 $3,000 each. Clerk, C. J. Brown. 
 
 Amount of State debt, July 1st, ISSl, $1,181,97.5. 
 
 General Statement of State Bonds issued : 8101,475 
 ai 6 per cent. ; $1,080,500 at 7 per cent. Total, $1,181,- 
 975. 
 
 Amount in Pinking Find, 8192,075. 
 
 Amount in Permanent School Fund, $607,925. 
 
 Stste Recei: ts for year ending July 1st, 1881, $2,- 
 020,264, including balance in trea.'diry. 
 
 State Expenditures for same year, $1,561,750- 
 
 Amount raisrtd by Taxation for year ending July 
 1st, 1S81, $«IS3, 1.39. 
 
 Value of Taxable Proport*', as asses.sed — Real, 
 $113,700,467: Personal, S'.7.II2.90fi ; total, 8170,,SM.3:3. 
 
 Bate of State Taxation, 1380, 50 centa on each $100. 
 
 64 
 
 -[Continued.] 
 
 Kentucky. 
 
 Sec. of State..' Jas. Blackburn... 
 
 Treasurer IJames W. Tate... 
 
 Auditor I Fayette Hewitt.. ]4 yrs 
 
 Qurm'r.-G'l | o m i , 
 Jos. P. Nuckols.. 
 
 & Adj.-Gen. / 
 Supt. Pub Ins 
 Aty .-General. 
 
 Reg. Land Of 
 Comr.of Agri. 
 Ins Comm'r.. 
 State Libr'n... 
 
 J. D. Pickett... 
 W. P. Hardin.. 
 
 Jan, 4, '84 
 Sept 6, '83 
 
 Ralph Sheldon... 
 
 Chas. E.Bowman! 'Jan. 5 '84 
 
 L. C. Norman :4 yrs 
 
 Mrs. A. B. Cook.. 2 yrslFeb. 1,'84 
 
 2,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 .500 
 
 Afoes 
 
 82,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 4.0<X» 
 
 1,000 
 
 JuDiciART. Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, Joseph 
 H. Lewis, term expires September, 1882. Associate 
 Justic.c,% T. F. Hargis, term expires September, 1884; 
 Thomas II. Hines, term expires September, 1886; 
 William S. Pryor, term expires September, 1888. 
 Term of office 8 years. State divided into four ap- 
 pellate districts. One Judge elected every 2 j'ears; 
 the Judge having .shortest time to serve being Chief- 
 justice. Salary $5,000 each. 
 
 Amount of State debt, October 10th, 1881, tl80,304, 
 6 percent.; unfunded, 8.300,000. 
 
 Amount in Treasury, $174,000 
 
 State Expenditures, year ending October 10th, 1881, 
 $1,424,604.77. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation, 1881, $2,322,333.70. 
 
 .'\mount of Taxable Property, aa assessed, real and 
 personal, $3.50,423,946. 
 
 Rate of State Tax, 1881, per cent. i5\4 cents per 
 8100. 
 
 lionlsiana. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov... 
 Sec. of State. 
 Treasurer.... 
 
 Auditor 
 
 Atv.-General 
 Supt.Piib Ed 
 
 Name. 
 
 John McEnery... 
 
 Will. A. Strong... 
 
 E. A. Burke 
 
 Allen Jumel 
 
 James (3. Egan... 
 
 -Fay 
 
 Com'r of L'ds' James Graham... 
 State Libr'n .JL. A. McDonald. 
 
 Trm T'mEnds'Sal'y. 
 
 Jan., 1884 |,*4,0O0 
 S-Sd'y 
 1,800 
 2,000 
 2,500 
 4,000 
 2,'JOO 
 l,.5O0 
 900 
 
 Judiciary, Supremh Court. — Thomas C. Manning, 
 Chief- Justice ; term of office, 8 year.s: salary, $7 .500. 
 William B. Fgan, Robert H.Marr. Alciniade De Blanc, 
 William B. Spencer, .■1,s.50ciVj^'".s', term of office, 5 3'ears; 
 all appointed by the (iovernor, and confirmed bv the 
 Senate; salary "of each, $2,000. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, January 1st, 1880, $11,781," 
 761, funded. 
 
 Louisiana adopted a new State Constitution, De- 
 cember, 2, 1879, which provided for refunding the 
 State Debt in bonds bearing 2 per cent, interest for 
 5 years, 3 per cent, for 15 year*, and 4 per cent there- 
 after. 
 
 The unpaid interest on consols, from 1874 to 1878 
 inclusive, amounts to $579,732. 
 
 Resides this, and the $11.7R1',761, (which represents 
 an extension of the 1874 consols, which funded the 
 whole debt at 60 cents on the dollar,) the State owes 
 $:i,971,O00 not fundable. 
 
 State Expen.lifures. $2,719,412.24. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation. $2,4.32,188. 
 
 Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed for 1880— 
 Real, $149,035,805. Rate of State Tax, 6 mills ou $1.
 
 96 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS, 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE 
 Maine. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut. Gov.... 
 Sec. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Aty.-General. 
 Acij.-General. 
 S'ptCm.Sehl;; 
 Bank Examr 
 Land Agent.. 
 Ins Commis'r 
 
 R.B.Com'rs 
 
 See. B'd Agrt 
 State Libr'n... 
 
 H'ris 31. Plaisted 2 yrs 
 
 J None 
 
 Joseph O. Smith|2 yrs 
 S. A. Holbrook... " 
 Henry B. Cleave " 
 
 Geo. S. Beal \ " 
 
 N. A. Luce 3 yrs 
 
 Fr'd. E.Richards " 
 Cyr's A. Packard 4 yrs 
 Josepli B. Peaks " 
 
 A.W.Wildes 3 yrs 
 
 .Ino. F.Anderson 
 
 C. J. Talbott 
 
 Z. A. Gilbert 
 
 Josiab S. Hobbs. 
 
 T'm Ends Sal'y. 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Jan. 3, '83, 
 Jan., 1883. 
 
 Feb., 1883. 
 
 Jan., 1884. 
 
 Feb.,1883. 
 Apr., 1882. 
 
 Feb., 1884, 
 
 $2,000 
 
 1.200 
 
 1,600 
 
 1,000 
 
 900 
 
 1,000 
 
 900 
 
 800 
 
 900 
 
 Fees. 
 
 Fees. 
 
 Fees. 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 Judiciary Supreme Court. — Cfiief Justice, John Ap- 
 pleton ; Associate. Judged, Charles W. Walton, Wm. 
 6. Barrows, Charles Danforth, Wm. W. Virgin, John 
 A. Peters, Artemas Libby, Joseph W. Symonds. 
 Appoint>-d by the Governor for seven years. Salary, 
 83,000 each. Reporter, J. W. Spaulding. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, January 1,1881; Funded, 
 So.883,900; unfunded, 82,521,057. 
 
 Amount in Sinking Fund Jan. 1, 1881, 81,397,857. 
 
 State Expenditures for last year, $l,3irj,0(i,3,(;7. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, $900,ooo. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed : Real and 
 per.«onal, S235 978,716. 
 
 Kate of State Tax, 1880. 50 cents on $100. 
 
 Ittaryland. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Governor |W. T. Hamilton. 
 
 Lieut. Gover. None 
 
 See. of State..! James T. Briscoe 
 
 Treasurer Barnes Compton 
 
 Comptroller.. I Thos. T.Keating 
 Atty. General C. J. M. Gvvinn... 
 
 Adjt. Gen J. Wes. Watkins 
 
 Supt.Pub. In. M. A. Newell 
 
 Comr. Lands.W. D. Haywood.. 
 State Libr'an. Edward Duvall .. 
 
 Trm 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 4 yrs 
 2 " 
 4 " 
 4 " 
 4 " 
 2 " 
 4 " 
 4 " 
 
 T'm Ends Sal'y 
 
 STATES [Continued.] 
 
 Supreme Judicial Court. — Chief Juatice, Marcus 
 Morton: Associate Justices, W m. C. Endicott, Otis P. 
 Lord, Walbridge A. Field, Charles Devens, VVilliam 
 Allen, Charles Allen. OtHce held during good be- 
 haviour. Appointed bv Governor and Council Sa- 
 lary, Chief Ju.«tice, $(i,.5O0; Associate Justices, 86,000 
 each. Clerk, John Noble, S3,000. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Jan. 1. 1881, S32.799.464, all 
 funded at 5 per cent interest. No floating debt. 
 
 Amount in Sinking Fund, January 1, 1881, J13,050,- 
 192.20. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending January 1, 1881, on 
 account of revenues, S7,881, 198.67 ; on account of 
 Funds, 85,616,418.18. Total receipts, 813,497,616.8,5. 
 
 State Expenditures for year ending Jan. 1, 1881, on 
 account of Current Expenditures, $6,902,451.61 (in- 
 cluding 11,6.51.229.73 interest on the Public Debt; on 
 account of funds, loans etc., $3,322,362.19. Total, 88,- 
 807,050.26. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation, 1880, for State pur- 
 poses, $4,9,50,000 
 
 Total taxes raised in Massachusetts, year ending 
 May 1, 1881, for State, County, City and Town pur- 
 poses, including Highway or Road tax, $24,180, 245; 
 being about $13.56 per capita of the population. 
 
 .Amount of Taxable property, as assessed: real, 
 $1,149,4(;5,827; personal, $498,274,149. Total, May 1, 
 1881, $1,648,239,976. 
 
 Total number of polls in this State, 1881, subject to 
 voters' tax, of $2,469,207. Total amount of poll tax, 
 1881, $928,560. 
 
 Rate of State tax, year ending Jan. 1, 1881, 35 cents 
 on $1,000. 
 
 In addition to the regular State tax, Massachusetts 
 assesses corporations over and above the local tax- 
 ation, upon a valuation aggregating $74,244,884.38, 
 which is assessed at the average rate in ttie State, to 
 wit: $15.35 on $1,000. The proceeds of this tax is 
 distributed to the cities and towns where the stock- 
 holders reside, if within the commonwealth. 
 
 Jan 2, 1884 $4500 
 
 Jan 2, 1884 
 Jan 2, 18,S2 
 Jan. 1884 
 Jan2,'18S4 
 Feb. 1884 
 Jan. 1882 
 Jan. 1884 
 Jan. 1884 
 
 2000 
 2500 
 2500 
 SOOO 
 1500 
 1000 
 2000 
 1500 
 
 Judiciary Court of Appeals —Chief Justice, James 
 L. Bartol ; Associate Judges, James M. Robinson, John 
 Ritchie, Levin T. H. Irving, R. H. Alvey, Frederick 
 Stone, Richard Grason, Oliver Miller. Term, 15 
 years; elected by the people. Salary, $3,500. Clerk, 
 Spencer C. Jones. 
 
 Amount of State DeV)t on Oct. 1, 1880, $11,277,110 69, 
 fun<led. About half the debt bears 6 per cent, inte- 
 rest, and the remainder 6 per cent. 
 
 The State holds, as against its public debt, inte- 
 rest-paying securities amounting to $4,235,713, be- 
 siden $23,360,682 in unproductive securities. 
 
 State Expenditures for year, $2.0,50,869,40. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, >938,463.26. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed : Real and 
 personal, *4.59,187,408; railroad property, 168,576,242. 
 
 Rate of State Tax, 18% cents on $100. 
 
 
 BfassacUnsetts. 
 
 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 Govf-rnor 
 
 Iiieut.Gov 
 
 Spc. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor 
 
 Attv. General 
 Adj Gen 
 
 John T>. Long 
 
 Byron Weston... 
 ITcnry B. Peirce 
 Danl. A. Gleason 
 Charles R. Lad-i 
 Gforge Mar.ston. 
 
 A Uun Ui.rrv .. 
 
 1 yr. 
 3yr(i 
 
 ,Ian3,1883 
 Jan 17, '83 
 
 tsooo 
 
 2000 
 2500 
 4000 
 2.500 
 4000 
 2500 
 
 Sec' Bd. Edii'. ,T.' W. Dickinson. 
 
 SeC.Bd.Ag. ) x,,v,n V. Rn<.Q«1 
 
 
 2000 
 
 
 2000 
 
 & S'ato Lib. r 
 InB. Comis'r.. 
 
 Julius L. Clark... 
 
 May 2, '82 
 
 3(100 
 
 Michigan. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor .. 
 Lieut. Gov 
 Sec. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor Gen.. 
 
 Attv. Gen 
 
 Supt. Pub. In. 
 
 Adjt. Gen 
 
 Sec. Bd. Agr.. 
 Com. Lands... 
 Ins. Comis'r.. 
 Railro'd Com. 
 Immtg. Com.. 
 State Libra'n. 
 
 Name. 
 
 David H.Jerome 
 Moreau S Crosby 
 
 Wm. Jennev 
 
 Bj. D. Pritciiard. 
 \V. Irv. Latimer. 
 J. J. Van Riper... 
 V. B. Cochran ... 
 John Robertson. 
 Robert G. Baird.. 
 Jas. M.Nea.«mith 
 Samuel IT. Row.. 
 Wm. B.William.. 
 
 Fred. Morley 
 
 Harr'tA. Tenney 
 
 Trm 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Dec. 31 '82 
 
 Board. 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 $1000 
 
 $idy 
 
 800 
 10(10 
 
 1000 
 
 800 
 1000 
 
 1000 
 
 1500 
 800 
 2000 
 2500 
 2000 
 1000 
 
 JuriciART Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, Benjamin 
 F. Graves, term expires December 31, 1883; Associate 
 Justices, Thomas M. Cooley, term expires December 
 31,1885; James V.Campbell, term expires Decem- 
 ber 31, 1889. Elected by the people for 8 years. Sa- 
 lary of each, $4,000. Clerk of Supreme Court, Chas. 
 C. Hopkins, $.3000. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, funded, October 1, 1881, 
 $904,149.07, viz., $,590,000 funded, due in 188,3, at 6 per 
 cent.; $299,000 duo in 1890, at 7 per cent.; $15,149.97 
 past duo, not presented, interest stopped. 
 
 Amount in Sinking Fund, $1,889,000. 
 
 State Expenditures for year ending Oct. 1, 1881, 
 $2,392,569.01. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, $804,831.21. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed in 1881 — 
 real and personal, $810,000,000. 
 
 Rate of State Tax, 12 78-100 cents om each $100 of 
 valuation.
 
 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ST ATISTICS OF STATES. 
 
 97 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.-[Continued.] 
 
 Bllmiesota. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Gf)vernor 
 
 Lieut.-'iov.... 
 S'30. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor. 
 Atti)i'y-(ien'l 
 Sup. Pul). Ins 
 Adj't-Gen'l ... 
 Ins. Com'r.... 
 <!onn.of Stat's 
 R'lr'd Com'r. 
 State Libr'n.. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Lucius F. llub'd 
 (Jlias. A. (Jilman 
 F. Von Baumb'k 
 Clia.>< HitteLson.. 
 .|\V. \V. Uraden.... 
 \V. II. Halin 
 
 D. Hint 
 
 11. P. V.m Cleve. 
 
 A. R. McGill 
 
 F.S.Christensen 
 Jamea H. Baker 
 W. H. H. Taylor 
 
 3 yrs 
 2 yrs 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Jan 1, 1S8-1 
 
 Jan 3, 1885 
 Jan 1,1884 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 $3,8(.0 \i^M 
 
 coo 
 1,8m) 
 
 3,500 
 
 3,000 
 
 1,,000 
 2,,5O0 
 1,.'')00 
 2,000 
 2,000 
 1,500 
 
 JuDicTAny, Supreme Court. — Chief Jiisfiee, Charles 
 E. Vanderburg. Salary, $4,.')00. A.ssociata<, William 
 Mitchell, D. A, Dickinson. Salary of each, $4,000 
 Term, 7 years. Elected by the people. Clerk of 
 the .Supreme Court, Samuel H. Nichols. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, November 30, 1880, 8290,000 
 (fiuKled), bearing 7 and G per cent, interest. 
 
 Besides this debt there arc disputed bonds, issued 
 in ISoS, duo 1K83, to aid in the construction of rail- 
 roads, S2,275,0<M). 
 
 State receipts, year ending Nov. ."JO, 1880, 81,503,130.55. 
 .State ox)enditures for year, 81,421,007.99. 
 
 Amount raised bv taxation, 8^580,90.^.58. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real, 
 82n3.473,(;37 ; personal, r)4,.')81,906; total, 82.50,055,543. 
 
 Kate of-S^ate ta.x, 1 8-10 mills on the dollar. 
 
 The tax for all purposes. State, county and town, 
 has averaged 17^ mills on the dollar— 81.72 on SlOU. 
 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov.... 
 Sec. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor 
 
 Attor'y-Gen... 
 Sup. Pub. Rd. 
 Com'r Agr't'e 
 
 Robert Lowry.... 
 
 G. D. Shands 
 
 H. C. Myers 
 
 W.L.Hemingw'y 
 Sylvanus Gwin.. 
 Thos.C.Catch'gs 
 J. Argyle Smith. 
 
 E. G Wall 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 2 yrs 
 4 yrs 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan 5, 1880 
 Apr.1,1882 
 
 84,000 
 800 
 2,500 
 2,.".00 
 2,,'iOO 
 2,500 
 2,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 1,500 
 
 Com'r Lands. 
 Adj't-Gen'l.... 
 State Libr'n.. 
 
 John M. Sniylie. 
 .\nd'vv M. Nelson 
 Mrs M. Morancy 
 
 Jan 3, 1882 
 
 800 
 
 Judiciary, SurHEMt Court.— C7ii>/Ji««r«,Thoma<i A. 
 Sherwoo.l. Term expires Doc. 31, \nnz. Ansociate 
 Justices, WarwicK Hough, term expires December 
 31, 1884; John E. Henry, term expire.'" December 
 31,1880; Elijah H. Norton, term expires December 
 31, 1888; Robert D. Ray, term expires Decemf>er 31, 
 1890. Elected by tlie people, one every two years' 
 Salary of each, 84,500. CUrk, Henry W. Ewinii 
 83,000. *• 
 
 Amount of State debt, funded January 1, 1881 
 810,259,000; all bearing 6 per cent int<'rest. ' 
 
 Besides thi«, Missouri has 8;!,imk),oO(j of State bonds 
 Issued to the Hannibal and St. Jo.xepli Railroad Co., 
 the interest on which is regularly paid by that 
 corporation. Amount in sinking fund, ^ri.oiJl,*^^. 
 
 About $11,000,000 of the State debt of Missouri waa 
 contracted in aid of railroads. 
 
 State expenditures foi- 2 years, 82,801,038. Amount 
 raised by taxation, ?2,129,512. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real, 
 $3Hl,.5.-i5,5il4; personal, 8N7,001,i)10. 
 
 Rail road and telegraph [iroperly (separately taxed), 
 829,i43,!)(;9. Total, 8j58,:!i;i,443. Rate of State tax, 4 
 mills on $1.00. 
 
 Nebraska. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 TrmlTrmends 
 
 1 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov . . 
 Sec. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Aud. Puc. Ac. 
 Attor'y Gen'l. 
 Sup. Pub. Ins. 
 
 Albinus Nance... 
 
 E. C. Karns 
 
 8. J. Alexander.. 
 G. M. Bartlett.... 
 John Wallichs... 
 C. J. Dilworth.... 
 W. W. W. Jones. 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Jan 4, 1883 
 
 82,600 
 $0a 
 dav. 
 2,000 
 2,500 
 2,500 
 2,000 
 2,000 
 5(X» 
 1,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 Adj't-Gen'l.... !S. J. Alexander.. 
 Sec. B'd Agr. J. C. McBride.... 
 
 lyr 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 " 
 
 Com'r Public 
 Lands and 
 Buildings.. 
 
 State L. Lib'n 
 
 A. G. Kendall 
 
 Guy A. Brown.... 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 JuDici.\RT, Supreme Court. — Chie^ Justice, George B. 
 Lake. Associate Justices, Amasa Cobb, Samuel Max- 
 well. All elected by the people for six years. 
 Salary of each. S2,.500." Clrrk, (iuy A. Brown, 81.500. 
 Amount of State debt, Nov. 30. 1880, $449,267.3-5, 
 drawing 8 per cent, interest, besides $.50,000 to re- 
 lieve grasshopper sufferers, drawing 10 per cent. 
 Amount in Sinking Fund, S-'>9.4r.9,20. 
 State expendinires for 2 years, 81,509,233.95. 
 i Amount raised by taxation in 1 year ending Nov. 
 t 30, 1881, 8-573,000.51. 
 
 ! Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1881 — 
 ■ Real, 854,279,302 ; personal, 838,80.3,095. Total, 893,- 
 ; 142,457. Rate of State tax, 05 cents on 8100. 
 
 Nevada. 
 
 JuDtciABY, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, H. H. 
 Chalmers. Assoc.iite Justices, 3. A. P. Campbell, 
 Timothy E. Cooper. Term of office, 9 years. Ap- 
 pointed by the Governor and Senate. Salary of 
 each, 83,.500. Clerk, Oliver Clifton. < 
 
 Amount of State debt January 1, 1880, $.3,090,100.29. I 
 
 State receiptsforyearendingJan. 1, 1880,^5.58,802.15. I 
 
 State expenditures for year ending January 1, State Officers 
 1880, 3553,320.81. | 
 
 Amount raised by taxation same year, 8444,320.78. | 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1879 — j Governor f. H. Hinkead.. 
 
 Real, 870,139,102; personal, $50,059,508. I Lieut.-Gov ...j.L W. Adams 
 
 Rate of State tax on 8100, 35 cents. i Sec. of State.. |jasper Babcock. 
 
 ' Treasurer L. L. Crockett... 
 
 Name. 
 
 BUssourl. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Governor T. T. Crittenden 
 
 Lieut.-Gov.... I 
 Bee. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer i 
 
 Auditor ' 
 
 Attor'y Gen'l, 
 Adj't-tren'l.... 
 Sup. Pub. Sc 
 Reg. Lands... 
 
 R.R. Com 
 
 Trm Trm ends 'Sal'y. 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 ■'{ 
 
 Sap. Ins.Dep 
 State L. Lib'n 
 
 R. A. Campbell.. 
 M. K. McGrath.. 
 P. E. Chappell... 
 
 John Walker 
 
 D. H. Mclntvre.. 
 
 John B. Waddill 
 
 R. D Shannon ...'4 yrs 
 Rob'tMcCulloch " 
 
 Geo. C Pratt yrs 
 
 James Harding, " 
 
 A. M. Sevier I " 
 
 Jno. F. Williams 4 yrs 
 Jesse W. Henry.l " 
 
 Jan 12, '85 
 
 Jan 8, 1883 
 Jan...l8si 
 
 Mar. 1, '85 
 
 8.5,000 
 85a 
 day. 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 2,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 4,000 
 
 Comptroller .J. F. Hallock 
 Attor'v-Gen'l M. A Murphy 
 Adj't-fJen'l ... Lt.-Gov. cx-offi,cio 
 Sup. Pub. Ins. D. R. Sessions... 
 
 Surv.-Gen'l ... |A. J. Hatch 
 
 State Libr'n.. Lt. -Gov. ex-otficio 
 
 Trm 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Jan 1,1883 
 
 Jan 1, 1883 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 80,000 
 3,000 
 3,000 
 3,600 
 3,600 
 3,600 
 
 3,000 
 3,600 
 1,600 
 
 Judiciary Supreme Court. — Chief Jwiire, 0. R. 
 Leonard ; Associate Justices. Thomas P. Hawley, C. 
 H. Belknap. Salary of each. 87,000. Elected bv the 
 people for years. Clrrk Supreme Court, C. F. Bick- 
 nell, 4 years. Salary, 83.000. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Nov. 7, 1881; Funded, $527,- 
 000, at 5 and 4 per cent. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending Jan. 1, 1881,8328,- 
 257.82. 
 
 State Expenditures for same year, $321,078.92. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation same year, 8190,070.42. 
 Rate of State Tax. 55 cents on $100. Poll tax, $1.00 
 on adults. 
 
 Amount of taxable property, a.s assessed (27,698,668,
 
 98 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] 
 
 Ne\r Hampslilre. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut. Gov.... 
 Sec. State .... 
 Treasurer.... 
 At. Gen 
 
 Supt. Instr... 
 Ins. Comm'r 
 
 RR. Com'rs 
 
 Name. 
 
 T rm Trm ends Sal'y 
 
 Adj. Gen 
 
 Sec. Bd Agri' 
 State Lib'n ... 
 
 Charles H. Bell.. 
 
 None 
 
 A. B. Thompson. 
 
 Solon A. Carter .. 
 
 Mason W. Tap- 
 pan 
 
 .1. W. Patterson.. 
 
 Oliver Pillsbury 
 
 •James E.French 
 
 Charles A.Smith 
 
 Edward J. Ten- 
 ney 
 
 Aug. D. Ayling... 
 
 James O. Adams 
 
 Wm. H Kimball 
 
 1 yrs 
 
 5 yrs 
 
 June 6,'83 
 June 6,'83 
 
 Julv24,'8G 
 July 7,82 
 July20.'84 
 Juue 3,'8:3 
 
 Sl.OOO j 
 800 
 
 2,200 
 2,000 
 Fees 
 
 Pr. 
 dm 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 800 
 
 Judiciary Supreme Covm.— Chief-Justice, Charles 
 Doe. Salary, ?2,'.^00. A-'isociate Jimtica, Clinton W. 
 Stanley, Isaac W. Blodgett, William H. H. Allen, 
 Isaac W. Smith, Lewis W. Clark, Alonzo P. Carpen- 
 ter. Appointed by Governor and Council. Terra of 
 office, until 70 years of age. Salary, $2,700 each. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, June 1, 1881; Funded, S3,- 
 337,100, intere.-;t at 6 per cent.; unfunded debt, S74,- 
 148.07, intere^^fat 5 per cent. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending June 1, 1881, S529,- 
 500,000. 
 
