IN MEMORIAM BERNARD MOSES AMERICAN POLITICS (NON-PARTISANi FROM THE BEGINNING TO DATE, KMBODYINfi A HISTORY OF A LI, THE POLITICAL PARTIES, WITH THEIR VIEWS AND RECORDS ON ALL IMPORTANT QUESTIONS. GREAT SPEECHES ON ALL GREAT ISSUES, THE TEXT OP ALL EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS A COJIPLKTE Tabulated History of American Politics Comprising Tables of every kind — Elections fuom the beginning to date, Presidential, State, Senato- rial, Congressional, etc. Tabulated Financial History of all National and Confederate Debts, Congressional Apportionments, Tariffs, Taxes, Interest Laws, etc., etc. Parliamentary Practice from Jefferson's Manual with Complete References, U. S. Constitution, .Article.* of Confederation, Declaration, etc Also a Complete FEDERAL BLUE BOOK WITH ALL THE FEDERAL OFFICES, THEIR DUTIES, LOCATIONS, SALARIES. AND AN ACH'URATE STATEMENT OF THE INFLUENCES BY WHICH THEY ARE OBTAINED. BY HON. THOMAS V. COOPER, Member Penn.sylvaiiia Housu of Repiesentative.s, 1870-72. Senate, 1874r84. ihainnaii Republican State Committee of Pennsylvania, 1881-82. HECTOR T, FENTON. ESQ., .MeuiljLT of till' Phil:i.1rlphia Bur. CHICAGO, ILL.: CMARI.KS H. BKOI^IX. KNTKKKK ACCOKUING TO ACT OK CONGRESS. TO THE PROPOSITION THAT ALL AMERICAN CITIZENS SHOULD TAKE AN INTEREST IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 21312(J PREFACE. The writer of this voUime, in the pursuit of his profession as an editor, and throughout an active poHtical hfe, lias always felt the need of a volume from which any important fact, theory or record could be found at a moment's glance, and without a search of many records. He has also remarked the singular fact that no history of the political parties of the country, as they have faced each other on all leading issues, has ever been published. These things prompted an undertaking of the work on his own part, and it is herewith presented in the hope that it will meet the wants not only of those connected with politics, but of all who take an interest in public affairs. In this work very material aid has been rendered by the gentleman whose name is also associated with its publication, and by many political friends, who have freely responded during the past year to the calls made upon them for records, which have been liberally employed in the WTiting and compilation of this work. THOS. V. COOPER. Media, Pa., March 1, 1882. TABLE OF CONTENTS. BOOK I.— HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES. PAGE. Colonial Parties — Whig and Tort 3 Particularists and Strong Government Whigs 5 'i'EDERALS AND AnTI-FeDERALS 7 Kepublicans and Federals 9 .Downfall of the Federals 13 Democrats and Federals 17 Jefferson Democrats 19 Hartford Convention 20 Treaty of Ghent 20 Congressional Caucus 21 Protective Tariff 21 Monroe Doctrine 23 Missouri Compromise 24 Tariff — American System • • 25 Tenure of Office — Eligibility 27 Nullification — Democrats and Federals 29 United States Bank 31 Jackson's Special Message on the United States Bank 33 Conception of Slavery Question 35-.^ _ D j fl tp riRAxa AND Whigs (^V / The Hour Rule W"' National Bank Bill — First 41 " " " Second 43 Oregon Treaty of 1846 47 Treaty of Peace with Mexico 49 Clay's Compromise Resolutions 51 Abolition Party — Rise and Progress of 53 Kansas-Nebraska Bill 55 Ritual of the American Party 57 Kansas Struggle 71 Lincoln and Douglas Debate 73 Charleston Convention — Democratic, 1860 81 Douglas Convention, 1860, Baltimore 86 Breckinridge Convention, 1860, Baltimore 86 Chicago Republican Convention, 1860 86 American Convention, 1860 87 Secession — Preparing^ fob 87 vii viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. Secession— ViEGiNiA Coxvextion, 18G1 91 " Intek-State Commissioners 96 " Southern Congress, Proceedings of 97 " Confederate Constitution 97 " Confederate States 98 Buchanan's Views 99 Crittenden Compromise 104 Peace Convention 106 Actual Secession 109 " " Transferring Arms to the South 109 Fernando "Wood's Secession Message 112 Congress on the Eve of the Rebellion 113 Lincoln's Views 115 Judge Black's Views 115 Alexander H. Stephens' Speech on Secession 11() Lincoln's First Administration 120 Confederate Military Legislation 128 Guerrillas 129 Twenty-Negro Exemption Law 130 Douglas on the Rebellion 130 Political Legislation Incident to the War 130 Thirty-Seventh Congress 131 Compensated Emancipation 135 Lincoln's Appeal to the Border States 137 Reply of the Border States 138 Boeder State Slaves 139 Emancipation 141 " Preliminary Proclamation of 141 " Proclamation of 143 Loyal Governors, the Address of 144 Fugitive Slave Law, Repeal of 145 Financial Legislation 149 Seward as Secretary of State 149 Internal Taxes 151 Confederate Debt 152 Confederate Taxes 153 West Virginia — Admission of 158 Color in War Politics 159 Thirteenth Amendment — Passage of 1G7 Louisiana — Admission of Representatives 168 Reconstruction 169 Arkansas — Admission of 170 Reconstruction Measures — Text of 171 Fourteenth Amendment 174 McClellan's Political Letters 175 Lincoln's Second Administration 177 Andrew Johnson and his Policy 178 " " — Impeachment Trial 179 Grant 191 Enforcement Acts • 193 Readmission of Rebellious States 193 Legal Tender Decision 191 Greenback Party 194 Prohibitory Party 196 San Domingo— Annexation of 19G TABLE OF CONTENTS. Jx PAGE. Alabama Claims 197 Force Bill 197 Civil Service — Okdee of Presibent Hayes 198 Amnesty 199 Liberal Republicans 199 Beform in the Civil Service 200 Credit Mobilier 200 Salary Grab 214 Returning Boards 217 Grangers 218 — Illinois Railroad Act of 1873 218 Civil Rights Bill — Supplementary 221 Morton Amendment 222 Whisky Ring 222 Belknap Impeached 223 White League 223 Wheeler Compromise — Text of 226 Election op Haye3 and Wheeler 228 Electoral Count 229 Title of President Hayes 233 Cipher Despatches 234 The Hayes Administration 239 Negro Exodus 240 Campaign of 1880 242 Three Per Cent. Funding Bill 244 History of the National Loans 245 Garfield and Arthur — Inauguration of 253 Republican Factions 2-53 The Caucus 256 Assassination of Garfield 260 Arthur, President 261 Boss Rule 261 Readjusters 263 Mormonism — Suppression of 264 " Text of the Bill 265 South American Question 269 Star Route Scandal 277 The Coming States 278 Chinese Question 281 " " — Speech of Senator Miller on 281 " " — Reply of Senator Hoar 2S5 Merchant Marine 296 Current Politics 298 BOOK II.— POLITICAL PLATFOEMS. Virginia Resolutions, 1798 3 Virginia Resolutions, 1798 — Ans^ters op the State Legislatures 6 Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 10 Washington's Farewell Address 14 All National Platforms from 1800 to 18S0 21-68 Comparison op Platform Planks on Great Political Questions 69-79 TABLE OF CONTENTS. BOOK ni.— GREAT SPEECHES OX GREAT ISSUES. PAGE. James Wilson's Vikdication of the Colonies 3 Patrick Henry before Virginia Delegates 7 John Adams on the Declaration 8 Patrick Henry on the Federal Constitution 10 ->, John Randolph against Tariff 13 Edward Everett on the Example of the Northern to the Southern Republics of America 18 Daniel Webster on the Gbsek Question 19 ~sJoHN Randolph's Reply to Webster 20 Paul B. Hayne against Tariff 21 Henry Clay on his Land Bill 23 John C. Calhoun's Reply to Clay 24 Paul B. Hayne on Sales of Public Land — the Foote Resolution 25 Daniel Webster's Great Reply to Hayne 48 John C. Calhoun on the Rights of the States 80 Henry Clay on the American Protective System 86 James Buchanan on an Independent Treasury 95 Lewis Cass on the Missouri Compromise 96 Clement L. Vallandigham on Slavery •••.... 97 Horace Greeley on Protection 99 Henry A- Wise Against Know-Nothingism ...••• -^^ Kenneth Raynor on the Fusion of Fremont and Fillmore Forces 112 Religious Test-Debate on the Article in the Constitution in Regard to it . 114 Henry Winter Davis on the American Party 115 Joshua R. Giddings Against the Fugitive Slave Law 116 Robert Toombs in Favor of Slavery n'j JuDAH P. Benjamin on Slave Property 119 W^iLLiAM Lloyd Garrison on the Slavery Question 120 Theodore Parker Against the Fugitive Slave Law and the Return of Sims . 121 William II. Seward on the Higher Law 122 Charles Sumnee on the Fallibility of Judicial Tribunals 123 Galcsha a. Grow on his Homestead Bill 123 Lincoln and Douglas Debate — j " " " Douglas's Speech 126 j " " " Lincoln's Reply 133 " " " Douglas's Rejoinder 143 Jefferson Davis on Retiring from the United States Senate 147 Henry Wilson on the Greeley Canvass 149 Oliver P. Morton on the National Idea 151 J. Proctor Knott on " Duluth," 154 Henry Carey on the Rates of Interest 159 Simon Cameron on Internal Improvements lf'3 John F. Logan on Self-Government 1G5 James G. Blaine on the " False Issue," 171 roscoe conklino on the extra session of 1879 176 Lincoln's Speech at Gettysburg 186 John M. Broomall on Civil Rights 186 Charles A. Eldridge against Civil Rights 189 A. K. McClube on "What of the Republic?" ••...... 191 Robt. G. Inoersoll Nominating Blaine 201 \ TABLE OF CONTENTS. ^ PAGE. EOSCOE CONLLINO NOMINATING GrANT 202 James A. Garfield Nominating Sherman 203 Daniel Dougherty Nominating Hancock 205 George Gray Nominating Bayard 205 William P. Frye Nominating Blaine (at Chicago) 206 Senanor Hill's Denunciation of Mauone 207 Senator Mahonb's Reply 217 Justin S. Merrill on the Tariff Commission 223 J. Don Cameron on Reduction of Revenue as Affecting the Tariff .... 233 Thomas H. Benton on the Election of Presidents 237 James G. Blaine's Eulogy on Pee,sident Garfield 240 BOOK IV.— PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, Etc. Declaration of Independence 3 Articles of Confederation 5 Jefferson's Manual 3 BOOK v.— EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. Great Seal of the United States 3 Relating to the National Flag 3 President and Vice President — election of 4 Electoral College 4 Organisation of the House of Representatives 7 President may change place of Meeting op Congress 9 Pay of certain Public Officers 9 Supreme Court. . , 10 Court of Claims 10 Tenure of Office 10 Election of Senators 12 Salary Act of 1874 12 Provisions applicable to several classes of Officers 15 Crimes against the Elective Franchise 20 Immigration 24 Naturalization 24 Homesteads 27 Land Offices 31 Civil Rights 31 Citizenship 34 Elective Franchise 35 Freemen 39 Alien Enemies 41 Bounty Lands 42 Act to Extend the Time for Filing Claims to Additional Bounty 4G Relief of Settlers on Railroad Lands 47 xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. Slave Teade 47 Ceimes — Geneeal Peovisioss 49 " Against the Existence of the Goveenmext 50 Funding the National Debt 51 Civil Seevice — Political Assessments 51 Amendments to the Constitution 51 Unifoem Time foe Election of Membees of Congeess not to Apply to Ceetain States 51 Peesent Taeiff Laws 52 " " " — Supplements 94 The Law of Nations 98 Pay of Peincipal Officees in vaeious Departments 40 Depaetment and all Fedeeal Offices, how obtained and the Pay 44-112 BOOK VI— FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. Goveenmental Duties 3 Department Officees — theie Duties 4—16 Senatoes, Repeesentatives and Delegates 20 Congeessional Committees of Session of 1882 23-31 BOOK VII— TABULATED HISTORY OF POLITICS. COMPEISING NEAELY 100 TABLES FULLY SET OUT IN THE INDEX ; STATISTICS WHICH touch every SUBJECT BEABING UPON PAST, PEESENT OE PEOBABLE POLITICAL ISSUEJ. 3-114 Cheonological Politics, June 1765 to 1882 110 AMERIOAK POLITICS, BOOK I. HISTOKT OF THE POLITICAX, PAETIES OF THE UNITED STATES. AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK I. HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PAETEES OF THE UNITED STATES. Colonial Parties— "WTilg and Tory. The parties peculiar to our Colonial times hardly have a place in American politics. They divided people in senti- ment simply, as they did in the mother country, but here there was little or no power to act, and were to gather results from party victories. Men were then Whigs or Tories because they had been prior to their emigration here, or because their parents had been, or because it has ever been natural to show division in in- dividual sentiment. Political contests, however, were unknown, for none enjoyed the pleasures and profits of power ; the crown made and unmade rulers. The local self-government which our fore- fathers enjoyed, were secured to them by their charters, and these were held to be contracts not to be changed without the consent of both parties. AH of the inhabi- tants of the colonies claimed and were justly entitled to the rights guaranteed by the Magna Charta, and in addition to these they insisted upon the supervision of all internal interests and the power to levy and collect taxes. These claims were con- ceded until their growing prosperity and England's need of additional revenues suggested schemes of indirect taxation. Against these the colony of Plymouth pro- tested as early as 1636, and spasmodic pro- tests from all the colonies followed. These increased in frequency and force with the growing demands of King George III. In 1651 the navigation laws imposed upon the colonies required both exports and imports to be carried in British ships, and all who traded were compelled to do it with Eng- land. In 1672 inter-colonial duties were imposed, and when manufacturing sought to flank this policy, their establishment was forbidden by law. The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 caused high excitement, and for the first time parties began to take definite shape and manifest open antagonisms, and the words Whig and Tory then had a plainer meaning in America than in England. The Stamp Act was denounced by the Whigs as direct taxation, since it provided, that stamps previously paid for should be affixed to all legal papers. The colonies resented, and so general were the protests that for a time it seemed that only those who owed their livings to the Crown, or expected aid and comfort from it, re- mained with the Tories. The Whigs were the patriots. The war for the rights of the colonies began in 1775, and it was supported by majorities in all of the Co- lonial Assemblies. These majorities were as carefully organized then a.s now to pro- mote a popular cause, and this in the face of adverse action on the part of the sev- eral Colonial Governors. Thus in Vir- ginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to time, until 1773, prorogued the Virginia Assembly, when it seized the opportunity to pass resolves instituting a committee of correspondence, and recommending joint action by the legislatures of the other colonies. In the next year, the same body, under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, Wa-^hington, Wythe and other patriots, officially deprecated the closing of the 3 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. port of Boston, and set apart a day to im- plore Divine interposition in behalf of the colonies. The Governor dissolved the Houce for this act, and the delegates, 89 in number, repaired to a tavern, organized themselves into a committee, signed arti- cles of association, and advised with other colonial committees the expediency of " appointing deputies to meet in a general correspondence" — really a suggestion for a Congress. The idea of a Congress, how- ever, originated with Doctor Franklin the year before, and it had then been approved by town meetings in Providence, Boston and New York. The action of Virginia lifted the proposal above individual advice and the action of town meetings, and called to it the attention of all the colo- nial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate in the incipiency of these political move- ments, that the people were practically unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized the drift and danger, while nearly all could join their voices against oppressive taxes and imposts. The war went on for colonial rights, the Whigs wisely insisting that they were wil- ling to remain as colonists if their rights should be guaranteed by the mother coun- try ; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown, were willing to remain without guarantee — a negative position, and one which in the high excitement of the times excited little attention, save where the holders of such views made themselves odious by the enjoyment of high official position, or by harsh criticism upon, or treatment of the •patriots. The first Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and there laid the foundations of the Republic. While its assemblage was first recom- mended by home meetings, the cause, as already shown, was taken up by the as- semblies of Massachusetts and Virginia. Georgia alone was not represented. The members were called delegates, who de- clared in their official papers that they were " appointed by the good people of these colonies." It was called the " revo- lutionary government," because it derived its power from the people, and not from the functionaries of any existing govern- ment. In it each colony was allowed but a single vote, regardless of the number of delegates, and here began 'not only the unit rule, but the practice which ol3tains in the election of a President when the contest reaches, under the constitution and law, the National House of Rei)rescnta- tives. The original object was to give equality to the colonies as colonics. In 1775, the second Continental Con- gress assembled at IMiiladelphia, all the colonics being again represented save Georgia. The delegates were chosen prin- cipally by conventions of the people, though some were sent by the popular branches of the colonial legislatures. In July, and soon after the commencement of hostilities, Georgia entered the Con- federacy. The Declaration of Independence, passed in 1776, drew yet plainer lines between the Whigs and Tories. A gulf of hatred sepa- rated the opposing parties, and the Tory was far more despised than the open foe, when he was not such, and was the first sought when he was. Men who contend for liberty ever regard those who are not for them as against them — a feeling which led to the expression of a political maxim of apparent undying force, for it has since found frequent repetition in every earnest campaign. After the adoption of the De- claration by the Continental Congress, the Whigs favored the most direct and abso- lute separation, while the Tories supported the Crown. On the 7th of June, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved the Declaration in these words: "Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and indepen- dent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." Then followed preparations for the for- mal declaration, which was adopted on the 4th of July, 1776, in the precise language submitted by Thomas Jefferson. All of the state papers of the Continental Con- gress evince the highest talent, and the evils which led to its exhibition must have been long but very impatiently endured to impel the study of the questions involved. Possibly only the best lives in our memory invite our perusal, but certain it is that higher capacity was never called to the performance of graver political duties in the history of the world. It has been said that the Declaration is in imitation of that published by the Uni- ted Netherlands, but whether this be true or false, the liberty-loving world has for more than a century accepted it as the best protest against oppression known to political history. A great occasion con- spired with a great author to make it grandly great. Dr. Franklin, as early as July, 1775, first prepared a sketch of articles of confedera- tion between the colonies, to continue until their reconciliation with Great Britain, and in failure thereof to be perpetual. John Quincy Adams says this plan was never discussed in Congress. June 11, 1776, a committee was apj)ointed to pre- pare the force of a colonial confederation, and the day following one member from each colony was appointed to jierform the duty. The report was submitted, laid aside August 20, 1776, taken up April 7, BOOK 1.] PARTICULARISTS— STRONG GOVERNMENT WHIGS. 1777, and debated from time to time until November 15th, of the ^-ame year, when the report was agreed to. It was then submitted to the legislatures of the several states, these being advised to authorize their delegates in Congress to ratil'y the same. On the 2()th of June, 1778, the rat- ification was ordered to be engrossed and signed by the delegates. Those of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn- sylvania, Virginia and South Carolina signed.! uly Dth, 1778 ; those of North Car- olina July 21st ; Georgia July 24th ; .Jersey November 26th, same year ; Delaware February 22d and May 5th, 1779. Mary- land refused to ratify until the question of the conflicting claims of the Union and of the separate States to the property of the crown-lands should be adjusted. This was accomplished by the cession of the lands in dispute to the United States, and Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On the 2d of March, Congress assembled un- der the new powers, and continued to act for the Confederacy until the 4th of March, 1789, the date of Ihe organization of the government under the Federal constitu- tion. Our political life has therefore three periods, " the revolutionary government," the confederation," and that of the "fed- eral constitution," which still obtains. The federal constitution is the result of the labors of a convention called at Phila- delphia in May, 1787, at a time when it was feared by many that the Union was in the greatest danger, from inability to pay soldiers who had, in 1783, been dis- banded on a declaration of peace and an acknowledgment of independence ; from prostration of the public credit and faith of the nation ; from the neglect to provide for the payment of even the interest on the public debt ; and from the disappoint- ed hopes of many who thought freedom did not need to face responsibilities. A large pf)ition of the convention of 1787 still clung to the confederacy of the states, and advocated as a substitute for the con- stitution a revival of the old articles of confederation with additional powers to Congress. A long discussion followed, and a most able one, but a constitution for the people, embodying a division of legis- lative, judicial and executive powers pre- vailed, and the result is now daily wit- nessed in the federal constitution. While the revolutionary war lasted but seven years, the political revolution incident to, identified with and directing it, lasted thirteen years. This was completed on the 30th of April, 1789, the day on which Washington was inauLairated as the first President under the federal constitution. The Partlciilarlsts. As questions of goverument were evolved by the struggles for independence, the VVhigs, who of course greatly outnumbered all others during the Revolution, naturally divided in sentiment, though their divi- sions wc^re not sufficiently serious to excite the establishment of rival parties — some- thing which tlie great majority of our fore- fathers were too wise to tliink of in time of war. When the war closed, however, and the question of establishing the Union was brought clear to the view of all, one class of the Whigs believed that state govern- ment should be supreme, and that no cen- tral power should have sufficient authority to coerce a state, or keep it to the com- pact against its will. All accepted the idea of a central government ; all realized the necessity of union, but the fear that the states would lose their power, or sur- render their independence was very great, and this fear was more naturally shown by both the larger and the smaller stales. This class of thinkers were then called Partic- ularists. Their views were opposed by the Strong Government Wlilgs who argued that local self-government was inadequate to the establishment and per- petuation of political freedom, and that it afforded little or no power to successfully resist foreign invasion. Some of these went so far as to favor a government pat- terned after that of England, save that it should be republican in name and spirit. The essential differences, if they can be re- duced to two sentences, were these : The Particularist Whigs desired a government republican in form and democratic in spirit, with rights of local self-government and state rights ever uppermost. The Strong Government Whigs desired a gov- ernment rei>ublican in form, with checks upon the impulses or passions of the peo- ple ; liberty, sternly regulated by law, and that law strengthened and confirmed by central authority — the authority of the na- tional government to be final in appeals. As we have stated, the weakness of the confederation was acknowledged by many men, and the majority, as it proved to be after much agitation and discussion thought it too imperfect to amend. The power of the confederacy was notacknow- edged by the states, its congress not re- spected by the peoi>le. Its requisitions were disregarded, foreign trade could not be successfully regulated ; foreign nations refused to bind themselves by commercial treaties, and there was a rapid growth of very dangerous business rivalries and jealousies between the several states. Those which were fortunate enough, in- dependent of congress, to possess or se- cure ports for domestic or foreign com- merce, taxed the imports of their sister AMERICAN POLITICS. [book u states. There was confusion which must soon have approached violence, for no authority beyond the limits of the state was respected, and Congress was notably powerless in its attempts to command aid from the states to meet the payment of the war debt, or the interest thereon. In- stead of general respect for, there was al- most general disregard of law on the part of legislative bodies, and the people were not slow in imitating their representatives. Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts was the first warlike manifestation of the spirit which was abroad in the land. Alive to the new dangers, the Assembly of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- sioners to invito all the states to take part in a convention for the consideration of questions of commerce, and the propriety of altering the Articles of Confederation. This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. Ilth, 1786. But five states sent representa- tives, the others regarding the movement with jealousy. This convention, however, adopted a report which urged the appoint- ment of commissioners by all the states, "to devise such other provisions as shall, to them seem necessary to render the con- dition of the Federal government adequate to the exigencies of the Union ; and to re- port such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to by them and afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state, will effectually provide for the same." Congress approved this action, and passed resohitions favoring a meeting in conven- tion for the "sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation, and report to Congress and the State legisla- tures." The convention met in Philadel- phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- sions until Sejjtember 17th, of the same year. The Strong Government Whigs had previ- ously made every possible eflbrt for a full and able representation, and the result did not disappoint them, for instead oi' simply revising the Articles of Confederation, the convention framed a constitution, and sent it to Congress to be submitted to that body and through it to the several legislatures. The act submitting it provided that, if it should be ratified by nine of the thirteen states, it should be binding upon those ratifying the same. Just here was started the custom which has since passed into law, that amendmonts to tlie n;xtional con- stitution shall be 8ul)milted after approval by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev- eral states, and after approval by three- fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all — a very proper exercise of constitutiouid authority, as it seems n(»w, but which would not have won popular approval when Virginia proposed the Annapolis couvcutiuu in 1780. Indeed, the reader of our political history must ever be impressed with the fact that changes and reforms ever moved slowly, and that those of slow- est growth seem to abide the longest. Tlie Federal and Anti-Federal Parties. The Strong Government Whigs, on the submission of the constitution of 1787 to Congress and the legislatures, and indi- rectly through the latter to the people, who elect the members on this issue, became the Federal party, and all of its power was used to promote the ratification of the in- strument. Its ablest men, headed by Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, advocated adoption before the people, and their pens supplied much of the current political literature of that day. Eighty- five essays, still noted and quoted for their ability, under the nom deplume of "Pub- lius," were published in " The Federalist." They were written by Hamilton, Madison and Jay, and with irresistible force advo- cated the Federal constitution, which was ratified by the nine needed states, and Congress was officially informed of the fact July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday in March, 1789, was fixed as the time " for commencing proceedings under the con- stitution." This struggle for the first time gave the Federalists an admitted majority. The complexion of the State legislature prior to it showed them in fiact to be in a mi- nority, and the Particularist Whigs, or Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary step looking to the abandonment of the Articles of Confederation and the adoption of a Federal constitution. They were called Anti-Federals because they opposed a federal government and constitution and adhered to the rights of the States and those of local self-government. Doubtless party rancor, then as now, led men to op- pose a system of government which it seems they must have approved after fight- ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the States and the prevailing ideas of liberty certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popu- larity which only a test so sensible as that proposed could have shaken. They were not without popular orators and leaders. Patrick Henry, the earliest of the pa- triots, and ■' the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel Adams, took special pride in espousing their cause. The war questions between Whig and Tory must have passed quickly away, as living issues, though the nows- pajiers and contemporaneous history show that the old taunts and battle cries were aj)plied to the new situation with a plain- ness and virulence tliat must still be envied by the sensational and more bitterly parti- san journals of our own day. To read these now, and some of our facts are gath- BOOK I.] FEDERALS AND ANTI-FEDERALS. ered from such sources, is to account for the frequent use of the saying touching " the ingratitude of republics," for when partisan hatred could deride the still re- cent utterances of Henry before the startled assembly of Virginians, and of Adams in advocating the adoption of the Declaration, there must at least to every surface view have been rank ingratitude. Their good names, however, survived the struggle, as good names in our republic have ever sur- vived the passions of the law. In politics the Americans then as now, hated with promptness and forgave with generosity. The Anti-Federals denied nearly all that the Federals asserted. The latter had for the first time assumed the aggressive, and had the advantage of position. They showed the deplorable condition of the country, and their opponents had to bear the burdens of denial at a time when nearly all public and private obligations were dis- honored ; when labor was poorly paid, work- men getting but twenty-five cents a day,with little to do at that; when even the rich in lands were poor in purse, and when com- merce on the seas was checked by the cold- ness of foreign nations and restricted by the action of the States themselves ; when manufactures were without protection of any kind, and when the people thought their struggle for freedom was about to end in national poverty. Still Henry, and Adams and Hancock, with hosts of others, claimed that the aspirations of the Anti- Federals were the freest, that they pointed to personal liberty and local sovereignty. Yet many Anti-Federals must have accept- ed the views of the Federals, who under the circumstances must have presented the better reason, and the result was as stated, the ratification of the Federal constitution of 1787 by three-fourths of the States of the Union. After this the Anti-Federalists were given a new name, that of " Close Constructionists," because they naturally desired to interpret the new instrument in such a way as to bend it to their views. The Federalists became " Broad Construc- tionists," because they interpreted the con- stitution in a way calculated to broaden the power of the national government. The Confederacy once dissolved, the Federal party entered upon the enjoy- ment of full political power, but it was not without its responsibilities. The govern- ment had to be organized upon the basis of the new constitution, as upon the suc- cess of that organization would depend not alone the stability of the government and the happiness of its people, but the repu- tation of the party and the fame of its leaders as statesmen. Fortunately for all, party hostilities were not manifested in the Presidential election. All bowed to the popularity of Washing- ton, and he was unanimously nominated by the congressional caucus and appointed by the electoral college. He selected his cabinet from the leading minds of both parties, and while himself a recognized Federalist, all felt that he was acting for the good of all, and in the earlier years of his administration, none disputed this fact. As the new measures of the government advanced, however, the anti-federalists or- ganized an opposition to the party in power. Immediate danger had passed. The constitution worked well. The laws of Congress were respected ; its calls for revenue honored, and Washington de- voted much of his first and second mes- sages to showing the growing prosperity of the country, and the respect which it was beginning to excite abroad. But where there is political power, there is opposition in a free land, and the great leaders of that day neither forfeited their reputations as patriots, or their characters as statesmen by the assertion of honest dif- ferences of opinion. AVashington, Adams, and Hamilton were the recognized leaders of the Federalists, the firm friends of the constitution. The success of this instru- ment modified the views of the anti- Federalists, and Madison of Virginia, its recognized friend when it was in prepara- tion, joined with others who had been its. friends — notably, * Doctor Williamson, of North Carolina, and Mr. Langdon, of Georgia, in opposing the administration,, and soon became recognized leaders of the anti-Federalists. Langdon was the Presi- dent pro tern, of the Senate. Jefferson was then on a mission to France, and not until some years thereafter did he array himself with those opposed to centralized power in the nation. He returned in November, 1789, and was called to Washington's, cabinet as Secretary of State in March, 1790. It was a great cabinet, with Jeffer- son as its premier (if this term is suited to. a time when English political nomenclature was anything but popular in the land ; ) Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury ; Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General. There was no Secretary of the Navy until the ad- ministration of the elder Adams, and no Secretary of the Interior. The first session of Congress under the Federal constitution, held in New York, sat for nearly six months, the adjournment taking place September 29th, 1789. Nearly all the laws framed pointed to the organi- zation of the government, and the discus- sions were able and protracted. Indeed, these discussions developed opposing views, which could easily find separation on much the same old lines as those which separated the founders of constitutional government * Edwin Williams in Statosman's Manual. 8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. from those who favored the old confederate methods. The Federalists, on pivotal questions, at this session, carried their measures only by small majorities. Much of the second session was devoted to the discussion of the able reports of Hamilton, and their final adoption did much to build up the credit of the nation and to promote its industries. He was the author of the protective system, and at the first session gave definite shape to his theories. He recommended the funding of the war debt, the assumption of the state war debts by the national government, the providing of a system of revenue from the collection of duties on imports, and an internal excise. His advocacy of a pro- tective tariff was plain, for he declared it to be necessary for the support of the gov- ernment and the encouragemvnt of manu- factures that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported. The third session of the same Congress was held at Philadelphia, though the seat of the national government had, at the previous one, been fixed on the Potomac instead of the Susquehanna — this after a compromise with Southern members, who refused to vote for the Assumption Bill ■ until the location of the capital in the District of Columbia had been agreed upon ; by the way, this was the first exhi- bition of log-rolling in Congress. To complete Hamilton's financial system, & national bank was incorporated. On this project both the members of Congress and of the cabinet were divided, but it passed, and was promptly approved by Washing- ton. By this time it was Avell known that Jefferson and Hamilton held opposing views on many questions of government, and these found their way into and influ- enced the action of Congress, and passed naturally from thence to the people, who were thus early believed to be almost equally divided on the more essential po- litical issues. Before the close of the ses- sion, Vermont and Kentucky were ad- mitted to the Union. Vermont was the first state admitted in addition to the original thirteen. True, North Carolina and Rhode Island had rejected the consti- tution, but they reconsidered their action and came in— the former in November, 1780, and the latter in May, 1790. The election for members of the Second Congress resulted in a majority in both branches favorable to the administration. It met at Philadelphia in October, 1791. The exciting measure of the session was the excise act, somewhat similar to that of the previous year, but the o])position wanted an is-sue on which to rally, they accepted this, and this agitation led to vio- lent and in one instance warlike ojijiosi- tion on the part of a portion of the people. Those ol western Pennsylvania, largely interested in distilleries, prepared for armed resistance to the excise, but at the same session a national militia law had been passed, and Washington took ad- vantage of this to suppress the " Whisky Rebellion" in its incipiency. It was a hasty, rash undertaking, yet was dealt with so firmly that the action of the authorities strengthened the law, and the respect for order. The four counties which rebelled did no further damage than to tar and feather a government tax collector and rob him of his horse, though many threats were made and the agitation continued until 1794, when Washington's threatened appearance at the head of fifteen thousand militia settled the whole question. The first session of the Second Congress also passed the first methodic apportion- ment bill, which based the congressional representation on the census taken in 1790, the basis being 33,000 inhabitants for each representative. The second session which sat from November, 1792, to March, 1793, was mainly occupied in a discussion of the foreign and domestic relations of the coun- try. No important measures were adopted. The Republican and Federal Parties. The most serious objection to the con- stitution before its ratification was the ab- sence of a distinct bill of rights, which should recognize "the equality of all men, and their rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," and at the first session of Congress a bill was framed con- taining twelve articles, ten of which were afterwards ratified as amendments to the constitution. Yet state sovereignty, then imperfectly defined, was the prevailing idea in the minds of the Anti-Federalists, and they took every opportunity to oppose any extended delegation of authority from the states of the Union. They contended that the power of the state should be supreme, and charged the Federalists with monarchical tendencies. They opposed Hamilton's national bank scheme, and Jefferson and Randolph plainly expressed the opinion that it was unconstitutional — that a bank was not authorized by the constitution, and that it would prevent the states from maintaining banks. But whoa the Bill of Rights had been incorporated in and attached to the constitution as amendments, .Jefferson with rare political sagacity withdrew all opposition to the in- strument itself, and the Anti-Federalists gladly followed his lead, for they felt tliat they had labored under many partisan dis- advantages. The constitution was from the first too strong for successful resistance, and when opposition was confessedly abandoned the ])arty name was changed, also at the suggestion of Jefferson, to thai BOOK I.] REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. of Republican. The Anti-Federalists were | at first disposed to call their party the Democratic-Republicans, but finally called j it simply Rejiublican, to avoid the ojiposite I of the extreme which they charged against , the Federalists. Each party had its taunts in use, the Federalists being denounced as monarchists, the Anti-Federalists as Dem- ocrats ; the one presumed to be looking forward to monarchy, the other to the rule of the mob. ; By 1793 partisan lines under the names of Federalists and Republicans, were plain- \ ly drawn, and the schism in the cabinet was more marked than ever. Personal ambition may have had much to do with it, for Washington had previously shown his desire to retire to jirivate life. While he remained at the head of affairs he was unwilling to part with Jefferson and Ham- ilton, and did all in his power to bring about a reconciliation, but without suc- cess. Before the close of the first consti- tutional Presidency, however, Washington had become convinced that the people de- sired him to accept a re-election, and he was accordingly a candidate and unani- mously chosen. John Adams was re-elect- ed Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 50 for Geo. Clinton, (5 scattering) the Re- publican candidate. Soon after the inau- guration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the French republic, arrived and sought to excite the sympathy of the United States and involve it in a war with Great Britain. Jefferson and his Republican party warmly sympathized with France, and insisted that gratitude for revolutionary favors commanded aid to France in her struggles. The Federalists, under Washington and Hamilton, favored non-intervention, and insisted that wc should maintain friendly relations with Great Britain. Washington showed his usual firmness, and before the expiration of the month in Avhich Genet arrived, had issued his celebrated procla- mation of neutrality. This has ever since been the accepted foreign policy of the nation. Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this proclamation, threatened to appeal to the pople, and made himself so obnoxious to Washington that the latter demanded his recall. The French government sent M. Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- tinued to reside in the United Stntes, and under his inspiration a number of Demo- cratic Societies, in imitation of the French Jacobin clubs, \vere founded, but like all such organizations in this country, they were short-lived. Secret political societies thrive only under despotisms. In Repub- lics like ours they can only live when the great parties are in confusion and greatly divided. Tiiey disappear with the union of sentiment into two great parties. If there were many parties and factions, as in Mexico and some of the South American republics, there would be even a wider field for them here than there. The French agitation showed its impress upon the nation as late as 1794, when a resolution to cut off intercourse with Great Britain passed the House, and was de- feated in the Senate only by the casting vote of the Vice-President. Many people favored France, and to such silly heights did the excitement run that these insisted on wearing a national cockade. Jefferson had left the cabinet the December pre- vious, and had retired to his plantation in Virginia, where he spent his leisure in writing political essays and organizing the Republican party, of which he was the ac- knowledged founder. Here he escaped the errors of his party in Congress, but it was a potent fact that his friends in official station not only did not endorse the non- intervention policy of Washington, but that they actively antagonized it in many ways. The Congressional leader in these movements was 5lr. Madison. The policy of Bi'itain fed this opposition. The forts on Lake Erie were still occupied by the British soldiery in defiance of the treaty of 1783 ; American vessels were seized on their way to French ports, and American citizens were impressed. To avoid a war, Washington sent John Jay as special en- voy to England. He arrived in June, 1794, and by November succeeded in mak- ing a treaty. It was ratified in June, 1795, by the Senate by the constitutional majority of two-thirds, though there was much de- clamatory opposition, and the feeling be- tween the Federal and Republican parties ran higher than ever before. The Republi- cans denounced while the Federals con- gratulated Washington. Under this treaty the British surrendered possession of all American ports, and as Gen'l Wayne dur- ing the previous summer had conquered the war-tribes and completed a treaty with them, the country was again on the road to prosperity. In Washington's message of 1794, he plainly censured all " self-created political societies," meaning the democratic so- cieties formed bv Genet, but this part of the message the House refused to endorse, the speaker giving the casting vote in the negative. The Senate was in harmony with the political views of the President. Party spirit had by this time me;usurably affected all classes of the people, and as subjects for agitation here multipl'ed, the opposition no longer regarded Washing- ton with that respect and decorum which it had been the rule to manifest. His wis- dom as President, his patriotism, and in- deed his character as a man, were all hotly questioned by political enemies. He was even charged with corruption in ex- l^euding more of the public moneys than 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. had been appropriated — charges which were soon shown to be groundless. At the first session of Congress in De- cember, 1795, the Senate's administration majority liad increased, but in the House the opposing Republicans had also in- creased their numbers. The Senate by 14 to 8 endorsed the message ; the House at first refused but finally qualified its an- swers. In March, 179G, a new political issue was sprung in the House by Mr. Living- stone of New York, who offered a resolu- tion requesting of the President a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who made the treaty with Great Britain. Alter a debate of several days, more bitter than any which had preceded it, the House passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Re- publicans voting aye, the Federals no. Washington in answer, took the position that the House of Representatives was not part of the treaty-making power of the government, and could not therefore be entitled to any papers relating to such treaties. The constitution had placed this treaty making and ratifying power in the hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the President. This answer, now universally accepted as the proper one, yet excited the House and increased political animosities. The Republicans charged the Federals with being the "British party," and in some instances hinted that they had been pur- chased with British gold. Indignation meetings were called, but after much sound and iury, it was ascertained that the people really favored abiding by the treaty in good faith, and finally the House, after more calm and able debates, passed the needed legislation to carry out the treaty by a vote of 51 to 48. In August, 1796, prior to the meeting of the Congressional caucus whii:h then placed candidates for the Presidency in nomination, Washington issued his cele- brated Farewell Adclress, in which he gave notice that he would retire from ])ul)lic life at the expiration of his term. He had been soliciteil to be a candidate for re- election fa third term) and told that all the people could unite upon him — a state- ment which, without abating one jot, our admiration for the man, would doubtless have been called in question by the Re- Eu])licans, who had become implacably ostile to his political views, and who were enc:ouraged to believe they could Avin con- trol of the Presidency, by their rapidly in- creasing power in the House. Yet the ad- dress was everywhere received with marks of admiration. Legislatures commended it by resolution and orderi'd it to be en- grossed ujxin tluMr records; journals j)raised it, and upon the strength of its plain doctrines the Federalists took new courage, and prepared to win in the Presi- dential battle which followed. Both parties were plainly arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of both were elected — John Adams, the nom- inee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained was that the candidate who received the highest num- ber of electoral votes, took the first place, the next highest, the second, Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina was the Fed- eral nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 71 electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38 — a loss of popularity which the latter regained four years later. The first impressions which our forefathers had of this man were the best. r* John Adams was inaugurated as Pres- ident in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, March 4tli, 1797, and in his inaugural was careful to deny the charge that the Fed- eral party had any sympathy ibr England, but reaffirmed his endorsement of the policy of Washington as to strict neutral- ity. To this extent he sought to soften the asperities of the parties, and measurably succeeded, though the times were still stormy. The French revolution had reached its highest point, and our people still took sides. Adiims found he would have to arm to preserve neutrality and at the same time punish the r.ggrcssion of either of the combatants. This was our first exhibition of " armed neutrality." An American navy was quickly raised, and every preparation made for defending the rights of Americans. An alliance with France was refused, after which the American Minister was dismissed and the French naA-y began to cripj.le our trade. In May, 17i57, President Adams felt it his duty to call an extra .session of Congress, which closed in July. The Senate ap- proved of negotiations for retonciliation with France, They were attemi>ted but j)roved fruitless; in May, 1798, a full naval armament was authorized, and soon several French vessels were captured before there was any declaration of war. Indeed, neith- er power declared war, and as soon as France discovered how earnest the Ameri- cans were she made overtures for an ad- justment of difficulties, and these resulted in the treaty of 1800. The Republicans, though warmly favor- ing a contest, did not heartily support that inaugurated by Adams, and contended after this that the militia and a small naval force were sufficient for internal <lefense. They denounced the position of the Fed- erals, who favored the enlargement of the ::riuy and navy, as measures calculated to BOOK I.] REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS. 11 overawe public sentiment in time of peace. The Federals, however, through their prompt resentment of the aggressions ol' France, had many adherents to their party. They organized their power and sought to perpetuate it by the passage of the alien and sedition, and a naturaliza- tion law. The alien and sedition law gave the President autliority " to order all sucli aliens as he sliall judge dangerous to tlie peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable gi-ounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as shall be expressed in such order." The provisions which followed were in keeping with that quoted, the 3d section command- ing every master of a ship entering a port of the Uuitt'.d States, immediately on his arrival, to make report in writing to the collector of customs, the names of all aliens on board, etc. The act was to continue in force for two years from the date of its passage, and it was approved June 25tli, A resolution was introduced in the Sen- ate on the 25th of April, 1798, by Mr. Hillhouse of Connecticut, to inquire what provision of law ought to be made, &c., as to the removal of such aliens as may be dangerous to the peace of the country, &c. This resolution was adopted the next day, and Messrs. Hillhouse, Livermore and Read were appointed the committee, and subsequently reported the bill. It passed the Senate by 16 to 7, and the House by 46 to 40, the Republicans in the latter body resisting it warmly. The leading opposing idea was that it lodged with the Executive too much power, and was liable to great abuse. It has frequently since, in arguments against centralized ])ower, been used for ' illustration by political speakers. The Naturalization law, favored by the Federalists, because they knew they could acquire few friends either from newly ar- rived English or French aliens, among other requirements provided that an alien must reside in the United States fourteen years before he could vote. The Republi- cans denounced this law as calculated to check immigration, and dangerous to our country in the fact that it caused too many inhabitants to owe no allegiance. They also asserted, as did those wlio op- posed Americanism later on in our history, that America was properly an asylum for all nations, and that those coming to America should freely share all the privi- leges and liberties of the government. These laws and the political resentments which they created gave a new and what eventually proved a dangerous current to politica. thought and action. They were the immediate cause of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, Jeiferson be- ing the author of the former and Madison of the latter. These resolutions were full of political significance, aiui gave tone to sectional dis- cussion up to the close of the.war for the Union. They first promulgated the doc- trine of nullification or secession, and political writers mistake who point to Cal- houn as the father of that doctrine. It began with the old Republicans under the leadership of Jeiferson and Madison, and though directly intended as protests again.st the alien and sedition, and the naturaliza- tion laws of Congress, they kept one eye upon the question of slavery — rather that interest was kept in view in their declara- tions, and yet the authors of both were anything but warm a<lv()catcs of slavery. They were then striving, however, to rein- force the opposition to the Federal party, which the administration of Adams had thus far apparently weakened, and they had in view the brief agitation which had sprung up in 1793, five years before, on the petition to Congress of a Pennsylvania society " to use its powers to stop the traffic in slaves." On the question of referring this petition to a committee there arose a sectional debate. Men took sides not be- cause of the party to which they belonged, but the section, and for the first time the North and South were arrayed against each other on a question not then treateil either as partisan or political, but which most minds then saw must soon become both partisan and sectional. Syme of the Southern de- baters, in their protests against interfer- ence, thus early threatened civil war. With a view to better protect their rights to slave property, they then advocated and suc- ceeded in passing the first fugitive slave law. This was approved February 12, 1793. The resolutions of 1798 will be found in'" the book devoted to political platforms. So highly were these esteemed by the Re- publicans of that day, and by the interests whose support they so slirewdly invited, that they more than counterl)alanced the popularity acquired by the Federals in their resistance to France, and by 1800 they caused a rupture in the Cabinet of Adams. In the Presidential election of 1800 John Adams was the nominee for President and C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President. A " Congressional Convention" of Republi- cans, held in Philadelphia, nominated Thomas Jefferson and Aaron P>urr as can- didates for these offices. On the election which followed the Republicans chose 73 electors and the Federalists 6"). Each elector voted for twn persons, and the Re- publicans so voted that they unwisely gave .lell'orson and Burr each 73 votes. Neither being highest, it was not legally determined 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. which should be President or Vice-Presi- dent, and the election had to go to the House. The Federalists threw 65 votes to Adams and 64 to Pinckney. The Repub- licans could have done the same, but Burr's intrigue and ambition prevented this, and the result was a protracted contest in the House, and one which put the country in great peril, but which plainly pointed out some of the imperfections of the elec- toral features of the Constitution. The Federalists proposed to confess the inabil- ity of the House to agree through the vote by States, but to this proposition the Re- publicans threatened armed resistance. The Federalists next attempted a combina- tion with the friends of Aaron Burr, but this specimen of bargaining to deprive a nominee of the place to which it was the plain intention of his party to elect him, really contributed to Jefferson's popularity, if not in that Congress, certainly before the people. He was elected on the 36th ballot. The bitterness of this strife, and the dangers which similar ones threatened, led to an abandonment of the system of each Elector voting for two, the highest to be President, the next highest Vice-President, and an amendment was offered to the Con- stitution, and fully ratified by September 25, 1804, requiring the electors to ballot separately for President and Vice-Presi- dent. Jefferson was the first candidate nomi- nated by a Congressional caucus. It con- vened in 1800 at Philadelphia, and nomi- nated Jefferson for President and Burr for Vice-President. Adams and Pinckney were not nominated, but ran and were ac- cepted as natural leaders of their party, just as Washington and Adams were be- fore them. Do^vnfall ot the Federal Party. This contest broke the power of the Federal party. It had before relied upon the rare .sagacity and ability of its leaders, but the contest in the House developed such attempts at intrigue as disgusted many and caused all to quarrel, Hamilton having early sliowed his dislike to Adams. As a party the Federal had been peculiarly brave at times when high bravery was needed. It had framed the Federal Gov- ernment and stood by the powers given it until they were too firmly planted for even newer and triumphant partisans to reck- lessly trifle with. It stood for non-inter- ference with foreign nations against the eloquenceof adventurers, the mad impulses of mobs, the generosity of new-born free- men, the liarangues of demagogues, and best of all against those who sought to fan these ponulnr breezes to their own comfort. It provided for the p;iymcnt of the debt, had the courage to raise revenues both from internal and external sources, and to increase expenditures, as the growth of the country demanded. Though it passed out of power in a cloud of intrigue and in a vain grasp at the " flesh-pots," it yet had a glorious history, and one which none un- tinctured with the better prejudices of that day, can avoid admiring. The defeat of Adams was not unexpect- ed by him, yet it was greatly regretted by his friends, for he was justly regarded as second to no other civilian in the estab- lishment of the liberties of the colonies. He was eloquent to a rare degree, possessed natural eloquence, and made the most famous speech in advocacy of the Declara- tion. Though the proceedings of the Revolutionary Congress were secret, and what was said never printed, yet Webster gives his version of the noted speech of Adams, and we reproduce it in Book III. of this volume as one of the great speeches of noted American orators. Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated the third President, in the new capitol at Washing- ton, on the 4th of March, 1801, and Vice- President Burr took his seat in the Senate the same day. Though Burr distinctly dis- avowed any participancy in the House contest, he was distrusted by Jefferson's warm friends, and jealousies rapidly cropped out. Jefferson endeavored through his inaugural to smooth factious and party asperities,and so well were his words chosen that the Federalists indulged, the hope that they would not be removed from office be- cause of their political views. Early in June, however, the first ques- tion of civil service was raised. Mr. Jefler- son then removed Elizur Goodrich, a Fed- eralist, from the Collectorship of New Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop, a Republican, to the place. The citizens re- monstrated, saying that Goodrich was ])rompt, reliable and able, and showed that his successor was 78 years old, and too in- firm for the duties of the office. To these remonstrances Mr. Jefferson, under date of July 12th, replied in language which did not then, as he did later on, plainly assert the riglit of every administration to have its friends in office. Wc quote the fol- lowing : " Declarations by myself, in favor of political tolerance, exhortations to har- mony and affection in social intercourse, and respect for the equal rights of the minority, have, on certain occasions, been (juotcd and misconstrued into assurances that the tenure of office was not to be dis- tnrl)ed. But could candor ap])ly such a construction? When it is considered that, (luring the late administration, those who were not of a jiarticular sect of politics were excluded from all office; when, by a steady pnrsuit of this Tneasure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were BOOK I.J DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 13 monopolized by that sect ; when the public sentiment at length declared itself, and burst open the doors of h(;nor and conli- dence to those whose opinions they ap- proved; was it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was to be continued in the hands of the minority ? Does it violate their equal rigiits to assert some rights in the majority also? Is it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direc- tion of the public affairs? If a due partici- pation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be ol)tained ? Those by death are few, by resignation none. Can any other mode than that of removal be proposed? This is a painful ofhce; but it 13 made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that it may injure the best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private distress, that it may be thrown iis much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adhe- rence to our enemies. " I lament sincerely that unessential dif- ferences of opinion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter correc- tions. I shall correct the procedure ; but that done, return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be : Is he honest? Is he capable? Iske faithful to the constitution?'' Mr. Adams had made few removals, and none because of the political views held by the incumbents, nearly all of whom had been appointed by Washington and continued through good behavior. At the date of the appointment of most of them, Jefferson's Republican party had no exist- ence; so that the reasons given in the quotation do not comport with the facts. Washington's rule was integrity and ca- pacity, for he could have no regard for politics where political lines had been ob- literated in his own selection. Doubtless these office-holders were human, and ad- hered with warmth to the administration which they served, and this fact, and this alone, must have angered the Republicans and furnished them with arguments for a change. Mr. Jefferson'.^ position, however, made his later conduct natural. He was the ac- knowledged leader of his party, its founder indeed, and that party had carried him into power. He desired to keep it intact, to strengthen ita lines with whatever pa- , tronage he had at his disposal, and he evi- dently regarded the cause of Adams in not rewarding his friends as a mistake. It was, therefore, Jefferson, and not Jackson, who was the author of the theory that " to the victors belong the spoils." Jackson gave it a sharp and perfectly defined shape by the use of these words, but the spirit and principle were conceived by Jefferson, who throughout his life showed far greater originality in politics than any of the early patriots. It was his acute sense of just what was right for a growing political party to do, which led him to turn the thoughts of his followers into new and popular directions. Seeing that they were at grave disadvantage when opjjosiiig the attitude of the government in its policy with foreign nations ; realizing that the work of the Federalists in strengthening the power of the new government, in pro- viding revenues and ways and means for the payment of the debt, were good, he changed the character of the opposition by selecting only notoriously arbitrary measures for assault — and changed it even more radically than this. He early saw that simple opposition was not progress, and that it was both wise and popular to be progressive, and in all his later politi- cal papers he sought to make his party the party favoring personal freedom, the one of liberal ideas, the one which, instead of shirking, should anticipate every change calculated to enlarge the liberties and the opportunities of citizens. Tliese things were not inconsistent with his strong views in favor of local self-government ; indeed, in many particulars they seemed to sup- port that theory, and by the union of the two ideas he shrewdly arrayed po- litical enthusiasm by the side of politi- cal interest. Political sagacity more pro- found than this it is difficult to imagine. It has not since been equalled in the his- tory of our land, nor do we believe in the history of any other. After the New Haven episode, so jealous was Jefferson of his good name, that while he confided all new appointments to the hands of his political friends, he made few removals, and these for apparent cause. The mere statement of his position had proved an invitation to the Federalists in office to join his earlier friends in the sup- port of his administration. Many of them did it, so many that the clamorings of truer friends could not be hushed. With a view to create a new excuse, Jefferson declared that all a]ipointments nuide by Adams after February 14th, when the House began its ballotings for Fresidnit, were void, these appointments belonging of right to him, and from this act of Adams we date the political legacies which some of our Presidents have sim-e handed down to their successors. One of the 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. magistrates whose commission had been made out under Adams, sought to compel Jefferson to sign it by a writ of mandamus before the Supreme Court, but a " profound investigation of constitutional law " in- duced the court not to grant the motion. All commissions signed by Adams after the date named were suppressed. Jefferson's apparent bitterness against the Federalists is mainly traceable to the contest in the House, and his belief that at one time they sought a coalition with Burr. This coalition he regarded as a vio- lation of the understanding when he was nominated, and a supposed effort to ap- point a provisional office he regarded as an usurpation in fact. In a letter to James Monroe, dated February 15th, speaking of this contest, he says : " Four days of balloting have produced not a single change of a vote. Yet it is confidently believed that to-morrow there is to be a coalition. I know of no founda- tion for this belief. If they could have been permitted to pass a law for putting the government in the hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we thought it best to -de- clare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day such an act passed, the Middle States would arm, and that no such usur- pation, even for a single day, should be submitted to." It is but fair to say that the Federalists denied all such intentions, and that James A. Bayard, of Delaware, April 3, 1806, made formal oath to this denial. In this he says that three States, representing Federalist votes, offered to withdraw their opposition if John Nicholas, of Virginia, and the personal friend of Jefferson, would secure pledges that the public credit should be supported, the navy maintained, and that subordinate public officers, employed only in the execution of details, established by law, should not be removed from office on the ground of their public character, nor witliout con)plaint against their con- duct. The Federalists then went so far as U) admit that officers of " high discretion and confidence," such as members of the cabinet and foreign ministers, should be known friends of the administration. This proposition goes to show that there is noth- ing very new in what are called our modern politics; that the elder Bayard, as early as 1800, made a formal proposal to bargain. Mr. Nicholas offered his assur- ance that thcHc things would prove accep- table to and govern the conduct of Jeffer- son's administration, but he declined to con- sult with Jefferson on the points. General Smith subscqncMtly engai^ccl U) do it, and Jefferson renlicd that the points given corresponded with his vif'ws and inten- tions, and that Mr. Bayard and his friends might confide in him accordingly. The opposition of Vermont, Maryland and De- laware was then immediately withdrawn, and Mr Jefferson was made President. Gen'l Smith, twelve days later, made an affidavit which substantially confirmed that of Bayard. Latimer, the collector of the port of Philadelphia, and M'Lane, col- lector of Wilmington, (Bayard's special friend) were retained in office. He had cited these two as examples of his opposi- tion to any change, and Jefferson seemed to regard the pledges as not sacred beyond the parties actually named in Bayard's ne- gotiations with Gen'l Smith. This misunderstanding or misconstruc- tion of what in these days would be plain- ly called a bargain, led to considerable political criticism, and Jefferson felt it ne- cessary to defend his cause. This he did in letters to friends which both then and since found their way into the public prints. One of these letters, written to Col. Monroe, March 7th, shows in every word and line the natural politician. In this he says : " Some (removals) I know must be made. They must be as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation or inherent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between all and none, is not yet settled, and will not be till we get our administration together ; and perhaps even then we shall proceed a talons, balancing our measures according to the impression we perceive them to make. This may give you a general view of our plan." A little later on, March 28, he wrote to Elbridge Gerry : " Officers who have been guilty of gross abuses of office, such as marshals packing juries, etc., I shall now remove, as my predecessor ought in justice to have done. The instances will be few, and governed by strict rule, not party passion. The right of opinion shall suffer no invasion from me." Jefferson evidently tired of this subject, and gradually modified his views, as shown in his letter to Levi Lincoln, July 11, wherein he says : " I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me personally, has been with the de- sign and the hope of provoking me to make a general sweep of all Federalists out of office. But as I have carried no passion into the execution of this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. The clamor which has been raised will not pro- voke me to remove one more, nor deter me from removing one less, than if not a word had been said on the subject. In the course of tln' sununer, all which is neces- sary will be done; and we may hope that, this cause of offence being at an end, the measures we shall pursue and propose for the amelioration of the public affairs, will BOOK I.] DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS. 15 be 80 confessedly salutary as to unite all men not monarchists in principle." In the same letter he warmly berates the monarchical federalists, saying, " they are incurables, to be taken care of in a mad- house if necessary, and on motives of charity." The seventh Congress assembled. Po- litical parties were at first nearly equally divided in the Senate, but eventually there was a majority for the administration. Jefferson then discontinued the custom es- tablished by Washington of delivering in person his message to Congress. The change was greatly for the better, as it afforded relief from the requirement of immediate answers on the subjects con- tained in the message. It has ever since been followed. The seventh session of Congress, pursu- ant to the recommendation of President Jefferson, established a uniform system of naturalization, and so modified the law as to make the required residence of aliens five years, instead of fourteen, as in the act of 1798, and to permit a declaration of in- tention to become a citizen at the expiration of three years. By his recommendation also was established the first sinking fund for the redemption of the public debt. It required the setting apart annually for this Eurpose the sum of seven millions and three undred thousand dollars. Other mea- sures, more partisan in their character, were proposed, but Congress showed an avei-sion to undoing what had been wisely done. A favorite law of the Federalists establishing circuit courts alone was re- pealed, and this only after a sharp debate, and a close vote. The provisicmal army had been disbanded by a law of the previ- ous Congress. A proposition to abolish the naval department was defeated, as was that to discontinue the mint establishment. At this session the first law in relation to the slave trade was passed. It was to pre- vent the importation of negroes, mulattoes and other persons of color into any port of the United States within a state which had prohibited by law the admission of any such person. The penalty was one thou- sand dollars and the forfeiture of the vessel. The slave trade was not then prohibited by the constitution, nor was the subject then generally agitated, though it had been as early as 1793, when, as previously stated, an exciting sectional debate followed the presentation of a petition from Pennsylva- nia to abolish the slave trade. Probably the most important occurrence under the first administration of Jefferson was that relating to the i)urchase and ad- mission of Louisiana. There had been apprehensions of a war with Spain, and with a view to be ready Congress had passed an act authorizing the President to call upon the executives of such of the states as he might deem expedient, for detachments of militia not exceeding eighty thousand, or to accept the services of volunteers for a term of twelve months. The disagreement arose over the south-western boundary line and the right of navigating the Mississippi. Our government learned in the spring of 1802, that Spain had by a secret treaty made in October, 1800, actually ceded Louisiana to France. Our government had in 1795 made a treaty with Spain which gave us the right of dejiosite at New Or- leans for three years, but in October, 1802, the Spanish authorities gave notice by proclamation that this right was withdrawn. Excitement followed all along the valley of the Mississip]ji, and it was increased by the belief that the withdrawal of the privi- lege was made at the suggestion of France, though Spain still retained the territory, as the formalities of ceding it had not been gone through with. .Jefferson promptly took the ground that if France took pos- session of New Orleans, the United States would immediately become allies of Eng- land, but suggested to Minister Livingston at Paris that France might be induced to cede the island of New Orleans and the Floridas to the United States. It was his belief, though a mistaken one, that France had also acquired the Floridas. Louisiana then comprised much of the territory west of the Mississippi and south of the Mis- souri. The Federalists in Congress seized upon this question as one upon which they could make an aggressive war against Jefferson's administration, and resolutions were intro- duced asking information on the subject. Jefferson, however, wisely avoided all en- tangling suggestions, and sent Monroe to aid Livingston in effecting a purchase. The treaty was formed in April, 1803, and submitted by Jefferson to the Senate in October following. The Republicans ral- lied in favor of this scheme of annexation, and claimed that it was a constitutional right in the government to acquire territory — a doctrine widely at variance with their previous position, but occasions are rare where parties quarrel with their administra- tions on pivotal measures. There was also some latitude here for endorsement, as the direct question of territorial acquisition had not before been presented, but only hypo- thetically stated in the constitutional dis- putations then in great fashion. Jefferson would not go so far as to say that the con- stitution warranted the acquisition to for- eign territory, but the scheme was never- theless bis, and he stood in with his friends in the political battle which followed. The Federalists claimed that we had no power to acquire territory, and that the acquirement of liouisiana would give the S')uth a preponderance which would "con- tinue for all time (poor prophets they !), 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. since southern would be more rapid than northern development ; " that states cre- ated west of the Mississippi would injure the commerce of New England, and they even went so far as to say that the " ad- mission of the Western World into the Union would compel the Eastern States to establish an eastern empire," Doubts were also raised as to the right of Louisi- anians, when admitted to citizenship un- der our laws, as their lineage, language and religion were diflerent from our own. Its inhabitants were French and descend- ants of French, with some Spanish Cre- oles, Americans, English and Germans — in all about 90,000, including 40,000 slaves. There were many Indians of course, in a territory then exceeding a million of square miles — a territory which, in the language of First Consul" Napoleon, " strengthens forever the power of the United States," and which will give to England a mari- time rival that will sooner or later humble her pride " — a military view of the change fully justified by subsequent history. Na- poleon sold because of needed prepara- tions for war with England, and while he had previously expressed a willingness to take fifty million francs for it, he got sixty through the shrewd diplomacy of his min- isters, who hid for the time their fear of the capture of the port of New Orleans by the English navy. Little chance was afforded the Federal- ists for adverse criticism in Congress, for the purchase proved so popular that the Eeople greatly increased the majority in oth branches' of the eighth Congress, and Jefferson called it together earlier for the purpose of ratification. The Senate rati- fied the treatj' on the 20th of October, 1803, by a vote of 24 to 7, while the House adopted a resolution for carrying the treaty into effect by a vote of 90 to 25. Eleven million dollars of the purchase money was appropriated, the remaining four millions being reserved for the indemnity of Amer- ican citizens who had sustained losses by French assaults upon our commerce — from which fact subsequently came what is known as the French Spoliation Bill. Impeachment trials were first attempted before the eighth Congress in 1803. Judge Pickering, of the district court of the United States for New Hampshire, was iiri[)('ache(l for occjisional drunkenness, and dismissed from office. Judge (Jhase of the U. S. Supreme Court, and Judge Peters of tlic district court of Pennsylva- nia, both Federalists, were charged hy arti- cles proposed in the House with illegal and arbitrary conduct in the trial of mr- ties charged with political offenses. Tlie Federalists took alarm at these proceed- ings, and so vehenKsnt were their charges against the liepublicans of a desire to de- stroy the judiciarj" that their impeach* ments were finally abandoned. The Republicans closed their first na- tional administration with high prestige. They had met several congressional re- verses on questions where defeat proved good fortune, for the Federalists kept a watchful defence, and were not always wrong. The latter suffered numerically, and many of their best leaders had fallen in the congressional contest of 1800 and 1802, while the Republicans maintained their own additions in talent and number. In 1804, the candidates of both parties were nominated by congressional caucuses. Jefferson and Clinton were the Republi- can nominees ; Charles C Pinckney and Rufus King, the nominees of the Federal- ists, but they only received 14 out of 176 electoral votes. The struggle of Napoleon in Europe with the allied powers now gave Jefferson an opportunity to inaugurate a foreign policy. England had forbidden all trade with the French and their allies, and France had in return forbidden all com- merce with England and her colonies. Both of these decrees violated our neutral rights, and were calculated to destroy our commerce, which by this time had become quite imposing. Congress acted promptly, and on the 21st of December passed what is known as the Embargo Act, under the inspiration of the Republican party, which claimed that the only choice of the people lay between the embargo and war, and that there was no other way to obtain redress from England and France. But the promised effects of the measure were not realized, and so soon as any dissatisfaction was manifested by the people, the Federalists made the ques- tion a political issue. They declared it unconstitutional because it was not limited as to time ; that it helped England as against France (a cunning assertion in view of the early love of the Republicans for the cause of the French), and that it laid violent hands on our home commerce and industries. Political agitation in- creased the discontent, and public opinion at one time turned so strongly against the law that it was openly resisted on the eastern coast, and treated with almost as open contempt on the Canadian border. The bill had passed the House by 87 to 35, the Senate by 19 to 9. In January, 1809, the then closing administration of Jcflerson hud to change front on the ques- tion, and the law was repealed on the IHth of March. The Republicans when tlicy changed, went all the wav over, and advo- cated full protection by tbe use of a navy, of all our rights on the high seas. If the Federals could have recalled their old leaders, or retained even a considerable portion of their power, the opportunity BOOK I.] DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS. 17 E resented by the embargo issue could ave brought thein back to full jiolitical power, but lacking these leaders, the op- portunity passed Democrats and Federals. During the ninth Congress, which as- sembled on the second of Deceml)or, ISOft, the Republicans dropped their name and accepted that of " Democrats." In all their earlier strifes they had been charged by their opponents with desiring to run to the extremes of the democratic or " mob rule," and fear of too general a belief in the truth of the charge led them to denials and rejection of a name which the father of their party had ever shown a fondness for. The earlier dangers which had threatened their organization, and the re- collection of defeats sutfercd in their at- tempts to establish a government anti-fed- eral and confederate in their composition, had been greatly modified by later suc- cesses, and with a characteristic cuteness peculiar tf) Americans they accepted an epithet and sought to turn it to the best account. In this they imitated the patriots who accepted the epithets in the British satirical song of " Yankee Doodle," and called themselves Yankees. From the ninth Congress the JefFersonian Rei^ubli- cans called themselves Democrats, and the word Republican passed into disuse until later on in the history of our political parties, the opponents of the Democracy accepted it as a name which well filled the meaning of their attitude in the politics of the country. Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the first schism in the Republican party under Jefferson, when he and three of his friends ''•■voted against the embargo act. He resisted its passage with his usual earnestness, and all attempts at reconciling him to the mea- sure were unavailing. Self-willed, strong in argument and sarcasm, it is believed that his cause made it even more desirable for the Re])ublicans to change name in the hope of recalling some of the more wayward " Democrats " who had advoca- ted Jacobin democracy in the years gone by. The politicians of that day were never short of expedients, and no man so abounded in them as Jefferson himself. Randolph imjiroved his opportunities by getting most of the Virginia members to act with him against the foreign policy of the administration, but he was careful not to join the Federalists, and quickly denied any leaning that way. The first fruit of his faction was to bring forth ]\Ionroe as a candidate for President against Madison: — a movement which proved to be quite popular in Virginia, but which Jefterson flanked by bringing about a reconciliation between Monroe and Madison. The now usual Congressional caucus followed at Washington, and although the Virginia Legislature in its caucus proviously held had been unable to decide between Madi- son and ]Monroe, the Congressional body chose Madison by 83 to 11, the minority being divided between Clinton and Mon- roe, though the latter could by that time hardly be considered as a candidate. Thia action broke up Randolph's faction in Virginia, but left so much bitterness be- hind it that a large portion attached them- selves to the Federalists. In the election which followed Madison received 122 elec- toral votes against 47 for C. C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, and 6 for Geo. Clinton of New York. Before Jefferson's administration closed he recommended the passage of an act to prohibit the African slave trade after Jan- uary 1st, 1808, and it was passed accord- ingly. He had also rejected the form of a treaty received from the British minister Erskino, and did this without the formality of submitting it to the Senate — first, be- cause it contained no provision on the ob- jectionable practice of impressing our sea- men; second, * because it was accompanied by a note from the British ministers, by ^vhich the British government reserved to itself the right of releasing itself from the stii:)ulations in favor of neutral rights, if the United States submitted to the British decree, or other invasion of those rights by France." This rejection of the treaty by Jefferson caused public excitement, and the Federalists sought to arouse the com- mercial community against his action, and cited the fact that his own trusted friends, IMonroe and Pinckney had negotiated it. The President's party stood by him, and they agreed that submission to the Senate was immaterial, as its advice could not bind him. This refusal to consider the treaty was the first step leading to the war of 1812, for embargoes followed, and Britain openly claimed the right to search Amer- ican vessels for her deserting seamen. In 1807 this question was brought to issue l)y the desertion of five British seamen from the Halifax, and their enlistment on the U. S. frigate C'hesapeaJce. Four sepa- rate demands were made for these men, but all of the commanders, knowing the firm attitude of Jefferson's administration against the practice, refused, as did the Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand on the part of the British minister. On the 23d of June following, while the (ViesupeaJce was near the capes of Virginia, Capt. Humphreys of the British ship Leo- pard attempted to search her for deserters, (^apt. Barron denied the right of search, but on being fired into, lowered his flag, *From the Statesman's Manual, Vol. 1., by Erlwln Williams. 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. Humphreys then took four men from the Chesapeake, three of whom had previously entered the British service, but were Americans by birth, and had been form- ally demanded by Washington. The act was a direct violation of the international law, for a nation's ship at sea like its ter- ritory is inviolable. The British govern- ment disavowed the act of its officer and oftered apology and reparation, which were accepted. This event, however, strengthened Jefferson's rejection of the Monroe-Pinckuey treaty, and quickly stop- ped adverse political criticism at home. Foreign affairs remained, however, in a comi)licated state, owing to the wars be- tween England and the then successful Ka2)olcon, but they in no wise shook the firm hold which Jefferson had upon the people, nor the prestige of his party. He stands in history as one of the best poli- ticians our land has ever seen, and then as now no one could successfully draw the line between the really able politician and the statesman. He was accepted as both. His administration closed on the 3d of iMarch, 1809, when he expressed great gratification at being able to retire to pri- vate life. Mr. ]Madison succeeded at a time when the country, through fears of foreign aggres- sion and violence, was exceedingly gloomy and despondent — a feeling not encouraged in the least by the statements of the Fed- eralists, some of whom then thought politi- cal criticism in hours of danger not un- patriotic. They described our agriculture as discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, our commerce restrained, our navy dis- mantled, our revenues destroyed at a time when war was at any moment probable with either France, England or Spain. Madison, representing as he did the same party, from the first resolved to follow the policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there wa.s no misunderstanding. He desired to avert war as long as possil)le with England, and sought by skilful diplomacy to avert the dangers presented by both France and England in their attitude with neutrals. England had declared that a man v/ho was once a .su])ject always remained a subject, and on this plea based her deter- mination to impress again into her service all deserters from her navy. France, l)e- cause of refusal to accede to claims equally at war with our rights, had autliori/.ed the seizure of all American vessels entering the jKtrts of France. In ]\Iay, fSlO, when tlie non-intercourse act had exi)ired, Madi- son caused proposals to bo made to both belligerents, that if either would revoke its liostile edict, the non-intercourse act shonld be revived and enforced against tlie otlu'r nation. This act liad been passed by the tenth Congress Jis a substitute for the em- bargo. France quickly accepted MadLiou's proposal, and received the benefits of the act, and the direct result was to increase the growing hostility of England. From this time forward the negotiations had more the character of a diplomatic contest than an attempt to maintain peace. Both coun- tries were upon their mettle, and early in 1811, Mr. Pinckney, the American minister to Great Britain, was recalled, and a year later a formal declaration of war was made by the United States. « Just prior to this the old issue, made by the Republicans against Hamilton's scheme for a National Bank, was revived by the fact that the charter of the bank ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an attempt was made to recharter it. A bill for this ]uirpose was introduced into Con- gress, but on the 11th of January, 1811, it was indefinitely postponed in the House, by a vote of 65 to 64, Avhile in the Senate it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President, Geo. Clinton, on the 5th of February, 1811 — this notwithstanding its provisions had been framed or approved by Gallatin , the Secretary of the Treasury. The Federalists were all strong 'advocates of the measure, audit was so .strong that it divided some of the Democrats who en- joyed a loose rein in the contest so far as the administration was concerned, the President not specially caring for political quarrels at a timcAvhen war Avas threatened with a powerful foreign nation. The views of the Federalists on this (lucstion descend- ed to the Whigs some years later, and this fact led to the charges that the W^ were but Federalists in disguise. The eleventh Congress continued large Democratic majority, as did twelfth, which met on the 4th of Novem- ber, 1811, Henry ('laj', then an ardent supporter of the policy of Madison, suc- ceeding to the House speakership. He had previously served two short sessions in the U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a high reputation as .in able and fluent debat- er. He preferred the House, at that period of life, believing his powers better calcu- lated to win fiime in the more jiopular rep- resentative hall. Calhoun was also in the House at this time, and already noted for the boldness of his views and their asser- tion. In this Congress jealousies arose against the ]iolitical power of Virginia, which had already named three of the four Presi- dents, each for two terms, and De Witt Clinton, the well-known Ciovcrnor of New York, sought through these jealousies to create a division which would carry him into the Presidency. His efforts were for a time warmly seconded by several northern and southern states. A few months later the Legislature of New York formally o])ened the ball by nominating DeWitt Clinton for the Presidency. An address the the BOOK I.] THE JEFFERSON DEMOCRATS. 19 was issued by his fi-iends, August 17th, 1812, which has siace becomt; known as the Clin- tonian phitforni, and his luliowcrs were known as Clintonian Democrats. Tlie ad- dress contained the lirst j)ublic protest against the nomination of Presidential can- didates by Congressional caucuses. There was likewise declared opposition to that "official regency which j>rescribed tenets of political faith." The ell'orts of particular states to monopolize the principal offices was denounced, .'i-s wa.s the continuance of public men for long periods in office. Madison was nominated for a second term by a Congressional caucus held at Washington, in May, 1812. John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but as he declined on account of age, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, took his place. In September of the same year a conven- tion of the opposition, representing eleven states, was held in the city of New York, which nominated De Witt Clinton, with Jared IngersoU for Vice-President. This was the first national convention, partisan in character, and the Federalists have the credit of originating and carrying out the idea. The election resulted in the success of Madison, who received 128 electoral votes to 89 for Clinton. Pliough factious strife had been some- "what rife, less attention was paid to poli- tics than to the approaching war. There were new Democratic leaders in the lower House, and none were more i^rorainent than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves and Lowndes, all of South Carolina. The policj'^ of Jefferson in reducing the army and navy was now greatly deplored, and the defenceless condition in which it left the country was the partial cause, at least a stated cause of the factious feuds which fol- lowed. Madison sought to change this policy, and he did it at the earnest solici- tation of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes, who were the recognized leaders of the war party. They had early determined that Madison should be directly identified with them, and before his second nomina- tion had won him over to their more de- cided views in favor of war with England. He had held back, hoping that diplomacy might avert a contest, hut when once con- vinced that war was inevitable and even desirable under the circumstances, his official utterances were bold and free. In the June following the caucus which re- nominated him, he dei'lared in a message that our flag was continually insulted on the high seas ; that the right of searching American vessels for British seamen was still in practice, and that thousands of American citizens had in this way been impressed in service on foreign ships ; that peacful efforts at adjustment of the diffi- culties had proved abortive, and that the British ministry and British emissaries had actually been intriguing for the dis- memberment of the Union. The act declaring w'ar was aj)proved by the President on the 18th of June, 1812, and is remarkably short and comjjrehen- si ve. It was drawn by the attorney-general of the United States, William I'iuckuey, and is in the words following: — "vl/i act declarinij war between the United Kingduni of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencks thereof, and the United iStales of America and their territories. " Be it enacted, &c. That war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist be- tween the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America, and their territories ; and that the I'resident of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commissions, or letters of marque and general rei)risal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects, of the government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the subjects thereof." This was a soul-stirring message, but it did not rally all the people as it should have done. Political jealousies were very great, and the frequent defeats of the Fed- eralists, while they tended to greatly reduce their numbers and weaken their power, seemed to strengthen their animosity, and they could see nothing good in any act of the administration. They held, especially in the New England states, that the war had been declared by a political party simply, and not by the nation, though nearly ail of the Middle, and all of the Southern and Western States, warmly supported it. Clay estimated that nine-tenths of the peo- ple were in favor of the war, and under the inspiration of his eloquence and the strong state papers of Madison, they doubtless were at first. Throughout they felt their political strength, and they just as heartily returned the bitterness manifested by those of the Federalists who opposed the war, branding them as enemies of the republic, and monarchists who preferred the reign of Britain. Four Federalist representatives in Con- gress went so far as to issue an address, opposing the war, the way in which it had been declared, and denouncing it as unjust. Some of the New England states refused the order of the Presid(>nt to support it with their militia, and Miissachusetts sent peace memorials to Congress. A peace party was formed with a view to array the religious sentiment of the coun- try against the war, and societies with sim- ilar objects Avere organized by the more radical of the Federalists. To such an ex- 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. treme was this opposition carried, that some of the citizens of New Loudon, Conn., made a practice of giving information to the enemy, by means of blue lights, of the departure of American vessels. Tlie Hartford Convention. This opposition finally culminated in the assembling of a convention at Hartford, at which delegates were present from all of the New England states. They sat for three weeks with closed doors, and issued an ad- dress which will be found in this volume in the book devoted to political platforms. It was charged by the Democrats that the real object of the convention was to nego- tiate a separate treaty of peace, on behalf of New England, with Great Britain, but this charge "was as warmly denied. The exact truth has not since been discovered, the fears of the participants of threatened trials for treason, closing their mouths, if their professions were false. The treaty of Ghent, which was concluded on December 14th, 1814, prevented other action by the Hartford convention than that stated. It had assembled nine days before the treaty, which is as follows : Treaty of Glient. This treaty was negotiated by the Right Honorable James Lord Gambler, Henry Goulburn, Esq., and William Adams, Esq., on the part of Great Britain, and John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gal- latin, on behalf of the L^nited States. Tlie treaty can be found on p. 218, vol. 8, of Little & Brown's Statutes at Large. The first article provided for the restora- tion of all archives, records, or property taken by cither party from the other dur- ing tlie war. This article expressly pro- vides for the restoration of " .slaves or other private property." The second article pro- vided for the cessation of hostilities and limitation of time of capture. The third article provided for the restoration of prisoners of war. The fourth article defined the boundary established by the treaty of 1783, and pro- vided for commissioners to mark the same. The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth articles est;ihlished rules to govern the pro- ceedings of the commissionei's. The ninth article bound the United States and J I is Britannic Majesty to end all hostilities with Indian tribes, with whom they were then resjjcctively at war. The tenth article reads as follows: — " Whereas the trafiic in slaves is irrecon- cilable with the })rinciplcs of humanity and jasticc; and, whereas, both llis Ma- jesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their etforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best en- deavors to accomplish so desirable an ob- ject." The eleventh and last article provides for binding effect of the treaty, upon the ex- change of ratifications. The position of New England in the war is explained somewhat by her exposed po- sition. Such of the militia as served en- dured great hardships, and they were al- most constantly called from their homes to meet new dangers. Distrusting their loy- alty, the general government had with- held all supplies from the militia of Massa- chusetts and Connecticut for the year 1814, and these States were forced to bear the burden of supportingthem, at the same time contributing their quota of taxes to the general government — hardships, by the way, not greater than those borne by Penn- sylvania and Ohio in the late war for the Union, nor half as hard as those borne by the border States at the same time. True, the coast towns of Massachusetts were sub- jected to constant assault from the British navy, and the people of these felt that they were defenceless. It was on their petition that the legislature of Massachusetts final- ly, by a vote of 226 to 67, adopted the report favoring the calling of the Hartford Con- vention. A circular was then addressed to the Governors of the other States, with a request that it be laid before their legisla- tures, inviting them to appoint delegates, and stating that the object was to deliber- ate upon the dangers to which the eastern section was exposed, " and to devise, if practicable, means of security and defence which might be consistent with the preser- vation of their resources from total ruin, and not rejpugnant to their obligations as members of the Uniony The italicized por- tion shows that there was at least then no design of forming a sejiaratc treaty, or of promoting disunion. The legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Island endorsed the call and sent delegates. Those of New Hampshire and Vermont did not, but de- legates were sent by local conventions. These delegates, it is hardly necessary to remark, were all members of the Federal party, and their sus])ccte(l designs and ac- tion made the " Hartford Convention " a l)ye-word and rejiroach in the mouths of Democratic orators for years thereaiter. It gave to the Democrats, as did the entire history of the war, the prestige of superior patriotism, and they j)rofitcd by it as long as the memory of the Avar of 1812 was fresh. Indeed, directly after the war, all men seemed to kec]) in constant view the reluctance of the Federalists to sujiport the war, and their almost open hostility to it in New England. Peace brought pros- BOOK I.] THE CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS. 21 perity and plenty, but not oblivion of the old political issues, and this w:us the be- f inning of the end of the Federal party, ts decay thereafter was rapid and con- stant. The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth Con- gresses had continued Democratic. The fourteenth l)egan Dec. 4, 1815, with the Democratic majority in the House increased to 30. Clay had talccn part in negotiating the treaty, and on his return was again elected to tlie House, and was for the tliird time elected speaker. Though (55 Feder- alists had been elected, but 10 were given to Federal candidates for speaker, this party now sho\«ng a strong, and under tlu; circumstances, a very luitural desire to rub out j)arty lines. The internal taxes and the postage rates were reduced. The Protective Tai^. ' President Madison, in his message, had^ urged upon Congress a revision of thd' tariff, and pursuant to his recommendation what was at the time called a protective tariff was passed. Even Calhoun then supported it, while Clay proclaimed that protection must no longer be secondary to revenue, but of primary importance. The rates fixed, however, were insufficient, and many American manufactures were soon frustrated by excessive importations of for- eign manufactures. The position of Cal- houn and Lowndes, well known leaders from South Carolina, is explained by the fact that just then the proposal of a pro- tective tariff was popular in the south, in view of the heavy duties upon raw cotton which England then imposed. The Feder- alists in weakness changed their old posi- tion when they found the Democrats advo- cating a tariff, and the latter quoted and published quite extensively Alexander Hamilton's early report in favor of it. "Webster, in the House at the time and a leading Federalist, was against the bill. The parties had exchanged positions on the question. Peace brought with it another exchange of positions. President Madison, although he had vetoed a bill to establish a National Bank in 1S15, was now (in 181G) anxious for the establishment of such an institution. Clay had also changed his views, and claimed that the experiences of the war showed the necessity for a national curren- cy. The bill met with strong opposition from a few Democrats aud nearly all of the Federalists (the latter having changed po- sition on the question since 1811), but it passed and was signed by the President. A bill to promote internal improvements, advocated by Clay, was at first favored by !Madison, but his mind changed and he ve- toed the measure — the first of its kind passed by Congress. The Democratic members of Congress, before the adjournment of the first session, held a caucus for the nomination of can- didates to succeed Madison and Gerry, It was understood that the retiring officers and their confidential friends favored James Monroe of Virginia. Their wishes were carried out, but not without a strug- gle, \Vm. H. Crawford of Georgia receiv- ing 54 votes against 65 for Monroe. The Democrats opposed to Virginia's domina- tion in the politics of the country, made a seconil effort, and directed it against Monroe in the caucus. Aaron Burr denounced him as an improper and incompetent can- didate, and joined in the protest then made against any nomination by a Congressional caucus; he succeeding in getting nineteen Democrats to stay out of the caucus. Later he advised renewed attempts to break down the Congressional caiicus system, and before the nomination favored Andrew Jackson as a means to that end. Daniel Ol Tompkins was nominated by the Demo- crats for Vice-President. The Federalists named Rufus King of New York, but in the election which followed he received but 34 out of 217 electoral votes. The Federalists divided their votes for Vice- President. / Monroe was inaugurated on the 14th of nVIarch, 1817, the oath being administered by Chief Justice Marshall. The inaugural address was so liberal in its tone that it seemed to give satisfaction to men of all shades of political opinion. The questions which had arisen during the war no longer had any practical significance, while the people were anxious to give the disturbing ones Avhich ante-dated at least a season of rest. Two great and opposing policies had previously obtained, and singularly enough each seemed exactly adapted to the times when they were triumphant. The Fed- eral power had been asserted in a govern- ment which had gathered renewed .strength during what was under the circumstances a great and perilous war, and the exi- gencies of that war in many instances compelled the Republicans or Democrats, or the Democratic-Republicans as some still called them, to concede points which had theretofore been in sharp dispute, and they did it with that facility Avhich only Americans can command in emergencies : yet as a party they kept firm hold of the desire to enlarge the scope of liberty in its application to the citizens, and just here kept their original landmark. It is not singular then that the adminis- tration of ]\Ionroe opened what has ever since been known in jiolitics as the " Era of Good Feeling." Party difl'crences ra- pidly subsided, and political serenity v,•■^s the order of the day. Jlonroe made a tour of the States, with "the direct object of in- specting fortifications and means of de- 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. fence, and in tliis way spread the good feeling, Avithout seeming to have any such object. He was everywhere favorably greeted by the people, and received by delegations which in many instances were specially made up of all shades of opinion. The Cabinet was composed of men of rare political distinction, even in that day of great men. It was probably easier to be great then than now, just as it is easier to be a big political hero in the little State of Delaware than it is in the big States of New York or Pennsylvania. Yet these men were universally accepted as great without regard to their localities. All were Eepublicans or Democrats, with John Quincy Adams as Secretary of State, AVm. H. Crawford (Monroe's competitor for the nomination) as Secretary of the Treasury, John C. Calhoun as Secretary of War, William Wirt as Attorney General. All of these united with the President in the general desire to call a halt upon the political asperities which were then recog- nized as a public evil. On one occasion, during his tour, the citizens of Kennebunk and its vicinity, in Maine, having in their address alluded to the prospects of a politi- cal union among the people in support of the administration, the President said in reply : " You are pleased to express a confident hope that a spirit of mutual conciliation may be one of the blessings which may re- sult from my administration. This in- deed would be an eminent blessing, and I pray it may be realized. Nothing but union is waiting to make us a great people. The present time affords the hapi^iest presage that this union is fast consumma- ting. It cannot be otherwise ; I daily see greater proofs of it. The further I ad- vance in my progress in the country, the more I perceive that we are all Americans — that we compose but one family — that our republican institutions will be sup- ported and perpetuated by the united zeal and patriotism of all. Nothing could give me greater satisfaction than to behold a perfect union among ourselves — a union which is necessary to restore to social in- tercourse its former charms, and to render our happiness, as a nation, unmixed and complete. To promote this desirable re- sult requires no compromise of principle, and I promise to give it my continued at- tention, and my best endeavors." Even CJeneral Jackson, since held up to public view by liistorians as the most austere and "stalwart" of all politicians, caught tlie sweet infection of peace, and thus advised IVcsident Monroe: — "Now is tlie time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By select- ing [for cal)inet officers] characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and lirmuess, without regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings, which, on Ibrmer ■^ occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government. The chief magis- trate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. His con- duct should be liberal and disinterested ; always bearing in mind, that he acts for the whole and not a part (jf the community." This advice had been given with a view to influence the appointment of a mixed political Cabinet, but while Monroe pro- fessed to believe that a free government could exist without political parties, he nevertheless sought to bring all of the peo- ple into one political fol4> and that the Democratic. Yet he certainly and plainly sought to allay factions in his own party, and with this view selected Crawford for the Treasury — the gentleman who had been so warmly supported in the nomina- ting struggle by the Clintonians and by all who objected to the predominating in- fluence of Virginia in national jjolitics. Monroe, like his immediate predecessor, accepted and acted upon the doctrines of the new school of Eepublicans as repre- sented by Clay and Calhoun, both of whom still favored a tariff, while Clay had be- come a warm advocate of a national sys- tem of internal improvements. These two statesmen thus early differed on some questions, but they were justly regarded as the leading friends and advisers of the ad- ministration, for to both still clung the patriotic recollections of the war which they had so warmly advocated and sup- ported, and the issue of which attested their wisdom. Clay preferred to be called a Ecpnblican ; Calhoun preferred to be called a Democrat, and just then the terms were so often exchanged and mingled that history is at fault in the exact designation, while tradition is colored by the bias of subsequent events and lives. Monroe's first inaugural leaned toward Clay's scheme of internal inijirovements, but questioned its constitutionality. Clay was next to Jefferson the most original of all our statesmen and politicians. He was prolific in measures, and almost resistless in their advocacy, From a political stand- point he was the most direct author of the war of 1812, for his advocacy mainly l)rought it to the issue of arms, which through him and Calhoun were substituted for diplomacy. And Calhoun then stood in broader view before the countiy than since. His sectional pride and bias had been rarely aroused, and like Clay he seemed to act for the countrj'^ as an en- tirety. Subse<|uent sectional issues changed the views held of him l)y the peo]»lc of both the North and South. AV'^c have said that Monroe leaned toward internal improvements, but he thought Cougfcas was not clothed by the BOOK I.] THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 23 Constitution with the power to authorize measures supporting it, and when the oj)- portunity was presented (May 4, 1822) he vetoed tlie hill " for the preservatiuu and repair of the Cumherland road," and ae- companied the veto with a most elahorate message in which lie discussed the eonsti- tutional aspects of the question. A plain majority of the I'riends of the administra- tion, under the leadership of Clay, sup- ported the theory of internal improve- ments from the time the administralion began, but were reluctant to permit a divi- sion of the party on the question. !^Iississippi and Illinois were admitted to the Union during the "Era of Good Feeling," without serious political disturb- ance, while Alal)ama was authorized to form a state constitution and government, and Arkansas was authorized as a separate territorial government from {)art of Mis- souri. In ISII) President Monroe made a tour through the Southern States to ex- amine their defenses and see and get ac- quainted with the people. From the first inauguration of Monroe up to 1819 party lines can hardly be said to have existed, but in the sixteenth session of Congress, which continued until May, 1820, new questions of national interest arose, jiro- minent among which were additional pro- tective duties for our manufactures ; inter- nal improvements by the government ; acknowledgments of the independence of the South American States. Tlic Monroe Doctrine. Upon tne question of recognizing the in- dependence of the South American States, the President made a record which has ever since been quoted and denominated "The Monroe Doctrine." It is embodied in the following abstract of his seventh annual message, under date of Dec. 2d, 1823: " It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those coun- tries, and that it appeared to be conduct- ed with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been, so far, very diiferent from what was then antici{>ated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side ot the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relat- ing to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when rights are in- vaded or seriously menaced, that we re- sent injuries, or make jfreparation lor our defense. AVith the movements in this hemisj)here we are of necessity more im- mediately connected, and by causes which must l>e obvious to ail enlij^htened and inq)artial ol)servers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially dillerent in tiiis respect from that of America. This dill'erence proceeds I'rom that wliich exisu in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much l)lood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felici- ty, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amica- ble relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their ])flrt to extend their system to any jtortion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. AVith the existing colo- nics or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose inde2:»endence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowdedged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any Euro- pean power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disjiosition toward the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have ad- hered, and shall continue to adhere, pro- vided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this government, shall make a corres- ]ionding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. The late events in Spain and PiU'tugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced, than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a ytrln- cij)le satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal con- cerns of Spain. To what extent such in- terposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question to which all inde- pendent powers, whose governments dilfer from theirs, are interested ; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our j)olicy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at au early stage of the wars which have so long agi- tated that quarter of the globe, neverthe- less remains the same, which is, not to in- terfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers ; to consider the government, 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. de facto, as the legitimate government for us: to cultivate friendly relations Avith it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy ; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied jjowcrs should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endan- gering our peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe, that our southern breth- ren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indiffer- ence. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hojje that other powers will pursue the same cotirse." The second election of ]\Ionroe, in 1820, was accomplished without a contest. Out of 231 electoral votes, but one was cast against him, and that for John Quincy Adams. Mr. Tompkins, the candidate for Vice-President, was only a little less for- tunate, there being 14 scattering votes against him. Neither party, if indeed there was a Federalist party left made any nominations. The Missouri Compromise. The second session of the 17th Con-, gress opened on the 4th day of JIarch, 1820, with James Monroe at the head of the Executive Department of the Govern- ment, and the Democratic party in the majority in both branches of the Federal Legislature. The Cabinet at that time was composed of the most brilliant minds of the country, indeed as most justly re- marked by Senator Thomas H. Benton in his ptiblished review of the events of that period, it would be difficult to find in any government, in any country, at any time, more talent and experience, more dignity and decorum, more purity of private life, a larger mass of information, and more ad- diction to basiness, than was comprised in the list of celebrated names then consti- tuting the executive department of the government. The legislative department was equally impressive. The exciting and agitating question then ])ending before Congress was on the admission of the State of Missouri into the Federal Union, the subject of the issuebeingtheattompted tacking on of conditions restricting sla- very within her limits. She was admitted without conditions under the so-called compromise, which abolished it in certain portions of the then province of Louisiana. In this controversy, the compromise was sustained and carried entirely by the Dem- ocratic Senators and members from the Southern and slave-holding States aided and sanctioned by the Executive, and it was opposed, by fifteen Senators from non- slave-hoiding States, who rejjresented the opposite side on the political questions of the day. It passed the House by a close vote of 86 to 82. It has been seriously ques- tioned since whether this act was constitu- tional. The real strtiggle was political, and for the balance of power. For a while it threatened the total overthrow of all po- litical parties tipon principle, and the sub- stittttiou of geographical parties discrimi- nated by the slave line, and thtis destroy- ing the proper action of the Federal gov- ernment, and leading to a separation of the States. It was a federal movement, ac- cruing to the benefit of that party, and at first carried all the Northern democracy in its current, giving the stipremacy to their adversaries. When this effect was per- ceived, democrats from the northern non slave-holding States took early opportu- nity to prevent their own overthrow, by voting for the admission of the States on any terms, and thus prevent the eventual separation of the States in the establish- ment of geographical parties divided by a slavery and anti-slavery line. The year 1820 marked a period of finan- cial distress in the country, which soon became that of the government. The army was reduced, and the general expenses of the departments cut down, despite which measures of economy the Congress deemed it necessary to authorize the President to contract for a loan of five million dollars. Distress was the cry of the day ; relief the general demand, the chief demand com- ing from debtors to the Government for public lands purchased under the then credit system, this debt at that time ag- gregating twenty-three millions of dollars. The banks failed, money vanished, instal- ments were coming due which could not ])e met ; and the opening of Congress in November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival of memorials from all the new States pray- ing for the relief to the ]nirchaser of the public lands. The President referred to it in his annual message of that year, and Congress passed a measure of relief by changing the system to cash sales instead of credit, reducing the i)rice of the lands, and allowing present debtors to apply pay- ments already made to portions of the land purchased, relinquishing the remain- der. Ap])lications were made at that time for the establislmuMit of the pre- emptive system, but withotit effect ; the now States continued to ])rcss the question and finally ])revai]ed, so that now the pre- emptive principle has become a fixed part BOOK 1.] THE TARIFF — AMERICAN SYSTEM. 25 of our lund system, permanently incorpo- Roa(l,which passed both houses of Congress, rated with it, and to the etiual advantage of tlie settler and the government. met with a veto from President Monroe, accompanied by a state paper in exposi- The session of 1820-21, is remarkable as tion of his opinions upon the whole sub- being the first at which any proposition jcct of Federal interference in matters of wius made in Congress Ibr the occupation inti'r state commerce and roads and canals, and settlement of our territory on the He discussed the measure in all its bear- Columbia river — the only part then owned iiigs, and plainly showed it to be uncon- by the United States on the Pacific coast, stitutional. After stating the question, he It was made by Dr. Floyd, a representa- , examined it under every head of constitu- tive from Virginia, wlio argued that the tional derivation under which its advo- establishment of a civilized power on the cates claimed the power, and found it to American coast of the Pacific could not | be granted by no one of them and virtually fail to ])roduce great and wonderful bene- j prohiljited by some of tliom. This was fits not only to our own country, but to | then and has since been considered to be the people of Eastern Asia, China and the most elaljorate and thoroughly con- Japan on the opposite side of the Pacific Ocean, and that the valley of the Colum- bia might become the granary of China and Japan. This movement suggested to Senator Benton, to move, for the first time publicly in the United States, a resolution to send ministers to the Oriental States. At this time treaties with ]\Iexico and Spain were ratified, by which the United States acquired Florida and ceded Texas ; these treaties, together with the Missouri compromise — a measure contemporaneous with them — extinguished slave soil ia all the United States territory west of the Mississippi, except in that portion which was to constitute the State of Arkansas ; and, including the extinction in Texas consequent upon its cession to a non-slave- holding power, constituted the largest ter- ritorial abolition of slavery that was ever up to that period effected by any political power of any nation. The outside view of the slave question in the United States, at this time, is that the extension of slavery was then arrested, circumscribed, and confined within narrow territorial limits, while free States were permitted an almost unlimited expansion. In 1822 a law passed Congress abolish- ing the Indian factory system, which had been established during Washington's ad- ministration, in 1796, under which the Government acted as a factor or agent for the sale of supplies to the Indians and the purchase of furs from them ; this branch of the service then belonged to the depart- ment of the Secretary of AVar. The abuses discovered in it led to the discontinuance of that system. The Presidential election of 1824 was approaching, the candidates were in the field, their respective friends active and busy, and popular topics for the canvass in earnest requisition. Congress was full of projects for different objects of internal improvement, mainly in roads and canals, and the friends of each candidate exerted themselves in rivalry of each other, under the supposition that their opinions would stand for those of their principals. An act sidered opinion upon the general question which has ever been delivered by any American statesman. This great state pa- j)er, delivered at a time when internal im- provement by the federal government had become an issue in the canvass for the Presidency and was ardently advocated by three of the candidates and qualified by two others, had an immense current in itvS power, carrying with it many of the old strict constructionists. The revision of the tariff, with a view tar " the protection of home industry, and to the establishment of what was then called " The American System," Avas one of the large subjects before Congress at the ses- sion of 1823-24, and was the regular com- mencement of the heated debates on that question which afterwards ripened into a serious difficulty between the federal gov- ernment and some of the Southern States. The presidential election being then de- pending, the subject became tinctured with party politics, in which so far as that in- gredient was concerned, and was not con- trolled by other considerations, members divided pretty much on the line which al- ways divided them on a question of con- structive powers. The protection of do- mestic industry not being among the pow- ers granted, was looked for in the inciden- tal ; and denied by the strict construction- ists to be a substantive term, to be exer- cised for the direct purpose of protection ; but admitted by all at that time and ever since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an incident to the revenue raising power, and an incident to be regarded in the exercise of that power. Revenue the object, jn-o- tection the incident, had been the rule ia the earlier tariffs ; now that rule was sought to be reversed, and to make protection the object of the law, and revenue the inci- dent. ]Mr. Henry Clay was the leader in the proposed revision and the champion of the American system ; he wixs ably sup- ported in the Hoiuse by many able and effective speakers ; who based their argu- ment on the general distress then alleged to be ]>revalent in the country. ]Mr. Daniel for the preservation of the Cumberland i Webster wa^s the leading speaker on the 26 'AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. other side, and disputed tlie universality of" the distress wliich liad been described ; and contested the propriety of high or pro- hibitory duties, in tlie present active and intelligent state of the world, to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. The bill was carried by a close vote in both Houses. Though brought forward avowedly for the protection of domestic manutacturos, it was not entirely supported on that ground ; an increase of revenue being the motive with some, the public debt then being nearly ninety millions. An increased protection to the products of several States, as lead in Missouri and Illi- nois, hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsyl- vania, wool in Ohio and New York, com- manded many votes for the bill ; and the impending presidential election had its in- fluence in its favor. Two of the candidates, Messrs. Adams and Clay, voted for and avowedly supported General Jackson, who voted for the bill, was for it, as tending to give a home sup- ply of the articles necessary in time of war, and as raising revenue to pay the public, debt ; ]\Ir. Crawford w.as opposed to it, and Mr. Calhoun had withdrawn as a Presiden- tial candidate. The Southern planting States were dissatisfied, believing that the new burdens upon imports which it im- posed, fell upon the producers of the ex- ports, and tended to enrich one section of the Union at the exjsense of another. The attack and support of the bill took much of a sectional aspect; Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others, being unanimous against it. Pennsylva- nia, New York, Ohio, and Kentucky being unanimous for it. Massachusetts, which up to this time had no small influence in commerce, voted, with all, except one memlier, against it. With this sectional aspect, a tariff for protection, also began to assume a political aspect, being taken un- der the care of the party, afterwards de- nominated as Whig. The bill was ap- proved by President Monroe; a proof that that careful and strict constructionist of the constitution did not consider it as de- prived of its revenue character by the de- gree of protection which it extended. yk sul)ject which at the present time is /exciting much criticism, viz: proposed amendments to the constitution relative to the election of President and Vice-Presi- dent, had its origin in movements in that direction taken i)y leading Dcmocnits dur- ing the campaign of 1H24. The electoral college has never been since the early elec- tions, an independent body free to select a I'rcsidcnt and Vice-President; though in theory lliey have been vested with such powers, in practic(i they have no such i)rac- tical power over the elections, and have had none since their institution, in every caue the elector huu buuu au iustrumeut, bound to obey a particular impulsion, and disobedience to which Avould be attended with infamy, and with every penalty which public indignation could inflict. From the beginning they have stood pledged to vote for the candidate indicated by the ])ublic will ; and have proved not only to be use- less, but an inconvenient intervention be- tween the people and the object of their choice. Mr. McDuffie in the House of Representatives and Mr. Benton in the Senate, proposed amendments; the mode of taking the direct vote to be in districts, and the persons receiving the greatest number of votes for President or Vice- President in any district, to count one vote for such ofBce respectively Avhich is noth- ing but substituting the candidates them- selves for their electoral i-epreseutatives. In the election of 1824 four candidates were before the people for the office of President, General Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford and Plenry Clay. None of them received a majority of the 261 electoral votes, and the election devolved upon the House of Representa- tives. John C. Calhoun had a majority of the electoral votes for the office of Vice- President, and was elected. Mr. Adams was elected President by the House of Representatives, although General Jack- son was the choice of the people, having received the greatest number of votes at the general election. The election of ]\Ir. Adams was perfectly constitutional, and jig such fully submitted to by the people ; but it was a violation of the demos Iraico jjrin- ciple; and that violation was equally re- buked. All the representatives who voted against the will of their constituents, lost their favor, and disa]ipeared from public life. The representation in the House of Representatives was largely changed at the first general election, and presented a full opposition to the new President. Mr. Adams himself was injured by it, and at the ensuing presidential election was beat- en by General Jackson more than two to one. Mr. Clay, who took the lead in the House for Mr. Adams, and afterwards took upon himself the ndssion of reconciling the people to his election in a series of public s])eeches, was himself crippled in the effort, lost his jdace in the democratic par- ty, and joined the Whigs (then called the national republicans). The democratic princi])le was victor over the theory of the Constitution, and beneficial results ensued. It vindicated the people in their right and their power. It re-established panics upon the basis of principle, and drew anew ])arty lines, then almost obliterated under the fusion of parties during the "era of good feeling," and the elfbrts of leading men to make ])crsonal ])arties fi)r them- selves. It showed the conservative power BOOK I.] TENURE OF OFFICE — ELIGIBILITY. 27 of our goverment to lie in the people, more than in its constituted authorities. It showed that they were rai)able of exercis- ing the functi(jn of seli-goveriunent, and histly, it assumed tlie supremacy of the de- mocracy for a longtime, and until lost by causes to be referred to hereafter. The Presidential election of 1824 is remarkable under another aspect — its results cautioned all public men against future attemjjts to govern presidential elections in the House of Representatives; and it put an end to the practice of caucus nominations for the Presidency by members of Congress. This mode of concentrating public opinion be- gan to be practiced as the eminent men of the Revolution, to whom public opinion awarded a preference, were passing away, and when new men, of more equal preten- sions, were coming upon the stage. It was tried several times with success and general approbation, because public sentiment was followed — not led — by the caucus. It was attempted in 1824 and failed; all the op- ponents of Mr. Crawford, by their joint efforts, succeeded, and .justly in the fact though not in the motive, in rendering these Congress caucus nominations odious to the people, and broke them down. They were tlropped, and a different mode adopted — that of party nominations by conventions of delegates from the States. The administration of Mr. Adams com- menced with his inaugural address, in which the chief topic was that of internal national improvement by the federal gov ■ ernment. This declared policy of the ad- ministration fiirnished a ground of opposi- tion against Mr. Adams, and went to the reconstruction of parties on the old line of strict, or latitudinous, construction of the Constitution. It was clear from the begin- ning that the new administration was to have a settled and strong opposition, and that founded in principles of government — the same principles, under different forms, which had discriminated parties at the commencement of the federal govern- ment. Men of the old school — survivors of the contest of the Adams and Jetferson times, with some exceptions, divided ac- cordingly — the federalists going for Mr. Adams, the republicans against "him, with the mass of the younger generation. The Senate by a decided majority, and the House by a strong minority, were opposed to the policy of the new President. In 1826 occurred the f uuous debates in the Senate and the House, on the proposeil Congress of American States, to contract alliances to guard against and prevent the establishment of any future European co- lony within its borders. The mission though sanctioned was never acted upon or carried out. It was authorized by very nearly a party vote, the democracy as a party being against it The President, Mr. Adams, stated the objects of the Congress to be as follows : " An agreement between all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony within its own borders, may be advisable. This was, uKjre than two years since, announced by my prede- cessor to the world, as a ])rinciple result- ing from the emancipation of both the American continents. It nuiy be so de- veloped to the new southern nations, that they may feel it as an essential appendage to their independence." Mr. Adams had been a member of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, filling the department I'rom which the doctrine would emanate. The enunciation by him as above of this "Monroe Doctrine," as it is called, is very different from what it has of late been snp- poscd to be, as binding the United States to guard all the territory of the New World from European colonization. The mes- sage above quoted was written at a time when the doctrine as enunciated by the former President through the then Secre- tary was fresh in the mind of the latter, and when he himself in a communication to the American Senate was laying it down for the adoption of all the American na- tions in a general congress of their depu- ties. According to President Adams, this " Monroe Doctrine " (according to which it has been of late believed that the United States were to stand guard over the two Americas, and repulse all intrusive colo- nists from their shores), was entirely con- fined to our own borders ; that it was only proposed to get the other States of the New World to agree that, each for itself, and by its own means, should guard its own terri- tories ; and, consequently, that the United States, so far from extending gratuitous protection to the territories of other States, would neither give, nor receive, aid in any such enterprise, but that each should use its own means, w^ithin its own borders, for its own exemption from European colonial intrusion. No question in its day excited more in- temperate discussion, excitement, and feel- ing between the Executive and the Senate, and none died out so quickly, than this, relative to the proposed congress of Ameri- can nations. The chief advantage to be derived from its retrospect — and it is a real one — is a view of the firmness with which the minority maintained the old policy of the United States, to avoid entangling al- liances and interference with the affairs of other nations; and the exposition, by one so competent as Mr. Adams, of the true scope and meaning of the Monroe doc- trine. At the session of 1825-26 attempt was again made to procure an amendment to the Constitution, fii relation to the mode 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of election of President and Vice-Presi- dent, so as to do away with all intermedi- ate agencies, and give the election to the direct vote of the people. In the Senate the matter was referred to a committee who reported amendments dispensing with electors, providing for districts equal in number to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State was entitled in Congress, and obviating all excuses for caucuses and conventions to concentrate public opinion by providing that in the event of no one receiving a ma- jority of the whole number of district votes cast, that a second election should be held limited to the two persons receiving the highest number of votes ; and in case of an equal division of votes on the second elec- tion then the House of Reioresentatives shall choose one of them for President, as is prescribed by the Constitution. The idea being that the first election, if not re- sulting in any candidate receiving a ma- jority, should stand for a popular nomina- tion — a nomination by the people them- selves, out of which the election is almost sure to be made on the second trial. The same plan was suggested for choosing a Vice-President, except that the Senate was to finally elect, in case of failure to choose at first and second elections. The amend- ments did not receive the requisite supjjort of two-thirds of either the Senate or the House. This movement was not of a par- tisan character ; it was equally supported and opposed respectively by Senators and Representatives of both parties. Substan- tially the same plan was recommended by President] Jackson in his first annual mes- Bage to Congress, December 8, 1829. It is interesting to note that at this Ses- sion of 1825 and '26, attempt was made by the Democrats to pass a tenure of ofiice bill, as ap]>licable to government em- ployees and office-holders ; it provided that in all nominations made by the President to the Senate, to fill vacancies occasioned by an exercise of the Presi- dent's power to remove from office, the fact of the removal shall be stated to the Senate at the .same time that the nnmina-< tion is made, with a statement of the rea-f sons for which such officer may have been removed." It was also sought at the same time to amend the Constitution to prohibit the appointment of any member of Con- gress to any federal ollice of trust or profit, during the jjcriod for which he was elec- ted; the design being to make the mem- bers wholly independent of tlie Executive, and not subservient to tlie latter, and in- capable of ncciving favors in the form of bestownls of official jjiitronage. The tiirilfof 1828 is an era in our politi- cal legislation; from it the doctrine of " nnllification " originated, and IVom tliat date began a serious division between the North and the South. This tariff law was projected in the interest of the woolen manufacturers, but ended by including all manufacturing interests. The i:)assage of this measure was brought about not because it was favored by a majority, but because of political exigencies. In the then ap- proaching presidential election, Mr. Adams, who was in favor of the " Ameri- can System," supported by Mr. Clay (his Secretary of State) was opposed by General Jackson. This tariff' was made an admin- istration measure, and became an issue in the canvass. The New England States, which had formerly favored Iree trade, on account of their commercial interests, changed their policy, and, led by Mr. Webster, became advocates of the protec- tive system. The question of protective tariff had now not only become political, but sectional. The Southern States as a section, were arrayed against the system, though prior to 1816 had favored it, not merely as an incident to revenue, but as a substantive object. In fact these tariff bills, each exceeding the other in its de- gree of protection, had become a regular appendage of our presidential elections — carrying round in every cycle of four years, with that returning event ; starting in 1816 and followed up in 1820-24, and now in 1828, with successive augmentations of duties ; the last being often pushed as a party measure, and with the visible pur- pose of influencing the presidential elec- tion. General Jackson was elected, hav- ing received 178 electoral votes to 83 re- ceived by John Quincy Adams. Mr. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, who was on the ticket with Mr. Adams, was de- feated for the office of Vice-President, and .Jolin C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was elected to that office. / The election of General Jackson was a itriumph of democratic principle, and an ^assertion of the people's right to govern themselves. That principle had been vio- lated in the presidential election in the /House of Representatives in the session of /1824-25; and the sanction, or rebuke, of that violation was a leading question in the whole canvass. It was also a trium])h over the high protective policy, and the federal internal im]irovement policy, and the latitudinous construction of the Con- stitution ; and of the democracy over the federalists, then called national rejuibli- cans; and was the re-establishment of par- ties on principle, according to the land- marks of tlie early years of the govern- ment. For aKhoiigli Mr. Adams had re- ceived confidence and office from Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed with the democratic party during the " era of good feeling," yet he had previously been federal ; and on the re-establishment of old party lines which began to take place BOOK I.] NULLIFICATION— DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS. 29 after the election of Mr. Adams in the House of Representatives, liis aliinities and policy became those of liis foniier party ; and as a party, with many indivi- dual exceptions, they became his suppor- ters and his strength. CJeneral Jacivson, on the contrary, had always been demo- cratic, so classing when lie was a Senator in Congress under the administration of the first Mr. Adams ; and when j)arty lines were most straightly drawn, and upon prin- ciple, and as such now receiving the supjjort ot men and States which took this political position at that time, and maintained it for years afterwards ; among tlie latter, nota])ly the Slates of Virginia and Pennsylvania. The short session of 1829-;i0 was ren- dered famous by the long and earnest de- bates in the Senate on the doctrine of nul- lification, as it was then c;dlcd. It started by a resolution of inquiry introduced by Mr. Foot of Connecticut; it was united with a proposition to limit the sales of the public lan(ls to those then in the market — to suspend the surveys of the public lands — and to abolish the office of Surveyor- General. The effect of such a resolution, if sanctioned upon inquiry and carried into legislative effect, would have been to check emigration to the new States in the West, and to check the growth and settlement of these States and Territories. It was warmly opposed by Western members. The de- bate spread and took an acrimonious turn, and sectional, imputing to the quarter of the Union from which it came an old and early i)olicy to check the growth of the West at the outset by proposing to limit the sale of the Western lands, by selling no ti'act in advance until all in the rear was sold out ; and during the debate Mr. Webster referred to the famous ordinance of 1787 for the government of the north- western territory, and especially the anti- slavery clause which it contained. Closely connected with this subject to which Mr. Webster's remarks, during the debate, related, was another which excited some warm discussion — the topic of slavery — and the effect of its existence or non- existence in different States. Kentucky and Ohio were taken for examples, and the superior improvement and popula- tion of Ohio were attributed to its exemp- tion from the evils of slavery. This was an excitable subject, and the more so be- cause the wounds of the Missouri contro- versy in which the North was the undis- puted aggressor, were still tender. Mr. Hayne from South Carolina answered with warmth and resented as a reflection upon the Slave States this disadvantageous com- parison. Mr. Benton of Missouri followed on the same side, and in the course of his remarks said, "I regard with admiration, that is to say, with wonder, the sublime morality of those who cannot bear the ab- stract contemplation of .slavery, at the dis- tance of five hundred or a thousand miles oil"." This allusion to the Miss(juri con- troversy, and invective again.-t the free States for their ))art in it, by Messrs. Hayne and 13enton, brouglit a reply from Mr. Webster, showing what tlieir conduct had been at the first introduction of the slavery topic in the Congress of the United States, and that they totally refused to in- terfere between master and slave in any way whatever. But the toi)ic which be- came the leading feature of the whole de- bate, and gave it an interest which cannot die, was that of nullification — the assumed right of a State to annul an act of Congress — then first broached in the Senate — and in the discussion of which Mr. Webster and Mr. Hayne were the champion speakers on opposite sides — the latter voicing the sentiments of the Vice-Presi- dent, Mr. Calhoun. This turn in the de- bate was brought about, by Mr. Hayne having made allusion to the course of New England during the war of 1812, and espe- cially to the assemblage known as the Hartford Convention, and to which designs unfriendly to the Union had been at- tributed. This gave Mr. Webster an op- portunity to retaliate, and he referred to the public meetings which had just then taken place in South Carolina on the sub- ject of the tariff", and at which resolves were passed, and propositions adopted sig- nificant of resisistance to the act; and con- sequently of disloyalty to the Union. He drew Mr. Hayne into their defence and into an avowal of what has since obtained the current name of " XuUification." He said, " I understand the honoralile gentle- man from South Carolina to maintain, that it is a right of the State Legislature to inter- fere, whenever, in their judgment, _ this government transcends its constitutional limits, and to arrest the operation of its laws, * * * * that the States may law- fully decide for themselves, and each State for itself, whether, in a given case, the act of the general government transcends its powers, * * * * that if the exigency of the case, in the opinion of any State government require it, such State gov- ernment may, by its own sovereign au- thority, annul an act of the general -gov- ernment, which it deems plainly and pal- pably unconstitutional." Mr. Hayne was evidently unprepared to admit, or fully deny, the propositions as so laid down, but contented himself with stating the words of the Virginia Resolution of 1798, m fol- lows : " That this assembly doth explicitly and peremi)torily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government as result- ing from the compact, to which the States are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention ofthe instrument constituting , that compact, as no farther valid than they 80 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact, and that, in case of a de- liberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States who are parties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, Avithin their re- spective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them." This resolution came to be understood by Mr. Hayne and others on that side of the debate, in the same sense that Mr. Webster stated, as above, he understood the gentleman from the South to interpret it. On the other side of the question, he argued that the doctrine had no foundation either in the Constitution, or on the Vir- ginia resolutions — that the Constitution makes the federal governmeut act upon citizens within the States, and not upon the States themselves, as in the old con- federation : that within their Constitution- al limit'^ the laws of Congress were supreme — and that it was treasonable to resist them with force : and that the question of their constitutionality was to be decided by the Supreme Court : with respect to the Virginia resolutions, on which Mr. Hayne relied, Mr. Webster disputed the interpre- tation put upon them — claimed for them an innocent and justifiable meaning — and exempted ^Mr. Madison from the suspicion of having framed a resolution asserting the right of a State legislature to annul an Act of Congress, and thereby putting it in the power of one State to destroy a form of government which he had just labored so ard to establish. Mr. Hayne on his part gave (as the prac- tical part of his doctrine) the pledge of for- cible resistance to any attempt to enforce unconstitutional laws. He said, " The gentleman has called upon us to carry out our scheme practically. Now, sir, if I am correct in my view of this matter, then it follows, of course, that the right of a State being established, the federal government is bound to acquiesce in a solemn decision of a State, acting in its sovereign capacity, at least so far as to make an a])peal to the people for an amendment to the Constitu- tion. This .solemn decision of a State binds the federal government, under the hip^hest constitutional obligation, not to resort to any means of coercion against the citizens of the dissentinff State. * * * Suppose Congress should pass an agrarian law, or a law emancipating our slaves, or should commit any other gross violation of our constitutional riirlits, will any gentlemen contend thiit the decision of every branch of the federal government, in favor of such laws, could prevent the States from de- claring them null and void, and protecting their citizens from their operation? * * Let me assure the gentlemen that, when- ever any attempt shall be made from any quarter, to enforce unconstitutional laws, clearly violating our essential rights, our leaders (whoever they may bej will not be found reading black letter from the musty pages of old law books. They will look to the Constitution, and when called upon by the sovereign authority of the State, to preserve and protect the rights secured to them by the charter of their liberties, they will succeed in defending them, or ' perish in the last ditch.' " These words of Mr. Hayne seem almost prophetic in A'iew of the events of thirty years later. No one then believed in any- thing serious in the new interpretation given to the Virginia resolutions — nor in anything practical from nullification — nor in forcible resistance to the tariff laws from South Carolina — nor in any scheme of dis- union. Mr. Webster's closing reply was a fine piece of rhetoric, delivered in an elaborate and artistic style, and in an ajiparent spirit of deep seriousness. He concluded thus — "When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dis- figured fragments of a once glorious Union ; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent ; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood. Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the Eepublic, now known and honored through- out the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their ori- ginal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing lor its motto no such miserable interrogatory as. What is all this Avorth? nor those other Avords of delusion and folly, Lilierty first and Union afterwards ; but everywhere, spread all OA'^er in characters of living light, blazing in all its amjile fold=, as they lioat over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the Avhole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true Ameri- can heart — Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable! " — President Jackson in his first annual 'message to Congress called atteution,to the fact of expiration in 1836 of the charter of incorporation granted by the Federal government to a moneyed institution called The Bank of the United States, Avhich Avas originally designed to assist the govern- ment in estal)lishing and maintaining a uniform and sound currency. He seriously doubted the constitutionality and expedi- ency of the law creating the bank, and Avas opposed to a renewal of the charter. His view of the matter AA'as that if such an institution was deemed a necessity it should be made a national one, in the sense of being founded on the credit of the govern- ment and its revenues, and not a corpora- BOOK I.J THE UNITED STATES BANK. 31 tion indepenrlcnt from and not a part of the govcrunu'iit. The House of Repre- sentatives was strongly in favor of the re- newal of tlie charter, ami several of its committees made elaborate, ample and argumentative reports upon the Hul)ject. These reports were the siiljjeet of news- Eaper and })amphlet j)ublieation ; and luded for their power and exeellence, and triumphant refutation of all the I're.sident's opinions. Thus was the "war of the Hank'' commenced at once in Congress, and in the public press; and openly at the instance of the Bank itself, which, forgetting its position as an institution of tlie govern- ment, f )r the convenience of the govern- ment, set itself up as a power, and strug- gled for continued existence, by demand for renewal of its charter. It allied itself at the same time to the political power opposed to the President, joined in all their schemes of protective tariff, and national internal improvement, and became the head of the American system. Its moneyed and political power, numerous interested affiliations, and control over other banks and fiscal institutions, was truly great and extensive, and a power which was exer- cised and made to be felt during the strug- gle to such a degree that it threatened a danger to the country and the government almost amounting to a national calamity. — The subject of renewal of the charter ■was agitated at every succeeding session of Congress down to 188G, and many able speeches made for and against it. / In the, month of December, 1831, the National Republicans, as the party was then called which afterward took the name of "whig," held its convention in Balti- more, and nominated candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-President, to be voted for at the election in the autumn of the ensu- ing year, Henry Clay was the candidate for the office of President, and John Ser- geant for that of Vice-President. The jdatform or address to the people presented the party issues which were to be settled at the ensuing election, the chief subjects being the taritf, internal improvement, re- moval of the Cherokee Indians, and the renewal of the United St.ates Bank charter. Thus the bank question was fully i)resentcd as an issue in the election by that part of its friends who classed politically against President Jackson. But it had also Demo- cratic friends without whose aid the re- charter could not be got through Congress, and they labored assiduously for it. The first Bank of the Unitetl States, chartered in 1701, was a federal measure, favored by General Hamilton, opposed by ]Mr. Jeller- son, Mr. Madison, and the Republican party ; and became a great landmark of party, not merely for the bank itself, but for the latitudinarian construction of the constitution in which it was founded, and the precedent it established that Congress might in its discretion do what it pleased, under the plea of being " nccessiny'' to carry into ellect some granted power. The non-renewal of the charter in ISll, wa.s the act of the Republican party, then in possession of the government, and taking the opjjortunity to terminate, upon its own limitation, the existem^e of an institution whose creation they had not been able to prevent. The charter of the second bank, in 181(5, was the act of the Rei)u])lican ])arty, and to aid them in the administra- tion of the government, and, as such, was opposed by the Federal party — not seeming then to understand that, by its instincts, a great moneyed corporation was in sym- pathy with their own party, and would soon be with it in action — which the bank soon was — and now struggled for a con- tinuation of its existence under the lead of those who had opposed its creation and against the party which effected it. Mr. Webster was a Federal leader on both occasions — against the charter in 181(5 ; for the re-charter in 1832. The bill passed the Senate after a long and arduous con- test; and afterwards passed the House, quickly and with little or no contest at all. It was sent to the President, and vetoed by him July 10, 1832 ; the message stating his objections being an elaborate review of the subject ; the veto being based mainly on the unconstitutionality of the measure. The veto was sustained. Following this the President after the adjournment re- moved from the bank the government deposits, and referred to thit fact in his next annual message on the second day of December, 1833, at the opening of the first session of the twenty-third Congress. Ac- companying it was the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. Roger B. Taney, afterwards Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, giv- ing the reasons of the government for the withdrawal of the public funds. Long and bitter was the contest between the Presi- dent on the one side and the Bank and its supporters in the Senate on the other side. The conduct of the Bank produced dis- tress throughout the country, and was so intended to coerce the President. Distress petitions flooded Congress, and the Senate even passed resolutions of censure of the President. The latter, however, held firm in his position. A committee of investi- gation was appointed by the House of Representatives to in(]uire into the causes of the commercial embarrassment and the pul)lic distress com]>lained of in the numeroiis distress memorials presented to the two Hou'^es during the session; and whether the Bank had lieen instrumental, through its management of money, in pro- ducing the di<tress and embarras-ment of which so much complaint was made ; to 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. inquire 'whether the charter of the Bank had been violated, and what corruj^tions and abuses, if any, existed in its manage- ment ; and to inquire wliether the Bank had used its corporate power or money to control the press, to interpose in politics, or to influence elections. The committee were granted ample i^owers for the execu- tion of these inquiries. It Avas treated with disdain and contempt by the Bank management ; refused access to the books and papers, and the directors and president refused to be sworn and testify. The committee at the next session made report of their proceedings, and asked for wai'- rants to be issued against the managers to bring them before the Bar of the House to answer for contempt ; but the friends of the Bank in the House were able to check the proceedings and prevent action being taken. In the Senate, the President was sought to be punished by a declination by that body to confirm the President's nomination of the four government direc- tors of the Bank, who had served the previous year ; and their re-nomination after that rejection again met with a similar fate. In like manner his re-nomination of Eoger B. Taney to be Secretary of the Treasury was rejected, for the action of the latter in his support of the President and the removal of the public deposits. The Bank had lost much ground in the public estimation by resisting the investi- gation ordered and attempted by the House of Representatives, and in consequence the Finance Committee of the Senate made an investigation, with so weak an attempt to varnish over the affairs and acts of the corporation that the odious appellation of " white-washing committee " was fastened upon it. The downfall of the Bank speedily followed ; it soon afterwards be- came a total financial wreck, and its assets and property were seized on executions. With its financial failure it vanished from public view, and public interest in it and concern with it died out. Al)out the beginning of March, 1881, a pamphlet was issued in Washington, by Mr. John C. Calhoun, the Vice-President, and addressed to the people of the United States, explaining the cause of a difference which had taken place between himself and the President, General Jackson, in- stigated as the pamphlet alleged, by Mr. Van Buren, and intended to make trouble between the first and second officers of the government, ajid to effect the political destruction ofhimself (Mr. Calhoun) forthc bcnefitof the contriver of the onarrcl, the then Secretary of State, and indicated as a candidate for tho presidenlinl succession upon the termination of .Jackson's term. The difrerences grew out of certain charges againstGeiieral .(aekson respcctinghis con- 1 duct during the Seminole war which oc- ! curred in the administration of President Monroe. The President justified himself in published correspondence, but the inevita- ble result followed — a rupture between the President and Vice-President — which was quickly followed by a breaking up and reconstructing the Cabinet. Some of its members classed as the political friends of Mr. Calhoun, and could hardly be ex- pected to remain as ministers to the Presi- dent. Mr. Van Buren resigned ; a new Cabinet was appointed and confirmed. This change in the Cabinet made a great figure in the party politics of the day, and filled all the opposition newspapers, and had many sinister reasons assigned to it — all to the prejudice of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. It is interesting to note here that during the administration of President Jackson, — in the year 1833, — the Congress of the United States, as the consequence of the earnest efforts in that behalf, of Col. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky, aided by the re- commendation and support of the Presi- dent, passed the first laws, abolishing im- prisonment for debt, under process from the Courts of the United States: the only extent to which an act of Congress could go, by force of its enactments ; but by force of example and influence, has led to the cessation of the practice of imprisoning debtors, in all, or nearly all, of the States and Territories of the Union ; and without the evil consequences which had been dreaded from the loss of this remedy over the person. The act was a total abolition of the practice, leaving in full force all the re- medies against fraudulent evasions of debt. The American system, and especially its prominent feature of a high protective tariff was put in issue, in the Presidential canvass of 1832; and the friends of that system labored diligently in Congress in presenting its best points to the greatest advantage ; and staking its fate upon the issue of the election. It was lost; not only by the result of the main contest, but by that of the congressional election which took place simultaneously with it. All the States dissatisfied with that system, were satisfied with the view of its speedy and regular extinction, under the legislation of the approaching session of Congress, ex- cepting only South Carolina. She has held aloof from the Presidential contest, and cast her electoral votes for persons who were not candidates — doing nothing to aid the election of (Jeneral Jackson, with whom her interests were ajiparently identified. On the 24th November, 1832, two weeks after the election which de- cided the fate of the tariff, that State issued an "Ordinance to nullify certain acts of the Congress ' of the United States, purporting to be laws laying duties and imposts on the importation i) BOOK I.] THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE. 38 of foreign commodities." It declared that the Cougres.s luui exceeded its constitu- tional powers in im[)osiiig high and ex- cessive duties on the theory of "protec- tion," had unjustly discrinunated in favor of one class or employment, at the expense and to the injury and oppression of otlier classes and individuals; that said laws were in consequence not binding on the State and its citizens; and declaring its right and purjjose to enact laws to prevent the enforcement and arrest tlie o])erati(jn of said acts and ]jarts of the acts of the Congress of the United States within the limits of that State after the first day of February following. This ordinance placed the State in the attitude of forcible resist- ance to the laws of the United States, to take effect on the first day of February next ensuing — a date prior to the meeting of the next Congress, which the country naturally expected would take some action in reference to the tariff laws complained of The ordinance further provided that if, in the meantime, any attempt was made by the federal government to enforce the obnoxious laws, except through the tribu- nals, all the officers of which were sworn against them, the fact of such attempt was to terminate the continuance of South Car- olina in the Union — -to absolve her from all connection with the federal gove'rnment — and to establish her as a separate govern- ■ ment, wholly unconnected with the United States or any State. The ordinance of nullification was certified by the Governor of South Carolina to the President of the United States, and reached him in Decem- ber of the same year ; in consequence of which he immediately issued a proclama- tion, exhorting the people of South Caro- lina to obey tlie laws of Congress; point- ing out and explaining the illegality of the procedure ; stating clearly and distinct- ly his firm determination to enforce the laws as became him as Executive, even by resort to force if necessary. As a state paper, it is important as it contains the views of General Jackson regarding the nature and character of our federal gov- ernment, expressed in the f )llowing lan- guage: " The people of the United States formed the con-;titution, acting through the State Legislatures in making the com- pact, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in separate conventions when they ratified those provisions; but, the terms used in the constitution show it to be a government in which the people of all the States collectively are represented. We are one people in the choice of Presi- dent and Vice-President. Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in which the votes shall be given. * * The people, then, and not the States, are represented in the executive branch. * * * In the House of Representatives the members are all representatives of the United States, not representatives of the particular States from which they come. They are paid by the United States, not by the State, nor are they accountable to it for any act done in the performance of their legislative functions. ***** The constitution of the United States, then, forms a government, not a league; and whether it be formed by a comjiact l)etween the States, or in any other man- ner, its character is the same. It is a gov- ernment in which all the j)eoi)le are repi'e- sented, wliicli operates directly on the people individually, not upon the States — they retained all the power they did not grant. But each State, having expressly parted with so many j)owers as to consti- tute, jointly with the other States, a single nation, cannot, from that period, possess any riglit to .secede, because such secession does not break a league, but destroys the unity of the nation, and any injury to that unity, is not only a breach which could result from the contravention of a com- [)act, but it is an offence against the whole Union. To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are not a nation ; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any offence." Without calling on Congress for extra- ordinary powers, the President in his annual message, merely adverted to the attitude of the State, and proceeded to meet the exigency by the exercise of the powers he already possessed. The pro- ceedings in South Carolina not ceasing, and taking daily a more aggravated form iu the organization of troops, the collec- tion of arms and of munitions of war, and in declarations hostile to the Union, he found it necessary early in January to re- port the facts to Congress in a special message, and ask for extraordinary powers. Bills for the reduction of the tariff were early in the Session introduced into both houses, while at tlie same time the Presi- dent, though not relaxing his cfibrts to- wards a peaceful settlement of the difl^- culty, made steady preparations for enforc- ing the law. The result of the bills offered in the two Houses of Congress, was the passage of Mr. Clay's " compromise " bill on the 12th of February 183.3, which radi- cally changed the whole tariff system. The President in his message on the South Carolina proceedings had recom- mended to Congress the revival of some acts, heretofore in force, to enable him to execute the laws in that State; and the Senate's committee on the judiciary had reported a bill accordingly early in the 34 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. session. It was immediately assailed by several members as violent and unconsti- tutional, tending to civil war, and de- nounced as " the bloody bill" — the "force bill," &c. The bill was vindicated in the Senate, by its author, who showed that it contained no novel principle; was sub- stantially a revival of laws previously in force ; with the authority superadded to remove the office of customs from one building or place to another in case of need. The bill was vehemently opposed, and every effort made to render it odious to the people, and even extend the odium to the President, and to every person urging or aiding in its passage. Mr. Webster justly rebuked all this vitupera- tion, and justified the bill, both for the equity of its provisions, and the necessity for enacting them. He said, that an un- lawful com lunation threatened the integ- rity of the Union ; that the crisis called for a mild, temperate, forbearing but un- flexibly firm execution of the laws ; and finally, that public opinion sets with an irresistible force in favor of the Union, in favor of the measures recommended by the President, and against the new doc- trines which threatened the dissolution of the Union. The support which Mr. Web- ster gave to these measures was the regular result of the principles which he laid down in his first speeches against nullifi- cation in the debate with Mr. Hayne, and he could not have done less without being derelict to his OAvn principles then avowed. He supported with transcendent ability, the cause of the constitution and of the country, in the person of a President to whom he was politically opposed, whose gratitude and admiration he earned for his patriotic endeavors. The country, without distinction of party, felt the same ; and the universality of the feeling was one of the grateful instances of popular applause and justice when great talents are seen exerting themselves for the good of the country. He was the colossal figure on the political stage during that eventful time ; and his labors, splendid in their day, survive for the benefit of distant posterity. During the discussion over the re-chartor of the Bank of the United States, which as before mentioned, occupied the atten- tion of Congress for several years, the country suffered from a money panic, and a general financial depression and distress wa.s generally prevalent. In 1834 a mea- sure was introduced into the House, for equalizing the value of golil and silver, and legalizing the tender of foreign coin, of botli metals. The good effects "of the bill were immediately seen, (xold began to flow into the country through all the channels of commerce, foreign and domes- tic ; the mint was busy ; and specie pay- ment, which had been suspended in the country for thirty years, was resumed, and gold and silver became the currency of the land ; inspiring confidence in all the pur- suits of industry. As indicative of the position of the de- mocratic party at that date, on the subject of the kind of money authorized by the Constitution, Mr. Benton's speech in the Senate is of interest. He said : " In the first place, he was one of those who be- lieved that the government of the United States was intended to be a hard money government; that it was the intention and the declaration of the Constitution of the United States, that the federal currency should consist of gold and silver, and that there is no power in Congress to issue, or to authorize any company of individuals to issue, any species of federal pa2)er cur- rency whatsoever. Every clause in the Constitution (said Mr. B.) which bears upon the subject of money — every early statute of Congress which interjjrcts the meaning of these clauses — and every his- toric recollection which refers to them, go hand in hand in giving to that instrument the meaning which this projiosition ascribes to it. The power granted to Congress to coin money is an authority to stamp me- tallic money, and is not an authority for emitting slips of paper containing promises to pay money. The authority granted to Congress to regulate the value of coin, is an authority to regulate the value of the metallic money, not of paper. The prohi- bition upon the States against making anything but gold and silver a legal ten- der, is a moral j^rohibition, founded in vir- tue and honesty, and is just as binding upon the Federal Government as upon the State Governments ; and that Avithout a written prohibition ; for the difference in the nature of the two governments is such, that the States may do all things which they are not forbid to do ; and the Federal Government can do nothing which it is not authorized by the Constitution to do. The framers of the Constitution (said Mr. B.) created a hard money government. They intended the new government to re- cognize nothing for money but gold and silver ; and every word admitted into the Constitution, upon the subject of monej', defines and establishes that sacred inten- tion. Legislative enactment came quickly to the aid of constitutional intention and liistoric recollection. The fifth statute passed at the first session of the first Con- gress that ever sat under the present Con- "^titution was full and exi)licit on this head. It declared, " that the fees and duties pay- a])le to the federal government shall be received in gold and silver coin only." It was under (Tcneral Hamilton, as Secretary of the Treasury, in 1701, that the policy I BOOKi.] THE INCEPTION OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 35 of the government underwent a change. In the act constituting the Bank of the United States, lie brouglit forward his ce- lebrated plan for tiie su[)port of the public credit — that plan which unfolded the en- tire scheme of the jjai^cr system and imme- diately developed the great political line between the federalists and the republi- cans. The establishment of a national bank was the leading and predominant feature of that plan; and the original re- port of the secretary, in favor of establish- ing the bank, contained this fatal and de- plorable recommendation : "The bills and notes of the bank, originally made payable, or which shall have become payable, on demand, in gold and silver coin, shall be receivable in all payments to the United States." From the moment of the adop- tion of this policy, the moneyed character . of the government stood changed and re- versed. Federal bank notes took the place of hard money ; and the whole edifice of the government slid, at once, from the solid rock of gold and silver money, on which its framers had placed it, intf) the troubled and tempestuous ocean of paper currency. -The first session of the 35th Congress opened December 1835. Mr. James K. Polk was elected Speaker of the House by a large majority over Mr. John Bell, the previous Speaker ; the former being sup- ported by the administration party, and the latter having become identified with those who, on siding with Mr. Hugh L. White as a candidate for the presidency, were considered as having divided from the democratic party. The chief subject of the President's message was the rela- tions of our country with France relative to the continued non-payment of the stip- ulated indemnity i)rovidcd for in the treaty of 1831 for French spoliations of Ameri- can shipping. The obligation to pay was admitted, and the money even voted for that purpose ; but offense was taken at the President's message, and payment refused until an apology should be made. The President commented on this in his mes- sage, and the Senate had under consider- ation measures authorizing reprisals on French shipping. At this point Great Britain offered her services as mediator be- tween the nations, and as a result the in- demnity was shortly afterwards paid. Agitation of the slavery question in the United States really began about this time. Evil-disposed persons had largely circulated through the Southern states, pamphlets and circulars tending to stir up strife and insurrection ; and this had be- come so intolerable that it was referred to by the President in his message. Congress at the session of 1S3G wa.s flooded with pe- titions and memorials urging federal inter- ference to abolish slavery in the States ; beginning with the petition of the Society of Friends of Philadelphia, urging the abolition of slavery in the District of Co- lumljia. These petitions were referred to Committees after an acrimonious debate as to whether they should be received or not. The position of the government at that time is embodied in the following resolution which was adopted in the House of Representatives a.s early a.s 1790, and substantially re-affirmed in 1836, as fol- lows : "That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them within any of the States ; it remaining with the several States to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may re- quire." In the Summer preceding the Presi- dential election of 1836, a measure was in- troduced into Congress, which became very nearly a party measure, and which in its results proved disastrous to the Democrat- ic party in after years. It was a plan for distributing the public land money among the States either in the shape of credit distribution, or in the disguise of a deposit of surplus revenue ; and this for the pur- pose of enhancing the value of the State stocks held by the United States Bank, which institution, aided by the party which it favored, led by Mr. Clay, was the prime mover in the plan. That gentleman was the author of the scheme, and great cal- culations were made by the party which favored the distribution upon its effect in adding to their popularity. The Jiill passed the Senate in its original form, but met with less favor in the House where it was found necessary. To ' effectuate substan- tially the same end, a Senate Bill was in- troduced to regulate the keeping of the public money in the deposit banks, and this was turned into distribution of the surplus public moneys with the States, in proportion to their representation in Con- gress, to be returned when Congress should call for it ; and this was called a deposit with the States, and the faith of the States pledged for a return of the money. It was stigmatized by its opponents in Con- gress, as a distribution in disguise — as a deposit never to be reclaimed ; as a mis- erable evasion of the Constitution ; as an attempt to debauch the people with their own money; as plundering instead of de- fending the country. The Bill passed both houses, mainly by the efforts of a half dozen aspirants to the Presidency, who sought to thus increase their popularity. They were doomed to disappointment in this respect. Politically, it was no advan- tage to its numerous and emulous support- ers, and of no disservice to its few deter- mined opponents. It was a most unfortu- nate act, a plain evasion of the Constiti>- tion for a bad purpose ; and it soon gave a sad overthrow to the democracy and disap- 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. pointed every calculation made upon it. To the States it was no advantage, raising expectations which were not fulfilled, and upon which many of them acted as reali- ties. The Bill was signed by the Presi- dent, but it is simple justice to him to say that he did it with a repugnance of feel- ing, and a recoil of judgment, which it re- quired great efforts of his friends to over- come, and with a regret for it afterwards which he often and publicly expressed. In a party point of view, the passage of this measure was the commencement of calam- ities, being an efficient cause in that gen- eral suspension of specie payments, which quickly occurred, and brought so much embarrassment on the Van Buren admin- istration, ending in the great democratic defeat of 1840 cratic school, as understood a.t the original formation of parties. The President, however, was scarcely settled in his new office when a financial panic struck the country with irresistible force. A general suspension of the banks, a depreciated currency, and insolvency of the federal treasury were at hand. The public money had been placed in the cus- tody of the local banks, and the notes of all these banks, and of all others in the coun- trv, were received in pavment of public dues. On the 10th of 'May, 1837, the banks throughout the country suspended specie payments. The stoppage of the de- posit banks was the stoppage of the Trea- j^ury. Non-payment by the government was an excuse for non-payment by others. The suspension was now complete ; and it The presidential election of 1836 re- Iwas evident, and as good as admitted by suited in the choice of the democratic can- tthose who had made it, that it was the didate, Mr. Van Buren, who was elected effect of contrivance on the part of politl by 170 electoral votes; his opponent. Gene- ' ' " n ■> -n. i ,. ., xt •. ral Harrison, receiving seventy-three elec- toral votes. Scattering votes were given for Mr. Webster, Mr. Mangum, and Mr. Hugh L. White, the last named represent- ing a fragment of the democracy who, in a spirit of disaffection, attempted to divide the democratic party and defeat Mr. Van Buren. At the opening of the second ses- sion of the twenty-fourth Congress, Decem- ber, 1836, President Jackson delivered his last annual message, under circumstances exceedingly gratifying to him. The power- ful opposition in Congress had been broken down, and he had the satisfaction of seeing full majorities of ardent and tried friends in each House. The country was in peace and friendship with all the world ; all ex- citing questions quieted at home; industry in all its branches prosperous, and the revenue abundant. And as a happy sequence of this state of affairs, the Senate on the 16th of March, 1837, expunged from the Journal the resolution, adopted three years previously, censuring the Presi- dent for ordering the removal of the de- posits of public money in the United States Bank. He retired from the ]>rcsidency with high honors, and died eight years afterwards at his home, the celebrated "Hermitage," in Tennessee, in full posses- sion f)f all his faculties, and strong to the last in the ruling passion of his soul — love of country. The 4th of March, 1837, ushered in an- other Democratic administration — the be- ginning of tiic term of Martin Van Buren a.s President of the United States. In liis inaugural address he commented on the prosperous condition of the country, and declared it to be his policy to strictly abide by the Constitution as written — no latitu- dinarian constnictions permitted, or doubt- ful powers assumed; tliat liis political chart should be the doctrines of the demo- cians and the so-called Bank of the United States (which, after the expiration of its national charter, had become a State cor- iporation chartered by the Legislature of Pennsylvania in January, 1836) for the purpose of restoring themselves to power. The whole proceeding became clear to those who could see nothing while it was in progress. Even those of the democratic party whose votes had helped to do the mischief, could now see that the attemptto deposit forty millions with the States was destruction to the deposit banks ; that the repeal of President Jackson's order, known as the "specie circular" — requiring pay- ment for public lands to be in coin — was to fill the treasury with paper money, to be found useless when wanted ; that distress was purposely created to throw blame of it upon the party in power ; that the promptitude with which the Bank of the United States had been brought forward as a remedy for the distress, showed that it had been held in reserve for that purpose ; and the delight with which the whig party saluted the general calamity, showed that they considered it their own passjjort to power. Financial embarrassment and general stagnation of business diminished the current receipts from lands and customs, and actually caused an absolute deficit in the public treasury. In conse- f<iuence, the President found it an inexora- ble necessity to issue his proclamation con- vening Congress in extra session. "The first session of the twenty-fifth Con- gress met in extra session, at the call of the President, on the first Monday of Sep- tember, 1837. The message was a review of the events and causes which had brought about the jianic ; a defense of the policy of the " si)ecie circular," and a rccommenda- tion to break off all connection with any bank of issue in any form; looking to the establishment of an Independent Treasury, BOOK I.J DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS. 37 and that the Government provide for the deficit in the treasury by the issue of treasury notes and by withliolding the de- posit due to the States under the act then in force. The message and its recom- mendations were violently assailed both in the Senate and House by able and effec- tive speakers, notably by Messrs. Clay and Webster, and also by ilr. Caleb Cushing, of Mii-ssachusetts, who made a formal and elaborate reply to the whole document under thirty-two distinct heads, and recit- ing therein all the points of accusation against the democratic policy from the be- ginning of the government down to that day. The result was that the measures proposed by the Executive were in sub- stance enacted ; and their passage marks an era in our financial history — making a total and complete separation of Bank and State, and firmly establishing the principle that the government revenues should be receivable in coin only. The measures of consequence discussed and adopted at this session, were the graduation of price of public lands under the pre-emption system, which was adopt- ed ; the bill to create an independent Treasury, which passed the Senate, but failed in the House ; and the question of the re-charter of the district banks, the proportion for reserve, and the establish- ment of such institutions on a si^ecie basis. The slavery question was again agitated in consequence of petitions from citizens and societies in the Northern States, and a memorial from the General Assembly of Vermont, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and territories, and for the exclusion of future slave states from the Union. These peti- tions and memorials were disposed of ad- versely ; and Mr. Calhoun, representing the ultra-Southern interest, in several able speeches, approved of the Missouri com- promise, he urged and obtained of the Senate several resolutions declaring that the federal government had no power to interfere with slavery in the States ; and that it would be inexpedient and impolitic to interfere, abolish or control it in the District of Columbia and the territories. These movements for and against slavery in the session of 1837-38 deserve to be no- ticed, as of disturbing effect at the time, and as having acquired new importance from subsequent events. The first session of the twenty-sixth Congress opened December, 1830. The organization of the House was delayed by a closely and earnestly contested election from the State of New Jersey. Five De- mocrats claiming seats as against an equal number of Whigs. Neither set w-as admit- ted until after the election of Speaker, which resulted in the choice of Robert M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, the Whig candi- date, who was elected by the full Whig vote with the aid of a few democrats — friends of Mr. Calhoun, who had for seve- ral previous sessions been acting with the Whigs on several occasions. The Hoase excluding the five contested seats from New Jersey, was really Democratic ; hav- ing 122 members, and the Whigs 113 mem- bers. The contest for the Speakership waa long and arduous, neither party adhering to its original caucus candidate. Twenty scattering votes, eleven of whom were classed as Whigs, and nine a.s Democrats, prevented a choice on the earlier ballots, and it was really Mr. Calhoun's Democrat- ic friends uniting with a solid Whig vote on the final ballot that gained that party the election. The issue involved was a vital party question as involving the or- ganization of the House. The chief mea- sure, of public importance, adopted at this session of Congress was an act to provide for the collection, safe-keeping, and dis- bursing of the public money. It practi- cally revolutionized the system previously in force, and was a complete and effectual separation of the federal treasury and the Government, from the banks and moneyed corporations of the States. It was violent- ly opposed by the Whig members, led by Mr. Clay, and supported by Mr. Cushing, but was finally passed in both Houses by a close vote. At this time, and in the House of Re- presentatives, was exhibited for the first time in the history of Congress, the pre- sent practice of members "pairing off," as it is called ; that is to say, two members of opposite political parties, or of opposite views on any particular subject, agreeing to absent themselves from the duties of the House, for the time being. The practice was condemned on the floor of the House by ]\Ir. John Quincy Adams, who intro- duced a resolution: "That the practice, first openly avowed at the present session of Congress, of pairing off, involves, on the part of the members resorting to it, the violation of the Constitution of the United States, of an express rule of this House, and of the duties of both parties in the transaction, to their immediate consti- tuents, to this House, and to their coun- try." This resolution was placed in the calendar to take its turn, but not bein^ reached during the session, was not voted on. That was the first instance of this justly condemned practice, fifty years after the establishment of the Government ; but since then it has become common, even in- veterate, and is now carried to groat lengths. The last session of the twenty-sixth Con- gress was barren of measures, and neces- sarily so, as being the last of our adminis- tration superseded by the popular voice, and soon to expire ; and therefore restric- ted by a sense of propriety, during the 21 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book brief remainder of its existence, to the de- tails of business and the routine of service. The cause of this was the result of the presidential election of 1840. The same candidates who fought the battle of 1836 were again in the field. Mr. Van Buren was the Democratic candidate. His ad- ministration had been satisfactory to his party, and his nomination for a second term was commended by the party in the different States in appointing their dele- gates ; so that the proceedings of the con- vention which nominated him were en- tirely harmonious and formal in their na- ture. Mr. Richard M. Johnson, the ac- tual Vice-President, was also nominated for Vice-President. V On the Whig ticket, General William "J&enry Harrison, of Ohio, was the candi- date for President, and Mr. John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President, The lead- ing statesmen of the Whig party were again put aside, to make way for a milita- ry man, prompted by the examjjle in the nomination of General Jackson, the men who managed presidential elections be- lieving then as now that military renown was a passport to popularity and rendered a candidate more sure of election. Availa- bility' — for the purpose — was the only abili- ty asked for. Mr. Clay, the most promi- nent Whig in the country, and the ac- knowledged head of the party, was not deemed available; and though Mr. Clay was a candidate before the convention, the proceedings were so regulated that his nomination was referred to a committee, ingeniously devised and directed for the afterwards avowed purpose of preventing his nomination and securing that of Gene- ral Harrison ; and of producing the intend- ed result without showing the design, and without leaving a trace behind to show what was done. The scheme (a modifica- tion of which has since been applied to subsequent national conventions, and out ofwhich many bitter dissensions have again and again arisen) is embodied and was executed in and by means of the following resolution adopted by the convention : " Ordered, That the delegates from each State be requested to assemble aa a delega- tion, and appoint a committee, not exceed- ing throe in number, to receive the views and opinions of such delegation, and com- municate the same to the assembled com- mittes of all the delegations, to be by them respectively re])orted to their principals ; and that "thereupon the delegates from each State be rcouested to asscml>le as a delegation, and l)allot for candidates for the ofRcos of President and Vice-Presi- dent, and having done so, to commit the ballot designating the votes of each candi- date, and by whom given, to its commit- tee, and thereupon all the committees shall assemble and compare the several ballots, and report the result of the same to their several delegations, together with such facts as may bear upon the nomina- tion ; and said delegation shall forthwith re-assemble and ballot again for candidates for the above offices, and again commit the result to the above committees, and if it shall appear that a majority of the bal- lots are for any one man for candidate for President, said committee shall report tl^e result to the convention for its considera- tion ; but if there shall be no such majori- ty, then the delegation shall repeat the balloting until such a majority shall be obtained, and then report the same to the convention for its consideration. That the vote of a majority of each delegation shall be reported as the vote of that State ; and each State represented here shall vote its full electoral vote by such delegation in the committee." This was a sum' in poli- tical algebra, whose quotient was known, but the quantity unknown except to those who planned it ; and the result was — for General Scott, 16 votes ; for Mr. Clay, 90 votes; for General Harrison, 148 votes. And as the law of the convention implied- ly requires the absorption of all minorities, the 106 votes were swallowed up by the 148 votes and made to count for General Harrison, presenting him as the unani- mity candidate of the convention, and the defeated candidates and all their friends bound to join in his support. And in this way the election of 1840 was eifected — a process certainly not within the purview of those framers of the constitution who supposed they w'ere giving to the nation the choice of its own chief magistrate. The contest before the people was a long and bitter one, the severest ever known in the country, up to that time, and scarcely equalled since. The whole Whig party and the large league of suspended banks, headed by the Bank of the United States making its last struggle for a new national charter in the eflbrt to elect a President friendly to it, were arrayed against the Democrats, whose hard-money policy and independent treasury schemes, met with little tavor in the then depressed condition of the country. Meetings were held in every State, county and town ; the people thoroughly aroused ; and every argument made in favor of the respective candidates and parties, which could pos- sibly have any effect upon the voters. The canvass was a thorough one, and the elec- tion was carried for the Whig candidates, who received 234 electoral votes coming from 10 States. The remaining GO electo- ral votes of the other 9 States, were given to the Democratic candidate ; though the popular vote was not so unevenly divided ; the actual figures being 1,275,611 for the Whig ticket, against 1,135,761 for the Democratic ticket. It was a complete rout BOOK I.] WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS— THE HOUR RULE. 39 Hf^ of the Democratic party, but without the moral effect of victory. On March 4, 1841, was inaugurated as President, (Jen'l Wni. H. Harrison, the first Chief Magistrate elected by the Whig party, and the first President who was not a Democrat, since the installation of Gen'l Jackson, March 4, 1829. His term was a short one. He issued a call for a special session of Congress to convene the 31st of May following, to consider the condition of the revenue and finances of the country, but did not live to meet it. Taken ill with a fatal malady during the last days of March, he died on the 4th of April follow- ing, having been in office just one month. He was succeeded by the Vice-President, John Tyler. Then, for the first time in our history as a government, the person elected to the Vice-Presidency of the United States, by the happening of a con- tingency provided for in the constitution, had devolved upon hini the Presidential office. The twenty-seventh Congress opened in extra session at the call of the late Presi- dent, May 31, 1841. A Whig member — Mr. White of Kentucky — was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. The Whigs had a majority of forty-seven in the House and of seven in the Senate, and with the President and Cabinet of the same political party presented a harmony of aspect frequently wanting during the three previous administrations. The first measure of the new dominant party was the repeal of the independent treasury act passed at the previous session ; and the next in order were bills to establish a sys- tem of bankruptcy, and for distribution of public land revenue. The former was more than a bankru[)t law ; it was practi- cally an insolvent law for the abolition of debts at the will of the debtor. It applied to all persons in debt, allowed them to institute the proceedings in the district where the petitioner resided, allowed con- structive notices to creditors in newspapers — declared the abolition of the debt where effects were surrendered and fraud not proved ; and gave exclusive jurisdiction to the federal courts, at the will of the debtor. It was framed upon the model of the Eng- lish insolvent debtors' act of George the Fourth, and embodied most of the pro- visions of that act, but substituting a re- lease from the debt instead of a release from imprisonment. The bill passed by a close vote in both Houses. The land revenue distribution bill of this session had its origin in the fact that the States and corporations owed about two hundred millions to creditors in Europe. These debts were in stocks, much depre- ciated by the failure in many instances to pay the accruing interest — in some in- stances failui-e to provide for the priucipal. These creditors, becoming uneasy, wished the federal government to assume their dtbts. The suggestion was made as early as 1838, renewed in 1839, and in 1840 be- came a regular question mixed up with the Presidential election of that year, and openly engaging the active exertions of foreigners. Direct assumption was not urged ; indirect by giving the jjublic land revenue to the States was the mode pur- sued, and the one recommended in the message of President Tyler. Mr. Calhoun spoke against the measure with more than usual force and clearness, claiming that it was unconstitutional and williout warrant. Mr. Benton on the same side called it a squandering of tjie public patrimony, and pointed out its inexpediency in tlie de- I)leted state of the treasury, apart from its other objectionable features. It passed by a party vote. This session is remarkable for the insti- tution of the hour rule in the House of Representatives — a very great limitation upon the freedom of debate.- It was a Whig measure, adopted to j)revent delay in the enactment of pending bills. It was a rigorous limitation, frequently acting as a bar to profitable debate and checking members in speeches which really imi)art information valuable to the House and the country. No doubt the license of debate has been frequently abused in Congress, aa in all other deliberative assemblies, but the incessant use of the previous question, which cuts off all debate, added to the hour rule which limits a speech to sixty minutes (constantly reduced by interrup- tions) frequently results in the transaction of business in ignorance of what they are about by those who are doing it. The rule worked so well in the House, for the purpose for which it was devised — made the majority absolute master of the body — that Mr. Clay undertook to have the same rule adopted in the Senate ; but the determjned opposition to it, both by his political opponents and friends, led to the abandonment of the attempt in that chamber. Much discussion took place at this ses- sion, over the bill offered in the Hmise of Rejiresentatives, for the relief of the widow of the late PresideYit — General Harrison — appropriating one year's salary. It Avas strenuously opposed by the Democratic members, as unconstitutional, on account of its principle, as creating a' private pen- sion list, and as a dangerous precedent. Many able speeches were made against the bill, both in the Senate and House ; among others, the following extract from the speech of an able Senator contains some interesting facts. He said : " Look at the case of Mr. Jefferson, a man than whom no one that ever existed on God's earth were the human family more indebted to. 40 'AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. His furniture and his estate were sold to satisfy his creditors. His posterity was driven from house and home, and his bones now lay in soil owned by a stranger. His family are scattered : some of his descend- ants are married in foreign lands. Look at Monroe — the able, the jjatriotic Monroe, whose services were revolutionary, whose blood was spilt in the war of Independence, whose life was worn out in civil sen'ice, and whose estate has been sold for debt, his family scattered, and his daughter buried in a foreign land. Look at Madi- son, the model of every virtue, public or private, and he would only mention in connection with this subject, his love of order, his economy, and his systematic regularity in all his habits of business. He, when his term of eight years had ex- pired, sent a letter to a gentleman (a son of whom is now on this floor) [Mr. Pres- ton], enclosing a note of five thousand dollars, which he requested him to en- dorse, and raise the money in Virginia, so as to enable him to leave this city, and re- turn to his modest retreat — his patrimonial inheritance — in that State. General Jack- son drew upon the consignee of his cot- ton crop in New Orleans for six thousand dollars to enable him to leave the seat of government without leaving creditors behind him. These were honored leaders of the republican party. They had all been Presidents. They had made great sacrifices, and left the presidency deeply embarrassed ; and yet the republican party who had the power and the strongest dis- position to relieve their necessities, felt they had no right to do so by appropri- ating money from the public Treasury. Democracy would not do this. It was left for the era of federal rule and federal supremacy — who are now rushing the country with steam power into all the abuses and corruptions of a monarchy, with its pensioned aristocracy — and to en- tail upon the country a civil pefision list." There was an impatient majority in the House in favor of the passage of the bill. The circumstances were averse to delibera- tion — a victorious party, come into power after a heated election, seeing their elected candidate dying on the threshold of his administration, poor and beloved: it was a case for feeling more than of judgment, es- pecially with the political friends of the deceased — but few of whom could follow the counsels of the head against the impul- sions of the heart. The bill passed, and was approved ; and as 7)redicted, it established a precedent which ha.s since been followed in every similar case. The sul)joet of naval pensions received more than usual consideration :it this ses- sion. Thofpiestion arose f)n the discussion of the apjjropriation bill for that puri)osc. A difference about a navy — on the point of how much and what kind — had always been a point of difference between the two great political parties of the Union, which, under whatsoever names, are always the same, each preserving its identity in prin- ciples and policy, but here the two parties divided upon an abuse which no one could deny or defend. A navy jjension fund had been established under the act of 1832, which was a just and proper law, but on the 3d of March, 1837, an act was passed entitled " An act for the more equitable distribution of the Navy Pension Fund." That act provided : I. That Invalid naval pensions should commence and date back to the time of receiving the inability, in- stead of completing the proof. II. It ex- tended the jjcnsions for death to all cases of death, whether incurred in the line of duty or not. III. It extended the widow's pensions for life, when five years had been the law both in the army and navy. IV. It adopted the English system of pension- ing children of deceased marines, until they attained their majority. The effect of this law was to absorb and bankrupt the navy pension fund, a meri- torious fund created out of the government share of prize money, relinquished for that purpose, and to throw the pensions, arrears as well as current and future, upon the public treasury, where it was never in- tended they were to be. It was to repeal this act, that an amendment was intro- duced at this session on the bringing for- ward of the annual appropriation bill for navy pensions, and long and earnest were the debates upon it. The amendment was lost, the Senate dividing on party lines, the Whigs against and the Democrats for the amendment. The subject is instruc- tive, as then was practically ratified and re- enacted the pernicious practice authorized by the act of 1837, of granting pensions to date from the time of injury and not from the time of proof; and has grown up to such proportions in recent years that the last act of Congress appropriating money for arrears of pensions, provided for the payment of such an enormous sum of money that it would have a])palled the original projectors of the act of 1837 could tlicy have seen to what their system has led. Again, at this session, the object of the tariff" occupi(>d the attention of Congress. The compromise act, as it was called, of 1833, which was composed of two parts — one to last nine years, for the benefit of manufactures ; the other to last for ever, for the benefit of the planting and con- suming interest — was passed, as herein- l)ofore stated, in pursuance of an agree- ment between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun and tlieir respective friends, at the time the former was urging the necessity for a BOOK I.] THE NATIONAL BANK BILL, 41 continuance of high tariff for protection and revenue, and the hitter was presenting and justifying before Congress the nullifi- cation ordinance adopted by the Legisla- ture of South Carolina. To Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun it was a political necessity, one to get rid of a stundjling-ldock (which protective tariff had become) ; the other to escape a personal peril which his nullify- ing ordinance had brought upon him, and with both, it was a piece of policy, to enable them to com])ine against Mr. Van Buren, by postponing their own conten- tion ; and a device on the part of its author (Mr. Clayton, of Delaware) and Mr. Clay to preserve the protective system. It provided for a reduction of a certain per centage each year, on the duties for the ensuing nine years, until the revenue was reduced to 20 per cent, ad valorem on all articles imported into the country. In consequence the revenue was so reduced that in the last year, there was little more than half what the exigencies of the govornment required, and different modes, by loans and otherwise, were suggested to meet the deficiency. The Secretary of the Treasury had declared the necessity of loans and taxes to carry on the govern- ment ; a loan bill for twelve millions had been passed ; a tariff bill to raise fourteen millions was depending ; and the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Millard Fillmore, defended its necessity in an able speech. His bill proposed twenty per cent, additional to the existing duty on certain specified articles, sufficient to make up the amount wanted. This en- croachment on a measure so much vaunted when passed, and which had been kept inviolate while operating in favor of one of the parties to it, naturally excited complaint and opposition from the other, and Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia, in a speech against the new bill, said: " In referring to the compromise act, the true character- istics of that act which recommended it strongly to him, were that it contemplated that duties were to be levied for revenue only, and in the next place to the amount only necessary to the supply of the economi- cal wants of the government. He begged leave to call the attention of the committee to the principle recognized as the lan- guage of the compromise, a principle which ought to be recognized in all time to come by every department of the government. It is, that duties to be raised for revenue are to be raised to such an amount only as is necessary for an economical administra- tion of the government. Some incidental protection must necessarily be given, and ne, for one, coming from an anti-tariff por- tion of the country, would not object to The bill went to the Senate where it found Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun in posi- tions very different from what they occu- picfl when the compromise act was passed — then united, now divided — then concur- rent, now antagonistic, and the antago- nism general, upon all measures, was to be special upon this one. Their connection with the subject made it their function to lead off in its consideration ; and their antagonist positions promised sharp en- counters, which did not fail to come. Mr. Clay said that he " observed that the Senator from South Carolina based his abstractions on the theories of books on English authorities, and on the arguments urged in favor of free trade by a certain party in the British Parliament. Now he, (Mr. Clay,) and his friends would not ad- mit of these authorities being entitled to as much weight as the universal practice of nations, which in all parts of the world was found to be in favor of protecting home manufactures to an extent sufficient to keep them in a flourishing condition. This was the whole difference. The Sena- tor was in favor of book theory and ab- stractions: he (Mr. Clay) and his friends, were in favor of the universal practice of nations, and the wholesome and necessary protection of domestic manufactures." Mr. Calhoun in reply, referring to his allusion to the success in the late election of the tory party in England, said : " The interests, objects, and aims of the tory party there and the whig party here, are identical. The identity of the two parties is remarkable. The tory party are the patrons of corporate monopolies ; aiid are not you f They are advocates of a high tariff; and are not you ? They are support- ers of a national bank ; and are not you f They are for corn-laws — laws oppressive to the masses of the people, and favorable to their own power; and are not you? Witness this bill. * * * The success of that party in England, and of the whig party here, is the success of the great money power, which concentrates the in- terests of the two parties, and identifies their principles." The bill was passed by a large majority, upon the general ground that "the govern- ment must have revenue. The chief measure of the session, and the great object of the whig party — the one for which it had labored for ten years — was for the re-charter of a national bank. Without this all other measures would be deemed to be incomjdete, and the victori- ous election itself but little better than a defeat. The President, while a member of the Democratic party, had been opposed to the United States Bank ; and to over- come any objections he might have the bill was carefully prepared, and studiously contrived to avoid the President's objec- tions, and save his consistency — a point upon which he was exceedingly sensitive. 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. The democratic members resisted strenu- ously, in order to make the measure odious, but successful resistance was impossible. It passed both houses by a close vote ; and contrary to all expectation the President disapproved the act, but with such expres- sions of readiness to approve another bill which should be free from the objections which he named, as still to keep his party together, and to prevent the resignation of his cabinet. In his veto message the President fell back upon his early opinions against the constitutionality of a national bank, so often and so publicly expressed. The veto caused consternation among the whig members ; and Mr. Clay openly gave expression to his dissatisfaction, in the debate on the veto message, in terms to assert that President T\der had violated his faith to the whig party, and had been led off from them by new associations. He said : " And why should not President Tyler have suffered the bill to become a law without his signature? Without meaning the slightest possible disrespect to him (nothing is further from my heart than the exhibition of any such feeling towards that distinguished citizen, long my per- sonal friend], it cannot be forgotten that he came into his present office under ])eculiar circumstances. The people did not foresee the contingency which has happened. They voted for him as Vice President. They did not, therefore, scrutinize his opinions with the care which they probably ought to have done, and would have done, if they could have looked into futurity. If the present state of the fact could have been anticipated — if at Harrisburg, or at the polls, it had been foreseen that General Harrison would die in one short month after the commencement of his administra- tion ; so that Vice President Tyler would be elevated to the presidential chair ; that a bill passed by decisive majorities of the first whig Congress, chartering a national bank, would be presented for his sanction ; and that he would veto the bill, do 1 hazard anything when I express the con- viction that lie would not have received a solitary vote in the nominating convention, nor one solitary electoral vote in any State in the Union?" The vote was taken on the bill over again, as required by the constitution, and so far from receiving a two-thirds vote, it received only a ]:)are majority, and was re- turned to the House with a message stating his objections to it, wliere it gave rise to some violent speaking, more directed to the pcrsoiud conduct of the President than to the ol)jections to the bill stated in his message. Tiie veto was sustained ; and so ended tlie .seeoiid attempt to resuscitate the old United States Bank under a new name. This second movement to estal>lish tiie bank has a secret history. It almost caused the establishment of a new party, wnth Mr. Tyler as its head ; earnest efforts having been made in that behalf by many promi- nent Whigs and Democrats. The entire cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Webster, resigned within a few days after the second veto. It was a natural thing for them to do, and was not unexpected. Indeed Mr. Webster had resolved to tender his resigna- tion also, but on reconsideration determined to remain and publish his reasons there- for in a letter to the National Intelligencer, in the following words : " Lest any misapprehension should ex- ist, as to the reasons which led me to differ from the course pursued by my late col- leagues, I wish to say that I remain in my place, first, because I have seen no sufficient reasons for the dissolution of the late Cabi- net, by the voluntary act of its own mem- bers. I am perfectly persuaded of the ab- solute necessity of an institution, under the * authority of Congress, to aid revenue and financial operations, and to give the country the blessings of a good currency and cheap exchanges. Notwithstanding what has passed, I have confidence that the Presi- dent will co-operate with the legislature in overcoming all difficulties in the attain- ment of these objects ; and it is to the union of the Whig party — by which I mean the whole party, the Whig President, the Whig Congress, and the Whig people — that I look for a realization of our wishes. I can look nowhere else. In the second place if I had seen reasons to resign my office, I should not have done so, without giving the President reasonable notice, and affording him time to select the hands to which he should confide the delicate and important affairs now pending in this de- partment." The conduct of the President in the matter of the vetoes of the two bank bills produced revolt against him in the party ; and the Whigs of the two Houses of Con- gress held several formal meetings to con- sider what they should do in the new con- dition of afi'airs. An address to the people of the United States was resolved upon. The rejection of the bank bill gave great vexation to one side, and equal exultation to the other. The sulyect was not per- mitted to rest, however ; a national bank waa the life — the vital ])rinciplc — of the Whig party, without which it could not live as a party ; it was the jxjwer which was to give them power and the political and financial control of the Union. A second attempt was made, four days after the veto, to accomplish the end by amend- ments to a bill relating to the currency, which had been introduced early in the session. Mr. Sargeant of Pennsylvania, moved to strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert his amendments, which were substantially the same as the vetoed BOOK I.] THE SECOND BANK BILL. 43 bill, except clianginj^ the amount of capi- tal and j)rohibiting discounts on notes other tlian bills of exchange. The bill was pushed to a vote witli astonishing rapidity, and passed by a decided majority. In the Senate the bill went to a select committee which reported it back without alteration, as had been foreseen, the committee consist- ing entirely of friends of the measure; and there was a majority for it on final passage. Concurred in by the Senate without alter- ation, it was returned to the House, and thence referred to the President for his approval or disapproval. It was disap- proved and it was promulgated in language intended to mean a repudiation of tlie President, a permanent separation of the Whig party from him, and to wash their hands of all accountability for his acts. An opening paragraph of the address set forth that, for twelve years the Whigs had carried on a contest for the regulation of the currency, the equalization of exchanges, the economical administration of the finan- ces, and the advancement of industry — all to be accomplished by means of a national bank — declaring these objects to be mis- understood by no one and the bank itself held to be secured in the Presidential elec- tion, and its establishment the main object of the extra session. The address then J)roceed3 to state how these plans were i'ustrated : " It is with profound and poignant regret that we find ourselves called upon to in- voke your attention to this point. Upon the great and leading measure touching this question, our anxious endeavors to respond to the earnest prayers of the nation have been frustrated by an act as unlocked for as it is to be lamented. We grieve to say to you that by the exercise of that power in the constitution which has ever been regarded with suspicion, and often with odium, by the people — a power which we had hoped was never to be ex- hibited on this subject, by a Whig Presi- dent — we have been defeated in two at- tempts to create a fiscal agent, which the wants of the country had demonstrated to us, in the most absolute form of proof to be eminently necessary and proper in the present emergency. Twice have we with the utmost diligence and deliberation matured a plan for the collection, safe- keeping and disbursing of the public moneys through the agency of a corpora- tion adapted to that end, and twice has it been our fate to encounter the opposition of the President, through the application of the veto power. * * * We are con- strained to say that we find no ground to justify us in the conviction that the veto of the President has been interposed on this question solely upon conscientious and well-considered opinions of constitutional scruple as to his duty in the case presented. On the contrary, too many proofs have beea fjrced upon our observation to leave us free from the apprehension that the Presi- dent has permitted himself to be beguiled into an opinion that by this exhibition of his prerogative he might be able to divert the policy of his administration into a channel which should lead to new political combinations, and accomplish results which must overthrow the present divisions of party in the country; and finally produce a state of things which those who elected him, at least, have never contemplated. * * * * * * In this state of things, the Whigs will naturally look with anxiety to the future, and inquire what are the actual relations between the President and those who brought him into power ; and what, in the opinion of their friends in Congress, should be their course hereafter. * * * The President by his withdrawal of confi- dence from his real friends in Congress and from the members of his cabinet ; by his bestowal of it upon others notwith- standing their notorious opposition to lead- ing measures of his administrations has voluntarily separated himself from those by whose exertions and suffrage he was elevated to that ofiice through which he has reached his present exalted station. * * * * The consequence is, that those who brought the President into power can be no longer, in any manner or degree, justly held responsible or blamed for the administration of the executive branch of the government; and the President and his advisers should be exclusively here- after deemed accountable. * * * The conduct of the President 'has occasioned bitter mortification and deep regret. Shall the party, therefore, yielding to sentiments of despair, abandon its duty, and submit to defeat and disgrace ? Far from sufler- ing such dishonorable consequences, the very disappointment which it has unfor- tunately experienced should serve only to redouble its exertions, and to inspire it with fresh courage to persevere with a spirit unsubdued and a resolution unshak- en, until the prosperity of the country is fully re-established, and its liberties firmly secured against all danger from the abuses, encroachments or usurpations of the ex- ecutive department of the government.'' This was the manifesto, so far as it con- cerns the repudiation of President TS'ler, which Whig members of Congress put forth: it was answered (under the name of an address to his constituents) by Mr. Gushing, in a counter special plea — coun- ter to it on all points — especially on the main question of which party the Presi- dent was to belong to; the manifesto of the Whigs a.ssigning him to the de- mocracy — the address of Mr. Cushing, claiming him for the Whigs. It was es- 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. pecially severe on Mr. Clay, as setting up a caucus dictatorship to coerce the Presi- dent; and charged that the address em- anated from this caucus, and did not embody or represent the sentiments of all Whig leaders ; and referred to Mr. AVebstcr's let- ter, and his remaining in the cabinet as proof of this. Put it was without avail against the concurrent statements of the retiring senators, and the confirmatory statements of many members of Congress. The Whig party recoiled from the Presi- dent, and instead of the unity predicted by Mr. Webster, there was diversity and wide- spread dissension. The Whig party re- mained with Mr. Clay ; Mr. Webster re- tired, Mr. Gushing was sent on a foreign mission, and the President, seeking to en- ter the democratic ranks, was refused by them, and left to seek consolation in pri- vacy, for his political errors and omissions. The extra session, called by President Harrison, held under Mr. Tyler, domi- nated by Mr. Clay, commenced May 31, and ended Sept. 13, 1841 — and was replete with disappointed calculations, and nearly barren of permanent results. The pur- poses for which it was called into being, failed. The first annual message of Presi- dent Tyler, at the opening of the regular session in December, 1841, coming in so soon after the termination of the extra ses- sion, was brief and meagre of topics, with few points of interest. In the month of March, 1842, Mr. Henry Clay resigned his place in the Senate, and delivered a valedictory address to that body. He had intended this step upon the close of the previous presidential cam- paign, but had' postponed it to take per- sonal charge of the several measures which ■would be brought before Congress at the special session — the calling of which he foresaw would be necessary. He resigned not on account of age, or infirmity, or dis- inclination for public life ; but out of dis- gust — profound and inextinguishable. He had been basely defeated for the Presi- dential nomination, against the wishes of the W^liig party, of which he was the ac- knowledged head — he had seen his leading mea-suros vetoed by the President whom his party had elected — the downfall of the Bank for whicli he had .so often pledged himself — and the insolent attacks of the petty adherents of the administration in the two Houses : all these causes acting on his proud and lofty spirit, induced this withdrawal frf)m public life for which he was so well fitted. The address opened with a retrospect of his early entrance into the Senate, and a grand encomium upon its powers and dig- nity as he had found it, and left it. Mem- ory went back (o that early year, IHOO, when just past thirty years of age, he en- tered the United States Senate, and com- menced his high career — a wade and lumi- nous horizon before him, and will and talent to fill it. He said : " From the year 1806, the period of my entering upon this noble theatre of my public service, with but short intervals, down to the present time, I have been engaged in the service of my country. Of the nature and value of those services which I may have ren- dered during my long career of public life, it does not become me to sj^eak. History, if she deigns to notice me, and posterity — if a recollection of any humble service which I may have rendered, shall be transmitted to posterity — will be the best, truest, and most impartial judges; and to them I defer for a decision upon their value. But, upon one subject, I may be allowed to speak. As to my 2>ublic acts and public conduct, they are for the judg- ment of my fellow citizens; but my private motives of action — that which prompted me to take the part which I may have done, upon great measures during their progress in the national councils, can be known only to the Great Searcher of the human heart and myself; and I trust I shall be pardoned for repeating again a declaration Avhich I made thirty years ago : that whatever error I may have committed — and doubtless I have committed many during my public service — I may appeal to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the truth of the declaration which I now make, with pride and confidence, that I have been actuated by no personal motives — that I have sought no personal aggrandize- ment — no promotion from the advocacy of those various measures on which I have been called to act — that I have had an eye, a single eye, a heart, a single heart, ever devoted to what appeared to be the best interests of the country." Mr. Clay led a great party, and for a long time, whether he dictated to it or not, and kept it well bound together, without the usual means of forming and leading parties. It was surprising that, without power and patronage, he was able so long and so undividedly to keep so great a party; together, and lead it so unresistingly. He had great talents, but not equal to some whom he led. He had eloquence — superior in popular effect, but not equal in high oratory to that of some others. But his temperament was fervid, his will was strong, and his courage daring ; and these (jualities, added to his talents, gave him tlie lead and supremacy in his ]>arty, where he was always dominant. The farewell address made a deep impression upon the Senators present ; and after its close, Mr. l^reston brought the ceremony to a conclu- sion, by moving an adjournment, which was agreed to. Again at this session was the subject of the tariff considered, but this time, as a BOOK I.] WHIGS AND DEMOCRATS. 45 matter of absolute necessity, to provide aj revenue. Never before were the coffers ' and the credit of the treasury at so low an , ebb. A deficit of fourteen millions in the treasury — a total inability to borrow, I either at home or abroad, the amount of the loan of twelve millions authorized the year before — the treasury notes below par, and the revenues from imports inadequate and decreasing. I The comi)romise act of 1833 in reducing the duties gradually through nine years, to a fixed low rate ; the act of 1837 in dis- tributing the surplus revenue ; and the continual and continued distribution of the land revenue, had brought about this condition of things. The remedy was sought in a bill increasing the taritf, and suspending the hind revenue distribution. Two such bills were passed in a single month, and both vetoed by the President. It was now near the end of August. Con- gress had been in session for an unpre- cedentedly long time. Adjournment could not be deterred, and could not take place without providing for the Treasury. The compromise act and the land distribution were the stumbling-blocks: it was resolved to sacrifice them together; and a bill was introduced raising the duties above the fixed rate of twenty per cent., and that breach of the mutual assurance in relation to the compromise, immediately in terms of the assurance, suspended the land revenue distribution — to continue it sus- f)ended while duties above the compromise imit continued to be levied. And as that has been the case ever since, the distribu- tion of the land revenue has been sus- pended ever since. The bill was passed, and approved by the President, and Con- gress thereupon adjourned. The subject of the navy was also under consideration at this session. The naval policy of the United States was a question of party division from the origin of parties in the early years of the government — the Federal party favoring a strong and splendid navy, the Republican a moderate establishment, adapted to the purposes of defense more than of offense. And this line of division has continued. Under the Whig regime the policy for a great navy developed itself. The Secretary of the Navy recommended a large increase of ships, seamen and officers, involving a heavy expense, though the government w;\s not in a condition to warrant any such expenditure, and no emergency required an increase in that branch" of the public service. The vote was taken upon the in- crease proposed by the Secretary of the Navy, and recommended by the President; and it was carried, the yeas and nays being well defined by the party line. The first session of the twenty-eighth Congress, which convened December 1843, exhibited in its political complexion, se- rious losses in the Whig following. The Democratic candidate for Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected over the Whig candidate — the vote standing 128 to 59. Thus an adverse majority of more than two to one was the result to the Wiiig party at the first election after the extra session of 1841. The President's message referred to the treaty which had lately been concluded with (jreat Britain relative to the northwestern territory ex- tending to the Columbia river, including Oregon and settling the boundary lines ; and also to a pending treaty with Texas for her annexation to the United States ; and concluded with a recommendation for the establishment of a pa])er currency to be issued and controlled by the Federal_ government. For more than a year before the meeting of the Democratic Presidential Conven- tion in Baltimore, in May 1844, it^jvaa evident to leading Democra ^^'f ^]m\i V-^J^i^^ Van Buren was the choice of the party. To overcome this popular current and turn the tide in favor of Mr. Calhoun, who desired the nomination, resort was had to the landing question oTlTie"aunexation of Texas. Mr. Van Buren was known to be againstjt, ancFjMrT'C atlltnra ' 'for it. To gaiii lime, the meeting of tlie~"conventioa was postponed from December previous, which had been the usual time for holding such elections, until the following May. The convention met, and consisted of two hundred and sixty-six delegates, a decided majority of whom were for Mr. v an Buren, and cast their votes accordingly on the first ballot. But a chairman had been selected, who was adverse to his nomination ; and aided by a rule adopted by the convention, which required a concurrence of two-thirds to effect a nomination, the opponents of Mr. Van Buren were able to accomplish his defeat. Mr. Calhoun had, before the meeting of the convention, made known his determination, in a public address, not to suffer his name to go before that a.s- semblage as a candidate for the ]iresidency, and stated his reasons for so doing, which were founded mainly on the manner in which the convention was constituted ; his objections being to the mode of choosing delegates, and the manner of their giving in their votes — he contending for district elections, and the delegates to vote indi- vidually. South Carolina was not rejire- sented in the convention. After the first ballot Mr. Van Buren's vote sensibly de- creased, until fimilly, Mr. James K. Polk, who was a candidate for the Vice Presi- dency, was brought forward and nominated unanimously for the chief oftice. Mr. Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague for the Vice Presidency. The nominati'jn of these gentlemen, neither of whom had _-J 46 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I. been mentioned until late in the proceed- 1 the dissolution o f the Union if the reje c- ings of the convention, for the offices for t T^l Of the •annexation should be~ perse- •which they were finally nominated, was n yp^'^ri m Kpapnngjvp resolutions were genuine surprise to the country. No 1 adopted in several States, and meetings voice in favor of it had been heard ; and ' held. The opposition manifested, brought no visible sign in the political horizon had announced it. ^casto' The Whig convention nominated Henry Clay, for President ; and Theodore Fre- linghuysen for Vice-President. The main issues in the election which ensued, were mainly the party ones of Whig and Democrat, modified by the tqriffnnfl T^vn,^ questious. It resulted in the choice of the DemocraBc candidates, who receive d 1 70 electoral votes as against IU5 ior ?Iieir opponents] tEe~ popular ~~m^ority fo ~ opponents] the Ii©Biacxats_h£iiigj38^, .aJUTnl Y^^Pi^Q*' ?/*^i^4108 Mr.' Clay re- ceive d a la rger popular vote than had been gi yen a t _TFe~pfeyTmis— election ^OT' the Whig citncttrhrt^p-sho-iring-jthat he would ha ve been elected had he then been the nominee pf jiis p^ rtyTthpngh the popular vote at this election'was largely increased over that of 1840. 1^ is conceded th at the 36 electoral votes of JS'ew Vork bTaRi |;aV6' Hf'inpy of Mr. Silas pan mentioned lofthe Wriidit. who had -bean m pntionei viceTpresidcntial nomination in connection /withJTr. Van Biireh, but'wlRr^clined it (after the sacrifice of his friend and col- league; and resigning his seat in the JSenate, became a candidate for Governor /I of New York. The election being held at I the same time as that for president, his ' j name and popularity brought to the presi- I dential ticket more than enough votes to I make the majority that gave the electoral .^-•t^vote of the State to the Democrats. "P reside nt Tyler's annual and last mes- sa ye V) ( onLTi'rJ-J. Ill DiTi'ill^er J»-t4. con- J unqualified admission of the State "uf?r~i'!!k ili^l iliat f)t' tne prey jous vear)^ "^ ■"' ''' ^ '" ' '" ^"' _an elab orate paragraph~oh" tSe~~suhjcct of Dorute paragrapn on tne suhjcc nnd ^l(?xi(•o; the idea' being Jhe. Ilninny.aad J|ip n>^^mnp<inn of luj c auses of fyrip.vflpp. e and atreat v wa s _pend- .'icconiplish these ofrjects. The the annexation of Texas was in Inst Ml with Soutli Carolina, meetinj at slave Statf's in [^pvnti if . Tl ' Aa. ' l ilin ii ld — Df)t b{^ r(-rpivpd Tlnjo^ ; and to invite tfTc ~T'fesi(l ent to con^jCJif/ liu ui^rcaa to ar rang e' fES tcrmsj o the movement to a stand, and suppressed the disunion scheme for the time being — onl v to Ijp in wait for future occas ions. But it was not before the people only that this scheme for a Southern convention with a view to the secession of the slave States was a matter of discussion ; it was the subject of debate in the Senate ; and there it was further disclosed that the design of the secessionists was to extend the new Southern republic to the Califor- nias. The treatv of an nexation was supported ot the administration, by. nil t he po wer bvt4^-£tuhir] ; »r\f] it w.ns rejected by the Senate by a two-t hirds vote agamsll it. Jl|oJlm\'ing thi s, a loint resolution was early "Ffbug liF into tlie Hoiist; uf E epfe- seiifatrves for the admissio n ot Texas as a State of tne union, by iegls hllivfe action; i |~^jUssbd the House by a ffllf majo rity, but met witli opposition in tlie Senate u n- less coupled witli a proYiso for negot ia- ti^n and treatv. as a condition precede nt. A biIT''authorizing the President and a"' commissioner to be appointed to agree upon the terms and conditions of said admission, the question of slavery within its limits, its debts, the fixing of bounda- ries, and the cession of territory, was coupled or united with the resolution ; and in this shape it was finally agreed to, and became a law, with the concurrence of the President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then in a state of war with Mexico, though at that precise point of time an armistice had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty of peace. The House resolution was for an ■ the Senate amendment or bill was for negotia- tion ; and the bill actually passed would not have been concurred in except on the. understanding that the incoming Presi-i dent (whose term began March 4, 1845,1 and who was favorable to negotiations would act under the bill, and appoinu commissioners accordingly — . ^' — -=^ Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing President, on the last day of his term, at the instigation of his Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, assumed the execution of the act providing for the admission of Texas — adopted the legislative clause — ing to scheme for framed with a double aspect — one looking to the then pending j^residential election, the other to the separation of the Southern States ; and as soon as the njection of the treaty was foreseen, and the nominating convention had acted, the disunion aspect manifested itself over m.-nv of the S""th- .qnd sent out a special messenger with in- structions. The danger of this had been foreseen, and suggested in the Senate ; but close friends of Mr. Calhoun, speaking for the administration, and replying to the .-Suggestion, indignantly denied it for them, and declared that they would not have the "audacity" to so violate the sf)irit and in- tent of the act, or so encroach upon the BOOK I.] OREGON TREATY OF 1846, 47 rights of the new President. These state- ments from the friends of the Secretary and President that the plan by negotiation would be adopted, (luieted the apjjrehen- sion of those Senators op[)osed to legishitive annexation or admission, and thus secured their votes, without which the bill would have failed of a majority. Thus was Texas incorporated into the Union. .Tlift ^',"B^iri*'^' t ive proposition sent by Mr. Tyler was ac- . / cepteft :" Texas became lncor|)orated witli \ / the Uniteit States, iuid in conseciu ence the ■I— hmAvi'i-n tlin \s f i Vte of war \vii.s_ (:, s [ .ihl PThTn "Clmb Hl states and" Mexico; it only being a questlori ot tune and chiince when the armistice should end and hostilities begin. Although Mr. Calhoun was not in favor of war with Mexico — he believing that a money payment would settle the differ- ences with that country — the admission of Texas into the Union under the legisla- tive annexation clause of the statute, was really his act and not that of the Presi- dent's ; and he was, in consequence, after- wards openly charged in the Senate with being the real author of the war which followed. ■'*- The administration of President Polk '' opened March 4, 1845 ; and on the same day, the Senate being convened for the . purpose, the cabinet ministers were nomi- I nated and confirmed. In December fol- I lowing the 29th Congress was organized. ^ The House of Representatives, being largely Democratic, elected the Speaker, by a vote of 120, against 70 for the Whig candidate. At this session the " Ameri- can" party — a new political organization — first made its appearance in the Na- tional councils, having elected six mem- bers of the House of Representatives, four from New York and two from Penn- sylvania. The Prosiij en t's lHrst annual me ssatre had foi-lts yhief topic. Tlie .admis - ainn nt 'jA^^j tVit.n ■if^finmpl klipd ^ p nd thc pnn,i;pqnpi]f flissnt; isfaction of Mex ico ; and referring to the preparations on the part of the latter with the apparent intention of declaring Avar on the United States, either by an open declaration, or by invading Texas. The message also stated causes which would justify this government in taking the initiative in declaring war — mainly the non-compliance by Mexico with the terms of the treaty of indemnity of April 11, 1839, entered into between that State and this government relative to injuries to American citizens during the previf»us eight years. He also referred to the fact of a minister having been sent to Mexico to endeavor to bring about a settle- ment of the differences between the na- tions, without a resort to hostilities. The message concluded with a reference to the negotiations with Great Britain relative to the Oregon boundary ; a statement of the finances and the public debt, showing the latter to be slightly in excess of seventeen millions; and a recommendation for a re- vision of the tariff, with a view to revenue as the object, with protection to home in- dustry as the incident. At this session of Congress,- the States of Florida and Iowa were admitted into the Union ; the former permitting slavery within its borders, the latter denying it. Long before this, the free and the slave States were equal in number, and the prac- tice had grown up — from a feeling of jealousy and policy to keep them evenly balanced — of admitting one State of each character at the same time. Numerically the free and the slave States were thus kept even : in political power a vast in- equality was going on — the increase of population being so much greater in the northern than in the southern region. The Ashljurton treaty of 1842 omitted to define the boundary line, and permitted, or rather did not prohibit, the joint occu- pation of Oregon by British and American settlers. This had been a subject of dis- pute for many years. The country on the ColumbiaRiver had been claimed by both. Under previous treaties the American northern boundarj' extended " to the lati- tude of 49 degrees north of the equator, and along that parallel indefinitely to the west." Attempts were made in 1842 and continuing since to 184(3, to settle this boundary line, by treaty with Great Britain. It had been assumed that we had a divid- ing line, made by previous treaty, along the parallel of 64 degrees 40 minutes from the sea to the Rocky mountains. The sub- ject so much absorbed public attention, that the Democratic National convention of 1844 in its platform of principles de- clared for that boundary line, or war aa the consequence. It became known as the 54-40 plink, and was a canon of political faith. The negotiations between the gov- ernments were resumed in August, 1844. The Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, pro- posed a line along the parallel of 49 de- grees of north latitude to the summit of the Rocky mountains and continuing that line thence to the Pacific Ocean ; and he made this proposition notwithstanding the fact that the Democratic party — to which he belonged — were then in a high state of exultation for the boundary of 54 degrees 40 minutes, and the presidential canvass, on the Democratic side, was raging upon that cry. The British Minister declined this pro- position in the part that carried the lino to the ocean, but offered to continue it from the summit of the mountains to the Columbia River, a distance of some three hundred miles, and then follow the river to the ocean. This was declined by ^Ir. Calhoun. The President had declared in his inaugural address in favor of the 54-40 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, line. He was in a dilemma ; to maintain that position meant war with Great Britain ; to recede from it seemed impossible. The proposition for the line of 49 degrees hav- ing been withdrawn by the American gov- ernment on its non-acceptance by the Brit- ish, had appeased tlie Democratic storm which had been raised against the Presi- dent. Congress had come together under the loud cry of war, in which 5lr. Cass was the leader, but followed by the body of the democracy, and backed and cheered by the whole democratic newspaper press. Under the authority and order of Congress notice had been served on Great Britain which was to abrogate the joint occupation of the country by the citizens of the two Sowers. It was finally resolved by the British Government to j^ropose the line of 49 degrees, continuing to the ocean, as originally offered by Mr. Calhoun ; and though the President was favorable to its acceptance, he could not, consistently with his previous acts, accept and make a treaty, on that basis. The Senate, with whf)m lies the power, under the constitu- tion, of confirming or restricting all trea- ties, being favorable to it, without respect to party Tines, resort was had, as in the early practice of the Government, to the President, asking the advice of the Senate upon the articles of a treaty before negoti- ation. A message was accordingly sent to the Senate, by the President, stating the proposition, and asking its advice, thus shifting the responsibility upon that body, and making the issue of peace or war de- pend upon its answer. The Senate advised the acceptance of the proposition, and the treaty was concluded. The conduct of the Whig Senators, without whose votes the advice would not have been given nor the treaty made, was patriotic in preferring their country to their i)arty — in preventing a war with Great iJritain — and saving the adiuinistra- tion from itself and its party friends. The second session of the 29th Congress was opened in December, 1847. The President's message was chieily in relation to the war with Mexico, which had been declared by almost a unanimous vote in Congress. ^Ir. Calhoun si)oke against the declaration in the Senate, but did not vote uj)on it. He was sincerely opposed to tlie war, although his conduct had ])roduced it. Had he remained in the calnnet, to do which lie had nf)t concealed his wish, he would, no doul)t, have labored earnestly to have prevented it. iMany meniliers of Congress, of the same party with the ad- ministration, were extremely averse to tlie war, and had iiitervi(;WH with tin^ 1 'resident, U) sec if it was incivitable, before it w.as de- clared. Members were under the impression that the war could not lust above three months. The reason for these impressions wag that an intrigue was laid, with the know- ledge of the Executive, for a peace, even before the war was declared, and a special agent dispatched to bring about a return to Mexico of its exiled President, General Santa Anna, and conclude a treaty of peace with him, on terms favorable to the United States. And for this purpose Con- gress granted an appropriation of three millions of dollars to be placed at the dis- posal of the President, for negotiating for a boundary which should give the United States additional territory. While this matter was pending in Con- gress, Mr. Wilmot of Pennsylvania intro- duced and moved a proviso, '' that no part of the territory to be acquired should he open to the introduction of slavein/ ." It was a proposition not necessaiy for the pur- pose of excluding slavery, as the only ter- ritory to be acquired was that of New IMexico and California, where slavery was already prohibited by the Mexican laws and constitution. The proviso was there- fore nugatory, and only served to bring on a slavery agitation in the United States. For this purpose it was seized upon by Mr. Calhoun and declared to be an outrage upon and menace to the slave-holding States. It occupied the attention of Con- gress for two sessions, and became the sub- ject of debate in the State Legislatures, several of which passed disunion resolu- tions. It became the watchword of party — the synonym of civil war, and the dissolu- tion of the Union. Neither party really had anything to fear or to hope from the adoption of the proviso — the soil was free, and the Democrats were not in a position to make slave territory of it, because it had just enunciated as one of its cardinal principles, that there was " no power in Congress to legislate upon slavery in Territo- ries." Never did two political parties con- tend more furiously about nothing. Close observers, who had been watching the pro- gress of the slavery agitation since its inauguration in Congress in 1835, knew it to be the means of keeping up an agitation for the benefit of the political i)arties — the abolitionists on one side and the disunion- ists or nullifiers on the other — to accom- I)lish their own purposes. This was the celebrated Wilmot l*roviso, which for so long a time convulsed the Union ; assisted in forcing the issue between the North and South on the slavery question, and almost caused a dissolution of the Union. The ])roviso was defeated ; that chance of the nullifiers to force the issue was lost; an- otlier had to l)e made, which was s]H'edily done, by the introduction into the Senate on the'lDth Fel)ruary, 1847, by Mr. Cal- houn of his new slavery resolutions, de- claring tlu! Territories to bo the common property of the several States; denying BOOK I.] TREATY OF PEACE WITH MEXICO. 49 the right of Congress to prohibit slavery in a Territory, or to pass any law which would have the effect to deprive the citi- zens of any slave State from enugrating with his property (slaves) into such Terri- tory. The introduction of the resolutions was prefaced by an elaborate s{)eech by Mr. Culiiouu, who demanded an immediate vote ujton them. They never came to a vote; they were evidently introduced for the mere pnrjjose of carrying a (piestion to the slave Htates on which they could be formed into a unit against the free States ; and so begiin the agitation which finally led to the abrogation of the j\Iissouri Com- promise line, and arrayed the States of one section against those of the other. The Thirtieth Congres>, which assem- bled for its lirst session in December, 1S47, was found, so far as respects the House of Representatives, to be politically adverse to the administration. The Whigs were in the majority, nnd elected the Speaker; Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, being chosen. The President's message contained a full report of the progress of the war with Mexico; the success of the American arms in that conflict; the vic- tory of Cerro Gordo, and the capture of the City of Mexico ; and that negotiations were then pending for a treaty of peace. The message concluded with a reference to the excellent results from the indepen- dent treasury system. The war with Mexico was ended by the signing of a treaty of peace, in February, 1848, by the terms of which New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United States, and the lower Rio Grande, from its mouth to El Paso, taken for the boundary of Texas. For the territory thus acquired, the United States agreed to i)ay to Mexico the sum of fifteen million dol- lars, in five annual installments; and be- sides that, assumed the claims of Ameri- can citizens against Mexico, limited to three and a quarter million dollars, out of and on account of which claims the war ostensibly originated. The victories achiev- ed by the American commanders. Generals Zachary Taylor and Winfield Scott, during that war, won for them national reputa- tions, by means of which they were brought prominently forward for the Presidential succession. The question of the power of Congress to legislate on the subject of slavery in the Territories, was again raised, at this session, on the bill for the establishment of the Oregon territorial government. An amend- ment was offered to insert a provision for the extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean; which line thus extended w;is intended by the amendment to be permanent, and to apply to all future territories established in the West. This amendment was lost, but the bill wiia finally passed with an amendment incorporating into it the anti-slavery clause of the ordi- nance of 1787. Mr. Calhoun, in the Sen- ate, declared that the exclusion of .slavery from any territory was a suljversion of the Union ; openly proclaimed the strife be- tween the North and South to be ended, and the separation of the States a,ccom- jdished. His speech wa.s an ojjcn invoca- tion to disunion, and from that time forth, the efforts were regular to obtain a meet- ing of the members from the slave Slates, to unite in a call for a convention of the slave States to redress themselves. He said: " The great .strife between the North and the South is ended. The North is determined to exclude the property of the slaveholder, and, of course, the slaveholder himself, from its territory. On this jjoint there seems to be no division in the North. In the South, he regretted to say, there was some division of sentiment. The effect of this determination of the North was to convert all the Southern j)Opulation into slaves ; and he would never consent to entail that disgrace on his j^osterity. He denounced any Southern man who would not take the same course. Gentle- men were greatly mistaken if they sup- posed the Presidential question in the South would override this more important one. The separation of the North and the South is completed. The South has now a most solemn obligation to perform — to herself — to the constitution — to the Union. She is bound to come to a decision not to permit this to go on any further, but to show that, dearly as she prizes the Union, there are questions which she regards as of greater importance than the Union. This is not a question of territorial govern- ment, but a question involving the con- tinuance of the Union." The President, in approving the Oregon bill, took occa- sion to send in a special message, point- ing out the danger to the Union from the progress of the slavery agitation, and urged an adherence to the j^rinciplcs of the ordi- nance of 1787 — the terms of the Missouri compromise of 1820 — as also thot involved and declared in the Texas case in 1845, as the means of averting that danger. The Presidential election of 1848 was coming on. The Democratic convention met in Baltimore in May of that year; each State being represented in the con- vention by the number of delegates equal to the number of electoral votes it was en- titled to; saving only New York, which sent two sets of delegates, and both were excluded. The delegates were, for the most ]iart, members of Congress and office- holders. The two-thirds rule, adopted by the previous convention, was again made a law of the convention. The main ques- tion which arose upon the formation of the platform fur the campaign, was the 50 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. doctrine advanced by the Southern mem- bers of non-interference with slavery in the States or in the Territories. The can- didates of the party were, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for President, and General Wm. O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- dent. The Whig convention, taking advan- tage of the popularity of Genl. Zachary Taylor, for his military achievements in the' Mexican war, then just ended ; and his consequent availability as a candidate, nominated him for the Presidency, over Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster and General Scott, who were his competitors before the convention. Millard Fillmore was selected as the Vice- presidential candidate. A third convention was held, consisting of the disafiected Democrats from New York who had been excluded from the Baltunore convention. They met at Utica, New York, and nominated Jlartin Van Bnren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for Vice President. The princi- ples of its platform, were, that Congress should abolish slavery wherever it consti- tutionallv had the power to do so — [which was intended to apply to the District of Columbia]— that it should not interfere with it in the slave States — and that it should prohibit it in the Territories. _ This party became known as " Free-soilers," from their doctrines thus enumerated, and their party cry of "free-soil, free-speech, free-labor, free-men." The result of the election, as might have been foreseen, was to lose New York State to the Baltimore candidate, and give it to the whigs, who were triumphant in the reception of 163 electoral votes for their candidates, against 127 for the democrats; and none for ihc free-soilers. The last message of President Polk, in December following, gave him the oppor- tunity to again urge upon Congress the necessity for some measure to quiet the slavery agitation, and he recommended the extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean, passing through the new Territories of Calilornia and New Mexico, as a fair adjustment, to meet as far as possible the views of all parties. The President referred also to the state of the finances; the excellent condition of the public trcasur>' ; government loans, commanding a high premium ; gold and silver the established currency; and the business interests of the country in a j^ros- perous condition. And this was the state of affairs, only one year after emergency from a foreign war. It would be unfair not to give credit to the President and to Senator Benton and others equally promi- nent and courageous, who at that time had to battle against the hank theory and national paper money currency, as strongly urged and advocated, and to prove even- tually that the money of the Constitution — gold and silver — was the only currency to ensure a successful financial working of the government, and prosperity to the peo- ple. • The new President, General Zachary Taylor, was inaugurated March 4, 1849. The Senate being convened, as usual, in extra session, for the purpose, the Vice President elect, Millard Fillmore, was duly installed ; and the Whig cabinet officers nominated by the President, promptly confirmed. An additional member of the Cabinet was appointed by this administra- tion to preside over the new " Home De- partment " since called the " Interior," created at the previous session of Con- gress. The following December Congress met in regular session — the 31st since the or- ganization of the federal government. The Senate consisted of sixty members, among whom were LIr. Webster, Mr. Cal- houn, and Mr. Clay, who had returned to public life. The House had 230 members; and although the whigs had a small ma- jority, the House was so divided on the slavery question in- its various phases, that the election for Speaker resulted in the choice of the Democratic candidate, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, by a majority of three votes. The annual message of the President plainly .showed that he compre- hended the dangers to the Union from a continuance of sectional feeling on the slavery question, and he averred his deter- mination to stand by the Union to the full extent of his obligations and powers. At the previous session Congress had .spent six months in endeavoring to frame a sat- isfactoiy bill providing territorial govern- ments for California and New Mexico, and had adjourned finally without accom- plishing it, in consequence of inability to agree upon whether the Missouri compro- mise line should be carried to the ocean, or the territories be permitted to remain as they were — slavery prohibited under the laws of Mexico. Mr. Calhoun brought forward, in the debate, a new doctrine — extending the Constitution to the territory, and arguing that as that instrument recog- nized the existence of slavery, the settlers in such territory should be permitted to hold their slave proi)erty taken there, and be protected. ]Mr. AVcbster's answer to this w.as that the Constitution Avas made for States, not territories ; that it cannot operate anywhere, not even in the States for which it was made, without acts of Congress to enforce it. The proposed ex- tension of the constitution to territories, with a view to its transportation of slavery along with it, was futile and nugatory,' without the act of Congress to vitalize slavery under it. The early part of the vcar had witnessed ominous movements — BOOK I.] MR. CLAY'S COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS. 51 nightly meetings of large numbers of mem- bers from the slave States, led l)y Mr. Calhoun, to consider the state of things between the North and the South. They appointed committees who prepared an address to the people. It was in this con- dition of things, that President Taylor ex- pressed his opinion, in his message, of the remedies required. California, New Mexico and Utah, had been left without governments. For California, he recom- mended that having a suflicient jiopula- tion and having framed a constitution, she be admitted as a State into the Union ; and for New I\fexico and Utah, without mixing the slavery question with their territorial governments, they be left to ripen into States, and settle the slavery question for themselves in their State con- stitutions. With a view to meet the wishes of all parties, and arrive at some definite and permanent adjustment of the slavery ques- tion, Mr: Clay early in the session in- troduced compromise resolutions which were practically a tacking together of the several bills then on the calendar, provid- ing for the admission of California — the territorial government for Utah and New- Mexico — the settlement of the Texas boun- dary — slavery in the District of Columlna — and for a fugitive slave law. It was seriously and earnestly opposed by many, as being a concession to the spirit of dis- union — a capitulation under threat of se- cession ; and as likely to become the source of more contentions than it proposed to quiet. The resolutions were referred to a special committee, who promptly reported a bill embracing the comprehensive plan of com- promise which Mr. Clay proposed. Among the resolutions offered, was the following : " Resolved, that as slavery does not exist by law and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired by the United States from the Republic of Mexi- co, it is inexpedient for Congress to pro- vide by law either for its introduction into or exclusion from any part of the said ter- ritory ; and that appropriate territorial governments ought to be established by Congress in all of the said territory, and assigned as the boundaries of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any restriction or condition on the sub- i'eet of slavery." Mr. Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, objected that the measure gave nothing to the South in the settlement of the question ; and he required the exten- sion of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean as the least that he would be willing to take, with the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line; and that, be- fore such territories are admitted into the Union as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States at the option of their owner. Mr. Clay in reply, said : " Coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the in- troduction of slavery where it had not be- fore existed, either south or north of that line. *• * * If the citizens of those territories choose to establish slavery, and if they come here with constitutions es- tablishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in their consti- tutions; but then it will be their own work, and not ours, and their j)osterity will have to reproach tlimn, and not us, for forming constitutions allowing the institu- tion of slavery to exist among them." Mr. Seward of New York, proposed a renewal of the Wilmot Proviso, in the fol- lowing resolution: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be allowed in either of said territories of Utah and New Mexico ; " but his resolution was re- jected in the Senate by a vote of 23 yeas to oo na}-B. Following this, Mr. Calhoun had read for him in the Senate, by his friend James M. Mason of Virginia, his last -speech. It embodied the points cov- ered by the address to the people, pre- pared by him the previous year ; the prob- ability of a dissolution of the Union, and presenting a case to justify it. The tenor of the speech is shown by the following ex- tracts from it: "I have, Senators, believed from the first, that the agitation of the sub- ject of slavery would, if not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call the attention of each of the two great parties which divide the country to adopt some measure to prevent so great a disas- ter, but without success. The agitation has been jiermitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have had forced upon you the great- est and gravest question that can ever come under your consideration : How can the Union be preserved ?***** Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation are stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first commenced, while all the elements of influence on the part of the South are weaker. T'^nless something decisive is done, I again ask what is to stop this agitation, before the great and final object at which it aims— - the abolition of slavery in the States — is consummated ? Is it, then, not certain that if something decisive is not now done to arrest it, the South will be forced to choose between abolition and secession ? Indeed 52 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. as events are now moving, it Tvill not re- quire the South to secede to dissolve tlie Union. * * * *■ If the agitation goes on, nothing will be left to hold the States together except force." He answered the question. How can the Union be saved? with which his speech opened, by suggest- ing. " To provide for the insertion of a provision in the constitution, by an amend- ment, which will restore to the South in substance the power she possessed of pro- tecting herself, before the equilibrium be- tween the sections was destroyed by the action of the government." He did not state of what the amendment should con- sist, but later on, it was ascertained from reliable sources that his idea was a dual executive — one President from the free, and one from the slave States, the consent of both of Avhom should be required to all acts of Congress before they become laws. This speech of Mr. Calhoun's, is import- ant as explaining many of his previous ac- tions ; and as furnishing a guide to those who ten years afterwards attempted to carry out practically the suggestions thrown out by him. Mr. Clay's compromise bill was rejected. It was evident that no compromise of any kind whatever on the subject of slavery, under any one of its aspects separately, much less under all put together, could possibly be made. There was no spirit of concession manifested. The numerous measures put together in Mr. Clay's bill were disconnected and separated. Each measure received a separate and inde- pendent consideration, and with a result which showed the injustice of the at- tempted conjunction ; for no two of them were passed by the same vote, even of the members of the committee which had even unanimously reported favorably upon them as a whole. Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850; before the separate bill for the admission of California was taken up. His death took place at Washington, he having reached the age of (>8 years. A eulogy upon him was delivered in the Senate by his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South Caro- lina. Mr. Calhoun v»"as the first great ad- vocate of the doctrine of secession. He was the autlior of the nullification doc- trine, and an advocate of the extreme doc- trine of States Kights. He was an elo- ?uent speaker — a man of strong intellect, lis speeches were j)lain, strong, concise, sometimes impassioned, and always severe. Daniel Webster said of liim, that " he had the basis, the in(lispens;il)le basis of all high ciiaracters, and that was unspotted integrity, unimpeached honor and char- acter ! " In .July of this year an event took place which threw a gloom over the country. The I'reaideut, General Taylor, contracted a fever from exposure to the hot sun at a cele- bration of Independence Day, from which he died four days afterwards. He was a man of irreproachable private character, undoubted patriotism, and established re- putation for judgment and firmness. His brief career showed no deficiency of poli- tical wisdom nor want of political training. His administration was beset with difficul- ties, with momentous questions pending, and he met the crisis with firmness and determination, resolved to maintain the Federal Union at all hazards. His first and only annual message, the leading points of which have been stated, evinces a spirit to do what was right among all the States. His death was a public calamity. No man could have been more devoted to the Union nor more opposed to the slavery agitation ; and his position as a Southern man and a slaveholder — his military repu- tation, and his election by a majority of the people as well as of the States, would have given him a power in the settlement of the pending questions of the day which no President without these qualifications could have possessed. In accordance with the Constitution, the office of President thus devolved upon the Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who was duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The new cabinet, with Daniel Webster as Se- cretary of State, was duly appointed and confirmed by the Senate. The bill for the admission of California as a State in the Union, was called up in the Senate and sought to be amended by extending the Missouri Compromise line through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to authorize slavery in the State below that line. The amendment was introduced and pressed by Southern friends of the late Mr. Calhoun, and made a test question. It was lost, and the bill passed by a two- third vote ; whereupon ten Southern Sena- tors offijred a written protest, the conclud- ing clause of which was : '* We dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning mea- sures so contrary to former precedents, to obvious policy, to the s])irit and intent of the constitution of the United States, for the purpose of excluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus to be erected into a State, this government in eflect de- clares that the exclusion of slavery from the territory of the United States is an ob- ject so high and important as to justify a disregard not only ol' all the principles of sound policy, but also of the constitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and for ever protest, as ii; is destruc- tive of the safety and liberties of thoso whose riglits have been committed to our care, fiital to the ])eace and equality of the States which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution of that BOOEi.J RISE AND PROGRESS OF ABOLITION PARTY. 53 confederacy, in which the shiveholding States have never sought more than equality, anJ in which they will not be content to remain with less." On objec- tion being made, followed by debate, the Senate refused to receive the pnjtest, or permit it to be entered on the Journal. The bill went to the House of Representa- tives, was readily passed, and ])romptly approved by the President. Thus was virtually accomplished the abrogation of the Missouri compromise line ; and the ex- tensi(m or non-extension of slavery was then made to form a foundation for future political parties. The year 1850 was prolific with disunion movements in the Southern States. The Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun in the address to the people, in 1849, united with their adherents in establishing at Washington a newspaper entitled "The Southern Press^" devoted to the agitation of the slavery question ; to presenting the advantages of disunion, and the organi- zation of a confederacy of Southern States to be called the ''United States South." Its constant aim was to influence the South against the North, and advoca- ted concert of action by the States of the former section. It was aided in its efforts by newspapers jmblished in the South, more especially in South Carolina and Mississippi. A disunion convention was actually held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and invited the assembly of a Southern Con- gress. Two States, South Carolina and Mississippi responded to the appeal ; passed laws to carry it into effect, and the former went so far as to elect its quota of Representatives to the pro2)Oscd new Southern Congress. These occurrences are referred to as showing the spirit that prevailed, and the extraordinary and un- justifiable means used by the leaders to mislead and exasperate the people. The assembling of a Southern " Congress " was a turning point in the progress of disunion. Georgia refused to join ; and her weight as a great Southern State was sufficient to cause the failure of the scheme. But the seeds of discord were sown, and had taken root, only to spring up at a future time when circumstances should be more favorable to the accomplishment of the object. Although the Congress of the United States had in 1790 and again in 1836 formally declared the policy of the govern- ment to be non-interference with the States in respect to the matter of slavery within the limits of the respective States, the sub- ject continued to be agitated in conse- quence of petitions to Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, which was under the exclusive control of the fed- eral government; and of movements throughout the United States to limit, and finally abolish it. The subject first made its appearance in national politics in 1840, when a jjresidential ticket was nominated by a party then formed favoring the abolition of slavery; it had a very slight following which was increased ten-fold at the elec- tion of 1844 when the same party again ]Hit a ticket in the field with James G. Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for the Presidency; who received G2, 140 votes. The efforts of the leaders of that faction were continued, and persisted in to such an extent, that when in 1848 it nominated a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President, against the Democratic candidate, Martin Van Buren, the former received 296,232 votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 the abolition party again nominated a ticket, with John P. Hale as its candidate for President, and polled 157,926 votes. This large following was increased from time to time, until uniting with a new party then formed, called the Republican party, which latter adopted a platform en- dorsing the views and sentiments of the abolitionists, the great and decisive battle for the principles involved, Avas fought in the ensuing presidential contest of 1856 ; when the candidate of the Republican party, John C. Fremont, supported by the entire abolition party, polled 1,341,812 votes. The first national platform of the Abolition party, upon which it went into the contest of 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and Territories; the inter-state slave trade, and a general opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. Following the discussion of the subject of slaver}', in the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, brought about by the presenta- tion of petitions and memorials, and the passage of the resolutions in 1836 rejecting such petitions, the question was again raised by the presentation in the House, by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th December 1837, of two memorials praving the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and moving that they be re- ferred to a select committee. Great excite- ment prevailed in the chamber, and of the many attempts by the Southern members an adjournment was had. The next day a resolution was offered that thereafter all such petitions and memorials touching the abolition of slavery should, when pre- sented, be laid on the table ; which resolu- tion was adopted by a large vote. During the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the course of laying on the table the motion to receive all abolition petitions ; and both Houses during the 25th Congress continued the same course of conduct; when finally on the 25th of January 1840, the House adopted by a vote of 114 to 108, an amend- ment to the rule>, called the 21st Rule, which provided: — "that no jietition, me- morial or resolution, or other paper, pray- 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ing the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the States or ter- ritories of the United States, in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way what- ever." This rule was afterwards, on the 3d of December, 1844, rescinded by the House, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by a vote of 108 to 80 ; and a motion to re-instate it, on the 1st of December 1845, was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. "Within five years afterwards — on the 17th September iSSO, — the Congress of the United States enacted a law, which was ap- proved by the President, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. On the 25th of February, 1850, there was presented in the House of Representa- tives, two petitions from citizens of Penn- sylvania and Delaware, setting forth that slavery, and the constitution which per- mits it, violates the Divine law; is incon- sistent with republican principles ; that its existence has brought evil upon the country; and that no union can exist with States which tolerate that institution ; and asking that some plan be devised for the immediate, peaceful dissolution of the Union. The House refused to receive and consider the petitions; as did also the Senate when the same petitions were pre- sented the same month. The presidential election of 1852 was the last campaign in which the Whig party appeared in National politics. It nomi- nated a ticket with General Winfield Scott as its candidate for President. His oppo- nent on the Democratic ticket was General Franklin Pierce. A third ticket was placed in the field by the Abolition party, with John P. Hale as its candidate for Presi- dent. The platform and declaration of principles of the Whig party was in sub- stance a ratification and endoi-sement of the several measures embraced in Mr. Clay's compromise resolutions of the pre- vious session of Congress, before referred to ; and the policy of a revenue for the economical administration of the govern- ment, to be derived mainly from duties on imports, and by these means to afford pro- tection to American industry. The main plank of tbe platform of the Abolition j)arty (or Independent Democrats, as tlicy were called) was for the non-extonsion and gradual extinction of s]aver)\ The Demo- cratic party equally adhered to the com- promise mea.sure. The election resulted in the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a popular vote of 1,(10], 474, and 254 electoral votes, against a popular aggregate vote of 1,542,40;{ (of which the abolitionists polled 157,1120) and 42 electoral votes, for the Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. Pierce was duly inaugurated as President, March 4, 1853. The first political parties in the United States, from the estabilshmeut of the fede- ral government and for many years after- wards, were denominated Federalists and Democrats, or Democratic Republicans. The former was an anti-alien party. The latter was made up to a large extent of naturalized foreigners ; refugees from Eng- land, Ireland and Scotland, driven from home for hostility to the government or for attachment to France. Naturally, aliens sought alliance with the Democratic party, which favored the war against Great Britain. The early party contests were based on the naturalization laws ; the first of which, approved March 26, 1790, re- quired only two years' residence in this country ; a few years afterwards the time was extended to five years ; and in 1798 the Federalists taking advantage of the war fever against France, and then being in power, extended the tipae to fourteen years. (See Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798). Jefl^erson's election and Demo- cratic victory of 1800, brought the period back to five years in 1802, and re-inforced the Democratic party. The city of New York, especially, from time to time became filled with foreigners ; thus naturalized ; brought into the Democratic ranks ; and crowded out native Federalists from con- trol of the city government, and to meet this condition of afl^airs, the first attempt at a Native American organization was made. Beginning in 1835 ; ending in failure in election of Mayor in 1837, it was revived in April, 1844, when the Native American organization carried New York citj' for its Mayoralty candidate by a good majority. The success of the movement there, caused it to spread to New Jersey and Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was desperately opposed by the Democratic, Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so fiiriously, that it resulted in riots, in ^^■hich two Romish Churches Avere burned and destroyed. The adherents of the Ameri- can organization were not confined to Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native Democrats ; and the Whigs openly voted with Democratic Natives in order to secure their vote for Henry Clay for the Presi- dency ; but when in November, 1844, New York and Philadelphia both gave Native majorities, and so sapped the Whig A'ote, that both places gave majorities for the Democratic Presidential electors, the Whigs drew off. In 1845, at the April election in New York, the natives were defeated, and the new party disappeared there. As a result of the autumn election of 1844, the 29th Congress, which organ- ized in December, 1845, had six Native Kepri'sentatives ; four from New York and two from Pennsylvania. In the 30th Con- gress, Pennsylvania had one. Thereafter for some years, with the exceptiou of a BOOK I.] THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL. 55 emiill vote in Pennsylvania and New York, Nativism disappeared. An able writer oi" that day— Hon. A. H. II. Stuart, of Vir- ginia — published under the noni-de-plume of " Madison " several letters in vindication of the American party (revived in 1852,) in which he said : " The vital principle of the American party is Americanism — develop- ing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to our own country — its constituti(jn, its union, and its laws — to American men, and Ameri- can measures, and American interests — or, in other words, a fervent patriotism — which, rejecting the transcendental ])hilan- thropy of abolitionists, and that kindred batch of wild enthusiasts, who would seek to embroil us with foreign countries, in righting the wrongs of Ireland, or Hun- gary, or Cuba — would guard with vestal vigilance American institutions and Ameri- can interests against the baneful eifecta of foreign influence." About 1852, when the question of slavery in the territories, and its extension or its abolition in the States, was agitated and causing sectional differences in the coun- try, many Whigs and Democrats forsook their parties, and took sides on the ques- tions of the day. This was aggravated by the large number of alien naturalized citi- zens constantly added to the ranks of voters, who took sides with the Democrats and against the Whigs. Nativism then re-appeared, but in a new form — that of a secret fraternity. Its real name and ob- jects were not revealed — even to its mem- bers, until they reached a high degree in the order ; and the answer of members on being questioned on these subjects was, " I don't know'" — which gave it the popular name, by which it is yet known, of " Know- nothing." Its moving causes were the growing power and designs of the Roman Catholic Church in America ; the sudden influx of aliens; and the greed and inca- facity of naturalized citizens for office, ts cardinal principle was: "Americans must rule America " ; and its countersign was the order of General Washington on a critical occasion during the war : " Put none but Americans on guard to-night." Its early nominations were not made pub- lic, but were made by select committees and conventions of delegates. At first these nominations were confined to selec- tions of the best Whig or best Democrat on the respective tickets; and the choice not being made known, but quietly voted for by all tlie members of the order, the effect was only visible after election, and threw all calculation into chaos. For a while it was really the arbiter of elections. On Feiiruary 8, 1853, a bill passed the House of Representatives providing a ter- ritorial government for Nebraska, embrac- ing all of what is now Kansas and Nebraska. It was silent on the subject of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The bill was tabled in the Senate ; to be revived at the following session. In the Senate it was amended, on motion of Mr. Douglas, to read : " That so much of the 8th section of an act approved March 6, 1820, (the Missouri compromise) * * * which, being inconsistent with the princi- ples of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislature of 1850, com- monly called the Compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there- from, but to leave the people thereof per- fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." It was further amended, on motion of Senator Clayton, to prohibit " alien suffrage." In the House this amendment was not agreed to ; and the bill finally passed without it, on the 25th May, 1854. So far as Nebraska was concerned, no excitement of any kind marked the initia- tion of her territorial existence. The persons who emigrated there seemed to regard the pursuits of business as of more interest than the discussion of slavery. Kansas was less fortunate. Her territory became at once the battle-field of a fierce political conflict between the advocates of slavery, and the free soil men from the North who went there to resist the estab- lishment of that institution in the terri- tory. Differences arose between the Legislature and the Governor, brought about by antagonisms between the Pro- slavery party and the Free State party ; and the condition of affairs in Kansas assumed so frightfiil a mien in January, 1856, that the President sent a special message to Congress on the subject, January 24, 1856 ; followed by a Proclama- tion, February 11, 1856, "warning all un- lawful combinations (in the territory) to retire peaceably to their respective abodes, or he would use the power of the local militia, and the availal)le forces of the United States to disperse them." Several applications were made to Con- gress for several successive j^cars, for the admission of Kansas as a state in the Union ; upon the basis of three separate and distinct constitutions, all differing as to the main questions at issue between the contending factions. The name of Kansas was for some years synonymous with all that is lawless and anarchical. Elections became mere farces, and the officers thus fraudulently placed in power, used their authority only for their own or their party's interest. The jiarty opposed to slavery at length triumphed ; a constitution 56 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. excluding slavery was adopted in 1859, and Kansas was admitted into the Union January 29, 18G1. Under the fugitive slave law, which was passed by Congress at the session of 1850, as one of the Compromise measures, intro- duced by ^Ir. Chiy, a long and exciting litigation occurred to test the validity and constitutionality of the act, and the several laws on which it depended. The suit was instituted by Dred Scott, a negro slave, in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Missouri, in April Term, 1854, against John F. A. Sanford, his alleged owner, for trespass vi et armis, in holding the plaintift' and his wife and daughters in slavery in said District of Missouri, where by law slavery was pro- hibited ; they having been previously law- liilly held in slaA'eiy by a former owner — Dr. Emerson — in the State of Illinois, from whence they were taken by him to Missouri, and sold to the defendent, San- ford. The case went up on appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, and was clearly and elaborately argued. The majority opinion, delivered by Chief Jus- tice Taney, as also the dissenting opinions, are reported in lull in Howard's U. S. Supreme Court Reports, Volume 19, page 393. In respect to the territories the Con- stitution grants to Congress the power " to make all needful rules and regulations concerning the territory and other 2'>roperty belonging to the United States,'' The Court was of opinion that the clause of the Constitution applies only to the terri- tory within the original States at the time the Constitution was adopted, and that it did not apply to future territory acquired by treaty or conquest from foreign na- tions. They were also of opinion that the power of Congress over such future terri- torial acquisitions was not unlimited, that the citizens of the States migrating to a territory were not to be regarded as colonists, subject to absolute power in Congress, but as citizens of the United States, with all the riglits of citizenship guarantied by the Constitution, and that no legislation was constitutional Avhich at- tempted to deprive a citizen of his property on his becoming a resident of a territorj'. This question in the case arose under the act of Congress prohiltiting slavery in the territory of upper Louisiana, (acquired from France, afterwards the State), and of which the territory of Missouri was fonned. Any obscurity as to what constitutes citizenship, will be re- moved by attending to the distinction be- tween local rights of citizenship of the United States according to the (Constitu- tion. CitizenHhij) at large in the sense of the Constitution can be conferred on a foreigner only by the naturalization laws of Congress. But each State, in the exer. cise of its local and reserved sovereignty, may place foreigners or other persons on a footing with its own citizens, as to politi- cal rights and privileges to be enjoyed within its own dominion. But State regu- lations of this character do not make the persons on whom such rights are conferred citizens of the LTnited States or entitle them to the privileges and immunities of citizens in another State. See 5 Wheaton, (U. S. Supreme Court Reports), page 49. The Court said in The Dred Scott case, above referred to, that : — " The right of property in a slave is distinctly and ex- pressly affirmed in the Constitution. The right to traffic in it like the ordinary article of merchandise and property was guar- antied to the citizens of the United States, in every State that might desire it for twenty years, and the government in ex- press terms is pledged to protect it in all future time if the slave escapes from his owner. This is done in plain words — too plain to be misunderstood, and no word can be found in the Constitution which gives Congress a greater power over slave property, or which entitles property of that kind to less protection than the prop- erty of any other description. The only power conferred is the power coui)led with the duty of guarding and protecting the owner in his rights. Upon these considera- tions, it is the opinion of the Court that the Act of Congress which prohibited a citizen from holding and owning property of this kind in the territory of the U^nited States north of the line therein mentioned, is not warranted by the Constitution and is therefore void ; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family were made free by being carried into this terri- tory ; even it" they had been carried there by the owner with the intention of becom- ing a permanent resident." The ab(/lition of slavery by the 13th amendment to the Constitution of the LTnited States ratified and adopted December 18, 1865, has put an end to these discussions formerly so numerous. As early as 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska controversy on the territorial government bill, resulted in a division of the Whig party in the North. Those not sufliciently o]iposed to slavery to enter the new Rejiub- lican party, then in its inci])iency, allied themselves with the Know-Nothing order, which now accepting the name of Ameri- can party established a seitarate and in- dependent political existence. The jKirty had no hold in the West; it was entirely Middle State at this time, and polled a large vote in Massachusetts, Delaware and New York. In the State elections of 1 855 the American party made a stride South- ward. In 1855, the absence of natural- ized citizens was universal in the South, and even so late as 1881 the proportion of BOOK I.] THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 57 foreiga-born population in the Southern States, with the exception of Florida, Louisiana, and Texas was under two per cent. At the early date — 1855 — the na- tivist feeling among the Whigs of that section, made it easy to transl'er them to the American juirty, which thus secured in both the Eastern and Southern States, the election of (rovernor and Legislature in the States of New Hampshire, Massachu- setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, California and Kentucky; and also elected part of its State ticket in jNIary- laud, and Texas ; and only lost the States of Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi- ana, and Texas, by small majorities against it. The order began preparations for a cam- paign as a National party, in 1856. It aimed to introduce opposition to aliens and Ro- man Catholicism as a national question. On the 21st of February, 1856, the Nation- al Council held a session at Philadelphia, and proceeded to formulate a declaration of principles, and make a platform, which were as follows : " An humble acknowledgement to the Supreme Being, for his protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- ful Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of the liberties, the indepen- dence, and the union of these States. 2d. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure Bul- wark of American independence. 3d. Americans must rule America, and to this end, native-born citizens should be selected for all state, federal, and munici- pal ottices or government employment, in preference to all others ; nevertheless, 4th. Persons born of American par- ents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens ; but, 5th. No person shall be selected for po- litical station (whether of native or for- eign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation, of any description, to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State constitutions (each within its sphere) as f»aramount to all other laws, as rules of po- itical action. 6th. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of har- mony and fraternal good will, between the citizens of the several States, and to this end, non-interference by congress with questions appertaining solely to the indi- vidual States, and non-intervention by each State with the affairs of any other State. 7th. The recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any territory thereof, to frame their con- stitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social alfairs in their own mode, subject otily to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admission into the Union, whenever they have the requisite pojiulation for one rep- resentative in Congress. — Provided always, that none but those who are citizens of the United vStates, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed resi- dence in any such territory, ought to par- ticipate in the formation of the Constitu- tion, or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State. 8th. An enibrrement of the principle that no State or Territory ought to admit others than citizens of the United States to the riiiht of sutl'rage, or of holding politi- cal office. 9th. A change in the laws of naturali- zation, making a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all not hereinbefore provided for, an indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers, and persons convicted of crime, from landing upon our shores ; but no in- terference with the vested rights of foreign- ers. 10th. Opposition to any union between Church and State ; no interference with re- ligious faith, or worship, and no test oaths for office. 11th. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in pub- lic expenditures. 12th. The maintenance and enforce- ment of all laws constitutionally enacted, until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be declared null and void by competent judicial authority. The American Ritual, or Constitution, rules, regulations, and ordinances of the Order were as follows : — AMERICAN RITUAL. ConstitxUion of the Nalionnl Council of the United States of North America. Art. 1st. This organization shall be known by the name and title of The National Council of the United States of North America, and its juris- diction and power shall extend to all the states, districts, and territories of the United States of North America. Art. 2d. The object of this organization shall be to protect every American citizen in the legal and proper exercise of all his civil and religious rights and privileges ; to resist the insidious policy of the Church of Rome, and all other foreign infiuence against otir republican institutions in all lawftil ways ; to place in all offices of honor trust, or profit, in the gift of the peojile, or by appointment, none but native-born Protestant citizens, and to protect, preserve, 58 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, and uphold the union of these states and the constitution of the same. Art. 3d. Sec. 1. — A person to become a member of any subordinate council must be twenty-one years of age ; lie must be- lieve in the existence of a Supreme Being as the Creator and preserver of the uni- verse. He must be a native-born citizen ; a Protestant, either born of Protestant parents, or reared under Protestant influ- ence ; and not united in marriage with a Roman Catholic ; provided, nevertheless, that in this last respect, the state, district, or territorial councils shall be authorized to so construct their respective constitu- tions as shall best promote the interests of the American cause in their several juris- dictions ; and provided, moreover, that no member who may have a Roman Catholic wife shall be eligible to office in this order ; and provided, further, should any state, district, or territorial council prefer the words " Roman Catholic" as a disquali- fication to membership, in place of " Pro- testant" as a qualification, they may so consider this constitution and govern their action accordingly. Sec. 2. — There shall be an interval of three weeks between the conferring of the first and second degrees ;' and of three months between the conferring of the second and third degrees — provided, that this restriction shall not apply to those who may have received the second degree pre- vious to the first day of December next ; and provided, further, that the presidents of state, district, and territorial councils may grant dispensations for initiating in all the degrees, ofiicers of new councils. Sec. 3. — The national council shall hold its annual meetings on the first Tuesday in the month of June, at such place as may be designated by the national council at tlie previous annual meeting, and it may adjourn from time to time. Special meet- ings may be called by the President, on the written request of five delegations rej)re- senting five state councils; provided, that sixty days' notice shall be given to the state councils previous to said meeting. Sec. 4. — The national council shall be composed of seven delegates from each state, to be chosen by the state councils ; and each district or territory where a dis- trict or territorial council shall exist, shall be entitled to send two delegates, to be chosen from said council — provided that in the nomination of candidates for Presi- dent and Vice President of the United States, and each state sliall be entitled to cast the same numl)er of votes jls they shall have mem])ers in both houses of Congress. In all sessions of the national council, thirty-two delegates, representing thirteen fitates, territories, or districts, shall consti- tute a (juoruni for the transaction of busi- uesa. Sec. 5. — The national council shall be vested with the following powers and privi- leges : It shall be the head of the organization for the United States of North America, and shall fix and establish all signs, gri2:>8, passwords, and such other secret work, as may seem to it necessary. It shall have the power to decide all matters appertaining to national politics. It shall have the power to exact from the state councils, quarterly or annual state- ments as to the number of members under their jurisdictions, and in relation to all other matters necessary for its information. It shall have the power to form state, territorial, or district councils, and to grant dispensations for the formation of such bodies, when five subordinate councils shall have been put in operation in any state, territory, or district, and application made. It shall have the power to determine upon a mode of punishment in case of any dereliction of duty on the part of its mem- bers or officers. It shall have the power to adopt cabal- istic characters for the purpose of writing or telegraphing. Said characters to be communicated to the presidents of the state councils, and by them to the presi- dents of the subordinate councils. It shall have the power to adopt any and every measure it may deem necessary to secure the success of the organization ; provided that nothing shall be done by the said national council in violation of the constitution ; and provided further, that in all political matters, its members may be insti'ucted by the state councils, and if so instructed, shall carry out such instruc- tions of the state councils which they repre- sent until overruled by a majority of the national council. Art. 4. The President shall always preside over the national council when present, and in his absence the Vice President shall preside, and in the absence of both the national council shall appoint a president jiro tempore ; and the presiding officers may at all times call a member to the chair, but such aiipointment shall not extend be- yond one sitting of the national council. Art. 5. Sec. 1. — The officers of the National Council shall be a President,Vice- President, Chaplain, Corresponding Secre- tary, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, and two Sentinels, with such other officers as the national council may see fit to appoint from time to time ; and the secretaries and sentinels may receive such compensation as the national council shall determine. Sec. 2. — The duties of the several officers created by this constitution shall be such as the work of this organization prescribes. Art. 6. Sec. 1. — All officers jirovided for by this constitution, excej)t the sentinels, ehall be elected annually by ballot. The BOOK I.] THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 69 president may appoint sentinels from time to time. Sec. 2. — A majority of all the votes cast shall be requisite to an election for an office. Sec. 3. — All officers and delegates of this council, and of all state, district, territorial, and subordinate councils, must be invested with all the degrees of this order. Sec. 4. — All vacancies in the elective offices shall be filled by a vote of the na- tional council, and only for the unexpired term of the said vacancy. Art. 7. Seel. — The national council shall entertain and decide all cases of appeal, and it shall establish a form of appeal. Sec. 2. — The national council shall levy a tax upon the state, district, or territorial councils, for the support of the national council, to be paid in such manner and at such times as the national council shall determine. Art. 8. — This national council may alter and amend this constitution at its regular annual meeting in June next, by a vote of the majority of the whole number of the members present. (Cincinnati, Nov. 24, 1854.) RULES AND REGULATIONS. Rule 1. — Each State, District, or Terri- tory, in which there may exist five or more subordinate councils working under dispensations from the National Council of the United States of North America, or under regular dispensations from some State, District, or Territory, are duly em- powered to establish themselves into a State, District, or Territorial council, and when so established, to form for them- selves constitutions and by-laws for their government, in pursuance of, and in con- sonance with the Constitution of the National Council of the United States ; provided, however, that all State, District, or Territorial constitutions shall be subject to the approval of the National Council of the United States. (June, 1854.) Rule 2.— All State, District, or Terri- torial councils, when established, sh;ill have full power and authority to establish all subordinate councils within their re- spective limits ; and the constitutions and by-laws of all such sul)ordinate councils must be approved by their respective State, District, or Territorial councils. (June, 1854.) Rules.— All State, District, or Terri- torial councils, when established and until the formation of constitutions, shall work under the constitution of the National Council of the United States. (June, 1854.) Rule 4. — In all cases where, for the con- venience of the organization, two State or Territorial councils may be established, the two councils together shall be entitled to but thirteen delegates* in the National ♦Note. — See ConstitutioQ, Art. 3, Sec. 4, p. 5. Council of the United States — tlie propor- tioned number of delegates to depend on the number of mendjcrs in the organiza- tions; provided, that no State shall be al- lov/cd to have more than one State coun- cil, without the consent of the National Council of the United States. (June, 1854.) Rule 5. — In any State, District, or Ter- ritory, where there may be more than one organization working on the same basis, (to wit, the lodges and "councils,") the same shall be required to combine; the officers of each organization shall resign and new officers be elected ; and thereafter these bodies shall be known as State coun- cils, and subordinate councils, and new charters shall be granted to them by the national council. (June, 1854.) Rule G. — It shall be considered a penal offence for any brother not an officer of a subordinate council, to make use of the sign or summons adopted for public noti- fication, except by direction of the Presi- dent; or for officers of a council to post the same at any other time than from mid- night to one hour before daybreak, and this rule shall be incorporated into the by- laws of the State, District, and Territorial councils. (June, 1854.) Rule 7. — The determination of the neces- sity and mode of issuing the posters for public notification shall be intrusted to the State, District, or Territorial councils. (June, 1854.) Rule 8. — The respective State, District, or Territorial councils shall be required to make statements of the number of mem- bers within their respective limits, at the next meeting of this national council, and annually thereafter, at the regular annual meeting. (June, 1854.) Rule 9. — The delegates to the National Council of the United States of North America shall be entitled to three dollars per day for their attendance upon the national council, and for each day that may be necessary in going and returning from the same ; and five cents per mile for every mile they may necessarily travel in going to, and returning from the place of meeting of the national council; to be computed by the nearest mail route : which shall be paid out of the treasury of the ^ national council. (November, 1854.) Rule 10.— Each State, District, or Terri- torial council shall be taxed four cents per annum for every member in good standing belonging to each subordinate council un- der its jurisdiction on the first day of April, which shall be reported to the na- tional council, and paid into the national treasury, on or before the first day of the annual session, to be held in June ; and on the same day in each succeeding year. And the first "fiscal year shall be considered as commencing on the first day of Decern- 60 AMERICAN POLITICS. [cook I. ber, 1854, and ending on the fifteenth day i ofMav, 1855. (November, 1854.) j Rule 11.— The following shall be the key to determine and ascertain the pur- port of any communication that may be addressed to the President of a State, Dis- trict, or Territorial council by the Presi- dent of the national council, who is hereby instructed to communicate a knowledge of the same to said officers : ABCDEFGHI JKLM 1 7 13 19 25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15 NOPQRSTUVAVXYZ 21 4 10 16 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 18 24 Rule 12.— The clause of the article of the constitution relative to belief in the Supreme Being is obligatory upon every State and subordinate council, as well as upon each individual member. (June, 1854.) Rule 13.— The following shall be the compensation of the officers of this coun- cil: 1st. The Corresponding Secretary shall be paid two thousand dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 2d. The Treasurer shall be paid five hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 3d. The Sentinels shall be paid five dol- lars for every day they may be in attend- ance on the sittings of the national coun- cil. 4th. The Chaplain shall be paid one hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th dav of June, 1854. 5th. The Recording Secretary shall be paid five hundred dollars per annum, from the 17th day of June, 1854. 6th. The 'Assistant Secretary shall be paid five dollars per day, for every day he may be in attendance on the sitting of the national council. All of which is to be paid out of the national treasury, on the draft of the President. (November, 1854.) SPECIAL VOTING. Vote 1st.— -This national council hereby grants to the State of Virginia two State councils, the one to be located in Eastern and the other in Western Virginia, the Blue Ridge Mountains being the geo- graphical line between the two jurisdic- tions. (June, 1854.) Vote 2d.— The President shall have power, till the next session of the national council, to grant dispensations for the for- mation of State, District, or Territorial councils, in form most agreeable to his own discretion, upon proper application being made. (Juno, 1854.) Vote 3d.— Tlie seats of all delegates to and members of the i)rescnt national coun- cil shall be vacated on the first Tuesday in June, 1855, at the hour of six o'clock in the forenoon; and the national council convening in annual session upon that dav, shall be composed exclusively of del- egates elected under and in accordance with the provisions of the constitution, as amended at the present session of this national council ; provided, that this reso- lution shall not apply to the officers of the national council. (November, 1854.) Vote 4th. — The Corresponding Secretary of this council is authorized to have print- ed the names of the delegates to this national council ; also, those of the Presi- dents of the several State, District, and Territorial councils, together with their address, and to forward a copy of the same to each person named ; and further, the Corresponding Secretaries of each State, District, and Territory are requested to forward a copy of their several con- stitutions to each other. (November, 1854.) Vote 5th. — In the publication of the constitution and the ritual, under the di- rection of the committee — brothers Desh- ler, Damrell, and Stephens — the name, signs, grips, and passwords of the order shall be indicated by [***], and a copy of the same shall be fiirnished to each State, District, and Territorial council, and to each member of that body. (Novem- ber, 1854.) Vote 6th. — A copy of the constitution of each State, District, and Territorial coun- cil, shall be submitted to this council for examination. (November, 1854.) Vote 7th. — It shall be the duty of the Treasurer, at each annual meeting of this body, to make a report of all moneys re- ceived or exj)ended in the interval. (No- vember, 1854.) Vote 8th.— Messrs. Gifford of Pa., Bar- ker of N. Y., Deshler of N. J., Williamson of Va., and Stephens of Md., are appointed a committee to confer with similar commit- tees that have been appointed for the pur- pose of consolidating the various American orders, with power to make the necessary arrangement for such consolidation — sub- ject to the approval of this national coun- cil, at its next session. (November, 1854.) Vote 9th. — On receipt of the new ritual by the members of this national council who have received the third degree, they or any of them may, and they are hereby empowered to, confer the third degree upon _ members of this body in their respective states, districts, and territories, and upon the presidents and other officers of their state, district, and territorial councils. And further, the ]iresidents of the state, district, and territorial councils shall in the first instance confer the third degree upon as many of the jircsidcnts and officers of their sul)ordinatc councils as can be as- peml)l('d together in their respective local- ities ; and afterwards the sanie may be con- ferred upon officers of other subordinate BOOK I.] THE AMERICAN RITUAL, 61 councils, by any presiding ofQcer of a coun- cil who shall have previously received it under the provisions of the constitution, (November, 18')4.) Vote 10th. — To entitle any delegate to a seat in this national council, at its annual session in June next, he must present a properly authenticated certificate that he was duly elected as a delegate to the same, or appointed a substitute in accordance with the requirements of the constitutions of state, territorial, or district councils. And no delegate shall be received from any state, district, or territorial council which has not adopted the constitution and ritual of this national council. (November, 1854.) Vote 11th. — The committee on printing the constitution and ritual is authorized to have a sufficient number of the same print- ed for the use of the order. And no state, district, or territorial council shall be al- lowed to reprint the same. (November, 1854.) Vote 12th.— The right to establish all subordinate councils in any of the states, districts, and territories represented in this national council, shall be confined to the state, district, and territorial councils which they represent. (November, 1854.) Constitution for the Government of Subordinate Councils. Art. I. Sec. 1. — Each subordinate coun- cil shall be composed of not less than thir- teen members, all of whom shall have re- ceived all the degrees of the order, and shall be known and recognised as • Council, No. , of the of the county of , and State of North Caro- lina. Sec. 2. — No person shall be a member of any subordinate council in this state, un- less he possesses all the qualifications, and comes up to all the requirements laid down in the constitution of the national council, and whose wife (if he has one), is not a Roman Catholic. Sec. 3. No application for membership shall be received and acted on from a per- son residing out of the state, or resides in a county where there is a council in ex- istence, unless upon special cause to be stated to the council, to be judged of by the same; and such person, if the reasons be considered sufficient, may be initiated the same night he is proposed, provided he resides five miles or more from the place where the council is located. But no per- son can vote in any council, except the one of which he is a member. Sec. 4. Every person applying for mem- bership, shall be voted for' by ballot, in open council, if a ballot is requested by a single member. If one-third of the votes cast be against the ap])licant, he shall be rejected. If any applicant be rejected, he shall not be again proposed within six months thereafter. Nothing herein con- tained shall be ccmstrued to jjrevent the initiation of applicants privately, by tliose empowered to do so, in localities wltere there are no councils within a convenient distance. Sec. 5. Any member of one subordinate council wishing to change his membership to another council, shall ai)i)ly to the coun- cil to which he belongs, either in writing or orally through another member, and the question shall be decided by the council. If a majority are in favor of granting him an honorable dismission, he shall receive the same in writing, to be signed by the president and countersigned by the secre- tary. But until a member thus receiving an honorable dismission has actually been admitted to membership in another coun- cil, he shall be held subject to the disci- pline of the council from which he has re- ceived the dismission, to be dealt with by the same, for any violation of the require- ments of the order. P.efore being received in the council to which he wishes to trans- fer his membership, he shall present said certificate of honorable dismission, and shall be received as new members are. Sec. 6. Applications for the second de- gree shall not be received except in second degree councils, and voted on by second and third degree members only, and ap- plications for the third degree shall be received in third degree councils, and voted on by third degree members only. Art. II. — Each subordinate council shall fix on its own time and place for meeting: and shall meet at least once a month, but where not very inconvenient, it is recom- mended that they meet once a week. Thir- teen members shall form a quorum for the transaction of business. Special meet- ings may be called by the president at any time, at "the request of four members of the order. Art. III. — Sec. 1. The members of each subordinate council shall consist of a pre- sident, vice-president, instructor, secre- tary, treasurer, marshal, inside and outside sentinel, and shall hold their offices for the term of six months, or until their succes- sors are elected and installed. Sec. 2. The officers of each subordinate council (except the sentinels, who shall be appointed by the j>resident), shall be elect- ed at the first regular meetings in January and July, separately, and by ballot ; and each shall receive a majority of all the votes cast to entitle him to an election. No member shall be elected to any office, unless he be present and signifyhis assent thereto at the time of his election. Any vacancy which may occur liy death, resig- nation, or otherwise, shall be filled at the next meeting thereafter, in the manner and form above described. 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Sec. 3. The President.— It shall be the duty of the president of each subordinate council, to preside in the council, and en- force a due observance of the constitution and rules of the order, and a proper respect for the state council and the national coun- cil ; to have sole and exclusive charge of the charter and the constitution and ritual of the order, which he must always have with him when his council is in session, to see that all officers perform their respec- tive duties ; to announce all ballotiugs to the council ; to decide all questions of order ; to give the casting vote in all cases of a tie; to convene special meetings when deemed expedient ; to draw warrants on the treasurer for all sums, the j^ayment of which is ordered by the council ; and to perform such other duties as are demanded of him by the constitutions and ritual of the order. Sec. 4. The vice-president of each sub- ordinate council shall assist the president in the discharge of his duties, whilst his council is in session ; and, in his absence, shall perform all the duties of the presi- dent. Sec. 5. The instructor shall perform the duties of the president in the absence of the president and vice-president, and shall, under the direction of the president, per- form such duties as may be assigned to him by the ritual. Sec. 6. The secretary shall keep an ac- curate record of the proceedings of the council. He shall write all communica- tions, fill all notices, attest all warrants drawn by the president for the payment of money ; he shall keep a correct roll of all the members of the council, together with their age, residence, and occupation, in the order in which they have been admit- ted ; he shall, at the expiration of every three months, make out a report of all work done during that time, which report he shall forward to the secretary of the state council ; and when superseded in his office shall deliver all books, papers, &c., in his hands to his successor. Sec. 7. The treasurer shall hold all mo- neys raised exclusively for the use of the etate council, which he shall pay over to the secretary of the state council at its regular sessions, or whenever called upon by the president of the state council. He shall receive all moneys for the use of the fuVjordinatc council, and pay all amounts drawn for on him, Ijy the jiresident of the subordinate council, if attested by the se- cretary. Sec. 8. The marshal shall perform Buch duties, under the direction of the president, as may be required of him by the ritual. Sec. 0. The inside sentinel shall have cliarge of the inner door, and act under the directions of the president. He shall admit no person, unless he can prove him- self a member of this order, and of the same degree in which the council is opened, or by order of the president, or is satisfac- torily vouched for. Sec. 10. The outside sentinel shall have charge of the outer door, and act in ac- cordance with the orders of the president. He shall permit no person to enter the outer door unless he give the password of the degree in which the council is at work, or is properly vouched for. Sec. 11. The secretary, treasurer, and sentinels, shall receive such compensation as the subordinate councils may each con- clude to allow. Sec, 12. Each subordinate council may levy its own fees for initiation, to raise a fund to pay its dues to the state council, and to defray its own expenses. Each council may, also, at its discretion, initiate without charging the usual fee, those it considers unable to pay the same. Sec. 13. The president shall keep in his possession the constitution and ritual of the order. He shall not suffer the same to go out of his possession under any pre- tence whatever, unless in case of absence, when he may put them in the hands of the vice-president or instructor, or whilst the council is in session, for the informa- tion of a member wishing to see it, for the purpose of initiation, or conferring of degrees. Art. IV. Each subordinate council shall have power to adopt such by-laws, rules, and regulations, for its own government, as it may think proper, not inconsistent with the constitutions of the national and state councils. Form of Application for a Charter TO Organize a new Council. Post Office — county, Date . To President of the State Council of North Carolina : — We, the undersigned, members of the Third Degree, being desirous of extending the influence and usefulness of our organi- zation, do hereby ask for a warrant of dis- pensation, instituting and organizing us as a subordinate branch of the order, under the jurisdiction of the State Council of the State of North Carolina, to be known and hailed as Council No. , and to be lo- cated at , in the county of , State of North Carolina. And we do hereby pledge ourselves to be governed by the Constitution of the State Council of the State of North Caro- lina, and of the Grand Council of the U. S. N. A., and that we will in all things con- form to the rules and usages of the order. Names. Residences. BOOK I.] THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 63 FORM OF DISMISSION FROM ONE COUNCIL TO ANOTHKR. This is to certify that Brother , a member of Council, No. , having made an ai)plication to change his mem- bership from this council to that of Council, No. , at , in the county of , I do hereby declare, that said brother has received an honoralde dismis- sion from this council, and is hereby re- commended for membership in Coun- cil, No. , in the county of , N. C. ; f)rovided, however, that until Brother las been admitted to membership in said council, he is to be considered subject to the discipline of this council, to be dealt with by the same for any violation of the requirements of the order. This the day of , 185—, and the year of American Independence. President, Council, No. . Secretary. FORM OF CERTIFICATE FOR DELEGATES TO THE STATE COUNCIL. Council, No. , county of , N. C. This is to certify that and were at the regular meeting of this council, held on the , 185 — , duly elected delegates to represent this council in the next an- nual meeting of the state council, to be held in , on the 3d Monday in Novem- ber next. And by virtue of the authority in me reposed, I do hereby declare the said and to be invested with all the rights, powers, and privileges of the delegates as aforesaid. This being the day of , 185 — , and the year of our national independence. President of Council, No. Secretary. FORM OF NOTICE From the SnhonUnale Gmticil to the Stale Council, whenever any Member of a Subordinate Council is expelled. Council, No. , county of , N. C. To the President of the State Council of North Carolina: Sir : — This is to inform you that at a meeting of this council, held on the day of , 185 — , was duly ex- pelled from membership in said council, and thus deprived of all the privileges, rights, and benefits of this organization. In accordance with the provisions of the constitution of the state council, you are hereby duly notified of the same, that you may officially notify all the subordinate councils of the state to be upon their guard against the said , as one unworthy to associate with i)atriotic and good men, and {if expelled for violating his ohlif/atiun) as a perjurer to God and his country. The said is about years of age, and is by livelihood a Duly certified, this the day of 185 — , and in the year of our national independence. President of Council, No. . Secretary. First Degree Council. To be admitted to membership in this order, the applicant shall be — 1st. Proposed and found acceptable. 2nd. Intnjduced and examined under the guarantee of secrecy. 3rd. Placed under the obligation which the order imposes. 4th. llequired to enrol his name and place of residence. 5th. Instructed in the forms and usages and ceremonies of the order. Gth. Solemnly charged as to the objects to be obtained, and his duties. [A recommendation of a candidate to this order shall be received only from a brother of approved integrity. It shall be accompanied by minute particulars as to name, age, calling, and residence, and by an explicit voucher for his qualifications, and a personal pledge for li's fidelity. These particulars shall be recorded by the secretary in a book kept for tliat purpose. The recommendation may be referred, and the ballot taken at such time and in such a manner as the state council may prescribe ; but no communication shall be made to the candidate until the ballot has been declared in his favor. Candidates shall be received in the ante-room by the marshal and sec- retary.] OUTSIDE. Marshal. — Do you believe in a Supreme Being, the Creator and Preserver of the universe? Ans. — I do. Marshal. — Before proceeding further, we require a solemn obligation of secrecy and truth. If you will take such an obligation, you will lay your right hand upon the Holy Bible and cross. (When it is known that the applicant is a Protestant, the cross may be omitted, or affirmation may be allowed.) OBLIGATION. You do solemnly swear for affirm) that you will never reveal anything said or done in this room, the names of any persons present, nor the existence of this society, whether found worthy to proceed or notr, and that all your declarations shall be true, so help you God ? Ans.—"lAo:' Marshal. — Where were you born ? Marshal. — Where is your permanent residence? 64 Ai>IERICAN POLITICS. [book I. (If born out of the jurisdiction of the United States, the answer shall be written, the candidate dismissed with an admonition of secrecy, and the brother vouching for him suspended from all the privileges of the order, unless upon satisfactory proof that he has been misinformed.) Marshal. — Are you twenty-one years of age? Ans.—" I am." Marshal. — Were you born of Protestant parents, or were you reared under Protes- tant influence ? ^ ;!,•?.— "Yes." Marshal. — If married, is your wife a Ro- man Catholic ? {" No " or " Yes " — the answer, to be valued as the Constitution of the State Council shall provide.) Marshal. — Are you willing to use your influence and vote only for native-born American citizens for all offices of honor, trust, or profit in the gift of the people, to the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens, and Roman Catholics in particular, and without regard to party predilections ? Ans. — " I am." (The marshal shall then repair to the council in session, and present the written list of names, vouchers, and answers to the president, who shall cause them to be read aloud, and a vote of the council to be taken on each name, in such manner as pre- scribed by its by-laws. If doubts arise in the ante-room, they shall be referred to the council. If a candidate be dismissed, he shall be admonished to secrecy. The candidates declared elected shall be con- ducted to scats within the council, apart from the l)rethren. When all are present the president by one blow of the gavel, shall call to order and say:) President. — Brother marshal, introduce the candidates to the vice-president. Marshal. — Worthy Vice-President, I pre- sent to you these candidates, who have duly answered all questions. Vice-President, rising in his place. — Gen- tlemen, it is my oificc to welcome you as friends. When yon shall have assumed the patriotic vow by which we are all bound, we will embrace you as brothers. I am authori/.ed to declare that our obligations enjoin nothing which is inconsistent with the duty which every good man owes to his Creator, his country, his family, or himself. We do not compel you, against your convictions, to act with us in our good work ; hut sliould you at any time wish to withdraw, it will be our duty to grant you a dismissal in good faith. If satisfied with this assurance, you will rise ur)on your feet {pavsincj till they dn so), place the hTt hand upon the breast, and raise the right hand towards heaven. (The brethren to remain seated till called up.) OBLIGATION. In the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, you do solemnly promise and swear, that you will never betray any of the secrets of this society, nor commu- nicate them even to proper candidates, ex- cept within a lawful council of the order ; that you never will permit any of the secrets of this society to be written, or in any other manner made legible, except for the purpose of official instruction ; that you will not vote, nor give your influence for any man for any office in the gift of the I^eople, unless he be an American born citizen, in favor of Americans ruling America, nor if he be a Roman Catholic; that you will in all political matters, so far as this order is concerned, c(miply with the will of the majority, though it may conflict with your personal preference, so long as it does not conflict with the Con- stitution of the United States of America, or that of the state in which you reside ; that you will not, under any circumstances whatever, knowingly 'recommend an un- worthy person for initiation, nor sufler it to be done, if in your power to prevent it; that you will not, under any circumstances, expose the name of any member of this order, nor reveal the existence of such an association ; that you Avill answer an impe- rative notice issued by the proper authori- ty ; obey the command of the state council, president, or his deputy, while assembled by such notice, and respond to the claim of a sign or cri/ of the order, unless it be physically impossible ; and that you will acknowledge the State Council of as the legislative head, the ruling authori- ty, and the supreme tribunal of the order in the state of , acting under the jurisdiction of the National Coiuicil of the United States of North America. Binding yourself in the penalty of ex- communication from the order, the forfei- ture of all intercourse with its members, and being denounced in all the societies of the same, as a wilful traitor to ycmr God and your country. (The j)resident shall call up every per- son present, by three blows of the gavel, when the candidates shall all repeat after the vice-president in concert:) All this I voluntarily and sincerely promise, with a full understanding of the solemn sanctions and penalties. Vice-President. — You have now taken .solemn oaths, and made as sacred ])romise8 as man can make, that you will keep all our secrets inviolate; and we wish yoti dis- tinctly to understand that he that takes these oaths and makes these promises, and then violates them, leaves the; fotil, the deep and blighting stain of peijury resting on hLs Boul. BOOK I.] THE AMERICAN RITUAL. 65 President. — (Having seated all by one blow of the gavel.) — Brother Instructor, these new brothers having comj)lied with the demand of the order, arc entitled to the secrets and privileges of the same. You will, therefore, invest them with every- thing appertaining to the first degree. Instructor. — Brothers : the practices and proceedings in our order are as follows : We have pass-words necessary to be used to obtain admission to our councils ; forms for our conduct while there; means of re- cognizing each other when abroad; means of mutual protection; and methods for giving notices to members. At the outer door you will* (??ia^-e amj ordinary alarm to attract the attention of the outside sentinel). When the wicket is opened you will pronounce the {word.<i — what's the pas.'^), in a whisper. The outside sentinel will re- ply {Give it), when you will give the term pass-word and be admitted to the ante- room. You will then proceed to the inner door and give (one rap). When the wicket is oi)ened, give your name, the number of, and location of your council, the explanation of the term pass, and the degree pass-word. If these be found correct, you will be admitted ; if not, your name will be re- ported to the vice president, and must be properly vouched for before you can gain admission to the council. You will then proceed to the centre of the room and ad- dress the {President) with the countersign, Avhich is performed thus {placing the right hand diagonally across the mouth). When this salutation is recognized, you will quietly take your seat. This sign is peculiar to this degree, and is never to be used outside the council room, nor during the conferring of this degree. When retiring, you will address the ( Vice President) in the same manner, and also give the degree pass-word to the inside sentinel. The " term pass-word " is ( We are), (The pass-word and explanation is to be established by each State Council for its respective subordinates.) The " explanation " of the " term-pass," to be used at the inner door, is {our countrr/s hope.) The "degree pass-word " is {Native). The "traveling pass-word" is {The memory of our pilgrim, fathers). (This word is changed annually by the * In the Ritual thp words in parenthoses aro omitted. In the key to the UitUHl, lliey aro written in fitrnrea — tlie iilphahet used being tlie same as printed bi^luw. So throughout. Key to Unlock Ccmmunicatiotia . A B C I) K F G H I J K L M 1 7 13 19 25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15 N P Q K S T tl v W X Y Z 21 4 10 5 IG 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 IS 24 President of the National Council of the United States, and is to be made and used only when the brother is traveling beyond the jurisdiction of his own state, district, or territory. It and all other pass-words must be communicated in a whisper, and no brother is entitled to communicate them to another, without authority from the ])residing officer.) "The sign of recognition" is {grasping the right lajjpel of the coat with the right hand, the fore finger being extended in- wards.) The "answer" is given by (a similar action loith the left hand.) The "grip" is given by {an ordinary shake of the hand). The person challenging shall {then draio the forefinger along the palm of the hand). The answer will be given by {a similar ac- tion forming a link by hooking together the ends of the fore finger) ; \f\iQn the follow- ing conversation ensues — the challenging party first saying {is that yours?) The answer, {it is.) Then the response {how did you get it?), followed by the rejoinder {it is my birth-right). Public notice for a meeting is given by means of a {piece of white paper the shape of a heart). (In cities * the *** of the *** where the meeting is to be held, will be written legi- bly upon the notice; and upon the election day said *** will denote the *** where your presence is needed. This notice will never be passed, but will be *** or thrown upon the sidewalk with a *** in the centre.) If information is wanting of the object of the gathering, or of the place, &c., the inquirer will ask of an undoubted brother {tvhere's tchen ?) The brother will give the information if possessed of it ; if not it will be yours and his duty to continue the in- quiry, and thus disseminate the call throughout the brotherhood. If the color oi the paper (be red), it will denote actual trouble, which requires that you come prepared to meet it. The "cry of distress" — to be used only in time of danger, or where the American interest requires an immediate assemblage of the brethren — is {oh, oh, oh.) The re- sponse is (hio, hio, h-i-o.) The "sign of caution" — to be given when a brother is speaking unguardedly before a stranger — is [drawing the fore fng- er and thumb together across the eyes, the rest of the hand being closed), which sig- nifies " keep dark." Ikothers, you are now initiated into and made acquainted with the work and or- ganization of a council of this degree of the order ; and the marshal will present * Concerning what is said of cities, the key to the Ritiml says : " Considered unnecessary to decipher what ' is said in regard to cities." 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. you to the worthy president for admoni- tion. President. — It has no doubt, been long apparent to you, brothers, that foreign in- fluence and Koman Catholicism have been making steady and alarming progress in our countrj'. You cannot have failed to observe the significant transition of the foreigner and Romanist from a character quiet, retiring, and even abject, to one bold, threatening, turbulent, and despotic in its appearance and assumptions. You must have become alarmed at the syste- matic and rapidly augmenting power of these dangerous and unnatural elements of our national condition. So it is, brothers, with others beside yourselves in every state of the Union. A sense of danger has struck the great heart of the nation. In every city, town, and hamlet, the danger has been seen and the alarm sounded. And hence true men have devised this or- der as a means of disseminating patriotic principles, of keeping alive the fire of na- tional virtue, of fostering the national in- telligence, and of advancing America and the American interest on the one side, and, on the other of checking the strides of the foreigner or alien, or thwarting the ma- chinations and subverting the deadly plans of the papist and Jesuit. Note. — The President shall impress up- on the initiates the importance of secrecy, the manner of proceeding in recommend- ing candidates for initiation, and the re- sponsibility of the duties which they have assumed. Secoxd Degree Council. Marshal. — Worthy President : These brothers have been duly elected to the sec- ond degree of this order. I present them to you i'or obligation. President. — Brothers: You will place your left hand upon your right breast, and extend your right hand towards the flag of our country, preparatory to obligation. (Each council room should have a neat American flag festooned over the platform of the President. ) OnLIGATION. You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the jiresence of Al- mighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting upon your right breast, and your riglit hand extended to the flag of your country, do solemnly and sincerely swear, that you will not under any cir- cumstances disclose in any manner, nor sufler it to be done by others, if in your power to j»revcnt it, tlie name, signs, pass- words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- cept in oj)en council for the jiur|»ose of in- struction ; that you will in all things con- form to all the ruhw.'ind regulal ions of this order, and to the constitution and by-laws of this or any other council to which you may be attached, so long as they do not conflict with the Constitution of the United States, nor that of the State in which you reside ; that you will under all circum- stances, if in your power so to do, attend to all regular signs or summons that may be thrown or sent to you by a brother of this or any other degree of this order ; that you will support in all political matters, for all political oflices, members of this order in preference to other persons ; that if it may be done legally, you will, when elect- ed or appointed to any oflicial station con- ferring on you the power to do so remove all foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics from oflice or place, and that j^ou will in no case appoint such to any oflice or place in your gift. You do also promise and swear that this and all other obligations which you have previously taken in this order shall ever be kept through life sacred and inviolate. All this you promise and declare, as Americans, to sustain and abide by, withotit any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. So help you God and keep you steadiast, (Each will answer " I do." President. — Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the instructor for instructions in the second degree of the order. Marshal. — Brother Instructor, by direc- tion of our worthy president, I present these brothers before you that you may in- strtxct them in the secrets and mysteries of the second degree of the order. Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree we have an entering sign and a countersign. At the outer door proceed {as in the Jirst degree). At the inner door you will make [tu-o raps), and proceed as in the first de- gree, giving the second degree pass-word, which is American, instead of that of the fii"st degree. If found to be correct, you will then be admitted, and proceed [to the centre of the rooin), giving the countersign, which is made thus [extending the riglit arm to the national flag over the president, the palm of the hand being tqncards). The sign of recognition in this degree is the same as in the first degree, with the addition of [the middle Jinger), and the re- sponse to be made in a {similar manner.) Marshal, you will now ])resent the broth- ers to the worthy president for admonition. Marshal. — Worthy President, I now pre- sent these candidates to you for admo- nition. President. — Brothers, you are now duly initiated into the second degree of this or- der. Renewing the congratulations which we extended to you u])on your admission to the first degree, we adinonisliyou by every tie that may nerve patriots, to aid us in our edorts to restore the political institu- tions of our country to their original BOOK I.J THE AMERICAN RITUAL. furity. Begin with the youth of our land, nstil into thoir minds the lessons of our country's history — the glorious battles and the brilliant deeds of i)atriotism of our fathers, through which we received the in- estimable blessings of civil and religious liberty. Point them to the example of the sages and the statesmen who founded our government. Iini)lant in their bosoms an ardent love for the Union. Above all else, keep alive in their bosoms the memory, the maxims, and the deathless example of our illustrious Wasiiixgton. Brothers, recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have sever- ally taken in this and the first degree, I now pronounce you entitled to all the privileges of membershijj in this the second degree of our order. Third Degree Council. Marshal. — Worthy President, these bro- thers having been duly elected to the third degree of this order, I jiresent them before you for obligation. President. — Brothers, you will place yourselves in a circle around me, each one crossing your arms upon your breasts, and grasping firmly each other's hands, hold- ing the right hand of the brother on the right and the left hand of the brother on the left, so as to form a circle, symbolical of the links of an unbroken chain, and of a ring which has no end. Note. — This degree is to be conferred with the national flag elevated in the cen- tre of the circle, by the side of the presi- dent or instructor, and not on less than five at any one time, in order to give it solem- nity, and also for the formation of the cir- cle — except in the first instance of confer- ring it on the officers of the state and sub- ordinate councils, that they may be em- powered to progress with the work. The obligation and charge in this de- gree may be given by the president or in- structor, as the president may prefer. OBLIGATION. You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of Al- mighty God and these witnesses, with your hands joined in token of that fraternal af- fection which should ever bind together the States of this Union — forming a ring, in token of your determination that, so far as your eff"orts can avail, this Union shall have no end — do solemnly and sincerely swear [or affirm] that you will not under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass- words, or other secrets of this degree, ex- cept to those to whom you may prove on trial to be brothers of the same degree, or in open council, for the purpose of instruc- tion ; that you do hereby solemnly declare your devotion to the Union of these States ; that in the .discharge of your duties as American citizens, you will uphold, main- tain, and defend it ; that you will discour- age and discountenance any and every at- tenii)t, coming from any and every (juarter, which you believe to be designed' or calcu- lated to destroy or subvert it, or to weaken its bonds; and that you will use your influ- ence, so far as in your power, in endeavor- ing to procure an amicable and eijuitable adjustment of all political discontents or dili'erences which may threaten its injury or overthrow. You further promise and swear [or affirm] that you will not vote for any one to fill any office of honor, profit or trust of a political character, whom you know or believe to be in favor of a disso- lution of the Union of these States, or who is endeavoring to produce that result ; that you will vote for and sujiport for all polit- ical offices, third or union degree members of this order in preference to all others; that if it may be done consistently with the constitution and laws of the land, you will, when elected or appointed to any official station which may confer on you the power to do so, remove from office or place all persons whom you know or believe to be in favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who are endeavoring to produce that result ; and that you will in no case appoint .such per- son to any political office or place whatever. All this you promise and swear [or affirm] upon your honor as American citizens and friends of the American Union, to sustain and abide 'by without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. You also promise and swear [or aflirm] that this and all other obligations which you have pre- viously taken in this order, shall ever be kept sacred and inviolate. To all this you pledge your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors. So help you God and keep you steadfast. (Each one shall answer, "I do.") President. — Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the instructor for final instruction in this third degree of the order. 3farshal. — Instructor, by direction of our worthy president, I present these brothers before you that you may instruct them in the secrets and mysteries of this the third degree of our order. Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree as in the second, we have an entering pass- word, a degree password, and a token of salutation. At the outer door {niakc any ordinary alarm. The outside sentinel will saij U; you say ni ; the sentinel will re- join on). This will admit you to the inner door. At the inner door you will make {three) distinct {raps). Then announce your name, with the number (or name) 68 AMERICAN POLITICS. [Boor I. and location of the council to T\'hich you belong, giving the explanation to the pass- word, which is (safe). If found correct, you will then be admitted, when you will proceed to the centre of the room, and placing the [haiids on the breast with the fingers interlocked), give the token of salu- tation, which is {b)/ boin'ng to the i)r evident). You will then quietly take your seat. The sign of recognition is made by the same action as in the second degree, with the addition of [the third finger), and the response is made by (a similar action with the left hand.) (The grip is given by taking hold of the hand in the usual way, and then by slipping the finger around on the top of the thumb; then extending the little finger and pressing the inside of the icrist. The person chal- lenging shall say, do you know what that is? The answer is yes. The challenging party shall say, further, what is it? The answer is, Union. [The instructor will here give the grip of this degree, with explanations, and also the true password of this degree, which is {^Union.)\ CHAKGE. To be given by the president. Brothers, it is with great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your advancement to the third degree of our order. The re- sponsibilities you have now assumed, are more serious and weighty than those which preceded, and are committed to such only as have been tried and found worthy. Our obligations are intended as solemn avowals of our duty to the land that gave us birth ; to the memories of our fathers ; and to the happiness and welfare of our children. Consecrating to your country a spirit un- selfish and a fidelity like that which dis- tinguished the patriots of the Revolution, you have pledged your aid in cementing the bonds of a Union which Ave ti-ust will endure for ever. Your deportment since your initiation has attested your devotion to the principles we desire to establish, and lias inspired a confidence in your patriot- ism, of which we can give no higher j>roof than your reception here. The dangers whicli threaten American liberty arise from foes without and from enemies within. The first degree jjointcd out the source and nature of our most im- minent peril, and indicated the first mea- sure of safety. The second degree defined the next means by wliicli, in coming time, such assaults may be rendered harmless. The third degree, which you have just re- ceived, not only reiterates the lessons f)f the other two, but it is intended to avoid and provide for a more remote, but no less terrible danger, from domestic enenucs to our free institutions. Our object is briefly this; — to perfect an organization modeled after that of the Con- stitution of the United States, and coex- tensive with the confederacy. Its object and principles, in all matters of national concern, to be uniform and identical whilst in all local matters the component parts shall remain indej^endent and sovereign within their respective limits. The great result to be attained — the only one which can secure a perfect guarantee as to our future — is UNiox ; permanent, enduring, fraternal union! Allow me, then, to impress \x\wn. your minds and memories the touching sentiments of the Father of his Country, in his Farewell Address : — " The unity of government which consti- tutes you one people," says Washington, " is justly dear to you, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independ- ence, the support of your tranquillity at home, of your peace abroad, of your safety, your prosperity — even that liberty you so justly prize. " * * It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union, to your col- lective and individual happiness. You should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im- movable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it, as the palladium of your political safety and pros- perity ; watching i^or its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and in- dignantly frowning ujion the dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now bind together the various parts," Let these words of paternal advice and warning, from the greatest man that ever lived, sink deep into your hearts. Cherish them, and teach your children to reverence them, as you cherish and reverence the memory of Washington himself. The Union of these states is the great conserva- tor of that liberty so dear to the American heart. Without it, our greatness as a na- tion would disappear, and our boasted self- government prove a signal fiiilure. The very name of liberty, and the hopes of struggling freedom throughout the world, must perish in the wreck of this Union. Devote yourselves, then, to its maintenance, as our fathers did to the cause of independ- ence; consecrating to its support, as you have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred lionors. Brothers: Recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have sever- ally taken in this and the i)receiling degrees, I now pronounce you entitled to all the l)rivileges of membershij) in this organiza- tion, and take pleasure in inl'orming you that you are now members of the order of [the American Union.) BOOK I.] POLITICAL NOMINATIONS IN 1866. 69 American, WTilg, Republican antl Demo- cratic NomlnatlouH of 1856. The American convention met the next day after the session of the National Coun- cil of the Order, on the 22(1 February, 1856, It was composed of 227 delegates ; all the States being represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Car- olina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nom- inated for President, and Andrew J. Don- elson for Vice-President. The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, September, 17, 1856, and endorsed the nominations made by the American par- ty, and in its platform declared that " without adopting or referring to the pe- culiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candi- date" * * * Resolved, that in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordi- nate questions of the administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the Union is in peril ; and proclaim the con- viction that the restoration of Mr. Fill- more to the Presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace." The first National Convention of the new Republican party met at Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. Since the previous Presidential election, a new party consisting of the disaffected former adhe- rents of the other parties — Native and In- dependent Democrats, Abolitionists, and Whigs opposed to slavery — had sprung into existence, and was called by its adhe- rents and friends, the Republican party. This convention of delegates assembled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. To the policy of President Pierce's administration : To the extension of slavery into free territory: In favor of the admission of Kansas as a free State : Of restoring the action of the fed- eral government to the principles of Wash- ington and Jefferson. It adopted a platform, consisting of a set of resolutions, the principal one of which was : " That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained." And closed with a resolution : " That we invite the approbation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however different from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared ; and believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country, guar- anties liberty of conscience and equality of rights among citizens, we oppose all legis- lation impairing their security." The Democratic Convention, met at Cincinnati, in May 1856, and nominated James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckenridge for Vice-President. It adopted a platform which contained the material portions of all its previous plat- forms, and also defined its position on the new issues of the day, and declared (1 ) that the revenue to be raised should not exceed the actual necessary expenses of the gov- ernment, and for the gradual extinction of the public debt; (2) that the Constitution does not confer upon the general govern- ment the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements ; (3) for a strict construction of the powers granted by the Constitution to the fedeial government; (4) that Congress has no power to charter a national bank; (5) that Congress has no power to interfere with slavery in the States and Territories ; the people of which have the exclusive right and power to settle that question for them- selves. (6) Opposition to native American- ism. At the election which followed, in No- vember, 1856, the Democratic candidates were elected, though by a popular minority vote, having received 1,838,160 popular votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral votes for John C. Fremont, the Republican candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and American candidate. The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, who was the nominee on both the Whig and American tickets, was 874,534, and his electoral vote was eight ; that of the State of Maryland. This was the last na- tional election at which the Whigs ap- peared as a party, under that name ; they having joined with the American and with the Republican parties, and finally united with the latter after the downfall and ex- tinction of the former. In the State elec- tions of that year, (1856) the American party carried Rhode Island and Maryland; and in the 35th Congress, which met in December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 Representatives and five Senators. When the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had be- come almost a border State or Southern partv, having two Senators; one from Kentucky and one from Maryland; and 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, seven from Tennessee, three from ]\Iary- land, one from Virginia, four from North Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from Louisiana. The American party had none of the elements of persistence. It made another desperate effort, however, in the next Presidential campaign, but having 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, failed to carry the South, disappeared finally from politics. The new Eepublican party polled a verj' large vote — 1,341,234 out of a total vote of 4,053,928 — and its candidates received 114 votes out of 296, in the electoral college ; having secured majorities in all the free States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsyl- vania, New Jersey and California. The successful candidate, Mr. James Buchanan, was duly inaugurated as Presi- dent of the United States, and entered upon the discharge of his duties as such, March 4, 1857. After the election of November, 1856, the Republican Association of Washington issued an address to the people, in which the results of the election were examined, and the future policy of the party stated. It is an interesting paper, as laying the foundation of the campaign of 1860, which followed, and is here given in full : "Repabllcan Association of AVashington. Address to the Bepttblicans of the United States. " Washington, Kov. 27, 1856. " The Presidential contest is over, and at last we have some materials to enable us to form a judgment of the results. " Seldom have two parties emerged from a conflict with less of joy in the victors, more of hope in the vanquished. The pro-slavery party has elected its Presiden- tial candidate, only, however, by the votes of a minority, and that of such a character as to stamp the victory as the offspring of sectionalism and temporary causes. The Republicans, wherever able to present clearly to the public the real issue of the canvass — slaverj' restriction or slavery ex- tension — have carried the people with them by unprecedented majorities; almost break- ing up in some States the organization of their adversaries. A sudden gathering to- gether of the people, alarmed at the in- roads of the slave power, rather than a well organized party, with but a few months to attend to the complicated de- tails of party warfare ; obstructed by a se- cret Order, which had pre-occupied the field, and obtained a strong hold of the national and religious prejudices of the masses ; opposed to an old party, com- mencing the canvass with the united sup- port of a powerful section, hardened by long party drill, accustomed to victorj', wielding the whole power of the federal administration — a ])arty which only four years ago carrieil all l)ut four of the States, and a majority of tlie popuhir vote — still, under all these a'lverse circumstances, they have triumpheil in eleven, if not twelve of the free States, pre-eminent for enterprise and general intelligence, and containing one halfofthe whole population of the coun- try ; given to their Presidential candidate nearly three times as many electoral votes as were cast by the Whig party in 1852 ; and this day control the governments of fourteen of the most powerful States of the Union. " Well may our adversaries tremble in the hour of their victory. ' The Demo- cratic and Black Republican parties,' they say, 'are nearly balanced in regard to power. The former was victorious in the recent struggle, but success was hardly won, with the aid of important accidental ad- vantages. The latter has abated nothing of its zeal, and has suffered no pause in its preparations for another battle.' " With such numerical force, such zeal, intelligence, and harmony in counsel ; with so many great States, and more than a million votei-s rallied to their standard by the eflbrts of a few months, why may not the Republicans confidently expect a vic- tory in the next contest? The necessity for their organization still exists in all its force. Mr. Buchanan has always proved true to the demands of his party. He fully accepted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged himself to its policy — a policj of filibustering abroad, propa- gandism at home. Prominent and controll- ing among his sujjporters are men com- mitted, by word and deed, to that policy ; and what is there in his character, his an- tecedents, the nature of his northern sup- port, to authorize the expectation that he will disregard their will ? Nothing will be so likely to restrain him and counteract their extreme measures, as a vigorous and growing Republican organization, as noth- ing would be more necessary' to save the cause of freedom and the Union, should he, as Ave have every reason to believe, con- tinue the pro-slavery policy of the present incumbent. Let us beware of folding our arms, and waiting to see what he will do. We know the ambition, the necessities, the schemes of the slave power. Its policy of extension and aggrandizement and univer- sal empire, is the law of its being, not an accident — is settled, not fluctuating. Covert or open, moderate or extreme, according to circumstances, it never changes in spirit or aim. With Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a party controlled by this policy, administer- ing the government, the safety of the country and of free institutions must rest in the organization of the Republican party. What, then, is the duty before us? Organization, vigilance, action ; action on the rostrum, through the press, at the bal- lot-box; in state, county, city, and town elections ; everywhere, at all times ; in every election, making Republicanism, or loyal- ty to the policy and principles it advocates, the sole political test. No primary or municipal election should be suffered to go by defatilt. The party that would sue- BOOK I.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE, 71 ceed nationally must triumph in states — triumph in the state elections, must be prepared by municijjal success. Next to the remaining power in the states already under their control, let the Republicans devote themselves to the work of disseminating their principles, and initiating the true course of political action in the states which have decided the election against them. This time we have failed, for reasons nearly all of which maybe removed by proper clibrt. JNIany thousand honest, but not well-inlbrmed voters, who supported Mr. Buchanan under the delu- sive impression that he would favor the cause ot free Kansas will soon learn their mistake, and be anxious to correct it. The timid policy of the lleimblicaus in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in post- poning their independent action, and tem- porizing with a party got up for purposes not harmonizing with their own, and the conduct of IMr. Fillmore's friends in either voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the opposition by a separate ticket, can hardly be rei)eated again. The true course of the Republicans is to organize promptly, bold- ly, and honestly upon their own principles, so clearly set forth in the Philadelphia platform, and, avoiding coalitions with other parties, appeal directly to the masses of all parties to ignore all organizations and issues which would divert the public mind from the one danger that now threat- ens the honor and interests of the country, and the subtlety of the Union — slavery propagandism^allied with disunionism. Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, but of sufficient in- formation, that prevents the American peo- ple from being united in action against thp aggressive policy of the slave power. Were these simple questions submitted to-day to the people of the United States : — Are you in favor of the extension of slavery ? Are you in favor of such extension by the aid or connivance of the federal government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in response, without embarrassment, without constraint of any kind, nineteen- twentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaps more than half of the people of the slave States, would return a decided negative to both. Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they are hostile to the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories of the Union be consecrated to free labor and free institutions; and that they require only enlightenment as to the most eftectual means of securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment into a fixed principle of action. The times are pregnant with warning. That a disunion party exists in the South, no longer admits of a d()ul)t. It accepts the election of Mr. Buchanan as allbrding time and means to consolidate its strength and mature its plans, which comprehend not only the enslavement of Kansas, and the recognition of slavery in all territory of the United States, but the conversion of the lower half of California into a slave State, the organization of a new slavery territory in the Gadsden purchase, the fu- ture annexation of Nicaragua and sul)ju- gation of Central America, and the acqui- sition of Cuba ; and, as the i'ree States are not expected to submit to all this, ultimate dismemberment of the Union, and the for- mation of a great slaveholding confeder- acy, with Ibrcign alliances with Brazil and Russia. It may assum6 at first a moderate tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its Northern allies ; it may delay the develop- ment of its plot, as it did under the Pierce administration ; but the repeal of the Mis- souri comjjromise came at last, and so will come upon the country inevitably the final acts of the dark conspiracy. When that hour shall come, then will the honest Dem- ocrats of the free States be driven into our ranks, and the men of the slave States who prefer the republic of Washington, Adams and Jefferson — a republic of law, order and liberty — to an oligarchy of slavehold- ers and slavery propagandists, governed l)y Wise, Atchison, Soule, and Walker, founded in fraud and violence and seeking aggran- dizement by the spoliation of nations, will bid God speed to the labors of the Repub- lican party to preserve liberty and the Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and all ])owerful. Washington, D. C, Nov. 27, 185G. The Kansas Struggle. It was the removal of the interdiction against slavery, in all the territory north of 36'' 30,' by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise which gave legality to the struggle for Kansas, and it was the doc- trine of popular sovereignty which gave an impartial invitation to both sides to en- ter the struggle. The aggressive men of both parties hurried emigrants to the Ter- ritory. Each accused the other of organ- ized efforts, and soon in the height of the excitement these charges were rather con- fessed than denied. A new question was soon evolved by the struggle, for some Avho entered from the South took their slaves with them. The Free State men now contended that sla- very was a local institution and confined to the States where it existed, and that it an emigrant passed into the territory with his slaves these became free. The South- ern view was, that slaves were recognized as property by the National Constitution ; that therefore their masters had a right to take them there and hold them under con- 72 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. stitutional guarantees, the same as any other property ; that to assert anything else would be to deny the equality of the States within their common territory, and degrade them Irom the rank of equals to that of inferiors. This last proposition had such force that it would doubtless have received more general recognition if the North had not felt that the early compact dedicating the territories north of 36" 30' to freedom, had been violated. In answer to this proposition they therefore pro- claimed in their platforms and speeches, and there was no other logical answer, " that freedom was National, and slavery Sectional." We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed and rapine soon followed the attempts of the opposing parties to get control of its government. What were called the " Bor- der Ruffians " by the Free State men, be- catise of active and warlike organization in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical. The pro-slavery party sustained the Territorial government appointed by the administration ; the anti-slavery party re- pudiated it, because of its presumed com- mittal to slavery. The election for mem- bers of the Territorial legislature had been attended with much violence and fraud, and it was claimed that these things prop- erly annulled any action taken by that body. A distinct and separate convention was called at Topeka to frame a State con- Btitution, and the Free State men likewise elected their own Governor and Legisla- ture to take the place of those appointed by Buchanan, and when the necessary preliminaries were completed, they ap- ])lied for admission into the Union. After a long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question Ijy refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by re- cognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place auring the session of ISoli-j, which ter- minated immediately before the inatigura- ation of President Buchanan. At tlie beginning of lUuhanan's admin- istration in l^o?, the Rcpuhlicans almost solidly faced the Democrats. There still remained part of the division caused by the American or Know-Nothing party, but its membership in (Jongress had already been compelled to show at least the ten- dency of their acntimeuta on the great question which was now rapidly dividing the two great sections of the Union. The result of the long Congressional struggle over the admission of Kansas and Nebras- ka was simply this : " That Congress was neither to legislate slavery into any Terri- tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States,"* and it was specially prescribed that when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State, it shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery as the con- stitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission. This was, as it proved, but a temporary settlement on the principle of popular sovereignty, and was regarded at the time as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. Douglas by the friends of that great poli- tician. The more radical leaders of the South looked upon it Avith distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect in- vited a conflict. The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South ; Fremont's large vote showed the power of a growing party as yet but partially or- ganized, and crippled by s«hisms which grew out of the attempt to unite all ele- ments of opposition to the Democrats. The general plan of the latter was now changed into an attempt to unite all of the free-soil elements into a party organization against slavery, and from that time for- ward until its total abolition slavery was the paramount issue in the minds of the more aggressive men of the north. Lin- coln voiced the feelings of the Republi- cans when he declared in one of his Illi- nois speeches : — " We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Consti- tution guaranties free speech ; until eveiy- where, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrefpiited toil." In the Congressional battle over the ad- mission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas was the most conspicuous figure, and the language which we have (pioted from lUichanan's inaugural was the literal meaning which Douglas had given to his idea of "po[)ular" or "squatter sover- eignty." l*rior to the Kansas struggle the Free * PreBident Buchanan's Inaugural Address. BOOK 1.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE, 73 Sellers of the North had regarded Douglas as an ally of the South, and his admitted ambition for the Presidency gave coltr to this suspicion. He it was who rejjorted and carried through Congress the bill for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a measure which at that time was thought to obstruct tSouthern designs in the territories of the great West, but tliis rei)eal proved in fact the first plain steps toward the free- dom of the territories. Having repealetl that comjiromise, something must take its place, and what better than "popular sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- tories contiguous to the Skive States, or in the same latitude, would thus naturally revert to slavery ; while those farther north, and at that time least likely of early set- tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. There was a grave miscalculation just here. Slave-owners were not apt to change their homesteads, and could not with either profit or convenience carry their property to new lands which might or might not be fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave labor. Slave-owners were few in number compared with the free citizens of the North and the thousands of immigrants annually landing on our shores. People who had once moved from the New Eng- land or Middle States westward, were rather fond of it, and many of these swelled the tide which constantly sought homes in the territories ; and where these did not go in person their sons and daugh- ters were quite willing to imitate the early adventures of their parents. All these counted for the North under the doctrine of " popular sovereignty," and it was the failure of that doctrine to aid the South which from this time forward caused that, section to mistrust the friendship of Douglas. No political writer has since questioned his motives, and we doubt if it can be done successfully. His views may have under- gone some change since 1850, and it would be singular if they had not ; for a mind as discerning as his could hardly fail to note the changes going on all about him, and no where more rapidly than in his own State. He thought his doetrine at least adapted to the time, and he stood by it with rare bravery and ability. If it had been accepted by the Republicans, it would have been fatal to their organization as a jiarty. We doubt the ability of any party to stand long upon any mere compromise, made to suit the exigencies and avoid the dangers of the moment. It may be said that our government, first based on a con- federacy and then a constitution, with a system of checks and balances, with a di- vision of power between the people and the States, is but a compromise ; but the a.ssertion will not hold good. These things were adopted because of a belief at the time that they were in themselves right, or as nearly right as those who participated in their adoption were given to see the right. There was certainly no attempt at a division of right and wrong, and the closest investigation will show nothing be- yond a surrender of power for the good of all, which is in itself the very essence and beginning of government. ^V'e have said that Douglas fought bravely for his idea, and every movement in his most remarkaijle campaign with Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated the fact. The times were full of agitation and excitement, and these were increased when it became apparent that Buchanan's administration would aid the effort to make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was the first to see that the application of ad- ministration machinery to his principle, would degrade and rob it of its fairness. He therefore resented Buchanan's inter- ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends sought to degrade him by removing him from the chairmanship of the Senate Com- mittee on Territories, the position which had given him marked control over all questions pertaining to the organization of territories and the admission of new States. The Lilucoln and Douglas Debate* The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the eanviiss for re-election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candi- date for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him — a practice since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of de- feat sure to follow in the selection of a can- didate in advance. " First get your goose, then cook it," inelegantly describes the basic principles of improved political tac- tics. But the Republicans, particularly of the western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, but he well re- presented the growing Republican senti- ment, and he best of all men could cope with Douglas on the stump in a canvass which they desired should attract the at- tention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of " popular sovereignty " was not accejitable to the Republicans, the recent repeal of the JMissouri compromise having led them, or the more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise mea-^ures. The plan of the lUiuois Republicans, if 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. indeed it was a well-settled plan, accom- plished even more than was anticipated, though it did not result in immediate suc- cess. It gave to the debate which followed between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide celebrity, and did more to educate and train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection with the ever-growing excite- ment in Kansas, than anything that could have happened. Lincoln's speech before the convention which nominated him, gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an "irrepressible conflict" between freedom and slavery. Wm. H. Seward on October 25th following, at Eochester, N. Y., ex- pressed the same idea in these words : " It is an irrepressible conjiict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later become either an entire slaveholding Na- tion, or an entirely free labor Nation." Lincoln's words at Springfield, in July, 1858, were : " If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could bet- ter judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of that jjolicy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ' A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- solved — I do not exi)ect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, anil place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ulti- mate extinction ; or its advocates will i)ush it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9tli of July, and was warmly received by en- thusiastic friends. His doctrine of "pop- ular sovereignty " had all the attractions of novelty and apparent fairness. For months it divided many Reymblicans, and at one time the New York yv/6»7ie showed indications of endorsing the j)Osition of Douglas — a fart pro])a!)ly tracea])le to the attitude of jealousy and hostility ninnifested toward liini by the- lUu-lianan administra- tion. Neither of tlie great debaters were to be wholly free in the coming contest. Douglas was undermined by Hndiaiiun, who fcMred him iis a rivid, and by the, more bitter friends of slavery, who could not see that the new doctrine was safely in their interest ; but these things were dwarfed in the State conflict, and those who shared such feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until they saw the result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of that class of Republicans who thought " popular sovereignty " not bad Republican doctrine. On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln's Springfield speech ; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate : Chicago, July 24th, 1858. Hon. S. a. Douglas : — My Dear Sir .• — Will it be agreeable to you to make an ar- rangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during the present canvass? etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive your answer, and if agreeable to you, to en- ter into terms of such agreement, etc. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln. Douglas promptly accepted the chal- lenge, and it was arranged that there should be seven joint debates, each alternately opening and closing, the opening speech to occupy one hour, the rejoly one hour and a half, and the closing half an hour. They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st ; Free- port, August 27th ; Jonesboro', September 15th ; Charleston, September 18tli ; Gales- burg, October 7tli ; Quincy, October 13th ; and Alton, October 15th. We give in Book III of this volume their closing speeches in full. Great crowds attended, and some of the more enterprising daily journals gave pho- nographic reports of the speeches. The enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Lin- coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of friends ; but then the growing and the aggressive party was the Republican, and even the novelty of a new and attractive doctrine like that of " ])opular sovereignty" could not long divert their attention. The prize suspended in view of the combat- ants was the United States Senatorship, and to close political observers this was plainly within the grasp of Douglas by reason of an ajiportionment which woidd give his party a majority in the Legisla- ture, even though the jiopular majority should be twenty thousand against him — a system of ap])ortionment, by the way, not confineil to Illinois alone, or not pecu- liar to it in the work of any of the great j)ar- tics at any period when party lines were drawn. Buchanan closely watched the fight, and it was charged and is still believed by the friends of the " Little Giant," that the BOOK I.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 75 administration secretly employed its pa- tronage and power to dei'eat him. Certain it is that a lew prominent Dt'mocrats de- serted the standard of Douglas, and that some of them were rewarded. In the heat of the hattle, however, Douglas' friends were careless of the views of the adminis- tration. He was a greater leader than Buchanan, ami in Illinois at least he over- shadowed the administration. He lacked neither money nor friends. Special trains of cars, banners, cannon, bands, ])roces- sions, were all supplied with lavish hands. The democracy of Illinois, nor yet of any other State, ever ditl so well before or since, and if the administration had been with him this enthusiasm might have spread to all other States and given his doctrine a larger and more glorious life. Only the border States of the South, how- ever, saw opportunity and glory in it, while the office-holders in other sections stood off and awaited results. Lincoln's position was different. He, douljtless, early realized that his chances for election were rcniote indeed, with the apportionment as it was, and he sought to impress the nation with the truth of his convictions, and this without other dis- play than the force of their statement and publication. Always a modest man, he was never more so than in this great battle. He declared that he did not care for tlie local result, and in the light of what tran- spired, the position was wisely taken. Douglas was apparently just as earnest, though more ambitious ; for he declared in the vehemence of the advocacy of his doctrine, that " he did not care whether slavery was voted up or voted down." Douglas had more to lose than Lincoln — a place which his high abilities had hon- ored in the United States Senate, and which intriguing enemies in his own party made him dou])ly anxious to hold. Beaten, and he was out of the field for the Presi- dency, with his enthroned rival a candi- date for re-election. Successful, and that rival must leave the field, with himself in direct command of a great majority of the party. This view must have then been presented, but the rapid rise in public feel- ing made it in ])art incorrect. The calcu- lation of Douglas that he could at one and the same time retain the good will of all his political friends in Illinois and those of the South failed him, though he did at the time, and until his death, better represent the majority of his party in the whole country than any other leader. At the election whieh followed the de- bate, the popular choice in the State as a whole was for Lincoln by 120,084 to 121,- 940 for Douglas ; but the apportionment of 18^30 gave to Douglas a plain majority of the Senators and Representatives. .At the Freeport meeting, August 27th, there were sharp questions and answers between the debaters. They were brouLdit on by Lincoln, who, after alluding to some questions propounded to him at Ottawa, said : " I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from me not ex- ceeding the same number, to which I give him an o])portunity to respond. The judge remains silent; I now say that I will iin- swer his interrogatories, whether he an- swer mine or not, and that after I have done so I shall propound mine to him. " I have sujjposed myself, since the or- gitnization of the Republican j)arty at Bloomington in May, 185(3, bound as a party man by the platforms of the party, there, and since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but myself " Having said thus much, I will take up the judge's interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interrogatories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in these words : Question 1. — I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day .stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law ? Answer. — I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. (}. 2. — I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them ? A. — I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. Q. 3 — I want to know, whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with .such a Consti- tution as the people of the State may see fit to make ? A. — I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of the State may see fit to make. Q. 4. — I want to know wliether he stands to-day pledged to the aliolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? A. — I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Co- lumbia. Q. 5. — I desire him to answer whether he stands pleilged to the prohibition of tiie slave trade lietAveen the different States? A. — I do not staml pledged to jtrohibi- tion of the slave trade between the different States. 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Q. 6. — I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, North as well as South of the Missouri Compro- mise line ? A. — I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the United States' Territories. Q. 7. — I desire him to answer, whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory, unless slavery is first prohibited therein ? A. — I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory ; and in any given case, I would or would not oppose such ac- quisition, according as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery question among ourselves. " Now, my friends, it will be perceived upon an examination of these questions and answers, that so far, I have only an- swered that I was not pledged to this, that, or the other. The judge has not framed his interroga- tories to ask me anything more than this and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly, that I am not jjledged at all upon any of the points to which I have an- swered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatories. I am rather disposed to take up, at least some of these questions, and state what I really think upon them. " The fourth one is in regard to the abo- lition of slavery in the District of Colum- bia. In relation to that, I have my mind very distinctly made up. I should be very glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis- trict of Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia, unless it should be upon these conditions: First, That the aboli- tion should be gradual ; Second, That it should be on a vote of a majority of quali- fied voters in the District; and Third, That compensation should be made to un- willing owners. With these three condi- tions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the lan- guage of Henry Clay, ' sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation.' " I now proceed to propound to the judge the interrogatories, so far as I have framed tlicm. I will bring forward a new in- stalment when I get them ready. I will bring now only four. The first one is: — 1. If the people IV Kansas sliall, ])y means entirely unol)jecti(nuil)le in;ill otiier respects, adopt a State Constitution and ask admission into the Union under it before they have the requisite number of inhabitants, according to the English bill — some ninety-three thousand — will he vote to admit them? 2. Can the people of the United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ? 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot ex- clude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting and fol- lowing such decision as a rule of political action ? 4. Are you in favor of acquiring addi- tional territory in disregard of how much acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question? To these questions Mr. Douglas said: " In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion that, as she has population enough to con- stitute a slave State, she has people enough for a free State. I hold it to be a sacred rule of universal application, to require a Territorj^ to contain the requisite popula- tion for a member of Congress, before it is admitted as a State into the Union. 2. "It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide, as to the ab- stract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the Constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it, or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day, or an hour, anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regulations. These police regulations can only be estab- lished by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect representatives to that body, who will, by unfriendly legislation, efiec'tually pre- vent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Su- preme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the peo])le to make a slave Territory or a free Terri- tory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. " 3. The third question which Mr. Lin- coln presented is, if the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide tliat a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Mr. Lincoln should ask such a question. He casts an imputation upon the Su- preme Court of the United States by sup- ])osing that they would violate the consti- tution of the United Slates. I tell him that such a thing is not i)ossible. It would l)e an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. I\Ir. Lincoln, himself, would never, in his par- tisan feelings, so far forget Avhat was right as to be guilty of such an act. BOOK I.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE. 77 4. With our natural increase, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing from desjiotism in the old world, to seek refuge in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this coun- try that requires more land, more terri- tory upon which to settle, and just as last as our interests and our destiny require an additional territory in the North, in the South, or on the Island of the Ocean, I am for it, and when we require it, will leave the people, according to tlie Nebraska bill, free to clo as they please on the sub- ject of slavery, and every other ques- tion." The bitterness of the feelings aroused by the canvass and boldness of Douglas, can both be well shown by a brief abstract from his speech at Freeport. He had per- sisted in calling the Republicans " Black Republicans," although the crowd, the great majority of which was there against im, insisted that he should say " iVIiite Republican." In response to these oft re- peated demands, ho said : — " Now, there are a great many Black Republicans of you who do not know this thing was done. (" White, white, and great clamor)." I wish to remind you that while Mr. Lincoln was speaking, there was not a Democrat vulgar and black- guard enough to interrupt him. But I know that the shoe is pinching you. I am clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared to death for the result. I have seen this thing before. I have seen men make ap- pointments for discussions and the mo- ment their man has been heard, try to in- terrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the other side. I have seen your mobs before and defy your wrath. (Tremendous ap- plause.) "^My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time. " I have been put to severe tests. I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the great princii)le of self-government here among you when Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, and I have defended that same great principle when Southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any test they put to me. I knew I was right — I knew my principles were sound — I knew that the people would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew that the God of Heaven would smile upon me if I was faithful in the per- formance of my duty." As an illustration of the earnestness of Lincoln's position we need only quote two paragraphs from his speech at Alton : — "Is slavery wrong? That is the real issue. That "is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two j)rincii)les — right and wrong — throughout the world. They are two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right of Kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself It is the same spirit that says, ' you work and toil, and earn bread, and I'll eat it.' No matter in what shaj>e it comes, whether from the mouth of a King who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and life by the fruit of their labor, or trom one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it ia the same tyrannical principle." And again : — " On this subject of treating it as a wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we hold most dear among us ? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution of slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to im- prove the condition of things? by enlarging slavery ? — by spreading it out and making it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer upon your person and not be able to cut it out, lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper Avay of treating what you regard a wrong. You see this peaceful way of dealing with it as a wrong — restricting the spread of it, and not allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed. That is the peaceful way, the old-fashioned way, the way in which the fathers themselves set us the ex- ample." The administration of Pierce had left that of Buchanan a dangerous legacy. He found the pro-slavery party in Congress temporarily triumphant, it is true, and supported "by the action of Congress in re- jecting the Topeka constitution and rec- ognizing the territorial government, but he found that that decision was not accep- table either to the majority of the people in the country or to a rapidly rising anti- slavery sentiment in the North. Yet he saw but one course to pursue, and that was to sustain the territorial government, which had issued the call for the I>ecompton con- vention. He was supported in this view by the action of the Supreme Court, which had decided that slavery existed in Kansas under the constitution of the United States, and that the people therein could only re- lieve themselves of it by the election of delegates who would prohibit it in the constitution to be framed by the Lecomp- 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. ton convention. The Free State men re- fused to recognize the call, made little, if any, preparation for the election, yet on the last day a number of them voted for State officiiils and a member of Congress under the Lecompton constitution. This had the effect of suspending hostilities be- tween the parties, yet peace was actually maintained only by the intervention of U. S. troops, under the command of Col. Sumner, who afterwards won distinction in the war of the rebellion. The Free State people stood firmly by their Topeka constitution, and refused to vote on ques- tions atiecting delegates to the Lecompton convention. They had no confidence in Governor Walker, the appointee of Presi- dent Buchanan, and his proclamations passed unheeded. They recognized their own Governor Robinson, who in a message dated December 7th, 1857, explained and defended their position in these words : •' The convention which framed the con- stitution at Topeka originated with the people of Kansas territory. They have adopted and ratified the same twice by a direct vote, and also indirectly through two elections of State officers and members of the State Legislature. Yet it has pleased the administration to regard the whole proceeding as revolutionary." The Lecompton convention, proclaimed by Governor Walker to be lawfully con- stituted, met for the second time, Sept. 4th, 1857, and proceeded to frame a constitu- tion, and adjourned finally Nov. 7th. A large majority of the delegates, as in the first, were of course pro-slavery, because of the refusal of the anti-slavery men to participate in the election. It reused to submit the whole constitution to the people, it is said, in opposition to the desire of President Buchanan, and part of his Cabinet. It submitted only the question of whether or not slavery should exist in the new State, and tliis they were required to do under the Kansas-Nebraska act, if indeed they were not required to submit it all. Yet such was tlie hostility of the pro-slavery men to sulimission, that it was only l)y three majority the proposition to submit tlie main question was adopted — a confession in advance that the result was not likely to favor their side of the con- troversy. But six weeks' time was also allowed for preparation, the election being ordered for Dec. 21st, 18r)7. Still another advantage was taken in the printing of the ballots, as ordered by the convention. The method jircscribed was to endorse the bal- lots, "Constitution witli Slavery," and "Constitution with no Shivery, thus com- pelling the voter, however adverse his views, as to other parts of the Constitution, to vote for it as a whole. As a conscfiuence, (at least this wa.s given as one of the rea- sons,) the Free State men as a rule refused to participate in the election, and the result as returned was 6,143 votes in favor of slaveiy, and 589 against it. The constitu- tion was annonhced as adopted, an election was ordered on the first Monday of Janu- ary, 1858, for State officers, members of the Legislature, and a member of Congress. The opponents of the Lecompton constitu- tion did not now refrain from voting, partly because of their desire to secure the repre- sentative in Congress, but mainly to secure an opportunity, as advised by their State officers, to vote down the Lecompton con- stitution. Both parties warmly contested the result,' but the Free State men won, and with their general victory secui'ed a large majority in the Legislature. The ballots of the Free State men were now headed with the words " Against the Lecompton Constittition," and they re- turned 10,226 votes against it, to 134 for it with slavery, and 24 for it against slavery. This return was certified by J. W. Denver, " Secretary and Acting Governor," and its validity was endorsed by Douglas in his report from the Senate Territorial Com- mittee. It was in better accord with his idea of popular sovereignty, as it showed almost twice as large a vote as that cast under the Lecompton plan, the fairness of the return not being disputed, while that of the month previous was disputed. But their previous refusal to vote on the Lecompton constitution gave their oppo- nents an advantage in position strangely at variance with the wishes of a majority of the people. The President of that conven- tion, J. Calhoun, forwarded the document to the I'resident with an official request that it be submitted to Congress. This was done in a message dated 2d February, 1858, and the President recommended the admission of Kansas under it. This message occasioned a violent debate in Congress, which continued for three months. It was replete with sectional abuse and bitterness, and nearly all the members of both Houses participated. It finally closed with the i)assflge of the '' Act for the admission of the State of Kansas into the Laiion," passed May 4th, 1858. This Act had been reported by a committee of conference of both Houses, and was passed in the Senate by 31 to 22, and in the Llouse by 112 to 103. There was a strict party vote in the Senate with the excejition of Mr. Douglas, C. E. Stuart of Michigan, and D. C. Broderick of Cal- ifornia, who voted with the Republican minority. In the House several anti- Lecomjiton democrats voted with the Re- ))ul)lican minority. These were Messrs. Adrian of New Jersey ; Chapman of I'enn- sylvania; Clark of New York; Cockerill of Ohio; Davis of Indiana; Harris of Il- linois; Jlaskin of New York ; Hickman of Pennsylvania; McKibben of California; n-nt BOOK I.] THE KANSAS STRUGGLE, 79 Marshall of Illinois ; Morgan of New York ; Morris, 8ha\v, and Smith of Illinois. The Americans wlio voted witli the Repub- licans were Crittenden of Kentucky ; Davis of IMaryland ; Marsliall of Kentucky ; Rieaud of Maryland ; Underwood of Ken- tucky. A number of those previously chissed as Anti-Lecompton Democrats voted against their colleagues of the same faction, and consequently against the bill. These were Messrs. Cockerill, Gwesheck, Hall, Lawrence, Pendleton and Cox of Oiiio; English and Foley of Indiana; and Jones of l*ennsylvania. The Americans who voted against the bill were Kennedy of Maryland ; Amlerson of Missouri ; Eus- tis of Louisiana ; Gilmer of North Caro- lina; Hill of Georgia; Maynard, Ready and Zollicotrer of Tennessee; and Trippe of Georgia. Iiecompton Constitution. The following are the political features of the Lecompton constitution : Article VII. — Slavery. Sec. 1. The right of property is before and higher than any constitutional sanc- tion, and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same, and as inviolable as the right of the owner of any property whatever. Sec. 2. The legislature shall have no power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners, or without paying the owners previous to their emancipation a full equivalent in money for the slaves so emancipated. They shall have no power to j)revent emigrants to the state from bringing with them such persons as are deemed slaves by the laws of any one of the United States or territories, so long as any person of the same age or description shall be continued in slavery by the laws of this state : Provided, That such person or slave be the bona fide property of such emigrants: And provided, also, That laws may be passed to prohibit the introduc- tion into this state of slaves who have committed high crimes in other states or territories. They shall have power to pass laws to iiermit the ownerjs of slaves to emancipate them, saving the rights of creditf)rs, and preventing thorn from be- coming a public charge. They shall have power to oblige the owners of slaves to treat them with humanity, to provide for them necessary food and clothing, to ab- stain from all injuries to theni extending to life or limb, ami, in case of their neglect or refusal to comply with the direction of such laws, to have such slave or slaves sold for the benefit of the owner or owners. Sec. 3. In the prosecution of slaves for crimes of higher grade than petit larceny, the legislature shall have no power to de- prive them of an impartial trial by a petit jury- Sec. 4. Any person who shall mali- ciously dismember, or deprive a slave of life, shall sulfer such punishment as would be inflicted in case the like offence had been committed on a free white person, and on the like proof, except in case of insurrection of such slave. Free Negroes. Bill of Rights, Sec. 23. Free negroes shall not be alloweil to live in this state under any circumstances. Article VIII. — Elections and Rights of Suffrage. Sec. 1. Every male citizen of the United States, above the age of twenty- one years, having resided in this state one year, and in the county, city, or town in which he may offer to vote, three months next preceding any election, shall have the qualifications of an elector, and be en- titled to vote at all elections. And every male citizen of the United States, above the age aforesaid, who may be a resident of the state at the time this constitution shall be adopted, shall have the right of voting as aforesaid ; but no such citizen or inhabitant shall be entitled to vote ex- cept in the county in which he shall actually reside at the time of the elec- tion. Tlie Topeka Constitntlon. The following are tlie political features of the Topeka constitution : Slavery. Bill of Rights, Sec. 6. There shall be no slavery in this state, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crime. Amendments to the Constitution. Sec. 1. All propositions for amend- ments to the constitution shall be made by the General Assembly. Sec. 2. A concurrence of two-thirds of the members elected to each house shall be necessary, after which such proposed amendments shall be again referred to the legislature elected next succeeding said pul)lication. If passed by the second legislature by a majority of two-thirds of the members elected to each Iiouse. such amendments shall be republished as afore- said, for at least six months prior to the next general election, at which election such proposed amendments shall be sub- mitted to the people for their approval or ^0 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. rejection ; and if a majority of the electors voting at such election shall adopt such amendments, the same shall become a part of the constitution. Sec. 3. When more than one amend- ment is submitted at the same time, they shall be so submitted as to enable the electors to vote upon each amendment separately. No convention for the forma- tion of a new constitution shall be called, and no amendment to the constitution shall be, by the general assembly, made before the year 18t>5, nor more than once in five years thereafter. Submissio7i of Constitution to the People. Schedule, Sec. 2. That this constitution shall be submitted to the people of Kansas for ratification on the 15th day of Decem- ber next. That each qualified elector shall express his assent or dissent to the constitution by voting a written or printed ticket, labelled "Constitution," or "No Constitution;" which election shall be held by the same judges, and conducted under the same regulations and restric- tions as is hereinafter jjrovided for the election of members of the general assembly. Tlie Douglas Amendment. The following is the Douglas amend- ment, which really formed the basis of the bill for admission ; " It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any state or territory', nor to exclude it there- from, but to leave the people thereof per- fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject onlv to the Constitution of tlie United States." The bill which passed on the 4th of May was known as the English bill, and it met the approval of Buchanan. To the measure was attached "a fundamental condition precedent," which arose from the fact that the ordinance of the convention accom- panying the constitution claimed for the new State a cession of the public lands six times greater than had been granted to other States, amounting in all to 23,500,- OUO acres. In lieu of this Congress pro- posed to submit to a vote of the people a proposition sf)ecifying the number of acres ana the purposes for which the money arising from their sale were to be used, and the acceptance of tliis was to be followed by a proclamation tliat " thereafter, and without furtlicr proceedings from (,'ongress the admission of the State of Kansas, into tlie Union, upon an ciiual footing with the original States in all rcspicts whatever, shall be complete and absolute." The con- dition was never fnHille(l, for the peo]»le at the election on the 2d of August, 1858, rejected it by a majority of 9,513, and Kan- sas was not admitted under the Lecompton constitution. Finally, and after continued agitation, more peaceful, however, than that which characterized the earlier stages of the strug- gle, the territorial legislature of Kansas called an election for delegates to meet and form a constitution. They assembled in convention at Wyandot, in July, 1859, and reported a constitution prohibiting slavery. This was adopted by a majority exceeding 4000, and under it Kansas was admitted to the Union on the 29th of January, 1861, The comparative quiet between the re- jection of the English proposition and the adoption of the Wyandot constitution, was at one time violently disturbed by a raid made by John Brown at Harper's Ferrj"-, with a view to excite the slaves to insur- rection. This failed, but not before Gov. Wise, of Virginia, had mustered his militia, and called for the aid of United States troops. The more radical anti-slavery men of the North were at first shocked by the audacity of an ofiense which many looked upon as an act of treason, but the anxiety of Virginia to hang Brown and all his followers who had been captured alive, changed a feeling of conservatism in tha North to one of sympathy for Bx'own and deeper hatred of slavery. It is but fair to say that it engendered hostility to the Union in the South. The right and wrong of slavery was thereafter more generally discussed than ever. The talent of the South favored it ; while, with at least a large measure of truth it can be said that the talent of the North opposed it. So bitter grew the feeling that soon the churches of the sections began to divide, no o{!ier political question having ever be- fore disturbed the Union. AVe have not pretended to give a com- plete history of the Kansas trouble either in that State or in Congress, nor yet a full history of the many issues raised on ques- tions which were but subsidiary to the main one of slavery. Our object is to show the relation of the political parties through- out that struggle, for we are dealing with the history of })arties from a national view, and not with battles and the minor ques- tions or details of parliamentary struggles. The contest had cemented the Democrats of the South as it had the Republicans of the North ; it divided both the Democrats of the North and the Americans in all sections. John Bell, of Tennessee, and Sam Houston of Texas, recognized leaders of the Americans, had shown their sym- pathy with the new stand taken by Doug- las, as early as 1S54. Bell, however, was less decided tlian Houston, and took his position with many qualifications. Hous- ton ojiposed even the rejical of the Mis- souri Compromise, and made the last speech I ( BOOK I. THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 81 against it in the Senate. Pie closed with these words: " In the discharge of my duty I have acted fearlessly. The events of the future are loft in the hands of a wise Providence, and, in my opinion, on the decision which we make upon tins question must depend union or disunion." These sentiments were shared by many Americans, and the great majority of them drifted into the Republican party. The Abolitionists from the beginning of the struggle, allied themselves with the Repub- licans, a few of their leaders proclaiming, however, that this party was not sufficiently advanced in its views. The Charleston Convention. Such was the condition of the parties when the Democratic national convention met at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of April, 18G0, it being then the custom of the Democratic party, as it is of all ffiajor- ity parties, to call its convention first. It was composed of delegates from all the thirty-three States of the Union, the whole number of votes being 303. After the ex- ampl-^ of former Democratic conventions it adopted the two-third rule, and 202 votes were required to make nominations for President and Vice-President. Caleb Cush- ing, of ]\Iass., presided. From the first a radical difference of opinion was exhibited among the members on the question of slavery in the Territories. Almost the entire Southern and a minority of the Northern portion believed in the Dred Scott decision, and held that slave property was as valid under the constitution as any other class of property. The Douglas delegates stood firmly by the theory of poj)ular sovereignty, and avowed their in- difi'erence to the fact whether it would lead to the protection of slave property in the territories or not. On the second day a committee on resolutions consisting of one member from each State, selected by the State delegates, was named, and then a resolution was resolved unanimously " that this convention will not proceed to ballot for a candidate for the Presidency until the platform shall have been adopted." On the fifth day the committee on resolutions presented majority and minority reports. After a long discussion on the respective merits of the two reports, they were both, on motion of Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, re-committed to the Committee on Reso- lutions, with a view, if possible, to promote harmony; but this ]iroved to be impracti- cable. On the sixth day of the Conven- tion (Saturday, April 28th.) at an evening session, Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, and Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, from the majority 6 and minority of the committee, again made opposite and conflicting reports on the question of slavery in the Territories. On this question the committee had divided from the beginning, the one portion em- bracing the fifteen members from the slaveholding States, with those from Cali- fornia and Oregon, and the other consist- ing of the members from all the free Slates east of the Rocky IMountains. On all other questions both re])orts substantially agreed. The following is the report of the major- ity made on this subject by Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, the chairman of the com- mittee : " Bcsolrcd, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cin- cinnati be affirmed with the following ex- planatory resolutions : 1st. That the Gov- ernment of a Territory, organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and tempo- rary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Terri- tory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation. 2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Gov- ernment, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3d. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States, and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union whether its constitution prohibits or recog- nizes the institution of slavery." The following is the report of the minor- ity, made by Mr. Samuels, of Iowa. After re-affirming the Cincinnati platform by the first resolution, it proceeds: "Inas- much as dillerences of opinion exist in the Democratic party, as to the nature and ex- tent of the powers of a Territorial Legisla- ture, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the Territories, Resolved, That "the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States upon questions of constitu- tional law." After some preliminary remarks, Mr. Samuels moved the adoption of the minor- ity report as a substitute for that of the majority. This gave rise to an earnest and excited debate. The difference be- tween the parties was radical and irrecon- cilable. The South insisted that the Cin- cinnati platform, whose true construction in regard to slavery in the Territories had alwavs been denied by a portion of the Democratic party, should be explained and 82 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. settled by an express recognition of the principles decided by the Supreme Court. The North, on the other hand, refused to recognize this decision, and still main- tained the jjower to be inherent in the people of a Territory to deal with the Suestion of slavery according to their own iscretion. The vote was then taken, and the minority report was substituted for that of the majority by a vote of one hun- dred and sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight. The delegates from the six New England States, as well as from New York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, fourteen free States, cast their entire vote in favor of the minority report. New Jersey and Pennsylvania alone among the free States east of the Eocky Mountains, refused to vote as States, but their delegates voted as individuals. The means employed to attain this end were skillfully devised by the minority of the Pennsylvania delegation in favor of nominating Mr. Douglas. The entire del- egation had, strangely enough, placed this power in their hands, by selecting two of their number, Messrs. Cessna and Wright, to represent the whole on the two most im- portant committees of the Convention — that of organization and that of resolu- tions. These gentlemen, by adroitness and parliamentary tact, succeeded in abrogat- ing the former practice of casting the vote of the State as a unit. In this manner, whilst New York indorsed with her entire thirty-five votes the peculiar views of Mr. Douglas, notwithstanding there was in her delegation a majority of only five votes in their favor on the question of Territorial sovereignty, the effective strength of Penn- sylvania recognizing the judgment of the Supreme Court, was reduced to three votes, this being the majority of fifteen on the one side over twelve on the other. The question next in order before the Convention was upon the adoption of the second resolution of the minority of the committee, which had been substituted for the report of the majority. On this ques- tion Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, Arkan- sas, Texas, Florida, and Mississippi re- fused to vote. Indeed, it soon appeared that on the question of the final adoption of this second resolution, which in fact amounted to nothing, it had scarcely any friends of either party in the Convention. The Douglas party, without explanation or addition, voted against it. On the other hand, the old Democracy could not vote for it witliout admitting that tlic Supreme Court had not already i)lace(l the right over slave property in the Territories on the same footing with all other property, and therefore they also voted against it. In consequence the resolution was nega- tived by a vote of only twcuty-oue in its favor to two hundred and thirty-eight. Had the seven Southern States just men- tioned voted, the negatives would have amounted to two hundred and eighty-two, or more than thirteen to one. Thus both the majority and the minority resolutions on the Territorial question were rejected, and nothing remained before the Conven- tion except the Cincinnati platform. At this stage of the proceedings (April 30th), the States of Louisiana, Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Tex- as, and Arkansas, having assigned their reasons for the act, withdrew in succession from the Convention. Alter these seven States had retired, the delegation from Virginia made an efibrt to restore har- mony. Mr. Eussell, their chairman, ad- dressed the Convention and portrayed the alarming nature of the crisis. He ex- pressed his fears that we were on the eve of a revolution, and if this Convention should prove a failure it would be the last National Convention of any party which would ever assemble in the United States. " Virginia," said he, " stands in the midst of her sister States, in garments red with the blood of her children slain in the first outbreak of the 'irrepressible conflict.' But, sir, not when her children fell at mid- night beneath the weapon of the assassin, was her heart penetrated with so profound a grief as that which will wring it when she is obliged to choose between a sepa- rate destiny with the South, and her com- mon destiny with the entire Republic." Mr. Eussell was not then prepared to answer, in behalf of his delegation, whether the events of the day (the defeat of the majority report, and the withdrawal of the seven States) were sufficient to justify her in taking the irrevocable step in question. In order, therefore, that they might have time to deliberate, and if they thought proper make an efi'ort to restore harmony in the Convention, he expressed a desire that it might adjourn and aflbrd them an opportunity for consultation. The Con- vention accordingly adjourned until the next day, Tuesday, May 1st ; and imme- diately after its reassembling the delega- tion from Georgia, making the eighth State, also withdrew. In the mean time the Virginia delega- tion had consulted among themselves, and had conferred with the delegation of the other Southern States which still remained in the Convention, as to the best mode of restoring harmony. In consequence Mr. Howard, of Tennessee, stated to the Con- vention that " he had a proposition to pre- sent in behalf of the delegation from Ten- nessee, whenever, under parliamentary rules, it would be pro])er to present it." In this Tennessee was joined by Kentucky and Virginia. He should propose the fol- lowing resolution whenever it would be in BOOK I.] THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 83 order : ' Resolved, That the citizens of the United States have an equal right to set- tle with their property in the Territories of the United States ; and that, under the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, which we recognize as the correct exposition of the Constitution of the United States, neither the rights of person nor property can be destroyed or jnpaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation.' '' On a subsequent day (May 3d), Mr. Rus- sell informed the Convention that this re- solution had, " he believed, received the ap[)robation of all the delegations from the Southern States which remained in the Convention, and also received the ap- probation of the delegation from New York. He was informed there was strength enough to pass it when in order." Mr. Howard, however, in vain attempted to obtain a vote on his resolution. When he moved to take it up on the evening of the day it had been otFered, he was met by cries of "Not in order," "Not in order." The manifest purpose was to postpone its consideration until the hour should arrh'c which had been fixed by a previous order of the Convention, in opposition to its first order on the same subject, for the balloting to commence for a Presidential candidate, when it would be too late. This the friends of Mr. Douglas accomplished, and no vote was ever taken upon it either at Charleston or Baltimore. Before the balloting commenced Mr. Howard succeeded, in the face of strong opposition, with the aid of the thirty-five votes from New York, in obtaining a vote of the Convention in re-affirmance of the two-thirds rule. On his motion they re- solved, by 141, to 112 votes, " that the Pre- sident of the Convention be and he is here- by directed not to declare any person nominated for the office of President or Vice-President, unless he shall have re- ceived a number of votes equal to two- thirds of the votes of all the electoral col- leges." It was well known at the time that this resolution rendered the regular nomination of Mr. Douglas impossible. The balloting then commenced (Tuesday evening, j\Iay Ist), on the eighth day of the session. Necessary to a nomination, under the two-thirds rule, 202 votes. On the first ballot Mr. -Douglas received 145} votes ; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, 42 ; IVIr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, 3-5.}; Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee, 12; Mr. Dickinson, of New York, 7; Mr. Lane, of Oregon.- 6; Mr. Toucey, of Connecticut, 21 ; Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, li, and j\Ir. Pearce, of Marv- land, 1 vote. The voting continued until May 3d, during which there were fifty-four addi- tional ballotings. Mr. Dougl.as never rose to more than 152^, and ended in 151} votes, 202 votes being necessary to a nomi- nation. Until 1824 nominations had been made by Congressional caucus. In these none particii)ated except Senators and Demo- cratic States, and Representatives from Democratic Congressional districts. The simple majority rule governed in these caucuses, because it was morally certain that, composed as they were, no candidate could be selected against the will of the Democratic States on whom his election depended. But when a change was made to National Conventions, it was at once perceived that if a mere majority could nominate, then the delegates from Anti- Democratic States might be mainly instru- mental in nominating a candidate for whom they could not give a single electo- ral vote. Whilst it would have been harsh and inexpedient to exclude these States from the Convention altogether, it would have been unjust to confer on them a con- trolling power over the nomination. To compromise this difficulty, the two-thirds rule was adopted. Under its operation it would be almost impossible that a candi- date could be selected, without the votes of a simple majority of delegates from the Democratic States. This was the argu- ment of its friends. It had now become manifest that it was impossible to make a nomination at Charleston. The friends of Mr. Douglas adhered to him and would vote for him and him alone, whilst his opponents, ap- prehending the effect of his principles should he be elected President, were equally determined to vote against his nomination. In the hope that some compromise might yet be effected, the Convention, on the motion of Mr. Russell, of Virginia, resolved to adjourn to meet at Baltimore on JNIonday, the 18th June ; and it was " re- spectfully recommended to the Democratic party of the several States, to make pro- vision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this Convention when it shall re-assemble." The Convention re-assembled at Balti- more on the 18th June, 1860, according to its adjournment, and Mr. Cushing, the President, took the chair. Immediately after the reorganization of the Convention, Mr. Howard, of Tennes- see, oflered a resolution, " that the Presi- dent of this Convention direct the ser- geant-at-arms to issue tickets of admission to the delegates of the Convention, as orig- inally constituted and organized at Charles- ton." Thus the vitally important question was distinctly presented. It soon, how- ever, became manifest that no such reso- lution could prevail. In the absence of the delegates who had withdrawn at Charleston, the friends of Mr. Douglas constituted a controlling majority. At the 84 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book; I. threshold they resisted the admission of the original delegates, and contended that by withdrawing they had irrevocably re- signed their seats. In support of this po- sition, they relied upon the language of the resolution adjourning the Convention to Baltimore, which, as we have seen, "recommended to the Democratic party of the several States to make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this Convention, when it shall reassemble." On the other hand, the advocates of their readmission con- tended that a simple withdrawal of the delegates was not a final renunciation of their seats, but they were still entitled to reoccupy them, whenever, in their judg- ment, this course would be best calculated to restore the harmony and promote the success of the Democratic party ; that the Convention had no right to interpose be- tween them and the Democracy of their respective States ; that being directly re- sponsible to this Democracy, it alone could accept their resignation ; that no such re- signation had ever been made, and their authority therefore continued in full force, and this, too, with the approbation of their constituents. In the mean time, after the adjournment from Charleston to Baltimore, the friends of Mr. Douglas, in several of these States, had proceeded to elect delegates to take the place of those who had withdrawn from the Convention. Indeed, it was manifest at the time, and has since been clearly proved by tiie event, that these delegates represented but a small minority of the party in their respective States. These new delegates, nevertheless,appeared and demanded seats. * After a long and ardent debate, the Convention adopted a resolution, offered by Mr. Church, of New York, and modi- fied on motion of Mr. Gilmore, of Penn- sylvania, as a substitute for that of Mr. Howard, to refer " the credentials of all pei-sons claiming seats in this Convention, made vacant by the secession of delegates at Charleston, to the Committee on Cre- dentials.'' They thus prejudged the ques- tion, by deciding that the seats of these delegates had been made and were still vacant. The Committee on Credentials had been originally composed of one dele- gate from each of the tliirty-three States, but the number was now reduced to twen- ty-five, in consequence of the exclusion of eight of its members from the States of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Car- olina, Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Florida. The committee, therefore, now stood 16 to 9 in favor of the nomination of Mr. Douglas, instead of 17 to Hi against it, according to its original organization. • From Mr. UiirtmnarrH AdminiHtratioii on fli" ovo of the Ilubelliuo, iiubluLiud by I). Aiijilutun &. Co., 18CG. The committee, through their chairman, Mr. Krum, of Missouri, made their report on the 21st June, and Governor Stevens, of Oregon, at the same time presented a minority report, signed by himself and eight other members. It is unnecessary to give in detail these conflicting reports. It is sufficient to state that whilst the report of the majority maintained that the delegates, by with- drawing at Charleston, had resigned their seats, and these were still vacant ; that of the minority, on the contrary, asserted the right of these delegates to resume their seats in the Convention, by virtue of their original appointment. On the next day (June 22), the impor- tant decision was made between the con- flicting reports. Mr. Stevens moved to substitute the minority report for that of the majority, and his motion was rejected by a vote of lOOj to 150. Of course no vote was given from any of the excluded States, except one half vote from each of the parties in Arkansas. The resolutions of the majority were then adopted in succession. Among other mo- tions of similar character, a motion had been made by a delegate in the majority to reconsider the vote by which the Con- vention had adopted the minority report, as a substitute for that of the majority, and to lay his own motion on the table. This is a common mode resorted to, ac- cording to parliamentary tactics, of de- feating every hope of a reconsideration of the pending question, and rendering the first decision final. Mr. Cessna with this view called for a vote on laying the motion to reconsider on the table. ' Should this be negatived, then the question of reconsideration would be open. The President stated the question to be first " on laying on the table the mo- tion to reconsider the vote by which the Convention refused to amend the majority report of the Committee on Credentials by substituting the report of the minority." On this question New York, for the first time since the meeting at Baltimore, voted with the minority and changed it into a majority. "When New York was called," says the report of the proceedings, " and re- sponded thirty-five votes" (in the nega- tive) "the res])onse was greeted with loud cheers and applause." The result of the vote was 113i to 138.]