 State expenditures for year ending June 1, 1881, 
 $389,803.90. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, S398.R92. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed: Real, 
 $123,.^ll,284; personal, $77,3-30,732. Total, 3200,878,016. 
 
 Rate of State Tax, year ending April 1, 1881, 20c. 
 on each $100 for State purposes. 
 
 Average rate for all purposes, including State, 
 county, town, highway and school taxes, 81-"2 on 
 $100. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 
 State OiBcers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut. Gov.... 
 
 Sec. State 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Comptroller.. 
 
 At. Gen 
 
 Sup. Pub. Ins. 
 
 Adj. Gen 
 
 Sec. Bd. Agri' 
 State Lib'n ... 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm Trm ends Sal'y 
 
 3 yrs 
 .5 yrs 
 
 Geo. C. Ludlow .. 
 
 None 
 
 Henry C Kelsey 
 Geo. M. Wright..j3 
 Ed. J. Anderson Is " 
 JohnP.StoektonS " 
 Ellis A. Apgar...l3 " 
 Wm. S. Stryker.. 5 " 
 
 Wm. M. Force... 
 
 J 's.S.McDanoldsIs yrs 
 
 Jan. 21, '84 $5,000 
 
 Apr. 6, '81 Fees 
 Mar. 4, '82S4,000 
 Apr. 6, '80, 4,000 
 Apr. 5, '82 l,.-i00 
 BdEd'cni 3,000 
 Governor! 1,200 
 S'teAg.Soi Fees 
 Jan. 27. 84 1,500 
 
 JuBiciABT , Supreme Court. — Chief-Justice, Mercer 
 Beasley. Salary, 85,200. Associates, Alfred Reed, 
 Joel Parker, Edward W. Scudder, Bennet Van 
 Syckel, David A. Dcpue, Jonatlian Dixon, M. M. 
 Knapp, William A. Magio; appointed by the Gov- 
 ernor, and confirmed by the Senate ; Salary of each, 
 $5,000. Term of office 7 years. C/crA;, Benjamin F. 
 Lee. Chancellor, Theodore Runyon; term, 7 years; 
 salary, 810,000. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Oct. 31st, 1880; War bonds, 
 total, 8l,896,,300, bearing 6 per cent, interest. The 
 debt is payable 8100,000 each year. Amount in Sink- 
 ing Fund, 81,458,852.34. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending Oct, 31, 1880, 81,- 
 075,421.10. 
 , State Expenditures for year, $1,72.3,480.72. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year: Paid, 8819,- 
 999.81; unpaid, 875,2.50.75. Total, $89,5,250.30. Rate 
 of State Tax, 2J^ mills on the dollar. Valuation of 
 property, 1880: R<al, 8130,032,038; personal, $82,584,- 
 880; total, $518,017,518. 
 
 New York. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Lieut. Gen. 
 
 Sec. State 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Comptroller.. 
 
 At. Gen 
 
 Aud.C'n'l Dpt 
 State Engn'r 
 and Surv'r. 
 Supt Ins. Dpt 
 Supt. Works.. 
 Sup. Pub. lus. 
 
 Adj. Gen 
 
 State Lib'n... 
 
 Name. 
 
 Governor Alonzo B.Cornell 
 
 Geo. G. Hoskins 
 Joseph B. Carr... 
 Robt. A. Maxwell 
 Ira Davenport... 
 LeslieW. Russell 
 John A. Place.... 
 
 Silas Seymour... 
 Chas.G. Fairman 
 Silas B. Duteher 
 Neil Gilmour. 
 Fred. Townsend 
 Henry A. Homes 
 
 Trm 
 
 3 yrs 
 
 2yr; 
 3 " 
 
 Trm ends Sal'y 
 
 Dec.31,'82 
 
 May20,'83 
 
 Dec. 31,' 
 Apr. 15,' 
 Dec. 31,' 
 Apr. 7, ' 
 Dec.31,'82, 2,500 
 
 10.000 
 &hse 
 5,000 
 5,(K)0 
 5,000 
 G,0')0 
 5,000 
 5,000 
 
 5,000 
 7,000 
 6,000 
 5,000 
 
 Judiciary, Court of Appeals. — Chief-Justice, Charles 
 Andrews; Salary, $7,500. A><i<ociate^, Theodore Miller, 
 Robert Earl, Geo. F. Danforth, Charles A. Rapallo, 
 Francis M. Finch, Benjamin F.Tracy, term, 14 years ; 
 elected by the people ; Salary of each, $7,000, besides 
 82,n00 for expenses. Clerk, Edw in O. Perrin, S5,rKX). 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Oct. 1, 18S1, $9,114,0,54.87; all 
 except $125,694.87 being canal debt, bearuig 6 per 
 cent., gold, interest, and redeemable 1883 to 1893. 
 Amount in Sinking Fund, $2,177,2.30.84. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending Sept. 30th, 18S1, 
 Sll,,S,35,570.93. 
 
 State Expenditures same year, $8,128,.590.11. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, ending Sept. 
 30, 1881, $9,232,542.33. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1881; 
 Real, $2,329,408,450; personal, $339,702,783. Total, 
 $2,009,111,233. Rate of State tax, fiscal year, 1881, 
 6}4^mills on the dollar. 
 
 The newly imposed tax on railroads and other cor- 
 porations, is expected to yield $2,000,000 a year when 
 fully enforced. Real estate bore about 8"< per cent. 
 of the whole taxation in 1880, and personal property 
 
 12 per cent. 
 
 NorUi Carolina. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Governor JThos. J. Jarvis...!4 yrs 
 
 Lieut. Gov.... IJas. L. Robinson 
 
 Sec. State Wm. L.Saunders. 
 
 Treasurer .....John M. Worth. 
 
 Auditor 'W- P. Roberts... 
 
 At. Gen Thos. S. Kenan 
 
 Trm Trm ends Sal'y 
 
 $3,000 
 
 Supt. Instr.... 
 
 Ad. Gen 
 
 Com. Agri'.... 
 State Lib'n... 
 
 J.C.Scarborough 
 Johnst'nT.Jones 
 
 M. McGnhan 
 
 Shre'd Haywood 
 
 Jan. 1, "85 
 
 2,000 
 3,000 
 1,.500 
 2,000 
 1,500 
 300 
 
 400 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Chief- Justice, W. N. H. 
 Smith; Associate Justice, Thos. 8. Ashe, Thomas 
 Ruffin. Term, 8 years. Elected by the people. 
 Salary, $2,500 each. Cleric, William H. Baaley 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Oct. 1, KSMl ; Princip.al, $16,- 
 960,045; Interest, unpaid, $100,100,183; total, $27,120,- 
 218, exclu-^ive of unacknowledged, "special tax 
 bonds," amount $11,407,000. 
 
 By Funding law of Feb. 1879, the sum of $12,683,- 
 045 of the deJbt was recognized as valid, and ante- 
 war bonds funded at 40 per cent, of face values, 
 while new R. R. bonds were scaled at 25 per cent, 
 of their face, and funding bonds of 18(16 and 1868 at 15 
 percent, of face v.ilue. All the new eonsolitlater bonds 
 run 30 years, at 4 per cent., the first coupon of 2 per 
 cent, having been paid Jan. 1, 1881. The sum total of 
 new funding bonds authorized, is $i,6i8,51l, and the 
 amount issued, up to Oct. 1, 1880, is $2,211,816, cancell- 
 ing the sum of $7,470,245 of tne old bonds. Other 
 bonds of the States amounting to about $l,3,(K)0,O0o, 
 are unprovided for in this compromise. 
 
 Slate Rp.'cipts, year ending Oct. 1, 1881, $645,743.35. 
 
 State Expenditures for year ending Oct. 1, 1881, 
 $048,172.59. 
 
 Amount raised by taxHtion, 1880, $120,000, besides 
 a school tax paid to county treasurers. 
 
 Amount of taxable property, as assessed; Real, 
 $1012,348,216 : personal, $07 ,568,691. Total, $l(i9,916,907. 
 Rate of State Tax, 24 cents on $100, beuidea 8^ 
 cents school tax.
 
 BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— STATISTICS OF STATES. 
 
 99 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE 
 OUlo. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Governor (Jharles Foster... 
 
 Lieut.-Gov. ... Rees G. Ric hards 
 Sec. of State. [Chas. Towii.seiid 
 
 Treasurer j.ro.seph Ttirney.. 
 
 Auditor [John F. Oglevoe 
 
 Att'y-Gen'l....t(Jeori;e K. Nash. 
 
 Adjfnt-iicii'li '. 
 
 S.Cm.of Com- 
 iiion.Sf'hoola Daniel Da Wolf.. 3 yrs 
 
 Ins. Com I'lirt-i. H. Moore... " 
 
 R. R. VA>m livlas Sabine 12 yrs 
 
 Sec. B. .Vf,'ri..'./os.I.Ch'mberrn| 
 
 S. Librarian...!. J OS. H. Geiger... 2 yrs 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Jan 9, 1884 
 Jan. 1883. 
 
 June 2, '84 
 Feb.24,'83 
 
 Apr 12, '83 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 $4,0(11) 
 8iw) 
 3,1100 
 3,11011 
 3,000 
 2,1 KX) 
 2,000 
 
 2,000 
 2,000 
 2,(H)U 
 2,000 
 1,500 
 
 JuDi(M\iiY, SiTPRKME CouRT. — Chief Juotice, John W. 
 Okev; A.s.wrinte Jusliciun, William White, George W. 
 Mcllvaiue, W. W. Johnson, Joseph Longworth; 
 term of ea''h, .5 years; eleeted oy the people; 
 salary, $:i,ooo. Clerk, Dwight Crowell, 3 year.s, $l,.'j00. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, funded, Nov. 1!5, 1881; 
 8r),200,oon, viz: 4 per cent, loan of 1881, S2,800,ooo . 
 loan payable after Deo. 1st, 1880, G per cent. S2,4oo,(Ji'ii. 
 
 Amoimt in Sinking Fund, Nov. 15, 1881, Si08,2M.'>..')'.l. 
 
 State RecfMpts, year ending Nov.l5,'81,S."i,3or,,ir.'j.73. 
 
 State E.Kpi'uditures for same year, S-'>,751,2i'i4.5l1. 
 
 Amount raised by ta.'>:ation in 1881, S4,47y,0S9.o2. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed: Real, 
 $1,097 ,.509,8.30 ; personal, $427,930,111; total, Sl,525- 
 445,941. Rate of State Tax, 29 cents on $1IK1. 
 
 A State law requires all local debts of counties, 
 cities, townships, etc., to be reported and publishea 
 
 annually. 
 
 Oregon. 
 
 State OfHcers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov 
 
 Wm. W. Thayer. 
 None 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Sep.l3, '82 
 
 S4,500 
 
 Sec. of State, 
 
 Aud.AComp 
 
 Treasurer .... 
 
 Att'v-Gen'l.... 
 
 R. P. Earhart 
 
 Edward Hirsch.. 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Sep.! 0, '82 
 
 i,.5no 
 
 800 
 
 Sup. Pub. Ins 
 Com. of Laud 
 
 [i. J. Powell 
 
 
 Sep.lO, '82 
 
 1,500 
 
 B'd com. of Gov. 
 .Sec. & Treas. of 
 State 
 
 
 
 D. M. Lyle 
 
 
 Sep.30, '82 
 
 600 
 
 
 
 
 
 JuDici.KRY, Supreme Court. — William P. Lord, term 
 2 years ; Edward B. Watson, term 4 years ; John B. 
 Waldo, term 6 years ; elected by popular vote ; 
 salary of each, "32,OtK). Clerk of "Supreme Court, 
 Thomas B. Odenoal. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Sept. 1, 1880, $.3.56,503.39, 
 viz: Modoc War Bonds, 10 years, 7 per cent. Sjo5, 
 008.39; Look Bonds, Willamette River Improve- 
 ment, 7 per cent., S151,500; unfunded debt,Sl54,8G7,- 
 7G ; Total, S511,37ii.i5. 
 
 St.ite Expenditures for last two years, 8.392,230.51. 
 
 Amount raiseil by taxation in one year $324,959. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed: Real and 
 personal, Slii,4.!2,817. 
 
 Rate of State Tax, G mills on the dollar. 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor.. 
 
 Lieut. Gov 
 
 Sec. State., 
 
 Treasurer.. 
 
 Auvl. Gen 
 
 Sec. In. Aff's. 
 
 At. Gen 
 
 Adj, Gen 
 
 Supt. P^bIn'< 
 & Soldiers' 
 Orphans 
 
 Ins Com 
 
 See. Bd. Agri 
 
 State Lib'n ... 
 
 6T~ 
 
 Name. 
 
 Henrv M. Hovt 
 Chas.'W. Stoiie.. 
 I Mai the w S.Quay 
 Samuel Butli-r... 
 'Wm. P. Schell... 
 I. Aaron K.Dunkel 
 Henry W Palmer 
 James W. Latta. 
 
 J.P.Wickersh'm 
 
 J. M. Foster 
 
 Thos. J. Edge.... 
 C. L. Ehrenfeld.. 
 
 Trm Trm ends Sal'y 
 
 4yrsiJan. lG,'83ilo,0(io 
 
 " "I 3,000 
 
 'Governor 
 
 2 yrs, May '82 
 3yrs(May 3,'8l 
 4 yrs I May 5,'s3 
 
 3 yrsJune 1,'82 
 Governor 
 
 4 yrs May 5,'SO 
 
 3 yrs Feb 7,'81 
 
 4,000 
 5,000 
 3,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 3,500 
 2,500 
 
 1,.500 
 1,800 
 
 STATES.— rContinued.] 
 
 Junii'iARY, Supreme Cwkt.— Chief- Justice, George 
 Sharswood, to Jan., 1883 ; JiwJiom, L'lysMes Mereur 
 to Jan. 1888; Isaac (ji. Gordon, to Jan., 188tf; Edward 
 M. Faxson,, to Jan,, 1891; Henry Groen, to Jan., 
 189(1; John Trunkey, to Jan 1, 1899; James 1' Ster- 
 rett, to Jan., 19(K). Elected by the people for 21 
 years. Salary, 88,iX)0 caoli. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Dec. 1, 1881 ; Funded 821 - 
 5G1,9.S9; uiifimiled, §880,718.80. Of the funded 'debt 
 $10,729,000 drew per Cent, interest, S(i,;'99,3.50 5 per 
 cent., an<l S2,iK)(YK«) (negotiated in 1879) 4 per eent. 
 The latter was disposed of at a premium or 1 u3}^ to 
 2 51 above par. 
 
 The State held in stocks of incorporated compa- 
 nies $7,. 500,ooo; in sinking fund, $84.5,705; net public 
 debt over and above assets, §13,794,328.09. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending 8'i,720,:»4.47 (ex 
 elusive of loans). 
 
 State Kxi)enflitures for year, $0,191,440.28. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation lait year, $0,328,896. 
 
 Amount of taxable uroperty as assessed : Real es- 
 tate, not taxed; personal property, $111,.3G2,731. 
 Rate of .State tax, 30 cents on $1(W. 
 
 No tax is l(!vied in Pennsylvania on real estate 
 for State purposes. The tax on personal property 
 at the very low valuation current produced only 
 8423,t;77 out of total tax receipts r.f over $11,000,000. 
 Most of the large revenues of the State are derived 
 from taxes on corporations. 
 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut. Gov.... 
 
 Sec. State 
 
 Gen. Treas ... 
 S.Aud.&Ins ( 
 
 Com'r, \ 
 
 R. R. Com 
 
 At. Gen 
 
 Adj. Gen 
 
 C>m. Public 
 
 Schools 
 
 State Lib'n ... 
 
 Name. 
 
 Al. H. Littlefield 
 Henry H. Fay ... 
 J. M. Addeman.. 
 Samuel Clark 
 
 Joel M.Spencer. 
 
 Henry .Staples... 
 WillardSayles... 
 C. H. Barney 
 
 T. B. Stockwell.. 
 J. M. Addeman.. 
 
 Trm Trm ends 
 
 1 yr May20,'82 
 
 5 yrs 
 
 cxof- 
 Aeio. 
 
 June.30,82 
 
 Dec. 1' 82 
 May30,'82 
 Apr. 10,'84 
 
 May30,'82 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 2,500 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Chief- Just ice, Thomas 
 Durfoe; A'<soriate Jii.-itices, Pardon E. Tillinghast, 
 Elisha R. Potter, Charles Matteson, John H. Stiness. 
 Salary of Chief-Justice, S4,.500; .Vssociate Justices, 
 $4,000 each. Term, practically for life. Elected by 
 the General Assembly. "Each Judge shall hold 
 his office until his place bo declared v.acant by a 
 resolution of the General Assembly to that effect." 
 
 Amount of State debt Oct. 1, 1881, $2,521,.500 
 (funded); interest, G per cent.; unfunded debt, 
 none ; amount in sinking fnnd, $990,163.06. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending December 31, 1880, 
 $(■.7 1,1. 50.0.5. 
 
 State Expenditures for year 1880, $751,638.90. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation in 1880, §383,439,23. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed by the 
 cities and towns, 1880; Real, $192,190,(571; personal, 
 ?i;:!,741,G10; tot.al, $2.5.5,938,281. State valu.ition ; Real, 
 S243,G58,190 ; personal, §84,872,309; total, $!2S,530,559. 
 
 Rate of State tax, 15 cents on each §100 of the 
 State valuation. 
 
 Sonth Carolina. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Johnson Hagood 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 Dec..30,'82 J:),6oe 
 
 Lieut.-Gov... 
 
 J. D. Kennedy... 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 l.tXK) 
 
 Sec. of State. 
 
 R. M. Sims 
 
 •' 
 
 " 
 
 2,100 
 
 Treasurer.... 
 
 J. P. Richardson 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 2,100 
 
 Comp.-<-len... 
 
 John Bratton 
 
 '• 
 
 " 
 
 2,100 
 
 Aty-General. 
 
 L. F. Youmans. . 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 2,100 
 
 Supt.Pub.Ed 
 
 H. S. Thompson. 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 3,100 
 
 Comr.of Ac'i 
 
 .v. P. Butler 
 
 " 
 
 
 2,100 
 
 Adjt. and In- 
 
 
 
 
 
 sp.ic.-Gen.. 
 
 A. M. Manigault. 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 1,.500 
 
 State Libr'n. 
 
 J, T. Sims 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 625
 
 100 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] 
 
 Jttdiciart, Supreme Court. — W. D. Simpson, Chief. ] The State has further laid the foundation for an 
 Justice; term, d years ; salary, S+,<X>0. Henry McIveV, ' ample school fund, by devoting to that ohjeot all the 
 Samuel McGowan, A. M. Boozer, Associate Justices: alternate section'? of land reserved out of its heavy 
 term, 6 years; elected by the Legislature; salary of railroad grants, and al.so one-half the public domain 
 each, $:i,oiin. Circuit C lurt Judges — B. C. Pressley, J of the State, with all money that may come to the 
 First Circuit; A. P. Aldrich, Second; T. B. Frazer, i State from the sale of such moiety. 
 Third; J. H. Hudson, Fourth; J. B. Kershaw, Fifth; | The public domain of Texas (which alone of all the 
 T.J. Mackey,Si.xth; W. H.Wallace, Seventh, Thomas ' States retained control and ownership of its public 
 Thompson, Eighth. Term, 4 years; elected by the | lands upon admission into the Union;, still em- 
 Legislature; salary of each, §3,500. 'braces more than 67,000,(\xt acres, or a territory 
 
 Amount of State Debt Nov. 23,1880: Funded, S5,- larger than tlie entire surface of any State in the 
 
 967,449.80; unfunded, principal and interest, S6T1,- 
 720.08. Total bonded debt, Si;,r,39,l"0.78. 
 
 State Expenditures, ?i!21 ,774.20. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, S7t5.982.08. 
 
 Amount of taxable property, as assessed in 1879: 
 Keal, S76,583,8'if>; personal, S13,9G7,758; total, 8120,551- 
 624; also railroad property, not embraced above, 
 amounting to about Siuxx^OOO. 
 
 Kate of State Tax, i% mills on 81. 
 
 Tennessee. 
 
 Union, except California and Nevada. -The annual 
 immigration into Texas is reckoned at 250,000. 
 
 Vermont. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'mEnds 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Grovernor lAlvln Hawkins... 
 
 2 vra 
 
 Jad. 1,1883 
 
 $4,0(10 
 
 
 D A Nnnn 
 
 it 
 
 *t 
 
 1,8110 
 
 cfefees 
 
 
 
 
 
 Treasur. and 
 
 
 
 
 
 ex-offic. Ins. 
 
 
 
 
 Commis'r. iM. T. Polk 
 
 " 
 
 •' 
 
 $2,750 
 
 Comptroller.. Jumes N. Nolan.. 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 2,700 
 
 Atv.-General. B. J. Lea 
 
 " 
 
 Sept. 1, '84 
 
 3,0(10 
 
 Supt. Pub.Ins Rev. D. Doak .... 
 
 " 
 
 Mar.2.i,'83 
 
 1,995 
 
 Adj .-General. 
 
 Ernest Hawkins 
 
 " 
 
 Jan. 15, '83 
 
 1,200 
 
 Com.of Agri., 
 
 
 
 
 
 St'cs.&M'ns 
 
 A. W. Hawkins... 
 
 " 
 
 Mar.25,'83 
 
 3,000 
 
 Keg. of Lnds. 
 
 VV. S. Winburne. 
 
 " 
 
 " 
 
 Fees. 
 
 Stale Libr'n... 
 
 Mrs.S.K.Hatton. 
 
 
 Jan. 15,'83 
 
 $1,000 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Governor Rosw'l Farnham 
 
 Lieut.-Gov.... John L. Barstow 
 
 Sec. of State.. IGeorge Nichols.. 
 
 Treasurer John A. Page 
 
 Auditor E. Henry Powell 
 
 Adj. -General Theo. S. Beck 
 Supt. of Ed... Justus Dartt.. 
 Supt. of Agri. I Hiram A. Cutting 
 State Liiir'n.. Hiram A. Huse... 
 R. R. Com'r...|Wayne Bailey 
 
 2yr^ 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Oct. 4, '82. 
 
 Oct., 1882. 
 
 $1,000 
 
 $6 per 
 
 diem 
 
 $1,700 
 
 1,700 
 
 1,400 
 
 750 
 
 l,.50O 
 
 .1882 
 
 3.50 
 500 
 
 JuniciARY, SuPRKME CouRT.— J. W. Deadcrick, Oiief- 
 Justice; W. F. Cooper, T. W. Freeman, Robert McFar- 
 land, Peter Tiirney,j4.s.soc!a?'~.s; term of office for each, 
 8 years : elected by the people; salary of each, $4,ii(io. 
 
 Amount of State Debt Dec. 1, isso, $20,20f.,3UO, 
 funded and registered. 
 
 Unfunded Debt(unpa'd interest), $6,636,550. 
 
 State Expenliture.'^, $704,919,74. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation, including tax on 
 privileges, etc., $626,.^28,84. 
 
 Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed, 1879; 
 Real, $19r.,16.5,f)44; pers'^nal, $1 '^,952,030; total, $213,- 
 117,680. Rate of State Tax, 10 cents on each $100. 
 
 Judiciary, SorREMr, Court. — Chief-Jvstice, Homer E. 
 Boyce. Assistants, Timo. P. Redfield, Jonathan Ross, 
 H. Henry Powes, Wheelock R. Veazey, Russell S. 
 Taft, John W. Rowell. Elected by the Legislature 
 for two years; salary, $2,500 each. 
 
 Vermont has no State debt, except $135,5(K) Agri- 
 cultural College bonds, at G per cent., held by the 
 State Treasurer. 
 
 State receipts for year ending August 1st, 1881, 
 $3n5,."v20.33. 
 
 State expenditures year ending August 1st, 1881, 
 $415,648.80. 
 
 Amoimt raised by taxation last year, $194,692.12, 
 
 Amount of taxable property, as assessed: 'Real, 
 $102,437,1(12: personal, $4C.,S9t'>,9(i7. 
 
 Rate of State tax, 17 cents per $100. 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 
 Texas. 
 
 
 
 
 State Offlcer> 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm Ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Liout.-Gov.... 
 Sec of State.. 
 
 OrsLTi M. Roberto 
 LoonidasJ.Story 
 Ths. H. Bowman 
 F'nk K.].,ubbock 
 W.Mort'n Brown 
 J.IIarv.McLeary 
 
 W. H. King 
 
 \V. C. Walsh 
 
 A. W. Speight.... 
 
 2yrs 
 
 Jan. 9, '83. 
 
 $1,000 
 
 2,0fM) 
 2,500 
 2,.')(l(i 
 2,(1(1(1 
 •/,{ 11 1( 1 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Comptroller. 
 Aty.-General 
 Adj.-General. 
 Com.IVndOf 
 State Lib.and 
 Com'r Ins., 
 St'C8& Hist 
 
 I 
 
 
 2,500 
 2,000 
 
 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm ends 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 Governov ... 
 Lieut. -(i'lV.... 
 Sec. of St;ite.. 
 Treasurer.. .. 
 