— "so the Convention refused to lay on the table the motion to reconsider the minority report." The Con- vention then adjourned until evening, on motion of Mr. Cochrane, of New York, amidst great excitement and confu.sion. This vote of New York, ajipearing to in- dicate a pur])ose to harmonize the i>arty by admitting tlie original delegates irom the eight absent States, was not altogether un- expected. Although voting as a unit, it BOOK I.J THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION. 85 was known that her delegation were greatly divided among theni.selves. The exact strength of the minority was afterwards stated by Mr. Bartlett, one of its memhers, in the Breckinridge Convention. He said: " Upon all questions and esjjecially upon the adoption of the majority report on cre- dentials, in which we had a long contest, the line was strictly drawn, and there were thirty on one side and forty on the other." The position of New York casting an un- divided vote of thirty-five, with Dean Rich- mond at their head, had been a controlling power from the commencement. Strong expectations were, therefore, now entertained that after the New York dele- gation had recorded their vote against a motion which would have killed the mi- nority report beyond hope of revival, they would now follow this up by taking the next step in advance and voting for its re- consideration and adoption. On the even- ing of the very same day, however, they reversed their course and voted against its reconsideration. They were then cheered by the opposite party from that which had cheered them in the morning. Thus the action of the Convention in favor of the majority report became final and conclu- sive. Mr. Cessna, of Pennsylvania, at once moved " that the Convention do now pro- ceed to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States." Mr. Russell rose and stated, " It has be- come my duty now, by direction of a large majority of the delegation from Virginia, respectfully to inform you and this body, that it is not consistent with their convic- tions of duty to participate longer in its deliberations." Mr. Leader next stated " that it became his duty, as one of the delegates from North Carolina, to say that a very large majority of the delegation from that State were compelled to retire permanently from this Convention, on account, as he conceived, of the unjust course that had been pursued toward some of their fellow-citizens of the South. The South had heretofore relied upon the Northern Democracy to give them therights which were justly due them ; but the vote to-day had satisfied the majority of the North Carolina delegation that these rights were now refused them, and, this being the case, they could no longer re- main in the Convention." Then followed in succession the with- drawal of the delegations from Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland, California, Oregon, and Arkansas. The Convention now ad- journed at half-past-ten o'clock until the next morning at ten. Soon after the assembling of the Con- vention, the President, Mr. Gushing, whilst tendering his thanks to its members for their candid and honorable support in the performance of his duties, stated that not- withstanding the retirement of the delega- tions of several of the States at Charleston, in his solicitude to maintain the harmony and union of the Democratic party, he had continued in his post of labor. "To that end and in that sense," said he, " I had the honor to meet you, gentlemen, here at lialtimore. But circumstances have since transpired which compel me to pause. The delegations of a majority of the Stat&s have, either in whole or in part, in ono form or another, ceased to participate in the deliberations of the Convention. * * * In the present circumstances, I deem it a duty of self-resj)ect, and I deem it still more a duty to this Convention, as at jiresent organized, * * * to resign my seat as President of this Convention, in order to take my place on the floor as a member of the delegation from Massachu- setts. * * * I deem this above all a duty which I owe to the members of this Convention, as to whom no longer would my action represent the will of a majority of the Convention." Governor Tod, of Ohio, one of the Vice- Presidents, then took the vacant chair, and was greeted with hearty and long-continued cheers and applause from members of the Convention. Mr. Butler, of Massachusetts, now an- nounced that a portion of the Massachu- setts delegation desired to retire, but was interrupted by cries of " No," " No," " Call the roll." Mr. Cessna called for the original question, to wit, that the Conven- tion now proceed to a nomination for Pres- ident and Vice-President. The President here ordered the Secre- tary to call the States. Maine, New Hamp- shire, and Vermont were called, and they gave an unbroken vote for Stephen A. Douglas. When Massachusetts was called, Mr. Butler rose and said he had a respect- ful paper in his hand which he would desire the President to have read. A scene of great confusion thereupon ensued, cries of " I object" being heard upon all sides. Mr. Butler, not to be baffled, contended for his right at this stage to make remarks pertinent to the matter, and cited in his support the practice of the Conventions at Baltimore in 1848 and 1852, and at Cin- cinnati in 1856. He finally prevailed, and was permitted to proceed. He then said he " would now withdraw from the Con- vention, upon the ground that there had been a withdrawal, in whole or in part, of a majority of the States ; and further, which was a matter more personal to him- self, he could not sit in a convention where the African slave trade, which was piracy according to the laws of his country, was openly advocated." Mr. Butler then retired, followed by General Cashing and four others of the 86 AMERICAN POLITICS [book I. Massachusetts delegation. All of these had voted with the South and against Douglas. The balloting now proceeded. Mr. Douglas received 173i votes; Mr. Guthrie 9; Mr. Breckinridge 60 ; Mr. Bocock and Mr. Seymour each 1 ; and Mr. Dickerson and Mr. Wise each half a vote. On the next and last ballot Mr. Douglas received 181 J votes, eight of those in the minority having changed their votes in his favor. To account for this number, it is proper to state that a few delegates from five of the eight States which had withdrawn still remained in the Convention. On the last ballot Mr. Douglas received all of their votes, to wit : 3 of the 15 votes of Virginia, 1 of the 10 votes of North Carolina, U of the 3 votes of Arkansas, 3 of the 12 votes of Tennessee, 3 of the 12 votes of Ken- tucky, and 2^ of the 8 votes of Maryland, making in the aggregate 14 votes. To this number may be added the 9 votes of the new delegates from Alabama and the 6 from Louisiana, which had been admitted to the exclusion of the original dele- gates. Mr. Douglas was accordingly declared to be the regular nominee of the Democra- tic party of the Union, upon the motion of Mr. Church, of Xew York, when, accord- ing to the report of the proceedings, " The whole body rose to its feet, hats were waved in the air, and many tossed aloft ; shouts, screams, and yells, and every boisterous mode of expressing approbation and unanimity, were resorted to." Senator Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was then unanimously nominated as the candidate for Vice-President ; and the Convention adjourned sijie die on the 23d June, the sixth and last day of its ses- sion. On the same day, but after the ad- journment, Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and it was immediately con- ferred on Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, by the Executive Committee. Thus ended the Douglas Convention. But another Convention assembled at Baltimore on the same 23d June, styling itself the " National Democratic Conven- tion." It was composed chiefly of the delegates who had just withdrawn from the Douglas Convention, and tlie original delegates from Alabama and Louisiana. One of their first acts was to abrogate the two-third rule, as had been done by the Douglas Convention. Both acted under tlie same necessity, because the preserva- tion of this rule would have prevented a nomination by either. Mr. Cusliing was elected and took the chair as I'resident. In bis opening ad- dress he said: "Gentlcnion of the Con- vention, we assemble here, delegates to the National Democratic Convention, duly accredited thereto from more than twenty States of the Union, for the purpose of nominating candidates of the Democratic party for the offices of President and Vice- President of the United States, for the purpose of announcing the principles of the party, and for the purpose of continu- ing and re-establishing that party upon the firm foundations of the Constitution, the Union, and the coequal rights of the several States." Mr. Avery, of North Carolina, who had reported the majority resolutions at Charleston, now reported the same from the committee of this body, and they "were adopted unanimously, amid great applause." The Convention then proceeded to select their candidates, Mr. Loring, on behalf of the delegates from Massachusetts, who with Mr. Butler had retired Irom the Douglas Convention, nominated John O. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, which Mr. Dent, representing the Pennsylvania dele- gation present, " most heartily seconded." Mr. Ward, from the Alabama delegation, nominated E. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia"; Mr. Ewing, from that of Tennessee, nomi- nated Mr. Dickinson, of New York ; and Mr. Stevens, from Oregon, nominated General Joseph Lane. Eventually all these names were withdrawn except that of Mr. Breckinridge, and he received the nomination by a unanimous vote. The whole number of votes cast in his favor from twenty States was 103t. General Lane was unanimously nomi- nated as the candidate for Vice-President. Thus terminated the Breckinridge Conven- tion. The Chicago Republican Conf entlon. The Republicans had named May 16th, 1860, as the date and Chicago as the place for holding their second National Conven- tion. They had been greatly encouraged by the vote for Fremont and Dayton, and, Avhat had now become apparent as an ir- reconcilable division of the Democracy, encouraged them in the belief that they could elect their candidates. Those of the great West were especially enthusiastic, and had contributed freely to the erection of an immense " Wigwam," capable of holding ten thousand people, at Chicago. All the Northern States were lully repre- sented, and there were besides partial de- legations from Delaware, Maryland, Ken- tucky, Missouri and Virginia, with occa- sional delegates from other Slave States, there being none, however, from the Gulf States. David Wilmot, of Pen na., author of the Wilmot proviso, was made tempo- rary chairman, and George Ashman, of Mass., permanent President. No dilTer- encos were excited by the report of the com- mittee on platform, and the proceedings BOOK I.] THE AMERICAN CONVENTION. 87 throughout were characterized by great harmony, though there was a somewhat sharp contest for the Presidential nomina- tion. Tlie prominent candidates were Win. H. Seward, of New York; Abraham Lin- coln, of Illinois ; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and Edward Bates, of Missouri. There were three ballots, Mr. Lincoln receiving in the last 354 out of 446 votes. Mr. Sew- ard led the vote at the beginning, but he was strongly opposed by gentlemen in his own State as 2)n)nunent as Horace Greeley and Thurlow Weed, and his nomination was thought to be inexpedient. Lincoln's successful debate with Douglas was still fresh in the minds of the delegates, and every addition to his vote so heightened the enthusiasm that the convention was finally carried "olf its feet," the delegations rapidly changing on the last ballot. Lin- coln had been a known candidate but a month or two before, while Seward's name had been everywhere canvassed, and where opposed in the Eastern and Middle States, •it was mainly because of the belief that his views on slavery were too radical. He was more strongly favored by the Abolition branch of the party than any other candi- didate. When the news of his success was first conveyed to Mr. Lincoln he was sit- ting in the otfice of the State Journal, at Springfield, which was connected by a telegraph wire with the Wigwam. On the close of the third ballot a despatch was handed Mr. Lincoln. He read it in silence, and then announcing the result said: " There is a little woman down at our house would like to hear this — I'll go down and tell her," and he started amid the shouts of personal admirers. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was nominated for Vice- President with much unanimity, and the Chicago Convention closed its work in a single day. The American Convention. A "Constitutional Union," really an American Convention, had met at Balti- fnore on the 9th of May. Twenty States were represented, and John Bell, of Ten- nessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachu- setts, were named for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. Their friends, thougli known to be less in number than either those of Douglas, Lincoln or Breckinridge, yet made a vigorous canvass in the hope that the election would be thrown into the House, and that there a compromise in the vote by States would naturally turn toward their candidates. The result of the great contest is elsewhere given in our Tabulated History of Politics. THE PRINCIPLES INT'OLVEP. Lincoln received large majorities in nearly all of thefree States, hia popular vote being 1,806,452; electoral vote, 180, Douglas was next in tlie pojjular estimate, receiving 1,375,157 voti-s, with but 12 elec- tors. Breckinridge had 847,053 votes, with 76 electors; Bell, with 57U,631 votes, had 39 electors. The principles involved in the contro- versy are given at length in the Book of Platforms, and were briefly these : The Republican party asserted that slaverj sbould not be extended to the territories ; that it could exist only by virtue of local and positive law ; that freedom was na- tional; that slavery was morally wrong, and the nation should at least anticipate its gradual extinction. The Douglas wing of the Democratic party adhered to the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and claimed that in its exercise in the terri- tories they were indifferent whether slavery- was voted up or down. The Breckinridge wing of the Democratic party asserted both the moral and legal right to hold slaves, and to carry them to the territories, and that no power save the national constitu- tion could prohibitor interfere with it out- side of State lines. The Americans sup- porting Bell, adhered to their peculiar doctrines touching emigration and natural- ization, but had abandoned, in most of the States, the secrecy and oaths of the Know- Nothing order. They were evasive and non-committal on the slavery question. Preparing for Secession. Secession, up to this time, had not been regarded as treasonable in all sections and at all times. As shown in many previous pages, it had been threatened by the Hart- ford Convention; certainly by some of .the people of New England who opposed the war of 1812. Some of the more extreme Abolitionists had favored a division of the sections. The South, particularly the Gulf States, had encouraged a secret organiza- tion, known as the " Order of the Lone Star," previous to and at the time of the annexation of Texas. One of its objects was to acquire Cuba, so as to extend slave territory. The Gulf States needed more slaves, and though the law made partici- pancy in the slave trade piracy, many car- goes had been landed in parts of the Gulf without protest or prosecution, just prior to the election of 1800. 'Calhoun had threatened, thirty years before, nullifica- tion, and before that again, secession in the event of the passage of the Public Land Bill. Jefferson and Madison had indicated that doctrine of State Rights on which secession was based in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1708, facti which were daily discussed by the people of the South during this most exciting of all Presidential campaigns. The leaders in the South had anticipated defeat at the election, and many of them 88 AMERICAN POLITICS. [booe I. made early preparations for the withdrawal of their States from the Union. Some of the more extreme anti-slavery men of the Korth, noting these preparations, for a time favored a plan of letting the South go in peace. South Carolina was the first to adopt a secession ordinance, and before it did so, Horace Greeley said in the New York Tribune: " If the Declaration of Independence justified the secession from the British Empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we can not see why it would not jus- tify the secession of five millions of South- rons from the Federal Union in 18G1." These views, however, soon fell into dis- favor throughout the North, and the period of indecision on either side ceased when Fort Sumter was fired upon. The Gulf States openly made their preparations as soon as the result of the Presidential elec- tion was known, as a rule pursuant to a previous understanding. The following, condensed from Hon. Edward McPher- son's " Political History of the United States of Amei-ica during the Great Rebellion," is a correct statement of the movements which followed, in the several Southern States: SOUTH CAROLINA. November 5th, 1860. Legislature met to choose Presidential electors, who voted for Breckinridge and Lane for President and Vice President. Gov. William H. Gist recommended in his message that in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a convention of the people of the State be immediately called to consider and determine for themselves the mode and measure of redress. He ex- pressed the opinion that the only alterna- tive left is the " secession of South Caro- lina from the Federal Union." 7th. United States oflScials resigned at Charleston. 10th. U. S. Senators James H. Ham- mond and James Chestnut, Jr., resigned their seats in the Senate. Convention called to meet Dec. 17th. Delegates to be elected Dec. 6th. 13th. Collection of debts due to citi- zens of non-sl:iveholding States stayed. Francis W. Pickens elected Governor, 17th. Ordinance of Secession adopted unanimously. 21st. Commissioners appointed (Barn- well, Adams, and Orr) to proceed to Washington to treat for the possession of U. S. Government property within the lim- its of South Carolina. Coirinii«sioner3 ap- pointed to the other slavoholding States. Southern Congress proposed. 24th. Representatives in Congress with- drew. Gov. Pickens issued a proclamation " announcing the repeal, Dec. 20th, 18G0, by the good people of South Carolina," of the Ordinance of May 23d, 1788, and " the dissolution of the union between the State of South Carolina and other States under the name of the United States of Ameri- ca," and proclaiming to the world " that the State of South Carolina is, as she has a right to be, a separate, sovereign, free and independent State, and, as such, has a right to levy war, conclude peace, negotiate treaties, leagues, or covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever that rightfully apper- tain to a free and independent State. " Done in the eighty-fifth year of the sovereignty and independence of South Carolina." Jan. 3d, 1861. South Carolina Com- missioners left Washington, 4th, Convention appointed T. J. With- ers, L. M. Keitt, W. W. Bovce, Jas. Chest- nut, Jr., E. B. Rhett, Jr., R*. W. Barnwell, and C. G. Memminger, delegates to South- ern Congress. 5th. Convention adjourned, subject to the call of the Governor. 14th. Legislature declared that any at- • tempt to reinforce Fort Sumter would be considered an open act of hostility and a declaration of war. Approved the Gov- ernor's action in firing on the Star of the West. Accepted the services of the Cataw- ba Indians. 27th, Received Judge Robertson, Com- missioner from Virginia, but rejected the proposition for a conference and co-oper- ative action. March 26th. Convention met in Charles- ton. April 3d. Ratified "Confederate" Con- stitution — yeas 114, nays 16, 8th. Transferred forts, etc., to " Con- federate " government. GEORGIA. November 8th, 1860. Legislature met pursuant to previous arrangement. 18th. Convention called. Legislature appropriated $1,000,000 to arm the State. Dec. 3d. Resolutions adopted in the Leg- islature i)roposing a conference of the Southern States at Atlanta, Feb, 20th, January 17th, 1861. Convention met. Received Commissioners from South Caro- lina ^nd Alabama 18th. Resolutions declaring it the right and duty of Georgia to secede, adopted — yeas 165, nays 130. 19th. Ordinance of Secession passed — yeas 208, nays 89. 21st. Senators and Representatives in Congress witlulrew. 24th. Elected Delegates to Southern Congress at Montgomery, Alabama. 2Sth. Elected Commissioners to other Slaveholding States. 291 h. Adopted an address " to the South and the world." BOOK I.] PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 89 March 7th. Convention reassembled. 10th. Ratified the " Confederate" Consti- tution — yeas 9G, nays 5. 20th. Ordinance passed authorizing the " Confederate" government to occupy, use and possess tlie forts, navy yards, arsenals, and custom houses within the limits of said State. April 26th. Governor Brown issued a proclamation ordering the repudiation by the citizens of Georgia of all debts due Northern men. MISSISSIPPI. November 26lh, ISGO. Legislature met Nov. 2(>tli, and ailjourned Nov. 3()th. Elec- tion for Convention fixed for Dec. 20th. Convention to meet Jan 7th. Convention bills and secession resolutions passed unani- mously. Commissionci's appointed to other Slaveholding States to secure " their co- operation in effecting measures for their common defence and safety." Jan. 7th, 1861. Convention assembled. 9th. Ordinance of Secession passed — yeas 84, nays 15. In the ordinance the people of the State of Mississippi express their consent to form a federal union with such of the States as have seceded or may secede from the Union of the United States pf America, upon the basis of the present Constitution of the United States, except such parts thereof as embrace other portions than such seceding States. 10th. Commissioners from other States received. Resolutions adopted, recogniz- ing South Carolina as sovereign and inde- pendent. Jan. 12th. Representatives in Congress withdrew. 19th. The committee on the Confederacy in the Legislature reported resolutions to provide for a Southern Confederacy, and to establish a provisional government for seceding States and States hereafter seced- ing. 21st. Senators in Congress withdrew. March 30th. Ratified "Confederate" Constitution — yeas 78, nays 7. FLORIDA. November 26th, 1860. Legislature met. Governor M. S. Perry recommended imme- diate secession. Dec. 1st. Convention bill passed. Jan. 3d, 1861. Convention met. 7th. Commissioners from South Carolina and Alabama received and heard. 10th. Ordinance of Secession passed — yeas 62, nays 7. 18th. Delegates appointed to Southern Congress at JMontgomcry. 21st. Senators and Representatives in Congress withdrew. Feb. 14th. Act passed by the Legisla- ture declaring that after any actual collision between Federal troops and those in the emnloy of Florida, the act of holding office under the Federal government shall be declared treason, and the person convicted shall suffer death. Transferred control of government property captured, to the " Con- iederate " government. LOUISIANA. December 10th, 1860. Legislature met. 11 til. Convention called lor Jan. 23d. Military bill passed. 12th. Commissioners from Mississippi re- ceived and heard. Governor instructed to communicate with Governors of other southern States. Jan 23d, 1861. Convention met and organized. Received and heard Commis- sioners from South Carolina and Alabama. 2r)th. Ordinance of Secession passed — - yeas 113, nays 17. Convention refused to submit the ordinance to the people by a vote of 84 to 45. This was subsequently reconsidered, and the ordinance was sub- mitted. The vote upon it as declared was 20,448 in favor, and 17,296 against. Feb. 5th. Senators withdrew from Con- gress, also the Representatives, except John E. Bouligny. State flag adopted. Pilots at the Balize prohibited from bringing over the bar any United States vessels of war. IMarch 7th. Ordinance adopted in secret session transferring to " Confederate " States government $536,000, being the amount of bullion in the U. S. mint and customs seized by the State. 16th. An ordinance voted down, submit- ting the " Confederate " Constitution to the people — ^yeas 26, nays 74. 21st. Ratified the " Confederate " Consti- tution — yeas 101, nays 7. Governor author- ized to transfer the arms and property captured from the United States to the "Confederate" Government. 27th. Convention adjourned sine die. ALABAMA. January 7th, 1861. Convention met. 8th. Received and heard the Commis- sioner from South Carolina. 11th. Ordinance of Secession passed in secret session — yeas 61, nays 39. Proposi- tion to submit ordinance to the people lost — yeas 47, nays 53. 14th. Legislature met pursuant to pre- vious action. 19th. Delegates elected to the Southern Congress. 21st. Representatives and Senators in Congress withdrew. 26th. Commissioners appointed to treat with the United States Government relative to the United States forts, arsenals, etc., within the State. The Convention requested the people of the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, 90 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky and Mis- souri to meet the people of Alabama by their delegates in Convention, February 4th, 1861, at Montgomery, for the purpose of consulting as to the most effectual mode of securing concerted or harmonious action in whatever measures may be deemed most desirable for their common peace and security. Military bill passed. Commis- sioners appointed to other Slaveholdiug States. • March 4th. Convention re-a.ssembled. 13th. Ratified "Confederate" Constitu- tion, yeas 87, nays 6. Transferred control forts, of arsenals, etc., to " Confederate" Government. ARKANSAS. January 16th, 18G1. Legislature passed Convention bill. Vote of the people on the Convention was 27,412 for it, and 15,- 826 against it. February 18th. Delegates elected. March 4th. Convention met. 18th. The Ordinance of Secession de- feated — yeas 35, nays 39. The convention effected a compromise by agreeing to sub- mit the question of co-operation or seces- sion to the people on the 1st Monday in August. May 6th. Passed Secession Ordinance — yeas 69, nays 1. Authorized her delegates to the Provisional Congress, to transfer the arsenal at Little Rock and hospital at Na- poleon to the " Confederate " Government. TEXAS. January 21st, 1861. Legislature met. 28th. People's State Convention met. 29th. Legislature passed a resolution de- claring that the Federal Government has no power to coerce a Sovereign State after she has pronounced her separation from the Federal Union. Fe])ruary 1st. Ordinance of Secession Sassed in Convention — ^yeas 166, nays 7. lilitary bill passed. 7th. Ordinance passed, forming the foun- dation of a Southern Confederacy. Dele- gates to the Southern Congress elected. Also an act passed su])mitting the Ordi- nance of Secession to a vote of the people. 23d. Secession Ordinance voted on by the people ; adopted by a vote of 34,794 in favor, and 11,2.'!5 ajj^aiiist it. Marcli 4th. Convention declared the State out of the Union. Gov. Houston issued a proclamation to that GiToct. 16th. Convention by a vote of 127 to 4 deposed Gov. Houston, dechiriug liis seat vacant. (Jov. Houston issued a j)rochuna- tion to tlie people protesting against tliis action of the Convention. 20th. Legislature confirmed the action of the Convention in deposing Gov. Hous- ton by a vote of 53 to 11. Transferred forts, etc., to "Confederate" Government. 2od. Ratified the " Confederate " Consti- tution — yeas 68, nays 2. NORTH CAROLINA. November 20th, 1860. Legislature met. Gov. Ellis recommended that the Legisla- ture invite a conference of the Southern States, or failing in that, send one or more delegates to the neighboring States so as to secure concert of action. He recommended a thorough reorganization of the militia, and the enrollment of all persons between 18 and 45 years, and the organization of a corps of ten thousand men ; also, a Con- vention, to assemble immediately after the proposed consultation with other Southern States shall have terminated. December 9th, Joint Committee on Fed- eral Relations agreed to report a Conven- tion Bill. 17th. Bill appropriating $300,000 to arm the State, debated. 18th. Senate passed above bill — yeas, 41, nays, 3. 20th. Commissioners from Alabama and Mississijipi received and heard — ^the latter, J. Thompson, by letter. 22d. Senate bill to arm the State failed to pass the House. , 22d. Adjourned till January 7th. January 8th, 1861. Senate Bill arming the State passed the House, yeas, 73, nays, 26. 30th. Passed Convention Bill — election to take place February 28th. No Secession Ordinance to be valid without being rati- fied by a majority of the qualified voters of the State. 31st. Elected Thos. L. Clingman United States Senator, February 13th. Commissioners from Geoi'gia publicly received. 20th. Mr. Hoke elected Adjutant Gen- eral of the State. Military Bill passed. 28th. Election of Delegates to Conven- tion took place. 28th. The vote for a Convention was 46,671; against 47,333 — majority against a Convention 661. May 1st. Extra session of the Legisla- ture met at the call of Gov. Ellis. The same day they passed a Convention Bill, ordering the election of delegates on the 15th. 2d. Legislature adjourned. 13th. Election of delegates to the Con- vention took place. 20th. Convention met at Raleigh. 21st. Ordinance of Secession passed; also the " Confederate " Constitution rati- fied. .lunc 5th. Ordinance passed, ceded the arsenal at Fayetteville, and transferred magazines, etc., to the "Confederate" Government. BOOK I.] PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 91 TENNESSEE. January 6th, 18G1. Legislature met. 12th. Passed Convention Bill. 30th. Commissionera to Washington appointed. February 8th. People voted no Conven- tion : 67,3(50 to 54,156. May 1st. Legislature passed a joint re- solution authorizing the Governor to ap- point Coniinissioners to enter into a mili- tary league with the authorities of the " Confederate " States. 7th. Legislature in secret session rati- fied the league entered into by A. 0. W. Totten, Gustavus A. Henry, Washington Barrow, Commissioners for Tennessee, and Henry W. Hilliard, Commissioner for " Confederate " States, stipulating that Tennessee until she became a member of the Confederacy placed the whole military force of the State under the control of the President of the " Confederate" States, and turned over to the " Confederate " States all the public property, lyival stores and munitions of war. Passed the Senate, yeas 14, nays 6, absent and not voting 5 ; the House, yeas 42, nays 15, absent and not voting, 18. Also a Declaration of In- dependence and Ordinance dissolving the Federal relations between Tennessee and the United States, and an ordinance adopt- ing and ratifying the Confederate Consti- tution, these two latter to be voted on by the people on June 8th were passed. June 24th. Gov. Isham G. Harris de- clared Tennessee out of the Union, the vote for Separation being 104,019 against 47,238. VIRGINIA. January 7th, 1861. Legislature con- vened. 8th. Anti-coercion resolution passed. 9th. Resolutii)n passed, asking that the status quo be maintained. 10th. The Governor transmitted a des- patch from the Mississippi Convention, an- nouncing its unconditional secession from the Union, and desiring on the basis of the old Constitution to form a new union with the seceding States. The House adopted — yeas 77, nays 61, — an amendment submit- ting to a vote of the people the question of referring for their decision any action of the Convention dissolving Virginia's con- nection with the Union, or changing its organic law. The Richmond Enquirer denounced " the emasculation of the Con- vention Bill as imperilling all that Virgin- ians held most sacred and dear." 16th. Commissioners Hopkins and Gil- mer of Alabama received in the Legisla- ture. 17th. Resolutions passed proposing the Crittenden resolutions as a basis for adjust- ment, and requesting General Government to avoid collision with Southern States. Gov. Letcher communicated the Resolu- ti(nis of the Legislature of New York, ex- j)ressiiig the utmost disdain, and saying that " the threat conveyed can inspire no terror in freemen." The resolutions were directed to be returned to the Governor of New York. 18th. $1,000,000 appropriated for the del'ence of the State. 19th. Passed resolve that if all efforts to reconcile the differences of the country fail, every consideration of honor and in- terest demands that Virginia shall unite her destinies with her sister slaveholding States. Also that no reconstruction of the Union can be permanent or satisfactory, which will not secure to each section self- protecting power against any invasion of the Federal Union upon the reserved rights of either. (See Hunter's proposition for adj ustment. ) 21st. Replied to Commissioners Hop- kins and Gilmer, expressing inability to make a definite response until after the meeting of the State Convention. 22d. The Governor transmitted the re- solutions of the Legislature of Ohio, with unfavorable comment. His message was tabled by a small majority. 30th. The House of Delegates to-day tabled the resolutions of the Pennsylvania Legislature, but referred those of Tennes- see to the Committee on Federal Relations. February 20th. The resolutions of the Legislature of Michigan were returned without comment. 28th. Ex-President Tyler and James A, Seddon, Commissioners to the Peace Con- gress, presented their report, and denounced the recommendation of that body as a de- lusion and a sham, and as an insult and an offense to the South. Proceedings of Virginia Convention. February 4th. Election of delegates to the Convention. 13th. Convention met. 14th. Credentials of John S. Preston, Commissioner from South Carolina, Fulton Anderson from Mississippi, and Henry L. Benning from Georgia, were received. 18th, Commissioners from Mississippi and Georgia heard ; both pictured the dan- ger of Virginia remaining with the North; neither contemplated such an event as re- union. 19th. The Commissioner from South Carolina was heard. He said his people believed the Union unnatural and mon- strous, and declared that there was no human force — nosanctity of human touch, — that could re-unite the people of the North with the people of the South — that it could never be done unless the economy of God were changed. 92 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. 20th. A committee reported that in all but sixteen counties, the majority for sub- mitting tlie action of the Convention to a vote of the people was 52,857. Numerous resolutions on Federal Relations intro- duced, generally expressing attachment to the Union, but denouncing coercion. 26th. Mr. Goggin of Bedford, in his speech, denied the right of secession, but admitted a revolutionary remedy for wrongs committed upon a State or section, and said wherever Virginia went he was with her. March 2d. Mr. Goode of Bedford offered a resolution that, as the powers delegated to the General Government by Virginia had been perverted to her injury, and as the Crittenden propositions as a basis of adjustment had been rejected by their Northern confederates, therefore every consideration of duty, interest, honor and patriotism requires that Virginia should de- clare her connection with the Government to be dissolved. 5th. The thanks of the State were voted to Hon. John J. Crittenden, by yeas 107, nays 16, for his efforts to bring about an honorable adjustment of the national diffi- culties. Mr. Harvie of Amelia offered a resolution, requesting Legislature to make needful appropriations to resist any attempt of the Federal authorities to hold, occupy or possess the property and places claimed by the LTnited States in any of the seceded States, or those that may withdraw or col- lect duties or imposts in the same. 9th. Three reports were made from the Committee on Federal Relations. The majority proposed to submit to the other States certain amendments to the Constitu- tion, awaiting the response of non-slave- holding States before determining whether " she will resume the powers granted by Jier under the Constitution of the United otates, and throw herself upon her reserved rights ; meanwhile insisting that no coer- cion be attempted, the Federal forts in se- ceded States be not reinforced, duties be not collected, etc.," and proposing a Con- vention at Frankfort, Kentucky, the last Monday in I\Iay, of the States of Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri and Arkansas. Henry A. Wise differed in details, and went fur- ther in the same direction. Messrs. Lewis E. Ilarvie, Robert L. Montague and Sam- uel C. Williams recommended the immedi- ate passage of an Ordinance of Secession. Mr. BarVjour of Cul])e])er insisted ui)on the imMK^diatc adoption by the non-slavehold- ing States of needed guarantees of safety, and provided for the ai)pointnient of three Commissioners to confer with the Confed- erate authorities at Montgomery. lOtli. Committee on Jvderai Relations reported pro])Osed amendments to the Constitution, which were the bubstitutc of Mr. Franklin of Pa., in "Peace Confer- ence," changed by using the expression " involuntary servitude " in place of " per- sons held to service." The right of owners of slaves is not to be imjiaired by congres- sional or territorial law, or any pre-exist- ing law in territory hereafter acquired. Involuntary servitude, excey)t for crime, to be prohibited north of 36°30', but shall not be prohibited by Congress or any Ter- ritorial legislature south of that line. The third section has some verbal alterations, providing somewhat better security for property in transit. The fifth section pro- hibits the importation of slaves from places beyond the limits of the United States. The sixth makes some verbal changes in relation to remuneration for fugitives by Congress, and erases the clause relative to the securing of privileges and immunities. The seventh forbids the granting of the elective franchise and right to hold office to persons of the African race. The eighth provides that none of these amendments, nor the thii'd paragraph of the second sec- tion of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of the second sec- tion of the fourth article thereof, shall be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States. 25th. The Committee of the Whole re- fused (yeas 4, nays 116) to strike out the majority report and insert Mr. Carlile's " Peace Conference" substitute. 26th. The Constitution of the " Confede- rate" States, proposed by Mr. Hall as a sub- stitute for the report of the committee, re- jected — yeas 9, nays 78. 28th. The first and second resolutions reported by the committee adopted. April 6th. The ninth resolution of the majority report came up. Mr. Bouldin offered an amendment striking out the whole, and inserting a substitute declaring that the independence of the seceded States should be acknowledged without delay, which was lost — yeas 68, nays 71. 9th. ]Mr. Wise's substitute for the tenth resolution, to the cfi'ect that Virginia re- cognizes tlae independence of the seceding States was adopted — yeas 128, nays 20. April 17. Ordinance of Secession passed in secret session — yeas 88, nays 55, one excused, and eight not voting. Same day the Commissioners adopted and ratified the Constitution of the Provi- sional Government of the " Confederate" States of America, this ordinance to cease to have legal efiect if the people of Vir- ginia voting upon the Ordinance of Seces- sion should rpject it. 25th. A Convention was made between Commissioners of Virginia, chosen by the (convention, and A. II. Stephens, Commis- sioner for " Confed(Tates," stijmlating that Virginia until she became a member of the Confederacy should place her military BOOK I.] PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 9a force under the direction of the President of the "Confederate" States; also turn over to " Confederate " States all her pub- lic property, naval stores, and munitions of war. Signed by J. Tyler, W. IJ. Preston, S. McD. Moore, James P. Holcombe, Jas. C Bruce, Lewis E. Harvie — for Virginia ; and A. H. Stephens for " Confederate " States. June 25th. Secession vote announced as 128,884 for, and 82,lo4 against. July. Tlie Convention passed an ordi- nance to the effect that any citizen of Vir- ginia holding office under the Government of the United States after the 31st of July, 18(51, should be forever banishcil from the State, and be declared an alien enemy. Also that any citizen of Virginia, hereafter undertaking to represent the State of Vir- ginia in the Congress of the United States, should, in addition to the above penalties, be considered guilty of treason, and his property be liable to confiscation. A pro- vision was inserted exempting from the penalties of the act all officers oftheUnited States outside of the United States, or of the Confederate States, until after July Ist, 1862. KEXTUCKY. December 12th, 1860. Indiana militia offer their services to quell servile insur- rection. Gov. Magoffin declines accepting them. January 17th, 1861. Legislature con- vened. 22d. The House by a vote of 87 to 6 re- solved to resist the invasion of the South at all hazards. 27th. Legislature adopted the Virginia resolutions requiring the Federal Govern- ment to protect Slavery in the Territories and to guarantee the right of transit of slaves through the Free States. February 2d. The Senate passed by a vote of 25 to 11, resolutions appealing to the Southern States to stop the revolution, protesting against Federal coercion and providing that the Legislature reassemble on the 24th of April to hear the responses from sister States, also in favor of making an application to call a National Conven- tion for proposing amendments to the Con- stitution of the United States, also by a vote of 25 to 14 declared it inexpedient at this time to call a State Convention. 5th. The House by a vote of 54 to 40 passed the above resolutions. March 22d. State Rights Convention as- sembled. Adopted resolutions denouncing any attempt on the part of the Govern- ment to collect revenue as coercion ; and affirming that, in case of any such attempt, the border States should make common cause with the Southern Confederacy. They also recommended a border State Convention. April 24th, Gov. Magoffin called an extra session of the Legislature. May 20th. Gov. Magoffin issued a neu- trality proclamation. Sej)tember 11th. The House of Repre- sentatives by a vote of 71 to 26, adopted a resolution directing the Governor to issue a proclamation ordering the Confederate troops to evacuate Kentucky soil. The Governor vetoed the resolution, which was afterwards passed over his veto, and accordingly he issued the required procla- mation. October 20th. Southern Conference met at Russellville. H. C. Burnett elected Chairman, R. McKee Secretary, T. S. Bryan Assistant Secretary. Remained in secret session two days and tht^n adjourned sine die. A series of resolutions reported by G. W. Johnson were adopted. They recite the unconstitutional and oppressive acts of the Legislature, proclaim revolu- tion, provide for a Sovereignty Convention at Russellville, on the 18th of November, recomniend the organization of county guards, to be placed in the service of and l)aid by the Confederate States Govern- ment; pledge resistance to all Federal and State taxes, for the prosecution of the war on the part of the United States ; and ap- point Robert McKee, John C. Breckin- ridge, Humphrey IMarshall, Geo. W. Ew- ing, H. W. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge, William Preston, Geo. W. Johnson, Blanton Dun- can, and P. B. Thompson to carry out the resolutions. November 18th. Convention met and remained in session three days. 20th. It passed a Declaration of Inde- pendence and an Ordinance of Secession. A Provisional Government consisting of a Governor, Legislative Council of ten, a Treasurer, and an Auditor were agreed upon. Geo. W. Johnson was chosen Gov- ernor. Legislative Cf)uncil were : Willis 15. Machen, John W. Crockett, James P. Bates, Jas. S. Chrisman, Phil. B. Thomp- son, J. P. Burnside, H. W. Bruce, J. W. Moore, E. M. Bruce, Geo. B. Hodge. MARYLAND, Nov. 27th, 1860. Gov. Hicks declined to call a special session of the Legislature, in response to a request for such convening from Thomas G. Pratt, Sprigg Harwood, J. S. Franklin, N. II. Green, Llewellyn Boyle, and J. Pinkney, December lOth. Gov. Hicks replied to A. H. Handy, Commissioner from Missis- sippi, declining to accept the programme of Secession. 20th. Wm. H. Collins, E^q., of Balti- more, issued an address to the people, in favor of the Union, and in ]March a set-ond address. 31st. The "Clipper" denied the exist- ence of an organization in Maryland to \ 94 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, prevent the inauguration of President Lin- coln. A. H. Handy of Mississippi addressed citizens of Baltimore in favor of disunion. January 3d, 1861. Henry Winter Davis issued an address in favor of the Union. 3d. Numerous Union meetings in vari- ous part of the State. Gov. Hicks issued an address to the people against seces- sion. 11th. John C. Legrand in a letter to Hon. Eeverdy Johnson replied to the Union speech of the latter. 14th. James Carroll, former Democratic candidate for Governor, announced his de- sire to go with the seceding States. 16th. Wm. A. Spencer, in a letter to Walter S. Cox, Esq., declared against the right of Secession but for a Convention. 16. Marshal Kane, in a letter to Mayor Berrett, denied that any organization ex- ists to prevent the inauguration of Presi- dent Lincoln, and said that the President elect would need no armed escort in pass- ing through or sojourning within the limits of Baltimore and Maryland. 24th. Coleman Yellott declared for a Convention. 30th. ]\Ie?srs. John B. Brooke, President of the Senate, and E. G. Kilbourn, Speaker of the House of Delegates, asked the Gov- ernor to convene the Legislature in re- sponse to juiblic meetings. Senator Ken- nedy published his opinion that Mary- land must go with Virginia. February IStli. State Conference Con- vention held, and insisted upon a meeting of the Legislature. At a meeting in How- ard Co., which Speaker E. G. Kilbourn addressed, a resolution was adopted that "immediate steps ought to be taken for the establishment of a Southern Confed- eracy, by consultation and co-operation with such other Southern and Slave States as may be ready therefor." April 21st. Gov. Hicks wrote to Gen. Butler, advising that he do not land his troops at Annapolis. Butler replied that he intended to land there and march thence to Washington. Gov. Hicks pro- tested against this and also against his having taken forcible possession of the Annapolis and Elkridge railroad, 24th. A si)ecial election of ten delegates to the Legislature took place at Baltimore. The total vote cast in all the wards was 9,249. The total vote cast at the Presi- dential election in November, 1860, was 30,148. 26th. Legislature reassembled at Fred- erick, Annapolis being occupied by Union troops. 29th. Gov. Hicks sent a message to the Legislature communicating to them the correspondr'ncc between himself and Gen. Butler and the Secretary of War relative to the landing of troops at Annapolis. The House of Delegates voted against Secession, 53 to 13. Senate unanimously. May 2d. The Committee on Federal Re- lations, "in view of the seizure of the railroads by the General Government and the erection of fortifications," presented resolutions appointing Commissioners to the President to ascertain whether any be- coming arrangements with the General Government are practicable, for the main- tenance of the peace and honor of the State and the security of its inhabitants. The report was adopted, and Otho Scott, Robt. M. McLane, and Wm. J. Ross were appointed such Commissioners. Mr. Yellott in the Senate introduced a bill to appoint a Board of Public Safety, The powers given to the Board included the expenditure of the two millions of dol- lars proposed by Mr. Bnine for the defence of the State, and the entire control of the military, including the removal and ap- pointment of commissioned officers. It was ordered to a second reading by a vote of 14 to 8. The Board was to consist of Ezekiel F. Chambers, Enoch Louis Lowe, John V. L. MacMahon, Thomas G. Pratt, Walter Mitchell, and Thomas Winans, Gov. Hicks wits made ex-ojficio a member of the Board. This measure was strongly pressed by the Disunionists for a long time, but they were finally compelled to give way, and the bill never passed. 6th. The Commissioners reported the result of their interview with the Presi- dent, and expressed the opinion that some modification of the course of the General Government towards Maryland ought to be expected. 10th. The House of Delegates passed a series of resolutions reported by the Com- mittee on Federal Relations by a vote of 43 to 12. The resolutions declare that IMaryland protests against the war, and does earnestly beseech and implore the President of the United States to make peace with the " Confederate " States ; also, that " the State of Maryland desires the peaceful and immediate recogition of the independence of the Confederate States." Those who voted in the negative are Messrs. Meddcrs, Lawson, Keene, Routzahn, Naill, Wilson of Harford, Bay- less, McCoy, Fiery, Stake, McCleary, and Gorsuch. 13th. Both Houses adopted a resolution providing for a committee of eight mem- bers, (four from each House) to visit the President of the United States and the President of the Southern Confederacy, The committee to visit President Davis were instructed to convey the assurance that Maryland symjiathizcs with the Con- federate States, and that the people of Maryland are enlisted with their whole hearts on the side of reconciliation and , peace. BOOK I.] PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 95 June nth. Messrs. McKaig, Yellottand Harding, Comniissioncrd to visit President Davis, presented their report ; accompany- ing which is a letter Ironi Jciierson Davis, expressing his gratification to hear that the State of Maryland was in synii)athy with themselves, was enlisted on the aide of peace and reconciliation, and avowing his perfect willingness lor a cessation of hostilities, and a readiness to receive any proposition for jjeace from the United States (Tovernment. 20th. TIk' Ilouseof Delegates, and June 22(1, the Senate adopted resolutions un- qualifiedly protesting against the arrest of Koss Winans and sundry other citizens of Maryland, as an "oppressive and tyran- nical assertion and exercise of military jurisdiction within the limits of Maryland, over the persons and property of her citi- zens, by the Government of the United States." MISSOURI. January 1.5th, 1861. Senate passed Con- vention Bill — yeas 31, nays 2. Passed House also. February 28th. Convention met ; motion to go into secret session, defeated. A reso- hition requiring' members to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and the State of Missouri, was lost — G5 against 80. March 4. Resolution passed, 64 yeas, 35 nays, appointing committee to notify Mr. Glenn, Commissioner of Georgia, that the Convention was ready to hear any com- munication from his State. Mr. Glenn was introduced, read Georgia's articles of se- cession, and made a siieech urging Mis- souri to join her. 5th. Resolutions were read, ordering that the protest of St. Louis against co- ercion be reduced to writing, and a copy sent to the President of the United States; also, resolutions were adopted informing the Commissioner from Georgia that ]\fissouri dissented from the position taken by that State, and refused to share the honors of secession with her. 6th. Resolutions were offered by several members and referred, calling a Conven- tion of the Southern States which have not seceded, to meet at Nashville, April 15th, providing for such amendments to the Constitution of the United States as shall secure to all the States equal rights in the Union, and declaring strongly against secession. 9th. The Committee on Federal Rela- tions reported a series of resolutions, set- ting forth that at present there is no ade- quate ciuise to impel ^lissouri to leave the Union, but that on the contrary she will labor for such an adjustment of existing troubles as will secure peace and the rights and equality of all the States ; that the people of iVIissouri regard the amendments to tne Constitution proposed by Mr. Crit- tenden, with their extension to territoiy hereafter to be required, a basis of adjust- ment which would forever remove all diffi- culties; and that it is expedient for the Legislature to c:dl a Convention for pro- posing amendments to the Constitution. The Senate passed resol'itioiis that their Senators be instructed, and their Repre- sentatives requesteil, to oppose the pas- sage of all acts granting su|>plies of men and money to coerce the seceding States into sul)mission or subjugation; and that, should such acts be passed by Congress, their Senators be instructed, and their Re- ])resentatives requested, to retire Irora the halls of Congress. 16th. An amendment of the fifth resolu- tion of the majority report of the Com- mittee on Federal Relations, asserting that Missouri would never countenance nor aid a seceding State in making war upon the General Government, nor provide men and money for the purpose of aiding the General Government to coerce a seceding State, was voted down. 27th. The following resolution was passed by a vote in the House of 62 against 42 :— Resolved, That it is inexpedient for the General Assembly to take any steps for calling a National Convention to propose amendments to the Constitution, as recom- mended by the State Convention. July 22d. The Convention reassembled. 23d. Resolution passed, by a vote of 65 to 21, declaring the office of President, held by General Sterling Price at the last session of the Convention, vacant. A committee of seven were appointed to re- port what action they deem it advisable to take in the dislocated condition of the State. 25th. The committee presented their re- port. It alludes at length to the present unparalleled condition of things, the reck- less course of the recent Government, and flight of the Governor and other State officers from the capitol. It declares the offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary of State vacant, and pro- vides that their vacancies shall be filled by the Convention, the ollicers so appointed to hold their positions till August, 1862, at which time it provides for a special elec- tion by the peojjle. It repeals the ninth section of the sixth article of the Consti- tution, and provides that the Supreme Court of the State shall consist of seven members ; and that four members, in ad- dition to the three now comprising the Court, shall be appointed by the Governor chosen bv this Convention to hold ofHce till 1862," when the people shall decide whether the change shall be ])ermanent. It abolishes the State Legislature, and or- 96 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I. dains that in case, before the 1st of August, 1862, the Governor chosen by this Con- vention shall consider the public exigen- cies demand, he shall order a special elec- tion for the members of the State Legisla- ture. It recommends the passage of an ordinance repealing the following bills, pa-ssed by the Legislature in secret session, in May last: The military fund bill, the bill to suspend the distribution of the school fund, and the bill for cultivating friendly relations -with the Indian tribes. It repeals the bill authorizing the appoint- ment of one major-general of the Missouri militia, and revives the militia lavi' of 1859. A resolution was passed that a commit- tee of seven be appointed by the President to prepare an address to the people of the State of Missouri. November 26th. Jefferson Davis trans- mitted to the " Confederate " Congress a message concerning the secession of Mis- souri. It was accompanied by a letter from Governor Jackson, and also by an act dissolving the union with the United States, and an act ratifying the Constitu- tion of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States ; also, the Convention between the Commissioners of Missouri and the Commissioners of the Confederate States. Congress unanimously ratified the Convention entered into between the Hon. R. M. T. Hunter for the rebel Government and the Commissioners for Missouri. Inter-State Commissioners. The seceding States, as part of their plan of operation, a])pointcd Commissioners to visit other slaveholding States. They were as follows, as announced in the news- papers : South Carolina. To Alabama, A. P. Calhoun. To GeorLna, James Iv. Orr, Ex-M. C. To Florida, L. W. Spratt. To Mississippi, M. L. Honham, Ex-M. C. To Louisiana, J. L. Manning. To Arkansas, A. ('. Spain. To Texa,s, .J. B. Kershaw. To Virginia, John S. Preston. Alabama. To North Carolina, Isham W. Garrett. To Mississij)pi, E. W. I'ettus. To South Carolina, J. A. Elmore. To Maryland. A. V. Hopkins. To Virginia, Frank (iihner. To Tennessee, L. IVtyie Walker. To Kentucky, Stephen F. Hale. To Arkansas, John Anthony Winston. Gcorr/ia. To Missouri, Lutlier J. Glenn. To Virginia, Henry L. Benning. Mississippi. To South Carolina, C. E. Hooker. To Alabama, Jos. W. Matthews, Ex-GoT. To Georgia, "William L. Harris. To Louisiana, Wirt Adams. To Texas, H. H. Miller. To Arkansas, George R. Fall. To Florida, E. M. Yerger. To Tennessee, T. J. Wharton, Att'y-Gen. To Kentucky,W. S. Featherstone, Ex-M. C. To North Carolina, Jacob Thompson, Ex- M. C. To Virginia, Fulton Anderson. To Maryland, A. H. Handy, Judge. To Delaware, Henry Dickinson. To Missouri, Eussell. Soutliem Congress. This body, composed of Deputies elected by the Conventions of the Seceding States, met at Montgomery, Alabama, February 4th, 1861, to organize a Southern Confed- eracy. Each State had a representation equal to the number of members of the Thirty-sixth Congress. The members were : South Carolina. Robert W. Barnwell, Ex-U. S. Senator. R. Barnwell Rhett, " " " James Chestnut, jr., " " " Lawrence M. Keitt, Ex-M. C. William W. Boyce, " " Wn. Porcher Miles, " " C. G. Memminger. Thomas J Withers. Alabama, W. P. Chilton. Stephen F. Hale. David P. Lewis. Thomas Fearn, Richard W. Walker. Robert H. Smith. Colin J. McRae. John Gill Shorter. J. L. M. Curry, Ex-M. C. Florida. J. Patten Anderson, Ex-Delegate from Washington Territory. Jackson Llorton, Ex-U. S. Senator. James Powers, Mississippi. W. S. Wilson. Wiley P. Harris, Ex-M. C. James T. Harrison. ^Va]ter Brooke, Ex-U. S. Senator. William S. Barry, Ex-M. C. A. M. Clayton. Georgia. Pobert Toombs, Ex-lJ. S. Senator. Howell Cobb, Ex-M. C. Martin . I. (Crawford, " Augustus R Wright, " " i BOOK I.] PREPARING FOR SECESSION. 97 Augustus H. Keenan. Benjamin H. Hill. Francis S. Bartow. E. A. Nisbet. Thomaa R. R. Cobb. Alexander H. Stei^hens, Ex-M. 0. Louisiana. Duncan F. Kenner. Charles M. Conrad, Ex-U. S. Senator. Henry Marshall. John Perkins, jr. G. E. Sparrow. E. De Clouet. Texas. (Admitted March 2d, 1861.) Louis T. Wigfall, Ex-U. S. Senator. John Hemphill, " " " John H. Reagan, Ex-M. C. T. N. Waul. John Greffg. W. S. Oldham. W. B. Ochiltree. Proceedings of tlie Soutliem Congf ess. February 4th, 1861. Howell Cobb of Georgia elected President, Johnson J. Hooper of Alabama, Secretary. Mr. Cobb announced that secession " is now a fixed and irrevocable fact, and the separation is perfect, complete and perpetual." Gth. David L. Swain, M. W. Ransom, and John L. Bridgers, were admitted as Commissioners from North Carolina, un- der resolutions of the General Assembly of that State, passed January 29th, 1861, " to effect an honorable and amicable adjust- ment of all the difficulties that disturb the country, upon the basis of the Critten- den resolutions, as modified by the Legis- lature of Virginia," and to consult with the delegates to the Southern Congress for their " common peace, honor and safety." 7th. Congress notified that the State of Alabama had placed $500,000 at its dispo- sal, as a loan to the provisional government of the Confederacy of Seceding States. 8th. The Constitution of the Provisional Government adopted. * ♦The Provisional Constitution adopted bj' the Seceded States differs from the Constitution of the United Statts in several important particulars. The alterations and additions are as follows : ALTERATIONS. Ist. The Provisional Constitution differs from the other In this : That the legislative powers of thi' Provisional Government are vested in the Congress now assemhled. and this body exercises all the functions that are exer- cised by either or both branches of the United States Government. 2d. The Provisional President holds his office for one year, unless sooner superseded by the establishment of a permanent Government. 3d. Kach State is erected into a distinct judicial dis- trict, the judge having all the powers heretofore vested in the district and circviit courts ; and the several district judges) together compose the supreme bench — a miyority of them constituting a quorum. 7 9th. JefTcrson Davis, of Mississippi, elected Provisional President of the CVm- federate States of America, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. The question of attacking Fort Sumter haa been referred to the Congress. 11th. Mr. Stephens announced his ac- ceptance. Committee aj)pointed to prepare a permanent Constitution. 12lh. The Congress assumed "charge of all (juestions and dilficulties now exist- ing between the sovereign States of this Confederacy and the Government of the United States, relating to the occupation oi forts, arsenals, navy yards, custom-houses, and all other public establishments." The resolution was directed to be communicated to the Governors of the respective States of the Confederacy. 15th. Ofl[icial copy of the Texas Ordi- nance of Secession presented. 16th. President Davis arrived and re- ceived with salute, etc. 18th. President Davis inaugurated. 19th. Tariff law passed. 21st. Robert Toombs appointed Secre- tary of the State ; C. G. Memminger, Secre- tary of the Treasury ; L. Pope Walker, of 4th. Whenever the word " Union " occurs in the United States Constitution the word " Confederacy " ia substituted. THE FOLLOWINa ABE THE ADDITIONS. 1st. The President may veto any separate appropriation without vetoing the whole bill in which it is con- tained. 2d. The African slave-trade is prohibited. 3d. Congress is empowered to prohibit the introduction" of slaves from any State not a member of this Confed- eracy. 4th. All appropriatiorre must be upon the demand of the I'resident or heads of departments. OMISSIONS. 1st, There is no prohibition on members of Congresa holding other offices of honor and emolument under the- Provisional Government. 2d. There is no provision for a neutral spot for tlie location of a scat of government, or for sites for forts, ar- senals, and diick-yards; consequently there is no reference- made to the territorial powers of the Provisional Govern- ment. .3d. The section in the old Constitution in reference to- capitation and other direct tax is omitted ; also, the sec- tion providing that no tax or duty shall bo laid on any exports. 4th. The prohibition on States keeping troops or ships of war in time of peace is omitted 5th. The Constitution being provisional merely, no- provision is made for its ratification. AMENDMENTS. 1st. The fugitive slave clause of the old Constitution iS' so amended as to contain the word "slave," and to pro- vide for full compensation in cases of abduction of forci- ble rescue on the part of the State in which such abduc- tion or rescue may take place. 2d. Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, may at any time- alter or amend the Constitution. TEMPORARY PROVISIONS. 1st. The Provisional Government is required to take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters bi-tween the States forming it and their other late confeilerates of the United Sjates in relation to the public property and the public debt. 2d. Montgomery is made the temporary seat of govern- ment. 3d. This Constitution is to continue one year, nnlees altered by a two thii-da vote or superseded by a perma- nent Government. 98 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Alabama, Secretary of "War ; Stephen R. Mallory, Secretary of the Xa^y ; Judah P. Benjamin, Attorney-General, and John H. Reagan, Postmaster-General ; Philij) Clay- ton, of Georgia appointed Assistant Secre- tary of the Treasury, and Wm. M. Browne, late of the Washington Constitution, Assistant Secretary of State. March 2d. The Texas Deputies re- ceived. Tlie Coiifeclerate States. The Confederate States was the name of the government formed in 1861 by the seven States which first seceded. Bellige- rent rights were accorded to it by the lead- ing naval powers, but it was never recog- nized as a government, notwithstanding the i>ersevering etlbrts of its agents near the principal courts. This result was mainly dtie to the diplomacy of the federal Sec- retary' of State, Wm H. Seward, to the proclamations of emancipation in 1862-3, which secured the sympathy of the best elements of Great Britain and France for the federal government, and the obstinate persistence of the federal government in avoiding, as far as possible, any recognition of the existence, even de facto, of a con- federate government. The federal generals in the field, in their communications with confederate officers, did not hesitate, upon occasion, even to give " president " Davis his official title, but no such embarrassing precedent was ever admitted by the civil government of the United States. It at first endeavored, until checked by active preparations for retaliation, to treat the crews of confederate privateers as pirates ; it avoided any official communication with the confederate government, even when compelled to exchange prisoners, confining its negotiations to the confederate commis- sioners of exchange ; and, by its persistent policy in this direction, it succeeded, with- out any formal declaration, in iniiiressing upon foreign governments the belief that any recognition of the confederate States as a separate people would be actively re- sented by the government of the United States as an act (jf excessive unfriendliness. The federal courts have steadily hoM the same ground, that " the confederate states was an unlawful assemblage, witliout cor- porate jjower ; " and that, though the separate States were still in existence and were indestructible, their state govern- ments, while they chose to act as part of the confederate States, did not exist, even de farlo. Early in .January, ISOl, while only South Carolina had actually seceded, though other Southern Slates had called conventions to consider the fjuestion, the Senators of the seven States fartJicst South practically assumed control of the whole movement, and their energy and unswer- I ving singleness of purpose, aided by the telegraph, secured a rapidity of execution to which no other very extensive conspi- racy of history can afibrd a parallel. The ordinance of secession was a negative in- strument, purporting to withdraw the state from the Union and to deny the authority of the federal government over the people of the State ; the cardinal object of the senatorial group w'as to hurry the forma- mation of a new national government, as an organized political reality which would rally the outright secessionists, claim the allegiilnce of the doubtful mass, and coerce ■^ those who still remained recalcitrant. At the head of the senatorial group, and of its executive committee, was Jefferson Davis, Senator from Mississippi, and natu- rally the first official step toward the for- mation of a new government came from the Mississippi Legislature, where a com- mittee reported, January 19th, 1861, reso- lutions in favor of a congress of delegates from the seceding States to provide for a southern confederacy, and to establish a provisional government, therefore. ,The other seceding States at once accepted the proposal, through their State conventions, which also appointed the delegates on the ground that the people had intrusted the State conventions with unlimited pow- ers. The new government therefore began its exif^tence without any popular ratio of representation, and with only such popular ratification as popular acquiescence gave. The provisional congress met Feb. 4th, at Montgomery, Ala., with delegates from South' Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisi- ana, Florida and Mississippi. The Texas delegates were not appointed until Feb. 14tli; Feb, 8th, a provisional constitution was adoj)ted, being the constitution of the United States, with some changes. Feb. 9th, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was unanimously chosen provisional president, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, provisional vice-president, each State hav- ing one vote, as in all other proceedings of the body. By acts of Feb. 9th and 12th, the laws and revenue officers of the United States Avere continued in the confederate States until changed. Feb. 18th, the president and vice-jiresident were inaugu- rated. Feb. 20th-26th, executive depart- ments and a confederate regular army were organized, and provision was made for borrowing money. March 11th, the per- manent constitution was adopted by Congress. Tiic Internal legislation of the provi - sional congress was, at first, mainly the adaptation of the civil sennce in the South- ern States to the uses of the new govern- ment. Wherever possible, judges, post- masters, and civil as well as military and naval officers, who had resigned from the service of the United States, were given BOOK I.] BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 99 an equal or higher rank in the confederate service. Postmasters were directe'd to make their final accounting to tlie United States, May 31st, thereafter accoiniting to the Con- federate States. Aoril 2'Jth, the provi- sional congress, which liad adjourned March 16th, re-assem])led at Montgomery, having been convoked by President Davis in con- sequence of President Lincoln's prepa- rations to enforce federal authority in the South. Davis' message announced that all the seceding States had ratified the permanent constitution ; that Virginia, which had not yet seceded and entered in- to alliance with the confederacy, and that other States, were expected to follow the same plan. He concluded by declaring that " all we ask is to be let alone." May Gth, an act was passed recognizing the ex- istence of war with the United States. Congress adjourned May 22d, re-convened at Richmond, Va., July 20th, and ad- journeil August 22d, until November 18th. Its legislation had been mainly military and financial. Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, had passed ordi- nances of secession, and been admitted to tlie confederacy. (See the States named, and secession.) Although Missouri and Kentucky had not seceded, delegates from these States were admitted in December 1S61. Nov. 6, 1861, at an election under the permanent constitution, Davis and Stephens were again chosen to their re- spective offices by a unanimous electoral vote. Feb. 18th, 1862, the provisional con- gress (of one house) gave way to the per- manent congress, and Davis and Stephens were inaugurated February 22nd. The cabinet, with the successive Secretaries of each department, was as follows, including both the provisional and permanent cabi- nets : State Department. — Robert Toombs, Georiria, February 21st, 1861 ; R. M. T. Hunter, Virginia, July 30th, 1861 ; Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana, February 7th, 1862. Treasury Department. — Charles G. Mem- minger, South Carolina, February 21st, 1861, and March 22d, 1862; James L. Trenholm, South Carolina, June 13th, 1864. War Department. — L. Pope Walker, Mississippi, February 21st, 1861 ; Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana, November 10th, 1861 ; .Tames A. Seddon, Virginia, March 22d, 1862; John C. Breckinridge, Ken- tucky, February 15th, 1865. Nary Department. — Stephen R. Mallorv, Florida, March 4th, 1861, and March 22d. Attorney General. — Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana, February 21st, 1861 ; Thomas H. Watts, Alabama^ September 10th. 1861, and March 22nd, 1862; George Davis, North Carolina,"November 10th, 1863. Postmaster- General. — Henry J. Elliot, Mississippi, February 21st, 1865 ; John H. Reagan, Texas, March 6th, 1861, and March 22d, 1862. The provisional Congress held four ses- sions, as follows: 1. Fcbruarv 4-March 16lh, 1861 ; 2. April 2!)-May22d, 1861 ; 3. July 20-August 22d, 1861 ; and 4. Novem- ber 18th, 1861-February 17tli, 1862. Under the permanent Constitution there were two Congresses. The first Congress held four sessions, as follows: 1. Fcbru- arv 18-April 21st, 18(52; 2. August 12- October 13th, 1862; 3. Januarv 12-May 8tli 1868; and 4. December 7, i863-Feb- runry 18th, 1864. The second Congress held two sessions, as follows : 1. May 2- June loth, 1864 ; and 2. From November 7th, 1864, until the hasty and final ad- journment, March 18th, 1865. In the first Congress members chosen by rump State conventions, or by regiments in the confederate service, sat for districts in Missouri and Kentucky, though these States had never seceded. There were thus thirteen States in all represented at the close of the first Congress ; but, as the area of the Confederacy narrowed before the advance of the Federal armies, the va- cancies in the second Congress became significantly more numerous. At its best estate the Confederate Senate numbered 26, and the house 106, as follows : Ala- bama, 9 ; Arkansas, 4 ; Florida, 2 ; Geor- gia, 10 ; Kentucky, 12 ; Louisiana, 6 ; Mis- sissippi, 1 ; Missouri, 7 ; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 6; Tennessee, 11; Texas, 6 ; Virginia, 16. In both Con- gresses Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia, was Speaker of the House.* For four months between the Presiden- tial election and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln those favoring secession in the vSouth had practical control of their sec- tion, for while President Buchanan hesi- tated as to his constitutional powers, the more active partisans in his Cabinet were aiding their Southern friends in every practical way. In answer to the visit- ing Commissioners from South Carolina, Messrs. R. W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams and Jas. L. Orr, who formally submitted that State's ordinance of secession, and de- manded possession of the forts in Charles- ton harbor, Buchanan said : — " In answer to this communication, I have to say that my position as President of the United States was clearly defined in the message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that ' apart from the exe- cution of the laws, so far as this nniy be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations be- tween the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to * From T,ali>r's Rici/rlnpa-din of PoUHcal Science, pub- lished by Baud i McNalli', Chicago, 111. 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissolu- tion of the Confederacy among our thirty- three sovereign States'. It bears no re- semblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto Government, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in \ all its bearings.' "Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as private gentle- men of the highest character, and was en- tirely willing to communicate to Congress any 'proposition you might have to make to 'that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inau- guration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forte in the harbor of Charleston." Further correspondence followed between the President and other seceding State Com- missioners, and the attitude of the former led to the following changes in his Cabi- net: December 12th, 1860, Lewis Cass resigned as Secretary of State, because the President declined to reinforce the forts in Charleston harbor. December 17th, Jere- miah S. Black was appointed his suc- cessor. December 10th, Howell Cobb, resigned as Secretary of the Treasurj' — " his duty to Georgia requiring it." December 12th, Philip F. Thomas was appointed his suc- cessor, and resigned, January 11th, 1861, because differing from the President and a majority of the Cabinet, "in the measures which have been adopted in reference to the recent condition of things in South Carolina," especially "touching the au- thority, under existing laws, to enforce the collection of the customs at the port of Charleston." January 11th, 1861, John A. Dix appointed his successor. 29th, John B. Floyd resigned as Secre- tary of War, because, after the transfer of Major Anderson's command from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, the President de- clined " to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston altogether." December 31st, JosepIi Holt, Postmas- ter-General, was entrusted with the tem- porary charge of the War Department, and January 18th, 1861, was appointed Secre- tary of War. January 8th, 1801, Jacob Thompson resigned sis Secretary of the Interior, be- cause "additional troops, he had heard, liave been ordered to Charleston" in the Star of the West. December 17th, 1860, Jeremiah S. Black resigned as Attorney-General, and Edwix M. Stanton, December 20th, was appointed his successor. January 18th, 1861, Joseph Holt re- signed as Postmaster-General, and Ho- ratio King, February 12th, 1801, was ap- pointed his successor. President Buchanan, in his annual mes- sage of December 3d, 1860, appealed to Congress to institute an amendment to the constitution recognizing the rights of the Southern States in regard to slaver.' in the territories, and as this document embraced the views which subsequently led to such a general discussion of the right of seces- sion and the right to coerce a State, we make a liberal quotation from it : — " I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, because it has been claimed within the last few years that any State, whenever this shall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the L^nion in accordance with the Constitution, and without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other mem- bers of the Confederacy. That as each be- came parties to the Union by the vote of its own people assembled in convention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a convention. " In order to justif\' secession as a con- stitutional remedy, it must be on the prin- ciple that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary assciciation of States, to be dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy is a rope of sand, to be pene- trated and dissolved by the first adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States. In this manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into as many petty, jarring, and hostile republics, each one re- tiring from the L'nion without responsi- bility whenever any sudden excitement might impel them to such a course. By this process a L^nion might be entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our forefathers many years of toil, privation, and blood to establish. " Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the character of the Federal Constitution. Afler it was framed with the greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted to conventions of the people of the several States for ratifi- cation. Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies, composed of the Jfa first men of the country. Its opponents f contended that it conferred powers upon the Federal Government dangerous to the rights of the States, whilst its advocates maintained that, under a fair construction of the instrument, there was no foumlation for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellccLs of this BOOK I.] BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 101 or any other country, it never occurred to any individual, either amonj!j its opponents or advocates, to assert or even to intimate tliat their efforts were all vain labor, be- cause the moment that any State I'elt lier- self ajj^grieved she might secede from the Union. What a erushing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be en- dangered by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was not until some years after the origin of the Federal Government that such a proposition was first advanced. It was afterwards met and refuted by the conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who, in his message of the Kith of January, IS.S;}, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following language : ' The right of the peo- ple of a single State to absolve themselves at will and without the consent of the other States from their most solemn obli- gations, and hazard the liberty and happi- ness of the millions composing this Union, cannot be acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to the principles upon which the General Government is constituted, and to the ob- jects which it was expressly formed to attain.' " It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory. It is altogether founded upon inference, not from any language con- tained in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States by which it was ratified. But it is beyond the i)ower of a State like an indi- vidual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the remaincier? In the language of Mr. Madison, who has been called the fiither of the Constitution, ' It was formed by the States — that is, by tlie people in each of the States acting in their nighest sovereign capacity, and formed con- sequently by the same authority which formed the State constitutions.' ' Nor is the Government of the United States, created by the Constitution, less a Govern- ment, in the strict sense of the term with- in the sjjhere of its powers, than the gov- ernments created by the constitutions of the States are within their several spheres. It is like them organized into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things; and, like them, it has at com- mand a physical force for executing the powers committed to it.' " It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be aniuilled at the pleasure of any one of the contracting parties. The old Articles of Confederation were entitled 'Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States ; ' and by the thirteenth article it is expressly declared that ' the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual.' The preamble to the constitution of the United States, liaving express reference to the Articles of Confederation, recites that it was established 'in order to form a more j)erfect union.' And yet it is contended that this ' more perfect union ' does not in- clude the esssential attribute of perpe- tuity. " But that the Union wa.s designed to be perpetual, appears conclusively from the nature and extent of the powers con- ferred by the Constitution of the Federal Government. These powers end)race the very highest attributes of national sov- ereignty. They place both the sword and purse under its control. Congress haa jjower to make war and to make peace; to raise and support armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign govern- ments. It is invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry the enumerated ])0wer8 into effect. Congress possesses the exclusive right to lay and collect duties on imports, and, in common with the States, to lay and collect all other taxes. " But the Constitution has not only con- ferred these high powers upon Congress, but it has adopted effectual means to re- strain the States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose it has in strong prohil)itory language expressly declared that ' no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.' Moreover, ' without the con- sent of Congress no State shall lay any im- posts or duties on any imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws,' and if they exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United States. And ' no State shall, without the consent of Con- gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded or in sueh imminent danger as will not admit of delay.' " in order still fiirthcr to secure the un- interrupted exercise of these high powers against State interposition, it is provided ' that this Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pur- suance thereof, and all treaties made or 102 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.' " The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of official duty, and all Senators and Repre- sentatives of the United States, all mem- bers of State Legislatures, and all execu- tive and judicial officers, ' both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution.' " In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has established a t)erfect Government in all its forms, legis- ative, executive, and judicial ; and this Government to the extent of its powers acts directly upon the individual citizens of every State, and executes its own de- crees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Government under the old confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in the discretion of each whether to obey or refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became necessary, for the purpose of removing this barrier, and ' in order to form a more perfect union,' to establish a Government which could act directly upon the people and execute its own laws with- out the intermediate agency of the States. This has been accomplished by the Con- stitution of the United States. In short, the Government created by the Constitu- tion, and deriving its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to exercise its power over the people of all these States in the enumerated cases, that each one of them possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States, but 'reserved to the States respectively or to the peoj)le.' " To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the United States is as much a i)art of tlie constitution of each State, and is as binding upon its ))eople, as though it had been textually inserted tlicreiii. " This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, invested with all the attributes of sovereignty over the sjiecial 8ul)jccts to wliich its authority ex- tends. Its framiTS never intended to im- plant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction nor wen; tliey at its creation guilty of the absurdity of {providing for its own dissolution. It was not intended by it.s framers to be tlie baseless fabric of a vision, wliicli, at the touch of the en- chanter, would vanish into thin air, but a Bubstantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day have indulged fears that a Government of such high power might violate the reserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict construction of these powers to prevent the danger. But they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine that the Constitution would ever be so in- terpreted as to enable any State by her own act, and without the consent of her sister States, to discharge her peojile from all or any of their federal obliga- tions. " It may be asked, then, are the people of the States without redress against the tyranny and oppression of the Federal Government? By no means. The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of their govern- ments cannot be denied. It exists inde- pendently of all constitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's his- tory. Under it, old governments have been destroyed and new ones have taken their place. It is embodied in strong and ex- press language in our own Declaration of Indejjendence. But the distinction nmst ever be observed that this is revolution against an established Government, and not a voluntarj^ secession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face; secession is neither more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution ; but still it is rev- olution." The President having thus attempted to demonstrate that the Constitution affords no warrant for secession, but that this was inconsistent both with its letter and si-)irit, then defines his own position. lie says: " What, in the mean time, is the respon- sibility and true position of the Executive? He is bound by solemn oath, before God and the country, ' to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,' and from this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power. But what if the perfor- mance of this duty, in whole or in part, has been rendered im]iracticable by events over which he could have exercised no control ? Such, at the present moment, is the case throughout the State of South Carolina, so far as the laws of the United States to secure the administration of jus- tice by means of the Federal judiciary are concerned. All the Federal officers within its limits, through whose agency alone these laws can be carried into execution, have already resigned. We no longer have a district judge, a district attorney, or a marshal in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal gov- ernment necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the people has been BOOK I.J BUCHANAN'S VIEWS. 103 demolished, and it would be difficult, if not impossible, to replace it. " The only acts of Congress on the stat- ute book bearing upon this subject are those of the 128th Februriy, 1795, and 3rd March, 1807. These authorize tlie Tresi- dent, after he shall have ascertained that the marshal, with his posse vuinitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call Ibrth the militia and employ the army and navy to aid him in performing this service, having first by proclamation commanded the in- surgents ' to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time.' This duty cannot by possibility be ])erformed in a State where no judicial au- thority exists to issue process, and where there is no marshal to execute it, and where, even if there were such an officer, the entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him. " The bare enumeration of these provi- sions proves how inadequate they are with- out further legislation to overcome a united opposition in a single State, not to speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be amended so as to carry out more effectually the objects of the Constitution. " The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for the collection of customs. The revenue still continues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom-house in Charleston, and should the collector unfortunately resign, a suc- cessor may be appointed to perform this duty. " Then, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina. This has been purchased for a fair equivalent, * by the consent of the Legislature of the State,' ' for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,' &c., and over these tbe authority ' to exercise exclusive legislation ' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any at- tempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force ; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has re- ceived orders to act strictly on the defen- sive. In such a contingency the respon- sibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants. " Apart from the execution of the laws, so fiir as this may be practicable, the Ex- ecutive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recog- nizing the dissolution of the Coniederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no relation to the recognition of a foreign dc facto Government, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt U) do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings." Then follows the opinion expressed in the message, that the Constitution has con- ferred no power on the Federal Govern- ment to coerce a State to remain in the Union. The following is the language : " The question fairly stated is, ' Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn from the Confedera- cy?' If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to make war against a State. "After much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an in- spection of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not ' necessary and proper for carrying into execution' any one of these powers. So far from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the Convention which framed the Constitu- tion. " It appears from the proceedings of that body that on the 31st May, 1787, the clause ' authorizing an exertion of the force of the whole against a delinquent State ' came up for consideration. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : * The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be con- sidered by the party attacked as a dissolu- tion of all previous compacts by which it might be bound.' Upon his motion the clause was unanimously postponed, and was never, I believe, again presented. Soon afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when incidentally adverting to the subject, he said: 'Any government for the United States, formed on the su])posed practica- bility of using force against the unconsti- tutional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the government of Congress,' evidently mean- ing the then existing Congress of the old confederation." At the time of the delivery of this mes- sage the excitement was very high. The 104 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. extreme Southerners differed from it, in so far as it disputed both the right of revolu- tion and secession under the circumstances, but quickly made a party battle-cry of the denial of the right of the National Gov- ernment to coerce a State — a view which for a time won the President additional friends, but which in the end solidified all friends of the Union against his adminis- tration. To show the doubt which this ingenious theory caused, we quote from the speech of Senator Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee (subsequently Vice-President and acting President), delivered Dec. 18th, 1860, (Congressional Globe, page 119) :— " I do not believe the Federal Govern- ment has the power to coerce a State, for by the eleventh amendment of the Con- stitution of the United States it is expressly provided that you cannot even jjut one of the States of this confederacy before one of the courts of the country as a party. As a State, the Federal Government has no power to coerce it ; but it is a member of the compact to which it agreed in com- mon with the other States, and this Gov- ernment has the right to pass laws, and to enforce those laws upon individuals within the limits of each State. While the one proposition is clear, the other is equally so. This Government can, by the Constitution of the country, and by the laws enacted in conformity with the Constitution, operate upon individuals, and has the right and pow^er, not to coerce a State, but to enforce and execute the law upon individuals within the limits of a State." Senator Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, publicly objected to the message because of its earnest argument against secession, and the determination expressed to collect the revenue in the ports of South Carolina, by means of a naval force, and to defend the public proi)erty. From this moment they alienated themselves from the President. Soon th'Tcafter, when he refused to with- draw Major Anderson from Fort Sumter, on the demand of the self-styled South Carolina Commissioners, the separation be- came complete. For more than two months before the close of the session all friendly intercourse l>etween them and the Presi- dent, whether of a political or social cha- racter, had ceased. The Crltt«n<lcn Compromise. Congress referred the request in the message, to adopt amendments to the con- stitution recognizing the rights of the Slave States to take slavery into the terri- tories to a committee of thirteen, consisting of five Repul)licans : Messrs. Seward, Col- lamer, Wade, Doolittle, and Grimes ; five from slave-holding States : Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs, and Davis; and three Northern Democrats; Messrs. Dougliis, Bigler, and Bright, The latter three were intended to act as mediators between the extreme parties on the com- mittee. The committee first met on the 21st De- cember, 1860, and preliminary to any other proceeding, they " resolved that no propo- sition shall be reported as adopted, unless sustained by a majority of each of the classes of the committee ; Senators of the Republican party to constitute one class, and Senators of the other parties to con- stitute the other class." This resolution was passed, because any report they might make to the Senate would be in vain unless sanctioned by at least a majority' of the five Republican Senators. On the next day (the 22d), Mr. Crittenden submitted to the committee "A Joint Resolution" (the same which he had two days before pre- sented to the Senate), " proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States," now known as the Critten- den Compromise. This was truly a com- promise of conflicting claims, because it proposed that the South should surrender their adjudged right to take slaves into all our Territories, provided the North would recognize this right in the Territories south of the old Missouri Compromise line. The committee rejected this compromise, every one of its five Republican members, together with Messrs. Davis and Toombs, from the cotton States, having voted against it. Indeed, not one of all the Re- publicans in the Senate, at any period or in any form, voted in its favor. The committee, having failed to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion, reported their disagreement to the Senate on the 31st December, 18G0, in a resolution declaring that they had " not been able to agree upon any general plan of adjustment." Mr. Crittenden did not despair of ultimate success, notwithstanding his de- feat before the Committee of Thirteen. After this, indeed, he could no longer ex- pect to carry his compromise as an amend- ment to the Constitution by the necessary two-thirds vote of Congress. It was, therefore, postponed by the Senate on his own motion. As a substitute for it he submitted to the Senate, on the 3d .lanuary, 1861, a joint resolution, which might be passed by a majority of both Houses. This was to refer his rejected amendment, by an ordinarj^ act of Con- gress, to a direct vote of the people of the several States. He offered his resolution in the following language : " Whereas the Union is in danger, and, owing to the unhappy divi- sion existing in Congress, it would be dif- ficult, if not impossible, for that body to cojicur in both its branches by the re- quisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recommend to the States such amend- BOOK I.] THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. 105 ments to the Constitution, as are deemed necessary and proper to avert that danger ; and whereas in so great an emergency the opinion and judgment of the peoj)le ought to be heard, and would be the best and surest guide to their Representatives ; Therefore, Resolved, That provision ought to be made by hxw without (k'hiy for tak- ing the sense of the people and sul)mitting to their vote the following resolution [the same as in his former amendment], as the basis for the final and permanent settle- ment of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the existence of the Union." Memorials in its favor poured into Con- gress from portions of the North, even from New England. One of these pre- Bented to the Senate was from " the Mayor and members of the Board of Aldermen and the Common Council of the city of Boston, and over 22,000 citizens of the State of Massachusetts, praying the adop- tion of the compromise measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden." It may be proper here to observe that the resolution of Mr. Crittenden did not provide in detail for holding elections by which " the sense of the people " could be ascertained. To sup- ply this omission. Senator Bigler, of Pennsylvania, on the 14th January, 18(51, brought in " A bill to provide for taking the sense of the people of the United States on certain proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United States;" but never was he able to induce the Senate even to consider this bill. President Buchanan exerted all his in- fluence in favor of these measures. In his special message to Congress of the 8th of January, 1861, after depicting the conse- quences which had already resulted to the country from the bare apprehension of civil war and the dissolution of the Union, he says : " Let the question be transferred from political assemblies to the ballot-box, and the people tliemselvcs would speedily re- dress the serious grievances which the South have suffered. But, in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we plunge into armed conflict upon the mere assumjition that there is no other alterna- tive. Time is a great conservative power. Let us ])ause at this momentous point, and afford the people, both North and South, an opportunity for reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of this truth before her precipitate action ! I, therefore, appeal through you to the peo- ple of the country, to declare in their might that the Union must and shall be preserved by all constitutional means. I most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves exclusively to the question how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when compared with this, sink into insignificance. The present is no time for palliatives ; action, jirompt action is required. A delay in Congress to pre- scribe or to recommend a distinct and l)ractical proposition for conciliation, may drive us to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede. " A common ground on which concilia- tion and harmony can be produced is surely not unattaiiialjle. The proj)osition to comj^romise by letting the North have exclusive control of the territory above a certain line, and to give Southern institu- tions protection below that line, ought to receive universal approbation. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfact<jry, but when the alternative is between a reasonable concession on both sides and a dissolution of the Union, it is an imputa- tion on the patriotism of Congress to assert that its members will hesitate for a mo- ment." This recommendation was totally disre- garded. On the 14th January, 18()1, Mr. Crittenden made an unsuccessful attenijjt to have it considered, but it was postponed until the day following. On this day it was again postponed by the vote of every Kepuiilican Senator present, in order to make way for the Pacific Railroad bill. On the third attempt (January 16,) he suc- ceeded, but by a majority of a single vote, in bringing his resolution before the body. Eveiy Republican Senator present voted against its consideration. Mr. Clark, a Republican Senator from New Hampshire, moved to strike out the entire preamble and resolution of Mr. Crittenden, and in lieu thereof insert as a su))stitute a pream- ble and resolution in accordance with the Chicago platform. This motion prevailed by a vote of 25 to 23, every Reiniblican Senator present having voted in its favor. Thus Mr. Crittenden's proposition to refer the question to the people was buried under the Clark amendment. This con- tinued to be its position for more than six weeks, until the day before the final ad- journment of Congress, 2d March, wlien the proposition itself was defeated by a vote of 1!) in the affirmative against 20 in the negative. The Clark Amendment prevailed only in consequence of the refusal of six Seces- sion Senators to vote against it. These were INIessrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana ; ^Ir. Iverson, of Georgia ; Messrs. Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas; and Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas. Had these gentlemen voted with the Ijorder slave- holding States and the other Democratic Senators, the Clark Amendment would have been defeated, and the Senate would then have been brought to a direct vote on the Crittenden resolution. It is proper for reference that tlic names of those Senators who constituted the ma- 106 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I. jority on this question, should be placed upon record. Every vote given from the six New England States was in opposition to Mr. Crittenden's resolution. These con- sisted of Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire ; Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachu- setts ; Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island ; Messrs, Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut ; Mr. Foot, of Vermont ; and Mr. Fessen- den, of Maine. The remaining twelve votes, in order to make up the 20, were given by Messrs. Bingham and Wade, of Ohio ; Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois ; Messrs. Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan ; ^Messrs. Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa ; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of Wiscon- sin ; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota ; Mr. King, of New York ; and Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey. The Republicans not voting were Hale of New Hampshire ; Simmons of Rhode Island ; Collamer of Vermont ; Seward of New York, and Cameron of Pennsylvania. They refrained from various motives, but in the majority of instances because they disbelieved in any effort to comjiromise, for nearly all were recognized leaders of the more radi- cal sentiment, and in favor of coercion of the South by energetic use of the war powers of the government. This was spe- cially true of Hale, Seward, and General Cameron, shortly after Secretary of War, and the first Cabinet officer who favored the raising of an immense army and the early liberation and arming of the slaves. On December 4th, 1860, on motion of Mr. Boteler of Virginia, so much of Presi- dent Buchanan's message as related to the perilous condition of the country, was re- ferred to a sj)ecial committee of one from each State, as follows : Corwin of Ohio ; Millson of Virginia ; Adams of Massachusetts ; W^inslow of North Carolina ; Humphrey of New York ; Boyce of South Carolina ; Campbell of Pennsylvania; Love of Georgia; Ferry of Connecticut ; Davis of Maryland ; Robin- son of Rhode Island ; Whiteley of Dela- ware; Tappan of New Hampshire; Strat- ton of New .Ii-rsey ; Bristow of Kentucky ; Morrill of Vermont ; Nelson of Tennessee; Dunn of Indiana; Taylor of Louisiana; Davis of Mississippi; Kellogg of Illinois; Houston of Alal)aiiui; Morse of ]\Iaine ; Pheljis of IMissouri ; Ilust of Arkansas ; Howard of Michigan ; Ilawkinsof Florida; Hamilton ofTexas; Wuslilnirii of Wiscon- sin ; Curtis of Jowa; ruirch of California; Windom of Minnesota ; Stout of Oregon. Messrs. Hawkins and Boyce asked to be excused from service on the Committee, but the House refused. From this (.'ommittec Mr. Corwin report- ed, .January I4tli, IXfJl, a series of proposi- tions with a written statement in advocacy thereof. Several miiiorrity reports were presented, but the following Joint Reso- lution is the only one which secured the assent of both Houses. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. Be it resolved hij the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Ama'ica in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, That the fol- lowing article be proposed to the Legisla- tures of the several States as an amend- ment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three- fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely: Art. XII. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will auth- orize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State. The Legislatures of Ohio and Maryland agreed to the amendment promptly, but events followed so rapidly, that the atten- tion of other States was drawn from it, and nothing came of this, the only Congres- sional movement endorsed which looked to reconciliation. Other propositions came from the Border and individual states, but all alike failed. Tlie Peace Convention. The General Assembly of Virginia, on the 19th of January, adopted resolutions inviting Representatives of the several States to assemble in a Peace Convention at Washington, which met on the 4th of February. It was composed of 133 Com- missioners, many from the border States, and the object of these was to prevail upon their associates from the North to unite with them in such recommendations to Congress as would prevent their own States from seceding and enable them to bring back six of the cotton States which had already seceded. One month only of the session of Con- gress remained. Within this brief period it was necessary that the Convention should recommend amendments to the Constitution in sufficient time to enable both Houses to act upon them before their final adjournment. It was also essential to success that these amendments should be sustained by a decided majority of the commissioners both from the Northern and the border States. On Wednesday, the 6th Fcbruaiy, a re- solution w.as adopted,* on motion of I\Ir. Guthrie, of Kentucky, to refer the resolu- tions of the General Assembly of Virginia, and all other kindred subjects, to a com- mittee to consist of one commissioner * Offlciul Journiil of the Convention, pp. 9 and 10. BOOK I.] THE PEACE CONVENTION, 107 from each State, to be selected by the respective State delegations ; and to pre- vent delay they were instructed to report on or before the Friday following (the 8th), " what they may deem right, necessary, and proper to restore harmony and pre- serve the Union," This committee, instead of reporting on the day appointed, did not report until Friday^ the 15th February. The amendments reported by a majority of the committee, through j\ir. Guthrie, their chairman, were substantially the same with the Crittenden Com])romise ; but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Mary- land, the general terms of the first and by far the most important section were restricted to the present Territories of the United States. On motion of Mr. Franklin, of Pennsylvania, this , section was further amended, but not materially changed, by the adoption of the substitute offered by him. Nearly in this form it was afterwards adopted by the Convention. The follow- ing is a copy : " In all the j^rescnt territory of the United States north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, ex- cept in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territoiy south of that line, the status of persons held to involun- tary service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed ; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Le- gislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation; but the same shall be subject to judicial cogni- zance in the Federal courts, acording to the course of the common law. When any Territory north or south of said line, with- in such boundary as Congress may pre- scribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be repub- lican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such State may provide." Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, and Mr. Seddon, of Virginia, made minority re- ports, which they proposed to substitute for that of the majority. INIr. Baldwin's report was a recommendation " to the several States to unite with Kentucky in her application to Congress to call a Con- vention for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United States, to be submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, or to Conventions therein, for rati- fication, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress, in accordance with the provisions in the fifth article of the Constitution." The proposition of Mr. Baldwin, re- ceived the votes of eight of the twenty-one States. These consisted of the whole of the New England States, except Khode Island, and of Illinois, Iowa, and New York, all being free States. The first amendment reported by Mr. Sedd(m differed from that of the majority inasmuch as it embraced not only the present but all future Territories. This was rejected. His second amendment, which, however, was never voted upon \>y the Convention, went so far as distinctly to recognize the right of secession. More than ten days were consumed in discussion and in voting upon various pro- positions offered by individual commis- sioners. The final vote was not reached until Tuesday, the 2Gth February, when it was taken on the first vitally important section, as amended. This section, on which all the rest de- pended, was negatived by a vote of eight States to eleven. Those which voted in its favor were Delaware, Kentucky, Mary- land, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Tennessee. And those in the negative were Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, New York, North Carolina, New Hamp- shire, Vermont, and Virginia. It is but justice to say that Messrs. Ruffin and More- head, of North Carolina, and jNIessrs. Rives and Summers, of Virginia, two of the five commissioners from each of these States, declared their dissent from the vote of their respective States. So, also, did Messrs. Bronson, Corning, Dodge, Wool, and Granger, five of the eleven New York commissioners, dissent from the vote of their State. On the other hand, Messrs. Meredith and Wilmot, two of the seven commissioners from Pennsylvania, dis- sented from the majority in voting in favor of the section. Thus would the Conven- tion have terminated but for the inter- position of Illinois. Immediately after the section had been negatived, the com- missioners from that State made a motion to reconsider the vote, and this prevailed. The Convention afterwards adjourned un- til the next morning. When they reassem- bled (February 27,) the first section was adopted, but only by a majority of nine to eight States, nine being less than a ma- jority of the States represented. This change was effected by a change of the vote of Illinois from the negative to the affirm- ative, by Missouri withholding her vote, and by a tie in the New York commis- sioners, on account of the absence of one of their number, rendering it imi)Ossible for the State to vote. Still Virginia .and North Carolina, and Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Ver- mont, persisted in voting in the negative. From the nature of this vote, it was mani- festly impossible that two-tliirds of b"th Houses of Congress should act favorably 108 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. on the amendment, even if the delay had not already rendered such action imprac- ticable before the close of the session. The remaining sections of the amend- ment were carried by small majorities. The Convention, on the same day, through Mr. Tyler, their President, communicated to the Senate and House of Representa- tives the amendment they had adopted, embracing all the sections, with a request that it might be submitted by Congress, under the Constitution, to the several State Legislatures. In the Senate this was im- mediately referred to a select committee, on motion of Mr. Crittenden. The com- mittee, on the next day (28th Feb.), re- ported a joint resolution proposing it as an amendment to the Constitution, but he was never able to bring the Senate to a direct vote upon it. Failing in this, he made a motion to substitute the amendment of the Peace Convention for his own. Mr. Crittenden's reasons failed to con- vince the Senate, and his motion was re- jected by a large majority (28 to 7). Then next in succession came the memorable vote on Mr. Crittenden's own resolution, and it was in its turn defeated, as we have already stated, by a majority of 20 against 19. In the House of Representatives, the amendment proposed by the Convention was treated with still less consideration than it had been by the Senate. The Speaker was refused leave even to present it. Every effort made for this purpose was successfully resisted by leading Repub- lican members. The consequence is that a copy of it does not even appear in the Journal. The refusal to pass the Crittenden or any other Compromise heightened the excite-* ment in the South, where many showed great reluctance to dividing the Union. Georgia, though one of the cotton States, under the influence of conservative men like Alex. H. Stephens, showed greater concern for the Union than any other, and it took all the influence of spirits like that of Robert Toombs to bring her to favor secession. She was the most powerful of the cotton States and the richest, as she is to-day. On the 22d of December, 1860, Robert Toombs sent the following exciting telegrajiliic manifesto from Washington: teUow- Citizens of Georffia : I came here to secure your constitutional rights, or to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantees for these rights from your North- ern Confedcnites. The whole subject was referred to a com- mittee of tliirtecn in the Senate! yesterday. I Wits appointed on tlie committee and ac- cepted the trust. I submitted j)ropositions, which, 80 far from receiving decided sup- I)ort from a single member of the Repnh- ican party on the committee, were all treated with either derision or contempt. The vote was then taken in committee on the amendments to the Constitution, pro- posed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden of Ken- tucky, and each and all of them were voted against, unanimously, by the Black Re- publican members of the committee. In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was si- lently acquiesced in by the other members. The Black Republican members of this Committee of Thirteen are representative men of their party and section, and to the extent of my information, truly represent the Committee of Thirty-three in the House, which on Tuesday adjourned for a week without coming to any vote, after solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all proposi- tions then before them on that date. That committee is controlled by Black Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your election, in order that you may defeat the friends of secession. If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is de- cisive against you ; and now I tell you up- on the faith of a true man that all further looking to the North for security for your constitutional rights in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Secession by the fourth of March next should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the second day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, SECURITY, TRANQUILLITY and GLORY, Robert Toombs. important telegraphic correspond- ENCE. Atlanta, Georgia, December 26th, 1860, Hon. S. A. Douglas or Hon. J. J. Critten- den : Mr. Toombs's despatch of the 22d inst. unsettled conservatives here. Is there any hope for Southern rights in the Union ? We are for the Union of our fathers, if South- ern rights can be preserved in it. If not, we are for secession. Can we yet lujpe the Union will be preserved on this jjrin- ciple? You are looked to in this emer- gency. Give us your views by despatcli and oblige William Ezzard. Robert W. Sims. James P. Hambleton. Thomas S. Powell. 8. G. Howell, J. A. Hayden. G. W. Adair. R. C. Honlester. BOOK I.] SECESSION. 109 Washington, December 29th, 1860. In reply to your inquiry, we have hopes that the riglits of the South, and of every State and section, may be protected within the Union. Don't give up the ship. Don't despair of the llepublic. J. J. Crittenden. S. A. Douglas. Congress, amid excitement wliich tlie above dispatches indicate, and which was general, remained for several weeks com- paratively inactive. Buchanan sent mes- sages, but his suggestions were distrusted by the Republicans, who stood firm in the conviction that when Lincoln took his seat, and the new Congress came in, they could pass naeasures calculated to restore the property of and protect the integrity of the Union. None of th.em believed in the right of secession ; all had lost faith in compromises, and all of this party repudi- ated the theory that Congress had no right to coerce a State. The revival of these questions, revived also the logical thoughts of Webster in his great reply to Hayne, and the way in which he then expanded the constitution was now accepted as the jiroper doctrine of Republicanism on that question. No partisan sophistry could shake the convictions made by Webster, and so apt were his arguments in their application to every new development that they supplied every logical want in the Northern mind. Republican orators and newspapers quoted and endorsed, until nearly every reading mind was imbued with the same sentiments, until in fact tho Northern Democrats, and at all times the Douglas Democrats, were ready to stand by the flag of the Union. George W. Curtis, in Harper^ s Weekly (a journal which at the time graphically illustrated the best Union thoughts and sentiments), in an issue as late as January 12th, 1872, well described the power of Webster's grand ability * over a crisis which he did not live to see, Mr. Curtis says : — " The war for the Union was a vindica- tion of that theory of its nature which Webster had maintained in a memorably impregnable and conclusive manner. His second speech on Foot's resolution — the reply to Hayne — was the most famous and effective speech ever delivered in this country. It stated clearly and fixed firmly in the American mind the theory of the government, which was not. indeed, origi- nal with Webster, but which is nowhere else presented with such complete and in- exorable reason as in this speech. If the poet be the man who is so consummate a master of expression that he only says per- * The text of Webster's speech in reply to Ha.vne, now- accepted as the greatest constitutional oxi)osition ever made by any American orator, will be found in our book devoted to Great Speeches on Great Issues. fectly what everybody thinks, upon this great occasion the orator was the poet. He spoke the profound but often obscured and dimly conceived conviction of a nation. He made the whole argument of the civil war a generation before the war occurred, and it has remained unanswered and un- answerable. Mr. Everett, in his discourse at the dedication of the statute of Webster, in the State-House grounds in Boston in 1859, described the orator at the delivery of this great speech. The evening before he seemed to be so careless that ]\Ir. Ever- ett feared that he might not be fully aware of the gravity of the occasion. But when the hour came, the man was there. ' As I saw him in the evening, if I may borrow an illustration from his favorite amuse- ment,' said Mr. Everett, 'he was as un- concerned and as free of s])irit as some here have often seen him while floating in his fishing-boat along a hazy sliore, gently rocking on the tranquil tide, dropping his line here and there with the varying for- tune of the sport. The next morning he was like some mighty admiral, dark and terrible, casting the long shadow of his frowning tiers far over the sea, that seemed to sink beneath him; his broad pennant streaming at the main, the Stars and Stripes at the fore, the mizzen, and the peak, and bearing down like a temj^est upon his an- tagonist, with all his canvas strained to the wind, and all his thunders roaring from his broadsides.' This passage well sug- gests that indescribable impression of great oratory which Rufus Choate, in his eulogy of Webster at Dartmouth College, conveys by a felicitous citation of what Quintilian says of Hortensius, that there was some s]iell in the spoken word which the reader misses." As we have remarked, the Republicans were awaiting the coming of a near and greater power to themselves, and at the same time jealously watching the move- ments of the friends of the South in Con- gress and in the President's Cabinet. It needed all their w.atchfulness to ])revent advantages which the secessionists thought they had a right to take. Thus .Tefterson Davis, on .Tanuary 9th, 18(50, introduced to the senate a bill " to authorize the sale of public arms to the several States and Territories," and as secession became more probable he sought to press its passage, but failed. Floyd, the Secretary of War, w;vs far more successful, and his conduct was made the subject of the following historic and most remarkable report : — Transrer of V. S. Amis South In 1859-60. Report (Abstract of) made by Mr. B. Stanton, from the Committee on Military 110 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book 1. Affairs, in House of Eepresentatives, Feb. 18th, 18G1. The Committee on Military Affairs, to whom was referred the resolution of the House of Representatives of 31st of De- cember last, instructing said committee to inquire and report to the House, how, to whom, and at what price, the public arms distributed since the first day of January, A. D. 1860, have been disposed of; and also into the condition of the forts, arsenals, dock-yards, etc., etc., submit the following report : That it appears from the papers herewith submitted, that Mr. Floyd, the late Secre- tary of War, bv the authority or under color of the law of :\Iarch 3d, 1825, author- izing the Secretary of War to sell any arms, ammunition, or other military stores which should be found unsuitable for the piiblic service, sold to sundry persons and States 31,610 flint-lock muskets, altered to per- cussion, at $2.50 each, between the 1st dav of January, A. D. 1860, and the 1st day of "January, a.d., 1861. It will be seen from the testimony of Colonel Craig and Captain Maynadier, that they differ as to whether the' arms so sold had been found, "upon proper inspection, to be unsuitable for the public service." Whilst the Committtee do not deem it important to decide this question, they say, that in their judgment it would require a very liberal construction of the law to bring these sales within its provisions. It also appears that on the 21st day of November last, Mr. Belknap made applica- tion to the Secretary of War for the pur- chase of from one to two hundred and fifty thousand United States muskets, flint-locks and altered to percussion, at $2.15 each; but the Secretary alleges that the acceptance was made under a misapprehension of the price bid, he supposing it was $2.50 each, instead of $2.15. Mr. Belknap denies all knowledge of any mistake or misapprehension, and insists upon the performance of his contract. The present Secretary refuses to recog- nize the contract, and the muskets have not been delivered to Mr. Belknap. Mr. liclknap testifies that the muskets were intended for the Sardinian govern- ment. It will appear by the papers herewith submitted, that on the 29tli of December, 1850, the Secretary of War ordered the transfer of 05,000 percussion muskets, 40- 000 muskets altered to percussion, andlO- 000 percussion rifles, from the Springfield Armory and the Watertown and Wat<T- vliet Arsenals, to the Arsenals at Fayettc- ville, N, C, Charleston, S. C, Augusta, Ga., Mount Vernon, Ala., and Baton Koul'(>, La., and that these arms were distributed during the spring of 1800 as follows : Percussion Altered muski'ts. muskets. Rifles. To Cliarleston Arsenal, 0,280 5,720 2,000 To North Carolina Arsenal, loASO 9,520 • 2,000 To Augusta Arsenal, 12,380 7,020 2,000 To Mount Vernon Arsonal, 9,280 5,7J0 2,000 To Baton Ilouge Arsenal, 18,580 11,420 2,000 65,000 40,000 10,000 All of these arms, except those sent to the North Carolina Arsenal,* have been seized by the authorities of the several States of South Carolina, Alabama, Loui- siana and Georgia, and are no longer in possession of the United States. It will appear by the testimony herewith presented, that on the 20th of October last the Secretary of War ordered forty colum- biads and four thirty-two pounders to be sent from the Arsenal at Pittsburg to the fort on Ship Island, on the coast of Missis- sippi, then in an unfinished condition ,i.and seventy columbiads and seven thirty-two pounders to be sent from the same Arsenal to the fort at Galveston, in Texas, the building of which had scarcely been com- menced. This order was given to the Secretary of War, without any report from the Engineer department showing that said works were ready for their armament, or that the guns were needed at either of said points. It will be seen by the testimony of Cap- tain Wright, of the Engineer department, that the fort at Galveston cannot be ready for its entire armament in less than about five years, nor for any part of it in less than two ; and that the fort at Ship Island will require an appropriation of $85,000 and one year's time before it can be ready for any part of its armament. This last named fort has been taken possession of by the State authorities of Mississippi. The order of the late Secretary of War (Floyd) was countermanded by the present Secretary (Holt) beibre it had been fully executed by the shipment of said guns from Pittsburg.f It will be seen by a communication from the Ordnance oflice of the 21st of January last, that bv the last returns there were re- maining in the United States arsenals and armories the following small arms, viz : Percussion muskets and muskets altered to percussion of calibre 69 .: 499,554 Percussion rifles, calibre 54 42,011 Total 541,565 * Tlieso were afterwardfi seized. t TIk' attempted removal of tlieso heavy guns from Al- Irplimy Arsenal, late in I)ec<'mber, 18fiO, created intense exciten'i.'nt, A monster mass meotinR assemliled at tho rijl of the Mavor of tho city, and eiti/.ens of all piirtU'S aided in the effort to prevent tlie shipment. Tliroiipch tlie interpositicjn of Hon. .1. K. Moorhead, Hon. U. Mc- Kiiiu'lit, JudRe Shaler. ,Iud(,'o Wilkins, .hidgo Shannon, and others inquiry was instituted, and a revocation of til.' onlerolitained." The Secessionists in ront;reHKliitlerly eomiilaiiied of tlie " nioh law" which thus interf<'red with tho routine of governmental uffairs.-Mcl'hersou'B Uistory. BOOK I.] SECESSION. HI Of these 60,878 were deposited in the arsenals of Soutli Cart)lina, Alabama, and Louisiana, and are in the possession of the authorities of those States, reducing the number in possession of the United States to 4S0,G87. Since the date of said communication, the luUowini^ additional forts and military posts have been taken possession of by parties acting under the authority of the States in which they are respectively situ- ated, viz : Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. Fort Morgan, Alabama. Baton Rouge Barracks, Louisiana. Fort Jackson, Louisiana. Fort St. Philip, Fort Pike, Louisiana. Oglethorpe Barracks, Georgia. And the department has been unofficially advised that the arsenal at Chattahoochee, Forts ]\[cRea and Barrancas, and Barracks, have been seized by the authorities of. Florida. To what further extent the small arms in possession of the United States may have been reduced by these figures, your committee have not been advised. The whole number of the sea-board forts in the United States is fifty-seven; their appropriate garrison in war would require 2(j,420 men ; their actual garrison at this time is 1,334 men, 1,308 of whom are in the forts at Governor's Island, New York ; Fort McHenry, Maryland ; Fort Monroe, Virginia, and at Alcatraz Island, California, in the harl)or of San Francisco. From the facts elicited, it is certain that the regular military force of the United States, is wholly inadequate to the pro- tection of the forts, arsenals, dockyards, and other property of the United States in the present disturbed condition of the country. The regular army numbers only 18,000 men when recruited to its maximum strength, and the whole of this force is required for the protection of the border settlements against Indian depreda- tions. Unless it is the intention of Con- gress that the forts, arsenals, dock-yards and other public property, shall be exposed to capture and si)oliation, the President must be armed with additional force for their protection. In the opinion of the Committee the law of February 28th, 1795, confers upon the President ample power to call out the mili- tia,to execute the laws and protect the ])ublic property. But as the late Attorney-General has given a different opinion, the Commit- tee to remove all doubt upon the subject, report the accompanying bill, etc. OTHEK ITEMS. Stutcmt-nl of Arrm dinlribiiled by Sale sinee the fimt of Jannarij, 1800, to whviii sold and the place whence told. 1 8(10. A menaU. To whom sold. No. Date of Sale. Where »oW. .r. W. Zachiirif & Co 4,000 Feb 3 St. Louis. .liimi'S T. Ames 1,IHJ(J Mar. 14 New York. ('ai)tain G. liarry 80 Juno H St. Louis. W. C. N. Swift 400 Aug. 31 Springfleld. do 80 Nov. l:J do. State of Alabama 1.000 Sep. 27 Baton l^JUgo. do 2,500 Nov. 14 do. State gf Vir{;inia 5,000 Nov. 6 Washington. Pliillips county, .Vrk 50 Nov. 16 St. Louis. G. IJ. Lamar lO.fXK) Nov. 24 Watervliet. The arms were all flint-lock muskets altered to percussion, and were all sold at $2.50 each, except those purchased by Cap- tain G. Barry and by the Phillips county volunteers, for which $2 each were paid. The Mol)ile Advertiser says : " During the i^ast year 135,430 muskets have been quietly transferred from the Northern Ar- senal at Springfield alone, to those in the Southern States. We are much obliged to Secretary Floyd for the foresight he has thus displayed in disarming the North and equipping the South for this emergency. There is no telling the quantity of arms and munitions which were sent South from other Northern arsenals. There is no doubt but that every man in the South who can carry a gun can now be supplied from \n\- vate or public sources. The Springfield contribution alone would arm all the mili- tiamen of Alabama and Mississi])pi." General Scott, in his letter of December 2d, 18G2, on the early history of the Rebel- lion, states that " Rhode Island, Delaware and Texas had not drawn, at the end of 18G0, their annual quotas of arms for that year, and Massachusetts, Tennessee, and Kentucky only in part; Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and Kansas were, by order of the Secretary of War, supplied with their quotas for 1861 in advance, and Pennsylvania and Maryland in part." This advance of arms to eight Southern States is in addition to the transfer, about the same time, of 115,000 muskets to South- ern arsenals, as per Mr. Stanton's report. Governor Letcher of Virginia, in his Message of December, 1861, says, that for some time prior to secession, he had l)een engaged in purchasing arms, ammunition, etc.; among which were 13 Parrott rifled cannon, and 5,000 muskets. He desired to buy from the United States Government 10,000 more, when buying the 5,000, but he says " the authorities declined to sell them to us, although five times the number were then in the arsenal at Washington." Had Jefferson Davis' bill relative to the purchase of arms become a law, the result might have been different. This and similar action on the part of the South, especially the attempted seizure and occupation of forts, convinced many 112 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of the Republicans that no compromise could endure, however earnest its advo- cates from the Border States, and this earnestness was unquestioned. Besides their attachment to the Union, they knew that in the threatened war they would be the greatest suflerers, with their people di- vided neighbor against neighbor, their lands laid waste, and their houses destroy- ed. They had every motive for earnest- ness in the eifort to conciliate the disagree- ing sections. The oddest partisan feature in the en- tire preliminary and political struggle w-as the attempt, in the parlance of the day, of "New York to secede from New York" — an oddity verified by Mayor "Wood's recom- mendation in favor of the secession of New York city, made January 6th, 1861. The document deserves a place in this history, as it shows the views of a portion of tlie citizens then, and an exposition of their interests as jiresented by a citizen before and since named by repeated elections to Congress. Mayor 'Wood's Secession Message. To the Honorable the Common Council : Gentlemen: — We are entering upon the public duties of the year under circum- stances as unprecedented as they are gloomy and painful to contemplate. The great trading and producing interests of not only the city of New York, but of the entire country, are prostrated by a mone- tar)"^ crisis ; and although similar calami- ties have before befallen us, it is the first time that they have emanated from causes having no other origin than that which may be traced to political disturbances. Truly, may it now be said, " We are in the midst of a revolution bloodless as yet." Whether the dreadful alternative implied as probable in the conclusion of this pro- phetic quotation may be averted, " no hu- man ken can divine." It is quite certain that the severity of the storm is unexam- pled in our history, and if the disintegra- tion of the P'ederal Government, with the consequent destruction of all tlie material interests of the peo])le shall not follow, it will 1)6 owing more to the interposition of Divine Providence, than to the inherent preventive power of our institutions, or the intervention of any other human agency. It would seem that a dissolution of the Federal I'nion is inevitable. Having been formed originally on a basis of general and mutual protection, but separate local inde- pendence — each State reserving the entire and absolute control of itri own domestic affairs, it is <"vi(lently impossible to kcej) them togetlier longer than they deem them8elve.s fairly treated by each other, or longer than the interests, honor and fra- ternity of the people of the several States are satisfied. Being a Government created by opinion, its continuance is dependent upon the continuance of the sentiment which formed it. It cannot be preserved by coercion or held together by force. A resort to this last dreadful alternative would of itself destroy not only the Gov- ernment, but the lives and property of the people. If these forebodings shall be realized, and a separation of the States shall occur, momentous considerations will be pre- sented to the corporate authorities of this city. We must provide for the new re- lations which will necessarily grow out of the new condition of public affairs. It will not only be necessary for us to settle the relations which we shall hold to other cities and States, but to establish, if we can, new ones with a portion of our own State. Being the child of the Union, having drawn our sustenance from its bosom, and arisen to our present power and strength through the vigor of our mother — when deprived of her maternal advantages, we must rely upon our own resources and assume a position predicated upon the new phase which public affairs will present, and upon the inherent strength which our geographical, commer- cial, political, and financial pre-eminence imparts to us. With our aggrieved brethren of the Slave States, we have friendly relations and a common sympathy. We have not ])articipated in the warfare upon their con- stitutional rights or their domestic insti- tutions. While other portions of our State have unfortunately been imbued with the fanatical spirit which actuates a portion of the people of New England, the city of New York has unfalteringly preserved the integrity of its principles in adherence to the compromises of the Constitution and the equal rights of the people of all the States. We have respected the local in- terests of every section, at no time oi)prcss- ing, but all the while aiding in the tlevel- opment of the resources of the whole country. Our ships have penetrated to every clime, and so have New York capi- tal, energy and enterprise found their way to every State, and, indeed, to almost every county and town of the American Union. If we have derived sustenance from the Union, so have we in return disseminated blessinfs for the common benefit of all. Therelbre, New York has a right to ex- jjcct, and should endeavor to preserve a continuance of uninterrupted intercourse with every section. It is, however, folly to disguise the fact that, judging from the past, New York may liuve more cause of apjirehension from the aggressive legislation of our own State BOOKi.] CONGRESS ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION. ]13 than from external dangers. We have already largely .suifercd I'roin this cause. For the past five years, our interests and corporate rights have been repeatedly trampled upon. Being an integral portion of the iState, it has been assumed, and in effect tacitly admitted on our part by non- resistance, that all political and govern- mental power over us rested in the State Legislature. Even the common right of taxing ourselves for our own government, has been yielded, and we are not permit- ted to do so without this authority. * * * Thus it will be seen that the political connection between the people of the city and the State has been usccl by the latter to our injury. The Legislature, in which the present partizan majority has the power, has become the instrument by which we are plundered to enrich their speculators, lobby agents, and Abolition politicians. Laws are passed through their malign inHuence by which, under forms of legal enactment, our burdens have been increased, our substance eaten out, and our municipal liberties destroyed. Self- government, though guaranteed by the State Constitution, and left to every other county and city, has been taken from us by this foreign power, whose dependents have been sent among us to destroy our liberties by subverting oilr political sys- tem. How we shall rid ourselves of this odi- ous and oppressive connection, it is not for me to determine. It is certain that a dissolution cannot be peacefully accom- plished, except by the consent of the Legislature itself. Whether this can be obtained or not, is, in my judgment, doubt- ful. Deriving so much advantage from its power over the city, it is not probable that a partizan majority will consent to a separation — and the resort to force by vio- lence and revolution must not be thought of for an instant. We have been distin- guished as an orderly and law-abiding people. Let us do nothing to forfeit this character, or to add to the present dis- tracted condition of public affairs. Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a separation. It may be said that secession or revolution in any of the United States would be subver- sive of all Federal authority, and, so far as the Central Government is concerned, the resolving of the community into its original elements — that, if part of the States form new combinations and Gov- ernments, (jther States may do the same. California and her sisters of the Pacific will no doubt set up an independent Re- public and husband their own rich min- eral resources. The Western States, equally rich in cereals and other agricultural pro- ducts, will probably do the same. Then it may be said, why should not New York city, instead of supporting by her contri- butions in revenue two-thirds of the ex- penses of the United States, become also equally independent? As a free city, witli but nominal duty on imports, her local Government could be supported without taxation upon her peoj)le. Thus we ctjuld live free from taxes, and have cheap goods nearly duty free. In this she would have the whole and united support of the Southern States, as well as all the other States to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been true. It is well for individuals or communi- ties to look every danger square in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. As dreadful as the severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the Slates has been in contemplation, it is now apj)ar- ently a stern and inevitable fact. We have now to meet it with all the conse- quences, whatever they may be. If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take care of themselves. When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York dis- rupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corruj)t master — to a people and a party that have plundered her revenues, attemj^ted to ruin her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? Amid the gloom which the present and prospective condition of things must cast over the country. New York, as a Free City, may shed the only light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed Con- federacy. But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views. In stating this argument in favor of freedom, " peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must," let me not be misunderstood. The redress can be found only in appeals to the mag- nanimity of the people of the whole State. The events of the past two months have no doubt effected a change in the popular sentiment of the State and National poli- tics. This change may bring us the de- sired relief, and we may be able to obtain a repeal of the law to which I have re- ferred, and a consequent restoration of our corporate rights. Fernando Wood, Mayor. January 6th, 1861. Conjrrcss on the E-re of the Rebellion. It should be borne in mind that all of the propositions, whether for compromise, authority to suppress insurrection, or new laws to collect duties, had to be considered by the Second Session of the 36th Con- gress, which was then, with the exception 114 .MERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of the Republicans, a few Americans, and the anti-Lecompton men, supporting the administration of Buchanan. No Congress ever had so many and such grave proposi- tions presented to it, and none ever showed more exciting political divisions. It was composed of the following persons, some of whom survive, and most of whom are historic characters : SENATE. John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, Vice-President; Maine — H. Hamlin,* W. P. Fessenden. Neio Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel Clark. Vermont — Solomon Foot, J. Collamer. Massachusetts — Henry Wilson, Charles Sumner. Rhode Island — James F. Simmons, H. B. Anthony. Connecticut — L. S. Foster, Jas. Dixon. New York — William H. Seward, Preston King. JVew Jersey — J. C. Ten Eyck, J. R. Thom- son. Pennsylvania — S. Cameron, Wm. Bigler. Delau-are — J. A. Bayard, W. Saulsbury. Maryland — J. A. Pearce, A. Kennedy. Virginia — R. M. T. Hunter, James M. Mason. South Carolina — Jas. Chesnut,t James H. Hammond. t Koj-th Carolina — Thomas Bragg, T. L. Clingman. Alabama — B. Fitzpatrick, C. C. Clay, Jr. Mississipjn — A. G. Brown, JefF. Davis. Louisiana — J. P. Benjamin, John Sli- dell. Tennessee — A. 0. P. Nicholson, A. John- son. Arkansas — R. W. Johnson, W. K, Se- bastian. Kentucky — L. W. Powell, J. J. Critten- den. Missouri — Jas. S. Green, Trusten Polk. Ohio—B. F. Wade, Geo. E. Pugh. Indinna—J. D. Bright, G. N. Fitch. Illinois — S. A. Douglas, L. Trumbull. Michiyan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bingham. Florida — D. L. Yulcc, S. R. Mallory. Georqia — Alfred Iverson, Robt. Toombs. T(xds—io\\\\ Heniphill, I.. T. Wigfall. Wisconsin — Charles Durkee, J. R. Doo- little. Jotrn — J. M. Grimes, Jas. Harlan. C(difornia — M. S. Latham, William M. Gwin. Minnesota — H. M. Rice, M, S. Wilkin- son. Oregon — Joseph Lane, Edward D. Ba- ker. •Rf^niKfHd January 17th, 1801, and eucccodod by IIou. Lot M. Morrill. ■\ Did not attend. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. William Pennington, of New Jersey, fl Speaker. ^i Maine — D. E. Somes, John J. Perry, E. B. French, F. H. Morse, Israel Washburn. Jr.,* S. C. Foster. New Hampshire — Gilman Marston, M. W. Tappan, T. M. Edwards. Vermont— E. P. Walton, J. S. Morrill. H. E. Royce. Massaclmsetts — Thomas D. Eliot, James Buffinton, Charles Francis Adams, Alexan- der H. Rice, Anson Burlingame, John B. Alley, Daniel W. Gooch, Charles R. Train, Eli Thayer, Charles Delano, Henry L. Dawes. Rhode Island — C. Robinson, W. D. Brayton. Connecticut — Dwight Loomis, John Woodruff, Alfred A. Burnham, Orris S. Ferry. Delaware — W. G. Whiteley. Neto York — Luther C. Carter, James Humphreys, Daniel E. Sickles, W. B. Ma- clay, Thomas J. Barr, John Cochrane, Gorge Briggs, Horace F. Clark, John B. Haskin, Chas. H. Van Wyck, William S. Kenyon, Charles L. Beale, Abm. B. Olin, John H.,Reynolds, Jas. B. McKean, G. W. Palmer, Francis E. Spinner, Clark B. Cochrane, Janjes H. Graham, Richard Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. H. Duell, M. Ludley Lee, Charles B. Hoard, Chas. B. Sedgwick, M. Butterfield, Emory B. Pottle, Alfred Wells, William Irvine, Al- fred Ely, Augustus Frank, Edwin R. Rey- nolds, Elbridge G. Spaulding Reuben E. Fenton. New Jersey — John T. Nixon, John L. N. Stratton, Garnett B. Adrain, Jetur R. Riggs, Wm. Pennington (Speaker). Pennsylvania — Thomas B. Florence, E. Joy Morris, John P. Verree, William Mill- ward, John Wood, John Hickman, Henry C. Longnecker, Jacob K. McKenty, Thad- deus Stevens, John W. Kellinger, James H. Campbell, George W. Scraiiton, Wil- liam H. Dinimick, Galusha A. Grow, James T. Hale, Benjamin F. Junkin, Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, John Covode, William Montgomery, James K. Moorhead, Robert McKnight, William Stewart, Chapin Hall, Elijah Babbitt. Maryland — Jas. A. Stewart, J. M. Harris, H. W. Davis, J. M. Kunkel, G. W. Hughes. Virginia — John S. Millson, Muscoe R. H. Garnett, Daniel C. Dc Jarnette, Roger A. Pryor, Thomas S. Bocock, William Smith, Alex. R. Botelor, John T. Harris, Albert G. Jenkins, Slielton F. Leake, Henry A. Edmundson, Elbert S. Martin, Sherrard Clemens. ♦ llcKidnod and giiccocdcd January 2d, 1861, by Uva. Stephen C'uburu. BOOK I.] SECESSION. 115 South Carolina — John McQueen, Wm. Porcher Miles, Lawrence M. Keitt, Mill- edge L. Bouham, John D. Ashmore, Wm. W. Hoyce. North CaroUna—W. N. H. Smith, Thos. Euffin, W. Winslow, L. O'B. Branch, John A. Gilmer, Jas, M. Leach, Burton Craige, Z. B. Vance. Georgia — Peter E. Love, M. J. Crawford, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., L. J. Gartrell, J. W. H. Underwood, James Jackson, Joshua Hill, John J. Jones. Alabama — Jas. L. Pugh, David Clopton, Sydenh. Moore, Geo. S. Houston, W. R. W. Cobb, J. A. Stallworth, J. L. M. Curry. Mississippi — L. (J,. C. Lamar, Reuben Davis, William Barksdale, 0. R. Single- ton, John J. McRae. Louisiana — John E. Bouligny, Miles Taylor, T.G.Davidson, John M. Landrum. bhio—Q. H. Pendleton, John A. Gur- ley, C. L. Vallandigham, William Allen, James M. Ashley, Wm. Howard, Thomas Corwin, Benj. Stanton, John Carey, C. A. Trimble, Chas. D. Martin, Saml. S- Cox, John Sherman, H. G. Blake, William Hel- mick, C. B. Tompkins, T. C. Theaker, S. Edj^erton, Edward Wade, John Hutchins, John A. Bingham. Kcntiichj — Henry C. Burnett, Green Adams, S. O. Peyton, F. M. Bristow, W. C. Anderson, Robert Mallory, Wm. E. Simms, L. T. Moore, John Y. Brown, J. W. Stevenson. Tennessee — T. A. R. Nelson, Horace Maynard, R. B. Brabson, William B. Stokes, Robert Hatton, James H. Thomas, John V. Wright, James ]\L Quarles, Em- erson Etheridgc, Wm. T. Avery. Indiana — Wm. E. Niblack, Wm. H. English, Wm. M'Kee Dunn, Wm. S. Hol- man, David Kilgore, Albert G. Porter, John G. Davis, James W^ilson, Schuyler Colfax, Chas. Case, John U. Pettit. Illinois — E. B. "\V'ash]>urne, J. F. Farns- worth, Owen Lovejoy, Wm. Kellogg, I. N. Morris, John A. McClernand, James C. Robinson, P. B. Fouke, John A. Logan. Arkansas — Thomas C. Hindman, Albert Rust, Missouri — J. R. Barrett, T. L. Anderson, John B. Clark, James Craig, L. H. Wood- son, John S. Pheli)S, John W. Xoell. Mii!ii(/an — William A. Howard, Henry AValdroli, F. W. Kellogg, De W. C. Leach. Florida — George S. Hawkins. Texas — John II. Regan, A. J. Hamilton. loica — S. R. Curtis, Wm. Vandever. California — Charles L. Scott, John C. Burch. Wisconsin — John F. Porter, C. C. Wash- burne, C. H. Larrabee. Minnesota — Cyrus Aldrich, Wm. Win- dom. Orcf/ow— Lansing Stout. Kansas — Martin F. Conway, (sworn Jan. 80th, 18G1). MR. LINCOLN'S VIEWS. While the various propositions above given were under consideration, Mr. Lin- coln was of course an interested observer from his home in Illinois, where he awaited the legal time for taking his seat as President. His views on the efforts at comi)romise were sought by the editor of the New York Tribune, and expressed as follows : " ' I will suffer death before I will con- sent or advise my friends to consent to any concession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege of taking posses- sion of the Government to which we have a constitutional right ; because, Avhatever I might think of the merits of the various propositions before Congress, I should re- gard any concession in the face of menace as the destruction of the government it- self, and a consent on all hands that our system shall be brought down to a level with the existing disorganized state of af- fairs in Mexico. But this thing will here- after be, as it is now, in the hands of the people ; and if they desire to call a conven- tion to remove any grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees for the per- manence of vested rights, it is not mine to oppose.' " JUDGE black's views. Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, was then Buchanan's Attorney General, and as his position has since been made the subject of lengthy controversy, it is pertinent to give the following copious ex- tract from his " Opinion upon the Powers of the President," in response to an official inquiry from the Executive : — The existing laws put and keep the Federal Government strictly on the defen- sive. You can use force only to repel an assault on the public property, and aid the courts in the performance of their duty. If the means given you to collect the revenue and execute the other laws be in- sufficient for that purpose. Congress may extend and make them more effectual to that end. If one of the States should declare her independence, your action cannot depend upon the rightfulness of the cause ujMin which such declaration is based. Whether the retirement of a State from the Lhiion be the exercise of a right reserved in the Constitution or a revolutionary movement, it is certain that you have not in either case the authority to recognize her in- dependence or to absolve her from her Federal obligations. Congress or the other States in convention assembled must take such measures as may be necessary and proper. In such an event I see no course for you but to go straight onward in the p.ath you have hitherto trodden, that is, execute the laws to the extent of 116 .MERICAN POLITICS. [book the defensive means placed in your hands, and act generally upon the assumption that the present constitutional relations between tlie States and the Federal Gov- ernment continue to exist until a new order of things shall be established, either by law or force. Whether Congress has the constitutional right to make war against one or more States, and require the Executive of the Federal Government to carry it on by means of force to be drawn from the other States, is a question for Congress itself to consider. It must be admitted that no such power is expressly given ; nor are there any words in the Constitution which imply it. Among the powers enumerated in article I. section 8, is that " to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to make rules concerning captures on land and water.'' This certainly means nothing more than the power to commence, and carry on hostilities against the foreign enemies of the nation. Another clause in the same section gives Congress the power " to provide for calling forth the militia," and to use them within the limits of the State. But this power is so restricted by the words which immediately follow, that it can be exercised only for one of the fol- lowing purposes : 1. To execute the laws of the Union ; that is, to aid the Federal officers in the performance of their regular duties. 2, To suppress insurrections against the States ; but this is confined by article IV. section 4, to cases in which the State herself shall apply for assistance against her own people. 3. To repel the invasion of a State by enemies who come from abroad to assail her in her own territory. All these provisions are made to protect the States, not to authorize an attack by one part of the country upon another ; to preserve their peace, and not to plunge them into civil war. Our forefathers do not seem to have thought that war was calculated " to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- quillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." There was undoubtedly a strong and universal conviction among the men who framed and ratified the Constitu- tion, that military force would not only be useless, but pernicious as a means of hold- ing the States together. If it be tnie that war cannot be declared, nor a system of general hostilities carried on by the central government against a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so would be ipsofnrfo an ex- pulsion of such State from the Union. IJeing treated as iin alien and an enemy, f<he would be compelled to act accordingly. And if Congress shall break uj) the present Union by unconstitutionally putting strife and enmity, and armed hostility, between different sections of the country, instead of the " domestic tranquillity " which the Constitution was meant to insure, will not all the States be absolved from their Federal obligations? Is any portion of the people bound to contribute their money or their blood to carry on a contest like that? The right of the General Government to preserve itself in its whole constitutional vigor by repelling a direct and positive aggression upon its property or its officers, cannot be denied. But this is a totally different thing from an offensive war to punish the people for the political mis- deeds of their State governments, or to prevent a threatened violation of the Con- stitution, or to enforce an acknowledgment that the Government of the United States is supreme. The States are colleagues of one another, and if some of them shall conquer the rest and hold them as sub- jugated provinces, it would totally destroy the whole theory upon which they are now connected. If this view of the subject be as correct as I think it is, then the Union must totally perish at the moment when Con- gress shall arm one part of the people against another for any purpose beyond that of merely protecting the General Government in the exercise of its proper constitutional functions. I am, very re- spectfully, yours, etc., J. S. Black. To the President of the United States. The above expressions from Lincoln and Black well state the position cf the Repub- lican and the administration Democrats on the eve of the rebellion, and they are given for that purpose. The views of the original secessionists are given in South Carolina's declaration. Those of the con- servatives of the South who hesitated and leaned toward the Union, were best ex- pressed before the Convention of Georgia in the SPEECH OF ALEX. H. STEPHENS. This step (of secession) once taken can never be recalled ; and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow, will rest on the convention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely »South desolated by the de- mon of war, v'Mch tlm act oj'yo^irs uill in- evitably invite and call forth; when our green fields of waving liarvest shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping over our land ; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the liorrors and desolations of war upon us ; irho hut thin Convention irill be held re- sponsible for it ? and who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise BOOK I.] SECESSION. 117 and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think | and believe, aJiall he held to strict account for this suicidal act by the present genera- tion, and ]>robahlif cursed and execrated by j)Osterity for all covuny time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpe- trate? Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can give that will even satisfy yourselves in calmer moments — what reason you can give to your fellow sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upon us. What reasons can you give to the nations of the earth to Justify it? They will be the calm and deliberate judges in the case; and what cause or one overt act can you name or point, on which to rest the plea of justihcation? What right has the North assailed ? What inter- est of the South has been invaded ? What justice has been denied? and what claim founded in justice and right has been withheld? Can either of you to-day name one governmental act of wrong, deliber- ately and purposely done by the govern- ment of Washington, of which the South has a right to comjilain ? I challenge the answer. While on the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North ; but I am here the friend, the firm friend, and lover of the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully for yours, mine, and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which now stand as records authentic in the histoiy of our country. When we of the South de- manded the slave-trade, or the importation of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years ? When we asked a three-fifths rep- resentation in Congress for our slaves, was it not granted ? When we asked and de- manded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or allegiance, was it not incor- porated in the Constitution, and again rat- ified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? But do you reply that in many instances they have violated this compact, and have not been faithful to their engagements? As individual and local communities, they may have done so ; but not by the sanction of Government; for that has always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another act : when we have asked that more territory should be added, that we might spread the institution of slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been carved, and ami)le territory for four more to be ad<l- ed in due time, if you by this unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and perhaps, by it lose all, and have your hist slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as South America and Mexico were ; or by the vindictive decree of a tiniversal emancipation, which may reasonably be ex- pected to follow? But, again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our rela- tion to the General Government? We have always had the control of it, and can yet, if we remain in it, and are as united aa we have been. We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South ; as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern Presi- dents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the Executive department. So of the Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North ; although nearly four- fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority of the Court has always been from the South. This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the Constitution unfa- vorable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful to guard our inter- ests in the Legislative branch of Govern- ment. In choosing the presiding Presi- dents {pro tern.) of the Senate, we have had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers of the House we have had twenty-three, and they twelve. While the majority of the Representatives, from their greater population, have always been from the North, yet we have so generally secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals we have had fourteen, while the North have had but five. Foreign ministers we have had eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which de- mands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, from their greater commercial interest, yet we have had the principal embassies so as to secure the world-markets for our cotton, tobacco, and sugar on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger pro- portion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers filling the executive department, the records show for the last fifty years that of the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white popu- lation of the Republic. Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest ; it is that of revenue, or 118 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. means of supporting Government. From of- ficial document?, we learn that a fraction over three-fourths of the revenue collected for the support of the Government has uniibrmly been raised from the North. Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of Government, and learn from stern statistical facts how mat- ters stand in that department. I mean the mail and Post-Office privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the report of the Post- master-General for the year 1860 a little over $13,000,000, while 'the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States the transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was §8,- 001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to be supplied by the North for our accom- modation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off from this most essen- tial branch of Government. Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless millions of dollars you must ex- pend in a war with the North ; with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as saciifices upon the altar of your ambition — and for what, we ask again ? Is it for the over- throw of the American Government, es- tablished by our common ancestry, cement- ed and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Right, Justice and Humanity f And as, such, I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government — the most equal in its rights, the most just in its de- cisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity accompanied with unbounded nro-^pcrity and rights un- assailcd — is the lieight of madness, fo/h/, and v:ickednes.i, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote." The seven seceding States (South Caro- lina, MiHsissipj)i, Georgia, Florida, Ala- bama, Ijonisiana and Texas,) as shown by data previously giv<'n, organized their Provisional Government, with Jefferson Davis, the most radical secession leader, as President; and Alex. II. Stephens, the most conservative leader, as Vice Presi- dent. The reasons for these selections were obvious ; the first met the views of the cotton States, the other example was needed in securing the secession of other States. The Convention adopted a consti- tution, the substance of which is given elsewhere in this work. Stephens delivered a speech at Savannah, March 21st, 1861, in explanation and vindication of this instru- ment, which says all that need be said about it : " The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of civiliza- tion. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer- son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock xipon ichich the old Union xtould split.' He was right. What was conjec- ture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the for- mation of the old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature : that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Provi- dence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not in- corporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitu- tion, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sen- timent of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a government built upon it; when the 'storm came and the wind blew, it fell.' "Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man. That slaverj"^ — subordina- tion to the superior race,''is his natural and normal condition. This, our new Govern- ment, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical and moral truth. This truth has been slow in tlic process of its develoi)ment, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well, that this truth was not generally ad- mitted, even within their day. The errors BOOK I.] SECESSION. 119 of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above kuowledged, we justly denom- inate fanatics. * * * " In the conflict thus far, success has been, on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly j)huited ; and I cannot permit myself to doubt tlie ultimate success of a full recognition of tiiis prin- ci{)le throughout the civilized and enlight- ened world. "As I have stated, the truth of this prin- ciple may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the var- ious brandies of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo — it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy — it was so with Har- vey and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with confidence to the ulti- mate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the first government ever instituted upon principles of strict conlbrmity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in fur- nishing the materials of human society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of certain classes ; but the classes thus enslaved, were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition wiiich he occupies in our sys- tem. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper materials, the granite ; then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question them. For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another, as He has made 'one star to differ from another star in glory.' " The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments, as well as in all things else. Our Confed- eracy is founded upt)n principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was first rejected by the first builders * is become the chief stone of the corner ' in our new edifice. "The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, wliich, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will deter- mine." It wag determined by the secession of eleven States in all, the Border States ex- cept Mi-souri, remaining in the Union, and West Virginia dividing from old Virginia for the purpose of keeping her jilace in the Union. The leaders of the Confederacy relied to a great extent upon the fact that President Buchanan, in his several messages and re- plies to commissioners, and in the expla- nation of the law by his Attorney-General, had tied his own hands against any attempt to reinforce the garrisons in the "Southern forts, and they acted upon this faith and made preparations for their ca])ture. The refusal of the administration to reinforce Fort Moultrie caused the resignation of General Cass, and by this time the Cabinet was far from harmonious. As early as the 10th of December, Howell Cobb resigned as Secretary of the Treasury, becaase of his " duty to Georgia ; " January 26th, John B. Floyd resigned because Buchanan would not withdraw the troops from South- ern forts ; and before that, Attorney Gene- ral Black, without publicly expressing his views, also resigned. Mr. Buchanan saw the wreck around him, and his adminis- tration closed in profound regret on the jiart of many of his northern friends, and, doubtless, on his own part. His early policy, and indeed up to the close of 1860, must have been unsatisfactoiy even to himself, for he supplied the vacancies in his cabinet by devoted Unionists— by Philip F. Thomas of Maryland, Gen'l Dix of New- York, Joseph Hoit of Kentucky, and Ed- win M. Stanton of Pennsylvania — men who held in their hands the key to nearly every situation, and who did much to protect and restore the Union of the States. In the eyes of the North, the very last acts of Buchanan were the best. With the close of Buchanan's adminis- tration all eyes turned to Lincoln, and fears were entertained that the date fixed by law for the counting of the electoral vote — February loth, 1861 — would inau- gurate violence and bloodshed at the seat of gevernmcnt. It pa.ssed, however, peace- ably. Both Houses met at 12 hiirh noon in the hall of the House, Vice-President Breckinridge and Speaker PenningtoTi, both democrats, sitting side by side, and the count was made without serious chal- lenge or question. On the 11th of February Mr. Lincoln 120 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. left his home for "Washington, intending to perform the journey in easy stages. On parting with his friends at Springfield, he said : " Ml/ Friends : No one, in my position, can realize the sadness I feel at this part- ing. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have "succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot suc- ceed without the same Divine blessing which sustained him; and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support. And I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I might receive that Di- ^^ne assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. A"-ain, I bid you all an affectionate fare- well." Lincoln passed through Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania on his way to the Capitol. Because of threats macie that he should not reach the Capitol alive, some friends in Illinois em- ployed a detective to visit Washington and Baltimore in advance of his arrival, and he it was who discovered a conspiracy in Baltimore to mob and assassinate him. He therefore passed through] Baltimore in the night, two days earlier than was antici- pated, and reached Washington in safety. On the 22d of February he spoke at Inde- pendence Hall and said : " All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in, and were given to the world from, this hall. I never had a feel- ing, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declara- tion of Independence. ******** " It was not the mere matter of the sepa- ration of the Colonies from the mother- land, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence, which gave lilierty, not alone to the i)Cop]c of this country, but, i hope, to tlie world for all future time. It was that which gave promise tliat, in due time, the weight would be lifted frf)m the shoulders of men. This is the sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Indepen- dence. Now, my friends, can this coujitry be saved upon that basis? If it can, f will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that i)rinciple, it will be truly awful ! But if this country cannot be saved without giving up the princi])lc, I was about to say, ' I would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it.' ***** I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and if it be the pleasure of Al- mighty God, to die by I " Iiincoln'8 First Administration. Such was the feeling of insecurity that the President-elect was followed to Wash- ington by many watchful friends, while Gen'l Scott, Col. Sumner, Major Hunter and the members of Buchanan's Cabinet quickly made such arrangements as secured his safety. Prior to his inauguration he took every opportunity to quell the still rising political excitement by assuring the Southern people of his kindly feelings, and on the 27th of February,* "when waited upon by the Mayor and Common Council of Washington, he assured them, and through them the South, that he had no disposition to treat them in any other way than as neighbors, and that he had no dis- position to withhold from them any consti- tutional right. He assured the people that they would have all of their rights under the Constitution — ' not grudgingly, but freely and fairly.' " He was peacefully inaugurated on the 4th of March, and yet Washington was crowded as never before by excited multi- tudes. The writer himself witnessed the military arrangements of Gen'l Scott for preserving the peace, and with armed ca- valry lining every curb stone on the line of march, it would have been difficult in- deed to start or continue a riot, though it was apparent that many in the throng were ready to do it if occasion offered. The inaugural ceremonies were more than usually impressive. On the eastern front of the capitol, surrounded by such of the members of the Senate and House who had not resigned their seats and entered the Confederacy, the Diplomatic Corps, the Judges of the Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Taney, the author of the Drcd Scott decision ; the higher officers of Army and Navy, while close by the side of the new President stood the retiring one — James Buchanan — tall, dignified, reserved, and to the eye of the close observer aj)pa- rently deeply grieved at the part his party and position had com])elled him to play in a National drama which was now reaching still another crisis. Near by, too, stood. Douglas (holding Lincoln's liat) more gloomy than was his wont, but determined as he had ever been. Next to the two Presidents he was most observed. If the country could then have been pacified, Liiu^oln's in.augural was well cal- culated to do it. That it exercised a wholesome infiucnce in behalf of the Union, * Fi-Diii tli(« " IlistDry of Aliraliaiii Liiicdlii and th« Ovortlirow of Slavery," by Uun. Isaac N. Arnold. BOOKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, 121 and especially in the border States, soon became apparent. Indeed, its sentiments seemed for weeks to check the wild spirit of secession in the cotton States, and it took all the efforts of their most fiery ora- tors to rekindle the flame which seemed to have been at its highest when Major An- derson was compelled to evacuate Fort Moultrie. It is but proper in this connection, to make a few quotations from the inaut^ural address, for Lincoln then, as he did during the remainder of his life, better reflected the more popular Republican sentiment than any other leader. The very first thought was upon the theme uppermostiu the minds of all. We quote : " Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administra- tion their property and their peac;e and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their in- spection. It is found in nearly all the pub- lished speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that ' I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no law- ful right to do so, and I have no inclina- tion to do so.' Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar decla- rations, and had never recanted them. And more than tliis, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to them- selves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : ' Resolved, That the maintenance invio- late of the rights of the States, and es- pecially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our politi- cal fixbric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.' I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so, I only press upon the public at- tention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the prop- erty, peace, and security of no section arc to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to another." After conveying this peaceful assurance, he argued the question in his own way, and in a way matchless for its homely force : " Physically speaking, we cannot sepa- rate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an im- passable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond tlie reach of each other ; but the different parts of our coun- try cannot do this. They cannot but re- main face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that in- tercourse more advantageous or more satis- factory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faith- fully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. " This country, with its institutions, be- longs to the people who inhabit it. When- ever they shall grow weary of the existing Government they can exercise their con- stitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or over- throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitu- tion amended. While I make no recom- mendation of amendments, I fully recog- nize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the in- strument itself; and I should under exist- ing circumstances, favor rather than op- pose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems pref- erable, in that it allows amendments to ori- ginate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not es- pecially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I under- stand a proposed amendment to the Con- stitution — which amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shull never interfere w'ith the domestic institu- tions of the States, including that of per- sons held to service. To avoid misconstruc- tion of what I have said, I dej^art from my purpose not to speak of particular amend- ments so far as to say that, holding sui-li a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. " The Chief jMagistrate derives all his authority from the people, and tlicy have conferred none upon him to fix tcruid lot 122 'AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose ; but the Executive, as such, ha^j nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. * * * " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow- countrymen, and not in mine, is the mo- mentous issue of civil war. The Govern- ment will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the ag- gressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'pre- serve, protect and defend it.' ' ' I am loth to close. We are not ene- mies but friends. We must not be ene- mies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of aflection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." Lincoln appointed a Cabinet in thorough accord with his own views, and well suited to whatever shades of difference there were in the Republican party. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary' of State, and Salmon P. Chase represented the more advanced anti-slavery element ; General Simon Cameron, Secre- tary of War, from the first saw only a pro- longed war in which superior Northern resources and appliances would surely win, while Seward expressed the view that " all troubles would be over in three months ;" Gideon Welles, Secretaiy of the Navy ; Caleb B. Smith of the Interior ; Edward Bates, Attorney General, and Montgomery Blair, Postma-ster General, represented the more conservative Ilepublican view — the two last named being well adapted to retaining the National hold on the Border States. Political events now rapidly succeeded each other. As early as March 11, John Forsyth of Alabama and Martin J. Craw- ford of Georgia, submitted to the Secretary of State a proj)osition for a.n unofiicial inter- view. Mr. Seward the next day, from "purely public considerations," declined. On the 13th the same gentlemen sent a sealed communication, saying they had been duly accredited by the Confederate government as (Jommissioners, to negotiate for a H{)eedy adjustment of all questions growing out of the political separation of seven States, wliich liad formed a govern- ment of tlicir own, etc. Tlicy closed this remarkable document by requesting the Secretary of State to api)ointas early a day as possible in order that they may present to the President f)f the United States the credentials which they bear, and the objects of the mission with which they are charged. Mr. Seward's reply in substance, said that his " othcial duties were confined, subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or questions arising be- tween the several States and the Federal Government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which they may pre- sent the evidences of their authority and the object of their visit to the President of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as dii)loma- tic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them." An extended correspondence followed, but the administration in all similar cases, refused to recognize the Confederacy as a government in any way. On the 13th of April the President granted an inter- view to Wm. Ballard Preston, Alex. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who had been sent by the Convention of Virginia, then in session, under a resolution recited in the President's reply, the text of which is herewith given : — Gentlemen : As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words : " Whereas, in the opinion of this Con- vention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excite- ment which is unfavorable to the adjust- ment of pending difliculties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace : Therefore, " Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the Pre- sident of the United States, present to him this preamble and resolution, and respect- fully ask him to communicate to this Con- vention the policy which the Federal Exe- cutive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States." " In answer I have to say, that, having at the beginning of my oflicial term ex- pressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and injurious uncertainty in the pub- lic mind as to what tliat policy is, and what course I intend to j)ursue. " Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my i)uri)ose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat : BOOK I.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 123 " The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what is necessary lor these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." " By the words ' i)roperty and places be- longing to the Government' I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the possession of the Govern- ment when it came into my hands. " But if, as now ap[)ears to be true, in gursuit of a purpose to drive the United tates authority from these places, an un- provoked assault has been made uj^on Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upon me. And, in any event, I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. " In case it proves true that Fort Sum- ter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall {)erhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands it." " I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the Govern- ment of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession. " Whatever else I may do for the pur- pose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country — not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. " From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification." We have given the above as not only fair but interesting samples of the semi- official and official transactions and corre- spondence of the time. To give more could not add to the interest of what is but a description of the political situation. The Border states and some others were "halting between two opinions." North Carolina at first voted down a proposition to secede by 46,671 for, to 47,333 against, but the secessionists called another con- vention in May, the work of which the people ratified, the minority, however, being very large. Before Lincoln had entered office most of the Southern forts, arsenals, docks, cus- tom houses, etc., had been seized, and now that preparations were being made for ac- tive warfare by the Confederacy ,"many offi- cers of the army and navy resigned or de- serted, and joined it. The most notable were General Robert E. Lee, who for a time hesitated as to his " duty," and Gene- ral David E. Twiggs, the second officer in rank in the United States Army, but who hud purposely been i)laced by Secretary Floyd in connnand of the Defjartment of Texas to facilitate his joining the Con- federacy, which he intended to do from the beginning. All officers were permitted to go, the administration not seeking to restrain any, under the belief that until some open act of war was committed it ought to remain on the defensive. This was wise political policy, for it did more than all else to hold the Border States, the position of which Douglas understood fully as well as any statesman of that hour. It is remarked of Douglas (in Arnold's " His- tory of Abraham Lincobi") that as early as January 1, 1861, he said to General Charles Stewart, of New York, who had made a New Year's call at his residence in Washington, and inquired, " What will be the result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis, and his associates, to divide the Union?" " Rising, and looking," says my informant, " like one inspired, Douglas replied, ' The cotton States are making an effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war the world has ever seen, lasting for years.' Pausing a moment, he exclaimed, 'Vir- ginia will become a charnel house, but the end will be the triumph of the Union cause. One of their first efforts will be to take possession of this Capitol to give them prestige abroad, but they will never suc- ceed in taking it — the North will rise en masse to defend it ; — but Washington will become a city of hospitals — the churches will be used for the sick and wounded — ■ even this house (Minnesota block, after- wards, and during the war, the Douglas Hospital) may be devoted to that purpose before the end of the war.' The friend to whom this was said inquired, ' What justi- fication for all this?' Douglas replied, 'There is KO justification, nor any pretense of any — if they remain in the L^nion, I will go as for as the Constitution will permit, to maintain their just rights, and I do not doubt a majority of Congress would do the same. But,' said he, again rising on his feet, and extending his arm, ' if the South- ern States attempt to secede from this Union, without further cause, I am in fa- vor of their having just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and NO MORE.'" In the border states of Maryland. Vir- ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Mia- 124 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. souri there were sharp political contests between the friends of secession and of the Union. Ultimately the Unionists tri- umphed in Maryland, Kentucky and Mis- soiiri — in the latter state by the active aid of U. S. troops — in Maryland and Ken- tucky by military orders to arrest any mem- bers of the Legislature conspiring to take their states out. In Tennessee, the Union men, under the lead of Andrew Johnson, Governor ("Parson") Brownlow, Horace MajTiard and others, who made a most gal- lant fight to keep the state in, and they had the sympathy of the majority of the people of East Tennessee. The Secessionists took Virginia out April 17th, and North Caro- lina May 20th. The leading Southerners encouraged the timid and hesitating by saying the North would not make war; that the political divisions would be too great there, and they were supported in this view by the speeches and letters of lead- ers like Clement L. Vallandigham. On the other hand they roused the excitable by warlike preparations, and, as we have stated, to prevent reconsideration on the part of those who had seceded, resolved to fire upon Sumter. Beauregard acted under direct instructions from the govern- ment at Montgomery when he notified Ma- jor Anderson on the 11th of April to sur- render Fort Sumter. Anderson replied that he would evacuate on the 15th, but the original summons called for surrender by the 12th, and they opened their fire in ad- vance of the time fixed for evacuation — a fact which clearly established the purpose to bring about a collision. It was this ag- gressive spirit which aroused and united the North, and made extensive political division therein impossible. The Southern leaders, ever anxious for the active aid of the Border States, soon saw that they could only acquire it through higher sectional excitement than any yet cultivated, and they acted accordingly. Roger A. Pryor, in a speech at Richmond April 10th, gave expression to this thought, when he said in response to a serenade : — " Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated this ac- cursed Union, [applause,] reeking with corruption, and insolent with excess of tyranny. Thank fiod, it is at last blasted and riven by the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people. [Loud applause.] Not only is it gone, but gone fonsver. [Cries of ' You're right,' and ap- plause, j In the expressive language of Scripture, it is water spilt upon the ground, wliich cannot be gatliered uj) | Apj)lause. j I>ike Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again. [Continued applause. | For my part, f/rntlrmen, if Abra- ham TAncoln and Ifannihal Hamlin (o- viorrow vf-re to abdicate thfir ojjiccs and were to give me a blank sheet oj' jnijicr to write the conditions of rcannexatinn to the defunct Union, I would scornfully .spurn the overture, * * * * I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a personal appeal — personal so far as it tends to our assistance in Virginia — I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea of recon- struction. [Many voices, emphatically, ' Never,' and applause.] In Virginia they all say, if reduced to the dread dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will es- pouse the cause of the South as against the interest of the Northern Confederacy, but they whisper of reconstruction, and they say Virginia must abide in the Union, with the idea of reconstructing the Union which you have annihilated. I pray you, gentle- men, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to the world that upon no condition, and under no circumstance, will South Carolina ever again enter into political association with the Abolitionists of New England. [Cries of ' Never," and applause.] " Do not distrust Virginia. As sure as to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And I tcill tell you, gentlemen, what will put her in the Southern Confederation in less than an hour by Shreicsbury clock — STRIKE A BLOW ! [Tremendous applause.] The very moment that blood is shed, old Virginia icill make common cause with her sisters of the Smith. [Applause.] It is impossible she should do otherwise." Warlike efforts were likewise used to keep some of the states firmly to their pur- pose. Hon. Jeremiah Clemens, formerly United States Senator from Alabama, and a member of the Alabama Seceding Con- vention who resisted the movement until adopted by the body, at an adjourned Re- construction meeting held at Huntsville, Ala., March 13, 1864, made this significant statement : — Mr. Clemens, in adjourning the meeting, said he Avould tell the Alabamians how their state was got out of the Union. " In 18(11," said Mr. C, " shortly after the Con- federate Government was put in operation, I was in the city of Montgomery. One day I stepped into the oftice of the Secre- taiy of War, General Walker, and found there, engaged in a very excited discussion, Mr. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Memminger, Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from Loundes county, and a numl)er of other prominent gentlemen. They were discussing the propriety of im- mediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to which (Jeneral Walker, the Secretary of War, ai>pearcd to be opnosed. Mr. Gil- christ said to him, ' Sir, unless you sprinkle l)loo(l in the face of the people of Alabama they will be back iu the old Union in less BooKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 125 than ten days ! ' The next day General Beauregard opened his batteries on Sumter, and Alabama waa saved to the Confed- eracy." When the news flashed along the wires that Sumter had been fired upon, Lincoln immediately used his war powers and is- sued a call for 7r>,000 troops. All of the northern governors resi)onded with prompt- ness and enthusiasm ; but this was not true of the governors of the southern states which at that time had not seceded, and the Border States. We take from McPherson's admirable condensation, the evasive or hostile replies of the Governors referred to, and follow it with his statement of the military calls and legislation of both governments, but for the purposes of this work omit details which are too extended. REPLIES OF SOUTHERN STATE GOVERNORS TO LINCOLN'S CALL FOR 75,000 TROOPS. Governor Burton, of Delaware, iesued a proclamation, April 26, recommending the formation of volunteer companies for the protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against violence of any sort to which they may be exposed, the companies not being subject to be or- dered by the Executive into the United States service, the law not vesting him with such authority, but having the option of offering their services to the General Government for the defence of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of the country. Governor Hicks, of Maryland, May 14, issued a proclamation for the troops, stat- ing that the four regiments would be de- tailed to serve within the limits of Mary- land or for the defence of the capital of the United States. Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied that "The militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers of Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the southern States, and a requisition made upon me for such an object — an object, in my judgment, not within the jiurview of the Constitution or the act of 1795 — will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done so we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the Administration has exhibited to- ward the South." Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, re- plied April 15 : "Your dispatch is received, and if gen- uine — which its extraordinary character leads me to doubt — I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of troops made by the Administration, for the purpose of sub- jugating the States of the South, as in vio- lation of the Constitution and a usurjiation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this war upon the liberties of a free peo- ple. You can get no troops from North Carolina. I will reply more in detail when your call is received by mail.'' Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, re- plied, April 15 : " Your dispatch is received. In answer I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subdu- ing her sister Southern States." Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied, April 18: " Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessa- ry, for the defence of our rights or those of our southern brethren." Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied: " Your requisition is illegal, unconstitu- tional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be comj)Iied with." Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied, April 22 : " None will be furnished. The demand is only adding insult to injury." ALL OTHER CALLS FOR TROOPS. May 3, 1861— The President called for thirty-nine volunteer regiments of infantry and one regiment of cavalry, with a mini- mum aggregate of 34,506 officers and en- listed men, and a maximum of 42,034; and for the enlistment of 18,000 seamen. May 3, 1861— The President directed an increase of the regular army by eight regi- ments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery — minimum aggregate, 18,054; maximum, 22,714. August 6 — Congress legalized this in- crease, and all the acts, orders, and pro- clamations respecting the Army and Navy. July 22 and 25, 1861 — Congress author- ized the enlistment of 500,000 volunteers. September 17, 1861 — Commanding offi- cer at Hatteras Inlet, N. C, authorized to enlist a regiment of loyal North Carolini- ans. November 7, 1861 — The Governor of Missouri was authorized to raise a force of State militia for State defence. December 3, 1861 — The Secretary of War directed that no move regiments, bat- teries, or independent companies be raised by the Governors of States, except upon the special requisition of the War Depart- ment. July 2, 1862— The President called for three hundred thousand volunteers. Under the act of .July 17, 1862. August 4, 1862 — The President ordered a drah of three hundred thousand militia, for nine months unless sooner discharged ; and directed that if any State shall not, by the 15th of August, furnish its quota of tiie additional 300,000 authorized by-law, the deficiency of volunteers in that State will also be niade up by special draft from the 12Q AMERICAN POLITICS. [book militia. Wednesday, September 3, was subsequently fixed for the draft. May 8, 1863 — Proclamation issued, de- fining the relations of aliens to the con- scription act, holding all aliens who have declared on oath their intention to become citizens and may be in the country within sixty-five days from date, and all who have declared their intention to become citizens and have voted. June 15, 1863 One hundred thousand men, for six months, called to repel the invasion of Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. October 17, 1863 — A proclamation was issued for 300,000 volunteers, to serve for three years or the war, not, however, ex- ceeding three years, to fill the places of those whose terms expire " during the coming year," these being in addition to the men raised by the present draft. In States in default under this call, January 6, 1864, a draft shall be made on that dav. February 1, 1864— Draft for 500,000 men for three years or during the war, ordered for March 10, 1864. March 14, 1864— Draft for 200,000 ad- ditional for the array, navy and marine corps, ordered for April 15, 1864, to supply the force required for the navy and to pro- vide an adequate reserve force for all con- tingencies. April 23, 1864—85,000 one hundred day men accepted, tendered by the Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wis- consin ; 30,000, 20,000, 20,000, 10,000 and 5,000 being tendered respectively. UNION MILITARY LEGISLATION. 1861, July 22— The President was au- thorized to accept the services of volun- teers, not exceeding five hundred thousand, for a period not exceeding three years. July 27, this authority was duplicated. 1861, July 27 — Nine regiments of in- fantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery, added to the regular army. August 5 — Passed bill approving and legalizing the orders of the President re- 8i)ecting the army and navy, issued from 4th of March to that date. 1862, July 17— Autliorized the President, when calling forth the militia of the States, to specify the period of such service, not exceeding nine months; and if by reason of defects in existing laws or in the execu- tion of them, it shall be found necessary to provide for enrolling the militia, the President was authorized to make all necessary regulations, the enrollment to in- clude all able l)o<licd male citizens between eighteen and forty-five, and to be appor- tioned ac;rording to representative pojmla- tion. He was anthorized, in addition to the volunteers now iitithorized, to accept IflO.OOO infiintry, for nine months; also, for twelve months, to fill up old regiments, as many as may be presented for the pur- pose. 1863, February 7 — Authorized the Gov- ernor of Kentucky, by the consent and under the direction of the President, to raise twenty thousand volunteers, for twelve months, for service within th6 limits of the State, for repelling invasion, suppressing insurrection, and guarding and protecting the public property — two regi- ments to be mounted riflemen. With the consent of the President, these troops may be attached to, and become a part of, the body of three years' volunteers. 1863, March 3 — The conscription act passed. It included as a part of the na- tional forces, all able bodied male citizens of the United States, and persons of for- eign birth who shall have declared on oath their intention to become citizens under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, be- tween the ages of twenty-one and forty- five years, except such as are rejected as physically or mentally unfit for the service; also, the Vice President, the judges of the various courts of the United States, the heads of the various executive departments of the Government, and the Governors of the several States ; also, the only son liable to military service, of a widow dependent upon his labor for support ; also, the only son of aged or infirm parent or parents, dependent upon his labor for support ; also, where there are two or more sons of aged or infirm parents, subject to draft, the father, or if he be dead, the mother, may elect which son shall be exemjit ; also, the only brother of children not twelve years old, having neither father nor mother, de- pendent upon his labor for support; also, the father of motherless children under twelve years of age, dependent upon his labor for support; also, where there area father and sons in the same family and household, and two of them are in military service of the United States as non-com- missioned officers, musicians, or privates, the residue of such family ; provided that no person who has been convicted of any felony shall be enrolled or i)ermitted to serve in said forces. It divided the forces into two classes : 1st, those between twenty and thirty-five and all unmarried persons above thirty-five and under forty-five ; 2d, all others liable to military duty. It di- vided the country into districts, in each of which an enrollment board was established. The persons enrolled were made subject to be called into the military service for two years from July 1, 1863, and continue in service for three years. A drafted person was allowed to furnish an acceptable sub- stitute, or pay $300, and be discharged from further lial)ility under that draft. Persons failing to report, to be considered deserters. All persons drafted shall be as- signed by the President to military duty BOOKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 127 in such corps, regiments, or branches of the service as the exigencies of the service may require. 1S()4, Feb. 24 — Provided for equalizing the draft by calculating the quota of each district or precinct and counting the num- ber jireviously furnished by it. Any per- son enrolled may furnish an acceptable substitute who is not lialde to draft, nor, at any time, in the military or naval ser- vice of the United States ; and such per- son so furnishing a substitute shall be ex- empt from draft during the time for which such substitute shall not be liable to draft, not exceeding the time for which such sub- stitute shall liave been accepted. If such substitute is liable to draft, the name of the person furnishing him shall again be placed on tiie roll and shall be liable to draft in future calls, but not until the pre- sent enrollment shall be exhausted. The exemptions are limited to such as are re- jected as ithysically or mentally unfit for the service ; to persons actually in the military or naval service of the Government, and all persons who have served in the military or naval service two years during the pre- sent war and been honorably discharged therefrom. The separate enrollment of classes is re- pealed and the two classes consolidated. Members of religious denominations, who shall by oath or affirmation declare that they are conscientiously opposed to the bearing of arms, and who are pro- hibited from doing so by the rules and articles of faith and practice of said re- ligious denomination, shall when drafted, be considered non-combatants, and be as- signed to duty in the hospitals, or the care of freedmen, or shall pay $300 to the benefit of sick and wounded soldiers, if they give jjroof that their deportment has been uniformly consistent with their de- claration. No alien who has voted in county. State or Territory shall, because of alienage, be exempt from draft. " All able-bodied male colored persons between the ages of twenty and forty-five years, resident in the United States, shall be enrolled according to the provisions of this act, and of the act to which this is an amendment, and form part of the national forces ; and when a slave of a loyal master shall he drafted and mustered into the ser- vice of the United States, his master shall have a certificate thereof; and thereupon such slave shall be free, and the bounty of one hundred dollars, now payable by law for each drafted man, shall be paid to the person to whom such drafted person was owing service or labor at the time of his muster into the service of the United States. The Secretary of War shall appoint a com- mission in each of the slave fetates repre- sented in Congress, charged to awara to each loyal person to whom a colored volun- teer may owe service a just compensation, not exceeding three hundred dollars, for each such colored volunteer, payable out of the fund derived from commuta- tions, and every such colored volunteer on being mustered into the service shall be free. And in all cases where men of color have been enlisted, or have volunteered in the military service of the United States, all the provisions of this act so far as the payment of bounty and compensation are provided, shall be equally aj)plicable, as to those who may be hereafter recruited. But men of color, drafted or enlisted, or who may volunteer into the military service, while they shall be credited on the quotas of the several States, or sub-divisions of States, wherein they are respectively draft- ed, enlisted, or shall volunteer, shall not be assigned as State troops, but shall be mustered into regiments or companies as United States colored troops." 1HG4, Feb. 29— Bill passed reviving the grade of Lieutenant General in the army, and Major General Ulysses S. Grant was appointed March 2d. 18G4, June 15 — All persons of color shall receive the same pay and emoluments, ex- cept bounty, as other soldiers of the regular or volunteer army from and after Jan. 1, 1864, the President to fix the bounty for those hereafter mustered, not exceeding $100. 18G4, June 20 — The monthly pay of pri- vates and non-commissioned officers was fixed as follows, on and after May 1 : Sergeant majors, twenty-six dollars; quartermaster and commissary sergeants of Cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty- two dollars ; first sergeants of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty-four dollars ; sergeants of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, twenty dollars ; sergeants of ordnance, sappers and miners, and pontoniers, thirty- four dollars; corporals of ordnance, sap- pers and miners, and pontoniers, twenty dollars ; privates of engineers and ordnance of the first class, eighteen dollars, and of the second class, sixteen dollars ; corjiorals of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, eighteen dollars ; chief buglers of cavalry, twent}'- three dollars ; buglers, sixteen dollars; far- riers and blacksmiths, of cavalry, and arti- ficers of artillery, eighteen dollars ; privates of cavalry, artillery and infantry, sixteen dollars ; principal musicians of artillery and infantry, twenty-two dollars; leaders of brigade and regimental bands, seventy- five dollars; musicians, sixteen dollars; hospital stewards of the fii-st class, thirty- three dollars; hospital .'stewards of tlie second class, twenty-five dollars ; hospital stewards of the third class, twenty-three dollars." July 4 — This bill became a law: Be it enacted, tfec. That the President of 128 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. the United States may, at his discretion, at any time hereafter call for any number of men as volunteers for the respective terms of one, two, and three years for military service ; and any such volunteer, or, in case of draft, as hereinafter j^rovided, any sub- stitute, shall be credited to the town, town- ship, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a county not so subdivided towards the quota of which he may have volunteered or engaged as a substitute ; and every volunteer who is accepted and mustered into the service for a term of one year, unless sooner discharged, shall re- ceive, and be paid by the United States, a bounty of one hundred dollars ; and if for a term of two years, unless sooner dis- charged, a bounty of two hundred dollars; and if for a term of three years, unless sooner discharged, a bounty of three hun- dred dollars ; one third of which bounty shall be paid to the soldier at the time of his being mustered into the service, one- third at the exjiiration of one-half of his term of service, and one-third at the expi- ration of his terni of service. And in case of his death while in service, the residtie of his bounty unpaid shall be paid to his widow, if he shall have left a widow ; if not, to his children ; or if there be none, to his mother, if she be a widow. ******* Sec. 8. That all persons in the naval service of the United States, Avho have en- tered said service during the present rebel- lion, who have not been credited to the quota of any town, district, ward, or State, by reason of their being in said service and not enrolled prior to February twentj'-four, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, shall be enrolled and credited to the quotas of the town, ward, district, or State, in which they respectively reside, upon satisfactory proof of their residence made to the Secre- tary of War. "confederate" military legislation. February 28, 1^61, (four days before the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln) — The "Con- federate " Congress passed a bill provid- ing— 1st. To enable the Government of the Confederate States to maintain its jurisdic- tion over all questions of peace and war, and to provide for the public defence, the J'resideiit be, and he is hereby auttiorizcd and directed to assume control of all mili- tary oi)erations in every State, having re- ference to a connection with questions be- tween the said States, or any of them, and Powers foreign to themselves. 2d. The I'resident was authorized to re- ceive from the several States the arms and munitions of war which have been ac- quirc'd from the United States. 3d. lie was authorized to receive into Government service such forces in the ser- vice of the States, as may be tendered, in such number as he may require, for any time not less than twelve months, unless sooner discharged. March 6, 1861 — The President was au- thorized to employ the militia, military and naval forces of the Confederate States to repel invasion, maintain rightful possession of the territory, and secure public tran- quillity and independence against threat- ened assault, to the extent of 100,000 men, to serve for twelve months. May 4, 1861 — One regiment of Zouaves authorized. May 6, 1861 — Letters of marque and re- prisal authorized. 1861, August 8 — The Congress author- ized the President to accept the services of 400,000 volunteers, to serve for not less than twelve months nor more than three years after they shall be mustered into ser- vice, unless sooner discharged. The Kichmond Enquirer of that date an- nounced that it was ascertained from ofR- cial data, before the passage of the bill, that there were not less than 210,000 men then in the field. August 21 — Volunteers authorized for local defence and special service. 1862, January — Publishers of newspa- pers, or other printed matter are prohibited from giving the number, disposition, move- ment, or destination of the land or naval forces, or description of vessel, or battery, fortification, engine of war, or signal, un- less first authorized by the President or Congress, or the Secretary of War or Navy, or commanding officer of post, district, or expedition. The penalty is a fine of $1,000 and imprisonment not over twelvemonths. 1862, February — The Committee on Na- val Affairs were instructed to inquire into the expediency of placing at the disposal of the President five millions of dollars to build gunboats. 1862 — Bill passed to "regulate the de- struction of property under military neces- sity," referring particularly to cotton and tobacco. The authorities are authorized to destroy it to keep it from the enemy ; and owners, destroying it for the same purpose, are to be indemnified upon proof of the value and the circumstances of the de- struction. 1S(;2, April 16— The first "conscription" bill l)ecame a law. ]8()4, Fel)ruary. The second conscription bill became a law. The Eichmnnd Sentinel of February 17, 1864, contains a synopsis of what is called the military bill, heretofore forbidden to be printed : The first section provides that all white men residents of the Confederate States, between the ages of seventeen and fifty, shall be in the military service for the war. The second section provides that all be- BOOKi.J MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 129 tween eighteen and forty-five, now in ser- vice, shall be continued during the war in the same regiments, battalions, and com- panies to Avhich they belong at the passage of this act, with the organization, oliicers, &c., provided that companies from one State organized against their consent, expressed at the time, with regrets, &c., from anothtr State, shall have the privilege of being transferred to the same arm in a regiment from their own State, and men can be trans- ferred to a company fi-om their own State. Section three gives a bounty eight months hence of $100 in rebel bonds. Section four provides that no person shall be relieved from the operations of this act heretofore discharged for disability, nor shall those who furnished suhstitutes be ex- empted, tvhere no disahiUty now exists ; but exempts religious persons who have paid an exemption tax. * * # The tenth section provides that no per- son shall be exempt except the following ; ministers, superintendents of deaf, dumb, and blind, or insane asylums ; one editor to each newspaper, and such employees as he may swear to be indispensable ; the Con- federate and State public printers, and the journeymen printers necessary to perform the public printing ; one apothecary to each drug store, who was and has been contin- uously doing business as such since Octo- ber 10, 1862 ; physicians over 30 years of age of seven years' practice, not including dentists ; presidents and teachers of col- leges, academies and schools, who have not less than thirty pupils ; su{)erintendents of public hospitals established by law, and sucn physicians and nurses as may be in- dispensable for their efficient management. One agriculturist on such farm where there is no white male adult not liable to duty employing fifteen able-bodied slaves, between sixteen and fifty years of age, up- on the following conditions : The party exempted shall give bonds to deliver to the Government in the next twelve months, 100 pounds of bacon, or its equivalent in salt pork, at Government se- lection, and 100 poundsof beef for each such able-bodied slave employed on said farm at commissioner's rates. In certain cases this may be commuted jn grain or other provisions. The person shall further bind himself to sell all surplus provisions now on hand, or which he may raise, to the Government, or the families of soldiers, at commissioner's rates, the person to be allowed a credit of 25 per cent, on any amount he may deliver in three months from the passage of this act; Provided that no enrollment since Feb. 1, 1864, shall deprive the person enrolled from the benefit of this exemption. In addition to the above, the Secretary of War is authorized to make such details as the public security requires. 9 The vote in the House of Representa- tives was — yeas, 41 ; nays, 31. GUERRILLAS. 1862, April 21— The President was au- thorized to commission such officers as he may deem proper, with authority to form bands of partisan rangers, in companies, battalions or regiments, either as infantry or cavalry, to receive the same pay, rations, and quarters, and be 'subject to the same regulations as other soldiers. For any arms and munitions of war captured from the enemy by any body of partisan rangers, and delivered to any quartermaster at des- ignated place, the rangers shall pay their full value.* The following resolution, in relation to partisan service, was adopted by the Vir- ginia Legislature, May 17, 18G2: Whereas, this General Assembly places a high estimate upon the value of the ran- ger or partisan service in })rosecuting the present war to a successful issue, and re- gards it as perfectly legitimate ; and it be- ing understood that a Federal commander on the northern border of Virginia ha.s in- timated his purpose, if such service is not discontinued, to lay waste by fire the por- tion of our territory at present under his power. Resolved hy the General Assembly, That in its opinion, the policy of employing such rangers and partisans ought to be carried- out energetically, both by the authorities of this State and of the Confederate States, without the slightest regard to such threats. By another act, the President was au- thorized, in addition to the volunteer force authorized under existing laws, to accept the services of volunteers who may offer them, without regard to the place of en- listment, to serve for and during the exist- ing war. 1862, May 27— Major General John B. Floyd was authorized by the Legislature of Virginia, to raise ten thousand men, not now in service or liable to draft, for twelve- months. 1862, September 27 — The President was authorized to call out and place in the mil- itary service for three years, all white men who are residents, between the ages of thirty-five and forty-five, at the time the- call may be made, not legally exempt. And such authority shall exist in the President, during the present war, as to all persons who now are, or hereafter may become eighteen years of age, and all persons be- tween eighteen and forty-five, once en- rolled, shall serve their full time. * 1S64, Febniarj- 15 — Hepealed tho above act, but pro vlded for continuinc orj^nizatioiis of partisan ratiK"'™ artiiig as rcfriilar cavalry and so to cimtiniip ; ami autlior- ialii}; the Sooretary of War to provide for uniting all liands of partisan ninsrors with other orninizai ions and brinsring tlx'm undtT tho general discipline of tho pro- visional army. 130 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. THE t"w:en"ty-neCtEO exemption law. 1862, October 11 — Exempted certain classes, described in the repealing law of the next session, as follows : The dissatistaction of the people with an act passed by the Confederate Congress, at its last session, by which persons owning a certain number of slaves were exempted ; from the operation of the conscription law, [ has led the members ^t the present session to reconsider their work, and already one branch has passed a bill for the repeal of the obnoxious law. This bill provides as follows : " The Congress of the Confederate States do enact, That so much of the act ap- proved October 11, 1862, as exempts from military service ' one person, either as agent, owner, or overseer, on each planta- tion on which one white person is required to be kept by the laws or ordinances of any State, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military service, and in States having no such law, one person, as agent, owner, or overseer on such planta- tion of twenty negroes, and on whicli there is no white male adult not liable to mili- tary service ;' and also the following clause in "said act, to wit : ' and furthermore, for additional police of every twenty negroes, on two or more plantations, within five miles of each other, and each having less than twenty negroes, and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military duty, one person, being the oldest of the owners or overseers on such plantations,' be and the same are hereby repealed ; and the persons so hitherto exempted by said clauses of said act are hereby made subject to military duty in the same manner that they would be had said clauses never been embraced in said act." THE POSITION OF DOUGLAS. After the President had issued his first call, Douglas saw the danger to which the Capitol was exposed, and he promptly called upon Lincoln to express his full approval of the call. Knowing his politi- cal value and that of his following Lin- coln asked him to dictate a despatch to the Associated Press, which he did in these words, the original being left in the pos-^es- sion of Hon. George Ashmun of Massachu- " April 18, 1861, Swiator Douglas, called on the President, and had an interesting conversation, on the present condition of the country. The su]).stance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was unalterably opposed to the administration in all its jiolitical issuer, he was prepared to fully sustain the President, in the exercise of all his CoTistitutionid functions, to pre- serve tliel^iiion, maintain thr <»overnment, and dcfeml thcFoflerjil Capitol. A firm po- licy and jiroiiipt action was necessary. The Capitol was in danger, and must be de- fended at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the pre- sent and future, without any reference to the i^ast." Douglas followed this with a great speech at Chicago, in which he uttered a sentence that was soon quoted on nearly every Northern tongue. It was simply this, " that there now could be but two parties, patriots and traitors." It needed nothing more to rally the Douglas Democrats by the side of the Administration, and in the general feeling of patriotism awakened not only this class of Democrats, but many Northern supporters of Breckinridge also enlisted in the Union armies. The leaders who stood aloof and gave their sympathies to the South, were stigmatized as "Copper- heads," and these where they were so im- pudent as to give expression to their hos- tility, were as odious to the mass of North- erners as the Unionists of Tennessee and North Carolina were to the Secessionists — with this difference — that the latter were compelled to seek refuge in their moun- tains, while the Northern leader who sought to give " aid and comfort to the enemy " was either placed under arrest by the government or proscribed politically by his neighbors. Civil war is ever thus. Let us now pass to THE POLITICAL LEGISLATION INCIDENT TO THE WAR. The first session of the 37th Congress began July 4, 1861, and closed Aug. 6. The second began December 2, 1861, and closed July 17, 1862. The third began December 1, 1862 and closed March 4, 1863. All of these sessions of Congress were really embarrassed by the number of vol- unteers offering from the North, and suffi- ciently rapid provision could not be made for them. And as illustrative of how political lines had been broken, it need only be remarked that Benjamin F. Butler, the leader of the Northern wing of Breck- inridge's supporters, Avas commissioned as the first commander of the forces which IMassachusetts sent to the field. New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio — the great West — all the States, more than met all early require- ments. So rapid were enlistments that no song was as popular as that beginning with the lines : " Wo aro comjnp, Father Abraham, Six hiindr(<i thousand stroiiR." The first session of the 37fh Congress was a special one, called by the President. IMcPherson, in his classification of the membership, shows the changes in a body made historic, if such a thing can be, not only by its membership pri'sent, but that which had gone or made itself subject to BOOK I.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 131 expulsion by siding with the Confederacy. We quote tlie list so concisely and correct- ly presented : MEMBERS OF THE 37tH CONGRESS. March 4, 18C1, to March 4, 18G3. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Presi- dent of the Senate. SENATORS. Maine— Lot M. Morrill, Wm. Pitt Fes- senden. New Hampshire — John P. Hale, Daniel Clark. Vermont — Solomon Foot, Jacob Colla- mer. Massachusetts — Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson. Rhode Island — James F. Simmons,* Henry B. Anthony. Connecticut — James Dixon, Lafayette S. Foster. New York — Preston King, Ira Harris. New Jersey — John B. Thomson,* John C. Ten Eyck. Pennsylvania — David AVilmot, Edgar Cowan. Delaware — James A. Bayard, Willard Saulsbury. Maryland — Anthony Kennedy, James A. Pearce.* Virginia* Ohio — Benjamin F. Wade, John Sher- man. Kentucky — Lazarus W. Powell, John C. Breckinridge.* Tennessee — Andrew Johnson. Indiana — Jesse D. Bright,* Henry S. Lane. Illinois — O. H. Browning,* Lyman Trumliull. 3//.s-,soM?-i— Trustcn Polk,* Waldo P. Johnson.* Michigan — Z. Chandler, K. S. Bing- ham.* Iowa — James W. Grimes, James Harlan. Wisconsin — James R. Doolittle, Timothy O. Howe. California — Milton S. Latham, James A. McDougall. Minnesota — Henry M. Rice, Morton S. AVilkinson. Oregon — Edward D. Baker,* James W. Ncsiiiith. Kansas — James H. Lane, S. C. Pomeroy. REPRESENTATIVES. Galusha a. Grow, of Pennsylvania, Speaker of the House. Maine — John N. Goodwin, Charles W. Walton,* Samuel C. Fessenden, Anson P. Morrill, John H. Rice, Frederick A. Pike. New Hampshire — Gilman ]\Iarston, Ed- ward H. Rollins, Thomas M. Edwards. Vermont— E. P. Walton, Jr., Justin S. Morrill, Portus Baxter. * See memoraudum at tho end of list. Massachusetts — Thomas D. Eliot, James Bufiiiiton, Benjamin F. Thoma.s, Alexan- der H. Rice, William Apjjleton,* John B. Alley, Daniel W. Gouch, Charles R. Train, (rolcismith F. Bailey,* Charles Delano, Henry L. Dawes. L'hode Matid — V^illiam P. Sheffield, George II. Browne. Connecticut — Dwight Loomis, James E. English, Alired A. Jiurnham,* George C. Woodruff. New York — Edward H. Smith, Moses F. Odell, Benjamin Wood, James E. Kerri- gan, William Wall, Frederick A. Conk- ling, Elijah Ward, Isaac C. Delaplaiiie, Edward Haight, Charles H. Van Wyck, John B. Steele, Stephen Baker, Abraham B. Olin, Erastus Corning, James B. Mc- Kean, William A. Wheeler, Socrates N. Sherman, Chauncey Vibbard, Richard Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. Holland Duell, William E. Lansing, Ambrose W. Clark, Charles B. Sedgwick, Theodore M. Pomeroy, Jacob P. Chamberlain, Alexan- der S. Diven, Robert B. Van Valkenburgh, Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Burt Van Horn, Elbridge G. Spalding, Reuben E. Fenton. Neio Jersey — John T. Nixon, John L. N. Stratton, William G. Steele, George T. Cobb, Nehemiah Perry. Pennsylvania — William E. Lehman, Charles J. Biddle,* John P. Verree, Wil- liam D. Kelley, William Morris Davis, John Hickman, Thomas B. Cooper,* Syd- enham E. Ancoiia, Thaddeus Stevens, John W. Killinger, James H. Campbell, Hen- drick B. Wright, Philip Johnson, Galusha A. Grow, James T. Hale, Joseph Baily, Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, John Covode, Jesse Lazear, James K. Moorhead, Robert McKnight, John W.Wallace, John Patton, Elijah Babbitt. Delaware — George P. Fisher. Maryland — John W. Crisfield, Edwin H. Webster, Cornelius L. L. Leary, Henry May, Francis Thomas, Charles B. Calvert. Virginia — Charles H. Upton,* William G. Brown, John S. Carlile,* Kellian V. Whaley. Ohio — George H. Pendleton, John A. Gurley, Clement L. Vallandigham, William Allen, James M. Ashley, Chilton A. White, Richard A. Harrison, Samuel Shella- barger, Warren P. Noble, Carey A. Trim- ble, Valentine B. Horton, Samuel S. Cox, Samuel T. Worcester, Harrison G. Blake, Robert H. Nugen, William P. Cutler, James R. Morris, Sidney Edgcrton, Albert G. Riddle, John Hutchins, John A. Bing- ham. Kentncky — Henry C. Burnett,* James S. .Tackson,* Henrv Grider, Aaron Harding, Charles A. Wickliffe, Gcor<re W. Dunlan, Robert :Mallory, John J. Crittenden, Wil- liam H. Wadswortli, John W. ^lenzies. Sco memorandum at oud of liijt. 132 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Tennessee — Horace Maynard,* Andrew J. Clements,* George W. Bridges.* Indiana — John Law, James A. Cravens, W. MoKee Dunn, William S. Holman, George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter, Dan- iel W. Voorhees, Albert S. White, Seliuyler Colfax, William Mitchell, John P.' C. Shanks. lUhiois — Elihu B. Washburne, Isaac N. Arnold, Owen Lovejoy, William Kellogg, William A. Richardson,* John A. Mc- Cleruand,* James C. Robinson, Philip B. Fouke, John A. Logan.* Missouri — Francis P. Blair, Jr., James S. Rollins, John B. Clark,* Elijah H. Nor- ton, John W. Reid,* John S. Phelps,* John W. Noell. Michigan — Bradley F. Granger, Fer- nando C. Beaman, Francis W. Kellogg, Rowland E. Trowbridge. Iowa — Samuel R. Curtis,* William Van- dever. Wisconsin — John F. Potter, Luther Han- chett,* A. Scott Sloan. Minnesota— Cyrus, Aldrich, William Win- dom. Oregon — Andrew J. Thayer.* Kansas — Martin F. Conway. MEMORAKDUM OF CHANGES. The following changes took place during the Congress : IN SENATE. Rhode Island — 1862, Dec. 1, Samuel G. Arnold succeeded James F. Simmons, re- signed. Neio Jersey — 1862, Dec. 1, Richard S. Field succeeded, by appointment, John R. Thompson, deceased Sept. 12, 1862. 1863, Jan. 21, James, W. Wall, succeeded, by election, Richard S. Field. Maryland — 1863, Jan. 14, Thomas H. Hicks, first by appointment and then by election succeeded James A. Pearce, de- ceased Dec. 20, 1862. Virginia— \mi, July 13, John S. Carlile and Waitman T. Willey, sworn in place of Robert IVI. T. Hunter and James M. Mason, ■withdrawn and abdicated. Kentud:y—\^(\l, Dec. 23, Garrett Davis succeeded John C. Breckinridge, expelled December 4. Indiana — 1862, March 3, Joseph A. Wright .succeeded Jesse D. Bright, expelled Feb. 5, 1863, Jan. 22, David Turpie, super- seded, bv election, Joseph A. Wright. Illinois— m)?,, Jan. 30, William A. Rich- ardson superseded, by election, O. H. Browning. Missouri — 1861, Jan. 24, R. Wilson suc- ceeded Waldo I*. Johnson, expelled Jan. 10. 1862, Jan. 21), John B. Henderson suc- ceeded Trusten Polk, cxiiellcd Jan. 10. Michigan— \m2, Jan. 17, Jarob M. How- ard succeeded K. S. Bingham, dece;i.scd October 5, 186L * See moinoraniium ut uud of list. Oregon — 1862, Dec. 1, Benjamin F. Hard- ing succeeded Edward D. Baker, deceased Oct. 21, 1862. IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Maine — 1862, December 1, Thomas A. D. Fessenden succeeded Charles W. Wal- ton, resigned May 26, 18G2. Massachusetts — 1861, December 1, Amasa Walker succeeded Goldsmith F. Bailey, deceased May 8, 1862; 1861, December 2, Samuel Hooper succeeded William Apple- ton, resigned. Connecticut — 1861, December 2, Alfred A. Burnham qualified. Pennsylvania — 1861, December 2, Charles J. Biddle qualified ; 1862, June 3, John D. Stiles succeeded Thomas B. Cooper, de- ceased April 4, 1862. Virginia, — 1861, July 13, John S. Carlile resigned to take a seat in the Senate ; 1861, December 2, Jacob B. Blair, succeeded John S. Carlile, resigned ; ■ 1862, February 28, Charles H. L'pton unseated by a vote of the House; 1862, May 6, Joseph Segar qualified. Kentuchj — 1862, December, 1, George H. Yearn an succeeded James S. Jackson, de- ceased ; 1862, March 10, Samuel L. Casey succceclod Henry C. Burnett, expelled De- cember 3, 1861. Tennessee — 1861, December 2, Horace Maynard qualified ; 1862, January 13, An- drew J. Clements qualified ; 1863, Febru- ary 25, George W. Bridges qualified. Illinois— I'^&X, December 12, A. L. Knapp qualified, in place of J. A. McClernand, re- signed ; 1862, June 2, William J. Allen qualified, in place of John A. Logan, re- signed ; 1863, January 30, William A. Rich- ardson withdrew to take a seat in the Senate. Missouri — 1862, January 21, Thomas L. Price succeeded John W. Reid, expelled December 2, 1861 ; 1862, January 20, Wil- liam A. Hall succeeded John B. Clark, ex- pelled July 13, 1861 ; 1862, May 9, John S. Phelps qualified. Iowa — 1861, December 2, James F. Wil- son succeeded Samuel R. Curtis, resigned August 4, 1861. Wisconsin— 1S6S, January 26, Walter D. Mclndoe succeeded Luther Hanchett, do- ceased November 24, 1862. Oregon— 186\, July 30, George K. Shiel succeeded Andrew J. Thayer, unseated. Louisiana — 1863, Februarv 17, Michael Halin qualified ; 1863, Febniary 23, Ben- jamin F. Flanders (jualified. Lincoln, in his message, recited the events which had transpired since his inauguration, and asked Congress to con- fer upon him the i)ower to make the conflict short and decisive. He wanted 400,000 men, and four hundred millions of money, remarking that " the people will save their BOOKiJ MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION, V6-6 government if the government itself will do its part only indiU'crently well." Con- gress responded by adding an hundred thousand to eaeh request. There were exciting debates and scenes during this .session, for many of the South- ern leaders remained, cither through hesi- tancy or with a view to check legislation and aid tlu'ir section by adverse criticism on the measures proposed. Most promi- nent in the latter list was John C. Breckin- ridge, late Vice President and now .Senator from Kentucky. With singular boldness and eloquence he o])posed every war mea- sure, and spoke with the undisguised pur- j)osc of aiding the South. He continued this course until the close of the extra session, when he accepted a General's commission in the Confederate army. But before its close, Senator Baker of Oregon, angered at his general course, said in reply to one of Breckinridge's speeches, Aug. 1st : " What would the Senator from Ken- tucky, have? These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the land, what clear distinct meaning have they? Are they not intend- ed for disorganization in our very midst? Are they not intended to destroy our zeal ? Are they not intended to animate our enemies? Sir, are they not words of bril- liant polished treason, even in the very Capitol of the Republic ?" [Here there were such manifestations of applause in the gal- leries, as were with difficulty suppressed.] Mr. Baker resumed, and turning directly to 3Ir. Breckinridge, inquired : " What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another republic, in a yet more maxlial age, a Senator as grave, not more eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman glory, and de- clared that the cause of the advancing Hannibal wasjust, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the bat- tle of Cannie, a Senator there had risen in his place, and denounced every levy of the Roman people, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal to the old recol- lections and the old gloriea ?" There was a silence so profound through- out the Senate aufl galleries, that a pinfall could have been heard, while every eye was fixed upon Breckinridge. Fessenden exclaimed in deep low tones, " he would have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock !" Baker resumed : " Sir, a Senator himself learned far more than myself, in such lore, (Mr. Fessenden) tells me, in a low voice, "he would have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock." It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution, that we permit these words of the Senator from Ken- tucky, to be uttered. I ask the Senator to recollect, to what, save to send aid and comfort to the enemy, do these pre- dictions amount to? Every word thus utter- ed, falls as anoteof iiisjjiration upon every Confederate ear. Every sound thus utter- ed, is a word, (and falling from his lips, a mighty word) of kindling and triumph to the foe that determines to advance." The Republicans of the North were the distinctive " war j;arty," i. e., they gave unciualified support to every demand made by the Lincoln administration. Most of the Democrats, acting as citizens, did like- wise, but many of those in olHcial position, assuming the prerogative of a minority, took the libei'ty in Congress and State Legislature to criticise the more important war measures, and the extremists went so far, in numy instances, as to organize oppo- sition, and to encourage it among their constituents. Thus in the States bordering the Ohio and Mississii)pi rivers, organized and individual ellbrts were made to encour- age desertions, and the " Knights of the Golden Circle," and the "Sons of Liberty," secret societies composed of Northern sym- pathizers Avith the South, formed many troublesome conspiracies. Through their action troojis were even enlisted in South- ern Indiana, Illinois and Missouri for the Confederate armies, while the border States in the Union sent whole regiments to bat- tle for the South. The " Knights of the Golden Circle " conspired to release Con- federate prisoners of war, and invited Mor- gan to raid their States. One of the worst forms of opposition took shape in a con- spiracy to resist the draft in New York city. The fury of the mob was several days beyond control, and troops had to be recalled from the front to suppress it. The riot was really political, the prejudices of the mob under cover of resistance to. the draft, being vented on the negroes, many of whom were killed before adequate num- bers could be sent to their succor. The civil authorities of the city were charged with winking at the occurrence, and it waa afterwards ascertained that Confederate agents really organized the riot as a move- ment to " take the enemy in the rear." The Republican was as distinctively the war party during the Great Rebellion, as the Whigs were during the Revolution, the Democratic-Rej)ublicans during the War of 1812, and the Democrats during the War with Mexico, and, as in all of these war decades, kept the majority sentiment of the country with them. This is such a plain statement of facts that it is neither partisan to assert, nor a mark of party- fealty to deny. The history is indelibly written. It is stamped upon nearly every war measure, and certainly upon every political measure incident to growing out of the rebellion. 134 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. These were exciting and memorable scenes in the several sessions of the 37th Congress. During the first many Southern Senators and Eepresentatives withdrew after angrj' statements of their reasons, generally in obedience to calls from their States or immediate homes. In this way the majority was changed. Others re- mained until the close of the first session, and then more quietly entered the rebellion. "We have shown that of this class was Breckinridge, who thought he could do more good for his cause in the Federal Congress than elsewhere, and it is well for the Union that most of his colleagues dis- agreed with him as to the propriety and wisdom of his policy. If all had followed his lead or imitated his example, the war would in all probability have closed in an- other compromise, or possibly in the ac- complishment of southern separations. These men could have so obstructed legis- lation as to make all its early periods far more discouraging than they were. As it was the Confederates had all the advan- tages of a free and fair start, and the eifect was traceable in all of the early battles and negotiations with foreign powers. There was one way in which these advan- tages could have been supported and con- tinued. Breckenridge, shrewd and able politician as he was, saw that the way was to keep Southern Representatives in Con- gress, at least as long as Northern senti- ment would abide it, and in this way win victories at the very fountain-head of power. But at the close of the extra ses- sion this view had become unpopular at both ends of the line, and even Brecken- ridge abandoned it and sought to hide his original purpose by immediate service in the Confederate armies. It will be noted that those who vacated their seats to enter the Confederacy were afterwards expelled. In this connection a curious incident can be related, occuring as late as the Senate session of 1882 : The widow of the late Senator Nichol- son, of Tennessee, who was in the Senate when Tennessee seceded, a short time ago sent a petition to Congress asking that the salary of her late husband, after he return- ed to Tennessee, might be paid to her. Mr. Nicholson's term would have expired in 1865 had he remained in his seat. He did not appear at the special session of Congress convened in July, 18G1, and with other Senators from tlic South was expelled from the Senate on July 11th of that year. The Senate Committee on Claims, after examining the case tiiorouglily, submitted to the Senate an adverse report. After giving a con(;isc liistory of tlie case the committee say: "We do not deem it proper, after tlie expiration of twenty years, to pass siiecial acts of Congress to comiicn- sate the Senators and llcpresentatives who seceded in 1861 for their services in the early part of that year. We recounnend that the claim of the petitioner be disal- lowed." The Sessions of the 37th Congress changed the political course of many pub- lic men. It made the Southern believers in secession still more vehement ; it sejja- rated the Southern Unionists from their former friends, and created a wall of fire between them ; it changed the temper of Northern Abolitionists, in so far as to drive from them all spirit of faction, all pride of methods', and compelled them to unite with a republican sentiment which was making sure advances I'rom the original declara- tion that slavery should not be extended to the Territories, to emancipation, and, finally, to the arming of the slaves. It changed many Northern Democrats, and from the ranks of these, even in repl-esen- tative positions, the lines of the Repub- licans were constantly strengthened on pivotal questions. On the 27th of July Breckinridge had said in a speech : " When traitors become numerous enough treason becomes respectable." Senator Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, replied to this, and said : " God being willing, whether traitors be many or few-, as I have hitherto waged war against traitors and treason, I intend to continue it to the end." And yet John- son had the year before warmly supported Breckinridge in his presidential campaign. Among the more conspicuous Rejjubli- cans and anti-Lecompton Democrats in this session were Charles Sumner, a man who then exceeded all others in scholarly attainments and as an orator, though he was not strong in current debate. Great care and preparation marked every impor- tant effort, but no man's speeches were more admired throughout the North, and hated throughout the South, than those of Charles Sumner. An air of romance sur- rounded the man, because he was the first victim of a senatorial outrage, when beaten by Brooks of South Carolina; but, i^ueered his political enemies, " no man more care- fully preserved his wounds for exhibition to a sympathetic world." He had some minor weaknesses, which were constantly disj)layed, and 'these centred in egotism and high personal pride — not very popular traits — but no enemy was so malicious as to deny his greatness. Fessenden of Maine was one of the great lights of that day. He was apt, almost beyond example, in debate, and was a re- cognized leader of the Republicans until, in the attempt to impeach President John- son, he disagreed with the nuijurity of his party and stepjied " down and out." Yet no one questioned his integrity, and all bc- lieVed that his vf)te was cast on this qui's- tion in a line with his convictions. The leading character in the House was Thad- BooKi.] MR. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 135 deus Stevens, an original Abolitionist in sentiment, but a man eminently practical and shrewd in all his methods. The chances of politics often carry men into the Presidential Chair, into Cabinets, and with later and demoralizing frequency into Senate seats ; but chance never makes a Commoner, and Thaddeus Stevens was throughout the war, and up to the hour oi' his death, recognized as the great Com- moner of the Northern peoisle. He led in every House battle, and a more unflinch- ing party leader was never known to par- liamentary bodies. Limp and infirm, he was not liable to personal assault, even in days when such assaults were common ; but when on one occasion his fiery tongue had so exasperated the Southerners in Congress as to make them show their knives and pistols, he stepped out into the aisle, and facing, bid them defiance. He was a Radical of the Radicals, and con- stantly contended that the government — the better to preserve itself — could travel outside of the Constitution. What cannot be said of any other man in history, can be said of Thaddeus Stevens. When he lay dead, carried thus from Washington to his home in Lancaster, with all of his people knowing that he was dead, he was, on the day following the arrival of his corpse, and within a few squares of his re- sidence, unanimously renominated by the Republicans for Congress. If more poetic and less practical sections or lands than the North had such a hero, hallowed by such an incident, both the name and the inci- dent would travel down the ages in song and story.* The " rising " man in the 37th Congress was Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, elected Speaker of the 38th, and subsequently Vice President. A great parliamentarian, he was gifted with rare eloquence, and with a kind which won friends without offending enemies — something too rare to last. In the House were also Justin S. Morrill, the author of the Tariff Bill which supplied the " sinews of war," Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, then " the man of Statistics " and the " watch-dog of the treasury." Roscoe Conkling was then the admitted leader of the New York delega- tion, as he was the admitted mental superior of any other in subsequent terms in the Senate, up to the time of his resigna- tion in 18S1. Reuben E. Fenton, his factional opponent, was also there. Ohio was strongly represented in both parties — Pendleton, Cox and Vallandighum on tlie side of the Democrats ; Bingham and Ash- ley on the part of the Repul)licans. Illi- nois showed four prominent anti-Lecomp- ton supporters of the administration — ♦This incidont was related to the writer by Col. A. K. McClure of i'biladolphia, who was in Lancaster at the timo. Douglas in the Senate; Logan, McCler- nand and Richardson in the House ; while l)rominent among the Republicans were Lovejoy (an original Abolitionist), Wa.sh- burne, a candidate for the Presidential nomination in 1880— Kellogg and Arnold. John F. Potter was one of the pn>minent Wisconsin men, who had won additional fame by accepting the challenge to duel of Roger A. Pryor of Virginia, and naming the American rifle as the weapon. F\jrtu- nately the duel did not come off. Penn- sylvania had then, as she still has. Judge Kelley of Philadelphia, chairman of Ways and Cleans in the 4Gth Congress ; also Edward McPherson, frequently since Clerk of the House, temporary President of the Cincinnati Convention, whose decision overthrew the unit rule, and author of several valuable political works, some of which we freely quote in this history. John Hickman, subsequently a Republi- can, but one of the earliest of the anti- Lecompton Democrats, was an admitted leader, a man of rare force and eloquence. So radical did he become that he refused to support the re-election of Lincoln. He was succeeded by John M. Broomall, who made several fine speeches in favor of the constitutional amendments touching slavery and civil rights. Here also were James Campbell, Hendricks B. Wright, John Covode, James K. Morehead, and Sj)eaker Grow — the father of the Home- stead Bill, which will be found in Book v., giving the Existing Political Laws. At this session Senator Trumbull of Illinois, renewed the agitation of the slavery question, by reporting from the Judiciary Committee of which he was Chairman, a bill to confiscate all property and free all slaves used for insurrectionary purposes.* Breckinridge fought the bill, as indeed he did all bills coming from the Republicans, and said if passed it would eventuate in "the loosening of all bonds." Among the facts stated in supj^ort of the measure was this, that the Confederates had at Bull Run used the negroes and sLiTes against the Union army — a state- ment never well established. The bill passed the Senate by 33 to 0, and on the 3d of August passed the House, though several Republicans there voted against it, fearing a top rapid advance would preju- dice the Union cause. Indeed this fear was entertained by Lincoln when he re- commended COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION in the second session of the 37th Congress, which recommendation excited official dis- cussion almost uj) to the time the emanci- pation proclamation was issued as a war necessity. The idea of compensated eman- * Arnold's "History of Abraham Lincoln. " 136 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, cipation originated with or was first form- ulated by James B. ]\IcKean of New York, who on Feb. 11th, 1861, at the 2d session of the 36th Congress, introduced the fol- lowing resolution : Whereas, The "Gulf States" have as- sumed to secede from the Union, and it is deemed important to prevent the " border slave States " from following their exam- ple ; and whereas it is believed that those who are inflexibly opposed to any measure of compromise or concession that involves, or may involve, a sacrifice of principle or , the extension of slaverj-, would neverthe- less cheerfully concur in any lawful measure for the emancipation of the slaves : Therefore, Resolved, That the select committee of five be instructed to inquire whether, by the consent of the people, or of the State governments, or by compensating the slaveholders, it be practicable for the Gen- eral Government to procure the emancipa- tion of the slaves in some, or all, of the "bor- der States ;" and if so, to report a bill for that purpose. Lincoln was so strongly impressed with the fact, in the earlier struggles of the war, that great good would follow compensated emancipation, that on March 2d, 1862, he sent a special message to the 2d session of the 37th Congress, in which he said : " I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially as follows : Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giv- ing to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to compen- sate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of sys- tem. " If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the apjiroval of Congress and the country, there is the end ; but if it does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal Govern- ment would find its highest interest in such a measure, as one of the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection entertain the hope that this Government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disafTccted region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then say, 'the Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose to go with tlie southern section.' To deprive them of this hope, substantially ends the rebellion ; and the initiation of emancipation comi)letely deprives them of it aa to all the Statca initiating it. The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation ; but that, while the offer is equally made to all, the more northern shall, by such initiation, make it certain to the more southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in their pro- posed confederacy. I say ' initiation,' be- cause, in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden emancipation, is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with the census tables and Treasury reports before him, can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of this war would purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State. Such a proi^osition on the part of the General Government sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does the abso- lute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people immediately in- terested. It is proposed as a matter of per- fectly free choice with them. " In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, ' the Union must be preserved; and hence all indispensable means must be employed.' I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made, and continues to be an indispensa- ble means to this end. A practical reac- knowledgment of the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resist- ance continues, the war must also continue ; and it is impossible to foresee all the inci- dents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise great efficiency toward ending the strug- gle, must and will come. " The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be esteemed no offence to ask whether the pecuniary con- sideration tendered would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned, than are the institution, and property in it, in the present aspect of aff'airs ? " While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important prac- tical results. In full view of my great re- sponsibility to my God and to mycountr}', I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the subject." Mr. Conkling called the question up in the House March 10th, and under a sus- pension of the rules, it was passed by 97 to 36. It j)assed the Senate Ai)ril 2, by 32 to 10, the Republicans, as a rule, voting for it, the Democrats, Jis a rule, voting against it ; and this was true even of those m the Border States. BOOK I.] COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. 137 The fact last stated excited the notice of President Lincoln, and in July, 18G2, he Bought an interview with the Border State Congressmen, the result of which is con- tained in j\[cP her son's Political Ilistury of the Great Rebellion, as follows : The President's Appeal to the Border Stutes. The Representatives and Senators of the border slaveholdiiig States, having, by special invitation of tiie President, been convened at the Executive Mansion, on Saturday luorning last, (July 12,) Mr. Lincoln addressed tlieni as follows from a written paper held in his hand : " Gentlemen : Alter the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of the border States hold more power for good than any other eipial number of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make this appeal to you. " I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual emancipation message of last March, tlie war would now be substantially ended. And tlie plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much, longer maintain the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the institution within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have overwhelmingly done, and, noth- ing daunted, they still claim you as their own. You and 1 know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever. "Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I trust you will not now think I im]iroperly touch what is exclusively your own, when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask, ' Can you, for your States, do better than to take the course I urge?' Discarding punctilio and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the unorece- dentedly stern facts of our case, can ycmdo better in any possible event? You prefer that the constitutional relations of the States to t!ie nation shall l)e ])ractically re-<tored without disturl)ance of the insti- tution ; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect, under the Constitu- tion and my oath of office, would be per- formed. But it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the war continues long, {is it nmst, if the (jbject be not sooner attained, the in- stitution in your States will be ex- tinguished by mere friction and abra.sion — by the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at once shortens the war and secures substantial compensation for that which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event! How much better to thus save the money which else we sink forever in the war! How much better to do it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to do it! How much better for you, as seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without wliich the war could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cutting one another's throats ! " I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emancipate c/radudlfi/. Room in South America for colonization can be obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large enough to be company and encour- agement for one another, the freed j)eople will not be so reluctant to go. "I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned, one which threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong. An instance of it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could be freed. He proclaimed all men free within certain States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is increas- ing. By conceding Avhat I now ask you can relieve me, and, much more, can re- lieve the country in this important point. " Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the mes- sage of "March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss it among yourselves. You are patriots and states- men, and as such I i>ray you consider this proposition; and at the least commend it to the consideration of your States and peo]ile. As you would perpetuate popular government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do in no- wise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest 138 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved, ltd form of govern- ment is saved to the world, its beloved history and cherished memories are vin- dicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the privi- lege is given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your own names therewith forever." At the conclusion of these remarks some conversation was had between the President and several members of the delegations from the border States, in ■which it was represented that these States could not be expected to move in so great a matter as that brought to their notice in the foregoing address while as yet the Congress had taken no step beyond the passage of a resolution, expressive rather of a sentiment than presenting a substan- tial and reliable basis of action. The President acknowledged the force of this view, and admitted that the border States were entitled to expect a substantial pledge of pecuniary aid as the condition of taking into considei-ation a proposition so important in its relations to their social system. It was further represented, in the con- ference, that the people of the border States were interested in knowing the great importance which the President attached to the policy in question, while it was equally due to the country, to the President, and to themselves, that the rejiresentativcs of the border slave-holding States should publicly announce the mo- tives under which they were called to act, and the considerations of public policy urged upon them and their constituents by the President. With a view to sixch a statement of their position, the mem])ers thus addressed met in council to deliberate on the reply they should make to the President, and, as the result of a comparison of opinions among themselves, they determined upon the adoption of a majority and minority an- swer. REPLY OF THE MAJORITY. The following paper was yesterday sent to the President, signed by the majority of the Representatives from the border slave- holding States : — Washington, July 14, 1862. To the Presipent : The undersigned, Hepresentativos of K^'Utucky, Virginia, Missouri, and Mary- land, in the two Houses of Congress, have listf'iicd to your address with tlie profouiul sensibility naturally insj)ired by the high soiiree from which it emanates, the earn- estness which marked its delivery, and the overwhelming importance of the sub- ject of which it treats. We have given it a most respectful consideration, and now lay before you our response. We regret that want of time has not permitted as to make it more perfect. We have not been wanting, Mr. Presi- dent, in re*pect to you, and in devotion to the Constitution and the Union. We have not been indiflerent to the great dif- ficulties surrounding you, compared with which all former national troubles have been but as the summer cloud; and we have freely given you otir sympathy and support. Eepudiating the dangerous here- sies of the secessionists, we believed, with you, that the war on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by your message at the opening of the pres- ent Congress, to be such as all good men should approve. We have not hesitated to vote all suj)plies necessary to carry it on vigorously. We have voted all the men and money you have asked for, and even more ; Ave have imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity ; we have encouraged enlistments and sent to the field many of our best men ; and some of our number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of their sincerity and devotion "to the country. We have done all this under the most discouraging circumstances, and in the face of measures most distasteful to us and injurious to the interests we repre- sent, and in the hearing of doctrines avowed by those who claim to be your friends, must be abhorrent to us and our constituents. But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we as long as we have a Constitution to defend and a Gov- ernment which protects us. And we are ready for renewed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to j^reserve our admirable form of government and the priceless blessings of constitutional li- berty. A few of our number voted for the resolution recommended by your message of the Gth of March last, the greater por- tion of us did not, and we will briefly state the jirominent reasons which in- fluenced our action. In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system, and was hur- ried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable time for consid- eration and debate, and with no time at all for consultation with our constituents, wliose interests it dcej)ly involved. It seemed like an interference by this Gov- ernment with a question which peculiarly and exclusivclv belonged to our respective States, on which they had not sought ad- vice or solicited aid. Many of us doubted BOOK I.] COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION. 139 the constitutional power of this Govern- ment to make appropriations of money for the object designated, and all of us thought our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the national Treasury. If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its accept- ance would liave entailed, we are appalled by its magnitude. Tlie proposition was addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole luimber of slaves. According to the census of 1860 there were then nearly four million slaves in the country ; from natural increase they exceed that number now. At even the low average of §300, the price fixed by the emancipa- tion act for the slaves of this District, and greatly below their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of $1,200,- 000,000 ; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and colonization, at SlOO each, which is but a fraction more than is ac- tuallv paid l)y the Marvland Colonization Society, we have $400,000,000 more. We were not willing to imj)ose a tax on our peo])le sufficient to pay the interest on that sum, in addition to the vast and daily in- creasing debt already fixed upon them by the exigencies of the war, and if we had been willing, the country could not bear it. Stated in this form the 2:)roposition is noth- ing less than the deportation from the country of $1,000,000,000 worth of produc- ing labor, and the substitution in its place of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount. But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully submit that even then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this Goverinnent at this time. According to the census of 1860 — Slaves. Kentucky had 225,490 Marvland 87,188 Virginia 490,887 Delaware 1,798 Missouri 114,965 Tennessee 275,784 Making in the whole 1,196,112 At the same rate of A'aluation these would amount to.... $358,933,500 Add for dejiortation and colo- nization $100 each 118,244,533 And we have the enormous sum of. $478,038,133 We did not feel that we should be justi- fied in voting for a measure which, if car- ried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of the war. Again, it seemed to ils that this resolu- tion was but the annunciation of a senti- ment which could n(jt or was not likely to be reduced to an actual tangible jiroposi- tion. No movement was then made to j)rovide and appropriate the funds required to carry it into effect ; and we were not en- couraged to believe that funds would be provided. And our belief has been fully justified by subsequent events. Not to mention other circumstances, it is quite sufiicient for our purpose to bring to your notice the fact that, while this resolution was under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from Kentucky, moved an amendment apjjropriating §500,- 000 to the object therein designated, and it was voted down with great unanimity. AVhat confidence, then, could we reasonably feel that if we committed ourselves to the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the fruits of the promise held out ; and on what ground could we, as fair men, approach them and challenge their sup- port? The right to hold slaves is a right apper- taining to all the States of this Union. They have the right to cherish or abolish the institution, as their tastes or their in- terests nuiy prompt, and no one is autho- rized to question the right or limit the en- joyment. And no one has more clearly affirmed that right than you have. Your inaugural address does you great honor in this respect, and inspired the country with confidence in your fairness and respect for the law. Our States are in the enjoyment of that right. We do not feel called on to defend the institution or to affirm it is one which ought to be cherished ; ])erhaps, if we were to make the attempt, we might find that we diffi?r even among ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, we did not see why we should now be expected to yield it. We had contributed our full share to relieve the country at this terrible crisis; we had done as much as had been required of others in like circumstances; and we did not see why .sacrifices should be expected of us fi-om which others, no more loyal, were exemjit. Nor could we see what good the nation would derive from it. Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strengthened the arm of this Government or weakened that of the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge of our loyalty,, for that had been mani- fested beyond' a reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was not the remotest probability that the States we represent Avould join in the re- bellion, nor is there now, or of their elect- ing to go with the southern section in the event of a recognition of the independence of any jjart of the disatfected region. Our 140 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. States are fixed unalterably in their reso- lution to adhere to and support the Union. They see no safety for themselves, and ho hope for constitutional liberty but by its preservation. They will, under no cir- cumstances, consent to its dissolution ; and we do them no more than justice when we assure you that, while the war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can muster a man or command a dollar. Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region will forever prevent them from placing their security' and happiness in the custody of an association which has incor- porated in its organic law the seeds of its own destruction. Mr. President, we have stated with frank- ness and candor the reasons on which we forbore to vote for the resolution you have mentioned ; but you have again presented this proposition, and appealed to us with an earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress us, to " consider it, and at the least to commend it to the con- sideration of our States and people." Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our beloved country, in the hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly decline. We are willing to trust every question relating to their interest and happiness to the con- sideration and ultimate judgment of our own people. While differing from you as to the necessity of emancipating the slaves of our States as a means of putting down the rebellion, and while protesting against the propriety of any extra-territorial inter- ference to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular line of policy on a subject which peculiarly and exclusively belongs to them, yet, when you and our brethren of the loyal States sincerely be- lieve that the retention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace and national harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our States and people for the inconveniences produced by such a change of system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider the propriety of ])utting it aside. • But we have already said that we re- garded this resolution as the utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume the sliape of a tangi- ble, practical proposition, which would yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are influenced by the same want of ci>nfi(lcnce, and will not consider tlie proposition in its present impalpable form. The interest they are asked to give up is to them of much importance, and they ought not to be expected even to en- tertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it their just expect- ations will not be frustrated. We regard your plan as a proposition from the Nation to the States to exercise an admitted con- stitutional right in a particular manner and yield up a valuable interest. Before they ought to consider the proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical, efficient shape as to command their confidence that its fruits are contin- gent only upon their acceptance. We can- not trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation. If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide sufficient funds and place them at your disposal, to be ap- plied by you to the payment of any of our States or the citizens thereof who shall adopt the abolishment of slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they may deter- mine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the liberated slaves, then will our State and people take this propo- sition into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole countrj'. We have the honor to be, with great respect, C. A. WiCKLIFFE, C/t'n, Garrett Davis, R. Wilson, J. J. Crittenden, John S. Carlile, J. W. Crisfield, J. S. Jackson, H. Grider, John S. Phelps, Francis Thomas, Chas. B. Calvert, C. L. Leary, Edwin H. Webstee, R. Mallory, Aaron Harding, James S. Rollins, J. W. Menzies, Thomas L. Price, G. W. DUNLAP, Wm. a. Hall. Others of the minority, among them Sen- ator Henderson and Horace Maynard, for- warded separate replies, but all rejecting the idea of compensated emanci])ation. Still Lincoln adltered to and advocated it in his recent annual message sent to Con- gress, Dec. 1, 18G2, from which we take the following ])aragra]dis, which are in themselves at once curious and interesting : " We have two million nine hundred and sixty-three thousand scpiare miles. Eun)j)e has three million and eight liundred thou- sand, with a po])idation averaging seventy- three and one-third persons to the square mile. AVliy may not our country, at some time, average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural ad- BOOK I.] EMANCIPATION. 141 vantage? If, then, we are at some time to be as pojiulous as Europe, how soon ? As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present ; as to when it will be, if ever, depends much on wliether we maintain the Union. Several of our States are already above the average of Europe — seventy-three and a tliird to the squiire mile. Massachusetts has 157 ; Rhode Island, 133 ; Connecticut, 99 ; New York and New Jersey, each, 80. Also two other great .states, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The states alreacly above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, since passing that point, as ever before ; while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural cai)acity for sus- taining a dense population. "Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio of in- crease, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows : 1790 3,929,827 Eatio of increase. 1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent. 1810 7,239,814 3(5.45 " 1820 9,038,131 33.13 1830 12,8r)(i,020 33.49 " 1840 17,009,433 32.07 " 1850 23,191,876 35.87 " 1860 31,443,790 35.58 This shows an annual decennial increase of 34.09 per cent, in population through the seventj^ years from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these seven periods is either two per cent, below or two per cent, above the average ; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, the law of increase in our case is. Assum- ing that it will continue, gives the follow- ing results : 1870 42,323,341 1880 56,967,216 1890 76,077,872 1900 103,208,415 1910 138,918,526 1920 186,984,335 1930 251,680,914 " These figures show that our country mmj be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930 — say about 1925 — our territory, at seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, be- in^ of capacity to contain 217,18r),000. And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting war sprinjring from the only great element of national discord among us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would re- tard population, civilization, and prosperity no one can doubt that the extent of it would be verj-^ great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would short- en the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase of j)opulation, and proportionately the wealth of the country. With these, we should pay all the emancipation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at six per cent, per annum, simple in- terest, from the end of our revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying any- thing on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed ui)on it then ; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has been greater than six per cent. ; has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popu- lation increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. "This fact would be no excuse for de- laying payment of what is justly due ; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection — the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one mil- lions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both." Various propositions and measures re- lating to compensated emancipation, were afterwards considered in both Houses, but it was in March, 1863, dropped after a refusal of the House to suspend the rules for the consideration of the subject. Emancipation as a AVar Necessltj'. Before the idea of compensated emanci- pation had been dropped, and it was con- stantly discouraged by the Democrats and Border Statesmen, President Lincoln had determined u])on a more radical policy, and on the 22d of September, 1802, issued his celebrated proclamation declaring that he would emancipate " all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall be in rebellion against the ITnited States" — by the first of January, 1863, if such sections were not " in good faith represented in Congress." He followed this by actual emancipation at the time stated. Proclamation of Sept. 2-3, lfi63. I, Abraham Lincoln-, President of the United States of America, ar.d Commander- in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, do 142 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. hereby proclaim and declare tliat hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States and the peo- ple thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tender- ing pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people thereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States nTay then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, imme- diate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respected limits ; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued. That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then he in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such per- sons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, de- signate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respective- ly, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have particii)ated, sliall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed con- clusive evidence that such State, and the peo])le thereof, are not in rebellion against tlie United States. Tbat attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled "An act to make an additional article of war," approved March 13, 1HG2, and which act is in the words and figures following : '* Be it ennrffd hy the Senate and House of Reprearntdtives of the United Stcrtca of Ariierira in Cnnr/resa assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulga- ted as an additional article of war, for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such. " Article " — . All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective com- mands for the purpose of returning fugi- tives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service. "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act " shall take effect from and after its passage." Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled " An act to suppress insur- rection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following : " Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Govern- ment of the L'nited States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escap- ing from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the Government of the United States ; and all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deem- ed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves. "Sec. 10. Andbeit further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any Avay given aid and comfort thereto ; and no jierson engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other per- son, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service." And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and na- val service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above recited. And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who shall have remained BOOK I.] EMANCIPATION. 143 loyal thereto throughout the rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional rehition between the United States ami their respective States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or dis- turbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, antl caused the seal of the United States to be afhxed. Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and sixty-two, and of the Indepen- dence of the United States the eighty- seventh. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President : William H. Seward, Secretai-y of State. Proclamation of January 1, 18G3. Whereas, on the twenty -second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the Presi- dent of the United States, containing among other things, the following, to wit : " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever, tree; and the Executive Govern- ment of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such j)ersons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual free- dom. "That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respec- tively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on tliat day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by mem- bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have jiarticipated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testi- mony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, arc^ then in rebellion against the United States." Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander- in-Chief of the Army an<l Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed re- bellion against the authority and Govern- ment of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for supjjressing said relicllion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our I^ord one thousand eiglit hundred and sixty-three, and in accord- ance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for tlie full period of one hun- dred days from the day first above men- tioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people tliercof, respectively, arc this day in rebel- lion against the United States, the follow- ing, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the parishes of St. Bernard, I'laiiuemines, Jef- ferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La- fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans,) i\Iis- sissippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Eliza- beth City, York, Princess Ann, and Nor- folk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth,) and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free ; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all vio- lence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allcnved, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make -known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the aiuned service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Con- stitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In witness whereof, I have liereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this first day of January, in tlie year of our Lord one tliousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty- seventli. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Bv the President : 'William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 144 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. These proclamations were followed by many attempts on the part of the Demo- crats to declare them null and void, but all such were tabled. The House on the 15th of December, 1862, endorsed the first by a vote of 78 to 51, almost a strict party vote. Tvro classed as Democrats, voted for emancipation — Haight and Noell ; seven classed as Republicans, voted against it — Granger, Harrison, Leary, Maynard, Benj. F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, and Whaley. Just previous to the issuance of the first proclamation a meeting of the Governors of the Northern States had been called to consider how best their States could aid the general conduct of the war. Some of them had conferred with the President, and while that meeting and the date of the emancipation proclamation are the same, it was publiclv denied on the floor of Con- gress by Mr.' Boutwell (June 25, 1864,) that the proclamation was the result of that meeting of the Governors. That they fully endorsed and knew of it, however, is shown by the following Address of lo^al Governors to the President. Adopted at a meeting of Governors of loyal States, held to take measures for the more active support of the Govern- ment, at Altoona, Pennsvlvania, on the 22d day of September, 1862. After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and gigantic re- bellion against the national Government of the United States, the duty and jiurpose of the loyal States and people continue, and must always remain as they were at its origin — namely, to restore and perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the nation. No matter what con- sequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our fathers shall not fail to be performed. And we pledge without hesitation, to the President of the United States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereafter as heretofore, in the exercise of the functions of his great office. We recognize in him the Chief Executive Magistrate of the nation, the Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the Uniteil States, their resjxinsible .and constitutional liead, whose riglitful authority an<l j)Ower, as well as the constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously guarded and jirescrvcd, as the condition on whieh alone our form of (Jovernmcnt ami the constitu- tional rights and liberties of the people themselves can l)e saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf of despot ism. In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, co-operating always in our own spheres with the national Government, we mean to continue in the most vigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, contend- ing against treason, rebellion, and the pub- lic enemies, and, whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the Union, until its cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch upon its standard, or the rebel foe shall yield a dutiful, rightful, and unconditional sub- mission. And, impressed with the conviction that an army of reserve ought, until the war shall end, to be constantly kept on foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for emergencies, we re- spectfully ask the President to call for such a force of volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall have filled its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers and militia. We believe that this would be a measure of military pru- dence, while it would greatly promote the military education of the people. We hail with heartfelt gratitude and en- couraged hope the proclamation of the President, issued on the 22d instant, de- claring emancipated from their bondage all persons held to service or labor as slaves in the rebel States, Avhose rebellion shall last until the first day of January now next ensuing. The right of any per- son to retain authority to compel any por- tion of the subjects of the national Gov- ernment to rebel against it, or to maintain its enemies, implies in those who are al- lowed possession of such authority the right to rebel themselves ; and therefore the right to establish martial law or mili- tary government in a State or territory in rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are capable, intel- lectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not be forced into treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious traitors. To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and stay of the re- bellion, would have been, in our judg- ment, unjust to the loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacri- fice on the altar of patrotism — would have discriminated against the wife who is com- pelled to surrender her husband, against the ])arent who is to surrender his child to the hanlships of the camp and the perils ol' battle, in favor of rebel masters per- mitted to retain their slaves. It Avould have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and BOOKi.] REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 145 wise national policy. The decision of the President to strike at the root of the re- bellion will lend new vigor to the elibrts and new life and hoi)c to tiie hearts of the people. Cordially tendering to the Presi- dent our respectful assurance of personal and official confidence, we trust and be- lieve that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this nation and this people the blessing and iavor of Almighty God. We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and those who may yet give their lives to their country, will not have been shed in vain. The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the pledge of our constant reinforcement and support. A just regard for these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, has called us into friendly con- ference. And now, presenting to our national Chief Magistrate this conclusion of our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our country's service, and we will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the fidelity and zeal of the loyal States and people will always assure him that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing with the utmost vigor this war for the preservation of the national life and the hope of humanity. A. G. CURTIN", John A. Andrew, KiCHARD Yates, Israel Washburne, Jr., Edward Solomon, Samuel J. Kirkwood, O. P. Morton, By D. G. Rose, his representative, AVm. Sprague, F. H. Peirpoint, David Tod, N. S. Berry, Austin Blair. Repeal of the Fugitive Slave liavr. The first fugitive slave law passed was that of Februarv 12th, 1798, the second and last that of September 18tli, 1850. Vari- ous effortij had been made to repeal the lat- ter before the war of the rebellion, Avith- out a prospect of success. The situation was now different. The war spirit was high, and both Houses of Congress were in the hands of the Republicans as early as December, 1861, but all of them were not then ready to vote for repeal, while the 10 Democrats were at first solidly against it. The bill had passed the Senate in IS.jO by 27 yeas to 12 nays; the House by lO'J veas to 7G nays, and yet as late as 18G1 such was still the desire of many not to offend the political prejudices of the Border States and of Democrats whose aid was counted upon in the war, that sufiicient votes could not be had until June, 18G4, to pass the re- pealing bill. Republican sentiment ad- vanced very slowly in the early years of the war, when the struggle looked doubt- ful and when there was a strong desire to hold for the Union every man and county not irrevocably against it; when success could be foreseen the advances were more rapid, but never as rapid as the more rad- ical leaders desired. The record of Con- gress in the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law will illustrate this political fact, in itself worthy of grave study by the poli- tician and statesman, and therefore we give it as compiled by McPherson : — Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventli Confess.* In Senate, 18G1, December 2G— Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, introduced a bill to repeal the fugitive slave law ; which was referred to the Committee on the Judici- arv. 1862, May 24— Mr. Wilson, of Massachu- setts, introduced a bill to amend the fugi- tive slave law ; which was ordered to be printed and lie on the table. June 10 — Mr. Wilson moved to take up the bill ; which was agreed to — Yeas 25, nays 10, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howard, HoAve, King, Lane of Kan- sas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumlmll, Wade, Wilson, of Massachusetts. — 25. Nays — Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Latham, * On the 23d of July, 18C1, the Attorney Oeneral, in answer to a loiter from the Unitod States Marshal of Kansas, inquirinv? whether ho should assist iu the execu- tion of tho fugitive slave law, wrote : Attorney General's Office, Juhj 23, 1861. J. L. McDowell, U. S. Blurshal, Kansas : Your letter, of the llth of July, received lOth, (under frank nf Senator Lane, of Kansas,) asks advice whether you sliuuM i;ive your official services in the execution of the fugitive slave law. It is tlie rresiilcnt's constitutional duty to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." That means all tho laws. lie lias no right to discriminate, no ri^ht to exe- cute the laws he likes, and leave unexecuted those ho dislikes. And of course you and I, his subordinates, can have no wider latitude of discretion than ho has. Jlis- souri is a State in the Union. The insurrectionary dis- orders in Mis.souri are but individual crimes, and do not change the legal status of the State, nor change its rights and obligations as a member of tho Union. A refusal by a ministerial olhcor to execute any law which properly belongs to his office, is an official misde- meanor, of which I have no duubt the President would take notice. Very reapectfullv libWAED BATES. 146 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. McDougall, Nesmith, Poicell, Saulsbunj, Stark, Willey, m-ighf— 10* The bill was to secure to claimed fugi- tives a right to a jury trial iu the district court for the United States for the district in which they may be, and to require the claimant to prove his loyalty. The bill repeals sections 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 of the act of 1850, and that part of section 5, which authorizes the summoning of the posse comitatus. When a warrant of return is made either on jury trial or confession of the party in the presence of counsel, hav- ing been warned of his rights, the fugitive is to be surrendered to the claimant, or the marshal where necessary, who shall remove him to the boundary line of the district, and there deliver him to the claimant. The bill was not further considered. In House, 1861, December 20— Mr. Julian offered this resolution : Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to report a bill, so amending the fugitive slave law enacted in 1850 as to forbid the recapture or return of any fu- gitive from labor without satisfactory proof first made that the claimant of such fugi- tive is loyal to the Government. Mr. Holman moved to table the resolu- tion, which was disagreed to — yeas 39, nays 78, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Ancona, Joseph Baily, Biddle, George H. Browne, Cobb, Cooper, Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Dunlap, English. Fouke, Grider, Harding, Holman, Johnson, Laic, Lazear, Leary, Lehman, Mallory, Mor- ris, Noble, Noell, Norton, Nugen, Odell, Pendleton, Robinson, Shiel, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Vallandigham, Wads- worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- liffe, Woodruff, Wright— ^'d. Nays— Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Duell, Edwards, Eliot, Fessenden, Fran- chot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hooper, Hutch- ins, Julian, William Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Marston, ]\Iitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Olin, Patton, Pike, Pomcroy, Porter, John H. Rice, Rid- dle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Sedg- wick, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Vandcver. Wall, Wallace, Walton, Washburne, Wheeler, Whaley, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Wor- cester — 78. The resolution was then adopted — yeas 78, nays 39. 1862, June 9— Mr. Julian, of Indiana, * Itepublieans in Bonuw,- Democrate in itallca. introduced into the House a resolution in- structing the Judiciary Committee to re- port a bill for the purpose of repealing the fugitive slave law ; which was tabled — ^yeaa QQ, nays 51, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. William J. Allen, Anco- na, Baily, Biddle, Francis P. Blair, Jacob B. Blair, George H. Browne, William G, Brown, Burnham, Calvert, Casey, Clem- ents, Cobb, Corning, Crittenden, Delano, Diven, Granger, Grider, Haight, Hale, Harding, Holman, Johnson, William Kel- logg, Kerrigan, Knapp, Lazear, Low, May- nard, Menzies, INIoorhead, Morris, Noble, Noell, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, John S. Phelps, Timothy G. Phelps, Porter, Rich- ardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Sar- gent, Segar, Sheffield, Shiel, Smith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Trimble, Val- landigham,Y erree, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wads- ivorth, Webster, Chilton A. WJiite, Wick- liffe. Wood, Woodruff, Worcester, Wright —66. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Blake, Buffin- ton, Chamberlain, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Edgerton, Ed- wards, Eliot, Ely, Franchot, Gooch, Good- win, Hanchett, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Anson P. Morrill, Pike, Pomeroy, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, Van Valkenburgh,Wall, Wallace, Wash- burne, Albert S. White, Windom — 51. Same day — Mr. Colfax, of Indiana, of- fered this resolution : Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- diciary be instructed to report a bill modi- fying the fugitive slave law so as to require a jury trial in all cases where the person claimed denies under oath that he is a slave, and also requiring any claimant under such act to prove that he has been loyal to the Government during the present rebellion. Which was agreed to — yeas 77, nays 43, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Blake, Buffin- ton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Colfax, Fred- erick A. Conkling, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Diven, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Franchot, Gooch, Goodwin, (Granger, Gur- ley, Haight, Hale, Hanchett, Hutchins, .Tulinn, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Wil- liam Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, Lowe, McKnight, IVrcPherson, Mitchell, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, Timothy G. Phcli)s, Pike, Pomeroy, Por- ter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Benjamin F. BOOK I.] REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAWS. 147 Thomas, Train, Trimble, Trowbridge, Van Valkeiiburgh, Verree, Wall, Wallace, Waahburne, Albert, S. White, Wilson, Windom, Worcester — 77. Nays — Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, Baily, Biddle, Jacob B. Blair, William G. Brown, Calvert, Casey, Clements, Cobb, Corning, Crittenden, Fouke, Grider, Hard- ing, Holman, Johnson, Xnapp, Maynard, Menzies, Noble, Noell, Norton, Pendleton, John S. Phelps, Richardson, Robinson, James iS Rollins, Segar, Shiel, Smith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Francis Thom- as, Vallandighnm, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wads- worth, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wick- liffe, Wood, Wright. ^k^. Third Session, Thlrty-Seventli Couj^ess. In Senate, 1863, February 11— Mr. Ten Eyck, from the Committee on the Judici- ary, to whom was referred a bill, intro- duced by Senator Howe, in second session, December 26, 1861, to repeal the fugitive slave act of 1850, reported it back without amendment, and with a recommendation that it do not pass. First Session, Tlilrty-Elgfith Confess. In House, 1863, Dec. 14.— Mr. Julian, of Indiana, offered this resolution : Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- diciary be instructed to report a bill for a repeal of the third and fourth sections of the " act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of their masters," approved February 12, 1793, and the act to amend and supplementary to the aforesaid act, approved September 18, 1850. Mr. Holman moved that the resolution lie upon the table, which was agreed to — yeas 81, nays 73, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Anderson, Baily, Au- gustus C. Baldwin, Jacob B. Blair, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Browne, Clay, Cobb, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Creswell, Dawson, Demraing, Denison, Eden, Edger- ton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Griswold, Hall, Harding, Harring- ton, Benjamin G. Harris, Charles M. Har- ris, Higby, Holman, Hutchins, William Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Laio, La- zear, Le Blond, I^ong, Mallory, Marcy, Mar- vin, McBride, Meboioell, McKinney, Wil- liam H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, John 0' Neil, Pendle- ton, William H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, Smith- ers, Stebbins, John B. Steele, Sttiart, Sweat, Thomas, Voorhees, Wadsicorth, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. IVTiite, Williams, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yea- man — 81. Nays — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clark, Cole, Henry Winter Da- vis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Du- mont, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Garfield, Guoch, Grinnell, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Huljbard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Jenckcs, Julian, Fran- cis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, McClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Amos Myers, Leonard Mvers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Pike, Pom- eroy, Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Sliannon, Spalding, Thaver, Van Valkenburgh, Elihu B. Wash- burne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbidge — 73. 1864, June 6, Mr. Hubbard, of Connec- ticut, offered this resolution : Resolved, That the Committee on the Ju- diciary be instructed to report to this House a bill for the repeal of all acts and parts of acts which provide for the rendi- tion of fugitive slaves, and that they have leave to make such report at any time. Which went over under the rule. May 30, he had made an ineffectual effort to offer it, Mr. Holman objecting. REPEALING BILLS. 1864, April 19, the Senate considered the bill to repeal all acts for the rendition of fiigitives from service or labor. The bill was taken up — yeas 26, nays 10. Mr. Sherman moved to amend by insert- ing these words at the end of the bill : Except the act approved February 12, 1793, entitled " An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters." Which was agreed to — yeas 24, nays 17, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile^ Col- lamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Hendricks, Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDou- gall, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Win- kle, Willey— 24. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, Conness, Fessenden, Grimes, Hale, How- ard, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Wil- kinson, Wilson — 17. Mr. Saulsbury moved to add these sec- tions : And be it further enacted, That no white inhabitant o-f the United States shall be arrested, or imprisoned, or held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, except in cases arising in the land or na- val forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger, without due process of law. And be it further enacted. That no per- son engaged in the executive, legislative, 148 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. or judicial departments of the Government of the United States, or holding any office or trust recognized in the Constitution of the United States, and no person in mili- tary or naval service of the Uuited States, shall, without due process of law, arrest or imprison any white inhabitant of the Uni- ted States who is not, or has not been, or shall not at the time of such arrest or im- prisonment be, engaged in levying war against the United "States, or in adhering to the enemies of the United States, giv- ing them aid and comfort, nor aid, abet, procure or advise the same, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger. And any person as aforesaid so arresting, or imprisoning, or holding, as aforesaid, as in this and the second section of this act mentioned, or aiding, abetting, or procuring, or advising the same, shall be deemed guilty of fel- ony, and, upon conviction thereof in any court of competent jurisdiction, shall be imprisoned for a term of not less than one nor more than five years, shall pay a fine of not less than $1,000 nor more than $5000, and shall be forever incapable of holding any office or public trust under the Gov- ernment of the United States. Mr. Hale moved to strike out the word "white" wherever it occurs; which was agreed to. The amendment of Mr. Saulsbury, as amended, was then disagreed to — yeas 9, nays 27, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlih, Cowan, Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Bid- die, Saulsbury — 9. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, CoUa- mer, Conness, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harris, Howard, Howe, Lane of Indiana, Lane, of Kansas, Morgan, Mor- rill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Win- kle, Wilkinson, Willcy, Wilson— 27. Mr. CoxxESS moved to table the bill ; which was disagreed to — yeas 9, (Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Conness, Davis, Hen- dricks, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury,) nays 31. it was not again acted upon. 1864, June 13 — The House passed this bill, introduced by Mr. Spalding, of Ohio, and reported from the Committee on the Judiciary by Mr. Morris, of New York, as follows : Be it enacted, e^c.,that sections three and four of an act entitled " An act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of tbeir masters," passed February 12, 1793, and an Act entitled " An act to amend, and supjilementary to, the act entitled ' An act respecting fugi- tives from justice, and persons escajjing from their masters,' passed February 12, 1793," passed September 18, 1850, be, and the same are hereby, repealed. Yeas 86, nays 60, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Ar- nold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Blair, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clarke, Freeeman Clark, Cobb, Cole, Cres- well, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Da- avis, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eck- ley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Gar- field, Gooch, Grisicold, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John K. Hubbard, Hulburd, IngersoU, Jenckes, Ju- lian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, O. Kel- logg, Littlejohn, Loan, Longvear, Man-in, McClurg, Mclndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Mvers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Price, Alexander H. Rice, Johil H. Rice, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Spald- ing, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Webster. Wha- ley, Williams, AVilder, Wilson, Windom, AVoodbridge — 86. Nays — Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldicirij Bliss, Brooks, James S. Broum, Chanter, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, English, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Harding, Harrington, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, Kalbjleisch, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Mallory, Marcy, McDoicell, McKinney, W?n. H Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Odcll, Pendleton, Pruyn, Radford, Robinson, Jas. S. Rollins, Ross, Smithers, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele, Stiles, Strotise, Stuart, Sweat, Wads- worth, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton A. WJiite, Joseph W. White, Fernando Wood — 00. June 22 — This bill was taken up in the Senate, when Mr. Saulsbury moved this substitute : That no person held to service or labor in one State, under the laAvs thereof, escap- ing into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be de- livered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due ; and Congress shall pass all necessary and pro- per laws for the rendition of all such per- sons wbo shall so, as aforesaid, escape. Which was rejected — yeas 9, nays 29, as follows : Yeas— Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, McDougall, Powell, Richardson, Riddle, Saulsbu7-y — 9. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- ler, Clark, Conness, Dixon, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, ]\Torrill, Pomeroy, Ramscv, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade,Willey— 29. BOOK I.J FINANCIAL LEGISLATION — INTERN AL TAXES, 149 Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, moved an amendment to substitute a clause repeal- ing the act of 1850 ; which was rejected — yeas 17, nays 22, as follows : Yeas— Messrs. liuckalew, Carlile, Cowan, Daois, Harris, Hicks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDowjali, Powell, liicJiardson, Riddle. Siiulshan/, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 17. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- ler, Clark, Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, (xrimes. Hale, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomerov, Ramsey, Sprague, Sumner, Wadt^, Wilson— 22. The bill then passed — yeas 27, nays 12, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chand- ler, Clark, Conuess, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Hicks, Howard, Howe, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansan, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ram- sev, Sprague, Sumner, Ten .Eyck, Trum- bull, Wade, Wilson— 27. Nays — Messrs. Backaleio, Carlile, Cowan, Daois, Johnson, McDougall, Powell, Rich- ardson, Riddle, Saulsbury, Van Winkle, Willey— 12. Abraham Lincoln, President, approved it, June 28, 18G4. Seward as Secretary ot State. Wm. H. Seward was a master in diplo- macy and Statecraft, and to his skill the Unionists were indebted for all avoidance of serious foreign complications while the war was going on. The most notable case coming under his supervision was that of the capture of Mason and Slidell, by Com- modore Wilkes, who, on the 8th of Novem- ber, 18(31, had intercepted the Trent with S'xn Jacinto. The prisoners were Confed- erate agents on their way to St. James and St. Cloud. Both had been prominent Sen- ators, early secessionists, and the popular impulse of the North was to hold and pun- ish them. Both Lincoln and Seward wisely resisted the pa-ssions of the hour, and when Great Britain demanded their release under the treaty of Ghent, wherein the right of future search of vessels was dis- avowed, Seward yielded, and referring to the terms of the treaty, said : " If I decide this case in fovor of my own Government, I must disavow its most cherished principles, and reverse and for- ever abandon its essential policy. The country cannot afford the sacrifice. If I maintain those principles and adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case itself" The North, with high confidence in thoir President and Cabinet, readily conceded the wisdom of the argument, especially as it was clinched in the newspapers of the day by one of Lincoln's homely remarks : " One war at a time." A war with Great Britain was thus happily avoided. With the incidents of the war, however save as they atlected politics and pr)liti- cians, this work has little to do, and we therefore pass the suspension of the writ of habeas corjjm, which susj)ension was em- I)loycd in breaking uj) the Maryland Legis- lature and other bodies when they con- templated secession, and it facilitated the arrest and punishment of men throughout the North who were suspected of giving " aid and comfort to the enemy." The alleged arbitrary character of tbese arrest,s caused much complaint from Democratic Senators and Representatives, but the right was fully enforced in the face of every form of protest until the war closed. The most prominent arrest was that of Clement L. Vallandighain, member of Congress from Ohio, who was sent into the Southern lines. From thence he went to Canada, and when a candidate for Governor in Ohio, was de- feated by over 100,000 majority. Financial liegislatlou — Internal Taxes. The Financial legislation during the war was as follows: 18G0, December 17 — Authorized an issue of $10,000,000 in Treasury notes, to be redeemed after the expiration of one year from the date of issue, and bearing such a rate of interest as may be offered by the lowest bidders. Authority was given to issue these notes in payment of warrants in favor of public creditors at their par value, bearing six per cent, interest per annum. 1861, February 8 — Authorized a LOAN of $25,000,000, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding six per cent, per annum, and reimbursable within a period not beyond twenty years nor less than ten years. This loan was made for the payment of the cur- rent expenses, and was to be awarded to the most favorable bidders. March 2 — Authorized a LOAN of $10,- 000,000, bearing interest at a rate not ex- ceeding six per cent, per annum, and re- imbursable after the expiration of ten years from July 1, 18G1. In case propo- sals for the loan were not acceptable, au- thority was given to issue the whole amount in Treasury notes, bearing in- terest at a rate not exceeding six per cent, per annum. Authority was also given to substitute Treasure notes for the whole or any part of the loans for which the Sec- rotary was by law authorized to contract and issue bonds, at the time of the passage of this act, and such treasury notes were to be made receivable in payment of all pub- lic dues, and redeemable at any time within two years from IMarch 2, ISGl. March 2-^Authorized an issue, should the Secretarv of the Treasury deem it ex- pedient, of $2,800,000 in coupon bonds, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent. 150 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. per annum, 'and redeemable in twenty years, for the payment of expenses incurred by the Territories of Washington and Oregon in the suppression of Indian hos- tilities during the year 1855-'56. July 17— Authorized a loan of $250,000,- 000, for which could be issued boxds bear- ing interest at a rate not exceeding 7 per cent, per annum, irredeemable for twentj' years, and after that redeemable at the pleasure of the United States. Treasury notes bearing interest at the rate of 7.30 per cent, per annum, payable three years after date ; and United States kotes without interest, payable on demand, to the extent of $50,- 000,000. (Increased by act of February 12, 1862, to $60,000,000.) The bonds and treasury notes to be is- sued in such proportions of each as the Secretary may deem advisable. August 5 — Authorized an issue of BONDS bearing 6 per cent, interest per annum, and payable at the pleasure of the United States after twenty years from date, which may be issued in exchange for 7.30 trea- sury notes ; but no such bonds to be issued for a less sum than $500, and the whole amount of such bonds not to exceed the whole amount of 7.30 treasury notes issued. February 6, 1862— Making $50,000,000 of notes, of denominations less than $5, a legal tender, as recommended by Secretary Chase, was passed January 17, 1862. In the House it received the votes of the Ee- publicans generally, and 38 Democrats. In the Senate it had 30 votes for to 1 against, that of Senator Powell. 1862, Fehruary 25 — Authorized the issue of $15,000,000 in legal tender United States NOTES, $50,000,000 of which to be in lieu of demand notes issued under act of Julv 17, 1861, $500,000,000 in 6 percent, bonds, redeemable after five years, and payable twenty years from date, which may be ex- changed for United States notes, and a temporary loan of $25,000,000 in United States notes for not less than thirty days, payable after ten days' notice at 5 per cent, interest per annum. March 17 — Authorized an increase of TEMPORARY LOANS of $25,000,000, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding 5 per cent, per annum. July 11 — Authorized a further increase of TEMPORARY LOANS of $50,000,000, mak- ing the whole amount authorized $100,- 000,000. March 1 — Authorized an issue of cer- tificates OF INDEBTEDNESS, payable one year from date, in settlement of audited claims against the Government. Interest 6 per cent, per annum, payable in gold on those issued prior to INIarch 4, 1863, and in lawful currency on those issued on and after that date. Amount of issue not specified. 1862, July 11 — Authorized an additional issue of $150,000,0(10 legal tender NOTES, $35,000,000 of which might be in denomi- nations less than five dollars. Fifty mil- lion dollars of this issue to be reserved to pay temporary loans promptly in case of emergency. Jidy 17 — Authorized an issue of NOTES of the fractional part of one dollar, receiv- able in payment of all dues, except cus- toms, less than five dollars. Amount of issue not specified. 1863, January 17 — Authorized the issue of $100,000,000 in United States notes for the immediate payment of the army and navy ; such notes to be a part of the amount provided for in any bill that may hereafter be passed by this Congress. The amount in this resolution is included in act of March 3, 1863. March 3 — Authorized a LOAN of $300,- 000,000 for this and $600,000,000 for next fiscal year, for which could be issued bonds running not less than ten nor more than forty years, principal and interest payable in coin, bearing interest at a rate not ex- ceeding 6 per cent, per annum, payable on bonds not exceeding $100, annually, and on all others semi-annually. And Treasury NOTES (to the amount of $400,000,000) not exceeding three years to run, with interest not over 6 per cent, per annum, principal and interest payable in lawlul money, which may be made a legal tender for their face value, excluding interest, or convertible into United States notes. And a further issue of $150,000,000 in United States NOTES for the purpose of converting the Treasury notes which may be issued under this act, and for no other purj^ose. And a further issue, if necessaiy, for the jjayment of the army and navy, and other creditors of the Government, of $150,000,- 000 in United States notes, which amount includes the $100,000,000 authorized by the joint resolution of Congress, January 17, 1863. The whole amount of bonds, treasury notes, and United States notes issued under this act not to exceed the sum of $900,000,000. March 3 — Authorized to issue not ex- ceeding $50,000,000 in fractional cur- rency, (in lieu of postage or other stamps,) exchangeable for United States notes in sums not less than three dollars, and re- ceivable for any dues to the United States less than five dollars, except duties on im- ports. The whole amount issued, includ- ing postage and other stamps issued aa currency, not to exceed $50,000,000. Authority was given to prepare it in the Treasury Department, under the supervi- sion of the Secretary. 1864, March 3 — Authorized, in lieu of so much of the loan of March 3, 1863, a loan of $200,000,000 for the current fiscal year, for which may be issued bonds redeemable BOOK I.] INTERNAL TAXES. 151 after five and within forty years, principal and interest payable in coin, bearing interest at a rate not exceeding 6 per cent, per an- num, payable annually on bonds not over $100, and on all others semi-annually. These bonds to be exempt from taxation by or under Htate or municipal authority. 1864, June 30 — Authorized a loan of $400,000,000. for which may be issued bonds, redeemable after five nor more than thirty years, or if deemed expedient, made payable at any period not more than forty years from date — interest not exceeding six per cent, semi-annually, in coin. Pendin;^ tlie loan bill of June 22, 1862, laefore tiie House in Committee of the Whole, and the question being on the first section, authorizing a loan of^400,000,000, closing with this clause : And all bonds, Treasury notes, and oth- er obligations of the United States shall be exempt from taxation by or under state or municipal authority. There was a sharp political controversy on this question, but the House finally agreed to it by 77 to 71. Party lines were not then distinctly drawn on financial issues. INTERNAL TAXES. The system of internal revenue taxes imposed during the war did not evenly divide parties until near its close, when Democrats were generally arrayed against these taxes. They cannot, from the record, be correctly classed as political issues, yet their adoption and the feelings since en- gendered by them, makes a brief summary of the record essential. First Session, Thilrty-Seveiitli Congress. The bill to provide increased revenue from imports, &c., passed the House August 2, 1861— yeas 89, nays 39. Same day, it passed the Senate — yeas 34, nays 8, (Messrs. Breckinridge, Bright, John- son, of Missouri, Kennedy, Latham, Polk, Powell, Saulsbury.)* Second Session, Tlilrty-Se-vcntU Congress. The Internal Revenue Act of 1862. 1862, April 8— The House passed the bill to provide internal revenue, support the Government, and pay interest on the public debt — yeas 126, nays 15. The Nays were : Messrs. William Allen, George H. Browne, Buffinton, Cox, Kerrigan, Knapp, Lata, Norton, Pendleton, Richardson, Shiel, Val- landigham, Voorhees, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe—lb. June 6 — The bill passed in the Senate — yeas 37, nay 1, (Mr. Powell.) First Session Tlilrty-Klglitli Congress. Interniil Revenue Act of lS6i. April 28— The House passed the act of 1864— yeas 110, nays 39. The Nays were : Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, • Democrats in italics. Ancona, Brooks, Chanler, Cox, Dawson, Venison, Eden, Eldridgc, Finch, llarring- tmi, Benjamin G. Harris, Jlerrick, Philip Johnson, William Jithnson, Knapj), Jmw, Le Blond, Long, Marcg, McJJowcU, McKin- ncij, James R. Morris, Morrison, Noble, John 0' Neil, Pendleton, l^crry, Robinson, Jioss, Stiles, Strouse, Stuart, Voorhees, Ward, Chil- ton A. White, Josej^h W. White, Fernando Woorf— 39. June 6— The Senate amended and passed the bill — yeas 22, nays 3, (Messrs. Davis, Hendricks, Powell. ) The bill, as finally agreed upon by a Committee of Conference, passed without a division. Second Session, Tlilrty-Seventh Congress. TaiiJ Act uf 18G2. In House— 1862, July 1— The House passed, without a division, a bill increasing temporarily the duties on imports, and for other purposes. July 8 — The Senate passed it without a division. ' THE TARIFF ACT OF 1864. June 4 — The House passed the bill — yeas 81, nays 28. The Nays were : Messrs. James C. Allen, Bliss, James S. Brown, Cox, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Grider, Harding, Harrington, Chas. M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Ilutchins, Le Blond, Long, Mallory, Marcy, McDowell, 3Iorriso7i, Noble, l^ndlcton, Perry, Pruyn, Ross, Wadsworth, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White -2^. June 17 — The Senate passed the bill — yeas 22, nays 5, (Messrs. Buckalew, Hen- dricks, McDougall, Powell, Richardson.) Second Session, Tlilrty-Scvcntli Congress. Taxes in' Insurrectionary Difitricti, ISOi. 1862, May 12— The bill for the collec- tion of taxes in the insurrectionary dis- tricts passed the Senate — yeas 32, nays 3, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Latham, McDougall, Mor- rill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson, of Massachu- setts, Wright— ^2. Nays— Messrs. Howard, Powell, Sauls- bury — 3. IVIay 28 — The bill passed House— yeas 98, nays 17. The Nays were : Messrs. i5/f?^Z<?, Calrert, Cravens, Johnson, Kerrigan, L(n(\ Mallory, Menzies, Noble, Norton, Pendleton, Pern/. Francis Thomas Vallandigham, Ward, Wicklijfe, Wood — 17. The Democrats who voted Aye were : Messrs. Ancona, Baily, Cobb, English, Haight, Holman, Jjchvian, Odell, Phelps, * Demcx;rata ia italicf. 152 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Richardson, James S. Rohiiis, Sheffield, Smith, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele. TAXES IN IXSURRECTIOXAEY DISTEICTS, 1804. In Senate, June 27 — The bill passed the Senate without a division. July 2 — It passed the House without a division. Many financial measures and proposi- tions were rejected, and we shall not at- tempt to give the record on these. All that were passed and went into operation can be more readily understood by a glance at our Tabulated History, in Book VII., which gives a full view of the financial history and sets out all the loans and reve- nues., We ought not to close this review, however, without giving here a tabulated statement, from " McPherson's History of the Great Rebellion," of Tlie Confederate Debt. Decejnber 31, 1862, the receipts of the Treasury from the commencement of the " Permanent Government," (February 18, 1862,) were as follows : EECEIPTS. Patent fund $13,920 00 Customs 668,566 00 Miscellaneous 2,291,812 00 Eepayments of disbursing offi- cers 3,839,263 00 Interest on loans 26,583 00 Call loan certificates .... 59,742,796 00 One hundred million loan . . 41,398,286 00 Treasury notes 215,554,885 00 Interest bearing notes . . . 113,740,000 00 War tax 16,664,513 00 Loan 28th of February, 1861 . 1,375,476 00 Coin received from Bank of Louisiana 2,539,799 00 Total $457,855,704 00 Total debt up to December 31, 1862 556,105,100 00 Estimated amount at that date necessary to support the Gov- ernment to July, 1863, was 357,929,229 00 Up to December 31, 1862, the issues of the Treasury were : Notes $440,678,510 00 Redeemed 30,193,479 50 Outstanding $410,485,030 50 From January 1, 1803, to September 30, 1863, the receipts of the Treasury were: For 8 per cent, stock .... $107,292,900 70 For 7 per cent, stock .... 38,757,650 70 For 6 per cent, stock . . . . 6,810,050 00 For 5 per cent, stock .... 22,992,900 00 For 4 per cent, stock .... 4^2,200 00 Cotton certificates ..... 2,000,000 00 Interest on loans 140,210 00 War tax 4,128,988 97 Treasury notes 391,623,530 00 Sequestration 1,862,550 27 Customs 934,798 68 Export duty on cotton ... 8,101 78 Patent fund 10,794 04 Miscellaneous, including re- payments by disbursing offi- cers 24,498,217 93 Total $601,522,893 12 EXPENDITtm.ES DURINQ THAT TIMB. War Department ?3 7 7, 988, 244 00 Navy Department 38,437,661 00 Civil, miscellaneous, etc . . . 11,629,278 00 Customs 56,636 00 Public debt 32,212,290 00 Notes cancelled and redeemed 59,044.449 00 Total expenditures .... $519,368,559 00 Total receipts 601,522,893 00 Balance in treasury .... $82,154,334 00 But from this amount is to be deducted the amount of all Treasury notes that have been funded, but which have not yet received a true estimation, $65,000,000 ; total remaining, $17,- 154,334. CONDITION OF THE TREASURY, JANUARY 1, 1864. Jan. 25 — The Secretary of the Treasury (C. G. Memminger) laid before the Senate a statement in reply to a resolution of the 20th, asking information relative to the funded debt, to call certificates, to non-in- terest and interest-bearing Treasuiy notes, and other financial matters. From this it appears that, January, 1864, the funded debt was as follows : ActFeb. 28, 1861,8 f cent., 15,000,000 00 Act May 16, 1861, 8 ^ cent , 8,774.000 00 Act Aug. 10, 1801, 8 -^ cent., 100,000,000 00 Act Apr. 12, 1862, 8 "# cent., 3,612,300 00 Act Feb. 20, 1863, 8 "^ cent., 95,785,000 00 Act Feb. 20, 1863, 7 f* cent., 03,615,750 00 ActMar.23,186.3,6^ceut., 2,831,700 00 Act April 30, 1863 (cotton interest coupons) 8,252,000 00 $297,871 ,650 00 Call certificates 89,206,770 00 Non-interest bearing Treasury notes out- standing : Act Jlay 16, ISOl— Payable two years after date 8,320,875 00 Act Aiig. 19, 1801— General currency 189,719,251 00 Act Oct. 13, 1801— All de- nominations 131,028,366 50 Act March 23 — All denomi- nations 391,829,702 50 720,898,095 00 Intorest-boaring Treasury notes outstand- ing 102,465,450 00 Anioiint of Treasury notes under So, oufstjvnding Jan. 1, 1804, viz: Act April 17, 1802, denomi- nations of 81 and S2 4,860,277 50 ActOct. 13, 1862,81and82 2,;544,800 00 Act March 23, 1863, 50 cents .3,41^,000 00 Total under$5 10,424,077 50 Total debt, Jon. 1, 1804 81,220,866,042 60 BOOK I.] CONFEDERATE TAXES. 153 ITS CONDITION, MARCH 31, 1864. The Register of tlie Treasury, Robert Tyler, gave a statement, which appeared in the Richmond Sentinel after the^jassage of the funding hiw, which gives the amount of outstanding non-interest-bearing Trea- sury notes, March 31, 1804, as $790,204,403, as follows : Act May 16, 1861— Ten-year notes $7,201,375 00 Act Aug. 19, 1861— General currency 154,365,631 00 Act Apr. 19, 1862— ones and twos 4,516,509 00 Act Oct. 18, 1862— General currency 118,997,321 50 Act iMar. 23, 1863— General currency 511,182,566 50 Total $796,264,403 00 He also publishes this statement of the issue of non-intcrest-bearing Treasury notes since the organization of the " Con- federate " government : Fifty cents $911,258 60 Ones 4,882,000 00 Twos 6,086,320 00 Fives 79,090,315 00 Tens 157,982,750 00 Twenties 217,425,120 00 Fifties 188,088,200 00 Total $973,277,363 60 Confederate Taxes. We also append as full and fair a state- ment of Confederate taxes as can be pro- cured, beginning with a summary of the act authorizing the issue of Treasury notes and bonds, and providing a war tax for their redemption : THE TAX ACT OF JULY, 1861. The Richmond Enquirer gives the fol- lowing summary of the act authorizing the issue of Treasury notes and bonds, and providing a war tax for their redemption : Section one authorizes the issue of Treasury notes, payable to bearer at the expiration of six months after the ratifica- tion of a treaty of peace between the Con- federate States and the United States. The notes are not to be of a less denomi- nation than five dollars, to be re-is.sued at pleasure, to be received in payment of all public dues, except the export duty on cot- ton, and the whole issue outstanding at one time, including the amount issued under former acts, are not to exceed one hundred millions of dollars. Section two provides that, for the pur- pose of funding the said notes, or for the purpose of purchasing specie or military stores, &c., bonds may be issued, payable not more than twenty years after date, to the amount of one hundred millions of dol- lars, and bearing an interest of eight per cent, per annum. This amount includes the thirty millions already authorized to be issued. The bonds are not to be issued in less amounts than $100, except when the subscription is for a less anuiunt, when they may be issued as low as 850. Section three provides that holders of Treasury notes may at any time exchange them for bonds. Section four provides that, for the special purpo.se of paying the principal and inter- est of the puljlic debt, and of su[)porting the Government, a war tax shall be as- sessed and levied of fifty cents upon each one hundred dollars in value ()1' the follow- ing property in the Confederate States, namely: Real estate of all kinds; slaves; merchandise ; bank stocks ; railroad and other corporation stocks ; money at in- terest or invested by individuals in the ])urchase of bills, notes, and other securi- ties for money, except the bonds of the Confederate States of America, and cash on hand or on deposit in bank or elsewhere ; cattle, horses, and mules ; gold watches, gold and silver plate ; pianos and pleasure carriages : Provided, hmvever, That when the taxable property, herein above enu- merated, of any head of a family is of value less than five hundred dollars, such tax- able property shall be exempt from taxa- tion under this act. It provides further that the property of colleges, schools, and religious associations shall be exempt. The remaining sections provide for the collection of the tax. THE TAX ACT OF DECEMBER 19, 1861. An act supplementary to an act to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, and to pro- vide a war tax for their redemption. Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact. That the Sec- retary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to pay over to the several banks, which have made advances to the Government, in anticipation of the issue of Treasury notes, a sufiicient amount, not exceeding 810,000,000, for the principal and interest due upon the said advance, according to the engagements made with them. Sec. 2. The time aflixed by the said act for making assignments is hereby extend- ed to the 1st day of January next, and the time for the completion and delivery of the lists is extended to the 1st day of March next, and the time for the report of the said lists to the chief collector is extended to the 1st day of May next; and in cases where the time thus fixed shall be found insufficient, the Secretary of the Treasury shall have power to make further exten- sion, as circumstances may require. Sec. 3. The cash on haiid, or on deposit in the bank, or elsewhere, mentioned in 154 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. the fourth section of said act, is hereby de- clared to be subject to assessment and tax- ation, and the money at interest, or invest- ed by individuals in the purchase of bills, notes, and other secui-ities for money, shall be deemed to include securities for money belonging to non-residents, and such se- curities shall be returned, and the tax thereon paid by any agent or trustee hav- ing the same in possession or under his control. The term merchandise shall be construed to include merchandise belong- ing to any non-resident, and the property shall be returned, and the tax paid by any person having the same in possession as agent, attorney, or consignee: Provided, That the words " money at interest," as used in the act to which this act is an amendment, shall be so construed as to in- clude all notes, or other evidences of debt, bearing interest, without reference to the consideration of the same. The exception allowed by the twentieth section for agri- cultural products shall be construed to em- brace such products only when in the hands of the producer, or held for his ac- count. But no tax shall be assessed or levied on any money at interest when the notes, bond, bill, or other security taken for its payment, shall be worthless from the insolvency and total inability to pay of the payer or obligor, or person liable to make such i)ayment ; and all securities for money payable under this act shall be assessed according to their value, and the assessor shall have the same power to as- certain the value of such securities as the law confers upon him with respect to other property. Sec. 4. That an amount of money, not exceeding $25,000, shall be and the same is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, to be disbursed under the authority of the Secretary of the Treasury, to the chief State tax collectors, for such expenses as shall be actually incurred for salaries of clerks, office hire, stationery, and inciden- tal charges ; but the books and printing required shall be at the expense of the de- partment, and subject to its approval. Sec. 5. The lien for the tax shall attach from the date of the assessment, and shall follow the same into every State in the Confederacy ; and in case any person shall attempt to remove any property which may be liable to tax, beyond the jurisdiction of the State in which the tax is payable, without payment of the tax, the collector of the district may distrain upon and sell the same, in the same manner as is pro- vided in cases where default is made in the payment of the tax. Sec. G. On the report of any chief col- lector, that any county, town or district, or any part thereof, is occupied by the public enemy, or has been so occupied as to occasion destruction of crops or property, the Secretary of the Treasury may suspend the collection of tax in such region until the same can be reported to Congress, and its action had thereon. Sec. 7. In case any of the Confederate States shall undertake to pay the tax to be collected within its limits before the time at which the district collectors shall enter upon the discharge of their duties, the Secretary of the Treasury may suspend the appointment of such collectors, and may direct the chief collector to appoint assess- ors, and to take proper measures for the making and perfecting the returns, assess- ments and lists required by law ; and the returns, assessments and lists so made, shall have the same legal validity, to all intents and purposes, as if made according to the provisions of the act to which this act is supplementary. Sec. 8. That tax lists already given, varying from the provisions of this act, shall be corrected so as to conform thereto. the tax act of APRIL 24, 1863. [From the Richmond Whig, April 21.] We present below a synopsis of the bill to lay taxes for the common defence and to carry on the government of the Confed- erate States, which has passed both branches of Congress. It is substantially the bill proposed by the committee on conference : 1. The first section imposes a tax of eight per cent, upon the value of all naval stores, salt, wines and spirituous liquors, tobacco, manufactured or unmanufactured, cotton, wool, flour, sugar, molasses, syrup, rice, and other agricultural products, held or owned on the 1st day of July next, and not necessary for family consumi^tion for the unexpired portion of the year 1863, and of the growth or production of any year preceding the year 1863 ; and a tax of one per cent, upon all moneys, bank notes or other currency on hand or on de- posit on the 1st day of July next, and on the value of all credits on which the in- terest has not been paid, and not employed in a business, the income derived from which is taxed under the provisions of this act: Provided, That all moneys owned, held or deposited beyond the limits of the Confederate States shall be valued at the current rate of exchange in Confederate treasury notes. The tax to be assessed on the first day of July and collected on the first day of October next, or as soon there- after as may be practicable. 2. Every person engaged, or intending to engage, in any business named in the fifth section, shall, within sixty days after the passage of the act, or at the time of be- ginning business, and on the first of Janu- ary in each year thereafter, register with the district collector a true account of the BOOK I.] CONFEDERATE TAXES, 156 name and residence of each person, firm, or corporation engaged or interested in the business, with a statement of the time for which, and the place and manner in which the same is to be conducted, &c. At the time of the registry there shall be paid the specific tax for the year ending on the next 31st of December, and such other tax as may be due upon sales or receipts in such business. 3. Any person failing to make such registry and pay such tax, shall, in addi- tion to all other taxes upon ins business im- posed by the act, pay double the amount of the specific tax on such business, and a like sum for every thirty days of such failure. 4. Requires a separate registry and tax for each business mentioned in the fifth section, and for each place of conducting the same ; but no tax for mere storage of goods at a place other than the registered place of business. A new registry required upon every change in the place of conduct- ing a registered business, upon the death of any person conducting the same, or upon the transfer of the business to an- other, but no additional tax. 5. Imposing the following taxes for the year ending 3lst of December, 1863, and for each year thereafter : Bankers shall pay $500. Auctioneers, retail dealers, tobacconists, pedlers, cattle brokers, apothecaries, pho- tographers, and confectioners, $50, and two and a half per centum on the gross amount of sales made. Wholesale dealers in liquors, $200, and five per centum on gross amount of sales. Retail dealers in liquors, $100, and ten per centum on gross amount of sales. Wholesale dealers in groceries, goods, wares, merchandise, &c., $200, and two and a half per centum. Pawnbrokers, money and exchange bro- kers, $200. Distillers, $200, and twenty per centum. Brewers, $100, and two and a half per cen- tum. Hotels, inns, taverns, and eating-houses, first class, $500 ; second class, $800 ; third class, $200 ; fourth class, 100 ; fifth class, $30. Every house where food or refresh- ments are sold, and every boarding house where there shall be six boarders or more, shall be deemed an eating house under this act. Commercial brokers or commission mer- chants, $200, and two and a half per cen- tum. Theatres, $500, and five per centum on all receipts. Each circus, $100, and $10 for each exhibition. Jugglers and other persons exhibiting shows, $50. Bowling alleys and billiard rooms, $40 for each alley or table registered. Livery stable keepers, lawyers, physi- cians, surgeons, and dentists, $50. Butchers and bakers, $50, and one per centum. 6. Every person registered and taxed is required to make returns of the gross amount of sales from the passage of the act to the 30th of June, and every three mouths thereafter. 7. A tax ujjon all salaries, except of per- sons in the military or naval service, of one per cent, when not exceeding $1,500, and two per cent, upon an excess over that amount : Provided, That no taxes shall be imposed by virtue of this act on the salary of any person receiving a salary not ex- ceeding $1,000 per annum, or at a like rate for another period of time, longer or shorter. 8. Provides that the tax on annual in- comes, between $500 and $1,500, shall be five per cent. ; between $1,500 and $3,000, five per cent, on the first $1,500 and ten per cent, on the excess ; between $3,000 and $5,000, ten per cent. ; between $5,000 and $10,000, twelve and a half per cent. ; over $10,000, fifteen per cent., subject to the following deductions : On incomes de- rived from rents of real estate, manufac- turing, and mining establishments, &c., a sum sufficient for necessary annual repairs ; on incomes from any mining or manufac- turing business, the rent, (if rented,) cost of labor actually hired, and raw material ; on incomes from navigating enterprises, the hire of the vessel, or allowance for wear and tear of the same, not exceeding ten per cent. ; on incomes derived from the sale of merchandise or any other property, the prime cost of transportation, salaries of clerks, and rent of buildings ; on incomes from any other occupation, the salaries of clerks, rent, cost of labor, material, &c. ; and in case of mutual insurance compa- nies, the amount of losses paid by them during the year. Incomes derived from other sources are subject to no deductions whatever. All joint stock companies and corpora- tions shall pay one tenth of the dividend and reserved fund annually. If the an- nual earnings shall give a profit of more than ten and less than twenty per cent, on capital stock, one eighth to be paid ; if more than twenty per cent., one sixth. The tax to be collected on the 1st of Janu- ary next, and of each year thereafter. 9. Relates to estimates and deductions, investigations, referees, &c. 10. A tax of ten per cent, on all profits in 18(52 by the purchase and sale of flour, corn, bacon, pork, oats, hay, rice, salt, iron or the manufactures of iron, sugar, mo- lasses made of cane, butter, woolen cloths, shoes, boots, blankets, and cotton cloths. Does not apply to regular retail business. 11. Each farmer, after reserving for his 156 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. own use fifty bushels sweet and fifty bushels Irish potatoes, one hundred bushels corn or fitty bushels wheat produced this year, shall pay and deliver to the Con- federate Government one tenth of the grain, potatoes, forage, sugar, molasses, cot- ton, wool, and tobacco produced. After reserving twenty bushels peas or beans he shall deliver one tenth thereof. 12. Every farmer, planter, or grazier, one t^nth of the hogs slaughtered by him, in cured bacon, at the rate of sixty pounds of bacon to one hundred pounds of pork ; one per cent, upon the value of all neat cattle, horses, mules, not used in cultivation, and asses, to be paid by the owners of the same ; beeves sold to be taxed as income. 13. Gives in detail the duties of post quartermasters under the act. 14. Relates to the duties of assessors and collectors. 15. Makes trustees, guardians, &c., re- sponsible ibr taxes due from estates, &c., under their control. 16. Exempts the income and moneys of hospitals, asylums churches, schools, and colleges from taxation under the act. 17. Authorizes the Secretary of the Trea- sury to make all rules and regulations ne- cessary to the operation of the act. 18. Provides that the act shall be in force for two years from the expiration of the present year, unless sooner repealed ; that the tax on naval stores, flour, wool, cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural pro- ducts of the growth of any year preceding 1863, imposed in the first section, shall be le- vied and collected only for the present year. The tax act of February 17, 1864, levies, in addition to the above rates, the follow- ing, as stated in the Richmond Sentinel of February, 1864: Sec. 1. Upon the value of real, personal, and mixed property, of every kind and de- scription, except the exemptions hereafter to be named, five per cent. ; the tax levied on property employed in agriculture to be credited by the value of property in kind. On gold and silver ware, plate, jewels, and watches, ten per cent. The tax to be levied on the value of property in 1860, except in the case of land, slaves, cotton, and tobacco, pur- chased since January 1st, 1862, upon which the tax shall be levied on the price paid. Sec. 2, A tax of five per cent, on the value of all shares in joint stock companies of any kind, whether incorporated or not. The shares to be valued at their market value at the time of assessment. Sec. 8. Upon the juarket value of gold and silver coin or bullion, five per cent. ; also the same upon moneys hold abroad, or all bills of exchange drawn therefor. A tax of five per cent, on all solvent credits, and on all bank bills and papers uaed as currency, except non-interest-bear- ing Confederate Treasury notes, and not employed in a registered business taxed twenty-five per cent. Sec. 4. Profits in trade and business taxed as follows : On the purchase and sale of agricultural products and mercantile wares generally, from January 1, 1863, to January 1, 1865, ten per cent, in addition to the tax under the act of April 24, 1863. The same on the purchase and sale of coin, exchange, stocks, notes, and credits of any kind, and any property not in- cluded in the foregoing. On the amount of profits exceeding twenty-five per cent, of any bank, banking company, or joint stock company of any de- scrijition, incorporated or not, twenty-five per cent, on such excess. Sec. 5. The following are exempted from taxation. Five hundred dollars' worth of property for each head of a family, and a hundred dollars additional for each minor child ; and for each son in the army or navy, or who has fallen in the service, and a mem- ber of the familv when he enlisted, the further sum of $500. One thousand dollars of the property of the widow or minor children of any officer, soldier, sailor, or marine, who has died in the service. A like amount of property of any offi- cer, soldier, sailor, or marine, engaged in the service, or who has been disabled therein, provided said property, exclusive of furniture, does not exceed in value $1,000. When property has been injured or de- stroyed by the enemy, or the owner unable temporarily to use or occupy it by reason of the presence or proximity of the enemj', the assessment may be reduced in propor- tion to the damage sustained by the owner, and the tax in the same ratio by the dis- trict collector. Sec. 6. The taxes on property for 1864 to be assessed as on the day of the passage of this act, and collected the 1st of June next, with ninety days extension west of the Mississippi. The additional tax on incomes or profits for 1863, to be paid forthwith ; the tax on incomes, &c., for 1864, to be collected according to the acts of 1863. Sec. 7. Exempts from tax on income for 1864, all property herein taxed ad valorem. The tax on Confederate bonds in no case to exceed the interest payable on the same ; and said bonds exempt from tax when held by minors or lunatics, if the in- terest do not exceed one thousand dollars. THE TAX LAW. We learn that, according to the construc- tion of the recent tax law in the Treasury Department, tax payers will be required to state the articles and objects subjected to a specific or ad valorem tax, held, owned, or BOOK I.J CONFEDERATE TAXES. isr possessed by them on the 17th day of Febru- ary, 1864, the date of the act. The daily wages of detailed soldiers and other employes of the Government are not liable to taxation as income, although they may amount, in the aggregate, to the sum of $1,000 per annum. A tax additional to both the above was imporsed as follows, June 1, 18G4: A bill to provide supplies for the army, and to prescribe the mode of making im- pressments. Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, Every person required to pay a tax in kind, under the provisions of the " Act to lay taxes for the common defense and carry on the Govern- ment of the Confederate States," approved April 24, 1803, and the act amendatory thereof, approved February 17, 18G4, shall, in addition to the one tenth required by said acts to be paid as a tax in kind, de- liver to the Confederate Government, of the products of the present year and of the year 1865, one other tenth of the several products taxed in kind by the acts afore- said, which additional one tenth shall be ascertained, assessed and collected, in all respects, as is provided by law for the said tax in kind, and shall be paid for, on de- livery, by the Post-Quartermasters in the several districts at the assessed value there- of, except that payment for cotton and to- bacco shall be made by the agents of the Treasury Department appointed to receive the same. Sec. 2. The supplies necessary to the support of the producer and his family, and to carry on his ordinary business, shall be exempted from the contribution required by the preceding section, and from the ad- ditional impressments authorized by the act : Provided, however, That nothing here- in contained shall be construed to repeal or affect the provisions of an act entitled " An act to authorize the impressment of meat for the use of the army, under certain circumstances,'' approved Feb. 17, 1864, and if the amount of any article or product so necessary cannot be agreed upon be- tween the assessor and the producer, it shall be ascertained and determined by disinterested freeholders of the vicinage, as is provided in cases of disagreement as to the estimates and assessments of tax in kind. If required by the assessor, such freeholder shall ascertain whether a pro- ducer, who is found unable to furnish the additional one tenth of any one product, cannot supply the deficiency by the de- livery of an equivalent in other products, and upon what terms such commutation shall be made. Any commutation thus awarded shall be enforced and collected, in all respects, as is provided for any other contribution required by this act. Sec. 3. The Secretary of War may, at his discretion, decline to assess, or, after assessment, may decline to collect the whole or any part of the additional one tenth herein provided for, in any district or locality ; and it shall be his duty promptly to give notice of any such de- termination, specifying, with reasonable certainty, the district or locality and the product, or the proportion thereof, as to which he so declines. Sec. 4. The products received for the contribution herein recjuired, shall be dis- posed of and accounted for in the same manner as those received for the tax in kind ; and the Secretary of War may, whenever the exigencies of the public ser- vice will allow, authorize the sale of pro- ducts received from either source, to pub- lic officers or agents charged in any State with the duty of providing for the families of soldiers. Such sale shall be at the prices paid or assessed for the products sold, including the actual cost of collec- tions. Sec. 5. If, in addition to the tax in kind and the contribution herein required, the necessities of the army or the good of the service shall require other supplies of food or forage, or any other private property, and the same cannot be procured by con- tract, then imjjressments may be made of such supplies or other property, either for absolute ownership or for temporary use, as the public necessities may require. Such impressments shall be made in accordance with the provisions, and subject to the re- strictions of the existing impressment laws, except so far as is herein otherwise pro- vided. Sec. 6. The right and the duty of mak- ing impressments is hereby confided exclu- sively to the officers and agents charged in the several districts with the assessment and collection of the tax in kind and of the contribution herein required ; and all officers and soldiers in any department of the army are hereby expressly prohibited from undertaking in any manner to inter- fere with these officers and agents in any part of their duties in respect to the tax in kind, the contribution, or the impressment herein provided for: Provided, That this prohibition shall not be applicable to any district, county, or parish in Avhich there sball be no officer or agent charged with the appointment and collection of the tax in kind. Sec. 7. Supplies or other property taken by impressment shall be paid for by the post quartermasters in the several districts, and shall be disposed of and accounted for by them as is required in respect to the tax in kind and the contribution herein re- quired ; and it shall be the duty of the post quartermasters to equalize and appor- tion the impressments within their dis- 158 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book trict?, as far as practicable, so as to avoid oppressing any portion of the community. Sec. 8. If any one not authorized by law to collect the tax in kind or the contribu- tion herein required, or to make impress- ments, shall undertake, on any pretence of such authority, to seize or impress, or to collect or receive any such property, or shall, on any such pretence, actually obtain such property, he shall, upon conviction thereof, be punished by fine not exceeding five times the value of such property, and be imprisoned not exceeding five years, at the discretion of the court having jurisdic- tion. And it shall be the duty of all offi- cers and agents charged with the assess- ment and collection of the tax in kind and of the contribution herein required, promptly to report, through the post quar- termasters in the several districts, any vio- lation or disregard of the provisions of this act by any officer or soldier in the service of the Confederate States. Sec. 9. That it shall not be lawful to impress any sheep, milch cows, broodmares, stud horses, jacks, bulls, or other stock kept or necessary for raising horses, mules, or cattle. The following is the vote by which the bill passed the Senate : Yeas — Messrs. Caperton, Graham, Haynes, Jemison, Johnson (Ark.), John- son" (Mo.), Mitchell, Orr, Walker, Watson —10. Nays — Messrs. Baker, Burnett, Henry, Hunter, Maxwell, Semmes, Sparrow — 7. Admitting West Vlr^nla. An important political movement in the early years of the war was the separation of West Virginia from the mother State, which had seceded, and her admission in- to the Union. SECOND SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- GRESS. In Senate, 1862, July 14.— The bill pro- viding for the admission of the State of West Virginia into the Union, passed — yeas 23, nays 17, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Colla- mer, Fessonden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Rue, Sherman, Simmons, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, Wilson of Massachu- setts— 2,3. Nays— Messrs. Bayard, Browning, Car- lile, Chandler, Cowan, Davis, Howard, Kennedy, King, McDouxjal, Powell, Sauls- bury, Stark, Sumner, Trumbull, Wilson of Missouri, Wrujht — 17. During the pendency of this bill, July 14, 18G2, Mr. Sumnrr moved to strike from the first section of the second article the words : " the children of all slaves born within the limits of said State shall be free," and insert: Within the limits of the said State there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof the party shall be duly convicted. Which was rejected — yeas 11, nays 24, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Grimes, King, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Sumner, Trumbull, Wilkinson, Wilmol, Wilson, of Massachusetts— 11. Nays— Messrs. Anthony, J5(7yarr?,Brown- ing, Carlile, Collamer, Doolittle, Foot Fos- ter, Harris, Henderson, Howe, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Foicell, Rice, Saulshury, Sherman, Simmons, Stark, Ten Eyck, Wade, Wiley, Wilson of Missouri, Wright --24. Mr. Willey proposed to strike out all after the word "That" in the first section, and insert: That the State of West Virginia be, and is hereby, declared to be one of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the origi- nal States in all respects whatever, and un- til the next general census shall be entitled to three members in the House of Repre- sentatives of the United States : Provided alu-ays, That this act shall not take effect until after the proclamation of the Presi- dent of the United States hereinafter pro- vided for. Sec. 2. It being represented to Congress that since the convention of the 26th of November, 1861, that framed and proposed the constitution for the said State of West Virginia, the people thereof have expressed a wish to change the seventh section of the eleventh article of said constitution by striking out the same, and inserting the following in its place, namely, " The chil- dren of slaves born within the limits of this State after the 4th day of July, 1863, shall be free, and no slave shall be permit- ted to come into the State for permanent residence therein :" therefore. Be it further enacted. That whenever the people of West Virginia shall, through their said convention, and by a vote to be taken at an election to be held within the limits of the State at such time as the con- vention may provide, make and ratify the change aforesaid and properly certify the same under the hand of the president of the convention, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to issue his proclamation stating the fact, and there- upon this act shall take effect and be in force from and after sixty days from the date of said proclamation. Mr Lane of Kansas moved to amend the amendment by inserting after the word "Heiein,'- and before the word, "There- fore" the words: BOOK I.] COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 159 And that all slaves within the said State who shall at the time aforesaid be under the age of ten years shall be free when they arrive at the age of twenty-one years ; and all slaves over ten and under twenty- one yea'-s shall be free when they arrive at the ago of twenty-five years. Which was agreed to— yeas 25, nays 12, as follows : Yeas— Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Colla- mer, Doolittie, Foot, Foster, Orinies, Har- lan, Harris, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pome- roy, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Truml)ull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wil- son, of Massachusetts — 25. Nays — Messrs. Browning, Carlile, Davis, Henderson, Kenncdi/, McDou<tall, Foivell, Saulsburi/, Stark Willey, Wilson of Mis- souri, Wright — 12. The amendment as amended was then agreed to. A motion to postpone the bill to the first Monday of the next December was lost — yeas 17, nays 23. In House", July 16— The bill was post- poned until the second Tuesday of the next December — yeas 63, nays 33. THIRD SESSION, THIRTY-SEVENTH CON- GRESS. 1863, Dec. 10, the House passed the bill — yeas DG, nays 57. 1863, April 20, the President issued a proclamation announcing the compliance, by West Virginia, of the conditions of ad- mission. COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. Emancipation and its attendant agita- tions brought to the front a new class of political questions, which can best be grouped under the above caption. The following is a summary of the legislation : Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Confess. To Remove Disqualification of Color in Carrying the Mails. In Senate, 1862, April 11 -The Senate considered a bill " to remove all disquali- fication of color in carrying the mails of the United States." It directed that after the passage of the act no person, by reason of color, shall be disqualified from em- ployment in carrying the mails, and all acts and parts of acts establishing such dis- qualification, including especially the seventh section of the act of March 3, 1825, are hereby repealed. The vote in the Senate was, yeaa 24, nays 11, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, CoUamer, Dixon, Doolit- tie, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson of M;\ssachusetts — 24. Nays — Messrs. Davis, Henderson, Ken- nedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, Nesmithj Powell, Sta7-k, Willey, Wilson of Missouri, Wright— 11.* In House, May 21 — It was considered in the House and laid on the table — yeas 83, nays 43. First Session, Thlrty-Elphth Congress. 1864, February 26 — The Senate con- sidered the bill — the question being on agreeing to a new section proposed by the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads — as follows: Sec. 2. That in the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color. Mr. Powell moved to amend by inserting after the word "States" the words: "in all cases for robbing or violating the mails of the United States." No further progress was made on the bill. NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN MONTANA TERRI- TORY. 1864, March 18— The House passed,with- out a division, a bill in the usual form, to provide a temporary government for the Territory of Montana. March 31— The Senate considered it, when Mr. Wilkinson moved to strike from the second line of the fifth section, (defin- ing the qualifications of voters,) the words "white male inhabitant" and insert the words : " male citizen of the United States, and those who have declared their inten- tion to become such ;" which was agreed to— yeas 22, nays 17, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer,Conness, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, Pome- roy, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson — 22. Nays — Messrs. BnnJcaletc, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Harding, Henderson, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saids- btiry, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle. Willey— 17. The bill was then passed — ^yeas 29, nays 8, (Messrs. Bnckaleic, Davis, Johnson. Powell, Riddle, Saulsbnri/, Van Winkle, Willey.) April 15 — The Senate adopted the report of the Committee of Conference on the Montana bill, which recommended the Senate to recede from their second amend- ment, and the House to agree to the first and third amendments of the Senate, (in- cluding the above.) April 15 — Mr. Bcaman presented the re- port of the Committee of Conference on the Montana bill, a feature of which was that the House should recede from its dis- * Bepublicaus Id roman ; Democrats in iUlica. 160 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book 1 agreement to tlie Senate amea.dmeut strik- ing out the word "white" in the descrip- tion of those authorized to vote. Mr. Holman moved that the report be tabled ; which was lo?t by the casting vote of the Speaker — yeas 66, nays 66. Upon agreeing to the report the yeas were 54, nays 85. On motion to adhere to its amendments, and ask another Committee of Conference, Mr. Webster moved instructions : And that said committee be instructed to agree to no report that autliorizes any other than free white male citizens, and those who have declared their intention to become such, to vote. Which was agreed to — yeas 75, nays 67. April 15 — The Senate declined the con- ference ujjon the terms proposed by the House resolution of that day. April IS — The House proposed a further free conference, to which, April 25, the Senate acceded. May 17 — In Senate, Mr. Morrill sub- mitted a report from the Conference Com- mittee who recommend that qualified voters shall be : All citizens of the United States, and those who have declared their intention to become such, and who are otherwise de- scribed and qualified imder the fifth sec- tion of the act of Congress providing for a temporary government for the Territory of Idaho ajjproved March 3, 1863. The report was concurred in — yeas 26, nays 13. May 20 — The above report was made by Mr. Webster in the House, and agreed to — yeas 102, nays 26. IN WASHINGTON CITY.* 1864, May 6 — The Senate considered the bill for the registration of voters in the city of Washington, when Mr. Cowan moved to insert the word " white " in the first section, so as to con- fine the right of voting to white male citizens. May 12 — Mr. ]\Iorrill moved to amend the amendment by striking out the words — * In 18G0 a vote was had in the State of New York on a proposition to pormit negro suffraKe without a property qualifiratiiin. The result of the city was — yeas 1,(546, nays a7,47i. In the State— yeas 107,505. nays :«7,984. In 18G4 a like proponition was (letcatod — yeas 85,40G, nays 224,"36. In 1S02, in August, a vote was, had in the State of Illi- nois, on several propositions relating to negroes and mulattocs, with this result: For excluding them from the State 171.893 Against 71,:iu6 100,587 Against granting them suffrage or right to ofKce 21',020 For ;iri,04'J 176,271 For the enactment of laws to prohihit thi-m frura going to, or voting in, tlio Stale 108,938 Again«t 44,414 ir>4,524 — From McPhertonU Uitlory of the Great liebellUm. And shall have paid all school taxes and all taxes on personal property properly as- sessed against him, shall be entitled to vote for mayor, collector, register, members of the board of aldermen and board of common council, tind assessor, and for every officer authorized to be elected at any election under any act or acts to which this is amendatory or sujiplemcntary. and inserting the words — And shall within the year next preced- ing the election have paid a tax, or been assessed with a part of the revenue of the District, county, or cities, therein, or been exempt from taxation having taxable estate, and who can read and write with facility, shall enjoy the privileges of an elector. May 26 — Mr. Sumner moved to amend the bill by adding this proviso: Provided, That there shall be no exclu- sion of any person from the registry on ac- count of color. May 27 — Mr. Harlan moved to amend the amendment by making the word " per- son" read "persons," and adding the words — Who have borne arms in the military service of the United States, and have been honorably discharged therefrom. Which was agreed to yeas 26, nays 12, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, Dixon, Fessen- den. Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Eamsey, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wilson— 26. Nays — Messrs. JSuckaleir, Carlile, Cow- an, Davis, Hendricks, McDoitgall, Powell Eichardson, Sunlshury, Sumner, Van Winkle, Wilkinson— 12. May 28 — Mr. Sumner moved to add these words to the last proviso : And provided further, That all persons, without distinction of color, who shall, Avithin the year next preceding the election, have paid a tax on any estate, or been as- sessed with a part of the revenue of said District, or been exempt fmm taxation having taxable estate, and who can read and Avrite with facility, sliall enjoy the privilege of an elector. But no jierson now entitled to vote in the said District, continuing to reside therein, shall be dis- franchised hereby. Which was rejected — yeas 8, nays 27, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Clark, Lane of Kansas, ]\Torgan, Pomeroy, llamsey, Sum- ner, Wilkinson — 8. Nays — Messrs. Buclcnlew, Carlile, Colla- mer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Har- ris, Ifendrirks, Hicks, .Jolinson, Lane of Indiana, McDougall, Morrill, Powell, Sauls- BOOK I.] COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 161 burrj, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey, Wilson— 27. The other proposition of Mr. Sumner, amended on motion of ]\Ir. Harlan, wan then rejected — yeas 18, nays 20, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sumner, Wilkinson, Wilson— 18. Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Co- wan, Davis, Grimes, Harris, Hendricks, Hicks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, McDou- gall, Morrill, Nesmith, Powell, Jiirhardson, Saulshuri/, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 20. The bill then passed the Senate, and afterward the House, without amendment. Thlril Session, Thirty-Seventh Con{;res8. Excluding Colored Persona from Cars. In Senate — 18G3, February 27 — Pending a suj)plement to the charter of the Wash- ington and Alexandria Railroad Company, Mr. Sumner otFered this proviso to the first section: That no person shall be excluded from the cars on account of color. Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 18, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Fessenden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Howard, King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomerov, Sumner, Ten Eyek, Trumbull, Wade, Wil- kinson, Wilmot, Wilson, of Massachusetts —19. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Car- lile, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Hicks, Howe, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, McDougall, Powell, Richardson, Saidshury, Turpie, Willey. Wilson of Missouri — 18. March 2. — The House concurred in the amendment without debate, under the pre- vious question. First Session, Thlrty-Klghth Congress. In Senate— 1864, February 10 — Mr. Sumner offered the following : Resolved, That the Committee on the District of Columbia be directed to con- sider the expediency of further providing by law against the exclusion of colored persons from the equal enjoyment of all railroad privileges in the District of Colum- bia. Which was agreed to — yeas 30, nays 10. February 24 — Mr. Willey, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, made this report, and the committee were discharged: The Committee on the District of Co- lumbia, who were required by resolution of the Senate, passed February 8, 18(34, " to consider the expediency of further providing by law against the exclusion of colored persons from the equal enjoyment of all railroad privileges in the District of 11 Columbia," have had the matter thus re- ferred to them under consideration, and beg leave to report : The act entitled "An act to incorporate the Washington and Georgetown Railroad Company," approved May 17, 18G2, makes no distinction as to passengers over said road on account of the color of the pas- sengers, and that in the opinion of the committee colored persons are entitled to all the privileges of said road which other persons have, and to all remedies for any denial or breach of such privilegea whicdi belongs to any person. The committee therefore ask to be dis- charged from the further consideration of the {premises. March 17 — The Senate considered the bill to incorporate the Metropolitan Rail- road Company, in the District of Columbia, the pending question being an amendment, offered by Mr. Sumner, to add to the four- teenth section the words : Provided, That there shall be no regula- tion excluding any person from any car on account of color. Which was agreed to — yeas 19, nays 17, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Clark, Conness, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, Howe, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sumner, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson— 19. Nays — Messrs. Buckalew, Carlile, Davis, Doolittle, Harding, Harris, Hendricks, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Poioell, Riddle, Saulshury, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Willey— 17. The bill then passed the Senate. June 19 — The House refused to strike out the proviso last adopted in the Senate — yeas 60, nays 76. And the bill passed the House and was approved by the President. Second Session, Thlrtjr-Seventh Congress. Colored Persons as Witnesses, In Senate — Pending the confiscation bill,. June 28, 1862. Mr. Sumner moved these words as an addition to the 14th section : And in all the proceedings under this act there shall be no exclusion of any wit- ness on account of color. Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 25, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Chandler, Grimes, Har- lan, Howard, King, Lane of Kansas, ^lor- rill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot — 14. Nays — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Lane of Indiana. Xes- mith, Pearce, Powell, Sherman, Sinmions, Stark, Ten Eyck, Willey, WUson of Mis- souri, Wright — 25. 162 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, Pending the consideration of the supple- ment to the emancipation bill for the Dis- trict of Columbia, 1862, July 7 — Mr. Sumner moved a new section : That in all the judicial proceedings in the District of Columbia there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color. Which was adopted — yeas 25, nays 11. The bill then passed — yeas 29, nays 6 ; (Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Kennedy, Powell, Wilson, of Missouri, Wright.) July 9 — The bill passed the House — yeas 69, nays 36. There was no separate vote on the above proposition. Pending the consideration in the Senate of the House bill in relation to the com- petency of witnesses in trials of equity and admiralty, 1862, July 15 — Mr. Sumner offered this proviso to the first section : Provided, That there shall be no exclu- sion of any witness on account of color. Which was rejected — yeas 14, nays 23. First Session, Tlilrty-Elglitli Congress. 1864, June 25 — Pending the civil appro- priation bill, in Committee of the Whole, Mr. Sumner offered this proviso : Provided, That in the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color. Mr. Buckalew moved to add : Nor in civil actions because he is a party to or interested in the issue tried. Which was agreed to ; and the amend- ment as amended was agreed to — yeas 22, nays 16. The Senate subsequently concurred in this amendment — yeas 29, nays 10. IN HOUSE. June 29 — The question being on agree- ing to the amendment, Mr. Mallory moved to add this proviso to the section amended in the Senate : Provided, That negro testimony shall only be taken in the United States courts in those States the laws of which authorize such testimony. Which was rejected — yeas 47, nays 66. The amendment of the Senate was then agreed to — yeas 67, nays 48. COLORED SCHOOLS. June 8. — The House passed a bill to pro- vide for the public instruction of vouth in Washington city, with an amendment pro- viding for separate scliools for the colored children, l)y setting apart such a propor- tion of the entire scliool fund as the num- ber of colored children between the ages of six and seventeen bear to the whole num- ber of cliildrcn in the District. The bill, with amendments, passed both Houses without a division. On all of these questions of color, the Democrats invariably, on test votes, were found against any concession of rights to the negro. These were frequently aided by some Republicans, more conservative than their colleagues, or representing closer districts where political prejudices would affect their return to their seats. It will be observed that on nearly all these ques- tions Senator Charles Sumner took the lead. He was at that time pre-eminently the Moses of the colored man, and led him from one right to another through Sena- torial difficulties, which by the way, were never as strong as that in the House, where Thaddeus Stevens was the boldest cham- pion of " the rights of the black man." In the field, rather in the direction of what should be done with the " contrabands " and escaped slaves, the Secretary of War, General Cameron, was their most radical friend, and his instructions were so out- spoken that Lincoln had to modify them. As early as December 1, 1861, General Cameron wrote : " While it is plain that the slave prop- erty of the South is justly subjected to all the consequences of this rebellious war, and that the Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights and powers of war to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan for doing so, like all other military measures, must, in a great degree, be left to be determined by particular exigencies. The disposition of other property belonging to the rebels that becomes subject to our arms is governed by the circumstances of the case. The Gov- ernment has no power to hold slaves, none to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to ex- act his service. It has a right, however, to use the voluntary service of slaves lib- erated by war from their rebel masters, like any other property of the rebels, in what- ever mode may be most efficient for the de- fence of the Government, the prosecution of the war, and the suppression of rebel- lion. It is clearly a right of the govern- ment to arm slaves when it may become necessary as it is to take gunjioAvder from the enemy. Whether it is expedient to do so is purely a military question. The right is unquestionable by the laws of war. The expediency must be determined by circum- stances, keeping in view the great object of overcoming the rebels, re-establishing the laws, and restoring peace to the na- tion. " It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this war, or hope to maintain its existence against rebellious force, with- out enjoying all the rights and powers of war. As has been said, the right to de- ]irivc tlie rebels of their property in slaves and slave labor is as clear and absolute as tlie right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the warehouse, or powder and BOOK I.] COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 163 arms from the magazine. To leave the enemy in the pcssession of such property an forage and cotton and military stores, and the means of constantly rej)rodiicing them, would be madness. It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure possession of slave pro[)erty, more valuable and efficient to them lor war than forage, cotton and military stores. Such policy would be national suicide. What to do with that species of property is a question that time and circumstances will solve, and neeil not l)e anticipated further than to repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as slaves. It wouUl be useless to keep them as prisoners f>f war ; and self-preservation, the highest duty of a Government, or of individuals, demands that they should be dispose<l of or em- ployed in the most effective manner that will tend most speedily to suppress the ia- surrectiou and restore the authority of the Government. If it shall be found that the men who have been held by the rebels as slaves are capable of bearing arms and per- forming efficient military service, it is the right, and may become the duty, of this (rovernment to arm and equip them, and employ their services against the rebels, under proper military regulations, disci- pline and command. " But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters, they should never again be re- stored to bondage. By the master's trea- son and rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his slave ; and the slave of the rebellious master, by his ser- vice to the Government, becomes justly en- titled to freedom and protection. " The disposition to be made of the slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, can be safely left to the wisdom and pat- riotism of Congress. The representatives of the peoi)le will unquestionably secure to the loyal slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the Consti- tution of the country." [Subsequent events proved the wisdom of this policy, and it was eventually adopt- ed by an Administration which proclaimed it.s policy " to move not ahead but with the people.''] President Lincoln and his Cabinet mod- ified the above language so as to make it read : " It is already a grave question what shall l)e done with those slaves who were al)andoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into southern territory, as at Beaufort district, in South Carolina. The number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and similar cases will probably occur. What shall be done with them? Can we afford to. send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed against us, or uf»ed in pro- ducing supi)lies to sustain the rebellion? Their labor may be useful to us ; withheld from the enemy it lessens his military re- sources, and withholding them has no ten- dency to induce the horrors of insurrec- tion, even in the reliel communities. They constitute a military resource, and, being such, that they should not be turned over to the enemy is too plain to discuss. Why deprive him of supplies by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce them ? * " The disposition to be made of the slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, can be safely left to the wisdom and pat- riotism of Congress. The Representatives of the people will unquestionably secure to the loyal slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the country." Secretary Cameron was at all times in favor of " carrying the war into Africa," and it was this stern view of the situation which eventually led him to sanction meastires which brought him into plainer differences with the Administration. Lin- coln took offense at the printing of his re- port before sulnnitting it to him. As a re- stilt he resigned and went to Russia as Minister, on his return being again elected to the United States Senate — a place which he filled until the winter of 1877, when he resigned, and his son, J. Donald Cameron, was elected to the vacancy, and re-elected for the term ending in 1885. General B. F. Butler was the author of the " contra- band " idea. A year later the views of the Administration became more radical on questions of color, and July 22, 1862, Sec- retary Stanton ordered all Generals in command " to seize and use any property, real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several commands, for supplies, or for other military purposes ; and that while property may be destroyed for proper military objects, none shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice. " Second. That militarj^ and naval com- manders shall employ as laborers, within and from said States, so many persons of African descent as can be advantageously used for military or naval purposes, giving them reasonable wages for their labor. " Third. That, as to both property, and persons of African descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such persons shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in i)roper cases ; and the several departments of this Gov- ernment shall attend to and perform their appropriate ])arts towards the execution of these orders." The manner and language employed by General McClellan in promulgating this 164 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. order to the Army of the Potomac, led to his political differer.ces with the Adminis- tration, and in the end caused him to be the Democratic candidate for President in 1864, against Lincoln. His language is peculiar and some of it worthy of presenta- tion as of political importance. He said : " Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at their homes, must not be molested; and wher- ever commanding officers find families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding froiti this army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their protection. " In protecting private property, no refer- ence is intended to persons held to service or labor by reason of African descent. Such persons will be regarded jjy this army, as they heretofore have been, as oc- cupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which condition the mili- tary authorities of the United States are not required to regard at all in districts where military operations are made neces- sary by the rebellious action of the State governments. "Persons suliject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being near our forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and detention, until the cause or necessity is removed. All such arrested parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost Marshal General, with a statement of the facts in each case. " The general commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and soldiers of this army that we are engaged in sup- porting the Constitution and the laws of the United States and suppressing rebel- lion against their authority; that we are not engaged in a war of rapine, revenge, or subjugation ; that this is not a contest against populations, but against armed forces and political organizations ; that it is a struggle carried on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the highest principles known to Christian civilization." At this time such were the prejudices of Union soldiers against negroes, because of growing political agitation in the North, that many would loudly jeer them when seen within the lines. The feeling was even greater in the ranks of civilians, and yet Congress moved along, step by step. Tlie lilth. abolished slavery in the District of Columbia ; ])r()hibit(Ml it in all the terri- tories; confirmed the freedom of the slaves owned by those in arms against the govern- ment; authorized the employment of colored men in fortifications, their enlist- ment, etc.; and enacted an additional article of war, whicli ])rohil)it('d nny olfict^r from returning or aiding tlie return of any fugitive slave. The.sc were rapid strides, but not as rapid as were demanded by the more radical wing of the Republican party. We have shown that most of them were opposed by the Democrats, not solidly sure where they were plainly political, but this party became less solid as the war ad- vanced. Senator Wilson was the author of the bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. It excited much debate, and the range of the speeches covered the en- tire question of slavery. Those from the Border States opposed it (a few Eepublicans and all Democrats) but some of the Demo- crats of the North sujiported it. The vote in the Senate was 29 for to 6 against. In the House Frank P. Blair, Jr., advocated colonization in connection with the bill, but his idea met with little favor. Crit- tenden, Wicklifle and Vallandigham were prominent in opposition. Its most promi- nent advocates were Stevens of Pennsyl- vania, and Bingham of Ohio. The vote was 92 for to 38 against. The bill of Arnold, of Illinois, " to ren- der freedom national and slavery sectional," t the leading idea in the platform of the convention which nominated Lincoln, pro- hibited slavery in " all the Territories of the LTnited States then existing, or there- after to be formed or acquired in anyway." It was vehemently opposed, but passed with some mcxlifications by 58 ayes to 50 noes, and it also passed the Senate. In the Spring of 1862 General David Hunter brought the question of the enlist- Uicnt of colored trooj>s to a direct issue by raising a regiment of them. On the 9th of June following, Mr. Wicklifle of Ken- tucky, succeeded in getting the House to adopt a resolution of inquiry. Corres- })ondence followed with General Hunter. He confessed the fact, stated that " he found his authority in the instructions of Secre- taiy Cameron, and said that he hojied by fall to enroll about fifty thousand of these hardy and devoted soldiers." When this reply was read in the House it was greeted with shouts of laughter from the Republi- cans, and signs of anger from the others. A great debate followed on the amendment to the bill providing for the calling out of tlie militia, clothing the President with full power to enlist colored troops, and to pro- claim "he, his mother, and wife and chil- dren forever free," after such enlistment. Preston King, of New York, was the author of this amendment. Davis, of Kentucky, and Carlisle of West Virginia, were promi- nent Senators in opposition ; while Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, Sherman of Ohio, and J5rowning of Illinois sought to modify it. Gairett l)avis said in op])osition : "Do you expect us to give our sanc- tion and approval to these things ? No, no I We would regard their authors as our worst enemies ; and there is uo foreign despot- BOOK I.] COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 165 ism that could come to our rescue, that we would not loudly embrace, before we would submit to any such condition of things." Senator Fessenden of Maine, iu advo- cacy of the ameiidinent, said : " I tell the President from my place here as a Senator, and I tell the geiierals of our army, they must reverse their_ practices and course of proceeding on this subject. * * * Treat your enemies as enemies, as the worst of enemies, and av:iil yourselves like men of every power which God has placed in your hands, to accomjjlish your purpose, within the rules of civilized war- faro." The bill passed, so modified, as to give freedom to all who should perform military service, but restricting liberty to the fami- lies of such only as belonged to rebel mas- ters. It passed the House July l()th, 1862, and received the sanction of the President, who said : — "And the promise made must be kept!" General Hunter for his part in begiuiiing colored enlistments, was out- lawed by the Confederate Congress. Hunter followed with an order freeing the slaves in South Carolina. In January, 18i)3, pursuant to a sugges- tion in the annual report of Secretary Stanton, who was by this time as radical as his predecessor in office, the House passed a bill authorizing the President to enroll into the land and naval service such number of volunteers of African descent as he might deem useful to suppress the rebellion, and for such term as he might prescribe, not exceeding five years. The slaves of loyal citizens in the Border States were excluded from the provisions of this bill. In the Senate an adverse re- port was made on the ground that the President already possessed these powers. In January, 18G3, Senator Wilson, who was by this time chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, secured the pas- sage of a bill which authorized a draft for the National forces from the ranks of all male citizens, and those of foreign birth who had declared their intentions, etc. The bill contained the usual exemp- tions. CONFEDERATE USE OF COLORED MEN. In June, 1861, the rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed this enlistment bill, which became a law : Sec. 1. Be it enacted bj/ the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That from and after the passage of this act the Governor shall be, and he is hereby, authorized, at his discretion, to receive into the military service of the State all male free persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty, or such numbers as may be necessary, who may be sound in mind and body, and capable of actual ser- vice. 2. That such free persons of color shall receive, each, eight dollars per month, aa j)ay, and such persons shall be entitled to draw, each, one ration per day, and shall be entitled to a yearly allowance each for clothing. 3. That, in order to carry out the provi- sions of this act, it shall be the duty of the slierifls of the .several counties in thia State to collect accurate information as to the number and condition, with the names of free persons of color, subject to the pro- visicnas of this act, and shall, as it is prac- ticable, report the same in writing to the Governor. 4. That a failure or refusal of the sheriffs, or any one or more of them, to perform the duties required, shall be deemed an otfence, and on convietioa thereof shall be punished as a misde- meanor. 5. That in the event a sufficient number of free persons of color to meet the wants of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is empowered, through the sheriffs of the different cotinties, to press such persons until the requisite number is obtained. 6. That when any mess of volunteers shall keep a servant to wait on the mem- bers of the mess, each servant shall be al- lowed one ration. This act to take effect from and after its passage. W. C. Whitthorne, Speaker of the House of Representatives. B. L. Stovall, Speaker of the Senate. Passed June 28, 1861. 186 2, November 2 — Governor Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia, issued a call announc- ing that if a sufficient supply of negroes he not tendered within ten days, General Mercer will, in ptirsuance of atithority given him, proceed to impress, and asking of every planter of Georgia a tender of one fifth of his negroes to complete the fortifi- cations around Savannah. This one fifth is estimated at 15,000. 1863. The Governor of South Carolina in July, issued a proclamation for 3,000 negroes to work on the fortifications, " the need for them being pressing." THE CHANGING SENTIMENT OF CONGRESS. In the Rebel House of Representatives, December 29th, Mr. Dargan, of Alabama, introduced a bill to receive into the mili- tary service all that portion of population in "Alabama, Mississippi. Louisiana, and Florida, known as " Creoles." Mr. Dargan supported the bill in some remarks. He said the Creoles were a mixed-blooded race. Under the treaty of Paris in 1803, and the treaty of Spain iu 1810, they were recognized as freemen. 166 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. 3Iany of them owned large estates, and ; were intelligent men. They were as much ' devoted to our cause as any class of men in the South, and were even anxious to go into service. They had applied to him to be received into service, and he had ap- \ plied to Mr. Randolph, then Secretary of War. ilr. Randolph decided against the I application, on the ground that it might ! furnish to the enemy a pretext of arming our I slaves against us. Some time after this ; he was again applied to by them, and he went to the present Secretary of War, Mr. Seddon, and laid the matter before him. Mr. Seddon refused to entertain the proposition, on the ground that it did not come up before him through the military authorities. To obviate this objection, Gen. Maury, at Mobile, soon afterwards represented their wishes to the War De- partment. Mr. Seddon refused the offer of their services, on the ground that it would be incompatible with the position we occu- pied before the world ; that it could not be done. Mr. Dargan said he differed with the Secretarj' of War. He cared not for " the world." He cared no more for their opinions than they did for ours. He was anxious to bring into service every free man, be he who he may, willing to strike for our cause. He saw no objection to employing Creoles ; they would form a potent element in our army. In his dis- trict alone a brigade of them could be raised. The crisis had been brought upon us by the enemy, and he believed the time would yet come when the question would not be the Union or no Union, but whether Southern men should be permitted to live at all. In resisting subjugation by such a barbarous foe he was for employing all our available force. Se would go further and say that heicasjbr arming and putting the slaves into military service. He was in favor even of emlpoying them as a military arm in the defence of the country. 1864. The Mayor of Charleston, Charles Macbeth, summons all slaveholders within the city to furnish to the military authori- ties forthwith, one-fourth of all their niale slaves between the ages of fifteen and fifty, to labor upon the fortifications. The penalty announced, in case of faihire to comply with this requisition is a fine of 8200 for every slave not forthcoming. Compensa- tion is allowed at the rate of .*400 a year. All free male persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty are required to give themselves uj) for the same purpose. Those not complying will be imjirisoned, and set to work uijon the fortifications along the coast. To free negroes no other compensation than rations is allowed. NEOROES IX THE ARMY. Ine liicnmonu press publish the OinCial the lost two clausea of which are: copy of " An act to increase the efficiency of the army by the employment of free negroes c-nd slaves in certain capacities," lately passed by the Rebel Congress. The negroes are to perform " such duties as the Secretary of War or Commanding General may prescribe.'' The first section is as follows : The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That all male free ne- groes, and other free persons of color, not including those who are free under the treaty of Paris, of 1803, or under the treaty of Spain, of 1819, resident in the Confed- erate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall be held liable to per- form such duties with the army, or in con- nection with the military del'ences of the country, in the way of work upon the fortifications, or in government works for I the production or preparation of materials of war, or in military hospitals, as the Sec- retary of War or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from time to time, prescribe; and while engaged in the performances of such duties shall receive rations and clothing and compensation at the rate of eleven dollars a mouth, under such rules and regulations as the said Secretary may establish : Fro- vided, That the Secretary of War or the Commanding General of "the Trans-Missis- sippi Department, with the approval of the President, may exempt from the opera- tions of this act such free negroes as the interests of the countrj- may require should be exempted, or such as he may think proper to exempt on the ground of justice, equity or necessity. The third section provides that when the Secretary of War shall be unable to procure the services of slaves in any mili- tary department, then he is authorized to impress the services of as many male slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be required, from time to time, to dis- charge the duties indicated in the first sec- tion of the act. The owner of the slave is to be paid for his services ; or, if he be killed or escape to the enemy," the OAvner shall receive his full value. Governor Smith, of Virginia, has made a call for five thousand male slaves to work on the batteries, to be drawn from fifty counties. The call for this force has been made by the President under a resolution of Congress. "confederate" legislation upon ne- gro PRISONERS AND THEIR WHITE OFFICERS "WHEN CAPTURED.* 18G3, May 1 — An act was approved de- claring that the commissioned officers of •December 23, 1862 — .Tefforson Daris issued a procla- mntion of outlawry' agninst Major General B. F. Butler, BOOK I.] COLOR IN WAR POLITICS. 167 the enemy ought not to be delivered to the authorities of the respective States, (as suggested in Davis's message ;) but all caj)- tives taken by the Confederate forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate Government. President Lincoln's emancipation pro- clamations of September 22, 18G2, and January 1, 18()3, were resolved to be in- consistent with the usages of war among civilized nations, and should be re- pressed by retaliation ; and the President IS authorized to cause full and complete retaliation for every such violation, in such manner and to such extent as he may think proper. Every white commissioned officer com- manding negroes or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States shall be deemed as inciting servile insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise punished, at the discretion of the court. Every person charged with an offence made punishable under the act shall be tried by the military court of the army or corps of troops capturing him; and, after conviction, the President may commute the pimishment in such manner and on stich terms as he may deem proper. All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war or taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when captured in the Con- federate States, be delivered to the author- ities of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt with accord- ing to the present or future laws of such State or States. Passage of the Tblrteentli. Amendment. The first amendment to the Constitution growing out of* the war, and one of its di- rect results, was that of abolishing slavery. It was first introduced to the House De- cember 14th, 1863, by James M. Ashley of Ohio. iiSimilar measures were introduced by James M. Wilson, Senators Henderson, Sumner and others. On the 10th of Feb- ruary, Senator Trumbull reported Hen- derson's joint resolution amended as fol- lows : " That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be Third. That all neq^ro slavea capturod in arras ho at onco delivered over to tho executive authorities of Hie respective States to which they belong, to be dealt witli according to the laws of said States. F.mrth. That tho like orders be executed in all cases witli respect to all commissioned officers of the United States when fmnd serving in company witli said slaves in insurrection ajrainst the authorities of the dilTereut States of thia Confederacy. valid to all intents and purposes as a part of the said Constitution, namely : "Art. 13, Sec. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except as a punish- ment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist with- in the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legisla- tion.'' The Senate began the consideration of the question March 28th, Senator Trumbull opening the debate in favor of the amend- ment. He predicted that within a year the necessary number of States would rat- ify it. Wilson of Massachusetts made a long and able speech in favor. Davis of Kentucky and Saulsbury of Delaware led the opposition, but Reverdy Johnson, an independent Democratic Senator from Maryland, surprised all by his bold sup- port of the measure. Among other things he said : " I think history will bear me out in the statement, that if the men by whom that Constitution was framed, and the people by whom it was adopted, had anticipated the times in which we live, they would have provided by constitutional enactment, that that evil and that sin should in some comparatively uurcmote day be removed. Without recurring to authority, the writ- ings public or private of the men of that day, it is sufficient for my purpose to state what the facts will justify me in saying, that every man of them who largely par- ticipated in the deliberations of the Con- vention by which the Constitution was adopted, earnestly desired, not only upon grounds of political economy, not only up- on reasons material in their character, but upon grounds of morality and religion, that sooner or later the institution should terminate." Senator McDougall of California, op- posed the amendment. Harhm of Iowa, Hale of New Hampshire, and Sumner, made characteristic speeches in favor. Saulsbury advocated the divine right of slavery. It passed April 8th, by 38 ayes to () noes, the latter comprising Davis and Powell of Kentucky ; McDougall of Cali- fornia ; Hendricks of Indiana ; Saulsbury and Riddle of Delaware. Arnold of Illinois, was the first to se- cure the adoption in the House (Feb. 15, 1864,) of a resolution to abolish slave-ry ; but the Constitutional amendment required a two-thirds vote, and this it was difficult to obtain, though all the power of the Ad- ministration was bent to that purpose. The discussion began May 31st; the vote wtts reached June 15th, but it then failed of the required two-thirds — 93 for to tio against, 23 not voting. Its more pro- nounced advocates were Arnold, Ashley, 168 •AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I Broomall, Stevens, and Kelly of Pennsyl- vania; Farnsworth and Ingersoll of Illi- nois, and many others. Its ablest oppo- nents were Holman, Wood, Mallory, Cox and Pendleton — the latter rallying nearly all of the Democrats against it. Its Dem- ocratic friends were McAllister and Bailey of Pennsylvania ; Cobb of Wisconsin ; Griswold and Odell of New York. Before the vote was announced Ashley changed his vote so as to move a reconsideration and keep control of the question. At the next session it was passed, receiving every Re- publican and 16 Democratic votes, 8 Dem- ocrats purposely refraining, so that it would surely pass. Admission ot Representatives from Louisiana. The capture of Xew Orleans by Admiral Farragut, led to the enrollment of 60,000 citizens of Louisiana as citizens of the United States. The President thereupon appointed a Military Governor for the en- tire State, and this Governor ordered an election for members of Congress under the old State constitution. This was held Dec. 3, 1862, when Messrs. Flanders and Hahn were returned, neither receiving 3,000 votes. They received certificates, pre- sented them, and thus opened up a new and grave political question. The Demo- crats opposed their admission on grounds so well stated by Voorhees of Indiana, that we quote them : " Understand this principle. If the Southern Confederacy is a foreign power, an independent nationality to-day, and you have conquered back the territory of Lou- isiana, you may then substitute a new sys- tem of laws in the place of the laws of that State. You may then supplant her civil in- stitutions by institutions made anew for her by the proper authority of this Government — not by the executive — ^but by the legisla- tive branch of the Government, assisted by the Executive simply to the extent of sign- ing his name to the bills of legislation. If the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, (Mr. Stevens) is correct; if the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Conway) is correct, and this assumed power in the South is a power of the earth, and stands to-day upon equal terms of nationality with ourselves, and reconquer back State by State its territory by the power of arms, then we may govern them independently of their local laws. But if the theory we have been proceeding upon here, that this Union is unbroken ; that no States have sundered the bonds that bind us together; that no successful disunion has yet taken place, — if that theory is still to ]>revail in these halls, then this cannot be done. You are as much bound to U])liol(l the laws of Louisiana La all their extent and in all their parts, as you are to uphold the laws of Pennsylvania or New York, or any other State whose civil policy has not been disturbed." Michael Hahn, one of the Representa- tives elect, closed a very effective speech, which secured the personal good will of the House in favor of his admission, in these words: "And even, sir, within the limits of the dreary and desolated region of the rebel- lion itself, despair, which has already tak- en hold of the people, will gain additional power and strength, at the reception of the news that Louisiana sends a message of peace, good-will, and hearty fellowship to the Union. This intelligence will sound more joyful to patriot ears than all the oft repeated tidings of ' Union victories,' And of all victories, this will be the most glorious, useful and solid, for it speaks of re- organization, soon to become the great and difficult problem with which our statesmen will have to familiarize themselves, and when this shall have commenced, we will be able to realize that God, in his infinite mercy has looked down upon our misfor- tunes, and in a spirit of paternal love and pity, has addressed us in the language as- cribed to him by our own gifted Longfel- low: " I am weary of your quarrels. Weary of your wars and bloodshed, W'eary of your prayers for vengeance, Of your wranglings and dissensions ; All your strength is in your Union, All your danger is in dkeord. Therefore, be at peace, henceforward. And as brothers live together." Mr. Speaker, Louisiana — ever loyal, hon- orable Louisiana — seeks no greater bles- sing in the future, than to remain a part of this great and glorious Union. She has stood by you in the darkest hours of the rebellion ; and she intends to stand by you. Sir, raise your eyes to the gorgeous ceil- ings which ornament this Hall, and look upon her fiiir and lovely escutcheon. Care- fully read the patriotic words which sur- round her affectionate pelican familv, and you will find there inscribed, ' ^istice, Union, Conjidcnce.' Those words have with us no idle meaning; and would to God that other members of this Union, could pro])erly appreciate our motto, our motives and our position ! " The debate attracted much attention, because of the novelty of a question upon wliich, it has since been contended, would have turned a different plan of reconstruct- ing the rebellious States if the President's plans had not been destroyed by his assas- sination. DaAves, of Massachusetts, was the Chairman of the Committee on Elec- tions, and he closed the debate in favor of admission. The vote stood 92 for to 44 against, almost a strict party test, the Democrats voting no. BOOK I.] RECONSTRUCTION. 169 RECONSTRUCTION. In the House as early as Dec. 15, 1863, Henry Winter Davis moved that so much of the i'resident's message as relates to the duty of the United States to guaranty a Repul)lican form of government to the States in which the governments recog- nized by the United States have been ab- rogated or overthrown, be referred to a select committee of nine to report the bills necessary and proper for carrying into ex- ecution the foregoing guarantce,was passed, and on May 4th, l.Sd-l, the House ado]>ted the first reconstruction bill by 74 yeas to 66 nays — a strict party vote.* The Senate passed it by yeas 18, nays 14 — Doolittle, Henderson, Lane of Indiana, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, and Van Winkle voting with the Democrats against it. The bill authorizes the President to ap- Eoint in each of the States declared in re- ellion, a Provisional Governor,jwith the pay and emoluments of a brigadier ; to be charged with the civil administration until a State government therein shall be recog- nized. As soon as the military resistance to the United States shall have been sup- pressed, and the people sufficiently re- turned to their obedience to the Constitu- tion and laws, the Governor shall direct the marshal of the United States to enroll all the white male citizens of the United States, resident in the State in their re- spective counties, and whenever a majority of them take the oath of allegiance, the loyal people of the State shall be entitled to elect delegates to a convention to act upon the re-establishment of a State gov- ernment — the proclamation to contain de- tails jirescribed. Qualified voters in the army may vote in their camps. No person who has held or exercised any civil, mili- tary, State, or Confederate office, under the rebel occupation, and wlio has voluntarily borne arms against the United States, shall vote or be eligible as a delegate. The convention is required to insert in the con- stitution provisions — 1st. No person who has held or exercised any civil or military office, (except offices merely ministerial and military offices be- low a colonel,) State or Confederate, under the usurping power, shall vote for, or be a member of the legislature or governor. 2d. Involuntary servitude is forever pro- hibited, and the freedom of all persons is guarantied in said State. 3d. No debt. State or Confederate, cre- ated by or under the sanction of the usurp- ing power, shall be recognized or paid by the State. Upon the adoption of the constitution by the convention, and its ratification by the electors of the State, the Provisional Gov- • McPherson's History, page 317. ernor shall so certify to the President, who, after obtaining the assent of Congress, shall, by jjroclamation, recognize the g(n'- ernment as established, and none other, as the constitutional government of the State; and from the date of such recognition, and not before. Senators and Kejirescntatives and electors for President and Vice-Presi- dent may be elected in such State. Until re-organization the Provisional Governor sball enforce the laws of the Union and of the State before the rebellion. The remaining sections are as follows: Sec. 12. That all persons held to invol- untary servitude or labor in the States aforesaid are hereby emancipated and dis- charged therefrom, and they and their pos- terity shall be forever free. And if any such persons or their posterity shall be re- strained of liberty, under pretence of any claim to such service or labor, the courts of the United States shall, on habeas cor- pus, discharge them. Sec. 13. That if any person declared free by this act, or any law of the United States, or any proclamation of the President, be restrained of liberty, with intent to be held in or reduced to involuntary servitude or labor, the person convicted before a court of competent jurisdiction of such act shall be punished by fine of not less than $1,500, and be imprisoned not less than five, nor more than twenty years. Sec. 14. That every person who shall hereafter hold or exercise any office, civil or military, except offices merely minis- terial and military offices below the grade of colonel, in the rebel service, State or Confederate, is hereby declared not to be a citizen of the United States. Lincoln's Proclamation on Reconstruction President Lincoln failed to sign the above bill because it reached him less than one hour before final adjournment, and there- upon issued a proclamation which closed as follows : " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do ]iro- claim, declare, and make known, that, while I am (as I was in December last, when by proclamation I propounded a plan for restoration) unprepared, by a formal approval of this bill, to be inflexibly com- mitted to .any single plan of restoration ; and, while I am also unprepared to declare that the free State constitutions and gov- ernments already adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana shall be set a-^ide and held for nought, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up tike same as to further effort, or to declare a constitutional competency in Congress to abolish slavery in States, but I am at the same time sincerely hoping and 170 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. expecting that a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery' throughout the nation may be adopted, nevertheless I am fully satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill as one very proper plan for the loyal people of any State choosing to adopt it, and that I am, and at all times shall be, prepared to give the Ex- ecutive aid and assistance to any such peo- ple, so soon as the military resistance to the United States shall have been sup- pressed in any such State, and the people thereof shall have suificiently returned to their obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States, in which cases Military Governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to the bill." Admission of Arkansas. On the 10th of June, 18G4, introduced a joint resolution for the recognition of the free State government of Arkansas. A new State government had then been or- ganized, with Isaac Murphy, Governor, who was reported to have received nearly 16,000 votes at a called election. The other State officers are : Lieutenant Governor, C. C. Bliss ; Secre- tary of State, E. J. T. White ; Auditor, J. B. Berry ; Treasurer, E. D. Ayers ; Attor- nev General, C. T. Jordan; Judges of the Supreme Court, T. D. W. Yowley, C. A. Harper, E. Baker. The Legislature also elected Senators, but neither Senators nor Representatives obtained their seats. Trumbull, from the Senate Judiciary Committee, made a long report touching the admission of the Sen- ators, which closed as follows : " When the rebellion in Arkansas shall have been so far suppressed that the loy- al inhabitants thereof shall be free to re- estal)lish their State government upon a republican foundation, or to recognize the one already set up, and by the aid and not in subordination to the military to main- tain the same, they will then, and not be- fore, in the opinion of your committee, be entitled to a representation in Congress, and to participate in the administration of the Federal Government. Believing that such a state of things did not at the time the claimants were elected, and does not now, exist in the State of Arkansas, the committee recommend for adoption the following resolution : " Resolved, That William M. Fishback and Elisha Baxter are not entitled to seats as Senators from the State of Arkansas." 1804, June 20 — Tlie resolution of the Committee on the Judiciary was adopted — yeas 27, nays 6. President Jvincoln was known to favor the irnnu-diate admission of Arkansas and Louisiana, but the refusal of the Senate to admit the Arkansas Senators raised an is- sue which partially divided the Republi- cans in both Houses, some of whom fa- vored forcible reconstruction through the aid of Military Governors and the machin- ery of new State governments, while others opposed. The views of those opposed to the President's policy are well stated in a paper signed by Benjamin F. Wade and Henry M'^inter Davis, published in the New York Tribune, August 5th, 1864. From this we take the more jjithy extracts : The President, by preventing this bill from becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of the rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition. If those votes turn the balance in his favor, is it to be supposed that his compe- titor, defeated by such means, will ac- quiesce ? If the rebel majority assert their su- premacy in those States, and send votes which elect an enemy of the Government, will we not repel his claims ? And is not civil war for the Presidency inaugurated by the votes of rebel States? Seriously impressed with these dangers. Congress, " the proper constitutional au- thority,^' formally declared that there are no State governments in the rebel States, and provided for their erection at a proper time ; and both the Senate and the House of Representatives rejected the Senators and Representatives chosen under the au- thority of what the President calls the free constitution and government of Ar- kansas. The President's proclamation "holds for ?2«i<5r/j^ " this judgment, and discards the authority of the Supreme Court, and strides headlong toward the anarchy his pro- clamation of the 8th of December inaugu- rated. If electors for President be allowed to be chosen in either of those States, a sinis- ter light will be cast on the motives Avhich induced the President to " hold for naught " the will of Congress rather than his gov- ernment in Louisiana and Arkansas. That judgment of Congress which the President defies was the exercise of an authority exclusively vested in Congress by the Constitution to determine what is the established government in a State, and in its own nature and by the highest judi- cial authority binding on all other depart- ments of the Government. * * * * A more studied outrage on the legisla- tive authority of the people has never been perpetrated. Congress passed a bill ; the President re- fused to a)iprove it, and then by proclama- tion j)uts as much of it in force as he sees fit, and i)r()poses to execute those parts by officers unknown to the laws of the United States and not subject to the confirmation of the Senate ! BOOK I.] RECONSTRUCTION. 171 The bill directed the appointment of Provisional Governors by and with the ad- vice and consent of the Senate. The President, after deieating the law, proposes to ap2)oint withont law, and with- out the advice and consent of the Senate, Military Governors for the rebel States ! He has already exercised this dictatorial usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated the bill to prevent its limitation. * * * The President has greatly presumed on the forbearance which the supporters of his Administration have so long practiced, in view of the arduous conflict in which we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our political opponents. But he must understand that our sup- port is of a cause and not of a man ; that the authority of Congress is paramount and must be respected; that the whole body of the Union men of Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconstitutioual legislation ; and if he wishes our suj)port, he must confine himself to his executive duties — to obey and execute, not make the laws — to sup- press by arms armed rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Congress. If the supporters of the Government fail to insist on this, they become responsi- ble for the usurpations which they fail to rebuke, and are justly liable to the indig- nation of the people whose rights and security, committed to their keeping, they sacrifice. Let them consider the remedy for these usurpations, and, having found it, fear- lessly execute it. The question, as presented in 1864, now passed temporarily irom public considera- tion because of greater interest in the closing events of the war and the Presi- dential succession. The passage of the 14th or anti-slavery amendment by the States also intervened. This was officially announced on the 18th of December 1865, by Mr. Seward, 27 of the then 36 States having ratified, as follows : Illinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachu- setts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Mis- souri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minne- sota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Ar- kansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina, and Georgia. TEXT OF THE RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES. 14th Constitutional Amendment. Jcint ResoUUion jyrojioiin'i an Amendment to the Constitu- tion of the United Sttitef. Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assnnbled, (two- thirds of both houses concurring,) That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States a.s an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, namely : [Here follows the 14th amendment. See Book IV.J Reconstruction Act of Tlilrty-Nlntli Con- An Act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel titutes. Whereas no legal State governments or adecjuate protection for life or property now exists in the rebel States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas; and whereas it is necessary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States until loyal and republican State governments can be legally established : Therefore Be it enacted, d'c., That said rebel States shall be divided into military districts and made subject to the military authority of the United States, as hereinafter jtrescribed, and for that purpose Virginia shall consti- tute the first district ; North Carolina and South Carolina the second district ; Geor- gia, Alabama, and Florida the third dis- trict ; Mississippi and Arkansas the fourth district ; and Louisiana and Texas the fifth district. Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the President to assign to the command of each of said districts an officer of the army, not below the rank of brigadier general, and to detail a sufficient military force to enable such officer to perform his duties and enforce his authority within the dis- trict to which he is assigned. Sec. 3. That it shall be the duty of each officer assigned as aforesaid to protect all persons in their rights of person and ])roperty, to suppress insurrection, disor- der, and violence, and to punisn, or cause to be punished, all disturbers of the public peace and criminals, and to this end ne may allow local civil tribunals to take jurisdiction of and to try offenders, or, when in his judgment it may be necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall have power to organize military commissions or tribunals for that purpose ; and all in- terference under color of State authority with the exercise of military authority un- der this act shall be null and void. Sec. 4. That all persons put under mili- tary arrest by virtue of this act shall be tried without unnecessary delay, and no ci"uel or unusual punishment shall be in- flicted ; and no sentence of any military commission or trilnuial hereby authorized, affecting the life or liberty of any person, shall be executed until it is ajijiroved by the officer in command of the district, and 172 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. the laws and regulations for the govern- ment of the army shall not be affected by this act, except in so far as they conflict with its provisions : Provided, That no sentence of death under the provisions of this act shall be carried into effect without the approval of the President, Sec. 5. That when the people of any one of said rebel States shall have formed a constitution of government in conformity with the Constitution of the United States in all respects, framed by a convention of delegates elected by the male citizens of said State twentj'-one years old and up- ward, of whatever race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident in said State for one year previous to the day of such election, except such as may be dis- franchised for participation in the rebel- lion, or for felony at common law, and when such constitution shall provide that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such persons as have the qualilications herein stated for electors of delegates, and when such constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the persons voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as electors for delegates, and when such con- stitution shall have been submitted to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote of its legislature elected under said constitution, shall have adopted the amendment to the Constitution of the United States, proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and known as article fourteen, and when said article shall have become a part of the Constitu- tion of the United States, said State shall be declared entitled to representation in Congress, and Senators and Representa- tives shall be admitted therefrom on their taking the oaths prescribed by law, and then and thereafter the preceding sections of this act shall be inoperative in said State : Provided, That no person excluded from the privilege of holding ofiice by said proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States shall be eligible to election as a member of the convention to frame a constitution for any of said rebel States, nor shall any such person vote for members of such convention. Skc. 6. That until the people of said rebel States shall be by law admitted to repre- sentation in the Congress of the United States, any civil governments which may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and in all respects subject to the paramount authority of the United States at any time to abolish, modify, control, or supersede the same; and in all elections to any office under sucii provisional govern- ments all jjorsons .shall be entitled to vote, and none others, who are entitled to vote under the provisions of the fifth section of this act ; and no person shall be eligible to ' any office under any such provisional gov- ernments who would be disqualified from holding office under the provisions of the third article of said constitutional amend- ment. Passed March 2, 1867. Supplemental Reconstrnctlou Act of For> tlelb Congress. An Act supplementary to an act entitled " An act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty-seven, and to facilitate restora- tion. Be it enacted, I'c, That before the first day of September, eighteen hundred and sixtj'-seven, the commanding general in each district defined by an act entitled " An act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," passed March second, eighteen hundred and sixty- seven, shall cause a registration to be made of the male citizens of the United States, twenty-one years of age and up- wards, resident in each county or parish in the State or States included in his dis- trict, which registration shall include only those persons who are qualified to vote for delegates by the act aforesaid, and who shall have taken and subscribed the fol- lowing oath or affirmation : " I, , do solemnly swear, (or affirm,) in the presence of Almighty God, that I am a citizen of the State of ; that I have resided in said State for months next preceding this day, and now reside in the county of , or the parish of -, in said State, (as the case may be ;) that I am twenty-one years old ; that I have not been disfranchised for participa- tion in any rebellion or civil war against the United States, nor for felony commited against the laws of any State or of the United States ; that I have never been a member of any State legislature, nor held any executive or judicial office in any State and afterwards engaged in insurrec- tion or rebellion against the United States, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; that I have never taken an oath as a member of Congress of the United States, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, and afterwards engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully support the Constitution and obey the laws of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, encourage others so to do, so help mcCJod;" which oath or affirm- ation m.'iy be administered by any register- ing officer. BOOK I.] EECONSTRUCTION. 173 Sec. 2. That after the completion of the registration hereby provided for in any State, at such time and places therein as the commanding general shall appoint and direct, of which at least thirty days' public notice shall be given, an election shall be held of delegates to a convention for the purpose of establishing a constitution and civil government for such State loyal to the Union, said convention in each State, except Virginia, to consist of the same number of mem])ers as the most numerous branch of the State legislature of such State in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, to be apportioned among the several districts, counties, or parishes of such State by the commanding general, giving to each representation in the ratio of voters or registered as aforesaid, as nearly as may be. The convention in Virginia shall con- sist of the same number of members as represented the territory now constituting Virginia in the most numerous branch of the legislature of said State in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, to be aj)- pointed as aforesaid. Sec. 3. That at said election the regis- tered voters of each State shall vote for or against a convention to form a constitution therefor under this act. Those voting in favor of such a convention shall have written or printed on the ballots by which they vote for delegates, as aforesaid, the words " For a convention," and those vot- ing against such a convention shall have written or printed on such ballots the words " Against a convention." The per- son appointed to superintend said election, and to make return of the votes given thereat, as herein provided, shall count and make return of the votes given for and against a convention ; and the command- ing general to whom the same shall have been returned shall ascertain and declare the total vote in each State for and against a convention. If a majority of the votes given on that question shall be for a con- vention, then such convention shall be held as hereinafter provided; but if a majority of said votes shall be against a convention, then no such convention shall be held un- der this act : Provided, That such con- vention shall not be held unless a majority of all such registered voters shall have voted on the question of holding such con- vention. Sec. 4. That the commanding general of each district shall appoint as many boards of registration aa may be necessary, con- sisting of three loyal officers or persons, to make and complete the registration, su- Eerintend the election, and make return to im of the votes, lists of voters, and of the persons elected as delegates by a plurality of the votes cast at said election ; and upon receiving said returns he shall open the same, ascertain the persons elected as dele- gates according to the returns of the offi- cers who conducted said election, and make proclamation thereof; and if a ma- jority of the votes given on that question shall be for a convention, the commanding general, within sixty days from the date of election, shall notify the delegates to as- semble in convention, at a time and place to be mentioned in the notification, and said convention, when organized, shall pro- ceed to frame a constitution and civil gov- ernment according to the provisions of this act and the act to which it is supplement- ary ; and when the same shall have been so framed, said constitution shall be sub- mitted by the convention for ratification to the persons registered under the provisions of this act at an election to be conducted by the officers or persons appointed or to be appointed by the commanding general, as hereinbefore provided, and to be held after the expiration of thirty days from the date of notice thereof, to be given by said convention ; and the returns thereof shall \m made to the commanding general of the district. Sec. 5, That if, according to said re- turns, the constitution shall be ratified by a majority of the votes of the registered electors qualified as herein specified, cast at said election, (at least one-half of all the registered voters voting upon the question of such ratification,) the president of the convention shall transmit a copy of the same, duly certified, to the President of the United States, who shall forthwith transmit the same to Congress, if then in session, and if not in session, then imme- diately upon its next assembling; and if it shall, moreover, appear to Congress that the election was one at which all the reg- istered and qualified electors in the State had an opportunity to vote freely and with- out restraint, fear, or the influence of fraud; and if the Congress shall be satisfied that such constitution meets the approval of a majority of all the qualified electors in the State, and if the said constitution shall be declared by Congress to be in conformity with the provisions of the act to which this is sup];)lementary, and the other provisions of said act shall have been complied with, and the said constitution shall be approved by Congress, the State shall be declared entitled to representation, and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom as therein provided. Sec. (3. That all elections in the States mentioned in the said " Act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel States," shall, during the oj^eration of said act, be bv ballot ; and all officers making the said registration of voters and conduct- ing said elections shall, before entering upon the discharge of their duties, take and subscribe the oath prescriVied by the act approved July second, eighteen hun- 174 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. dred and sixty-two, entitled "An act to prescribe an oatli of office : * Provided, That if any person shall knowingly and falsely take and subscribe any oath in this act prescribed, such person so oflending and being thereof duly convicted, shall be sub- ject to the pains, penalties, and disabilities which by law are provided for the punish- ment of the crime of wilful and corrupt perjury. Sec. 7. That all expenses incurred by the several commanding generals, or by virtue of any orders issued, or api:)oint- ments made, by them, under or by virtue of this act, shall be paid out of any moneys in the treasuiy not otherwise appropriated. Sec. 8. That the convention for each State shall prescribe the fees, salary, and compensation to be paid to all delegates and other officers and agents herein au- thorized or necessary to carry into efi'ect the purposes of this act not herein other- wise provided for, and shall provide for the levy and collection of such taxes on the property in such State as may be ne- cessary to pay the same. Sec. 9. That the word • article, in the sixth section of the act to which this is supplementary, shall be construed to mean section. Passed March 23, 1867. Votes of State Liegislatures on tlie Poiir- teeiitli Constitutional Amendment.! LOYAL STATES. Ratified — Twenty-one Slates. Maine — Sexate, January 16, 1867, yeas * This act is in these words : Be it enacted, ,tc., That liereafter every person elected or appointed to ;iny office of honor or profit under tlio government of the I'nited States, either in the civil, mili- tary, or niival departments of the public service, except- ing the President of the United States, shall, before en- tering upon the duties of such office, and before being entitled to any of the salary or other emoluments there- of, take and subscribe the following; oath or affirmaticm : " I, A I!, do polcniidy swear ^or allirm) that I have never voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I have been a citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have never sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the fnnrticms of any office whatever, under any authority or pretended authority, in hostility to t)io United States ; that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any prc- teniled government, authority, power, or constituticm within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto; and I do further swear 'or affirm) that, to the best of my knowdedge and ability, I will supjiort and defend the Constitution of the United States, against all enemies, f(jreiL'n and domestic; that I will bear true faith and al- le;.'iaMco to tile same ; that I t.ake this obligation freely, without any mental reservatiim or iiurpoHe of evasion, and that I will well an<l faithfully diseharge the duties of the office on which I am abnut to enter; so help mo God;" which said oath, so taken and signed, shall bo preserved anioTig the lileH >•( thi' Court, Mouse of Con- gress, or Dejiartnient to which the said office may apjier- tain. And any pcTson who sbnil falsely take the said oath shall be guilty of perjury, and on cnnvietion, in ad- dition to the penaltiesj ncjw prescribed for that offense, shall be dejiriveil of his office, and rendered incapable firever after, of holding any office or place under the United States. t ''oiMiiil-d by Tlon. Kdward McPhentou in his Iluud Book of Politics for 18C8. 31, nays ; House, January 11, 1867, yeas 12(5, nays 12. Xetc 'Hampshire — Senate, July 6, 1866, veas 9, navs 3 ; House, June 28, 1866, yeas 207, nays 112. re?-??i'o?j^— Senate, October 23, 1866, veas 28, navs ; House, October 30, 1866, yeas 199, nays 11. Massachusetts — ^SENATE, March 20, 1867, yeas 27, navs 6 ; House, March 14, 1867, yeas 120, nays 20. Rhode Island — SENATE, February 5, 1867, yeas 26, nays 2 ; House, February 7, 1867, yeas 60, nays 9 Connecticut — Senate, June 25, 1866, yeas 11, nays 6 ; House, June 29, 1866, yeas 131, nays 92. Keic York — SENATE, January 3, 1867, yeas 23, nays 3 ; House, January 10, 1867, yeas 76, nays 40. Keic Jersey — SENATE, September 11, 1866, veas 11, navs 10; House, September 11, 1866, yeas 34, nays 24. Pennsylvania — SENATE, January 17, 1867, yeas 20, navs 9 ; House, February 6, 1867, yeas 68, nays 29. West Virginia — SENATE, January 15, 1867, yeas 15, navs 3 ; House, January 16, 1867, yeas 43, nays 11. Ohio — Senate, January 3, 1867, yeas 21, nays 12; House, January 4, 1867', yeas 54, nays 25. Tennessee — Senate, July 11, 1866, yeas 15, nays 6 ; House, July 12, 1866, yeas 43, nays 11. Indiana — SENATE, January 16, 1867, yeas 29, nays 18 ; House, January 23, 1867, yeas — , nays — . /;Zf?iois— Senate, January 10, 1867, yeas 17, nays 7 ; House, January 15, 1867, yeas 59, nays 25. Michigan — SeNATE, 1867, yeas 25, nays 1 ; House, 1867, yeas 77, nays 15. Missotiri — Senate, January 5, 1867, yeas 26, nays 6 ; House, January 8, 1867, yeas 85, nays 34. Minnesota — Senate, January 16, 1867, yeas 16, nays 5 ; Hou^SE, January 15, 1867, yeas 40, nays 6. A7r/!s«s— Senate, January 11, 1867, unanimously; House, January 10, 1867, yeas, 75, nays 7. Wisconsin — Senate, January 23, 1867, yeas 22, navs 10; House, February 7, 1867, veas 72, navs 12. Oregon—* Senate, , 1866, yeas 13, navs 7; House, September 19, 1866, yeas 25 ; nays 22. Nevada — * Senate, January 22, 1867, yeas 14, nays 2; House, January 11, 1867, yeas 34, nays 4. Rejected — Three States. Delaware — Senate, ; House, February 7, 1867, yeas 6, nays 15. ♦UnofBcial. BOOS I.] GENERAL McCLELLAN'S LETTERS. 175 i!/aryZan,d— Senate, March 23, 1867, yeas 4, nays 13 ; House, March 23, 1867, yeas 12, nays 45, Kentucky — Senate, January 8, 1867, yeas 7, nays 24 ; HouSE, January 8, 1867, yeas 26, nays 62. Nut acted— Three States. Iowa, California, Nebraska. INSURRECTIONARY STATES. Rejected — Ten States. Virginia — Senate, .January 9, 1867, unanimously ; House, January 9, 1867, 1 for ameiulnient. North Carolina — SENATE, December 13, 1866, yeas 1, nays 44 ; House, December 13, 1866, yeas 10, nays 93. South Carolina — Senate ; House, December 20, 1866, yeas 1, nays 9o. Georgia — Senate, November 9, 1866, yeas 0, nays 36 ; House, November 9, 1866, yeas 2, nays 131. Florida — Senate, December 3, 1866, yeas 0, nays 20 ; House, December 1, 1866, yeas 0, nays 49. Alabama — Senate, December 7, 1866, yeas 2, nays 27; House, December 7, 1866, yeas 8, nays 69. Mississippi — Senate, January 30, 1867, yeas 0, nays 27 ; House, January 25, 1867, yeas 0, nays 88. Louisiana Senate, February 5, 1867, unanimously ; House, February 6, 1867, unanimously. Te.vns — Senate, ; House, Oc- tober 13, 1866, yeas 5, nays 67. Arkansas — Senate, December 15, 1866, yeas 1, nays 24 ; House, December 17, 1866, yea§ 2, nays 68. The passage of the 14th Amendment and of the Reconstruction Acts, was followed by Presidential proclamations dated August 20, 1866, declaring the insurrection at an end in Texas, and civil authority existing throughout the wholo of the United States. presidential election op 1864. The Republican National Convention met at Baltimore, June 7th, 1864, and re- nominated President Lincoln unanimous- ly, save the vote of Missouri, which was cast for Gen. Grant. Hannibal Hamlin, tlie old Vice-President, was not re-nomi- nated, because of a desire to give part oi' the ticket to the L^nion men of the South, who pressed Senator Andrew Johnson of Tennessee. " Parson " Brownlow made a strong api^eal in his behalf, and by his elo- quence captured a majority of the Con- vention. The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, August 29th, 1864, and nominated General (Jeorge B. INIcClellan, of New Jersey, for President, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. General McClellan was made available for the Democratic nomination through cer- tain political letters which he h.ad written on points of diflereiice between himself and the Lincohi administration. Two of these letters arc suliicicnt to show his own and the views of the party which nominated him, in the canvass which followed: Gc-n. McClellan '8 Letters. Oil I'oliticiil AdminUtratit/n, July 7, 1862. llFADyUAUTKKS AltJIY OF THK PoTOMAC, Camp nkau IJauuison's Landino, Va., July 7, 1802. Mil. President: — You have been fully inibrnu'd that the rebel army is in the front, with the jiurpose of overwhelming us by attacking our positions or reducing us hy blocking our river communications. I cannot but regard our condition as criti- cal, and I earnestly desire, in view of pos- sible contingencies, to lay before your ex- cellency, for your jjrivate consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to tlie situation of this army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned ; it is the cause of free in- stitutions and self-government. The Con- stitution and the Union must be jDreserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. If secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the future. Let neither military disaster, polit- ical faction, nor foreign war shake your settled purpose to enforce tlie equal opera- tion of the laws of the United States upon the peojile of every State. The time has come when the govern- ment must determine upon a civil and military policy, covering the whole ground of our national trouble. Tlie responsibility of determining, de- claring, and supporting such civil and mil- itary policy, and of directing the whole course of national affiiirs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exer- cised by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power, even for the present terrible exigency. This rel)ellion has assumed the charac- ter of a war ; as such it should be regarded, and it should be conducted upon the high- est principles known to Christian civiliza- tion. It should not be a war looking to the subjugation of the people of any State, in any event. It should not be at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political organizations. Neither confiscation of property, political execu- tions of persons, territorial organization of States, or forcible abolition of slavery, should be contemplated for a moment. In prosecuting the war, all private property and unarmed persons should be strictly "protected, subject only to the ne- cessity of military operations ; all private 176 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. property taken for military use should be jjaid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes ; all un- necessary trespass sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by the military towards citizens promptly rebuked. Military ar- rests should not be tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist ; and oaths, not required by enactments, consti- tutionally made, should be neither de- manded nor received. Militarj' government should be confined to the preservation of public order and the protection of political right. Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under the act of Congress, seeking military pro- tection, should receive it. The right of the government to appropriate permanent- ly to its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the the right of the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. This principle might be ex- tended, upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves of a particu- lar State, thus working manumission in such State ; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus constitutional, and pervaded by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty. Unless tiie principles governing the future conduct of our struggle shall be made known and ajtproved, the eiTort to obtain requisite forces will be almost hope- less. A declaration of radical views, es- pecially U])on slaver}^ will rapidly disin- tegrate our present armies. The policy of the government must be supported by con- centrations of military power. The na- tional forces should not be dis^^ersed in expeditions, posts of occupation, and nu- merous armies, but should be mainly col- lected into masses, and brought to bear u])on the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly defeated, the ])o]itical structure which they support would soon cea.se to exist. In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who possesses your confidence, understands your views, and who is comjictont to exe- cute your orders, by directing the military forces of the nation to the accomi)lishment of the objects by you ])roposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you may as- sign rne, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior. I may be on the brink of eternity ; and as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity to- wards you and from love for my country. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, George B. McClellax, Major- General Commanding. His Excellency A. Lincoln, President. IN FAVOR or THE ELECTION OF GEORGE W. WOODWARD AS GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA. Oeanoe, New Jersey, October 12, 1863. Dear Sir : — My attention has been called to an article in the Philadelphia Press, asserting that I had written to the managers of a Democratic meeting at Allentown, disapproving the objects of the meeting, and that if I voted or spoke it would be in favor of Governor Curtin, and I am informed that similar assertions have been made throughout the State. It has been my earnest endeavor hereto- fore to avoid participation in party politics. 1 had determined to adhere to this course, but it is obvious that I cannot longer maintain silence under such misrepresen- tations. I therefore request you to deny that I have written any such letter, or entertained any such views as those at- tributed to me in the Philadelphia Press, and I desire to state clearly and distinctly, that having some days ago had a full con- versation with Judge Woodward, I find that our views agree, and I regard his elec- tion as Governor of Pennsylvania called for by the interests of the nation. I understand Judge "Woodward to be in favor of the prosecution of the war with all the means at the command of the loyal States, until the military i>ower of the re- bellion is destroyed. I understand him to be of the opinion that while the war is urged with all possible decision and energy, the policy directing it should be in consonance with the principles of humanity and civilization, working no in- jury to private rights and property not demanded by military necessity and recog- nized by military law among civilized na- tions. And, finally, I understand him to agree with me in the opinion that the sole great objects of this war are the restoration of the unity of the nation, the preservation of the Constitution, and the .supremacy of the laws of the country. Believing our opinions entirely agree upon these points, I would, were it in my power, give to Judge Woodward my voice and vote. 1 am, very respectfully, yours, Geoik.e B. McClellAIT. Hon. Charles J. Biddlk. BOOK I.J LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. 177 The views of Mr. Lincoln were well known ; tlioy were felt in the general con- duct of the war. The Republicans adojjtod as one of their maxims the words of their candidate, " that it was dangerous to swap horses while crossing a stream." The cam- paign was exciting, and was watched by both armies with interest and anxiety. In this election, by virtue of an act of Con- gress, the soldiers in the field were per- mitted to vote, and a large majority of every branch of the service sustaineil the Adininistration, though two years before General McClellan had been the idol of the Army of the Potomac. Lincoln and Johnson received 212 electoral votes, against 21 for McClellan and Tendletou. Ijlncoln's Second Administration. In President Lincoln's second inaugural address, delivered on the 4th of March, 18G5, he spoke the following words, since oft quoted as typical of the kindly disposi- tion of the man believed by his party to be the greatest President since Washington : " With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him whosliall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans — to do all which may achieve a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." Lincoln could well afford to show that generosity which never comes more prop- erly than from the hands of the victor. His policy was about to end in a great triumph. In less than five weeks later on General Lee had surrendered the main army of the South to General Grant at Appomattox, on terms at once magnani- mous and so briefly stated that they won the admiration of both armies, for the rebels had been permitted to retain their horses and side arms, and to go at once to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observed their paroles and the laws in force where they resided. Lee's surrender was rapidly followed by that of all Southern troops. Next came a grave political work — the actual reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion. This work gave renewed fresh- ness to the leading political issues incident to the war, and likewise gave rise to new issues. It was claimed at once that Lin- coln had a reconstruction policy of his own, because of his anxiety for the prompt admission of Louisiana and Arkansas, but it had certainly never taken definite shape, nor was there time to get such a policy in shape, between the surrender of Lee and his own assassination. On the night of the 15th of April, six days after the sur- render, J. Wilkes Booth shot him while 12 sitting in a box in Ford's theatre. The nation stood ap])alled at the deed. No man was ever more sincerely mourned in all sections and by all classes. The Soulh- crn leaders thought that this rash act had lost to them a life which had never been harsh, and while firm, was ever generous. The North had looked upon him as "Father Abraham," and all wlio viewed the result of the shooting from sectional or partisan standpoints, thought his policy of " keep- ing with the people," would have shielded every proper interest. No public man ever felt less " pride of opinion" tlian Lincoln, and we do believe, had he lived, that he would have shaped events, as he did dur- ing the war, to the best interests of the victors, but without unnecessaiy agitation or harshness. All attemi)ts of writers to evolve from his proclamation a reconstruc- tion policy, applicable to peace, have been vain and impotent. He had none which would not have changed Vv'ith changing circumstances. A "policy" in an execu- tive office is too often but another name for executive egotism, and Lincoln was almost absolutely free from that weakness. On the morning of Mr. Lincoln's death, indeed within the same hour (and very properly so under the circumstances), the Vice President Andrew Johnson was in- augurated as President. The excitement was painfully high, and the new President, in speeches, interviews and proclamations if possible added to it. From evidence in the Bureau of Military Justice he thought the assassination of Lincoln, and the attempted assassination of Secretary Seward had been procured by Jefi'erson Davis, Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, Geo. N. Saunders, Beverly Tucker, Wm. C. Cleary, and " other rebels and traitors harbored in Canada." The evidence, how- ever, fully drawn out in the trial of the co- conspirators of J. Wilkes Booth, showed that the scheme was hair-brained, and from no responsible political source. The proclamation, however, gave keenness to the search for the fugitive Davis, and he was soon captured while making his way through Georgia to the Florida coast with the intention of escaping from the country. He was imprisoned in Fortress INIonroe, and an indictment for treason was found against him, but he remained a close pris- oner for nearly two years, until times when political policies had been changed or modified. Horace Greeley was one of his bondsmen. By this time tliere was grave doubt whether he could be legally con- victed, * " now that the charge of inciting Wilkes Booth's crime had been tacitly abandoned. Mr. Webster (in his Bunker Hill oration) had only given clearer ex- pression to the American doctrine, that, • From Greeley's Recollections of a Busy Life, page 413, 178 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book after a revolt has levied a regular army, and fought therewith a pitched battle, its champions, even though utterly defeated, cannot be tried and convicted as traitors! This may be an extreme statement; but surely a rebellion which has for years main- tained great armies, levied taxes and con- scriptions, negotiated loans, fought scores of sanguinary battles with alternate suc- cesses and reverses, and exchanged tens of thousands of prisoners of war, can'hardly fail to have achieved thereby the position' and the rights of a lawful belligerent." This view, as then presented by Greeley, was accepted by President Johnson, who from intemperate denunciation had become the friend of his old friends in the South. Greeley's view was not generally accepted by the Xorth, though mo.'<t of the leading inen of both parties hoped the responsi- bility of a trial would be avoided by the escape and flight of the prisoner. But he was confident by this time, and sought a trial. He was never tried, and the best reason for the fact is given in Judge Un- derwood's testimony before a Congressional Committee (and the Judge was a Republi- can) "that no conviction was possible, ex- cept by packing a jury." Andre-w Jolinson. On the 29th of April, 1865, President Johnson issued a proclamation removing all restrictions upon internal, domestic and coastwise and commercial intercourse in all Southern States east of the Mississippi; the blockade was removed May 22, and on May 29 a proclamation of amnesty was issued, with fourteen classes excepted therefrom, and the requirement of an "iron-clad oath" from those accepting its provisions. Proclamations rapidly fol- lowed in shaping the lately rebellious States to the conditions of peace and re- storation to the Union. These States were required to hold conventions, repeal seces- sion ordinances, accept the abolition of slavery, repudiate Southern war debts, pro- vide for Congressicmal rejiresentation, and elect new State Officers and Legislatures. The several constitutional amendments were of course to be ratified by the vote of the people. These conditions were eventually all complied with, some of the States being more tardy than others. The irreconciLo^ bles charged upon the Military officers, the Freedmen's Bureau, and the stern ap- plication of the reconstruction acts, these results, and many of them showed a politi- cal hostility which, after the election of the new Legislatures, took shape in what were in the North at the time denounced as "the black codes." These were passed by all of tlie eleven States in the rebellion. ' The codes varied in severity, according to the views of the Legislatures, and for a time they seriously interfered with the recognition of the States, the Republicans charging that the design was to restore slavery under new iorms. In South Carolina Gen'l Sickles is_sued military orders, as late as January 17, 1866, against the enforcement of such laws. To assure the rights, of the freedmen the 14th amendment of the Constitution was passed by Congress, June 18th, 1866. President Johnson opposed it, refused to sign, but said he would submit it to the several States. This was done, and it was accepted by the required three-fourths January 28th, 1868. This had the eflect to do away with many of the "black codes," and the States which desired re- admission to the Union had to finally give them up. Since reconstruction, and the political ousting of what were called the carpet bag governments," some of the States, notably Georgia, has passed class laws, which treat colored criminals differ- ently from Avhite, under what are now known as the " conduct laws." Terms of sentence are served out, in any part of the State, under the control of public and private contractors, and "vagrants" are subjected to sentences which it is believed would be less extended under a system of confinement. JoKnson'8 Policy. While President Johnson's policy did not materially check reconstruction, it en- couraged Southern politicians to political effort, and with their well known tact they were not long in gaining the ascendancy in nearly every State. This ascendancy excited the fears and jealousies of the North, and the Republicans announced as their object and platform "that all the re- sults of the war" should be secured before Southern reconstruction and representa- tion in Congress should be completed. On this they were almost solidly united in Congress, but Horace Greeley trained an independent sentiment which favored com- plete amnesty to the South. President Johnson sought to utilize this sentiment and to divide the Republican party through his policy, which now looked to the same ends. He had said to a delega- tion introduced by Gov. Oliver P. Morton. April 21, 1865: "Your slavery is dead, but I did not murder it. As Macbeth said to Banquo's bloody ghost: ' Never shake thy Rory locks at me ; Thou canst not say I did it.' "Slavery is dead, and you must pardon me if I do not mourn over its dead body ; you can bury it out of sight. In restoring BOOK I.] IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON, 179 the State, leave out that disturbing and dangerous element, and use only those parts of the machinery which will move in harmony. " But in calling a convention to restore the State, who shall restore and re-estab- lish it? Shall the man who gave his in- fluence and his means to destroy the Government? Is he to participate in the great work of reorganization ? Shall he who brought this misery upon the State be permitted to control its destinies? If this be so, then all this precious blood of our brave soldiers and oiliccrs so freely poured out will have been wantonly spilled. All the glorious victories won by our noble ar- mies will go for nought, and all the battle- fields which have been sown with dead heroes during the rebellion will have been made memorable in vain." In a speech at Washington, Feb. 22nd, 1866, Johnson said : " The Government has stretched forth its strong arm, and with its physical power it has put down treason in the field. That is, the section of country that arrayed itself against the Government has been con- quered by the force of the Government itself. Now, what had we said to those people? We said, ' No compromise ; we can settle this question with the South in eight and forty hours.' " I have said it again and again, and I repeat it now, 'disband your armies, ac- knowledge the supremacy of the Constitu- tion of the United States, give obedience to the law, and the whole question is set- tled.' " What has been done since ? Their ar- mies have been disbanded. They come now to meet us in a spirit of magnanimity and say, ' We were mistaken ; we made the effort to carry out the doctrine of se- cession and dissolve this Union, and hav- ing traced this thing to its logical and physical results, we now acknowledge the flag of our country, and promise obedience to the Constitution and the supremacy of the law.' " I say, then, when you comply with the Constitution, when you yield to the law, when you acknowledge allegiance to the Government — I say let the door of the Union be opened, and the relation be re- stored to those that had erred and had strayed from the fold of our fathers." It is not partisanship to say that John- son's views had undergone a change. He did not admit this in his speeches, but the fact was accepted in all sections, and the leaders of parties took position accordingly — nearly all of the Republicans against him, nearly all of the Democrats for him. So radical had this difference become that he vetoed nearly all of the political bills passed by the Republicans from 1866 until the end of his administration, but such was the Republican preponderance in both Houses of Congress that they passed them over his head by the necessary two-thirds vote. He vetoed the several Freedmen's Bureau 15ills, the Civil Rights Bill, that for the admission of Nebraska and Colo- rado, the Bill to permit Colored Suffrage in the District of Columbia, one of the Reconstruction Bills, and finally made a direct issue with the jjowers of Congress by his veto of the Civil Tenure Bill, March 2, 1867, the substan(;e of which is shown iu the third section, as follows : Sec. 3. That the President shall have power to fill all vacancies which may hap- pen during the recess of the Senate, by rea- son of death or resignation, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session thereafter. And if no appointment, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall be made to such ortice so vacant or temporarily filled as aforesaid during such next session of the Senate, such office shall remain in abeyance without any salary, fees, or emoluments attached thereto, until the same shall be filled by appointment thereto, by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate ; and during such time all the powers and duties belonging to such office shall be exercised by such other offi- cer as may by law exercise such powers and duties in case of a vacancy in such office. The bill originally passed the Senate by 22 to 10 — all of the nays Democrats save Van Winkle and Willey. It passed the House by 112 to 41 — all of the yeas Re- publicans; all of the nays Democrats save Hawkins, Latham and Whaley. The Senate passed it over the veto by 35 to 11 — a sti'ict party vote ; the House by 138 to 40 — a strict party vote, except Latham (Rep.) who voted nay. The refusal of the President to enforce this act, and his attempted removal of Secretary Stanton from the Cabinet when against the wish of the Senate, led to the efibrt to impeach him. Stanton resisted the President, and General Grant took an active part in sustaining the War Secre- tary. He in fact publicly advised him to " stick," and his attitude showed that in the great political battle which must fol- low, they would surely have the support of the army and its great commander. Impeachment Trial of Andre-»v JohnsoM. * The events which led to the impeach- ment of President Johnson, may be briefly stated as follows : On the 21st of Febru- ary, 1868, the President issued an order to Mr. Stanton, removin^^ him from office as Secretary of War, and another to General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the * From the Century of Independence by John Sully, Boston. 180 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book Army, appointing him Secretary of War ad interim, directing the one to surrender and the other to receive, all the books, pa- pers, and public property belonging to the vVar Department. As these orders fill an important place in the history of the im- peachment, we give them here. The or- der to Mr. Stanton reads : " By virtue of the power and authority vested in me as President by the Constitu- tion and laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from office as Secretary for the Department of War, and your functions as such will terminate upon the receipt of this communication. You will transfer to Brevet Major-General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the Army, who has this day been authorized and em- powered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, all records, books, papers, and other public property now in your custody and charge." The order to General Thomas reads : " The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having been this day removed from office as Secre- tary for the Department of War, you are hereby authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, and will immediately enter upon the discharge of the duties pertaining to that ofiice. Mr. Stanton has been instructed to transfer to you all the records, books, and other public property now in his custody and charge." These orders having been officially com- municated to the Senate, that body, after an earnest debate, passed the following resolution : " Resolved, hy the Senate of the United States, That under the Constitution and laws of the United States the President has no power to remove the Secretaiy of War and designate any other officer to per- form the duties of that office." The President, upon the 24th, sent a message to the Senate, arguing at length that not only under the Constitution, but also under the laws as now existing, he had the right of removing ]Mr. Stanton and appointing another to fill his place. The point of his argument is: That by a special proviso in the Tenurc-of-Office Bill the va- rious Secretaries of Departments "shall hold their offices respectively for and dur- ing the term of the President by whom they may have been appointed, and for one month thereafter, sul)ject to removal by and with the advice of the Senate." The President affirms that Mr. Stanton was ap- pointed not by him, but by his predeces- sor, Mr. Ivincoln, and hold office only by the suffi'rancc, not theapiiointmcnt, of the present Executive; and that therefore his tenure is, l)y the exj)ress reading of the law excepted from the general provision, that every person duly ai)pointea to office, " by and with tiie advice and consent of the Senate," etc., shall be " entitled to hold office until a successor shall have been in like manner appointed and duly qualified, except as herein otherwise provided." The essential point of the President's argument, therefore, is that, as Mr. Stanton was not appointed by him, he had, under the Ten- ure-of-Office Bill, the right at any time to remove him ; the same right which his own successor would have, no matter whether the incumbent had, by sufferance, not by appointment of the existing Executive, held the office for weeks or even years. " If," says the President, "my successor would have the power to remove Mr. Stan- ton, after permitting him to remain a peri- od of two weeks, because he was not ap- pointed by him, I who have tolerated Mr. Stanton for more than two years, certainly have the same right to remove him, upon the same ground, namely that he was not appointed by me but by my predecessor." In the meantime General Thomas pre- sented himself at the War Deijartment and demanded to be placed in the position to which he had been assigned by the Pres- ident. Mr. Stanton refused to surrender his post, and ordered General Thomas to proceed to the apartment which belonged to him as Adjutant-General. This order was not obeyed, and so the two claimants to the Secretaryship of War held their ground. A sort of legal by-play then en- sued. Mr. Stanton entered a formal com- plaint before Judge Carter, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, charging that General Thomas had illegally exercised and attempted to exercise the duties of Secretary of War; and had threatened to " forcibly remove the complainant from the buildings and apart- ments of the Secretary of War in the War Department, and forcibly take possession and control thereof under his pretended appointment by the President of the United States as Secretary of War ad in- terim ; " and praying that he might be ar- rested and held to answer this charge. General Thomas was accordingly arrested, and hold to bail in the sum of $15,000 to appear before the court on the 24th. Ap- pearing on that day he was discharged from custody and bail ; whereupon he en- tered an action against Mr. Stanton for false imprisonment, laying his damages at $150,000. On the 22d of February the Houi?e Committee on Reconstruction, through its Chairman, Mr. Stevens, presented a brief report, merely stating the fact of the at- tempted removal by the President of Mr. Stanton, and closing as follows : " Upon the evidence collected by the Committee, which is hereafter presented, and in virtue of the powers with which they have been invested by the House, they are of the opinion that Andrew John- son, President of the United States, should BOOK I.J IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 181 be impeached of high crimes and misde- meanors. They, therefore, recommend to the House the adoption of the following resolution : " lie.iolved, That Andrew Johnson, Pres- ident of the* United States be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." After earnest debate, the question on the resolution was adopted, on the 24th, by a vote of 126 to 47. A committee of two members — Stevens and Bingham — were to notify the Senate of the action of the House; and another committee of seven — Boutwell, Stevens, Bingham, Wilson, Lo- gan, Julian, and Ward — to prepare the articles of impeachment. On the 25tli (February) Mr. Stevens thus announced to the Senate the action which had been taken by the House : " In obedience to the order of the House of Representatives we have appeared be- fore you, and in the name of the House of Representatives and of all the people of the United States, we do impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors in office. And we further inform the Senate that the House of Representatives will in due time exhibit particular articles of impeachment against him, to make good the same; and in their name we demand that the Senate take due order for the appearance of the said Andrew Johnson to answer to the said impeachment." The Senate thereupon, by a unanimous vote, resolved that this message from the House should be referred to a select Com- mittee of Seven, to be appointed by the chair, to consider the same and report thereon. The Committee subsequently made a report laying down the rules of procedure to be observed on the trial. On the 29th of February the Committee of the House appointed for that purpose presented the articles of impeachment which they had drawn up. These, with slight modification, were accepted on the 2d of March. They comprise nine articles, eight of which are based upon the action of the President in ordering the removal of Mr. Stanton, and the appointment of General Thomas as Secretary of War. The general title to the impeachment is : " Articles exhibited by the House of Representatives of the United States, in the name of themselves and all the people of the United States, against Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, as maintenance and support of their im- peachment against him for high crimes and misdemeanors in office." Each of the articles commences with a preamble to the effect that the President, unmindful of the high^duties of his office, of his oath of office, and of the require- ments of the Constitution that he should take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted, did unlawfully and in violation of the laws and Constitution of the United States perform the several acts specified in the articles respectively ; " closing with the de- claration: "Whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office." The phraseology is somewhat varied. In some cases the offense is designated as a "mis- demeanor," in others as a " crime." The whole closes thus: " And the House of Representatives, by protestation, saving to themselves the lib- erty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any further articles or other accusation or impeachment against the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, and also of replying to his answers which he shall make to the articles herein pre- ferred against him, and of offering proof to the same and every part thereof, and to all and every other article, accusation, or impeachment which shall be exhibited by them as the case shall require, do demand that the said Andrew Johnson may be put to answer the high crimes and misdemean- ors in office herein charged against him, and that such proceedings, examinations, trials, and judgments may be thereupon had and given as may be agreeable to law and justice." The following is a summary in brief of the points in the articles of impeachment, legal and technical phraseology being omit- ted: Article 1. Unlawfully ordering the re- moval of Mr. Stanton as Secretary of War, in violation of the provisions of the Tenure of-Office Act. — Article 2. Unlawfully ap- pointing General Lorenzo Thomas as Sec- retary of War ad interim. — ylr^/cZe 3 is sub- stantially the same as Article 2, with the addition that there was at the time of the appointment of General Thomas no va- cancy in the office of Secretary of War. — Article 4 charges the President with " con- spiring with one Lorenzo Thomas and other persons, to the House of Representatives unknown," to prevent, by intimidation and threats, I\Ir. Stanton, the legally-appointed Secretary of War, from holding that office. — Article 5 charges the President with con- spiring with General Thomas and others to hinder the execution of the Tenure-of- Office Act ; and, in pursuance of this con- spiracy, attempting to prevent JMr. Stanton from acting as Secretary of War. — Article 6 charges that the President conspired with General Thomas and others to take forcible possession of the War Department. — Arti- cle 7 repeats the charge, in other terms, that the President conspired with General Thomas and others to hinder the execution of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and to pre- vent Mr. Stanton from executing the office of Secretary of War.— Article 8 again 182 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. charges the President with "onspiring with General Thomas and others to take posses- sion of the property in the War Depart- ment. — Article 9 charges that the President called before him General Emory, who was in command of the forces in the Depart- ment of Washington, and declared to him that a law, passed on the 30th of June, 1867, directing that " all orders and in- structions relating to military operations, issued by the President or Secretary of War, shall be issued through the General of the Army, and, in case of his inability, through the next in rank," was unconsti- tutional, and not binding upon General Emory ; the intent being to induce General Emory to violate the law, and to obey or- ders issued directly from the President. The foregoing articles of imijeachment were adopted on the 2d of March, the votes upon each slightly varying, the aver- age being 125 ayes to 40 nays. The ques- tion then came up of appointment of man- agers on the part of the House to conduct the impeachment before the Senate. UiJon this question the Democratic members did not vote ; 118 votes were cast, 60 being necessary to a choice. The following was the result, the number of votes cast for each elected manager being given : Stevens of Penn., 105 ; Butler, of Mass., 108 ; Bing- ham, of Ohio, 114 ; Boutwell, of Mass., 113; Wilson, of Iowa, 112; Williams, of Petin., 107 ; Logan, of 111., 106. The fore- going seven Representatives were, there- fore, duly chosen as Managers of the Bill of Impeachment. The great body of the Democratic members of the House entered a formal protest against the whole course of proceedings involved in the impeach- ment of the President. They claimed to represent " directly or in principle more than one-half of the people of the United States." This protest was signed by forty- five Representatives. On the 3d the Board of Managers pre- sented two additional articles of impeach- ment, which were adopted by the House. The first charges, in substance, that " The President, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of the harmony and courtesies which ought to be main- tained between tlie executive and legisla- tive branches of the Government of the United States, designing to set aside the rightful authority and ])Owers of Congress, did attempt to bring into disgrace the Con- gress of the United vStatcs and the several branches thereof, to im])air and destroy the regard and rcsi)ect of all tlie good i)eople of the United States ftjr the Congress and legislative i)owor thereof, and to excite the odium and resentment of all the good people of the United States against Con- gress and the laws by it enacted; and in pursuance of his said design openly and publicly, and before divers assemblages convened in divers parts thereof to meet and receive said Andrew Johnson as the Chief Magistrate of the United States, did on the 18th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1866, and on divers other days and times, as well before as afterward, make and deliver with a loud voice certain intemperate, iniiammatory, and scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter menaces as well against Congress as the laws of the United States duly enacted thereby." To this article are appended copious ex- tracts from speeches of Mr. Johnson. The second article is substantially as follows : " The President did, on the 18th day of August, 1866, at the City of Washington, by public speech, declare and aflirm in substance that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United States was not a Congress of the United States, authorized by the Constitution to exercise legislative power under the same, but, on the contrary, was a Congress of only a part of the States, thereby denying and intending to deny that the legislation of said Congress was valid or obligatory upon him, except in so far as he saw fit to approve the same, and did devise and contrive means by which he might prevent Edwin M. Stanton from forthwith resuming the functions of the office of Secretary for the Department of War ; and, also, by further unlawfully de- vising and contriving means to prevent the execution of an act entitled ' An act mak- ing appropriations for the sui)port of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,' approved March 2, 1867; and also to prevent the execution of an act entitled 'An act to provide for the more efiicient government of the rebel States,' passed March 2, 1867, did commit and was guilty of a high mis- demeanor in ofiice." On the 4th of March the Senate notified the House that they were ready to receive the Managers of the Impeachment. They appeared, and the articles were formallv read. The Senate had meanwhile adopted the rules of procedure. Chief Justice Chase sent a communication to the Senate to the effect that this body, when acting upon an impeachment, was a Court presided over by the Chief Justice, and that all orders and rules should be framed by the Court. On the 5th the Court was formally organized. An exception was taken to the eligibility of Mr. Wade as a member of the Court, on the ground that he was a party interested, since, in the event of the impeachment be- ing sustained, he, as President of the Senate, would become Acting President of the United States. This objection was with- drawn, and Mr. Wade was sworn as a mem- ber of the Court. On the 7th the summons for the President to appear was formally served upon him. On the 13th the Court BOOK I.] IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 183 was again formally reopened. The Presi- dent appeared by his eounsel, Hon. Henry Stanbery, of Ohio ; Hon. Wm. M. Evarts, of New York ; Hon. Wni. S. Grocsbeck, of Ohio ; Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis, of Mas.sa- chusetts ; Hon. Thomas A. R. Nelson, ol" Tennessee, who asked for forty days to pre- pare an answer to the indictment. This was refused, and ten days granted ; it be- ing ordered that the proceedings should reopen on the 23d. Upon that day tlie President appeared by his counsel, and presented his answer to the articles of im- peachment. This reply was iu substance as follows: The first eight articles in the Bill of Im- fieachment, as briefly summed up in our ast record, are based upon the action of the President in ordering the removal of Mr. Stanton, and the temporary appoint- ment of General Thomas as Secretary of War. The gist of them is contained in the first article, charging the unlawful removal of Mr. Stanton ; for, this failing, the others would fail also. To this article a con- siderable part of the President's answer is devoted. It is mainly an amplifica- tion of the points put forth in the Mes- sage of February 24th, in which he gave his reasons for his orders. The President cites the laws by which this department of the administration was created, and the rules laid down for the duties pertaining to it ; prominent among which are : that the Secretary shall "conduct the business of the department in such manner as the President of the United States shall from time to time order and instruct; " and that he sliould " hold the office during the plea- sure of the President; " and that Congress had no legal right to deprive the President of the power to remove the Secretary. He was, however, aware that the design of the Tenure-of-Office Bill was to vest this power of removal, in certain cases, jointly in the Executive and the Senate ; and that, Avhile believing this act to be unconstitutional, yet it having been passed over his veto by the requisite majority of two-thirds, he con- sidered it to be his duty to ascertain in how far the case of Mr. Stanton came within the grovisions of this law ; after consideration, e came to the conclusion that the case did not come within the prohibitions of the hiw, and that, by that law he still had the right of removing Mr. Stanton ; but that, wishing to have the case decided by the Su- preme Court, he, on the 12th of August, issued the order merely suspending, not removing, Mr. Stanton, a power expresly granted by the Tenure-of-Office Act, and appointed General Grant Secretary of War ad interim. The President then recites the subsequent action in the case of i\Ir. Stanton ; and, as he avers, still believing that he had the constitutional power to re- move him from office, issued the order of February 21st, for such removal, designing to thus bring the matter before the Su- preme Court. He then proceeds formally to deny that at this time Mr. Stanton was in lawful possession of the office of Secre- tary of War ; and that, consequently, the order for his removal was in violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act; and that it was in violation of the Constitution or of any law ; or that it constituted any official crime or misdemeanor. In regard to the seven succeeding arti- cles of impeachment the President, while admitting the facts of the order apjiointing General Thomas as Secretary of War ad interim, denies all and every of the crimi- nal charges therein set forth. So of the ninth article, charging an effort to induce General Emory to violate the law, the President denies all such intent, and calls attention to the fact that while, for urgent reasons, he signed the bill prescribing that orders to the army should be issued only through the General, he at the same time declared it to be, in his judgment, unconsti- tutional ; and allirms that in his interview with General Emory he said no more than he had before officially said to Congress — that is, that the law was unconstitutional. As to the tenth article, the first of the supplementary ones, the President, while admitting that he made certain public speeches at the times and places specified, does not admit that the passages cited are fair reports of his remarks ; denies that he has ever been unmindful of the courtesies which ought to be maintained between the executive and legislative departments ; but he claims the perfect right at all times to express his views as to all public matters. The reply to the eleventh article, the second supplementary one, is to the same general purport, denying that he ever af- firmed that the Thirty-ninth Congress was not a valid Congress of the United States, and its acts obligatory only as they Avere approved by him ; and denying that he had, as charged in the article, contrived unlawful means for preventing Mr. Stanton from resuming the functions of Secretary of War, or for preventing the execution of the act making appropriations for the sup- port of the army, or that to provide for the more efficient government of tlie rebel States. In his answer to this article the President refers to his reply to the first ar- ticle, in which he sets forth at length all the steps, and the reasons therefor, relating to the removal of Mr. Stanton. In briet, the answer of the President to the articles of impeachment is a general denial of each and every criminal act charged in the ar- ticles of impeachment. The counsel for the President then asked for a delay of thirty days after the replication of the managers of the impeachment should have been rendered, before the trial should 184 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. formally proceed. This was refused, and the managers of the impeachment stated that their replication would be presented the next day : it was that, " The Senate will commence the trial of the President upon the articles of impeach- ment exhibited against him on Monday, the 30th day of March, and proceed there- in with all "dispatch under the rules of the Senate, sitting upon the trial of an im- peachment." The replication of the House of Repre- sentatives was a simple denial of each and every averment in the answer of the Pres- ident, closing thus : " The House of Representatives .... do say that the said Andrew Johnson, Presi- dent of the United States, is guilty of the high crimes and misdemeanors mentioned in the said articles, and that the said House of Representatives are ready to prove the same." The trial began, as appointed, on March 30. There being twenty-seven States rep- resented, there were fifty-four Senators, who constituted the Court, presided over by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio. Sexators : California, Cole, Con- ness ; Connecticut, Dixon, Ferry ; Delaware, Bayard, Saulsbury; Indiana, Hendricks, Morton ; Illinois, Trumbull, Yates ; Iowa, Grimes, Harlan ; Kansas, Pomeroy, Ross ; Kentucky, Davis, McCreery ; Maine, Fes- senden, Morrill (LotM.) ; Maryland, John- son, Vickers ; Massachusetts, ^umnGr,^^^^- 9<)n ; Michigan, Chandler, Howard ; Minne- sota, Norton, Ramsay ; Missouri, Drake, Henderson ; Nebraska, Thayer, Tipton ; Nevada, Nye, Stewart; Neio Hampshire, Cragin, Patterson (J. W.) ; Neto Jersey, Cattell, Frelinghuysen ; Keio York, Conk- lin, Morgan; Ohio, Sherman, Wade ; Ot-e- gon, Corbett, Williams ; Pennsylvania, Buckalew, Cameron ; Rhode Island, An- thony, Sprague ; Tennessee, Fowler, Patter- son (David); Vermont, Edmunds, Merrill, ( J. S.) ; West Virginia, Van AVinkle, AVil- ley; Wisconsin, Doolittle, Howe. Managers for the Prosecution: Messrs. Bingham, Boutwell, Butler, Logan, Ste- vens, Williams, Wilson. Counsel for the President. Messrs. Cur- tis, Evarts, Groesbeck, Nelson, Stanbery. The following was the order of proce- dure : The Senate convened at 11 or 12 o'clock, and was called to order by the president of that body, who, after prayer, would leave the chair, which was immedi- ately assumed by the Chief Justice, who wore his official robes. The prosecution was mainly conducted by Mr. Butler, who examined the witnesses, and, in conjunc- tion with the others, argued the points of law which came up. The defense, during the early part of the trial, was mainly con- ducted by Mr. Stanbery, who had resigned the office of Attorney-General for this pur- pose, but, being taken suddenly ill, Mr. Evarts took his place. According to the rule at first adopted, the trial was to be opened by one counsel on each side, and summed up by two on each side ; but this rule was subsequently modified so as to al- low as many of the managers and counsel as chose to sum up, either orally or by filing written arguments. THE PROSECUTION. The whole of the first day (March 30) was occupied by the opening speech of Mr. Butler. After touching upon the import- ance of the case, and the wisdom of the framers of the Constitution in providing for its possible occurrence, he laid down the fol- lowing proposition, supporting it by a copi- ous array of authorities and precedents : " We define, therefore, an impeachable high crime or misdemeanor to be one, in its nature or consequences, subversive of some fundamental or essential principle of government, or highly prejudicial to the public interest, and this may consist of a violation of the Constitution, of law, of an official oath, or of duty, by an act com- mitted or omitted, or, without violating a positive law, by the abuse of discretionary powers from improper motives, or for any improper purpose." He then proceeded to discuss the nature and ftinctions of the tribunal before which the trial is held. He asked : " Is this pro- ceeding a trial, as that term is understood, so far as relates to the rights and duties of a court and jury upon an indictment for crime ? Is it not rather more in the nature of an inquest?" The Constitution, he urged, " seems to have determined it to be the latter, because, under its provisions, the right to retain and hold office is the only subject to be finally adjudicated ; all preliminarj' inquirj' being carried on solely to determine that question, and that alone." He then proceeded to argue that this body now sitting to determine the accusation, is the Senate of the United States, and not a court. This question is of consequence, he argued, because, in the latter case, it would be bound by the rules and prece- dents of common law-statutes ; the mem- bers of the court would be liable to chal- lenge on many grounds; and the accused might claim that he could only be convicted when the evidence makes the fact clear be- yond rea.sonable doubt, instead of by a pre- ponderance of the evidence. The fact that in this ease the Chief Justice presides, it was argued, does not constitute the Senate thus acting a court, for in all cases of im- peacliment, save that of the President, its regular presiding officer presides. Moreo- ver, the procedures have no analogy to those of an ordinary court of justice. The accused merely receives a notice of the case pending against him. He is not re- BOOK I.l IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 185 quired to appear personally, and the case will go on without his presence. Mr. Butler thus summed up his position in this regard : " A constitutional tribunal solely, you are bound by no law, either statute or com- mon, which may limit your constitutional prerogative. You consult no precedents save those of the law and custom of par- liamentary bodies. You are a law unto yourselves, bound only by the natural l^rinciplos of equity and justice, and that salus populi suj»-ema est lex." Mr. Butler then proceeded to consider the articles of impeachment. The first eight, he says, " set out, in several distinct forms, the acts of the President in remov- ing Mr. Stanton and appointing Cieneral Thomas, differing, in legal effect, in the purposes for whicli, and the intent with which, either or both of the acts were done, and the legal duties and rights in- fringed, and the Acts of Congress violated in so doing." In respect to all of these articles, Mr. Butler says, referring to his former definition of what constituted an impeachable high crime: All the articles allege these acts to be in contravention of his oath of oflSce, and in disregard of the duties thereof. If they are so, however, the President might have the power to do them under the law. Still, being so done, they are acts of official mis- conduct, and, as we have seen, impeacha- ble. The President has the legal power to do many acts which, if done in disregard of his duty, or for improper purposes, then the exercise of that power is an official misdemeanor. For example, he has the power of pardon ; if exercised, in a given case, for a corrupt motive, as for the pay- ment of money, or wantonly pardoning all criminals, it would be a misdemeanor." Mr. Butler affirmed that every fact charged in the first article, and substan- tially in the seven following, is admitted in the reply of the President ; and also that the general intent to set aside the Tenure-of-Office Act is therein admitted and justified. He then proceeded to dis- cuss the whole question of the power of the President for removals from office, and especially his claim that this power was imposed upon the President by the Consti- tution, and that it could not be taken from him, or be vested jointly in him and the Senate, partly or in whole. This, Mr. Butler affirmed, was the real question at issue before the Senate and the American people. He said : " Has the President, under the Constitu- tion, the more than royal prerogative at will to remove from office, or to suspend from office, all executive officers of the United States, either civil, military or naval, and to fill the vacancies, without any restraint whatever, or possibility of re- straint, by the Senate or by Congress, through laws duly enacted ? The House of Representatives, in behalf of the people, join issue by affirming that the exercise of such powers is a high misdemeanor in office. If the affirmative is maintained by the respondent, then, so far as the first eight articles are concerned — unless such corrupt puri)Oses are shown as will of themselves make the exercise of a legal power a crime — the res[)ondent must go, and ought to go, (|uit and free. This point as to the legal right of the President to make removals from office, which constitutes the real burden of the articles of impeachment, was argued at length. Mr. Butler assumed that the Sen- ate, by whom, in conjunction with the House, the Tenure-of-OfHce yVct had been passed over the veto of the President, would maintain the law to be constitu- tional. The turning point was whether the special case pf the removal of ^Ir. Stanton came within the provisions of this law. This rested upon the proviso of that law, that — " The Secretaries shall hold their office during the term of the President by whom they may have been ap])ointed, and for one month thereafter, subject to removal 1)V and with the advice and consent of the Senate." The extended argument upon this point, made by Mr. Butler, was to the effect that Mr. Stanton having been appointed by Mr. Lincoln, whose term of office reached to the 4th of March, 1869, that of Mr. Stanton existed until a month later, unless he was previously removed by the concurrent ac- tion of the President and Senate. The point of the argument is, that Mr. Johnson is merely serving out the balance of the term of Mr. Lincoln, cut short by his as- sassination, so that the Cabinet officers ap- pointed by Mr. Lincoln held their places, by this very proviso, during that term and for a month thereafter ; for, he argued, if Mr. Johnson was not merely serving out the balance of Mr. Lincoln's term, then he is entitled to the office of President for four full years, that being the period for which a President is elected. If, continues the argument, Mr. Stanton*s commission was vacated by the Tenure-of-Office Act, it ceased on the 4th of April, 1865 ; or, if the act had no retroactive effect, still, if IMr. Stanton held his office merely under his commission from Mr. Lincoln, then his functions would have ceased upon the passage of the bill, March 2, 1867 ; and, consequently, Mr. Johnson, in "employ- ing" him after that date as Secretary of War, was guilty of a high misdemeanor, which would give ground for a new arti- cle of impeachment. After justifying the course of Mr. Stan- ton in holding on to the secretai-yship in 18G AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. opposition to the wisli of ihe President, on the ground that " to desert it now would be to imitate the treachery of his accidental chief," Mr. Butler proceeded to discuss the reasons assigned by the Presi- dent in his answer to the articles of im- peachment for the attempt to remove Mr. Stanton. These, in substance, were, that the President believed the Tenure-of-Of- fice Act was unconstitutional, and, there- fore, void and of no eflect, and that he had the right to remove him and appoint another person in his place. Mr. Butler urged that, in all of these proceedings, the President professed to act upon the as- sumption that the act was valid, and that his action was in accordance with its pro- visions. He then went on to charge that the appointment of General Thomas as Secretary of War ad interim, was a sepa- rate violation of law. By the act of Feb- ruarj' 20, 1863, which repealed all previous laws inconsistent with it, the President was authorized, in case of the " death, resignation, absence from the seat of Gov- ernment, or sickness of the head of an executive department," or in any other case where these officers could not perform their respective duties, to apj^oint the head of any other executive department to ful- fil the duties of the office " until a succes- sor be appointed, or until such absence or disability shall cease." Now, urged Mr. Butler, at the time of the appointment of General Thomas as Sectary of War ad interim, Mr. Stanton "had neither died nor resigned, was not sick nor absent," and, consequently. General Thomas, not being the head of a department, but only of a bureau of one of them, was not eligi- ble to this appointment, and that, there- fore, his appointment was illegal and void. The ninth article of impeachment, wherein the President is charged with en- deavoring to induce General Emory to take orders directly from himself, is dealt with in a rather slight manner. Mr. But- ler says, "If the transaction set forth in this article stood alone, we might well ad- mit that doubts might arise as to the suffi- ciency of the proof;" but, he adds, " the surroundings are so pointed and signifi- cant a.s to leave no doubt in the mind of an impartial man as to the intents and purposes of the President" — these intents being, according to Mr. Butler, " to induce General Emory to take orders directly from himself, and thus to hinder the exe- cution of the Civil Tenure Act, and to prevent Mr. Stanton from holding his office of Secretary of War." As to the tenth article of impeachment, based upon various speeches ol the Presi- dent, Mr. Butler undertook to show that the reports of these speeches, as given in the article, wore .substantially correct; and accepted the issue made thereupon aa to whether they are " decent and becom- ing the President of the United States, and do not tend to bring the office into ridicule and disgrace." After having commented upon the eleventh and closing article, which charges the President with having denied the au- thority of the Thirty-ninth Congress, ex- cept so far as its acts were approved by him, Mr. Butler summed up the purport of the articles of impeachment in these words : " The acts set out in the first eight arti- cles are but the culmination of a series of wrongs, malfeasances, and usurpations committed by the respondent, and, there- fore, need to be examined in the light of his precedent and concomitant acts to grasp their scope and design. The last three articles presented show the perver- sity and malignity with which he acted, so that the man as he is known may be clearly spread upon record, to be seen and known of all men hereafter We have presented the facts in the con- stitutional manner ; we have brought the criminal to your bar, and demand judg- ment for his so great crimes." The remainder of ^Monday, and a por- tion of the following day, were devoted to the presentation of documentary evidence as to the proceedings involved in the order for the removal of Mr. Stanton and the appointment of General Thomas. The prosecution then introduced witnesses to testify to the interviews between Mr. Stanton and General Thomas. They then brought forward a witness to show that General Thomas had avowed his deter- mination to take forcible possession of the War Office. To this Mr. Stanbery, for the defense, objected. The Chief Justice de- cided the testimony to be admissible. Thereupon Senator Drake took exception to the ruling, on the ground that this ques- tion should be decided by the Senate — not by the presiding officer. The Chief Jus- tice averred that, in his judgment, it was his duty to decide, in the first instance, upon any question of evidence, and then, if any Senator desired, to submit the deci- sion to the Senate. Upon this objection and appeal arose the first confiict in the Senate as to the powers of its presiding officer. Mr. Butler argued at length in favor of the exception. Although, in this case, the decision was in favor of the prosecution, he objected to the power of the presiding officer to make it. This point was argued at length by the mana- gers for the im])eachment, who denied the right of the Chief Justice to make such decision. It was then moved that the Senate retire for private consultation on this ])oint. There was a tie vote — 25 ayes and 25 nays. — The Chief Justice gave his casting vote _in favor of the motion for BOOK I.] IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON, 187 consultution. The Senate, by a vote of 31 to 19, sListiiined the Chief Justice, decidinj^ that " the presiding oliiecr may rule on all questions of evidence and on incidental questions, which decision will stand as the judgment of the Senate for decision, or he may, at his option in the first instance, submit any such question to a vote of the members of the Senate." In the further progress of the trial the Chief Justice, in most important cases, submitted the ques- tion directly to the Senate, without him- self giving any decision. Next morning (April 1 ) Mr. Sumner offered a resolution to the clfect that the Chief Justice, in giv- ing a casting vote, "acted without author- ity of the Constition of the United States." This was negatived by a vote of 27 to 21, thus deciding that the presiding officer had the right to give a casting vote. The witness (Mr. Burleigh, delegate from Dakotah,) who had been called to prove declarations of General Thomas, was then asked whether, at an interview between them. General Thomas had said anything as " to the means by which he intended to obtain, or was directed by the President to obtain, posession of the War Department." To this question Mr. Stanbery objected, on the ground that any statements made by General Thomas could not be used as evi- dence against the President. Messrs. But- ler and Bingham argued that the testi- mony was admissible, on the ground that there was, as charged, a conspiracy be- tween the President and General Thomas, and that the acts of one conspirator were binding upon the other ; and, also, that in these acts General Thomas was the agent of the President. The Senate, by 39 to 11, decided that the question was admissible. Mr. Burleigh thereupon testified sub- stantially that General Thomas informed him that he had been directed by the Pres- ident to take possession of the War De- partment ; that he was bound to obey his superior officer; that, if Mr. Stanton ob- jected, he should use force, and if he bolt- ed the doors they would be broken down. The witness was then asked whether he had heard General Thomas make any statement to the clerks of the War Office, to the effect that, when he came into con- trol, he would relax or rescind the rules of Mr. Stanton. To this question objection was made by the counsel of the President on the ground of irrelevancy. The Chief Justice was of opinion that the question was not admissible, but, if any Senator de- manded, he would submit to the Senate whether it should be asked. The demand having been made, the Senate, by a vote of 28 to 22, allowed the question to be put, whereupon I\Ir. Burleigh testified that General Thomas, in his i^resence, called before him the heads of the divisions, and told them that the rules laid down by Mr. Stanton were arbitrary, and that he should relax them — that he should not liold them strictly to their letters of instruction, but should consider them as gentlemen who would do their duty — that they could come in or go out when they chose. Mr. Bur- leigh further testified that, sui)seuuently, General Thomas had said to him tnat the only thing which prevented him fnjm tak- ing possession of the War Department was his arrest by the United States marshal. Other witnesses were called to prove the declarations of General Thomas. Mr. Wilkeson testified that General Thomas said to him that he should demand possess- ion of the War Department, and, in case Mr. Stanton should refuse to give it up, he should call upon General Grant for a suf- ficient force to enable him to do so, and he did not see how this could be refused. Mr. Karsener, of Delaware, testified that he saw General Thomas at the President's house, told him that Delaware, of which State General Thomas is a citizen, expect- ed him to stand firm ; to which General Thomas replied that he was standing firm, that he would not disappoint his friends, but, that, in a few days, he would " kick that fellow out," meaning, as the witness supposed, Mr. Stanton. Tliursday, Ajjril 2d. — ^Various witnesses were introduced to testify to the occur- rences when General Thomas demanded j)ossession of the War Department. After this General Emory was called to testify to the transactions which form the ground of the ninth article of impeachment. His testimony was to the effect that the Presi- dent, on the 22d of February, requested him to call ; that, upon so doing, the Pres- ident asked respecting any changes that had been made in the disposition of the troops around Washington ; that he in- formed the President that no important changes had been made, and that none could be made without an order from Gen- eral Grant, as provided for in an order founded upon a law sanctioned by the President. The President said that this law was unconstitutional. Emory replied that the President had approved of it, and that it was not the prerogative of the officers of the army to decide upon the constitu- tionality of a law, and in that opinion he was justified by the opinion of eminent counsel, and thereupon the conversation ended. The prosecution then endeavored to in- troduce testimony as to the appointment of Mr. Edmund Cooper, the Private Sec- retary of the President, as Assistant Sec- retary of the Treasury, in support of the eighth and eleventh articles of impeach- ment, which charge the President with an unlawful attempt to control the disposition of certain public funds. This testimony, by a vote of 27 to 22, was ruled out. The prosecution now, in support of the 188 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book X. tenth and eleventh articles of impeach- ment, charging the President with endeav- oring to " set aside the rightful authority of Congrets," offered a telegraphic dis- patch from the President to Mr. Parsons, at that time (January 17, 1867) Provisional Governor of Alabama, of which the follow- ing is the essential part: " I do not believe the people of the whole country will sustain any set of in- dividuals in the attempt to change the whole character of our Government by en- abling acts in this way. I believe, on the contrary, that they will eventually uphold all who have patriotism and courage to stand by the Constitution, and who place their confidence in the people. There should be no faltering on the part of those who are honest in their determination to sustain the several coordinate departments of the Government in accordance with its origi- nal design." The introduction of this was objected to by the counsel for the Presi- dent, but admitted by the Senate, the vote being 27 to 17. The whole Friday, and a great part of Saturday, (April 3d and 4th,) were occu- pied in the examination of the persons who reported the various speeches of the President which form the basis of the tenth article, the result being that the rej^orts were shown to be either substantially or verbally accurate. Then, after some tes- timony relating to the forms in which commissions to office were made out, the managers announced that the case for the prosecution was substantially closed. The counsel for the President thereupon asked that three working days should be granted them to prepare for the defense. This, after some discussion, was granted by the Senate by a vote of 36 to 9, and the trial was adjourned to Thursday, April 9th. THE DEFENSE. The opening speech for the defense, oc- cupying the whole of Thursday, and a part of Friday, was made by Mr. Curtis. Eeserving, for a time, a rejoinder to Mr. Butler'.s argument as to the functions of the Senate when sitting as a Court of Im- peachment, Mr. Curtis proceeded to a con- sideration of the articles of impeachment, in their order, his purpose being "to ascer- tain, in tli(! first place, what the substantial allegations in each of them are, what is the legal proof and effect of these allegations, and what proof is necessary to be adduced in order to sustain them." The speech is substantially an elaboration of and argu- ment for the points embraced in the an- swer of the President. The main stress of the argument rchited to the first article, which, as stated by Mr. Curtis, when stripped of all teclinical language, amounts exactly to these tilings: " First. That the order set out in the ar- ticle for the removal of Mr. Stanton, if executed, would have been a violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. "Second. That it was a violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. " Third. That it was an intentional vio- lation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. "Fourth. That it was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. "Fifth. That it was intended by the President to be so. " Or, to draw all these into one sentence, which I hope maybe intelligible and clear enough, I suppose the substance of this first article is that the order for the remo- val of Mr. Stanton was, and was intended to be, a violation of the Constitution of the United States. These are the allega- tions which it is necessary for the honor- able managers to make out in order to su]iport that article." Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that the case of Mr. Stanton did not come within the provisions of the Tenurc-of-Office Act, being expressly excepted by the proviso that Cabinet officers should hold their places during the term of the President by whom they were appointed, and for one month thereafter, unless removed by the consent of the Senate. Mr. Stanton was appointed by Mr. Lincoln, whose term of office came to an end by his death. He argued at length against the proposition that Mr. Johnson was merely serving out the remainder of Mr. Lincoln's term. The object of this exception, he said, was evi- dent. The Cabinet officers were to be "the immediate confidential assistants of the President, for whose acts he was to be responsible, and in whom he was exjjected to repose the gravest honor, trust, and con- fidence ; therefore it was that this act has connected the tenure of office of these offi- cers with that of the President by whom they were appointed." Mr. Curtis gave a new interpretation to that clause in the Constitution which prescribes that the President " may require the opinion, in writing, of the princijial officer in each of the executive departments upon any sub- ject relating to the duties of their several offices." He understood that the word " their " included the President, so that he might call upon Cabinet officers for advice " relating to the duties of the office of these principal officers, or relating to the duties of the President himself." This, at least, he affirmed, had been the practical inter- iiretation put upon this clause from the beginning. To confirm his position as to the intent of the Tenure-of-Office Act in this respect, ]\Ir. Curtis quoted from speeches made in both houses at the time when the act w.as passed. Thus, Senator Sh(;rrnan said that the act, as passed — "Would not prevent the present Presi- dent from removing the Secretary of War, BOOK I.J IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF JOHNSON. 189 the Secretary of the Navy, or the Secretary of State ; and, if I supposed that either of these gentleiiieu was so wanting in man- hood, in honor, as to hold his pLace after the politest intimation from tiie President of the United Stales that his services were no longer needed, I certainly, as a Senator, would consent to his removal at any time, and so would we all." Mr. Curtis proceeded to argue that there was really no removal of Mr. Stanton; he still held his phice, and so there was " no case of removal within the statute, and, therefore, no case of violation by removal." But, if the Senate should hold that the or- der for removal was, in effect, a removal, then, unless the Tenure-of-OlRce Act gave Mr. Stanton a tenure of office, this removal would not have been contrary to the pro- visions of this act. He proceeded to argue that there was room for grave doubt whether Mr. Stauton's case came within the provisions of the Tenure-of-Office Act, anil that the President, upon due conside- ration, and having taken the best advice within his power, considering that it did not, and acting accordingly, did not, even if he Wiis mistaken, commit an act " so wil- ful and wrong that it can be justly and properly, and for the purposes of this prosecution, termed a high misdemeanor." He argued at length that the view of the President was the correct one, and that " the Senate had nothing whatever to do with the removal of Mr. Stanton, whether the Senate was in session or not." Mr. Curtis then went on to urge that the President, being sworn to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, must carry out any law, even though passed over his veto, except in cases where a law which he be- lieved to be unconstitutional has cut off a power confided to him, and in regard to which he alone could make an issue which would bring the matter before a court, so as to cause "a judicial decision to come between the two branches of the Govern- ment, to see which of them is right." This, said he, is what the President has done. This argument, in effect, was an answer to the first eight articles of impeachment. The ninth article, charging the Presi- dent wifh endeavoring to induce General Emory to violate the law by receiving or- ders directly from him, was very briefly touched upon, it being maintained that, as shown by the evidence, "the reason why the President sent for General Emory was not that he miglit endeavor to seduce that distinguished officer from his allegiance to the laws and Constitution of his country, but because he wished to obtain informa- tion about military movements which might require his personal attention." As to the tenth article, based upon the President's speeches, it was averred that they were in no way in violation of the Constitution, or of any law existing at the time when they were made, and were not therefore, impeachable offen-ses. The reply to the eleventh article was very brief The managers had " comjtounded it of the materials which they had previously worked up into others," and it " contained nothing new that needed notice." Mr. Curtis concluded his sj)eech by saying that — " This trial is and will be the mo.st con- spicuous instance that has ever been, or even can be expected to be found, of American justice or of American injustice ; of that justice which is the great policy of all civilized States; of that injustice which is certain to be condemned, which makes even the wisest man mad, and which, in the fixed and unalterable order of God's providence, is sure to return and plague the inventor." At the close of this opening speech for the defense. General Lorenzo Thomas was brought forward as a witness. His testi- mony, elicited upon examination and cross- examination, was to the effect that, having received the order appointing him Secre- tary of War ad interim, he presented it to Mr. Stanton, who asked, " Do you wish me to vacate the office at once, or will you give me time to get my private property together?" to which Thomas rejdied, "Act your pleasure." Afterward Stanton said, " I don't know whether I will obey your instructions." Subsequently Thomas said that he should issue orders as Secretary of War. Stanton said he should not do so, and afterward gave him a written direc- tion, not to issue any order except as Ad- jutant-General. During the examination of General Thomas a question came up which, in many ways, recurred upon the trial. He was asked to tell what occurred at an interview between himself and the President. Objection was made by Mr. Butler, and the point was argued. The question was submitted to the Senate, which decided, by a vote of 42 to 10, that it was admissible. The testimony of Gen- eral Thomas, from this point, took a wide range, and, being mainly given in response to questions of counsel, was, apparently, somewhat contradictory. The substance was that he was recognized by the Presi- dent as Secretary of War ; that, since the impeachment, he had acted as such only in attending Cabinet meetings, but had given no orders ; that, when he reported to the President that Mr. Stanton would not vacate the War Department, the President directed him to " take possession of the office;" that, without orders from the President, he had intended to do this by force, if necessary ; that, finding that this course might involve bloodshed, he had abandoned this j)urpose, but that, after this, he had, in several cases, affirmed iiis purpose to do so, but that these declara- 190 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. tions were " merely boast and brag." On the following day General Thomas was re- called as a witness, to enable him to cor- rect certain points in his testimony. The first was the date of an unimportant trans- action ; he had given it as taking place on the 21st of February, whereas it should have been the 2 2d. The second was that the words of the President were that he should " take charge," not " take posses- sion " of the War Department. In expla- nation of the fact that he had repeatedly sworn to the words " take possession," he said that these were " put into his mouth." Finally, General Thomas, in reply to a di- rect question from Mr. Butler, said that his testimony on these points was "all wrong." Lieutenant-General Sherman was then called as a witness. After some unim- portant questions, he was asked in refer- ence to an interview between himself and the President which took place on the 14th of January: "At that interview what conversation took place between the Presi- dent and you in reference to Mr. Stan- ton?" To this qtiestion objection was made by ^Ir. Butler, and the point was elaborately argued. The Chief Justice decided that the question was admissible within the vote of the Senate of the pre- vious dav ; the question then was as to the admissibility of evidence as to a conversa- tion between the President and General Thomas ; the present question was as to a conversation between the President and General Sherman. " Both questions," said the Chief Justice, "are asked for the pur- pose of procuring the intent of the Presi- dent to remove Mr. Stanton.'" The ques- tion being submitted to the Senate, it was decided, "by a vote of 28 to 23, that it should not be admitted. The examina- tion of General Sherman was continued, the question of the conversation aforesaid being frequently brought forward, and as often ruled out by the Senate. The only important fact elicited was that the Presi- dent had twice, on the 2r)th and 30th of January, tendered to General Sherman the office oif Secretary of War ad interim. On Monday, April 13th, after transac- tions of minor importance, the general matter of the conversations between the President and General Sherman again came up, upon a question propounded by Senator Johnson — " When the President tendered to you the office of Secretary of War ad interim, did he, at the very time of making such tender, state to you what his purpose in so doing was? " This was admitted by the Senate, l)y a vote of 20 to 22. Senator Johnson then added to his question, " If he did, what did he state his purpose was?" This w;is a<lniitted by a vote of 25 to 20. The testimony of Gen- eral Sherman, relating to several inter- views, was to the effect that the President said that the relations between himself and Mr. Stanton were such that he could not execute the office of President without making provision to appoint a Secretary of "War ad interim, and he offered that office to him (General Sherman), but did not state that his purpose was to bring the matter directly into the courts. Sherman said that, if Mr. Stanton would retire, he might, although against his own wishes, undertake to administer the office ad interim, but asked what would be done in case Mr. Stanton would not yield. To this the President replied, " He will make no opposition ; you present the or- der, and he will retire. I know him bet- ter than you do; he is cowardly." General Sherman asked time for reflection, and then gave a written answer, declining to accept the appointment, but stated that his reasons were mostly of a personal na- ture. On the 14th the Senate adjourned, on account of the sudden illness of Mr. Stan- bery. It re-assembled on the 15th, but the proceedings touched wholly upon for- mal points of procedure and the introduc- tion of unimportant documentary evidence. On the 16th Mr. Sumner moved that all evidence not trivial or obviously iri'clevant shall be admitted, the Senate to judge of its value. This was negatived by a vote of 23 to 11. The 17th was mainly taken up by testi- mony as to the reliability of the reports of the President's speeches. Mr. W^elles, Sec- retary of the Navy, was then called to tes- tify to certain proceedings in Cabinet Council at the time of the apjiointment of General Thomas. This was objected to. The Chief Justice decided that it was ad- missible, and his decision was sustained by a vote of 26 to 23. Tlie defense then en- deavored to introduce several members of the Cabinet, to show that, at meetings pre- vious to the removal of Mr. Stanton, it was considered whether it was not desira- ble to obtain a judicial determination of the unconstitutionality of the Tenure-of- Office Act. This question was raised in several shapes, and its admission, after thorough argument on both sides, as often refused, in the last instance by a decisive vote of 30 to 19. The defense considered this testimony of the utmost importance, as going to show that the President had acted U2)on the counsel of his constitu- tional advisers, while the prosecution claimed that he could not plead in justifi- cation of a violation of the law that he had been advised by his Cabinet, or any one else, that the law was tinconstitutional. His duty was to execute the laws, and, if he failed to do this, or violated them, he did so at his own risk of the consequences. With the refusal of this testimony, the BOOK I.] GRANT. 191 case, except the final summings up and the verdict of the Senate, was virtually closed. The case had been so fully set forth in the opening speeches of JMessrs. Butler and Curtis, and in the arguments which came up upon points of testimony, that there remained little for the other counsel except to restate what had before been said. After the evidence had been closed the case was summed up, on the part, of the numagers by Messrs. Boutwell, Williams, Stevens, and Hing-ham in oral arguments, and l\Ir. Logan, who filed a written argu- ment, and on the part of the President by Messrs. Nelson, Groesbeck, Stanbery, and Evarts. i\Iany of these speeches were dis- tinguished by great brilliancy and power, but, as no new points were presented, we omit any summary. The ('ourt decided to take a vote upon the articles on Tuesday, the 12th of May, at 12 o'clock, M. A secret session was held on Monday, during which several Senators made short speeches, giving the grounds upon which they expected to cast their votes. On Tuesday the Court agreed to postpone the vote until Saturday, the 16th. tlpon that day, at 12 o'clock, a vote was taken upon the eleventh article, it having been determined to vote on that article first. The vote resulted in 35 votes for conviction, and 19 for acquittal. The question being put to each Senator, " How say you, is the respondent, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, guilty or not guilty of a high misdemeanor as charged in the article ?" — those who re- spondecl guilty were Senators Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler, Cole, Conk- ling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Ed- munds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, of Ver- mont, j\Iorrill, of Maine, O. P. IMorton, Nye, Patterson, N. H. Pomeroy, Sherman, Sprague, Stew^art, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Willey, Williams, Wilson and Yates. Those who responded not guilty were Senators Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Fowler, < irimes, Hen- derson, Hendricks, Johnson, M'Creery, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Ross, Sauls- bury, TruinhuU, Van Winkle and Vicker.s. 'J'he Constitution requiring a vote of two-thirds to couvict, tlie President was acquitted on this article. After taking this vote the Court adjourned until Tues- day, May 2t]th, when votes were taken upon the second and third articles, with precisely the same result as on the elev- enth, the vote in each case standing 85 for conviction and 19 for acquittal. A verdict of acquittal on the second, third, and elev- enth articles was then ordered to be en- tered on the record, and, without voting on the other articles, the Court adjourned sine die. So the trial was ended, and the President acquitted. The political difterences between Presi- dent Johnson and the Republicans were not softened by the attempted impeach- ment, and singularly enough the failure of their effort did not weaken the Republi- cans as a party. They were so well united that those who disagreed witli them passed at least temporarily from pul)lic life, some of the ablest, like Senators Trumbull and Fessenden retiring permanently. Presi- dent Johnson pursued his policy, save where he w^as" hedged by Congress, until the end, and retired to his native State, ap- parently having regained the love of his early political associates there. Grant. The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, 111., May 20th, 18G8, and nominated with unanimity, Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, for President, and Schuy- ler Colfax, of Indiana, for Vice President. The Democratic Convention met in New York City, July 4th, and after repeated ballots finally comjiromised on its presiding officers,* notwithstanding repeated and ap- * The following is a correct table of the ballots in the New York Democratic Conveution : Candidates. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. ^• 8. 9. 105 104 liou ,34ll 9 122 l^M 42^1 1563^ 144 6.5 52 32 24 21- 6 514 .33^ iOV. irM 4314 46 47 28 34»^ 33 33 .33 33 33 33 33 26 26 20 26 27 27 26 26 20'^ 13 15U 12k 13 13 13 13 7 7 7 16 V/n 7^ 7 6 6 6 6 13 12 12 15 12 12 12 12 8M 8 11 8 19/1 "i 2]Z 2 lOU f. 11^ 2 1 30 5 391^ 75 8"^ 10. Horatio Seymour (ieorge H. Pendleton... Andrew Johnson Winfield S. Hancock ... Sanford E Church Asa Packer Joel Parker James E. English James K. Doolittle Reverdy Johnson Thomas A. Hendricks. F. P. Blair, Jr Thomas Ewing J. Q. Adams George B. McClellan.... Salmon P. Chase Franklin Pierce John T. Hoffman Stephen J. Field Thomas H. Seymour.... 192 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. parently decided declarations on his part, Horatio Seymour, of New York, was there- fore nominated for President, and Francis P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, for Vice Presi- dent.* An active canvass followed, in which the brief expression — "let us have peace'' — in Grant's letter of acceptance, was liberally employed by Eepublican journals and ora- tors to tone down what were regarded as rapidly growing race and sectional differ- erences, and with such effect that Grant carried all of the States save eight, receiv- ing an electoral vote of 214 against 80. Grant inaugurated, and the Congres- sional plan of reconstruction Avas rapidly pushed, with at first very little opposition save that manifested by the Democrats in Congress. The conditions of readmission ■were the ratification of the thirteenth and fourteenth constitutional amendments. On the 25th of February, 1869, the fif- teenth amendment was added to the list by its adoption in Congress and submission to the States. It conferred the right of suf- frage on all citizens, without distinction of " race, color or previous condition of servi- tude." By the 30th of March, 1S70, it was ratified by twenty-nine States, the required three-fourths of all in the Union. There was much local agitation in some of the Northern States on this new advance, and many who had never manifested their hos- tility to the negroes before did it now, and a portion of these passed over to the Demo- cratic party. The issue, however, was shrewdly handled, and in most instances met Legislatures ready to receive it. Many of the Southern States were specially inter- ested in its passage, since a denial of suf- frage would abridge their representation in Congress. This was of course true of all the States, but its force was indisputable in sections containing large colored popu- lations. The 41st Congress met in extra session March 4th, 1809, with a large Republican majority in both branches. In the Senate there were 58 Eepublicans, 10 Democrats and 8 vacancies ; in the House 149 Pepub- licans, 64 Democrats and 2-3 vacancies, Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia not being represented. James G. Blaine, for several years previous its leading parlia- mentarian and orator, was Speaker of the House. All of Grant's nominations for Cabinet jjlaces were confirmed, except A. T. Stewart, of New York, nominated for Secretary of the Treasury, and being en- gaged in foreign commerce he was ineligi- ble under the law, and his name was with- drawn. The names of the Cabinet W'ill be found in the list of all Cabinet officers elsewhere given. Their announcement at first created the impression that the Grant administration was not intended to be par- tisan, rather personal, but if there ever was such a purpose, a little j)olitical ex- perience on the part of the President quick- ly changed it. A political struggle soon followed in Congress as to the admission of Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, which had not ratified the Fourteenth Amendment or been reconstructed. A bill was passed April 10th, authorizing their people to vote on the constitutions already prepared by the State conventions, to elect members of Congress and State officers, and requir- ing before readmission to the Union, their Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. This work done, and the extra session adjourned. In all of the Southern States, those who then prided themselves in being " unrecon- structed " and "irreconcilable," bitterly opposed both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, and on these issues excited new feelings of hostility to the " carpet baggers" and negroes of the South. With the close of the war thousands of North- Candidates. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. Horatio Spvmonr 14»^ 30 2G 7 123^ 89 i 'A 1% 48}-! 2G 7 13 81 y2 '"a 1 130 56 26 7 13 84M h 82J^ 113K "7 12 70M 70^ 6 137}^ "7 12 80 '"a 3 50^ 14414 12 87 '"a "3 13514 22 "(i 12 107H 13^^ '"a i'ri 4 142^ ic 12 121 13 "9 2 "5 1351^ 19 12 132 '"a 4 8 317 Joel Parkor Jamfs E. English. James R. Donlittle Reverdy Jolinson Thomnt A. HendriokR F. P. Blair, Jr J. Q. Adam" GeorKC n. MfClollan Salinoti P. Chase Frimklin Pifrfo John T. Hoffman Stephen J. Fii Id Thomas U. Seymour Necessary to choice 212 • General Blair was nominated unanimously on the first ballot. BOOK I.J READMISSION OF REBELLIOUS STATES. 193 ern men had settled in the South. All of them were now denounced as political ad- venturers by the reVjels who opposed the amendments, reconstruction and freedman's bureau acts. Many of these organized themselves first into Ku Klux Klans, secret societies, organized with a view to affright negroes from j)articipancy in the elections, and to warn white men of opposing politi- cal views to leave the country. The object of the organization broadened with the troubles which it produced. Efforts to affright were followed by midnight assaults, by horrible whippings, outrages and mur- ders, hardly a fraction of which could be traced to the perpetrators. Doubtless many of the stories current at the time were exaggerated by partisan newspapers, but all of the official reports made then and since go to show the dangerous exces- ses which political and race hostilities may reach. In Georgia the whites, by these agencies, soon gained absolute politi- cal control, and this they used with more wisdom than in most Southern States, lor under the advice of men like Stevens and Hill, they passed laws providing for free public schools, etc., but carefully guarded their newly acquired power by also passing tax laws which virtually disfranchised more than half the blacks. Later on, several Southern States imitated this form of po- litical sagacity, and soon those in favor of " a white man's government," (the popular battle cry of the period) had undisputed control in Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas and Texas — States which the Re- publicans at one time had reason to believe they could control. The Enforcement Acta, To repress the Ku Klux outrages, Con- gress in May 31, 1870, passed an act giving to the President all needed powers to pro- tect the freedmen in their newly acquired rights, and to punish the perpetrators of all outrages, whether upon whites or blacks. This was called in Congress the Enforce- ment Act, and an Amendatory Enforce- ment Act was inserted in the Sundrv Civil Bill, June 10, 1872. The Ku Klux Act was passed April 20, 1871. All of these measures were strongly advocated by Sena- tor Oliver P. Morton, who through this advocacy won new political distinction as the special champion of the rights of the blacks. Later on James G. Blaine, then ! the admitted leader of the House, opposed j some of the supplements for its better en- } forcement, and to this fact is traceable the refusal on the jjart of the negroes of the South to give him that warm support as a Presidential candidate which his high abili- ties commanded in other sections. The several Enforcement Acts and their supplements are too voluminous for inser- 13 tion here, and they are of little use save as relics of the bitter days of reconstruction. They have little force now, although some of them still stand. They became a dead letter after the defeat of the " carpet-bag governments," but the President enforced them as a rule with moderation and wisdom. The enforcement of the Ku Klux Act led to the disbanding of that oiganization after the trial, arrest and conviction of many of the leaders. These trials brought out the facts, and awakened many South- ern minds, theretofore incredulous, to the enormity of the secret political crimes which had been committed in all the South- ern States, and for a time popular senti- ment even in the South, and amongst for- mer rebel soldiers, ran strongly against the Klan. With fresh political excitements, however, fresh means of intimidaticm were employed at elections. Rifle clubs were formed, notably in South Carolina and Mississippi, while in Louisiana the " White League'' sprang into existence, and was organized in all of the neighboring States. These were more difficult to deal with. They were open organizations, created un- der the semblance of State militia acts. They became very pojiular, especially among the younger men, and from this time until the close of the Presidential election in 1876, were potent factors in several Southern States, and we shall have occasion further on to describe their more important movements. Readmlsslon of Rebellious States. Before the close 'of 1869 the Supreme Court, in the case of Texas vs. White, sus- tained the constitutionality of the Recon- struction acts of Congress. It held that the ordinances of secession had been " ab- solutely null ; " that the seceding States had no right to secede and had never been out of the Union, but that, during and after their rebellion, they had no govern- ments " competent to represent these States in their relations with the National gov- ernment," and therefore Congress had the power to re-establish the relations of any rebellious State to the Union. This de- cision fortified the position of the Repub- licans, and did much to aid President Grant in the difficult work of reconstruc- tion. It modified the assaults of the Dem- ocrats, and in some measure changed their purpose to make Reconstruction the pivot around which smaller political issues should revolve. The regular session of the 41st Congress met Dec. 4th, 1869, and before its close Virginia, Georgia, Texas, and Mississippi had all complied with the conditions of re- construction, and were re-admitted to the Union. This ]iractically completed the work of reconstruction. To summarize : — 194 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I, Tennessee was re-admitted July 24th, 1866 ; Arkansas, June 22d, 1868 ;' North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia and Florida under the act of June 25th, 1868, which provided that as soon as they fulfilled the conditions imposed by the acts of March, 1^67, they should be re- admitted. All did this promptly except Georgia. Virginia was re-admitted Jan- uary 25th, 1870 ; Mississippi, Feb. 23d, 1870 ; Texas, March 30th, 1870. Georgia, the most powerful and stubborn of all, had passed State laws declaring negroes incapa- ble of holding office, in addition to what was known as the "black code," and Con- gress refused fiill admission until she had revoked the laws and ratified the 15th Amendment. The State finally came back into the Union July 15th, 1870. The above named States completed the ratification of the 15th amendment, and the powers of reconstruction were plainly used to that end. Some of the Northern States had held back, and for a time its ratification by the necessary three-fourths was a matter of grave doubt. Congress next passed a bill to enforce it, May 30tli, 1870. This made penal any interference, by force or fraud, with the right of tree and full manhood suffrage, and authorized the President to use the army to prevent violations. The measure was generally supported by the Republicans, and opposed by all of the Democrats. The Republicans through other guards about the ballot by passing an act to amend the naturalization laws, which made it penal to use false naturalization papers, authorized the appointment of Federal supervisors of elections in cities of over 20,000 inhabitants ; gave to these power of arrest for any offense committed in their view, and gave alien Africans the right to naturalize. The Democrats in their oppo- sition laid particular stress upon the extra- ordinary powers given to Federal super- visors, while the Kepublicans charged that Seymour had carried New York by gigan- tic naturalization frauds in New York city, and sought to sustain these charges by the unprecedented vote polled. A popular quotation of the time was from Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, who showed that under the manipulations of the Tweed ring, more votes liad been cast for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards of the city, " than there were men, women, children, and cats and dogs in it." The I^c^al Tender Drcliilon. The Act of Congress of 1862 had made "greenback" notes a legal tender, and they passed as such until ISOt) against the pro- tests of tlie Democrats in Congress, who had questioned the right of Congress to issue paper money. It was ou this issue that Thaddeus Stevens admitted the Re- publicans were travelling "outside of the constitution " with a view to preserve the government, and this soon became one of his favorite ways of meeting partisan ob- jections to war measures. At the Decem- ber term of the Supreme Court, in 1869, a decision was rendered that the action of Congress was unconstitutional, the Court then being accidentally Democratic in its composition. The Republicans, believing they could not afford to have their favorite, and it must be admitted most useful finan- cial measure questioned, secured an in- crease of two in the number of Supreme Justices — one under a law creating an ad- ditional Justiceship, the other in place of a Justice who had resigned — and in March, 1870, after the complexion of the Court had been changed through Republican ap- pointments made by President Grant, the constitutionality of the legal tender act was again raised, and, with Chief Justice Chase (who had been Secretary of the Treasury in 1862 presiding) the previous decision was reversed. This was clearly a partisan struggle before the Court, and on the part of the Republicans an abandon- ment of old landmarks impressed on the country by the Jackson Democrats, but it is plain that without the greenbacks the war could not have been pressed with half the vigor, if at all. Neither party was consistent in this struggle, for Southern Democrats who sided with their North- ern colleagues in the plea of uncon- stitutionality, had when "out of the Union," witnessed and advocated the issue of the same class of money by the Con- federate Congress. The difference was only in the ability to redeem, and this ability depended uj^on success in arms — the very thing the issue was designed to promote. The last decision, despite its ]iartisan surroundings and opposition, soon won popularity, and this ))opularity was subsequently taken as the groundwork for the establishment of Tlie Greenback Party. This party, with a view to ease the rigors of the monetary panic of 1873, ad- vocated an unlimited issue of greenbacks, or an " issue based upon the resources of the country." So vigorously did dis- contented leaders of both i)arties press this idea, that they soon succeeded in demoral- izing the Democratic minority— which was by this time such a plain minority, and so greatly in need of new issues to make the ))cople forget the war, that it is not surprising they yielded, at least ]>ar- tially, to new theories and alliances. The l)rcscnt one took them away from the principles of Jackson, from the hard- money theories of tlie early days, and would land them they knew not where, nor did BOOK I.] THE GREENBACK PARTY. 195 many of them care, if they could once more get upon their feet. Some resisted, and comparatively few of the Democrats in the Middle States yielded, but in part of New England, the great West, and nearly all of the South, it was for several years quite difhcult to draw a line between Greenbackers and Democrats. Some Re- publicans, too, who had tired of tiie " old war issues," or discontented with t!ie man- agement and leadership of their party, aided in the construction of the f Jrcen- back bridge, and kept ui)on it as long us it was safe to do so. In State elections up to as late as 1880 this Greenback clement was a most important tactor. Ohio was carried by an allianceof Greenbackers and Democrats, Allen being elected Governor, only to be supplanted by Hayes (after- wards President) after a most remarkable contest, the alliance favoring the Green- back, the Republicans not quite the hard- money, but a redeemable-in-gold theory. Indiana, always doubtful, passed over to the Democratic column, while in the Southern States the Democratic leaders made open alliances until the Greenback- ers became over-confident and sought to win Congressional and State elections on their own merits. They fancied that the desire to repudiate ante-war debts would greatly aid them, and they openly advo- cated the idea of repudiation there, but they had experienced and wise leaders to cope with. They were not allowed to monopolize this issue by the Democrats, and their arrogance, if such it may be called, was punished by a more com[)lcte assertion of Democratic power in the South than was ever known before. The theory in the South was welcomed where it would suit the Democracy, crushed where it would not, as shown in the Presidential election of 1880, when Garfield, Hancock and Weaver (Greenbacker) were the can- didates. The latter, in his stumping tour of the South, proclaimed that he and his friends were as much maltreated in Ala- bama and other States, as the Republicans, and for some cause thereafter (the Demo- crats alleged "a bargain and sale") he practically threw his aid to the Repul)- iicans — this when it became apparent that the Greenbackers, in the event of the elec- tion going to the House, could have no chance even there. Gen'l Weaver went from the South to Maine, the scene of what was regarded at that moment as a pivotal struggle for the Presidency. Blaine had twice been the most prominent candidate for the Presi- dency— 187G and 1880— and had both times been defeated by compromise candi- dates. He was still, as he had been for many years. Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Maine, and now as ever before swallowed the mortification of defeat with true political grace. The Cireenbackers had the year before formed a close alliance with the Democrats, and in the State election made the result s>j close that i'or many weeks it remained a matter of doubt who was elected Governor, ihc Democratic Greenbacker or the Re- publican. A struggle followed in the Legislature and before the Returning Hoard composed of State officers, who were Democrats, (headed by Gov. Gar- land I and sought to throw out returns on <liglit technicalities. Finally the Repub- licans won, but not without a struggle which excited attention all over the Union and commanded the presence of the State militia. Following Garfield's nomination another struggle, as we have stated, was inaugurated, with Davis as the Republican nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Demo- cratic-Greenback, (the latter a former Re- publican). All eyes now turned to Elaine, which voted in September. Gen'l Weaver was on the stump then, as the Greenback candidate for President, and all of his efforts were bent to breaking the alliance between the Greenbackers and Demo- crats. He advocated a straight-out policy for his Greenback friends, described his treatment in the South, and denounced the Demo- cracy with such plainness that it displayed his i^urpose and defeated his object. Plaisted was elected by a close vote, and the Republicans yielded after some threats to invoke the " Garland precedents." This was the second Democratic-Green- back victory in Maine, the first occurring two years before, when through an alli- ance in the Legislature (no candidate having received a majority of all the popu- lar vote) Garland was returned. The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Re- publicans and enthused the Den;ocrats, who now denounced Weaver, but still sought alliance with his followers. Gene- ral B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republi- can member of Congress from Massachu- setts, for several years advocated Green- back ideas without breaking from his Re- publican Congressional colleagues. Be- cause of this fact he lost whatever of chance he hail for a Rej^ublican nomination for Governor, ''his only remaining politi- cal ambition," and thereupon headed the Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in spite of the protests of the hard-money Democrats in that State, captured the De- mocratic organization, and after these tac- tics twice ran for Governor, and Wiis de- feated both times by the Republicans, though he succeeded, upon State and " anti-blue blood " theories, in greatly re- ducing their majority. In the winter of 1882 he still held control of the Demo- cratic State Committee, after the Green- back organization had passed from view, 196 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. and " what will he do next?" is one of the political questions of the hour. The Greenback labor party ceased all Congressional alliance with the Democrats after their quarrel with General Weaver, and as late as the 47th session — 1881-82 — refused all alliance, and abstained from exercising what some still believe a " bal- ance of power " in the House, though nearly half of their numb'^r were elected more as Republicans than Greenbackers. As a party, the Greenbackers, standing alone, never carried either a State or a Congressional district. Their local suc- cesses were due to alliances with one or other of the great parties, and with tlie passage of the panic they dissolved in many sections, and where they still obtain it is in alliance with labor unions, or in strong mining or workingmen's districts. In the Middle States they Avon few local successes, but were strong in the coal regions of Pennsylvania. Advocates of similar theories have not been wanting in all the countries of Western Europe follow- ing great wars or panics, but it was re- served to the genius of Americans to estab- lish an aggressive political party on the basis of theories which all great political economists have from the beginning an- tagonized as unsafe and unsound. The Prohibitory Party. The attempt to establish a third party in the Greenback, begot that to establish a National Prohibitory Party, which in 1880 ran James Black of Pennsylvania, as a candidate for the Presidency, and four years previous ran Neal Dow of Maine. He, however, commanded little attention, and received but sparsely scattered votes in all the States. The sentiment at the base df this party never thrived save as in States, particularly in New England, where it sought to impress itself on the i)revail- ing political party, and through it to influ- ence legislation. Neal Dow of Maine, first advocated a j>rohibitory law, and by his eloquent advocacy, secured that of Maine, which has stood for nearly tliirty years. That of Massachusetts has rcccnily been repealed. Tlie |)ro]iibit()ry ameinlment to the Constitution of Kansas was adojjtedin 1881, etc. The l'n.liil)itory Party, how- ever, never accomplished anything by sep- arate political action, and tliough fond of nominating candiilates for State and UicmI officers, has not as yet succeeded in hold- ing even a balance of power between the political parties, tliough it has often con- fused political calculations as to results in New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecti- cut, Massachusetts, etc. It seems never to have taken hold in any of the Southern States, and comparatively little in the Western, until the whole country was sur- prised in 1880 by the passage of the Kan- sas amendment by over 20,000 majority in a vote of the people invoked by the Legis- lature. An effort followed to submit a sim- ilar amendment through the Pennsylvania Legislature in 1881. It passed the House by a large majority, but after discussion in the Senate, and amendments to indemnify manufacturers and dealers in liquor (an amendment which woidd cripple if it would not bankrupt the State) was adopted. Gov- ernor St. John of Kansas, a gentleman fond of stumping for this amendment, insists that the results are good in his State, while its enemies claim that it has made many criminals, that liquor is everywhere smug- gled and sold, ancl that the law has turned the tide of immigration away from that great State. The example of Kansas, however, will probably be followed in other States, and the Prohibitory Party will hardly pass from view until this latest experiment has been fairly tested. It was also the author of " Local Option," which for a time swept Pennsylvania, but was repealed by a large majority after two years' trial. Annexation of San Domingo. The second session of the 41st Congress began December 5th, 1870. With all of the States represented, reconstruction be- ing complete, the body was now divided ])olitically as follows: Senate, 61 Repub- licans, 13 Democrats ; House 172 Republi- cans, 71 Democrats. President Grant's an- nual message discussed a new question, and advocated the annexation of San Do- mingo to the United States. A treaty had been negotiated between President Grant and the President of the Republic of San Domingo as early as September 4th, 1869, looking to annexation, but it had been re- jected by the Senate, Charles Sumner be- ing prominent in his opposition to the measure. He and Grant experienced a growing personal unpleasantness, because of the President's attempt to negotiate a treaty without consulting Mr. Sumner, who was Cliairman of the Committee on For- eign Affairs, and it was charged that through the influence of the President he was removed by the Republican caucus from this Chairmanship, and Senator Si- mon Cameron ])Ut in his place. Whether this was true or not, the diflerenccs bo- tween (Jrant and Sumner were universally remarked, and Sumner's imperious pride led him into a very vindictive assault up- on the pr()])osition. Grant gave few other reasons for annexation tlian military ones, suggested that as a naval station it would facilitate all home operations in the Gulf, while in the hands of a foreign power, in the event of war, it would prove the depot for many and dangerous warlike prepa- BOOK I.J THE FORCE BILL. 197 rations. The question had little political signiticance, it" it was ever designed to have any, and this second attempt to bring the scheme to the attention of Congress, was that a joint resolution (as in the annexa- tion of Texas) might be passed. This would require but a majority, but the ob- jection was met that no Territory could be annexed without a treaty, and this must be ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. A middle course was taken, and the Presi- dent was authorized to appoint three Com- missioners to visit Sun Domingo and as- certain the desires of its people. These reported I'avorably, but the subject was finally dropped, probably because the pro- position could not command a two-thirds vote, and has not since attracted attention. Amendator}' Eiiforct-meiit Acts. The operation of the loth Amendment, being still resisted or evaded in portions of the South, an Act w'as passed to enforce it. This extended the powers of the Fed- eral supervisors and marshals, authorized in the first, and gave the P^ederal Circuit Courts exclusive jurisdiction of all cases tried under the provisions of the Act and its supplements. It also empowered these Courts to punish any State oflicer who should attempt to interfere with or try such cases as in contempt of the Court's jvirisdiction. The Republicans sustained, the Democrats opposed the measure, but it was passed and approved February 28, 1871, and another sujjplement was insert- ed in the Sundry Civil Bill, and approved June lOlh, 1872, with continued resistance on the part of the Democrats. After the appointment of a committee to investi- gate the condition of affairs in the South- ern States, Congress adjourned March 4th, 1871. Tlie Alabama Claims. During this year the long disputed Ala- bama Claims of the United States against Great Britain, arising from the dcpreda- t'ons of the Anglo-rebel privateers, built and fitted out in British waters, were re- ferred by the Treaty of ^Vashington, dated Jlay 8th, 1S71, to arbitrators, and this was the first and most signal triumph of the plan of arbitration, so far as the Crovernment of the United States was concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, at the invitation of the governments of Great Britain and the United States, from these powers, and from Brazil, Italv, and Switzerland. On Se[)tember 14th,* 1872, they gave to the United States gross dam- ages to the amount of $1'),. 500,000, an amount which has subsequently proved to be really in excess of the demands of mer- chants and others claiming the loss of Ijroperty through the depredations of the rebel ram Alabama and other rebel priva- teers. We append a list of the representa- tives of the several governments: Arbitrator oil the part of the United States — Charles FxtANCis Adams. Arbitrator on the part of Great Britain — The Right Honorable Sir Alkxander CocKBURN, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of England. Arbitrator on the part of Italy — His Ex- cellency Senator Count ScLOPis. Arhitrator on the part of Switzerland — Mr. Jacob Stamffli. Arbitrator on the part of Brazil — Baron D'Itajuba. Agent on the part of the United States — J. C. Bancroft Davis, Ar/ent on the part of Great Britain — Right Honorable Lord Tenterden. Counsel for the United States — CALEB CusHiNG, William M. Evarts, Morri- son R. Waite. Counsel for Great Britain — Sir E,OUN- DELL Palmer. Solicitor for the United States — CHARLES C. Be am AN, Jr. The Force BUI. The 42d Congress met ]\Iarch 4, 1871, the Republicans having sulfered somewhat in their representation. In the Senate there were 57 Republicans, 17 Democrats; in the House 138 Republicans, 103 Demo- crats. James G. Blaine was again chosen Speaker. The most exciting political question of the session was the passage of the " Force Bill," as the Democrats called it. The object was more rigidly to enforce observance of the provisions of the 14th Amendment, as the Republicans claim ; to revive a waning political power in the South, and save the " carpet-bag " govern- ments there, as the Democrats claimed. The Act allowed suit in the Federal courts against any person who should deprive another of the rights of a citizen, and it made it a penal offense to conspire to take away any one's rights as a citizen. It also provided that inability, neglect, or refusal by any State governments to suppress such consjiiracies, or their refusal to call upon the President for aid, should be deemed a denial by such State of the equal protec- tion of the laws under the 14th Amend- ment. It further declared such conspira- cies "a rebellion against the government of the United States," and authorized the President, when in his judgment the pub- lic safety refjuired it, to suspend the privi- lege of Juibeas corpus in any district, and suppress any such insurrection by the army and navy. But opposition was manifested after even the earlier trials. Benjamin F. Butler de- nounced the plan as English and anti-Re- 198 •AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. publican, and before long some of the more radical Republican papers, which had indeed given litrle attention to the subject, began to denounce it as a plan to exclude faithful Rei^ublicans from and permit Democrats to enter the offices. These now argued that none of the vaga- ries of political dreamers could ever con- vince them that a free government can be run without political parties; that while rotation in office may not be a fundamen- tal element of republican government, yet the right of the people to recommend is its corner-stone ; that civil service would lead to the creation of rings, and eventually to the purchase of places ; that it would establish an aristocracy of office-holders, who could not be removed at times when it might be important, as in the rebellion, for the Administration to have only friends in public office; that it would establish grades and life-tenures in civic positions, etc. Some of the protests were strong, and it is difficult to say whether Curtis, Julian, or Eaton — its three leading advocates — or the politicians, had the best of the argu- ment. It was not denied, however, that a strong and very respectable sentiment had been created in favor of the reform, and to this sentiment all parties, and the President as well, made a show of bowing. It was fashionable to insert civil service planks in National and State platforms, but it was not such an issue as could live in the i)resence of more exciting ones ; and while to this day it has earnest and able advocates, it has from year to year fallen into greater disuse. Actual trial showed the impracticability of some of the rules, and President Grant lost interest in the suljject, as did Congress, for in several in- stances \t neglected to appropriate the funds necessary to carry out the provisions of the law. President Arthur, in his message to Congress in December, 1881, argued against its full api)lication, and sliowcd that it blocked the way to preferment, cer- tainly of the middle-aged and (ddcr per- sons, who could not recall their early les- sons acquired by vote; that its eflect was to elevate the inexperienced to positions wliich required executive ability, sound judgment, Inisiness aj)titude, and exi^eri- once. This feature of the message ni(>t the endorsement of nearly the (>ntire Republi- can press, and at this writing the senti- ment, at least of the liepnblican party, aj)- pears to favor ageneral modilication of the rules. The system was begun January 1st, 1872, but in December, ].S74, Congress re- fused to make any approj)riations, and it was for a time abandoned, with sliuht and spasmodic revivals under the administra- tion of J'nsident Hayes, who issued the fullowin^j order: Presideiit Hayes's Cl^-ll Service Order. Executive Mansion, Washington, June 22, 1877. Sir : — I desire to call your attention to the following paragraph in a letter ad- dressed by me to the Secretary of the Treasury, on the conduct to be observed by the officers of the General Government in relation to the elections : " No officer should be required or per- mitted to take part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conven- tions or election campaigns. Their right to vote and to express their views on pub- lic questions, either orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties. No assessment for political pur- poses on officers or subordinates should be allowed." This rule is applicable to exery depart- ment of the Civil Service. It should be understood by every officer of the General Government that he is expected to con- form his conduct to its requirements. Very respectfully, R. B. Hayes. By letter from the Attorney-General, Charles Devens, August 1, 1877, this order was held to apply to the Pennsylvania Re- ])ublican Association at Washington. Still later there was a further exposition, in which Attorney-General Devens, writing from Washington in October 1, 1877, ex- cuses himself from active participation in the Massachusetts State campaign, and says : " I learn with surprise and regret that any of the Republican officials hesitate either to speak or vote, alleging as a reason the President's recent Civil Service order. In distinct terms that order states that the right of officials to vote and express their views on public questions, cither orally or through the i)ress, is not denied, provided it does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties. If such gentlemen choose not to vote, or not to express or en- force their views in sup])ort of the princi- ples of the Republican party, either orally or othenvise, they, at least, should give a reason for such a course which is not justi- (ied by the order referred to, and which is simply a perversion of it." Yet later, when the interest inthePenn- syh'ania election became general, because of the shan> struggle between Governor Iloyt and Senator Dill for Governor, a committee of gentlemen (Republicans) vis- ited President Hayes and induced him to "suspend the operation of the order" as to Pennsylvania, where jiolitical contribu- tions were collected. From that time for- ward the order as to contributions and the action of oihce-holdera was not observed. BOOK I.] THE LIBERAL REPUBLICANS. 199 Amnesty. The first regular session of the 42d Con- gress met Dec. 4th, 1871. The Democrats consumed much of the time in ellorts to pass bills to remove the jjolitical disabili- ties of former Southern rcl)els, and they were materially aided by the editorials of Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, which had long contended for universal amnesty. At this session, all such elibrts were defeated by the Republicans, who in- variably amended the propositions by ad- ding Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill, which was intended to prevent any discrimination against colored persons by common carriers, hotels, or other chartered or licensed servants. The Amnesty Bill, however, was passed May 22d, 1872, after an agreement to exclude from its provisions all who held the higher military and civic positions under the Confederacy — in all about 350 persons. The following is a copy : Be it enacted, etc., (two-thirds of each House concurring therein,) That all legal and political disabilities imi^osed by the third section of the fourteenth article of the amendments of the Constitution of the United States are hereby removed from all persons whomsoever, except Senators and Representatives of the Thiity-sixth and Thirty-seventh Congress, officers in the judicial, military, and naval service of the United States, heads of Departments, and foreign ministers of the United States. Sul)sequently many acts removing the disabilities of all excepted (save Jefferson Davis) from the provisions of the above, were passed. Tlie lilberal Repiibllcaus. An issue raised in Missouri gave imme- diate rise to the Liberal Republican party, though the course of Horace Greeley had long pointed toward the organization of something of the kind, and with equal plainness it pointed to his desire to be its champion and candidate for the Presi- dency. In 1870 the Republican party, then in control of the Legislature of Mis- souri, split into two parts on the question of the removal of the disqualifications im- posed upon rebels by the State Constitu- tion during the war. Those favoring the removal of disabilities were headed by B. Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, and they called tliLMuselves Liberal Republicans ; i those opposed were called and accepted the name of Radical Repul)licans. The former quickly allied themselves with the Democrats, and thus carried the State, [ though Grant's administration " stood in"' with the Radicals. As a result the dis- I abilities were quickly removed, and those who believed with Greeley now sought to promote a reaction iu Republican senti- j ment all over the country. Greeley wa.s the recognized head of this movement, and he was ably aided by ex-Governor Curtin and Col. 4» K- McClure in Pennsylvania ; Charles Francis Adams, Massachasetts ; Judge Trumbull, in Illinois; Reuben E. Fenton, in New York ; Brown and Schurz in Missouri, and in fact by leading Re- publicans in nearly all of the States, who at once began to lay plans to carry the next Presidential election. They charged that the Enforcement Acts of Congress were designed more for the political advancement of Grant's adherents than for the benefit of the country ; that instead of supjnx'ssing they were calcula- ted to promote a war of races in the South ; that Grant was seeking the establishment of a military despotism, etc. These leaders were, as a rule, brilliant men. They had tired of unappreciated and unrewarded service in the Republican party, or had a natural fondness for " jiastures new," and, in the language of the day, they quickly succeeded in making political movements " lively." In the spring of 1871 the Liberal Repub- licans and Democrats of Ohio — and Ohio seems to be the most fertile soil for new ideas — prepared for a fusion, and after fre- quent consultations of the various leaders with Mr. Greeley in New Y'ork, a call was issued from Missouri on the 24th of Janu- ary, 1872, for a National Convention of the Liberal Republican party to be held at Cincinnati, May 1st. The well-matured plans of the leaders were carried out in the nomination of Hon. Horace Greeley for President and B. Gratz Brown for Vice- President, though not without a serious struggle over the chief nomination, which was warmly contested by the friends of Charles Francis Adams. Indeed he led in most of the six ballots, but finally all the friends of other candidates voted for Greeley, and he received 482 to 187 for Adams. Dissatisfaction followed, and a later effort was made to substitute Adams for Greeley, but it failed. The original leaders now prepared to cajjture the Demo- cratic Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 9th. By nearly an unanimous vote it was induced to endorse the Cincinnati platform, and it likewise finally endorsed Greeley and Brown — though not without many bitter protests. A iew straight-out Democrats met later at Louisville. Ky., Sept. 3d, and nominated Charles O'Conor, of New York, for President, and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice- President, and these were kept in the race to the end, receiving a popular vote of about 30,000. The regular Republican National Con- vention was held at Philadelphia, Juno 5th. It renominated President Grant unanimously, and Henry Wilson, of Mas- 200 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. sachusetts, for Vice-President by 364^ votes to 321 2" for Schuyler Colfax, who thus shared the fate of ilannibal Hamlin in his second candidacy for Vice^resident on the ticket with Abraham Lincoln. This change to Wilson was to favor the solid Kepublican States of New England, and to prevent both candidates coming from the West. civil Ser»-lce Reform. After considerable and very able agita- tion by Geo. W. Curtis, the editor of Harper's Weekly, an Act was passed March 3d, 1871, authorizing the President to be- gin a reform in the civil service. He ap- pointed a Commission headed by Mr. Cur- tis, and after more than a year's preparation this body defeated a measure which se- cured Congressional approval and that of President Grant. The civil service law (and it is still a law though more honored now in the breach than the observance) embraced in a single section of the act making appropri- ations for sundry civil expenses for the year ending June 30, 1872, and authorize the President to prescribe such rules and reg- ulations for admission into the civil ser- vice as will best promote the efficiency thereof, and ascertain the fitness of each candidate for the branch of service into which he seeks to enter. Under this law a commission was appointed to draft rules and regulations which were approved and are now being enforced by the President. All applicants for position in any of the government departments come under these rules : — all classes of clerks, copyists, coun- ters ; in the customs service all from deputy collector down to inspectors and clerks with the salaries of §^1200 or more ; in ap- praisers' offices all assistants and clerks ; m the naval service all clerks ; all light- house keepers ; in the revenue, supervisors, collectors, assessors, assistants ; in the pos- tal really all j)nst masters whose pay is over $200, and all mail messengers. The rules apply to all new appointments in the de- partments or grades named, except that nothing shall prevent the reappointment at discretion of the incumbents of any of- fice the term of which is fixed by law." So that a postmaster or other officer escapes their application. Those specially exempt are the Heads of Departments; their immediate assistants and deputies, the diplomatic service, the judiciary, and the district att<^>rney8. Each branch of the service is to be grouped, and admission shall always be to the lowest grade of any grouj>. Such appointments are made for a probationary term of six months, when if the Hoard f>f Exjimiucrs approve the in- cumbent is continued. Tliis Board of Ex- aminers, three in number in each case, shall be chosen by the President from the several Departments, and they shall ex- amine at Washington for any position there, or, when directed by an Advisory Board, shall assign places for examination in the several States. Examinations are in all cases first made of applicants within the office or department, and from the list three reported in the order of excellence ; if those within fail, then outside applicants may be examined. In the Federal Blue Book, which is a part of this volume, we give the Civil Service Rules. W^hen first proposed, partisan politics had no part or place in civil service re- form, and the author of the plan was him- self a distinguished Republican. In fact both parties thought something good had been reached, and there was practically no resistance at first to a trial. The Democrats resisted the passage of this bill with even more earnestness than any which preceded it, but the Republi- can discipline was almost perfect, and when passed it received the prompt ap- proval of President Grant, who by this time was classed as " the most radical of the radicals." Opponents denounced it as little if any less obnoxious than the old Sedition law of 1798, while the Republi- cans claimed that it was to meet a state of growing war in the South — a war of races — and that the form of domestic violence manifested was in the highest degree dan- gerous to the peace of the Union and the safety of the newly enfranchised citizens. The Credit Molilller. At the second session of the 42d Con- gress, beginning Dec. 2, 1872, the speaker (Blaine) on the first day called attention to the charges made by Democratic orators and newspapers during the Presidential campaign just closed, that the Vice Presi- dent (Colfax), the Vice President elect (Wilson), the Secretary of the Treasury, several Senators, the Speaker of the House, and a large number of Representatives had been bribed, during the years 1867 and 1868, by Oakes Ames, a member of the House from ]\Iassachusetts ; that he and his agents had given them presents of stock in a corfioratiou known as the Credit IMobilier, to intluence their legislative ac- tion for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad Com pay. Upon Speaker Blaine's motion, a com- mittee of investigation was appointed by Hon, S. S. Cox, of New York, a noted Democrat temporarily called to the Chair. After the close of the campaign, (as was remarked by the Republic Magazine at the time) the dominant party migiit well have claimed, and would have insisted had they been opposed to a a thorough investigation BOOK I.J THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 201 and a full exposure of corriiption, that the verdict of the people in the late canvs.s was sufficient answer to these charges ; but the Republican party not merely granted all the investigations sought, but sum- moned on the leading committee a ma- jority of its political foes to conduct the inquest. The committee consisted of Messrs. Po- land, of Vermont ; McCrear_^, of Iowa ; Banks, of Massachusetts ; Niblack, of Indi- ana, and Merrick, of Maryland. Messrs. Poland and ]\IcOreary — the two Republicans — were gentlemen of ability and standing, well known for their integ- rity, moderation, and im])artiality. Gen- eral Banks waa an earnest sui)])orter of Horace Greeley, upon the alleged ground that the Republican organization had be- come effete and corrupt : while Messrs. Niblack and Merrick are among the ablest representatives of the Democratic party ; in fact, Mr. Merrick belonged to the ex- treme Southern school of political thought. Having patiently and carefully exam- ined and sifted the entire testimony — often " painfully conflicting," as the committee remarked — their report ought to be con- sidered a judicial document commanding universal approval, yet scraps of the testi- mony and not the report itself were used with painful frequency against James A. Garfield in his Presidential canvass of 1880. There has not been a state paper submitted for many years upon a similar subject that carried with it greater weight, or which bore upon its face a fuller reali- zation of the grave responsibilities assumed, and it is the first time in the political his- tory of the United States that an all-im- portant investigation has been entrusted by the dominant party to a majority of its po- litical foes. The report of the committee gives the best and by far the most reliable hist^ory of the whole affair, and its presentation here may aid in preventing partisan misrepre- sentations in the future — misrepresenta- tions made in the heat of contest, and doubtless regretted afterwards by all who had the fiicilities for getting at the facts. We therefore give the OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CREDIT MO- BILIER INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE. Mr. Poland, from the select committee to investigate the alleged Credit ]\Iobilier briberv, made the following report Febru- ary 18, 1873: The special committee appointed under the following resolutions of the House to wit : Whereas, Accusations have been made in the j)u'olic press, founded on alleged letters of Cakes Ames, a Representative of ]\Iassachusetts, and upon the alleged affi- davits of Henry S. McComb, a citizen of Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, to the effect that members of lliis House were bribed by Cakes Ames to perform certain legishitive acts for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad ('omi)any, by presents of stock in the Credit Mobilicr of America, or by presents of a valuable char- acter derived therefrom : therelore, Resolved, That a special committee of five members l^e appointed by the Speaker l)ro tempore, whose duty it shall be to in- vestigate whether any member of tliis House was bribed by Cakes Ames, or any other person or corporation, in any matter touching his legislative duty. Rejoiced, further, That the committee have the right to employ a stenographer, and that they be empowered to send for persons and pajjcrs ; beg leave to make the following report: In order to a clear understanding of the facts hereinafter stated as to contracts and dealings in reference to stock of the Credit Mobilier of America, between Mr. Cakes Ames and others, and members of Con- gress, it is necessary to make a preliminary statement of the connection of that com- pany with the Union Pacific Railroad Com- pany, and their relations to each other. The company called the " Credit Mo- bilier of America " was incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and in 1864 control of its charter and franchises had been obtained by certain persons in- terested in the Union Pacific Railroad Company, for the purpose of using it as a construction conipany to build the Union Pacific road. In September, 1864, a con- tract was entered into between the Union Pacific Company and H. M. Hoxie, for the building by said Hoxie of one hundred miles of said road from Omaha west. This contract was at once assigned by Hoxie to the Credit ]\Iol)ilier Company, as it was expected to be when made. Under this contract and extensions of it some two or three hundred miles of road were built by the Credit Mobilier Company, but no considerable profits appear to have been realized therefrom. The enterprise of building a railroad to the Pacific wits of such vast magnitude, and was beset by so many hazards and risks that the capitalists of the countrj' were generally averse to in- vesting in it, and, notwithstanding the lib- eral aid granted by the Government it seemed likelv to fail of completion. In 1865 or 1866, Mr. Cakes Ames, then and now a member of the House from the State of ^Massachusetts, and his brother Oliver Ames became interested in the Union Pacific Company and also in the Credit Mobilier Company as the agents for the construction of the road. The Mes- srs. Ames were men of very large capital, and of known character an<l integrity in business. By their example and credit, 202 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. and the personal efforts of Mr. Oakes Ames, many men of capital were induced to embark in the enterprise, and to take stock in the Union Pacific Company and also in the Credit Mobilier Company. Among them were the firm of S. Hooj^er & Co., of Boston, the leading member of which, Mr. Samuel Hooper, was then and is now a member of the House ; Mr. John B. Alley, then a member of the House from Massachusetts, and Mr. Grimes, then a Senator from the State of Iowa. Not- withstanding the vigorous efforts of Mr. Ames and others interested with him, great difliculty was experienced in securing the required capital. In the spring of 1867 the Credit Mo- bilier Company voted to add 50 per cent, to their cajntal stock, which was then two and a half millions of dollars ; and to cause it to be readily taken each subscriber to it was entitled to receive as a bonus an equal amount of first mortgage bonds of the Union Pacific Company. The old stock- holders were entitled to take this increase, but even the favorable terms offered did not induce all the old stockholders to take it, and the stock of the Credit Mobilier Company was never considered worth its par value until after the execution of the Oakes Ames contract hereinafter men- tioned. On the 16th day of August, 1867, a con- tract was executed between the Union Pa- cific Eailmad Company and Oakes xVmes, by whiiliMr. Ames contracted to build six hundred and sixty-seven miles of the Union Pacific road at prices ranging from $42,000 to $96,000 per mile, amounting in the ag- gregate to $47,000,000. Before the con- tract was entered into it was understood that ]\Ir. Ames was to transfer it to seven trdstees, who were to execute it, and the profits of the contract were to be divided among the stockholders in the Credit Mo- bilier Company, who should couqaly with certain conditions set out in the instru- ment transferring the contract to the trus- tees. The Ames contract and the trans- fer to trustees are incorporated in the evi- dence submitted, and therefore further re- cital of their terms is not deemed neces- sary. Substantially, all the stockholders of the Credit JIol)ilier complieil with the condi- tions named in the transfer, and thus be- came entitled to sliarc in any profits said trustees might nuike in executing the con- tract. All tlie large stockliolders in the Union Pacific were also stockliolders in the Credit Mobilier, ami the Ames contract and its transfer to trustees were ratified by the Union Pacific, and received the assent of the great body of stockliolders, l)Ut not of all. After the Ames contract had been exe- cuted, it was expected by those interested that by reason of the enormous prices agreed to be paid for the work very large profits would be derived from building the road, and very soon the stock of the Cred- it 3Iobilier was understood by those hold- ing it to be worth much more than its par value. The stock was not in the market and had no fixed market value, but the holders of «t, in December, 1867, consid- ered it worth at least double the par value, and in January and February, 1868, three or lour times the par value, but it does not appear that these facts were generally or publicly known, or that the holders of the stock desired they should be. The foregoing statement the committee think gives enough of the historic details, and condition and value of the stock, to make the following detailed facts intelli- gible. Mr. Oakes Ames was then a member of the House of Representatives, and came to Washington at the commencement of the session, about the beginning of December, 1867. During that month Mr. Ames en- tered into contracts with a considerable number of members of Congress, both Sen- ators and Representatives, to let them have shares of stock in the Credit Mobilier Company at par, with interest thereon from the first day of the previous July. It does not appear that in any instance he asked any of these persons to pay a higher price than the par value and interest, nor that ]\Ir. Ames used any special eflbrt or ur- gency to get these persons to take it. In all these negotiations Mr. Ames did not enter into any details as to the value of the stock or the amount of dividend that might be expected ujjon it, but stated gen- erally that it would be good stock, and in several instances said he would guarantee that they should get at least 10 per cent, on their money. Some of these gentlemen, in their con- versations with Mr. Ames, raised the ques- tion whether becoming holders of this stock would bring them into any embar- rassment as members of Congress in their legislative action. Mr. Ames quieted such suggestions by saying it could not, for the Union Pacific h:ul received from Congress all tlic grants and legislation it wanted, and they should ask I'or nothing more. In some instances those members who con- tracted for stock ])aid to Mr. Ames the money for the price of the stock, i)ar and interest; in others, where they had not the money, ]\Ir. Ames agreed to carry the stock for them until they could get the money or it should be met by the divi- dends. jMr. Ames was at this time a large stock- holder in the Credit Mobiler, but he did not intend any of these transactions to be sales of his own stock, but intended to ful- BOOK I.] THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 203 fill all these contracts from stock belong- ing to the company. At this time there were about six hun- dred and fifty shares of the stock of the com- pany, which had for some reason been placed in the name of Mr. T. C. Duraiit, one of the leading and active men of the concern. Mr. Ames claimed that a portion of this stock should be assigned to him to enable him to fulfill engagements he had made for stock. Mr. Durant claimed that he had made similar engagements that he should be allowed stock to fulfill. Mr. McComl), who was jiresent at the time, claimed that he had also made engage- ments for stock which he should have stock given him to carry out. This claim of McComb was refused, but after the stock was assigned to Mr. Ames, McComb insisted that Ames should distribute some of the stock to his (McGomb's) friends, and named Senators Bayard and Fowler, and Representatives Allison and Wilson, of Iowa. It was finally arranged that three hun- dred and forty-three shares of the stock of the company should be transferred to Mr. Ames to enable him to perform his engage- ments, and that number of shares were set over on the books of the company to Oakes Ames, trustee, to distinguish it from the stock held by him before. Mr. Ames at the time paid to the coTupany the par of the stock and interest from the July pre- vious, and this stock still stands on the books in the name of Oakes Ames, trustee, except thirteen shares which have been transferred to parties in no way connected with Congress. The committee do not find that Mr. Ames had any negotiation what- ever with any of these members of Con- gress on the subject of this stock prior to the commencement of the session of De- cember, 18(57, except Mr. Scofield, of Penn- sylvania, and it was not claimed that any obligation existed from Mr. Ames to him as the result of it. In relation to the purpose and motives of Mr. Ames in contracting to let members of Congress have Credit Mobilier stock at par, which he and all other owners of it considered worth at least double that sum, the committee, upon the evidence taken by them and submitted to the House, can- not entertain doubt. When he said he did not suppose the Union P'acifio Company would ask or need further legislation, he stated what he believed to be true. But he feared the interests of the road might sutler by adverse legislation, and what he desired to accomplish was to enlist strength and friends in Congress who would resist any encroachment upon or interference with the rights and privileges already se- cured, and to that end wished to create in them an interest identical with his own. This purpose is clearly avowed in his let- ters to McComb, copied in the evidence. He says he intends to place the stork " where it will do most good to us." And again, " we want nnjre friends in this Con- gress." In his letter to McComb, and also in his statement prepared by counsel, he gives the philosophy of his action, to wit, "That he has found there is no difficulty in getting men to look after their own ])ro])erly." The committee are also satis- fied that ]\Ir. Ames entertained a i'ear that, when tlie true relations Ijetween the Credit Mobilier Company and the Union Pacific became generally known, and the means by which the great j^rolits expected to be made were fully understood, there Avas danger that congressional investigation and action would be invoked. The members of Congress with whom he dealt were generally those who h;id l)eeu friendly and favorable to a Pacific Rail- road, and Mr. Ames did not fear or expect to find them favorable to movements hos- tile to it; but he desired to stimulate their activity and watchfulness in opposition to any unfavorable action by giving them a personal interest in the suceess of the en- terprise, especially so far as it affected the interest of the Credit Mobilier Com])anv. On the 9th day of December, 18G7, Mr. C. C, Washburn, of AVisconsin, introduced in the House a bill to regulate by law the rates of transportation over the Pacific Railroad. Mr. Ames, as well as others interested in the Union Pacific road, was opposed to this, and desired to defeat it. Other mea- sures apparently hostile to that company were subsequently introduced into the House by Mr. Washburn of Wisconsin, and Mr. Washburne of Illinois The commit- tee believe that Mr. Ames, in his distribu- tions of stock, had specially in mind the hostile efforts of' the Messrs. Washburn, and desired to gain strength to secure their defeat. The reference in one of his letters to " Washburn's move " makes this quite apparent. The foregoing is deemed by the commit- tee a sufficient statement of facts as to ^Ir. Ames, taken in connection with what will be subsequently stated of his transactions with particular persons. Mr. Ames made some contracts for stock in the Credit Mobilier with members of the Senate. In public discussions of tliis subject the names of members of both Houses have been so connected, and all these transactions were so nearly simultaneous, that the committee deemed it their duty to olitainall evidence in their jHtwer, as to all persons then mem- l)ers of either House, and to rei)ort the same to the House. Having done this, and the House having directed that evidence transmitted to the Senate, the committee consider their own power and ihity, as well as that of the House, fully performed, so 204 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. far as members of the Senate are concerned. Some of Mr. Ames's contracts to sell stock were with gentlemen who were then mem- bers of the House, but are not members of the present Congress. The committee have sought for and ta- ken all the evidence within their reach as to those gentlemen, and reported the same to the House. As the House has ceased to have jurisdiction over them as members, the committee have not deemed it their duty to make any special finding of facts as to each, leaving the House and the country to theu' own conclusions upon the testimony. In regard to each of the members of the present House, the committee deem it their duty to state specially the facts they find proved by the evidence, which, in some instances, is painfully conflicting. MR. JAMES G. BLAINE, OF MAINE. Among those who have in the public press been charged with improper partici- pation in Credit Mobilier stock is the pre- sent Speaker, Mr. Blaine, who moved'the resolution for this investigation. The com- mittee have, therefore, taken evidence in regard to him. They find from it that Mr. Ames had conversation with Mr. Blaine in regard to taking ten shares of the stock, and recommended it as a good investment. Upon consideration Mr. Blaine concluded not to take the stock, and never did take it, and never paid or received anything on account of it ; and Mr. Blaine never had any interest, direct or indirect, in Credit Mobilier stock or stock of the Union Pacific Railroad Company. ME. HENRY L. DAWES, OF MASSACHUSETTS. Mr. Dawes had, prior to December, 1867, made some small investments in railroad bonds through Mr. Ames. In December, 1867, Mr". Dawes applied to Mr. Ames to purchase a thousand -dollar bond of the Cedar Rapids road, in Iowa. Mr. Ames informed him that he had sold them all, but that he would let him have for his thousand dollars ton shares of Credit Mo- bilier stock, whicli he thought was better than the railroad l)ond. In answer to in- quiries by Mr. Dawos Mr. Ames said the Credit ]VIol)ilier Company had the con- tract to build the T'liion Pacific road, and thought they would make money out of it, and that it would be a good thing; tliat he would guarantee that he should get 10 i>er cent, on his money, and that if at any time Mr. Dawes did not want the stock he wr)uld pay back his money with 10 per cent, interest. Mr. Dawes made some fur- ther intiuiry in relation to the stock of Mr. .John B. Alley, who said he thought it was good stock, but not as pood as Mr. Ames thought, but that Mr. Ames's guarantee would make it a perfectly safe investment. ) Mr. Dawes thereupon concluded to pur- chase the ten shares, and on the 11th of January he paid Mr. Ames $800, and in a few days thereafter the balance of the price of this stock, at par and interest from July previous. In June, 1868, Mr. Ames received a dividend of 60 per cent, in money on this stock, and of it paid to Mr. Dawes §400, and applied the balance of S200 upon accounts between them. This $400 was all that was paid over to Mr. Dawes as a dividend upon this stock. At some time prior to December, 1868, Mr. Dawes w'as informed that a suit had been commenced in the courts of Pennsylvania by former owners of the charter of the Credit Mobilier, claiming that those then claiming and using it had no right to do so. Mr. Dawes thereupon informed Mr. Ames that as there was a litigation about the matter he did not desire to keep the stock. On the 9th of December, 1868, Mr. Ames and Mr. Dawes had a settlement of their matters in which Mr. Dawes w^as al- lowed for the money he paid for the stock with 10 per cent, interest upon it, and ac- counted to Mr. Ames for the $400 he had received as a dividend. Mr. Dawes re- ceived no other benefit under the contract than to get 10 per cent, upon his money, and after the settlement had no further in- terest in the stock. MR. GLENNI "W. SCOFIELD, OF PENN- SYLVANIA. In 1866 Mr. Scofield purchased some Cedar Rapids bonds of Mr. Ames, and in that year they had conversations about Mr. Scofield taking stock in the Credit Mobilier Company, but no contract was consummated. In December, 1867, Mr. Scofield applied to Mr. Ames to purchase more Cedar Rapids bonds, when Mr. Ames suggested he should purchase some Credit Mobilier stock, and explained generally that it was a contracting company to build the Union Pacific road ; that it was a Pennsylvania cor^joration, and he would like to have some Pcnnsylvanians in it; that he would sell it to him at par and in- terest, and that he would guarantee he should get 8 per cent, if Mr. Scofield would give him half the dividends above that. Mr. Scofield said he thought he would take $1,000 of the stock; but before any- thing further was done jNIr. Scofield was called home by sickness in his family. On his return, the latter jjart of January, 1868, he spoke to Mr. Ames about the stock, when Mr. Ames said he thought it was all sold, but he would take his money and give him a receipt, and get the stock for him if he could. Mr. Scofield there- upon paid Mr. Ames $1,041, and took his receipt therefor. Not long after Mr. Ames informed Mr. Scofield he could have the stock, but could BOOK I.] THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 205 not give him a certificate for it until he could get a larger certificate dividend. Mr. Scofield received the bond dividend of 80 per cent., which was paval)le Januarv 'd, 18G8, taking a bond for $1,0(»<) and paying Mr. Ame3 the dilference. Mr. Ames re- ceived the 60 per cent. ca.sh dividend on the .stock in June, 1SG8, and paid over to Mr. Scofield ${]()0, the amount of it. Before the close of that .session of Con- gress, which was toward the end of July, Mr. Scofield became, for some reason, dis- inclined to take the .stock, and a settlement was made between them, l)y which Mr. Ames was to retain the (!redit Mobiller stock and Mr. Scofield took a thousand dollars Union Pacific bond and ten shax'es of Union Pacific stock. The precise basis of the settlement does not appear, neither Mr. Ames nor Mr. Scofield having any full date in reference to it ; Mr. Scofield thinks that he only re- ceived back his money and interest upon it, while Mr. Ames states that he thinks Mr. Scofield had ten shares of Union Pacific stock in addition. The committee do not deem it specially important to settle this difference of recollection. Since that settlement Mr. Scofield has had no interest in the Credit Mobilier stock and derived no benefit therefrom. MR. JOHN A. BINGHAM, OF OHIO. In December, 1867, Mr. Ames advised Mr. Bingham to invest in the stock of the Credit Mobilier, assuring him that it would return him his money with profitable divi- dends. Mr. Bingham agreed to take twenty shares, and about the 1st of Febru- ary, 1868, paid to Mr. Ames the par value of the stock, for which Mr. Ames executed to him some receipt or agreement. Mr. Ames received all the dividends on the stock, whether in Union Pacific bonds, or stock, or money; some were delivered to Mr. Bingham and some retained by Mr. Ames. The matter was not finally ad- justed between them until February, 1872, when it was settled, IMr. Ames retaining the twenty shares of Credit Mobilier stock, and accounting to Mr. Bingham for such dividends upon it as Mr. Bingham had not already received. Mr. Bingham was treated as the real owner of the stock from the time of the agreement to take it, in December, 1867, to the settlement in Feb- ruary, 1872, and had the benefit of all the dividends upon it. Neither Mr. Ames nor Mr. Bingham had such records of their dealing as to be able to give the precise amount of those dividends. MR. WILLIAM D. KELLEY, OF PENNSYL- VANIA. The committee find from the evidence that in the early part of the second session of the Fortieth Congress, and probably in December, 1867, Mr. Ames agreed with Mr. Kelley to sell him ten shares of Credit Mobilier stock at par and interest from July 1, 1867. Mr. Kelley was not then prepared to pay i'or the stock, and i\Ir. Ames agiced to carry the stock for him until he could pay for it. On the third day of January, 1868, there was a dividend of 80 per cent, on Credit Mobilier stock in Union Pacific bonds. Mr. Ames received the bonds, as the stock stood in his name, and sold them for 97 per cent, of their face. In .June, 1868, there wiis a cash dividend of 60 per cent., which Mr. Ames also re- ceived. The jjroceeds of the bonds sold, and the cash dividends received by Mr. Ames, amounted to $1,376. The par value of the stock and interest thereon from the previous July amounted to $1,047 ; so that, after paying for the stock, there was a balance of dividends due Mr. Kelley of $329. On the 23d day of June, 1868, Mr. Ames gave Mr, Kelley a check for that sum on the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives, and Mr. Kelley re- ceived the money thereon. The committee find that Mr. Kelley then understood that the money he thus re- ceived was a balance of dividends due him after paying for the stock. All the subsequent dividends upon the stock were either in Union Pacific stock or bonds, and thev were all received by Mr. Ames. In 'September, 1868, Mr. Kelley received from Mr. Ames 8750 in money, which was understood between them to be an advance to be paid out of dividends. There has never been any ad- justment of the matter between them, and there is now an entire variance in the tes- timony of the two men as to what the transaction between them Avas, but the committee are unanimous in finding the facts above stated. The evidence rei)orted to the House gives some suljsecjuent con- versations and negotiations between i\Ir. Kelley and Mr. Ames on this subject.^ The committee do not deem it material to refer to it in their report. MR. JAMES A. GARFIELD, OF OHIO. The facts in regard to Mr. Garfield, as found by the committee, are identical with the case of Mr. Kelley to the point of re- ception of the check for $329. He agreed with Mr. Ames to take ten shares of Credit Mobilier stock, but diil not pay for the same. IMr. Ames received the 80 per cent, dividend in bonds and sold them for 97 per cent., and also received the 60 per cent, cash dividend, which together paid the price of the stock and interest, and left a balance of .$329. This sum was paid over to Mr. Garfield by a check on the Scrgeant- at-Arms, and jMr. Garfield then understood this sum was the balance of dividends after paying for the stock. Mr. Ames received 206 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. all the subsequent dividends, and the com- mittee do not find that, since the payment of the S329, there has been any communi- cation between 'Mi: Ames and Mr. Garfield on the subject until this investigation be- gan. Some correspondence beti\-een Mr. Garfield and Mr. Ames, and some conver- sations between them during this investi- gation, will be found in the -reported testi- mony. The committee do not find that Mr. Ames, in his negotiations with the persons above named, entered into any detail of the relations between the Credit Mobilier Company and the Union Pacific Company, or gave them any specific information as to the amount of dividends they would be likely to receive further than has been al- ready stated. They all knew from him, or otherwise, that the Credit Mobilier was a contracting company to build the Union Pacific road, but it does not appear that any of them knew that the i:irofits and dividends were to be in stock and bonds of that company. The Credit Mobilier Company was a State corporation, not subject to congres- sional legislation, and the fact that its pro- fits were expected to be derived from building the Union Pacific road did not, apparently, create such an interest in that company as to disqualify the holder of Credit Mobilier stock from participating in any legislation affecting the railroad company. In his negotiations with these members of Congress, Mr. Ames made no suggestion that he desired to secure their favorable influence in Congress in favor of the railroad company, and whenever the question was raised as to whether the ownersliip of this stock would in any way interfere with or embarrass them in their action as members of Congress, he assured them it woidd not. The committee, therefore, do not find, as to the members of the present House above named, that they were aware of the object of ;Mr. Ames, or that they had any other purpose in taking this stock than to make a profitable investment. It is appa- rent that those who advanced their money to pay for their stock present more the ap- pearance of ordinary investors than those who did not, but the committee do not feel at liberty to find any corrupt purpose or knowledge; founded upon the fact of non- payment alone. It ought also to be observed that those gentlemen who surrendered their stock to Mr. Ames beff>re there was any jtublic ex- oitcuu'nt upon the subject, do not profess to have done so upon any idea of im])ro- priety in holding it, but for reasons aflect- ing the value and security of the invest- ment. But the committee believe that they must have felt that there was some- thing 80 out of the ordinary course of business in the extraordinary dividends they were receiving as to render the in- vestment itself suspicious, and that this was one of the motives of their action. The committee have not been able to find that any of these members of Congress have been affected in their official action in consequence of their interest in Credit Mobilier stock. It has been suggested that the fact that none of this stock was transferred to those with whom Mr. Ames contracted was a circumstance from which a sense of impro- priety, if not corruption, was to be infer- red. The committee believe this is capable of explanation without such inference. The profits of building the road, under the Ames contract, were only to be divided among such holders of Credit Mobilier stock as should come in and become par- ties to certain conditions set out in the contract of transfer to the trustees, so that a transfer from Mr. Ames to new holders would cut oft' the right to dividends fi-om the trustees, unless they also became par- tics to the agreement ; and this the com- mittee believe to be the true reason why no transfers were made. The committee are also of opinion that there was a satisfactory reason for delay on Mr. Ames's part to close settlements with some of these gentlemen for stock and bonds he had received as dividends upon the stock contracted to them. In the fall of 18G8 Mr. McComb commenced a suit against the Credit Mobilier Company, and Mr. Ames and others, claiming to be entitled to two hundred and fifty shares of the Credit Mobilier stock upon a sub- scription for stock to that amount. That suit is still pending. If McComb pre- vailed in that suit, ]\Ir. Ames might be compelled to surrender so much of the stock assigned to him as trustee, and he was not therefore anxiotis to have the stock go otit of his hands until that suit was terminated. It ought also to be stated that no one of the i)resent members of the House above named appears to have had any knowledge of the dealings of Mr. Ames with other members. The committee do not find that either of the above-named gentlemen, in contract- ing with Mr. Ames, had any corrupt mo- tive or ])urpose himself, or was aware that Mr. Ames had any, nor did either of them suppose he was guilty of any impropriety or even indelicacy in becomijig a purchaser of this stock. Had it appeared that these gentlemen were aware of the enormous di- vidends upon this stock, and how they were to be earned, we could not thus ac- (juit them. And here as well as anywhere, the committee may allude to that subject. Congress had chartered the Union Pacific road, given to it a lil)eral grant of lands, and promised a liberal loan of Government »00E I.] THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 207 bonds, to be delivered as fast as sections of the road were completed. As tlicse alone might not be sufficient to complete the road, Congress authorized the comj)any to issue their own bonds for the deficit, and secured them by a mortgage upon the road, which should be a lien prior to that of the Government. Congress never intended that the owners of the road should execute a mortgage on the road prior to that of the Government, to raise money to put into their own pocketa, but only to build the road. The men who controlled the Union Pacific seem to have adopted as the basis of their action the right to incumber the road by a mortgage prior to that of the Government to the full extent, whether the money was needed for the construction of the road or not. It was clear enough they could not do this directly and in terms, and therefore they resorted to the device of contracting with themselves to build the road, and fix a price high enough to require the issue of bonds to the full extent, and then divide the bonds or the proceeds of them under the name of profits on the contract. All those acting in the matter seem to have been fully aware of this, and that this was to be tiie ellect of the transaction. The sudden rise of value of Credit Mobilier stock was the result of the adoption of this scheme. Any undue and unreasonable profits thus made by themselves were as much a fraud upon the Government as if they had sold their bonds and divided the money without going through the form of denominating them profits on building the road. Now had these facts been known to these gentlemen, and had they understood they were to share in the proceeds of the scheme, they would have deserved the eeverest censure. Had they known only that the profits were to be paid in stock and bonds of the Union Pacific Company, and so make them interested in it, we cannot agree to the doctrine, which has been urged before u«; and elsewhere, that it was perfectly legiti- mate for members of Congress to invest in a corporation deriving all its rights from and subject at all times to the action of Congress. In such case the rules of the House, as well as the rules of decency, would require such member to abstain from voting on any question affecting his interest. But, after accepting the position of a member of Congress, we do not think he has the right to disqualify himself from acting upon subjects likely to come before Con- gress without some higher and more urgent motive than merely to make a profitable investment. But it is not so much to be feared that in such case an interested mem- ber would vote as that he would exercise his influence by personal appeal to his fel- low-members, and by other modes, which often is fur moi'e potent than ;i single silent vote. We do not think any member ought to feci so confident of his own strength as to allow hiuLself to be brought into this temp- tation. \V^e think Mr. Ames judged shrewdlj' in saying that a man is much more likely to be watchful of his own in- terests than those of other people. But there is a broader view still which we think ought to be taken. This country is fa.st becoming filled with gigantic cor]>orations, wiehling and controlling immense aggrega- tions of money, and thereby commanding great influence and power. It is notorious in many State legislatures that these in- fluences are often controlling, so that in effect they become the ruling ])ower of the State. Within a few years Congress has, to some extent, been brought within similar influences, and the knowledge of the pub- lic on that subject has brought great dis- ci edit upon the body, far more, we believe, than there were facts to justify. But such is the tendency of the time, and the belief is far too general that all men can be ruled with money, and that the use of such means to carry public measures is legitimate and proper. No member of Con- gress ought to place himself in circum- stances of suspicion, so that any discredit of the body shall arise on his account. It is of the highest importance that the na- tional legislature should be free of all taint of corruption, and it is of almost equal necessity that the people should feel confi- dent that it is so. In a free government like ours, we can- not expect the people will long respect the laws, if they lose respect for the law- makers. For these reasons we think it behooves every man in Congress or in any jniblic position to hold himself aloof, as far as l)0ssible, from all such influences, that he may not only be enabled to look at every public question with an eye only to the jjublic good, but that his conduct and mo- tives be not suspected or questioned. The only criticism the committee feel compelled to make on the action of these members in taking this stock is that they were not suf- ficiently careful in ascertaining what they were getting, and that in their judgment the assurance of a good investment was all the assurance they needed. We commend to them, and to all men, the letter of the venerable Senator Bayard, in response to an otter of some of this stock, Ibund on page 74 of the testimony. The committee find nothing in the con- duct or motives of either of these members in taking this stock, that calls for any recommendation by the committee of the House. 208 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. MR. JAMES BROOKS, OF XEW YORK. The case of Mr. Brooks stands upon a different state of facts from any of those al- ready given. The committee find from the evidence as follows : Mr. Brooks had been a warm advocate of a Pacific Railroad, both in Congress and in the public press. After persons interested in the Union Pacific road had obtained control of the Credit Mobilier charter and organized under it for the purpose of making it a construction company to build the road, Dr. Durant, who was then the leading man in the en- terprise, made great eflbrts to get the stock of the Credit Mobilier taken. Mr. Brooks was a friend of Dr. Durant, and he made some efforts to aid Dr. Durant in getting subscrij^tions for the stock, introduced the matter to some capitalists of New York, but his efforts were not crowned with suc- cess. During this period Mr. Brooks had talked with Dr. Durant about taking some of the stock for himself, and had spoken of taking fifteen or twenty thousand dollars of it, but no definite contract was made between them, and Mr. Brooks was under no legal obligation to take the stock, or Durant to give it to him. In October, 1867, Mr. Brooks was appointed by the President one of the Government directors of the Union Pacific road. In December, 1867, after the stock of the Credit Mobilier was understood, by those familiar with the aflairs between the Union Pacific and the Credit IMibilier, to be worth very much more than par, Mr. Brooks applied to Dr. Durant, and claimed that he should have two hundred shares of Credit Mobilier stock. It does not appear that Mr. Brooks claimed he had any legal contract for stock that he could enforce, or tliat Durant considered himself in any way legally bound to let him have any, but still, on account of what had been said, and the eflbrts of Mr. Brooks to aid him, he con- sidered himself under obligations to satisfy Mr. Brooks in the matter. The stock hail been so far taken up, and was then in such demand, that Durant could not well comply with Brooks's de- mand for two liundrcd shares. After con- 8ideral)le negotiation, it was finally ad- justed between them by Durant's agreeing to let Brooks liave one hundred shares of Credit ]\Iobiiicr stock, and giving him with it $0,000 of Union Pacific bonds, and $20,- 000 of Union Pacific stock. Dr. Durant t(!stifieH that he then considered Credit Mobilier stock worth double the ])ar value, and tliat tlie bonds and stock he was to give Mr. I'.rooi<s worth al)out !*'9,000, so thuthesaved about $1,000 by not giving Brooks the additional hundred shares he claimed. After the negotiation had been concluded between Mr. Brooks and Dr. Dnrant, Mr. Brooks said that as he was a Government director of the Union Pacific road, and as the law provided such direc- tors should not be stockholders in that company, he would not hold this stock, and directed Dr. Durant to transfer it to Charles H. Neilson, his son-in-law. The whole negotiation with Durant was con- ducted by Mr. Brooks himself, and Neilson had nothing to do with the transaction, except to receive the transfer. The $10,- 000 to pay for the one hundred shares was paid by Mr. Brooks, and he received the $5,000 of Pacific bonds which came with the stock. The certificate of transfer of the hun- dred shares from Durant to Neilson is dated December 26, 1867. On the 3d of January, 1868, there was a dividend of 80 per cent, in Union Pacific bonds paid on the Credit Mobilier stock. The bonds were received by Neilson, but passed over at once to Mr. Brooks. It is claimed, both by Mr. Brooks and Neilson, that the $10,- 000 paid by Mr. Brooks for the stock was a loan of that sum by him to Neilson, and, that the bonds he received from Durant, and those received for the dividend, were delivered and held by him as collateral security for the loan. No note or obligation was given for the money by Neilson, nor, so far as we can learn from either Brooks or Neilson, was any a-ccount or memorandum of the trans- action ke])t by either of them. At the time of the arrangement or settlement above spoken of between Brooks and Du- rant, there was nothing said about Mr. Brooks being entitled to have 50 per cent, more stock by virtue of his ownership of the hundred shares. Neither Brooks nor Durant thought of any such thing. Some time after the transfer of the shares to Neilson, Mr. Brooks called on Sidney Dillon, then the president of the Credit Mobilier, and claimed he or Neilson was entitled to fifty additional shares of the stock, by virtue of the purcliase of the one hundred shares of Durant. This was claimed by Mr. Brooks as his right by virtue of the 50 per cent, increase of the stock hereinbefore described. Mr. Dillon said he did not know how that was, but he would consult the leading stock- liolders, and be governed by them. Mr. Dillon, in order to justify himself in the transaction, got up ajiaper authorizing the issue of fifty shares of the stock to Mr. lirooks, and procured it to be signed by most of the principal .sliareholders. After this had been done, an entry ol' fifty shares was made on the stock-ledger to some per- son other than Neilson. The name in two l)laces on the book has been erased, and the name of Neilson inserted. The com- mittee are satisfied that the stock was first entered on the books in Mr. Brooks's name. Mr. Neilson soon after called for the car- BOOK I.] THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 209 tificate for the fifty shares, and on the 29th of February, 18GS, the certificate was issued to hlin, and the entry on the stock-book was changed to Neilson. Ncilson procured Mr. Dillon to advance the money to iiay for the stock, and at the same time delivered to Dillon $4,000 Union Pacific bonds, and fifty shares of Union Pacific stock as t'ollatcral security. Tliesc bonds and stock were a portion of divi- dends received at the time, as he was al- lowed to receive the same per centage of dividends on these fifty shares that had previously been paid on the hundred. This mutter has never been adjusted be- tween Neilson and Dillon. Brooks and Neilson l)Oth testify they never paid Dillon. Dillon thinks he has received his pay, as he has not now the collaterals in his pos- session. If he has been ]xud it is probable that it was from the collaterals in some form. Tlie subject has never been named between Dillon and Neilson since Dillon advanced the money, and no one connected with the transaction seems able to give any further light upon it. The whole business by which these fifty shares were procured was done by Mr. Brooks. Neilson know nothing of any right to have them, and only went for the certificate when told to do so by IMr. Brooks. The committee find that no such right to fifty shares additional stock passed by the transfer of the hundred. And from Mr. Brooks's familiarity with the affairs of the company, the committee believe he must have known his claim to them was un- founded. The question naturally arises. How was he able to procure them ? The stock at this time by the stockholders was considered worth three or four times its par value. Neilson sustained no relations to any of these people that commanded any favor, and if he could have used any influence he did not attempt it ; if he had this right he was unaware of it till told by Mr. Brooks, and left the whole matter in his hands. It is clear that the shares were procured by the sole efforts of Mr. Brooks, and, as the stockholders who consented to it supposed, for the benefit of Mr. Brooks. What power had jMr. Brooks to enforce an unfounded claim, to have for $5,000, stock worth $15,000 or $20,000? Mr. IMcComl) swears that he heard conversation between Mr. Brooks and Mr. John B. Alley, a large stockholder, and one of the executive com- mittee, in which Mr. Brooks urged that he should have the additional fifty shares, be- cause he was or would procure him-^elfto be made a Government director, and also that, being a member of Congress, he " would take care of the democratic side of the House." I\Ir. Brooks and Mr. Alley both deny having had any such conversation, or that Mr. Brooks ever made such a statement to 14 Mr. Alley. If, therefore, this matter rested wholly upon the testimony of Mr. Mc- Comb, the committee would not feel justi- fied in finding that j\Ir. Brooks procured the stock by such use of his olBcial posi- tion ; but all the circumstances seem to point exactly in that direction, and we can find no other satisfactory solution of the question above propounded. Whatever claim Mr. Brooks had to stock, either legal or moral, had been adjusted and satisfied by Dr. Durant. Whether he was getting this stock for himself or to give to his son-in-law, we believe, from the cir- cumstances attending the whole transac- tion, that he obtained it knowing that it was yielded to its official position and in- fluence, and with the intent to secure his favor and influence in such positions. Mr. Brooks claims that he has had no interest in this stock whatever ; that the benefit and advantage of his right to have it he gave to Mr. Neilson, his son-in-law, and that he has had all the dividends u])on it. The committee are unable to find this to be the case, for in their judgment all the facts and circumstances show Mr. Brooks to be the real and sul)stantial owner, and that Neilson's ownership is merely nominal and colorable. In June, 1868, there was a cash dividend of $9,000 upon this one hundred and fifty shares of stock. Neilson received it, of course, as the stock was in his name ; but on the same day it was paid over to Mr. Brooks, as Neilson savs, to yav so much of the $10,000 advanced by Mr. Brooks to pay for the stock. This, then, repaid all but $1,000 of the loan; but Mr. Brooks continued to hold $16,000 of Union Pacific bonds, which Neilson says he gave him as collateral security, and to draw the interest upon all but $5,000. The interest upon the others, Neilson says, he was permitted to draw and retain, but at one time in his testimony he spoke of the amount he was allowed as being Christmas and New Year's presents. Neilson says that during the last summer he borrowed $14,000 of Mr. Brooks, and he now owes Mr. Brooks nearly as much as the collaterals; but, ac- cording to his testimony, Mr. Brooks for four years held $16,000 in bonds as security for $1,000, and received the inter- est on $11,000 of the collaterals. No ac- counts appear to have been kept between Mr. Brooks and Neilson, and doubtless what sums he has received from Mr. Brooks, out of the dividends, were intended as presents rather than as deliveries of money belonging to him. Mr. Brooks's efforts procured the stock ; his money paid for it ; all the cash divi- dends he has received ; and he holds all the bonds, except those Dilbm received, which seem to have been ajiplied toward paying for the fifty shares. Without 210 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. further comment on tlie evidence, the committee find that the one hundred and fifty shares of stock appearing on the books of the Credit Mobilier in the name of Xeilson were really the stock of Mr. Brooks, and subject to his control, and that it was so understood by both the par- ties. Mr. Brooks had taken such an inter- est in the Credit 3Iobilier Company, and was so connected with Dr. Durant, that he must be regarded as having full knowledge of the relations between that company and the railroad company, and of the contracts between them. He must have known the cause of the sudden increase in value of the Credit Mobilier stock, and how the large expected profits were to be made. We have already expressed our views of the propriety of a member of Congress be- coming the owner of stock, possessing this knowledge. But ]Mr. Brooks was not only a member of Congress, but he was a Government director of the Union Pacific Company. As such it was his dut}^ to guard and watch over the interests of the Govern- ment in the road and to see that they were protected and preserved. To insure such faithfulness on the part of Government directors, Congress wisely provided that they should not be stockholders in the road. ^Ir. Brooks readily saw that, though becoming a stockholder in the Credit Mobilier was not forbidden by the letter of the law, yet it was a violation of its spirit and essence, and therefore had the stock placed in the name of his son-in-law. The trans- fer of the Oakes Ames contract to the trustees and the building of the road un- der that contract, from which the enormous dividends were derived, were all during Mr. Brooks's official life as a Government director, must have been within his know- ledge, and yet passed without the slightest opposition from him. The committee be- lieved this could not have been done without an entire disregard of his official obligation and duty, and that while ap- pointed to guard the public interests in the road he joined himself with the pro- moters of a scheme wherel)y the Govern- ment was to be defrauded, and shared in the spf)il. In tho conclusions of fact upon the evidence, the committee are entirely agreed. In considering what action wc ought to recommend to the House upon those facts, the committee encounter a question which has been much debated : Has this House power and jurisdiction to inquire concern- ing offl^nscs comiiiitted by its members jjrior to their election, and t'M)unish them by cen- sure or expulsion? The committee are unanimous upon the riglit of jurisdiilion of this Ilousf over the cases of Mr. Ames and Mr. Brooks, upon the facts found in regard to them. Upon the question of jurisdiction the committee present the fol- lowing views : The Constitution, in the fifth section of the first article, defines the power of either House as follows : " Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concur- rence of two-thirds expel a member.' It will be observed that there is no qual- ification of the power, but there is an im- portant qualification of the manner of its exercise — it must be done " with the con- currence of two-thirds." The close analogy between this power and the power of impeachment is deserv- ing of consideration. The great purpose of the power of im- peachment is to remove an unfit and un- worthy incumbent from office, and though a judgment of impeachment may to some extent operate as punishment, that is not its principal object. Members of Congress are not subject to be impeached, but may be expelled, and the principal purpose of expulsion is not as punishment, but to re- move a member whose character and con- duct show that he is an unfit man to par- ticipate in the deliberations and decisions of the body, and whose presence in it tends to bring the body into contemi^t and dis- grace. In both cases it is a power of purgation and purification to be exercised for the public safety, and, in the case of expulsion, for the protection and character of the House. The Constitution defines the causes of impeachment, to wit, " treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis- demeanors." The office of the power of expulsion is so much the same as that of the power to impeach that we think it may be safely assumed that whatever would be a good cause of impeachment would also be a good cause of expulsion. It has never been contended that the power to impeach for any of the causes enumerated was intended to be restricted to those which might occur after appoint- ment to a civil office, so that a civil officer who had secretly committed such offense before his appointment should not be sub- ject upon detection and exposure to be convicted and removed from office. Every consideration of justice and sound policy would seem to require that the public in- terests be secured, and those chosen to be their guardians be free from the pollution of high crimes, no matter at what time that pollution had .attached. If this be so in regard to other civil of- ficers, under institutions which rest upon tlie intelligence and virtue of the people, can it well be claimed that the law-making Representative may be vile and criminal with impunity, provided the evidences of BOOK I.] THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 211 his corruption are found to antedate his election ? In the report made to the Senate by John Quincy Adams in Deceml)cr, 1807, upon the case of John Smith, of Ohio, the fol- lowing language is used: "The power of expelling a member for misconduct results, on the principles of common sense, from the interests of the nation that the high trust of legislation shall be invested in pure hands. When the trust is elective, it is not to be presumed that the constitu- ent body will commit the deposit to the keeping of worthless characters. But when a man whom his fellow-citizens have hon- ored with their confideuce on a jiledge of a spotless repution, has degraded himself by the commission of infamous crimes, which become suddenly and unexpectedly revealed to the world, defective indeed would be that institution which should be imj)otent to discard from its bosom the con- tagion of such a member ; which should have no remedy of amputation to apply until the poison had reached the heart." The case of Smith was that of a Senator, who, after his election, but not during a session of the Senate, had been involved in the treasonable conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Yet the reasoning is general, and was to antagonize some positions which had been taken in the case of IMarshall, a Senator from Kentucky ; the Senate in that case having, among other reasons, de- clined to take jurisdiction of the charge for the reason that the alleged offence had been committed prior to the Senator's election, and was matter cognizable by the criminal courts of Kentucky. None of the com- mentators upon the Constitution or upon parliamentary law assign any such limita- tion as to the time of the commission of the offense, or the nature of it, which shall control and limit the power of expulsion. On the contrary they all assert that the power in its very nature is a discretionary one, to be exercised of course with grave circumspection at all times, and only for good cause. Story, Kent, and Sergeant, all seem to accept and rely upon the ex- position of Mr. Adams in the Smith case as sound. Jlay, in his Parliamentary Practice, page 59, enumerates the causes for expulsion from Parliament, but he no- where intimates that the offense must have been committed subsequent to the election. When it is remembered that the framers of our Constitution were familiar with the Earliamentary law of England, and nuist avc had in mind the then recent contest over Wilkes's case, it is im]iossible to con- clude that they meant to limit the discre- tion of the Houses as to the causes of ex- pulsion. It is a received principle of con- Btruction that the Constitution is to be in- terpreted according to the known rules of law at the time of its adoption, and there- fore, when we find them dealing with a recognized subject of legislative authority, and while studiously qualifying and re- stricting the manner of its exercise, assign- ing no limitations to the subject-matter itself, they must be assumed to have in- tended to leave that to be determined ac- cording to established princii)les, as a high prerogative power to be exercised accord- ing to the sound discretion of the body. It was not to be api)rehended that two- thirds of the Representatives of the people would ever exercise this power in any capricious or arbitrary manner, or trifle with or trample uj)on constitutional rights. At the same time it could not be foreseen what necessities for self-preservation or self-purification might arise in the legisla- tive body. Therefore it was that they did not, and woidd not, undertake to limit or define the boundaries of those necessities. The doctrine that the jurisdiction of the House over its members is exclusively con- fined to matters arising subsequent to their election, and that the body is bound to re- tain the vilest criminal as a member if his criminal secret was kept until his election was secured, has been supposed by many to have been established and declared in the famous case of John Wilkes before al- luded to. A short statement of that ca,se will show how fallacious is that supposi- tion. Wilkes had been elected a member of Parliament for Middlesex, and in 1764 was expelled for having published a libel on the ministry. He was again elected and again expelled for a similar offense on the 3d of February, 1769. Being again elected on the 17th of February, 1769, the commons passed the following resolution : " That John V/ilkes, Esq., having been in this session of Parliament expelled this house was and is incapable of being elected a member to serve in this present Parlia- ment." Wilkes was again elected, but the House of Commons declared the seat va- cant and ordered a new election. At this election Wilkes was again elected by 1,143 votes, against 296 for his competitor, Lut- trell. On the 15th of April, 1769, the house decided that by the previous action Wilkes had become ineligible, and that the votes given for him were void and could not be counted, and gave the seat to Luttrell. Subsequently, in 1783, the House of Com- mons declared the resolution of February 17, 1769, which had asserted the incapacity of an expelled member to be re-elected to the same Parliament, to be subversive of the rights of the electors, and ex})unged it from the journal. It will be seen from this concise statement of Wilkes's case that the question was not raised as to the ])Ower of the house to expel a member for offenses committed prior to his election ; the point decided, and afterward most 212 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I. properly expunged, was that expulsion per se rendered the expelled member legally ineligible, and that votes cast for him could not be counted. Wilkes's offense was of purely a political character, not involving moral turpitude ; he had attacked the ministry in the press, and the proceedings against him in Parliament were then claimed to be a partisan political persecu- tion, subversive of the rights of the people and of the liberty of the press. These proceedings in Wilkes's case took place during the appearance of the famous Juni- us letters, and several of them are devoted to the discussion of them. The doctrine that expulsion creates ineligibility was at- tacked and exposed by him with great force. But he concedes that if the cause of expulsion be one that renders a man unfit and unworthy to be a member, he may be expelled for that cause as often as he shall be elected. The case of Matteson, in the House of Eepresentatives, has also often been quoted i as a precedent for this limitation of juris- I diction. In the proceedings and debates of the House upon that case it will be seen that this was one among many grounds taken in the debate ; but as the whole sub- ject was ended by being laid on the table, it is quite impossible to say what was de- cided by the House. It appeared, how- ever, in "that case that the charge against Matteson had become public, and his letter upon which the whole charge rested had been published and circulated through his district during the canvass preceding his election. This fact, we judge, had a most important influence in determining the action of the House in his case. The committee have no occasion in this report to discuss the question as to the power or duty of the House in a case where a constituency, with a full knowledge of the objectionable character of a man, have selected him to be their Representative. It is hardly a case to be supposed that any constituency, with a full knowledge that a man had been guilty of an offense involv- ing moral turpitude, would elect him. The majority of the committee are not pre- pared to concede such a man could be forced upon the. House, and would not con- sider the expulsion of such a man any vio- lation of the rights of the electors, for while the electors have rights that shr^ild be respected, the House as a body has rights also that should be |)rotected and i)resi'rved. But that in such case the judgment of the constituency would be entitled to thetrreat- est consideration, and that this should form an inijiortant element in its determination, is readily adniitted. It is universally conceded, as we believe, that the House has am]>le jurisdiction to punish or expel a member for an offense comuiitLcd durlug his term as u member, though committed during a vacation of Congress and in no way connected with his duties as a member. Upon what prin- ciple is it that such a jurisdiction can be maintained ? It must be upon one or both of the following : that the oflense shows him to be an unworthy and improjier man to be a member, or that his conduct brings odium and reproach upon the body. But suppose the oflense has been committed prior to his election, but comes to light afterward, is the effect upon his own character, or the reproach and disgrace upon the body, if they allow him to remain a member, any the less? We can see no difference in principle in the two cases, and to attempt any wottld be to create a purely technical and arbitrary distinction, having no just foundation. In our judgment, the time is not at all material, except it be cotipled with the further fact that he was re-elected with a knowledge on the part of his constituents of what he had been guilty, and in such event we have given our views of the effect. It seems to us absurd to say that an elec- tion has given a man political absolution for an offense which was unknown to his constituents. If it be urged again, as it has sometimes been, that this view of the power of the House, and the true ground of its proper exercise, may be laid hold of and used improperly, it may be answered that no rule, however narrow and limited, that may be adopted can prevent it. If two-thirds of the House shall see fit to ex- pel a man because they do not like his political or religious principles, or without any reason at all, they have the power, and there is no remedy except by appeal to the people. Stich exercise of the power wottld be wrongful, and violative of the princi- ]>les of the Constitution, but we see no encottragement of such wrong in the views we hold. It is the duty of each House to exercise its rightful functions upon appropriate oc- casions, and to trust that those who come after them will be no less faithfiil to duty, and no less jealous for the rights of free popular representation than themselves. It will be quite time enough to square other cases with right reason and principle when they arise. Perhaps the best way to prevent them will be to maititain strictly public integrity and ptiblic honor in all cases as they present themselves. Nor do we imagine that the peo])le of the United States will charge their servants with in- vading their privileges when they confine themselves to the jjreservation of a stand- ard of official integrity which the common instincts of humanity recognize as essen- tial to all social order and good govern- nient. The foregoing are tlie views which we deem proper to submit upou the general BOOK I.] THE CREDIT MOBILIER. 213 qiie.stion of the jurisdiction of the House over its members. But apart from these general views, the committee are of opin- ion tliat the facts found in tlie present case amply justify tlie taking jurisdiction over them, for the following reasons: The subject-matter upon which the ac- tion of memliers was intended to be influ- enced was of a continuous character, and was as likely to be a subject of congres- sional action in future Congresses as in the Fortieth. The influences brought to bear on members were as likely to be operative upon them in the future as in the present, and were so intended. Mr. Ames and Mr. Brooks have both continued members of the House to the present time, and so have most of tlie members upon whom these in- fluences were sought to be exerted. The connnittee are, therefore, of opinion that the acts of these men may properly be treated as offenses against the present House, and so within its jurisdiction upon the most limited rule. Two members of the committee, Messrs. Niblack and McCrary, prefer to express no opinion on the general jurisdictional questions discus.sed in the report, and rest their judgment wholly on the ground last stated. In relation to Mr. Ames, he sold to sev- eral members of Congress stock of the Credit Mobilier Company, at par, when it "was worth double that amount or more, with the purpose and intent thereby to in- fluence their votes and decisions upon matters to come before Congress. The facts found in the report as to Mr. Brooks, show that he used the influence of his official i)ositions as member of Congress and Government director in the Union Pacific Railroad Company, to get fifty shares of the stock of the Credit Mobilier Company, at par, when it was worth three or four times that sum, knowing that it was given to him with intent to influence his votes and decisions in Congress, and his action as a Government director. The sixth section of the act of Februarv 26, 1853, 10 Stat. United States, 171, is in the following words: " If any person or persons shall, directly or indirectly, promise, offer, or give, or cause or procure to be promised, offered, or given, any money, goods, right in action, bribe, present, or reward, or any promise, contract, undertaking, obligation, or se- curity for the payment or delivery of any money, goods, right in action, bribe, pres- ent, or reward, or any other valuable thing whatever, to any member of the Senate or House of Representatives of the United States, after his election as such member, and either before or after he shall have qualified and taken his seat, or to any offi- cer of the United States, or person holding any place of trust or profit, or discharging any official function under or in connec- tion with any Department of the Govern- ment of the United States, or under the Senate or House of Representatives of the United States, after the jiassage of this act, with intent to influence his vote or de- cision on any question, matter, cause, or proceeding which may then be pending, or may by law, or under the Constitution of the United States, be brought before him in his official capacity, or in his place of trust or profit, and shall thereof be con- victed, such person or persons so offering, promising, or giving, or causing or pro- curing to be promised, offered, or given, any such money, goods, right in action, bribe, present, or reward, or any promise, contract, undertaking, obligation, or se- curity for the payment or delivery of any money, goods, right in action, bribe, pres- ent, or reward, or other valuable thing whatever, and the member, officer, or per- son who shall in anywise acceptor receive the same, or any part thereof, shall be liable to indictment as for a high crime and misdemeanor in any of the courts of the United States having jurisdiction for the trial of crimes and misdemeanors ; and shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not exceeding three times the amount so offered, promised, or given, and imprisoned in the penitentiary not exceeding three years ; and the person so convicted of so accepting or receiving the same, or any part thereof, if an officer or person holding any such place of trust or profit as afore- said, shall forfeit his office or place ; and any person so convicted under this section shall forever be disqualified to hold any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States." In the judgment of the committee, the facts reported in regard to Mr. Ames and Mr. Brooks would have justified their con- viction under the above-recited statute and subjected them to the penalties therein provided. The committee need not enlarge upon the dangerous character of these offenses. The sense of Congress is shown by the severe penalty denounced by the statute itself The offenses were not violations of private rights, but were against the very life of a constitutional Government by poisoning the fountain of legislation. The duty devolved upon the committee has "been of a most painful and delicate character. They have performed it to the best of their ability. They have proceeded with the greatest care and deliberation, for while they desired to do their full duty to the Plouse and the country, they were most anxious not to do injustice to any man. In forming their conclusions they have intended to be entirely cool and dis- passionate, not to allow themselves to be swerved by any popular fervor on the one 214 ■ AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. hand, or anv feeling of personal favor and sympathy on the other. The committee submit to the House and recommend the adoption of the following resolutions. "1. Whereas Mr. Oakes Ames, a Eepre- sentative in this House from the State of Massachusetts, has been guilty of selling to members of Congress shares of stock in the Credit ]Mobilicr of America, for prices much below the true value of such stock, •with intent thereby to influence the votes and decisions of such members in matters to be brought before Congress for action : Therefore, Resolved, That Mr. Oakes Ames be, and he is hereby, expelled from his seat as a member of this House. 2. Whereas Mr. James Brooks, a Repre- sentative in this House from the State of New York, did procure the Credit Mo- bilier Company to issue and deliver to Charles H. Neilson, for the use and bene- fit of said Brooks, fifty shares of the stock of said company, at a price much below its real value, well knowing that the same was so issued and delivered with intent to influence the votes and decisions of said Brooks, as a member of the House, in mat- ters to be brought before Congress for ac- tion, and also to influence the action of said Brooks as a Government director in the Union Pacific Railroad Company: Therefore, Resolved, That Mr. James Brooks be, and he is hereby, expelled from his seat as a member of this House." The House, after much discussion, modi- fied the propositions of the committee of investigation, and subjected Oakes Ames and James Brooks to the " absolute con- demnation of the House." Both members died within three months thereafter. The session was full of investigations, but all the others failed to develop any tangible scandals. Tlie Democrats de- manded and secured the investigation of the New York custom-house; the United States Treasury ; the use of Seneca sand- stone; the Chorpenning claim, and the Navy Dei)artment, etc. They were, as stated, fruitless. The " Salary Gral>." At the same session — 1871-73, acts were passed toabolisli the franking privilege, to increase tlic President's saliiry from $25- 000 to $50,000, and that of Senators and Ref)rescntatives from !?5,000 (o $7,500. The last proved quite ui\popular, and was gene- rally denounced as " The Salary Grab," because of the feature which made it a])- f)ly to the Congressmen who passed the )iil, and of course to go backward to the ])cginning of the term. This was not new, as earlier precedents were found to excuse it, but the people were neverthe- less dissatisfied, and it was made an issue by both parties in the nomination and election of Representatives. Many were defeated, but probably more survived the issue, and are still enjoying public life. Yet the agitation was kept up until the obnoxious feature of the bill and the Con- gressional increase of salary were repealed, leaving it as now at the rate of $5,000 a year and mileage. A House committee, headed by B. F. Butler, on Feb. 7th, 1873, made a report which gave a fair idea of the expenses un- der given circumstances — the increase to be preserved, but the franking privilege and mileage to be repealed. We quote the figures: Increase of President's salary $25,000 00 Increase of Cabinet ministers' salary 14,000 00 Increase of salary of judges United States Supreme Court 18,500 00 Increase of salary of Senators, Members, and Delegates... 972,000 00 Total increase $1,029,500 00 Saving to the Government, ac- cording to the official state- ment of the Postmaster- General, per annum, by the abolition of the franking privilege $2,543,327 72 Saving to the Government by abolition of mileage, sta- tionery, postage, and news- paper accounts (estimated) 200 000 00 $2,753,327 72 1,029,500 00 Total net saving $1,713,827 72 The House passed a bill for the aboli- tion of mileage, but in the Senate it was referred to the Committee on Civil Service and Retrenchment, and not again heard from. So that the increased pay no longer obtains, the franking ]irivilege only to the extent of mailing actual Congressional documents, and mileage remains. The following curious facts relating to these questions we take from Hon. Edward McPherson's admirable conn)ilatiou in his " Hand-Book of Politics " for 1874. statement of CompensatloMi and mileage. Dniini hy U. S. Senators inidrr the variotis (hnipensiition Acts. Mr. Gorham, Secretarj' of the Senate, ])rcpared, under date of January 3, 1874. a statement, in answer to a resolution of the Senate, covering these points : BOOK I.] COMPENSATION AND MILEAGE, 215 I. — The several rates of compensation fixed by various laws, and the cases in which the same mere retroactive, and for what length of time. 1. By the act of September 22, 1789, the compensation of Senators and Ueprcsenta- tives in Congress was fixed at six dollars a day, and thirty cents a mile lor traveling to and from the seat of Governinent. This rate was to continue until March 4, 1795. The same act fixed the compensation from March 4, 179o, to March 4, 179G, (at which last-named date, by its terms, it ex- ])ired,) at seven dollars a day, and thirty- five cents a mile for travel. This act was retroactive, extending back six months and eighteen days, namely, to March 4, 1789. 2. The act of March 10, 1796, fixed the compensation at six dollars a day, and thirty cents a mile for travel. (This act extended back over six davs only.) 3. The act of ]\Iarch 19" ISIG,' fixed the compensation at$l,r)00 a year, "instead of the daily compensation," and left the mile- age unchanged. This act was retroactive, extending back one year and fifteen days, namely to March 4,' 1815. (This act was repealed by the act of February 6, 1817, but it was expressly declared that no former act was thereby revived.) 4. The act of January 22, 1818, fixed the compensation at eight dollars a day, and forty cents a mile for travel. This act was retroactive, extending back fifty-three days, namely, to the assembling of Congress, December 1, 1817. 5. The act of August 16, 1856, fixed the coiupensation at .$3,000 a year, and left the mileage unchanged. This act was reti'oac- tive, extending back one year, five months, and twelve days, namelv, to ]\Iarch 4, 1855. 6. The act'of July "28, 1866, fixed the compensation at $5,000 a year, and twenty cents a mile for travel, (mjt to affect mile- age accounts already accrued.) This act was retroactive, extending back one year, four months, ar.d twenty-four days, namely, to March 4, 1865. 7. The act of March 3, 1873, fixed the compensation at $7,500 a year, and actual traveling expenses; the mileage already ]niid for the Forty-Second Congress to be deducted from the pay of those who had received it. This act was retroactive, ex- tending back two years, namely, to March 4, 1871. Note. — Stationery was allowed to Sena- tors and Representatives without any special limit until March 3, 1868, when the amount for stationery and newspapers for each Senator and Member was limited to $125 a session. This was changed by a subsequent act, taking efi'ect July 1, 1869, to $125 a year. The act of 1873 abolished all allowance for stationery and news- papers. II. — Names of Senators who drew j)a>j U7i- der the retroactive provisions of the several laws, amounts drawn, and dates of same. Act of 1789. — The records of my office do not furnish the exact information de- sired under this head concerning the First Congress, the compensation of which was fixed by act of September 22, 1789. It appears, however, that the account of each Senator was made up, and that each re- ceived the amount allowed by law. The following is a copy from the record : January 19, 1790. — That there is due to the Senators of the United States fur attendance in Congress the present session, to the 31st of March inclusive, and ex- penses of travel to Congress , as allowed by law, as follows, to wit : Messrs. Richard Basset, $496.50 ; Pierce Butler, $796; Charles Carroll, $186; Tristram Dalton, $612; Oliver Ellsworth, $546.50; Jonathan Elmer, $414 ; William Few, $833.50 ; John Henry, $596.50 ; Ben- jamin Hawkins, $615 ; William S. John- son, $544 ; Samuel Johnson, $534 ; Rufus King, $.522 ; John Langdon, $618 ; William Maclay, $585; Robert Morris, $430.50; William Paterson, $514.50 ; George Read, $195; Caleb Strong, $575.50; Philip Schuyler, $571.50 ; PaineWingate, $616.50. Act of 1816. — The record contains no showing as to the amount paid to Senators under the retroactive provision of the act of March 19,1816. The following, taken from the books, shows the amount of com- pensation paid to each Senator for the en- tire Congress, exclusive of mileage : Messrs. Eli P. Ashmun, $920; James Barbour, $2,850 ; William T. Barrv, $2,080; William W. Bibb, $2,070 ; James Brown, $2,980 ; George W. Campbell, $2,950 ; Dud- ley Chace, .$3,000 ; John Condit, $2,980 ; David Daggett, $3,000 ; Samuel W. Dana, $2,640 ; Elegius Fromentin, $3,000 ; John Gaillard, President, $6,000; Robert H. Goldsborough, $2,840 ; Christopher Gore, $1,940; Alexander Contee Hanson, $530; Martin D. Plardin, $900 ; Robert G. Har- per, $1,450 ; Outerbridge Horsev, $3,000 ; Jeremiah B. Howell,^ $3,000;' William Hunter, $2,930; Rufus King, $2,660; Abner Lacock, $3,000 ; Nathaniel Macon, $2,946 ; Jeremiah .Mason of New Hamp- shire, $2,680 ; Armistead T. ]\Iason of Vir- ginia, $2,360 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $3,0(>0 ; James Noble, $920; Jonathan Roberts, $3,000 ; Benjamin Rugglcs, .$3,000 ; Nathan Sanford, $2,720; William Smith, $540; Montfort Stokes, $<S10; Charles Tait, $3,000; Isham Talbot, $2,730 ; John Tay- lor of South Carolina, $1,990 ; Waller Tay- lor of Indiana, $920; Thomas W. Thomp- son, $2,850 ; Isaac Tichcnor, $3,000 ; George M. Troup, $8.30; James Turner, $2,060; Joseph B. Yaruum, $3,000 ; WilUam H. 216 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book r. Wells, $2,610; John Williams, $3,000; James J. Wilson, $3,000. ^^CT OF 1818. — Under the retroactive provision of the act of January 22, 1818, the following named Senators drew the amounts for compensation and mileage op- posite their respective names : Messrs. Eli P. Ashmun, $668; James Barbour, $520 ; James Burril, $762 ; George W. Campbell, $1,008 ; John J. Crittenden, $1,007.20 ; David Daggett, $690.40 ; Samuel W. Dana, $283.20; Mahlon Dickerson, $628.80; John W. Eppes, $584; James Fisk, $848 ; Elegius Fromentin, $1,393.60 ; John Gaillard, $880 ; Robert H. Golds- borough, $483.20; Outerbridge Horsey, $485.60 ; William Hunter, $543.20 ; Henry Johnson, $1,273.60 ; Rufus King, $627.20 ; Abner Lacock, $649.60; Walter Leake, $1,384; Nathaniel Macon, $600 ; David L. Morril, $876 ; Jeremiah Morrow, $776 ; James Noble, $918.40 ; Harrison Gray Otis, $792.80 ; Jonathan Roberts, $564.80 ; Ben- jamin Ruggles, $688; Nathan Sanford, $616 ; William Smith, $774.40 ; Montfort Stokes, $745.60 ; Clement Storer, $875.20 ; Charles Tait, $952; Isham Talbot, $872; Waller Taylor, $1,080; Isaac Tichenor, $784; George M. Troup, $952; Van Dyke, $380.80; Thomas H. Williams of Mississippi, $1,433.60; John Williams of Tennessee, $861.60 ; James J. Wilson, $568. Act of 1856. — Under the retroactive provision of the act of August 16, 1856, the following named Senators drew the amounts opj)ositc their respective names : Messrs. Stephen Adams, $2,243.77 ; Philip Allen, $2,202.79 ; James A. Bayard, $2,088.03; James Bell, $1,083.93; John Bell, $2,268.36 ; J. P. Benjamin, $2,210.99 ; Asa Biggs, $2,161.81 ; William Bigler, $1,- 594.24; Jesse D. Bright, president pro tempore, $0,772.40 ; R. Brodhead, $2,251.- 97 ; A. G. Brown, $2,251.97 ; A. P. Butler, $2,202.70; Lewis Cass, $2,251.97; C. C. Clay, jr., $2,251.97 ; J. M. Clayton, $2,292.- 95 ; J. Collamer, $2,219.18 ; J. J. Critten- den, $2,243.79; H. Dodge, $2,292.95; S. A. Douglas, $2,268.36 ; C. Durkeo, $2,235.56 ; J. J. Evans, $2,121.70 ; W. S. Fesscnden, $2,270.56 ; H. Fish, $2,237.28 ; B. Fitzpat- rick, $2,194.59 ; S. Foot, $2,292.94 ; L. F. S. Foster, $2,112.62 ; H. S. Gever, $2,276.- 56 ; J. P. Hale, $887.10; H. Hamlin, $1,- 989.68; J. Harlan, $2,268.36; S. Houston, $2,292.95; R. M. T. Hunter, 2,210.99; A. Iverson, $2,210.99; C. T. James, $2,210.99; R. W. Johnson, $632.21; (r. W. Jones, $2,235.58 ; J. C. Jones, $2,047.05 ; S. R. Mallory, $2,276.56; J. M. Mason, $2,170; J. A. Pearcc, $2,194.59; T. G. Pratt, $2,- 129.02; fJ. E. Pngh, $2,096.21 ; D. S. Reid, $2,235.58; T. J. Rusk, $2,292.95; W. K. Seba.stian, $2,137.22; W. H. Seward, $2,- 292.95; John Slidfll, $2,276.56; V.. E. Stuart, $2,292.95; C. Sumner, $2,292.95; J. B. Thompson, $2,235.57; John R. Thomson, $2,022.46 ; Robert Toombs, $2,- 006.07 ; Isaac Toucev, $2,292.65 ; L. Trum- bull, $2,251.97 ; B. F. Wade, $2,202.79 ; J. B. Weller, $2,251 97 ; LI. Wilson, $2,178.- 20 ; W. Wright, $2,120.82 ; D. L. Yulee, $2,194.59. Act of 1866. — Under the retroactive provision of the act of July 28, 1866, the following named Senators received the amounts opposite their respective names : Messrs. H. B. Anthony, .$2,805 56 ; B. Gratz Brown, $2,805 56 ; C. R. Buckalew, $2,805 56 ; Z. Chandler, $2,805 56 ; D. Clark, $2,805 56 ; J. Collamer, $1,366 15 ; J. Conness, $2,805 56 ; E. Cowan, $2,- 805 56 ; A. H. Cragin, $2,805 56 ; J. A. J. Creswell, $2,805, 56; G. Davis, $2,805 56; J. Dixon, $2,805 56; J. R. Doolittle, $2,- 805 56; W. P. Fessendcn, $2,805 66; S. Foot, $2,136 76 ; L. F. S. Foster, President l}ro tempore, $261 93 ; J. W. Grimes, $2,- 805 66 ; J. Guthrie, $2,805 56 ; I. Harris, $2,805 56 ; J. B. Henderson, $2,805 66 ; T. A. Hendricks, $2,805.56 ; J. M. Howard, $2,805 56 ; T. O. Howe, $2,805 56 ; R. John- son, $2,805 66; H. S. Lane, $2,805 56; J, H. Lane, $2,710 49 ; James A. Mc- Dougall, $2,805 56 ; E. D. Morgan, $2,- 805 56 ; L. M. Morrill, $2,805 56 ; J. W. Nesmith, $2,805 56; D. S. Norton, $2,- 805 56 ; J. W. Nye, $2,805 56; S. C. Pome- roy, $2, 805 56 ; A. Ramsev, $2,805 56 ; G. R.' Riddle, $2,805 m ; W. Saulsburv, $2,- 805 56 ; J. Sherman, $2,805 56 ; W. M. Stewart, $2,805 56 ; C. Sumner, $2,805 66 ; L. Trumbull, $2,806 56 ; P. G. VanWinkle, $2,805 56; B. Wade, $2,805 56; W. T. Willey, $2,805 56 ; G. H. Williams, $2,- 805 66 ; H. Wilson, $2,806 56 ; W. Wright, $2,805 56 ; R. Yates, $2,806 66 ; J. Harlan, $350 ; L. P. Poland, $1,361 ; John P. Stock- ton, $2,131 20; S. J. Kirkwood, $2,361 10; G. F. Edmunds, $666 66; E. G. Ross, $180 40. Act of 1873. — Under the retroactive provision of the act of March 3, 1873, the ibllowing named Senators received the sums set opposite their respective names : Messrs. A. Ames, $2,840 ; J. L. Alcorn, $2,312 39; J. T. Bayard, $4,865 60; F. P. Blair, $3,761 60; A. I. Boreman, $4,514; W. G. Brownlow, |4,588 ; A. Caldwell, $2,- 647 60 ; S. Cameron, $4,856 ; M. H. Car- jienter, .$3,887 60; E. Casserly, $970 40; Z. Cliandler, $3,906 80; P. Clayton, $2,600; C. Cole, $970 40; H. Cooper, $3,760 ; H. G. Davis, $4,635 20 ; 0. S. Ferry, $4,652 ; T. W. Ferry, $3,920 ; J. W. Flanagan, $2,- 000; A. Gilbert, $3,680; George Goldth- waite, $3,924 80; M. C. Hamilton, $2,480; .losluia Hill, $4,083 20; P. W. Hitchcock, $2,852 80; T. (). Howe, $3,689 60 , J. W. Johnston, $4,706 60 ; John T. Lewis, $4,- S04 40; John A. Logan, $3,800; W. B. Miichen, $r,5L'!t,S; L. M. Morrill, $4,190; I J. S. Morrill, (draft iu favor of the treas- BOOK I.J RETURNING BOARDS. 217 urer of the State of Vermont,) $4,38G 80 ; T M. Norwood, $4,1 G'J CO ; J. W. Nye, $2,- 076 80 ; T. W. Osborn, $:j,440 ; J. W. Pat- terson, $4,280; S. C. Pomeroy, $.3,320; John Pool, $4,G20 80 ; M. W. Ransom, $4,- 817 60 ; B. F. Rice, $8,200 ; T. J. Robert- son, $4,374 80 ; F. A. Sawyer, $4,294 40 ; George E. Spencer, $4,106; W. Sprague, $4,508; W.U. Stewart, $1,486 40; .J. P. Stockton, $4,700 ; T. W. Tipton, $3,358 ; Lyman Trumbull, $3,980 ; G. Vickers, $4,- 880 ; J. R. West, $2,468 80. III. — Names of Senators who covered into the Treasury amounts due them under re- troactive provisions of law, with date of such action. There is no record in my office showing that any Senator covered into the Trea- sury any money to which he was entitled by the "retroactive provisions of either of the acts of September 22, 1789, March 19, 1816, January 22, 1818, August 16, 1856, or July 28, 1866. The following Senators covered into the Treasury the amounts due them under the retroactive provision of the act of March 3, 1873, namely : 1873.— May 26, H. B. Anthony, $4,497 20 ; June 23, W. A. Buckingham, .$4,553 60 ; Mav 21, R. E. Fenton, $4,184; June 2, F. T. Frelinghuysen, $4,644 80 ; May 19, H. Hamlin, $4,136 ; August 14, O. P. Morton, $3,922 40 ; April 9, D. D. Pratt, $4,121 60 ; August 25, A. Ramsey, $3,041 40 ; March 28, C. Schurz, $3,761 60 ; May 9, John Scott, $4,733 06; July 11, John Sherman, $4,336 40 ; May 2, C. Sumner, $4,445 60 ; May 22, A. G.Thurmau, $4,359 20; March 28, Henrv Wilson, $4,448 ; September 6, George G. Wright, $3,140 80. Note. — Several of these Senators, as well as others who have not either drawn or covered into the Treasury the amounts due them under the retroactive provisiim of the act of 1873, expressed tome their intention to allow the money to lapse into^ the Treasury by the ordinary operation of law, which they supposed would occur July 3, 1873. After learning that it could not be covered in, except by their order, before July 3, 1875, some gave me written instructions to anticipate the latter date. I am unable to furnish from any informa- tion in my office the names of Senators who themselves paid into the Treasury salary drawn under the act of 1873 or pre- vious acts. I have not furnished the names of Senators who have left increased salary undrawn, as this information was not called for in the resolution. IV. — A Comparative Statement. Total compensation and allowance of Senators, under act of July 28, 1866, from March 4, 1871, to March 3, 1872: Com- pensation, $370,000; mileage, $37,041 20 ; stationery and newspapers, $9,250; total, .$416,29120; average per Senator, $5,- 625 551 f. Unfler same act, from March 4, 1872, to March 3, 1873, during which year members of the Senate received mileage for attend- ing the special session of the Senate, held in May, 1872, the following amounts were paid : Compensation, $370,000 ; mileage, $59,002 80 ; newspapers and stationerv, $9,- 250 ; total, $438,252 80 ; average per" Sen- ator, $.5,922 23 J 2. Total compensation and allowance of Senators under act of March 3, 1873 : Compensation, $5.55,000 ; traveling ex- penses, based upon the certificates of forty- six Senators, (twenty-eight h.aving pre- sented none,) amounting to $4,607 95, giv- ing an average of $100 17x74=:$7,412 58 ; total, .$562,412 58 ; average per Senator, $7,600 17. In connection with this were statements, prepared by the Secretary of the Senate, and laid before that body by Senator Camekon, January 9, 1874, of the amounts of mileage paid in dollars (cents omitted) at particular dates under the acts of 1856 and 1866, are given. The act of 1856 fixed mileage at forty cents per mile each way, and the act of 1866 fixed it at twenty cents per mile each way. Returning Boards. At the second session of the 42d Con- gress that body, and the President as well, were compelled to consider a new question in connection with politics — an actual con- flict of State Governments. There had al- ways been, in well regulated State govern- ments, returning boards, but with a view the better to guard the newly enfranchised citizens of the South from intimidation, the Louisiana Republicans, under very bold and radical leaders, had greatly strengthened the powers of her returning boards. It could canvass the votes, reject the returns in part or as a whole of parishes where force or fraud had been used, and could declare results after such revision. The Governor of Louisiana had made several removals and appointments of State officers for the purpose mainly of making a friendly majority in the return- ing board, and this led to the appointment of two bodies, both claiming to be the le- gitimate returning board. There soon followed two State governments and legis- latures, the Democratic headed by Gover- nor John McEnery, the Republican by Governor Wm. Pitt" Kellogg, later in the U. S. Senate. Kellogg brought suit against the Democratic officers before Judge Durell, of the Federal District Court, and obtained an order that the U. S. Marshal (8. B. Packard, afterwards Governor), should seize the State House and prevent the meetings of the McEnery 218 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I. legislature. Then both governments were hastily inaugurated, and claimed the re- cognition of Congress. The Senate Com- mittee reported that Judge Durell's deci- sion was not warranted, but the report refused a decisive recognition of eit^ier government. A bill was introduced de- claring the election of Xov. 4, 1872, on ■which this condition of aflairs was based, null and void, and providing for a new election, but this bill was defeated by a close vote. Later on, Louisiana claimed a large share in National politics. Some- what similar troubles occurred in Alabama, Arkansas, and Texas, but they were settled with far greater ease than those of Louisi- ana, The correspondence in all of these cases was too voluminous to reproduce here, and we shall dismiss the subject until the period of actual hostilities were reached in Louisiana. Tlie Grangers. So early as 1867 a secret society had been formed first in Washington, known as the Patrons of Husbandry, and it soon succeeded in forming subordinate lodges or granges in Illinois, Wisconsin, and other States. It was declared not to be politi- cal; that its object was co-operation among farmers in purchasing supplies from first hands, so as to do away with middle-men, but, like many other secret organizations, it was soon perverted to political purposes, and for a time greatly disturbed the politi- cal parties of the Western States. This •was especially true of the years 1873-74, when the Grangers announced a contem- plated war on railroad corporations, and succeeded in carr}'ing the legislatures of Illinois and Wisconsin, and inducing them subsequently to pass acts, the validity of which the Supreme Courts of the State, under a temporary popular pressure which was apparently irresistible, could not sus- tain. The effect of these laws was to al- most bankrupt the Illinois Central, there- tofore wealthy, to cripple all railroads, to interfere largely with foreign exports, and to react against the interests of the people of the States passing them, that the demand for repeal was soon very much greater than the original demand for pas- sage. As these laws, though repealed, are still often referred to in the discussion of political and corporate questions, we give the text of one of them : Illinois Railroad Act of 1873. An Act to prevent extortion and unjust dLscrimination in the rates charged for the transportation of passengers and freights on railroads in this State, and to punish the same, and j)rescril)e u mode of procedure, and rules of evidence in relation thereto, and to repeal an aot en- titled " An act to prevent unjust discrim- ination and extortions in the rates to be charged by the diflerent railroads in this State for the transportation of freights on said roads," approved Ajjril 7, A. D. 1871. Sectiox 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, represented in the General Assembly, If any railroad corpo- ration, organized or doing business in this State under any act of incorporation, or general law of this State now in force, or which may hereafter be enacted, or any railroad corporation organized or which may hereafter be organized under the laws of any other State, and doing business in this State, shall charge, collect, demand, or receive more than a fair and reasonable rate of toll or compensation for the trans- portation of passengers or freight 'of any description, or for the use and transporta- tion of any railroad car upon its track, or any of the branches thereof, or upon any railroad within this State which it has the right, license, or permission to use, oper- ate, or control, the same shall be deemed guilty of extortion, and upon conviction thereof shall be dealt with as hereinafter provided. Sec. 2. If any such railroad corporation aforesaid shall make any unjust discrimi- nation in its rates or charges of toll, or compensation, for the transportation of passengers or freight of any description, or for the use and transiiortation of any railroad car upon its said road, or upon any of the branches thereof, or upon rail- roads connected therewith, which it has the right, license, or permission to operate, control, or use, within this State, the same shall be deemed guilty of having violated the provisions of this act, and upon con- viction thereof shall be dealt with as here- inafter provided. Sec. 3. If any such railroad corporation shall charge, collect, or receive for the transportation of any passenger, or freight of any description, upon its i-ailroad, for any distance within this State, the same or a greater amount of toll or compensa- tion than is at the same time charged, col- lected, or received for the transportation, in the same direction, of any passenger, or like qtiantity of freight of the same class, over a greater distance of the same rail- road ; or if it shall charge, collect, or re- ceive at any point tipon this railroad a liigher rate of toll or compensation for re- ceiving, handling, or delivering freight of the same class and quantity than it shall at the s.ime time charge, collect, or receive at any other j)oint upon the same railroad ; or if it shall charge, collect or receive for the transportation of any j)assenger, or freight of any description, over its railroad a greater amount as toll or compensation BOOK I.] ILLINOIS RAILROAD ACT OF 1873. 219 thiin shall at the same time he charged, collected, or received hy it Ibr the trans- portation of any passenger or like quantity of freight of the same class, being trans- ported in the same direction over any jior- tion of the same railroad of e<iual distance ; or if it shall cliarge, collect, or receive from any person or persons a higher or greater amount of toll or compensation than it shall at the same time charge, collect, or receive from any other j)ers<)n or persons forreceiving, handling, or delivering freight of the same class and like quantity at the same point upon its railroad ; or if it shall charge, collect, or receive from any person or persons for the transportatictn of any freight upon its railroad a higher or great- er rate of toll or compensation than it shall at the same tinre charge, collect, or receive from any other person or persons for the transportation of the like quantity of freight of the same class being transported from the same direction over equal distances of the same railroad ; or if it shall charge, collect, or receive from any person or per- sons for the use and transportation of any railroad car or cai»s upon its railroad for any distance the same or a greater amount of toll or compensation than is at the same time charged, collected, or received from any person or persons for the use and trans- portation of any railroad car of the same class or number, for a like purpose, being transported in the same direction over a greater distance of the same railroad ; or if it shall charge, collect, or receive from any person or persons for the use and trans- portation of any railroad car or cars upon Its railroad a higher or greater rate of toll or compensation than it shall at the same time charge, collect, or receive from any other person or persons for the use and transportation of any railroad car or cars of the same class or number, for a like purpose, being transported from the same point in the same direction over an equal distance of the same railroad ; all such dis- criminating rates, charges, collections, or receipts, whether made directly or by means of any rebate, drawback, or other shift or evasion, shall be deemed and taken against such railroad corporation as jtrima facie evidence of the unjust discriminations prohibited by the provisions of this act, and it shall not be deemed a sullicient ex- cuse or justification of such discriminations on the part of such railroad corporation, that the railway station or point at which it shall charge, collect, or receive the same or less rates of toll or compensation for the transportation of such passengt^r or freight, or for the use and transportation of such railroad car the greater distance than for the shorter distance, is a railway station or point at which there exists comjietition with any other railroad or means of trans- portation. This section shall not be con- strued so as to exclude other evidence tend- ing to show any unjust discrimination in freight and passenger rates. The pro- visions of this section shall extend and ap- ply to any railroad, the Ijranches thereof, and any road or roads which any railroad corporation has the right, license, or per- mission to use, operate, or control, wholly or in part, within the State: Provided, however, That nothing herein c mtained shall be so construed as to pre\ent railroad cor2iorations from issuing commutation, excursion, or thousand mile tickets, as the same are now issued by such corjjorations. iSix;. 4. Any such railroad corporation guilty of extortion, or of making any un- just discrimination as to passenger or freight rates, or the rates for the use and transportation of railroad cars, or in re- ceiving, handling, or delivering freights shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in any sum not less than one thousand dol- lars ($1,000) nor more than live thousand dollars ($5,000) for the first offense ; and for the second offense not less than five thousand dollars ($5,000) nor more than ten thousand dollars ($10,000;) and for the third offense not less than ten thousand dollars ($10,000) nor more than twenty thousand dollars ($20,000;) and for every subsequent offense and convic- tion thereof shall be liable to a fine of twenty-five thousand dollars ($25,000:) Provided, That in all cases under this act either party shall have the right of trial by jury. Sec. 5. The fines hereinbefore provided for may be recovered in an action of debt in the name of the j^eoide of the State of Illinois, and there may be several counts joined in the same declaration as to extor- tion and [unjust discrimination, and as to passenger and freight rates, and rates for the use and transportation of railroad cars, and for receiving, handling, or delivering freights. If, ujion the trial of any case instituted under this act, the jury shall find for the people, they shall assess and return with their A'erdict the amount of the fine to be imposed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than one thousand dollars ($1,000) nor more than five thou- sand dollars ($5,000,) and the court shall render judgment accordingly; and if the jury shall find for the people, and that the defendant has been once before convicted of a violation of the provisions of this act, they shall return such finding with their verdict, and shall assess and return with their verdict the amount of the fine to be imposed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than five thousand ilollars ($5,000) nor more than ten thousand dollars ($10,- 000,) and the court shall render judgment accordingly; and if the jury shall find for the people, and that the defendant has been twice before convicted of a violation 220 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of the provisions of this act, with respect to extortion or unjust discrimination, they shall return such finding with their ver- dict, and shall assess and return with their verdict the amount of the fine to be im- posed upon the defendant, at any sum not less than ten thousand dollars ($10,000) nor more than twenty thousand dollars ($20,000;) and in like manner for every subsequent offense and conviction such de- fendant shall be liable to a fine of twenty- five thousand dollars ($25,000.) Provided,^ That in all cases under the provisions of this act a preponderance of evidence in favor of the people shall be sufiicient to authorize a verdict and judgment for the people. Sec. 6. If any such railroad corporation shall, in violation of any of the provisions of this act, ask, demand, charge, or receive of any person or corporation, any extor- tionate charge or charges for the transpor- tation of any passengers, goods, mer- chandise, or property, or for receiving, handling, or delivering freights, or shall make any unjust discrimination against any person or corporation in its charges therefor, the person or corporation so of- fended against may for each ofiense re- cover of such railroad corporation, in any form of action, three times the amount of the damages sustained by the party ag- grieved, together with cost of suit and a reasonable attorney's fee, to be fixed by the court where the same is heard, on ap- peal or otherwise, and taxed as a part of the costs of the case. Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the rail- road and warehouse commissioners to per- sonally investigate and ascertain whether the jjrovisions of this act are violated by any railroad corporation in this State, and to visit the various stations upon the line of each railroad for that purpose, as often as practicable; and whenever the facts in any manner ascertained by said commis- sioners shall in their judgment warrant and the Attorney General shall consent thereto. Sec. 8. The railroad and warehouse commissioners are hereby directed to make for each of the railroad corporations doing business in this State, as soon as practi- cable, a schedule of reasonable maximum rates of charges for the transj^ortation of passengers and freight and cars on each of said raih'oads ; and said schedule shall, in all suits brought against any sm h railroad corporations, wherein is in any way in- volved the charges of any such railroad corporation for the transportation of any passenger or freight or cars, or unjust dis- crimination in relation thereto, be deemed and taken, in all courts of this State, as prima facie evidence that the rates therein fixed are reasonable maximum rates of charges for the transportation of passen- gers and freights and cars upon the rail- roads for which said schedules may have been respectively prepared. Said commis- sioners shall, from time to time, and as often as circumstances may require, change and revise said schedules. When such schedules shall have been made or revised as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of said commissioners to cause publication thereof to be made for three successive weeks, iu some public newspaper published in the city of Springfield in this state : " Provided, That the schedules thus prepared shall not be taken as prima facie evidence as herein provided until schedules shall have been prepared and published as albresaid for all the railroad companies now organ- ized under the laws of this State, and until the fifteenth day of January, A. D. 1874, or until ten days after the meeting of the next session of this General Assembly, provided a session of the General Assembly shall be held previous to the fifteenth day of January aforesaid." All such schedules, purporting to be printed and published as aforesaid, shall be received and held, in all such suits, as prima facie the schedules of said commissioners, without I'urther Buch prosecution, it shall be the duty of. jiroof than the production of the paper in said commissioners to immediately cause suits to be commenced and prosecuted against any railroad corporation which may violate the provisions of this^ act Such suits and prosecutions may be insti- tuted in any county in the State, through or into which the line of the railroad cor- poration sued for violating this act may extend. And such railroad and ware- house commissioners are hereby author- ized, when the facts of the case presented tf» them shall, in their judgment, warrant the commencement of such action, to em- ploy counsel to ;issist the Attorney General in conducting sucli suit on belialf of the State. No such suits commenced by said commissioners shall b(i dismissed, except sjiid railnxid and warehouse commissioners which they were published, together with the certificate of the publisher of said paper that the schedule therein contained is a true coi)y of the schedule furnished for ptiblication by said commissioners, and that it has been published the above sjicci- fied time; and any such paper jmrporting to have been published at said city, and to b(i a public newspaper, shall be prt'sumed to have been so published at the date thereof, and to be a public news])aper. Sec. 10. In all cases under the provi- sions of this act, the rules of evidence shall be the same as in other civil actions, ex- cept as hereinbefore otherwise provided. All fines recovered under the provisions of this act shall be paid into the countj treasury of the county in which the suit is BOOK I.] SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. 221 tried, by tlic person collecting the same, in the manner now provided by law, to be used for county purposes. The remedies hereby given shall be regarded as cumula- tive to the remedies now given by law against railroad corporations, and this act shall not be construed as repealing any statute giving such remedies. Suits com- menced under the pi'ovisions of this act shall have precedence over all other busi- ness, except criminal business. Sec. 1L The term " railroad corpora- tion," contained in this act, shall be deemed and taken to mean all corpora- tions, companies, or individuals now own- ing or operating, or which may hereafter own or operate any railroad, in whole or in part, in this State; and the provisions of this act shall apply to all persons, firms, and comi)anies, and to all associations of persons, \vhcther incorporated or other- wise, that shall do business as common carriers upon any of the lines of railways in this State (street railways excepted) the same as to railroad corporations therein- before mentioned. Sec. 12. An act entitled " An act to pre- vent unjust discriminations and extortions in the rates to be charged by the different railroads in this State for the transporta- tion of freight on said roads," approved April 7, A. D. 1871, is hereby repealed, but such repeal shall not affect nor repeal any penalty incurred or right accrued under said act prior to the time this act takes effect, nor any proceedings or prose- cutions to enforce such rights or penalties. Approved May 2, 1873. S. M. CULLOM, Speaker House of Representatives. John Early, President of the Senate. John L. Beveridge, Governor, The same spirit, if not the same organi- zation, led to many petitions to Congress for the regulation of inter-state commerce and freight rates, and to some able reports on the subject. Those which have com- manded most attention were by Senator Windom of Minnesota and Representative Reagan of Texas, the latter being the au- thor of a bill which commanded much consideration from Congress in the sessions of 1878-80, but which has not yet secured favorable action. In lieu of such bill Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, intro- duced a joint resolution for the appoint- ment of a Commission to investigate and report upon the entire question. Final action has not yet been taken, and at this writing interest in the subject seems to have flagged. The disastrous political action attempted by the Grangers in Illinois and Wisconsin, led to such general condemnation that sub- sequent attempts were abandoned save in isolated cases, and as a rule the society has passed away. The i)rinciple upon which it was based was wholly unsound, and if strictly carried out, would destroy nil home improvements and enterprise. Parties and societies based upon a class, and directed or perverted toward political objects, are very happily short-lived in this iU'iJublic of ours. If they could thrive, the Repub- lic could not long endure. Snpplementary Civil Rights BUI. Senator Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill was passed by the second ses- sion of the 43d Congress, though its great author had died the year before — March nth, 1874. The text of the Act is given in Book V. of this volume, on Existing Political Laws. Its validity was sustained by the U. S. District Courts in their in- structions to grand juries. The first con- viction under the Act was in Philadelphia, in February, 1876. Rev. Fields Cook, pastor of the Third Baptist colored church of Alexandria, Virginia, was refused sleep- ingand eating accommodationsat the Bing- ham House, by Upton S. Newcomer, one of its clerks ; and upon the trial of the case, in the U. S. District Court, John Cadwalader, Judge, instructed the jury as follows : The fourteenth amendment of the Con- stitution of the United States makes all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, citizens-of the United States, and provides that no State shall make or en- force any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State * * * deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. This amendment expressly gives to Congress the power to enforce it by appropriate legislation. An act of Congress of ]March 1, 1875, enacts that all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theatres and other places of public amusement, sul)ject only to the conditions and limitations established by law, and applicable alike to citizens of every race and color, and makes it a crimi- nal offense to violate these enactments by deuj'ing to any citizen, except for reasons by law applicable to citizens of every race and color, * * * the full enjoyment of any of the accommodations, advantages, facili- ties or privileges enumerated. As the law of Pennsylvania had stood until the22d of March, 1S67, it was not wrongful for inn- keepers or carriers by land or water to dis- 222 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. criminate against travelers of the colored race to such an extent as to exclude them from any part of the inns or public con- veyances which was set apart for the ex- clusive accommodation of white travelers. The Legislature of Pennsvlvania, bv an act of 22cl of March, 1867, altered the law in this respect as to passengers on railroads. But the law of the State was not changed as to inns by any act of the State Legisla- ture. Therefore, independently of the amendment of the Constitution of the United States and of the act of Congress now in question, the conduct of the de- fendant on the occasion in question might, perhaps, have been lawful. It is not ne- cessary to express an opinion upon this point, because the decision of the case de- pends upon the effect of this act of Con- gress. I am under opinion that under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu- tion the enactment of this law was within the legislative power of Congress, and that we are bound to give effect to the act of Congress according to its fair meaning. According to this meaning of the act I am of opinion that if this defendant, being in charge of the business of receiving travelers in this inn, and of providing necessary and proper accommodations for them in it, re- fused such accommodations to the witness Cook, then a traveler, by reason of his color, the defendant is guilty in manner and form as he stands indicted. If the case depended upon the unsupported tes- timony of this witness alone, there might be some reason to doubt whether this de- fendant was the person in charge of this part of tlie business. But under this head the additional testimony of Mr. Annan seems to be sufficient to remove all reason- able doubt. If the jury are convinced of the defendant's identity, they will con- sider whether any reasonable doubt of his conduct or motives in refusing the accom- modations to Fields Cook can exist. The case appears to the court to be proved ; but this question is for the jury, not for the court. If the jury have any reasonable doubt, they should find the defendant not guilty; otherwise they will find him guilty. The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, March 1, 187G, and the Court imposed a fine of $500. The Morton Amendment. In the session of 73, Senator Morton, of Indiana, introduced an amendment to the Constitution providing for tlie general choice of Presidential Electors by Con- gressional districts, and delivered several speeches on the subject which attracted much attention at the time. Since then many amendments liavc been introduced on the subject, and it is a matter for an- nual discussion. We quote the Morton Amendment as the one most likely to com- mand favorable action : " Resolved hy the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of each House concurring therein:) That the fol- lowing article is hereby proposed as an amendment to the Constitution of the United vStates, and, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the Constitution, to wit: " Article — . " I. The President and Vice-President shall be elected by the direct vote of the people in the manner following: Each State shall be divided into districts, equal in number to the number of Eepresenta- tives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress, to be composed of con- tiguous territory, and to be as nearly equal in population as may be; and the person having the highest number of votes in each district for President shall receive the vote of that district, which shall count one pres- idential vote. " II. The person having the highest number of votes for President in a State shall receive two presidential votes from the State at large. " III. The person having the highest number of presidential votes in the United States shall be President. " IV. If two persons have the same number of votes in any State, it being the highest number, they shall receive each one presidential vote from the State at large ; and if more than two persons shall have each the same number of votes in any State, it being the highest number, no presidential vote shall be counted from the State at large. If more persons than one shall have the same number of votes, it being the highest number in any district, no presidential vote shall be counted from that district. " V. The foregoing provisions shall ap- ply to the election of Vice-President. "VI. The Congress shall have power to provide for holding and conducting the elections of President and Vice-President, and to establish tribunals for the decision of such elections as may be contested." VII. The States shall be divided into districts by the legislatures thereof, but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter the same. The present mode of election is given in Book V. of this volume. The Whlskjr Rln;;. During 1875 an extensive Whisky Ring, organized to control revenue legislation and avoidance of revenue taxes, was dis- BOOK I.] THE WHITE LEAGUE. 223 covered in the West. It was an associa- tion of distillers in collusion with Federal officers, :uid for a time it succeeded in de- frauding^ the government of the tax on dis- tilled si)irits. This form of corruption, after the declaration by President Cirant — •'let no guilty man escape" — was traced by detectives to the portals of the AVhite House, but even partisan rancor could not connect the President therewith. O. E. Babeock, however, was his private Secre- tary, and upon him was charged complicity with the fraud. He was tried and acquit- ted, but had to resign. Several Federal officers were convicted at St. Louis. Impeaclninent of Belknap. Another form of corruption was dis- covered in 1S7G, when the House im- peached Wm. W. Belknap, the Secretary of War, on the charge of selling an Indian trading establishment. The first and main specification was, that — On or about the second day of Novem- ber, eighteen hundred and seventy, said William W. Belknap, while Secretary of War as aforesaid, did receive from Caleb P. Marsh fifteen hundred dollars, in con- sideration of his having appointed said John S. Evans to maintain a trading- establishment at Fort Sill aforesaid, and for continuing him therein. The following summary of the record shows the result, and that Belknap escaped punishment by a refusal of two-thirds to vote "guilty :" The examination of witnesses was be- gun, and continued on various days, till July 2G, when the case was closed. August 1. — The Sexate voted. On the first article, thirty-five voted guilty, and twenty-five not guilty. On the second, third and fourth, Mr. Maxey made the thirty-sixth who voted guilty. On the fifth, Mr. Morton nuide the thirty-seventh who voted guilty. The vote on first was : VoTlXG Guii^TY — Messrs. Bayard, Booth, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cockrcll, Coopei; Davis, Dawes, Dennis, Edmunds, Gordon, Hamilton, Harvey, Hitchcock, Kelly, Kernan, Key, McCrecry, IfrDonahi, Merrimon, Mitchell, Morrill of Vermont, Norwood, Oglesby, Randolph, Ransom, Robertson, Sargent, Saulshury, Sherman, Stevenson, Thurman, Wadleigh, Wallace, Whyte, Withers— Zb. VoTiXG Not Guilty — Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Boutwell, Bruce, Cameron of Wisconsin, Christiancy, Conkling, Cono- ver, Cragin, Dorsey, Eaton, Ferry of Michi- gan, Frelinghuysen, Hamlin, Howe, In- galls, Jones of Nevada, Logan, McMillan, Paddock, Patterson, Spencer, West, Win- dom, Wright — 25. Mr. JoxES of Florida declined to vote. Those "voting not guilty" generally de- nierl jurisdiction, and so voted accordingly. Helknaj) hud resigned and the claim waa set up that he was a private citizen. Th« ^Vltlte I<eaf;ne. By 1874 the Democrats of the South, who then generally classed themselves as Conservatives, had gained control of all the State governments except those of Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina. In nearly all, the Kepubliean governmenta had called upon President Grant for mili- tary aid in maintaining their positions, but this was declined except in the jtrcsenceof such outbreak as the proper State authori- ties could not suppress. In Arkansas, Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, Grant declined to interfere save to cause the Attorney General to give legal advice. The condition of all these governments demanded constant attention from the Ex- ecutive, and his task was most difficult and dangerous. The cry came from the Demo- cratic partisans in the South for home-rule ; another came from the negroes that they were constantly disfranchised, intimidated and assaulted by the White League, a body of men organized in the Gulf States for the purpose of breaking up the "carpet- bag governments." So conflicting were the stories, and so great the fear of a final and destructive war of races, that the Con- gressional elections in the North were for the first time since the war greatly in- fluenced. The Forty-fourth Congress, which met in Deceml)er, 1875, had been changed by what was called " the tidal wave," from Republican to Democratic, and M. C. Kerr, of Indiana, was elected Speaker. The Senate remained Republican Avith a re- duced margin. The troubles in the South, and especially in Louisiana, had been in the year previous and were still of the gravest character. Gen'l Sheridan had been sent to New Or- leans and on the 10th of January, 1875, made a report which startled the country as to the doings of the White League. As it still remains a subject for frequent quo- tation we give its text: SHERIDAN'S EEPORT. New Orleans, January 10, 1875. Hon. W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War : Since the year 18(36, nearly thirty-five hundred persons, a great majority of whom were colored men, have been killed and wounded in this State. In 18i;8 the official record shows that eighteen hundred and eighty-four were killed and wounded. Froni 1868 to the present time, no ofiicial investigation has been made, and the civil authorities in all but a few cases have been 224 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. unable to arrest, convict and punishi per- petrators. Consequently, there are no cor- rect records to be consulted for informa- tion. There is ample evidence, however, to show that more than twelve hundred persons have been killed and wounded du- ring this time, on account of their political sentiments. Frightful massacres have oc- curred in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, Catahoula, Saint Bernard, Saint Landry, Grant and Orleans. The general charac- ter of the massacres in the above named parishes is so well known that it is unneces- sary to describe them. The isolated cases can best be illustrated by the following in- stances which I have taken from a mass of evidence now lying before me of men killed on account of their political jjrinci- ples. In Natchitoches Parish, the num- ber of isolated cases reported is thirty- three. In the parish of Bienville, the number of men killed is thirty. In Red River Parish the number of isolated cases of men killed is thirty-four. In Winn Par- ish the number of isolated cases where men were killed is fifteen. In Jackson Parish the number killed is twenty; and in Cata- houla Parish the number of isolated cases reported where men were killed is fifty ; and most of the country parishes through- out the State will show a corresponding state of affairs. The following statement will illustrate the character and kind of these outrages. On the 29th of August, 1874, in Red River Parish, six State and parish officers, named Twitchell, Divers, Holland, Howell, Edgerton and Willis, •were taken, together with four negroes, under guard, to be carried out of the State, and were deliberately murdered on the 30th of August, 1874. The White League tried, sentenced, and hung two negroes on the 28tliof August, 1874. Three negroes were shot and killed at Brownsville, just before the arrival of the United States troops in the parish. Two White Leaguers rode up to a negro cabin and called for a drink of water. Wlien tlie old colored man. turned to draw it, they shot him in the back and killed him. The courts were all broken up in this district, and the district judge driven out. In the parish of Caddo, ])rior to tlio arrival of the United States troops, all of the olliccrs at Shnveport were com- pelled to alxlicatc by the Wliite League, which took ])Ossession of the ])lace. Among those obliged to abdicate were Walsh, tlie mayor, Rapers, the sheriff, Wheaton, clerk of the court, Durant, tlie recorder, and Ferguson and Riiufro, administrators. Two colored men, who liad given evidence in regard to frauds committed in the parisli, were compelled to flee for their lives and reached this city last niglit, liaving been smuggled through in a cargo of cotton. In the parish of I'ossier the White League have attempted to force the abdication of Judge Baker, the L^nited States Commis- sioner and parish judge, together with O'Neal, the sheriff, and Walker, the clerk of the court ; and they have compelled the parish and district courts to suspend o]iera- tions. Judge Baker states that the White Leaguers notified him several times that if he became a candidate on the republican ticket, or if he attempted to organize the republican party, he should not live until election. They also tried to intimidate him through his family by making the same threats to his wife, and when told by him that he was a L^nited States commissioner, they notified him not to attempt to exercise the functions of his office. In but few of the country parishes can it be truly said that the law is properly enforced, and in some of the par- ishes the judges have not been able to hold court for the past two years. Human life in this State is held so cheaply, that when men are killed on account of jiolitical opinions, the murderers are regarded rather as heroes than as criminals, in the locali- ties where they reside, and by the White League and their supporters. An illustra- tion of the ostracism that prevails in the State may be found in a resolution of a White League club in the parish of De Soto, which states, " That they pledge themselves under (no?) circumstances after the coming election to employ, rent land to, or in any other manner give aid, com- fort, or credit, to any man, white or black, Avho votes against the nominees of the wdiite man's party." Safety for individuals who express their opinion in the isolated portion of this State has existed only when that opinion was in favor of the principles and party supported by the Ku-Klux and White League organizations. Only yes- terday Judge Myers, the parish judge of the parish of Natchitoches, callctl on me upon his arrival in this city, and stated that in order to reach here alive, he was obliged to leave his home by stealth, and after nightfall, and make his way to Little Rock, Arkansas, and come to this city by Avay of Memphis. He further states that while his fiither was lying at the point of death in the same village, he was unable to visit him for fear of assassination ; and yet he is a native of the jtarish, and pro- scribed for his political sentiments only. It is more than probable that if l)ad gov- ernment has existed in this State it is the result of the armed organizations, which have now crystallized into what is called the White League ; instead of bad government developing them, tliey have by their ter- rorism prevented to a considerable extent the collection of taxes, the holding of courts, the punishment of criminals, and vitiated public sentiment by familiarizing it with the scenes abov(> described. 1 am now engaged in compiling evidence for a BOOK I.] THE WHITE LEAGUE. 225 detailed report upon the above subject, but it will be some time before I can obtain all the requisite data to cover the cases that have occurred throughout the State. I will also report in due time upon the same subject in the States of Arkansas and Mis- sissippi. P. H. SlIEKIDAX, Lieutenant- (Jeneral. President Grant said in a special mes- sage to Congress, January 13, 1875: — " It has been bitterly and persistently alleged that Kellogg was not elected. Whether he was or not is not altogether certain, nor is it auy more certain that his competitor, McEnery, was i-hosen. The election was a gigantic fraud, and there are no reliable returns of its result. Kellogg obtained possession of the office, and in my opinion has more right to it than his competitor. " On the 20th of February, 1873, the Committee on Privileges and Elections of the Senate made a report, in which they say they were satisfied by testimony that the manipulation of the election machinery by Warraoth and others was equivalent to twenty thousand votes ; and they add, to recognize the McEnery government 'would be recognizing a government based upon fraud, in defiance of the wishes and intention of the voters of the State.' As- suming the correctness of the statements in this report, (and they seem to have been generally accepted by the country,) the great crime in Louisiana, about which so much has been said, is, that one is holding the office of governor who was cheated out of twenty thousand votes, against another whose title to the office is undoubtedly based on fraud, and in defiance of the wishes and intentions of the voters of the State. " Misinformed and misjudging as to the nature and extent of this report, the sup- Eorters of McEnery proceeded to displace y force in some counties of the State the appointees of Governor Kellogg; and on the 13th of April, in an effort of that kind, a butchery of citizens was committed at Colfax, which in blood-thirstiness and bar- barity is hardly surpassed by any acts of savage warfare. " To put this matter beyond controversy, I quote from the charge of Judge Woods, of the United States circuit court, to the jury in the case of the United States vs. Cruikshank and others, in Xew Orleans, in March, 1874. He said : " ' In the case on trial there are many facts not in controversy. I proceed to state some of them in the presence and hearing of counsel on both sides; and if I state as a conceded fact any matter that is disputed, they can correct me.' " After stating the origin of the diffi- 15 culty, which grew out of an attempt of white persons to drive the parish judge and sheriff", appointees of Kellogg, from otfice, and their attempted protection ])y colored persons, which led to some fight- ing in which quite a number of negroes were killed, the judge states: "' Most of those who were not killed were taken prisoners. Fifteen or sixteen of the blacks had lifted the boards and taken refuge under the floor of the court- house. They were all captured. About thirty -seven men were taken prisoners ; the number is not definitely fixed. They were kept under guard until dark. They were led out, two by two, and shot. Most of the men were shot to death. A few were wounded, not mortally, and by pre- tending to be dead were afterward, during the night, able to make their escape. Among them was the Levi Nelson named in the indictment. " ' The dead bodies of the negroes killed in this affair were left unburicd until Tues- day, April 15, when they were buried by a deputy marshal and an officer of the militia from New Orleans. These persons found fifty-nine dead bodies. They show- ed pistol-shot wounds, the great majority in the head, and most of them in the back of the head. In addition to the fifty-nine dead bodies found, some charred remains of dead bodies were discovered near the court-house. Six dead bodies were found under a warehouse, all shot in the head but one or two, which were shot in the breast. "' The only white men injured from the beginning of these troubles to their close were Hadnot and Harris. The court- house and its contents were entirely con- sumed. " ' There is no evidence that any one in the crowd of whites bore any lawful war- rant for the arrest of any of the blacks. There is no evidence that either Nash or Cazabat, after the affiiir, ever demanded their offices, to which they had set up claim, but Register continued to act as parish judge, and Shaw as Sheriff " ' These are facts in this case, as I under- stand them to be admitted.' " To hold the people of Louisiana gen- erally responsible for these atrocities would not be just ; but it is a lamentable fact that insuperable obstructions were thrown in the way of punishing these murderers, and the so-called conservative papers of the State not only justified the massacre, but denounced as Federal tyranny and despot- ism the attempt of the "United States offi- cers to bring them to justice. Fierce de- nunciations ring through the country about office-holding and election matters- in Louisiana, while ever}- one of the Colfax miscreants goes unwhipped of justice, anif no way can be found in this boasted laud 226 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of civilization and C'hristianity to punish the perpetrators of this bloody and mon- strous crime. " Xot unlike this was the massacre in August last. Several northern young men of capital and enterprise had started the little and flourishing town of Coushatta. Some of them were republicans and office- holders under Kellogg. They were there- fore doomed to death. Six of them were seized and carried away from their homes and murdered in cold blood. No one has been punished; and the conservative press of the State denounced all efforts to that end, and boldly justified the crime." The House on the 1st of March, 1875, by a strict party vote, 155 Republicans to 86 Democrats, recognized the Kellogg gov- ernment. The Senate did the same on March 5th, by 33 to 23, also a party vote. Under the influence of the resolution unanimously adopted by the House of Representatives of the United States, recommending that the House of Repre- sentatives of that State seat the persons rightfully entitled thereto from certain districts, the whole subject was, by consent of parties, referred to the Special Commit- tee of the House who examined into Louisiana affairs, viz. : Messrs. George F. Hoar, William A. Wheeler, William P. Frj-e, Charles Foster, William Walter Pheli)S, Clarkson N. Potter and Samuel S. Marshall, who, after careful examination, made an award, which was adopted by the Legislature in April, 1875. It is popularly known as the " Wheeler Compromise." Text of the "Wlieeler Compromise. New Orleans, March, 1875. Whereas, It is desirable to adjust the difficulties growing out of the general elec- tion in this State, in 1872, the action of the Returning Board in declaring and pro- mulgating the results of the general elec- tion, in the month of November last, and the organization of the House of Repre- sentatives, on the 4th day of January last, such adjustment being deemed necessary to the rc-establishmcnt of peace and order in tliis State. Now, therefore, the undersigned mem- bers of the Conservative i)arty, claiming to have been elected members of the House of Representatives, and that their certifi- cates of election have been illegally with- held by the Returning Roard, hereby severally agree to submit their claims to seats in the House of Re[)resentative3 to the award and arl)itrani(nt of (Jeorge F. Hoar, William A. Whc.-lcr, William P. Frye, Cliarles Foster, William Walter Phelps, (Jlarkson N. Potter, and Samuel S. Marshall, who are hereby authorized to examine and determine the same upon the equities of the several ca.scs; and when such awards shall be made, we hereby severally agree to abide by the same : And such of us as may become members of the House of Representatives, under this arrangement, hereby severally agree to sustain by our influence and votes the joint resolution herein set forth. [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- crats who claimed that their certificates of election as members of the House of Re- presentatives had been illegally withheld by the Returning Board.] And the undersigned claiming to have been elected Senators from the Eighth and Twenty-Second Senatorial Districts, hereby agree to submit their claims to the fore- going award and arbitrament, and in all respects to abide the results of the same. [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- crats, who made a like claim as to seats in the Senate.] And the undersigned, holding certifi- cates of election from the Returning Board, hereby severally agree that upon the com- ing in of the award of the foregoing arbi- trators they will, when the same shall have been ratified by the report of the Commit- tee on Elections and Qualifications of the body in session at the State House claim- ing to be the House of Representatives, attend the sitting of the said House for the purpose of adopting said report, and if said report shall be adopted, and the mem- bers embraced in the foregoing report shall be seated, then the undersigned seve- rally agree that immediately upon the adoption of said report they will vote for the following joint resolution : [Here follow the signatures of the Demo- cratic members of the House of Represen- tatives in relation to whose seats there was no controversy.] JOINT RESOLUTION. Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of Louisiana, That said Assembly, without approving the same, will not dis- turb the present State Government claim- ing to have been elected in 1872, known as the Kellogg Government, or seek to im- peach the Governor for any jiast official acts, and that henceforth it will accord to said (Jovernor all necessary and legitimate support in maintaining the laws and ad- vancing the peace and prosperity of the people of this State : and that the House of Representatives, as to its members, as constituted under the award of (Jeorge F, Hoar, W. A. Wheeler, W. P. Frye, Charles Foster, Samuel S. Marshall, Clarkson N. Potter, and William Walter Phelps, shall remain without change except by resignation or death of moinbcrs until a new general election, and that the Senate, as now organized, shall also remain un- changed except so far as that body shall make changes on contests. BOOK I.J TEXT OF THE WHEELER COMPROMISE. 227 TEXT OF THK AWARD. New Yohk, March 18, 1875. The undersigned having been reiiuested to examine the ciainiH of the persons here- inafter named to seats in the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Louisiana, and having examined the re- turns and the evidence^ rehiting to such claims, are of opinion, and do heret)y fitid, award and determine, that F. S. Cioode is entitled to a seat in the Senate from the Twenty-second Senatorial District ; and that .J. B. Elam is not entitled to a seat in the Senate from the Eighth Senatorial District; and that the following named persons are entitled to seats in the House of Representatives from the following named parishes respectively; From the Parish of Assumption, R. R. Beaseley, E. F. X. Dugas ; from the Parish of Bien- ville, James Brice ; from the Parish of De Soto, J. S. Scales, Cliarles Schuler; from the Parish of Jackson, PI Kidd ; from the Parish of Rapides, .James Jeffries, R. C. Luckett, G. W. Stafford ; from the Parish of Terrebone, Edward McCollum, W. H. Keyes ; from the Parish of Winn, George A. Kelley. And that the following named persons are not entitled to seats which they claim from the following named parishes respectively, but that the persons now holding seats from said parishes are entitled to retain the seats now held by them ; from the Parish of Avoyelles, J. O. Quinn ; from the Parish of Iberie, W. F. Schwing ; from the Parish of Caddo, A. D. Land, T. R. Vaughan, J. J. Koran. We are of opinion that no person is en- titled to a seat from the Parish of Grant. In regard to most of the cases, the undersigned are unanimous ; as to the others the decision is that of a majority. George F. Hoar, W. A. Wheeler, W. P. Frye, Charles Foster, Clarkson N. Potter, William Walter Phelps, Samuel S. Marshall. This adjustment and award were accept- ed and observed, until the election in No- vember, 1876, when a controversy arose as to the result, the Rej)u])licans claiming the election of Stephen B. Packard as Govern- or by about 3,-500 majority, and a Republi- can Legislature ; and the Democrats claim- ing the election of Francis T. Nicholls as Governor, by about 8,000 majority, and a Democratic Legislature. Committees of gentlemen visited New Orleans, by request of President Grant and of various politi- cal organizations, to witness the count of the votes by the Returning Board. And in December, 1876, on the meeting of Con- gress, committees of investigation were ap- pointed by the Senate and by the House of Representatives. Exciting events were now daily transpiring. On the 1st of Jan- uary, 1877, the Legislature organized in the State House without exhibitions of vio- lence. The Democrats did not unite in the proceedings, but met in a separate build- ing, and organized a separate Legislature. Telegraphic communication was had be- tween the State House and the Custom House, where was the office of Marshal Pitkin, who with the aid of the United States troops, was ready for any emergency. About noon the Democratic members, ac- companied by about 500 persons, called at tb.e State House and demanded admission. The officer on duty replied that the mem- bers could enter, but the crowd could not. A formal demand was then made upon General Badger and other officials, by the spokesman, for the removal of the obstruc- tions, barricades, police, etc., which pre- vented the ingress of members, which being denied. Col. Bush, in behalf of the crowd, read a formal protest, and the Democrats retired. Gov. Kellogg was presented by a committee with a copy of the protest, and he replied, that as chief magistrate and conservator of the peace of the State, be- lieving that there was danger of the or- ganization of the General Assembly being violently interfered with, he had caused a police force to be stationed in the lower portion of the building ; that he had no motive but to preserve the peace ; that no member or attache of either house will be interfered with in any way, and that no United States troops are stationed in the capitol building. Clerk Trezevant declined to call the House to order unless the police- men were removed. Upon the refusal to do so, he withdrew, when Louis Sauer, a mem- ber, called the roll, and 68 members — a full House being 120 — answered to their names. Ex-Gov. Hahn was elected Speaker, re- ceiving 53 votes as against 15 for Ex-Gov. Warmoth. The Senate was organized by Lieutenant- Governor Antoine with 19 present — a full Senate being 30 — eight of whom held over, and 11 were returned by the Board. Gov. Kellogg's message was presented to each House. The Democrats organized their Legisla- ture in St. Patrick's hall. The Senators were called to order by Senator Ogden. Nineteen Senators, including nine holding over, and four, who were counted out by the board, were present. The Democratic members of the House were called to order by Clerk Trezevant, and 61 answered to their names. Louis Bush was elected Speaker. January 3d— Republican Legislature passed a resolution asking for military pro- tection against apprehended Democratic violence, and it was telegraphed to the , President. 228 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. On Sunday, January 8th, Gov. Kellogg telegraphed "to President Grant to the same effect. January 8th — Stephen B. Packard took the oath of office as Governor, and C. C. Antoine as Lieutenant-Governor, at the State House at 1 : 30, in the presence of the Legislature. January 8 — Francis T. Nicholls and L. A. Wiltz to-day took the oath of office of Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, re- spectively, on the balcouv of St. Patrick's hall. By the 11th of January both parties were waiting for the action of the authorities at Washington. Gov. Packard to-day com- missioned A. S. Badger Major-General of the State National Guard, and directed him to organize the first division at once. Two members of the Packard Legislature, Mr. Barrett, of Rapides, and Mr. Kennedy, of St. Charles, had withdrawn from that body and gone over to the Nicholls Legis- lature. Messrs. Breux, Barrett, Kennedy, Es- topival, Wheeler, and Hamlet, elected as Republicans, under the advice of Pinch- back — a defeated Republican candidate for U. S. Senator, left the Packard or Repub- lican, and joined the Nicholls Legislature. On the 15th, Governor Packard, after receiving a copy of the telegram of the President to General Augur, issued a proclamation aimed at the " organized and armed combination and conspiracy of men now offering unlawful and violent resist- ance to the lawful authority of the State government." The Nicholls court issued an order to Sheriff Handy to provide the means for protecting the court from any violence or intrusion on the part of the adherents of "S. B. Packard, a wicked and shameless impostor." Governor Packard on the 16th, in a let- ter to Gen. Augur, acknowledges the re- ceipt of a communication from his aide- de-camp asking for assurances from him that the President's wishes concerning the preservation of the present status be re- spected, and says that the request would have been more appropriate if made im- mediately after his installation as Gov- ernor and before many of the main branches of the Government had been forcibly taken possession of by the oppo- sition. He says : " I had scarcely taken the oath of office when the White League were called to arms; the Court room and the records of tin; Supn^me Court of the State were forcibly taken possession of, and various precinct police-stations were captured in like manner by overwhelm- ing forces. Orders hafl been issued by the Secretary of War c;irly on that day that all unauthorized anned bodies should de- sist. A dispatch fromyourself of thesame date to the Secretary of War, conveyed the assurances that Nicholls had promised the disbandment of his armed forces. * * * * It was my understanding, that neither side should be permitted to inter- fere with the sfafus of the other side. Yet the day after this order was received and the pledge given by Nicholls, a force of several hundre4 armed White Leaguers repaired to the State Arsenal and took there- from into their own keeping five pieces of artillery, and a garrison of armed men was placed in and around the Supreme Court building. That on the following day, Jan- uary 11, an armed company of the White League broke into and took possession of the office of the Recorder of Mortgages. * * * * In view of all these facts it seemed to me that to give the pledge ver- bally asked of me this morning would be to sanction revolution, and by acquies- cence give it the force of accomplished fact, and I therefore declined." Many telegrams followed between the Secretary of War, J. Don. Cameron, Gen'l Augur and Mr. Packard, the latter daily complaining of new "outrages by the White League," while the Nicholls gov- ernment professed to accord rights to all classes, and to obey the instructions from Washington, to faithfully maintain the status of afiairs until decisive action should be taken by the National government. None was taken. President Grant being unwilling to outline a Southern policy for his successor in office. Election of Hayes and "Wheeler. The troubles in the South, and the al- most general overthrow of the "carpet bag government," impressed all with the fact that the Presidential election of 1876 would be exceedingly close and exciting, and the result confirmed this belief. The Green- backers were the first to meet in National Convention, at Indianapolis, May 17th. Peter Cooper of New York was nominated for President, and Samuel F. Gary of Ohio, for Vice President. The Republican National Convention met at Cincinnati, .June 14th, with James G. Blaine recognized as the leading candi- date. Grant had been named for a third term, and there was a belief that his name would be presented. Such was the feeling on this question that the House of Con- gress and a Republican State Convention in Pennsylvania, had passed resolutions declaring that a third term for President would be a violation of the " unwritten law " handed down through the examples of Wasliington, and Jackson. His name, however, was not then presented. The "unit rule " at this Convention was for the first time resisted, and by the friends of Blaine, BOOK I.] THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 229 with a view to release from instructions of State Conventions some of his friends. New York had instructed for Conkling, and Pennsylvania for Hartranft. In both of these states some delegates had been chosen by their respective Congressional districts, in advance of any 8tate action, and these elections were as a rule confirmed by the State bodies. Where they were not, there were contests, and the right of dis- trict representation was jeopardized if not destroyed by the reinforcement of the unit rule. It was tlierefore thought to be a question of nuich importance by the war- ring interests. Hon. Edw. McPherson was the temporary Chairman of the Conven- tion, and he took the earliest opportunity presented to decide against the binding force of the unit rule, and to assert the lib- erty of each delegate to vote as he pleased. The Convention sustained the decision ou an appeal. Ballots of the Cincinnati Eepublicau Convention, 1876 : Ballots, 12 3 4 5 6 7 Blaine, 285 296 292 293 287 308 351 Conkling, 113 114 121 126 114 111 21 Bristow, 99 93 90 84 82 81 Morton, 124 120 113 108 95 85 Hayes, 61 64 67 68 102 113 384 Hartranft, 68 63 68 71 69 50 Jewell, 11 Washb'ne, 113 3 4 Wheeler, 3 3 2 2 2 2 Gen. Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, was nominated for President, and Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice President. The Democratic National Convention met at St. Louis, June 28th. Great interest was excited by the attitude of John Kel- ly, the Tammany leader of New York, who was present and opposed with great bitterness the nomination of Tilden. He afterwards bowed to the will of the major- ity and supported him. Both the unit and the two-thirds rule were observed in this body, as they have long been by the Dem- ocratic party. On the second ballot, Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, had 535 votes to 203 for all others. His leading competitor was Hon. Thomas A. Hen- dricks, of Indiana, who was nominated for Vice President. The Electoral Connt. The election followed Nov. 7th, 1876, Hayes and Wheeler carrying all of the Northern States except Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Indiana; Tilden and Hendricks carried all of the Southern States except South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana. The three last named States were claimed by the Democrats, but their members of the Congressional Investiga- ting Committee quieted rival claims as to South Carolina by agreeing that it had fairly chosen the Republican electors. So close was the result that success or failure hinged upon the returns of Florida and Louisiana, and for days and weeks confiict- irig stories and claims came from these States. The Democrats claimed that they had won on the face of the returns from Louisiana, and that there was no authority to go behind these. The Republicans pub- licly alleged frauds in nearly all of the Southern States ; that the colored vote had been violently suppressed in the Gulf States, but they did not formally dispute the face of the returns in any State save where the returning boards gave them the victory. This douljtful state of affaii-s in- duced a number of prominent politicians of both the great parties to visit the State capitals of South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana to witness the count. Some of these were appointed by President Grant ; others by the Democratic National Com- mittee, and both sets were at the time called the " visiting statesmen," a phrase on which the political changes were rung for months and years thereafter. The electoral votes of Florida were de- cided by the returning board to be Repub- lican by a majority of 926, — this after throwing out the votes of several districts where fraudulent returns were alleged to be apparent or shown by testimony. The Board was cited before the State Supreme Court, which ordered a count of the face of the returns ; a second meeting only led to a second Republican return, and the Republican electors were then declared to have been chosen by a majority of 206, though before this was done, the Electoral College of the State had met and cast their four votes for Hayes and Wheeler. Both parties agreed very closely in their counts, except as to Baker county, from which the Republicans claimed 41 majority, the Dem- ocrats 95 majority — the returning board ac- cepting the Republican claim. In Louisiana the Packard returning board was headed by J. Madison Wells, and this body refused to permit the Demo- crats to be represented therein. It was in session three weeks, the excitement all the time being at fever heat, and finally made the following average returns : Republican electors, 74,436 ; Democratic, 70,505 ; Re- publican majority, 3,931. McEnery, who claimed to be Governor, gave the Demo- cratic electors a certificate based on an average vote of 83,635 against 75,759, a Democratic majority of 7,876. In Oregon, the three Republican electors had an admitted majority of the popular vote, but on a claim that one of the number was a Federal office-holder and therefore ineligible, the Democratic Governor gave a certificate to two of the Republican elec- 230 AMERICAN' POLITICS. [book I. tors, and a IMr. Cronin, Democrat. The three Republican electors were certified by the Secretary of State, who was the can- vassing officer by law. This Oregon busi- ness led to grave suspicions against Mr. Tildeu, who was thereafter freely charged by the Republicans with the use of his immense private fortune to control the re- sult, and thereafter, the New York Tribune, ■with unexami)led enterprise, exposed and reprinted the " cipher dispatches " from Gramercy, which Mr. Pelton, the nephew and private secretary of Mr. Tilden, had sent to Democratic " visiting statesmen " in the four disputed sections. In 1878, the Potter Investigating Committee subse- quently confirmed the " cipher dispatches " but Mr. Tildeu denied any knowledge of them. The second session of the 44th Congress met on Dec. 5th, 1876, and while by that time all knew the dangers of the approach- ing electoral count, yet neither House would consent to the revision of the joint rule regulating the count. The Republi- cans claimed that the President of the Sen- ate had the sole authority to open and an- nounce the returns in the presence of the two Houses ; the Democrats plainly disputed this right, and claimed that the joint body could control the count under the law. Some Democrats went so far as to say that the House (which was Democratic, with Samuel J. Randall in the Speaker's chair) could for itself decide when the emergency had arrived in which it was to elect a President. There was grave danger, and it was as- serted that the Democrats, fearing the President of the Senate would exercise the power of declaring the result, were preparing first to forcibly and at least with secrecy swear in and inaugurate Tilden. Mr. Watterson, member of the House from Kentucky, boasted that he had completed arrangements to have 100,000 men at Wa-ohington on inauguration day, to see that Tilden was installed. President Grant and Secretary of War Cameron, thought the condition of affairs critical, and botli made active though secret prei)arations to secure the safe if not the peaceful inaugu- ration of Hayes. Grant, in one of his sen- tentious utterances, said he " would have peace if he had to fight for it." To this end he sent for Gov. Hartranft of Penn- sylvania, to know if he could stop any at- tom])tod movement of New York troops to Wa,shington, as he had information that the purpose was to for('iI)]y install Tilden. (jov. Hartranft rcnlicd tiiat he could do it with the National Ciiiard and the (irand Army of the Republic. He was told to return to Ilarrisliurg and pre|)are for such an emergency. Tliis he did, and as tl)e Legislature was then in session, a Repub- lican caucus was called, and it resolved, without knowing exactly why, to sustain any action of the Governor with the re- sources of the State; Secretary Cameron also sent for Gen'l Sherman, and for a time went on with comprehensive prepa- rations, which if there had been need for comjiletion, would certainly have put a speedy check upon the madness of any mob. There is a most interesting unwrit- ten history of events then transpiring which no one now living can fully relate without unjustifiable violations of political and personal confidences. But the danger was avoided by the patriotism of prominent members of Congress representing both of the great political parties. These gentle- men held several important and private conferences, and substantially agreed upon a result several days before the exciting struggle which followed the introduction of the Electoral Commission Act, The leaders on the part of the Republicans in these conferences were Conkling, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen ; on the part of the Demo- crats Bayard, Gordon, Randall and Hewitt, the latter a member of the House and Chairman of the National Democratic Committee. The Electoral Commission Act, the basis of agreement, was supported by Conkling in a speech of great power, and of all men engaged in this great work he was at the time most suspected by the Republicans, who feared that his admitted dislike to Hayes would cause him to favor a bill which would secure the return of Tilden, and as both of the gentlemen were New Yorkers, there was for several days grave fears of a combination between the two. The result showed the injustice done, and convinced theretofore doubting Republi- cans that Conkling, even as a partisan, was faithlul and far-seeing. The Electoral Commission measure was a Democratic one, if we are to judge from the character of the votes cast for and against it. In the Senate the vote stood 47 for to 17 against. There were 21 Republicans for it and 16 against, while there were also 26 Demo- crats for it to only 1 (Eaton) against. In the House much the same proportion was maintained, the bill jiassing that body by 191 to 86. The following is the text of the ELECTORAL COMMISSION ACT. An act to provide for and regulate the counting of votes for President and Vice- President, and the decision of questions arising thereon, for the term commencing March fourth, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and seventy-seven. lie it enacted by the Senate and House of Rrpresevtafives of the United States of America in Conr/ress assembled, That tlie Senate and House of Representatives shall meet in the hall of the House of Re])resen- tatives, at tlio hour of one o'clock post BOOK I.] THE ELECTORAL COUNT. 231 meridian, on the first Thursday in Febru- ary, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and seventy-seven ; the President of the Senate shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers shall be previously appointed on the part of the Senate, and two on the part of the House of Representatives, to whom shall be handed, as they are opened by the Pre- sident of the Senate, all the certificates, and papers purporting to be certificates, of the electoral votes, which certificates and papers shall be opened, presented and acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States, beginning with the letter A; and said tellers having then road the same in presence and hearing of the two Houses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall appear from the said certificates ; and the votes having been ascertained and counted as in this act provided, the result of the sam-' shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall thereupon announce the state of the vote, and the names of the persons, if any elected, which announce- ment shall be deemed a sufficient declara- tion of the persons elected President and Vice-President of the United States, and, together with a list of the votes, be entered on the journals of the Houses. Upon such reading of any such certificate or paper when there shall only be one return from a State, the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state cleandy and concisely, and without argu- ment, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one Senator and one Member of the House of Representatives before the same shall be received. When all objections so made to any vote or paper from a State shall have been re- ceived and read, the Senate shall there- upon withdraw, and such objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its decision ; and the Speaker of the House of Represen- tatives shall, in like manner, submit such objections to the House of Representatives for its decision ; and no electoral vote or votes from any State from which but one return has been received shall be rejected, except by the affirmative vote of the two Houses. When the two Houses have votes, they shall immediately again meet, and the jjresiding officer shall then an- nounce the decision of the question sub- mitted. Sec. 2. That if more than one return, or paper purporting to be a return from a State, shall have been received by the President of the Senate, purporting to be the cer- tificate of electoral votes given at the last preceding election for President and Vice- President in such State ( unless they shall be duplicates of the same return), all such returns and papers shall be opened by him in the presence of the two Hi )uscs when met %3 aforesaid, and r^^ad by the tellers, and all such returns and papers shall thereupon be submitted to the judgment and decision as to which is the true and lawful electoral vote of such State, of a commission consti- tuted as follows, namely : During the ses- sion of each House, on the Tuesday next preceding the first Thursday in Februaiy, eighteen hundred and seventy-seven, each House shall, by viva voce vote, appoint five of its members, with the five associate justices of the Supreme Court of the United States to be ascertained as hereinafter pro- vided, shall constitute a commission for the decision of all questions upon or in resjject of such double returns named in this sec- tion. On the Tuesday next preceding the first Thursday in February, Anno Domini, eighteen hundred and seventy -seven, or as soon thereafter as may be, the associate justices of the Supreme Court of the United States now assigned to the first, third, eighth, and ninth circuits shall select, in such manner as a majority of them shall deem fit, another of the associ- ate justices of said court, which five per- sons shall be members of said commission ; and the person longest in commission of said five justices shall be the president of said commission. The members of said commission shall respectively take and subscribe the following oath : " I do solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case maybe,) that I will impartially examine and consider all questions submitted to the commission of which I am a member, and a true judgment give thereon, agreeably to the Constitution and the laws : so help me God ; " which oath shall be filed with the Secretary of the Senate. When the commission shall have been thus organized, it shall not be in the power of either House to dissolve the same, or to with- draw any of its members ; but if any such Senator or member shall die or become physically unable to perform the duties required by this act, the fact of such death or physical inability shall be by said commission, before it shall proceed fur- ther, communicated to the Senate or House of Representatives, as the case may be, which body shall immediately and without debate proceed by viva voce vote to fill the place so vacated, and the person so appointed shall take and subscribe the oath hereinbefore prescribed, and become a member of said commission ; and in like manner, if any of said justices of the Su- preme Court shall die or become physically incapable of performing the duties re- quired by this act, the other of said jus- tices, members of the said commission, shall immediately appoint another justice of said court amembcr of said commission, and in like manner, if any of said justices of the Supreme Court shall die or become physically incapable of performing the duties required by this act, the other of said 232 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, justices, mem'bers of the said commission, shall immediately appoint another justice of said court a member of said commission, and, in such appointment, regard shall be had to the impartiality and freedom from bias sought by the original appointments to said commission, who shall thereupon immediately take and subscribe the oath hereinbefore prescribed, and become a member of said commission to fill the vacancy so occasioned. All the certificates and papers purporting to be certificates of the electoral votes of each State shall be opened, in the alphabetical order of the States, as provided in section one of this act ; and when there shall be more than one such certificate or paper, as the certifi- cates and papeis from such State shall so be opened (excepting duplicates of the same return), they shall be read by the tellers, and thereupon the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state clearly and concisely, and with- out argument, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one Senator and one member of the House of Representa- tives before the same shall be received. When all such objections so made to any certificate, vote, or paper from a State shall have been received and read, all such cer- tificates, votes and papers so objected to, and all papers accompanying the same, together with such objections, shall be forthwith submitted to said commission, which shall proceed to consider the same, with the same powers, if any, now possessed for that purpose by the two Houses acting separately or together, and, by a majority of votes, decide whether any and what votes from such State are the votes provid- ed for by the Constitution of the United States, and how many and what persons were duly appointed electors in such State, and may therein take into view such peti- tions, depositions, and other papers, if any, as shall, by the Constitution and now exist- ing law, be competent and pertinent in such consideration ; which derision shall be made in writing, stating l)rieliy the ground thereof, and signed by the members of said commission agreeing therein ; whereupon the two Houses shall again meet, and such decision shall be read and entered in the journal of each house, and tlie count- ing of the vote sliall proceed in conformity therewith, unless, upon objection made thereto in writing by at least five Senators and five members of the; House of Repre- sentatives, the two Houses siiall separately concur in c)rd('ringotiierwisc, in wliich case such concurrent order shall govern. No votes or papers from any other State sliall be acted upon until the objections previ- ously made to the votes or papers from any State shall have been finally disposed of: Sec. 3. That, while the two Houses shall be in meeting, as provided in this act, no debate shall be allowed and no question shall be put by the presiding officer, except to either House on a motion to withdraw ; and he shall have power to preserve order. Sec. 4. That when the two Houses sepa- rate to decide upon an objection that may have been made to the counting of any electoral vote or votes from any State, or upon objection to a report of said commis- sion, or other question arising under this act, each Senator and Representative may speak to such objection or question ten min- utes, and not oftener than once ; but after such debate shall have lasted two hours, it shall be the duty of each House to put the main question without further debate. Sec. 5. That at such joint meeting of the two Houses, seats shall be provided as fol- lows : For the President of the Senate, the Speaker's chair ; for the Speaker, immedi- ately upon his left ; the Senators in the body of the hall upon the right of the pre- siding officer ; for the Representatives, in the body of the hall not provided for the Senators ; for the tellers, Secretary of the Senate, and Clerk of the House of Repre- sentatives, at the Clerk's desk ; for the other officers of the two Houses, in front of the Clerk's desk and upon each side of the Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the count of electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared ; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall have arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or other- wise under this act, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting sepa- rately, in the manner hereinbefore provid- ed, to direct a recess of such House not be- yond the next day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of ten o'clock in the forenoon. And while any question is being considered by said commission, either House may pro- ceed with its legislative or other business. Sec. 6. That nothing in this act shall be held to impair or affect any right now ex- isting under the Constitution and laws to question, by proceeding in the judicial courts of the United States, the right or title of the person who shall be declared elected, or who shall claim to be President or Vice-President of the United States, if any such i ight exists. Sec. 7. That said commission shall make its own rules, kec}) a record of its proceed- ings, and shall have j)owcr to employ such persons as may be necessary for the trans- action of its business and the execution of its powers. Appnjved, January 29, 1877. Members of tlie Commlgalon. Hon. Nathan Clifford, Associate Jus- tice ISujjreme Court', First Circuit. BOOK I.] THE TITLE OF PRESIDENT HAYES. 233 Hon. William STnoyio, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Third Circuit. Hon. Samukl F. Miller, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Ei<jhtk Circuit. Hon. Stei'hen J. Fielj), Associate Jus- tice Supreme Court, Ninth Circuit. Hon. Joseph P. Bkadley, Associate Justice Supreme Court, Fifth Circuit. Hon. George F. Edmunds, United States Senator. Hon. Oliver P. Morton, United States Senator. Hon. Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, United States Senator, Hon. Allen G, Thurman, United States Senator. Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, United States Senator. Hon. Henry B. Payne, United States Representative. Hon. Eppa Hunton, United States Rep- resentative. Hon. Josiah G. Abbott, United States Representative. Hon. James A. Garfield, United States Representative. Hon. George F. Hoar, United States Representative. The Electoral Commission met Febru- ary 1st, and by uniform votes of 8 to 7, de- cided all objections to the Electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon, in favor of the Republicans, and while the two Houses disagreed on nearly all of these points by strict party votes, the electoral votes were, under the provisions of the law, given to Hayes and Wheeler, and the final result declared to be 18") electors for Hayes and Wheeler, to 184 for Tilden and Hendricks. Questions of eligi- bility had been raised against individual electors from Michigan, Nevada, Pennsyl- vania, Rhode Island, Vermont and Wis- consin, but the Commission did not sustain any of them, and as a rule they were un- supported by evidence. Thus closed the gravest crisis which ever attended an elec- toral count in this country, so far as the Nation was concerned ; and while for some weeks the better desire to peacefully settle all differences prevailed, in a few weeks partisan bitterness was manifested on the part of a great majority of Northern Demo- crats, who believed their party had been deprived by a partisan spirit of its right- ful President. The Title of President Hayes. The uniform vote of 8 to 7 on all im- portant propositions considered by the Electoral Commission, to their minds showed a partisan spirit, the existence of which it was difficult to deny. The action of the Republican " visiting statesmen " in Louisiana, in practically overthrowing the Packard or Republican government there, caused distrust and dissatislacti<jn in the minds of the more radical Republicans, who contended with every show of reason that if Hayes carried Louisiana, Packard must also have done so. The only sensible excuse for seating Hayes on the one side and throwing out Governor Packard on the other, was a patriotic desire for i)eace in the settlement of both Presidential and Southern State issues. This desire was plainly manifested by President Hayes on the day of his inauguration and for two years thereafter. He took early occasion to visit Atlanta, Ga.,and while at that point and en route there made the most concilia- tory speeches, in which he called those who had engaged in the Rebellion, " broth- ers," " gallant soldiers," etc. These speech- es excited much attention. They had lit- tle if any effect upon the South, while the more radical Republicans accused the President of " slopping over." They did not allay the hostility of the Democratic party, and did not restore the feeling in the South to a condition better than that which it had shown during the exciting days of the Electoral count. The South then, under the lead of men like Stephens, Hill and Gordon, in the main showed every desire for a peaceful settlement. As a rule only the Border States and Northern Demo- crats manifested extreme distrust and bit- terness, and these were plainly told by some of the leaders from the Gulf States, that so far as they were concerned, they had had enough of civil war. As late as April 22, 1876, the Maryland Legislature jjassed the following : Resolved by the General A-ssembh/ of Maryland, That the Attorney General of the State be, and he is hereby, instructed, in case Congress shall provide for expe- diting the action, to exhibit a bill in the Supreme Court of the United States, on behalf of the State of Maryland, with jiroper parties thereto, setting forth the fact that due effect has not been given to the electoral vote cast by this State on the CAh. day of December, 1876, by reason of fraudulent returns made from other States and allowed to be counted provisionally by the Electoral Commission, and subject to judicial revision, and praying said court to make the revision contemplated by the act establishing said commission ; and upon such revision to declare the returns from the States of Louisiana and Florida, which were counted for Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler, fraudulent and void, and that the legal electoral votes of said States were cast for Samuel J. Tilden as President, and Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice President, and that by virtue there- of and of 184 votes cast by other States, of which 8 were cast by the State of Mary- land, the said Tilden and Hendricks were 234 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, duly elected, and praying said Court to decree accordingly. I It was this resolution wliicli induced the Clarkson N. Potter resolution of investi- gation, a resolution the pasi^age of which was resisted by the Republicans through filibustering for many days, but was finally passed by 146 Democratic votes to 2 Demo- cratic votes (Mills and Morse) against, the Republicans not voting. Tlie Cipher Despatclies. An amendment otfered to the Potter resolution but not accepted, and defeated by the Democratic majority, cited some fair specimens of the cipher dispatches exposed by the New York Tribune. These are matters of historical interest, and con- vey information as to the methods which politicians will resort to in desperate emer- gencies. We therefore quote the more per- tinent portions. Resolved, That the select committee to whom this House has committed the in- vestigation of certain matters aflecting, as is alleged, the legal title of the President of the United States to the high ofiice which he now holds, be and is hereby in- structed in the course of its investigations to fully inquire into all the facts connected with the election in the State of Florida in November, 1876, and especially into the circumstances attending the transmission and receiving of certain telegraphic dis- patches sent in said year between Tallahas- see in said State and New York City, viz. : "Tallahassee, November 9, 1876. " A. S. IIeavitt, New York : "Comply if possible with mv telesrram. "Geo. P/Rarey." Also the following : " Tallahassee, December 1, 1876. " W. T. Pelton, Neiv York : " Answer Mac's dispatch immediately, or we will be embarrasssed at a critical time. WiLKiKSON Call." Also the following: " Tallahassee, December 4, 1876. " W. T. Pelton : "Things culminating here. Answer Mac's despatch to-day. W. Call." And also the facts connected with all telegraphic dispatclu's between one John F. Coylc and said Pelton, under tiic hit- ter's real or fictitious name, and with any and all demands for money on or aljout December 1, 1X70, from said Tallahassee, on said I'elton.or sai<l Hewitt, or with any attempt to corrnijt or bribe any oflicial of the said State oi Florida by any person acting for said Pelton, or in the interest of Samuel J. Tilden as a presidential candi- date. Also to investigate the charges of in- timidation at Lake City, in Columbia county, where Joel Nib'lack and other white men put ropes around the necks of colored men and proposed to hang them, but released them on their promise to join a Democratic club and vote for Samuel J. Tilden. Also the facts of the election in Jackson county, where the ballot-boxes were kept out of the sight of voters, who voted through openings or holes six feet above the ground, and where many more Republican votes were thus given into the hands of the De- mocratic inspectors than were counted or returned by them. Also the facts of the election in Waldo precinct, in Alachua county, where the passengers on an emigrant-train, passing through on the day of election, were al- lowed to vote. Also the facts of the election in Manatee county, returning 235 majority for the Tilden electors, where there were no county officers, no registration, no notice of the election, and where the Republican party, therefore, did not vote. Also the facts of the election in the third precinct of Key West, giving 342 Demo- cratic majority, where the Democratic in- spector carried the ballot-box home, and pretended to count the ballots on the next day, outside of the precinct and contrary to law. Also the facts of the election in Hamil- ton, where the election-officers exercised no control over the ballot-box, but left it in unauthorized hands, that it might be tampered with. xVlso the reasons why the Attorney- General of the State, Wm. Archer Cocke, as a member of the Canvassing Board, offi- cially advised the board, and himself voted, to exclude the Hamilton county and Key West precinct returns, thereby giving, in any event, over 500 majority to the Re- publican electoral ticket, and afterwards protested against the result which he had voted for, and whether or not said Cocke was afterward rewarded for such protest by being made a State Judge. OREGON. And that said committee is further in- structed and directed to investigate into all the facts connected with an alleged at- tempt to secure one electoral vote in the State of Oregon for Samuel J. Tilden for President of the United States, and Thom- as A. Hendricks for Vice-President, by un- lawfully setting up the election of E. A. Cronin as one of such presidential electors elected from the State of Oregon on the 7th of November, the candidates for the BOOK I.] THE CIPUER DESPATCHES. 235 presidential electors on the two tickets be- ing as follows: On the Eepublican ticket: W. C. Odell, J. C. Cartwright, and John W. Watta. On the Deinocratic ticket: E. A. Cronin, W. A. Laswell, and Henry Klippel. The votes received by each candidate, as shown by the oflieial vote as canvassed, declared, and certified to by the Secretary of State under the seal of the State, — the Secretary being under the laws of Oregon sole canvassing-officer, as will be shown hereafter, — being as follows: W. K. Odell received 15,206 votes John C. Cartwright received.... 15,214 " John W. Watts received 15,206 " E. A. Cronin received 14,157 " W. A. Laswell receiyed 14,149 " Henry Klippel received 14,136 " And by the unlawful attempt to bribe one of said legally elected electors to recognize said Cronin as an elector for President and Vice-President, in order that one of the electoral votes of said State might be cast for said Samuel J. Tilden as President and for Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice-Presi- dent ; and especially to examine and inquire into all the facts relating to the sending of money from New York to some place in said Oregon for the purposes of such bribery, the parties sending and receiving the same, and their relations to and agency for said Tilden, and more particu- larly to investigate into all the circum- stances attending the transmission of the following telegraphic despatches : "Portland, Oregon, Nov. 14, 1876. " Gov. L. F. Grover : " Come down to-morrow if possible. " W. H. Effinger, " A. NOLTNER, " C. P. Bellinger." " Portland, November 16, 1876. " To Gov. Grover, Salem : " We want to see you particularly on account of despatches from the East. " William Strong, S. H. Reed, "C.P.Bellinger, W.W.Thayer, " C. E. Bronaugh." Also the following cipher despatch sent from Portland, Oregon, on the 28th day of November, 1876, to New York City : " Portland, November 28, 1876. "To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Oramercij Park, New Turk : " By vizier association innocuous negli- gence cunning minutely previously read- mit doltish to purchase afar act with cunning afiir sacristy unweighed afar pointer tigress cattle superannuated sylla- bus dilatorincss misapprehension contra- band Kountz bisulcuous top usher si)iiiifcr- 0U3 answer. J. H. N. Patrick. " I fully endorse this. " James K. Kelly." Of which, when the key was discovered, the following was found t© be the true in- tent and meaning: " Portland, November 28, 1876. " To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, New York: " Certificate will be issued to one Demo- crat. Must j^urchase a Republican elector to recognize and act with Democrats and secure the vote and prevent trouble. De- posit $10,000 to my credit with Kouutz Brothers, Wall Street. Answer. J. H. N. Patrick. " I fully endoree this. " James K. Kelly." Also the following : " New York, November 25, 1876. " A. Bush, Salem .- " Use all means to prevent certificate. Very important. C. E. Tilton." Also the following : " December 1, 1876. " To Hon. Sam. J. Tilden, No. 15 Gra- mercy Park, New York : " I shall decide every point in the case of post-ofiice elector in favor of the highest Democratic elector, and grant certificate accordingly on morning of 6th instant. Confidential. Governor." Also the following : " San Francisco, December 5. " Ladd & Bush, Salem : " Funds from New York will be de- posited to your credit hereio-morrow when bank opens. I know it. Act accordingly. Answer. W. C. Griswold." Also the following, six days before the foregoing : " New York, November 29, 1876. "To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregon : " Moral hasty sideral vizier gabble cramp by hemistic welcome licentiate muskeete compassion neglectful recoverable hathouse live innovator brackish association dime afar idolater session hemistic mitre." [No signature.] Of which the interpretation is as follows : " New York, November 29, 1876. "To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregnn: " No. How soon will Governor decide certificate? If you make obligation con- tingent on the result in March, it can be done, and slightly if necessary." [No signature.] Also the following, one day later : 236 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. " Portland, November 30, 1876. " To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, New York : " Governor all right without reward. Will issue certificate Tuesday. This is a secret. Eepublicans threaten if certificate issued to ignore Democratic claims and fill vacancy, aud thus defeat action of Gover- nor. One elector must be paid to recog- nize Democrat to secure majority. Have employed three lawyers, editor of only Re- publican paper as one lawyer, fee $3,000. Will take $5,000 for Republican elector ; must raise money ; can't make fee contin- gent. Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellin- ger will act. Communicate with them. Must act promptly." [No signature]. Also the following : " San Fraxcisco, December 5, 1876. " To KouNTZE Bros., No. 12 Wall St., New York : " Has my account credit by any funds lately ? How much ? " J. H. N. Patrick." Also the following : " New York, December 6. " J. H. N. Patrick, San Francisco : " Davis deposited eight thousand dollars December first. KouKTZE Bros." Also the following : " San Francisco, December 6. "To James K. Kelly: "The eight deposited as directed this morning. Let no technicality prevent winning. Use your discretion." [No signature.] And the following : "New York, December 6. "Hon. Jas. K. Kelly: "Is your matter certain? There must be no mistake. All depends on you. Place no reliance on any favorable report from three southward, Sonetter. Answer quick." [No signature.] Also the following: "December 6, 1876. "To Col. W. T. Pelton, 15 Gramercy Park, N. Y.: "Glory to God I Hold on to the one vote in Oregon I I have one hundred thousand men to back it up I "Corse." And said committee is further directed to iiKjuire into and bring to light, so far as it may be possible, the entire correspondence and conspiracy referred to in tlie above telegraphic despatches, and to ascertain what were the relations existing between any ol' the parties sending or receiving said despatches and W. T. Pelton, of New York, and also what relations existed between said W. T. Pelton and Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. April 15, 1878, Mr. Kimmel introduced a bill, which was never finally acted upon, to provide a mode for trying and deter- mining by the Supreme Court of the United States the title of the President aud Vice- President of the United States to take their respective offices when their election to such ofiices is denied by one or more of the States of the Union. The question of the title of President was finally settled June 14, 1878, by the following report of the Pouse Judiciary Commitee : Report of the Judiciary Committee. June 14 — Mr. Hartridge, from the Committee on the Judiciary, made the fol- lowing report : The Committee on the Judiciary, to whom were referred the bill (H. R. No. 4315) and the resolutions of the Legisla- ture of the State of Maryland directing judicial proceedings to give effect to the electoral vote of that State in the last elec- tion of President and Vice-President of the United States, report back said bill and resolutions with a recommendation that the bill do not pass. Your committee are of the opinion that Congress has no power, under the Consti- tution, to confer upon the Supreme Court of the United States the [original juris- diction, sought for it by this bill. The only clause of the Constitution which could be plausibly invoked to enable Con- gress to provide the legal machinery for the litigation proposed, is that which gives the Supreme Court original jurisdiction in " cases " or " controversies " between a State and the citizens of another State. The committee are of the opinion that this expression " cases " and " controversies " was not intended by the framers of the Constitution to embrace an original pro- ceeding by a State in the Supreme Court of the United States to oust any incum- bent from a political office filled by the de- claration and decision of the two Houses of Congress clothed with the constitutional power to count the electoral votes and de- cide as a final tribunal upon the election for President and Vice-President. The Forty-fourth Cf digress selected a commis- sion to count the votes for President and Vice-President, reserving to itself the righc to ratify or reject such count, in the way prescribed in the act creating such com- mission. By the joint action of the two Houses it ratified the count made by the commission, and thus made it the expres- sion of its own judgment. ' All the Departments of the Federal BOOK I.J THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION. 237 Government, all the State governments in their relations to Federal authority, for- eign nations, the people of the United States, all the material interests and indus- tries of tlie country, have acquiesced in, and acted in accordance with, the pro- nounced finding of tliat Congress. In tiie opinion of tliis committee, the present Congress has no power to undo the work of its predecessor in counting the electoral vote, or to confer upon any judicial tri- bunal the right to pass upon and perhaps set aside the action of that predecessor in reference to a purely political question, the decision of which is confided by the Con- stitution in Congress. But apart from these fundamental ob- jections to the bill under consideration, there are features and provisions in it which are entirely impracticable. Your committee can find no warrant of authority to summon the chief-justices of the supreme courts of the several States to sit at Washington as a jury to try any case, however grave and weighty may be its nature. The right to summon must carry with it the power to enforce obedience to the mandate, and the Committee can see no means by which the judicial officers of a State can be compelled to assume the functions of jurors in the Supreme Court of the United States. There are other objections to the prac- tical working of the bill under considera- tion, to which we do not think it necessary to refer. It may be true that the State of Mary- land has been, in the late election for President and Vice-President, deprived of her just and full weight in deciding who were legally chosen, by reason of frauds perpetrated by returning boards in some of the States. It may also be true that these fraudulent acts were countenanced or encouraged or participated in by some who now enjoy high offices as the fruit of such frauds. It is due to the present gen- eration of the people of this country and their posterity, and to the principles on which our Government is founded, that all evidence tending to establish the fact of such fraudulent practices should be calmly, carefully, and rigorously examined. But your committee are of the opinion that the consequence of such examination, if it discloses guilt upon the part of any in high ofKcial position, should not be an ef- fort to set aside the judgment of a former Congress as to the election of a President and Vice-President, but should be confined to the punishment, by legal and constitu- tional means, of the offenders, and to the preservation and perpetuation of the evi- dences of their guilt, so that the American people may be protected from a recurrence of the crime. Your committee, therefore, recommend the adoption of the accompanying resolu- tion : Resolved, That the two Houses of the Forty-fourth Congress having counted the votes cast for President and Vice-Presi- dent of the United States, and having de- clared Rutherford B. Hayes to be elected President, and William A. Wheeler to be elected Vice-President, there is no power in any subsequent Congress to reverse that declaration, nor can any such power be exercised by the courts of the United States, or any other tribunal that Congress can create under the Constitution. We agree to the foregoing report so far as it states the reasons for the resolution adopted by the committee, but dissent from the concluding portion, as not having re- ference to such reasons, as not pertinent to the inquiry before us, and as giving an implied sanction to the propriety of the pending investigation ordered by a ma- jority vote of the House of Representatives, to which we were and are opposed. Wm. p. Frye. O. D. Conger. E. G. Lapham. Leave was given to Mr. Knott to pre- sent his individual views, also to Mr. But- ler (the full committee consisting of Messrs. Knott, Lynde, Harris, of Virginia, Hartridge, Stenger, McMahon, Culberson, Frye, Butler, Conger, Lapham.) The question being on the resolution re- ported by the committee, it was agreed to — yeas 235, nays 14, not voting 42. Tlie Hayes Administration. It can be truthfully said that from the very beginning the administration of Pre- sident Hayes had not the cordial support of the Republican party, nor was it solidly opposed by the Democrats, as was the last administration of General Grant. His early withdrawal of the troops from the Southern States, — and it was this with- drawal and the suggestion of it from tlie " visiting statesmen" which overthrew the Packard government in Louisiana, — em- bittered tiie hostility of many radical Re- publicans. Senator"Conkling was conspi- cuous in his opposition, as was Logan of Illinois; and when he reached Washing- ton, the younger Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania. It was during this admi- nistration, and because of its conservative tendencies, that these three leaders formed the purpose to bring Grant again to the Presidency. Yet the Hayes' administra- tion was not always conservative, and many Republicans believed that its mode- ration had afforded a much needed breath- ing spell to the country'. Toward its close i all became better satisfied, the radical por- 238 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. tion by the President's later efforts to pre- vent the intimidation of negro voters in the South, a form of intimidation which was now accomplished by means of rifle clubs, still another advance from the White League and the Ku Klux. He made this a leading feature in his annual message to the Congress which began December 2d, 1878, and by a virtual abandonment of his earlier policy he succeeded in reuniting what were then fast separating wings of his own party. The conference report on the Legislative Appropriation Bill was adopted by both Houses June 18th, and approved the 21st. The Judicial Expenses Bill was vetoed by the President June 23d, on the ground that it would deprive him of the means of executing the election laws. An attempt on the part of the Democrats to pass the Bill over the veto failed for want of a two-thirds vote, the Eepublicans voting solidly against it. June 2Gth the veltoed bill was divided, the second division still forbidding the pay of deputy marshals at elections. This was again vetoed, and the President sent a special message urging the necessity of an appropriation to pay United States marshals. Bills were accord- ingly introduced, but were defeated. This failure to appropriate moneys called for continued until the end of the session. The President was compelled, therefore, to call an extra session, which he did ]\Iarch 19th, 1879, in words which briefly explain the cause : — THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. "The failure of the last Congress to make the requisite appropriation for legis- lative and judicial purposes, for the ex- penses of the several executive departments of the Government, and for the support of the Army, has made it necessary to call a special session of the Forty-sixth Con- gress. "The estimates of the appropriations needed, wliich were sent to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury at the opening of the last session, are renewed, and arc herewith transmitted to both the Senate and the House of llej)resentatives. "Regretting the existence of the emer- gency which rc(|uircs a special session of Congress at a time when it is the general judgment of the country that the public welfare will be best promoted by perma- nency in our legislation, and by i)eace and rest, I commend these few necessary mea- sures to your considerate attention." By this time both Houses were Demo- cratic. In the Senate there were 42 De- mocrats. .",8 Repul)licansand 1 Independent (David Davis). In the House 149 Demo- crats, 180 Republicans, and 14 Nationals — a name then assumed l)y the Crcenbackers and Labor- Reformers. The House passed the Warner Silver Bill, providing for the unlimited coinage of silver, the Senate Fi- nance Committee refused to report it, the Chairman, Senator Bayard, having refused to report it, and even after a request to do so from the Democratic caucus, — a course of action which heralded him eveiy where as a "hard-money" Democrat. The main business of the extra session was devoted to the consideration of the Appropriation Bills which the regular ses- sion had failed to pass. On all of these the Democrats added " riders " for the purpose of destroying Federal supervision of the elections, and all of these political riders were vetoed by President Hayes. The discussions of the several measures and the vetoes were highly exciting, and this excitement cemented afresh the Re- publicans, and caused all of them to act in accord with the administration. The De- mocrats were equally solid, while the Na- tionals divided — Forsythe, Gillette, Kelley, Weaver, and Yocum generally voting with the Republicans ; De La Matyr, Steven- son, Ladd and Wright with the Demo- crats. President Hayes, in his veto of the Army Appropriation Bill, said : " I have maturely considered the im- portant questions presented by the bill en- titled 'An Act making appropriations for the support of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other pur- poses,' and I noAv return it to the House of Representatives, in which it originated, with my objections to its approval. "The bill provides, in the usual form, for the appropriations required for the support of the Army during the next fiscal year. If it contained no other provisions, it would receive my prompt approval. It includes, however, further legislation, which, at- tached as it is to appropriations which are requisite for the efficient performance of some of the most necessary duties of the Government, involves questions of the gravest character. The sixth section of the bill is amendatory of the statute now in force in regard to the authority of persons in the civil, military and naval service of the United States ' at the place where any general or special election is held in any State.' This statute was adopted February 25, 18G5, after a protracted debate in the Senate, and almost without opposition in the House of Representatives, by the con- current votes of both of tlie leading political parties of the country, and became a law by the approval of President Lincoln. It was re-enacted in 1874 in the Revised Sta- tutes of the United States, sections 2002 and 5528. " Upon the assembling of this Congress, in pursuance of a call for an extra session, which was made necessary by the failure of the Forty-fifth Congress to make the THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION. 239 needful appropriations for the support of the CTOvcrninent, the ciucstion was presented whether the attemi)t made in tlie hist Con- gress to engraft, by construction, a new principle upon the Constitution should be persisted in or not. This Congress has ami)le opportunity and time to pass the appropriation bills, and also to enact any political measures which may be deter- mined upon in separate bills by the usual and orderly methods of proceeding. But the majority of both Houses have deemed it wise to adhere to the principles asserted and maintained in the last Congress by the majority of the House of Representatives. That principle is that the House of Repre- sentatives has the sole right to originate bills for raising revenue, and therefore has the right to withhold appropriations upon which the existence of the Government may depend, unless the Senate and the Presi- dent shall give their assent to any legisla- tion which the House may see fit to attach to appropriation bills. To establish this principle is to make a radical, dangerous, and unconstitutional change in the charac- ter of our institutions. The various De- partments of the Government, and the Army and Navy, are established by the Constitution, or by laws passed in pursuance thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, and their support is carefully provided lor by law. The money required for this pur- pose has been collected from the people, and is now in the Treasury, ready to be paid out as soon as the appropriation bills are passed. Whether appropriations are made or not, the collection of the taxes will go on. The public money will accu- mulate in the Treasury. It was not the in- tention of the framers of the Constitution that any single branch of the Government should have the power to dictate conditions upon which this treasure should be applied to the jiurpose for which it was collected. Any such intention, if it had been enter- tained, would have been plainly expressed in the Constitution." The vote in the House on this Bill, not- withstanding the veto, was 148 for to 122 against — a party vote, save the division of the Nationals, previously given. Not re- ceiving a two-thirds vote, the Bill failed. The other appropriation bills with po- litical riders shared the same fate, as did the bill to prohibit military intcrl'erence at elections, the modification of the law touch- ing supervisors and marshals at congres- sional elections, etc. The debates on these measures were bitterly partisan in their character, as a few quotations from the Congressional Record will show : The Republican view was succinctly and very eloquently stated by General Garfield, when, in his speech of the 29th of March, 187'J, he said to the revolutionary Demo- cratic House : " The last act of Democratic domination in this Capitol, eighteen years ago, was striking and dramatic, perhai)s heroic. Then the Democratic party said to the Ile- pul)licans, ' If you elect the man of your choice as President of the United States we will shoot your Government to death ; ' and the i)eople of this country, refusing to be coerced by threats or violence, voted as they pleased, and lawfully elected Abra- ham Lincoln President of the United States. "Then your leaders, though holding a majority in the other branch of Congress, were heroic enough to withdraw from their scats and fling down the gage of mortal battle. We called it rebellion ; but we recognized it as courageous and manly to avow your purpose, take all the risks, and fight it out on the open field. Notwith- standing your utmost efforts to destroy it, the Government was saved. Year by year since the war ended, those who resisted you have come to believe that you have finally renounced j'our purpose to destroy, and are willing to maintain the Government. In that belief you have been permitted to re- turn to power in the two Houses. " To-day, after eighteen years of defeat, the book of your domination is again opened, and your first act awakens every unhappy memory and threatens to destroy the confidence which your professions of patriotism inspired. You turned down a leaf of the history that recorded your last act of power in 1861, and you have now signal- ized your return to power by beginning a second chapter at the same page ; not this time by a heroic act that declares war on the battle-field, but you say if all the legis- lative powers of the Government do not consent to let you tear certain laws out of the .statute-book, you will not shoot our Government to death as you tried to do in the first chaj)tcr ; but you declare that if we do not consent against our will, if you cannot coerce an independent branch of this Government against its will, to allow you to tear from the statute-books some laws put there by the will of the people, you will starve the Government to death. [Great ap])lause on the Republican side.] " Between death on the field and death by starvation, I do not know that the American people will see any great difler- ence. The end, if successfully reached, would be death in either case. Gentlemen, you have it in your power to kill this Gov- ernment ; you have it in your power, by withholding these two bills, to smite the nerve-centres of our Constitution with the paralysis of death ; and you have declared your purpose to do this, if you cannot break down that fundamental element of free consent which up to this hour has always ruled in the legislation of this Govern- ment." 240 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. The Democratic view was ably given by Representative Tucker of Virginia, April 3, 1879 : " I tell you, gentlemen of the House of Representatives, the Army dies on the SOth day of June, unless we resuscitate it by legislation. And what is the question here on this bill ? Will you resuscitate the Army after the SOth of June, with the power to use it as keepers of the polls ? That is the question. It is not a question of repeal. It is a question of re-enact- ment. If you do not appropriate this money, there will be no Army after the SOth of June to be used at the polls. The only way to secure an Army at the polls is to appropriate the money. Will you ap- propriate the money for the Army in order that they may be used at the polls ? We say no, a thousarid times no. * * * The gentlemen on the other side say there must be no coercion. Of whom ? Of the Presi- dent? But what right has the President to coerce us ? There may be coercion one way or the other. He demands an uncon- ditional supply. We say ive will give him no supply but upon conditions. * * * When, therefore, vicious laws have fas- tened themselves upon the statute-book which imperil the liberty of the people, this House is bound to say it will appro- priate no money to give effect to such laws until and except upon condition that they are repealed. [Applause on the Demo- cratic side.J * * We will give him the Army on a single condition that it shall never be used or be present at the polls when an election is held for members of this House, or in any presidential election, or in any State or municipal election. * * * Clothed thus with unquestioned power, bound by clear duty, to expunge these vi- cious laws from the statute-book, following a constitutional method sanctioned by venerable precedents in English history, we feel that we have the undoubted right, and are beyond cavil in the right, in de- claring that with our grant of sui)p]y there must be a cessation of these grievances, and we make these appropriations condi- tioned on securing a free ballot and fair juries for our citizens." Tlie Senate, July 1, passed the House bill placing quinine on the free list. The extra session finally passed the Ap- propriation bills without riders, and ad- journed July 1st, 1S70, with the Republi- can party far more firmly united than at the beginning of the Hayes administra- tion. The attempt on the j)art of the i )emo- crats to pass these political riders, and their threat, in the words of (larfmld, who had then succe(!iled Stfvc'us and Hlaine as the Republican (Vmunoner of the House, re- awak(!ne(l all the |)artisan animosities which the administration of President Hayes had up to thattinu! allayed. Kven the I'rcsident caught ita spirit, and plainly manifested it in his veto messages. It waa a losing battle to the Democrats, for they had, with the view not to "starve the gov- ernment," to abandon their position, and the temporary demoralization which fol- lowed bridged over the questions pertain- ing to the title of President Hayes, over- shadowed the claims of Tilden, and caused the North to again look with grave con- cern on the establishment of Democratic power. If it had not been for this extra session, it is asserted and believed by many, the Republicans could not have so soon gained control of the lower House, which they did in the year following ; and that the plan to nominate General Han- cock for the Presidency, which originated with Senator Wallace of Pennsylvania, could not have otherwise succeeded if Til- den's cause had not been kept before his party, unclouded by an extra session which was freighted with disaster to the Demo- cratic party. Tlie Negro Exodus. During this summer political comment, long after adjournment, was kept active by a great negro exodus from the South to the Northwest, most of the emigrants going to Kansas. The Republicans ascribed this to ill treatment, the Democrats to the opera- tions of railroad agents. The people of Kansas welcomed them, but other States, save Indiana, were slow in their manifes- tations of hospitality, and the exodus soon ceased for a time. It was renewed in South Carolina in the winter of 1881-82, the de- sign being to remove to Arkansas, but at this writing it attracts comparatively little notice. The Southern journals generally advise more liberal treatment of the blacks in matters of education, labor contracts, etc., while none of the Northern or West- ern States any longer make efforts to get the benefit of their labor, if indeed they ever did. Closing Hours of tlic Ilaj-es Administra- tion. At the regular session of Congress, which met December 1st, 1879, President Hayes advised Congress against any further legis- lation in reference to coinage, and favored the retirement of the legal tenders. The most important j)olitical action ta- ken at this session was the ])assage, for Congress was still Democratic, of a law to jirevent the use of the army to keep the peace at the ])olls. To this was added the Garfield proviso, that it should not be con- strued to prevent the Constitutional use of the army to suj)press domestic violence in a State — a proviso which in the view of the Republicans rid the bill of material Ijartisan objections, and it was therefore BOOK I.J CLOSING HOURS OF HAYES' ADMINISTRATION. 241 passed and approved. The "political ri- ders " were aj^ain added to the Apjjropria- tion and Dcticioncy bills, but were again vetoed and failed in this form to become laws. Upon these questions President Hayes showed much firmness. During the session the Democratic opposition to the General Election Law was greatly tem- pered, the Supreme Court having made an important decision, which upheld its con- stitutionality. Like all sessions under the administration of President Hayes and since, nothing was done to provide perma- nent and safe methods for completing the electoral count. On this question each party seemed to be afraid of the other. The session ad)ourned June IGth, 1880. The second session of the 4(Jth Congress began December 1st, 1880. The last an- nual message of President Hayes recom- mended the earliest practicable retirement of the legal-tender notes, and the mainte- nance of the present laws for the accumula- tion of a sinking fund sufficient to extin- guish the public debt within a limited peri- od. The laws against polygamy, he said, should be firmly and effectively executed. In the course of a lengthy discussion of the civil service the President declared that in his opinion " every citizen has an equal right to the honor and jarofit of en- tering the public service of his country. The only just ground of discrimination is the measure of character and capacity he has to make that service most useful to the people. Except in cases where, upon just and recognized principles, as upon the theory of pensions, offices and promotions are bestowed as rewards for past services, their bestowal upon any theory which dis- regards i^ersonal merit is an act of injus- tice to the citizen, as well as a breach of that trust subject to wdiich the appointing power is held. Considerable space was given in the Message to the condition of the Indians, the President recommending the passage of a law enabling the govern- ment to give Indians a title-fee, inaliena- ble for twenty-five years, to the farm lands assigned to them by allotment. He also repeats the recommendation made in a former message that a law be passed admit- ting the Indians who can give satisfactory proof of having by their own labor sup- ported their families for a number of years, and who are willing to detach themselves from their tribal relations, to the benefit of the Homestead Act, and authorizing the government to grant them patents contain- ing the same provision of inalienability for a certain period. The Senate, on the 19th, appointed a committee of five to investigate the causes of the recent negro exodus from the South. On the same day a committee was appoint- ed by the House to examine into the sub- ject of an inter-oceanic ship-caual. 16 The payment of the award of the Hali- fax Fisheries Commission — S-3,000,000 — to the British government was made by the American minister in London, November 23, 1879, accompanied by a communica- tion protesting against the payment being understood as an acquiescence in the re- sult of the Commission "as furnishing any just measure of the value of a participa- tion by (mr citizens in the inshore fisheries of the British Provinces." On the 17th of December 1879, gold Avas sold in New York at par. It was first sold at a premium January 13, 18(J2. It reached its highest rate, $2.85, July 11, 18(34. The electoral vote was counted without any i)artisan excitement or disagreement. Georgia's electoral college had met on the second instead of the first Wednesday of December, as required by the Federal law. She actually voted under her old Confed- erate law, but as it could not change the result, both parties agreed to the count of the vote of Georgia " in the alternative," i. e. — "if the votes of Georgia were counted the number of votes for A and B. for Presi- dent and Vice-President would be so many, and if the votes of Georgia were not counted, the number of votes for A and B. for President and Vice-President would be so many, and that in either case A and B are elected." Among the bills not disposed of by this session were the electoral count joint rule ; the funding bill ; the Irish relief bill ; the Chinese indemnity bill; to restrict Chinese immigration ; to amend the Constitution as to the election of President ; to regulate the pay and number of supervisors of elec- tion and special deputy-marshals ; to abro- gate the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty ; to pro- hibit military interference at elections ; to define the terms of office of the Chief Su- pervisors of elections ; for the appointment of a tariff commission; the political a.ssess- ment bill ; the Kellogg-Spoffbrd case ; and the Fitz-John Porter bill. The regular appropriation bills were all completed. The total amount ai)propria- tcd was about $18(3,000,000. Among the special sums voted were $30,000 for the cen- tennial celebration of the Yorktown vic- tory, and $100,000 for a monument to com- memorate the same. Congress adjourned March 3d, 1881, and President Hayes on the following day re- tired from office. The effect of his admin- istration was, in a political sense, to strengthen a growing independent senti- ment in the ranks of the Republicans — an element more conservative g^enerally in its views than those represented by Conkling and Blaine. This sentiment began with Bristow, who while in the cabinet made a show of seeking out and punishing all cor- ruptions in government office or service. On this platform and record he had cou- 242 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tested with Hayes the honors of the Presi- dential nominations, and while the latter was at the time believed to well represent the same views, they were not urgently pressed during his administration. Indeed, without the knowledge of Hayes, what is believed to be a most gigantic "steal," and which is now being prosecuted under the name of the Star Route cases, had its birth, and thrived so well that no import- ant discoverv was made until the incoming of the Garfield administration. The Hayes administration, it is now fiishionable to say, made little impress for good or evil upon the country, but impartial historians will give it the credit of softening party as- perities and aiding very materially in the restoration of better feeling between the Korth and South. Its conservatism, al- ways manifested save on extraordinary oc- ca.sions, did that much good at least. The Campaign of 1880. The Republican National Convention met June 5th, 1880, at Chicago, in the Ex- position building, capable of seating 20,000 people. The excitement in the ranks of the Republicans was very high, because of the candidacy of General Grant for what ■was popularly called a "third term,'' though not a third consecutive term. His three powerful Senatorial friends, in the face of^ bitter protests, had secured the in- structions of their respective State Conven- tions for Grant. Conkling had done this in New York, Cameron in Pennsylvania, Logan in Illinois, but in each of the three States the opposition was so impressive that no serious attempts were made to substi- tute other delegates for those which had previously been selected by their Congres- sional districts. As a result there was a large minority in the delegations of these States opposed to the nomination of Gene- ral Grant, and the votes of them could only be controlled by the enforcement of the unit rule. Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, the President of the Convention, decided against its enforcement, and as a result all of the delegates were free to vote upon ei- ther State or District instructions, or as they chose. The Convention was in session three days. We present herewith the Ballots. 7 8 Grant, 305 306 Blaine, 281 284 Sherman, 94 Edmunds, 32 Washburne, 31 Windom, 10 Garfield, 1 Hayes, 91 31 32 10 1 9 10 11 12 308 305 305 304 282 282 281 283 90 91 62 93 31 32 10 1 30 22 10 2 31 32 10 2 1 31 33 10 1 2 Ballois, 13 14 Grant, 305 305 Blaine, 285 285 Sherman, 89 89 Edmunds, 31 31 Washburne, 33 35 Windom, 10 10 Garfield, 1 Haves, 1 1 Davis, McCrary, 1 15 16 17 18 309 306 303 305 281 283 284 283 88 88 90 92 31 31 31 31 36 36 34 35 10 10 10 10 Ballots, 19 20 21 22 23 24 Grant, 305 308 305 305 304 305 Blaine, 279 276 276 275 274 279 Sherman, 95 93 96 95 98 93 Edmunds, 31 31 31 31 31 31 Washburne ,31 35 35 35 36 35 Windom, 10 10 10 10 10 10 Garfield, 1 1 1 1 2 2 Hart ran ft, 1 1 1 1 Ballots, 25 26 27 Grant, 302 303 306 Blaine, 281 280 277 Sherman, 94 93 93 Edmunds, 31 31 31 Washburne, 36 35 36 Windom, 10 10 10 Garfield, 2 2 2 Ballots. BALIX)TS. 2 3 Grant, 304 305 305 305 305 805 Blaine, 284 282 282 281 281 281 Sherman, 93 94 93 95 95 95 Edmunds, 34 Washburne, 30 Windom, 10 Garfield, Harrison, 32 32 32 32 31 32 31 31 31 31 10 10 10 10 10 1 1 1 2 2 1 There was little change from the 27th ballot until the 36th and final one, which resulted as follows : Whole number of votes 755 Necessary to a choice 378 Grant 306 Blaine ■.•• 42 Sherman 3 Washburne 5 Garfield 399 As shown. General James A. Garfield, of Ohio, was nominated on the 36th ballot, the forces of General Grant alone remain- ing solid. The result was due to a sudden union of the forces of Blaine and Sherman, it is believed with the full consent of both, for both emjiloyed the same wire leading from the same room in Washington in telegraphing to their friends at Chicago. The o])ject was to defeat Grant. After (Jarfiohi's nomination there was a tempo- rary adjournment, during which the friends of the nominee consulted Conkling and his leading friends, and the result was the selection of General Chester A. Arthur BOOK I.] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880. 243 of New York, for Vice-President. The object of this selection was to carry New York, the great State which was tlien al- most universally believed to hold the key to the Presidential position. The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, June 22d. Tilden had lip to the holding of the Pennsylvania State Convention been one of the most prominent candidates. In this Convention there was a bitter struggle between tiie Wallace and Randall factions, the former favoring Hancock, the latter Tilden. Wal- lace, after a contest far shar])er than he expected, won, luid bound the delegation by the unit rule. When the National Convention met, John Kelly, the Tam- many leader of New York, was again there, as at St. Louis four years before, to oppose Tilden, but the latter sent a letter disclaiming that he was a candidate, and yet really inviting a nomination on the is- sue of " the fraudulent counting in of Hayes." There were but two ballots, as follows : FIRST BALLOT. Hancock Bayard Pavne 171 153i 81 63. V 66 62 46 .'r 38 10 8 :;oND Randall.... Loveland .. McDonald. McClellan English Jewett Black Lothrop.... Parker BALLOT. 705 1 2 30 . 6 . 5 3 Thurman Field Morrison Hendricks Tilden Ewing . 3 Seymour SE( Hancock... Tilden Bavard Hendricks Thus General Winfield 8. Hancock, of New York, was nominated on the second ballot. AVm. H. English, of Indiana, was nominated for Vice-President. The National Greenback-Labor Conven- tion, held at Chicago, June 11, nominated General J. B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- dent, and General E. J, Chambers, of Texas, for Vice-President. In the canvass ivhich followed, the Re- publicans were aided by such orators as Conkling, Blaine, Grant, Logan, Curtis, BoutwcU, while the Camerons, father and son, visited the October States of Ohio and Indiana, as it was believed that these would determine the result, Maine having in September very unexpectedly defeated the Republican State ticket by a'small ma- jority. The Democrats were aided bv Bayard, Voorhecs, Randall, Wallace, Hill, Hampton, Lamar, and hosts of their best orators. Every issue was recalled, but for the first time in the history of the Repub- licans of the West, they accepted the tariff issue, and made open war on Watterson's plank in the Democratic platform — " a tariff for revenue only." Iowa, Ohio, and Indiana, all elected the Republican State tickets with good margins ; West Virginia went Democratic, but the result was, not- withstanding this, reasonably a.ssured to the Republicans. The Democrats, how- ever, feeling the strong personal popularity of their leading candidate, jjcrsisted with high courage to the end. In November all of the Southern States, with New Jer- sey, Qiilifornia,* and Nevada in the North, went Democratic ; all of the others Re- jiublican. The Greenbackers held only a balance of power, which they could not exercise, in California, Indiana, and New Jersey. The electoral vote of Garfield and Arthur was 214, that of Hancock and Eng- lish 155. The popular vote was Republi- can, 4,442,950; Democratic, 4,442,635; Greenback or National, 306,867 ; scatter- ing, 12,576. The Congressional elections in the same canvass gave the Republic»n3 147 members; the Democrats, 136; Green- backers, 9 ; Independents, 1. Fifteen States elected Governors, nine of them Republicans and six Democrats. General Garfield, November 10, sent to Governor Foster, of Ohio, his resignation as a Senator, and John Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury, was in the win- ter following elected as his successor. The third session of the Forty-sixth Congress Avas begun December 6. The President's Message was read in both Houses. Among its recommendations to Congress were the following : To create the ofl[ice of Captain-General of the Army for General Grant ; to defend the inviola- bility of the constitutional amendments ; to promote free popular education by grants of public lands and appropriations from the United States Treasury ; to ap- propriate $25,000 annually for the expen- ses of a Commission to be appointed by the President to devise a just, uniform, and efficient system of competitive exami- nations, and to supervise the application of the same throughout the entire civil service of the government ; to pass a law defining the relations of Congressmen to appointments to office, so as to end Con- gressional encroachment upon the appoint- ing power ; to repeal the Tenure-of-office Act, and pass a law protecting office- holders in resistance to political assess- ments ; to abolish the present system of executive and judicial government in Utah, and substitute for it a government by a commission to be appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, or, in case the present government is con- tinued, to withhold from all who jiractice * One Democratic elector was defuatvd, being cut by over 500 voters ou a local isduo. 244 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. polygamy tlie right to vote, liold office, and sit on juries ; to repeal the act authorizing the coinage of the silver dollar of 412} grains, and to authorize the coinage of a new silver dollar equal in value as bullion with the gold dollar ; to take favorable ac- tion on the bill jjroviding for the allotment of lands on the different reservations. Two treaties between this country and China were signed at Pekin, November 17, 1881, one of commerce, and the other se- curing to the United States the control and regulation of the Chinese immigration. President Hayes, February 1, 1881, sent a message to Congress sustaining in the main the findings of the Ponca Indian Commission, and approving its recom- mendation that they remain on their reser- vation in Indian Territory. The Presi- dent suggested that the general Indian policy for the future should embrace the following ideas : First, the Indians should be prepared for citizenship by giving to their young of both sexes that industrial and general education which is requisite to enable them to be self-supporting and capable of self-protection in civilized com- munities; second, lands should be allot- ted to the Indians in severalty, inalienable for a certain period; third, the Indians should have a fair compensation for their lands not required for individual allot- ments, the amount to be invested, with suitable safeguards, for their benefit ; fourth, with these prerequisites secured, the Indians should be made citizens, and invested with the rights and charged with the responsibilities of citizenship. The Senate, Februaiy 4, passed Mr. Morgan's concurrent resolution declaring that the President of the Senate is not in- vested by the Constitution of the United States with the right to count the votes of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, so as to determine what votes shall be received and counted, or what votes shall be rejected. An amendment was added declaring in effect that it is the duty of Congress to pass a law at once providing for the orderly counting of the electoral vote. The House concurred February r), but no action by bill or otherwise has since been taken. Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, December 15,1881, introduced a bill to regulate the civil service and to ])romote the efriciency thereof, and also a bill to prohibit Federal officers, claimants, and contractors from making or rcci'iving assessments or contri- butions for political purposes. The Burnsidc Educational Rill passed the Senate December 17, 1881. It pro- vides that the procee<ls of the sale of ])ub- lic land and the earnings of the Patent Office shall be funded :it four per cent., and the interest divided among the States in proportion to their illiteracy. An amendment by Senator IMorgan provides for the instruction of women in the State agricultural colleges in such branches of technical and industrial education as are suited to their sex. No action has yet been taken by the House. On the 9th of February the electoral votes M'ere counted by the Vice-President in the presence of both Houses, and Gar- field and Arthur were declared elected President and Vice-President of the United States. There Avas no trouble as to the count, and the result previously stated was formally announced. The Three Per Cent. Funding BUI. The 3 per cent. Funding Bill passed the House March 2, and was on the following day vetoed by President Hayes on the ground that it dealt unjustly with the Na- tional Banks in compelling them to accept and emjiloy this security for their circu- lation in lieu of the old bonds. This fea- ture of the bill caused several of the Banks to surrender their circulation, conduct which for a time excited strong political prejudices. The Eepublicans in Congress as a rule contended that the debt could not be surely funded at 3 per cent. ; that 82 was a safer figure, and to go below this might render the bill of no effect. The same views were entertained by President Hayes and Secretary Sherman. The Dem- ocrats insisted on 3 per cent., until the veto, when the general desire to fund at more favorable rates broke party lines, and a 82 per cent, funding bill Avas passed, with the feature objectionable to the National Banks omitted. The Republicans were mistaken in their view, as the result proved. The loan was floated so easily, that in the session of 1882 Secretary Sherman, now a Senator, him- self introduced a 3 per cent, bill, which passed the Senate Feb. 2d, 1882, in this shape : — Be it enacted, &c. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to receive at the Treasury and at the office of any Assistant Treasurer of the United States and at any postal money order of- fice, lawful mc/uey of the United States to the amount of fifty dollars or any multiple of that sum or any bonds of the United States, bearing three and a-half per cent, interest, which are hereby declared valid, and to issue in exchange therefore an equal amount of registered or couiiou bonds of the United States, of the denom- ination of fifty, one hundred, five hundred, one thousand and ten thousand dollars, of such form as he may prescribe, bearing in- terest at the rate three per centum per annum, payable either quarterly or semi- annually, at the Treasury of tlae United BOOK I.] HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 245 States. Such bonds shall be exempt from all taxution by or under state authority, and be payable at the pleasure of the United States. " Provided, That the bonds hcreia authorized shall not be called in and pai'l so long as any bonds of the United States heretofore issued bearing a higher rate of interest than three per centum, and which sluiU be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, shall be outstanding and uncalled. The last of the said bonds originally issued and their substitutes umler this act shall be first called in and this order of payment shall be followed until all shall have been paid." The money deposited under this act shall be promptly applied solely to the re- demption of the bon(ls of the United States bearing three and a-half per centum in- terest, and the aggregate amount of de- posits made and bonds issued under this act shall not exceed the sum of two hun- dred million dollars. The amount of law- ful money so received on deposit, as afore- said, shall not exceed, at any time, the sum of twenty-five million dollars. Be- fore any deposits are received at any pos- tal money office under this act, the post- master at such office shall file with the Secretary of the Treasury his bond, with satisfactory security, conditioned that he will promptly transmit to the Treasury of the United States the money received by him in conformity with regulations to be prescribed by such secretary ; and the de- posit with any postmaster shall not at any time, exceed the amount of his bond. Sectiox 2. Any national banking asso- ciation now organized or hereafter or- ganized desiring to withdraw its circulat- ing notes upon a deposit of lawful money with the Treasury of the United States as provided in section 4 of the Act of June 20, 1874, entitled " An act fixing the amount of United States notes providing for a redistribution of National bank cur- rency and for other purposes," shall be re- quired to give thirty days' notice to the Controller of the Currency of its intention to deposit lawful money and withdraw its circulating notes ; provided that not more than five million of dollars of lawful m )ney shall be deposited during any cal- ender month f )r this purpose ; and pro- vided further, that the provisions of this section shall not apply to bonds called for redemption by the Secretary of the Trea- sury. Section- 3. That nothing in this act shall be so construed as to authorize an in- crease of the public debt. lu the past few years opinions on the rates of interest have undergone wonderful changes. Many supposed— indeed it was a "standard" argument — that rates must ever be higher in new than old countries, that these higher rates comported with aud aided the higher rates paid for commodi- ties and labor. The funding operations since the war have dissipated this belief, and so shaken political theories that no party can now claim a monopoly of sound financial doctrine. So high is the credit of the government, and so abundant are the resources of our people after a com- paratively short pei-iod of general prosper- ity, that they seem to have plenty of sur- l>lus funds with which to aid any funding operation, however low the rate of interest, if the government — State or National — shows a willingness to pay. As late as February, 1882, Pennsylvania funded seven millions of her indebtedness at 3, 31 and 4 per cent., the two larger sums commanding premiums sufficient to cause the entire debt to be floated at a little more than 3 per cent., and thus floating commands an additional premium in the money ex- changes. History of the National Lioans. In Book VII of this volume devoted to Tabulated History, we try to give the read- er at a glance some idea of the history of our National finances. An attempt to go into details would of itself fill volumes, for no class of legislation has taken so much time or caused such a diversity of opinion. Yet it is shown, by an admirable review of the loans of the United States, by Rafael A. Bayley, of the Treasury Department published in the February (1882) number of the International Review, that the " finan- cial system of the government of the United States has continued the same from its organization to the present time." Mr, Bayley has completed a history of our Na- tional Loans, which will be published in the Census volume on " Public Debts." From his article in the Ifeview we con- dense the leading facts bearing on the his- tory of our national loans. The financial system of theUnited^States, in lill its main features, is simple and well defined, and its very simj^licity may proba- bly be assigned as the reason why it ap- pears so difficult of comprehension by many people of intelligence and education. It is based upon the principles laid down by Alexander Hamilton, and the practical adoption of the fundamental maxim which he regarded as the true secret for render- ing public credit immortal, viz., " that the creation of the debt should always be ac- companied with the means of extinguish- ment." A faithful adherence to this sys- tem by his successors has stood the test of nearly a century, with the nation at jieacc or at war, in prosperity or adversity ; so that, with all the change that progress has entailed upon the people of the age, no valid ground-; exist for any change here. " During the colonial period, and under 246 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book the confederation, the financial operations of the Government were based ou the law of necessity, and depended for success upon- the patriotism of the people, the co- operation of the several States, and the assistance of foreign powers friendly to our cause. " It was the willingness of the people to receive the various kinds of paper money issued under authority of the Continental Congress, and used in payment for services and supplies, together with the issue of similar obligations by the different States, for the redemption of which they assumed the responsibility ; aided by the munificent gift of money from Louis XVI. of France, followed by loans for a large amount from both France and Holland, that made vic- tory possible, and laid the foundations for the republic of to-day, with its credit un- impaired, and with securities command- ing a ready sale at a high premium in all the principal markets of the world. " Authorities vaiy as to the amount of paper money issued and the cost of the war for independence. On the 1st of Septem- ber, 1779, Congress resolved that it would ' on no account whatever emit more bills of credit than to make the whole amount of such bills two hundred millions of dol- lais.' ]\Ir. Jefferson estimates the value of this sum at the time of its emission at $36,367,719.83 in specie, and says ; ' If we estimate at the same value the like sum of $200,000,000 supposed to have been emitted by the States, and reckon the Federal debt, foreign and domestic, at about $43,000,000, and the State debt at $25,000,000, it will form an amount of §140,000,000, the total sum which the war cost the United States. It continued eight years, from the battle of Lexington to the cessation of hostilities in America. The annual expense was, therefore, equal to about SI 7,500,000 in specie.' " The first substantial aid rendered the colonies by any foreign power was a free gift of money and military supplies from Louis XVI. of France, amounting in the aggregate to 10,000,000 livres, equivalent to, .SI, 815,000. "These supplies were not furnished openly, for the reason that France was not in a position to commence a war with Great Britain. The celebrated Caron de Beauiiiarcliuis was emjjloyed as a secret agent, ])ctwccn whom and Silas Deane, as the political and commercial agent of the United States, a contract was entered into wliereby tin; ibrnier agreed to furnish a large amount of military Kupi)lios from the arsenals of France, and to receive Ameri- can produce in jiaymcnt therefor. "Under lliis arrangement supplies were furnished by the French Government to the amount of 2,000,()()() livres. An addi- tional 1,000,000 was contributed by iAie Government of Spain for the same pur- pose, and through the same agency. The balance of the French subsidy was paid through Benjamin Franklin. In 1777 a loan of 1,000,000 livres was obtained from the ' Farmers General of France ' under a contract for its repayment in American tobacco at a stijjulated price. From 1778 to 1783, additional loans were obtained from the French King, amounting to 34,- 000,000 livres. From 1782 to 1789, loans to the amount of 9,000,000 guilders were negotiated in Holland, through the agency of John Adams, then the American Minis- ter to the Hague. " The indebtedness of the United States at the organization of the present form of government (including interest to Decem- ber 31, 1790) may be briefly stated, as fol- lows : Foreign debt $11,883,315.96 Domestic debt 40,256,802.45 Debt due foreign officers... 198,208.10 Arrears outstanding (since discharged) 450,395.52 Total $52,788,722.03 To this should be added the individual debts of the several States, the precise amount and character of which was then unknown, but estimated by Hamilton at j that time to aggregate about $25,000,000. "The payment of this vast indebtedness was virtually guarantied by the provisions of Article VI. of the Constitution, which says : ' All debts contracted, and engage- ments entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the confederation.' On the 21st of September, 1789, the House of Eepre- sentatives adopted the following resolu- tions : Resolved, That this House consider an adequate provision for the support of the public credit as a matter of high import- ance to the national honor and prosperity. Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to prepare a plan for that j)urpose, and to rej^ort the same to this House at its next meeting. " In reply thereto Hamilton submitted his report on the 9th of January, 1790, in which he gave many reasons for assuming the debts of the old Government, and of the several States, and furnished a plan for sui)porting tlie j)ul)lic credit. His rec- ommendations were ado])tcd,and embodied in the act making provision for the pay- ment of the debt of the United States, apj)roved August 4, 1790. "This act authorized a loan of $12,000,- 000, to be a])j)licd to the ])aynient of the foreign de])t, jirincipal and interest; a loan equal to the full amount of the domestic debt, payable in certificates issued for its BOOK I.] HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 247 amount according to tlieir specie value, and coini)uting tlie interest to December 31, 1791, upon such as bore interest; and a further loan <jf $21,500,000, payable in the principal and interest of the certificates or notes which, prior to January 1, 17'J0, were issued L)y the respective States as evi- dences of in(iel)ti'dness incurred by tliem for tlie expenses of the late war. ' In tiie case of the debt of the United States, in- terest upon two-thirds of the principal only, at G per cent., was immediately paid ; interest upon the remaining third was de- ferred for ten years, and only three per cent, was allowed upon the arrears of in- terest, making one-third of the whole del>t. In the case of the separate debts of the States, interest upon four-nintlis only of the entire sum was immediately paid ; in- terest upon two-ninths was del'erred for ten years, and only 3 per cent, allowed on three- ninths.' Under this authority 6 per cent, stock was issued to the amount of $30,0G0,- 511, and deferred 6 per cent, stock, bear- ing interest from Janutiry 1, ISOO, amount- ing to $14,G35,3S(). This stock was made subject to redemption by payments not ex- ceeding, in one year, oa account both of principal and interest, the proportion of eight dollars upon a hundred of the sum mentioned in the certificates ; $19,719,237 was issued in 3 per cent, stock, subject to redemption whenever provision should be made by law for that purpose. " The money needed for the payment of the princi[)al and interest of the foreign debt was procured by new loans negotiated in HoU.uid and Antwerp to the amount of $9,400,000, and the issue of new stock for the balance of $2,024,900 due on the French debt, this stock bearing a rate of interest one-half of one per cent, in ad- vance of the rate previously paid, and re- deemable at the pleasure of the Govern- ment. Subsequent legislation provided for the establishment of a sinking fund, under the management of a board of com- missioners, consisting of the President of the Senate, Chief Justice of the Sujtreme Court, Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, and Attorney General, for the time being, who, or any three of whom, were authorized, under the direction of the President of the United States, to make purchases of stock, and otherwise provide for the gradual liquidation of the entire debt, from funds set apart for this purpose. On assuming the position of Secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton found himself en- tirely without funds to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government, exccjjt by borrowing, until such time as the revenues frorn duties on imports and tonnage began to come into the Treasury. Under these circumstances, he was forced to make ar- rangements with the P>ank of New York and the Bank of North America for tem- porary loans, and it was from the moneys received from these banks that he paid the first installment of salary due President Washington, Senators, Representatives and officers of Congress, during the first ses- sion under the Constitution, wliieh began at the citv of New York, March 4, 1789. " The first ' Jiank of the United States ' appears to liave been proposed by Alex- ander Hamilton in December, 1790, and it was incorporated by an act of Congress, approved February 25, 1791, with a capi- tal stock of $10,000,000 divided into 25,- 000 shares at $400 each. The government subscription of $2,000,000, under authority of the act, was paid by giving to the bank bills of exchange on Holland equivalent to gold, and borrowing from the bank a like sum for ten years at 6 per cent, inter- est. The bank went into operation very soon after its charter was obtained, and declared its first dividend in July, 1792. It was evidently well managed, and was of great benefit to the Government and the people at large, assisting the Government by loans in cases of emergency, and forc- ing the ' wildcat ' banks of the country to keep their issues ' somewhere within reasonable bounds.' More than $100,000,- 000 of Government money was received and disbursed by it without the loss of a single dollar. It made serai-annual divi- dends, averaging about 8} per cent., and its stock rose to a high price. The stock belonging to the United States was sold out at different times at a profit, 2,220 shares sold in 1802 bringing an advance of 45 per cent. The government subscription, with ten years' interest amounted to $3,200- 000, while there was received in dividends and for stock sold $3,773,580, a profit of neaily 28.7 per cent. In 1796 the credit of the Government was very low, as shown by its utter failure to negotiate a loan for the purpose of paying a debt to the Bank of the United States for moneys boiTowed and used, partly to pay the expenses of sup- pressing the whisky insurrection in' Penn- sylvania and to buy a treaty with the pirates of Algiers. On a loan authorized for $5,000,000, only $80,000 could be ob- tained, and this at a discount of 12} per cent.; and, there being no other immediate resource, United States Bank stock to the amount of $1,304,2G0 was sold at a pre- mium of 25 per cent. " Under an act approved June 30, 1798, the President was authorized to accept such vessels as were suitable to be armed for the public service, not exceeding twelve in number, and to issue certificates, or other evidences of the public debt of the United States, in payment. Tlie ships George Washington, Merrimack, 3Iaryl:ind and Patapsco, brig Richmond, and frigates BostiMi, Philadelphia, John Adams, Essex and New York, were prnxhased, and G per 248 \MERICAN POLITICS. [book I. cent, stock, redeemable at the pleasure of! Congress, was issued in payment to the amount of 8711,700. I "The idea of creating a navy by the purchase of vessels built by private parties and issuing stock in payment therefor, seems to have orisrinated with Hamilton. " In the years 1/^97 and 1798 the United States, though nominally at peace with all the world, was actually at war with France — a war not formally declared, but carried on upon the ocean with very great viru- lence. John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry and Charles C. Pinckney were appointed en- voys extraordinary to the French Repub- lic, with power for terminating all difter- ences and restoring harmony, good under- standing and commercial and friendly in- tercourse between the two nations ; but their efforts were in vain, and extensive preparations were made to resist a French invasion. It was evident that the ordinary revenues of the country would be inade- quate for the increased expenditure, and a loan of §5,000,000 was authorized by an act approved July 16, 1798, redeemable at pleasure after fifteen years. The rate of interest was not specified in the act, and the market rate at the time being 8 per cent, this rate was paid, and it was thought by a committee of Congress that the loan was negotiated * upon the best terms that could be procured, and with a laudable eye to the public interest. ' A loan of $3,500,000 was authorized by an act ap- proved May 7, 1800, for the purpose of meeting a large deficit in the revenues of the preceding year, caused by increased expenditures rendered necessary on ac- count of the difficulties with France, and Btock bearing 8 per cent, interest, reim- bursal)le after fifteen years, was issued to the amount of $1,481,700, on which a pre- mium was realized of nearly 5| per cent. These are the only two instancca in which the Government has paid 8 per cent, in- terest on its bonds. " The province of Louisiana was ceded to the United States by a treaty with France, April 30, 1803, in payment for which G per cent, bonds, payable in fifteen vears, were issued to the amount of $11,- 250,000, and the balance which the Gov- ernment agreed to pay for tlic province, amounting to $3,750,000, was devoted to reiml)ursing American citizens for French depredations on their commerce. These claims were paid in money, and the stock redeemed l)y pun^hases made under the di- rection of tlie ('ommissioners of the Sink- ing Fund within twelve years. Under an act approved February 11, 1807, a portion of the 'old G per cent.' and 'dercrred stocks" w.m refunded into new .stock, bear- ing the same rate of interest, but redernia- })le at the pleasure of the United States. This was done for the purpose of 2)]acing it within the power of the Government to reimburse the amount refunded within a short time, as under the old laws these stocks could only be redeemed at the rate of 2 per cent, annually. Stock was issued amounting to $6,294,051, nearly all of which was redeemed within four years. Under the same act old ' 3 per cent, stock ' to the amount of $2,861,309 was converted into 6 per cents., at sixty-five cents on the dollar, but this was not reimbursable with- out the assent of the holder until after the whole of certain other stocks named in the act was redeemed. The stock issued under this authority amounted to $1,859,871. It would appear that the great majority of the holders of the •' old stock " preferred it to the new. A loan equal to the amount of the principal of the public debt reimbursa- ble during the current year was authorized by an act approved May 1, 1810, and $2,- 750,000 was borrowed at 6 per cent, interest from the Bank of the United States, for the purpose of meeting any deficiency arising from increased expenditures on account of the military and naval establishments. This was merely a temporary loan, which Avas repaid the following year. " The ordinary expenses for the year 1812 were estimated by the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Eepresentatives at $1,200,000 more than the estimated re- ceipts for the same period, and the impend- ing war Avith Great Britain made it abso- lutely necessary that some measures should be adopted to maintain the public credit, and provide the requisite funds for carrying on the Government. Additional taxes Avere imposed upon the people, but as these could not be made immediately available there Avas no other resource but ncAV loans and the issue of Treasury notes. This was the first time since the formation of the ncAV Government that the issue of such notes had been proposed, and they Avere objected to as engrafting on our system of finance a ncAV and untried measure. " Under various acts of Congress ap- proved betAveen March 4, 1812, and Feb- niary 24, 1815, 6 per cent, bonds were is- sued to the amount of $50,792,674. These bonds Avere negotiated at rates varying from 20 per cent, discount to par, the net cash realized amounting to $44,530,123. A fur- ther .sum of $4,025,000 was obtained by temporary loans at par, of Avhich sum $225,000 was for the purpose of repairing the ])ul)lic buildings in Washington, dam- aged bv the enemy on the night of August 24, 1814. These 'war loans' were all made redeemable at the pleasure of the Ciovernnient after a sjiecificd date, and the fiith of the United States avms solemnly pledged to provide sulficient revenues for this i)urpose. The 'Treasury note sj'stem' w;is a new feature, and its success was re- garded as somewhat doubtful. BOOK I.J HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS. 249 " Its subsequent popularity, however, was owing to a variety of causes. The notes were made receivable everywhere for dues and customs, and in [)ayment I'or i)ub- lic lands. They were to bear interest from the day of issue, at the rate of 5 2-5 per cent, per annum, and their payment was guaranteed by the United States, principal and interest, at maturity. They thus uir- nished a circulating meilium to the coun- try, superior to the paper of the suspend- ed aiul doubtful State banks. These issues were therefore considered more desirable than the issue of additional stock, which could be realized in cash only by the payment of a ruinous dis- count. The whole amount of Treasury notes issued during the war period was $36,680,794. The Commissioners of the Sinking Fund were authorized to provide for their redemption by purchase, in the same manner as for other evidences of the public debt, and by authority of law $10,- 675,788 was redeemed by the issue of cer- tificates of funded stock, bearing interest at from G^ to 7 per cent, per annum, redeema- ble at any time after 1824. " During the years 1812-13 the sum of $2,984,747 of the old 6 per cent, and de- ferred stocks were refunded into new 6 per cent, stock redeemable in twelve years ; and by an act approved March 31, 1814, Con- gress having authorized a settlement of the Yazoo claims ' by an' issue of non-interest- bearing stock, payable out of the first re- ceipts from the sale of public lands in the Missisipi territory, $4,282,037 was is.-nied for this purpose. On the 24th of February, 181-5, Secretary Dallas reported to Congress that the public debt had been increased, in consequence of the war with Great Bri- tain, $()8,783,122, a large portion of which ■was due and unpaid, while another con- siderable proportion was fast becoming due. These unpaid or accruing demands were in part for temporary loans, and the balance for Treasury notes either due or maturing daily. To provide for their paj^- ment a new loan for the full amount needed was authorized by act of March 3, 1815, and six per. cent stock redeemable in fifteen years, was issued in the sum of $12,288,148. This stock was sold at from 95 per cent, to par, and was nearly all re- deemed in 1820 by purchases made by the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund. " The Government became a stockholder in the second Bank of the United States, to the amount of 70,000 shares, under the act of incorporation, approved April 10, 1816. Thecapital stock waslimited to $35,000,000, divided into 350,000 shares of $100 each. Tli» Government subscription was paid by the issue of 5 per cent, stock to the amount of 87,000.000, redeemable at the pleasure of the Government. This was a profitable investment for the United States, as in ad- dition to $1 ,500,000 which the l)ank paid as a bonus frjr its charter, the net receipts over and above disbursements amounted to $4,993,167. The available funds in the Treasury on the 1st of .January, 1820, were less than $250,000, and the estimated defi- cieiicv for the year amounted to nearly $4,000,000. This state of affairs was owing partly to the disastrous eflects of the com- mercial crisis of 1819, heavy payments for tlie redemption of tlie public debt, contin- ued through a series of years, and large outstanding claims, amounting to over $30,000,000, resulting from the late war with Great Britain. To meet the emer- gency, a loan was authorized by act of May 15, 1820, and $999,999.13 was borrowed at 5 per cent., redeemable in twelve years, and $2,0000,000 at 6 per cent., reimbursable at pleasure, this latter stock realizing a pre- mium of 2 per cent. By act of jilarch 3, 1821, 5 per cent, stock amounting to $4,735,- 276 was issued at a premium of over 5} per cent., and the proceeds used in payment of the princij)al and interest of the public debt falling due within the year. " An effort was made in 1822 to refund a portion of the 6 per cent, war loans of 1812-14 into 5 per cents., but only $56,705 could be obtained. Two years later the Government was more successful, and, un- der the act of May 26, 1824, 6 per cent, stock of 1813 to the amount of $4,454,728 was exchanged for new stock bearing 4J per cent, interest, redeemable in 1833-34. During the same year $5,000,000 was bor- rowed at 4} per cent, to provide for the payment of the awards made by the Com- missioners under the treaty with Spain of February 22, 1819, and a like amount, at the same rate of interest, to be applied in paying off that part of the 6 per cent, stock of 1812 redeemable the following year. The act of March 3, 1825, author- ized a loan of $12,000,000, at U per cent, interest, the money borrowed to be applied in paying off prior loans, but only $1,539,- 336 was exchanged for an equal amount of 6 per cent, stock of 1813. " In the year 1836 the United States was, for the first time in thejiistory of the coun- try, practically out of debt. Secretary Woodbury, in his report of December 8, 1836, estimated the amount of jniblic debt still outstanding at about $328,582, and this remained unpaid solely because payment had not been demanded, ample funds to meet it having been deposited in the United States Bank and loan offices. The debt outstanding consisted mainly of un- claimed interest and dividends, of claims for services and supplies dnring the Revo- lution, and of old Treasury notes, and it is supposed that payment of these had not been asked for solely because the evidences of the debt had been lost or distroyed. The estimates showed the probability of a 250 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book 1. surplus of at least $14,000,000 in tlie Trea- sury at the close of the year 1S36, and this estimate proved to be far below the truth. In this favorable condition of the public finances, Congress adopted the extraordi- nary resolution of depositing the sui-plus over §5,000,000 with the several States, and under the act of June 23, 1836, surplus revenue amounting to $28,101,644.91 was so deposited. "In 1837, however, the state of the country had changed. The ' flush ' times of 183o and 1836 had been succeeded by extraordinary depression, which ultimately produced a panic. In May most of the banks suspended specie payments. The sales of public lauds, and the duties on the importations of foreign goods, which had helped to swell the balance in the Treasury to over ^;42,000,000, had fallen off enor- mously. Even on the goods that were im- ported it was difficult to collect the duties, for the law compelled them to be paid in specie, and specie was hard to obtain. It had become impossible not only to pay the fourth installment of the surplus at the end of 1836 to the several States, but even to meet the current expenses of the Govern- ment from its ordinary revenues. In this emergency the Secretary of the Treasury suggested that contingent authority be given the President to cause the issue of Treasury notes. This measure was goner- ally sui)portcd on the ground of absolute necessity, as there was a large deficit al- ready existing, and this was likely to in- crease from tlie condition of the country at that time. The measure was opposed, however, by some who thought that greater economy in expenditures would relieve the Treasury, while others denounced it as an attempt " to start a Treasury bank." " However, an act was approved October 12, 1837, authorizing an issue of $10,000,- 000 in Treasury notes in denominations not less than fifty dollars, redeemable in one year from date, with interest at rates fixed by the Secretary, not exceed- ing 6 per cent. These notes, as usual, were receival)le in payment of all duties and taxes levied by tlie United States, and in payment for ])ublic lands. Prior to 184(), the issue of notes of this character amounted to $47,002,000, bearing interest at rates varying from one-tenth of one ])cr cent, to 6 per cent. To provide in part for their redemption, autliority was granted for the negotiation of several loans, and $21,021,0!l4 was borrowed for tills pur])Ose, bonds l)eing issued i'or a like Ruin, bearing interest at from o to G p(!r cent., redeema- ble at specified dates. These bonds were sold at from 2} per cent, discount to 3^ per cent, premium, and redeemed at from par to 10} y)er cent, advance. " War witli .Mexico was declared May 13, 1840, and in ordt;r to provido against a deficiency a further issue of $10,000,000 in Treasury notes was authorized by act of July 22, 1846, under the same limitations and restrictions as were contained in the act of October, 1837, except that the authority given was to expire at the end of one year from the passage of the act. The sum of $7,687,800 was issued in Treasury notes, and six per cent, bonds having ten years to run were issued under the same act to the amount of $4,999,149. These were sold at a small advance, and redeemed at various rates from par to eighteen and two-thirds per cent, premium. " The expenses incurred on account of the war with Mexico were much greater than the original estimates, and the failure to provide additional revenues sufficient to meet the increased demands made a new loan necessary, as well as an additional issue of notes, wliieh had now become a popular method of obtaining funds. Under the authority granted by act of January 28, 1847, Treasury notes to the amount of $26,122,100 were issued at par, redeemable one and two years from date, with interest at from 5 2-5 to 6 per cent. More money still being needed, a 6 per cent, loan, hav- ing twenty years to run, was placed upon the market, under the authority of the same act, and bonds to the amount of $28,- 230,350 were sold at various rates, ranging from par to 2 per cent, premium. Of this stock the sum of $18,815,100 was redeemed at an advance of Irom li to 211 per cent., the premium jjaid (excUisive of commis- sions) amounting to $3,466,107. Under the act of March 31, 1848, 6 per cent, bonds, running twenty years, were ii-sucd to the amount of $16,(k)0,000, and sold at a premium ranging from 3 to 4.05 per cent. This loan was made for the same purpose as the preceding one, and $7,091,658 was redeemed by purchase at an advance ranging from 8 to 22.46 per cent., the premium paid amounting to $1,251,258. " The widespread depression of trade and commerce which occurred in 1857 was severely felt by the Government, as well as by the people, and so great was the de- crease in the revenues from customs that it became absolutely necessary to provide the Treasury with additional means for meeting the demands upon it. Treasury notes were considered as preferable to a new loan, and by the act of December 23, 1857, a new issue was authorized for such an amount as the exigencies of the public service might require, but not to exceed at any one time $20,000,000. These notes were receival)le in payment for all debts due the United States, including customs, and were issued at various rates of inter- est, ranging from 3 to 6 per cent., to the amount of $52,778,900, redeemable one year irom date, the interest to cease at the cxpiratiou of sixty days' notice after BOOK I.] HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS 251 maturity. In May, 1858, the Secretary of the Treasury informed Congre.s.s tliat, owing to the ai)iiro[)riation.s having been inereaseil by h'gishitioii nearly ^10,0(10,000 over the estimates, while the customs revenue had fallen off to a like amount, it would be necessary to jjrovide some means to meet the deficit. In these circumstances, a new loan was authorized by act of June 14, 18-)8, and 5 per cent, bonds amounting to $20,000,000, redeemable in fifteen years, were sold at an average premium of over 81 per cent. Under the act of December 17, 1873, 813,9r)7,000 in bonds of the loan of 1881, and $2(30,000 in bonds of a h)an of 19)7, were issued in exchange for a like amount of bonds of this loan. " The act of June 22, 1860, authorized the President to l)orrow $21,000,000 on the credit of the United States, the money to be used only in the redemption of Trea- sury notes, and to replace any amount of such notes in the Treasury which should have been paid in for public dues. Only $7,022,000 was borrowed at 5 per cent, in- terest, the certificates selling at from par to 1.45 per cent, premium. The failure to realize the whole loan was caused by the political troubles which culminated in the civil war. In September, bids were in- vited for $10,000,000, and the whole amount offered was speedily taken. It soon be- came evident, however, that war was inevi- table, and a commercial crisis ensued, dur- ing which a portion of the bidders forfeit- ed their deposits, and 'the balance of the loan was withdrawn from the market. Au- thority was granted by the act of Decem- ber 17, 1860, for a new issue of Treasury notes, redeemable in one year from date, but not to exceed $10,000,000 at any one time, with interest at such rates as might be offered by the lowest responsible bid- ders after advertisement. An unsuccess- ful attempt was made to pledge the receipts from the sale of public larfds specifically for their redemption. The whole amount of notes issued under this act was $10,010,- 900, of which $4,840,000 bore interest at 12 per cent. Additional offers followed, ranging from 15 to 36 per cent., but the Treasury declined to accept them. " Up to this period of our national exist- ence the obtaining of the money necessary for carrying on the GovcrnmeTit and the preservation inviolate of the public credit nad been comparatively an easy task. The people of the several States had contributed in proportion to their financial resources ; and a strict adherence to the fundamental maxim laid down by Hamilton had been maintained by a judicious system of taxa- tion to an extent ami)ly sufficient to pro- vide for the redemption of all our national securities as they became due. But the time had come when we were no longer a united people, and the meanS required for defraying the ordinary ex])enses of the Government were almost immediately cur- tailed and jeopardized l)y the attitude of the States whicli attempted to secede. The confusion which followed the inauguration of the administratimi of President Lincoln demonstrated the necessity of providing unusual resources without delay. A sys- tem of internal revenue taxation was in- troduced, and the tariff adjusted with a view to increased revenues from customs. As the Government had not only to exist and pay its way, but also to provide for an army and navy constantly increasing in numbers and equipment, new and extraor- dinary methods were resorted to for the purpose of securing the money which must be had in order to preserve the integrity of tlie nation. Among these were the issue of its own circulating medium in the form of United States notes* and circulating notes, t for the redemption of which the faith of the nation was solemnly pledged. New loans were authorized to an amount never before known in our history, and the success of our armies was assured by the determination manifested by the peo- ple themselves to sustain the Government at all hazards. A brief review of the loan transactions during the period covered by the war is all that can be attemi)ted within tlie limited space afforded this article. The first war loan may be considered as having been negotiated under the authority of an act approved February 8, 1861. The cred- it of the Government at this time was very low, and a loan of $18,415,000, having twenty years to run, with 6 per cent, inter- est, could only be negotiated at a discount of $2,019,776.10, or at an average rate of $89.03 per one hundred dollars. From this time to June 30, 1865, Government se- curities of various descriptions were issued under authority of law to the amount of $3,888,686,575, including the several issues of bonds, Treasury notes, seven-thirties, legal tenders and fractional currency. The whole amount issued under the same au- thority to June 30, 1880, was $7,137,646,836, divided as follows : Six per cent, bonds $1,130,279,000 Five per cent, bonds 196.118,300 Temporary loan certificates.. 969,992,250 Seven-thirty notes 716,099,247 Treasury notes and certifi- cates of indebtedness 1,074,713,132 Old demand notes, legal tend- ers, coin certificates and fractional currency 3,050,444,907 Total $7,137,646,836 "This increase may be readily accounted for by the continued issue of legal tenders, • rommonly sailed " Greenbacke," or " Legul Tender notes " f Uomiuonly called " Kational BauK notes." 252 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. compound interest notes, fractional cur- rency and coin certificates, together with a large amount of bonds issued in order to raise the money necessary to pay for mili- tary supplies, and other forms of indebted- ness growing out of the war. The rebel- lion was practically at an end in May, 1865, yet the large amount of money re- quired for immediate use in the payment and disbandment of our enormous armies ' necessitated the still further negotiation of ' loans under the several acts of Congress then in force, and it was not until after the 31st of August, 1865, that our national debt began to decrease. At that time the total indebtedness, exclusive of the " old funded and unfunded debt " of the Revo- lution, and of "cash in the Treasury, amounted to 82,844,646,626.56. The course of our financial legislation since that date has been constantly toward a reduction of the interest, as well as the principal of the public debt. " By an act approved March 3, 1865, a loan of $600,000,000 was authorized upon similar terms as had been granted for pre- vious loans, with the exception that no- thing authorized by this act should be made a legal tender, or be issued in smaller denominations than fifty dollars. The rate of interest was limited to 6 per cent, in coin, or 7.3 per cent, in currency, the bonds issued to be redeemable in not less than five, nor more tlian forty, years. Authority was also given for the conversion of Trea- sury notes or other interest-bearing obliga- tions into bonds of this loan. An amend- ment to this act was passed April 12, 1866, authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury, at his discretion, to receive any Treasury notes or other obligations issued under any act of Congress, whether bearing interest or not, in exchange for any description of bonds authorized by the original act ; and also to dispose of any such bonds, either in the United States or elsewhere, to such an amount, in such manner, and at such rates as he miglit deem advisable, for laAvful money, Treasury notes, certificates of in- debtedness, certificates of deposit, or other representativcsof value, which had been or might be issued under any act of Congress; the proceeds to be used only for retiring Treasury notes or other national obligations, j.rovidcd the public debt was not increased thereby. As this w;i.s the first iin])ortant measure presented to Congress since the close of the war tending to place our secu- rities upon a firm basis, the action of Con- gress in relation to it was looked forward to with a great deal of interest. The dis- cussion took a wide range, in whicli the Avliole finatKual administration of the CJo- vernment during the war was revi(!wed at Icngtli. After a lf)ng and exciting debate the bill finally passed, and was ai>i)roved by the President. Under the uulliority of these two acts, 6 per cent, bonds to the amount of $958,483,550 have been issued to date. These bonds were disposed of at an aggregate premium of $21,622,074, and un- der the acts of July 14, 1870, and January 20, 1871, the same bonds to the amount of $725,582,400 have been refunded into other bonds bearing a lower rate of interest. The success of these several loans was remarka- ble, every exertion being used to provide for their general distribution among the people. " In 1867 the first issue of 6 per cent, bonds, known as five-twenties, authorized by the act of Feb. 25, 1862, became re- deemable, and the question of refunding them and other issues at a lower rate of in- terest had been discussed by the Secretary of the Treasury in his annual rejiorts, but the agitation of the question as to the kinds of money in which the various obligations of the Government should be paid, had so excited the apprehension of investors as to prevent the execution of any refunding scheme. " The act to strengthen the public credit was passed March 18, 1869, and its effect was such as secured to the public the strong- est assurances that the interest and princi- pal of the public debt outstanding at that time would be paid in coin, according to the terms of the bonds issued, without any abatement. "On the 12th of January, 1870, a bill authorizing the refunding and consolidation of the national debt was introduced in the Senate, and extensively debated in both Houses for several months, during which the financial system pursued by the Go- vernment during the war was freely re- viewed. The adoption of the proposed measure resulted in an entire revolution of the refunding system, under which the public debt of the United States at that time was provided for, by the transmission of a large amqunt of debt to a succeeding generation. The effect of this attempt at refunding the major portion of the public debt was fiir more successful than any si- milar effort on the i)art of any Government, so far as known. The act authorizing refunding certifi- cates convertible into 4 per cent, bonds, api^roved February 26, 1879, was merely intended for the benefit of parties of limit- ed means, and was simply a continuation of the refunding scheme authorized by previous legislation. " The period covered precludes any at- tempt toward reviewing the 02:)eration by which the immediate predecessor of the present Secretary reduced the interest on some six hundred millions of 5 and 6 per cent, bonds to 3', per cent. It is sale to say, however, that under the administration of the ])resent Secretary there will b<> no de- viation from. the original law laid down by i lamiltou. BOOK I.J REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 253 James A. Garfield. James A. Garfield and Chester A. Ar- thur wore ])ublicly inaugurated President and Vice President of tlie United States Marcli 4, ISSl. President Garfield in his inaugural ad- dress promised full and equal ])rotection of the Constitution and the laws for the negro, advocated universal education as a safe- guard of sull'rage, and recijminended such an adjustiiioiit of our monetary system "that the ])urchasing power of every coined dollar will be exactly equal to its del)t- paying power in all the markets of the world." The national debt should be re- funded at a lower rate of interest, without compelling the withdrawal of the National Bank notes, polygamy should be prohibit- ed, and civil service regulated by law. An extra session of the Senate was opened March 4. On the 5th, the follow- ing cabinet nominations were made and confirmed: Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, of Maine ; Secretary of the Treas- ury, William Windom, of Minnesota; Secretary of the Navy, William H. Hunt, of Louisiana ; Secretary of War, Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois ; Attorney General, Wayne MacVeagh, of Pennsylvania ; Post- master General, Thomas L. James, of New York ; Secretary of the Interior, Samuel J. Kirkwood, of Iowa. In this extra session of the Senate Vice President Arthur had to employ the cast- ing vote on all questions where the parties divided, and he invariably cast it on the side of the Re])ul)lican3. The evenness of the parties caused a dead-lock on the ques- tion of organization, for when David Davis, of Illinois, voted with the Democrats, the Republicans had not enough even with the Vice President, and he was not, therefore, called upon to decide a question of that kind. The Republicans desired new and Republican oflicers ; the Democrats de- sired to I'etain the old and Democratic ones. RepnMlcan Factions. President Garfield, March 23d, sent in a large number of nominations, among which was that of William H. Robertson, the leader of the Blaine wing of the Republi- can party in New York, to be Collector of Customs. He had previously sent in five names for prominent places in New York, at the suggestion of Senator Conkling, who had been invited by President Garfield to name his friends. At this interview it was stated that Garfield casually intimated that he would make no immediate change in the New York Collectorship, and both fic- tions seemed satisfied to allow Genl Edwin A. Merritt to retain that place for a time at least. There were loud protests, however, at the first and early selectiou-of the friends of Senator Conkling to five important places, and these jjrotests were heeded by the President. With a view to meet them, and, doubtless, to quiet the spirit of faction rapidly develoiiing between the Grant and anti-Grant elements of the party in New York, the name of Judge Robertson was sent in for the Collectorship. He had bat- tled against the unit rule at Chicago, dis- avowed the instructions of his State Con- vention to vote for Grant, and led the Blaine delegates from that State while Blaine was in the field, and when with- drawn went to Garfield. Senator Conklin» now sought to confirm his friends, and hold back his enemy from confirmation; but these tactics induced Garfield to withdraw the nomination of Conkling's friends, and in this way Judge Robertson's name was alone presented for a time. Against this course Vice-President Arthur and Senators Conkling and Piatt remonstrated in a let- ter to the President, but he remained firm. Senator Conkling, under the plea of " the privilege of the Senate," — a courtesy and custom which leaves to the Senators of a State the right to say who shall be con- firmed or rejected from their respective States if of the same party — now sought to defeat Robertson. In this battle he had arrayed against him the influence of his great rival, Mr. Blaine, and it is jjresumed the whole power of the administration. He lost, and the morning following the secret vote. May 17th, 1881, his own and the resignation of Senator Piatt were read. These resignations caused great excitement throughout the entire country. They were prepared without consultation M'ith any one — even Vice-President Arthur, the in- timate friend of both, not knowing any- thing of the movement until the letters were opened at the chair where he pre- sided. Logan and Cameron — Conkling's colleagues in the great Chicago battle — were equally unadvised. The resignations were forwarded to Gov. Cornell, of New York, who, by all permissible delays, sought to have them reconsidered and withdrawn, but both Senators were firm. The Senate confirmed Judge Robertson for Collector, and General Merritt as Con- sul-General at London, May 18th, Pre>i- dent Garfield having wisely renewed the Conkling list of appointees, most of whom declined under the changed condition of affairs. These events more widely separated the factions in New York — one wing calling itself " Stalwart," the other "Half-Breed," a term of contempt flung at the Inde])en- dcnts by Conkling. Elections must follow to fill the vacancies, the New York Legis- lature being in session. The-ie vacancies gave the Democrats for the time control of the United States Senate, but tliey tliou^ht it unwise to pursue an advant.age which 254 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book I. would compel them to show their hands for or against one or other of the opposing Republican factions. The extra session of the Senate adjourned May 20th. The New York Legislature began ballot- ing for successors to Senators Conkling and Piatt on the 31st of May. The majority of the Republicans (Independents or " Half- breeds ") supported Chauncey M. Depew as the successor of Piatt for the long term, and William A. Wheeler as the successor of Conkling for the short term, a few sup- porting Cornell. The minority (Stalwarts) renominated Messrs. Conkling and Piatt. The Democrats nominated Francis Kernan for the long term, and John C. Jacobs for the short term ; and, on his withdrawal, Clarkson N. Potter. The contest lasted until July 22, and resulted in a compro- mise on Warner A. Miller as Piatt's suc- cessor, and Elbridge G. Lapham as Conk- ling's successor. In Book VII., our Tabu- lated History of Politics, we give a correct table of the ballots. These show at a sin- gle glance the earnestness and length of the contest. The factious feelings engendered thereby were carried into the Fall nominations for the Legislature, and as a result the Demo- crats obtained control, which in part they subsequently lost by the refusal of the Tammany Democrats to support their nominees for presiding officers. This De- mocratic division caused a long and tire- some deadlock in the Legislature of New York. It was broken in the Hoixse by a promise on the part of the Democratic candidate for Speaker to favor the Tam- many men with a just distribution of the committees — a promise which was not satisfactorily carried out, and as a result the Tammany forces of the Senate joined hands with tiie Republicans. The Repub- lican State ticket would also have been lost in the Fall of ISSl, Init for the inter- position of President Arthur, who quickly succeeded in uniting the warring factions. This work was so well done, that all save one name on the ticket (Gen'l Husted) succeeded. The same factious spirit was manifested in Pennsylvania in the election of U. S. Senator in the winter of 1881, the two wings taking the names of " Regulars" and " In- dependents." The division occurred be- fore the New York battle, and it is trace- able not alone to the bitter nominating contest at Cliicago, but to the administra- tion of President Hayes and the experi- ment of civil service reform. Administra- tions which are not decided and firm upon political issues, invariably divide their j):irti('s, and while these divisions are not always to be deplored, and sometimes ]ea<l to good rcsult^, the fact that undecided administrations divide the parties which they represent, ever remains. The exam- ples are plain : Van Buren's, Tyler's, Fill- more's, Buchanan's, and Hayes'. The lat- ter's indecision was more excusable than that of any of his predecessors. The in- exorable firmness of Grant caused the most bitter partisan assaults, and despite all his efibrts to sustain the " carpet-bag govern- ments " of the South, they became unpopu- lar and were rapidly su])planted. As they disappeared, Democratic re];resentation from the South increased, and this increase continued during the administration of Hayes — the greatest gains being at times when he showed the greatest desire to con- ciliate the South. Yet his administration did the party good, in this, that while at first dividing, it finally cemented through the conviction that experiments of that kind with a jiroud Southern people were as a rule unaA'ailing. The re -opening of the avenues of trade and other natural causes, apparently uncultivated, have ac- complished in this direction much more than any political eflfort. In Pennsylvania a successor to U. S. Senator Wm. A. Wallace was to be chosen. Henry W. Oliver, Jr., received the nomi- nation of the Republican caucus, the friends of Galusha A. Grow refusing to enter after a count had been made, and declaring in a written paper that they would not participate in any caucus, and would independently manifest their choice in the Legislature. The following is the first vote in joint Convention : OLIVER. WALLACE. Senate 20 Senate 16 House 75 House 77 Total 96 Total 93 GROW. AGNEW. Senate 12 Senate 1 House 44 House Total 56 Total 1 BREAVSTER. BAIRD. Senate Senate Plouse 1 House 1 Total 1 m'veagh. Senate House 1 Total. Total. Whole number of votes cast, 248 ; ne- cessary to a choice, 125. On the ]7lh of January the two factions issued oj)posing addresses. From these we quote the leading ideas, which divided the factions. The " Regulars " said : "Henry W. Oliver, jr., of Allegheny county, was nominated on the third ballot, receiving 79 of the 95 votes present. Un- der the rules of all parties known to the BOOK I.J REPUBLICAN FACTIONS. 255 present or past history of our country, a majority of those participating^ should have been sufficient; but such was the desire for party harmony and for absolute fairness, that a majority of all the Republican mem- bers of the Senate and House was required to nominate. The effect of this was to give those remaining out a negative voice in the proceedings, the extent of any priv- ilege given them in regular legishitive ses- sions by the Constitution. In no other caucus or convention has the minority ever found such high consideration, and we be- lieve there remains no just cause of com- plaint against the result. Even captious I'aultfinding can find no place upon which to hang a sensible objection. Mr. Oliver was, therefore, fairly nominated by the only body to which is delegated the power of nomination and by methods Avhich were more than just, which, from every stand- point, must be regarded as generous ; and in view of these things, how can we, your Senators and Representatives, in fairness withhold our support from him in open sessions ; rather how can we ever abandon a claim established by the rules regulating the government of all parties, accepted by all as just, and which are in exact harmony Avith that fundamental principle of our Government which proclaims the right of the majority to rule? To do otherwise is to confess the injustice and the failure of that principle — something we are not pre- jtared to do. It would blot the titles to our own positions. There is not a Senator or member who does not owe his nomina- tion and election to the same great prin- ciple. To profit by its acceptance in our own cases and to deny it to Mr. Oliver would be an exhibition of selfishness too flagrant for our taste. To acknowledge the right to revolt when no unfairness can be truthfully alleged and when more than a majority have in the interest of harmony been required to govern, would be a tra- vesty upon every American notion and upon that sense of manliness which yields when fairly beaten." The "Independent" address said: " Firfif. We recognize a public senti- ment which demands that in the selection of a United States Senator we have regard to that dignity of the office to be filled, its important duties and functions, and the qualifications of the individual with refer- ence thereto. This sentiment is, we un- derstand, that there are other and higher qualifications for this distinguished posi- tion than business experience and success, and reckons among these the accomplish- ments of the scholar, J:he acquirements of the student, the mature wisdom of experi- ence and a reasonable familiarity with public affiiirs. It desires that Pennsylva- nia shall be distinguished among her sister Commoawealths, not only by her populous cities, her prosperous communities, her vast material wealth and diversiiitd indus- tries and resources, but that in the wis- dom, sagacity and statesmanship of her representative she shall occupy a corres- ponding rank and influence. To meet this public expectation and demand we are and have at all times been willing to su- bordinate our personal preferences, all local considerations and factional differ- ences, and unite with our colleagues in the selection of a candidate in whom are com- bined at least some of these important and essential qualifications. It was c)nly when it became apparent that the party caucus was to be used to defeat this poj)ular desire and to coerce a nomination which is con- spicuously lacking in the very essentials which were demanded, that we determined to absent ourselves from it. * * * * "Second, Having declined to enter the caucus, we adhere to our determination to defeat, if possible, its nominee, but only by the election of a citizen of unquestioned fidelity to the principles of the Ivepubli- can party. In declaring our independency from the caucus domination we do not forget our allegiance to the party whose chosen representatives we are. The only result of our policy is the transfer of the contest from the caucus to the joint con- vention of the two houses. There will be afforded an opportunity for the expression of individual preferences and honorable rivalry for an honorable distinction. If the choice shall fall upon one not of ap- proved loyalty and merit, the fault will not be ours." After a long contest both of the leading candidates withdrew, and quickly the Reg- ulars substituted General James A. Beaver, the Independent Congressman, Thomas M. Bayne. On these names the dead-lock remained unbroken. Without material change the balloting continued till Febru- ary 17th, when both Republican factions agreed to appoint conference committees of twelve each, with a view to selecting by a three-fourths vote a comjiromise candi- date. The following were the respective committees: For the Independents: Sena- tors Davis, Bradford ; Lee, Venango ; Stew- art, Franklin; Lawrence, Washington; Representatives Wolfe, Union ; Silver- thorne, P>ie ; ]\Iapes, Venango ; McKee, Philadelphia; Slack, Allegheny; Stubs, Chester; Niles, Tioga; and Derickson, Crawford. For the Regulars: Senators Greer, Butler; Herr, Dauphin; Smith, Philadelphia; Kecfer, Schuylkill; Cooper, Delaware; Representatives Pollock, Phila- delphia; ]\Ioore, Allegheny; ^Marsliall, Huntingdon; Hill, Indiana; Eshlenian, Lancaster; Thomson, Armstrong; and Billingsley, Washington. The joint convention held daily sessions and balloted without result until February 256 AMERICAN POLITICS. [booe I. 22d, when John I, Mitchell, of Tioga, Congressman from the 16th district, was unanimously agreed upon as a compro- mise candidate. He was nominated by a full Republican caucus on the morning of February 23d, and elected on the first bal- lot in joint convention on that day, the vote standing: Mitchell, 150 j "Wallace, 92 ; MacVeagh, 1; Brewster, 1. The spirit of this contest continued until fall. Senator Davies, a friend of Mr. Grow, was a prominent candidate for the Repub- lican nomination for State Treasurer. He was beaten by General Silas M. Baily, and Davies and his friends cordially made Baily's nomination unanimous. Charles S. Wolfe, himself the winter before a can- didate for United States Senator, was dis- satisfied. He suddenly raised the Inde- pendent flag, in a telegram to the Phila- delphia Press, and as he announced was "the nominee of a convention of one" for State Treasurer. After a canvass of re- mai-kable energy on the jDart of Mr. Wolfe, General Baily was elected, without sufler- ing materially from the division. Mr. Wolfe obtained nearly 50,000 votes, but as almost half of them were Democratic, the result was, as stated, not seriously affected. The Independents in Pennsylvania, however, were subdivided into two wings, known as the Continental and the Wolfe men — the former having met since the election last fall, (State Senator John Stewart, chairman) and proclaimed them- selves willing and determined to abide all Republican nominations fairly made, and to advocate " reform within the party lines." These gentlemen supported Gen. Baily and largely contributed to his suc- cess, and as a rule they regard with dis- favor equal to that of the Regulars, what is known as the Wolfe movement. These divisions have not extended to other States, nor have they yet assumed the shai)e of third parties unless Mr. Wolfe's individual canvass can be thus classed. Up to this writing (March 10, 1882,) neither wing has taken issue with President Arthur or his appointments, though there were some temporary indications of this when Attor- ney General ]\IacVeagh, of Pennsylvania, persisted in having his resignation ac- cepted. President Arthur reiiised to ac- cept, on the ground that he desired Mac- Veagli's services in the prosecution c)f the Star Route cases, and ^Ir. MacVeagh with- drew for personal and other reasons not yet fully exidained. In tliis game of po- litical fence the j)osition of the President was greatly strengtlicned. Singularly enough, in the only two States where factious divisions have been recently manifested in the Republican ranks, they effected almost if not quite as seriously the Democratic party. There cau be but one deduction drawn from this, to wit: — That a number in both of the great parties, were for the time at least, weary of their allegiance. It is possible that nothing short of some great issue will restore the old partisan unity, and partisan unity in a Republic, where there are but two great parties, is not to be deplored if relieved of other than mere political dif- ferences. The existence of but two great parties, comparatively free from factions, denotes government health; where divi- sions are numerous and manifest increas- ing growth and stubbornness, there is grave danger to Republican institutions. We need not, however, philosophize when Mexico and the South American Repub- lics are so near. The Caucns. Both the "Independents" of Pennsyl- vania and the " Half- Breeds " of New York at first proclaimed their opposition to the caucus system of nominating candidates for U. S. Senators, and the newsi)apers in their interest wrote as warmly for a time against " King Caucus" as did the dissat- tisfied Democratic journals in the days of De Witt Clinton. The situation, hoAvever, was totally diflerent, and mere declamation could not long withstand the inevitable. In Pennsylvania almost nightly " confer- ences " were held by the Independents, as indeed they were in New York, though in both States a show of hostility was kept up to nominating in party caucus men who were to be elected by representative, more plainly legislative votes. It was at first claimed that in the Legislature each man ought to act for himself or his constituents, but very shortly it was found that the cau- cuses of the separate wings were as binding upon the respective wings as they could have been upon the whole. Dead-locks were interminable as long as this condition of affairs obtained, and hostility to the caucus system was before very long quietly discouraged and finally ilatly abandoned, for each struggle was ended l)y the ratifi- cation of a general caucus, and none of them could have been ended without it. The several attempts to find oilier means to reach a result, only led the })articipants farther away from the true principle, under re])ublican ibrms at least, of the right of ihe majority to rule. In Pennsylvania, when Mr, Oliver withdrew, fifty of his friends assembled and informally named (Jeneral Beaver, and by this action sought to bind the original 95 friends of Oliver. Their conduct was excused by the plea that they represented a. majority of their fac- tion. It failed to bind all of the original nundjcr, though some of the Independents were won. The Independents, rather the original 4-1, bound themselves in writing not to change their course of action unless BOOK I.] THE CAUCUS. 257 there was secured the previous concurrence of two-thirds, und this i)rinciple was ex- tended to thtr 50 wlio supported Mr. Bayue. Then when the joint connnittee of 24 was agreed upon, it was bound by a rule re- quiring three-foiirtlis to recomineiid a can- aidate. All of these were jtlain departures from a great principle, and the deeper tlie contest Decanie, the greater the departure. True, these were but voluntary forms, but they were indefensible, and arc only re- ferred to now to show the danger of mad assaults upon great principles when per- sonal and factious aims arc at stake. Op- position to the early Congressional caucus was plainly right, since one department of the Government was by voluntary agencies actually controlling another, while the law gave legal forms which could be more pro- perly initiated through voluntary action. The writer believes, and past contests all confirm the view that the voluntary action can only be safely employed by the power by the law with the right of selection. Thus the people elect township, county and State officers, and it is their right and duty by the best attainable voluntary action to indicate their choice. This is done through the caucus or convention, the latter not differing from the former save in extent and possibly breadth of representation. The same rule applies to all offices elective by the people. It cannot properly apply to appointive offices, and while the attempt to apply it to the election of U. S. Senators shows a strong desire on the part, frequently of the more public-spirited citizens, to ex- ercise a greater share in the selection of these officers than the law directly gives them, yet their representatives can very properly be called upon to act as they would act if they had direct power in the pre- mises, and such action leads them into a party caucus, Avhere the will of the majority of their respective parties can be fairly ascertained, and when ascertained re- spected. The State Legislatures appoint U. S. Senators, and the llepresentatives and Senators of the States are bound to consider in their selection the good of the entire State. If this comports with the wish of their respective districts, very well ; if it does not, their duty is not less plain. Probably the time will never come when the people will elect United States Senators ; to do that is to radically change the Federal system, and to practically de- stroy one of the most important branches of the Government ; yet he is not a careful observer who does not note a growing dis- Iiosition on the part of the people, and argely the people of certain localities, and imaginary political sub-divisions, to control these selections. The same is true of Presidential nominations, where masses of people deny the right of State Conventions to instruct their delegates-at-large. In 17 many States the people composing either of the great parties now select their own representative delegates to National Conventions, and where their selections are not respected, grave party danger is sure to follow. There is nothing wrong in this, since it points to, and is but paving the way for a more popular selection of Presidents and Vice Presidents — to an eventual selection of Presidential electors probably by Congressional districts. Yet those to be selected at large must through jiractical voluntary forms be nominateil in that way, and the partisan State Conven- tion is the best method yet devised for this work, and its instructions should be as binding as those of the people upon their representatives. In this government of ours there is voluntary and legal work delegated to the people directly ; there is legal work delegated to appointing powers, and an intelligent discrimination should ever be exercised between the two. " Ren- der unto CiBsar those things which are Cnesar's," unless there be a plain desire, backed by a good reason, to promote popu- lar reforms as enduring as the practices and principles which they are intended to support. Fredrick W. Whitridge, in an able re- view of the caucus system published * in La- lor's Enajclopcedia of Political Science, says : "A caucus, in the political vocabulary of the United States, is primarily a private meeting of voters holding similar views, held prior to an election for the purpose of furthering such views at the election. With the development of parties, and the rule of majorities, the caucus or some equivalent has become an indispensable- adjunct to party government, and it may now bo defined as a meeting of the majority of the electors belonging to the same party in any political or legislative body held' jireliminary to a meeting thereof, for the purpose of selectins; candidates to be voted for, or for the purpose of de- termining the course of the party at the meeting of the whole body. The candidates of each party are univer- sally selected by caucus, either directly or- indirectly through delegates to conven- tions chosen in caucuses. In legislative bodies the course of each party is often predetermined with certainty in caucus, and often discussion between parties has been, in consequence, in some degree superseded. The caucus system is, in short, the basis of a complete electoral system which has grown up within each party, side by side with that which is alone- contemplated by the laws. This condition has in recent years attracted much atten- tion, and has been lutterly announced a» an evil. It was, however, early foreseen. John Adams, in ISU. wrote in the "Tenth * By Rand A McXally, CliicagL., III., 1881 258 AMERICAN POLITICS. [boos I. Letter on Grovernment :" " They have invented a balance to all balance in their caucuses. We have congressional caucuses, state caucuses, county caucuses, city cau- cuses, district caucuses, town caucuses, parish caucuses, and Sunday caucuses at church doors, and in these aristocratical caucuses elections have been decided." The caucus is a necessary consequence of majority rule. If the majority is to define the policy of a pai'ty, there must be some method within each party of ascertaining the mind of the majority, and settling the party programme, before it meets the op- posing party at the polls. The Carlton and Keform clubs discharge for the Tories and Liberals many of the functions of a congressional caucus. Meetings of the members of the parties in the reichstag, the corps legislatif and the chamber of deputies are not unusual, although they have generally merely been for consulta- tion, and neither in England, France, Germany or Italy, has any such authority been conceded to the wish of the majority of a party as we have rested in the deci- sion of a caucus. What has been called a caucus has been established by the Liberals of Birmingham, England, as to which, see a paper by W. Eraser Eae, in the " International Review " for August, 1880. The origin of the term caucus is obscure. It has been derived from the Algonquin word Kaic-kaw-wus — to con- sult, to speak — but the more probable derivation makes it a corruption of caulkers. In the early politics of Boston, and particularly during the early difficul- ties between the townsmen and the British troops, the seafaring men and those em- ployed about the ship yards were promi- nent among the town-people, and there were numerous gatherings which may have very easily come to be called by way of reproach a meeting of caulkers, after the least influential class who at- tended them, or from the caulking house or caulk house in which they Avere held. What was at first a derisive descrijjtion, came to be an appellation, and the gather- ings of so-called caulkers became a cau- cus. John Pickering, in a vocabulary of words and phrases peculiar to the United States (Hoston, 181G), gives this derivation of the word, and says sevend gentlemen mentioned to him that they had he:ird this derivation. Gordon, writing in 1774, flays: "More than fifty years ago Mr. Samuel Adams' father and twenty others, one or two from the north end of the town i where all the shin business is carried on, used to meet, make a caucus and lay their ] plan for introdncing certain persons into places of trust and power. When they had settled it they separated, and each used their particular influence within his own circle. lie and his friends would furnish I themselves with ballots, including the names of the parties fixed upon, which ! they distributed on the days of election. j By acting in concert, together with a care- j ful and extensive distribution of ballots, ■ they generally carried their elections to their own mind. In like manner it was that Mr. Samuel Adams first became a representative for Boston." [History oj the American Revolution, vol. i., p. 365.) February, 1763, xVdams writes in his diary : " This day I learned that the cau- cus club meets at certain times in the gar- ret of Tom Dawes, the adjutant of the Bos- ton regiment. He has a large house and he has a movable partition in his garret which he takes down and the whole club meets in his room. There they smoke tobacco until they cannot see one end of the room from another. There they drink flip, I suppose, and there they choose a moderator who puts questions to the vote regularly ; and selectmen, assessors, col- lectors, wardens, fire wards and representa- tives are regularly chosen in the town. Uncle Fairfield, Story, Euddock, Adams, Cooper, and a rudis indigestaques moles ot others, are members. They send commit- tees to wait on the merchants' club, and to propose in the choice of men and measures. Captain Cunningham says, they have of- ten solicited him to go to the caucuses ; they have assured him their benefit in his business, etc." (Adams^ li'orks, vol. ii., p. 144.) Under the title caucus should be considered the congressional nominating caucus ; the caucuses of legislative assem- blies ; primary elections, still known out- side the larger cities as caucuses ; the evils which have been attributed to the latter, and the remedies which have been pro- posed. These will accordingly be men- tioned in the order given. " The democratic system is the result of the reorganization of the various anti- Tammany democratic factions, brought about, in 1881, by a practically self-ap- pointed committee of 100. Under this sys- tem primary elections are to be held annu- ally in each of G78 election districts, at which all democratic electors resident in the respective districts may particii)ate, pro- vided they were registered at the last gene- ral election. The persons voting at any primary shall be members of the election district association for the ensuing year, which is to be organized in January of each yciir. The associations may admit demo- cratic residents in their respective districts, who are not members, to membership, and they have gi'ueral supervision of the inte- rests of the jiiirty within their districts. Primaries are held on not less than four days' j)ublic notice, through the newspa- pers, of the time and place, and at the ap- j)ointcd time the meeting is called to order oy the chairman of the election district as- BOOK I.] THE CAUCUS. 259 Bociation, provided twenty persons be pre- sent; if tliiit number shall not be present, the ineetin,!^ may be called to order with a less number, at the end of iifteen minutes. Tlie first business of the meetinu; is to se- lect a chairman, and all elections of dele- gates or committeemen shall take [dace in open meetinsi;. Each person, as he oilers to vote, states his name and residence, which may be compared with the rej^istration list at the last election, and each person shall state for whom he votes, or he may hand to the judges an open ballot, having designated thereon the persons for whom lie votes, and for what positions. Nominations are all made l)y conventions of delegates from the districts within which the candidate to be cho en is to be voteil for. There is an as- sembly district committee in each assembly district, com|)osed of one delegate for each 100 votes or fraction thereof, from each election district within the assembly dis- trict. There is also a county committee composed of delegates from each of the as- sembly district committees. The function of these committees is generally to look af- ter the interests of the parties within their respective spheres. This system is too new ff)r its workings to be as yet fairly criti- cised. It may prove a really popular sys- tem, or it may prove only an inchoate form of the other systems. At present it can only be said that the first primaries under it were participated in by 27,000 electors. "The evils of the caucus and primary election systems lie in the stringent obliga- tion which is attached to the will of a for- m:il majority ; in the fact that the process of ascertaining what the will of the major- ity is, has been surrounded with so many restrictions that the actual majority of votes are disfranchised, and take no part in that process, so that the formal majority is in consequence no longer the majority in fact, although it continues to demand recogni- tion of its decisions as such. " Tlie separation between the organiza- tion and the party, between those who no- minate and those who elect, is the sum of the evils of the too highly organized cau- cus system. It has its roots in the notion that the majority is right, because it is the majority, which is the popular view thus expressed by Hammond : ' I think that when political friends consent to go into caucus for the nomination of officers, every member of such caucus is bound in honor to support and carry into effect its deter- mination. If you suspect that determina- tion will be so preposterous that you can- not in conscience support it, then you ought on no account to become one of its mem- bers. To try your chance in a caucus, and then, because your wishes are not gratified, to attempt to defeat the result of the deli- beration of your friends, strikes me as a palpable violation of honor and good faith. You caucus for no other possible purpose than under the implied argument that the opinion and wishes of the minority shall i»e yielded to the opinions of the majority, and the sole object of caucusing is to ascertain what is the will of the majority. I repeat that unless you intend to carry into effect the wishes of the nuijority, however con- trary to your own, you have no business at a caucus.' (Political I/uifori/ of New York, vol. i., p. 192). — In accordance with this theory, the will of the majority becomes obligatory as soon as it is made known, and one cannot assist at a caucus in order to ascertain the will of the majority, without thereby being bound to follow it; and the theory is so deeply rooted that, under the caucus and primary election system, it has been extended to cases in which the ma- jorities are such only in form. " The remedies as well as the evils of the caucus and nominating system have been made the subject of general discussion in co!inection with civil service reform. It is claimed that that reform, by giving to pub- lic officers the same tenure of their positions which is enjoyed by the employes of a cor- poration or a private business house, or during the continuance of efficiency or good behaviour, would abolish or greatly dimi- nish the evils of the caucus system by de- priving public officers of the illegitimate incentive to maintain it under which they now act. Other more speculative remedies have been suggested. It is pro])osed, on the one hand, to very greatly diminish the number of elective officers, and, in order to do away with the pre-determination of elec- tions, to restrict the political action of the people in their own persons to districts so small that they can meet together and act as one body, and that in all other affairs than those of these small districts " the })eople should act by delegates. The the- ory here seems to be to get rid of the ne- cessity for election and nominating ma- chinery. (See 'A True Republic,' by Al- bert Strickney, New York, 1879; and a se- ries of articles in Scrihner's Monthly for 1S81, by the same writer). On the other hand, it is proposed to greatly increase the number of elections, by taking the whole primary system under the protection of the law.* This plan proposes : 1. The direct nomination of candidates by the members of the respective political parties in place of nominations by delegates in conventions. 2. To apply the election laws to primary elections. 3. To provide that both politi- cal parties shall participate in the same primary election instead of having a differ- ent caucus lor each party. 4. To i)rovide for a final election to be held between two c;indidates, each representative of a party * This wns p.irtinlly done by the Legislature of Pennsylvania in 1881. 260 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. •wlio have been selected by means of the primary election. This plan would un- doubtedly do away with the evils of the present caucus system, but it contains no guarantee that a new caucus system would not be erected for the purpose of influ- encing ' the primarj' election ' in the same manner in which the present primary sys- tem now influences the final election. (See however ' The Elective Franchise in the United States,' New York, 1880, by D. C. McClellan. ) — The effective remedy for the evils of the caucus system will probably be found in the sanction of primary elections bylaw. * * * Bills for this purpose were introduced by the Hon. Erastus Brooks in the New York Legislature in 1881, which provided substantially for the system pro- posed by Mr. McClellan, but they were left unacted upon, and no legislative attempt to regulate primaries, except by providing for their being called, and for their pro- cedeure, has been made elsewhere. In Ohio what is known as the Baber law pro- vides that where any voluntary i)olitical association orders a primary, it must be by a majority vote of the central or control- ling committee of such party or association ; that the call must be published for at least five days in the newsjjapers, and state the time and place of the meeting, the autho- rity by which it was called, and the name of the person who is to represent that au- thority at each poll. The law also provides for challenging voters, for punishment of illegal voting, and for the bribery or inter- vention of elect( rs or judges. (Hev. /Stat. Ohio, sees. 2916-2921.) A similar law in Missouri is made applicable to counties only of over 100,000 inhabitants, but by this law it is made optional with the volun- tary political association whether it will or not hold its primaries under the law, and if it does, it is provided that the county shall incur no expense in the conduct of such elections. (Latvs of Missouri, 1815, p. 54.) A similar law also exists in Cali- fornia. {Laws of California, 1865-1866, p. 438.) These laws comprise all the existing legislation on the .subject, except what is known as the Landis Bill of 1881, which requires primary ofl[icers to take an oath, and which punishes fraud." Assasulnatlon of President Garfleld. At 9 o'clock on the morning of Satur- day, July 2d, 1881, President Garfield, ac- companied by Secretary Blaine, left the Executive Mansion to take a special train from the Baltimore and Potomac depot for New England, where he intended to visit the college from wliich lie ha<l gradu- ated. Arriving at the dcjxpt, he was walk- ing ann-in-ann through the main waiting- room, when Charles J. (Juiteau, a p(>rsist- ent apj)licant for an oflice, who had .some time previously entered through the main door, advanced to the centre of the room, and having reached within a few feet of his victim, fired two shots, one of which took fatal effect. The bullet was of forty- four calibre, and striking the President about four inches to the right of the spinal column, struck the tenth and badly shat- tered the eleventh rib. The President sank to the floor, and was conveyed to a room where temporary conveniences were attainable, and a couch was improvised. Dr. Bliss made an unsuccessful effort to find the ball. The shock to the President's system was very severe, and at first appre- hensions were felt that death would ensue speedily. Two hours after the shooting, the physicians decided to remove him to the Executive Mansion. An army ambu- lance was procured, and the removal ef- fected. Soon after, vomiting set in, and the patient exhibited a dangerous degree of prostration, which threatened to end speed- ily in dissolution. This hopeless condition of affiiirs continued until past midnight, when more favorable symptoms were ex- hibited. Dr. Bliss was on this Sunday morning designated to take charge of the case, and he called Surgeon -General Barnes, Assistant Surgeon-General Wood- ward, and Dr. Reyburn as consulting phy- sician. To satisfy the demand of the country, Drs. Agnew, of Philadelphia, and Hamilton, of New York, were also sum- moned by telegraph, and arrived on a special train over the Pennsylvania Rail- road, Sunday afternoon. For several days immediately succeeding the shooting, the patient suffered great inconvenience and j)ain in the lower limbs. This created an apprehension that the spinal nerves had been injured, and death was momentarily expected. On the night of July 4th a favorable turn was observed, and the morn- ing of the 5th brought with it a vague but undefined hope that a favorable issue might ensue. Under this comforting con- viction, Drs. Agnew and Hamilton, after consultation with the resident medical at- tendants, returned to their homes ; first having published to the country an in- dorsement of the treatment inaugurated. During July 5th and 6[h the j)at ent con- tinued to improve, the ])ulse an<l respira- tion showing a marked ajiproach to the condition of healtliliilne?-s, the lormer being reported on the morning of the 6th at 98, and in the evening it only increased to 104. On the 7th Dr. Bliss became very confident of ultimate tritimph over the malady. In previous bulletins meagre hope was given, and the chances lor reco- very e.