 Wm. E.Cameron 
 John F. Lewis... 
 
 W. G. Elam 
 
 Tho.s. Rieveley... 
 John E. Massey. 
 
 H H. Dyson 
 
 Frank S. Blair... 
 Wm. H. Ruffner 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 Jan 1,1886 
 
 $5000 
 900 
 2500 
 2(K)0 
 
 ;iooo 
 
 2d Auditor.... 
 Att.-General.. 
 Sup. Pub Ins. 
 Adjt.-Gener'l 
 Com'r of Ag.. 
 Reg. of L. ( »tr 
 
 State Libr'n.. 
 
 2000 
 
 3500 
 
 2(K)0 
 
 100 
 
 Thomas Follard 
 J. W. Brocken- 
 
 
 1500 
 
 
 
 
 1300 
 
 Sec. State, ex-off.. 
 
 
 
 
 JuDiciAny,SrpnrMiiCofnT.— C/ll«/-./»<^^,R.S. GouM. 
 Associate Jiisticci, J. W. Slaytou, Xf. II. Hoiui''r; tiMiii, 
 4 years; elected Viy the pc^ople; salary, $3,.5(iO each. 
 
 Amount of State Dobt September l" l«Sl, $1,101,100, 
 lu State bondH, bearing C and 7 per cent, interest, 
 except loan of April 21, 1H74, whii'h draws 10 per 
 cent, interest. 
 
 State Hecoipts for year 1881, «1,9r,2,014. 
 
 State KxpendlturoH for year, $1,709,879. 
 
 Amount raised by Taxation, ^1,396,170. 
 
 Am'iiint of Taxablf Propcty as assosRed: Real 
 and personal, $.'«i3,20'/,t24. 
 
 Kate of Stale Tax, 5 mills on each dollar. 
 
 In a<ldlt)on to the fax of one-half of one per cent. 
 on property, there was levied a poll tax of $2 fiti 
 cvry male bi-twecn 21 and no years, one-half of 
 which, tngptlier with the fourth of the (id vdlorvm 
 tax, ia expended fur school purposeu. 
 
 JuDiciATtv, Sri'REME CouRT. — President of Court, 
 R. C. L. Miincure ; Judi/cs, Joseph Christian, Walter 
 R. Staples, l<^-ancis T. Anderson Ed. C. Burks, 
 Elected by the Legislature for twelve years. Salary, 
 President of Court, S:i,2riO ; Judgp.s, $3,o00 each. 
 
 Amount of State Debt, Oct, 1, ISSl. if all funded, 
 under Act of March 28, 1K70, $29,614,703. 
 
 State Recei]its,yearonding Oct. 1,1881, $2,049,849.07. 
 
 St.ate ICxpeiiditures for year, $2,816,859.86. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, $2,(1(17,678.42. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1878; Real, 
 $248,455,0.33; persoiuil, $70,93"' ,626 ; total, $il9,;i92,569. 
 
 Rale of Stale tax, 50 cents on I he $10(). 
 
 Besides the tax on property, Virginia has a capi- 
 tntion tax of $1, levied on whiter and colored citizens 
 of 21 years .■iml ujuvards, iirodiieing $292,067, on the 
 supposition tb;it it is all colleeted ; tlirecvfourths of 
 above is by law devoted to the sii|)port of public 
 fr«!e schools: a tax on incomes of one per cent., 
 yielding on f2,913,1.50, $29,-131 ; a tax on bunks, rail- 
 roads, insumneo companies, etc., p.'iyinir about 
 $U2,(KI(I; :md a license or lii|Uor tax, y ii"'l(liiig $331,- 
 668. The Mollct "bell punch" tax on lii|Uors con- 
 sumed at public bars, was repealed in 1880.
 
 BOOK VII.] 
 
 TABULATED HISTO RY— TERRITORIES. 
 
 101 
 
 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] 
 West Virginia. IVlMconstn. 
 
 State Officers 
 
 Governor 
 
 Ivieut.-Gov..., 
 Sec. of State. 
 
 Treasurer. 
 Auditor , 
 
 Adjt.-Gener'l. 
 Sup. Pul>. In.s 
 Att. -General.. 
 State Libr'n.. 
 
 Nanne. 
 
 J. B. Jackson.... 
 
 None 
 
 Sobieslii Brady. 
 
 Thos. A. O'Brien 
 Josepti S. Miller 
 
 W. F. Butler, Jr. 
 
 B. L. Butcher ... 
 
 C. C. WattH 
 
 W.F.Butler, Jr. 
 
 Trm 
 
 1 yrs 
 
 ex-off 
 
 T'm ends 
 
 Mr 4, 1885 
 Mr 4, 1881 
 Mr 4, 1885 
 
 Mr 4, 1881 
 Mr 4, 1885 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 State Officers 
 
 82700 
 
 100(1 
 
 k fee 
 
 Mill) 
 
 21100 
 
 Afee 
 
 1500 
 l."i00 
 900 
 
 Judiciary, Supremb Court. — Thomas C. Green, 
 Presiding Juihje ; C. P. T. Moore, Okey Johnson, A. 
 F. Haymond, Jwlf/es. Elected by the people for 
 12 years. Salary, 82,270 each. Clerk, O. S. Long. 
 
 West Virginia has no debt (unless the share of 
 that State in the anto-bellum State debt of Virginia 
 is reckoned such), the State Constitution having 
 prohibited the creation of any debt by the Legisla- 
 ture, except in an emergency, like rebellion or 
 invasion. After tho admission of the State, in 186.3, 
 Virginia claimed that one-third of her State debt of 
 845,000,000 should be paid by West Virginia, and left 
 out Sl5,2:!'.i,.?71 in the adjustment of her debt. West 
 Virginia claims that a very much smaller sum is her 
 share, and the matter remains unadjusted. 
 
 State receipts, about S'oO.OOO. 
 
 State expenditures, 8570,ooo. ' 
 
 Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed — real, 
 895,079,808 ; personal, 833,480,119. Total, 8128,559,927. 
 Rate of State Tax, 30 cents on each SlOO. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Lieut.-Gov.... 
 Sec. of State.. 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 .\tt.-Genernl.. 
 Adjt. (iener'l. 
 Sup. Pub. Sch 
 Sec.S Ag.Soc 
 Com'rsLands 
 
 Insur. Com'r. 
 R'road Com'r 
 State Lib'rn.. 
 
 J. M. Rusk 
 
 S. S. Fifield 
 
 E. G. Timme 
 
 E. C. M'Fetridgo 
 
 L. F. Frisby 
 
 I'A. E. Bryant.... 
 
 Uobort Graham.. 
 
 (ioo. E. Bryant... 
 
 Sec. State, State 
 Troas. & Att'y 
 Gen. cx-officio... 
 
 P. L. Spooner.... 
 
 N. P. Haugen .... 
 
 J. R. Berryman. 
 
 Trm iTm ends Sal'y 
 
 2 yrs Jan 7. 1884 
 
 'Governor. 
 
 yrs Jun7, 1.S84 
 El by B'd. 
 
 I Jan 2, 1882 
 
 yrs'Ap 1, 1884 
 " jFebI5, '84 
 
 Aphy.Sup 
 
 ' Court... 
 
 $y)Od 
 lufK) 
 
 3000 
 
 3700 
 20<jO 
 
 3<)f(0 
 .3(KiO 
 1500 
 
 Judiciary, Supremb Court.— CViie/ Justice, Orsamus 
 Cole. Associate Justices, William P. Lyon, Harlow 3. 
 Orton, David Taylor, John B. Cassoday. Elected by 
 the people for a term of ten years. Salary of each, 
 $5,000. Olcrk, Clarence Kellogg, salary, $5 a day and 
 fees. 
 
 Amount of State debt, October 1, 1881, funded, 
 82,2.50,000 ; interest, 7 per cent. ; unfunded, $2,057. 
 
 State Receipts for year ending September 30, 1881, 
 82,.50",G07.85. 
 
 State Expenditures for last year, $1,671,307.65. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation last year, 8662,058.63. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed — real, 
 8350,082,797; personal, 895,490,921. Total, 844.5,582,- 
 718. Rate of State tax, 14 85-100 cents on each $100 
 of valuation. 
 
 The State tax amounts to only about one-ninth of 
 the whole taxes paid by the people. 
 
 TERRITORIES. 
 
 Arizona. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Secretary 
 
 Trea'^uror 
 
 Auiiitor 
 
 Att.-(Jeneral.. 
 Sup. Pub. Ins 
 Adjt.-(!iener'l. 
 Librarian 
 
 Name. 
 
 John J. Gosper.. 
 Thos. J. Butler.. 
 
 E. P. Clark 
 
 E. B. Pomroy 
 
 M. H. Sherman.. 
 Clark Churchill. 
 Secretary, ex-off. 
 
 Trm 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 2 yrs 
 
 4 yrs 
 
 T'm ends 
 
 Oct 29, '81 
 Mar 19, '83 
 
 Jan 11, '83 
 6ct'29i '81 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 82600 
 
 1800 
 
 500 
 
 500 
 
 Fees 
 
 2000 
 
 JuMciARY, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, Charles 
 J. W. French, 4 years from Jan. 13, 1880. Associate 
 Justices, De Forest Porter, 4 years from Feb. 3, 1880, 
 William H- Stilwell, 4 years from J.an. 5, 1881. Ap- 
 pointed by the President and Senate for 4 years. 
 Salary, $3,000. United States District Attornei/, 
 
 Judiciary. — Chief Justice, Alonzo J. Edgerton, 4 
 years from December, 1881. Associate Justices, Q. C. 
 Moody, 4 years from December 12, 1878; Sanford A. 
 Hudson, 4 years from May 2, 1881 ; JeflFerson P. 
 Kidder, 4 years from April 2, 1879, $3,000 each. Dis- 
 trict Attornei/, Hugh J. Campbell. CXerk, B. 8. Wil- 
 liams. MnrsKal, Butler B. Strang. 
 
 Territorial debt, 827.000, at 8 per cent. Valuation 
 of property, 1881, $30,000,000 : rate of Territorial tax, 
 5 mills on $1. 
 
 Idaho. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Governor... 
 Secretary ., 
 Treasurer.. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Trm ends' Sal'y. 
 
 John B. Neil 4 yrs'July24,'84 
 
 Theo.F.Singiser. " jDec.22,'84 
 John Huntoon....r2 yrs Feb. 11,'83 
 
 rr ■. , r,. . „ , , ^ ^ ^ , - , - I Comptroller.. jj. L. Onderdonki 
 
 . United States Marshal, C.V.T)ak.&. Clerk of Sup. Pub. Ins. " ex-off.'. 
 
 Supreme Court, William Wilkerson. Librarian Sec'y, ex-officio....\.. 
 
 Dakota. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 T'm 
 
 ends 
 
 Sal'y 
 
 Governor 
 
 Sec. Territr'y 
 
 N. G. Ordway 4 yrs 
 
 George H. Hand " 
 
 M'y 
 
 22, '84 
 
 $2600 
 1800 
 
 Tre.asurer 
 
 Wm. H. McVcy.. 
 E. A. Sherman... 
 W. H. H. Beadle 
 Secretary, cx-off. 
 
 II 
 
 
 300 
 
 Auditor 
 
 
 300 
 
 Sup. Pub. Ins 
 
 
 600 
 
 
 
 250 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ?2,600 
 l,80a 
 1,500 
 1,500 
 
 250 
 
 JuDiciAKT. — Chief Justice, John T. Morgan ; 4 years 
 from June 10, 1879. Associate ./».'.7ir'v, Henry E. 
 Prickett, Norman Buck; 4 years form December 1, 
 1879. Salary of each, $3,(Kio. Z)i;s«riW ^^^orn'v/, Wal- 
 lace R. White. Clerk U. S. Simreme Court, A'onzo L. 
 Richardson. V. S. Marshal, E. S. Chase. 
 
 Territorial debt, December 20, 1881; Funded, 
 $69,000. 
 
 Receipts for 1881, 871.000; Expenditures, §43,000. 
 
 Valuation of taxable property as assessed — Real, 
 about 88,000,000. 
 
 Rate of territorial tax, year ending April 1, 1862, 
 40 cents on $100.
 
 102 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vri. 
 
 TERRITORIES [Continued.] 
 
 Montana. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Name. Trm TrmendS|Sary. 
 
 Governor Benj. F. Potts 4 yrs; July 13,'82 8-',6(H) 
 
 Secretary James H. Mills..' " 'Nov, 8,'81| 1,800 
 
 Treasurer D. H. Weston ,2 vrs Feb. 8.'8:5; l,o(K) 
 
 Auditor I. P. Woolman...! '" Peb.21,'83M,,5tW 
 
 Sup. Pub. Ins.R. H. Howey " JKeb.21,'83| 1,200 
 
 Librarian .•Vuditor, ex-off.....\ 
 
 JtjDiaiAET, Supreme Codet. — Ohief Justice, Decius S. 
 Wade ; term, 4 years from March 17, 1879. Associate 
 Jutices, W. J. Galbraith, 4 years from December 12, 
 1878 ; E. J. Conger, 4 years from January 12, 1880. 
 Appointed by the President. Salary of each, 83,000. 
 District Attorney, J. L. Dryden. Clerk, Isaac R. 
 Alden. Marshal, K. C. Botkin. 
 
 Amount of Territorial debt, November 1, 1881, 
 funded, STO.noo. .■Vmouut in sinking fund, $9,000. 
 Receipts for year ending January 1, 1881, 894,477.98 ; 
 expenditures, $52,210. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, $54,000; county and 
 territorial, $450,000. 
 
 Rate of tax for year ending January, 1881, 10 cents 
 on $100, and 40 per cent, of licenses collected. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real, 
 85,180,324 ; personal, $13,429,478 ; total, $18,009,802. 
 
 NefV Mexico. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Secretary 
 
 Treasurer .... 
 
 Auditor 
 
 AdrtGen'l.... 
 Librarian 
 
 L. A. Sheldon 
 
 William G. Rich 
 Juan Delgado.... 
 Trinidad Alarid.. 
 Max Frost 
 
 4yrs 
 2yrs 
 
 May 5, '85 
 June 1884 
 Feb. 1882 
 
 S2,filK) 
 
 1,S(10 
 
 1,(100 
 
 1,000 
 
 2.50 
 
 Samuel Ellison.. 
 
 Feb. 1882 
 
 250 
 
 JuDiciAET, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, L. Brad- 
 ford Prince ; term, 4 years from January 14, 1879. 
 Associates, Samuel C. Parks, 4 year." from January 
 22, 1878 ; AVarren Bristol, 4 years from December, 
 1880. Appointed by the President and Senate. 
 Salary, $3,000. District Attorney, S. M. Barnes; 4 
 years from December 12, 1878. Clerk, John H. 
 Thomson. United States Marshal, John Sherman, Jr. 
 
 Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real 
 and personal, $19,523,024. 
 
 Rate of tiix for 1881, 50 cents on $100 for territorial 
 purposes. 
 
 Total tax, county, school and territorial, 1 p. cent. 
 
 Utah. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Secretary 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Auditor 
 
 8up. Pnb. Inx. 
 Sec. B'd AKr. 
 Ter. Libr'n... 
 
 E. H. Murray 
 
 A. L. Ttiomas .... 
 
 James Jack 
 
 N. W. Clayton.... 
 
 L.J. Nuttall 
 
 H. P Folsom 
 
 4yr8 
 2yr9 
 
 Jan. 27,'84 
 May 1,'83 
 Aug. 2,'82 
 Aug. 2,'82 
 Aug. 1,'82 
 
 $2,000 
 
 1,800 
 
 600 
 
 1,500 
 
 1..500 
 
 Auditor, ex-off.... 
 
 Feb.23,'82 
 
 200 
 
 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, John A. 
 Hunter, term, 4 years from April 20, 1880. Associates, 
 Philip H. Emerson, 4 years from March IG, 1877; 
 Stephen P. Twiss, 4 years from December, 1880.; 
 Salary of each, $3,000. District Attorney, Philip T. 
 Van Zile. Clerk, E. P. Sprague. Marshal, Michael 
 Shaughnessy. 
 
 Utah has no territorial debt. 
 
 The taxable property assessed at $24,985,792, real 
 and personal. 
 
 The rate of taxation, 3 mills on the dollar. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, $149,910.43. Amount 
 expended, $89,520.78. 
 
 
 "Washingt 
 
 Dn. 
 
 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Trm 
 
 Trm ends 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 Governor 
 
 Secretary 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Wm. A. Newell... 
 N. H. Owings 
 
 f! M.'Reed."!!!!!. 
 
 4 yrs 
 2yrs 
 
 Apr. 2e,'84 
 
 $2,600 
 1,800 
 1,000 
 1,000 
 
 ""(SOO 
 500 
 
 Jan. 13,'82 
 
 Jan. 13,'83 
 Nov.— ,'82 
 
 Adj't-Gn'l 
 
 Sup.Pub.Ins. 
 Librarian 
 
 M. R. Hathaway. 
 J. H. Houghton. 
 James P. Ferry.. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Judiciary, Sth^reme Court. — Chief Jiutice, Roger S. 
 Green, term, four years from January 16, 1879. As- 
 sociate Justices, Samuel C. Windgard, John P. Hoyt, 
 January 16, 1879. Appointed by the President. 
 Salary of each, $3,000. District Attorney, John R 
 Allen, February 17, 1879. Clerk, R. J. O'Brien. 
 Marshal, Charles Hopkins. 
 
 'Wyoming. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Name. 
 
 Governor John W. Hovt... 
 
 Trm|Trmend^ 
 
 Secretary IE. S. N. Morgan 
 
 Treasurer IF. E. Warren 2 yrs 
 
 Auditor J. H. Nelson 
 
 Sup.Pub.Ins.. John Slaughter 
 Librarian I " 
 
 4 vrs Apr. 10,'82 
 
 " 10,'S4 
 
 10,'81 
 
 15,'81 
 
 18,'81 
 
 Mar.] 
 Dec. 
 Dec. 
 Dec. 
 
 Sal'y. 
 
 $2,600 
 
 1.800 
 
 400 
 
 1,000 
 
 400 
 
 400 
 
 JuDiCARY, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, James B. 
 Sener, term, 4 years from December 11, 1879. Asso- 
 ciate Justicrx, Jacob B. Blair, 4 years from February 
 14, 1876; William Ware Peck, 4 years from Dec. 14, 
 1877. Salary, $3,000 each. District Attomci/, M. C. 
 Brown. Clerk, John W. Bruner. Marshal, Gustave 
 Schnitger. 
 
 Wyoming has no territorial debt. 
 
 Amount raised by taxation, year ending January 
 5, 1881, $;J7,.358. 
 
 Amount of territorial expenditures, year ending 
 Jan. 5, 1881,$>7,012. 
 
 Taxable property,real and personal, $11,825,664. 
 Rate of territorial tax, 40 cents on SIOO.
 
 BOOKVii.J TABULATED HISTORY— LEGISLATURES. 
 
 103 
 
 LEGISLATURES AND ELECTIONS OF STATES. 
 
 Alabama Bien. 
 
 Arkansas I Bien. 
 
 California Bien. Jan. 2, 1882 
 
 Nov 
 Jan. 
 
 1882!o0 davs. 
 1883 60 days. 
 
 Colorado Bien. Jan 
 
 Connecticut... 
 Delaware . 
 Florida.... 
 Georgia.... 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana^ 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Michigan -' Bien 
 
 Minne.sota Bien. 1 Jan 
 
 Mississippi Bien.jJan 
 
 Missouri Bien. Jan, 
 
 .\nn. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 
 Bien 
 
 Jan. 
 Jan. 
 Jan. 
 Nov. 
 
 Bien. Jan. 
 Bien. Jan. 
 Bien.jJan. 
 
 1883 
 
 1882 
 1883 
 1883 
 1882 
 
 Jan. 3, 1883 
 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Ann. 
 
 Doc. 29. 
 
 1882 
 1882 
 18.83 
 1883 
 
 60 days. 
 
 40 days. 
 
 None. 
 
 None. 
 60 days. 
 40 days. 
 
 None. 
 
 ■May 
 Jan. 
 Jan. 
 Jan. 
 Jan. 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire., 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New York 
 
 North Carolina .. 
 
 Ohio2 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Rhode Islands... . 
 South Carolina .. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 Wisconsin* 
 
 Territobies. 
 
 60 days. 
 
 None. 
 .W days. 
 .„, „ liO days. 
 1882!o() days. 
 1883 1 None. 
 I882i90 days. 
 1882 None. 
 18831 None. 
 18.83 60 days. 
 1882 None. 
 
 3, 1883 70 days. 
 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Ann. 
 .\nn. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 
 Bien, 
 
 Ann. 
 Ann. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien, 
 
 Ann. 
 
 Jan. 2, 
 Jan. 1, 
 June 6, 
 Jan. 10, 
 Jan. 3, 
 Jan. 3, 
 •Ian. 2, 
 Sept. 11, 
 
 Jan. 2, 
 
 Jan. 31, 
 Nov. 29, 
 Jan. 1, 
 Jan. 9, 
 Oct. 4, 
 Dec. 7, 
 Jan. 10, 
 
 Jan. 11, 
 
 1883 40 dayi. 
 18.83 00 davs. 
 
 1883 
 
 1882 
 1882 
 1883 
 1882 
 1882 
 
 1883 
 
 None 
 
 None. 
 
 None. 
 (!0 days. 
 
 None. 
 40 days. 
 
 None. 
 
 1882 None. 
 1881 None. 
 1R83 75 days. 
 
 1883 60 days. 
 18821 None. 
 
 1881 90 days. 
 1883 45 days. 
 
 1882 None. 
 
 Arizona Bien. Jan. 1, 1881 '60 days. 
 
 Dakota I Bien.jJan. 9, 1881 60 days. 
 
 Idaho I Bien. Dec. 13, 1880 60 days. 
 
 Montana ' Bien.'Jan. 8, 1S,S3 60 day.s. 
 
 New Mexico I Bien. Jan. 2, 1882 60 days. 
 
 Utah Bien. .Jan. 11, 18.S2 60 days. 
 
 Washington Bien. Oetober,1883 60 days.i 
 
 Wyoming Bien.jJon. 11, 1882 60 days. 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 •2 
 
 $4 a dav and 10 c. mile. 
 ' So a day. 
 $8 a day and 10 c. 1 
 mileage and $25. j 
 
 84 a day and 15 c. mile. 
 S3uo"aiid mili^age. 
 1 a day and mileage. 
 
 86 a day and 10 c. mile. 
 84 a duv and mileage. 
 ( $5 a clay and 10 c. ) 
 I mileage and $.')(). J 
 
 80 a day and 20 c. mile. 
 §550 a year. 
 
 83 a day and 15 c. mile. 
 
 85 a liay and 15 c. mile, 
 
 84 a day and mileage. 
 8150 and mileage. 
 
 |5 a day and mileage. 
 
 S500 a year. 
 $3 a day and 10 c. mile. 
 85 a day and 15 c. mile 
 
 ?400 a year. 
 / $5 a day and mile- 1 
 \ age and 330. j 
 2S a day and 10 e. mile. 
 88 a day and 40 c. mile. 
 83 a day and mileage. 
 
 $.51)0 a year. 
 
 81500 and 10 c. mileage, 
 
 $i a day and 10 c. mile. 
 
 8I-JHI and mileage. 
 
 83 a dav and 15 e. mile. 
 f Slodo for 100 days ) 
 
 I and 5 c. mileage. J 
 $1 a day and 8 c. milo. 
 $.5 a day and 10 c. mile. 
 $4 a day and 16 e. mile. 
 
 85 a day and mileage. 
 
 83 a day. 
 8540 a year. 
 
 84 a dav and 10 c. mile 
 J 8350 and 10 c. mile.,) 
 
 Bien. Aug. 
 Bien. .Sept. 
 
 Bien. Nov. 
 
 'Bien. 
 Ann. 
 
 jBien. 
 I Bien. 
 JBien. 
 
 IBicn. 
 
 JBien 
 
 ! Bien 
 Bien. 
 Bien, 
 Bien 
 Bien. 
 
 |Bien. 
 
 I Ann, 
 Bien, 
 
 I Bien 
 Bien, 
 
 Nov. 7 
 
 Nov. 7 
 
 Nov. 7 
 
 Nov. 7J 
 
 ,Oct. 4 
 
 :Nov., 
 
 Nov. 7. 
 
 Oct. 10 
 
 JNov. 7, 
 
 Nov. 7. 
 
 iNov. 7 
 
 Sept. 11 
 
 Nov. 7 
 
 Nov. 
 I Nov. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 7 
 7 
 7 
 7 
 
 Bien Nov 7 
 
 Nov. 
 Nov. 
 Nov. 
 Nov. 
 Nov. 
 Nov. 
 Oct. lOJ 
 June 5 
 
 Nov. 8, 
 
 &nd 875. 
 
 < a day and 20 c. 
 mileage. 
 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Ann. 
 Ann. 
 Bien. 
 Ann. 
 Bien. 
 
 Ann. 
 
 Ann. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 Bien. 
 
 Ann. 
 
 April 5 
 Nov. 
 
 Nov. 
 Nov. 
 Sept. 5, 
 Nov. 7, 
 Oct. 10, 
 
 Nov. 7, 
 
 1^82 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1881 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1882 
 1883 
 
 1882 
 
 Bien. Nov. 
 Bien. Nov. 
 Bien. Nov. 
 FMen. Nov. 
 Bien. Nov. 
 .■\nn. Aug. 
 Bien. Nov. 
 Bien. Nov. 
 
 7,1882 
 7, 1882 
 7, 1882 
 7, 1882 
 7, 1882 
 7, 1882 
 7, ia82 
 7, 1882 
 
 1 In Indiana, a eonstitutiocal amendment, changing election day from October to November, was 
 adopted, March, 1881. 
 
 2 In Ohio and a few other States, where the Legislative sessions are biennial, the Legislature holds 
 "Adjourned Sessions," practically amounting to annual meetings. 
 
 ' The Rhode Island Legislature is required to meet annually the last Tuesday in May, at Newport, and 
 an adjourned session to be holden annually in Providence. 
 
 * Wisconsin has changed the sessions of the Legislature from annual to biennial, to commence after tha 
 session of 1882. 
 
 By Act of Congress, March 1, 1792, amended in 1815, a uniform day of election for Electors of President 
 and Vice-President is fixed for all the States— being the Tuesday after the first Monday in November, 
 •very fourth year after a President has been elected.
 
 104 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 STATE DEBTS, VAIitTATION AND TAXES.* 
 
 The following statistics of the finances of the thirty-eight States in the Union have been derived in 
 most cases from the officers of the States themselves. 
 
 States. 
 
 Date of 
 Settlement. 
 
 Amount of State Deat. Amount 
 Raised by 
 
 Funded. 
 
 Taxation 
 Unfunded, i Last Year. 
 
 Amount of Taxable I 
 Pboperty as Assessed.. 1 State 
 Tax 
 
 Real. 
 
 Personal. 3100. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkans-<s 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky.. 
 Louisiana.. 
 
 Maine .. 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Ma.ssachusetts.... 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Kebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Kew Hampshire.. 
 
 Is'ew Jersey 
 
 Kew York 
 
 North Carolina... 
 Ohio 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania.. 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 South Carolina.. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texjis 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia... 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Oct. 1, 1881 
 Seit. 30, ISSO 
 July 1, 1881 
 
 Nov. 30, 18S0 
 
 Dec. 1, 1881 
 Jan. 1, 1881 
 
 Jan. 
 
 Oct. 
 Oct. 
 Nov. 
 Dec, 
 
 July 
 
 Oct. 10,1881 
 Jan. 1, 1880 
 Jan. 1, 1881 
 
 1, 1881 
 
 1, 1680 
 1, 1880 
 1, 1881 
 1881 
 1, 1881 
 
 Oct. 
 
 1,188 
 
 Jan. 1, 1881 
 
 Oct. 1, 1881 
 
 Nov. 30,1880 
 
 Jan. 1, 1.S80 
 
 Jan. 1, 1881 
 
 Nov. 30, 1880 
 
 Nov. 7, 1881 
 June 1, 18S1 
 
 Nov. 1, 1880 
 
 Oct. 1, 1881 
 
 Oct. 1, 1881 
 
 Nov. 15, 1881 
 
 Sep?. 1, 1880 
 
 Dec. 1, 1880 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 2,523,252 
 2,232,905 
 None. 
 
 162,887 
 
 None. 
 
 31,287 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 9,139,400 
 2,813,500 
 3,396,.500 
 No funded 
 debt. 
 4,967,600 
 715.0<Xl 
 
 1,284,700 
 
 9,951,500 
 No debt. 
 4,876,608 
 245,435 
 1,181,975 
 
 180,394 
 11,781,761 
 
 5,883,500 2,521,657 
 
 11,257,561 |1. 
 
 32,799,464 2. 
 
 904,1.50 |.. 
 
 None. 
 
 300,000 
 4,550,732 
 
 2,565,000 
 3,090,155 
 
 16,259,000 
 
 449,267 
 
 527,000 
 
 3,-337,100 
 
 1,890,300 
 
 9.114,054 
 
 16,960,045 
 5,209,' 100 
 
 356,508 
 
 21,561,989 
 
 6,636,550 
 52,674 
 
 Oct. 1, 1881 2,.521,500 
 
 Nov. 1, 1881 6,642,322 
 
 Jan. 1, 1881 20,20(i,:!O0 
 
 Mar. 1, 1880 5,034,109 
 
 Aug. 1. 18,sl No debt. 
 
 Dec. 1, 1S«I 20,189,523 
 
 State debt prohibited bv Coustituti'>n, 
 
 Nov. 29, 1880 2,250,000 2,057 
 
 Aggregate. 
 
 250,000 
 
 74,148 
 
 10,100,183 
 
 154,868 
 
 880,719 
 None. 
 
 2,037 ,5r)0 
 
 248,539,220 
 
 32,571,479 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 988,371 
 
 013.957 
 
 4,751,074 
 
 446,594 
 
 1,466,203 
 134,400 
 
 272,102 
 
 1,092,822 
 2,140,000 
 2 764,851 
 l,643,7r.8 
 883,139 
 
 2,322,334 
 
 2,432,188 
 
 900,000 
 
 998,320 
 
 4,950,000 
 804,831 
 380,906 
 444,327 
 
 2,129,512 
 573,066 
 196,270 
 398,692 
 820,000 
 
 9 232,.542 
 420,000 
 
 4,479,099 
 
 324,959 
 
 6,328,896 
 
 343,82:i 
 782,370 
 62(!,529 
 
 1,396,170 
 194,692 
 
 2,067,678 
 51,5,241 
 66^.058 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 87,775,383 
 54,606,057 
 348,848,810 
 
 25,804,345 
 
 DOLLARS. CENTS. 
 
 51 ,.301 ,944 05 
 
 32,286,484 65 
 
 159,775,544 \G5}4 
 
 17,268,303 {36 
 
 228,487,700 95,901,223 ,15 
 
 3iii5'7,846" "i 7n' 
 
 Real and Per.«onal f '" 
 
 99,270,876 
 175,834,197 
 192,382,202 
 89,327,4(Kl 
 57,112,906 
 
 139,657,250 
 623,979,369 
 525,413,900 
 303,S70,905 
 113,700,467 
 
 356,423,946 
 Real and Personal. 
 
 149,635,805 
 Real and Personal. 
 
 235,078,716 
 Real and Personal. 
 
 459,187,408 
 
 Real and Persoual. 
 
 '1,149,465,8.7 I 498.274,149 
 
 810,000,000 ) 
 
 Real and Personal. 
 
 203,473,637 
 
 76,139,102 
 
 381,555,564 
 
 54,279,362 
 
 17,742,714 
 
 123,511,284 
 
 436,032,038 
 
 2,329.408,450 
 
 102,348,216 
 
 1,097,50 ■,83l) 
 
 54,.581,90() 
 20,059,568 
 
 147,661,910 
 
 38,863,095 
 
 9,855,944 
 
 77 260,732 
 
 82,584,880 
 
 339,702,783 
 07,>56X,691 
 
 427,936,111 
 
 56,122.817 ) 
 
 Real and Personal, j 
 No Tax 
 
 128,490,420 
 
 84,872,369 
 45,304,063 
 16,1.33,338 
 114,227,912 
 46,89(;,967 
 70,937,626 
 33,480,119 
 96,449,921 
 
 35 
 48 
 30 
 ,20 
 ,50 
 
 45H 
 
 50 
 18% 
 
 18 
 135 
 40 
 50 
 [55 
 liO 
 25 
 !05 
 
 :i3H 
 
 29 
 70 
 
 f No Tax ) 
 
 ■{ on Real > 
 
 (. Estate. ) 
 
 243,658,190 
 
 7 ••,563,022 
 
 195,635,100 
 
 186,297,496 
 
 102,437,102 
 
 248,455,933 
 
 95,079,808 
 
 3,50,082,797 
 
 15,394,342,478 
 
 ♦Ainsworth R. SpofTord in American Almanac for 1872. 
 
 I The State of Maryland held 81,235,713 in interest-paying securities of corporations, besides 824,360,082 
 in unproductive securities. 
 
 « Massachusetts held $13,0,50,192 in sinking fund, January 1, 1881. 
 
 a Mississippi's debt waa duo the school fund to the amount of $1,818,145, on which interest only is 
 payable, leaving net debt, less cash in treasury, 838<'>,2;">3. 
 
 * New York held In sinking fund, October 1, 1881, $2,054,480. 
 
 •Pennsylvania held, December 1, 1880, $845,705 in sinking fund ; in stocks of incorporated companies, 
 interest-paying, 87,3(K),000 ; net debt, 814,297 ,fX)3. 
 
 •C^alifornia holds in trust for her own sfhool and university funds, 82,700,000 of her bonded debt, on 
 which interest only i.s payable, reducing the not debt to St;ii6,.5(«). 
 
 ' Delaware has no State tax on property, and therefore no State valuation of taxable property.
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— STATES AND TERRITORIES. 
 
 105 
 
 THK STATKS AND TE:IIRIT0RIE:S— when Admitted or OrnpanUed— with Area and 
 
 Population. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 [First thirteen admitted on ratifying Consti- 
 
 titutiuQ — all others admitted by Acts 
 
 of Congress.] 
 
 Date when Admitted. 
 
 Area in 
 
 square miles 
 
 at time of 
 
 admission. 
 
 Population nearest 
 
 census to date of 
 
 admission. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Pennsylvania.... 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Massachusetts... 
 
 Maryland 
 
 South Carolina .. 
 New Hampshire 
 
 Virginia , 
 
 New York 
 
 North Carolina .. 
 Rhode Island.... 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Kentucky ,.. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Maine 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Florida 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Texas 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 California 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Kansas 
 
 West Virginia... 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Colorado 
 
 December 7 
 December 12, 
 December 18, 
 January 2 
 January 
 February 
 April 
 May 
 June 
 June 
 July 
 November 21 
 May 29, 
 
 March 4, 
 
 June 1 
 
 June 1, 
 
 November 29 
 April 30, 
 
 December 11 
 December 10, 
 December 3, 
 December 14, 
 
 March 
 August 
 June 
 January 
 March 3, 
 December 28, 
 December 29! 
 May 29, 
 
 September 9 
 May 11 
 
 February 14 
 January 
 June 
 October 
 March 
 August 
 
 1787 
 1787 
 1787 
 1788 
 1788 
 17.<(8 
 1788 
 1788 
 1788 
 1788 
 1788 
 1789 
 1790 
 1791 
 1792 
 1796 
 1802 
 1812 
 ISK) 
 1817 
 1818 
 1819 
 18liO 
 18-21 
 
 isrsG 
 
 1S37 
 1845 
 
 I84r, 
 
 1845 
 1848 
 IS.'iO 
 
 18.58 
 1859 
 18i;l 
 18R3 
 18(54 
 1867 
 1876 
 
 2,050 
 45,215 
 
 7,815 
 59,475 
 
 4,990 
 
 8,315 
 12,210 
 30,570 
 
 9,305 
 42,4.')0 
 49,170 
 52,250 
 
 1,250 
 
 9,.565 
 40,400 
 42,050 
 41,060 
 48,720 
 36,350 
 46,810 
 56,650 
 52,250 
 33,040 
 69,415 
 53,850 
 58,915 
 58,680 
 56,025 
 265,780 
 5C),040 
 158,360 
 83,365 
 96,030 
 82,080 
 24,780 
 110,700 
 7n,,855 
 103,925 
 
 59,096 
 
 434,373 
 
 184,139 
 
 82,548 
 
 2.37,496 
 
 378,787 
 
 319,728 
 
 249,033 
 
 141,885 
 
 747,610 
 
 340,120 
 
 393,751 
 
 68,825 
 
 85,339 
 
 73,077 
 
 77,202 
 
 41,915 
 
 76,556 
 
 63,805 
 
 75,.512 
 
 34,620 
 
 127,901 
 
 298,269 
 
 66,586 
 
 62,240 
 
 212,267 
 
 64,477 
 
 81,920 
 
 212,.592 
 
 305,391 
 
 92,.597 
 
 172,023 
 
 62,465 
 
 107,206 
 
 442,014 
 
 40,(K)0 
 
 60,000 
 
 150,000 
 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1790 
 1791 
 1892 
 1796 
 1802 
 1812 
 1816 
 1817 
 1818 
 1820 
 1820 
 1821 
 1836 
 1840 
 1845 
 1846 
 1850 
 18.50 
 1850 
 1860 
 1859 
 1860 
 1870 
 1864 
 1867 
 1876 
 
 TERRITORIES. 
 
 Utah 
 
 New Mexico 
 Washington, 
 
 Dakota 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Idnho 
 
 Montana 
 
 Wyoming ... 
 
 Indian 
 
 Alaska 
 
 Present 
 
 Dates of Organization area, square Population, 
 miles. 
 
 September 9, 1S50 
 September 9, 1850 
 March 2, 18.53 
 
 March 2, 1861 
 
 February 24, 1863 
 March .3. 18r,3 
 
 May 26, 1864 
 
 July 2,5, 1868 
 
 82,090 
 122,580 
 
 69,180 
 149,100 
 113,020 
 
 84,800 
 146,080 
 
 97,890 
 
 64,690 
 Unsurveyed 
 
 143,963 
 119,565 
 75,116 
 13,5,177 
 40,440 
 32,610 
 39,159 
 20.789 
 
 Census of 
 
 18.80 
 
 18,S0 
 
 1.^80 
 
 is.-^o 
 
 ISSO 
 1^.80 
 1880
 
 106 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book vii 
 
 THE NirWSPAPER PRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Compiled from Census of 1S80.* 
 TABLE I. 
 
 , All classes. . 
 
 Number.Circalation 
 
 , Dailies. . 
 
 Number.Circulation 
 
 , Weeklies. , 
 
 Number.Circulation 
 
 . All others. , 
 
 Number.Circulation 
 
 1850 
 1860 
 1870 
 1880 
 
 2,526 
 4,051 
 5,871 
 11,403 
 
 5,142,177 
 13,(563,400 
 20,842.475 
 31,177,924 
 
 254 
 387 
 574 
 980 
 
 758,454 
 1,478,435 
 2.001,547 
 3,637,424 
 
 1,902 
 3,173 
 4,295 
 8,718 
 
 2,944,629 
 7,581,930 
 10,.594,643 
 19,459,107 
 
 370 
 
 491 
 
 1,002 
 
 1,705 
 
 1,439,094 
 4,603,044 
 7,646,285 
 8,081,393 
 
 * By 8. N. D. North, in February Number (1882), of the " International Review" New York. 
 
 The next distributes the total number of periodicals among the States and Territories according to 
 their character and frequency of publication. It will be observed that column six giving the number of 
 publications devoted to news, politics and family reading (8,816), contains the actual number of News- 
 papers published in the census year. The remainder of the publications (2,587) are more properly de- 
 scribed as periodicals, although a very large proportion of them discharge the functions of a ncvv.spaper; 
 
 TABLE IL 
 
 
 J2 
 
 *cS 
 
 o 
 
 'i 
 
 •c 
 
 
 p. 
 <M 
 
 o 
 
 d 
 
 T3 
 
 <I> 
 
 -C 
 
 .2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 P. 
 
 u 
 
 11 
 'Z 
 
 73 
 Xi 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 • P< . 
 
 ?5 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 si 
 
 £>• 
 
 < 
 
 (U 
 
 3 
 a . 
 
 •^ 9 
 
 Sp 
 3 c 
 
 •A 
 
 OT3 
 "*^ 3 . 
 ■0 05 M) 
 
 <S— ro 
 u ^>, 
 
 ill 
 
 K 
 
 3 
 
 
 "3 
 
 u 
 u 
 
 0) 
 
 e 
 
 3 
 
 "08 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 _o 
 'u 
 
 so 
 < 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 
 
 < 
 
 •a 
 <s 
 
 i.s 
 t5 
 
 So 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arizona 
 
 129 
 
 17 
 
 120 
 
 364 
 
 90 
 
 140 
 
 60 
 
 26 
 
 44 
 
 45 
 
 200 
 
 8 
 
 1,032 
 
 478 
 
 3 
 
 579 
 
 349 
 
 213 
 
 112 
 
 124 
 
 144 
 
 432 
 
 469 
 
 224 
 
 123 
 
 531 
 
 18 
 
 189 
 
 37 
 
 89 
 
 217 
 
 18 
 
 1,412 
 
 140 
 
 776 
 
 74 
 
 085 
 
 44 
 
 82 
 
 192 
 
 279 
 
 24 
 
 82 
 
 195 
 
 29 
 
 109 
 
 340 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 59 
 
 20 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 16 
 
 ""75 
 40 
 
 "30 
 21 
 11 
 13 
 12 
 15 
 39 
 33 
 10 
 
 5 
 43 
 
 4 
 15 
 14 
 10 
 27 
 
 3 
 
 116 
 
 13 
 
 56 
 
 7 
 100 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 12 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 111 
 11 
 
 107 
 
 254 
 
 65 
 
 100 
 
 67 
 
 20 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 163 
 
 7 
 
 771 
 
 404 
 
 3 
 
 511 
 
 311 
 
 169 
 
 94 
 
 92 
 
 112 
 
 283 
 
 401 
 
 200 
 
 110 
 
 418 
 
 14 
 
 1(>5 
 
 22 
 
 67 
 
 165 
 
 15 
 
 891 
 
 112 
 
 586 
 
 59 
 
 079 
 
 31 
 
 70 
 
 152 
 
 229 
 
 10 
 
 72 
 
 125 
 
 24 
 
 07 
 
 283 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 19 
 
 1 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 66 
 10 
 
 ""8 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 29 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 » 20 
 
 ■■"2 
 
 ■■■■4 
 12 
 
 "122 
 8 
 
 44 
 2 
 
 44 
 2 
 5 
 
 11 
 7 
 5 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 "'"5 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 ""2 
 
 32 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 " "i 
 
 15 
 
 "li 
 
 "126 
 
 24 
 
 ■"36 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 12 
 
 81 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 60 
 
 .....^ 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 283 
 7 
 
 90 
 
 6 
 
 162 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 12 
 4 
 3 
 
 33 
 1 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 117 
 
 17 
 
 105 
 
 273 
 
 83 
 
 112 
 
 66 
 
 24 
 
 21 
 
 43 
 
 176 
 
 8 
 
 695 
 
 421 
 
 1 
 
 531 
 
 323 
 
 168 
 
 97 
 
 93 
 
 107 
 
 278 
 
 414 
 
 209 
 
 116 
 
 417 
 
 17 
 
 178 
 
 35 
 
 74 
 
 196 
 
 10 
 
 845 
 
 117 
 
 569 
 
 60 
 
 622 
 
 39 
 
 68 
 
 140 
 
 2.54 
 
 16 
 
 74 
 
 i:tr, 
 
 2.H 
 nil 
 31 II 1 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 '""is 
 
 13 
 2 
 3 
 
 " i 
 
 '"ii 
 
 "47 
 11 
 
 ""14 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 35 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 28 
 
 ■■"2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 97 
 12 
 58 
 
 5 
 78 
 
 "10 
 15 
 13 
 6 
 3 
 11 
 1 
 
 ;t 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 """3 
 
 5 
 
 "■■4 
 
 .....^ 
 
 " "13 
 
 8 
 
 ""5 
 5 
 6 
 
 ■■■■4 
 3 
 3 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 8 
 1 
 3 
 
 ""'{ 
 
 1 
 
 2!) 
 3 
 
 11 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 ■■■"2 
 1 
 2 
 6 
 
 ■■ "4 
 
 2 
 
 "' "i 
 
 4 
 
 '" "i 
 
 ""3 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 ••••7 
 
 3 
 
 ""3 
 1 
 3 
 
 •••••7 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 '"37 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 i 
 
 2 
 
 '" "i 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 '""5 
 
 69 
 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 "1 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 7 
 
 "276 
 35 
 
 2 
 26 
 15 
 17 
 
 8 
 11 
 21 
 101 
 38 
 10 
 
 '"74 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 404 
 
 6 
 
 136 
 
 5 
 
 256 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 2:! 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 40 
 
 ...... 
 
 21; 
 
 129 
 
 16 
 
 119 
 
 331 
 
 87 
 
 136 
 
 64 
 
 25 
 
 41 
 
 45 
 
 199 
 
 8 
 
 936 
 
 446 
 
 1 
 
 538 
 
 336 
 
 201 
 
 96 
 
 124 
 
 i;i6 
 
 427 
 445 
 203 
 123 
 495 
 
 18 
 176 
 
 37 
 
 89 
 198 
 
 14 
 
 1,284 
 
 140 
 
 688 
 
 72 
 899 
 
 41 
 
 81 
 191 
 260 
 
 24 
 
 82 
 190 
 
 29 
 107 
 2S7 
 
 10 
 
 ""i 
 1 
 
 
 S3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 96 
 
 
 32 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 41 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 36 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 128 
 
 
 
 Ohio 
 
 88 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 86 
 
 Khr.fio Island 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 Texas 
 
 19 
 
 rtah 
 
 
 
 
 \ irj^Oiiia 
 
 WiisliiiiKtoTi Territory 
 
 6 
 ""2 
 
 
 63 
 
 
 
 
 
 Unitod HtatoH 
 
 11,403 
 
 980 
 
 8,718 
 
 5.38 
 
 1,167 
 
 8,816 
 
 574 
 
 162 
 
 146 
 
 1,705 
 
 10,625 
 
 778 
 

 
 BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— NEWSPAPER PRESS. 
 
 107 
 
 THE IVEWSPAPKR PRESS.— [Continued.] 
 The census table from which tho followini; table is eondenseii, slinws tliat the averaf;e circulation 
 
 ?er issue of the daily papers publishoii in tlio United Stutcs was :!,H71 ; of llio weeltly papers, 2,177 ; and ot 
 he monthly periodicals, 7,'J17. It also shows the average subscription i>rico of dailies to have been 87.31, 
 and of weeklies, 81.75: 
 
 T.\RLE III.-AGGREGATE CIRCULATION PER ISSUK. 
 
 States and Territories. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Dakota 
 
 Delaware 
 
 District of C ilumbia . 
 
 Fb)rida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Indian Territory 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Mas.'iachu.setts 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Montana 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 New Yr>rk 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Khodo Island 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Utah 
 
 "Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Washington 
 
 West Virgmia 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 Total United States... 
 
 Dailies. 
 
 9,ii(;i) 
 3,,sil0 
 5,i:io 
 178,8<;4 
 28,025 
 45,140 
 4,.')00 
 
 l,s,:ii)o 
 
 34,0(10 
 
 2,075 
 
 26,940 
 
 270,183 
 73,387 
 
 38,670 
 
 23,051 
 
 32,415 
 
 38,765 
 
 18,940 
 
 132,413 
 
 280,309 
 
 64,389 
 
 28,903 
 
 4,200 
 
 137,560 
 
 1,312 
 
 17,113 
 
 16,805 
 
 13,870 
 
 50,87G 
 
 2,200 
 
 999,048 
 
 7,534 
 
 215,934 
 
 11,070 
 
 598,627 
 
 41,182 
 
 7,750 
 
 30,995 
 
 31,351 
 
 7,950 
 
 4,300 
 
 33,422 
 
 1,100 
 
 5,300 
 
 34,100 
 
 1,986 
 
 3,637,424 
 
 Weeklies, etc., 
 conn -cted 
 with dailies. 
 
 10,520 
 
 C,7(iO 
 
 8,200 
 
 157,012 
 
 27,470 
 
 62,l:i0 
 3,4(10 
 5,(1110 
 3,(100 
 1,850 
 
 41,430 
 
 4()3,087 
 90,640 
 
 93,439 
 
 43,428 
 
 72,.-i40 
 
 28,320 
 
 32,230 
 
 101,000 
 
 147,379 
 
 150,758 
 
 29,764 
 
 3,850 
 
 265,828 
 
 4,140 
 
 27,815 
 
 4,050 
 
 51,012 
 
 25,708 
 
 1,930 
 
 987,0(10 
 
 9,510 
 
 377,357 
 
 17,024 
 
 330,028 
 
 13,9.S2 
 
 8,1(10 
 
 41,240 
 
 50,734 
 
 16,700 
 
 7,500 
 
 27,472 
 
 3,544 
 
 8,300 
 
 75,875 
 
 1,800 
 
 3,940,886 
 
 Weeklies not 
 connectedwith 
 dailies and all 
 
 others tb 
 
 monthlie 
 
 69,083 
 3,8.50 
 
 78,401 
 241,!i:!5 
 
 3c.,;ku 
 
 1(15,730 
 
 20,043 
 
 12,025 
 
 93,2:!2 
 
 23,(182 
 
 201,001 
 
 5,1 100 
 
 1,205,510 
 
 i;»4,(l07 
 
 4,300 
 
 371,299 
 
 195,585 
 
 207,077 
 
 60,795 
 
 128,202 
 
 133,421 
 
 948,7i7 
 
 3.54,317 
 
 137,707 
 
 73,754 
 
 471,672 
 
 15,775 
 
 101,400 
 
 7,040 
 
 92,586 
 
 162,056 
 
 4,725 
 
 4,540,396 
 
 70,586 
 
 6711,702 
 
 42,804 
 
 2,991,348 
 
 40,122 
 
 53,042 
 
 158,( 134 
 
 257,713 
 
 6,950 
 
 67,542 
 
 130,432 
 
 12,497 
 
 70,877 
 
 299,055 
 
 1,900 
 
 15,512,221 
 
 Monthlies. 
 
 Total for all 
 classes. 
 