-timated at one in a hundred. From July 7th to the ItUh there was a slight buturnnlerruptcd improvement, and the country began to entertain a confident hope that the patient would recover. BOOK I.] "BOSS RULE." 261 Hope and fear alternated from day to day, amid the most painful excitement. Oil the 8th of August l)rs. Agnew and Hamilton had to perform their second operation to allow a free How of pus from the wound. This resulted in an important discovery. It was ascertained tiiat the track of the bullet had turned from its downward deflection to a forward course. The openition lasted an hour, and ether was administered, the effect of which was very unfortunate. Nausea succeeded, and vomiting followed every effort to adminis- ter nourishment for some time. However, he soon rallied, and the operation was pro- nounced successful, and, on the following day, the President, for the first time, wrote liis name. On the 10th he signed an im- portant extratlition paper, and on the 11th wrote a letter of hopefulness to his aged mother. On the 12th Dr. Hamilton ex- pressed the opinion that tlie further at- tendance of himself and Dr. Agnew was unnecessary. The stomach continued weak, however, and on the 15th nausea re- turned, and the most menacing physical prostration followed the frequent vomiting, and the evening bulletin announced that " the President's condition, on the whole, is less satisfactory." Next a new complication forced itself upon the attention of the physicians. This was described as " inflammation of the right parotid gland." On August 24th it was decided to make an incision below and forward of the right ear, in order to jirevent supjjuration. Though this opera- tion was ])ronounced satisfactory, the pa- tient gradually sank, until August 25th, when all hope seemed to have left those in attendance. Two days of a dreary watch ensued ; on the 27th an improvement inspired new hope. This continued throughout the week, but failed to build up the system. Then it was determined to remove the pa- tient to a more favorable atmosphere. On the 6th of September this design was exe- cuted, he having been conveyed in a car arranged for the purpose to Long Branch, where, in a cottage at Elbcron, it was hoped vigor would return. At first, indi- cations justified the most sanguine expec- tations. On the 9th, however, fever re- turned, and a cough came to harass the wasted sufferer. It was attended with purulent expectoration, and became so troublesome as to entitle it to be regarded as the leading feature of the case. Tin- surgeons attributed it to the septic condi- tion of the blood. The trouble increased until Saturday, September 10th, when it was thought the end was reached. He rallied, however, and improved rapidly, during the sueceeding few days, and on Tuesday, the 13th, was lifted from the bed and placed in a chair at the window. The ilnprovement was not enduring, however, and on Saturday, September 17th, the rigor returned. During the nights and days succeeding, until the final moment, liope rose and fell alternately, and though the patient's s[)irits fluctuated to justify this change of feeling, the improvement failed to bring with it the strength neces- sary to meet the strain. President Garfield died at 10.35 on the night of Sept. 19th, 1881, and our nation monrned, as it had only done once before, when Abraham Lincoln also fell by the hand of an assassin. The assassin Guiteau was tried and convicted, the jury rejecting his plea of insanity. President Artlinr. Vice-President Arthur, during the long illness of the President, and at the time of his death, deported himself so well that he won the good opinion of nearly all classes of the people, and happily for weeks and months all factious or partisan spirit was hushed by the nation's great calamity. At midnight on the 19th of September the Cabinet telegraphed him from Long Branch to take the oath of office, and this he very properly did before a local judge. The Government cannot wisely be left without a head for a single day. He was soon afterwards again sworn in at Washing- ton, with the usual ceremonies, and took occasion to make a speech which improved the growing better feeling. The new President requested the Cabinet to hold on until Congress met, and it would have remained intact had Secretary Windoni not found it necessary to resume his place in the Senate. The vacancy was offered to ex-Governor Morgan, of New York, who was actually nominated and confirmed before he made up his mind to decline it. Judge Folger now fills the place. The several chaSiges since made will be found in the Tabulated History, Book VII. It has thus far been the efl^ort of Presi- dent Arthur to allay whatever of factious bitterness remains in the Republican party. In his own State of New York the terms ," Half-Breed " and " Stalwart " are pass- ing into comparative disuse, as are the terms " Re2:ulars " and " Independents " in Pennsvlvania. " Boss Rule." The complaint of " Boss Rule" in these States — by which is meant the control of certain leaders — still obtains to some ex- tent. Wayne IMacVeagh was the author of this very telling political epithet, and he used it with rare force in his street speeches at Chicasjo when opposing the nomination of Grant. It was still further cultivated 262 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. by Rufus E. Shapley, Esq,, of Philadel- phia, the author of " Solid for Mulhooly," a most admirable political satire, which had an immense sale. Its many hits were freely quoted by the Reformers of Phila- delphia, who organized under the Com- mittee of One Hundred, a body of mer- chants who first banded themselves together to promote reforms in the munici- pal government. This organization, aided by the Democrats, defeated Mayor Wm. S. Stokley for his third term, electing Mr. King, theretofore a very popular Demo- cratic councilman. In return for this sup- port, the Democrats accepted John Hun- ter, Committee's nominee for Tax Receiver, and the combination succeeded. In the fall of 1881 it failed on the city ticket, but in the spring of 1882 secured material suc- cesses in the election of Councilmen, who were nominees of both parties, but aided by the endorsement of the Committee of One Hundred. A similar combination failed as between Brown (Rep.) and Eisen- brown (Dem.) for Magistrate. On this part of the ticket the entire city voted, and the regular Republicans won by about 500 majority. The following is the declaration of prin- ciples of the Citizens' Republican Associ- ation of Philadelphia, which, under the banner of Mr. Wolfe, extended its organi- zation to several counties : I. We adhere to the platform of the National Convention of the Republican party, adopted at Chicago, June 2d, 1880, and we proclaim our unswerving alle- giance to the great principles upon which that party was founded, to wit : national Bupremacy, universal liberty, and govern- mental probity. II. The Republican party, during its glorious career, having virtually estab- lished its principles of national .supremacy and universal liberty as the law of the land, we shall, while keeping a vigilant watch over the maintenance ofthose prin- ciples, regard the third one, viz. : govern- mental probity, as the living issue to be struggled ff)r in the future ; and as the pure administration of government is es- sential to the permanence of Republican institutions, we consider this issue as in no way inferior in importance to any other. in. The only practical method of re- storing purity to administration is through the adoj)tion of a system of civil service, under which public oflicials shall not be the tools of any man or of iiny clique, sub- ject to dismissal at their behest, or to as- sessment in their service; nor appoint- ment to office be "patronage" at the disposal of any man to consolidate his pow(!r within the fiarty. IV. It is th(! abuse of this appointing power which has lc<| to tlic forniatinu of the " machine," and the subjection of the party to "bosses." Our chosen leader, the late President Garfield, fell a martyr in his contest with the " bosses." We take up the struggle where he left it, and we hereby declare that we will own no allegiance to any "boss," nor be subservient to any " machine ;" but that we will do our ut- most to liberate the party from the " boss" domination under which it has fallen. V. Recognizing that political parties are simply instrumentalities for the en- forcement of certain recognized principles, we shall endeavor to promote the principles of the Republican party by means of that party, disenthralled and released from the domination of its " bosses." But should we fail in this, we shall have no hesitation in seeking to advance the principles of the party through movements and organiza- tions outside of the party lines. The idea of the Committee of One Hun- dred is to war against " boss rule" in muni- cipal atiairs. James McManes has long enjoyed the leadership of the Republican party in Philadelphia, and the reform ele- ment has directed its force against his power as a leader, though he joined at Chicago in the MacVeagh war against the form of "bo-s rule," which was then di- rected against Grant, Conkling, Logan and Cameron. This ejiisode has really little, if anything, to do with Federal politics, but the facts are briefly recited with a view to explain to the reader the leading force which supported Mr. Wolfe in his inde- pendent race in Pennsylvania. Summed up, it is simply one of those local wars against leadership which precede and fol- low factions. The factious battles in the Republican party, as Ave have stated, seem to have spent their force. The assassination of Pre.si dent Garfield gave them a most seri- ous check, lor men were then compelled to look back and acknowledge that his j)lain purpose was to check divisions and heal wounds. Only haste and anger assailed, and doubtless as quickly regretted the as- sault. President Arthur, with commend- able reticence and discretion, is believed to be seeking the same end. He has made few changes, and these reluctantly. His nomination of ex-Benator Conkling to a seat in the Supreme Bench, which, though declined, is generally accepted as an as>u- rance to New Yorkers that the leader hated by one side and loved by the other, should 1)0 renu)ved from partisan politics peculiar to his own State, but removed with the dignity and honor becoming his high abilities. It has ever been tlie policy of wise adniini.strations, as with wise gene- rals, to care for the wounded, and Conk- ling was surely and .sorely wounded in his battle against tlie confirmation of Robert- son iind his attempted re-election to the Senate. He accepted the situation with BOOK I.] THE READJUSTERS. 263 quiet composure, and saw his friend Ar- tnur unite the ranks which his resignation had sundered. After this there remained little if any cause for further quarrel, and while in writing history it is dangerous to attemj)t a prophecy, the writer believes that President Arthur will succeed in keeping liis party, if not fully united, at least as compact as the opposing Democra- tic forces. Tlte Readjuatera. This party was founded in 1878byGen'l William Mahone, a noted Brigadier in the rebel army. He is of Scotch-Irish de- scent, a man of very small stature but most remarkable energy, and acquired wealth in the construction and develop- ment of Southern railroads. He sounded the first note of revolt against what he styled the Bourbon rule of Virginia, and being classed as a Democrat, rapidly di- vided that party on the question of the Virginia debt. His enemies charge that he sought the repudiation of this debt, but in return he not only denied the charge, but said the Bourbons were actually re- pudiating it by making no provision for its payment, either in appropriations or the levying of taxes needed for the pur- jjose. 'Doubtless his views on this ques- tion have undergone some modification, and that earlier in the struggle the uglier criticisms were partially correct. Certain it is that he and his friends now advocate full payment less the proportion equitably assigned to West Virginia, which sepa- rated from the parent State during the war, and in her constitution evaded her responsibility by declaring that the State should never contract a debt except one created to resist invasion or in a war for the government. This fact shows how keenly alive the West Virginians were to a claim which could very justly be pressed in the event of Virginia being restored to the Union, and this claim Gen'l Mahone has persistently pressed, and latterly urged a funding of the debt of his State at a 3 per cent, rate, on the ground that the State is unable to pay more and that this is in ac- cord with proper rates of interest on the bonds of State governments — a view not altogether fair or sound, since it leaves the creditors powerless to do otherwise than accept. The regular or Bourbon Demo- crats proclaimed in favor of lull payment, and in this respect differed from their party associates as to ante-war debts in most other Southern States. Gen. Mahone rapidly organized his re- volt, and as the Republican ]iarty was then in a hopeless minority in Virginia, public- ly invited an alliance by the passage of a platform which advocated free schools for the blacks and a full enforcement of the National laws touching their civil rights. The Legislature was won, and on the Itjtli of December, 1880, Gen'l Mahone wa.s elected to the U. S. Senate to succeed Sen- ator AVithers, whose term expired March 4, 1881. In the Presidential campaign of 1880, the Readjusters supj)orted Gen'l Hancock, but on a separate electoral ticket, while the Republicans sui)j)orted Garfield on an electoral ticket of their own selection. Tills division was i)ursuant to an under- standing, and at the time thought advi- sable by Mahone, who, if his electors won, could go for Hancock or not, as circum- stances might suggest ; while if he failed the Republicans might profit by the sepa- ration. There was, however, a third horn to this dilemma, for the regular Democratic electors were chosen, but the political comjjlexion of the Legislature was not changed. Prior to the Presidential nomi- nations Mahone's Readjuster Convention had signified their willingness to support Gen'l Grant if he should be nominated at Chicago, and this fact was widely quoted by his friends in their advocacy of Grant's nomination, and in descanting upon his ability to carry Southern States. The Readjuster movement at first had no other than local designs, but about the time of its organization there was a great desire on the part of the leading Republi- cans to break the ''Solid S(mth," and every possible expedient to that end was suggested. It was solid for the Democratic party, and standing thus could with the aid of New York, Indiana and New Jersey (them all Democratic States) assure the election of a Democratic President. One of the favorite objects of President Hayes was to break the " Solid South." He first obtained it by conciliatory speech- es, which were so conciliatory in fact that they angered radical Republicans, and there were thus threatened division in un- expected quarters. He next tried it through Gen'l Key, whom he made Post- master General in tlie hope that he could resurrect and reorganize the old Whig elements of the South. Key was to attend to Southern postal patronage with this end in view, while Mr. Tener, his able First As- sistant, was to distribute Northern or Re- publican jjatronage. So far as dividing the South was concerned, the scheme was a flat failure. The next and most quiet and effectual effort was made by Gen'l Simon Cameron, Ex-Senator from Pennsylvania. He started on a brief Southern tour, ostensibly for liealth and enjoyment, but really to meet Gen'l Mahone, his leading Reatljustor friends, and the leading Republicans. Conferences were held, and the union of the two forces was made to embrace Na- tional objects. This was in the J'all of 1879. 264 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Not long thereafter Gen'l ilahone consult- ed with Senator J. Don. Cameron, who was of course familiar with his father's movements, and he actively devised and carried out schemes to aid the new combi- nation by Avhich the "Solid South "was to be broken. In the great State campaign of 1881, when the Bourbon and anti- Bour- bon candidates for Governor, were stump- ing the State, Gen'l Mahone found that a large portion of his colored friends were handicapped by their inability to pay the taxes imposed upon them by the laws of Virginia, and this threatened defeat. He sought aid from the National administra- tion. President Garfield favored the com- bination, as did Secretary Windom, but Secretary Blaine withheld his support for several months, finally, however, acceding to the wishes of the President and most of the Cabinet. Administration influences caused the abandonment of a straight-out Republican movement organized by Con- gressman Jorgensen and others, and a movement which at one time threatened a disastrous division was overcome. The tax question remained, and this was first met by Senator J. Don. Cameron, who while summering at Manhattan Island, was really daily engaged in New York City raising funds for Mahone, with which to pay their taxes. Still, this aid was insuf- ficient, and in the heat of the battle the revenue officers throughout the United States, were asked to contribute. Many of them did so, and on the eve of election all taxes were paid and the result was the election of William E. Cameron (Read- juster) as Governor by about 20,000 ma- jority, with other State oflScers divided be- tween the old Readjusters and Republi- cans. The combination also carried the Legislature. In that great struggle the Readjusters became known as tlie anti-Bourbon move- ment, and efforts are now being made to extend it to other Southern States. It has taken root in South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississij)pi, and more recently in Kentucky, where the Union War Democrats in State Convention as late as March 1, 1882, separated from the Bourbon wing of the party. For a better idea of these two elements in the South, the reader is referred to the recent speeches of Hi II and ]\Iahone in the me- morable Senate scene directly after the latter took the oath of office, and cast his vote with the Rej)ublicans. These speeches will be found in Book III of this volume. SupprcHHln^ MormnnlHin. Polygamy, justly denounced as " the true relic of b;irb;irism " while slavery ex- isted, has ever since the settlement of the Mormons in Utah, been one of the vexed questions in American politics. Laws passed for its sujjpression have proved, thus far, unavailing ; troops could not crush it out, or did not at a time when battles were Ibught and won ; United States Courts were powerless where juries could not be found to convict. Latterly a new and promising effort has been made for its sup- pression. This was begun in the Senate in the session of 1882. On the 16th of February a vote was taken by sections on Senator Edmunds' bill, which like the law of 1862 is penal in its provisions, but di- rectly aimed against the crime of poly- gamy. _ President Arthur signed the Edmunds anti-polygamy bill on the 23d of March, 1882. Delegate Cannon of Utah, was on the floor of the Senate electioneering against the bill, and he plead with some success, for several Democratic Senators made speeches against it. The Republicans were unanimously for the bill, and the Demo- crats were not solidly against it, though the general tenor of the debate on this side was against it. Senator Vest (Democrat) of Missouri, said that never in the darkest days of the rule of the Tudors and Stuarts had any measure been advocated which came so near a bill of attainder as this one. It was monstrous to contend that the people , of the United States were at the mercy of Congress without any appeal. If this bill passed it would establish a precedent that would come home to plague us for all time to come. The pressure against poly- gamy to-day might exist to-morrow against any church, institution or class in this broad land, and when the crested waves of prejudice and passion mounted high they would be told that the Congress of the United States had trampled upon the Con- stitution. In conclusion, he said : " I am prepared for the abuse and calumny that will follow any man wdio dares to criticise any bill against polygamy, and yet, if my oflicial life had to terminate to-morrow, I would not give my vote for the unconsti- tutional principles contained in this bill." Other speeches were made by Messrs. Mor- gan, Brown, Jones, of Florida, Saulsbury, Call, Pendleton, Sherman, and Lamar, and the debate was closed by ]\Ir. Edmunds .n an eloquent fifteen-minutes' speech, in which he carefully reviewed and contro- verted the objections urged against the bill of the committee. He showed great anxiety to have the measure disposed of at once and met a re- (jiiest from the Democratic side for a pos^ I"inement till other features should be em- bodied in the bills with the remark that this was the iioliey that h:id hitherto jiroven a hindrance to legislation on this subject BOOK I.] SUPPRESSING MORMONlSM. 265 and that he was tired of it. In the bill as amended the following section provoked more opposition than any other, although the Senators refrained from making any particular mention of it : " That if any male person in a Territory or other place over which the United States have exclu- sive jurisdiction hereafter cohabits with more than one woman he shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof he shall be punished by a fine of not more than $300 or by imprisonment for not more than six months, or by both said punishments in the discretion of the court." The bill passed viva voce vote after a re-arrangement of its sections, one of the changes being that not more than three of the commissioners shall be mem- bers of the same party. The fact that the yeas and nays were not called, shows that there is no general desire on either side to make the bill a partisan measure. The Edmunds Bill passed the House March 14, 1882, without material amend- ment, the Republican majority, refusing to allow the time asked by the Democrats for discussion. The vote was 193 for to only 45 against, all of the negative votes being Democratic save one, that of Jones, Green- backer from Texas. The only question was whether the bill, as passed by the Senate, would accomplish that object, and whether certain provisions of this bill did not provide a remedy which was worse than the disease. Many Demo- crats thought that the precedent of inter- fering with the right of suffrage at the polls, when the voter had not been tried and convicted of any crime, was so dan- gerous that they could not bring them- selves to vote for the measure. Among these democrats were Belmont and Hew- itt, of New York, and a number of others equally prominent. But they all professed their readiness to vote for any measure which would affect the abolition of poly- gamy without impairing the fundamental rights of citizens in otter parts of the coun- try. THE TEXT OF THE BILL. Be it. enacted, &c., That section 5,352 of the Revised Statutes of the United States be, and the same is hereby amended so as to read as follows, namely : " Every person who has a husband or wife living who, in a Territory or other place over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, hereafter marries another, whether married or single, and any man who hereafter simultaneously, or on the same day, marries more than one woman, in a Territory or other place over which the United States has exclusive jurisdiction, isguilty of polygamy, and sliall be punished by a fine of not more than $500 and by imprisonment for a term of not more than five years ; but this section shall not extend to any person by reason (if any former marriage wliose husband or wife bv such marriage shall have been absent IbV five successive years, and is not known to such person to be living, and is believed Ijy such person to be dead, nor to any person by reason of any former marriage which shall have been dissolved by a valid de- cree of a competent court, nor to any per- son by rcasf)!! of any former marriage which shall have been pronounced void by a val- id decree of a competent court, on the ground of nullity of the marriage con- tract." Sec. 2. That the foregoing provisions shall not affect the prosecution or punish- ment of any offence already committed against the section amended by the first section of this act. Sec. 3. That if any male person, in a Territory or other place over which the United States have exclusive jurisdiction, hereafter cohabits with more than one wo- man, he shall be deemed guilty of a mis- demeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not more than $300, or by imprisonment for not more than six months, or by both said punish- ments in the discretion of the court. Sec. 4. That courts for any or all of the offences named in sections 1 and 3 of this act may be joined in the same information or indictment. Sec. 5. That in any prosecution for biga- my, polygamy or unlawful cohabitation under any statute of the United States, it shall be sufficient cause of challenge to any person drawn or summoned as a juiyman or talesman, first, that he is or has been living in the practice of bigamy, poly- gamy, or unlawful cohabitation with more than one woman, or that he is or has been guilty of an offence punishable by either of the foregoing sections or by section 5352 of the Revised Statutes of the United States or the act of July 1, 18G2, entitled " An act to punish and prevent the prac- tice of polygamy in the Territories of the United States and other places, and disap- proving and annulling certain acts of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah ;" or, second, that he believes it right for a man to have more than one living and undivorccd wife at the same time, or to live in the practice of cohabiting with more than one woman, and any person appear- ing or oifered as a juror or talesman and challenged on either of the foregoing grounds may be questioned on his oath as to the existence of any such cause of ehal- lenge, and other evidence may be intro- duced bearing upon the question raised by such challenge, and this question shall lie tried by the court. 15ut as to the first ground of challenge before mentioned the person challenged shall be bound to answer if he 266 •AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. shall say upon his oath that he declines on the ground that his answer may tend to criminate himself, and if he shall answer to said first ground his answer shall not be given in evidence in any criminal prose- cution against him for any offense named in sections 1 or 3 of this act, but if he declines to answer on any ground he shall be rejected as incompetent. Sec. 6. That the President is hereby au- thorized to grant amnesty to such classes of ollenders guilty before the passage of this act of bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful cohabitation before the passage of this act, on such conditions and under such limita- tions as he shall think proper ; but no such amnesty shall have effect unless the condi- tions thereof shall be complied with. Sec. 7. That the issue of bigamous or polygamous marriages known as Mormon marriages, in cases in which such marriages have been solemnized according to the ceremonies of the Mormon sect, in any Territory of the United States, and such issue shall have been born before the 1st day of January, A. D. 1883, are hereby legitimated. Sec. 8. That no polygamist, bigamist, or any person cohabiting with more than one woman, and no woman cohabiting with any of the persons described as aibresaid in this section, in any Territory or other place over which the United States have ex- clusive jurisdiction, shall be entitled to vote at any election held in any such Territory or other place, or be eligible for election or appointment to or be entitled to hold any office or place of public trust, honor or emolument in, under, or for .such Territory or place, or under the United States. Sec. 9. That all the registration and election offices of every description in the Territory of Utah are hereby declared va- cant, and each and every duty relating to the registration of voters, the conduct of elections, the receiving or rejection of votes, and the canvassing and returning of the same, and the issuing of certificates or other evidence of election in said Terri- tory, .shall, until other provision be made by tlie Legislative Assembly of said Terri- tory as is hereinafter by this section pro- vided, be performed under the existing laws of the United States and of said Ter- ritory by [iroper persons, who shall l)e .-ip- pointed to execute such offices and ])errorm such duties by a board of five persons, to be appointed f)y the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and not more tlian three of whom shall l)e mem- bers of one i)olitical party, and a maj<trity of wliom shall constitute a quorum. Tlie members of said boanl soap])(iint('(l l)y the President shnll each receive a salary at the rate of 83,000 per annnni, sind shall con- tinue in office until tlie Lcinslative As- Bcmbly of said Territory shall make i)ro- vision for filling said offices as herein au- thorized. The secretary of the Territory shall be the secretary of said board, and keep a journal of its proceedings, and at- test the action of said board under this section. The canvass and return of all the votes at elections in said Territory for members of the Legislative Assembly thereof shall also be returned to said board, which shall canvass all such returns and issue certificates of election to those per- sons who, being eligible for such election, shall appear to have been lawfully elected, which certificate shall be the only evidence of the right of such persons to sit in such Assembly : Provided, That said board of five persons shall not exclude any person otherwise eligible to vote from the polls on account of any opinion such person may entertain on the subject of bigamy or po- lygamy, nor shall they refuse to count any such vote on account of the opinion of the person casting it on the subject of bigamy or polygamy ; but each house of such As- sembly, after its organization, shall have power to decide upon the elections and qualifications of its members. And at or after the first meeting of said Legislative Assembly whose members shall have been elected and returned according to the pro- visions of this act, said Legislative Assem- bly may make such laws, conformable to the organic act of said Territory and not inconsistent with other laws of the United States, as it shall deem proper concerning the filling of the ofiices in said Territory declared vacant by this act. John E. McBride writing in the Febru- ary number (1882) of The Internaiional Review, gives an interesting and correct view of the obstacles which the Mormons have erected against the enforcement of United States laws in the Territory. It requires acquaintance with these facts to fully comprehend the difliculties in the way of what seems to most minds a very ]>lain and easy task. Mr. McPride says: Their first care on arriving in Utah was to erect a " free and lndei)endent State," called the " State of Deseret." It included in its nominal limits, not only all of Utah as it now is, but one-half of California, all of Nevada, part of Colorado, and a large portion of four other Territories now or- ganized. Prigham Young was elected Governor, and its departments, legislative find judicial, were fully organized and put into operation. Its legislative ads were styled "ordinances," and when Congress, disregarding the State organization, insti- tuted a Territorial (Tovernment for Utah, the legislative ])ody cho.sen by the Mor- mons adopted the ordinances of the " State of Deseret." JMany of these are yet on the statute book of Utah. They shciw con- clusively the domination of the ecclesiasti- cal idea, and how utterly insignificant in BOOK I.J SUPPRESSING MORMONISM. 267 comparison was the power of the civil authority. They incorjjorated the Moriiion Church into a body politic and corporate, and by the third section of the act gave it supreme authority over its members in everything temporal and spiritual, and as- signed as a reason for so doing that it was because the powers confirmed were in "support of morality and virtue, and were founded on the revelations of the Lord." Under this power to make laws and punish and forgive offenses, to hear and determine between brethren, the civil law was super- seded. The decrees of the courts of this church, certified under seal, have been ex- amined by the Avriter, and he found them exercising a jurisdiction without limit ex- cept that of appeal to the President of the church. That the assassinations of apos- tates, the massacres of the Morrisites at Morris Fort and of the Arkansas emigrants at Mountain Meadows, were all in pursu- ance of church decrees, more or less formal, no one actiuainted with the system doubts. This act of incorporation was passed Febru- ary 8, 1851, and is found in the latest com- pilation of Utah statutes. It is proper also to observe that, for many years after the erection of the Territorial Government by Congress, the " State of Deseret " organiza- tion was maintained by the Mormons, and collision was only prevented because Brig- ham was Governor of both, and found it unnecessary for his purpose to antagonize either. His church organization made both a shadow, while that was the sub- stance of all authority. One of the earli- est of their legislative acts was to organ- ize a Surveyor General's Department,' and title to land was declared to be in the per- sons who held a certificate from that ollice.^ Having instituted their own system of government and taken possession of the land, and assumed to distribute that in a system of their own, the next step was to vest certain leading men with the control of the timbers and waters of the country. By a series of acts granting lands, waters and timber to individuals, the twelve apostles became the practical proprietors of the better and more desirable portions of the country. By an ordinance dated Octo- ber 4, 18")1, there was granted to Brigham Young the "sole control of City Creek and Caflon for the sum of five hundred dollars." By an ordinance dated January 9, ISoO, the " waters of North Mill Creek and the waters of the Canon next north" were granted to Heber C. Kimball. On the same day was granted to George A. Smith the " sole control of the caiions and timber of the east side of the ' AVest ]\Iountains." On the 18th of January. 1851, the North Cottonwood Cafinn was granted exclusively to Williard Richards. On the 15th of Janu- > Act of March 2, 1850. *Act of January 19, 1866. ary, 1851, the waters of the "main chan- nel" of Mill Creek were donated to Brig- ham Young. On the 'Jth of December, 1850, there was granted to Ezra T. Benson the exclusive control of the waters of Twin Springs and Rock Springs, in Tooelle Val- ley; and on the 14th of January, 1851, to the same j)erson was granted the control of all the cafions of the " West Mountain " and the timber therein. By the ordinance of September 14, 1850, a " general con- ference of the Chunih of Latter Day Saints" was authorized to elect thirteen men to become a corporation, to be called the Emigrati(m Company ; and to this com- pany, elected exclusively by the church, was secured and appropriated the two islands in Salt Lake known as Antelope and Stansberry Islands, to be under the exclusive control of President Brigham Young. These examples are given to show that the right of the United States to the lands of Utah met no recognition by these people. They appropriated them, not only in a way to make the people slaves, but indicated their claim of sovereignty as superior to any. Young, Smith, iJenson and Kimball were apostles. Richards was Brigham Young's counselor. By an act of December 28, 1855, there was granted to the " University of the State of Deseret" a tract of land amounting to about five hundred acres, inside the city limits of Salt Lake City, without any reservation to the occupants whatever ; and everywhere was the authority of the United States over the country and its soil and people utterly ignored. Not satisfied with making the grants re- ferred to, the Legislative As.sembly entered upon a system of municipal incorjiorations, by which the fertile lauds of the Territory were withdrawn from the operation of the preemptive laws of Congress ; and thus while they occupied these without title, non- Mormons were unable to make settlement on them, and they were thus engrossed to Mormon use. From a report made by the Commissioner of the General Land Of- fice to the United States Senate/ it appears that the municipal corporations covered over 400,000 acres of the public lands, and over 600 square miles of territory. These lands 2 are not subject to either the Home- stead or Preemption laws, and thus the non- Mormon settler was prevented from attemjit- ing, except in rare instances, to secure any lands in Utah. The s})irit wliich promjUed this course is well illustrated by an instance which was the subject of an investigation in the Land Department, and the proofs are found in the document just referred to. George Q,. Cannon, the late Mormon dele- gate in Congress, was called to exercise his > Senate dr>o. 1S1, 40tli Congresa. « Sec. 2, 258, Rev. Stat. U.S. 2G8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. duties as an apostle to the Tooelle "Stake " at the city of Grantville. In a discourse on Sunday, the 20th day of July, 1875, Mr. Cannon said : ^ " God has given us (mean- ing the Mormon people) this land, and, if any outsider shall come in to take land which we claim, a piece six feet by two is all they are entitled to, and that will last them to all eternity." By measures and threats like these have the Mormons unlawfully controlled the ag- ricultural lands of the Territory and ex- cluded therefrom the dissenting settler. The attempt of the United States to es- tablish a Surveyor-General's office in Utah in 1855, and to survey the lands in view of disposing of them according to law, was met by such opposition that Mr. Burr, the Surveyor-General, was compelled to fly for life. The monuments of surveys made by his order were destroyed, and the records were supposed to have met a like fate, but were afterwards restored by Brigham Young to the Government. The report of his experience by Mr. Burr was instru- mental in causing troops to be sent in 1857 to assert the authority of the Government. When this army, consisting of regular troops, was on the way to Utah, Brigham Young, as Governor, issued a proclamation, dated September 15, 1857, declaring mar- tial law and ordering the people of the Territory to hold themselves in readiness to march to repel the invaders, and on the 29th of September following addressed the commander of United States forces an or- der forbidding him to enter the Territory, and directing him to retire from it by the same route he had come. Further evidence of the Mormon claim that they were inde- pendent is perhaps unnecessary. The trea- sonable character of the local organization is manifest. It is this organization that controls, not only the people who belong to it, but the 30,000 non-Mormons who now re- side in Utah. Every member of the territorial Legisla- ture is a Mormon. Every county officer is a Mormon. Every territorial officer is a JMormon, except such as are appointive. TIu' schools provided by law and supported bv taxation arc Mormon. The teachers arc ^lornion, and the sectarian catechism af- firming the revelations of Joseph Smith is regularly taught therein. The municipal (corporations are under the control of Mor- mons. In the hands of this bigoted chiss all the material interests of the Territory are left, subject only to such checks as a Federal Governor and a Federal judiciary can impose. From beyond the sea they im- port some thousands of ignorant converts annually, and, while the non-Mormons are increasing, they are overwiiclmcd by the niiiddy tide of fanaticism shipped in upon 1 According to tho afndavite of Suniuel Howard and others, pago 14. them. The suffrage has been bestowed upon all classes by a statute so general that the ballot box is filled with a mass of votes which repels the free citizen from the ex- ercise of that right. If a Gentile is cho- sen to the Legislature (two or three such instances have occurred), he is not admit- ted to the seat, although the act of Congress (June 23, 1874) requires the Territory to pay all the expenses of the enforcement of the laws of the Territory, and of the care of persons convicted of offenses against the laws of the Territory. Provision is made for jurors' fees in criminal cases only, and none is made for the care of criminals.^ While Congress pays the legislative ex- penses, amounting to $20,000 per session, the Legislature defiantly refuses to comply with the laws which its members are sworn to support. And the same body, though failing to protect the marriage bond by any law whatever requiring any solemnities for entering it, provided a divorce act which practically allowed marriages to be annulled at will.^ Neither seduction, adultery nor incest find penalty or recognition in its legal code. The purity of home is destroyed by the beastly practice of plural marriage, and the brows of innocent children are branded with the stain of bastardy to gratify the lust which cares naught for its victims. Twenty-eight of the thirty-six members of the present Legislature of Utah are re- ported as having from two to seven wives each. While the Government of the Uni- ted States is paying these men their mile- age and ]jer diem as law-makers in Utah, those guilty of the same offense outside of Utah are leading the lives of felons in con- vict cells. For eight years a ]\Iormon dele- gate has sat in the capitol at Washington having four living wives in his harem in Utah, and at the same time, under the shadow of that capitol, lingers in a felon's prison a man who had been guilty of mar- rying a woman while another wife was still living. For thirty years have the Mormons been trusted to correct these evils and put them- selves in harmony with the balance of civilized mankind. This they have refused to do. Planting themselves in the heart of the continent, they have persistently defied the laws of the land, the laws of modern society, and the teachings of a common humanity. They degrade woman to the office of a breeding animal, and, after depriving her of all property rights in her husband's estate,^ all control of her children,* they, with ostentation, bestow upon her the ballot in a way that makes it a nullity if contested, and compels her to use it to jierjietuate her own degrada- tion if she avails herself of it. 1 Suf Report of Attornoy-Genoral T'nitod States, lS8n.Sl. ' Act of March 0, IHC.'J. •■' Act of I'chruary 10, 1872. * SecB. 1 and 2, act of February 3, 1S52. BOOK I.] THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 269 No power has been given to the Mor- mon Hierarchy that has not been abused. The right of representation in tlie legisla- tive councils has been violated in the aj)- portionment of members so as to disfran- chise the non-Mormon class.' The system of revenue and taxation was for twenty- five years a system of confiscation and ex- tortion.'' The courts were so organized and controlled that they were but the organs of the church oppressions and ministers of its vengeance.^ The legal profession was abolished by a statute that prohibited a lawyer from recovering on any contract for service, and allowed every person to appear as an attorney in any court.* The attorney was compelled to present " all the facts in the case," whether for or against his client, and a refusal to disclose the confidential communications of the latter subjected the attorney to fine and imprison- ment.* No law book except the statutes of Utah and of the United States, " when applicable," was permitted to be read in any court by an attorney, and the citation of a decision of the Suj^reme Court of the United States, or even a quotation from the Bible, in the trial of any cause, sub- jected a lawyer to fine and imprisonment.* The practitioners of medicine were equally assailed by legislation. The use of the most important remedies known to modern medical science, including all an- aesthetics, was prohibited except under conditions which made their use impossi- ble, " and if death followed" the adminis- tration of these remedies, the person ad- ministering them was declared guilty of manslaughter or murder.'' The Legislative Assembly is but an organized conspiracy against the national law, and an obstacle in the way of the advancement of its own people. For sixteen years it refused to lay its enactments before Congress, and they were only obtained by a joint resolution demanding them. Once in armed rebel- lion against the authority of the nation, the Mormons have always secretly strug- gled for, as they have openly prophesied, its entire overthrow. Standing thus in the pathway of the material growth and devel- opment of the Territory, a disgrace to the balance of the country, with no redeeming virtue to plead for further indulgence, this travesty of a local government demands radical and speedy reform. The South American Q,iiestlun. If it was not shrewdly surmised before it is now known that had President Garfield » Soa act of January 17. 1862. * Act of January T, ls.')4, aoc. 14, *AcU of Jan 21, 1S".:(, and of January, 1855, sec. 29. <Act<5f February IS, 1S-.2. ' Act of F.'bruarv 18, 18.52. » Act of January 14, 1854. 'Sec. 106, Act March G, 1852. lived he intended to make his administra- tion brilliant at home and abroad — a view confirmed by the policy conceived by Secretary IJlaine and sanctioned, it must be presumed, by President Garfield. This policy looked to closer commercial and political relations with all of the Republics on this Hemisphere, as developed in the following quotations from a correspond- ence, the publication of which lacks com- pleteness bi:cause of delays in transmitting all of it to Congress. Ex-Secretary Blaine on the 3d of Janu- ary sent the following letter to President Arthur: " The suggestion of a congress of all the American nations to assemble in the city of Washington for the purpose of agreeing on such a basis of arbitration for interna- tional troubles as would remove all possi- bility of war in the Western hemisphere was warmly ai)proved by your predecessor. The assassination of July 2 prevented his issuing the invitations to the American States. After your accession to the Pre- sidency I acquainted you with the project and submitted to you a draft for such an invitation. You received the suggestion with the most appreciative consideration, and after carefully examining the form of the invitation directed that it be sent. It was accordingly dispatched in November to the independent governments of Ameri- ca North and South, including all, from the Empire of Brazil to the smallest re- public. In a communication addressed by the present Secretary of State on January 9, to Mr. Trescot and recently sent to the Senate I was greatly surprised to find a proposition looking to the annulment of these invitations, and I was still more sur- prised when I read the reasons assigned. If I correctly apprehend the meaning of his words it is that we might offend some European powers if we should hold in the United States a congress of the " selected nationalities" of America. " This is certainly a new position for the United States to assume, and one which I earnestly beg you will not permit this government to occupy. The European powers assemble in congress whenever an object seems to them of sufficient import- ance to justify it. I have never heard of their consulting the government of the United States in regard to the propriety of their so assembling, nor have I ever known of their inviting an American representa- tive to be present. Nor would there, in mv judgment, be any good reason for their so doing. Two Presidents of the United States in the year 18S1 adjudged it to be expedient that the American powers should meet in congress for the .sole purpose of agreeing upon some basis for arbitration of differences that may arise between them and for the prevention, as far as possible, 270 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of war in the future. If that movement is now to be arrested for tear that it may give offense in Europe, the voluntary hu- miliation of this government could not be more complete, unless we should press the European governments for the privilege of holding the congress. I cannot conceive how the United States could be placed in a less enviable position than would be se- cured by sending in November a cordial uivitation to all the American governments to meet in Washington for the sole pur- pose of concerting measures of peace and in January recalling the invitation for fear that it might create ''jealousy and ill will " on the part of monarchical govern- ments in Europe. It would be difficult to devise a more effective mode for making enemies of the American Government and it would certainly not add to our prestige in the European world. Nor can I see, Mr. President, how European governments should feel "jealousy and ill will " towards the United States because of an effort on our own part to assure lasting peace be- tween the nations of America, unless, in- deed, it be to the interest of European power that American nations should at intervals fall into war and bring re- proach on republican government. But from that very circumstance I see an ad- ditional and powerful motive for the American Governments to be at peace among themselves. "The United States is indeed at peace with all the world, as Mr. Frelinghuysen well says, but there are and have been serious troubles between other American nations. Peru, Chili and Bolivia have been for more than two years engaged in a desperate conflict. It was the fortunate intervention of the United States last spring that averted war between Chili and the Argentine Republic. Guatemala is at this moment asking the United States to interpose its good offices with Mexico to keep off war. These important facts were all communicated in your late message to Congress. It is the existence or the men- ace of these wars that influenced President Garfield, and as I supposed influenced yourself, to desire a friendly conference of all the nations of America to devise methods of permanent penco .and conse- quent ]>rosperity for all. Slnll the United State-i now turn baek, hold aloof and re- fuse to exert its gre.Tt moral power for the advantage of its weiiker neighl)ors? If you have not formally and finally re- called the invit.ations to the Peace Con- pres-<, Mr. President, T beg you to consider well the effectof so doing. The invitation w:is not mine. It was yours. I performed only the part of the Secretary' — to advise and to draft. You spoke in the name of the United States to each of the indepen- dent nations of America. To revoke that in^ntation for any cause would be embar- rassing ; to revoke it for the avowed fear of "jealousy and ill will " on the part of European powers would appeal as little to American pride as to American hospitality. Those you have invited may decline, and having now cause to doubt their welcome will, perhaps, do so. This Avould break up the congress, but it would not touch our dignity. " Beyond the philanthropic and Christian ends to be obtained by an American con- ference devoted to peace and good-will among men, we might well hope for material advantages, as the result of a bet- ter understanding and closer friendship with the nation of America. At present the condition of trade between the United States and its American neighbors is un- satisfactory to us, and even deplorable. According to the ofiicial statistics of our own Treasury Department, the balance against us in that trade last vear was 8120,000,000— a sum greater than the yearly product of all the gold and silver mines in the United States. This vast balance was paid by us in foreign exchange, and a veiy large proportion of it went to England, where shipments of cotton, pro- visions and breadstuffs supplied the money. If anything should change or check the balance in our favor in Euro- pean trade our commercial exchanges with Spanish America would drain us of our reserve of gold at a rate exceeding $100,- 000,000 per annum, and would probably precipitate a suspension of specie payment in this country. Such a result at home might be worse than a little jealousy and ill-will abroad. I do not say, Mr. Presi- dent, that the holding of a peace congress will necessarily change the currents of trade, but it will bring us into kindly re- lations with all the American nations; it will promote the reign of peace and law and order ; it will increase production and consumption and will stimulate the de- mand for articles which American manu- facturers can furnish with profit. It will at all events be a friendly and auspicious beginning in the direction of American influence and American trade in a large field which we have hitherto greatly ne- glected and which has been practically monopolized by our commercial rivals in Europe. As j\lr. Frelinghuysen's dispatch, fore- shadowing the abandonment of the peace congress, has been made public, I deem it a matter of propriety and justice to give this letter to the press. Jas. G. Blaike. The above well presents the Blaine view of the proposition to have a Con- gress of the Republics of America at Washington, and under the patronage of this government, with a view to settle all BOOK I.] THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 271 difficulties by arbitration, to promote trade, and it is presumed to form alliances ready to suit a new and advanced application of the Monroe doctrine. The following is the letter proposing a conference of North and South American Republics sent to the U. ti. Ministers in Central and South America : Sir : The attitude of the United States with respect to the question of general peace on the American Continent is well known through its persistent efforts for years past to avert the evils of warfare, or, these eff"orts failing, to bring positive con- flicts to an end through pacific counsels or the advocacy of impartial arbitration. This attitude haa been consistently main- tained, and always with such fairness as to leave no room for imputing to our Govern- ment any motive except the humane and disinterested one. of saving the kindred States of the American Continent from the burdens of war. The position of the United States, as the leading power of the new world, might well give to its Govern- ment a claim to authoritative utterance for the purpose of quieting discord among its neighbors, with all of whom the most friendly relations exist. Nevertheless the good offices of this Government are not, and have not at any time, been tendered with a show of dictation or compulsion, but only as exhibiting the solicitous good will of a common friend. THE CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. For some years past a growing disposi- tion has been manifested by certain States of Central and South America to refer dis- putes affecting grave questions of inter- national relationship and boundaries to arbitration rather than to the sword. It has been on several occasions a source of profound satisfaction to the Government of the United States to see that this country is in a large measure looked to by all the American powers as their friend and mediator. The just and impartial counsel of the President in such cases, has never been withheld, and his efforts have been rewarded by the prevention of sanguinary strife or angry contentions be- tween peoples whom we regard as brethren. The existence of this growing tendency convinces the President that the time is ripe for a proposal that shall enlist the good will and active co-operation of all the States of the Western nemis;)here both North and South, in the interest of hu- m:uiity and for the common weal of na- tions. He conceives that none of the Govern- ^ ments of America can be less alive than our own to the dangers and horrors of a state of war, and especially of war between kinsmen. He is sure that none of the chiefs of Government on the Continent can be less sensitive than he is to the sacred duty of making every endeavor to do away with the chances of fratricidal strife, and he looks with hopeful confidence to such active assistance from them as will serve to show the broadness of our common hu- manity, the strength of the ties which bind us all together as a great and har- monious system of American Common- wealths. A GENERAL CONGRESS PROPOSED. Impressed by these views, the President extends to all the independent countries of North and South America an earnest in- vitation to participate in a general Con- gress, to be held in the city of Washing- ton, on the 22d of November, 1882, for the purpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America. He desires that the attention of the Congress shall be strictly confined to this one great object; and itis sole aim shall be to seek a way of jjer- manently averting the horrors of' a cruel and bloody contest between countries oftenest of one blood and speech, or the even worse calamity of internal commotion and civil strife; that it shall regard the burdensome and far-reaching consequences of such a struggle, the legacies of exhausted finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous taxation, of ruined cities, of paralyzed in- dustries, of devastated fields, of ruthless conscriptions, of the slaughter of men, of the grief of the widow and orj^han, of em- bittered resentments that long survive those who jjrovoked them and heavily afflict the innocent generations that come after. THE MISSION OF THE CONGRESS. The President is especially desirous to have it understood that in putting forth this invitation the United States does not as- sume the position of counseling or attempt ing, through the voice of the Congress, to counsel any determinate solution of exist- ing questions which may now divide any of the countries. Such questions cannot properly come before the Congress. Its mission is higher. It is to provide for the interests of all in the future, not to settle the individual difierences of the present. For this reason especially the President has indicated a day for the assembling of the Congress so far in the future as to leave good ground for the hope that by the time named the present situation on the South Pacific coast will be hai)pily termi- nated, and that those engaged in the con- test may take peaceable part in the discus- sion and solution of the general question affecting in an equal desrree the well-being of all. It seems also desirable to disclaim in ad- 272 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Vance any purpose on the part of the •United States to prejudge the issues to be presented to the Congress. It is far from the intent of this Government to appear before the Congress as in any sense the protector of its neighbors or the predestined and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. The United States ■will enter into the deliber- ations of the Congress on the same looting as other powers represented, and with the loyal determination to approach any pro- posed solution, not merely in its own inter- est, or with a view to asserting its own power, but as a single member among many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So far as the influence of this Government may be potential, it will be exerted in the direction of conciliating whatever con- flicting interests of blood, or government, or historical tradition that may necessarily come together in response to a call embracing such vast and diverse ele- ments. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MINISTERS. You will present these views to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, enlarging, if need be, in such terms as ■will readily occur to you upon the great mission which it is within the power of the proposed Congress to accomplish in the in- terest of humanity, and the firm purpose of the United States of America to main- tain a position of the most absolute and impartial friendship toward all. You will, therefore, in the name of the President of the United States, tender to his Excel- lency, the President of , a formal invitation to send two commissioners to the Congress, provided with such powers and instructions on behalf of their Govern- ment as will enable them to consider the questions brought before that body within the limit of submission contemplated by this invitation. The United States, as well as the other powers, will in like manner be represented by two commissioners, so that equality and impartiality will be amply secured in the proceedings of the Congress. In delivering this invitation through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read this despatch to him and leave with him a copy, intimating thiit an answer is desired by this Government as promptly as the just consideration of so important a jiropo- sition will permit. I am, sir, your obedient servant, James G. Blaine. NlnlKtrr LiOf^aii'n Reply. The following is an altstrai t of the re- ply of Minister Logan to the above. " From a full review of the situation, as heretofore detailed to you, I am nf)t clear as U) being able to obtain the genuine co- operation of all the States of Central America in the jjroposed congress. — Each, I have no doubt, will ultimately agree to send the specified number of commission- ers and assume, outwardly, an appearance of sincere co-operation, but, as you will perceive from your knowledge of the pos- ture of afiairs, all hope of effiecting a union of these States except upon a basis the leaders will never permit — that of a free choice of the whole people — will be at an end. The obligation to keep the peace, imposed by the congress, will bind the United States as well as all others, and thus prevent any efforts to bring about the desired union other than those based upon a simi^le tender of good offices — this means until the years shall bring about a radical change — must be as inefficient in the future as in the past. The situation, as it ap- pears to me, is a difficult»one. As a means of restraining the aggressive tendency of Mexico in the direction of Central Ameri- ca, the congress would be attended by the happiest results, should a full agreement be reached. But as the Central American States are now in a chaotic condition, politi- cally considered, with their future status wholly undefined, and as a final settlement can only be reached, as it now appears, through the operation of military forces, the hope of a Federal union in Central America would be crushed, at least in the immediate present. Wiser heads than my own may devise a method to harmonize these difficulties when the congress is ac- tually in session, but it must be constantly remembered that so far as the Central American commissioners are concerned they will represent the interests and posi- tive mandates of their respective govern- ment chiefs in the strictest and most abso- lute sense. While all will probably send commissioners, through motives of ex])edi- ency, they may possibly be instructed to secretly defeat the ends of the convention. I make these suggci^tions that you may have the Avhole field under view. " I may mention in this connection that I have received information that uj) to the tenth of the present month only two mem- bers of the proi)osed convention at Pana- ma had arrived and that it was considered as having failed." Contem})oraneous with these movements or sngfiestions was another on the jtart of Mr. IMaine to secure from England a mod- ification or abrogation of the Clayton- I'ulwer treaty, with the object of giving to the United States, rather to the Republics of North and South America, full super- vision of the Isthmus and l^anama Canal when constructed. This branch of the (•orresi)ondence was .sent to the Senate on the 17th of February. Lord Granville, in liis desp;it(;h of .Taiuiary 7th to Minister West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer BOOK I.J THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 273 Treaty controversy, denies any analogy between the cases of tlic I'aaama and Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. Blaine's statement in regard to the unex- ampled development of the Pacific Coast, but denies that it was unexpected. He says the declaration of President Monroe anterior to the treaty show that he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of the great future of that region. The de- velopment of the interests of the British f)ossessions also continued, though possil)ly ess rapidly. The Government are of the opinion that the canal, as a water way be- tween the two great oceans and Europe and Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not only the American Continent, but the whole civilized world. Witii all deference to the considerations which prompted Mr. Blaine he cannot believe that his propo- sals will be even beneficial in themselves. He can conceive &, no more melancholy spectacle th:in competition between nations in the consLruction of fortifications to com- mand the canal. He cannot believe that any South American States would like to admit a foreign power to erect fortifications on its territory, when the claim to do so is accompanied by the declaration that the canal is to be regarded as a part of the American coast line. It is difficult to be- lieve, he says, that the territory between it and the United States could retain its pres- ent independence. Lord Granville believes that an invitation to all the maritime states to participate in an agreement based on the stipulations of the Convention of 1850, would make the Convention adequate for the purposes for which it was designed. Her Majesty's Government would gladly see the United States take the initiative towards such a convention, and will be prepared to endorse and support such action in any wav. provided it does not conflict with the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, in using the argument that the treaty has been a source of continual difficulties, omits to state that the questions in dispute which related to points occupied by the British in Central America were removed in 18(50 by the voluntary action of Great Britain in certain treaties concluded with Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement being recognized as perfectly satisfactory by President Buchanan. Lord Granville says, further, that during this controversy America disclaimed any desire to have the exclusive control of the canal. The Earl contends that in cases where the details of an international agreement have given rise to difficulties and discus- sions to such an extent as to cause the contracting parties at one time to contem- plate its abrogation or modification as one of several possible alternatives, and where 18 it has yet been found preferable to arrive at a solution as to those details rather than to sacrifice the general bases of the en- gagement, it must surely be allowed that such a I'act, far from being an argument aj^ainst that engagement, is an argument distinctly in its favor. It is equally j)lain thateithcr of the contracting parties wliich had abandoned its own contention f(jr the purpose of preserving the agreement in its entirety would have reason to complain if the differences which had been settled by its concessions were afterwards urged as a reason for essentially modifying those other provisions which it had made this sacrifice to maintain. In order to strengthen these arguments, the Earl reviews the corres- pondence, quotes the historical points made by Mr. Blaine and in many instances in- troduces additional data as contradicting the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine and supporting his own position. The point on which Mr. Blaine laid particular stress in his despatch to Earl Granville, is the objection made by the government of the United States to any concerted action of the European powers f )r the purpose of guarantying the netl- trality of the Isthmus canal or determin- ing the conditions of its use. CHILI AND PERU. The entire question is complicated by the war between Chili and Peru, the latter owning immense guano deposits in which American citizens have become financially interested. These sought the friendly in- tervention of our government to prevent Chili, the conquering Republic, from ap- propriating these deposits as part of her war indemnity. The Landreau, an original French claim, is said to represent §125,- 000,000, and the holders were prior to and during the war pressing it upon Calderon, the Peruvian President, for settlement; the Cochet claim, another of the same class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubt- less these claims are speculative and largely fraudulent, and shrewd agents are inter- ested in their collection and preservation. A still more preposterous and speculative movement was fathered liy one Shipherd, who opened a correspondence with Minis- ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for the establishment of the Credit Industriel, which was to pay the $20,000,000 money indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates and guano deposits. THE SCA^^)AL. All of these things surround the ques- tion with scandals \vhich probably fail to truthfully reach any prominent officer of our government, but which have neverthe- less attracted the attention of Congress to 274 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. such an extent that the following action has been already taken : On February 24th Mr. Bayard offered in the Senate a resolution reciting that where- as publication has been -widely made by the public press of certain alleged public commercial contracts between certain com- panies and copartnerships of individuals relative to the exports of guano and nitrates from Peru, in which the mediation by the Government of the United States between the Governments of Peru, Bolivia and Chili is declared to be a condition for the effectuation and continuance of the said contracts ; therefore be it resolved, that the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed to inquire whether any promise or stipulation by which the intervention by the United States in the controversies ex- isting between Chili and Peru or Chili and Bolivia has been expressly or impliedly given by any person or persons officially connected with the Government of the United States, or whether the influence of the Government of the United States has been in any way exerted, promised or inti- mated in connection with, or in relation to th'e said contracts by any one officially con- nected with the Government of the United Btates, and whether any one officially con- nected with the Government of the United Btates is interested, directly or indirectly, with any such alleged contracts in which the mediation as aforesaid of the United Btates is recited to be a condition, and that the said committee have power to send for persons and paper and make report of their proceedings in the premises to the Senate at the earliest possible day. Mr. Edmunds said he had drafted a resolution covering all the branches of " that most unfortunate affair " to which reference was now made, and in view of the ill policy of any action which would commit the Senate to inquiries about de- claring foreign matters in advance of a careful investigation by a committee, he now made the suggestion that he would have made as to his own resolution, if he had offered it, namely, that the .subject be referred to the Committee on Foreign Re- lations. He intimated that the proposition prepared by himself would be considered by the committee as a suggestion bearing upon the pending resolution. Mr. I'ayard acquiesced in the reference with the remark that anything that tended to bring the matter more fully before the country was satisfactory to him. The resolution accordingly went to the Committee on Foreign Relations. In the House Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, offered a resolution reciting that whereas, it is alleged, in connection with the ('hili Peruvian correspondence recently and officially published on tlie call of the two Houses of Congress, that one or more Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States were either personally interested or improperly connected with a business transaction in which the intervention of this Government was requested or expected and whereas, it is alleged that certain pa- pers in relation to the same subject have been improperly lost or removed from the tiles of the State Department, that there- fore the Committee on Foreign Affairs be instructed to inquire into said allegations and ascertain the facts relating thereto, and report the same with such recommen- dations as they may deem proper, and they shall have power to send for persons and papers. The resolution was adopted. THE CLAIMS. The inner history of what is known as the Peruvian Company reads more like a tale from the Arabian Nights than a plain statement of facts. The following is gleaned from the prospectus of the compa- ny, of which only a limited number of cop- ies was printed. According to a note on the cover of these " they are for the strictly private use of the gentlemen into whose hands they are immediately placed." The prosj^ects of the corporation are based entirely u])on the claims of Cochet and Landreau, two French chemists, resi- dents of Peru. In the year 1833, the Pe- ruvian government, by published decree, promised to everj' discoverer of valuable deposits upon the public domain a premium of one-third of the discovery as an incen- tive to the development of great natural resources vaguely known to exist. In the beginning of 1830, Alexandre Cochet, who was a man of superior information, occu- pied himself in the laborious work of manu- facturing nitrate of soda in a small oficina in Peru, and being possessed with quick intelligence and a careful observer he soon came to understand that the valuable pro- perties contained in the guano — an article only known to native cultivators of the soil — would be eminently useful as a restora- tive to the exhausted lands of the old con- tinent. With this idea he made himself completely master of the mode of applica- tion adopted by the Indians and small farmers in the province where he resided, and after a careful investigation of the chemical effects produced on the land by the proper application of the regenerating agent, he proceeded in the year 1840 to the cajjital (Lima) in order to interest some of his friends in this new enterjirise. Not without great persuasion and much hesita- tion, he induced his countryman, I\Ir. Achil- les Allier, to take up the hazardous specu- lation and join with him in his discovery. He succeeded, howevtT, and toward the end. of the same year the firm of Quiroz & .Mlier obtained a concession for six years from the government of Peru for the ex- BOOK I.] THE SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION. 275 portation of all the guano existing in the afterwards famous islands of Chinchi for the sum of sixty tliousand dollars. In consequence of the refusal of that firm to admit Cochet, the discoverer, to a partici- pation in the profits growing out of this contract a series of lawsuits resulted and a Eaper war ensued in which Cochet was allied. In vain he called the attention of the government to the nature and value of this discovery ; he was told that he was a " visionary." In vain he demonstrated that the nation possessed hundreds of mil- lions of dollars in the grand deposits : this only confirmed the opinion of the Council of State that he was a madman. In vain he attempted to prove that one cargo of guano was equal to fourteen cargoes of grain ; the Council of State eooly told him that guano was an article known to the Spaniards, and of no value : that Commis- sioner Humbolt had referred to it, and that they could not accept his theory respecting its ;|supcrior properties, its value and its probable use in foreign agriculture at a pe- riod when no new discovery could be made relative to an article so long and of so evi- dent small value. At length a new light began to dawn on the lethargic understanding of the officials in power, and as rumors continued to ar- rive from Europe confirming the assevera- tions of Cochet, and announcing the sale of guano at from $1)0 to .ii!l20 per ton, a de- gree of haste was suddenly evinced to se- cure once more to the public treasury this new and unexpected source of wealth ; and at one blow the contract with Quiroz & AUier, which had previously been extend- ed, was reduced to one year. Their claims were cancelled by the payment of ten thou- sand tons of guano which Congress de- creed them. There still remained to be settled the just and acknowledged indebt- edness for benefits conferred on the coun- try by Cochet, benefits which could not be denied as wealth and i)rosperity rolled in on the government and on the people. But few, if any, troubled themselves about the question to whom they were indebted lor 80 much good fortune, nor had time to pay particular attention to Cochet's claims. Finally, however, Congress was led to de- clare Cochet the true discoverer of the value, uses and application of guano for European agriculture, and a grant of 5,000 tons was made in his favor Sejitember 30tli, 1849, but was never paid him. After piissing a period of years in hopeless expectancy — from 1840 to 1851— his impoverished cir- cumstances made it necessary for him to endeavor to procure, through the influence of his own government, . that measure of support in favor of his claims which would insure him a competency in his old age. He resolved upon returning to France, after having spent the best part of his life in the service of a country whose cities had risen from desolation to splendor under the sole magic of his touch — a touch that had in it for Peru all the fabled power of the long-sought "philosopher's stone." In 1853 Cochet returned to France, but he was then already exhausted by enthusiastic explora- tions in a deadly climate and never rallied. He lingered in poverty for eleven painful years and died in Paris in an almshouse in 1864, entitled to an estate worth $;300,000,- 000 — the richest man in the history of the world — and was buried by the city in the Potters' Field ; his wonderful history well il- lustrating that truth is stranger than fiction. THE LANDKEAU CLAIM. About the year 1844 Jean Theophile Landreau, also a French citizen, in part- nership with his brother, John C. Landreau, a naturalized American citizen, upon the faith of the promised premium of 33} per cent, entered upon a series of extended sys- tematic and scientific explorations with a view to ascertaining whether the deposits of guano particularly pointed out*by Co- chet constituted the entire guano deposit of Peru, and with money furnished by his part- ner, John, Theo])hile prosecuted his search- es with remarkable energy and with great success for twelve years, identifying beds not before known to the value of not less than $400,000,000. Well aware, however, of the manner in which his fellow-country- man had been neglected by an unprinci- pled people, he had the discretion to keep his own counsel and to extort from the Pe- ruvian authorities an absolute agreement in advance before he revealed his treasure. This agreement was, indeed, for a royalty of less than one-sixth the amount promised, but the most solemn assurances were given that the lessened amount would be prompt- ly and cheerfully paid, its total would give the brothers each a large fortune, and pay- ments were to begin at once. The solemn agreement having been concluded and duly certified, the precious deposits having been pointed out and taken possession of by the profligate government, the brothers were at first put off with plausible pretexts of de- lay, and when these grew monotonous the government calmly issued a decree recog- nizing the discoveries, accepting the trea- sure, and annulling the contract, with a sug- gestion that a more suitable agreement might be arranged in the future. It will be seen that these two men, Co- chet and Landreau, have been acknow- ledged by the Peruvian government as claimant.s. No attempt has ever been made to deny the indebtedness. The very de- cree of rei)udiation reaffirmed the obliga- tion, and all the courts refused to pronounce against the plaintiffs. Both of these claims came into the possession of !Mr. Peter W. Hevenor, of Philadelphia. Cochet left one 276 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. son whom Mr. Hevenor found in poverty in Lima and advanced money to push his father's claim of $500,000,000 against the government. After S'SO.OOO were spent young Cochet's backer was surprised to learn of the Laudreaus and their claim. Not wishing to antagonize them, he ad- vanced them money, and in a short time owned nearly all the fifteen interests in the Landreau craim of $125,000,000. To the Peruvian Company Mr. Hevenor has transferred his titles, and on the basis of these that corporation maintains that eventually it will realize not less than $1,- 200,000,000, computed as follows : The amount of guano already taken out of the Cochet Islands — including the Chin- chas — will be shown by the Peruvian Cus- tom House records, and will aggregate, it is said, not far from $1,200,000,000 worth. The discoverer's one-third of this would be $400,000,000, and interest upon this amount at six per cent. - say for an equalized aver- age of twenty years— would be $480,000,000 more. The amount remaining in these islands.is not positively known, and is pro- bably not more than $200,000,000 worth ; and in the Landreau deposits say $300,000,- 000 more. The Chilian plenipotentiary re- cently announced that his government are about opening very rich deposits on the Lo- bos Islands — which are included in this group. It is probably within safe limits, says the Peruvian Company's prospectus, to say that, including interest to accrue before the claim can be fully liquidated, its owners will realize no less than $1,200,000,000. THE COUNTRIES im^OLVED. In South America there are ten inde- pendent governments ; and the three Gui- anas which are dependencies on European powers. Of the independent governments Brazil is an empire, having an area of 3,G09,1G0 square miles and 11,058,000 in- habitants. The other nine are republics. In giving area and population we use the most complete statistics at our command, but they are not strictly reliable, nor as late as we could have wished. The area and the poj)ulation of the republics are: Venzucla, 42(5,712 square miles and 2,200,- 000 inhabitants; United States of Colom- bia, 475,000 square miles and 2,900,000 in- habitants; Peru, 580,000 square miles and 2,500,000 inhabitants; E(!uador, 208,000 Bquarc miles and 1,300,000 inhabitants; Bolivia, 842,730 square miles and 1,087,352 inhabitants; ('hili, 200,000 s(juarc mik's and 2,084,000 inha])itaiits ; Argentine Kc- public, 1,323,500 s(|uare miles and 1,887,- 000 inlial)itaiits; I'arnguay, 73,000 squiire miles and 1,337,439 inhabitants; Unigu.'iv, CG,716 square miles and 240,000 iiihalii- tants, or a total in the nine repul)lic3 of 3,789.220 sqmirc miles and 10,430,751 in- habitants. The aggregate area of the nine republics exceeds that of Brazil 180,060 square miles, and the total population ex- ceeds that of Brazil 5,009,552. Brazil, be- ing an empire, is not comprehended in the Blaine proposal — she rather stands as a strong barrier against it. Mexico and Guatamala are included, but are on this continent, and their character and re- sources better understood by our people. In the South American countries generally the Spanish language is spoken. The edu- cated classes are of nearly pure Spanish ex- traction. The laboring classes are of mixed Spanish and aboriginal blood, or of pure aboriginal ancestry. The characteristics of the Continent are emphatically Spanish. The area and population we have already given. The territory is nearly equally di- vided between the republics and the em- pire, the former having a greater area of only 180,060 square miles; but the nine republics have an aggregate population of 5,059,522 more than Brazil. The United States has an area of 3,634,797 square miles, including Alaska; but excluding Alaska, it has 3,056,797 square miles. The area of Brazil is greater than that of the United States, excluding Alaska, by 552,- 363 square miles, and the aggregate area of the nine republics is greater by 732,423 square miles. This comparison of the area of the nine republics and of Brazil with that of this nation gives a definite idea of their magnitude. Geographically, these republics occupy the northern, western and southern portions of South America, and are contiguous. The aggregate exports and imports of South America, according to the last available data, were $529,300,000; those of Brazil, $168,930,000; of the nine republics, $360,360,000. These resolutions will bring out volumi- nous correspondence, but we have given the reader sufficient to reach a fair understand- ing of the subject. Whatever of scandal may be connected with it, like the Star Route cases, it should await official in- vestigation and condemnation. Last of all should history condemn any one in ad- vance of official inquiry. None of the governments invited to the Congress had accepted formally, and in view of obstacles thrown in the way by the present adminis- tration, it is not probable they will. Accepting the ])roposition of Mr. Blaine as stated in his letter to President Arthur, as conveying his true desire and meaning, it is due" to the truth to say that it compre- hends more than the Monroe doctrine, the text of which is given in President Mon- roe's own words in this volume. While he contended ngainst foreign intervention with the Bepublics on this Hemisphere, he ne- ver asserted the right of our government to ])articipate in or seek the control cither of the internal, commercial or foreign policy of any of the Republics of America, by ar- BOOK I.] THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 27T bitratlon or otherwise. So that Mr. Bhiine is the author of an advance upon the Mon- roe doctrine, and what seems at this time a radical advance. Wliat it may be when the United States seeks to "spread itself" by an aggressive foreign policy, and by aggrandizement of new avenues of trade, possibly new acquisitions of territory, is anotlier question. It is a policy brilliant beyond any examples in our history, and a new departure from the teachings of Washington, who advised absolute non-in- tervention in foreign affairs. The new doctrine might thrive and acquire great popularity under an administration friendly to it ; but President Arthur has already intimated his hostility, and it is now be- yond enforcement during his administra- tion. The views of Congress also seem to be adverse as far as the debates have gone into the question, though it has some warm friends who may revive it under more favo- rable auspices. The Star Route Scandal. Directly after Mr. James assumed the position of Postmaster-General in the Cabinet of President Garfield, he disco- vered a great amount of extravagance and probably fraud in the conduct of the mail service known as the Star Routes, author- ized by act of Congress to further extend the mail facilities and promote the more rapid carriage of the mails. These routes proved to be very popular in the West and South-west, and the growing demand for mail facilities in these sections would even in a legitimate way, if not closely watched, lead to unusual cost and extravagance ; but it is alleged that a ring was formed headed by General Brady, one of the Assistant Postmaster-Generals under General Key, by which routes were established with the sole view of defrauding the Government — that false bonds were given and enormous and fraudulent sums paid for little or no service. This scandal was at its height at the time of the assassination of President Garfield, at which time Postmaster-General James, Attorney-General MacVeagh and other officials were rapidly preparing for the prosecution of all charged with the fraud. Upon the succession of President Arthur he openly insisted upon the fullest prosecution, and declined to receive the resignation of Mr. ]\IacVeagh from the Cabinet because of a stated fear that the prosecution would suffer by his withdrawal. Mr. MacVeagh, however, withdrew from the Cabinet, believing that the new Presi- dent should not by any circumstance be prevented from the official association of friends of his own selection ; and at this writing Attorney-General Brewster is push- ing the prosecutions. On the 24th of March, 1882, the Grand Jury sitting at Washington presented in- dictments for conspiracy in connection with the Star Route mail service against the fol- lowing named persons: Thomas J. Brady, J. W. Dorbcy, Henry M. Vail, John W. Dorsev, John R. Miner, John M. Peck, M, C. Rei-dcll, J. L. Sanderson, Wm. H. Tur- ner. Also against Alvin O. Buck, Wm. S. liarringer and Albert E. Booup, and against Kate M. Armstrong for perjury. The in- dictment against Brady, Dorsey and others, which is very voluminous, recites the ex- istence, on March 10, 1879, of the Post Of- fice Department, Postmaster-General and three assistants, and a Sixth Auditor's ollice and Contract office and division. "To the latter was subject," the indict- ment continues, " the arrangement of the mail service of the United States and the letting out of the same on contract." It then describes the duties of the inspectinjj division. On March 10, 1879, the grand jurors represent, Thomas J. Brady was the lawful Second Assistant Postmaster-Gene- ral engaged in the performance of the du- ties of that office. William H. Turner was a clerk in the Second Assistant Postmaster- General's office, and attended to the busi- ness of the contract division relating to the mail service over several post routes in Ca- lifornia, Colorado, Oregon, Nebraska, and the Territories. On the 16th of March, 1879, the indictment represents Thomas J. Brady as having made eight contracts with John W. Dorsey to carry the mails from July 1, 1878, to June 30, 1882, from Ver- million, in Dakota Territory, to Sioux Falls and back, on a fourteen hour time schedule, for $398 e;ich year ; on route from White River to Rawlins, Colorado, once a week of 108 hours' time, for $1,700 a year; on route from Garland, Colorado, to Parrott City, once a week, on a schedule of 168 hours' time, for $2,745 ; on route from Ou- ray, Colorado, to Los Pinos, once a week, in 12 hours' time, for $348 ; on route from Sil- verton, Colorado, to Parrott City, twice a week, on 36 hours' time, for $1,488; on route from Mineral Park, in Arizona Ter- ritory, to Pioche and back, once a week, in 84 hours' time, $2,982 ; on route from Tres Almos to Clifton and back, once a week, of 84 hours' time, for $1,568. It further sets forth that the Second As- sistant Postmaster-General entered into five contracts with John R. Miner on June 13, 1878, on routes in Dakota Territory and Colorado, and on ]\Iarch 15, 1879, with John M. Peck, over eight post routes. In the space of sixty days after the making of these contracts theVwere in full force. On j\Iarch 10, 1879, John W. Dorsey, John R. j\Iiner, and John M. Peck, with Stephen W. Dorsey and Henry ^M. Vaile, M. C ' Rerdell and J. L. Sanderson, mutually in- 1 terested in these contract.^ and money, to . be paid by the United States to the three 278 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. parties above named, did unlawfully and maliciously combine and conspire to fraud- ulently write, sign, and cause to be written and signed, a large number of fraudulent letters and communications and false and fraudulent petitions and applications to tbe Postmaster-General for additional service and increase of expenditure on the routes, which were purported to be signed by the people and inhabitants in the neighborhood of the routes, which were filed with the papers in the office of the Second Assistant Postmaster-General. Further that these parties swore falsely in describing the num- ber of men and animals required to perform the mail service over the routes and States as greater than was necessary. These false oaths were placed on file in the Second Assistant Postmaster-General's office; and by means of Wm. H. Turner falsely making and writing and endorsing these papers, with brief and untrue state- ments as to their contents, and by Turner preparing fraudulent written orders for al- lowances to be made to these contractors and signed by Thomas J. Brady fraudu- lently, and for the benefit and gain of all the parties named in this bill, the service ■was increased over these routes; and that Brady knew it was not lawfully needed and required. That he caused the order for in- creasing to be certified to and filed in the Sixth Auditor's office for fraudulent addi- tional compensation. That Mr. Brady gave orders to extend the service so as to include other and different stations than those men- tioned in the contract, that he and others might have the benefits and profits of it : that he refused to impose fines on these contracts for failures and delinquencies, but allowed them additional pay for the ser- vice over these routes. During the conti- nuance of these contracts the i:)arties ac- quired unto themselves several large and excessive sums of money, the property of the United States, fraudulently and un- lawfully ordered to be paid them by Mr. Bn-.dy. These are certainly formidable indict- ments. Others are pending against persons in Philadelphia and other cities, who are charged with complicity in these Star Eoute fraufis, in giving straw bonds, &c. The Star Iloute service still continues, the Post Office Department under the law having Bent out several thousand notifications this year to crmtractors, informing them of the official acceptance of their ])r()posals, and some of these contractors are the same named above a-s under indictment. This well exemplifies the maxim of the law re- lative to innocence until guilt be shown. Tlie Coming Htaten. Bills arc pending before Congress for the admission of Dakota, Wyoming, Now Mexico and Washington Territories. The Bill for the admission of Dakota divides the old Territory, and provides that the new State shall consist of the territory in- cluded within the following boundaries: Commencing at a point on the west line of the State of Minnesota where the forty- sixth degree of north latitude intersects the same ; thence south along the west boun- dary lines of the States of Minnesota and Iowa to the point of intersection with the northern boundary line of the State of Nebraska ; thence westwardly along the northern boundarj' line of the State of Nebraska to the twenty-seventh meridian of longitude west from Washington ; thence north along the said twenty-seventh degree of longitude to the forty-sixth degree of north latitude ; to the place of beginning. The bill provides for a convention of one hundred and twenty delegates, to be chosen by the legal voters, who shall adopt the United States Constitution and then pro- ceed to form a State Constitution and gov- ernment. Until the next census the State shall be entitled to one representative, who, with the Governor and other officials, shall be elected upon a day named by the Con- stitutional Convention. The report seta apart lands for school purposes, and gives the State five per centum of the proceeds of all sales of public lands within its limits subsequent to its admission as a State, ex- cluding all mineral lands from being thus set apart for school purposes. It provides that portion of the the Territory not in- cluded in the proposed new State shall continue as a Territory under the name of the Territory of North Dakota. The proposition to divide comes from Senator McMillan, and if Congress sus- tains the division, the portion admitted would contain 100,000 inhabitants, the en- tire estimated population being 175,000 — a number in excess of twenty of the present States when admitted, exclusive of the original thirteen ; while the division, which shows 100,000 inhabitants, is still in excess of sixteen States when admitted. Nevada, with less than 65,000 popula- tion, was admitted before the close Presi- dential election of 1870, and it may be said that her majority of 1,075, in a total jjoII of 1P,G91 votes, decided the Presidential result in favor of Hayes, and these votes counteracted the plurality of nearly 300,000 received by Mr. Tilden elsewhere. This fact well illustrates the power of States, as States, and however small, in controlling the affairs of the country. It also account* for the jealousy with which closely balanced political parties watch the incoming States. Population is but one of the considera- tions entering into the question of admit- ting territories. State sovereignty does not rest ui)on population, as in the make-up of the U. D. Senate neither population. BOOK I.] THE STAR ROUTE SCANDAL. 279 size, nor resources arc taken into account. Rhode Island, the smallest of all the States, and New York, the great Empire State, with over .'3,000,000 ol' inhabitants, stand upon an equality in the conservative branch of the Government. It is in the House of Representatives that the popula- tion is considered. Such is the jealousy of the larger States of their representation in the U. S. Senate, that few new ones would be admitted without long and con- tinuous knocking if it were not for partisan interests, and yet where a fair number of people demand State Government there is no just cause for denial. Yet all questions of population, natural division, area and resources should be given their proper weight. The area of the combined territories — Utah, Washington, New Mexico, Dakota, Arizona, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming and Indian is about 900,000 square miles. We exclude Alaska, which has not been sur- veyed. Indian Territory and Utah are for some years to come excluded from admission — the one being reserved to the occupancy of the Indians, while the other is by her peculiar institution of polygamy, generally thrown out of all calculation. And yet it may be found that polygamy can best be made anienable to the laws by the compul- sory admission of Utah as a State — an idea entertained by not a few Avho have given consideration to the question. Alaska may also be counted out for many years to come. There are but 30,000 inhabitants, few of these permanent, and Congress is now con- sidering a petition for the establishment of a territorial government there. Next to Dakota, New IMexico justly claims admission. The lands comprised within its original area were acquired from ^Mexico, at the conclusion of the war with that country, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, and by act of September 9, 1850, a Territorial government was or- ganized. By treaty of December 30, 1853, the region south of the Gila river — the Gadsden purchase, so called — was ceded by Mexico, and by act of August 4, 1854, added to the Territory, which at that time included within its limits the present Ter- ritory of Arizona. Its prayer for admis- sion was brought to the serious attention of Congress in 1874. The bill was pre- sented in an able speech by Mr. Elkins, then delegate from the Territory, and had the warm support of many members. A bill to admit was also introducetl in the Senate, and passed that body February 25, 1875, by a vote of thirty-two to eleven, two of the present members of that body, Messrs. Ingalls and Windom, being among its supporters. The matter of admission came up for fiiuil action in the House at the same session, just prior to adjournment, and a motion to suspend the rules, in order to put it upon its final passage, was lost by a vote of one hundred and lifty-four to eighty-seven, and the earnest eiibrts to se- cure the admission of New Mexico wcro thus defeated. A bill for its admission is now a^ain before Congress, and it is a mat- ter of interest to note the representations as to the condition of the Territory then made, and the facts as they now exist. It has, according to the census of 1880, a population of 119,565. It had in 1870 a population of 91,874. It was claimed by the more moderate advocates of the bill that its population then numbered 135,000 (15,435 more than at present), while others placed it as high as 145,000. Of this po})- ulation, 45,000 were said to be of American and European descent. It was stated by Senator Hoar, one of the opponents of the bill, that, out of an illiterate population of 52,220, by far the larger part were native inhabitants of Mexican or Spanish origin, who could not speak the English language. This statement seems to be in large degree confirmed by the census of 1880, which shows a total native white population of 108,721, of whom, as nearly as can be as- certained,*upward of 80 per cent, are not only illiterates of Mexican and Spanish extraction, but as in 1870, speaking a for- eign language. The vote for Mr. Elkins, Territorial Delegate in 1875, was reported as being about 17,000. The total vote in 1878 was 18,806, and in 1880, 20,397, show- ing a comparatively insignificant increase from 1875 to 1880. The Territory of Washington was con- stituted out of Oregon, and organized a.s a Territory by act of March 2, 1853. Its population by the census of 1880 was 75,- 116, an increase from 23,955 in 1870. Of this total, 59,313 are of native and 15,803 of foreign nativity. Its total white popu- lation in the census year was 67,119; Chi- nese, 3,186 ; Indian, 4,105 ; colored, 326, and its total present jiopulation is probably not far from 95,000. Its yield of precious metals in 1880, and for the entire period since its development, while showing re- sources full of promise, has been much less than that of any other of the organized Ter- ritories. Its total vote for Territorial Dele- gate in 1880, while exceeding that of the Territories of Arizona, Idaho, and Wyo- ming, was but 15,823. The Territory of Arizona, organized out of a portion of New Mexico, and }n-ovided with a territorial government in 1863, con- tains about 5,000,000 acres less than the Territory of New Mexico, or an acreage exceeded by that of only five States and Territories. Its total population in 1870 was 9,658, and in 1880, 40,440, 351,60 of whom were whites. Of its total poimlation in the census vear, 24,391 were of native and 16,049 of forei^ju birth, the number of 280 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book r. Indians, Chinese, and colored being 6,000. Idaho was originally a part of Oregon, from which it was separated and provided with a territorial government by the act of March 3, 1863. It embraces in its area a little more than 55,000,000 acres, and had in 1880 a total population of 32,610, being an increase from 14,999 in 1870. Of this population, 22,636 are of native and 9,974 of foreign birth ; 29,013 of the total inhabi- tants are white, 3,379 Chinese and 218 In- dians and colored. The Territory of Montana, organized by act of May 26, 1864, contains an acreage larger than that of any other Territory save Dakota. While it seems to be inferior in cereal producing capacity, in its area of valuable grazing lands it equals, if it does not excel, Idaho. The chief prosperity of the Territory, and that which promises for it a future of growing importance, lies in its extraordinary mineral wealth, the pro- ductions of its mines in the year 1880 hav- ing been nearly twice that of any other Territory, with a corresponding excess in its total production, which had reached, on June 30, 1880, the enormous total of over $53,000,000. Its mining industries represent in the aggregate very large in- vested capital, and the increasing products, with the development of new mines, are attracting constant additions to its popula- tion, which in 1880 showed an increase, as compared with 1870, of over 90 per cent. For particulars see census tables in tabu- lated history. Wyoming was constituted out of the Territory of Dakota, and provided with territorial government July 25, 1868. Ly- in^ between Colorado and Montana, and adjoining Dakota and Nebraska on the east, it partakes of the natural characteris- tics of these States and Territories, having a fair portion of land suitable for cultiva- tion, a large area suitable for grazing pur- poses, and a wealth in mineral resources whose development, although of recent be- ginninn^, has already resulted in an en- couraging; yield in precious metals. It is the fiith in area. Henry Randall Waite, in an able article in the March number of the International Review (1882,) closes with these interest- ing paragraphs: 'It will be thus seen that eleven States organized from Territories, when author- ized to form State governments, and the Bame number when admitted to the Union, had free pojnilations of less tlian (10,000, and that of the slave States includccl in this number, seven in all, not one had the required number of fret; inhabitants, either when authorized to take tlie first stops to- ward a(liiii.-,sion f)r when finally adiiiittcd ; and that both rjf these .steps were (nkeri by two oi'tlie latter States with a total popu- lation, free and slave, below the required number. Why so many States have been authorized to form State governments, and have been subsequently admitted to the Union with populations so far below the requirements of the ordinance of 1787, and the accepted rules for subsequent ac- tion may be briefly explained as follows: 1st, by the ground for the use of a wide discretion afforded in the provisions of the ordinance of 1787, for the admission of States, when deemed expedient, before their population should equal the required number; and 2d, by the equally wide dis- cretion given by the Constitution in the words, 'New States may be admitted by Congress into this Union,' the only provi- sion of the Constitution bearing specifical- ly upon this subject. Efforts have been made at various times to secure the strict enforcement of the original rules, with the modification resulting from the increase in the population of the Union, which pro- vided that the number of free inhabitants in a Territory seeking admission should equal the number established as the basis of representation in the apportionment of Representatives in Congress, as determined by the preceding census. How little suc- cess the efforts made in this direction have met, may be seen by a comparison of the number of inhabitants forming the basis of representation, as established by the dif- ferent censuses, and the free population of the Territories admitted at corresponding periods. "At this late date, it is hardly to be ex- pected that rules so long disregarded will be made applicable to the admission of the States to be organized from the existing Territories. There is, nevertheless, a growing disposition on the part of Con- gress to look Avith disfavor upon the forma- tion of States whose population, and the development of whose resources, render the expediency of their admission ques- tionable; and an increasing doubt as to the propriety of so dividing the existing Territories as to multiply to an unneces- sary extent the number of States, with the attendant increase in the number of Repre- sentatives in the N.:itional Legislature. " To recapitulate the facts as to the pre- sent condition of the Territories with re- ference to their admission as States, it may be said that only Dakota, Utah, New Mexico and Washington are in possession of the necessary population according to the rule requiring ()0,000; that only the three first named conform to the rule de- manding a population equal to the present basis of representation ; that only Dakota, Utah and Washington give evidence of that intelligence on the part of their in- haliilanls which is essential to the proper exerei-e, under favorable conditions, of the extended rights of citizenship, and of that BOOK I.J THE CHINESE QUESTION. 281 progress in the development of their re- sources which makes scif-govoriiment es- sential, safe, or in any way desirable; and that only Dakota can be said, un(inestion- ably, to possess all of the requirements which, by the dictates of a sound policy, should be demanded of a Territory at this time seeking admission to the Union. " Wliatover the response to the Terri- torial messengers now waiting at the doors of Congress, a few years, at most, will bring an answer to their prayers. The Btars of a dozen prouil and prosperous States will soon be added to those already blazoned upon the blue field of the Union, and the term Territory, save as applied to the frozen regions of Alaska, will disappear from the map of the United States." The Chinese Q.uegtlon. Since 1877 the agitation of the prohibi- tion of Chinese immigration in California and other States and Territories on the Pacific slope has been very great. This led to many scenes of violence and in some instances bloodshed, when one Dennis Kearney led the Workingmen's party in Ban Francisco. On this issue an agitator and preacher named Kalloch was elected Mayor. The issue was carried to the Leg- islature, and in the vote on a constitu- tional amendment it was found that not only the labor but nearly all classes in California were opposed to the Chinese. The constitutional amendment did not meet the sanction of the higher courts. A bill was introduced into Congress restrict- ing Chinese immigrants to fifteen on each vessel. This passed both branches, but was vetoed by President Hayes on the ground that it was in violation of the spirit of treaty stipulations. At the sessions of 1881-82 a new and more radical measure was introduced. This prohibits immigra- tion to Chinese or Coolie laborers for twen- ty years. The discussion in the U. S. Senate began on the 28th of February, 1882, in a speech of unusual strength by Senator John F. Miller, the author of the Bill. From this we freely quote, not alone to show the later views entertained by the people of the Pacific slope, but to give from the lips of one who knows the lead- ing facta in the history of the agitation. Abstracts A-om the Text of Senator Miller's Speech. On hi$ Bill to Prohibit Chinese Immi<jralion. In the Senate, Feb. 28th, 1882, Mr. Miller said: " This measure is not a surprise to the Senate, nor a new revelation to the country. It has been before Congress more than once, if not in the precise form in which it is now presented, in substance the same, and it ha-s passed the ordeal of analytical debate and received the affirma- tive vote of both Houses. Except for the Executive veto it would have been long ago the law of the land. It is again pre- sented, not only under circumstances as imperative in their demands for its enact- ment, but with every objection of the veto removed and every argument made against its approval swept away. It is an interest- ing fact in the history of this measure, that the action which has cleared its way of the impediments which were made the reasons for the veto, was inaugurated and consum- mated with splendid persistance and en- ergy by the same administration whose ex- ecutive interposed the veto against it. Without stopijing to inquire into the mo- tive of the Hayes administration in this l)roceeding, Avhether its action was in obe- dience to a conviction that the measure was in itself right and expedient, or to a public sentiment, so strong and universal as to demand the utmost vigor in the di- plomacy necessary for the removal of all impediments to its progress, it must be ap- parent that the result of this diplomatic action has been to add a new phase to the question in respect of the adoption of the measure itself. " In order to fully appreciate this fact it may be proper to indulge in historical reminiscence for a moment. For many years complaints had been made against the introduction into the United States of the peculiar people who come from China, and the Congress, after careful considera- tion of the subject, so for appreciated the evil complained of as to pass a bill to in- terdict it. " The Executive Department had, prior to that action, with diplomatic finesse, ap- proached the imperial throne of China, with intent, as was said, to ascertain whether such an interdiction of coolie im- portation, or immigration so called, into the United States would be regarded as a breach of friendly relations with China, and had been informed by the diplomat, to whom the delicate task had been com- mitted, that such interdiction would not be favorably regarded by the Chinese Govern- ment. Hence, when Congress, with sur- prising audacity, passed the bill of inter- diction the Executive, believing in the truth of the intbrmation given him, thought it prudent and expedient to veto the bill, but immediately, in pursuance of authority granted by Congress, he appointed three commissioners to negotiate a treaty by which the consent of China should be given to the interdiction proposed by Congress. These commissioners apjieared before the Government of China upon this special mission, and presented the request of the Government of the United States 282 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. affirmatively, positively, and authorita- tively made, and after the usual diplomatic ceremonies, representations, misrepresenta- tions, avowals, and concealments, the treaty was made, the concession granted, and the interdiction agreed upon. This treaty was presented here and ratified by the Senate, with what unanimity Senators know, and which the rules of the Senate forbid me to describe. " The new phase of this question, which we may as well consider in the outset, sug- gests the spectacle which this nation should present if Congress were to vole this or a similar measure down. A great nation cannot afford inconsistency in action, nor betray a vacillating, staggering, incon- stant policy in its intercotirse with other nations. No really great people will pre- sent themselves before the world through their government as a nation irresolute, fickle, feeble, or petulant; one day eagerly demanding of its neighbor an agreement or concession, which on the next it ner- vously repudiates or casts aside. Can we make a solemn request of China, through the jDomp of an extraordinary embassy and the ceremony of diplomatic negotiation, and with prudent dispatch exchange ratifi- cations of the treaty granting our request, and within less than half a year after such exchange is made cast aside the concession and, with childish irresolution, ignore the whole proceeding? Can we afford to make such a confession of American imbecility to any oriental power? The adoption of this or some such measure becomes neces- sary, it seems to me, to the intelligent and consistent execution of a policy adojited by this Government under the sanction of a treaty with another great nation. " If the Executive department, the Sen- ate, and the House of Representatives have all understood and appreciated their own action in respect of this measure ; if in the negotiation and ratification of the new treaty with China, the Executive and the Senate did not act without thought, in blind, inconsiderate recklessness — and we know they did not — if the Congress of the United States in the passage of the fifteen passenger bill liad the faintest conception of what it was doing — and we know it had — then the policy of this Government in res[)ect of no-called Chinese immigration has been authoritatively settled. "This proposition is .submitted with the greater confidence because the action I have described was in obedience to, and in harmony with, a jjublic sentiment whi(;h seems to have permeated the whole coun- try. For the evidence of the existence of such a sentiment, it is only necessary to produce the declarations upon this subject of the two great historical parties of the country, deliberately made by their na- tional convcutioua of 18S0. One of these (the Democratic convention) declared that there shall be— " ' No more Chinese immigration except for travel, education, and foreign com- merce, and therein carefully guarded.' "The other (the Republican) convention declared that — • " ' Since the authority to regulate immi- gration and intercourse between the United States and foreign nations rests with Con- gress, or with the United States and its treaty-making power, the Republican party, regarding the unrestricted immi- gration of the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invokes the exercise of these powers to restrain and limit the immigra- tion by the enactment of such just, hu- mane, and reasonable provisions as will produce that result.' " These are the declarations of the two great political parties, in whose ranks are enrolled nearly all the voters of the United States; and whoever voted at the last Presidential election voted for the adop- tion of the principles and policy expressed by those declarations, whether he voted with the one or the other of the two great parties. Both candidates for the Presidency were pledged to the adoption and execu- tion of the policy of restriction thus de- clared by their respective parties, and the candidate who was successful at the polls, in his letter of acceptance, not only gave expression to the sentiment of his party and the country, but with a clearness and conciseness which distingtiished all his ut- terances upon great public questions, gave the reasons for that public sentiment." He said : " ' The recent movement of the Chinese to our Pacific Coast partakes but little of the qualities of an immigration, either in its purposes or results. It is too much like an importation to be welcomed with- out restriction ; too much like an invasion to be looked upon without solicitude. We cannot consent to allow any form of servile labor to be introduced among us under the guise of immigration.' •<■***** ** " In this connection it is proper also to consider the probable elfect of a failure or refusal of Congress to pass this bill, upon the introduction of Chinese coolies into the United States in the future. An adverse vote upon such a measure, is an invitation to the Chinese to come. It would be in- terpreted to mean that the Government of the United States had reversed its i)olicy, and is now in favor of the unrestricted im- portation of C!hinese; that it looks with favor upon the Chinese invasion now in ])r()gress. It is a fact well known that the hostility to the influx of (Jhiiiese upon the I'acific coast displayed by the people of California has operated as a restriction, and has discouraged the importation of BOOK I.] THE CHINESE QUESTION. 283 Chinese to sucli a degree that it is probable that there are not a tenth part tlie number of Chinese in the country there would j have been had this determined hostility never been shown. Despite the inhospi- tality, not to say resistance, of the Cali- fornia people to the Chinese, sometimes while waiting for the action of the General Government dillicult to restrain within the bounds of peaceable a.ssertion, they have poured tlirough the Golden Gate in con- stantly increased numbers during the past year, tlie total number of arrivals at San Francisco alone during 1881 being 18,561. Nearly two months have elapsed since the l3t of January, and there have arrived, as the newspapers show, about four thousand more. " The defeat of this measure now is a shout of welcome across the Pacific Ocean to a myriad host of these strange people to come and occupy the land, and it is a re- buke to the American citizens, who have so long stood guard upon the western shore of this continent, and who, seeing the dan- ger, have with a fortitude and forbearance most admirable, raised and maintained the only barrier against a stealthy, strategic, but peaceful invasion as destructive in its results and more potent for evil, than an invasion by an army with banners. An adverse vote now, is to commission under the broad seal of the United States, all the speculators in human labor, all the im- porters of human muscle, all the traffickers in human flesh, to ply their infamous trade without impediment under the protection of the American flag, and empty the teem- ing, seething slave pens of China upon the soil of California! I forbear further spec- ulation upon the results likely to flow from such a vote, for it presents pictures to the mind which one would not willingly con- template. " These considerations which I have presented ought to be, it seems to me, de- cisive of the action of the Senate upon this measure ; and I should regard the argu- ment as closed did I not know, that there still remain those who do not consider the ?uestion as settled, and who insist upon urtlier inquiry into tlie reasons f jra policy of restriction, as applied to the Chinese. I am not one of those who would place the consideration of consistency or mere ap- pearances above consideration of right or justice ; but since no change has taken place in our relations with China, nor in our domestic concerns which renders a re- versal of the action of the government proper or necessary, I insist that if the measure of re-*triction was right and good policy when Congress passed the fifteenth passenger bill, and when the late treaty with China was negotiated and ratified, it is right and expedient now. "this measure had its origin in Cali- fornia. It has been pressed with great vigor by the Representatives of the Pacific coast in Congret^s, f(jr many years. It lias not been urged with wild vehement decla- mation by thoughtless men, at the behest of an ignorant unthinking, prejudiced con- stituency. It has been supported by in- controvertible fact and passicjiiless reason- ing and enforced by the logic of events. Behind these Representatives was an in- telligent, conscientious public sentiment — universal in a constituency as honest, gen- erous, intelligent, courageous, and humane as any in the Republic. " It had been said that the advocates of Chinese restriction were to be found only among the vicious, unlettered foreign ele- ment of California society. To show the fact in respect of this contention, the Leg- islature of California in 1878 provided for a vote of the people upon the question of Chinese immigration (so called) to be had at the general election of 1879. The vote was legally taken, without excitement, and the response was general. When the bal- lots were counted, there were found to be 883 votes for Chinese immigration and 154,638 against it. A similar vote was tak- en in Nevada and resulted as follows : 183 votes for Chinese immigration and 17,259 votes against. It has been said that a count of noses is an ineffectual and illusory method of settling great questions, but this vote of these two States settled the conten- tion intended to be settled; and demon- strated that the people of all others in the United States who know most of the Chinese evil, and who are most competent to judge of the necessity for restriction are practically unanimous in the sujjport of this measure. " It is to be supposed that this vote of California was the effect of an hysterical spasm, which had suddenly seized the minds of 154,000 voters, representing the sentiment of 800,000 people. For nearly thirty years this people had witnessed the effect of coolie importation. For more than a quarter of a century these voters had met face to face, considered, weighed, and discussed the great question upon which they were at last called upon, in the most solemn and deliberate manner, to express an opinion. I do not cite this extraordinary vote as a conclusive argument in favor of Chinese restriction ; but I present it as an important fact suggestive of argument. It may be that the people who have been brought face to face with the Chinese in- vasion are all wrong, and that those wlio have seen nothing of it, who have but heard something ot it, are more competent (being disinterested) to judge of its pos- sible, probable, and actual effects, than those who have had twenty or thirty years of actual continuous experience and con- tact with the Chinese colony in America; 284 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. and it may be that tlie Chinese question is to be settled upon considerations other than those practical common sense reasons and principles Avhich form the basis of po- litical science. " It has sometimes happened in dealing with great questions of governmental policy that sentiment, or a sort of emotional inspiration, has seized the minds of those engaged in the solution of great problems, by which they have been lifted up into the ethereal heights of moral abstraction. I trust that while we attempt the path of in- quiry in this instance we shall keep our feet firmly upon the earth. This question relates to this planet and the temporal government of some of its inhabitants ; it is of the earth earthly ; it involves prin- ciples of economic, social, and political science, rather than a question of morals ; it is a question of national policy, and should be subjected to philosophical analy- sis. Moreover, the question is of to-day. The conditions of the world of mankind at the present moment are those with which we have to deal. If mankind existed now in one grand co-operative society, in one universal union, under one system of laws, in a vast homogeneous brotherhood, serenely beatified, innocent of all selfish aims and unholy desires, with one visible temporal ruler, whose judgments should be justice and -whose sway should be eter- nal, then there would be no propriety in this measure. " But the millennium has not yet begun, and man exists now, as he has existed always — in the economy of Providence — in societies called nations, separated by the peculiarities if not the antipathies of race. In truth the history of mankind is for the most part descriptive of racial con- flicts and the struggles between nations for existence. By a perfectly natural process these nations have evolved distinct civ- ilizations, as diverse in their characteristics as the races of men from which they have sprung. These may be properly grouped into two grand divisions, the civilization of the East and the civilization of the West. These two great and diverse civiliza- tions have finally met on the American shore of the Pacific Ocean. " During the late depression in busi- ness affairs, which existed for three or four years in California, while thousands of white men and women were walking the streets, begging and pleading for an oj)por- tunity to give their honest labor for any wages, the great steamers made their regu- lar arrivals from China, and discharged at the wharves of San Fnincisco their ac- customed cargoes of Chinese who were conveyed through tlio city to the disirilm- ting dens of the Six Companies, and with- in three or four days after arrival every (Jhinaman was in hi.s place at work, and the white people unemployed still went about the streets. This continued until the white laboring men rose in their des- peration and threatened the existence of the Chinese colony when the influx was temporarily checked ; but now since busi- ness has revived, and the i^ressure is re- moved, the Chinese come in vastly in- creased numbers, the excess of arrivals over departures averaging about one thousand per month at San Francisco alone. The importers of Chinese had no difiiculty in securing openings for their cargoes now, and when transportation from California to the Eastern States is cheapened, as it soon will be, they will extend their opera- tions into the Middle and Eastern States, unlcr-s prevented by law, for wherever there is a white man or woman at work for wages, whether at the shoe bench, in the factory, or on the farm, there is an opening for a Chinaman. !No matter how low the wages may be, the Chin[.man can aftbrd to work for still lower wages, and if the competition is free, he will take the white man's place. " At this point we are met by the query from a certain class of political econo- mists, 'What of it? Suppose the Chinese work for lower wages than Avhite men, is it not advantageous to the country to em- ploy them ? ' The first answer to such question is, that by this process white men are supplanted by Chinese. It is a sub- stitution of Chinese and their civilization for white men and Anglo-Saxon civiliza- tion. This involves considerations hither than mere economic theories. If the Chi- nese are as desirable as citizens, if they are in all the essential elements of man- hood the peers or the superiors of the Cau- casian ; if they will protect American in- terests, foster American .institutions, and become the patriotic defenders of republi- can government ; if their civilization does not antagonize ours nor contaminate it; if they are free, independent men, fit for liberty and self-government as European immigrants generally are, then we may begin argument upon thequestion whether it is better or worse, wise or unwise, to permit white men, American citizens, or men of kindred races to be supplanted and the Chinese to be substituted in their places. Until all this and more can be shown the advocates of Chinese importa- tion or immigration have no base upon which to even begin to build argument. "The statistics of the manufacture of cigars in San Francisco are still more sug- gestive. This business was formerly car- ried on exclusively by white people, many hundreds finding steady and lucrative em- ployment in that trade. I have here the certified statement from the ofllce of the coi!cctf>r of internal revenue at San Fran- cisco, showing the number of white people BOOK I.J THE CHINESE QUESTION. 285 and Chinese, relatively, employed on the Ist of Nuvcmbcr last in the manufacture of cigars. The statement is as follows : Number of white men employed 493 Number ot white women employed. 170 Total whites 603 Number of Chinese employed 5 182 " The facta of this statement were care- fully ascertained by three dei)Uty collec- tors. The San Francisco Assembly of Trades certify that tiiere are 8,265 Chinese employed in laundries. It is a well-known fact that white women who fi)rmerly did this work have been quite driven out of that employment. The same authority certifies that the number of Chinese now employed in the manufacture of clothing in San Francisco, is 7,510, and the num- ber of whites so employed is 1,000. In many industries the Chinese have entirely sujiplanted the wliite laborers, and thou- sands of our white people have quit Cali- fornia and sought immunity from this grinding competition in other and better- favored regions." ********* "If you would 'secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,' there must be some place reserved in which, and upon which, posterity can exist. What will the blessings of liberty be worth to posterity if you give up the country to the Chinese? If China is to be the breed- ing-ground for peopling this country, what chance of American posterity? We of this age hold this land in trust for our race and kindred. AVe hold republican govern- ment and free institutions in trust for American posterity. That trust ought not to be betraved. If the Chinese should in- vade the Pacific coast with arms in their hands, whtit a magnificent spectacle of mirtial resistance would be presented to a startled world ! The mere intimation oi' an attemj>t to make conquest of our west- ern shore by force would rouse the nation to a frenzy of enthusiasm in its defense. For years a peaceful, sly, strategic con- quest has been in progress, and American statesmanship has been almost silent, until the people have demanded action. " The land which is being overrun by the oriental invader is the fairest portion of our heritage. It is the land of the vine and the fig tree ; the home of the orani2:e, the olive, and the pomegranate. Its winter is a perpetual sprino:, and its summer is a golden harvest. There the northern jiine peacefully sways against the southern palm ; the tender azalea and the hardy rose min- gle their sweet perfume, and the tropic vine encircles the sturdy oak. Its valleys are rich atid glorious with luscious fruits and waving grain, and its lofty Mountains liko giants Htand, To sentinel iho eucliunt(Mi land. " I would see its fertile j)lains, its se- questered vales, its vine-clad hills, its deep blue canons, its furrowed mountain-sides, dotted all over with American homes — • the homes of a free, happy people, reso- nant with the sweet voices of fiaxiii-liaired children, and ringing with the joyous laughter of maiden fair — Soft aa hor climo, and sunny as her skies — like the homes of New England ; yet brighter and better far shall be the homes which are to be builded in tliat wonder- land by the sunset sea, the homes of a race from which shall spring The flower of men, To serve us model for the iriiKlity world, And be the fair beginning of a time." Reply of Senator Geo. F. Hoar. Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, replied to Senator Miller, and presented the sup- posed view of the Eastern States in a mas- terly manner. The speech covered twenty- eight pamphlet pages, and was referred to by the newspaper as an effort equal to some of the best by Charles Sumner. We make liberal extracts from the text, as fol- lows : " Mr. President : A hundred yea« ago the American people founded a nation upon the moral law. They overthrew by force the authority of their sovereign, and separated themselves from the country which had planted them, alleging as their justification to mankind certain i:)roposi- tions which they held to be self-evident. " They declared — and that declaration is the one foremost action of human his- tory — that all men equally deri\e from their Creator the right to the pur-uit of happiness; that equality in the right to that pursuit is the fundamental rule of the divine justice in its application to man- kind; that its security is the end lor which governments are formed, and its destruc- tion good cause why governments should be overthrown. For a hundred years this principle has been held in honor. Under its beneficent 0])eration we have grown al- most twenty-fold. Thirteen States have become thirty-eight; three million have become fifty million ; wealth and comfort and education and art have flourished in still larger proportion. Every twenty years there is added to the valuation of this country a wealth enough to buy the whole German Empire, with its buildings and its ships and its invested property. This has been the magnet that has drawn immigration hither. The human stream, hemmed in by banks invisible but impassa- ble, does not turn toward IMexico, which can feed and clotlie a world, or South America, which can feed and clothe a hun- 286 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I, dred worlds, but seeks only that belt of States where it finds this law in operation. The marvels of comfort and happiness it has wrought for us scarcely surpass what it has done for other countries. The im- migrant sends back the message to those he has left behind. There is scarcely a nation in Europe west of Russia which has not felt the force of our example and whose institutions are not more or less slowly ap- proximating to our own. " Every new State as it takes its place in the great family binds this declaration as a frontlet upon its forehead. Twenty-four of the States, including California herself, declare it in the very opening sentence of their constitutions. The insertion of the phrase ' the pursuit of happiness,' in the enumeration of the natural rights for secur- ing which government is ordained, and the denial of which constitutes just cause for its overthrow, was intended as an explicit affirmation that the right of every human being who obeys the equal laws to go everywhere on the surface of the earth that his welfare may require is beyond the rightful control of government. It is a birthright derived immediately from him who * made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times be- fore appointed and the bounds of their habi- tation.' He made, so our fathers held, of one blood all the nations of men. He gave them the whole face of the earth whereon to dwell. He reserved for himself by his agents heat and cold, and climate, and soil, and water, and land to determine the bounds of their habitation. It has long been the fnshion in some quarters, when honor, justice, good faith, human rights are appealed to, and especially when the truths declared in the opening sentences of the Declaration of Independence are in- voked as guides in legislation to stigmatize those who make the appeal as sentimenta- lists, incapable of dealing Avith practical affairs. It would be easy to demonstrate the falsehood of this notion. The men who erected the structure of this Government were good, practical builders and knew well the quality of the corner-stone when they laid it. When they put forth for the consideration of their contemporaries and of posterity the declaration which they thought a decent respect for the opiiuons of mankind reqiiircfl of them, they weighed carefully the fundamental proposition on which their immortal argument rested. Lord (yliatham's famous sentence will bear repeating again : When yur lordships look at the papers transmitted to us from America, when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but resjiect their ciuise and wi«h to make it your own. For myself I must declare and avow that in all my reading and observation — and it haa been my favorite study, I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world — that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a com- plication of difficult circumstances, no na- tion or body of men can stand in preference to the general Congress assembled at Philadelphia. The doctrine that the pursuit of happi- ness is an inalienable right with which men are endowed by their Creator, asserted by as religious a people as ever lived at the most religious period of their history, pro- pounded by as wise, practical, and far- sighted statesmen as ever lived as the vin- dication for the most momentous public act of their generation, was intended to commit the American people in the most solemn manner to the assertion that the right to change their hom.es at (heir plea- sure is a natural right of all men. The doc- trine that free institutions are a monopoly of the favored races, the doctrine that op- pressed people may sever their old alle- giance at will, but have no right to find a new one, that the bird may fly but may never light, is of quite recent origin. California herself owing her place in our Union to the first victory of freedom in the great contest with African slavery, is pledged to repudiate this modern heresy, not only by her baptismal vows, but by her share in the enactment of the statute of 1868. Her constitution read thus until she took Dennis Kearney for her law- giver : We, the people of California, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings, do establish this con- stitution. DECLARATION OF EIGHTS. Section 1. All men are by nature free and independent, and have certain inalien- able rights, among which are those of enjoy- ing and defending life and liberty, acquir- ing, possessing, and defending jiroperty, and pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness. Vr * Mr * * * * Sec. 17. Foreigners who are or who may hereafter become bona fide residents of this State, shall enjoy the same rights in respect to the possession, enjoyment, and inheritance of property, as native born citizens. In the Revised Statutes, section 1909, Congress in the most solemn manner de- clare that the right of expatriation is be- yond the lawful contnd of government: Sec. 1!);)9. Whereas the right of expa- triation is a n:\tur;il ;ind inherent right of all peoj»le. indispensable to the enjoj'ment of the rights of life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness; and BOOK I.J THE CHINESE QUESTION. 287 Whereas in the recognition of this prin- ciple this Government has freely received emij^rants i'rom all nations, and invested them with the rights of citizenship. This is a re-enactment, in |iart, of the statute of l.S()8, of which ]\Ir. Conness, then a California Senator, of Irish birlh, was, if not the author, the chief advocate. The California Senator called up the bill day after day. The bill originally provided that the President might order the arrest and detention in custody of " any subject jor citizen of such foreign government" as should arrest and detain any naturalized citizen of the United States under the claim that he still re- mained subject to his allegiance to his na- tive sovereign. This gave rise to debate. But there was no controversy about the part of the bill which I have read. The prea'uble is as follows: Whereas the right of expatriation is a n'ltur.il and inherent right of all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the right-i of life, liberty, and the pursuit of liappincss, for the i)rotection of which the Government of the United States was es- tablished ; and whereas in the recogni- tion of this principle this Government has freely received emigrants from all nations and ve-;ted them with the rights of citizen- ship, &e. Mr. Howard declares that — The abs'dute right of expatriation is the great leading American principle. Mr. Morton says: That a man's right to withdraw from his native country and make his home in an- other, and thus cut himself oft from all connection with his native country, is a part of his natural liberty, and without that his liberty is defective. We claim that the right to liberty is a natural, in- herent, God-given right, and his liberty is imperfect unless it carries with it the right of expatriation. The bill containing the preamble above recited passed the Senate by a vote of 39 to 5. The United States of America and the Emperor of China cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migra- tion and emigration of their citizens and subjects re-^pectively from the one country to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents. "The bill which passed Congress two years ago and was vetoed by President Hayes, the treaty of 1881, and the bill now before the Senate, have the same origin and are parts of the same measure. Two year^ ago it was proposed to exclude Chi- nese laborers from our borders, in express disregard of our solemn treaty obli;rations. This measure was arrested by President Hayes. The treaty of 1881 extorted from unwilling t'hina her consent that we might regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of Chinese laborers into this country- a con- sent of which it is proposed by tiiis bill to take advantage. This is entitled " A bill to enforce treaty stipulatious with Chi- na." " It seems necessary in discussing the statute briefly to review the history (jf the treaty. First let me say that the title of this bill is deceptive. There is no stipu- lation of the treaty which the bill enforces. The bill where it is not inconsistent with the compact only avails itself of a privi- lege which that concedes. China only re- laxed the r>iu-lingame treaty so far as to ])ermit us to ' regulate, limit, or suspend the coming or residence' of Chinese la- borers, 'but not absolutely to j)roliibit it.' The treaty expressly declares 'such limi- tation or suspension shall be reasonaljle.' But here is proposed a statute which for twenty years, under the severest penalties, absolutely inhibits the coming of Chinese laborers to this country. The treaty pledges us not absolutely to prohibit it. The bill is intended absolutely to prohibit it. " The second article of the treaty is this : " Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as traders, students, or merchants, or from curiosity, together with their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers, who are now in the Uni- ted States, shall be allowed to go and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are ac- corded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored nations. " Yet it is difficult to believe that the com- plex and cuml)rous passport system jiro- vided in the last twelve sections of the bill was not intended as an evasion of this agreement. Upon what other nation, fa- vored or not, is such a burden imposed? This is the execution of a promise that they may come and go 'of their own free will.' " What has happened within thirteen years that the great Republic should strike its flag? What change has come over us that we should eat the bravest and the tru- est words Ave ever spoke ? From 1 8 ")8 to 1880 there was added to the population of the country 42,000 Chinese. " I give a table from the census of 1880 showing the Chinese population of each State : Statement shoicing the Chinese population in each State and Territon/, aecnrdinij to the United States censuses of 1870 and of 1880. Alabama 1 Alaska Arizona 20 1,630 288 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. Arkansas 98 134 California 49,310 75,025 Colorado 7 610 Connecticut 2 124 Dakota 238 Delaware 1 District of Columbia 3 13 Florida 18 Georgia 1 17 Idaho 4,274 3,378 Illinois 1 210 Indiana 33 Iowa 3 47 Kansas 19 Kentucky 1 10 Louisiana 71 481 Maine 1 9 Maryland 2 5 Massachusetts 97 237 Michigan 2 27 Minnesota 53 Misssissippi 16 62 Missouri 3 94 Montana 1,949 1,764 Nebraska .18 Nevada 3,152 6,420 New Hani])shire 14 New Jersey 15 176 New Mexico 65 New York 29 924 North Carolina Ohio 1 114 Oregon 3,330 9,513 Pennsylvania 14 160 Ehode Island 27 South Carolina 1 9 Tennessee 26 Texas 25 141 Utah 445 601 Vermont Virginia 4 6 Washington 234 3,182 West Virginia 14 Wisconsin 16 Wyoming 143 914 Total 63,264 105,463 "By the census of 1880 the Tiumber of Chinese in this country was 105,000 — one five-hundredth part of the whole popula- tion. The Chinese are the most easily governed race in the world. Yet every Chinaman in America has four hundred and ninf'ty-nine Americans to control him. The immigration was also constantly de- crca.'^ing for the last half of the decade. The Bureau of Statistics gives the num- bers as follows, (fortiie first eight years the figures are tliose of the entire Asiatic im- migration :) The number of immigrants from Asia, a.s reported by the United States Bureau of Statistics is as follows, namely: 1871 7,236 1872 7,S25 1873 20,326, 1874 13,857 1875 16,498 1876 22,943 1877 10,640 1878 9,014 Total 108,339 And from China for the year ended June 30— 1879 9,604 1880 5,802 Total .' 15,406 Grand Total 123,745 " See also, Mr. President, how this class of immigrants, diminishing in itself, di- minishes still more in its proportion to the rapidly increasing numbers who come from other lands. Against 22,943 Asiatic immigrants in 1876, there are but 5,802 in 1880. In 1878 there were 9,014 from Asia, in a total of 153,207, or one in seventeen of the entire immigration ; and this in- cludes all persons who entered the j^ort of San Francisco to go to any South American country. In 1879 there were 9,604 from China in a total of 250,565, or one iri twenty-six. In 1880 there were 5,802 from China in a total immigration of 5S3,359, or one in one hundred and two. The whole Chinese population, then, when the cen- sus of 1880 was taken, was but one in five hundred of our people. The whole Chinese immigration was but one in one hundred and two of the total immigration ; while the total annual immigration quadrupled from 1878 to 1880, the Chimse was in 1880 little more than one-half what it was in 1878, and one-fourth what it was in 1876. " The number of immigrants of all nations was 720,045 in 1881. Of these 20,711 were Chinese. There is no record in the Bureau of Statistics of the number who departed within the year. But a very high anti-Chinese authority jilaces it above 10,000. Perhaps the expection that the hostile legislation under the tre;;ty would not affect persons who entered before it took eflcct stimulated somewhat their coming. But the addition to the Chinese pojiulation was less than one seventy- second of the whole immigration. All the Chinese in the country do not exceed the population of its sixteenth city. All the Chinese in California hardly .-urpasa the number which is easily governed in Slianghai by a police of one hundred men. There are as many pure blooded Gypsies wandering about the country as there are Chinese in California, What an iiii-ult to American intelligence to ask leave of China to keep out her people, because this little handful of almond-eyed Asiatics threaten to destroy our boasted civiliza- BOOK I.] THE CHINESE QUESTION. 289 uon. We go boasting of our democracy, and our superiority, and our strength. Tlie flag bears the stars of hope to all nations. A hundred thousand Chinese land in California and everytliing is changed. God has not made of one blood all the nations any longer. The self-evident truth be- comes a self-evident lie. The golden rule does not apply to the natives oi' the con- tinent where it was first uttered. The United 8t ites surrender to China, the lie- public to the despot, America to Asia, Jesus to Joss. " There is another most remarkable ex- ample of tliis prejudice of race which has happily almost died out here, which has come down I'rom the dark ages and which survives with unabated ferocity in Eastern Europe. I mean the hatred of the Jew. The persecution of the Hebrew has never, so far as I know, taken the form of an affront to labor. In every other particular the reproache-i which for ten centuries have been leveled at him are reproduced to do service against the Chinese. The Hebrew, so it was said, was not a Chris- tian. He did not aililiate or assimilate into the nations where he dwelt. He was an unclean thing, a dog, to whom the crime of the crucitixion of his Saviour was never to be forgiven. The Chinese quar- ter of San Francisco had its type in every city of Europe. If the Jew ventured from his hiding-place he was stoned. His wealth made him the prey of the rapacity of the noble, and his poverty and weaknes:; the victim of the rabble. Yet how has this Oriental conquered Christendom by the sublimity of his patience? The great poet of New England, who sits by every Ameri- can fireside a beloved and perpetual guest, in that masterpiece of his art, the Jewish Cemetery at Newport, has described the degradation and the triumph of these per- secuted children of God. How camo thoyhere? Wliat burst of Christian hate, What iiorsecutioii, mercilc*) and blind, Drove o"er thit si'a — tliat desert desolate — These Ishmaols and Ilajrai-s of mankind? They lived in narrow streets and lanes obscure, Ghetto and Judonstrass, in mirk and niiro; Taught in the school of patience to endure The life of anguish and the death of lire. Anathema maranatha I was the cry That ning from town to town, fnini street to street; At every gate tlie accursi-d .MonliTui Was mocked and jeered, and sjmriu'd by Christian feet. Pride and humiliation hand in hand Walked with them through the world where'er they went ; Trampled and beaten were they as the sand, And yet unshaken as the continent. Forty years ago — Says Lord Beaconsfield, that great Jew who held England in the hollow of his hand, and who played on her aristocracy as on an organ, who made himself the master of an alien nation, its ruler, its 19 oracle, and through it, and in despite of it, for a time the master of JCurope — Forty years ago — not a longer period than the children of Israel were wandering in the desert — the two most dishonorea races in Europe were the Attic and the He- brew. The world has probably by this discovered that it is impossible to destroy the Jews. The attempt to extiri)ate them has been made under the most favorable ausi)ices and on the largest scale ; the most consideral)le means that man could com- mand have been pertinaciously ajjplied to this object for the longest period of re- corded time. Egyptian I'liaraohs, Assyrian kings, Roman emperors, Scandinavian cru.saders, Gothic princes, and holy inqui- sitors, have alike devoted their energies to the fulfillment of this common purpose. Expatriation, exile, captivity, confiscation, torture on the most ingenious and massa- cre on the most extensive scale, a curious system of degrading customs and debasing laws which would have broken the heart of any other people, have been tried, and in vain. " Lord Beaconsfield admits that the Jew3 contribute more than their proportion to the aggregate of the vile ; that the lowest class of Jews are obdurate, malignant, odious, and revolting. And yet this race of dogs, as it has been often termed in scorn, furnishes Euroj^e to-day its masters in finance and oratory and statesmanship and art and music. Rachel, Mozart, Men- delssohn, Disraeli, Rothschild, Benjamin, Heine, are but samples of the intellectual j)ower of a race which to-day controls the finance and the press of Europe. " I do not controvert the evidence which is relied upon to show that there are great abuses, great dangers, great offenses, which have grown out of the coming of this peo- ple. Much of the evil I believe might be cured by State and municipal authority. Congress may rightfully be called upon to go to the limit of the just exercise of the powers of government in rendering its aid. " We should have capable and vigilant consular officers in the Asiatic ports from which these immigrants come, without whose certificate they should not be re- ceived on board ship, and who should see to it that no person except those of good character and no person whose labor is not his own property be allowed to come over. Especially should the trade in human labor under all disguises be suppressed. Filthy habits of living must surely be with- in the control of municipal regulation. Everj' State may by legislation or by muni- cipal ordinance in its towns and cities pre- scribe the dimension of dwellings and limit the number who may occupy the same tenement. "But it is urged — and this in my judg- ment is the greatest argument for the b.II — 290 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. that the introduction of the labor of the Chinese reduces the wages of the American laborer. ' We are ruined by Chinese cheap labor" is a cry not limited to the class to whose representative the brilliant humor- ist of California first ascribed it. I am not in favor of lowering any where the wages of any American labor, skilled or unskilled. On the contrary, I believe the maintenance and the increase of the purchasing power of the wages of the American working man should be the one principal object of our legislation. The share in the product of agriculture or manufacture which goes to labor should, and I believe will, steadily increase. For that, and for that only, ex- ists our protective system. The acquisition of wealth, national or individual, is to be desired only for that. The statement of the accomplished Senator from California on this point meets my heartiest concur- rence. I have no sympathy with any men, if such there be, who favor high protection and cheap labor. " But I believe that the Chinese, to whom the terms of the California Senator attri- bute skill enough to displace the American in every field requiring intellectual vigor, will learn very soon to insist on his full share of the product of his work. But whe- ther that be true or not, the wealth he cre- ates will make better and not worse the con- dition of every higher class of labor. There may be trouble or failure in adjusting new relations. But sooner or later every new class of industrious and productive labor- ers elevates the class it displaces. The di»ead of an injury to our labor from the Chinese rests on the same fallacy that op- posed the introduction of labor-saving ma- chinery, and which opposed the coming of the Irishman and the German and the Swede. Within my memory in New Eng- land all the lower places in factories, all places of domestic service, were filled by the sons and daughters of American farm- ers. The Irishmen came over to take their jdaces; but the American farmer's son and daughter did not sufler ; they were only elevated to a higher plane. In the in- creased wealth of the community their share is much greater. The Irishman rose from the bog or the hovel of his native land to the comfort of a New England home, and placecl his children in a New England school. Tiio Yankee rises from the loom and the spinning-jenny to be the teacher, the .skilled laborer in the machine shop, the inventor, the merchant, or the opulent landholder and farmer of the West. A letter from F. A. Bee, Chinese Con- sul, approving tlie management of llic es- tate, accompanied the report of the re- feree : "Mr. President, I will not detain the Senate by reading the abundant testimony, of which this is but the sample, of the pos- session by the people of this race of the possibility of a development of every qua- lity of intellect, art, character, which fits them for citizenship, for republicanism, for Christianity. "Humanity, capable of infinite depths of degradation, is capable also of infinite heights of excellence. The Chinese, like all other races, has given us its examples of both. To rescue humanity from this degradation is, we are taught to'believe, the great object of God's moral government on earth. It is not by injustice, exclusion, caste, but by reverence for the individual soul that we can aid in this consummation. It is not by Chinese policies that China is to be civilized. I believe that the immor- tal truths of the Declaration of Indepen- dence came from the same source with the Golden Rule and the Sermon on the Mount. We can trust Him who promul- gated these laws to keep the country safe that obeys them. The laws of the universe have their own sanction. They will not fail. The power that causes the compass to point to the north, that dismisses the star on its pathway through the skies, pro- mising that in a thousand years it shall re- turn again true to its hour and keep His word, will vindicate His own moral law. As surely as the path on which our fathers entered a hundred years ago led to safety, to strength, to glory, so surely will the path on which we now propose to enter bring us to shame, to weakness, and to jjcril." On the 3d of March the debate was re- newed. Senator Farley protested that un- less Chinese immigration is prohibited it will be impossible to protect the Chinese on the Pacific coast. The feeling against them now is such that restraint is difficult, as the people, forced out of employment by them, and irritated by their constantly in- creasing numbers, arc not in a condition to submit to the deprivations they suffer by the presence of a Chinese population im- ported as slaves and absorbing to their own benefit the labor of the country. A remark of Mr. Farley about the Chinese led Mr, Hoar to ask if they were not the inventors of the printing press and of gunpowder. To this question Mr. Jones, of Nevada, made a brief speech, which was considered remarkable, ])rincipal]y because it was one of the very few speeches of any length that he has made since he became a Senator. Instead of agreeing Avith Mr. Hoar that the Chinese had inv-ented tlie printing press and gunpowder, hv said that infornuition he iuid received led him to believe that the Ciiinese were not entitled to the credit of either of these inventions. On the con- trary, tiicy had stolen them from Aryans or Caucasians who wandered into the king- BOOK I.] THE CHINESE QUESTION. 291 dom, Mr. Hoar smiled incredulously and made a remark to the efFcct that he had never heard of those Aryans or Caucasians before. Continuing his remarks, Mr. Farley ex- firessed his belief that should the Mongo- ian population increase and the Chinese come in contact with the Africans, the con- tact would result in demoralization and bloodshed which the laws could not pro- vent. Pig-tailed Chi namen would take the place everywhere of the working girl unless Congress extended its])rot('ction to Calilbr- nia and her white peojile, who had by their votes demanded a prohii)ition of Chinese immigration. Mr. Maxcy, interpreting the Constitution in such a way as to bring out of it an argument against Chinese immi- gration, said he found nothing in it to jus- tify the conclusion that the framcrs of it intended to bring into this country all na- tions and races. The only people the fathers had in view as citizens were those of the Caucasian race, and they contempla- ted naturalization only for such, for they had distinctly set forth that the heritage of freedom was to be for their posterity. No- body would pretend to express the opinion that it was'expected that the American peo- ple should become mixed up with all sorts of races and call the result " our posterity." While the American people had, in conse- quence of their Anglo-Saxon origin, been able to withstand the contact with the Af- rican, the Africans would never stand be- fore the Chine-se. Mr. Maxey opposed the Chinese because they do not come here to be citizens, because the lower classes of Chinese alone are immigrants, and because by contact they poison the minds of the less intelligent. Mr. Saulsbury had something to say in favor of the bill, and Mr. Garland, who vo- ted against the last bill because the treaty had not been modified, expressed his belief that the GDvernment could exercise proper- ly all the powers proposed to be bestowed by this bill. Some time was consumed by Mr. Ingalls in advocacy of an amendment offered by him, proposing to limit the sus- pension of immigration to 10 instead of 20 years. Mr. Miller and Mr. Bayard op- posed the amendment, Mr. Bayard taking the ground that Congress ought not to dis- regard the substantially unanimous wish of the people of California, as expressed at the polls, for absolute prohibition. The debate was interrupted by a motion for an executive session, and the bill went over un- til Monday, to be taken up then as the un- finished business. On March 6th a vote was ordered on Senator Ingalls' amendment. It was de- feated on a tie vote — yeas 23, nays 23. The vote in detail is as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, Brown, Cockrell, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Fryc, Harris,' Hoar, In- galls, Jackson, Lapham, McDill, McMil- lan, I\Iitchell, Morrell, Saunders, Sewell, Sherman and Teller — 23. Nays— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Came- ron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, Gar- land, George, Hale, Hampton, Hill of Colorado, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Mc- Pherson, Marcy, Miller of California, Mil- ler of New York, ]\Iorgan, Ransom, Slater, Vest and Walker— 23. Pairs were announced between Davis, of West Virginia, Saulsbury, Butler, John- son, Kellogg, Jones, of Florida, and Grover, against the amendment, and Messrs. Win- dom, Ferry, Hawley, Piatt, Pugh, Rollins and Van Wyck in the affirmative. Mr. Camden was also paired. Mr. Edmunds, partially in reply to Mr. Hoar argued that the right to decide what constitutes the moral law was one inherent in the Government, and by analogy the right to regulate the character of the peo- ple who shall come into it belonged to a Government. This depended upon national polity and the fact as to most of the ancient republics that they did not possess homo- geneity was the cause of their fall. As to the Swiss Republic, it was untrue that it was not homogeneous. The difference there was not one of race but of different varieties of the same race, all of which are analogous and consistent with each other. It would not be contended that it is an advantage to a republic that its citizens should be made of diverse races, with di- verse views and diverse obligations as to what the common prosperity of all required. Therefore there was no foundation for the charge of a violation of moral and public law in our making a distinction as to the foreigners we admit. He challenged Mr, Hoar to produce an authority on national law which denied the right of one nation to declare what people of other nations should come among them. John Hancock and Samuel Adams, not unworthy citizens of Massachusetts, joined in asserting in the Declaration of Independence the right of the colonies to establish for themselves, not for other peoples, a Government of their own, not the Government of some- body else. The declaration asserted the family or consolidated right of a people within any Territory to determine the con- ditions upon which they would go on, and this included the matter of receiving the people from other shores into their family. This idea was followed in the Constitution by requiring naturalization. The China- man may be with us, but he is not of us. One of the conditions of his naturalization is that he must be friendly to the institu- tions and intrinsic polity of our Govern- ment. Upon the theory of the Massachu- setts Senators, that there is a universal oneness of one human being with every 292 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. otlier limnan "being on tlie globe, tliis tra- ditional and fundamental principle was entirely ignored. Such a theory as applied to Government was contrary to all human experience, to all discussion, and to every step of the founders of our Government. He said that Mr. Sumner, the predecessor of Mr. Hoar, was the author of the law on the coolie traffic, which imposes fines and penalties more severe than those in this bill upon any master of an American ves- sel carrying a Chinaman who is a servant. The present bill followed that legislation. Mr. Edmunds added that he would vote against the bill if the twenty-year clause was retained, but would maintain the soundness of principle he had enunciated. Mr. Hoar argued in reply that the right of expatriation carried with it the right to a home for the citizen in the country to which he comes, and that the bill violated not only this but the principles of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments which made citizenship the birthright of every one born on our soil, and prohibited an abridgement of the suffrage because of race, color, etc. Mr. Ingalls moved an amendment post own expense and of his own will, shall not be affected by this bill." Lost — yeas 19, nays 24. On motion of Mr. Miller, of California, the provision directing the removal of any Chinese unlawfully luund in a Customs Collection district by the Collector, was amended to direct that he shall be removed to the place from whence he came. On motion of Mr. Brown an amendment was adopted providing that the mark of a (Chinese immigrant, duly attested by a witness, may be taken as his signature upon the certificate of resignation or regis- tration issued to him. The question then recurred on the amendment offered by Mr. Farley that hereafter no State Court or United States Court shall admit Chinese to citizenship. Mr. Hawley, of Conn., on the following day spoke against what he denounced as " a bill of iniquities." On the 9th of March what proved a long and interesting debate was closed, the leading speech being made by Senator Jones (Hep.) of Nevada, in favor of the bill After showing the disastrous effects of the influx of the Chinese upon the Pa- poning the time at which the act shall take cific coast and answering some of the argu effect until sixty days after information of its passage has been communicated to China. After remarks by IMessrs. Dawes, Teller and Bayard, at the suggestion of Mr. Brown Mr. Ingalls modified his amendment by providing that the act shall not go into effect until ninety days after its passage, and the amendment was adopted. On motion of ]\Ir. Bayard, amendments were adopted making the second section read as follows : " That any master of any vessel of whatever nationality, who shall knowingly on such vessel bring within the jurisdiction of the United States and per- mit to be landed any Chinese laborer, " &c. Mr. Hoar moved to amend by add- ing the following : " Provided, that this bill shall not apply to any skilled laborer who shall establish that he comes to this country without any contract beyond which his labor is the property of any person be- sides himself. " Mr. Farley suggested that all the Chinese would claim to be skilled laborors. Mr. Hoar replied that it would test whether the bill struck at coolies or at skilled ]al)or. The amendment was rejected — Yeas, 17 ; nays, 27. Mr. Call moved to strike out the section which forfeits the vessel for the offense of the master. Lost. Mr. Hoar moved to amend by inserting: "Provided that any laborer who shall re- ceive a certificate from tlie U. S. Consul at the port wlicre he shall (■iid)ark that he is ments of the opponents of restriction, Mr. Jones said that he had noticed that most of those favoring Chinese immigration were advocates of a high tariff to protect American labor. But, judging from indi- cations, it is not the American laborer, but the lordly manufacturing capitalist who is to be protected as against the European capitalist, and who is to sell everything he has to sell in an American market, one in which other capitalists cannot compete with him, while he buys that which he has to buy — the labor of men — in the most open market. He demands lor the latter free trade in its broadest sense, and would have not only free trade in bringing in la- borers of our own race, but the Chinese, the most skilful and cunning laborers of the world. The laborer, however, is to buy from his capitalist master in a ])rotec- tive market, but that which he himself has to sell, his labor, and which he must sell every day (for he cannot wait, like the capitalist, for better times or travel here and there to dispose of it), he must sell in the openest market of the world. When the artisans of this country shall be made to understand that the market in which they sell the only thing they have to sell is an open one they will demand, as one of the conditions of their existc^nce, that they shall h.ave an open market in wdiich to buy what they want. As the Senator from JMassachusetts (Mr. Dawes) said he wanted the people to know that the bill was a blow struck at labor, Mr. Jones said he reitera- te(l the assertion with the (luaiirication ftn artisan coming to this country at hia I that it was not a blow at our own, but at BOOK I.] THE CHINESE QUESTION. 293 underpaid pauper labor. That cheap labor produces national wealth is a fallacy, as shown by the home condition of the 350,- 000,000 of Chinamen. " Was the Ijringing of the little brown man a sort of counter balance to the trades unions of this country? If he may be brought here, why may not tlie products of his toil come in? Now, when the la- borer is allowed to get that share from his lal)or that civilization has decided he slinll have, the little brown man is introduced. He (Mr. Jones) lielieved in protection, and had no prejudice against the capital- ist, but he would have capital and labor equally protected. Enlarging upon the consideration that the intelligence or crea- tive genius of a country in overcoming ob- stacles, not its material resources, consti- tutes its wealth, and that the low wages of the Chinese, while l)cnefiting individual employers, would ultimately impoverish the country by removing the stimulant to create labor-saving machinery and like in- ventions. Mr. Jones spoke of what he called the dearth of intellectual activity in the South in every department but one, that of politics. " This was because of the presence of a servile race there. The absence of South- ern names in the Patent Office is an illus- tration. We would not welcome the Africans here. Their presence was not a blessing to us, but an impediment in our way. The relations of the white and colored races of the South were now no nearer adjustment than they were years ago. He would prophesy that the African race would never be permitted to dominate any State of the South. The experiment to "that end had been a dismal failure, and a fiiilure not because we have not tried to make it succeed, but because laws away above human laws have placed the one race superior to aiul for above the other. The votes of the ignorant class might pre- ponderate, but intellect, not numbers, is the superior force in this world. We clothed the African in the Union blue and the belief that he was one day to be free was the candle-light in his soul, but it is one thing to aspire to be free and another thing to have the intelligence and sterling qualities of character that can maintain free government. Mr. Jones here ex- pressed his belief that, if left alone to main- tain a government, the negro would gradu- ally retrograde and go back to the methods of his ancestors. This, he added, may be heresy, but I believe it to be the truth. If, when the first shipload of African slaves came to this country the belief had spread that they would be the cause of political agitation, a civil war, and the future had been foreseen, would they have been al- lowed to land? How much of this country would now be worth preserving if the North had been covered by Africans as is South Carolina to-day, in view of tlieir non-assimilative character? The wisest policy would have been to exclude them at the outset. So we say of the Chinese to-day, he exclaim- ed, and for greater reason, because their skill makes them more formidable compe- titors than the negro. Subtle and adept in manipulation, the Chinaman can be put into almost any kind of a factory. His race is as obnoxious to us and as impossi- ble for us to assimilate with as was the negro race. His race has outlived every other because it is homogeneous, and for that reason alone. It has imj)osed its re- ligion and peculiarities upon its conquer- ors and still lived. If the immigration is not checked now, when it is within man- ageable limits, it will be too late to check it. What do we find in the condition of the Indian or the African to induce us to admit another race into our midst ? It is because the Pacific coast favor our own civilization, not that of another race, that they discourage the coming of these peo- ple. They believe in the homogeneity of our race, and that upon this depends the progress of our institutions and everything on which we build our hopes. Mr. MoERiLL, (Rep.) of Vt., said he ap- preciated the necessity of restricting Chi- nese immigration, but desired that the bill should strictly conform to treaty require- ments and be so perfected that questions arising under it might enable it to pass the ordeal of judicial scrutiny. Mr. Sherman', (Rep.) of Ohio, referring to the passport system, said the bill adopt- ed some of the most offensive features of European despotism. He was averse to hot haste in applying a policy foreign to the habits of our people, and regarded the measure as too sweeping in many of its provisions and as reversing our immigra- tion policy. After remarks by Messrs. Ingalls, Far- ley, Maxey, Brown and Teller, the amend- ment of Mr. Farley, which provides that hereafter no court shall admit Chinese to citizenship, was adopted — yeas 25, nays 22. The following is the vote : Yeas— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Harris, .Tackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Maxey, Morgan, Pugh, Ransom, Slater, Teller, Vance, Vest, Voorhees and Walker — 25. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison. Blair, Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hill of Colorado, Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, McDill, McMil- lan, Miller of New York, Mitchell, Mor- rill, Plumb, Saunders and Sawyer— 22. Mr. Grover's amendment construing the words " Chinese laborers," wherever used in the act, to mean both skilled and im- 294 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. skilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining prevailed by the same vote — yeas 25, nays 22. Mr.' Beoavn, (Dem.) of Ga., moved to strike out the requirement for the produc- tion of passports by the permitted classes whenever demanded by the United States authorities. Carried on a viva voce vote, the Chair (Mr. Davis, of Illinois) creating no little merriment by announcing, "The nays are loud but there are not many of them." MR. IXGALLS' AMEXDME^^. Upon the bill being reported to the Sen- ate from the Committee of the "Whole Mr. IxGALLS again moved to limit the suspen- sion of the coming of Chinese laborers to ten years. Mr. Jo>"t:s, of Nevada, said this limit would hardly have the effect of allaying agitation on the subject as the discussion would be resumed in two or three years, and ten years, he feared, would not even be a long enough period to enable Congress intelligently to base upon it any future policy. Mr. Miller, of California, also urged that the shorter period would not measura- bly relieve the business interest of the Pacific slope, inasmuch as the white immi- grants, who were so much desired, would not come there if they believed the Chi- nese were to be again admitted in ten years. Being interrupted by Mr. Hoar, he asserted that that Senator and other republican leaders, as also the last repub- lican nominee for President, had hereto- fore given the people of the Pacific slope good reason to believe that they would se- cure to them the relief they sought by the bill. Mr. Hoar, (Rep.) of Mass., briefly re- plied. The amendment was lost — yeas 20, nays 21. The vote is as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Frye, Hale, Hoar, Ingalls, Lap- ham, McDill,"McMillan, Mahone, Morrill, Plumb, Sawyer and Teller — 20. Nay.s — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- eron of Wisconsin, Coke, Fair, Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Jackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, Miller of New York, Morgan, Ransom, Slater, Vance, Voorliees and Walker — 21. Messrs. Butler, Camden, McPherson, Johnston. Davis of West Virginia, Pendle- ton and Rairsom were jiairod with Messrs. Hawley, Anthony, S<'well, Piatt, Van Wyck, Windom and Sherman. Messrs. Hampton, Pugh, Vest, Rollins and Jones of Florida were paired with absentees. PASSAGE OF THE BILL, The question recurred on the final pas- sage of the bill, and Mr. Edmunds closed the debate. He would vote against the bill as it now stood, because he believed it to be an infraction of good faith as pledged by the last treaty ; because he believed it injurious to the welfare of the people of the United States, and particularly the people on the Pacific coast, by preventing the development of our great trade with China. The vote was then taken and the bill was passed — yeas 29, nays 15. The following is the vote in detail : — Yeas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Call, Cam- eron of Wisconsin, Cockrell, Coke, Fair, Farley, Garland, George, Gorman, Hale, Harris, Hill of Colorado, Jackson, Jonas, Jones of Nevada, Miller of California, Miller of New York, Morgan, Pugh, Ran- som, Sawyer, Teller, Vance, Vest, Voor- hees and Walker — 29. Nays — Messrs. Aldrich, Allison, Blair, Brown, Conger, Davis of Illinois, Dawes, Edmunds, Frve, Hoar, Ingalls, Lapham, McDill, McMillan and Morrill— 15. Pairs were announced of Messrs. Cam- den, Davis of West Virginia, Grover, Hampton, Butler, McPherson, Johnston, Jones of Florida and Pendleton in favor of the bill, with Messrs. Anthony, Win- dom, Van Wyck, Mitchell, Hawley, Sewell, Piatt, Rollins and Sherman against it. Mr. Frye, (Rep.) of Me., in casting his vote, stated that he was paired with Mr. Hill, of Georgia, on all political questions, but that he did not consider this a politi- cal question, and besides, had express per- mission from Senator Hill to vote upon it. Mr. Mitchell, (Rep.) of Pa., in an- nouncing his pair with Mr. Hampton ' stated that had it not been for that fact he would vote against the bill, regarding it as un-American and inconsistent with the principles which had obtained in the gov- ernment. The title of the bill was amended so as to read, " An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese," though Mr. Hoar suggested that " execute " ought to be stricken out and " violate " inserted. The Senate then, at twenty minutes to six, adjourned until to-morrow. provisions of the bill. The Chinese Immigration bill as passed provides that from and after the expiration of ninety days after the passage of this act and until the ex})iration of twenty years after its passage the coming of Chinese la- borers to the United States shall be sus- pended, and prescribes a penalty of im- l>risoninent not exceeding one year and a iine of not more than $500 against the master of any vessel who brings any Chi- nese laborer to this country during that BOOK I.] THE CHINESE QUESTION. 295 period. It further provides that the classes of Cliinese excepted by the treaty from such prohibition— such as mercliants, teach- ers, students, travelers, diplomatic agents and Chinese laborers who were in the Uni- ted States on the 17th of November, 18S0 — shall be required, as a condition for their admission, to procure passports from the government of China personally identify- in^' them and showing that they individ- ually belong to one of the permitted classes, which passports must have been indorsed by the diplomatic representative of the United Slates in China or by the United States Consul at the port of departure. It also provides elaborate machinery for car- rying out the purposes of the act, and ad- ditional sections prohibit the admission of Chinese to citizenship by any United States or State court and construes the words "Chinese laborers" to mean both skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese em- ployed in mining. The sentiment in favor of the passage of this bill has certainly greatly increased since the control of the issue has passed to abler liands than those of Kearney and Kalloch, whose conduct intensified the opposition of the East to the measure, which in 1879 was denounced as " violat- ing the conscience of the nation." Mr. Blaine's advocacy of the first bill limiting emigrants to fifteen on each vessel, at the time excited much criticism in the Eastern states, and was there a potent weapon against him in the nominating struggle for the Presidency in 1880 ; but on the other hand it is believed that it gave him strength in the Pacific States. Chinese immigration and the attempt to restrict it presents a question of the gra- vest importance, and was treated as such in the Senate debate. The friends of the bill, under the leadership of Senators Mil- ler and Jones, certainly stood in a better and stronger attitude than ever before. The anti-Chinese bill passed the House just as it came from the Senate, after a somewhat exended debate, on the 23d of March, 1882. Yeas 167, nays 65, (party lines not being drawn) as follows : Yeas — IMessrs. Aikin, Aldrich, Armfield, Atkins, Bayne, Belford, Belmont, IJerry, Bingham, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bliss, Blount, Brewer, Brumm, Buckner, Burrows, of Missouri; Butterworth, Cabell, Cald- well, Calkins, Campbell, Cannon, Casser- lev, Caswell, Chalmers, Chapman, Clark, Clements, Cobb, Converse, Cook, Cornell, Cox, of Now York ; Cox, of North Caro- lina ; Covington, Cravens, Culbcrtson, Cur- tin, Darrell, Davidson; Davis, of Illinois; Davis, of Missouri ; Dcmotte, Deuster, Dezendorf, Dibble, Dibrell, Dowd, Dugro, Ermentrout, Errett, Farwell, of Illinois ; Finley, Flowers, Ford, Forney, Fulkcrson, Garrison, Geddes, George, Gibson, Gueu- ther, Gunter, Hammond, of Georgia ; Har- dy, llarmer, Harris, of New Jersey ; Jlasel- tine. Hatch, Hazelton, Heilman, Ilerndon, Hewitt, of New York; Uill, Hiscock, Hoblitzell, Hoge, Hollman, Horr, Houk, House, Hubbell, Hubbs, Hutchins, Jont^, of Texas; Jones, of Arkansas; Jorgensou, Kenna, King, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Lee- dom, Lewis, Marsh, Martin, Matson, Mc- Clure, McCook, McKenzie, McKinlev, Mc- Lane, McMillan, Miller, Mills, of Texas; Money, Morey, Moulton, Murch, Mutchler, O'Neill, Pacheco, Page, Paul, Payson, Pealse, Phelps, Phister, Pound, Randall, Reagan, Rice of Missouri, Richardson, Robertson, Robinson, Rosecrans, Scran- ton, Shallenberger, Sherwin, Simonton, Singleton, of Mississippi, Smith of Penn- sylvania, Smith of Illinois, Smith of New York, Sparks, Spaulding, Spear, S|)ringer, Stockslager, Strait, Talbott, Thomas, Thompson of Kentucky, Tillman, Town- send of Ohio, Townsend of Illinois, Tucker, Turner of Georgia, Turner of Kentucky, Updegraff, of Ohio, Ujjson, Valentine, Vance, Van Horn, Warner, Washburne, Webber, Welborn, Whitthorne, Williams of Alabama, Willis, Willetts. Wilson, Wise of Pennsylvania, Wise of Virginia, and W. A. Wood of New York— 1G7. The nays were Messrs. Anderson, Barr, Bragg, Briggs, Brown, Buck, Camp, Cand- ler, Carpenter, Chase, Crapo,Cullen, Dawes, Deering, Dingley, Dunnell, Dwight, Far- well of Iowa, Grant, Hall, Hammond, of New York, Hardenburgh, Harris, of Mas- sachusetts, Haskell, Hawk, Henderson, Hepburn, Hooker, Humphrey, Jacobs, Jones of New Jersey, Joyce, Kasson, Ketchum, Lord, McCoid, Morse, Norcross, Orth, Parker, Ramsey, Rice of Ohio, Rloe of Massachusetts, Rich, Richardson of New York, Ritchie, Robinson of Massachusetts, Russel, Ryan, Shultz, Skinner, Scooner, Stone, Taylor, Thompson of Iowa, Tyler, Updegraff of Iowa, Urner, Wadsworth, Wait, Walker, Ward, Watson, White and Williams of Wisconsin — 65. In the House the debate was partici- pated in by Messrs. Richardson, of South Carolina ; Wise and Brumm, of Pennsylva- nia; Joyce, of Vermont; Dunnell, of ^Min- nesota ; Orth, of Indiana; Sherwin, of Illi- nois; Hazelton, of Wisconsin; Pacheco, of California, and Townsend, of Illinois, and others. An amendment offered by Mr. Butterworth, of Ohio, reducing the period of suspension to fifteen years, was rejected. Messrs. Robinson, of JMnssachusctts; Cur- tin, of Pennsylvania, and Cannon, of Illi- nois, spoke up<m the bill, the two latter sup- porting it. The s])eech of Ex-Governor Curtin was strong and attracted much at- tention. Mr. Page closed the debate in favor of the measure. An ame'idment of- fered by ]\Ir. Kasson, of Iowa, re<lucing the time of susjXinsion to ten years, wai re- 296 AMERICAN POLITICS. [boox I. jected — yeas 100, nays 131 — and the bill was passed exactly as it came from the Serate by a vote of 167 to 65. The House then adjourned. Oiir Slercliant Marine. An important current issue is the increase of the Xavy and the improvement of the Merchant Marine, and to these questions the National Administration has latterly given attention. The New York Herald has given niuch editorial ability and re- search to the advocacy of an immediate change for the better in these respects, and in its issue of IMarch 10th, 1882, gave the proceedings of an important meeting of the members of the United States Naval Insti- tute held at Annapolis the day before, on which occasion a prize essay on the subject — "Our Merchant Marine; the Cause of its Decline and the Means to be Taken for its Revival," was read. The subject was cho- sen nearly a year ago, because it was the belief of the members of the institute that a navy cannot exist without a merchant marine. The naval institute was organized in 1873 for the advancement of profession- al and scientific knowledge in the navy. It has on its roll 500 members, principally naval officers?, and its proceedings are pub- lished quarterly. Hear Admiral C. R. P. Eodgers is president ; Captain J. M. Ram- say, vice president ; Lieutenant Command- er C. !M. Thomas, secretary ; Lieutenant Murdock, corresponding secretary, and Paymaster R. W. Allen, treasurer. There were eleven competitors for the prize, which is of .?100, and a gold medal valued at $50. The judges were Messrs. Hamilton Fish, A. A. Low and J. D. Jones. They awarded the prize to Lieutenant J. D. .T. Kelley, IT. S. N., whose motto was " Nil Clarius JEquore," and designated Master C. T. Cal- kins, U. S. N., whose motto was " Mais il faut cultiver notre jardin " as next in the order of merit, and further mentioned the essays of Lieutenant R. Wainwright, Uni- ted States Navy, whose motto was "Causa latet, vis est notissima," and Lieutenant riommander J. E. Chadwick, Ignited States Navy, whose motto was " Spcs Meliora," as worthy of honorable mentif)n, without being entirely agreed as to their compara- tive merits. 8TEIKIXO PASSAGES FROM THE PRIZE EHSAY. From Lieut. Tvclley's t)rize essay many valualdc facts can be gathered, and such of these .'IS contain information of jxTmanent value we quote : "So far as commerce influences this country lias a vital interest in the carrying trade, let theorists befog tlie cool air as they may. Every dollar paid for freight im- ported or exported in American vessels ac- crues to American labor and capital, and the enterjirise is as much a productive in- dustry as the raising of wheat, the spinning of fibre or the smelting of ore. Had the acquired, the ' full ' trade of 1 860 been maintained without increase $80,000,000 would have been added last year to the na- tional Avealth, and the loss from diverted shipbuilding would have swelled the sum to a total of $100,000,000. " Our surplus products must find foreign markets, and to retain them ships controlled by and employed in exclusively American interests are essential instrumentalities. Whatever tends to stimulate competition and to prevent combination benefits the producer, and as the prices abroad estab- lish values here, the barter we obtain for the despised one-tenth of exports — $665,- 000,000 in 1880— determines the profit or loss of the remainder in the home market. During the last fiscal year 11,500,000 gross tons of grain, oil, cotton, tobacco, precious * metals, &c., were exported from the United States, and this exportation increases at the rate of 1,500,000 tons annually; 3,800,000 tons of goods are imported, or in all about 15,000,000 tons constitute the existing com- merce of this country. " If only one-half of the business of car- rying our enormous wealth of surplus pro- ducts could be secured for American ships, our tonnage would be instantly doubled, and we would have a greater fleet engaged in a foreign trade, legitimately our own, than Great Britain has to-day. The United States makes to the ocean carrying-trade its most valuable contribution, no other nation giving to commerce so many bulky tons of commodities to be transported those long voyages which in every age have been so eagerly coveted by marine peoples. Of the 17,000 ships which enter and clear at American ports every year, 4,600 seek a cargo empty and but 2,000 sail without ob- taining it. " Ships are profitable abroad and can be m:ule jirofitablc here, and in truth during the last thirty years no other branch of industry has made such progress as the carrying trade. To establish this there are four points of comparison — commerce, rail- ways, shipping tonnage and carryi)ig power of the world, limited to the years between 1850 and 1880 :— Increase Per Cent. 18r>0. 1880. Oommmorco of all na- tions SH,280,oon,noo $i4,4o5,no(i,nno 240 liaihvavH (mil(^8 open) 44,4<)0 -J'^i,' 00 398 Shipiiitij,' toTinaKC! G.Odri.dOO 18,7'2(l,()()0 171 Currying' tiiiiiiaKo 8,404,000 34,280.000 304 " In 1850, therefore, for every $5,000,000 of international commerce there were fifty- four miles of railway and a maritime car- rying ])Ower of 9,900 tons ; and in 1880 the respective ratios had risen to seventy-seven BOOK I.J OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 297 miles and 12,000 tons'; this hss s.ivcd one- fourth freight and brought producer and consumers into such contact that we no longer hear " of the earth's products being wasted, of wheat rotting iu La Mancha, wool being used to mend wads and sheep being burned for fuel in the Argentine Republic." England lias mainly profited by this enormous develoj)inent, the shipping of the United Kingdom earning $300,000,- 000 yearly, and employing 200,000 seamen, whose industry is therefore equivalent to £300 per man, as compared with £190 for each of the factory operatives. The freight earned by all flags for sea-borne merchandise is $500,000,00, or about 8 per cent, of the value transported. Hence the toll whieli all nations pay to England for the carrying trade is) eipial to 4 per cent, (nearly) of th6 exported values of the earth's products and manufactures ; and pessimists who declare that ship owners are losing money or making small profits must be wrong, for the merchant marine is expanding every year. "The maximum tonnage of this country at anj' time registered in the foreign trade was in 1861, and then amounted to 5,539,- 813 tons ; Great Britain in the same year owning 5,895,369 tons, and all the other nations 5,800,767 tons. Between 1855 and 1860 over 1,300,000 American tons in ex- cess of the country's needs were employed by foreigners iu trades with which we had no legitimate connection save as carriers. In 1851 our registered steamships had grown from the 16,000 tons of 1848 to 63,- 920 tons — almost equal to the 65,920 tons of England, and in 1855 this had increased to 115,000 tons and reached a maximum, for in 1862 we had 1,000 tons less. In 1855 we built 388 vessels, in 1856 306 ves- sels and in 1880 26 vessels — all for the foreign trade. The total tonnage which entered our ports in 1856 from abroad amounted to 4,464,038, of which American built ships constituted 3,194,375 tons, and all others but 1,259,762 tons. In 1880 there entered from abroad 15,240,534 tons, of which 3,128,374 tons were American and 12,112,000 were foreign — that is, in a ratio of seventy-five to twenty-five, or actually 65,901 tons less than when we were twenty- four years younger as a nation. The grain fleet sailing last year from the port of New York numbered 2,897 vessels, of which 1,822 were sailing vessels carrying 59,822,- 033 bushels, and 1,075 were steamers laden with 42,426,533 bushels, and among all these there were but seventy-four Ameri- can sailing vessels and not one American steamer. " While this poison of decay has been eating into our vitals the possibilities of the country in nearly every other industry have reached a plane of (levelopment be- yond the dreams of the most enthusiastic theorizers. We have spread out in every direction and the promise of the future beggars imaginations attuned even to the key of our i)resent and past development. We have a timber area of 560,000,000 acres, and across our Canadian border there are 900,000,000 more acres ; in coal and iron production we are approaching the Old World. 1842. 1879. Coal — Tans. Tons. Great Britain... 35,000,000 135,000,000 United States... 2,000,000 60,000,000 Iron — Great Britain... 2,250,000 6,300,000 United States... 564,000 2,742,000 During these thirty-seven years the relative increase has been in coal 300 to 2,900 per cent., in iron 200 to 400 per cent., and all in our favor. But this is not enough, for England, with a coal area less than either Pennsylvania or Kentucky, has coaling stations in every part of the world and our steamers cannot reach our California ports without the consent of the English producers. Even if electricity takes the jjlace of steam it must be many years before the coal demand will cease, and to-day, of the 36,000,000 tons of coal required by the steamers of the world, three-fourths of it is obtained from Great Britain. " It is unnecessary to wire-draw statis- tics, but it may, as a last word, be interest- ing to show, with all our development, the nationality and increase of tonnage enter- ing our ports since 1856 : — Country. Increase. Decrease. England 6,977,163 — Germany 922,903 — Norway and Sweden... 1,214,008 — Italy 596,907 — France 208,412 — Spain 164,683 — Austria 226,277 — Belgium 204,872 — Russia 104,009 — United States — 05,901 " This," writes Lindsay, " is surely not decadence, but defeat in a far nobler con- flict than the wars for maritime supremacy between Rome and Carthage, consisting as it did in the struggle between the skill and industry of the people of two great na- tions." We have thus quoted the facts gathered from a source which has been endorsed by the higher naval authorities. Some reader will probably ask, " What relation have these facts to Ameriean polities?" We answer that the remedies proposed consti- tute political questions on which the great parties are very apt to divide. They have thus divided in the past, and parties have turned " about face " on similar questions. 298 AMERICAN POLITICS. [boos I, Just now tlie Democratic party inclines to "free ships" and liostility to subsidies — while the Republican party as a rule favors subsidies. Lieutenant Kelley summarized his proposed remedies in the two words: " free ships." Mr. Blaine would solve the problem hy bounties, for this purpose enacting a gene- ral law that should ignore individuals and enforce a policy. His scheme provides that anj' man or company of men who will build in an American yard, with American material, by American mechanics, a steam- ship of 3,000 tons and sail her from any port of the United States to any foreign port, he or they shall receive for a monthly line a mail allowance of $25 per mile per annum for the sailing distance between the two ports ; for a semi-monthly line $45 per mile, and for a weekly line $75 per mile. Should the steamer exceed three thousand tons, a small advance on these rates might be allowed ; if less, a corresponding reduc- tion, keeping three thousand as the average and standard. Other reformers propose a bounty to be given by the Government to the shipbuilder, so as to make the price of an American vessel the same as that of a foreign bought, equal, but presumably cheaper, ship. Mr. Blaine represents the growing Re- publican view, but the actual party views can only be ascertained when bills cover- ing the subject come up for considera- tion. Current Politics. We shall close this written history of the political ])arties of the United States by a brief statement of the present condition of affairs, as generally remarked by our own people, and by quoting the views of an in- teresting cotemporaneous English writer. President Arthur's administration has had many difSculties to contend with. The President himself is the legal successor of a beloved man, cruelly assassinated, whose well-rounded character and high abilities had won the respect even of those who de- famed him in the heat of controversy, while they excited the highest admiration of those \-\\o sbarcd his political views and thoughts. Stricken down before he had time to for- mulate a policy, if it was ever his intention to do so, he yet showed a })roper apprecia- tion of his high resi)onsibilities, and had from the start won the kindly attention of the country. (Jifted with the power of say- ing just the right thing at the right mo- ment, and saying it with all the grace and beauty of oratory, no President was better calculated to nialce friends as he nioveil ah»ng, than (larlichl. 'J'Ik; manil'estations of factional feeling which immediately jireccded his assassination, but wliich can- not for a moment be iuLelligcntly traced to that cause, made the path of his successor far more difficult than if he had been called to the succession by the operation of natu- ral causes. That he has met these difficul- ties with rare discretion, all admit, and at this writing partisan interest and dislike are content to "abide a' wee" before be- ginning an assault. He has sought no changes in the Cabinet, and thus through personal and political considerations seems for the time to have surrendered a Presi- dential prerogative freely admitted by all who understand the wisdom of permitting an executive officer to seek the advice of fi'iends of his own selection. Mr. Blaine and Mr. MacVeagh, among the ablest of the late President's Cabinet, were among the most emphatic in insisting upon the earliest possible exercise of this preroga- tive — the latter upon its immediate exer- cise. Yet it has been withheld in several particulars, and the Arthur administration has sought to unite, wherever divided (and now divisions are rare), the party which called it into existence, while at the same time it has by careful management sought to check party strife at least for a time, and devoted its attention to the advancement of the material interests of the country. Appointments are fairly distributed among party friends, not divided as between fac- tions ; for such a division systematically made would disrupt any party. It would prove but an incentive to faction for the sake of a division of the spoils. No force of politics is or ought to be better under- stood in America than manufactured disa- greements with the view to profitable com- promises. Fitness, recognized ability, and adequate political service seem to consti- tute the reasons for Executive appointments at this time. The Democratic party, better equipped in the National Legisture than it has been for years — with men like Llill, Bayard, Pen- dleton, Brown, Voorhees, Lamar and Gar- land in the Senate — Stephens, Randall, Hewitt, Cox, Johnson in the House — with Tilden, Thurman, Wallace and Hancock in the background — is led with rare abi- lity, and has the advantage of escaping re- sponsibilities incident to a majority party. It has been observed that this party is ])ur- suing the traditional strategy of minorities in our Republic. It has partially refused a further test on the tariff issue, and is seeking a place in advance of the Republi- cans on refunding questions — both popular measures, as shown in all recent elections. It claims the virtue of sympathy with the Mormons by qnestioning the propriety of legal assaults u|ion the liberty of con- science, while not oi)enly recording itself as a del'ender of the crime of jiolygamy. As a sf)li(l minority it has at least in the Se- nate yielded to the appeal ol' the States on the Pacific slope, and favored the abridg- BOOK I.] CURRENT POLITICS. 299 ment of Chinese immigration. On this question, however, tlie NV'^ astern Republi- can Senators as u rule were equally active in support of the Miller Bill, so that wliat- evcr the result, the issue can no longer be a political one in the Pacific States. The respectable support which the measure has latterly received has cast out of the strug- gle the Kearneys and Kallochs, and if there be demagogucry on cither side, it comes in better dress than ever before. Doubtless the parties will contest their claims to public support on their respective histories yet awhile longer. Party history has served partisan purposes an average of twenty years, when with that history recollections of wars are interwoven, and the last war having been the greatest in our history, the presumption is allowable that it will be freely quoted so long as sec- tional or other forms of distrust are ob- servable any where. When these recollec- tions fail, new issues will have to be sought or accepted. In the mere search for issues the minority ought always to be the most active ; but their wise ai)propriation, after all, depends upon the wisdom and ability of leadcrshij). It has ever been thus, and ever will be. This is about the only poli- tical prophecy the writer is willing to risk — and in risking this he but presents a view common to all Americans who claim to be " posted " in the politics of their country. What politicians abroad think of our "situation " is well told, though not always accurately, by a distinguished writer in the January (1882) number of ''The London Quarferlij Review." From this we quote some very attractive paragraphs, and at the same time escape the necessity of de- scriptions and predictions generally be- lieved to be essential in rounding off a po- litical volume, but which are always dan- gerous in treating of current affairs. Speak- ing of the conduct of both parties on the question of Civil Service Reform, the writer says : " What have they done to overthrow the celebrated Jacksonian precept^ ' to the victors belongs the spoils ? ' What, in fact, is it possible for thera to do under the present system? The political laborer holds that he is worthy of his hire, and if nothing is given to him, nothing will he give in return. There are tens of thou- sands of offices at the bestowal of every administration, and the persons who have helped to bring that administration into Sower expect to receive them. * In Great Iritain," once reuLirked the American paper wliich enjoys the largest circulation in the country, ' the ruling classes have it all to themselves, and the poor man rarely or never gets a nibble at the public crib. Here we take our turn. We know that, if our political rivals have the opportunity to-day, we shall have it to-morrow. This is the philosophy of the whole thing com- jjressed into a nutshell.' If President Arthur were to begin to-day to distribute offices to men who were most W(jrtliy to receive them, without reference to politi- cal services, his own party would rebel, and assuredly his path would nut be strewn with roses, lie was himself a vic- tim of a gross injustice perpetrated under the name of reform, lie filled the impor- tant post of Collector of the Port of New York, and filled it to the entire satisfaction of the mercantile community. President Hayes did not consider General Arthur sufficiently devoted to his interests, and he removed him in favor of a confirmed wire- puller and caucus-monger, and the admin- istration papers had the address to repre- sent this as the out(:ome of an honest eli'ort to reform the Civil Service. No one really supposed that the New York Cus- tom House was less a political engine than it had been before. The rule of General Arthur had been, in point of fact, singu- larly free from jobbery and corruption, and not a breath of suspicion was ever attached to his personal character. If he had been less faithful in the discharge of his difficult duties, he would have made fewer enemies. He discovered several gross cases of fraud upon the revenue, and brought the perpe- trators to justice; but the culprits were not without influence in the press, and they contrived to make the worse appear the better cause. Their view was taken at second-hand by many of the English jour- nals, and even recently the public here were gravely assured that General Arthur represented all that was base in American politics, and moreover that he was an enemy of England, for he had been elected by the Irish vote. The authors of these foolish calumnies did not perceive that, if their statements had been correct. General Garfield, whom they so much honored, must also have been elected by the Irish vote ; for he came to power on the very same ' ticket.' In reality, the Irish vote may be able to accomplish many things in America, but we may safely predict that it will never elect a President. General Arthur had not been many weeks in power, before he was enabled to give a remarkable proof of the injustice that had been done to hhn in this particular respect. The salute of the English flag at Yorktown is one of the most graceful incidents recorded in American history, and the order origi- nated solely with the President. A man with higher character or, it may be added, of greater accomplishments and fitness for his office, never sat in the Presidential chair. His first apjiointments are now ad- mitted to be better than those which were made by his predecessor for the same postd. Senator Frelinghuysen, the new Secretary 300 "AMERICAN POLITICS. [book I. of State, or Foreign Secretary, is a man of great ability, of most excellent judgment, and of the highest personal character. He stands far beyond the reach of all un- worthy iniluences. Mr. Folger, the Secre- tary of the Treasury, possesses the confi- dence of the entire country, and the nomination of the new Attorney-General "was received with universal satisfaction. All this little accords with the dark and forbidding descriptions of President Arthur which were placed before the public here on his .icvession to office. It is surely time that English writers became alive to the danger of accepting without question the distorted views which they find ready to their hands in the most bigoted or most malicious of American journals. "Democrats and Republicans, then, alike profess to be in favor of a thorough reform m the Civil Service, and at the present Kiomcnt there is no other very prominent question which could be used as a test for the admission of members into either party. The old issue, which no one could possibly mistake, is gone. How much the public really care for the new one, it would be a difficult point to decide. A Civil Ser- vice system, such as that which we have in England, would scarcely be suited to the " poor man," who, as the New York paper says, thinks he has a right occasionally to ' get a nibble at the public crib.' If a man has worked hard to bring his party into power, he is apt, in the United States, to think that he is entitled to some * recogni- tion,' and neither he nor his friends would be well pleased if they were told that, be- fore anything could be done for him, it would be necessary to examine him in modern languages and mathematics. More- over, a service such as that which exists in England requires to be worked with a sys- tem of pensions; and pensions, it is held in America, are opposed to the Republican idea.* If it were not for this objection, it may be presumed that some provision would have been made for more than one of the ex-Presidents, whose circumstances placed them or their families much in need of it. President Monroe spent his bust years in wretched circuinstances, and died bankru])t. ]\Irs. Madison 'knew what it was to want bread.* A negro ser- vant, who had once been a slave in the family, used furtively to give her 'small Bums ' — they must have bi-en very small — out of his own pocket. Mr. Pierce was, we believe, not far removed from in- ♦Enormoiifl mims ore, however, givon to soldieni who wcro wouiiili'J <liiring tho wiir, or who jirutoml lliat thi'y vcro— fori iMii'iy on an iinfiPaid of nrnlc is jiriictiHrd in Connection wirli iIipmo pi'nHiimH. It Is nHtiin:>trii Hint tiai,! (Jo,(KK) (2i ixio.diKi;.) wiil huvo to bo jmid dnrim; lliu jiro.ifnt flM< ill yi'ur, for iirriMrn of |ioiiHiuii, and tlo' nuni- Ii-r of claiin:itit8 ie conilaiitly Inrri'asinc, [ThowritiT evidonflv got these " facts " "from BcuitutiuDul soiuceB] digence ; and it has been stated that after Andrew Johnson left the White House, he was reduced to the necessity of follow- ing his old trade. General Grant was much more fortunate; and we have re- cently seen that the American people have subscribed for ]\Irs. Garfield a sum nearly equal to £70,000. But a pension system for Civil Servants is not likely to be adopted. Permanence in office is another principle which has found no favor with the rank and file of either party in America, although it has sometimes been introduced into party platforms for the sake of producing a good effect. The plan of ' quick rotation ' is far more at- tractive to the popular sense. Divide the spoils, and divide them often. It is true that the public indignation is sometimes aroused, when too eager and rapacious a spirit is exhibited. Such a feeling was dis- played in 1873, in consequence of an Act passed by Congress increasing the pay of its own members and certain officers of the Government. Each member of Congress was to receive $7,500 a year, or £1,500. The sum paid before that date, down to 1865, was $5000 a year, or £1000, and * mileage ' free added — that is to say, members were entitled to be paid twenty cents a mile for traveling expenses to and from Washington. This Bill soon became known as the 'Salary Grab' Act, and popular feeling against it was so great that it was repealed in the following Session, and the former pay was restored. As a general rule, however, the ' spoils ' system has not been heartily condemned by the nation ; if it had been so condemned, it must have fallen long ago. " President Arthur has been admonished by his English counsellors to take heed that he follows closely in the steps of his I)redecessor. General Garfield was not long enough in oflSce to give any decided indications of the policy Avhich he intend- ed to pursue ; but, so far as he had gone, imjjartial observers could detect very little diflerence between his course of conduct in regard to patronage and that of former Presidents. Pie simply preferred the friends of Mr. Blaine to the friends of Mr. Conkling; but Mr. Blaine is a politician of precisely the same class as Mr. Conkling — both are men intimately versed in all the intricacies of ' primaries,' the ' caucus,' and the general working of the 'machine.' They arc precisely the kind of men which American politics, as at present practised and understood, are adapted to produce. ]\Ir. Conkling, however, is of more impe- rious a disposition than ]\Ir. Blaine ; the first disappointment or contradiction turns him from a friend into an enemy. Presi- dent Garfield removed the Collector of New York — the most lucrative and most coveted post in the entire Union — and in- BOOK I.j CURRENT POLITICS. 301 stead of nominating a friend of Mr. Conk- ling's for the vacancy, he nominated a friend of Mr. Blaine's. Now Mr. Conk- ling had done much to secure New York State for the Ilepuljlican.s, and thus gave them the vict(;ry ; and he thought himself entitled to better treatauiut than he re- ceived. But was it in the spirit of true re- form to remove the Collector, against whom no complaint had been made, merely for the purpose of creating a vacancy, and then of putting a friend of Mr. Blaine's into it — a friend, moreover, who had been largely instrumental in securing Cleneral Garfield's own nonunation at Chicago? * Is tills all that is meant, when the Reform party talk of the great changes which they aesire t(j see carried out? Again, the new President has been fairly warned by his advisers in this country, that he must abolish every abuse, new or old, connected with the distribution of patronage. If he is to execute this commission, not one term of ofli','0, nor three terms, will be sufficient for him. Over every appointment there will inevitably arise a dispute ; if a totally untried man is chosen, he will be suspected a.s a wolf coming in sheep's clothing; if a well known partizan is nominated, he will be deaouneed as a mere tool of the leaders, and tluTC will be another outcry against 'machine politics.' ' One party or other,' said an American journal not long ago, 'must begin the work of administering the Government on business principles,' and the writer admitted that the work would ' cost salt tears to many a politician.' The honor of making this beginning has not yet been sought for with remarkable eagerness by either party ; but seems to be deemed necessary to promise that some- thing shall be done, and the Democrats, being out of power, are naturally in the position to bid the highest. The reform will come, as we have intimated, when the people demand it ; it cannot come before, ibr few, indeed, are the politicians in the United States who venture to trust them- selves far in advance of public opinion. And evi'U of that few, there are some who have fouud out, by hard experience, that there is little honor or profit to be gained by undertaking to act as pioneers. " It is doubtless a step in advance, that both parties now admit the absolute ne- cessity of devising measures to elevate the character of the public service, to check the progress of corruption, and to intro- duce a better class of men into the offices which are held under the Government. The necessity of great reforms in these re- spects has been avowed over and over again by most of the leading journals and influential men in the country. The most * Tho iindonidble facts of the ca.se were ns wo have brietly indicated above. See, for oxamplo, a letter to the '2(6w York ><utiou,' ^'ov. \i, ISSl. radical of the Republicans, and the most conservative of the Democrats, are of one mind on this point. Mr. Wendell Phil- lips, an old abolitionist and Radical, once publicly declared that Republican gm'ern- meiit in cities had been a coiii])lete fail- ure.* An equally good Radical, the late Mr. Horace Greeley, made the folhjwing still more candid statement: — 'There are l)robably at no time less than twenty tlKnisand men in this city [New York] who would readily commit a safe murder for a hundred dollars, break ojjcn a house for twenty, and take a false oath for five. Most of these are of European birth, though we have also native miscreants who are ready for any crime that will pay.' f Strong testimony against the working of the suffrage — and it must liave been most unwilling testimony — was given in 1875 by a politician whose long familiarity v,'ith caucuses and 'wire-pulling' in every form renders him an undeniable authority. Let it be widely proclaimed,' he wrote, 'that the exjjerience and teachings of a republican form of government prove nothing so alarmingly suggestive of and pregnant with danger as that cheap suf- frage involves and entails cheap represen- tation.' X Another Republican, of high character, has stated that ' the methods of politics have now become so repulsive, the corruption so open, the intrigues and per- sonal hostilities are so shameless, that it is very difficult to engage in them without a sense of humiliation.' " ^ Passing to another question, and one worthy of the most intelligent discussion, but which has never yet taken the shape of a political demand or issue in this country, this English writer says : " Although corruption has been suspect- ed at one time or other in almost every Department of the Government, the Pres- idential office has hitherto been kept free from its stain. And yet, by an anomaly of the Constitution, the President has some- times been exposed to suspicion, and «till more frequently to injustice and misrepie- sentation, in consequence of the practical irresponsibility of his Cabinet otlicers. They are his chief advisers in regard to the distribution of places, as well as in the higher affiiirs of State, and the discredit of any mismanagement on their part falls upon him. It is true that he chooses them, and may dismiss them, with the concur- rence of the Senate; but, when once ap- pointed, they are beyond reach of all eflec- tive criticism — for newspaper attacks are easily explained by the suggestion of party malice. They cannot be questioned ia • Speech In New York, March 7. 1881. + ' New York Tribune,' Feb. -.'.i. 1870. f Letter in New York iwpers, Feb. •2i), 1^7.";. 3 Mr. George William Curtis, ia ' Uurper"8 MagazilM,' 1870. 302 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book Congress, for they are absolutely pro- hibited from sitting in either House. For months together it is quite possible for the Cabinet to pursue a course which is in direct opposition to the wishes of the people. This was seen, among other oc- casions, in 1873-4, when Mr. Richardson was Secretary of the Treasury, and at a time when his management of the finances caused great dissatisfaction. At last a par- ticularly gross case of negligence, to use no harsher word, known as the ' Sanborn contracts,' caused his retirement ; that is to say, the demand for his withdrawal be- came so persistent and so general, that the President could no longer refuse to listen to it. His objectionable policy might have been pursued till the end of the Presiden- tial term, but for the accidental discovery of a scandal, which exhausted the patience of his friends as well as his enemies. Now had ]Mr. Richardson been a member of either House, and liable to be subjected to a rigorous cross-questioning as to his pro- ceedings, the mismanagement of which he was accused, and which was carried on in the dark, never could have occurred. Why the founders, of the Constitution should have thrown this protection round the per- sons who happen to fill the chief offices of State, is difficult to conjecture, but the clause is clear : — ' No person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his con- tinuance in office.'* Mr. Justice Story de- clares that this provision 'has been vindi- cated upon the highest grounds of public authority,' but he also admits that, as ap- plied to the heads of departments, it leads to mary evils. He adds a warning which many events of our own time have shown to h^ not unnecessary : — ' if corruption ever cats its way silently into the vitals of this Republic, it will be because the peo- ple are unable to bring responsibility home to the Executive through his chosen Min- isters. They will be betrayed when their suspicions are most lulled by the Execu- tive, under the guise of an obedience to the will of Congress.'! The inconveniences occasioned" to the public service under the present system areven.' great. There is no official personage in either House to ex- plain the provisions of any Bill, or to give information on pressing matters of public busine'w. Cabinet officers are only brought into communication with tlie nation when they send in their annual reports, or when a special report is called for by some un- usual emergency. Sometimes the Presi- dent himself goes down to the Capitol to talk over the merits of a Bill with mem- bcr3. The Department whirh hajtpens to be interested in any particular measure • Article I. spct. vl. 2 t ' C'omnicntarieB, 'I., book ill. sect. 860; puts it under the charge of some friend of the Administration, and if a member par- ticularly desires any further information respecting it he may, if he thinks proper, go to the Department and ask for it. But Congress and JMinisters are never brought face to face. It is possible that American ' Secretaries ' may escape some of the in- convenience which English Ministers are at times called upon to undergo;. but the most capable and honest of them forfeit many advantages, not the least of which is the opportunity of making the exact na- ture of their work known to their country- men, and of meeting party misrepresenta- tions and calumnies in the most eflectual way. In like manner, the incapable mem- bers of the Cabinet would not be able, under a different system, to shift the bur- den of responsibility for their blunders up- on the President. No President suffered more in rejiutation for the faults of others than General Grant. It is true that he did not always choose his Secretaries with suf- ficient care or discrimination, but he was made to bear more than a just proportion of the censure which was provoked by their mistakes. And it was not in Gen- eral Grant's disposition to defend himself. In ordinary intercourse he was sparing of his word's, and could never be induced to talk about himself, or to make a single speech in defense of any portion of his conduct. The consequence was, that his second term of office was far from being worthy of the man who enjoyed a popu- larity, just after the war, which Washing- ton himself might have envied, and who is still, and very justly, regarded with re- spect and gratitude for his memorable ser- vices in the field. " The same sentiment, to which we have referred as specially characteristic of the American people — hostility to all changes in their method of government which are not absolutely essential — will keep the Cabinet surrounded by irresponsible, and sometimes incapAble, advisers. Contrary to general supposition, there is no nation in the world so little disposed to look favor- ably on Radicalism and a restless desire for change, as the Americans. The Constitu- tion itself can only be altered by a long and tedious process, and after every State in the Union has been asked its opinion on the question. There is no hesitation in enforcing the law in case of disorder, as the railroad rioters in Pennsylvania found out a few years ago. The state of affiiirs, which the English Government has per- mitted to exist in Ireland for upwards of a year, would not have been tolerated twenty- fonr hours in the United States, The maintenance of the law first, the discussion of grievances afterwards; such is, and al- ways has been, the policy of every Ameri- can Government, until the evil day of BOOK I.j CURRENT POLITICS. 303 James Buchanan. The governor of every State is a real ruler, and not a mere orna- ment, and\!ic Pre-ident wields a hundred- fold iii:)re i)o\ver than has been left to the Sovereit^n of Great Britain. Both parties as a rule, combine to uphold his authority, and, in the event of any dispute with a foi'eign Power, all party distinctions disap- pear as if by magic. There are no longer Demo Tats an<l Republicans, but only Americans. The species of politician, who endeavors to gain a reputation for himself by destroying the reputation of his country was not taken over to America in the ' May- flower,' and it would be more diflicult than ever to establish it on American ground to-day. A man may hold any ojnnions that m.ay strike his fiincy on other subjects, but in reference to the Government, he is expected, while he lives under it, to give it liis hearty support, especially as against foreign nations. There was once a faction called the ' Know Nothings,' the guiding princi;)le of which was inveterate hostility to forei,ii;ners ; but a party based upon the opposit.' principle, of hostility to one's own country, has not yet ventured to lift up its head .across the Atlantic. That is an in- vention in politics which England has introduced, and of which she is allowed to enjoy the undisputed monopoly. * * * " Display and ceremonial were by no means absent from the Government in the beginning of its history. President Wash- ington never went to Congress on public business except in a State coach, drawn by six cream-colored horses. The coach was an object which would excite the admira- tion of the throng even now in the streets of London. It was built in the shape of a hemisphere, and its panels were adorned with cupids, surrounded with flowers worthy of Florida, and of fruit not to be equalled out of California. The coachman and postillions were arrayed in gorgeous liveries of white and scarlet. The Phila- delphia 'Gazette,' a Government organ, regularly gave a supply of Court news for the edification of the citizens. From that the people were allowed to learn as much as it was deemed proper for them to know about the President's movements, and a fair amount of space was also "devoted to Mrs. Washington — who was not referred to as Mrs. Washington, but as ' the amiable con- sort of our beloved President. ' When the President made his appearance at a ball or public reception, a dais was erected for him upon which he might stand apart from the vulgar throng, and the guests or visitors bowed to him in solemn silence. ' Repub- lican simplicity' has only come in later times. In our day, the hack-driver who takes a visitor to a public reception at the White House, is quite free to get oif his box, walk in side by side ^\ith his fare, and shake hands with the President with as ' much familiarity as anybody else. Very I few persons presumed to offer to shake ' hands with General Washington. One of : his friends, Gouverneur Morris, rashly undertook, for a foolish wager, to go up to him and slap him on the shoulder, saying, I ' My dear General, I am happy to see you look so well.' The moment fixed upon arrived, and Mr. Morris, already half- ! repenting of his wager, went up to the President, placed his hand upon his shoul- der, and uttered the prescribed words. j ' Washington,' as an eye-witness described the scene, ' withdrew his hand, stepped suddenly back, fixed his eye on Morris for several minutes with an angry frown, until I the latter retreated abashed, and sought refuge in the crowd.' No one else ever tried a similar experiment. It is recorded of Washington, that he wished the oflicial title of the'President to be ' High Mighti- ness,' * and at one time it was proposed to engrave his portrait upon the national coinage. No royal levees were more punc- tiliously arranged and ordered than those of the First President. It was Jefferson, the founder of the Democratic party, who introduced Democratic manners into the Republic. He refused to hold weekly re- ceptions, and when he went to Congress to read his Address, he rode up unattended, tied his horse to a post, and came away with the same disregard for outward show. After his inauguration, he did not even take the trouble to go to Congress with his ! Message, but sent it by the hands of his j Secretary — a custom which has been found so convenient that it has been followed ever since. A clerk now mumbles through ; the President's Message, while members sit at their desks writing letters, or reading the Message itself, if they do not ha]ipen to have made themselves masters of its contents beforehand." The writer, after discussing monopolies and tariffs, closes with hopes and predic- tions so moderately and sensibly stated that any one will be safe in adopting them as his own. "The controversies which have yet to be fought out on these issues [the tariff and corporate power] may sometimes become formidable, but we may hope that the really dangerous questions that once con- fronted the American people are set at rest for ever. The States once more stand in their proper relation to the Union, and any interference with their self-government is never again likely to be attempted, for the feeling of the whole people would condemn it. It was a highly Conservative system which the framers of the Constitution adopted, when they decided that each State should be entitled' to make its own laws, ♦[These arc mere traditions tinpcd with the spirit of somo of the Ofisaults made in the " pmui old days" even against so illustrious a man as Washington. — Am. Pol.] 304 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. to regulate its own franchise, to raise its own taxes, and settle everything in connec- tion with its own affidrs in its own way. The general government has no right whatever to send a single soldier into any State, even to preserve order, until it has been called upon to act by the Governor of that State. The Federal Government, as it has been said by the Supreme Court, is one of enu- merated powers ; ' and if it has ever acted in excess of those powers, it was only when officers in States broke the compact which existed, and took up arms for its destruc- tion. They abandoned their jilace in the Union, and were held to have thereby for- feited their rights as States. In ordinary times there is ample security against the abuse of power in any direction. If a State government exceeds its authority, the people can at the next election expel the parties who have been guilty of the offense ; if Congress trespasses upon the functions of the States, there is the remedy of an ap- peal to the Supreme Court, the * final in- terpreter of the Constitution ; ' if usurpa- tion should be attempted in spite of these safeguards, there is the final remedy of an appeal to the whole nation under the form of a Constitutional Amendment, which may at any time be adopted with the con- sent of three-fourths of the States. Only, therefore, as Mr. Justice Story has pointed out, when three-fourths of the States have combined to practice usurpation, is the case ' irremediable under any known forms of the Constitution.' It Avould be difficult to conceive of any circumstances under which such a combination as this could arise. No form of government ever yet devised has proved to be faultless in its operation ; but that of the United States is well adajjted to the genius and character of the people, and the very dangers which it has passed through render it more precious in their eyes than it was before it had been tried in the fire. It assures freedom to all who live under it ; and it provides for the rigid ob- servance of law, and the due protection of every man in his rights. There is much in the events which are now taking place around us to suggest serious doubts, whether these great and indispensable ad- vantages are afforded by some of the older European systems of government which we have been accustomed to look upon as better and wiser than the American Con- stitution." A final word as to a remaining great is- sue — that of the tariff. It must ever be a political issue, one which jjarties cannot wholly avoid. The Democratic party as a mass, yet leans to Free Trade ; the Repub- lican party, as a mass, favors Tariff's and high ones, at least plainly protective. Within a year, two great National Conven- tions were held, one at Chicago and one at New York, both in former times. Free Trade centres, and in these Congress was petitioned either to maintain oi improve the existing tariff. As a result we see presented and advocated at the current session the Tariff Commission Bill, decisive action upon which has not been taken at the time we close these pages. The effect of the conventions was to cause the Demo- cratic Congressional caucus to reject the effort of Proctor Knott, to place it in its old attitude of hostility to protection. Many of the members sought and for the time secured an avoidance of the issue. Their ability to maintain this attitude in the face of Mr. Watterson's* declaration that the Democratic party must stand or fall on that issue, remains to be seen. * Mr. Watterson, formerly a distinguiBhod member of Congress, is tlio autlior of the " (ariiT for roveiiuo only " plunk in the Democratic National Platform of 1880, and is now, as he has hoen for years, the chief editor of the Louisville Courier Journal. AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK II. POLITICAX, PLATFOEMS. 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK II. POLITICAL PLATFORMS. THE FIEST POLITICAL PLATFORM ENUNCIATED IN THE UNITED STATES TO COMMAND GENERAL ATTENTION WAS DRAWN BY MR. MADISON IN 1798, WHOSE OBJECT WAS TO PRONOUNCE THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS UNCONSTITU- TIONAL, AND TO DEFINE THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES. Virginia Resolutions of 1798. Prouoiinciiig llie Alifii and S'liilicii Laws to be tincnnstUur tUmal, and Dejiniiuj the rijhU of the Stales. — Drawn by Mr. Madison. In the Virginia Howe af Delegate a, Fnday, Dec. 21, 1798. Fe.iolved, That the General Assembly of Virginia doth unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the constitution of this state, against every aggression either foreign or domestic ; and that they wi.l support the government of the Unite*.' States in all measures war- ranted by tlie former. That this Assembly most solemnly de- clares a warm attaclimeiit to the Union of the states, to maintain which it pledges its powers ; and, that for this end, it is their duty to watch over and oppose every in- fraction of those principles which consti- tute the only basis of that Union, because a faithful observance of them can alone secure its existence and the public happi- ness. That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as re- sulting from the compact to which the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument con- stituting that compact, as no farther valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dan- gerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose, for arresting tiie progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authori- ties, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has, in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced con.structions of the con- stitutional charter which defines them ; and, that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases (which, having been copied from the very limited grant of powers in the former Ar- ticles of Confederation, were the less liable to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains, and limits the general phra.ses, and so as to consolidate the states by degrees into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable result of wliich would be, to transform the present republican .system of the United States into an absolute, or at best, a mixed monarchy. That the General Assembly doth par- ticularly protest against the i)alpable and alarming infractions of the Constitution, in the two late cases of the "Alien and Sedition Acts," pas.-^ed at the last .session of Congress; the first of which exercises a power nowhere delegated to the federal government, and which, by uniting legis- lative and judicial powers to those of executive, subverts the general principles of free government, as well as the particu- lar organization and positive provisions of the Federal Constitution ; and the other AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. of which acts exercises, in like manner, a power not delegated by the Constitution, but on the contrary, expressly and posi- tively forbidden by one of the amendments thereto; a power which, more than any other, ought to produce universal alarm, because it is levelled against the right of freely examining public characters and measures, and of free communication among the people thereon, which has ever been justly deemed the only ell'ectual guardian of every other right. That this state having by its Conven- tion, which ratified the Federal Constitu- tion, expressly declared, that among other essential rights, " the liberty of conscience and the press cannot be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified by any authority of the United States," and from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every possible attack of sophistry and ambition, having with other states recommended an amendment for that purpose, which amend- ment was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution, it would mark a reproachful inconsistency, and criminal degeneracy, if an indifference were now shown to the most palpable violation of one of the rights, thus declared and secured ; and to the establishment of a precedent which may be fatal to the other. That the good people of this common- wealth, having ever felt, and continuing to feel the most sincere affection for their brethren of the other states ; the truest anxiety for establishing and perpetuating the Union of all : and the most scrupulous fidelity to that Constitution, which is the pledge of mutual friendship, and the in- strument of mutual ha])piness; the General Assembly dtjth solemnly appeal to the like dispositions in the other States, in confi- dence that they will concur with this com- monwealth, in declaring, as it docs hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid are uncon- stitutional ; and, that the necessary and proper measures will be taken by each for co-oj)erating with this state, in maintain- ing unimpaired the authorities, rights, and liberties, resei'ved to the states, respectively, or to the people. That the governor he desired to transmit a copy of tlie foregoing resolutions to the executive authority of each of the other states, witli a request that the same may ])e communicated to the legislature thereof; and that a Cftpy be furnishe(l to each of tlie Senators and iiopresentatives representing this state in the Congress of tlie United Estates. Attest, John Stewart. 1798. December 24th. Agreed to by the Senate. H. Brooke. A true copy from the original de]K)sited in the office of the CJcniTal Assembly. John SxEWAiiT, Keeper of Rolls. Extracts from the Address to the People, which accompanied the foregoing resolu- tions : — Fellow - Citizens : Unwilling to shrink from our representative responsibility, conscious of the purity of our motives, but acknowledging your right to supervise our conduct, we invite your serious attenticm to the emergency which dictated the sub- joined resolutions. Whilst we disdain to alarm you by ill-founded jealousies, we recommend an investigation, guided by the coolness of wisdom, and a decision bot- tomed, on firmness but tempered with moderation. It would be perfidious in those intrusted with the guarclianship of the state sover- eignty, and acting under the solemn obliga- tion of the following oath : " I do swear, that I will support the Constitution of the United States," not to warn you of encroach- ments, which, though clothed with the pretext of necessity, or disguised by argu- ments of expediency, may yet establish precedents, which may ultimately devote a generous and unsuspicious people to all the consequences of usurped power. Encroachments, springing from a govern- ment whose organization cannot be main- tained without the co-operation of the states, furnish the strongest incitements upon the state legislatures to watchfulness, and impose upon them the strongest obliga- tion to preserve unimpaired the line of partition. The acquiescence of the states under in- fractions of the federal compact, would either beget a speedy consolidation, by precipitating the state governments into impotency and contempt ; or prepare the way for a revolution, by a repetition of these infractions, until the people are aroused to a])pear in the majesty of their strength. It is to avoid these calamities, that we exhibit to the people the momen- tous question, whether the Constitution of the United States shall yield to a construc- tion which defies every restraint and over- whelms the best hopes of republicanism. Exhortations to disregard domestic usur- pations until foreign danger shall have passed, is an artifice which may be for ever used ; because the possessors of power, who are the advocates for its extension, can ever create national embarrassments, to be successively employed to soothe the peo}>le into sleep, whilst that j)Ower is swelling silently, s(>cret ly, and fatally. Of the same character are insinuations of a foreign in- fluence, which seize upon a laudable en- thusiasm against danger from a broad, and distort it by an unnatural application, so as to blind your eyes against danger at home. The sedition act presents a scene which was never expected by the early I'riends of the Constitution, li was then admitted BOOK II.J POLITICAL PLATFORMS, that the state sovereignties were only di- minished by i)owers specifically enumer- ated, or necessary to carry the specified powers into effect. Now lederal authority IS deduced from implication, and from the existence of state law it is inferred that Congress possesses a similar power of legis- lation ; whence Congress will be endowed with a power of legislation in all ca-ses whatsoever, and the states will be stript of every right re-ervcd by the concurrent claims of a parainouiit legislature. The sedition act is the ollspring of these tremendous pretensions, which inflict a death wound on the sovereignty of these states. For the honor of American understand- ing, we will not believe that the people have been allured into the adoption of the Constitution by an affectation of defining powers, whilst the pream})le would admit a construction whi.di would erect the will of Congress into a power paramount in all cases, and therefore limited in none. On the contrary, it is evident that the objects for which the Constitution was formed were deemed attaiiial>le only by a particu- lar enumeration and s])ecitication of each power granted to the federal government ; reserving all others to the ])eople, or to the states. And yet it is in vain we search for any specified power, embracing the right of legislation against the freedom of the })ress. Had the states been despoiled of their sovereignty by the generality of the preamble, and had the federal government been endowed with whatever they should judge to be instrumental towards union, justice, tranquillitv, common defence, gen- eral welfare, and the preservation of liberty nothing could have been more frivolous than an enumeration of powers. All the preceding arguments rising from a deficiency of constitutional power in Con- gress, apply to the alien act, and this act is liable to other objections peculiar to itself. If a suspicion that aliens are dangerous constitute the justification of that power exercised over them by Congress, then a similar suspicion will justify the exercise of a similar power over natives. Because there is nothing in the Constitution dis- tinguishing between the power of a state to jiermit the residence of natives and aliens. It is therefore a right originally possessed, and never surrendered by the respective states, and which is rendered dear and valuable to Virginia, because it is assailed through the bosom of the Constitution, and because her peculiar sitiuition renders the easy admission of artisans and labor- ers an interest of vast importance. But this bill contains other features, still more alarming and dangerous. It dispen- ses with the trial by jury : it violates the judicial system ; it confounds legislative, , executive, and judicial powers ; it punishes without trial ; and it bestows upon the President despotic power over a numerous class of men. Are such measures consistent with our constitutional principles? And will an accumulation of j)ower so extensive in the hands of the executive, over aliens, secure to natives the blessings of republi- can liberty ? If measures can mould governments, and if an uncontrolled power of construc- tion is surrendered to tliose who administer them, tlu'ir ])rogress may be easily foreseen and their end easily foretold. A lover of monarchy, who opens the treasures of cor- ru[)tion, by distributing emolument among devoted partisans, may at the same time be approaching his object, and deluding the jteoi)le with professions of republicanism. He may confound monarchy and republic- anism, by the art of definition. He may varnish over the dexterity which ambition never fails to display, with the pliancy of language, the seduction of expediency, or the i^rejudices of the times. And he may come at length to avow that so extensive a territory as that of the United States can only be governed by the energies of mon- archy ; that it cannot be defended, except ])y standing armies ; and that it cannot be united, except by consolidation. Measures have already been adopted which may lead to these consequences. They consist: In fiscal systems and arrangements, which keep a host of commercial and wealthy individuals, embodied and obedient to the mandates of the treasury. In armies and navies, which will, on the one hand, enlist the tendency of man to ])ay homage to his fellow-creature who can feed or honor him ; and on the other, em- ploy the principle of fear, by punishing imaginary insurrections, under the pretext of preventive justice. In swarms of officers, civil and militarj', who can inculcate political tenets tending to consolidation and monarchy, both by indulgences and severities ; and can act aa spies over the free exercise of human reason. In restraining the freedom of the press, and investing the executive with legisla- tive, executive, and judicial powers, over a numerous body of men. And, that we may shorten the catalogue, in establishing by successive precedents such a mode of construing the Constitution as will rapidly remove every restraint upon federal poAver. Let history be consulted ; let the man of experience reflect ; nay, let the artificers of monarchy be asked what farther mate- rials they can need for building up their favorite system ? These arc solemn, but painful truths; and yet we recommend it to you not to for- get the possibility of danger from without^ AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. although danger threatens us from within. Usurpation is indeed dreadful, but against foreign invasion, if that should happen, let us rise with hearts and hands united, and repel the attack with the zeal of freemen, Avho will strengthen their title to examine and correct domestic measures by having defended their country against foreign ag- gression. Pledged as we are, fellow-citizens, to these sacred engagements, we yet humbly and fervently implore the Almighty Dis- poser of events to avert from our land war and usurpation, the scourges of mankind ; to permit our fields to be cultivated in peace ; to instill into nations the love of friendly intercourse ; to sutler our youth to be educated in virtue ; and to preserve our morality from the pollution invariably in- cident to habits of war ; to prevent the laborer and husbandman from being har- assed by taxes and imposts ; to remove from ambition the means of disturbing the commonwealth; to annihilate all pretexts for power atibrded by war; to maintain the Constitution ; and to bless our nation with tranquillity, under whose benign, in- fluence we may reach the summit of hap- piness and glory, to which we are destined by Nature and Nature's God. Attest, John Steavart, C. H. D. 1799, Jan. 23. Agreed to by the Senate. H. Brooke, C. S. A true copy from the original, deposited in the office of the General Assembly. John Stewart, Keeper of Eolls. Anavrers of tlie several State Leglslatares. State of Delaware. — In the House of Representatives, Feb. 1, 1799. Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representa- tives of the state of Delaware, in General Assembly met, that they consider the reso- lutions from tlie state of Virginia as a very unjustifiable interference with the general government and constituted authorities of the United States, and of dangerous tend- ency, and therefore not fit subject for the further consideration of the General As- sembly. Isaac Davis, Speaker of the Senate. Stephen Lewis, Speaker of the H. of R'b. Test— John Fisher, C. S. John Caldwell, C. H. R. State of Rhode Island and Prov- idence Plantations. — In General As- sembly, February, A. D. 1799. Certain resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, pjvssed on 21 st of December la.st, being communicated to this A.sot;nibiy, 1. Resolved, That in the opinion of this legislature, the second section of third ar- ticle of the Constitution of the United States in these words, to wit : The judi- cial power shall extend to all cases arising under the laws of the United States, vests in the federal courts, exclusively, and in the Supreme Court of the United States ultimately, the authority of deciding on the constitutionality of any act or law of the Congress of the United States. 2. Resolved, That for any state legisla- ture to assume that authority, would be, 1st. Blending together legislative and judicial powers. 2d. Hazarding an interruption of the peace of the states by civil discord, in case of a diversity of opinions among the state legislatures ; each state having, in that case, no resort for vindicating its own opinions, but to the strength of its own arm. 3d. Submitting most important ques- tions of law to less competent tribunals ; and 4th. An infraction of the Constitution of the United States, expressed in plain terms. 3. Resolved, That although for the above reasons, this legislature, in their public capacity, do not feel themselves authorized to consider and decide on the constitu- tionality of the sedition and alien laws (so called) ; yet they are called upon by the exigency of this occasion, to declare, that in their private opinions, these laws are within the powers delegated to Congress, and promotive of the welfare of the Uni- ted States. 4. Resolved, That the governor commu- nicate these resolutions to the supreme ex- ecutive of the state of Virginia, and at the same time express to him that this legisla- ture cannot contemplate, without extreme concern and regret, the many evil and fatal consequences which may flow from the very unwarrantable resolutions afore- said, of the legislature of Virginia, passed on the twenty -first day of December last. A true copy. Samuel Eddy, Sec. COMMONAVEALTH OF MASSACHFSETTS. —In Senate, Feb. 9, 1799. The legisla- ture of Massachusetts having taken into serious consideration the resolutions of the State of Virginia, jiassed the 21st day of December last, and communicated by his excellency the governor, relative to certain supposed infractions of the Con- stitution of the United Slates, by the gov- criinuMit thereof, and licing convinced that till' Federal Constitution is calculated to promote the happiness, prosperity, and safety of the peojilc of these United States, and to maintain that union of the several states, so essential to the welfare of the whole ; and being bound by solemn oath BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. to support and defend that Constitution, feel it unnecessary to make any professions of their attachment to it, or of their firm determination to suj)p()rt it against every aggression, foreign or domestic. But they deem it their duty solemnly to declare, that while they hold sacred the principle, that consent of the people is the only pure source of just and legitimate power, they cannot admit the right of the state legislatures to denounce the adminis- tration of that government to which the people themselves, by a s(demn compact, have exclusively committed their national concerns : That, although a liberal and enlightened vigilance among the people is always to be cherished, yet an unreasona- ble jealousy of the men of their choree, and a recurrence to measures of extremity, upon groundless or trivial pretexts, have a strong tendency to destroy all rational lib- erty at home, and to dejjrive the United States of the most essential advantages in their relations abroad : That this legisla- ture are persuaded that the decision of all cases in law and equity, arising under the Constitution of the United States, and the construction of all laws made in pursu- ance thereof, are exclusively vested by the people in the judicial courts of the United States. That the people in that solemn compact, which is declared to be the supreme law of the land, have not constituted the state legislatures the judges of the acts or mea- sures of the federal government, but have confided to them the power of proposing such amendments of the Constitution, as shall appear to them necessary to the in- terests, or conformable to the wishes of the people whom they represent. That by this construction of the Con- stitution, an amicable and dispassionate remedy is pointed out for any evil which experience may prove to exist, and the peace and prosperity of the United States may be preserved without interruption. But, should the respectable state of Vir- ginia persist in the assumption of the right to declare the acts of the national government unconstitutional, and should she oppose successfully her force and will to those of the nation, the Constitution would be reduced to a mere cipher, to the form and pageantry of authority, without the energy of power. Every act of the federal government which thwarted the views or checked the ambitious i)rojects of a particular state, or of its leading and in- fluential members, would be the object of opposition and of remonstrance ; while the people, convulsed and confused by the conflict between two hostile jurisdictions, enjoying the protection of neither, wouUl be wearied into a submission to some bold leader, who would establish himself on the ruins of both. The legislature of Massachusetts, al- though they do not themselves claim the right, nor admit the authority of any of the state governments, to decide upon the constitutionality of the acts of the federal government, still, lest their silence should be construed into disapprobation, or at best into a doubt of the constitutionality of the acts referred to by the State of Vir- ginia ; and, as the General Assembly of Virginia has called for an expression of their sentiments, do explicitly declare, that they consider the acts of Congress, com- monly called "the alien and sedition acts," not only constitutional, but expedient and necessary: That the former act respects a description of persons whose rights were not particularly contemi)lated in the Con- stitution of the United States, who are en- titled only to a temporary protection, while they yield a temporary allegiance ; a protection which ought to be withdrawn whenever they become " dangerous to the public safety," or are found guilty of " treasonable machination " against the government : That Congress having been especially intrusted by the people with the general defence of the nation, had not only the right, but were bound to protect it against internal as well as external foes. That the United States, at the time of pass- ing the act concerning aliens, were threat- ened with actual invasion, had been driv- en by the unjust and ambitious conduct of the French government into warlike pre- parations, expensive and burthensome, and had then, within the bosom of the coun- try, thousands of aliens, who, we doubt not, were ready to co-operate in any ex- ternal attack. It cannot be seriously believed, that the United States should have waited till the poignard had in fact been plunged. The removal of aliens is the usual preliminary of hostility, and is justified by the invari- able usages of nations. Actual hostility had unhappily long been experienced, audi a formal declaration of it the government had reason daily to expect. The law,, therefore, was just and salutary, and nO' officer could, with so much propriety, be- intrusted with the execution of it, as the- one in whom the Constitution has reposedi the executive power of the United States.. The sedition act, so called, is, in the- opinion of this legislature, equally defen- sible. The General Assembly of Virginia, in their resolve under consideration, ob- serve, that when that state by its convent- tion ratified the Federal Constitution, it expressly declared, " That, among other- essential rights, the liberty of conscience- and of the press cannot be cancelled,, abridged, restraineil, or modified by any authority of the United States." and from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every possible attack of sophistrj' or 8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. ambition, with other states, recommend an amendment for that purpose : Avhich amendment was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution ; but they did not surely expect that the proceedings of their state convention were to explain the amend- ment adopted by the Union. The words of that amendment, on this subject, are, " Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press." The act complained of is no abridgment of the freedom of either. The genuine liberty of speech and the press, is the lib- erty to utter and publish the truth ; but the constitutional right of the citizen to utter and publish the truth, is not to be confounded with the licentiousness in speaking and writing, that is only em- ployed in propagating falsehood and slan- der. This freedom of the press has been explicitly secured by most, if not all, the state constitutions ; and of this provision there has been generally but one construc- tion among enlightened men ; that it is a security for the rational use and not the abuse of the press ; of which the courts of law, the juries, and people will judge; this right is not infringed, but confirmed and established by the late act of Congress. By the Constitution, the legislative, ex- ecutive, and judicial departments of gov- ernment are ordained and established ; and general enumerated powers vested in them respectively, including those which are prohibited to the several states. Cer- tain powers are granted in general terms by the people to their general government, for the purposes of their safety and protec- tion. The government is not only em- powered, but it is made their duty to re- pel invasions and suppress insurrections ; to guaranty to the several states a rei^ub- lican form of government ; to protect each state against invasion, and, when applied to, against domestic violence ; to hear and decide all cases in law and equity, arising under the Constitution, and under any treaty or law made in pursuance thereof; and all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, and relating to the law of na- tions. Whenever, therefore, it becomes necessary to efl'ect any of the objects de- signated, it is perfectly consonant to all just rules of construction, to infer, that the usual means and powers necessary to the attainment of that object, are also granted : But the Constitution has left no occiision t<^) resort to implication for these powers; it has made an express grant of tluin, in the Hh section of the first article, which ordains, "That Congress shall have jxiwer to make all laws which shall be neccssjiry and j)roper for carrj'ing into execution tiic foregc)ing powers, and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the govern- ment of the United States or in any de- partment or ollicer thereof." This Constitution has established a Su- preme Court of the United States, but has made no provisions for its protection, even against such improper conduct in its pres- ence, as might disturb its proceedings, un- less expressed in the section before recited. But as no statute has been passed on this subject, this protection is, and has been for nine years past, uniformly found in the application of the principles and usages of the common law. The same protection may unquestionably be afibrded by a stat- ute passed in virtue of the before-men- tioned section, as necessary and proper, for carrj'ing into execution the powers vested in that department. A construction of the diflerent parts of the Constitution, per- fectly just and fair, will, on analogous principles, extend protection and security against the offences in question, to the other departments of government, in dis- charge of their respective trusts. The President of the United States is bound by his oath " to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution," and it is ex- pressly made his duty, " to take care that the laws be faithfully executed ; " but this would be impracticable by any created being, if there could be no legal restraint of those scandalous misrepresentations of his measures and motives, which directly tend to rob him of the public confidence. And equally impotent would be every other public officer, if thus left to the mercy of the seditious. It is holden to be a tn;th most clear, that the important trusts before enumerated cannot be discharged by the government to which they are committed, without the power to restrain seditious practices and unlawful combinations against itself, and to protect the officers thereof from abusive misrepresentations. Had the Constitution withheld this power, it would have made the government responsible for the effects without any control over the causes which naturally produce them, and would have essentially failed of answering the great ends for which the people of the United States declare, in the first clause of that in- strument, that they establish the same, viz : " To form a more perfect union, es- tablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general warfare, and secure the bless- ings of liberty to ourselves and posterity." Seditious practices and unlawful combi- nations against the federal government, or any oflicer thereof, in the perlbrmance of iiis duty, :us well as licentiousness of speech and of the press, were punishable on the princijjles of common law in the courts of the United States, before the act in ques- tion was passed. This act then is an ame- lioration of that law in favor of the party accused, as it mitigates the punishment which that authorizes, and admita of any HOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. investigation of public men and measures which is reguhited by truth. It is not in- tended to j)rotect men in office, only as they are agents of tlie people. Its object is to alford legal security to public offices and trusts created for the safety and hap- piness of the people, and therefore the se- curity derivetl from it is for the benefit of the people, and is their right. The construction of the Constitution and of the existing law of the hmd, as well as the act complained of, the legislature of Slassachusetts most deliberately and firmly believe results from a just and full view of the several parts of the Constitution : and they consider that act to be wise and ne- cessary, as an audacious and unprincipled spirit of falsehood and abuse had been too long unremittingly exerted for the pur- pose of perverting public opinion, and threatened to undermine and destroy the whole fabric of government. The legislature further declare, that in the foregoing sentiments they have ex- pressed the general opinion of their consti- tuents, who have not only acquiesced without complaint in those particular measures of the federal government, but have given their explicit approbation by re-electing those men who voted for the adoption of them. Nor is it apprehended, that the citizens of this state will be ac- cused of supineness or of an indifference to their constitutional rights ; for while, on the one hand, they regard with due vi- gilance the conduct of the government, on the other, their freedom, safety and happi- ness require, that they should defend that government and its constitutional mea- sures against the open or insidious attacks of any foe, whether foreign or domestic. And, lastly, that the legislature of Mas- sacnusetts feel a strong conviction, that the several United States are connected by a common interest which ought to ren- der their union indissoluble, and that this state will always co-operate with its con- federate states in rendering that union pro- ductive of mutual security, freedom, and happiness. Sent down for concurrence. Samuel Philips, President. In the House of Representatives, Feb. 13, 179<). Read and concurred. Edward II. Robbins, Speaker. A true copy. Attest, John Avery, Secretary. State of New York. — In Senate, I\Iarch 5, 1799. — Whereas, the people of the United States have established for themselves a free and independent national government: And whereas it is essential tv> the existence of every government, that it have authority to defend and preserve its constitutional powers inviolate, inas- much as every infringement thereof tends to its subversion: And wherea-s the judi- cial power extends expressly to all csi-ses of law and equity arising under tlie Con.sti- tution and the laws of the United States whereby the interference of the legislatures of the particular states in those cases is manifestly excluded : And whereas our peace, prosperity, and happiness, eminent- ly depend on the preservation of the Union, in order to which, a reasonable confidence in the constituted authorities and chosen representatives of the people is indispen- sable : And whereas every measure calcu- lated to weaken that confidence has a ten- dency to destroy the usefulness of our pub- lic functionaries, and to excite jealousies equally hostile to rational liberty, and the l^rinciples of a good republican govern- ment : And whereas the Senate, not per- ceiving that the rights of the particular states have been violated, nor any uncon- stitutional powers assumed by the general government, cannot forbear to express the anxiety and regret with which they observe the inflammatory and pernicious senti- ments and doctrines which are contained in the resolutions of the legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky — sentiments and doctrines, no less repugnant to the Consti- tution of the United States, and the prin- ciples of their union, than destructive to the Federal government and unjust to those whom the people have elected to ad- minister it: wherefore, Resolved, That while the Senate feel themselves con- strained to bear unequivocal testimony against such sentiments and doctrines, they deem it a duty no less indispensable, explicitly to declare their incompetency, as a branch of the legislature of this state, to su- pervise the acts of the general government. Resolved, That his Excellency, the Governor, be, and he is hereby requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolu- tion to the executives of the states of Vir- ginia and Kentucky, to the end that the same may be communicated to the legisla- tures thereof. A true copy. Abm. B. Baucker, Clerk. State of Connecticut. — At a General Assembly of the state of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in the said state, on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domi- ni 1799, his excellency the governor hav- ing communicated to this assembly sundry resolutions of the legislature of Virginia, adopted in December, 1798, which relate to the measures of the general government; and the said resolutions having been con- sidered, it is Resolved, That this Assembly views with deep regret, and explicitly di.><avows, the principles coutiiined in the aforesaid rcso- 10 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book II. lutions; and particularly the opposition to the "Alien and Sedition Acts" — acts which the Constitution authorized ; which the exigency of the country rendered ne- cessary ; which the constituted authorities have enacted, and which merit the entire approbation of this Assembly. They, therefore, decidedly refuse to concur with the legislature of 'Virginia, in promoting any of the objects attempted in the afore- said resolutions. And it is further resolved. That his ex- cellency the governor be requested to trans- mit a copy of the foregoing resolution to the governor of Virginia, that it may be communicated to the legislature of that state. Passed in the House of Eepresentatives unanimously. At;tcst, John C. Smith, Clerk. Concurred, unanimously, in the upper House. Teste, Sam. Wyllys, Sec'y. State of New Hampshire.— In the House of Representatives, June 14, 1799. —The committee to take into considera- tion the resolutions of the General Assem- bly of Virginia, dated December 21, 1798 ; also certain resolutions of the legislature of Kentucky, of the 10th of November, 1798 ; report as follows: — The legislature of New Hampshire, hav- ing taken into consideration certain reso- lutions of the General Assembly of Vir- ginia, dated December 21, 1798 ; also cer- tain resolutions of the legislature of Ken- tucky, of the 10th of November, 1798,— Resolved, That the legislature of New Hampshire unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the Con- stitution of the United States, and the con- stitution of this state, against every aggres- sion, either foreign or domestic, and that they will support the government of the United States in all measures warranted by the former. 'That the state legislatures are not the proper tribunals to determine the consti- tutionality of the laws of the general gov- ernment fthat the duty of such decision is properly and exclusively confided to the judicial dcpartinent. That if the legislature of New Hamp- shire, for mere speculative mirposes, wc>re to express an opinion on tlie acts of the general government, cf)nimonlv called "the Alien and Sediticm Bills," that opinion would unreservedly j)e, that those acts are constitutional and, in the uresent (Titical situation of our ri.imtry, highly ex- pedient. That the constitutionality and cxpedi- encv of the acts aforesiud have been very ably advocated and clearly demonstrateil by Hianv citizens of the Uniteil States, more ettpecially by the minority of the General Assembly of Virginia. The legislature of New Hampshire, therefore, deem it unne- cessary, by any train of arguments, to at- tempt'further illustration of the proposi- tions, the truth of which, it is confidently believed, at this day, is very generally seen and acknowledged. Which report, being read and considered, was unanimously received and accepted, one hundred and thirty-seven membera being present. Sent up for concurrence. John Prentice, Speaker. In Senate, same day, read and concurred in unanimously. Amos Shepard, President. Approved June 15, 1799. J. T. Gilman, Governor. A true copy. Attest, Joseph Pearson, Sec'y. State of Vermont. — In the House of Representatives, October 30, A. D. 1799.-— The House proceeded to take under their consideration the resolutions of the Gene- ral Assembly of Virginia, relative to cer- tain measures of the general government, transmitted to the legislature of this state for their consideration ; whereupon. Resolved, that the General Assembly of the state of Vermont do highly disapprove of the resolutions of the General Assembly of the state of Virginia, as being unconsti- tutional in their nature and dangerous in their tendency. It belongs not to state legislatures to decide on the constitution- ality of the laws made by the general gov- ernment; this power being exclusively vested in judiciary courts of the Union. That his excellency the governor be re- quested to transmit a copy of this resolu- tion to the executive of Virginia, to be communicated to the General Assembly of that state; and that the same be sent to the Governor and Council for their con- currence. Samuel C. Crafts, Clerk. In Council, October 30, 1799.— Read and concurred in unanimously. Richard Whitney, Sec'y. Resolutions of 1798 and 1799. (Tho original druuKlit prepared by Thomas JciTorson.) The following resolutions passed the House of Rejiresentatives of Kentucky, Nov. 10, 1798. On the passage of the first resolution, one dissentient; 2d, 3d, 4th, r)th, Gth, 7th, 8th, two dissentients; 9th, three dissentients. 1. Ecsolvcd, That the several states com- ])osing the United States of America, are not nnitcil on the princii)le of unlimited submission to their general government; BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 11 but that by compact under the style and title (jf a Constitution for the United States, and of aniendnients thereto, they consti- tuted a general government lor special pur- poses, delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each state to it- self, the residuary nuiss of right to their own self-government: and, that whenso- ever the general government assumes un- delegated powers, its acts are unauthorita- tive, void, and of no force ; that to this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an integral party ; that this govern- ment, created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure ol' its powers ; but, that as in all other cases of compact among parties having no com- mon judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress. 2. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States having delegated to Con- gress a power to punish treason, counter- feiting the securities and current coin of the United States, piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the laws of nations, and no other crimes whatever ; and it being true, as a general principle, and one of the amend- ments to the Constitution having also de- clared, " that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people," therefore also the same act of Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and entitled "An act in addition to the act entitled An act for the punishment of cer- tain crimes against the United States ;" as also the act passed by them on the 27th day of June, 1798, entitled " Xn act to punish frauds committed on the Bank of the United States," (and all other their acts which assume to create, define, or punish crimes other than those enumerated in the Constitution), are altogether void and of no force, and that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and of right appertains solely and exclusively to the respective states, each within its own territory. 3. Resolved, That it is true, as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the Constitution, that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor pro- hibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people ;" and that no power over the freedom of re- ligion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, all lawful powers respect- ing the same did of right remain, aud were reserved to the states or to the people ; that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may be abridged without les- sening their useful freedom, and hov/ far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated rather than the use be destroyed ; and thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States, of the freedom of religious principles and exercises, and retained to themselves the rightof protecting the same, as this, stated by a law passed on the gen- eral demand of its citizens, had already protected them from all human restraint or interference : and that, in addition to this general principle and express declaration, another and more special provision has been made by one of the amendments to the Constitution, which expressly declares, that " Congress shall make no laws respect- ing an establishment of religion, or pro- hibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press," thereby guarding in the same sen- tence, and under the same words, the free- dom of religion, of speech, and of the press, insomuch that whatever violates either, throws down the sanctuary which covers the others ; and that libels, false- hood, and defamation, equally with heresy and false religion, are withheld from the cognisance of federal tribunals. That there- fore the act of the Congress of the United States, passed on the 14th of July, 1798, entitled " An act in addition to the act en- titled An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," which does abridge the freedom of the press, is not law, but is altogether void and of no force. 4. Resolved, That alien friends are under the jurisdiction and jirotection of the laws of the state wherein they are : that no power over them has been delegated to the United States, nor prohibited to the indi- vidual states distinct from their power over citizens ; and it being true, as a general princijile, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that " the powers not delegated to the I'nited States by the Constitution, nor prohibited to the states, are reserved to the states re- spectively, or to the people," the act of the Congress of the United States, passed the 22d day of June, 1798, entitled " An act concerning aliens," which assumes power over alien friends not delegated by the Con- stitution, is not law, but is altogether void and of no force. 5. Resolved, That in addition to the gen- eral princi]>le as well as the express de- claration, tliat powers not delegated are re- served, another and more special provision inferred in the Constitution, from abund- ant caution has declared, " that the migra- 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. tion or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think pi'oper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808." That this commonwealth does admit the migra- tion of alien friends described as the sub- ject of the said act concerning aliens ; that a provision against prohibiting their migra- tion, is a provision against all acts equiva- lent thereto, or it would be nugatory ; that to remove them when migrated is equiva- lent to a prohibition of their migration, and is, therefore, contrary to the said pro- vision of the Constitution, and void. 6. Resolved, That the imprisonment of a person under the protection of the laws of this commonwealth on his failure to obey the simple order of the President to depart out of the United States, as is under- taken by the said act, entitled, " An act concerning aliens," is contrary to the Con- stitution, one amendment in which has provided, that " no person shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law," and, that another having provided, " that in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a public trial by an impartial jury, to be informed as to the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have assist- ance of counsel for his defence," the same act undertaking to authorize the President to renu)ye a person out of the United States who is under the protection of the law, on his own suspicion, without jury, without public trial, witlumt confrontation of the witnesses against him, without having wit- nesses in his favor, without defence, with- out counsel, is contrary to these provisions also of the Constitution, is therefore not law, but utterly void and of no force. That transferring the power of judging any person who is under the protection of the laws, from the courts to the President of tlie United States, as is undertaken by the same act concerning aliens, is against the article of the Constitution which pro- vides, that " the judicial power of the United States shall be vestea in the courts, the judges of which shall hold their office during good behavior," and that the said act is void for that reason also ; and it is further to be noted that this transfer of judiciary power is to that magistrate of the general government who already possesses all tlie executive, and a qualified negative in all the legislative powers. 7. Ii'esolrrd, That the construction ap- plied by the gcru-ral government fas is evident l)y sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to Congress power U} lay and collect tuxes, duties, im- posts, excises; to pay the debts, and pro- vide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or any department thereof, goes to the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution : That words meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of the limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part so to be taken as to destroy the whole residue of the in- strument : That the proceedings of the general government under color of those articles, will be a fit and necessary subject for revisal and correction at a time of greater tranquillity, while those specified in the preceding resolutions call for imme- diate redress. 8. Resolved, That the preceding resolu- tions be transmitted to the Senators and Kepresentatives in Congress from this com- monwealth, who are enjoined to present the same to their respective Houses, and to use their best endeavors to procure at the next session of Congress a repeal of the aforesaid unconstitutional and obnox- ious acts. 9. Resolved lastli/, That the governor of this commonwealth be, and is hereby au- thorized and requested to communicate the preceding resolutions to the legislatures of the several states, to assure them that this commonwealth considers union for special national pui']>oses, and particularly for those specified in their late federal com- pact, to be friendly to the peace, happiness, and prosperity of all the states — that, faith- ful to that compact, according to the plain intent and meaning in which it was under- stood and acceded to by the several parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation ; that it does also believe, that to take from the states all the powers of self-govern- ment, and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without regard to the s])ecial delegations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not for tlie jieace, happiness, or prosjierity of these states ; and that, therefore, this com- monwealth is determined, as it doubts not its co-states are, to submit to undelegated and consecpicntly unlimited powers in no man, or body of men on earth : that if the acts before siiecified should stand, these conclusions would flow from them ; that the general government may place any act tlicy tliink ))r()peron the list of crimes and punish it themselves, whether enumerated or not enumerated by the Constitution a.s cognisable by them ; that they may trans- fer its cognisance to the President or any other jierson, who may himself be the ac- cuser, counsel, judge, and jury, whose sus- picions may he tlie evidence, his order the sentence, his officer the executioner, and BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 13 his breast the sole record of the transac- tion ; that a very numerous and valuable description of the inhabitants of these states, being by this precedent reduced as outlaws to the absolute dominion of one man and the barriers of the Constitution thus swei)t from us all, no ramj)art now re- mains against the passions and the power of a majority of Congress, to j>rotect from a like exportation or other grievous pun- ishment the minority of the same body, the legislatures, judges, governors, and counsellors of the states, nor their other j)eaceal)le inhabitants who may venture to reclaim the constitutional rights and liber- ties of the states and people, or who, for other causes, good or bad, may be obnox- ious to the view or marked by the suspi- cions of the President, or to be thought dan- gerous to his or their elections or other interests, public or personal ; that the friendless alien has been selected as the safest subject of a first experiment ; but the citizen will soon follow, or rather has already followed ; for, already has a sedi- tion act marked him as a prey : that these and successive acts of the same character, unless arrested on the threshold, may tend to drive these states into revolution and blood, and will furnish new calumnies against republican governments, and new pretexts for those who wish it to be be- lieved, that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron ; that it would be a dan- gerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights ; that confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism ; free government is found in jealousy and not in confidence ; it is jealousy and not con- fidence which prescribes limited constitu- tions to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power; that our Con- stitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no farther, our confidence may go ; and let the honest advocate of confidence read the alien and sedition acts, and say if the Constitution has not been wise in fixing limits to the government it created, and whether we should be wise in destroying those limits ? Let him say what the government is, if it be not a tyranny, which the men of our choice have conferred on the President, and the President of our choice has assented to and accepted over the friendly strangers, to whom the mild spirit of our country and its laws had jnedged hospitality and protection ; that the men of our choice have more respected the bare suspicions of the President than the solid rights of innocence, the elaimsof justification, the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance of law and justice. In questions of power, then, let no more be said of confidence in man, but l)ind him down from mischief by the chains of tlu- Constitution. That this Commonwealth does therefore call on its co-states for an expression of tjieir sentiments on the acts concerning aliens, and for the punishment of certain crimes hereinbefore specified, plainly declaring whether these acts are or are not authorized by the federal compact. And it doubts not that their .sense will be so announced as to prove their attachment to limited government, whether general or particular, and that the rights and liberties of their co-states will be expensed to no dangers by remaining embarked on a com- mon bottom with their own : but they will concur with this commonwealth in consid- ering the said acts as so palpably against the Constitution as to amount to an undis- guised declaration, that the compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the general government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these states of all powers whatsoever. That they will view this as seizing the rights of the states and consolidating them in the hands of the general government, wini a power assumed to bind the states (not merely in cases made federal) but in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent ; that this would be to surrender the form of govern- ment we have chosen, and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from our authority ; and that the co- states recurring to their natural rights in cases not made federal, will concur in de- claring these void and of no force, and will each unite with this Commonwealth in re- questing their repeal at the next session of Congress. Edmund Bullock, S. H. R. John Campbell, S. P. T. Passed the House of Representatives, Nov. 10, 1798. Attest, Thos. Todd, C. H. R. In Senate, Nov. 13, 1798. — Unanimously concurred in. Attest, B. Thurston, C. S. Approved, Nov. 19, 1798. Jas. Garrard, Gov. of Ky. By the Governor, Harry Toulmin, Sec. of State. House of Representatives, Thursday, "I Nov. 14, 1799. j The House, according to the standing order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, on the state of the commonwealth. Me. Desha in the chair; and after some time spent therein, the speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Desha reported that the committee had taken under consideration sundry resolu- tions passed by several state legislatures, on the subject of the alien and sedition laws, and had come to a resolulion tliore- upon, which he delivered in at the clerk's 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ii. table, where it was read and unanimously agreed to by the House, as follows : — The representatives of the good people of this commonwealth, in General Assem- bly convened, having maturely considered the answers of sundry states in the Union, to their resolutions passed the last session, respecting certain unconstitutional laws of Congress, commonly called the alien and sedition laws, would be faithless, indeed, to themselves and to those they represent, were they silently to acquiesce in the prin- ciples and doctrines attempted to be main- tained in all those answers, that of Vir- ginia only excepted. To again enter the field of argument, and attempt more fully or forcibly to expose the unconstitutional- ity of those obnoxious laws, would, it is apprehended, be as unnecessary as unavail- ing. We cannot, however, but lament that, in the discussion of those interesting subjects by sundry of the legislatures of our sister states, unfounded suggestions and uncandid insinuations, derogatory to the true character and principles of this commonwealth, have been substituted in place of fair reasoning and sound argu- ment. Our opinions of these alarming measures of the general government, to- gether with our reasons for those opinions, were detailed with decency and Avith tem- per, and submitted to the discussion and judgment of our fellow-citizens throughout the Union. Whether the like decency and temper have been observed in the an- swers ol most of those states who have denied or attempted to obviate the great truths contained in those resolutions, we have now only to submit to a candid world. Faithful to the true principles of the Fed- eral Union, unconscious of any designs to disturb the harmony of that Union, and anxious only to escape the fangs of despot- ism, the good people of this common- wealth are regardless of censure or calum- niation. Lest, however, the silence of this commonwealth shcnUd be construed into an acquiescence in the doctrines and principles advanced and attempted to be maintained by the said answers, or lest those of our fellow-citizens throughout the Union who so widely differ from us on those imi)ortant subjects, should be deluded by the expectation, that we shall be de- terred from wliat we conceive our duty, or shrink from the principles contained in tliose resolutions — therefore, Rcsulvrd^ That this commonwealth con- siders the Federal Union, upon the terms and for the jiurposes si)('cifie<l in the late compact, as conducive to the liberty and hai)pinesH of the several states: That it does now unequivocally declare its attach- ment to the Union, and to that compact, agreeably to its obvious and real intention, and will be among the last to seek its dis- Bolution : That if those who administer the general government be permitted to transgress the limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard to the special delega- tions of power therein contained, an anni- hilation of the state governments, and the creation upon their ruins of a general con- solidated government, will be the inevita- ble consequence : That the principle and construction contended for by sundry of the state legislatures, that the general gov- ernment is the exclusive judge of the ex- tent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotism — since the dis- cretion of those who administer the gov- ernment, and not the Constitution, would be the measure of their powers : That the several states who formed that instrument being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of the in- fraction ; and that a nullification by those sovereignties of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the right- ful remedy : That this commonwealth does, under the most deliberate reconsid- eration, declare that the said alien and sedition laws are, in their opinion, palpa- ble violations of the said Constitution ; and, however cheerfully it may be disposed to surrender its opinion to a majority of its sister states, in matters of ordinary or doubtful policy, yet, in momentous regula- tions like the present, which so vitally wound the best rights of the citizen, it would consider a silent acquiescence as highly criminal : That although this com- monwealth, as a party to the federal com- pact, will bow to the laws of the Union, yet it does, at the same time, declare that it will not now, or ever hereafter, cease to oppose in a constitutional manner every attempt, at what quarter soever offered, to violate that compact. And, finally, in or- der that no pretext or arguments may be drawn from a supposed acquiescence on the part of this commonwealth in the con- stitutionality of those laws, and be thereby used as precedents for similar future viola- tions of the federal comjiact^ — this com- monwealth does now enter against them its solemn protest. Extract, &c. Attest, T. Todd, C. II. R. In Senate, Nov. 22, 1799— Read and con- curred in. Attest, B. Thurston, C. S. "Washlnfftora'sKarcAVcll Address to tlie Peo- pU- oftlic United States, Sept. 17, 1706. Accepted as a Plul/orm /cr Ihr J'l'ople of the Katiou, reyard- U'ss of party. Friends and Fellow-citizens: — The period for a new election of a citi- zen to administer the executive govern- ment of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in desig- nating the ))erson who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me pro- BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 15 per, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be as- sured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- try ; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no dimi- nution of zeal for your future interests; no deficiency of grateful respect of your past kindness; but am supported by a full con- viction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suf- frages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I con- stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in niy power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, pre- vious to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our aflairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous 'advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer ren- ders the pursuit of inclination incompati- ble with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first un- dertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, ex[)erience, in my own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes of others — has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and every day the in- creasing weight of years admonishes me, more and more, that the al)ode of retire- ment is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were tem]M)rary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the politi- cal scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has sui)i)orted me; and for the oppf)rtunitie;i I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness un- equal to my zeal. If benefits have re- sulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direc- tion, were liable to mislead ; amidst ap- pearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging ; in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of suc- cess has countenanced the spirit of criti- cism, — the constancy of your sui)port was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly jienetrated by this new idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to un- ceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the, choicest tokens of its benefi- cence ; that union and brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free Constitu- tion, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its ad- ministration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that in fine, the happiness of the peo])le of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a })reser- vation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom- mending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehcTi- sion of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable ob- servation, and which appear to me all-im- portant to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warning of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bi;is his counsel ; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book n. every ligament of your hearts, no recom- mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which consti- tutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence — the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, froln different causes and from differ- ent quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively, (though often covertly and insidiously)" directed, — it is of infinite mo- ment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accus- toming yourself to think and speak of it as of the jjalladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preserva- tion with jealous anxiety; discountenan- cing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link to- gether the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that coun- try has a right to concentrate your affec- tions. The name of American, which be- longs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patri- otism, more than appellations derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and j)olitical principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dan- gers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are generally outweighed by those which ap- itly more inimediaU-ly to your interest; here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained inter- course with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common gr)vernmcnt, finds, in the productions of the latter, great ad- ditional resources of maritime and com- mercial onter]irise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expanded. Turn- ing partly into its own channels the sea- men of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and while it con- tributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protec- tion of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of in- terior communication, by land and by water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which each brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies re- quisite to its growth or comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoy- ment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interests as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically pre- carious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular in- terest in union, all the parts combined can- not fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent inter- ruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exejiiption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government ; which their own rivalship alone would be sufficient to produce, but which o])])Osit6 foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to re- publican liberty ; in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of one ought to endear to you the pre- servation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a j)rimary object of patriotic de- sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? l^ct experience solve it. To listen to mero speculation, in such a case, were criminal. BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 17 We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the wliole, with the aux- iliary agency of governments f(ir the re- ypective subdivisions, will allord a luippy issue to the experiment. It is well worth u fair and lull experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all j)arts of our country, while ex- perience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be rea- son to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing Sarties by geograpliical discriminations — [orthern and Southern — Atlantic and Western : whence designing men nuiy en- deavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire in- fluence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of oth- er districts. You cannot sliield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- burnings which spring from these misrep- re-^entations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by i)atcrnal affection. The inhabi- tants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event through- out the United States, decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interest in regard to the Mississippi — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wis- dom to rely ibr the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union a government of the whole is indis- pensable. No alliance, however strict be- tween the parties, can be an adequate sub- stitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of govern- ment, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the effica- cious management of your common con- cerns. This government, the offspring of 21 our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed — adoj)ted upon full investigation and ma- ture deliberation, completely free in its princij)les, in the distribution of its powers — uniting security with energy, and con- taining within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your con- fidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, ac- quiescence in its measures, are duties en- joined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the i)eople to make and to alter their Constitutions of government; but the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole })eople, is sacred- ly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and right of the peo})le to estab- lish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstruction to the execution of laws, all combinations and associations under whatever j)lausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary ibrce, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro- jects of fashion, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mu- tual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunn'ng, am- bitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the ])eople, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying, afterwards, the very engiiies which had lifted them to un- just dominion. Towards the preservation of your gov- ernment, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular op})Ositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of .is- sault may be to effect, in the forms of tlie Constitution, alterations which will im;>air the energy of the system, ami thus to un- dermine what cannot be directly over- tlirown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that lime and 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ex- poses to perpetual change, from the end- less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a govern- ment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispen- sable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distri- buted, and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the entei'prise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits de- scribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state with particu- lar reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under diflerent shapes in all govern- ments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissensions, which, in diflerent ages and countries, has perpetrated tlio most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and re- pose in the absolute power of an indi- vidual ; and sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own ele- vation on the ruins of public lijjert)'. Without looking forward to an ex- tremity of this kind (whicli, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of i)arty are sufficient to make it the interest and (hity of a wise people to dis- courage and restrain it. It serves alwavs t^) distract the puVilic councils, and enfeeble tlie public adminis- tration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another ; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one coun- try are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the ad- ministration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant dan- ger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should in- spire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves with- in their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to con- solidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- ness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different deposito- ries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experi- ments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To jireserve them must be as neces- sary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be cor- rected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. I5ut let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instru- ment of gf)0(l, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. Tlie precedent must alwavs greatly over- balance, in jiermanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 19 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supi^rts. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these nrmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and j)ub- lic felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experi- ence both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of re- ligious principles. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that pub- lic opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar- ingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remem- bering also that timely disbursement to j)repare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which un- avoidable wars may have occasioned ; not ungenerously tiirowing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practi- cally bear in mind, that toward the payments of debts there must be revenues ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is ahvavs a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive moment for a can- did construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measure for obtain- ing revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with all ; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good jtolicy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, t<j give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a na- tion with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, in- veterate antipathies against particular na- tions, and passionate attachment for others, should be excluded : and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its ani- mosity or to its affection ; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre- quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject ; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation sub- servient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, some- times perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a variety of evils. Symp.'ithy for the favorite na- tion, facilitating the illusion of an im- aginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infus- ing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the lattor, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. {book II. nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting wich what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties Irom whom equal privileges are witliheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- luded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facilitj' to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without odium ; sometimes even with popu- larity ; gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commend- able deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corrup- tion, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in in- numerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlight- ened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free peo- ple ought to be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful I'oes of republican government.- But that jealousy, to be useliil, must be impar- tial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for ope foreign nation, and excessive dis- like for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on llie other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the lavorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the ap- plause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in re- gard to foreign nations, is, in extend inijj our commercial rchitions, to have witli them as little political connexion as possi- ble. So far as we have already formed engagements, let tlictn be fulfilled with perfect good faith. There lot us stop. Kurope hii-s a set of j)riinary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vici.ssitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation in- vites and enables us to pursue a ditterent course. If we remain one people under an eflicient government, the period is not far otf when we may defy material injurj' from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why tbrego the advantages of so pecu- liar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by in- terweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambi- tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private afiairs, that honesty is al- ways the best policy. I repeat it, there- fore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com- mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor grant- ing exclusive favors or preferences ; con- sulting the natural cause of things ; difliis- ing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, by forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de- fine the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to sui)i)ort them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that j)resent circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as exi)orionce and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for dis- interested favors from another; that it must j)ay, with a portion of its independ- ence, for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such accejjtance it may ])lace itself in the condition of hav- ing given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingrati- tude for not giving more. There can be BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 21 no greater error than to expect, or calcu- late upon, real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In oflering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from run- ning the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of sonu^ partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of i)arty spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- trigues, to guard against the impostures of ])retended patriotism ; this hope will be a ftill recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the princi- ples which have been delineated, the pub- lic records, and other evidences of my con- duct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con- science is, that I have at least believed my- self to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 23d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned Ijy your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, un- influenced by any attempts to deter or di- vert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and inter- est to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with mod- eration, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understand- ing of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and hu- manity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio- late the relations of peace and unity to- wards other nations. The inducements of interests, for observ- ing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, Avithout interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, hunumly speaking, the command of its own for- tunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it pro- l)able that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my coun- try will never come to view them with in- dulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with j)leasing ex- pectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government — the ever favorite object of my heart — and happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. George Washington. United States, 17th of Sept., 1796. 1800.— No Federal Platform. Republican Platform, Philadelphia. Adopted in Congressional Cauctis. 1. An inviolable preservation of the Federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who, therefore, became its enemies. 2. Opposition to monarchizing its foA- tures by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first, to a president and senate for life; and, secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those oiRces, and thus to worm out the elective principle. 3. Preservation to the states of the pow- ers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legi.-^lature of the L^nion its constitu- tional share in division of powers ; and re- sistance, therefore, to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the states 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. to the general government, and all of those of that government to the executive branch. 4. A rigorously frugal administration of the government, and the application of all Clintonlau Platform. New York, Auymt 17. 1. Opposition to nominations of chief magistrates by congressional caucuses, as the possible savings of the public revenue | ^'ell because such practices are the exer- to the liquidation of the public debt; and ; cise of undelegated authority, as of their resistance, therefore, to all measures look- , repugnance to the freedom of elections, ino- to a multiplication of officers and sala- j 2- Opposition to all customs and usages ries, merely to create partisans and to aug- ' in both the executive and legislative de- ment the public debt, on the principle of i partments which have for their object the its being a public blessing. 5. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the militia, till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may be suf- ficient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations ; and opposition, there- fore, to the policy of a standing army in time of peace which may overawe the pub- lic sentiment, and to a navy, which, by its own expenses, and the wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with pub- lic burdens and sink us under them. 6. Free commerce with all nations, po- litical connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment. 7. Opposition to linking ourselves, by new treaties, with the quarrels of Europe, entering their fields of slaughter to pre- serve their balance, or joining in the con- federacy of kings to war against the princi- ples of liberty. 8. Freedom of religion, and opposition to all maneuvers to bring about a legal as- cendency of one sect over another. 9. Freedom of speech and of the press ; and opposition, therefore, to all violations of the constitution, to silence, by force, and not by reason, the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their public agents. 10. Liberal naturalization laws, under which the well disposed of all nations who may desire to embark their fortunes with us and share with us the public burdens, may have that oppportunitv, under mode- rate restrictions, for the development of honest intention, and severe ones to guard against the usurpation of our flag. 11 Encouragement of science and the arts in all their branches, to the end that the American j)eo])le may perfect their in- dependence of all foreign monopolies, in- stitutions and influences. 1801— 1811.— No Platforma. (No Convention or Caticut held.) 1813.— No Rvpubllcan Platform. No' Federal Platform. maintenance of an official regency to pre- scribe tenets of political faith, the line of conduct to be deemed fidelity or recreancy to republican principles, and to perpetuate in themselves or families the offices of the Federal government. 3. Opposition to all effijrts on the part of particular states to monopolize the princi- pal offices of the government, as well be- cause of their certainty to destroy the har- mony which ought to prevail amongst all the constituent parts of the Union, as of their leanings toward a form of oligarchy entirely at variance with the theory of re- publican government ; and, consequently, particular opposition to continuing a citi- zen of Virginia in the executive office an- other term, unless she can show that she enjoys a corresponding monopoly of talents and patriotism, after she has been honored with the presidency for twenty out of twenty-four years of our constitutional ex- istence, and when it is obvious that the practice has arrayed the agricultural against the commercial interests of the country. 4. Opposition to continuing public men for long periods in offices of delicate trust and weighty responsibility as the reward of public services, to the detriment of all or any particular interest in, or section of, the country ; and, consequently, to the continuance of Mr. Madison in an office which, in view of our pending difficulties with Great Britain, requires an incumbent of greater decision, energy and efliciency. 5. Opposition to tlie lingering inadequa- cy of preparation for the war with Great Britain, now about to ensue, and to tlie measure which aUows uninterrupted trade with Spain and Portugal, which, as it can not be carried on under our flag, gives to Great Britain the means of supplying her armies with ])rovisions, of which they would otherwise be destitute, and thus af- fording aid and comfort to our enemy. 0. Averment of the existing necessity for placing the country in a condition for aggressive action for the conquest of the Bri- tish American Provinces and for the defence of our coasts and e.\'i)(>s('d frontiers: and of the j)ropriety of sucli a levy of taxes as will raise tlie necessary funds for the emergency, 7. Advocacy of the election of De Witt Glinton as the surest method of relievinjj the country from all the evils existing ana BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 23 prospective, for the reason that his great talents and inflexible patriotism guaranty a linn and unyielding maintenance of our national sovereignty, and the protection of those commercial interests which were flagging under the weakness and imbecility of the administration. 1815.— Resolutions passtcl 1>y the Hartford Couveiitlou, Jaiiitary 4. Resolved, That it be and is hereby re- commended to the legislatures of the seve- ral states represented in this convention, to adopt all such measures as may be neces- sary eflectually to protect the citizens of said states from the operation and effects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of the United States, which shall contain provisions subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or impressments not authorized by the constitution of the United States. liesoli'^ed, That it be and is hereby re- commended to the said legislatures, to au- thorize an immediate and an earnest ap- plication to be made to the government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement whereby the said states may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon themselves the defense of their territory against the ene- my, and a reasonable portion of the taxes collected within said states may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the balance due said states and to the future defense of the same. The amount so paid into said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements made as aforesaid to be charged to the United States. Resolved, That it be and hereby is re- commended to the legislatures of the afore- said states, to pass laws where it has not already been done, authorizing the gov- ernors or commanders-in-chief of their mi- litia to make detachments from the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient and conformable to their constitutions, and to cause the same to be well armed, equipped, and held in readi- ness for service, and upon request of the governor of either of the other states, to employ the whole of such detachment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the state, or such part thereof as may be re- quired, and can be spared consistently with the safety of the state, in assisting the state making such request to repel any invasion thereof which shall be made or attempted by the public enemy. Resolved, That the following amendments of the constitution of the United States be recommcuded to the states represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the .state legislatures, and in such cases as may be deemed expedient by a convention chosen by the people of each state. And it is further recommended that the said states shall persevere in their ef- forts to obtain such amendments, until the same shall be effected. First, liepresentatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within thus Union, according to their respective num- bers of free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, and all other persons; Second. No new .state shall be admitted into the Union by Congress, in virtue of the power granted in the constitution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses ; Third. Congress shall not have power to lay an embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days ; Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof; Fifth. Congress shall not make nor de- clare war, nor authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such acts of hostility be in defense of the territories of the United States when actually invaded ; Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized shall be eligible as a member of the Senate or House of Representatives of the United States, or capable of holding any civil office under the authority of the United States ; Seventh. The same person shall not be elected President of the United States a second time, nor shall the President bo elected from the same state two terms in succession. Resolved, That if the application of these states to the government of the United States, recommended in a foregoing resolu- tion, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defense of these states should be neglected, as it ha.s been since the commencement of the war, it will, in the opinion of this convention, be expedient for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates to an- other convention, to meet at Boston, in the state of Massachusetts, on the third Mon- day of June next, with such powers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. Resolved, That the Honorable George Cabot, the Honorable Chauncey Goodrich, the Honorable Daniel Lyman, or any two of them, be authorized to call another 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. meeting of this convention, to be holden in Boston at any time before new delegates shall be chosen as recommended in the above resolution, if in their judgment the situation of the country shall urgently re- quire it. From 1813-1SS9.— No Platforms Ity either political party, except tUat at Hartford try Federalists, glveu above. 1S30.— Anti-masonic resolution, Philadeljihia, Heptentber. Resolved, That it is recommended to the people of the United States, opposed to secret societies, to meet in convention on Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, at the city of Baltimore, by delegates equal in number to their representatives in both Houses of Congress, to make nominations of suitable candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, to be sup- ported at the next election, and for the transaction of such other business as the cause of Anti-Masonry may require. 1832.— National Democratic Platform, adopted at a ratification Meeting at Washington City, May 11. Resolved, That an adequate protection to American industry is indispensable to the prosperity of the country ; and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would 1)C attended with consequences ruin- ous to the best interests of the nation. Resolved, That a uniform system of in- ternal improvements, sustained and sup- f)orted by the general government, is calcu- ated to secure, in the highest degree, the harmony, the strength and permanency of the republic. Resolved, That the indiscriminate remo- val of public officers for a mere difference of political opinion, is a gross abuse of power ; and that the doctrine lately boldly preached in the United States Senate, that " to the victors belong the spoils of the vanquished," is detrimental to the interests, corrunting to the morals, and dangerous to the lioerties of the country. 1836.— "I^cofoco" Platform, New York, January. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are creatod free and equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among wliich are life, libfrty, and (In- pursuit of happiness; that the true foundation of re- publican government is the equal rights of every citizen in his person and property, and in their management ; that the idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up any natural right ; that the rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us ; that no man has the natural right to commit aggressions on the equal rights of another, and this is all from which the law ought to restrain him ; that everj' man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of society, and this all the law should enforce on him ; that when the laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions. We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the only safe and constitutional currency ; hostility to any and all monopolies by legislation, because they are violations of equal rights of the people ; hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legislation, be- cause they are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights ; no legislative or other authority in the body politic can rightful- ly, by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of men, in any case whatever, from trial by jury and the jurisdiction or operation of the laws which govern the community. We hold that each and every law or act of incorporation, passed by preceding le- gislatures, can be rightfully altered and re- pealed by their successors ; and that they should be altered or repealed, when neces- sary for the public good, or when required by a majority of the people. 1836.— Whig Resolutions, Albany, N. Y., February 3. Resolved, That in support of our cause, we invite all citizens opposed to Martin Van Buren and the Baltimore nomineefi. Resolved, That Martin Van Buren, by intriguing with the executive to obtain hia influence to elect him to the presidency, has set an example dangerous to our free- dom and corrupting to our free institutions. Resolved, That the support we render to William H. Harrison is oy no means given to him solely on account of his brilliant and successful services as leader of our armies during the last war, but that in him we view also the man of high intellect, the stern patriot, uncontaminated by the machinery of hackneyed jioliticians — a man of the school of Washington. Resdlvcd, That in Francis Granger we recognize one of our most distinguished fellow-citizens, whose talenta we admire, BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 25 whose patriotism we trust, and whose prin- ciples we sanction. 1830.— Abolition Resolution, Wartaw, N. Y., November 13. Resolved, That, in our judgment, everj' consideration of duty and expediency which ought to control the action of Chris- tian freemen, requires of the Abolitionists of the United States to organize a distinct and independent political party, embracing all the necessary means for nominating candidates for office and sustaining them by public sufirage. Abolition Platforms. The first national platform of the Aboli- tion party upon which it went into the contest in 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and Territories ; the inter-state slave-trade, and a general opposition to sl^'ery to the full extent of constitutional power. In 1848, that portion of the party which did not support the Buffalo nominees took the ground of affirming the constitutional authority and duty of the General Govern- ment to abolish slavery in the States. Under the head of " Buffalo," the plat- form of the Free Soil party, which nomi- nated Mr. Van Buren, will be found. 1840.— Democratic Platform, BaUimore, May 5. Resolved, That the Federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and that it is inexpe- dient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 2. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 3. Resolved, That the constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal government, directly or indirectly, to as- sume the debts of the several states, con- tracted for local internal improvements or other state purposes ; nor would such as- sumption be just or expedient. 4. Resolved, That justice and sound po- licy forbid the Federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detri- ment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country — that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence or foreign aggression. 5. Resolved, That it is tlie duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in con- ducting our public affairs, aiid that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government. 6. Resolved, That Congress has no power to charter a United States bank ; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the coun- try, dangerous to our republican institu- tions and the liberties of the peoi)le, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concen- trated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people. 7. Resolved, That Congress has no power under the constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several states ; and that such states are the sole and proper judges of everything per- taining to their own affiiirs, not prohibited by the constitution ; that all efforts, by Abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela- tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequen- ces, and that all such efforts have aii inevi- table tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanence of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions. 8. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people. 9. Resolved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal prin- ciples in the democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the present privilege of becoming citizens, and the owners of soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute book. Whereas, Several of the states which have nominated Martin Van Buren as a candidate for the presidency, have put in nomination different individuals as candi- dates for Vice-President, thus indicating a diversity of opinion as to the ]>crson best entitled to the nomination; and whereas, some of the said states are not represented in this convention ; therefore, Resolved, That the convention deem it 26 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. expedient at the present time not to choose between the individuals in nomination, but to leave the decision to their repub- lican fellow-citizens in the several states, trusting that before the election shall take place, their opinions will become so con- centrated as to secure the choice of a Vice- President by the electoral college. 1843.— I.il>erty Platform. Buffalo, Auffust 60. 1. Resolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of true democracy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns all inconsistent limitations ; and neither the political party which repudiates it, nor the political system which is not based upon it, can be truly democratic or per- manent. 2. Resolved, That the Liberty party, placing itself upon this broad principle, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the general government from slavery, and also the restoration of equal- ity of" rights among men, in every state where the party exists, or may exist. 3. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized for any temporary pur- pose by interested politicians, _ but has arisen from among the people in conse- quence of a conviction, hourly gaining ground, that no other party in the country represents the true principles of American liberty, or the true spirit of the constitu- tion of the United States. 4. Resolved, That the Liberty party has not been organized merely for the over- throw of slavery ; its first decided eflbrt must, indeed, be directed against slave- holding as the grossest and most revolting manifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle of equal rights into all its practical consequences and applica- tions, and support every just measure con- ducive to individual and social freedom. 5. Resolved, Tliat the Liberty party is not a sectional })artybuta national party; was not originated in a desire to accom- plish a single object, but in a comprehen- sive regard to the great interests of the whole country ; is not a new party, m)r a third jtarty, but is the jiarty of 177(), re- viving the i)rinciples of tliat memorable era, and striving to carry them into prac- tical application. 6. Resolved, That it was understood in the times of the declaration and the constitu- tion, that the existence of slavery in some of the states was in derogation of tiie i)rin- cii)leH of AiiM'rican liberty, and a deep stain upon tlic character of the country, and the iini)lied faith r)f the states and the nation was pledged that slavery should never be extended beyond its then exist- ing limits, but should be gradually, and yet, at no distant day, wholly abolished by "state authority. 7. Resolved, That the faith of the states and the nation thus pledged, was most nobly redeemed by the voluntaiy aboli- tion of slavery in several of the states, and by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, for the government of the territory north- west of the river Ohio, then the only ter- ritory in the United States, and conse- quently the only territory subject in this respect to the control of Congress, by which ordinance slavery was forever ex- cluded from the vast regions which now compose the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and the territory of Wisconsin, and an incapacity to bear up any other than freemen was impressed on the soil itself. 8. Resolved, That the faith of the states and the nation thus pledged, has been shamefully violated by the omission, on the part of many of the states, to take any measures whatever for the abolition of slavery within their respective limits ; by the continuanc#of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the territories of Louisiana and Florida ; by the legislation of Congress ; by the protection aflbrded by national legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels, on the high seas, employed in the coastwise Slave Trafiic ; and by the extension of slavery' far beyond its original limits, by acts of Congress admitting new slave states into the Union. 9. Resolved, That the fundamental truths of the Declaration of Independence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness, was made the fundamental law of our national government, by that amend- ment of the constitution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. 10. Resolved, That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained by slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natun-^l rights, and strictly local, and that its ex- istence and continuance rests on no other support than state legislation, and not on any authority of Congress. 11. Resolved, That the general govern- ment has, under the constitution, no ])ow- er to establish or continue slavery any- where, and therefore that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, continuing or favoring slavery in the District of Co- lumbia, in t\w territory of Florida, or on tiic high seas, are unconstitutional, and all att('ini)ts to hohl men as j)rop( r(y within the limits of exclusive national jurisdic- tion ought to bi' ])rohil>ited by law. 12. Resolved, That the provisions of the BOOK n.J POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 27 constitution of the United States wjiich confers extraordinary political powers on the owners of slaves, and thereby consti- tuting the two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders in the slave states a privi- leged aristocracy ; and the provisions for the reclamation of fugitive slaves from service, are anti-re[)ublican in their char- acter, dangerous to the liberties of the peo- ple, and ought to be abrogated. 1.3. Jiesolved, That the practical opera- tion of the second of these provisions, is seen in the enactment of the act of Con- gress respecting persons escaping from their masters, which act, if the construc- tion given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the ha- beas corpus acts of all the states, takes away the whole legal security of per- sonal freedom, and ought, therefore, to be immediately repealed. 14. Resolved, That the peculiar patron- age and support hitherto extended to slavery and slaveholding, by the general government, ought to be immediately with- drawn, and the example and influence of national authority ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and free labor. 15. Resolved, That the practice of the general government, which prevails in the slave states, of employing slaves upon the public works, instead of free laborers, and paying aristocratic masters, with a view to secure or reward political services, is utterly indefensible and ought to be abandoned. 16. Resolved, That freedom of speech and of the press, and the right of petition, and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and inviolable ; and that all rules, regula- tions and laws, in derogation of either, are oppressive, unconstitutional, and not to be endured by a free people. 17. Resolved, That we regard voting, in an eminent degree, as a moral and reli- gious duty, which, when exercised, should be by voting for those who will do all in their power for immediate emancipation. 18. Resolved, That this convention re- commend to the friends of liberty in all those free states where any inequality of rights and privileges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to remove all such remnants and efl'ects of the slave system. Wkereas, The constitution of these Uni- ted States is a series of agreements, cove- nants or contracts between the people of the United States, each with all, and all with each ; and, ]VJiereas, It is a principle of universal morality, that the moral laws of the Crea- tor are paramount to all human laws ; or, in the language of an Apostle, that " we ought to obey God rather than men ; " and, ^V^lereas, The principle of common law — that any contract, covenant, or agree- ment, to do an act derogatory to natural right, is vitiated and annulled by its in- herent immorality — has been recognized by one of the justices of the Supreme Ct)urt of the United States, who in a re- cent case expressly holds that " any con- tract that rests upon such a basis is void," and, Whereas, The third clause of the second .section of the fourth article of the constitu- tion of the United States, when construed as providing for the surrenderof a fugitive slave, does "rest upon such a basis," in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right — namely, his natural right to his own liberty — and is therefore ab- solutely void. Therefore, 19. Resolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by this nation and the world, that, as abolitionists, con- sidering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope for it in our conformity to the laws of God, and our respect for the rights of man, we owe it to the Sovereign Ruler of the Universe, as a proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our civil relations and oflaces, whether as pri- vate citizens, or public functionaries sworn to support the constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat the third clause of the fourth article of that instru- ment, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and consequently as forming no part of the constitution of the United States, when- ever we are called upon or sworn to sup- port it. 20. Resolved, That the power given to Congress by the constitution, to provide for calling out the militia to suppress in- surrection, does not make it the duty of the government to maintain slavery by military force, much less does it make it the duty of the citizens to form a part of such military force ; when freemen unsheathe the sword it should be to strike for liberty, not for despotism. 21. Resolved, That to preserve the peace of the citizens, and secure the blessings of freedom, the legislature of each of the free states ought to keep in force suitable statutes rendering it penal for any of its inhabi- tants to transport, or aid in transporting from such state, any person sought to be thus transported, merely because subject to the slave laws of any other state ; this remnant of independence being accorded to the free states by the decision of the Supreme Court, in the case of Prigg vs. the state of Pennsvlvania. 1844.— WTilf? Platfontt. Baltimore, May 1. 1. Resolved, That these principles may 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book n. be summed as comprising a well-regulated national currency : a tariff for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the gov- ernment, and discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domes- tic labor of the country ; the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the pub- lic lands ; a single term for the presidency ; a reform of executive usurpations ; and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country' as shall impart to every branch of the' public service the greatest practical efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy. 1844.-Deinocratlc Platform. Baltimore, May 27. Resolutions 1 , 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9, of the platform of 1840, were reaffirmed, to which were added the following : 10. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly ap- plied to the national objects specified in the constitution, and that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the states, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the constitution. 11." Resolved, That we are decidedly op- posed to taking from the President the qualified veto power by which he is ena- bled, under restrictions and responsibili- tie.s amply sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the Eeople can be obtained thereon, and which as thrice saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the bank of the United States. 12. Resolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and un- questionable ; that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England or any other power, and that the reoccupation of Ore- gon and the reannexation of Texas at the earliest practicable period, are great American measures, which this conven- tion recommends to the cordial support of the democracy of the Union. 1848.— Democratic Platform. Hallimore, May 22. 1. Resolved, That the American democ- racy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and tlie discriminating jus- tice of the American people. 2. Resolved, 'J'liat we regard this as a distinctive feature of our j>nlitical creed, which we are proud to miiiritain before tlie world, as the great mural clement in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and contrast it with the creed and jjractice of federal- ism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity. 3. Resolved, Therefore, that entertain- ing these views, the Democratic party of this Union, through the delegates assem- bled in general convention of the states, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people, the declaration of principles avowed by them on a former oc- casion, when, in general convention, they presented their candidates for the popular suffrage. Resolutions 1, 2, 3 and 4, of the plat- form of 1840, were reaffirmed. 8. Resolved, That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in con- ducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is re- quired to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the debt created by the prosecution of a just and necessary war. Resolution 5, of the platform of 1840, was enlarged by the following: And that the results of democratic legis- lation, in this and all other financial mea- sures, upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated to careful and practical men of all parties, their sound- ness, safety and utility in all business pur- suits. Resolutions 7, 8 and 9, of the platform of 1840, were here inserted. 13. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the con- stitution ; and that we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the states as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the constitution. 14. Resolved, That we are decidedly op- posed to taking from the President the qualified veto power, by which he is en- abled, under restrictions and responsibili- ties amply sufficient to guard the public in- terests, to sujiend the passage of a bill whose merits can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people c;in be obtained thereon, and which liJiH saved the American peoj)le from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the Hank of the I'nitcd States, and from a cor- rupting system of general internal im- l)rovements. BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 29 15. Resolved, That the war with Mexi- co, provoked on her part by years of insult and injury, was commeneed by her army crossing the llio Grande, attacking the American troops, and invading our sister state of Texas, and upon all the principles of patriotism and the laws of nations, it is a just and necessary war on our part, in which every American citizen should have shown himself on the side of his country, and neitlier morally nor physically, by word or by deed, have given " aid and comfort to the enemy. " IG. licsolved, That we would be rejoiced at the assurance of peace with Mexico, founded on the ju^t i)rinciples of indem- nity for the past a'ul security for the fu- ture ; but that while the ratification of the liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in doubt, it is the duty of the country to sus- tain the administration and to sustain the country in every measure necessary to pro- vide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should that treaty be rejected. 17. ResuUed, That the officers and sol- diers who have carried the arms of their country into Mexico, have crowned it with imperishable glory. Their unconquerable courage, their daring enterprise, their un- faltering perseverance and fortitude when assailed on all sides by innumerable foes and that more formidable enemy — the diseases of the climate — exalt their devoted patriotism into the highest heroism, and give them a right to the profound grati- tude of their country, and the admiration of the world. IS. Resolved, That the Democratic Na- tional Convention of thirty states composing the American Republic, tender their fra- ternal congratulations to the National Con- vention of the Republic of France, now as- sembled as the free suffrage representative of the sovereignty of thirty-five millions of Republicans, to establish government on those eternal principles of equal rights, for which their La Fayette and our Washing- ton fought side by side in the struggle for our national independence ; and we would especially convey to them, and to the whole people of France, our earnest wishes for the consolidation of their liberties, through the wisdom that shall guide their councils, on the basis of a democratic con- stitution, not derived from the grants or concessions of kings or dynasties, but orig- inating from the only true source of political power recognized in the states of this Union — the inherent and inalienable right of the people, in their sovereign capacity, to make and to amend their forms of gov- ernment in such manner as the welfare of the community may require. 19. Resolved, That in view of the recent development of this grand political truth, of the sovereignty of the people and their capacity and power for self-government. which is prostrating thrones and erecting rejjublics on the ruins (jf desj)otism in the old world, we feel that a high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased responsi- bility, upon the Democratic party of this country, asthcparty of the peoi)le, to sustain and advance among us constitutional lib- erty, ecjuality, and fraternity, by continu- ing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the i'aw at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and compromises of the constitution, which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be in the full expansion of the energies and capacity of this great and I)rogressive people. 20. Resolved, That a copy of these reso- lutions be forwarded, through the American minister at Paris, to the National Conven- tion of the Republic of France. 21. Resolved, That the fruits of the great political triumph of 1S44, which elect- ed James K. Polk and George M. Dallas, President and Vice-President of the United States, have fulfilled the hopes of the de- mocracy of the Union in defeating the de- clared purposes of their opponents in creating a National Bank ; in preventing the corrupt and unconstitutional distribu- tion of the land proceeds from the com- mon treasury of the Union for local pur- poses ; in protecting the currency and labor of the country from ruinous fluctuations, and guarding the money of the countiy for the use of the people by the establishment of the constitutional treasury ; in the noble impulse given to the cause of free trade by the repeal of the tariff of '42, and the crea- tion of the more equal, honest, and pro- ductive tariff of 1840 ; and that, in our opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken the bands of a political organization by which these great reforms have been achieved, and risk them in the hands of their known adversaries, with whatever delusive appeals they may solicit our sur- render of that vigilance which is the only safeguard of liberty. 22. Resolved, That the confidence of the democracy of the Union in the principles, capacity, firmness, and integrity of James K. Polk, manifested by his nomination and election in 1844, has been signally justified by the strictness of his adherence to sound democratic doctrines, by the purity of pur- l)ose, the energj' and ability, which have characterized his administration in all our aflairs at home and abroad ; that we tender to him our cordial congratulations upon the brilliant success which has hitherto crowned his patriotic efforts, and assure him in advance, that at the expiration of his presidential term he will carry with him 30 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. to his retirement, the esteem, respect and admiration of a grateful country. 23. Besolved, That this convention here- by present to the people of the United States Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate of the Democratic party for the ofhce of President, and William O. Butler, of Ken- tucky, for Vice-President of the United States. 1848.— WTilg Principles Adopted at a Rati- fication Meeting, Philadelphia, June 9. 1. Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, here assembled by their representatives, heartily ratify the nomi- nations of General Zachary Taylor as Pres- ident, and IMillard Fillmore as Vice-Pres- ident, of the United States, and pledge themselves to their support. 2. Resolved, That in the choice of Gen- eral Taylor as the Whig candidate for President, we are glad to discover sympathy ■with a great popular sentiment throughout the nation — a sentiment which having its origin in admiration of great military suc- cess, has been strengthened by the develop- ment, in every action and every word, of sound conservative opinions, and of true fidelity to the great example of former days, and to the principles of the constitu- tion as administered by its founders. 3. Resolced, That General Taylor, in say- ing that, had he voted in 1844, he would have voted the Whig ticket, gives us the assurance — and no better is needed from a consistent and truth-speaking man — that his heart was with us at the crisis of our political destiny, when Henry Clay Avas our candidate, and when not only Whig principles were well defined and clearly assei-ted, but Whig measures depended on success. The heart that was with us then is with us now, and, we have a soldier's ■word of honor, and a life of public and private virtue, as the security. 4. Resolvrd, That we look on General Taylor's administration of the government as one conducive of peace, prosperity and union ; of peace, because no one better knows, or has greater reason to deplore, what he has seen sadly on the field oi vic- tory, the horrors of war, and especially of a foreign and aggressive war; of prosperity, now more than ever needed to relieve the nation from a burden of debt, and restore industry — agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial — to its accustomed and peace- ful functions and influences; of union, be- cause we have a candidate whose very position as a southwestern man, reared on tlic banks of the great stream whose trib- utaries, natural and artificial, embrace the whole Union, renders the protection of the intercuts of the whole country his first trust, and whose various duties In past life have been rendered, not on the soil, or under the flag of any state or section, but over the wide frontier, and under the broad banner of the nation. 5. Resolved, That standing, as the Whig party does, on the broad and firm platform of the constitution, braced up by all its in- violable and sacred guarantees and com- promises, and cherished in the affections, because protective of the interests of the people, we are proud to have as the ex- ponent of our opinions, one who is pledged to construe it by the wise and generous rules which Washington applied to it, and who has said — and no Whig desires any other assurance — that he will make Wash- ington's administration his model. 6. Resolved, That as Whigs and Ameri- cans, we are proud to acknowledge our gratitude for the great militarj' services which, beginning at Palo Alto, and end- ing at Buena Vista, first awakened the American people to a just estimate of him who is now our Whig candidate. In the discharge of a painful duty — for his march into the enemy's country was a reluctant one ; in the command of regulars at one time, and volunteers at another, and of both combined; in the decisive though punctual discipline of his camp, where all respected and loved him ; in the negotia- tion of terms for a dejected and desperate enemy ; in the exigency of actual conflict when the balance was perilously doubtful^ we have found him the same — brave, dis- tinguished, and considerate, no heartless spectator of bloodshed, no trifler with hu- man life or human happiness ; and we do not know which to admire most, his hero- ism in Avithstanding the assaults of the enemy in the most hopeless fields of Buena Vista — mourning in generous sorrow over the graves of Ringgold, of Clay, of Hardin — or in giving, in the heat of battle, terms of merciful capitulation to a vanquished foe at Monterey, and not being ashamed to avow that he did it to spare women and children, helpless infancy and more help- less age, against whom no American sol- dier ever wars. Such a military man, whose triumphs are neither remote nor doubtful, whose virtues these trials have tested, we are proud to make our candidate. 7. Resolved, That in supjiort of this nomination, we ask our Whig friends throughout the nation to unite, to co-op- erate zealously, resolutely, with earnest- ness, in behalf of our candidate, whom calumny can not reach, and with respect- ful demeanor to our adversaries, whose can- didates have yet to prove their claims on the gratitude of the nation. 1848.— Biiflalo Platform. Vlica, JuiiP 2'J. ^V^lereas, Wc have assembled in conven- tion as a union of freemen, for the sake of BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 31 freedom, forgetting all past political dif- ference, in a common resolve to maintain the rights of free hibor against the aggres- sion of the slave power, and to secure free soil to a free people ; and, Whereas, The political conventions re- cently assembled at Baltimore and Phila- delphia — the one stilling the voice of a great constituency, entitled to be heard in its deliberations, and the other abandoning its distinctive principles for mere avail- ability — have dissolved the national i)arty organization heretofore existing, by nomi- nating for the chief magistracy of the United States, under the slaveholding dic- tation, candidates, neither of whom can be supported by the opponents of slavery ex- tension, without a sacrifice of consistency, duty, and self-respect ; and, ll/wrcds, These nominations so made, furnish the occasion, and demonstrate the necessity of the union of the people under the banner of free democracy, in a solemn and formal declaration of their independ- ence of the slave power, and of their fixed determination to rescue the Federal gov- ernment from its control, 1. Reaolved^ therefore, That we, the peo- ple here assembled, remembering the ex- amjile of our fathers in the days of the first Declaration of Independence, putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to advance it, do now plant our- selves upon the national platform of free- dom, in opposition to the sectional plat- form of slavery. 2. Resolved, That slavery in the several states of this Union which recognize its existence, depends upon the state laws alone, which can not be repealed or modi- fied by the Federal government, and for which laws that government is not respon- sible. We therefore propose no interfer- ence by Congress with slavery within the limits of any state. 3. Resolved, That the proviso of Jeffer- son, to prohibit the existence of slavery, after ISOO, in all the territories of the United States, southern and northern ; the votes of six states and sixteen delegates in Congress of 1784, for the proviso, to three states and seven delegates against it ; the actual exclusion of slavery from the North- western Territory, by the Ordinance of 1787, unanimously adopted by the states in Congress; and the entire history of that period, clearly show that it was the settled policy of the nation not to extend, na- tionalize or encourage, but to limit, lo- calize and discourage, slavery ; and to this policy, which should never have been de- parted from, the government ought to return. 4. Resolved, That our fathers ordained the constitution of the United States, in order, among other great national objects, to establish justice, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty ; but expressly denied to the Federal gov- ernment, which they created, all constitu- tional power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due legal process. 6. Resolved, That in the judgment of this convention. Congress has no more power to make a slave than to make a icing; no more power to institute or estab- lish slavery than to institute or establish a monarchy ; no such power can be found among those specifically conferred by the constitution, or derived by just implication from them. 6. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal government to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence or con- tinuance of slavery wherever the govern- ment possesses constitutional power to legislate on that subject, and it is thus re- sponsible for its existence. 7. Resolved, That the true, and, in the judgment of this convention, the only safe means of preventing the extension of slavery into territory now free, is to pro- hibit its extension in all such territory by an act of Congress. 8. Resolved, That we accept the issue which the slave power has forced uj^on us ; and to their demand for more slave states, and more slave territory, our calm but final answer is, no more slave states and no more slave territory. Let the soil of our extensive domains be kept free for the hardy pioneers of our own land, and the oppressed and banished of other lands, seeking homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the new world. 9. Resolved, That the bill lately re- ported by the committee of eight in the Senate of the United States, was no com- promise, but an absolute surrender of the rights of the non-slaveholders of all the states; and while we rejoice to know that a measure which, while opening the door for the introduction of slavery into the territories now free, would also have opened the door to litigation and strife among the future inhabitants thereof, to the ruin of their peace and prosperity, was defeated in the House of Representatives, its passage, in hot haste, by a m.ajority, embracing several senators who voted in open violation of the known will of their constituents, should warn the people to see to it that their representatives oe not suffered to betray them. There must be no more compromises with slavery ; if made, they must be repealed. 10. Resolved, That we demand freedom and established institutions for our breth- ren in Oregon, now exposed to hardshi}>3, peril, and massacre, by the reckless hos- tility of the slave power to the establish- ment of free government and free territo- 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. ries ; and not only for them, but for our brethren in California and New Mexico. 11. Resolved, It is due not only to this occasion, but to the whole people of the United States, that we should also declare ourselves on certain other questions of na- tional policy ; therefore, 12. liesolved, That we demand cheap postage for the people ; a retrenchment of the expenses and patronage of the Federal government ; the abolition of all unneces- sary offices and salaries ; and the election by the people of all civil officers in the service of the government, so far as the same mav be practicable. 13. Jiesolved, that river and harbor im- provements, when demanded by the safety and convenience of ccmmerce with for- eign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern, and that it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional power, to provide there- for. 14. Resolved, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration of the ex- penses they incur in making settlements in the wilderness, which are usually fully equal to their actual cost, and of the pub- lic benefits resulting therefrom, of reason- able portions of the public lands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of public policy, which will pro- mote in various ways the interests of all the states of this IJnion ; and we, there- fore, recommend it to the favorable con- sideration of the American People. 15. Resolved, That the obligations _ of honor and patriotism require tlie earliest practical paymentof the national debt, .and we are, thei-efore, in favor of such a tariff of duties as will raise revenue adequate to defray the cxpcn.-es of the Federal govern- ment, and to pay annual installments of our del it and the interest thereon. 16. Resolved, That we inscribe on our banner, " Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and I'^ree ]\Icn," and under it we will fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions. 1852.— Democratic Platform. Dnllimorf, June 1. Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, of the platform of IMS, were reaffirmed, to whicli were ailded the following: H. Jtesolvrd, That it is tl\e duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice tlie most rigid economy in con- ducting our i»ut)lic, affairs, and that no more revenue ougiit to ])e raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the public (lci)t. 9. Resolved, That Congrcsa has no power to charter a National Bank ; that we be- lieve such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the cotm- try, dangerous to our republican institu- tions and the liberties of tlie people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concen- trated money power, and that above the laws and wili of the people ; and that the results of Democratic legislation, in this and all other hnancial measures, upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all parties, their soundness, safety, and utility, in all business pursuits. 10. Resolved, That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people. 11. Resolved, That the liberal principles embodied by Jeflierson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of eveiy nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of the soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit that swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute books. 12. Resolved, That Congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with, or control, the domestic institutions of the several states, and that such states are the sole and proper judges of every- thing appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the constittition ; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere Avith ques- tions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous conse- quences ; and that all such cttbrts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happi- ness of the people, and endanger tlie sta- bility and permanency of the Linion, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 13. Resolved, That the foregoing propo- sition covers, and is intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress ; and therefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this na- tional ])latform, will abide by, and adhere to, a faitliful execution of the acts known as the Compromise measures settled by last Congress, "the act for reclaiming fugi- tives from service labor" included; which act, being designed to carry out an ex- ])ress provision of the constitution, can not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so ('liangcd as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 14. Resolved, That the Democratic party BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 33 will resist all attempts at renewing in Con- gress, or out of it, the agitation of tlio slavery question, under wliatever shape or color the attempt may be made. [Here resolutions Vi and 14, of the plat- form of 1848, were inserted.) 17. Resolved, That tlie Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Vir- ginia Legislature in 1799 ; that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their ob- vious meaning and import. 18. Resolved, That the war with Jlexico, upon all the principles of patriotism and the law of nations, was a just and necessary war on our part, in which no American citizen should have shown himself opposed to his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed, given aid and comfort to the enemy. 19. Resolved, That we rejoice at the re- storation of friendly relations with our sister Republic of Mexico, and earnestly desire for her all the blessings and pros- perity which we enjoy under republican institution-t, and we congratulate the American people on the results of that war which have so manifestly justified the policy and conduct of the Democratic party, and insured to the United States indemnity for the past and security for the future. 20. Resolved, That, in view of the condi- tion of popular institutions in the old world, a high and sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility upon the De- mocracy of this country, as the party of the people, to uphold and maintain the rights of every state, and thereby the union of states, and to sustain and advance among them constitutional liberty, by con- tinuing to resist all monopolies and exclu- sive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to thos(j principles and com])romises of the consti- tution which are bniad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it is, and the Union as it should be, in tlie full expansion of the energies and ca- pacity of this great and progressive people. 1853.-\Vhl«5 Platform. Btilttmore, June 1(>. The Whigs of the United States, in con- vention assembled adhering to the great conservative principles by which they are controlled and governed, and now as ever relying upon the intelligence of the Ameri- can people, with an abiding confidence in their capacity for self-goverumcut and 22 their devotion to the constitution and the Union, do f)roclaim the following as the political sentiments and deterniinatioM for the establishment and mainteiiauce of which their national organization as a party was effected : Fijst. The government of the United States is of a limited character, and is con- fined to the exercise of {)owers expressly granted by the constitution, and such as may be necessary and proper for carrying the granted powers into full execution, and that powers not granted or necessarily implietl are reserved to the states respec- tively and to the jieople. Second. The state governments should be held secure to their reserved riglits, and the General Cloverninent sustained in its constitutional powers, and that the Union should be revered and watched over as the palladium of our liberties. Third. That while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the warmest sympathy of the Whig party, we still adhere to the doctrines of the Father of his Country, as announced in his Farewell Address, of keeping ourselves free from all entangling alliances with foreign countries, and of never quitting. our own to stand upon for- eign ground ; that our mission as a rcjiub- lic is not to propagate our opinions, or im- pose on other countries our forms of gov- ernment, by artifice or force, but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation and justice, tlie blessings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions. Fourth. That, as the people make and control the government, they should obey its constitution, laws and treaties as they would retain their self-respect and the re- spect which they claim and will enforce from foreign powers. Fifth. Governments should be conduc- ted on the principles of the strictest econo- my ; and revenue sufficient for the expen- ses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be derived mainly from a duty on imi)orts, and not from direct taxes; and on laying such duties sound policy requires a just discrimination, and, when practicable, by specific duties, whereby suitable encour- agement may be afforded to American in- dustry, equally to all classes and to all portions of the country. Sixth. The constitution vests in Con- gress the power to open and repair har- bv)rs, and remove obstructions from navi- gable rivers, whenever such improvenieiita are necessary lor the common defense, and for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among the states, said improvements being in every instance national and general in their character. Seventh. The Federal and state govern- ments are parts of one system, alike neces- sary for the common prosperity, peace aud 34 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book il security, and ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, habitual and immovable at- tachment. Respect for the authority of each, and acquiescence in the just consti- tutional measures of each, are duties re- quired by the plainest considerations of national, state and individual welfare. Eighth. That the series of acts of the 32d Congress, the act known as the Fugi- tive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and excit- ing questions which they embrace ; and, so far as they are concerned, we will main- tain them, and insist upon their strict en- forcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legis- lation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand and the abuse of their powers on the other — not impairing their present efficiency ; and we deprecate all ftirther agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all efibrts to continue or renew such agitation whenever, where- ever or however the attempt may be made ; and we will maintain the system as essen- tial to the nationality of the Whig party, and the integrity of the Union. 1853.— Free-soil Platform. PitlsbuTQ, Anrjust 11. Having assembled in national conven- tion as the free democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrong, and freedom against slavery ; confiding in the intelli- gence, patriotism, and discriminating jus- tice of the American people; putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endea- vors to advance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men, the following declaration of principles and measures : 1. That governments, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, are instituted among men to secure to all those inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, with whicli they are endowed by their Creator, and of which none can be depri\-cd by valid legislation, except for crime. 2. That the true mission of American democracy is to maintain the li])erties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and tlif! perpetuity of the Union, l)y the impartial application of public affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fuudatnental principles of human rights, Htrict justice, and an economical adminis- tration. o. 'I'liat the Federal government is one of limited powers, decived solely Irom the constitution, and the grants of power there- in ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to ex- ercise doubtful constitutional powers. 4. That the constitution of the United States, ordained to form a more perfect Union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; and, there- fore, the government, having no more power to make a slave than to make a king, and no more power to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy, should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate for its extinction. 5. That, to the persevering and importu- nate demands of the slave power for more slave states, new slave territories, and the nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer is — no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extra- dition of slaves. 6. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human en- actment nor usage can make right ; and that Christianity, humanity, and patriot- ism alike demand its abolition. 7. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repugnant to the constitution, to the prin- ciples of the common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world; we, therefore, deny its binding force on the American people, and demand its immediate and total re- peal. 8. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject to modi- fication or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our gov- ernment, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people. 9. That the acts of Congress, known as the Compromise measures of 1850, by mak- ing the admission of a sovereign state con- tingent upon the adoption of other mea- sures demanded by the special interests of slavery ; by their omission to guarantee freedom in the free territories ; by their at- tempt to impose unconstitutional limita- tions on the powers of Congress and the ])eople to admit new states; by their pro- visions for the assumption of five millions of the state debt of Texas, and for the pay- ment of five millions more, and the cession of large territory to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relin- fiuishmcnt of a groundless claim ; and by their invasion of the sovereignty of the states and the liberties of the people, til rough the enactment of an unjust, op- pressive, and unconstitutional fugitive BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 35 slave law, arc proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims ol" de- mocracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment. 10. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked I'or ex- cept in the practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom national ; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom ; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of I'ugitives from service. 11. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil ; and that as the use of the soil is indisjiensabletolife, the right of all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself. 12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corpora- tions, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted in limited quantities, free of cost, to landless settlers. 13. That due regard for the Federal constitution, a sound administrative poli- cy, demand that the funds of the general government be kept separate from bank- ing institutions ; that inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point ; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the pub- lic service and to pay off the public debt ; and that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished by the abolition of all unnecessary ofBces, salaries and privileges, and by the election of the people of all civil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be consist- ent with the prompt and efficient transac- tion of the puolic business. 14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and con- venience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitu- tional powers, to provide for the same. 15. That emigrants and exiles from the old world should find a cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the new ; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens and owners of soil among us ought to be resist- ed with inflexible determination. 16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own government, and to administer its own concerns in such manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people ; and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous violation of the law of nations. against which all independent'^" govern- ments should protest, and endeavor by all jjroper means to prevent; and especially in it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all pro- per means to prevent, the intervention of kings and emperors against nations seek- ing to establish for themselves republican or constitutional governments. 17. That the independence of Ilayti ought to be recognized by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nation.s. 18. That as by the constitution, "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citi- zens in the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in ])ort, and refusing the exercise of the right to bring such cases before the Su- preme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a fla- grant violation of the constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the professions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the constitu- tion faithfully observed by every state in the Union. 19. That we recommend the introduc- tion into all treaties hereafter to be nego- tiated between the United States and for- eign nations, of some provision for the amicable settlement of difficulties by a re- sort to decisive arbitrations. 20. That the free democratic party is not organized to aid either the Whig or Democratic wing of the great slave compro- mise party of the nation, but to defeat them both ; and that repudiating and re- nouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly unworthy'of confidence, the pur- pose of the Free Democracy is to take pos- session of the Federal government and ad- minister it for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole people. 21. That we inscribe on our banner Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions. 22. That upon this platform, the con- vention presents to the American people, as a candidate for the office of Prcsicfent of the United States, John P. Ilalc, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly commend them to the support of all freemen and all i>arties. 1856.— Tbe Ainerlcaii Platform. Adopted at Philadelphia February 21. 1. An humble acknowledjrment to the 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. [eook II. Supreme Being for His protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their success- ful revohitionary straggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of the liberties, the indepen- dence, and the union of these states. 2. The perpetuation of the Federal Union and constitution, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwarks of American independ- ence. 3. Amei'icans must rule America ; and to this end 7ia//re-born citizens should be se- lected for all state, federal, and municipal offices of government employment, in pre- ference to all others. Nevertheless, 4. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens. 6. No person should be selected for polit- ical station (whether of native or foreign birth), who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the federal and state constitu- tions (eacli within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, as rules of political ac- tion. 6. The unequaled recognition and main- tenance of the reserved rights of the several states, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good-will between the citizens of the several states, and, to this end, non- interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual states, and non-intervention by each state with the affairs of any other state. 7. The recognition of the right of native- born and naturalized citizens of the Uni- ted States, permanently residing in any territory tlicreof, to frame their constitu- tion and laws, and to regulate their domes- tic and social affairs in their own mode, flubiect only to the })rovisions of the fed- eral constitution, witli the privilege of ad- mission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one Representative in Congress: Provided, al- vays, that none but those who arc citizens of the United States under the constitu- tion and laws tliereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such territory, ought to participate in the formation of the con- Btitution or in the enactment of hiws for said territory or state. 8. An enforcement of the principles that no state or territory ought to admit others tlian citizens to the right of suffrage orof liolding political ofRcesof the United States. 9. A change in the laws of naturaliza- tion, making a continued resi(h'nce of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an indispoTisable requisite for citizenship liereafter, and excluding all paupers and jtcrsons convicted of crime from landing upon our shores ; but no in- terference with the vested rights of for- eigners. 10. Opposition to any union between church and state ; no interference with religious faith or worship; and no test- oaths for office. 11. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in pub- lic expenditures. 12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally enacted, until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be de- clared null and void by competent judicial authority. 13. Opposition to the reckless and un- wise policy of the present administration in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing "Americans" (by designation) and conservatives in principle, from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places ; as shown in a truckling sub- serviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker powers ; as shown in reopening sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ; as shoAvn in granting to un- naturalized foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Ne- braska question ; as shown in the corrup- tions which pervade some of the depart- ments of the government ; as shown in dis- gracing meritorious naval officers through prejudice or caprice ; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations. 14. Therefore, to remedy existing evils and prevent the disastrous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the " American Party " upon the principles hereinbefore stated. 15. That each state council shall have authority to amend their several constitu- tions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and substitute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations, for fellowship and admission into the party. 16. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in our plat- form. 1856.— Drmocratlc Platform, Adopted (U Cincinnati, June 6. Resolved, That the American democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and diseriminating justice of the American peo])le. Resolved, That we regard this as a dis- tinctive feature of our political creed, which we arc proud to maintain before the world as a great moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and we con- BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 37 trast it Avitli the creed and practice of federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to i)alsy the will of the con- stituent, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity. Resolved, therefore, Tliut entertainin;i; these views, the Democratic party of this Union, through their delegates, assembled in general convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion io the doc- trines and faith of a free representative government, and appealing to their fellow citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert, before the American people, the declaration of principles avowed by them, when, on former occa- sions, in general convention, they have presented their candidates for the popular suffrage. 1. That the Federal government is one of limited power, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power made therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the gov- ernment, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitu- tional powers. 2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several states, contracted for local and internal improvements or other state purposes ; nor would such assumption be just or expedient. 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion of our common country ; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and a complete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence and foreign aggression. 5. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to de- fray the necessary expenses of the govern- ment and gradual but certain extinction of the public debt. 6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the constitution, and that we are opposed to any law for the dis- tribution of such proceeds among the states, as alike inexpedient in policy and repug- nant to the constitution. 7. That Congress has no power to char- ter a national bank ; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of this country, danger- ous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power and above the laws and will of the people; and the results of the democratic legisla- tion in this and all other (inancial measures upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all jjarties their soundness, safety, and utility in all business puruiits. 8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable to the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people. y. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the (jualified veto power, by which he is enabled, under restrictions anil responsibilities amply suffi- cient to guard the public interests, to sus- pend the j)assage of a bill whose merits can not secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- tives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical dominion of the Bank of the United States and from a corrupting sys- tem of general internal improvements. 10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and sanctioned in the Constitu- tion, Avhich makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the democratic faith ; and every at- tempt to abridge the privilege of becom- ing citizens and owners of soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute books. And ivhereas, Since the foregoing decla- ration was uniformly adopted by our prede- cessors in national conventions, an adverse political and religious test has been secretly organized by a party claiming to be exclusively Americans, and it is proper that the American democracy should clearly define its relations thereto ; and declare its determined opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever name they may be called — Jiesoh-ed, That the foundation of this union of states having been laid in, and its })rosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent exami)le in free government built upon, entire freedom of matters of religious con- cernment, and no respect of persons in re- gard to rank or place of birth, no party can justly be deemed national, constitu- tional, or in accordance with American principles, which bases its exclusive organ- ization upon religious opinions and acci- dental birth-place. And hence a political 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the United States of America, against Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justi- fied by tlie past history or future prospects of the country, nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlightened free- dom which peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular government. liesolced,' That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the well-considered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic slavery, and concerning the reserved rights of the states — 1. That Congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with or con- trol the dome?tic institutions of the several states, and that all such states are the sole and proper judges of everything apper- taining to their own affairs not prohibited by the constitution ; that all efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela- tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous conse- quences, and" that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the hap- piness of the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national ]>latform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful exe- cution of the acts known as the compro- mise measures, settled by the Congress of 1850 — "the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor " included ; which act, being designed to carry out an express Erovision of the constitution, can not, with delity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 3. That tiie Democratic jiarty will resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery ques- tion, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be nuide. 4. That tiic Dcmofratic party will faith- fully abide by and ujihold the principles laid down iii the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 17!i2 and 171)8, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia legislature in 1791); that it adopts these f)rinciples a.s constituting one of the main oundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional party, sub- si-sting exclusively on slavery agitation, now rclic-( to test the fidelity of the i)eoi)lc, north and south, to the constitution and tlic Union — 1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with and desiring the co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the con-stitution as the jjaramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic slavery which seek to embroil the states and in- cite to treason and armed resistance to law in the territories, and whose avowed pur- pose, if consummated, must end in civil war and disunion, the American democracy recognize and adopt the principles con- tained in the organic laws establishing the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, as em- bodying the only sound and sa'e solution of the slavery question, upon which the great national idea of the people /if this whole country can repose in its determined conservation of the Union, and non-inter- ference of Congress with slavery in the territories or in the District of Coiumbia. 2. That this was the basis of the com- promise of 1850, confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig parties in national conventions, ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization of the territories in 1851. 3. That by the uniform ajiplication of the Democratic principle to the organiza- tion of territories and the admission of new states, with or without domestic sla- very, as they may elect, the equal rights of all the states will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the constitution main- tained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured to its ut- most capacity of embracing, in ]icace and harmony, every future American state that may be constituted or annexed with a re- publican form of government. Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the territories, includ- ing Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of the majority of the actual residents, and when- ever the number of their inhabitants justi- fies it, to form a constitution, with or with- out domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other states. Resolved, fuudhj, That in view of the condition of the jtopular institutions in the old world (and the dangerous tenc'encies of sectional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and religious disa- bilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying citizenship in our own land), a high" and sacred duty is devolved, with in- creased responsibility, upon the Demo- cratic party of this country, as the ])arty of the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every state, and therei)y the union of the states, and to sustain and ad- vance among us constitutional liberty, by contiiuiing to resist all monopolies and ex- clusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigi- BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 39 lant and constant adherence to those prin- ciples and coinproinisesof the constitution wiiicliarc Ijroad enough and strong enough to embrace and ujdiold tiie Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the lull expression of the energies and capacity ol' this great and progressive people. 1. Itcsolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic questions whatever. The time has come for the pcoi)le of the United States to de- chire themselves in favor of free seas and progressive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn numifestations, to j)lace their moral iniluence at the side of their successful exami)le. 2. Jieaolved, That our geographical and political position with reference to the other states of this continent, no less than the interest of our commerce and the develop- ment of our growing power, requires that we should hold sacred the principles in- volved in the Monroe doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no miscon- struction, and should be applied with un- hending rigidity. 3. Resolved, That the great highway which nature, as well as the assent of states most immediately interested in its main- tenance, ha.s marked out for free commu- nication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, constitutes one of the most impor- tant achievements realized by the spirit of modern times, in the unconquerable energy of our people ; and that result would be secured by a timely and efficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim over it; and no power on earth should be sufl'ered to impede or clog its progress by any interference with relations that may suit our policy to establish be- tween our government and the govern- ments of the states within whose dominions it lies ; we can under no circumstances sur- render our ])reponderance in the adjust- ment of all (piestions arising out of it. 4. Resolved, That in view of so com- manding an interest, the people of the United States cannot but sympathize with the elforts which are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that portion of the continent which covers the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic j)arty will expect of the next administration that every proper efibrt be made to insure our ascendency in the (lulf of IMcxico, and to maintain i)ermani>nt protection to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the products raised out of the soil and the commodities created by the indus- try of the ])eople of our western valleys and of the Union at large. 6. Resolved, That the administration of Franklin Pierce has been true to Demo- cratic principles, and, therefore, true to the great interests of the country; in the face of violent opi)Osition, he has maintained the laws at home and vindicated the rights of American citizens abroad, and, there- fore, we i)roclaim our unqualified admira- tion of his measures and policy. 1850.— Repulilican Platform, Adopted al Philadelphia, June 17. This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political difl'erences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise, to the policy of the present administration, to the extension of slavery into free territory ; in favor of ad- mitting Kansas as a free state, of restoring the action of the Federal government to the princijiles of Washington and Jeffer- son ; and who ptirjiose to unite in present- ing candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, do resolve as follows : Resolved, That the maintenance of the princii)les promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the federal constitution, is essential to the pre- servation of our Ilepid)lican institutions, and that the federal constitution, the right*i of the states, and the union of the states, shall be preserved. Resolved, That with our rejniblican fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalien- able rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior design of otir Federal govern- ment were, to secure these rights to all l)ersons within it^ exclusive jurisdiction ; that as otir republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes otir duty to maintain this provision of the con- stitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any territory of the United States, by posi- tive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That Ave deny the au- thority of Congress, of a territorial legis- lature, of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to sla- very in any territory of the United States, while the present constitution shall bo maintained. Resolved, That the constitution confers upon Congress sovereign ]>ower over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise^ of this power it is both the right and the im- ])erative duty of Congress to jirohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbar- ism — polygamy and slavery. 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ii. Resolved, That while the constitution of the United States was ordained and estab- lished, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common de- fense, jjromote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of libeity, and contains ample provisions for the protection of the life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the people of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them ; their terri- tory has been invaded by an armed force ; spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive officers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sus- tained by the military power of the govern- ment, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced ; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordi- nary and entangling nature have been im- posed, as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office ; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been denied ; the right of the people to be se- cure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, has been violated ; they have been deprived of life, liberty, and property with- out due process of law ; that the freedom of speech and of the press has been abridg- ed ; the right to choose their representa- tives has been made of no effect ; murders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated or encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunisbed ; that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of the present national administration ; and that for this high crime against the constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the ad- ministration, the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and acces- sories, either before or after the facts, be- fore the country and before the world ; and that it is our fixed purpose to ])ringthe actual ])erpotrators of these atrocious out- rages, and their accomplices, to a sure and condign punishinciit hereafter. Ji'rsnirril, That Kansas should be im- mediately admitted as a state of the Union with her present free constitution, as at once tlic most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which th(\v arc cniith'd, and of ending the civil strife now raging in her territory. Jiesolvrd, That the highwayman's ]>lea that "might makes right," embodied in the Ostend circuhir, was in every respect unworthy of vVmerican diplomacy, and would l>ring shame and dislionor npon any government or people that gave it their Banefion. litsolvcd, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central and practicable route, is imperatively demanded by the in- terests of the whole country, and that the Federal government ought to render im- mediate and efficient aid in its construc- tion, and, as an auxiliary thereto, the im- mediate construction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. liesohed, That appropriations of Con- gress for the improvement of rivers and harbors of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Hesolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however differing from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein de- clared ; and believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the constitution of our country, guarantees liberty of con- science and equality of rights among citi- zens, we oppose all prescriptive legislation affecting their security. 1856.— "Wlilg Platform. BuUimore, September 13. Resolved, That the Whigs of the United States, now here assembled, hereby de- clare their reverence for the constitution of the United States, their unalterable at- tachment to the National Union, and a fixed determination to do all in their poAver to preserve them for themselves and their posterity. They .have no new princi- ples to announce ; no new platform to es- tablish ; but are content to broadly rest — where their fathers rested — upon the con- stitutictn of the United States, wishing no safer guide, no higher law. Resolved, That we regard with the deepest interest and anxiety the present disordered condition of our national af- fairs — a portion of the country ravaged by civil war, large sections of our po])ulation embittered by mutual recriminations; and we distinctly trace these calamities to the culpabk> neglect of duty by the present national administration. Resolved, That the government of the United States was formed by the conjunc- tion in political unity of wide-spread geo- graphical sections, materially ditfering, not only in clinuite and j)roducts, but in social an(l domestic institutions; and that any cause that shall permanently array the diderent sections of the Union in j)()litical hostility and organize parties founded only on geographical distinctions, must inevit- ably jirove fatal to a continuance of the National Union. Rvsolved, That the Whigs of the United States declare, as a fundamental article of BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 41 political faith, an al)solute necessity for avoiding geographical parties. The dan- ger, so clearly discerned by the Father of his Country, has now become feari'ully apparent in the agitation now convulsing the nation, and must be arrested at once if we would preserve our constitution and our Union from dismemberment, and the name of America irom being blotted out from tlie family of civilized nations. h'csnlri'd, That all who revere the con- stitution ami the Union, must look with alarm at the parties in the held in the present presidential camp:iign — one claim- ing only to rei)resent sixteen northern states, and the other appealing mainly to the passions and prejudices of the southern states ; that the success of either faction must add fuel to the flame which now threatens to wrap our dearest interests in a common ruin. Jii'solved, Tliat the only remedy for an evil so appalling is to suj)port a candidate pledged to neither of the geographical sec- tions nor arrayed in political antagonism, but holding l)oth in a just and equal regard. AVe congratulate the friends of the Union that such a candidate exists in Millard Fillmore. liesolced, That, without adopting or re- ferring to the peculiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fill- more as a candidate, we look to him as a well tried and faithful friend of the consti- tution and the Union, eminent alike for his wisdom and firmness — for his justice and moderation in our foreign relations — calm and pacific temperament, so well be- coming the head of a great nation — for his devotion to the constitution in its true spirit — his inflexibility in executing the laws but, beyond all these attributes, in possessing the one transcendent merit of being a representative of neither of the two sectional parties now struggling for political supremacy. Resolved, That, in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of ad- ministration in the exercising of the con- stitutional powers of the government. It is enough t'> know that civil war is raging, and tluit the Union is in peril ; and we proclaim the conviction that the restora- tion of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace. I860.— Constitutional Union Platform. Baltimore, May 9. Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creatii^n and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties ; therefore. Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to reeoynize no po- litical principles other than The Consti- tution OK THE Country, the Union op THE States, and the Eneorcement of THE Laws; and that as reiu'csentativcs of the Constitutional Union men of the coun- try, in national convention assem])led, we hereby j)ledge ourselves to maintain, jjto- tect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public' liberty and national safety against all enemies at hoifie and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the states re-established, and the government again placed in that condition of ju.-tice, frater- nity, and equality, which, under the exam- ple and constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil- lity, provide for the common defense, j)ro- mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. I860.— Republican Platform, Chicaijo, Maij 17. Resolved, That we, the delegated repre- sentatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : 1. That the history of the nation, dur- ing the last four years, has fully establish- ed the propriety and necessity of the or- ganization and peri)etuation of the Re- publican i)arty, and that the causes whict called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever be- fore, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- pendence and embodied in the federal constitution, " That all men ar>! created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator Avith certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of liappiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our'republican institu- tions; and that the federal constitution,^ the rights of the states, and the union of the states, must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the states this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from what- ever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has utteied or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by De- mocratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political associ- ates ; and we denounce those threats of dis- union, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric de- pends ; and we denounce the lawless in- vasion, by armed force, of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic admini- stration has far exceeded our worst ap- prehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitu- tion upon the protesting people of Kansas ; in construing the personal relations be- tween master and servant to involve an unqualilied projjcrty in persons; in its at- tempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Con- gress and of the federal courts, of the ex- treme pretensions of a purely local interest ; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people. 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal govern- ment; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public trer.sury by favored partisans; while the recent Ktartling developments of frauds and cor- ruptions at the federal metro])olis, show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma, that the consti- tution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories ol' the Ignited States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance witli the exi>licit ])rovisions ol that instrument itself, with coiitemiiorane- ous ex])()sition, and with legislative and judicial precedent — is revolutionary in its tenden(ry, and suDversive of the peace and harmony of tiie country. 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that*)f freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that " no per- son shall be deprived of liie, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legis- lature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by ])erversions of judicial power, as a crime against human- ity and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their federal governors, of the acts of the legis- latures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibit- ing slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted De- mocratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a state under the constitution recently formed and ad()j)ted by her people, and accepted by the House of Re]iresentatives. 12. That, while providing revenue for tlie support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the indus- trial interest of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of national ex- changes which secures to the working men libei'al wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adeijuate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and inde])cndence. 18. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the ])ublic lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the homestead policy Avhich re- gards the settlers as paupers or sui)pliants for ])ublic bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the com])letc and satisliictory homestead measure which has already ])assed the House. 14. That the republican party isopjiosed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any state legislation by which the right,s of citizenship hitherto accorded to immi- grants from foreign lands shall l)e abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and ellicient protection to the rights of all BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 43 'classes of citizen?^, whether native or na- turalized, both at home and abroad. 15. Tliat appropriations by Congress for river and harbor iini)r()venients of a na- tional charaeler, reijuired I'or the accommo- dation and security of an existing com- merce, are authorized by the constitution and justified by the obligations of govern- ment to protect tlie Uvea aud property of its citizens. 10. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively demanded l)y the interest of the whole country ; that the Federal government ought to render inunediate and eHicient aid in its construction ; and that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established. 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substan- tially agree with us in their affirmance and support. 18C0.— Democratic (Douglas) Platform, Charleston, April 2:5, and Btiltimore, Jane IS. 1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in convention assembled, here- by declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a Platform of principles by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1850, believing that democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject-matters ; and we recom- mend, as the only further resolutions, the following : Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic ])arty as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the constitution of the United States, over the institution of sla- very within the territories : 2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of tlie United States on the questions of constitutional law. 3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to affi)rd ample and complete Erotection to all its citizens, whether at ome or abroad, aud whether native or foreign. 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communi- cation between the Atlantic and Pacific states ; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional government aid as will insure th&.construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honor- able to ourselves and just to Spaiu. G. Resolved, That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their ellect. 7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincin- nati platibrm, that, during the existence of the territorial governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the federal constitution on the power of the territorial legislature over the subject of domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general g<n'ernment. I860.— Democratic (Breckinridge) Platform. Cluirlcslon and UuUimore. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be af- firmed, with following explanatory resolu- tions : 1. That the government of a territory, organized by an act of Congress, is pro- visional and temporary ; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle, with their ])roperty, in the territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation. 2. That it" is the duty of the Federal government, in all its departments, to pro- tect, when necessary, the rights of per- sons and property in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate po])ulation form a state constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, be- ing consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other states, and the state thus organized ought to be admit- ted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution ])rohibit3or recognizes the in- stitution of shivery, 4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earli- est practicable moment. 5. That the enactments of state legisla- tures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are h)->tile in character, subversive of the constitution, and revolutionarv in their efiect. 6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this government to protect the natural- 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. ized citizen in all his rights, -whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same ex- tent as its native-born citizens. Whereas, One of the greatest necessi- ties of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and militaiy point of view, is a speedy connnunication between the Pa- cific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitu- tional authority of Congress, for the con- struction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 1SG4:.— Radical Platform. Clei-elaud, May 31. 1. That the Federal Union shall be pre- served. 2. That the constitution and laws of the United States must be observed and obeyed. 3. That the Rebellion must be sup- pressed by force of arms, and without com- promise. 4. That the rights of free speech, free press and the habeas corpus be held invio- late, save in districts where martial law has been proclaimed. 5. That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery ; and the federal constitution sliould be so amended as to prohibit its re-establisluneiit, and to secure to all men absolute e<iuality before the law. 6. That integrity and economy are de- manded, i't all times in the administration of the government, and that in time of war the want of them is criminal. 7. That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to law, is a recognized principle of American liberty ; and that any violation of it can not be overlooked, and must jdI go unn-buked. 8. That the national policy known as the "Monroe Doctrine" has become a re- cognized jirinciple; and that the estab- lishment of an anti-republican govern- ment on this continent by any foreign power can not l)e tolerated. 9. That the gratitude and support of the nation are (hie to the faithi'ul soldiers and tiie cirnest leaders of tlie Union army and navv, for their juroic acJiievements and deathless valor in defenses of our im- perileil country and of civil liberty. 10. That the one-term ])olicy for the presidency, adopted liy the jicojile, is Ktrengtheiied by the force, of the, existing crisis, an<l should be niaintained by con- Btitntional amendment. 11. '^'hat the constitution should be so amended that tiie President and Vice- President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people. 12. That the question of the reconstruc- tion of the rebellious states belongs to the people, through their representatives in Congress, and not to the Executive. 13. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a mea- sure of justice. 1864.— Republican Platform. Baltimore, June 7. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain, against all their enemies, the integrity of the union and the paramount authority of the constitution and laws of the United States ; and that, laying aside all diller- ences of political opinions, we pledge our- selves, as Union men, animated by a com- mon sentiment and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the government in quelling, by ibrce of arms, the Rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the pun- ishment due to their crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it. Resolved, That we approve the determi- nation of the government of the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an " uncondi- tional suri'ender " of their hostility and a return to their allegiance to the constitu- tion and laws of the United States ; and that we call upon the government to main- tain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing pa- triotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to the country and its free institutions. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be always and everywhere hostile to the jirinciples of re- publican government, justice and the na- tional safety demand its utter ami com- plete extirpation Irom the soil of the Re- public ; and that we uphold and nniiiitain the acts and proclamations by which the government, in its own defense, has aimed a death-l)low at the gigantic evil. We are in favor, furthermore, of such an amend- ment to the constitution, to be made by the peojile in conformity with its ] rovis- ions, as shall terminate and forever ])ro- liihit the existence of slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the United Stales. Resolved, That tlie thanks of the Amer- ican people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their livea in defense of tlieir BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 45 country and in vindication of the honor of its flag ; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of tlieir ])a- triotisin and their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received disahling ami honorable wcmnds in the service of the country ; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remem- hrance. Rcsoli'cA, Tliat we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the unseliish patri- otism, and the unswerving fidelity to the constitution and the principles of Ameri- can liberty with whicli Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled dilRculty, the great duties and rcsj)onsil)ilities of the presidential oihce ; that we approve and indorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to the jireservation of the nation, and as within the provisions of the constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopt- ed to defend the nation against its open and 33crct foes ; that we approve, especial- ly, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment, as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in slavery ; and that we have full confidence in his deter- mination to carry these, and all other con- stitutional measures essential to the salva- tion of the country, into full and complete effect. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who cordially in- dorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the government. Resolved, That the government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full pro- tection of the laws of war ; and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages of civilized nations in the time of war, by the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power to this nation — the asy- lum of the oppressed of all nations — should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the railroad to the Pacific coast. Resolved, That the national f;\ith, pledged for the redemption of the jtublic debt, nuist be kept inviolate ; aiul that, for this ])ur- pose, we recommend economy aiul rigitl responsibility in the public expenditures and a vigorous and just system of taxa- tion ; and that it is the duty of every loyal state to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national currency. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the government, that the ]>vo]>\(i of the United iStates can never regard with indilference the attem])t of any European power to overthrow by iorce, or to sup- plant by fraud, the institutions of any re- publican government on the western con- tinent, and that the}^ will view with ex- treme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and indejjendence of this, our country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for monarchical governments, sustained by a foreign military force, in near proximity to the United States. 1864:.— Democratic Platform. Chicago, August 29. Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidel- ity to the Union under the constitution, as the only solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a peo- ple, and as a frame-work of government equally conducive to the welfare and pros- perity of all the states, both northern and southern. Resolved, That this convention does ex- plicitly declare, as the sense of the Ameri- can people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity of a war power higher than the constitution, the constitution it- self has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material ])rosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, hunuinity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the states, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the federal union of all the states. Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authority of the United States in the recent elections held' in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the constitution ; and the repetition of such acts in the ap- jiroaching election will be held as revolu- tionary, and resisted wifh all the means and power under our contrel. Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve tlie Fcilc- ral Union and the rights of the states un- impaired ; and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative usurpa- tion of extraordinary and dangerous jiow- ers not granted by the constitution, the subversion of the civil by the military law in states not in insurrection, the arbitrary 46 AMERICAN POLITICS. [nooK II. military arrest, imprisonment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in states where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right of asy- lum, the open and avowed disregard of state rights, the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the peoj^le to bear avnvi in their defense, as calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers Irom the consent of the gov- erned. Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and long have Ijcen, prisoners of war, in a suffering condition, deserves the sevei'est reproba- tion, on the score alike of public policy and common humanity. Resolved, That the sympathy of the De- mocratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea under the flag of their country ; and, in the event of our attaining power, they will receive all the care and protection, regard and kind- ness, that the brave soldiers of the Eepub- lic have so nobly earned. 1868. Repabllcan Platform. Clikago, May 20. 1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction poli- cy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in the majority of the states lately in rebel- lion, of constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to all ; and it is the duty of the government to sustain those institutions and to prevent the people of such states from being remitted to a state of anarchy. 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the south was demanded by every consideration of pub- lic safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained ; while the question of suflragc in all tlie loyal states properly be- longs to the people of those states. 3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime ; and the national lionor requires the i)ayme"nt of the public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and a])road, not only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was con- tracted. 4. It is due to the lal)()r of the nation that taxation slioiild Ix; e(|ualized and re- duced as rapidly as the national faith will permit. G. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption ; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honest- ly done. 6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debts is to so improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long as re- pudiation, partial or total, open or covert, IS threatened or suspected. 7. The government of the United States should be administered with the strictest economy ; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and ibstcred by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical re- form. 8. We profoundly deplore the tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, and regret the accession to the presidency of Andrew Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged to support ; who has usurped high legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws ; who has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the property, the peace, liberty, and life of the citizen ; who has abused the pardoning power ; who has denounced the national legislature as un- constitutional ; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the recon- struction of the states lately in rebellion ; who has perverted the public jiatronage into an engine of wholesale corruption ; and who has been justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and pro- perly pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five Senators. 9. Tiie doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by ihe United States, as a relic of feudal times, not au- thorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to pro- tection in all their rights of citizensliip as though they were native-born ; and no citizen of the United Slates, native or na- turalized, must be liable to arrest and im- prisonment by any Ibrcign power for acts done or words spoken in this country ; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is tJie duty of the government to interl'ere in his belinlf. 10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of tlie late war, there were none entitled to more special honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of the country. The BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 47 bounties anrl pensions provided by the laws for tlicsc nravc defenders of the na- tion are ol)ligations never to be forgotten ; the widows and orjjhans of the gallant dead are the wards of the i)eople — a sacred legaey bequeathed to the nation's protect- ing care. IL Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth, de- velopment, and re-ionrees, and increase of power to this Republic, the asylum of the opj)resscd of all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. 12. Thi^ convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed people who are struggling for their rights. 13. That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forbearance Avith which men who have served in the Rebel- lion, but who now frankly and honestly co-operate with lus in restoring the peace of the country and reconstructing the southern state governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are re- ceived back into the communion of the loyal ])eople ; and we favor the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions im- posed upon the late rebels, in the same measure as the spirit of disloyalty shall die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal peo])le. 14. That we recognize the great princi- ples laid down in the immortal Declara- tion of Independence, as the true founda- tion of democratic government; and we hail with gladness every eflbrt toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of American soil. 1868.— Democratic Platform. Neic York, July 4. The Democratic party, in national con- vention assembled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discrimi- nating justice of the people, standing upon t!ie constitution as the foundation and limitation of the i)owers of the government and the guarantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery and secession as having been set- tled, for all time to come, by the war or voluntary action of the southern states in constitutional conventions assembled, and never to be revived or reagitated, do, with the return of peace, demand — 1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in the Union under the con- stitution, and of civil government to the American people. 2. Amnesty for all past political offenses, and the regulation of the elective franchise in the states by their citizens. 3. Payment ot all the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable — all money drawn from the people by taxa- tion, except so much as is requisite for tlio necessities of the government, ec(jnon!ically administered, being honestly applied to such payment; and where the obligations of the government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under "which they were issued does not provide that they shall be piiid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the law- ful money of the United States. 4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real value, in- cluding government bonds and other pub- lic securities. 5. One currency for the government and the people, the laborer and the office- holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the l)roducer and the bondholder. 0. Economy in the administration of the government ; the reduction of tlie standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freed- men's Bureau and all political instrumen- talities designed to secure negro suprema- cy ; simplification of the system and dis- continuance of inquisitorial modes of as- sessing and collecting internal revenue; that the burden of taxation may be equal- ized and lessened, and the credit of the government and the currency made good ; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the state militia into national forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue' upon foreign imports, and such equal taxa- tion under .the internal revenue laws ^^as will afford incidental protection to domes- tic manufactures, and as will, without im- pairing the revenue, impose the least bur- den upon, and best promote and encourage, the great industrial interests of the coun- try. 7. Reform of abu.^es in the administra- tion ; the expulsion of corrupt men from office; the abrogation of useless offices; the restoration of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive and judicial departments of the government; the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpa- tions of Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease. 8. Equal rights and protection for na- turalized and native-born citizens, at home and abroad ; the assertion of American na- tionality winch shall command the re- spect of foreign powers, and furnish an example and encouragement to people struggling for national integrity, constitu- tional liberty and individual rights; and the maintenance of the rights of natural- ized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crimes committed beyond their jurisdic- tion. In demanding these measure* and re- forms, we arraign the Radical party for its 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career. After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the government and the preservation of the Union under the constitution, it has repeatedly violated the most sacred pledge under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victorj\ Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten states, in time of profound peace, to mili- tary despotism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty ; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inquisitions, for the consti- tutional tribunals ; it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures ; it has entered the post and telegraph oflices, and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters, without any specific charge or notice of affidavit, as 'required by the organic law. It has converted the ' American capitol into a bastile ; it has established a system of spies and official espionage to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort. It has abolished the riglit of appeal, on important constitutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribu- nals, and threatens to curtaU or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevoca- bly vested by the constitution ; while the learned Chief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, nierely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and parti- san charges preferred against the Presi- dent. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in history; and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the President of his constitutional power of il)pointinent, even of his own cabinet. Under its repeated assaults, the pillars of the government are rocking on their base ; and should it succeed in November next, and inatigurate its President, we will meet, as a sul)jectcd and contiuered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the constitution. And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United States tlirew off all subjection to the British crown, the jirivilege and trust of suffrage liave belonged U) the several states, and have been granted, regulated, and con- trolled exclusively by the political power of each state respectively ; and that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext what- ever, to deprive any state of this right, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power which can find no warrant in the constitution, and, if sanc- tioned by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a single, centralized, and consolidated, gov- ernment, in which the separate existence of the states will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified despotism be established in place of a federal union of co-equal states. And that we regard the construction acts (so called) of Congress as usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void. That our soldiers and sailors, who car- ried the flag of our country to victory against the most gallant and determined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. That the public lands should be dis- tributed as widely as possible among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre-emption of homestead lands or sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the government. When grants of public lands may be al- lowed, necessary for the encouragement of important public improvements, the pro- ceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so applied. That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggres- sions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the states and the people, is en- titled to the gratitude of the whole Ameri- can people ; and, on behalf of the Demo- cratic party, we tender him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard. Upon this platform, the Democratic party appeal to every patriot, including all the conservative element and all who de- sire to support the constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the liberties of the peo- ple ; and "that to all such, to whatever ])arty they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such, co-operating with us, as friends and brethren. Resolved, That this convention sympa- thizes cordially with the workingmcn of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights and interests of the laboring classes of the country. Resolved, That the thanks of the con- vention are tendered to Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, for the justice, dignity, and iin])artiality with which he presided over the court of impeachment on tho trial of President Andrew Johnson. BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 49 1872.— Laljor Reform Platform. ColumbuH^ FiAiraiiry '21. We hold that all political power is in- herent in the people, and free government founded on their authority and established for their benefit ; that all citizens are equal in political rights, entitled to the largest religious and political liberty compatible with the good order of society, as al.sf) the use and enjoyment of the fruits of their labor and talents ; and no man or set of men is entitled to exclusive separable en- dowments and privileges or immunities from the government, but in consideration of public services; and any laws destruc- tive of these fundamental principles are without moral binding force, and should be repealed. And betieving that all the evils resulting from unjust legislation now affecting the industrial classes can be re- moved by the adoption of the principles contained in the following declaration : therefore, Resolved, That it is the duty of the gov- ernment to establish a just standard of di.stribution of capital and labor, by provid- ing a purely national circulating medium, based on the faith and resources of the na- tion, issued directly to the people without the intervention of any system of banking corporations, which money shall be legal tender in the payment of all debts, public and private, and interchangeable, at the option of the holder, for government bonds bearing a rate of interest not to ex- ceed 3.G5 per cent., subject to future legis- lation by Congress. 2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, according to the original contract, at the earliest option of the gov- ernment, without mortgaging the property of the people or the future exigencies of labor to enrich a few capitalists at home and abroad. 3. That justice demands that the burdens of govm-nment should be so adjusted as to bear eijually on all classes, and that the exemption from taxation of government bonds bearing extravagant rates of inter- est, is a violation of all just principles of revenue laws. 4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sa- cred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted to landless settlers only, in amounts not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres of land. 5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit free such articles of common use as we can neither {)roduce nor grow, and lay duties for reveiuie mainly upon articles of luxury and u})on such ar- ticles of manufacture as will, we having the raw materials, assist in further develop- ing the resources of the country. 23 6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, imported by capitalists in large numbers for servile use is an evil entailing want and its attendant train of misery and crime on all classes of the American peojjle, and should be prohib- ited by legislation. 7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all mechanics and day-la- borers employed by or on behalf of the government, whether directly or indirectly, through persons, firms, or corporalions, contracting with the state, shall conform to the reduced standard of eight hours a day, recently adopted by Congress for na- tional emi)loyes ; and also for an amend- ment to. the acts of incorporation for cities and towns, by which all laborers and me- chanics employed at their expense shall conform to the same number of hours. 8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abolition of the system of contract labor in our prisons and other re- formatory institutions. 9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the three cardinal prin- ciples of government, and the first two^ are more sacred than the latter; therefore,, money needed for prosecuting wars should,, a'S it is required, be assessed and collected from the wealthy of the country, and not^ entailed as a burden on posterity. 10. That it is the duty of the govern- ment to exercise its power over railroads- and telegraph corporations, that they shall not in any case be privileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or charges,, by whatever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon the producer or con.sumer.. 11. That there should be such a reform, in the civil service of the national govern-- ment as will remove it beyond all partisan, influence, and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelligent and com-- petent business men. 12. That as both history and experience ■ teach us that power ever seeks to perpetu- • ate itself by every and all means, and that its prolonged possession in the hands of. one person is always dangerous to the in- terests of a free peojjle, and believing that the spirit of our organic laws and the sta- bility and safety of our free in.stitutions are best obeyed on the one hand, and secured on the other, by a regular constitutional change in the chief of the country at each election ; therefore, we are in favor of limiting the occupancy of the presidential, chair to one term. 13. That we are in favor of granting, general amnesty and restoring the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and privileges to all, the impartial adminis- tration of justice being the only true bond of union to bind the states together and re- store the government of the people. 14. That we demand the subjectioa of 50 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. the military to the civil authorities, and the confinement of its operations to nation- al purpo>es alone. 15. That we deem it expedient for Con- gress to supervise the patent laws so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and inventions. 16. That fitness, and not political or per- sonal considerations, should be the only reconmiendation to public office, either ap- pointive or elective ; and any and all laws looking to the establishment of this prin- ciple are heartily approved. 1873.— Prohibition Platform. Columbus, Ohio, February 22. The preamble recites that protection and allegiance are reciprocal duties ; and every citizen who yields obediently to the full commands of government should be pro- tected in all enjoyment of personal security, personal liberty, and private property. That the trafiic in intoxicating drinks greatly impairs the personal security and personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, and renders "private property insecure. That all political parties are hopelessly un- willing to adopt an adequate policy on this question : Therefore, as a national conven- tion, we adopt the following declaration of principles : That while we acknowledge the pure patriotism and profound statesmanship of those patriots who laid the foundation of this government, securing at once the rights of the states severally and their in- separable union by the federal constitution, we would not merely garnish the sepulchres of our republican fathers, but we do hereby renew our pledges of solemn fealty to the imperishable principles of civil and reli- gious liberty embodied in the Declaration of Independence and our federal constitu- tion. That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a dishonor to Christian civilization, a political wrong of unequalled enormitj', subversive of ordinary oujects of govern- ment, not capable of being regulated or re- strained by any system of license whatever, and imperatively demands, for its suppres- sion, effective legal prohibition, both by state and national leg'..;lation. That there can be no greater peril to a nation than existing party competition for the liquor voU'. That any party not op- posed to the traffic, experience shows will engage in this competition — will court the favor of criminal classes— will barter away the public morals, the purity of the ballot, and every object of good government, for party success. That, lus j)rohibitionists, we will individ- ually use all cfrort« to persuade men from the use of intoxicating liquors ; and we in- vite all persons to assist in this movement. That competence, honesty, and sobriety are indispensable qualifications for holding office. That removals from public office for mere political differences of opinion are wrong. That fixed and moderate salaries of pub- lic officers should take the places of fees and ])erquisites ; and that all means should be taken to prevent corruption and encourage economy. That the President and Vice-President should be elected directly by the people. That we are in favor of a sound national currency, adequate to the demands of bus- iness, and convertible into gold and silver at the will of the holder, and the adoption of every measure compatible with justice and public safety to appreciate our present currency to the gold standard. That the rates of ocean and inland post- age, and railroad telegraph lines and water transportation, should be made as low as possible by law. That we are opposed to all discrimination in favor of capital against labor, as well as all monopoly and class legislation. That the removal of the burdens imposed in the traffic in intoxicating drinks will emanci])ate labor, and will practically pro- mote labor reform. That suffrage should be granted to all persons, without regard to sex. That the fostering and extension of com- mon schools is a primary duty of the gov- ernment. That a liberal policy should be pursued to promote foreign immigration. 1S7!3.— lilberal Repnblican Platform. Cincimiati, May 1. We, the Liberal Republicans of the L'Tnited States, in national convention as- sembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the follow- ing principles as essential to just govern- ment. 1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or political. 2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these states, emancijiation, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any re- ojiening of the questions settled by the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amend- ments of the constitution. 3. AVe demand the immediate and abso- lute removal of all disabilities imj)Osed on iiceoiuitof the Rebellion, which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 51 universal amnesty will result in coni[)k'te pacifieation in all sections of the country. 4. Local self-government, witli im})arLial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citi- zens more securely than any centralized power. The jiuhlic welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military authoritylandthe freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus. Wc; demand for the individual the largest lih- erty consistent with i)ublic order, for the state self-government, and for the nation a return to the inethotls of i_)eace and the constitutional limitations ot jxtwer. 5. The civil service of the government has become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an ob- ject of "selfish greed. It is a scandal and rei'roach ui)on free institutions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the per- petuity of republican government. We, therefore, regard a thorough rei'orm of the civil service as one of the most })ressing necessities of the hour ; that honesty, ca- pacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment ; that the of- fices of the government cease to be a mat- ter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public station shall become again a post of honor. To this end, it is impera- tively required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election. G. Wo demand a system of federal taxa- tion which shall not unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the government, economi- cally administered, the pensions, the inter- est on the public debt, and a moderate re- duction annually of the principal thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but irreconcilable diflferences of — op inion with regard to the respective sys- tems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the people in their congressional districts and the de- cision of Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation. 7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce repudiation in every form and guise. 8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the highest considera- tions of commercial morality and honest government. 9. We remember with gratitude the hero- ism and sacrifices of the soldiers and sailors of the Rei)ublic ; and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full rewards of their patriotism. 10. We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to actual settlers. 11. We hold that it is the duty of the government, in its intercourse with foreign nations, to cultivate the friendships of peace, by treating with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonorable either to demand what is not right or sub- mit to what is wrong. 12. For the promotion and success of these vital principles and the suj>port of the candidates nominated by this cmven- tion, we invite and cordially welcome the co-operation of all patriotic citizens, with- out regard to previous political alhliatious. 1 872.— Democratic Platform, BuJtimore, July 9. We, the Democratic electors of the United States, in convention assembled, do present the following principles, already adopted at Cincinnati, as essential to just government: I Here followed the "Liberal Republican Platform ;" which see above.] 1872.— Republican Platform, Philadelphia, June 5. The -Republican party of the United States, assembled in national convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the 5th and (jth days of June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and announces its position upon the questions before the country ; 1. During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted, with grand courage, the sol- emn duties of the time. It suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emancipated four mil- lions of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting unparalleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political offenses, and warmly welcomed all who proved their loyalty by obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has steadily decreased, with firm hand, the resultant disorders of a great war, and initiated a wise and humane policy toward the Indians. The Pacific railroad and similar vast enterprises have been gener- ously aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full acknowledgment of the natural- ized citizen's rights secured from European powers. A uniform national currency has been provided, repudiation frowned tlown, the national credit sustained under the most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. The rev- enues have been carefully collected and honestly applied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of taxation, tlie public debt has been reduced during Gen- eral Grant's presidency at tlie rate of a hundred millions a year, great financial 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. crises have been avoided, and peace and plenty prevail tbruughout the laud. Me- nacing foreign dithculties have been peace- fully and honorably compromised, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is the party's best pledge for the future. "We believe the people will nut intrust the government to any party or combination of men composed chietly of those who have resisted ever)' step of this beneficent progress. 2. The recent amendments to the national constitution should be cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by apjn'opriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be intrusted only to the party that secured those amendments. 3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political, and public rights should be established and eriectually maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate state and lederal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude. 4. The national government should seek to maintain honorable peace with all na- tions, protecting its citizens ever^'where, and sympathizing Avith all jDeoples who strive for greater liberty. 5. Any system of civil service under which the subordinate positions of the government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing ; and we, therefore, favor a reform of the system, by laws which shall abolish the evils of jiatronage, and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential quali- fications for public positions, without prac- tically creating a life tenure of office. 6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to corporations and mo- nopolies, and demand that the national domain be set apart for free homes for the people. 7. The annual revenue, after paying cur- rent expenditures, pensions, and the inter- est on the j)ublic debt, should furnish a moderate balance for tlie reduction of the j>rincipal ; and that revenue, except so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobaeco and liquors, should l)e raised by duties upon importations, the details of which sliould I)e so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of tlie whole country. 8. We liohl in undying honor the sol- diers and sailors whose valor saved tlie Union. Tlieir pensions are a saere<l d(!bt of the nation, and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are en- [ titled to the care of a generous and grate- ful people. "We favor such additional legis- lation as will extend the bounty of the government to all our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and who in the line of duty became disabled, with- out regard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. 9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers concerning alle- giance — ''once a subject always a subject" — having at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned, and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the as- sumption of unauthorized claims by their former governments, and we urge contin- ued careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration. 10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and a way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage. 11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the rela- tions of capital and labor ; and the Re- publican party recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full pro- tection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great ser- vants of civilization. 12. "We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures ibr the suppression of violence and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box ; and, therefore, they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. 13. "We denounce repudiation of the l)ul)lic debt, in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the bal- ance, and confidently expect that our ex- cellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of S2)ecie payment. 14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their nol)le devotitm to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction ; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful considera- tion. 1"). We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling througliout the land. 1(1. The Republican party proposes to respect the riglits reserved by the i)eople to BOOK ri.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 53 tliemselves as carefully as the powers dele- gated by them to the states and to the federal governinent. It disapproves of tlie resort to unconstitutional laws for the pur- pose of removing evils, by interference Avith rights not surrendered by the peoj)le to eitlier the state or national government. 17. It is the duty of the general govern- ment to adoi)t such measures as may tend to encourage and restore American com- merce and sliip-building. 18. We believe that the modest patriot- ism, the earnest purpose, the sound judg- ment, the practical wisdom, the incorrupti- ble integrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the heart of the American people ; and with him at our head, we start to-day upon a new march to victory. 19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to the whole laud from the early days of the great struggle for liberty as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legislator and representative man of American insti- tutions, is worthy to associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge our best ellbrts to bestow upon them 1872.— Democratic (Straiglit-out) Platform, Louisville, Ky., September 3. Whereas, A frequent recurrence to first principles and eternal vigilance against abuses are the wisest provisions for liberty, which is the source of progress, and fidelity to our constitutional system is the only protection for either : therefore, Resolved, That the original basis of our whole political structure is consent in every part thereof. The people of each state voluntarily created their state, and the states voluntarily formed the Union ; and each state i)rovided by its written constitu- tion for everything a state could do f )r the protection of life, liberty, and property within it; and each state, jointly with the others, provided a federal union for foreign and inter-state relations. Resolved, That all governmental powers, whether state or federal, are trust powers coming from the people of each state, and that they are limited to the written letter of the constitution and the laws passed in pursutmce of it; which powers must be exercised in the utmost good faith, the constitution itself stating in what manner thev may be altered and amended. Resolved, That the interests of labor and capital should not be permitted to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious legislation. While such a conflict con- tinues, labor, which is the parent of wealth, is entitled to paramount consideration. Resolved, That we proclaim to the world that principle is to be i)referred to power ; that the Democratic party is held together by the cohesion of time-honored princi- I)les, which they will never surrender in exchange for all the offices whii'h Presi- dents can confer. The pangs of the mi- norities are doubtless excruciating; ])ut we welcome an eternal minority, under the banner inscribed with our principles, rather than an almighty and everlasting majority, jiurchased by their abandonment. Resolved, That, having been betrayed at Baltimore into a false creed and a false leadership by the convention, we repudiate both, and appeal to the people to approve our platform, and to rally to the polls and sup})ort the true platform and the candi- dates who embody it. 1875.— The American National Platform, Adopted in Mass Meeting, Pittsburg, June 9. We hold : 1. That ours is a Christian and not a heathen nation, and that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil government. 2. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath. 3. That the prohibition of the importa- tion, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating drinks as a beverage, is the true policy ou the temperance question. 4. The charters of all secret lodges granted by our federal and state legisla- tures should be withdrawn, and their oaths prohibited by law. 5. That the civil equality secured to all American citizens by articles 13th, 14th, and ISth of our amended constitution should be jireserved inviolate. 6. That arbitration of differences with nations is the" most direct and sure method of securing and perpetuating a permanent peace. 7. That to cultivate the intellect without improving the morals of men is to nudce mere adejits and experts: therefore, the Bible should be associated with books of science and literature in all our educa- tional institutions. 8. That land and other monopolies should be discountenanced. 9. That the government should furnish the people with an ample and sound cur- rency and a return to specie payment, aa soon as practicable. 10. That maintenance of the public credit, protection to all loyal citizens, and justice to Indians are es.scntial tu the honor and safety of our nation. 11. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-President of the United States. 64 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II, [Their candidates were James B. Walker, "WTieaton, Illinois, for President ; and Don- ald Kirkpatrick, Syracuse, Xew York, for Vice-President.J 1876.— Prohibition Reform Platform, Cleveland, Ohio, May 17. The Prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized in the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpet- uate in the government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, submit, in this centennial year of the republic, for the suffrages of all good citizens, the following platform of national reforms and measures : First. The legal prohibition in the Dis- trict of Columbia, the territories, and in every other place subject to the laws of Congress, of the importation, exportation, manufacture, and traffic of all alcoholic beverages, as high crimes against society ; an amendment of the national constitu- tion, to render these prohibitory measures universal and permanent ; and the adop- tion of treaty stipulations with foreign powers, to prevent the importation and exportation of all alcoholic beverages. Second. The abolition of class legisla- tion, and of special privileges in the gov- ernment, and the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibility to office, without distinction of race, religious creed, property, or sex. Third. The appropriation of the public lands, in limited quantities, to actual set- tlers only ; the reduction of the rates of inland and ocean postage ; of telegraphic communication ; of railroad and water transportation and travel, to the lowest practical point, by force of laws, wisely and justly framed, with reference, not only to the interest of capital employed, but to the higher claims of the general good. Fourth. The suppression, by laws, of lotteries and gambling in gold, stocks, pro- duce, and every form of money and pro- perty, and tlie penal inhibition of the use of the public mails for advertising schemes of gambling and lotteries. Fifth. Tlie abolition of those foul enor- mities, polygamy and the social evil ; and the protection of purity, peace, and hap- {)ines3 of homes, Ijy ample and efficient egislati(m. Sixth. The national observance of the Cliristian Sal)bath, estal)lished by law.s prohibiting ordinary labor and business in all departnicnt.H of public service and j)rivatc cmpluyiucnl (works of necessity, charity, and religion excepted) on tbatday. Seventh. Tiie cstaltlislunent, by m mda- t<^)ry provisif)ns in natimial and state con- stitutions, and by all n('<-(!ssary legishition, of a system of free public schools for the universal and forced education of all the youLh of the land. Eighth. The free use of the Bible, not as a ground of religious creeds, but as a text-book of the purest morality, the best liberty, and the noblest literature in our public schools, that our children may grow up in its light, and that its spirit and prin- ciples may pervade our nation. Ninth. The separation of the govern- ment in all its departments and institu- tions, including the public schools and all funds for their maintenance, from the con- trol of every religiotis sect or other asso- ciation, and the protection alike of all sects by equal laws, with entire freedom of religious faith and worship. Tenth. The introduction into all treaties hereafter negotiated with foreign govern- ments of a provision for the amicable set- tlement of international difficulties by arbitration. Eleventh. The abolition of all barbar- ous modes and instruments of punishment; the recognition of the laws of God and the claims of htimanity in the discipline of jails and prisons, and of that higher and wiser civilization worthy of our age and nation, which regards the reform of criminals as a means for the prevention of crime. Tirelfth. The abolition of executive and legislative patronage, and the election of President, Vice-President, United States Senators, and of all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the peo- ple. Thirteenth. The practice of a friendly and liberal policy to immigrants from all nations, the guaranty to them of ample protection, and of equal rights and privi- leges. Fourteenth. The separation of the money of government from all banking institu- tions. The national government, only, should exercise the high prerogative of issuing paper money, and that should be subject to prompt redemption on demand, in gold and silver, the only equal stand- ards of value recognized by the civilized world. Fifteenth. The reduction of the salaries of ])'ublic officers in a just ratio with the decline of wages and market prices; the abolition of sinecures, unnecessary ofhces, and ofhcial fees and perquisites ; the prac- tice of strict economy in government ex- penses ; and a free and thorough investi- gation into any and all alleged abuses of public trusts. 1876 Independent (Greenback) Platform, Imli'innpolU, Ind., May 17, The Independent party is called into (existence by the necessities of the ])eople, whose industries are prostrated, whose labor is deprived of its just reward by a BOOK II. J POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 55 ruinous policy which the Republican and Democratic parties refuse to change ; and, in view of the failure of these parties to furnish relief to the depressed nidustries of the country, tliereby disappointing the just hopes and expectations of the sutier- ing peoi)le, we delare our jtrinciples, and invite all independent and patriotic nn-n to join our ranks in this movement for fi- nancial reform and industrial enumcipation. First. We demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the specie resumj)- tion act of .January 14, 187.'>, and the res- cue of our industries from ruin and disas- ter resulting from its enforcement; and we call upon all j)atriotic men to organize in every congressional district of the country, with a view of electing representatives to Congress who will carry out the wishes of the people in this regard and stop the present suicidal and destructive policy of contraction. Second. We believe that a United States note, issued directly by the government, and convertible, on demand, into United States obligations, bearing a rate of inter- est not exceeding one cent a day on each one hundred dollars, and exchangeable lor United States notes at par, will afford the best circulating medium ever devised. Such United States notes should be full legal tenders for all purposes, except for the payment of such obligations as are, by existing contracts, especially made paya- ble in coin ; and we hold that it is the duty of the government to provide such a circulating jnedium, and insist, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, that " bank paper must be suppressed, and the circu- lation restored to the nation, to whom it belongs." Third. It is the paramount duty of the government, in all its legislation, to keei> in view the full development of all legiti- mate business, agricultural, mining, manu- facturing, and commercial. Fourth. We most earnestly protest against any further issue of gold bonds for sale in foreign markets, by which we would be made, for a long period, "hewers of wood and drawers of water" to for- eigners, especially as the American ])eople would gladly and promptly take at par all 'bonds the government may need to sell, provided they are made payable at the op- tion of the holder, and bearing interest at 3.65 per cent, per annum or even a lower rate. Fifth. We further protest against the sale of government bonds for the ])urpose of purchasing silver to be used as a sub- stitute for our more convenient and less fluituatiug fractional currency, which, al- though well calculated to enrich owners of silver mines, yet in operation it will still further opjiress, in taxation, an already overburdened people. 187G.— Republican Platfomi, C'hiciniiati, Ohio, June 14. When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of human slavery, and when the strength of the g(jv- ernment of the people, by the peojjle, and for the people, was to be demonstrated, the Republican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind, and looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and ])urpose, we, the representatives of the party, in national convention as- sembled, make the following declaration of principles : 1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the combined workings of the national and state govern- ments, under their respective constitu- tions, the rights of every citizen are se- cured, at home and abroad, and the com- mon welfare promoted. 2. The Republican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth anni- versary of the nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the great truths spo- ken at its cradle — " That all men are cre- ated equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among whivh are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that for the at- tainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned." Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorout^ly enforced, the work of the Republican party is un- finished. 3. The permanent pacification of the southern section of the Union, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party stands sa- credly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles embodied in the recent constitutional amendments is vested, by those amendments, in the Con- gress of the United States ; and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legis- lative and executive departments of the government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To this end we imi)eratively de- mand a Congress and a Chief Exeiutive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are placed bevoiid dispute or recall. 4. In the first act of Congress signed by President (Irant. the national government assumed to remove any doubt of ita pur- 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. pose to discharge all just obligations to the public creditors, and " solemnly pledged its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period for the redemption of the United States notes in coin." Com- mercial prosperity', public morals, and na- tional credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady pro- gress to specie payment. 5. Under the constitution, the President and heads of dejiartments are to make nominations for office, the Senate is to ad- vise and consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best in- terest of the public service demand that these distinctions be respected ; that Sena- tors and Representatives who may be judges and accusers should not dictate ap- pointments to office. The invariable rule in appointments should have reference to the honestj', fidelity, and capacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be rep- resented, but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole refer- ence to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country. 6. We rejoice in the quickened con- science of the people concerning political affiiirs, and will hold all public officers to d rigid responsibility, and engage that the prosecution and i)unishment of all who be- tray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, ajod unsparing. 7. The public school system of the several states is the luilwark of the American Re- public ; and, with a view to its security and permanence, we recommend an amend- ment to the constitution of the United States, forl)idding the application of any public funds or property for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control. 8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures, and the obligations of the ])ulilic debt, must be largely derived from duties uj>ou importations, which, so far as possible, shouhl be adjusted to i)r()mote tlie interests of American labor and ad- vance the prosperity of the whole country. 9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the jjublic laiuls to corporations and monopolies, and demand tliat tiie na- tional domain be devoted to free homes for the people. 10. It is the imperative duty of tlie gfiv- rrnment so to modify existing treaties with European governments, that the. same pro- tection shall be afl'orded to the adopted Ameriean citizen that is given to the na- tive-born ; and that all necessary laws bhould be passed to protect emigrants in the absence of power in the states for that purpose. 11. It is the immediate duty of Con- gress to fully investigate the effect of the immigration and importation of Mongo- lians upon the moral and material in- terests of the country. 12. The Republican party recognizes, with approval, the substantial advances recently made towards the establishment of equal rights for women by the many important amendments effected by Repub- lican legislatures in the laws which con- cern the personal and property relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the appointment and election of women to the superintendence of education, charities, and other public trusts. The honest de- mands of this class of citizens for addi- tional rights, privileges, and immunities, should be treated with respectful consider- ation. 13. The constitution confers upon Con- gress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government; and in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to prohibit and extirpate, in the territories, that relic of barbarism — polygamy; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end and the supremacy of American institu- tions in all the territories. 14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will alw^ays hold those who imperiled their lives for the country's preservation in the kindest rememl)rance. 15. ^V'e sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies. We^ therefore, note with deep solicitude that the Demo- cratic party counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a united south, secured through the efforts of those who were recently arrayed against the na- tion ; and we invoke the earnest attention of the country to the grave truth that a' success thus achieved would reojien sec- tional strife, and imperil national honor and human rights. 16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in character and spirit as when it sympathized with treason ; with making its control of the House of Repre- sentatives the triuin{)li and opportunity of the nation's recent foes; with reasserting ami applauding, in the national capital, the scntiint'iits of unrepentant rebellion; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and i)ronioting Confederate soldiers to the tront ; with (lelil)erately jiroposing to repu- diate the plifihted faith of the government; with being e(iually false and ind)ecile upon the overshadowing financial questions; with thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and obstruction of investigation; with proving itself BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 57 throu2;h the period of its ascendency in tlie lower house of Congress, utterly in- competent to iuhninister tlie government ; and we warn the country against trusting a party thus alike unworthy, recreant, and incapable. 17. The national administration merits conimendatioii for its honorable work in the management of dome-^tic and foreign aflairs, and PresicU-nt (Jrant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the Ameri- can people i'or his patriotism and his emi- nent services in war ami in peace. 18. We present, as our candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States, two distinguished statesmen, ol eminent ability and character, and con- spicuously fitted for those high offices, and we confidently api)eal to the American people to intrust the administration of their public aflairs to Rutherford 13. Hayes and William A. Wheeler. 1876.— Democratic Platform. St. Louis, Mo., June 27. We, the delegates of the Democratic party of the United States, in national con- vention assembled, do hereby declare the administration of the Federal government to be in urgent need of immediate reform ; do hereby enjoin ui)on the nominees of this convention, and of the Democratic party in each state, a zealous effort and co- operation to this end ; and do hereby ap- peal to our fellow-citizens of every former political connection to undertake, with us, this first and most pressing patriotic duty. For the Democracy of the whole coun- try, we do here reaffirm our faith in the per- manence of the Federal Union, our devo- tion to the constitution of the United States, with its amendments universally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered civil war, and do here re- cord our steadfast confidence in the per- petuity of republican self-government. In absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority — the vital principle of repub- lics; in tlic supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; in the total separation of church and state, for the sake alike of civil and religious freedom; in the equal- ity of all citizens before just laws of their own enactment ; in the liberty of indi- vidual conduct, unvexed by sumptuary laws; in the faithful education of the ris- ing generation, that they may preserve, enjoy, and transmit these best conditions of human happiness and hope — we behold the noblest products of a hundred years of changeful history ; but while upholding the bond of our Union and great charter of these our rights, it behooves a free peo- jile to practice also that eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty. Reform is necessary to rebuild and e,s- tablish in the hearts of the wliolo people the Union, eleven years ago happily res- cued from the danger of a secessicai of states, but nf>w to be saved from a corrupt centralism which, after iiiHicting upon ten states the rapacity of carpet-bag tyranny, has honey-combed the oliicesof the Federal government itself, with incapacity, waste, and fraud; infected states and municipali- ties with the contagion of misrule; and locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis of" hard times." Reform is necessary to estal)lish a sound currency, restore the public credit, and maintain the national honor. We denounce the failure, for all these eleven years of peace, to make good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and the non-jiayment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation. We denounce the improvidence which, in eleven years of peace, has taken from the people, in federal taxes, thirteen times the whole amount of the legal-tender notes, and squandered four times their sum in useless expense without accumulating any reserve for their redemption. We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party which, dur- ing eleven years of peace, has made no ad- vance toward resumption, no iireparation for resumption, but, instead, has obstructed resumption, by wasting our resources and exhausting all our surplus income ; and, while annually professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has an- nually enacted fresh hinderances thereto. As such hinderance we denounce the re- sumjjtion clause of 1875, and we here de- mand its repeal. We demand a judicious system of prepa- ration, by jiublic economies, by official re- trenchments, and by Avise finance, which shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect ability and of its perfect readiness to meet any of its pro- mises at the call of the creditor entitled to ]iayment. We believe such a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted to com- petent hands for execution, creating, at no time, an artificial scarcity of currency, and at no time alarming the pul)lic mind into a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five per cent, of all business transactions are performed. A sj-stem open, public, and inspiring general confidence, would, from the day of its adoption, bring healing on its wings to all our hara.ssed industries — set in motion the wheels of commerce, manufactures, And the mechanic arts — restore employment to la- bor — and. renew, in all its natural sources, the prosperity of the ])eople. Reform is necessarv in the sum and 58 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. modes of federal taxation, to the end that capital may be set free from distrust and li;bor lightly burdened. We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising, revenue. It has impover- ished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It has degraded American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on the high seas. It hiis cut down the sales of American manufactures at home and abroad, and depicted the returns of American agri- culture — an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people five times more than it produces to the treasury, ob- structs the processes of production, and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dis- honest ofiicials, and bankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all custom- house taxation shall be only for revenue. Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense — federal, state, and municipal. Our federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions gold, in 18(30, to four hundred and fifty millions currency, in 1870; our ag- gregate taxation I'rom one hundred and fifty- four millions gold, in 18(30, to seven hun- dred and thirty millions currency, in 1870 — or, in one decade, fi'om less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen doUars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to their tax-gatherers more than thrice the sura of the national debt, and more than twice that sum for the Federal government alone. We demand a rigorous frugality in every department and from every officer of the government. Rei'orm is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of public lands, and their diversion from actual settlers, by the party in power, which has squandered 200,000,000 of acres upon railroads alone, and, out of more than thrice that aggregate, has dis- posed of less than a sixth directly to tillers of the soil. Reform is necessary to correct the omis- sion of a Republican Congress, and the errors of our treaties and our dij)lomacy which have Htri])pe<l our fellow-citizens of i'oreign birili and kindred race, recrossing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have exposed our l)rethren of the I'acific coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from tlie same great parent stock, and in fact now, by law, denied citizensjiip througli naturalization, as being neither accustoincil to the traditions of a j>rogressive civilization nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus discards the lil)erty- loving (icrinan and tolerates a revival of the coolie trade in Moiigoiiun women, im- ported for immoral puq^oses, and Mongolian men, held to perform servile labor contracts and demand such modification of the treaty with the Chinese Empire, or such legisla- tion within constitutional limitations, as shall prevent further importation or immi- I gration of the Mongolian race. Reform is necessary, and can never be I effected but by making it the controlling j issue of the elections, and lifting it above j the two false issues with which the oflfice- ; holding class and the party in power seek to smother it : 1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support belongs exclusively to the several states, and which the Democratic party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to maintain, without preju- dice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and without largesses from the trea- sury to any. 2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible re- public and a common destiny. Reform is necessary in the civil service. Exjjerience 15 roves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief re- ward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ ; that the disi^ensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men, nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises, falsified in the per- formance, attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary re- form. Reform is necessary, even more, in the higher grades of the public service. Presi- dent, Vice-President, Judges, Senators, llejiresentatives, Cabinet officers — these, and all others in authority — are the people's servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite ; they arc a public trust. When the annals of this Republic sliow the dis- grace and censure of a Vice-President ; a late Speaker of the House of Representa- tives marketing his rulings as a presiding (tfficer ; three Senators profiting secretly by their votes aa law-makers; five chairmen of the leading committees of the late Plouse of Representatives exposed in jobber}' ; a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing ba- lances in the public accounts; a late At- torney-General misappro])riating public funds; a Secretary of the Navy enriched, or enriching friends, by percentages levied ofl' the ))rofits of contractors with his de- I)artment ; an Ambassador to England con- cerned in a dishonorable speculation ; the BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 59 President's private secretary barely escaj)- ing conviction upon trial for guilty compli- city in frauds uj)ou the revenue; ; a Secre- tary of War ini{)eached for high crinu's and misdemeanors — the demonstration is complete, that the first stej) in reform must be the jieople's choice of honest men from another [)arty, lest the disease of one poli- tical organization infect the body politic, and lest by making no change of men or parties we get no change of measures and no real reform. All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes — the j)roduct of sixteen years' ascendency of the Hopublican party — create a necessity for reform, confessed by the Republicans themselves ; but their reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the 80,000 olhce-hold- ers, its leaders and guides. Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that we may have a change of measures and of men. Resolved, That this convention, repre- senting the Democratic party of the United States, do cordially indorse the action of the present House of Representatives, in re- ducing and curtailing the expenses of the Federal government, in cutting down sa- laries and extravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not required by the public necessities; and we shall trust to the firmness of the Democra- tic members of the House that no commit- tee of conference and no misinterpretation of the rules will be allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy demanded by the country. Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the widows and or- phans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their fellow-citizens. 187S.— National Platform. Toledo, Ohio, February 22. Whereas, Throughout our entire country the value of real estate is depreciated, in- dustry paralyzed, trade depressed, business incomes and wages reduced, unparalleled distress inflicted upon the poorer and mid- dle ranks of our people, the "land filled with fraud, embezzlement, bankrui)tcy, crime, suffering, pauperism, and starvation ; and Whereas, This state of things has been brought about by legislation in the interest of, and dictated by, money-lenders, bankers and bondholders ; and Whereas, While we recognize the fact that the men in Congress connected with the old jjolitical parties have stood up man- fully for the rights of the people, and im-t the threats of the money power, and the ridicule of an ignorant and subsidized press, yet neither the Republican nor the Democratic parties, in their j)olicies, pro- pose remedies for the existing evils ; and Whereas, The Independent Greenback party, and other associations more or less effective, have been unable, hitherto, to make a formidable opi)osition to old party organizations; and Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender quality of the greenbacks, the changing of currency bonds into coin bonds, the de- monetization of the silver dollar, the ex- empting of bonds from taxation, the con- traction of the circulating medium, the ])roposed forced resumption of si)ecie pay- ments, and the prodigal waste of the i)ublic lands, wei'e crimes against the peoi)le; and, as far as possible, the results of these cri- minal acts must be counteracted by judi- cious legislation : TJierefore, We assemble in national con- vention and make a declaration of our principles, and invite all patriotic citizens to unite in an effort to secure financial re- form and industrial emancipation. The organization shall be known as the "Na- tional Party," and under this name we will perfect, without delay, national, state, and local associations, to secure the election to office of such men only as will pledge themselves to do all in their power to es- tablish these principles: First. It is the exclusive function of the general government to coin and create money and regulate its value. All bank issues designed to circulate as money should be suppressed. The circulating medium, whether of metal or paper, shall be issued by the government, and made a full legal- tender for all debts, duties, and taxes in the United States, at its stamped value. Second. There shall be no privileged class of creditors. Official salaries, pensions, bonds, and all other debts and obligations, ])ublic and private, shall be discharged in the legal-tender money of the United States strictly according to the stipulations of the laws under which they were con- tracted. Third. The coinage of silver shall be placed on the same footing as that of gold. Fourth. Congress shall ]>rovide said money adequate to the full employment of labor, the equitable distribution of its ]iro- ducts, and the requirement of business, fixing a minimum amount jxr cajiita of the population as near as may be, and other- wise regulating its value by wise and equi- table provisions of law, so that the rate of interest will secure to labor its just reward. Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius of popular government that any s/ecies of private property should be exempt from 60 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. bearing its proper share of the public burdens. Government bonds and money should be taxed precisely as other property, and a graduated income tax should be levied for the support of the government and the payment of its debts. Sixih. Public lands are the common property of the whole people, and should not be sold to speculators nor granted to railroads or other corporations, but should be donated to actual settlers, in limited quantities. Seventh. The government should, by gen- eral enactments, encourage the develop- ment of our agricultural, mineral, mecha- nical, mauutiicturing, and commercial re- sources, to the end that labor may be fully and profitably employed ; but no monopo- lies should be legalized. Eighth. All useless offices should be abol- ished, the most rigid economy favored in ever}' branch of the public service, and severe punishment inflicted upon public officers who betray the trusts reposed in them. iS'inth. As educated labor has devised moans for multiplying productions by in- ventions and discoveries, and as their use requires the exercise of mind as well as body, such legislation should be had that the number of hours of daily toil will be reduced, giving to the working classes more leisure for mental improvement and their several enjoyments, and saving them from premature decay and death. Tenth. The adoption of an American monetary system, as proposed herein, will harmonize all differences in regard to tariff and federal taxation, reduce and equlize the cost of trans]K>rtation by land and water, distril)ute e(]uitably the joint earn- ings of cai)ital and labor, secure to the producers of wealth the results of their labor and skill, and muster out of service the vast army of idlers, who, under the existing system, grow rich upon the earn- ings of others, that every man and woman may, by their own eflorts, secure a compe- tency, so tliat overgrown fortunes and ex- treme poverty will be seldom found within the limits of our rej)u])lic. Eleventh. Poth national and state govern- ments should establish bureaus of labor and industrial statistics, clothed with the power of gathering and publishing the same. Tvelfth, That the contract system of em- ploying labor in our prisons and reforma- t<jry institiitioMs works great injustice to our mfcli;inics and artisans, and should bo proliibitcil. Tiiirtcenlh. The importation of servile labor into the United States from China is a problem of the most serious importance, and we recommend legislation looking (o its suppression. Fuurtccnih. We believe in the hu j)renia(y of law over and above all perishable ma- terial, and in the necessity of a party of united people that will rise above old ))arty lines and prejudices. We will not affiliate in any degree with any of the old parties, btit, in all cases and localities, will organize anew, as united National men — nominate for office and official positions only such persons as are clearly believers in and identified with this our sacred cause ; and, irrespective of creed, color, place of birth, or past condition of political or other serv- itude, vote only for men who entirely abandon old party lines and organizations. 1879.— National Liberal Platform. Cincimudi, Ohio, Septenihir 14. 1. Total separation of Church and State, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution ; including the equitable taxation of church property, se- cularization of the i)ublic schools, abroga- tion of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of chap- laincies, prohibition of public appropria- tions for religious purposes, and all mea- sures necessary to the same general end. 2. National protection for national citi- zens in their equal civil, political, and re- ligious rights, to be guaranteed by amend- ment of the United States constitution and aflibrded through the United States courts. 3. Universal education, the basis of uni- versal suffrage in this secular Republic, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution, requiring every state to maintain a thoroughly secularized public school system, and to permit no child within its limits to grow up without a good elementary education. 1880.— Indeprndcnt Rcpnbllcau Principles. I. Independent Republicans adhere to the republican jirinciples of national supre- macy, sound finances, and civil service re- form, ex])ressed in the Republican plat- form of 1876, in the letter of acceptance of President Hayes, and in his message of 187'J; and they seek the realization of those i)rincii)les in i)ractical laws and their efficient administration. This retiuires, 1. The continuaiue on the statute-book of laws |)r(Uectiug the rights of voters at national elections. Put national supre- macy affords no j)rctext for interference with the loeal rights of communities; and the development of the soutli from its pre- sent del'eetive civilization can be secured only under constitutional methods, such as those of President JIayes. 2. The passage of laws whicli shall de- prive greenbacks of their h'gal-tender •jualily, as a first step toward their ulti- BOOK II. J POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 61 mate withdrawal and cancellation, and shall nuiintuin all coins made legal tender at such weight and lineness as will enable them to be used without discount in the commercial transactions of the world. ;5. The repeal oi' the acts which limit the terms of ollice of certain government ofli- cials to four years ; the repeal of the tenure-of-office acts, which limit the j)()wer of the executive to remove for cause ; the establishment of a permanent civil service commission, or equivalent measures to as- certain, by open comi)etition, and certify to the President or other appointing power the fitness of applicants for nomination or a})pointinent to all non-i)olitical offices. II. Independent Republicans believe that local issues should be indei)endent of jiarty. The words Republican and Demo- crat should have no weight in determining whether a school or city shall be adminis- tered on business princii)les by cajjable men. With a view to this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe for the voting for local and for state officers upon sepa- rate ballots. III. Independent Republicans assert that a political party is a co-operatiou of voters to secure the practical enactment into legislation of political convictions set forth as its jilatform. Every voter accept- ing that i)!atform is a member of that party ; any representative of that party op- posing the princii)les or evading the pro- mises of its platform forfeits the sup])ort of its voters. No voter should be held by the action or noniination of any caucus or convention of his party against his private judgment. It is his duty to vote against bad measures and unfit men, as the only means of obtaining good ones; and if his party no longer re|)resents its professed princi[)les in its practical workings, it is his duty to vote against it. IV. Independent Republicans seek good nominations through participation in the primaries and through the defeat of bad nominees ; they will labor for the defeat of any local Republican candidate, and, in co-operation with those holding like views elsewhere, for the defeat of any general Republican candidate whom they do not deem fit. 1880. Republican Platform. Cfiicago, ntinois, June 2. The Republican party, in national con- vention assembled, at the end of twenty years since the Federal government was first committed to its charge, submits to the people of the United States its brief report of its administration : It suppressed a rebellion which had armetl nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the union of the states with freedom, in- stead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It transformed four million of human beings from the likeness u{ things to the rank <jf citizens. It relieved Ccmgress from the in- famous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the value of our paper cur- rency from thirty-eight per cent, to tlie par of gold. It has restored, U])on a solid basis, j)ayment in coin for all the national obligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every j)art of our extended country. It has lifted the credit of the nation from the i)oint where six per cent, bonds sold at eighty-six to that where four i)er cent, bonds arc eagerly sought at a premium. Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 miles in 1860, to more than 82,000 miles in 1879. Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same time ; and our exports, which were $20,- 000,000 less than our imports in 18G0, were $264,000,000 more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary ex- penses of government, besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and disbursed, annuallv, over $30,000,000 for soldiers' pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the imblic debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 to less than $89,000,000. All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire coun- try there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued confidence and sup- port of the people ; and this convention submits for tlieir approval the following statement of the principles and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts : 1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has been such as to com- mend itself to the favor of the nation, and that th(> fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved, through immense difti- culties, should be ])reserved ; that the peace regained should be cherished; that the dissevereil Union, now happily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the lil)er- ties secured to this generation should be transmitted, undiminished, to future gene- rations; that the order established and the credit at'quired should never be impaired ; that the pensions promised should be paid ; that the debt so much reduced should be extinguished by the full payment of every dollar therenf:"that the reviving industries should be further promoted ; and that the 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ii. commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged. 2. The constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract ; out of confederate states it made a sove- reign nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to states ; but the boundary between the pow- ers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the national and not by the state tribTinals. 3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several states, but it is the duty of the national government to aid that work to the extent of its constitu- tional ability. The intelligence of the na- tion is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several states ; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one state, but by the aver- age genius of all. 4. The constitution wisely forbids Con- gress to make any law respecting an es- tablishment of religion ; but it is idle to hope that the nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while each state is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend that the constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibi- tion upon the legislature of each state, to forijid the appropriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools. 5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the pur- pose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American labor ; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any railway or other corporation ; that slaveiy having perished in the states, its twin barbarity — polygamy — must die in the territories ; that everywhere the pro- tection accorded to citizens of American birth must be secured to citizens by Ameri- can adojition. That we esteem it the duty of Conjrress to develop and improve our water-courses and harbors, but insist that furdier subsidies to private persons or cor- porations must cease. That the obliga- tions of the republic to the men who pre- served its integrity in the day of battle are undiminished by the lajise of fifteen years since their final victor^' — to do them perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people. 6. Since the authority to regulate immi- gration and intercourse between tlic United States and foreign nations rests with the Congress of the United States and its treaty-making pf)wers, the Kepnl)lican l)arty, regarding the unrestricted immigra- tion of the (!]iinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to restrain and limit that immigra- tion ])y the enaetmentof such just, humane, and reasoiuible provisions as will produce that result. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early career of Ruther- ford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of our immediate pre- decessors to select him for a presidential candidate, have continued to insi^ire him in his career as chief executive, and that history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an efficient, just, and courteous discharge of the public business, and will honor his interposition between the people and proposed partisan laws. 8. "We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and patronage. That to obtain pos- session of the national and state govern- ments, and the control of place and position, they have obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of suffi-age ; have devised fraudulent certifi- cations and returns ; have labored to un- seat lawfully-elected members of Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a ma- jority of the states in the House of Repre- sentatives ; have endeavored to occupy, by force and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine's pa- triotic sons ; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, at- tached partisan legislation to ajipropria- tion bills, upon whose passage the very movements of government depend ; have crushed the rights of the individual ; have advocated the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality. Equal, steady, and complete enforcement of the laws, and protection of all our citizens in the enjoyment of all privileges and im- munities guaranteed by the constitution, are the first duties of the nation. The dan- ger of a solid south can only be averted by the faithful performance of every promise which the nation made to (he citi/en. The execution of the laws, and the ])unishment of all those who violate them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be secured, and genuine prosperity es- tablished throughout the south. What- ever promises the nation makes, the na- tion must jierform ; and the nation can not with safety relegate this duty to the states. The solid south must be divided by the l)eaceful agencies of the ballot, and all o))inions nuist (liere find free expression; and to this end honest voters must be pro- tected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the duty and the j)urpose of the Rei)ublican party to use all legitimate means to restore all the states of this Union to the most perfect harmony BOOK II. J POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 63 which may be practicable ; and wc submit to Ihe i)racticul. sensible people oftlie United States to say whether it would not be dun- gei'ou-i to the dearest interests of our coun- try, at this time to surrender the adminis- tration of the national government to a ])arty which seeks to overthrow the exist- ing policy, under which we are so ])rosi)er- ous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is now order, confidence, and hope. 9. The Republican party, adhering to a principle aflirmed by its last national con- vention, of respect for the constitutional rule covering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be thorough, radical, and comi)lete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative with the executive department of the government, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper. practical tests, shall admit to the public service ; and that the power of re- moval for cause, Avith due responsibility for the good conduct of subordinates, shall accompany the power of appointment. 1880.— National (Greenback) Platform, Chicago, Illinois, June 9. The civil government should guarantee the div ine right of every laborer to the re- sults of his toil, thus enabling the pro- ducers of wealth to provide themselves with the means for physical comfort, and facilities for mental, social, and moral cul- ture ; and we condemn, as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which imposes upon wealth-producers a state of drudgery as the price of a bare animal existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive ])ower by the universal intro- auction of labor-saving machinery and the discovery of new agents for the increase ol' wealth, the task of the laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened, and few producers are lifted from poverty into comfort and pecuniary independence. The associated monopolies, the international syndicates, and other in- come classes demand dear money, cheap labor, and a strong government, and, hence, a weak people. Corporate control of the volume of money has been the means of dividing soeieiy into hostile classes, of an unjust distribution of the products of labor, and of building up monopolies of associated capital, endowed with ]iower tf) confiscate private proj)erty. It has kept money scarce ; and the scarcity of money enforces debt-trade, aiid public and cor- porate loans ; debt engenders usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of tlie bor- rower. Other results are — deranged mar- kets, uncertainty in manufacturing enter- prises and agriculture, precarious and intermittent employment for the laborer, industrial war, increasing pauperism and crime, and the consequent intimidation and disfranchisement of the producer, and a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. Therefore, we declare — First. That the right tn make and is.sue money is a sovereign power, to be main- tained by the people for their common benefit. The delegation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central attribute of sovereignty, void of constitu- tional sanction, and conferring upon a sub- ordinate and irresi)onsible power an abso- lute dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic or j)aper, should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the government, and not by or through l)anking corporations ; and, when so issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, i:)ublic and private. Second. That the bonds of the United States should not be refunded, but paid as rapidly as j^racticable, according to con- tract. To enable the government to meet these obligations, legal-tender currency should be substituted for the notes of the national banks, the national banking sys- tem abolished, and the unlimited coinage of silver, as w^ell as gold, established by law. Third. That labor should be so pro- tected by national and state authority as to equalize its burdens and insure a just dis- tribution of its results. The eight hour law of Congress should be enforced, the sanitary condition of industrial establish- ments placed under the rigid control, the competition of contract convict labor abol- ished, a bureau of labor statistics estab- lished, factories, mines, and workshops in- spected, the employment of children under fourteen years of age forbidden, and wages paid in cash. Fourth. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor being simply sla- very, the importation and presence of Chinese serfs necessarily tends to brutalize and degrade American labor ; therefore, immediate steps should be taken to ab- rogate the Burlingame treaty. Fifth. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-fulfillment of contract should be immediately reclaimed by the govern- ment, and, henceforth, the public donniiu reserved exclusively as homes for actual settlers. Sixth. It is the duty of Congress to reg- ulate inter-state commerce. All lines of communication and transportation sliould be brought under such legislative control as shall secure moderate, lair, and uniform rates for passenger and freight traffic. Sei-cnth. We denounce as destructive to property and dangerous t<i liberty the ac- tion of the old parties in fostering and sua* 64 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. tainin^ gigantic land, railroad, and money corporations, and monopolies invested with and exercising powers belonging to the government, and yet not responsible to it lor the manner of their exercise. Eujldh. That the constitution, in giving Congress the jiower to borrow money, to declare war, to raise and supjjort armies, to provide and maintain a navy, never in- tended that the men who loaned their money tor an interest-consideration should be preferred to the soldiers and sailors who f)eriled their lives and shed their blood on and and sea in defense of their country ; and we condemn the cruel class legislation of the Eepublican ])arty, which, while pro- fessing great gratitude to the soldier, has most unjustly discriminated against him and in favor of the bondholder. Xinth. All jiroperty should bear its just proportion of taxation, and we demand a graduated income tax. Tenth. We denounce as dangerous the efforts everywhere manifest to restrict the right of suti'rage. Eleventh. We are opposed to an increase of the standing army in time of peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enor- mous military power under the guise of militia laws. Twelfth. We demand absolute democra- tic rules for the government of Congress, placing all representatives of the people upon an equal footing, and taking away from committees a veto power greater than that of the President. Thirteenth. We demand a government of the people, by the i)eople, and for the peo- ple, instead of a government of the bond- holder, by the bondholder, and for the bondholder ; and we denounce every at- tempt to stir up sectional strife as an eflbrt to conceal monstrous crimes against the people. Fourteenth. In the furtherance of these ends we ask the co-operation of all fair- minded people. We have no quarrel with individuals, wage no war on classes, but only against vicious institutions. We are not content to endure furtiier discipline from our present actual rulers, who, liaving dominion over money, over transportation, over land and labor, over the press and the machinery of government, wield unwar- rantable power over our institutions and )ver life and proi)erty. 1880.— Prohibition Reform Platform, Cli-vvlunil, Ohii), .June 17. The prohibition Reform i)arty of the Unitvid States, organized, in the name of the iH'oitIc, to revive, enforce, and perpetu- ate in tne governniont the doctrines of the Declaration of Iinlriicndciice, submit, for the suffrage of all good citizens, the foUow- ' ing platform of national reforms and mea- , sures : ! In the examination and discussion of the' temperance question, it has been proven, and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic drinks, whether fermented, brewed, or dis- tilled, are poisonous to the healthy human body, the drinking of which is not only needless but hurtful, necessarily tending to form intemperate habits, increasing greatly the number, severity, and fatal termina- tion of diseases, weakening and deranging the intellect, polluting the affections, hard- ening the heart and corrupting the morals, depriving many of reason and still more of its healthful exercise, and annually bring- ing down large numbers to untimely graves, producing, in the children of many who drink, a predisposition to intemperance, insanity, and various bodily and mental diseases, causing diminution of strength, feebleness of vision, fickleness of purpose, and premature old age, and inducing, in all future generations, deterioration of moral and physical character. Alcoholic drinks are thus the implacable foe of man as an individual. First. The legalized importation, manu- facture, and sale of intoxicating drinks ministers to their use, and teaches the erro- neous and destructive sentiment that such use is right, thus tending to produce and perpetuate the above mentioned evils. Second. To the home it is an enemy — proving itself to be a disturber and de- stroyer of its peace, prosperity, and happi- ness ; taking from it the earnings of the husband; depriving the dependent wife and children of essential food, clothing, and education ; bringing into it profanity, abuse, and violence; setting at naught the vows of the marriage altar; breaking up the family and sundering the children from the parents, and thus destroying one of the most beneficent institutions of our Cre- ator, and removing the sure foundation of good government, national prosperity, and welfare. Third. To the community it is equally an enemy — producing vice, demoralization, and wickedness; its places of sale being resorts of gaming, lewdness, and debauch- ery, and the hiding-place of those who prey upon society; counteracting the cflicacy of religious effort, and of all means of intelleclual elevation, moral purity, social happiness, and the eternal good of mankind, without rendering any ccmnter- acting or coni])eiisating benefits; being in its influence and elfcct evil and only evil, and that continually. Fourth. To the state it is equally an eneniy— legislative iiKjuiries, judicial inves- tigations, and ollicial reports of all penal, reformatory, and dependent institutions showing that the mamifactun? and sale of such beverages is the promoting cause of BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS, 65 intemperance, crime, and pauperism, and of demands upon public and private cliarity, imposing tlie larger part of taxation, ])ara- lyzing thrift, industry, manufactures, and commercial life, which, but for it, would be unnecessary ; disturljiiig the peace of streets and highways ; filling prisons and poor-houses ; corrupting politics, legisla- tion, and the execution of the laws ; short- ening lives; diminishing health, industry, and productive power in manufactures and art; and is manifestly unjust as well as injurious to the commuuity upon which it is imposed, and is contrary to all just views of civil liberty, as well as a violation of the fundamental maxim of our common law, to use j'our own property or liberty so as not to injure others. Fifth. It is neither right nor politic for the state to afford legal protection to any traffic or any system which tends to waste the resources, to corrupt the social habits, and to destroy the health and lives of the people; that the importation, manufacture, and sale of intoxicating beverages is proven to be inimical to the true interests of the individual home, community, and state, and destructive to the order and wel- fare of society, and ought, therefore, to be classed among crimes to be prohibited. Sixtli. In this time of profound i)eace at home and abroad, the entire separation of the general government from the drink- traffic, and its prohibition in the District of Columbia, territories, and in all places and ways over which, under the constitu- tion, Congress has control and power, is a political issue of the first importance to the 2Jeace and prosperity of the nation. There can be no stable peace and protection to personal liberty, life, or property, until secured by national or state constitutional provisions, enforced by adequate laws. Seventh. All legitimate industries require deliverance from the taxation and loss which the liquor traffic imposes upon them ; and financial or other legislation could not accomplish so much to increase production and cause a demand for labor, and, as a result, for the comforts of living, as the suppression of thi? traffic would bring to thousands of homes as one of its blessings. Eighth. The administration of the gov- ernment and the execution of the laws are through political parties ; and we arraign the Repiiblican party, wliich has been in continuous power in the nation for twenty years, as being false to duty, as false to loudly-proclaimed principles of equal jus- tice to all and special favors to none, and of protection to the weak and dependent, insensible to the mischief which the trade in liquor has constantly inflicted upon in- dustry, trade, commerce, and the social liappiness of the people ; that 5,052 dis- tilleries, 3,830 breweries, and 175,2(30 places for the sale of these poisonous liquors, in- 24 volving an annual waste to the nation of one million five hundred thousand dollars, and the sacrifice of one hundred thousand lives, have, under its legislation, grown up and been fostered a.s a legitimate source of revenue ; that during its history, six terri- tories have been organized and live states been admitted into the Union, with consti- tutions provided and approved by Con- gress, but the prohibition of this debasing and destructive traffic has not been pro- vided, nor even the people given, at the time of admission, power to forbid it in any one of them. Its history further shows, that not in a single instance has an (original prohibitory law been passed by any state that was controlled by it, while in four states, so governed, the laws found on its advent to power have been repealed. At its national convention in 1872, it de- clared, as part of its party faith, that " it disapproves of the resort to unconstitu- tional laws for the purpose of removing evils, by interference with rights not sur- rendered by the people to either the state or national government," which, the au- thor of this plank says, was adopted by the platform committee with the full and implicit understanding that its purpose was the discountenancing of all so-called temperance, prohibitory, and Sunday laws. Ninth. We arraign, also, the Democra- tic party as unfaithful and unworthy of reliance on this question ; for, although not clothed with power, but occupying the relation of an opposition party during twenty years past, strong in numbers and organization, it has allied itself with liquor-traffickers, and become, in all the states of the Union, their special political defenders, and in its national convention in 1870, as an article of its political faith, declared against prohibition and just laws in restraint of the trade in drink, by say- ing it was opposed to what it was pleased to call "all sumptuary laws." The Na- tional party has been dumb on this ques- tion. Tenth. Drink-traffickers, having the his- tory and experience of all ages, climes, and conditions of men, declaring their business destructive of all good — finding no support in the Bible, morals, or reason — appeal to misapplied law for their justification, and intrench themselves behind the evil ele- ments of political party for defense, party tactics and party inertia become battling forces, protecting this evil. Eleventh. In view of the foregoing facts and history, we cordially invite all voters, without regard to former party affiliations, to unite with us in the use of the ballot for tlie abolition of the drinking system, under the authority of our national and state governments. We also demand, as a right, that women, having the privileges of citi- zens in other respects, be clothed with the 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. ballot for their protection, and as a rightful means for the proper settlement of the liquor question. Twelfth . To remove the apprehension of some who allege that a loss of public rev- enue would follow the suppression of the direct trade, we confidently point to the experience of governments abroad and at home, which shows that thrift and revenue from the consumption of legitimate manu- factures and commerce have so largely fol- lowed the abolition of drink as to fully supply all loss of liquor taxes. Thirteenth. "We recognize the good provi- dence of Almighty God, who has preserved and prospered us as a nation ; and, asking for His Spirit to guide us to ultimate suc- cess, we all look for it, relying upon His omnipotent arm. 1880.— Democratic Platform, Cincinnati, Ohio, June 22. The Democrats of the United States, in convention assembled, declare : First. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and examples of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the platform of the last na- tional convention of the party. Second. Opposition to centralization, and to tliat dangerous spirit of encroach- ment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism ; no sumptuary laws ; se])aration of the church and state for the good of each ; common schools fostered and protected. Third. Home rule; honest money, con- sisting of gold and silver, and paper, con- vertible into coin on demand ; the strict maintenance of the public faith, state and national ; and a tariff for roveinie only ; the subordination of the military to the civil power; and a general and thorough reform of the civil service. Fourth. The right to a free ballot is a right preservative of all rights ; and must and sliall be maintained in every part of the United States. Fifth. The existing administration is the rPf)rcsontative of conspiracy oidy ; and its ciiiiiii of riglit (osiirroimd tlir l);illot-boxes with trof)ps ;iii(l deputy marsiisils, to in- tiriii(l;itc and obstruct the elections, and th(! unprecedented use of tlie veto to main- tain its corrupt and despotic power, insults the j)eople and iin[)erils their institutions. We execrate the course of this administra- tion in making places in the civil service a reward for political crime ; and demand a reform, by statute, which shall make it for- ever impossible for a defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains upon the peo2)le. Sixth. The great fraud of 1876-7, by which, upon a false count of the electoral votes of two states, the candidate defeated at the polls was declared to be President, and, for the first time in American history, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representa- tive government. The Democratic party, to preserve the country from the horrors of a civil war, submitted for the time, in the firm and patriotic belief that the people would punish the crime in 1880. This is- sue precedes and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty upon the peojjle of the Union than ever addressed the con- sciences of a nation of freemen. Seventh. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden, not again to be a candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United States with deep sensibility ; and they declare their confi- dence in his wisdom, patriotism, and in- tegrity unshaken by the assaults of the common enemy ; and they further assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his fellow-citizens, who re- gard him as one who, by elevating the standard of the public morality, and adorn- ing and purifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his party. Eighth. Free ships, and a living chance for American commerce upon the seas ; and on the land, no discrimination in favor of. transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies. Ninth. Amendments of theBurlingame treaty ; no more Chinese immigration, ex- cept for travel, education, and foreign com- merce, and, therein, carefully guarded. Tenth. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and public land for actual settlers. Eleventh. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man,- and ])ledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorants and the commune. Tirrlffh. We congratulate the country upon the honesty anil thrift of a Demo- cratic Congress, which has reduced the IHibiic exi)enditure .t 10,000,000 a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at home and the national honor abroad; and, above all, upon tlu' jjromise of sucli a change in tlH> administration of the govern- ment as shall insure a genuine and lasting reform in every department of the public service. BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 67 Virginia Republican. [Adopted August 11.] Whereas, It is proper that when the people assemble in convention they should avow distinctly the principles of govern- ment on which they stand ; now, therefore, be it, Resolved, That we, the Republicans of Virginia, hereby make a declaration of our allegiance and adhesion to the principles of the Republican party of the country, and our determination to stand squarely by the organization of the Republican party of Virginia, always defending it against the assaults of all persons or parties what- soever. Second. That amongst the principles of the Republican party none is of more vital importance to the welfare and interest of the country in all its parts than that which pertains to the sanctity of Government contracts. It therefore becomes the special duty and province of the Republican party of Virginia to guard and protect the credit of our time-honored State, which has been besmirched with repudiation, or received with distrust, by the gross mismanagement of various factions of the Democratic party, which have controlled the legisla- tion of the State. Third. That the Republican party of Virginia hereby j^ledges itself to redeem the State from the discredit that now hangs over her in regard to her just obligations for moneys loaned her for constructing her internal improvements and charitable in- stitutions, which, permeating every quarter of the State, bring benefits of far greater value than their cost to our whole people, and we in the most solemn form pledge the Republican party or" the State to the full payment of the Avhole debt of the State, less the one-third set aside as justly falling on West Virginia ; that the industries of the country should be fostered through pro- tective laws, so as to develop our own re- sources, employ our own labor, create a home market, enhance values, and promote the happiness and prosperity of the people. Fourth. That the public school system of Virginia is the creature of the Repub- lican party, and we demand that every dollar the Constitution dedicates to it shall be sacredly applied thereto as a means of educating the children of the State, with- out regard to condition or race. Fifth. That the elective franchise as an equal right should be based on manhood qualification, and that we favor the repeal of the requirements of the prepayment of the capitation tax as a prerequisite to the franchise as opposed to the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of the condition whereby the State was read- mitted Jis a member of our Constitutional Union, as well a? against the spirit of the Constitution ; but demand the imposition of the capitation tax as a source of revenue for the support of the public schools with- out its disfranchising efi'ects. Sixth. That we favor the repeal of the disqualification for the elective franchise by a conviction of petty larceny, and of the infamous laws which place it in the power of a single justice of the peace (oft- times being more corruj)t than the criminal before him) to disfranchise his fellow-man. Seventh. Finally, that we urge the repeal of the barbarous law permitting the im- position of stripes as degrading and inhu- man, contrary to the genius of a true and enlightened people, and a relic of bar- barism. [The Convention considered it inexpe- dient to nominate candidates for State officers.] Virginia Readjnster. [Adopted Jnne 2.] First. We recognize our obligation to support the institution for the deaf, dumb and blind, the lunatic asylum, the public free schools and the Government out of the revenues of the State ; and we depre- cate and denounce that policy of ring rule and subordinated sovereignty which for years borrowed money out of banks at high rates of interest for the discharge of these paramount trusts, w'hile our revenues were left the prey of commercial exchanges, available to the State only at the option of speculators and syndicates. Second. We reassert our purpose to settle and adjust our State obligations on the principles of the " Bill to re-establish pub- lic credit," known as the " Riddleberger bill," passed by the last General Assembly and vetoed by the Governor. We main- tain that this measure recognizes the just debt of Virginia, in this, that it assumes two-thirds of all the money Virginia bor- rowed, and sets aside the other third to West Virginia to be dealt with by her in her own way and at her own pleasure ; that it places those of her creditors who have received but 6 per cent, instalments of in- terest in nine years upon an exact equality with those who by corrupt agencies were enabled to absorb and monopolize our lAeans of payment ; that it agrees to pay such rate of interest on our securities as can with certainty be met out of the rev- enues of the State, and that it contains all the essential features of finality. Third. We reassert our adherence to the Constitutional requirements for the " equal and uniform" taxation of projierty, ex- empting none except that specified by the Constitution and used exclusively for " re- ligious, charitable and educational pur- poses." 68 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book n. Fourth,. We reassert that the paramount obligation of the various works of internal imi)rovement is to the people of the State, by whose authority they were created, by whose money they were constructed and by whose grace they live ; and it is enjoin- ed upon our representative and executive officers to enforce the discharge of that dutj' ; to insure to our people such rates, facilities and connections as will protect ei'ery industry and interest against dis- crimination, tend to the development of our agricultural and mineral resources, en- courage the investment of active capital in manufactures and the profitable employ- ment of labor in industrial enterprises, grasp for our city and our whole State those advantages to which by their geographical position they are entitled, and fulfil all the great public ends for which they were de- signed. Fifth. The Eeadjusters hold the right to a free ballot to be the right preservative of all rights, and that it should be maintained in every State in the Union. We believe the capitation tax restriction upon the suf- frage in Virginia to be in conflict with the XlVth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. We believe that it is a violation of that condition of reconstruc- tion wherein the pledge was given not so to amend our State Constitution as to de- prive any citizen or class of citizens of a right to vote, except as punishment for such crimes as are felony at common law. We believe such a prerequisite to voting to be contrary to the genius of our institu- tions, the very foundation of which is re- presentation as antecedent to taxation. We know that it has been a failure as a measure for the collection of revenue, the pretended reason for its invention in 1876, and we know the base, demoralizing and dangerous uses to which it has been pros- tituted. We know it contributes to the increase of monopoly power, and to cor- rupting the voter. For these and other reasons we adhere to the purpose hitherto expressed to provide more effectual legisla- tion for the collection of this tax, dedicated by the Constitution to the public free schools, and to abolish it as a qualification for and restriction upon suffrage. Sixth. The Readjusters congratulate the whole people of Virginia on tlie jirogrcss of the last few years in developing mineral resources and promoting manufacturing cnteri)rises in the State, and they declare tlu'ir purpose to aid these great and grow- ing industries by all projxT and essential legislation, State and Federal. Totliisend they will continue their efforts in behalf of more cordial and fraternal relations be- tween the sections and States, and esjx'- cially for that concord and harmony which will make the country to know liow earn- estly and siucercly Virginia invites all men into her borders as visitors or to become citizens without fear of social or political ostracism ; that every man, from whatever section of country, shall enjoy the fullest freedom of thought, speech, politics and religion, and that the State which first formulated these principles as fundamental in free government is yet the citadel for their exercise and protection. Virginia Democratic. [Adopted Augitst 4.] The Conservative Democratic party of Virginia — Democratic in its Federal rela- tions and Conservative in its State policy — assembled in convention, in view of the present condition of the Union and of this Commonwealth, for the clear and distinct assertion of its political principles, doth declare that we adopt the following articles of political faith : Fi7~st. Equality of right and exact jus- tice to all men, special privileges to none ; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of the person under the pro- tection of the habeas corjjus ; of trial by juries impartially selected, and of a pure, upright and non-partisan judiciary ; elec- tions by the people, free from force or fraud of citizens or of the military and civil of- ficers of Government ; and the selection for public offices of those who are honest and best fitted to fill them ; the support of the State governments in all their rights as the most comiietent administrations of our domestic concerns andthe surest bulwarks against anti-rejniblican tendencies ; and the preservation of the General Govern- ment in its whole constitutional vigor as the best sheet-anchor of our peace at home and our safety abroad. Second. That the maintenance of the public credit of Virginia is an essential means to the promotion of her prosperity. We condemn repudiation in every shape and form as a blot uj)on her honor, a blow at her permanent welfare, and an obstacle to her progress in wealth, influence and power ; and that we will make every eflbrt to secure a settlement of the public debt, with the consent of her creditoi-s, Avhich is consistent with her honor and dictated by justice and sound public policy ; that it is eminently desirable and proper that the several classes of the debt now existing should be unified, so that equality, which is equity, may control in the annual pay- ment of interest and the ultimate redemp- tion of princi])al ; that, with a view of se- curing such (Hpiality, we ])ledge our party to use all lawliil authority to secure a settle- ment of the State debt so that there shall be l)ut one class of the public debt; that we will use all lawful and constitutional means iu our power to secure a settlement BOOK 11.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. of the State debt upon the basis of a 3 per cent, bond, and that the Conservative- Democratic party pledges itself, as a part of its policy, not to increase the present rate of taxation. Third. That we will Uphold, in its full constitutional integrity and efficiency, our public-school system for the education of both wliitc and colored children — a system inaugurated by the Constitution of the State and established l)y the action of the Conservative party years before it wa.s re- quired by the Constitution ; ami will take flie most effectual means for the faithful execution of the same by applying to its support all the reveiuies set apart for that object by the Constitution or otherwise. Fourth. Upon this declaration of prin- ciples we cordially invite the co-operation of^ all Conservative Democrats, whatever may have been or now are their views upon the public debt, in the election of the nominees of this Convention and in the maintenance of the supremacy of the Democratic party in this State. Resolved, further, That any intimation, coming from any q^uartcr, that the Con- servative-Democratic party of Virginia has been, is now, or proposes to be, opposed to an honest ballot and a fair count, is a calumny upon the State of Virginia as un- founded in fact as it is dishonorable to its authors. * That special efforts be made to foster and encourage the agricultural, mechanical, mining, manufacturing and other indus- trial interests of the State. That, in common with all good citizens of the Union, we reflect with deep abhor- rence upon the crime of the man who aimed a blow at the life of the eminent citizen who was called by the constitutional voice of fifty millions of people to be the President of the United States ; and we tender to him and to his friends the sym- pathy and respect of this Convention and of those we represent, in this great calam- ity, and our hearty desire for his complete restoration to health and return to the dis- charge of his important duties, for the wel- fare and honor of our common country. COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANKS ON GREAT POLITICAL QUESTIONS. General Party Doctrines. DEMOCRATIC. 1856— That the liberal principles embodied by Jeffer- son in the Declara- tion of Independ- ence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours REPUBLICAN. 1856— That the maintenance of the ])rinciples promul- gated in the Decla- ration of Inde{)end- enee and embodied in the Federal Con- stitution, is essential DEMOCRATIC. tlie land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed o f every nation, have ever been cardinal l)rinciples in the Democratic f a i t h ; and every attempt to abridge the present j)rivilege of becom- ing citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be re- sisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedi- tion laws from our statute books. [Plank 8. 1860— Reaffirm- ed. 1864— 1868— 1872 — We recog- nize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that REPUBLICAN, to the preservation of our Republican institutions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States shall be pre- served; that with our Republican iathers, we hold it to be a self-evident truth that all men are en- dowed with tiie in- alienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit o f happi- ness, and that the primary object and ulterior design of our Federal Govern- ment were to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdic- tion. [Plank 1. 1860— That the maintenance of the principles promul- gated in the Decla- ration of Independ- ence and embodied in the Federal Con- stitution. "That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certa'in inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness ; that to se- c u r e these rights governments are in- stituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned," is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions ; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved. [Plank 2. 1864— 1868— 1872 — Complete liberty and exact equality in the en- joyment of all civil, 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II, DEMOCRATIC. it is the duty of Gov- ernment in its deal- ings with the peo- ple to mete out equal and exact jus- tice to all, of what- ever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, religious or politi- cal. [Plank 1. 1876— 1880 — Opposi- tion to centraliza- tionism, and to tluit dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to con- solidate the powers of all the depart- ments in one, and thus to create, what- ever be the form of Government, a real despotism. [Plank 2. REPUBLICAN. political and public rights should be es- tablished and etfec- tually maintained throughout the Un- ion by efficient and appropriate State and Federal Legis- lation. Neither the law nor its adminis- tration should ad- mit any discrimina- tion in respect of citizens by reasons of race, creed, color or previous condi- tion of servitude. [Plank 3. 1876— The United States of America is a Na tio n not a league. By the com- bined workings of the National and State Governments, under their respec- tive constitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured at home or abroad, and the common welfare promoted. 1880— r^e consti- tution of the United States is a supreme law and not a mere contract. Out of confederate States it made a sovereign nation. Some pow- ers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to the States, but the boundary between the powers dele- gated and those re- served is to be de- termined by the Na- tional, and not by the State tribunal. [Cheers.] [Plank 2. The Rebellion. DEMOCRATIC. 1WJ+— That this convention does ex- plicitly declare, as t li e sense of the A merican people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the ex- RKPUBLICAN. 1804— Til at it is the highest duty of every American cit- izen to maintain against all th e i r enemies the integ- rity of tli(^ Union and the paramount DEMOCRATIC. periment of war , during which, un- der tlie pretense of a military necessity or war-power higher than the Constitu- tion, tlie Constitu- tion itself has been disregarded in every part, and public lib- erty and private right alike trodden down, and the ma- terial prosperity of the country essen- tially impaired, jus- tice, humanity, lib- erty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to the ultimate convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practi- cable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Fed- eral Union of the States. [1st resolution. REPUBLICAN. authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States ; and that lay- ing aside all differ- e n c e s of political opinions, we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common s e n t i- ment, and aiming at a common object, to d o everything i n our power to aid the- Government, in quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the pun- j ishment due to their ; crimes the rebels * and traitors arrayed against it. That we approve the determination of the Government of the United States not to comj)romise with rebels, or to offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an un- conditional sur- render of their hos- tility and a return to their just allegi- ance to the Constitu- tion and laws of the United States; and that we call upon the Government to maintain this posi- tion and to prose- cute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the com- plete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing pa- triotism, the heroic valor, and the un- dying devotion o f the American peo- ple to the country and its free institu- tions. 1 1st and 2d resolu- tions.] Home Kule. democratic:. REPUBLICAN. ],sr,G— That we 18.'36— * * • recognize the right The dearest consti- BOOK II.J POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 71 DEMOCRATIC, of the people in all the Territories, in- cluding Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and i'airly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and wherever the number of their in- habitants justifies it, to form a constitu- tion * * * and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. REPUBLICAN, tutional r igh ts of the people of Kan- sas have been Iraud- ulently and violent- ly taken from them ; their territory has been invaded by an armed force; spur- ious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive of- ficers have been set over them, l)y whose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the Government, tyrannical and un- constitutional laws have been enacted and enforced ; the right of the people to keep and bear arms has been in- fringed ; test-oaths of an extraordinary and entangling na- ture have been im- posed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding ofSce ; the right of an ac- cused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury has been de- nied ; the right of the people to be se- cure in their per- sons, houses, papers, and effects against u n r e a son able searches and seiz- ures, has been vio- lated ; they h a v e been deprived of life, liberty, and prop- erty without due process of law ; that the f r e e d o m of speech and of the press has been abridged; the right to choose their rep- resentatives has been made of no effect ; murders, rob- beries, and arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished ; that all those things Lave been done DEMOCRATIC. I860— That when the settlers in a Ter- ritory, having an ad- equate population, form a State Consti- tution, the right of sovereignty com- mences, and, being consummated by ad- mission into the Un- ion, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its consti- tution prohibits or recognizees the insti- tutionof slavery. [Plank 3, Breckin- ridge, Dem. 1864— 1868 — After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Con- gress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the Government and the preservation of the Union under the t'onstitution, it [the Republican party] has repeatedly vio- EEPUBLICAX. with the knowledge, sanction, and pro- curement of the present Adminis- tration, and that for this high crime against the Consti- tution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the Admin- istration, the Presi- dent, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and ac- cessories, either be- fore or ajler the fact, before the country and before the world; and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages and their accom- plices to a sure and condign punish- ment. [Plank 3. I860 — That the maintenance invio- late of the rights of the States, and espe- cially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusive- ly, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endunmceof our political fabric de- pends; and we de- nounce the lawless inviusion by armed force of the soil of any State or Terri- tory, no matter un- der what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes, [Plank 4, 1864— 1868— We con- gratulate the coun- try on the a.ssurcd success of the recon- struction policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in the majority of the States lately in re- bellion, of constitu- tions securing eipial civil and political rights to all ; and it 72 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. DEMOCRATIC. lated that most sa- cred pledge under which alone was ral- lied that noble vol- unteer army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so fivr as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in time of profound peace, to militiiry despotism and negro suprema- cy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jurj- ; it has abolished the habeas coi-pns, that most sa- cred writ of liberty ; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and the press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-cham- ber inquisitions for the constitutional tribunals ; it has disregarded in time of peace the right of the peo{)le to be free from searches and seizures ; it has en- tered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their pri- vate papers and let- ters without any spe- cific cliargc or notice of affidavit, as re- quired by the or- ganic law ; it has converted tlie Anier- can Capitol into a bastilc ; it has cstab- lislied a syst<m of 8j)icH and otlicial es- pionage to which no constitutional mon- archy of VjUTope would now dare to resort ; it has al)ol- ishcd the right of ap[)cal on important constitutional ques- tions to tbe su])n'me judicial tribunals, and threatens tocur- tail C)r destroy it8 original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably EEPUBLICAN. is the duty of the Government to sus- tain those institu- tions and prevent the people of such IStates from being remitted to a state of anarchy. DEMOCRATIC. vested by the Con- stitution, while the learned Chief Jus- tice has been sub- jected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges preferred against the President. * * * Under its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in Novem- ber next and inaugu- rate its President, we will meet as a sub- jected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered frag- ments of the Consti- tution. 1872— Local self- government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. The public welfare requires the supre- macy of the civil over the militaiy au- thority, and freedom of persons under the protection of the ha- beas corpus. We de- mand for the indi- vidual the largest liberty consistent with public order ; for the State self- government, and for the nation a return to the methods of peace and the con- stitutional limita- tions of power. [Plank 4. 1880—* * " Home Rule." [Plank 3. REPUBLICAN. 1872 — We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an im- perative duty in their measures for the suppression o f violent and treason- able organizations in certain lately rebel- lious regions, and for the protection of the ballot-box ; and, therefore, they are entitled to the thanks of the nation. [Plank 12. 1880— Intt-rual Improvemeuts. DEMOCRATIC. 1S5(; — That the Constitution does not confer upon the g(!neral (Jovernnient the power to com- REPUBLICAN. 18r)() — That ap- propriations by con- gress for the im- provement of rivers and harbors of a na- BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 73 DEMOCRATIC. mence and carry on a general system of internal improve- ments. [Plank 2. I860— Reaffirmed. 1864— 1868— 1872— 1876— 1880— Plank 2 of 1856 reaffirmed. REPUBLICAN. tional character, re- quired for the ac- commodation and security of our exist- ing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by the obli- gation f Govern- ment to protect the lives and property of its citizens. (Plank 7. 18G0— That ap- propriations by Con- gress for river and harbor improve- ments of a national character, required for the accommoda- tion and security of an existing com- merce, are author- ized by the Constitu- tion and justified by the obligation of Government to pro- tect the lives and property of its citi- zens. [Plank 15. 1864r- 1868— 1872— 1876— 1880— * * * That we deem it the duty of Congress to de- velop and improve our seacoast a n d harbors, but insist that further subsi- dies to private per- sons or corporations must cease. The National Debt and Interest, tbe Public Crefllt, Repudiation, etc. DEMOCRATIC. 1864— REPUBLICAN. 1864— That the National faith, pledged for the re- demption of the Eublic debt, mast be ept inviolate, and that for this purpose we recommend eco- nomy and rigid re- sponsibility in the public expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxa- tion ; and that it is the duty of every DEMOCRATIC. 1868— Payment of the i)ublic debt of the United States as rapidly as practica- ble ; all moneys drawn from the peo- ple by taxation, ex- cept so much as is requisite for the ne- cessities of the Gov- ernment, economi- cally administered, being honestly ap- plied to such pay- ment, and where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States. [Plank 3. Equal taxation of every species of pro- perty according to its real value, in- cluding Government bonds and other public securities. [Plank 4. 1872 — We de- mand a system of Federal taxation which sliall not un- necessarily interfere witli the industries of the people, and REPUBLICAN. loyal State to sastain the credit and jjro- mote the use of the National currency. [Plank 10. 1868 — We de- nounce all forms of repudiation as a Na- tional crime ; and the National honor requires the pay- ment of the public indebtedness in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and al)road, not only according to the letter, but the spirit of the laws under which it was contracted. [Plank 3. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and re- duced as rapidly as the national faith will jjermit. [Plank 4. Tlie national debt, contracted as it has been for the preser- vation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption ; and it is the duty of Con- gress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honestly done. [Plank 5. That the Ijcst po- licy to diminish our burden of debt is to so improve our cred- it that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we now pay and must continue to pay so long as repudiation, partial or total, oj)en or covert, is threat- ened or sus])ected. [Plank 6. 1,S72— * * * A uniform nation a 1 curreiu-y has been provided, repudia- tion frowned down, the nationnl credit sustained under the 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II, DEMOCRATIC. which shall provide the means necessa- ry to pay the expen- ses of the Govern- ment, economically administered, the pensions, the inter- est on the public debt, and a mode- rate reduction an- nually of the princi- pal thereof. * * * The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we denounce rejjudia- tion in every form and guise. [Plank 7. 1876 — Reform is necessary to estab- lish a sound curren- cy, restore the pub- lic credit, and main- tain the national honor. 1880— *** Hon- est m o n e y — t h e striet maintenance of the public faith — consisting of gold and silver, and pa- per convertible into coin on demand; the strict mainte- nance of the jmblic faith, State and na- tional. [Plank 3. REPUBLICAN. most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower rates. * * [Plank 1. We denounce re- pudiation of the public debt, in any form of disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the balance. [Plank 13. 1876— In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the National Government as- sumed to remove any doubts of its purpose to discharge all just obligations to the public- credi- tors, and " solemnly pledged its faith to make provision at the earliest practica- ble period for the redemption of the United States notes in coin." Commer- cial prosperity, ])ub- lic morals, and na- tional credit demand that this promise be fulfilled by a con- tinuance and steady progress to specie pavment. [Plank 4. 1880— It [the Re- publican party] has raised the value of our paper currency from 38 per cent, to the par of gold [ap- plause] ; it has re- stored, upon a solid basis, payment in coin of all national obligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and eoual in every part 01 our extended country [applause] ; it has lifted the credit of tiie nation from the point of where 6 jxt cent. l)onds sold at 8(;, to that where 4 per DEMOCRATIC. REPUBLICAN. cent, bonds are eagerly sought at a premium. [Preamble. Resumption. DEMOCRATIC. 1872 — A speedy return to specie pay- ment is demanded alike by the highest c o n s i d e rations of commercial morali- ty and honest gov- ernment. [Plank 8. 1876 — We de- nounce the financial imbecility and im- morality of that party, Avhich, during eleven years of peace, has made no advance toward re- sumption, no prepa- ration for resump- tion, but instead has obstructed resump- tion, by wasting our resources and ex- hausting all our sur- plus income ; and, while annually pro- fessing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has annually enac- ted fresh hindrances thereto. As such hindrance we de- nounce the resump- tion clause of the act oJ"[875, and we here demand its repeal. 1880—* * * Hon- est money, * * * consisting of gold, and silver, and pa- per convertible into coin on demand. REPUBLICAN. 1872—* * * Our excellent national currency will be perfected by a spee- dy resumption of specie payment. [Plank 13. ,1876— In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant, the National Government as- sumed to remove any doubts of its purpose to discharge all just obligations to the public credi- tors, and solemnly pledged its faitk to make provision at the "earliest practicable period for the redemption of the United States notes in coin." Com- mercial prosperity, public morals and national credit de- mand that this pro- mise be fulfillecl by a continuous aiid steady progress to specie patjment. 1880— * * * It [the Republican party] has restored, upon a solid basis, payment in coin of all National obli- g a t i o n s , and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended country. Capital and I^abor. DEMOCRATIC. REPUBLICAN. 1868 — liesolvcd, That this conven- tion synipatliize cor- dial 1 y with the working men of the United States in 1868— BOOK II.J POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 75 DEMOCRATIC. their efforts to pro- tect the rights and interests of the la- boring classes of the country. 1872— 1880— The Demo- cratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormo- rant and the com- mune. [Plank 13. BEPUBLICAN. 1872— Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capi- tal and labor, and the Republican par- ty recognizes the du- ty of so shaping le- gislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital,and for labor, the creator of capital the largest opportu- nities and a just share of the mutual profits of these two great servants of ci- vilization. [Plank 11. 1880— Tariff. DEMOCRATIC. 1856 — The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor EEPUBLICAIT. 1856— of progressive free trade through- out the world, by solemn manifesta- tions, to place their moral influence at the side of their suc- cessful example. [Resolve i. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Govern- ment to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our com- mon country. [Plank 4. DEMOCRATIC. 1860— Reafirmed. 1864— 1868— * * * A tariff for revenue upon foreign im- ports, and such equal taxation under the Internal Revenue laws as will afford incidental protec- tion to domestic manufactures, and as will, without im- pairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote and encourage the great industrial interesta of the country. [Plank 6. 1872— * * * * Re- cognizing that there are in our midst honest but irrecon- cilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective systems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the people in their Con- gressional districts, and to the decision of the Congress thereon, wholly free from executive iu- REPURl.lCAN. 1860— That, while f)roviding revenue or the supiKjrt of the general Govern- ment by duties upon imports, sound poli- cy requires such an adjustment of these imposts aa to encour- age the development of the industrial in- terests of the whole country ; and we commend that poli- cy of national ex- changes which se- cures to the work- ingmen liberal wa- ges, to agriculture re- munerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commer- cial prosperity and independence. [Plank 12. 1864— 1868— 1872 * * * * Revenue except so much as may be derived from a tax upon toV)acco and liquors, should be raiseil by duties iH)on importations, the details of wliich should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to labor, and pro- mote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the whole country, [riuuk 7. 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book II. DEMOCRATIC. terference or dicta- tion. [Plank 6. 1876— **** m demand that all custom-house taxa- tion shall be only for reven ue. [Plank 11. 1880— * * * * A taritF for revenue on- ly. [Plank 3. REPUBLICAN. 1876— The reve- nue necessary for current expendi- tures and the obliga- tions of the public debt must be largely derived from duties upon importations, which so far as pos- sible, should be ad- justed to promote the interests of American labor and advance the prosper- ity of the whole country. [Plank 8. 1880— Eeaffirmed. Education. DEMOCRATIC. 1876— The false issue with which they [the Eepubli- cans] would enkindle sectarian strife in re- spect to the j3ublic schools, of which the establishment and support belong exclusively to the several States, and which the Democra- tic party has cherish- ed from their foun- dation, and is resolv- ed to maintain with- out prejudice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and without larges- ses from the Trea- sury to any. 1880- * * * Com- mon Schools foster- ed and i)rotected. [Plank 2. REPUBLICAN. 1876— The public school system of the several States is the bulwark of the American Eepublic, and with a view to its security and per- manence we recom- mend an Amend- ment to the Consti- tution of the United States, forbidding the application of any public funds or property for the ben- efit of any schools or institutions under sectarian control. [Plank 4. 1880— The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several States, but it is the duty of the National Ciovernmont to aid that work to the ex- tent of its constitu- tional ability. The intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate of the in- telligence in the several States, and the destiny of the Nation must be DEMOCRATIC. REPUBLICAN. guided, not by the §enius of any one tate, but by the average genius of all. [Plank 3. Duty to IJnlou Soldiers and Sallorg. DEMOCRATIC. 1864— That the sympathy of the De- mocratic party is heartily and earnest- ly extended to the soldiery of our army and sailors of our nav}% who are and have been in the field and on the sea under the flag of our coun- try, and, in the event of its attaining pow- er, they will receive all the care, protec- tion, and regard that the brave soldiers and sailors of the Republic so nobly earned. [Plank 6. Jggg -X- ****•!{■ * That our soldiers and sailors, who car- ried the flag of our country to victory, against a most gal- lant and determined foe, must ever be gratefully remem- bered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution. REPUBLICAN. 1864— That the thanks of the Ameri- can people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in defense of the coun- try and in vindica- tion of the honor of its flag ; that the na- tion owes to them some permanent re- cognition of their pa- triotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provi- sion for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the serv- ice of the country ; and that the memor- ies of those who have fallen in its defence shall be held in grateful and ever- lasting remem- brance. [Plank 4. 1868— Of all who were faithi'ul in the trials of the late war, there were none en- titled to more espe- cial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured the hardshij)s of campaign and cruise and imperiled their lives in the service of their country ; the bounties and pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the nation are obli- gations never to be forgotten ; the wi- dows and or])hanH of the gallant dead are the wards of the i)eo- ijK — a sacred legacy bequeathed to the nation's care. [Plank 10. BOOK 11.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 77 DEMOCRATIC. 1872—* We re- member with grati- tude tlie heroism and sacrifices of tlie soldiers and sailors of thellepublic, and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame for the full re- ward of their i)atriot- isn^ [Plank 9. REPUBLICAN, 1872— We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor saved the Union. Their pensions are a.sacred debt of the nation, and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are entitled to the care of a gen- erous and grateful people. We favor such additional le- gislation as will ex- tend the bounty of the Government to all our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharg- ed, and who in the line of duty became disabled, without re- gard to the length of service or the cause of such discharge. [Plank's. 1876— The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those who imperiled their lives for the country's preserva- tion, in the kindest remembrance. [Plank 14. 1880— 1880— That the obligations of the Eepublic to the men who preserved its in- tegrity in the day of battle are undimin- ished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory. To do them honor is and shall forever be the grateful pri- vilege and sacred duty of the Ameri- can people. Naturalization and Alle^ance. 1876— * * * The soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the widows and or- 1)hans of those who lave fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, pro- tection, and grati- tude of their fellow- citizens. [Last resolution. DEMOCRATIC. 1860— That the De- mocracy of the Uni- ted States recognize it as the imperative REPUBLICAN. 1800 — The Re- publican party is opposed to any change in our na- DEMOCRATIC. duty of this Govern- ment to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as •ts native-born ci- tizens. [Plank 6. 1864— 1868 — Equal rights and protec- tion for naturalized and native-born citi- zens at home and abroad, the assertion of American nation- ality which shall command the re- spect of foreign powers, and furnish an example and en- couragement to peo- ple struggling for national integrity, constitutional liber- ty, and individual rights and the inain- tenance of the rights of naturalized citi- zens against the ab- solute doctrine of immutable allegi- ance, and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for al- leged crime com- mitted beyond their jurisdiction. [Plank 8. 1872— REPUBLICAN. turalization laws, or any 8tatc legislation by which the rights of citizenshin hith- erto accorded to im- migrants fnnn for- eign lands shall be abridged or impair- ed ; and in favor of giving a full and ef- ficient protection to the right of all cla.s- ses of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both home and abroad. [Plank 14. 1864r— 1868— The doc- trine of Great Bri- tain and other Euro- pean Powers, that because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at every hazard by the Uni- ted States, as a re- lic of feudal times, not authoi'ized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor and independence. Na- turalized citizens are entitled to protec- tion in all their rights of citizenship as though they were native-born ; and no citizen of the United States, native or na- turalized, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country ; and, if so arrested and im- prisoned, it is the duty of the Govern- ment to interfere in his behalf [Plank 9. 1872 — The doc- trine of Great Bri- tain and other Eu- ropean Powers con- cerning allegiance — " once a subject always a subject " — h a V i n g at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been aban- 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book n. DEMOCRATIC. 1876— 1880— REPUBLICAN. doned, and the Ame- rican idea of the in- dividual's right to transfer allegiance having been accep- ted by European nations, it is the duty of our Govern- ment to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens against the assumption of unau- thorised claims by their former Gov- ernments, and we urge continued care- ful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigra- tion. [Plank 9, 1876— It is the im- perative duty of the Government so to modifv' existing trea- ties with European governments, that the same protection shall be afforded to the adopted Ameri- can citizen that is given to the native- born, and that all necessary laws should be passed to protect emigrants in the absence of pow- er in the State for that purpose. [Plank 10. 1880— * * * * Everywhere the pro- tection accorded to a citizen of American birth must be se- cured to citizens by American adoption. [Plank 5. The ChlneHc. DEMOCRATIC. 1876 — Keform is necessarj' to correct the omissions of a Republican Con- gress, and the errors of our treaties and our diplomacy, which have stripppcl our fcllow-citizons of foreign birth and kindred race re- crossing the Atlan- tic, of tlic shield of American citizen- REPURLICAN. 1876— It is the immediate duty of Confess to fully in- vestigate the effect of the immigration a n d importation of Mongolians upon the moral and ma- terial interests of the countrv. '[Plank 11. DEMOCRATIC. ship, and have ex- posed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and in fact now by law de- nied citizenship through naturaliza- tion as being neither accustomed to the traditions of a pro- gressive civili- zation nor ex- ercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce the policy which thus discards the liberty- loving German and tolerates a revival of the coolie trade in Mongolian women imported for im- moral purposes, and Mongolian men held to perform servile labor contracts, and demand such modi- fication of the trea- ty with the Chinese Empire, or such le- gislation within con- stitutional limita- tions, as shall pre- vent further impor- tation or immigra- tion of the Mongo- lian race. 1880 — Amend- ment of the Burlin- game Treaty. No more Chinese immi- gration, except for travel, education, and foreign com- merce, and therein carefully guarded, [Plank 11. REPUBLICAN. 1880— Since the authority to regu- late immigration and intercourse be- tween the United States and foreign nations rests with the Congress of the United States and the treaty-making power, the Ke]iubli- can party, regarding the unrestricted im- migration of Chinese as a matter of grave concernment under the exercise of both these powers, would limit and restrict that immigration by the enactment of puch just, humane, and reasonable laws and treaties as will produce that result. [Plank 6. BOOK II.] POLITICAL PLATFORMS. 79 Civil Service. DEMOCRATIC. 1872 — The civil service of the gov- ernment has become a mere instrnmcnt of partisan tyranny ana personal ambi- tion and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and re- proach upon free in- stitutions and breeds a d e m r a 1 iza- tion dangerous to the perpetuity of Kepublican Govern- ment. We therefore regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing neces- sities of the hour; that honesty, ca- pacity and fideli- ty constitute the oidy valid claim to pul>lic employment; and the ofiices of the Government cease to be a matter of ar- bitrary fovoritism and patronage, and public station be- come again a post of honor. To this end it is imperative- n ly required that no if President shall be a candidate lor re- election. 1876 — Reform is necessarj^ in the civil service. Ex- perience that proves efficient, economical conduct of Govern- mental business is not possible if the civil service be sub- ject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public em- REPUBLICAN. 1872 — Any system of the civil service, under which the subordinate posi- tions of the Govern- ment are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of t)atronage and make lonesty, efficiency and fidelity the es- sential qualifications for public positions, without practically creating a life ten- ure of office. [Plank 5. 1876— Under the Constitu t i o n the President and heads of Departments are to make nomina- tions for office ; the Senate is to advise and consent to ap- pointments, and the House of Represen- tatives to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the pub- lic service demands that these distinc- tions be respected ; that Senators and Representa tives ^ DEMOCRATIC. ploy ; that the dis- pensing of patron- age should neither be a tax upon the time of all our pub- lic men, nor the in- strument of their ambition. 1880— * * Tho- rough reform in the civil service. REPUBMCAN. who may Ijc judges and accusers sliould not dictate appoint- ments to office. The invarialile rule in appointments should have refer- ence to tiie honesty, fidelity and ciipacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmo- ny and vigor of ad- ministration require its policy to be re- presented, but per- mitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole reference to the effi- ciency of the public service, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faith- ful service to the country. [Plank 5. 1880 — The Re- Eublican party, ad- ering to the prin- ciples afiirmed by its last National Convention of re- spect for the Consti- tutional rules gov- erning appoint- ments to office, adopts the declara- tion of President Hayes, that the re- form of the civil ser- vice should be tho- rough, radical and complete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the legislative with the executive depart- ments of the Gov- ernment, and that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by pro- per practical tests, shall admit to the public service. AMEEICAN POLITICS. BOOK III. GREAT SPEECHES ON GREAT ISSUES. 26 AMERICA]^ POLITICS. BOOK III. GEEAT SPEECHES ON" GREAT ISSUES. Speecli ot James Wilson, January, 1775, in the Convention for the Province of Peitnsj/lvania, IN VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES. "A most daring spirit of resistance and disobedience Btill prevails in MassachiiBetts, and has broken forth Id fresh violences of a criminal nature. The most proper and etlectual methods have been taken to pre- vent these mischiefs ; and the parlian*'nt may depend upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair tlie supreme authority of jiarlia- ment over all the dominions of the crown." — Speech of the King of Great Britain to Parliament, Nov., 1774. Mr. Chairman: — Whence, sir, pro- ceeds all the invidious and ill-grounded clamor against the colonists of America? Why arc they stigmatized in Britain as licentious and ungovernable? Why is their virtuous opposition to the illegal at- tcm2)ts of their governors, represented un- der the falsest colors, and placed in the most ungracious point of view? This opposition, when exhibited in its true liglit, and when viewed, with unjaundiced eyes, from a proper situation, and at a proper distance, stands confessed the lovely offspring of freedom. It breathes the spirit of its parent. Of this ethereal spirit, the whole conduct, and particularly the late conduct, of the colonists has shown them eminently possessed. It has animated and regulated every part of their proceedings. It has been recognized to be genuine, by all those symptoms and effects by which it has been distinguished in other ages and other countries. It has been calm and regular: it has not acted without occasion: it has not acted disproportionably to the occasion. As the attempts, open or secret, to undermine or to destroy it, have been repeated or enforced, in a just degree, its vigilance and its vigor have been exerted to defeat or to disappoint them. As its exertions have been sufficient for those purposes hitherto, let us hence draw a joy- ful prognostic, that they will continue suf- ficient for those purposes hereafter. It is not yet exhausted : it will still operate ir- resistibly whenever a necessary occasion shall call forth its strength. Permit me, sir, by appealing, in a few instances, to the spirit and conduct of the colonists, to evince that what I have said of them is just. Did they disclose any uneasiness at the proceedings and claims of the British parliament, before those claims and proceedings afforded a reason- able cause for it? Did they even dis- close any uneasiness, when a reasonable cause for it Avas first given ? Our rights were invaded by their regulations of our internal policy. We submitted to them : we were unwilling to oppose them. The spirit of liberty was slow to act. When those invasions were renewed ; when the efficacy and malignancy of them were at- tempted to be redoubled by the stamp act ; when chains were formed for us; and preparations were made for riveting them on our limbs, what measures did we pur- sue? The spirit of liberty found it neces- sary now to act ; but she acted with the calmness and decent dignity suited to her character. Were we rash or seditious? Did we discover want of loyalty to our sovereign ? Did we betray want of affec- tion to our brethren in Britain ? Let our dutiful and reverential petitions to the throne; let our respectful, though firm, remonstrances to the parliament; let our warm and affectionate addresses to our brethren and (we will still call them) our friends in Great Britain,— let all those, trans- mitted from every part of the continent, testif)' the truth. By their testimony let our conduct be tried. As our proceedings, during the exist- ence and operation of the stamp act, prove fully and incontestably the painful .><eii^a- tions that tortureil our l)reasts from the prospect of disunion with Britain ; the 3 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III, peals of joy, wliicli burst forth universally, upon the repeal of that odious statute, loudly proclaim the heartfelt delight pro- duced in us by a reconciliation with her. Unsuspicious, because undesigniug, we buried our complaints, and the causes of them, in oblivion, and returned, with ea- gerness, to our former unreserved confi- dence. Our connection with our parent country, and the reciprocal blessings re- sulting from it to her and to us, were the favorite and pleasing topics of our public discourses and our private conversations. Lulled into delightful security, we dreamed of nothing but increasing fondness and friendship, cemented and strengthened by a kind and perpetual communication of good offices. Soon, however, too soon, were we awakened from the soothing dreams ! Our enemies renewed their de- signs against us, not with less malice, but witli more art. Under the plausible pre- tence of regulating our trade, and, at the same time, of making provision for the ad- ministration of justice, and the support of government, in some of the colonies, they pursued their scheme of dei^riving us of our property without our consent. As the attempts to distress us, and to degrade us to a rank inferior to that of freemen, ap- peared now to be reduced into a regular system, it became proper, on our part, to form a regular system for counteracting them. We ceased to import goods from Great Britain. Was this measure dictated by selfishness or by licentiousness? Did it not injure ourselves, while it injured the British merchants and manufacturers? Was it inconsistent with the peaceful de- meanor of subjects to abstain from making purchases, when our freedom and our safety rendered it necessary for us to ab- stain from them? A regard for our free- dom and our safety was our only motive ; for no sooner had the parliament, by re- pealing part of the revenue laws, inspired us with the flattering hopes, that they had departed from their intentions of oppress- ing and of taxing us, than we forsook our {)lan for defeating those intentions, and )egan to import as formerly. Far from being j)cevish or captious, we took no pub- lic notice even of their declaratory law of dominion over us: our candor led us to Cf)nsi(ler it as a decent expedient of re- treat] r)g from the actual exercise of that dominion. But, aliis! the root of ])itterness still re- mained. The duty on tea was reserved to furnisli occasion to the ministry for a new effort to ensliive and to rninu-;; and the Ea^t TndiaCoinpany were chosen, and con- Hcnteil to be the detested instruments of ministerial despotism and crneity. A cargo of tlieir tea arrived at Boston. By a low artifice of the governctr, and by the wicked activity of the tools of government, it was rendered impossible to store it up, or to send it back, as was done at other places. A number of persons, unknown, de- stroyed it. Let us here make a concession to our enemies : let us su^jpose, that the transac- tion deserves all the dark and hideous colors in which they have painted it : let us even suppose (for our cause admits of an excess of candor) that all their exag- gerated accounts of it were confined strict- ly to the truth : what will follow? Will it follow, that every British colony in Amer- ica, or even the colony of Massachusetts Bay, or even the town of Boston, in that colony, merits the imputation of being fac- tious and seditious ? Let the frequent mobs and riots, that have hai^pened in Great Britain upon much more trivial oc- casions, shame our calumniators into si- lence. Will it follow, because the rules of order and regular government were, in that instance, violated^by the offenders, that, for this reason, the principles of the con- stitution, and the maxims of justice, must be violated by their punishment? Will it follow, because those who were guilty could not be known, that, therefore, those who were known not to be guilty must suffer ? Will it follow, that even the guilty should be condemned without being heard — that they should be condemned upon partial testimony, upon the representations of their avowed and imbittered enemies? Why were they not tried in courts of justice known to their constitution, and by juries of their neighborhood ? Their courts and their juries were not, in the case of captain Preston, transported beyond the bounds of justice by their resentment: why, then, should it be presumed, that, in the case of those offenders, they would be prevented from doing justice by their affection? But the colonists, it seems, must be stripped of their judicial, as well as of their legislative powers. They must be bound by a legisla- ture, they must be tried by a jurisdiction, not their own. Their constitutions must be changed : their liberties must be abridged : and those who shall be most in- famously active in changing their constitu- tions and abridging their liberties, must, by an express provision, be exempted from punishment. I CIO not exaggerate the matter, sir, when I extend these observ.itions to all the colonists. The parliament meant to extend the effects of their pro- ceedings to all the colonists. The plan, on which their proceedings are formed, extends to them all. From an incident of no very uncommon or .atrocious nature, which happened in one c^olony, in one town in that colony, and in which only a few of the inhabiiaiits of that town took a i)art, an occasion has been taken by those, who probaljly intended it, and who BOOK III.] WILSON'S VINDICATION OF TUE COLONIES. certainly prepared the way for it, to im- j)ose upon that colony, and to lay a loun- datioii and a precedent for imposing upon all the rest, a system of statutes, arbitrary, unconstitutional, oppressive, in every view, and in every degree subversive of the rights, and inconsistent with even the name, ot' freemen. Were the colonists so blind as not to discern the consequences of these mea- sures? Were they so supinely inactive, as to take no steps for guarding against them? They were not. They ought not to have been so. We saw a breach made in those barriers, which our ancestors, British and American, with so much care, with so much danger, with so much treasure, and with so much blood, had erected, cemented a!i(l established fur the security of their liberties, and — with filial piety let us men- tion it — of ours. AVe saw the attack actu- ally begun upon one part: ought we to have folded our hands in indolence, to have lulled our eyes in slumbers, till the attack was carried on, so as to become irresistible, in every part? Sir, I presume to think not. We were roused ; we were alarmed, as Ave had reason to be. But still our measures have been such as the spirit of liberty and of loyalty directed ; not such as the spirit of sedition or of disaffection would pursue. Our counsels have been conducted without rashness and faction : our resolutions have been taken without phrensy or fury. That the sentiments of every individual concerning that important object, his lib- erty, might be known and regarded, meet- ings have been held, and deliberations car- ried on, in every particular district. That the sentiments of all tlrose individuals might gradually and regularly be collected into a single point, and the conduct of each inspired and directed by the result of the whole united, county committees, pro- vincial conventions, a continental congress, have been appointed, have met and resolved. By this means, a chain — more inesti- mable, and, while the necessity for it con- tinues, we hope, more indissoluble than one of gold — a chain of freedom has been formed, of which every individual in these colonies, who is willing to preserve the greatest of human blessings, his liberty, has the pleasure of beholding himself a link. Are these measures, sir, the brats of dis- loyalty, of disaffection ? There are mis- creants among us, wasps that suck poison from the most salubrious flowers, who tell iLs they are. They tell us that all those assemblies are unlawful, and unauthorized by our constitutions ; and that all their deliberations and resolutions are so many transgressions of the duty of subjects. The utmost malice brooding over the utmost baseness, and nothing but such a hated commixture, must have hatched this calumny. Do not those men know — would they have others not to know — that it was impossible for the inhabitants of the same province, and for the legislatures of the different provinces, to communicate their sentiments to one another in the modes appointed for such purposes, by their dif- ferent constitutions? Do not they know — would they have others not to know — that all this was rendered impossible by those very persons, Avho now, or whose minions uoav, urge this objection against us? Do not they know — would they have others not to know — that the diflerent assemblies, who could be dis- solved by the governors, were in conse- quence of ministerial mandates, dissolved l)y them, whenever they attempted to turn their attention to the greatest objects, which, as guardians of the liberty of their constituents, could be presented to their view? The arch enemy of the human race torments them only for those actions to which he has tempted, but to which he has not necessarily obliged them. Those men refine even upon infernal malice : they accuse, they threaten us, (superlative impudence ! ) for taking those very steps, which we were laid under the disagreeable necessity of taking by themselves, or by those in whose hateful service they are en- listed. But let them know, that our counsels, our deliberations, our resolutions, if not authorized by the forms, because that was rendered impossible by our enemies, are nevertheless authorized by that which weighs much more in the scale of reason — by the spirit of our constitu- tions. Was the convention of the barons at Runnymede, where the tyranny of John was checked, and viarjna charia was signed, authorized by the forms of the constitu- tion ? Was the convention parliament, that recalled Charles the Second, and re- stored the monarchy, authorized by the forms of the constitution? Was the con- vention of lords and commons, that placed king William on the throne, and secured the monarchy and liberty likewise, author- ized by the forms of the constitution? I cannot conceal my emotions of pleasure, when I observe, that the objections of our adversaries cannot .be urged against us, but in common with those venerable assemblies, whose proceedings formed such an accession to British libertv and British We can be at no loss in resolving, that the king cannot, by his jirerogative, alter the charter or constituticm of the colony of IMassachusetts Bay. Upon what principle could such an exertion of i)re- rogative be justified ? On the acts of jiar- liament? They are already proved to be void. On the discretionary power which the king has of acting where the laws are 6 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iii^ silent? That power must be subservient to the interest and happiness of those con- cerning whom it operates. But I go fur- ther. Instead of being supported by hiw, or tlie principles of prerogative, such an alteration is totally and absolutely repug- nant to both. It is contrary to express law. The charter and constitution, we speak of, are confirmed by the only legislative power capable of confirming them ; and no other power, but that which can ratify, can destroy. If it is contrary to express law, the consequence is necessary, that it is con- trary to the principles of prerogative ; for prerogative can operate only when the law is silent. In no view can this alteration be justi- fied, or so much as excused. It cannot be justified or excused by the acts of parlia- ment ; because the authority of parliament does not extend to it ; it cannot be justified or excused by the operation of prerogative ; because this is none of the cases in which prerogative can operate : it cannot be justi- fied or excused by the legislative authority of the colony ; because that authority never has been, and, I presume, never will be given for any such purpose. If I have proceeded hitherto, as I am persuaded I have, upon safe and sure ground, I can, with great confidence, ad- vance a step further, and say that all at- tempts to alter the charter or constitution of that colony, unless by the authority of its own legislature, are violations of its rights, and illegal. If those attempts are illegal, must not all force, employed to carry them into ex- ecution, be force employed against law, and without authority? The conclusion is un- avoidable. Have not British subjects, then, a right to resist such force — force acting without authority — force employed contrary to law — force employed to destroy the very exist- ence of law and of liberty ? They have, sir, and this right is secured to them both by the letter and the si)iritof the British con- stitution, by wliich tlie measures and tlie conditions of their oI)cdience are appointed. The British liberties, sir, and the means and the riglit of defending them, arc not the grants oi' ])riri('i's ; and of wliat our princes never granted they surely can never deprive us. ******* " Id rex pntrsf" says the law, " qmxl de jure polc.sl. The king's j)ower is a ])ow('r according to law. His commands, if the authority of lord chief jiislice Hale nuiy be depended upon, are under the directive power of the law; and consequently in- valid, if utilawful. "("ominis-'ions," says my lord C.'oke, "are legal; and are like the king's writs; and none arc lawful, but such as arc allowed by the common law, or war- ranted by some act of parliament." And now, sir, let me appeal to the im- partial tribunal of reason and truth ; let me appeal to every unprejudiced and judicious observer of the laws of Britain, and of the constitution of the British gov- ernment; let me appeal, I say, whether the principles on which I argue, or the princii:)les on which alone my arguments can be opposed, are those which ought to be adhered to and acted upon ; which of them are most consonant to our laAVS and liberties ; which of them have the strong- est, and are likely to have the most effect- ual tendency to establish and secure the royal power and dignity. Are we deficient in loyalty to his ma- jesty? Let our conduct convict, for it will fully convict, the insinuation that we are, of falsehood. Our loyalty has always ap- peared in the true form of loyalty ; in obey- ing our sovereign according to law ; let those, who would require it in any other form, know, that we call the persons who execute his commands, when contrary to law, disloyal and traitors. Are we enemies to the power of the crown ? No, sir, -we are its best friends : this friendship })rompt3 us to wish, that the power of the crown may be firmly established on the most solid basis : but we know, that the constitution alone will perpetuate the former, and se- curely uphold the latter. Are our princi- ples irreverent to majesty? They are quite the reverse: we ascribe to it perfection al- most divine. We say, that the king can do no wrong : we say, that to do wrong is the property, not of power, but of weak- ness. We feel oppression, and will oppose it ; but we kno.w, for our constitution tells US, that oppression can never spring from the throne. We must, therefore, search elsewhere for its source : our infallible guide will direct us to it. Our constitution tells us, that all oppression springs from the ministers of the throne. The attri- butes of perfection, ascribed to the king, are, neither by the constitution, nor in fact, communicable to his ministers. They may do wrong; they have often done wrong; they have been often punished for doing wrong. Here we may discern the true cause of all the impudent clamor and unsup])orted accusations of the ministers and of their minions, that have been raised and made against the conduct of the Americans. Those ministers and minions are sensible, that the op})osition is directed, not against his majesty, but against them ; because they have abused his majesty's confidence, brought discredit ujion his govcriunent, and derogated from his justice. They see the public vengeance collected in dark clouds around them : their consciences tell them, that it should be hurled, like a tluinderholt, at tlieir guilty heads. Ap- palled with guilt and icar, they skulk be- BOOK III.] SPEECH OF PATRICK HENRY. hind the throne. Is it disrespectful to drag them into public view, and make a dis- tinction between them and his majesty, under whose venerable name they daringly attempt to shelter their crimes ? Nothing can more effectually contribute to estab- lish his majesty on the throne, and to se- cure to him the affections of his people, than this distinction. By it we are taught to consider all the blessings of government as flowing from the throne ; and to con- sider every instance of oppression as pro- ceeding, which, in truth, is oftcnest the case, from the ministers. If, now, it is true, that all force employ- ed for the purposes so often mentioned, is force unwarranted by any act of parlia- ment ; uusupported by any principle of the common law; unauthorized by any commission from the crown ; that, instead of being employed for the support of the constitution and his majesty's government, it must be employed for the support of oppression and ministerial tyranny ; if all this is true (and I flatter myself it appears to be true), can any one hesitate to say, tliat to resist such force is lawful ; and that both the letter and 'the spirit of the British constitution justify- such resistance? Resistance, both by the letter and the spirit of the British constitution, may be carried further, when necessity requires it, than I have carried it. Many examples in the English history might be adduced, and many authorities of the greatest weight might be brought to show, that when the king, forgetting his character and his dignity, has stepi)ed forth, and openly avowed and taken a part in such iniquitous conduct as has been described ; in such cases, indeed, the distinction above men- tioned, wisely made by the constitution for the security of the crown, could not be applied ; because the crown had uncon- stitutionally rendered the application of it impossible. What has been the conse- quence? The distinction between him and his ministers has been lost ; but they have not been raised to his situation : he has sunk to theirs. Speech of Patriclc Henry, March 23, 1775, in the Cmi'veiition of Delegates of Virginia, On Ihe following resolutions, introduced by himself: " Resolved, That a well-rogiilated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural Btivngth aiiil only Becurity of a free government ; that such a militia in thia colony, would forever render it unnecessary for the mother covintrj- to keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, aiiy standing army of mercenary sol- diers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, an<l woulil obviate the pretext of taxing us for their support. " That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly necessary, by the state of our laws for the protection and defence of the country, some of which are already expired, and others will shortly be so; and that the known remissness of government in calling us together in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure, in this time «f danger and distress, to n ly, that oppor- tunity will be given of renewing them, in general as- sembly, or making any provision to secure our ineati- niable riglita and liberties from those further riulatioua with which they are threatened. "Resolved, therefore. That this colony be immediately put into a state of defence, and that U- a committee to prepare a plan for imbodying, arming and di8<'i)>liniiig such a number of men as may be sulflciunt for tliat jmrpose." Mr. PRESIDENT: — No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights ; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and with- out reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of aw- ful moment to this countrj'. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery ; and in I)roportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to ar- rive at truth, and fulfil the great responsi- bility which we hold to God and our coun- try. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of trea- son towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till he transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and ardu- ous struggle for liberty ? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their tem- poral salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided ; and that is the lamp of expe- rience. I know' of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justifj- those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received ? Trust it not, sir ; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armiee necessary to a work of love and reconcilia- tion ? Have we shown ourselves so un^ willing to be reconciled, that force must be 8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. called in to mn back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation ; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this mar- tial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission ? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it ? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies ? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us : they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we tr*' argument ? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the sub- ject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable ; but it has been all in vain. Shall we re- sort to entreaty and humble supplication ? AV^hat terms shall we find, which have not been already e<x:hausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, wo liave done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned ; we have remonstrated ; we have supplicated ; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to ar- rest tlie tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted ; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult ; our suppli- cations have been disregarded ; and w^e have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne ! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of {)eace and reconciliation. There is no onger any room for hope. If we wish to be free — if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for w'hich we have been so long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves ne- ver to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest sliall be obtained — we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must figlit! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us ! They tell us, sir, that we are weak ; un- able to cope with so formidable an ad- versary. But wlicn shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we arc totally disarniod, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strenglli by irresolution and inaction? Shall wc acquire the means of cfTectual resistance, bv lying Huninely on our backs, and hug- ging the delusive phantom of hojje, until our enemies shall iiave])ounil us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who wull raise up friends to fight our bat- tles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone ; it is to the vigilant, the ac- tive, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to de- sire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in sub- mission and slavery ! Otir chains are forged ! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston ! The war is inevitable — and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come. It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the mat- ter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun ! The next gale, that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms ! Our brethren are already in the field ! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have ? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I know not what course others may take ; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death 1 Supposed Speech of Jolin Adams In favor of the Declaratioji of Independence. ^8 given by Daniel Wehster. Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my heart to this vote. It is trtie, indeed, that in the begin- ning we aimed not at independence. But there's a divinity which shapes our ends. The injustice of England has driven us to arms ; and, blinded to her own interest for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. Why then shoitld we defer the declara- tion ? Is any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation with England, which shall leave cither safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life and his own honor? Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our venerable col- league near you, are you not both already the proscribed and predestined objects of ])unisliment and of vengeance? Cutoff" from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you be, while the power of Kngland remains, but outlaws? If we postpone independence, do we mean to curry on, or to give up the war ? BOOK III. J JOHN ADAMS ON THE DECLARATION. 9 Do we mean to submit to the measures of j)arliamcnt, Boston j)ort l)ill and all? Do we mean to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be ground to jiowder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust? I know we do not mean to sul)mit. We never shall submit. Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before (Jod, of our sacred honor to Washington, when putting him forth to incur the (hingers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself, having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces, raised or to be raised, for de- fence of American liberty, may my right liand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him. The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off longer the declaration of independ- ence? That measure Avill strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. The nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknow- ledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that Eng- land, herself, will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to ac- knowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and op- pression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things Avhich now predestinates our independ- ence, than by yielding the points in con- troversy to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why then, why then, .sir, do we not as soon as possible change this from a civil to a national war ? And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory ? If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise u\) armies ; the cause will create navies. The people, the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found, I know the people of these colo- nies, and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their liearts and cannot be eradicated. Every colony, indeed, has expressed its willing- ness to follow, if we but take the lead. Sir, the declaration will insjiire the [)eople with increased courage. Instead of a long and Idoody war for restoration of privi- leges, for redress of grievances, for char- tered immunities, held under a British king, set before them the glorious ol)j(ct of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life. Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered to nuiiiitain it, or to perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; re- ligion will approve it, and the love of re- ligious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. Bend it to the puldic halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it, who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon ; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support. Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affiiirs, but I see, I see clearly through this day's business. You and I, indeed, may rue it. W^emay not live to the time when this declaration shall be made good. We may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scafibld. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready, at the appointed hour of sacri- fice, come when that hour may. But while I do live, let me have a countiy, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free country. But whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured, that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood ; but it will stand, and it will richly com- pensate for both. Through the (hick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves, our children will honor it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivit}', with bonfires and illuminations. On its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. ]\Iy judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it; and I leave off as I begun, that live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declaration. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my dying sentiment; independence noic ; and IXDEPENDEXCE FOR EVER. 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. Speecli of Patrlclt Henry, On the erpedient-y of adopting the Federal ConstUtUion de- livered in the conrention of Virijinia, Jnne 24, 178S.* Enun- ciatitig views ichich have ever tince been accepted by Ute Jjemocratic parti/. Mr. Chairman : — The proposal of rati- fication is premature. The importance of the subject requires the most mature deliberation. The honorable member must forgive me for declaring my dissent from it, because, if I understand it rightly, it admits that the new system is defective, and most capitally ; for, immediately after the proposed ratification, there comes a declaration, that the paper before you is not intended to violate any of these three great rights — the liberty of religion, liberty of the press, and the trial by jury. AVhat is the inference, when you enumerate the rights which you are to enjoy? That those not enumerated are relinquished. There are only three things to be retained — reli- gion, freedom of the press, and jury trial. Will not the ratification carry every thing, without excepting these three things? Will not all the world pronounce, that we intended to give up all the rest? Every thing it speaks of, by way of rights, is comprised in these three things. Your subsequent amendments only go to these three amendments. I feel myself distressed, because the necessity of securing our personal rights seems not to have pervaded the minds of men ; for many other valuable things are omitted. For instance : general warrants, by which an officer may search suspected place? without evidence of the commission of a fact, or seize any person without evidence of his crime, ought to be prohibited. As these are admitted, any man may be seized ; any property may be taken, in the most arbitrary manner, with- out any evidence or reason. Every thing, the most sacred, may be searched and ransacked by the strong hand of power. We have infinitely more reason to dread general warrants here, than they have in England ; because there, if a person be confiiu'd, liberty may be quickly ()l)tained by the writ of hahean corpus. But here, a man living many hundred miles i'rom the judges may rot in prison before he can get that writ. Anotlier most fatal omission is, Avith re- spect to standing armies. In vour bill of rights of Virginia, they are said to be dan- gerous to liberty; and it tells you, that the proper defence of a free state consists in militia; and ho I might go on to ten or eleven things of immense consequence se- cured in your bill of rights, concerning •Upon thn ronoliitlon of Mr. Wyth(>, wlilch propoMod, "Thiit 111"' conimitti'i- nlmnlil riitlfv the cinslitulion, iind th;it wlmtH()cv(ir nmfn<lmrritH nilKlit lin dronud iicceHmiry nhoulil h« rc-ommcndft'l to the r'in''lfl"mtlon of thn ron- KF'-M, which "hotild ftr«t n««i-ml)ln iindor tho rotrntltii- tion, to bo actnd upon accurdiug to tlio mode proHiribod tUoroln." which that proposal is silent. Is that the language of the bill of rights in England ? Is it the language of the American bill of rights, that these three rights, and these only, are valuable? Is it the language of men going into a new government? Is it not necessary to speak of those things be- fore you go into a compact? How do these three things stand ? As one of the parties, we declare we do not mean to give them up. This is very dictatorial ; much more so than the conduct which proposes altera- tions as the condition of adoption. In a compact, there are two parties — one ac- cepting, and another proposing. As a party, we propose that we shall secure these three things ; and before we have the as- sent of the other contracting part}', we go into the compact, and leave these things at their mercy. What will be the conse- quence ? Suppose the other states will call this dictatorial : they will say, Virginia has gone into the government, and carried with her certain propositions, which, she saj's, ought to be concurred in by the other states. They will declare, that she has no right to dictate to other states the condi- tions on which they shall come into the union. According to the honorable mem- ber's proposal, the ratification will cease to be obligatory unless they accede to these amendments. We have ratified it. You have committed a violation, they Avill say. They have not violated it. We say we will go out of it. You are then reduced to a sad dilemma — to give up these three rights, or leave the government. This is worse than our present confederation, to which we have hitherto adhered honestly and faithfully. We shall be told we have vio- lated it, because we have left it for the in- fringement and violation of conditions, which they never agreed to be a part of the ratification. The ratification will be complete. The proposal is made by one party. We, as the other, accede to it, and propose the security of these three great rights; for it is only a proposal. In order to secure them, you are left in that state of fatal hostility, which I shall as much de- ]ilore as the honorable gentleman. I ex- hort gentlemen to think seriously before they ratify this constitution, and persuade themselves that they will succeed in mak- ing a feeble effort to get amendments after ado])tion. \Vith respect to that part of the proi)osal which says that every jiower not granted remains with the people, it must be previous to adoption, or it will in- volve this country in inevitable destruc- tion. To talk of it is a thing subsetpient, not as one of your inalienable rights, is leaving it to (he casual opinion of the con- gress who shall take up the consideration of the matter. They will not reason with you about the effect of this constitution. They will not take the opinion of this com- BOOK III.] HENRY'S DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINES. 11 mittee concerning its operation. They will construe it aa they please. If you place it subsequently, let me ask the con- sequences. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves, if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here that the great object of a national government is national defence. That power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be rendered detestable and opjjressive. If you give power to the general govern- ment to provide for the general defence, the means must be commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people must be given to the government which is intrusted with the public defence. In this state there are two hundred and thirty-six thousand blacks, and there are many in several other states; but there are few or none in the Northern States ; and yet, if the Northern States shall be of opinion that our numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource. May congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see a little of this in the last war? We were not so hard pushed as to make emancipation general : but acts of assembly passed, that every slave who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute to bring this event about : slavery is detested ; we feel its fatal effects ; we deplore it with all the i)ity of humanity. Let all these considerations, at some future i)eriod, press with full force on the minds of congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust Avill dis- tinguish vVmeriea, and the necessity of na- tional defence — let all these things operate on their n^inds, and they will search that paj^er, and see if thej' have jiower of manu- mission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery ? May they not pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? There is no ambiguous implica- tion, or logical deduction. The paper speaks to the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms, and will clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore .slavery, I see that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the states have not the ties of sympathy and fellow- feeling for those whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The ma- jority of congress is to the north, and the slaves are to the south. In this situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I re- peat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul that everj' one of my fellow-bcing.s was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to admire that decree of Jlcaveu wiiich has numbered us among the free, we ought to lanu'ut and dei)lore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. Hut is it ])racticable, by any human means, to liberate them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous con.sequences ? We ought to possess them in the Jnanner we have inherited them from our ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of the country. Uut we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of their unhappy fate. I know that in a va- riety of particular instances, the legisla- ture, listening to complaints, have admitted their emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that this, as well as every other property of the ])eo- ple of Virginia, is in jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of situation with us. This is a local mat- ter, and I can see no propriety in subject- ing it to congress. [Here Mr. Henry informed the com- mittee, that he had a resolution prepared, to refer a declaration of rights, with cer- tain amendments to the most exception- able Y>aris of the constitution, to the other states in the confederacy, for their consid- eration, previous to its ratification. The clerk then read the resolution, the de- claration of rights, and amendments, which were nearly the same as those ultimately proposed by the convention, for the con- sideration of congress. He then resumed the subject.] I have thus candidly sub- mitted to you, Mr. Chairman, and this conmiittee, what occurred to me as projier amendments to the constitution, and the de- claration of rights containing those funda- mental, inalienable privileges, which I conceive to be essential to liberty and hap- piness. I believe, that, on a review of these amendments, it will still be found, that the arm of power will be sufficiently strong for national purposes, when these restrictions shall be a part of the govern- ment. I believe no gentleman, who op- poses me in sentiments, will be able to dis- cover that any one feature of a strong government is altered ; and at the same time your inalienable rights are secured by them. The government unaltered may be tcrrilile to America, but can never be loved, till it be amended. You find all the resources of the continent may be drawn to a point. In danger, the presi- dent may concentre to a point every cfl'ort of the continent. If the government be constructed to satisfy the peojile and re- move their ajiprehensions, tiie wealth and strength of the continent will go where 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. public utility shall direct. This goveru- ment, with these restrictions, will be a, sti'ong government united with the priv- ileges of the people. In my weak judg- ment, a government is strong, when it ap- plies to the most important end of all gov- ernments — the rights and privileges of the people. In the honorable members pro- posal, jury trial, the press, and religion, and other essential rights, are not to be given up. Other essential rights — what are they ? The world will say, that you intended to give them up. When you go into an enumeration of your rights, and stop that enumeration, the inevitable con- clusion is, that what is omitted is intended to be surrendered. Anxious as I am to be as little trouble- some as posible, I cannot leave this part of the subject without adverting to one re- mark of the honorable gentleman. He says, that, rather than bring the union into danger, he will adopt it with its imperfec- tions. A great deal is said about disunion, and consequent dangers. I have no claim to a greater share of fortitude than others ; but I can see no kind of danger. I form my judgment on a single tact alone, that we are at peace with all the world ; nor is there any apparent cause of a rupture with any nation in the world. Is it among the American states that the cause of disunion is to be feared ? Are not the states using all their efforts for the promotion of union ? New England sacrifices local prejudices for the purposes of union. We hear the necessity of the union, and predilection for the union, re-echoed from all parts of the continent ; and all at once disunion is to follow! If gentlemen dread disunion, the very thing they advocate will inevitably produce it. A previous ratification will raise insurmountable obstacles to union. New York is an insurmountable obstacle to it, and North Carolina also. They will never accede to it till it be amended. A great part of Virginia is opposed, most de- cidedly, to it, as it stands. This very spirit which will govern us in these three states, will find a kindred spirit in the adopting states. Give me leave to say, that it is very problematical whether the adopting states can stand on their own legs. I hear only on one side, but as far as my in- formation goes, there are heart-burnings and animosities among theni. Will these animosities be cured by subsequent amend- ments ? Turn away from American, and consid- er European politics. The nations there, which can trouble us, are France, Eng- land, and Spain. Ikit at present we know for a certainty, that those nations are en- gaged in a very different pursuit from American con(iuc3ts. We are told by our intelligent ami)assador, that there is no such danger as has been apprehended. Give me leave then to say, that dangers from beyond the Atlantic are imaginary. From these premises, then, it may be con- eluded, that, from the creation of the world to this time, there never was a more fair and projjer opjjortunity than we have at this day to establish sueh a government as will permanently establish the most tran- scendent political felicity. Since the rev- olution there has not been so much ex- perience. Since then, the general interests of America have not been betterunderstood, nor the union more ardently loved, than at this present moment. I acknowledge the weakness of the old confederation. Eveiy man says, that something must be done. Where is the moment more favorable than this? During the war, when ten thous- and dangers surrounded us, America was magnanimous. What was thelaniruage of the little state of Maryland ? " I will have time to consider. I will hold out three years. Let what may come I will have time to reflect." Magnanimity appeared everywhere. What was the upshot? — America triumphed. Is there any thing to forbid us to offer these amendments to the other states? If this moment goes away unimproved, we shall never see its return. We now act under a happy system, which says, that a majority may alter the government when necessary. But by the paper proposed, a majority will forever en- deavor in vain to alter it. Three fourths may. Is not this the most promising time for securing the necessary alterations? Will you go into that government, where it is a principle, that a contemptible mino- rity may prevent an alteration? What will be the language of the majority? — Change the government — Nay, seven eighths of the people of America may wish the change ; but the minority may come with a Roman Vefo, and object to the alter- ation. The language of a magnanimous country and of freemen is. Till you remove the defects, Ave will not accede. It would be in vain for me to show, that there is no danger to prevent our obtaining those amendments, if you are not convinced al- ready. If the other states will not agree to them, it is not an inducement to union. The language of this paper is not dic- tatorial, but merely a proposition for amendments. The j)roposition of Virginia met with a favorable reception before. We i)roposed that convention which met at Annapolis. It was not called dictatorial. Wo ]>roposed that at Philadelphia. Was Virginia thought dictatorial? But Vir- ginia is now to lose her pre-eminence. Those rights of equality, to which the meanest individual in the community is (entitled, are to bring us down infinitely Ix'low the Delaware people. Have we not a right to say. Hear our propositions? Why, sir, your slaves have a right to make BOOK III.] JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST A TARIFF. 13 their humble requests. Those who are in the meanest occuputioiis of human life, have a right to complain. What do we require? Not pre-eminence, but safety ; that our cit- izens may be able to sit down in peace and security under their own fig-trees. I am confident that sentiments like these will meet with unison in every state; for they will wish to banish discord from the American soil. I am certain that the warmest friend of the constitution wishes to have fewer enemies — fewer of those who j)ester and plague him with ojinosition. I could not withhold from my fellow-citizens anything so reasonable. I fear you will have no union, unless you remove the cause of opposition. Will you sit down contented with the name of union without any solid foundation ? Speech of Jobn Randolpli Against the TaHjr Bill, delivered in the Tlonse of Represent- atives of the United Stales, April 15, 1824. I AM, Mr. Speaker, practising no de- ception upon myself, much less upon the house, when I say, that if I had consulted my own feelings and inclinations, I should not have troubled the house, exhausted as it is, and as I am, with any further re- marks upon this subject. I come to the discharge of this task, not merely with re- luctance, but with disgust; jaded, worn down, abraded, I may say, as I am by long attendance upon this body, and con- tinued stretch of the attention upon this subject. I come to it, however, at the suggestion, and in pursuance of the wishes of those, whose wishes are to me, in all matters touching my public duty, para- mount law ; I speak with those reserva- tions, of course, which every moral agent must be supposed to make to himself. It was not more to my surj^rise, than to my disappointment, that on my return to the house, after a necessary absence of a few days, on indispensable business, I found it engaged in discussing the general principle ot the bill, when its details were under consideration. If I had expected such a turn in the debate, I would, at any private sacrifice, however great, have re- mained a spectator and auditnr'of that dis- cussion. With the exception of the speech, already published, of my worthy colleague on my right (Mr. P. P. Barbour), I have been nearly deprived of the benefit of the discussion which has taken place. Many weeks have been occupied with this bill (I hope the house will pardon me for saying so) before I took the slightest part in the deliberations of the details ; and I now sincerely regret that I had not firmness enough to adhere to the resolution which I had laid down to myself, in the early stage of the debate, not to take any part in the discussion of the details of the mea- sure. But, as I trust, what I now have to say upon this subject, although more and better things have been said by others, may not be the same that they have said, or may not be said in the same manner. I liere borrow the language of a man who lias been heretofore conspicuous in the councils of the country; of one who wa.s unrivalled for readiness and dexterity in debate ; wlio Avas long without an equal on the floor of this body ; who contributed as much to the revolution of 1801, as any man in this nation, and derived as little benefit from it ; as, to use the words of that celebrated man, what I have to say is not that which has been said by others, and will not be said in their manner, the house will, I trust, have patience with me during the time that my strength will allow me to occupy their attention. And I beg them to understand, that the notes which I hold in my hand are not the notes on which I mean to speak, but of what others have spoken, and from which I will make the smallest selection in my power. * * * * -if * * Sir, when are we to have enough of this tariff" question? In 1816 it was supposed to be settled. Only three years thereafter, another proposition for increa.sing it was sent from this house to the senate, baited with a tax of four cents per pound on brown sugar. It was fortunately rejected in that body. In what manner ikis Mil is baited, it does not become me to say ; but I have too distinct a recollection of the vote in committee of the whole, on the duty upon molasses, and afterwards of the vote in the house on the same question ; of the votes of more than one of the states on that question, not to mark it well. I do not say that the change of the vote on that question was affected by any man's voting against his own motion ; but I do not hesitate to say that it was effected by one man's electioneering against his own motion. I am very glad, Mr. Speaker, that old ]\Iassachusetts Bay, and the prov- ince of Maine and Sagadahock, by whom we stood in the days of the revolution, now stand by the south, and will not aid in fixing on us this sy.stem of taxation, com- l)ared Avith which the taxation of ;Mr. (Jrenvilleand Lord North was as nothing. I speak with knowledge of what I say, when I declare, that this bill is an attemjit to reduce the country, south of Mason and Dixon's line and east of the Alleghany mountains, to a state of worse than colonial bondage ; a state to which the domination of Great Britain was, in my judgment, far preferable; and I trust I shall always have the fearless integrity to utter any political sentiment which the head sanctions and the heart ratifies ; for the British parlia- 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. ment never would have dared to lay such duties on our imports, or their exports to us, either " at home " or here, as is now proposed to be laid upon the imports fi-om abroad. At that time we had the com- mand of the market of the vast dominions then subject, and we should have had those which have since been subjected, to the British empire ; we enjoyed a free trade eminently superior to any thing that we can enjoy, if this bill shall go into opera- tion. It is a sacrifice of the interests of a part of this nation to the ideal benefit of the rest. It marks us out as the victims of a worse than Egyptian bondage. It is a barter of so much of our rights, of so much of the fruits of our labor, for politi- cal power to be transferred to other hands. It ought to be met, and I trust it will be met, in the southern country, as was the stamp act, and by all those measures, which I will not detain the house by re- capitulating, which succeeded the stamp act, and produced the final breach with the mother country, which it took about ten years to bring about, as I trust, in my conscience, it will not take as long to bring about shnilar results from this measure, should it become a law. Sir, events now passing elsewhere, which plant a thorn in my pillow and a dagger in my heart, admonish me of the difficulty of governing with sobriety any people who are over head and ears in debt. That state of things begets a temper which sets at nought every thing like reason and com- mon sense. This country is unquestionably laboring under great distress ; but we can- not legislate it out of that distress. We may, by your legislation, reduce all the country south and east of Mason and Dixon's line, the whites as well as the blacks, to the condition of Helots : you can do no more. We have had placed be- fore us, in the course of this discussion, for- eign examples and authorities ; and among other things, we have been told, as an ar- gument in favor of this measure, of the prosj)erity of Great Britain. Have gentle- men taken into consideration the peculiar advantages of Great Britain? Have they taken into consideration that, not except- ing Mexico, and that fine country which lies between the Orinoco and Caribbean sea, England is decidedly superior, in point of physical advantages, to every country unner the sun? Tliis is unquestionably true. I will enumerate some of those ad- vantages. First, there is her climate. In England, such is the temperature of the air, that a man can there do more days' work in the year, and more hours' work in the day, than in any other (tliniate in the world; of course I include Scotland and Ireland in this dcscri[)tion. It is in such a climate only, that the human nniiiialcau bear without extirpation the corrupted air, the noisome exhalations, the incessant labor of these accursed manufactories. Yes, sir, accursed ; for I say it is an accurs- ed thing, which I will neither taste, nor touch, nor handle. If we were to act here on the English system, we should have the yellow fever at Philadelphia and New York, not in August merely, but from June to January, and from January to June. The climate of this country alone, were there no other natural obstacle to it, says aloud. You shall not manufacture ! Even our tobacco factories, admitted to be the most wholesome of any sort of factories, are known to be, where extensive, the very nidus (if I may use the expression) of yel- low fever and other fevers of similar type. In another of the advantages of Great Britain, so important to her prosperity, we are almost on a par with her, if we know how properly to use it. Fortunatos nimi- um sua si bona nuriat — for, as regards de- fence, we are, to all intents and purposes, almost as much an island as England her- self. But one of her insular advantages we can never acquire. Every part of that country is accessible from the sea. There, as you recede from the sea, you do not get further from the sea. I know that a great deal will be said of our majestic rivers, about the father of floods, and his tributary streams ; but, with the Ohio, frozen up all the winter and dry all the summer, with a long tortuous, difficult, and dangerous navi- gation thence to the ocean, the gentlemen of the west may rest assured that they will never derive one particle of advantage from even a total prohibition of foreign manu- factures. You may succeed in reducing us to your own level of misery ; but if we were to agree to become your slaves, you never can derive one farthing of advantage from this bill. What parts of this coun- try can derive any advantage from it? Those parts only, where there is a water power in immediate contact with naviga- tion, such as the vicinities of Boston, Pro- vidence, Baltimore, and Richmond. Pe- tersburg is the last of these as you travel south. You take a bag of cotton up the river to Pittsburg, or to Zanesville, to have it manufactured and sent down to New Orleans for a market, and before your bag of cotton has got to the place of manufac- ture, the manufacturer of Providence has received liis returns for the goods made from his bag of cotton purchased at the same time that you purchased yours. No, sir, gentlemen may as well insist that be- caus(^ the Chesapeake bay, viare nostrum, our Mediterranean sea, gives us every ad- vantage of navigation, we shall exclude from it every thing but steam-boats and those boats called w'-' c^oxv^, per emphasin, par excellence, Kentucky boats — a sort of huge s(|uar(', clumsy, wooden box. And why not insist upon it? Ilav'u't you " the BOOKiii.] JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST A TARIFF. 15 power to REGULATE COMMERCE " ? Would not that too be a " recjulation of com- merce? " It would, indeed, and a pretty regulation it is; and so is this bill. Aud, sir, I marvel that the representation from the great commercial state of New York should be in favor of this bill. If opera- tive — and if inoperative why talk of it? — if operative, it must, like tlie embargo of 1807 — 1809, transfer no small portion of the wealth of the London of America, as New York has been called, to Quebec and Montreal. She will receive the most of her impdrts from abroad, down the river. I do not know any bill that could be better calculated for Vermont than this bill ; because, through Vermont, from Quebec, Montreal, and other positions on the St. Lawrence, we are, if it passes, unquestion- ably to receive our supplies of foreign goods. It will, no doubt, suit the Niagara frontier. But, sir, I must not suffer myself to be led too far astray from the topic of the pe- culiar advantages of England as a manu- facturing country. Her vast beds of coal are inexhaustible ; there are daily discov- eries of quantities of it, greater tlian ages past have yet consumed ; to which beds of coal her manufacturing establishments have been transferred, as any man may see ■who will compare the present population of her towns with what it was formerly. It is to these beds of coal that Birmingham, Manchester, Wolverhampton, Sheffield, Leeds, and other manufacturing towns, owe their growth. If you could destroy her coal in one day, you would cut at once the sinews of her power. Then, there are her metals, and particularly tin, of which slie has the exclusive monoj^oly. Tin, I know, is to be found in Japan, and perhaps elsewhere ; but, in practice, England has now the monopoly of that article. I might go further, and I might say, that England possesses an advantage, quoad hoc, in her institutions; for tJiei-e men are compelled to pay their debts. But here, men are not only not compelled to pay their debts, but they are protected in the refusal to pay them, in the scandalous evasion of their legal obligations ; and, after being convict- ed of embezzling the public money, and the money of others, ot which they were appointed guardians and trustees, they have the impudence to obtrude their un- blushing fronts into society, and elbow honest men out of their way. There, though all men are on a footing of equality on the high way, and in the courts of law, at will and at market, yet the castes in Hindoostan are not more distinctly separa- ted, one from the other, than tlie different classes of society are in England. It is true that it is practicable for a wealthy merchant or manufacturer, or his de- scendants, after having, through two or three generations, washed out, what is con- sidered the stain of their original occupa- tion, to emerge, by slow degrees, into tlio higher ranks of society; but this rarely happens. Can you find men of vast for- tune, in this country, content to move in the lower circles — content as the ox under the daily drudgery of the yoke ? It is true that, in England, some of these wealthy peo])le take it into their heads to buy .seats in parliament. But, when they get there, unless they j)ossess groat talents, they are mere nonentities ; tlieir existence is only to be found in the red book which contains a list of the members of parliament. Now, sir, I wish to know if, in the western coun- try, where any man may get beastly drunk for three pence sterling — in England, you cannot get a small wine-glass of spirits under twenty-five cents ; one such drink of grog as I aave seen swallowed in this country, would there cost a dollar — in the western country, where eveiy man can get as much meat and bread as he can consume, and yet spend the best part of his days, and nights too, pcrhai)s, on the tavern benches, or loitering at the cross roads asking the news, can you expect the people of such a coun- try, with countless millions of wild land and wild animals besides, can be cooped up in manufacturing establishments, and made to work sixteen hours a day, under the superintendence of a driver, yes, a driver, compared with whom a southern overseer is a gentleman aud man of refine- ment; for, if they do not work, these work people in the manufactories, they cannot eat ; and, among all the punishments that can be devised (put death even among the number), I defy you to get as much work out of a man by any of them, as when he knows that he must work before he can eat. ******* In the course of this discussion, I have heard, I will not say with surprise, because nil admiruri is my motto — no doctrine that can be broached on this floor, can ever, hereafter, excite surprise in my mind — I have heard the names of Say, Ganilh, Adam Smith, and Eicardo, pronounced not only in terms, but in a tone of sneering contempt, visionary theorists, destitute of practical wisdom, and the whole clan of Scotch and Quarterly Reviewers lugged in to boot. This, sir, is a sweeping clause of proscription. "With the names of Say, Smith, and Ganilh, I profess to be ac- quainted, for I, too, am versed in title- ])agcs ; but I did not expect to hear, in this house, a name, with which I am a little further acquainted, treated with so little ceremony ; and by whom ? I leave Adam Smith to the simplicity, the majesty, and strength of his own native genius, which has canonized his name — a name which will be pronounced with veneration, when 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. not one in this house will be remembered. But one word as to Ricardo, the last men- tioned of these writers — a new authority, though the grave has already closed upon him, and set its seal upon his reputation. I shall speak of him in the language of a man of as great a genius as this, or per- haps any, age has ever produced ; a man remarkable for the depth of his reflections and the acumen of his penetration. " I had been led," says this man, " to look into loads of books — my understanding had for too many years been intimate with severe thinkers,' with logic, and the great masters of knowledge, not to be aware of the utter feebleness of the herd of modern economists. I sometimes read chapters from more recent works, or part of parlia- mentary debates. I saw that these [omi- nous words I] were generally the very dregs and rinsings of the human intellect." [I am very glad, sir, he did not read our de- bates. What would he have said of ours ?] " At length a friend sent me Mr. Ricardo's book, ami, recurring to my own prophetic anticipation of the advent of some legisla- tor on this science, I said. Thou art the man. Wonder and curiosity had long been dead in me; yet I wondered once more. Had this profound work been really written in England during the 19th cen- tury? Could it be that an Englishman, and he not in academic bowers, but op- pressed by mercantile and senatorial cares, had accomplished what all the universities and a century of thought had failed to ad- vance by one hair's breadth ? All other writers had been crushed and overlaid by the enormous weight of facts and docu- ments : Mr. Ricardo had deduced, a priori, from the luiderstanding itself, laws which first gave a ray of light into the unwieldy chaos of materials, and had constructed what had been but a collection of tentative discussions, into a science of regular pro- portions, now iirst standing on an eternal basis." I pronounce no opinion of my own on Ricardo; I recur rather to the opinion of a man inferior, in point of original and na- tive genius, and that higlily cultivated, too, to none of tlio moderns, and few of the ancients. Upon this sul)jcct, what shall we say to the following iact? Butler, who is known to gontlenicn of the profes- sion of the law, as the annotator, with Hargravc, on lord Coke, speaking with Fox as to political economy — that most extraordinary man, unrivallcil for his pow- ers of debate, excelled by no man that ever livcil, or ]jrol)ably ever will live, as a ])ublic debater, and of* the deepest ])olitical erudition, fairly confessed that he had never read Adam Smith. Butler said to Mr. Fox, "that he had never read Adam Smith's work on the Wealth of Nations." "To tell y(ju the truth," replied Mr. Fox, " nor I neither. There is something in all these subjects that jjasses my comprehen- sion — something so wide that I could never embrace them myself, or find any one who did." And yet we see how we, with our little dividers, undertake to lay ofi" the scale, and with our pack-thread to take the soundings, and speak with a confidence peculiar to quacks (in which the regular- bred professor never indulges) on this ab- struse and perplexing subject. Confidence is one thing, knowledge another ; of the want of which, overweening confidence is notoriously the indication. What of that ? Let Ganilh, Say, Ricardo, Smith, all Greek and Roman fame be against us ; we appeal to Dionysius in support of our doctrines ; and to him, not on the throne of Syracuse, but at Corinth — not in absolute possession of the most wonderful and enigmatical city, as difficult to comprehend as the ab- strusest problem of political economy which furnished not only the means but the men for supporting the greatest wars — a king- dom within itself, under whose ascendant the genius of Athens, in her most high and palmy state, quailed, and stood re- buked. No ; we follow the pedagogue to the schools — dictating in the classic shades of Longwood — [lucus a nan lucendo) — ^to his disciples. * * * But it is said, a measure of this sort is necessary to create employment for the people. Why, sir, where are the handles of the plough ? Are they unfit for young gentlemen to touch ? Or will they rather choose to enter your military academies, where the sons of the rich are educated at the expense of the poor, and where so many political janissaries are every year turned out, always ready for war, and to support the powers that be — equal to the strelitzes of Moscow or St. Petersburg. I do not speak now of individuals, of course, but of the tendency of the system — the hounds follow the huntsman because he feeds them, and bears the whip, I speak of the system. I concur most heartily, sir, in the censure which has been passed upon the greediness of office, which stands a stigma on the pre- sent generation. Men from whom we might expect, and from whom I did expect, bet- ter things, crowd the ante-chamber of the l)alace, for every vacant office ; nay, even before men are dead, their shoes are wanted for some barefooted office-seeker. How mistaken was the old Roman, the old con- sul, who, wliilst he held the plough by one hand, and death held the other, exclaimed, " Diis itiiniorfdlihu.t scrol" Our fathers, how did they acquire their proi)erty? By straighti'orvvard industiy, rectitude, and frugality. How did they become dispossessed of their property ? By indulging in speculative hopes and designs; seeking the shadow whilst they lost the substance ; and now, instead of being, aa BOOKiii.] JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST A TARIFF. 17 they were, men of respectability, men of substance, men capable and willing to live independently and honestly, and hospita- bly too — for who so parsimonious as the Erodigal who has nothing to give? — what avc we become? A nation of sharks, preying on one another through the instru- mentality of this paper system, which, if Lycurgus had known of it, he would un- questionably have adopted, in preference to his iron money, if his object had been to make the Spartans the most accom- j)lished knaves as well as to keep them poor. The manufacturer of the east may carry his woolens or his cottons, or his coffins, to what market he pleases — I do not buy of him. Self-defence is the first law of na- ture. You drive us into it. You create heats and animosities amon^ this great fa- mily, who ought to live like brothers ; and, after you have got this temper of mind roused among the southern people, do you expect to come among us to trade, and ex- pect us to buy your wares ? Sir, not only shall we not buy them, but we shall take such measures (I will not enter into the detail of them now) as shall render it im- possible for you to sell them. Whatever may be said here of the " misguided coun- sels," as they have been termed, " of the theorists of Virginia," they have, so far as regards this question, the confidence of united Virginia. We are asked — Does the south lose any thing by this bill — why do you cry out ? I put it, sir, to any man from any part of the country, from the gulf of Mexico, from the Balize, to the eastern shore of Maryland — which, I thank Hea- ven, is not yet under the government of Baltimore, and will not be, unless certain theories should come into })lay in that state, which we have lately heard of, and a majority of men, told by the head, should govern — whether the whole country be- tween the points I have named, is not una- nimous in opposition to this bill. Would it not be unexampled, that we should thus complain, protest, resist, and that all the while nothing should be the matter? Are our understandings (however low mine may be rated, much sounder than mine are engaged in this resistance), to be rated so low, aa that we are to be made to believe that we are children affrighted by a bug- bear? We are asked, however, why do you cry out? it is all for your good. Sir, this reminds me of the mistresses of George II., who, when they were insulted by the populaee on arriving in London (as all such creatures deserve to be, by every mob), put their heads out of the window, and said to them in their broken English, " Goot people, tee he come for your goots ;" to which one of the mob rejoined — " Yes, and for our chattels too, I fancy." Just so it is with the oppressive exactions proposed 26 and advocated by the supporters of this bill, on the plea of the go(jd of those who are its victims. * * * * I had more to say, Mr. Speaker, could I have said it, on this subject. But I cannot sit down without asking those, wlio were once my brethren of the church, tiie elders of the young family of this good old rej)ub- lic of the thirteen states, if thoy can con- sent to rivet upon us tliis system, from which no benefit can possibly result to themselves. I put it to them as descendants of the re- nowned colony of Virginia; as children sprung from her loins; if for the sake of all the benefits, with which this bill is pre- tended to be freighted to them, granting such to be the fact for argument's sake, they could consent to do such an act of violence to the unanimous opinion, feelings, preju- dices, if you will, of the whole Southern States, as to pass it? I go farther. I ask of them what is there in the condition of the nation at this time, that calls for the immediate adoption of this measure? Are the Gauls at the gate of the capitol? If they are, the cacklings of the Capitoline geese will hardly save it. What is there to induce us to plunge into the vortex of those evils so severely felt in Europe from this very manufacturing and paper policy? For it is evident that, if we go into this system of policy, we must adopt the Euro- pean institutions also. We have very good materials to work with; we have only to make our elective king president for life, in the first place, and then to make the succession hereditarj' in the family of the first that shall happen to have a promising son. For a king we can be at no loss — ex quovis ligno — any block will do for him. The senate may, perhaps, be transmuted into a house of peers, although we should meet with more difficulty than in the other case ; for Bonaparte himself was not more hardly put to it, to recruit the ranks of his mushroom nobility, than we should be to furnish a house of peers. As for us, we are the faithful commons, ready made to hand ; but with all our loyalty, I congratu- late the house — I congratulate the nation — that, although this body is daily degraded by the sight of members of Congress manu- factured into placemen, we have not yet reached such a point of degradation as to suffer executive minions to be manufac- tured into members of congress. We have shut that door; I wish we could shut the other also. I wish we could liave a per- petual call of the house in this view, and suffer no one to get out from its closed doors. The time is peculiarly inauspicious for the chanoje in our policy which ia j)ro- posed by this bill. We are on the eve of an election that promises to be the most distracted that this nation ha.s ever yet undergone. It may turn out to be a Polish election. At such a time, ought any 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iir. measure to be brought forward which is supposed to be capable of being demon- strated to be extremely injurious to one great portion of this country, and benefi- cial in proportion to another? Sutficient for the day is the evil thereof There are firebrands enough in the land, without this apple of discord being cast into this assem- bly. Suppose this measure is not what it is represented to be ; that the fears of the south are altogether illusory and visionary ; that it will produce all the good predicted of it — an honorable gentleman from Ken- tucky said yesterday — and I was sorry to hear it, for I have great respect for that gentleman, and for other gentlemen from that state — that the question was not whether a bare majority should pass the bill, but whether the majority or the mi- nority should rule. The gentleman is wrong, and, if he will consider the matter rightly, he will see it. Is there no differ- ence between the patient and the actor? We are passive : we do not call them to act or to suffer, but we call upon them not so to act as that we must necessarily suffer; and I venture to say, that in any govern- ment, properly constituted, this very con- sideration would operate conclusively, that if the burden is to be laid on 102, it ought not to be laid by 105. We are the eel that is being flayed, while the cook-maid pats us on the head, and cries, with the clown in King Lear, " Down, wantons, do^m." There is but one portion of the country which can profit by this bill, and from that portion of the country comes this bare majority in favor of it. I bless God that Massachusetts and old Virginia are once again rallying under the same banner, against oppressive and unconstitutional taxation; for, if all the blood be drawn from out the body, I care not whether it be by the British parliament or the American congress ; by an emperor or a king abroad, or by a president at home. Under these views, and with feelings of mortification and shame at the very weak opposition I have been able to make to this bill, I entreat gentlemen to consent that it may lie over, at least, until the next ses- sion of congress. We have other busi- ness to attend to, and our families and affairs need our attention at home; and indeed I, sir, would not give one farthing for any man who prefers being here to being at home; who is a good public man and a had i)rivate one. With these views and feelings, I move you, sir, that the bill be indefiuitely postponed- Ed-ward Everett. The example of the Northern In the Southern Jiepublir* nf America The great triumphs of constitutional freedom, to which our independence haa fur- nished the example, have been witnessed in the southern portion of our hemisphere. Sunk to the last point of colonial degrada- tion, they have risen at once into the organization of three republics. Their struggle has been arduous ; and eighteen years of checkered fortune have not yet brought it to a close. But we must not infer, from their prolonged agitation, that their independence is uncertain ; that they have prematurely put on the toga virilis of freedom. They have not begun too soon ; they have more to do. Our war of inde- pendence was shorter ; — happily we were contending with a government, that could not, like that of Spain, pursue an inter- minable and hopeless contest, in defiance of the jjeople's will. Our transition to a mature and well adjusted constitution was more prompt than that of our sister repub- lics ; for the foundations had long been settled, the preparation long made. And when we consider that it is our example, which has aroused the spirit of indepen- dence firom California to Cape Horn ; that the experiment of liberty, if it had failed with us, most surely would not have been attempted by them; that even now our counsels and acts will operate as powerful precedents in this great family of republics, we learn the importance of the post which Providence has assigned us in the world. A wise and harmonious administration of the public affairs, — a faithful, liberal, and patriotic exercise of the private duties of the citizen, — while they secure our happi- ness at home, will diffuse a healthful in- fluence through the channels of national communication, and serve the cause of liberty beyond the Equator and the Andes. When we show a united, conciliatory, and imposing front to their rising states we show them, better than sounding eulogies can do, the true aspect of an independent republic; we give them a living example that the fireside policy of a people is like that of the individual man. As the one, commencing in the prudence, order, and industry of the private circle, extends itself to all the duties of social life, of the family, the neighborhood, the countrj' ; so the true domestic policy of the republic, beginning in the wise organization of its own institu- tions, pervades its territories with a vigilant, prudent, temperate administra- tion ; and extends the hand of cordial in- terest to all the friendly nations, especially to those Avhich are of the household of liberty. It is in this way that we are to fulfil our destiny in the world. The greatest engine of moral power, which human nature knows, is an organized, prosperous state. .Ml that man, in his individual capacity, can do — all that he can effect by hia fraternities — by his ingenious discoveries and wonders of art, — or by his influence BOOK III.] WEBSTER ON THE GREEK QUESTION. 19 over others — is as nothinj^, compared with the collective, perpetuated influence on human affairs and human happiness of a well constituted, powerful commonwealth. It blesses generations with its sweet influ- ence ; — even the barren earth seems to pour out its fruits under a system where nro- jierty is secure, while her fairest gardens are blighted by despotism ; — men, think- ing, reasoning men, abound beneath its benignant sway; — nature enters into a beautiful accord, a better, purer asienfo with man, and guides an industrious citizen to every rood of her smiling wastes; — and we see, at length, that what has been called a state of nature, has been most falsely, caluraniously so denominated ; that the na- ture of man is neither that of a savage, a hermit, nor a slave ; but that of a member of a well-ordered family, that of a good neighbor, a free citizen, a well informed, good man, acting with others like him. This is the lesson which is taught in the charter of our independence ; this is the lesson which our example is to teach the world. The epic poet of Rome — the faithful subject of an absolute prince — in unfold- ing the duties and destinies of his coun- trymen, bids them look down with disdain on the polished and intellectual arts of Greece, and deem their arts to be To rule tho nations with imperial sway ; To spare tlie tribes that yield ; fight down the proud ; And force the mood of peace upon the worid. A nobler counsel breathes from the char- ter of our independence ; a happier pro- vince belongs to our republic. Peace we would extend, but by persuasion and ex- ample, — the moral force, by which alone it can prevail among the nations. Wars we may encounter, but it is in the sacred character of the injured and the wronged ; to raise the trampled rights of humanity from the dust ; to rescue the mild form of liberty from her abode among the prisons and the scaflFolds of the elder world, and to seat her in the chair of state among her adoring children ; to give her beauty for ashes; a healthful action for her cruel agony ; to put at last a period to her war- fare on earth ; to tear her star-spangled banner from the perilous ridges of battle, and plant it on the rock of ages. There be it fixed for ever, — the power of a free people slumbering in its folds, their peace reposing in its shade ! Close of the Speech of Daniel Webster On the Greek question, in the HouJie of Repreientative* of the United Statet, January, 1824. The house had gone into committee of the whole, Mr. Taylor in the chair, on the resolution offered by Mr. Webster, which is in the words following: " Besolved, That provision ought to be made by law for defraying the expense incident to the appointment of an agriit, or comraiHsioncr, to Greece, wlicmver IIm' i'lwi- dc^nt tiliall deem it expedient to make micli apijoiutiiicut." Mr. Chairman, — It may be a.sked, will this resolution do the Greeks any good? Ye.s, it will do them much good. It will give them courage and spirit, which is better than money. It will a.ssure them of the public sympathy, and will in.spire them with fresh constancy. It will teach them that they are not forgotten by the civilized world, and to hope one day to oc- cupy, in that world, an iionorable station. A farther question remains. Is this measure pacific? It has no other charac- ter. It simi)ly prf)poses to make a pecuni- ary provision for a mission, when tne pre- sident shall deem such mission expedient. It is a mere reciprocation to the sentiments of his message ; it imposes upon him no new duty ; it gives him no new power ; it does not hasten or urge him forward ; it simply provides, in an open and avowed manner, the means of doing, what would else be done out of the contingent fund. It leaves him at the most perfect liberty, and it reposes the whole matter in his sole discretion. He might do it without this resolution, as he did in the case of South America, — but it merely answers the query, whether on so great and interesting a ques- tion as the condition of the Greeks, this house holds no opinion which is worth ex- pressing ? But, suppose a commissioner is sent, the measure is pacific still. Where is the breach of neutrality? Where a just cause of offence? And besides, Mr. Chair- man, is all the danger in this matter on one side? may we not inquire, whose fleets cover the Archipelago ? may we not ask, what would be the result to our trade should Smyrna be blockaded? A com- missioner could at least procure for us what we do not now possess — that is, au- thentic information of the true state of things. The document on your table ex- hibits a meagre appearance on this point — what does it contain? Letters of Mr. Luriottis and paragraphs from a French paper. My personal opinion is, that an agent ought immediately to be sent ; but the resolution I have offered by no means goes so far. Do gentlemen fear the result of this re- solution in embroiling us with the Porte? Why, sir, how much is it ahead of the whole nation, or rather let me ask how much is the nation ahead of it? Is not this whole people already in a state of open and avowed excitement on this sub- ject? Does not the land ring from side to side with one common sentiment of sym- Eathy for Greece, and indignation toward er oppressors? nay, more, sir — are we not giving money to this cause? More still, sir — is not the secretary of state in open correspondence with the president of the Greek committee in London ? The nation 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. has gone as far as it can go, short of an offi- cial act of hostility. This resolution adds nothing beyond what is already done — nor can any of the European governments take offence at such a measure. But if they would, should we be withheld from an honest expression of liberal feelings in the cause of freedom, for fear of giving umbrage to some member of the holy alliance? We are not, surely, yet pre- pared to purchase their smiles by a sacri- fice of every manly principle. Dare any Christian prince even ask us not to sym- pathize with a Christian nation struggling against Tartar tyranny ? We do not inter- fere — we break no engagements — we violate no treaties ; with the Porte we have none. Mr. Chairman, there are some things which, to be well done, must be promptly done. If we even determine to do the thing that is now proposed, we may do it too late. Sir, I am not of those who are for withholding aid when it is most ur- gently needed, and when the stress is past, and the aid no longer necessary, over- whelming the suSerers with caresses. I will not stand by and see my fellow man drowning without stretching out a hand to help him, till he has by his own efforts and presence of mind reached the shore in safety, and then encumber him with aid. With suffering Greece now is the crisis of her fate, — her great, it may be, her last struggle. Sir, while we sit here deliberat- ing, her destiny may be decided. The Greeks, contending with ruthless oppres- sors, turn their eyes to us, and invoke us by their ancestors, slaughtered wives and children, by their own blood, poured out like water, by the hecatombs of dead they have heaped up as it were to heaven, they invoke, they implore us for some cheering sound, some look of sympathy, some token of compassionate regard. They look to us as the great republic of the earth — and they ask us by our common faith, whetlier we can forget that they are struggling, as we once struggled, for what we now so happily enjoy ? I cannot say, sir, that they will succeed ; that rests with heaven. But for myself, sir, if I should to-morrow hear that they have failed — that their last pha- lanx hud sunk beneath the Turkish cime- ter, that the flames of their last city had sunk in its a.shes, and that naught remained but the wide melancholy waste where Greece once was, I should still reflect, with the most heartfelt satisfaction, that I have asked you in the name of seven millions of freemen, that you would give them at lea.st the cheering of one friendly voice. John Randolplt on tlie other aide of Hame <4n«^iition. Mr. CnAiRMAN, — It is with serious con- cern and alarm, that I have heard doc- trines broached in this debate, fraught with consequences more disastrous to the best interests of this people than any that I have ever heard advanced during the five-and-twenty years that I have been honored with a seat on this floor. They imply, to my apprehension, a total and fundamental change of the policy pursued by this government, ab urbe condita — from the foundation of the republic, to the present day. Are we, sir, to go on a cru- sade, in another hemisphere, for the pro- pagation of two objects — objects as dear and delightful to my heart as to that of any gentleman in this, or in any other as- sembly — liberty and religion — and, in the name of these holy words — by this power- ful spell, is this nation to be conjured and persuaded out of the highway of heaven — out of its present comparatively happy state, into all the disastrous conflicts aris- ing from the policy of European powers, with all the consequences which flow from them? Liberty and religion, sir ! I believe that nothing similar to this proposition is to be found in modern history, unless in the famous decree of the French national as- sembly, which brought combined Europe against them, with its united strength, and, after repeated struggles, finally effect- ed the downfall of the French power. Sir, I am wrong — there is another example of like doctrine ; and you find it among that strange and peculiar people — in that mys- terious book, which is of the highest au- thority with them, (for it is at once their gospel and their law,) the Koran, which enjoins it to be the duty of all good Mos- lems to propagate its doctrines at the point of the sword — by the edge of the cimeter. The character of that people is a peculiar one : they differ from every other race. It has been said, here, that it is four hundred years since they encamped in Europe. Sir, they were encamped, on the spot where we now find them, before this country was discovered, and their title to the country which they occupy is at least as good as ours. They hold their possessions there by the same title by which all other coun- tries are held — possession, obtained at first by a successful employment of force, con- firmed by time, usage, prescription — the best of all possible titles. Their })olicy has been not tortuous, like that of other states of Europe, but straightforward : they had invariably appealed to the sword, and they held by the sword. The Russ had, indeed, made great encroachments on their emnire, but the ground had been contested incn by inch ; and the acquisitions of Russia on the side of Christian Europe — Livonia, Ingria,Courland — Finland, to the Gulf of Bothnia — Poland ! — had been greater than that of the Mahometans. And, in consequence of this straightfor- BOOK III.J HAYNE AGAINST A TARIFF. 21 ward policy to which T before referred, this peculiar people could boast of being the only one of the continental Europe, whose capital had never been insulted by the presence of a foreign military force. It was a curious fact, well worthy of atten- tion, that Constantinople was the only capital in continental Europe — for Moscow was the true capital of Russia — that had never been in possession of an enemy. It is, indeed, true, that the Empress Catharine did inscribe over the gate of one of the cities that she had won in the Krimea, (Cherson, I think,) "the road to Byzan- tium ;" but, sir, it has proved — perhaps too low a word for the subject — but a istumpy road for Russia. Who, at that day, would have been believed, had he foretold to that august (for so she was) and illustrious woman that her Cossacks of the Ukraine, and of the Don, would have encamped in Paris before they reached Constantinople? Who would have been believed, if he had foretold that a French invading force — such as the world never saw before, and, I trust, will never again see — would lay Moscow itself in ashes? These are con- siderations worthy of attention, before we embark in the project proposed by this resolution, the consequences of which no human eye can divine. I would respectfully ask the gentleman from Massachusetts, whether in his very able and masterly argument — and he has said all that could be said upon the sub- ject, and more than I supposed could be said by any man in favor of his resolution — whether he himself has not furnished an answer to his speech — I had not the happi- ness myself to hear his speech, but a friend has read it to me. In one of the argu- ments in that speech, toward the conclu- sion, I think, of his speech, the gentleman lays down, from Pufl'endorf, in reference to the honeyed words and pious profes- sions of the holy alliance, that these arc all surplusage, because nations are always supposed to be ready to do what justice and national law require. Well, sir, if this be so, why may not the Greeks pre- sume — why are they not, on this principle, bound to presume, that this government is disposed to do all, in reference to them, that they ought to do, without any formal resolutions to that eftect ? I ask the gen- tleman from Massachusetts, whether the doctrine of Puffendorf does not apply as strongly to the resolution as to the declara- tion of the allies — that is, if the resolution of the gentleman be indeed that ahnost nothing he would have us suppose, if there be not something behind this nothing which divides this house (not horizontaJhj, as the gentleman has ludicrously said — but verticdUy) into two unequal parties, one the advociite of a splendid system of cru- sades, the other the friends of peace and harmony ; the advocates of a fireside pol- io/ — for, as had been truly said, as long as all is right at the fireside, there cannot be much wrong elsewhere — whether, I repeat, docs not the doctrine of Putiendorf aj)ply as well to the words of the resolution ua to the words of the holy alliance? But, sir, we have already done more than this. The president of the United .States, the only organ of communication which the people have seen fit to establish be- tween us and foreign powers, has already expressed all, in reference to Greece, that the resolution goes to express actum est — it is done — it is finished — there is an end. Not, that I would have the house to infer, that I mean to express any opinion as to the policy of such a declaration — the practice of responding to presidential addresses and messages had gone out for, now, these two or three-and-twenty years. E^xtract from Mr. Hayne's Speecb against tlic Tariff BUI, In Congress, Jatiuary, 1832. Mr. President, — The plain and seem- ingly obvious truth, that in a fair and equal exchange of commodities all parties gained, is a noble discovery of modern times. The contrary principle naturally led to com- mercial rivalries, wars, and abuses of all sorts. The benefits of commerce being re- garded as a stake to be won, or an advan- tage to be wrested from others by fraud or by force, governments naturally strove to se- cure them to their own subjects; and when they once set out in this wrong direction, it was quite natural that they should not stop short till they ended in binding, in the bonds of restriction, not only the Avhole countrj', but all of its parts. Thus we are told that England first protected by her restrictive policy, her whole empire against all the world, then Great Britain against the colonies, then the British islands against each other, and ended by vainly attempting to protect all the great interests and employment of the state by balancing them against eachother. Sir, such a system, carried fully out, is not confined to rival na- tions, but protects one towai against another, considers villages, and even families as rivals ; and cannot stop short of " Robin- son Crusoe in his goat skins." It takes but one step further to make every man liis own lawyer, doctor, farmer, and shoe- maker — and^ if I may be allowed an Irish- ism, his own seamstress and washerwoman. The doctrine of free trade, on the contrar^•, is fimnded on the true social system. It looks on all mankind as children of a com- mon parent— and the great family of na- tions as linked together by mutual interests. Sir, as there is a religion, so I believe tlure is a politics of nature. Cast your eyes over 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book nr. this various earth — see its surface diversi- fied by hills and valleys, rocks, and fertile fields. Notice its diflerent productions — its infinite varieties of soil and climate. See the mighty rivers winding their way to the very mountain's base, and thence guiding man to the vast ocean, dividing, yet con- necting nations. Can any man who con- siders these things with the eye of a philo- sopher, not read the design of the great Creator (written legibly in his works) that his children should be drawn together in a free commercial intercourse, and mutual exchanges of the various gifts with which a bountiful Providence has blessed them. Commerce, sir, restricted even as she has been, has been the great source of civiliza- tion and refinement all over the world. Next to the Christian religion, I consider fi-ee trade in its largest sense as the greatest blessing that can be conferred upon any people. Hear, sir, what Patrick Henry, the great orator of Virginia, whose squI was the very temple of freedom, says on this subject : — " Why should we fetter commerce? If a man is in chains, he droops and bows to the earth, because his spirits are broken, but let him twist the fetters from his legs, and he will stand erect. Fetter not com- merce ! Let her be as free as the air. She will range the whole creation, and return on the four winds of heaven to bless the land with plenty." But, it has been said, that free trade would do very well, if all nations would adopt it; but as it is, every nation must protect itself from the effect of restrictions by countervailing measures. I am per- suaded, sir, that this is a great, a most fatal error. If retaliation is resorted to for the honest purpose of producing a redress of the grievance, and while adhered to no longer than there is a hope of success, it may, like war itself, be sometimes just and necessary. But if it have no such object, " it is the unprofitable combat of seeing which can do the other the most harm." The case can hardly be conceived in which permanent restrictions, as a measure of re- taliation, could be profitable. In every possible situation, a trade, whether more or less restricted, is profitable, or it is not. This can only be decided by experience, and if the trade be left to regulate itself, water would not more naturally seek its level, than the intercourse adjust itself to the true interest of the parties. Sir, as to this idea of the regulation by government of the pursuits of men, I consider it a.s a remnant of barbarism disgraceful to an en- lightened age, and inconsistent with tlic first principles of rational lil)erty. I hold government to be utterly incapable, from its position, of exercising sucii a {xtwcr wisely, prudently, or justly. Are the rulers of the world the depositaries of its collected wisdom ? Sir, can we forget the advice of a great statesman to his son — " Go, see the world, my sou, that you may learn with how little wisdom mankind is governed." And is our own government an exception to this rule, or do we not find here, as every where else, that " Man, proud man, Robed in a little brief authority, Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven, Ab make the angels weep ?" The gentleman has appealed to the ex- ample of other nations. Sir, they are all against him. They have had restrictions enough, to be sure; but they are getting heartily sick of them, and in England, par- ticularly, would willingly get rid of them if they could. We have been assured, by the declaration of a minister of the crown, from his place in parliament, " that there is a growing conviction, among all men of sense and reflection in that country, that the true policy of all nations is to be found in unrestricted industry. Sir, in England they are now retracing their steps, and en- deavoring to relieve themselves of the system as fast as they can. Within a few years past, upwards of three hundred sta- tutes, imposing restrictions in that coun- try, have been repealed ; and a case has recently occurred there, which seems to leave no doubt that, if Great Britain has grown great, it is, as Mr. Huskisson has declared, " not in consequence of, but in spite of their restrictions." The silk manu- facture, protected by enormous bounties, was found to be in such a declining condi- tion, that the government was obliged to do something to save it from total ruin. And what did they do? They consider- ably reduced the duty on foreign silks, both on the raw material and the manu- factured article. The consequence was the immediate revival of the silk manufac- ture, which has since been nearly doubled. Sir, the experience of France is equally decisive. Bonaparte's effort to introduce cotton and sugar has cost that country millions ; and, but the other day, a foolish attempt to protect the iron mines spread devastation through half of France, and nearly ruined the wine trade, on which one fifth of her citizens depend for subsistence. As to Spain, unhapjiy Spain, " fenced round with restrictions," her experience, one would suppose, would convince us, if anything could, that the protecting system in politics, like bigotry in religion, was ut- terly at war witli sound principles and a liberal and enlightened policy. Sir, I say, in the words of the philosoi)hical statesnum of England, " leave a generous nation free to seek their own road to perfection." Thank God, the night is passing away, and wo, have lived to seethe dawn of a glorious day. The cause of free trade must and will prosper, and finally triumph. The politi- BOOK III.] CLAY ON HIS LAND BILL. 23 cal economist is abroad ; light has come into the world ; and, in this instance at least, men will not " prefer darkness rather than light." Sir, let it not be said, in after times, that the statesmen of America were behind the age in which they lived — tiiat they initiated this young and vigorous country into the enervating and corruj)t- ing ])ractices of European nations — and liiat, at the moment when the whole world were looking to us for an example, we ar- rayed ourselves in the ca«t-olf follies and exploded errors of the old world, and, by the introduction of a vile system of artifi- cial stimulants and political gambling, im- paired the healthful vigor of the body })olitic, and brought on a decrepitude and premature dissolution. Mr. Clay's Speech on his Public Lands Bill. Mil. President, — Although I find my- self borne down by the severest affliction with which Providence has ever been pleased to visit me, I have thought that my private griefs ought not longer to pre- vent me from attempting, ill as I feel quali- fied, to discharge my public duties. And I now rise, in pursuance of the notice which has been given, to ask leave to introduce a bill to apijropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands of the United States, and for granting land to certain states. I feel it incumbent on me to make a brief explanation of the highly important measure which I have now the honor to propose. The bill which I desire to intro- duce, provides for the distribution of the proceetls of the public lands in the years 1833, 1834, 1885, 183G and 1837, among the twenty-four states of the union, and con- forms substantially to that which passed in 1833. It is therefore of a temporary char- acter ; but if it shall be found to have sal- utary operation, it will be in the power of a future congress to give it an indefinite continuance; and if otherwise, it will ex- pire by its own terms. In the event of war unfortunately breaking out with any for- eign power, the bill is to cease, and the fund which it distributes is to be applied to the iirosecution of the war. The bill directs that ten per cent, of the net pro- ceeds of the public lands sold within the limits of the seven new states, shall be first set apart for them, in addition to the five per cent, reserved by their several com- pacts with the United States ; and that the residue of the proceeds, whether from sales made in the states or territories, shall be divided among the twenty-four states in proportion to their respective federal ])opu- lation. In this respect the bill conforms to that which was introduced in 1832. For one, I should have been willing to have allowed the new states twelve and a half instead of ten per cent. ; but as that wa.s objected to by the president, in his veto message, and has been opposed in other quarters, I thought it best to restrict the allowance to the more moderate sum. The bill also contains large and liberal grants of land to several of the new states, to place them upon an equality with others to which the bounty of congress has been heretofore extended, and provides that, when other new states shall be admitted into the union, they shall receive their share of the com- mon fund. ***** *^(.^ Mr. President, I have ever regarded, with feelings of the profoundest regret, the de- cision which the president of the United States felt himself induced to make on the bill of 1833. If the bill had passed, about twenty millions of dollars would have been, during the last three years, in the hands of the several states, applicable by them to the beneficent purposes of internal improve- ment, education or colonization. What immense benefits might not have been dif- fused throughout the land by the active employment of that large sum ? What new channels of commerce and communication might not have been opened ? What in- dustry stimulated, what labor rewarded? How many youthful minds might have re- ceived the blessings of education and know- ledge, and been rescued from ignorance, vice, and ruin? How many descendants of Africa might have been transported from a country where they never can enjoy po- litical or social equality, to the native land of their fathers, where no impediment ex- ists to their attainment of the highest de- gree of elevation, intellectual, social and political ! where they might have been successful instruments, in the hands of God, to spread the religion of His Son, and to lay the foundation of civil liberty. But, although we have lost three i>recious years, the secretary of the treasurv' tells us that the principal of this vast sum is yet safe; and much good may still be achieved with it. The spirit of iiiiprove- ment pervades tlie land in every variety of form, active, vigorous and enterjirising, wanting pecuniary aid as well as intelligent, direction. The states are strengthening the union by various lines of communication thrown across and through the mountains. New York has completed one great cliain. Pennsylvania another, ])older in concej'tion and more arduous in the execution. Vir- ginia has a similar work in jirogress, worthy of all her enterprise and energy. A fourth, further south, where the parts of the union are too loosely connected, bos been pro- jected, and it can certainly be executed with the supplies which this bill atlbrds, and perhaps not without them. This bill passed, and these and other si- 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. milar undertakings completed, we may in- dulge the patriotic hope that our union will be hound by ties and interests that render it indissoluble. As the general government withholds all direct agency from these truly national works, and from all new objects of internal improvement, ought it not to yield to the states, what is their own, the amount received from the public lands? It would thus but execute faithfully a trust expressly created by the original deeds of cession, or resulting from the treaties of acquisition. With this ample resource, every desirable object of improvement, in every part of our extensive country, may in due time be ac- complished. — Placing this exhaustless fund in the hands of the several members of the confederacy, their common federal head may address them in the glowing language of the British bard, and. Bid harbors open, public ways extend, Bid temples wortliier of the God ascend. Bid the liroad arch the dangerous flood contain, The mole projecting break the roaring main. Back to his bounds their subject sea command, And roll obedient rivers through the land. I confess I feel anxious for the fate of this measure, less on account of any agency I have had in proposing it, as I hope and believe, than from a firm, sincere and tho- rough conviction, that no one measure ever presented to the councils of the nation, was fraught with so much unmixed good, and could exert such powerful and enduring influence in the preservation of the union itself and upon some of its highest interests. If I can be instrumental, in any degree, in the adoption of it, I shall enjoy, in that re- tirement into which I hope shortly to en- ter, a heart-feeling satisfaction and a lasting consolation. I shall carry there no regrets, no complaints, no reproaches on my own account. When I look back upon my hum- ble origin, left an orphan too young to have been conscious of a father's smiles and ca- resses; with a widowed mother, surrounded by a numerous offspring, in the midst of pecuniary eml)arrassmeuts ; without a re- gular education, without fortune, without friends, witliout patrons, I have reason to be satisfied with my public career. I ought to be thankful for the high places and ho- nors to which I have been called by the favor and partiality of my countrymen, and I am tiiankful and grateful. And I shall take with me the pleasing conscious- ness that in whatever staticni I have been placed, I have earnestly and honestly la- bored to justify their confidence by a faith- ful, fearless, and zealous discharge of my ftublic duties. Pardon these personal al- usions. Np«>ecti of Jolin C. Calhonn, Agnimt Ihe I'Mv- LikhIk Hill, .hmiKiry Zi, 1841. "Whether the government can constitu- kioually distribute the revenue from the public lands among the states must depend on the fact whether they belong to them in their united federal character, or indi- vidually and separately. If in the for- mer, it is manifest that the government, as their common agent or trustee, can have no right to distribute among them, for their individual, separate use, a fund de- rived from property held in their united and federal character, without a special power for that purpose which is not pre- tended. A position so clear of itself and resting on the established principles of law, when applied to individuals holding property in like manner, needs no illustra- tion. If, on the contrary, they belong to the states in their individual and separate character, then the government would not only have the right but would be bound to apply the revenue to the separate use of the states. So far is incontrovertible, which presents the question : In which of the two characters are the lands held by the state? "To give a satisfactory answer to this question, it will be necessary to distinguish between the lands that have been ceded by the states, and those that have been pur- chased by the government out of the com- mon funds of the Union. "The principal cessions were made by Virginia and Georgia. The former of all the tract of country between the Ohio, the Mississippi, and the lakes, including the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Mich- igan, and the territory of Wisconsin ; and the latter, of the tract included in Ala- bama and Mississippi. 1 shall begin with the cession of Virginia, as it is on that the advocates for the distribution mainly rely to establish the right. " I hold in my hand an extract of all that portion of the Virginia deed of cession which has any bearing on the point at issue, taken from the volume lying on the table before me, with the place marked, and to which any one desirous of examin- ing the deed may refer. The cession is 'to the United States in Congress assem- bled, for the benefit of said states.' Every word implies the states in their united federal character. That is the meaning of the phrase United States. It stands in con- tradistinction to the states taken separately and individually ; and if there could be, by possibility, any doubt on that point, it would be removed by the expression ' in Congress assembled ' — an assemblage which constituted the very knot that united them. I regard the execution of such a deed to the Unit(!d States, so assembled, so con- elusive that the cession was to them in their united and aggregate character, in (•ontradistiiiction to their individual and separate! character, and, by necessnry con- se(]neiic(', that the lands so ceded belonged to them in their former and not in their BOOK III.] HAYNE ON SALES OF PUBLIC LANDS. 25 latter character, that I am at a loss for words to make it clearer. To deny it, would be to deny that there is any truth in language. "But strong as this is, it is not all. The deed proceeds and says, that all the lands so ceded ' shall be considered a com- mon fund for the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become, or shall become, members of the confederation or federal alliance of said states, Virginia in- clusive, and concludes by saying, 'and shall be faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatever.' IT it were possible to raise a doubt before, those lull, clear, and explicit terms would dispel it. It is impossible for language to be clearer. To be ' considered a common fund * is an ex- pression directly in contradistinction to separate or individual, and is, by necessary implication, as clear a negative of the lat- ter as if it had been positively expressed. This common fund to ' be for the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become, or shall become, members of the confederation or federal alliance.' That is as clear as language can express it, for their common use iu j^heir united federal character, Virginia being included as the grantor, out of abundant caution." "The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay), and, as I now understand, the Sena- tor from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster), agree, that the revenue from taxes can be applied only to the objects specifically enumerated in the Constitution. Thus re- pudiating the general welfare principle, as applied to the money power, so far as the revenue may be derived from that source. To this extent they profess to be good State Rights Jetfersonian Republicans. Now, sir, I would be happy to be informed by either of the able senators, by what political alchemy the revenue from taxes, oy being vested in land, or other property, can, when again turned into revenue by sales, be entirely freed from all the consti- tutional restrictions to which they were lia- ble before the investment, according to their own confessions. A satisfactory ex- planation of so curious and apparently in- com])reliensible a process would be a treat. " When I look, Mr. President, to what induced the states, and especially Virginia, to make this magnificent cession to the Union, and the high and patriotic motives urged by the old Congress to induce them to do it, and turn to what is now jiro- posed, I am struck with the contrast and the great nvutatiou to which human affairs are subject. The great and patriotic men of former times regarded it as essential to the consummation of the Union and the reservation of the public faith that the ands should be ceded as a common fund ; but now, meu di:5tinguished for their ability and influence are striving with all their might to undo their holy work. Yes, sir ; distribution and cession are the very reverse, in character- and effect ; the ten- dency of one is to union, and the other to disunion. The wisest of modern states- men, and who had the keenest and deepest glance into futurity (Edmund Burke), truly said that the revenue is the state; to which I add, that to (listril.ute the revenue, in a confederated community, amongst its members, is to dissolve the community — that is, with us, the Union — as time will prove, if ever this fatal measure should be adopted." la Speech of Hon. Robt. Y. Ha}rne Senator from Soul li Curolitui, ddiveredin the HKiiate C'luiinher January 2l,lS:iU, on Mr. Foofs resolidion reUUiny to the sales of the public lands. Mr. Hayne said, when he took occasion, two days ago, to throw out some ideas with respect to the policy of the government, in relation to the public lands, nothing certainly could have been further from his thoughts, than that he should have been compelled again to throw himself ui)on the indulgence of the Senate. Little did I expect, said Mr. H., to be called upon to meet such an ar^f^ument as was yesterday urged by the gentleman from IMassachusctts (Mr. Webster.) Sir, I questioned no man's opinions ; I impeached no man's motives ; I charged no party, or state, or section of country with hostility to any other, but ventured, as I thought, in a becoming spirit to put forth my own sentiments in relation to a great national question of public policy. Such wa,s my course. The gentle- man from Missouri, (Mr. Benton,) it is true, had charged upon the Eastern States an early and continued hostility towards the west, and referred to a number of his- torical facts and documents in support of that charge. Now, sir, how have these different arguments been met? The honor- able gentleman from Massachusetts, after deliberating a whole night upon his course, comes into this chamber to vindicate New England ; and instead of making up his issue with the gentleman from Missouri, on the charges which he had preferred, chooses to consider me as the author of those charges, and losing sight entirely of that gentleman, selects me as his adversary, and pours out all the vials of his mighty wrath upon my devoted head. Nor is he willing to stop there. He goe^s on to assail the institutions and policy of the south, and calls in question the principles and conduct of the state whicli I have the honor to represent. When 1 find a gentle- man of mature age and exjjeriencc, of ac- knowledged talents and profound sagacity, pursuing a course like this, declining tlie contest offered from the west, and making 26 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. war upon the unoffending south, I must believe, I am bound to believe, he has some object in view which he has not ventured to disclose. Mr. President, why is this? Has the gentleman discovered in former controversies with the gentleman from Missouri, that he is overmatched by that senator? And does he hope for an easy vic- tory over a more feeble adversary ? Has the gentleman's distempered fancy been dis- turbed by gloomy forebodings of "new alliances to be formed," at which he hinted ? Has the ghost of the murdered Coalition come back, like the ghost of Banquo, to "sear the eyeballs of the gentleman," and will it not down at his bidding ? Are dark visions of broken hopes, and honors lost forever, still floating before his heated imagination? Sir, if it be his object to thrust me between the gentleman from Missouri and himself, in order to rescue the east from the contest it has provoked with the west, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I will not be dragged into the defence of my friend from Missouri. The south shall not be forced into a conflict not its own. The gentleman from Missouri is able to fight his own battles. The gallant west needs no aid from the south to repel any attack which may be made on them from any quarter. Let the gentleman from Massachusetts controvert the facts and arguments of the gentleman from Mis- souri, if he can — and if he win the victory, let him wear the honors ; I shall not de- prive him of his laurels. The gentleman from Massachusetts, in reply to my remarks on the injurious operations of our land system on the pros- perity of the west, pronounced an extrav- agant eulogium on the paternal care which the government had extended towards the west, to which he attributed all that was great and excellent in the present condi- tion of the new states. The language of the gentleman on this topic fell upon my ears like the almost forgotten tones of the tory leaders of the British Parliament, at the commencement of the American revo- lution. They, too, discovered that the colonies had grown great under the foster- ing care of the mother country; and I must confess, while listening to the gentle- man, I thought the appropriate reply to his argument wa.s to l»e found in the re- mark of a celebrated orator, made on that occasion : " They have grown great in spite of your protection." The gentleman, in commenting on the policy of the government in relation to the new states, has introduced to our notice a certain Nalhan Dane, of ]\Iassachusc(ts, to whom lie attributes tlie celel)rated ordi- nance of 'H7, by which he tells us, *' slnrcrij was forever exehided from the new states north of the Oiiio." After eulogizing the wisdom of this provision iu terms of the most extravagant praise, he breaks forth in admiration of the greatness of Nathan Dane — and great indeed he must be, if it be true, as stated by the senator from Mas- sachusetts, that " he was greater than Solon and Lycurgus, Minos, Numa Pom- pilius, and all the legislators and philoso- phers of the world," ancient and modern. Sir, to such high authority it is certainly my dut}', in a becoming spirit of humility, to submit. And yet, the gentleman will pardon me, when I say, that it is a little unfortunate for the fame of this great legis- lator, that the gentleman from Missouri should have proved that he was not the author of the ordinance of '87, on which the senator from Massachusetts has reared so glorious a monument to his name. Sir, I doubt not the senator will feel some com- passion for our ignorance, when I tell him, that so little are we acquainted with the modern great men of New England, that until he informed us yesterday that we pos- sessed a Solon and a Lycurgus in the person of Nathan Dane, he was only known to the south as a member of a celebrated assembly, called and known by the name of the " Hartford Convention." In the proceedings of that assembly, which I hold in my hand, (at p. i9,) will be found in a few lines, the history of Nathan Dane; and a little farther on, there is conclusive evidence of that ardent devotion to the interest of the new states, which, it seems, has given him a just claim to the title of "Father of the West." By the 2d resolu- tion of the " Hartford Convention," it is declared, " that it is expedient to attempt to make provisionybr i-estraining Congvess in the exercise of an %inlirnited power to make new states, and admitting them into the Union." So much for Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Massachusetts. In commenting upon my views in rela- tion to the public lands, the gentleman in- sists, that it being one of the conditions of the grants that these lands should be ap- plied to " the common benefit of all the states, they must always remain a fund for revenue ; " and adds, "they must be treated as so much treasure." Sir, the gentleman could hardly find language strong enough to convey his disapprobation of tlie policy which I had ventured to recommend to the favoralile consideration of the country. And what, sir, was that policy, and what is the diflerence between that gentleman and myself on that subject? I threw out the idea that the public lands ought not to 1)6 reserved forever, as "a great fund for reveiuie ; " that they ought not to be " treated as a great treasure ;" butthatthe course of our policy should rather be di- rected toward the creation of new states, and building up great and flourishing communities. Now, sir, will it be believed, by those BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 27 who now hear me, — and who listened to the gentleman's denuuciatiuu of my doc- trines yesterday, — that a book then lay open before him — nay, that he held it in his hand, and read from it certain passa- ges of his own speech, delivered to the House of Representatives in 1825, in which speech he himself contended for the very doctrine I had advocated, and almost in the same terms ? Here is the speech of the Hon. Daniel Webster, contained in the first volume of Gales and Beaton's Regis- ter of Debates, (p. 251,) delivered in the House of Representatives on the 18th of January, 1825, in a debate on the Cum- herland road — the very debate from which the senator read yesterday. I shall read from the celebrated speech two passages, from which it will appear that both as to the past and the future policy of the gov- ernment in relation to the public lands, the gentleman from IMassachusetts main- tained, in 1825, substantially the same opinions which I have advanced, but which he now so strongly reprobates. I said, sir, that the system of credit sales by which the west had been kept constantly in debt to the United States, and by which their wealth was drained otf to be expended elsewhere, had operated injuriously on their prosperity. On this point the gentle- man from Massachusetts, in January, 1825, expressed himself thus : " There could be no doubt, if gentlemen looked at the money received into the treasury from the sale of the public lands to the west, and then looked to the whole amount expended by government, (even including the whole amount of what was laid out for the army,) the latter must be allowed to be very in- considerable, and there must be a constant drain of money froTU the west to pay for the public lands." It might indeed be said that this was no more tlian the refluence of capital which had previously gone over the mountains. Be it so. Still its practical effect was to produce inconvenience, if not distress, by absorbing the money of thepeople. I contended that the public lands ought not to be treated merely as " a fund for re- venue ; " that they ought not to be hoarded " as a great treasure." On this point the senator expressed himself thus : " Govern- ment, he believed, had received eighteen or twenty millions of dollars from the pub- lic lands, and it was with the greatest satis- faction he adverted to the change which had been introduced in the mode of pay- ing for them ; yet he could never think the national domain was to be regarded as any great source of revenue. The great object of the government, in respect of these lands, was not so much the money derived from their sale, as it was the getting them settled. What ho meant to say was, he did not think they ought to hug that domain AS A GREAT TKliASUKE, to enrich the Exchequer." Now, Mr. President, it will be seen that the very doctrines which the gentleman so indignantly abandons were urged by him in 1825; and if 1 had actually bor- rowed my sentiments from those which he then avowed, 1 could not have (olhjwcd more closely in his foot.steits. Sir, it is only since the gentleman quoted this book, yesterday, that my attenliijn has been turned to the sentiments he exi)ressed in 1825; and if I had renieml)ered them, I might possibly have been deterred from uttering sentiments here, which, it might well be sujjposed, I had borrowed from that gentleman. In 1825, the gentleman told the world that the public lands "ought not to be treated as a treasure." He now tells us that " they must be treated as so much treasure." What the deliberate ojiinion of the gentleman on this subject maybe, belongs not to me to determine; but I do not think he can, with the shadow of jus- tice or propriety, impugn my sentiments, while his own recorded opinions are iden- tical with my own. When the gentleman refers to the conditions of the grants under which the United States have acquired these lands, and insists that, as they are declared to be " for the common benefit of all the states," they can only be treated as so much treasure, I think he has apj)lied a rule of construction too narrow lor the case. If in the deeds of cession it has been declared that the grants were in- tended for "the common benefit of all the states," it is clear, from other provisions, that they were not intended merely as so 7nuch pro]>erty ; for it is expressly declared, that the object of the grants is the erection of new states ; and the United States, in accepting this trust, bind themselves to facilitate the foundation of these states, to be admitted into the Union with all the rights and privileges of the original states. This, sir, was the great end to which all parties looked, and it is by,the fulfillment of this high trust that " the common benefit of all the states " is to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the gentleman, that in the part of the country in which I live, we do not measure politi- cal benefits by the money standard. We consider as more valuable than gold liber- ty, principle, and justice. But, sir, if we are bound to act on the narrow principles contended for by the gentleman, I am wholly at a loss to conceive how he can reconcile his principles with his own prac- tice. The lands are, it seems, to be treated "as so much treasure," and nui^t be ap- plied to the "common benefit of all the states." Now, if this be so, whence doeiS he derive theright to appropriate them for partial and local objects? How can the gejitleman consent to vote away immense bodies of these lauds for canals in Indiana 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III, and Illinois, to the Louisville and Portland Canal, to Kenyon College in Ohio, to Schools for the t)eaf and Dumb, and other objects of a similar description ? If grants of this character can fairly be considered as made " for the common benefit of all the states," it can only be, because all the states are interested in the welfare of each — a principle which, carried to the full extent, destroys all distinction between local and national objects, and is certainly broad enough to embrace the principles for which I have ventured to contend. Sir, the true difference between us I take to be this : the gentleman wishes to treat the public lands as a great treasure, just as so much money in the treasury, to be applied to all objects, constitutional and unconsti- tutional, to which the public money is constantly applied. I consider it as a sacred trust which we ought to fulfil, on the principles for which I have con- tended. The senator from Massachusetts has thought projier to present, in strong con- trast, the friendly feelings of the east to- wards the west, with sentiments of an op- posite character displayed by the south in relation to appropriations for internal im- provements. Now, sir, let it be recollected that the south have made no professions ; I have certainly made none in their be- half, of regard for the west. It has been reserved for the gentleman from Massa- chusetts, while he vaunts over his own personal devotion to western interests, to claim for the entire section of country to which he belongs an ardent friendship for the west, as manifested by their support of the system of internal improvement, while he casts in our teeth the reproach that the south has manifested hostility to western interests in opposing appropriations for such objects. That gentleman, at the same time, acknowledged that the south entertains constitutional scruples on this subject. Are we then, sir, to understand that the gentlemtin considers it a just subject of rei)roach that we respect our oaths, by which we are bound " to preserve, protect, and defend tiie constitution of the U. States ?" Would the gentleman have us manifest our love to the west by trampling under foot our constitutional scruples ? Does he not perceive, if the south is to be reproached with unkindness to the west, in voting against appropriations which the gentleman admits they coulil not vote for without doing violcince to their constitu- tional opitiioris, that ho exjjoses himself to the question, wh('ther, if he was in our situation, he couhl vote for these aj)pro- priations, regardless of liis scruples? No, sir, I will not do the gciithinum so great injustice. He has fallen into tliis error from not having duly weighed the fitrce and effect of the rei)roach which he was endeavoring to cast upon the south. In relation to the other point, the friendship manifested by New England towards the west, in their support of the system of in- ternal improvement, the gentleman will pardon me for saying, that I think he is equally unfortunate in having introduced that topic. As that gentleman has forced it upon us, however, I cannot suffer it to pass unnoticed. When the gentleman tells us that the approj)riations for internal improvement in the west would, in almost every instance, have failed but for New England votes, he has forgotten to tell us the when, the hoto, and the wherefore this new-born zeal for the west sprung up in the bosom of New England. If we look back only a few years, we will find in both houses of Congress a uniform and steady opposition on the part of the mem- bers from the P^astern States, generally, to all appropriations of this character. At the time I became a member of this house, and for some time afterwards, a decided majority of the New England senators were opposed to the very measures which the senator from Massachusetts tells us they now cordially, support. Sir, the Journals are before me, and an examina- tion of them will satisfy every gentleman of that fact. It must be well known to every one whose experience dates back as far as 1825, that up to a certain period, New England was generally opposed to appro- priations for internal improvements in the west. The gentleman from Massachusetts may be himself an exception, but if he went for the system before 1825, it is cer- tain that his colleagues did not go with him. In the session of 1824 and '25, however, (a memorable era in the history of this country,) a wonderful change took place in New England, in relation to western in- terests. Sir, an extraordinary union of sympathies and of interests was then ef- fected, which brought the east and the west into close alliance. The book from which I have before read contains the first public annunciation of that happy recon- ciliation of conflicting interests, personal and political, which brought the east and west together and locked in a fraternal embrace the two great orators of the east and the west. Sir, it was on the 18th of January, 1825, while the result of the presidential election, in the House of Rep- resentatives, was still doubtful, while the whole country was looking with intense anxiety to that legislative hall where the niiglity drama was so soon to be acted, that we saw the leaders of two great par- ties in the liouse :ind in the nation, "tak- ing sweet counsel together," and in a cele- brated dil)atc on th" Oumherland road, fighting si<le by side for western interests. BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 29 It was on that memorable occasion tliat the senator from Massachusetts held out the white Jlaq to the went, and uttered those liberal sentiments which he yesterday so indignantly repudiated. Then it was, that that happy union between the two mem- bers of tlie celebrated coalition was con- summated, whose immediate issue was a president from one quarter of the Union, with the succession (as it was supposed) secured to another. The "American sys- tem," before a rude, disjointed, and misshapen mass, now assumed form and consistency. Then it was that it became " the settled policy of the govern- ment," that this system should be so ad- ministered as to create a reciprocity of in- terests and a reciprocal distribution of government favors, east and west, (the tariff and internal improvements,) while the south — yes, sir, the impracticable south — was to be " out of your protec- tion." The gentleman may boast as much as he pleases of the friendship of New England for the west, as displayed in their support of internal improvement; but when he next introduces that topic, I trust that he will tell us when that friend- ship commenced, how it was brought about, and why it was established. Before I leave this topic, I must be permitted to say that the true character of the policy now pursued by the gentleman from Mas- sachusetts and his friends, in relation to appropriations of land and money, for the benefit of the Avest, is in my estimation very similar to that pursued by Jacob of old towards his brother Esau : " it robs them of their birthright for a mess of pottage." The gentleman from Massachusetts, in alluding to a remark of mine, that before any disposition could be made of the public lands, the national debt, for which they stand pledged, must be first paid, took occasion to intimate " that the extraordinary fervor which seems to exist in a certain quarter, (meaning the south, sir,) for the payment of the debt, arises from a disposition to weaken the ties which bind the people to the Union." While the gentleman deals us this blow, he professes an ardent desire to see the debt speedily extinguished. He must excuse me, however, for feeling some distrust on that subject until I find this disposition manifested by something stronger than professions. I shall look for acts, decided and unequivocal acts ; for the performance of which an opportu- nity will very soon (if I am not greatly mistaken) be afforded. Sir, if I were at liberty to judge of the course which that gentleman would pursue, from the princi- ples which he has laid down in relation to this matter. I should be bound to conclude that he will be found acting with those with whom it is a darling object to pre- vent the payment of the public debt. lie tells us he is desiroas of paying the debt. " because we are under an obligation to discharge it." Now, sir, suppose it should happen that the public creditors, with whom we have contracted the obligation, should release us from it, so far as to de- clare their willingness to wait for payment for filty years to come, provided only the interest shall be punctually discharged. The gentleman from Massachusetts will then be releiused from the obligation which now makes him desirous of j)aying the debt; and, let me tell the gentleman, the holders of the stock will not only release us from this obligation, but they will im- plore, nay, they will even pay vs not to pay them. But, adds the gentleman, so far as the debt may have an effect in bind- ing the debtors to the country, and thereby serving as a link to hold the states to- gether, he would be glad that it sh(;uld exist forever. Surely then, sir, on the gentleman's own principles, he must be op- posed to the ])ayment of the debt. Sir, let me tell that gentleman, that the south repudiates the idea that a pecuniai'y dependence on the federal government is one of the legitimate means of holding the states together. A moneyed interest in the government is essentially a base inter- est; and just so far as it operates to bind the feelings of those who are subjected to it to the government, — just so far as it operates in creating sympathies and inter- ests that would not otherwise exist, — is it opposed to all the principles of free gov- ernment, and at war with virtue and pa- triotism. Sir, the link which binds the public creditors, as such, to their country, binds them equally to all governments, whether arbitrary or free. In a free gov- ernment, this principle of abject dei)end- ence, if extended through all the ramifica- tions of society, must be fatal to liberty. Already have we made alarming strides in that direction. The entire class of manu- facturers, the holders of stocks, with their hundreds of millions of capital, are held to the government by the strong link of pe- cuniary interests; millions of people — en- tire sections of country, interested, or be- lieving themselves to be so, in the public lands, and the public treasure — are bound to the government by the expectation of pecuniary favors. If this system is carried much further, no man can fail to see that every generous motive of attachment to the country will be destroyed, and in its place will spring up those low. grovelling, base, and selfish feelings which bind men to the footvstool of a despot by bonds a-s strong and enduring as those which atl.ich them to free institutions. Sir, I would lay the foundation of this government in the affections of the people — I would tenth them to cling to it by dispensing equal 30 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book in. justice, and above all, by securing the "blesj^ings of liberty" to "themselves and to their posterity." The honorable gentleman from Massa- chusetts has gone out of his way to pass a high eulogium on the state of Ohio. In the most impassioned tones of eloquence, he described her majestic march to great- ness. He told us, that, having already left all the other states far behind, she was now passing by Virginia and Pennsylvania, and about to take her station by the side of New York. To all this, sir, I was dis- Eosed most cordially to respond. When, owever, the gentleman proceeded to con- trast the state of Ohio with Kentucky, to the disadvantage of the latter, I listened to him with regret ; and when he proceeded further to attribute the great, and, as he supposed, acknowledged superiority of the former in population, Avealth, and general prosperity, to the policy of Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, which had secured to the people of Ohio (by the ordinance of '87) a population offreemaij I will confess that my feelings suffered a revulsion which I am now unable to describe in any lan- guage sufficiently respectful tov/ards the gentleman from Massachusetts. In con- trasting the state of Ohio with Kentucky, for the purpose of pointing out the superi- ority of the former, and of attributing that superiority to the existence of slavery in the one state, and its absence in the other, I thought I could discern the very spirit of the Missouri question, intruded into this debate, for objects best known to the gen- tleman himself. Did that gentleman, sir, when he formed the determination to cross the southern border, in order to invade the state of South Carolina, deem it prudent or necessary to enlist under his banners the prejudices of the world, which, like Siciss troops, may be engaged in any cause, and are prepared to serve under any leader ? Did he desire to avail himself of those remorseless allies, the passions of mankind, of which it may be more truly said than of the savage tribes of the wil- derness, *' that their known rule of warfare is an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and conditions?" Or was it sup- posed, sir, that, in a premeditated and un- provoked attack upon the south, it was advisable to begin oy a gentle admonition of our supposed weakness, in order to pre- vent us from making that firm and manly resistance due to our own character and our dearest interests? Was the significant hint of the weakness of slaveholdinr} states, when contra-stcd with the superior strenr/th of free states, — like the glare of the weapon naif drawn from its scabbard, — intended to enforce the lessons of prudence and of patriotism, which the gentleman had re- solved, out of his abundant generosity, gratuitrmsly to bestow upon us ? Mr. Pres- ident, the impression which has gone abroad of the iveakncss of the south, as con- nected with the slave question, exposes us to such constant attacks, has done us so much injury, and is calculated to produce such infinite mischiefs, that I embrace the occasion presented by the remarks of the gentleman of Ma.ssachusetts, to declare that we are ready to meet the question promj^tly and fearlessly. It is one from which we are not disposed to shrink, in whatever form or under whatever circum- stances it may be pressed upon us. We are ready to make up the issue with the gentleman, as to the influence of slavery on individual or national charac- ter — on the prosperity and greatness, either of the United States or of pai-ticular states. Sir, when arraigned before the bar of pub- lic opinion, on this charge of slavery, we can stand up with conscious rectitude, ])lead not guilty, and put ourselves upon God and our country. Sir, we will not con- sent to look at slavery in the abstract. We will not stop to inquire whether the black man, as some philosophers have contended, is of an inferior race, nor whether his color and condition are the effects of a curse in- flicted for the offences of his ancestors. We deal in no abstractions. We will not look back to inquire whether our fathers were guiltless in introducing slaves into this country. If an inquiry should ever be in- stituted in these matters, however, it Avill be found that the profits of the slave trade were not confined to the south. Southern ships and southern sailors were not the in- struments of bringing slaves to the shores of America, nor did our merchants reap the profits of that " accursed traffic." But, sir, we will pass over all this. If slaverj"-, as it now exists in this country, be an evil, we of the present day found it ready made to our hands. Finding our lot cast among a people whom God had manifestly committed to our care, we did not sit down to speculate on abstract questions of theo- retical liberty. We met it as a practical question of obligation and duty. We re- solved to make the best of the situation in which Providence had placed us, and to fulfil the high trusts which had devolved upon us as the owners of slaves, in the only way in which such a trust could be fulfilled, without spreading misery and ruin throughout the land. We found that we had to deal with a people whose physical, moral, and intellectual habits and charac- ter totally disqualified them from the en- joyment of the blessings of freedom. We could not send them back to the shores from whence their fathers had been taken; their numbers forbade the thought, even if wo did not know that their condition here is infinitely preferable to what it pos- sibly could be among the barren sands and savage tribes of Africa ; and it was wholly BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 31 irreconcilable with all our notions of hu- manity to tear asunder the tender ties which they had formed anionf!:; us, to grat- ify the feelings of a false philanthropy. What a commentary on the wisdom, jus- tice, and humanity of the southern slave owner is presented by the example of cer- tain benevolent Jissociations and charitable individuals elseichcre / i^lu'dding weak tears over .sutlerings which had existence in their own sickly imaginations, these " friends of humanity " set themselves sys- tematically to work to seduce the slaves of the south from their masters. By means of fiiissionaries and political tracts, the scheme was in a great measure successful. Thousands of these deluded victims of ianaticism were seduced into the enjoy- ment of freedom in our northern cities. And what has been the consequence ? Go to these cities now and ask the question. Visit the dark and narrow lanes, and ob- scure recesses, which have been assigned by common consent as the abodes of those outcasts of the world, the free people of color. Sir, there does not exist, on the face of the whole earth, a poijulation so l)Oor, so wretched, so vile, so loathsome, so utterly destitute of all the comforts, con- veniences, and decencies of life, as the un- fortunate blacks of Philadelphia, and New York, and Boston. Libei'ty has been to them the greatest of calamities, the heaviest of curses. Sir, I have had some opportu- nities of making comparison between the condition of the free negroes of the north and the slaves of the south, and the com- parison has left not only an indelible im- pression of the superior advantages of the latter, but has gone far to reconcile me to slavery itself. Never have I felt so forci- bly that touching description, " the foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests, but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head," as when I have seen this unhappy race, naked and houseless, al- most starving in the streets, and abandoned by all the world. Sir, I have seen in the neighborhood of one of the most moral, religious, and refined cities of the north, a family of free blacks, driven to the caves of the rocks, and there obtaining a precar- ious sub.sistence from charity and plunder. When the gentleman from Ma.ssachu- setts adopts and reiterates the old charge of weakness as resulting from slaverj', I must be permitted to call for the proof of those blighting effects which he ascribes to its influence. I suspect that when the sub- ject is closely examined, it will be found that there is not much force even in the plausible objection of the want of physical power in slaveholding states. The power of a country is compounded of its popula- tion and its wealth, and in modern times, where, from the very form and structure of society, by far the greater portion of the people must, even during the continuance of the most d'jsoiating wars, be employed in the cultivation of the soil and other peaceful pursuits, it may be well doul)ted whether slaveholding states, by rea.son of the superior value, of their productions, are not alile to maintain a numl)er of troops in the field fully equal t<i what could be supported by states with a larger white popu- lation, but not possessedof equal resources. It is a popular error to su])pose that, in any possible state of things, the people of a country could ever be called out eiivia.sse, or that a half, or a third, or even a fifth part of the physical force of any country could ever be brought into the field. The difficulty is, not to procure men, but to provide the tneons of' waintainivg them; and in this view of the subject, it may be asked whether the Southern States are not a source of strength and power, and not of weakness, to the country — whether they have not contributed, and are not now con- tributing, largely to the wealth and pros- perity of every state in this Union. From a statement which I hold in my hand, it appears that in ten years — from 1818 to 1827, inclusive — the whole amount of the domestic exports of the United States was $521,811,045 ; of which three articles, {the product of slave labor,) viz., cotton, rice, and tobacco, amounted to $339,203,232 — equal to about two thirds of the whole. It is not true, as has been supposed, that the advantige of this labor is confined almost exclusively to the Southern States. Sir, I am thoroughly convinced that, at this time, the states north of the Potomac actually de- rive greater profits from the labor of our slaves than we do ourselves. It appears from our public documents, that in seven vears — from 1821 to 1827, inclusive — the six Southern States exported $190,337,281, and imported only $55,646,301. Now, the difference between these two sums (near $140,000,000) i)asse(Z through the hands of the northern merchants, and enabled them to carry on their commercial operations with all the world. Such part of these goods as found its way back to our hands came charged with the duties, as well as the profits, of the merchant, the ship owner, and a host of others, who found employ- ment in carr>nng on these immense ex- changes ; and for such part as was con- sumed at the north, we received in ex- change northern manufactures, charged with an increased price, to cover all the taxes which the northern consumer had been compelled to pay on the imported ar- ticle. It will be seen, therefore, at a glance, how much slave labor has contributed to the wealth and prosperity of the United States, and howlargely our northern breth- ren have participated in the profits of that labor. Sir, on this subject I will quote an authoritv, which will, 1 doubt not, be con- 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. sidered by the Senator from Massachusetts as entitled to high respect. It is from the great father of the American System," honest Matthew Carey — no great friend, it is true, at this time, to southern rights and southern interests, but not the worst author- ity on that account, on the point in question. Speaking of the relative importance to the Union of the Southern and the Eastern States, Matthew Carey, in the sixth edi- tion of his Olive Branch, (p. 278,) after exhibiting a number of statistical tables to show the decided superiority of the former, thus proceeds: — " But I am tired of this investigation — I sicken for the honor of the human species. What idea must the world form of the ar- rogance of the pretensions of the one side, [the east,] and of the folly and weakness of the rest of the Union, to have so long suffered them to pass without exposure and detection. The naked fact is, that the demagogues in the Eastern States, not sat- isfied with deriving all the benefit from the southern section of the Union that they icould from so many loealthy colonies — with making princely fortunes by the carriage and ex- portation of its bulky and valuable pro- ductions, and supplying it with their own manufactures, and the productions of Eu- rope and the E;ist and West Indies, to an enormous amount, and at an immense profit, have uniformly treated it with out- rage, insult, and injury. And, regardless of their vital interests, the Eastern States were lately courting their oicn destruction, by allowhig a few restless, turbulent men to lead them blindfolded to a separation which wa.^ pregnant with their certainruin. Whenever that event takes place, they sink into insignificance. If a separation were desirable to any part of the Union, it would be to the Middle and Southern States, par- ticularly the latter, who have been so long harassed with the complaints, the restless- ness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude of the Eastern States, that their patience has been tried almost beyond endurance. 'Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked ' — and he will be severely punished for his kicking, in the event of a dissolution of theUnion.' Sir, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I do not ailopt these sentiments as my own. I quote them to show that very dif- ferent sentiments have prevailed in former times as to the weakness of the slavehold- ing states from those which now seem to have become i'ashiouable in certain quarters. I know it has been supposed by certain ill- informed persons, that the south exists only by the countenance and protection of the north. Sir, this is the idlest of all idle and ridiculous fancies that ever entered into the mind of man. In every state of this Union, except one, the free white popula- tion actually preponderates; while in the British West India Islands, (where the average white population is less than ten per cent, of the whole,) the slaves are kept in entire subjection: it is preposterous to suppose that the Southern States could ever find the smallest difficulty in this respect. On this subject, as in all others, we ask nothing of our northern brethren but to " let us alone." Leave us to the undis- turbed management of our domestic con- cerns, and the direction of our own industry, and we will ask no more. Sir, all our dif- ficulties on this subject have arisen from interference from abroad, which has dis- turbed, and may again disturb, our domes- tic tranquillity just so far as to bring d^wn punishment upon the heads of the unfor- tunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity. There is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is constantly " walking to and fro about the earth, seeking whom it may devour:" it is the spirit of false philan- thropy. The persons whom it possesses do not indeed throw themselves into the flames, but they are employed in lighting up the torches of discord throughout the com- munity. Their first principle of action is to leave their own affairs, and neglect their own duties, to regulate the affairs and duties of others. Theirs is the task to feed the hungry, and clothe the naked, of other lands, while they thrust the naked, famished, and shivering beggar from their own doors ; to instruct the heathen, while their own children want the bread of life. When this spirit infuses itself into the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed can be called a statesman,) it converts him at once into a visionary enthusiast. Then it is that he indulges in golden dreams of national greatness and prosper- ity, lie discovers that " liberty is power," and not content with vast schemes of im- provement at home, which it would bank- rupt the treasury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign lands, to fulfil obligations to "the human race" by inculcating the principles of " political and religious lib- erty," and promoting the "general wel- I fiire " of the whole human race. It is a spirit which has long been busy with the slaves of the south; and is even now dis- playing itself in vain efforts to drive the government from its wise polijcy in rela- tion to the Indians. It is this si)irit which has filled the land with thousands of wild and visionary projects, which can have no effect but to waste the energies and dissipate the resources of the coun- try. It is the spirit of which the aspir- ing politician dexterously avails himself, when, by inscribing on liis banner the magical words liberty and piiilan- ! THKOPY, he draws to his support that I cla.s3 of persons who are rcaciy to bow I down at the very name of their idols. 1 But, sir, whatever difference of opinion BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 33 may exist as to the effect of slavery on national wealth and prosperity, if we may trust to experience, there can be no doubt that it has never yet produced any inju- rious efl'ect on individual or luitional char- acter. Look through the whole history of the country, from the commencement of the revolution down to the present hour ; where are there to be found brighter examples of intellectual and moral great- ness than have been exhibited by the sons of the south?- From the Father of HIS Country down to the di.stingi:ished CHIEFTAIN who has been elevated by a grateful people to the highest office in their gift, the interval is tilled up by a long line of orators, of statesmen, and of heroes, justly entitled to rank among the ornaments of their country, and the bene- factors of mankind. Look at the "Old Dominion," great and magnanimous Vir- ginia, "whose jewels are her sons." Is there any state in this Union which has contributed so much to the honor and welfare of the country? Sir, I will yield the whole question — I will ac- knowledge the fatal eti'ects of slavery upon character, if any one can say, that for noble disinterestedness, ardent love of country, exalted virtue, and a pure and holy devotion to liberty, the people of the Southern States have ever been surpassed by any in the world. I know, sir, that this devotion to liberty has sometimes been supposed to be at war with our institutions ; but it is in some degree the result of those very institutions. Burke, the most philo- sophical of statesmen, as he was the most accomplished of orators, well understood the operation of this principle, in elevat- ing the sentiments and exalting the princi- ples of the people in slaveholding states. I will conclude my remarks on this branch of the subject, by reading a few passages from his speech " on moving his resolu- tions for conciliation with the colonies," the 22d of March, 1775. " There is a circumstance attending the southern colonies which makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the northward. It is, that in Virginia and the Carolinas they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of the world, those who are free are by for the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, as in countries where it is a common bless- ing, and as broad and general as the air, that it may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exte- rior of servitude, liberty looks among them like something more noble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has, at least, a.s much pride as virtue in it — but I 27 cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so ; and these people of tlie southern colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn siiirit, attached to liberty than those to the northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths — such were our Gothic ancestors — such, in our days, were the Poles — and such will be all masters of slaves who are not slaves themselves. In .such a people, the haughti- ness of domination combines with the spir- it of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it in- vincible." In the course of my former remarks, Mr. President, I took occasion to deprecate, aa one of the greatest evils, the consolidation of this government. The gentleman takes alarm at the sound. " Consolidation" " like the tnrijf," grates upon his ear. lie tells us, "we have heard much of late about consolidation ; that it is the rallying word of all who are endeavoring to weaken the Union, by adding to the power of the states." But consolidation (says the gen- tleman) was the very object for which the Union was formed ; and, in support of that opinion, he read a passage from the ad- dress of the president of the convention to Congress, which he assumes to be authority on his side of the question. But, sir, the gentleman is mistaken. The object of the framers of the constitution, as disclosed in that address, was not the consolidation of the government, hut "the consolidation of the Union." It was not to draw jjower from the states, in order to transfer it to a great national government, but, in the language of the constitution itself, " to form a more perfect Union ;" — and by what means? By "establishing justice, pro- moting domestic tranquillity, and securing the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." This is the true reading of the constitution. But, according to the gen- tleman's reading, the object of the consti- tution was, to consolidate the government, and the means would seem to be, the pro- motion of injustice, causing domestic dis- cord, and depriving the states and the people "of the blessings of liberty" for- ever. The gentleman boasts of belonging to the party of National Repuiu.icans. National Eeimblicans ! A new name, sir, for a very old thing. The National Repub- licans of the present day were the Federal- ists of '9H, who became Federal liepuhlirans during the war of 1812, and were manufac- tured into National li epublicans aomewhere about the year 1825. As a parti/, (by whatever name distin- guished,) they have always been animated by the same principles, and have kept steadily in view a common object, the c<m- solidation of the governnuMit. Sir, the party to which I am proud of having be- longed, from the very commencement of 34 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. my political life to the present day, were the Democrats of '98, [Anarchists, Anti- Federalists, Revolutionists, I think they were sometimes called.) They assumed the name of Democratic Eepuhlicans in 1822, and have retained their name and principles up to the present hour. True to their political faith, they have always, as a party, been in favor of limitations of pow- er ; "they have insisted that all powers not delegated to the federal government are reserved, and have been constantly strug- gling, as they now are, to preserve the rightcj of the states, and to prevent them from being drawn into the vortex, and swallowed up by one great consolidated government. Sir, any one acquainted with the history of parties' in this country will recognize in the points now in dispute between the sen- ator from Massachusetts and myself the very grounds which have, from the begin- ning, divided the two great parties in this country, and which (call these parties by what names you will, and amalgamate them as you may) will divide them forever. _ The true distinction between those parties is laid down in a celebrated manifesto, issued bv the convention of the Federalists of Massachusetts, assembled in Boston, in February, 1824, on the occasion of organ- izing a party opposition to the reelection of Governor Eustis. The gentleman will recognize this as "the canonical book of political scripture;" and it instructs us that, when the American colonies redeemed themselves from British bondage, and be- came so many independent nations, they proposed to foVm a National Ukion, (not a Federal Union, sir, but a national Union. ) Those who were in favor of a union of the states in this form became known by the name of Federalists ; those who wanted no union of the states, or disliked the proposed form of union, became known by the name of Anti- Federalists. By means which need not be enumerated, the Anti- Federalists became (after tlie expiration of twelve years) our national rulers, and for a ])eriod of sixteen years, until the close of Mr. Madison's administration, in 1817, contin- ued U) exercise the exclusive direction of our public affairs. Here, sir, is the true history f)f the origin, rise, and progress of the party of National Rcpuhlirans, who date back to the very origin of the govern- ment, and who, then, as now, chose to con- sider the constitution as having created, not a Federal, but a National Union ; who regarded "consolidation" as no evil, and ■who doubtless considere'l it "a consunmia- tion <lcvoutly to be wished " to build up a great" central government," "one and indi- visible." Sir, there have existed, in every age and every country, two distinct orders of men — the hirers (f freedom, and tlu; devoted advocaie* of power. The same great leading principles, modi- fied only by the peculiarities of manners, habits, and institutions, divided parties in the ancient republics, animated the whigs and tories of Great Britain, distinguished in our own times the liberals and ultras of France, and may be traced even in the bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the gallant liiego, who devoted him- self, and all that he possessed, to the liberties of his country, was dragged to the scaffold, followed by the tears and lamentations of every lover of freedom throughout the world, he perished amid the deafening cries of " Long live the absolute king ! " The people whom I represent, Mr. President, are the descendants of those who brought with them to this country, as the most pre- cious of their possessions, " an ardent love of liberty ; " and while that shall be pre- served, they will always be found manftilly struggling against the consolidation of the government — AS the worst of evils. The senator from Massachusetts, in allu- ding to the tariff, becomes quite facetious. He tells us that " he hears of nothing but tariff, tariff, tariff ; and, if a word could be found to rhyme with it, he presumes it would be celebrated in verse, and set to music." Sir, perhaps the gentleman, in mockery of our complaints, may be himself disposed to sing the praises of the tariff, in doggerel verse, to the tune of " Old Hun- dred." I am not at all surprised, however, at the aversion of the gentleman to the very name of tariff. I doubt not that it must always bring up some very unpleasant recollections to his mind. If I am not greatly mistaken, the senator Irom Massa- chusetts was a leading actor at a great meeting got up in Boston, in 1820, against the tariff. It has generally been supposed that he drew up the resolutions adopted by that meeting, denouncing the tariff system as unequal, oppressive, and unjust, and if I am not much mistaken, denying its consti- tutionality. Certain it is, that the gentle- man made a speech on that occasion in support of those resolutions, denouncing the system in no very measured terms; and, if my memory serves me, calling its constitutionality in question. I regret that I have not been ai)le to lay my hands on those proceedings ; but T have seen them, :ind cannot be mistaken in their character. At that time, sir, the senator from Massa- chusetts entertained the very sentiments in relation to the tariff which the south now entertains. We next find the senator from Massachusetts expressing his opinion on the tariff, as a member of the Ilouse of Representatives from the city of Boston, in 1824. On that occasion, sir, the gentle- man assumed a position which commanded the respect and admiration of his country. He stood forlh the j)owerful and fearless champion of free trade. He met, in that BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 35 conflict, the advocates of restriction and monopoly, and they '' fled from before his face." With a j)r()fbund saj^acity, a fuhiess of knowledge, and a richness of illustration that have never been surpassed, he main- tained and established the principles of commercial freedom, on a foundation never to be shaken. Great indeed was the vic- tory achieved by the gentleman on that occasion ; most striking the contrast be- tween the clear, ^forcible, and convincing arguments by which he carried away the understandings of his hearers, and the narrow views and wretched sophistry of anoilwr distinguished orator, who may be truly said to have " held up his farthing candle to the sun." Sir, the Senator from Massachusetts, on that, the proudest day of his life, like a mighty giant, bore away upon his shoulders the i>illars of the temple of error and delu- sion, escaping himself unhurt, and leaving his adversaries overwhelmed in its ruins. Then it was that he erected to free trade a beautiful and enduring monument, and " inscribed the marble with his name." Mr. President, it is with pain and regret that I now go forward to the next great era in the political life of that gentleman when he was found on this floor, support- ing, advocating, and finally voting for the tariff" of 1828 — that "bill of abominations." By that act, sir, the senator from Massa- chusetts has destroyed the labors of his whole life, and given a wound to the cause of free trade never to be healed. Sir, when I recollect the position which that gentle- man once occupied, and that which he now holds in public estimation, in relation to this subject, it is not at all surprising that the tariff' should be hateful to his ears. Sir, if I had erected to my own tame so proud a monument as that which the gen- tleman built up in 1824, and I could have been tempted to destroy it with my own hands, I should hate the voice that should ring " the accursed tariff"" in my ears. I douiit not the gentleman feels very much, in relation to the tariff", as a certain knight did to " instinct" and with him would be disposed to exclaim, — " Ah ! no more of that, Hal, an thou lovest mc." But, Mr. President, to be more serious ; A'hat are we of the south to think of what we have heard this day ? The senator from Massachusetts tells us that the tariff" is not an eastern measure, and treats it as if the east had no interest in it. The senator from Missouri insists it is not a western measure, and that it has done no good to the west. The south comes in, and, in the most earnest manner, represents to you that this measure, which we are told " is of no value to the east or the west," is " utterly destructive of our interests." We represent to you that it has spread ruin and devasta- tion through the land, and prostrated our hopes in the dust. We solemnly declare that we believe the system to i)e whollv unconstitutional, and ii violation of the compact between the states and the Union ; and our brethren turn a deaf ear to our comjilaints, and refuse to relieve us from a system "which not enriches them, but nuikcs us poor indeed." Good God ! Mr. President, has it come to this ? Do gentle- men hold the feelings and wishes of their brethren at so cheap a rate, that they re- iiise to gratify them at so small a price? Do gentlemen value so lightly the peace and harmony of the country, that they will not yield a measure of this description to the affectionate entreaties and earnest re- monstrances of their friends? Do gentle- men estimate the value of the Union at so low a price, that they will not even make one effort to bind the states together with the cords of affection? And has it come to this? Is this the spirit in which this gov- ernment is to be administered? If so, let me tell, gentlemen, the seeds of dissolu- tion are already sown, and our children will reap the bitter fruit. The honorable gentleman from Massa- chusetts, (Mr. Webster,) while he exoner- ates me personally from the charge, inti- mates that there is a party in the country who are looking to disunion. Sir, if the gentleman had stopped there, the accusa- tion would have " passed by me like the idle wind, which I regard not." But when he goes on to give to his accusation " a local habitation and a name," by quoting the expression of a distinguished citizen of South Carolina, (Dr. Cooper,) "that it was time for the south to calculate the value of the Union," and in the language of the bitterest sarcasm, adds, "Surely then the Union cannot last longer than July, 1831," it is impossible to mistake either the allu- sion or the object of the gentleman. Now, Mr. President, I call upon every one who hears me to bear witness that this contro- versy is not of my seeking. The Senate will do me the justice to remember that, at the time this unprovoked and uncalled-for attack was made on the south, not one word had been uttered by me in disparage- ment of New England ; nor had I made the most distant allusion either to the sen- ator from Massachusetts or the state he re- jn-esents. But, sir, that gentleman has thought proper, for purposes best known to himself, to strike the south, through me, the most unworthy of her servants. He has crossed the border, he has invaded the state of South Carolina, is making wiir u]ion her citizens, and endeavoring to over- throw her principles and her institutions. Sir. when the gentleman jirovokcs me to such a conflict, I meet him at the thresh- old ; I will struggle, while I have life, fl* 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. our altars and our firesides ; and, if God gives me strength, I will drive back the in- vader discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman provokes the war, he shall have war. Sir, I will not stop at the border ; I will carry the war into the enemy's territory, and not consent to lay down my arms until I have obtained " in- demnity for the past and security for the future." It is with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. President, that I enter upon the per- formance of this part of my duty ; I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings and sectional jeal- ousies. But, sir, the task has been forced upon me ; and I proceed right onward to the performance of my duty. Be the conse- quences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have imposed upon me this necessity. The senator from Massa- chusetts has thought proper to cast the first stone ; and if he shall find, according to a homely adage, " that he lives in a glass house," on his head be the consequences. The gentleman has made a great flourish about his fidelity to Massachusetts. I shall make no professions of zeal for the interests and honor of South Carolina ; of that my constituents shall judge. If there be one state in the Union, Mr. President, (and I say it not in a boastful spirit,) that may challenge comparison with any other, for a uniform, zealous, ardent, and uncalculating devotion to the Union, that state is South Carolina. Sir, from the very commence- ment of the revolution up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, however great, she has not cheerfully made, no service she has ever hesitated to perform. She has adhered to you in your prosperity ; but in your ad- versity she has clung to you with more than filial affection. No matter what was the conditioTi of her domestic affairs, though deprived of her resources, divided by par- ties, or surrounded with difficulties, the call of the country has been to her as the voice of God. Domestic discord ceased at the sound ; every man became at once recon- ciled to his brethren, and the sons of Car- olina were all seen crowding together to the temple, bringing their gifts to the altar of their common country. Whut, sir, was the conduct of the South during the revolution? Sir, I honor New England for her conduct in that glorious struggle. But great as is the i)raise which V)ei()ngs to her, I think, at least, equal honor is due to the south. They espoused the quarrel of their brethren with a gener- ous zeal, which did not .suffer them to stoji to calculate their interest in the di.spute. Favorites of tlu; mother country, possessed of neither shins nor seamen to create a commercial nvalsliip, they might have found in their situation a guarantee that thii'ir trade would be forever fostered and protected by Great Britain. But, tramp- ling on all considerations either of inter- est or of safety, they rushed into the conflict, and fighting "for principle, perilled all, in the sacred cause of freedom. Never was there exhibited in the history of the world higher examples of noble daring, dreadful suffering, and heroic endurance, than by the whigs of Carolina during the revolu- tion. The whole state,from the mountains to the sea, was overrun by an overwhelming force of the enemy. The fruits of industry perished on the spot where they were pro- duced, or were consumed by the foe. The " plains of Carolina " drank up the most precious blood of her citizens. Black and smoking ruins marked the places which had been the habitations of her children. Driven from their homes into the gloomy and almost impenetrable swamps, even there the spirit of liberty survived, and South Carolina (sustained by the example of her Sumpters and her Marions) proved, by her conduct, that though her soil might be overrun, the spirit of her people was invincible. But, sir, our country was soon called upon to engage in another revolutionary struggle, and that, too, was a struggle for principle. I mean the political revolution which dates back to '98, and which, if it had not been successfully achieved, would have left us none of the fruits of the revolution of '76. The revolution of '98 restored the constitution, rescued the liberty of the cit- izens from the grasp of those who were aim- ing at its life, and in the emphatic language of Mr. Jeflerson, "saved the constitution at its last gasp." And by whom was it achieved ? By the south, sir, aided only by the democracy of the north and west. I come now to the war of 1812 — a war, which, I will remember, was called in derision (while its event was doubtful) the southern war, and sometimes the Caro- lina war; but which is now universally ac- knowledged to have done more for the honor and prosperity of the country than all other events in our history put togeth- er. What, sir, were the objects of that war? "Free trade and sailors' rights!" It was for the protection of northern ship- ping and New England seamen that the country flew to arms. What interest liad the south in that contest? If they had sat down coldly to calculate the value of their interest involved in it, they would have found that they had every thing to lose, and nothing to gain. But, sir, with that generous devotion to country so character- istic of the south, they only asked if the rights of any portion of their fellr)w-citi- /.cns had been invaded ; and when told that northern ships and New England sea- men had been arrested on the common higiiway of nations, they felt that the hon- or of their country was a.s.sailed ; and act- BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 37 inji; on that exalted sentiment "which feels astain liken wound," they resolved to seek, in o{)en war, for a redress of those injuries whieh it did not become freemen to en- dure. Sir, the wiiole south, animated as by a common impulse, cordially united in declaring and promoting that war. South Carolina sent to your councils, as the ad- vocates and supporters of that war, the noblest of her sons. How they fulfilled that trust let a grateful country tell. Not a measure was adopted, not a battle fouglit, not a victory won, which contributed, in any degree, to the success of that war, to which southern councils and southern valor did not largely contribute. Sir, since South Carolina is assailed, I must be suf- fered to speak it to her praise, that at the very moment when, in one quarter, we heard it solemnly proclaimed, " that it did not become a religious and moral jjcople to rejoice at the victories of our army or our navy," her legislature unanimously " Resolved, That we will cordially sup- port the government in the vigorous pros- ecution of the war, until a peace can be obtained on honorable terms, and we will cheerfully submit to every privation that may be required of us, by our government, for the accomplishment of this object." South Carolina redeemed that {)ledge. She threw 0])en her treasury to the gov- ernment. She put at the absolute disposal of the officers of the United States all that she possessed — her men, her money, and her arms. She appropriated half a million of dollars, on her own account, in defence of her maritime frontier, ordered a brigade of state troops to be raised, and when left to protect herself by her own means, never suffered the enemy to touch her soil, with- out being instantly driven off or captured. Such, sir, was the conduct of the south — such the conduct of my own state in that dark hour " which tried men's souls." When I look back and contem])late the spectacle exhibited at that time in another quarter of the Union — when I think of the conduct of certain portions of New P^ng- land, and remember the part which was acted on that memorable occasion by the Solitical associates of the gentleman from lassachusetts — nay, when I follow that gentleman into the councils of the nation, and listen to his voice during the darkest period of the war, I am indeed astonished that he should venture to touch upon the topics which he has introduced into thisde- bate. South Carolina reproached by Mas- sachusetts! And from whom docs this ac- cusation come? Not from the democracy of New England ; for they have been in times past, as they are now, the friends and alliens of the south. No, sir, the accusation comes from that party whose acts, during the most trying and eventful period of our national history, were of such a character, that their own legislature, but a few years ago, actually blotted them out from their records, as a stain upon the honor of the country, ikit how can they ever be blot- ted out from the recollection of any one who had a heart U) feel, a mind to com- prehend, and a memory to retain, the events of that day ! Sir, J shall not attempt to write the history of the ])iiny in New England to which I have alluded — the war party in peace, and the peace party in war. That task I shall leave to some future bio- grapher of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not it will be found quite easy to prove that the peace party of Massachusetts were the only defenders of their country during their war, and actually achieved all our victories by land and sea. In the mean- time, sir, and until that history shall be written, I propose, with the feeble and glimmering lights which I possess, to re- view the conduct of this party, in connec- tion with the war, and the events which immediately preceded it. It will be recollected, sir, that our great causes of quarrel Avith Great Britain were her depredations on the northern com- merce, and the impressment of New Eng- land seamen. From every quarter we were called upon for protection. Importunate as the west is now represented to be en another subj ect, the importunity of the east on that occasion was far greater. I hold in my hands the evidence of the fact. Here are petitions, memorials, and remon- strances from all parts of New England, setting forth the injustice, the oppressions, the depredations, the insults, the outrages committed by Great Britain against the unoffending commerce and seamen of New England, and calling upon Congress for redress. Sir, I cannot .stop to read these memorials. In that from Boston, alter stating the alarming and extensive con- demnation of our vessels by Great Britai]), which threatened "to sweep ourcommeice from the face of the ocean,'' and "to in- volve our merchants in bankruptcy," they call upon the government " to assert our rights, and to adopt such measures as will support the dignity and honor of the United States. From Salem we heard a language sti'l more decisive ; they call explicitly lor '" an appeal to arms," and pledge their lives ard property in support of any measures which Congress might adopt. From N\'wbury- port an appeal was nuule "to the ffrmne>s and justiceofthegovernment toobtain com- pensation and protection." It was here, I think, that, when the war was declared, it was resolved "to resist our own govern- ment even unto blood." (Olive Branch, p. 101.) In other quarters the common language of that day was, that our commerce and our seamen were entitled to protection ; and that 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book in it was the duty of tlie government to afford ' it at every hazard. The conduct of Great | Britain, we were then told, was " an out- rage upon our national independence." These clamors, which commenced as early as January, 1806, were continued up to 1812. In a message from the governor of one of the New England States, as late as the 10th October, 1811, this language is held : " A manly and decisive course has become indispensable ; a course to satisfy foreign nations, that, while we desire peace, we have the means and the spirit to repel aggression. We are false to our- selves when our commerce, or our terri- tory, is invaded with impunity." About this time, however, a remarkable change was observable in the tone and temper of those who had been endeavoring to force the country into a war. The lan- guage of complaint was changed into that of insult, and calls for protection converted into reproaches. "Smoke, smoke!" says one writer ; " my life on it, our executive has no more idea of declaring war than my grandmother." The committee of ways ami means," says another, " have come out with their Pandora's box of taxes, and yet nobody dreams of war." " Congress do not mean to declare war ; they dare not." But why multiply exam- ples ■? An honorable member of the other house, from the city of Boston, [Mr. Quincy,] in a speech delivered on the 3d April, 1812, says, " Neither promises, nor threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths will make me believe that you will go to Avar. The navigation states are sacrificed, and the spirit and character of the country prostrated by fear and avarice." " You cannot," said the same gentleman, on aaotlier occasion, "be kicked into a war." Well, sir, the war at length came, and what did we behold ? The very men wlio had been f )r six years clamorous for war, and for whose protection it was waged, became at once equally clamorous against it. They had received a miraculous visitation; a new light suddenly beamed upon their minds ; tlie scales fell from their eyes, and it was discovered that the war was declared from " subserviency to France ; " and that Congress, and the executive, " had sold themHclves to Naooleon ; " that Gnuit Bri- tain had in fact ' (lone us no essential in- jury;" that she was "the l)ul\vark of our religion;" that where "she took one of our ships, sh(! protected twenty;" and that, if Great Britain liad iinjjrcssed a few of our seamen, it was because "shcscouhl not distin^^uish them from tiieir own." And HO far did this spirit extend, that a com- mittee of the Ma-<sachusetts iegi-<lature ac- tually fell to calcuhition, ami discovered, to their infinite satisfiiction, but to the a^tonislimciiit of all the world besides, that only eleven Masaachasctts sailors had ever been impressed. Never shall I forget the appeals that had been made to the sympa- thies of the south in behalf of the " thou- sands of impressed Americans," who had been torn from their families and friends, and immured in the floating dungeons of Britain." The most touching pictures were drawn of the hard condition of the American sailor, " treated like a slave," forced to fight the battles of his enemy, " lashed to the mast, to be shot at like a dog." But, sir, the very moment we had taken up arms in their defence, it was dis- covered that all these were mere " fictions of the brain ; " and that the whole number in the state of Massachusetts was but eleven ; and that even these had been " taken by mistake." Wonderful discov- ery ! The secretary of state had collected authentic lists of no less than six thousand impressed Americans. Lord Castlereagh himself acknowledged sixteen hundred. Calculations on the basis of the number found on board of the Guerriere, the Macedonian, the Java, and other British ships, (captured by the skill and gallantry of those heroes wdiose achievements are the treasured monuments of their coun- try's glory,) fixed the number at seven thousand ; and yet, it seems, Massachusetts had lost but eleven ! Eleven Massachu- setts sailors taken by mistake ! A cause of war indeed ! Their ships too, the cap- ture of which had threatened " universal bankruptcy," it was discovered that Great Britain was their friend and protector; where she had taken one she had jjrotected twenty." Then was the discovery made, that subserviency to France, hostility to commerce, " a determination, on the part of the south and west, to break down the Eastern States," and especially as reported by a committee of the M:issaciiusetls legis- lature) "to force the sons of commerce to populate the wilderness," were the true causes of the war." (Olive Branch, pj). 134, 291.) But let us look a little further into the conduct of the peace party of New England at that im])ortant crisis. What- ever difference of opinion might have ex- isted as to the causes of the war, the country had a right to expect, that, when once in- volved in the contest, all America would have cordially united in its support. Sir, tlie war effected, in its j)rogress, a union of all i)arties at the south. But not so in New lOngland ; there great efforts were made to .stir up the minds of the people to o])pose it. Nothing was left undone to embarrass the financial operations of the government, to i)revent the enlistment of troo])s, to keep back the men and money of New England from the service of the Union, to forccahe president from his seat. Yes, sir, " the Island of Elba, or a halter I " were the alternatives they presented to the excellent and venerable James Madison. BOOK III.J MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 39 Sir, the war was further opposed by openly carrying on illicit trade with the enemy, by permitting that enemy to establisli her- self on the very soil of Massachusetts, and by opening a free trade between Great Britain and America, with a separate cus- tom house. Yes, sir, those who cannot endure the thought that we should insist on a free trade, in time of profound peace, could, without scruple, claim and ex- ercise the right of carrying on a free trade with the enemy in a time of war ; and finally by getting up the renowned " Hart- ford Convention," and preparing the way for an open resistance to tlie government, and a separation of the states. Sir, if I am asked for the proof of those things, I fear- lessly aj)peal to the contemporary history, to the public documents of the country, to the recorded opinion and acts of jiublic assemblies, to the declaration and acknow- ledgments, since made, of the executive and legislature of Massachusetts herself.* Sir, the time has not been allowed me to trace this subject through, even if I had been disposed to do so. But I cannot re- frain from referring to one or two docu- ments, which have fallen in my way since this debate began. I read, sir, from the Olive Branch of Matthew Carey, in which are collected " the actings and doings " of the peace party in New England, during the continuance of the embargo and the war. I know the senator from Massachu- setts will respect the high authority of his political friend and fellow-laborer in the great cause of " domestic industry." In p. 301, et seq., 309 of this work, is a detailed account of the measures adopted in Massachusets during the war, for the ex- press purpose of embarrassing the linaniial operations of the government, by prevent- ing loans, and thereby driving our rulers from their seats, and "forcing the country * In answer to an address of Governor Eustis, denounc- ing the conduot of the peace party during the war, the House of Kepresentatives of Massiicliusetts, in Juno, 182;5, say, " The change of the jiolitical sentiments evinced in tlie late eh'ctions forms indeed a new era in the history of our commonwealtli. It is the triumph of reason over i)as8ion ; of patriotism over party spirit Massacliusotts has returne<l to her first love, and is no longer a stranger in the Union. We rejoice that though, during the last war, such measures were adopted in this state as occiisioiiod double sacrifice of treasure and of life, covered the friends of the nation with humiliation and mourning, and fixed a stain on the page of our his- tory, a redeemingsi)irit has at length arisen to take away o»ir reproach, and restore to us our good name, our rank •mong our sister states, and our just influence in the Union. " Though we would not renew contentions, or irritiite wantonly, wo believe tliat there are ciuses when it is neces.-iary wo shuuld 'wound to heal.' And wo consider it among the first duties of the friends of our national government, on this return of power, to disavow the un- warninfable course pursued' by this state, during the late war, and to hold up the measures of that period as boa- cons; that the present and' succeeding; gciieniliniis may shun that career which must inevitably terniiiiato in the destruction of the individual or party who pursues it; and may learn the in\port:int lesson, that, in all times, the path of duty is the path of safety ; and that it is nev.^r dangerous to rally around the standard of our country." into a dishonorable peace. It appears that the Boston banks commenced an operation by which a run was to be made ujkmi all the banks of the south ; at the same time stojiping their own discounts ; the eliect of which was to produce a sudden and almost alarming diminution of the circulating medium, and universal distress over the whole cf)untry — " a distress which they failed not to attribute to the unholy war." To such an extent was this system car- ried, that it appears, from a statement of the condition of the Boston banks, made up in January, 1814, that with nearly §5,000,000 of specie in their vaults, they had but $2,000,000 of bills in circulation. It is added by Carey, that at this very time an extensive trade was carried on in Brit- ish government bills, for which specie was sent to Canada, for the payment of the British troops, then laying waste our north- ern frontier ; and this too at the very mo- ment when New England ships, sailing under British licenses, (a trade declared to be lawful by the courts both of Great Brit- ain and Massachusetts,*) were supplying with provisions those very armies destined for the invasion of our own shores. Sir, the author of the Olive Branch, with a holy indignation, denounces these acts as "treasonable;" "giving aid and comfort to tlie enemy." I shall not follow his ex- ample. But I will ask, "With what justice or propriety can the south be accused of disloyalty from that quarter? If we had any evidence that the senator from Massa- chusetts had admonislied his brethren then, he might, with a better grace, assume the office of admonishing us now. When I look at the measures adopted in Boston, at that day, to deprive the govern- ment of the necessary means for carrying on the war, and think of the succe.'^s and the consequences of these measures, I feel my pride, as an American, humbled in the dust. Hear, sir, the language of that day. I read from pages 301 and 302 of the Olive Branch. " Let no man who wishes to con- tinue the war, by active means, by vote, or lending monev, dare to prostrate himself at the altar on the fast day." " Will fede- ralists subscribe to the loan? Will they lend money to our national rulers? It is impossible. First, because of principle, and secondly, because of i)rincipal and in- terest." " Do not jjrevent the a1)users of their trust from becoming bankruj)t. Do not prevent them from becoming odious to the public, and being replaced by better men." "Any federalist who lends money to government must go and shake hands with James Madison, and claim fellowship with Felix Grundy." (I beg jnirdon of my honorable friend from Tennessee — but * 2d Dodaon'a Admiralty lleporta, 48. 1311- SUss. B«. ports, id. 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. he is in good company. I had thought it was " James Madison, Felix Grundy, and the dei'il.") Let him no more ''call himsell" a federalist, and a friend to his country : he will be called by others infamous," &c. Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under these appeals. Such was the effect pro- duced by them on the public mind, that the very agents of the government (as ap- pears from their public advertisements, now before me) could not obtain loans without a pledge that " the names of the subscribers should not be known." Here are the advertisements : " The names of all subscribers " (say Gilbert and Dean, the brokers employed by government) "shall be known only to the undersigned." As if those who came forward to aid their coun- try, in the hour of her utmost need, were engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, they were assured " that their names should not' be known." Can any thing show more conclusively the unhappy state of public feeling which prevailed at that day than this single fact? Of the same character with these measures was the conduct of Massachusetts in withholding her militia from the service of the United States, and devising measures for withdrawing her quota of the taxes, thereby attempting, not merely to cripple the resources of the coun- try, but actually depriving the government (as far as depended upon her) of all the means of carrying on the war — of the bone, and muscle, and sinews of war — " of man and steel — the soldier and his sword." But it seems Massachusetts was to reserve her resources for herself — she was to defend and protect her own shores. And how was that duty performed? In some places on the coast neutrality was declared, and the enemy was sulfered to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her territory until the peace, without one ef- fort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay, more — while our own government and our rulers were considered as enemies, the troops of the enemy were treated like friends — the most intimate commercial re- lations were establisiied with them, and maintained up to the peace. At this dark period of our national affairs, where was the senator from Massachusetts? How were his political associates employed ? "Calculating the value of the Union?" Yes, sir, that w;us the propitious moment, when our country stood alone, the last hope of the world, struggling for her ex- istence against the colossal power of Great Britain, "concentrated f)ne miglify effort to crush us at a blow ;" that was the chosen hour U) revive the grand scheme of l)uil(l- ing un " a great northern confederacy " — a sclK^mc which, it is stated in the work before me, hail its origin as far back as the year 17!'(i, and which appeani never to have been entirely abandoned. In the language of the writers of that day, (1796,) "rather than have a constitu- tion such as the anti-federalists were con- tending for, (such as we are now contend- ing for,) the Union ought to be dissolved ; " and to prepare the way for that measure, the same methods were resorted to then that have always been relied on for that purpose, exciting prejudice against the south. Yes, sir, our northern brethren were then told, " that if the negroes were good for food, their southern masters would claim the right to destroy them at pleasure." (Olive Branch, p. 267.) Sir, in 1814, all these topics were revived. Again we hear of " northern confederacy." " The slave states by themselves ; " " the mountains are the natural boundary ; " we want neither " the counsels nor the power of the west,' &c., &c. The papers teemed with accusa- tions against the south and the west, and tlie calls for a dissolution of all connection with them were loud and strong. I cannot consent to go through the disgusting details. But to show the height to which the spirit of disaffection was carried, I will take you to the temple of the living God, and show you that sacred place, which should be de- voted to the extension of " peace on earth and good will towards men," where " one day's truce ought surely to be allowed to the dissensions and animosities of man- kind," converted into a fierce arena of po- litical strife, where, from the lips of the priest, standing between the horns of the altar, there went forth the most terrible denunciations against all who should be true to their country in the hour of her utmost need. " If you do not wish," said a reverend clergyman, in a sermon preached in Bos- ton, on the 23d cf July, 1812, " to become the slaves of those who own slaves, and who are themselves the slaves of French slaves, you must either, in the language of the d(ii/,'c\]T THE CONNECTION Or SO far alter the national compact as to insure to your- selves a due share in the government." ((Jlivc Braitc-h, p. 319.) "The Union," says the same writer, (p. 320,) "has been long since virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the disunited states sliould take care of itself" Another reverend gentleman, pastor of achurch atMedford, (p. 321,) issues his ana- thema — "Let him stand accursed" — against all, all who I)y their " personal servi- ces," for " loans of money,"," conversation," or " writing," or " influence," give counte- nance or suj)port to the righteous war, in the following terms: "That man is an ac- complice in the wickedness — he loads his conscience with the blackest crimes — he brings theguiltof i)loo'd upon his soul, and in the sight of God and his law, he is a Mt'RDEHER." One or two more quotations, sir, and I BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 41 shall have done. A reverend doctor of di- vinity, the pastor of a church at Byfield, Massachusetts, on the 7th of April, 1814, thus addresses his Hock, (p. 321:) "The Israelites became weary of yielding the fruit of their labor to pamper tlieir splendid tyrants. They left their political woes. TllEY SEPAKATEP; where is our Moses? AV'here the rod of his miracles? Where is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the burning bush has directed them here." " We must trample on the mandates of despotism, or remain slaves forever," (p. 822.) "You must drag the chains of Virginian desjjotism, unless you discover .some other mode of escape." "Those Western States which have been violent for this abominable war — those states which have thirsted for blood — God has given them blood to drink," (p. 323.) Mr. President, I can go no further. The re- cords of the day are full of such sentiments, issued from the press, spoken in public a.s- semhlies, poured out from the sacred desk. God forbid, sir, that I should charge the people of Massachusetts with ])articipating m these sentiments. The south and the west had there their friends — men who stood by their country, though encom- passed all around by their enemies. The senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Silsbee) was one of them ; the senator from Con- necticut (Mr. Foot) was another; and there are others now on this floor. The sentiments I have read were the sentiments of a party embracing the political associ- ates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. If they could only be found in the columns of a newspaper, in a few occasional pam- phlets, issued by men of intemperate feel- ing, I should not consider them as aff'ord- ing any evidence of the oj)inions even of the peace party of New England. But, eir, they were the common language of that day ; they pervaded the wliole land ; they were issued from the legislative hall, from the {lulpit, and the press. Our books are full of them ; and there is no man who now hears me but knows that they were the sentiments of a party, by whose members they were promulgated. Indeed, no evi- dence of this would seem to be required beyond the fact that such sentiments found their way even into the pulpits of New England. What must be the state of pub- lic opinion, where any respectable clergy- m m would venture to preach, and to jH-int, sermons containing the sentiments I have quoted ? I doubt not the piety or moral worth of these gentlemen. Iain told they were respectable and pious men. But they were men, and they " kindled in a common blaze." And now, sir, I must be suffered to remark that, at this awful and melancholy period of our national his- tory, the gentleman from Massachusetts, | who now manifests so great a devotion to [ the Union, and so much anxiety lest it should be endangered from the south, wa.s "with his brethren in Israel." He saw all these things passing before his eyes^ he heard these sentiments uttered all around him. I do not charge that gentleman with any participation in these acts, or with ap})roving of these sentiments. But I will ask, why, if he was animated by the same sentiments then wiiich he now professes, if he can "au'/ur disunion at a distance, and snuff u]) rebellion in every tainted breeze," why did he not, at that day, exert his great talents and ack-iiowledged influence with the political assoeiates by whom he was surrounded, and who then, as now, looked up to him for guidance and direction, in allaying this general excite- ment, in pointing out to his deluded friends the value of the Union, in instructing them that, instead of looking "to some prophet to lead them out of the land of Egypt," they should become reconciled to their brethren, and unite with them in the sup- port of a just and necessary war? Sir, the gentleman must excuse me for saying, that if the records of our country afforded any evidence that he had pursued such a course, then, if we could find it recorded in the history of those times, that, like the immortal Dexter, he had breasted that mighty torrent which was sweeping before it all that was great and valuable in our political institutions-^if like him he had stood by his country in opj)osition to his party, sir, we would, like little children, listen to his precepts, and abide by his counsels. As soon as the public mind was suffi- ciently prepared for the measure, the cele- brated Hartford Convention was got up ; not as the act of a few unauthorized individ- uals, but by the authority of the legisla- ture of Massachusetts; and, as has been shown by the able historian of that con- vention, in accordance with the views and wishes of the party f)f which it was the organ. Now, sir, I do not desire to call in question the motives of the gentlemen who composed that assembly. I knew many of them to be in private life accom- plished and honorable men, and I doul)t not there were some among them who did not perceive the dangerous tendency of their proceedings. I will even go further, and say, that if the authors of the Hart- ford Convention believed that " gross, de- liberate, and palpable violations of the constitution" had taken place, utterly de- structive of their rights and interests. I should be the last man to deny their right to resort to any constitutional measures for redress. lUit, sir, in any view of the case, the time when and the circumstances under which that convention assembled, as well as the measures recommended, render their conduct, in my opinion, 42 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book III. wholly indefensible. Let U3 contemplate, for a moment, the spectacle then exhibited to the view of the world. I will not go over the disasters of the war, nor describe the difficulties in which the government was involved. It will be recollected that its credit was nearly gone, Washington had fallen, the whole coast was blockaded, and an immense force, collected in the West Indies, was about to make a de- scent, which it was supposed we had no means of resisting. In this awful state of our public affairs, when the government seemed almost to be tottering on its base, when Great Britain, relieved from all her other enemies, had proclaimed her purpose of " reducing us to unconditional submis- sion," we beheld the peace party of New England (in the language of the work be- fore us) pursuing a course calculated to do more injury to their country, and to ren- der England more effective service than all her armies." Those who could not find it in their hearts to rejoice at our victories sang Te Deum at the King's Chapel in Boston, for the restoration of the Bour- bons. Those who could not consent to illuminate their dwellings for the capture of the Guerriere could give no visible tokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. The "beacon fires" of their hills Avere lighted up, not for the encouragement of their friends, but as signals to the enemy ; and in the gloomy hours of midnight, the very lights burned blue. Such were the dark and portentous signs of the times, which usbered into being the renowned Hartford Conventien. That convention met, and, from their proceedings, it ap- pears that their chief object was to keep back the money and men of New England from the service of the Union, and to ef- fect radical changes in the government — changes that can never be effected without a dissolution of the Union. Let us now, sir, look at their proceed- ings. I read from "A Short Account of the Hartford Convention," (written by one of its members,) a very rare book, of which I was fortunate enough, a few years ago, to obtain a copy. [Here Mr. H. read from the proceedings.*] • Itappoars nt p. <5 of the "Account" that hy a vote of thf> Hoiisi- of Ki-|iri'Huntiitiv(!B of Miusachiisetts, (2(10 to 2'JO ) (iel(^;;at'''( to tliU reinvention were or(icrc<l to lii' iiji- pointi-il to coiiHiilt np'in th(> guhjcct "of their puhlic giii.'Viinccs an'l conrcrn-i," and npon "tho bpst moann of prcHorvinR their resonrcoM," and for procuring a roviMJon of the conMtitntion of th() United St:it«'H, " nioro oflertu- ally to geciiro tlin snjiport and attaelmient of all the jjcoplo, by placin;; all upon the hasis of fair rcprexen- tati on." Tho convention a«senihled at IFarlford on tho l.lth December, 1X14. On the next day It wiw Jlen'ilted, That the most inviolalilo secrecy Hliall bo nb- Borved by each niemlH-r of this convention, inclmlin); tho Bocretary, a* to all |iro[K)»ltlonH, debates, and proceedin'.rs thereof, until thin injunctiim shall bu snspendeil or al- tered. On the 24th of Dereniber, the Committee aiiiwilnted to prepare and ru|iorl u geuorul projuct uf uuch muutiuroH ua It is unnecessary to trace the matter farther, or to ask what would have been the next chapter in this history, if the measures recommended had been carried into effect ; and if, with the men and money of New England withheld from the government of the United States, she had been withdrawn from the war ; if New Or- leans had fallen into the hands of the ene- my ; and if, without troops and almost destitute of money, the Southern and the Western States had been thrown upon their own resources, for the prosecution of the war, and the recovery of New Orleans. Sir, whatever may have been the issue of the contest, the Union must have been dissolved. But a wise and just Providence, which " shapes our ends, roughhew them as we will," gave us the victory, and crowned our efibiis with a glorious peace. The ambassadors of Hartford were seen re- tracing their steps from Washington, " the bearers of the glad tidings of great joy." Courage and patriotism triumphed — the country was saved — the Union was pre- served. And are we, Mr. President, who stood by our country then, who threw open our coffers, who bared our bo.soms, who freely perilled all in that conflict, to be re- proached with want of attachment to the Union ? If, sir, we are to have lessons of patriotism read to us, they must come from a different quarter. The senator from may be proper for the convention to adopt, repotted among otlier things, — " 1. That it was expedient to recommend to the l.-x's- latures of the states the adoption of the most effectual and decisive meusures to protect tlie militia of the ^(t9,te3 from the usurpations contained in these procoed.'ngs." [The proceedings of Congress and the executive, iu rela- tion to the militia and the war.] " 2 That it wsis e.^pedient also to prepare a statement, exhibiting the necessity which the improvidence and in- ability of the general government have imposed upon tho states of I'roviding for their own defence, and the im- possibility of their discharging this duty, ani at tlie same time fulfilling the requisitions of fh.e genoral gov- ernment, and also to recommend to the legislatui-es of tho several states to make provision for mutual defonce. and to make an earnest application to the governmoTit of the United States, with a view to some arrangemenv whereby the state may be enabled to retain a portion of the taxes levied by Congress, for the purpose of self-delenco, and for the reimbursement of expenses already incurred on account of the United States. "3. That it is expedient to recommend to t^e several stite legislatures certain amendments to tho co. istitution, viz. — " That the power to declare or make war, bj the Con- gress of the United States, be restricted. " That it is expedient to attempt to make prevision for restraining C<ingrt'S8 in tho exercise of an aidimited power to make new states, and admit them into the Union. "That an amendment be proposed respecft.ig siavo representation and slave taxation." On the 2!lth of December, 1814, it ^vas proi>osed " that tlie rajiacity of naturalized citizens to hold oflicesof trust, h(iiior, or profit ought to be restrained," ^'c. The subsequent proceedings are not given at large, Hut it seems lliat the report of the ennimiltee wa.s adopted, and also a rerciioiiiendation of certain ineiusuros (of tho cbariwter of wliieh we are not informed) to the states for their mutual defenre; and havini: voted that the injunc- tion of serrecy, in regard to all the debates and proceed- ings of the convention, (except so far as relates to the report finally adojited,) >><i continued, the convention ad- Journerl »;»<■ (?iV. but as was supposed, to meet ttgain when circuuiHtaucen should requini it. . BooKiii.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 43 Massachusetts, who is now so sensitive on all subjects connected with the Union, seems to have a nieniory forgetlul of the political events that have passed away. I must therefore refresh his recollection a little further on these subjects. The his- tory of disunion has been written by one whose authority stands too high with the American people to be questioned ; I mean Thomas Jetierson. I know not how the {reutleman may receive this authority. When that great and good man occupied the jtresidential chair, I believe he com- manded no portion of the gentleman's re- spect. I hold in my hand a celebrated pamph- let on the embargo, in which language is held, in relation to Mr. JeflTerson, which my resj)ect for his memory will prevent me from reading, unless any gentleman should call for it. But the senator from 3Iassa- chusetts has since joined in singing hosan- nas to his name ; he has assisted at his apotheosis, and has fixed him as " a bril- liant star in the clear upper sky." I hope, therefore, he is now prepared to receive with deference and respect the high author- ity of Mr. Jefferson. In the fourth volume of his Memoirs, which has just issued from the press, we have the following history of disunion fix)m the pen of that illustrious statesman: "Mr. Adams called on me pending the embargo, and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal : he spoke of the dissatisfaction of the eastern i)ortion of our confederacy with the restraints of the embargo then existing, and their rest- lessness under it; that there was nothing which might not be attempted to rid them- selves of it; that he had information of the most unquestionable authority, that certain citizens of the Eastern States (I think he named Massachusetts particularly ) wt-re in negotiation with agents of the IJritish government, the object of which was an agreement that the Xcw England States should take no further part in the war (the commercial war, the ' war of re- strictions,' as it was called) then going on, and that, without formally declaring their separation from the Union, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to them, &c. From that moment," says Mr. J., " I saw the necessity of abandoning it, [the embargo,] and, instead of efl'ecting our purpose by this ]icaceful measure, we must fight it out or break the Union." In anotlicr letter Mr. .Tefierson adds, " I doul)t whether a single fact known to the world will carry as clear conviction to it of the correctness of our knowledge of the treason- able views of the federal party of that day, as that disclosed by this, the most nefa- rious and daring attempt to dissever the Union, of which the Hartford Convention was a subsequent chapter; and both of these having failed, consolidation becomes the fourth chapter of the next 1>ook of their history. But this opens with u vast accession of strength, from their younger recruits, who, having nothing in them of the feelings and principles of '70, now look to a single and splendid government, Sec, riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeomanry." (vol. iv. PI). 411), 422.) The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of that history, is to be found in the conduct of those who are endeavoring to bring about consolidation ; ay, sir, that very con- solidation for which the gentleman from Massachusetts is contending — the exercise by the federal goverment of powers not delegated in relation to " internal improve- ments" and " the protection of manufac- tures." And why, sir, does Mr. Jefferson consider consolidation as leading directly to disunion? Because he knew that the exercise, by the federal government, of the powers contended for, would make this " a government without limitation of I)Owers," the submission to which he con- sidered as a greater evil than disunion it- self. There is one chapter in this history, however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filled up ; and I must therefore supply the defi- ciency. It is to be found in the })rot(sts made by New England against the acquisi- tion of Louisiana. In relation to that sub- ject, the New England doctrine is thus laid down by one of her learned doctors of that day, now a doctor of laws, at the head of the great literary institution of the east ; I mean Josiah Quincy, president of Har- vard College. I quote from the speech delivered by that gentleman on the floor of Congress, on the occasion of the admis- sion of Louisiana into the LTnion. " Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a remark he had made, which, to save all misapprehension, he had committed to writing, in the following words : If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of the L'nion; that it will free the states from their moral oldi- gation; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to ])re}):!re for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must." Mr. President, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that all the remarks I have made on this subject are intended to be exclusively api^lied to a jnirty, which I have destribed as the " jieace ])arty of New England" — embracing the political asso- ciates of the senator from 31 assachu setts — a jiarty which controlled the operations of that state during the embargo and the war, and who are justly chargeable with all the measures I have reprobated. Sir, nothing has been further from my thoughts than to iin]ieach the character or conduct of the people of New England. For their steady habits and h;irdy Virtues I trust I enter- 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. tain a becoming respect. I ftilly subscribe ' to the truth of the description given be- j fore the revolution, by one whose praise is the highest eulogy, " that the perseverance of Holland, the activity of France, and the dexterous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, have been more than equalled by this recent people." The hardy peo- ple of Xew England of the present day are worthy of their ancestors. Still less, Mr. President, has it been my intention to say anything that could be construed into a want of respect for that party, who, have been true to their principles in the worst of times ; I mean the democracy of Kew England. Sir, I will declare that, highly as I appre- ciate the democracy of the south, I con- sider even higher praise to be due to the democracy of New England, who have maintained their principles " through good and through evil report," who, at every period of our national history, have stood up manfully for " their country, their whole country, and nothing but their country." In the great political revolution of '98, they were found united with the democracy of the south, marching under the banner of the constitution, led on by the ijatriarch of liberty, in search of the land of politi- cal promise, which they lived not only to behold, but to possess and to enjoy. Again, sir, in the darkest and most gloomy period of the war, when our country stood single- handed against " the conqueror of the con- querors of the world," when all about and around them was dark and dreary, disas- trous and discouraging,they stood a Spartan band in that narrow pass, where the honor of their country was to be defended, or to find its grave. And in the last great strug- gle, involving, as we believe, the very ex- istence of the principle of popular sover- eignty, where were the democracy of New England? Where they always have been found, sir, struggling side by side, with their i)retliren of the south and the west for popular rights, and assisting in that tri- umph, by which the man of the people w.as elevated to the highest office in their gift. Who, then, Mr. President, arc the true friends of the Union? Those who would confine the federal government strictly within the limits prescribed by the consti- tution ; who would preserve to the states and tlie peo|)ie ail powers not expressly delegated; wlio would make this ii federal and not a national Unifjn, and who, ad- ministering the government in a sjiirit of equal justice, would make it a blessing, and not a curse. And who arc; its ene- mies? Those who are in favor of con- sf)lidation ; who are constantly stealing l)Ower from tlie states, and adding strength to the federal government; who, assuming an unwarrantable jurisdiction over the states and the people, undertake to regu- late the whole industry and capital of the country. But, sir, of all descriptions of men, I consider those as the worst enemies of the Union, who sacrifice the equal rights which belong to every member of the con- federacy to combinations of interested ma- jorities, for personal or political objects. But the gentleman apprehends no evil from the dependence of the states on the federal government ; he can see no danger of corruption from the influence of money or of patronage. Sir, I know that it is supposed to be a wise saying that " patron- age is a source of weakness ;" and in sup- port of that maxim, it has been said, that " every ten appointments make a hundred enemies." But I am rather inclined to think, with the eloquent and sagacious orator now reposing on his laurels on the banks of the Roanoke, that " the power of conferring favors creates a crowd of de- pendants ;" he gave a forcible illustration of the truth of the remark, when he told us of the effect of holding up the savory morsel to the eager eyes of the hungry hounds gathered around his door. It mat- tered not whether the gift was bestowed on Towzer or Sweetlipg, " Tray, Blanche, or Sweetheart ;" while held in suspense, they were governed by a nod, and when the mor- sel was bestowed, expectation of favors of to-morrow kept up the subjection of to-day. The senator from Massachusetts, in de- nouncing what he is pleased to call the Carolina doctrine, has attempted to throw ridicule upon the idea that a state has any constitutional remedy, by the exercise of its sovereign authority, against "a gross, palpable, and deliberate violation of the constitution." He calls it "an idle" or " a ridiculous notion," or something to that effect, and added, that it would make the Union a " mere rope of sand." Now, sir, as the gentleman has not condescended to enter into any examination of the question, and has been satisfied with throwing the weight of his authority into the scale, I do not deem it necessary to do more than to throw into the opposite scale the author- ity on which South Carolina relies; and there, for the present, I am perfectly will- ing to leave the controversy. The South Carolina doctrine, that is to say, the doc- trine contained in an exposition reported by a committee of the legislature in De- cember, 1.S28, and published by their au- thority, is the good old repui)lican doctrine of '!)8— the doctrine of the celebrated "VirLMnia Resolutions" of that year, and of " ALidison's Report" of '99. It will be recollected that the legislature of Virginia, in December, '9S, took into consideration the alien ami secHtionlaws, then considered by all republicans .as a gross violation of the constitution of the United States, and on that day passed, among others, the fol- lowing resolutions,— BOOK III.] MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 45 "The General Assembly doth explicitly and pereniptDrily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as re- sulting from the compact to which the states arc parties, as liiuitod by tiie plain sense and intention of the instrument con- stituting that compact, as no further valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, jSalpable, and danger- ous exercise of other powers not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, witliin their respective limits, authorities, rights, and liberties, belonging- to them." In addition to tlie above resolution, the General Assembly of Virginia " apjiealcd to the other states, in the confidence that they would concur with that common- wealth, that the acts aforesaid [the alien and sedition laws] are unconstitutional, and that the necessary and proper mea- sures would be taken by each for co-operat- ing with Virginia in maintaining un- impaired the authorities, rights, and liber- ties reserved to the states resijeetively, or to the people." The legislatures of several of the New England States, having, contrary to the expectation of the legislature of Virginia, expressed their dissent from these doc- trines, the subject came up again for consideration during the session of 1799, 1800, when it was referred to a select com- mittee, by whom was made that celebrated report which is familiarly known as " Madison's Report," and which deserves to last as long as the constitution itself. In that, report, which was subsequently adopted by the legislature, the whole sub- ject was deliberately re-examined, and the objections urged against the Virginia doc- trines carefully considered. The result was, that the legislature of Virginia re- affirmed all the principles laid down in the resolutions of 1798, and issued to the world that admirable report which has stamped the character ol' ]\Ir. Madison as the pre- server of that constitution which he had contributed so largely to create and estab- lish. I will here quote from Mr. Madison's report one or two passages which bear more immediately on the point in contro- versy. " The resolutions, having taken this view of the federal compact, jiroceed to infer ' that in case of a deliberate, palpa- ble, and dangerous exercise of other powers the states who are parties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties apnertaining to them.' " It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, founded in common sense, illustrated by common practice, and cs.sen- tial to the nature of conij)acts, that, where resort can l)e had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the j)artics, the jjarties themselves must be the rightful jutiges in the last resort, whether the bargain made has been jmrsued or violated. The con- stitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the states, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the au- thority, of the constitution, that it rests upon this legitimate and solid foundation. The states, then, being the parties to the (Vanstitutional com]jact, and in their sov- ereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal above their au- thority, to decide, in the last resort, wheth- er the compact made by them be violated, and consequently that, as the parties to it, they must decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magni- tude to retjuire their interposition." " The resolution has guarded against any misapprehension of its object by ex- pressly requiring for such an interposition 'the case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise of powers not granted by it.' It must be a case, not of a light and tran- sient nature, but of a nature dangerous to the great purposes for^which the constitu- tion was established. " But the resolution has done more than guard against misconstructions, by ex- pressly referring to cases of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous nature. It speci- fies the object of the interposition, which it contemplates, to be solely that of arrest- ing the progress of the evil of usurpation, and of maintaining the authorities, rights, and liberties api)ertaining to the states, as parties to the constitution. " From this view of the resolution, it would seem inconceivable that it can in- cur any just disaj^probation from those who, laying aside all momentary imj)ress- ions, and recollecting the genuine source and object of the federal constitution, shall candidly and accurately interpret the meaning of the General Assembly. If the deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the constitution, could not justify the parties to it in inter- posing even so far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby to preserve the constitution itself, as well as to ])rovide for the safety of the parties to it, there would be an ctkI to all relief from usurped jiower, and a direct subversion of the rights speci- fied or recoganized under all the state constitutions, as well as a jilain denial of the fundamental principles on which our independence itself was declared." But, sir, our authorities do not stop here. The state of Kentucky responded to Vir- ginia, and on the lOth of November, 1798, 46 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book hi. adopted those celebrated resolutions, well known to have been penned by the author of the Declaration of American Independ- ence. In those resolutions, the legishiture of Kentucky declare, "that the govern- ment created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion, and not the constitution, the measure of its powers ; but that, as in all other cases of compact among parties having no com- mon judge, each party has an equal right to judge, for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." At the ensuing session of the legislature, the subject was re-examined, and on the 14th of November, 1799, the resolutions of the preceding year were deliberately reaf- firmed, and it was, among other things, sol- emnly declared, — "That, if those who administer the gen- eral government be permitted to transgress the limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard to the special delegations of power therein contained, an annihilation of tlie state governments, and the erection upon their ruins of a general consolidated government, will be the inevitable conse- quence. That the principles of construc- tion contended for by sundry of the state legislatures, that the general government is the exclusive judge of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotism ; since the discretion of those who administer the government, and not the constitution, would be the measure of their powers. That the several states who formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction, and that a nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument, is the rightful remedy." Time and experience confirmed Mr. Jefferson's opinion on this all important point. In the year 1821, he expressed nimself in this emphatic manner: "It is a fatal heresy to suppose that either our state governments are superior to the fed- eral, or the federal to the state ; neither is authorized literally to decide which be- longs to itself or its copartner in govern- ment; in dilferences of opinion, between their diHerfiit sets of public servants, the a;)peal is to neither, but to their employ- ers peaceably assembled by their repre- sentatives in convention." The opinion of Mr. Jefferson on this subject has been so repeatedly and so solemnly expressed, that they may be said to have been the most fixed and settled convictions of his mind. In the ])rot(-<t i)re[)arcd by him for the legislature of Virginia, in December, lK2r), in respect to the powers exercised by the federal government in relatioti to the tarill' and internal improvements, which he de- clares to be "usurpations of the powers re- tained by the states, mere interpolations into the compact, and direct infractions of it," he solemnly reasserts all the principles of the Virginia Resolutions of '98, protests against " these acts of the federal branch of the government as null and void, and de- clares that, although Virginia would con- sider a dissolution of the Union as among the greatest calamities that could befall them, yet it is not the greatest. There is one yet greater — submission to a govern- ment of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope of this shall become absolutely desperate, that further forbearance could not be indulged." In his letter to Mr. Giles, written about the same time, he says, — " I see as you do, and with the deepest atfliction, the raj)id strides with which the federal branch of our government is ad- vancing towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the states, and the con- solidation in itself of all powers, foreign and domestic, and that too by constructions which leave no limits to their powers, &c. Under the power to regulate commerce, they assume, indefinitely, that also over agriculture and manufaclures, &c. Under the authority to establish post roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains for the construction of roads, and digging canals, &c. And what is our resource for the preservation of the constitution ? Reason and argument? You might as well reason and argue with the marble columns encir- cling them, &c. Are we then to stand to our arms with the hot-headed Georgian? No ; [and I say no, and South Carolina has said no;] that must be the last resource. We must have patience and long endurance with our brethren, &c., and separate from our companions only when the sole alter- natives left are a dissolution of our Union with them, or submission. Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, there can be no hesitation." Such, sir, are the high and imposing au- thorities in support of " The Carolina doc- trine," which is, in fact, the doctrine of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, Sir, at that day the whole country was divided on this very question. It formed the line of demarcation between the federal and republican parties; and the great po- litical revolution which then took place turned upon the very questions involved in these resolutions. That question was de- cided by the people, and oy that decision the constitution was, in the emphatic lan- guage of Mr. Jefferson, "saved at its last gas|)." I .should suppose, sir, it would re- (juirc more self-respect than any gentleman here would be willing to assume, to treat lightly doctrines derived from such high resources. Resting on authority like this, I will ask gentlemen whether South Carolina I BOOK III. J MR. HAYNE ON FOOT'S RESOLUTION. 47 has not manifested a high regard for the Union, when, under a tyranny ten times more grievous than the alien and sedition laws, slie has hitherto gone no iurther than to petition, remonstrate, and to solemnly protest against a series of measures wliieh she believes to be wholly uneonstitutional and utterly destructive of her interests. Sir, South Carolina has not gone one step further than Mr. Jefferson himself was dis- posed to go, in relation to the present sub- ject of our present complaints — not a step further than the statesman from New Eng- land was disposed to go, under similar cir- cumstances; no further than the senator from Massachusetts himself once considered as within "the limits of a constitutional opposition," The doctrine that it is the right of a state to judge of the violations of the constitution on the part of the federal government, and to protect her citizens from the operations of unconstitutional laws, was held by the enlightened citizens of Boston, who assembled in Faneuil Hall, on the 2oth of January, 1809. They state, in that celebrated memorial, that "they looked onJy to the state legislature, who were competent to devise relief against the unconstitutional acts of the general gov- ernment. That your power (say they) is adecjuate to that object, is evident from the organization of the confederacy," A distinguished senator from one of the New England States, (Mr, Hillhouse,) in a speech delivered here, on a bill for enforc- ing the embargo, declared, " I feel mysell" bound in conscience to declare, (lest the blood of those who shall fall in the execu- tion of this measure shall be on my head, i that I consider this to be an act which directs a mortal blow at the liberties of my country — an act containing unconstitutional pro- visions, to which the people are not bound to submit, and to which, in my opinion, they will not submit," And the senator from Massachusetts him- self, in a speech delivered on the same sub- ject in the other house, said, "This opposi- tion is constitutional and legal ; it is also conscientious. It rests on settled and sober conviction, that such policy is destructive to the interests of the people, and danger- ous to the being of government. The ex- perience of every day confirms these senti- ments. Men who act from such motives are not to be discouraged by trifling obsta- cles, nor awed by any dangers. They know the limit of constitutional opposition ; up to that limit, at their own discretion, they will walk, and walk fearlessly," How " the being of the government " was to be endan- gerecl by " constitutional opposition " to the embargo, Heave the gentleman to explain. Thus it will be seen, Mr. President, that the South Carolina doctrine is the republi- can doctrine of '98 — that it was pmmul- gated by the fathers of the faith — that it was maintained by Virginia and Kentucky in the worst of times — that it constituted the very pivot on which the political revo- Uition of that day turned — that it end>race« the very principles, the triumph of which, at that time, saved the constitution at its last gasp, and which New England states- men were not unwilling to adopt, when they believed themselves to be the victims of unconstitutional legislation. Sir, as to the doctrine that the federal government is the exclusive judge of the extent as well as the limitations of its powers, it seems to me to be utterly subversive of the sovereignty and independence of the states. It makes hut little difi'erence, in my estimation, whether Congress or the Supreme Court are invested with this power. If the federal government, in all, or any, of its depart- ments, is to prescribe the limits of its own authority, and the states are bound to sub- mit to the decision, and are not to be al- lowed to examine and decide for them- selves, when the barriers of the constitution shall be overleaped, this is practically " a government without limitation of j)owers," The states are at once reduced to mere petty corporations, and the people are en- tirely at your mercy, I have but one word more to add. In all the efforts that have been made by South Carolina to resist the unconstitutional laws which Congress has extended over them, she has kejit steadily in view the preservation of the Uiii(m, by the only means by which she believes it can be long preserved — a firm, manly, and steady resistance against usurpation. The measixres of the federal government have, it is true, prostrated her interests, and will soon involve the whole south in irretriev- able ruin. But even this evil, great as it is, is not the ciiief ground of our complaints. It is the princi})le involved in the contest — a principle which, substituting the dis- cretion of Congress for the limitations of the constitution, brings the states and the people to the feet of the federal govern- ment, and leaves them nothing they can call their own. Sir, if the measures of the federal government were less o]>i>ressive, we should still strive against this usurpa- tion. The south is acting on a principle she has always held sacred — resistance to unauthorized taxation. These, sir, are the Iirinciples which induced the immortal Iiami)den to resist the payment of a tiix of twenty shillings. Would twenty shil- lings have ruined his fortune? No! but the payment of half twenty shillings, on the principle on which it was demanded, would have made him a slave. Sir, if act- ing on these high motives — if animated by that ardent love of liberty- which has always l)een the most prominent trait in the south- ern character — we should be hurried be- yond the bounds of a cold and caU'ulating prudence, who is there, with one noble and 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. generous sentiment in liis bosom, that wjiild not be disposed, in the language of Burke, to exclaim, "You must pardon something to the spirit of liberty? " AVebster'8 Great Reply to Hayme, In which he " Expovuds the Coistihilion," delUered in Isenate, Junuari/ 26, iS30. Following Mr. Hayne in the debate, Mr. Webster addressed ' the Senate as fol- lows : — Mr. President: When the mariner has been tossed, for many days, in thick weather, and on an unknown sea, he natu- rally avails himself of the first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to take his latitude, and ascertain how far the elements have driven him from his true course. Let us imitate this prudence, and before we float farther, refer to the point from which we departed, that we may at least be able to conjecture where we now are. I ask for the reading of the resolu- tion. [The Secretary read the resolution as follows ; " Resolved, That the committee on pub- lic lands be instructed to inquire and re- port the quantity of the public lands remaining unsold" within each state and territory, and whether it be expedient to limit, for a certain period, the sales of the Eublic lands to such lands only as have cretofcjre been offered for sale, and are now subject to entry at the minimum price. And, also, whether the ofnce of surveyor general, and some of the land offices, may not be abolished without detriment to the publia interest; or whether it be expedient to adopt measures to hasten the sales, and extend more rapidly the surveys of the public lands."] We have thus heard, sir, what the reso- lution is, which is actually before us for consideration ; and it will readily occur to every one that it is almost the only subject about which something has not been said in the speech, running through two days, by which tlie Senate has been now enter- tained by the gentleman from S<mth Caro- lina. Every topic in the wide range of our public affairs, whether past or present, — every thing, general or local, whether be- longing to national politics or party poli- tics, — seems to have attracted more or less of the honorable member's attention, save only the resohition before us. lie has ppokenof every thing but the ])ublic lands. They have escaped his notice. To that subject, in all his excursions, he has not jiaid even the cold respect of a i)assing glance. When this debate, sir, was to be resumed, on Tlmrsdny morning, it so hapiiened that it would have been convenient for me to be elsewhere. The honorable member, however, did not incline to put off' the dis- cussion to another day. He had a shot, he said, to return, and he wished to discharge it. That shot, sir, which it was kind thus to inform us Avas coming, that Ave might stand out of the way, or prepare ourselves to fall before it, and die with decency, has now been received. Under all advantages, and with expectation awakened by the tone which preceded it, it has been dis- charged, and has spent its force. It may become me to say no more of its effect than that, if nobody is found, after all, either killed or wounded by it, it is not the first time in the history of human affairs that the vigor and success of the war have not quite come up to the lofty and sounding phrase of the manifesto. The gentleman, sir, in declining to post- pone the debate, told the Senate, with the emphasis of his hand upon his heart, that there was something rankling here, Avhich he wished to relieve. [Mr. Hayne rose and disclaimed having used the word rankling.] It would not, Mr. President, be safe for the honorable member to appeal to those around him, upon the question Avhether he did, in fact, make use of that Avord. But he may have been unconscious of it. At any rate, it is enough that he disclaims it. But still, with or Avithout the use of that particular Avord, he had yet something here, he said, of which he wished to rid himself by an immediate reply. In this respect, sir, I have a great advantage over the honorable gentleman. There is nothing here, sir,Avhich gives me the slight- est uneasiness ; neither fear, nor anger, nor that Avhich is sometimes more troublesome than either, the consciousness of having been in the wrong. There is nothing either originating here, or now received here, by the gentleman's shot. Nothing original, for I had not the slightest feeling of disre- spect or unkindness tOAvards the honorable member. Some passages, it is true, had occurred, since our acquaintance in this body, Avhich I could haA'e Avished might have l)een otherAvise; but I had used phil- osophy, and forgotten them. When the honorable member rose, in his first sj)eech, I jiaid him the respect of attentive listen- ing; and when he sat doAvn, though sur- prised, and I must say even astonished, at some of his opinions, nothing Avas farther from my intention than to commence any personal Avarfare; and through the Avhole of the few remarks I made in ansAver, I avoided, studiously and carefully, every thing wliich I thought possible to be con- strued into disrepect. And, sir, Avhile there is thus nothing originating here, which I Avished at any time, or noAV Avish to discharge, I must rej)eat, also, that no- tiiiiig has l)een received AcrcAvhich rankles, or in any way gives me annoyance. I Ai'ill BooKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 49 not accuse the hononvble member of violat- ing the rule-) of civilized war — I will not say that he poisoned his arrows. But whether his shafts were, or were not, dipj^ed ill that which would have caused ranliliiig if they had reached, there was not, as it happened, quite strength enough in the bow to bring them to their mark. If he wishes now to find those shafts, he must look for them elsewhere ; they will not be found fixed and quivering in the object at which they were aimed. The honorable member complained that I had slept on his speech. I must have slept on it, or not slept at all. The mo- ment the honorable member sat down, his friend from Missouri arose, and, with much honeyed commendation of the speech, sug- gested that the impressions which it had produced were too charming and delight- ful to be di^^tiirbcd by other sentiments or other sounds, and proposed that the Senate should adjourn. Would it have been quite amiable in me, sir, to interrupt this excel- lent good feeling? Must I not have been absolutely malicious, if I could have thrust myself forward to destroy sensations thus pleasing? Was it not much better and kinder, both to sleep upon them myself, and to allow others, also, the pleasure of sleeping upon them? But if it be meant, by sleeping ui)on his speech, that I took time to prepare a reply to it, it is quite a mistake; owin^ to other engagements, I could not employ even the interval be- tween the adjournment of the Senate and its meeting the next morning in attention to the subject of tiiis debate. Nevertheless, sir, the mere matter of fact is undoubtedly true — I did sleep on the gentleman's speech, and slept souudly. And I slept equally well on his speech of yesterday, to which I am now replying. It is quite possible that, in this respect, also, I possess some advantage over tne honorable member, at- tributable, doubtless, to a cooler tempera- ment on my part ; for in truth I slept upon his speeches remarkably well. But the gentleman inquires why he was made the object of sucn a reply. Why was he singled out? If an attack had been made on the east, he, he assures us, did not be- gin it — it was the gentleman from Missouri, feir, I answered the gentleman's speech, be- cause I happened to hear it ; and because, also, I choose to give an answer to that ■ speech, which, if unanswered, I thought most likely to produce injurious impres- sions. I did not stop to inquire who was the original drawer of the bill. I found a responsible endorser before me, and it was ray purpose to hold him liable, and to bring him to his just responsibility w'ithout delay. But, sir, this interrogatory of the honorable member was only introductory to another. He proceeded to a-<k me whether I had turned upon him in this dc- 28 bate from the consciousness that I should find an overmatch if I ventured on a con- test with his friend from Missouri. If, sir, the honorable member, ex gratia modestice, had cliosen thus to defer to his friend, and to pay him a compliment, without inten- tional disparagement to others, it wcmld have been quite according to the friendly courtesies of debate, and not at all ungrate- ful to my own feelings. I am not one of those, sir, who esteem any tribute of regard, whether light and occasional, or more seri- ous and deliberate, which may be be- stowed on others, as so much unjustly with- holden from themselves. But the tone and manner of the gentleman's question, forl)id me thus to interpret it. I am not at liberty to consider it as nothing more than a civility to his friend. It had an air of taunt and disparagement, a little of the loftiness of asserted superiority, which does not allow me to pass it over without notice. It was put as a question for me to answer, and so put as if it were difficult for me to answer, whether I deemed the member from Missouri an overmatch for myself in debate here. It seems to me, sir, that is extraordinary language, and an extraordi- nary tone for the discussions of this body. Matches and overmatches? Those terms are more applicable elewhere than here, and fitter for other assemblies than this. Sir, the gentleman seems to forget where and what we are. This is a Senate ; a Senate of equals ; of men of individual honor and personal character, and of ab- solute independence. We know no mas- ters ; we acknowledge no dictators. This is a hall of mutual consultation and dis- cussion, not an arena for the exhibition of champions. I offer myself, sir, as a match for no man ; I throw the challenge of de- bate at no man's feet. But, then, sir, since the honorable member has put the question in a manner that calls for an answer, I will give him an answer; and I tell him that, holding myself to be the humblest of tlie members here, I yet know nothing in the arm of his friend from Missouri, either alone or when aided by the arm of his friend from South Carolina, that need deter even me from espousing whatever opinions I may choose to es- pouse, from debating whenever I may choose to debate, or from speaking what- ever I may see fit to say on the floor of the Senate. Sir, when uttered as matter of commendation or compliment, I should dissent from nothing Avnich the honorable member miglit say of his friend. Still less do I put forth any pretensions of my own. I'ut when put to me as a matter of taunt, I throw it back, and say to the gentleman tjiat he could possibly say nothing le.>M likely than such a comparison to wound my pride of personal character. The an- ger of its tone rescued the remark from 50 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. intentional irony, which otherwise, pro- bably, would have been its general accep- tation. But, sir, if it be imagined that by this mutual quotation and commendation ; if it be supposed that, by casting the characters of the drama, assigning to each his part, — to one the attack, to another the cr}' of onset, — or if it be thought that by a loud and empty vaunt of anticipated victor}' any laurels are to be won here ; if it be imagined, especially, that any or all these things will shake any purpose of mine, I can tell the honorable member, once for all, that he is greatly mistaken, and that he is dealing with one of whose temper and character he has yet much to learn. Sir, I shall not allow myself, on this occasion — I hope on no occasion — to be betrayed into any loss of temper ; but if provoked, as I trust I never shall allow myself to be, into crimination and recrimi- nation, the honorable member may, per- haps, find that in that contest there will be blows to take as well as blows to give ; that others can state comparisons as signi- ficant, at least, as his own; and that his impunity may, perhaps, demand of him whatever powers of taunt and sarcasm he may possess. I commend him to a pru- dent husbandry of his resources. But, sir, the coalition ! The coalition ! Aye, " the murdered coalition ! " The gentleman asks if I were led or frighted into this debate by the spectre of the coali- tion. " Was it the ghost of the murdered coalition," he exclaims, "which haunted the member from Massachusetts, and which, like the ghost of Banquo, would never down?" "The murdered coali- tion ! " Sir, this charge of a coalition, in reference to the late administration, is not original with the honorable member. It did not spring up in the Senate. Whether as a fact, as an argument, or as an embel- lishment, it is all borrowed. He adopts it, indeed, from a very low origin, andastill lower present condition. It is one of the thousand calumnies with which the press teemed during an excited political can- vass. It was a charge of which there was not only no proof or probability, but which was, in itself, wholly impossible to be true. No man of common information ever believed a syllable of it. Yet it was of that cla.s3 of falsehoods which, by con- tinued repetition through all the organs of detraction and abuse, are capable of mis- leading those who are alrcafly far misled, and of further fanning passion already kindling into flame. Doubtless it served its day, and, in a greater or less degree, the end designed by it. Having done that, it has sunk into the general mass of stale and loathed ciilumnies. It is the very ciist- off slough of a polluted and shameless press. Incapable of further mischief, it lies in the eewer lifeless and despised. It is not now, sir, in the power of the honora- ble member to give it dignity or decency, by attempting to elevate it, and to intro- duce it into the Senate. He cannot change it from what it is — an object of general disgust and scorn. On the contrary, the contact, if he choose to touch it, is more likely to drag him down, down, to the place where it lies itself. But, sir, the honorable member was not, for other reasons, entirely happy in his al- lusion to the story of Banquo's murder and Banquo's ghost. It was not, I think, the friends, but the enemies of the murdered Banquo, at whose bidding his spirit would not down. The honorable gentleman is fresh in his reading of the English classics, and can put me right if I am wrong ; but according to my poor recollection, it Avas at those who had begun with caresses, and ended with foul and treacherous murder, that the gory locks were shaken. The ghost of Banquo, like that of Hamlet, was \ an honest ghost. It disturbed no innocent man. It knew where its appearance would strike terror, and who would cry out A ghost ! It made itself visible in the right quarter, and compelled the guilty, and the conscience-smitten, and none others, to start, with, " Prithee, see there ! behold ! — look ! lo ! If I staud here, I saw him ! " Their eyeballs were seared — was it not so, sir? — who had thought to shield them- selves by concealing their own hand and laying the imputation of the crime on a low and hireling agency in wickedness; who had vainly attempted to stifle the workings of their own coward consciences, by circulating, through white lips and chattering teeth, "Thou canst not say I did it!" I have misread the great poet, if it was those who had no way partaken in the deed of the death, who either found that they were, or feared that they shovid be, pushed from their stools by the ghost of the slain, or who cried oixt to a spectre created by their own fears, and their own remf)rse, " Avauiit! and quit our sight! There is another particular, sir, in which the honorable member's quick per- ception of resemblances might, I should think, have seen something in the story of Banquo, making it not altogether a sub- ject of the most pleasant contemplation. Those who murdered Banquo, wliat did they win by it? Substantial good? Per- manent power? Or disappointment, rath- er, and sore mortification — dust and ashes — the common fate of vaulting ambition overleaping itsself? Did not even-handed justice, ere long, commend the poisoned chalice to their own lips? Did thcv not soon find that for another they had filed their mind?" that their ambition though apparently for the moment successful, had BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 51 but put a barren sceptre in their grasp ? Aye, sir,— " A barren sceptre in their gripo, Thence to be rorenched by an unlineal }iand. No eon of theirs lucceeding." Sir, I need pursue the allusion no fur- ther. I leave the honorable gentleman to run it out at his leisure, and to derive from it all the gratification it is calculated to administer. If he finds himself pleased with the associations, and prepared to be quite satisfied, though the parallel should be entirely completed, I had almost said I am satisfied also — but that I shall think of. Yes, sir, I will think of that. In the course of my observations the oth- er day, Mr. President, I paid a passing tribute of respect to a very worthy man, Mr. Dane, of Massachusetts. It so hap- pened that he drew the ordinance of 1787 for the government of the North-western Territory. A man of so much ability, and 80 little pretence ; of so great a capacity to do good, and so unmixed a disposition to do it for its own sake ; a gentleman who acted an important part, forty years ago, in a measure the inflnence of which is still deeply felt in the very matter which was the subject of debatf>, might, I thought, re- ceive from me a commendatory recogni- tion. But the honorable gentleman was in- clined to be facetious on the subject. He was rather disposed to make it a matter of ridicule that I had introduced into the de- bate the name of one Nathan Dane, of whom he assures un he had never before heard. Sir, if the honorable member had never before hea'^d of Mr. Dane, I am sorry tor it. It shows him less acquainted with the public men of the country than I had supposed. Let me tell him, however, that a sneer f:/^ m him at the mention of the name of Ivfr, Dane is in bad taste. It may well be a high mark of ambition, sir, either with the honorable gentleman or myself, to accomplish as much to make our names known to advantage, and re- membered with gratitude, as Mr. Dane has accomplished. But the truth is, sir, I sus- pect that Mr. Dane lives a little too far north. He is of Massachusetts, and too near the north star to be reached by the honorable gentleman's telescope. If his sphere had happened to range south of Mason and Dixon's line, he might, prob- ably, have come within the scope of his vision ! I spoke, sir, of the ordinance of 1787, which prohibited slavery in all future times north-west of the Ohio, as a measure of great wisdom and foresight, and one which had been attended with highly beneficial and permanent consequences. I suppose that on this point no two gentle- men in the Senate could entertain different opinions. But the simple expression of this sentiment has led the gentlenum, not only into a labored defence of slavery in the abstract, and on principle, but also into a warm accusation against me, as having attacked the system of slavery now exist- ing in the Southern States. For all this there was not the slightest foundation in anything said or intimated by me. I did not utter a single word which any ingenu- ity could torture into an attack on the slavery of the South. I said only that it was highly wise and useful in legislating for the north-western country, while it was yet a wilderness, to prohibit the introduc- tion of slaves ; and added, that I presumed, in the neighboring state of Kentucky, there was no reflecting and intelligent gentleman who would doubt that, if the same prohibition had been extended, at the same early period, over that common- wealth, her strength and population would, at this day, have been far greater than they are. If these opinions be thought doubtful, they are, nevertheless, I trust, neither ex- traordinary nor disrespectful. They at- tack nobody and menace nobody. And yet, sir, the gentleman's optics have dis- covered, even in the mere expression of this sentiment, what he calls the very spirit of the Missouri question ! He rep- resents me as making an attack on the whole south, and manifesting a spirit which would interfere with and disturb their domestic condition. Sir, this in- justice no otherwise surprises me than as it is done here, and done without the slightest pretence of ground for it. I say it only surprises me as being done here ; for I know full well that it is and has been the settled policy of some persons in the south, for years, to represent the people of the north as disposed to interfere with them in their own exclusive and peculiar concerns. This is a delicate and sensitive point in southern feeling ; and of late years it has always been touched, and generally with effect, whenever the object has been to unite the whole south against northern men or northern measures. This feeling, always carefully kept alive, and maintained at too intense a heat to admit discrimina- tion or reflection, is a lever of great power in our political machine. It moves vast bodies, and gives to them one and the same direction. But the feeling is without adequate cause, and the suspicion which exists wholly groundless. There is not, and never has been, a disposition in the north to interfere with these interests of the south. Such interference has never been supposed to be within the power of the government, nor has it been in any way attempted. It has always been regarded as a matter of domestic policy, left with the states themselves, and with which the federal government had nothing to do. 52 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. Certainly, sir, I am, and ever had been, of that opinion. The gentleman, indeed, argues that slavery in the abstract is no evil. Most assuredly I need not say I dif- fer with him altogether and most widely on that point. I regard domestic slavery as one of the greatest evils, both moral and political. But, though it be a malady, and whether it be curable, and if so, by what means ; or, on the other hand, whether it be the culnus immedicahile of the social system, I leave it to those whose right and dutj' it is to inquire and to decide. And this I believe, sir, is, and uniformly has been, the sentiment of the north. Let us look a little at the history of this matter. When the present constitution was sub- mitted for the ratification of the people, there were those who imagined that the powers of the government which it pro- posed to establish might, perhaps, in some possible mode, be exerted in measures tending to the abolition of slavery. This suggestion would, of course, attract much attention in the southern conventions. In that of Virginia, Governor Randolph said : — " I hope there is none here, who, consi- dering the subject in the calm light of phi- losophy, will make an objection dishonora- ble to Virginia — that, at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection is started, that there is a spark of hope that those unfortunate men now held in bondage may, by the operation of the geijeral government, be made free." At the very first Congress, petitions on the subject were presented, if I mistake not, from different states. The Pennsylva- nia Society for promoting the Abolition of Slaverj', took a lead, and laid before Con- gress a memorial, praying Congress to pro- mote the abolition by such powers as it possessed. This memorial was referred, in the House of Representatives, to a select committee, consisting of Mr. Foster, of New Hampshire, Mr. Gerry, of Massachu- setts, Mr. Huntington, of Connecticut, Mr. Lawrence, of New York, Mr. Dickin- son, of New Jersey, Mr. Hartley, of Penn- sylvania, and Mr. Parker, of Virginia ; all of them, sir, as you will observe, northern men, but the last. This committee made a report, which was committed to a commit- tee of the whole house, and there consid- ered and discus-sed on several days ; and being amended, although in no material respect, it was ma<le to exnrcss three dis- tinct t)roj)Osition8 on the suojccts of slavery and the slave trade. First, in tlie words of the constitution, that Congress could not, prior to the year 1808, prohi])it the migra- tion or imjortation of such j)orsi)ns as any of tlie states then existing sliould think |)roj)or to admit. Second, tliat Congress nan authority to restrain the citizens of the United States from carrying on the African slave trade for the purpose of supplying foreign countries. On this proposition, our early laws against those who engage in that traffic are founded. The third proposition, and that which bears on the present ques- tion, was expressed in the following terms : — " Resolved, That Congress have no au- thority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or of the treatment of them in any of the states ; it remaining with the several states alone to provide rules and regulations therein, which humanity and true policy may require." This resolution received the sanction of the House of Representatives so early as March, 1790. And, now, sir, the honorable member will allow me to remind him, that not only were the select committee who re- ported the resolution, with a single excep- tion, all northern men, but also that of the members then composing the House of Representatives, a large majority, I believe nearly two-thirds, were northern men also. The house agreed to insert these resolu- tions in its journal ; and, from that day to this, it has never been maintained or con- tended that Congress had any authority to regulate or interfere with the condition of slaves in the several states. No northern gentleman, to my knowledge, has moved any such question in either house of Con- gress. The fears of the south, whatever fears they might have entertained, were allayed and quieted by this early decision ; and so remained, till they were excited afresh, without cause, but for collateral and indi- rect purposes. When it became necessary, or was thought so, by some political per- sons, to find an unvarying ground for the exclusion of northern men from confidence and from lead in the affairs of the republic, then, and not till then, the cry was raised, and the feeling industriously excited, that the influence of northern men in the public councils would endanger the relation of master and slave. For myself, I claim no other merit, than that this gross and enor- mous injustice towards the whole north has not wrought upon me to change my opin- ions, or my political conduct. I hope I am above violating my principles, even under the smart of injury and false impu- tations. Unjust suspicions and undeserved reproach, whatever pain I may experience from them, will not induce me, I trust, nevertheless, to overstep the limits of con- stitutional duty, or to encroach on the rights of others. The domestic slavery of the south I leave where I find it — in the liands of their own governments. It is their afl'air, not mine. Nor do I complain of the peculiar effect which the majjuitude of that i)Oi)ulation has had in the distribu- tion of power under this federal govern- ment. Wo know, sir, that the representa- BOOK in.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNB. 53 tioii of the states in the other house is not equal. We know that great advantage, in that respect, is enjoyed by tlie shiveholding states ; and we know, too, that the intended equivalent for that advantage — that is to say, the imposition of direct taxes in the saine ratio — has become merely nominal ; the habit of the government being almost invariably to collect ita revenues from other sources, and in other modes. Nevertheless, I do not complain ; nor would I counte- nance any movement to alter this arrange- ment of representation. It is the original bargain, the compact — let it stand ; let the advantage of it be fully enjoyed. The Union itself is too full of benefit to be hazarded in propositions for changing its original basis. I go for the constitution as it is, and for the Union as it ia But I am resolved not to submit, in silence, to accu- sations, either against myself individually, or against the north, wholly unfounded and unjust — accusations which impute to us a disposition to evade the constitutional compact, and to extend the power of the government over the internal laws and do- mestic condition of the states. All such accusations, wherever and whenever made, all insinuations of the existence of any such purposes, I know and feel to be groundless and injurious. And we must confide in southern gentlemen themselves ; we must trust to those whose integrity of heart and magnanimity of feeling will lead them to a desire to maintain and disseminate truths and who possess the means of its diffusion with the southern public ; we must leave it to them to disabuse that public of its prejudices. But, in the mean time, for my own part, I shall continue to act justly, whether those towards whom justice is ex- ercised receive it with candor or with con- tumely. Having had occasion to recur to the or- dinance of 1787, in order to defend myself against the inferences which the honorable member has chosen to draw from my former observations on that subject, I am not willing now entirely to take leave of it without another remark. It need hardly be said, that that paper expresses just sen- timents on the great subject of civil and religious liberty. Such sentiments were common, and abound in all our state papers of that day. But this ordinance did that which was not so common, and which is not, even now, universal ; that is, it set forth and declared, as a hi(jh and binding duty of government itself, to encourage schools and advance the means of educa- tion; on the plain reason that religion, morality and knowledge are necessary to good government, and to the ha|)i)iness of mankind. One observation further. The important provision incorporated into the constitution of the United States, and sev- eral of those of the states, and recently, as we have seen, adopted into the reformed constitution of Virginia, restraining legis- lative power, in questions of private right, and from impairing the obligation of con- tracts, is first introduced and established, as far as I am informed, as matter of ex- press written constitutional law, in this or- dinance of 1787. And I must add, also, in regard to the author of the ordinance, who has not had the hajjpiness to attract the gentleman's notice heretofore, nor to avoid his sarcasm now, that he was chairman of that select committee of the old Congress, whose report first expressed the strong sense of that body, that the old confedera- tion was not adequate to the exigencies of the country, and recommending to the states to send delegates to the convention which formed the present constitution. An attempt has been made to transfer from the north to the south the honor of this exclusion of slavery from the North- western territory. The journal, without argument or comment, refutes such at- temj^t. The session of Virginia was made March, 1784. On the 19th of April fol- lowing, a committee, consisting of Messrs. Jefferson, Chase and Howell, reported a plan for a temporary government of the territory, in which was this article : " That after the year 1800, there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the said states, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been convicted." Mr. Speight, of North Carolina, moved to strike out this paragraph. The question was put ac- cording to the form then practiced : " Shall, these words stand, as i)art of the plan?" &c. New Hampshire, IMassachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania — seven states — voted in the affirmative; Marjdand, Virgin- ia and South Carolina, in the negative. North Carolina was divided. As the consent of nine states was necessary, the words could not stand, and were struck out accordingly. Mr. Jefferson voted for the clause, but was overruled by his colleagues. In March of the next year (1785) ]\Ir. King, of Massachusetts, seconded by Mr. Ellery, of Rhode Island, proposed the formerly rejected article, with this addi- tion : " A7id that this regulation shall bean article of compact, and remain a funda- mental principle of the constitution between the thirteen original states and each of the states described in the resolve,^' <fcc. On this clause, which provided the adomi.itc and thorough security, the eight Nortnern States, at that time, voted affirmatively, and the four Southern States negatively. The votes of nine states were not yet ob- tained, and thus the provision was again rejected by the Southern States. The per- severance of the nortli held out. atnl two years afterwards the object was attained. 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. It is no derogation from the credit, what- ever that may be, of drawing the ordi- nance, that its principles Iiad before been prepared and discussed, in the form of resolutions. If one should reason in that way, what would become of the distin- guished honor of the author of the decla- ration of Independence? There is not a sentiment in that paper which had not been voted and resolved in the assemblies, and other popular bodies in the countrj', over and over again. But the honorable member has now found out that this gentleman, Mr. Dane, was a member of the Hartford Convention. However uninformed the honorable mem- ber may be of characters and occurrences at the north, it would seem that he has at his elbows, on this occasion, some high- minded and lofty spirit, some magnani- mous and true-hearted monitor, possessing the means of local knowledge, and ready to supply the honorable member with every thing, down even to forgotten and moth-eaten twopenny pamphlets, which may be used to the disadvantage of his own country. But, as to the Hartford Convention, sir, allow me to say that the proceedings of that body seem now to be less read and studied in New England than farther south. They appear to be looked to, not in New England, but else- where, for the purpose of seeing how far they may serve as a precedent. But they will not answer the purpose — they are quite too tame. The latitude in which they originated was too cold. Other con- ventions, of more recent existence, have gone a whole bar's length beyond it. The learned doctors of Colleton and Abbeville have pushed their commentaries on the Hartford collect so far that the original text writers are thrown entirely into the .shade. I have nothing to do, sir, with the Hartford Convention. Its journal, which the gentleman has quoted, I never read. So far as the honorable member may dis- cover in its proceedings a spirit in any degree resembling that which was avowed and justified in those other conventions to which I have alluded, or so far as those proceedings can be shown to be disloyal to the constitutifjn, or tending to disunion, so far I shall be a.s ready as any one U) bestow on them reprehension and cen- sure. Having dwelt long on this convention, an«l other occurrences of that day, in the liope, iirobably, (wliicli will not be grati- fied,) that I should leave the course of this debate to follow him at lengtli in those ex- cursions, the honorable member returned, and attemjjted another oljjcct. He re- ferred to a speech of mine in the otiier i hrmse, the same which I had occasion to | allude; to myself tlie other day; and has, quoted u paaaage or two from it, with a j bold though uneasy and laboring air of confidence, as if he had detected in me an inconsistency. Judging from the gentle- man's manner, a stranger to the course of the debate, and to the point in discussion, would have imagined, from so triumphant a tone, that the honorable member was about to overwhelm me with a mani- fest contradiction. Any one who heard him, and who had not heard what I had, in fact, previously said, must have thought me routed and discomfited, as the gentle- man had promised. Sir, a breath blows all this triumph away. There is not the slightest difference in the sentiments of my remarks on the two occasions. What I said here on Wednesday is in exact ac- cordance with the opinions expressed by me in the other house in 1825. Though the gentleman had the metaphysics of Hudibras — though he were able " to sever and divide A hair 'twixt north and north-west side," he could not yet insert his metaphysical scissors between the fair reading of my re- marks in 1825 and what I said here last week. There is not only no contradiction, no difference, but, in truth, too exact a similarity, both in thought and language, to be entirely in just taste. I had myself quoted the same speech ; had recurred to it, and spoke with it open before me ; and much of what I said was little more than a repetition from it. In order to make finishing work with this alleged contradic- tion, permit me to recur to the origin of this debate, and review its course. This seems expedient, and may be done as well now as at any time. Well, then, its history is this : the hon- orable member from Connecticut moved a resolution, which constituted the first branch of that which is now before us ; that is to say, a resolution instructing the com- mittee on public lands to inquire into the expediency of limiting, for a certain pe- riod, the sales of public lands to such as have heretofore been offered for sale ; and whether sundry offices, connected with the sales of the lands, might not be abolished without detriment to the ]niblic service. In the progress of the discussion which arose on tliis resolution, an honorable mem- ber from New Hanii)shire moved to amend the resolution, so Jis entirely to reverse its object ; that is to strike it all out, and in- sert a direction to the committee to inquire into the expediency of adoi)ting measures to hasten the sales, and extend more ra- l)idly the surveys of the lands. The honorable member from IMaine (Mr. Sprague) suggested that both these propo- sitions might well enough go, for considera- tion, to tlie committee; and in this state of the question, the member from Soutli Carolina addressed the Senate in his first nooK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 55 speech. He rose, he said, to give his own free thoughts on the public lands. I saw him rise, with pleasure, and listened with expectation, though before he concluded I was filled with surprise. Certainly, I was never more surprised than to find him following up, to the extent he did, the sen- timents and opinions which the gentlenum from Missouri had put forth, and which it is known he has long entertained. I need not repeat, at large, the general topics of the honorable gentleman's speech. When he said, yesterday, that he did not attack the Eastern States, he certainly must have forgotten not only particular remarks, but the whole drift and tenor of his speech ; unless he means by not at- tacking, that he did not commence hostili- ties, but that another had preceded him in the attack. He, in the first place, disap- proved of the whole course of the govern- ment for forty years, in regard to its dis- positions of the public land ; and then, turning northward and eastward, and fan- cying he had found a cause for alleged narrowness and niggardliness in the " ac- cursed policy " of the tariff, to which he represented the people of New England as wedded, he went on, for a full hour, with remarks, the whole scope of which was to exhibit the results of this policy, in feelings and in measures unfavorable to the west. I thought his opinions unfounded and erro- neous, as to the general course of the gov- ernment, and ventured to reply to them. The gentleman had remarked on the analogy of other cases, and quoted the con- duct of European governments towards their own subjects, settling on this conti- nent, as in point, to show that we had been harsh and rigid in selling when we should have given the public lands to settlers. I thought the honorable member had suf- fered his judgment to be betrayed by a false analogy ; that he w;ls struck with an appearance of resemblance where there was no real similitude. I think so still. The first settlers of North America were enterprising s[)irits, engaging in private adventure, or fleeing from tyrannj' at home. When arrived here, they were forgotten by the mother country, or remembered only to be oppressed. Carried away again by the appearance of analogy, or struck with the eloquence of the passage, the honor- able member yesterday observed that the conduct of government towards the western emigrants, or my representation of it, brought to his mind a celebrated speech in the British Parliament. It ^vas, sir, the speech of Colonel Barre. On the ques- tion of the stamp act, or tea tax, I forget which. Colonel Barre had heard a member on the treasury bench argue, that the peo- ple of the United States, being British colonists, planted by the maternal care, nourished by the indulgence, and protected by the arms of England, would not grudge their mite to relieve the mother country from the heavy burden under which she groaned. The language of Colonel JJarre, in reply to this, was, " They planted by your care ? Your oppression planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny, and grew by your neglect of them. So soon as you began to care for them, you showed your care by sending persons to spy out their liberties, misrepresent their char- acter, prey upon them, and eat out their substance." And does this honorable gentleman mean to maintain that language like this is ap- plicable to the conduct of the govern- ment of the United States towards the western emigrants, or to any representa- tion given by me of that conduct? Were the settlers in the west driven thither by our oppression ? Have they flourished only by our neglect of them ? Has the govern- ment done nothing but prey upon them, and eat out their substance ? Sir, this fer- vid eloquence of the British speaker, just when and where it was uttered, and fit to remain an exercise for the schools, is not a little out of place, when it was brought thence to be applied here, to the con- duct of our own country towards her own citizens. From America to England it may be true ; from Americans to their own government it would be strange lan- guage. Let us leave it to be recited and declaimed by our boys against a foreign nation ; not introduce it here, to recite and declaim ourselves against our own. But I come to the point of the alleged contradiction. In my remarks on Wednes- day, I contended that we could not give away gratuitously all the public lands; that we held them in trust ; that the govern- ment had solemnly pledged itself to dis- pose of them as a common fund for the common benefit, and to sell and settle them as its discretion should dictate. Now, sir, what contradiction does the gentleman fiml to this sentiment in the speech of 182")? He quotes me as having then said, that we ought not to hug these lands as a very great treasure. Very well, sir; supposing me to be accurately reported in that ex- pression, what is the contradiction ? I have not now said, that we should hu>( these lands as a favorite source of pecuniary in- come. No such thing. It is not my view. What I have said, and what I do say, is, that they are a common fund — to be dis- posed of for the common benefit — to be sold at low prices, for the accommodation ol settlers, keeping the object of settling the lands as much in view as that of raising money from them. This I say now, and this i have always said. Is this hugging them as a favorite treiusure? Is there no difference between hugging and hoard- ing this fund, on the one hand, as a great 56 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. treasure, and on the other of disposing of it at low prices, placing the proceeds in the general treasury of the Union ? My opin- ion is, that as much is to be made of the land, as fair and reasonably may be, selling it all the while at such rates as to give the fullest effect to settlement. This is not giving it all away to the states, as the gen- tleman would propose ; nor is it hugging the fund closely and tenaciously, as a fa- vorite treasure ; but it is, in my judgment, a just and wise policy, perfectly according with all the various duties which rest on government. So much for my contradic- tion. And what is it? Where is the ground of the gentleman's triumph ? What inconsistency, in word or doctrine, has he been able to detect? Sir, if this be a sam- ple of that discomfiture with which the honorable gentleman threatened me, com- mend me to the word discomfiture for the rest of my life. But, after all, this is not the point of the debate; and I mubt bring the gentleman back to that which is the point. The real question between me and him is , Where has the doctrine been advanced, at the south or the east, that the popula- tion of the west should be retarded, or, at least, need not be hastened, on account of its effect to drain off the people from the Atlantic States? Is this doctrine, as has been alleged, of eastern origin? That is the question. Has the gentleman found any- thing by which he can make good his ac- cusation ? I submit to the Senate, that he has entirely failed ; and as far as this de- bate has shown, the only person who has advanced such sentiments is a gentleman from South Carolina, and a friend to the honorable member himself. This honor- able gentleman has given no answer to this; there is none which can be given. This simple fact, while it requires no com- ment to enforce it, defies all argument to refute it. I could refer to the speeches of another southern gentleman, in years be- fore, of the same general character, and to the same effect, as that which has been quoted ; but I will not consume the time of the Senate by the reading of them. So then, sir. New England is guiltless of the policy of retarding western population, and of all envy and jealousy of the growth of the new states. Whatever there be of that policy in the country, no part of it is hers. Ifithiisalocal ha])itation, the honor- able member has probal)ly seen, by this time, where he is to look for it; and if it now hsis received a name, he himself has christened it. We a[)proach, at length, sir, to a more impf)rtant part of the honf)ral)le gentle- man's f)bHervatioiis. Since it does not ac- cord with my views of justice and ]»olicy, to vote away the public lands altoircthcr, aa mere matter of gratuity, I am aaked, by the honorable gentleman, on what ground it is that I consent to give them away in particular instances. How, he inquires, do I reconcile with these professed senti- ments my support of measures appropri- ating portions of the lands to particular roads, particular canals, particular rivers, and particular institutions of education in the west? This leads, sir, to the real and wide difference in political opinions be- tween the honorable gentleman and my- self. On my part, I look upon all these objects as connected with the common good, fairly embraced in its objects and its terms ; he, on the contrary, deems them all, if good at all, only local good. This is our difference. The interrogatory which he proceeded to put, at once explains this difference. " What interest," asks he, " has South Carolina in a canal in Ohio?" Sir, this very question is full of significance. It develops the gentleman's whole political system ; and its answer expounds mine. Here we differ toto ccelo. I look upon a road over the Alleghany, a canal round the falls of the Ohio, or a canal or railway from the Atlantic to the western waters, as being objects large and extensive enough to be fairly said to be for the common benefit. The gentleman thinks otherwise, and this is the key to open his construction of the powers of the government. He may well ask, upon his system. What in- terest has South Carolina in a canal in Ohio? On that system, it is true, she has no interest. On that system, Ohio and Carolina are different governments and different countries, connected here, it is true, by some slight and ill-defined bond of union, but in all main respects separate and diverse. On that system, Carolina has no more interest in a canal in Ohio than in Mexico, The gentleman, therefore, only follows out his own principles ; he does no more than arrive at the natural conclusions of his own doctrines ; he only announces the true results of that creed which he has adopted himself, and would persuade others to adopt, when he thus declares that South Carolina has no inter- est in a public work in Ohio. Sir, Ave nar- row-minded people of New England do not reason thus. Our notion of things is entirely different. We look u])on the states not as separated, but as united. We love to dwell on that Union, and on the mutual happiness which it has so much promoted, and the common renown which it has so greatly contributed to acquire. In our con- tenijilation, Carolina ancl Ohio are parts of the same country — states united under the same general government, having interests common, associateil, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper sphere of the eorislitufional power of this government, we look npon the states as one. We do not impose geographical limits to our patri- BOOKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. otic feeling or regard; we do not follow rivers, and mountains, and lines of latitude, to find boundaries beyond which public improvements do not benefit us. We, who come here as agents and representatives of those narrow-minded and selfish men of New England, consider ourselves as bound to regard, with equal eye, the good of the whole, in whatever is within our power of legislation. Sir, if a railroad or canal, beginning in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national importance and nation- al magnitude, believing as I do that the power of government extends to the en- couragement of works of that description, if I were to stand up here and ask, " What interest has Massachusetts in a railroad in South Carolina?" I should not be willing to face my constituents. These same narrow- minded men would tell me that they had sent me to act for the whole country, and that one who possessed too little compre- hension, either of intellect or feeling — one who was not large enough, in mind and heart, to embrace the whole — was not fit to be intrusted with the interest of any part. Sir, I do not desire to enlarge the powers of government by unjustifiable construc- tion, nor to exercise any not within a fair interpretation. But when it is believed that a power does exist, then it is, in my judgment, to be exercised for the general Denefit of the whole : so far as respects the exercise of such a power, the states are one. It was the very great object of the constitution to create unity of interests to the extent of the powers of the general government. In war and peace we are one; in commerce one; because the author- ity of the general government reaches to war and peace, and to the regulation of commerce. I have never seen any more difficulty in erecting lighthouses on the lakes than on the ocean ; in improving the harbors of inland seas, than if they were within the ebb and flow of the tide ; or of removing obstructions in the vast streams of the west, more than in any work to facili- tate commerce on the Atlantic coa.st. If there be power for one, there is power also for the other ; and they are all and equally for the country. There are other objects, apparently more local, or the benefit of which is less general, towards which, nevertheless, I have con- curred with others to give aid by donations of land. It is proposed to construct a road in or through one of the new states in which the government possesses large quantities of land. Have the United States no right, as a great and untaxed proprietor — are they under no obligation — to con- tribute to an object thus calculated to pro- mote the common good of all the pro- prietors, themselves included? And even with respect to education, Avhich is the ex- treme case, let the question be considered. In the first place, as we have seen, it was made matter of compact with these states that they should do their part to jironiote education. In the next place, our whole system of land laws i)rocceds on the idea that education is for the common good; because, in every division, a certain por- tion is uniformly reserved and appropriated for the use of schools. And, finally have not these new states singularly strong claims, founded on the ground already stated, that the government is a great un- taxed proprietor in the ownersliip of the soil? It is a consideration of great im- portance that probably there is in no part of the country, or of the world, so great a call for the means of education as in those new states, owing to the vast number of pereons within those ages in which educa- tion and instruction are usually received, if received at all. This is the natural con- sequence of recency of settlement and rapid increase. The census of these states shows how great a proportion of the whole population occupies the classes between infancy and childhood. These are the wide fields, and here is the deep and quick soil for the seeds of knowledge and virtue ; and this is the favored season, the spring time for sowing them. Let them be dis- seminated without stint. Let them be scattered with a bountiful broadcast. Whatever the government can fairly do towards these objects, in my opinion, ought to be done. These, sir, are the grounds, succinctly stated, on which my vote for grants of lands for particular objects rest, while I main- tain, at the same time, that it is all a com- mon fund, for the common benefit. And reasons like these, I presume, have in- fluenced the votes of other gentlemen from New England. Those who have a differ- ent view of the powers of the government, of course, come to different conclusions on these as on other questions. I observed, when speaking on this subject before, that if we looked to any measure, whether for a road, a canal, or any thing else intended for the improvement of the west, it would be found, that if the New England ayes were struck out of the list of votes, the southern noes would always have rejected the measure. The truth of this has not been denied, and cannot be denied. In stating this, I thought it just to ascribe it to the constitutional scruples of the south, rather than to any other less favorable or less charitable cause. But no sooner had I done this, than the honorable gen- tleman asks if I reproach him and his friends with their constitutional scrupK-s. Sir, I reproach nobody, I stated a fact, and gave the most respectful reason for it that occurred to me. The gentleman can- not deny the fact — he may. if he choose, disclaiui the reason. It is not long since 58 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. I had "occasion, in presenting a petition from his own state, to account for its being intrusted to my hands by saying, that the constitutional opinions of the gentleman and his worthy colleague prevented them from supporting it. Sir, did I state this as a matter of reproach ? Far from it. Did I attempt to find any other cause than an honest one for these scruples ? Sir, I did not. It did not become me to doubt, nor to insinuate that the gentleman had either changed his sentiments, or that he _ had made" up a set of constitutional opinions, accommodated to any particular combina- tion of political occurrences. Had I done so, I should have felt, that while I was en- titled to little respect in thus questioning other people's motives, I justified the whole world in suspecting my own. But how has the gentleman returned this respect for others' opinions? His own candor and justice, how have they been exhibited towards the motives of others, while he has been at so much pains to maintain— what nobody has disputed — the purity of his own ? Why, sir, he has asked when, and how, and why New England votes were found going for measures favor- able to the west; he has demanded to be informed whether all this did not begin in 1825, and while the election of President was still pending. Sir, to these questions retort would be justified ; and it is both cogent and at hand. Nevertheless, I will answer the inquiry not by retort, but by facts. I will tell the gentleman u-hen, and how, and why New England has supported measures favorable to the west. I have already referred to the early history of the government — to the first acquisition of the lan(ls — to the original laws for disposing of tliem and for governing the territories where they lie ; and have shown the in- fluence of New England men and New England principles in all these leading measures. I should not be pardoned were I to go over that ground again. Coming to more recent times, and to measures of a less general character, I have endeavored tf) prove tluit every thing of this kind de- signed for western improvement has de- pended on the votes of New England. All tliis is true beyond the power of contradic- tion. And now, sir, there are two measures to which I will refer, not so ancient as to ])e- long to the early history of the public lands, and not so recent as to be on this side of the period when the gentleman charitably imagines a new direction may have bccli given to New England feeling and New England votes. These measures, and the New England votes in support oi' ihvm, may be taken as samples and speci- mens of all the rest. In 1«20, (observe, Mr. President, in 1820,) the peoule of the west besought Congress for a reduction in the price of lands. In favor of that reduc- tion. New England, with a delegation of forty members in the other house, gave thirty-three votes, and one only against it. The "four Southern States, with fifty mem- bers, gave thirty-two votes for it, and seven against it. Again, in 1821, (observe again, sir, the time,) the law passed for the relief of the purchasers of the public lands. This was a measure of vital importance to the west, and more especially to the south- west. It authorized the relinquishment of contracts for lands, which had been entered into at high prices, and a reduction, in other cases, of not less than STi per cent, on the purchase money. Many millions of dollars, six or seven I believe at least, — probably much more, — were relinquished by this law. On this bill New England, with her forty members, gave more affirma- tive votes than the four Southern States with their fiftj'-two or three members. These two are far the most important measures respecting the public lands which have been adopted within the last twenty years. They took place in 1820 and 1821. That is the time when. And as to the manner how, the gentleman already sees that it was by voting, in solid column, for the required relief; and lastly, as to the cause why, I tell the gentleman, it was be- cause the members from New England thought the measures just and salutary ; because they entertained towards the Avest neither envy, hatred, nor malice; because they deemed it becoming them, as just and enlightened public men, to meet the exi- gency which had arisen in the west with the appropriate measure of relief ; because they felt it due to their own characters of their New England predecessors in this government, to act towards the new states in the spirit of a liberal, patronizing, mag- nanimous policy. So much, sir, for the cause why ; and I hope that by this time, sir, the honorable gentleman is satisfied; if not, I do not know when, or how, or why, he ever will be. Having recurred to these two important measures, in answer to the gentleman's in(iuiries, I must now beg permission to go back to a period still something earlier, for the ])urp()se still further of showing how much, or rather how little reason there is for the gentleman's insinuation that politi- cal hopes, or fears, or party associations, were the grounds of these New England votes. And after what has been said, I hope it may be forgiven me if I allude to some jiolitical opinions and votes of my own, of very little public importance, cer- tainly, but which, from the time at which tliey were given and ex])ressed, may pass for good witnesses on this occasion. This governnu'nt, ]\Ir. President, from its origin to the peace of ISIT), had l)een too much engrossed with various other impor- BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE, iO tant concerns to be able to turn its thoughts inward, and look to the develop- ment of its vast internal resources. In the early part of President Washington's ad- ministration, it was fully occupied with organizing the government, providing for the public debt, defending the frontiers, and maintaining domestic i)eace. Before the termination of that administration, the fires of the French revolution blazed forth, as from a new opened volcano, and the whole breadth of the ocean did not en- tirely secure us from its effects. The smoke and the cinders reached us, though not the burning lava. Uillicult and agitating ques- tions, embarrrassing to government, and dividing public opinion, sprung out of the new state of our foreign relations, and were succeeded by others, and yet again by others, equally embarrassing, and equally exciting division and discord, through the long series of twenty years, till they finally issued in the war with England. Down to the close of that war, no distinct, marked and deliberate attention had been given, or could have been given, to the internal condition of the country, its capacities of improvement, or the constitutional power of the government, in regard to objects connected with such improvement. The peace, Mr. President, brought about an entirely new and a most interesting state of things ; it opened to us other pros- pects, and suggested other duties ; we our- selves were changed, and the whole world was changed. The pacification of Europe, after June, 1815, assumed a firm and per- manent aspect. The nations evidently manifested that they were disposed for peace : some agitation of the waves might DC expected, even after the storm had sub- sided ; but the tendency was, strongly and rapidly, towards settled repose. It so happened, sir, that I was at that time a member of Congress, and, like others, naturally turned my attention to the contemplation of the newly-altered condition of the country, and of the world. It appeared plainly enough to me, as well as to wiser and more experienced men, that the policy of the government would necessarily take a start in anew direction, because new directions would necessarily be given to the pursuits and occupa- tions of the people. We had pushed our commerce far and fast, under the ad- vantage of a neutral flag. But there were now no longer flags, either neutral or bel- ligerent. The harvest of neutrality had been great, but we had gathered "it all. With the peace of Europe, it was obvious ; there would spring up, in her circle of na- j tions, a revived and invigorated spirit of trade, and a new activity in all the business ! and objects of civilized life. Hereafter, our commercial gains were to be earned only by success in a close and iutease ' competition. Other nations would pro- duce for themselves, and carry for them- selves, and manufacture for themselves, to the full extent of their aljilities. The crops of our plains would no longer sus- tain European armies, nor our shiixs longer supply those whom war had renclered un- able to sup{)ly themselves. It was obvious that under these circumstances, the coun- try would begin to survey itself, and to estimate its own capacity of improvement. And this improvement, how was it to be ac- complished, and who was to accomplish it? We were ten or twelve millions of peo- ple, spread over almost half a world. We were twenty-four states, some stretching along the same sea-board, some along the same line of inland frontier, and others on opposite banks of the same vast rivers. Two considerations at once presented them- selves, in looking at this state of things, with great force. One was th at that great branch of improvement, which consisted in furnishing new facilities of intercourse, necessarily ran into different states, in every leading instance, and would benefit the citizens of all such states. No one state therefore, in such cases, would assume the whole expense, nor was the co-o]jera- tion of several states to be expected. Take the instance of the Delaware Breakwater. It will cost several millions of money. Would Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware have united to accomplish it at their joint expense? Certainly not, for the same reason. It could not be done, therefore, but by the general government. The same may be said of the large inland undertakings, except that, in them, gov- ernment, instead of bearing the whole ex- pense, co-operates with others to bear a part. The other consideration is, that the United States have the means. They en- joy the revenues derived from commerce, and the states have no abundant and easy sources of public income. The custom houses fill the general treasury, while the states have scanty resources, except by re- sort to heavy direct taxes. Under this view of things, I thought it necessary to settle, at least for myself, some definite notions, with respect to the powers of government, in regard to internal af- fairs. It may not savor too much of self- commendation to remark, that, with this ob- ject, I considered the constitution, its judi- cial construction, its contemporaneous ex- position, and the whole history of the legislation of Congress under it; and I arrived at the conclusion that government had ^lower to accomplish sundry object.'^, or aid in their accomplishment, which are now commonly spoken of as Ixtkrnal Improvemknts. Thatconclusion,sir, may have been right or it may have been wrong. I am not about to argue the grounds of it at large. I say only that it was adopted, and 60 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. acted on, even so early as in 1816. Yes, Mr. President, I made up my opinion, and de- termined on my intended course of politi- cal conduct on these subjects, in the 14th Congress iu 1816. And now, Mr. Presi- dent, I have further to say, that I made up these opinions, and entered on this course of political conduct, Teiicro duce. Yes, sir, I pursued, in all this, a South Carolina track. On the doctrines of internal im- provement, South Carolina, as she was then represented in the other house, set forth, in 1816, under a fresh and leading breeze ; and I was among the followers. But if my leader sees new lights, and turns a sharp corner, unless I see new lights also, I keep straight on in the same path. I repeat, that leading gentlemen from South Carolina were first and foremost in behalf of the doctrines of internal improve- ments, when those doctrines first came to be considered and acted upon in Congress. The debate on the bank question, on the tariff" of 1816, and on the direct tax, will show who was who, and what was what, at that time. The tariff" of 1816, one of the plain cases of oppression and usurpation, from which, if the government does not recede, individual states may justly secede from the government, is, sir, in truth, a South Carolina tariff", supported by South Carolina votes. But for those votes, it could not have passed in the form in which it did»pass ; whereas, if it had depended on Massachusetts votes, it would have been lost. Does not the honorable gentleman well know all this? There are certainly those who do full well know it all. I do not say this to reproach South Carolina ; I only state the fact, and I think it will ap- pear to be true, that among the earliest and boldest advocates of the tariflT, as a measure of protection, and on the express ground of protection, were leading gentle- men of South Carolina in Congress. I did not then, and cannot now, understand their language in any other sense. While this tariff" of 1816 was under discussion in the House of Representatives, an honora- ble gentleman from Georgia, now of this house, (Mr. Forsyth,) moved to reduce the proposed duty on cotton. He failed by four votes. South Carolina giving three votes (enough to have turned the scale) against his motion. The .act, sir, then pa.ssed, and received on its passage the support of a majority of the reprascnta- tives of South Carolina present and voting. This act is the first, in the order of those now denounced as plain usurpatif)nH. We Bee it daily in the list by the side of those of 1824 and 1828, as a case of manifest oj)- pression. justifying disunion. I ])ut it home to the honorable mciubcr from Sorith Carolina, that his own state was notonly "art and [)art" in this meastire, but the causa cmt^ans. Without her aid, this seminal principle of mischief, this root of upas, could not have been planted. I have al- ready said — and, it is true — th.at this act preceded on the ground of protection. It interfered directly with existing in- terests of great value and amount. It cut up the Calcutta cotton trade by the roots. But it passed, nevertheless, and it passed on the principle of protecting manufac- tures, on the principle against free trade, on the principle opposed to that which lets us alone. Such, Mr. President, were the opinions of important and leading gentlemen of South Carolina, on the subject of internal improvement, in 1816. I went out of Congress the next year, and returning again in 1823, thought I found South Carolina where I had left her. I really supposed that all things remained as they were, and that the South Carolina doctrine of internal improvements would be de- fended by the same eloquent voices, and the same strong arms as formerly. In the lapse of these six years, it is true, political associations had assumed a new aspect and new divisions. A party had arisen in the south, hostile to the doctrine of internal improvements, and had vigorously attacked that doctrine. Anti-consolidation was the flag under which this party fought, and its supporters inveighed against internal improvements, much after the same man- ner in which the honorable gentleman has now inveighed against them, as part and parcel of the system of consolidation. Whether this party arose in South Caro- lina herself, or in her neighborhood, is more than I know. I think the latter. However that may have been, there were those found in South Carolina ready to make war upon it, and who did make in- trepid war upon it. Names being regarded as things, in such controversies, they be- stowed on the anti-improvement gentle- men the appellation of radicals. Yes, sir, the name of radicals, as a term of distinc- tion, applicable and applied to those who defended the liberal doctrines of internal improvements, originated, according to the best of my recollection, somewhere be- tween North Carolina and Georgia. Well, sir, those mischievous radicals were to be put down, and the strong arm of South Carolina was stretched out to put them down. About this time, sir, I returned to Congress. The battle with the radicals had been fought, and our South Carolina champions of the doctrine of internal im- provements had nobly maintained their ground, and were understood to have achieved a victory. They had driven back the enemy with discomfiture ; a thing, by the way, sir, which is not always performed when it is promised. A gentle- man, to wlioni I have already referred in this del)ate, had come into Congress, dur- BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE, 61 ing my absence from it, from South Caro- lina, and had brought with him a higli reputation for ability. He came from a school with which we had been acquainted, et noscitura sociis. I hold in my hand, sir, a printed 8[)eech of this distinguished gen- tleman, (Mr. McDuFFiE,) "on internal IMPROVEMENTS," delivered about the pe- riod to which I now refer, and printed with a few introductory remarks upon con- solidation ; in which, sir, I think he quite consolidated the arguments of his oppo- nents, the radicals, if to crush be to con- solidate. I give you a short but substan- tive quotation from these remarks. He is speaking of a pamphlet, then recently Eublished, entitled, " Consolidation ;" and aving alluded to the question of rechart- ering the former Bank of the United States, he says : " Moreover, in the early history of parties, and when Mr. Crawford advocated the renewal of the old charter, it was considered a federal measure; which internal improvement never was, as this author erroneously states. This Matter measure originated in the adminis- tration of Mr. Jefferson, with the appro- priation for the Cumberland road ; and was first proposed, as a si/stein, by Mr. Calhoun, and carried through the House of Representatives by a large majority of the republicans, including almost every one of the leading men who carried us through the late war." 80, then, internal improvement is not one of the federal heresies. One para- graph more, sir. "The author in question, not content with denouncing as federalists Gen. Jackson, Mr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and the major- ity of the South Carolina delegation in Congress, modestly extends the denuncia- tion to Mr. Monroe and the whole republi- can party. Here are his words ; ' During the administration of Mr. Monroe, ipuch has passed which the republican party would be glad to approve, if they could 1 1 But the principal feature, and that which has chiefly elicited these observations, is the renewal of the system of internal IMPROVEMENTS.' Now, this measure was adopted by a vote of 115 to 86, of a repub- lican Congress, and sanctioned by a repub- lican president. Who, then, is this author, who assumes the high prerogative of de- nouncing, in the name of the republican party, the republican administration of the country — a denunciation including within its sweep Calhoun, Lowndes, and Cheves ; men who will be regarded as the brightest ornaments of South Carolina, and the strongest pillars of the republican party, aa long as the late war shall be remem- bered, and talents and patriotism shall be regarded as the proper objects of the admiration and gratitude of a free people ! !" Such are the opinions, sir, which wore maintained by South Carolina gentlemen in the House of Representatives on the subject of internal improvements, when I took my seat there as a member I'rom Massachusetts, in 1823. But this is not all ; we had a bill belbre us, and passed it in that house, entitled, "An act to procure the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates uj)on the subject of roads and canals." It authorized the president to cause surveys and estimates to be made of the routes of such roads and canals as he might deem of national importance i7i a commercial or mili- tary point of view, or for the transportation of the mail ; and appropriated thirty thou- sand dollars out of the treasury to defray the expense. This act, though prelimi- nary in its nature, covered the whole ground. It took for granted the complete power of internal improvement, as far as any of its advocates had ever contended for it. Having passed the other Ikjusc, the bill came up to the Senate, and was here considered and debated in Aj^ril, 1824. The honorable member from South Carolina was a member of the Senate at that time. While the bill was under con- sideration here, a motion was made to add the following proviso : — ^^ Provided, That nothing herein con- tained shall be construed to affirm or acZ//«< a power in Congress, on their own author- ity, to make roads or canals within any of the states of the Union." The yeas and nays were taken on this proviso, and the honorable member voted in tkstnegative. The proviso failed. A motion was then made to add this proxnao, viz : — "Provided, That the faith of the United States is hereby pledged, that no money shall ever be expended for roads or canals except it shall be among the several states, and in the same proportion as direct taxes are laid and assessed by the provisions of the constitution." The honorable member voted against this proviso also, and it failed. The bill was then put on its passage, and the honorable member voted for it, and it passed, and became a law. Now, it strikes me, sir, that there is no maintaining these votes but upon the power of internal improvement, in its broadest sense. In truth, these bills for surveys and estimates have always been considered as test questions. They show who is for and who against internal im- provement. This law itself went the whole length, and assumed the full and complete power. The gentleman's vote sustained that power, in every form in which the various propositions to amend presented it. He went for the entire and unrestrained authority, without consulting the states, and without agreeing to any 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book 111. proportionate distribution. And now, 1 suffer me to remind you, Mr. President, that it is this very same power, tlms sanc- tioned, in every form, by the gentleman's own oi)inion, that is so plain and manifest a usurpation, that the state of South Caro- lina is supposed to be justified in refusing submission to any laws carrying the power into effect. Truly, sir, is not this a little too hard ? May we not crave some mercy, under favor and protection of the gentle- man's own authority ? Admitting that a road or a canal must be written down flat usurpation as ever was committed, may we find no mitigation in our respect for his place, and his vote, as one that knows the law? The tariff which South Carolina had an efficient hand in establishing in 1816, and this asserted power of internal improve- ment — advanced by her in the same year, and, as we have seen, approved and sanc- tioned by her representatives in 1824, — these two measures are the great grounds on which she is now thought to be justified in breaking up the Union, if she sees fit to break it up. I may now safely say, I tnink, that we have had the authority of leading and dis- tinguished gentlemen from South Carolina in support of the doctrine of internal im- provement. I repeat that, up to 1824, I, for one, followed South Carolina ; but when that star in its ascension veered off in an unexpected direction, I relied on its light no longer. [Here the Vice-President said. Does the Chair understand the gentleman from Massachusetts to say that the person now occupying the chair of the Senate has changed his opinion on the subject of in- ternal improvement?] From nothing ever said to me, sir, have I had reason to know of any change in the opinions of the per- son filling the chair of the Senate. If such change has taken place, I regret it ; I speak generally of the state of South Car- olina. Individuals we know there are who hold opinions favorable to the power. An application for its exercise in behalf of a public work in South Carolina itself is now pending, I believe, in the other house, presented by members from that state. I have thus, sir, perhaps not without some tediousnesfl of detail, shown that, if I am in error on the subject of internal im- provements, how and in what company I fell into that error. If I am wrong, it is apparent who misled me. I go to other remarks of the honorable member — and I have to complain of an en- tire misapprehension of what I said on the subject of the national debt^ — though I can hardly perceive how any one could mis- understand me. What I said was, not that I wished to put off the payment of the debt, but, on the contrary, thnt I hnd always voted for every measure for its reduction, as uniformly as the gentleman himself. He seems to claim the exclusive merit of a disposition to reduce the public charge ; I do not allow it to him. As a debt, I was, I am, for paying it ; because it is a charge on our finances, and on the industry of the country. But I observed that I thought I perceived a morbid fervor on that subject; an excessive anxiety to pay ofl' the debt ; not 80 much because it is a debt simply, as because, while it lasts, it furnishes one ob- jection to disunion. It is a tie of common in- terest while it lasts. I did not impute such motive to the honorable member himself; but that there is such a feeling in existence I have not a particle of doubt. The most I said was, that if one effect of the debt was to strengthen our Union, that effect itself was not regretted by me, however much others might regret it. The gentleman has not seen how to reply to this otherwise than by supposing me to have advanced the doctrine that a national debt is a na- tional blessing. Others, I must hope, will find less difiiculty in understanding me. I distinctly and pointedly cautioned the honorable member not to understand me as expressing an opinion favorable to the continuance of the debt. I repeated this caution, and repeated it more than once — but it was thrown away. On yet another point I was still more unaccountably misunderstood. The gentle- man had harangued against " consolida- tion." I told him, in reply, that there was one kind of consolidation to which I was attached, and that was, the consolida- tion OF OUR Union ; and that this was precisely that consolidation to which I feared others were not attached ; that such consolidation was the very end of the constitution — the leading object, as they had informed us themselves, which its framers had kept in view. I turned to their communication, and read their very words, — " the consolidation of the Union," — and expressed my devotion to this sort of consolidation. I said in terms that I wished not, in the slightest degree, to aug- ment the powers of this government ; that my object was to preserve, not to enlarge; and that, by consolidating the Union, I understood no more than the strengthening of the Union and perpetuating it. Having been thus explicit; having thus read, from the printed book, the precise words which I adopted, as expressing my own senti- ments, it passes comprenension, how any man could understand me as contending for an extension of the powers of the gov- ernment, or for consolidation in the odious sense in which it means an accumulation, in the federal government, of the powers properly belonging to the states. I repeat, sir, that, in adopting the senti- ments of the framers of the constitution, I , read their language audibly, and word for BOOK in.