 7,5.50 
 
 86,«13 
 
 
 14,:i50 
 
 500 
 
 92,621 
 
 94,000 
 
 071,811 
 
 8,900 
 
 10 ■ ,329 
 
 20,240 
 
 23,3,240 
 
 
 37,843 
 
 1,000 
 
 36,925 
 
 71,791 
 
 202,023 
 
 
 27,007 
 
 19,2(J0 
 
 291,031 
 
 
 5,0(10 
 
 447,180 
 
 2,445,000 
 
 43,250 
 
 591,284 
 
 
 4,300 
 
 52,100 
 
 55.5,408 
 
 28,000 
 
 2;)(i,()04 
 
 29,338 
 
 402,070 
 
 950 
 
 134,830 
 
 1,036,200 
 
 1,215,-572 
 
 20,100 
 
 .387,594 
 
 502,313 
 
 1,938,S18 
 
 33,285 
 
 602,749 
 
 25,150 
 
 221,074 
 
 6,100 
 
 87,004 
 
 150,300 
 
 1,031,300 
 
 
 21,227 
 
 13,740 
 
 160,158 
 
 600 
 
 28,395 
 
 39,800 
 
 197,208 
 
 16,800 
 
 256,040 
 
 
 8,855 
 
 2,871,301 
 
 9,398,495 
 
 8,186 
 
 104,846 
 
 612,.3.54 
 
 1,885,347 
 
 10,090 
 
 81,078 
 
 1,597,340 
 
 5,517,343 
 
 3,010 
 
 98,326 
 
 1,110 
 
 70,902 
 
 68,350 
 
 298,619 
 
 10,140 
 
 3:.5,938 
 
 5,075 
 
 36,075 
 
 51, .500 
 
 l;iii.N42 
 
 66,902 
 
 25s,-.'28 
 
 
 17, Ul 
 
 4,806 
 
 89.283 
 
 36,762 
 
 446,392 
 
 
 5,686 
 
 
 
 8,081,393 
 
 31,177,924 
 
 A census table shows the number of inhabitants to each daily paper published in twenty-si.x principal 
 cities of the United States. The averge niunbcr of inhabitants to each daily paper printed in these 
 twenty-six cities, taken together, was 4.00; and accepting this average tor any city ol^ .50,000, the aggregato 
 circiilntioii oi all its daily papers would be hut 12,310. The fact that seventeen of these cities show a 
 larger ratio of circulation to population is simply evidence that theae seventeen have superior facilities 
 over the other nine for outside circulation, and the ratio is increased accordingly. Wasnington, which 
 is an isolated city, averages one copy printed daily for every 4.27 inhabitants, which is an extraordinary 
 average for a city thus situated, and with so large a colored population. The following table shows the 
 eleven cities which stood first in the ratio of circulation to population: 
 
 Cities. 
 
 >>£ 
 
 ^ r. 
 
 
 
 Pittsburgh 
 
 New York 
 
 S.in Francisco 
 
 Boston 
 
 Springtield 
 
 St. Paul 
 
 Indianapolis 
 
 Cincinnati 
 
 Chicaeo 
 
 I'hiladolphia • 
 
 Baltimore 
 
 At the bottom of the twenty-six cities are: 
 
 Charleston 
 
 Brocklvn 
 
 111,001 
 
 705,743 
 
 143,232 
 
 221,315 
 
 18,464 
 
 19,893 
 
 .35,587 
 
 117,.549 
 
 220,577 
 
 363,286 
 
 128,043 
 
 6,300 
 48,537 
 
 156,381 
 l,2O0,.59O 
 
 2:j:i,956 
 
 362,53.5 
 33,340 
 41,408 
 7.5,(171 
 255,708 
 503,3(H 
 846,984 
 332,190 
 
 49,999 
 500.089 
 
 1.41 
 1.57 
 1.G3 
 1.64 
 1.81 
 2.09 
 2.11 
 2.18 
 2.2s 
 2 33 
 2.58 
 
 7.94 
 11.77 
 
 Novertheless, it is certain that there is no citv in the Union whose people are greater newspaper read- 
 ers than those of Brooklyn. The above simply shows that the majority of the papers read there were 
 published in New York city.
 
 108 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 mriTED STATES POSTAL REGUIiATIONS. 
 
 [as revised undkb act of mabch 3, 1879.] 
 
 First Class Mall Matter. 
 
 Lettebs.— This class includes letters, postal cards, 
 and any thing sealed or otherwise closed against in- 
 spection, or any thing containing writing not allowed 
 as an accompaniment to printed matter, under class 
 three. . 
 
 Postage, 3 cents each half ounce or fraction thereof. 
 
 On local or drop letters, at free delivery offices, 2 
 cents. At offices where no free delivery by carrier, 1 
 cent. 
 
 Prepayment by stamps invariably required. 
 
 Postal cards, 1 cent. 
 
 Registered letters, 10 cents in addition to the pro- 
 per postage. 
 
 The Post-Office Department or its revenue is not 
 by law liable for the loss of any registered mail 
 matter. 
 
 Second Class. 
 
 Reoulab Publications.— This class includes all 
 newspapers, periodicals, or matter exclusively in 
 print and regularly issued at stated intervals as fre- 
 quently as four times a year, from a known office of 
 publication or news agency. Postage, 2 cents a 
 pound or fraction thereof, prepaid by special stamps. 
 Publications designed primarily for advertising or 
 free circulation, or not having a legitimate list of 
 subscribers, are excluded from the pound rate, and 
 pay third class rates. 
 
 Third Class. 
 
 Mail matter of the third class includes books, tran- 
 sient newspapers and periodicals, circulars, and 
 other matter wholly in print, legal and commercial 
 papers filled out in writing, proof-sheets, corrected 
 proof-sheets, and manuscript copy accompanying 
 the same. 
 
 MS. unaccompanied by proof-sheets, letter rates. 
 
 Limit of weight, 4 pounds each package, except 
 Eingle books— weight not limited. 
 
 PosUioe, 1 cent for each 2 ounces or fractional part thereof, 
 invariably prepaid by stamps. 
 
 Fourtli Class. 
 
 Embraces merchandise and all matter not included 
 in the first, second or third class, which is not liable 
 to Injure the mail matter. Limit of weight, four 
 poumls. 
 
 Pontage, 1 cent each ounce or fraction thereof, prejwid. 
 
 All packages of matter nf the third or fourth class 
 must be so wrapped or enveloped that their contents 
 may be examined by postmasters without destroy- 
 ing the wrappers. 
 
 Matter of the second, third, or fourth class con- 
 taining any writing, except as here specified, or ex- 
 •ept bills and receipts for periodicals, or printed 
 
 commercial papers filled out in writing, as deeds, 
 bills, etc., will be charged with letter postage ; but 
 the sender of any book may write names or addresses 
 therein, or on the outside, with the word "from" 
 preceding the same, or may write briefly on any 
 package the number and names of the articles en- 
 closed. 
 
 Postal Moniey Orders. 
 
 An order may be issued for any amount, from one 
 cent to fifty doUurs, inclusive, but fractional parts of a 
 cent cannot be included. 
 
 The fees for orders are : — 
 
 On orders not exceeding $15 10 cents. 
 
 " " over Sl5 & not exceeding 830.. 15 " 
 " " over 5:30 " " 840.. 20 " 
 
 " " over 840 " " SoO.. 25 " 
 
 When a larger sum than fifty dollars is required, 
 additional orders must be obtained ; but no more 
 than three orders will be issued in one day from the 
 same post-office to the same remitter in favor of the 
 same payee. 
 
 Pree Delivery. 
 
 The free delivery of mail matter at the residences 
 of the people desiring it is required by law in every 
 city of 50,000 or more population, and may be estab- 
 lished at every place containing not less than 20,000 
 inhabitants. The present number of free delivery 
 offices is ninety. 
 
 The franking privilege was abolished July 1, 1873, 
 but the following mail matter may be sent free by 
 legislative saving clauses, viz.: 
 
 1. All public documents printed by order of Con- 
 gress, the Congressional Record and speeches con- 
 tained therein, franked by members of Congress or 
 the Secretary of the Senate, or Clerk of the House. 
 
 2. Seeds transmitted by the Commissioner of Ag- 
 riculture, or by any member of Congress, procured 
 from that department. 
 
 3. All periodicals sent to subscribers within the 
 county where printed. 
 
 4. Letters and packages relating exclusively to 
 the business of the Government of the Fnited 
 States, mailed only by officers of the .same, pnbliwi- 
 tions required to ho mailed to the Librarian of Con- 
 gress by the copyright l.aw, and letters and parcels 
 mailed by the Smithsonian Institution. All these 
 must be covered by specially printed "penalty" 
 envelopes or labels. 
 
 All communications to Government officers, and 
 to or from memliers of Congress, are required to b« 
 prepaid by stamps.
 
 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— RATES FOREIGN POSTAGE. 
 
 109 
 
 RATES OF FOREIGN POSTAGE. 
 
 Prom the United States Official Postal Ouide. 
 The Standard Single Rate is 14 Ounce Avoirdupois. 
 
 Destination. 
 
 Africa, British Possessions on West 
 Const 
 
 Africa, French, Portuguese, and 
 Spanish Possessions 
 
 Amoy 
 
 Argentine Itepublic 
 
 Australia, exi^ept New South Wales, 
 Vietoi-ia, and Queensland 
 
 Austria 
 
 Azores 
 
 Balearic Isles 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Bermuda 
 
 Bolivia, U:iiish Mail 
 
 Borneo 
 
 Brazil 
 
 British Columbia 
 
 Buenos Ay res 
 
 Bulgaria 
 
 Bunnali, British Mail 
 
 Canada, 
 
 Canary Islands 
 
 Canton 
 
 Cape of Good Hope 
 
 Carthagena 
 
 Ceylon 
 
 Chili, British Mail 
 
 China, via San Francisco 
 
 Cochin China 
 
 Colombia, U. S. of 
 
 Costa Kica, Western Porta 
 
 Cnba 
 
 Cura(;oa 
 
 Cyprus 
 
 Denmark 
 
 Ecuador 
 
 Kgypt 
 
 England 
 
 Faroe Islands 
 
 Fiji Islands, direct, via San Francisco 
 
 Finland 
 
 France 
 
 Freo(^b Colonies 
 
 Gambia 
 
 Germany 
 
 Gibraltar 
 
 Gold Coa^t 
 
 Great Britain 
 
 Greece 
 
 Greenland 
 
 Greytnwn, British Mail 
 
 Gua'ialoupe 
 
 Guatemala, direct Mail 
 
 Guiana, British, French, and Dutch- 
 Havana 
 
 Hawaiian Kingdom 
 
 Hayti, by direct steamer 
 
 Hindostan 
 
 Honduras 
 
 Hong Kong 
 
 Hun!<ary 
 
 Iceland 
 
 India, British Mail 
 
 Ireland 
 
 Italy 
 
 Jamaica 
 
 Japan 
 
 Java 
 
 Ce'ts. 
 *5 
 
 Destination. 
 
 Let- 
 ters. 
 
 News- 
 papers. 
 
 Cents 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 4 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 4 
 4 
 2 
 4 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 4 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 
 Liberia 
 
 Luxemburg 
 
 Macao 
 
 Madagascar 
 
 Madeira 
 
 Malta 
 
 Manila 
 
 Martinique 
 
 Mauritius 
 
 INIexico 
 
 Moldavia 
 
 Monf.co 
 
 Montenegro 
 
 Morocco 
 
 Morocco, except Spanish West Coast 
 
 Nassau, N. P. 
 
 Natal 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 New Brunswii'k 
 
 New Foundland 
 
 New Grenada, direct Mail 
 
 New South Wales, direct Mail 
 
 New Zealand, direct Mail 
 
 Nicaragua, direct , 
 
 Norway 
 
 Nova Scotia 
 
 Panama, direct Mail 
 
 Paraguay 
 
 Persia 
 
 Peru 
 
 Philippine Islands 
 
 Polana 
 
 Porto Kico 
 
 Portugal .. 
 
 Prince Edward Island 
 
 Queensland 
 
 Roumania 
 
 Russia 
 
 St. Croix 
 
 St. Doming" 
 
 St. Helena, British Mail 
 
 St. Thomas 
 
 Salvador 
 
 Sandwich Islands 
 
 S-'Otland 
 
 Servia 
 
 Shanghai 
 
 Siam, direct from San Francisco.. 
 
 Sierra Leone 
 
 Sinsiapore 
 
 Spain 
 
 Sumatra 
 
 Surinam 
 
 Sweden 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Tangier 
 
 Tripoli, Italian Mail 
 
 Tunis, Italian Mail 
 
 Turkey 
 
 Turk's Island, British Mail 
 
 Uruguay 
 
 Vancouver's Island 
 
 Van Diemen's Laud 
 
 Venezuela 
 
 Victoria 
 
 Wallachia 
 
 West Indies, direct Mail 
 
 Zanzibar 
 
 Cet's. 
 *5 
 *5 
 *5 
 23 
 *5 
 *.5 
 *5 
 *6 
 *5 
 *5 
 *5 
 *5 
 *5 
 '5 
 15 
 3 
 *5 
 *5 
 
 • Prepayment optional in case of country marked with a star, embraced in the Postal Union Treaty of 
 1S78. When not prepaid, double rates are collected.
 
 110 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book VII. 
 
 CHEO]!^OLOGIOAL POLITICS. 
 
 1765. — March 8. — Parliament passes the 
 Stamp Act. Oct. 7. — Colonial Congress met at 
 Kew York. 
 
 1766. — Stamp Act repealed, Mar. 18, 
 
 1767. — June 29. — Bill passed taxing tea, 
 glass, paper, etc., in the American colonies. 
 
 1768. — Masachusetts assembly petition the 
 King against the late tax. 
 
 1773. — The inhabitants of Boston throw 
 342 chests of the taxed tea into the sea. 
 
 1774.— Mar. 31.— The Boston Port Bill 
 passed by Parliament. Sept. 5. — The first 
 Continental Congress meets at Philadelphia. 
 
 1775. — April 19. — The war for American 
 Independence commences with the Battle of '< 
 Lexington. 
 
 1776. — July 4. — America is declared " Free, 
 sovereign, and independent" — a declaration 
 which is signed by the following States : New 
 Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- I 
 necticut, Delaware, IMaryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Georgia. 
 
 1777. — Dec. 16. — France acknowledges the 
 independence of the United States. 
 
 1778.— Feb. 6.— Treaties of Amity and 
 Commerce adopted between the United States 
 and France. 
 
 1781. — Feb. — Articles of Confederation rati- 
 fied by the States. 
 
 1782. — Oct. 8. — Independence of United 
 States acknowledged by Holland. Nov. 3. — 
 Teni])orary Treaty of Peace signed at Paris. 
 
 1783. —Sept. 3. — Treaty of Pence signed at 
 Paris. Nov. 3. — American army disbanded. 
 Nov. 25. — New York evacuated by the British. 
 Dec. 19. — Charleston evacuated by British. 
 Dec. 23. — Washington assigns his commission 
 to Congress. 
 
 1785. — June 1. — John Adams, first minister 
 from U. S. to London. 
 
 1786. — Nov. — Shay's insurrection broke out 
 in .Ma.-^gachusetts. 
 
 1787.— Sept. 17— Constitution of the United 
 States adopted by all tlic States, except Lhode 
 Island. 
 
 1788.— Cotton Planted in Georgia. 
 
 1789. — First Congress. Ten Amendments 
 to tbe Constitution jiasseil. Dcpartiiioiifs of 
 Governinoiit organized. Washiiiiiton ai)ii(iint.s 
 a National Tli.'inksgiving. April 11. — (ieorge 
 AVa.shington declared (lie first Fresiilerit of the 
 United States. I'latio of Hejiresentativcs, 30,- 
 0(t<): Members of Congress O.'j. 
 
 1789. — Many Treaties with the Indians. 
 IbuiiiKon recommends the first Taritf; passed 
 anil Mpyiroveil. 
 
 1790. — Tlie territory south of (he Ohio 
 river ce'lcil to the rnitccl States. Naturali/a 
 lion Law pas.scd. Treiison defineii and ))eniilty 
 dctcrmineiL First Census, 3,929,32ti. System 
 of P'inance adopted ; Government assumes 
 State Debts; Public Dctit funde<l ; Scat of 
 government removed from New York to Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 1791. — First United States bank established 
 at Philadelphia; Capital, $10,000,000. First 
 Tax on Distilled Spirits. 
 
 1792.— U. S. Mint established. Appor- 
 tionment Bill passed, fixing ratio of Repre- 
 sentation at, 33,000; 103 members in Con- 
 gress. Uniform system of Militia established. 
 Post Office department organized anew. 
 
 1793. — Washington again inaugurated Pre- 
 sident. Neutrality declared in regard to France. 
 First Fugitive Slave Law passed. French 
 Minister Gernet recalled by request of Gov- 
 ernment ; returns to organize Democratic or 
 Jacobin Societies. 
 
 1794. — Commercial Treaty concluded with 
 Great Britain. The Whiskey Insurrection in 
 Pennsylvania. Regulation of Slave Trade by 
 law. A sixty days Embargo as a retaliation 
 on British "Order in Council." 
 
 1795. — Second Naturalization Law passed. 
 Jay's Commercial Treaty with Great Britain. 
 Treaty of Madrid. Disagreement of the 
 United States with Algeria. 
 
 1796. — Washington's Farewell Address. 
 Contest between the President and House over 
 the British Treaty. John Adams elected Pre- 
 sident. 
 
 1797. — Congress declares the treaties with 
 France annulled. Privateering against friendly 
 nations forbidden. 
 
 1798. — Congress passes an Act for raising 
 a regular army. Washington appointed Lieu- 
 tenant-General and Commander-in-Chief. Con- 
 gress authorizes Naval Warfare with France ; 
 Commercial Intercourse with France sus- 
 j pended ; Navy Department organized. 
 I 1799. — Congress votes to raise an army of 
 I 40,0(10 men. American Navy consists of 42 
 I vessels with 950 guns. Pennsylvania seat of 
 government removed to Lancaster. Washing- 
 ton (lies at Mount Vernon, Va. 
 i 1800.— Trenty of Peace with France. Gen- 
 eral Law of Bankruptcy approved. Second offi- 
 cial census — population 5,308,483. Removal 
 of the Capitol from riiiladelphia to VVashington. 
 ! Election of Tlumias JeiTerson President. 
 
 1801.— War against Trijioli declared. The 
 I Rei)ublican ]>nrty umler Tiiomas JcHcrson, 
 comes into yiower witli Jeli'ei-son President. 
 
 1802. — Louisiana ceded to France by Spain. 
 Naturalization !.;iws made more liberal. Re- 
 presentitives, 141. 
 
 1803. — Louisiana purchased of France for 
 $15,000,000. Congress gives the President ex- 
 traordinary authority to niiiintaiii Free Naviga- 
 tion of the .Mississippi. A l)ricf war with the 
 the Barbary States. 
 
 1804. — Re-election of Jefferson as a Repub- 
 lican. Treaty of Peace conelu(le(l witii Tripoli. 
 
 1805.— Troul)les witli (ireat I'ritain begin. 
 
 1806. — Congress ju-ovides the ini])ortation 
 
 I of certain goods. I)ispides with Fngland and 
 
 France respecting Neutral Rights. England 
 
 plainly claims the right to search American ves- 
 
 I sels for deserting seamen ; Jefl'ersou disputes it.
 
 BOOK Til.] 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL POLITICS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 1807. — Conf^ress lays an embargo. United 
 States Coast Survey atiihorized. Conspii'acy of 
 Aaron Burr to divide the Union. English 
 ships of war ordered to leave American waters. 
 The first boat gocn by steam. 
 
 1808. — The Slave Trade abolished by act of 
 Congress. Madison elected i'resident as a Re- 
 publican. 
 
 1809. — Proclamation forbidding all inter- 
 course with Great liritain and France. Em- 
 bargo repealed. Madison inaugurated. 
 
 1810. — Third official census. 
 
 1811.— I'opiilation of United States 7,239,- 
 903. Ratio of Rcprosetitation fixed at $35,000. 
 Continued troubles with England. War with 
 Tecuniseh. 
 
 1812. — Congress lays an embargo on Ameri- 
 can shipping. General Land Office established. 
 More than (),000 cases of impressment recorded. 
 War declared on the 18th of June against Great 
 Britain. Madison re-elected President, as a 
 Republican. 
 
 1813. — Congress aiithorizes an issue of 
 ?5,000,000 anil a loan of $1(3,000,000. Entire 
 American coast blockaded by British ships. 
 Several battles on land and sea. 
 
 1814. — Treaty of peace between the United 
 States and England signed at Ghent. A loan 
 of ii^25, 000,000 authorized. 
 
 1815.— A loan of 18,400,000 and an issue 
 of $25,000,000 authorized. Government rati- 
 fies Treaty of Ghent, and President proclaims 
 peace 18th Feb. Government ceases to pay 
 tribute to Algiers. Battle of New Orleans. 
 Peace followed, though treaty of peace pre- 
 ceded the battle. 
 
 1816. — First high Protective Tariff enacted. 
 Second United States Bank chartered for 
 twenty years ; Capital, $35,000,000. Monroe 
 elected President as Republican or Democrat. 
 
 1817. — Internal Taxes abolished. DeWitt 
 Clinton causes the Erie canal to be commenced. 
 The Era of Peace. United States Bank opened 
 at; Philadelphia. Commencement of the Semi- 
 nole war. 
 
 1818. — Pension Law enacted. National 
 Flag re-arranged, so that the Stripes represent 
 the Original Thirteen Colonies and the Stars 
 the present number of States. Treaty of Com- 
 merce and Boundary with England. Seminole 
 war in Florida and Georgia. 
 
 1819. — Congress ratifies the Treaty for the 
 Cession of Florida. Beginning of the discus- 
 sion between the North and South in regard to 
 the Slavery Question. The "Savannah" — 
 the first steamer from New York to Liverpool. 
 
 1820. — Missouri Compromise passed. Navi- 
 gation Act restricting importation to United 
 States vessels. Country agitated over the 
 Slavery question. Fourth official census, 9,- 
 633,822. 
 
 1822. — Florida made a territory. Ratio of 
 Representation fixed at 40,000; Members, 213. 
 Commercial treaty with France, Federal 
 party disbands. Clintonian Democratic party 
 organized in New York. 
 
 1823. — Independence of South American 
 Republics acknowledged. Treaty with Great 
 Britain for mutual suppression of the Slave 
 Traffic. The " Monroe Doctrine" advanced. 
 Party politics quiet. 
 
 1824. — John Quincy Adams, Whig, elected 
 by tlie House. Second high Protective Tariff. 
 
 1825. — Panama Mission discussed. John 
 Quincy Adams inaugurated. 
 
 1826. — Kxtensive Internal Improvements 
 under the leadership of Clay. The i-'ifti.ith 
 Anniversary of American Independence. 
 Deatli of Adams and Jefferson. Webster de- 
 livers his celebrated eulogy on them. 
 
 1827. — Experimenting on the construction 
 of a railroad. 
 
 1828. — Tariff amended and Duties in- 
 creased. Jackson elected President. 
 
 1829. — Webster's great speech against Nul- 
 lification. Treaty of Amity and Commerce 
 with Brazil. Jackson inaugurated. " To the 
 victor Iji'longs the spoils." 
 
 1830. — Treaty with Turkey, securing for 
 the United States freedom of the Black Sea. 
 Treaty between the United States and Ottoman 
 Porte. Fifth official census : population 12,- 
 80(3,020. 
 
 1831. — Building railroads actively. 
 
 1832. — Treaty of Commerce with Russia. 
 Treaty of Commerce and Boundary with 
 ISIexico. Bill for re-chartering United States 
 Bank vetoed by President Jackson. His 
 proclamation against Nullifiers. Resigna- 
 tion of John C. Calhoun. Black Hawk 
 War commences. South Carolina declares the 
 doctrine of nullification. Representatives 
 240. 
 
 1833. — Andrew .Jackson commences his 
 secoml administration. Gen. Santa Anna 
 elected President of Mexico. Public deposita 
 removed from the United States Bank by 
 the President, and distributed among certain 
 State banks. Secretary of Treasury, W. P. 
 Duane, refusing to carry out the policy, is 
 removed. Lucifer, or Locofoco matches in- 
 troduced, and the Democrats called " Loco- 
 focos." 
 
 1834. — President Jackson censured by Con- 
 gress for removing Government deposits. — 
 France and Portugal, slow in paying for in- 
 juries done United States commerce, are 
 brought to terms by the President. 
 
 1835. — War with Seminoles. 
 
 1836. — Office of Commissioner of Patents 
 created. Treaty of Friendship and Commerce 
 with Venezuela. Charter for United States 
 Bank expires. Not renewed. Financial trouble 
 brewing. Martin VanBuren, Democrat, elected 
 President. 
 
 1837. — The Independence of Texas acknow- 
 ledged. Issue of $10,000,000 Treasury notes 
 authorized. President refuses to remit the 
 regulation regarding the "Specie Circular." 
 Financial panic follows, banks suspend Specie 
 Payments in March, and resume in July. Van- 
 Buren inaugurated. 
 
 1838. — National debt paid — surplus reve- 
 nue divided among the States. President en- 
 joins neutrality during Canadian Rebellion. 
 
 1839. — United States Bank suspends pay- 
 ment. Disturbances on the North-eastern 
 boundaries of Maine. 
 
 1840. — Sub-Treasury bill passed. Sixth 
 official census ; population 17,0(39,453. Gen'I 
 Harrison, Whig, elected President. "Tippe- 
 canoe and Tyler too " campaign.
 
 112 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 1S41. — Congress meets in extra session. 
 Iniiirisoumeut lor debts due the United States 
 abolislied. Central Bankrupt Law passed. A 
 loan of §12,000,000 authorized. Sub-Treasury 
 Act repealed. Revenues received from public 
 lands ordered to be distributed among the 
 States. Two bills for re-chartering the United 
 States Bank vetoed. All members of the Cabi- 
 net, except Mr. Webster, resign. Failure of 
 United States Bank under Pennsylvania char- 
 ter. Harrison dies ; Tyler succeeds him. 
 
 1842. — The Dover Insurrection in Rhode 
 Island. The Seminole war terminated. Treaty 
 with England settling North-Eastern boundary 
 question. Senate ratifies the Ashburton- 
 Webster Treaty. Ratio of representation 
 fixed at 70,680 ; Representatives 223. United 
 States fiscal year ordered to begin with 
 July 1st. 
 
 1843.— ?30,000 appropriated for the con- 
 struction of ^lorse's Electric Telegraph be- 
 tween Washington and Baltimore. 
 
 1844. — First message by the electric tele- 
 graph. James K. Polk, Democrat, elected 
 President. 
 
 1845.^ — Anti-rent riots in New York. The 
 first Tuesday after the first Monday in Novem- 
 ber on which to hold Presidential elections. 
 Treaty made with China. Speech of Mr. Cass 
 on North-Western boundary of Oregon. An- 
 nexation of Texas, and Avar with Mexico. 
 
 184S. — Hostilities commence with Mexico. 
 New Mexico annexed to the United States, 
 10,000,000 voted ; and 50,000 men called out, 
 to carry on the war. The Wilmot Proviso, 
 Tariff on Imports reduced. Treaty settling 
 Northwestern boundary. Congress declared 
 the war " existed by act of Mexico." 
 
 1347. — The city of Mexico taken by Ameri- 
 cans under General Scott. War rages with 
 Mexico. 
 
 1848. — Congress ratifies Treaty of Guada- 
 loupe Hidalgo. Postal Treaty with England 
 negotiated; concluded in 1849. I'eace with 
 Mexico declared, July 4th. Zachary Taylor, 
 Whig, elected President. Upper California 
 ceded to United States. First deposit of Cali- 
 fornia tiold in the mint, 
 
 1849. — The French Embassador dismissed 
 from Washington. Taylor inaugurated, dies ; 
 Fillmore succeeds him. 
 
 1850. — The Fugitive Slave Act passed. 
 Texas lioundary settled by payment of $10, 
 000,000 to 'J'exas. New Mexico and Utah ad- 
 mitted as territories. Slave trade abolished 
 in the District of Culumbia. Webster's great 
 speech on the Union delivered in reply to 
 Hayne. Treaty of Amity and Commerce with 
 Switzerland. Treaty witli England securing 
 a transit over Panama. Seventh census ; popu- 
 lation 2;],l'.ll,K7(). 
 
 1851. — Southern Rights Convention at South 
 Carrdina. A Cheap Postage Law enacted. 
 Kossuth visits United States. 
 
 1852. — I'atio of Representation fixed at 
 93,42.3 ; members, 237. Dispute with Kiigland 
 in regard to fisheries. Henry Clay and Daniel 
 We>)ster died this year. Franklin Pierce, 
 Democrat, elected President. 
 
 1853. — Pierce inaugurated. A partisan in- 
 augural address. 
 
 1854.— Congress passes the Kansas Nebraska 
 bill. United States Neutral on the Eastern 
 Question. 
 
 1854. — Treaty of Reciprocity with England. 
 Commercial Treaty with Japan concluded 
 through Commodore Perry. American party 
 formed. 
 
 1855. — The Court of Claims established. 
 Election troubles in Kansas. U. S. steamer 
 "Waterwitch " fired on, on the Paraguay. 
 Passmore Williamson released from three 
 months imprisonment in the Wheeler Slave 
 Case. 
 
 1856. — Quebec made the seat of Canadian 
 government, P. W. Geary confirmed as Gov- 
 ernor of Kansas. Extra session of Congress 
 adjourns. 133 ballots required to elect Na- 
 thaniel P. Banks Speaker of the House. Mr. 
 Brooks of S. C, assaults Senator Summer in 
 the Senate Chamber. British envoy ordered 
 to leave Washington. Great excitement in 
 Congress on the Slavery question and over the 
 admission of Kansas and Nebraska. Repub- 
 lican party formed. James Buchanan, Demo- 
 crat, elected President. 
 
 1857. — A great Financial Panic; 5,123 
 Commercial Failures. Buchanan inaugurated ; 
 pays 8 and 10 per cent, for loans. The Dred 
 Scott Decision delivered by Chief Justice 
 Taney. R. J. W' alker appointed Governor of 
 Kansas. 
 
 1858. — Congress passes the English Kan- 
 sas Bill but State refuses to accept. Treaty 
 of amity with China. 
 
 1858. — First Atlantic Cable laid ; second in 
 18C6. U. S. Army defeats the Mormons in 
 Utah. Minnesota State Government organized. 
 Nicaragua seeks the protection of the United 
 States. 
 
 1859. — John Brown's raid at Harper's 
 Ferry, Va., his capture and execution. 
 
 1860. — Riitio of Representation fixed at 
 127,000. Crittenden Compromise introduced 
 and defeated. Prince of AVales visits the United 
 States. Scnjitors and Federal Oflicers from 
 the South favoring disunion, resign. Presi- 
 dent Buchanan denies the right of a State to 
 secede, and declines to receive the South 
 Carolina Commission. Eighth census ; popula- 
 tion 31,443,321. Abraham Lincoln, Republi- 
 can, elected President. The " Palmetto Flag" 
 hoisted in Charleston harbor. Georgia ap- 
 propriates $1,000,000 to another state. Maj. 
 Anderson f.-ikes posession of Fort Sumter. 
 
 1861. — Congre.>«s meets in Special Session. 
 The President calls the volunteers and f400,- 
 000,000 to put down the Rebellion. Jacob 
 Thompson, Secretary of Interior, resigns. 
 ]Missi,«sippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Lou- 
 isiiina, anil Texas passed secession ordinaiices. 
 John .v. Dix ap])ointed Secretary of Treasury, 
 vice Thomas, resigned. Jeff Davis resigns his 
 scat in the U. S. Senate. 
 
 Southern Confederacy formed at Mont- 
 gomery, Ala. Peace Congress meets nt Wash- 
 ington. Jefl Davis elected President of South- 
 ern Confederacy. Gen. Twiggs expelled from 
 the army for treason. Peace Congress ad- 
 journed after n stormy session — accomplished 
 nothing. Beauregard takes command at 
 Charleston, S. C. ; and stops intercourse be-
 
 EOOK VII. I 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL POLITICS. 
 
 113 
 
 tween Fort Sumter and Charleston. President 
 Lincoln calls for 75,()(X) volunteers, Jeff Davis 
 offers letters of marque to privateers. Presi- 
 dent Lincoln declares the Southern ports in a 
 s<ate of blockade. Virginia proclaimed a 
 memher of the Southern Confederacy. Mc- 
 Clellan placed in command of the Dej)artment 
 of Ohio. Arkansas secedes. England acknow- 
 ledges the insurgent States as belligerents. 
 North Carolina secedes ; Kentucky declares 
 neutrality. Tennessee secedes. Federal troops 
 cross the Potomac. All postal services in the 
 seceded States suspended. Gen. McClellan 
 assumes command in West Virginia. The 
 Wheeling Government, Virginia, acknowledged 
 by the President. July 4, Congress meets in 
 extra session. Fremont appointed to com- 
 mand of Western Department. Nine South- 
 ern members expelled from U. S. Senate. 
 
 Confiscation bill passed. Congress adjourns. 
 President suspends all commerce with seceded 
 States. President Lincoln orders Gen. Fre- 
 mont to modify his emancipation proclama- 
 tion. Secession members of Maryland Legis- 
 lature sent to Fort McIIenry. Gen, Scott re- 
 signs as Commander-in-Chief; Gen. McClellan 
 succeeds him. C. S. Congress convened at 
 Richmond, Va. Breckinridge expelled from 
 U. S. Senate for treason. New York and Bos- 
 ton banks suspend specie payment. 
 
 1862. — Slavery prohibited in the Territo- 
 ries. Internal Revenue Bill passed. Polygamy 
 forbidden in United States. Union Pacific 
 Railroad chartered. Department of Agricul- 
 ture organized. A draft of -300,000 men to 
 serve for nine months, ordered by the Secre- 
 tary of war ; 600,000 volunteers called. Ma- 
 son and Slidell delivered to the British Min- 
 ister. E. M. Stanton appointed Secretary of 
 war, vice Cameron, resigned. Cameron nomi- 
 nated IMinister to Russia, vice Clay, resigned. 
 Jesse D. Bright expelled from U. S. Senate. 
 Jefferson Davis inaugurated President of the 
 Southern (Confederacy. Brigham Voung elect- 
 ed Governor of Deseret, Utah. National Tax 
 Bill passed U. S. House of Kepresentatives. 
 Gen. Halleck (July 11) appointed commander 
 of all land forces. Martial law declared in 
 Cincinnati. McClellan, Sept. 7, takes com- 
 mand in person of Potomac Army. Sept. 22, 
 President Lincoln issues his Emancipation 
 Proclamation. Habeas Corpus suspended by 
 U. S. Government. Nov. 5, Gen. Burnside 
 succeeds McClellan. All political prisoners 
 released. Nov. 22, West Virginia admitted as 
 a state. 
 
 1863. — Jan. 1. — Lincoln declares all the 
 slaves free. Bureau of Currency and National 
 Banks established. Death of "Stonewall" 
 Jackson. First colored regiment from the 
 north leaves Boston. A loan of ,S900,tK)0,000 
 ten-forties authorized. Proclamation issued. 
 Gen. Grant takes command of the West. 
 Slavery abolished by Proclamation. 
 
 1864. — Fugitive Slave Law repealed. A 
 draft of "lOO.OOO men ordered, and 700.000 
 men called for, 85,000 men accepted from 
 Governors of Western States. Lincoln re- 
 elected President. Gen. Grant appointed to 
 command U. S. Armies. 
 
 1865.— The l?,th Amendment passed. 
 Amnesty Proclamation issued. Blockade of 
 Southern ports ended. $98,000, 0(X» subscribed 
 to the 7:30 loan during tlie week ending May 
 I'i. A day of fasting on account of the death 
 of President Lincoln. All the nation in 
 mf)urning. Lee surrenders to Grant. Johnson 
 succeeds Lincoln. 
 
 1860. — Freedman's Bureau Bill and Civil 
 Rights Bill p.asscd. 14th Amendment passed. 
 Profilamnt ion of Peace. Colorado bill vetoed. 
 Sn fl'rage given to colored men in District of 
 Columbia. 
 
 1867. — Southern States organized into 
 Military Districts. Military Government Bill 
 and Tenure-of-Oflice Bill passed. Treaty with 
 Russia for purchase of Alaska concluded, 
 price .$7,200,000. Nebraska admitted as a State. 
 Reconstruction bill passed over President 
 Johnson's veto. Russian American Treaty 
 approved by the Senate. Jeff Davis released 
 on bail. Congress meets in extra session. Sup- 
 plimeutary Reconstruction Bill passed, over 
 veto. 
 
 1888. — Impeachment trial of President 
 Johnson ends in acquittal. Fourteenth Amend- 
 ment declared part of the Constitution. Proc- 
 lamation of Political Amnesty issued. Grant, 
 Republican, elected President. Congress 
 meets. Senate bill passed for the reduction of 
 the army. Bill passed to abolish tax on manu- 
 factures. The Ciiinese Embassy received by 
 the President. Bill passed Senate for a<l mis- 
 sion of S. States. Commencement of difficul- 
 ties between U. S. Ambassador and the Govern- 
 ment of Paraguay. The Senate ratifies the 
 Chinese Treaty. Freedman's Bureau Bill 
 passed over Johnson's veto. Laws of United 
 States extended over Alaska. Failure of the 
 Atlantic Cable of 186fi. President Johnson 
 issues a universal amnesty proclamation, 
 
 1869. — Central Pacific and Union Pacific 
 railroads completed. — 1,913 miles in length. 
 United States Supreme Court decides Internal 
 Revenue laws constitutional. The Copper 
 Tariff Bill passed over the veto. Passage of 
 the Reconstruction Bill. Indiana Supreme 
 Court decide National Bank currency tax.able. 
 Female Suffrage Bill p.asscd by Wyoming Legis- 
 Lature. E. M. Stanton confirmed as Judge of 
 IJnited States Supreme Court. 
 
 1870. — Fifteenth Amendment passed. Re- 
 call of the Russian Minister, Catacazy, re- 
 quested. Proclamation against Fenian raids 
 into Canada issued. Ninth census, population 
 38,555,883. Bill p.assed for the re-admission 
 of Virginia. Legal Tender Act declared un- 
 constitutional. The Saint Thomas treaty ex- 
 pires by limitation. The North Pacific R. R. 
 Bill becomes a law. Bill to abolish Franking 
 privilege defeated. The San Domingo Treaty 
 rejected by the Senate. The new Constitution 
 of Illinois adopted. 
 
 1871.— Congress passes Bill against Ku-Klux, 
 also Enforcement Bill. The United States 
 Senate passes the San Domingo Commi^sion 
 Bill. The !?300,000, on Five Per Cent. Re- 
 funding Bill passed by the House. Congress 
 adTiiits the Georgia Senators. Deadlock in 
 Indiana Legislature ; thirty-four Republicans
 
 114 
 
 AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 [book tii. 
 
 resign. The Forty-first Congress expires ; 
 Forty-second organized. Alabama Claims $12,- 
 830,384. Expense of the United States census 
 reported $3,287,600. The Apportionment Bill 
 passed by Congress. 
 
 1872. — Tax and Tariff Bill passed diminish- 
 ing Kevenne. Ratio of Representation fixed 
 at 131, 425; Representatives limited to 293. 
 General Amnesty Bill signed. $15,500,000 
 awarded the United States by Geneva Tribunal. 
 Emperor AVilliam of Germany decides the San 
 Juan Question in favor of the United States. 
 Salary Retroactive Act passed. First repeal of 
 the Franking privilege. Federal officers are 
 forbidden to hold State Offices. Suspension of 
 the Bank of Jay Cook & Co., causes a financial 
 panic. Modoc War. 
 
 1874. — Political excitement in Louisiana. 
 Grint vetoes the Finance Bill. United States 
 Senate passes Civil Rights Bill. Currency Bill 
 vetoed. Fillmore and Sumner die. 
 
 1875. — Senate ratifies the Treaty with Ha- 
 waaii. Civil Rights Bill passed. New Treaty 
 with Belgium concluded. Financial trouble 
 continue. Louisiana Legislative hall taken 
 possession of by United States troops. Colo- 
 rado admitted as a State. 
 
 1876. — Centennial Bill appropriating 
 ^15,000,000 passed. Secretary I5elknap im- 
 peached by the House, acquitted by the 
 Senate. Postal Treaty with Japan. Termi- 
 
 nation of the English Extradition Treaty an- 
 nounced. 
 
 1877. — Electoral Commission decided in 
 favor of Hayes. Spanish Extradition Treaty 
 announced. Federal troops recalled from the 
 South. Nez Perces war. 
 
 1878.— Silver Bill. Halifax Fishing Award ; 
 Ben Butler opposes it. 
 
 1879. — Specie Payment. Negro exodus be- 
 gins. Ute war 
 
 1880. — Election of Garfield as President, 
 the October election in Ohio and Indiana vir- 
 tually deciding the issue in advance. 
 
 1881. — Assassination of President Garfield 
 by Charles J. Guiteau; Vice President Arthur 
 succeeds him. Resignation of Senators Conk- 
 ling and Piatt of New York. 
 
 1882. — Extended trial and final conviction 
 of Guiteau, who set up the plea that his assas- 
 sination of President Garfield was due to an 
 irresistible pressure from the Deity. Nomi- 
 nation of Roscoe Conkling to the Supreme 
 Bench. Blaine's eulogy on Garfield. The 
 Mormon issue revived by Edmunds' Bill ; 
 Chinese issue revived by bill to prevent their 
 immigration for twenty years. California and 
 Nevada make a holiday of Saturday, March 4, 
 and devote it to mass meetings which said " the 
 Chinese must go." March 1, Senator Hoar of 
 Massachusetts, makes great speech against Chi- 
 nese Bill, Senator Miller, of California, repliea.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 HISTOKY OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 Pagk. 
 
 Abolition of Indian factory system 25 
 
 Abolition Party, rise and progress of. 53 
 
 Act to elect President and Vice President by a direct vote of the people 27 
 
 Act to prohibit African slave trade 17 
 
 Act to provide for collection, disbursement and safe keeping of public money 37 
 
 Acquisition of Florida 25 
 
 Adams, John, inaugurated 10 
 
 Adams, John Quincy, elected 26 
 
 Adams, John Quincy, policy 27 
 
 Admission of Florida and Iowa 47 
 
 Admission of Mississippi and Illinois 23 
 
 Admission of Missouri, to the Union, with an attempt to restrict slavery in its limit . . 24 
 
 Alabama claims 197 
 
 Alien law and (sedition) 11 
 
 Amendment to Constitution (Sept. 25th, 1804) 12 
 
 Amendment of Morton 222 
 
 Amendment 13th, passed 167 
 
 Amendment 14th, votes on 147 
 
 Amendment, 15th, to enforce same 197 
 
 American party '57 
 
 American ritual 57 
 
 American Convention 87 
 
 American nomination of 1856 • 69 
 
 American system for protection of home industry 25 
 
 American system lost 32 
 
 Amnesty , 199 
 
 Anti-Federal Party 6 
 
 "Annexation of Texas 46 
 
 Approval of act declaring war, June 18, 1812 19 
 
 Apportionment bill, first 8 
 
 Arkansas admitted 170 
 
 Arthur 261 
 
 Arms, transferred South, 1859, '60 109 
 
 Armfed neutrality, first . . . .' 10 
 
 Attempt to amend bill for admission of California by extension of Missonri Compromise 
 
 to the Pacific 62 
 
 Attempt to pass Tenure of Office bill 28 
 
 Bank of the United States, expiration of charter 30 
 
 Bank and State, separation of. 37 
 
 65 1033
 
 1034 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Belknap, impeachment of. 223 
 
 'Benton's speech 34 
 
 Bill for appropriating one year's Salary to the -widow of Gen. Harrison 39 
 
 Bill to distribute public land money among the States 35 
 
 Bill for distribution of public land revenue 39 
 
 Bill for establishment of system of bankruptcy 39 
 
 Bill for equalizing value of gold and silver 34 
 
 Bill of Rights • 8 
 
 Border States, appeal of President to 137 
 
 "Boss Piule" 261 
 
 Broad Constructionists 7 
 
 Buchanan's nomination 69 
 
 Buchanan's views 99 
 
 Calhoun on causes of difference between himself and the President 32 
 
 Calhoun, death of S2 
 
 Calhoun, extends constitution to the territories 60 
 
 Campaign of 1880 242 
 
 Caucus • 256 
 
 Charleston Convention 81 
 
 "Chesapeake, search of the 17 
 
 'Chinese question 281 
 
 Chinese question — Senator Miller's speech 281 
 
 Chinese question — Senator Hoar's reply 285 
 
 Circuit Courts, law for establishment of repealed 15 
 
 Civil Plights Bill, supplementary 221 
 
 Civil Service Order of President Hayes 198 
 
 Civil Service Question, first 12 
 
 Clay's compromise bill "3 
 
 Clay's compromise resolutions 51 
 
 Clay's compromise bill rejected 52 
 
 Clay, resignation of. 4* 
 
 Clay, Speaker of the House 18 
 
 Clintoniau Platform 19 
 
 Close Constructionists • 7 
 
 Colonial Parties 3 
 
 Color in War Politics 169 
 
 Columbia river, settlement of territory, of 25 
 
 Confederate Constitution 97 
 
 Confederate Debt 162 
 
 Confederate States .... 98 
 
 Confederate Taxes 163 
 
 Continental Congress, first and second . 4 
 
 Congress, origin of 4 
 
 Congress, first under Federal constitution 7 
 
 Congi'ess, 26th "' 
 
 Congress, 37th, 2d session 145 
 
 Congress, 37tli, 3d session 1'17 
 
 Congress, 38th, 1st session l-l^ 
 
 Constitution ratified ^ 
 
 Constitution, revision of articles of confederation 6 
 
 Credit Mobilier 200 
 
 Crittenden Compromise lO^l 
 
 Cumberland road act 2o 
 
 Declaration of Independence *
 
 INDEX. 1035 
 
 Paoe. 
 
 Democratic Party 17 
 
 Democratic nomination, 1856 69 
 
 Despatches, Cipher 234 
 
 Disunion Conventions 53 
 
 Disbaudment of provisional army 15 
 
 Douglas' amendment 80 
 
 Electoral Commission, members of 232 
 
 Electoral Count (Hayes and Wheeler) 229 
 
 Emancipation a war necessity 141 
 
 Embargo Act 16 
 
 Enforcement Acts 193 
 
 Enforcement Acts, amendatory 197 
 
 England, rejection of treaty with 17 
 
 Era of Good Feeling 21 
 
 Factions, Republican 253 
 
 Federal Party 17 
 
 Federal Party, downfall of 12 
 
 Fillmore, !Millard, succession of _. 5^ 
 
 Financial crisis 86 
 
 Financial distress 24 
 
 Financial Legislation, internal taxes 149 
 
 Force Bill 197 
 
 Free Soilcrs 60 
 
 French agitation by I'epublicans 9 
 
 Fugitive Slave Law, first 11 
 
 Fugitive Slave Law, repeal of 145 
 
 Funding Bill, 3 per cent • 244 
 
 Garfield 253 
 
 " — assassinated • 260 
 
 Ghent, treaty of 20 
 
 Governors, loyal, address to President ...... • 144 
 
 Grangers 218 
 
 Grant 191 
 
 Greenback Party 194 
 
 Hardships endured by the New England States in war of 1812 20 
 
 Harrison, nomination of 38 
 
 " inauguration of 39 
 
 Hartford Convention 20 
 
 Hartford Convention, delegates 20 
 
 Hayes, administration of 237 
 
 Hayes, closing hours of his administration 240 
 
 Hayes and Wheeler, election of 228 
 
 Hayes' title to the Presidency 233 
 
 Hour Rule in the House 39 
 
 Impeachment trial, first 16 
 
 Independent treasury act repealed 39 
 
 Interior Department^ creation of 50 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, death of 33 
 
 " election of 28 
 
 Jay's treaty with England 9 
 
 Jay's instructions demanded 10
 
 1036 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 JeflFerson, election of 12 
 
 Jefferson, inauguration of 12 
 
 Joknson, Andrew 178 
 
 " impeachment of 179 
 
 " policy of 178 
 
 Kansas admitted 56 
 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill 55 
 
 Kansas struggle 71 
 
 Know-Nothing Party 65 
 
 Land distribution 45 
 
 League, White 223 
 
 Lecompton constitution ^ 79 
 
 Legal Tender Decision 194 
 
 Liberal Republicans 199 
 
 Lincoln, 1st administration of • • • 120 
 
 " 2d " " 177 
 
 Lincoln and Douglas debate 73 
 
 Log-RoUing, first exhibition of 8 
 
 Louisiana, purchase of 15 
 
 " fears of the people for the result 15 
 
 " price paid 16 
 
 Louisiana's Representatives admitted • 168 
 
 Madison, James, election of 18 
 
 Marine, Merchant 296 
 
 McClellan's political letters 175 
 
 Mexico, treaty with 49 
 
 Mileage 214 
 
 Missouri Compromise 24 
 
 Monroe, inauguration of 21 
 
 Monroe Doctrine 23 
 
 Monroe's re-election 24 
 
 Mormonism, suppression of 264 
 
 National Bank scheme, old issue against revived 18 
 
 " " «' passage of bill to establish • . 21 
 
 National Bank of the United States, Bill 41 
 
 " '• " " bill for renewal of charter vetoed 31 
 
 " " << " conduct of the 31 
 
 downfall of 32 
 
 Second Bill 43 
 
 <' " '< " vetoed 42 
 
 " «' " " war of the 31 
 
 National Loans, history of 246 
 
 National Republicans, convention of 31 
 
 Native American Party 54 
 
 Naturalization law H 
 
 " uniform system of 15 
 
 Naval Department proposition to abolish defeated 15 
 
 Navy • 46 
 
 Negro Exodus 240 
 
 Neutrality, armed, the first 10 
 
 Neutrality, proclamation of •
 
 INDEX. 1037 
 
 Paqb. 
 