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE, 63 word; and I pointed out the distinction, just as fully as T have now done, between the consolidation of the Union and that Ouher obnoxious consolidation which I dis- claimed ; and yet the honorable gentle- man misunderstood me. The gentleman had said that he wished for no fixed reve- nue — not a shilling. If, by a word, he could convert the Capitol into gold, he would not do it. Why all this fear of revenue ? Why, sir, because, as the gentleman told us, it tends to consolida- tion. Now, this can mean neither more or less than that a common revenue is a common interest, and tliat all common in- terests tend to hold the union of the states together. I confess I like that tendency ; if the gentleman dislikes it, he is right in deprecating a shilling's fixed revenue. So much, sir, for consolidation. As well as I recollect the course of his remarks, the honorable gentleman next re- curred to the subject of the tariff. He did not doubt the word must be of unpleasant siund to me, and proceeded, with an effort neither new nor attended with new success, to involve me and my votes in inconsist- ency and contradiction. I am happy the honorable gentleman has funiished me an opportunity of a timely remark or two on that subject. I was glad he approached it, for it is a question 1 enter upon without fear from any body. The strenuous toil of the gentleman has been to raise an incon- sistency between my dissent to the tariff, in 1824 and my vote in 1828. It is labor lost. He pays undeserved compliment to my speech in 1824 ; but this is to raise me high, that my fall, as he would have it, in 1828 may be the more signal. Sir, there was no fall at all. Between the ground I stood on in 1824 and that I took in 1828, there was not only no precipice, but no de- clivity. It was a change of position, to meet new circumstances, but on the same level. A plain tale explains the whole matter. In 1816, I had not acquiesced in the tariff, then supported by South Caro- lina. To some parts of it, especially, I felt and expressed great repugnance. I held the same opinions in 1821, at the meeting in Faneuil Hall, to which the gentleman has alluded. I said then, and say now, that, as an original question, the authority of Congress to exercise the revenue power, with direct reference to the protection of manufactures, is a questionable authority, far more questionable in my judgment, than the power of internal improvements. I must confess, sir, that, in one respect, some impression has been made on my opinions lately. Mr. Madison's publica- tion has put the power in a very strong light. He has placed it, I must acknow- ledge, upon grounds of construction and argument which seem impregnable. But even if the power were doubted, on the face of the constitution itself, it had been assumed and asserted in the first revenue law ever passed under the same constitu- tion; and, on this gnmnd, as a matter set- tled by contemporaneous practice, I had refrained from expressing the opinion that the tariff laws transcended constitutional limits, as the gentleman supposes. What I did say at Faneuil Hall, as far as I now remember, was, that this was originally matter of doubtful construction. The gentleman himself, I suppose, thinks there is no doubt about it, and that the laws are plainly against the constitution. Mr. Madison's letters, already referred to, con- tain, in my judgment, by far the most able exposition extant of this part of the consti- tution. He has satisfied me, so far as the practice of the government had left it an open question. . With a great majority of the repre- sentatives of Massachusetts, I voted against the tariff of 1824. My reasons were then given, and I will not now repeat them. But notwithstanding our dissent, the great states of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky went for the bill, in almost unbroken column, and it passed. Congress and the president sanctioned it, and it be- came the law of the land. What, then, were we to do? Our only option was eith- er to fall in with this settled course of pub- lic policy, and to accommodate ourselves to it as well as we could, or to embrace the South Carolina doctrine, and talk of nulli- fj'ing tho statute by state interference. The last alternative did not suit our principles, and, of course, we adopted the former. In 1827, the subject came again before Congress, on a proposition favorable to wool and woolens. We looked upon the system of protection as being fixed and settled. The law of 1824 remained. It had gone into full operation, and in regard to some objects intended by it, perhaps most of them had produced all its expect- ed effects. No man proposed to repeal it — no man attempted to renew the general contest on its principle. But, owing to subsequent and unforeseen occurrences, the benefit intended by it to wool and woolen fabrics had not been realized. Events, not known here when the law passed, had taken place, which defeat- ed its object in that particular respect. A measure was accordingly brought forward to meet this precise deficiency, to remedy this particular defect. It was limited to wool and woolens. Was ever any thing more rcasonal)lc? If the policy of the tariff laws had become established in prin- ciple as the permanent policy of the gov- ernment, should they not be revised and amended, and made equal, like other laws, as exigencies should arise, or justice re- quire? Because we had doubted aliout adopting the system, were we to refuse to 64 AMERICAN POLITICS. b cure its manifest defects after it became adopted, and when no one attempted its repeal ? And this, sir, is the inconsistency 80 much bruited. I had voted against tlie tarifFof 182-t— but it passed; and in 1827 and 1828, I voted to amend it in a point essential to the interest of my constituents. Where is the inconsistency? Could I do otherwise ? Sir, does political consistency consist in always giving negative votes ? Does it re- quire' of a public man to refuse to concur in amending laws because they passed against his consent? Having voted against the tariff originally, does consistency de- mand that I should' do all in my power to maintain an unequal tariff, burdensome to my own constituents, in many respects, — favorable in none ? To consistency of that sort I lay no claim ; and there is another sort to which I lay as little — and that is, a kind of consistency by which persons feel themselves as much bound to oppose a proposition after it has become the law of the land as before. The bill of 1827, limited, as I have said, to the single object in which the tariff of 1824 had manifestly failed in its effects, passed the House of Representatives, but was lost here. We had then the act of 1828. I need not recur to the history of a measure so recent. Its enemies spiced it with whatsoever they thought would render it distasteful ; its friends took it, drugged as it was. Vast amounts of proj)erty, many millions, had been invevsted m manufac- tures, under the inducements of the act of 1824. Events called loudly, I thought for further regulations to secure the degree of protection intended by that act. I was disposed to vote for such regulations and desired nothing more ; but certainly was not to be bantered out of my purpose by a threatened augmentation of duty on mo- lasses, put into the bill for the avowed purpose of making it obnoxious. The vote may have ])cen right or wrong, wise or un- wise ; but it is a little less than absurd to allege against it an inconsistency with op- position to the former law. Sir, as to the general .subject of the tariff, I have little now to say. Another oppor- tunity may be presented. I remarketl, the other day, that tliis policy did not be^in with us in New England ; and vet, sir. New England is charged with vehemence as being favorable, or charged with equal vehemence as being unfavorable, to the tariff policy, just as best suits the time, place, and occa.sion for making some charge against lier. Tlie credulity of the public has been put to its extreme capacity of false impression relative to her conduct in this particular. Through all the south, during the late conte.st, it was New Eng- land policy, and a New England adminis- tration, tliat was inflicting the country with a tariff policy beyond all endurance, while on the other side of the Alleghany, even the act of 1828 itself— the very sub- limated essence of oppression, according to southern oi^inions — was pronounced to be one of those blessings for which the west was indebted to the " generous south." With large investments in manufactur- ing establishments, and various interests connected with and dependent on them, it is not to be expected that New England, any more than other portions of the coun- try, will now consent to any measures de- structive or highly dangerous. The duty of the government, at the present moment, would seem to be to preserve, not to de- stroy ; to maintain the position which it has assumed ; and for one, I shall feel it an indispensable obligation to hold it steady, as far as in my power, to that de- gree of protection which it has undertaken to bestow. No more of the tariff. Professing to be provoked by what he chose to consider a charge made by me against South Carolina, the honorable member, Mr. President, has taken up a new crusade against New , England. Leaving altogether the subject of the public lands, in which his success, perhaps, had been neither distinguished nor satisfactory, and letting go, also, of the topic of the tariff, he sailed forth in a general assault on the opinions, politics, and parties of New Eng- land, as they have been exhibited in the last thirty vears. This is natural. The " narrow policy " of the public lands had proved a legal settlement in South Car- olina, and was not to be removed. The " accursed policy " of the tariff, also, had established the fact of its birth and pa- rentage in the same state. No wonder, therefore, the gentleman wished to carry the war, as he expressed it, into the enemy's countrj'. Prudently willing to quit these subjects, he was doubtless desirous of fast- ening others, which could not be transferred south of Mason and Dixon's line. The politics of New England became his theme; and it was in this part of his speech, I think, that he menaced me with such sore discomfiture. Discomfiture I why, sir, when he attacks anything which I maintain, and over- throws it ; when he turns the right or lefl of any position which I take up ; when he drives me from any ground I ciioose to oc- cupy, he may then talk of discomfiture, but'not till that distant dav. What has he done? Hashe maintained his own charges? Has he proved what he alleged? Hashe sustained himself in his attack on the gov- eriunent, and on the history of the north, in the matter of the public lands? Has he disproved a fact, refiitod a proposition, weakened an argument maintained by me? Hiw he come within beat of drum of any l)Osition of mine? O, no; but he has " car- BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE, 66 ried the war into the enemy's country ! " Carried the war into the enemy's country ! Yes, sir, and what sort of a war lias lie made of it? VVhy, sir, he has stretclied a dragnet over the whole surface of per- ished pamphlets, indiscreet sermons, frothy paragraphs, and funiinj;; popular addresses ; over whatever the pulj)it in its moments of alarm, the press in its heats, and parties in their extravagances, have severally tlirown off, in times of general excitement and violence. He has thus swept together a mass of such things, as, but they are not now old, the puldic liealth would have re- auired him rather to leave in their state of ispersion. For a good long hour or two, we had the unbroken pleasure of listening to the hon- orable member, while he recited, with his usual grace and spirit, and with evident high gusto, speeches, pamphlets, addresses, and all that et ccferas of the political press, such as warm heads produce in warm times, and such as it would be "discomfi- ture " indeed for any one, whose taste did not delight in that sort of reading, to be obliged to peruse. This is his war. This is to carry the war into the enemy's coun- try. It is in an invasion of this sort that he flatters himself with the expectation of gaining laurels fit to adorn a senator's brow. Mr. President, I shall not, it will, I trust, not be exi^ected that I should, either now or at any time, separate this farrago into parts, and answer and examine its components. I shall hardly bestow upon it all a general remark or two. In the run of forty years, sir, under this constitution, we have experienced sundry successive violent party contests. Party arose, in- deed, with the constitution itself, and in some form or other has attended through the greater part of its history. Whether any other constitution than the old articles of confederation was desirable, was itself, a question on which parties di- vided ; if a new constitution wa8 framed, what powers should be given to it was another question ; and when it had been formed, what was, in fact, the just extent of the powers actually conferred was a third. Parties, as we knov,', existed under the first administration, as distinctly marked as those which manifested them- selves at any subsequent period. The contest imnieiliately preceding the political change in 1801, and that, again, which existed at the commencement of the late war, are other instances of party ex- citement, of something more than usual strength and intensity. In all these con- flicts there was, no doubt, much of vio- lence on both and all sides. It would be impossible, if one had a fancy for such employment, to adjust the relative qxinnfum of violence between these two contending 29 parties. There was enough in each, as must always be expected in popular gov- ernments. With a great deal of proper and decorous discussion there was mingled a great deal, also, of declamation, viru- lence, crimination, and abuse. In regard to any party, probably, at one of the leading epochs in the history of parties, enough may he found to make out aiiotlier equally inflamed exhibition as that wiili which the honorable member has edified us. For myself, sir, I shall not rake among the rubbish of by-gone times to see what I can fintl or whether I cannot And some- thing by which I can fix a blot on the escut- cheon of any state, any party,*or any part of the country. General Washington's admin- istration was steadily and zealously main- tained, as we all know, by New England. It was violently opposed elsewhere. We know in what quarter he had the most earnest, constant and persevering support, in all his great and leading mciisures, ' We know where his private and personal character was held in the highest degree of attach- ment and veneration ; and we know, too, where his measures were opposed, his ser- vices slighted, and his character vilified. We know, or we might know, if we turn to the journals, who expressed respect, gratitude, and regret, when he retired from the chief magistracy ; and who refused to express either respect, gratitude or regret. I shall not open those journals. Publica- tions more abusive or scurrilous never saw the light than were sent forth against Washington, and all his leading measures, from presses south of New England ; but I shall not look them up. I employ no scavengers — no one is in attendance on me, tendering such means of retaliation ; and if there were, with an ass's load of them, with a bulk as huge as that which the gentleman himself has produced, I would not touch one of them. I see enough of the violence of our own times to be no way anxious to rescue from forgetfulness the extravagances of times past. Besides, what is all this to the present purpose ? It has nothing to do with the public lands, in regard to which the attack was begun ; and it has nothing to do with those senti- ments and opinions, which I have thought tend to disunion, and all of which the honorable member seems to have adojUed himself, and undertaken to defend. New England has. at times — so argues the gen- tleman, — held opinions as- dangerous as those which he now holdsv Bo it so. But why, therefore, does he abuse New Eng- land? If he firsds himself countenanced by acts of hers, how is it that, while he re- lies on these acts, he covt-rs, or seeks to cover, their authors with repnmch? But, sir, if, in the course of forty years, there have been undue effervescences of party in New England, has the same thing 66 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. happened no where else ? Party animosi- ty and party outrage, not in JS'ew Eng- land, but elsewhere, denounced President Washington, not only as a federalist, but as a tory, a British agent, a man who, in his high office, sanctioned corruption. But does the honorable member suppose that, if I had a tender here, who should put such an etiusion of wickedness and folly in my hand, that I would stand up and read it against the south ? Parties ran into great heats, again, in 1799. What was said, sir, or rather what was not said, in those years, against John Adams, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and its admitted ablest defender on the floor of Congress ? If the gentleman wants to in- crease his stores of part}' abuse and frothy violence, if he has a determined proclivi- ty to such pursuits, there are treasures of that sort south of the Potomac, much to his taste, yet " untouched. I shall not touch them. The parties which divided the countrj'', at the commencement of the late war, were violent. But, then, there was violence on both sides, and violence in every state. Minorities and majorities were equally vio- lent. There was no more violence against the war in New England than in other states ; nor any more appearance of vio- lence, except that, owing to a dense popu- lation, greater facility for assembling, and more presses, there may have been more, in quantity, spoken and printed there than in some other places. In the article of sermons, too, New England is somewhat more abundant than South Carolina : and for that reason, the chance of finding here and there an exceptionable one may be greater. I hope, too, there are more "good ones. Opposition may have been more formidable in New England, as it embraced a larger portion of the whole population : but it was no more unrestrained in its principle, or violent in manner. The minorities dealt quite as harshly Avith their own state governments as the majorities dealt with the administration here. Tliere were presses on both sides, jiopular meet- ings on both sides, ay, and puli)its on both sides, also. The gentleman's purveyors have only catered for him among the pro- ductions of one side. I certainly shall not supply the deficiency by furnishing sam- ples of the other. I leave to him, and to them, the whole concern. It is enough for me to say, that if, in any part of this, their grateful occupation — if in all their researclics — they find any- thing in tlie history of Massachusetts, or New England, or in the proceedings of any legislative or other public body, disloyal to the Union, speaking slightly of its value, projjosing to break it uj), or recommending non-intercourse with neighboring states, on account of dilference of political opinion. then, sir, I give them all up to the honor- able gentleman's unrestrained rebuke ; ex- pecting, however, that he will extend his bufietings, in like manner, to all similar proceedings, wherever else found. The gentleman, sir, has spoken at large of former parties, now no longer in being, by their received api:)ellations, and has un- dertaken to instruct us, not only in the knowledge of their principles, but of their respective pedigrees also. He has as- cended to their origin and run out their genealogies. With most exemplary modesty, he speaks of the party to which he professes to have belonged himself, as the true, pure, the only honest, patriotic party, derived by regular descent, from father to son, from the time of the virtuous Romans ! Spread- ing before us the family tree of political parties, he takes especial care to show him- self snugly perched on a popular bough ! He is wakeful to the expediency of adopt- ing such rules of descent, for political par- ties, as shall bring him in, in exclusion of others, as an heir to the inheritance of all public virtue, and all true political princi- ples. His doxy is always orthodoxy. Heterodoxy is confined to his opponents. He spoke, sir, of the federalists, and I thought I saw some eyes begin to open and stare a little, when he ventured on that ground. I expected he would draw his sketches rather lightly, when he looked on the circle round him, and especially if he should cast his thoughts to the high places out of the Senate. Nevertheless, he went back to Rome, ac? annuvi urhs condita,Sind found the fathers of the federalists in the primeval aristocrats of that renowned em- pire ! He traced the flow of federal blood down through successive ages and centu- ries, till he got into the veins of the Ameri- can tories, (of whom, by the way, there were twenty in the Carolinas for one in Massachusetts.) From the tories, he fol- lowed it to the federalists ; and as the federal party was broken up, and there was no possibility of transmitting it farther on this side of the Atlantic, he seems to have discovered that it has gone off, collaterally, though against all the canons of descent, into the ultras of France, and finally be- came extinguished, like exploded gas, among the adherents of Don Miguel. This, sir, is an abstract of the gentle- man's history of federalism. I am not about to controvert it. It is not, at pre- sent, worth the pains of refutation, because, sir, if at this day one feels the sin of federalism lying heavily on his conscience, he can easily obtain remission. He may even have an indulgence, if he is desirous of repeating flu; transgression. It is an affair of no difliculty to get into this same right line of patriotic descent. A man, nowadays, is at liberty to choose his politi- cal parentage. He may elect his own fa- BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE. 67 ther. Federalist or not, he m;iy, if he choose, claim to belong to the Ihvored -stock, and his claim will be allowed. He may carry back his pretensions just as far as the honorable gentleman himself; nay, he may make himself out the honorable gentle- man's cousin, and prove satisfactorily that he is descended from the same political great-grandfather. All this is allowable. We all know a process, sir, by which the whole Essex Junto could, in one hour be all washed white from their ancient federal- ism, and come out every one of them, an original democrat, dyed in the wool ! Some of them have actually undergone the ope- ration, and they say it is quite easy. The only inconvenience it occasions, as they tell us, is a slight tendency of the blood to the face, a soft suffusion, which, however, is very transient, since nothing is said cal- culated to deepen the red on the cheek, but a prudent silence observed in regard to all the past. Indeed, sir, some smiles of approbation have been bestowed, and some crumbs of comfort have fallen, not a thousand miles from the door of the Hartford Convention itself. And if the author of the ordinance of 1787 possessed the other re- quisite qualifications, there is no knowing, notwithstanding his federalism, to what heights of favor he might not yet attain. Mr. President, in carrying his warfare, such as it was, into New England, the honorable gentleman all along professes to be acting on the defensive. He desires to con- sider me as having assailed South Caro- lina, and insists that he comes forth only as her champion, and in her defence. Sir, I do not admit that I made any attack what- ever on South Carolina. Nothing like it. The honorable member, in his first speech, expressed opinions, in regard to revenue, and some other topics, which I heard both with i)ain and surprise. I told the gentle- man that I was aware that such sentiments were entertained out of the government, but had not expected to find them advanced in it ; that I knew there were persons in the south who speak of our Union with in- difference, or doubt, taking pains to mag- nify its evils, and to say nothing of its benefits ; that the honorable member him- self, I was sure, could never be one of these; and I regretted the expression of such opinions as he had avowed, because I thought their obvious tendency was to en- courage feelings of disrespect to the Union, and to weaken its connection. This, sir, is the sum and substance of all I said on the subject. And this constitutes the attack which called on the chivalry of the gentle- man, in his opinion, to harry us with such a forage among the party pamphlets and party proceedings of Massachusetts. If he means that I spoke with dissatisfaction or disrespect of the ebullitions of individuals in South Carolina, it is true. But, if he means that I had assailed the character of the state, her honor, or patriotism, that I had reflected on her history or her con- duct, he had not the slightest ground for any such assumption. I did not even refer, I think, in my observations, to any collec- tion of individuals. I said nothing of the recent conventions. I spoke in the most guarded and careful manner, and only ex- pressed my regret for the publication of opinions which I presumed the honorable member disapproved as much as myself. In this, it seems, I was mistaken. I do not remember that the gentleman has disclaimed any sentiment, or any opin- ion, of a supposed anti-Union tendency, which on' all or any of the recent occasions has been expressed. The whole drift of his speech has been rather to prove, that, in divers times and manners, sentiments equally liable to objection have been promulgated in New England. And one would suppose that his object, in this refer- ence to Massachusetts, was to find a pre- cedent to justify proceedings in the south, were it not for the reproach and contumely with which he labors, all along, to load his precedents. By way of defending South Carolina from what he chooses to think an attack on her, he first quotes the example of Massa- chusetts, and then denounces that example, in good set terms. This twofold purpose, not very consistent with itself, one would think, was exhibited more than once in the course of his speech. He referred, for in- stance, to the Hartford Convention. Did he do this for authority, or for a topic of reproach ? Apparently for both ; for he told us that he should find no fault with the mere fact of holding such a conven- tion, and considering and discussing such questions as he supposes were then and there discussed ; but what rendered it ob- noxious was the time it was holden, and the circumstances of the country then existing. We were in a war, he said, and the coun- try needed all our aid ; the hand of gov- ernment required to be strengthened, not weakened ; and patriotism should have postponed such proceedings to another day. The thing itself, then, is a precedent ; the time and manner of it, only, subject of censure. Now, sir, I go much farther, on this point, than the honorable member. Sup- posing, as the gentleman seems to, that the Hartford Convention assembled for any such purpose as breaking up the Union, because they thought unconstitutional lawa had been passed, or to concert on that sub- ject, or to calculate the value of the Union ; supposing this to be their purpose, or any part of it, then I say the meeting itself was disloyal, and obnoxious to censure, whether held in time of peace, or time of war, or under whatever circumstances. 68 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. The material matter is the object. Is dis- 1 solution the object? If it be, external cir- { cumstances may make it a more or less ! aggravated case, but cannot affect the prin- 1 ciple. I do not hold, therefore, that the '■ Hartford Convention was pardonable, even : to the extent of the gentleman's admission, | if its objects were really such as have been j imputed to it. Sir, there never was a time, under any degree of excitement, in which the Hartford Convention, or any other convention, could maintain itself one mo- ment in New England, if assembled for any such purpose as the gentleman says would have been an allowable purpose. To hold conventions to decide questions of constitutional law ! to try the validity of statutes, by votes in a convention ! Sir, the Hartford Convention, I presume, would not desire that the honorable gentleman should be their defender or advocate, if he puts their case upon such untenable and extravagant grounds. Then, sir.the gentleman has no fault to find with these recently-promulgated South Carolina opinions. "^And, certainly, he need have none ; for his own sentiments, as now advanced, and advanced on reflec- tion, as far as I have been able to compre- hend them, go the full length of all these opinions, I propose, sir, to say something on these, and to consider how far they are j ust and constitutional. Before doing that, however, let me observe, that the eulogium pronounced on the character of the state of South Carolina, by the honorable gen- tleman, for her revolutionary and other merits, meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge that the honorable member goes before me in regard for what- ever of distinguished talent or distin- guished character South Carolina has pro- duced. I claim part of the honor, I par- take in the i)ride, of her great names. I claim them for countrymen, one and all. The Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinck- neys, the Sumpters, the Marions — Ameri- cans all — whose fame is no more to be hemmed in by state lines than their talents and their patriotism were capable of being circumscribed within the same narrow limits. In their day and generation, they sei-ved and honored tlie country, and the whole country ; and their renown is of the treasures of the whole country. Him whose honored name the gentleman him- self bears — does he suppose me less ca])able of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympa- thy for his sufToringrt, than if his eyes had first opened u})on the light in Massachu- setts instead of South Carolina? Sir, does he suppose it is in his power to exhibit a Carolina name so bright as to produce envy in my bosom? No, sir, increased gratifica- tion and delight, rather. Sir, I thank (iod that ifl am gifted with little of the spirit which is said to be able to raise mortals to the skies, I have yet none, as I trust, of that other spirit, which would drag angels down. When I shall be found, sir, in my place here in the Senate, or elsewhere, to sneer at public merit, because it happened to spring up beyond the little limits of my own state, or neighborhood ; when I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the homage due to American talent, to elevated patriotism, to sincere devotion to liberty and the coun- try ; or if I see an uncommon endowment of Heaven, if I see extraordinary' capacity and virtue in any son of the south, and if, moved by local prejudice, or gangrened by state jealousy, I get up here to abate the tithe of a hair from his just character and just fame, — may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth ! Sir, let me recur to pleasing recollections ; let me indulge in refreshing remembrance of the past ; let me remind you that in early times no states cherished greater harmony, both of prin- ciple and feeling, than Massachusetts and South Carolina. "Would to God that har- mony might again return. Shoulder to shoulder they went through the revolu- tion ; hand in hand they stood round the administration of AVashington, and felt his own great arm lean on them for sup- port. Unkind feeling, if it exist, aliena- tion, and distrust are the growth, unnatural to such soils, of false principles since sown. They are weeds, the seeds of which that same great arm never scattered. Mr. President, I shall enter on no en- comium upon Massachusetts — she needs none. There she is — behold her, and judge for yourselves. There is her history — the world knows it by heart. The past, at least, is secure. There is Boston, and Con- cord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill ; and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons, fallen in the great strug- gle for independence, now lie mingled with the soil of every state from New England to Georgia ; and there they will lie forever. And, sir, where American liberty raised its first voice, and where its youth Avas nur- tured and sustained, there it still lives, in the strength of its manhood, and full of its original spirit. If discord and disunion .shall wound it ; if folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and neces.^ary restraint, shall succeed to separate it from that Union by which alone its existence is made sure, — it will stand, in the end, by the side of that cradle in which its infancy was rocked ; it will stretch forth its arm, with whatever vigor it may still retain, over the friends who gather around it; and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amidst the proudest monuments of its glory, and on the very spot of its origin. There yet remains to be performed, Mr. President, by far the most grave and im- portant duty ; which I feel to be devolved BooKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 69 on me by this occasion. It is to state, and to defend, what I conceive to be the true principles of the constitution under whicli we are here assembled. I might well have desired that so weighty a task should have fallen into other and abler hands. 1 could have wished that it should have been exe- cuted by those whose character and expe- rience give weight and influence to their opinions, such as cannot possibly belong to mine. But, sir, I have met the occasion, not sought it ; and I shall proceed to state my own sentiments, without challenging for them any particular regard, with studied plainness and as much precision as possi- ble. I understand the honorable gentleman from South Carolina to maintain that it is a right of the state legislatures to interfere, whenever in their judgment, this govern- ment transcends its constitutional limits, and to arrest the operation of its laws. I understand him to maintain this right as a right existing under the constitution, nf)t as a right to overthrow it, on the ground of extreme necessity, such as would justify violent revolution. I understand him to maintain an author- ity, on the part of the states, thus to inter- fere for the purpose of correcting the ex- ercise of power by the general government, of checking it, and of compelling it to con- form to their opinion of the extent of its power. I understand him to maintain that the ultimate power of judging of the constitu- tional extent of its own authority is not lodged exclusively in the general govern- ment or any branch of it ; but that, on the contrary, the states may lawfully decide for themselves, and each state for itself, whether, in a given case, the act of the general government transcends its power. I understand him to insist that, if the exigency of the case, in the opinion of any state government, require it, such state government may, by its own sovereign au- thority, annul an act of the general govern- ment which it deems plainly and palpably unconstitutional. This is the sum of what I understand from him to be the South Carolina doc- trine. I propose to consider it, and to compare it with the constitution. Allow me to say, as a preliminary remark, that I call this the South Carolina doctrine, only because the gentleman himself has so de- nominated it. I do not feel at liberty to say that South Carolina, as a state, has ever advanced these sentiments. I hope she has not, and never may. That a great majority of her people are opposed to the tariff laws is doubtless true. That a majority, some- what less than that just mentioned, consci- entiously believe these laws unconstitu- tional, may probably be also true. But that any majority holds to the right of direct state interference, at state discretion, the right of nullifying acts of Congress by acts of state legislation, is more than I know, and what I sluiU be slow to believe. That there are individuals, besides the honorable gentleman, who do maintain these opinions, is quite certain. I recollect the recent expression of a sentiment which circumstances attending its utterance and publication justify us in supposing was not unpremeditated — "The sovereignty of the state ; never to be controlled, construed, or decided on, but by her own feelings of honorable justice." [Mr. Hayne here rose, and said, that for the purpose of being clearly understood, he would state that his proposition was in the words of the Virginia resolution, as fol- lows : — " That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as re- sulting from the compact, to which the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument con- stituting that compact, as no further valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that, in case of a deliberate, palpable, and danger- ous exercise of other powers not granted by the same compact, the states who are ])arties thereto have the right and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authori- ties, rights, and liberties pertaining to them."] Mr. Webster resumed : — I am quite aware, Mr. President, of the existence of the resolution which the gen- tleman read, and has now repeated, and that he relies on it as his authority. I know the source, too, from which it is un- derstood to have proceeded. I need not say, that I have much respect for the con- stitutional opinions of Mr. Madison ; they would weigh greatly with me, always. But, before the authority of his opinion be vouched for the gentleman's proposition, it will be proper to consider what is the fair interpretation of that resolution, to which Mr. Madison is understood to have given his sanction. As the gentleman construea it, it is an authority for him. Possibly he may not have adopted the right construc- tion. That resolution declares, that in the case of the dangerous exercise of poioers not granted by the general government^ the states mat/ interpose to arrest the progress of the evil. But how interpose? and what does this declaration purport? Does it mean no more than that there may be extreme cases in which the people, in any mode of assembling, may resist usurpation, ami relieve themselves from a tyrannical gov- ernment? No one will deny this. Such resistance is not only acknowledged to be 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. just in America, but in England also. Blackstone admits as much, in the theory and practice, too, of the English constitu- tion. We, sir, who oppose the Carolina doctrine, do not deny that the people may, if they choose, throw off any government, when it becomes oppressive and intolerable, and erect a better in its stead. We all know that civil institutions are established for the public benefit, and that, when they cease to answer the ends of their existence they may be changed. But I do not understand the doctrine now contended for to be that which, for the sake of distinctness, we may call the right of revolution. I understand the gentleman to maintain, that without revolution, without civil commotion, without rebellion, a rem- edy for supposed abuse and transgression of the powers of the general government lies in a direct appeal to the interference of the state governments. [Mr. Hayxe here rose : He did not contend, he said, for the mere right of revolution, but for the right of constitutional resistance. What he maintained was, that, in case of a plain, palpable violation of the constitution by the general government, a state may interpose; and that this interposition is constitutional.] Mr. Webster resumed : So, sir, I understood the gentleman, and am happy to find that I did not misunder- stand him. What he contends for is, that it is constitutional to interrupt the admin- istration of the constitution itself, in the hands of those who are chosen and sworn to administer it, by the direct interference, in form of law, of the states, in virtue of their sovereign capacity. The inherent right in the people to reform their govern- ment I do not deny ; and that they have another right, and tliat is, to resist uncon- stitutional laws without overturning the government. It is no doctrine of mine, that unconstitutional laws bind the people. The great question is, Whose prerogative is it to decide on the constitutionality or uncon- stitutionality of the laws ? On that the main debate hinges. The proposition that, in the case of a supposed violation of the consti- tution by Congress, the states have a con- stitutional right to interfere, and annul the law of Congres."?, is tlic pr()i)ositioii of the gentleman ; I do not admit it. If tlie gen- tleman had intended no more than to assert the right of revolution for justifiable cause, he wouM have said only wliat all agree to. — But I cannot conceive that there can be a middle course l)et\veen su])missi()n to the laws, wlicn regularly pronouneed constitutional, on the one hand, and open resistance, which is revohilion or rebellion, on the otlier. I say the right of a state to annul a law of Congress cannot lie main- tained but on the ground of the unaliena- ble right of man to resist o])pression ; that is to say, upon the ground of revolution. I admit that there is no ultimate violent remedy, above the constitution, and defi- ance of the constitution, which may be resorted to, when a revolution is to be jus- tified. But I do not admit that under the constitution, and in conformity with it, there is any mode in which a state govern- ment, as a member of the Union can interfere and stop the progress of the gen- eral government, by force of her own laws, under any circumstances whatever. This leads us to inquire into the origin of this government, and the source of its power. Whose agent is it? Is it the creature of the state legislatures, or the creature of the people ? If the government of the United States be the agent of the state governments, then they may control it, provided they can agree in the manner of controlling it ; if it is the agent of the people, then the people alone can control it, restrain it, modify or reform it. It is observable enough, that the doctrine for which the honorable gentleman contends leads him to the necessity of maintaining, not only that this general government is the creature of the states, but that it is the creature of each of the states severally ; so that each may assert the power, for itself, of determining Avhether it acts within the limits of its authority. It is the servant of four and twenty masters, of different wills and diflerent purposes ; and yet bound to obey ail. This absurdity (for it seems no less) arises from a misconception as to the origin of this government, and its true character. It is, sir, the people's constitu- tion, the people's government; made for the people; made by the people; and answerable to the people. The people of the United States have declared that this constitution shall be the supreme law. We must either admit the proposition, or dis- pute their authority. The states are un- questionably sovereign, so far astheir sover- eignty is not affected by this supreme law. The state legislatures, as political bodies, however sovereign, are yet not sovereign over the people. So far as the people have given i>owcr to the general government, so lar the grant is unquestionably good, and the government holds of the people, and not of the state governments. We are all agents of the same supreme power, the j)eo])le. The general government and the state governments derive their authority from the same source. Neither can, in re- lation to the other, be called jirimary; tliougli one is definite and restricted, and the other general and residuary. The national government possesses those powers whieli it can be shown the peo]>le have conferred on it, and no more. All the rest belongs to the state governments, or to the people themselves. So far as the people have restrained state sovereignty BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 71 by tlie expression of their will, in the con- stitution of the United States, so far, it must be admitted, state sovereignty is effectually controlled. I do not contend that it is, or ought to be, controlled further. The sentiment to which 1 have referred propounds that state sovereignty is only to be controlled by its own " feelings of justice ;" that is to say, it is not to be con- trolled at all ; for one who is to follow his feelings, is under no legal control. Now, however men may think this ought to be, the fact is, that the people of the United States have chosen to imj)ose control on state sovereignties. The constitution has ordered the matter differently Irom what this opinion announces. To make war, for instance, is an exercise of sovereignty ; but the constitution declares that no state shall make war. To coin money is another ex- ercise of sovereign power ; but no state is at liberty to coin money. Again : the constitution says, that no sovereign state shall be so sovereign as to make a treaty. These prohibitions, it must be confessed, are a control on the state sovereignty of South Carolina, as well as of the other states, which does not arise " from feelings of honorable justice." Such an opinion, therefore, is in defiance of the plainest provisions of the constitution. There are other proceedings of public bodies which have already been alluded to, and to which I refer again for the purpose of ascertaining more fully what is the length and breadth of that doctrine, de- nominated the Carolina doctrine, which the lumorable member has now stood up on this floor to maintain. In one of them I find it resolved that "the tariff of 1828, and every other tariff designed to promote one branch of in- dustry at the expense of others, is contrary to the meaning and intention of the federal compact; and as such a dangerous, palp- able, and deliberate usurpation of power, by a determined majority, wielding the general government beyond the limits of it"! delegated powers, as calls upon the states which compose the suffering minor- ity, in their sovereign capacity, to exercise the powers which, as sovereigns, neces- sarily devolve upon them, when their com- pact is violated." Observe, sir, that this resolution holds the tariff of 1828, and every other tariff, designed to promote one branch of industry at the expense of another, to be such a dangerous, palpable, and deliberate usur- pation of power, jis calls upon the states, in their sovereign capacity, to interfere, by their own power. This denunciation, Mr. President, you will please to observe, in- cludes our old tariff of 181(3, as wi'U as all others; because that was established to promote the interest of the manufacturers of cotton, to the manifest and admitted injury of the Calcutta cotton trade. Ob- serve, again, that all the qualifications are here rehearsed, and charged upon the tariff, which are necessary to bring the case witliin the gentlenum's propositiiMi. The tariff is a usurpation ; it is a dangerous usurpation ; it is a pali)able usur[jation ; it is a de- liberate usur])ation. It is such a usurj)a- tion as calls, upon the states to exercise their right of interference. Here is a case, then, within the gentleman's princii)les, and all his qualifications of his principles. It is a case for action. The constitution is plainly, dangerously, palpably, and de- liberately violated; and the states must interpose their own authority to arrest the law. Let us suppose the state of South Carolina to express this same opinion, by the voice of her legislature. That would be very imposing ; but what then ? Is the voice of one state conclusive ? It so haj)- pens that, at the very moment when South Carolina resolves that the tariff laws are unconstitutional, Pennsylvania and Ken- tucky resolve exactly the reverse. They hold those laws to be both highly proper and strictly constitutional. And now, sir, how does the honorable member propose to deal with this case? How does he get out of this difficulty, upon any principle of his? His construction gets us into it; how does he propose to get us out ? In Carolina the tariff is a palpable, de- liberate usurpation ; Carolina, therefore, may nullify it, and refuse to pay the du- ties. In Pennsylvania, it is both clearly constitutional and highly expedient ; and there the duties are to be paid. And yet we live under a government of uniform laws, and under a constitution, too, which contains an express provision, as it hap- pens, that all duties shall be equal in all the states! Does not this approach ab- surdity ? If there be no power to settle such ques- tions, independent of either of the states, is not the whole Union a rope of sand ? Are we not thrown back again precisely upon the old confederation? It is too plain to be argued. Four and twenty interpreters of c(Uistitutional, law, each with a power to decide for itself, and none with authority to bind anybody else, and this constitutional law the only bond of their union ! What is such a state of things but a mere connection during plea- sure, or, to use the phraseology of the times, durincifcdingf And that feeling, too, not the feeling nf the ijcople who es- tablished the constitution, but the feeling of the state government-*. In another of the South Carolina ad- dresses, having premised that the crisis re- quires "all the concentrated energy of ])assion," an attitude of open resistance to tlie laws of the Union is advised. Open resistance to the laws, then, ia the consti- 72 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. tutional remedy, tie conservative power of the state, which the Soutli Carolina doctrines teach for the redress of political evils, real or imaginary. And its authors further say that, appealing with coutidence to the constitution itself to justify their opinions, they cannot consent to try their accuracy by the courts of justice. In one sense, indeed, sir, this is assuming an atti- tude of open resistance in favor of liberty. But what sort of liberty ? The liberty of establishing their own opinions, in defi- ance of the opinions of all others ; the liberty of judging and of deciding exclu- sively themselves, in a matter in which others have as much right to judge and decide as they; the liberty of placing their opinions above the judgment of all others, above the laws, and above the con- stitution. This is their liberty, and this is the fair result of the proposition contended for by the honorable gentleman. Or it may be more properly said, it is identical with it, rather than a result from it. In the same publication we find the follow- ing : " Previously to our revolution, when the arm of oppression was stretched over New England, where did our northern brethren meet with a braver sympathy than that which sprung from the bosom of Carolinians ? We had no extortion, no op- pression, no collision with the king^s minis- ters, no navigation interest springing up, in envious rivali-y of England." This seems extraordinary language. South Carolina no collision with the king's ministers in 1775! no extortion! no op- pression ! But, sir, it is also most signifi- cant language. Does any man doubt the purpose for which it was penned ? Can any one fail to see that it was designed to raise in the reader's mind the question, whether, at this time, — that is to say, in 1828, — South Carolina has any collision with the king's ministers, any oppression, or extortion, to fear from England ? whether, in short, England is not as natur- ally the friend of South Carolina as New England, with her navigation interests si)ringing up in ^envious rivalry of England ? Is it not strange, sir, that an intelligent man in South Carolina, in 1828, sliould thus labor to prove, that in 1775, there was no liostility, no cause of war, between South Carolina and England? that she had no occasion, in reference to her own interest, or from regard to her own welfare, to take up arms in the revolutionary con- test? Can any one account for tiie ex- pression of sucii strange sentiments, and their circulation through the state, other- wise than by supposing tlie object to lie, wliat I have already intimated, to raise the ?uestion, if lliey had no " r(illisi<in" mark the ex])ression) with tlie ministers of King George the Third, in 1775, what collision have they, in 1828, with the min- isters of King George the Fourth ? What is there now, in the existing state of things, to separate Carolina from Old, more, or rather less, than from New England ? Resolutions, sir, have been recently passed by the legislature of South Caro- lina. I need not refer to them ; they go no further than the honorable gentleman himself has gone — and I hope not so far. I content myself therefore, Avith debating the matter with him. And now, sir, what I have first to say on this subject is, that at no time, and under no circumstances, has New England, or any state in New England, or any respect- able body of persons in New England, or any public man of standing in New Eng- land, put forth such a doctrine as this Carolina doctrine. The gentleman has found no case — he can find none — to support his own opin- ions by New England authority. New England has studied the constitution in other schools, and under other teachers. She looks upon it with other regards, and deems more highly and reverently, both of its just authority and its utility and excel- lence. The history of her legislative pro- ceedings may be traced — the ephemeral effiisions of temporary bodies, called to- gether by the excitement of the occasion, may be hunted up — they have been hunted up. The opinions and votes of her public men, in and out of Congress, may be ex- plored — it will all be in vain. The Caro- lina doctrine can derive from her neither countenance nor support. She rejects it now ; she always did reject it. The hon- orable member has referred to expressions on the subject of the embargo law, made in this place by an honorable and vener- able gentleman (Mr. Hillhouse) now favoring us with his i)resence. He quotes that distinguished senator as saying, that in his judgment the embargo law was un- constitutional, and that, therefore, in his opinion, the people were not bound to obey it. That, sir, is perfectly constitutional lan- guage. An unconstitutional law is not Ijinding; hut then it does not rest uith a rcsdhttiiin or a lato of a state Icgislatrtre to decide whether an act of Congress be or be not constitutional. An unconstitutional act of Congress w'ould not bind the people of this district although they have no leg- islature to interfere in their l)ehalf ; and, on the other iiand, a constitutional law of Congress does bind the citizens of every state, although all tlicir legislatures should undertake to annul it, by actor resolution. The venerable Connecticut senator is a constitutional lawyer, of scmnd i)rinci])le3 and enlarged kiK)wle(Ige ; a statesman practiced uud experienced, bred in the BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO IIAYNE. t3 company of Washington, and holdinj? just vi(3W.s upon tlio nature of our f^ovcrinuentrt. lie believed the einl)argo unconstitutional, and so did others ; but what then ? Who did he su[)pose was to decide that (jues- tion ? The state legislature? Certainly not. No such sentiment ever escaped his lips. Let us follow up, sir, this New Eng- hmd opposition to the embargo laws ; let us trace it, till we discern the principle which controlled and governed New Eng- land throughout the whole course of that opposition. We shall then see what simi- larity there is between the New England school of constitutional opinions and this modern Carolina school. The gentleman, I think, reail a petition from some single individual, addressed to the legislature of IVLvssachusetts, asserting the Carolina doc- trine — that is, the right of state interfer- ence to arrest the laws of the Union. The fate of that petition shows the sentiment of the legislature. It met no favor. The opinions of Massachusetts were otherwise. They had been expressed in 1798, in an- swer to the resolutions of Virginia, and she did not depart from them, nor bend them to the times. Misgoverned, wronged, oppressed, as she felt herself to be, she still held fast her integrity to the Union. The gentleman may find in her proceed- ings much evidence of dissatisftiction with tlie measures of government, and great and deep dislike, she claimed no right still to sever asunder the bonds of the Union. There was heat, and there was anger in her political feeling. Be it so. Her heat or her anger did not, neverthe- less, betray her into infidelity to the gov- ernment. Tiie gentleman labors to prove that she disliked the embargo as much as South Carolina dislikes the tariff, and ex- press, -d her dislike as strongly. Be it so ; but did she propose the Carolina remedy ? Did she threaten to interfere, bij state au- thorifi/, to annid the laws of the Union ? That is the question for the gentleman's consideration. No doubt, sir, a great majority of the people of New England conscientiously believe the embargo law of 1807 unconsti- tutional — as conscientiously, certainly, as the people of South Carolina hold that opinion of the tariff. — They reasoned thus : Congress has power to regulate commerce ; but here is a law, they said, stopping all commerce, and stopping it indefinitely. The law is perpetual, therefore, as the law against treason or murder. Now, is this regulating commerce, or destroying it? Is it guiding, controlling, giving the rule to commerce, as a subsisting tiling, or is it putting an end to it altogether? Nothing is more certain than that a majority in New England deemed this law a violation of the constitution. This very case required by the gentleman to justify state interference had then arisen. Massachasetts believed this law to be "a deliberate, palpalAe, aiul dani/i^ous exercise of a power not <j ranted by the constitution." Deliberate it wa.s, for it wa.s long continued ; pal])ablc she thought it, as no words in the constitution gave the power, and only a construction, in her opinion most violent, raised it ; dan- gerous it was, since it threatened utter ruin to her most important interests. Here, then, wa.s a Carolina case. How did Mas- sachusetts deal with it? It w;us, as she thought, a plain, manifest, palpable viola- tion of the constitution ; anil it brought ruin to her doors. Thousands of families, and hiuulreds of thousands of individuals, were beggared by it. While she saw and felt all tliis, she saw and felt, also, that as a measure of national policy, it was per- fectly futile ; that the country was no way benefited by that which caused so much individual distress ; that it w;is efficient only for the production of evil, and all that evil infiicted on ourselves. In such a case, under such circumstances, how did Mas- sachusetts demean herself? Sir, she re- monstrated, she memorialized, she address- ed herself to the general government, not exactly " with the concentrated energy of passion," but with her strong sense, and the energy of sober conviction. But she did not interpose the arm of her power to ar- rest the law, and break the embargo. Far from it. Her principles bound her to two things; and she followed her jirinciples, lead where they might. First, to submit to every constitutional law of Congress ; and secondly, if the constitutional validity of the law be doubted, to refer that ques- tion to the decision of the proper tribunals. The first princii)le is vain and ineffectual' without the second. A majority of as in New England believe the embargo law un- constitutional ; but the great question was, and always will be in such cases. Who is to decide this? Who is to judge between the people and the government ? And, sir, it is quite plain, that the constitution of the United States confers on the govern- ment itself, to be exercised by its approjiri- ate de[)artment, this power of deciding, ultimately and conclusively, upon the just extent of its own authority. If this had not been done, we should not have advanced a single step beyond the old confederation. Being fully of opinion that the embargo law was unconstitutional, the people of New England were yet equally clear in the opinion — it was a matter they did not doubt upon — that the question, after all, must be decided by the judicial tribunals of the United States. Before those tribunals, therefore, tiiey brou^^ht thequestion. L'^nder the provisions of the law, they had given lioiids, to millions in amount, and wliich were alle-vd to be forfeited. Tliey sulit're<l the bonds to be sued, and thus raised the 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. question. In the old-fashioned way of set- tling disjjutes, they went to law. The case came to hearing and solemn argument; and he who espoused their cause and stood up for them against the validity of the act, was none other than that great man, of whom the gentleman has made honorable mention, Samuel Dexter. He was then, sir, in the fulness of his knowledge and the maturity of his strength. He had retired from long and distinguished public service here, to the renewed pursuit of professional duties ; carrying with him all that enlarge- ment and expansion, all the new strength and force, which an acquaintance with the more general subjects discussed in the na- tional councils is capable of adding to pro- fessional attainment, in a mind of true greatness and comprehension. He was a lawyer, and he was also a statesman. He had studied the constitution, when he filled public station, that he might defend it ; he had examined its principles, that he might maintain them. 3Iore than all men, or at leai^t as much as any man, he was attached to the general government, and to the union of the states. His feelings and opinions all ran in that direction. A ques- tion of constitutional law, too, was, of all subjects, that one which was best suited to his talents and learning. Aloof from tech- nicality, and unfettered by artificial rule, such a question gave opportunity for that deep and clear analysis, that mighty grasp of principle, which so much distinguished his higlier efforts. His very statement was argument ; his inference seemed dem- onstration. The earnestness of his own conviction wrought conviction in others. One was convinced, and believed, and con- sented, becau-^e it was gratifying, delightful, to think, and feel, and believe, in unison with an intellect of such evident sujieriority. Mr. Dexter, sir, such as I have described him, argued the New England cause. He put inti) his ell'ort his whole heart, as well as all the powers of his understanding ; for he had avowed, in the most ]mblic manner, his entire concurrence with his neighbors, on the point in dispute. He argued the cause ; it wa.s lost, and New England sub- mitted. The established tribunals pro- nnunced the law constitutional, and New England acfiuicsced. Now, sir, is not this the exact opijosite of the doctrine of the gentleman from South Carolina? Accord- ing to hini, instead of referring to the judicial tril)unals, we should have broken U|) tiic (■inl)argo, by laws of our own; we shoulil liave rcjx-alcd it, (luixtd New Eng- land ; for we had a strong, palpable, and oppressive case. Sir, we believe the em- l)argo unconstitutional ; but still, that was matter of opinion, and who was to deciilc it? W(; thought it a clear case; but, n(!vertheh'ss, we di<l not taki- the laws iiitu uur liaDd», because W6 did not wish to brinrj about a revolution, nor to break up the Union; for I maintain, that, between submission to the decision of the con-tituted tribunals, and revolution, or disunion, there is no middle ground — there is no ambiguous condition, half allegiance and half rebellion. There is no treason, mad- eosy. And, sir, how futile, how very futile it is, to admit the right of state interfer- ence, and then to attempt to save it Irom the character of unlawful resistance, by adding terms of qualification to the causes and occasions, leaving all the qualifications, like the case itself in the discretion of the state governments. It must be a clear case, it is said; a deliberate case; a palpable case ; a dangerous case. But, then, the state is still left at liberty to decide for her- self what is clear, what is deliberate, what is palpable, what is dangerous. Do adjectives and epithets avail any thing ? Sir, the human mind is so consti- tuted, that the merits of both sides of a controversy appear very clear, and very palpable, to those who respectively espouse them, and both sides usually grow clearer, as the controversy advances. South Caro- lina sees unconstitutionality in the tariff — she sees oppression there, also, and she sees danger. Pennsylvania, with a vision not less sharp, looks at the same tariff, and sees no such thing in it — she sees it all constitutional, all useful, all safe. The faith of South Carolina is strengthened by oijposition, and she now not only sees, but resolves, that the tarifl" is palpably uncon- stitutional, t)ppressive, and dangerous ; but Pennsylvania, not to be behind her neigh- bors, and eqiuilly willing to strengthen her own faith by a confident asseveration, re- solves also, and gives to every warm affirm- ative of South Carolina, a plain downright Pennsylvania negative. South Carolina to show the strength and unity of her ojiin- ions, brings her assembly to a unanimity, within seven votes; Pennsylvania, not to be outdone in this respect more than others, reduces her dissentient fraction to one vote. Now, sir, again I ask the gen- tleman, what is to be done? Are these states l)oth right? Is he bound to con- sider them both right ? If not, which is in the wrong ? or, rather, which has the best right to decide? And if he, and if I, are not to know what the constitution means, and what it is, till those two state legislatures, and tho twenty-two others, shall agree in its con- struction what have we sworn (o, when \vc have sworn to maintain it? I wa« forcibly struck, sir, with one refiecti(m, as the gciith luati wriit on with his speech. He (piotcd Mr. Madison's resolutions to prove that a state may interfere, in a case of deliberate, pali)able, and dangerous ex- ercise of a power not granted. The hon- orable member supposes the tariff law to liooKiii.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 75 be such an exercise of power, and that c;i)iise(iiK'ntly, a case has risen in which the state may, if it see lit, interfere by its own Uiw. Now, it so hai)i)ens, neverthe- less, that Madison hiuiscH deems this same taritf hiw quite constitutional. Instead of a clear and palpable violation, it is, in his ju(lu;nK'Mt, no violation at all. So that, while they use his authority for a hypo- thetical case, they reject it in the very case before them. All this, sir, shows the in- h(n-ent futility. I had almost used a stronger word — of conceding this power of interference to the states, and then attem{)t- ing to secure it from abuse by imposing qualifications of which the states them- selves are to judge. One of two things is true; either the laws of the Union are be- yond the control of the states, or else we have no constitution of general govern- ment, and are thrust back again to the days of the confederacy. Let me here say, sir, that if the gentle- man's doctrine had been received and acted upon in New England, in the times of the embargo and non-intercourse, we sliituld probaldy not now have been here. The government would very likely have gone to pieces and crumbled into dust. No stronger case can ever arise than ex- isted under those laws ; no states can ever entertain a clearer conviction than the New England States then entertained ; and if they had been under the influence of that heresy of opinion, as I must call it, which the honorable member espouses, this Union would, in all probability have been scattered to tlie four winds. I ask the gentleman, therefore, to apply his prin- cii)les to that case ; I ask him to come forth and declare whether, in his opinion, the New P]ngland States would have been jus- tified in interl'ering to break up the em- bargo system, under the conscientious opin- ions which he held upon it. Had they a right to annul that law? Does he admit, or deny? If that which is thought palpa- bly unconstitutional in South Carolina jus- tifies that state in arresting the progress of the law, tell me whether that which was thought palpably unconstitutirmal also in Massachusetts would have justified her in doing the same thing. Sir, I deny the whole doctrine. It has not a foot of ground in the constitution to stand on. No public man of reputation ever advanced it in Ma-;- sai'husetts, in the warmest times, or could maintain himself upon it there at any time. I wish now, sir, to make a remark upon the Virginia resolutions of 1798. I cannot undertake to say how these resolutions were understood by those who passed tliem. Their language is not a little in- definite. In the case of the exercise, by Congress, of a dangerous power, not granted to them, the resolutions assert the right, on the part of the state to interfere, and arrest the progress of the evil. This is susceptible of more than one interpretation. It may mean no more than that the states may interfere by comjdaint and remon- strance, or by proposing t(j the pcoph- an alteration of the federal constitution. This would all be<juiteunobjecti(Jiuil)lc; or itmay be that no more is meant than to assert the general right of revolution, as against all governments, in cases of intolerable op- pression. Tills no one doubts; and this, in my opinion, is all that he who framed these resolutions could have meant by it; for I shall not readily believe that he was ever of opinion that a state, under the constitution, and in conformity with it, could, uj)on the ground other own opinion of its unconstitutionality, however clear and palpable she might think the case, annul a law of Congress, so far as it should operate on herself, by her own legislative power. I must now beg to ask, sir, Whence is this supposed right of the states derived? Where do they get the i)ower to interfere with the laws of the Union? Sir, the ojMnion which the honorable gentleman maintains is a notion founded in a total misapprehension, in my judgment, of the origin of this government, and of the foun- dation on which it stands. I hold it to be a popular government, erected by the people, those who administer it responsi- ble to the people, and itself capable of be- ing amended and modified, just as the peo- ple may choose it should be. It is as pop- ular, just as truly emanating from the people, as the state governments. It is created for one purpose ; the state govern- ments for another. It has its own powers ; they have theirs. There is no more au- thority with them to arrest the operation of a law of Congress, than with Congress to arrest the operation of their laws. We are here to administer a constitution ema- nating immediately from the people, and trusted by them to our administration. It is not the creature of the state govern- ments. It is of no moment to the argu- ment that certain acts of the state legisla- tures are necessary to fill our seats in this l)ody. That is not one of their original state powers, a part of the sovereignty of the state. It is a duty which the people, by the constitution itself, have imposed <m the state legislatures, and which they might have left to be jierformed elsewhere, if they had seen fit. So they have left the choice of president with electors; but all this does not affect the proposition that this whole government — President, Senate and House of Representatives — is a ]>opu- lar government. It leaves it still all its popular character. The governor of a state I in some of the states! is chosen not directly by the people for the purpose of 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. performing, among other duties, that of electing a governor. Is the government of the state on that account not a popular government? This government, sir, is the independent offspring of the popular will. It is not the creature of state legislatures ; nay, more, if the whole truth must be told, the people brought it into existence, es- tablished it, and have hitherto supported it, for the very purpose, amongst others, of imposing certain salutarj' restraints on state sovereignties. The states cannot now make war ; they cannot contract alliances ; they cannot make, each for itself, separate reg- ulations of commerce ; they cannot lay im- posts ; they cannot coin money. If this constitution, sir, be the creature of state legislatures, it must be admitted that it hiis obtained a strange control over the volition of its creators. The people then, sir, erected this govern- ment. They gave it a constitution, and in that constitution they have enumerated the powers which they bestow on it. They have made it a limited government. They have defined its authority. They have re- strained it to the exercise of such powers as are granted ; and all others, they declare, are reserved to the states or the people. But, sir, they have not stopped here. If they had, they would have accomplished but half their work. No definition can be so clear as to avoid possibility of doubt ; no limitation so precise as to exclude all un- certainty. Who, then, shall construe this grant of the people? Who shall interpret their will, where it may be supposed they have leit it doubtful? VVith whom do they leave this ultimate right of deciding on the powers of the government? Sir, they have settled all this in the fullest manner. They have left it with the government itself, in its appropriate branches. Sir, the very chief end, the main design for which the whole constitution was framed and adopt- ed, was to establish a government that should not be obliged to act through state agency, or depend on state opinion and discretion. The people had h.ad quite enough of that kind of government under the confederacy. Under that system, the legal action — the a[)]ilication of law to individuals — belonged exclusively to the states. Congress could only recommend — their acts were not of Itiiiding force till the states had adf)pted and sanctioned them. Are we in that condition still? Are we yet at the mercy of state discretion and state construction? Sir, if we are, then vain will he our attempt to maintain the consti- tution under which we sit. But, sir, the jieofile have wisely provided, in the const itiition itself, a proper, suital>l(' mode and tribunal for srttling (piestioiis of constitutif)iial law. There arc, in the con- stitution, grants (»f powers to Conjrress, and restrictions on those powers. There are I also prohibitions on the states. Some au- thority must therefore necessarily exist, having the ultimate jurisdiction to fix and ascertain the interpretation of these grants, restrictions and prohibitions. The consti- tution has itself pointed out, ordained, and established that authority. How has it accomplished this great and essential end ? By declaring, sir, that "the constitution and the laws of the United States, made in pur- suance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the land, any thing in the constitution or laics of any state to the contrary notwith- standing.''' This, sir, was the first great step. By this, the supremacy of the constitution and laws of the United States is declared. The people so will it. No state law is to be valid which comes in conflict with the con- stitution or any law of the United States. But who shall decide this question of inter- I iereuce? To whom lies the last appeal? This, sir, the constitution itself decides also, by declaring "that the judicial poiver shall extend to cdl cases arising under the consti- tution and laws of the United States." These two provisions, sir, cover the whole ground. They are, in truth, the keystone of the arch. With these it is a govern- ment; without them it is a confederacy. In pursuance of these clear and express provisions, Congress established, at its very first session, in the judicial act, a mode for carrying them into full effect, and for bringing all questions of constitutional power to the final decision of the Supreme Court. It fhen, sir, became a government. It then had the means of self-protection ; and but for this, it would, in all proba- bility, have been now among things which are passed. Having constituted the gov- ernment, and declared its powers, the peo- ple have further said, that since somebody must decide on the extent of these powers, the government shall itself decide — subject always like other popular governments, to its responsibility to the people. And now, sir, I repeat, how is it that a state legisla- ture acquires any right to interfere? Who, or what, gives them the right to say to the l)eople, " We, who are your agents and ser- vants for one purpose, will undertake to decide, that your other agents and servants, appointed by y()U for another purpose, have transcended the authority you gave them"? The reply would be, I think, not imperti- nent, " Who made you a judge over anoth- er's servants. To their own masters they stand or fall." Sir, I deny this power of state legisla- tures altogether. It cannot stand the test of examination. Cientlemen may say, that, in an extreme case, a state government might protect the pcojtle from intolerable oppression. Sir, in such a case the peoj)le might protect themselves, without the aid of the state governments. Such a case BOOK III.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 77 warrants revolution. It must make, when it comes, a law lor itself. A nullifying act of a state legislature cannot alter the case, nor make resistance any more lawful. In maintaining these sentiments, sir, I am but asserting the rights of the people. 1 state what they have declared, and insist on their right to declare it. They have chosen to rei)ose this power in the general government, and I think it my duty to suji- port it, like other constitutional i>owers. For myself, sir, I douht the jurisdiction of South Carolina, or any other state, to prescribe my constitutional duty, or to settle, between me and the people, the va- lidity of laws of Congress for which I have voted. I decline her umpirage. I have not sworn to support the constitution ac- cording to her construction of its clauses. I have not stipulated, by my oath of ofhce or otherwise, to come under any responsi- bility, except to the people and those whom they have appointed to pass upon the ques- tion, whether the laws, supported by my votes, conform to the constitution of the country. And, sir, if we look to the gen- eral nature of the case, could any thing have been more preposterous than to have made a government for the whole Union, and yet left its powers subject, not to one inter|)retation, but to thirteen or twenty- four interpretations ? Instead of one tribu- nal, established by all, responsible to all, Avitli j)ower to decide for all, shall constitu- tional questions be left to four and twenty popular bodies, each at liberty to decide for itself, and none bound to respect the decisions of others; and each at liberty, too, to give a new construction, on every new election of its own members? Would any thing, with such a principle in it, or rather with such a destitution of all prin- ciple, be fit to be called a government? No, sir. It should not be denominated a constitution. It should be called, rather, a collection of topics for everlasting con- troversy ; heads of debate for a disputatious people. It would not be a government. It would not be adequate to any practical good, nor fit for any country to live under. To avoid all possibility of being misunder- stood, allow me to repeat again, in the full- est manner, that I claim no powers for the government by forced or unfair construc- tion. I admit that it is a government of strictly limited powers; of enumerated, specified, and particularized powers ; and that whatsoever is not granted is withheld. But, notwithstanding all this, and however the grant of powers may be exjiressed, its limits and extent may yet, in some cases, admit of doubt; and the general govern- ment would be good for nothing, it would be incapable of long existence, if some mode had not been provided in which those doubts, as they should arise, might be peaceably, but not authoritatively solved. And now, Mr. President, let me run the honorable gentleman's doctrine a little into its practical application. Let us look at his probable modus optrundi. If a thin<' can be done, an ingenious man can teil how it is to be done. Now, I wish to be informed how this state interference is to be i)ut in practice. ^V'e will take the ex- isting case of the tarifi" law. South Caro- lina is said to have made up her opinion ui)on it. If we do not repeal it, (as we probably shall not,) she will then apply to the case the remedy of her doctrine. She will, we must suppose, pass a law of her legislature, declaring the several acts of Congress, usually called the tariff" laws, null and void, so far as they respect South Carolina, or the citizens thereof. So lUr, all is a paper transaction, and easy enough. But the collector at Charleston is collect- ing the duties imposed by these tariff" laws — -he, therefore, must be stoj)i)ed. The collector will seize the goods if the tariff duties are not paid. The .state authorities will undertake their rescue : the marshal, with his posse, will come to the collector's aid; and here the contest begins. The militia of the state will be called out to sustain the nullifying act. They will march, sir, under a very gallant leader; for I believe the honorable member him- self commands the militia of that part of the state. He will raise the nullifying ACT on his standard, and spread it out as his banner. It will have a preamble, bear- ing that the tariff" law's are palpable, de- liberate, and dangerous violations of the constitution. He will proceed, with his banner flying, to the custom house in Charleston, — " all the wliile Sonorous motal blowing martial sounds." Arrived at the custom house, he will tell the collector that he must collect no more duties under any of the tariff" laws. This he will be somewhat puzzled t') say, by the way, with a grave countenance, consider- ing what hand South Carolina herself had in that of 1816. But, sir, the collector would, probably, not desist at his bidding. Here would ensue a pause ; for they say, that a certain stillness precedes the tem- pest. Before this military array should fall on custom house, collector, clerks, and all, it is very ])robable some of those com- posing it woulil request of their gallant comniander-in-chief to be informed a little upon the point of law ; for they have doubtless a just respect for his opinion as a lawyer, as well ils for his bravery as a soldier. They know he luus read Black- stone and the constitutiim, :us well as Tu- renne and Vauban. They would tusk him, therefore, something concerning their risrhts in this matter. They would inquire whether it was not somewhat dangerous to 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. resist a law of the United States. What would be the nature of their ofl'ence, they would wish to learn, if they, by military force and array, resisted the execution in Carolina of a law of the United States, and it should turn out, after all, that the law teas constitutional. He would answer, of course, treason. No la^\7'er could give any other answer. John Fries, he would tell them, had learned that some years ago. How, then, they would ask, do you propose to defend us ? We are not afraid of bullets, but treason has a way of taking people oft" that we do not much relish. How do you propose to defend us ? " Look at my floating banner," he would reply ; ** see there the nullifying laic ! " Is it your opinion, gal- lant commander, they would then say, that if we should be indicted for treason, that same floating banner of yours would make a good plea in bar? "South Carolina is a sovereign state," he would reply. That is true ; but would the judge admit our plea ? " These tariff laws," he would repeat, " are unconstitutional, palpably, deliberately, dangerously." That all may be so ; but if the tribunals should not happen to be of that opinion, shall we swing for it? We are ready to die for our country, but it is rather an awkward business, this dying without touching the ground. After all, this is a sort of hemj)-tax, worse than any part of the tariff". Mr. President, the honorable gentleman would be in a dilemma like that of another great general. He would have a knot be- fore him which he could not untie. He mu>t cut it with his sword. He must say to his followers. Defend yourselves with your bayonets; and this is war — civil war. Direct collision, therefore, between force and force, is the unavoidable result of that remedy for the revision of unconstitutional laws which the gentleman contends for. It must happen in the very first case to which it is applied. Is not this the plain result? To resist, by force, the execution of a law, generally, is treason. Can the courts of the United States take notice of the indulgence of a state to commit trea- son? The common saying, that a state cannot commit trca.son herself, is nothing to tlifi i)urpose. Can it authorize others to doit? If .John Fries had jjroduced an act of Pennsylvania, annulling tlie law of Con- prcs.«, would it have hcljiecl his case? Talk about it as we will, these doctrines go the length of revolution. They are incompa- tible witii any peaceable administration of the government. They leatl directly to disunion and civil commotion; and there- fore it is, that at the commencement, when they arc first found to be maintained by respectaldemen,and in atangil)!e form, that I enter my public protest against them all. The honorable gentleman argues, that if this government be the sole judge of the extent of its own powers, whether that right of judging be in Congress or the Su- preme Court, it equally subverts state sovereignty. This the gentleman sees, or thinks he sees, although he cannot per- ceive how the right of judging in this mat- ter, if left to the exercise of state legisla- tures, has any -tendency to subvert the government of the Union. The gentle- man's opinion may be that the right ought not to have been lodged with the general government ; he may like better such a constitution as we should have under the right of state interference ; but I ask him to meet me on the plain matter of fact — I ask him to meet me on the constitution it- self — I ask him if the power is not there — clearly and visibly found there. But, sir, what is this danger, and what the grounds of it ? Let it be remembered, that the constitution of the United States is not unalterable. It is to continue in its present form no longer than the people who established it shall choose to continue it. If they shall become convinced that they have made an injudicious or inexpe- dient partition and distribution of power between the state governments and the general government, they can alter that distribution at will. If anything be found in the national constitution, either by original provision or subsequent interpretation, which ought not to be in it, the people know how to get rid of it. If any construction be established, unacceptable to them, so as to become, [iractically, a part of the constitution, they will amend it at their own sovereign plea- sure. But while the people choose to main- tain it as it is, while they are satisfied with it, and refuse to change it, who has given, or who can give, to the state legislatures a right to alter it, either by interference, construction, or otherwise? Gentlemen do not seem to recollect that the people have any power to do anything for them- selves ; tiiey imagine there is no safety for them any longer than they are under the close guardianship of the state legislatures. Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, in regard to the general constitu- tion, to these hands they have required other security, and taken other bonds. They have chosen to trust themselves, first to the plain words of the instrument, and to such construction as the government it- self, in doubtful cases, should put on its own jxtwers, under their oaths of office, and subj<'ct to their responsibility to them ; just as the people of a state trust their own state governments with a similar power. Secondly, they have reposed their trust in the efficacy of freqiumt elections, and in their own power to remove their own ser- vants and agents, whenever they see cause. 'I'hirdly, they have reposed trust in the judicial power, which, in order that it might BOOK IIT.] WEBSTER'S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE. 79 be trustworthy, they have made as respect- able, as disinterested, and aa independent a.s practicable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, in case of necessity, or high ex- pediency, on their known and admitted power to alter or amend the constitution, peaceably and quietly, whenever experi- ence shall j)oint out defects or imperfec- tions. And finally, the people of the United States have at no time, in no way, directly or indirectly, authorized any state legislature to construe or interpret their instrument of government; much less to interfere, by their own power, to arrest its course and operation. If sir, the people, in these respects, had done otherwise than they have done, their constitution could neither have been pre- served, nor would it have been worth pre- serving. And if its plain ])rovision shall now be disregarded, and these new doc- trines interpolated in it, it will become as feeble and helpless a being as enemies, wliether early or more recent, could pos- sibly desire. It will exist in every state, but as a poor dependant on state permis- sion. It must borrow leave to be, and will be, no longer than state pleasure, or state discretion, sees fit to grant the indulgence, and to prolong its poor existence. But, sir, although there are fears, there are hopes also. The people have preserved this, their own chosen constitution, for forty years, and have seen their happiness, prosperity, and renown grow with its growth and strengthen with its strength. They are now, generally, strongly attached to it. Overthrown by direct assault it can- not be ; evaded, undermined, nullified, it will not be, if we, and th(jse who shall succeed us here, as agents and representa- tives of the ])eoj)le, shall c<mscientiously and vigilantly discharge the two great branches of our public trust — faithfully to preserve and wisely to administer it. Mr. President, I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the doctrines which have been advanced and main- tained. I am conscious of having detained you. and the Senate, much too long. I was drawn into the debate with no ])revious deliberation such as is suited to the dis- cussion of so grave and important a subject. But it is a sul)ject of which my heart is I'nll, and I have not been willing to suppress the utterance of its spontaneous sentiments. I cannot, even now, jiersuade myself to relinquish it, without expressing once more, my deep conviction, that since it re- spects nothing less than the union of the states, it is of most vital and essential im- portance to the public happiness. I pro- fess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have kept steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, anil the pres- ervation of our Federal Union. It is to that Union we owe our safety at home and our consideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union we are chiefly indebted for wliatever makes us most proud of our country. That Union we reached oidy by the discipline of our virtues in the severe school of adversity. It had its origin in the necessities of disordered finance, pros- trate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its benign influences, these great interests immediately awoke, as from the dead, and s{)rang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh prooliiofits utility audits blessings; and although our territory has stretched out wider and wider, and our population spread farther and forther, they have not outrun its protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fotmtain of na- tional, social, i^ersonal happiness. I have not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden in the dark recess behind. 1 have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have not ac- customed myself to hang over the i)recipice of disunion, to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below ; nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor in the affairs of this govern- ment, whose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the Union should be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people when it shall be broken \i\> and destroyed. While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and otir children. Beyond that I seek not lo jienetrate the veil. God grant that in my day at least, that curtain may not rise. God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind. When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once-glorious Union ; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent ; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood ! Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored through- out earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their origi- nal lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured — bearing for its motto no such miserable interrogator^' as, What is all this icorthf nor those other words of delusion and folly, Libert;/ first, and Union a/tericards : but every wliere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart — Liberty ami Union, now and forever, one and inseparable! 80 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. Juhn C. CaUioim on the Rights of the States. Delivered July 26, 1831. The question of the relation which the states and general government bear to each other, is not one of recent origin. From the commencement of our system, it has divi- ded public sentiment. Even in the con- vention, while the Constitution was strug- gling into existence, there were two par- ties, as to what this relation should be, whose different sentiments constituted no small impediment in forming that instru- ment. After the general government went into operation, experience soon proved that the question had not terminated with the labors of the convention. The great struggle that preceded the political revo- lution of 1801, which brought Mr. Jeffer- son into.power, turned essentially on it; and the doctrines and arguments on both sides were embodied and ably sustained ; on the one, in the Virginia and Kentucky resolu- tions and the report to the Virginia legis- lature ; and on the other, in the replies of the legislature of Massachusetts and some of the other states. These resolutions and this report, with the decision of the Su- preme Court of Pennsylvania about the same time (particularly in the caseof Cob- bett, delivered by Chief Justice McKean, and concurred in by the whole bench), contain what I believe to be the true doc- trine on this important subject. I refer to them in order to avoid the necessity of presenting my views, with the reasons in support of them in detail. As my object is simply to state my opinions, I might pause with this refer- ence to documents that so fully and ably state all the points immediately connected with this deeply important subject; but as there are many wlio may not have the op- portunity or leisure to refer to them, and, as it is possible, however clear they may be, that different persons may place differ- ent interpretations on their moaning, I will, in order that my sentiments may be fully known, and to avoid all ambiguity, proceed to state, summarily, the doctrines which I conceive they embrace. The groat an<l loading principle is, that the general govorninont emanatid from the people of the several states, forming dis- tinct i)oliti('ul comiiiunitios, and acting in their separate and sovereign capacity, and not fn)Tn all of the peo]>le fr)rming one ag- gregate political community ; that the Con- stitution of tho United States is in fact a comj);i('t, to wliicli each state is a party, in the charai'lor already described ; and that the several stati"". or nsirties, have a right to judge of its infractions, and in ease of a deliberate, jialpable, and dangerous exer- cise of ])ower not delegated, they have the right, in flu- la<t resort, to ust; the lan- guage of the Virginia resolutions; "to in- terpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their re- spective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them." This right of interposition thus solemnly as- serted by the state of Virginia, be it called what it may — state right, veto, nullifica- tion, or by any other name — I conceive to be the fundamental principle of our sys- tem, resting on facts, historically as certain as our revolution itself, and deductions as simple and demonstrative as that of any political or moral truth whatever ; and I firmly believe that on its recognition de- pends the stability and safety of our poli- tical institutions. I am not ignorant that those opposed to the doctrine have always, now and for- merly, regarded it in a verj^ different light, as anarchical and revolutionary. Could I believe such in fact to be its tendency, to me it would be no recommendation. I yield to none, I trust, in a deep and sin- cere attachment to our political institu- tions, and the union of these states. I never breathed an opposite sentiment ; but, on the contrary, I have ever considered them the great instruments of preserving our liberty, and promoting the happiness of ourselves and our posterity ; and next to these, I have ever held them most dear. Nearly half my life has passed in the ser- vice of the Union, and whatever public re- putation I have acquired, is indissolubly identified with it. To be too national has, indeed, been considered, by many, even of my friends, to be my greatest political fault. AVith these strong feelings of at- tachment, I have examined, with the ut- most care, the bearing of the doctrine in question ; and so far from anarchical or re- volutionary, I solemnly believe it to be the only solid foundationof our system, and of the Union itself, and that the ojtposite doctrine, which denies to the states the right of protecting their reserved powera, and which would vest in the general gov- ernment (it nuitters not through what de- partment) the right of determining exclu- sively and finally the powers delegated to it, is incompatible with the sovereignty of the states, and of the Constitution itself, considered as the basis of a Federal Union. As strong as this language is, it is not stronger than that used by the illustrious .TefFerson, who said, to give to the general government the final and I'xciusive right to judge of its powers, is to make " its discre- tion and not the Constitution tho measure f)f its powers;" and that "in all cases of com])aet between i)arties having no com- mon judge, each party lias an equal right to judge for itself, as well of the operation, as of the mode and measure of redress." Language cannot be more explicit; nor can hi'.rher authority be adduced. That dilfercnt opinions are entertained CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF STATES. 81 on this subject, I consider but as an addi- tional evidence of the f::reat divor.siry of the human intellect. Had not able, ex- perienced, and patriotic individuals, lor whom I have the highest respect, taken different views, I would have thought the right too clear to admit of doubt ; but I am taught by this, as well as by many similar instances, to treat with deference opinions ditfering from my own. The error may possibly be with me; but, if so, I can only say, that after the most mature and con- scientious examination, I have not been able to detect it. But with all proper de- ference, I must think that theirs is the error, who deny what seems to be an es- sential attribute of the conceded sovereign- ty of the states ; and who attribute to the general government a right utterly incom- patible with what all acknowledge to be its limited and restricted character ; an error originating principally, as I must think, in not duly reflecting on the nature of our institutions, and on what constitutes the only rational object of all political consti- tutions. It has been well said by one of the most sagacious men of anti<]uity, that the object of a constitution is to restrain the govern- ment, as that of laws is to restrain indi- viduals. The remark is correct, nor is it less true where the government is vested in a majority, than where it is in a single or a few individuals; in a republic, than a monarchy or aristocracy. No one can have a higher respect for the maxim that the majority ought to govern than I have, taken in its proper sense, subject to the restrictions imi)osed by the Constitution, and confined to subjects in which every portion of the community have similar interests ; but it is a great error to suppose, as many do, that the right of a majorit}' to govern is a natural and not a conventional right; and, therefore, absolute and unlim- ited. By nature every individual has the right to govern himself; and governments, whether founded on majorities or minori- ties, must derive their right from the as- sent, expressed or imjilied, of the governed, and be subject to such limitations as thej^ may impose. Where the interests are the same, that is, where the laws that may benefit one will benefit all, or the reverse, it is just and proper to place them under the control of the majority ; but where they are dissimilar, so that the law that may benefit one portion may be ruinous to another, it would be, on the contrary, un- just and absurd to subject them to its will : and such I conceive to be the theory on which our Constitution rests. That such dissimilarity of interests may exist it is impossible to doubt. They are to be found in every community, in a greater or less degree, however small or homogeneous, and they constitute, every- 30 where, the great difficulty of forming and preserving free institutions. To guard against the unequal action of the laws, when applied to dissimilar and oi)posing interests, is in fact what mainly renders a constitution indispensable; to overlook which in reasoning on our Constitution, would be to omit the j)rincipal element by which to determine its character. ^V'ere there no contrariety of interests, nothing would be more simple and easy than to form and j)reserve Iree institutions. The right of sufi'rage alone would be a sufficient guarantee. It is the conflict of oi)pos- ing interests which renders it the most difficult work of man. Where the diversity of interests exists in separate and distinct classes of the com- munity, as is the case in England, and was formerly the case in Sparta, Rome, and most of the free states of antiquity, the ra- tional constitutional provision is, that each should be represented in the government as a separate estate, with a distinct voice, and a negative on the acts of its co-estates, in order to check their encroachments. In England the constitution has assumed ex- pressly this form, while in the governments of Sparta and Rome the same thing was efTected, under different but not much less efficacious forms. The perfection of their organization, in this particular, was that which gave to the constitutions of these renowned states all of their celebrity, which secured their liberty for so many centuries, and raised them to so great a height of power and prosperity. Indeed, a constitutional provision giving to the great and separate interests of the commu- nity the right of self-protection, must ap- pear to those who will duly reflect on the subject, not less essential to the preserva- tion of liberty than the right of suffrage itself. They in fact have a common ob- ject, to effect which the one is as necessary as the other — to secure resi)onsibility ; that is, that those who make and execute the laws should be accountable to those on whom the laws in reality operate ; the only solid and durable foundation of liberty. If without the right to suffrage our rulers would oppress us, so without the right of self-protection, the major would equally oppress the minor interests of the commu- nity. The absence of the former would make the governed the slaves of the rulei-s, and of the latter the feebler interests the victim of the stronger. Happily for us we have no artificial and separate classes of society. We have wisely exploded all such distinctions ; but we are not, on that account, exempt from all con- trariety of interests, as the present distract- ed and dangerous condition of our country unfortunately but too clearly proves. NVith us they are almost exclusively geographical, resulting mainly fromdifference of climate, 82 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. soil, situation, industry, and production, but are not, therefore, less necessarj' to be protected by an adequate constitutional provision than where the distinct interests exist in separate classes. The necessity is, in truth, greater, as such separate and dis- similar geographical interests are more liable to come into conflict, and more dan- gerous when in that state than those of any other description ; so much so, that ours is the first instance on record where they have not formed in an extensive territory sepa- rate and independent communities, or subjected the whole to despotic sway. That such may not be our unhappy fate also, must be the sincere prayer of every lover of his country. So numerous and diversified are the inte- rests of our country, that they could not be fairly represented in a single government, organized so as to give to each great and leading interest a separate and distinct voice, as in governments to which I have referred. A plan was adopted better suited to our situation, but perfectly novel in its character. The powers of the government were divided, not as heretofore, in reference to classes, but geographically. One gener- al government was formed for the whole, to which was delegated all of the powers supposed to be necessary to regulate the interests common to all of the states, leav- ing others .subject to the separate control of the states, being from their local and {jeculiar character such that they could not )e subject to the will of the majority of the whole Union, without the certain hazard of injustice and oppression. It was thus that the interests of the whole were .sub- jected, as they ought to be, to the will of the whole, while the peculiar and local in- terests were left under the control of the states separately, to whose custody only they could be safely confided. This dis- tribution of power, settled solemnly by a constitutional compact, to which all of the states are parties, constitutes the peculiar character and excellence of our political system. It is truly and emphatically American, without example or parallel. To realize its perfection, wc must view the general government and the states as a whole, each in its proper sphere, .sover- eign and independent; each perfectly adapted to their respective objects; the states acting separately, representing and protecting the local and peculiar interests ; acting jointly, through one general govern- ment, with the weight respectively assigned t<^) each by the Constitution, representing and protecting the interest of the whole, and thus perfecting, by an admirable but simple arrangement, the gre:it principle of representation and resjionsibility, witliout which no government can he free f)r just. To preserve this sacred distribution as originally settled, by coercing each to move in its prescribed orb, is the great and difficult problem, on the solution of which the duration of our Constitution, of our Union, and, in all probability our liberty, depends. How is this to be effected ? The question is new when applied to our peculiar political organization, where the separate i^md conflicting interests of society are represented by distinct but connected governments ; but is in reality an old ques- tion under a new form, long since per- fectly solved. Whenever separate and dissimilar interests have been separately represented in any government ; whenever the sovereign power has been divided in its exercise, the experience and wisdom of ages have devised but one mode by which such political organization can be pre- served ; the mode adopted in England, and by all governments, ancient or modern, blessed with constitutions deserving to be called free ; to give to each co-estate the right to judge of its powers, with a nega- tive or veto on the acts of the others, in order to protect against encroachments the interests it particularly represents ; a prin- ciple which all of our constitutions recog- nize in the distribution of power among their respective departments, as essential to maintain the independence of each, but which, to all who will duly reflect on the subject, must appear far more essential, for the same object, in that great and fundamental distribution of powers be- tween the states and general government. So essential is the principle, that to with- hold the right from either, where the sov- ereign power is divided, is, in fact, to an- nul the division itself, and to consolidate in the one left in the exclusive possession of the right, all of the powers of the gov- ernment ; for it is not possible to distin- guish practically between a government having all power, and one having the right to take what powers it pleases. Nor does it in the least vary the principle, whether the distribution of power between co- estates, as in England, or between distinct- ly organized but connected governments, as with us. The reason is the same in both cases, while the necessity is greater in our case, as the danger of conflict is greater where the interests of a society are divided geographically than in any other, as has already been shown. These truths do seem to me to be incon- trovertible ; and I am at a loss to under- stand how any one, who has maturely re- flected on the nature of our institutions, or who has read historj' or studied the prin- ciples of free government to any purpose, can call them in question. The explana- tion must, it appears to me, be sought in the fact, that in every free state, there are those who look more to the necessity of maintaining power, than guarding against it« abuses. 1 do not intend reproach, but BOOK III.] CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF STATES. 83 simply to state a fact apparently necessary to explain the contrariety of opinions, ainon^ the intelligent, where the abstract consideration of the subject would seem scarcely to admit of doubt. W such be the true cause, I must think the I'car of weakeninjj; the government too much in this case to be in a great measure un- founded, or at least that the danger is much less from that than the opposite side. I do not deny that a power of so high a nature may be abused by a state, but when I reflect that the states unanimously called the general government into exist- ence with all of its powers, which they freely surrendered on their part, under the conviction that their common peace, safety and i)ro-!perity required it ; that they are bound together by a common origin, and the recollection of common sull'ering and common triumph in the great and splen- did achievement of their independence ; and the strongest feelings of our nature, and among them, the love of national power and distinction, are on the side of the Union ; it does seem to me, that the fear which would strip the states of their sovereignty, and degrade them, in fact, to mere dependent corporations, lest they should abuse a right indispensable to the peaceable protection of those interests which they reserved under their own pecu- liar guaniianship when they created the general government, is unnatural and un- reasonable. If those who voluntarily created the systom, cannot be trusted to preserve it, what power can ? So far from extreme danger, I hold that there never was a free state, in which this great conservative principle, indispensable in all, was ever so safely lodged. In others, when the co-estates, representing the dissimilar and coutlicting interests of the community, came into contact, the only alternative was compromise, submis- sion or force. Not so in ours. Should the general government and a state come into conflict, we have a higher remedy ; the power which called the general gov- ernment into existence, which gave it all its authority, and can enlarge, contract, or abolish its powers at its pleasure, may be invoked. The states themselves may be appealed to, three-fourths of which, in fact, form a power, whose decrees are the constitution itself, and whose voice can silence all discontent. The utmost extent then of the power is, that a state acting in its sovereign capacity, as one of the par- ties to the constitutional compact, may compel the government, created by that compact, to submit a question touching it^ infraction to the parties who created it ; to avoid the supposed dangers of which, it is proposed to report to the novel, the hazardous, and, I must add, fatal pro- ject of giving to the general government the sole and final right of interpreting the Constitution, thereby reserving the whole system, making that instrument the crra- ture of its will, instead of a rule of action impressed on it at its creation, and anni- hilating in fact the authority which im- posed it, and i'rom which the government itself derives its existence. That such would be the result, were the right in question vested in the legislative or executive branch of the government, is conceded by all. No one ha.s been so hardy as to assert that Congress or the President ought to have the right, or to deny that, if vested finally and exclusively in either, the consequences which I have stated would not necessarily follow; but its advocates have been reconciled to the doctrine, on the supposition that there is one depart- ment of the general government, which, from its peculiar organization, affords an independent tribunal through which the government may exercise the high author- ity which is the subject of consideration, with perfect safety to all. I yield, I trust, to few in my attachment to the judiciary department. I am fully sensible of its importance, and would main- tain it to the fullest extent in its constitu- tional powers and independence ; but it is impossible for me to believe that it was ever intended by the Constitution, that it should exercise the power in question, or that it is competent to do so, and, if it were, that it would be a safe depository of the power. Its powers are judicial and not political, and are expressly confined by the Consti- tution " to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and the treaties made, or which shall be made, under its authori- ty ;" and which I have high authority in asserting, excludes political questions, and comprehends those only where there are l^arties amenable to the process of the court.* Nor is its incompetency less clear, than its want of constitutional authority. There may be many and the most danger- ous infractions on the part of Congress, of which it is conceded by all, the court, as a judicial tribunal, cannot from its nature take cognisance. The tariff itself is a strong Ciise in point ; and the reason aji- plies equally to all others, where Congress perverts a power from an object intended to one not intended, the most insidious and dangerous of all the infractions; and which may be extended to all of its powers, more especially to the taxing and appropri- ating. But supposing it competent to take cognisance of all infractions of every de- scription, the insuperable objection still remains, that it would not be a safe tribu- nal to exercise the power in question. •I rpfer to the authority of Chief Justice Marshall in the case nf Joniitlmn RoMiins. I have not b(>en nblo t« refer to the 8i>eech, and speak from memory. 84 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. It is an universal and fundamental po- litical principle, that the power to protect, can safely be contiJed only to those inter- ested in protecting, or their responsible agents — a maxim not less true in private than in public atfairs. The danger in our system is, that the general government, "which represents the interests of the whole, may encroach on the states, which repre- sent the peculiar and local interests, or that the latter may encroach on the firmer. In examining this point, we ought not to forget that the government, through all of its departments, judicial as well as others, is administered by delegated and responsible agents ; and that the power which really controls ultimately all the movements, is not in the agents, but those who elect or appoint them. To under- stand then its real character, and what would be the action of the system in any supposable case, we must raise our view from the mere agents, to this high con- trolling i:»ower which finally impels every movement of the machine. By doing so, we shall find all under the control of the will of a majority, compounded of the majority of the states, taken as corporate bodies, and the majority of the people of the states estimated in federal numbers. These united constitute the real and final power, which impels and directs the move- ments of the general government. The majority of the states elect the majority of the Senate ; of the people of the states, that of the House of Rej)rescntatives ; the two united, the President ; and the President and a majority of the Senate appoint the judges, a majority of whom and a major- ity of the Senate and the House with the Prc.-*ident, really exercise all of the pow- ers of the government with the exception of the ca.ses where the Constitution re- quires a greater number than a majority. The judges are, in fact, as truly the judi- cial representatives of this united majority, {Ls the majority of Congress itself, or the President, is its legislative or executive representative ; and to confide the power to the judiciary to determine finally and conclusively what ])Owers are dele- gated and what reserved, would be in real- ity to confide it to the majority, whose agents they are, and l)y whom tliey can be controlled in various ways; and, of course, to subject (against tlie fiindamciilal prin- cil)le of our system, and all sound political reafoning) the reserved jtowers of the states, with all of the local and peculiar interests they were intended to protect, to the will of the very majority against wbiib the [>rotection was intended. Nor will the teiuire by which the judges hold their office, however valuable tlie |)rovi- sion in many other resjx'cts, materially vary tlie casi\ Its highest possible effect would be to retard, and not finally to resist, the will of a dominant majority. But it is useless to multiply arguments. Were it possible that reason could settle a question where the passions and interests of men are concerned, this point would have been long since settled for ever, by the state of Virginia. The report of her legis- lature, to which I have already referred, lias really, in my opinion, placed it beyond controversy. Speaking in reference to this subject, it says, " It has been objected" (to the right of a state to interpose for the protection of her reserved rights), " that the judicial authority is to be regarded as the sole expositor of the Constitution ; on this subject it might be observed first that there may be instances of usurped powers which the forms of the Constitution could never draw within the control of the judi- cial department ; secondly, that if the de- cision of the judiciary be raised above the sovereign parties to the Constitution, the decisions of the other departments, not carried by the forms of the Constitution before the judiciary, must be equally au- thoritative and final with the decision of that department. But the proper answer to the objection is, that the resolution of the General Assembly relates to those great and extraordinary cases, in which all of the forms of the Constitution niay prove ineffectual against infraction dangerous to the essential rights of the parties to it. The resolution supposes that dangerous powers not delegated, may not only be usurped and executed by the other de- partments, but that the judicial depart- ment may also exercise or sanction dan- gerous powers beyond the grant of the Constitution, and consequently that the ultimate right of the parties to the Consti- tution to judge whether the compact has been dangerously violated, must extend to violations by one delegated authority, as well as by another — by the judiciary, as well as by the executive or legislative." Against these conclusive arguments, as they seem to me, it is objected, that if one of the ))arties has the right to judge of in- fractions of the Constitution, so has the other, and that consequently in cases of contested powers between a state and the general govennnent, each would have a right to maintain its opinion, as is the case when sovereign powers ditler in the con- struction of treaties or compacts, and that of c<)urs(> it would come to be a mere ques- tion of force. The error is in the assump- tion that the general government is a ]>aity to th(> constitutional compact. The states, as has been shown, formed the compact, acting as sovereign and ind(^pendent com- munities. The general government is but its creature ; and though in reality a gov- ernment with all the ri'ihts and authority which belong to any other government, BOOK in.] CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF STATES. 85 within the orb of its powers, it is, never- theless, a goverment emanating from a compact between sovereigns, and partak- in.'^, in its nature and object, of the charac- ter ofajoint commission, appointed to super- intend and administer tne interests in which all are jointly concerned, but hav- ing, beyond its pro[)er sphere, no more I)(>\ver than if it did not exist. To deny this would be to deny the most incontestable facts, and the clearest conclusions ; while to acknowledge its truth, is to destroy ut- terly the objection that the appeal would be to force, in the case supposed. For if each party has a right t;) judge, then under our system of government, the final cogni- sance of a question of contested power would be in the states, and not in the. gen- eral government. It wouM be the duty of the latter, as in all similar cases of a con- test between one or more of the principals and a joint commission or agency, to refer the contest to the i)rincipals themselves. Such are the plain dictates of reason and analogy both. On no sound principle can the agents have a right to final cognisance, as against the principals, much less to use force against them, to. maintain their con- struction of their powers. Such a right would be monstrous ; and has never, here- tofore, been claimed in similar cases. That the doctrine is applicable to the ca-<e of a contested power between the states and the general government, we have the authority not only of reason and analogy, but of the distinguished statesman already referred to. I\Ir. Jefferson, at a late period of his life, after h)ng experience and mature reflection, says, " With respect to our state and federal governments, I do not think their relations are correctly un- derstood by foreigners. They suppose the former subordinate to the latter. This is not the case. They are co-ordinate de- partments of one simple and integral whole. But you may ask if the two de- partments should claim each the same subject of power, where is the umpire to decide between them? In cases of little urgency or importance, the prudence of b')th partie-f will keep them aloof from the questionable ground ; but if it can neither be avoided nor compromised, a convention of the states must be called to ascribe the iloubtful power to that department which they may think best." — It is thus that our Constitution, by authorizing amendments, and by prescribing the authority and mode of making them, has by a simple contriv- ance, with its characteristic wisdom, pro- vided a power which, in the last resort, supersedes effectually the necessity and even the pretext for f()rce ; a ])ower to which none can f^airly object; with which the interests of all are safe ; which can definitely close all controversies in the only elfectual mode, by freeing the com- pact of every defect and uncertainty, by an amendment of the instrument itself.' It is impossil)le tor human wisdom, in a sys- tem like ours, to devise another mode which shall be safe and effectual, and at the same time consistent with what are the relations and acknowledged powers (;f the two great departments of our govern- ment. It gives a beauty and security peculiar to our system, which, if duly appreciated, will transmit its blessings to the remotest generations; but, if not, our splendid anticipations of the future will prove but an empty dream. Stripped of all its covering, and the naked question is, whether ours is a federal or a consolidated government : a constitutional or absolute one ; a government resting ultimately on the solid basis of the sovereignty of the states, or on the unrestrained will of a majority ; a form of government, as in all other unlimited ones, in which injustice and violence, and force, must finally pre- vail. Let it never be forgotten, that where the majority rules, the minority is the sub- ject; and that if we should absurdly attri- bute to the former the exclusive right of construing the Constitution, there would be in fact between the sovereign and sub- ject, under such a government, no consti- tution ; or at least nothing deserving the name, or serving the legitimate object of so sacred an instrument. How the states are to exercise this high power of interposition which constitutes so essential a portion of their reserved rights that it cannot be delegated without an en- tire surrender of their sovereignty, ami converting our system from a federal into a consolidated government, is a question that the states only are competent to de- termine. The arguments which prove that they possess the power, equally prove that they are, in the language of Jefferson, "the rightful judges of the mode and measure of redress." But the .spirit of forbearance, as well as the nature of the right itself, forbids a recourse to it, exce;)t in cases of dangerous infractions of the Constitution ; and then only in the hist resort, when all reasonable hope of relief from the ordinary action of the govern- ment has failed; when, if the right to in- terpose did not exist, the alternative would be submission and oppres-sion on the one side, or resistance by force on the other. That our system should afford, in such ex- treme ca-ses, an intermediate point between these dire alternatives, by which tlie g<iv- ernment may be brought to a patise, an<l thereby an interval olitained to compro- mise differences, or. if impracticable, be compelled to submit the question to a con- stitutional adjustment, through an appeal to the states themselves, is an evidence of its high wisdom; an element not, as is supposed by some, of weakne^, but of »6 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. strength ; not of anarchy or revolution, but of peace and safety. Its general re- cognition would of itself, in a great mea- sure, if not altogether, supersede the neces- sity of its exercise, by impressing on the movements of the government that mod- eration and justice so essential to harmony and peace, in a country of such vast ex- tent and diversity of interests as ours ; and would, if controversy should come, turn the resentment of the aggrieved from the system to those who had abused its powers (a point all important), and cause them to seek redress, not in revolution or over- throw, but in reformation. It is, in fact, properly understood, a substitute where the alternative would be force, tending to prevent, and if that fails, to correct peace- ably the aberrations to which all political systems are liable, and which, if per- mitted to accumulate, without correction, must finally end in a general catastrophe. Speecli of Henry Clay In Defence of the American System* in which is given th^ Prevvjus History of Tarijf Contests in the /Senate of Die United Stules, Februa>-y 2d, 3d and iith, 1832. PMr Ci.AT, having retired from Congress soon after the establishment of the American System, by the passage of the Tariff of lS^-1, did not return to it till l«31-v:, when the opponents of this system had acquired the ascendency, and were bent on its destruction. An act reducing the duties on niany of the protected an ides, was devised and passed. The bill being under considera- tion in the Senate, Mr. Clay addressed that body as follows :] In one sentiment, Mr. President, ex- pressed by the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (General Hayne,) though ferhaps not in the sense intended by him, entirely concur, I agree with him, that the decision on the system of policy em- braced in this debate, involves the future destiny of this growing countrj-. One way I verily believe, it would lead to deep and general distress, general bankruptcy and national ruin, without benefit to any part of the Union: the other, the existing pros- peritv will be preserved and augmented, and the nation will continue rapidly to advance in wealth, power, and greatness, without prejudice to any section of the confederacy. Thus viewing the question, I stand here a'-* the humble nut zealous advocate, not of the interests of one State, or seven States onlv, but of the whole Union. And never before have I felt more intensely, the over- powering wei'/lit c)f that share of respon- sibility which belongs to me in th(>se de- liberations. Never before have I had more occasion than I now have to lament my want of those intellectual powers, the pos- session of which might enable me to un- fold to this Senate, and to illustrate to this *In this extended atwlracts are given and data refer- ences omitted uot applicable to these times. people great truths, intimately connected with the lasting welfare of my country. I should, indeed, sink overwhelmed and sub- dued beneath the appalling magnitude of the task which lies before me, if I did not feel myself sustained and fortified by a thorough consciousness of the justness of the cause which I have espoused, and by a persuasion I hope not presumptuous, that it has the approbation of that Providence who has so often smiled upon these United States. Eight years ago it was my painful duty to present to the other House of Congress, an unexaggerated picture of the general distress pervading the whole land. We must all yet remember some of its fright- ful features. We all know that the jjcople were then oppressed and borne down by an enormous load of debt ; that the value of property was at the lowest point of de- pression ; that ruinous sales and sacrifices were everj'where made of real estate ; that stop laws, and relief laws, and paper money were adopted to save the people from im- pending destruction ; that a deficit in the public revenue existed, which compelled government to seize upon, and divert from its legitimate object the appropriations to the sinking fund, to redeem the national debt ; and that our commerce and naviga- tion were threatened with a complete para- lysis. In short, sir, if I were to select any term of seven years since the adoption of the present constitution which exhibited a scene of the most wide-spread dismay and desolation, it would be exactly that term of seven years which immediately preceded the establishment of the tarifl" of 1824. I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an imperfect sketch of the existing state of the unparalleled pros- perity of the country. On a general sur- vey, we behold cultivation extended, the arts flourishing, the face of the country improved, our jieople fully and profitably enii)loyed, and the ])ublic countenance ex- hibiting tranquillity, contentment and hap- piness. And if we descend into particu- lars, we have the agreeable contemplation of a peo{)le out of debt, land rising slowly in value, but in a secure and salutary degree ; a ready though not extravagant market for all the surplus productions of our industry; innumerable flocks and herds browsing and gamboling on ten thousand liills and jilains, covered with rich and verdant grasses; our cities ex- panded, and whole villages springing up, us it were, by enchantment ; our exports and ini])orts increased and increasing; our tonnage, foreign and coa.stwise, swelling and fully occujned ; the rivers of our in- terior animated by the i»erj)etual thunder and lightning of countless steani-l)oats; the currency sound and abundant ; the jmblic debt of two wars nearly redeemed ; and, to BOOK III.] CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 87 crown all, the public treasury overflowing, embarrassing Congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the objects which shall be liberated from the imj)Ost. If the term of seven years were to be selected, of the greatest prosperity which this j)oople have enjoyed since the establish- ment of their present constitution, it would be exactly that period of seven years which immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824. This transformation of the condition of the country from gloom and distress to brightness and prosperity, has been mainly the work of American legislation, fostering American industry, instead of allowing it to be controlled by foreign legislation, cherishing foreign industry. The foes of the American System, in 1824, with great boldness ami confidence, predicted, 1st. The ruin of the public revenue, and the creation of a neceasit// to resort to direct taxation. Tlie gentleman from South Carolina, (General Hayne,) I believe, thought that the tariff of 1824 would oper- ate a reduction of revenue to the large amount of eight millions of dollars. 2d. The destruction of our navigation. 3d. The desolation of commercial cities. And 4th. The augmentation of the price of ob- jects of consumption, and further decline in that of the articles of our exports. Every prediction which they made has failed — utterly failed. Instead of the ruin of the public revenue, with which they then sought to deter us from the adoption of the A'nerican System, we are now threatene 1 with its subversion, by the vast amount of the public revenue produced by that system. Every branch of our navi- gation has increased. ***** *** Whilst we thus behold the entire failure of all that was foretold against the system, it is a subject of just felicitation to its friends, that all their anticipations of its benefits have been fulfilled, or are in pro- gress of fulfillment. The honorable gen- tleman from South Carolina has made an allusion to a speech made by me, in 1824, in the other House, in support of the tariff, and to which, otherwise, I should not have particularly referred. But I would ask aay one, who can now command the cour- age to peruse that long production, what principle there laid down is not true? what prediction then made has been falsified by practical experience? It is now proposed to abolish the system, to which we owe so much of the public prosperity, and it is urged that the arrival of the period of the redemption of the pub- lic debt has been confidently looked to as presenting a suitable occasion to rid the country of evils with which the system is alleged to be fraught. Not an inattentive observer of passing events, I have been aware that, among those who were most early pressing the payment of the public debt, and upon that ground were opposing appropriations to other great interests, there were some who cared less about the debt than the accomplishment of otlicr ob- jects. But the people of the United States have not cou{Mcd the payment of their public debt with the destruction of the f>rotection of MeiV industry, against foreign aw8 and foreign industry. They have been accustomed to regard the extinction of the public debt as relief from a burthen, and not as the infliction of a curse. If it is to be attended or followed by the sub- version of the American system, and an exposure of our establishments and our productions to the unguarded consequences of the selfish policy of foreign powers, the payment of the public debt will be the bitterest of curses. Its fruit will be like the fruit "Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste Brought death into the world, and all our woe. With loss of Edeu." If the system of protection be founded on principles erroneous in theory, perni- cious in practice — above all if it be uncon- stitutional, as is alleged, it ought to be forthwith abolished, and not a vestige of it suffered to remain. But, before we sanc- tion this sweeping denunciation, let us look a little at this system, its magnitude, its ramifications, its duration, and the high authorities which have sustained it. We shall see that its foes will have accom- plished comparatively nothing, after hav- ing achieved their present aim of breaking down our iron-foundries, our woolen, cotton, and hemp manufactories, and our sugar plantations. The destruction of these would, undoubtedly, lead to the sac- rifice of immense capital, the ruin of many thousands of our fellow citizens, and in- calculable loss to the whole community. But their prostration would not disfigure, nor produce greater effect upon the ^chole system of protection, in all its branches, than the destruction of the beautiful domes upon the capitol would occasion to the magnificent edifice which they surmount. Why, sir, there is scarcely an interest, scarcely a vocation in society, which is not embraced by the beneficence of this sys- tem. It comprehends our coasting tonnage and trade, from which all foreign tonnage is absolutely excluded. It includes all our foreign tonnage, with the inconsiderable exception made by treaties of reciprocity with a few foreign powers. It embraces our fisheries, and all our hardv and enterprising fishermen. It "extends to almost every mechanic art: * * * * * 88 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. It extends to all lower Louisiana, the Delta of which might as well be sub- merged again in the Gulf of Mexico, from which it has been a gradual conquest, as now to be deprived of the protecting duty upon its great staple. It aftects the cotton planter himself, and the tobacco planter, both of whom enjoy protection. Such are some of the items of this vast system of protection, which it is now pro- posed to abandon. We might well pause and contemplate, if human imagination could conceive the extent of mischief and ruin from its total overthrow, before we proceed to the work of destruction. Its duration is worthy also of serious con- sideration. Xot to go behind the consti- tution, its date is coeval with that instru- ment. It began on the ever memorable fourth day of July — the fourth day of July, 1789. The second act which stands re- corded in the statute book, bearing the il- lustrious signature of George Washington, laid the corner-stone of the whole system. That there might be no mistake about the matter, it was then solemnly proclaimed to the American people and to the world, that it was necessary for "the encourage- ment and protection of manufactures," that duties should be laid. It is in vain to urge the small amount of the measure of the protection then extended. The great principle was then established by the fa- thers of the constitution, with the father of his country at their head. And it can- not now be questioned, that, if the govern- ment had not then been new and the sub- ject untried, a greater measure of protec- tion would have been applied, if it had been supposed necessary. Shortly after, the master minds of Jefferson and Hamil- ton were brought to act on this interesting subject. Taking views of it appertaining to the departments of foreign ali'airs and of the treasury, which they respectively filled, they presented, severally, reports which yet remain monuments of their profound wisdom, and came to the same conclusion of protection to American industry. Mr. Jcfierson argued that foreign restrictions, foreign f)rohibitions, and foreign high du- ties, ought to be met at home by Ameri- can restrictions, American prohibitions, and American high duties. Mr. Hamil- ton, surveying the entire ground, and look- ing at the inlierent nature of the subject, treated it with an ability, which, if ever equalled, has not been surpassed, and ear- nestly recommended protection. The wars of the French revolution com- menced aV)out this jtcriod, and streams of gold poured into the United States through a thousand channels, opened or enlarged by the successful commerce which our neutrality enabled us to ])roaecu(e. We forgot or overlooked, in the general pros- perity, the necessity of encouraging our domestic manufactures. Then came the edicts of Napoleon, and the British orders in council ; and our embargo, non-inter- course, non-importation, and war, followed in rapid succession. These national mea- sures, amounting to a total suspension, for the period of their duration, of our foreign commerce, aflbrded the most efficacious encouragement to American manufactures ; and accordingly they everywhere sprung up. While these measures of restriction, and this state of war continued, the manu- facturers were stimulated in their enter- prise by every assurance of support, by public sentiment, and by legislative re- solves. It was about that period (1808) that South Carolina bore her high testi- mony to the wisdom of the policy, in an act of her legislature, the preamble of which, now before me, reads : " Whereas, the establishment and encour- agement of domestic manufactures, is con- ducive to the interests of a State, by adding new incentives to industri/, and as being the means of disposing to advantage the surplus productions of the agriculturist : and whereas, in the present unexampled state of the world, their establishment in our country is not only expedient, but politic in rendering us independent of foreign nations," The legislature, not being competent to afford the most efficacious aid, by imposing duties on foreign rival articles, proceeded to incorjjorate a company. Peace, under the treaty of Ghent, re- turned in 1815, but there did not return with it the golden days which preceded the edicts levelled at our commerce by Great Britain and France. It found all Europe tranquilly resuming the arts and business of civil life. It found Europe no longer the consumer of our surplus, and the employer of our navigation, but ex- cluding, or heavily bwrthening, almost all the productions of our agriculture, and our rivals in manufactures, in navigation, and in commerce. It found our country, in short, in a situation totally different from all the i)ast — new and untried. It became necessary to adapt our laws, and especially our laws of impost, to the new circum- stances in which we found ourselves. Ac- cordingly, that eminent and lamented citi- zen, then at the head of the treasury, (Mr. Dallas,) was required, by a resolution of the House of Representatives, under date the twenty-third day of February, 1815, to l)repare and report to the succeeding ses- sion of Congress, a system of revenue con- formable with the actual condition of the country. He had the circle of a whole year to perform the work, consulted mer- chants, manufacturers, and other practical men, and openec] an extensive correspon- deuce. The re^Jort which he made at the BOOK III.] CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 89 session of 1816, was the result of his in- quiries and reflections, iind embodies the principles which he thought applicable to the subject. It has been said, that the tariff of 181(J w;ts a measure of mere reve- nue, and that it only reduced the war duties to a i)eace standard. It is true that the question tlicn was, how much and in what way should the d()ul)le duties of the war be reduced? Now, also, the (piestk)!! is, on what articlas shall the duties be re- duced so as to subject the amounts of the future revenue to the wants of the ijovern- ment? Then it was deemed an inquiry of the first importance, as it should be now, how, the reduction should be made, so as to secure proper encouraijement to our do- mestic industry. That this was a leadino: object in the arrantiement of the tariff of 1816, I well remember, and it is demon- strated by the lanjiuage of Mr. Dallas. He says in his report : "There are few, if any governments, which do not regard the establishment of domestic manufactures as a chief object of public policy. The United States have always so regarded it. * * * * The demands of the country, while the acqui- sitions of sui)i)lies from foreign nations was either prohil)ited or impracticable, may have afforded sufficient inducement for this investment of capital, and this appli- cation of labor ; but the inducement, in its necessary extent, must fail when the day of compel if ion returns. Upon that change in the condition of the country, the preser- vation of the manufiu^tures, which jirivate citizens under favorable auspices have con- stituted the ]-)roi)erty of the nation, be- comes a con-iideration of general policy, to be resolved by a recollection of past em- barrassments; by the certainty of an in- creased difficulty of reinstating, upon any emergency, the manufactures which shall be allowed to perish and pass away," &c. The measure of protection which ho proposed was not adopted, in regard to some leading articles, and there was great difficulty in ascertaining what it ought to have been. But the principle was then distinctly asserted and fully sanctioned. The subject of the American system was again brought up in 1820, by the bill re- ported by the chairman of the committee of manufactures, now a member of the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, and the principle was successfully maintained by the repre-ientatives of the people ; but the bill which they passed was defeated in the Senate. It was revived in 1824:; the whole ground carefully and de- libertitoly explored, and the bill then in- troduced, receiving all the sanctions of the constitution, became the law of the land. An amendment of the system was proposed in 1828, to the history of which T refer with no agreeable recollections. The bill of that year, in some of its provisions, wa.s framed on principles directly adverse to the declared wishes of the friends of tiie policy of protection. I have heard, with- out vouching for the fact, that it was so framed, upon the advice of a i)rominent citizen, now abroad, wilh the view of ulti- mately dcrcating the bill, and with ;u<sur- ances that, l)cing altogether unaccei)table to the friends of the American system, the bill would be lost. Be that as it may, the most exceptional features of the bill were stamped ujion it, against the earnest re- monstrances of the friends of the system, by the votes of southern members, upon a principle, I think, as unsound in legisla- tion as it is reprehensible in ethics. The bill was passed, notwithstanding all this, it having been deemed better to take the bad along with the good which it contained, than reject it altogether. Subsequent leg- islation has corrected the error then i)er- petrated, but still that measure is vehe- mently denounced by gentlemen who con- tributed to make it what it was. Thus, sir, has this great system of pro- tection been gradually built, stone U])on stone, and step by step, from the fourth of July, 1789, down to the present perioil. In every stage of its progress it has received the deliberate sanction of Congress. A vast majority of the people of the United States has approved and continue to ap- prove it. Every chief magistrate of the United States, from Washington to the present, in some form or other, has given to it the authority of his name; and how- ever the opinions of the existing President are interpreted South of Mason's and Dix- on's line, on the north they are at least understood to favor the establishment of a judicious tariff. The question, therefore, which we are now calleil upon to determine, is not whether we shall establish a new and doubtful system of policy, just {)roposed, and for the first time presented to our con- sideration, but whether we shall break down and destroy a long established sys- tem, patiently and carefully built up and sanctioned, during a series of years, again and again, by the nation and its highest and most revered authorities. Arc we not bound deliberately to consider whether we can proceed to this work of destruction without a violation of the public faith? The peojile of the United States have jti<tlv supposed that the policy of jirotecting their industry against foreign legislation and foreign industry was fully settled, not by a single act, lint by repeated and deliberate acts of government, performed at distant and frequent interval. In fidl confidence th.'itthe policy was firmly and unchange- ably fixea, thousands upon thousands iuive invested their capital, ))urcha>i'd a vast amount of real and other estate, made \)^t- 90 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. manent establishments, and accommodated i come naturalized in our country ; whilst, their industry. Can we expose to utter and irretrievable ruin this countless multi- tude, without justly incurring the reproach of violating the national faith ? Such are the origin, duration, extent and happily, there are many others who readily attach themselves to our principles and our institutions. The honest, patient and in- dustrious German readily unites with our people, establishes himself upon some of sanctions of the policy which we are now our fat land, fills his capacious barn, and called upon to subvert. Its beneficial ef- I enjoys in tranquillity, the abundant fruits fects, although thev may vary in degree, I which his diligence gathers around him, have been felt in all parts of the Union. \ always ready to fly to the standard of his To none, I verily believe, has it been pre- j adopted country, or of its laws, when called judicial. In the North, every where, testi- j by the duties of patriotism. The gay, the menials are borne to the high prosperity ^ versatile, the philosophic Frenchman, ac- which it has diffused. There, all branches ; commodating himself cheerfully to all the of industry are animated and flourishing. 1 vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself Commerce, foreign and domestic, active ; j without difficulty in our society. ^-^ -*" cities and towns springing up, enlargmg and beautifying ; navigation fully and pro- fitably employed, and the whole face of the country smiling with improvement, cheer- fulness and abundance. ******* When gentlemen have succeeded in their But, of all foreigners, none amalgamate themselves so quickly with our people as the natives of the Emerald Isle. In some of the vis- ions which have passed through my im- agination, I have supposed that Ireland was originally, part and parcel of this con- tinent, and that, by some extraordinary design of"an immediate or gradual destruc- 1 convulsion of nature, it was torn from tion of the American System, what is their | America, and drifting across the ocean, substitute? Free trade! Free trade! The i was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of call for free trade is as unavailing as the Great Britain. The same open-hearted- cry of a spoiled child, in its nurse's arms, I ness ; the same generous hospitality ; the for the moon, or the stars that glitter in same careless and uncalculating indifFer- the firmament of heaven. It never has ence about human life, characterize the in- existed, it never will exist. Trade implies, habitants of both countries. Kentucky at least two parties. To be free^it should j has been sometimes called the Ireland of America. And I have no doubt, that if the current of emigration were reversed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, instead of bearing from Europe to America, every American emigrant to Ire- land would there find, as every Irish emi- grant here finds, a hearty welcome and a happy home ! But I have said that the syst-^m nomi- nally called " free trade," so earnestly and be fair, equfd and reciprocal. But if we throw our ports wide open to the admission of foreign productions, free of all duty, what porte of any other foreign nation shall we find open to the free admission of our surplus produce? We may breakdown all barriers to free trade on our part, but the work will not be complete until foreign powers shall have removed theirs. There would be freedom on one side, and restriC' tions, prohibitions and exclusions on the | eloquently recommended to our adoption, other. The bolts, and the bars, and the is a mere revival of the British colonial chains of all other nations will remain un- disturbed. It is, indeed, possible, that our industry and commerce would accommo system, forced upon us by Great Britain during the existence of our colonial vas- salage. The whole system is fully explained date themselves to this unequal and unjust and illustrated in a work published as far state of things ; for, such is the flexibility back as the year 1750, entitled " The_ Trade of our nature, tliat it bends itself to all and Navigation of Great Britain considered, circumstances. The wretched prisoner in- by Joshua Gee," with extracts from which carcerated in a jail, after a long time be- 1 1 have been furnished by the diligent re- comes reconciled to his solitude, and regu- 1 searches of a friend. It will be seen from larly notches down the passing days of his j these, that the South Carolina policy now, conifinement. is'identical with the long cherished policy Gentlemen deceive themselves. It is not of Great Britain, which remains the same free trade that they are recommending to as it was when the thirteen colonies were our acceptance. It is in effect, the British ! part of the British empire, colonial system that we are invited to I regret, Mr. President, that one topic adopt; ancl, if their policy prevail, it will ' has, I think, unnecessarily been intro- lead substantially to the re-colonization of duced into this debate. I allude to the charge brought against the manufacturing system, as favoring the groAvth of aristoc- racy. If it were true, would gentlemen these States, under the commercial domin^ ion of Great Britain. And whom do we find some of the principal sup})orters, out of Congress, of this foreign system ?_ Mr. rrcsident, there are are some foreigners who always remain exotics, and never be- prefer supjjorting foreign accumulations of wealth, by that description of industry, rather than in their own country ? But is BOOK III.] CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 91 it correct? The joint stock companies of the north, as I understand them, are no- thing more than associations, sometimes of hundreds, by means of wliich the small earnings of many are brought into a com- mon stock, and the associates, obtaining corporate privileges, are enabled to prose- cute, under one superintending head, their business to better advantage. Nothing can be more essentially democratic or bet- ter devised to counterpoise the influence of individual wealth. In Kentucky, almost every manufactory known to me, is in the hands of enterprising and self-made men, who have acquired Avhatever wealth they possess by patient and diligent labor. Comparisons are odious, and but in defence, would not be made by me. But is there more tendency to aristocracy in a manu- factory supporting hundreds of freemen, or in a cotton plantation, with its not less numerous slaves, sustaining perhaps only two white families — that of the master and the overseer? I pass, with pleasure, from this disagree- able topic, to two general propositions, which cover the entire ground of debate. The first is, that under the operation of the American System, the objects which it pro- tects and fosters are brought to the con- sumer at cheaper prices than they com- manded prior to its introduction, or, than they would command if it did not exist. If that be true, ought not the country to be contented and satisfied with the system, unless the second proposition, which I mean presently also to consider, is unfound- e I ? And that is, that the tendency of the system is to sustain, and that it has upheld the prices of all our agricultural and other produce, including cotton. And is the fact not indisputable, that all essential objects of consumption effected by the tariff, are cheaper and better since the act of 1824, than they were for several years prior to that law ? I appeal for its truth to common observation and to all practical men. I appeal to the farmer of the country, whether he does not purchase on better term? his iron, salt, brown sugar, cotton goods, and woolens, for his laboring people? And I ask the cotton planter if he has not been better and more cheaply su Implied with his cotton bagging? In re- gard to this latter article, the gentleman from South Carolina was mistaken in sup- posing that I complained that, under the existing duty the Kentucky manufacturer could not compete with the Scotch. The Kentuckian furnishes a more substantial and a cheaper article, and at a more uni- form and regular price. But it was the frauds, the violations of law of which I did complain ; not smuggling, in the com- mon sense of that practice, which has something bold, daring, and enterprising in it, but mean, barefaced cheating, by fraudulent invoices and false denomina- tion. I plant myself upon this fact, of cheap- ness and superiority, as upon impregnable ground. Gentlemen may tax their inge- nuity and produce a thousaiid speculative solutions of the fact, but the fact itself will remain undisturbed. This brings me to consider what I ap- prehend to have been the most efhcient of all the causes in the reduction of the prices of manufactured articles — and that is com- petition. By competition, the total amount of the supply is increased, and by increase of the supply, a competition in the sale ensues, and this enables the consumer to buy at lower rates. Of all human powers operating on the affairs of man- kind, none is greater than that of compe- tition. It is action and re-action. It operates between individuals in the same nation, and between different nations. It resembles the meeting of the mountain torrent, grooving by its precipitous motion, its o\Yn channel, and ocean's tide. Unop- posed, it sweeps everything before it; but, counterpoised, the waters become calm, safe and regular. It is like the segments of a circle or an arch ; taken separately, each is nothing ; but in their combination they produce efficiency, symmetry, and perfection. By the American System this vast power has been excited in America, and brought into being to act in co-oj^era- tion or collision with European industry. Europe acts within itself, and with Ameri- ca ; and America acts within itself, and with Europe. The consequence is, the re- duction of prices in both hemispheres. Nor is it fair to argue from the reduction of prices in Europe, to her own presumed skill and labor, exclusively. We affect her prices, and she affects ours. This must always be the case, at least in reference to any articles as to which there is not a to- tal non-intercourse ; and if our industry, by diminishing the demand for her sup- plies, should produce a diminution in the price of those supplies, it would be very unfair to ascribe that reduction to her in- genuity instead of placing it to the credit of our own skill and excited industry. The great law of price is determined by supply and demand. Whatever affects either, affects the price. If the supply is increased, the demand remaining the same, the price declines; if the demand is in- creased, the supply remaining the same, the price advances ; if both supply and de- mand are undiminished, the price is sta- tionary, and the price is influenced exactly in proportion to the degree of disturbance to the demand or supply. It is therefore a great error to suppose that an existing or new duty necessarilj/ becomes a component element to its exact amount of price. If the proportion of demand and supply are 92 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. varied by the duty, either in augmenting the supply, or diminishing the demand, or vice versa, price is affected to the extent of that variation. But the duty never becomes an integral part of the price, except in the instances where the demand and the supply remain after the duty is imposed, precisely what they were before, or the demand is increased, and the supply remains sta- tionary. Competition, therefore, wherever exist- ing, whether at home or abroad, is the parent cause of cheapness. If a high duty excites jjroduction at home, and the quan- tity of the domestic article exceeds the amount which had been previously im- ported the price will fall. This accounts for an extraordinary fact stated by a Sena- tor from Missouri. Three cents were laid as a duty upon a pound of lead, by the act of 1S28. The price at Galena, and the other lead mines, afterwards fell to one and a half cents per pound. Kow it is obvious that the duty did not, in this case, enter into the price : for it was twice the amount of the price. What produced the fall ? It was stwiulated production at home, excited by the temptation of the exclusive posses- sion of the home market. This state of things could not last. Men would not con- tinue an unprofitable pursuit; some aban- doned the business, or the total quantity produced was diminished, and living prices have been the consequence. But, break down the domestic supply, place us again in a state of dependence on the foreign source, and can it be doubted that we should ultimately have to supply ourselves at dearer rates ? It is not fair to credit the foreign market with the depression of prices produced there by the influence of our competition. Let the competition be with- drawn, and their prices would instantly rise. But, it is argued that if, by the skill, ex- perience, and perfection which we have acquired in certain branches of manufac- ture, they can be made as cheap as similar articles abroad, and enter fairly into com- petition with them, why not repeal the duties as to those articles ? And why should we ? Assuming the truth of the supposi- tion the foreign article would not be intro- duced in the regular course of trade, but would remain excluded by the possession of the home market, which the domestic article had obtained. The repeal, therefore, would have no legitimate effect. But might not the foreign article be imported in vast quantities, U) glut our markets, break down our cstablisbments, and ultimately to enable the foreigner to monopolize the supply of our consumption? America is the greatest foreign market for European manufac- tures. It is tliat to which European at- tention is constantly directed. If a great house becomes bankrupt there, its store- houses are emptied, and the goods are ship- ped to America, where, in consequence of our auctions, and our custom-house credits, the greatest facilities are afforded in the sale of them. Combinations among manu- facturers might take place, or even the op- erations of foreign governments might be directed to the destruction of our establish- ments. A repeal, therefoi-e, of one protect- ing duty, from some one or all of these causes, would be followed by flooding the country with the foreign fabric, surcharg- ing the market, reducing the price, and a complete prostration of our manufactories ; after which the foreigner would leisurely look about to indemnify himself in the in- creased prices which he Avould be enabled to command by his monopoly of the supply of our consumption. What American cit- izen, after the government had displayed this vacillating policy, would be again tempted to place the smallest confidence in the public faith, and adventure once more in this branch of industry ? Gentlemen have allowed to the manu- facturing portions of the community no peace ; they have been constantly threat- ened with the overthrow of the American System. From the year 1820, if not from 1816, down to this time, they have been held in a condition of constant alarm and insecurity. Nothing is more prejudicial to the great interests of a nation than unset- tled and varying policy. Although every appeal to the national legislature has been responded to in conformity with the wishes and sentiments of the great majority of the people, measures of protection have only been carried by such small majorities as to excite hopes on the one hand, and fears on the other. Let the countiy breathe, let its vast resources be developed, let its ener- gies be fully put forth, let it have tran- quillity, and my word for it, the degree of perfection in the arts which it will exhibit, will be greater than that which has been presented, astonishing as our progress has been. Although some branches of our manufactures might, and in foreign mar- kets now do, fearlessly contend with simi- lar foreign fabrics, there are many others yet in their infancy, struggling with the difficulties which encompass them. We should look at the whole system, and re- collect that time, when we contemplate the great movements of a nation, is very difl'er- ent from the short period which is allotted for the duration of individual life. The honorable gentleman from South Caro- lina well and eloquently said, in 1824, " No great interest of any country ever yet grew up in a day ; no new branch of in- dustry can l)ecome firmly and profitably established but in a long course of years; every thing, indeed, great or good, is ma- tured by slow degrees: that which attains a speedy maturity is of small value, and is BOOK III.] CLAY ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM. 93 destined to a brief existence. It is the or- der of Providence, that powers gradually developed, shall alone attain jiermanency and perfection. Thus must it be with our national institutions, and national charac- ter itself.'' I feel most sensibly, Mr. President, how much I have trespassed upon the Senate. My apology is a deep and deliberate con- viction, that the great cause under debate involves the prosj^erity and the destiny of the Union. But the best requital I can make, for the friendly indulgence which has been extended to me by the Senate, and for which I shall ever retain senti- ments of lasting gratitude, is to proceed with as little delay as practicable, to the conclusion of a discourse which has not been more tedious to the Senate than ex- hausting to me. I have now to consider the remaining of the two propositions which I have already announced. That is: Secondly. That under the operation of the American System, the products of our agriculture command a higher price than they would do without it, by the creation of a home market ; and by the augmenta- tion of wealth produced by manufacturing industry, which enlarges our powers of consumption both of domestic and foreign articles. The importance of the home market is among tlie established maxims which are universally recognized by all writers and all men. However some may differ as to the relative advantages of the foreign and the home market, none deny to the latter great value and high conside- ration. It is nearer to us; beyond the control of foreign legislation ; and undis- turbed by those vicissitudes to which all international intercourse is more or less exposed. The most stujDid are sensible of the benefit of a residence in the vicinity of a large manufactory, or of a i^flarket town, of a good road, or of a navigable stream, which connects their farms with some great capital. If the pursuits of all men were perfectly the same, although they would be in possession of the greatest abundance of the particular produce of their industry, they might, at the same time, be in extreme want of other neces- sary articles of human subsistence. The uniformity of the general occupation would preclude all exchanges, all commerce It is only in the diversity of the vocations of the members of a community that the means can be found for those salutary ex- changes which conduce to the general prosperity. And the greater that diversity, the more extensive and the more animat- ing is the circle of exchange. Even if foreign markets were freely and widely open to the reception of our agricultural produce, from its bulky nature, and the distance of the interior, and the dangers of the ocean, large portions of it could never profitably reach the foreign market. But let us quit this field of theory, clear as it is, and look at the practical operation of the system of protection, beginning with the most valuable staple of our agricul- ture. But if all this reasoning were totally fallacious — if the price of manufactured articles were really higher, under the American system, than without it, I should still argue that high or low prices were themselves relative — relative to the ability to pay them. It is in vain to tempt, to tantalize us with the lower prices of Euro- pean fabrics than our own, if we have nothing wherewith to purchase them. If, by the home exchanges, we can be sup- plied with necessary, even if they are dearer and worse, articles of American production than the foreign, it is better than not to be supplied at all. And how would the large portion of our country which I have described be supplied, but for the home exchanges? A poor peoi)le, destitute of wealth or of exchangeable commodities, has nothing to purchase for- eign fabrics. To them they are equally beyond their reach, whether their cost be a dollar or a guinea. It is in this view of the matter that Great Britain, by her vast wealth — her excited and protected industry — is enabled to bear a burden of taxation which, when compared to that of other nations, appears enormous ; but which, when her immense riches are compared to theirs, is light and trivial. The gentle- man from South Carolina has drawn a lively and flattering picture of our coasts, bays, rivers, and harbors ; and he argues that these proclaimed the design of Provi- dence, that we should be a commercial people. I agree with him. We differ only as to the means. He would cherish the foreign, and neglect the internal tfade. I would foster both. What is navigation without ships, or ships without cargoes ? By penetrating the bosoms of our moun- tains, and extracting from them their pre- cious treasures ; by cultivating the earth, and securing a home market for its rich p.nd abundant products ; by employing the Avater power with which we are blessed ; by stimulating and protecting our native industry, in all its forms ; we shall but nourish and promote the prosperity of commerce, foreign and domestic. I have hitherto considered the question in reference only to a state of peace ; Init a season of war ought not to be entirely overlooked. We have enjoyed near twen- ty years of peace ; but who can tell when the storm of war shall again break forth ? Have we forgotten so soon, the ])rivation3 to which, not merely our brave soldiers and our gallant tars were subjected, but the whole community, during the last 94 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. war, for the want of absolute necessaries ? To what an enormous price they rose ! And how inadequate tlae sujaply was, at any price! Tlie statesman wlio justly elevates his views, will look behind, as well as forward, and at the existing state of things ; and he will graduate the policy which he recommends, to all the probable exigencies which may arise in the Repub- lic. Taking this comprehensive range, it would be easy to show that the higher prices of peace, if prices were higher in peace, were more than compensated by the lower prices of war, during which supplies of all essential articles are indispensable to its vigorous, effectual and glorious prose- cution. I conclude this part of the argu- ment with the hope that my humble exer- tions have not been altogether unsuccess- ful in showing — 1. That the policy which we have been considering ought to continue to be re- garded as the genuine American System. 2. That the Free Trade System, which is proposed as its substitute, ought really to be considered as the British Colonial System. 3. That the American System is bene- ficial to all parts of the Union, and abso- lutely necessary to much the larger portion. 4. That the price of the great staple of cotton, and of all our chief productions of agriculture, has been sustained and up- held, and a decline averted by the Protec- tive System. 5. That if the foreign demand for cot- ton has been at all diminished by the operation of that system, the diminution has been more than compensated in the additional demand created at home. 6. That the constant tendency of the system, by creating competition among ourselves, and between American and Eu- ropean industry, reciprocally acting upon each other, is to reduce prices of manufac- tured objects. 7. That in point of fact, objects within the scojie of the policy of protection have greatly fhllen in price. 8. That if, in a season of peace, these benefits are experienced, in a season of war, when the foreign supply might be cut r)ff, they would be much more exten- sively felt. 9. And finally, that the substitution of the British Colonial System for the Ameri- can System, without benefiting any sec- tion of the Union, by sulyecting us to a foreign legislation, regulated by foreign interests, would lead to the prostration of our manufactures, general impoverishment, and ultimate ruin. The danger to our Union does not lie on the side of persistence in the American System, but on that of its abandonment, if, aa I have supposed and believe, the inhabitants of all north and east of James river, and all west of the mountains, in- cluding Louisiana, are deeply interested in the preservation of that system, would they be reconciled to its overthrow ? Can it be expected that two-thirds, if not three- fourths, of the people of the United States, would consent to the destruction of a policy, believed to be indispensably ne- cessary to their prosperity? \7hen, too, the sacrifice is made at the instance of a single interest, which they verily believe will not be promoted by it? In estima- ting the degree of peril which may be in- cident to two opposite courses of human policy, the statesman would be short- sighted who should content himself with viewing only the evils, real or imaginary, which belong to that course which is in practical operation. He should lift himself up to the contemplation of those greater and more certain dangers which might inevitably attend the adoption of the al- ternative course. What would be the condition of this Union, if Pennsylvania and New York, those mammoth merhbers of our confederacy, were firmly persuaded that their industry was paralyzed, and their prosperity blighted, by the enforce- ment of the British colonial system, under the delusive name of free trade? They are now tranquil and happy, and con- tented, conscious of their welfare, and feel- ing a salutary and rapid circulation of the products of home manufactures and home industry throughout all their great arteries. But let that be checked, let them feel that a foreign system is to predominate, and the sources of their subsistence and comfort dried up ; let New England and the west, and the middle States, all feel that they too are the victims of a mistaken policy, and let these vast portions of our country despair of ai^y favorable change, and then indeed might we tremble for the continu- ance and safety of this Union ! And now, sir, I would address a few words to the friends of the American Sys- tem in the Senate. The revenue must — ought to be reduced. The country will not, after, by the payment of the public debt, ten or twelve millions of dollars be- come unnecessary, bear such an annual sur- plus. Its distribution would form a sub- ject of perpetual contention. Some of the opponents of the system understand the stratagem by which to attack it, and are shaping their course accordingly. It is to crush the system by the accumulation of revenue, and by the effort to persuade the people that they are unnecessarily taxed, wliile those would really tax them who would break up the native sources of sup- l)ly, and render them dependent upon the foreign. I'ut the revenue ought to be re- (hiced, so as to accommodate it to the fact of the payment of the public debt. And BOOK III.] BUCHANAN ON AN INDEPENDENT TREASURY. 95 the alternative is or may be, to preserve the protecting system, and repeal the du- ties on the unprotected articles, or to pre- serce the duties on unprotected uriioXcs,, and endanger if not destroy the system. Let us then adopt the measure before us, which will benefit all classes ; the farmer, the pro- fessional man, the merchant, the manufac- turer, the mechanic ; and the cotton plant- er more than all. A few mouths ago there was no diversity of opinion as to the ex- pediency of this measure. All, then, seemed to unite in the selection of these objects for a repeal of duties which were not produced within the country. Such a repeal did not touch our domestic indus- try, violated no principle, offended no prejudice. Can we not all, whatever may be our favorite theories, cordially unite on this neutral ground ? When that is occupied, let us look beyond it, and see if anything can be done in the field of protection, to modify, or improve it, or to satisfy those who are opposed to the system. Our southern brethren believe that it is injuri- ous to them, and ask its repeal. We be- lieve that its abandonment will be preju- dicial to them, and ruinous to every other section of the Union. However strong their convictions may be, they are not stranger than ours. Between the points of the preservation of the system and its ab- solute repeal, there is no principle of union. If it can be shown to operate im- moderately on any quarter — if the measure of protection to any article can be demon- strated to be undue and inordinate, it would be the duty of Congress to inter- pose and apply a remedy. And none will co-operate mire heartily than I shall in the performince of that duty. It is quite probable that beneficial mKlifications of the svstem may be made without impairing its efficacy. But to make it fulfill the pur- poses of its institution, the measure of pro- tection ought to be adequate. If it be not, all interests will be injuriously affected. The manufacturer, crippled in his exer- tion-*, will produce less perfect and dearer fabrics, and the consumer will feel the consequence. This is the spirit, and these are the principles only, on which, it seems to me, that a settlement of the great ques- tion can be made, satisfactorily to all parts of our Union. Mr. Buchanan's Speech on the Independent Treasury, January 22, IS-k), which gave rise to the " ten cent" charge. "We are also charged by the Senator from Kentucky with a desire to reduce the wages of the poor man's labor. We have often been termed agrarians on our side of the House. It is something new under the sun, to hear the Senator and his friends attribute to us a desire to elevate the wealthy manufacturer, at the expense of the laboring 'man and the mechanic. From my soul, I respect the laboring man. Labor is the foundation of the wealth of every country ; and the free laborers of the North deserve respect, both for their probity and their intelligence. Heaven forbid that I should do them wrong! Of all the countries on the earth, we ought to have the most consideration for the laboring man. From the very nature of our insti- tutions, the wheel of fortune is constantly revolving, and producing such mutations in property, that the wealthy man of to- day may become the poor laborer of to- morrow. Truly, wealth often takes to itself wings and flies away. A large fortune rarely lasts beyond the third generation, even if it endure so long. We must all know instances of individuals obliged to labor for their daily bread, whose grand- fathers were men of fortune. The regular process of society would almost seem to consist of the efforts of one class to dissi- pate the fortunes wdiich they have inherit- ed, whilst another clasps, by their industry and economy, are regularly rising to wealth. We have all, therefore, a common interest, as it is our common duty, to pro- tect the rights of the laboring man : and if I believed for a moment that this bill would prove injurious to him, it should meet my unqualified opposition. " Although this bill will not have as great an influence as I could desire, yet, as far as it goes, it will benefit the laboring man as much, and probably more than any other class of society. What is it he ought most to desire? Constant employment, regular wages, and uniform reasonable prices for the necessaries and comforts of life which he requires. Now, sir, what has been his condition under our system of expansions and contractions? He has suffered more by them than any other class of society. The rate of his wages is fixed and known ; and they are the last to rise with the increasing expansion and the first to fall when the corresponding revulsion occurs. He still continues to receive his dollar per day, whilst the price of every article which he consumes is rapidly rising. He is at length made to feel that, although he nominally earns as much, or even more than he did formerly, yet, from the in- creased price of all the necessaries of life, he cannot support his family. Hence the strikes for higher wages, and the uneasy and excited feelings which have at different periods, existed among the laboring clas-es. But the expansion at length reaches the exploding point, and what does the Labor- ing man now suffer? He is for a season thrown out of employment altogether. Our manufactures are suspended ; our public works iire stopped ; our private enterprises 96 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. of different kinds are abandoned; and, whilst others are able to weather the storm, he can scarcely procure the means of bare subsistence. " Again, sir ; who, do you suppose, held the greater part of the worthless paper of the one hundred and sixty-five broken banks to which I have referred ? Certainly it was not the keen and wary speculator, who snufis danger from afar. If you were to make the search, you Avould find more broken bank notes in the cottages of the laboring poor than anywhere else. And these miserable shinplasters, where are they ? After the revulsion of 1837, labor- ers were glad to obtain employment on any terms ; and they often received it upon the express condition that they should accept this worthless trash in payment. Sir, an entire suppression of all bank notes of a lower denomination than the value of one week's wages of the laboring man is abso- lutely necessary for his protection. He ought always to receive his wages in gold and silver. ' Of all men on the earth, the laborer is most interested in having a sound and stable currency. "All other circumstances being equal, I agree with the Senator from Kentucky that that country is most prosperous where labor commands the highest wages. I do not, however, mean by the terms ' highest wages,' the greatest nominal amount. During the revolutionary war, one day's work commanded a hundred dollars of continental paper ; but this would have scarcely purchased a breakfast. The more proper expression would be, to say that that country is most prosperous where labor commands the greatest reward ; where one day's labor will procure not the greatest nominal amount of a depreciated currency, but most of the necessaries and comforts of life. If, therefore, you should, in some degree, reduce the nominal jirice paid for labor, by reducing the amount of your bank issues within reasonable and safe limits, and establishing a metallic basis for your paper circuhition, would this in- jure the lal)oror? Certainly not ; because the price of all the necessaries and com- forts of life are reduced in the same pro- portion, and he will be able to jmrchase more of them for one dollar in a sound state of the currency, than he could have done, in the days of extravagant expansion, for a dollar and a quarter. So far from in- juring, it will greatly benefit the labor- ing man. It will insure to him constant em- ployment and regular prices, paid in a sound currency, which, of all things, he ought most to desire ; and it will save him from being involved in niin l)y a recur- rence of those periodical expansions and crintractions of the currency, which have liithcrto convulsed the country. " This sound state of the currency will have another most happy effect upon the laboring man. He will receive his wages in gold and silver ; and this will induce him to lay up, for future use, such a por- tion of them as he can spare, after satisfy- ing his immediate wants. This he will not do at present, because he knows not whether the trash which he is now com- pelled to receive as money, will continue to be of any value a week or a month hereafter. A knowledge of this fact tends to banish economy from his dwelling, and induces him to expend all his wages as rapidly as possible, lest they may become worthless on his hands. "Sir, the laboring classes understand this subject perfectly. It is the hard- handed and firm-fisted men of the country on whom we must rely in the day of danger, who are the most friendly to the passage of this bill. It is they who are the most ardently in favor of infusing into the currency of the country a very large amount of the precious metals." liexria Cass on tlie Missouri Compromise. From a speech made on the 20th of February, 1 854. Mr. President : I have not withheld the expression of my regret elsewhere, nor shall I withhold it here, that this question of repeal of the Missouri compromise, which opens all the disputed points con- nected with the subject of Congressional action upon slavery in the territories of the United States, has been brought beibre us. I do not think the practical advantages to result from the measure will outweigh the injurj^ which the ill-feeling, fated to ac- company the discussion of this subject through the country, is sure to produce. And I was confirmed in this impression from what was said by the Senator from Tennessee, (Mr. Jones,") by the Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Dixon,) and from North Carolina, (Mr. Badger,) and also by the remarks which fell Irom the Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Hunter,) and in which I ftilly c(mcur, that the Soutli will never receive any benefit from this measure, so far as respects the extension of slavery ; for, legislate as we may, no human power can establish it in the regions defined by these liills. And such were the sentiments of two eminent j)atriots, to whose exertions we are greatly indebted for the satisfactory termination of the ditficulties of 1850, and who since j)assed from their labors, and, I trust, to their reward. Thus believing, I should have been better content had tlie wlioU'sul)ject Iteen left as it was by the bill when first introduced by the Senator from Illinois, without any provision regarding the Missouri compromise. I am aware that it was reported that I intended to pro- BOOKiii.J CLEMENT L, VALLANDIGHAM ON SLAVERY, 97 pose the repeal of that measure, but it was an error. My intentions were wholly mis- understood. I had no design whatever to take such a step, and thus resuscitate a deed of conciliation which had done its work, and done it well, and which was hallowed by patriotism, by success, and by its a-ssociation with great names, now trans- ferred to history. It belonged to a past generation; and in the midst of a political tempest which appalled the wisest and firmest in the land, it had said to the waves of agitation, raicc, he still, and they be- came still. It would have been better, in mv opinion, not to disturb its slumber, as all useful and practical objects could have been attained without it. But the ques- tion is here without my agency. Clement Ij. Vallandlgham on Slavery. October 29, 1855. "Slavery, gentlemen, older in other countries also, than the records of human society, existed in America at the date of its discovery. The first slaves of the Euro- gean, were natives of the soil : and a 'uritan governor of Massachusetts, founder of the family of Winthrop, bequeathed his soul to God, and his Indian slaves to the lawful heirs of his body. Negro slavery w;is introduced into Hispaniola in 1501 : more than a century before the colo- nization of America by the English. Massachusetts, by express enactment in Itjll punishing ' manstealing ' with death : — ana it is so punished to this day under th^^ laws of the United States — legalized yet the enslaving of captives taken in war, and of such ' strangers,' foreigners, as should be acquired by purchase: while confederate New England, two years later, f>roviding for the equitable division of ands, goods and 'persons,' as equally a part of the 'spoils' of war, enacted also the first fugitive slave law in America. White slaves — convicts and paupers some of them ; others at a later day, prisoners taken at the battles of Dunbar and Wor- cestar, and of Sedgemoor — were at the first, employed in Virginia and the British West Indies. Bought in England by English dealers, among whom was the queen of James II., with many of his no- bles and courtiers, some of them perhaps of the house of Sutherland ; they were imported and sold at auction to the highest bidder. In 1620, a Dutch man-of-war first landed a cargo of slaves upon the banks of James River. But the earliest slave ship belonging to English colonists, was fitted out in 1645, by a member of the Puritan church of Boston. Fostered still by English princes and nobles : confirmed and cherished by British legislation and 31 judicial decisions, even against the wishes and in spite of the remonstrances of the Colonies, the traffic increased ; slaves mul- tiplied, and on the Fourth of July, 1776, every colony was now become a slave state ; and the sun went down that day upon four hundred and fifty thousand of those who in the cant of eighty years later, are styled ' human chattels,' but who were not by the act of that day emancipated. " Eleven years alterwards, delegates as- sembled at Philadelphia, from every state except Rhode Island, ignoring the ques- tion of the sinfulness and immorality of slavery, as a subject with which they as the representatives of separate and inde- pendent states had no concern, founded a union and framed a constitution, which leaving with each state the exclusive con- trol and regulation of its own domestic institutions, and providing for the taxation and representation of slaves, gave no right to Congress to debate or to legislate con- cerning slavery in the states or territories, except for the interdiction of the slave trade and the extradition of fugitive slaves. The Plan of Union proposed by Franklin in 1754, had contained no allu- sion even to slavery ; and the articles of Confederation of 1778, but a simple recog- nition of its existence — so wholly was it re- garded then, a domestic and local concern. In 1787 every state, except perhaps Massa- chusetts, tolerated slavery either absolutely or conditionally. — But the number of slaves north of Maryland, never great, was even yet comparatively small ; not ex- ceeding forty thousand in a total slave population of six hundred thousand. In the North, chief carrier of slaves to others even as late as 1807, slavery never took firm root. Nature warred against it in that latitude ; otherwise every state in the Union would have been a slave-holding state to this day. It was not profitable there ; and it died out — lingering indeed in New York till July, 1827. It died out : but not so much by the manumission of slaves, as by their transportation and sale in the South : and thus New England, sir, turned an honest penny with her left hand, and with her right, modestly wrote herself down in history, as both generous and just. " In the South, gentlemen, all this was precisely reversed. The earliest and most resolute enemies to slavery, were Southern men. But climate had fiistened the insti- tution upon them ; and they found no \yay to strike it down. From the beginning indeed, the Southern colonies especially had resisted the introduction of African slaves ; and at the very outset of the revo- lution, Virginia and North Carolina in- terdicted the slave trade. The Continental Congress soon after, on the sixth of April, 1776, three months earlier than the Do- 98 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. claration of Independence, resolved that no more slaves ought to be imported into the thirteen colonies. Jetlerson, in his draught of the Declaration, had de- nounced the King of England alike for encouraging the slave trade, and for fo- menting servile insurrection in the prov- inces. Ten years later, he boldly attacked slavery in his " Notes on Virginia ;" and in the Congress of the Confederation, prior to the adoption of the Constitution, Icith its solemn compacts and compromises upon the subject of slavery, proposed to ex- clude it from the territory^ northwest the river Ohio. Colonel Mason of Virginia vehemently condemned it, in the conven- tion of 1787. Nevertheless it had already become manifest that slavery must soon die away in the North, but in the South continue and harden into perhaps a per- manent, uneradicable system. Hostile in- terests and jealousies sprang up, therefore, in bitterness even in the convention. But the blood of the patriot brothers of Caro- lina and Massachusetts smoked yet upon the battle fields of the revolution. The recollection of their kindred language, and common dangers and sufferings, burned still fresh in their hearts. Patriot- ism proved more powerful than jealousy, and good sense stronger than fanaticism. There were no Sewards, no Hales, no Sumners, no Greeleys, no Parkers, no Chase, in that convention. There was a Wilson ; but he rejoiced not in the name of Henry; and he was a Scotchman. There was a clergyman — no, not in the convention of '87, but in the Congress of '76 ; but it was the devout, the learned, the pious, the patriotic Witherspoon ; of for- eign birth also, a native of Scotland, too. The men of that day and generation, sir were content to leave the question of slavery just where it belonged. It did not occur to them, that each one among them was accountable for * the sin of slave-hold- ing ' in his fellow ; and that to ease his tender conscience of the burden, all the fruits of revolutionary privation and blood and treasure ; all the recollections of the past ; all the hopes of the future : nay the Union, and with it, domestic tran- quillity and national indenendence, ought to be offered up as a sacrifice. Tlioy were content to deal with political questions ; and to leave cases or conscience to the church and the schools, or to the indi- vidual man. And accordingly to this Union and Constitution, based upon these compromises — execrated now as ' cove- nants with death and leagues with hell ' — every state acxieded : and upon these foundations, thus broad and deep, and Ptable, * political Hupcrstructure has, as if by magic, arisen, which in symmetry and proportion — and, if we would but be true to our trust, in etrength and durabil- ity — finds no parallel in the world's history. " Patriotic sentiments, sir, such as marked the era of '81), continued to guide the statesmen and people of the country for more than thirty years, full of pros- pei'ity ; till in a dead political calm, con- sequent upon temporary extinguishment of the ancient party lines and issues, the Missouri Question resounded through the land with the hollow moan of the earthquake, shook the pillars of the re- public even to their deep foundations. " Within these thirty years, gentlemen, slavery as a system, had been abolished by law or disuse, quietly and without agita- tion, in every state north of Mason and Dixon's line — in many of them, lingering^ indeed, in individual cases, so late as tb 3 census of 1840. But except in half a score of instances, the question had rot been obtruded upon Congress. The Fugi- tive Slave Act of 1793 had been passed without opposition and without a division, in the Senate ; and by a vote of forty-eight to seven, in the House. The slave trade had been declared piracy punishable with death. Eespectful petitions from the Quakers of Pennsylvania, and others, ujion the slavery question, were referred to a committee, and a report made there- on, which laid the matter at rest. Other petitions afterwards were quietly rejected, and, in one instance, returned to the peti- tioner. Louisiana and Florida, both slave-holding countries, had without agi- tation been added to our territory. Ken- tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama, slave states each one of them, had been admitted into the Union without a murmur. No Missouri Restric- tion, no Wilmot Proviso had as yet reared its discordant front to terrify and confound. Non-intervention was then both the practice and the doctrine of the statesmen and people of that period : though, as yet, no hollow platform enunciated it as an article of faith, from which, neverthe- less, obedience might be withheld, and the platform ' spit upon,' provided the tender conscience of the recusant did not forbid him to support the candidate and help to secure the spoils.' spoi " I know, sir, that it is easy, very easy, to denounce all this as a defence of slav- ery itself Be it so : be it so. But I have not discussed the institution in any re- s])ect; moral, religious, or political. Hear me. I express no opinion in regard to it: and as a citizen of the north, I have ever recused, and will steadily refuse, to discuss the system in any of these particulars. It is precisely this continued and persistent fiiscussion and 'denunciation in tne North, which has brought upon us this present most i)erilous crisis : since to teach men to hate, is to prejjare them to destroy, at BOOK III.] HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 99 every hazard, the object of their hatred. Bir, I am resolved only to look upon slav- ery outside of Ohio, just a.s the founders of the constitution and Union regarded it. It is no concern of mine ; none, none : nor of yours, Abolitionist. Neither of us will attain heaven, by denunciations of slavery : nor shall we, I trow, be cast into hell for the sin of others who may hold slaves. I have not so learned the moral government of the universe : nor do I pre- sumptuously and impiously luspire to the attributes of Godhead ; and seek to bear upon my poor body the iniquities of the world. " I know well indeed, Mr. President, that in the evil day which has befallen us, all this and he who utters it, shall be de- nounced as ' pro-slavery ; ' and already from ribald throats, there comes up the slavering, drivelling, idiot epithet of 'dough-face.' Again, be it so. These, Abolitionist, are your only weapons of warfare : and I hurl them back defiantly into your teeth. I speak thus boldly, be- cause I speak in and to and for the North. It is time that the truth should be known, and heard, in this the age of trimming and subterfuge. I speak this day not as a northern man, nor a southern man ; but, God, be thanked, still as a United States man, with United States principles ; — and though the worst happen which can hap- pen — though all be lost, if that shall be our fate ; and I walk through the valley of the shadow of political death, I will live by them and die by thom. If to love my country ; to cherish the Union ; to revere the Constitution : if to abhor the madness and hate the treason which would lift up a sacrilegious hand against either; if to read that in the past, to behold it in the firesent, to foresee it in the future of this and, which is of more value to us and the world for ages to come, than all the multi- plied millions who have inhabited Africa from the creation to this day : — if this it is to be pro-slavery, then, in every nerve, fibre, vein, bone, tendon, joint and liga- ment, from the topmost hair of the head to the last extremity of the foot, I am all over and altogether a pro-slavery man." Speecli of Horace Greeley on the Grounds of Protection.* Mr. President and Respected Audi- tors: — It has devolved on me, as junior • Speech at tho Tabornacle, New Tork, February 10, IS-ixl, in public debate on this resolution : — Renolvcd, That a Protective Tariff is conducive to our National Prosperity. Afflnuative : Joseph Blunt, Horace Greelet. Negatire: Samuel J. Tilden. Pakkk Gudwin. Trom Greeley's " Recollections of a Busy Lifo." advocate for the cause of Protection, to open the discussion of this question. I do this with less diffidence than I should feel in meeting able opponents and j)racticed disputants on almost any other topic, be- cause I am strongly confident that you, my hearers, will regard this as a subject dismanding logic rather than rhetoric, the exhil)ition and i)roper treatment of homely truths, rather tlian the indulgence of flights of fancy. As sensible as you can be of my deficiencies as a debater, I have chosen to put my views on paper, in order th;;t I may present them in as concise a manner as possible, and not consume my hour be- fore commencing my argument. You have nothing of oratory to lose by this course; I will hope that something may be gained to my cause in clearness and force. And here let me say that, while the hours I have been enabled to give to preparation for this debate have been few indeed, I feel the less regret in that my life has been in some measure a preparation. If there be any subject to which I have devf)ted time, and thought, and patient study, in a spirit of anxious desire to learn and follow the truth, it is this very question of Protection ; if I have totally misapprehended its character and bearings, then am I ignor- ant, hopelessly ignorant indeed. And, while I may not hope to set before you, in the brief space allotted me, all that is essential to a full understanding of a ques- tion which spans the whole arch of Politi- cal Economy, — on which able men have written volumes without at all exhausting it — I do entertain a sanguine hope that I shall be able to set before you considera- tions conclusive to the candid and un- biassed mind of the policy and necessity of Protection. Let us not waste our time on non-essentials. That unwise and un- just measures have been adopted under the pretence of Protection, I stand not here to deny ; that laws intended to be Protec- tive have sometimes been injurious in their tendency, I need not dispute. The logic which would thence infer the futility or the danger of Protective Legislation would just as easily prove all laws and all policy mischievous and destructive. Po- litical Economy is one of the latest horn of the Sciences ; the very fact that we meet here this evening to discuss a question so fundamental as this proves it to be yet in its comparative infancy. The sole favor I shall ask of my opponents, therefore, is that they will not waste their efforts and your time in attacking positions that we do not maintain, and hewing down straw giants of their own manufacture, but meet directly the arguments which I shall ad- vance, and which, for the sake of simplicity and clearness, I will proceed to put before you in the form of Propositions and their Illustrations, as follows: — 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. Proposition I. A Nation which would be prosperous, must prosecute various branches of Industry, and supply its vital Wants mainly by the Labor oj' its oicnHands. Cast your eyes where you will over the face of the earth, trace back the History of Man and of Nations to the earliest re- corded periods, and I think you will find this rule uniformly prevailing, that the nation which is eminently Agricultural and Grain-exporting, — which depends mainly or principally on other nations for its regular supplies of Manufactured fabrics, — has been comparatively a poor nation, and ultimately a dependent nation. I do not say that this is the instant re- sult of exchanging the rude staples of Agriculture for the more delicate fabrics of Art ; but I maintain that it is the in- evitable tendency. The Agricultural na- tion falls in debt, becomes impoverished, and ultimately subject. The palaces of "merchant princes" may emblazon its harbors and overshadow its navigable waters ; there may be a mighty Alex- andria, but a miserable Egypt behind it; a flourishing Odessa or Dantzic, but a rude, thinly peopled southern Russia or Poland ; the exchangers may flourish and roll in luxury, but the producers famish and die. Indeed, few old and civilized countries become largely exporters of grain until they have lost, or by corrup- tion are prepared to surrender, their in- dependence ; and these often present the spectacle of the laborer starving on the fields he has tilled, in the midst of their fertility and promise. These appearances rest upon and indicate a law, which I .shall endeavor hereafter to explain. I pass now to my Proposition II. There is a natural ten- dency in a comparatively new Country to become and continue an Exporter of Grain and other rude Staples and an Importer of Manufactures. I think I hardly need waste time in de- monstrating this proposition, since it is il- lustrated and confirmed by universal ex- perience, and rests on obvious laws. The new country has abundant and fertile soil, and produces (irain with remarkable fa- cility ; also. Meats, Timber, Ashes, and most rude and bulky articles. Labor is there in demand, being required to clear, to build, to open roads, &c., and the la- borers are comi)aratively few; while, in older countries, La])or is almndant and cheap, as also are CJapital, Machinery, and all the means of the cheap ])roduction of Manufactured fabrics. I surely need not waste words to show that, in the absence of any countera(!ting ])olicy, the new coun- try will import, and continue to import, largely of tn(! fabrics of older countries, and U) pay for them, ao far a-s she may, with her Agricultural staples. I will en- deavor to show hereafter that she will con- tinue to do this long after she has attained' a condition to manufacture them as cheaply for herself, even regarding the money cost alone. But that does not come under the present head. The whole history of our country, and especially from 1782 to '90, when we had no Tariff and scarcely any Paper Money, — proves that, whatever may be the Currency or the internal condition of the new country, it will con- tinue to draw its chief supplies from the old, — large or small according to its mea- sure of ability to pay or obtain credit for them ; but still, putting Duties on Imports out of the question, it will continue to buy its Manufactures abroad, whether in pros- perity or adversity, inflation or depression. I now advance to my Proposition III. It is injurious to the New Country thus to continue dependent for its supplies of Clothing and Manufactur- ed Fabrics on the Old. As this is probably the point on which the doctrines of Protection first come di- rectly in collision with those of Free Trade, I will treat it more deliberately, and en- deavor to illustrate and demonstrate it. I presume I need not waste time in showing that the ruling price of Grain (as any Manufacture) in a region whence it is considerably exported, will be its price at the point to which it is exported, less the cost of such transportation. For instance: the cost of transporting Wheat hither from large grain-growing sections of Illinois was last fall sixty cents ; and, New York being their most available market, and the price here ninety cents, the market there at once settled at thirty cents. As this ad- justment of prices reste on a law obvious, immutable as gravitation, I presume I neeet not waste words in establishing it. I proceed, then, to my next point. The average price of Wheat throughout the world is something less than one dollar per bushel ; higher where the consumption largely exceeds the adjacent production, lower where the production largely exceeds the immediate consumption (I put out of view in this statement the inequalities created by Tariffs, as I choose at this point to argue the question on the basis of universal Free Trade, which is of course the basis most favorable to my op- ponents). I say, then, if all Tariffs were abolished to-morrow, the price of Wheat in England — that being the most consider- able ultimate market of surpluses, and the chief supplier of our manufactures — would govern the price in this country, while it would be itself governed by the price at which that staple could be procured in sufficiency from other grain-growing re- gions. Now, Soutliern Russia and Central I'oland produce Wheat for exportation at thirty to fifty cents per bushel ; but the BOOK 111,] HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION, 101 price is so increased by the cost of trans- portation that at Dantzic it averages some ninety and at Odessa some eighty cents per bushel. The cost of importation to Eng- land from these ports being ten and fifteen cents respectively, the actual cost of the article in England, all charges i)aid, and allowing for a small increase of ])rice con- sequent on the increased demand, would not in the absence of all Tariffs whatever, exceed one dollar and ten cents per bushel ; and this would be the average price at which we must sell it in pjiigland in order to buy thence the great bulk of our Manu- factures. I think no man will dispute or seri- ously vary this calculation. Neither can any reflecting man seriously contend that we could purchase forty or fifty millions' worth or more of Foreign Manufactures per an- num, and pay for them in additional pro- ducts of our Slave Labor — in Cotton and Tobacco. The consumption of these arti- cles is now pressed to its utmost limit, — that of Cotton especially is borne down by the immense weight of the crops annually thrown upon it, and almost constantly on the verge of a glut. If we are to buy our Manufactures principally from Europe, we must pay for the additional amount mainly in the products of Northern Agricultural industry, — that is universally agreed on. The point to be determined is, whether we could obtain them abroad cheaper — realhj and positively cheaper, all Tariffs being abrogated — than under an efficient system of Protection. Let us closely scan this question. Illi- nois and Indiana, natural grain-growing States, need cloths ; and, in the absence of all tariffs, tliese can be transported to them from England for two to three per cent, of their value. It follows, then, that, in order to undersell any American competition, the British manufacturer need only put his cloths at his factory^'re per cent, below the wholesale price of such cloths in Illinois, in order to command the American market. That is, allowing a fair broadcloth to be manufactured in or near Illinois for three dollars and a quarter per yard, cash price, in the face of British rivalry, and paying American prices for materials and labor, the British manufacturer has only to make that same cloth at three dollars per yard in Leeds or Huddersfield, and he can de- cidedly undersell liis American rival, and drive him out of the market. Mind, I do not say that he would supply the Illinois market at that price after the American rivalry had been crushed ; I know he irmild not; but, so long as any serious effort to build up or sustain manufactures in this country existed, the large and strong Euro- pean establishments would struggle for the additional market which our growing and plenteous countr\' so invitingly proffers. It is well known that in 1815-16, after the close of the la.st war, British manufactures were offered for sale in our chief marketH at the rate of " pound for pound," — that is, fabrics of which the first cost to the manu- facturer was $4.44 were offered in Boston market at $8.88, duty paid. This was not sac^rifice — it was dictated by a profound forecast. Well did the foreign fai)rlcants know tluit their self-interest dictated the utter overthrow, at whatever cost, of the young rivals which the war had built up in this country, and which our government and a majority of the people had blindly or indolently abandoned to their fate. William (Jobbett, the celebrated radical, but with a sturdy English heart, boasted upon his first return to England that he had been actively engaged here in pro- moting the interests of his country by compassing the destruction of American manufactories in various ways which he specified — "sometimes (says he) bt/ Fire." We all know that great sacrifices are often submitted to by a rich and long established stage owner, steamboat proprietor, or what- ever, to break down a young and compara- tively penniless rival. So in a thousand instances, especially in a rivalry for so large a prize as the supplying Avith manufactures of a great and growing nation. But I here put aside all calculations of a temporary sacrifice ; I suppose merely that the foreign manufacturers will supply our grain grow- ing states with cloths at a trifling j^rofit so long as they encounter American rivalry; and I say it is perfectly obvious that, if it cost three dollars and a quarter a yard to make a fair broadcloth in or near Illinois in the infancy of our arts and a like article could be made in Europe for three dollai-s, then the utter destruction of the American manufacture is inevitable. The foreign drives it out of the market and its maker into bankruptcy; and now our farmers, in purchasing their cloths, " buy where they can buy cheapest," which is the first com- mandment of free trade, and get their cloth of England at three dollars a yard. I maintain that this would not last a year after the American factories had been silenced — that then the British operator would begin to think of jyrofits as well as bare cost for his cloth, and to adjust his j)rices so as to recover what it had cost him to put down the dangerous comj)etition. But let this pass for the ])resent, and say the foreign cloth is sold to Illinois for three dollars per yard. We have yet to ascertain how much she has gained or lost liy the operation. This, says Free Trade, is very plain and easv. The four simple rules of arithmetic suflice to measure it. She has l>ought, say a million yards of foreign cloth for three dollars, where she formerly paid three and a quarter for American; making a clear saving of a quarter of a million dollars. 102 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. But not so fast — ^we have omitted one important element of the calculation. We have yet to see what effect the pur- chase of her cloth in Europe, as contrasted with its manufacture at home, will have on the price of her Agricultural staples. We have seen already that, in case she is forced to sell a portion of her surplus pro- duct in Eiu-ope, the price of that surplus must be the price which can be procured for it in England, less the cost of carrying it there. In other words: the average price in England being one dollar and ten cents, and the average cost of bringing it to New York being at least fifty cents and then of transporting it to England at least twenty-five more, the net proceeds to Il- linois cannot exceed thirty^-five cents per bushel. I need not more than state so ob- vious a truth as that the price at which the ■ surplus can be sold governs the price of the whole crop ; nor, indeed, if it were possible to deny this, would it at all affect the argument. The real question to be de- termined is, not whether the American or the British manufacturers will furnish the most cloth for the least cas/i, but which will supply the requisite quantity of Cloth for the least Grain in Illinois. Now we have seen already that the price of Grain at any point where it is readily and largely produced is governed by its nearness to or remoteness from the market to which its surplus tends, and the least favorable mar- ket in which any portion of it must be sold. For instance : If Illinois produces a surplus of five million bushels of Grain, and can sell one million of bushels in New York, and two millions in New England, and another million in the West Indies, and for the fifth million is compelled to seek a market in England, and that, being the remotest point at which she sells, and the point most exposed to disadvantageous competition, is naturally the poorest mar- ket, that farthest and lowest market to which she sends her surplus will govern, to a great extent if not absolutely, the price she receives for the whole surplus. But, on the other hand, let her Cloths, her wares, be manufactured in her midst, or on the junctions and waterfalls in her vi- cinity, thus affording an immediate market for her Grain, and now the average ])rice of it rises, by an irresistible law, nearly or quite to the average of the world. Assum- ing that average to be one dollar, the price in Illinois, making allowance for tlie fer- tility anil cheapness of \n'r soil, could not fall below an average of seventy-five cents. Tndt'cd, the experience of the periods wh(!n her consumption of Grain has been ofjual to her production, as well as that of other sections where tlu; same has been the case, proves conclusively that the averag(> price of her Wheat would exceed that sum. We are now ready to calculate the profit and loss. Illinois, under Free Trade, with her " workshops in Europe," will buy her cloth twenty-five cents per yard cheaper, and thus make a nominal saving of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars in her year's supply; but, she thereby compels herself to pay for it in Wheat at thirty- five instead of seventy -five cents per bush- el, or to give over nine and one third bushels of Wheat for eveiy yard under Free Trade, instead of four and a third under a system of Home Production. In other words, while she is making a quarter of a million dollars by buying her Cloth " where she can buy cheapest," she is los- ing nearly Two Millions of Dollars on the net product of her Grain. The striking of a balance between her profit and her loss is certainly not a difficult, but rather an unpromising, operation. Or, let us state the result in another form : She can buy her cloth a little cheap- er in England, — Labor being there lower, Machinery more perfect, and Capital more abundant ; but, in order to pay for it, she must not merely sell her own products at a correspondingly low price, but enough lower to overcome the cost of transporting them from Illinois to England. 8he will give the cloth-maker in England less Grain for her Cloth than she would give to the man who made it on her own soil ; but for every bushel she sends him in payment for his fabric, she must give two to the wagoner, boatman, shipper, and factor who transport it thither. On the whole product of her industry, two thirds is tolled out by carriers and bored out by Inspectors, until but a beggarly remnant is left to satisfy the fabricator of her goods. And here I trust I have made obvious to you the law which dooms an Agricultural Country to inevitable and ruinous disad- vantage in exchanging its staples for Manu- factures, and involves it in perpetual and increasing debt and dependence. The/act, I early alluded to ; is not the reason now apparent ? It is not that Agricultural com- munities are more extravagant or less in- dustrious than those in which Manufactures or Commerce preponderate, — it is because there is an inevitable disadvantjige to Ag* riculture in the very nature of all distant exchanges. Its products are far more I)erishable than any other ; they cannot so well await a future demand ; but in their excessive bulk and density is the great evil. We have seen that, while the English Manufiicturer can send his fabrics to Illi- nois for less than five per cent, on their first cost, the Illinois farmer must pay two hundnnl per cent, on his Grain for ita trans- portation to English consumers. In other words : the English manufacturer need oidy produce his goods five per cent, below the American to drive the latter out of the BOOK III.] HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 103 Illinois market, the Illinoisan must produce wheat for one-third of its English price in order to compete with the English and Po- lish grain-grower in Birmingham and Shef- field. And here is the answer to that scintil- lation of Free Trade wisdom which fhishes out in wonder that Manufactures are eternally and espei-ially in want of Protec- tion, while Agriculture and Commerce need none. The assumption is false in any sense, — our ConinuTce and Navigation cannot live without Protection, — never did live so, — hut let that pass. It is the inter- est of the wlutle country which demands that that portion of its Industry which is most exposed to ruinous foreign rivalry should be cherished and sustained. The wheat-grower, the grazier, is protected by ocean and land ; by the fact that no foreign article can be introduced to rival his ex- cept at a cost for transportation of some thirty to one hundred per cent, on its value ; while our Manufactures can be in- undated by foreign com25etition at a cost of some two to ten per cent. It is the grain-grower, the cattle-raiser, who is pro- tected by a duty on Foreign Manufactures, quite as much a.s the spinner or shoema- ker. He who talks of Manufactures being protected and nothing else, might just as sensibly complain that we fortify Boston and New York and not Pittsburg and Cin- cinnati. Again : You see here our answer to those philosophers who modestly tell us that their views are liberal and enlightened, while ours are benighted, selfish, and un- christian. They tell us that the foreign fiictory-laborer is anxious to exchange with us the fruits of his labor, — that he asks us to give him of our surplus of grain for the cloth that he is ready to make cheaper than we can now get it, while we have a superabundance of bread. Now, putting for the present out of the question the fact that, though our Tariff were abolished. Ins could remain, — that neither England, nor France, nor any great man- ufacturing country, would receive our Grain untaxed though we offered so to take their goods, — especially the fact that they never did so take of us while we were freely taking of them, — we say to them, "Sirs, we arc willing to take Cloth of you for Grain; but why prefer to trade at a ruinous disadvantage to both ? Why should there be half the diameter of the earth be- tween him who makes coats and him who makes bread, the one for the other? We are willing to give you bread for clothes; but we are not willing to pay two-thirds of our bread as the cost of transj)orting the other third to you, because we sincere- ly believe it needless and greatly to our disadvantage. We are willing to work for and buy ot you, but not to support the u.seles3 and crippling activity of a falsely directed Commerce; not to contribute by our sweat to the luxury of your n(jbles, the powei of your kings. But'comu to us, you who are honest, peaceable, and indus- trious; bring hither your machinery, or, if that is not yours, bring out your sinews; and we will aid you to reproduce the im- plements of your skill. We will give you more bread for your cloth here than you can possibly earn for it where you are, if you will but come among us and aid us to sustain the policy that secures steady em- ployment and a fair reward to Home In- dustry. We will no longer aid to prolong your existence in a state of semi-starvation where you are ; but we are ready to share with you our Plenty and our Freedom here." Such is the answer which the friends of Protection make to the demand and the imputation ; judge ye whether our policy be indeed selfish, un-Christian, and insane. I proceed now to set forth my Proposition IV. That Equilibrium between Agriculture, Manufactures and Commerce, which we need, can only be main- tained by means of Protective Duties. You will have seen that the object we seek is not to make our country a Manu- facturer for other nations, but for herself, — not to make her the baker and brewer and tailor of other people, but of her own household. If I understand at all the first rudiments of National Economy, it is best for each and all nations that each should mainly fabricate for itself, freely purchasing of others all such staples as its own soil or climate proves ungenial to. We appreciate quite as well as our opponents the impolicy of attempting to grow coffee in Greenland or glaciers in Malabar, — to extract blood from a turnip or sunbeams from cucumbers. A vast deal of wit has been expended on our stupidity by our acuter adverearies, but it has been quite thrown away, except as it has excited the hollow laughter of the ignorant as well as thoughtless. All this, however sharply pushed, falls wide of our true position. To all the fine words we hear about " the impossibility of counter- acting the laws of Nature," "Trade Regu- lating itself," &c., &c., we bow with due deference, and wait for the sage to resume his argument. What we do affirm is this, that it is best for every nation to make at home all those articles of its own consump- tion that can just as well — that is, with nearly or quite as little labor — be made there as anywhere else. We say it is not wise, it is not well, to send to France for boots, to Germany for hose, to England for knives and forks, and so on ; because the real cost of them would be less, — even though the nominal ])rice should be slightly more, — if we made them in our own country; while the facility of paying for them would 104 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. be much greater. "We do not object to the occasional importation of choice articles to operate as specimens and incentives to our own artisans to improve the quality and finish of their workmanship, — where the home competition does not avail to bring the process to its perfection, as it often ■will. In such cases, the rich and luxurious will usually be the buyers of these choice articles, and can afford to pay a good duty. There are gentlemen of extra polish in our cities and villages who think no coat good enough for them which is not woven in an English loom, — no boot adequately trans- parent which has not been fashioned by a Parisian master. I quarrel not with their taste : I only say that, since the Govern- ment must have Eevenue and the American artisan should have Protection, I am glad it is so fixed that these gentlemen shall contribute handsomely to the former, and gratify their aspirations with the least pos- sible detriment to the latter. It does not invalidate the fact nor the efficiency of Protection that foreign competition with American workmanship is not entirely shut out. It is the general result which is important, and not the exception. Now, he who can seriously contend, as some have seemed to do, that Protective Duties do not aid and extend the domestic pro- duction of the articles so protected might as well undertake to argue the sun out of the heavens at mid-day. All experience, all common sense, condemn him. Do we not know that our Manufactures first shot up under the stringent Protection of the Embargo and War? that they withered and crumbled under the comparative Free Trade of the few succeeding years ? that they were revived and extended by the Tariffs of 1824 and '28? Do we not know that Germany, crippled by British policy, which inundated her with goods yet ex- cluded her grain and timber, was driven, years since, to the establishment of her " Zoll-Verein " or Tariff Union, — a mea- sure of careful and stringent Protection, under which Manufactures have grown up and flourished through all her many States? She has adhered steadily, firmly, to her Protective Policy, while we have faltered and oscillated ; and what is the result? She has created and esfablished her Manufactures ; and in doing so has vastly increased her wealth and augmented the reward of her industry. Her public Kcntiment, as expressed througli its thou- sand channels, is almost unanimous in favor of the I'rotective Policy ; uthI now, when England, finding at length that her cupidity has overreached itself, — tliat she cannot sui)j>Iy the Germans with clothes refuse to buy their bread, — talks of relax- ing her Corn-Laws in order to coax back her ancient and ])rofitahle customer, the answer is, "No; it is now too late. We have built up Home Manufactures in re- pelling your rapacity, — we cannot destroy them at your caprice. What guarantee have we that, should we accede to your terms, you would not return again to your policy of taking all and giving none so soon as our factories had crumbled into ruin? Besides, we have found that we can make cheaper — really cheaper — than we were able to buy, — can pay better wages to our laborers, and secure a better and steadier mai'ket lor our products. We are content to abide in the position to which you have driven us. Pass on ! " But this is not the sentiment of Germany alone. All Europe acts on the principle of self-protection ; because all Europe sees its benefits. The British journals complain that, though they have made a show of re- laxation in their own Tariff, and their Pre- mier has made a Free Trade speech in Par- liament, the chaff has caught no birds; hut six hostile Tariff's — all Protective in their character, and all aimed at the supremacy of British Manufactures — were enacted within the year 1842. And thus, while schoolmen plausibly talk of the adoption and spread of Free Trade principles, and their rapid advances to speedy ascendency, the practical man knows that the truth is otherwise, and that many 3'ears must elapse before the great Colossus of Manu- facturing monopoly will find another Por- tugal to drain of her life-blood under the delusive pretence of a commercial recip- rocity. And, while Britain continues to pour forth her specious treatises on Politi- cal Economy, proving Protection a mistake and an impossibility through her Pai'lia- mentary Eei^orts and Speeches in Praise of Free Trade, the shrewd statesmen of other nations humor the joke with all possible gravity, and pass it on to the next neigh- bor ; yet all the time take care of their own interests, just as though Adam Smith had never speculated nor Peel soberly expati- ated on the blessings of Free Trade, look- ing round occasionally with a curious in- terest to see whether anybody was really taken in by it. I have partly anticipated, yet I will state distinctly, my Proposition V. Protection is necessary and proper to sustain as urll as to create a hcnrjicent adjustment of our National In- dustry. "Why cjin't our Manufacturers go alone?" petulantly asks a Free-Trader; " they have had Protection long enough. They ought not to need it any more." To this I answer that, if ]\Linufactures were protected as a matter of special bounty or favor to the Manufacturers, a single day were too long. I would not consent that they should be sustained one day longer than the interests of the whole Cinintry required. I think you have already seen that, not for the BOOK III.] HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 105 sake of Manufacturers, but for the sake of all Productive Labor, should Protection be afforded. If I have been intelligible, you will have seen that the purpose and essence of Protection is Labor- Ha viN(}, — the makinjj; two blades of <!;riiss grow instead of one. This it does by "planting the Man- ufacturer as nearly as may be by the side of the Farmer," as Mr. Jelferson expressed it, and thereby securing to the latter a market for which he had looked to Europe in vain. Now, the market of the latter is certain as the recurrence of appetite ; but that is not all. The Farmer and the Man- ufacturer, being virtually neighbors, will interchange their productions directly, or with but one intermediate, instead of send- ing them reciprocally across half a conti- nent and a broad ocean, through the hands of many holders, until the toll taken out by one after another has exceeded what re- mains of the grist. " Dear-bought and far-fetched " is an old maxim, containing more essential truth than many a chapter by a modern Professor of Political Econ- omy. Under the Protective policy, instead of having one thousand men making Cloth in one hemisphere, and an equal number raising Grain in the other, with three thousand factitiously employed in trans- porting and interchanging these products, we have over two thousand producers of Grain, and as many of Cloth, leaving far too little employment for one thousand in making the exchanges between them. This consequence is inevitable; although the production on either side is not confined to the very choicest locations, the total prod- uct of their labor is twice as much as for- merly. In other words, there is a double quantity of food, clothing, and all the ne- cessaries and comforts of life, to be shared among the producers of w-ealth, simply from the diminution of the number of non- producers. If all the men now enrolled in Armies and Navies were advantageously employed in Productive Labor, there would doubtless be a larger dividend of comforts and necessaries of life for all, because more to be divided than now and no greater number to receive it; just so in the case before us. Every thousand persons em- ployed in needless Transportation and in factitious Commerce are so many subtract- ed from the great body of Producers, from "the proceeds of whose labor all must be subsisted. The dividend for each must, of course, be governed by the magnitude of the quotient. But, if this be so advantageous, it is queried, why is any legislation necessary? Why would not all voluntarily see and embrace it? I answer, because the ap- parent individual advantage is often to be pursued by a course directly adverse to the general welfare. We know that Free Traclc asserts the contrary of this; maintain- ing that, if every man pursues that course most conducive to his individual interest, the general good will thereby be most cer- tainly and signally promoted. ]5ut, to say nothing of the glaring exceptifins to this law which crowd our statute-books with injunctions and penalties, we are every- where met with pointed contradictions of its assumption, which hallows and blesses the pursuits of the gambler, the distiller, and the libertine, making the usurer a saint and the swindler a hero. Adam Smith himself admits that there are avo- cations which enrich the individual but impoverish the community. 80 in the case before us. A B is a farmer in Illi- nois, and has much grain to sell or ex- change for goods. But, while it is demon- strable that, li all the manufactures con- sumed in Illinois were produced there, the price of grain must rise nearly to the average of the world, it is equally certain that A B's single act, in buying and consum- ing American cloth, will not raise the price of grain generally, nor of his grain. It will not perceptibly aflect the price of grain at all. A solemn compact of the whole community to use only American fabrics would have some effect ; but this could never be established, or never en- forced. A few Free-Traders standing out, selling their grain at any advance which might accrue, and buying " wdiere they could buy cheapest," would induce one after another to look out for No. 1, and let the public interests take care of them- selves: so the whole compact would fall to pieces like a rope of sand. Many a one would say, " Why should I aid to keep up the price of Produce? I am only a co7i- sumer of it," — not realizing or caring for the interest of the community, even though it less palpably involved his own ; and that would be an end. Granted that it is de- sirable to encourage and prefer Home Pro- duction and Manufacture, a Tariff is the ob- vious way, and the only way, in which it can be effectively and certainly accomplished. But Avhy is a Tariff necessary after l\Ianu- factures are once established? " You say," says a Free-Trader, " that you can Manu- facture cheaper if Protected than we can buy abroad : then why not do it jcif/iout Protection, and save all trouble ? " Let me answer this cavil : — I will suppose that the Manufactures of this Country amount in value to One Hundred Millions of Dollars per annum, and those of Great Britain to Three Hun- dred Millions. Let us suppose also that, under an efficient Protective Tariff, ours are produced five percent, cheaper than those of England, and that our own markets are supplied ciitiroly from the Home Product. But at the end of this year, 1S4.'1, we, — coni'Ubling that our M;iiuifacturcs have been protected long enough aud ought 106 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. now to go alone, — repeal absolutely our Tariff, and commit our great interests thoroughly to the guidance of " Free Trade." Well: at this very time the British Manufacturers, on making up the account and review of their year's business, find that they have manufactured goods costing them Three Hundred Millions, as aforesaid, and have sold to just about that amount, leaving a residue or surplus on hand of Fifteen or Twenty Millions' worth. These are to be sold ; and their net pro- ceeds will constitute the interest on their capital and the profit on their year's busi- ness. But where shall they be sold? If crowded on the Home or their established Foreign Markets, they will glut and de- press those markets, causing a general de- cline of prices and a heavy loss, not mere- ly on this quantity of goods, but on the whole of their next year's business. They know better than to do any such thing. Instead of it, they say, " Here is the American Market just thrown open to us by a repeal of their Tariff: let us send thither our surplus, and sell it for what it will fetch." They ship it over according- ly, and in two or three weeks it is rattling off through our auction stores, at prices first five, then ten, fifteen, twenty, and down to thirty per cent, below our pre- vious rates. Every jobber and dealer is tickled with the idea of buying goods of novel patterns so wonderfully cheap ; and the sale proceeds briskly, though, at con- stantly declining prices, till the whole stock is disposed of and our market is gorged to re])letion. Now, the British manufacturers may not have received for the whole Twenty Mil- lions' worth of Goods over Fourteen or Fifteen Millions ; but what of it? What- ever it may be is clear profit on their year's business in cash or its full equivalent. All their established markets are kept clear and eager; and they can now go on vigor- ously and profitably with the business of the new year. But more: they have crip- Eled an active and growing rival ; they ave opened a new market, which shall erelong be theirs also. Let us now look at our side of the ques- tion : — The American Manufacturers have also a stock of goods on hand, and they come into our inarket to dispose of them. But they suddenly find that market forestalled and d('j)resscd by rival fal>rics of attractive novelty, and selling in profusion at prices which ra|)idly run down to twenty-five per cent, below cost. What are they to do? They cannot force sales at any price not utterly ruinous; tliere is no demand at any rate. They cannot retaliate upf)n JCngland^ the mischief they mu<t suffer, — lier Tariff forbids; and th(! other markets of the world are fully supplied, and will bear but a limited pressure. The foreign influx has created a scarcity of money as well aa a plethora of goods. Specie has largely been exported in payment, which has compelled the Banks to contract and deny loans. Still, their obligations must be met ; if they cannot make sales, the Sheriff will, and must. It is not merely their surplus, but their whole product, which has been de- preciated and made unavailable at a blow. The end is easily foreseen : our Manufac- turers become bankrupt and are broken up ; their works are brought to a dead stand ; the Laborers therein, after spend- ing months in constrained idleness, are driven by famine into the Western wilder- ness, or into less productive and less con- genial vocations ; their acquired skill and dexterity, as well as a portion of their time, are a dead loss to themselves and the com- munity ; and we commence the slow and toilsome process of rebuilding and rear- ranging our industry on the one-sided or Agricultural basis. Such is the process which we have undergone twice already. How many repetitions shall satisfy us ? Now, will any man gravely argue that we have made Five or Six Millions by this cheap purchase of British goods, — by "buy- ing where we could buy cheapest?" Will he not see that, though the price was low, the cost is very great? But the apparent saving is doubly deceptive ; for the British manufacturers, having utterly crushed their American rivals by one or two o])er- ations of this kind, soon find here a mar- kef, not for a beggarly surplus of Fifteen or Twenty Millions, but they have now a demand for the amount of our whole con- sumption, which, making allowance for our diminished ability to pay, would prob- ably still reach Fifty Millions per annum. This increased demand would soon pro- duce activity and buoyancy in the general market ; and now the foreign Manufac- turers would say in their consultations, " We have sold some millions' worth of goods to America for less than cost, in order to obtain control of that market; now we have it, and must retrieve our losses," — and they would retrieve them, with interest. They would have a perfect right to do so. I hope no man has under- stood me as imjdying any infringement of the dictates of honesty on their part, still less of the laws of trade. They have a per- ' feet right to sell goods in our markets on such terms as we prescribe and they can afford ; it is we, who set uj) our own vital interests to be bowled down by their rival- ry,' who are alone to be blamed. Who does not see that this sending out our great Industrial Interests unarmed and nnshieldi'd to battle against the mail- clad legions opposed to them in the arena of Trade is to insure their destruction ? It were just as wise to say that, because our BOOK III.J HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION. 107 people are brave, therefore they shall repel any invader without fire-arras, as to say that the restrictions of other nations ought not to be opposed by us because our arti- sans are skiliul and our manufactures have made great advances. The very fact that our manufactures are greatly extended and improved is the strong reason why they should not be exposed to destruction. If they were of no amount or value, their loss would be less disastrous ; but now the Five or Six Millions we should make on the cheaper importation of goods would cost us One Hundred Millions in the de- struction of Manufacturing Property alone. Yet this is but an item of our damage. The manufacturing classes feel the first effect of the blow, but it would paralyze every muscle of society. One hundred thousand artisans and laborers, discharged from our ruined factories, after being some time out of employment, at a waste of mil- lions of the National wealth, are at last driven by famine to engage in other avocations, — of course with inferior skill and at an inferior price. The farmer, gardener, grocer, lose them as customers to meet them as rivals. They crowd the la- bor-markets of those branches of industry which we are still permitted to pursue, just at the time when the demand for their pro- ducts has fallen off, and the price is rapidly declining. The result is just what we have seen in a former instance: all that any man may make by buying Foreign goods cheap, he loses ten times over by the de- cline of his own property, product, or la- bor; while to nine-tenths of the whole people the result is unmixed calamity. The disastrous consequences to a nation of the mere derangement and paralysis of its Industry which must follow the breaking down of any of its great Producing Inter- ests have never yet been sufficiently esti- mated. Free Trade, indeed, assures us that every person thrown out of employ- ment in one place or capacity has only to choose another; but almost every working- man knows from experience that such is not the fact, — that the loss of situation through the failure of his business is often- er a sore calamity. I know a w^orthy cit- izen who spent six years in learning the trade of a hatter, which he had just perfect- ed in 1798, when an immense importation of foreign hats utterly paralyzed the man- ufacture in this country. He traveled and sought for months, but could find no em- ployment at any price, and at last gave up the pursuit, found work in some other ca- pacity, and has never made a hat since. He lives yet, and now comfortably, for he is industrious and frugal ; but the six years he gave to learn his trade were utterly lost to him, — lost for the want of adeiiuate and steady Protection to Home Industry. I insist that the Groverumeut has failed of discharging its nroper and rightful duty to that citizen and to thous;ui<is, and tens of thousands who have suflered from like causes. I insist that, if the Government had permitted without complaint a foreign force to land on our shores and jilunder that man's house of the savings of six years of faithful industry, the neglect of duty would not have been more flagrant. And I firmly believe that the jjcople of this country are One Thousand Millions of Dollars poorer at this moment than they would have been had their entire I'roduc- tive Industry been constantly protected, on the principles I have laid down, from the formation of the Government till now. The steadiness of employment and of recom- pense thus secured, the comparative ab- sence of constrained idleness, and the more efficient application of the labor actually performed, would have vastly increased the product, — would have improved and beautified the whole face of the country ; and the Moral and Intellectual advantages thence accruing would alone have been inestimable. A season of suspension of labor in a community is usually one of ag- gravated dissipation, drunkenness, and crime. But let me more clearly illustrate the effect of foreign competition in raising prices to the consumer. To do this, I will take my own calling for an example, be- cause I understand that best ; th(}ugli any of you can apply the principle to that with which he may be better acquainted. I am a: publisher of newspapers, and sui)pose I afford them at a cheap rate. But the abil- ity to maintain that cheapness is ba.sed on the fact that I can certainly sell a large edition daily, so that no part of that edition shall remain a dead loss on my hands. Now, if there were an active and formid- able Foreign competition in newspapers, — • if the edition Avhich I printed during the night were frequently rendered unsalable by the arrival of a foreign ship freighted with newspapers early in the morning, — the pre- sent rates could not be continued : the price must be increased or the quality would de- cline. I presume this holds equally good of the production of calicoes, glass, and penknives as of newspapers, though it may be somewhat modified by the nature of the article to which it is applied. That it does hold true of sheetings, nails, and thou- sands of articles, is abundantly notorious. I have not burdened you with statistics, —you know they are the reliance, the strong- hold, of the cause of Protection, and that we can produce them by acres. ]\Iy aim h:is been to exhibit not mere collections of facts, however pertinent and forcible, but the laws on which those facts are l>:i.-*ed, — not tlie inmiediate manifestation, l)ut the ever-living necessity from which it s])rinu's. The contemplation of these la>vs assure* 108 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. me that those articles which are supplied to us by Home Production alone are rela- tively cheaper than those which are rivalled and competed with from abroad. And I am equally confident that the shutting out of Foreign competition from our markets for other articles of general necessity and liberal consumption which can be made here with as little labor as anywhere would be followed by a corresponding result, — a reduction of the price to the consumer at the same time with increased employment and reward to our Producing Classes. But, Mr. President, Avere this only on one side true, — were it certain that the price of the Home product would be permanently higher than that of the Foreign, I should still insist on efficient Protection, and for reasons I have sufficiently shown. Grant that a British cloth costs but $3 per yard, and a corresponding American fabric $4, I still hold that the latter would be decided- ly the cheaper for us. The Fuel, Timber, Fruits, Vegetables, &c., which make up so large a share of the cost of the Home pro- duct, would be rendered comparatively valueless by having our workshops in Eu- rope. I look not so much to the nominal price as to the comparative facility of pay- ment. And, where cheapness is only to be attained by a depression of the wages of Labor to the neighborhood of the Euro- pean standard, I prefer that it should be dispensed with. One thing must answer to another; and I hold that the farmers of this country can better afford, as a mat- ter of pecuniary advantage, to pay a good price for manufactured articles than to ob- tain them lower through the depression and inadequacy of the wages of the artisan and laborer. You will understand me, then, to be ut- terly hostile to that idol of Free Trade worship, known as Free or unlimited Com- petition. The sands of my hour are run- ning low, and I cannot ask time to ex- amine this topic more closely; yet I am confident I could show that this Free Competition is a most delusive and dan- gerous clement of Political Economy. Bear with a brief illustration : At tliis moment, common sliirts are made in London at the incr(><libly low price of three cents per pair, Should we admit these articles free of duty and buy them because they are so cheap? Free trade says Yes; but I say No ! Sound Policy siH well as Humanity forl)ids it.' By admitting them, we simply re<lu(e a large and worthy and suffering class of our pop- ulation from the ability they now pf)sscss of procuring a liaro su])sist('ncc by their labor to unavoidable destilntion and pau- perism. Tlu'y must now subsist ujioii the charity of relatives or of the comnuinity, — unless we are ready to adopt the de- moniac, doctriiui of the Vvcc. Tnidc pliilos- oj)hcr Multhus, that the dcpcudcut I'oor ought to be rigorously starved to death. Then what have we gained by getting these articles so exorbitantly cheap? or, rather, what have we not lost? The labor which formerly produced them is mainly struck out of existence; the poor widows and seamstresses among us must still have a subsistence; and the imported garments must be paid for : where are the profits of our speculation? But even this is not the worst feature of the case. The labor 'which we have here thrown out of employment by the cheap importation of this article is now ready to be employed again at any price, — if not one that will ailbrd bread and straw, then it must accept one that will produce pota- toes and rubbish ; and with the product some Free-Trader proceeds to break down the price and destroy the reward of similar labor in some other portion of the earth. And thus each depression of wages pro- duces another, and that a third, and so on, making the circuit of the globe, — the ag- gravated necessities of the Poor acting and reacting upon each other, increasing the omnipotence of Capital and deepening the dependence of Labor, swelling and pam- pering a bloated and factitious Commerce, grinding down and grinding down the des- titute, until Malthus's remedy for Poverty shall become a grateful specific, and, amid the splendors and luxuries of an all-de- vouring Commercial Feudalism, the squalid and famished Millions, its dependants and victims, shall welcome death as a deliverer from their sufferings and despair. I wish time permitted me to give a hasty glance over the doctrines and teachings of the Free Trade sophists, who esteem them- selves the Political Economists, christen their own views liberal and enlightened, and complacently put ours aside as be- nighted and barbarous. I should delight to show you hoAV they mingle subtle fallacy with obvious truth, how they reason acutely from assumed premises, which, be- ing mistaken or incomplete, lead to false and often absurd conclusions, — how they contradict and confound each other, and often, from Adam Smith, their patriarch, down to McCulloch and Eicardo, either make admissions which undermine their whole fabric, or confess themselves igno- rant or in the dark on points the most vital to a correct understanding of the great subject they profess to have reduced to a Science. Yet even Adam Smith himself expressly apjirovcs and justifies the British Navigation Act, the most aggressively Pro- tective measure ever enacted, — a measure which, not being understood and season- ably counteracted by other nations, changed for centuries the destinies of the World, — which silently sapped and overthrew the t 'ommerciid iiinl i'olitical grcntness of Hol- land, — which silenced the thunder of Van BOOK in.] HENRY A. WISE AGAINST KNO W-NOTHINGISM. 109 Tromp, and swept the broom from his mast-head. But I must not detain you longer. I do not ask you to judge of this matter by authority, but from facts which eome home to your reason and your daily experience. There is not an observing and strong-minded mechanic in our city who couhl not set any one of these Doctors of the Law riglit on essential pointw. I beg you to consider how few great practical Statesmen they have ever been able to win to their standard, — I might almost say none; for Huskisson was but a nominal disciple, and expressly contravened their whole system upon an attempt to apply it to the Corn Laws ; and Calhoun is but a Free-Trader by location, and lias never yet answered his own powerful arguments in behalf of Protection. On the other hand, we point you to the long array of mighty names which have illustrated the annals of Statesmanship of modern times, — to Chatham, William Pitt, and the Great Frederick of Prussia; to the whole array of memorable French Statesmen, including Napoleon the first of them all ; to our own Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison; to our two Clintons, Tompkins, to say nothing of the eagle- eyed and genial-hearted living master- spirit [Henry Clay] of our time. The opin- ions and the arguments of all these are on record ; it is by hearkening to and heeding their counsels that we shall be prepared to walk in the light of experience and look forward to a glorious National destiny. My friends ! I dare not detain you longer. I commit to you the cause of the Nation's Independence, of her Stability and her Prosperity. Guard it wisely and shield it well ; for it involves your own happiness and the enduring welfare of your country- men! Henry A. Wise Against Knotc- Nothing ism, Sept. 18, 1852. The laws of the United States — federal and state laws — declare and defend the liberties of our people. They are free in every sense — free in the sense of Magna Charta and beyond Magna Charta; free by the surpassing franchise of American charters, wliich makes them sovereign and their wills the sources of constitutions and laws. In this country, at this time, does any man think anything? Would he think aloud? Would he speak anything? Would he write anything? His mind is free; his Eerson is safe ; his property is secure ; his ouse is his castle ; the spirit of the laws is his body-guard and his house-guard ; the fate of one is the fate of all measured by the same common rule of right ; his voice is heard and felt in the general suf- frage of freemen ; his trial is in open court, confronted by witnesses and accusers ; his prison house has no secrets, and ho has the judgment of his peers ; and there is nought to make him afraid, so long as he respects the rights of his equals in the eye of the law. Would he propagate truth ? Truth is free to combat error. Would he projia- gate error? Error itself may stalk abroad and do her mischief, and make night itself grow darker, provided truth is left free to follow, however slowly, with her torches to light up the wreck ! Why, then, should any portion of the people desire to retire in secret, and by secret means to propagate a political thought, or word, or deed, by stealth? Why band together, exclusive of others, to do something which all may not know of, towards some political end? If it be good, why not make the good known ? Why not think it, speak it, write it, act it out openly and aloud ? Or, is it evil, which loveth darkness rather than light? When there is no necessity to justify a secret association for political ends, what else can justify it? A caucus may sit in secret to consult on the general policy of a great public party. That may be necessary or convenient ; but that even is reprehensible, if carried too far. But here is proposed a great primary, national organization, in its inception — What? Nobody knows. To do what? Nobody knows. How organized? Nobody knows. Governed by whom ? No- body knows. How bound? By what rites? By what test oaths ? With what limitations and restraints ? Nobody, nobody knows ! All we know is that persons of foreign birth and of Catholic faith are proscribed ; and so are all others who don't proscribe them at the polls. This is certainly against the spirit of Magna Charta. ******* A Prussian born subject came to this country. He complied with our natural- ization laws in all respects of notice of in- tention, residence, oath of allegiance, and proof of good moral character. He re- mained continuously in the United States the full period of five years. When he had fully filled the measure of his probation and was consummately a naturalized citi- zen of the United States, he then, and not until then, returned to Prussia to visit an aged father. He was immediately, on his return, seized and forced into the Land- wehr, or militia system of Prussia, under the maxim: "Once a citizen, always a cit- izen I" There he is forced to do service to the king of Prussia at this very hour. He applies for protection to the United States. Would the Know-Nothings inter- pose in his behalf or not? Look at the principles involved. We, by our laws, en- couraged him to come to our country, and here he was allowed to become natundizod, and to that end required to renounce ami abjure all allegiance and fidelity to the 110 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. king of Prussia, and to swear allegiance and fidelity to the United States. The king of Prussia now claims no legal forfeiture from him — he punishes him for no crime — he claims of him no legal debt — he claims alone that ven," allegiance and fidel- ity which we required the man to abjure an^ renounce. Not only so, but he hin- ders the man from returning to the United States, and from discharging the allegiance and fidelity we required him to swear to the United States. The king of Prussia says he should do him service for seven years, for this was what he was born to perform ; his obligations were due to him first, and his laws were first binding him. The United States say — true, he was born under your laws, but he had a right to ex- patriate himself; he owed allegiance first to you, but he had a right to forswear it and to swear allegiance to us ; your laws first applied, but this is a case of po- litical obligation, not of legal obligation ; it is not for any crime or debt you claim to bind him, but it is for allegiance ; and the claim you set up to his services on the ground of his political obligation, his alle- giance to you, which we allow him to ab- jure and renounce, is inconsistent Avith his political obligation, his allegiance, which we required him to swear to the United States ; he has sworn fidelity to us, and we have, by our laws, pledged protection to him. Such is the issue. Now, with which will the Know-Nothings take sides? With the king of Prussia against our naturalized cit- izen and against America, or with America and our naturalized citizen ? Mark, now, Know-Nothingism is opposed to all foreign influence — against American institutions. The king of Prussia is a pretty potent for- eign influence — he was one of the holy al- liance of crowned heads. Will they take part with him, and not protect the citizen? Then they will aid a foreign influence against our laws! Will they take sides with our naturalized citizen? If so, then upon what grounds? Now, they must have a good cause of interposition to justify us against all the received dogmas of Eu- ropean despotism. Don't they see, can't they perceive, that they have no other grounds than those I have urged? He is our citizen, national- ized, owing us allegiance and we owing him protection. And if we owe him protection abroad, because of his sworn allegiance to us a.s a naturalized citizen, what then can deprive him of his privileges at home among us when he returns ? If he be a citizen at all, he must be allowed the privi- leges of citizenship, or he will not be the equal of his fellow-citizens. And must not Know-Nothingism strike at the very equality of citizenship, or allow liim to en- joy all its lawful privilegea? If Catholics and naturalized citizens are to be citizens and yet to be proscribed from office, they must be rated as an inferior class — an ex- cluded class of citizens. Will it be said that the law will not make this distinction? Then are we to understand that Know- Nothings would not make them equal by law ? If not by law, how can they pretend to make them unequal, by their secret or- der, without law and against laAV ? For them, by secret combination, to make them unequal, to impose a burthen or restriction upon their privileges which the law does not, is to set themselves up above the law, and to supersede by private and secret au- thority, intangible and irresponsible, the rule of public, political right. Indeed, is this not the very essence of the " Higner Law " doctrine? It cannot be said to be legitimate public sentiment and the action of its authorit)\ Public sentiment, proper, is a concurrence of the common mind in some conclusion, conviction, opinion, taste, or action in respect to persons or things subject to its public notice. It will, and it must control the minds and actions of men, by public and conventional opinion. Count Mole said that in France it was stronger than statutes. It is so here. That it is which should decide at the polls of a republic. But, here is a secret sentiment, which may be so organized as to contradict the public sentiment. Candidate A. may be a native and a Protestant, and may con- cur with the community, if it be a Know- Nothing community, on every other subject except that of proscribing Catholics and naturalized citizens : and candidate B. may concur with the community on the subject of this proscription alone, and upon no other subject ; and yet the Know-Nothings might elect B. by their secret sentiment against the public sentiment. Thus it at- tacks not only American doctrines of ex- patriation, allegiance, and protection, but the equality of citizenship, and the au- thority of public sentiment. In the affair of Koszta, now did our blood rush to hia rescue ? Did the Know-Nothing side with him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and Austria ? If with Koszta, why ? Let them ask themselves for the rationale, and see if it can in reason abide with their orders. There is no middle ground in respect to naturalization. We must either have natu- ralization laws and let foreigners become citizens, on equal terms of capacities and privileges, or we must exclude them alto- gether. If we abolish naturalization laws, we return to the European dogma : "Once a citizen, always a citizen." If we let for- eigners be naturalized and don't extend to them equality of privileges, we set up classes and distinctions of persons wholly o|)j)Osed to republicanism. We will, as Rome did, have citizens who may be scourged. The three alternatives are pre- BOOK iii.J HENRY A. WISE AGAINST KNO W-NOTHINGISM. m sented — Our present policy, liberal, and just, and tolerant, and equal ; or the Euro- pean policy of holding tlie noses of native born slaves to the grind-stone of tyranny all their lives; or, odious distinctions of citizenship tending to social and political aristocracy. I am for the present laws of naturalization. As to religion, the Constitution of the United States, art. 6, sec. 3, especially pro- vides that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any otKce or public trust under the United States. The state of Virginia has, from her earliest his- tory, passed the most liberal laws, not only towards naturalization, but towards for- eigners. But I have said enough to show the spirit of American laws and the true sense of American maxims. 3d. Know-Nothingism is against the spirit of Reformation and of Protestantism. What was there to reform ? Let the most bigoted Protestant enumer- ate what he defines to have been the abominations of the church of Rome. What would he say were the worst? The secrets of Jesuitism, of the Auto da fe, of the Monasteries and of the Nunneries. The private penalties of the Inquisition's Scav- enger's Daughter. Proscription, persecu- tion, bigotry, intolerance, shutting up of the book of the word. And do Protestants now mean to out- Jesuit the Jesuits ? Do they mean to strike and not be seen ? To be felt and not to be heard ? To put a shudder upon humanity by the masks of mutes ? Will they wear the monkish cowls? Will they inflict penalties at the polls with- out reasoning together with their fellows at the hustings? Will they proscribe? Persecute ? Will they bloat up tliemselves into that bigotry which would burn non- conformists ? Will they not tolerate free- dom of conscience, but doom dissenters, in secret conclave, to a forfeiture of civil privileges for a religious difference? Will they not translate the scripture of their faith ? Will they visit us with dark lanterns and execute us by signs, and test oaths, and in secrecy ? Protestantism ! forbid it ! If anything was ever open, fair, and free — if anything was ever blatant even — it was the Reformation. To quote from a mighty British pen : " It gave a mighty impulse and increased activity to thought and inquiry, agitated the inert mass of ac- cumulated prejudices throughout Europe. The effect of the concussion was general, but the shock was greatest in this country '' (England). It toppled down the full grown intolerable abuses of centuries at a blow ; heaved the ground from under the feet of bigoted faith and slavish obedience ; and the roar and dashing of opinions, loosened from their accustomed hold, might be heard like the noise of an angry sea, and has never yet subsided. Germany first broke the spell of misbegotten fear, and gave the watchword ; but England joined the sliout, and echoed it back, with her island voice, from her thousand cliffs and craggy shores, in a longer and louder strain. With that cry the genius of Great Britain rose, and threw down the gauntlet to the nations. There was a mighty fermentation : the Avatcrs were out ; public opinion was in a state of projection ; liberty was held out to all to think and speak the truth ; men's brains were busy; their spirits stirring; their hearts full ; and their hands not idle. Their eyes were opened to ex[)ect the great- est things, and their ears burned with cu- riosity and zeal to know the truth, that the truth might make them free. The death blow which had been struck at scarlet vice and bloated hypocrisy, loosened tongues, and made the talismans and love tokens of popish superstitions with which she had beguiled her followers and committed abominations with the people, fall harmless from their necks.'' The translation of the Bible wa-s the chief engine in the great work. It threw open, by a secret spring, the rich treasures of re- ligion and morality, which had then been locked up as in a shrine. It revealed the visions of the Prophets, and conveyed the lessons of inspired teachers to the meanest of the people. It gave them a common interest in a common cause. Their hearts burnt within them as they read. It gave a mind to the people, by giving them com- mon subjects of thought and feeling. It cemented their Union of character and sentiment ; it created endless diversity and collision of opinion. They found objects to employ their faculties, and a motive in the magnitude of the consequences attached to them, to exert the utmost eagerness in the pursuit of truth, and the most daring intrepidity in maintaining it. Religious controversy sharpens the understanding by the subtlety and remoteness of the topics it discusses, and braces the will by their infinite importance. We perceive in the history of this period a nervous, masculine intellect. No levity, no feebleness, no in- difference ; or, if there were, it is a relaxa- tion from the intense activity which gives a tone to its general character. But there is a gravity approaching to piety, a serious- ness of impression, a conscientious severity of argument, an habitual fervor of enthu- siasm in their method of handling almost every subject. The debates of the school- men were sharp and subtle enough : but they wanted interest and grandeur, and were besides confined to a few. They did not affect the general ma.es of the commu- nity. But the Bible w.-is thrown open to all "ranks and conditions " to own and read," with its wonderful table of contents, from Genesis t^ the Revelation. Every village in England would present the scene so well 112 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. described in Burns's "Cotter's Saturday Night.'' How unlike this agitation, this sliock, this angry sea, this fermentation, this shout and its echoes, this impulse and activity, this concussion, this general effect, this blow, this earthquake, this roar and dashing, this longer and louder strain, this public opinion, this liberty to all to think and speak the truth, this stirring of spirits, this opening of eyes, this zeal to know — not nothing — but the truth, that the truth might make them free. How unlike to this is Know-Nothingism, sitting and brooding in secret to proscribe Catholics and naturalized citizens I Protestantism protested against secrecy, it protested against shutting out the light of truth, it protested against proscription, bigotry, and intolerance. It loosened all tongues, and fought the owls and bats of night with the light of meridian day. The argument of Know-Nothings is the argument of silence. The order ignores all knowledge. And its proscription can't arrest itself within the limit of excluding Catholics and natural- ized citizens. It must proscribe natives and Protestants both, who will not consent to unite in proscribing Catholics and natu- ralized citizens. Nor is that all ; it must not only apply to birth and religion, it must necessarily extend itself to the business of life as well as to political preferments. Keiuietli Raynor, of North. Carolina, on Fusion of Fremont and Fillmore Forces. Extract* from hit Speech at Philadelphia, Xovemher'l, 1856. My brother Americans, do you intend to let these mischief-makers put you and me together by the ears ? [Many voices ; " no, no."j Then let us beat James Buchanan for the Presidency. [" We will — we will,'' and great applause.] He is the representa- tive of slavery agitation ; he is the repre- sentative of discord between sections ; he is the man whom Northern and Southern agitators have agreed to present as their candidate. If he be elected now, and the difficulties in Kans;i.s be healed, at the end of four years they will spring upon you an- other question of slavery agitation. It will be the taking of Cuba from Spain, or cut- ting off another slice from Mexico for the purpose of embroiling the North against the South ; and then, if I shall resist that agitation, I shall be called an Abolitionist, again. ***** My countrymen, God forbid that I should attempt to dictate to you or even advise you. I am not competent to do so. I know that divisions exist among you, while I feel also confident that the same purpose animates all your hearts. Do not suppose for one moment that I am the rep- resentative of any clique or faction. Unfortunately, I find that our friends here are in the same condition in which the Jews were, when besieged by the Ro- man general, Titus. Whilst the battering- rams of the Romans were beating down their walls, and the firebrand of the heathen was consuming their temple, the historian tells us that that great people were engaged in intestine commotions, some advocating the claims of one, and some of another, to the high priesthood of that nation ; and instead of the Ro- mans devouring them, they devoured each other. God forbid that my brother Amer- icans should devour each other, at a time when every heart and every hand should be enlisted in the same cause, of overthrow- ing the common enemy of us all. Who is that common enemy ? [Voices, *' The Democratic party."] Yes, that party have reviled us, abused us, perse- cuted us, and all only because we are de- termined to adhere to the Constitution of our country. Give Buchanan a lease of power for four years, and we must toil through persecution, submit to degrada- tion, or cause the streets of our cities to run blood. But we will submit to degradation provided we can see the end of our troubles. We are willing to go through a pilgrimage, not only of four years, but of ten, or twen- ty, or forty years, provided we can have an assurance that at last we shall reach the top of Pisgah, and see the promised land which our children are to inherit. God has not given to us poor frail mortals the power, at all times, of controlling events. When we cannot control events, should we not, where no sacrifice of honor is in- volved, pursue the policy of Lysander, and where the lion's skin is too short, eke it out with the fox's [applause] — not where principle is involved — not where a sur- render of our devotion to our country is at stake. No ; never, never ! I know nothing of your straight-out ticket; I know nothing of your Union ticket ; I know nothing of Fremont. I do know something of Fillmore ; but I would not give my Americanism, and the hopes which I cherish of seeing Americanism in- stalled as the policy of this nation, for all the Fillmores, or Fremonts, or Buchanans, that ever lived on the face of the earth. St. Paul says, " if it offends my brother, I will eat no meat ;" and if it offends my brother here, I will not open my mouth. Nobody can suspect me. [Voices : " cer- tainly not."] Then I say, can't you com- bine the vote of this state, and beat Bu- chanan ? [This question was responded to in the affirmative, with the greatest en- thusiasm. Repeated cheers were proposed for the straight ticket, but the responding voices were by no means numerous, and BOOK III.] RAYNOR ON THE FUSION OF FORCES. 113 were mingled with hisses. Such was the universal excitement, that for some min- utes the speaker was obliged to pause. He finally raised his voice above the subsiding storm, and said : — Come, my friends, we are all brothers ; we are all seeking the same end. Our object is the same. We are all struggling to reach the same haven of safety. The only diff- ference of opinion is as to the proper means by which to accomplish our com- mon end. Will not Americans learn pru- dence from the past ? Misfortune should have taught us charity for each other. We have passed through the ordeal of perse- cution together; we have been subjected to the same difficulties, and the same oppress- ion ; we have been baptized (I may say) in the same stream of calumny. Then, in the name of God — in the name of our common country — in the name of Americanism — in the name of American nationality — in the name of religious freedom — in the name of the Union, I beseech you to learn charity for the difference of opinion which pre- vails among you. Let brethren forbear with brethren. Let us recollect that it is not by vituperation, by the censure of our brethren, that we can ever accomplish this great end of conquering a common enemy. My friends, how long are we to suffer? How long will it be before we shall learn that it is only by a union of counsels, a concentration ,"of energy, a combination of purpose, that we can destroy the com- mon enemy of every conservative man. [Great applause.] I shall not attempt to advise you, for I am not competent to do it. You have in- formation which I do not possess. You know all the undercurrents of opinion which prevail here in your community, with which I am unacquainted ; but will you allow an humble man to express his opinion to brethren whom he loves? May I do it? I am a Fillmore man — nothing but a Fillmore man, and if I resided here, I would vote no ticket which had not the name of Millard Fillmore at its head, and I would advise no Fillmore man to vote a ticket with Fremont's name on it ; but I would vote for that ticket which would make my voice tell at the polls. Now let us look at this thing practically. In reading history I have always admired the character of Oliver Cromwell. What was the great motive by which he was actuated in overthrowing the house of Stuart? It was unfailing devotion to principle. His motto was, "Put your trust in God, and keep your powder dry." I admire the devotion to principle in every man who says that he does not intend to vote any but the straight ticket, for it shows that Americanism has such a lodg- ment in his heart, that he cannot bear even seemingly to compromise it. That is 32 "putting your trust in God;" but, my friends, is it "keeping your powder dry?" The enemy may steal into the camp while you are asleep, and may pour water upon your cartridges, so that when the day of battle shall come, you may shoot, but you will kill nobody. I want the vote of every American, on Tuesday next, to tell. Would to God that you could give the twenty- seven electoral votes of Pennsylvania to Fillmore. Then vote the straight ticket, if that will give him the twenty-seven votes. But suppose it will not (and I am afraid it will not), then the question is, had you better give Buchanan the twenty- seven votes, or give Fillmore eight, ten, twelve, or twenty, as the case may be. I go for beating Buchanan. Gentlemen, you do not know what we Americans suffer at the South. I am abused and reviled for standing up in de- fence of you. When I hear the whole North denounced as a set of Abolitionists, whose purpose it is to interfere with the peculiar institutions of the South, I brand such charges as slanders on the Northern people. I tell them that the great mass of the Northern people are sound on this question ; that they are opposed to slavery, as I should be if I were a Northern man ; but that I do not believe that the great mass of the Northern people have any idea of interfering with the constitutional rights of the people of the South. I know that such men as Garrison and Forney have. I know that Garrison believes the Con- stitution to be a " league with hell," and would therefore destroy it if he could; and I know that Forney loves office so well, that even at the risk of snapping the Union, he will keep alive slavery agi- tation. But Garrison does not represent NcAv England, and Forney does not repre- sent you. As much as I have been reviled for standing by you, I am so anxious to have Buchanan beaten, that were I residing here, if I could not give Fillmore the whole twenty-seven votes, I would give him all I could, by giving him the number to which he might be entitled by the numerical pro- portion of the votes at the ballot-box. Yet, if there is a brother American here who feels in his " heart of hearts," that by vot- ing that Union ticket, he would compro- mise his Americanism, I say to such an one, " do not vote that ticket." At the same time, candor compels me to say, that I differ in opinion with him. If I believed that that ticket was a fusion, or that it called upon any Fillmore man to vote for Fremont, I would advise no one to vote it. I would not vote a ticket that had on it the name of Fremont ; but I would vote a ticket with Fillmore's name upon it, and which would give him (if not the twenty- seven electoral votes) seven, or ten, or 114 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. twenty, just as the numerical proportion of the votes might decide. I appeal to every conservative, Union- loving man in this nation, who is disposed to give to the South all the constitutional privileges to which she is entitled, and who wishes to rebuke the Democratic party for the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and for keeping up the eternal agitation of slavery. I appeal to you as a southern man — as a slaveholder. I do not ask you to be pro-slavery men, to be the advocates of slavery, when I say to you that we, your brethren of the South, expect you to pre- serve our constitutional rights — and, God knows, we ask nothing more — against fanatics, either north or south. Will you do it? My friends, the election is fast approach- ing. There is but little time for delibera- tion left. Is there no way by which the votes of the anti-Buchanan party can be concentrated on the same ticket? I would shed tears of blood — God knows I would — if I could be instrumental in prevailing on all true Americans to combine. I cannot tell you how to combine ; but is it yet too late ? If it is too late to do it throughout the state, cannot you in Philadelphia do it? The Presidential election may depend upon the state of Pennsylvania, and the state of Pennsylvania may depend upon the city of Philadelphia. On the vote of the city of Philadelphia may depend not only our own rights, but the rights of our chil- dren and our children's children. I ap- peal to my brother Americans, for I have no right to appeal to anybody else ; I can- not address the Fremont party, for I have no affiliation with them ; I cannot address the Buchanan party, for my object is to destroy them if possible. To my Ameri- can brethren, then, I appeal, for God's Bake, do not let the sun rise upon that wrath, which I see divides you. Your object is the same — to rescue your common country. Let me advise you who know nothing of your divisions — who belong neither to one clique or the other. I say with the deep- est sincerity that I think all parties ought to have concentrated upon the Fillmore ticket. Mr. Fillmore is a northern man. Your southern brethren were willing to sup- port him. He had guided the ship of state safely through the storm, and it was but reasonable to suppose that in time of difficulty he would again be found the same good pilot. But if we cannot get all others to unite on Mr. Fillmore, each of us must inquire, "What is my duty? If the mountain will not come to Mahomet, shall not Malioniet go to the mountain ; and if he will not go U) the mountain, in heaven's name, sliall he not go halfway?" I am fighting for the victory which we may obtain in this contest. And what an issue is now pending! We read in the Iliad how, for ten long years, a great peo- ple of antiquity were engaged in the siege of Troy. What was the stake for which they contended? It was nothing more than a beautiful woman, who had been ravished by a sprig of the royal line of Troy. What is the stake for which we con- tend? It is constitutional liberty — the right of the American people to govern their own country — the right of every cit- izen to worship God according to the dic- tates of his conscience. The great issue is, whether the American flag shall still wave in glory when we shall have gone to our graves, or whether it shall be trailed in dishonor — whether the " blackness of darkness " which Avould follow the disso- lution of this Union, shall cover the land. I do not tell you how to combine : but I urge you to resort to that mode (if there is such a mode possible), by which you can get together — by which your votes can be made effectual at the polls — by which Mil- lard Fillmore can go before the House of Representatives with the strong moral power which a large electoral vote will give him. That is the way in which we must view the question as practical men. Yet so dif- ferent are the conditions of our nature, so different the sentiments which actuate us, that I will not be guilty of such presump- tion, as to tell any man what particular course he should take. You know my opinions ; if they are worth anything, re- ceive them into your hearts, simply as the sentiments of a brother American ; if they are worth nothing, let them pass as the idle wind. In conclusion I will only say that wheth- er we be defeated or whether we be vic- torious, the only reward I ask for in the labor in which I am engaged is, that you may recollect me as one who had .at heart only the welfare of his country, and who endeavored to promote it by appealing to the associations of the past, and all the hopes of the future. Religious Test. Debate in the Convention on Hint nrlide in the Constitution in reyai d to it. Mr. Pinkney moved that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifica- tion to any office or public trust under the United States. Mu. Shkrman thought it unnecessary, the prevailing liberality being a sufficient security against all sucli tests. Rev. Mr. Backus of Mass. I beg leave to ofler a few tlioughts u]K)n the Constitu- tion projiosed to us ; and I shall begin with the exclusion of any religious test. Many appear to be much concerned about BOOK III.] HENRY W. DAVIS ON THE AMERICAN PARTY. 115 it; but nothing is more evident, both in reason and the Holy Scriptures, than that religion is ever a matter between God and individuals ; and that, therefore, no man or set of men can impose any religious test without invading the essential pre- rogatives of our Lord .Jesus Christ. Min- isters first assumed this power under the Christian name, and then Constantine ap- proved of the practice when he adopted the profession of Christianity as an engine of state policy. And let the history of all nations be searched, from that day t5 this, and it will appear that the imposing of religious tests hath been the greatest en- gine of tyranny in the world. Oliver Wolcott of Conn. For my- self I should be content either with or without that clause in the Constitution which excludes test laws. Knowledge and liberty are so prevalent in this coun- try, that I do not believe that the United States would ever be disposed to establish one religious sect and lay all others under legal disabilities. But as we know not what may take place hereafter, and any such test would be destructive of the rights of free citizens, I cannot think it superfluous to have added a clause which secures us from the possibility of such op- pression. Mr. Madison of Va. I confess to you, sir, that were uniformity of religion to be introduced by this system, it would, in my opinion, be ineligible ; but I have no reason to conclude that uniformity of gov- ernment will produce that of religion. This subject is, for the honor of America, left perfectly free and unshackled. The government has no jurisdiction over it — the least reflection will convince us there is no danger on this ground. Happily for the states, they enjoy the utmost freedom of religion. This freedom arises from that multiplicity of sects which pervades Amer- ica, and which is the best and only security for religious liberty in any society. For, where there is such a variety of sects, there cannot be a majority of any one sect to oppress and persecute the rest. Mr. Iredell of N. C. used this lan- guage : " Every person in the least con- versant with the history of mankind, knows what dreadful mischiefs have been com- mitted by religious persecution. Under the color of religious tests, the utmost cruelties have been exercised. Those in Sower have generally considered all wis- om centred in themselves, that they alone had the right to dictate to the rest of mankind, and that all opposition to their tenets was profane and impious. The consequence of this intolerant spirit has been that each church has in turn set it- self up against every other, and persecu- tions and wars of the most implacable and bloody nature have taken place in every part of the world. America has set an ex- ami)le to mankind to think more ration- ally — that a man may be of religious sen- timents difl'ering from our own, without be- ing a bad member of society. The prin- ciples of toleration, to the honor of this age, are doing away those errors and pre- judices which have so long prevailed even in the most intolerant countries. In Ro- man Catholic lands, principles of modera- tion are adopted, which would have been spurned a century or two ago. It will be fatal, indeed, to find, at the time when ex- amples of toleration are set even by arbi- trary governments, that this country, so impressed with the highest sense of lib- erty, should adopt principles on this sub- ject that were narrow, despotic, and illiberal." Speech of Henry W. Davis, of Maryland, On the Mission of the American Party. Extract from Mr. Davis's speech in the House of Uc]>rescntatives, on tin; (ith of .Jan., 1857, on the results of the recent Presidential election: — ******* " The great lesson is taught by this election that both the parties which rested their hopes on sectional hostility, stand at this day condemned by the great majority of the country, as common disturbers of the public peace of the country. " The Republican party was a hasty levy, en masse, of the Northern people to repel or revenge an intrusion by Northern votes alone. With its occasion it must pass away. The gentlemen of the Repub- lican side of the House can now do noth- ing. They can pass no law excluding slavery from Kansas in the next Congress — for they are in a minority. Within two years Kansas must be a state of the Union. She will be admitted with or without slavery, as her people prefer. Beyond Kansas there is no question that is practi- cally open. I speak to practical men. Slavery does not exist in any other terri- tory, — it is excluded by law from several, and not likely to exist anywhere ; and the Republican party has nothing to do and can do nothing. It has no future. Why cumbers it the ground? " Between these two stand the firm ranks of the American party, thinned by deser- tions, but still unshaken. To them the eye of the country turns in hope. The gentleman from Georgia saluted the Northern Democrat-s with the title of he- roes — who swam vigorously down the cur- rent. The men of the American party faced, in each section, the sectional mad- ness. They would cry neither free nor slave Kansas; but proposed a safe admin- istration of the laws, before which every right would find protection. Their voice was drowned amia the din of factions. The 116 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. men of the North would have no modera- tion, and they have paid the penalty. The American party elected a majority of this House : had they of the North held fast to the great American principle of silence on the negro question, and, firmly refusing to join either agitation, stood by the Ameri- can candidate, they would not now be writhing, crushed beneath an utter over- throw. If they would now destroy the Democrats, they can do it only by return- ing to the American party. By it alone can a party be created strong at the South as well as at the North. To it alone be- longs a principle accepted wherever the American name is heard — the same at the North as at the South, on the Atlantic or the Pacific shore. It alone is free from sectional affiliations at either end of the Union which would cripple it at the other. Its principle is silence, peace, and compro- mise. It abides by the existing law. It allows no agitation. It maintains the pre- sent condition of affairs. It asks no change in any territory, and it will countenance no agitation for the aggrandizement of either section. Though thousands fell off in the day of trial — allured by ambition, or terrified by fear — at the North and at the South, carried away by the torrent of fanaticism in one part of the Union, or driven by the fierce onset of the Democrats in another, who shook Southern institu- tions by the violence of their attack, and half waked the sleeping negro by painting the Republican as his liberator, still a million of men, on the great day, in the face of both factions, heroically refused to bow the knee to either Baal. They knew the necessities of the times, and they set the example of sacrifice, that others might profit by it. They now stand the hope of the nation, around whose firm ranks the shattered elements of the great majority may rally and vindicate the right of the majority to rule, and of the native of the land to make the law of the land. The recent election has developed, in an aggravatea form, every evil against which the American party protested. Again in the war of domestic parties. Republican and Democrat have rivalled each other in bid- ding for the foreign vote to turn the bal- ance of a domestic election. Foreign allies have decided the government of the country — men naturalized in thousands on the eve of the election — eagerlv struggled for by competing parties, mad with sec- tional fury, and gra.sping any instrument which would prostrate their opponents. Again, in the fierce struggle for suprema- cy, men have forgotten the ban which the Republic puts on the intrusion of religious influence on the {)olitical arena. These influences have brought vast multitudes of foreign-born citizens to the polls, ignorant of American interests, without American feelings, influenced by foreign sympathies, to vote on American affairs ; and those votes have, in point of fact, accomplished the present result. The high mission of the American is to restore the influence of the interests of the people in the conduct of affairs ; to ex- clude appeals to foreign birth or religious feeling as elements of power in politics ; to silence the voice of sectional strife — not by joining either section, but by recalling the people from a profitless and maddening contrdversy which aids no interest, and shakes the foundation not only of the com- mon industry of the people, but of the Re- public itself; to lay a storm amid whose fury no voice can be heard in behalf of the industrial interests of the countrj', no eye can watch and guard the foreign policy of the government, till our ears may be opened by the crash of foreign war waged for purposes of political and party ambi- tion, in the name, but not by the authori- ty nor for the interests, of the American people. Return, then, Americans of the North, from the paths of error to which in an evil hour fierce passions and indignation have seduced you, to the sound position of the American party — silence on the slavery agitation. Leave the territories as they are — to the operation of natural causes. Prevent aggression by excluding from power the aggressors, and there will be no more wrong to redress. Awake the na- tional spirit to the danger and degrada- tion of having the balance of power held by foreigners. Recall the warnings of Washington against foreign influence — here in our midst — wielding part of our sovereignty ; and with these sound words of wisdom let us recall the people from paths of strife and error to guard their peace and power; and when once the mind of the people is turned from the slavery agitation, that party which waked the agitation will cease to have power to dis- turb the peace of the land. This is the great mission of the Ameri- can party. The first condition of success i» to prevent the administration from having a majority in the next Congress ; for, with that, the agitation will be resumed for very different objects. The Ostend manifesto is full of warning ; and they who struggle over Kansas may awake and find them- selves in the midst of an agitation com- pared to which that of Kansas was a sum- mer's sea ; whose instruments will be, not words, but the sword. JosHua R. Olddtnff* Against tli« Fnf^ltlT* Slave taw. In the Home of Repretentativa, AprU 25, 1848. "Why, sir, I never saw a panting fugi- tive speeding his way to a land of free- BOOK III.J ROBERT TOOMBS ON SLAVERY. IIT (lorn, that an involuntary invocation did not burst from my lips, that God would aid him in his flight ! Such are the feel- ings of every man in our free states, whose heart has not become hardened in iniquity. I do not confine this virtue to Republi- cans, nor to Anti-Slavery men ; I speak of all men, of all parties, in all Christian communities. Northern Democrats feel it; they ordinarily bow to this higher law of their natures, and they only prove re- creant to the law of the ' Most High,' when they regard the interests of the Democratic party as superior to God's law and the rights of mankind. " Gentlemen will bear with me when I assure them and the President that I have seen as many as nine fugitives dining at one time in my own house — fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, parents, and children. When they came to my door, hungry and faint, cold and but partially clad, I did not turn round to consult the Fugitive Law, nor to ask the President what I should do. I knew the constitution of my country, and would not violate it, I obeyed the divine mandate, to feed the hungry and clothe the naked. I fed them, I clothed them, gave them money for their journey, and sent them on their way rejoicing, I obeyed God rather than the President. I obeyed my conscience, the dictates of my heart, the law of my moral being, the commands of Heaven, and, I will add, the constitu- tion of my country ; for no man of in- telligence ever believed that the framers of that instrument intended to involve their descendants of the free states in any act that should violate the teachings of the Most High, by seizing a fellow- being, and returning him to the hell of slavery. If that be treason, make the most of it. " Mr. Bexnett, of Mississippi. I want to know if the gentleman would not have gone one step farther? "Mr. Giddings. Yes, sir; I would have gone one step farther. I would have driven the slave-catcher who dared pursue them from my premises, I would have kicked him from my door-yard, if he had made his appearance there ; or, had he at- tempted to enter my dwelling, I would have stricken him down upon the threshold of my door. Robert Toomba on Hla.-very, At Tremont Temple, Boston, Januari/ 'Zith, 1856. In 1790 there were less than seven hun- dred thousand slaves in the United States ; in 1850 the number exceeded throe and one quarter millions. The same authority shows their increase, for the ten years pro- ceding the last census, to have been above twenty-eight per cent,, or nearly three per cent, per annum, an increaj^e equal, allow- ing for the element of foreign immigration, to the white race, and nearly three times that of the free blacks of the North. But these legal rights of the slave embrace but a small portion of the privileges actually enjoyed by him. He has, by universal custom, the control of much of his own time, which is applied, at his own choici and convenience, to the mechanic arts, to agriculture, or to some other profitable pursuit, which not only gives him the power of purchase over many additional necessaries of life, but over many of its luxuries, and in numerous ciuses, enables him to purchase his freedom when he de- sires it. Besides, the nature of the relation of master and slave begets kindnesses, im- poses duties (and secures their perform- ance), which exist in no other relation of capital and labor. Interest and humanity co-operate in harmony for the well-being of slave labor. Thus the monster objection to our institution of slavery, that it deprives labor of its wages, cannot stand the test of a truthful investigation, A slight examina- tion of the true theory of wao;es, will fur- ther expose its fallacy. Under a system of free labor, wages are usually paid in money, the representative of products — under ours, in products themselves. One of your most distinguished statesmen and patriots. President John Adams, said that the difference to the state was "imaginary." " What matters it (said he) whether a landlord, employing ten laborers on his farm, gives them annually as much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries atshort hand?" All experience has shown that if that be the measure of the wages of labor, it is safer for the laborer to take his wages in products than in their fluctuating pecuni- ary value. Therefore, if we pay in the necessaries and comforts of life more than any given amount of pecuniary wages will buy, then our laborer is paid higher than the laborer who receives that amount of wages. The most authentic agricultural statistics of England show that the wages of agricultural and unskilled labor in that kingdom, not only fail to furnish the la- borer ^yith the comforts of our slave, hut oven with the necessaries of life; and no slaveholder could escape a conviction for cruelty to his slaves who gave his slave no more of the necessaries of life for his labor than the wages paid to their agricultural laborers by the noblemen and gentlemen of England would buy. U^ndor their sys- tem man has become less valuable and le.'is cared for than domestic animals; and no- ble dukes will depopulate whole districts of mon to supply their places with sheep, and then with intrepid audacity lecture and denounce American slaveholders. The great conflict between labor and 118 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. capital, under free competition, has ever been how the earnings of labor shall be di- vided between them. In new and sparsely settled countries, where land is cheap, and food is easily produced, and education and intelligence approximate equality, labor can successfully struggle m this warfare with capital. But this is an exceptional and temporary condition of society. In the Old World this state of things has long since passed away, and the conflict with the lower grades of labor has long since ceased. There the compensation of un- skilled labor, which first succumbs to cap- ital, is reduced to a point scarcely adequate to the continuance of the race. The rate of increase is scarcely one per cent, per annum, and even at that rate, population, until recently, was considered a curse ; in short, capital has become the master of la- bor, with all the benefits, without the nat- ural burdens of the relation. In this division of the earnings of labor between it and capital, the southern slave has a marked advantage over the English laborer, and is often equal to the free la- borer of the North. Here again we are furnished with authentic data from which to reason. The census of 1850 shows that, on the cotton estates of the South, which is the chief branch of our agricultural in- dustry, one-half of the arable lands are annually put under food crops. This half is usually wholly consumed on the farm by the laborers and necessary animals ; out of the other half must be paid all the neces- sary expenses of production, often inclu- ding additional supplies of food beyond the produce of the land, which usually equals one-third of the residue, leaving but one- third for net rent. The average rent of land in the older non-slaveholding states is ecjual to one-third of the gross product, and it not unfrequently amounts to one- half of it (in England it is sometimes even greater), the tenant, from his portion, pay- ing all expenses of i)roduction and the exjienses of himself and family. From this statement it is apparent that the form la- borers of the South receive always as much, and frequently a greater jiortion of the pro- duce of the land, than the laborer in the New or Old England. Bedsides, here the portion due the slave is a charge upon the whole product of capital and the capital itself; it is neither dependent upon seasons nor subject to accidents, and survives his own cai)acity for labor, and even the ruin of his master. But it is ol)jected that religious instruc- tion is denied the slave — while it is true that religious instruction and privileges are not enjoined by law in all of the states, the numbt'r of slaves who are in connec- tion with the difrcrentchurchcs almndaiitly prov(!S the universality of their eiijoynicnt of those privileges. And a much larger number of the race in slavery enjoy the consolations of religion than the efforts of the combined Christian world have been able to convert to Christianity out of all the millions of their countrymen who re- mained in their native land. The immoralities of the slaves, and of those connected with slavery, are constant themes of abolition denunciatiofl. They are lamentably great ; but it remains to be shown that they are greater than with the laboring poor of England, or any other country. And it is shown that our slaves are without the additional stimulant of want to di'ive them to crime — we have at least removed from them the temptation and excuse of hunger. Poor human nature is here at least spared the wretched fate of the utter prostration of its moral nature at the feet of its physical wants. Lord Ash- ley's report to the British Parliment shows that in the capital of that empire, perhaps ' within the hearing of Stafford House and Exeter Hall, hunger alone daily drives its thousands of men and women into the abyss of crime. It is also objected that our slaves are de- barred the benefits of education. This ob- jection is also well taken, and is not without force. And for this evil the slaves are greatly indebted to the abolitionists. For- merly in none of the slaveholding states was it forbidden to teach slaves to read and write ; but the character of the literature sought to be furnished them by the aboli- tionists caused these states to take counsel rather of their passions than their reason, and to lay the axe at the root of the evil ; better counsels will in time prevail, and this will be remedied. It is true that the slave, from his protected position, has less need of education than the free laborer, who has to struggle for himself in the war- fare of society ; yet it is both useful to him, his master, and society. The want of legal protection to the mar- riage relation is also a iruitful source of agitation among the opponents of slavery. The complaint is not without foundation. Tins is an evil not yet removed by law ; but marriage is not inconsistent with the institution of slavery as it exists among us, and the objection, therefore, lies rather to an incident than to the essence of the system. But in the truth and fact mar- riage does exist to a verj' great extent among slaves, and is encouraged and pro- tected by their owners ; and it will be found, upon careful investigation, that fewer children are born out of wedlock among slaves than in the capitals of two of the most civilized countries of Europe — Austria and France; in the former, one- half of the children are thus born ; in the latter, more than one-fourth. But even in this we have (le2)rived the slave of no pre-existing right. We fouud the race BOOK III.] JUDAH P. BENJAMIN ON SLAVE PROPERTY. 119 without any knowledge of or regard for the institution of marriage, and we are re- l)roached witii not liaving sui yet secured to it that, with all otiier blessings of civiliza- tion. To protect that and other domestic tics by laws forbidding, under proper regu- lations, the separation of families, would be wise, proper, and humane ; and some of the slave-holding states have already adopted partial legislation for the removal of these evils. But the objection is far more formidable in theory than in prac- tice. The accidents and necessities of life, the desire to better one's condition, produce infinitely a greater amount of separation in families of the white than ever hap[)ens to the colored race. This is true even in the United States, where the general condition of the people is prosper- ous. But it is still more marked in Europe. The injustice and despotism of England towards Ireland has produced more sepa- ration of Irish families, and sundered more domestic ties within the last ten years, than African slavery has effected since its introduction into the United States. The twenty millions of freemen in the United States are witnesses of the dispersive injustice of the Old World. The general happiness, cheerfulness, and contentment of slaves attest both the mildness and humanity of the system and their natural adaptation to their condition. They require no standing armies to enforce their obedience; while the evidence of discontent, ami the api)lianco3 of force to repress it, are everywhere visible among the toiling millions of the earth ; even in the northern states of this Union, strikes and mobs, unions and combinations against employers, attest at once the misery and discontent of labor among them. Eng- lanvl keeps one hundred thousand soldiers in time of peice, a large navy, and an in- numerable police, to secure obedience to her social institutions ; and physical force is the sole guarantee of her social order, the only cement of her gigantic empire. I have briefly traced the condition of the African race through all ages and all countries, and described it fairly and truly under American slavery, and I submit that the proposition is fully proven, that his position in slavery among us is supe- rior to any which he has ever at- tained in any a^e or country. The pictiire is not without shade "as well iis light; evils and imperfections cling to man and all of his works, and this is not exempt from them. Judah P. Benjamin, of Lionislana, On 5i<ife I'roperly, in U. S. Semite, March 11, 1S5S. Examine your Constitution ; arc slaves the only species of property there recog- nized as requiring peculiar protection ? Sir, the inventive genius of our brethren of the north is a source of vast wealth t(j them and vast benefit to the nation. I saw a short time ago in one of the New York journals, that the estimated value of a few of the jjatents now before us in this Capitol for renewal was §4O,0i)U,UO0. I cannot believe that the entire capital in- vested in inventions of this character in the United States can fall short of one hundred and fifty or two hundred million dollars. On what protection does this vast property rest? Just upon that same con- stitutional protection which gives a remedy to the slave owner when his property is also found outside of the limits of the state in which he lives. Without this protection what would be the condition of the northern inventor? W^hy, sir, the Vermont inventor i)rotected by his own law would come to Massachu- setts, and there say to the pirate who had stolen his property, " render me up my property, or pay me value for its use." The Senator from Vermont would receive for answer, if he were the counsel of this Vermont inventor, " Sir, if you want pro- tection for your property go to your own state ; property is governed by the laws of the state within whose jurisdiction it is found ; you have no property in your in- vention outside of the limits of your state ; you cannot go an inch beyond it." Would not this be so? Does not every man see at once that the right of the inventor to his discovery, that the right of the poet to his inspiration, depends upon those principles of eternal justice which God has implanted in the heart of man, and that wherever he cannot exercise them, it is because man, faithless to the trust that he has received from God, denies them the protection to which they are entitled ? Sir, follow out the illustration which the Senator from Vermont himself has given ; take his very case of the Delaware owner of a liorse riding him across the line into Pennsylvania. The Senator says : "Now, you see that slaves are not property like other property; if slaves were property like other property, why have you this special clause in your constitution to pro- tect a slave ? You have no clause to pro- tect the horse, because liorses are recog- nized as property everywhere." !Mr. Presi- dent, the same fallacy lurks at the bottom of this argument, as of all the rest. Let Pennsylvania exercise her undoubted juris- diction over persons and things within her own boundary' ; let her do as she has a perfect right to do — declare that heroafler, within the state of Pennsylvania, there shall be no property in horses, and that no man shall maintain a suit in her court.s for the recovery of projierty in a liorse; and where will your horse owner be then ? Juat 120 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. where the English poet is now ; just where the slaveholder and the inventor would be if the Constitution, foreseeing a difference of opinion in relation to rights in these subject-matters, had not provided the remedy in relation to such property as might easily be plundered. Slaves, if you please, are not property like other property in this : that you can easily rob us of them ; but as to the right in them, that man has to overthrow the whole history of the world, he has to overthrow every treatise on jurisprudence, he has to ignore the common sentiment of mankind, he has to repudiate the authority of all that is con- sidered sacred with man, ere he can reach the conclusion that the person who owns a slave, in a countrj- where slavery* has been established for ages, has no other property in that slave than the mere title which is given by the statute law of the land where it is found. 'WilUam Uoyd Garrison Upon tbeSla-veiy Question. " Tj-rants ! confident of its overthrow, proclaim not to your vassals, that the American Union is an experiment of free- dom, which, if it fails, will forever demon- strate the necessity of whips for the backs, and chains for limbs of people. Know that its subversion is essential to the triumph of justice, the deliverance of the oppressed, the vindication of the brother- hood of the race. It was conceived in sin, and brought forth in iniquity ; and its career has been marked by unparalleled hypocrisy, by high-handed tj^ranny, by a bold defiance of the omniscience and omnipotence of God. Freedom indignantly disowns it, and calls for its extinction ; for within its borders are three millions of slaves, whose blood constitutes its cement, whose flesh forms a large and flourishing branch of its commerce, and who are ranked with four-footed beasts and creep- ing things. To secure the adoption of the constitution of the United States, first, that the African slave trade — till that time a feeble, isolated, colonial traffic — should, for at least twenty years, be prosecuted as a national interest, under the American flag, and protected by the national arm ; secondly, that slavery holding oligarchy, created by allowing three-fifths of the slave-holding population to be represented by their taskmasters, should be allowed a permanent seat in congress ; thirdly, that the slave system should be secured against internal revolt and external invasion, by the united physical force of the country; fourthly, that not a foot of national torri- U)ry should be granted, on which the pant- ing fugitive from slavery might stand, and be safe from his pursuers, thus making every citizen a slave-hunter and slave catcher. To say that this ' covenant with death ' shall not be annulled — that this ' agreement with hell ' shall continue to stand — that this refuge of lies shall not be swept away — is to hurl defiance at the eternal throne, and to give the lie to Him that sits thereon. It is an attempt, alike monstrous and impracticable, to blend the light of heaven with the darkness of the bot- tomless pit, to unite the living with the dead, to associate the Son of God with the Prince of Evil. Accursed be the American Union, as a stupendous, republican impos- ture ! " ******* I am accused of using hard language. I admit the charge. I have been unable to find a soft word to describe villainy, or to identify the perpetrator of it. The man who makes a chattel of his brother — what is he? The man who keeps back the hire f of his laborers by fraud — what is he ? They j who prohibit the circulation of the Bible — ' what are they? They who compel three millions of men and women to herd to- gether like brute beasts — what are they ? They who sell mothers by the pound, and children in lots to suit purchasers — what are they ? I care not what terms are ap- plied to them, provided they do apply. If they are not thieves, if they are not tyrants, if they are not men stealers, I should like to know what is their true character, and by what names they may be called. It is as mild an epithet to say that a thief is a thief, as to say that a spade is a spade. Words are but the signs of ideas. ' A rose by any other name would smell as sweet.' Language may be misap- plied, and so be absurd or unjust; as for example, to say that an abolitionist is a fanatic, or that a slave-holder is an honest man. But to call things by their righi names is to use neither hard nor improper language. Epithets may be rightly ap- plied, it is true, and yet be uttered in a hard spirit, or with a malicious design. What then? Shall we discard all terms which are descriptive of crime, because they are not always used with fairness and propriety ? He who, when he sees oppret- sion, cries out against it — who, when he beholds his equal brother trodden under foot by the iron hoof of despotism, rushes to his rescue — who, when he sees the weak overborne by the strong, takes his side with the former, at the imminent peril of his own safety — such a man needs no certificate to the excellence of his temper, or the sincerity of his heart, or the disin- terestedness of his conduct. Or is tQe apologist of slavery, he who can see the victim of thieves lying bliseding and help- less on the cold earth, and yet turn aside, like the callous-hearted priest or Levite, who needs absolution. Let ua call tyrants, BOOK III.] PARKER AGAINST THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 121 tyrants ; not to do so is to misuse language, to deal treacherously with freedom, to con- sent to the enslavement of mankind. It is neither amiable nor virtuous, but a fool- ish and pernicious thing, not to call things by their right names. ' Woe unto them,' says one of the world's great proi)hets, ' that call evil good, and good evil ;' that put darkness for light, and light for dark- ness ; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter." Theodore Parker Against tlie Furtive Slave L>aw. Hit Protest Against the Ilelitrn of Simms by the U. S. Com- minsioner at Huston. "Come with me, my friends, a moment more, pass over this golgotha of human history, treading reverent as you go, for our feet are on our mother's graves, and our shoes defile our father's hallowed bones. Let us not talk of them ; go farther on, look and pass by. Come with me into the inferno of the nations, with such poor guidance as my lamp can lend. Let us disquiet and bring up the awful shad- ows of empires buried long ago, and learn a lesson from the tomb. " Come, old Assyria, with the Ninevitish dove upon thy emerald crown ! what laid thee low? ' I fell by my own injustice. Thereby Nineveh and Babylon came with me also to the ground." " Oh, queenly Persia, flame of the nations, wherefore art thou so fallen, who troddest the people under thee, bridgest the Helles- pont with ships, and pouredst thy temple- wasting millions on the world? Because I trod the people under me, and bridged the Hellespont with ships, and poured my tem- Fle-wasting millions on the western world, fell by my own misdeeds." " Thou muse- like Grecian queen, fairest of all thy classic sisterhood of states, enchanting yet the world with thy sweet witchery, speaking in art and most seductive song, why liest thou there, with beauteous yet dishonored brow, reposing on thy broken harp? 'I scorned the law of Grod ; banished and poisoned wisest, justestmen; I loved the loveliness of thought, and treasured that in more than Parian speech. But the beauty of justice, the loveliness of love, I trod them down to earth! Lo, therefore have I become as those barbarian states — as one of them ! ' " " Oh, manly and majes- tic Rome, thy seven-fold mural crown all broken at thy feet, why art thou here? It was not injustice brought thee low; for thy great book of law is prefaced with these words — justice is the unchanged, everlasting will to give each man his right ! ' It was not the saint's ideal ; it was the hypocrite's pretense.' I made iniquity my law. I trod the nations under mc. Their wealth gilded my palaces — where thou mayest see the fox and hear the owl — it fed mycourticrs and my courtesans. Wicked men were my cabinet counselors, the flat- terer breathed his poison in my car. Mil- lions of bondsmen wet the soil with tears and blood. Do you not hear it crying yet to God? Lo, here have I my recompense, tormented with such downfall as you see I Go back and tell the new-born child who sitteth on the Alleghanies, laying his either hand upon a tributary sea, a crown of thirty stars upon his youthful brow — tell him that there are rights which states must keep, or they shall suffer wrongs! Tell him there is a God who keeps the black man and the white, and hurls to earth the loftiest realm that breaks his just, eternal law! Warn the young empire, that he come not down dim and dishonored to my shameful tomb I Tell him that justice is the unchanging, everlasting will to give each man his right. I knew it, broke it, and am lost. Bid him know it, keep it, and be safe." The same speaker protests against the relum of Simms. " Where shall I find a parallel with men who will do such a deed— do it in Boston ? I will open the tombs and bring up most hideous tyrants from the dead. Come, brood of monsters, let me bring up from the deep damnation of the graves wherein your hated memories continue for all time their never-ending rot. Come, birds of evil omen! come, ravens, vultures, carrion crows, and see the spectacle I come, see the meeting of congenial souls! I will disturl), disquiet, and bring up the greatest mon- sters of the human race! Tremble not, women ! They cannot harm you now ! Fear the living, not the dead !" Come hither, Herod, the wicked. Thou that didst seek after that young child's life, and destroyed the innocents ! Let me look on thy face ! No, go I Thou wert a heathen ! Go, lie with the innocents thou hast massacred. Thou art too good for this company ! " Come, Nero ; thou awful Roman emperor, come up ! No, thfiu wast drunk with power ! schooled in Ro- man depravity. Thou hadst, besides, the example of thy fancied gods. Go, wait another day. I will seek a worse man. " Come hither, St. Dominic ! come, Tor- quemada ; fathers of the Inquisition I merciless monsters, seek your equal here. No; pa-ss by. You are no companion for such men as these. You were the servants of the atheistic popes, of cruel kings. Go to, and get you gone. Another time I may have work for you — now, lie there, and persevere to rot. You are not yet quite wicked and corrupt enough for this comparison. Go, get you gone, lest the sun goes back at sight of ye ! " Come up, thou heap of wickedness, George .lefllries ! thy hands deep purple with the blood of thy fellow-men. Ah ! I 122 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. know thee, awful and accursed shade ! Two hundred years after thy death men hate thee still, not without cause. Look me upon thee ! I know thy history. Pause, and be still, while I tell to these men. * * * Come, shade of judicial butcher. Two hundred years, thy name has been pillowed in face of tlie world, and thy memory gibbeted before mankind. Let us see how thou wilt compare with those who kidnap men in Boston. Go, seek companionship with them. Go, claim thy kindred if such they be. Go, tell them that the memory of the wicked shall rot ; that there is a God ; an eternity ; ay, and a judgment, too, where the slave may appeal against him that made him a slave, to Him that made him a man. "What! Dost thou shudder? Thou turn back ! These not thy kindred ! Why dost thou turn pale, as when the crowd clutched at thy life in London street? Forgive me, that I should send thee on such an errand, or bid thee seek compan- ionship with such— with Boston hunters of the slave ! Thou wert not base enough ! It was a great bribe that tempted thee ! Again, I say, pardon me for sending thee to keep company with such men ! Thou only struckest at men accused of crime ; not at men accused only of their birth ! Thou wouldst not send a man into bond- age lor two pounds ! I will not rank thee with men who, in Boston, for ten dollars, would enslave a negro now ! Eest still, Herod ! Be quiet, Nero ! Sleep, St. Dom- inic, and sleep, O Torquemada, in your fiery jail ! Sleep, Jeffries, underneath ' the altar of the church ' which seeks, with Christian charity to hide your hated bones !" 'WlUlam II. Seward's Speech on tlie Higher lia-w. In the U. S. Senate, March 11, 1850. "But it is insisted that the admission of California shall be attended by a compro- mise of questions which have arisen out of slavery! I AM OPPOSED TO ANY SUCH COMPROMISE IN ANY AND ALL THE FORMS IN WHICH IT HAS BEEN PROPOSED. Because, while admitting the purity and the patriotism of all from whom it is my misfortune to diflcr, I think all legisla- tive compromises radically wrong, and GHsentially vicious. They involve the sur- render of the exercise of judgment and the conscience on distinct ami separate questions, at distinct and separate times, with the indispensable advantages it affords for ascertaining the truth. They involve a rclinqiiishincnt of the right to reconsider in future the decision of th(! present, on questions premalurely antici- pated. And they are a usurpation as to future (|iiestion8 of the providence of fu- ture Icgialatora. "Sir, it seems to me as if slavery had laid its paralyzing hand upon myself, and the blood were coursing less freely than its wont through my veins, when I endeavor to suppose that such a compromise has been etfected, and my utterance forever is arrested upon all the great questions, social, moral, and political, arising out of a sub- ject so important, and yet so incomprehen- sible. What am I to receive in this com- promise? Freedom in California. It is well ; it is a noble acquisition ; it is worth a sacrifice. But what am I to give as an equivalent ? A recognition of a claim to perpetuate slavery in the District of Co- lumbia ; forbearance towards more strin- gent laws concerning the arrest of persons suspected of being slaves found in the free States ; forbearance from the proviso of freedom in the charter of new territories. None of the plans of compromise offered demand less than two, and most of them insist on all these conditions. The equiva- lent then is, some portion of liberty, some portion of human rights in one region, for liberty in another." " It is true indeed that the national do- main is ours. It is true it was acquired by the valor and the wealth of the whole na- tion. But we hold, nevertheless, no arbi- trary power over it. We hold no arbitrary power over anything, whether acquired by law or seized by usurpation. The consti- tution regulates our stewardship ; the con- stitution devotes the domain to union, to justice, to welfare and to liberty. But there is a higher law than the constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble pur jwse. The territory is a part, no inconsiderable part of the common heritage of mankind, be- stowed upon them by the Creator of the universe. We are his stewards, and must so discharge our trust, as to secure in the highest attainable degree their haj)]nness. This is a State, and we are deliberating for it, just as our fathers deliberated in estab- lisiiing the institutions we enjoy. What- ever superiority there is in our condition and hoi)es over those of any other ' king- dom ' or ' estate,' is due to the fortunate circumstance that our ancestors did not leave things to ' take their chances ' but that they 'added amplitude and greatness' to our commonwealth ' by introducing such ordinances, constitutions, and cus- toms as were wise.' We in our turn have succeeded to the same responsibilities, and we cannot approach the duty before us wisely or justly, except we raise ourselves to tlie great consideration of how we can most certainly ' sow greatness to our pos- terity and successors.' "And now tiie sinijde, bold, and awful question whicii presents itself to us is this: shall we, wlio are founding institutions, social and i)oliticaI, for countless millions , BOOKiii.J GALUSHA A. GROW ON TUE HOMESTEAD BILL, 123 shall we, who know by experience the wise and just, and are free to choose them, and to reject the erroneous and unjust ; shall we establish human bondaj^e, or per- mit it by our sufferance to be established ? Sir, our forefathers would not have hesi- tated an hour. They found slavery exist- ing here, and they left it only because they could not remove it. There is not only no free State which would now establish it, but there is no slave State which, if it had had the free alternative, as we now have, would have founded slavery. Indeed, our revolutionary predecessors had precisely the same question before them in estab- lishing an organic law, under which the States of Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, Wis- consin, and Iowa have since come into the Union, and they solemnly repudiated and excluded slavery from those States forever." Charles Sumner on the Fallibility of Judi- cial Tribunals. Let me here say that I hold j udges, and especially the Supreme Court of the coun- try, in much respect ; but I am too familiar with the history of Judicial proceedings to regard them with any superstitious rever- ence. Judges are but men and in all ages have shown a full share of frailty. Alas ! alaa! the worst crimes of history have been perpetrated under their sanction. The blood of martyrs and of patriots, crying from the ground, summons them to judg- ment. It was a judicial tribunal which con- demned Socrates to drink the fatal hemlock, and which pushed the Saviour barefoot over the pavements of Jerusalem, bending beneath his cross. It was a judicial tribu- nal which, against the testimony and en- treaties of her father, surrendered the fair Virginia as a slave; which arrested the teachings of the great apostle to the Gen- tiles, and sent him in bonds from Judea to Rome ; which, in the name of the old reli- gion, adjured the saints and fathers of the Christian Church to death, in all its most dreadful forms ; and which afterwards in the name of the new religion, enforced the tortures of the Inquisition, amidst the shrieks and agonies of its victims, while it compelled Galileo to declare, in solemn de- nial of the great truth he had disclosed, that the earth did not move round the sun. It was a judicial tribunal which, in France, during the long reign of her mon- archs, lent itself to be the instrument of every tyranny, as during the brief reign of terror it did not hesitate to stand forth the unpitying accessory of the unpitying guil- .lotine. Ay, sir, it was a judicial tribunal in England, surrounded by all llie forms of law, which sanctioned every despotic ca- price of Henry the eighth, from the unjust divorce of his queen to the beheading of Sir Thomas Moore; which lighted the (ires of |)ersecution, that glowed at Oxlord and Smithiield, over the cinders of J^atimcr, Ridley, and John Rodgers; which, alter elaborate argument, upheld the fatal tyran- ny of ship money against the patriotic re- sistance of i lampden ; which, in defiance of justice and humanity, sent Sydney and Russell to the block ; which persistently enforced the laws of conformity that our Puritan Fathers persistently refused to obey; and which afterwards, with Jeffries on the bench, crimsoned the pages of Eng- lish history with massacre and murder, even with the blood of innocent women. Ay, sir, and it was a judicial tribunal in our coun- try, surrounded by all the f(jrms of law, which hung witches at Salem, which af- firmed the constitutionality of the Stamp Act, while it admonished "jurors and the people" to obey; and which now, in our day, has lent its sanction to the unutterable atrocity of the Fugitive Slave Law." Galujslia A. Gro-iv'« Speech on the Home- stead BUI. In the Home of ItepresenlaUves, March 30, 1852. " Man't Jiiyht to the Soil." ******* But even if the Government could de- rive any revenue from the actual sale of ptiblic lands, it is neither just nor sound policy to hold them for that purpose. Aware, however, that it is a poor place, under a one hour rule, to attempt to dis- cuss any of the natural rights of men, for, stirrounded by the authority of ages, it be- comes necessary, without the time to do it, first to brush away the dust that has gathered upon their errors. Yet it is well sometimes to go back of the authority of books and treatises, composed by authors reared and educated under monarchical institutions, and whose opinions and habits of thought consequently were more or less shaped and moulded by such influences, and examine, by the light of reason and nature, the true foundation of government and the inherent rights of men. The fundamental rights of man may be summed up in two words — Life and Hap- piness. The first is the gift of the Creator, and may be bestowed at his plciisurc ; but it is not consistent with his character for benevolence, that it should be bestowed for any other purpose than to be enjoyed, and that we call happiness. Therefore, whatever nature has provided for preserv- ing the one, or promoting the other, be- longs alike to the whole race. Ami as the means for sustaining life are derived al- most entirely from the soil, every person has a right to so much of the earth's sur- faee as is necessary for his support. To whatever unoccupied portion of it, there- 124 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. fore, he shall apply his labor for that pur- pose, from that time forth it becomes ap- propriated to his own exclusive use ; and whatever improvements he may make by his industry become his property, and subject to his disposal. The only true foundation of any right to projDerty is man's labor. That is property, and that alone which the labor of man has made such. What right, then, can the Government have in the soil of a wild and uncultivated wilderness as a source of re- venue, to which not a day nor hour's labor has been applied, to make it more produc- tive, and answer the end for which it was created, the support and happiness of the race? It is said by the great expounder of the common law in his commentaries, that " there is no foundation in nature or natural law, why a set of words upon parchment should convey the dominion of land." The use and occupancy alone gives to man, in the language of the com- mentaries, " an exclusive right to retain, in a permanent manner, that specific land which before belonged generally to every- body, but particularly to nobody." * * * It may be said, true, such would be man's right to the soil in a state of nature; but when he entered into society, he gave up part of his natural rights, in order to enjoy the advantages of an organized com- munity. This is a doctrine, I am aware, of the'books and treatises on society and government ; but it is a doctrine of despot- ism, and belongs not to enlightened states- men in a liberal age. It is the excuse of the despot in encroaching upon the rights of the subject. He admits the encroach- ment, but claims that the citizen gave up part of his natural rights when he entered into society ; and who is to judge what ones he relinquished but the ruling power? It was not necessary that any of man's na- tural rights should be yielded to the state in the formation of society. He yielded no right, but the right to do wrong, and that he never had hy nature. All that he yielded in entering into organized society, was a portion of his unrestrained liberty, which was, that he would submit his con- duct, that before was subject to the control of no living being, to the tribunals to be established by the state, and with a tacit consent that society, or the Government, might regulate the mode and manner of the exercise of his rights. Why should he consent to be deprived of them? It is upon this ground that we justify resistance to tyrants. Whenever the ruling power so fur encroaches uj)on the natural rights of men that an appeal to arms hecoint's pre- ferable to Hu1)mission, tlicy iippcal i'loni human to divine laws, and plciul the na- tural rights of man in their justification. That government, and that alone, is just. which enforces and defends all of man's « natural rights, and protects him against the wrongs of his fellow-men. But it may be said, although such might be the natu- ral rights of men, yet the Government has a right to these lands, and may use them as a source of revenue, under the doctrine of eminent domain. * * * * What is there in the constitution of things giving to one individual the sole and exclusive right to any of the bounties provided by nature for the benefit and support of the whole race, because, per- chance, he was the first to look upon a mere fragment of creation ? By the same process of reasoning, he who should first discover the source or mouth of a river, would be entitled to a monopoly of the waters that flow in the channel, or he who should first look upon one of the rills or fountains of the earth might prevent fainting man from quenching there his thirst, unless his right was first secured by parchment. Why has the claim to monopolize any of the gifts of God to man been confined, by legal codes, to the soil alone? Is there any other reason than that it is a right which, having its origin in feudal times — under a system that regarded man but as an appendage of the soil that he tilled, and whose life, liberty and happiness, were but means of increasing the pleasures, pampering the passions and appetites of his liege lord — and, having once found a place in the books, it has been retained by the reverence which man is wont to pay to the past, and to time-honored precedents ? The human mind is so constituted that it is prone to regard as right what has come down to us approved by long usage, and hallowed by gray age. It is a claim that had its origin with the kindred idea that royal blood flows only in the veins of an exclusive few, whose souls are more ethe- real, because born amid the glitter of courts, and cradled amid the pomp of lords and courtiers, and, therefore, they are to be installed as rulers and law-givers of the race. Most of the evils that afllict society have had their origin in violence and wrong enacted into law by the experience of the past, and retained by the prejudices of the present. Is it not time to sweep from the statute book its still lingering relics of feudalism ; and to blot out the principles engrafted upon it by the narrow-minded policy of other times, and a<lapt the legislation of the country to the spirit of the age, and to the true ideas of man's rights and relations to liis (rovernnient? If a man has a right on earth, he has a right U) land enough to roar a habitation on. If he has a right to live, he has a right to the free use of what-, ever nature has provided for his sustenance — air to hroathc, water to drink, and land enough to cultivate for his subsistence ; lor BOOK in.] GALUSHA A. GROW ON THE HOMESTEAD BILL. 126 these are the necessary and indispensable means for the enjoyment of his inalienable rights of " life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." And is it for a Government that claims to dispense equal and exact justice to all cla-sses of men, and that has laid down correct principles in its great chart of human rights, to violate those principles and its solemn declarations in its legislative enactments? The struggle between capital and labor is an unequal one at best. It is a struggle between tne bones and sinews of men, and dollars and cents. And in that struggle, is it for the government to stretch forth its arm to aid the strong against the weak? Shall it continue, by its legislation, to ele- vate and enrich idleness on the wail and woe of industry? If the rule be correct as applied to governments as well as individiials, that whatever a person permits another to do, having the right and means to prevent it, he does himself, then indeed is the govern- ment responsible for all the evils that may result from speculation and land monopoly in the public domain. For it is not denied that Congress has the power to make any regulations for the disposal of these lands, not injurious to the general welfare. Now, when a new tract is surveyed, and you open the land office and expose it to sale, the man with the most money is the largest purchaser. The most desirable and avail- able locations are seized upon by the capi- talists of the country, who seek that kind of investment. The settler who chances not to have a pre-emption right, or to be there at the time of sale, when he comes to seek a home for himself and his family, must pay the speculator three or four hun- dred per cent, on his investment, or en- counter the trials and hardships of a still more remote border life. And thus, under the operation of laws that are called equal and just, you take from the settler three or four dollars per acre, and put it in the pocket of the speculator — thus, by the operation of law, abstracting so much of his hard earnings for the benefit of capital ; for not an hour's labor has been applied to the land since it was sold by the govern- ment, nor is it more valuable to the settler. Has not the laborer a right to complain of legislation that compels him to endure greater toils and hardships, or contribute a portion of his earnings for the benefit of the capitalist? But not upon the capitalist or the speculator is it proper that the blame should fall. Man must seek a livelihood and do business under the laws of the country ; and whatever rights he may ac- quire under the laws, though they may be wrong, yet the well-being of society re- quires that they be respected and faithfully observed. If a person engage in a business legalized and regulated by the law, and uses no fraud or deception in its pursuit, and evils result to the community, let them apply the remedy to the proper source — that is to the law-making power. The laws and the law-makers are responsible for whatever evils necessarily grow out of their enactments. While the public lands are exposed to indiscriminate sale, as they have been since the organization of the government, it opens the door to the wildest system of land monopoly. It requires no lengthy dissertation to portray its evils. In the Old World its history is written in sighs and tears. Under its influence, you behold in England, the proudest and most splen- did aristocracy, side by side with the most abject and destitute people ; 'vast manors hemmed in by hedges as a sporting-ground for her nobility, while men are dying be- side the enclosure for the want of land to till. Thirty thousand proprietors hold the title deeds to the soil of^ Great Britain, while in Ireland alone there are two and a-half millions of tenants who own no part of the land they cultivate, nor can they ever acquire a title to ajfoot of it, yet they pay annually from their hard earnings twenty millions of dollars to absentee land- lords for the privilege of dying on their soil. Under its blighting influence you behold industry in rags and patience in despair. Such are some of the fruits of land monopoly in the Old World; and, shall we plant its seeds in the virgin soil of the Now? * * * * * If you would raise fallen man from hia degradation, elevate the servile from their grovelling pursuits to the rights and dig- nity of men, you must first place within their reach the means for satisfying their pressing physical wants, so that religion can exert its influence on the soul, and soothe the weary pilgrim in his pathway to the tomb. It is in vain you talk of the goodness and benevolence of an Omniscient Ruler to him, whose life from the cradle to the grave is one continued scene of pain, misery and want. Talk not of free agency to him whose only freedom is to choose his own method to die. In such cases, there might, perhaps, be some feeble conceptions of religion and its duties — of the infinite, everlasting, and pure ; but unless there be a more than common intellect, they would be like the dim shadows that float in the twilight. ***** Riches, it is true, are not necessary to man's real enjoyment; but the means to prevent starvation are. Nor is a splendid palace necessary to his real happiness ; but a shelter against the storm and winter's blast is. If you would lead the erring back from the paths of vice and crime to virtue and honor, give him a home— give him a hearth- stone, and he will surround it with house- 126 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. hold gods. If you would make men wiser I ger and death. It is a life of toil and ad- and better, relieve the almshouse, close the venture, spent upon one continued battle- doors of the penitentiary, and break in j field, unlike that, however, on which mar- pieces the gallows, purify the influences of . tial hosts contend, for there the struggle is the domestic fireside. For that is the short and expected, and the victim strikes school in which human character is formed, and there its destiny is shaped. There the soul receives its first impress, and man his first lesson, and they go with him for weal or woe throu2;h life. For purifying the not alone, while the highest meed of ambi- tion crowns the victor. Not so with the hardy pioneer. He is oft called upon to meet death in a struggle with fearful odds, while no herald will tell to the world of sentiments, elevating the thoughts, and ! the unequal combat. Startled at the mid developing the noblest impulses of man's nature, the influences of a moral fireside and agricultural life are the noblest and the best. ***** It was said by Lord Chatham, in his appeal to the House of Commons, in 1775, to withdraw t*he British troops from Boston, that "trade, indeed, increases the glory and wealth of a country ; but its true strength and stamina are to be looked for in the cultivators of the land. In the simplicity of their lives is found the simple- ness of virtue, the integrity and courage of freedom. These true, genuine sons of the soil are invincible." The history of American prowess has recorded these words as prophetic : man, in defence of his hearth-stone and fireside, is invincible against a world of mercena- ries. In battling for his home and all that is dear to him on earth, he is never con- quered save with his life. In such a strug- gle every pass becomes a Thermopylje, every plain a Marathon. With an inde- pendent yeomanry scattered over our vast domain, the "young eagle" may bid defi- ance to the world in arms. Even though a foe should devastate our seaboard, lay in ashes its cities, they have made not one single advance towards conquering the country ; for from the interior comes its hardy yeomanry, with their hearts of oak and nerves of steel, to expel the invader. Their hearts arc the citadel of a nation's power — their arms the bulwarks of liberty. * * * * * . * * Every consideration of policy, then, both as to revenue for the general govern- ment, and increased taxation for the new States, as well as a means for removing the causes of pauperism and crime in the old, demands that the public lands be granted in limited quantities to the actual settler. Every consideration of justice and human- ity calls upon us to restore man to his natu- ral rights in the soil. * * * In a new country the first and most im- portant labor, as it is the most difllcult to be performed, is to subdue the forest, and to convert the lair of the wild beast into a home for civilized man. This is the labor of the pioneer settler. His achievements, if not equ.allv brilliant with those of the fdumed w.nrrior, are equally, if not more, asting; his life, if not at times exposed to 80 great a hazard, is still one of equal dan- night hour by the war-whoop, he wakes from his dreams to behold his cottage in flames ; the sharer of his joys and sorrows, with perhaps a tender inlaiit, hurled, with rude hands, to the distant council-fire. Still he presses on into the wilderness, snatching new areas from the wild beast, and bequeathing them a legacy to civilized man. And all he asks of his country and his Government is, to protect him against the cupidity of soulless capital and the iron grasp of the speculator. Upon his wild battle-field these are the only foes that his own stern heart and right arm cannot van- quish. Ijlncoln and Douglas. The Last Joint Debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858.* SENATOR DOUGLAS'S SPEECH. Ladies AND Gentlemen: It is now nearly four months since the canvass be- tween Mr. Lincoln and myself commenced. On the 16th of June the" Republican Con- vention assembled at Springfield and nomi- nated Mr. Lincoln as their candidate for the United States Senate, and he, on that occasion, delivered a speech in which he laid down what he understood to be the Republican creed and the platform on which he proposed to stand during the contest. The principal points in that speech of Mr. Lincoln's were: First, that this Government could not endure perma- nently divided into free and slave States, as our fathers made it; that they must all become free or all become slave ; all be- come one thing or all become the other, otherwise this Union could not continue to exist. I give you his opinions almost in the identical language he used. His second proposition was a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States because of the Dred Scot decision ; urging as an esjiecial reason for his opjjosition to that decision that it deprived the negroes of the rights and benefits of that clause in the Constitution of the United States which guaranties to the citizens of each State all the rights, privileges, and immu- nities of the citizens of the several States. On the 10th of July I returned home, and delivered a speech to the people of Chicago, ♦ All <hp Reries wnro published Foster & Co., Coluinbus, Ohio. in 1860 bj FoUel, BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE, 127 in wliich I annouhced it to be my purpose to Jipi)C'al to the people of Illinois to sus- tain the course I had pursued in Congress. In th it speech I joined issue with Mr. Lincoln on the points which he had pre- sented. Thus there was an issue clear and distinct made up between us on these two propositions laid down in the speech of Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, and contro- verteil by me in my reply to liim at Chi- cago. ( )n the next day, the 1 1th of July, Mr. Lincoln replied to me at Chicago, explain- ing at some length, and reafjirming the positions which he had taken in his Springtield speech. In that Chicago spee.'h he even went further than he had before, and uttered sentiments in regard to the negro being on an equality with the white mm. He adopted in support of this position the argument which Lovejoy and Codding, and other Abolition lecturers had made familiar in the n :)rtlicrn and central portions of the State, to wit: that the De- claration of Independence having declared all men free and equal, by Divine law, also that nej;ro equality was an inalienable right, of which they could not be deprived. He insisted, in that speech, that the De- claration of Independence included the negro in the clause, asserting that all men were created equal, and went so far as to say that if one man was allowed to take the position, that it did not include the ne^ro, others might take the position that it did n')t include other men. He said that all these distinctions between this man and that man, this race and the other race, must be discarded, and we must all stand by the Declaration of Independence, de- claring that all men were created equal. The issue thus being made up between Mr. Lincoln and myself on three points, we went before the people of the State. Dur- ing the following seven weeks, between the Chicago speeches and our first meeting at Ottawa, he and I addressed large assem- blages of the people in many of the central counties. In my speeches I confined my- self closely to those three positions which he had taken, controverting his proposition that this Union could not exist as our fa- thers made it, divided into free and Slave States, controverting his proposition of a crusade against the feuprerae Court because of the Dred Scott decision, and controvert- ing his proposition that the Declaration of Independence included and meant the ne- Sroes as well as the white men when it eclared all men to be created equal. I supposed at that time that these proposi- tions constituted a distinct issue between us, and that the opposite positions we had taken upon them we would be willing to be held to in every part of the State. I never intended to waver one hair's breadth from that issue either in the north or the south, or wherever I should address the people of Illinois. I hold that when the time arrives that I cannot proclaim my political creed in the same terms not only in the northern but the soutiiern part of Illinois, not only in the Northern but the Southern States, and wherever the Ameri- can flag waves over American soil, that then there must be something wrong in that creed. So long as we live under a common Constitution, so long as we live in a confederacy of sovereign and equal States, joined together as one for certain purposes, that any political creed is radi- cally wrong which cannot be proclaimed in every State, and every section of that Union, alike. I took up Mr. Lincoln's three propositions in my several speeches, analyzed them, and pointed out what I believed to be the radical errors contained in them. First, in regard to his doctrine that this Government was in violation of the law of God, which says that a house divided against itself cannot stand, I re- pudiated it as a slander upon the immor- tal framers of our Constitution. I then said, I have often repeated, and now again assert, that in my opinion our Government can endure forever, divided into free and slave States as our fathers made it, — each State having the right to prohibit, abolish or sustain slavery, just as it pleases. This Government was made upon the great basis of the sovereignty of the States, the right of each State to regulate its own do- mestic institutions to suit itself, and that right was conferred with the understand- ing and expectation that inasmuch as each locality had separate interests, each lo- cality 'must have different and distinct lo- cal and domestic institutions, correspond- ing to its wants and interests. Our fathers knew when they made the Government, that the laws and institutions which were well adapted to the green mountains of Vermont, were unsuited to the rice planta- tions of South Carolina. They knew then, as well as we know now, that the laws and institutions which would be well adapted to the beautiful prairies of Illinois would not be suited to the mining regions of Cali- fornia. They knew that in a Republic as broad as this, having such a variety of soil, climate and interest, there must ne- cessarily be a corresponding variety of lo- cal laws — the policy and institutions of each State adapted to it,s condition and wants. For this reason this Union wiis established on the right of each State to do as it pleased on the question of slaver*', and every other question ; and the vario;is States were not allowed to complain of. much less interfere with the policy, of their neighbors. Suppose the doctrine advocated by Mr. Lincoln and the Abolitionists of this day had prevailed when the Constituti(m w.as made, what would have been the result? 128 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book m. Imagine for a moment that Mr. Lincoln had been a member of the Convention that framed the Constitution of the United States, and that when its members were about to sign that wonderful document, he had arisen in that Convention as he did at Springfield this summer, and addressing himself to the President, had said, "A house divided against itself cannot stand ; this Government, divided into free and slave States, cannot endure, they must all be free or all be slave, they must all be one thing or all be the other, otherwise, it is a violation of the law of God, and cannot continue to exist;" — suppose Mr. Lincoln had convinced that body of sages that that doctrine was sound, what would have been the result? Remember that the Union was then composed of thirteen States, twelve of which were slaveholding and one free. Do you think that the one free State would have outvoted the twelve slave- holding States, and thus have secured the abolition of slavery? On the other hand, would not the twelve slave-holding States have outvoted the one free State, and thus have fastened slaverj', by a Constitutional provision, on every foot of the American Republic forever? You see that if this Abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln had prevailed when the Government was made, it would have established slavery as a per- manent institution, in all the States, whether they wanted it or not, and the question for us to determine in Illinois now as one of the free States is, whether or not we are willing, having become the majority .section, to enforce a doctrine on the minority, which we would have re- sisted with our hearts' blood had it been attempted on us when we were in a mi- nority. ITow has the South lost her power as the majority section in this Union, and how have the free States gained it, except under the operation of that principle which declares the right of the people of each State and each Territory to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way. It was under that principle that slavery was abolished in New Hamp- shire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New .lorscy, and Pennsylvania; it was under th;it principle that one half of the slaveholding States became free; it was under that prin(ii)le that the number of free States increased until from being one out of twelve States, we have grown to be the mnioritv of States of the whole T^nion, with the power to control the House of Represent.itives and Senate, and tho power, ronsequentlv, to elect a Presi- dent bv Northorn votes without the aid of a Southern State. Having obtained this power under the operation of that great })rinciple, are you now prepared to aban- don the principle and declare thnt merely because we have the power you will wage a war against the Southern States and their institutions until you force them to abolish slavery everywhere. After having pressed these arguments home on Mr. Lincoln for seven weeks, pub- lishing a number of my speeches, we met at Ottawa in joint discussion, and he then began to crawfish a little, and let himself down. I there propounded certain ques- tions to him. Amongst others, I asked him whether he would vote for the admis- sion of any more slave States in the event the people wanted them. He would not answer. I then told him that if he did not answer the question there I would renew it at Freeport, and would then trot him down into Egypt and again put it to him. Well, at Freeport, knowing that the next joint discussion took place in Egypt, and being in dread of it, he did answer my question in regard to no more slave States in a mode which he hoped would be satisfactory to me, and accomplish the object he had in view. I will show you what his answer was. After saying that he was not pledged to the Republican doctrine of " no more slave States," he declared: " I state to you freely, frankly, that I should be exceedingly sorry to ever be put in the position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there never would be another slave State admitted into this Union." Here permit me to remark, that I do not think the people will ever force him into a position against his will. He went on to say: "But I must add in regard to this, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territory during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people should, having a fair chance and a clear field when they come to adopt a Constitution, if they should do the extraordinary thing of adopt- ing a slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but we must admit it into the Union." That answer Mr. Lincoln supposed would satisfy the old line Whigs, composed of Kentuckians and Virginians down in the southern part of the State. Now what does it amount to ? I desired to know whether he would vote to allow Kansas to come into the Union with slavery or not, as her people desired. He would not answer; but in a roundabout Avay said that if sla- ver}' should be kept out of a Territory during the whole of its territorial existence, and then the people, when they adopted a State Constitution, asked admission as a slave State, he supposed he would have to let the State come in. The case I put to liim was an entirely different one. I de- sired to know whether he would vote to admit a State if Congress had not prohib- BOOKiii.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 129 ited slavery in it during its territorial existence, as Congress never pretend- ed to do under Clay's Compromise mea- sures of 1850. He would not answer, and I have not yet been able to get an an- swer from him. I have asked him whe- ther he woukl vote to admit Nebraska if her people asked to come in as a State with a Constitution recognizing slavery, and he refused to answer. I have put the question to him with reference to New Mexico, and he has not uttered a word in answer. I have enumerated the Territories, one after another, putting the same ques- tion to him with reference to each, and he lias not said, ard will not say, whether, if elected to Congress, he will vote to admit any Territory now in existence with such a Constitution as her people may adopt. He invents a case which does not exist, and cannot exist under this Government, and answers it ; but lie will not answer the question I put to him in connection with any of the Territories now in existence. The contract we entered into with Texas when she entered the Union obliges us to allow four States to be formed out of the old State, and admitted with or without slavery as the respective inhabitants of each may determine. I have asked Mr. Lincoln three times in our joint discussions whether he would vote to redeem that pledge, and he has never yet answered. He is as silent as the grave on the subject. He would rather answer as to a state of the case which will never arise than com- mit himself by telling what he would do in a case which would come up for his ac- tion soon after his election to Congress, Why can he not say whether he is willing to allow the people of each State to have slavery or not as they please, and to come into the Union when they have the requi- site population as a slave or a free Stat^i as they decide ? I have no trouble in answer- ing the questions. I have said every where, and now repeat it to you, that if the peo- ple of Kansas want a slave State they have a right, under the Constitution of the United States, to form such a State, and I will let them come into the Union with slavery or without, as they determine. If the people of any other Territory desire slavery, let them have it. If they do not want it, let them prohibit it. It is their business, not mine. It is none of our busi- ness in Illinois whether Kansas is a free State or a slave State. It is none of your business in Missouri whether Kansas shall adopt slavery or reject it. It is the busi- ness of her people and none of yours. The n)le of Kansas have as much right to de that question for themselves as you have in Missouri to decide it for your- selves, or we ia Illinois to decide it for our- selves. And here I may repeat what I have said 33 in every speech I have made in Illinois, that I fought the Lecompton Constitution to its deatli, not because of the slavery clause in it, but because it was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas. I said then in Congress, and I say now, that if the people of Kansas want a slave State, they have a right to have it. If they wanted the Lecompton Constitution, they had a right to have it. I was opposed to that Constitution because I did not believe that it was the act and deed of the people, but on the contrary, the act of a small, pitiful minority acting in the name of the majority. When at last it was determined to send that Constitution back to the peo- ple, and accordingly, in August last, the question of admission under it was submit- ted to a popular vote, the citizens rejected it by nearly ten to one, thus show- ing conclusively, that I was right when I said that the Lecompton Constitution was not the act and the deed of the peo- ple of Kansas, and did not embody their will. I hold that there is no power on earth, under our system of Government, which has the right to force a Constitution upon an unwilling people. Suppose that there had been a majorit\'' of ten to one in favor of slavery in Kansas, and suppose there had been an Abolition President, and an Abolition Administration, and by some means the Abolitionists succeeded in for- cing an Abolition Constitution on those slave-holding people, would the people of the South have submitted to that act for one instant ? Well, if you of the South would not have submitted to it a day, how can you, as fair, honorable and honest men, insist on putting a slave Constitution on a people who desire a free State ? Your safety and ours depend upon both of us acting in good faith, and living up to that great i^rinciple which asserts the right of every ])eople to form and regulate their domestic institutions to suit themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Most of the men who denounced my course on the Lecompton question, objected to it not because I was not right, but be- cause they thought it expedient at that time, for the sake of keeping the party to- gether, to do wrong. I never knew the Democratic party to violate any one of its princii)les out of policy or expediency, that it did not pay the debt with sorrow. There is no safety or success for our party unless we always do right, and trust the conse- quences "to God and the people. I chose not to depart from princijde for the sake of expediency in the Lecompton que^stion, and I never intend to do it on that or any other question. But I am told that I would have been all right if I had only voted for the Eng- 130 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III, lish bill after Lecompton was killed. You krow a general pardon was granted to all political offenders on the Lecompton ques- tion, provided they would only vote for the English bill. I did not accept the benefits of that pardon, for the reason that I had been right in the course I had pursued, and hence did not require any forgiveness. Let us see how the result has been worked out. English brought in his bill referring the Lecompton Constitution back to the people, with the provision that if it was rejected Kansas should be kept out of the Union until she had the full ratio of population required fur a member of Congress, thus in eflect declaring that if the people of Kansas would only consent to come into the Union under the Lecomp- ton Constitution, and have a slave State when they did not want it, they should be admitted with a population of 35,000, but that if they were so obstinate as to insist upon having just such a Constitution as they thought best, and to desire admission as a free State, then they should be kept out until they had 93,420 inhabitants. I then said, and I now repeat to you, that whenever Kansas has people enough for a slave State she has people enough for a free State. I was and am willing to adopt the rule that no State shall ever come into the Union until she has the full ratio of popu- lation for a member of Congress, provided that rule is made uniform. I made that proposition in the Senate last winter, but a majority of the Senators would not agree to it ; and I then said to them if you will not adopt the general rule I will not con- sent to make an exception of Kansas. I hold that it is a violation of the funda- mental principles of this Government to throw the weight of federal power into the scale, either in favor of the free or the slave States. Equality among all the States of this Union is a fundamental prin- ciple in our political system. We have no more right to throw the weight of the Federal Government into the scale in favor of the slaveholding than tlie free States, and last of all should our friends in tlie South consent f(jr a moment that Congress should withhold its powers cither way when they know that there is a majority against them in both Houses of Congress. Fellow-citizens, how have the supporters of the English bill stood up to their pledges not to admit Kansas until she ob- tained a population of 03,420 in the event she rejected the Lecompton Constitution ? How? The newspapers inform us that English himself, whilst conducting his canvass for re-election, and in order to secure it, pledged himself to his constitu- ents that if returned he would disregard his own l)ill und vote to admit Kansas into the Union with such population as she might have when she made application. We are informed that every Democratic candidate for Congress in all the States where elections have recently been held, was pledged against the English bill, with perhaps one or two exceptions. Now, if I had only done as these anti-Lecompton men who voted for the English bill in Con- gress, pledging themselves to refuse to ad- mit Kansas if she refused to become a slave State until she had a population of 93,420, and then return to their people, forfeited their pledge, and made a new pledge to admit Kansas at any time she ap- plied, without regard to population, I would have had no trouble. You saw the whole power and patronage of the Federal Government wielded in Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania to re-elect anti-Lecompton men to Congress who voted against Lecomp- ton, then voted for the English bill, and then denounced the English bill, and pledged themselves to their people to dis- regard it. My sin consists in not having given a pledge, and then in not having af- terward forfeited it. For that reason, in this State, every postmaster, every route agent, every collector of the ports, and everj'^ federal office-holder, forfeits his head the moment he expresses a preference for the Democratic candidates against Lincoln and his Abolition associates. A Demo- cratic Administration which we helped to bring into power, deems it consistent with its fidelity to principle and its regard to duty, to wield its power in this State in be- half of the Republican Abolition candi- dates in every county and every Congres- sional District against the Democratic party. All I have to say in reference to the matter is, that if that Administration have not regard enough for principle, if they are not sufficiently attached to the creed of the Democratic party to bury for- ever their personal hostilities in order to succeed in carrying out our glorious prin- ciples, I have. I have no personal diffi- culty with Mr. Buchanan or his cabinet. He chose to make certain recommendations to Congress, as he had a right to do, on the Lecompton question. I could not vote in favor of them. I had as much right to judge for myself how I should vote as he had how he should recommend. He un- dertook to say to me, if you do not vote as I tell you, I will take off the heads of your friends. I replied to him, '" You did not elect me, I represent Illinois and I am ac- countable to Illinois, as my constituency, and to CJod, but not to the JPresident or to any other power on earth." And now this warfiireis made on me be- cause I would not surrender my convic- tions of duty, because I would not aban- don my constituency, and receive the or- ders of the executive authorities how I should vote in the Senate of the United States. I hold that an attempt to control I BOOKiii.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 131 the Senate on the part of the Executive is subversive of the principles of our Con- stitution. Tlie Executive department is independent of the Senate, and tlie Senate is independent of the President. In mat- ters of legislation the President has a veto on the action of the Senate, and in aj)- j)ointments and treaties the Senate has a veto on the President. He has no more right to tell me how I shall vote on his ap- pointments than I have to tell him wheth- er he shall veto or approve a bill that the Senate has passed. Whenever you recog- nize the right of the Executive to say to a Senator, " Do this, or I will take otf the heads of your friends," you convert this Government from a republic into a despot- ism. Whenever you recognize the right of a President to say to a member of Congress, " Vote as I tell you, or I will bring a pow- er to bear against you at home which will crush you," you destroy the independence of the representative, and convert him in- to a tool of Executive power. I resisted this invasion of the constitutional rights of a Senator, and I intend to resist it as long as I have a voice to speak, or a vote to give. Yet, Mr. Buchanan cannot provoke me to abandon one iota of Democratic principles out of revenge or hostility to his course. I stand by the platform of the Democratic party, and by its organization, and sup- port its nominees. If there are any who choose to bolt, the foct only shows that they are not as good Democrats as I am. My friends, there never was a time when it was as important for the Democratic party, for all national men, to rally and stand together as it is to-day. We find all sectional men giving up past differences and continuing the one question of slavery, and when we find sectional men thus unit- ing, we should unite to resist them and their treasonable designs. Such was the case in 1850, when Clay left the quiet and peace of his home, and again entered up- on public life to quell agitation and restore peace to a distracted Union. Then we Democrats, with Cass at our head, wel- comed Henry Clay, whom the whole na- tion regarded as having been preserved by God for the times. He became our leader in that great fight, and we rallied around him the same as the Whigs rallied around old Hickory in 1832, to put down nullifi- cation. Thus you see that whilst Wliigs and Democrats fought fearlessly in old times about banks, the tariff", distribution, the specie circular, and the sub-treasury, all ixnited as a band of brothers when the peace, harmony, or integrity of the Union was imperilled. It was so in 1850, when Abolitionism had even so far divided this country. North and South, as to endanger the peace of the Union ; Whigs and Dem- ocrats united in establishing the Com- promise measures of that year, and restor- ing tranquillity and good feeling. These measures passed on the joint action of the two parties. They rested on the great principle that the people of each State and each Territory should be left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic insti- tutions to suit themselves. You Whigs, and we Democrats justified them in that prin- ciple. In 1854, when it became necessary to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, I brought forward the bill on the same principle. In the Kansas-Ne- braska bill you find it declared to be the true intent and meaning of the act not to legislate slavery into any State or Terri- tory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institu- tions in their own way. I stand on that same platform in 1858 that I did in 1850, 1854, and 185(3. The Washington Union, pretending to be the organ of the Admin- istration, in the number of the 5th of this month, devotes three colurflns and a half to establish these propositions : First, that Douglas, in his Freeport speech, held the same doctrine that he did in his Nebraska bill in 1854 ; second, that in 1854 Douglas justified the Nebraska bill upon the ground that it was based upon the same principle as Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. The Union thus proved that Douglas was the same in 1858 that he was in 1856, 1854, and 1850, and consequently argued that he was never a Democrat. Is it not fiinny that I was never a Democrat ? There is no pretense that I have changed a hair's breadth. The C/?2?'ow proves by my speeches that I explained the Compromise measures of 1850 just as I do now, and that I ex- plained the Kansas and Nebniska bill in 1854 just as I did in my Freeport speech, and yet says- that I am not a Democrat, and cannot be trusted, because I have not changed during the whole of that time. It has occurred to me that in 1854 the au- thor of the Kansas and Nebraska bill was considered a pretty good Democrat. It has occurred to me that in 1856, when I was ex- erting every nerve and every energy for James Buchanan, standing on the same plat- form then that I do now, that I was a pretty good Democrat, They now tell me that I am not a Democrat, because I assert that the people of a Territory, as well as those of a State, have the right to decide for them- selves whether slavery can or cannot exist in such Territory. Let me read what James Buchanan said on that point when he ac- cepted the Democratic nomination for the Presidency in 1856. In his letter of ac- ceptance, he used the following language : " The recent legislation of Congress re- specting domestic slavery, derived as it has been from the original and pure ftuuibiin or legitimate political power, the will ot the majority, promises ere long to allay the dan- 132 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book III. gerous excitement. This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits." Dr. Hope will there find my answer to the question he propounded to me before I commenced speaking. Of couree no man will consider it an answer, who is outside of the Democratic organization, bolts Dem- ocratic nominations, and indirectly aids to ptit Abolitionists into power over Demo- crats. But whether Dr. Hope considers it an answer or not, every fair-minded man will see that James Buchanan has answered the question, and has asserted that the Y>eo- ple of a Territory like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. I answer specifically if you want a further answer, and say that while under the de- cision of the Stipreme Court, as recorded in the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, slaves are property like all other property, and can be carried into any Territory of the United States the same as any other de- scription of property, yet when you get them there they are subject to the local law of the Territory just like all other prop- erty. You will find in a recent speech de- livered by that able and eloquent statesman, Hon. Jefferson Davis, at Bangor, Maine, that he took the same view of this stibject that I did in my Freeport speech. He there said : "If the inhabitants of any Territory should refuse to enact such laws and police regulations as would give security to their proj)erty or to his, it would be rendered more or loss valueless in proportion to the difficulties of holding it ■without such pro- tection. In the case of property in the labor of man, or what is usually called slave property, the insecurity would be so great that the owner could not ordinarily retain it. Therefore, though the right would re- main, tlie remedy being withheld, it would follow that the owner would be practically del)arre(l, by the circumstances of the case, from taking slave j)ropcrty into a Territory where the sense of the inhabitants VfiiH opjiosed to its introduction. So much forth(M)('t-rei)eated fallacy of forcingslavery upon any community." You will also finil that the distinguished Speaker of the present House of Ilep- rosontativcH, Hon. .Tas. L. Orr, construed the Kansas and Nebraska l>ill in this same ■way in IWO, and also that grrat intellect of the South, Alex. H. Stephens, put the Bame construction upon it in (.ongress that I did in my Freeport speech. Tlie whole Soutli are rallving to the sujiport of the doctrine that if the people of a Territor\' •want slavery they have a right to have it, I and if they do not want it that no power on earth can force it upon them. I hold I that there is no principle on earth more sacred to all the friends of freedom than that which says that no institution, no law, : no constitution, should be forced on an un- I willingpeoplecontraiy to their wishes ; and ! I assert that the Kansas and Nebraska bill I contains that principle. It is the great principle contained in that bill. It is the I principle on which James Buchanan was : made President. Without that principle he never would have been made President of the United States. I will never violate or abandon that doctrine if I have to stand alone. I have resisted the blandishments and threats of power on the one side, and seduction on the other, and have stood im- movably for that principle, fighting for it when assailed by Northern mobs, or threat- ened by Sotithern hostility. I have de- fended it against the North and South, and I will defend it against "n'hoever assails it, and I will follow it wherever its logical conclusions lead me. I say to you that there is but one hope, one safety for this country, and that is to stand immovably by that principle which declares the right of each State and each Territory to decide these questions for themselves. This Gov- ernment was founded on that principle, and must be administered in the same sense in Avhich it was founded. But the Abolition party really think that under the Declaration of Independence the negro is equal to the white man, and that negro equality is an inalienable right conferred by the Almighty, and hence that all htiman laws in violation of it are null and void. With such men it is no use lor me to argue. I hold that the signers of the Declaration of Independence had no reference to negroes at all when they de- clared all men to be created equal. They did not mean negroes, nor savage Indians, nor the Fejee Islanders, nor any other bar- barous race. They were sj)eaking of white men. They alluded to men of European birth and Eurojiean descent — to white men, and to none others, Avhen they de- clared tliat doctrine. I hold that this Gov- ernment was established on the white basis. It was established by white men for the benefit of white men and their posterity for- ever, an<l sliould be administered by white men, and none others. But it docs not fol- low, by any means, that merely because the negro is not a citizen, and merely be- cause he is not our equal, that, therefore, he should be a slave. On the contrary, it does follow that we ought to extend to the negro race, and to all other dejiendcnt races all the rights, all the privileges, and all the immunities which they can exercise consistently with the safety of society. Hu- manity requires that we should give them all these privileges ; Christianity commands BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 133 that we should extend those privik^ges to them. The question then arises what are these privik'ges, and what is the nature and extent of theni. My answer is tliat that is a question which eaeli Htate must an- swer lor itself. We in Illinois have decided it for ourselves. We tried slavery, kept it up for twelve years, and finding that it was not profitable, we ai)olished it for that reason, and became a free 8tate. We adopted in its stead the policy that a negro in this State shall not be a slave and shall not be a citizen. We have a right to adopt that policy. For my part I think it is a wise and sound policy for us. You in Missouri must judge for yourselves whether it is a wise policy for you. If you choose to follow our examjile, very good ; if you reject it, still well, it is your business, not ours. >So with Kentucky. Let Kentucky adopt a policy to suit herself. If we do not like it we will keep away from it, and if she docs not like ours let her stay at home, mind her own business jind let us alone. If the people of all the States will act on that great j)rinciple, and each State mind its own business, attend to its own aflairs, take care of its own negroes and not meddle with its neighbors, then there will be peace between the North and the South, the East and the West, throughout the whole Union. Why can we not thus have peace ? Why should we thus allow a sectional party to agitate this country, to array the North against the South, and convert us into enemies instead of friends, merely that a few ambitious men may ride into power on a sectional hobby? How long is it since these ambitious Northern men wished for a sectional organization? Did any one of them dream of a sectional party as long as the North was the weaker section and the South the stronger? Then all Avere opposed to sectional parties ; but the moment the North obtained the majority in the House and Senate by the admission of California, and could elect a President without the aid of Southern votes, that moment ambitious Northern men formed a scheme to excite the North against the South, and make the people be governed in their votes by geographical lines, thinking that the North, being the stronger section, would out-vote the South, and consequently they, tlie leaders, would ride into oiiice on a sectional hobby. I am told that my hour is out. It was very short. Mr. Lilncoljx's Reply. Ladies and Gentlkmkx : — I have been somewhat, in my own mind, comjilimented by a large portion of Judge Douglas's speech — I mean that portion which he de- votes to the controversy between himself and the ]n-esent Administration. This is the seventh time Judge Douglas and mv- self have met in these joint discussions, and he has been gradually imjiroving in regard to his war with the administration. Att^uincy, day before yesterday, he was a little more severe upon the Administration than I had heard him upon any occasion, and I took pains to compliment him fur it. I then told him to " Give itto them with all the power he had ; " and as some of them were present, I told them I would be very much obliged if they would ijlce it to him in about the same way. I take it he has now vastly improved upon the attack he made then upon the Administration. I flatter nrvself he has really taken my advice on this subject. All I can say now is to re- commend to him and to them what I then commended — to prosecute the war against one another in the most vigorous manner. I say to them again — " Go it, hasbaud ! — Go it, bear !" There is one other thing I will mention be- fore I leave this branch of thediscassion — although I do not consider it much of my business, any way. I refer to that part of the Judge's remarks where he undertakes to involve Mr. Buchanan in an inconsis- tency. He reads something from Mr. Bu- chanan, from which he undertakes to in- volve him in an inconsistency ; and he gets sometliing of a cheer for having done so. I would only remind the Judge that while he is very valiantly fighting for the Ne- braska bill and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, it has been but a little while since he was the valiant advocate of the Missouri Compromise. I want to know if Buchanan has not as much right to be in- consistent as Douglas has ? Has Douglas the exclusive right, in this country, of be- ing on all sides of all questions ? Is no- body allowed that high jirivilege but him; self? Is he to have an entire monojjoli/ on that subject? So far as Judge Douglas addressed liia speech to me, or so far as it was about me, it is my business to pay some attention to it. I have heard the Judge state two or three times what he has stated to-day — that in a speech which I made at Si)ringfleld, Illinois, I had in a very especial manner complained that the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case had decided that a negro could never be a citizen of the L^nited States. I have omitted by some accident heretofore to analyze this statement, and it is required of me to notice it now. In point of fact it is untrue. I never have com- plained esppcially of the Dred Scot decision because it held that a negro could not be a citizen, and the Judge is always wrong when he says I ever did so com])lain of it. I have the speech here, and I will thank him or any of his friends to show where I said that a negro should be a citizen, and com- j)lained especially of tlie Dred Scott de- cision because it declared he could not 134 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book in. be one. I have done no such thing, and Judge Douglas so persistently insisting that I have done so, has strongly impressed me with the belief of a predetermination on his part to misrepresent me. He could not get his foundation for insisting that I was in favor of this negro equality any where else as well as he could by assuming that untrue proposition. Let me tell this audience what is true in regard to that matter ; and the means by which they may correct me if I do not tell them truly is by a recurrence to the speech itself. I spoke of the Dred Scott decision in my Spring- field speech, and I was then endeavoring to prove that the Dred Scott decision was a portion of a system or scheme to make slavery national in this country. I pointed out wiiat things had been decided by the court. I mentioned as a fact that they had decided that a negro could not be a citi- zen — that they had done so, as I supposed, to deprive the negro, under all circum- stances, of the remotest possibility of ever becoming a citizen and claiming the rights of a citizen of the United States under a certain clause of the Constitution. I stated that, without making any complaint of it at all. I then went on and stated the other points decided in the case, viz : that the bringing of a negro into the State of Il- linois and holding him in slavery for two years here was a matter in regard to which they would not decide whether it would make him free or not; that they decided the further point that taking him into a United States Territory where slavery was prohil)ited by act of Congress, did not make him free, because that act of Con- gress, as they held, was unconstitutional. I mentioned these three things as making up the points decided in that case. I mentioned them in a lump taken in con- nection with tlie introduction of the Ne- braska l)ill, and the amendment of Chase, ofiered at the time, declaratory of the right of the people of the Territories to exclude slavery, which was voted down by the friends of the bill. I mentioned all these things togetlier, as evidence tending to prove a (•<mil)ination and consjiiracy to make the institution of slavery national. In that con- nection and in that way I mentioned the decision on the point that a negro could not be a citizen, and in no other connection. Out of this, Judge Douglas builds uj) his l)eautiful fal^rication — of my purpose to introduce a perfect, social, and jMjlitical equality between the wliite and l)lack races. His assertion that I made an " especial ob- jection " (that is his exart language) to the decision on this account, is untrue in point of fa<-t. Now, while I ain upon this subject, and a-s Jlcnry (Jlay has liccii iilludcd to, I dc- Bire to place myself, in comu'ctioii with Mr. Clay, as nearly right before IhLs peo- ple as may be. I am quite aware what the Judge's object is here by all these allusions. He knows that we are before an audience, having strong sympathies southward by re- lationship, place of birth, and so on. He desires to place me in an extremely Abo- lition attitude. He read upon a former occasion, and alludes without reading to- day, to a portion of a speech which I de- livered in Chicago. In his quotations from that speech, as he has made them up- on former occasions, the extracts were ta- ken in such a way as, I suppose, brings them within the definition of what is caWeA garbling — taking portions of a speech which, when taken by themselves, do not present the entire sense of the speaker as expressed at the time. I propose, there- fore, out of that same speech, to show how one portion of it which he skipped over (taking an extract before and an extract after) will give a different idea, and the true idea I intended to convey. It will take me some little time to read it, but I believe I will occupy the time that way. You have heard him frequently allude to my controversy with him in regard to the Declaration of Independence. I con- fess that I have had a struggle with Judge Douglas on that matter, and I will try briefly to place myself right in regard to it on this occasion. I said — and it is between the extracts Judge Douglas has taken from this speech and put in his published speeches : "It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities and im- pose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed upon a man he must stibmit to it. I think that was the condi- tion in which we found ourselves when we established this Government. We had slaves among us, we could not get our Con- stitution unless we permitted them to re- main in slavery, we could not secure the good we did secure if we gras])ed for more ; and having by necessity submitted to that much, it does not destroy the prin- ciple that is the charter of our liberties. Let the charter renuiin as our standard." Now I have ujKm all occasions declared as strongly as Judge Douglas against the disposition to interfere with the existing institution of slavery. You hear me read it from the same si)eech from which he takes garbled extracts for the ])urpose of ])roving upon me a disposition to interfere with the institution of slavery, and estab- lish a ])erfect social and political equality between negroes and white people. Allow me while upon this subject briefly to present one other extract from a speech of mine, more than a year ago, at Spriug- tield, in discussing this very same ques- tiou, soon after Judge Douglas took his ground that negroes were not included in the Declaration of Independence: BOOKiii.J THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 135 "I think the authors of that notable in- strument intended to include all men, but they did not mean to declare all men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all men were equal in color, size, in- tellect, moral development or social capa- city. They defined with tolerable distinct- ness in what they did consider all men created eciual — equal in certain inalienable rights, amimsj which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all were then actually enjoyin<^ that equality, or yet, that they were about to confer it im- mediately upon them. In fact they had no power to confer such a bof)n. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enjorce/nent of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. " They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society which sliould be familiar to all : constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even, though never per- fectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all peo- ple, of all colors, every where." There again are the sentiments I have expressed in regard to the Declaration of Independence upon a former occasion — sentiments which have been put in print and read wherever any body cared to know what so humble an individual as myself chose to say in regard to it. At Galcsburg the other day, I said in answer to Judge Douglas, that three years ago there never had been a man, so far as I knew or believed, in the whole world, who had said that the Declaration of Indepen- dence did not include negroes in the term " all men." I reassert it to-day. I assert that Judge Douglas and all his friends may search the whole records of the coun- try, and it will be a matter of great aston- ishment to me if they shall be able to find that one liuman being three years ago had ever uttered the astounding sentiment that the term " all men " in the Declaration did not include the negro. Do not let me be misunderstood. I know that more than three years ago there were men who, find- ing this assertion constantly in the way of their schemes to bring about the ascend- ancy and perpetuation of slavery, denied the truth nf it. I know that Mr. Calhoun and all the politicians of his school denied the truth of the Declaration. I know that it ran along in the mouth of some vSouthern men for a period of years, ending at last in that shameful though rather forcible declaration of Pettit of Indiana, upon the floor of the United States Senate, that the Declaration of Independence was in that respect " a self-evident lie," rather than a self-evident truth. But I say, with a per- fect knowledge of all this hawking at the Declaration without directly attacking it, that three years ago there never had lived a man who had ventured to assail it in the sneaking way of i)retending to believe it and then asserting it did not incluile the negro. I believe the first man who ever said it was Chief Justice Taney in the Dred Scott case, and the next to him wa.s our friend, Stephen A. Douglas. And now it has become the catch-word of the entire party. I would like to call upon his friends every where to consider how they have come in so short a time to view this matter in a way so entirely different from their former belief? to ask whether they are not being borne along by an irresistible cur- rent — whither, they know not? In answer to my proposition at Gales- burg last week, I see that some man in Chicago has got up a letter addressed to the Chicago Times, to show, as he professes, that somebody had said so before ; and he signs himself " An Old Line Whig," if I remember correctly. In the first place I would say he was not an old line Whig. I am somewhat acquainted with old line Whigs. I was with the old line Whigs from the origin to the end of that party ; I became pretty well acquainted with them, and I know they always had some sense, whatever else you could ascribe to them, I know there never was one who had not more sense than to try to show by the evi- dence he prt)duce3 that some man had, prior to the time I named, said that negroes were not included in the term "all men" in the Declaration of Independence. What is the evidence he produces? I will bring forward his evidence and let you see what he offers by way of showing that somebody more than three years ago had said negroes were not included in the Declaration. He brings forward part of a speech from Henry Clay — the part of the speech of Henry Clay which I used to bring forward to prove precisely the contrary. I guess we are surrounded to some extent to-day by the old friends of Mr. Clay, and they will be glad to hear any thing from that authority. While he was in Indiana a man presented a petition to liberate his negroes, and he (Mr. Clay) made a speech in answer to it, which I suppose he carefully wrote out himself and caused to be published. I have before me an extract from that speech which constitutes the evidence this pre- tended "Old Line Whig" at Chicago lirought forward to show that Mr. Clay didn't suppose the negro was included in the Declaration of Independence. Hear what Mr. Clay said : " And what is the foundation of this ap- peal to me in Indiana, to liberate the slaves under my care in Kentucky? It is a gen- eral declaration in the act announcing to the world the independence of the thirt<ien 136 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. American colonies, that all men are created equal. Now, as an abstract prin- ciple, there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration ; and it is desirable, in the origi- nal construction of society , and in organized societies, to keep it in view was a great fundamental princiijle. But, then, I ap- prehend that in no society that ever did exist, or ever shall be formed, was or can the equality asserted among the members of the human race, be practically enforced and carried out. There are portions, large portions, women, minors, insane, culprits, transient sojourners, that will always prob- ably remain subject to the government of another portion of the community. " That declaration, wliatever may be the extent of its import, was made by the del- egations of the thirteen States. In most of them slavery existed, and had long existed, and was established by law. It was intro- duced and forced upon the colonies by the paramount law of England. Do you be- lieve, that in making that declaration the States that concurred in it intended tliat it should be tortured into a virtual emanci- pation of all the slaves within their respec- tive limits? Would Virginia and other Southern States have ever united in a de- claration which was to be interpreted into an abolition of slavery among them? Did any one of the thirteen colonies entertain such a design or expectation ? To impute such a secret and unavowed purpose, would be to charge a political fraud upon the no- blest band of patriots that ever assembled in council — a fraud upon the Confederacy of the Revolution — a fraud upon the union of those States whose Constitution not only recognized the lawfulness of slavery, but permitted the importation of slaves from Africa until the year 1808." This is the entire quotation brought for- ward to prove that somebody previous to three years ago had said the negro was not included in the term "all men " in the Declaration. How does it do so? In what way has it a tendency to prove that? Mr. Clay says it is true as an abstract principle that all men are created equal, but that we cannot practically aj)ply it in all cases. He illustrates this by bringing forward the cases of females, minors, and insane per- sons, with whom it cannot be enforced ; but he says it is true as an abstract prin- ciple in the organization of society as well as in organized society, and it should be kept in view as a fundamental principle. Let me read a few words more before I add 8ome commonts of my own. Mr. Clay says a little further on : " I desire no concealment of myopinions in regard to the institution of slavery. I look U[)on it us a great evil, and deeply lament that we havt^ derived it from the parental Government, and from ouraiices- tors. But here they are, and the question i is, how can they be best dealt with ? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man woidd be more strongly ojjposed than I should be, to incorporating the institution of slavery among its elements." I Now, here in this same book — in this j same speech — in this same extract brought ; forward to prove that Mr. Clay held that the negro was not included in the Declara- tion of Independence — no such statement on his part, but the declaration that it is a great fundamentcd tridh, which should be constantly kept in view in the organization of society and in societies already organ- ized. But if I say a word about it — if I at- tempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought to do, to keep it in view — if, in this "or- ganized society," I ask to have the public eye turned upon it — if I ask in relation to the organization of new Territories, that the public eye should be turned upon it — forthwith I am villified as you hear me to- day. "What have I done, that I have not the license of Henry Clay's illustrious ex- ample here in doing? Have I done aught that I have not his authority for, while maintaining that in organizing new Ter- ritories and societies, this lundamental principle should be regarded, and in or- ganized society holding it up to the public view and recognizing what he recognized as the great principle of free government? And when this new principle — this new proposition that no human being ever thought of three years ago — is brought for- ward, / combat it as having an evil ten- dency, if not an evil design. I combat it as having a tendency to dehumanize the negro — to take away from him the right of ever striving to be a man. I combat it as being one of the thousand things constant- ly done in these days to prepare the public mind to make j^roperty, and nothing but property, of the negro in all the States of this Union. But there is a point that I wish, before leaving this part of the discussion, to ask attention to. I have read and I repeat the words of Henry Clay: " I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution of slavery. I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it from the ])arental Government, and from our an- cestors. I wish every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors. But here they are ; the question is how they can best be dealt with ? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would he more strongly ojtpdsed than I should be, to incorporate the institution of slavery among its elenients." The principle upon which I have insist- ed in this canvass, is in relation to laying the foundations of new societies. I have BOOKiii.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 137 ever sought to apply these principles to the old States for the purpose of al)olishing slavery in those States. It is nothing but a miserable perversion of what I have said, to assume that I have declared Missouri, or anv otiicr slave State, shall emancipate her slaves. I have proposed no such thing. But when Mr. Clay says that in laying the foundations of S(H;ietie3 in our Territories where it does not exist, he would be opposed to the introduction of slavery as an ele- ment, I insist that we have his warrant — his license for insisting upon the exclusion of that element which he declared in such strong and emphatic language was most hateful to him. Judge Douglas has again referred to a Springlield s[)cech in which I said " a house divided against itself cannot stand." The Judge has so often made the entire quo- tation from that speech that I can make it from memory. I used this language : " \Vq are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation, tinder the operation of this policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ' A house divided against itself cannot stand.' 1 believe this Government cannot endure pei'manently half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the op- ponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its ad- vocates will push it forward till it shall be- come alike lawful in all the States — old as well as new, North as well as South." That extract and the sentiments ex- pressed in it, have been extremely offensive to Judge Douglas. He has warred upon them as Satan wars upon the Bible. His perversions upon it are endless. Here now are my views upon it in brief. I said we were now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Is it not so? When that Nebraska bill was brought forward four years ago last Janu- ary, was it not for the "avoAved object" of putting an end to the slavery agitation? We were to have no more agitation in Con- press, it was all to be banished to the Territories. By the way, I will remark hgre that, as Judge Douglas is very foml of complimenting ]\Ir. Crittenden in these days, Mr. Crittenden has said there was a falsehood in that whole business, for there was 110 slaveiij a</ifaiion at that time to allay. "We were for a little while (luid on the troublesome thing, and that vcr}' allay- ing plaster of Judge Doughis's st'irredit U[) again. But was it n(jt understood or intimated with the "confident promise" of putting an end to the slavery agitation? Surely it was. In every s])eecii you heard .luilge Douglas make, until he got into this " iini)roglio," as they call it, with the Administration aljout the Lecom])ton Con- stitution, every speech on that Nebraska bill was full of his felicitations that wo wave just at the end of the slavery agita- tion. The last tip of the last joint of the old serpent's tail was just drawing out of view. But has it proved so? I have as- serted that under that policy that agitation " has not only not ceased, but has con- stantly augmented." When was there ever a greater agitation in Congress than last winter? When was it as great in the country as to-day? There was a collateral object in the in- troduction of that Nebraska policy which was to clothe the people of the Territories with the superior degree of self-govern- ment, beyond what they had ever had be- fore. The first object and the main one of conferring upon the people a higher de- gree of " self-government,'' is a question of fact to be determined l)y you in answer to a single question. Have you ever heard or known of a people any where on earth who had as little to do, as, in tlio first in- stance of its use, the people of Kansas had with this same right of" self-government? " In its main policy and in its collateral object, it has been nothing but a livimj, creeping lie from the time of its introduction till to-d<aj. I have intimated that I thought the agi- tation would not cease until a crisis shoidd have been reached and passed. I have stated in what way I thought it would be reached and passed, I have said that it might go one way or the other. We might, by arresting the further spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally ])laced it, put it where the pub- lic mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I have said, and I repeat, my wish is that tlie further spread of it may be arrested, and that it may be [ilacod where the public mind shall rest in {\Yi belief that it is in the course of ulti- mate extinction. I have expressed that as my wish. I entertain the opinion upon evidence sufficient to my mind, tliat the fathers of this Government )>laeed that in- stitution wlu're the jniblic mind «7/(Zrest in the belief that it was in the course of ulti- mate extinction. Let me ask why they made provision that the source of slavery — the African slave-trade — should be cut off at the end of twenty years? Why did 138 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iir. they make provision that in all the new territory we owned at that time, slaverj- should be forever inhibited ? Why stop its spread in one direction and cut oil" its source in another, if they did not look to its being placed in the course of ultimate extinction ? Again ; the institution of slavery is only mentioned in the Constitution of the United States two or three times, and in neither of these cases does the word " slavery " or " negro race " occur ; but covert language is used each time, and for a purpose full of significance. What is the language in regard to the prohibition of the African slave-trade ? It runs in about this way : " The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now ex- isting shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight." The next allusion in the Constitution to the question of slavery and the black race, is on the subject of the basis of represen- tation, and there the language used is, "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states ■which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, •which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- ing those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed — three-fifths of all other persons." It says "persons," not slaves, not ne- groes; but this "three-fifths" can be ap- plied to no other class among us than the negroes. La.stly, in the provision for the reclama- tion of fugitive slaves, it is said : " No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." There again there is no mention of the word "negro" or of slavciy. In all three of these phices, being the only allusion to slavery in tiie instrument covert language is used. Language is used not .suggesting that slavery existed or that the l)lack race tvere among us. And I understand the coteniporancous liistory of those times to, be that covert language was used with a purpose, and that purpose was that in our Constitution, wliich it was hoped and is still hoped will endure forever — when it should be road by intelligent and patri- otic men, after the institution of slavery had j)assed from among us — tlicrc shonhl be notliing on tlie face of tlie great charter of lit)erty suggesting that snch a thing as negro shivery had ever existed among us. Tiiis is part of tlie evidence that the fathers of the Government expected and intended the institution of slavery to come to an end. They expected and intended that it should be in the course of ultimate ex- tinction. And when I say that I desire to see the further spread of it arrested, I only say I desire to see that done which the fathers have first done. Wlien I say I de- sire to see it placed where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, I only say I desire to see it placed where they placed it. It is not true that our fathers, aa Judge Douglas assumes, made this Gov- ernment part slave and part free. Under- stand the sense in which he puts it. He assumes that slavery is a rightful thing within itself— was introduced by the tramers of the constitution. The" exact truth is, that they found the institution existing among us, and they left it as they found it. But in making the Government they left this institution with many clear marks of disapprobation upon it. They found slavery among them, and they left it among them because of the difficulty — the absolute impossibility of its immediate removal. And when Judge Douglas asks me why we cannot let it remain part slave and part free, as the fathers of the Gov- ernment made it, he asks a question based upon an assumption which is itself a false- hood ; and I turn upon him and ask him the question, when the policy that the fathers of the Government had adopted in relation to this element among us was the best policy in the world — the only wise policy — the only policy that we can ever safely continue upon — that will ever give us peace, unless this dangerous element masters us all and becomes a national in- stitution — / htm iipon him and ask him u-hy he could not leave it alone. I turn and ask him why he was driven to the neces- sity of introducing a new polinj in regard to it. He has himself said he introduced a new policy. He said so in his speech on the 22d of March of the present year, 1858. I ask him why he could not let it remain where our fathers jilared it. I as^k, too, of Judge Douglas and his friends why we shall not again place this institu- tion U})on the basis on Avhich the fathers left it. I ask you, when he infers that I am in favor of setting the free and slave States at war, when the institution was placed in that attitude by those who made the Constitution, did thn/viahe any war f If we had no war out of it, when thus placed, wherein is the ground of belief that we shall have war oift of it, if we re- turn to that policy ? Have we had any peace upf)n this matter springing from any other basis? I maintain that we have not. r have proposed notliing more than a re- turn to the policy of the fathers. I confess, when I propose a certain mea- sure of policy, it is not enough for me BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 139 that I do not intend any thing evil in the result, but it is incumbent on me to show that it has not a tendency to that result. I have met Judge Douglas in that i)oint of view. I have not only made the declara- tion that I do not mean to produce a con- flict between the Htates, but I have tried to show by lair reasoning, and I think I have shown to the minds of fair men, that I i)ropose nothing but what has a most peaceful tendency. The quotation that I happened to make in that ►S|)ringtield speech, that "a house divided against it- self cannot stand," and which has proved so offensive to the Judge, was part and parcel of the same thing. He tries to show that variety in the domestic institu- tions of the different States is necessary and indispensable. I do not dispute it. I have no controversy with Judge Douglas al)out that. I shall very readily agree with him that it would be foolish for us to insist upon having a cranberry law here, in Illinois, where we have no cran- berries, because they have a cranberry law in Indiana, where they have cranberries. I should insist that it would be exceedingly wrong in us to deny to Virginia the right to enact oyster laws, where they have oys- ters, because we want no such laws here. I understand, I hope, quite as well as Judge Douglas or any body else, that the variety in the soil and climate and face of the country, and consequent variety in the in- dustrial pursuits and productions of a country, recjuire systems of law conform- ing to this variety in the natural features of the country. I understand quite as well as Judge Douglas, that if we here raise a barrel of flour more than we want, and the Louisianians raise a barrel of sugar more than they want, it is of mutual advantage to exchange. That produces commerce, brings us together, and makes us better friends. We like one another the more for it. And I under- 8t;ind as well as Judge Douglas, or any body else, that these mutual accommoda- tions are the cements which bind together the different parts of this Union — that in- stead of being a thing to *' divide the house " — figuratively expressing the Union — they tend to sustain it ; they are the jirops of the house tending always to hold it up. H>it when I have admitted all this, I a-<k if there is any parallel between these things and this institution of slavery? I do not see that there is any parallel at all between them. Consider it. When have we had any difficulty or quarrel amongst ourselves about the cranberry laws of In- diana, or the oyster laws of Virginia, or the pine lumber laws of Elaine, or the fact that Louisiana produces sugar, and Illinois flour ? When have we had any quarrels over these things? When have we had perfect peace in regard to this thing which I say is an element of discord in thLs Union ? We have sometimes had i)eace, but when was it? It was when the insti- tution of slavery remained quiet where it was. We have had difficulty and turmoil whenever it has made a struggle to sjiread itself where it was not. I ask, then, if ex- perience does not speak in thunder-tones, telling us that the policy which has given peace to the country heretofore, being re- turned to, gives the greatest promise of peace again. You may say, and Judge Douglas has intimated the same thing, that all this diffi(;ulty in regard to the institu- tion of slavery is the mere agitation of office-seekers and ambitious northern jioli- ticians. He thinks we want to get " his place," I suppose. I agree that there are office-seekers amongst us. The Bible says somewhere that we are desperately selfish. I think we would have discovered that fact without the Bil)le. I do not claim that I am any less so than the average of men, but I do claim that I am not more selfish than Judge Douglas. But is it true that all the difficulty and agitation we have in regard to this institu- tion of slavery springs from office-seeking — from the mere ambition of politicians? Is that the truth ? How many times have we had danger from this question ? Go back to the day of the IMissouri Compro- mise. Go back to the Nullification question, atthebottom of which lay this same slavery question. Go back to the time of the Annexation of Texas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise of L850. You will find that every time, with the single exception of the Nullification question, they sjirang from an endeavor to spread this institution. There never was a party in the history of this country, and there probably never will be, of sufficient strength to disturb the general peace of the country. Parties themselves may be di- vided and quarrel on minor questions, yet it extends not beyond the parties them- selves. But does n(jt this question make a disturbance outside of political circles? Does it not enter into the churches and rend them asunder? What divided the great IMethodist Church into two parts. North and South ? AVhat has raised this constant disturbance in every Presbyterian General Assembly that meets ? What disturbed the L'nitariau Church in this very city two years ago ? What has jarred and shaken the great American Tract Society recently, not yet splitting it, but sure to divide it in the end ? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power that some- how operates on the mimls of men, excit- ing and stirring them up in every avenue of society — in politics, in religion, in lit- erature, in morals, in all the manifold re- lations of life? Is tliis the W'lrk of ptdi- ticians ? Is that irresistible power which. 140 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. for fifty years has shaken the Government and agitated the people to be stilled and subdued by pretending that it is an ex- ceedingly simple thing, and we ought not to talk about it ? If you will get every- body else to stop talking about it, I assure you I will quit before they have half done so. But where is the philosophy or states- manship which assumes that you can quiet that disturbing element in our soci- ety which has disturbed us for more than half a century, which has been the only serious danger that has threatened our in- stitutions — I say, where is the philosophy or the statesmanship based on the assump- tion that we are to quit talking about it, and that the public mind is all at once to cease being agitated by it? Yet this is the policy here in the north that Douglas is advocating — that we are to care nothing about it ! I ask you if it is not a false philosophy ? Is it not a false statesman- ship that undertakes to build up a syst_em of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about the very thing that every body does care the most about f — a thing which all experience has shown we care a very great deal about ? The Judge alludes very often in the course of his remarks to the exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for themselves. I agree with him very readily that the different States have thai right. He is but fighting a man of straw when he assumes that I am contend- ing against the right of the States to do as they })lease about it. Our controversy with him is in regard to the new Territories. "We agree that when States come in as States they have the right and the power to do as they please. We have no power as citizens of the free States or in our fed- eral capacity as members of the Federal Union through the General Government, to disturb slavery in the States where it exists. "We profess constantly that we have no more inclination than belief in the power of the Government to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to defend our- selves from the assumption that we are warring upon the rights of the States. "What I insist upon is, that the new Terri- tories shall ])e kept free from it while in the Territorial condition. Judge Douglas a.ssumes that we have no interest in them — that we have no right whatever to inter- fere. I think we liave some interest. Itliink that a.s white men we have. Do we not wi.sh for an faitlet for our surplus popula- tion, if I may so express myself? Do we not feel an interest in getting at that out- let with such institutions as we would like to have prevail there? If you go to the Territory opposed to slavery and anotlu-r man comes ui)on the same gronml with his slave, upon the assninptioii (hat the things are equal, it turns out that he has the eijual right all his way and you have no part of it your way. If he goes in and makes it a slave Territory, and by consequence a slave State, is it not time that those who de- sire to have it a free State were on equal ground? Let me suggest it in a different way. How many Democrats are there about here ["A thousand "J who left slave States and came into the free State of Illi- nois to get rid of the institution of slavery? [Another voice — "A thousand and one."''] I reckon there are a thousand and one. I will ask you, if the policy you are noAv ad- vocating had prevailed when this country was in a Territorial condition, where would you have gone to get rid of it? "Where would you have found your free State or Territory to go to ? And when hereafter, for any cause, the people in this place shall desire to find new homes, if 1;hey w^ish to be rid of the institution, where will they find the place to go to? Now irrespective of the moral aspect of this question as to whether there is a right or wrong in enslaving a negro, I am still in favor of our new Territories being in such a condition that white men may find a home — may find some spot where they can better their condition — where they can settle upon new soil and better their con- dition in life. I am in favor of this not merely (I must say it here as I have else- where) for our own people who are born amongst us, but as an outlet for free v-hite people every relieve, the Avorld over — in which Hans and Baptiste and Patrick, and all other men from all the world, may find new homes and better their conditions in life. I have stated upon former occasions, and I may as well state again, what I under- stand to be the real issue in this contro- versy between Judge Douglas and myself. On the point of my wanting to make war between the free and the slave States, there has been no issue between us. So, too, when he assumes that I am in favor of in- troducing a perfect social and political equality between the white and black races. These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force the con- versy. There is no foundation in truth for the charge that I maintain either of these propositions. The real issue in this con- troversy — the one j>ressing upon every mind — is the sentiment on the j)art of one class that looks upon the institution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the sentiment around which all their ac- tions — !ill their arguments circle — from wliich all their projKisitions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral, social and political wrong; and while they contem- )0K III. J THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 141 plate it as such, they nevertheless have due re,<i;ar<l for its actual existence auiouf;; us, and the diflicultics of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way and to all the consti- tutional obligations thrown about it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it shouM as far as may be, be treated as a wrong, and one of the methods of treat- ing it as a wrong is to rnnke provision that it hIioU (jroio no larger. They also desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slav- ery at some time, as being wrong. These are the views they entertain in regard to it as I understand them ; and all their senti- ments — all their arguments and proposi- tions are brought within this range. I have said, and I repeat it here, that if there be a man amongst us who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong, in any one of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard its actual presence among us and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform, AVe disclaim sym- pathy with him in practical action. He is not placed properly with us. On this subject of treating it as a wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a word. Has any thing ever threatened the exis- tence of this Union save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that wc hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to imjirove the con<lition of things by enlarging slavery — by spreading it out and making it big- ger? You may have a wen or cancer upon vour person and not be able to cut it out lest you bleed to deatli ; but surely it is no way to cure it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no j)roper way of treating what you regard a wrong. You see this jieaceful w.