 New Jersey elections contested 37 
 
 Non-intercourse act, revival of 18 
 
 Nullification, origin of doctrine of 28 
 
 " doctrine of discussed 29 
 
 Ordinance of State of South Carolina 32 
 
 Oregon treaty 47 
 
 Pairing -ofiF 37 
 
 Particularista 6 
 
 Peace Convention 106 
 
 Peace Parties 19 
 
 Peirce, Franklin, election of 54 
 
 Pensions, naval 40 
 
 Politics, current 298 
 
 Polk, James K., nomination of 45 
 
 Pre-emption system , 37 
 
 Prohibitory Party 196 
 
 Protective tariff 21 
 
 Protective TariflF discussions 28 
 
 Proclamation, Lincoln 169 
 
 Emancipation, Sept. 22, 1862 141 
 
 " " January 1, 1863 143 
 
 Readjusters 263 
 
 Rebellion, Congress on the eve of 113 
 
 Recall of American Minister and declaration of war of 1812 18 
 
 Reconstruction 169 
 
 " act 39th Congress 171 
 
 •' act supplemental 40th Congress 172 
 
 " measures, text of 171 
 
 Reform in Civil Service 200 
 
 Republican Association of Washington 70 
 
 " Convention, Chicago 86 
 
 " and Federal Parties 8 
 
 " Party 69 
 
 " Liberal 199 
 
 Returning Boards 217 
 
 Salary Grab 214 
 
 San Domingo, annexation of 196 
 
 Scott, Dred, suit 56 
 
 Secession Message, Mayor Wood's 112 
 
 " Preparing for 87 
 
 Sedition law 11 
 
 Seizure of American vessels 9 
 
 Seward as Secretary of State 149 
 
 Seward's proposal 51 
 
 Sinking Fund for redemption of public debt 15 
 
 Slave Trade, first law in relation to passed 15 
 
 Slavery question, inception of • . . . . 35 
 
 Slavery in the territories 49 
 
 South American States, question of recognizing the independence of 23 
 
 Southern Congress, proceedings of 97 
 
 South American question 269 
 
 Star Route scandal 277
 
 1038 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Strong GoTernment Whigs 5 
 
 States, the coming 278 
 
 " rebellious, readmission of ■ . 193 
 
 Tariff 44 
 
 Taxes, Confederate 163 
 
 Taxes, Internal 151 
 
 Taylor, Zach., nomination of 50 
 
 Topeka Constitution 79 
 
 Tory Party 3 
 
 Treasury, deficit 45 
 
 Tweuty-first rule 53 
 
 Tyler, John, succession of 39 
 
 Van Buren, election of 36 
 
 '' resignation from Cabinet 32 
 
 Virginia's political power, jealousy of 18 
 
 Virginia Convention, proceedings of 91 
 
 Washington, Farewell Address 10 
 
 " re-election of 9 
 
 War of 1812, primary cause of 17 
 
 West Virginia admitted 158 
 
 Whig Party 3 
 
 " appears for the last time 54 
 
 Whiskey Rebellion 8 
 
 Whiskey Ring 222 
 
 Wilmot Proviso 48 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 
 Date. Page. 
 
 1798 Virginia Resolutions 3 
 
 1799 Answers of the Several State Legislatures 6 
 
 1798-99 Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 10 
 
 1796 Washington's Farewell Address to the People 14 
 
 1800 Republican Platform, Philadelphia 21 
 
 1812 Clintonian Platform 22 
 
 1815 Resolutions passeil by Hartford Convention 23 
 
 1830 Anti-masonic resolution 24 
 
 1832 National Democratic Platform 24 
 
 1836 Locofoco Platform 24 
 
 1836 Wliig Resolutions 24 
 
 1839 Abolition Resolution 25 
 
 1840-48 Abolition Platform 26 
 
 1840 Democratic Platform 26 
 
 1843 Liberty Platform 26 
 
 1844 WhigPlalform 27 
 
 1814 Democratic Pl!it form "^S 
 
 1848 Democratic Platform 28
 
 INDEX. 1039 
 
 I>ATE. Page. 
 
 1848 Whig Principles adopted at a Republican meeting 30 
 
 1818 Butfalo riatforta 30 
 
 1852 Democratic Platform 32 
 
 1852 Whig Platform 33 
 
 1852 Free-Soil Platform 34 
 
 185G American Platform 85 
 
 185G Democratic Platform 36 
 
 1856 Republican Platform 39 
 
 1856 Whig Platform 40 
 
 18G0 Constitutional Union Platform 41 
 
 1860 Republican Platform 41 
 
 1860 Democratic (Douglas) Platform 43 
 
 18G0 Democratic (Brcckenridgc) Platform . . . • 43 
 
 1864 Radical Platform 44 
 
 18G4 Republican Platform 44 
 
 1864 Democratic Platfoi-m 45 
 
 1868 Republican Platform 46 
 
 18G8 Democratic Platform 47 
 
 1872 Labor Reform Platform 49 
 
 1872 Prohibition Platform 50 
 
 1872 Liberal Republican Platform 50 
 
 1872 Democratic Platform 51 
 
 1872 Republican Platform 51 
 
 1872 Democi-atic (Straight-out) Platform 53 
 
 1875 American National Platform 53 
 
 1876 Prohibition Reform Platform 54 
 
 1876 Independent (Greenback) Platform 54 
 
 1876 Republican Platform 55 
 
 1876 Democratic Platform 57 
 
 1878 National Platform 59 
 
 1879 National Liberal Platform 60 
 
 1880 Independent Republican Principles 60 
 
 1880 Republican Platform 61 
 
 1880 National (Greenback) Platform 63 
 
 1880 Prohibition Reform Platform 64 
 
 1880 Democratic Platform 66 
 
 1880 Virginia Republican 67 
 
 1880 Virginia Readjuster 67 
 
 1880 Virginia Democratic 68 
 
 COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANKS ON GREAT POLITICAL QUESTIONS. 
 
 General Party Doctrines 69 
 
 The Rebellion 70 
 
 Home Rule 70 
 
 Internal Improvements 72 
 
 National Debt and Interest, the Public Credit, Repudiation, etc 73 
 
 Resumption 74 
 
 Capital and Labor 74 
 
 Tariff 75 
 
 Education 76 
 
 Duty to Union Soldiers and Sailors 76 
 
 Naturalization and Allegiance 77 
 
 Chinese 78 
 
 Civil Service 79
 
 1040 INDEX. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 GKEAT SPEECHES ON GREAT ISSUES. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Adams, John 8 
 
 Benjamin, Judah P 119 
 
 Benton, Thomas H 237 
 
 Blaine, James G 171-240 
 
 Broomall, John M 186 
 
 Buchanan, James 95 
 
 Calhoun, John C 24-80 
 
 Cass, Lewis 96 
 
 Cameron, J. D 233 
 
 Cameron, Simon 162 
 
 Carey, Henry 159 
 
 Clay, Henry 23-86 
 
 Conkling, Roscoe <, 176-202 
 
 Davis, Henry Winter 115 
 
 Davis, Jefferson 147 
 
 Dougherty, Daniel 205 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A 126 
 
 Eldridge, Charles A 189 
 
 Everett, Edward 18 
 
 Frye, Wm. P 206 
 
 Garfield, James A ' 203 
 
 Garrison, William Lloyd 120 
 
 Giddings, Joshua R , 116 
 
 Gray, George 205 
 
 Greeley, Horace 99 
 
 Grow, Galusha A 123 
 
 Hayne, Robt. Y 21-26 
 
 Henry, Patrick 7-10 
 
 Hill, Benjamin H 207 
 
 Ingcrsoll, Robert G 201 
 
 Knott, J. Proctor 154 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham 126 
 
 Logan, John A 165 
 
 Mahone, William 217 
 
 Mcriure, A. K 191 
 
 Morrill, Justin S 223 
 
 Morton, Oliver P 161 
 
 Parker, Theodore 121 
 
 Randolph, John 13-20 
 
 Raynor, Kenneth 112 
 
 Seward, William H 122 
 
 Sumner, Charles 123 
 
 Toombs. Robert 117 
 
 Vallandigham, Clement L 97 
 
 Webster, Daniel 19-48 
 
 Wilson, James 8 
 
 Wilson, Henry 149 
 
 Wise, Henry A 109
 
 INDEX. 1041 
 
 BOOK IT. 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, CONSTITUTION, DECLARATION AND 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Confederation, articles of 8 
 
 Declaration of Independence 3 
 
 Jefferson's Manual 
 
 Absence, Sec. 8 26 
 
 Adjournment, Sec. 50 62 
 
 Address, Sec. 10 27 
 
 Amendment, Sec. 35 41 
 
 Amendment between the Houses, Sec. 45 48 
 
 Arrangement of business, Sec. 14 29 
 
 Assent, Sec. 48 50 
 
 Bills, Sec. 22 33 
 
 Bills, commitment, Sec. 26 84 
 
 Bills, first reading, Sec. 24 33 
 
 Bills, second reading. Sec. 25 33 
 
 Bills, third reading. Sec. 40 44 
 
 Bills, second reading in the House, Sec. 31 37 
 
 Bills, leave to bring in. Sec. 23 33 
 
 Bills, recommitment, Sec. 28 35 
 
 Bills, Report taken up, Sec. 29 36 
 
 Bills sent to the other House, Sec. 44 48 
 
 Call of the House, Sec, 7 26 
 
 Co-existing Questions, Sec. 37 43 
 
 Committees, Sec. 11 27 
 
 Committee of the Whole, Sec. 12 27 
 
 Conferences, Sec. 46 49 
 
 Division of the House, Sec. 41 45 
 
 Division of the Question, Sec. 36 43 
 
 Elections, Sec. 4 25 
 
 Equivalent Questions, Sec. 38 44 
 
 Examination of Witnesses, Sec. 13 28 
 
 Impeachment, Sec. 53 54 
 
 Importance of adhering to rules. Sec. 1 22 
 
 Journals, Sec. 49 51 
 
 Legislature, Sec. 2 22 
 
 Messages, Sec. 47 • • 50 
 
 Motions, Sec. 20 33 
 
 Order, Sec. 15 29 
 
 Order, in debate, Sec. 17 30 
 
 Order, respecting papers. Sec. 16 30 
 
 Orders of the House, Sec. 18 32 
 
 Petition, Sec. 19 32 
 
 Previous Questions, Sec. 34 40 
 
 Privilege, Sec. 3 23 
 
 Privileged Questions, Sec. 33 88 
 
 Qualification, Sec. 5 25 
 
 Quasi-Committee, Sec. 30 36 
 
 Question, the, Sec. 39 44
 
 1042 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Quorum, Sec. 6 26 
 
 Eeading Papers, Sec. 32 37 
 
 Reconsideration, Sec. 43 47 
 
 Report of Committee, Sec. 27 35 
 
 Resolutions, Sec. 21 33 
 
 Session, a. Sec. 51 52 
 
 Speaker, Sec. 9 26 
 
 Titles, Sec. 42 47 
 
 Treaties, Sec. 52 , 62 
 
 Ordinance of 1787 10 
 
 Ratification of Constitution 20 
 
 Ratification of amendment to Constitution 25 
 
 INDEX TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Akt. Sec. Page. 
 
 Arts and sciences, to he -pTomoted •. . 1 8 15 
 
 Acts, records, and judicial proceedings of each State entitled to faith and 
 
 credit in other States 4 1 17 
 
 Amendments to the Constitution, how made 5 1 18 
 
 made , . 19 
 
 Appointments to be made by the President 2 2 16 
 
 Apportionment of representatives 1 2 13 
 
 Appropriations by law 1 9 15 
 
 Appropriation for army not to exceed two yeara 1 8 15 
 
 Armies, Congress to raise and support 1 8 15 
 
 Arms, right of the people to keep and bear . . 19 
 
 Assemble, people may . . 19 
 
 Attainder, bill of, prohibited to Congress 1 9 15 
 
 prohibited to the States 1 10 16 
 
 of treason shall not work corruption of blood or forfeiture, 
 
 except during the life of the person attainted .3 3 17 
 
 Bail, excessive, not required . . 19 
 
 Bankruptcy laws to he wm^ovm 1 8 15 
 
 Bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives .1 7 14 
 before they become laws, shall be passed by both houses and 
 approved by the President ; or, if disapproved, shall be passed 
 
 by two-thirds of each house 1 7 14 
 
 not returned in ten days, unless an adjournment intervene, 
 
 shall be laws 1 7 15 
 
 Borroio money, Congress may 1 8 15 
 
 Capitation tax, apportionment of 1 9 15 
 
 Census, or enumeration, to be made every ten yeara 1 2 13 
 
 Citizens of the United States, viho are, (14th amendment) 1 20 
 
 privileges or immunities of, not to be 
 abridged by any State (Mth amend- 
 ment) 1 20 
 
 Citizens of United ^Stales, not to be abridged on account of color, race, or 
 
 previous condition of servi- 
 tude, (15th amendment) ... 1 20 
 Citizens of each State shall be cntilloil to the privileges and immunities of 
 
 cilizcua in tlie several States 4 2 17
 
 INDEX. 
 
 1043 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 
 I'J 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 Aet. Sec. Page. 
 
 Claims, no prejudice to certain 4 3 17 
 
 of tlio United States, or of the several States, not to be 
 
 prejudiced by any construction of tlio Constitution ... 4 3 18 
 
 Coasting trade, regulations respecting 1 
 
 Coin, Congress fix value of foreign 1 
 
 Commerce, Congress to regulate 1 
 
 regulations respecting, to be ec^ual and uniform . • . . . . 1 
 
 Commissions to be granted by the President 2 
 
 Common law recognized and established, (7th amendment) 
 
 Congrest vested with power 1 
 
 may alter the regulations of State legislatures concerning elec- 
 tions of senators and representatives, except as to place of 
 
 choosing senators 1 
 
 shall assemble once evei-y year 1 
 
 officers of government cannot be members of 1 
 
 may provide for cases of removal, death, &c., of President and 
 
 Vice-President 2 1 IG 
 
 may determine the time of choosing electors of President and 
 
 Vice-President 2 1 16 
 
 may invest the appointment of inferior officers in the President 
 
 alone, in the courts of law, or the heads of departments ... 2 2 16 
 
 may establish courts inferior to the Supreme Court 3 1 17 
 
 may declare the punishment of treason 3 3 17 
 
 may prescribe the manner of proving the acts and records of 
 
 each State 4 1 17 
 
 to assent to the formation of new States 4 3 18 
 
 may propose amendments to Constitution or call a convention .5 1 18 
 
 to lay and collect duties 1 8 15 
 
 to borrow money 1 8 15 
 
 to regulate commerce • 1 8 15 
 
 to establish uniform laws of bankruptcy and naturalization . . 1 8 15 
 
 to coin money, to regulate the value of coin, and fix a standard 
 
 of weights and measures 1 8 15 
 
 to punish counterfeiting 1 8 15 
 
 to constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court 1 8 15 
 
 to define and punish piracies, felonies on the high seas, and of- 
 fenses against the laws of nations 1 8 15 
 
 to establish post offices and post roads 1 8 15 
 
 to authorize patents to authors and inventors 1 8 15 
 
 to declare war, grant letters of marque, and make rules concern- 
 ing captures 1 8 15 
 
 to raise and support armies 1 8 15 
 
 to provide and maintain a navy 1 8 15 
 
 to make rules for the government of the army and navy . ... 1 8 15 
 
 to call out the militia in certain cases 1 8 15 
 
 to organize, arm, and discipline militia 1 8 15 
 
 to exercise exclusive legislation over seat of government . ... 1 8 15 
 
 to pass laws necessary to carry the enumerated powers into 
 
 eflFect 1 8 15 
 
 to dispose of and make rules concerning the territory or other 
 
 property of the United States 4 3 18 
 
 President may convene and adjourn in certain cases .... 2 3 17 
 
 may enforce prohibition of slavery by appropriate legislation, 
 
 (amendment) 13 2 20
 
 Habeas corpus, writ of, can be suspended in cases of rebellion or in- 
 vasion 
 
 I/ousfi of Representatives. (Sec Rrpresentatives.) 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 
 19 
 
 1044 INDEX. 
 
 Art, Sec. Page. 
 Congress may, by a two-third's vote, remove disability of persons who en- 
 gaged in rebellion, (14th amendment) 14 3 20 
 
 shall have power, by appropriate legislation, to enforce the pro- 
 visions of Article XIV, (14th amendment) 14 5 20 
 
 shall have power to enforce the provisions of Article XV, (15th 
 
 amendment) 15 
 
 representation in, how apportioned, (14th amendment) .... 
 
 Constitution^ how amended 5 
 
 laws and treaties declared to be the supreme law 6 
 
 rendered operative by the ratification of nine States 7 
 
 Contracts, no law impairing 1 
 
 Conventions for proposing amendments to the Constitution 5 
 
 Counterfiiling, Congress to provide for punishment of 1 
 
 Court, Supreme, its original and appellate jurisdiction . . . . " 3 
 
 Courts inferior to the Supreme Court may be ordained by Congress ... 1 
 
 Ditto Ditto 3 
 
 Crimes, persons accused of, fleeing from justice, may be demanded ... 4 
 
 how to be tried 3 
 
 CriWna^^rosecM^fores, proceedings in cases of 
 
 Debts against the confederation to be valid 6 1 18 
 
 Debt, public, authorized by law, shall not be questioned, (14th amend- 
 ment) 4 20 
 
 incurred in aid of rebellion not to be assumed or paid, (14th' 
 
 amendment) 
 
 Disahility of persons who engaged in rebellion (14th amendment) . 
 
 Duties to be laid by Congress, and to be uniform 
 
 further provision respecting 
 
 cannot be laid by the States • • 
 
 on exports prohibited 
 
 on imports and exports imposed by States shall inure to the treasu- 
 ry of the United States 1 10 16 
 
 Elections of Senators and representative shall be prescribed by the 
 
 States 1 4 14 
 
 qualifications and returns of members of Congress to be de- 
 termined by each house 1 
 
 Electors of President and Vice-President, how chosen, and their duties . . 2 
 
 altered (see 12th amendment) 
 
 to vote the same day throughout the United States 2 
 
 no senator or representative, or public officer, shall serve as . . 2 
 
 Enumeration every ten years 1 
 
 Executive power vested in in the President, (see President) 2 
 
 Exports not to be taxed 1 
 
 and imports. States prohibited from laying duties on 1 
 
 Ex, post facto law, none shall be passed 1 
 
 pr(jhibited to States 1 
 
 Fines, excessive proliibitcd 
 
 Fuijitivea from justice to be delivered up 4 
 
 from service may be reclaiiiicd 4 2 17 
 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 .. 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 .. 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 1 9 15 
 
 Impeachment in ho, hrc\\'^}\\ y)y House of Representatives 1 2 13 
 
 tried by the Senate 1 3 14
 
 INDEX 1045 
 
 Art. Sec. Page. 
 
 Impeachment, judgment on 1 3 14 
 
 all civil officers liable to 2 4 17 
 
 Importation of slaves, not prohibited till 1808 1 9 15 
 
 Judges shall hold their office during good behavior 3 1 17 
 
 their compensation 3 1 17 
 
 Judiciarij — tribunals inferior to Supreme Court may be created .... 1 8 15 
 
 y^U(/icjaZjooii?er vested in a Supreme Court and courts inferior 3 1 17 
 
 powers of the judiciary 3 2 17 
 
 restriction as to suits against a State . . 19 
 
 Judicial proceedings of each State are entitled to faith and credit in every 
 
 State 4 1 17 
 
 Jury trial secured, and shall be held in the State where the crime shall 
 
 have been committed 3 2 17 
 
 further regulated, (6th amendment) . . 19 
 
 secured in suits at common law where the value of controver- 
 sy shall exceed twenty dollars, (7th amendment) .. 19 
 
 Law, what is declared the supreme 6 1 18 
 
 common, recognized and established, (7th amendment) 
 
 Laws, President to see them faithfully executed 2 3 17 
 
 Legislative powers vested in Congress. (See Congress.) 
 
 Loans, authority to make 1 8 15 
 
 Marque and reprisal, letters of 1 8 15 
 
 Militia to be called out 1 8 15 
 
 to be officered by the States 1 8 15 
 
 to be commanded by the President 2 2 19 
 
 their right to keep and bear arms secured, (2d amendment) . . 19 
 
 Money shall be drawn from the treasury only by appropriation laws . . 1 9 15 
 
 Congress to coin and regulate value of 1 8 15 
 
 States cannot make 1 10 16 
 
 Naturalization, uniioYrarvlQSoi 1 8 15 
 
 Navy, Congress to provide and govern ■••1 8 15 
 
 Nobility, titles of, shall not be granted by the United States 1 9 15 
 
 nor by the States 1 10 12 
 
 Oath of the President 2 1 16 
 
 of the public officers 6 1 18 
 
 Office, who prohibited from holding, (14th amendment) 3 20 
 
 Officers of the House of Representatives shall be chosen by the House .1 2 13 
 
 Officers of the Senate shall be chosen by the Senate 1 3 14 
 
 civil, may be removed by impeachment 2 4 17 
 
 Order of one house requii-ing the concurrence of the other 1 7 14 
 
 Pardons, President may grant 2 2 16 
 
 Patents to be granted to inventors 1 8 15 
 
 Petition, right of . . 19 
 
 Persons held to service or labor, their importation or migration into the 
 
 United States may be prohibited after 1808 1 9 15 
 
 escaping from one State to another shall be delivered up to those 
 
 entitled to service 4 2 17 
 
 Piracy, Congress to prescribe punishment for 1 8 15 
 
 Post offices and post roads, establishment of 1 8 15 
 
 66
 
 1046 INDEX. 
 
 Art. Sec. Page. 
 Powers not delegated to Congress nor prohibited to the States are re- 
 served, (10th amendment) .. 19 
 
 legislative. (See Congress.) 
 executive. (See Preddent.) 
 judicial. {See Judicial.) 
 
 Presents from foreign powers to public officers prohibited 1 9 15 
 
 Press, freedom of 
 
 President of theU. S. yested \fiih. the executive power 2 1 16 
 
 shall be chosen for four years 2 I 16 
 
 how elected 2 1 16 
 
 same, (12th amendment) , . 19 
 
 qualifications for 2 1 16 
 
 Trho shall act in case of vacancy 2 1 16 
 
 compensation of 2 1 16 
 
 shall take an oath of office 2 1 10 
 
 may be removed by impeachment 2 4 17 
 
 Pre«ic?ew<, commander of army, navy, and militia 2 2 16 
 
 may require the written opinion of the heads of departments .2 2 16 
 
 may reprieve and pardon 2 2 16 
 
 may make treaties with consent of the Senate 2 2 16 
 
 may appoint to office with consent of the Senate 2 2 16 
 
 shall fill up vacancies happening during the recess of the Senate. 2 2 16 
 
 shall give information to Congress and recommend measures .2 3 17 
 
 may conv-ene both houses or either house 2 3 17 
 
 may adjourn them in case of disagreement 2 3 17 
 
 shall receive ambassadors and public ministers 2 3 17 
 
 shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed 2 3 17 
 
 shall commission all officers 2 3 71 
 
 Prtw'Ze^es and immunities of members of Congress 1 6 14 
 
 of citizens. (See Citizens, also Riijhts.) 
 
 Property, Congress to provide for care of public 4 3 18 
 
 sliall not be taken for public use without just compensation, (5th 
 
 amendment) 
 
 Punishments, cruel and ynusual, prohibited 
 
 Quorum for business, what shall be a 1 
 
 of States in choosing a President by the House of Representatives 2 
 Quartered, no soldier to be quartered on a citizen 
 
 Rebellion, debt incurred in aid of, not to be assumed or paid, (14th amend- 
 ment) 
 
 disability of persons who have engaged in (14th amendment) . .. 
 
 Receipts and expenditures, accounts of, to be published 1 
 
 Records, how to be authenticated 4 
 
 Religion — no law to be made — free exercise of 
 
 religious test not rccjuired 6 
 
 Reprieves granted by the President 2 
 
 Representatives, House of, composed of members chosen every second year 1 
 
 qualifications of voters 1 
 
 (jiialificat ions of members 1 
 
 a])])ortionment of 1 
 
 vacancies, how supplied ." 1 
 
 sliall choose their olTiccrs 1 
 
 shall have the power of impeachment 1 2 13 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 • 
 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 2, 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 13
 
 INDEX 
 
 1047 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 G 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 G 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 Aet. Sec. Page. 
 Representation shall be the judge of tlic election and qualifications of 
 
 its members 1 
 
 what shall be a quorum 1 
 
 any number may adjourn and compel the attendance of 
 
 absentees 1 
 
 may determine the rules of proceeding 1 
 
 may punish or expel a member 1 
 
 shall keep a journal and publish the same 1 
 
 shall not adjourn for more than three days nor to any 
 other place, without the consent of the Senate .... 1 
 
 one-iifth may require the yeas and nays 1 
 
 shall originate bills for raising revenue 1 
 
 compensation to be ascertained by law 1 
 
 privileged from arrest, except in certain cases 1 
 
 Representatives shall not be questioned for speech or debate in the House 1 
 
 shall not be appointed to office 1 
 
 shall not serve as electors of President 2 
 
 and direct taxes apportioned according to numbers ... 1 
 Low apportioned among the several States, (14th amend- 
 ment) 
 
 who prohibited from being, (14th amendment) 
 
 of a State, vacancies in, supplied until a new election by 
 
 executive authoi'ity 1 2 13 
 
 Resolution, order, or vote, requiring the concurrence of both houses, to 
 
 undergo the formalities of bills 1 7 14 
 
 Revenue bills to originate in the House of Representatives 1 7 14 
 
 Ri<jhts of the citizen declared to be — 
 
 privileges of citizens of the several States 4 2 17 
 
 liberty of conscience in matters of religion . . 19 
 
 freedom of speech and of the press .. 19 
 
 to assemble and petition .' . . 19 
 
 to keep and bear arms ,. 19 
 
 to be exempt from the quartering of soldiers .. 19 
 
 to be secure from unreasonable searches and seizures . . 19 
 
 to be free from answering for a crime, unless on presentment 
 
 or indictment of a jury .. 19 
 
 not to be twice jeoparded for the same offence .. 19 
 
 not to be compelled to be a witness against himself . . 19 
 
 not to be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due 
 
 course of law . , 19 
 
 private property not to be taken for public use . , 19 
 
 in criminal prosecutions, shall enjoy the right of a speedy 
 
 trial by jury, with all the means necessary for his defence • .. .. 19 
 
 in civil cases trial to be by jury, and shall only be re-examined 
 
 according to common law . . 19 
 
 excessive bail shall not be required, excessive fines imposed, 
 
 no cruel nor unusual punishment inflicted . . 19 
 
 enumeration of certain rights shall not operate against re- 
 tained rights . . 19 
 
 Rules, each house shall determine its own 1 6 14 
 
 Seat of government, exclusive legislation 1 8 15 
 
 Searches and seizures, security against . . 19 
 
 Senate, composed of two senators from each State 1 3 14 
 
 how chosen, classed, and tei'ms of sei'vice 1 3 14
 
 1048 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aet. 
 
 Senate, qualifications of senators 
 
 Vice-President to be President of the 
 
 shall choose their officers 
 
 shall be the judge of the elections and qualifications of its members 
 
 ■what number shall be a quorum • 
 
 any number may adjourn, and compel attendance of absentees . . 
 
 may determine its rules 
 
 may punish or expel a member 
 
 shall keep a journal, and publish the same, except parts requiring 
 
 secrecy 
 
 shall not adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place, 
 
 without the consent of the other house 
 
 one-fifth may require the yeas and nays 
 
 may propose amendments to bills for raising revenue 
 
 shall try impeachments 
 
 effect of their judgment on impeachment 
 
 compensation to be ascertained by law 
 
 privileged from arrest 
 
 not questioned for any speech or debate 
 
 shall not be appointed to office 
 
 Senator, shall not be elector 
 
 who prohibited from being, (14th amendment) 
 
 Senators and representatives, elections of, how prescribed 
 
 Slaves, their importation may be prohibited after 1808 
 
 escaping from one State to another may be reclaimed .... • . 4 
 claims for the loss or emancipation of, to be held illegal and void, 
 (14th amendment) • . . . . 
 
 (Slavery, except as a punishment for crime, prohibited, amendment . . . . 13 
 Congress authorized to enforce the prohibition of, (amend- 
 ment) 13 
 
 Soldiers not quartered on citizens 
 
 Speaker, how chosen j 1 
 
 Speech, freedom of 
 
 States prohibited from — 
 
 entering into treaty, alliance, or confederation 1 
 
 granting letters of marque 1 
 
 coining money 1 
 
 emitting bills of credit 1 
 
 making anything a tender but gold and silver coin 1 
 
 prohibited from — 
 
 passing bills of attainder, ex post facto laws, or laws impairing 
 
 contracts 1 
 
 granting titles of nobility 1 
 
 laying duties on imports and exports 1 
 
 laying duties on tonnage 1 
 
 keeping troops or ships of war in time of peace 1 
 
 entering into any agreement or contract with another State or 
 
 foreign power 1 
 
 engaging in war 1 
 
 abridging right of United States citizens of, to vote on account of 
 race or color, (l-'itli amendment) 
 
 States, new, may be admitted into the Union 4 
 
 may be admitted within the jurisdiction of others, or by the junc- 
 tion of two or more, with the consent of Congress and the legisla- 
 tures concerned 4 
 
 Sec. 
 
 Page. 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 
 19 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 •• 
 
 19 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 20 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 18
 
 2 
 
 1.1 
 
 9 
 
 lo 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 16 
 
 
 18 
 
 INDEX. 1049 
 
 Art. Sec. Page. 
 State judges boTind to consider treaties, the Constitution, and the laws un- 
 der it, as supreme 6 . . 18 
 
 State, every, guarantied a republican form of government, protected by 
 
 United States 4 4 18 
 
 Supreme Court. (See Court and Judiciary.) 
 
 Suits at common law, proceedings in . . 19 
 
 Tax, direct, according to representation 1 
 
 shall be laid only in proportion to census 1 
 
 Tax on exports prohibited 1 
 
 Tender, what nhall be a legal 1 
 
 Territory or public property, Congress may make rules concerning ... 4 
 
 Test, religious, shall not be required 6 
 
 Titles. (See Nobility.) 
 
 Title from foreign state prohibited 1 
 
 Treason, detined •••.... 3 
 
 two witnesses, or confession, necessary for conviction 3 
 
 punishment of, may be prescribed by Congress 3 
 
 Treasury, money drawn fi'om, only by appropriation 1 
 
 Treaties, how made 2 
 
 the supreme law g 
 
 States cannot make • • • . . 1 10 16 
 
 Vacancies happening during the recess may be filled temporarily by the 
 
 President 2 
 
 in representation in Congress, how filled 1 
 
 Veto of the President, efi"ect of, and proceedings on 1 
 
 Vice-President of the U. S. to be President of the Senate 1 
 
 how elected 2 
 
 amendment 
 
 shall, in certain cases, discharge the duties of 
 
 President 2 
 
 may be removed by impeachment 2 
 
 Foie of one house requiring the concurrence of the other 1 
 
 right of citizens to, not to be abridged on account of race or color, 
 
 (loth amendment) 1 20 
 
 War, Congress to declare 1 8 15 
 
 Warrants for searches and seizures, when and how they shall issue (14th 
 
 amendment) .. 19 
 
 Witness, in criminal cases, no one compelled to be against himself (5th 
 
 amendment) .. '19 
 
 Weights and Measures, standard of 1 8 15 
 
 Yeas and nays entered on journal 1 6 14 
 
 2 
 
 IG 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 14
 
 1050 INDEX. 
 
 booe: y. 
 
 EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 
 
 Appobtionment and Representatiox. 
 
 Number of members of the House of Representatives 7 
 
 States represented and number of Representatives from each State 8 
 
 Representatives of new States 8 
 
 Reduction of Representatives under 14th amendment 8 
 
 Elections to be by Districts of contiguous Territory 8 
 
 Each district electing no more than one Representative 8 
 
 Uniform time for holding elections in the States and Territories 8 
 
 The day for electing Representatives and Delegates 8 
 
 Elections to fill Vacancies 8 
 
 Votes for Representatives to be by written or printed Ballot 8 
 
 Court or Claims. 
 
 Appointment of the Judges 10 
 
 Pay 10 
 
 Number 10 
 
 Oath to be taken by each one of the Judges 10 
 
 How long each one of the Judges may hold his position 10 
 
 Salary is due 10 
 
 Session of the Court 10 
 
 Number of Sessions a year 10 
 
 Duration of the Sessions 10 
 
 Time of year for holding Sessions 10 
 
 Statement to be rendered to Congress by Clerk of Court of Claims 10 
 
 Time for rendering the statement 10 
 
 Persons not allowed to practice in the Court of Claims 10 
 
 Election of president and Vice-President and providing for vacancies in those 
 
 OFFICES 4 
 
 Number of electors to bo appointed by each State 4 
 
 Persons ineligible for appointment . 4 
 
 Whole number of Electors according to Cons. Art. II, Sec. 1, cl. 2, and the last 
 
 apportionment of Representatives 4 
 
 Number of Electors to which such State is entitled . 4 
 
 Time of appointing Electors 4 
 
 Penalty for conspiring to prevent, by force, threat or intimidation, any citizen of 
 
 any State or Territory, Avho is lawfully entitled to vote, from supporting any 
 
 qualified person as an Elector for President or Vice-President 4 
 
 Vacancies in the Electoral College 5 
 
 In case of failure to elect on the day appointed 5 
 
 Time of meeting of the Electoral College 5 
 
 Certified Lists of Electors to be made 5 
 
 Number of lists rcfiuired by law of the Evccutivc of .each State 5 
 
 Time wiicn the lists shall be delivered to the electors 5 
 
 Manner of voting 5 
 
 Certificates to be signed by the Electors 5 
 
 Number of certificates to bo signed 5 
 
 Certificates to contain two distinct lists, viz : The votes for President and the 
 
 votes for Vice-President 5 
 
 Certificates to be scaled mikI indorsed by the electors 5 
 
 Disposition to be made of the certificates 6
 
 INDEX. 1051 
 
 Pages. 
 
 To be delivered to t 5 
 
 Time for delivering 5 
 
 In case of failure to receive the Certificates 5 
 
 Counting the Electoral Votes 5 
 
 At what time ' 5 
 
 By whom they are counted 5 
 
 In case the President of the Senate be absent the certificates arc to be delivered to 5 
 
 "Who shall keep them until q 
 
 Mileage of messengers q 
 
 Penalty for neglect of duty by any messenger q 
 
 In case of vacancies by removal, death or resignation in the offices of President 
 
 and Vice-President the acting President for the tkne i^ 6 
 
 Executives of the States to be notified of vacancies 6 
 
 Which shall be published in the newspapers 6 
 
 Character of the notification to the Executives of the States 6 
 
 The notifications shall specify G 
 
 Time of holding elections to fill vacancies Q 
 
 Quadrennial election regulation applicable to electors to fill vacancies 6 
 
 Resignation or refusal to accept the office of President or Vice-President .... 6 
 
 Form of resignation or refusal 6 
 
 To be delivered to 6 
 
 Oath of Senators and President of the Senate 6 
 
 Administered by 6 
 
 Election of Senators 7 
 
 Time for so doing 7 
 
 Conducted in the following manner 7 
 
 If at the meeting of the Legislature of any State a vacancy exists in the represen- 
 tation of such a State in the Senate the legislature proceeds to 7 
 
 Executive of State certifies the election of a Senator to the President of the U. S. 7 
 Law of Nations. 
 
 Origin and Progress of the Law of Nations 98 
 
 The Natural Law of Nations 98 
 
 Necessary Law of Nations 99 
 
 Internal Law of Nations 99 
 
 Positive Law of Nations 99 
 
 Customary Law of Nations 99 
 
 Conventional Law of Nations 99 
 
 Perfect Obligation 100 
 
 Imperfect Obligation , 100 
 
 Jurisdiction of Nations 100 
 
 Mutual Rights and Obligations 100 
 
 Imperfect Rights 100 
 
 Domain 100 
 
 Criminals 100 
 
 Embassadors 101 
 
 Protection of 101 
 
 Passports 101 
 
 Power of Ministers 101 
 
 Distinction between Ministers and embassadors 101 
 
 Consuls 101 
 
 Offensive and defensive war 101 
 
 Neutrals 101 
 
 Just causes for 102 
 
 Objects of 102 
 
 Reprisals. 102
 
 1052 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Alliances 103 
 
 Declaration of War 103 
 
 Ancient custom 103 
 
 Effect upon the person and property of the enemy's subjects 103 
 
 Stratagems 104 
 
 Rights and duties of neutral nations 105 
 
 Contraband goods 105 
 
 Blockade 105 
 
 Eight of search 105 
 
 To prove neutrality of a vessel 106 
 
 Truce 106 
 
 Safe conducts 106 
 
 Treaties of peace 106 
 
 Mediation 106 
 
 Oeoakization of the House of Representatives. 
 
 Oaths by and to whom administered 7 
 
 Time for so doing 7 
 
 Roll of Representatives elect to be made by the clerk 7 
 
 Time for so doing 7 
 
 If there be no clerk the Sergeant-at-arms to act, if there be no Sergeant-at-arms 
 
 the Door Keeper to act 7 
 
 Pay of Certain Public Officers. 
 
 Pay of the President of the U. S. and his privileges 9 
 
 Pay of Vice Presidents and Heads of Dci)artmonts 9 
 
 Pay of President of the Senate Pro-tempore and of the Speaker of the House of 
 
 Representatives 9 
 
 Pay of members of Congress 9 
 
 Mileage 9 
 
 Time of payment of mileage 9 
 
 Allowance for stationery 9 
 
 In case of death 9 
 
 Pay of Judges of Supreme Court 10 
 
 Present Tariff Laws 52 
 
 Schedule of special rates of duty 53 
 
 Supplement to Tariff Laws. 
 
 Silk 76 
 
 Wine 76 
 
 Miscellaneous 76 
 
 Internal Revenue 77 
 
 Collectors may appoint deputies 77 
 
 May revoke appointments on giving notice to 77 
 
 Authority of Deputy to collect 78 
 
 Collectors responsible for money to 78 
 
 To be paid to each collector for stationery, advertising, etc., provided that ... 78 
 
 Net compensation not to exceed . . • 78 
 
 Redemption of internal revenue documentary stamps 78 
 
 Alteration in Sclicdulc B. of the act of June 3()th, 1804 78 
 
 Penalty for non-payment of special tax on liquor 78 
 
 Penalty for using on any cask or package containing or intending to contain dis- 
 tilled spirits, any stamp or label having the appearance of any internal revenue 
 
 stamp 78 
 
 "What constitutes a retail licjunr dealer 79 
 
 Retail lif|Uor dealers to pay 79 
 
 What constitutes a wholesale liquor dealer 79
 
 INDEX. 1053 
 
 Page. 
 
 Wholesale liquor dealers to pay 79 
 
 "When li(|iior dealer has given required bond and sells only distilled spirits of Lis 
 
 own production '. 79 
 
 Retail dealers in malt liquors to pay 79 
 
 "Wholesale " " " 79 
 
 Provided that 79 
 
 Tax on notes paid out and used for circulation of firms and associations other 
 
 than national bank associations 79 
 
 Amount of such circulating notes and the tax thereon to be returned and paid 
 
 according to law 79 
 
 Medicinal articles free from tax when 79 
 
 Fines, penalties and punishments for offences committed by revenue officers ap- 
 plicable to deputies 79 
 
 When a manufacturer of tobacco exports 80 
 
 An act to put Quinine and Sulphate of Quinine on the free list 80 
 
 Ten per cent, reduction of duties repealed and rates as in revised Statutes re- 
 stored 80 
 
 Pension Laws and Supplements 81 
 
 Supplements to Pension Laws 94 
 
 Provisions Relating to Tenure of Certain Civil Offices. 
 
 If a person hold an ofiBce and shall have become duly qualified 10 
 
 Suspension during recess of Senate 10 
 
 To fill vacancies during recess of Senate 11 
 
 Penalty for accepting appointments contrary to four preceding sections .... 11 
 
 Penalty for making appointments contrary to Sections 1707 — 70 11 
 
 President delivers, after adjournment of Senate, commissions 11 
 
 When President without advice of Senate makes an appointment he must notify . 11 
 
 List of persons accepted and rejected by Senate sliall be delivered to 11 
 
 When an office is not authorized 11 
 
 No money shall be paid from Treasury as Salary. Sec. 1761 • . . 11 
 
 No money shall be received from Treasury. Sec. 1702 11 
 
 Election of Senators 12 
 
 Salaries 12 
 
 Present salaries of officer of the Senate 13 
 
 Present salaries of officer of the House of Representatives 14 
 
 Office and compensation of President 15 
 
 Provisions applicable to several classes of officers 15 
 
 Crimes against elective Franchise •••... 20 
 
 Immigration ■ . . . . 24 
 
 Naturalization 24 
 
 An act to amend the Revised Statutes of 27 
 
 Homesteads 27 
 
 Supplement to Revised Statutes 31 
 
 U. S. Land Offices 31 
 
 Civil Rights 31 
 
 Citizenship 34 
 
 Elective Franchise 35 
 
 Freemen 39 
 
 An act to protect all citizens in their Civil and Legal Rights 40 
 
 Alien enemies 41 
 
 Bounty lands 42 
 
 An act to extend the time for filing claims for additional bounties 46 
 
 An act for relief of settlers on Railroad lands 47 
 
 The slave trade 47
 
 1054 INDEX. 
 
 Paoe. 
 
 Crimes, general provisions 49 
 
 Crimes against the existence of the Government 50 
 
 Civil Service — Political assessments 51 
 
 Funding the National Debt 51 
 
 Amendments to the constitution 51 
 
 Uniform time for the election of members of Congress not to apply to certain 
 
 States 51 
 
 Supplements. 
 
 An act amending the laws 94 
 
 An act amending the pension law 95 
 
 An act making appropriations for the payment of arrears of pensions 
 
 An act relating to claim agent and attorneys in Pension cases 96 
 
 Penalty for agents, attorneys, &c., demanding illegal fees in pension cases ... 96 
 An act to amend Sec. Forty-six hundred and Ninety-five of the Kevised Statutes 
 
 of the U. S. . 96 
 
 An act for the payment 96 
 
 An act to restore pensions in certain cases 97 
 
 An act relating to soldiers while in the civil service of the U. S 97 
 
 Limiting prosecution of claims 97 
 
 An act to increase pensions in certain cases 97 
 
 An act for the relief of certain pensions 97 
 
 An act for ihe relief of 98 
 
 An act to allow a pension 98 
 
 An act to increase the pensions 98 
 
 Stjpkeme Court. 
 
 Consists of 10 
 
 Vacancy in the office of Chief Justice 10 
 
 Sessions and Quorums of the court . 10 
 
 Retirement 10 
 
 When the President may change the place of meeting of Congress 9 
 
 BOOK YI. 
 
 FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 
 
 AORiccLTURE. DEPARTMENTS— DUTIES. Page. 
 
 Commissioner 16 
 
 interior. 
 
 Assistant Secretary 13 
 
 Commissioner of Education 14 
 
 " General Land Office 13 
 
 " Patents 13 
 
 " Pensions 13 
 
 " Railroads 14 
 
 Director of Geological Survey 14 
 
 Secretary 13 
 
 Supt. of Census 14 
 
 Justice. 
 
 Assistant Attorney Otkcral 15 
 
 Attorney General 15 
 
 Solicitor 15
 
 INDEX. 1055 
 
 Navy. Page. 
 
 Naval Bureau 12 
 
 Secretary 12 
 
 Pat. 
 
 Assay Officers 55 
 
 Bureau of Education Ill 
 
 Circuit Court 3 
 
 Coast Survey 50 
 
 Consular Clerks . , 34 
 
 Consuls and Commercial Agents 33 
 
 Court of Claims . 17 
 
 Customs .Service 55 
 
 Department — Justice Ill 
 
 Department — Agriculture 112 
 
 Executive Chamber Officers 3 
 
 General Land Officers 108 
 
 Government of District of Columbia 112 
 
 " Trintiug Office and Bindery 112 
 
 Indian Agents Ill 
 
 Interior Department 107 
 
 Internal RevenuQ Agents 46 
 
 " Gangers 54 
 
 " Storekeeper • 54 
 
 Interpreters to Legations and Consulates 34 
 
 Judicial 112 
 
 Letter Carriers 106 
 
 Library of Congress 31 
 
 Light-House Service 50 
 
 Marshals to Consular Courts 34 
 
 National Board of Health 112 
 
 Navy 37 
 
 Offices of the U. S. Surveyors General 108 
 
 Other Department Offices 44 
 
 Pay of Officers of the U. S 3-5 
 
 Pension Agents 108 
 
 Postmasters . . • 59 
 
 Post Office Department 58 
 
 President 3 
 
 Principal Officers in various Departments 40 
 
 Public Building employees 67 
 
 Railway Mail Service I 58 
 
 Receivers of Public Monies in Land Offices 110 
 
 Registers of Land Offices 109 
 
 Revenue Marine Service • • 56 
 
 Salaries at important places • 59 
 
 Sub-treasuries .55 
 
 Supt. of National Cemeteries 57 
 
 Supreme Court 16 
 
 United States Legations abroad 31 
 
 U. S. Mints 55 
 
 Vice-President 3 
 
 War Department 18 
 
 Post Office. 
 
 Assistant Postmaster General 14 
 
 Postmaster General 14
 
 ■ } 
 
 1056 INDEX. 
 
 State, Page. 
 
 Assistant Secretary 4 
 
 Bureau of Accounts 5 
 
 Bureau of Indexes and Archives 4 
 
 Chief Qerk 4 
 
 Consuhir Bureau 5 
 
 Diplomatic Bureau 4 
 
 Examiner of Claims 5 
 
 Rolls and Library 5 
 
 Secretary of State ' 4 
 
 Statistics 5 
 
 TBEAStTRY. 
 
 Assistant Secretaries 5 
 
 Auditors of Customs 6 
 
 Commissioners of Customs 6 
 
 " Internal Revenue 10 
 
 Comptroller of Currency 9 
 
 " Treasury 5 
 
 Director of Mint 9 
 
 Genl. Supt. Life-Saving Service 11 
 
 Register of the Treasury 9 
 
 Solicitor 9 
 
 Supt. of Coast and Geodetic Survey 11 
 
 Supervising Inspector General of Steam Vessels 11 
 
 Supervising Surgeon-General 11 
 
 Wab. 
 
 Military Bureaus , . 11 
 
 Secretary 11 
 
 MiSCELLANEOrS. 
 
 American and Spanish Claims Commission 34 
 
 Alphabetical list of Senators, Representatives and Delegates 20 
 
 Committees of U. S. House of Representatives 24 
 
 Committees of the U. S. Senate 23 
 
 Department Office, how obtained 44 
 
 Foreign Legations in the United States 18 
 
 French and American Claims Commission 34 
 
 Governmental Duties = 3 
 
 Joint Committees of the House 30 
 
 Librarian of Congress 31 
 
 Military Academy at West Point 39 
 
 Naval Academy at Anapolis 39 
 
 Territorial ' Ill 
 
 BOOK YII. 
 
 TABULATED HISTORY OF POLITICS. 
 
 Admission of States 70 
 
 Aggregate issues of paper money in war times -0 
 
 American tariffs present tJO 
 
 Ante war debts 18 
 
 Apportionments under 10th Census -5 
 
 Area of States 70
 
 INDEX. 1057 
 
 Page. 
 
 Area of Territories 70 
 
 Armies of the World 76 
 
 Armies of the world, cost per head 92 
 
 Army Statistics 178'J-1879 75 
 
 Ballots for Piatt's and Conkling's vacancies 62 
 
 Bounties paid by .States • 74 
 
 Cabinet officers of the administrations Co 
 
 Chronological Politics 17G5-1882 110 
 
 Civil ofiBcers 71 
 
 Congressional Representation 20 
 
 Corruption, History of 80 
 
 Customs 17 
 
 Customs Tariff of great Britain 62 
 
 Debts, State 104 
 
 Duties Levied on leading articles from 1789-1867 59 
 
 Election of the President of the Senate 58 
 
 Elections of States 103 
 
 Election Returns by States 1872-80 39 
 
 Electoral votes, for President and Vice-President 21 
 
 Electoral votes, number to which each State has been entitled 1789-1876 68 
 
 Exports, total 82 
 
 Foreign immigration since 1870 66 
 
 Foreign postage, rates of 109 
 
 Generals of the army 75 
 
 Gold, highest and lowest prices of 81 
 
 Government Revenues estimated and actual 1882-83 15 
 
 Imports, for consumption 82 
 
 Imports, fiscal years 1880-81 86 
 
 Imports, total 82 
 
 Interest Laws of all the States and Territories of the United States 19 
 
 Internal Revenue •••.... 18 
 
 Internal Revenue Taxes 90 
 
 Legislatures 103 
 
 Length of Sessions of Congress, 1879-1881 71 
 
 National Bank, dividends 91 
 
 National Bank, earnings 91 
 
 National Bank, surplus 91 
 
 National commerce per capita 78 
 
 National debts " 78 
 
 National expenditures " 78 
 
 Navies of the World 92 
 
 Necessaries of life, average retail price of, in principal cities of Europe, compared with 
 
 New York prices 80 
 
 Newspaper press of the United States 106 
 
 Organization of Territories 70 
 
 Paper Money, amount of 91 
 
 Patent Fees, schedule of 67 
 
 Pension agencies 89 
 
 Pension agents 89 
 
 Pensions, amount disbursed 89 
 
 Pensions, comparative statement of the number of 89 
 
 Popular and Electoral votes in presidential election 1789-1 8S0 63 
 
 Population in 1880, native and foreign, white and colored 38 
 
 Population of U. S. 1880, by States 39 
 
 Postal Regulation 108
 
 1058 INDEX. 
 
 PAaE. 
 
 President and Vice-President, candidates for 68 
 
 Principal of Public Debt 3 
 
 Bank of States 69 
 
 Ratio of representation in House of Representatives 70 
 
 Rebellion, expenditures caused by 76 
 
 Relative colored population, 1870-80 37 
 
 Signers of Declaration of Independence 67 
 
 Slave population 1860 38 
 
 Speakers of House of Representatives 73 
 
 Stamp Taxes 90 
 
 States, area 105 
 
 States, population 105 
 
 States, when admitted 105 
 
 Statistics of the States 93 
 
 State and Territorial Governments 26 
 
 Statement of Principal of Public Debt, June 30th, 1881 8 
 
 Statement of 30-year 6 per cent, bonds issued to Pacific Railways 14 
 
 Statutes of Limitations 60 
 
 Supreme Courts 72 
 
 Taxes, State 104 
 
 Territories, area 105 
 
 Territories, population 105 
 
 Territories, when organized 105 
 
 Troops, colored and drafted 74 
 
 Troops from original States in Revolutionary War 74 
 
 Troops furnished by each State 1861-65 73 
 
 Troops, number of called into service during rebellion 72 
 
 Troops, number of and casualties in Mexican War 75 
 
 U. S. census by counties, 1870-1880 27 
 
 Valuation, State 104 
 
 Value of U. S. Money in foreign gold and silver coin 19 
 
 Wages, weekly, rates of, in diiferent cities 79 
 
 Wages, weekly, rates of, in different countries 79 
 
 War, 1812-15 74
 
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