-iy of dealing with it as a wrong — restricting the spread of it, and not allowing it to go into new coun- tries where it has not already existed. That is the peaceful way, the old-fashioned way, the way in whii-h the fathers them- selves set us the examjile. On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment wliich treats it as not ))eing wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do not mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively asserts that it is right. That class will include all who ]K)sitively assert that it is right, and all who like .Tudge Douglas treat it as iuditfereut and do not say it is cither right or wrong. These two classes of men fall within the general class of those who do not look upon it as a wrong. And if there be among you any body who supposes that he, as a Democrat, can consider himself "as nuich oj>posed to slavery as anybody," I would like to reason with him. You never treat it as a wrong. What other thing that you con- sider as a wrong, do you deal with as you deal with that? Perhaps you sutf it is wrong, hut yoxir leader never does, and you quarrel with any body icho says it is tcrong. Although you pretend to say so yourself you can find no fit phace to deal with it as a wrong. You must not say any thing about it in the free States, because it is not here. You must not say any thing about it in the slave States, because it is there. You must not say anything about it in the pulpit, because that is religion and has notliing to do with it. You must not say any thing about in politics, because that trill disturb the security of '' 7ny place." There is no place to talk about it as being a wrong, although you say yourself it is a wrong. But finally you will screw yourself up to the belief that if the people of the slave States should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the slavery question, you would be in favor of it. You would be in favor of it. You say that is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it succeed. But you are de- ceiving yourself. You all know that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the system of gradual emancipation which you pretend you would be glad to sec succeed. Now I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they w'ere beaten, and when the news came over here you threw up your hats and hurrahed for Democracy. More than that, take all the argument made in favor of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the idea that there is any thing wrong in the institution of slavery. The arguments to sustain that policy carefully excluded it. Even here to- day you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me because I uttered a wish that it miglit some time come to an end. Altlmugh Henry Clay could say he wished every slave in the United States was in the coun- try of his ancestors, I am denounced by those pretending to respect Henry Clay for uttering a wish that it might some time, in some peaceful way, come to an end. The Democratic policy in regard to tiiat institution will not tolerate the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the least de- gree of wrong about it. Try it by some of .Tudge Douglas's arguments'. He says he " don't care whether it is voted up or voted down " in the Territories. I do not care 142 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. myself in dealing vritli that expression, whether it is intended to be expressive of his individual sentiments on the subject, or only of the national policy he desires to have established. It is alike valuable for my purpose. Any man can say that he does not see any thing wrong in slaveiy, but no man can logically say it who does see a wrong in it ; because no man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted down. He may say he don't care whether an indifferent thing is voted up or down, but he must logically have a choice be- tween a right thing and a wrong thing. He contends that whatever community wants slaves has a right to have them. So they have if it is not a wrong. But if it is a wrong, he cannot say people have a right to do wrong. He says that upon the score of equalit)', slaves should be allowed to go in a new"^ Territory, like other property. This is strictly logical if there is no dif- ference between it and other property. If it and other property are equal, his argu- ment is entirely logical. But if you insist that one is wrong and the other right, there is no use to institute a comparison between right and wrong. You may turn over every thing in the Democratic policy from beginning to end, whether in the shape it takes on the statute books, in the shape it takes in the Dred Scott decision, in the shape it takes in conversation, or the shape it takes in short maxim-like arguments — it eveiywhere carefully excludes the idea that there is any thing wrong in it. That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles — right and wrong — throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stbod face to face from the beginning of time ; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, " You work and toil and earn bread, aud I'll eat it." No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live by the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle. I was glad to express my gratitude at (iuiiicy, and I re-express it here to .Judge Douglas — thai he looks to no end of the institution of slavery. That will liel)) tlie people to see where the struggle really is. It will here- after Jilacc witii us nil men who really do wish the wrong may have an end. And whenever we can get riil of the fog which obscures the real question — when we can get Judge Douglas and his friends to avow a policy looking to its perpetuation — we can get out from among that class of men and bring them to the side of those who treat it as a wrong. Then there will soon be an end of it, and that end will be its " ultimate extinction." Whenever the issue can be distinctly made, and all ex- traneous matter thrown out so that men can fairly see the real difference between the parties, this controversy will soon be settled, and it will be done peaceably too. There will be no war, no violence. It will be placed again where the wisest and best men of the world placed it. Brooks of South Carolina once declared that when this Constitution was framed, its framers did not look to the institution existing until this day. When he said this, I think he stated a fact that is fully borne out by the history of the times. But he also said they were better and wiser men than the men of these days ; yet the men of these days had experience which they had not, and by the invention of the cotton-gin it be- came a necessity in this country that slavery should be perpetual. I now say that, willingly or unwillingly, purposely or without purpose, Judge Douglas has been the most prominent instrument in chang- ing the position of the institution of slavery which the fathers of the Government ex- pected to come to an end ere this — and putting it upon Brooks's cotton-gin basis — placing it where he openly confesses he has no desire there shall ever be an end of it. I understand I have ten minutes yet. I will employ it in saying something about this argument Judge Douglas uses, while he sustains the Dred Scott decision, that the people of the Territories can still some- how exclude slavery. The first thing I ask attention to is the fact that Judge Douglas constantly said, before the deci- sion, that whether they could or not, was a question for the Supreme Court. But after the court has made the decision he virtually says it is not a question for the Supreme Court, but for the people. And how is it he tells us they can exclude it ? He says it needs " police regulations," and that admits of " unfriendly legislation." Although it is a right established by the Constitution of the United States to take a slave into a Territory of the United States and hold him as i)roperty, yet unless the Tcrritiirial Legislature will give friendly legislation, and, more especially, if they adopt unfriendly legislation, they can practically exclude him. Now, without meeting this proi)osition as a matter of fact, I jiass to consider the real Constitu- tional obligation. Let me take the gentle- man wiio looks me in the face before me, and let us suj)pose that he is a member of . the Territorial Legislature. The first thing BOOK iii.J THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 143 he will do will be to swear that he will support the Constitution of the United States. His neighbor by his side in the Territory has slaves and needs Territorial legislation to enable him to enjoy that Constitutional right. Can he withhold the legislation which his neighbor needs for the enjoyment of a right which is fixed la his favor in the Constitution of the United States which he has sworn to sup- port? Can he withhold it without violat- nig his oath ? And more especially, can he pass unfriendly legislation to violate his oath ? Why, this is a monstrous sort of talk about the Constitution of the United States ! There has never been as outland- ish or lawless a doctrine from the mouth of any respectable man on earth. I do not believe it is a Constitutional right to hold slaves in a Territory of the United States. I believe the decision was improperly made and I go for reversing it. Judge Douglas is furious against those who go for revers- ing a decision. But he is for legislating it out of all force while the law itself stands. I repeat that there has never been so mon- strous a doctrine uttered from the mouth of a respectable man. I suppose most of us (I know it of my- self) believe that the people of the South- ern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave law — that is a right fixed in the Constitution. But it cannot be made available to them without Congressional legislation. In the Judge's language, it is a barren right " which needs legislation before it can become efficient and valuable to the persons to whom it is guarantied. And as the right is Constitutional I agree that the legislation shall be granted to it — and that not that we like the institution of slavery. We profess to have no taste for running and catching niggers — at least I profess no taste for that job at all. Why then do I yield support to a Fugitive Slave law ? Because I do not understand that the Constitution, which guaranties that right, can be supported without it. And if I believed that the right to hold a slave in a Territory was, equally fixed in the Con- stitution with the right to reclaim fugitives, I should be bound to give it the legislation necessary to support it. I say that no man can deny his obligation to give the neces- sary legislation to support slavery in a Ter- ritory, who believes it is a Constitutional right to have it there. No man can, who does not give the Abolitionists an argu- ment to deny the obligation enjoined by the Constitution to enact a Fugitive Slave law. Try it now. It is the strongest Abo- lition argument ever made. I say if that Dred vSeott decision is correct, then the right to hold slaves in a Territory is equal- ly a Constitutional right with the right of a slaveholder to have his runaway returned. No one can show the distinction between them. The one is express, so that we can- not deny it. Tlie other is construed to be in the Constitution, so that he who believes the decision to be correct believes in the right. And the man who argues tliat by uiilriendly legislation, in spite of that Con- stitutional right, slavery may l)e driven from the Territories, cannot avoid furnish- ing an argument by which AbolilionLsts may deny the obligation to return fugitives, and claim the power to pass laws unfriend- ly to the right of the slaveholder to reclaim his fugitive. I do not know how such an argument may strike a i)0])ular assembly like this, but I defy any body to go before a body of men whose minds are educated to estimating evidence and reasoning, and show that there is an iota of difference be- tween the Constitutional right to reclaim a fugitive, and the Constitutional right to hold a slave, in a Territory, provided this Dred Scott decision is correct. I defy any man to make an argument that will jiistify unfriendly legislation to de])rive a slave- holder of his right to hold his slave in a Territory, that will not equally, in all its length, bri-adth and thickness, furnish an argument for nullifying the Fugitive Slave law. Why, there is not such an Aboli- tionist in the nation as Douglas, after all. MR. DOUGLAS'S REPLY. Mr. Lincoln has concluded his remarks by saying that there is not such an Aboli- tionist as I am in all America. If he could make the Abolitionists of Illinois believe that, he would not have much show for the Senate. Let him make the Abolition- ists believe the truth of that statement and his political back is broken. His first criticism upon me is the expres- sion of his hope that the war of the Ad- ministration will be prosecuted against me and the Democratic party of this State with vigor. He w\'ints that war prosecuted with vigor ; I have no doubt of it. His hopes of success, and the hopes of his party de- pend solely upon it. They have no chance of destroying the Democracy of this State except by the aid of federal jiatronage. He has all the federal office-liolders here as his allies, running separate tickets against the Democracy to divide the party, although the leaders all intend to vote directly the Abolition ticket, and only leave the green- horns to vote this separate ticket who re- fuse to go into the Abolition camp. There is something really refreshing in the thought that Mr. Lincoln is in favor of prosecuting one war vigorously. It is the first war I ever knew him to be in favor of prosecuting. It is the first war I ever knew him to believe to l)e just or Consti- tutional. When the ^Mexican war was being waged, and the American army was 144 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. surrounded "by the enemy in Mexico, he thought that war was unconstitutioual, un- necessary, and unjust. He thought it was not commenced on the right spot. When I made an incidental allusion of that kind in the joint discussion over at Charleston some weeks ago, Lincoln, in re- plying, said that I, Douglas, had charged him with voting against supplies for the Mexican war, and then he reared uj5, full length, and swore that he never voted against the supplies — that it was a slander — and caught hold of Ficklin, who sat on the stand, and said, " Here, Fioklin, tell the people that it is a lie." Well, Ficklin, who had served in Congress with him, stood up and told them all that he recollected about it. It was that when George Ash- mun, of Massachusetts, brought forward a resolution declaring the war unconstitu- tional, unnecessary, and unjust, that Lin- coln had v(.ted for it. "Yes," said Lin- coln, " I did." Thus he confessed that he voted that the war was wrong, that our country was in the wrong, and consequent- ly that the Mexicans were in the right ; but charged that I had slandered him by saying that he voted against the supplies. I never charged him with voting against the supplies in my life, because I knew that he was not in Congress when they were vftted. The war was commenced on the 13th day of I\Iay, 1846, and on that day we appropriated in Congress ten millions of dollars and fifty thousand men to prosecute it. During the same session we voted more men and more money, and at the next ses- sion we voted more men and more money, so that by the time Mr. Lincoln entered Congress we had enough men and enough money to carry on the war, and had no oc- casion to vote for any more. When he got into tlie House, being opposed to the war, and not being able to stop the supplies, be- cau-;e they had all gone forward, all he could do was to follow the lead of Corwin, and prove that the war was not begun on the right spot, and that it was unconstitu- tional, unnecessary, and wrong. Remem- ber, too, that this he did after the war had been begun. It is one thing to be opposed t^) the declaration of a war, another and very different thing to take sides with the enemy against your own country after the war has been commenced. Our army was in Mexico at the time, many battles had been fought; our citizens, who were de- fending the honor of their country's ilag, were surroumled l)y the <laggers, the guns and the poison of the enemy. Then it was that CV)rwiii made his si)ee(li in whicli he declared that the American soldiers ought to be wclcf)mc<l by tlie Mi-xicans with bloody hands and hospitable graves ; then it was that Ashmnn and Lincoln voted in the House of Rcpri'scntativcs that the war was unconstitutional and unjust ; and Ash- mun's resolution, Corwin's speech, and Lincoln's vote, were sent to Mexico and read at the head of the Mexican army, to I^rove to them that there was a Mexican party in the Congress of the United States who were doing all in their power to aid them. That a man who takes sides with the common enemy against his own coun- try in time of war should rejoice in a war being made on me now, is very natural. And in my opinion, no other kind of a man would rejoice in it. Mr. Lincoln has told you a great deal to- day about his being an old line Clay Whig. Bear in mind that there are a great many old Clay Whigs down in this region. It is more agreeable, therefore, for him to talk about the old Clay Whig party than it is for him to talk Abolitionism. We did not hear much about the old Clay Whig party up in the Abolition districts. How much of an old line Henry Clay Whig was he? Have you read General Singleton's sj^eech at Jacksonville? You know that Gen. Singleton was, for twenty-five years, the confidential friend of Henry Clay in Illi- nois, and he testified that in 1847, when the Constitutional Convention of this State was in session, the Whig members were invited to a Whig caucus at the house of Mr. Lincoln's brother-in-law, where Mr. Lincoln proposed to throw Henry Clay overboard and take up Gen. Taylor in his place, giving, as his reason, that if the Whigs did not take up Gen. Taylor the Democrats would. Singleton testifies that Lincoln, in that speech, urged, as another reason for throwing Henry Clay overl)oard, that the Whigs had fought long enough for principle and ought to begin to fight for success. Singleton also testifies that Lincoln's speech did have the eflect of cutting Clay's throat, and that he (Single- ton) and others withdrew from the caucus in indignation. He further states that when they got to Philadeljjhia to attend the National Convention of the Whig party, that Lincoln was there, the bitter and dead- ly enemy of Clay, and that he tried to keep him (Singleton) out of the Convention be- cause he insisted on voting for Clay, and Lincoln was determined to have Taylor. Singleton says that Lincoln rejoiced with very great joy when he fi)und the mangled remains of the murdered AVhig statesman lying cold before him. Now, Mr. Lincoln tells you that he is an old line Clay Whig 1 Gen. Singleton testifies to the facts I have narrated, in a public speech which has been printed and circulated broadcast over the State for weeks, yet not a lisp have we heard from Mr. Liiu-oln on tlie subject, except that lu' is an old Clay Whig. \Vhat i>art of Henry Clay's policy did Lincoln fver advocate? He was in Con- gress in 1848-i>, when the Wilmot proviso warfare disturbed the peace and harmony BOOK III.] THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE. 145 of the countrj', until it shook the founda- tion of the Ilepuljlic from its centre to its circumference. It was that agitation that brougiit Chiy forth from his retirement at Ashhmd again to occupy his seat in the Senate of the United States, to see if he couhl not, l)y his great wisdom and expe- rience, and the renown of his name, do sometliiiig to restore i)eace and quiet to a disturbed country. Who got up that sec- tional strife that Clay had to be called upon to quell? I have heard Lincoln boast that ho voted forty-two times for the Wilmot proviso, and that he would have voted as many times more if he could. Lincoln is the man, in connection with Seward, Chase, Giddings, and other Abolitionists, who got up that strife that I helped Clay to put down. Henry Clay came back to the Senate in 1849, and saw that he must do something to restore peace to the country. The T fnion Whigs and the Union Democrats welcomed him the inomeut he arrived, as the man for the occasion. We believed that he, of all men on earth, had been preserved by Di- vine Providence to guide us out of our difficulties, and we Democrats rallied under Clay then, as you Whigs in nullification time rallied under the banner of old Jack- son, forgetting party when the country was in danger, in order that we might have a country first, and parties afterward. And this reminds me that Mr. Lincoln told you that the slavery question was the only thing that ever disturbed the peace and harmony of the Union. Did not nulli- fication once raise its head and disturb the peace of this Union in 1832? Was that the slavery question, Mr. Lincoln? Did not disunion raise its monster head during the last war with Great Britain? Was that the slavery question, Mr. Lin- coln ? The peace of this country has been disturbed three times, once during the war with Great Britain, once on the tariff ques- tion, and once on the slavery question. His argument, therefore, that slavery is the only question that has ever created dis- sension in the Union falls to the ground. It is true that agitators are enabled now to use this slavery question for the purpose of sectional strife. He admits that in re- gard to all things else, the principle that I a<lvocate, making each State and Territory free to decide for itself, ought to prevail. He instances the cranberry laws, and the oyster laws, and he might have gone through the whole list with the same effect. I say that all these laws are local and do- mestic, and that local and domestic con- cerns should be left to each State and each Territory to manage for itself. If agitators would acquiesce in that principle, there never would be any danger to the peace and harmony of the Union. Mr. Lincoln tries to avoid the main issue by attacking the truth of my proposition, 34 that our fiithers made this Government divi- ded into free and slave States, recognizing the right of each to decide all its local ques- tions for itself. Did they not thus make it? It is true that they did not establish slavery in any of the States, or abolish it in any of them ; but finding thirteen States, twelve of which were slave and one free, they agreed to form a government uniting them together, as they stood divided into free and slave States, and to guaranty for- ever to each State the right to do as it pleased on the slavery question. Having thus made the government, and conferred this right upon each State forever, I assert that this Government can exist as they made it, divided into free and slave States, if any one State chooses to retain slavery. He says that he looks forward to a time when slavery shall be abolished every- where. I look forward to a time when each State shall be allowed to do as it pleases. If it chooses to keep slavery forever, it is not my business, but its own ; if it chooses to abolish slavery, it is its own business — not mine. I care more for the great prin- ciple of self-government, the right of the people to rule, than I do for all the negroes in Christendom. I would not endanger the perpetuity of this Union, I would not blot out the great inalienable rights of the white men for all the negroes that ever existed. Hence, I say, let us maintain this Govern- ment on the jjrinciples that our fathers made it, recognizing the right of each State to keep slavery as long as its people deter- mine, or to abolish it when they please. But iMr. Lincoln says that when our fath- ers made this Government they did not look forward to the state of things now ex- isting ; and therefore he thinks the doctrine was wrong ; and he quotes Brooks, of South Carolina, to prove that our fathers then thought that probably slavery would be abolished by each State acting for itself before this time. Suppose they did ; sup- pose they did not foresee what has oc- curred, — does that change the principles of our Government? They did not pro- bably foresee the telegraph that transmits intelligence by lightning, nor did they fore- see the railroads that now form the bonds of union between the diflerent States, or the thousand mechanical inventions that have elevated mankind. But do these things change the principles of the Gov- ernment? Our fathers, I say, made this Government on the principle of the right of each State to do as it pleases in its own domestic affairs, subject to the Constitu- tion, and allowed the people of each to apply to ever}' new change of circum- stances such remedy as they may see fit to improve their condition. T'his right they have for all time to come. Mr. Lincoln went on to tell you that he did not at all desire to interfere with sla- 146 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. very in the States where it exists, nor does his party. I expected him to say that down here. Let me ask him then how he expects to put slavery in the course of ultimate ex- tinction every where, if he does not intend to interfere with il in the States where it exists? He says that he will prohibit it in all the Territories, and the inference is, then, that unless they make free States out of them he will keep them out of the Union ; for, mark you, he did not say whether or not he would vote to admit Kansas with slavery or not, as her people might apply (he forgot that as usual, etc.) ; he did not say whether or not he was in favor of bringing the Territories now in existence into the Union on the principle of Clay's Compromise measures on the slavery ques- tion. I told you that he would not. His idea is that he will prohibit slavery in all the Territories and thus force them all to become free States, surrounding the slave States with a cordon of free States and hemming them in, keeping the slaves con- fined to their present limits whilst they go on multiplying until the soil on which they live will no longer feed them, and he will thus be able to put slavery in a course of ultimate extinction by starvation. He will extinguish slaverj^ in the Southern States as the French general did the Algerines when he smoked them out. He is going to ex- tinguish slavery by surrounding the slave States, hemming in the slaves, and starving them out of existence, as you smoke a fox out of his hole. He intends to do that in the name of humanity and Christianity, in order that we may get rid of the terrible crime and sin entailed upon our fathers of holding slaves. Mr. Lincoln makes out that line of policy, and appeals to the moral sense of^ justice and to the Christian feeling of the community to sustain him. He says that any man who holds to the con- trary doctrine is in the position of the king who claimed to govern by divine right. Let us examine for a moment and see what j)rinciple it was that overthrew the Divine right of George the Third to govern us. Did not these colonies rebel because the Lritish parliament had no right to pass laws concerning our property and domestic and private institutions Avithout our consent? We demanded that the British Govern- ment should not pass such laws unless they gave us representation in the body passing them, — and this the British government insisting on doing, — wc went to war, on the principle that the Home Government should not control and govern distant col- onies without giving them representation. Now, Mr. Lincoln proposes to govern the TerriU)rie3 without giving them a represen- tation, and calls on Congress to pass laws controlling their property and domestic concerns without tneir consent and against their will. Thus, he asserts for his i>arty the identical principle asserted by George III. and the Tories of the Revolution. I ask you to look into these things, and then tell me whether the Democracy or the Abolitionists are right. I hold that the people of a Territory, like those of a State (I use the language of Mr. Buchanan in his letter of acceptance), have the right to decide for themselves whether slav- ery shall or shall not exist within their limits. The point upon which Chief Jus- tice Taney expresses his opinion is simply this, that slaves being projjerty, stand on an equal footing with other property, and consequently that the owner has the same right to carry that property into a Territory that he has any other, subject to the same conditions. Sujipose that one of your merchants was to take fifty or one hundred thousand dollars' worth of liquors to Kan- sas. He has a right to go there under that decision, but when he gets there he finds the Maine liquor law in force, and what can he do with his property after he gets it there ? He cannot sell it, he cannot use it, it is subject to the local law, and that law is against him, and the best thing he can do with it is to bring it back into Missouri or Illinois and sell it. If you take negroes to Kansas, as Col. JefF. Davis said in his Bangor speech, from Avhich I have quoted to-day, you must take them there subject to the local law. If the people want the institution of slaverj' they will i:)rotect and encourage it ; but if they do not want it they will withhold that protection, and the absence of local legislation protecting slav- ery excludes it as completely as a positive prohibition. You slaveholders of Missouri might as well understand what you know practically, that you cannot carry slavery where the people do not want it. All you have a right to ask is that the j^eople shall do as they please; if they want slavery let them have it ; if they do not want it, allow them to refuse to encourage it. ]\Iy friends, if, as I have said before, we will only live up to this great fundamental principle, there will be peace between the North and the South. Mr. Lincoln admits that under the Constitution on all domes- tic questions, except slavery, we ought not to interfere with the people of each State. What right have we to interfere with slavery any more than we have to interfere with any other question? He says that this slavery qiicstion is now the bone of contention. Why ? Simply because agita- tors have combined in all the free States to make war upon it. Suppose the agitators in the States should combine in one-half of the Union to make war upon the railroad system of the other half? They would thus be driven to the same sectional strife. Sup- pose one section makes war upon any other peculiar institution of the opi)()site section and the same strife is produced. The only BOOK III.] JEFFERSON DAVIS ON RETIRING. 147 remedy and safety is that we shall standby the Constitution as our fathers made it, obey the laws as they are passed, while they stand the proper test and sustain the decisions of the Supreme Court and the constituted authorities. Speech of Hon. JetTerson DavlB, Senator from Mississippi, On retiring from the t'nited States Senate. Delivered in the Seitate Chamber January 21, 18G1. I rise, Mr. President, for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satis- factory evidence that the State of Missis- sippi, by a solemn ordinance of her people in convention assembled, has declared her separation from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course my func- tions are terminated here. It has seemed to me proper, however, that I should appear in the Senate to announce that fact to my associates, and I will say but very little more. The occasion does not invite me to go into argument; and my physical con- dition would not permit me to do so if it were otherwise, and yet it seems to become me to say something on the part of the State I here represent, on an occasion so solemn as this. It is known to Senators who have served with me here, that I have for many years advocated as an essential attribute of State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. There- fore, if I had not believed there was justi- fiable cause ; if I had thought that Missis- sippi was acting without sufficient provoca- tion, or without an existing necessity, I should still, under my theory of the government, because of my allegiance to the State of which I am a citizen, have been bound by her action. I, however, may be permitted to say that I do think she has justifiable cause and I approve of her act. I conferred with her people be- fore that act was taken, counseled them then that if the state of things which they apprehended should exist when the con- vention met, they should take the action which they have now adopted. I hope none who hear me will confound this expression of mine with the advocacy of the right of a State to remain in the Union and to disregard its constitutional obligations by the nullification of the law. Such is not my theory. Nullification and secession so often confounded are indeed antagonistic principles. Nullification is a remedy which it is sought to apply within the Union and against the agents of the States. It is only to be justified when the agent has violated his constitutional obli- gation, and a State, assuming to judge for itself denies the right of the agent thus to act and appeals to the other States of the Union for a decision ; but when the States themselves and when the people of the States have so acted as to convince us that tlicy will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and then for the first time, arises the doctrine of secession in its prac- tical ajjplication. A great man who now reposes with his fathers and who has been often arraigned for a want of fealty to the Union advocated the doctrine of Nullification because it pre- served the Union. It wan because of his deep-seated attachment to the Union, his determination to find some remedy for exist- ing ills short of the severance of the ties which bound South Carolina to the other States, that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which he pro- claimed to be peaceful, to be within the limits of State power, not to disturb the Union, but only to be a means of bringing the agent before the tribunal of the States for their judgment. Secession belongs to a different class of remedies. It is to be justified upon the basis that the States are sovereign. There was a time when none denied it. I hope the time may come again when a better comprehension of the theory of our govern- ment and the inalienable rights of the people of the States will prevent any one from denying that each State is a sovereign, and thus may reclaim the grants which it has made to any agent whomsoever. I therefore say I concur in the action of the people of Mississippi, believing it to be necessary and proper, and should have been bound by their action if my belief had been otherwise ; and this brings me at the important point which I wish, on this last occasion, to present to the Senate. It is by this confounding of nullification and secession that the name of a great man whose ashes now mingle with his mother earth, has been invoked to justify coercion against a seceding state. The phrase " to execute the laws " was an ex- pression which General Jackson applied to the case of a State refusing to obey the laws while yet a member of the Union. That is not the case which is now presented. The laws are to be executed over the Uni- ted States, and upon the people of the Uni- ted States. They have no relation with any foreign country. It is a perversion of terms, at least it is a great misapprehension of the case, which cites that expression for application to a State which has withdrawn from the Union. You may make war on a foreign State. If it be the purpose of gentlemen they may make war against a State which has withdrawn from the Union ; but there are no laws of the Uni- ted States to be executed within the limits of a Seceded State. A State finding her- self in the condition in which Mississippi has judged she is ; in which her safety re- quires that she should provide for the 148 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. maintenance of her rights out of the Union, surrenders all the benefits, (and they are known to be many) deprives herself of the advantages, (they are known to be great) severs all the ties of affection (and they are close and enduring) which have bound her to the Union ; and thus divesting herself of everj' benefit, taking upon herself every burden, she claims to be exempt from any power to execute the laws of the United States within her limits. I well remember an occasion when Massachusetts was arraigned before the Bar of the Senate, and when then the doctrine of coercion was rife, and to be applied against her because of the rescue of a fu- gitive slave in Boston. My opinion then was the same as it is now. Not in the spirit of egotism, but to show that I am not influenced in my opinion because the case is my own, I refer to that time and that occasion as containing the opinion which I then entertained and on which my present conduct is based. I then said, if Massachusetts, following her through a stated line of conduct, chooses to take the last step which separates her from the Union, it is her right to go, and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to co- erce her back ; but will say to her, " God speed," in memory of the kind associations which once existed between her and the other States. It has been a conviction of pressing necessity, it has been a belief that we are to be deprived in the Union, of the rights which our fathers bequeathed to us, which has brought Mississippi into her present decision. She has heard pro- claimed the theory that all men are created free and equal, and this made the basis of an attack on her social institutions ; and the sacred Declaration of Independence has been invoked to maintain the position of the equality of the races. That Declara- tion of Independence is to be construed by the circumstances and purposes for which it was made. The communities were de- claring their independence ; the people of those communities were asserting that no man was born — to use the language of Mr. Jefferson — booted and spurred to ride over the rest of mankind ; that men were crea- ted equal — meaning the men of the po- litical community; that there was no divine right to rule; that no man inherited the right to gf)vem ; that there were no classes by which power and place descended to families, but that all stations were equally within the grasp of each member of the body politic. These were the great prin- ciples they announced ; these were the j)ur- poses for which they made their declara- tion ; these were the ends to which their enunciation was directed. Tliey have no reference to the slave ; else, how happened it that among the it(>ms of arraignment made against George III. was that he en- deavored to do just what the North has been endeavoring of late to do — to stir up insurrection among our slaves ? Had the Declaration announced that the negroes were free and equal how was it the Prince was to be arraigned for stirring up insur- rection among them ? And how was this to be enumerated among the high crimes which caused the colonies to sever their connection with the mother country ? When our constitution was formed, the same idea was rendered more palpable, for there we find provision made for that very class of persons as property ; they were not put upon the footing of equality with white men — not even upon that of paupers and convicts, but so far as representation was concerned, were discriminated against as a lower caste only to be represented in a numerical proportion of three-fifths. Then, Senators, we recur to the compact which binds us together ; we recur to the principles upon which our government was founded ; and when you deny them, and when you deny to us, the right to withdraw from a government which thus prevented, threatens to be destructive of our rights, we but tread in the path of our fathers when we proclaim our indepen- dence, and take the hazard. This is done not in hostility to others, not to injure any section of the country, not even for our own pecuniary benefit, but from the high and solemn motive of defending and pro- tecting the rights we inherited, and which it is our sacred duty to transmit unshorn to our children. I find in myself, perhaps, a type of the general feeling of my constituents towards yours. I am sure I feel no hostility to you, Senators from the North. I am sure there is not one of you, whatever sharp discus- sion there may have been between us, to whom I cannot now say, in the presence of my God, " I wish you well,'' and such, I am sure, is the feeling of the people whom I represent towards those whom you repre- sent. I therefore feel that I but express their desire when I say I hope, and they hope for peaceful relations with you, though we must part. They may be mu- tually beneficial to us in the future as they have been in the past, if you so will it. The reverse may bring disaster on every Eortion of the country; and if you will ave it thus, we will invoke the God of our fathers, who delivered them from the power of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear, and thus, putting our trust in God, and to our firm hearts and strong arms we will vindicate the right as best we may. In the course of my service here, asso- ciated at different times with a great variety of Senators, I see now around me some with whom I have served long ; there have been points of collision, but whatever of BOOKiiJ.] HENRY WILSON IN THE GREELEY CANVASS. 149 offense there has been to me I leave here ; I carry with me no hostile remembrance. Whatever offense I have i^iven whi(;h has not been redressed, or for which satisfaction has not been demanded, 1 have, Senators, in this hour of our parting, to offer you an apology for any harm which, in the heat of discussion, I have inflicted. I go hence unencumbered of any injury received, and having discharged the duty of making tlie only reparation in my power for any injury offered. Mr. President and Senators, having made the announcement which the occa- sion seemed to me to require, it only re- mains for me to bid you a final adieu. Speech of the Hon. Henry AVllson of Massa- chusetts In the canvoBS against Horace Greeley at Bichmond, Ind., August 3, 1872. AN ABSTRACT. Gentlemen, standing here to-day, in this presence, among these liberty-loving, pa- triotic men and women of Wayne county, I want to call your attention for a few mo- ments to what we have struggled for in the past. Nearly forty years ago, when the slave Sower dominated the country — when the ark shadow of human slavery fell upon us all here in the North — there arose a body of conscientious men and women who proclaimed the doctrine that emanci- pation was the duty of the master and the right of the slave ; they proclaimed it to be a duty to let the oppressed go free. Re- wards were offered — they were denounced, mobbed — violence pervaded the land. Yet these faithful ones maintained with fidel- ity, against all odds, the sublime creed of human liberty. The struggle, commencing forty years ago against the assumptions and dominations of the slave-power, went on from one step to another — the slave power went right on to the conquest of the country — promises were broken, without regard to constitutions or laws of the hu- man race. The work went on till the people, in their majesty, in 1860, went to the ballot-box and made Abraham Lincoln President of the United States. [Cheers.] Then came a great trial ; that trial was whether we should do battle for the prin- ciples of eternal right, and maintain the cause of liberty, or surrender ; whether we would be true to our principles or false. We stood firm — stood by the sacred cause — and then the slave power plunged the country into a godless rebellion. Then came another trial, testing the manhood, the courage, the sublime fidelity of the lovers of liberty in the country. We met that test as we had met every other test — trusting in God, trusting in the peoj)le — willing to stand or fall by our principles. Through four years of blood we maintained those principles ; we broke down the rebellion, restored a broken Union, and vindicated the authority and power of the nation. In that struggle In- diana played a glorious part in the field, and her voice in the councils of the nation had great and deserved influence. [Clieers.J Now, gentlemen, measured by the high standard of fidelity to country, of patriot- ism, the great political party to which we belong to-day was as true to the country in war as it had been in peace — true to the country every time, and on all occa- sions. Not only true to the country, but the Re- publican party was true to liberty. It struck the fetters from the bondman, and ele- vated four and a half millions of men from chattelhood to manhood ; gave them civil rights, gave them political rights, and gave them part and parcel of the power of the country. [Applause.] Now, gentlemen, here to-day, I point to this record — this great record — and say to you, that, measured by the standard of pa- triotism — one of the greatest and grandest standards by which to measure public men, political organizations or nations — mea- sured by that standard which the whole world recognizes, the Republican party of the United States stands before the world with none to accuse it of want of fidelity to country. [Cheers.] Measured by the standard of liberty, equal, universal, im- partial liberty — liberty to all races, all colors and all nationalities — the Republi- can party stands to-day before the country pre-eminently the party of universal liber- ty. [Loud cheers.] Measured by the stan- dard of humanity — that humanity that stoops down and lifts up the poor and low- ly, the oppressed and the castaways, the poor, struggling sons and daughters* of toil and misfortune — measured by that stan- dard, the Republican party stands before this country to-day without a peer in our history, or in the history of any other peo- ple. [Renewed and general applause.] We have gone further, embraced more, lifted up lowlier men, carried them to a higher elevation, labored amid obloquy and reproach to lift up the despised and lowly nations of the earth than any politi- cal organization that the sun ever shone upon. And then, gentlemen, tested by the sup- port of all the great ideas that tend to lift up humanity, to pull none down, to lift all up, to carry the country ui)ward and for- ward, ever toward God, the Republican party of the countn,' has been, and now is, to-day, in advance of any political organ- ization the world knows. Gentlemen, I am not here to maintain 150 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. that this great party, with its three and a half millious of voters, tested aud tried as it hsm been during twelve years — I am not here to say that it has made no mistakes. We have committed errors ; we could not always see what the right was; we failed sometimes ; but, gentlemen, take our record — take it as it stands — it is a bright and glorious record, that any man, or set of men, may be jjroud of. We have stood, and we stand to-day, on the side of man, and on the side of the ideas God has given us in His Holy Word. [Applause.] There has not been a day since by the labors, the prayers and the sacrifices of the old anti-slavery men and women of the coun- try, from 1830 to 1855 — during twenty-five years — I say to you, gentlemen, here, to- day, that this party, the product of these prayers, and these sacrifices, and these ef- forts — with all its faults — has been true to patriotism, true to liberty, true to justice, true to humanity, true to Christian civili- zation. [Cheers.] I say to you here to-day, that all along during this time, the Democratic party carried the banners of slavery. When- ever the slave power desired anything they got it. They wielded the entire power of the nation, until, in their arrogance, when we elected Abraham Lincoln, they plunged the country into the fire and blood of the greatest civil war recorded in history. After the war all the measures inaugurated for emancipation — to make the country free — to lift an emauciiiated race up — to give them instruction and make them citi- zens — to give them civil rights and make them voters — to put them on an equality with the rest of the people — to every one of that series of thirty or forty measui-es the Democratic party gave their President unqualified and united opposition. Well, now, we have been accustomed to say that they were mistaken, misinibrmed, that they were honest — that they believed what they did; but, gentlemen, if they have believed what they have said, that they have acted according to their convictions from 1832 to 1872 — a period of forty years — can they be honest, to-day, in indorsing the Cincin- nati platform — in supporting Horace Gree- ley? ["No, no!"] Why, we have read of sudden and mira- culous conversions. We read of St. PauTs conversion, of the light that shone around liiin, l)ut I ask you, in the history of the liuinaii family have you ever known three millions of men — three millions of great .sinners for forty years — [laughter] — throe millions of jiien, ail convicted, all convert- ed, and all changed in the twinkling of an eye. [Renewed laughter.) Why, gentle- men, iritis HO, for one I will lift up my eyes and my lieart to (Jod, that those sin- ners, that this great political party that has been for forty years, every time and all the time, on every question and on all questions pertaining to the human race and the rights of the colored race, on the wrong side — oh the side of injustice, oppres- sion and inhumanity — on the side that has been against man, and against God's holy word ; I say, gentlemen, that I will lift up my heart in gratitude to God that these men have suddenly repented. Why, I have been accustomed to think that the greatest victory the Republican party would ever be called upon to win — and I knew it would win it, because the Republican party, as Napoleon said of his armies, are accustomed to sleep on the field of victory. The Republican party — that always won — always ought to win, because it is on the right side; and when it is defeated, it only falls back to gather strength to advance again. [Applause.] I did suppose that the greatest task it would ever have, greater than putting down the rebellion, greater than emancipating four millions of men, greater than lifting them up to civil rights — greater than all its grand deeds — would be the conviction and conversion of the Democratic party of the United States. [Laughter and cheers.] Just as we are going into a Presidential election — when it was certain that if the Republican jjarty said and afiirnied, said by its members, said altogether, that its ideas, its principles, its policy, its measures, were stronger than were the political or- ganization of the Democrats. I say, just as we are going into the contest, Avhen it was certain that we would break down and crush out its ideas, and take its flags and disband it, and out of the wreck we would gather hundreds of thousands of changed and converted men, the best part of the body — just at that time some of our men are so anxious to embrace somebody that has always been wrong that they start out at once in a wild hunt to clasp hands with our enemies and to save the Demo- cratic party from absolute annihilation. [Laughter.] To do what they want us is to disband. Well, gentlemen, I suppose there are some here to-day that belonged to the grand old Army of the Potomac. If when Lee had retreated on Richmond, and Phil. Sheridan sent back to Grant that if he pushed things he would capture the army — if, instead of sending back to Sheri- dan, as Grant did, "I'ush things," he had said to him, " Let us disband the Army of the Potomac; don't hurt the feelings of these retreating men ; let us cla.sp hands with them," what Avould have been the re- .sult? I su])]»ose there are some of you here to-day that followed Shernum — that were with him in his terrible march from Chattanooga to Atlanta — with him in that great niar(;h from Atlanta to tlie sea — what would you have thought of him if, when you came in sight of the Atlantic ocean, BOOK III.] OLIVER P. MORTON ON THE NATIONAL IDEA. 151 you had had orders to disband before the baimers of the rebellion had disappeared from the Southern heavens ? I tell you, to-day, this movement of a portion of our forces is this and nothing more. I would as soon have disbanded that Army of the Potomac after Sheridan's ride throufrlithe valley of the Shenandoah, or when Sherman had reached the sea, as to disband the Republican party to-day. The time has not come. [Loud and con- tinued applause. ) I am not making a mere j)artisan appeal to you. I believe in this Republican i^arty, and, if I know myself, rather than see it defeated to-day — rather than see the gov- ernment pass out of its hands — I would sacrifice anything on earth in my posses- sion, even life itself. [Loud applause] I have seen brave and good men — patriotic, liberty-loving, God-fearing men — I have seen them die for the cause of the country — for the ideas we profess, and I tell you to-day, with all the faults of the Repul)li- can party — and it has had faults and has made some mistakes — I say to you that I believe upon my conscience its defeat would be a disaster to the country, and would be a stain upon our record. It would bring upon us — we might say what we pleased, our enemies would claim it, and the world would record it — that this great, patriotic, liberty-loving Republican party of the United States, after all its great lal)ors and great history, had been weighed in the balances and found want- ing, and condemned by the American pople. Well, gentlemen, I choose, if it is to fall, to fall with it. I became an anti-slaverv man in IS^f). In 1836 I tied myself, pledged myself, to do all I could to over- throw the slave power of my country. During all these years I have never given a vote, uttered a word, or written a line that I did not suppose tended to this result. I invoke you old anti-slavery men here to- day — and I know I am speaking to men who have been engaged in the cause — I implore you men who have been true in the past, no matter what the men or their natures are, to stand with the grand organi- zation of the Reijublican party — be true to its cause and fight its battles — if we are defeated, let us accept the defeat as best we may; if we are victorious, let us make our future n^ore glorious than the past. If we fail, let us have the proud consciousness that we have been faithful to our princi- ples, true to our convictions ; that we go down with our flag flying — that we go down trusting in God that our country may become, what we have striven to make it, the foremost nation on the globe. [Im- mense applause.] Speecb ot Senator Oliver P. Slorton, of Indiana, On the NiUional Idea, at Providence, It. I. The distinguished orator was introduced by Senator Anthony, and made an ex- tended speech, from which we take the more pertinent paragraphs : From this proposition two corollarien have been adduced from time to time, and [ nmst say with great force of logic. The first is that this Union is comi)osed of sov- ereign and independent States who have simply entered into a compact for particu- lar jnirposes, and the government is mere- ly their agent ; that any State has tlie right to withdraw from the Union at pleasure, or whenever in its judgment the terms of the compact have been violated, or the in- terests of the State require its withdrawal. The second is that each State has the right to nullify any law of Congress which, in the judgment of the State, is in violation of the compact by which the government was formed. This doctrine has been the evil genius of the country from the found- ation of our government. It may be said to be the devil in our political system. It has been our danger from the first. It is the rock in the straits, and we fear that the end i.s not yet. Now what can we op- pose to this doctrine? We oppose what we call " the national idea." We assume that this government was formed by the governments of the United States in their aggregate and in their primary capacity. We assume that, instead of there being thirty-seven nations, there is but one; in- stead of there being thirty-seven sover- eignties, there is but one sovereignty. We assume that the States are not sovereign, but that they are integral and subordinate parts of one great countiy. I may be asked the question here, "Are there no State rights? Would you override the States? Would you obliterate State lines?" I an- swer, " iSTo." I answer that this doctrine is the only doctrine that can preserve the peace of this nation and preserve the rights of the States. I answer that there is a vast body of State rights guaranteed and se- cured by the Constitution of the United Slates, by the same Constitution that created and upholds the government of the United States ; that these State rights have the same guarantee that the rights of the National Government have, equally en- titled to the protection of the Supreme Court, springing out of the same instru- ment, and that one set of rights are ju^t as sacred as the other. Some confound the idea of State sovereignty and State rights as being one and the same thing. Others seem to supi)ose that State rights are only consistent with State sovereignty, and can- not exist except upon the theory of State sovereignty ; while I as-jume that State rights are consistent with National sover- 152 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. eignty, and are safest under the protection of the nation. The Constitution gives one class of rights to the government of the United States. They are specified, and they carry with them all the rights that are indisi>ensable and necessaiy to their full execution and enjoyment. The rest are to be held and enjoyed by the States, or reserved to the peojile. The States have their rights by the agreement of the nation. That seems to be the important truth that is so often overlooked, that the rights of tke States, sacred and unapproachable, are sacred by the agreement of the nation, as much so as are the powers that are con- ferred upon the government of the United States, that the States derive their powers from the same source, viz : The Constitu- tion of the United States. That Constitu- tion says that the government shall have one class of powers, and that other powers shall be gained by the States, to be enjoyed by them or reserved to the people. In the consideration of this question, we must re- flect that the nation had assembled in con- vention in 1787, and there formed a gov- ernment, there declared what rights should be given to the National Government, and what rights should be reserved to the States, and that, in either case, the grant and guarantee is an act of national sover- eignty by the people in convention assem- bled. When we shall embrace this idea fully, all the danger of centralization will pass away, though we discard the idea of State sovereignty. I do not differ so much with many gen- tlemen in regard to what the rights of the States are. I differ with them in regard to the titles by which they hold them. I say that so far as State rights are con- cerned, and the rights of the government, that we are not to go back beyond the period of 1787, when the Constitution was formed. The rights of the elder States, and of Rhode Island as she has them now, are to be dated from the formation of the Constitution. Then they came into con- vention. They had the right to make any sort of government they pleased, and they did. And in that government they guar- antied and secured to the States the great body of rights in regard to local and do- mestic government, but it was the agree- ment of the nation at that time. So far as the new States are concerned, they are to come in on an equality. They are to have the same rights with the old; and this theory would be impossible of execu- tion except upon the idea that the rights of the States and of tlie National Govern- ment are to be determined from the action that was taken at that time. Tlie difliculty had been in regard to this tlicf)ry of State sovereignty, and the assumed right of se- cession and of nullific.ition v.as tlie result. They assumed that these States existed as nations separate and distinct before that time, and that they only loaned a portion of tiaeir rights for a particular purpose. This is the base of that theory ; while we assume that the people were acting to- gether at that time in their aggregate capa- city, raising a system of government, giv- ing the United States certain powers, and providing that the States should hold and enjoy the rest, excepting those that were reserved to the people. The preservation of local self-government is essential to the liberties of this nation. Nobody endorses that sentiment more strongly than I do. Nobody will stand by the rights of the States more firmly than I will. I hold that their rights are consistent with national sovereignty, and that national sovereignty is consistent with the rights of the States, and I deny that these rights are the result of inherent original State sovereignty. In other words, we differ in regard to the title. What the States should have, and what the government should have, was settled by the act of the nation in convention in 1787, changed to some extent by the adop- tion of amendments since that time. It is not enough for a party to deny the right of secession. It is not enough for a party to deny the right of nullification. They must go further. They must deny the doctrine of State sovereignty ; for as long as that doctrine is admitted, these other things will spring up spontaneously from it, and whenever the occasion allows it. If we were to admit that the States were sov- ereign, then we would be bound to say that Webster did not answer Hayne, and that Webster and Hayne never answered Calhoun. If once it is admitted that the States are sovereign, it is hard to resist the corollaries to which I have referred, that they have the right to secede, and that they have the right to nullif)^ The doctrine of nationality planted deep in the hearts of the American people is our only sheet-anchor of safety for the future. Our country is greatly extended, from the tropical to the arctic regions, with every variety of climate, soil, and productions, with different commercial and manufac- turing interests. The States on the Pa- cific slopes are sejiarated from those on this side of the Rocky ^Fountains by fifteen hundred miles of mountain and desert. Tliey have a different commerce from what you have, almost an independent commerce. Tlieir commerce will be with China, Jai)an, Australia, the Avestern coun- tries of South America, and the islands of the Southern Pacific. It is now but in its infancy, but it l)ids fair to develop into colo.ssal proportions, and may change the commercial asjiect of the world. We know not what feelings of independence may arise in those States in time to come. It is diflieult to deny the effect that may be BOOK III.] OLIVEli P. MORTON ON THE NATIONAL IDEA. 153 produced by the separation of vast States with a different commerce actini? in con- junction witli forced theories of the origin and laws of our government. In saying this I will cast no imputation ujxjn the loyalty of those States. They are now as loyal as any, and were during the war. But we can imagine that what has been may be again. And we can understand what may be the danger of this doctrine, if it should still maintain its hold in tlie minds of the American people, when con- flicting interests arise, and conflicting no- tions arise as to what may be the interests of the people ; as in 1812 a war was brought about which was regarded as being fatal to the interests of the New T^ngland States, they took their position upon it. We have had a law which was regarded in South Carolina as being fatal to her interests, and she took her position upon it. This doc- trine was again seized by slavery in 18(51, and the rebellion was brought on. And what may happen in the far future upon the eiustern and western coasts, upon the northern and southern extremities of our nation, we cannot tell. The idea that we are a nation, that we are one people, undivided and indivisible, should be a plank in the platform of every party. It should be printed on the banner of eveiy party. It should be taught in every school, academy, and college. It should be the political North Star by which every political manager should steer his bark. It should be the central idea of American politics, and every child, so to speak, should be vaccinated with this idea, so that he may be protected against this political distemper that has brought such calamity upon our country. Were the mind of the nation, so to speak, fiiUy satu- rated with this sentiment of nationality, that we are but one people, undivided and indivisible, there would be no danger though our boundaries came to embrace the entire continent. It is therefore of the utmost importance that it should be taught and inculcated upon all occasions. What the sun is in the heavens, diffusing light, and life, and warmth, and by its subtle in- fluence holding the planets in their orbits and preserving the harmony of the uni- verse — such is the sentiment of nationality in a nation, diffusing light and protection in every part, holding the faces of Amer- icans always toward their home, protect- ing the States in the exercise of their just powers, and preserving the harmony and prosperity of all. We must have a nation. It is a necessity of our political existence, and we find the countries of the Old World now aspiring for nationality. Italy, after a long absence, has returned. Rome has again become the centre and the capital of a great nation. The bleeding fragments of the beautiful land have been bound up together, and Italy again resumes her i)lace iimong the nations. And we find the great (iermanic family has been sighing for a nationality. That race, whose overmastering civilization is acknowledged by all the world, has hitherto been divided into petty Principal- ities and States, such as Virginia and South Carolina aspire to be, but now are coming together and a.sserting their unity, their national existence, and are now able to dominate all the nations of lOurope. We should then cherish this idea, that while the States have their rights sacred and un- approachable, which we should guard with untiring vigilance, never permitting an en- croachment, and remembering that such encroachment is as mu(Ji a violation of the Constitution of the United States as to en- croach upon the rights of the general Government, still bearing in mind that the States are but subordinate parts of one great nation, and that the nation is over, all even as God is over the universe. Without entering into any of the consequences that flow from this doctrine, allow me for to- night to refer to that great national attri- bute, that great national duty — the duty and the power to protect the citizen in the en- joyment of life, liberty, and property. If the Government of the United States has not the power to protect the citizens of the United States in the enjoyment of life, lib- erty, and propei'ty in cases where the States fail, or refuse, or are unable to grant pro- tection, then that Government should be amended, or should give place to a better. Great Britain sent forth a costly and pow- erful expedition to Abyssinia to rescue four British subjects who had been captured and imprisoned by the government of that coun- try. She has recently threatened Greece with war, if she did not use all her power to bring to justice two brigands who had lately murdered two British sulyects. These these things are greatly to the honor of Great Britain. And our Government threatened Austria with war if she did not release Martin Kosta, who had declared his intention to become a citizen of the United States, and was therefore protected by the Government of the United States. More recently we have made war upon Corea, a province in Asia, and slaughtered her peo- ple, and battered down her^forts, because Americans shipwrecked upon her coast were murdered and the government had refused to give satisfaction for it. And if a mob in London should murder half a dozen American citizens, we would call upon that government to use all its power to bring the murderers to punishment, and if Great Britain did not do so, it would be regarded as a cause of war. And yet some people entertain the idea that our Govern- ment has the power to protect it^ citizens everywhere except upon its own soil. The 154 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book in. idea that I would advocate, the doctrine that I would urge as being the only true and national one, flowing inevitably from national sovereignty, is that our Govern- ment has the right to protect her citizens in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and prop- erty wherever the flag floats, whether at home or abroad. Speech of Hon. J. Proctor Kuott, of KLezttucky, Deliverecl in the Bouse of Rcpresentalires on the St. Croix and Su2)erior Land Grant, January 21, 1871. The house having under consideration the joint resolution (S. E. No. 11) extend- ing the time to construct a railroad from St. Croix river or*lake to the west end of Lake Superior and to Bayfield — Mr. Knott said : Mr. Speaker — If I could be actuated by any conceivable inducement to betray the sacred trust in me by those to whose generous confidence I am in- debted for the honor of a seat on this floor ; if I could be influenced by any possible consideration to become instrumental in giving away, in violation of their known wishes any portion of their interest in the public domain for the mere promotion of any railroad enterprise whatever, I should certainly feel a strong inclination to give this measure my most earnest and hearty support ; for I am assured that its success would materially enhance the pecuniary prosperity of some of the most valued friends I have on earth ; friends for. whose accommodation I would be willing to make almost any sacrifice not involving my per- sonal iKjiior or my fidelity as the trustee of an express trust. And that act of itself would be sufiicient to countervail almost any objection I might entertain to the pas- sage of this bill not inspired by any im- perative and inexorable sense of public duty. But, independent of the seductive in- fluences of private friendship, to which I admit I am, perhaps, as susceptible as any of the gentlemen I see around me, the in- trinsic merits of tlie measure itself are of such an extraordinary character as to com- mend it most strongly to the favorable con- sideration of every member of this house, myself not excepted, notwithstanding my constituents, in wliose behalf alone I am acting liere, would not be benefited by its passage one particle more than tliey would be l)y a project to cultivate an orange grove on the l)leakest summit of Greenland's icy mountains. Now, sir, as to those great trunk lines of railways, spanning tlie continent from ocean to ocean, I confess my mind has never been fully ma<le u{). It is true they may afTbrd some trifling advantages to local traffic, and they may even in time become the channels of u more extended commerce. Yet I have never been thoroughly satisfied either of the necessity or expediency of projects promising such meagre results to the great body of our people. But with regard to the transcendent merits of the gigantic enterprise contemplated in this bill, I have never entertained the shadow of a doubt. Years ago, when I first heard that there was somewhere in the vast terra incognita, somewhere in the bleak regions of the great northwest, a stream of water known to the nomadic inhabitants of the neighbor- hood as the river St. Croix, I became satis- fied that the construction of a railroad from that raging torrent to some point in the civilized world was essential to the happi- ness and prosperity of the American people if not absolutely indispensable to the per- petuity of republican institutions on this continent. I felt instinctively that the boundless resources of that prolific region of sand and pine shrubbery would never be fully developed without a railroad con- structed and equipped at the expense of the government, and perhaps not then. I had an abiding presentiment that, some day or other, the people of this whole country, irrespective of party afiiliations, regardless of sectional prejudices, and " without distinction of race, color, or pre- vious condition of servitude," would rise in their majesty and demand an outlet for the enormous agricultural productions of those vast and fertile pine barrens, drained in the rainy season by the surging waters of the turbid St. Croix. These impressions, derived simply and solely from the " eternal fitness of things," were not only strengthened by the interest- ing and eloquent debate on this bill, to which I listened with so much pleasure the other day, but intensified, if possible, as I read over this morning, the lively col- loquy which took place on that occasion, as I find it reported in last Friday's Globe. I will ask the indulgence of the house while I read a lew short passages, which are sufiicient, in my judgment, to place the merits of the great enterprise, contem- plated in the measure now under discus- sion, beyond all possible controversy. The honorable gentleman from Minne- sota (Mr. Wilson), who, I believe, is ma- naging this bill, in speaking of the charac- ter of the country through which this rail- road is to ];ass, says this : " We want to have the timber brought to us as cheai)ly as possible. Now, if you tie up the lands, in this way, so that no title can be obtained to them — for no set- tler will go on these lands, for he* cannot make a living — you dei)rive us of the bene- fit of that timber." Now, sir, I would not have it by any means inferred from this tliat tlie gentle- man from Minnesota would insinuate that BooKiii.] J. PROCTOR KNOTT'S DULUTH SPEECH. 155 the peoi^le out in this section desire this timber merely for the purpose of fencing up their farms so that their stock may not wander off and die of starvation among the bleak hills of St. Croix. I read it ibr no such purpose, sir, and make no comment on it myself. In corroboration of this state- ment of the gentleman from Minnesota, I find this testimony given by the honorable gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Wash- burn). Speaking of these same lands, he says : " Under the bill, as amended by my friend from Minnesota, nine-tenths of the land is open to actual settlers at $2.50 per acre ; the remaining one-tenth is pine- timbered land, that is not fit for settle- ment, and never will be settled upon ; but the timber will be cut off. I admit that it is the most valuable portion of the grant, for most of the grant is not valuable. It is quite valueless ; and if you put in this amendment of the gentleman from Indiana you nuiy as well just kill the bill, for no man and tio company will take the grant and build the road." I simply pause here to ask some gentle- man better versed in the science of mathe- matics than I am, to tell me if the tim- bered lands are in fact the most valuable portion of that section of country, and they would be entirely valueless without the timber that is in them, what the remainder of the land is worth which has no timber on it at all ? But, further on, I find a most entertain- ing and instructive interchange of views between the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Rogers), the gentlenuin from Wisconsin (Mr. Washburn), and the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Peters), upon the subject of pine lauds generally, which I will tax the patience of the house to read : " Mr. Rogers — Will the gentleman allow me to ask him a question ? " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — Cer- tainly. " Mr. Rogers — Are these pine lands en- tirely worthless except for tmiber? " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — They are generally worthless for any other pur- pose. I am personally familiar with that subject. These' lands are not valuable for purposes of settlement. "Mr. Farnsworth — They will be after the timber is taken off. " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — No, sir. " Mr. Rogers — I want to know the cha- racter of these i)ine lands. " Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — They are generally sandy, barren lands. My friend from the Green Bay district (Mr. Sawyer) is himself perfectly familiar with this question, and he will bear me out in what I say, that these timber lands are not ada])ted to settlement. "Mr. Rogers — The pine lauds to which I am accustomed are generally very good. What I want to know is, what is the dilffr- euce between our pine lands and your pine lands? "Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin — The pine timber of Wisconsin generally grows upon barren, sandy land. The gentleman from Maine (Mr. Peters) wdio is familiar with ])ine lands, will, I have no doubt, say that ])ine timber grows generally upon the most barren lands." " Mr. Peters — As a general thing pine lands are not worth much for cultiva- tion." And further on I find this pregnant ques- tion the joint production of the two gentle- men from Wisconsin. "Mr. Paine — Does my friend from Indi- ana suppose that in any event settlers will occupy and cultivate these pine lands ? " Mr, Washburn, of Wisconsin — Partic- ularly without a railroad." Yes, sir, "particularly without a rail- road." It will be asked after awhile, I am afraid, if settlers will go anywhere unless the government builds a railroad for them to go on. 1 desire to call attention to only one more statement, which I think sufficient to settle the question. It is one made by the gen- tleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Paine), who says : " These lands will be abandoned for the present. It may be that at some remote period there will spring up in that region a new kind of agriculture, which will cause a demand for these particular lands ; and they may then come into use and be valu- able for agricultural purposes. But I know, and I cannot help thinking that my friend from Indiana understands that, for the present, and for many years to come, these pine lands can have no possible value other than that arising irom the pine timber which stands on them." Now, sir, who, ufter listening to this em- phatic and unequivocal testimony of these intelligent, competent and able-bodied wit- nesses, who that is not as incredulous as St. Thomas himself, will doubt for a mo- ment that the Goshen of America is to be found in the sandy valleys and U])on the pine-clad hills of the St. Croix? Who will have the hardihood to rise in his seat on this floor and assert that, excepting the pine bushes, the entire region would not produce vegetation enough in ten years to fatten a grasshopper? Where is the patriot who is willing that his country shall incur the peril of remaining another day without the amplest railroad connection with such an inexhaustible mine of agricultural wealth ? Who will answer for the conse- quences of abandoning a great and warlike people, in the possession of a country like that, to brood over the iudillereuce and 156 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. neglect of their government? How long Avould it be before they would take to studying the Declaration of Independence and hatching out the damnable heresy of secession ? How long before the grim de- mon of civil discord would rear again his horrid head in our midst, " gnash loud his iron fangs and shake his crest of bristling bayonets?" Then, sir, think of the long and painful process of reconstruction that must follow with its concomitant amendments to the constitution, the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth articles. The sixteenth, it is of course understood, is to be appropri- ated to those blushing damsels who are, day after day, beseeching us to let them vote, hold office, drink cocktails, ride a-straddle, and do everything else the men do. But above all, sir, let me implore you to reflect for a single moment on the deplor- able condition of our country in case of a foreign war, with all our ports blockaded, all our cities in a state of^siege, the gaunt specter of famine brooding like a hungry vulture over our starving land ; our com- missary stores all exhausted, and our fam- ishing armies withering away in the field, a helpless prey to the insatiate demon of hunger ; our navy rotting in the docks for want of provisions for our gallant seamen, and we without any railroad communica- tion whatever with the prolific pine thickets of the St. Croix. Ah, sir, I could very well understand why my amiable friends from Pennsyl- vania (Mr. Myers, Mr. Kelley and Mr. O'Neill) should be so earnest in their sup- port of this bill the other day; and if their honorable colleague, my friend, Mr. Ran- dall, will pardon the remark, I will say I consider his criticism of their action on that occasion as not only unjust, but un- generous. I knew they were looking for- ward with a far-reaching ken of enlight- ened statesmanshii) to the pitia1)le condi- tion in which Philadelphia will be left unless speedily supplied with railroad coii- nection in some way or other witli this garden spot of the universe. And beside, sir, tills discussion has relieved my mind of a mystery tliat has weighed upon it like an incubus for years. I could never un- derstand before why there was so much excitement during the last Congress over tlie acquisition of Alta Vela. I could never understand why it was that some ol" our ablest statesmen and most disinterested patriots shrmld entertain such dark ioro- bodings of the untold calamities that were to befall our beloved country unless we should take immediate possession of tliat desirable island. But I see now that (licy were laboring under the mistaken impres- sion that the government would need the guano to manure the public lauds on the 8t. Croix. Now, sir, I repeat, I have been satisfied for years that if there was any portion of the inhabited globe absolutely in a suffer- ing condition for want of a railroad it was these teeming pine barrens of the St. Croix. At what particular point on that noble stream such a road should be com- menced I knew was immaterial, and it seems so to have been considered by the draughtsman of this bill. It might be up at the spring or down at the foot-log, or the water-gate, or the fish- dam, or any- where along the bank, no matter where. But in what direction should it run, or where it should terminate, were always to my mind questions of the most painful perplexity. I could conceive of no place on " God's green earth " in such straitened circumstances for railroad facilities as to be likely to desire or willing to accept such a connection. I knew that neither Bayfield nor Superior city would have it, for they both indignantly spurned the munificence of the government when coupled with such ignominious conditions, and let this very same land grant die on their hands years and years ago rather than submit to the degradation of a direct communication by railroad with the piny woods of the St. Croix ; and I knew that what the enter- prising inhabitants of those giant young cities would refuse to take would have few charms for others, whatever their necessi- ties or cupidity might be. Hence as I have said, sir, I was utterly at a loss to determine where the terminus of this great and indispensable road should be, until I accidentally overheard some gentleman the other day mention the name of " Duluth." Duluth! The word fell upon my ear with a peculiar and indescribable charm, like the gentle murmur of a low fountain stealing forth in the midst of roses ; or the soft, sweet accents of an angel's whisper in the bright, joyous dream of sleeping in- nocence. " Duluth ! " 'Twas the name for which my soul had panted for years, as the hart pantcth for the water-brooks. But where was Duluth f Never in all my limited reading, had my vision been gladdened by seeing the celestial word in print. And I felt a profound humiliation in my ignorance that its dulcet syllables had never before ravished my delighted ear. I was certain the draughtsman in this bill had never heard of it or it would liave been desig- nated as one of the termini of this road. I asked my friends about it, but they knew nothing of it. I rushed to the library, and examined all the maps I could find, r discovered in oneof them a delicate hair- like line, diverging from the Mississippi iic.'ir a ]ilace marked Prescott, which, I sup- posed, was intended to represent llic river St. Croix, but, could nowhere find Duluth. BOOKiii.] J. PROCTOR KNOTT'S DULUTH SPEECH. 157 Nevertheless, I was confident it existed somewhere, and that its discovery would constitute the crowning glory of the pres- ent century, if not of all modern times. I knew it was bound to exist in the very na- ture of things ; that the symmetry and per- fection of our planetary system would be incomplete without it. That the elements of maternal nature would since have re- solved themselves back into original chaos if there had been such a hiatus in creation as would have resulted from leaving out Duluth I In fact, sir, I was overwhelmed with the conviction tliat Duluth not only existed somewhere, but that wherever it was, it was a great and glorious place. I was convinced that the greatest calamity that ever befell the benighted nations of the ancient world was in their having passed away without a knowledge of the actual existence of Duluth ; that their fa- bled Atlantis, never seen save by the hal- lowed vision of the inspired poesy, was, in fact, but another name for Duluth; that the golden orchard of the Hesperides, was but a poetical synonym for the beer-gar- dens in the vicinity of Duluth. I was cer- tain that Herodotus had died a miserable death, because in all his travels and with all his geograi)hical research he had never heard of Duluth. I knew that if the im- mortal spirit of Homer could look down from another heaven than that created by his own celestial genius upon the long lines of pilgrims from every nation of the earth to the gushing fountain of poesy opened by the touch of his magic wand, if he could be permitted to behold the vast assemblage ot grand and glorious produc- tions of the lyric art called into being by his own inspired strains, he would weep tears of bitter anguish that, instead of lav- ishing all the stores of his mighty genius upon the foil of Illion, it had not been his more blessed lot to crystalize in deathless song the rising glories of Duluth. Yes, sir, had it not been for this map, kindly furnished me by the legislature of Minne- sota, I might have gone down to my ob- scure and humble grave in an agony of despair, because I could nowhere find Duluth. Had such been my melancholy fote, I have no doubt that with the last feeble pulsation of my breaking heart, with the last faint exhalation of my fleeting breath, I should have whispered, " Where is Duluth f '' But, thanks to the beneficence of that band of ministering angels who have their bright abodes in the far-oif capital of Min- nesota, just as the agony of my anxiety was about to culminate in the frenzy of de- spair, this blessed map was placed in my hands ; and as I unfolded it a resplendent scene of ineffable glory opened before me, such as I imagined burst upon the enrap- txxied vision of the wandering peri through the opening ^ates of Paradise. Tliere, there, for the first time, my enchanted eye rested upon the ravishing word, " Duluth I " This map, sir, is intended, as it appears from its title, to illustrate the position of Duluth in the United States ; but if gen- tlemen will examine it, I think they will concur with me in the opinion, that it is far too modest in its pretensions. It not only illustrates the position of Duluth in the United States, but exhibits its relations with all created things. It even goes fur- ther than this. It hits the shadowy vale of futurity, and affords us a view of the golden prospects of Duluth far along the dim vista of ages yet to come. If gentlemen will examine it, they will find Duluth not only in the center of the map, but represented in the center of a series of concentric circles one hundred miles apart, and some of them as much as four thousand miles in diameter, embracing alike, in their tremendous sweep the frag- rant savannas of the sunlit South and the eternal solitudes of snow that mantle the ice-bound North. How these circles were produced is perhaps one of those primordial mysteries that the most skilled paleologist will never be able to explain. But the fact is, sir, Duluth is pre-eminently a central point, for I am told by gentlemen who have been so reckless of their owij personal safety as to venture away into those awful regions where Duluth is supposed to be, that it is so exactly in the center of the visible uni- verse that the sky comes down at precisely the same distance all around it. I find, by reference to this map, that Duluth is situated somewhere near the western end of Lake Superior, but as there is no dot or other mark indicating its exact location, I am unable to say whether it is actually confined to any particular spot, or Avhether "it is just lying around there loose." I really cannot tell whether it is one of those ethereal creations of intellec- tual frostwork, more intangible than the rose-tinted clouds of a summer sunset ; one of those airy exhalations of the specula- tor's brain which, I am told, are very flit- ting in the form of towns and cities along those lines of railroad, built with govern- ment subsidies, luring the unwary settler as the mirage of the desert lures the famish- ing traveler on, and ever on, until it fades away in the darkening horizon ; or whether it is a real, bona Jide, substantial city, all " staked off," with the lots marked with their owners' names, like that proud com- mercial metropolis recently discovered on the desirable shores of San Domingo. But, however that may be, I am satisfied Duluth is there, or thereabouts, for I see it stated here on the map that it is ex- actly thirtj'-nine hundred and ninety miles from Liverpool, though I have no doubt, for the sake of convenience, it will be 158 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book hi. moved back ten miles, so as to make the distance an ev^en four thousand. Then, sir, there is the climate of Diiluth, unquestionably the most salubrious and delightful to be found anywhere on the Lord's earth. Now, I have always been under the impression, as I pre- sume other gentlemen have, that in the region around Lake Superior it was cold enough for at least nine months in the year to freeze the smoke-stack off a loco- motive. But I see it represented on this map that Duluth is situated exactly half way be- tween the latitudes of Paris and Venice, so that gentlemen who have inhaled the exhilarating air of the one, or basked in the golden sunlight of the other, may see at a glance that Duluth must be the place of untold delight, a terrestrial paradise,fanned by the balmy zephyrs of an eternal spring, clothed in the gorgeous sheen of ever bloom- ing flowers, and vocal with the silvery melo- dy of nature's choicest songsters. In fact sir, since I have seen this map, I have no doubt that Byron was vainly endeavoring to convey some faint conception of the de- liciofus charms of Duluth when his poetic soul gushed forth, in the rippling strains of that beautiful rhapsody — " Know yo the land of the cedar and the vine, AVhence the flowers over blossom, the beams ever ehino ; Where the light winga of Zephyr, oppressed with pur- fume. Wax faint o'er the gardens of Gul in her bloom ; Where the citron and olive are fairest of fruit. And the voice of the nightingale never is mute ; Where the tints of the earth and the hues of the sky, In color though varied, ia beauty may vie ? " As to the commercial resources of Duluth, sir, they are simply illimitable and inexhaustible, as is shown by this map. I see it stated here that there is a vast scope of territory, embracing an area of over two millions of square miles, rich in every element of material wealth and commercial prosperity, all tributary to Duluth. Look at it, sir, (pointing to the map.) Here are inexhaustible mines of gold, immeasurable veins of silver, im- penetrable depths of boundless forest, vast coal measures, wide extended plains of richest pasturage — all, all embraced in this vast territory — which must, in the very nature of tilings, empty the untold treasures of its commerce into the lap of Duluth. Look at it, sir, (pointing to the map) ; do not you see from these broad, brown lines drawn around this immense ter- ritory, that the enterprising inhabitants of Duluth intend some day to inclose it all in one vast corrall, so that its commerce ■Vfill be bound to go there whether it would or not? And liero, sir, (still pointing to the map), T find within a convenient dis- tance the Picgan Indians, which, of all the many accessories to the glory of Duluth, I consifler by far the most in estimable. For, sir, I have been told that when the small-pox breaks out among the women and children of the famous tribe, as it sometimes does, they afford the finest subjects in the world for the strategical ex- periments of any enterprising military hero who desires to improve himself in the no- ble art of war, especially for any valiant lieutenant-general whose "Trenchant blade, Toledo trnsty. For w ant of fighting has grown rusty, And eats into itself for lack, Of somebody to hew and hack " Sir, the great conflict now raging in the Old World has presented a phenomenon in military science unprecedented in the an- nals of mankind, a phenomenon that has reversed all the traditions of the past as it has disappointed all the expectations of the present. A great and warlike people, renowned alike for their skill and valor, have been swept away before the triumph- ant advance of an inferior foe, like autumn stubble before a hurricane of fire. For aught I know the next flash of electric fire that simmers along the ocean cable may tell us that Paris, with every fibre quiver- ing with the agony of impotent despair, writhes beneath the conquering heel of her loathed invader. Ere another moon shall wax and wane, the brightest star in the galaxy of nations may fall from the zenith of her glory never to rise again. Ere the modest violets of early spring shall ope their beauteous eyes, the genius of civ- ilizntion may chaunt the wailing requiem of the proudest nationality the world has ever seen, as she scatters her withered and tear-moistened lilies o'er the bloody tomb of butchered France. But, sir, I wish to ask if you honestly and candidly believe that the Dutch would have overrun the French in that kind of style if General Sheridan had not gone over there, and told King William and Von Moltke how he had managed to whip the Piegan Indians. And here, sir, recurring to this map, I find in the immediate vicinity of the Piegans " vast herds of buffalo '' and "im- mense fields of rich wheat lands." [Here the hammer fell.] [Many cries : " Go on !" " go on !"] The Speaker — Is there any objection to the gentleman from Kentucky continuing his remarks? The chair hears none. The gentleman will proceed. Mr. Knott — I was remarking, sir, upon these vast " wheat fields " represented on this map in the immediate neighborhood of the buffaloes and Picg.ans, and was about to say that the idea of there being these immense wheat fields in the very heart of a wilderness, hundreds and hundreds of miles beyond the utmost verge of civiliza- tion, may appear to some gentlemen as rather incongruous, as rather too great a BOOKiii.J HENRY CAREY ON THE RATES OP INTEREST. 159 strain on the " blankets " of veracity. But to my mind there is no difliculty in the mat- ter whatever. The phenomenon is very easily accounted for. It is evident, sir, that the Piej^ans sowed that wheat there and ])louf;hed it in with butt'alo bulls. Now, sir, this fortunate coml)ination of bufl'aloes and Piegans, considering their relatiA'e po- sitions to each other and to Diilufh, as they are arranged on this map, satislies me that Ihduth is destined to be the best market of the world. Here, you will observe, (point- ing to the map), arc the buflaloe.s, directly between the Piegans and Ihduth ; and here, right on the road to Duhith, are the Creeks. Now, sir, when the buflidoes are sufficiently fat from grazing on tliose im- mense wheat fields, you see it will be the easiest thing in the world for the Piegans to drive them on down, stay all night with their friends, the Creeks, and go into Du- lutk in the morning. I think I see them, now, sir, a vast herd of buffaloes, with their heads down, their eyes glaring, their nos- trils dilated, their tongues out, and their tails curled over their backs, tearing along toward Duluth, with about a thousand Pie- gans on their grass-bellied ponies, yelling at their heels I On they come ! And as they sweep past the Creeks, they join in the chase, and away they all go, yelling, bellowing, ripping and tearing along, amid clouds of dust, until the last buffalo is safely penned in the stock-yards at Duluth. Sir, I might stand here for hours and hours, and expatiate with rapture upon the gorgeous prospects of Duluth, as de- picted upon this map. But human life is too short, and the time of this house far too valuable to allow me to linger longer upon this delightful theme. I think every gentleman upon this floor is as well satisfied as I am that Duluth is destined to become the commercial metropolis of the universe and that this road should be built at once. I am fully persuaded that no patriotic rep- resentative of the American people, who has a proper appreciation of the associated glories of Duluth and the St. Croix, will hesitate a moment that every able-bodied female in the land, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, who is in favor of " woman's rights," should be drafted and set to work upon this great work without delay. Nevertheless, sir, it grieves my very soul to be compelled to say that I cannot vote for the grant of lands provided for in this bill. Ah, sir, you can have no conception of the poignancy of my anguish that I am de- prived of that blessed privilege ! There are two insuperable obstacles in the way. In the first place my constituents, for whom I am acting here, have no more interest in this road than they have in the great ques- tion of culinary taste now, perhaps, agitat- ing the public mind of Dominica, as to whether the illustrious commissioners, who recently left this capital for that free and enlightened republic, would be lictter fri- casseed, boiled, or roasted, and, in the sec- ond place, these lands, which I am asked to give away, alas, are not mine to bestow! My relation to them is 8im])ly that of trustee to an express trust. And shall I ever be- tray that trust? Never, sir! Rather perish Duluth/ Perish the paragon of cities! Rather let the freezing cyclones of the bleak northwest bury it forever beneath the eddying sands of the raging St. Croix. Henry Carey's Speech on the Rates of Interest. In the Pennsylvania Coiuiitulional Convention, 1873. . In the Constitutional Convention, in Committee of the Whole on the article re- ported from the Committee on Agriculture, Mining, Manufactures, and Commerce, the first section being as follows : — " In the absence of special contracts the legal rate of interest and discount shall be seven per centum per annum, but special contracts for* higher or lower rates shall be lawful. All national and other banks of issue shall be restricted to the rate of seven i)er cen- tum per annum." Mr. H. C. Carey made an address in favor of striking out the sec- tion. The following is an abstract of his remarks : — Precisely a century and a half since, in 1723, the General Assembly of Pennsylva- nia reduced the legal charge for the use of money from eight to six per cent, per annum. This was a great step in the direction of civil- ization, proving, as it did, that the labor of the present was obtaining increased power over accumulations of the past, the laborer approaching toward equality with the capitalist. At that point it has since re- mained, with, however, some change in the penalties which had been then prescribed for violations of the law. Throughout the recent war the financial policy of -the National Government so greatly favored the money-borrower and the laborer as to have afforded reason for believing that the actual rate of interest was about to fall permanently below the legal one, with the effect of speedily caus- ing usury laws to fall into entire disuse. Since its close, however, under a mistaken idea that such was the real road to resump- tion, all the Treasury operation of favoring the money-lender ; the result exhibiting it- self in the facts that combinations are being everywhere formed for raising the price of money ; that the long loans of the past are being daily more and more superseded by the call loans of the present; that manu- facturer and merchant arc more and more fleeced by Shylocks who would gladly tjike "the pound of flesh nearest the heart" 160 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book in. from all over whom they are enabled to obtain control. Anxious for the perpetuation of this un- hajipy state of things, these latter now in- vite their victims to give their aid towards leveling the barriers by which they them- selves are even yet to a considerable ex- tent protected, assuring them that ftirther grant of power will be followed by greater moderation in its exercise. Misled there- by, money borrowers, traders, and manu- facturers "are seen uniting, year after year with their common enemy in the effort at obtaining a repeal of the laws in regard to money, under which the State has so greatly prospered. Happily our working men, farmers, mechanics, and laborers fail to see that advantage is likely to accrue to them from a change whose obvious ten- dency is that of increasing the power of the few who have money to lend over the many who need to borrow ; and hence it is that their Representatives at Harrisburg have so steadily closed their ears against the siren song by which it is sought to lead their constituents to give their aid to the work of their own destruction. Under these circumstances is it that Ave are now asked to give place in the organic law to a provision by means of which this deplorable system is to be made permanent, the Legislature being thereby prohibited, be the necessity what it may, from placing any restraint upon the few who now con- trol the supply of the most important of all the macliineiy of commerce, as against the many whose existence, and that of their wives and children, is dependent upon the nlitaining the use thereof on such terms as shall not from year to year cause them to become more and more mere tools in the hands of the already rich. This being the first time in the world's history that any such idea has been suggested, it may be Avell, before determining on its adoption, to study what has been elsewhere done in this direction, and what has been the result. Mr. Carey then proceeded to quote at great length from recent and able writers the rcstilts that Iiad followed in England from the adoption of the proposition now before the convention. These may be summed up as the charging of enormous rates of interest, the London joint-stock banks making dividends among their stock- holders to the extent of twenty, tliirty, and almost forty per cent., the whole of which has ultimately to be taken frojn the wages of la1)or employed in manufactures, or in agriculture. At no time, said Mr. Carey, in Britain's history, have pauperism and usury traveled so closely hand in luind to- gether ; the ricli growing rich to an extent that, till now, would liave b(>en regarded as fal)ulous, ami tlic wretchedness of the poor having grown in like proportion. After discussing the effects of the repeal of the usury laws in some of the American States, Mr. Carey continued : — " We may be told, however, that at times money is abundant, and that even so late as last summer it was difhcult to obtain legal interest. Such certainly was the case with those who desired to put it out on call ; but at that very moment those who needed to obtain the use of money for long periods were being taxed, even on se- curities of unexceptionable character, at double, or more than double, the legal rates. The whole tendency of the existing system is in the direction of annihilating the disposition for making those perma- nent loans of money by means of which the people of other countries are enabled to carry into effect operations tending to secure to themselves control of the world's commerce. Under that system there is, and there can be, none of that stabilitj' in the price of money required for carrying i out such operations. Leaving out of view the recent great combination for the maintenance and per- petuation of slavery, there has been none so powerful, none so dangerous as that which now exists among those who, hav- ing obtained a complete control of the money power, are laboring to obtain legal recognition of the right of capital to per- fect freedom as regards all the measures to which it may be pleased to resort for the purpose of obtaining more perfect control over labor. Already several of the States have to some extent yielded to the pressure that has been brought to bear upon them. Chief among these is Massachusetts, the usury laws having there been totally re- pealed, and with the effect, says a distin- guished citizen of that State, that "all the savings institutions of the city at once raised the rate from six to seven per cent.; those out of the city to seven and a half and eight per cent, and there was no rate too high for the greedy. The conse- quence," as he continues, "has been disas- trous to industrial pursuits. Of farming towns in my county, more than one quar- ter have diminished in population." Rates per day have now to a great extent, as I am assured, superseded the old rates per month or year ; two cents per day, or $7.30 per annum, having become the charge for securities of the highest order. What, un- der such circumstances, must be the rate for paper of those who, sound and solvent •as they may be, cannot furnish such secu- rity, may readily be imagined. Let the monopoly system be maintained and the rate, even at its headquarters. New Eng- land, will attain a far liigher point than any that has yet been reached; this, too in despite of the fact that her people had so promptly secured to tliemselves a third of the whole circulation allowed to the * BOOK HI.] HENRY CAREY ON THE RATES OF INTEREST. 161 40,000,000 of the population of tlie Union scattered throughout almost a continent. How greatly they value the power that has been thus obtained is proved by the fact that to every effort at inducing tliein to surrender, for advantage of the West or South, any portion thereof, has met with resistance so determined that nothing has been yet accomplished. Abandonment of our present policy is strongly urged upon us for the reason that mortgages bear in New York a higher rate of interest. A Pennsylvanian in any of the northern counties has, as we are told, but to cross the line to obtain the best se- curity at seven per cent. Why, however, is it that his neighbors find themselves comj)elled to go abroad when desirous of obtaining money on such security? The answer to this question is found in the fact that the taxation of mortgages is there so great as to absorb from half to two-thirds of the interest promised to be paid. Again, we are told that Ohio legalizes "special contracts" up to eight percent. and, that if we would prevent the efflux of capital we must follow in the same direc- tion. Is there, however, in the exhibit now made by that State, anything to war- rant us in so doing? Like Pentisylvania, she has abundant coal and ore. Shje has two large cities, the one fronting on the Ohio, and the other on the lakes, giving her more natural facilities for maintaining commerce than are possessed by Pennsyl- vania; and yet, while the addition to her population in the last decade was but 306,- 000, that of Pennsylvania was 015,000. In that time she added 900 to her railroad mileage, Pennsylvania meantime adding 2,500. While her cajntal engaged in man- ufactures rose from 57 to 141 millions, that of Pennsylvania grew from 109 to 406, the mere increase of the one being more than fifty per cent, in excess of the total of the other. May we find in these figures any evidence that capital has been attracted to Ohio by a higher rate of interest, or re- pelled from our State by a lower one ? As- suredly not! Wh.it in this direction is proposed to be done among f)urselvcs is shown in the sec- tion n )w presented for our consideration. Bv it the legal rate in the absence of "spe- cial contracts " is to be raised to seven per cent., such " contracts," however ruinous in their character, and whatsoever the na- ture of the security, are to be legalized ; the only exception to these sweeping changes being that national banks, issuing circulating notes are to be limited to seven per cent. Shylock asked only " the due and forfeit of his bond." Let "this section be adopted, let him then present himself in any of our courts, can its judge do other than decide that "the law allows it and the court awards it," monstrous as may 35 have been the usury, and discreditable aa may have been the arts by means of which the unfortunate debtor may have been en- trai)i)ed ? Assuredly not. Shylock, hap- pily, was outwitted, the bond having made no provision for taking even " one jot of blood." Here, the unfortunate debtor, forced by his fiinty-hearted creditor into ;i "special contract" utterly ruinous, may, in view of the destruction of all hope for the future of his wife and children, she<l almost tears of blood, but they will be oi no avail ; yet do we claim to live under a system whose foundation-stone exhibits it- self in the great precept from which we learn that duty requires of us to do to others as we would that others should do unto ourselves. 13y the English law the little landowner, the mechanic who owns the house in which he lives, is protected against his wealthy mortgagee. Here, on the contrary, the farmer, suffering under the effects of blight or drought, and thus deprived of ])ower to meet with punctuality the demands of his mortgagee, is to have no protection what- soever. So, too, with the poor mechanic suffering temporarily by reason of acciden- tal incapacity for work, and, with the sheriff full in view before him, compelled to enter into a "special contract " doubling if not trebling, the previous rate of interest. Infamous as may be its extortion the court may not deny the aid required for its en- forcement. The amount now loaned on mortgage se- curity in this State at six ]ier cent, is cer- tainlv not less than $400,000,000, and prob- ably 'extends to $500,000,000, a large por- tion of which is liable to be called for at any moment. Let this section be adopted and we shall almost at once witness a com- bined movement among mortgagees for raising the rate of interest. Notices de- manding payment will fly thick as hail throughcmt the State, every holder of such security knowing well that the greater the alarm that can be produced and the more utter the impossibility of obtaining other moneys the larger may be made the future rate of interest. The unfortunate mort- gagor must then accept the terms, hard as they may be, dictated to him, be they 8, 10, 12, or 20 per cent. Such, as I am as- sured has been the course of tilings in Con- necticut, where distress the most severe has been produced by a recent abandon- ment by the State of the policy under which it has in the past so greatly pros- pered. At this moment her savings' banks are engaged in compelling mortgagers to accept eight per cent, as the present rate. How long it will be before they will carry it up to ten or twelve, or what will be the ! effect, remains to be seen. Already among I ourselves the effects of the sad blunders <if 1 our great financiers exhibit themselves in 162 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. the very unpleasant fact that sheriffs' sales are six times more numerous than they were in the period from 1861 to 1867, ■when the country was so severely suffering under the waste of property, labor, and life, which had but then oecurred. Let this section be adopted, giving perfect free- dom to the Shylocks of the day, and the next half dozen years will witness the transfer, under the sheriff's hammer, of the larger poi'tion of the real property of both the city and the State. Of all the de- vices yet invented for the subjugation of labor by capital, there is none that can claim to be entitled to take precedence of that wliich nas been now proposed for our consideration. Eightly styled the Keystone of the Union, one duty yet remains to her to be performed, to wit : that of bringing about equality in the distribution of power over that machinery for whose use men pay in- terest, wliich is known as money. New England, being rich and having her peo- ple concentrated within ver}' narrow limits, has been allowed to absorb a portion of that power fully equal to her needs, while this State, richer still, has been so " cabined, cribbed, confined," tliat her mine and fur- nace operators find it difficult to obtain that circulating medium by vtdiose aid alone can they distribute among their workmen their shares of the things pro- duced. — Xew York, already rich, has been allowed to absorb a fourth of the permitted circulation, to tlie almost entire exclusion of the States south of Pennsylvania and Vv'cst of the Mississippi ; and hence it is that her people are enabled to levy upon those of all these latter such enormous taxes. To the work of correcting this enormous evil Petinsylvania should now address licrself. Instead of following in the wake of New .Jersey and Connecticut, thereby giving to the monopoly an increase of strength, let lier place herself side by side wish the suffering States of the West, the Soutli, and tlie Southwest, demanding that what has been made free to New York and New England shall be made equally free to her and tlicm. Let her do tills, and the remedy will be secured, with such increase in the general j)Ower for dc- velof)ing tlie wonderful resources of tlie Union as will speedily make cif it an iron and clotli exporting State, with such power for retaining and controlling the precious metals as will place it on a surer footing in that respect than any of the powers of the Eastern world. The more rapid the socie- tary circulation, and the greater the facili- ty of making exchanges from liand to hand, and from j)lace to place, the greater is the ten(ien(;y toward reduction in the rate of interest, toward equality in tlie con- dition of laborer and enqiloyer, and toward gn^)wtli an<I j)ower to command the services of all the metals, gold and silver in- cluded. It will be said, however, that adoption of such measures as have been indicated would tend to produce a general rise of prices ; or, in the words of our self-styled economists, would cause " inflation." The vulgar error here involved was examined some thirty years since by an eminent British economist, and with a thorough- ness never before exhibited in reference to any other economic question whatsoever, the result exhibiting itself in the follow- ing brief words of a highly distinguished American one, published some twelve or fifteen years since, to wit: " Among the innumerable influences which go to determine the general rate of prices, the quantity of money, or currency, is one of the least effective." Since then we have had a great war, in the course of which there have been numerous and extensive changes in the price of commodities, every one of which is clearly traceable to causes widely differ- ent from those to which they so generally are attributed. Be that, however, as it may, the question now before us is one of right an^ justice, and not of mere expedi- ency. North and east of Pennsylvania eight millions of people have been allowed a greater share of the most im.portant of all powers, the money one, than has been allotted to the thirty-two millions south and west of New York, and have thus been granted a power of taxation that should be no longer tolerated. The basis of our whole system is to be ibund in equality before the law, each and even/ man, each and every State, being entitled to exercise the same powers that are permitted to our people, or other States. If the Union is to be maintained, it can be so on no terms other than those of recognition of the ex- istence of the equality that has here been indicated. To the work of compelling that recognition Pennsylvania should give herself, inscribing on her shield the brief words Jiat justifia, riiat coclum — let justice be done though the heavens fall! SpeccU of Gen. Simon Cameron. On the honcfits derived by renn-tyhmnia from the Pulicy of Internal Imj^rovemcnts. Any one will see, who will take the trouble to read the debates on the location of the National Capital, that the decision of that question seems to have been made solely with reference to a connection of the F/ist with the then great wilderness of the ^^'est. AH the sagacious men then in pub- lie life looked to the time Avlien the West, with its wonderful ])roductive soil brought under subjection by industry, would exer- cise a controlling influence on the destiny BOOKiii.] CAMERON ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. 163 of the country. Columbia, in the State of Pennsylvania, was at one time within one vote of becoming tlie site of the Capital; and Germantown, near, and now a i)art of, Philadelphia, was actually decided on as the })roper location by a majority of one. The first of these was favored because it was believed to be a favorable point from which to begin a slack water route to the west, (terniantown near the Schuylkill, was chosen for the same reason. All looked forward to a system of canals which would accomplish this desirable object, and ex- perience has fully demonstrated their wis- dom in that great design. About 1790, General Washington and the great finan- cier Robert Morris, traveled on horseback from Philadelphia to the Susquehanna river, with a view of deciding whether a canal could be built over that route. Shortly after this, some gentlemen near Philadelphia actually began building a canal to the west, did some work on its eastern end, built one or two locks on the dividing ridge near Lebanon, and for want of sufficient funds and knowledge of the subject the work was stopped. The money expended on the enterprise was lost. But the progressive men of the country, keeping their minds on the subject, con- tinued to agitate the popular mind on it until 1820, wdien the Legislature of Penn- sylvania chartered the Union Canal Com- pany, and appropriated one million dollars to aid its construction. In a few years the canal was completed between the Schuyl- kill and Susquehanna. Although very small, this improvement did a great deal of good. And the most remarkable thing about it was its unpopularity with the masses. Not only the members of General Assembly who passed the bill, but Gov- ernor Heister, who sio;ned the act of in- corporation, were driven from office at the first opportunity legally presented for test- ing public opinion, and the partj'to which they belonged went into a minority. I remember well what a mighty sum a mil- lion dollars seemed to be ; and the politi- cal revolution caused by this appropriation showed me that the idea of its vastness was not confined by any means to myself. Our system of cananals was completed, and the benefits derived from them were incalculable. Whenthey were commenced our State was poor. Industry languished. The interchange of her products was dif- ficult. Population was sparse. Intelli- gence was not generally diffiised. Manu- factures struggled weakly along. Work was not plentiful. Wages "were low. When they were finished the busy hum of indus- try was heard on every hand. Ourpopu-. lation had grown until we numbered mil- lions. Our iron ore beds were yielding their precious hoards for human use. Coal mines, unknown or useless until means were provided for transporting their wealth to market, now sent millions of tons in every direction. Progress in every walk of advanced civilization was realized, and we were on the high road to permanent pros- perity. But in the meantime a new and better means of communication had been discovered, and the building of railroads quickly reduced the value of canals, and the works we had completed at so much cost, and with such infinite labor, were suddenly superseded. We lost nearly all the money they had cost us, but this in- vestment was wisely made. The return to our State was many times greater than the outlay. Like all great projects intended for the public good, that of Internal Improvement progressed. In 1823, the New York canal — which had been j)ushed through against the jjrejudiced opposition of the people, by the genius of De Witt Clinton — was opened. Its success caused a revolution in the public mind all over the country. The effect was so marked in the State, that in 1825 a convention was called to consider the subject. Every county in the State was represented, I believe. That body pronounced in favor of a grand tys- tem of public works, which should not only connect the East and West, but also the waters of the Susquehanna with the great lakes, the West and the North-west. Appropriations were recommended to the amount of three millions of dollars, and in 1826, I think the [work began. This sum seemed to be enormous, and the estimates of the engineers reached a total of six mil- lions of dollars. Meeting an ardent friend of the system one day, he declared that a sum of that magnitude could never be ex- pended on these works. I ventured to re- ply, with great deference to his age and experience, that I thought it would be in- sufficient, and before they were completed I would not be surprised if ten millions would be found necessary. Looking at me steadily for a few moments, he closed the conversation by exclaiming, " Young man, you are a d d fool ! " I was thus left in full possession of his opinion of me. But after we had spent $41,698,594.74 in the construction of these works, I found my estimate of his judgment was singular- ly in harmony with my opinion of his politeness. His candor I never doubted. In the convention of 1825, there were two gentlemen who voted for railways instead of canals. One was professor Vcthake of Dickinson College, Carlisle ; and the other was Jacob Alter, a man of very little edu- cation, but of strong understanding. The professor was looked upon as a dreamer, and was supposed to have led his colle<igue astray in his vagaries. But they both liv^'d to see railroads extended over the whole world. As a 'part of our system of public 164 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. works, we built a railroad from the Dela- ware to the Susquehanna, from Philadel- Y'hia to Columbia, and one from the east- ern base of the Allegheny mountains to their western base. They were originally intended to be used with horse power. In the meantime the railroad system had been commenced, and the Pennsylvania Rail- road, under the charge of a man of extra- ordinary ability, John Edgar Thomj^son, was rapidly pushed to completion. An- other great railway, the Philadelphia and Reading, was built to carry anthracite coal from the Schuylkill mines to the market. A railroad was built each side of the Le- high river, that another part of our coal territory might find a market in New York. Another was built from the north branch of the Susquehanna, connecting with the New York roads, and leading to the northern coal field. And yet another was built along the Susquehanna, through the southern coal basin, to the city of Balti- more. The total cost of these roads, inde- pendent of the Pennsylvania railroad, was 895,250,410.10, as shown by official reports. Their earnings last vear are officiallv given at §24,753,065.32. Each of these was forced to contend with difficulty and prejudice. All were unpopular, and all were looked upon with suspicion until they actually forced their usefulness on the public mind. Those who made the fight for canals were forced to go over the whole ground again for railroads, and their double victory is greater than the success generally vouch- safed to the pioneers in any cause. These roads, with the Pennsylvania railroad and the lesser lines of improvements running through the coal region cost over §207,000,- 000. The Reading Railroad will serve to illus- trate the struggle of these great schemes. Its stock, now worth over par, once sold for twenty cents on the dollar ; and at one time it was forced to sell its bonds at forty cents on the dollar to pay operating expen- ses. The vindication of the sagacity of the pioneers in these great enterprises is com- plete. All these lines are now profitable, and it has been demonstrated everywhere in the United States, that every new rail- road creates the business from which its stockholders receive their dividends. It .'^ecms, therefore, scarcely possible to fix a limit to our profitable railroad expansion. They open new fields of enterprise, and this enterprise in turn, makes the trafiic which fills the coffers of the companies. I cannot now look back to the struggle to imnres.H the pcoi)lc with the advantages of railways, witliout a feeling of wearineps at the seeming ho|)eless struggle, and one of merriment at tin; geucral unbelief in our ncw-fanglofl ])roject. Once at Eli7,al)eth- town in this State a public meeting had been called for the puri)03C of securing subscriptions to the stock of the Harrisburg and Lancaster Railroad. This road was intended to complete the railway l)etween Philadelphia and Harrisburg, one hundred and five miles. A large concourse had gathered. Ovid F. Johnson, Attorney- General of our State, and a brilliant orator, made an excellent speech ; but the effect was not in proportion to the effort. I deter- mined to' make an appeal, and I gave such arguments as I could. In closing I pre- dicted that those now listening to me would see the day when a man could breakfast in Harrisburg, go to Philadelphia, transact a fair day's business there, and returning, eat his supper at home. Great applause followed this, and some additional subscrip- tions. Abram Harnly, a friend of the road, and one of the most intelligent of his class, worked his way to me, and taking me aside whispered, " That was a good idea about going to Philadelphia and back to Harrisburg the same day;" and then, bursting with laughter, he added , — " But you and I know better than that ! " We both lived to see the road built ; and now people can come and go over the distance twice a day, which Abram seemed to con- sider impossible for a single daily trip. The peculiar condition of the States then known as "the West" was the subject of anxiety to many. They had attracted a large population, but the people were ex- clusively devoted to agriculture. Lacking diversified industry, they were without accumulated wealth to enable them to build railways ; nor were the States in con- dition to undertake such an onerous duty, although several of them made a feeble attempt to do so. At one time the bonds of Illinois, issued to build her canals, sold as low as thirty cents on the dollar. So with Indiana. Both States were supposed to be bankrupt. It became, thereiore, an important problem as to how means of commiuiication should be supplied to the people of the West. Congress, in 1846, gave a grant of land to aid in building a railroad in Illinois. Every alternate sec- tion was given to the Company, and each alternate section was reserved by the Gov- ernment, The road was built; and the one-half of the land retained by the gov- ernment sold for a great deal more than all was Worth before the road was con- structed. This idea was original, 1 think, with Mr. Whitney of Mass., who spent two winters in Washington, about 1845, en- deavoring to induce Congress to adopt that plan for the construction of a Trans-Con- tinental Railway. He died before seeing his scheme suc- ceed. Otliers have built a road across the continent on the Central route. Another on the Northern route is now progressing, and the wealth and entcrj)rise of those having it in charge renders its completion BOOKiii.J JOEN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT, 165 certain. And it yet remains for us to give the people of tlie Southern route a road to the Pacific which shall develop the mag- nificent region through which itwillpasa, and give the country one route to the great ocean protected from tlie ordinary diliiculty of climate with which railroads must con- tend over so large a part of our territory. But I am admonished by the value of your space to confine myself to the limits of my own State, I have said that the outlay we have made in building our })ublic works was of great benefit to us even when the canals had been rendered almost valueless through the competition of railroads. This is paradoxical, but it is true nevertheless. That expenditure gave our people a needed knowledge of our vast resources. It familiarized them with large expenditures when made for the public good. And it showed them how a great debt may be beneficially incurred, and yet not break down the enterprise of the people. We at one time owed $41,098,595.74. By a steady attention to our finances, it is now reduced to $31,000,009, with resources, — the pro- ceeds of the sale of pul)lic works — on hand amounting to $10,000,000. And while we have been steadily reducing our State debt, we have built 5,384 miles of railway on the surface of the earth, and 500 miles un- derground in our mines, at a cost of not less than $350,000,000, for a mile of railroad in Pennsylvania means something. We sent 368,000 men to the Federal Army. And our credit stands high on every stock ex- change. Gratifying as this progress is, it is only a fair beginning. There is a large part of our territory rich in timber and full of iron, coal, and all kinds of mineral wealth, so entirely undeveloped by rail- roads that we call it " the Wilderness." To open it up is the business of to-day, and I sincerely hope to see it done soon. Forty years ago George Shoemaker, a young tavern-keeper of more vigor and en- terprise than his neighbors, came to the conclusion that anthracite coal could be used as fuel. He went to the expense of taking a wagon load of it to Philadelphia, a hundred miles away, and, after peddling it about the streets for some days, was forced to give it away, and lose his time, his labor and his coal. He afterwards saw a great railway built to carry the same article to the same point, and enriching thousands from the i)rofits of the traffic. But his ex- perience did not end there. He saw a thousand dollars .paid eagerly for an acre of coal land, which at the time of his ven- ture to Philadelphia, no one would have, and he could not give away. I have thought that a retrospective sur- vey of our wonderful development might point plainly to the duty of the future. For if the experience of what has gone be- fore is not useful to cast light on what is yet to come, then it will be difficult indeed to discover wherein its value lies. It teaches me to devote time and labor for the advancement of all Public Improvements, and I trust it may have a like efiect on all who have the time and patience to read what I have here written. Speech of Hon. John A. Logan, On Self- Governmenl in lyouisiatui, January X'.i and 14, 1875 The Senate having under consideration the resolution submitted by Mr. Sciiuiiz on the 8th of January, directing the Com- mittee of the Judiciary to inquire what legislation is necessary to secure to the peo[)le of the State of Louisiana their rights of Self-government under the Constituiion Mr. Logan said : Mr. President : I believe it is consid- ered the duty of a good sailor to stand by his ship in the midst of a great storm. We have been told in this Chamber that a great storm of indignation is sweeping over this land, which will rend asunder and sink the old republican craft. We have listened to denunciations of the President, of the re- publicans in this Chamber, of the republi- can party as an organization, their acts heretofore and their purposes in reference to acts hereafter, of such a character as has seldom been listened to in this or in any other legislative hall. Every fact on the side of the republican party has been perverted, every falsehood on the part of the opposi- tion has been exaggerated, arguments have been made here calculated to inflame and arouse a certain class of the people of this country against the authorities of the Gov- ernment, based not upon truth but upon manufactured statements which were utter- ly false. The republican party has been characterized as despotic, as tyrannical, as oppressive. The course of the Administra- tion and the party toward the southern i)eo- ple has been denounced as of the most tyrannical character by men who have re- ceived clemency at the hands of this same party. Now, sir, what is the cause of all this vain declamation ? What is the cause of all this studied denunciation? What is the reason for all these accusations made against a party or an administration? I may be mistaken, but, if I am not, this is the commencement of the campaign of 1876. It has been thought necessary on the part of the opposition Senators here to commence, if I may use a homely phrase, a raid upon the republican party and upon this Administration, and to ba.se that upon false statements in reference to the conduct of affairs in the State of Louisiana. I propose in this debate, and I hope I shall not be too tedious, though I may be 166 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. somewhat so, to discuss the question tliat should be presented to the American peo- ple. I pr')pose to discuss tliat question fairly, candidly, and trutiifully. I propose to discuss it from a just, honest, and legal stand-point. Sir, what is that question? There wa-^ a resolution offered in this Cham- ber calling on the President to furnish cer- tain iniormation. A second resolution was introduced, (whether lor the purpose of hanging on it an elaborate speech or not I am not aware,) asking the Committee on the Juduiary to rejjort at once some legis- lation in reierence to Louisiana. Without any facts presented officially arguments have been made, the country has been aroused, and some jjeople have announced themselves in a manner calculated to pro- duce a very sore feeling against the course and conduct of the party in power. I say this is done without the facts; without any basis wliatever ; without any knowledge officially communicated to them in refer- ence to the conduct of any of the parties in the State of Louisiana. In discussing this question we ought to have a stand- point; we ought to have a beginning; some point from which we may all reason and see whether or not any gj-eat outrage has been perpetrated against the rights of the American people or any portion of them. I then propose to start r.t this point, that there is a government in the State of Loui- siana. AVhether that government is a government of right or not is not the ques- tion. Is there a government in that State against which treason, insurrection, or re- bellion, may be committed ? Is there such a government in the State of Louisiana as should require the maintenance of peace and order among the citizens of that State? Is there such a government in the State of Louisiana as requires the exercise of Exec- utive auihority lor the purpose of preserv- ing peace and order within its borders? I ask any Senator on this floor to-day if he can stand up here as a lawyer, as a Sena- tor, as an honest man, and deny the fact that agovernmentdoes exist? Whether he calls it a government dejure or a govern- ment de facto, it is immaterial. It is such an organization as involves the liberties and the protection of the rights of the peo- ple of that State. It will not do for Sena- tors to talk about the election of 1872. The election of 1872 has no more to do with this " military usurj)ation " that you speak of tf)-day than an election of a hundred years ago. It is not a question as to wheth- er this man or that was elected. The question is, is there such a government there :is can be overturned, and has there been an attempt to overturn it? If so, then what is required to preserve its status or preserve the peace and order of the peo- ple? But the other day when I asked the question of a Senator on the other side, who was discussing this (juestion, Avhether or not he indorsed the Penn rcl'cllion, he answered me in a playful numner that excited the mirth of people who did not understand the question, by saying Ihat I had decided that there was no election, and that therefore there was no govern- ment to overturn. Now I ask Senators, I ask men of common understanding if that is the way to treat a question of this kihd ; when asked whether insurrection against a government recognized is not an insur- rection and whether he endorses it, he says there is no government to overturn. It' there is no government to overturn, why do you make this noise and confusion about a Legislature there ? If there is no State government, there is no State Legislature. But I will not answer in that manner. I will not avoid the issue; I will not evade the question. I answer there is a Legislature, as there is a State government, recognized by the President, recognized by the Legislature, recognized by the courts, recognized by one branch of Congress, and recognized by the majority of the citizens by their recognition of the laws of the State; and it will not do to undertake to avoid questions in this manner. Let us see, then, starting from that stand- point, Avhat the position of Louisiana is now, and what it has been. On the 14th day of September last a man by the name of Penn, as to whom we have official in- formation this morning, with some seven or ten thousand white-leaguers made war against that government, overtunud it, dis- persed it, drove the governor from the ex- ecutive chamber, and he had to t;ike refuge under the jurisdiction of the Government of the United States, on the soil occupied by the United States custom-house, where the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States Government extends, for the purpose of protecting his own life. This then was a revolution; this then was a rebellion ; this then was treason against the State, for which these men should have been arrested, tried, and ])un- ished. Let gentlemen dodge the question as they may ; it may be well ibr some men there who engaged in this treasonalile act against the government that tliey had Mr. Kellogg for governor. It might not have been so well ibr them, jierhaps, had there been some other man in his place. I tell the Senator from Maryland if any crowd of armed men shoidd undertake to disperse the government of the State of Illinois, drive its governor from the executive chamber, enter into his private drawers, take his private letters, ami jniblish them, and act as those men did, some of them would pay the penalty either in the pcui- BOOK III.] JOHN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT. 167 tciituuy or by dancing at the end of a rope. But when this rebellion was going on against that State, these gentlemen say it was a 8tate affair; the (loverunient of the United States has nothing to do with it! That is the old-fashioned seeession doctrine again. The government of the United vStates has nothing to do willi it! Tliis national government is made uj) of Stales, and each State is a part of the Government, each is a part of its life, of its body. It takes them all to nuike up the whole; and treason against any part of it is treason against the whole of it, and it became the duty of the President to i)ut it down, as he did do ; and, in putting down that treason against the Kellogg government, the whole country almost responded favorably to his action. But our friend from Maryland, not in his seat now, [Mr. Hamilton | said that that was part of the cause of the elections going as they diil. In other words, my friend from Maryland undertook in a round- about way to endorse the Penn rebellion, and claim that people of the country did the same thing against the government of the State of Louisiana, and on this floor since this discussion has been going on, not one Senator on that side of the cham- ber has lisped one word against the rebel- lion against the government of the State of Louisiana, and all who have spoken of it have passed it by in silence so as to indi- cate clearly that they endorse it, and I be- lieve they do. Then, going further, the President issued his proclamation requiring those insurgents to lay down their arms and to resume their peaceful pursuits. This morning we have heard read at the clerk's desk that these men have not yet complied fully with that proclamation. Their rebellious organiza- tion continued up to the time of the elec- tion and at the election. When the elec- tion took place, we are told by some of these St'iiators that the election was a peaceable, and a fair election, that a major- ity of democrats were elected. That is the question we propose to discuss as well as we are able to do it. They tell us that there was no intimidation resorted to by any one in the State of Louisiana. I dis- like very much to follow out these state- ments that are not true and attempt to controvert them because it does seem to nie that we ought to act fairly and candidly in this Chamber and discuss questions without trying to pervert the issue or the facts in connection with it. Now, I state it .as a fact, and I appeal to the Senator from Louisiana to say whether or not I state truly, that on the night be- fore the election in Louisiana notices were posted all over that country on tlie doors of the colored republicans and the white republicans, too, of a character giving them tf) under-taad tiiat if ihey voted their livcv-* would be in dang(;r ; and here is one ol the notices posted all over that country : 2x6 This " 2 X G " was to show the length and wiilth of the grave they would have. Not only that, but the negroes that they could impose upon and get to vote the democratic ticket received, after they had voted, a card of safety ; and here is that card issued to the colored people whom they had in- duced to vote the democratic ticket, so that they might present it if any white-leaguers should undertake to plunder or murder them : New Orleans, Nov. 28, 1874. T/iW is to certify that Cltarles Durassa, a barber by occupation, is a Member of the 1st Ward Colored Vemocriitic Oliib, and thai at the ItUe election he voted for ioid worked iu the interests of the Democratic Can- didates. WILLIAM ALEXANDEH. President 1st Ward Col'd Uemocralic Club. NICK HOPE, Secretary. KooMS Democratic Parish Committee. Keiv Orleans, Nov. 2S, 1874- The tindersirined, Speci<d ComnUitee. appointed on behalf of the Parish Committee, approve of the above Certificate. ED. FLOOD. Chatrnmn. PAUL WATEUMAX. Attest: H J. RIVET. J. II. HARDY, AssH Sec. Parish Committee. These were the certificates given to negroes who voted the democratic ticket, that they might present them to save their lives when attacked by the men commonly known as Ku-Klux or white leaguers in that country ; and we are told that there is no intimidation in the State of Louisiana! Our friend from Georgia [Mr. (tORDOx] has been very profuse in his declamation as to the civility and good order and good bearing of the people of Louisiana and the otiier Southern States. But, sir, this intimidation continued up to the election. After the election, it was necessary for the governor of that State to i)rocced in some manner best calculated to preserve the peace and order of the country. 168 A3IERICAN POLITICS. [book m. Now, Mr. President, I want to ask can- did, honest, fair-minded men, after read- ing tlie report of General Sheridan showing the fnurder, not for gain, not for pkmder, but for political opinions in the last few years of thirty-five hundred persons in the State of Louisiana, all of them republi- cans, not one of them a democrat — I want to ask if they can stand here before this countTf and" defend the democratic party of Louisiana ? I put this question to them for they have been here for days crying against the wrongs upon the democracy of Louisiana. I want any one of them to tell me if he is prepared to defend the de- mocracy of Louisiana. What is your de- mocracy of Louisiana? You are excited, your extreme wrath is aroused at General "Sheridan because he called your White Leagues down there "banditti." I ask you if the murder of thirty-five hundred men in a short time for political purposes by a band of men banded together for the pur- pose of murder does not make them ban- ditti, what it does make them? Does it make them democrats? It certainly does not make them republicans. Does it make them honest men? It certainly does not. Does it make them law-abiding men? It certainly does not. Does it make them peaceable citizens ? It certainly does not. But what does it make them ? A band of men banded together and perpetrating mur- derin their ownState? Webster says a ban- dit is " a lawless or desperate fellow ; a robber; a brigand," and "banditti" are men banded together for j^lunder and murder ; and what are your White Leagues banded together for if the result proves that they are banded together for murder for political purposes? O, what a crime it was in Sheridan to say that these men were banditti ! He is a wretch. From the papers he ought to be hanged to a lamp-post ; from the Senators he is not fit to breathe the free air of heav- en or of this free Republic ; but your mur- derers of thirty-five hundred people for political oflenses are fit to breathe the air of this country and are defended on this floor to-day, and they are defended here by tlie democratic party, and you cannot avoid or escape the proposition. You have denounced republicans for trying to keep the peace in Louisiana; you have de- nounced the Administration for trying to 8up])re-,s bloodshed in Louisiana ; you have denouMce(l all for tlic same purpose; but not one word has fallen from the lips of a solitary democratic Senator denouncing these wholesale murders in I^ouisiana. You liave said, " I am sorry these things are done," but you have defendetl tlu; White Leagues; you have defended I'enn; you have defended rebellion; and you "ptaiid here to-day the a])ologists of murder, of rebellion, and of treason in that State. I want to ask the judgment of an honest country, I want to ask the judgment of the moral sentiments of the law-abiding people of this grand and glorious Republic to tell me whether men shall murder by the score, whether men shall trample the law under foot, whether men shall force judges to re- sign, whether men shall force prosecuting attorneys to resign, whether men shall take five officers of a State out and hang or shoot them if they attemjrt to exercise the fiuic- tions of their office, whether men shall ter- rify the voters and office-holders of a State, whether men shall undertake in violation i of law to organize a Legislature for revolu- • tionary purposes, for the purpose of putting ' a governor in possession and taking pos- session of the State and then ask the democracy to stand by them — I appeal to the honest judgment of the people of this ■ land and ask them to respond whether this j was not an excusable case when this man u used the Army to protect the life of that ' State and to preserve the peace of that . people ? Sir, the man who will not use all i the means in his power to preserve the na- • tionality, the integrity of this Government, . the integrity of a State or the peace and ! happiness of a people, is not fit to govern, , he is not fit to hold position in this or any ■ other civilized age. Does liberty mean wholesale slaughter? Does republican government mean tyranny and oppression of its citizens? Does an intelligent and enlightened age of civiliza- tion mean murder and pillage, bloodshed at the hands of Ku-Klux or White Leagues or anybody else, and if any one attempts to put it down, attempts to reorganize and produce order where chaos and confusion i laave reigned, they are to be denounced as tyrants, as oppressors, and as acting against republican institutions? I say then the happy days of this Republic are gone. When we fail to see that republicanism means nothing, that liberty means nothing but the unrestrained license of the mobs to do as they please, then republican govern- ment is a failure. Liberty of the citizen means the right to exercise such rights as are prescribed within tlie limits of the law so that he does not in the exercise of these rights infringe the rights of other citizens. But the definition is not well made by our friends on the op])osite side of this Cham- ber. Their idea of liberty is license ; it is not liberty, but it is license. License to do what? License to violate law, to trample constitutions under foot, to take life, to take ])ro]ierty, to use the bludgeon and the gun or anything else for the purpose ot giving themselves power. What statesman ever heard of that as a definition of liberty? What man in a civilized age has ever heard of liberty being the unrestrained license of the jieople to do as they please without any restraint of law or of authority? No man, BooKiii.J JOHN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT. 169 no not one until we found the democratic party, would advocate this proposition and indorse and encourage this kiud of license in a free country. Mr. President, I have perhaps said more (111 this question of Louisiana than mi^ht hiive been well for nie to say on account of niv strenti:th, but what I have said about it I have said because I honestly believed it. WHiat I have said in reference to it comes ipiiu an honest conviction in my mind and in my heart of what has been done to sup- press violence and wronj^. I5at I have a li w remarks in conclusion to submit now [i> niv friends on the other side, in answer \>> what they have said not by way of ar- ■iiiuent but by way of accusation. You - ly to us — I had it re])eated to me this innrninij; in private conversation — "With- draw your troops from Louisiana and you will have peace." Ah, I heard it said on litis lloor once "Withdraw your troops troin Louisiana and your State government will not la-it a minute." I heard that said tVoiu the opposite si<le of the Chamber, and II' iw you say " Withdraw your troops from JjDLiisian-i and you will have peace." Mr. President, I dislike to refer to things that are past and gone ; I dislike to have my mind called back to things of the past; but I well remember the voice in thi- Chamber once that rang out -nd was heard throughout this land, "Withdraw your troops from Fort Sumter if you want peace." I heard that said. Now it is Withdraw your troops from Louisiana if you want peace." Yes, I say, withdraw your troops from Louisiana if you want a revolution, and that is what is meant. But, sir, we are told, and doubtless it is be- lieved by the Senators who tell us so, who denounce the republican party, that it is tyrannical, oppressive, and outrageous. They have argued the-nselves into the idea that they are patriots, pure and undetiled, They hive argued themselves into the idea that the democratic party never did any wrong. They have been out of power so long that they have convinced themselves that if they only had control of this coun- try for a short time, what a glorious coun- try they would make it. They had control for nearly forty long years, and while they were the agents of this country — I appeal to history to bear me out — they made the Government a bankrupt, with rebellion and treason in the land, and were then svmpalhizing with it wherever it existed. That is the condition in which they left the country when they hail it in tlieir pos- session and within their cmtrol. But they say the republican party is a tyrant ; that it is oppressive. As I have said, I wish to make a few suggestions to my friends in answer to this accusation — ojipressive to whom? They say to the South, that the republican party has tyrannized over the South. Let me ask you how has it tvran- nized over the South'? Witlumt spL-ukin" of our troubles and trials through which we l)assed, I will say this: at the end of a rebellion that scourged this land, that drenched it with blood, that devastated a portion of it, left us in debt and almost bankrupt, what did the republican party do? Instead of leaving these our friend.s and citizens to-day in a territorial condi- tion where we might exercise jurisdiction over them for the next coming twenty years, where we might have deprived them of the rights of members on this floor, what did we do? We reorganized them into States, admitted them back into the Union, and through the clemency of the re]tubli- can jiarty we admitted representatives on this lloor who had thundered against the gates of lil)erty Jbr ibur bloody years. Is that the tyranny and oppression of which you complain at the hands of the republi- can i)arty? Is that a part of our oppres- sion against you southern people? Let Us go a little further. When the armed democracy, for that is wliat they were, laid down their arms in tlie Sou;hern States, after disputing the right of freedom and liberty in this land for four years, how did the republican [larty show itself in its acts of tyranny and opjiression toward you ? You appealed to them for clemency. Did you get it? Not a man was punished for his treason. Not a man ever knocked at the d<)f)rs of a republican Congress for a pardon who did not get it. Not a man ever petitioned the generosity of the repub- lican party to be excused for his crimes who was not excused. Was that oppres- sion upon the part of the republicans in this land ? Is that a part of the oppression of which you accuse us ? Let us look a little further. We find to-day twenty-seven democratic Represent- atives in the other branch of Congress who took arms in their hands and tried to de- stroy this Government holding commis- sions there by the clemency of the repub- lican party. We find in this Chamber by the clemency of the republican party three Senators who held such commissions. Is that tyranny; is that oppression; is that the outrage of this republican party on you southern people? Sir, when Jefi" Davis, the head of the great rebellion, who roams the land free as air, North, South, East, and West, makes democratic speeches wherever invited, and the vice-])resident of the southern rebellion holds his scat in the other House of Congress, are we to be told that we are tyrants, and oppressing the southi rn people? These tilings may sound a little hansh, but it i-: time to tell the truth in this country. The time has come to talk facts. The time ha« come when cowards should hide, and honest men should come to the front and tell you plain, 170 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. honest truths. You of the South talk to us about oppressing you. You drenched your land in blood, caused ^veeping throughout this vast domain, covered the land iu weeds of mourning both North and South, widowed thousands and orphaned many, made the pension-roll as long as an army-list, made the debt that grinds the poor of this land — for all these things you have been pardoned, and yet you talk to us about oppression. So much for the op- pression of the republican party of your patriotic souls and selves. Next coines the President of the United States. He is a tyrant, too. He is an oppressor still, in conjunction with the republican party. Oppressor of what ? Who has he oppressed of your Southern people, and when, and where? When your Ku-Klux, banded to- gether for murder and plunder in the Southern States, were convicted by their own confession, your own representatives pleaded to the President and said, " Give them pardon, and it will reconcile many of the southern people." The President pardoned them; pardoned them of their murder, of their plunder, of their piracy on land ; and for this I suppose he is a tyrant. M<ire than that, sir, this tyrant in the White House has done more for you south- ern people than you ought to have asked him to do. He has had confidence in you until you betrayed that confidence. He has not only pardoned the oifences of the South, pardoned the criminals of the dem- ocratic party, but he has i>laced in high official position in this Union some of the leading men who fought in the rebellion. He luus put in his Cabinet one of your men ; lie ha-* made governors of Territories of Kome of your leading men who fought in the rebellion ; he has sent on foreign missions abroad some of your men wlio warred against this country ; he has placed others in the Departments ; and has tried to reconcile you in every way on earth, by appealing to your people, by recognizing them and forgiving tliem for their oflenses, an<l ior these acts of generosity, for these acts of kindness, he is arraigned to-day as a CiTsar, as a tyrant, as an oppressor. Such kindness in return as the Presi- dent has received from these people will mirk itself in the history of generosity. O, but say Ihey, (Jrant wants to opI)re^^s the While Leagues in Lonisiaiia; therefore he is an oppressor. Ye-<, Mr. President, Grant does <h'sire that these men sliould qu:t tlu'ir every-day chivalric sports of gunning U'on ncgroe.s ,and republicans. He asks kirnlly tliat you stop it. He says to you, " '1 li it is all I want you to do ; " and you say thit you are desirous that tliey shall quit it. You have but to say it and they will (piit it. It is because you have never suiu it that they have not quit it. It is in the power of the democratic party to-day but to speak in tones of majesty, of honor, and justice in favor of human lile, and your Ku-Klux and murderers will stop. But you do not do it ; and that is the reason they do not stop. In States where it has been done they have stopped. But it will not do to oppress those people ; it will not do to make them submit and subject them to the law ; it will not do to stop these gentlemen in their daily sports and in their lively recreations. They ai'e "White Leagues; they are banded together as gentlemen ; they are of southern blood; they are of old southern stock ; they are the chivalry of days gone by; they are knights of the bloody shield ; and the shield must not be taken from them. Sirs, their shield will be taken from them ; this country will be aroused to its danger ; this country will be aroused to do justice to its citizens ; and when it does, the perpetrat- ors of crime may fear and tremble. Ty- ranny and oppression I A people who without one word of opposition allows men who have been the enemies of a govern- ment to come into these legislative Halls and make laws for that government to be told that they are oppressors is a monstros- ity in declanuition and assertion. Who ever heard of such a thing before ? Who ever believed that such men could make such charges ? Yet we are tyrants ! Mr. President, the reading of the title of that bill from the House only reminds me of more acts of tyranny and ojipression of the republican party, and there is a contin- uation of the f<ame great ollenses constant- ly going on in this Chamber. But some may say " It is strange to see Logan de- fending the President of the United States." It is not strange to me. I can disagree with the President when I think he is wrong; and I do not blame him lor disagreeing with me ; but when these at- tacks are made, coming from where they do, I am ready to stand from the rising sun in the morning to the setting sun in the evening to defend every act of his in connection with this matter before us. I nuiy have disagreed with I'resident Grant in many things; but I was calling attention to the men who have been ac- cusing him here, on this floor, on the ' stump, and in the other House; the kind of men who do it, tlie manner of its doing, the sharpness of the shafts that are sent at him, the poisonous barbs that they bear with them, and from these men who, at his hands, liave received more clemency than any men ever received at the hands of any President or any man wlio governed a <ountry. ^^'hy, sir, 1 will appeal to the soldiers of the rebel army to testily in be- half of what I say in del'cnse of President Grant — the honorable men who fought against the country, if there was honor in p.ooicnr.] JAMES G. BLAINE ON A FALSE ISSUE. 171 .I'liii'j; it. Whiit will be their testimony? Il will be that he i-iptured your armed de- nidcraey of the Kouth, he treated them kindly, turned them loose, with their horses, with their wagons, with their pro- visions; treated them as men, and not as pirates. Grant built no prison-pens for the southern soldiers; (irant provided no starvation for southern men; Clrant pro- vided no "dead-lines" upon which to shoot southern soldiers if they crossed them; ({rant provided no outra':i;eous pun- ishment against these people that now call him a tyrant, (lenerous to a i'ault in all his actions toward the men who Avere fight- ing his country and destroying the consti- tution, that man to-day is denounced u.d a veryCa'sar! ^_ i5hoffnah~Titis not been denounced, but the only reason is that he Avas not one oi' the actors in this transaction ; but I want now to say to my friends on the other side, especially to my friend from Delaware, who rej)eated his bitter denunciation against Sheridan yesterday — and I say this in all kindness, because I am speaking what future history will bear me out in — when Sheridan and Grant and Sherman, and others like them, are forgotten in this country, you will have no country. When the democratic party is rotten for centu- ries in its grave, the life, the course, the conduct of these men will live as bright as the noonday sun in the heart of every pa- triotofa republic like the American Union. Sirs, you may talk about tyranny, you may talk about oppression, you may denounce these men ; their glory may fade into the darkness of night; but that darkness will be a brilliant light compared with the darkness of the democratic party. Their pathway is illuminated by glory ; yours by dark deeds against the Government. That is a dilTerence which the country will bear witness to in future history when speaking of this country and the actors on its stage. '^-. . ^ . Now, Mr. President, I have a w6ra to say about our duty. A great many people are asking, what shall we do? Plain and simple in my judgment is the proposition. I say to republicans, do not be scared. No man is ever hurt by doing an honest act and performing a patriotic duty. If we are to have a war of words outside or in- side, let us have them in truth and sober- ness, but in earnest. What then is our duty? I did not believe that in 1872 there were official data upon which we could de- cide who was elected governor of Louisi- ana. But this is not the point of my argu- ment. It is that the Presitlent has recog- nized Kellogg as governor of that State, and he has acted for two years. The Legisla- ture of the State has recognized him; the supreme court of the State has recognized huu ; one branch of Congress has recog- nized him. The duty is plain, and that ia for this, the other branch of Congress, to do it, and that settles the (juestion. Then, when it does it, your duty ii plain and sim- ple, and as the President has tuld you, he will perform his without Icar, favor, or af- fection. Recognize the governjient that revolution has been against and intended to overthrow, and leave the President to his duty, and he will do it. That is what to do. Sir, we have been told that this old craft is rapidly going to pieces; that the angry waves of dissension in the land are lashing against her sides. We are told that she is sinking, sinking, sinking to tlu; bottom of the i)olitical ocean. Is that true? Is it true that this gallant old party, that this gal- lant old ship that lias sailed through troubled seas before is going to be stranded now upon the rock of fury that has been set Uj) by a clamor in this Chamber and a few newspapers in the country ? Is it true that the party that saved this couniry in all its great crises, in all its great trials, is sinkiiig to-day on account of its fear and trembling before an inferior enemy? I hope not, I re'nember, sir, once I was told that the old republican ship was gone ; but when I steadied myself on the shores bounding the political ocean of strife and commotion, I looked afar olF and there I could see a vessel bounding the boisterous billows Avith white sails unfurled, marked on her sides " Freighted with the hopes of mankind," Avhile the great Mariner above, as her helmsman, steered her, navigated her to a haven of rest, of peace, and of safety. You liave but to look again upon that broad ocean of political commotion to-day, and the time will soon come Avhen the same old craft, provided with the same cargo, will be seen, flying the same flag, passing through these tempestuous waves, anchoring herself at the shores of honesty and justice, and there she Avill lie undis- turbed by strife and tumu't, again in peace and safety. [^Manifestations of applause in the galleries.] Speech ot Hon. James G. Blaine, of Mainci On the False Ixsue raisctj bi/ the Democralic Pirlit, De- livered ill the tienute of the I'nited Stales, Muttd-.iy, April 14, 1879. The Senate having under consideration the bill (H. E,. No. 1,) making ajipropria- tions for the support of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes — Mr. Blaine said: Mr. Pkesidkn'T: The existing section of the Revised Statutes numbered 2002 reads thus : No military or naval officer, or other person engaged in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, shall 172 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. order, bring, keep or have under his au- thority or control, any troops or armed men at the place where any general or special election is held in any State, unless it be necessary to repel the armed enemies of the United' States, c^r to keep the peace at the polls. The object of the proposed section, which has just been read at the Clerk's desk, is to get rid of the eight closing words, name- ly, "or to keep the peace at the polls," and therefore the mode of legislation pro- posed in the Army bill now before the Senate is an unusual mode ; it is an extra- ordinary mode. If you want to take ofl' a single sentence at the end of a section in the Revised Statutes the ordinary way is to strike off those words, but the mode chosen in this bill is to repeat and re-en- act the whole section leaving tliose few ■words out. While I do not wish to be needlessly suspicious on a small point I am quite'persuaded that this did not hap- pen by accident but that it came by design. If I may so speak it came of cunning, the intent being to create the impression that whereas the republicans in the adminis- tration of the General Government had been using troops right and left, hither and thither, in every direction, as soon as the democrats got power they enacted this section. I can imagine democratic candi- dates for Congress all over the country reading this section to gaping and listen- ing audiences as one of the first offsprings of democratic reform, whereas every word of it, every syllable of it, from its first to its last, is the enactment of a republican Congress. I repeat that this unusual form presents a dishonest issue, whether so intended or not. It presents the issue that as soon as the democrats got possession of the Fed- eral Government they proceeded to enact the clause which is thus expressed. The law Avas passed by a re]niblican Congress in 18(35. There were forty-six Senators sitting in this Chamber at that time, of whom only ten or at most eleven were democrats.' The House of Rejiresentativcs was overwhelmingly republican. We were in the midst of a war. The republican ad- ministration liad a million or possibly twelve hundred thousand bayonets at its command. Thus circumstanced and thus Burrouudcd, with the amplest possible power to interfere with elections had they so designed, with soldiers in every hamlet and county of the United States, the re- publican jiarty themselves placed that ])ro- vision on the Htatute-l)onk, and Abraham Lincoln, their President, signed it. I beg you to ol)serve, !Mr. President, that this is the first instance in the legisla- tion of tlie United States in which any re- strictive clause wliatever was put upon the Statute-book in regard to the use of troops at the polls. The republican party did it with the Senate and the House in their control. Abraham Lincoln signed it when he was Commander-in-Chief of an army larger than ever Napoleon Bonaparte had at his command. So much by way of cor- recting an ingenious and studied attempt at misrepresentation. The alleged object is to strike out the few words that authorize the use of troops to keep peace at the polls. This country has been alarmed, I rather think indeed amused, at the great effort made to create a widespread impi-ession that the republi- can party relies for its popular strength upon the use of the bayonet. This demo- cratic Congress has attempted to give a bad name to this country throughout the civilized world, and to give it on a false issue. They have raised an issue that has no foundation in fact — that is false in whole and detail, false in the charge, false in all the specifications. That impression sought to be created, as I say, not only throughout the North American continent but in Eui'ope to-day, is that elections are attempted in this country to be controlled by the bayonet. I denounce it here as a false issue. I am not at liberty to say that any gentle- man making this issue knows it to be false; I hope he does not; but I am going to prove to him that it is false, and that there is not a solitary inch of solid earth on which to rest the foot of any man who makes that issue. I have in my hand an official transcript of the location and the number of all the troops of the United States east of Omaha. By "east of Omaha," I mean all the United States east of the Mississippi river and that belt of States that border the Mississippi river on the west, includ- ing forty-one million at least out of the forty-five million of people that this coun- try is supposed to contain to-day. In that magnificent area, I will not pretend to state its extent, but with forty-one million people, how many troops of the United States are there to-day? Would any Sen- ator on the opposite side like to guess, or would he like to state how many men M'ith muskets in their hands there are in the vast area I have named? There are two thousand seven hundred and ninety -seven I And not one more. From the headwaters of the Mississippi River to the lakes, and down the great chain of lakes, and down the Saint Law- rence and down the valley of the Saint .John and down the St. Croix striking the Atlantic Ocean and following it down to Key West, around the Gulf, up to the mouth of the Mississipju again, a frontier of eight thous.'ind miles either bordering on the ocean or upon loreign territory is guarded by these troo])s. Witliin this do- nuiiu forty-five fortifications are manned BOOK III.] JAMES G. BLAINE ON A FALSE ISSUE. 173 and eleven arsenals protected. There are sixty troops to every million of people. In the South I have the entire number in each State, and will give it. And the entire South has eleven hun- dred and fifty-five soldiers to intiniiilate, overrun, oppress and destroy the liber- ties of fifteen million i)eople ! In the Southern States there are twelve hundred and three counties. If you distribute the soldiers there is not quite one for each county ; and when I give the counties I give them from the census of 1870. If you distribute them territorially there is one for every seven hundred square miles of territory, so that if you make a terri- torial distribution, I would remind the honorable Senator from Delaware, if I saw him in his seat, that the quota for his State would be three — " one ragged sergeant and two abreast," as the old song has it. [Laughter. | That is the force ready to destroy the liberties of Delaware ! Mr. President, it was said, as the old maxim has it, that the soothsayers of Eome could not look each other in the face without smiling. There are not two democratic Senators on this floor who can go into the cloak-room and look each other in the face Avithout smiling at this talk, or, more appropriately, I should say without blushing — the whole thing is such a prodigious and absolute farce, such a miserably manufactured false issue, such a pretense without the slightest founda- tion in the world, and talked about most and denounced the loudest in States that have not and have not had a single Federal soldier. In New England we have three hundred and eighty soldiers. Throughout the South it does not run quite seventy to the million people. • In New England we have absolutely one hundred and twenty soldiers to the million. New England is far more overrun to-day by the Federal soldier, immensely more, than the whole South is. I never heard anybody complain about it in New England, or express any great fear of his liberties being endangered by the presence of a handful of troops. As I have said, the tendency of this talk is to give us a bad name in Europe. Re- publican institutions are looked upon there with jealousy. Every misrepresentation, every slander is taken up and exaggerated and talked about to our discredit, and the democratic party of the country to-day stand indicted, and I here indict them, for public slander of their country, creating the impression in the civilized world that we are governed by a ruthless military despotism. I wonder how amazing it would be to any man in Europe, familiar as Europeans are with great armies, if he were told that over a territory larger than France and Spain and Portugal and Great Britain and Holland and Belgium and the (Jerman Eni[.ire all combined, llicre were but eleven hundred and fifty-five soldiers! That is all this democratic howl, this mad cry, this i'alse issue, this absurd talk is l)ased on — the presence of eleven hundred and fifty-five soldiers on eight luimlred and filty thousand sqtiare miles of terri- tory, not double the nundjer of the demo- cratic police in the city of Baltimore, not a third of the police in the city of New York, not double the democratic police in the city of New Orleans. I repeat, the number indicts them ; it stamps the whole cry as without any foundation; it derides the issue as a false and scandalous and partisan makeshift. What then is the real motive underlying this movement? Senators on that side, democratic orators on the stump cannot make any sensible set of men at the cross- roads believe that they are afraid of eleven hundred and fifty-five soldiers distributed one to each county in the South. The minute you state that, .everybody sees the utter, palpable and laughable al)surdity of it, and therefore we must go further and find a motive for all this cry. We want to find out, to use a familiar and vulgar phrase, what is "the cat under the meal." It is not the troops. That is evident. There are more troops by fifty per cent, scattered through the Northern States east of the Mississippi to-day than through the Southern States east of the Mississippi, and yet nobody in the North speaks of it; everybody would be laughed at for speak- ing of it; and therefore the issue, I take no riskin stating, I make bold to declare, that this issue on the troops, ])eing a false one, being one without foundation, con- ceals the true issue, which is simply to get rid of the Federal presence at Federal elections, to get rid of the civil potcer of the United States in the election of Repre- sentatives to the Congress of the United States. That is the Avhole of it ; and dis- guise it as you may there is nothing else in it or of it. You simply want to get rid of the super- vision by the Federal Government of the election of Representatives to Congress through civil means; and therefore this bill connects itself directly with another bill, and you cannot discuss this military bill without discussing a bill which we had before us last winter, known as the legislative, executive, and judicial appro- priation bill. I am quite well aware, I profess to be as well aware as any one, that it is not permissible for me to discuss a bill that is pending before the other House. I am quite well aware tlmt pro- jirietyand parliaiiiontaiy rule forbid th'itl should speak of what is "done in the House of Representatives ; but I know very well that I am not forbidden to speak of that 174 AMERICAN POLITICS. [nooK III. which is not done in the House of Repre- sentatives. I am quite free to speak of the things that are not done there, and there- fore I am free to declare that neither this militarj- bill nor the legislative, executive, and judicial appropriation bill ever emanated from any committee of the House of Representatives at all ; they are not the work of any committee of the House of Representatives, and, although the present House of Representatives is almost evenly balanced in party division, no solitary sug- gestion has been allowed to come from the minority of that House in regard to the shaping of these bills. Where do they come h-om ? We are not left to infer ; we are not even left to the Yankee privilege of guessing, because we know. The Sena- tor from Kentucky [Mr. Beck] obligingly told us — I have his exact words here — "that the honorable Senator from Ohio [Mr. Thurman] was the chairman of a committee appointed by the democratic party to see how it was best to present all these questions before us." We are told, too, rather a novel thing, that if we do not take these laws, we are not to have the appropriations. I believe it has been announced in both branches of Congress, I suppose on the authority of the democratic caucus, that if we do not take these bills as they are planned, we shall not have any of the appropriations that go with them. The honorable Senator from West Virginia [3Ir. Hereford] told it to xis on Friday ; the honorable Senator from Ohio [Mr. Thurjian] told it to us last session ; the honorable Senator from Ken- tucky [Mr. Beck] told it to us at the same time, and I am not permitted to speak of the legions who told us so in the other House. They say all these appropriations are to be refused — not merely the Army approj)riation, ibr they do not stop at that. Look lor a moment at the legislative bill that came from the democratic caucus. Here is an appropriation in it for defray- ing the expenses of the Supreme Court and the circuit and district courts of the United States, including the District of Columbia, &c., "$2,800,000: " Provided "—provided what? That the following sections of the Re- vised Statutes relating to elections — going on to recite them — he repealed. That is, you will pass an appropriation for the support of the ju<liciary of the United States only on condition of this re- peal. Wc often speak .of this government being divided l)etwecn three great depart- ments, the executive, the legislative, and the judicial — co-ordinate, independent, <''iual. The legislative, under the control oi a democratic caucus, now steps forw.ird and says, " We olfer to the Ejtecative tiiis bill, and if he docs not sign it, we are go- ing U) stJiTve the judiciary." Tliat in car- rying the thing a little further than I have ever known. We do not merely propose to starve the Executive if he will not sign the bill, but we propose to starve the judiciary that has had nothing whatever to do with the question. That has been boldly avowed on this floor ; that has been boldly avowed in the other House ; that has been boldly avowed in democratic papers throughout the country. And you proi)Ose not merely to starve the judiciary but you jn-opose that you will not appropriate a solitary dollar to take care of this Capitol. The men who take care of this great amount of public prop- erty are provided for in that bill. You say they shall not have any pay if the President will not agree to change the elec- tion laws. There is the public printing that goes on for the enlightenment of the whole country and for printing the public documents of every one of the Depart- ments. You say they shall not have a dollar for public printing unless the Pres- ident agrees to repeal these laws. There is the Congressional Library that has become the pride of the whole Ameri- can peojile for its magnificent growth and extent. You say it shall not have one dol- lar to take care of it, much less add a new book, unless the President signs these bills. There is the Dei)artment of State that we think throughout the historj' of the Gov- ernment has been a great pride to this country for the ability with which it has conducted our foreign aflairs ; it is also to be starved. You say we shall not have any intercourse with foreign nations, not a dollar shall be appropriated therelbr unless the President signs these bills. There is the Light-House Board that provides for the beacons and the warnings on seventeen thousand miles of sea and gulf and lake coast. You say those lights shall all go out and not a dollar shall be appropriated for the board if the President does not sign these bills. There are the mints of the United States at Philadelphia, New Or- leans, Denver, San Francisco, coining sil- ver and coining gold — not a dollar shall be appropriated for them if the President does not sign these bills. There is the Patent Oflice, the patents issued which embody the invention of the country — not a dollar for them. The Pension Bureau shall cease its operations unless these bills are signed and patriotic soldiers may starve. The Agricultural Bureau, the Post Office De- jiartment, every one of the great executive functions of theCovernment is threatened, taken by the throat, highwayman-style, collared on the highway, commanded to stand and deliver in the name of the dem- ocratic congressional caucus. That is what it is ; simply that. No committee of this Congress in either branch has ever recom- BOOK III.] JAMES G. BLAINE ON A FALSE ISSUE. 175 mended that letrislation — not one. Simply a democratic caucus has done it. Of course this is new. We are learning something every day. I think you may search tlie records of the Federal Govern- ment in vain ; it will take Home one much more industrious in that search than I have ever been, and much more oljservant than I have ever been, to find any possible parallel or any possible suggestion in our past history of any such thing. Most of the Senators who sit in this Chamber can remember some vetoes by Presidents that shook this country to its centre with ex- citement. The veto of the national-bank bill by Jackson in 1832, remembered by the oldest in this Chamber ; the veto of the national-bank bill in 1841 by Tyler, re- membered by those not the oldest, shook this country with a political excitement which up to that time had scarcely a i)aral- lel ; and it Avas believed, whether rightluUy or wrongfully is no matter, it was believed by those who advocated those financial measures at the time, that they were of the very last importance to the well-being and prosperity of the people of the Union. That was believed by the great and shin- ing lights of that day. It was believed by that man of imperial character and im- perious will, the great Senator from Ken- tucky. It was believed by Mr. Webster, the greatest of New England Senators. When Jackson vetoed the one or Tyler ve- toed the other, did you ever hear a sug- gestion that those bank charters should be put on ajipropriation bills or that there should not be a dollar to run the Govern- ment until they were signed ? So far from it tliat, in 1841, when temper was at its height ; when the whig party, in addition to losing their great measure, lost it under the sting and the irritation of what they bclii'vcd was a desertion by tae President whom they had chosen ; and when Mr. Clay, goaded bj'' all these considerations, rose to debate the question rn the Senate, he repelled the suggestion of William C. Rives, of Virginia, who attempted to make upon him the point that he had injlulged in some threat involving the independence of the Executive. Mr. Clay rose to his full height and thus responded : " I said nothing whatever of any obliga- tion on the part of the President to con- form his judgment to the opinions of the Senate and the House of Eepresentatives, although the Senator argued as if I had, and persevered in so arguing after repeated correction. I said no such thing. I know and I respect the perfect independence of each department, acting within its proper sphere, of the other departments." A leading democrat, an eloquent man, a man who has courage and frankness and many good qualities, has ])oasted publicly that the democracy are in power for the first time in eighteen years, and they do not intend to stop until they have wiped out every vestige of every war measure. Well, " forewarned is forearmed," and you begin ajjpropriately on a measure that has the signature of Abraham Lincoln. I think the picture is a striking one when you hear these words Irom a man who was then in arms against the CJovernment of the United States, doing his best to destroy it, exerting every power given him in a bloody and terrible rebellion against the authority of the United States and when Abraham Lincoln was marching at the same time to his martyrdom in it< defense ! Strange times have fallen upon us that those of us who had .the great honor to be associated in higher or lower degree with Mr. Lincoln in the administration of the Government should live to hear men in public life and on the floors of Congress, fresh from the battle-fields of the rebellion, threatening the people of the United States that the democratic party, in power for the first time in eighteen years, proposes not to stay its hand until every vestige of the war measures has been wiped out ! the late vice-president of the confederacy boasted — perhaps I had better say stated — that for sixty out of the seventy-two years preceding the outbreak of the re- bellion, from the foundation of the Gov- ernment, the South, though in a minority, had by combining with what he termed the anti-centralists in the North ruled the country ; and in 1866 the same gentleman indicated in a speech, I think before the Legislature of Georgia, that by a return to Congress the South might repeat the ex- periment with the same successful result. I read that speech at the time ; but I little thought I should live to see so near a ful- fillment of its prediction. I see here to- day two great measures emanating, as I have said, not from a committee of either House, but from a democratic caucus in which the South has an overwhelming ma- jority, two-thirds in the House, and out of forty-two Senators on the other side of this Chamber professing the democratic faith thirty are from the South — twenty- three, a positive and pronounced majority, having themselves been participants in the war against the Union either in military or civil station. So that as a matter of fact, plainly deducible from counting your fingers, the legislation of this country to- day, shaped and fashioned in a democratic caucus where the confederates of the South hold the majority, is the realization of Mr. Stephens' prophecy. And very appro- priately the House under that control and the Senate un<ler that control, embodying thus the entire legi'^lative powers of the Government, deriving its political strength from tlie South, elected from the South, say to the President of the United States, 176 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. at the head of the Executive Department of the Government, elected as h-^ was from the North — elected by the whole people, but elected as a Northern man ; elected on Republican principles, elected in opposi- tion to the party that controls both branches of Congress to-day — they naturally say, " You shall not exercise your constitutional power to veto a bill." Some gentleman may rise and say, " Do you call it revolution to put an amendment on an approjjriation bill ?" Of course not. There have been a great many amendments put on appropriation bills, some mischie- A'Otis and some harmless ; but I call it the audacity of revolution for any Senator or Representative, or any caucus of Senators or Representatives, to get together and say, "We will have this legislation or we will stop the great departments of the Govern- ment." That is revolutionary. I do not think it will amount to revoltition ; my opinion is it will not. I think that is a revolution that will not go around ; I think that is a revolution which will not revolve; I think that is a revolution whose wheel will not turn ; but it is a revolution if per- 6i.sted in, and if not persisted in, it must be backed out from with ignominy. The de- mocratic party in Congress have put them- selves exactly in this position to-day, that if they go forward in the announced j^i'o- gramme, they march to revolution. I think they will, in the end, go back in an ignominious retreat. That is my judg- ment. The extent to which they control the legislation of the country is worth pointing out. In round numbers, the Southern people are about one-third of the poj)ula- tion of the Union. I am not permitted to speak of the organization of the House of Representatives, but I can refer to that of the last House. In the last House of Re- presentatives, of the forty-two standing committees the South had twenty-five. I am not Ijhimiiig tlie honorable Speaker for it. He was hedged in by partisan forces, and could not avoid it. In this very Se- nate, out of thirty-four standing commit- tees the South has twenty -two. I am not calling these tilings up just now in re- proach; I am only showing what .an admi- rable prophet the late vice-president of the Southern (confederacy was, and how en- tirely true all his words have been, and how he has lived to see them realized. I do not profess to know, Mr. President, least of all Senators on this floor, certainly a.s little as any Senator on tliis floor, do I profess to know, what the J 'resident of the United States will do when these bills are presented to him, as I suppose in due co'irsc of time they will be. I certainly should never speak a solitary word of dis- respect of the gentleman hohling that ex- alted position, and 1 hope I should not speak a word unbefitting the dignity of the office of a Senator of the United States. But as there has been speculation here and there on both sides as to what he would do, it seems to me that the dead heroes of the Union would rise from their graves if he should consent to be intimidated and outraged in his proper constitutional pow- ers by threats like these. All the war measures of Abraham Lin- coln are to be wiped out, say leading demo- crats! The Bourbons of France busied themselves, I believe, after the restoration, in removing every trace of Napoleon's power and grandeur, even chiseling the " N " from public monuments raised to perpetuate his glory ; but the dead man's hand from Saint Helena reached out and destroyed them in their pride and in their folly. And I tell the Senators on the other side of this Chamber, — I tell the demo- cratic party North and South — South in the lead and North following, — that, the slow, unmoving finger of scorn, from the tomb of the martyred President on the prairies of Illinois, will wither and destroy them. Though dead he speaketh. [Great applause in the galleries.] The presiding officer, (Mr. Aistthoitx' in the chair.) The Sergeant-at-Arms will preserve order in the galleries and arrest persons manifesting approbation or disap- probation. Mr. Blaine. When you present these bills with the^e threats to the living Presi- dent, who bore the commission of Abraham Lincoln and served with honor in the Army of the Union, which Lincoln re- stored and preserved, I can think only of one appropriate response from his lips or his pen. He should say to you with all the scorn befitting his station : Is thy servant a dog that ho should do this thing ? Speech of Roscoe Conklln^. 0)1 the Extra Session of 187'.). Whul il Tearlien ntid trhat il Means. In the Senate of the Vnited States, April :i4,1879. The Senate having under consideration the bill (H. R. No. 1) making appropria- tions for the support of the Army for the fiseal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other jnirposes — Mr. CONKLING said: Mr. Pkksidknt : During the last fiscal vcar the amount of national taxes paid in- to the Treasury was $234,831,401,77. Of this sum one hundred and thirty million an<l a fraction was collected under tarifTiaws as duties on imported merchandise, and one hundred and four million aTid a fraction as tax on American productions. Of this total of $235,000,000 in round numbers, twenty-fleven States which adhered to the Union during the recent war ],)aid $221,- 204,208,88. The residue came Irom eleven BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 177 States. I will read their names : Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Caro- lina,Tenncssee, TcxaSjVirgiiua. These elev- en States paid $13,027,102.89. Of this sum more than six million and a half came from the tobacco of Virginia. Deducting the amount of the tobacco-tax in Virginia, the eleven States enumerated paid $7,12"),- 462,60 of the revenues and supplies of the Republic. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Will the Senator from New York allow me to ask him a question? Mr. CoxKLIxo. If the Senator thinks that two of us are needed to make a state- ment of figures I will. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Two no doubt can make it better. The Presiding Officer. Does the Senator from New York yield to the Sena- tor from Georgia? Mr. CoNKLiNG. After the expressed opinion of the Senator from Georgia that the statement needs his aid, I cannot decline. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I will not inter- rupt the Senator if it is disagreeable to him, I assure him. I ask if in the compu- tation he has made of the amount paid he does not ascribe to the States that adhered to the Union, to use his language, all Mr. CoNKLiNO. Having heard the Senator so far, I must ask him to desist. The Presiding Officer. The Senator from New York declines to yield further. Mr. Conk LING. I have stated certain figures as they appear in the published official accounts : the Senator seems about to challenge the process or system by which the accounts are made up. I cannot give way for this, and must beg him to allow me to proceed with observations which I fear to prolong lest they become too weari- some to the Senate. The laws exacting these few millions from eleven States, and these hundreds of millions from twenty-seven States, origi- nated, as the Constitution requires all bills for raising revenue to originate, in the House of Representatives. They are not recent laws. They have been approved and affirmed by succeeding Congresses. The last House of Representatives and its pre- decessor approved them, and both these Houses were ruled by a democratic Speak- er, by democratic committees, and by a democratic majority. Both Senate and House are democratic now, and avc hear of no purpose to repeal or .suspend existing revenue laws. They are to remain in full force. They will continue to operate and to take tribute of the people. If the sum they exact this year and next year, shall be less than last year, it will be only or chiefly because recent legislation favoring southern and tobacco-growing regions has 36 dismissed twelve or fourteen million of annual tax on tobacco. This vast revenue is raised and to be raised for three uses. It is 8upi)lied in time of severe dejiression and distress, to I)ay debt inflicted by rebellion ; to pay jien- sions to widows, orphans, and cripples made by rebellion ; and to maintain the (lovernment and enforce the laws pre- served at inestimable cost of life and treasure. It can be devoted to its uses in only one mode. Once in the Treasury, it must re- main there useless until appropriated by act of Congress. The Constitution so or- dains. To collect it, and then defeat or ])revent its object or use, would be recreant and abominable oppression. The Constitution leaves no discretion to Congress whether needful appropria- tions shall be made. Discretion to as- certain and determine amounts needful, is committed to Congress, but the appropria- tion of whatever is needful alter the amount has been ascertained, is command- ed positively and absolutely. "When, for example, the Constitution declares that the President and the judges at stated pe- riods shall receive compensation fixed by law, the duty to make the appropriations is plain and peremptory' ; to refuse to make them, is disobedience of the Constitution, and treasonable. So, when it is declared that Congress shall have power to provide money to pay debts, and f(ir the common defense and the general welfare, the plain meaning is that Congress shall do these things, and a refusal to do them is revolu- tionary, and subversive of the Constitu- tion. A refusal less flagrant would be im- peachable in the case of every officer and department of the Government within the reach of impeachment. Were the Presi- dent to refuse to do any act enjoined on him by the Constitution, he would be im- peachable, and ought to be convicted and removed from office as a convict. Should the judges, one, or some, or all of them, re- fuse to perform any duty which the Con- stitution commits to the judicial branch, the refusal would be plainly impeachable. Congress is not amenable to impeach- ment. Congressional majorities are tri- able at the bar of public opinion, and in no other human forum. Could Congress be dissolved instantly here as in England, could Senators and Representatives be driven instantly from their seats by popu- lar disapjiroval, were they amenable pres- ently somewhere, there would be more of bravery, if not less of guilt, in a disregard of sworn obligation. Legislators are bound chiefly by their honor and their oaths ; and the very impunity and exemption they en- joy exalts and measures their obligations, and the crime and odium of violating them. Because of the fixed tenure by 178 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iir. which the members of each House hold their places and their trusts, irreparable harni may come of their acts and omis- sions, before they can be visited with even political defeat, and before the wrong they do can be undone. A congressional majority is absolutely safe during its term, and those who suffered such impunity to exist in the frame of our Government, must have relied on the enormity and turpitude of the act to deter the represen- tatives of the people and the representa- tives of States from betraying a trust so exalted and so sacred as their offices imply. Mr. President, it does not escape my at- tention, as it must occur to those around me, that in ordinary times obvious apho- risms, I might say truisms like these would be needless, if not out of place in the Sen- ate. They are pertinent now because of an occasion without example in Ameri- can histor}'. I know of no similar instance in British historj'. Could one be found, it would only mark the difference between an hereditary monarchy without a written constitution, and a free republic with a written charter plainly defining from the beginning the powers, the rights, and the duties of everj' department of the Govern- ment. The nearest approaches in English experience to the transactions which now menace this country, only gild with broad light the wisdom of those who established a system to exempt America forever from the struggles between kingcraft and lib- erty, between aristocratic pretensions and human rights, which in succeeding centu- ries had checkered and begrimed the an- nals of Great Britain. It was not to trans- plant, but to leave behind and shut out the usurpations and prerogatives of kings, nobles, and gentry, and the rude and vio- lent resorts which, with varying and only partial success, had been matched against them, that wise and far-seeing men of many nationalities came to these shores and founded " a government of the people, for the people, and by the people." Such boisterous conflicts as the Old World had witnessed between subjects and rulers — between privilege and right, were the warnings which our fatliers heeded, the dangers which they shunned, the evils which they averted, the disasters which they mncle impossible so long as tlieir pos- terity should cherisli their inheritance. Until now no madness of party, no au- dacity or desperation of sinister, sectional, or nartisan design, has ever ventured on 8U('n an attempt as has recently come to paas in tlie two Houses of Congress. The proceeding I mean to cliaractcrize, if mis- understoofi anywlu-re, is misunderstood here. One listening to addresses delivered to the Senate during (his debate, as it is called, must think that the majority is arraigned, certainly that the majority wishes to seem and is determined to seem arraigned, merely for insisting that pro- visions appropriating money to keep the Government alive, and provisions not in themselves improper relating to other mat- ters, may be united in the same bill. With somewhat of monotonous and ostentatious iteration we have been asked whether in- corporating general legislation in appro- priation bills is revolution, or revolution- ary ? No one in my hearing has ever so contended. Each House is empowered by the Con- stitution to make rules governing the modes of its own procedure. The rules permitting, I know of nothing except con- venience, common sense, and the danger of log-rolling combinations, which forbids putting all the appropriations into one bill, and in the same bill, all the revenue laws, a provision admitting a State into the Union, another paying a pension to a widow, another changing the name of a steamboat. The votes and the executive approval which would make one of these provisions a law, would make them all a law. The proceeding would be outland- ish, but it would not violate the Constitu- tion. A Senator might vote against such a huddle of incongruities, although separate- ly he would approve each one of them. If, however, they passed both Houses in a bunch, and the Executive found no objec- tion to any feature of the bill on its merits, and the only criticism should be that it would have been better legislative practice to divide it into separate enactments, it is not easy to see on "what ground a veto could stand. The assault which has been made on the executive branch of the Government and on the Constitution itself, would not be less flagrant if separate bills had been re- sorted to as the wea])ons of attack. Sup- pose in a separate bill, the majority had, in advance of the appropriations, repealed the national-bank act and the resumption act, and had declared that unless the Exe- cutive surrendered his convictions and yielded up his approval of the repealing act, no api)ro2)riations should be made; would the separation of the bills have pal- liated or condoned the revolutionary ])ur- posc? In the absence of an avowal that ajjpropriations were to be finally withheld, or that a])propriations were to be made to hinge upon the approval or veto of some- thing else, a resort to separate bills might have cloaked and secreted for a time the real meaning of the transaction. In that respect it would liave been wise and artful to resort to separate bills on this occasion; and I speak, I think, in the hearing of at least one democratic Senator who did not overlook in advance the suggession now made. But when it was declared, or in- BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 179 tended, that unless another species of le- gishition is agreed to, tlie money of the peopk^ paid for tiiat iiur]»(jse, shall not be used to maintain their (xoveriiment and to enforce the laws — wlien it is designed that the Govcrninent shall be thrown into eon- fusion and shall stoj) unless private charity or public succor comes to its relief, the threat is rev(jlutiouary, and its execution is treasonable. In the ease before us, the design to make appropriations hinge and depend ujjon the destruction of certain laws is plain on tlie face of the bills befoi-e us, — the bill now pending, and another one on our tables. The same design was plain on the face of the bills sent us at the last session. The very fact that the sections uncovering the ballot- box to violence and fraud, are not, and never have been separately presented, but are thrust into appropriation bills, discloses and proves a belief, if not a knowledge, that in a separate bill the Executive would not approve them. Moreover both Houses have rung with the assertion that the Exe- cutive would not approve in a separate maasure the overthrow of existing safe- guards of the ballot-box, and that should he refuse to give his approval to appropri- ations and an overthrow of those safeguards linkctl together, no appropriations should be made. The plot and the purpose then, is by duress to compel the Executive to give up his convictions, his duty, and his oath, as the price to be paid a political party for allowing the Government to live ! Whether the bills be united or divided, is mere method and form. The substance in either form is the same, and the plot if persisted in will bury its aiders and abettors in op- probrium, and will leave a buoy on the sea of time warning political mariners to keep aloof from a treacherous channel in which a political party foundered and went down. The size of the Army and its pay, have both been exactly fixed by law — by law enacted by a democratic House, and ap- proved by a second democratic House. It has been decided and voted that the coast defenses and the Indian and fron- tier service, require a certain number of soldiers; and the appropriations needed for provision and pay have been ascer- tained to a farthing. Nothing remains to be done, but to give formal sanction and warrant for the use of the money from time to time. This was all true at the last session. But a democratic House, or more justly speaking the democratic ma- jority in the House refused to give its sanction, refused to allow the people's money, to reach the use for which the people paid it, unless certain long-stand- ing laws were repealed. When the Senate voted against the repeal, we were bluntly told 'that unless that vote was reversed, unless the Senate and the Executive would accejjt the bills, repealing clauses and all, the session should die, no appropriations should be made, and the wheels of the ( Jovernment should stop. The threat wa.s executed ; the session did die, and every branch of the Government was leit with- out the power to execute its duties after the 30th of next June. We were further told that when the extra session, thus to be brought about, should convene, the democrats would rule both Houses, that the nuijority would again insist on its terms, and that then un- less the Executive submitted to become an accomplice in the design to fling down the barriers that block the way to the bal- lot-box against fraud and force, apj)ropria- tions would again be refused, and again the session should die leaving the Govern- ment paralyzed. The extra session has convened ; the democrats have indeed the power in both Houses, and thus far the war and the caucus have come up to the manifesto. So far the exploit has been easy. The time of trial is to come ; the issue has been made, and of its ignomini- ous failure, there can be no doubt if the Executive shall plant itself on constitu- tional right and duty, and stand firm. The actors in this scheme have managed them- selves and their party into a j)redicament, and unless the President lets them out they will and they must back out. [Laugh- ter, and manifestations of applause in the galleries.] Should the Executive interpose the con- stitutional shield against the political enormities of the proposed bills, and then should the majority carry out the threat to desert their posts by adjournment without making the needed appropriations, I hope and trust they Avill be called back instantly and called back as often as need be until they relinquish a monstrous pretension and abandon a treasonable position. The Army bill now pending, is not, in its political features, tlie bill tendered us at the last session a few days ago ; it is not the same bill then insisted on as the ulti- matum of the majority. The bill as it comes to us now, condemns its predecessor as crude and objectionable. It was found to need alteration. It did need altera- tion badly, and those who lately insisted on it as it was, insist on it now as it then was not. A grave proviso has been added to save the right of the President to aid a State gasping in the throes of re])ellion or invasion and calling for help. As the pro- vision stood when thrust upon us first and last at the recent session, it would have punished as a felon the President of the United States, the General of the Army, and others, for attempting to obey the Con- stitution of the United States and two an- 180 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. cient acts of Congress, one of them signed by George Washington. Shorn of this ab- surdity, the bill as it now stands, should it become a law, will be the first enactment of its kind that ever found its way into the statutes of the United States. A century, with all its activities and party strifes, with all its passionate discords, with all its expedients for party advantage, with all its wisdom and its "folly, with all its pa- triotism and its treason, has never till now produced a congressional majority which deemed such a statute fit to be enacted. Let me state the meaning of the amend- ments proposed under guise of enlarging liberty on election day — that day of days whenorder, peacx?, and security for all, aS well as liberty, should reign. The amend- ments declare in jdain legal effect that, no matter what the exigency may be, no mat- ter what violence or carnage may run riot and trample down right and life, no matter what mob brutality may become master, if the day be election day, any officer or per- son, civil, military, or naval, from the President down, who attempts to interfere, to prevent or quell violence by the aid of national soldiers, or armed men not sol- diers, shall be punished, and may be fined So,000 and imprisoned for five years. This is the law we are required to set up. Yes, not only to leave murderous rutfianism un- touched, but to invite it into action by as- surances of safety in advance. In the city of New York, all the thugs and shoulder-hitters and repeaters, all the carriers of slung-shot, dirks, and blud- geons, all the fraternity of the bucket- shops, the rat-pits, the hells and the slums, all the graduates of the nurseries of modern so-called democracy, [laughter ;] all those who employ and incite them, from King's Bridge to the Battery, are to be told in advance that on the day when the mil- lion people around them choose their members of the National Legislature, no matter what (rod-daring or nmn-burling enormities they may commit, no matter what they do, nothing that they can do will meet with the slightest resistance from any national soldier or armed man clothed with national authority. Another bill, already on our tables, strikes down even police officers armed, or unarmed, of the United States. In South Carolina, in Louisiana, in Mis- si.ssipj)!, ami in the other States where the colored citizens are counted to swell the representation in (Congress, and then nibbed of their ballots and disn)isscd from the political sun — in all such States, every rifle club, and white league, and mur- derous band, and every tissue ballot-box stuffer, night-rider, ami law-breaker, is to be told that tlicy mav turn national elec- tions into a bloody f'arce, that they may choke the whole proceeding with force and fraud, and blood, and that the na- tion shall not confront them with one armed man. State troops, whether under the name of rifle clubs or white leagues, or any other, armed with the muskets of the United States, may constitute the mob, may incite the mob, but the national arm is to be tied and palsied. I repeat such an act of Congress has never yet existed. If there ever was a time when such an act could safely and fitly stand upon the statute-book, that time is not now, and is not likely to arrive in the near future. L'ntil rebellion raised its iron hand, all parties and all sections had been content to leave where the Constitu- tion left it the power and duty of the President to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. The Constitution has in this regard three plain commands: The President " shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Again, "The President shall be Com- mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the L'nited States." " The actual service of the United States" some man may say means war merely, service in time of war. Let me read again, " Congress shall have power to pro- vide for calling forth the militia." For what? First of all, " to execute the laws of the Union." Yes, Congress shall have power " to pro- vide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the L'nion." Speaking to law- yers, I venture to emphasize the word " execute." It is a term of art ; it has a long-defined meaning. The act of 1795, re-enacted since, emphasized these consti- tutional jirovisious. * * * * * The election law came in to correct abuses which reached their climax in 18(58 in the city of New York. In that year in the State of New York the republican eandidate for governor was elected; the democratic candidate was counted in. Members of the Legislature were fraudu- lently seated. The election was a barba- rous burlesque. ]\Iany thousand forged naturalization }iapers were issued; some of them were white and some were coffee-col- ored. The same witnesses jmrjxnted to attest hundreds and thousands of natural- ization affidavits, and the stuiHiidous fraud of the whole thing was and is an open secret. Some of these naturalization pajiers were sent to other States. So plen- ty were they, that some of them were sent to (Jennany, and Germans who had never left tiu'ir country claimed exemption from the German draft for soldiers in the Fran- co-Prussian war, because they were natu- ralized American citizens! [Laughter.] BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 181 Repeating, ballot-box stuffing, ruffian- ism, and false counting decided every- thing. Tweed made the election officers, and the election officers were corrupt. In 18G8, thirty thousand votes were falsely added to the denidcratic majority in the cities of New York and Bnxdvlyn alone. Taxes and elections were the mere spoil and booty of a corruj)t junta in Tammany Hall. Assessments, exactions, and ex- emptions were made the bribes and the penalties of political submission. Usurpa- tion and fraud inaugurated a carnival of corrupt disorder; ancl obscene birds with- out number swooped down to the harvest and gorged themselves on every side in plunder and spoliation. Wrongs and usur- pations springing from the pollution and desecration of the ballot-box stalked high- headed in the public way. The courts and the machinery of justice were impotent in the pre-sence of culprits too great to be punished. The act of 1870 came in to tlirottle such abuses. It was not born without throes and pangs. It passed the Senate after a day and a night which rang with demo- cratic maledictions and foul aspersions. In the autumn of that year an election was held for the choice of Representatives in Congress. I see more than one friend near me who for himself and for others has reason even unto this day to remember that election and the apprehension which preceded it. It was the first time the law of 1870 had been put in force. Resistance was openly counseled. Democratic news- papers in New York advised that the offi- cers of the law be pitched into the river. Disorder was afoot. Men, not wanting in bravery, and not repul)licans, dreaded the day. Bloodshed, arson, riot were feared. Ghastly spectacles were still fresh in mem- ory. The draft riots had spread terror which had never died, and strong men shuddered when they remembered the l)loody assizes of the democratic party. They had seen men and women, blind with party hate, dizzy and drunk with party madness, stab and burn and revel in murder and in \jiutilating the dead. They had seen an asylum for colored orphans made a funeral pile, and its smoke .sent up from their Christian and imperial city to tell in heaven of the inhuman !)igotrv, the horri- ble barbarity of man. Remembering such sickening scenes, and dreading their repe- tition, they asked the President to protect them — to protect them with the beak and claw of national power. Instantly the un- kenneled packs of i)arty barke<l in venge- ful chorus. Imprecations, maledictions, and threats were hurled at (Irant; but with that splendid courage which never blanched in battle, which never quaked before clamor — with that matchless self- poise which did not desert him even when a continent beyond the sea rose and un- covered before him, [applause in the galle- ries, ] he res[)onded in the orders wiiich it has pleased the honorable Senator from Delaware to read. The election thus pro- tected was the fairest, the freest, the most secure, a generation has seen. When, two years afterward, New York came to crown Grant with her vote, his action in protect- ing her chief city on the Ides of Novem- ber, 1870, was not forgotten. When next New York has occasion to record her judg- ment of the services of Grant, his action in 1870 touching peace in the city of New York will not be hidden away by those who espouse him wisely. [Applause in the galleries.] Now, the election law is to be emascu- lated ; no national soldier must confront rioters or mobs ; no armed man by nation- al authority, though not a soldier, must stay the tide of brutality or force ; no dep- uty marshal must be within call ; no su- pervisor must have power to arrest any man who in his sight commits the most fla- grant breach of the peace. But the demo- crats tell us " we have not abolished the supervisors; we have left them." Yes, the legislative bill leaves the supervisors, two stool-pigeons with their wings clipped, [laugliter, ] two licensed witnesses U) stand about idle, and look — yes, " a cat may look at a king" — but they must not touch bul- lies or lawbreakers, not if they do murders right Ijefore their eyes. If axiivil officer should, under the pend- ing amendment, attempt to quell a riot by calling on the bystanders, if they have arms, he is punishable for that. If a mar- shal, the marshal of the district in which the election occurs, the marshal nominated to the Senate and confirmed by the Senate — I do not mean a deputy marshal — should see an aiFi-ay or a riot at the polls on elec- tion day and call U})on the bystanders to quell it, if this bill becomes a law, and one of those bystanders has a revolver in his pocket, or another one takes a stick or a cudgel in his Imnd, the marshal may be fined !?"),0(J0 and punished by five years' imprisonment. Such are the devices to belittle national authority and national law, to turn the idea of the sovereignty of the nation into a laughing-stock and a by-word. Under what pretexts' is this uprooting and overturning to be? Any officer who transgresses the law, be he civil or military, may be punished in the courts of the State or in the courts of the nation under exist- ing law. Is the election act unconstitu- tional ? The courts for ten years have been o]ien to that question. The law has been pounded with all the hammers of the law- yers, but it has stood the te-;t ; no court has pronounced it unconstitutional, al- 1 though many men have been prosecuted 182 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. and convicted under it. Judge Woodruff and Judge Blatohford have vindicated its constitutionality. But, as I said before, the constitutional argument has been aban- doned. The supreme political court, prac- tically now above Congresses or even con- stitutions, the democratic caucus, has de- cided that the law is constitutional. The record of the judgment is in the legislative bill. We are told it costs money to enforce the law. Yes, it costs money to enforce all laws; it costs money to prosecute smug- glers, counterfeiters, murderers, mail rob- bers and others. We have been informed that it has cost $200,000 to execute the election act. It cost more than $5,000,000,- 000 in money alone, to preserve our insti- tutions and our laws, in one war, and the nation which bled and the nation which paid is not likely to give up its institutions and the birthright of its citizens for $200,- 000. [Applause in the galleries.] The presiding officer, (Mr. Cockrell, in the chair.) The Senator will suspend a moment. The chair will announce to the galleries that there shall be no more ap- plause ; if so, the galleries will be cleared immediately. Mr. CoxKLiXG. Mr. President, that in- terruption reminds me, the present occu- })ant of the chair having been deeply inter- ested in the bill, that the apjiropriations made and squandered for local and unlaw- ful improvements in the last river and harbor bill alone, would pay for executing the election law as long as grass grows or water runs. The interest on the money wrongfully squandered in that one bill, would execute it twice over perpetually. Tlie cost of this needless extra session, brought about as a partisan contrivance, would execute the election law for a great while. A better way to save the cost, than to repeal the law, is to obey it. Let White Leagues and rifle clubs disband; let your night-riders dismount; let your tissue bal- lot-box staffers desist; let repeaters, false- counters, and ruffians no longer be em- ployed to carry elections, and tlien the cost of executing the law will disap2)ear from the public ledger. Again we are told that forty-five million people are in danger from an army nomi- nally of twenty-five thousand men scat- tered over a continent, most of them be- yond the frontiers of civilized abode. W\\- itary power has l)ecome an affrighting Hpectcr. Soldiers at the polls are displeas- ing to a political jiarty. Wliat party? That party whose Aijministration ordered soldiers, who obcycnl, to shoot down and kill unoffending citizens hen; in the streets of Washington on election day ; that party which has arrested and dis])crscd Legisla- tures at tlie point of the bayonet; that party whicii has employed troops to carry elections to decide that a State should be slave and should not be free; that party Avhich has corraled courts of justice with national bayonets, and hunted panting fugitive slaves, in peaceful communities, with artillery and dragoons ; that party which would have to-day no majority in either House of Congress except for elec- tions dominated and decided by violence and fraud ; that party under whose sway, in several States, not only the right to vote, but the right to be, is now tramjiled under foot. Such is the source of an insulting sum- mons to the Executive to become particeps criminis in prostrating wholesome laws, and this is the condition on which the money of the people, paid by the people, shall be permitted to be used lor the pur- poses for which the people paid it. Has the present national Administration been officiously robust in checking the en- croachments and turbulence of democrats, either by the use of troops or otherwise? I ask this question because the next elec- tion is to occur during the term of the pres- ent Administration. What is the need of revolutionary mea- sures now? What is all this uproar and commotion, this daring venture of partisan experiment, for? Why not make your issue against these laws, and carry your issue to the people? If you can elect a President and a Congress of your think- ing, you will have it all your own way. Why now should there be an attempt to block the wheels of government on the eve of an election at which this whole question is triable before the princijnils and masters of us all? The answer is inevitable. But one truthful explanation can be made of this daring enterprise. It is a political, a partisan manoeuvre. It is a strike for party advantage. With a fair election and an honest count, the democratic party cannot carry the country. These laws, if executed, insure some approach to a liiir election. Therefore they stand in the way, and therefore they are to be broken down. I reflect upon no man's motives, but t believe that the sentiment which finds ex- I)ression in the transaction now proceeding in the two houses of Congress, lias its ori- gin in the idea I have stated. I believe that the managers and charioteers of the democratic party think that with a fair election and a fair count they cannot carry the State of New York. They know that with free course, such as existed in 18()8, to the ballot-box and coiuit, no matter what majority may be given in that State wliere tlu^ green grass grows, the great ci- ' ties will overl)alance and swanij) it. They know that with the aliility to give eighty, ninety, one liundred thonsaiid majority in the county of New York and the county of BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 183 Kings, half of it fraudulently added, it is idle for the three million people living above the Highlands of the Hudson to vote. This is a struggle for power. It is a fight for empire. It is a contrivance to clutch the National Government. That we believe ; that I believe. The nation has tasted, and drunk to the dregs, the sway of the democratic party, organized and dominated by the same in- fluences which dominate it again and still. You want to restore that dominion. We mean to resist you at every step and by every lawful means that opportunity places in our hands. We believe that it is good for the country, good for every man North and South who loves the country now, that the Government should remain in the hands of those who Avere never against it. We believe that it is not wise or safe to give over our nationality to the dominion of the forces which formerly and now again rule the democratic i)arty. We do not mean to connive at further conquests, and we tell you that if you gain further politi- cal power, you must gain it by fair means, and not by foul. We believe that these laws are wholesome. We believe that they are necessary barriers against wrongs, ne- cessary defenses for rights; and so be- lieving, we will keep and defend them even to the uttermost of lawful honest effort. The other day, it was Tuesday I think, it pleased the honorable Senator from Il- linois I Mr. Davis] to deliver to the Senate an address, I had rather said an ojnnion, able and carefully prepared. That h(mor- able Senator knows well the regard not only, but the sincere respect in which I hold him, and he will not misunderstand the freedom with which I shall refer to some of his utterances. Whatever else his sayings foil to prove, they did I think, prove their author, after Mrs. Winslow, the most copious and inex- haustible fountain of soothing syrup. The honorable Senator seemed like one slum- bering in a storm and dreaming of a calm. He said there was no uproar anywhere — one would infer you could hear a pin drop — from centre to circumference. Rights, he said, are secure. I have his language here. If I do not seem to give the sub- stance aright I will stop and read it. Rights secure North and South ; peace and tranquillity everywhere. The law obeyed and no need of special provisions or anx- iety. It was in this strain that the Sena- tor discoursed. Are rights securfe, when fresh-done bar- barities show that local government in one portion of our land is no better than des- potism tempered by assassination? Riglits secure, when such things can be, as stand proved and recorded by committees of the Senate ! Rights secure, when the old and the young fly in terror from their liomes and from the graves of their murdered dead! Rights secure, when thousands brave cold^ hunger, death, seeking among strangers in a far country a humanity which will remejnber that — "Bi'fdro man made tliem citizeiw, Great nature made thum men 1 " Read the memorial signed by Judge Dillon, by the democratic mayor of Saint Louis, by Mr. Henderson, once a member of the Senate, and by other men known to the nation, detailing what has been done in recent weeks on the Southern Missis- sippi. Read the affidavits accompanying this memorial. Has any one a copy of the memorial here? I have seen the memorial. I have seen the signatures. I hope the honorable Senator from Illinois will read it, and read the affidavits which accom- pany it. When he does, he will read one of the most sickening recitals of modern times. He will look upon one of the bloodiest and blackest pictures in the book of recent years. Yet the Senator says, all is quiet. " There is not such faith, no not in Israel." Verily " order reigns in War- saw." Soliiudinem Jaciunf, pacem appellant. Mr. President, the republican party every where wants peace and prosperity — peace and prosperity in the South, as much and as sincerely as elsewhere. Dis- guising the truth, will not bring peace and prosperity'. Soft phrases will not bring peace, " Fair words butter no parsnips." We hear a great deal of loose, flabby talk about " fanning dying embers," " rekind- ling smoldering fires," and so on. When- ever the plain truth is sj)oken, these unc- tioas monitions, with a Peter Parley be- nevolence, fall copiously upon us. This lullaby and hush has been in my belief a mistake from the beginning. It has mis- led the South and misled the North. In Andrew Johnson's time a convention was worked up at Philadelphia, and men were brought from the North and South, for ecstasy and gush. A man from Massachu- setts and a man from South Carolina locked arms and walked into the convention arm in arm, and sensation and credulity pal- pitated, and clapped their hands, and thought an universal solvent had been found. Serenades were held at which "Dixie" was played. Later on, anniver- saries of battles fought in the war of Inde- pendence, were made occasions by men from the North and men from the South for emotional, dramatic, hugging ceremo- nies. General Sherman, I remember, at- tended one of them, and I remember also, that with the bluntness of a soldier, and the wisdom and hard sense of a statesman, he plainly cautioned all concerned not to be carried away, and not to be fooled. 184 ■"AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. But many have been fooled, and being fooled, have helped to swell the democratic majorities which now display themselves before the public eye. Of all such effusive demonstrations I have this to say: honest, serious convic- tions are not ecstatic or emotional. Grave affairs and lasting purposes do not express or vent themselves in honeyed phrase or sickly sentimentality, rhapsody, or profuse professions. This is as true of political as of religious duties. The Divine Master tells us, " Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of my Father which is in heaven." Facts are stubborn things, but the better way to deal with them is to look them squarely in the face. The republican party and the Northern people preach no crusade against the South. I will say nothing of the past beyond a single fact. When the war was over, no man who fought against his flag was pun- ished even by imprisonment. No estate was confiscated. Every man was left free to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. After the Southern States were restored to their relations in the Union, no man was ever disfranchised by national authority — not one. If this statement is denied, I invite any Senator to correct me. I repeat it. After the Southern State go- vernments were rebuilded, and the States were restored to their relations in the Union, by national authority, not one man for one moment was ever denied the right to vote, or hindered in the right. From the time that Mississippi was restored, there never ha.s been an hour when Jefferson Da- vis might not vote as freely as the honora- ble Senator in his State of Illinois. The North, burdened with taxes, draped in mourning, dotted over with new-made f raves tenanted by her bravest and her est, sought to inflict no penalty upon those who had stricken her with the great- est, and, as she believed, the guiltiest re- bellion that ever crimsoned the annals of the human race. As an example of generosity and mag- nanimity, the conduct of the nation in vic- tory was the grandest the worUl has ever seen. The same spirit prevails now. Yet our ears are larumed with the charge that the republicans of the North seek to revive and intensify the wounds and pangs and passions of the war, and that the southern democrats seek to bury them in oblivion of kind forgetful n ess. We can test the truth of these assertions right before our eyes. Let us test them. Twenty-seven States adhered to the Union in the dark hour. Those States send to Congress two hundred and sixty-nine Senators and llepreseutativcs. Of these two hundred and sixty-nine Senators and Representatives, fifty-four, and only fifty- four, were soldiers in the armies of the Union. The elcA'en States which were disloyal send ninety-three Senators and Representatives to Congress. Of these, eighty-five were soldiers in the armies of the rebellion, and at least three more held high civil station in the rebellion, making in all eighty-eight out of ninety- three. Let me state the same fact, dividing the Houses. There are but four Senators here who fought in the Union Army. They all sit here now ; and there are but four. Twenty Senators sit here who fought in the army of the rebellion, and three more Senators sit here who held high civil com- mand in the confederacy. In the House, there are fifty Union soldiers from twenty-seven States, and sixty-five confederate soldiers from eleven States. Who, I ask you. Senators, tried by this record, is keeping up party divisions on the issues and hatreds of the war ? The South is solid. Throughout all its borders it has no seat here save two in which a republican sits. The Senator from Mississippi [Me. Bruce] and the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. Kellogg] are still spared ; and whisj^er says that an enter- prise is afoot to deprive one of these Sena- tors of his seat. The South is emphatically solid. Can you wonder that the North soon becomes solid too ? Do you not see that the doings witnessed now in Congress fill the North with alarm, and distrust of the patriotism and good faith of men from the South? Forty-two democrats have seats on this floor; forty-three if you add the honorable Senator from Illinois, [Mr. Davis.] He does not belong to the democratic party, although I must say, after reading his speech the other day, that a democrat who asks anything more of him is an insatiate monster. ] Laughter.] If we count the Senator from Illinois, there are forty-three democrats in this Chamber. Twenty-three is a clear majority of all, and twenty-three haj)pens to be ex- actly the number of Senators from the South who were leaders in the lute re- bellion. Do you anticipate my object in stating these numbers? For fear you do not, let me explain. Forty-two Senators rule the Senate ; twenty-three Senators rule the caucus. A majority rules the Senate; a caucus rules the majority; and the twenty- three southern Senators rule the caucus. The same thing, in the same way, governed by the same elenu'uts, is true in the House. This present assault U])on the juirity and fairness of elections, upon the Constitu- tion, upon the executive (lei)artment, and upon the rights of the people; not the BOOK III.] CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879. 185 rights of a king, not on such rights as we heard the distinguished presiding officer, wlio I am ghid now to discover in his seat, dihite upon of a morning some weelcs ago ; not the divine right of kings, but the in- born riglits of the peoi)Ie — tlio j)rcsent as- sault upon them, could never have been inaugurated without the action of the twenty-three southern Senators here, and the southern Representatives there, [point- ing to the House.] The people of the North know this and see it. They see the lead and control of the democratic party again whore it was before the war, in the hands of the South. "By their fruits ye shall know them." The honorable Senator from Alabama [Mr. Morgan], educated no doubt by experi- ence in political appearances, and specta- cular effects, said the other day that he preferred the democrats Irom the North should go first in this debate. I admired his sagacity. It was the skill of an expe- rienced tactician to deploy the northern levies as the sappers and miners ; it was very becoming certainly. It was not from cruelty, or to make them food for powder, that he set them in the forefront of the battle ; he thought it would appear better for the northern auxiliaries to go first and tunnel the citadel. Good, excellent, as far as it went ; but it did not go very far in misleading anybody ; ptitting the tail fore- most and the head in the sand, only dis- flayed the species and habits of the bird. Laughter.] We heard the other day that " the logic of events " had filled the southern seats here with men banded together by a common history and a common purpose. The Senator who made that sage observa- tion perhaps builded better than he knew. The same logic of events, let me tell democratic Senators, ^nd the communities behind them, is destined to bring from the North more united delegations. I read in a newspaper that it was pro- posed the other day in another place, to restore to the Army of the United States men who, educated at the nation's cost and presented with the nation's sword, drew the sword against the nation's life. In the pending bill is a provision for the re- tirement of officers now in the Army, with advanced rank and exaggerated pay. This may be harmless, it may be kind. One swallow proves not spring, but along with other things, suspicion will see in it an at- tempt to coax officers now in the Army to dismount, to empty their saddles, iu order that others may get on. So hue and cry is raised because courts, on motion, for cause shown in open court, have a right to purge juries in certain cases. No man in all the South, under thirty-five years of age, can be affected by this provision, because every such man was too young when the armies of the re- bellion were recruited to be subject to the provision complained of As to the rest, the discretion is a wholesome one. But, even if it were not, let me say in all kind- ness to southern Senators, it was not wise to make it a part of this i)roceeding, and raise this ujjroar in regard to it. Even the purpose, in part already executed, to remove the old and faithful officers of the Senate, even Union soldiers, that their places may be snatched by others — to overturn an order of the Senate which has existed for a quarter of a cen- tury, in order to grasp all the petty places here, seems to me unwise. It is not wise, if you want to disarm suspicion that you mean aggrandizing, gormandizing, un- reasonal)le things. Viewing all these doings in the light of I)arty advantage — advantage to the party to which I belong, I could not deplore them ; far from it ; but wishing the repose of the countrv', and the real, lasting, ultimate welfare of the South, and wishing it from the bottom of my heart, I believe they are flagrantly unwise, hurtfully in- judiciotis. What the South needs is to heal, build, mend, ])lant, sow. In short, to go to work. Invite labor ; cherish it ; do not drive it out. Quit proscription, both for opinion's sake, and for color's sake. Reform it alto- gether. I know there are difficulties in the way. I know there is natural repug- nance in the way ; but droj) i)assion, drop sentiment which signifies naught, and let the material prosperity and civilization of your land advance. i)o not give so much energy, so much restless, sleepless activity, to an attempt so soon to get possession once more, and dominate and rule the country. 'There is room enough at the national board, and it is not needed, it is not decorous, plainly speaking, that the South should be the MacGregor at the ta- ble, and that the head of the table should be wherever he sits. For a good many reasons, it is not worthwhile to insist upon it. Mr. President, one of Rome's famous legends stands in these words : " Let what each man thinks of the Republic be writ- ten on his brow." I have spoken in the spirit of this injunction. Meaning offence to no man, and holding ill-will to no man, l)ecause he comes from the South, or be- cause lie differs with me in political ojtin- ion, I have spoken frankly, but with malice toward none. This session, and the bill pending, are acts in a partisan and political enter])rise. This debate, begun after a caucus had de- fined and clenched the position of every man in the majority, has not been waged to convince anybody here. It has re- sounded to tire the democratic heart, to 186 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iil sound a blast to the cohorts of party, to beat the lono:-roll, and set the squadrons in the field. That is its object, as plainly to be seen as the ultimate object of the at- tempted overthrow of laws. Political speeches having been thus or- dained, I have discussed political themes, and with ill-will to no portion of the coun- try but good-will toward every portion of it, I have with candor spoken somewhat of my thoughts of the duties and dangers of the hour. [Applause on the floor and in the galleries.] Lilncoln's Speecli at Gettysburg. " Four-score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new Xation, conceived in liberty, and ded- icated to the proposition that all men are created equal. " Now, we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether that Nation, or any Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great bat- tle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting-place for those, who here gave their lives that that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. " But, in a large sense, we cannot dedi- cate — we cannot consecrate — we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have conse- crated far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining be- fore us, that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain ; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom ; and that Govern- ment of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not i)erish from this earth. Speech of Hon. .Toltii M. nrooinuII,of Penn- Hyl vuitlii, On the Civil IliglUs liill. i/oiwc of UcprcHOiUitirrt, Mmrh 8, IHfiO. Mr. Speaker, it is alleged that this species of legislation will widen the l)rca('li exist- ing hctwci'ii the two sections of the coun- try, will ofrcnd our southern hretliren. Do not gentlemen know that those who are most earnestly asking this legislation arc our southern brethren thcm.sclves. They are imploring us to protect them against the conquered enemies of the coun- try, who notwithstanding their surrender, have managed, through their skill or our weakness, to seize nearly all the conquered territory. This is not the first instance in the world's history in which all that had been gained by hard fighting was lost by bad diplomacy. But they, whose feelings are entitled to so much consideration in the estimation of those who urge this argument, are not our southern brethren, but the southern breth- ren of our political opponents ; the con- quered rebels, pardoned and unpardoned ; traitors priding themselves upon their trea- son. These people are fastidious. The ordi- nary terms of the English language must be perverted to suit their tastes. Though they surrendered in open and public war, they are not to be treated as prisoners. Though beaten in the last ditch of the last fortification, they are not to be called a conquered people. The decision of the forum of their own choosing is to be ex- plained away into meaningless formality for their benefit. Though guilty of treason, murder, arson, and all the crimes in the calendar, they are " our southern brethren." The entire decalogue must be suspended lest it should offend these polished candi- dates for the contempt and execration of posterity. Out of deference to the feelings of these sensitive gentlemen, an executive construc- tion must be given to the word "loyalty," so that it shall embrace men who only are not hanged because they have been pardoned, and who only did hot destroy the Govern- ment because they could not. Out of deference to the feelings of these sensitive gentlemen, too, a distinguished public functionary, once the champion of the rights of man, a leader in the cause of hu- man progress, a statesman whose keen foreknowledge could point out the " irre- pressible conflict between slavery and free- dom," cannot now see that treason and loyalty are uncompromising antagonisms. It is charged against us that the wheels of Government are stopped by our rel'usal to admit the re])resentatives of these south- ern communities. When w6 complain that Europe is underselling us in our mar- kets, and demand protection for tlie Amer- ican lal)orer, we are told to "admit the southern Senators and Representatives." When we (H)m])lain that excessive impor- tations arc impoverishing the country, and rapidly bringing on financial ruin, we are told to " admit the southern Senators and Representatives." When we complain that an inllateil currency is making the rich richer, and the ])oor poorer, kc(']>ing the prices of even the necessaries of life beyond BOOKiii.] JOHN M. BROOMALL ON CIVIL RIGHTS. 187 the reach of widows and orphans who are living upon fixed incomes, the Htereotyped answer comes, "Admit tlie southern Sena- tors and Representatives." When we de- mand a tax upon cotton to defray the enormous outlay made in detlironing that usurping " king of the world," still the answer comes, and the executive parrots everywhere repeat it, "Admit the southern Senators and Representatives." The mind of the man who can see in that prescription a remedy for all political and social diseases must be curiously con- stituted. Would these Senators and Rei>- resentati ves vote a tax upon cotton ? Would they protect American industry by in- creasing duties? Would they prevent ex- cessive importations? To believe this re- quires as unquestioning a faith as to be- lieve in the sudden conversion of whole communities from treason to loyalty. We are blocking the wheels of Govern- ment! Why, the Government has man- aged to get along for four years, not only without the aid of the Southern Senators and Representatives, but against their ef- forts to destroy it ; and in the mean time has crushed a rebellion that would have destroyed any other Government under heaven. Surely the nation can do without the services of these men, at least during the time required to examine their claims and to protect by appropriate legislation our Southern brethren. None but a Dem- ocrat would think of consulting the wolf about what safeguard should be thrown around the flock. Those who advocate the admission of the Senators and Representatives from the States lately reclaimed from the rebellion, as a means of protecting the loyal men in those States and as a substitute "for the sys- tem of legislation of which this bill is part, well know that the majority in both Houses of Congress ardently desire the full recognition of those States, and only ask that the rights and interests of the truly loyal men in those States shall be first satisfactorily secured. Much useless controversy has been had about the legal slafus of those States. There is no difference between the two parties of the country on that point. The actual point of difference is this : the Democrats affiliate with their old political friends in the South, the late rebels, the friends and followers of Breckinridge, Lee, and Davis. The Union majority, on the other hand, naturally affiliate with the loyal men in the South, the men who have always sup- ported the Government against Breckin- ridge, Lee, and Davis. Each party wants the South reconstructed in the hanils of its own ".-southern brethren." In short, the northern party correspond- ing with the loyal men of the Soutli ask that the legitimate results of Grant's vic- tory shall be carried out, while the north- ern party corresponding witii the rebels of the South ask that things should be cou- .fidered as if Lee had been the conqueror, or at least as if there had been a drawn battle, without victory on either side. This brings the rights of tliose in whose behalf the ojiponents of the bill under consideration are acting directly in ques- tion, and in order to limit down the field of controversy as far as possible, let us inquire how far all parties agree upon the legal status of the communities lately in re- bellion. Now, the meanest of all contro- versies is that which comes from dialec- tics. Where the disputants attach ditler- ent meanings to the same word their time is worse than thrown away. I have always looked upon the question whether the States are in or out of the Union as only worthy of the schoolmen of the middle ages, who could write volumes upon a mere verbal quibble. The disputants would agree if they were compelled to use the word " State " in the same sense. I will endeavor to avoid this trifling. All parties agree that at the close of the rebellion the people of North Carolina, for example, had been " dei)rived of all civil government." The President, in his proc- lamation of May 29, 1865, tells the people of North Carolina this in so many words, and he tells the people of the other rebel States the same thing in his several procla- mations to them. This jncludes the Con- servatives and Democrats, who, however they may disagree, at last agree in this, that the President shall do their thinking. The Rejjublicans subscribe to this doc- trine, though they differ in their modes of expressing it. Some say that those States have ceased to possess any of the rights and powers of government as States of the Union. Others say, with the late lamented President, that " those States are out of practical relations with the Government." Others hold that the State organizations are out of the Union. And still others that the rebels are conquered, and therefore that their organizations are at the will of the conqueror. The President has hit upon a mode of ex- pression which embraces concisely all these ideas. He says that the people of those States were, by the progress of the rebel- lion and by its termination, "deprived of all civil government." One step further. All parties agree that the people of these States, being thus dis- organized for all State purposes, are still at the election of the government, citizens of the United States, and as surh. as far as they have not been disqualified l)y treason, ought to be allowed to form their own State governments, subject to thr re- quirements of the Constitution of the Uuited States. 188 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. Still one step further. All parties agree that this cannot be done by mere unauthor- ized congregations of the people, but that the time, place and manner must be pre- scribed by some department of the Govern- ment, according to the argument of Mr. AVebster and the spirit of the decision of the Supreme Court in Luther vs. Borden, 7 Howard, page 1. Yet another step in the series of proposi- tions. All parties agree that as Congress was not in session at the close of the rebel- lion, the President, as Commander-in- Chief, was bound to take possession of the conquered country and establish such gov- ernment as was necessary. Thus far all is harmonious; but now the divergence begins. At the commencement of the present session of Congress three- fourths of both Houses held that when the people of the States are" deprived of all civil government," and when, therefore, it becomes necessary to prescribe the time, place, and manner in and by which they shall organize themselves again into States while the President may take temporary measures, yet only the law-making power of the Government is competent to the full accomplishment of the task. In other words, that only Congress can enable citi- zens of the United States to create States. I have said that at the commencement of the session three-fourths of both houses held this opinion. The proportion is smaller now, and by a judicious use of executive patronage it may become still smaller ; but the truth of the proposition will not be affected if every Representative and Senator should be manipulated into denying it. On the other hand, the remaining fourth, composed of the supple Democracy and its accessions, maintain that this State- creating power is vested in the President alone, and that he has already exercised it. The holy horror with which our ojipo- nents affect to contemplate the doctrine of destruction of States is that much political hypocrisy. Every man who asks the recog- nition of tlie existing local governments in the South therel)y commits himself to that doctrine. The only possible claim that can be set up in favor of the existing governments is hitsed upon the theory that the old ones have been destroyed. The present organ iz.ations sprang up at the bitl- ding of the President after the conquest among a people who, he said, had uccn " deprived of all civil government." If tlie 1 'resident's " ex|ierimcnt " had re- sulted in organizing the soutliern com- munities in loyal hands, the nuijority in Congress would have found no difficulty in indorsing it and giving it the necessary elficiency by legislative enactment. In this case, too, the President never would have denied the power of Congress in the premises. He never would have set up the theory that the citizens of the Uni- ted States, "though their representatives, are not to be consulted when those who have once broken faith with them ask to have the compact renewed. Our opponents have no love for the President. They called him a usurper and a tyrant in Tennessee. They ridiculed him as a negro '' Moses." They tried to kill him, and failing that, they accused him of being privy to the murder of his predeces- sor. But when his " experiment " at re- construction was found to result in favor of their friends, the rebels, then they hung themselves about his neck like so many mill-stones, and tried to damn him to eter- nal infamy by indorsing his policy. Will they succeed ? Will he shake them off, or go down Avith them ? But let us sutler these discordant ele- ments to settle their ow-n terms of combi- nations as best they may. The final result cannot be doubtful. If ten righteous men were needed to save Sodom, even Andrew Johnson will find it impossible to save the Democratic party. Our path of duty is plain before us. Let us pass this bill and such others as may be necessary to secure protection to the loyal men of the South. If our politi- cal opponents thwart our purposes in this, let us go to the country upon that issue. I am by no means an advocate of exten- sive punishment, either in the way of hang- ing or confiscation, though some of both might be salutary. I do not ask that full retribution be enforced against those who have so grievously sinned. I am willing to make forgiveness the rule and jiunish- ment the exception ; yet I have my ulti- matum. I might excuse the pardon of the traitors Lee and Davis, even after the hang- ing of Wirz, who but obeyed their orders, orders which he would have been shot for disobeying. I might excuse the sparing of the master after killing the dog whose bite but carried with it the venom engend- ered in the master's soul. I might look calmly upon a constituency ground down liy taxation, and tell the com])lainants that they have neither remedy nor hope of ven- geance upon the authoi-s of their wrongs. I might agree to turn un])ityingly from the mother wliose son fell in the Wilderness, and the widow whose husl)and was starved at Andersonville, and tell them that in the nature of things retributivejustice is denied them, and that the murderers of their kin- dred may yet sit in the councils of their country; yet even I have my i(lti»iatum, I might consent that the glorious deeds of the last five years should be blotted from the country's liistory; that the trophies won on a hunilrc<l battle-fields, the sub- lime visii)]e evidence of the heroic devotion of America's citizen soldiery, should be BOOK iii.J ELDRIDGE AGAINST THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. 189 burned on the altar of reconciliation. I might consent that the cemetery at Gettys- burg should be razed to the ground ; that its .soil should be submitted to the plow, and that the lamentation of the bereaved should give place to the lowing of cattle. But there is a point beyond which I shall neither be forced nor persuaded. I will never consent that the government shall desert its allies in the South and surrender their rights and interests to the enemy, and in this I will make no distinction of caste or color either among friends or foes. The people of the South were not all traitors. Among theni were knees that never bowed to the Baal of secession, lips that never kissed his image. Among the fastness of the mountains, in the rural dis- tricts, far from the contagion of political centres, the fires of patriotism still burned, sometimes in the higher walks of life, oftcner in obscure hamlets, and still oftener under skins as black as the hearts of those who claimed to own them. These people devoted all they had to their country. The homes of some have been confiscated, and they are now fugi- tives from the scenes that gladdened their childhood. Some were cast into dungeons for refusing to fire upon their country's flag, and still others bear the marks of stripes inflicted forgiving bread and water to the weary soldier of the Republic, and aiding the fugitive to escape the penalty of the disloyalty to treason. If the God of nations listened to the prayers that as- cended from so many altars during those eventful years, it was to the prayers of these people. Sir, we talked of patriotism in our hap- py northern homes, and claimed credit for the part we acted ; but if the history of these peoi)le shall ever be Avritten, it will make us blush that we ever professed to love our country. The government now stands guard over the lives and fortunes of these ])Cople. They are imploring us not to yield them up without condition to those into whose hands recent events have committed the destinies of the unfortunate South. A nation which could thus withdraw its pro- tection from such allies, at such a time, without their full and free consent, could neither hope for the approval of mankind nor the blessing of heaven. Speech of Hon. Charles A. Eldrldge, of AVlsconslu , Against the Civil Jlighta Hill, in lite Hoiue of Repraenta- tii-e*, March 2, 1866. Mr. Speaker : I thought yesterday that I would discuss this measure at some length ; but I find myself this morning very unwell ; and I sliall therefore make only a few remarks, suggesting some ob- jections to the bill. I look upcm the bill before us, Mr. Speaker, as one of the series of measures rising out of a feeling of distrust and hatred on the part of certain individuals, not only in this House, but throughout the country, toward these persons_who formerly held slaves. I had hoped that long Ijef ire this time the i)eople of^ this country would have come to the conclusicm that the sub- ject of slavery and the questions connected with it had already sufliciently agitated this country. I had hoped that now, when the war is over, when peace has been re- stored, when in every State of the Uiiion the institution of slavery has been freely given up, its abolition acquiesced in, and the Constitution of the United States amended in accordance with that idea, this subject would cease to haunt us as it is made to do in the various measures which are constantly being here intro- duced. This bill is, it appears to me, one of the most insidious and dangerous of the vari- ous measures which have been directed against the interest of the people of tliis country. It is another of the measures de- signed to take away the essential rights of the State. I know that when I speak of States and State rights, I enter upon un- popular subjects. But, sir, whatever other gentlemen may think, I hold that the rights of the States are the rights of the Union, that the rights of the States and the liberty of the States are essential to the liberty of the individual citizen. * * * * * Now, it may be said that there is no rea- son for this distinction ; but I claim that there is. And there is no man that can look upon this crime, horrid as it is, dia- bolical as it is when committed by the white man, and not say that such a crime committed by a negro upon a white woman deserves, in the sense and judgment of the American people, a different punishment from that inflicted upon the white num. And yet the very purpose of this section, as I contend, is to abolish or prevent the execution of laws making a distinction in regard to the punishment. But, further, it is said the negro race is weak and feeble ; that they are mere child- ren — "wards of the Government." In many instances it might be ju<t and pro- I per to inflict a less punishment upon them for certain crimes than ujion men of intel- ' ligenoe and education, whose motives may have been worse. It might be better for I the community to control them by milder ! and gentler means. If the judge sitting j upon the bench of the State court shall, in I carrying out the law of the State, inflict a ' higher jienalty upon the white man than that which attaches to the freedman, not that I suppose it is ever contemplated to 190 'AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. enforce that, yet it would be equally ap- plicable, and the penalty would be in- curred by the judge in the same manner precisely. But I proceed to the section I was about to remark upon when the gentleman in- terrupted me. The marshals who may be employed to execute warrants and pre- cepts under this bill, as I have already re- marked, are offered a bribe for the execu- tion of them. It creates marshals in great numbers, and authorizes commissioners to appoint almost anybody for that purpose, and it stimulates them by the offer of a re- ward not given in the case of the arrest of persons guilty of any other crime. It goes further. It authorizes the Presi- dent, when he is apprehensive that some crime of that sort may be committed, on mere suspicion, mere information or state- ment that it is likely to be committed, to take any judge from the bench or any marshal from his office to the place where the crime is apprehended, for the purpose of more efficiently and speedily carrying out the provisions of the bill. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Thayer) tells us that it is very remarkable that it should be claimed that this bill is intended to create and continue a sort of military despotism over the people where this law is to be executed. It seems to me nothing is plainer. Where do we find any laws heretofore passed ha^nng no relation to the negro in which such a pro- vision as this tenth section is to be found ? Generally the marshal seeks by himself to execute this warrant, and failing, he calls out his POSSE coMiTAxrs. But this bill authorizes the use in the first instance of the Army and Navy by the President for the purpose of executing such writs. The gentlemen who advocate this bill are great sticklers for equality, and insist that there shall be no distinction made on account of race or color. Why, sir, every provision of this bill carries upon its face the distinction, and is calculated to jicrpetuate it forever as long as the act shall be in force. Where di(l this measure originate but in the recogni- tion of the difference between races and colors? Does any one pretend that this bill is intended to protect wliite men — to save them from any wrongs which may be inflicted upon them by the negroes? Not at all. It is introduced and pressed in the pretended interest of the black man, and recognizes and virtually declares distinc- tion between race and color. ******* I deprecate all these measures because of the imjilication they carry upon their face, that the peoj)le who have heretofore f)\vned slaves intenn to do them harm. I do not believe it. 80 far as my knowledge goes, and so far aa my information extends, I be- lieve that the people who have held the freedmen as slaves will treat them with more kindness, with more leniency, than those of the North who make such loud pro- fessions of love and affection for them, and are so anxious to pass these bills. They know their nature ; they know their wants ; they know their habits ; they have been brought up together ; none of the pre- judices and unkind feelings which many in the north would have toward them. I do not credit all these stories about the general feeling of hostility in the Soulh to- ward the negro. So far as I have heard opinions expressed upon the subject, and I have conversed with many persons from that section of the country, they do not blame the negro for anything that has hap- pened. As a general thing, he was faith- ful to them and their interests, until the army reached the place and took him from them. He has supported their wives and children in the absence of the husbands and fathers in the armies of the South. He has done for them what no one else could have done. They recognize his general good feeling toward them, and are inclined to reciprocate that feeling toward him. I believe that is the general feeling of the southern people to-day. The cases of ill-treatment are exceptional cases. They are like the cases which have occurred in the northern States where the unfortunate have been thrown upon our charity. Take, for instance, the stories of the cruel treatment of the insane in the State of Massachusetts. They may have been barbarously confined in the loathsome dens as stated in particular instances ; but is that any evidence of the general ill-will of the people of the State of Massachusetts toward the insane? Is that any reason why the Federal arm should be extended to Massachusetts to control and protect the insane there ? It has also been said that certain paupers in certain States have been badly used, paupers, too, who were whites. Is that any reason why we should extend the arm of the Federal Government to those States to protect the poor who are thrown upon the charity of the people there? Sir, we must yield to the altered state of things in this country. We must trust the peo})le ; it is our duty to do so ; we cannot do othenvise. And the sooner we place ourselves in a position where we can win the confidence of our late enemies, where our counsels will be heeded, where our ad- vice may be regarded, the sooner will the people of the whole country be fully recon- ciled to each other and their changed re- lationship; the sooner will all the inhabi- tants of our country be in the possession of all the rights and im)nuiiities essential to their prosperity and happiness. BOOK III.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 191 Hon. A. K. KcClnre on "Wbat of the Re- public 7 Annual Address delii-'ered he/ore the Literary Societies of bickinxon College, June 'IGth, 1873. Gentlemen of the Literary Socie- ties:— What of the Eepublic? The trials and triumphs of our free institutions are hackneyed themes. They are the star attractions of every political conflict. They furnish a perpetual well-spring of every grade of rhetoric for the hustings, and partisan organs proclaim with the regularity of the season*, the annual perils of free government. But a ditferent occasion, with widely different opportunities and duties, has brought us together. The dissembling of the partisan would be unwelcome, but here truth may be manfully spoken of that which so profoundly concerns us alL I am called to address young men who are to rank among the scholars, the teachers, the statesmen, the scientists of their age. They will be of the chiss that must furnish a large proportion of the executives, legis- lators, ministers, and instructors of the generation now rapidly crowding us to the long halt that soon must come. Doubt- less, here and there, some who have been less favored with opportunities, will sur- pass them in the race for distinction ; but in our free government where education is proffered to all, and the largest freedom of conviction and action invites the humblest to honorable preferment, the learned must bear a conspicuous part in directing the destiny of the nation. Every one Avho moulds a thought or inspires a fresh re- solve even in the remotest regions of the Continent, shapes, in some measure, the sovereign power of the Republic. The time and the occasion are alke propitious for a dispassionate review of our political system, and of the political duties which none can reject and be blame- less. Second only to the claims of religion are the claims of country. Especially should the Christian, whether teacher or liearer, discharge political duties with fidelity. I do not mean that the harangue of the partisan should desecrate holy places, or that men should join in the brawls of pot-house politicians ; but I do mean thata faithful discharge of our duty to free government is not only consistent with the most exemplary and religious life, but is a Christian as well as a civil obligation. The government that main- tains liberty of conscience as one of its fun4amental principles, and under which Christianity is recognized as the common law, has just claims upon the Christian citizen for the vigilant exercise of all political rights. If it be true, as is so often confessed around us, that we have suffered a marked decline in political morality and in our political administration, let it not be a.ssumed that the defect is in our system of government, or that the Ijlame lies wholly with those who are faithless or incompetent. Here no citizen is voiceless, and i^one can claim exemption from just responsibility for evils in the body politic. Ours is, in fact as well as in theory, a government of the people ; and its administration is neither better nor worse than the people them- selves. It was devised by wise and patriotic men, who gave to it the highest measure of fidelity ; and so perfectly and harmoniously is its framework fashioned, that the sovereign power can always ex- ercise a salutary control over its own ser- vants. An accidental mistake of popular judgment, or the perfidy of an executive, or the enactment of profligate or violent laws, are all held in such wholesome check by co-ordinate powers, as to enable the supreme authority of the nation to restrain or correct almost every conceivable evil. Until the people as a whole are given over to debauchery the safety of our free institutions cannot be seriously endan- gered. True, such a result might be possible without the demoralization of a majority of the people, if good citizens surrender their rights, and their duties, and their government to those who desire to rule in profligacy and oppression. If reputable citizens refrain from active participation in our political conflicts, they voluntarily surrender the safety of their persons and property, and the good order and well-being of society, to those who are least fitted for the exercise of au- thority. "When such results are visible in any of the various branches of our politi- cal system, turn to the true source and place the responsibility where it justly be- longs. Do not blame the thief and the adventurer, for they are but plying their vocations, and they rob public rather than private treasure, because men guard the one and do not guard the other. Good men employ every proper precaution to protect their property from the lawless. When an injury is done to them individ- ually they are swift to invoke the aveng- ing arm of justice. They are faithful guar- I dians of their own homes and treasures against the untitled spoiler, while they are criminally inditferent to the public wronirs done by those who, in the enactment and execution of the laws, directly affect their happiness and prosperity. Do not answer that politics have become disreputable. Such a declaration is a confession of guilt. He who utters it becomes his own accuser. If it be true that our polities, either gen- erally or in any particular municipality or State, have become disreputable, who must answer for it? Who have made our polities disreputable? Surely not the dis- reputable citizens, for they are a small mi- 192 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. nority in every community and in every | party. If they have obtained control of political organizations, and thereby secured ; their election to responsible trusts, it must have been Avith the active or passive ap- proval of the good citizens who hold the actual power in their own hands. There is not a disgraceful official shaming the people of this country to-day, who does not owe his place to the silent assent or positive support of those who justly claim to be respectable citizens, and who habit- ually plead their own wrongs to escape plain and imperative duties. If dishonest or incompetent appointments have been made, in obedience to the demands of mere partisans, a just expression of the honest sentiments of better citizens, made with the manliness that would point to retribution for such wrongs, would prompt- ly give us a sound practical civil service, and profligacy and dishonesty would end. Our Presidents and Governors are not wholly or even mainly responsible for the low standard of our officials. If good men concede primary political control to those who wield it for selfish ends, by refraining from an active discharge of their political duties, and make the appointing powers dependent for both counsel and support upon the worst political elements, who is to blame when public sentiment is out- raged by the selection of unworthy men to important public trusts? The fruits are but the natural, logical results of good cit- izens refusing to accept their political duties. There is not a blot on our body politic to-day that the better elements of the people could not remove whenever they resolved to do so, — and they will so resolve in good time, as they have always done in the ])ast. There is not a defect or deformity in our political administration that they cannot, and will not correct, by the peaceful expression of their sober con- victions, in the legitimate way pointed out by our free institutions. You who are destined to be more or less conspicuous among the tcatdiors of men, should study well this reserved power so immediately (lonnected with the preserva- tion of our government. The virtue and intelligence of the people is the sure bul- wark of safety for tlie Republic. It has been the source of safety in all times past, in peace and in war, and it is to-day, and will ever continue! to be, tlie omnipotent power that forbids us to doubt the com- ])letc success of free government. It may, at times, l)e long sull'rring and slow to re- sent wrouL's which grow gradually in strcngtli ami dilfusc tlieir jjoisoii through- out tile land. It may invoke just censure for its forbearance in seasons of partisan strife. It may long seem lost as a riding element of our political .system, and may appear to be faithless to its high and sacred duties. It may be unfelt in its gentler in- fluences, which should ever be active in maintaining the purity and dignity of so- ciety and government. But if for a season the better efforts of a free people are not evident to quicken and support pixblic vir- tue, it must not be assumed that the source of good influences has been destroyed, or that public virtue cannot be restored to its just supremacy. When healthful influ- ences do not come like the dew drops which glitter in the morning as they re- vive the harvest of the earth, they will most surely come in their terrible majesty, as the tempest comes to purify the atmos- phere about us. The miasmas which arise from material corruption, poison the air we breathe and disease all physical life within their reach. The poison of political corruption is no less subtle and destructive in its influences upon commimities and nations. But when either becomes general or apparently beyond the power of ordi- nary means of correction, the angry sweep of the hurricane must perform the work of regeneration. In our government the mild, but effectual restraints of good men should be ceaseless in their beneficent ofiices, but when they fail to be lelt in our public aflairs, and evil control has widened and strengthened itself in departments of power, the storm and the thunderbolt have to be invoked for the public safety, and our convulsive but lawful revolutions attest the omnipotence of the reserved virtue of a faithful and intelligent people. I am not before you to garner the scars and disjointed columns of free government. The Eejmblic that has been reared by a century of patriotic labor and sacrifice, more than covers its wounds with the noblest achievements ever recorded in man's struggle for the rights of man. It is not perfect in its administration or in the exercise of its vast and responsible powers; but when was it so? when shall it be so? Ko hunuiii work is perfect. No government in all the i)ast has been Avith- out its misshaped ends; and few, indeed, have survived three generations without revolution. "We must have been more than mortals, if (mr history does not j)resent much that we would be glad to efface. We should be uidike all great peoples of the earth, if we did not mark the ebb and ilow of l)ublic virtue, and the conseipient strug- gles between the good and evil elements of a society in which freedom is at times de- based to license. We have had seasoys of war and of peace. We have had tidal waves of ])assion, with their sweeping demoraliza- tion. We have enlisted the nation.al pride in the |)erilous line of (;on(]uest, and vindi- cated it by the beneficcuit fruits of our civilization. We have liad the temj)est of aggression, and the jjrofound calm that BOOK in.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 193 was the conservator of peace throughout the world. We have revolutionized tlie policy of the government through the bit- ter conflicts of opposing opinions, and it has been strengthened by its trials. We have had the fruits of national struggles transferred to the vanquished, without a shade of violence; and the extreme power of impeachment has been invoked in the midst of intensest political strife, and its i'udgmcnt patriotically obeyed. We have lad fraternal war with its terrible bereave- ments and destruction. We have com- pleted the circle of national perils, and the virtue and intelligence of the people have ever been the safety of the Republic. At no previous period of our history have opportunity and duty so happily united to direct the people of this country to the triumphs and to the imperfections of our government. We have reached a healthy calm in our political struggles. The nation has a trusted ruler, just chosen by an overwhelming vote. The disappoint- ments of conviction or of ambition have passed away, and all yield cordial obedi- ence and respect to the lawful authority of the country. The long-lingering passions of civil war have, for the last time, embit- tered our political strife, and must now be consigned to forgetfulness. The nation is assured of peace. The embers of discord may convulse a State until justice shall be enthroned over mad partisanship, but peace and justice are the inexorable purposes of the people, and they will be obeyed. Sec- tional hatred, long fanned by political ne- cessities, is henceforth effaced from our politics, and the unity of a sincere brother- nood will be the cherished faith of every citizen. We first conquered rebellion, and now have conquered the bitterness and estrangement of its discomfiture. The Vice-President of the insurgent Con- federacy is a Representative in our Con- Ecss. One who was first in the field and st in tlie Senate in support of rebellion has just died while representing the go- vernment in a diplomatic position of the highest honor. Another who served the Confederacy in the field and in the forum, has been one of the constitutional advisers of the national administration. One of the most brilliant of Confederate warriors now serves in the United States Senate, and has presided over that body. The first Lieutenant of Lee was long since honored with responsible and lucrative official trust, and many of lesser note, lately our ene- mies, are discharging important public du- ties. The war and its issues are settled forever. Those who were arrayed against each other in deadly conflict are now friends. The appeal from the ballot to the sword has been made, and its arbitrament has been irrevocably ratified by the su- preme power of the nation. Each has won 87 from the other the respect that is ever awarded to brave men, and the aflectioa that was clouded by the passion that made both rush to achieve an easy triumph, hiLs returned chastened and strengthened by our common sacrifices. Our baltle-ficlda will be memorable as the theatres of the conflicts of the noblest peoj)le the world had to oifer to the god of carnage, and the monuments to our dead. North and South, will be pointed to by succeeding genera- tions as the proud records of the heroLsm of the American people. The overshadowing issues touching the war and its logical results are now no longer in controversy, and in vain will the unworthy invoke patriotism to give them unmerited distinction. No supreme dan- ger can now confront the citi/.en who de- sires to correct errors or abuses of our po- litical system. He who desjiairs of free institutions because evils have been tole- rated, would have despaired of every ad- ministration the countr}' has ever had, and of every government the worid has ever known. If corruption pervades our insti- tutions to an alarming extent, let it not be forgotten that it is the natural order of his- tory repeating itself. It is but the experi- ence of every nation, and our own experi- ence returning to us, to call into vigorous action the regenerating power of a patri- otic people. We have a supreme tribunal that is most jealous of its high preroga- tives, and that will wield its authority mercilessly when the opportune season ar- rives. We have just emerged from the most impassioned and convulsive strife of modern history. It called out the highest type of patriotism, and life and treasure were freely given with the holiest devotion to the cause of self-government. With it came those of mean ambition, and of venal purposes, and they could gain power while the unselfish were devoted to the country's cause. They could not be dethroned be- cause there were grave issues which dare not be sacrificed. Such evils must be borne at times in all governments, rather than destroy the temple to punish the ene- mies of public virtue. To whatever extent these evils exist, they are not the legitimate creation of our free institutions. They are not the creation of mal-administraticm, nor of any party. They are the monstrous bar- nacles spawned by unnatural war, which clogged the gallant ship of State in her ex- tremity, and had to be borne into port with her. And now that the battle is ended, and the issues settled, do not distrust the re- served power of our free institutions. It will heal the scars of war and eflace the stains of corruption, and present the great Republic to the world surpassing in gran- dour, might and excellence, the sublimest ccmceptions ever cherished of human go- vernment. 194 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. As you come to assume the responsibili- ties which must be accepted by the edu- cated citizen, you will be profoundly im- pressed with the multiplied dangers which threaten the government. They will ap- pear not only to be innumerable and likely to defy correction, but they will seem to be of modern creation. It is common to hear intelligent political leaders declaim against the moral and intellectual degeneracy of the times, and especially against the de- cline in public morality and statesmanship. They would make it appear that the people and the government in past times were mo- dels of purity and excellence, while we are unworthy sons of noble sires. Our rulers are pronounced imbecile, or wholly devoted to selfish ends. Our law-makers are declared to be reek- ing with corruption or blinded by ambi- tion, and greed and faithlessness are held up to the world as the chief characteristics oi our officials. From this painful picture we turn to the history of those who ruled in the earlier and what we call the better days of the Republic, and the contrast sinks us deep in the slough of despair. I am not prepared to say that much of the com- plaint against the political degeneracy of the times, and the standard of our officials, is not just; but in the face of all that can be charged against the present, I regard it as the very best age this nation has ever known. The despairing accusations made against our public servants are not the pe- culiar creation of the times in which we live, and the allegation of wide spread de- moralization in the body politic, was no more novel in any of the generations of the past than it is now. We say nothing of our rulers that was not said of those whose memory we so sacredly worship. License is one of the chief penalties, indeed the sole defect of liberty, and it has ever a-sserted its prerogatives with tireless in- dustry. It was a.s irreverent with Wash- ington as it is with Grant. It racked Jef- ferson and Jackson, and it pained and scarred Lincoln and Chase, and their com- patriots. It criticised the campaigns and the heroes of the revolutionary times, as we criticise the living heroes of our day. It belittled the statesmen of every epoch in our national progress, just as we belittle those who are now the guardians of our free institutions. Perhaps we have more provocation than they had ; but if so, they were less charitable, for the tide of ungen- erous criticism and distrust has known no ceasation. I })clieve we have had sea.'^ons when our political system wa.s more free from blemish than it is now, and that we have had periods when both government and people maintained a higher standard of excellence than we can boa.st of ; but it is equally true that we liave, in the i)ast, sounded a depth in the decline of our po- litical administration that the present age can never reach. You must soon appear in the active struggles for the perpetuity of free govern- ment, and some of the sealed chapters of the past are most worthy of your careful study. I would not efface one good inspiration that you have gathered iVom the lives and deeds of our fathers, whose courage and patriotism have survived their infirmities. Whatever we have from them that is puri- fying or elevating, is but the truth of his- tory ; and when unborn generations shall have succeeded us, no age in all the long century of freedom in the New World, will furnish to them higher standards of heroism and statesmanshii? than the defamed and unappreciated times in which Ave live. And when the future statesmen shall tnrn to history for the most unselfish and en- lightened devotion to the Republic, they will pause over the records we have writ- ten, and esteem them the brightest in all the annals of man's best eflx)rts for his race. We can judge of the true standard of our government and people only by a faithful comparison with the true standard of the men and events which have passed away. You find widespread distrust of the success of our political system.- It is the favorite theme of every disappointed ambition, and the vanquished of every important struggle are tempted, in the bitterness of defeat, to despair of the government. AVould you know Avhence comes this chronic or spas- modic political despair ? If so, you must turn back over the graves of ages, for it is as old as free government. Glance at the better days of which we all have read, and to which modern campaign eloquence is so much indebted. Do not stop with the ap- proved histories of the fathers of the Re- public. They tell only of the transcendent wisdom and matchless perfections of those who gave us liberty and ordained govern- ment of the people. Go to the inner tem- ple of truth. Seek that which was then hidden from the nation, but which in these days of newspapers and free schools, and steam and lightning, is an open record so that he who runs may read. Gather up the few public journals of a century ago, and the rare personal letters and sacred diaries of the good and wise men whose examples are so earnestly longed for in the degenerate present, and your despair will be softened and your indignati(»n at cur- rent events will be tem])ered, as you learn that our history is steadily rejieating itself, and that with all our many faults, we grow better as we progref^s. Do you point to the unfaltering courage and countless sacrifices of those who gave us freedom, so deejdy crimsoned with their Itlood? I join you in naming them with reverence, but t must point to their sons, for whom we have not yet ceased to mourn, BOOK III.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OP THE REPUBLIC? 195 who equalled them in every manly and f)atriotic attribute. When wealth and uxury were about us to tempt our people to indifferenee and ease, the world has no records of heroism which dim the lustre of the achievements we have witnessed in the preservation of the liberty our fathers be- queathed to us. Have corruption and perfidy stained the triumphs of which we boast? So did corruption and perfidy stain the revolutionary "times that tried men's souls." Do we question the laurels with which our successful captains have been crowned by a grateful country ? 80 did our forefathers question the just dictinction of him who was first in war and first in peace, and he had not a lieutenant who escaped distrust, nor a council of war that was free from unworthy jealousies and strife. Do jmliticians and even statesmen teach the early destruction of our free institutions? It is the old, old story ; " the babbling echo mocks itself." It distracted the cabinets of Washington and the elder Adams. It was the tireless assailant of Jefferson and Madison. It made the Jack- son administration tempestuous. It gave us foreign war under Polk. It was a teem- ing fountain of discord under Taylor, Pierce and Buchanan. It gave us deadly fraternal conflict under Lincoln. Its dying throes convulsed the nation under John- son. The promise of peace, soberly ac- cepted from Grant, was the crown of an unbroken column of triumphs over the distrust of every age, that was attacking free government. Do we complain of vio- lent and profligate legislation ? Hamilton, the favorite statesman of Washington, was the author of laws, enacted in time of peace, which could not have been enforced in our day even under the necessities and passions of war. And when the judgment of the nation repealed them, he sought to overthrow the popular verdict, because he believed that the government was over- thrown. Almost before order began after the political chaos of the revolution, the intensest struggles were made, and the most violent enactments urged, for mere partisan control. Jeflerson, the chief apostle of government of the people, did not always cherish supreme faith in his own work. He trembled at the tendencies to monarchy, and feared because of " the dupery of which our countrymen have shown themselves susceptible." He res- cued the infant Republic from the central- ization that was the lingering dregs of despotism, and unconsciously sowed the Beecls which ripened into States' rights and nullification under Jackson, and into re- bellion under Lincoln. But for the des- perate conflict of opposing convictions as to the corner-stone of the new structure, Jefferson would have been more wise and conservative. He was faithful to popular government in the broadest acceptation of the theory. He summed it up in his memorable utterance to his neighbors when he returned from France. He said : — "The will of the majority, the natural law of every society, is the only sure guardian of the rights of man. Perhaps even this may sometimes err, but its errors arc honest solitary and short-lived." Politically speak- ing, with the patriots and statesmen of the " better days" of the Republic, their con- fidence in, or distrust of, the government, depended much upon whether Hamilton or Jeflerson ruled. Dream of them as we may, they were but men, with the same ambition, the same love of power, the same infirmities, which we regard as the peculiar ])esetting sins of our times. If you would refresh your store of distrust of all political greatness, study Jeflterson through Burr and Hamilton, or Washing- ton and Hamilton through Jeflerson, or Jackson through Clay and the second Adams, or (^lay and Adams through Jack- son and Randolph, and you will think better of the enlightened and liberal age in which you live. No error is so common among free people as the tendency to depreciate the present and all its agencies and achieve- ments. We all turn with boundless pride to the Senate of Clay, Webster and Calhoun. In the period of their great conflicts, it w:i.s the ablest legislative tribunal the world has ever furnished. Rome and Greece in the zenith of their greatness, never gath- ered such a galaxy of statesmen. But not until they had passed away did the nation learn to judge them justly. Like the tow- ering oaks when the tempest sweeps over the forest, the storm of faction was fiercest among their crowns, and their struggles of mere ambition, and their infirmities, which have been kindly forgotten, often made the thoughtless or the unfaithful despair of our free institutions. Not one of them es- caped detraction or popular reprobation. Not one was exempt from the grave accu- sation of shaping the destruction of our nationality, and yet not one meditated de- liberate wrong to the country on which all reflected so much honor. Calhoun des- paired of the Union, because of the irre- pressible antagonism of sectional interests, but he cherished the sincerest faith in free institutions. But when the dispassionate historian of the future is brought to the task of recording the most memorable tri- umphs of our political system, he will puss over the great Senate of the last genera- tion, and picture in their just proportions the grander achievements of the heroes and statesmen who have been created in our own time. If we could draw aside the veil that conceals the future from us, and see how our children will judge the trials 196 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. and triumphs of the last decade, we would be shamed at our distrust of ourselves and of the instruments we have employed to discharge the noblest duties. Our agents came up from among us. We knew them before they were great, and remembered well their common inheritance of human defects. — They are not greater than were men who had lived before them, but the nation has had none in all the past who could have written their names higher on the scroll of fame. We knew Lincoln as the uncouth Western campaigner and ad- vocate; as a man of jest, untutored in the graces, and unschooled in statesmanship. We know him in the heat and strife of the political contests which made him our President, and our passions and prejudices survived his achievements. If his friends, we were brought face to face with his im- perfections, and perhaps complained that he was unequal to impossibilities. If his enemies, we antagonized his policy and magnified his errors. We saw him wrestle with the greed of the place-man, with the ambitious warrior and with the disappoint- ed statesman. We received his great act of Emancipation as a part of the mere po- litical policy of his rule, and jvidged it by the light of prejudiced partisan convic- tions. But how will those of the future judge him? When the hatreds which attached to his public acts have passed into forget- fulness; when his infirmities shall have been buried in oblivion, and when all his master monuments shall stand out in bold relief, made stainless by the generous offi- ces of time, his name will be linked with devotion wherever liberty has a worship- per. And it will be measurably so of those who were his faithful co-laborers. It will be forgotten that they were at times weak, discordant, irresolute men when they had to confront problems the solution of which had no precedents in the world's history. It will not be conspicuous in the future records of those great events, that the most learned and experienced member of his cabinet would have accepted peace by any supportable compromise, and that one of the most trusted of his constitutional advisers would have assented to peaceable dismemberment to escape internecine war. Few will ever knowthatour eminent Min- ister of War was one of those who was lea.st hopeful of the preservation of the unity of the States, when armed secession made its first trial of strength with the ad- ministration. It will not be recorded how the surrender of Sumter was gravely dis- cussed to postpone the presence of actual hostilities, and how the midsummer mad- ness of rebellion made weakness and dis- cord give way to might and harmony, by the first gun that sent its unprovoked mes- senger of death against the flag and de- fenders of the Union. It will not be re- membered that faction ran riot in the high- est places, and that the struggle for the throne embittered cabinet councils and es- tranged eminent statesmen, even when the artillery of the enemy thundered within sound of the Capital. It will not be declared how great captains toyed with armies and decimated them upon the deadly altar of ambition, and how blighted hopes of preferment made jangled strife and fruitless campaigns. Nor will the insidious treason that wounded the cause of free government in the home of its friends, blot the future pages of our history in the just proportions in which the living felt and knew it. It will be told that in the hour of greatest peril, the ad- ministration was criticised, and the consti- tution and laws expounded, with supreme ability and boldness, while the meaner struggles of the cowardly and faithless will be effaced with the passions of the times that created them. And it is best that these defects of greatness should slumber with mortality. Not only the heroes and rulers, but the philanthropists as well, of all nations and ages, have had no exemp- tion from the frailties which are colossal when in actual view. That we have been no better than we have seen ourselves, does not prove that we are a degenerate people. On the contrary, it teaches how much of good and great achievement may be hoped for with all the imperfections we see about us. In our unexampled struggle, when faction, and corruption, and faithlessness had done their worst, a [regenerated na- tionality, saved to perfected justice, liberty and law, was the rich fruits of the patriotic efforts of the people and their trusted but fallible leaders. There is the ineffaceable record we have written for history, and it will be pointed to as the sublimest tribute the world has given to the theory of self- government. The many grievous errors and bitter jealousies of the conflict which weakened and endangered the cause; the venality that grew in hideous strength, while higher and holier cares gave it safety ; the incompetency that grasped place on the tidal waves of devotion to country, and the wide-spread political evild which still linger as sorrowful legacies among us, will in the fulness of time be healed and forgotten, and only the grand consummation will be memorable. Thi» generous judgment of the virtue and intel- figence of the people, that corrects the varying efforts and successes of political prostitution ; that pardons the defects of those who are faithful in pnrj)ose, and without which the greatest deeds would go down to posterity scarred and deformed, is the glass through which all must read of the noblest triumphs of men. Our Republic stands alone in the whole BOOK III.] A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 197 records of civil government. In its theory, in its complete organization, and in its ad- ministration, it is wholly exceptional. We talk thoughtlessly of the overthrow of the old Republics, and the weak or disap- pointed turn to history for the evidence of our destruction. It is true that Rei>ublics which have been mighty among the iK)wers of the earth have crumbled into hopeless decay, and that the shiflinj^ sands of time have left desolate places where once were omnipotence and grandeur. Rome made her ahnost boundless conquests under the banner of the Republic, and a sister Re- public was her rival in greatness and splen- dor. They are traced obscurely on the pages of history as governments of the peo- ple. Rome became mistress of the world. Her triumphal arches of costliest art re- corded her many victories. Her temples of surpassing elegance, her colossal and exquisite statues of her chieftains, her im- posing columns dedicated to her invincible soldiery, and her apparently rapid progress toward a beneficent civilization, give the story of the devotion and heroism of her citizens. But Rome never was a free rep- resentative government. AVhat is called her Republic was but a series of surging plebeian and patrician revolutions, of Tri- bunes, Consuls and Dictators, with seasons of marvelous prowess under the desperate lead of as marvelous ambition. The tran- quillity, the safety, and the inspiration of a government of liberty and law, are not to be found in all the thousand years of Ro- man greatness. The lust of empire wa.s the ruling passion in the ancient Repub- lics. Hannibal reflected the supreme sen- timent of Carthage when he bowed at the altar and swore eternal hostility to Rome ; and Cato, the Censor, as faithfully spoke for Rome when he declared to an approv- ing Senate — " Carthago delenda /" Such was the mission of what history hands down to us as the great free governments of the ancients. Despotism was the forerun- ner of corruption, and the proudest eras they knew were but hastening them to in- evitable destruction. The imperial purple soon followed in Rome, as a debauched people were pre- f)ared to accept in form what they had ong accepted with the mockery of free- dom. Rulers and subjects, noble and ig- noble, church and state, made common cause to precipitate her decay. At la.st the columns of the barbarian clouded her valleys. The rude hosts of Attila, the "Scourge of God," swarmed upon her, and their battle-axes smote the demoralized I warriors of the tottering empire. The Goth ' and the Vandal jostled each other from the ' degraded sceptre they had conquered, and j Rome was left widowed in her ruins. And ! Carthage ! — she too had reartnl a great government by spoliation, and called it a j Republic. It was the creation of ambition and conquest. Her great chieftain swept over the Pyrenees and the Alps with his victorious legions, and even made tlie gates of the Eternal City tremble bel'ore the impetuous advance of the Carthagenians. But Carthage never was free until the cormorant and the bittern possessed it, and the God of nations had " stretched out upon it the line of confusion and the stones of emptiness." Conqueror and confjuered are blotted from the list of the nations of the earth. We read of the Grecian Re- public ; but it was a libel upon free gov- ernment. Her so-called free institutions consisted of a loose, discordant confedera- tion of independent States, where despo- tism ruled in the name of liberty. Sparta has made romance i)ale before the achieve- ments of her sons, but her triumj)hs were not of peace, nor were they for free gov- ernment. Athens abolished royalty more than a thousand years before the Chris- tian era, and made Athenian history most thrilling and instructive, but her citizens were strangers to freedom. The most sanguinary wars with sister States, domes- tic convulsions almost without cessation, and the grinding oppression of caste, were the chief offerings of the government to its subjects. Solon restored her laws to some measure of justice, only to be cast aside for the usurper. Greece yet has a name among the nations of the world, but her sceptre for which the mightiest once warred to en- slave her people under the banner of the Republic, has long since been unfelt in shaping the destiny of mankind. Thus did Rome and Carthage and Greece fade from the zenith of distinction and power, before constitutional government of the people had been born among men. To- day there is not an established sister Re- public that equals our single Common- wealth in population. Spain, France and Mexico have in turn worshiped Emperors, Kings, Dictators and popular Presidents. Yesterday they were reckoned Republics. What they have been made to-day, or what they will be made to-morrow, is un- certain and unimportant. They are not now, and never have been. Republics save in name, and never can be free govern- ments until their people are transformed into law-creating and law-abiding com- munities. With them monarchy is a re- fuge from the license they miscall liberty, and desjiotism is peace. Switzerland is called a Republic. She point.s to her ac- knowledged independence four hundred years ago, but not until the middle of the present century did the Republic of the Alps find tranquillity in a constitutional government that inaugurated the liberty of law. Away on a rugged mountain-top in Italy, is the only Republic that has maintained popular government among 198 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book m. the States of Europe. For more than four- teen hundred years a handful of isolated people, the followers of a Dalmatian her- mit priest, have given the world an ex- ample of unsullied freedom. Through all the mutations, and revolutions, and re- linings of the maps of Europe, the little territory of San Marino has heen sacredly respected. Her less than ten thousand people have prospered without interrup- tion; and civil commotions and foreign disputes or conflicts have been unknown among them. She has had no wealth to tempt the spoiler ; no commerce or teem- ing valleys to invite conquest ; no wars to breed dictators; no surplus revenues to corrupt her officials ; and in patient and frugal industry her citizens have enjoyed the national felicity of having no history. They have had no trials and no triumphs, and have made civilization better only by the banner of peace they have worshipped through all the convulsions and bloody strife of many centuries. The world has but one Eepublic that has illustrated constitutional freedom in all its beneficence, power and grandeur, and that is our own priceless inheritance. As a government, our Republic has alone been capable of, and faithful to, represen- tative free institutions, with equal rights, equal justice, and equal laws for every con- dition of our fellows. All the nations of the past furnish no history that can logic- ally repeat itself in our advancement or decline. Created through the severest trials and sacrifices ; maintained through foreign and civil war with unexampled devotion ; faithful to law as the offspring and safety of liberty ; progressive in all that ennobles our peaceful industry, and cherishing en- lightened and liberal Christian civilization as the trust and pride of our citizens, for our government of the people, none but itself can be its parallel. In what are called free governments of antiquity, we search in vain for constitu- tional freedom, or that liberty that subor- dinates passion and license to law. The refuge from the constant jjcrils of an unre- strained Democracy was always found in despotism, and when absolutism became intolerable, the tide of passion would surge back to Democracy. The people, in mass councils, would rule Consuls, I'residents and (k-nerals, but it was fruitful only of chaos and revolution. Tiie victorious chieftain and the illustrious philosopher would l)e honored with thanksgivings to th(^ gods for their achievements, and their banislmu'Tit or death would next be de- manded by the same supreme tribunal. Grand tenii)les and columns and triuni])]ial arches would be erected to commcniorate the victories of the dominant ])ower, atul the returning waves of revolution would decree the actors and their monumcuts to destruction. Ambitious demagogues pros- tituted such mockeries of government to the basest purposes. The Olympic games of Greece became the mere instruments of unscrupulous leaders to lure the people, in the name of freedom, to oppression and degradation, and the wealth of Rome was lavishly employed to corrupt the source of popular power, and spread demoralization throughout the Republic. The debauched citizens and soldiers were inflamed by cun- ning and corrupt devices, against the purest and most eminent of the sincere defenders of liberty; and the vengeance of the infu- riated mob, usurping the supreme power of the State, would doom to exile or to death, honest Romans who struggled for Roman freedom. Cato, the younger. Tribune of the people, and faithful to his country, took his own life to escape the reprobation of a polluted sovereignty. Cicero was Consul of the people, made so by his triumph over CiBsar. But the same peo^jle who wor- shijjped him and to whose honor and pros- perity he was devoted, banished him in disgrace, confiscated his wealth and devas- tated his home. Again he was recalled through a triumphal ovation, and again proscribed by the triumvirs and murdered by the soldiers of Antony. The Grecian Republic banished "Aristides the just," and Demosthenes, the first orator of the world, who withstood the temptations of Macedonian wealth, was fined, exiled and his death decreed. He saved his country the shame of his murder by suicide. Mil- tiades won the plaudits of Greece for his victories, only to die in prison of wounds received in fighting her battles. Themis- tocles, orator, statesman and chieftain, was banished and died in exile. Pericles, once master of Athens, and who gave the world the highest attainments in Grecian arts, was deposed from military and civil au- thority by the people he had honored. Socrates, immortal teacher of Grecian philosophy, soldier and senator, and one of the most shining examples of public vir- tue, was ostracised and condemned and drank the fatal hemlock. The ]\epublic of Carthage gave the ancients their great- est general, and as chief magistrate, he was as wise in statesmanship as lie was skillful in war ; but in a strange land Hannibal closed his eyes to his country's woes by taking his own life. Nor need we confine oiu' research to Pagan antiquity alone, for such stains ujion what is called popular government. During the present century France has enthroned and banished the Pourbons, ami worshiped and execrated the Bonajiartes ; and fe])ain and Mexico, and scores of States of lesser note, have welcomed and s]nirned the same rulers, and created and overthrew the same dy- Uiusties. For the matchless progress of cnlight- BOOKiii.J A. K. McCLURE ON WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC? 199 ened rule during the last century, the world i.s indebted to JCnghuid luul America. Parent and child, though separated by violence and estranged in their sympathies even to the latest days, have been co- workers in the great cause of perl'ecting and strengthening liberal government. Each has been too prone to hope and labor for the decline or subordination of the other, but they both have thereby " builded wiser than they knew." Their ceaseless rivalry for the approving judgment of civilization and for the development of the noblest attributes of a generous and en- during authority, have made them vastly better and wiser than either would have been without the other. We have in- herited her supreme sanctity for law, and thus bounded our liberties by conservative restraints upon popular passions, until the sober judgment of the people can correct them. She has, however unwillingly, yielded to the inspiration of our enlarged freedom and advanced with hesitating steps toward the amelioration of her less favored classes. She maintains the form and splendor of royalty, but no monarch, no ministry, no House of Lords, can now defy the Commoners of the English people. The breath of disapproval coming from the popular branch of the government, dis- solves a cabinet or compels an api)eal to the country. A justly beloved Queen, un- vexed by the cares of State, is the symbol of the majesty of English law, and there monarchy practically ends. We have reared a nobler structure, more delicate in its framework, more exquisite in its har- mony, and more imposing in its progress. Its beneticence would be its weakness with any other people than our own. Solon summed up the history of many peoples, when, in answer to the question whether he had given the Athenians the best of laws, he said: "The best they were capa- ble of receiving!" Even England with her marked distinctions of rank, and widely divided and unsympathetic classes, could not entrust her administration to popular control, without inviting convul- sive discord and probable disintegration. Here we confide the enactment and execu- tion of our laws to the immediate repre- sentatives of the people; but executives, and judicial tribunals, and conservative legislative branches, are firmly established, to receive the occasional surges of popular error, as the rock-ribbed shore makes harmless the waves of the tempest. We have no antagonism of rank or caste ; no patent of nobility save that of merit, and the Republic has no distinction that may not be won by the humblest of her citizens. Our illustrious patriots, statesmen, and chieftains are cherislieel as household gods. Thov have not in turn been ai)plaudcd and condemned, unless they have betrayed pub- lic trust. They are the creation of our people under our exceptional system, that educates all and advances those who are most emi- nentand faithful ; and they are, from genera- tion to generation, tlie enduring monuments of the Republic. We need no triumphal arches, or towering columns, or magnificent temples to record our achievements. Every patriotic memory bears in perpetual fresh- ness the inscriptions of our noblest deeds, and every devoted heart quickens its pulsa- tions at the contemj)lation of the power and safety of government of the people. In every trial, in peace and in war, we have created our warriors, our pacificators and our great teachers of the country's sublime duties and necessities. It is not always our most polished scholars, or our ripest statesmen who have the true inspi- ration of the loyal leader. Ten years ago one of the most illustrious scholars and orators of our age, was called to dedicate the memorable battle field of Gettysburg, as the resting place of our martyred dead. In studied grandeur he told the story of the heroism of the soldiers of the Repub- lic, and in chaste and eloquent passages he plead the cause of the imperiled and bleed- ing Union. The renowned orator has passed away, and his oration is forgotten. There was present on that occasion, the chosen ruler and leader of the people. He was untutored in eloquence, and a stranger to the art of playing upon the hopes or grief of the nation. He was the sincere, the unfaltering guardian of the unity of the States, and his utterance, brief and un- studied, inspired and strengthened every patriotic impulse, and made a great people renew their great work with the holiest devotion. As he turned from the dead to the living, he gave the text of liberty for all time, when he declared : " It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain ; that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that the government of the people, by the jjcople, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." Neitlier birth, nor circumstance, nor power, can command the devotion of our people. Our revolutions in enlightened sentiment, have been the creation of all the varied agencies of our free government, and the judgments of the nation have passed into history a:5 marvels of justice. We have wreathed our military and civil heroes with the greenest laurels. In the strife of ambition, some have felt keenly what they deemed the ingratitude of the Republic ; but in their disappointment, they could not understand that the highest 200 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book in. homage of a free people is not measured by place or titled honors. Clay was none the less beloved, and Webster none the less revered, because their chief ambition was not realized. Scott was not less the " Great Captain of the Age," because he was smit- ten in his eflforts to attain the highest civil distinction. But a few months ago two men of humblest opportunities and oppo- site characteristics, were before us as rival candidates for our first office. One had been a great teacher, who through patient years of honest and earnest effort, had made his impress upon the civilization of every clime. He was the defender of the oppressed, and the unswerving advocate of equal rights for all mankind. Gradually his labors ripened, but the fruits were to be gathered through the flame of battle, and he was unskilled in the sword. An- other had to come with his brave reapers into the valley of death. He was unknown to fame, and the nation trusted others who wore its stars. But he transformed despair into hope, and defeat into victory. He rose through tribulation and malice, by his invincible courage and matchless com- mand, until the fruition of his rival's teachings had been realized in their own, and their country's grandest achievement. In the race for civil trust, partisan de- traction swept mercilessly over both, and two men who had written the proudest re- cords of their age, in their respective spheres of public duty, were assailed as incompetent and unworthy. Both taught peace. One dared more for hastened re- conciliation, forgiveness and brotherhood. The other triumphed, and vindicated his rival and himself by calling the insurgent to share tlie honors of the Republic. Soon after the strife was ended, they met at the gates of the " City of the Silent," and the victor, as chief of the nation, paid the na- tion's sincere homage to its untitled, but most beloved and lamented citizen. Had the victor been the vanquished, the lustre of his crown would have been undimmed in the judgment of our people or of his- tory. Our rulers are but our agents, cho- sen in obedience to the convictions which govern the policy of the selection, and mere political success is no enduring con- stituent of greatness. The public servant, and the private citizen, will alike be hon- ored or condemned, as they are faithful or unfaithful to their responsible duties. When we search for the agencies of the great epochs in our national i)rogrcss, we look not to the accidents of place. Un- like all other govcrnmeuts, ours is guided Bupremely by intelligent and educated pub- lic convictions, and those who are clothed with authority, are but the exponents of the popular will. Herein is the source of safety and advancement of our free in- stitutions. On every hand, in the ranks of people, are the tireless teachers of our destiny. Away in the forefront of every struggle, are to be found the masters who brave passion and prejudice and interest, in the perfection of our nationality. Our free press reaching into almost every hamlet of the land ; our colleges now reared in every section ; our schools with open doors to all ; our churches teaching every faith, with the protection of the law ; our citizens endowed with the sacred right of freedom of speech and action ; our rail- roads spanning the continent, climbing our mountains, and stretching into our valleys; our telegraphs making every community the centre of the world's daily records — these are the agencies which are omnipo- tent in the expression of our national pur- poses and duties. Thus directed and main- tained, our free government has braved foreign and domestic war, and been purified and strengthened in the crucible of conflict. It has grown from a few feeble States east of the Ohio wilderness, to a vast continent of commonwealths, and forty millions of population. It has made freedom as uni- versal as its authority within its vast pos- sessions. The laws of inequality and caste are blotted from its statutes. It reaches the golden slopes of the Pacific with its beneficence, and makes beauty and plenty in the valleys of the mountains on the sun- set side of' the Father of Waters. From the cool lakes of the north, to the sunny gulfs of the South, and from the eastern seas to the waters that wash the lands of the Pagan, a homogeneous people obey one constitution, and are devoted to one coun- try. Nor have its agencies and influences been limited to our own boundaries. The whole accessible world has felt its power, and paid tribute to its excellence. Europe has been convulsed from centre to circum- ference by the resistless throbbings of op- pressed peoples for the liberty they cannot know and could not maintain. The proud Briton has imitated his wayward but reso- lute child, and now rules his own throne. France has sung the Marseillaise, her an- them of freedom, and waded through blood in ill-directed struggles for her disentliral- ment. The scattered tribes of the Father- land now worship at the- altar of (xerman unity, with a liberalized Empire. The sad song of the serf is no longer lieard from the chihlren of the Czar. Italy, dismembered and tempest tossed through centuries, again ordains her laws in the Eternal City, un- der a monarch of her choice. The throne of Ferdinand and Isabella has now no kingly ruler, and the inspiration of free- dom iias unsettled the title of desi)otism to the Spanish scejitre. The trained light- ning flashes the lessons of our civilization to the home of the Pyramids; the land of the Heathen has our teachers in its deso- late places, and the God of Day sets not BooKiii.J ROBERT G. INGERSOLL NOMINATING BLAINE. 201 upon the boundless triumphs of our go- vernment of the people. Robert O. JngeTuoll, of IIII110I8, Jn the Ndlionnl IlepublicuH Conveii/ion at t'hi<mn<Ui, June, 18"G, in Huminuliiig James 0. liluiiie fvr Ihe IVusUlency, " Massaeliusotts may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristovv ; so am I ; but if any man nominated by this convention cannot carry the State of Mas- sachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that State. If the nominee of this convention cannot carry the grand old Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy-five thousand majority, I would advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I would advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monument of glory. "The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of well-known and ap- proved political opinions. They demand a reformer after as well as before the elec- tion. They demand a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense — a maii of superb moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs, with the wants of the people ; with not only the requirements of the hour, but with the demands of the future. They demand a man brwad enough to comprehend the re- lations of this government to the other nations of the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties, and pre- rogatives of each and everj' department of this Government. They demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the United States ; one who knows enough to know that the national debt must be paid through the prosi)erity of this people ; one who knows enough to know that all tlie financial theories in the world cannot redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all the money must be made, not by law, but by labor ; one who knows enough to know that the people of the United States have the in- dustry to make the money and the honor to pay it over just as fast as they make it. The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that prosjicrity and resumption, when they come must come together ; that when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest fields ; hand in hand by the whirl- ing spindles and the turning wheels ; hand in hand past the o])en furnace doors ; hand in hand by the fiaming forges; hand in hand by the chinuieys filled Avith eager fire — greeted and grasped by the countless sons of toil. " This money has to be dug out of the earth. You cannot make it by passing resolutions in a political convention. "The Republic'ans of tlie United States want a man who knows that tliis Govern- ment should protect every citizen, at home and abroad ; who knows that any govern- ment that will not defend its defenders, and protect its ])rotectors, is a disgrace to tiie map of the world. They demand a man who believes in the eternal separation and divorcement of Church and School. 'J'jiey demand a nmn whose political repu- tation is spotless as a star ; but they do not demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of moral character signed by a (Jonfederate Congress. The man who has, in full, heai)ed and rounded measure, all these splendid qualifications, is the present grand and gallant leader of the Republi- can party — James G. Blaine. " Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its first cent^iry, asks for a man worthy of the past and prophetic of her fiiture ; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a man who is the grandest com- bination of heart, conscience and brain beneath her flag. Such a man js James G. Blaine. "For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no defeat. " This is a grand year — a year filled with the recollections of the Revolution ; filled with proud and tender memories of the past ; with the sacred legends of liberty ; a year in which the sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm; a year in which the people call for a man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won u])on the field ; a year in which they call for the man who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of slander; for the man who has snatched the mask of Democracy from the hideous face of rebel- lion ; for the man who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. " Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched d(nvn the halls of the American Congress, and threw hisshining lance full and fairagainst the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his country and the maligners of his honor. " For the Republican party to desert this gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their general upon the field of battle. " James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no human being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without re- maining free. "Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great l\epublic, the only Re- public that ever existed upon this earth ; 202 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. in the name of all her defenders and of all her supportei-s ; in the name of all her sol- diers living ; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at Andersouville and Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly re- members, Illinois — Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, that prince of parliamentarians — that leader of leaders — James G. Blaine." Roscoe ConKUxig, of New York, In the Natiotial EeptthJican Coyivention at Chicago, June, 1880, tiominaling Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency. "And when asked what State he hails from. Our sole reply shall be, He halls from Appomattox And the famous Apple tree." Obeying instructions I should never dare to disregard, I rise in behalf of the State of New York to propose a nomination with wjjich the country and the Republican party can grandly win. The election before us will be the Austerlitz of American politics. It will decide whether for years to come the country will be 'Republican or Cossack.' The need of the hour is a candidate who can carry doubtftil States, North and South ; and believing that he more surely than any other can carry New York against any op- ponent, and carry not only the North, but several States of the South, New York is for Ulysses S. Grant. He alone of living Republicans has carried New York as a Presidential candidate. Once he carried it even according to a Democratic count, and twice he carried it by the people's vote, and he is stronger now. The Repub- lican party with its standard in his hand, is stronger now than in 1868 or 1872. Never defeated in war or in peace, his name is the most illustrious borne by any living man ; his services attest his great- ness, and the country knows them by heart. His fame Avas born not alone of things written and said, but of the arduous great- ness of things done, and dangers and emergencies will search in vain in the fu- ture, as they have searched in vain in the f>ast, for any other on whom the nation cans witli such confidence and trust. Standing on the highest eminence of hu- man distinction, and liaving filled all lands with his renown, modest, firm, simple and self-poised, he has seen not only the titled but the pour and the lowly in the utmost ends of tlio world rise and uncover before him. He Inis studied the needs and <le- fects of many systems of government, and he comoa back a bettor American than ever, with a wealth of knowledge and ex- perience added to the hard common sense whifh so conspicuously distinguished liini in all the fierce light tli.it heat upon him throughout the moat eventful, trying uud perilous sixteen years of the nation's his- tory. " Never having had ' a policy to enforce against the will of the people,' he never betrayed a cause or a friend, and the peo- ple will never betray or desert him. Vili- fied and reviled, truthlessly aspersed by numberless presses, not in other lands, but in his own, the assaults upon him have strengthened and seasoned his hold upon the public heart. The ammunition of calumny has all been exploded ; the pow- der has all been burned once, its force is spent, and General Grant's name will glit- ter as a bright and imperishable star in the diadem of the Republic when those who have tried to tarnish it will have mouldered in forgotten graves and their memories and epitaphs have vanished utterly. " Never elated by success, never de- pressed by adversity, he has ever in peace, as in war, shown the very genius of com- mon sense. The terms he prescribed for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest principles and prophecies of true recon- struction. " Victor in the greatest of modern wars, he quickly signalized his aversion to war and his love of peace by an arbitration of international disputes which stands as the wisest and most majestic example of ita kind in the world's diplomacy. When inflation, at the height of its popularity and frenzy, had swept both houses of Con- gress, it was the veto of Grant which, sin- gle and alone, overthrew expansion and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him, immeasurably more than to any other man, is due the fact that every paper dollar is as good as gold, ^^'ith him as our leader we shall have no defensive cam- paign, no apologies or explanations to make. The shafts and arrows have all been aimed at him and lie broken and harmless at his feet. Life, liberty and property will find safeguard in him. When he said of the black man in Florida, ' Wherever I am they may come also,' he meant that, had he the power to help it, the poor dwellei's in the cabins of the South should not be driven in terror from the homes of their childhood and the graves of their murdered dead. When he refused to receive Denis Kearney he meant that lawlessness and communism, although it should dictate laws to a whole city, would everywhere meet a foe in him, and, ])opu- lar or unpo})ular, he will hew to the line of right, let the chips fly where they mav. His integrity, his common sense, his courage and his une(iualed experience are the qualities offered to his country. The only argument against accejiting them would amaze Solomon. He thought there could 1)(" nothing lU'W under the sun. Hav- ing tried Craut twice and found him faith- BOOK III.] GARFIELD NOMINATING SHERMAN. 203 fill, we are told we must not, even after an interval of years, trust him again. What stultification does not such a fallacy in- volve I The American people exclude Jef- ferson Davis Irom puGlic trust. Why ? Because he was the arch traitor and would be a destroyer. And now the same people are asked to ostracize Grant and not trust him. Why? Because he was the arch preserver of his country ; because, not only in Avar, but alterward, twice as a civic magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. Is such absurdity an electioneeriug jugglery or hypocrisy's masquerade ? " There is no field of human activity, responsibility or reason in which rational beings object to Grant because he has been weighed in the balance and not found wanting, and because he has had unequal ed experience, making him exceptionally competent and fit. From the man who shoes your horse to the lawyer who pleads your case, the officers who manage your rail- way, the doctor into whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks to save your souls, what now do you reject because you have tried him and by his works have known him ? What mal<>es the Presidential office an exception to all things else in the common sense to be applied to selecting its incumbent? Who dares to put fetters on the free choice and judgment which is the birthright of the American people? Can it be said that Grant has used official power to perpetuate his plan ? lie has no Elace. No official power has been ased for im. Without patronage or power, with- out telegraph wires running from his house to the convention, without elec- tioneering contrivances, without ellbrt on his part, his name is on his country's lips, and he is struck at by the whole Democra- tic party because his nomination will be the death-blow to Democratic success. He is struck at by others who find offense and disqualification in the very service he has rendered and in the very experience he has gained. Show me a better man. Name one and I am answered. But do not point, as a disqualification, to the very facts which make this man fit beyond all others. Let not experience disqualify or excellence impeach him. There is no third term in the case, and the pretense will die with the political dog-days which engendered it. Nobody is really worried about a third term except those hopelessly longing for a first term and the dupes they have made. Without bureaus, committees, officials or emissaries to manufacture sentiment in his favor, without intrigue or eftbrt on his part, Grant is the candidate whose sup- porters have never threatened to bolt. As they say, he is a Republican who never wavers. He and his friends stood by the creed and the candidates of the Republican l)arty, holding the right of a majority su the very essence of their faith, and mean- ing to uphold that faith against the com- mon enemy and the charlatans and guer- rillas who from time to time deploy be- tween the lines and forage on one side or the other. " The Democratic party is a standing- protest against progress. Its purposes are spoils. Its hope and very existence is a solid South, its success is a menace to prosperity and order. " This convention is master of a supreme opportunity, can name the next President of the United States and make sure of his election and his peaceful inauguration. It can break the power which dominates and mildews the South. It can speed the nation in a careerof grandeur eclipsing all past achievements. We have only to lis- ten above the din and look beyond the dust of an hour to behold the Republican party advancing to victory, with its great- est marshal at its head." James A. Garfleld, of Oliio, In the Natiowil Reptiblican Convention at ChUago. June, 1880, nominating John Hherman for the Presidency. " I have witnessed the extraordinary scenes of this convention with deep solici- tude. No emotion touches my heart more quickly than a sentiment in honor of a great and noble character. But as I sat on these seats and witnessed these demonstra- tions, it seemed to me you were a human ocean in a tempest. I have seen the sea lashed into a fury and tossed into a spray, and its grandeur moves the soul of the dullest man. But I remember that it is not the billows, but the calm level of the sea from which all heights and depths are measured. When the storm has passed and the hour of calm settles on the ocean, when sunlight bathes its smooth surface, then the astronomer and surveyor takes the level from which he measures all terrestrial heights and depths. Gentlemen of the convention, your present temper may not mark the healthful pulse of our people. When our enthusiasm has passed, when the emotions of this hour have sub- sided, we shall find the calm level of pub- lic opinion below the storm from which the thoughts of a mighty people are to be measured, and by which their final action will be determined. Not here, in this brilliant circle where fifteen thousand men and women are assembled, is the destiny of the Republic to be decreed ; not here, where I see the enthusiastic faces of seven hundred and fitly-six delegates waiting tn cast their votes into the urn and (htcrmine the choice of their party ; but by four mil- lion Republican firesides, where the thoughtful fathers, with wives and children 204 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. about them, with the calm thoughts in- spired by love of home and love of country, with the history of the past, the hopes of the future, and the knowledge of the great men who have adorned and blessed our nation in days gone by — there God pre- pares the verdict that shall determine the wisdom of our work to-night. Not in Chicago in the heat of June, but in the sober quiet that comes between now and the melancholy days of November, in the silence of deliberate judgment will this great question be settled. Let us aid them to-night. But now, gentlemen of the convention, what do we want? Bear with me a mo- ment. Hear me for this cause, and for a moment be silent, that you may hear. Twenty-five years ago this Republic was wearing a triple chain of bondage. Long familiarity with traffic in the bodies and souls of men had paralyzed the conscience of a majority of our people. The baleful doctrine of State Sovereignty had shocked and weakened the noblest and most benefi- cent powers of the National Government, and the grasping power of slavery was seizing the virgin territory of the West and dragging them into the den of eternal bondage. At that crisis the Republican party Avas born. It drew its first inspira- tion from that fire of liberty which God has lighted in every man's heart, and which all the powers of ignorance and tyrannv can never wholly extinguish. The Republican party came to deliver and save the Republic. It entered the arena when the beleaguered and assailed territories were struggling for freedom, and drew around them the sacred circle of liberty which the demon of slavery has never dared to cross. It made them free forever. Strengthened by its victory on the frontier, the young party, under the leadership of that great man who, on this spot, twenty years ago, was made its leader, entered the national capital and assumed the high duties of the Government. The light which shone from its banner dispelled the darkness in which slavery had enshrouded the capital, and melted the shackles of every slave, and consumed, in the fire of liberty, every slave-pen within the shadow of the Capi- tol. Our national industries, by an im- poverishing policy, were themselves pros- trated, and tiie streams of revenue flowed in such feeble currents that the Treasury itself was well nigh empty. The money of the people was the wretched notes of two thousand uncontrolled and irresponsible State banking cori)orations, which was filling the country with a circulation that Eoisoned rather than sustained the life of usiness. The Reiiuhlican party changed all this. It abolished the hahel of coni'u- sion, and gave tlic country a currency as national as its flag, based upon the sacred faith of the jieople. It threw its protecting arm around our great industries, and they stood erect as with new life. It filled with the spirit of true nationality all the great functions of the Government. It con- fronted a rebellion of unexampled magni- tude, with slavery behind it, and, under God, fought the final battle of liberty until victory was won. Then, after the storms of battle, were heard the sweet, calm words of peace uttered by the conquering nation, and saying to the conquered foe that lay prostrate at its feet : ' This is our only re- venge, that you join us in lifting to the serene firmament of the Constitution, to shine like stars for ever and ever, the im- mortal principles of truth and justice, that all men, white or black, shall be free and stand equal before the law.' " Then came the question of reconstruc- tion, the public debt, and the public faith. In the settlement of the questions the Re- publican party has completed its twenty- five years of glorious existence, and it has sent us here to prepare it for another lus- trum of duty and of victory. How shall we do this great work ? We cannot do it, my friends, by assailing our Republican brethren. God fbrbid that I should say one word to cast a shadow upon any name on the roll of our heroes. This coming fight is our Thermopylae. We are stand- ing upon a narrow isthmus. If our Spartan hosts are united, we can withstand all the Persians that the Xerxes of Democracy can bring against us. Let us hold our ground this one year, for the stars in their courses fight for us in the future. The census taken this year will bring reinforcements and continued power. But in order to win this victory now, we want the vote of every Republican, of every Grant Republican and every anti-Grant Republican in America, of every Blaine man and every anti-Blaine man. The vote of every fol- lower of every candidate is needed to make our success certain ; therefore I say, gen- tlemen and brethren, we are here to take calm counsel together, and inquire what we shall do. We want a man whose life and opinions embody all the achievements of which I have spoken. We want a man who, standing on a mountain height, seee all the achievements of otir past history, and carries in his heart the memory of all its glorious deeds, and who, looking for- ward, prepares to meet the labor and the dangers to come. AVe want one who will act in no s[)irit of unkindncss toward those we lately met in battle. The Republican party oilers to our brethren of the South the olive branch of peace, and wishes them to return to brotherhood, on this supreme condition, that it shall he admitted Jorever and forevermorc, that, in th(! war for the Union, we were right and they were wrong. On that supreme condition we BOOK III.] GEORGE GRAY NOMINATING BAYARD. 205 meet them as brethren, and on no other. We ask them to .share witli us the blessings and honors of this great Rejjublic. " Now, gentlemen, not to weary you, I am about to present a name for your con- sideration — the name of a man who was the comrade and associate and friend of nearly all tliose noble dead whose faces look down upon us from these walls to- night ; a man who began his career of pub- lic service twenty-live years ago, whose first duty was courageously done in the days of peril on the plains of Kansas, when the first red drops of that bloody shower began to fall which finally swelled into the deluge of war. He bravely stood by young Kan- sas then, and, returning to his duty in the National Legislature, through all subse- quent time, his pathway has been marked by labors performed in every department of legislation. You ask for his monu- ments. I point you to twenty-five years of national statutes. Not one great be- neficent statute has been placed in our statute books without his intelligent and powerful aid. He aided these men to for- mulate the laws that raised our great armies and carried us through the war. His hand was seen in the workmanship of those statutes that restored and brought back the unity and married calm of the States. His hand was in all that great legislation that created the war currency, and in a still greater work that redeemed the promises of the Government, and made the currency equal to gold. And when at last called from the halls of legislation into a high executive office he displayed that experience, intelligence, firmness and poise of character which has carried us through a stormy period of three years. With one- half the public press crying ' crucify him, ' and a hostile Congress seeking to prevent success, in all this he remained unmoved until victory crowned him. The great fiscal affairs of the nation, and the great busi- ness interests of the country, he has guard- ed and preserved, while executing the law of resumption and effecting its object with- out a jar and against the false prophecies of one-half of the press and all the Democracy of this continent. He has shown himself able to meet with calmness the great emer- encies of the Government for twenty-five years. He has trodden the perilous heights of public duty, and against all the shafts of malice has borne his breast unharmed. He has stood in the blaze of ' that fierce light that beats against the throne,' but its fiercest ray has found no flaw in his armor, no stain on his shield. I do jiot present him as a better Republican or as a better man than thousands of others we honor, but I present him for your deliberate con- sideration. I nominate John Sherman, of Ohio. Daniel Doii^Itertjr, of Pennsylvania, In the Deinocriitic N'lliimnl Convention at Cinciiiiinti, Jun« 18SU, nomirtaliny ]\'injiel(l HcoU Hancock fur the Presidency, "I propose to present to the thoughtful consideration of the convention tlie name of one who, on the field of battle, was styled 'The Superb,' yet won the still no- bler renown as a military governor whose first act when in command of Louisiana and Texas was to salute the Constitution by proclaiming that the military rule .shall ever be subservient to the civil power. The plighted word of a soldier was proved I>y the acts of a statesman. I nominate one whose name will suppress all factions, will be alike acceptable to the North and to the South — a name that will thrill the Republic, a name, if nominated, of a man that will crush the last embers of sectional strife, and whose name will be hailed as the dawning of the day of perpetual brother- hood. With him we can fling away our shields and wage an aggressive war. We can appeal to the supreme tribunal of the American people against the corruption of the Republican party and their untold vio- lations of constitutional liberty. With him as our chieftain the bloody banner of the Republicans will fall from their palsied grasp. Oh, my countrymen, in this su- preme moment the destinies of the Repub- lic are at stake, and the liberties of the peo- ple are imperiled. The people hang breath- less on your deliberation. Take heed! Make no mis-step ! I nominate one who can carry every Southern State, and who can carry Pennsylvania, Indiana, Connec- ticut, New Jersey and New York — the soldier-statesman, with a record as stain- less as his sword — Winfield Scott Han- cock, of Pennsylvania. If elected, he will take his seat.' ' George Gray, ot DelaTvare, In the Democratic Nntionnl Cnnrentinn at Cincinnnti, June, 1880, noviinating Thomas F. Bayard for the Presidency, " I am instnicted by the Delaware dele- gation to make in their behalf a nomina- tion for the Presidency of the United States. Small in territorj' and population, Dela- ware is proud of her history and of her po- sition in the sisterhood of States. Always devoted to the principles of that great party which maintains the equality and rights of the States, as well as of the individual citi- zen, she is here to-day in grand council to do all that in her lies for the advancement of our common cause. Who will best lead the Democratic hosts in the impending struggle for the restoration of honest go- vernment and the constitutional rights of the States and of their people, is the im- portant question that we must decide. De- laware is not blinded by her affections when she presents to this convention, as a 206 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. candidate for this great tnist, the name of! her gallant son, Thomas Francis Bayard, j He is no carpet knight rashly put forth to ; flash a maiden sword in this great contest. He is a veteran covered with the scars of many hard-fought battles, when the prin- ciples of constitutional liberty have been at stake in an arena where the giants of ra- dicalism were his foes, and his bruised arms, not 'hung up/ but still burnished brightly, are monuments of his prowess. Thomas F. Bayard is a statesman who will need no introduction to the American peo- ple. His name and his record are known wherever our flag floats — aye, wherever the English tongue is spoken. His is no sec- tional fame. With sympathies as broad as the continent, a private character as spot- less as the snow from heaven, a judgment as clear as the sunlight, an intellect keen and bright as a flashing sabre,_ a courage that noiie dare question, honest in thought and deed, the people all know him by heart, and, as I said before, they need not be told who and what he is. But you, gen- tlemen of the convention, who must keep in view the success so important to be achieved in November, pray consider the elements of his strength. Who more than he will as a candidate appeal to the best traditions of our party and our country ? In whom more than he will the business interests of the country, now re-awakening to new life and hope, confide for that eco- nomy and repose which shall send capital and labor forth like twin brothers hand in hand to the great work of building up the country's prosperity and advancing its ci- vilization? Who better than he will re- present the heart and intellect of our great party, or give expression to its noblest in- spirations? Who will draw so largely upon the honest and reflecting independent voters as he, whose very naine is a syno- nym for honest and fearless opposition to corruption every where and in every form, and who has dared to follow in what he thought the path of duty with a chivalrous devotion that never counted personal gains or losses? Who has contributed more than Thomas Francis Bayard to the command- ing strength that the Democratic party possesses to-day? Blot out him and his influence, and who would not feel and mourn his loss? Pardon Delaware if she Bays too much ; she speaks in no disparage- ment of the distinguished Democrats whose names sparkle like stars in the political fir- mament. iShe honors them all. But she knows her son, and her heart will speak. Nominate him and success is assured. His very name will be a platform. It will fire every Democratic heart with a new zeal and put a sword in the hand of every ho- nest man with which to drive from place and power the reckless men who have for four years held both against the expressed will of the American people. Don't tell us that you admire and love him, but that he is unavailable. Tell the country that the sneer of our Republican enemies is a lie, and that such a man as Thomas F. Bayard is not too good a man to receive the nomi- nation of the Democratic party. Take the whole people into your confidence, and tell them that an honest and patriotic party is to be led by as honest and pure a man as God ever made ; that a brave party is to be led by a brave man whose courage will never falter, be the danger or emer- gency what it may. Tell them that our party has the courage of its convictions, and that statesmanship, ability and honestj' are to be realized once more in the government of these United States, and the nomination of Thomas F. Bayard will fall like a bene- diction on the land, and will be the pre- sage of a victory that will sweep like a whirlwind from the lakes to the Gulf and from ocean to ocean." Frye Nominating Blaine In the CItkago Convention, 1880. " I once saw a storm at sea in the night- time ; an old ship battling for its life with the fury of the tempest; darkness every- where ; the winds raging and howling ; the huge waves beating on the sides of the ship, and making her shiver from stem to stern. The lightning was flashing, the thunders rolling; there was danger every- where. I saw at the helm, a bold, coura- geous, immovable, commanding man. In the tempest, calm ; in the commotion, quiet; in the danger, hopetul, I saw him take that old ship and bring her into her harbor, into still waters, into safety. That man was a hero. [Applause.] I saw the good old ship of State, the State of Maine, within the last year, fighting her way through the same waves, against the dangers. She was freighted with all that is precious in the princi]ilcs of our repub- lic ; with the rights of the American citi- zenship, with all that is guaranteed to the American citizen by our Constitution. The eyes of the whole nation were on her, and intense anxiety filled every American heart lest the grand old ship, the " State of Maine," might go down beneath the waves forever, carrying her precious freight with her. But there was a man at the helm, calm, deliberate, connnanding, sagacious; he made even the foolish man wise; coura- geous, he inspired the timid with courage ; hopeful, h« gave heart to the dismayed, and ho l)rouglit that good old shin safely into liarbor, into safety; and she floats to- day greater, purer, stronger for her bap- tism of danger. That man too, was heroic, and his name was James G. Blaine. [Loud cheers.J BOOK III.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 207 Maine sent us to this magnificent Con- vention with a memory of lier own salva- tion from impending; peril fresh upon her. To you representatives of r)0,()0(),000 of the American people, who have met here to counsel how tlie llepublic can he saved, «he says, " Representatives of the peojile, take the man, the true man, the staunch man, for your leader, who has just saved me, and lie will bring you to safety and certain victory." Senator Hill's Denunciation of Senator Mall one. In Extra Session of the Senate, March 14, 1881. Very well ; the records of the country- must settle that with the Senator. The Senator will say who was elected as a re- publican from any of the States to which I allude. I say what the whole world knows, that there are thirty-eight men on this floor elected as democrats, declaring themselves to be democrats, who supported Hancock, and who have supported the democratic ticket in every election that has occurred, and who were elected, moreover, by democratic Legislatures, elected by Leg- islatures which were largely democratic ; and the Senator from New York will not deny it. One other Senator who was elected, not as a democrat, but as an inde- ])en(leut, hjis announced his purpose to vote with us on this question. That makes thirty-nine, unless some man of the thirty- eight who was elected by a democratic Legislature proves false to "his trust. Now, the Senator from New York does not .say that somebody has been bought. No; I have not said that. He does not say some- body has been taken and carried away. No ; I have not said that. But the Sena- tor has said, and here is his language, and I hope he will not find it necessary to correct it: It may be said, very likely I shall be found to say despite some criticism that I may make upon so saying in advance, that notwithstanding the words " during the jiresent session," day after to-morrow or the day after that, if the majority then present in the Chamber changes, that ma- jority may overthrow all this proceeding, obliterate it, and set up an organization of the Senate in conformity with and not in contradiction of the edict of the election. The presidential election he was refer- ring to — If an apology is needed for the objection which I feel to that, it will be found I think in the circumstance that a majority, a constitutional majority of the Senate, is against that resolution, is against the for- mation of committees democratic in inspi- ration and persuasion, to which are to go for this session all executive matters. The Senator has announced to-day that the majority on this side of the Cliamber was only temporary. He has announced over and over that it was to be a tempora- ry majority. I meet him on the fact. I say there are thirty-eight mciiil)ers sitting in this Hall to-day who were elected by democratic Legislatures, and as democrats, and one distinguished Senator who was not elected as a democrat, but ])y demo- cratic votes, the distinguished Senator from Illinois, [Mr. Davis, J has announced his purpose to vote with these thirty-eight democrats. Where, then, have I misrep- resented? If that be true, and if those who were elected as democrats are not faithless to the constituency that elected them, you will not have the majority when the Sen- ate is full. Again, so far from charging the Senator from New York with being a personal par- ty to this arrangement, I acquitted him boldly and fearlessly, for I undertake to say what I stated before, and I repeat it, to his credit, he is no party to an arrangement by which any man chosen by a democratic Legislature and as a democrat is not going to vote for the party that sent him here. Sir, I know too well what frowns would gather with lightning fierceness upon the brow of the Senator from New York if I were to intimate or any other man were to intimate that he, elected as a republican, because he happened to have a controlling vote was going to vote with the democrats on the organization. What would be in- sulting to him he cannot, he will not re- spect in another. Now, sir, I say the Senator has been un- just in the conclusion which he has drawn, because it necessarily makes somebody who was chosen as a democrat ally himself with the republicans, not on great questions of policy, but on a question of organization, on a question of mere political organiza- tion. I assume that that has not been done. No man can charge that I have come forward and assumed that his fidelity was in question. I have assumed that the Senator from New York was wrong in his statement. "W^iy? Because if any gentle- man who was chosen to this body as a democrat has concluded not to vote with the democrats on the organization, he has not given us notice, and I take it for granted that when a gentleman changes his opinions, as every Senator has a right to change his opinions, his first duty is to give notice of that change to those with whom he has been associated. He has not given that notice; no democrat of thethir- tv-eight has given that notice to this side of the House. I therefore assume that no such change has occurred. But there is another obligation. \V\\\\e I concede the right of any gentleman to change his opinions and change his party 208 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. aflBliations, yet I say tliat when he has ar- rived at the conclusion tliat duty requires him to make that change he must give no- tice to the constituency that sent him here. I have heard of no such notice. If the people of any of these democratic States, who through democratic Legislatures have sent thirty-eight democrats to this body and one more by democratic votes, have received notice of a change of party opin- ion or a change of party affiliations by any of those they sent here, I have not heard of it; the evidence of it has not been pro- duced. Sir, I concede the right of every man to change his opinions ; I concede the right of every man to change his party affilia- tions ; i concede the right of any man who was elected to the high place of a seat in this Senate as a democrat to change and become a republican; but I deny in the presence of this Senate, I deny in the hearing of this people, that any man has a right to accept a commission from one Earty and execute the trust confided to im in the interest of another party. De- moralized as this country has become, though every wind bears to us charges of fraud and bargain and corruption; though the highest jiositions in the land, we fear, have been degraded by being occupied by persons who procured them otherwise than by the popular will, yet I deny that the people of either party in this country have yet given any man a right to be faithless to a trust. They have given no man a right to accept a commission as a demo- crat and hold that commission and act with the repul)licans. Manhood, bravery, cour- age, fidelity, morality, respect for the opin- ions of mankind requires that whenever -a man has arrived at the conclusion that he cannot carry out the trust which was con- fided to hiiii, he should return the commis- sion and tell his constituents, "I have changed my mind and therefore return you the commission you gave me." Sir, I do not believe that a single one of the thirty-eight gentlemen who were elected as democrats and whose names are before me here, will hold in his pocket a commision conferred by democrats, conferred on him as a dem- ocrat, and without giving notice to his con- stituency, without giving notice to his as- sociates, will execute that commission in the interest of the adversary party and go and communicate his conclusion, first of all, and only, to the members of the adver- sary party. Sir, who is it that has changed? Whom of these thirty-eight does the Senator rely upon to vote wilii the republicans? Tliat one has not notified us; he has not notified his constituency. Therefore I say it is not true, and I cannot sit here quietly and allow a gentleman on the other side of the Chamber, however distinguished, to get up here and assume and asseverate over and over that somebody elected as a democrat is faithless to his trust, and not repel it. No, gentlemen, you are deceived ; you will be disappointed. I vindicate the character of American citizenship, I vindicate the honor of human nature when I say you will be disappointed, and no man elected as a democrat is going to help you organ- ize the committees of this Senate. I do not say so because I know. No, I have no personal information, but I will stand here and affirm that no man who has been deemed by any constituency in this coun- try to be worthy of a place in this body will be guilty of that treachery. And how is the Senator's majority to come? How many are there ? He has not told us. The papers said this morning that there were two or three, and they named my good friend from Tennessee, [Mr. Harris.] When I saw that I knew the whole thing was absurd. The idea that anybody in this world would ever believe that my friend from Tennessee could possibly be guilty of such a thing, and my colleague [Mr.BROWN] also was named — gentlemen who were born and reared in the school of fidelity to their party. How many ? Have you one ? If you have but one that was elected as a democrat and who has con- cluded to go with the republicans, then you have only half, you have 38 to 38, and I suppose you count upon the vote of the Vice-President. Has that been arranged ? Sir, I will not blame you if you vote for voting according to the sentiment that elected you, for voting according to the professions of your principles which you avowed when you were elected. I deny myself the riglit of the Vice-President to take part in the constitution and organiza- tion of this Senate; but I shall not make the question. If vou have got one, the vote will be 38 to'38. Who is the one ? Who is ambitious to do what no man in the history of this country has ever done, to be the first man to stand up in this high presence, after this country has reached fifty million people, and i)roclaim from this jiroud eminence that he disgraces the com- mission he holds. [Applause in the gal- leries.] The Vice-President rapped to order, Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Who is it? Who can he be? Do you receive him with af- fection ? Do you receive him with rcsi)ect? Is such a man worthy of your association ? Such a man is not worthy to be a demo- crat. Is he worthy to be a republican ? If my friend from Illinois, my friend from Kansas, or my friend from New York, were to come to me holding a republican commission in his pocket, f^ent here by a republican Legislature, and whisper tome " I will vote with the democrats on organ- ization," I would tell him that if he so BOOK III.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 209 came he would be expelled with ignominy from the ranks of the party. And why do you beg us to wait? If all who were elected as democrats are to re- main democrats, what good will waiting do you? You will still be in a minority ot two, the same minority you are in this morning. Mr. President, I affirm that no man elected and sent here by a democratic Leg- islature as a democrat, whatever may have been local issues, whatever may have been the divisions of factions, and above all no man who i)rofessed to be a democrat when he Avas elected and who procured his election by jirofessing to be a democrat, in the name of democracy and republican- ism as well, in the name of American na- ture, I charge that no such man will prove false to his trust; and therefore why wait? Why delay the business of the country ? Why should the nominations lie on the table unacted on? Why should we spend days and days here with the parties on the other side filibustering for time to get de- lay, to get a few days? Why should we do that when upon the assumption that the Senate is not to blush at an exhibition of treachery the result will be the same one week, two weeks, six months, two years from now that it is now? Sir, I know that there is a great deal in this question. The American people have had much to humiliate them; all peoples have much to humiliate them. I know- that the patronage of this Government has become very great. I know that the dis- tinguished gentleman who presides at the other end ot the Avenue holds in his hand millions and hundreds of millions of pat- ronage. To our shame be it said it has been whispered a hundred times all through the country by the presses of both parties until it has become absolutely familiar to American ears that the patronage of the Federal Government ha.s been used to buy votes and control elections to keep one party in power. It is a question that con- fronts every honest statesman whether something shall not be done to lessen that patronage. I respond to the sentiment ol' the President in his inaugural when I say there ought to be a rule in even the civil service by which this patronage shall be placed where it cannot be used for such purposes. If it is not done, I do not knmv what humiliations are in store for us all. But, Mr. President, here are facts that no man can escape. Gentlemen of the re- publican party of this Senate, you cannot organize the Senate unless you can get the vote of some man who was elected as a democrat. You cannot escape that. Have you gotten it? If so, how? If you have, nobody knows it but yourselves. How ? There is no effect without a cause ; there is no change without a purpose ; there is no 38 bargain without a consideration. What ia the cause? If there luus been a change, why a change? ilow does it haj>peu that you know the change and we do not? What induced the change? I deny that there has been a change. I maintain that all the distinguished gentlemen who make up the thirty-eight democrats on this side of the Chamber are firm, firm to the prin- ciples that sent them here, firm to the pnj- fessions that sent them here, and firm to the constituencies that sent them here. They were elected as democrats. Now on the question of organization, which is nothing in the Avorld but a pure political question and a party question at that, they will act with the "democratic party, ani you, gentlemen, will be deceived if you calculate otherwise. Therefore, there ia no necessity for you to enter into all this filibustering and producing this delay for the purpose of getting the organization. Mr. President, as I said beibre, the Senate should be a place where there should be no masquerading ; men should deal frankly with each other. If I were to charge any gentleman on the republican side of the Chamber who was elected as a republican, who professed to be a republi- can when he was elected, with having made arrangements with the democrats to vote with them, I should insult him and he would resent it as an insult, and gen- tlemen excuse me for repelling the charge which if made against you, you would repel as an insult. I repel as an insult the charge made against any democrat that he would be false to his colors and is intending to vote with you on the organiza- tion. Mr. Harris. Mr. President, I rise only to say that I regret that the honorable Senator from Georgia should have deemed it proper to dignify the miserable newspa- per twaddle in respect to my political posi- tion Mr. Hill, of Georgia, I will say to my friend I did not intend Mr. Harris. I am quite sure the Sena- tor did not intend anything unkind to me; yet, by mentioning the matter here, he gives a dignity to it that it never could have had otherwise, and one that it is not worthy of, es])ecially in view of the fact, as I very well know, that there is not a democrat or a republican in America, who knows me, who has ever doubted, or doubts to-day, what my political position is. It is unworthy of further notice, and I will notice it no more. Mr. Mahone. Mr. President, I do not projjose to detain you and the Senate more than a few minutes. The distinguished Senator from Georgia has manifestly en- gaged in an effort to disclose my position on this floor. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I do not know 210 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III, what your position is. How could I dis- close it ? Mr. Mahoxe. Sir, the Senator might be a little more direct as he might well have been in the course of his remarks in asking my position ; and that I will give him. Now, Mr. President, the Senator has as- sumed not only to be the custodian here of the democratic party of this nation, but he has dared to assert his right to speak for a constituency that I have the privilege, the proud and honorable privilege on this floor, of representing [applause in the galleries] without his assent, without the assent of such democracy as that he speaks for. [Applause in the galleries.] I owe them, sir, I owe you [addressing Mr. Hill] and those for whom you undertake to speak nothing in this Chamber. [Applause in the galle- ries.] I came here, sir, as a Virginian to represent my people, not to represent that democracy for which you stand. [Ap- plause in the galleries.] I come with as proud a claim to represent that people as you to represent the people of Georgia, won on fields where I have vied with Geor- gians whom I commanded and others in the cause of my people and of their section in the late unhappy contest; but thank God for the peace and the good of the country that contest is over, and as one of those who engaged in it, and who has neither here nor elsewhere any apology to make for the part taken, I am here by my humble efibrts to bring peace to this whole country, peace and good will between the sections, not here as a partisan, not here to represent that Bourbonism which has done 80 much injury to my section of the coun- try. [Applause in the galleries.] Now, sir, the gentleman undertakes to say what constitutes a democrat. A dem- ocrat ! I hold, sir, that to-day I am a bet- ter democrat than he, infinitely better — he who stands nominally committed to a full vote, a free ballot, and an honest count. I should like to know how he stands for those things where tissue ballots are fash- ionable. [Laughter, and applause in the galleries.] Now, sir, I serve notice on you that I intend to be here the custodian of my own democracy. I do not intend to be run by your caucus. I am in every sense a free man here. I trust I am able to protect my own rights and to defend those of the j)eoplc whom I r(>present, and certainly to take care of my own. I do not intend tliat any Senator on this floor shall undertake to critic;ise my conduct by innuendoes, a method not l)ecoming this body or a straightforward legitimate line of pursuit in argument. I wish the Senator from Georgia to un- derstand just liere that we may get along in the future harmoniously, that the way to deal with me is to deal directly. We want no bills of discovery. Now, sir, you will find out how I am going to vote in a little while. [Applause.] Mr. Davis, of West Virginia. Mr. President, during this temporary suspen- sion Mr. Mahone. I have not yielded the floor. I am waiting for a little order. Mr. Davis, of West Virginia. I Avish to call the attention of the Chair to the dis- order in the Senate both when my friend from Georgia was speaking and now. I believe it has been some time since we have had as much disorder as we have had to-day in the galleries. I hope the Chair will enforce order. Mr. Teller. I should like to say that much of the disorder originated in the first place from the cheering on the democratic side of the Chamber The Vice-President. The Chair an- nounces that order must be maintained in the galleries ; otherwise the Sergeant-at- Arms will be directed to clear the galle- ries. Mr. Mahoke. I promised not to detain the Senate, and I regret that so early after my appearance here I should find it neces- sary to intrude any remarks whatsoever upon the attention of this body. I would prefer to be a little modest ; I would prefer to listen and to learn ; but I cannot feel content after what has passed in this pres- ence, when the gentleman by all manner of methods, all manner of insinuations, di- rect and indirect, has sought to do that which would have been better done and more bravely pursued if he had gone di- rectly to the question itself. He has sought to discover where the democrat was who should here choose to exercise his right to cast his vote as he pleased, who should here exercise the liberty of man- hood to differ with his caucus. Why, sir, the gentleman seems to have forgotten that I reftised positively to attend his little love- feast ; not only that, I refused to take part in a caucus which represents a party that has not only waged Avar upon me but upon those whom I represent on this floor. They have not only intruded within the l^oundaries of my own State, without provo- cation, to teach honesty and true democracy, l)ut they would now jmrsue my people fur- tlier l)y intruding their unsolicited advice and admonition to their representative in this Chamber. Yes, sir, you have been notificil, duly notified that I would take no part or lot in any political machinery. Further than that, you have been notified that I was su[)remely indiflerent to what you did ; that I had no wish to prefer, and was indifferent to your performances; that I shonid stand on this floor representing in l)art (he people of the State of Virginia, for whom I have the right to speak (and not BOOK in.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 211 the Senator from Georgia) even of their democracy. The geiitleinan may not be advised that the Legishiture whicli elected me did not require tliat I should state either that I was a democrat or anything else. I suppose he could not get here I'rom Georgia unless he was to say that he was a democrat, anyhow. [Laughter.] I come here without being required to state to my people what I am. Tiiey were willing to trust me, sir, and I was elected by the peo- ple, and not by a legislature, for it was an issue in the canvass. There was no man elected by the party with which I am iden- tified that did not go to the Legislature in- structed by the sovereigns to vote for me for the position I occui)y on this floor. It required no oath of allegiance blindly given to stand by your democracy, such as is is, [laughter,] that makes a platform and practices another thing. That is the de- mocracy they have in some of the Southern States. Now, I hope the gentleman will be re- lieved. He has been cli;i.ssezing all around this Chamber to see if he could not find a partner somewhere ; he has been looking around in every direction ; occasionally he would refer to some other Senator to know exactly where the Senator was who stood here a.s a democrat that had the manhood and the boldness to assert his ojjinions in this Chamber free fi'om the dictation of a mere caucus. Now, I want the gentleman to know henceforth and forever here is a man, sir, that dares stand up [applause] and speak for himself without regard to caucus in all matters. (Applause, long continued, in the galleries and on the floor.] Mr. President, pardon me ; I have done. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Mr. President — The Vice-Presidext. The Senate will be in order. Gentlemen on the floor not members of the Senate will take seats. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Mr. President, I hope nobody imagines that I rise to make any particular reply to the remarkable ex- hibition we have just seen. I rise to say a few things in justification of myself I certainly did not say one word to justify the gentleman in the statement that I made an assault upon him, unless he was the one man who had been elected as a democrat and was not going to vote with his party. I never saw that gentleman before the other day. I have not the slightest un- kind feeling for him. I never alluded to him by name ; I never alluded to his State ; and I cannot understand how the gentle- man says that I alluded to him except up- on the rule laid down by the distinguished Senator from New York, that a guilty conscience needs no accuser. [Applause and hisses in the galleries.] I did not mention the Senator. It had been stated here by the Senator from New York over and over that the other side would have a majority when that side was full. I showed it was impossible that they should have a majority unless they could get one demo- cratic vote, with the vote of the Vice- President. I did not know who it was; I asked who it was; I begged to know who it was ; and to my utter astonishment the gentleman from Virginia comes out and says he is the man. The Senator from Virginia makes a very strange announcement. He charged me not only with attacking him, but with attacking the jieople of Virginia? Did I sayawordof thepeopleof Virginia? I said that the people of no portion of this coun- try would tolerate treachery. Wsis that at- tacking the i)eople of Virginia? I said that thirty-eight men had been elected to this body as democrats. Does the Senat^jr deny that? Does he say he was elected here not as a democrat? He says he was not required to declare that he was a democrat, and in the next breath he says he is a truer, better democrat than I am. Then I commend him to you. Take good care of him, my friends. Nurse him well. How do you like to have a worse democrat than I am ? Mr. Conkling and others. A better democrat. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Oh, a better I Then my friend from New York is a better democrat than I am. You have all turned democrats ; and we have in the United States Senate such an exhibition as that of a gentleman showing his democracy by going over to the Republicans ! Sir, I will not defend Virginia. She needs no defense. Virginia has given this country and the world and humanity some of the brightest names of history. She holds in her bosom to-day the ashes of some of the noblest and greatest men that ever illustrated the glories of any country. I say to the Senator from Virginia that neither Jefferson, nor Madison, nor Henry, nor Washington, nor Leigh, nor Tucker, nor any of the long list of great men that Virginia has produced ever accepted a commission to represent one party and came here and represented another. [Ap- plause on the floor and in the galleries.] Mr. CoCKRELL. I trust that those at least who are enjoying the privilege of the floor of the Senate Chamber will be pro- hibited from cheering. The Vice President. The Chair will state that the violation of the rules does not appear to be in the galleries, but by persons who have been admitted to the privilege of the floor. The Chair regrets to clear the floor, but if the manifestation is continued he will be obliged to do so. It is a violation of the rules of the Senate. Mr. M.VHOXE rose. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Does the Sena- tor from Virginia wish to interrupt me? Mr. Mahone. I do wish to interrupt you. 212 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. The Yice-Presidext. Does the Sena- tor Irom Georgia yield ? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly. Mr. Mahoxe. I understand you to say that I accejited a commission from one party and came here to represent another. Do 1 understand you correctly? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I understood that vou were elected as a democrat. Mr. Mahoxe. Never mind ; answer the question. I Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Yes, I say you j accepted a commission, having been elect- ! ed as a democrat. That is my informa- j tion. 1 Mr. Mahoxe. I ask you the question : Did you say that I had accepted a com- mission from one party and came here to •epresent another ? That is the question. Mr Hill, of Georgia. Oh, I said that will be the case if you vote with the re- fublicans. You have not done it yet, and say you will not do it. Mr.' Mahone. If not out of order in this place, I say to the gentleman that if he undertakes to make that statement it is unwarranted and untrue. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I should like to ask the gentleman a question : Was he not acting with the deniocratic part}', and was he not elected as a democrat to this body ? Answer that question. Mr. Mahoxe. Quickly, sir. I was elected as a readjuster. Do you know what they are? [Laughter and applause.] The Yice-President rapj5ed with his gavel. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I understand there are in Virginia what are called re- adjuster democrats and debt-paying demo- crats, or something of that kind, but as I understand they are all democrats. We have nothing to do with that issue. We are not to settle the debt of Yirginia in the Senate Chamber ; but I ask the Senator again, was he not elected to this body as a member of the national democratic party ? Mr. Mahoxe. I will answer you, sir. No. You have got the answer now. Mr. Hill, of (xeorgia. Then I conceive that the gentleman spoke truly when he said that I do not know what lie is. Wlmt is he? Everyltody has understood that he voted with tiie democrats. Did lie not .support ILmcock for the Presidency? Did not the Senator support Hancock for tiie Presidency, I ask him? |A jiausej Dumb! Did he not act with the demo- cratic party in the national election, and was not the Senator from Virgina himself a democrat? That is the question. Why attemy)t to evade? Gentlemen, I com- mend liim to yon. Is there a man on that side of th(! Chamber wiio doubts that the Senator was sent to this body as a demo- crat? Is tliere a man in this wliole Ixxly who doubts it? Ls there a man in Vir- ginia who doubts it ? The gentleman will not deny it. Up to this very hour it was not known on this siie of the Chamber or in the country how he would vote in this case, or whether he was still a democrat or not. I maintain that he is. The Senator from New York seemed to have informa- tion that somebody who was elected as a democrat was not, and I went to work to find out who it was. It seems I have un- covered him. For months the papers of the country have been discussing and de- bating how the Senator would A'ote. No- body could know, nobody could tell, no- body could guess. I have been a truer friend to the Senator than he has been to himself I have maintained always that when it came to the test the Senator would be true to his commission ; that the Senator would be true to the democratic professions he made when he was elected. He will not rise in this presence and say he could have been elected to the Senate as a re- publican. He will not rise in the Senate and say he could have been elected to the Senate if he had given notice that on the organization of this body he would vote with the republicans. He will not say it. The gentleman makes some remarks about the caucus. I have no objection to a gentleman remaining out of a caucus. That is not the question. I have no ob- jection to a gentleman being independent. That is not the question. I have no ob- jection to a gentleman being a readjuster in local politics. That is not the question. I have no objection to a man dodging from one side to another on such a question. With that I have nothing to do. That is a matter of taste with him ; but I do object to any man coming into this high council, sent here by one sentiment, commissioned by one party, professing to be a democrat, and after he gets here acting with the other party. If the gentleman wants to be what he so proudly said, a man, when he changes [ opinions, as lie had a right to do, when he changes jiarty affiliations as he had a right to do, he should have gone to the people of Virginia and said, " You believed me to be a democrat when you gave me this com- mission ; while I dill'ered with many of you on the local question of the debt, I was with you cordially in national politics;! belonged to the national democratic party ; but I feel that it is my duty now to co- operate with tlie republican party, and I return you the commission which yoa gave to me.'" If the gentleman had done that and then gone before the jieojde of Virginia and asked them to renew his commission upon his change of opinion, he W(mld iiave been entitled to the eulogy of manhood he pronounced upon himself here in such theatrical style. I like man- hood. I s.ay once more, it is very far from me BOOK III.] SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 213 to desire to do the Senator injury. I have nothing but the kindest feelings for him. He is very much mistaken if he supposes I had any personal enmity against him. I have not the slightest. As I said before, I never spoke to the gentleman in my life until I met him a few days ago ; but I have done what the newspai)ers could not do, both sides having been engaged in the effort for months ; I have done what Ijotli parties could not do, what the whole coun- try could not do — I have brought out the fcsenator from Virginia. But now, in the kindest spirit, knowing the country from which the honorable Senator comes, identified iw I am with its fame and its character, loving as I do every line in its history, revering as I do it^ long list of great names, I perform the friendly office unasked of making a last appeal to the honorable Senator, whatever other fates befall him, to be true to the trust which the proud people of Virginia gave him, and whoever else may be disap- pointed, whoever else may be deceived, whoever else may be offended at the or- ganization of the Senate, I appeal to the gentleman to be true to the people, to the sentiment, to the party which he knows commissioned him to a seat in this body. Mr. LoGAX. Mr. President, I have but a word to say. I have listened to a very extraordinary speech. The Senate of the United States is a body where each Sena- tor hii3 a right to have a free voice. I have never known before a Senator, espe- cially a new Senator, to be arraigned in the manner in which the Senator from Vir- ginia has been, and his conduct criticised before he had performed any official act, save one, so far as voting is concerned. He needs no defense at my hands ; he is able to take care of himself; but I tell the Sena- tor from Georgia when he says to this country that no man has a right to come here unless he fulfills that office which wa-s dictated to him by a party, he says that which does not belong to American independence. Sir, it takes more nerve, more manhood, to strike the party shackles from your limbs and give free thought it.s scope than any other act that man can perform. The Senator from Georgia him- self, in times gone by, has changed his opinions. If the records of this country are true (and he knows whether they are or not) he, when elected to a convention as a Union man, voted for secession. [Applause in the galleries.] The Vice-President rapped with his gavel. Mr. Hoar. If my friend will pardon me a moment, I desire to call the attention of the Chair to the fact that there ha.sbeen more disorder in this Chamber during this brief session of the Senate than in all the aggregate of many years before. I take occasion when a gentleman with whose opinions I perfectly agree myself in speak- ing to say that I shall move the Chair to clear any portion of the gallery from which expressions of applause or dissent shall come if they occur again. Mr. LocjAN. What I have said in re- ference to this record I do not say by way of casting at the Senator, but mere- ly to call attention to the fact that men are not always criticised so severely for changing their opinions. The Senator from Georgia spoke well of my colleague. Well he may. He is an honorable man and a man deserving well of all the people of this country. He was elected not as a democrat but by democratic votes. He votes with you. He never was a democrat in his life ; he is not to-day. You applaud him and why? Because he votes with you. You want his vote ; that is all. You criticise another man who was elected by republican votes and democratic votes, re- adjusters as they are called, and say that he has no right to his opinions in this Chamber. The criticism is not well. Do you say that a man shall not change his political opinions? The Senator from Georgia in days gone by, in my boyhood days, I heard of, not as a democrat. To-day he sits here as a de- mocrat. No one wishes to citicise him be- cause he has changed hisijolitical opinions. He had a right to do so. I was a demo- crat once, too, and I had a right to change my opinions and I did change them. The man who will not change his opinions when he is honestly convinced that he was in error is a man who is not entitled to the respect of men. I say this to the Senator from Georgia. The Senator says to us, " take him," referring to the Senator from Virginia. Yes, sir, we will take him if he will come with us, and we will take every other honest man who will come. We will take every honest man in the South who wants to come and join the republi- can party, and give him the right hand of fellowship, be he black or white. Will you do as much ? Mr. Hill of Georgia. We have got them already. ]\Ir. LooAX. Yes, and if a man hap- pens to differ with you the tyranny of po- litical oi)inion in your section of country is such that you undertake to lash him upon the world and try to expose him to the gaze of the public as a man unfaithful t<j his trust. We have no such tyranny of ()[)inion in the country where I live; and it will be better for your section when such notions are driven to the shades and re- tired from the action of your people. I do not know that the gentleman from Virginia intends to vote as a republican. I have never heard him say so. I know- only what he has said here to-day ; but 214 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iii_ I respect him for stating to the Senate and the country that he is tired of the Bourbon democracy ; and if more men were tired of it the country would be better oiF. Tlie people are getting tired of it even down in your country, every where. The sooner we have a division down there the better it will be for both sides, for the people of the whole country. I did not rise to make any defense of the Senator from Virginia, for he is able, as I said, to defend himself, but merely to say to the Senator from Georgia that the criti- cism made upon that Senator without any just cause is something I never witnessed before in this Chamber or in any other de- liberative body, and in my judgment it was not justified in any way whatever. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I desire to say once more, what everybody in the audi- ence knows is true, that I did not ar- raign the Senator from Virginia. In the first speech I never alluded to Virginia or to the Senator from Virginia. Mr. Logan. Every one in the Chamber knew to whom the Senator alluded. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I alluded to somebody who was elected as a democrat, and who was going to vote as a republican. Mr. Teller. He was not elected as a democrat. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Then I did not allude to the Senator from Virginia. Mr. Teller. The Senator said that thirty-eight members of the Senate were elected as democrats. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly they were. Mr. Teller. That is a mistake. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly they were, and the record shows it. Mr. Coxkling. May I ask the Senator a question ? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Let me go on and then you can follow me. I again say it is strange that the Senator from Virginia should say I arraigned him, and his valiant defender, the Senator from Illinois, comes to defend him from an arraignment that was never made. Mr. Logan. Did not the Senator from Georgia ask the Senator from Virginia in his seat if he wa.s not elected as a Demo- crat? Did not the Senator charge that a man was acting treacherously to his con- stituents ? Did the Senator not make the most severe arraignment of him that he could possibly make ? Mr. niLi>, of Georgia. If the Senator will allow me, I did that only after the Senator from Virginia had arraigned him- Hclf The Senator from Virginia insisted that I alluded to him when I had not called his name, and I had not alluded to his State and when I had arraigned nobody. Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow mc to a.sk him this question : Did he not have in his mind distinctly the Senator from Virginia when he made his insinuations? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I will answer the gentleman's question fairly. I did be- lieve that the gentlemen on the other side who were counting upon a democratic vote were counting upon the Senator from Vir- ginia, but I equally believed that they would be disappointed. I did not believe that the Senator from Virginia was guilty, and I in perfect sincerity and good faith, so far from arraigning him, intended to defend him from the foul suspicion, and my honest repulsion of the insinuation, which was necessary in consequence of what they expected, was regarded by the Senator himself as an arraignment. There is an anecdote told in the life of the great minister, Whitefield. When he was speak- ing one day in the country to an audience, he described the enormity of sin and the characteristics of sin ; he did it with won- derful power. When he came out he was assailed by a gentleman for having made a personal assault on him. " Why," said Whitefield, "I never heard of you before; I did not intend any assault upon you." He replied, " Well, sir, you told me every- thing I have been doing all my life." I frankly confess I am not a man to dodge. The papers have justified me in believing, Senators have justified me in believing, that you are calculating to get the demo- cratic vote of the Senator from Virginia, whom the whole country has treated as having been elected as a democrat. I be- lieved you would be disappointed ; I be- lieved that because you would be disap- pointed it was wholly unnecessary to delay this organization. I did not believe the Senator would vote with you, and in vin- dication of that Senator I will not believe it yet. He has not said so. He has made the mistake, because of what the papers say, of assuming that I alluded to him ; but I vindicate him yet. He said if I as- serted that he was elected as a democrat and would be false to his commission, I said what was not warranted and what was untrue. I am glad he said so. I did not say he would ; but I say you expected it, I say your papers expected' it, and I say it has been calculated on. I vindicate the Senator from Virginia, and I hope he will vindicate himself by not doing what you expect him to do. The Senator from Illinois charges me again with criticising a man for changing his o])inion, I dis- tinctly said that every man in this country has a right to change his opinion The dis- tinguished Senator from Illinois has chang- ed his o])inion. He says the country is tired of Bourbon democracy. He ought to know, for he used to be one of the worst Bourbon democrats this country ever saw. .Mr. Lo(wVN. That was when you be- lontjed to the other side. BOOKiii.J SENATOR HILL DENOUNCING MAHONE. 215 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. The first time I ever heard of that Senator was when I was battling in the South for the good old whig principles and he was an outrageous Bour- bon democrat. That amounts to nothing. You had a right to change, if you have changed ; I do not say you have. Mr. Logan. I will only say, if the Senator will allow me, that when I saw the light I cliauged for the right. The Senator saw the darkness and changed for the wrong. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Ah, that is not argument. Mr. Logan. It is true, however, just the same. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I hope the Sen- ator will see more light and change a^ain. Mr. Logan. I do not think I shall. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. He needs a great deal of light. Mr. Logan. No doubt of that. I do not expect to get it, however, from that side. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I object to this style of interruption ; it is unworthy of the Senate. I am not here to indulge in such remarks. The Senator has a right to change ; I have arraigned nobody for changing his opinion. If the Senator from Virginia has changed his opinions he has a right to change them ; I have not said he has not. I do not deny his right. I admit that a man has a right also to change his party affiliations if he is convinced he has been wrong ; but a man has no right to hold a commission which was given him while he was a democrat and because he was a democrat and given to him as a dem- ocrat, and change his opinions and act with the adversary party. It is his duty to return that commission to the people who gave it and ask them to renew it up- on his change of opinion. That is all I ask. Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow me to ask him what right has he as a Senator to undertake to dictate to the Senator from Virginia as to what shall be required in his State ? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. That is incor- rect again. I have not undertaken to dic- tate to the Senator from Virginia. Tlie Senator from Virginia can do just a.s he pleases ; but when the Senator from Vir- ginia acts a-s a public man I have a right to my opinion of his public acts, and I have a right to speak of all public acts and their character. T will not deny his right; I am not dictating to him — far from it. There is not in my heart now an unkind feeling for the Senator from Vir- ginia. I would if I could rescue him from the infamy into which others are trying to precipitate him. That is what I want to do. I am not assailing him; I am not arraigning him ; I am not dictating to him. I know the proud nature of the Senator from New \ork. I know if that Senator was elected to this body as a re- publican, although he might have been a readjuster at the time, and if he should come to this body and the democrats should begin to intimate in this Hall and the democratic papers should intimate over the country that he wa-s going to vote with the democrats on the organiza- tion, he would feel insulted just as my friend from Tennessee (Mr. Harris) justly felt by the allusions to him in the news- papers. So with any other man on that side. If the Senator from Virginia was elected as a democrat I am right ; but if as a republican I have nothing more to say. Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow me right there? Is it not true that the demo- cracy of the Virginia Legislature that elected the Senator now in his seat from Virginia did nominate Mr. Withers as their candidate and supported him, and was not this senator elected by the oj^po- nents of the democrats of that Legisla- ture ? Is not that true ? I ask the Senator from Virginia. Mr. Mahone. Substantially so. Mr. Logan. Then if that be true, why say that he came here as the representa- tive of the democracy of Virginia ? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. My understand- ing is that the democracy of Virginia is very much like the democracy of other States, as Tennessee. We are divided down there in several States on local ques- tions that have nothing to do with national politics. In Virginia the democracy was divided between what are called readjuster democrats and debt-paying democrats, but all democrats. Wliat was called the republican party it was said, although I must vindicate many of the republicans in the State from the charge, coalesced with what are called the readjuster democrats. The late Sena- tor from Virginia was nominated by what are called the debt-paying democrats, and the present Senator from Virginia, as I understand it, was run against him as a readjuster democrat. Mr. Logan. And the republicans all supi)orted him. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly, be- cause they always support a candidate who is running against the regular nominee. I suppose the rej)ublicans always go for men who are not in favor of paying debts! I had thought that republicans professed to affiliate with those who would jxiy debts. l>ut I have nothing to do with that ques- tion ; it does not come in here. What I say and what will not be denied, and I am ashamed that there is an attempt to deny it, is, and it is the worst feature of this whole thing, that anybody should get up 216 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book iit. here and attempt to deny that the Senator from Virginia was elected to the Senate as a democrat ; should attempt to evade the fact that he was a Hancock democrat last year ; that he has acted with the national democracy all the time ; and that what- ever might have been the local ditferences in Virginia, he has been a national demo- crat every hour, held out to the country as such. I say I am ashamed that any- body should attempt to make a question of that fact. He wiis not only a democrat, a national democrat, and voted for Han- cock, but I remember the historical fact that he had what he called his own ticket in the field for Hancock and voted for it. He is just as much a democrat, sent here as a readjuster democrat, as the other can- didate, the debt-paying democrat, would have been if he had been elected. Mr. Logan. The difference is, if the Senator will allow me, if the other had been elected, he would have been in full accord with the democracy here. This gentleman does not happen to be, and therefore the criticism of the Senator from Georgia. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I do not wish to do the republicans of Virginia injustice ; I do not wish to do any body injustice. There are some republicans of Virginia for whom I confess, if reports be true, I have a profound respect. When a portion of the democrats, under the cry of read- justerism, sought to get the support of the repul)licansof Virginia, there were manly republicans who refused to go into a coali- tion that would compromise the character of the State on the question of its debt. I am told there are republicans now in Vir- ginia w^ho say that if republicanism here means the Senator from Virgin! ., and you accept him as a rc]Hxblican, you must give them up as republicans. I do not know how true it is. But this is unworthy of the Senate. I repeat, the worst feature of this whole transaction is that anybody should get up here and attempt to make an impression that there was a doubt as to the democracy of the Senator from Virginia heretofore. That is an evasion unworthy of the issue, unworthy of the place, unworthy of the occasion, unworthy of Virginia, unworthy of the Senator, unworthy of his defenders. A<lmit the fact that he was a democrat, and then claim that he exercised the in- alienable right of changing his opinions and his party afTiliations, but do not claim that he had a right to do it in the manner you say he has clone it. Once more let me say, the Senator from Virginia ought to know that by all the memories of the past tlicre is not a man in this body whose; wliolc soul goes out more in earnest to protect liis honor than my own. I would rather lose the organizatiou of the Senate by the democratic party and never again have a democratic committee in this body than have Virginia soiled with dishonor. I do not say that the Senator is going to do it, but I see the precipice yawn- ing before him. I see whither potential influences are leading him. I know the danger just ahead. I would rescue him if I could. He may say it is enmity ; he may say it is an unfriendly spirit ; he will live to know the force of the words I am utter- ing. Men in this country have a right to be democrats ; men in this country have a right to be republicans ; men in this coun- try have a right to divide on national issues and local issues ; but no man has a right to be false to a trust, I repeat it, and whether the Senator from Virginia shall be guilty or not is not for me to judge and I will not judge. I say if he votes as you want him to vote God save him or he is gone. If he comes here to illustrate his democracy by going over to that side of the House and voting with that side of the House, he will be beyond my rescue. No, gentlemen, I honor you. I like a proud I'epublican as well as I do a proud demo- crat. I am conscious of the fact that some of the best personal friends I have in this body sit on that side of the Chamber, men whose high character I would tru;-t any- where and everywhere. Gentlemen, you know your hearts respond to every word I am uttering when I say you despise treach- ery, and you honor me to-day for making an effort to rescue a gentleman, not from treachery, but from the charge of it. If the Senator shall vote as you desire him to vote, he cannot escape the charge. Mr. Mahoxe. Mr. President, I want to interrupt the Senator from Georgia. The Vice-President. Does the Sena- tor from Georgia yield ? Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly. ]\Ir. Mahone. I cannot allow you to make any such insinuation. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I make no in- sinuation. I\Ir. Mahone. You did emphatically, and it was unmanly. Now it must stop. Let us understand that. ]Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I repeat, I do not know how the Senator is going to vote. I believe he is not going to vote as you ex- pect. I believe he is not going to be guilty of being i'alse to his commission. 1 will not charge that he will ; I will not insinu- ate that he will. I have not insinuated it. The gentleman must be his own keeper ; the gentleman must solve his own ques- tions ; hut 1 repeat, I repeat as a friend, I repeat as a friend whose friendship will be appreciated some day, that the Senator is in danger of bringing upon himself a chiirge wliich he will never have the power to explain. Mr. Mahone. I cannot allow you or BOOK III.] SENATOR MAHONE'S REPLY TO HILL. 217 any other man to make that charge with- out a pro])er answer. Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Oh, well. Senator Malione'a Rt-x>Iy to Senator Hill ill Extra Senate HeKniuti, Marth SHh, IbSl. Mr. Mahonk. Mr. rresident, my pro- found respect for the wisdom and ex- perience of my seniors in this Chamlx-r compels me to renew expression of thr reluctance with which I so soon intrude upon its deliberations. Senators and the country will concede that to this seeming forwardness I have been provoked. If I do not challenge generous considera- tion i'roin those who would appear to have found pleasure in their unjustifiable as- saults, I do not doubt that I shall com- mand the respect of the brave and inde- pendent here, :is I know I shall commaml that of my own people. I shall not com- plain of the intolerance and indirection which have characterized the allusions oi' some Senators to myself. Doubtless they comport entirely with their own sense of manly deportment and senatorial dignity, however little they do with mine. Vir- ginia is accustomed to meet occasions where the independent spirit of the Anglo- Saxon is required to assert itself; Virginia has ever met, with fortitude and dignity, every duty that destiny has imposed, always, however, with much ontempt for small party tactics where principles were involved to which her faith and her honor were committed. With absolute confidence in my loyalty to her and my devotion to every inti^rest of her people, I shall not relax my pur{>ose to repel every impeachment of the consti- tuency which sent me here with clearly defined duties which they and 1 compre- hend. I was elected to the Senate of the United States to do their will, not to a cau- cus to do its petty bidding. Virginia earned her title of the Old Dominion by the proud and independent action of her own people, by the loyalty of her sons to the instincts of independence, witiiout help at the hands of those who would now inter- fere with her affairs. However feebly I may assert that spirit against the gratuitous and hypocritical concern for her of strangers to her trials, her sacrifices, and her will, I feel that the spirit of my peoi)le inspires me when I scornfully repel for them and for myself ungracious attcm])ts to instruct a Virginia Sen.itor as to his duty to them and to him- self. Senators should learn to deal with their constituencies, while I answer to mine. To him who would insinuate that my action in respect to the organization ot the committees of this body and the pro- posed election of its officers has been governed or controlled by impure consider- ations — and T am loth to believe that any honorable Senator has so intended — in the language of ancjther, I say : If fliou ^ai(lBt I mil not peer To liny loiil in S( Dlliui.l here, Lowland ur liitcliland, lur or near, Lord Angus, tlum lia»t lied ! And now, Mr. President, permit me to say that Senators can no more realize my re- gret than they can measure my amazement I hat my colleague should have felt it in- cumbent up(m him to join the assaulting column in this Chamber. He first intro- duces the consideration of my political consistency, and he next introduces me, with the eighty-odd thousand of his fellow- citizens who sent me here, to this honor- able body as a repudiator of public obliga- tions. The sens3 of justice of fellow Sen- ators renders it unnecessary for me to apologize for noticing my colleague's criti- cisms on the one hand and his jjcrversions on the other. However much he and his friends may endeavor, by the chop-logic of the attorney, to demonstrate what I ought to be, I know by my convictions and ijy my sense of duty what I am. In this par- ticular I have largely the advantage of my colleague ; for if I take him by his record, diminutive as it is, he neither knows what he was, what he is, or what duty he came here to perform. A very brief recital of Vir- ginia political history, covering but a dec- ade, will give a clear view of the Virginia situation as it is represented on this floor. ]\Iy colleague gave the first page, and then, like the lazy, truant scliool-boy, skipped many pages, or, like the shifty lawyer, read only so much of the authority as suited his case. I am duly grateful to him for the small meed of jiraise he would deal out to nie for the humble ])art I bore in the great liberal movement of iSdO, which was under- taken to return our State to her normal condition in the Union. I am the more grateful because the organs of the faction he represents here have recently published columns to prove that I was breathed into jjolitical existence subsequently to that momentous jjeriod. Not being sworn, my colleague thought it was sullicient for him to tell the truth with- out the usual obligation to tell the jv/iole truth. It is now my ])rivilege, as well as duty, to supply all deficiencies. The views I entertained then I still adhere to, and though, as far as my information goes, we bad no material assistance from him in tiiat severe and trying ordeal of 180!), I do know tiiat alter his election to this body he confessed himself in entire accord with all that had been done by Virginia as a condition-precedent to her restoration, and with the zeal of a new cimvert expressed the hope that other States of the Union without the same propelling cau^c should do likewise. In a letter addresjsed to the 218 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III then governor of Virginia (Walker) he wrote as follows : JOHNSTON TO GOVERNOR WALKER IN 1869. Believing fully not only that we in Vir- ginia could not prosper, but that our con- tinued exclusion from the Union interfered with the business of the whole country, I have been anxious for an early compliance with the reconstruction laws, and that the State should itself inaugurate some move- ment similar to that which resulted in your election for the purpose, and not wait, like Micawber, " for something to turn up." * * * * * * * The fifteenth amendment, which I trust will soon be adopted by States enough to make it a part of the Constitution of the United States, will end a question which has agitated the country for half a century. I entirely approve of the principles of that amendment, and as we have invested the freedman with the right to vote, let us give him a fair opportunity to vote understand- ingly. He has civil rights, and it is our interest he should know their value. ******* That we are apparently so near to the con- summation of reconstruction we are greatly indebted to President Grant's kind offices. The State was in a dilemma ; it wanted a constitution ; but the one made for it has at least two very objectionable features. We felt that we were suffering in all our material interests by staying out of the Union, and yet to go in under the consti- tution with all its provisions would have been worse. The Gordian knot was happily cut by the President's first message to Congress and the prompt I'esponse of that body. Up to this time the conduct of the administra- tion has been liberal, and if the same pol- icy is pursued hereafter it ought to have the hearty sujiport of this State. If we cast dead issues behind us and look only to that line of conduct wliich shall restore quiet and confidence, and encourage cnterjjrisc and industry, we shall even see the coun- try richer and more prosperous than it has ever been. This movement in 1869 accomplished the restoration of our State under the ex- purgated constitution and gave us repre- sentation herein the j)ersons of my colleague and ex-Senator Lewis. We were relieved of military government, became rehnbilita- ted in our sovereignty, with entire control of our local autonomy. Thus, for a period, Virginia seemed to be enjoying (he full freedom of herlong-deferrcd liope for peace. In the curious ]ianoraniic, exhil)itioTi of my colleague I next appear as a candidate for governor in 1S77. To Ix- a candidate in Virginia is a privilejre which every f|ualified voter mjiy er)nstitutioniilly exer- cise, and in that year there were three prom- inent candidates other than those named by the Senator. Two of them had been major-generals and one a brigadier-general. What an omission ! Shades of departed glory defend us ! when a United States Senator of the Bourbon persuasion can omit imposing titles in detailing events with which they were intimately associa- ted. 'Tis true I was not nominated, lack- ing forty votes of a certain majority of a convention composed of over fourteen hun- dred delegates against a combination of five candidates, one of whom my colleague preferred, that preference perhaps being based upon motives as unselfish as are usual in veteran jioliticians and office-holders. Mr. President, I can scarcely hope, in the presence of this body, where my col- league has served for many years, and where the altitude of his statesmanship frowns contemptuously down uj)on all who would aspire to reach its summit, to attain I the awful diffidence with which I should undertake to correct any of his statements. He is one of the conscript fathers of the Senate, old in all its ways and usages ; and long absence from his constituency and perpetual service to the national democrat- ic party in helping to organize its numer- ous defeats make himi forgetful of recent events in Virginia. Hence the necessity of my attempting to inform him as to cer- tain matters of recent historj' at home. " The next event," says my colleague, " was that the readjusters separated them- selves from the democratic party ;" and alter treating this at some length he says, "This brings us down to what is called Mozart Hall convention," in which, he adds, " I spoke of the conservative party as though I belonged to it." Mr. President, I confess my inability to understand all this curious mixture of the odds and ends of my colleague's scrap-book. He parades his facts in curiously-contrived array. He emj)ties his ill-assorted jewels of information and "chunks of wisdom," and seems to rely upon Senators to give them that consecutive arrangement as to I'act and date which they have, possibly, in his own great mind. JUit, sir, the fact is there was no renuirkable incident in Vir- ginia ])olities between the election of 1877 and 1879, the month of February of the latter year being, the date of the assem- l)ling of the Mozart Hall convention. Certainly until February, 1879, there was no change in the status of jiarties in Vir- ginia within that period. There was no organization of readjusters until February, 1.S79, and ther(> was no declared democratic [larty until 1880. Tins Itrings me, Mr. President, to a pe- riod when I |)ropose (o do more than follow my collengue in his half-way candid and nearly always inaccurate statement. It is at this juncture, he says, that Mr. lliddle- BOOK III.] UMAHONE'S REPLY TO HILL. 219 berger and I are so much identified that he cannot separate us. It is at this point the organization of the readjusters begins; and it is at this point he appears to seek to make an impression wliolly unwarranted by any act of the readjusters in Virginia. It is at this point, too, Mr. I'rcsident, tliat I am constrained by a sense of duty to my people, my State, and myself to treat the question of our State debt as it ])resents itself in Virginia. In doing this, I wish it distinctly understood that I hold this to be a matter belonging exclusively to the State of Virginia, and I should rej)el any Fed- eral interference with this as I would with any other question of mere State concern. I shall presume upon the indulgence of Senators because they have heard but one side, and that more than once, and I know they Avill be willing to hear a defense of Virginia against unjust attacks from those who ought to be her defenders. Sir, there is not a fact upon which to base any one of the statements or argu- ments of my colleague. Instead of the Mozart Hall convention being held to ef- fect a repeal of an irrepealable contract, it was a body of people assembled on a call of members of the General Assembly o{)- posed to what is known in Virginia as the brokers' bill." They assembled before that bill had passed either House of the General Assembly, and, coming Iresh from the people, expressed their unqualified dis- approval of that measure. It was appa- rent the measure was to pass, and organized opposition began. But, Mr. President, this is neither the beginning nor the end of this question. It was in 1871 that the first funding bill was enacted, and this we know in Virginia as the first contract. Lwill not go into the details of this mea- sure, as I shall ask the clerk to read a re- view of all the Virginia funding acts before concluding my remarks. It is my purpose now only to notice the speeches of Senators, notably that of my colleague, in this Cham- ber, it Avill be news to Senators to hear to-day that the readjusters never repealed either of the funding contracts. That en- acted and only partially executed in 18()(5- '67 was in effect repealed by the Assembly which j^assed it, and the work of repeal was consummated by the Legislature that enacted -the more o])n()xi()Us measure of 1871. This in turn was repealed by the Assembly of 1872, the propounder of the repeal measnre being the present lieuten- ant-governor of the State, sul)sequently in full fellowship with the alleged debt-pay- ers. Indeed this measure was so obnox- ious that Governor Walker, who was con- ceded to be its author, subsequently urged that the Federal Government should as- sume the debts of the Southern States. Mr. President, I might pause to inquire if that is a part of the doctrine of my col- league and the Senators who co-operate with him, when they stand here to repre- sent the party for which Governor WalkiT then sj)oke, the pretended deijt-payers of Virginia? It was this rej)eal bill which the Virginia court of appeals held to be unconstitutional, and here the matter rest- ed until the State had accumulated interest arrears to over five million dollars, beside diverting one and a half million dollars which was dedicated by the constitution to the public free schools. In 1877 what is known as the Barbour bill was jn-oposed and passed, not a few of the latter-day self-styled debt-payers being among its most zealous supporters. Al- though this did not repeal in terms the original funding bill, it was nevertheless vet(jed by the governor. Such was our condition at the succeed- ing election — schools reduced f)0 per cent., length of sessions abridged, asylums sus- tained by money borrowed from the banks — after exhausting every possible expedient even to a reduction of judicial salaries, that a Legislature was returned pledged to a resettlement of this debt. That settlement came in the form of the brokers' bill, for which my colleague stands at home and here the champion, aided and abetted by distinguished gentlemen on this floor. I commend the virtuous democracy of this Chamber to read that bill, and then tell this Senate whether there ever was a more undemocratic measure than the bill propounded in Virginia by the party whose cause they espouse. That settlement came in the form of the broker's bill, as I have said, and this was the last repeal of the original contract. Yet my colleague would say the readjusters of to-day disregard the court decisions. Surely he has not forgotten that he was upon the hustings in Virginia advocating each of the successive measures repealing the " irrepealable " contract, while in every instance the readjusters proper opposed the new measure. But here again I am called upon to an- swer the charge of personal inconsistency. My colleague cannot ascertain that 1 oj)- posed the funding scheme of 1871 — a mea- sure which, I assert without the fear of contradiction, not only repudiateil but forcibly repudiated what my colleague un- derstands to be one-third of the debt of Virginia. 1 suggest to my fellow-Senators on the op])osite side to take care of that contamination of which they have warned the country in respect to the readjusters of Virginia. ^ly colleague adverted to the Richmond Whig, and "proclaimed it as my mouth- piece. Mr. President, nobody speaks for me; I speak for myself. AVhy not have ascertained from the same source how I stood on the funding bill of 1871? Sena- 220 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III, tors will not find that I ever supported the measure of 1871. Passing over what appears in my col- league's speech as extracts from newspa- pers, to whose misstatements he has con- tributed a full share, I come now to notice his animadversions on the Riddleberger bill. If his criticisms were based on fact and a proper understanding of that mea- sure, they would be unanswerable. He says that " the ' Riddleberger bill ' has been substantially pronounced unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States." I ask him in what particular? Is it in this — that it does not recognize the interest that accrued during the war ? If so, will my learned colleague inform me upon what principle of right he last sum- mer sustained a measure which repudiated one-half of the interest that has accrued since the completerestorationof our State? Docs he not know that that measure of forcible readjustment absolutely repudiated one-half of the accrued and unfunded in- terest, while the Riddleberger bill provides for paying it dollar for dollar? The differ- ence is simply this: that since 1871 we have denied the rigbt of the creditor to exact war interest and proposed to pay him all else in full. Our adversaries would and did fimd that war interest and pro- posed to repudiate one-half of that which we are in honor and in law bound to pay. Is it unconstitutional in that it pays but 3 per cent. ? The only measure ever passed by the Virginia Assembly to pay as much as 4 per cent, and the only one under which one-third of our creditors have received a penny of interest, was in- troduced and patronized by Mr. Riddle- berger. The first time that our Legislature ever voiced 3 per cent, was when they passed the brokers' job, the pet scheme of my colleague, so ably re-enforced in his advocacy of it on this floor by distin- guished gentlemen on the other side, the Legislature then themselves admitting and declaring in the preamble of their bill that this is all the State can pay for ten years "witliout destroying its industries;" and last winter every legislator of their party voted to run the 3 per cent, for the whole time. Is it unconstitutional in that it does not exempt the bonds froir\ taxation forever, as the brokers' bill attempted to do, a feature peculiar to that measure for pay- ing the debt of Virginia which my col- league advf)cate3 here? If so, I would re- spectfully refer my colleague to his State constitution, which says that all projx-rty shall be taxed equally and uniformly ; that no one species of property shall be taxed higher than another, and that oidy siieh property as is used for religious, eduea- tif»nal, and charitable purposes may be exemj)t from taxation. J\Iy learned col- league, who so unkindly characterized the patron of that bill as a county court law- yer, cites only Hartman vs. Greenhow as the case which holds this bill unconstitu- tional. That case decided no principle that this bill infringes. The Riddleberger bill imposes no tax upon bonds held either in or out of the State. It simply does not exempt any. By what authority, I would ask my colleague, can such a tax be made and collected? He must answer to the party which he undertakes to represent here for doing an unconstitutional act : to tax bonds of the State of Virginia held by a non-resident. The Riddleberger bill does not tax them. Whenever tJie General Assembly, carrying out the Riddleberger bill, shall endeavor to tax bonds held out of the State, it will be time for the Senator to renew the test in the Supreme Court of the United States and cite the precedent of Hartman vs. Greenhow. Is it the much-discussed fourteenth sec- tion which is unconstitutional? If so I would remind my legal colleague that it is a verbatim copy of a statute jiassed by the State of Tennessee, adjudicated by the Supreme Court of the United States, and not only held by that high tribunal to be constitutional but proper legislation for the protection and maintenance of gov- ernment. Is it unconstitutional in what is called its force feature ? If so it has precedent in the bill of '71, which forbade the payment of any interest to a creditor who did not accept a reduction of one- third. It has precedent in the brokers' bill, Avhich provided tax certificates to compete at a reduced price with the re- ceivable coupon, and both of these mea- sures found a hustings advocate in my colleague. But he would imply that our debt was ascertained at a certain sum in pursuance of the State Constitution, which he savs was $29,067,304.70. Mr. President, if there is any man in the party which my colleague represents who agrees with another member of that party in Virginia as to what the debt of that State is, we have yet to find the concur- rence ; it is with one leader this figure, with another leader another figure ; by one report of their officers one sum, and then by another report of other ofiicers a difler- ent sum. Grant that sum to be the true one; but let the Senator state that our constitution recognized no specific sum. It says there shall first be a settlement with West Virginia, which has not yet l)een had, and commands ])aymentof what Virginia shall owe. That is the language, that is the instruction of the constitution of Virginia; that, after a settlement with West Virginia, covering one-third of old Virginia's territory, sliall liave been arrived at by an adjustment of their rela- BOOK III.J MAHONE'S REPLY TO HILL, 221 tive proportions of the public debt, Vir- ginia will provide for her share. Now I would like the Senators from West Vir- ginia in this cry against readjusters as re- pudiators to tell the country what answer they have made to their obligation for one-third of the debt contracted by the old Commonwealth of Virginia. Will they tell the country wliere they have ever made a proposition to i)ay one stiver of their share of the public debt of that State to maintain the honor and the dignity of their own Commonwealth '? Let them an- swer. It was the party of my colleague, that re- pudiated the settlement of 1871 by the pas- sage of the brokers' bill in 1S7'J, and in turn attempted to repudiate the latter by unanimously indorsing what is known as the " Ross Hamilton bill." I suppose it would not suit my colleague to tell this audience who Ross Hamilton is. Yet, I beg Senators to take notice that the party of my colleague, after a winter spent in the vain effort to find a leader capable of de- vising means to overthrow the j)opular will, discovered such, as they supposed, in the person of Ross Hamilton, a colored repub- lican member of the Legislature from the county of Mecklenburg, and blindly fol- lowed him to defeat. Hamilton's bill, which was thus unanimously supported ])y my colleague's party, not only in effect re- pealed their pet scheme, the brokers' bill, but all other acts in respect to the public debt of Virginia. I come now to perform a duty — the most unpleasant in one sense and the most agree- able in another. It is to repel the charge flippantly, I hope inconsiderately, made on this floor that we are repudiators and our proposed measure dishonorable. To the first I reply that my colleague's party in eight years of administration of our State atiairs j)aid 2 per cent, installments of in- terest on ten millions of our public debt just six times, or 12 per cent, in all ; 6 times 8 would be 48 per cent. Instead of that they paid 12 per cent-, and that is debt-paying I Let this suffice. But when Senators ap- ply the word dishonorable, they do not know either whom or what they character- ize. Two things they have endeavored to demonstrate, and one is that I received a majority of the white conservative vote of both branches of the Virginia General As- sembly. Proudly do I proclaim the truth of this. Every one of those who voted for me to come to this Chamber gave an un- qualified vote for the l\iddleberger bill. Are they dishonorable men? Scornfully do I repel the charge that any one of them is capable of dishonorable action. Were it true, what a sad commentary it would be upon those honorable gentlemen whom it is said I am not representing i here. Mr. President, my colleague comes from what we call in Virginia the gnat Southwest, a noble and i)rosperous sectifm of Virginia. Fifteen white Conservative counties comjjose his congressional dis- trict, and though the ablest of the oraturs of my colleague's party canvassed it thoroughly against me and the views set forth in this measure, but two delegates and no senator of the gentleman's party came to the Legislature. To a man they supported the Riddlebergcr bill. Every senator and every delegate from my col- league's own congressional district, save andexcei^t two delegates, supported me for the Senate and the Riddlebergcr bill as a measure for debt-paying. He would do well to spend a little more time with his constituents I Whatever our differences on this ques- tion, it seems to me those people should have had a defender in him against such foul and slanderous accusations as have been made — that they are dishonorable men. O Shame! where is thy blush? Dishonorable in Virginia to beg the privi- lege of paying every dollar she borrowed — that is, her rightful share, instead of not only paying that but also the share of West Virginia — dishonorable to pay every dollar she borrowed, only abating the war interest! Dishonorable, too, in the opinion of the gentlemen who rej)resent States on this floor and municipalities which have by arbitrary legislation reduced their in- debtedness from $243,000,000 down to $84,000,000 1 Dishonorable in Virginia not only to assume her full share of her public obligations, as measured by her territory in this division of it, but offering to tax her ])eople to an extent threatening the destruction of her industrial interests! Is that dishonorable in that people? If so, what have you to say of this tier of South- ern States whose public indebtedness, whose plighted laith, whose sacred obliga- tions — as sacred as are those of my State of Virginia — have been reduced from §243,000,000 by one or another method of repudiation, upon one or another excuse, down to $84,000,000, with a reduced in- terest rate upon the curtailed principal, and only proposing to pay interest in some cases at 2 per cent, and in others 3 and in others 4 on the reduced principal? Is it dishonorable in Virginia to assume $20,- 000,000 of the debt\)f the old State and then to tax her industries within the verge of endurance to pay on that sum the high- est rate of interest? Let Senators who as- sail unjustly the conduct of Virginia in this respect put their own houses in order. I want, Mr. President, the Secretary to read from the International Review the measures of readjustment in the Southern States thatSenators may know how f:L<hi«'n- able readjustment has been in that section 222 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book III. of this great country on which northern democrats rely in a presidential election. The Chief Clerk read as follows : "c 3-S.'5'*S : roJ'HO'-icw*' tW^to (M : P r? >n = — C0!0 M :rJ<0OQO •^ ^ C*? S*^oo : tr u- •<r U-: o J- «,C! : tc^u-_q_ ^.. 5i~-oa'J : icre't-^.-^'cTx'r-'o" : cc"^-'■•N'" ;..fl-— cic^r^-t-co 't-r-— < CO : ^ ^l. — , ^..'~.^.- ^. '^ : "^''V^ M ^■OT3 CU3-5 i co"— "t^ cTVc'oi t-^ ; c4"-.^'co~ cT Ir-l -N rH (N (N : « i-i lO •^ : ^^ .CDf-^T;«Ot-OiOOt-l-(N^ n -►'(N— ■CO"Cl-.»J'-»5<IlNa5 '^ j3r<iO.3iOM-1"t»<!0;C0Cr5 o> o C 1^* c^ in ^ ^^'' c^ .r^rvf-v^ icTcT ^ "w-tM't-r:- — t-^COOOwoOQO 00 ^rt-.::— «^:•J^Mt^^-x•.^ — <»_ z gf" '-'s -'S S'="'='S CO* «» *^ i- ^-^-s ic5^e2SS!5:;;?jf2Sg lO 00 :c>:c5J:~i = xt~^x^j^.5'_^ : c' c' -m' f-" -m' ^ r •-:'" «s of t-^ « in" lO* Date 1 the when reac higlie : C-. c v: - — '- ?i t- .». CO tr o o . C^ r; t- rH ..'; ^. -N .*^t-;^(N 00 00_ CO :r*iM?jo» m •* '-•* t- :«» IM iciocior-ooCTf^t-iMO (M :^:-re = c: — rtr^'i'ooa) • » c o lo c: c '^^.f-;.-,'•■5.cc ^_ •* o * O'C^O '1'' cc x^^^c^c^'^ to" H :o5--=3<ocAoc^oiocom 03 : ^„ ",-.•" "^_'*.,'~-.^>"^ "^. '"-^. ■* : t-^cTt-^yfT-raTf-rir:' cfiooco TiT • t- (M IM CO :<© '^ i oj = c o o c o> .* to ■* •* ;gi:^i2§So5SgSgs CO § : s g S ^'S'g" § s" o g"§ fT » oo : t- o o b i- 1^^ lo 2 c,Qo -f-^ o^ : -.^ffi'S-'ei'TiJ to tjT eoo>o ii& o :■oO'-<^^c:c^-to-^e^^c^- ^ :inc«f-ocotr:. t-tcioc; • ". =,''';.'^„'* -..'":. "5.^."'.°°, "_ t' CI :t-i--*o o r- Oi -N o t- '^^ o s :ioo5i-oo u^ (N ■<»i t~ lo t- 1^ : n noi Kt^rStOr^mta ■*" . r-* r^ to :«» : t- -^oocroo : = to o ^ • ■— CO .n o '— o o : o to o : CO ^ Ol 1- C_ = O 0_ : O r-l lO o i ;-)>' C '-""'^ '='=''— ''^* Ito'ttu^" o" -t< CO ; to'^H iSr-^'^^t^n : tN~co~co" :«© r-i (M : t- i N ^ 1 n 1 M M 1 _r ® ^*T!''^-Tt'-it?T -5 West Virg Virginia... North Can South Car( Georgia..... Florida Alabama... Mis.sissipp Louisiana Texas Arkansas.. Tennessee Kentucky. 0) 3 o Mr. Maho^te. There is no mere read- justment there ; I will not say it is repudia- tion. " Repudiation " is honorable, per- haps; "readjustment" dishonorable. Oh, Virginia ! It was for this you bared your bosom to soldier's tread and horse's hoof. It wa.s for this you laid waste your fields. It was for this you displayed your noble virtues of fortitude and courage, your heroic suffering and sacrifice. It was for this you suffered the dismemberment of your territory and sent your sons to the field to return to tlie ruins where were once tiicir homes. It was for this you so reluctantly abandoned your allegiance to a common country to be the last to make war and the last to surrender. O Ingrati- tude, thou basest and meanest of crimes I And now, Mr. President, at the time of my ele'-.tion who constitutcii my oj)po- nents? Already, ius you have been advised, another representing distinctly the Bour- bon democracy of Virginia and the so- called democracy of this Chamber, another representing distinctly the republican party of Virginia — these were the candi- dates before the Legislature which elected me to this body. I received not only a majority of the so-called democratic read- justers but of the so-called republican re- adjusters. And now what were the efforts, known there if not here to gentlemen, to defeat me? Were not combinations sought to be made ? It is known of all men there at the capital of my State, if not here, that every influence from whatsoever quarter it could be adduced, whether democratic or republican, was brought together at Rich- mond for the jjurijose by combination of defeating my election, of defeating the sovereign will of the people of that Corn- wealth as expressed on the 4th of No- vember, 1879. There was a democracy which sought to secure the election of an orthodox, simon- pure, unadulterated republican, but of that kind called Bourbons in Virginia — a de- mocracy which was not only willing but ready and anxious to send here in the place I have the honor to hold a republi- can whom they would otherwise profess to despise. What for? For the considera- tion well known there, that they might elect certain county judges and control the State offices, and by that means prevent the disclosures which have subsequently followed since the readjusters have gotten possession of the capitol. That democracy which like Ca?sar's wife would stand " above suspicion," were ready to trade a seat in the United States Senate so that a few county judges might be preserved, that the offices in the capitol at Richmond might be retained in their control ; I say in order, perhaps, that the disclosures which have followed the advent of the party I represent might have been longer concealed ; moreover that control of the ballot-box in the State might continue where it had been ; so certainly I believe; and all this by those who professed to rep- resent the party which had declared in na- tional convention for a full vote, a free ballot, and an honest count. Such were the considerations, such I say were the inducements which prompted that democracy to its efforts to send to this (Chamber a republican beyond question since these many long and weary years. If that is the democracy that the gentlemen on that side love, I proclaim my inability to co-operate with them. I supported neither of the candidates for Congress in my district, and emphatically declared that pur})ose on more than one public occasion, because one was a can- didate of that party, the Bourbon reaction- ists, and the other a Bourbon republican with accommodating views on the debt question. BOOK III.] MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION. 223 To obey the behests of the democratic caucus of this body, whose leadership on this floor, whose representative national authority — the one here and the other elsewhere — have champicjned the cause of the Bourbon- hinder party in Virginia, would be an obsequious surrender of our State policy and self-condemnation of our independent action. The desire of our people for cordial re- lations with all sections of a common coun- try and the people of all the States of the Union, their devotion to poi)ular educa- tion, their ellorts for the free enjoyment of a priceless suffra<ije and an honest count of ballots, their determination to make Vir- ginia, in the public belief, a desirable home for all men, wherever their birthplace, whatever their opinions, and to open her fields and her mines to enterprise and capi- tal, and to stay the retrograde movement of years, so as to bring her back from the fif- teenth in grade to her original position among the tirst in the sisterhood ot States, forbid that my action here should be con- trolled or influenced by a caucus whose party has waged war upon my constituency and whore party success is held paramount to what I conceive to be the interests of Vir- ginia and the welfare of the whole country. The readjusters of Virginia have no feeling of hostility, no words of unkind- ness for the colored man. His freedom has come, and whether by purpose or by accident, thank God, that among other is- sues which so long distracted our country and restrained its growth, was concluded, and I trust forever, by the results of the sanguinary struggle between the sections. I have faith, and it is my earnest hope, that the march of an enlightened civiliza- tion and the progress of human freedom will proceed until God's great family shall everywhere enjoy the j^roducts of their own labor and the blessings of civil, political, and religious liberty. The colored man was loyal to Virginia in all the days of conflict and devastation which came of the heroic struggle in the war of sections that made her fields his- toric. By no act of his was either the clash of arms provoked or freedom secured. He did not solve his duty by considera- tionr of self-interest. Si»eecli of Hon. Justin S. Morrill, of Ver- mont, {Author of the Tariff Bill o/1861), delivered in the Senate of the United Staten, December 8, 18S1, on the Bill to AppoitU a Tariff Commitsion. The Senate, being as in Committee of the Whole, and having under consideration the bill (S. No. 22) to provide for the appoint- ment of a commission to investigate the question of the tariff and internal revenue laws — Mi: Morrill said: I have brought this subject to the early attention of the Senate because, if early legislative action on the tariir is to be had, obviously the measure jtroposed by Senator Eaton and passed at the last session of the Senate is a wise and indispensable preliminary, which cannot be started too soon. The essential infor- mation needed concerns important inte- rests, vast in number and overspreading every nook and corner of our country ; and when made available by the ingathering and collocation of all the related facts, will secure the earliest attention of Congress, as well as the trust and confidence of the country, and save the appropriate commit- tees of both Houses weeks and months of irksome labor — possibly save them also from some blunders and from final defeat. An enlargement of the free list, essential reductions and readjustments of rates, are to be fully considered, and some errors of conflicting codifications corrected. If a general revision of the Bible seems to have been called for, it is hardly to be wondered at that some revision of our re- venue laws should be invited. But changes in the frame-work of a law that has had more of stability than any other of its kind in our history, and from which an unex- ampled growth of varied industries has risen up, should be made with much cir- cumspection, after deliberate consideration, by just and friendly hands, and not by ill- informed and reckless revolutionists. When our recent great army was disbanded, war taxes were also largely dismissed, and we have now, and certainly shall have here- after, no unlimited margin for slashing ex- periments. THE TARIFF OF 1861. The tariff act of 1861, which, by a nick- name given l)y baffled opponents as an echo to a name so humble as my own, it was perha[)S hoped to render odious, was yet approved by a democratic President and gave to Mr. Buchanan a much-needed opportunity to perform at last one official act approved by the peojjle. If I refer to this measure, it will not be egotistically nor to shirk res])onsibility, but only in defense of those who aided its ])as- sage — such as the never-to-be-forgotten Henry Winter Davis, Thad. Stevens, and William A. Howard, and, let me add, the names of Fcssenden and Crittenden — and, without the parliamentary skill of one (Mr. Sherman) now a member of this body, its success would not have been I made certain. And yet this so-called "Morrill tariff," ' hooted at as a "Chinese wall " that was to shut out both commerce and revenue, not- i withstanding amendments subsequently 224 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. piled and patched upon it at even- fresh demand during the war, but retaining its vertebrae and all of its specific characteris- tics, has been as a financial measure an unprecedented success in spite of its sup- posed patronymical incumbrance. Trans- forming ad valorem duties into specific, then averaging but 25 per cent, upon the invoice values, imposing much higher rates upon luxuries than upon necessaries, and introducing compound duties* upon wool- ens, justly compensatory for the duties on wool, it has secured all the revenue antici- pated, or $198,159,676 in 1881 against $53,- 187,511 in 1860, and our total trade, exports and imports, in 1860, of $687,192,176, ap- pears to have expanded in 1880 to $1,613,- 770,633, with a grand excess of exports in our favor of $167,683,912, and an excess in 1881 of $259,726,254, while it was $20,040,- 062 against us in 1860. A great reduction of the public debt has followed, and the interest charged has fallen from $143,781,- 591 in 1867 to about $60,500,000 at the present time. If such a result is not a practical demon- stration of healthy intrinsic merits, when both revenue and commerce increase in a much greater ratio than population, what is it? Our imports in the past two years have been further brilliantly embellished by $167,060,041 of gold and silver coin and bullion, while retaining in addition all of our own immense domestic productions ; and it was this only which enabled us to resume and to maintain specie payments. Let the contrast of 1860 be also borne in mind, when the excess of our exports of gold and silver was $57,996,004. As a protective measure this tariff, with all its increasing amendments, has proven more satisfactory to the peoj^le and to va- rious industries of the country than any other on record. The jury of the country has so recorded its verdict. Agriculture has made immense strides forward. The recent exports of food ])roducts, though never larger, is not equal by twenty-fold to home consumption, and prices are every where more remunerative, agricultural products being higher and manufactures lower. Of wlieat, corn, and oats there was produced 1,184,540,849 i)usliels in 1860, but in 18S0 the crop liad swelled to 2.622,200,- 039 bushels, or had much more tlian don- bU'd. Since 1860 hinds in many of the Western States have risen from 100 to 175 per cent. The production of rice, during tlie same time, rose Irom 11,0(10,000 pounds to 117,1)00,000. Thi" fires of the tall chim- neys have everywhere been lighted up; and while we made oidy 987,559 tons of piir irrin in I860, in 1880 we made 4,295,- 414 tons; and of railroad iron the increase * Tlic (luminion (i{ Cnnmln lia« sincp im]Kistd compound duties u]iciu a large- Duuljur uf urtick-ii. ' was from 235,107 tons to 1,461,837 ton.s. In twentv vears the production of salt rose from 12,717,200 bushels to 29,800,298 bush- , els, No previous crop of cotton equalled [the 4,861,000 bales of 1860; but the crop of 1880 was larger, and that of 1881 is re- I ported at 6,606^^^000 bales. The yield of cotton from 1865 to 1881 shows an increase over the fifteen years from 1845 to 1861 of 14,029,000 bales, or almost an average gain { of a million bales a year. The giant water-wheels have revolved j more brisklv, showing the manufacture of 1 1,797,000 bales of cotton in 1880 against I only 979,000 bales in 1860, and this brought I up the price of raw cotton to higher figures : than in 1860. Thirteen States and one I Territorj' produced cotton, but its manu- I facture spreads over thirty States and one Territory. The census of cotton manufac- ture shows : CapitBl invested Number of operatives Wages paid Value of productions 1860. $98,595,269 V2'^,02S $23,940,108 115,681,774 1880. 8207,781,868 175,187 $41,9/1,106 192,773,960 It will be found that a larger dmount of capital has been invested in cotton mills than in woolen, and that the increase of productions has been large and healthy, a very handsome proportion of which is to be credited to Southern States. Goods of many descriptions have also been cheap- ened in price. Standard prints or calicoes Avhich sold in 1860 for nine and one-half cents per yard now sell for six and one- half cents. The census returns of woolen manufac- tures show the following astonishing re- sults : ]\Tales employed Females tmployed Capital invested Wages paid Value raw mater'l oonsum'd Value of annual product Imijortations of woolens Ann'al product'nof wooI..ft)« Census of Census of 1880. 1860. 74,367 65,261 $155,454,105 47,11.5,614 162,609,436 24,841 16,519 $30,862,654 9,808,254 36,5Sr,,887 266,684,790 33,613,^!'7 264,500,000 61,895,217 37,876,945 60,611,343 I It thus appears, that while the number 1 of hands employed is three times and a half larger tl;an in 1860, the wages paid is about five times larger and the cajjital is five limes greater. The annual productions have been more than quadrupled, and the I aggregate im]iortations have fallen off four I millions. With these results in our fronts I jirotection on wool aii<l Avoolcns will ]y& I likely to withstand the hand-grenades of I all Irec-trade besiegers. BOOK III.] MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION. 225 In New England and some other States sheep liusbaudry has fallen off, and in some i)Iaces it has been replaeed by the dairy business; but in other States the wool-clip has largely increased, especially has the weight of the fleece increased. The number of sheep has increased about 80 per cent, and the weight of wool over 400 per cent. The discovery that the fine long mcrind wools, known as the Ameri- can merino, are in fact the best of combing wools and now used in many styles of dress goods has added greatly to their demand and value. Many kinds of woolen goods can be had at a less price than twenty years ago. Cushmerets that then brought forty -six cents per yard brought only thirty- eight and one-fourth cents in 1880, and muslin de laines dropped from twenty cents to fifteen, showing that the tariff did not make them dearer, but that American com- petition caused a reduction of jn'ices. The length of our railroads has been trebled, rising from 31,185 miles in 18G0 to 94,000 miles in 1881, and possibly to one- half of all in the world. For commercial purposes the wide area of our country has been compressed within narrow limits, and transportation in time and expense, from New York to Kansas, or from Chicago to Baltimore, is now less formidable than it was from Albany or Pittsburgh to Phila- delphia prior to the era of railroads. The most distant States reach the same mar- kets, and are no longer neighbors-in-law, but sister States. The cost of eastern or western bound freight is less than one- third of former rates. Working-men, in- cluding every ship-load of emigrants, have found acceptable employment. Our ag- gregate wealth in 1860 was $19,089,1.56,289, but is estimated to have advanced in 1880 to over forty billions. Further ex- amination will show that the United States are steadily increasing in wealth, and in- creasing, too, much more rapidly than free-trade England, notwithstanding all her early advantages of practical experi- ence and her supremacy in accumulated capital. The increase of wealth in France is twice as rapid as in Englan 1, but in the United States it is more rapid than even in France. These are monumental facts, and they can no more be blinked out of sight than the AUeghanies or the Rocky Mountains. They belong to our country, and sufhciently illustrate its progress and vindicate the tariff of 1861. If the facts cannot be de- nied, the argument remains irrefutable. If royal "cowboys" who attempted to whistle down American independence one hundred years ago ingloriously failed, so it may be hoped will fail royal trumpeters of free-trade who seem to take siiles against the United States in all commercial con- tests for industrial independence. 39 Among the branches of manufactures absolutely waked into life by the tariff of 1861, and which then had no i)lace above zero, may be named crockery and china ware. The number of white-ware facttjries is now filty-tliree, with forty decorating establishments ; and the products, amount- ing to several millions, are sold at prices 25 to 50 2)er cent, below the j)revailing prices of twenty years ago. Clay aiul kaolin equal to the best in China have been found east, west, and south in such abundance as to promise a large extension of American enterprise, not only in the ordinary but in the highest branches of ceramic art. Steel may also here claim its birth. No more of all sorts than 11,838 tons were made in 1860, but 1,397,015 tons were made in 1880. Those who objected to a duty on steel have found they were biting something more than a file. Silks in 1860, hardly unwound from the cocoon, were creeping along with only a small showing of sewing-silk and a few trim- mings, but now this industry rises to na- tional importance, furnishing ajjt employ- ment to many thousand women as well iis to men ; and the annual products, sharply competing with even the Bonnet silks of Lyons, amount to the round sum of $34,- 5(J0,000. Notwithstanding the exception- ally heavy duties, I am assured that silk goods in general are sold for 25 per cent. less than they were twenty years ago. Plate-glass is another notable manufac- ture, requiring great scientific and mecha- nical skill and large capital, whose origin bears date since the tariff of 1861. It is made in Missouri and in Indiana, and to a small extent in Kentucky and Massachu- setts; but in Indiana it is made of the purest and best quality by an establish- ment which, after surmounting many perils, has now few equals in the magni- tude or perfection of its productions, whether on this or the other side of the Atlantic, and richly merits not only the fiivor but the patronage of the Government itself. Copper is another industry npon which a specific duty was imposed in 1861, which has had a rapid growth, and now makes a large contribution to our mineral wealth. The amount produced in I860 was less than one-fifth of the present pro- duction, and valued at $2,288,182 ; M'hile in 1880 the production rose to the value of $8,849,961. The capital invested increased from $8,525,500 to .*31, 675,096. In 1860 the United States Mint paid from twenty- three and one-half to twenty-five cents per pound for copper; but has obtained it the present year under a protective tariff as low as seventeen cents. Like our mines of in- exhaustible coal and iron, copper is found in m:iny States, some of it superior to any in th'^ world, and for special uses is constantly sought aft^er bv foreign governments. 226 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. Many American productions sustain the character they have won by being the best in the -world. Our carpenters and joiners could not be hired to handle any other than American tools ; and there are no foreign agricultural implements, from a spade to a reaper, that an American farmer would accept as a gift. There is no sad- dlery hardware nor house-furnishing, equal in quality and style to American. Watches and jewelry and the electric gold and silver plated ware of American workmanship as to quality have the foremost place in the marts of the world. The superiority of ourstaple cotton goods is indisputable, as is proven by the tribute of frequent counter- feits displayed abroad. The city of Phila- delphia alone makes many better carpets and more in quantity than the whole of Great Britain. These are noble achieve- ments, which should neither be obscured nor lost by the sinister handling and in- dustrious vituperation of free-trade mono- graphists. The vast array of important and useftil inventions recorded in our Patent Office, and in use the world over, shows that it is hardly arrogance for us to accept the com- pliment of Mr. Cobden and claim that the natural mechanical genius of average Americans will soon appear as much su- perior to that of Englishmen as was that of Englishmen one hundred years ago to that of the Dutch, THE TARIFF SHIELDED US IN 1873. If we had been under the banner of free trade in 1878, when the wide-spread finan- cial storm struck our sails, what would have been our fate? Is it not apparent that our people would have been stranded on a lee shore, and that the general over- production and excess of unsold merchan- dise everywhere abroad would have come without hindrance, with the swiftness of the winds, to find a market here at any price? As it was the gloom and suffering here were very great, but American work- ing-men found some shelter in their home markets, and their recovery from the shock was much earlier assured than that of those who in addition to their own calamities had also to bear the pressure of the hard times of other nations. In six years, ending June 80, 18S1, our exports of merchandise exceeded imports by over i?l,17.''),000,000 — a large sum in it- self, largely increasing oiir stock of gold, filling the pockets of the people with more than two hundred and fifty millions not found in the Treasury or banks, making the return to specie payments easy, and arresting the painful drain of interest so loner paid abroad. It is also a very con- clusive refutation of the wild free-trade chimeras that exports are dependent upon imports, and that comparatively high du- ties are invariably less productive of reve- nue than low duties. The pertinent ques- tion arises. Shall we not in the main hold fast to the blessings we have? As Ameri- cans we must reject free trade. To use some words of Burke upon another subject: " If it be a panacea we do not want it. We know the consequences of unnecessary physic. If it be a plague, it is such a plague that the precautions of the most severe quarantine ought to be established against it.'' FREE-TRADE PROSPERITY ON THE WANE. It gives me no pleasure to notice retro- grade steps in the prosperity of Great Britain ; and, if some evidence of this sort is brought out, like that of the five thou- sand houses now marked "To let" in Shef- field and ten thousand in Birmingham, it will have no other purpose than to show that free trade has failed to secure the jiro- mised supremacy to English manufactures. The avowal of Mr. Gladstone that the ad- ditional penny to the income-tax produces less revenue than formerly indicates a positive decrease of wealth ; and the steady diminution of British ex.ports since 1873, amounting in 1880 to one hundred and sixty million dollars, Avith a diminution in the total of exports and imports of two hundred and fifty million dollars, is more conclusive proof as well of British de- cadence as of the advancement of other nations. COMMERCIAL PROTECTION. The sum of our annual support bestowed upon the Na^^', like that upon the Army, may be too close-fisted and disproportion- ate to our extended ocean boundaries, and to the value of American commerce afloat; yet whatever has been granted has been designed almost exclusively for the protec- tion of our foreign commerce, and amounts in the aggregate to untold millions. Manu- facturers do not complain that this is a needless and excessive favor to imj)orters; and why, then, should im])orters object to some protection to a much larger amount of capital, and to far greater numbers em- barked certainly in an equally laudable enterprise at home ? THE FREE-TRADE PROPAGANDISTS OF ENGLAND. For the last thirty-five years England has been making extraordinary efforts, po- litical, industrial, legislative, diplomatic, social, and literary, all combined, to per- suade mankind to follow her example of reversing that policy of protection, supreme in her Augustan age, or from Ciueen Anne down throughout the Georgian era, and the policy maintained by Chatham, by the younger Pitt, and by Canning with an BOOK III.] MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION, 227 energy that created and sustained the most varicfl aiid extensive workshops of the world. Ah'cady mistress of" the ocean and abounding in wealth, the sea-girt Island aspired to a world-wide monopoly of trade. Penetrated with this later free-trade am- bition, and not infreciuently accused of trying to make all Kngland tributary to Manchester, and all the rest of the world tributary to England, the eloquent Mr. Bright, who gnuuUy rejected any idea of a new nation in America, resorts even to the infelicitous language of passion when he denounces his opponents, as he does, by declaring that any looking toward protec- tive legislation anywhere in the world is j)roof either of " congenital depravity or defect of judgment." Let us be thankful it is no worse, for what would have hap- pened if the wrathful Englishman had said "total depravity?" The repeal of the corn laws was not for the benefit of foreign nations, but solely for the benefit of Englishmen. FlKST. It was their belief that their Bkill and great capital gave them that su- periority which would secure them against all competition except that arising from cheaper food. Second. The cheaper-fed workmen of Germany, France, and America presented the only competition not to be resisted, and it had to be at once squarely met. Protec- tion was abandoned, and abandoned possi- bly forever, but abandoned because the la- boring British population had become too great and too hungrj', with over a million and a half of [)aupers, when measured by the supply of home-grown food. Some of the little Benjamins must go to Egypt for corn. Starving men do little work, but occasionally do too much. The sole condi- tions to the continuance of the dense popu- lation and thegrand scale of British manu- factures in competition with modern na- tions appeared to be parsimony and priva- tion, or lower-priced bread and lowest- priced labor. With these partially secured there came a season of temporary relief, but, unfortunately, with no increase of wages. It was barely success at the cost of an alliance with the discontent of un- derpaid workmen, with strikes and organ- ized expatriation. Free trade, it is found, grinds labor to the bone, and forces it to fly, with muscles and machinery, to more inviting fields. British agriculture, long depressed and chronically exposed to bad harvests, is now threatened with ruin by foreign competi- tion, and British manufactures also seem almost as destitute of sunshine as their agriculture, though still owning a reluctant allegiance to the laws of the universe and to the exact science of the garrulous Bonamy Price. Lord Derby, in a late speech to the Lancashire fiirmers, recom- mended that some of the farmers should emigrate — five millions, I believe, he pro- posed — and those who might remain, .said he, will then be able to farm on better terms. True enough ; but what a cold, sunless, and desperate remedy is that ! If not Ro- man decimation, at least a sentence of banishment, crushing out the sweetest af- fections planted in human hearts, their love for their birthplaces, the homes of their fathers! But if these ill-fated men have barely supported life by the pittances daily earned, by what means, at whose cost, can they be transported to better and more welcome homes? The advice of Lord Derby is like that of the children of Marie Antoinette when the populace of Paris were clamoring for bread. Said the chil- dren: "Why don't they buy cake?" Equally " child-like and bland " is Lord Derby. It would seem, when over 40 per cent, of their yearly imports must be of food, that the British Islands are too small for the foundations of the empire. The grand pyramid stands upon its apex re- versed. English statesmen have not forgotten the reservation of Sir Robert Peel, the author of the free-trade bill in 1846: " I reserve to myself," said he, "distinctly and unequivocally the right of adapting my conduct to the exigencies of the mo- ment and to the wants of the country ; " and that is all protectionists ever claim to do. Already Sir Stafford Northcote, the leader of the Tory opposition in the House of Commons, is on the fence, and only ventures to favor " universal free trade. ' That is surely a horse of another color, not Wellington's " Copenhagen," but more like Sancho Panza's " Dapple." The recent reaction or change in many organs of British opinion shows that this right of adaptation to the exigencies of the moment is neither surrendered nor obso- lete. Let me cite an extract from an in- fluential paper, called the Observer : There is no obligation upon us to incur industrial martyrdom for the sake of pro- pagating free-trade principles, even sup- posing their truth to be as self-evident a.'? we fondly imagined. Moreover, to speak the honest truth, we are beginning t^ doubt how far the creed to which we pinned our faith is so self-evident as we originally conceived. If we can persuatle other nations to follow our example, then free trade is unquestionably the best thing for England. It does not follow, however, that it is the best thing for us, if we are to be left the sole adherents of free trade in the midst of a community of nations de- voted to protection. The Observer does not say, as will be seen, that it is best for other nations, bat 228 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book III. only, if they will follow her example, " unquestionably the best thing for Eng- land ; '' and that will not be disputed. Other nations, however, seem to prefer to profit by the earlier English example, displayed for seventy years after Smith's Wealth of Nations appeared, and free trade, like the favorite English plum-pud- ding, is now called for by nobody but themselves, and is getting so cold as to be unpalatable even at home. Yet it is pro- posed by the amateur statesmen of our urban free-trade clubs, guiltless of any drop of perspiration in the paths of indus- trj', to arrest American development by copying this foreign example, and thus bring our home labor and all of its re- wards down to the European and Asiatic level. Nevertheless, I have faith that we shall abide in the track of the principles and politics which elevate and give char- acter to American citizens, surrounding them with the daily presence and beauty of the useful arts, which so largely add to the power and dignity of any people in the great family of nations. To limit the industrial forces of an active, inventive, and ingenious people to agriculture alone, excluding manufactures and the mechanic arts, would be little better than in time of war to restrict an army to infantiy alone, t^ the exclusion of cavalry and artillery. Great battles are not often so won. A diversity of pursuits makes a great nation possible in peace, and greater in war. General competence, habits of self- reliance, and higher culture are thus more surely obtained. The improvement in one occupation is conta^ous, and spreads to all others. Philosopliy, politics, and liber- ty all go up higher, and the happiness and dignity of mankind are promoted. It is an axiom of British free-trade economy that for any branch of manufac- tures to rest on safe foundations it is in- dispensable that both the raw material and the skilled labor required should be indigenous. This seems to be a rule in- tended to fence out of the field all nations where cither the raw material or the skilled labor called for is not native and abundant ; but, if applied where the raw material is not indigenous, the British Islands would be stripped of a great share of their indus- try. Nor can any nation claim a class of men aa born with a monopoly of skilled endowments ; these, at any rate, are not " congenital," and trades inust be taught by long afipronticeships; but raw mate- rials are usually iilanted jjy nature, and climate and soil fix and detcrniine inflexi- ble ])ounflarieH. ('ott^)n is not indigenous in tlie British Islands, though tiicir ac- complished cotton manufactures have made it the leading article of commerce, leading their national j)olicy. Hemp and silk, also, are the products of other lands. Having no timber or lumber good enough for ships, it is all brought, like their royal timber, from any place in the world but home. The steel used at Sheffield for cutler}' is made from iron imported from Sweden and Norway ; and no fine or merino wool consumed is of home gro^rth. Not a little of the best machinerj' now alive in England had its birth on this side of the Atlantic, and must be credited to American genius. The title of the British Islands to all the raw material, and to exclu-^ive and heredi- tary mechanical skill among men, is widely contested, and the world will not fold its arms unresistingly to any such pretentious domination. The power of steam, though marvelously developed by English clever- ness, is an auxiliary force belonging of right to the whole human race, as much as gravity- or electricity, wherever its ser- vice may be called for, and its abode can no more be exclusively monopolized than that of the Promethean fire stolen from Heaven. The first steam-engine is supposed to have been employed at Manchester in 1790, wliere there are now, it is stated, in daily use within a circuit of ten miles more than filty thousand boilers, yielding a total force equal to the power of one mil- lion horses, and the combined steam-power of Great Britain is represented to be equal to the manual labor of twice the number of males living on the globe. We greatly admire the prodigious enterprise of Great Britain, and it would be strange if, with our immensely greater coal-fields, it should let Americans sleep. THE THEORY. Free trade, as a theory, unembarrassed by contact with practical aflairs, and di- vorced from any idea of supplying other equal and legitimate sources of revenue for the support of governments, ajipears wonderfully simple and seductive. Tear- ing down custom-houses, as a knock-down argument, is held to be scientific, but it is not conclusive. Some schoolmen, inno- cent of earning even a coat or a pair of shoes by the sweat of the brow, and sage without experience, adopt the theory be- cause it is an article of faith — saving with- out works — with a ready-made catediism in imported text-books, and requires no comprehensive investigation of the multi- form and ever-vaiying facts and exigen- cies in national affairs ; but when the theory comes to be practically applied alike to all times, j)laces and coiiditions oCmen, it obviously becomes political quackery, as untenable and ])reposterous as it would be to insist upon clothing all mankind in garments of the same material, in summer or winter, and of equal cut and dimen- sions, whether for big men or little, on the BOOKiii.l MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION, ^9 Danube or on the Mississippi. But how- ever i'ree trade comes to America, it comes as a strait-jacket, and whether new or second-hand, it is equally a misfit and un- acceptable. The affairs of communities are subject to endless differences from age to age and year to year, and governments that do not recognize these differences are either stu- pid or tyrannical, and deserve to be super- seded or overthrown. In 1816 the sound policy of England, Jis Lord Brougham de- clared, was to stifle " in the cradle those infant manufactures in the United States which the war had forced into existence." In 1824 the policy, according to Huskis- son, was "an extension of the principle of reducing duties just so far as was consistent with complete protection of British indus- try." In 1846 duties upon most foreign manufactures had almost ceased to yield any revenue, and Sir Robert Peel was forced to listen to the cry for cheap bread, though he was teased almost to the fight- ing point by the fertile, bitter, and match- less sarcasms of Disraeli, who also said : "The time will come when the working classes of England will come to you on bended knees and pray you to undo your present legislation." At this moment important changes of public opinion seem to be going on abroad, and the ponderous octavos of Malthus, Ricardo, McCuUoch, and J\Iill may have some repose. What may have been found expedient yesterday may be fraught with mischief to-day, and he that has no dis- trust of an inflexible free-trade hobby will turn out to be, unwittingly perhaps, as has been well said, "a friend of every other country but his own," and find at last that he has rejected the solid school of experi- ence only to get astride of an imported catch-word, vainly imagining he is bot- tomed on a scientific and universal princi- ple. Daniel Webster declared, "I give up what is called the science of political economy. There is no such science. There are no rules on these subjects so fi.xed and invariable that their aggregate constitutes a science." PR.VCTICE VERSUS THEORY. But English free trade does not mean free trade in such articles as the poor re- quire and must have, like tea and coflee, nor in tobacco, wines and spirituous liquors. These articles they reserve for merciless exactions, all specific, yielding a hundred millions of revenue, and at three times the rate we levy on spirits and more than five times the rate we levy on tobacco ! This is the sly part of the entertainment to which we are invited by free-traders. In 1880 Great Britain, upon tobacco and cigars, mainly from the United States, valued at $6J5S6,520, collected $43,9oo,- 670 duties, or nearly two-thirds aa much as we collect from our entire importations of merchandise from Great Britain. After all, is it not rather couspicuouu hypocrisy for England to disclaim all pro- tection, so long as she imposes twenty-nine cents per pound more upon manufactured tobacco than upon unmanufactured, and double the rate ui)on manufactured cocoa of that upon the raw? American locomo- tives are supposed to have great merit, and the foreign demand for them is not un- known, but the use of any save Engli.sii locomotives upon English railroads is pro- hibited. Is there any higher protection than j)rohibition ? And have not her sugar refiners lived upon the difierence of the rates imposed ujjon raw and refined su- gars? On this side of the Atlantic such legislation would be called protection. WHAT THEY MEAN. One of the cardinal principles of British free-traders is, " Buy where you can buy cheapest, and sell where you can sell dear- est , " and that is precisely what they mean. They expect to buy of us cheapest and sell to us dearest. It is the only logi- cal outcome of the whole policy. We are to be the victims of sharpers, whether we sell or buy. One-half of this resounding phrase, " buy where you can buy cheai)- est," often appears to touch the pocket nerve of those who, having nothing to sell, derive their income from capital, or from a fixed salary, and they forget that their capital or their salary might have been much smaller had it not been for the great- er prosperity and compensation which pro- tection has given to labor and to all busi- ness enterprises. Some part of this class are accustomed to make periodical jour- neys through foreign lands, and as they often bring home more or less ef esthetic rarities, they feel aggrieved that such ex- pensive luxuries, which, if cheap and com- mon, would have had no attractions for them, often happen to be among the very tidbits upon which it is the fitting policy of a republican form of government to levy revenue. The tax falls upon those able to pay. No country on the globe sends out so many foreign travelers with a spendable surplus, as the United States, or that scat- ter their money more generously, not to say extravagantly. English reciprocity in pleasure travel, however, like their often proposed commercial reciprocity, is com- ])aratively jug-handled. They come singly; we go in droves and caravans. AMERICA VINDICATED BY THOSE WHO COME TO STAY. But if foreign countries send compara- tively an unequal number of visitors tend- ing to reimburse the abounding expendi- tures of Americans abroad, they do send 230 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. us a far more numerous if not valuable company who come to stay, bringing both fortunes and aflections, and adding, as they have added wiihin the jiast two years, over a million and a quarter of brave hearts and willing hands to the productive forces of the country. Their tracks are all one way. None go back and noue come here as drones, for such stay away to absorb honey already stored; but "the "tenth legions," so to say, of all the conscripted armies of Europe, in health and fit for any service, are rushing to our shore on the "waves of the Atlantic, three thousand miled long," as volunteers for life. Were we to drop protection this western exodus would cea.-e and the emigrants now here would be reL'gated to the same scale of wages iro.u wiiich they so anxiously at- tempted tj escape. These tacts are pregnant arguments an- nually reproduced, upholding the Ameri- can policy of protection, and show that those who expect to earn their living — tempted, it is true, by the highest rewards, and tempted by free schools for their chil- dren — -know where to find the largest op- portunities for the comtbrts of life, for happiness and intellectual progress; and know also that America is not and never intends to be a transatlantic Ireland nor au agricultural back lot of Eui-oi^e. COMMERCIAL RULES KOT A SCIENCE. We have some worthy literary professors of free trade and some hacks who know their master's crib "of quick conception and easy delivery," as John Randolph would have described them, who, having determined that the sun shall hereafter rise in the west, assume for their doctrines, like their English masters, the basis of ab- solute science, which they insist shall be everywhere accepted, regardless of all con- ditions, wants, or circumstances, as the latest revelation of economic truth ; but free trade fails, shamefully fails, to stand the admitted tests of an exact science, as its results must ever be both an inconsist- ent quantity and incapable of prediction. It yields to the condition of nations and of the seasons, to war. to time, and constantly yields to facts. The blackboard compels universal a^^scnt to mathematics, and the laboratorv offers the same service to chem- istrv; but any test or analysis of free trade yields notliing but polemical vagaries, and it may ai)propriately be consigned to the witches' cauluron with — Ev" of nowt, anil too of froR, Wool of l«it, anil toiiguo of <log. * * » Minelc, mincl'", miriKlo, Yuii that iniiiKlc may. Qiieorly enough sf)me of the parties re- ferred Uj, denounce the tariff men as but "half-educated," while, perhaps, properly demanding themselve-s exclusive copyright protection for all of their own literary productions, whether ephemeral or abid- ing. It is right, they seem to think, to protect brains — and of these they claim the mono]ioIy — but monstrous to protect muscles ; right to protect the i)en, but not the hoe nor the hammer. Free trade would almost seem to be an aristocratic disease from which working- men are exempt, and those that catch it are as proud of it as they would be of the gout — another aristocratic dislinction. It might be more modest for these " neb- ulous professors " of political economy to agree among themselves how to define and locate the leading idea of their " dismal science" whether in the value in exchange or value in use, in profits of capital or wages, whether in the desire for wealth or aversion to labor, or in the creation, accu- mulation, distribution and consumption of wealth, and whether rent is the recom- pense for the work of nature or the conse- quence of a monopoly of pro] erty, before they ask a doubting world to ai cept tlie flickering and much disputed theory of free trade as an infallible truth about which they have themselves never ceased to wrangle. The weight of nations against it is as forty to one. It may be safe to say that when sea-serpents, mermaids, and centaurs find a place in natural history, free trade will obtain recognition as a sci- ence ; but till then it must go uncrowned, wearing no august title, and be content with the fhick-and-thin championship of the " Cobden Club." THE BRITISH POLICY EVERYW'HERE RE- JECTED. . All of the principal British colonies from the rising to the setting of the sun — India alone possibly excepted — are in open and successful revolt against (he ap])lica- tion of the free-trade tyranny of their mother country, and Eurojiean k^tates not only refuse to copy the loudly-heralded examide, but they are retreating from it as though it were cliarged with dynamite. Even the London Times, the great " thun- dcrer " of public opinion in (ireat Britain, does not refrain from giving a stunning blow to free trade when it indicates that it has proved a blunder, and reminds the world that it [iredicted it would so prove at the start. The ceremony of free trade, with only one party res])onding solitary and alone, turns out as dull ami disconso- late as that of a wedding without a bride. The honeymoon of buying cheap and sell- ing dear appears indefinilely ))ostponed. There does not seem to be any party coming to rescue England from her isolated predicament. I'ismarck, while aiming to take care of the interests of his own coun- MORRILL ON A TARIFF COMMISSION. 231 try, as do all rainistei's, on this question per- liaps represents the attitude of the greater part ot the ikr-.sighled statesmen of lOu- rope, and he, in one of his recent parlia- mentary speeches, declared : Without being a passionate protection- ist, I aui as a llnancier, however, a passion- ate iniposer of duties, from the conviction that the taxes, the duties levied at the frontier, are almost exclusively borne by the foreigner, especially for numufactured artii'les, and that they have always an advantageous, retrospective, protectionist action. Practically the nations of continental Europe acipiiesce in this opinion, and are a unit in their flat refusal of British i'ree trade. They prefer the example of Amer- ica. Before self-confident men pronounce the whole world of tarilf men, at home and abroad, " half-educated or half-wit- ted," they would do well to sec to it that the stupidity is not nearer houie, or that they have not themselves cut adrift from the logic of their own brains, only to be wofuUy imposed upon by free-trade (quack- ery, wliich treats man as a niere fact, no more important than any other fact, and ranks labor only as a commodity to be bought and sold in the cheapest or dear- est markets. So long as statesmen are expected to study the prosperity and advancement of the people for whose government and guid- ance they are made responsible, so long free-trade theories must l)e postponed to that Utopian era when the health, strength and skill, capital and labor of the whole human race shall be reduced or elevated to an entire eipiality, and when each individ- ual shall dwell in an equal climate, upon an equal soil, freely pasture his herds and flocks where he pleases, and love his neighbor better than himself. OUR FARMERS. The test of profitable farming is the state of the account at the end of the year. Un- der free tradj the evidence multiplie-i that the English farmer comes to the end of the year with no surplus, often in debt, bare and discontented. Their laborers rarely know the luxury of meat, not over sixteen ounces per week,* and never expect to own Urrood of the soil. But under the protective policy the American farmer holds and cultivates his own land, has a surplus at the end of the year f )r permanent investments or improve- ments, and educates and brings up his sons and daughters with the advantages and comforts of good society. There are more American houses with carpets than in any * In tho British Almannc of ISSl it is stated that moat is oaten in Ireland hy only 59 per cent, of the farm la- boro s, and in quantity only four and oue-half ounces per week. other country of the world. I believe it will not be disputed that the down-trod- den tillers of the soil in Cireat Britain are not well fed ; that they are coarsely under- clad, and that lor lack of common-school culture they would hardly be regarded as fit associates here for Americans who drive their teams afield, or for the young men who start in life as laborers upon farms. The claim that free trade is the true policy of the American farmer would seem to be, therefore, a very courageous falsehood. It is an unfortunate tendency of the age that nearly one-half of the population of the globe is concentrated in cities, often badly governed, and sharply exposed to extravagance, pauperism, immorality, and all the crimes and vices which overtake mankind reared in hot-beds. I would neither undervalue the men of brilliant parts, nor blot out the material splendor of cities, but regret to see the rural districts depopulated for their unhealthy aggran- dizement. Free trade builds up a few of these custom-house cities, where gain from foreign trade is the chief object sought, where mechanics, greater in numbers than any other class, often hang their heads, though Crcesus rolls in Pactolian wealth, and Shylock wins his pound of flesh ; but protection assembles artisans and skilled workmen in tidy villages and towns, de- tails many s([uadrons of industry to other and distant localities, puts idle and play- ful v.-aterfalls at work, opens, builds up, and illumines, as with an electric light, the whole interior of the country ; and the far- mer of Texas or of New England, of Iowa or of Wisconsin, is benefited by such re- enforcements of consumers, whether they are by his side or across the river, at At- lanta or South Bend, at Paterson or at Providence. The farmers own and occupy more than nineteen-twenticths of our whole territory, and their interest is in harmony with the even-handed growth and prosperity of the whole country. There is not a State whose interests would not be jeopardized by free trade, and I should like to dwell upon the salient facts as to Missouri, Kansas, Indiana, Al- abama, Illinois, and many other States, but I shall only refer to one. The State of Texas, surpassing empires in its vast domains, doubling its population within a decade, and expending over twenty million dollars within a year in the construction of additional railroads, with a promised expenditure within the next fifteen months of over twenty-seven millions more, has sent to market as raw material the p:Lst year 12,2t)2, 032 pounds of hides, 20,G71.- ()39 pounds of wool, and 1,2G0,247 bales of cotton. Ilcr mineral resources, though known to be immense, are ;isyet untouched. Her bullocks, in countless herds on their way to market, annually crowd and crop 232 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book III. the prairies from Denver to Chicago. But now possessed of a liberal system of rail- roads, how long will the dashing spirit of the Lone Star State — where precious mem- ories still survive of Austin, of Houston, of Rusk, and of Schleicher — be content to send off unmanufactured her immense bulk of precious raw materials, which should be doubled in value at home, and by the same process largely multiply her population? With half as many in num- ber now as had the original thirteen, and soon to pass our largest States, wanting in- definite quantities of future manufactures at home, Texas should also prepare to supply the opening trade with Mexico, in all of its magnitude and variety, and far more wor- thy of ambition than in the golden days of Montezuma. No State can run and maintain railroads unless the way-stations, active and grow- ing settlements and towns, are numerous enough to ofier a large, constant, and in- creasing support. The through business of long lines of railroads is of great im- portance to the termini, and gives the roads some prestige, but the prosperity and dividends mainly accrue from the local business of thrifty towns on the line of the roads. It is these, especially manu- facturing towns, which make freight both ways, to and from, that free trade must ever fail to do, and while through freights, owing to inevitable competition, pay little or no profit, the local freights sustain the roads, and are and must be the basis of their chief future value. Without this efficient local support, cheap and rapid long transportation would be wholly im- practicable. The Southern States, in the production of cotton, have possibly already reached the maximum quantity that can be culti- vated with greatest profit, unless the demand of the world expands. A short crop now often brings producers a larger sum than a full crop. The amount of the surplus sent abroad determines the price of the whole crop. Production appears likely soon to outrun the demand. Texas alone has latent power to overstock the world. Is it not time, therefore, to curtail the crop, or to stop any large increase of it, while sure to obtain as nuich or more for it, and to turn unfruitful capital and labor into other and more profitable chan- nels of industry? The uiitro<ld(>n fields, where capital and labor wait to be organized for the development of Southern matin factures and mining, offer unrivaled temptations to leaders among men in Kcarcli of legitimate wealth. The same facts are almost equally ap- plicable to general agriculture, but nutn; particularly to the great grain-growing rv- pions of the West. A great harvest frequently tends to render the labor of the whole year almost profitless, whenever foreign countries are blessed with com- paratively an equal abundance. The ex- port of corn last year in October was 8,535,067 bushels, valued at $4,604,840, but the export of only 4,974,661 bushels this year brings $3,605,813. An equal dif- ference appears in the increased value of exports of flour. A much larger share of crops must be consumed nearer home, if any sure and regular market is to be per- manently secured. The foreign demand, fitful and uncertain as it is, rarely exceeds one-twentieth of even the present home re- quirements, and the losses from long transportation, incident to products of great bulk, can never be successfully avoided except by an adequate home de- mand. Farmers do not look for a market for grain among farmers, but solely among non-producing consumers, and these it is greatly to their interest to multiply rather than to diminish by forcing them to join in producing or doubling cro^^s for which there may be an insufiicient demand. Every ship-load of wheat sent abroad tends to bring down foreign prices ; and such I'ar-ofl' markets should be sought only when the surplus at home is excessive or when foreign prices are extraordinarily remunerative. The Avheat regions of the West, superb as they undoubtedly are, it is to be feared, have too little staying character to be prodigally squandered, and their natural fertility noticeably vanishes in the rear un- less retained by costly fertilizers almost as rapidly as new fields open in front. Some of the Middle States as well as the New England, though seeking fertilizers far and near, already look to the West for much of their corn and bread ; and there is written all over Eastern fields, as Western visitors may read, the old epitaph, '' As we are now so you may be." It will take time for this threatened decadence, but not long in the life of nations. The wdieat crop runs away from the Atlantic coast to the Pacific, and sinks in other localities as it looms up in Minnesota, Nebraska, and Dakota. Six years of cropping in Califor- nia, it is said, reduces the yield per acre nearly one-half. There was in ISSO devoted to wheat cul- ture over thirty-five million acres, or nearly double the acreage of 1S75. In twenty-five years a hundred million people will more than overtake any present or prospective surplus, and we may yet need all of our present magnificent wheat-fields to give bread to our own jieople. ('crtainly we need not be in haste to slaughter and utterly exhaust the native fertility of our fic^lds on the cheap terms now presented. lOngland, with all her fiuilts, is great, but unfortunately has uot room to support BOOKiii.l REVENUE SPEECH OF SENATOR CAMERON. 233 ter p^rcatness, and must have cheap food and be able to offer better wages or part with great numbers of her people. I most sincerely hope her statesmen — and she is never without those of eminencie — will prove equal to their great trust and to any crisis ; but we cannot surrender tlie welfare of our Republic to any foreign empire. Free trade may or may not be England's necessity. Certainly it is not our necessity ; and it has not reached, and never will reach, the altitude of a science. An im- post on corn there, it is clear, would now produce an exodus of her laboring popula- tion that would soon leave the banner of Victoria waving over a second-rate power. Among the nations of the world the high position of the United States was never more universally and cordially admitted. Our rights are everywhere promptly con- ceded, and we ask nothing more. It is an age of industry, and we can only succeed by doing our i)est. Our citizens under a protective tariff are exceptionally pros- perous and hajjpy, andnot strangers to no- ble deeds nor to i)rivate virtues. A popu- lar government based on universal suffrage will be best and most certainly perpetuated by the elevation of laboring men through the more liberal rewards of diversified em- ployments, which give scope to all grades of genius and intelligence and tend to secure to posterity the blessings of univer- sal education and the better hope of personal independence. Speech of Hon. J. D. Cameron, of Penna. On the Ui-iliirlion <>/ Revenue a» AfTectinfi the Tariff. De- livered in tite I'liiled States Setuile Janiuiry llj, 1882. Mr. C.VMERON, of Pennsylvania. I move to take up the resolution submitted by me in relation to internal-revenue taxes. The motion was agreed to ; and the Sen- ate proceeded to consider the following resolution .submitted by Mr. Oamerox, of Pennsylvania, December G, 1881 : Resolved, That in the opinion of the Senate it is expedient to reduce the revenue of the (Tovernment by abolishing all ex- isting internal revenue taxes except those imposed upon high wines and distilled spirits. Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Mr. President, the surplus revenue of this Government applicable to the payment of the public debt for the year ending June 30, 1881, was $100,0139,464.08. The inference from these figures must be that if such surplus receipts are applied to the reduction of the debt it will be paid within ten or twelve years. The question then is: Should the people continue to be taxed as heavily as they now are to pay it off within so short a period? Is it wise or prudent ? No one will deny the wisdom of the leg- islators who inaugurated the sy.stem of reducing the debt, or the patriotism of the ])eoj)le who have endured a heavy load of taxation to i)ay the interest and reduce the principal of such indebtedness. Both have been causes of wonder to the world, and have shown the strength, honesty, and prudence attainable under a republican form of government in matters where it was thought to be weak. It is acknow- ledged that the course thus j)ursued by Con- gress, and supported by the people, has had several good results. The exercise of the power of the Government and the cheer- ful submission to the enacting nature of the laws by the people has had an un- doubted tendency to elevate and strength- en the moral tone of the nation, giving the people mf)re confidence in each other, and compelling the approval of the world. It has reduced the principal sum of our na- tional indebtedness until it is entirely within the ready control of the financial ability of the people either to pay of!" or to pay the interest thereon. It has estab- lished the credit of the country, and brought it up from a position where the 6 per cent, gold bonds of the United States before the war would not command par to a present premium of 17 per cent, on a 4 per cent, bond, and to the ready exchange of called (5 per cent, bonds into new ones bearing 3j per cent, interest. It has dem- onstrated the ability of the country not only to carry on a most expensive internal war, but to pay off its cost in a time un- known to any other people ; and further, that the ability of the country to furnish men and material of war and to meet in- creased financial demands is cumulative. The burden carried by this country from 18(51 to the present day has been much greater than it would be if laid upon this nation and j)eople from 1881 to 1900. The burden, therefore, of the present debt would tiill but lightly on the country if the payment thereof should l>e for a time delayed, or the rate at which it has been paid be decreased. It thus becomes a question of prudence with the Govern- ment whether they will continue the bur- den upon the people, or relieve them of part of it. The burdens of general taxation borne by the people are very onerous. They have not only the General Government to sustain, on which devolves the expenses of legislation, of the Federal judiciary, of the representatives of our country in all the principal governments and cities ot the world, of the management of such of our internal affairs and conveniences as belong to Congress, the keeping up of our Army and Navy, the erection of public btiildings, the improvement of the rivers and harbors, and manv other items that require large 234 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. annual expenditures. With the increase of population and the filling up of our un- of'cupied lands almost all these annual out- lays and expenses will tend to increase in place of decreasing, and all such expendi- tures must be in some way met by the people of the country. They have also to sustain their State governments with the expenses and outlays incident to them, their legislatures, judiciaries, peniten- tiaries, places of reform, hospitals, and all means of aiding the afflicted, to sustain the common schools, to pay the cost of such improvements of rivers, of canals, of rail- ways, or of roads as the States may under- take. They have also the heavy cost to meet of city governments, of county, town and borough governments ; they must pay the inferior Legislatures, erect buildings, provide water, police, jails, poor-houses, and build roads and take care of them. On the liberality of the peojjle the coun- try depends for the building of charitable institutions, universities, colleges, private schools of high grade, and every variety of relief to the poor and the afflicted. In addition to these burdens almost all the States, most of the large cities, and many ot the counties and towns in the States still labor under the burdens of indebted- ness incurred during the war to sustain the General Government, which indebtedness, incurred on the then value of paper cur- rency, has now to be paid in gold. They have not had the means at command to pay off much of such indebtedness like the General Government, nor to refund it at a lower rate of interest. The sujicrior credit of the General Government has been made partially at the expense of the local gov- ernments. I have stated these fiicts that Senators might keep in mind that the question should not be considered as mere- ly one of our ability to reduce our indebt- edness by i)aying off annually one hundred millions of dollars and by continuing our present laws for raising revenues, as if it were but a small matter for the j)eoj)le to do, but it should be considered in connec- tion with tlie total burden of taxation im- posed by the revenue laws of the General (lovernment, as well as by those of the State and tlie subordinate governments witliin their bounds. There is, therefore, a strong argument to be found in these facts of the other !)ur- dens of taxation borne by the peojtle in favor of reducing the amount of revenue applicable to the payment of the pnblic del)t wli<»n it can be done without injury to the credit of the Government and with- out risking in tlic least the ability of the Government either to pay such indcbtcd- nesH a I it nuiturcs or to interfere with the ability of the (tovernment to fully jirovide for the wants of tlie country as they may be developed. A complete statement of the percentage of taxation borne by each male citizen of the United States over twenty-one years of age in the various ways stated would astound the Senate and the country. There is probably no coun- try in the world where the taxation direct and indirect is so heavy, and only a people situated and circumstanced as the Ameri- can people are could prosper under such a burden. If no other reason could be ad- vanced in favor of a reduction of the amount of moneys derived from our inter- nal-revenue laws than this one of reducing theburdens of the people, it would be amply sufficient, in my judgment, to warrant the proposed reduction. Yet I will say frank- ly that I have another object in wi.-hing to have the internal revenue reduced, and I hope before long that every vestige of that system will cea^se to exist. That object is to prevent any material change being made in the tariff upon imports as it now exists, for upon its existence depends the prosperity, the happiness, the improve- ment, the education of the laboring people of the country, although I do not object to a careful revision of it by a comjjetent commission. I want to say a word here about the ar- rears of pension act. This act never should be repealed, and in my judgment it never will or can be. It has lately been held up to contempt by that class of people who twenty years ago were engaged in exhorting these same pensioners to go to the front, and who now object to rewarding them; but their opinion is not shared by the peo- j)le at large ; in fact, no more essentially just law was ever placed uj^on the statute- book. Its effect is simply and solely to prevent the Government from pleading the statue of limitation against its former defenders. It did not increase the rate of pensions in any way whatever, but merely said that a man entitled to a pension for physical injury received in Government service should not be debarred fnni re- ceiving it because he was late in making his application. To the payment of these I)ensions every sentiment of hone-ty and gratitude should hold us firmly coiiiniittcd. iMy friend the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Beck] is very honest, is generally very astute, and has great capacity as a leader. iMy personal friendshij) makes me desire his success, and as an individual I want him to be the recii)ient of all the honors his jiarty can bestow upon him, but 1 am very sure that he is now opposing a measure that is intended to promote the welfare of and is in accord with the wishes of the ])Coi)le of the country. He is lead- ing his party astray, he is holding it baek, he is tving it to the carcass of free trade. Politically I am glad that he is; on his own account I regret it. He is oj^posing the principle of i)rotectioD, and, in my BOOK III.] REVENUE SPEECH OF SENATOR CAMERON. 235 judgment, no man can do that and retain the supjioit of the people. No party can to-day prOL'laim the doctrine of " a tariff I'or revenue only" and survive. Opposition to an earnest prosecution of the war for the suppression of the re])ellion failed to destroy the Democratic party hecause of the recruits it received from the South, but opposition to the doctrine of protection to American productions, hostility to the ele- vation of American lal)or, no party in this enlightened day can advocate and live. I am astonished that the Democratic party does not learn by experience. The "tarifl- for-a-revenue-only " })lank in the Cincin- nati platform lost it Indiana, lost it New York, and in 18S4itwill lose it one-half of the Sout'.iern States. The PiiESlDENT/jro tempore. The morn- ing hour has expired. Is it the pleasure of the Senate that unanimous consent be given to the Senator from Pennsylvania to proceed with his remarks? Mr. Bkck. I move that unanimous con- sent be granted. The Vrms.idt.^t pro tempore. The Chair hears no objection, and the morning hour will be continued until the Senator from Pennsylvania closes his remarks. Mr.'CAMERON, of Pennsylvania. The great question of protection to American labor will be the question which will obli- terate old dissensions and unite the States in one common brotherhood. The Demo- cratic party has made its last great fight. It will struggle hard, and in its death throes will, with the aid of a few unsuc- cessful and disappointed Republicans, pos- sibly have temporary local successes, but death has marked it for its victim, die it will, and on its tomb will be inscribed, " Died because of opposition to the educa- tion, the elevation, the advancement of the people." The historic policy of this country has been to raise its revenues mainly from du- ties on imports and from the sale of the public lands. There are many reasons in favor of this policy. It is more just and equal in its burdens on the Stares and on the people; it is less inquisitorial, less ox- pensive, less liable to corruption ; it is free from many vexed questions which our ex- perience of twenty years in collecting in- ternal revenue has developed. The inter- nal revenue brings the General Govern- mcnt in contact with the people in almost every thing they eat, wear, or use. The collection of revenue by duties on import-; is so indirect as to remove much of the harshness felt when the citizen comes in direct contact with the iron grip of the law compelling him to affix a stamp to what he makes or uses. No one will question the fact that the collection of internal duties unfavorably affected the general morals of the nation. The internal revenue laws were adojited by the Goveriuncnt as a war nie;isure, a.s an extraordinary and unusual means of raising money for an emergency, and it is proper and in accordance with pul)lic opinion that with the end of the emergency such j)olicy should cease. I caiuiot but think that every Senator will agree with me that the end of the emergency has been reached. The emergency eml)raced not only the time of tin; expenditures, but their continuation until the debt incurnd during the emergency was so reduced as to be readily managed, if not exclusively by the ordinary reveiuies of the Government, yet with a greatly reduced system of internal revenues and for a limited time. But in determining wherein such reduction shall be made, two great interests of the country are to be considered : First, the system of duties on foreign goods, wares, &c. Second, our national banking system. It has been proposed to meet this ques- tion of reduction by lowering the rates of duty, and thus to continue in this country indefinitely the use of direct and indirect taxation, supposing that such reduction would require the prolonged continuation of internal taxation. The first effei't of this would be to in- crease the revenues, as lower duties would lead for awhile to increased importations; but ultimately these increased importations would de-itroy our manufacture-i and im- poverish the people to the point of inabi- lity to buy largely abroad, and when that point Avould be reached, we should have no other source of revenue than internal taxes upon an impoverished people. At fir.^t we should have more revenue than we nee 1, but in the end much less. This statement of the effect of lower du- ties may at first seem anomalous and ques- tionable, but that such would be the result is proven by the elfect on the revenues of the country of the reduction in duties in tlie tariff of 184!) below that of 1842. This will be evident from the Treasurv statistics of the years 1844, 184'), 1816, 1847, &c., which will show for the latter years a large increase of revenues. A reduction of du- ties which would all'ect the ability of our manufacturers to compete with foreign makers would cause a large importation of goods, with two objects: first, to find a market, the eflcct of which would be to keep the mills of England and other coun- tries fully emi)loyed; and, second, a repe- tition of the custom of English manufac- turers to put goods on our markets at low and losing prices for the jnirpose of crip- [iling and breaking down our OTierators. And this increase of our national revenues would continue until oiu* fires were stopped, our mills and mines closed, our laborers starved, and our capital and skill, the work 236 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. of many years, lost. This time would be marked by a renewal of our vassalage to England. Then the tables would be turned, our revenues would fall off with our inability to purchase, our taxation would continue and become very onerous, and in T)lace of a strong, reliant, and self-support- ing people, exercising a healthful influence over the nations of the world, we would be owned and be the servants of Europe, til- ling the ground for the benefit of its peo- ple; our laborers would be brought down to a level with the pauper labor of Eu- rope. Our form of government will not permit the employment of ignorant pauper labor. It is a government of the people, and to have it continue to grow and prosper the people must be paid such wages as will enable them to be educated sufficiently to realize and appreciate the benefits of its free institutions; and knowing these bene- fits, they will maintain them. If, on the other hand, it is desirable that the reve- nues from duties should be decreased, and thereby retain both kinds of taxation, the direct and the indirect, the best possible way to do this would be to largel-y increase the duties on imported goods, which would for a time decre.ase the imports, thereby decreasing the amount of duties received. This tendency would last until, through this policy, the wealth and purchasing- power of the country would so largely in- crease that the revenues would again in- crease, both by reason of decreased cost in foreign countries and because of the pur- chase by us of articles of special beauty, skill, and luxury. It may be said (and however paradoxical it may appear, the as- sertion is proven by the history of the tariff) that while the immediate tendency with free-trade duties is to increase im- ports and revenues, the ultimate result of such low duties is to decrease the im]»orts and revenues, due to the decreasing ability of the country to purchase. Tlie imme- diate tendency of protective tariffs is to decrease im])ort8 and revenues, but the final result is to increase the imports and duties, arising from the greater ability of the country to j)urchase. But my inten- tion is not to discuss at this time the question of a tariff, but to show the efli'ct of a change in the duties on imports upon the revenues of the country. I dearly recognize tiiat while the public mind is deciiK-dly in favor of encouraging hom(! manufa(;turers by levying what are called protective duties, yet the peo])le are oppose<l to placing those duties so high tluit they become prohil)itory and making thereby an exclusive market for our inaini- facturers at home. It seems very clear to my mind, in view of these st:ifenients as to tlie result of decreasing or iiicrca'^ing the duties on our imports, that no reduction of revenue is practicable by changes in our tariff. The second great interest of the people, which will very shortly be directly af- fected by the large and increasing surplus revenues of the country, is the system of national banks, and this through the de- crease of the public indebtedness by the application of the annual surplus to its payment. The large annual reduction of the public debt will very shortly begin to affect the confidence of the public in the continuation of the system. It ^vill in- crease public anxieties and excite their fears as to a substitution of any other sys- tem for this that has proven so acceptable and so valuable to the country. If the na- tional banking system is to be worked out of existence, it will inevitably cause serious financial trouble. Financial difficulties among a people like those of this country, however ill-based or slight, are always attended by disas- trous consequences, because in times of jn-osperity the energies and hopefulness of the people are stretched to the utmost limits, and the shock of financial trouble has the effect of an almost total paralysis on the business of the country. It is cer- tainly the part of statemanship to avoid such a calamity whenever it is possible. I unhesitatingly declare and believe that the value of our system of national banks is so great in the benefits the country de- rives therefrom and the dangers arid losses its continuance will avoid that it were better to continue in existence an indebt- edness equal to the wants of the banks which the country may from time to time require until some equally conservative plan may be oflered that will enable us to dispense with the system. It is also important in this connection for Senators to bear in mind that the in- creasing business of the country will an- nually require increased banking facili- ties, and consequently increased bonds as the basis on which they can be organized ; and it should not be overlooked that a j)Ossible determination by Congress to pay off by retiring or by funding the greenbacks will create a great hiatus in the circulating medium of the country, which can only be rej)laced by additional national-banknotes based upon an equivalent anu)unt of pub- lie indebtedness. In view of the statements I have made, I cannot but conclude that the wisest and most prudent course lor Congress is to leave the question of changes in the tariflf laws to b(' adjusted as they may from time to time require, and to make whatever re- duction of the iiH'onie of the (iovernmcnt tiiat may be found desirable by reducing the changers in tlu' inlernal-revenuc laws. Th(! national revenue laws as they now are may be greatly and profitably changed. BOOK III.] BENTON ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 237 They are very burdensome to a heavily- taxed people, and such burdens should be relieved wherever it is possil^le. "J'his can now be done with safety by providing that so much ofthei)ublic debt may be paid oli' from time to time as may not be requireil to sustain the systcna of national banks. I move that the resolution be referred to the Committee on Finance. The motion was ap-rced to. Kxtracta ft-om Speech of Hon. Thoiuas H. ' Beiitou, On Proposed Amen'hnenI* of the Constitution in rdfitioyi to the election of I'reailent and Viee-Presiilent, Delivered in the U. 8. Senate (JItamlier, A. D. 1824. He said : — The evil of a want of uni- formity in the choice of Presidential elect- ors, is not limited to its disfiguring effect upon the face of our government, but goes to endanger the rights of the people, by permitting sudden alterations on the eve of an election, and to annihilate the rights of the small States, by enabling the large ones to combine, and to throw all their votes into the scale of a particular candi- date. These obvious evils make it certain that ant/ uniform rule would be preferable to the present state of things. But, in fix- ing on one, it is the duty of statesmen to select that which is calculated to give to every portion of the Union its due share in the choice of a chief magistrate, and to every individual citizen a fair opportu- nitj' of voting according to his will. This would be effected by adopting the District Sj/stem. It would divide every State into districts equal to the whole number of votes to be given, and the people of each district would be governed oy its own majority, and not by a majority existing in some re- mote part of the State. This would be agreeable to the rights of individuals : for in entering into society, and submitting to be bound by the decision of the majority, each individual retained the right of voting for himself wherever it was practicable, and of being governed by a majority of the vicinage, and not by majorities brought from remote sections to overwhelm him with their accumulated numbers. It would be agreeable to the interests of all parts of the States; for each State may have differ- ent interests in different parts; one part may be agricultural, another manufactur- ing, another commercial ; and it would be unjust that the strongest should govern, or that two should combine and sacrifice the third. The district system would be agree- able to the intention of our present consti- tution, which, in giving to each elector a separate vote, instead of giving to each Stiite a consolidated vote, composed of all its electoral suffrages, clearly intended that each mass of persons entitled to one elector, should have the right of giving one vote, according to their own sense of their own interest. The general ticket system now existing in ten States, was the offspring of policy, and not of any disposition to give fair play to the will of the people. It was adopted by the leading men of those States, to en- able them to consolidate the vote of the State. It would be easy to prove this by referring to facts of historical notoriety. It contributes to give power and conse- quence to the leaders who manage the eh'ctious, but it is a departure from the intention of the constitution ; violates the rights of the minorities, and is attended with many other evils. The intention of the constitution is vio- lated because it was the intention of that instrument to give to each mass of persons, entitled to one elector, the power of giving an electoral vote to any candidate they preferred. The rights of minorities are violated, because a majority of one will carry the vote of the whole State. The principle is the same, whether the elector is chosen by general ticket, or by legisla- tive ballot; a majority of one, in either case, carries the vote of the whole State. In New York, thirty-six electors are chosen; nineteen is a majority, and the candidate receiving this majority is fairly entitled to receive nineteen votes ; but he counts in reality thirty-six: because the minority of seventeen are added to the majority. These seventeen votes belong to seventeen masses of people, of 40,000 souls each, in all 680,- 000 people, whose votes are seized upon, taken away, and presented to whom the majority pleases. Extend the calculation to the seventeen States now choosing elect- ors by general ticket or legislative ballot, and it will show that three millions of souls, a population equal to that which carried us through the Revolution, may have their votes taken from them in the same way. To lose their votes is the fate of all minorities, and it is theirs only to submic ; but this is not a case of votes lost, but of votes taken away, added to those of the majority, and given to a person to whom the minority Avas opposed. He said, this objection (to the direct vote of the people) had a weight in the year 1787, to which it is not entitled in the year 1824. Our government was then young, schools and colleges were scarce, political science was then confined to few, and the means of diffusing intelligence were both inadequate and uncertain. The experiment of a popular government was just beginning; the people had been just released from subjection to an hereditary king, and were not yet practiced in the art of choosing a temporary chief for them- selves. But thirty-six years have reversed this picture ; thirty-six years, which have 238 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. produced so many wonderful changes in America, have accomplished the work of many centuries upon the intelligence of its inhabitants. Within that period, schools, colleges, and universities have multiplied to an amazing extent. The means of dif- fusing intelligence have been wonderfully augmented by the establishment of six hundred newspapers, and upwards of five thousand post-offices. The whole course of an American's life, civil, social, and re- ligious, has become one continued scene of intellectual and of moral improvement. Once in every week, more than eleven thousand men, eminent for learning and for piety, perform the double duty of amend- ing the hearts, and enlightening the under- standings, of more than eleven thousand congregations of people. Under the benign influence of a free government, both our public institutions and private pursuits, our juries, elections, courts of justice, the liberal professions, and the mechanical arts, have each become a school of political science and of mental improvement. The federal legislatui-e, in the annual message of the President, in reports of heads of depart- ments, and committees of Congress, and speeches of members, pours forth a flood of intelligence which carries its waves to the remotest confines of the republic. In the different States, twenty-four State ex- ecutives and State legislatures, are annu- ally repeating the same process within a more limited s])here. The habit of uni- versal travelling, and the practice of uni- versal interchangeof thought, are continu- ally circulating the intelligence of the country, and augmenting its mass. The face of our country itself, its vast extent, its grand and varied features, contribute to expand the human intellect and magnify its power. Less than half a century of the enjoyment of liberty has given practical evidence of the great moral truth, that under a free government, the power of the intellect is the only power which rules the affairs of men ; and virtue and intelligence the only durable passports to honor and jireferment. The conviction of this great truth has created an universal taste for learning and for reading, and has con- vinced every parent that the endowments of the mind and the virtues of the heart, are the only imperishable, the only inesti- mable riches which he can leave to his posterity. This objection (the danger of tumults and violence at the elections) is taken from the history of the ancient republics ; and the tumultuary elections of Rome and Cjreece. But the justness of the example is denied. There is nothing in the laws of jdiysiology wliicli admits a parallel between the sanguinary Roman, the volatile (Ireek, and the phlegmatic American. There is nothing in the state of the respective coun- tries, or in the manner of voting, which makes one an examjjle for the othrr. The Romans voted in a mass, at a single voting place, even when the qualified voters amounted to millions of persons. They came to the polls armed, and di- vided into classes, and voted, not by heads, but by centuries. In the Grecian republics all the voters were brought together in a great city, and decided the contest in one great struggle. In such assemblages, both the induce- ment to violence, and the means of com- mitting it, were prepared by the govern- ment itself. In the United States all this is different. The voters arc assembled in small bodies, at innumerable voting places, distributed over a vast extent of country. They come to the polls without arms, with- out odious instructions, without any temp- tation to violence, and with every induce- ment to harmony. If heated during the day of election, they cool off" upon returning to their homes, and resuming their ordinary occu- pations. But let us admit the truth of the objec- tion. Let us admit that the American people would be as tumultuarj' at this jDresidential election as were the citizens of the ancient republics at the election of their chief magistrates. What then ? Are we thence to infer the inferiority of the officers thus elected, and the consequent degradation of the countries over which they presided? I answer no. So far from it, that I assert the superiority of these officers over all others ever obtained for the same countries, either by hereditary succession, or the most select mode of election. I affirm those periods of history to be the most glorious in arms, the most renowned in arts, the most celebrated in letters, the most useful in practice, and the most happy in the condition of the people, in which the whole body of the citizens voted direct for the chief officer of their country. Take the history of that com- monwealth which yet shines as the leading star in the firmanent of nations. Of the twenty-five centuries that the Roman state has existed, to what period do we look for the generals and statesmen, the poets and orators, the philosophers and historians, the sculptors, painters and architects, whose immortal works have fixed upon their country the admiring eyes of all succeed- ing ages? Is it to the reign of the seven first kings? — to the reigns of the emperors, proclaimed by the praetorian bands? — to the reigns of the Sovereign Pontiffs, chosen by a select body of electors in a conclave of most holy cardinals? No. — We look to none of these, but to that short interval of four centuries and a half which lies be- tween tlie expulsion of the Tarquins, and the re-establishment of monarchy in the BOOK iii.J BENTON ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 239 person of Octavius Cassar, It is to this short period, during wliich the consuls, tribunes, and prietors, were annually elected by a direct vote of the people, to which Ave look ourselves, and to which we direct the infant minds of our (;hildren, for all the works and monuments of Roman greatness ; for roads, bridges, and acque- (lucts, constructed ; for victories gained, nations vanijuishcd, commerce extended, treasure imported, libraries founded, learn- ing encouraged, the arts flourishing, the city embellished, and the kings of the earth humbly suing to be admitted into the friendship, and taken under the protection of the Roman ])eople. It was of this mag- nificent period that Cicero spoke, when he proclaimed the people of Rome to be the masters of kings, and the conquerors and commanders of all the nations of the earth. And, what is wonderful, during this whole Eeriod, in a succession of four hundred and fty annual elections, the people never once prepared a citizen to the consulship who did not carry the prosperity and glory of the Republic to a point beyond that at which he had found it. It is the same with the Grecian Repub- lics. Thirty centuries have elapsed since they were founded ; yet it is to an ephem- eral period of one hundred and fifty years only the period of popular elections which intervened between the dispersing of a cloud of petty tyrants, and the coming of a great one in the person of Philip, King of Macedon, that we are to look for that galaxy of names which shed so much lus- tre upon their country, and in which we are to find the first cause of that intense sympathy which now burns in our bosoms at the name of Greece. These short and brilliant periods exhib- it the great triumph of popular elections; often tumultuary, often stained with blood, but always ending gloriously for the country. Then the right of suffrage was enjoyed ; the sovereignty of the people was no fiction. Then a sublime spectacle was seen, when the Roman citizen advanced to the polls and proclaimed : "/ vote for Cato to be consul ;" the Athenian, ^^ I vote for Aristides to be Archon ;" the Hebran, "/ vote for Pelopidas to be BcBotrach ;" the Lacede- monian, " I vote for Leonidas to be first of the Ephori" and why not an American citizen the same? Why may he not go up to the poll and proclaim, "Ivotefor Thomas Jefferson to be President of the United States ?" Why is he compelled to put his vote in the hands of another, and to incur all the hazards of an irresponsible agency, when he himself could immediat^'ly give his own vote for his own chosen candiclate, without the slightest assistance from agents or managers? But I have other objections to these in- termediate electors. They are the peculiar and favorite institution of aristocratic re- publics, and elective monarchies. I refer the Senate to the late republics of Venice and Genoa; of France, and her litter; to tile Kingdom of Poland; the empire of Germany, and the Pontificate of Rome. On the contrary, a direct vote by the peo- ple is the peculiar and favorite institution of democratic republics; as we have just seen in the governments of Rome, Athens, Thebes, and Sparta; to which may be added the principal cities of the Amphyc- tionic and Achaian leagues, and the re- nowned republic of Carthage when the rival of Rome. I have now answered the objections which were brought forward in the year '78. I ask for no judgment upon their validity of that day, but I affirm them to be without force or reason in the year 1824. Time and EXPERIE^XE have so decided. Yes, time and experience, the only infallible tests of good or bad institutions, have now shown that the continuance of the elec- toral system will be both u.scless and dan- gerous to the liberties of the people, and that the only effectual mode of preserving our government from the corruptions which have undermined the liberties of so many nations, is, to confide the election of our chief magistrates to those who are farthest removed from the influence of his patronage ; that is to say, to the whole body of American citizens. The electors are not independent ; they have no superior intelligence ; they are not left to their own judgment in the choice of a President ; they are not above the con- trol of the people ; on the contrary, every elector is pledged, before he is chosen, to give his vote according to the will of those who choose him. He is nothing but an agent, tied down to the execution of a precise trust. Every reason which induced the convention to institute electors has failed. They are no longer of any use, and may be dangerous to the liberties of the people. They are not useful, because they have no power over their own vote, and because the peo- ple can vote for a President as easily as they can vote for an elector. They are dangerous to the liberties of the people, because, in the first place, they introduce extraneous considerations into the election of President; and in the second place, they may sell the vote which is intrusted to their keeping. They introduce extraneous considerations, by bringing their own char- acter and their own exertions into the pre- sidential canvass. Every one sees this. Candidates for electors are now selected, not for the reasons mentioned in the Fed- eralist, but for their devotion to a particu- lar party, for their manners, and their talent at electioneering. The elector may 240 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. betray the liberties of the people, by selling his vote. The operation is easy, because he votes by ballot ; detection is impossible, because he does not sign his vote ; the re- straint is nothing but his own conscience, for there is no legal punishment for this breach of trust. If a swindler defrauds you out of a few dollars of property or money, he is whipped and pilloried, and rendered infamous in the eye of the law ; but, if an elector should defraud 40,000 people of their vote, there is no remedy but to abuse him in newspapers, where the best men in the country may be abused, as Benedict Arnold or Judas Iscariot. Every reason for instituting electors has failed, and every consideration of prudence requires them to be discontinued. They are nothing but agents, in a case which re- quires no agent; and no prudent man would, or ought, to employ an agent to take care of his money, his property, or his liberty, when he is equally capable to take care of them himself. But, if the plan of the constitution had not failed — if we were now deriving from electors all the advantages expected from their institution — I, for one, would still be in favor of getting rid of them. I should esteem the incorruptibility of the people, their disinterested desire to get the best man for President, to be more than a counterpoise to all the advantages which might be derived from the superior intelligence of a more enlightened, but smaller, and therefore, more corruptible body. I should be opposed to the inter- vention of electors, because the double process of electing a man to elect a man, would paralyze the spirit of the people, and destroy the life of the election itself Doubtless this machinery was introduced into our constitution for the purpose of softening the action of the democratic ele- ment; but it also softens the interest of the peoj)le in the result of the election itself. It i)laccs them at too great a distance from their first servant. It interposes a body of men between the people and the object of their choice, and gives a false direction to the gratitude of the President elected. lie feels himself indebted to the electors who collected the votes of the people, and not to the people, who gave their votes to the electors. It enables a few men to govern many, and, in time, it will transfer the whole jiowcr of the election into the hands of a few, leaving to the people the humble oc- cupation of confirming what has been done by superior authority. IN MEMORIAM. Hou. James G. Blaine's Oration oik Presl- deut Qarlield. THE GRAND MORAL OF HIS CAREER. An Ehibomte, PulUhed and Scliolarli/ Tribute htj an Accom- 2>li)ilud Orator, in the Hall nf the House of llepresenta- tires, on Monday, Feb 27, 1882. At ten o'clock the doors of the House of Representatives were opened to holders of tickets for the memorial services, and in less than half an hour the galleries were filled, a large majority of the spectators being ladies, mostly in black. There were no signs of mourning in the hall, even the full-length portrait of the late President, James Abram Garfield, jjainted by E. F. And j, of Washington, being undraped. The three front rows of desks had been re- placed by chairs to accommodate the invited guests, and the Marine Band was stationed in the lobby, back of the Speaker's desk. Among the distinguished guests first to arrive were George Bancroit, W. W. Cor- coran, Cyrus Field and Admiral Worden, who took seats directly in front of the clerk's desk. Among the guests who occu- pied seats upon the floor were General Schenck, Governor Hoyt, of Pennsylvania ; Foster, of Ohio ; Porter, of Indiana; Ham- ilton, of Maryland, and Bigelow, of Con- necticut, and Adjutant-General Harmine, of Connecticut. At 11.30 Generals Sherman, Sheridan, Hancock, Howard and Meigs, and Admi- rals Ammen and Eodgers entered at the north door of the chamber and were as- signed seats to the left of the Speaker's desk, and a few moments later the mem- bers of the Diplomatic Corps, in full re- galia, were ushered in, headed by the Hawaiian Minister, as dean of the Corps. The Supreme Covirt of the District, headed by Marshal Henry, arrived next. Mrs. Blaine occupied a front seat in the gallery reserved for friends of the President. At twelve o'clock the House was called to order by Speaker Keifer, and jirayer was ofiiered by the Chaplain. The Speaker then announced that the House was assem- bled and ready to perform its ])art in the memorial services, and the resolutions to that effect were read by Clerk McPherson. At 12.10 the Senate was announced, and that body, headed by its ofiicers, entered and took their assigned seats. The Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Su- preme Court, in their robes of ollice, came next, and were followed by President Ar- thur and his Cabinet. The President took the front seat on the right of the Presiding Oflicer's chair, next to that occujiied by Cyrus W. Field. Senator Sherman and Representative McKiidey (Ohio) occupied seats at the desk on the right and Icll of the orator of the day. Mr. West, the British Minister, BOOK III.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 241 was the only member of the Diplomatic Corps who did not wear the court uni- form, A delegation of gentlemen from the Society of the Army of the Cumberland acted as ushers at the main entrance to the Rotunda and in the various corridors leading to the galleries. At 12.30 the orator of the day was an- nounced, and after a short ])rayer by the Chaplain of the House, F. 1). Power, pre- sident Davis .said: "This day is dedicated • by Congress for memorial services of the late President of the United States, James A. Garfield. I present to you the Hon. James G. Blaine, who lias been fitly chosen as the orator for this historical occasion." Mr. Blaine then rose, and .standing at the clerk's desk, immediately in front of the two presiding officers, proceeded, with impressiveness of manner and clearness of tone, to deliver his eulogy from manu- script, as follows : Mr. Blaluc'a Oration. Mr. President : For the second time in this generation the great departments of the Government of the United States are assembled in the Hall of Representatives to do honor to the memory of a murdered President. Lincoln fell at the close of a mighty struggle in which the passions of men had been deeply stirred. The tragi- cal termination of his great life added but another to tlie lengthened succession of horrors which had marked so many lintels with the blood of the first born. Garfield was slain in a day of peace, when brother had been reconciled to brother, and when anger and liate had been banished from the land. " Whoever shall hereafter draw the portrait of murder, if he will show it as it has been exhibited where such ex- ample was last to have been looked for, let him not give it the grim visage of Moloch, the brow knitted by revenge, the face black with settled hate. Let him draw, rather, a decorous smooth-faced, bloodless demon ; not so much an example of human nature in its depravity and in its par- oxysms of crime, as an infernal being, a fiend in the ordinary display and develop- ment of his character." GARFIELD'S ANCESTORS. From the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth till the uprising against Charles First, about twenty thousand emigrants came from old England to New England. As they came in pursuit of intellectual freedom and ecclesiastical independence rather than for worldly honor and profit, the emigration naturally ceased when the contest for religious liberty began in earnest at home. The man who struck his most effective blow for freedom of con- 40 science by sailing for the colonies in 1G20 would have been accounted a deserter to leave after 1G40. The opportunity had then come on the soil of England for that great contest which established the au- thority of Parliament, gave religious free- dom to the people, sent Charles to the block, and committed to the hands of Oli- ver Cromwell the Supreme Executive au- thority of England. The English emigra- tion was never renewed, and from these twenty thousand men with a small emi- gration from Scotland and from France are descended the vast numbers who have New England blood in their veins. In 1G85 the revocation of the edict of Nantes by Louis XIV. scattered to other countries four hundred thousand Protes- tants, who were among the most intelli- gent and enterprising of French subjects — merchants of capital, skilled manufac- turers, and handicraftsmen superior at the time to all others in Europe. A consider- able number of these Huguenot French came to America ; a few landed in New England and became honorably prominent in its history. Their names have in large part become anglicised, or have disap- peared, but their blood is traceable in many of the most reputable families, and their fame is perpetuated in honorable memorials and useful institutions. From these two sources, the English- Puritan and the French-Huguenot, came the late President — his father, Abram Gar- field, being descended from the one, and his mother, Eliza Ballon, from the other. It was good stock on both sides — none better, none braver, none truer. There was in it an inheritance of courage, of manliness, of imperishable love of liberty, of undying adherence to principle. Gar- field was proud of his blood ; and, with as much satisfaction as if he were a British nobleman reading his stately ancestral record in Burke's Peerage, he spoke of himself as ninth in descent from those who would not endure the op2>ression of the Stuarts, and seventh in descent from the brave French Protestants who refused to submit to tyranny even from the Grand Monarque. General Garfield delighted to dwell on these traitvS, and during his only visit to England, he busied himself in discovering every trace of his forefathers in parish registries and on ancient army rolls. Sit- ting with a friend in the gallery of the House of Commons one night after a long day's labor in this field of research, he said with evident elation that in every war in which for three centuries patriots of En- glish blood had struck sturdy blows for constitutional government and human lib- erty, his family had been represented. They were at Marston Moor, at Naseby and at Preston ; they were at Bunker Hill, 242 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III, 1 at Saratoga, and at Monmouth, and in his own person had battled for the same great cause in the war which j^reserved the Union of the States. Losing his father before he was two years old, the early life of Garfield was one of privation, but its poverty has been made indelicately and unjustly prominent. Thousands' of readers have imagined him as the ragged, starving child, whose reality too otten greets the eye in the squalid sec- tions of our large cities. General Garfield's infancy and youth had none of their des- titution, none of their pitiful features ap- pealing to the tender heart and to the open hand of charity He was a poor boy in the same sense in which Henry Clay ■was a poor boy ; in which Andrew Jack- son was a poor boy ; in which Daniel Web- ster was a poor boy ; in the sense in which a large majority of the eminent men of America in all generations have been poor boys. Before a great multitude of men, in a JDublic speech, Mr. Webster bore this testimony : HIS EAELY DAYS. " It did not happen to me to be born in a log cabin, but my elder brothers and sis- ters were born in a log cabin raised amid the snow drifts of New Hampshire, at a period so early that when the smoke rose first from its rude chimney and curled over the frozen hills there was no similar evi- dence of a white man's habitation l)etween it and the settlements on the rivers of Canada. Its remains still exist. I make to it an annual visit. I carry my children to it to teach them the hardships endured by the generations which have gone before them. I love to dwell on the tender recol- lections, the kindred ties, the early affec- tions and the touching narratives and in- cidents which mingle with all I know of this primitive family abode." With the requisite change of scene the same words would aptly portray the early days of Garfield. The poverty of the frontier, where all arc engaged in a com- mon struggle and where a common sym- iiatliy and hearty co-operation lighten the imrdens of each, is a very different pov- erty, different in kind, different in influ- ence and effect from that conscious and humiliating indigence which is every day forced i<> contrast itself with neighboring wealth on which it feels a sense of grind- ing dependence. The poverty of the frontier is indeed no poverty. It is but the beginning of wealth, and has the l)0undl('ss possibilities of the future always f)pcning before it. No man ever grew up in the agricultural regions of the West, where a house-raising, or even a corn- husking, is a matter of common interest and licl[>fulness, with any other feeling than that of broad-minded, gcncnnis inde- pendence. This honorable independence marked the youth of Garfield as it marks the youth of millions of the best blood and brain now training lor the future citi- zenship and future government of the re- public. Garfield was born heir to land, to the title of free-holder which has been the patent and passport of self-respect with the Anglo-Saxon race ever since Hengist and Horsa landed on the shores of Eng- land. His adventure on the canal — an alternative between that and the deck of a Lake Erie schooner — was a farmer boy's * device for earning money, just as the New England lad begins a possibly great career by sailing before the mast on a coasting vessel or on a merchantman bound to the farther India or to the China Seas. No manly man feels anything of shame in looking back to early struggles with ad- verse circumstances, and no man feels a. worthier pride than when he has con- quered the obstacles to his progress. But no one of noble mould desires to be looked upon as having occupied a menial position, as having been repressed by a feeling of inferiority, or as having suffered the evils of poverty until relief was found at the hand of charity. General Garfield's youth I^resented no hardships which family love and family energy did not overcome, sub- jected him to no privations which he did not cheerfully accept, and left no memories save those which were recalled with de- light, and transmitted with profit and with pride. Garfield's early opportunities for secur- ing an education were extremely limited, and yet were sufficient to develop in him an intense desire to learn. He could read at three years of age, and each winter he had the advantage of the district school. He read all the books to be found within the circle of his acquaintance ; some of them he got by heart. While yet in child- hood he was a constant student of the Bible, and became familiar with its liter- ature. The dignity and earnestness of his speech in his maturerlife gave evidence of this early training. At eighteen years of age he was able to teach school, and thence- forward his ambition was to obtain a col- lege education. To this end he bent all his eflbrts, working in the harvest field, at the carpenter's bendi, and, in the winter season, teaching tlie common schools of the neighborhood. While thus laborious- ly occupied he found time to prosecute his studies and was so successful that at twenty- two years of age he was able to enter the junior class at Williams College, then un- der the presidency of the v(neral)le and honored Mark Hopkins, who, in the full- ness of his powers, survives the eminent pupil to whom he was of inestimable ser- vice. The history of Garfield's life to this BOOK iii.J BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 243 Eeriod presents no novel features. He ad undoubtedly shown jjerseverance, self- reliance, self-sacrifice, and ambition — (jual- ities which, be it said for the honor of our country, are every wliere to be found among the young men of America. But from his graduation at Williams onward, to the hour of his tragical death, Oarfield's career was eminent and exceptional. Slowly working through his educational period, receiving liis diploma when twenty-four years of age, he seemed at one i)()un(l to spring into conspicuous and brilliant suc- cess. Witliin six years he was success- ively president of a college. State Senator of Ohio, Major General of the Army of the United States and Representative-elect to the National Congress. A combination of honors so varied, so elevated, within a period so brief and to a man so young, is without i)recedent or parallel in the his- tory of the country. IN THE ARMY. Garfield's army life was begun with no other military knowledge than such as he had hastily gained from books in the few months preceding his march to the field. Stepping from civil life to the head of a regiment, the first order he received when ready to cross the Ohio was to assume com- mand of a brigade, and to operate as an independent force in Eastern Kentucky. His imniedi;ite duty was to check the ad- vance of Humphrey Marshall, who was marchiiig down the Big Sandy with the intention of occupying in connection with other Confederate forces the entire terri- tory of Kentucky, and of precipitating the State into secession. This was at the close of the year 1861. Seldom, if ever, has a young college professor been thrown into a more embarrassing and discouraging po- sition. He knew just enough of military science, as he expressed it himself, to mea- sure the extent of his ignorance, and with a handful of men he was marching, in rough winter weather, into a strange coun- try, among a hostile population to confront a largely superior force under the com- mand of a distinguished graduate of West Point, who liad seen active and important service in two preceding wars. The result of the campaign is matter of history. The skill, the endurance, the ex- traordinary energy shown by Garfield, the courage imparted to his men, raw and un- tried a-s himself, the measures he adopted to increase his force and to create in the enemy's mind exaggerated estimates of Ins numbers, bore perfect fruit in the rout- ing of Marshall, the capture of his camp, the dispersion of his force, and the eman- cipation of an important territory from the control of the rebellion. Coming at the close of a long series of disasters to the Union arms, Garfield's victory had an un- usual and extraneous importance, and in tlie popular judgment elevated the young commander to the rank of a military liero. With less than two thousand men in his entire command, with a mobilized force of only eleven hundred, without cannon, ho had met an army of five thousand and de- feated them— driving Marshall's forces suc- cessively from two strongholds of their own selection, fortified with abundant ar- tillery. Major-General Buell, command- ing the Department of the Ohio, an ex- perienced and able soldier of the regular army, published an order of thanks and congratulation on the brilliant result of the Big Sandy campaign which would have turned the head of a less cool and sensible man than Garfield. Buell declared that his services had called into action the highest qualities of a soldier, and President Lincoln supplemented these words of praise by the more substantial reward of a brig- adier-general's commission, to bear date from the day of his decisive victory over Marshall. The subsequent military career of Gar- field fully sustained its brilliant beginning. With his new commission he was assigned to the command of a brigade in the Army of the Ohio, and took part in the second and decisive day's fight in the great battle of Shiloh. The remainder of the year 1862 was not especially eventful to Gar- field, as it was not to the armies with which he was serving. His j^ractical sense was called into exercise in completing the task, assigned him by General Buell, of re- constructing bridges and re-establishing lines of railway communication for the army. His occupation in this useful but not brilliant field was varied by service on courts-martial of importance, in which de- partment of duty he won a valuable repu- tation, attracting the notice and securing the approval of the able and eminent Judge- Advocate-General of the Army. That of itself was a warrant to honorable fame ; for among the great men who in those trying days gave themselves, with entire devotion, to the service of their country, one who brought to that service the ripest learning, the most fervid elo- quence, the most varied attainments, who labored with modesty and shunned ap- plause, who in the day of triumph sat re- served and silent and grateftil — as Francis Deak in the hour of Hungary's deliverance — was Jose])h Holt, of Kentucky, who in his honorable retirement enjoys the respect and veneration of all who love the Union of the States. Early in 1863 Garfield wa-s assigned to the highly important and responsible post of chief of staff to General Rosecrans, then at the head of the Army of the Cumber- land. Perhaps in a great military cam- paign no subordinate officer requires 244 FAMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. sounder judgment and quicker knowledge of men than the chief of staff to the com- manding general. An indiscreet man in such a position can sow more discord, breed more jealousy and disseminate more strife than any other officer in the entire organization. When General Garfield as- sumed his new duties he found various troubles already well developed and seri- ously affecting the value and efficiency of the Army of Cumberland. The energy, the impartialit}' and the tact with which he sought to allay these dissensions, and to dischA-ge the duties of his new and try- ing position, will always remain one of the most striking proofs ofhis great versatility. His military duties closed on the memoi'- able field of Chickamauga, a field which however disastrous to the Union arms gave to him the occasion of winning imperish- able laurels. The very rare distinction was accorded him of great promotion for his bravery on a field that was lost. Pres- ident Lincoln appointed himaMajor-Gen- eral in the Army of the United States for gallant and meritorious conduct in the bat- tle of Chickamauga. The Army of the Cumberland was re- organized under the command of General Thomas, who promptly offered Garfield one of its divisions. He was extremely desirous to accept the position, but was embarrassed by the fact that he had, a year before, been elected to Congress, and the time when he must take his seat was drawing near. He preferred to remain in the military service, and had within his own breast the largest confidence of suc- cess in the wider field which his new rank opened to him. Balancing the arguments on the one side and the other, anxious to determine what was for the best, desirous above all things to do his patriotic duty, he was decisively influenced by the advice of President Lincoln and Secretarj' Stan- ton, both of whom assured him that he could at that time, be of especial value in the House of Eepresentatives. He re- .signed his commission of Major-General on the 5th day of December, 1863, and took liis seat in the House of Representa- tives on tlie 7th. He had served two years and four months in the army, and had just completed his thirty -second year. IN CONGRESS. The Thirty-eighth Congress is pre-emi- nently entitled in history to the designa- tion of the War Congress. It was elected while the war was flagrant, and every member was chosen upon the issues in- volved in the continuance of the struggle. The Thirty-seventh Congress had, indeed, legislated to a largo extent on war measures but it was chosen before any one believed that secession of the States would be actu- ally attempted. The magnitude of the work which fell upon its successor was un- precedented, both in respect to the vast sums of money raised for the support of the Army and Na'S'y, and of the new and extraordinary powers of legislation which it was forced to exercise. Only twenty- four States w^ere represented, and one hun- dred and eighty-two members Avere upon its roll. Among these were many dis- tinguished party leaders on both sides, veterans in the public service, with estab- lished reputations for ability, and with that skill which comes only from parlia- mentary experience. Into this assemblage of men Garfield entered without special preparation, and it might almost be said unexpectedly. The question of taking command of a division of troops under General Thomas, or taking his seat in Congress was kept open till the last moment so late, indeed, that the resignation of his military commission and his appearance in the House were almost contempora- neous. He wore the uniform of a Major- General of the United States Army on Saturday, and on Monday in civilian's dress, he answered to the roll-call as a Representative in Congress fi"om the State of Ohio. He was especially fortunate in the con- stituency which elected him. Descended almost entirely from New England stock, the men of the Ashtabula district were in- tensely radical on all questions relating to human rights. Well educated, thrifty, thoroughly intelligent in affairs, acutely discerning of character, not quick to bestow confidence, and slow to withdraw it, they were at once the most helpful and most ex- acting of supporters. Their tenacious trust in men in whom they have once confided is illustrated by the unparalleled fact that Elisha Whittlesey, Joshua E. Giddings, and James A. Garfield represented the dis- trict for fifty-four years. There is no test of a man's ability in any dejjartment of public life more severe than service in the House of Representatives; there is no place where so little deference is paid to reputation previously acquired or to eminence won outside ; no ])lace where so little consideration is shown for the feel- ings or failures of beginners. What a man gains in the House he gains by sheer force of his own character, and if he loses and falls back he must expect no mercy and will receive no sympathy. It is a field in which the survival of the strongest is the recognized rule and where no pretense can deceive and no glamour can mislead. The real man is discovered, his worth is impar- tially weighed, his rank is irreversibly de- creed. With possibly a single exception Garfield was the youngest member in the House when he entered, and was but seven years from his college graduation. But he had BOOKiii.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 245 not been in his seat sixty days before his ability was recognized and his place con- ceded. He stepped to the front with the confidence of one who belonged there. The House was crowded with strong men of both parties ; nineteen of them have since been transferred to the Senate, and many of them have served with distinction in the §ubernatorial chairs of their resj^ective tates, and on foreign missions ot great consequence ; but among them all none grew so rapidly none so firmly as Garfield. As is said by Trevelyan of his parliament- ary hero, Garfield succeeded " because all the world in concert could not have kept him in the background, and because when once in tlie front he played his part with a prompt intrepidity and a commanding ease that were but the outward symptoms of the immense reserves of energy, on which it was in his power to draw." Indeed the apparently reserved force which Garfield possessed was one of his great characteris- tics. He never did so well but that it seemed he could easily have done better. He never expended so much strength but that he seemed to be holding additional power at call. This is one of the happiest and rarest distinctions of an effective debater, and often counts for as much in persuading an assembly as the eloquent and elaborate argument. The great measure of Garfield's fame was filled by his service in the House of Representatives. His military life, illus- trated by honorable performance, and rich in promise, was, as he himself felt, prema- turely terminated, and necessarily incom- Elete. Speculation as to what he might ave done in a field, where the great prizes are so few, cannot be profitable. It is sufficient to say that as a soldier he did his duty bravely ; he did it intelligently ; he won an enviable fame, and he retired from the service without blot or breath against him. As a lawyer, though admirably equipped for the profession, he can scarcely be said to have entered on its practice. The few efforts he made at the bar were distinguished by the same high order of talent which he exhibited on every field where he was put to the test, and if a man may be accepted as a competent judge of his own capacities and adaptations, the law was the profession to which Garfield should have devoted himself. But fate or- dained otherwise, and his reputation in history will rest largely upon his service in the House of Representatives. That service was exceptionally long. He was nine times consecutively chosen to the House, an honor enjoyed by not more than six other Representatives of the more than five thousand who have been elected from the organization of the government to this hour. ORATOR AND DKBATER. As a parliamentary orator, as a debater on an issue squarely joined, where the position had been chosen and the ground laid out, Garfield must be assigned a very high rank. More, perhaps, than any man with whom he was associated in pujjlic life, he gave careful and systematic study to public questions, and he came to every discussion in which he took part with elaborate and complete preparation. He was a steady and indefatigable worker. Those that imagine that talent or geniu.s can supi)ly the place or achieve the results of labor will find no encouragement in Garfield's life. In preliminary work he was apt, rapid and skillful. He possessed in a high degree the power of readily ab- sorbing ideas and facts, and, like Dr. John- son, had the art of getting from a book all that was of value in it by a reading ap- parently so quick and cursory that it seemed like a mere glance at the table of contents. He was a pre-eminently fair and candid man in debate, took no petty ad- vantage, stooped to no unworthy methods, avoided personal allusions, rarely appealed to prejudice, did not seek to inflame pas- sion. He had a quicker eye for the strong point of his adversary than for his Aveak point, and on his own side he so marshaled his weighty arguments as to make his hearers forget any possible lack in the complete strength of his position. He had a habit of stating his opponent's side with such amplitude of fairness and such liber- ality of concession that his followers often complained that he was giving his cases away. But never in his prolonged partici- pation in the proceedings of the House did he give his case away, or fail in the judg- ment of competent and impartial listeners to gain the mastery. These characteristics, which marked Garfield as a great debater, did not, how- ever, make iiim a great parliamentary leader. A parliamentary leader, as that term is understood wherever free repre- sentative government exists, is necessarily and very strictly the organ of his party. An ardent American defined the instinctive warmth of patriotism when he offered the toast, " Our country always right, but right or wrong, our country." The par- liamentary' leader who has a body of fol- lowers that will do and dare and die for the cause, is one who believes his party always right, but right or wrong, is for his party. No more important or exacting duty devolves upon him than the selection of the field and the time for contact. He must know not merely how to strike, but where to strike and when to strike. He often skillfully avoids the strength of his opponent's position and scatters confusion in his ranks by attacking an exposed point when really the righteousness of the cause 246 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. and the strength of logical intrenchment are against him. He conquers often both against the right and the heavj^ battalions ; as when young Chas. Fox, in the days of his Toryism, carried the House of Commons against justice, against its immemorial rights, against his own convictions, if, in- deed, at that period Fox had convictions, and, in the interest of a corrupt administra- tion, in obedience to a tj'rannical sovereign, drove Wilkes from the seat to which the electors of Middlesex had chosen him and installed Luttrell in defiance, not merely of law, but of public decency. For an achievement of that kind Garfield was dis- qualified — disqualified by the texture of his mind, by the honesty of his heart, by his conscience, and by every instinct and aspiration of his nature. The three most distinguished parlia- mentary leaders hitherto developed in this countrj' are Mr. Clay, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Thaddeus Stevens. Each was a man of consummate ability, of great earnest- ness, of intense personality, differing widely each from the others, and yet with a signal trait in common — the power to command. In the give and take of daily discussion, in the art of controlling and consolidating reluctant and refractory fol- lowers ; in the skill to overcome all forms of opposition, and to meet with compe- tency and courage the varying phases of unlooked-for assault or unsuspected defec- tion, it would be difficult to rank with these a fourth name in all our Congres- sional history. But of these Mr. Clay was the greatest. It would, perhaps, be im- possible to find in the parliamentary annals of the world a parallel to Mr. Clay, in 1841, when at sixty-four years of age he took the control of the Whig party from the President who had received their suffrages, against the power of Webster in the Cabinet, against the eloquence of Choate in the Senate, against the Hercu- lean efforts of Caleb Gushing and Henry A. Wise in the House. In unshared lead- ership, in the pride and plenitude of power he hurled against John Tyler with deepest scorn the mass of that conquering column which had swept over the land in 1840, and drove his administration to seek shelter behind the lines of his political foes. Mr. Douglas achieved a victory scarcely less wonderful when, in 1854, against the secret desires of a strong ad- ministration, against the wise counsel of the older chiefs, against the conservative instincts and even the moral sense of the country, he forced a reluctant Congress into a repeal of the Missouri compromise. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, in his contests from 1865 to 1868, actual ly advanced his parliamentary leadership until Congress tied the hanrjs of the President and gov- erned the country by its own will, leaving only perfunctory duties to be discharged by the Executive. With two hundred mil- lions of patronage in his hands at the open- ing of the contest, aided by the active force of Steward in the Cabinet and the moral power of Chase on the Bench, Andrew Johnson could not command the support of one-third in either House against the parliamentary uprising of which Thaddeus Stevens was the animating spirit and the unquestioned leader. From these three great men Garfield differed radically, differed in the quality of his mind, in temperament, in the form and phase of ambition. He could not do what they did, but he could do what they could not, and in the breadth of his Con- gressional work he left that which will longer exert a potential influence among men, and which, measured by the severe test of posthumous criticism, will secure a more enduring and more enviable fame. gaefield's industry. Those unfamiliar with Garfield's indus- try and ignorant of the details of his work may, in some degree, measure them by the annals of Congress. No one of the gen- eration of public men to which he be- longed has contributed so much that will be valuable for future reference. His speeches are numerous, many of them brilliant, all of them well studied, care- ftilly phrased and exhaustive of the sub- ject under consideration. Collected from the scattered pages of ninety royal octavo volumes of Congressional Record they would present an invaluable compendium of the political history of the most impor- tant era through which the national gov- ernment has ever passed. When the his- tory of this period shall be impartially written, when war legislation, measures of reconstruction, protection of human rights, amendments to the constitution, mainte- nance of public credit, steps toward specie resumption, true theories of revenue may be reviewed, unsurrounded by prejudice and disconnected from partisanism, the speeches of Garfield will be estimated at their true value, and will be found to com- prise a vast magazine of fact and argu- ment, of clear analysis and sound conclu- sion. Indeed, if no other authority were accessible, his speeches in the House of Representatives from December 1863, to June, 1880, would give a well connected history and complete defence of the im- portant legislation of the seventeen event- ful years that constitute his Parliamentary life. Far bevond that, his speeches would be found to forecast many great measures, vet to be completed — measures which he knew were beyond the public opinion of the hour, but which he confidently be- lieved would secure popular approval BOOKiii.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON GENERAL GARFIELD. 247 within the period of his own lifetime, and by the aid of his own efforts. Differing, as Garfield does, from the brilliant parliamentary leaders, it is not easy to find his counterpart anywhere in the record of American public life. He perhaps more nearly resembles Mr. Seward HI his supreme faith in the all-conquering f)ower of a principle. He had the love of earning, and the patient industry of in- vestigation, to which John Quincy Adams owes his prominence and his Presidency. He had some of those ponderous elements of mind which distinguished Mr. Webster, and which indeed, in all our public life, have left the great Massachusetts Senator without an intellectual peer. In English parliamentary history, as in our own, the leaders in the House of Com- mons present points of essential difference from Garfield. But some of his methods recall the best features in the strong, inde- pendent course of Sir Robert Peel, and striking resemblances are discernible in that most promising of modern conserva- tives, who died too early for his country and his fame, the Lord George Bentinck. He had all of Burke's love for the sublime and the beautiful, with, possibly, some- thing of his superabundance, and in his faith and his magnanimity, in his power of statement, in his subtle analysis, in his faultless logic, in his love of literature, in his wealth and world of illustration, one is reminded of that great English statesman of to-day, who, confronted with obstacles that would daunt any but the dauntless, reviled by those whom he would relieve as bitterly as by those whose supposed rights he is forced to invade, still labors with se- rene courage for the amelioration of Ire- land, and for the honor of the English name. NOMINATIOX TO THE PRESIDENCY. Garfield's nomination to the Presidency, while not predicted or anticipated, was not a surprise to the country. His prominence in Congress, his solid qualities, his wide reputation, strengthened by his then recent election as Senator from Ohio, kept him in the public eye as a man occupying the very highest rank among those entitled to be called statesmen. It was not mere chance that brought him this high honor. " We must," says Mr. Emerson, " reckon success a constitutional trait. If Eric is in robust health, and has slept well and is at the top of his condition, and thirty years old at his departure from Greenland, he will steer west and his ships will reach New Found- land. But take Eric out and put in a stronger and bolder man and the ships will sail six hundred, one thousand, fifteen hundred miles farther and reach Labrador and New England. There is no chance in results." As a candidate, Garfield steadily grew in poi)ular favor. He was met with a storm of detraction at the very hour of his nomination, and it continued with increas- ing volume and momentum until the close of his victorious campaign : No might nor grcatnegg in mortality Can censure 'scapo ; btickwouudiug calumny Tho whitest virtue strikes. AVhiit king so strong Can tie the gall up in the slauUerouii tongue ? Under it all he was calm, and strong, and confident ; never lost his self-posses- sion, did no unwise act, spoke no hasty or ill-considered word. Indeed nothing in his whole life is more remarkable or more creditable than his bearing through those five full months of vituperation — a pro- longed agony of trial to a sensitive man, a constant and cruel draft upon the powers of moral endurance. The great mass of these unjust imputations passed unnoticed, and, with the general debris of the cam- paign, fell into oblivion. But in a few instances the iron entered his soul and he died Avith the injury unforgotten if not un- forgiven. One aspect 'of Garfield's candidacy was unprecedented. Never before in the his- tory of partisan contests in this country had a successful Presidential candidate spoken freely on passing events and cur- rent issues. To attempt anything of the kind seemed novel, rash, and even desper- ate. The older class of voters recalled the unfortunate Alabama letter, in which Mr. Clay was supposed to have signed his political death-warrant. They remembered also the hot-tempered effusion by which General Scott lost a large share of his popularity before his nomination, and the unfortunate speeches which rapidly con- sumed the remainder. The younger voters had seen Mr. Greeley in a series of vigor- ous and original addresses, preparing the pathway for his own defeat. Unmindful of these warnings, unheeding the advice of friends, Garfield spoke to large crowds as he journeyed to and from New York in August, to a great multitude in that city, to delegations and deputations of every kind that called at Mentor during the summer and autumn. With innumerable critics, watchful and eager to catch a phrase that might be turned into odium or ridicule, or a sentence th.at might be distorted to his own or his party's injury, Garfield did not trip or halt in any one of his seventy speeches. This seems all the more remarkable when it is remembered that he did not write what he said, and yet spoke with such logical conspcutive- ness of thought and such admirable preci- sion of phrase as to defy the accident of misreport and the malignity of misrepre- sentation. 248 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. AS PEESIDENT. In the beginning of his Presidential life Garfield's experience did not yield him pleasure or satisfaction. The duties that engross so large a portion of the Presi- dent's time were distasteful to him, and were unfavorably contrasted with his leg- islative work. " I have been dealing all these years with ideas," he impatiently ex- claimed one day, " and here I am dealing only with persons. I have been heretofore treating of the fundamental principles of government, and here I am considering all day whether A or B shall be aj)pointed to this or that office.'' He was earnestly seeking some practical way of correcting the evils arising from the distribution of overgrown and unwieldy patronage — evils always appreciated and often discussed by him, but whose magnitude had been more deeply impressed upon his mind since his accession to the Presidency. Had he lived, a comprehensive improvement in the mode of appointment and in the tenure of office would have been proposed by him, and with the aid of Congress no doubt per- fected. But, while many of the Executive duties were not grateful to him, he was assiduous and conscientious in their discharge. From the very outset he exhibited administrative talent of a high order. He grasped the helm of office with the hand of a master. In this respect, indeed, he constantly sur- prised many who were most intimately as- sociated with him in the government, and especially those who had feared that he might be lacking in the executive faculty. His disposition of business was orderly and rapid. His power of analysis, and his skill in classification, enabled him to des- patch a vast mass of detail with singular promptness and ease. His Cabinet meet- ings were admirably conducted. His clear presentation of official subjects, his well- considered suggestion of topics on which discussion was invited, his quick decision when all had been heard, combined to show a thoroughness of mental training as rare as his natural ability and his facile adaptation to a new and enlarged field of labor. With perfect comprehension of all the inheritances of the war, with a cool calcu- lation of the obstacles in his way, im- pelled always by a generous enthusiasm, Garfield conceived that much might be done by his administration towards restor- ing harmony between the different sections of the Union. He wa-s anxious to go South and speak to the people. As early as April he had ineffectually endeavored to arrange for a trip to Nashville, whither he had been cordially invited, and he was again disappointed a few weeks later to find that he could not go to South C'arolina to attend the centennial celebratiou of the vic- tory of the Cowpens, But for the autumn he definitely counted on being present at three memorable assemblies in the South, the celebration at Yorktown, the opening of the Cotton Exposition at Atlanta, and the meeting of the Army of the Cumber- land at Chattanooga. He was already turning over in his mind his address for each occasion, and the three taken toge- ther, he said to a friend, gave him the exact scope and verge which he needed. At Yorktown he would have before him the associations of a himdred years that bound the South and the North in the sacred memory of a common danger and a common victory. At Atlanta he would present the material interests and the in- dustrial dcA'elopment which appealed to the thrift and independence of every household, and which should unite the two sections by the instinct of self-interest and self-defence. At Chattanooga he would revive memories of the war only to show that after all its disaster and all its suffering, the country was stronger and greater, the Union rendered indissoluble, and the future, through the agony and blood of one generation, made brighter and better for all. Garfield's ambition for the success of his administration was high. With strong caution and conservatism in his nature, he was in no danger of attempting rash experiments or of resorting to the empiri- cism of statesmanship. But he believed that renewed and closer attention should be given to questions affecting the mate- rial interests and commercial prospects of fifty millions of people. He believed that our continental relations, extensive and undeveloped as they are, involved respon- sibility, and could be cultivated into pro- fitable friendship or be abandoned to harmful indifference or lasting enmity. He believed with equal confidence that an essential forerunner to a new era of na- tional progress must be a feeling of con- tentment in every section of the Union, and a generous belief that the benefits and burdens of government would be common to all. Himself a conspicuous illustration of what ability and ambition may do under republican institutions, he loved his country with a passion of patriotic de- votion, and every waking thought waa given to her advancement. He was an American in all his aspirations, and he looked to the destiny and influence of the United States with the philosophic com- posure of Jefferson and the demonstrative confidence of John Adams. THE POLITICAL CONTROVERSY. The political events which disturbed the President's serenity for many weeks before that fatal day in July form an important chapter in his career, and, in his own judg- BOOK III.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 249 merit, involved questions of principle and of right which are vitally essential to the constitutional administration of the Fede- ral Government. It would be out of place here and now to speak the language of controversy, but the events referred to, however they may continue to be source of contention with others, have become, so far as Garfield is concerned, as much a matter of history as his heroism atChicka- mauga or his illustrious service in the House. Detail is not needful, and personal antagonism shall not be rekindled by any ■word uttered to-day. The motives of those opposing him are not to be here adversely interpreted nor their course harshly charac- terized. But of the dead President this is to be said, and said because his own speech is forever silenced and he can be no more heard except through the fidelity and the love of surviving friends. From the be- ginning to the end of the controversy he so much deplored, the President was never for one moment actuated by any motive of gain to himself or of loss to others. Least of all men did he harbor revenge, rarely did he even show resentment, and malice was not in his nature. He was congenially employed only in the exchange of good offices and the doing of kindly deeds. There was not an hour, from the begin- ning of the trouble till the fatal shot entered his body, when the President would not gladly, for the sake of restoring har- mony, have retraced any step he had taken if such retracing had merely involved con- sequences personal to himself. The pride of consistency, or any supposed sense of humiliation that might result from sur- rendering his position, had not a feather's weight with him. No man was ever less subject to such influences from within or from without. But after the most anxious deliberation and the coolest survey of all the circumstances, he solemnly believed that the true prerogatives of the Executive were involved in the issue which had been raised, and that he would be unfaithful to his supreme obligation if he failed to main- tain, in all their vigor, the constitutional rights and dignities of his great office. He believed this in all the convictions of conscience when in sound and vigorous health, and he believed it in his suffering and prostration in the last conscious thought which his wearied mind bestowed on the transitory struggles of life. More than this need not be said. Less than this could not be said. Justice to the dead, the highest obligation that devolves upon the living, demands the declaration that in all the bearings of the subject, actual or possible, the President was con- tent in his mind, justified in his conscience, immovable in his conclusions. GARFIELD'S RELIGION. The religious element in Garfield's char- acter was deep and earnest. In his early youth he espoused the faith of the Disci- ples, a sect of that great Baptist Commu- nion which in diHerent ecclesiastical estab- lishments is so numerous and so influential throughout all parts of the United .Stjites. But the broadening tendency of his mind and his active spirit of impiiry were early apparent and carried him beyond the dogmas of sect and the restraints of asso- ciation. In selecting a college in which to continue his education he rejected Bethany, though presided over by Alexander Camp- bell, the greatest preacher of his church. His reasons were characteristic : first, that Bethany leaned too heavily towjud slavery ; and, second, that being himself a Disciple and the son of Disciple parents, he had lit- tle acquaintance with people of other be- liefs, and he thought it would make him more liberal, quoting his own words, both in his religious and general views, to go into a new circle and be under n«w influ- ences. The liberal tendency which he had an- ticipated as the result of wider culture was fully realized. He was emancipated from mere sectarian belief, and with eager in- terest pushed his investigations in the di- rection of modern progressive thought. He followed with quickening step in the paths of exploration and speculation so fearlessly trodden by Darwin, by Huxley, by Tyn- dall, and by other living scientists of the radical and advanced type. His own church, binding its disciples by no formu- lated creed, but accepting the Old and New Testaments as the word of God, with un- biased liberality of private interpretation, favored, if it did not stimulate, the spirit of investigation. Its members profess with sincerity, and profess only, to be of one mind and one faith with those wdio imme- diately followed the Master, and who were first called Christians at Antioch.. But however high Garfield reasoned of " fixed fate, free-will, foreknowledge abso- lute," he was never separated from the Church of the Disciples in his affections and in his associations. For him it held the ark of the covenant. To him it was the gate of Heaven. The world of re- ligious belief is full of solecisms and con- tradictions. A philosophic observer de- clares that men by the thousand will die in defence of a creed whose doctrines they do not comprehend and whose tenets they habitually violate. It is equally true that men by thq. thousand will cling to church organizations with instinctive and undeny- ing fidelity when their belief in maturcr years is radically different from that which inspired them as neophytes. But after this range of speculation, and this latitude of doubt, Garfaeld came back 250 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book III. always with freshness and delight to the simpler instincts of religious faith, which, earliest implanted, longest survive. Not many weeks before his assassination, walk- ing on the banks of the Potomac with a friend, and conversing on these topics of personal religion, concerning which noble natures have an unconquerable reserve, he said that he found the Lord's Prayer and the simple petitions learned in infancy in- finitely resthil to him, not merely in their stated" repetition, but in their casual and frequent recall as he went about the daily duties of life. Certain texts of scripture had a very strong hold on his memory and his heart. He heard, while in Edinburgh some years ago, an eminent Scotch preach- er who prefoced his sermon with reading the eighth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, which book had been the subject of careful study with Garfield during his religious life. He was greatly impressed by the elocution of the preacher and de- clared that it had imparted a new and deeper meaning to the majestic utterances of Saint Paul. He referred often in after years to that memorable service, and dwelt with exaltation of feeling upon the radiant promise and the assured hope with which the great apostle of the Gentiles was " per- suaded that neither death, nor life, nor principalities, nor powers nor things pres- ent, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord." The crowning characteristic of General Garfield's religious opinions, as, indeed, of all his opinions, was his liberality. In all things he had charity. Tolerance was of his nature. He respected in others the qualities which he possessed himself — sincerity of conviction and frankness of expression. "With him the inquiry was not so much what a man believes, but does he believe it? The lines of his friendship and his confidence encircled men of every creed, and men of no creed, and to the end of his life, on his ever lengthening list of friends, were to be found the names of a pious Catholic priest and of an honest-minded and generous-hearted free-thinker. THE assassin's BULLET. On the morning of Saturday, July 2d, the President wits a contented and happy man — not in an ordinary degree, but joy- fully, almost boyishly hapjn'. On his way to the railroad station to which he drove slowly, in conscious enjoyment of the beau- tiful morning, with an unwonted sense of leisure, and a keen anticipation'of pleasure, his talk was all in the grateful and gratu- latory vein. He felt that after four months oftrial his administration was strong in its grasj) of affairs, strong in ])0])ular favor and destined to grow .stronger ; that grave difficulties confronting him at his inau- guration had been safely passed ; that troubles lay behind him and not before him ; that he was soon to meet the wife whom he loved, now recovering from an illness which had but lately disquieted and at times almost unnerved him ; that he was going to his Alma Mater to reneAv the most cherished associations of his young manhood, and to exchange greetings with those whose deepening interest had fol- lowed every step of his upward progress from the day he entered upon his college course until he had attained the loftiest elevation in the gift of his countrymen. Surely, if happiness can ever come from the honors or triumphs of this world, on that quiet July morning James A. Gar- field may well have been a happy man. No foreboding of evil haunted him ; no slightest premonition"of danger clouded his sky. His terrible fate was upon him in an instant. One moment he stood erect, strong, confident, in the years stretching peaceftilly out before him. The next he lay wounded, bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks of torture, to silence and the grave. Great in life, he was surpassingly great in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy of wantonness and wickedness by the red hand of murder, he was thrust from the full tide of this world's interest, from its hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence of death — and he did not quail. Not alone for one short moment in which, stunned and dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, but through days of deadly languor, through weeks of agony, that was not less agony because silently borne, with clear sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his anguished eyes, whose lips may tell — what brilliant, broken plans, what baffled, high ambitions, what sundering of strong, warm, manhood's friendship, what bitter rending of sweet household ties ! Behind him a proud, expectant nation, a great host of sustaining friends, a cherished and happy mother, wearing the full, rich honore of her early toil and tears ; the wife of his youth, whose whole life lav in his; the little boys not yet emerged from child- hood's day of frolic ; the fiiir, young daugh- ter ; the sturdy sons just springing into closest companionshi]), claiming every day and every day rewarding a father's love and care; and in liis heart the eager, re- joicing power to meet all demand. Before him, desolation and great darkness! And his soul was not shaken. His country- men were thrilled with instant, i)rofound, and universal symj)athy. Masterful in his mortal weakness, he became the centre of a nation's love, enshrined in the prayers of a world. But all the love and all the sympathy could not share with him his BOOK III.] BLAINE'S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD, 251 suffc'rin<i;. He trod the wine-press alone. With unfaltering front he; liiced death. With unfailing tenderness he took leave of life. Above the demoniac hiss of the assassin's hullet he heard tlie voice of God. AV^ith simple resignation he bowed to the Divine deeree. As the end drew near, his early craving for the sea returned. The stately mansion of power had been to him the wearisome hospital of pain, and he begged to be tak- en from his prison walls, from its oppres- sive, stilling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness. Gently, silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to the longed-for healing of the sea, to live or to die, as God should will, within sight of its heaving billows, within sound of its manifold voices. With wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked out wistfully upon the ocean's changing wonders; on its far sails, whiten- ing in the morning light; on its restless waves, rolling shoreward to break and die beneath the noonday sun ; on the red clouds of evening, arching low to the hori- zon ; on the serene and shining pathway of the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read a mystic meaning which only the rapt and parting soul may know. Let us believe that in the silence of the reced- ing world he heard the great waves break- ing on a further shore and felt already up- on his wasted brow the breath of the eter- nal morning. AFTER THE ORATION. The eulogy was concluded at 1.50, hav- ing taken just an hour and a half in its delivery. As Mr. Blaine gave utterance to the last solemn words the spectators broke into a storm of applause, which was not hushed for some moments. The ad- dress was listened to with an intense inter- est and in solemn silence, unbroken by any sound except by a sigh of relief (such a.s arises from a large audience when a strong tension is removed from their minds) when the orator passed from his allusion to diflerences existing in the Republican party last spring. Benediction was then offered by the Rev. Dr. Bullock, Chaplain of the Senate. The Marine Band played the " Garfield Dead March " as the invited guests filed out of the Chandx'r in the same order in which they had entered it. The Senate was the last to leave, and then the House was called to order by the Speaker. Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, offered the fol- lowing resolution : Resolved, The Senate concurring, that the thanks of Congress are hereby pre- sented to the Hon. James G. Blaine for the appro])riate memorial address delivered by him on the life and services of James A. Garfield, late President of the United States, in the Representative IL'ill, before both houses of Congress and their invited guests, on the 27th of February, 1882, and that he be requested to furnish a copy for publication. Resolved, That the Chairman of the Joint Committee appointed to make the necessary arrangements to carry into ef- fect the resolution of Congress in relation to the memorial exercises in honor of James A. Garfield be requested to communicate to JMr. Blaine the foregoing resolution, re- ceive his answer thereto and present the same to both Houses of Congress. The resolution was adopted unanimously. Mr. McKinley then offered the following : Resolved, That as a further mark of re- spect to the memory of the deceased Pres- ident of the United States the House do now adjourn. The resolution was unanimously adopt- ed, and in accordance therewith the Speaker at 1.55 declared the House ad- journed until to-morrow. AMERICAN POLITICS, BOOK IV. PAELIAMENTAKT PEACTIOE. AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK IV. PAELIAMENTAliY PEACTIOE. Declaration of Independence. A Declaration by the Representatives of the United Slatet of America in Congress assetnbled. July 4, 177G. When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dis- solve the political bands which have con- nected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the sepa- rate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which im2)el them to the sepa- ration. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights ; that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happi- ness. That to secure these rights, Gov- ernments are instituted among Men, de- riving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Gov- ernments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufforable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- suing invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to pro- vide new Guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usur- pations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facta be submitted to a candid world. He has reftised his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing import- ance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relin- quish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and dis- tant from the Depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firm- ness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise ; the State remaining in the meantime ex- posed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to jirevent the Pop- ulation of these States ; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners ; refusing to pass others to en- courage their migrations hither, and rais- AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. ing the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their sal- aries. He has erected a multitude of New Offi- ces, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their sub- stance. He has kept among us, in times of peace. Standing Armies without the Consent of our Legislatures. He has affected to render the Military in- dependent of and superior to the Civil Power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitu- tion, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his Assent to their Acts of pre- tended Legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States : For cutting off our Trade with all paiis of the world : For Imposing Taxes on us without our Consent : For depriving us, in many dases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury : For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offenses : For abolishing the free System of Eng- lish Laws in a neighboring Province, es- tablishing therein an Arbitrary govern- ment, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit in- strument for introducing the same abso- lute rule into these Colonies : For taking away our Charters, abolish- ing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Govern- ments : For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested witii power to legislate for us in all cases what- soever. He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his I'rotection and waging War against us. lie has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and desti'oyed the Lives of our People. He is at this time transporting large Annies of foreign Mercenaries to com- plete the works of death, dcHf)lati()n and tyranny, already b('giin with circumstances of Cruelty and i'eilidy s(;arcely |iaralleled in the most barl)arous ages, and totally un- worthy the Head ol" a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Breth- ren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished de- struction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms ; our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince,whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People. Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrant- able jurisdiction over us. We have re- minded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and mag- nanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspon- dence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, En- emies in War, in Peace, Friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America in GENERAL CONGRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good Peo- ple of these Colonies, solemnly publish and DECLARE, That these United Colo- nies are, and of Right ought to be, free AND independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the Brit- ish Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Brit- ain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that as free and independent Statks, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, estab- lish Commerce, and to do all other Acta and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, witli a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, We mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor. 'J'he foregoing declaration was, })y order of (-(ingress, engrossed, and signed by the I'oUowing members: JOHN HANCOCK. f Josiah Bartlett, New Hampshire < William Whipple. [ Matthew Thornton. BOOK IV.] ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. Connecticut. New York. New Jersey. {Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode Island, f 8te])hen Hopkins, etc. \ William P^llery. {Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Woleott. (William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Franeis Lewis, Lewis Morris. ' Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. ' Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. ! Cesar Rodney, George Read, Thomes McKean. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of CarroUton. ' George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, ^ Carter Braxton. i William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. {Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hevward, ir., Thomas Lynch, jr.,"^ Arthur Middleton. {Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.- Resolved, That copies of the Declaration be sent to the several assemblies, conven- tions, and committees or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the Continental Trooi>s : That it be pro- claimed in each of the Uxited States, and at the Head of the Army. — [Joicr. Cong., vol. 1, p. 396.] Pennsylvania. Delaware. Maryland. Virginia. Articles of Confederation. Done at I'liiladelpliia on the 'Mh day of July, 1778. [While the Declaration of Independence was under consideration in the Continental Congress, and before it was finally agreed upon, measures were taken for the estab- lishment of a constitutional form of gov- ernment; and on the 11th of June, 1776, it was '■^Resolved, That a committee be ap- pointed to prepare and digest the form of aconi'ederation to be entered into between these Colonies ; " which committee was appointed the next day, June 12, and con- sisted of a member Irom each Colony, namely : Mr. Bartlett. Mr. S. Adams, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Sherman, Mr. R. R. Livings- ton, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. McKean, Mr. Stone, Mr. Nelson, Mr. Hewes, Mr. E, Rutledge, and Mr. Gwinnett. On the 12th of July, 1776, the committee reported a draught of the Articles of Confedera- tion, which was printed for the use of the members under the strictest injunctions of secrecy. This report underwent a thorough dis- cussion in Congress, from time to time, until the 15th of November, 1777 ; on which day, " Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union " were finally agreed to in form, and they were directed to be proposed to the Legislatures of all the United States, and if approved by them, they were advised to authorize their dele- gates to ratify"^ the same in the Congress of the United States ; and in that event they were to become conclusive. On the 17th of November, 1777, the Congress agreed upon the form of a circular letter to ac- company the Articles of Confederation, which concluded with a recommendation to each of the several Legislatures " to invest its delegates with competent pow- ers, ultimately, and in the name and be- half of the State, to subscribe articles of confederation and perpetual union of the United States, and to attend Congress for that purpose on or before the 10th day of March next." This letter was signed by the President of Congress and sent, with a copy of the articles, to each State Legis- lature. On the 26th of June, 1778, Congress agreed upon the form of a ratification of the Articles of Confederation, and di- rected a copy of the articles and the ratifi- cation to be engrossed on parchment ; which, on the 9th of July, 1778, having been examined and the blanks filled, was signed by the delegates of New Hamp- shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina. Congress then directed that a circular letter be addressed to the States whose delegates were not present, or being present, conceived they were not 6 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it^ -/ '^ tl^ authorized to sign'the ratification, inform- ing them how many and what States had ratified the Articles of Confederation, and desiring them, with all convenient dis- patch, to authorize their delegates to ratify | the same. Of these States, North Caro- j lina ratified on the 21st and Georgia on the 24th of July, 1778 ; New Jersey on the 26th of November following ; Delaware on the 5th of May, 1779; Maryland on the 1st of March, 1781 ; and on the 2d of March, 1781, Congress assembled under the new form of government.] ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. To all to whom these presents shall come, We, the undersigned, delegates of the States afiixed to our names, send greeting : Whereas the delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled did, on the fifteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- (Ired and seventy-seven, and in the second year of the independence of America, agree to certain Articles of Confederation and Per- petual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Con- necticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- gia, in the words following, viz : Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States of New Hamp- shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecti- cut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl- vania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Article T. The style of this Confederacy shall be, " The United States of America." Article II. Each State retains its sov- ereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not oy this confederation expressly dele- gated to the United States in Congress as- sembled. Article III. The said States hereby severally enter into a lirm league of friend- ship with each other for their common de- fense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare; binding themselves to assist each other against all force oU'ered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of reli- gion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pre- tense whatever. Artici^k IV. The bettor to secure and perpetuate mutual friendshij) and inter- course among the pennic of the different States in this Uni(m, tne free inliabitants of each (»f these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, sliall ' / be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States ; and the people of each State shall have free in- gress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the priv- ileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restric- tions, as the inhabitants thereof respective- ly : Provided, That such restrictions, shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State to any other State, of which the owner is an in- habitant : Provided, also, That no imposi- tion, duties, or restriction shall be laid by any State on the property of the United States or either of them. If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offense. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State. Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, dele gates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the Legisla- ture oFeach State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in Novem- ber, in every year, w i t h a p ower reserved to each State to recalW.b delegates or any of them, at any time within the^year, and to send others in their stead for the re- mainder of the year. No State shall be represented in Con- gress by less than two nor by more than seven members ; and no person shall ^ye capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years ; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be ca- pable of holding any oflice under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind. Each State shall maintain its own dele- gates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as members of the committee of these States. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each ^tate_ shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Con- gress shall not be impeached or (juestioned in any court or place out of Congress; and the meml)ers of Congress shall be protected in their |)ersons from arrests and imprison- menls during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on. Congress, ex- cept for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. Article VI. No State, without the con- sent of the United States in Cong.ress as- BOOK IV,J ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. sembled, shall send any embassy to, or re- ceive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any King, prince, or state ; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trast under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any King, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States in Congress as- sembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance what- ever between them without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in Congress assembled with any King, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the Courts of France and Spain, No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assem- bled, for the defense of such State, or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace, except such number only, as, in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such State ; but every State shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quan- tity of arms, ammunition, and camp equip- age. No State shall engage in any war with- out the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution be- ing formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted ; nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled ; and then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case ves- sels of war may be fitted out for that occa- sion, and kept so long as the danger shall XavC*^ i~»-v^ • continue, or until the United States in Con- gress assembled shall determine otherwise. Article VII. VV^hen land forces aret^vr' raised by any State for the common defense, all officers of, or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the Legislature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct; and all vacan- cies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment. Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare and allowed by the United States in Con- gress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied ^t/|t)tLj A i by the several States, in proportion to the j^ - value of all land within each State, granted '''"*'*^><^ ^^♦y to, or surveyed for, any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assem- bled. Article IX. The United States in Con- gress assembled shall have the sole and ex- clusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases men- tioned in the sixth article; of sending and receiving embassadors ; entering into trea- ties and alliances: Provided, That no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever ; of establishing rules for de- ciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what man- ner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States, shall be divided or appropriated ; of granting let- ters of marque and reprisal in times of peace ; appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally, appeals in all cases of captures : Provided, That no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. The United States in Congress assem- bled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsist- ing, or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or anv other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner ' following : Whenever the 8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [booe iy. legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in ques- tion, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, com- missioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question ; but if they cannot agree. Con- gress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thir- teen ; and from that number not less than seven nor more than nine names, as Con- gress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot ; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination ; and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day ap- pointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or, being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing ; and the judg- ment and sentence of the court to be ap- pointed in the manner before prescribed shall be final and conclusive ; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court or to appear or de- fend their claim or cause, the court shall, nevertheless, proceed to pronounce sen- tence or judgment, which shall, in like manner, be final and decisive; the judg- ment or sentence, and other proceedings, being in either case transmitted to Con- gress, and lodged among the acts of Con- gress for the security of the parties con- cerned : Provided, That every commis- sioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the 8Ui»rcme or superior court of the State, where the cause shall be tried, " well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of hisj'udr/ment without favor, affection, or hope of reward:^' Provided, also. That no State shall be deprived of territory for the bene- fit of the United States. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants 01 two or more States, whose jurisdictions, afl they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants, are ad- justed, the said grants or cither of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between difierent States. The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own author- ity, or by that of the respective States; fixing the standard of weights and mea- sures throughout the United States ; regu- lating the trade and managing all aflairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States : Provided, That the legislative right of any State within its own limits, be not infringed or violated ; establishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same, as may be re- quisite to defray the expenses of the said of- fice ; appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers ; appointing all the offi- cers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States ; making rules for the gov- ernment and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their ope- rations. The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a commit- tee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated " a Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each State, and to appoint such other commit- tees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general afiairs of the United States, under their direction ; to ap- point one of their number to preside ; pro- vided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years ; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defray- ing the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective St.ates, an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted ; to build and equip a navy; to agree upon the num- ber of land forces, .and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State, which rccjuisitions sh.all be binding; and th('reui>on the Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in a soldier-like manner, at the ex- pense of the United States; and the offi- cers and men so clothed, armed, and BOOK IV.] ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. equipped, shall march to the place ap- pointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled ; but if the United States in Congress as- sembled shall, on consideration of circum- stances, judge proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other State should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of each State, unless the Legislature of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same ; in which case they shall raise, offi- cer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant let- ters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alli- ances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appro- priate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the Army or Navy, unless nine States assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjourn- ment be for a longer duration than the space of six months ; and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, ex- cept such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any question, shall be entered on the jour- nal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be fur- nished with a transcript of the said jour- nal, except such jiarts as are above ex- cepted, to lay before the Legislature of the several States. Article X. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress assembled, by the con- sent of nine States, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with : Provided, That no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite. Article XI. Canada, acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to, all the advantages of this Union ; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admis- sion be agreed to by nine States. Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted, by or under the authority of Congress, be- fore the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. Article XIII. Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the articles of this confed- eration shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the union shall be per- petual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be after- wards confirmed by the Legislatures of every State. And whereas it has pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively repre- sent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual union: Know ye, That we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these pres- ents, in the name and in behalf of our re- spective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Confederation and Per- petual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determina- tions of the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by the said confederation, are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be in- violably observed by the States we respect- ively represent ; and that the union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof we have here- unto set our hands, in Congress. Done AT Philadelphia, in the State of Penn- sylvania, the ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iy. dred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the Indepexdexce of America. On the part and behalf of the State of New Hampshire. — Josiah Bartlett, John Wentworth, jr., August 8, 1778. On the part and behalf of the State of Massachusetts Bay. — John Hancock, Sam- uel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, James Lovell, Samuel Holten. On the part and in behalf of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. — William EUery, Henry Marchant, John Collins. On the part and behalf of the State of Connecticut. — Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hos- mer, Andrew Adams. On the part and behalf of the State of New York. — Jas. Duane, Fra. Lewis, Wm. Duer, Gouv. Morris. On the part and in behalf of the State of Ncio Jerset/. — Jno. Witherspoon, Nath. Scudder, Nov. 26, 1778. On the part and behalf of the State of Pennsylvania. — Robt.Morris, Daniel Rober- deau, Jona. Bavard Smith, William Clin- gan, Joseph Reed, July 22d, 1778. On the part and behalf of the State ofDel- a?care.— Thos. McKean, Feb. 13, 1779, John Dickinson, May 5, 1779, Nicholas Van Dyke. On the part and behalf of the State of Iluryland. — John Hanson, March 1, 1781, Daniel Carroll, March 1, 1781. On the part and behalf of the State of Virginia. — Richard Henry Lee, John Ban- ister, Thomas Adams, Jno. Harvie, Fran- cis Lightfoot Leo. On the part and behalf of the State of North Carolina. — John Penn, July 21, 1778, Corns. Harnett, Jno. Williams. On the part and behalf of the State of South Carolina. — Henry Laurens, William Henry Drayton, Jno. "Mathews, Richard Hutson, Thomas Heyward, Jr. On the part and behalf of the State of Georgia.— .h\n. Walton, July 24, 1778, Edw. Telfair, Edw. Langworthy. Ordinance of 1787. An Ordinnncp for the Gmernmenl of the Territ-on/ of the I'nited Stnli-n .Wnrthwent of the Ohio River. [In O'jng- rem,Julii 1:1, 17«7.J Be it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, That the said Terri- tory, for the purposes of temporary govern- ment, be one district; subject, however to be divided into two districts, as future cir- cumstances may, in the opinion of Cong- ress, make it ex[)e(rtcnt. Beit ordaineil by the authority aforesaid, That the estates l)oth of resident and non- resident proprietors in the said Territory, dying intestate, shall descend to and bo distributed among their children, and the descendants of a deceased child, in equal part:?; the descendants of a deceased child or grandchild to take the share of their deceased parent in equal parts among them ; and where there shall be no chil- dren or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin, in equal degree ; and among collaterals, the children of a de- ceased brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts among them, their deceased parents' share ; and there shall, in no case, be a distinction between kindred of the whole and half blood; saving in all cases to the widow of the intestate, her third part of the real estate for life, and one-third part of the personal estate; and this law relative to descents and dower shall remain in full force until altered by the Legislature of the district. And until the governor and judges shall adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, es- tates in the said Territory may be devised or bequeathed by wills in writing, signed and sealed by him or her, in whom the estate may be, (being of full age,) and attested by three witnesses; and real estates may be conveyed by lease and release, or bargain and sale, signed, sealed, and de- livered by the person, being of full age, in whom the estate may be and attested by two witnesses, provided such wills be duly proved, and such conveyances be acknow- ledged, or the execution thereof duly proved and be recorded within one year, after proper magistrates, courts, and registers shall be appointed for that purpose ; and personal property may be transferred by delivery, saving, however, to the French anjd Canadian inhabitants, and other set- tlers of the Kaskaskies, Saint Vincent's, and the neighboring villages, who have heretofore professed themselves citizens of Virginia, their laws and customs now in force among them, relative to the descent and conveyance of property. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor, whose commission shall continue in force for the term of three years, unless sooner revoked by Congress; he shall reside in the dis- trict, and have a freehold estate therein, in one thousand acres of land, while in the exercise of his office. There shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a secretary, whose com- mission shall continue in force for four years, unless sooner revoked ; he shall re- side in the district, and have a freehold estate therein, in five hundred acres of land, wliile in the exercise of his office; it sluill l)e his duty to keep and ])reserve the acts iiml l;vws passed by the liCgislature, and the pnl)]ic records of the district, and the proceedings of the governor in hia executive department; and transmit au- thentic copies of such acts and proceed- BOOK IV.] ORDINANCE OF 1787. 11 ing3 every six months to the secretary of Congress. There shall also be appointed a court, to consist of three judges, any two of whom to form a court, who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside in the district, and have each therein a free- hold estate, in five iiundrcd acres of land, while in the exercise of their offices, and their commissions shall continue in force during good behavior. The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in the district such laws of the original States, criminal and civil, as may be necessary, and best suited to the circumstances of the . district, and report them to Congress, from time to time, which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of tlie general a&sembly tlierein, unless disap- E roved of by Congress ; but afterwards the legislature shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit. The governor for the time being shall be commander-in-chief of the militia ; ap- point and commission all officers in the same below the ranlc of general officers. All general officers shall be appointed and commissioned by Congress. Previous to the organization of the Gen- eral Assembly, the governor shall appoint such magistrates and other civil officers in each county or township as he shall find necessary for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same. After the General Assembly shall be organized, the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil officers shall be regulated and defined by the said assembly ; but all magistrates and other civil officers, not herein other- wise directed, shall, during the continu- ance of this temporary government, be ap- pointed by the governor. For the prevention of crimes and in- juries, the laws to be adopted or made shall nave force in all parts of the district, and for the execution of process, criminal and civil, the governor shall make proper di- visions thereof; and he shall proceed from time to time, as circumstances may re- quire, to lay oiit the parts of the district in which the Indian titles shall have been extinguished, into counties and townships, subject, however, to such alterations as may thereafter be made by the Legislature. So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants of full age in the district, upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall receive authority', with time and place, to elect representatives from their counties or townships, to repre- sent them in the General Assembly ; Pro- vided, That for every five hundred free male inhabitants, there shall be one rep- resentative ; and so on, progressively, with the number of free male inhabitants, shall the right of representation increase, until the number of representatives shall amount to twenty-five ; after which the numher and ])roi>ortion of representatives shall be regulated by the Legislature: Provided. That no Person be eligible or qualified to act a.s a representative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in the district three years ; and in either case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simj)le, two hundred acres of land within the same : Provided, also, That a freehold in fifty acres of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of the States, and be- ing resident in the district, or the like free hold and two years' residence in the dis- trict, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative. The representatives thus elected shall serve for the term of two years ; and in case of the death of a representative, or removal from office, the governor shall issue a writ to the county or township for which he was a member to elect another in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term. The General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the governor, legislative council, and a house of representatives. The legislative council shall consist of five members, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by Congress, any three of whom to be a quorum ; and the members of the council shall be nominated and appointed in the following manner, to wit : As soon as representatives shall be elected, the governor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet together, and when met, they shall nominate ten per- sons, residents in the district, and each possessed of a freehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names to Congress ; five of whom Congress shall ap- point and commission to serve as aforesaid ; and whenever a vacancy shall happen in the council, by death or removal from ofiicc,the house of representatives shall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to Con- gress ; one of whom Congress shall ap- point and commission for the residue of the term. And every five years, four months at least before the expiration of the time of service of the members of the council, the said house shall nominate ten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to Congress ; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as members of the council five years, unless sooner removed. And the governor, legislative council, and house of represen- tatives, shall have authority to make laws in all cases for the good government of the district, not repugnant to the princii)les and articles in this ordinance established and declared, and all bills j having passed by a majority in the 1 house, and by a majority in the coun- 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ly. cil, shall be referred to the governor for his assent ; but no bill or legislative act whatever shall be of any force without his assent. The governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and dissolve the General Assembly when in his opinion it shall be expedient. The governor, judges, legislative council, secretary, and such other officers as Con- gress shall appoint in the district, shall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and of office, the governor before the President of Congress, and all other officers before the governor. As soon as a Legislature shall be formed in the district, the council and house assemble, in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting during this temporary gov- ernment. And for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these re- publics, their laws and constitutions, are erected ; to fix and establish those princi- ples as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said Territory ; to pro- vide, also, for the establishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for their admission to a share in the Fed- eral councils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early periods as may be consistent with the general interest : It is hereby ordained and declared, by the authority aforesaid, That the following ar- ticles shall be considered as articles of compact, between the original States and the people and States in the said Territory, and forever remain unalterable, unless by common consent, to wit : Article i. No person, demeaning him- self in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments, in the said Territory. Art. 2. The inhabitants of the said Ter- ritory shall always be entitled to the bene- fits of the writ oi' habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury; of a j)roportionate represen- tation of the people in the Legislature, and of judicial proceedings according to the course of the common law. All per- sons shall be bailable, unless for capital offiinses, where the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate ; and no cruel or unusual punishments shall be infiicted. No man shall V)e deprived of his liberty or property but by the jufigment of his noers, or the law of the land ; and should tne pul)lic ex- igencies make it necessary for the com- mon preservation to tak<! any person's property, or to demand his particular ser- vices, full compensation shall be made for the 8ame. And, in the juiit preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in the said Territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, inter- fere with, or affect, private contracts or engagements, bonajide and without fraud, previously formed. Art. 3. Religion, morality, and know- ledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith shall always be observed toward the Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and in their property, rights, and liberty they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and unlawful wars authorized by Congress ; but laws founded in justice and humanity shall, from time to time, be made for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friend- ship with them. Art. 4. The said Territory, and the States which may be formed therein, shall evere remain a part of this confederacy of the United States of America, subject to the Articles of Confederation, and to such alterations therein as shall be constitution- ally made ; and to all the acts and ordi- nances of the United States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto. The in- habitants and settlers in the Territory shall be subject to pay apart of the Feder- al debts, contracted or to be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of Government, to be apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same com- mon rule and measure by which apportion- ments thereof shall be made on the other States ; and the taxes for paying their pro- portion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of Legislatures of the district or districts, or new States, as in the original States, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Con- gress assembled. The Legislatures of those districts, or new States shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such soil to the bona jide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States ; and in no case shall non-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters lead- ing into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said Territory a.s to the citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor. Art. 5. There shall be formed in the said Territory not less than three, nor BOOKiv.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 13 more than five States ; and the boundaries of the States, as .soon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession, and consent to the same, shall become fixed and established as follows, to wit: The western State in the said territory shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and Wabash Rivers ; a direct line drawn from the AV^abash and Post Vincents, due north, to the territorial line between the United States and Canada ; and by the said territorial line to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. The middle States shall be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash, from Post Vincents to the Ohio, by the Ohio, by a direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami to the said ter- ritorial line, and by the said territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the last mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said terri- torial line: Provided, however, And it is further understood and declared that the boundaries of these three States shall be subject so far to be altered, that, if Con- gress shall hereafter find it expedient, they shall have authority to form one or two States in that part of the said Territory which lies north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly bend or ex- treme of Lake Michigan. And whenever any of the said States shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, such State shall be admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever; and shall be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and State government : Provided, The con- stitution and government so to be formed shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles contained in these articles; and, so far as it can be consistent with the general interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be allowed at an earlier period, and when there may be a less num- ber of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand. Art. G. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said Ter- ritory', otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: Provided always, Tliat any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid. Be it ordained Inj the authority aforesaid, That the resolutions of the 23d of April, 1784, relative to the subject of this ordi- nance, be, and the same are hereby re- pealed and declared null and void. Done by the United States in Congress assembled the thirteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of their sovereignty and independence the twelfth. Charles Thomp.son, Secretary. Couatltutlon of the United St«tea of America, With amendmenU and date* of ratification. We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, estab- lish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Bless- ings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Section 2. The House of Representa- tives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, I which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, inclu- ding those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons.*] The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, ancl Avithin every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Rejire- sentative ; and until such enumerati(m shall be niado, the State of New Hamp- shire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five. New York six. New Jersey four, Penn- sylvania eight, Delaware one, ^laryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. AVhen vacancies hapi)en in the Repre- sentation from any State, the Executive * The portion of thU clause within brackets has been amended b^ the 14th amendmuut, viud sectioo. 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [booi it. Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers ; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years ; and each Senator shall have one Vote. Immediately after they shaU be assem- bled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Sen- ators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the expira- tion of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen every second Year ; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or other- wise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the Uni- ted States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally di- vided. The Senate shall chuse' their other Offi- cers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of Pre- sident of the United States. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Af- firmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : And no person shall be con- victed without the Concurrence of two- thirds of the Members present. Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and Disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of Honour, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be lia- ble and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judg- ment and Punishment, according to Law. Section IV. — The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the Congre.ss may at any time by law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the places of chusing Senators. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, un- less they shall by Law appoint a different Day. Section V. — Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns, and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quo- rum to do Business ; but a smaller Num- ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attend- ance of Absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Con- currence of two-thirds, expel a Member. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time pub- lish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one-fifth of those Present, be en- tered on the Journal. Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Section VI. — The Senators and Repre- sentatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States, They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their At- tendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place. No Senator or Representative shall, dur- ing the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the LTnited States, which shall have been created, or the Emolu- ments whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. Section VII. — All bills for raising Reve- nue shall originate in the House of Repre- sentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills. Every P.ill which shall have passed the House of Representatives anil the Senate, shall, before it becomes a Law, be pre- sented to the President of the United States ; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objec- tions to tliat House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsidera- tion two-thirds of that House shall agree to paas the Bill, it shall be sent, together BOOKiY.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 15 with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all Buch cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representaiivcs may be neces- sary (except on a question of Adjourn- ment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re- passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill. Section VIII. — The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and gen- eral Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uni- form throughout the United States ; To borrow Money on the credit of the United States ; To regulate Commerce with foreign Na- tions, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes ; To establish an uniform Rule of Natural- ization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures ; To provide for the Punishment of coun- terfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States ; To establish Post Offices and post Roads ; To promote the progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries ; To constitute Tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; To define and punish Piracies and Fel- onies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations ; To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water ; To raise and support Armies, but no Ap- propriation of Money to that LTse shall be tor a longer Term than two Years ; To provide and maintain a NaAry ; To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces ; To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, sup- press Insurrections and repel Invasions; To nrovide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as mav be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States re.spectively, the Appoint- ment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the Dis- cipline prescribed by Congress ; To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, hy Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Maga- zines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings ; — And To make all Laws which shall be neces- sary and i>roper for carrying into Execu- tion the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. Section IX. The Migration or Importa- tion of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hun- dred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceed- ing ten dollars for each Person. The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the pub- lic Safety may require it. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenne to the Ports of one State over those of another : nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropri- ations made by Law ; and a regular State- ment and Account of the Receij^ts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time. No Title of Nobility shall be granted be the United States: And noPorsini holding any ofliro of Profit or Trust umler them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State. Section X — No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation ; grant Letters of Marque and Eeprisal ; coin Money ; emit Bills of Credit ; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts ; pass any Bill of At- tainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impair- ing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its in- spection Laws : and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States ; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress. No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty on Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of Delay. ARTICLE II. Section I. — The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Of- fice during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected as follows : Each State shall appoint, in such man- ner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress : but no Senator or Representa- tive, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. * [The Electors shall meet in their re- spective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with them- eelves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Num- ber of Votes for each; which List thev shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the {)resence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all tlie Certificates, and tlie Votes siiall then ])c counted. The IVrson having tlie greatest number of Votes sliall be tlie Prcsi.lcnt, if such Number he a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if * Thifl rlaiiKP hag been suiioncdod and annulled by the l^it h amcndmuut. there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President ; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like man- ner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote ; A Quorum for this pur- pose shall consist of a Member or Members from two-thirds of the States, and a Major- ity of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the great- est Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.] The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes ; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States. No person except a natural-bom Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty-five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. In case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be re- moved, or a President shall be elected. The President shall, at stated Times, re- ceive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive witliin that Period any other Einolument irom the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the execution of his Office he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of Presi- dent of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protectand de- fend the Constitution of the United States." Sertion U. The President shall be Com- mander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the I'nited States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the BooKiv.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 17 actual Service of the United States ; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal OlRcer in each of the execu- tive Departments, upon any Subject relat- ing to the Dutie.^ of their respective Olhces, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Olfences against the United States, except in Cases of Im- peachment. He shall liave Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make T.eaties, proviiled two-thirds of the Senators present concur ; and lie shall nominate, and t)y and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public ]\Iini.sters and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Ap- pointments are not herein otherwise pro- vided for, and which shall be established by Law ; but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Pleads of Departments. The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com- missions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. Section III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such jMeasures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Am- bassadors and other public Ministers ; he shall t-.ike Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the officers of the United States. Section IV. — The President, Vice Presi- dent and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Trea- son, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. Section I. — The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one Su- preme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, ami shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. Section II. — The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Ei|uity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or wliifh shall be made, under their Au- thority ; — to all Cases atfiicting Ambassa- dors, or other public ^linistcrs, and Con- suls; — to all Cases of admiralty and mari- time Jurisdiction; — to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party; — to C(jntroversies between two or more States ; — iietween a State and Citizens of another State; — between Citizens of differ- ent States, — between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the Su})reme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate Juris- diction, both as to Law and Fact,- with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crime shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. Section III. — Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Ene- mies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attain- der of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section I. — Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in wliich such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. Section II. — The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Im- munities of Citizens in the several States. A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, ])e delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escap- ing into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be dis- 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book iv_ charged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up ou Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due. S'ectiox III. New States may be ad- mitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erect- ed within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legis- latures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. The Congress shall have Power to dis- pose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any par- ticular State. Section iv. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Inva- sion, and on Application of the Legisla- ture, or of the Executive (when the Legis- lature cannot be convened) against domes- tic Violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary', shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amend- ments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legisla- tures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Pro- vided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. Article vi. All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoptiun of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United Stat&s under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which sh;ill be made in Pursuance tliereof ; and all Treaties made, f)r which shall be made under the Au- thority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land ; and the .ludges in every State shall be l)ound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or J^aws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. The Senators and ReprcseulaLivcs before mentioned, and the Members of the sev- eral State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States. Article vii. The Ratification of the Convention of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Es- tablishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Sev- enteenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- dred and Eighty-seven and of the Inde- pendence of the United States of America the Twelfth. In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names. Geo. Washington — Presidt. and deputy from Virginia. Mio Hampshire. | 5^^'^L^^"S^.lo°' -^ JNicholas Oilman. Massachusetts. Connecticut. Keiv York. New Jersey. Pennsylvania. Delaware. Maryland. Virginia. North Carolina. South Carolina. Georgia. i Nathaniel Gorham, I Rufus King. j Wm. Saml. Johnson, \ Roger Sherman. "j Alexander Hamilton. Wil: Livingston, Wm. Paterson, David Brearley, Jona. Davton. B. Franklin, Robt. Morris, Tho: Fitzsimons, James Wilson, Thomas Mifflin, Geo: Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, ^Gouv: Morris. Geo : Read, John Dickinson, Jaco: Broom, Gunning Bedford, Jr., Richard Bassett. James M'Henry, Danl. Carroll, Dan: of St. Thos: Jenifer. John Blair, James Madison, Jr. Wm. Blount, Hu. Williamson, Rich'd Dobbs Spaight J. Rutledge, Charles Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Pierce Butler, William Few, Abr. Baldwin. Attest : William Jackson, Secretary. BOOK IV.] AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 19 Articles In Atldltlnn to, and Amendment of, Uie Ccnstltntlon of tl»e t/nlted States of America, Proposed by Cnngreis and Ral'Jied by (he Legiflnluren of the neveral i>t<Ue«, purmani lo the Fifth Article of the Original t'oitstiltttion. Article I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Govern- ment for a redress of grievances. Article II. A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free Htate, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. Article III. No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, with- out the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Article IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon pro- bable cause, supported by Oath or affirma- tion, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Article V. — No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infa- mous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same otFence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. Article VI. — In all criminal prosecu- tions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascer- tained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have Compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of Counsel for his defence. Article VII. — In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall ex- ceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law Article VIII. — Excessive bail shal not be required, nor excessive fines im- posed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted. Article IX. — The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others re- tained by tiie peoi)le. Article X. — The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor jirohil)ited by it to the States, are re- served to the States respectively or to the people. Article XI. — The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law and equity, commenced and prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State. Article XII. — The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by bal- lot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabi- tant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct bal- lots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the Presi- dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of tlie Senate and House of Representatives, ojien all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors apjjointcd ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest num- bers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this pur- pose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a major- ity of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Repre- sentatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such num- ber be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person have 1 a majoritv, then from the two highest ! numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. the Vice-President; a quorum for the pur- 1 pose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. Article xiii. Section I. Neither slav- ery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall ex- ist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section II. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate leg- islation. Article xiv. Section I. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdic- tion the equal protection of the laws. Section II. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States ac- cording to their respective numbers, count- ing the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United Statee, rep- resentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citi- zens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in re- bellion, or other crime, the basis of rep- resentation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Section III. No person shall be a sen- ator or representative in Congress, or elect- or of President and Vice I'resident, or hold any office, civil or military', under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judi- cial officer of any State, to supr)f>rt the Con- stitution of the United States shall have en- gaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the ene- mies thereof But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each house, remove such dis- ability. Section IV. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emanci- pation of any slave ; but all such debts, ob- ligations and claims shall beheld illegal and void. Section V. — The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legisla- tion, the provisions of this article. Article xv. Section I. — The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Section II. — The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Ratiflcatlons of the Constitution. * Of the thirteen States which originally composed the Union under the Confedera- tion, eleven ratified the Constitution prior to the 4th of March, 1789, the time fixed by the resolution of September 13, 1788, for commencing proceedings under it, viz : Delaware, December 7, 1787. Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787. New Jersey, December 18, 1787. Georgia, January 2, 1788. Connecticut, Januarj' 9, 1788. Massachusetts, February 6, 1788. Maryland, April 28, 1788. South Carolina, May 23, 1788. New Hampshire, June 21, 1788. Virginia, June 26, 1788. New York, July 26, 1788. Of the other two States, North Corolina ratified the Constitution on the 21st of November, 1789; of which, information was communicated to Congress by the President, in a message dated January 28, 1790. Rhode Island ratified it on the 29th of May, 1790 ; of which, also, information was communicated to Congress by the President, in a message dated June 1, 1790. The State of Vermont, by convention, ratified the Constitution on the 10th of January, 1791, and was, by an act of Con- gress of the 18th of February, 1791, "re- ceived and admitted into this Union as a new and entire member of the United States of America." * From W. J. McDonald's " Constitution, Rules and Manual." BOOK IV.] RATIFICATION OF THE AMENDMENTS. 21 RatiflcatlouB of the Amendments to the Constitution. From W. J. McDonald's " ConstUulion, Rtdea and Mantuil." The first ten of the preceding articles of amendment, (with two others which were not ratified by the requisite number of States,) were submitted to the several State Lejijislatures by a resolution of Con- gress wliich passed on the 25th of Septem- ber, 178i>, at the first session of the First Congress, and were ratified by the Legis- latures of the following States : New Jersey, November 20, 1789. Maryland,*December 19, 1789. North Carolina, December 22, 1789. South Carolina, January 19, 1790. New Hampshire, January 25, 1790. Delaware, January 28, 1790. Pennsylvania, March 10, 1790. New York, March 27, 1790. Ehode Island, June 15, 1790. Vermont, November 3, 1791. Virginia, December 15, 1791. The acts of the Legislatures of the States ratifying these amendments were trans- mitted by the governors to the President, and by him communicated to Congress. The Legislatures of Massachusetts, Con- necticut, and Georgia, do not appear by the record to have ratified them. The 11th article was submitted to the Legislatures of the several States by a resolution of Congress passed on the 5th of March, 1794, at the first session of the Third Congress ; and on the 8th of Janu- ary, 1798, at the second session of the Fifth Congress, it was declared by the President, in a message to the two Houses of Congress, to have been adopted by the Legislatures of three-fourths ot the States, there being at that time sixteen States in the Union. The twelfth article was submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, there being then seventeen States, by a resolu- tion of Congress passed on the 12th of December, 1803, at the first session of the Eighth Congress ; and was ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States, in 1804, according to a proclamation of the Secretary of State dated the 25th of September, 1804. The thirteenth article was submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, there being then thirty-six States, by a resolution of Congress passed on the 1st of February, 1865, at the second session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was rati- fied, according to a proclamation of the Secretary of State dated December 18, 1865,- by the Legislatures of the following States : Illinois, February 1, 1865. Rhode Island, February 2, 1865. Michigan, February 2, 1865. Marj'land, February 3, 1865. New York, February 3, 1865. West Virginia, February 3, 1865. Massachusetts, February 3, 1865. Pennsylvania, February 3, 1865. Maine, February 7, 1865. Kansas, February 8, 1865. Ohio, February 8, 1865. Minnesota, February 7, 1865. Virginia, February 9, 1865. Indiana, February 13, 1865. Nevada, February 16, 1865. Louisiana, February 17, 1865. Wisconsin, February 21, 1865. Missouri, February 24, 1865. Tennessee, March 4, 1865. Vermont, March 9, 1865. Arkansas, April 14, 1865. Connecticut, May 4, 1865. ^— New Hampshire, June 30, 1865. South Carolina, November 13, 1865. North Carolina, December 1, 1865, Alabama, December 2, 1865. Georgia, December 6, 1865. The following States not enumerated in the proclamation of the Secretary of State, also ratified this amendment : Oregon, December 11, 1865. California, December 20, 1865. Florida, June 9, 1868. The States of Delaware, New Jersey, and Kentucky rejected the amendment. The fourteenth article was submitted to the Legislatures of the different States, there being then thirty-seven States, by a resolution of Congress passed on the 16th of June, 1866, at the first session of the Thirty-ninth Congress; and was ratified, according to a proclamation of the Secre- tary of State, dated July 28, 1868, by the Legislatures of the following States : Connecticut, June 30, 1866. New Hampshire, Julv 7, 1866. Tennessee, July 19, 1866. * New Jersey, September 11, 1866. t Oregon, September 19, 1866. Vermont, November 9, 1866. New York, January 10, 1867. t Ohio, January 11, 1867. Illinois, January 15, 1867. West Virginia, January 16, 1867. Kansas, January 18, 1867. Maine, January 19, 1867. Nevada, January 22, 1867. Missouri, January 26, 1867. Indiana, January 29, 1867. Minnesota, February 1, 1867. Rhode Island, February 7, 1867. Wisconsin, February 13, 1867. Pennsylvania, February 13, 1867. Michigan, February 15, 1867. Massachusetts, March 20, 1867. Nebraska, June 15, 1867. * New Jerspy withdrew her consent to the ratification April — , 18Ci8. .^ . ^ + Oregon withdrew her consent to the ratification Oc- tober 15, 18G8. . , J Ohio withdrew her consent to the ratificaUon January ' — , 1868. 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. Iowa, April 3, 1868. Arkansas, April 6, 1868. Florida, June 9, 1868. * North Carolina, July 4, 1868. Louisiana, July 9, 1868. * South Carolina, July 9, 1868. Alabama, July 13, 1868. * Georgia, July 21, 1868. * The State of Virginia ratified this amendment on the 8th of October, 1869, subsequent to the date of the proclamation of the Secretary of State. The States of Delaware, Maryland, Ken- tucky, and Texas rejected the amendment. The fifteenth article was submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, there being then thirty-seven States, by a reso- lution of Congress passed on the 27th of February, 1869, at the first session of the Forty -first Congress ; and was ratified, ac- cording to a proclamation of the Secretary of State dated March 30, 1870, by the Le- gislatures of the following States : Nevada, March 1, 1869. West Virginia, March 3, 1869. North Carolina, March 5, 1869. Louisiana, March 6, 1869. Illinois, March 5, 1869. Michigan, March 8, 1869. Wisconsin, March 9, 1869. Massachusetts, March 12, 1869. Maine, March 12, 1869. South Carolina, March 16, 1869. Pennsylvania, March 26, 1869. Arkansas, March 30, 1869. t New York, April 14, 1869. Indiana, May 14, 1869. Connecticut, May 19, 1869. Florida, June 15, 1869. New Hampshire, July 7, 1869. Virginia, October 8, 1869. Vermont, October 21, 1869. Alabama, November 24, 1869. Missouri, January 10, 1870. Mississippi, January 17, 1870. Ehode Island, January 18, 1870. Kansas, January 19, 1870. t Ohio, January 27, 1870. Georgia, February 2, 1870. Iowa, February 3, 1870. Nebraska, February 17, 1870. Texas, February 18, 1870. Minnesota, February 19, 1870. § The State of New Jersey ratified this amendment on the 21st of February, 1871, subsequent to the date of the proclamation of the Secretary of State. The States of California, Delaware, Ken- tucky, Maryland, Oregon, and Tennessee rejected this amendment. * North Carolina, South Carolina, Ooorgia, and Virfriiiia liad proviouHly rcjectorl the aniDiidmciit. t Now York withdrew her conHcnt to tlio ratiflcation January 6, 1870. X Ohio had pruviouBly rejected the amendment May 4, 18«!t. 2 Now Jersey bad previuuBly rejected tbo ameudmont. JEFFERSON'S MANUAL OF PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, Importance of Rules. SEC. I. — IMPORTAKCE OF ADHERING TO RULES. Mr. Onslow, the ablest among the Speak- ers of the House of Commons, used to say, " It was a maxim he had often heard when he was a young man, from old and experi- enced members, that nothing tended more to throw power into the hands of adminis- tration, and those who acted with the ma- jority of the House of Commons, than a neglect of, or departure from, the rules of proceeding ; that these forms, as instituted by our ancestors, operated as a check and control on the actions of the majority, and that they were, in many instances, a shel- ter and protection to the minority, against the attempts of power." So far the maxim is certainly true, and is founded in good sense, that as it is always in the power of the majority, by their numbers, to stop any improper measures proposed on the part of their opponents, the only weapons by which the minority can defend themselves against similar attempts from those in power, are the forms and rules of proceed- ing which have been adopted as they were found necessary, from time to time, and are become the law of the House ; by a strict adherence to which, the weaker party can only be protected from those ir- regularities and abuses which these forms were intended to check, and which the wantonness of power is but too often apt to suggest to large and successful majorities. 2 Hats., 171, 172, And whether these forms be in all cases the most rational or not, is really not of so great importance. It is much more ma- terial that there should be a rule to go by, than what that rule is ; that there may be a uniformity of proceedings in business, not subject to the caprice of the Speaker, or captiousness of the members. It is very material that order, decency, and regular- ity be preserved in a dignified public body. 2 Hats., 149. SEC. II. — LEGISLATURE, [All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Constitution of the United IStates, Art. 1, Sec. 1.) [The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. Con- stitution of the United States, Art. 1, Sec. (). J I For the powers of Congress, see the fol- lowing Articles and Sections of the Consti- tution of the United States: I, 4, 7, 8, 9. II, 1, 2. Ill, 3. IV, 1, 3, 5, and all the amendments.] BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 23 SEC. III. — PRIVILEGE. The privileges of member.s of Parliament, from small and Qbscure beginnings, have been advancing for centuries with a lirm and never-yielding pace. Claims seem to have been brought forward from time to time, and rei)eated, till some example of their admission enabled them to build law on that example. We can only, therefore, state the points of progression at which they now are. It is now acknowledged, 1st. That they are at all times exempted from question elsewhere, for anything said in their own House; that during the time of privilege, 2d. Neither a member him- self, his wife, nor his servants, (faiuiliares sui,) for any matter of their own, may be arrested on mesne process, in any civil suit : 3d. Nor be detained under execu- tion, though levied before time of privilege : 4th. Nor impleaded, cited, or subpoenaed in any court: 5th. Nor summoned as a witness or juror: 6th. Nor may their lands or goods be distrained : 7th. Nor their persons assaulted, or characters tra- duced. And the period of time covered by ])rivilege, before and after the session, with the practice of short prorogations under the connivance of the Crown, amounts in fact to a peri^etual protection against the course of justice. In one instance, indeed, it has been relaxed by the 10 CI. 3, c. 50, which ])ermits judiciary proceedings to go on against tlicni. That these j)rivileges must be continually progressive, seems to result from their rejecting all definition of them; the doctrine being, that "their dig- nity and independence are preserved by keeping their privileges indehnite ; and that 'the maxim upon which they proceed, together with the method of proceeding, rest entirely in their own breast, and are not defined and Jiscertained by anv partic- ular stated laws.' " 1 Blackst, 1G3, 104. [It Avas i)robably from this view of the encroaching character of privilege that the framers of our Constitution, in their care to provide that the laws shall bind equally on all, and especially that those who make them shall not exempt themselves from their operation, have only privileged "Sen- ators and Representatives" themselves from the single act of "arrest in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same, and from being questioned in any other place for any speech or debate in either House." Coast. U. S., Art. 1, Sec. 6. Under the general authority "to make all laws necessary and ])roper for carrying into execution the powers given them," Confff. U. S., Art. 2, Sec. 8, they niay provide by law the details which may be necessary for giving full effect to the enjoyment of this privilege. No such law being as yet made, it seems to stand at present on the following ground : 1. The act of arrest is void, ab initio. 2. The member arrested may be discharged on motion, 1 BL, lOG ; 2 Sira., 990 ; or'^ljy habeas corpus under the Federal or .State authority, as the ease may be; or by a writ of privilege out of the chancery, 2 Stra., 089, in those .States which have adopted that part of the laws of England. Order.i of the Iloune of Commons, 1550^ February 20. 3. The arrest being unlawl'ul, is a trespass for which the officer and others con- cerned arc liable to action or indictment in the ordinary courts of justice, as in other cases of unauthorized arrest. 4. The court before which the process is returnable is bound to act as in other cases of unauthor- ized proceeding, and liable, also, as in other similar cases, to have their proceed- ings stayed or corrected by the superior courts.] [The time necessary for going to, and re- turning from. Congress, not being defined, it will, of course, be judged of in every particular case by those who will have to decide the case.] While privilege was un- derstood in England to extend, as it does here, only to exemption from arrest, eundo, morando, et redeundo, the House of Com- mons themselves decided that "a conve- nient time was to be understood." (1580,) 1 Hats., 99, 100. Nor is the law so strict in point of time as to require the party to set out immediately on his return, but allows him time to settle his private affairs, and to prepare for his journey ; and does not even scan his road very nicely, nor forfeit his pro- tection for a little deviation from that which is most direct ; some necessity perhaps constraining him to it. 2 Stra., 986, 987. This in-ivilege from arrest, privileges, of course, against all process the disobedience to which is i)unishable by an attachment of the i^erson ; as a subpoena ad responden- dum, or testificandum, or a summons on a jury ; and with reason, because a member has superior duties to perform in another place. [When a representative is with- drawn from his seat by summons, the 40,- 000 people whom he represents lose their voice in debate and vote, as they do on his voluntary absence ; when a Senator is with- drawn by summons, his State loses half its voice in debate and vote, as it does on his voluntary absence. The enormous dispari- ty of evil admits no comparison.] [So far there will probably be no differ- ence of opinion as to the privileges of the two Houses of Congress ; but in the follow- ing cases it is otherwise. In December, 1795, the House of Representatives com- mitted two persons of the name of Randall and Whitney, for attempting to corrupt the integrity of certain members, which they^ considered as a contempt and breach of the privileges of the House ; ami the fact> being proved, ^^'h^tnf^y was detained iu 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. confinement a fortnight, and Randall three weeks, and was reprimanded by the Speak- er. In March, 1796, the House of Repre- sentatives voted a challenge given to a member of their House to be a breach of the privileges of the House; but satisfac- tory apologies and acknowledgments being made, no further proceeding was had. The editor of the Aurora having, in his paper of February 19, 1800, inseiled some paragraphs defamatory of the Senate, and failed in his appearance, he was ordered to be committed. In debating the legality of this order, it was insisted, in support of it, that every man, by the law of nature, and every body of men, possesses the right of self-defense; that all public functionaries are essentially invested with the powers of self-preserva- tion ; that they have an inherent right to do all acts necessary to keep themselves in a condition to discharge the trusts confided to them ; that whenever authorities are given, the means of carrying them into execution are given by necessary implica- tion ; that thus we see the British Parlia- ment exercise the right of punishing con- tempts ; all the State Legislatures exercise the same power, and every court does the same ; that, if we have it not, we sit at the mercy of every intruder who may enter our doors or gallery, and, by noise and tumult, render proceeding in business im- practicable ; that if our tranquillity is to be perpetually disturbed by newspaper de- famation, it will not be possible to exer- cise our functions with the requisite cool- ness and deliberation ; and that we must therefore have a power to punish these disturbers of our peace and proceedings. To this it was answered, that the Parlia- ment and courts of England have cogni- zance of contempts by the express provi- sions of their law ; that the State Legisla- tures have equal authority, because their powers are plenary ; they represent their constituents completely, and possess all their powers, except such as their consti- tutions have expressly denied them ; that the courts of the sevei'al States have the same powers by the laws of their States, and those of the Federal Govern- ment by the same State laws adopted in each State, by a law of Congress ; that none of these bodies, therefore, derive those powers from natural or necessary right, l)ut from exi)ress law; that Congress have no sucli natural or necessary power, nor any powers but such as are given them by the Constitution ; thjit tliat has given them, directly, excm])tion from i)ersonal arrest, exemption I'roni question elscwlu'rc for what is said in their House, and power over their own members and j)roceedings; for tliesc no further l;iw is necessary, the Constitution being the law; that, more- over, by that article of tiio Constitution which authorizes them " to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by Constitu- tion in them," they may provid* by law for an undisturbed exercise of their func- tions, e. g., for the punishment of con- tempts, of affrays or tumult in their pre- sence, &c. ; but, till the law be made, it does not exist; and does not exist, from their own neglect ; that, in the mean time, however, they are not unprotected, the ordinary magistrates and courts of law being open and competent to punish all unjustifiable disturbances or defamations, and even their own sergeant, who may ap- point deputies ad libitum to aid him, 3 Grey, 59, 147, 255, is equal to small dis- turbances ; that in requiring a previous law, the Constitution had regard to the inviolability of the citizen, as well as of the member ; as, should one House, in the form of a bill, aim at too broad privileges, it may be checked by the other, and both by the President; and also as, the law being promulgated, the citizen wall know how to avoid oftense. But if one branch may assume its own privileges without control, if it may do it on the sjiur of the occasion, conceal the law in its own breast, and, after the fact committed, make its sentence both the law and the judgment on that fact ; if the oftense is to be kept undefined, and to be declared only ex re nata, and according to the passions of the moment, and there be no limitation either in the manner or measure of the punish- ment, the condition of the citizen will be perilous indeed. Which of these doc- trines is to prevail, time will decide. Where there is no fixed law, the judgment on any particular case is the law of that single case only, and dies with it. When a new and even a similar case arises, the judgment which is to make and at the same time apply the law, is open to ques- tion and consideration, as are all new laws. Perhajjs Congress, in the mean time, in their care for the safety of the citizen, as well as that for their own pro- tection, may declare by law what is neces- sary and proper to enable them to carry into execution the powers vested in them, and thereby liang uj) a rule for the inspec- tion of all, which may direct the conduct of the citizen, and at the same time test the judgments they shall themselves pro- nounce in their own case.] Privilege from arrest takes place by force of the election ; and before a return be made a member elected may be named of a committee, and is to every extent a member except that he cannot vote until he is sworn. Memur., 107, lOH, JfEwes, (548, col. 2 ; 643, col. 1.' Pd. Miscd. Pari., 119. Lex. Pari, c. 23. 2 Hafs., 22, 62. I'^very man nuist, at his peril, take no- tice who are members of either House BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, 25 returned of record. Lex. Pari., 23; 4 Inst., 24. On complaint of a breach of privilege, the party may either be summoned, or sent for in custody of the sergeant. 1 Grey, 88, 95. The privilege of a member is the privilege of the House. If the member waive it without leave, it is a ground for punishing him, but cannot in effect waive the privilege of the House. 3 Grey, 140, 222. For any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. Const. U. S., I, 6 ; »S'. P. pro- test of the Commons to James I, 1G21 ; 2 Rapin, No. 54, pp. 211, 212. But this is restrained to things done in the House in a parliamentary course. 1 Rush., 663. For he is not to have privilege contra morem parliamentarium, to exceed the bounds and limits of his place and duty. Com. p. If an offence be committed by a member in the House, of which the House has cognizance, it is an infringement of their right for any person or court to take notice of it, till the House has punished the oflender, or referred him to a due course. Lex. Parl.,Q'i. Privilege is in the power of the House, and is a restraint to the proceedings of inferior courts, but not of the House itself. 2 Nalson, 450 ; 2 Grey, 399. For whatever is spoken in the House is subject to the censure of the House ; and offenses of this kind have been severely punished by call- ing the person to the bar to make submis- sion, commiting him to the tower, ex- pelling the House, &c. Scoh., 72 ; L. Pari., c. 22. It is a breach of order for the Speaker to refuse to put a question which is in or- der. 1 Hats., 175-6 ; 5 Grey, 133. And even in cases of treason, felony, and breach of the peace, to which privilege does not extend as to substance, yet in Parliament a member is privileged as to the mode of proceeding. The case is first to be laid before the House, that it may judge of the fact and of the grounds of the accusation, and how far forth the man- ner of the trial may concern their privi- lege; otherwise it would be in the power of other branches of the government, and even of every private man, under pre- tenses of treason, &c., to take any man from his services in the House, and so, as many, one afler another, as would make the House what he pleaseth. Dec. of the Com, on the King's declaring Sir John Hotham a traitor. 4 Rushw., 586. So, when a member stood indicted for felony, it was adjudged that he ought to remain of the House till conviction ; for it may be any man's case, who is guiltless, to be accused and indicted of felony or the like crime. 23 EL, 1580 ; D'Ewes, 283, col. 1 • Lex Pari., 133. When it is found necessary for the pub- lic service to put a niL-mber under arrest, or when, on any public inquiry, matter comes out which may lead to affect the person of a mcml)er, it is the practice im- mediately to actpiaint the H(juse, tiiatthey may know the reason for such a jiroceed- ing, and take such steps as they think proper. 2 7/rt^.s., 259. Of which see many exami)les. lb., 256, 257, 258. But the comnuinication is subsequent to the arrest. 1 lUackst., 167. It is highly expedient, says Hatsel, for the due preservation of the privileges of the sejiaratc branches of the legislature, that neither should encroach on the other, or interfere in any matter depending be- fore them, so as to preclude, or even in- fluence, that freedom of debate which is essential to a free council. They are, therefore, not to take notice of any bills or other matters depending, or of votes that have been given, or of speeches which have been held, by the members of either of the other branches of the legislature, until the same have been communicated to them in the usual parliamentarv man- ner. 2 Hats., 252 ; 4 Inst., 15 ; Seld. Jiid., 53. Thus the King's taking notice of the bill for suppressing soldiers, depending before the House ; his proposing a pro- visional clause for a bill before it was presented to him by the two Houses ; his expressing displeasure against some persons for matters moved in Parlianicnt dur- ing the debate and preparation of a bill, were breaches of privilege ; 2 Salson, 743; and in 1788, December 17, it was declared a breach of fundamental privileges, &c., to report any opinion or pretended opinion of the King on any bill or proceeding de- pending in either House of Parliament, with a view to influence the votes of the members. 2 Hats., 251, 6. SEC. IV. — ELECTIONS. [The times, places, and manner of hold- ing elections for Senators and Re])resenta- tives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. Const., 1, 4. [Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members. Const., I, 5.] SEC. V. — QUALIFICATIOXS. [The Senate of the United Stares shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof for six years, and each Senator shall have one vote.] [Immediately after they shall be assem- bled in consequence of the first election, 26 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ir. they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Sena- tors of the first class shall be vacated at the end of the second year ; of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year ; and of the third class at the expiration of ; the sixth year ; so that one-third may be I chosen every second year ; and if vacan- , cies happen", by resignation or otherwise, , during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. Const., I, 3.] 1 [No person shall be a Senator who shall j not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. Const. I, 3.] [The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Le- gislature. Const., I, 2.] [Xo person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Const., I,2.J [Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers; which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- ing those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, "three-filths of all other persons. The ac- tual enumeration shall be made within three .years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not ex- exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Repre- .sentative. Const., I, 2.] [When vacancies happen in the repre- sentation from any State, the executive authority thereof sliall issue writs of elec- tion to fill su(!h vacancies. Const., I, 2.] [No Sen.itor or Representative shall, during the time for wliich ho was elected, be ajjpointed to any civil ofhce under the authority of the TTnited States which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof sliull have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his con- tinuance in office. Const., I, G.J SEC. VI. — QUORUM. [A majority of each House shall consti- tute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. Const., I, 5.] In general the chair is not to be taken till a quorum for business is present ; un- less, after due waiting, such a quorum be despaired of, when the chair may be taken and the House adjourned. And whenever, during business, it is observed that a quorum is not present, any member may call for the House to be counted, and being found deficient, business is suspended. 2 Hats., 125, 126. [The President having taken the chair, and a quorum being present, the journal of the preceding day shall be read, to the end that any mistake may be corrected that shall have been made in the entries. Rules of the Senate.^ SEC. VII. — CALL OF THE HOUSE. On a call of the House, each person rises up as he is called, and answereth; the absentees are then only noted, but no excuse to be made till the House be fully called over. Then the absentees are called a second time, and if still absent, excuses are to be heard. Ord. House of Commons, 92. They rise that their persons may be recognized ; the voice, in such a crowd, being an insufficient verification of their presence. But in so small a body as the Senate of the United States, the trouble of rising cannot be necessary. Orders for calls on different days may subsist at the same time. 2 Hats., 72. SEC. VIII. — ABSENCE. [No member shall absent himself from the service of the Senate without leave of the Senate first obtained. And in case a less number than a quorum of the Senate shall convene, they are hereby authorized to send the Sergeant-at-Arms, or any other person or persons by them authorized, for any or all absent members, as the majority of such members present shall agree, at the expense of such absent members, re- spectively, unless such excuse for non-at- tendance shall be made as the Senate, when a quorum is convened, shall judge sufHcicnt : and in that case the exjiense shall be paid out of the contingent fund. And this rule shall apply as well to the first convention of the Senate, at the legal time of meeting, as to each day of the session, alter th(; hour is arrived to which the Senate stood adjourned. Ihdc 8.J SEC. IX. — SPEAK Ii;R. [The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but BOOK IT.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 27 shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. Conatituiion, I, 3.] [The Senate shall choose their officers, and also a President ^^ro tempore in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. lb.] [Tiie House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers. Const., I, 2. 1 When but one person is proposed, and no objection made, it has not been usual in Parliament to put any question to the House ; but witliout a question the mem- bers proposinj^ him conduct him to the chair. But if there be objection, or another proposed, a question is put by the Clerk. 2 Hats., 158. As are also questions of ad- journment. 6 Grey, 406. Where the House debated and exchanged messages and an- swers with the King for a week without a Speaker, till they were prorogued. They have done it de die in diem for fourteen davs. 1 Chand., 331, 335. [in the Senate, a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, is proposed and chosen by ballot. Ilis office IS understood to be determined on the Vice-President's appearing and taking the chair, or at the meeting of the Senate after the first recess. ) Where the Speaker has been ill, other Speakers pro tempore\ia.\e been appointed. Instances of this are 1 H., A. Sir John Chevney, and Sir William Sturton, and in 15 H., (>. Sir John Tyrrel, in 1650, Jan- uary 27 ; 1658, March 9 ; 1659, January 13. Sir Job Charl- ton ill, Sevmour chosen, 16 7 3, February 18, Seymour being ill, Sir Robert Sawver chosen, 1678, April 15. Sawyer being ill, Seymour cho- sen. Thorpe in execution, a new Speaker chosen, 31 H. VI, 3 ffrei/, 11 ; and March 14, 1694, Sir John Trevor chosen. There have been no later instances. 2 Hats., 161 ; 4 Inst. 8 ; L. Pari, 263. A Speaker may be removed at the will of the House, and a Speaker pro tempore appointed. 2 Grey, 186 ; 5 Grey, 134. SEC. X. — ADDRESS. [The President shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their con- sideration such measures as he shall jiulge necessary and expedient. Const., II, 3.] A joint address of both Houses of Par- liament is read by the Speaker of the House of Lords. It may be attended by both Houses in a body, or by a committee Not merely ^ro tempore. 1 CAaMd,169,276,277. from each House, or by the two Speakers only. An address of the House of Com- mons only may be presented by the wlnjle House, or by the Speaker, 9 Grey, 473 ; 1 Chandler, 298, 301 ; or by such particular members as are of the privy council. 2 Hats., 278. SEC. XI. — COMMITTEES. Standing committees, as of Privileges and Elections, &c., are usually apj)ointed at the first meeting, to continue through the session. The person first named is generally permitted to act as chairman. But this is a matter of courtesy ; every committee having a right to elect their own chairman, who presides over them, puts questions, and reports their proceedings to the House. 4 Inst., 11, 12; Scoh., 9; 1 Grey, 122. At these committees the members are to speak standing, and not sitting; though there is reason to conjecture it was for- merlv otherwise. D' Ewes, 630, col. 1 ; 4 Pari, Hist., 440 ; 2 Hats., 77. Their proceedings are not to be pub- lished, as they are of no force till confirmed by the House, liushw., j^c-^'t 3, vol. 2, 74 ; 3 Grey, 401 ; Scoh., 39. Nor can they re- ceive a petition but through the Ilouse. 9 Grey, 412. When a committee is charged with an inquiry, if a member jirove to be involved, they cannot proceed against him, but nuist make a special report to the House ; where- upon the member is heard in his i)lace, or at the bar, or a special authority is given to the committee to inquire concerning him. 9 Grey, 523. So soon as the House sits, and a commit- tee is notified of it, the chairman is in duty bound to rise instantly, and the members to attend the service of the House. 2 Nals., 319. It appears that on joint committees of the Lords anrl Commons, each committee acted integrally in the following instances: 7 Grey, 26\ 278, 285, 338 ; 1 Chandler, 357, 462. In tlie following instances it does not appear whether they did or not ; 6 Grey, 129 ; 7 Grey, 213, 229, 321. SEC. XII. — COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE. The speech, messages, and other matters of great concernment, are usually referred to a committee of the Whole House, (6 Grey, 311,) where general principles are digested in the form of resolutions, which are debated and amended till they get in- to a shape which meets the apjirobation of a majority. These being reported and confirmed by the House, are then referred to one or more select committees, accord- ing as the subject divides itself into one or more bills. Scoh., 36, 44. Propositions I for any charge on the people are especial- , ly to be first made in a Committee of the 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. Whole. 3 Hais., 127. The sense of the ' whole is better taken in committee, be- cause in all committees every one speaks as often as he pleases. Scob., 49. They generally acquiesce in the chairman named by the Speaker ; but, as well as all other committees, have a right to elect one, some member, by consent, putting the question. Scob., 36 ; 3 Grei/, 301. The form of go- ing from the House into committee, is for the Speaker, on motion, to put the ques- tion that the House do now resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole to take in- to consideration such a matter, naming it. If determined in the affirmative, he leaves the chair and takes a seat elsewhere, as any other member ; and the person ap- pointed chairman seats himself at the Clerk's table. /Sco6.,'36. Their quorum is the same as that of the House ; and if a defect happens, the chairman, on a motion and question, rises, the Sj^eaker resumes the chair, and the chairman can make no other report than to inform the House of the cause of their dissolution. If a mes- sage is announced during a committee, the Speaker takes the chair and receives it, because the committee cannot. 2 Hats., 125, 126. In a Committee of the "\^Tiole, the tel- lers on a division differing as to numbers, great heats and confusion arose, and dan- ger of a decision by the sword. The Speaker took the chair, the mace was forcibly laid on the table ; whereupon, the members retiring to their places, the Speaker told the House "he had taken the chair without an order, to bring the House into order." Some excepted against it ; but it was generally approved, as the only expedient to suppress the disorder. And every member was required, standing up in his place, to engage that he would proceed no further in consequence of what had happened in the grand committee, which was done. 3 Grey, 128. A Committee of the Whole being broken up in disorder, and the chair resumed by the Speaker without an order, the House was adjourned. The next day the com- mittee was considered as thereby dis- solved, and the subject again before the House ; and it was decided in the House, without returning into committee. 3 Grey, 130. No previous question can be put in a committee ; nor can this committee ad- journ as others may; but if their business is unfinished, they rise, on a (juestion, the House is resumed, and the chairman re- ports that the Committee of tlic Whole nave, according to order, had un(k>r their consideration such a matter, and have made progress therein ; l)ut not having had time to go through the same, have directed him to ask leave to sit again. AVhereupon a question is put on their having leave, and on the time the House will again resolve itself into a committee. Scob., 38. But if they have gone through the matter referred to them, a member moves that the committee may rise, and the chairman report their proceedings to the House ; which being resolved, the chairman rises, the Speaker resumes the chair, the chairman informs him that the committee have gone through the business referred to them, and that he is ready to make report when the House shall think proper to receive it. If the House have time to receive it, there is usually a cry of " now, now," whereupon he makes the re- port ; but if it be late, the cry is " to-mor- row, to-morrow," or " Monday," &c., or a motion is made to that effect, and a ques- • tion put that it be received to-morrow, &c. Scob., 38. In other things the rules of proceeding are to be the same as in the House. Scob., 39. SEC. XIII. — EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES. Common fame is a good ground for the House to proceed by inquiry, and even to accusation. Resolution House of Commons, 1 Car. 1, 1625; Rush, L. Pari,, 115; 1 Grey, 16-22, 92 ; 8 Grey, 21, 23, 27, 45. Witnesses are not to be produced but where the House has previously instituted an inquiry, 2 Hats., 102, nor then are orders for their attendance given blank. 3 Grey, 51. When any person is examined before a committee, or at the bar of the House, any member wishing to ask the person a ques- tion, must address 'it to the Speaker or chairman, who repeats the question to the person, or says to him, " You hear the question — answer it." But if the pro- priety of the question be objected to, the Speaker directs the witness, counsel, and parties to withdraw ; for no question can be moved or put or debated while they are there. 2 Hats., 108. Sometimes the ques- tions are previously settled in writing be- fore the witness enters. lb., 106, 107 ; 8 Grey, 64. The questions asked must be entered in the journals. 3 Grey, 81. But the testimony given in answer before the House is never written down ; but before a committee, it must be, for the informa- tion of the House, who are not present to hear it. 7 Grey, 52, 334. If either House have occasion for the presence of a person in custody of the other, they ask the other their leave that he may be brought up to them in custody. 3 Hats., 52. A member, in his place, gives informa- tion to the House of what he knows of anv matter un(h'r hearing at the bar. Jour. Hnf C, Jan. 22, 1744-5. Either House may request, but not com- mand, the attendance of a member of the BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 29 other. They are to make the request bj' message of the other House, and to ex- press clearly the purpose of attendance, that no improi)or subject of examination may be tendered to him. The House then gives leave to the member to attend, if he choose it ; waiting first to know from the member himself whether he chooses to attend, till which they do not take the message into consideration. But when the peers are sitting as a court of criminal judicature, they may order attendance, unless where it be a case of impeachment by the Commons. There, it is to be a re- quest. 3 Hats., 17 ; 9 Grey, 306, 406 ; 10 Grey, 133. Counsel are to be heard only on private, not on public bills, and on such points of law only as the House shall direct. 10 Grey, 61. 8EC. XIV. — ARRANGEMENT OF BUSINESS. The Speaker is not precisely bound to any rules as to what bills or other matter shall be first taken up ; but it is left to his own discretion, unless the House on a question decide to' take up a particular subject. Hakew., 136. A settled order of business is, however, necessary for the government of the pre- siding person, and to restrain individual members from calling up favorite measures, or matters under their special ])atronage, out of their just turn. It is useful also for directing the discretion of the House, when they are moved to take up a particular matter, to the prejudice of others, having priority of right to their attention in the general order of business. [ In the Senate, the bills and other papers which are in possession of the House, and in a state to be acted on, are arranged every morning and brought on ia the fol- lowing order :] [1. Bills ready for a second reading are read, that they may be referred to commit- tees, and so be put under way. But if, on their being read, no motion is made for commitment, they are then laid on the table in the general file, to be taken up in their just turn.] [2. After 12 o'clock, bills ready for it are put on their passage.] [3. Reports in possession of the House, which otter grounds for a bill, are to be taken up, that the bill may be ordered in.] [4. Bills or other matters before the House, and unfinished on the preceding day, whether taken up in turn or on special order, are entitled to be resumed and passed on through their present stage.] [5. These matters being dispatched, for preparing and expediting business, the general file of bills and other papers is then taken up, and each article of it is brought on according to its seniority, reck- oned by the date of its first introduction to the House. Reports on bills belong to the dates of their bills.] [The arrangement of the business of the Senate is now as follows:]* 1. JNIotions previously submitted.] 2. Rci)orts of committees previously made.] [3. Bills from the House of Representa- tives, and those introduced on leave, which have been read the first time, are read the second time; and if not referred to a com- mittee, are considered in Committee of the Whole, and proceeded with as in other cases.] [4. After twelve o'clock, engrossed bills of the Senate, and bills of the House of Representatives, on third reading, are put on their passage.] [5. If the above are finished before one o'clock, the general file of bills, consisting of those reported from committees on the second reading, and those reported from committees after having been referred, are taken up in the order in which they were reported to the Senate by the respective committees.] [6. At one o'clock, if no business be pending, or if no motion be made to pro- ceed to other business, the special ordera are called, at the head of which stands the unfinished business of the preceding day.] [In this way we do not waste our time in debating what shall be taken up. We do one thing at a time ; follow up a sub- ject while it is fresh, and till it is done with ; clear the House of business grada- tim as it is brought on, and prevent, to a certain degree, its immense accumulation toward the close of the session.] [Arrangement, however, can only take hold of matters in possession of the House. New matter may be moved at any time when no question is before the House. Such are original motions and reports on bills. Such are bills from the other House, which are received at all times, and receive their first reading as soon as the question then before the House is disposed of; and bills brought in on leave, which are read first whenever presented. So messages from the other House respecting amend- ments to bills are taken up as soon as the House is clear of a question, unless they require to be printed, for better considera- tion. Orders of the day may be called for even when another question is before the House.] SEC. XV. — ORDER. [Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings ; punish its members for disorderly behavior; and, with the con- currence of two-thirds, expel a member, Connt., I. 5.] In Parliament, " instances make order," * This arrangement la changed by the 8th rule. 30 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. per Speaker Onslow, 2 Hats., 141. But what is done only by one Parliament, can- not be called custom of Parliament, by Prynne. 1 Grey, 52. SEC. XVI. — ORDER RESPECTING PAPERS. The Clerk is to let no journals, records, accounts, or papers be taken from the table or out of his custody. 2 Huts., 193, 194. Mr. Primne, having at a Committee of the Whole amended a mistake in a bill without order or knowledge of the com- mittee, was reprimanded. 1 Chand., 77. A bill being missing, the House resolved that a protestation should be made and subscribed by the members "before Al- mighty God, and this honorable House, that neither myself, nor any other to my knowledge, have taken away, or do at this present conceal a bill entitled," &c. 5 Grey, 202. After a bill is engrossed, it is put into the Speaker's hands, and he is not to let any one have it to look into. Town, col., 209. SEC. XVII. — ORDER IN DEBATE. When the Speaker is seated in his chair, every member is to sit in his place. Scab., 6 ; Grey, 40.3. When any member means to speak, he is to stand up in his place, uncovered, and to address himself, not to the House, or any particular member, but to the Speaker, who calls him by his name, that the House may take notice who it is that speaks. Scoh., 6; D'Ewes, 487, col. 1 ; 2 Hats., 77 ; 4 Grey, ()6 ; 8 Grey, 108. But members who are indisposed may be indulged to speak sitting. 2 Hats., 75, 77 ; 1 Grey, 143. [In Senate, every member, when he speaks, shall address the Chair standing in his place, and, when he has finished, shall sit down. Rule 3.] When a member stands up to speak, no question is to be put, but he is to be heard, unless the House overrule him. 4 Grey, 390 ; 5 Grey, 6, 143. If two or more rise to speak nearly to- gether, the Speaker determines who was first up, and calls him by name, whereupon he proceeds, unless he voluntarily sits down and gives way to the other. But some- times the House docs not acquiesce in the Speaker's decision, in which case the ques- tion is put, " wliich member was first up ?" 2 Hats., 76 ; Srob., 7 ; D'Eives, 434, col. 1, 2. [In the Senate of the United States, the President's decision is without appeal. Their rule is : IV/im fico members rise afjhe same time, the /'resident shall name the per- son to speak ; but in all cases the member who shall first rise and address the Chair shall s[)oak first. Rvle 38.) No man may speak more than once on the same bill on the same day ; or even on another day, if tlie debate be adjourned. But if it be read more than once in the same day, he may speak once at every read- ing. €"0., 12, 11.5; Hakew.,\A^; iScob., 58; 2 Hats., 75. Even a change of opinion does not give a right to be heard a second time. Smyth'' s Comw. L. 2, c. 3; Arcan. Pari., 17. [The corresponding rule of the Senate is in these words : No member shall speak more than twice, in any one debate, on the same dav, without leave of the Senate. Rtile 39.f But he may be permitted to speak again to clear a matter of fact, 3 Grey, 357, 416 ; or merely to explain himself 2 Hats., 73, in some material part of his speech, lb., 75; or to the manner or words of the question, keeping himself to that only, and not traveling into the merits of it. Memorials in Hakew., 29 ; or to the orders of the House if they be transgressed, keeping with- in that line, and not falling into the matter itself. Mem. Hakew., 30, 31. But if the Speaker rise to speak, the mem- ber standing up ought to sit down, that he may be first heard. Toicn., col. 205 ; Hale Pari, 133 ; iMem. in Hakew., 30, 31. Never- theless, though the Speaker may of right speak to matters of order, and be first heard, he is restrained from speaking on any other subject, except where the House have occasion for facts within his know- ledge ; then he may, with their leave, state tlic matter of fact. 3 Grey, 38. No one is to speak impertinently or be- side the question, superfluous, or tediously. Scob., 31, 33 ; 2 Hats., 160, 168 ; Hale Pari, 133. No person is to use indecent language against the proceedings of the House ; no prior determination of which is to be re- flected on by any niembei", unless he means to conclude with a motion to rescind it. 2 Hats., 169, 170; Rnshw., jy. 3, v. 1, fol. 42. But while a proposition under considera- tion is still injicri, though it has even been reported by a committee, reflections on it are no reflections on the House. 9 Grey, 608. No person, in speaking, is to mention a member then present by his name, but to describe him by his seat in the House, or who spoke last, or on the other side of the question, &c., Mem, in Hakew., 3; Smythh Comw., L. 2, c. 8; nor to digress from the mat- ter to fall upon the person Scob., 31 ; Hale Parl.,Vi^^•, 2 //(fif/.s., 166 by speaking, revil- ing, nipping, or unmannerly words against a particular member. Smyth's Comw., L. 2, c. 3. The consequences of a measure m.ay be reprobated in strong terms; but to arraign the motives of those who propose to advocate it is a personality, and against order. Qui dif/reditur a materia ad perso- nam, Mr. Speaker ought to suppress. Ord. Com., 1604, Apr. 19. [When a member shall be called to BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 31 order by the President or a Senator, he .shall sit down ; and every (juestion of order shall be decided by the President, witbout debate, subject to an ajipeal to the Senate ; and the President may call for the sense of the Senate on any question of order. Rule 40. 1 [No member shall speak to another or otherwise interrupt the business of tlu' Seiuite, or read any newspupers while the journals or public papers are being read, or when any member is speaking in any debate. Rule 38. J No one is to disturb another in his speech by hissing, coughing, spitting, 6 Grey, 382; ticoh., 8; If Ewes, 332, col. 1, 640, col. 2, speaking or whispering to an- other, Scab., 6 ; D' Ewes, 487, col. 1 ; nor stand up to interrupt him. Town., col. 205 ; Mem. in Hakeiv., 31 ; nor to pass between the Speaker and the speaking men^ber, nor to go across the House, iSV-o6., (J, to walk up and down it, or to take books or papers Irom the table or write there, 2 Hats., 171. Nevertheless, if a member finds that it is not the inclination of the House to hear him, and that by conversation or any other noise they endeavor to drown his voice, it is his most prudent way to submit to the pleasure of the House, and sit down ; for it scarcely ever happens that they are guilty of this piece of ill-manners without suffi- cient reason, or inattentive to a member who savs anything worth their hearing. 2 Hats., 77, 78. If repeated calls do not produce order, the Speaker may call by his name any member obstinately persisting in irregu- larity ; whereupon the House may require the member to withdraw. He is then to l)e heard in exculpation, and to withdraw. Then the Speaker states the offense com- mitted ; and the House considers the de- gree of punishment they will inflict. 2 Hats., 167, 7, 8, 172. For instances of assaults and affrays in the House of Commons, and the proceed- ings thereon, see 1 Pet. Misc., 82; 3 Gre>/, 128; 4 Grei/, 328 ; 5 Gre;/, 382 ; 6 Gre;/, 254 ; 10 Gre;/, 8. Whenever warm words or an assault have passed between members, the House, for the protection of their members, requires them to declare in their places not to prosecute any quarrel, 3 Grei/, 128, 293 ; 5 Grei/, 280 ; or orders them to attend the Speaker, who is to accommodate their dif- ferences, and report to the House, 3 Gretj, 419 ; and they are put under restraint if they refuse, or until they do. 9 Grey, 234, 312. Disorderly works are not to be noticed till the member has finished his speech. 5 Grey, 356 ; 6 Grey, 60. Then the person objecting to them, and desiring them to be taken down by the Clerk at the table, must repeat them. The Speaker then may di- rect the Clerk to take them down in his minutes; but if he thinks them not disor- derly, he delays the direction. If the call becomes pretty general, he orders the Clerk to take them down, as stated by tlie olyect- ing meml)er. They are then a part of his minutes, and when read to the odending meni1)er, he may deny they were his words, and the House nnistthcn decide by aques- tion whether they are his words or not. Then the memlier may justify them, or ex- plain the sense in which he used them, or apologize. If the House is satisfied, no further proceeding is necessary. But if two members still insist to take the sense of the House, the mend)er must withdraw be- fore that question is stated, and then the sense of the House is to be taken. 2 Hats., 199; 4 Grey, 170 ; 6 Grey, 59. When any member has spoken, or other business in- tervened, after offensive words spoken, they cannot be taken notice of for censure. And this is for the commf)n security of all, and to prevent mistakes which must hap- pen if words are not taken down immedi- ately. Formerly they might be taken down at any time the same day. 2 Hats, 196 ; Mem. in Hakew., 71 ; 3 Grey, 48 ; 9 Grey, 514. Disorderly words spoken in a committee must be written down as in the House; but the committee can only report them to the House for animadversion. 6 Grey, 46. [The rule of the Senate says : If the member be called to order by a Senator for words spoken, the exception.able words shall immediately be taken down in writ- ing, that the President may be better able to judge of the matter. Rule 37.] In Parliament, to speak irreverently or seditiously against the King, is against order, SmyWs Comic, L. 2, c. 3; 2 Hats., 170. It is a breach of order in debate to no- tice what has been said on the same sub- ject in the other House, or the particular votes or majorities on it there; because the opinion of each House should be left to its own independency, not to be influenced by the proceedings of the other; and the quoting them might beget reflections lead- ing to a misunderstanding between the two Houses. 2 Grey, 22. Neither House can exercise any author- ity over a member or officer of the other, but should complain to the House of which he is, and leave the punishment to them. Where the complaint is of words disresjiect- fully spoken by a member of another House, it is difficult to obtain punishment, because of the rules supposed necessary to be observed (as to the immediate noting down of words) for the security of mem- bers. Therefore it is the duty of the House, and more particularly of the Speaker, to interfere immediately, and not to permit expressions to go unnoticed 32 'AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. which may give a ground of complaint to the other House, and introduce proceed- ings and mutual accusations between the two Houses, which can hardly be termi- nated without difficulty and disorder. 3 Hats., 51. No member may be present when a bill or any business concerning himself is de- bating ; nor is any member to speak to the merits of it till he withdraws. 2 Hats., 219. The rule is, that if a charge against a mem- ber arise out of a report of a committee, or examination of witnesses in the House, as the member knows from that to what points he is to direct his exculpation, he may be heard to those points before any question is moved or stated against him. He is then to be heard, and withdraw be- fore any question is moved. But if the question itself is the charge, as for breach of order or matter arising in the debate, then the charge must be stated, (that is, the question must be moved,) himself heard, and then to withdraw. 2 Hats., 121, 122. Where the private interests of a member are concerned in a bill or question he is to withdraw. And where such an interest has appeared, his voice has been disal- lowed, even after a division. In a case so contrary, not only to the laws of decency, but to the fundamental principle of the social compact, which denies to any man to be a judge in his own cause, it is for the honor of the House that this rule of immemorial observance should be strictlv adhered to. 2 Hats., 119, 121 ; 6 Greij, 368. No memlier is to come into the House with his head covered, nor to remove from one place to another with his hat on, nor is he to put on his hat in coming in or re- moving, until lic be set down in his place. Scoh., G. A question of order may be adjourned to give time to look into precedents. 2 Hats., lis. In Parliament, all decisions of the Speaker mav be controlled by the House. 3 Grey, 319.' 8EC. XVIII. — ORDERS OF THE HOUSE. Of right, the door of the House ought not to be sluit, but to be kept by porters, or Sergcants-at-Arms, assigned for that purpose. Mod. ten. Pari., 23. flJy the rules of the Senate, on motion made and seconded to sbut the doors of the Senate on the discussion of any busi- ness which may, in the opinion of a mem- ber, require secrecy, the President shall direct tne gallerj' to be cleared ; and dur- ing the discussion of surh motion the doors shall remain shut. Rule 04.] [No motion shall be deemed in order to admit any person or persons whatsoever within the doora of the Senate chamber to present any petition, memorial, or address, or to hear any such read. Rule 19.] The only case where a member has a right to insist on anything, is where he calls for the execution ot a subsisting order of the Plouse. Here, there having been already a resolution, any person has a right to insist that the Speaker, or any other whose duty it is, shall carry it into execution ; and no debate or delay can be had on it. Thus any member has a right to have the House or gallery cleared of strangers, an order existing for that pur- pose ; or to have the House told when there is not a quorum present. 2 Hats., 87, 129. How far an order of the House is binding, see Hakeio., 392. But where an order is made that any particular matter be taken up on a par- ticular day, there a question is to be put, when it is called for, whether the House will now proceed to that matter? Where orders of the day are on important or in- teresting matter, they ought not to be pro- ceeded on till an hour at which the House is usually full, [ichich in Senate is at noon.] Orders of the day may be discharged at anv time, and a new one made for a differ- ent day. 3 Grej/, 48, 313. Wlien a session is drawing to a close, and the important bills are all brought in, the House, in order to prevent interrupt tion by further unimportant bills, some^ times comes to a resolution that no new bill be brought in, except it be sent from the other House. 3 Grey, 156. All orders of the House determine with the session ; and one taken under such an order may, after the session is ended, be discharged on a habeas corpus. Raym., 120; JacoVs L. D. by Rvffhead ; Farlia- ment, 1 Lev., 165, Frit chard's case. [Where the Constitution authorizes each House to determine the rules of its pro- ceedings, it must mean in those cases (legislative, executive, or judiciary) sub- mitted to them by the Constitution, or in something relating to these, and necessary toward their execution. But orders and resolutions are sometimes entered in the journals having no relation to these, such as acceptances of invitations to attend ora- tions, to take part in processions, &c. These must be understood to be merely conventional among those who are willing to participate in the ceremony, and are therefore, perhaps, improperly placed among the records of the House.] BEC. XIX. — PETITION. A petition prays something. A remon- strance has no pr.iyer. 1 Grey, 58. Petitions must be subscribed by the petitioners, Scob., 87 ; L. Pari, c. 22 ; 9 Grej/, 362, unless they are attending, 1 Orey, 401, or unable to sign, and averred BOOK IV.] JEFF.ERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, 33 by a member, 3 Grey, 418. But a petition not subscribed, but which the member E resenting it affirmed to be all in the andwriting of the petitioner, and hi.s name written in the beginning, was on the question (March 14, 1800) received by the Senate. The averment of a member, or of somebody without doors, that they know the handwriting of the petitioners, is necessary, if it be questioned. 6 Grcij, 36. It must be presented by a member — not by the petitioners, and must be opened by him holding it in liis hand. 10 Orey, /37. [Before any petition or memorial ad- dressed to the Senate shall be received and read at the table, whether the same shall be introduced by the President or a member, a brief statement of the contents of the petition or memorial shall verbally be made by the introducer. liuU 14. J Regularly a motion for receiving it must be made and seconded, and a question put, whether it shall be received? but a cry from the House of " received," or even its silence, dispenses with the formality of this question. It is then to be read at the table and disposed of. SEC. XX. — MOTIONS. When a motion has been made, it is not to be put to the question or debated until it is seconded. Scob., 21. [The Senate says: No motion shall be debated until the same shall be seconded. Rule 42.] It is then, and not till then, in possess- ion of the House, and cannot be withdrawn but by leave of the House. It is to be put into writing, if the House or Speaker re- quire it, and must be read to the House by the Speaker as often as any member de- sires it for his information. 2 Hats., 82. [The rule of the Senate is, when a mo- tion shall be made- and seconded, it shall be reduced to writing, if desired by the President or any member, delivered in at the table, and read by the President, be- fore the same shall be debated. Ihde 42.] It might be asked whether a motion for adjournment or for the orders of the day can be made by one member while anoth- er is speaking? It cannot. When two members offer to »])eak, he who rose first is to be heard, and it is a breach of order in another to interrupt him, unless by calling him to order if he departs from it. And the question of order being decided, he is still to be heard through. A call for adjournment, or for the order of the day, or for the question, by gentlemen from their seats, is not a motion. No motion can be made without rising and address- ing the Chair. Such calls are themselves breaches of order, which, though the mem- ber who has risen may respect, as an ex- pression of impatience of the House against further debate, yet, if he chooses, he has a right to go on. SEC. XXI. — RESOLUTIONS. When the House commands, it is by an "order." But fact, principles, and their own opinions and purposes, are expressed in the form of resolutions. I A resolution for an allowance of money to the clerks being moved, it wa.s objected to as not in order, and so ruled by the Chair ; but on appeal to the Senate, [i. e., a call for their sense by the President, oa account of doubt in his mind, according to Rule 6,) the decision was overruled. Joxtr. Senate, June 1, 1796. I presume the doubt was, whether an allowance of money could be made otherwise than by bill.] SEC. XXII. — BILLS. [Every bill shall receive three readings previous to its being passed ; and the Pres- ident shall give notice at each whether it be first, second, or third ; which readings shall be on three different days, unless the Senate unanimously direct otherwise. Rule 23.] SEC. XXIII. — BILLS, LEAVE TO BRING IN, [One day's notice, at least, shall be given of an intended motion for leave to bring in a bill. Rule 22.] When a member desires to bring in a bill on any subject, he states to the House in general terms tlie causes for doing it, and concludes by moving for leave to bring in a bill, entitled, &c. Leave being given, on the question, a committee is ap- pointed to prepare and bring in the bill. The mover and seconder are always ap- pointed of this committee, and one or more in addition. Ilakew., 132 ; Scob., 40. It is to be presented fairly written, with- out any erasure or interlineation, or the Speaker may refuse it. Scob., 41 ; 1 Grey, 82, 84. SEC. XXIV. — BILLS, FIRST READING. When a bill is first presented, the Clerk reads it at the table, and hands it to the Speaker, who, rising, states to the House the title of the bill ; that this is the first time of reading it ; and the question will be, whether it shall be read a second time? then sitting down to give an opening for objections. If none be made, he rise-s again, and puts the question, whether it shall be read a second time? Hakeu\ 137, 141. A bill cannot be amended on the first reading, 6 Grey, 286 ; nor is it usual for it to be opposed then, but it may be done, and rejected. UEwes, 335, col. 1 ; 3 Hats., 198. SEC. XXV. — BILLS, SECOND READING. The second reading must regularly be on another day. Hakew., 143. It is done by 34 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. the Clerk at the table, who then hands it to the Speaker. The Speaker, rising, states to the House the title of the bill ; that this is the second time of reading it; and that the question will be, whether it shall be committed, or engrossed and read a third time ? But if the bill came from tjie other House, as it always comes engrossed, he states that the question will be read a third time ? and before he has so reported the state of the bill, no one is to speak to it. Hakew., 143-146. [In the Senate of the United States, the President reports the title of the bill ; that this is the second time of reading it ; that it is now to be considered as in a Commit- tee of the Whole ; and the question will be, whether it shall be read a third time ? or that it may be referred to a special committee ?] SEC. XXVI. — BILLS, COMMITMENT. If on motion and question it be decided that the bill shall be committed, it may then be moved to be referred to Commit- tee of the Whole House, or to a special committee. If the latter, the Speaker pro- ceeds to name the committee. Any mem- ber also may name a single person, and the Clerk is to write him down as of the committee. But the House have a con- trolling power over the names and num- ber, if a question be moved against any one ; and may in any case put in and put out whom they please. Those who take exceptions to some par- ticulars in the bill are to be of the com- mittee, but none who speak directly against the body of the bill; for he that would totally destroy will not amend it, Hakev\, 146 ; Town., col. 208 ; D'Ewes, 634, col. 2 ; tScob., 47, or, as is said, 5 Grey, 145, the child is not to be put to a nurse that cares not for it, 6 Grey, 373. It is therefore a con- stant rule " that no man is to be employed in any matter who has declared himself against it." And when any member who is against the bill hears himself named of its committee, he ought to ask to be ex- cused. Thus, March 7, 1606, Mr. Hadley was, on the question being put, excused from being of a committee, declaring him- self to be against the matter itself. Scab., 46. [No bill shall be committed or amended until it shuU have been twice read ; after which it may be referred to a committee. Rule 24. 1 [In the ai)[)ointmcnt of the standing committees, tlie Senate will ]>roceed, by ballot, severally to a])point the chairman of each cnmmittcf, and then, by one ballot, the other members necessary to coni])le1e the same; and a majority of tlie whole number of votes given shall be necessary to the choice of a cliairman of a standing committee. All other committees shall bo appointed by ballot, and a plurality of votes shall make a choice. When any subject or matter shall have been referred to a committee, any other subject or matter of a similar nature, may, on motion, be re- ferred to such committee. The Clerk may deliver the bill to any member of the committee. Town., col. 138 ; but it is usual to deliver it to him who is first named. , In some cases the House has ordered a committee to withdraw immediately into the committee chamber, and act on and bring back the bill, sitting the House, Scab., 48. A committee meet when and where they please, if the House has not ordered time and place for them, 6 Grey, 370 ; but they can only act when together, and not by separate consultation and con- sent — nothing being the report of the com- mittee but what has been agreed to in committee actually assembled. A majority of the committee constitutes a quorum for business. Elsynge's Method of Passing Bills, 11. Any member of the House may be present at any select committee, but can- not vote, and must give place to all of the committee, and sit below them. Elsynge, 12; *S'ro6., 49. The committee have full power over the bill or other paper committed to them, ex- cept that they cannot change the title or subject. 8 Grey, 228. The paper before a committee, whether select or of the whole, may be a bill, reso- lutions, draught of an address, &c., and it may either originate with them or be re- ferred to them. In every case the whole paper is read first by the Clerk, and then by the chairman, by paragraphs, Scob., 49, pausing at the end of each paragraph, and putting questions for amending, if pro- posed. In case of resolutions on distinct subjects, originating with themselves, a question is put on each separately, as amended or unamended, and no final ques- tion on the whole, 3 Hats., 276 ; but if they relate to the same subject, a question is put on the whole. If it be a bill, draught of an address, or other paper originating with them, they proceed by paragraphs, putting questions tor amending, either by insertion or striking out, if proposed ; but no question on agreeing to the paragraphs separately ; ibis is reserved to the close, when a question is put on the whole, for agreeing to it as amended or unamended, l^ut if it be a paper referred to them, they proceed to put questions of amendment, if ])ro])osed, but no final question on the whole; because all parts of the paper, hav- ing been adopted by the House, stand, of course, unless altered or struck out by a vote. Even if they are opjiosed to the whole paper, and think it cannot be made good by amendments, they cannot reject BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 35 it, but must report it back to the House without amenflments, and there make their ()p[)08ition. The natural order in considering and amending any paper is, to begin at the be- ginning, and proceed through it by para- graphs; and this order is so strictly ad- hered to in Parliament, that when a latter part has been amended, you cannot recur back and make any alteration in a former part. 2 Hata., 90. In numerous assem- blies this restraint is doubtless important. [But in the Senate of t)ie United States, though in the main we consider and amend the paragraphs in their natural order, yet recurrences are indulged ; and they seem, on the whole, in that small body, to pro- duce advantages overweighing their incon- veniences.] To this natural order of beginning at the beginning, there is a single exception found in parliamentary usage. When a bill is taken up in committee, or on its second reading, they postpone the pream- ble till the other parts of tlie bill arc gone through. The reason is, that on considera- tion of the body of the bill such alterations may therein be made as may also occasion the alteration of the preamble. Scob., 50 ; 7 Grey, 431. On this head the following case occurred in the Senate, March (5, 1800 : A resolution which had no preamble having been al- ready amended by the House so that a few words only of the original remained in it, a motion was made to prefix a preamble, which having an aspect very dilforent from the resolution, the mover intimated that he should afterwards propose a correspon- dent amendment in the body of the resolu- tion. It was objected that a preamble could not be taken up till the body of the resolution is done with ; but the preamble was received, because we are in fact through the body of the resolution ; we have amend- ed that as fiir as amendments have been offered, and, indeed, till little of the ori- ginal is left. It is the proper time, there- fore, to consider a preamble ; and whether the one offered be consistent with the re- solution is for the House to determine. The mover, indeed, has intimated that he shall offer a subsequent projjosition for the body of the resolution ; but the House is not in possession of it ; it remains in his breast, and may be withheld. The rules of the House can only operate on what is before them. [The practice of the Senate, too, allows recurrences backward and for- ward for the purposes of amendment, not permitting amendments in a subsequent, to preclude those in a prior part, or e con- verso. ] When the committee is through the whole, a member moves that the commit- tee may rise, and the chairman report the paper to the House, with or without amendments, as the case mav be. 2 Eats., 289, 292 ; Scab., 53 ; 2 Hats', 290 ; 8 Scob., 50. When a vote is once passed in a com- mittee, it cannot be altered but by the llimse, their votes being binding on them- selves. 1()07, June 4. The committee may not era,se, interline, or blot the bill itself; but must, in a pa- per by itself, set down the amendments, stating the words which are to be inserted or omitted, Scob., 50, and where, by refer- ences to page, line, and word of the bill. Scob., 50. SEC. XXVII. — REPORT OF COMMITTEE. The chairman of the committee, stand- ing in his place, informs the House that the committee to whom was referred such a bill, have, according to order, had the same under consideration, and have di- rected him to report the same without any amendment, or with sundry amendments (as the case may be), which he is ready to do when the House pleases to receive it. And he or any other may move that it be now received ; but the cry of " now, now," from the House, generally dispenses with the formality of a motion and question. He then reads the amendments, with the coherence in the bill, and opens the altera- tions and the reasons of the committee for such amendments, until he has gone through the whole. He then delivers it at the Clerk's table, where the amend- ments reported are read by the Clerk without the coherence ; whereupon the papers lie upon the table till the House, at its convenience, shall take up the report. Scab., 52 ; Ilakeic, 148. The report being made, the committee is dissolved, and can act no more without a new power. Scob., 51. But it may be revived by a vote, and the same matter re- committed to them. 4 Grey, 361. SEC. XXVIII. — BILL, RECOMMITMENT. After a bill has been committed and re- ported, it ought not, in an ordinary course, to be recommitted; but in cases of im- portance, and for special reasons, it is sometimes recommitted, and usually to the same committee. II(tkeu\, 151. If a report be recommitted before agreed to in the House, what havS passed in committee is of no validity ; the whole question is again before the committee, and a new resolution must be again moved, as if noth- inec had passed. 3 Ilats., 131 — note. In Senate, January. 1800, the salvage bill was recommitted "three times after the commitment. A particular clause of a bill may be committed without the whole bill, 3 Hats., 131 ; or so much of a paper to one and so much to another committee. 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. SEC. XXIX. — BILL, REPORTS TAKEN UP. J When the report of a paper originating •n-ith a committee is taken up by the House, they proceed exactly as in com- mittee. Here, as in committee, when the paragraphs have, on distinct questions, been agreed to seriatim, 5 Gi'ey, 36G ; 6 G^re2/,368; 8 (?r€;y, 47. 104,360; 1 Torbuck's Deb., 125; 3 Hats., 348, no question needs be put on the whole report. 5 Grei/, 381. On taking up a bill reported with amendments, the amendments only are read by the Clerk. The Speaker then reads the first, and puts it to the question, and so on till the whole are adopted or re- jected, before any other amendment be admitted, except it be an amendment to an amendment. Elsi/nge's Me7H.,o3. When through the amendments of the commit- tee, the Speaker pauses, and gives time for amendments to be proposed in the House to the body of the bill ; as he does also if it has been reported without amendments : putting no questions but on amendments proposed ; and when through the whole, he puts the question whether the bill shall be read a third time ? SEC. XXX. — QUASI-COMMITTEE. If on motion and question the bill be not committed, or if no proposition for commitment be made, then the proceed- ings in the Senate of the United States and in Parliament are totally different. The former shall be first stated. [The 25th rule of the Senate says : " All bills on a .second reading shall first be con- sidered by the Senate in the same manner as if the Senate were in Committee of the Whole before they shall be taken up and proceeded on by the Senate agreeably to the standing rules, unless otherwise or- dered;" (that is to say, unless ordered to be referred to a special committee.) And •when the Senate shall consider a treaty, bill, or resolution, as in Committee of the Whole, the Vice-President or President pro tempore may call a member to fill the chair during the time the Senate shall re- main in Committee of the Whole; and the chairman (.so called) shall, during .such time, have the powers of a President pro tempore.] [The proceeding of the Senate as in a Committee of the Whole, or in quasi-com- mittee, i>i precisely as in a real Committee of the Whf)le, taking no questions l)ut on amendments. When througli the whole, they consider the quasi-committee as risen, the House resumed without any motion, que.stion, or resolution to that effect, and tne President reports that " the House, acting as in a Committee of the Whole, have had under their consideration the bill entitled, &(',., and have made sundry amendments, which he will now rei)ort to the House." The bill is then before them, as it would have been if reported from a committee, and questions are regularly to be put again on every amendment ; which being gone through, the President pauses to give time to the House to propose amendments to the body of the bill, and, when through, puts the question whether it shall be read a third time ?] [After progress in amending the bill in quasi-committee, a motion maybe made to refer it to a special committee. If the motion prevails, it is equivalent in effect to the several votes, that the committee rise, the House resume itself, discharge the Committee of the Whole, and refer the bill to a special committee. In that case, the amendments already made fall. But if the motion fails, the quasi-committee stands in statu quo.] [How far does this 25th rule subject the House, when in quasi-committee, to the laws which regulate the proceedings of Committees of the Whole ?] The particu- lars in which these difl'er from proceedings in the House are the following : 1. In a committee every member may speak as of- ten as he pleases. 2. The votes of a com- mittee may be rejected or altered when re- ported to the House. 3. A committee, even of the whole, cannot refer any matter to another committee. 4. In a committee no previous question can be taken : the only means to avoid an improper discus- sion is to move that the committee rise ; and if it be apprehended that the same discussion will be attempted on returning into committee, the House can discharge them, and proceed itself on the business, keeping down the improper discussion by the previous question. 5. A committee cannot punish a breach of order in the House or in the gallery. 9 Grey, 113. It can only rise and report it to the House, who may proceed to punish. [The first and second of these peculiarities attach to the quasi-committee of the Senate, as eveiy day's practice proves, and it seems to be the only ones to which the 25th rule meant to subject them; for it continues to be a House, and therefore, though it acts in some respects as a committee, in others it preserves its character as a House. Thus (3) it is in the daily habit of referring its business to a special committee. 4. It ad- mits of the previous question. If it did not, it would have no means of preventing an improper discussion: not being able, as a committee is, to avoid it by returning into the House, for the moment it would resume the same subject there, the 25th rule declares it again a quasi-conmiittee. 5. It would doubtless exercise its powers as a House on any breach of order. 6. It takes a question by yea and nay, as the Mouse does. 7. It receives messages from the President and the other House. 8. In the midst of a debate it receives a motion BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 37 to adjourn, and adjourns as a House, not as a committee.] SEC. XXXI. — BILL, SECOND READING IN THE HOUSE. In Parliament, after the bill has been read a second time, if on the motion and question it be not committed, or if no propo- sition for commitment be made, the Speaker reads it by paragraphs, pausing between each, but putting no question but on amend- ments proposed ; and when through the whole, he puts the question whether it shall be read a third time? if it came from the other House ; or, if originating with them- selves, whetlier it shall be engrossed and read a third time? The Speaker reads sitting, but rises to put questions. The Clerk stands while he reads. [* But the Senate of the United States is so much in the habit of making many and material amendments at the third reading, that it has become the practice not to en- gross a bill till it has passed — an irregu- lar and dangerous practice; because in this way the paper which passes the Senate is not that which goes to the other House, and that which goes to the other House as the act of the Senate, has never been seen in Senate. In reducing nu- merous, difficult, and illegible amend- ments into the text, the Secretary may, with the most innocent intentions, com- mit errors which can never again be cor- rected.] The bill being now as perfect as its friends can make it, this is the proper stage for those ftindamentally opposed to make their first attack. All attempts at earlier periods are with disjointed ef- forts, because many who do not expect to be in favor of the bill ultimately, are wil- ling to let it go on to its perfect state, to take time to examine it themselves and to hear what can be said for it, knowing that after all they will have sufficient opportu- nities of giving it their veto. Its two last stages, therefore, are reserved for this — that is to say, on the question whether it shall be engrossed and read a third time? and, lastly, whether it shall pass? The first of these is usually the most interesting contest ; because then the whole subject is * The former practice of the Senate referred to in this para!;riirih hiis heeii cUaiigod by the foUowins; rule : (The final question upon the second roadinfr of every bill, resolution, constitutional amendment, or motion, originating in the Senate and requiring three re.id in fjs previous to being passed, sliall be, " whether it shall be engrossed and read a thii-d time?" and no amendment 8h:dl bo received for discussion at the third reading of any bill, resolution, amendment, or motion, unless by unanimous consent of the members present; but it shall at all times be in order before the final passage of any such bill, resolution, constitutional amendment, or mo- tion, to move its commitment ; and should such commit- Kiont take place, and any amendment be reported by the committee, the said bill, resolution, constitutional aniend- mont or motion, shall be again read a second time, and Considered as in Committee of the Whole, and then the aforesiiid <iue^ion aball bo again put — liiile ;;6.] new and engaging, and the minds of the members having not yet been declared by any trying vote the issue is the more doubtful. In this stage, therefore, is the main trial of strength between its friends and opponents, and it l)ehuoves every one to make up his mind decisively for this question, or he loses the main battle ; and accident and management may, and often do, prevent a successful rallying on the next and last question, whether it shall pass ? When the bill is engrossed, the title is to be indorsed on the back, and not within the hill— Hakew., 250. SEC. XXXII. — READING PAPERS. Where papers are laid before the House or referred to a committee, every member has a right to have them once read at the table before he can be compelled to vote on them ; but it is a great though common error to suppose that he has a right, toties quoties, to have acts, journals, accounts, or papers on the table, read independently of the will of the House. The delay and in- terruption which this might be made to produce evince the impossibility of the ex- istence of such a right. There is, indeed, so manifest a propriety of permitting every member to have as much information as possible on every question on which he is to vote, that when he desires the reading, if it be seen that it is really for informa- tion and not for delay, the Speaker directs it to be read without putting a question, if no one objects ; but if objected to, a ques- tion must be put. — 2 Hats., 117, 118. It is equally an error to suppose that any member has a right, without a ques- tion put, to lay a book or paper on the table, and have it read, on suggesting that it contains matter infringing on the privi- leges of the House. — lb. For the same reason, a member has not a right to read a paper in his place, if it l)e objected to, without leave of the House. But this rigor is never exercised but where there is an intentional or gross abuse of the time and patience of the House. A member has not a right even to read his own speech, committed to writing, without leave. This also is to prevent an abuse of time, and therefore is not refused but where that is intended. — 2 Gret/, 227. A report of a committee of the Senate on a bill from the House of Representa- tives being under consideration: on mo- tion that the report of the committee of the House of Representatives on the same bill be read in the Senate, it passed in the negative.— i-'efc. 28, 1793. Formerly, when papers were referred to a committee, they used to be first read ; but of late only the titles, unless a mem- ber insists they shall be read, and then nobody can oppose it. — 2 Hats., 117. 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ir. SEC. XXXIII.— PRITILEGED QUESTIONS, [* While a question is before the Senate, ] no motion shall be received, unless for an amendment, for the previous question, or for postponing the main question, or to commit it, or to adjourn. — Rule 8.] _ 1 It is no possession of a bill unless it be delivered to the Clerk to read, or the Speaker reads the title.— iex. Pari, '21 A: ; Elsynge Mem., 85 ; Ord. House of Com- muns, 64. It is a general rule that the question first moved and seconded shall be first put. Scoh., 28, 22 ; 2 Hats., 81. But this rule gives way to what may be called privileged questions ; and the privileged questions are of different grades among themselves. A motion to adjourn simply takes place of all others; for otherwise the House might be kept sitting against its will, and indefinitely. Yet this motion cannot be received after another question is actually put, and while the House is engaged in voting. Orders of the day take place of all other questions, except for adjournment — that is to say, the question which is the subject of an order is made a privileged one, pro hac vice. The order is a repeal of the general rule as to this special case. When any member moves, therefore, for the order of the day to be read, no further debate is permitted on the question which was be- fore the House ; for if the debate might proceed, it might continue through the day and defeat the order. This motion, to entitle it to precedence, must be for the orders generally, and not for any particu- lar one ; and if it be carried on the ques- tion " Whether the House will now pro- ceed to the orders of the day ? " they must be read and proceeded on in the course in which they stand, 2 Hats., 83 ; for priority of order gives priority of right, which cannot be taken away but by another special order. After these there are other privileged questions, which will require considerable explanation. It is proper that every parliamentary assembly should have certain forms of questions, so adapted as to enable them fitly to dispose of every proposition which can be made to them. Such are, 1. The previous question. 2. To posti)()ne indefi- nitely. 3. To adjourn a question to a dofi- *TliiH ni)ii liiiM Ic'cii nioflififd so iin to spocify tlu' ques- tionn cntitk'd U> prcfcii'iici'. 'I'lio rule iif now as folldWH: Rri.K 43. Wlieii a <iiicHtion ih uikIit lUibutc^ no motion Hhiill be received l>ut toiid.jimrn, to lul.joiirn ton iliiy cer- tiiin, or thiit, when tlio Senate udj ti, it hIiuII lie to a day certain ; to take a recess, to pr 'ceed to the coiisideia- tion of tlio exeeiitivn iMiHinesfi, to lay on the talile, to jKiBtpono indefinitely, to poHti.one to a day certain, to commit, or to amend : wlii(^li several motions shall have I)reeedenc4- in the order in u hieli they Htanil arianped, and the motions rehilim,' to adjournment, to pnx'eed to the consideration of ex'enlive l.iisinesH, and to lay on the table, vhall bu ducided without Uubuto. nite day, 4. To lie on the table. 5. To commit. 6. To amend. The proper oc- casion for each of these questions should be understood. 1. When a proposition is moved which it is useless or inexpedient now to express or discuss, the previous question has been introduced for suppressing for that time the motion and its discussion. 3 Hats., 188, 189. 2. But as the previous question gets rid of it only for that day, and the same pro- position may recur the next day, if they wish to suppress it for the whole of that session, they postpone it indefinitely. 3 Hats., 183. This quashes the proposition for that session, as an indefinite adjourn- ment is a dissolution, or the continuance of a suit sine die is a discontinuance of it. 3. When a motion is made which it will be proper to act on, but information is wanted, or something more pressing claims the present time, the question or debate is adjourned to such day within the session as will answer the views of the House. 2 Hats., 81. And those who have spoken before may not speak again when the ad- journed debate is resumed. 2 Hats., 73. Sometimes, however, this has been abu- sively used by adjourning it to a day be- yond the session, to get rid of it altogether, as would be done by an indefinite post- ponement. 4. When the House has something else which claims its present attention, but would be willing to reserve in their power to take up a proposition whenever it shall suit them, they order it to lie on their table. It may then be called for at any time. 5. If the proposition will want more amendment and digestion than the for- malities of the House will conveniently admit, they refer it to a coumiittee. 6. But if the proposition be well di- gested, and may need but few and simple amendments, and especially if these be of leading consequence, they then proceed to consider and amend it themselves. The Senate, in their practice, vary from this regular gradation of forms. Their practice companitivcly with that of Par- liament stands thus : for the parlia mentahy: Postponement in definite, THE SENATE USES: Postponement to a day beyond the session. Postponement to a day w ithin the session. Postponement in- definite. M . Lying on the table.|| In their eighth rule, therefore, which declares that while a question is before Adjournment, Lying on the table, Booiiv.J JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 39 the Senate no motion shall be received, unless it be for the previous question, or to postpone, commit, or amend the main question, the term postponement must be understood according to their broad use of it, and not in its parliamentary sense. Their rule, then establishes as privileged questions, the previous (juestion, jjostpone- ment, commitment, and amendment. But it may he asked : Have these ques- tions any privilege among themselves? or are they so equal that the common {>rinci- ple of the " first moved first put " takes place among them? This will need ex- jilanation. Their competitions may be as follows : 1. Previous question and ' postpone commit In the first, se- amend cond, and the 2. Postpone and previous third classes, question and the first commit member of amend the fourth 3. Commit and previous class, the rule question " first moved postpone first put" amend takes place. 4. Amend and previous question postpone commit In the first class, where the previous question is first moved, the effect is pecu- liar ; for it not only prevents the after motion to postpone or commit from being put to question before it, but also from Deing put after it ; for if the previous ques- tion be decided affirmatively, to wit, that the main question shall iioiv be put, it would of course be against the decision to postpone or commit ; and if it be decided negatively, to wit, that the main question shall not now be put, this puts the House out of possession of the main question, and consequently there is nothing before them to postpone or commit. So that neither voting for nor against the previous question will enable the advocates for post- poning or committing to get at their object. Whether it may be amended shall be ex- amined hereafter. Second class. If postponement be de- cided affirmatively, tlie proposition is re- moved from before the House, and conse- quently there is no ground for tlie previr)us question, commitment, or amendment ; but if decided negatively, (that it shall not be Postponed, ) the main question may then e suppressed by the previous question, or may be committed, or amended. The third class is subject to the same observations as the second. The fourth class. Amendment of the main question first moved, and afterwards the previous question, the question of amendment shall be first put. Amendment and posti)onement com- peting, postponement is first put, as the equivalent proposition to adjourn the main question would be in Parliament. The reason is that the question for amend- ment is not sui)pressed by i)ostponing or adjourning the main question, but remains before the House whenever the main ques- tion is resumed ; and it might be that the occasion for other urgent business might go by, and be lost by length of debate on the amendment, if the House had it not in their power to postpone the whole sub- ject. Amendment and commitment. The question for committing, though last moved shall be first put ; because, in truth, it facilitates and befriends the motion to amend. Scohell is express : " On motion to amend a bill, any one may notwith- standing move to commit it, and the ques- tion for commitment shall be first put." Scab., 4G. We have hitherto considered the case of two or more of the privileged questions contending for privilege between them- selves, when both are moved on the orig- inal or main question ; but now let us sup- pose one of them to be moved, not on the original primary question, but on the secondary one, e. g. : Suppose a motion to postpone, commit, or amend the main question, and that it be moved to suppress that motion by put- ting a previous question on it. This is not allowed : because it would embarrass ques- tions too much to allow them to be piled on one another several stories high; and the same result may be had in a more simple way — by deciding against the post- ponement, commitment, or amendment. 2 Hats., 81, 2, 3, 4. Suppose a motion for the previous ques- tion, or commitment or amendment of the main question, and that it be then moved to postpone the motion for the previous question, or for commitment or amend- ment of the main question. 1. It would be absuril to postpone the previous ques- tion, commitment, or amendment, alone, and thus separate the appendage from it^ principal ; yet it must be i)ostponed sepa- rately from its original, if at all ; because the eighth rule of Senate says that when a main question is before the House no motion shall be received but to commit, amend, or pre-(|ue6tion the original ques- tion, which is the parliamentary doctrine also. Therefore the motion to postpone the secondary motion for the previous ques- tion, or for committing or amending, can- not be received. 2. This is a piling of questions one on another ; which, to avoid embarrassment, is not allowed. 3. The same result may be had more simply by 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. voting against the previous question, com- mitment, or amendment. Suppose a commitment moved of a mo- tion for the previous question, or to post- pone or amend. The first, second, and third reasons, before stated, all hold good against this. Suppose an amendment moved to a mo- tion for the previous question. Answer : The previous question cannot be amended. Parliamentary usage, as well as the ninth rule of the Senate, has fixed its form to be, "Shall the main question be now put?" — i. e., at this instant ; and as the present in- stant is but one, it can admit of no modifi- cation. To change it to to-morrow, or any other moment, is without example and without utility. But suppose a motion to amend a motion for postponement, as to one day instead of another, or to a special instead of an indefinite time. The useful character of amendment gives it a privi- lege of attaching itself to a secondary and privileged motion : that is, we may amend a postponement of a main question. So, we may amend a commitment of a main question, as by adding, for example, " with instructions to inquire," &c. In like man- ner, if an amendment be moved to an amendment, it is admitted ; but it would not be admitted in another degree, to wit, t-o amend an amendment to an amendment of a main question. This would lead to too much embarrassment. The line must be drawn somewhere, and usage has drawn it after the amendment to the amendment. The same result must be sought by decid- ing against the amendment to the amend- ment, and then moving it again as it was ■wished to be amended. In this form it be- comes only an amendment to an amend- ment. [When motions are made for reference of the same subject to a select committee and to a standing committee, the question on reference to the standing committee shall be first put. Rule 48.J [In filling a blank with a sum, thelargest CTim shall be first put to the question, by the thirteenth rule of the Senate,*] con- trary to the rule of Parliament, which pri- vileges the smallest sum and longest time. 5 Grey, 171) ; 2 Jhds., 8, 83 ; 3 Hats., 132, 133.] And this is considered to be not in the form of an amendment to the question, but as alternative or successive originals. In all cases of time or number, we must consider whether tlie larger comjn-ehends the lesser, as in a question to what day a postponement shall be, the number of a committee, amount of a fine, term of an imprisonment, term of irredeemability of a loan, or the terminus in quem in any other Ciuse ; then the question must be- gin a maximo. Or whether the lesser *Tn filling up tilankd, thn largest Hum auj longeat time Hhall be finit put. liule 32. includes the greater, as in questions on the limitation of the rate of interest, on what day the session shall be closed by adjourn- ment, on what day the next shall com- mence, when an act shall commence, or the terminus a quo in any other case where the question must begin a minimo ; the ob- ject being not to begin at that extreme which, and more, being within every man's wish, no one could negative it, and yet, if he should vote in the affirmative, every question for more would be preclud- ed ; but at that extreme which would unite few, and then to advance or recede till you get to a number which wdll unite a bare majority. 3 Grey, 376, 384, 385. "The fair question in this case is not that to which, and more, all will agree, but whether there shall be addition to the question." 1 Grey, 365. Another exception to the rule of prior- ity is when a motion has been made to ( strike out, or agree to, a paragraph. Mo- tions to amend it are to be put to the ques- tion before a vote is taken on striking out or agreeing to the whole paragraph. But there are several questions which, being incidental to every one, will take place of every one, privileged or not ; to wit, a question of order arising out of any other question must be decided before that question. 2 Hats., 88. A matter of privilege arising out of any question, or from a quarrel between two members, or any other cause, suj^ersedes the consideration of the original question, and must be first disposed of. 2 Hats., 88. Reading papers relative to the question before the House. This question must be put before the principal one. 2 Hats. 88. Leave asked to withdraw a motion. The rule of Parliament being that a motion made and seconded is in the possession of the House, and cannot be withdrawn with- out leave, the very terms of the rule im- ply that leave may be given, and, conse- quently, may be asked and put to the question. SEC. XXXIV. — THE PKEVI0U8 QUESTION. When any question is before the House, any member may move a previous ques- tion, " Whether that question (called the main question) shall now be jnit?" If it pass in the aflirmative, then the main question is to be put immediately, and no man may 8i)eak anything further to it, cither to add or alter. Mcmor. in Hakcw., 28 ; 4 Greij, 27. The ])revious question being moved and seconded, the question from the Chair slijill be, " Shall the main question be now [)Ut?'' and if the nays prevail, the main question shall not then be put. This kind of question is understood by Mr. Hatsell to nave been introduced in 1G04. 2 Hats., 80. Sir Henry Vaue in- BOOKiv.J JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 41 troducedit. 2 ffrey, 113, 114; 3 Grey, 384. When the question was put in this form, "Shall the main question be put?" a de- termination in the negative suppressed the main question during; the session ; but since the words " now put" are used, they exclude it for the i)reseut only ; formerly, indeed, only till the j)rcsent debate was over, 4 Griij, 43, but now for that day and no longer. 2 Gre]i, 113, 114. Beibre the question " Whether the main (juestion shall now be put?" any person might formerly have spoken to the main question, because otherwise he would be precluded from si^eaking to it at all. Mem. in Hakew., 28. The proper occasion for the previous question is when a subject is brouglit for- ward of a delicate nature as to high per- sonages, &c., or the discussion of which may call forth observations which might be of injurious consequences. Then the previous question is proposed ; and in the modern usage, the discussion of the main Question is suspended, and the debate con- ned to the previous question. The use of it has been extended abusively to other cases ; but in these it has been an embar- rassing procedure ; its uses would be as well answered by other more simple par- liamentary forms, and therefore it should not be favored, but restricted within as narrow limits as possible. Whether a main question may be amended after the previous question on it has been moved and seconded ? 2 Hats., 88, says, if the previous question has been moved and seconded, and also i)roposed from the Chair, (by which he means stated by the Speaker for debate,) it has been doubted whether an amendment can be admitted to the main question. He thinks it may, after the previous question moved and seconded ; but not after it has been pro- jjosed from the Cliair. In this case, he thinks the friends to tlie amendment must vote that the main question be not now put ; and then move their amended ques- tion, which being made new by the amend- ment, is no longer the same which has been just suppressed, and therefore may l)e proposed as a new one. But this proceed- ing certainly endangers the main cjucstion, by dividing its friends, some of whom may ciiose it unamended, rather than lose it altogether; while others of tliem may vote, as Hatsell advises, that the main question be not now put, with a view to move it again in an amended form. The enemies of the main question, by this maneuver to the previous question, get the enemies to the amendment added to them on the first vote, and throw the friends of the main question under the embarrassment of rallying again as they can. To su])port this opinion, too, he makes the deciding circumstance, whether an amendment may or may not be made, to be, that the pre- vious question has been proposed from the Chair. But, as the rule is that the House is in possession of a question as soon as it is moved and seconded, it cannot be more than possessed of it l)y its l)eing also pro- posed from the Chair. It may be said, in- deed, tliat the object of the previous (jues- tion being to get rid of a <[iiestion, which it is not expedient should be discussed, this object may be defeated by moving to amend; and in the discussion of that mo- tion, involving the subject of the main question. But so may the object of the previous question be defeated, by moving the amended question, as Mr. Hatsell pro- poses, after the decision against putting the original question. He acknowledges, too, that the practice has been to admit previous amendments, and only cites a few late instances to the contrary. On the whole, I should think it best to decide it ab inconvenienti, to wit: Which is most inconvenient, to put it in the power of one side of the House to defeat a j)roposition by hastily moving the previous question, and thus forcing the main question to be put unamended ; or to put it in the power of the other side to force on, incidentally at least, a discussion which would be bet- ter avoided ? Perhaps the last is the least inconvenience ; inasmuch as the Speaker, by confining the discussion rigorously to the amendment only, may prevent their going into the main question ; and inas- much also as so great a proportion of the cases in which the previous question is called for, are fair and projier subjects of public discussion, and ought not to be ob- structed by a formality introduced for questions oif a peculiar charactei-. SEC. XXXV. — AMENDMENTS. On an amendment being moved, a mem- ber who has spoken to the main question may speak again to the amendment. Scoh., 23. If an amendment be proposed incon- sistent with one already agreed to, it is a fit ground for its rejection by the House, but not within the comjietence of the Speaker to supj)ress as if it were against order. For were he permitted to draw questions of consistence within the vortex of order, he mitrht usurp a negative on important modifications, and suppress, in- stead of subserving, the legislative will. Amendments may be made so as totally to alter the nature of the proposition : and it is a way of getting rid of a iiroposition, bv making it bear a .sense dillerent from what it was intended by the movers, so that thev vote asrainst it themselves. 2 JIafs.,79; 4, 82, 84. A new bill maybe iinrrafted. by wav of amendment, on the words " Be it enacted," &c. 1 Gret/, 190, 192. 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. If it be proposed to amend by leaving out certain words, it may be moved, as an amendment to this amendment, to leave oat a part of the words of the amendment, which is equivalent to leaving them in the bill. 2 Hats., 80, 9. The parliamentary question is, always, whether the words shall stand part of the bill. When it is proposed to amend by insert- ing a paragraph, or part of one, the friends of the paragraph may make it as perfect as they can by amendments before the ques- tion is put for inserting it. If it be re- ceived, it cannot be amended afterward, in the same stage, because the House has, on a vote, agreed to it in that form. In like manner, if it is proposed to amend by striking out a paragraph, the friends of the paragraph are first to make it as perfect as they can by amendmehts, before the ques- tion is put for striking it out. If on the question it be retained, it cannot be amended afterward, because a vote against striking out is equivalent to a vote agree- ing to it in that form. When it is moved to amend by striking out certain words and inserting others, the manner of stating the question is first to read the whole passage to be amended as it stands at present, then the words pro- posed to be struck out, next those to be inserted, and lastly the whole passage as it will be when amended. And the question, if desired, is then to be divided, and put first on striking out. If carried, it is next on inserting the words proposed. If that be lost, it may be ihovea to insert others. 2 Hats., 80, 7. A motion is made to amend by striking out certain words and inserting others in their place, which is negatived. Then it is moved to strike out the same words and to insert others of a tendr entirely different from those first proposed. It is negatived. Then it is moved to strike out the same words and insert nothing, which is agreed to. All this is admissible, because to strike out and insert A is one proposition. To strike out and insert B is a different proposition. And to strike out and insert nothing is still different. And the rejection of one propo- sition does not preclude the offering a dif- ferent one. Nor would it change the case were the first motion divided by putting the question first on striking out, and that nega- tived ; for, as putting the whole motion to the question at once would not have jire- cluded.the puttiiigthehalfof it caiinotdoit. (The i)nictic(' in the United States Sen- ate in this respect is now fixed by the ^Ust rule, as follows: If the question in debate contains several points, any Sen.ator may have the same divided ; hut on a motion to strike out and insert, it shall not be in order to move for a division of the ques- tion ; but the rejection of ,a motion to strike out and insert one proposition shall not prevent a motion to strike out and in- sert a different proposition, nor prevent a subsequent motion simply to strike out ; nor shall the rejection of a motion simply to strike out prevent a subsequent motion to strike out and insert.] But if it had been carried affirmatively to strike out the words and to insert A, it could not afterward be permitted to strike out A and insert B. The mover of B should have notified, while the insertion of A was under debate, that he would move to insert B ; in which case those who preferred it would join in rejecting A. After A is inserted, however, it may be moved to strike out a portion of the origi- nal paragraph, comprehending A, provi- ded the coherence to be struck out be so substantial as to make this effectively a different proposition ; for then it is resolved into the common case of striking out a paragraph after amending it. Nor does anything forbid a new insertion, instead of A and its coherence. In Senate, January 25, 1798 a motion to postpone until the second Tuesday in Feb- ruary some amendments proposed to the Constitution ; the words " until the second Tuesday in February," were struck out by way of amendment. Then it was moved to add, " until the first day of June." Ob- jected that it was not in order, as the question should be first put on the longest time ; therefore, after a shorter time deci- ded against, a longer cannot be put to question. It was answered that this rule takes place only in filling blanks for time. But when a specific time stands part of a motion, that may be struck out as well as any other part of the motion ; and when struck out, a motion may be received to insert any other. In fact, it is not until they are struck out, and a blank for the time thereby produced, that the rule can begin to operate, by receiving all the pro- ]>ositions for different times, and putting the questions successively on the longest. Otherwise it w'ould be in the power of the mover, by insertingoriginally a short time, to preclude the possibility of a longer ; for till the short time is struck out, you can- not insert a longer ; and if, after it is struck out, you cannot do it, then it cannot be done at all. Suppose the first motion had been made to amend by striking out "the second Tuesday in February," and insert- ing instead thereof " the first of June," it would have been regular, then, to divide the question, by proposing first the ques- tion to strike out and then that to insert. Now tliis is precisely the effect of the pres- ent proceeding; only, instead of one mo- tion and two questions, there are two mo- tions and two questions to effect it. — the motions l)eing divided as well as the ques- tion. When the matter contained in two bills BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 43 might be better put into one, the manner is to reject the one, and incorporate its mat- ter into another bill by way ofaineiKlment. So if the matter of one bill would bo bet- ter distributed into two, any part may be struck out by way of amendment, and i)Ut into a new bill. If a section is to be trans- l)Osed, a question must be put on etrikinj^ it out where it stands and another for in- serting it in the place desired. A bill passed by the one House with blanks. These may be filled up by the other by way of amendments, returned to the first as such, and passed. 3 Hats., 88. The number prefixed to the section of a bill, being merely a marginal indication, and no j)art of the text of the bill, the Clerk regulates that — the House or com- mittee is only to amend the text. SEC. XXXVI. — DIVISION OF THE QUES- TION. If a question contains more parts than one, it may be divided into two or more questions. Mem. in Hakew., 29. But not as the right of an individual member, but with the consent of the House. For who is to decide whether a question is compli- cated or not — where it is complicated — into how many propositions it may be di- vided ? The fact is that the only mode of separating a complicated question is by moving amendments to it; and these must be decided by the House, on a question, unless the House orders it to be divided ; as, on the question, December 2, 1640, making void the election of the knights for Worcester, on a motion it was resolved to make two questions of it, to wit, one on each night. 2 Hats., 85, 86. So, where- ever there are several names in a question, they raav be divided and put one bv one. 9 Greij, 444. So, 1729, April 17, on an objection thataquestion was complicated, it was separated by amendment. 2 Hats., 79. The soundness of these observations will bo evident from the embarrassments pro- duced by the twelfth rule of the Senate, which says, *' if the question in debate contains several points, any member may have the same divided." 1798, May 30, the alien bill in quasi- committee. To a section and proviso in the original, had been added two new pro- visos by way of amendment. On a motion to strike out the section as amended, the question was desired to be divided. To do this it must be put first on striking out either the former proviso, or some distinct member of the section. But when nothing remains but the last member of the section and the provisos, they cannot be divided so as to put the last member to question by itself; for the provisos might thus be left standing alone as exceptions to a rule when the rule is taken away ; or the new j^rovi- 803 might be left to a second question, after having been decided on once before at the same reading, which is contrary to rule. But the question must be on strik- ing out the last member of the section as amended. This sweeps away the excej)- tions with the rule, and relieves from in- consistence. A question to be divisible must comprehend ])oints so distinct and entire that one of them being taken away, the other may stand entire. But a proviso or exception, without an enacting clause, does not contain an entire point or propo- sition. May 31. — The same bill being before the Senate. There was a proviso that the bill should not extend — 1. To any foreign minister ; nor, 2. To any person to whom the President should give a passport ; nor, 3. To any alien merchant conforming himself to such regulations as the President shall prescribe ; and a division of the ques- tion into its simplest elements was called for. It was divided into four parts, the 4th taking in the words "conforming himself," &c. It was objected that the words "any alien merchant," could not be separated from their modifying words, " conforming," &c., because these words, if left by them- selves, contain no substantive idea, will make no sense. But admitting that the divisions of a paragraph into separate questions must be so made as that each part may stand by itself, yet the House having, on the question, retained the two first divisions, the words " any alien mer- chant " may be struck out, and their modi- . fying words will then attach themselves to the preceding description of persons, and become a modification of that description. When a question is divided, after the question on the 1st member, the 2d is open to debate and amendment ; because it is a known rule that a person may rise and speak at any time before the question has been completely decided, by putting the negative as well as the affirmative side. But the question is not completely put when the vote has been taken on the first member only. One-half of the question, both affirmative and negative, remains still to be put. See Execut. Jour., June 25, 1795. The same decision by President Adams. SEC. XXXVII. — COEXISTING QUESTIONS. It may be asked whether the House can be in possession of two motions or proposi- tions at the same time? so that, one of them being decided, the other goes to question without being moved anew? The answer must be special. When a question is interrupted by a vote of adjournniont. it is thereby removed from before the House, and does not stand ipso facto before them at their next meeting, but must come for- ward iji the usual way. So, when it is in- terrupted by the order of the day. Such other privileged questions also as dispose 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. of the main question, {e. g., the previous question, postponement, or commitment,) remove it from before the House. But it is only suspended by a motion to amend, to withdraw, to read papers, or by a ques- tion of order or privilege, and stands again before the House when these are decided. None but the class of privileged questions can be brought forward while there is an- other question before the House, the rule being that when a motion has been made and seconded, no other can be received ex- cept it be a privileged one. SEC. XXXVIII. — EQUIVALENT QUESTIONS. If, on a question for rejection, a bill be retained, it passes, of course, to its next reading. Hakew., 141 ; Scoh., 42. And a question for a second reading determined negatively, is a rejection without further question. 4 Grey, 149. And see Elsynge's Memor., 42, in what cases questions are to be taken for rejection. Where questions are perfectly equiva- lent, so that the negative of the one amounts to the affirmative of the other, and leaves no other alternative, the de- cision of the one concludes necessarily the other. 4 Grey, 157. Thus the negative of striking out amounts to the affirmative of agreeing; and therefore to put a question on agreeing after that on striking out, would be to put the same question in effect twice over. Not so in questions of amendments between the two Houses. A motion to re- cede being negatived, does not amount to a positive vote to insist, because there is an- other alternative, to wit, to adhere. A bill originating in one House is passed by the other with an amendment. A motion in the originating House to agree to the amendment is negatived. Does there re- sult from this vote of disagreement, or must the question on disagreement be expressly voted? The question respecting amend- ments from another House are — 1st, to agree ; 2d, disagree ; 3d, recede ; 4th, insist ; 6th, adhere, 1st. To agree. ) Either of these con- 2d. To disagree, j eludes the other neces- sarily, for the positive of either is exactly the equivalent of the nega- tive of the other, and no other alternative re- mains. On either mo- tion amendments to the amendment may be pro- posed ; e. (J., if it be moved to disagree, those who are for the ameml- ment have a right to jiropose amendments, and to make it as per- fect as tliey can, before thccjUOHtion of disagree- ing 18 put. 3d. To recede. ] You may then either 4th. To insist. >■ insist or adhere. 5th. To adhere. ] You may then either recede or adhere. You may then either recede or insist. Consequently the neg- ative of these is not equivalent to a positive vote, the other way. It does not raise so neces- sary an implication as may authorize the Sec- retary by inference to enter another vote ; for two alternatives still re- main, either of which may be adopted by the House. SEC. XXXIX. — THE QUESTION. The question is to be put first on the affirmative, and then on the negative side. After the Speaker has put the affirma- tive part of the question, any member who has not spoken before to the question may rise and speak before the negative be put ; because it is no full question till the nega- tive part be put. Scab., 23 ; 2 Hats., 73. But in small matters, and which are of course, such as receiving jietitions, reports, withdrawing motions, reading papers, &c., the Speaker most commonly supposes the consent of the House where no objection IS expressed, and does not give them the trouble of putting the question formally. Scab., 22; 2 Hats., 87; 5 Grey, 129; 9 Grey, 301. SEC. XL. — BILLS, THIRD READING. To prevent bills from being passed by surprise, the House, by a standing order, directs that they shall not be put on their passage before a fixed hour, naming one at which the House is commonly Inll. Hakew., 153. [The usage of the Senate is, not to put bills on their passage till noon.] A bill reported and passed to the third reading, cannot on that day be read the third time and passed ; because this would be to pa«s on two readings in the same day. At the third reading the Clerk reads the bill and delivers it to the Speaker, who states the title, that it is the third time of reading the bill, and that the question will l)e whether it shall pass. Formerly the Si)eakcr, or those who prepared a bill, pre- pared also a breviate or summary state- !nent of it.s contents, which the Speaker read when he declared the state of the bill, at tlie several readings. Sometimes, however, lie read the bill itself, especially on its ])assage. Hakew., 13(5, 137, 153; (hke, 22, 115. Latterly, instead of tliis, he, , at the third reading, states the whole con- BOOKiv.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 45 tents of the bill verbatim, only, instead of reading the formal parts, " Be it enacted," &c., he states that "preamble recites so and so — the Lst section enacts that, &c. ; the 2d section enacts," &c. [But in the Senate of the United States, both of these formalities are dispensed with ; the breviate presenting but an im- perfect view of the bill, and being capable of being made to present a false one; and the full statement being a useless waste of time, immediately after a full reading by the Olerk, and especially as every member has a printed copy in his hand.) A bill on the third reading is not to be committed for the matter or body thereof, but to receive some particular clause or proviso, it hath been sometimes suffered, but as a thing very unusual. Hakew., ir)(3. Thus, 27 El., 1584, a bill was committed on the third reading, having l)een former- ly committed on the second, but is de- clared not usual. D'Ewes, 337, col, 2 ; 414, col. 2. When an essential provision has been omitted, rather than erase the bill and render it suspicious, they add a clause on a separate paper, engrossed and called a rider, which is read and put to the ques- tion three times. Elsynge's Memo., 59 ; 6 Gra/, 335 ; 1 Blackst., 183. For examples of riders, see 3 Hats., 121, 122, 124, 15(5. Every one is at liberty to bring in a rider without asking leave. 10 Grerj, 52. It is laid down as a general rule, that amendments proposed at the second read- ing shall be twice read, and those proposed at the third reading thrice read; as also all amendments from the other House. Towti., col. 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 2S. It is with great and almost invincible reluctance that amendments are admitted at this reading, which occasion erasures or interlineations. Sometimes a proviso has been cut off from a bill ; sometimes erased. 9 Grei/, 513. This is the proper stage for filling up blanks ; for if filled up before, and now al- tered by enisure, it would be peculiarly un- safe. At this reading the bill is debated afresh, and for the most part is more spoken to at this time than on any of the former read- ings. Hdkew., 153. The debate on the question whether it should be read a third time, has discovered to its friends and opponents the arguments on which each side relies, and which of these appear to have influence with the House; they have had time to meet them with new arguments, and to put their old ones into new shajies. The former vote has tried the strength of the first opinion, and furnished grounds to estimate the is- sue ; and the question now offered for its passage is the last occasion which is ever to be offered for carrying or rejecting it. When the debate is ended, the Speaker, holding the bill in his hand, puts the ques- tion for its passage, by saying, " Gentlemen, all you who are of ojnnion that this bill shall pass, say aye;" and after the answer of the ayes, "AH those of the contrary opinion, say no." Hakew., 154. After the bill is passed, there can be no further alteration of it in any point. Hakew., 159. SEC. XLI. — DIVISION OF THE HOUSE. The affirmative and negative of the ques- tion having been both jjut and answered, the Speaker declares whether the yeas or nays have it by the sound, if he be himself satisfied, and it stands as the judgment of the House. But if he be not himself satis- fied which voice is the greater, or if before any other member comes into the House, or before any new motion made, (for it i« too late after that,) any member shall rise and declare himself dissatisfied with the Speaker's decision, then the Speaker is to divide the House. Scab., 24 ; 2 Hats., 140. When the House of Commons is divided, the one party goes forth, and the other re- mains in the House. This has made it im- portant which go forth and which remain ; because the latter gain all the indolent, the indifferent, and inattentive. Their general rule, therefore, is, that those who give their vote for the preservation of the orders of the House shall stay in ; and those who are 'for introducing any new matter or altera- tion, or proceeding contrary to the estab- lished course, are to go out. But this rule is subject to manv exceptions and modifi- cations. 2 Hats., 134 ; 1 Rush., p. 3, fol. 92; Scab., 43, 52 ; Co., 12, 116 ; D'Ewes, 505, col. 1 ; Mem. in Hakew., 25, 29 ; as will appear by the following statement of who go forth: Petition that it be received... ) . Read I^y^^- Lie on the table ] Rejected after refusal to lie > Noes, on table ) Referred to a committee, for further proceeding... Bill, that it be brought in ' Read first or second time... Engrossed or read third time Proceeding on every other stage Committed To Committee of the whole... Ta a select committee Ayes. Report of bill to lie on table.. Noes. Bq now read ] Ayes. Be taken into consideration V three months hence.. ) 30,P.J. 251. Amendments to be read a se- cond time Noes. Clause offered on report of hill 1 to be read second time I Ayes. For receiving a clause f 334. With amendm'ts be engrossed J 395. Ayes. Ayes. Noes. 46 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. Noes. Ayes. 398. 260. 259. } Noes. 291. Ayes. 344. That a bill be note read a third time Receive a rider Pass Be printed Committees. That A take " the chair To agree to the whole or any part of report That the House do now resolve into committee... Speaker. That he now leave the chair, after or- der to go into commit- tee That he issue warrant for a new writ Member. That none be absent without leave , Witness. That he be fur- ther examined Previous question Noes. Blanks. That they be fill- ] ed with the largest sum. I » ^ Amendments. That words | ^^^es. stand part of. J Lords. That their amend- 1 ment be read a second > Noes. time ) Messenger be received | Orders of day to be now V Ayes. read, if before 2 o'clock... J If after 2 o'clock Noes. Adjournment. Till the ] next sitting day, if before > Ayes. 4 o'clock ] If after 4 o'clock Noes. Over a sitting day, (un- ) . less a previous resolution. J ^ ' Over the 80th of Janu- ] -jyT ary | -iNoes. For sitting on Sunday, or | any other day not being V Ayes. a sitting day J The one party being gone forth, the Speaker names two tellers from the affirm- ative and two from the negative side, who first count those sitting in the House and report the number to the Speaker. Then they place themselves within the door, two on each side, and count those who went forth as they come in, and report the num- ber to the Speaker. Mem. in Jfakew., 2(). A mistake in tlie report of the tellers may be rectified alter the report made. 2 Hats., 145, note. [But in both Houses of Congress all these intricacies are avoided. The ayes first rise, and are counted standing in their places by the President or Speaker. Then they sit, and the noes rise and are counted in like manner.] I In Sen.'ite, if they be equallj divided, the Vice-President announces his opinion, which decides. I I The Constitution, however, has directed that " the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question, shall at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal." And again : that in all cases of reconsidering a bill disajj- proved by the President, and returned with his objections, " the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journals of each House respectively."] [By the 16th and 17th rules of the Sen- ate, when the yeas and nays shall be called for by one-fifth of the members present, each member called upon shall, unless for special reasons he be excused by the Sen- ate, declare openly, and without debate, his assent or dissent to the question. In taking the yeas and nays, and upon the call of the House, the names of the mem- bers shall be taken alphabetically.] [ When the yeas and nays shall be taken upon any question in pursuance of the above rule, no member shall be permitted, under any circumstances whatever, to vote after the decision is announced from the Chair.] [ When it is proposed to take the vote by yeas and nays, the President or Speaker states that *' the question is whether, e. g., the bill shall pass — that it is proposed that the yeas and nays shall be entered on the journal. Those, therefore, who desire it, will rise." If he finds and declares that one-fifth have risen, he then states that " those who are of opinion that the bill shall pass are to answer in the affirmative ; those of the contrary opinion in the nega- tive." The Clerk then calls over the names alphabetically, note the yea or nay of each, and gives the list to the President or Speak- er, who declares the result. In the Senate, if there be an equal division, the Secretary calls on the Vice-President and notes his .affirmative or negative, which becomes the decision of the House.] In the House of Commons, every mem- ber must give his vote the one way or the other, Scot)., 24, as it is not permitted to any one to withdraw who is in the House when the question is put, nor is any one to l)e told in the division who was not in when the question was put. 2 Hats., 140. This last position is always true when the vote is by ye.as and nays ; where the negative as well as affirmative of the ques- tion is stated by the President at the same time, and the vote of both sides begins and jiroceeds pari passu. It is true also when the question is put in the usual way, if the negative has also been put; but if it has not, the member entering, or any other member, may speak, and even ]>ropose amendments, by which the debate may be opeTied again, and the question be greatly deferred. And as some who have an- swered ay may have been changed by the new arguments, the affirmative must be BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 47 put over again. If, then, the member en- tarinji: may, by speaking a few words, occasion a repetition of a question, it would be useless to deny it on his simple call for it. While the House is telling, no member may speak or move out of his place ; for if any mistake be suspected, it nmst be told again. Mem. in Ilakew., 26 ; 2 Hats., 148. If any difficulty arises in point of order during the division, the speaker is to de- cide peremptorily, subject to the future censure of the House if irregular. He sometimes permits old experienced mem- bers to assist him with their advice, which they do sitting in their seats, covered, to avoid the appearance of debate ; but this can only be with the Speaker's leave, else the division might last several hours. 2 Hats., 143. The voice of the majority decides ; for the lex majoris partis is the law of all councils, elections, &c., where not other- wise expressly provided. Hakeic, 93. But if the House be equally divided, semper presumatur j)ro negante ; that is, the former law is not to be changed but by a majority. Towns., col. 134. [But in the Senate of the United States, the Vice-President decides when the House is divided. Const. U. S. I, 3.] When from counting the House on a division it appears that there is not a quorum, the matter continues exactly in the state in which it was before the divi- sion, and must be resumed at that point on any future day. 2 Hats., 12G. iG0(3, May 1, on a question whether a member having said yea may afterwards sit and change his opinion, a precedent was remembered by the Speaker, of Mr. Morris, attorney of the wards, in 39 Eiiz., who in like case changed his opinion. Mem. in Hakew., 27. SEC. XLII. — TITLES. After the bill has passed, and not before, the title may be amended, and is to be fixed by a question ; and the bill is then sent to the other House. SEC. XLIII. — RECONSIDERATION. [When a question has been once made and carried in the affirmative or negative, it shall be in order ft)r any member of the majority to move for the reconsideration thereof; but no motion for the reconsidera- tion of any vote shall be in order after a bill, resolution, message, report, amend- ment, or motion upon which the vote was taken shall have gone out of the pos.session of the Senate announcing their decision ; nor shall any motion for reconsideration be in order unless made on the same day on which the vote was taken, or witliin the two next days of actual session of the Senate thereafter. Bide 20.] [1798, Jan. A bill on its second read- ing being amended, and on the question wliether it shall be read a third time negatived, was restored by a decision U) re- consider that question. Here the votes of negative and reconsideration, like posi- tive and negative quantities in equation, destroy one another, and are as if they were expunged from the journals. Con- sequently the bill is open for amendment, just so far as it was the moment preced- ing the question for the third reading ; that is to say, all parts of the bill are open for amendment except those on which votes have been already taken in its present stage. So, also, it may be recom- mitted.] [*The rule permitting a reconsideration of a question affixing to it no limitation of time or circumstance, it may be asked whether there is no limitation ? If, after the vote, the paper on which it is passed has been parted with, there can be no re- consideration ; as if a vote has })een for the passage of a bill, and the bill has been sent to the other House. But where the paper remains, as on a bill rejected ; when, or under what circumstances, does it cea.se to be susceptible of reconsideration? This remains to be settled ; unless a sense that the right of reconsideration is a right to waste the time of the House in repeated agitations of the same question, so that it shall never know when a question is done with, should induce them to reform this anomalous proceeding.] In Parliament a question once carried cannot be questioned again at the same session, but must stand as the judgment of the House. Towns., col. 67 ; Mem. in Hakew., .33. And a bill once rejected, another of the same substance cannot be brought in again the same session. Hakew., 158 ; G Gy-ey, 392. But this does not ex- tend to prevent putting the same question in diffi^rent stages of a bill ; because every stage of a bill submits the whole and every part of it to the opinion of the House, as open for amendment, either by insertion or omission, though the same amendment has been accepted or rejected in a former stage. So in reports of com- mittees, e. g., report of an address, the same question is before the House, and open for free discussion. Toicns., col. 2G ; 2 Jlafs., 98, 100, 101. So orders of the House, or instructions to committees, may be discharged. So a bill, begun in one House, and sent to the other, and there rejected, may be renewed again in that other, passed and sent back. lb., 92: 3 Hats., 161. Or if, instead of being re- jected, they read it once and lay it aside or amend it, and put it otf a month, they may order in another to the same ellect, •The rule now fixes »Hnu<5tion. 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book it. with the same or a different title. Eakew., 97, 98. Divers expedients are used to correct the effects of this rule ; as, by passing an explanatory act, if anj'thing has been omitted or ill expressed, 3 Hats., 278, or an act to enforce, and make more effectual an act, &c., or to rectity mistakes in an act, &c., or a committee on one bill may be in- structed to receive a clause to rectify the mistakes of another. Thus, June 24, 1685, a clause was inserted in a bill for rectify- ing a mistake committed by a clerk in en- grossing a bill of supply. 2 Hats., 194, 6. Or the session may be closed for one, two, three or more days, and a new one com- menced. But then all matters depending must be finished, or they fall, and are to begin de novo. 2 Hats., 94, 98. Or a part of the subject may be taken up by another bill, or taken up in a different way. 6 Greij, 304, 316. And in cases of the last magnitude, this rule has not been so strictly and verbally observed as to stop indispensable proceed- ings altogether. 2 Hats., 92, 98. Thus when the address on the preliminaries of peace in 1782 had been lost by a majority of one, on account of the importance of the question, and smallness of the majority, the same question in substance, though with some words not in the first, and which might change the opinion of some members, was brought on again and car- ried, as the motives for it were thought to outweigh the objection of form. 2 Hats., 99, 100. A second bill may be passed to continue an act of the sanie session, or to enlarge the time limited for its execution. 2 Hats., 95, 98. This is not in contradiction to the first act. SEC. XLIV. — BILLS SENT TO THE OTHER HOUSE. [All bills passed in the Senate shall, before they are sent to the House of Ke- presentatives, be examined by a commit- tee, consisting of three members, whose duty it shall be to examine all bills, amendments, resolutions, or motions, be- fore they go out of the possession of the Senate, and to make report that they are correctly engrossed ; wliich report shall be entered on tlie journal. Hide .34.] A bill from the other House is some- times ordered to lie on the table. 2 Huts., 97. When bills, passed in one House and sent to the other, are grounded on special facts requiring proof, it is usual, either by message or at a eonferenee, to ask the grounds and evi leni-c; and this evidence, whether arising out of papers, or from the examination ol' witnesses, is immediately communicated. 3 Hats., 48. SEC. XLV. — AMENDMENTS BETWEEN THE HOUSES. When either House, e. g., the House of Commons, send a bill to the other, the other may pass It with amendments. The regular progression in this case is, that the Commons disagree to the amendment ; the Lords insist on it; the Commons insist on their disagreement ; the Lords adhere to their amendment ; the Commons adhere to their disagreement. The term of insist- ing may be repeated as often as they choose to keej} the question open. But the first adherence by either renders it necessary for the other to recede or adhere also ; when the matter is usually suffered to fall. 10 Grei/, 148. Latterly, hoAvever, there are instances of their having gone to a second adherence. There must be an absolute conclusion of the subject some- where, or otherwise transactions between the Houses would become endless. 3 Hats., 268, 270. The term of insisting, we are told by Sir John Trevor, was then (1679) newly introduced into parliamentary usage, by the Lords. 7 Gret/, M. It was certainly a happy innovation, as it multiplies the op- portunities of trying modifications which may bring the Houses to a concurrence. Either House, however, is free to pass over the term of insisting, and to adhere in the first instance ; 10 Grey, 146 ; but it is not respectful to the other. In the ordinary parliamentary course, there are two 'free conferences, at least, before an adherence. 10 Grey, 147. Either House may recede from its amendment and agree to the bill ; or re- cede from their disagreement to the amend- ment, and agree to the same absolutely, or with an amendment ; for here the disagree- ment and receding destroy one another, and the subject stands as before the agree- ment. Elsynge, 23, 27 ; 9 Grey, 476. But the House cannot recede from or in- sist on its own amendment, with an amend- ment; for the same reason that it cannot send to the other House an amendment to its own act after it has passed the act. They may modify an amendment from the other House by ingrafting an amendment on it, because they have never assented to it ; t)Ut they ctmnot amend their own amend- ment, because they have, on the question, passed it in that form. 9 Grey, 363 ; 10 Grey, 240. In the Senate, March 29, 1798. Nor where one House has adhered to their amendment, and the other agrees with an amendment, can the first House depart from the form which they have fixed by an adherence. Ill the case of a money bill, the Lords' proposed amendments, become, by declay, confessedly necessary. The Commons, however, refused them, as infringing on their j>rivilege as to money bills ; but they I ulfered themselves to add to the bill a pro* BOOK iv.J JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 49 vise to the same effect, which had no co- herence with the Lords' aineudments ; and urged that it was an expedient warranted by precedent, and not unparliamentary in a case become impracticable, and irremedi- able in any other way. 8 Hats., 250, 26tj, 270, 271. But the Lords refused, and the bill waa lost. I Chaiid., 288. A like ca.se, 1 Chand.,?,\\. So the Commons resolvetl that it is unparliamentary to strike out, at a conference, anything in a bill which hath been agreed and passed by both Houses. 6 Grey, 274; 1 C/mHt/., 312. A motion to amend an amendment from the other House takes precedence of a motion to agree or disagree. A bill originating in one House is passed by the other with an amendment. The originating House agrees to their amendment with an amendment. The other may agree to their amendment with an amendment, that being only in the 2d and not the 3d degree ; for, as to the amending House, the first amendment with which they passed the bill is a part of its text ; it is the only text they have agreed to. The amendment to that text by the originating House, therefore, is only in the 1st degree, and the amendment to that again by the amending House is only in the 2d, to wit, an amendmentto an amend- ment, and so admissible. Just so, when, on a bill from the originating House, the other, at its second reading, makes an amendment ; on the third reading this amendment is become the text of the bill, and if an amendment to it be moved, an amendment to that amendment may also be moved, as being only in the 2d degree. SEC. XLVI. — CONFERENCES. It is on the occasion of amendments be- tween the Houses that conferences are usually asked ; but they may be asked in all cases of difference of opinion between the two Houses on matters depending be- tween them. The recjuest of a conference, however, must always be by the House which is possessed of the papers. 3 Hats., 31 ; 1 Grey, 425. Conferences may be either simple or free. At a conference simply, written rea- sons are prepared by the House asking it, and they are read and delivered, without debate, to the managers of the other House at the conference ; but are not then to be answered. 4 Grey, 144. The other House then, if satisfied, vote the reasons satisfac- tory, or say nothing ; if not satisfied, they resolve them not satisfactory and ask a conference) on the subject of the last con- ference, where they read and deliver, in like manner, Avritten answers to those reasons. 3 Grey, 183. They are meant chiefly to record the justification of each House to the nation at large, and to pos- terity, and in proof that the miscarriage of a necessary mea.sure is not imputable to them, 3 Grey, 2.05. At free conferences, the managers discuss, viva voce and freely, and interchange propositions for such modifications as may he made in a parlia- mentary way, and may bring the sense of the two Houses together. And each party reports in writing to their respective Housi « the substance of what is said on both sides, and it is entered on their journals. 9 Grey, 220 ; 3 Hats., 280. This report cannot be amended or altered, as that of a committee may be. Journal Senate, May 24, 1790. A conference may be asked, before the House asking it has come to a resolution of disagreement, insisting or adhering. 3 Hats., 209, 341. In which case the papers are not left with the other conferees, but are brought back to be the foundation of the vote to be given. And this is the most reasonable and respectful proceeding ; for, as was urged by the Lords on a particular occasion, " it is held vain, and below the wisdom of Parliament, to reason or argue against fixed resolutions, and upon terms of impossibility to persuade." 3 Hats., 226. So the Commons say, " an adherence is never delivered at a free conference, which implies debate." 10 Grey, 137. And on another occasion the Lords made it an objection that the Commons had asked a free conference after they had made reso- lutions of adhering. It was then affirmed, however, on the part of the Commons, that nothing was more parliamentary than to proceed with free conferences after adher- ing, 3 Hats., 209, and we do in fact see in- stances of conference, or of free confer- ence, asked after the resolution of disa- greeing, 3 Hats., 251, 253, 200, 280, 291, 310,349; of insisting, ib., 280, 290, 299, 319,322, 355; of adhering, 209,270, 283, 300 ; and even of a second or final adher- ence. 3 Hats., 270. And in all cases of conference asked after a vote of disagree- ment, &c., the conferees of the House ask- ing it are to leave the papers with the con- ferees of the other ; and in one case where they refused to receive them, they were left on the table in the conference cham- ber, ib., 271, 317, 323, 354 ; 10 Grey, 146. After a free conference, the usage is to proceed with free conferences, and not to return again to a conference. 3 Hats., 270 ; 9 Grey, 229. After a conference denied, a free con- ference may be asked. 1 Grey, 45. When a conference is asked, the subject of it must be expressed, or the conference not agreed to. Ord. H Com., 89 ; Grey, 425 ; 7 Grey, 31. They are sometimes asked to inquire concerning an oflCcnse or default of a member of the other House. Grey, 181 ; 1 Chand., 304. Or the failure of the other House to present to the King a bill passed by both Houses, 8 Grey, 3(»2. Or on information received, and relating to the 50 AMERICA.N POLITICS. [book ir. safety of the nation. 10 Graj, 171. Or when the methods of Parliament are thought by the one House to have been departed from by the other, a conference is asked to come to a right understanding thereon. 10 Grey, 148. So when an un- parliamentary message has been sent, in- stead of answering it, they ask a confer- ence. 3 Grey, 155. Formerly an address or articles of impeachment, or a bill with amendments, or a vote of the House, or concurrence in a vote, or a message from the King, were sometimes communicated by way of conference. 6 Grey, 128, 300, 387 ; 7 Grey, 80 ; 8 Grey, 210, 255 ; 1 Tor- buck's Deb., 278 ; 10 Grey, 293 ; 1 Chandler, 49, 287. But this is not the modern prac- tice. 8 Grey, 255. A conference has been asked after the first reading of a bill. 1 Grey, 194. This is a singular instance. SEC. XLVII. — MESSAGES. Messages between the Houses are to be sent only while both Houses are sitting. 3 Hats., 15. They are received during a debate without adjourning the debate. 3 Hats., 22. [In Senate the messengers are introduced iri any state of business, except, 1. While a question is being put. 2. While the yeas and nays are being called. 3. While the ballots are being counted. Rule 51. The first case is short ; the second and third are <;ase3 where any interruption might oc- casion errors difficult to be corrected. So arranged June 15, 1798.] In the House of Representatives, as in Parliament, if the House be in committee when a messenger attends, the Speaker takes the chair to receive the message, and then quits it to return into committee, without any question or interruption. 4 Grey, 226. Messengers are not saluted by the mem- bers, but by the Speaker for the House. 2 Grey, 253, 274. If messengers commit an error in deliv- ering their message, they may be admitted or called in to correct their message. 4 6Vct/, 41. Accordingly, March 13, 1800, the Senate having made two amendments to a bill from the House of Representatives, their Secretary, by mistake, delivered one only; which being inadmissible by itself, that House disagreed, and notified the Senate of their (lisagreement. This pro- duced a discovery of the mistake. The Sec- rotary was sent to the other House to correct his mistake, the correction was received, and the two amendments acted on de novo. As soon as tlie messenger, who has brought bills from the other House, has retired, the Speaker holds the bills in his hand, and acquaints the House "that the other House have by their messenger sent certain bills," and then reads their titles, and delivers them td the Clerk, to be safely kept till they shall be called for to be readf. Hakew., 178. It is not the usage for one House to in- form the other by what numbers a bill is passed. 10 Grey, 150. Yet they have sometimes recommended a bill, as of great importance, to the consideration of the House to which it is sent. 3 Bats., 25. Nor when they have rejected a bill from the other House, do they give notice of it ; but it passes sub silentio, to prevent unbe- coming altercations. 1 Blackst., 183. [But in Congress the rejection is notified by message to the House in which the bill originated.] A question is never asked by the one House of the other by way of message, but only at a conference ; for this is an inter- rogatory, not a message. 3 Grey, 151, 181. When a bill is sent by one House to the other, and is neglected, they may send a \ message to remind them of it. 3 Hats., 25 ; 5 Grey, 154. But if it be mere inat- tention, it is better to have it done inferm- ally by communications between the Speakers or members of the two Houses. Where the subject of a message is of a nature that it can properly be communi- cated to both Houses of Parliament, it is expected that this communication should be made to both on the same day. But where a message was accompanied with an original declaration, signed by the party to which the message referred, its being sent to one House was not noticed by the other, because the declaration, being origi- nal, could not possibly be sent to both Houses at the same time. 2 Hats., 260, 261, 262. The King having sent original letters to the Commons, afterward desires they may be returned, that he may communi- cate them to the Lords. 1 Chandler, 303. SEC. XLViii. — Assekt;, The House which has received a bill and passed it may present it for the King's as- sent, and ought to do it, though they have not by message notified to the other their passage of it. Yet the notifying by mes- sage is a form which ought to be observed between the two Houses from motives of respect and good understanding. 2 Hats., 242. Were the bill to be withheld from being presented to the King, it would be an infringement of the rules of Parlia- ment. II). I When a bill has passed both Houses of , Congress, the House last acting on it noti- fies its passage to the other, and delivers! the bill to the Joint Committee of En- rolment, who see that it is truly enrolled, in parchment]. When the bill is en- rolled, it is not to be written in para- gra))hs, but solidly, and all of a piece, that the blanks between the paragraphs Bootiv.l JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 51 may not give room for forgery. 9 (^rey, 143. [It is then put into the hands of the Clerk of the House of Representatives to have it signed by the Speaker. The Clerk then brings it by way of message to the Senate to l)e signed by their President. The Secretary of the Senate returns it to the Committee of Enrolment, who present it to the President of the Ihiited States. If he approve, he signs, and deposits it among the rolls in the office of the Secretary of State, and notifies by message the House in which it originated that he has ap- proved and signed it; of which that House informs the other by message. If the President disapproves, he is to return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated ; who are to enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the Presi- dent's objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered; and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner after he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return ; in which case it shall not be a law. Const., 1,7.] [Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be neces- sary, (except on a question of adjourn- ment), shall be presented to the President of the United States, and, before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him ; or, being disapproved by him, shall be re-- passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Const, 1,1.] SEC. XLIX. — JOURNALS. [Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy. Const., 1,5.1 [The proceedings of the Senate, when not acting as in a Committee of the Whole, shall be entered on the journals as con- cisely as possible, care being taken to de- tail a true account of the proceedings. Every vote of the Senate shall be entered on the journals, and a brief statement of the contents of each petition, memorial, or paper presented to the Senate, be also inserted on the journal. Rule 5. J [The titles of bills, and such parts there- of, only, as shall be affected by proposed amendments, shall be inserted on the jour- nals. Rule 5.] If a question is interrupted by a vote to adjourn, or to proceed to the orders of the day, the original question is never printed in the journal, it never having t)een a vote, nor introductory to any vote ; but when suppressed by the previous ques- tion, the first question must be stated, in order to introduce and make intelligible the second. 2 Hats., 83. So also when a question is postponed, adjourned, or laid on the table, the ori- ginal question, though not yet a vote, must be expressed in the journals ; because it makes part of the vote of postponement, adjourning, or laying it on the table. Where amendments are made to a ques- tion, those amendments are not printed in the journals, separated from the question; l)ut only the question as finally agreed to by the House. The rule of entering in the journals only what the House has agreed to, is founded in great prudence and good sense ; as there may be many questions proposed, which it may be improper to publish to the world in the form in which they are made. 2 Hats., 85. [In both Houses of Congress, all ques- tions whereon the yeas and nays are de- sired by one-fifth of the members present, whether decided affirmatively or nega- tively, must be entered in the journals. Const., I, 5.] The first order for printing the votes of the House of Commons was October 30, 1(585. 1 Chandler, 387. Some judges have been of opinion that the journals of the House of Commons are no records, but only remembrances. But this is not law. Hob., 110, 111 ; Lex Pari., 114, 115; Jour. H. C, Mar. 17, 1592; Hale, Pari., 105. For the Lords in their House have power of judicature, the Com- mons in their House have power of judi- cature, and both Houses together have power of judicature ; and the book of the Clerk of the House of Commons is a record, as is affirmed by act of Pari., (3 H. 8, r. 16 ; 4 Inst., 23, 24 ; and every member of the House of Commons hath a judicial place. 4 Inst., 15. As records they are open to every person, and a printed vote of either House is sufficient ground for the other to notice it. Either may appoint a committee to inspect the journals of the other, and report what has been done by the other in anv particular case. 2 Hats., 261 ; 3 Hats., 27-30. Every member has a right to see the journals and to take and publish votes from them. Being a record, everv one mav see and publish them. 6 Greif, 118, 119! On information of a mis-entrj' or omis- sion of an entry in the journal, a committee may be appointed to examine and rectify it, and report it to the House. 2 Hats., 194,1195. 62 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book IV. SEC. L. — ADJOURNMEXT. The two Houses of Parliament have the sole, separate, and independent power of adjourning each their respective Houses. The King has no authority to adjourn them ; he can only signify his desire, and it is in the wisdom and prudence of either House to comply with his requisition, or not, as thev see fitting. 2 Hats., 232 ; 1 Blackst., 18(3;; 5 Grey, 122. [By the Constitution of the United States, a smaller number than a majority may ad- journ from day to day. 1,5. But " neither House, during the Session of Congress, :*hall, without the consent of the other, ad- journ for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting." I, 5. And in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, the President may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper. Const., II, 3.] A motion to adjourn, simply, cannot be amended, as by adding " to a particular day ;" but must be put simply " that this House do now adjourn ;" and if carried in the affirmative, it is adjourned to the next sitting day, unless it has come to a pre- vious resolution, " that at its rising it will adjourn to a particular day," and then the House is adjourned to that day. 2 Hats., 82. Where it is convenient that the business of the House be suspended for a short time, as for a conference presently to be held, &c., it adjourns during pleasure; 2 Hats., 305 ; or for a quarter of an hour. 5 Grey, 331. If a question be put for adjournment, it is no adjournment till the Speaker pro- nounces it. 5 Grei/, 137. And from cour- tesy and respect, no member leaves his place till the Speaker has passed on. SEC. LI. — A SESSION, Parliament have three modes of separa- tion, to wit : by adjournment, by proroga- tion or dissolution by the King, or by the efflux of the term for which they were elected. Prorogation or dissolution con- stitutes there what is called a session ; pro- vided feome act was passed. In this case all matters depending before them are dis- continued, and at their next meeting are to be taken up de novo, if taken up at all. 1 Black.Ht., 186. Adjournment, which is by themselves, is no more than a continu- ance of the session from f)ne day tf) an- other, or for a fortnight, a month, &c., ad libitum. All matters d('])ending remain in statu quo, and when they meet again, be the term ever so distant, are resumed, with- out any fresh commencement, at the point at which they were left. 1 Lev., 165; Lex. Pari, 0. 2; 1 Ro. Rep., 29; 4 Inst., 1, 27, 28; Hutt.JW; 1 Mod.,2r)2; Ru/fh. Jar., L. Did. Parliament ; 1 Blackst., \>iij. Their whole session is considered in law but as one day, and has relation to the first day thereof. Bro. Abr. Parliament, 86. Committees may be appointed to sit during a recess by adjournment, but not by prorogation. 5 Grey, 374 ; 9 Grey, 350 ; 1 Chandler, 50. Neither House can con- tinue any portion of itself in any parlia- mentary function beyond the end of the session, without the consent of the other two branches. When done, it is by a bill constituting them commissioners for the particular purpose. [Congress separate in two ways only, to wit : by adjournment, or dissolution by the efflux of their time. AVhat, then, consti- tutes a session with them ? A dissolution certainly closes one session, and the meet- ing of the new Congress begins another. The Constitution authorizes the President " on extraordinary occasions, to convene both Houses, or either of them." I, 3. If convened by the President's proclamation, this must begin a new session, and of course determine the preceding one to have been a session. So if it meets under the clause of the Constitution, which says, "the Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meet- ing shall be on the fir.st Monday in De- cember, unless they shall by law appoint a different day." I, 4. This must begin a new session ; for even if the last adjourn- ment was to this day, the act of adjourn- ment is merged in the higher authority of the Constitution, and the meeting will be under that, and not under their adjourn- ment. So far we have fixed landmarks for determining sessions. In other cases it is declared by the joint vote authorizing the President of the Senate and the Speaker to close the session on a fixed day, which is usually in the following form : " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, that tlie President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives be authorized to close the present session by adjourning their re- spective Plouses on the day of ."J When it was said above that all matters depending before Parliament were discon- tinued by the determination of the session, it was not meant for judiciary cases de- })ending before the House of Lords, such as impeachments, appeals, and writs of error. These stand continued, of course, to the next session. Raym., 120, 381 ; Ru(]'h. Jac, Ij. 1). Parliament. [impeachments stand, in like manner, continued before the Senate of the United States. ] SEC. I.II. — TREATIES. [The President of the United States has power, by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- vided two-thirds of the Senators present concur. Const., II, 2.] BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 53 [Resolved, that all confidential commu- nications made by the President of the United States to the Senate shall be, by the members thereof, kept secret ; and that all treaties which may hereafter be laid before the Senate shall also be kej)t secret, until the Senate shall, by their resolution, take off the injunction of secrecy. Rule 67.*] [Treaties are legislative acts. A treaty is I^tlie law of the laud. It differs from other laws only as it must have the con- sent of a foreign nation, being but a con- tract with respect to that nation. In all countries, I believe, except England, trea- ties are made by the legislative power; and there, also, if they touch the laws of the land, they must be approved by Par- liament. Ware v. Ilylton, 8 DdJlas's Rep., 223. It is acknowledged, for instance, that the King of Clreat Britain cannot by a treaty make a citizen of an alien. Vattel, b. 1, c. 19, sec. 214. An act of Parliament was necessary to validate the American treaty of 1783. And abundant examples of such acts can be cited. In the case of the treaty of Utrecht, in 1712, the com- mercial articles required the concurrence of Parliament; but a bill brought in for that purpose was rejected. France, the other contracting party, suffered these ar- ticles, in practice, to be not insisted on, and adhered to the rest of the treaty. 4 Russell's Hist. Mod. Europe, 45il ; 2 Smol- Id, 242, 246. [By the Constitution of the United States this dcjiartment of legislation is confined to two branches only of the or- dinary legislature — the President originat- ing and the Senate having a negative. To what subjects this power exte^ids has not been defined in detail by the Constitution ; nor are we entirely agreed among our- selves. 1. It is admitted that it must concern the foreign nation party to the contract, or it would be a mere nullity, res inter alias acta. 2. By the general power to make treaties, the Constitution must have intended to comprehend only those subjects which are usually regulated by treaty, and cannot be otherwise regu- lated. 3. It must have meant to excejit oiit of these the rights reserved to the States ; for surely the President and Sen- ate cannot do by treaty what the whole Government is interdicted from doing in any way. 4. And also to except those subjects of legislation in which it gave a participation to the House of Rejiresenta- tives. This last exception is denied by some on the ground that it would leave very little matter for the treaty power to work on. The less the better, say others. * Thia nile has been so amended as to except Indian treaties ; which shall be cmisidiTcd and actod upon in open Senate, unless the same sliall he transmitted by the President to the Senate in conJidence. 44 The Constitution thought it wise to re- strain the Executive and Senate from en- tangling and embroiling our affairs with those of Europe. Besides, as the negotia- tions are carried on by the Executive alone, the sulijecting to the ratification of the Re]>resentatives such articles are within their participation is no more inconvenient than to the Senate. But the ground of this exception is denied as unfounded. For examine, e. g., the treaty of commerce with France, and it will l>e found that, out of thirty-one articles, there arenotmore than small portions or two or three of them which would not still remain as subjects of treaties, untouched by these excei)tions. | [Treaties being declared, equally with the laws of the United States, to be the supreme law of the land, it is understood that an act of the legislature alone can de- clare them infringed and rescinded. This was accordingly the process adopted in the case of France in 1798.] [It has been the usage for the Execu- tive, when it communicates a treaty to the Senate for their ratification, to communi- cate also the correspondence of the ne- gotiators. This having been omitted in the case of the Prussian treaty, was asked by a vote of the House of February 12, 1800, and was obtained. And in Decem- ber, 1800, the convention that year be- tween the United States and France, with the report of the negotiations by the en- voys, but not their instructions, being laid before the Senate, the instructions were asked for and communicated by the Pres- ident.] [The mode of voting on questions of rat- ification is by nominal call.] [Whenever a treaty shall be laid before the Senate for ratification, it shall be read a first time for information only; when no motion to reject, ratifv', or modify the whole or any part, shall be received. Its second reading shall be for consideration, and on a subsequent day, when it shall be taken up as in a Committee of the Whole, and every one shall be free to move a ques- tion on any particular article in this form : " Will the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of this article?" or to pro- pose amendments thereto, either by in- serting or by leaving out words, in which last case the question shall be, "Shall the words stand part of the article?" And in every of the said cases the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators present shall be requisite to decide affirmatively. And, when through the whole, the proceedings shall be stated to the House, and questions be again severally put thereon, for confir- mation, or new ones proposed, requiring in like manner a concurrence of two-thirds for whatever is retained or inserted.) [The votes so confirmed shall, by the Hoase, or a committee thereof, be reduced 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book IV. into the form of a ratification, with or with- out modifications, as may have been de- cided, and shall be proposed on a subse- quent day, when every one shall again be free to move amendments, either by insert- ing or leaving out words ; in which last case the question shall be, *' Shall the words stand part of the resolution ?" And in both cases the concurrence of two-thirds shall be requisite to carry the affirmative; as well as on the final question to advise and consent to the ratification in the form agreed to. Rule 69.*] [When any question may have been de- cided by the Senate, in which two-thirds of the members present are necessary to carry the affirmative, any member who voted on that side which prevailed in the question, may be at liberty to move for a reconsideration ; and a motion for a recon- sideration shall be decided by a majority of votes. Rule 20.] SEC. LIII. — IMPEACHMENT. [The House of Representatives shall have thesole power of impeachment. Const. ,1,Z.] [The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried the Chief Justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. Judgment in cases of impeach- ment shall not extend further than to re- moval from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States. But the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law. Const., 1,3.] [The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. Const., II, 4. J [The trial of crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury. Const., Ill, 2.] These are the provisions of the Constitu- tion of the United States on the subject of impeachments. The following is a sketch of some of the principles and practices of England on the same subject : Jurisdiction. The Lords cannot impeach any to themselves, nor join in the accusa- tion, l)ecause they arc the judges. Seld. Judic. in Pari., 12, 63. Nor can they pro- ceed against a commoner but on (complaint of the Commons. 7/>.,H4. The Lords may not, by the law, try a commoner for a cap- ital offense, on tlie information of the King or a private person, because the accused is entitled to a trial by his peers generally ; ♦This rule hag bince been mudlflod by the U. S. Sonato. but on accusation by the House of Com- mons, they may proceed against the delin- quent, of whatsoever degree, and whatso- ever be the nature of the offense ; for there they do not assume to themselves trial at common law. The Commons are then in- stead of a jury, and the judgment is given on their demand, which is instead of a ver- dict. So the Lords do only judge, but not try the delinquent. 7?)., 6, 7. But Woodde- son denies that a commoner can now be charged capitally before the Lords, even by the Commons ; and cites Fitzharris's case, 1681, impeached of high treason, where the Lords remitted the prosecution to the inferior court. 8 Grey's Deh., 325-7 ; 2 Wooddesov, 576, 601 ; 3 Seld., 1604,1610, 1618, 1619, 1641 ; 4 Blackst., 257 ; 9 Seld., 1656. Accusation. The Commons, as the grand inquest of the nation, become suitors for penal justice. 2 Wood., 597 ; 6 Grei/, 356. The general course is to pass a resolution containing a criminal charge against the supposed delinquent, and then to direct some member to impeach him by oral accu- sation, at the bar of the House of Lords, in the name of the Commons. The person signifies that the articles will be exhibited, and desires that the delinquent may be sequestered from his seat, or oe committed, or that the peers will take order for his ap- pearance. Sachev. Trial, 325 ; 2 Wood., 602, 605; Lords' Journ., 3 June, 1701; 1 Wins., 616 ; 6 Grey, 824. Process. If the party do not appear, proclamations are to be issued, giving him a day to appear. On their return they are strictly examined. If any error be found in them, a new proclamation issues, giving a short day. If he appear not, his goods may be arrested, and they may proceed. Seld. Jud., 98, 99. Articles. The accusation (articles) of the Commons is substituted in place of an indictment. Thus, by the usage of Parlia- ment, in impeachment for writing or speak- ing, the particular words need not be specified. Sack. Tr., 325; 2 Wood., 602, 605 ; Lords' Journ., 3 June, 1701 ; 1 Wms., 616. Appearance. If he appear, and the case be capital, he answers in custody ; though not if the accusations be general. He is not to be committed but on special accusa- tions. If it be for a misdemeanor only, lie answers, a lord in his place, a commoner at the bar, and not in custody, unless, on the answer, the Lords find cause to com- mit him, till he find sureties to attend, and lest he should fly. Seld. Jud., 98, 99. A copy of the articles is given him and a day fixed for his answer. T. Ray.; 1 Rushw., 268; Fn.st., 232; 1 Clar. Hist of the Reb., 379. On a misdemeanor, his appearance may be in person, or he may answer in writing, or by attorney. Seld. Jud,, 100. BOOK IV.] JEFFERSON'S PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE. 55 The general rule on accusation for a mis- demeanor is, that in such a state of liberty or restraint as the [)arty is when the Com- mons complain of him, in such he is to answer. lb., 101. If previously committed by the Commone, he answers as a prisoner. But this may be called in some sort judi- cium parium suorum. lb. In misdemean- ors the party has a right to counsel by the common law, but not in capital cases. Scld. Jiul, 102, 105. Answer. The answer need not observe great strictness of form. He may plead guilty as to part, and defend as to the resi- due ; or, saving all exceptions, deny the whole or give a particular answer to each article separately. 1 Rush., 27-4 ; 2 Rush., 1374; VI Pari Hist.,4A2; S Lords' Journ., 13 Nov., 1G43 ; 2 Wood., 607. But he can- not plead a pardon in bar to the impeach- ment. 2 IVood., 615 ; 2 St. Tr., 735. Replication, rejoinder, &c. There may be a replication, rejoinder, &c. Sd. Jud., 114; 8 Greijs Deb., 233; >Sach. Tr., 15; Journ. H. of Commons, 6 March, 1640-1. Witnesses. The practice is to swear the witnesses in open House, and then examine them there ; or a committee may be named who shall examine them in committee, either on interrogatories agreed on in the House, or such as the committee in their discretion shall demand. Seld. Jud., 120, 123. Jury. In the case of Alice Pierce, 1 R., 2, a jury was impaneled for her trial before a committee. Sdd. Jud., 123. But this was on a complaint, not on impeachment by the Commons. Seld. Jud., 163. It must also have been for a misdemeanor only, as the Lords spiritual sat in the case, which they do on misdemeanors, but not in capital cases, /ci, 148. The judgment was a forfeiture of all her lands and goods. /(/., 188. This, Selden says, is the only jury he finds recorded in Parliament for misdemeanors ; but he makes no doubt, if the delinquent doth put himself on the trial of his country, a jury ought to be im- paneled, and he adds that it is not so on impeachment by the Commons ; for they are in loco proprio, and there no jury ought to be impaneled. /(/., 124. The Ld. Berkeley, 6 E., 3, was arraigned for the murder of L. 2, on an information on the part of the King, and not on impeachment of the Commons ; for then they had been patria sua. He waived his peerage and was tried by a jurj' of Gloucestershire and Warwickshire. Id., 125. In 1 H. 7, the Commons protest that they are not to be considered as parties to any judgmentgivcn or hereafter to be given in Parliament. Id., 133. They have been generally and more justly considered, as is before stated, as the grand jury ; for the conceit of Sel- den is certainly not accurate, that they are the patria sua of the accused, and that the Lords do only judge, but not try. It ia undeniable that they do try ; for they ex- amine witnesses as to the facts, and acquit or condemn, according to their own belief of them. And Lord Hale says, " the peers are judges of law as well as of fact; 2 Hale, r. C, 275 ; consequently of fact as well as of law. Presence of Commons. The Commons are to be present at the examination of witnesses, tield. Jud., 124. Indeed, they are to attend throughout, either a.s a com- mittee of the whole House, or otherwise, at discretion, appoint managers to conduct the proofs. Rushiv, T)-. of Straff. , 37 ; Com. Journ., 4 Feb., 1709-10 ; 2 Wood., 614. And judgment is not to be given till they demand it. Seld. Jud., 124. But they are not to be present on impeachment when the Lords consider of the answer or proofe and determine of their judgment. Their presence, however, is necessary at the answer and judgment in cases capital, Id. 58, 159 as well as not capital ; 162. The Lords debate the judgment among them- selves. Then the vote is first taken on the question of guilty or not guilty ; and if they convict, the question, or particular sentence, is out of that which seemeth to be most generally agreed on. Seld. Jud., 167; 2 Wood., 612. Judgment. Judgments in Parliament, for death, have been strictly guided per legem terrse, which they cannot alter ; and not at all according to their discretion. They can neither omit any part of the legal judgment, nor add to it. Their sentence must be secundum, non ultra legem. Seld. Jud., 168, 171. This trial, though it varies in external ceremony, yet differs not in essentials from criminal prosecutions before inferior courts. The same rules of evidence, the same legal notion of crimes and punishments, prevailed ; for impeach- ments are not framed to alter the law, but to carry it into more effectual execution against too powerful delinquents. The judgment, therefore, is to be such as is warranted by legal principles or precedents. 6 Sta. Tr., 14 ; 2 Wood., 611. The Chan- cellor gives judgment in misdemeanors; the Lord High Steward formerly in cases of life and death. Seld. Jud., 180. But now the Steward is deemed not necessary. Fast., 144 ; 2 Wood., 613. In misdemeanors the greatest corporal punishment hath been imprisonment. Seld. Jud., 184. The King's assent is necessary in capital judgments, (but 2 Wood., 614, contra,) but not in mis- demeanors. Seld. Jud., 136. Continuance. An impeachment is riot discontinued by the dissolution of Parlia- ment, but may be resumed by the new Parliament. T. Ray., 383; 4 Com. Journ., 23 Dec., 1790 ; Lords' Jour., May 15, 1791 ; 2 Wood., 618. AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK V. EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. J AMERICAI^ POLITICS. BOOK V. EXISTOTG POLITIOAX, LAWS. Great Seal of tlie United States. In the Continental Congress, on the 4th of July, 1776, after the signing of the De- claration of Independence, and just before adjourning on that day, a committee, con- sisting of Dr. Franklin, Mr. J. Adams, and Mr. Jefferson, was appointed " to Srepare a device for a seal for the United tates of America." On the 20th of August, 1776, this com- mittee made a report, which was ordered to lie on the table. On the 20th of June, 1782, in the Con- gress of the Confederation, the following " device for an armorial achievement and reverse of the great seal lor the United States in Congress assembled," was adopted. Arms : Paleways of thirteen pieces, argent and gules ; a chief, azure ; the es- cutcheon on the breast of the American eagle displayed proper, holding in his dex- ter talon an olive branch, and in his sinis- ter a bundle of thirteen arrows, all proper, and in his beak a scroll inscribed with this motto, " E phiribus Unum." For the Crest : Over the head of the eagle, which ai)pears above the escutcheon, a glory, or, breaking through a cloud, pro- per, and surrounding thirteen stars, form- ing a constellation, argent, on an azure field. Reverse : A pyramid unfinished. In the zenith, an eye in a triangle surrounded with glory, proper. Over the eye, these words : " Annuit cceptis." On the base of the pyramid, the numerical letters, " MDCCLXXVI." And underneath, the following motto : " Nonts ordo seclorum." [Jour. Cong., vol. 4, p. 39.] By the third section of an act approved September 15, 1789, to provide for the safe keeping of the acts, records, and seal of the United States, and for other purposes, it was enacted, " That the seal heretofore used by the United States in Congress assembled^ shall be, and hereby is, declared to be the seal of the United States." The fourth section of the same act pro- vides : " That the Secretary of State shall keep the said seal, and shall make out and record, and shall affix the said seal to, all civil commissions to officers of the United States, to be appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, or by the President alone : Pro- vided, That the said seal shall not be affixed to any commission before the same shall have been signed by the President of the United States, nor to any other instru- ment or act without the special warrant of the President therefor." [Sept. 15, 1789; 1 Stat, 68.] Relating to the National Flag. The first action taken in regard to a national flag is to be found in the proceed- ings of the Continental Congress of the 14th of June, 1777, when the following resolution was adopted : " Resolved, That the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white ; that the union be thirteen stars, white, in a blue field, representing a new constellation." This continued to be the national flag, the thirteen stripes and the thirteen stnrs representing the thirteen States, until two " new States " were admitted into the Union ; Vermont on the 4th of March, 1791, and Kentucky on the 1st of June, 1792, when Congress passed an act, Janu- ary 13, 1794, making an alteration in the flag of the United State's, which provided "tiiat from and after the fir^t day May, Anno Domini one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, the flag of the United States be fifteen stripes, alternate red and white. That the union be fifteen stars, white, in a blue field," AMERICAN POLITICS. [book No further actiou seems to have been taken respecting the flag, until the subject was brought to the notice of the House of Eepresentatives at the second session of the Fourteenth Congress, on the 9th of December, 1816, by Mr. Peter H^ Wen- dover, a Representative from the State of New York ; at whose instance a committee was appointed who made a report, which, however, was not acted upon, and the sub- ject dropped with the close of the session. At the next session it was renewed by the same gentleman, who again made a re- port upon the subject, in which he said: The committee are fully persuaded that the form selected for the American flag was truly emblematical of our origin and exist- ence as an independent nation ; but they believe, however, that an|increase in the number of States in the Union since the flag was altered by law, sufficiently indi- cates the propriety of such a change in the arrangement of the flag as shall best ac- cord with the reason that led to its origi- nal adoption, and sufficiently to mark im- portant periods of our national history. Referring to the alteration made in the flag by the act of January 13, 1794, he says : The accession of new States since that alteration, and the certain prospect that at no distant period the number of States will be considerably multiplied, ren- der it, in the opinion of the committee, highly inexpedient to increase the num- ber of stripes, as every flag must, in some measure, be limited in size. That under the circumstances they are led to believe no alteration could be made more emble- matical of our origin and present existence than to reduce the stripes of the original number of thirteen, to represent the num- ber then contending for and happily achieving their independence. And to in- ci'ease the stars to the number correspond- ing to the number of States in the Union, and hereafter to add one star to the flag whenever a new State shall be admitted. The recommendations of this report were adopted by Congress and embodied in the following act, which was approved April 4, 1818: AN ACT to establish the flag of the United States. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Slates of America in Gont/ress assembled, That from and after the 4tli day of July next, the flag of the United States he tiurteen hori- zontal strij)es, alternate red and wliite, that the Union be twenty stars, white in a blue field. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That 0!i the admlHsiou of every new State into tiic Union, one star he added to tlic union of the flag; and that such addition shall take ellect on the 4th day of July then next succeeding such admission. [April i, 1818 ; 3 Stat., 415.] [From the Kevised Statutes and Supplements.] ELECTION OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT AND PROVIDING FOR VACANCIES IN THOSE OFFICES. Number of Electors now composing tlie Electoral College of eacli State. Each State shall appoint, in such man- ner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives, to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representa- tive or jaerson holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be ap- pointed an elector. [Cons., Art. II., Sec. 1, cl. 2.] Under the foregoing clause of the Con- stitution and the last apportionment of Representatives among the several States, the whole number of electors for President and Vice-President is 369, and the number of electors which each State will be en- titled to choose is — Alabama .... 10 Arkansas .... 6 California .... 6 Colorado .... 3 Connecticut ... 6 Delaware .... 3 Florida 4 Georgia 11 Illinois 21 Indiana 15 Iowa 11 Kansas 5 Kentucky .... 12 Louisiana .... 8 Maine 7 Maryland .... 8 Massachusetts . . 13 Michigan .... 11 Minnesota .... 5 Mississippi. ... 8 Missouri 15 Nebraska .... 3 Nevada 3 New Hampshire . . 5 New Jersey ... New York .... 35 North Carolina . . 10 Ohio 22 Oregon 3 Pennsylvania. . . 29 Rhode Island. . . 4 South Carolina . . 7 Tennessee .... 12 Texas ...... 8 Vermont 5 Virginia 11 West Virginia . . 5 Wisconsin .... 10 Time of Appointing Klectors. Seo. 131. Except in case of a presiden- tial election prior to the ordinary period, as specified in sections one hundred and forty-seven to one hundred and forty-nine inclusive, when the offices of President and Vice-President both become vacant, the electors of President and Vice-Presi- dent shall be a])pointed in each State on the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November, in every fourth year succeeding every election of a President and Vice- President. [See Sec. 5520.] [Sec. 5520. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to prevent by force, iiitiinidiition, or tlireat, any citizon wlio is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his support or advocacy, in a legal manner, Idwanl or in favor of the election of any lawfully ipialified person as an elector for President or Vice-President, or as u member BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. of the Congress of the Uuited States, or to in- jure any citizen in person or property, on ac- count of such supi>ort or advocacy, each of such persons shall be punished Ijy a fine of not less tiian five liuiidrod nor more than five thousand dollars, or l)y imprisonment, with or without liard labor, not less than six months nor more than six years, or by both such fine and imprisonment.] Tfumber of Electors. Sec. L32. The number of electors shall be equal to the luiinber of Senators and Re2:»resentativos to whieh the several States are by law entitled at the time when the President and Vice-President to be chosen come into otHce, except that where no ap- portionment of Representatives has been made after any enumeration, at the time of choosing electors, the number of elec- tors shall lae according to the then exist- ing apportionment of Senators and Repre- sentatives. Vacancies In the Electoral College. Sec. 11)8. Each State may, by law, pro- vide for the filling of any vacancies which may occur in its college of electors when such college meets to give its electoral vote. In case of Failure to Elect on the day ap- pointed. Sec. 134. Whenever any State has held an election for the purpose of choosing electors, and has failed to make a choice on the day prescribed by law, the electors may be appointed on a subsequent day in such a manner as the legislature of such State shall direct. Meeting of the Electoral College. Sec. 135. The electors for each State shall meet and give their votes upon the first Wednesday in December in the year in which they are appointed, at such place in each State as the legislature of such State shall direct. Certified Lists of Electors to be made. Sec. 136. It shall be the duty of the executive of each State to cause three lists of the names of the electors of such State to be made and certified, and to be de- livered to the electors on or before the day on which they are required, by the prece- ding section, to meet. Manner of Voting. Sec. 137. The electors shall vote for President and Vice-President, respectively, in the manner directed by the Constitu- tion. Certificates to he Signed by the Electors. _ Sec. 138. The electors shall make and aign three certificates of all the votes given by them, each of which certificates shall contain two distinct lists, one of the votes for President, and the other of the votes for Vice-I*resident, and shall annex to each of the certificates one of the lists of the electors which shall have been furnished to them by direction of the executive of the State. Certificates to be Sealed and Indorsed by tlic Electors. Sec. 139. The elector.'* nhall seal up the certificates so made by them, and certify ui)on each that the lists of all the votes of such State given for President, and of all the votes given for Vice-President, are contained therein. Disposition to be made of the Certificates. Sec. 140. The electors shall dispose of the certificates thus made by them in the following manner: One. They shall, by writing under their hands, or under the hands of a majority of them, appoint a person to take charge of and deliver to the President of the Senate, at the seat of Government, before the first Wednesday in January then next ensuing, one of the certificates. Two. They shall forthwith forward, by the post-oflice, to the President of the Senate, at the seat of Government, one other of the certificates. Three. They shall forthwith cause the other of the certificates to be delivered to the judge of that district iu which the electors shall assemble. In case of Failure to receive the Certificates. Sec. 141. Whenever a certificate of votes from any State has not been received at the seat of Government on the first Wed- nesday of January indicated by the pre- ceding section, the Secretary of State shall send a special messenger to the district judge in whose custody one certificate of the votes from that State has been lodged, and such judge shall forthwith transmit that list to the seat of Government. Counting the Electoral Votes. Sec. 142. Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in February succeeding every meeting of the electors, and the certificates, or so many of them a.s have been received, shall then be opened, the votes counted, and the persons to fill the offices of President and Vice-President ascertained and declared, agreeable to the Constitution. In case tl»e President of the Sonnti- b«- aliscnt, tl»e Certificates are to be dellvertd to the Secretary of State. Sec. 143. In case there shall be no President of the Senate at the seat of Govenmient on the arrival of the persons intrusted with the certificates of the votes AMERICAN POLITICS. [look V, of the electors, then such person shall deliver such certificates into the office of the Secretary of State, to be safely kept and delivered over, as soon as may be, to the President of the Senate. Mileage of Messengers. Sec. 144. Each of the persons appointed by the electors to deliver the certificates of votes to the President of the Senate, shall be allowed, on the delivery of the list in- trusted to him, twenty-five cents for every mile of the estimated distance, by the most usual road, from the place of meeting of the electors to the seat of Government of the United States, computed for the one distance only. \^Act of December 18, 1876.] Penalty for Neglect of Duty toy any Mes- senger. Sec. 145. Every person who, having been appointed, pursuant to sub-division one, of section one hundred and forty, or to section one hundred and forty-one, to deliver the certificates of the votes of the electors to the President of the Senate, and having accepted such appointment, shall neglect to perform the services re- quired from him, shall forfeit the sum of one thousand dollars. In Case of Vacancies In tlie Offices of Presi- dent and Vice-President. Sec. 146. In case of removal, death, resignation, or inability of both the Presi- dent and Vice-President of the United States, the President of the Senate, or, if there is none, then the Speaker of the House of Representatives for the time be- ing, shall act as President until the disa- bility is removed or a President elected. Kxecntives of the States to be Notified of Vacancies. Sec. 147. Whenever the offices of Presi- dent and Vice-President both become va- cant, the Secretary of State shall forth- with cause a notification thereof to be made to the executive of every State, and shall also cause the same to be published in at lea.st one of the newspapers printed in each State. Character of the Notification to the Ex- ecutives of the States. Sec. 148. The notification shall specify that electors of a President and Vice-Presi- dent of the United States shall be appointed or chosen in the several States as follows: First. If there shall be the space of two months yet to ensue between the date ol' Huch notification and the first Wednesday in December then next ensuing, such no- tification shall specify that the electors shall be appointed ortihoscn within thirty- four days preceding such first Wednesday in December. Second. It' there sliull not he the space of two months between the dale of such notification and such first Wednesday in December, and if the term for which the President and Vice-President last in office were elected will not exjjire on the third day of March next ensuing, the notifica- tion shall specify that the electors shall be appointed or chosen within thirty-four days preceding the first Wednesday in De- cember in the year next ensuing. But if there shall not be the space of two months between the date of such notification and the first Wednesday in December then next ensuing, and if the term for which the President and Vice-President last in office were elected will expire on the third day of March next ensuing, the notifica- tion shall not specify that electors are to be appointed or chosen. Time of holding Elections to fill Vacancies. Sec. 149. Electors appointed or chosen upon the notification prescribed by the preceding section shall meet and give their votes upon the first Wednesday of Decem- ber specified in the notification. Regulations for Q,nadrenuial Elections ap- plicable to Elections to fill Vacancies. Sec. 150. The provisions of this Title relating to the quadrennial election of President and Vice-President shall apply with respect to any election to fill vacan- cies in the offices of President and Vice- President, held upon a notification given when both offices become vacant. Resignation or Refusal to Accept the Office of President or Vice-President. Sec. 151. The only evidence of a refusal to accept, or of the resignation of, the office of President or Vice-President, shall be an instrument in writing, declaring the same, and subscribed by the person refusing to accept, or resigning, as the case may be, and delivered into iJie office of the Secre- tary of State. Oath of Senators and'*lE*resldent of the Senate. Sec. 28. The oath of office shall be ad- ministered by the President of the Senate to each Senator who shall hereafter be elected, previous to his taking his seat. Sec. 29. When a President of the Senate has not taken the oath of office, it shall be administered to him by any member of the Senate.* * When the term of a Senator expires while holding the office of I'resident />ro tempore, and he is re-elected, there being no Vice-President, or lie being iibsent at the commencement of the next Session of the kSenatc, the usage has boon, on the first (hiy of tlie session, to direct hy resolution that the oaths be administered to him by a Senator named in the resolution (usually the Senator of longest continuous ser- vice) and that he be chosen President ^ro tern- pore. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. Election of Senators. Sec. 14. The legislature of each State which is chosen next preceding the expi- ration of the time for which any Senator was elected to rei)resent such State in Con- gress shall, on the second Tuesday after the meeting and organization thereof, pro- ceed to elect a Senator in Congress. Sec. 15. Such election shall be conduct- ed in the following manner : Each house shall openly, by a viva-voce vote of each member present, name one person for Senator in Congress from such State, and the name of the person so voted for, who receives a majority of the whole number of votes cast in each house, shall be entered on the journal of that house by the clerk or secretary thereof; or if either house fails to give such majority to any person on that day, the fact shall be entered on the journal. At twelve o'clock meridian of the day following that on which pro- ceedings are required to take place as aforesaid, the members of the two houses shall convene in joint assembly, and the journal of each house shall then be read, and if the same person has received a ma- jority of all the votes in each house, he shall be declared duly elected Senator. But if the same person has not received a majority of the votes in each house, or if either house has failed to take proceedings as required by this section, the joint assem- bly shall then proceed to choose, by a viva-voce vote of each member present, a person for senator, and the person who re- ceives a majority of all the votes of the joint assembly, a majority of all the mem- bers elected to both houses being present and voting, shall be declared duly elected. If no person receives such majority on the first day, the joint assembly shall meet at twelve o'clock meridian of each succeed- ing day during the session of the legisla- ture, and shall take at least one vote, until a Senator is elected. Sec. 16. Whenever on the meeting of the legislature of any State a vacancy ex- ists in the representation of such State in the Senate, the legislature shall proceed, on the second Tuesday after meeting and organization, to elect a person to fill such vacancy, in the manner prescribed in the preceding section for the election of a Sen- ator for a full term. Sec. 17. AVhenever during the session of the legislature of any State a vacancy oc- curs in the representation of such State in the Senate, similar proceedings to fill such vacancy shall be had on the second Tues- day after the legislature is organized and has notice of such vacancy. Sec. 18. It shall be theduty of the ex- ecutive of the State from which any Sen- ator has been chosen, to certify his elec- tion, under the seal of the State, to the President of the Senate of the United States. Sec. 19. The certificate mentioned in the preceding section shall be counter- signed by the secretary of state of the State. ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA- TIVES. Sec. 30. At the first session of Congress after every general election of Representa- tives, the oath of office shall be adminis- tered by any member of the House of Representatives to the Speaker ; and by the Speaker to all the Members and Dele- gates present, and to the Clerk, previous to entering on any other business ; and to the Members and Delegates who after- ward appear, previous to their taking their seats. Roll ot Representatives Elect to be made by tbe Clerk. Sec. 31. Before the first meeting of each Congress the Clerk of the next preceding House of Representatives shall make a roll of the Representatives elect, and place thereon the names of those persons, and of such persons only, whose credentials show that they were regularly elected in accordance with the laws of their States, respectively, or the laws of the United States. If there be no Clerk, then the Scrgeant-at- Arms to Act. Sec. 32. In case of a vacancy in the office of Clerk of the House of Represen- tatives, or of the absence or inability of the Clerk to discharge the duties imjjosed on him by law or custom, relative to the preparation of the roll of Representatives or the organization of the House, those duties shall devolve on the Sergeant-at- Arms of the next preceding House of Representatives. If there be no Clerk nor Ser^eaut-at-Arims, then the Door-keeper to Act. Sec. 33. In case of vacancies in the offices of both the Clerk and Sergeant-at- Arras, or of the absence or inability of both to act, the duties of the Clerk rela- tive to the preparation of the roll of the House of Representatives or the organiza- tion of the House shall be performed by the Doorkeeper of the next preceding House of Representatives APPORTIONMENT AND REPRESENTATION. Number of MeinberM of tl»o lioust- of Re- prcsentatlvea. Sec. 20. After the third day of March, oightcon hundred and seventy-three, the House of Representatives shall be com- posed of two hundred and ninety [two] AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. three members,* to be apportioned among the several States as follows : Kentucky .... 10 Tennessee .... 10 Indiana 13 Illinois 19 Missouri 13 Arkansas .... 4 Michigan .... 9 Florida 2 Texas 6 Iowa 9 Wisconsin .... 8 California .... 4 Minnesota .... 3 Oregon 1 Kansas 3 West Virginia . . 3 Nevada 1 Nebraska . . . . 1 *Colorado . . . . 1 Maine .... . 5 New Hampshire . Vermont .... . 3 . 3 Massachusetts . . 11 Rhode Island . 2 Connecticut . . . 4 New York . . . . 33 New Jersey . . Pennsylvania . 7 .27 Delaware . . . . 1 Maryland . . . . 6 Virginia . . . North Carolina . . 9 . 8 South Carolina . . Georgia .... . 9 Alabama . . . . 8 Mississippi . . Louisiana . . . . 6 . 6 Ohio . 20 Kepresentetives of Neiv States. Sec. 21. Whenever a new State is ad- mitted to the Union, the Representatives assigned to it shall be in addition to the number two hundred and ninety -two. [Since the admission of Colorado two hun- dred and ninety-three.] R«ductlou of Representatives under 14rt]i Ameuduieut. Sec. 22. Should any State deny or abridge the right of any of the male in- habitants thereof, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, to vote at any election named in the amendment to the Constitution, article fourteen, section two, except for participa- tion in the rebellion or other crime, the number of Representatives apportioned to such State shall be reduced in the pro- portion wliich the number of such male citizens shall have to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Elections to be by Districts of contiguous Territory. Sec. 23. In each State entitled under this apportionment to more than one Representative, the number to which such State may be entitled in the Forty-third and each subseipicnt Congress shall be elected by districts composed of contiguous territory ,'and containing as nearly as prac- ticable an equal mmiber of inhabitants, and equal in numl)cr to tbe number of Representatives to which such State may be entitled in Congress, but no one district * The State of Colorado was admitted into the Union on the first day of August, 1870, and is entitled to one l{oi)reHentaUvo, making the number two hundred and ninety-three. A new apportionment is now pending, with 325 members as the total number. electing more than one Representative; but in the election of Representatives to the Forty-third Congress in any State to which an increased number of Represen- tatives is given by this apportionment, the additional Rejiresentative or Representa- tives may be elected by the State at large, and the other Representatives by the dis- tricts as now prescribed by law, unless the legislature of the State shall otherwise provide before the time fixed by law for the election of Representatives therein. Uniform Time for holding Elections in the States and Territories. Sec. 25. The Tuesday next after the first Monday in November, in the year eighteen hundred and seventy-six, is es- tablished as the day in each of the States and Territories of the United States for the election of Representatives and Dele- gates to the Forty-fifth Congress ; and the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November in every second year thereafter is established as the day for the election in each of said States and Territories, of Representatives and Delegates to the Con- gress commencing on the fourth day of March next thereafter. Sec. 1863. The first election of a Dele- gate in any Territory for which a tem- porary government is hereafter provided by Congress, shall be held at the time and places, and in the manner the governor of such Territory may direct, after at least sixty days' notice, to be given by pro- clamation ; but at all subsequent elections therein, as well as all elections for a Dele- gate in organized Territories, such time, places, and manner of holding the elec- tions shall be prescribed by the law of each Territory. Elections to Fill Vacancies. Sec. 26. The time for holding elections in any State, district, or Territory, for a Representative or Delegate to fill a va- cancy, whether such vacancy is caused by a failure to elect at the time prescribed by law, or by the death, resignation, or in- capacity of a person elected, may be pre- scribed by the laws of the several States and Territories respectively. Votes for Representati-res to l3e by 'Written or Printed Ballot. Sec. 27. All votes for Representatives in Congress must be by written or printed ballot ; and all votes received or recorded contrary to this section shall be of no effect. But this section shall not apply to j auy State voting otherwise, whose election | lor H('])resentativcs occurs ])revious to the, rt^guiur nu-eling of its legislature next af- ter tlie twenty-eighth day of February,; eighteen hundred and seventy -one. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 9 WHEN THE PRESIDENT MAY CHANCE THE PLACE OF MEETING OF CONGRESS. Sec. 34. Whenever Congress is about to convene, and from the prevalence of con- tagious sickness, or the existence of other circumstances, it would, in the opinion of the President, be hazardous to the lives or health of the members to meet at the seat of Government, the President is author- ized, by proclamation, to convene Con- gress at such other place as he may judge proper. PAY OF CERTAIN PUBLIC OFFICERS. Pay of tlie President of the IJiUted States. Sec. 153. The President shall receive in full for his services, during the term for which he shall have been elected, the sum of fifty thousand dollars a year, to be paid monthly, and shall be entitled to the use of the furniture and other effects belong- ing to the United States and kept in the Executive Mansion. Pay of the Vice-President and Heads of Departiueuts. Hereafter the annual compensation of the Vice-President, Secretaries of State, Treasury, War, Navy, and Interior, and of the Postmaster-General and the Attor- ney-General, shall be eight thousand dol- lai's each. [Stat. 11, 48.J Pay of the President of the Senate pro tem- pore and of the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The President of the Senate pro tempore, when there shall be no Vice-President or the Vice-President shall become President of the United States, shall receive the compensation provided by law for the Vice-President. [Sfat. 11, 48.] The pay of the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall be eiglit thousand dollars per annum. [Stat. 14, 323. J Pay of Members of Congress. The compensation of each Senator, Representative, and Delegate in Congress shall be five thousand dollars per annum ; and in addition thereto, mileage at the rate of twenty cents per mile, to be esti- mated by the nearest route usually traveled in going to and returning from each regu- lar session : Provided, That hereafter, mile- age-accounts of Senators shall be certified by the President of the Senate, and those of Representatives and Delegates by the Speaker of the House of Representatives. [Juh/ 28, 1866 ; 14 Stat., 323.] Mileage for two sessions only, to be paid in the following manner, to wit : On the first day of each regular session, each Senator, Representative, and Delegate shall receive his mileage for one session ; at the beginning of the second regular session of the Congress, each Senator, Representa- tive, and Delegate shall receive las mile- age for such second session. [Aua. 16 1850 ; n Stat., 48.] On the first day of the first session of each Congress, or as soon tiiereafter as he may be in attendance and ai)ply, each Senator, Representative, and Delegate shall receive his mileage as ncnv allowed by law; and on the first day of the second, or any subsequent session he shall receive his mileage as now allowed. [Dec. 23, 1857 ; 11 Stat., 367.] A yearly allowance of one hundred and twenty-five dollars for stationery and news- papers is now made to Senators. [March 3, 1869; 15 Stat., 284.] In all cases of vacancy in either house of Congress, by death or otherwise, of any member elected or appointed thereto, after the commencement of the Congress to which he shall have been elected, each person afterwards elected or appointed to fill such vacancy shall be compensated and paid from the time the compensation of his predecessor ceased. [Juli/ 12, 1862 ; 12 Stat., 624.] In the event of the death of any Senator, Representative, or Delegate prior to the commencement of the first session of the Congress, he shall be neither entitled to mileage or compensation ; and in the event of death after the commencement of any session, his representatives shall be entitled to receive so much of his compensation, computed at the rate of [three] Jive thou- sand dollars per annum, as he may not have received, and any mileage that may have actuallv accrued and be due and un- paid. [Aug. 16, 1856 ; 11 Stat., 48.] That whenever, hereafter, any person elected a member of the Senate and House of Representatives shall die after the com- mencement of the Congress to which he shall have been so elected, compensation shall be computed and paid to his widow, or if no widow survive him to his heirs at law, for the period that shall have elapsed from the commencement of such Congress as aforesaid to the time of his death at the rate of [three] Jive thousand dollars per annum : Provided, hoicever, that compensa- tion shall be computed and paid in all cases for a period of not less than three months : And provided further. That in no case shall constructive mileage be com- puted or paid. That the compensation of each person elected, or appointed afterward, to supply the vacancy so occasioned, shall hereafter be computed and paid from the time the compensation of his predecessor is hereby directed to be computed and paid for, and not othenA-ise. [March 3, 1859; 11 Stat., 442.] 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. Pay ot tlie Judges of tlie Supreme Court. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States shall receive the sum of ten thousand five hundred dollars a year, and the Justices thereof shall receive the sum of ten thousand dollars a year each, to be paid monthly. [B. S., s. 676.] SUPREME COURT. Sec. 673. The Supreme Court of the United States shall consist of a Chief Jus- tice of the United States and eight associate justices, any six of whom shall constitute a quorum. Precedence of Associate Justices. Sec. 674. The associate justices shall have precedence according to the dates of their commissions, or, when the commis- sions of two or more of them bear the same date, according to their ages. Vacancy In the Office of Clilef Justice. Sec. 675. In case of a vacancy in the office of Chief Justice, or of his inability to perform the duties and powers of his office, they shall devolve upon the associate justice who is first in precedence, until such disability' is removed, or another Chief Justice is appointed and duly quali- fied. This provision shall apply to every associate justice who succeeds to the office of Chief justice. Sessions and Quorum of the Court. Sec. 684, The Supreme Court shall hold, at the seat of government, one term annually, commencing on the second Mon- day in October, and such adjourned or special terms as it may find necessary for the dispatch of business ; and suits, pro- ceedings, recognizances, and processes pending in or returnable to said court, shall be tried, heard, and proceeded with as if the time of holding said sessions had not been hereby altered. Sec. 714. Wlicn any judge of any court of the United States resigns his office, after having held his commission as such at least ten years, and having attained the age of seventy years, he shall, during the residue of his natural life, receive the same salary which was bv law payable to him at the time of his resignation. COURT OF CLAIMS. Appointment and Pay of the Jud|B;ca. Sfx\ 104f). The Court of Claims, cstab- lislied by the act of February 24, eighteen hundrecl and fifty-five, shall be continued. It shall consist of a chief justice and four judges, who shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and hold their offices during good behavior. Each of them shall take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and to discharge faithfully the duties of his office, and shall be entitled to receive an annual salary of four thousand five hundred dol- lars, payable quarterly from the Treasury. Session of the Court. Sec. 1052. The Court of Claims shall hold one annual session at the city of Washington, beginning on the first Mon- day in December, and continuing as long as may be necessary for the prompt dis- position of the business of the court. Sec. 1057. On the first day of every December session of Congress, the clerk of the Court of Claims shall transmit to Con- gress a full and complete statement of all the judgments rendered by the court dur- ing the previous year. Sec. 1058. Members of either house of Congress shall not practice in the Court of Claims. PROVISIONS RELATING TO THE TENURE OF CERTAIN CIVIL OFFICES. Sec. 1767. Every person holding any civil office to which he has been or herd- after may be appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and who shall have become duly qualified to act therein, shall be entitled to hold such of- fice during the term for which he was ap- pointed, unless sooner removed, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, or by the ajipointment, with the like ad- vice and consent, of a successor in hia place, except as herein otherwise provided. ^ Sec. 1768. During any recess of the Senate the President is authorized, in his discretion, to suspend any civil ofticer ap- pointed by and with the' advice and con- sent of the Senate, except judges of the courts of the United States, until the end of the next session of the Senate, and to designate some suitable person, sul^ject to be removed, in his discretion, by thedesig- nation of another, to perform the duties of such suspended officer in the mean time; and the iierson so designated shall take the oath and give the bond required bv law to be taken and given by the susnended offi- cer, and shall, during the time he performs the duties of such officer, be entitled to the salary and emoluments of the office, no part of which shall belong to the officer susi)cnded. The President shall, within thirty days after the commencement of each session of the Senate, excejit for any office which in his opinion ought not to be filled, to nominate persons to fill all vacancies in office which existed at the meeting of the Senate, whether tempo- BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 11 rarily filled or not, and also in the place of all oflicers suspended ; and if the tSenate during such session shall refuse to advise and consent to an appointment in the place of any suspended officer, then, and not otherwise, the President shall nominate another person as soon as practicable to the same session of the Senate lor the office. Sec. 1769. The President is authorized to fill all vacancies which may happen dur- ing the recess of the Senate by reason of death or resignation, or expiration of term of office, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next ses- sion thereafter. And if no appointment, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, is made to an office so vacant or temporarily filled during such next session of the Senate, the office shall remain in abeyance, without any salary, fees, or emoluments attached thereto, until it is filled by appointment thereto, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate ; and during such time all the powers and duties belonging to such office shall be exercised by such other officer as may by law exer- cise such powers and duties in case of a vacancy in such office. Sec. 1770. That nothing in sections seventeen hundred and sixty-seven, seven- teen hundred and sixty-eight, or seventeen hundred and sixty-nine, shall be construed to extend the term of any office the dura- tion of which is limited by law. Sec. 1771. Every person who, contrary to the provisions of the four preceding sections, accepts any appointment to or employment in any office, or holds or ex- ercises or attempts to hold or exercise, any such office or employment, shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than five years, or fined not moi'e than ten thousand dollars, or both. Sec. 1772. Every removal, appointment, or employment made, had, or exercised, contrary to section seventeen hundred and sixty-seven to seventeen hundred and .sev- enty, inclusive, and the making, signing, sealing, countersigning, or issuing of any commission or letter of authority for or in respect to any such appointment or em- ployment, shall be deemed a high misde- meanor, and ever}^ person guilty thereof shall be imprisoned not more than five years, or fined not more than ten thousand dollars, or both. Sec. 1773. The President is authorized to make out and deliver, after the adjourn- ment of the Senate, commissions for all officers whose appointments have been ad- vised and consented to by the Senate. Sec. 1774. Whenever the President, without the advice and consent of the Senate, designates, authorizes, or employs any jierson to jierform the duties of any office, he shall forthwith notify the Secre- tary of the Treasury tlicreof ; and the Sec- retary of the Treasury shall thereupon communicate such notice to all the projier accounting and disbursing officers of his Dei>artment. Sec. 1775. The Secretary of the Senate shall, at the close of each session thereof, deliver to the Secretary of the Treasury, and to each of the Assistant Secretaries of the Treasury, and to each of tlie Auditors, and to each of the (Jom])trol]ers in the Treasury, and to the Treasurer, and to the Register of the Treasury, a full and com- plete list, duly certified, of all persons who have been nominated to and rejected by the Senate during such session, and a like list of all the offices to which noniinatioTis have been made and not confirmed and filled at such session. Sec. 1760. No money shall be paid from the Treasury to any person acting or as- suming to act as an officer, civil, military, or naval, as salary, in any office, when the office is not authorized by some previously existing law, unless such ofiice is subse- quently sanctioned by law. Sec. 1761. No money shall be paid from the Treasury, as salary, to any person ap- ])ointed during the recess of the Senate, to fill a vacancy in any existing ofiice, if the vacancy existed while the Senate was in session, and was by law required to be filled by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, until such appointee has been confirmed by the Senate. Sec. 1762. No money shall be paid or received from the Treasurj' or paid or re- ceived from or retained out of any public moneys or funds of the United States, whether in the Treasury or not, to or by or for the benefit of any person appointed to or authorized to act in or holding or ex- ercising the duties or functions of any ofiice contrary to sections seventeen hun- dred and sixty-seven to seventeen lunidred and seventy, inclusive ; nor shall any claim, account, voucher, order, certificate, war- rant, or other instrument providing for or relating to such payment, receipt, or reten- tion, be presented, passed, allowed, ap- proved, certified, or paid by any oflicer, or by any person exercising the functions or performing the duties of any ofiice or place of trust under the United States, for or in respect to such office, or the exercising or performing the functions or duties thereof. Everv person who violates any of the pro- visions of this section shall be deemed guilty of a high, misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than ten years or fined not more than ten thousand dollars, or both. 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [hook v. Election of Senators. Sec. 14. When Senators to be elected. 15. Mode of election. IS. Vacancy occurring before meeting of legislature. 17. Vacancy during session of legislature. 18. Election of Senators certified. 19. Countersign of certificate. Sec. 14. The legislature of each State which is chosen next preceding the expi- ration of the time for which any Senator was elected to represent such State in Con- gress shall, on the second Tuesday after the meeting and organization thereof, pro- ceed to elect a Senator in Congress. Sec. 15. Such election shall be con- ducted in the following manner : Each house shall openly, by a viva-voce vote of each member present, name one person for Senator in Congress from such State, and the name of the person so voted for, who receives a majority of the whole number of votes cast in each house, shall be entered on the journal of that house by the clerk or secretary' thereof; or if either house fails to give such majoritj' to any person on that day, the fact shall be entered on the journal. At twelve o'clock meridian of the day following that on which proceed- ings are required to take place as aforesaid, the members of the two houses shall con- vene in joint assembly, and the journal of each house shall then be read, and if the same person has received a majority of all the votes in each house, he shall be de- clared duly elected Senator. But if the same person has not received a majority of the votes in each house, or if either house has failed to take proceedings as required by this section, the joint assembly shall then proceed to choose, by a viva-voce vote of each member present, a person for Senator, and the person who receives a ma- jority of all the votes of the joint assem- bly, a majority of all the members elected to both houses being present and voting, shall be declared duly elected. If no per- son receives such majority on the first day, the joint assembly shall meet at twelve o'clock meridian of each succeeding day during the session of the legislature, and shall take at least one vote, until a Senator is elected. Sec. 16. Whenever on the meeting of the legislature of any State a vacancy ex- ists in the representation of such State in the Senate, the legislature shall proceed, on the second Tuesday after meeting and organization, to elect a person to fill such vacancy, in the manner ])resoril)ed in the preceding section for the election of a Sena- tor for a full term. Src, 17. Whenever during the session of the legislature of any State a vacancy oc- curs in the representation of such Stale in the Senate, similar proceedings to fill such vacancy shall be had on the second Tues- day after the legislature ha.s organized and haa notice of such vacancy. Sec. 18. It shall be the duty of the ex- ecutive of the State from which any Sena- tor has been chosen, to certify his election, under the seal of the State, to the Presi- dent of the Senate of the United States. Sec. 19. The certificate mentioned in the preceding section shall be countersigned by the secretary of state of the State. Salaries. 1874. — Chap. 11. — AX ACT rei>ealing the increase of salaries of members of Congress, and other officers. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 'the United States of America in Congress assembled, That so much of the act of March third, eighteen hundred and seventy-three, entitled " An act making appropriations for legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and seventy- four," as provides for the increase of the compensation of public ofiicers and em- ployees, whether members of Congress, Delegates, or others, except the President of the United States and the Justices of the Supreme Court, be, and the same is hereby, repealed, and the salaries, com- pensation, and allowances of all said per- sons, except as aforesaid, shall be as fixed by the laws in force at the time of the pas- sage of said act : Provided, That mileage shall not be allowed for the first session of the Forty-third Congress ; that all moneys appropriated as compensation to the mem- bers of the Forty-second Congress in ex- cess of the mileage and allowances fixed by law at the commencement of said Con- gress, and which shall not have been drawn by the members of said Congress respectively, or which having been drawn, have been returned in any form *o the United States, are hereby covered into the Trcasun,- of the United States, and are de- clared to be the monej's of the United States absolutely, the same as if they had never been appropriated as aforesaid. [Note. — The following schedules have been furnished by the First Comptroller of the Treasury, and are introduced here to show the reduction of Salaries made by the above act.] Schedules showing the reduction in salaries made hy the act of January 20, 1874. Increased by act of March Annual 3, 1873. salary. Vice-President $10,000 00 Secretary of State 10,000 00 Secretary of Treasurv 10,000 00 Secretary of War....: 10,000 00 Secretary of Navv 10,000 00 SecrctarV of Interior... 10,000 00 Attorncv-General 10,000 00 I'ostmaster-Gencral 10,000 00 Assistant Secretaries of State (5,000 00 i BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 13 Increated by Act of March 3, 1873. Annual Salary. Assistant Secretaries of Treasury 6,000 00 Assistant Secretaries of Interior (5,000 00 Speaker 10,000 00 Senators 7,rm 00 Members 7,r>00 00 Delegates 7,500 00 Decreated by Act of January 20, 1874. Annual Salary. Vice-President $8,000 00 Secretary of State 8,000 00 Secretary of Treasury 8,000 00 Secretary of War 8,000 00 Secretary of Naw 8,000 00 Secretary of Interior 8,000 00 Attorney-General 8,000 00 Postmaster-General 8,000 00 Assistant Secretaries of State 3,500 00 Assistant Secretaries of Treasury 4,500 00 Assistant Secretaries of Interior 3,500 00 Speaker 8,000 00 Senators 5,000 00 Members 5,000 00 Delegates 5,000 00 Present Salaries of Officers of tJie Senate. Extract from pay-roll of officers, tkc, of United States Senate. Capacity. Annual Salary. Secretary, including compensa- tion as disbursing-oflicer and hire of horses and wagons $6,096 00 Chief clerk 4,000 00 Principal clerk 2,592 00 Principal executive clerk 2,592 00 Minute and journal clerk 2,592 00 Financial clerk 2,592 00 Librarian 2,220 00 Clerk 2,220 00 Do 2,220 00 Do 2,220 00 Do 2,220 00 Do 2,220 00 Do 2,220 00 Do 2,220 00 Do 2,100 00 Do 2,100 00 Do 2,100 00 Do 2,100 00 Do 2,100 00 Clerk of printing records 2,220 00 Keeper of Stationer}' 2,102 40 Assistant keeper of stationery 1,800 00 Messenger 1,296 00 Special policeman 1,296 00 Laborer 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Chaplain 900 00 Secretary to Vice-President 2,102 40 Clerk to Committee on Appropria- tions 2,500 00 Clerk to Committee on Finance.. 2,220 00 Clerk to Committee on Claims.... 2,220 00 Clerk to Committee on Commerce 2,220 00 45 Capacity. Annual Salary. Clerk to Committee on Judiciary 2,220 00 Clerk to Committee on Private Land-Claims 2,220 00 Clerk to Committee on Privileges and Elections 2,220 00 Telegraph-operator *100 00 Serjeant-at-Arms 4,820 00 Assistant doorkeeper 2,592 00 Acting assistant doorkeeper 2,592 00 Postmaster 2,100 00 Assistant postmaster and mail- carrier 2,088 00 Mail-carrier 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Superintendent of document-room 2,160 00 First assistant in document-room 1,440 00 Second assistant in document- room 1,440 00 Superintendent of folding-room.. 2,160 00 Assistant in folding-room 1,200 00 Messenger, acting assistant door- keeper 1,800 00 Do 1,800 00 Do 1,800 00 Messenger 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do '. 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,440 00 Messenger (uphoLsterer) 1,440 00 Messenger in charge of store- room 1,200 00 Laborer in charge of private pas- sage 840 00 Laborer in charge of ladies' room 720 00 Chief engineer 2,160 00 Assistant engineer 1,440 00 Do 1.440 00 Do 1,440 00 Do 1,-140 00 Conductor of elevator 1,200 00 Fireman 1,095 00 Do 1,095 00 Laborer in engineer's depart- ment .! 720 00 Do 720 00 Do.!.". 720 00 * Per month during session^ 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. Capacity. Anntud Salary. Laborer (skilled) 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Laborer 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Laborer (from October 15, special session) 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Messenger to Committee on Ap- propriations, from March 5, 1877, to December 31, 1877, at $1,440 per annum; appropri- ated $1,188. Present Salaries of Officers of House of Re- presentatives, 1877. Capacity. Annual Salary. Clerk $4,500 00 Chief clerk 2,500 00 Journal-clerk 2,500 00 Reading-clerk 2,500 00 Do 2,500 00 Tally-clerk 2,500 00 Disbursing-clerk 2,250 00 File-clerk 2,250 00 Printing and bill clerk 2,250 00 Enrolling-clerk 2,250 00 Assistant to chief clerk 2,000 00 Assistant en rolling-clerk 2,000 00 Resolution and petition clerk 2,000 00 Newspaper-clerk 2,000 00 Superintendent document-room .. 2,000 00 Index-clerk 2,000 00 Librarian 2,000 00 Distributing-clerk 1,800 00 Stationery-clerk 1,600 00 Document-clerk 1,440 00 Uphr)lsterer and locksmith 1,440 00 Chief messenger 1,440 00 Messenger in library 1,4-10 00 Bookkeeper ." I,(;oo oo Clerk ],(;oo oo Do ],(;oo 00 Do i,(;oo 00 Do 1,G00 00 Capacity, Anntud Salary. Laborer 820 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Doorkeeper 2,500 00 Assistant doorkeeper 2,000 00 Clerk 1,200 00 Janitor 1,200 00 Superintendent folding-room 2,000 00 Chief-clerk folding-room 1,800 00 Clerk 1,200 00 Do.. 1,200 00 Superintendent document-room 2,000 00 Assistant superintendent docu- ment-room 2,000 00 File-clerk 1,400 00 Seal-room 1,200 00 Messenger 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Chief engineer 1,700 00 Assistant engineer 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Fireman 900 00 Do 900 00 Do 900 00 Do 900 00 Do 900 00 Laborer 840 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 720 00 Do 72000 Do 600 00 Do 600 00 Sergeant-at-Arms 4,000 00 Clerk to Sergeant-at-Arms 2,100 00 Paying -teller t« Sergeant-at- Arms 2,000 00 Messenger to Sergeant-at-Arms... 1,200 00 P..stniaster 2,500 00 I'^rst assistant postmaster 2,000 00 Messenircr 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 Do 1,000 00 BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 15 Capacity. AnrmaX Bnlary. Messenger 1,000 00 Stenographer r),000 00 Do 5,000 OU Clerk to Committee of Ways and Means 2,500 00 Messenger to Committee of Ways and Means 1,200 00 Clerk to Committee on Appro- priations 2,500 00 Messenger to Committee on Ap- propriations 1,200 00 Clerk to Committee of Claims .... 2,000 00 Clerk to Committee on the Pub- lic Lands 2,000 00 Clerk to Committee on War- Claims 2,000 00 Clerk at Speaker's table 1,S00 00 Private Secretary to Speaker 1,800 00 Disabled soldier 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Do 1,200 00 Office and Compensation of the President. REVISED STATUTES, CHAPTER 2. Sec. \Tyi. Commencement of term of oflBco. lf)3. President's salary. 154. Vice-Prcsidents's sal.iry. IM. Officers of the President's household. l.'jri. Duties of the steward. 167. The steward's bond. Sfx". 152. The term of four years for which a President and Vice-President shall be elected, shall, in all cases, commence on the fourth day of March next succeed- ing the day on which the votes of the elec- tors have been given. Sec. 153. The President shall receive in full for his services during the term for which he shall have been elected the sum of fifty thousand dollars a year, to be paid monthly, and shall be entitled to the use of the furniture and other effects belong- ing to the United States and kept in the Executive Mansion. Sec. 154. The Vice-President shall re- ceive in full for his services during 'the term for which he shall have been elected the sum of ten thousand dollars a year, to be paid monthly. Sec. 155. The President is authorized to appoint or employ in his official household the following officers : One private secretary, at a salary of three thousand five hundred dollars a year. One assistant secretary, who shall be a short-hand writer, at a salary of two thou- sand five hundred dollars a year. Two executive clerks, at a salary of two thousand three hundred dollars a year each. One steward of the President's house- hold, at a salarj' of two thousand dollars a year. One messenger, at a saUiry of one thou- sand two hundred dollars a year. Sec. 15G. Tlic steward of the President's household sjiall, under the direction of the President, have the charge and custody of and be resiHuisilile for the plate, furniture, and other public property in the President's mansion, and shall discharge such duties as the President may assign him. I See i Sec. 157. The steward of the President's household shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, give a bond to the United States for the faithful discharge of his trust. Such bond must be in such sum as the Secretary of the Interior shall deem sufficient, and must be approved by him. Provisions Applicable to several Classes of Officers. Sec. 17.").!. President to regulate admissions to the civil service. 1754. Preference of pereon.'^ disabled in military or naval service. ITS,"). Recommendation for employment of such persona. 175K. Form of uatli of office. 17.'J7. Oiith for certJiin persons. 1758. Who mav administer oath. 1759. Custody 'of i.utli. 1700. Unauthorized office, no salary for. 17(il. Appointees to fill VHoanciee diirinp recess of Senate. 1702. Salaries to officers improperly holding over. 17(>;5. Double salaries. 1704. Kxtra services. 1705. Extra allowance*. 1700. Officer ip arrears. 1707. Tenure of office. 1 70S. Suspension and filling vRcancies. 17o;t. Filling vacancies temporarily. 17711. Term of office not to be extended. 1771. .\ccepting or exercising office contrary to law. 1772. Removing, appointing, or commissioning officer contrary to law. 1773. Commissions. 1774. Notification of appointments to Secretary of Trea- sury. 1775. Notification of nominations, rejections, 4c., to Sec- retary of Treasury. 1770. Removal of office. 777. Preservation of copies of Statutes at Large. 177H. Taking oaths, ackiinwh-dgnients, kc. 1770. Restriction ui«'n payments fcir inwhpapcrs, 4c 178(1. Failure to make returns nr reports. 1781. Prohibition upon taking consideration for procur- ing contnicig, offices, .Vc 1782. Upon taking compensation in matters U> which Initet) States is a party. 1783. Persons interested not to act as agents of the gov- ernment. 1784. Prohibition of contributions, presents, 4c., to sti- pe riors. 1785. Punishment for aiding, 4c., in importing or trading in obscene lilenitiire. 17S6. Proceedings against persons illegally holding office. 17s7. Penalty for illegiilly holding office. 1788. Disbursing officers forbidden to tnido in publio funds or property 1789. Collecting officers forbidden to trade in public pro- pi Tty. 1790. Restriction on payment for serrlces. Sec. 1753. The President is authorized to prescribe such regulations for the ad- mission of persons into the civil service of 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. the United States as may best promote the efficiency thereof, and ascertain the fitness of each candidate in respect to age, health, character, knowledge, and ability for the branch of service into which he seeks to enter; and for this purpose he may employ suitable persons to conduct such inquiries, and may prescribe their duties, and estab- lish regulations for the conduct of persons who may receive appointments in the civil service. Sec. 1754. Persons honorably dis- charged from the military or naval service by reason of disability resulting from wounds or sickness incurred in the line of duty, shall be preferred for appointments to civil offices, provided they are found to possess the business capacity necessary for the proper discharge of the duties of such offices. Sec. 1755. In grateful recognition of the services, sacrifices, and sufferings of persons honorably discharged from the military and naval service of the country, by reason of wounds, disease, or the ex- piration of terms of enlistment, it is re- spectfully recommended to bankers,. mer- chants, manufacturers, mechanics, farmers, and persons engaged in industrial pursuits, to give them the preference for appoint- ments to remunerative situations and em- ployments. Sec. 1756. Every person elected or ap- pointed to any office of honor or profit, either in the civil, military, or naval ser- vice, excepting the President and the per- sons embraced by the section following, shall, before entering ujion the duties of such office, and before being entitled to any part of the salary or other emoluments thereof, take ami subscribe the following oath: "I, A B, do solemnly swear (or af- firm) that I have never voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I have been a citizen thereof; that I have volun- tarily given no aid, countenance, counsel, or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have nei- ther sought, nor accei)ted, nor attempted to exercise the functions of any office, whatever, under any authority, or pretend- ed authority, in hostility to the United States ; that I have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government, authority, power, or constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical there- to. And I do further swear (or affirm) that, to the best of my knowledge and abi- lity, I will support and defend the Consti- tution of the United States against all ene- mies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any jnental reservation ar purpose of evasion, and that I will w(;ll and faithfully dis- charge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter, so help me God." Sec. 1757. Whenever any person who is not rendered ineligible to office by the provisions of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution is elected or appointed to any office of honor or trust under the Government of the United States, and is not able, on account of his participation in the late rebellion, to take the oath pre- scribed in the preceding section, he shall, before entering upon the duties of his of- fice, take and subscribe in lieu of that oath the following oath : "I, A B, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and do- mestic ; that I will bear true faith and al- legiance to the same ; that I take this obli- gation freely, without any mental reser- vation or purpose of evasion ; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God." Sec. 1758. The oath of office required by either of the two preceding sections may be taken before any officer who is author- ized either by the laws of the United States, or by the local municipal law, to ad- minister oaths, in the State, Territory, or District where such oath may be adinin- istered. [See f 2617.] Sec. 1759. The oath of office taken by any person pursuant to the requirements of section seventeen hundred and fifty-six, or of section seventeen hundred and fifty- seven, shall be delivered in by him to be preserved among the files of the House of Congress, Department, or court to which the office in respect to which the oath is made may appertain. Sec. 1760. No money shall be paid from the Treasury to any person acting or as- suming to act as an officer, civil, military, or naval, as salary, in any office when the office is not authorised by some previously existing law, unless such office is subse- quently sanctioned by law. Sec. 1761. No money shall be paid from the Treasury, as salarj', to any person ap- pointed during the recess of the Senate, to fill a vacancy in any existing office, if the vacancy existed while the Senate was in session and was by law required to be filled by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, until such appointee has been con- firmed by the Senate. Sec. 1762. No money shall be paid or received from the Treasury, or paid or re- ceived from or retained out of any public moneys or funds of the United States, whether in the Treasury or not, to or by or for the benefit of any person appointed to or authorized to act in or holding or exer- cising the duties or functions of any office contrary to sections seventeen hundred and sixty-seven to seventeen hundred and seventy, inclusive; nor shall any claim, account, voucher, order, certificate, war- BOOK V.J EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. IT rant, or other instrument providing for or relating to such payment, receipt, or reten- tion, be presented, passed, allowed, ap- proved, certified, or paid by any officer, or by any person exercising the functions or performing the duties of any office or place of trust under the United States, for or in re- spect to such office, or the exercising or performing the functions or duties thereof Every person who violates any of the pro- visions of this section shall be denned guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than ten years, or fined not more than ten thousand dollars, or both. Sec. 1763. No person who holds an of- fice, the salary or annual compensation at- tached to which amounts to the sum of two thousand five hundred dollars, shall receive compensation for discharging the duties of any other office, unless expressly authorized by law. Sec. 1764. No allowance or compensa- tion shall be made to any officer or clerk, by reason of the discharge of duties which belong to any other officer or clerk in the same or any other Department; and no allowance or compensation shall be made for any extra services whatever, which any officer or clerk may be required to perform, unless expressly authorized by law. Sec. 1765. No officer in any branch of the public service, or any other person whose salary, pay, or emoluments are fixed by law or regulation, shall receive any ad- ditional pay, extra allowance, or compen- sation, in any form whatever, for the dis- bursement of public money, or for any other service or duty whatever, unless the same is authorized by law, and the appro- priation therefor explicitly states that it is for such additional pay, extra allowance, or compensation. Sec. 1766. No money shall be paid to any person for his compensation who is in arrears to the United States, until he has accounted for and paid into the Treasury all sums for which he may be liable. In all cases where the pay or salary of any person is wit*iheld in pursuance of this section, the accounting officers of the Treasury, if required to do so by the party, his agent or attorney, shall o-eport forth- with to the Solicitor of the Treasury the balance due ; and the Solicitor shall, with- in sixty days thereafter, order suit to be commenced against such delinquent and his sureties. Sec. 1767. Every person holding any civil office to whicli he has been or here- after may be appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and who shall have become duly qualified to act therein, shall be entitled to hold such of- fice during the term for which he was ap- pointed, unless sooner removed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, or by the appointment, with the like advice and consent, of a successor in his place except as herein otherwise provided. Sec. 1768. During any recess of the Senate the President is authorized, in his discretion, to suspend any civil ofiicer ap- pointed by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate, except judges of the courts of the United States, until the end of the next session of the Senate, and to designate some suitable person, subject to be removed, in his discretion, by the de- signation of another, to perform the duties of such suspended officer in the mean time ; and the person so designated shall take the oath and give the bond required by law to be taken and given by the sus- pended officer, and shall, during the time he performs the duties of such officer, be entitled to the salary and emoluments of the office, no part of which shall belong to the officer suspended. The President shall, within thirty days after the commencement of each session of the Senate, except for any office which in his opinion ought not to be filled, nominate persons to fill all vacancies in office which existed at the meeting of the Senate, whether temporari- ly filled or not, and also in the place of all officers suspended ; and if the Senate dur- ing such session shall refuse to advise and consent to an appointment in the place of any suspended officer, then, and not other- wise, the President shall nominate another person as soon as practicable to the same session of the Senate for the office. Sec. 1769. The President is authorized to fill all vacancies which may happen dur- ing the recess of the Senate by reason of death or resignation or expiration of terra of office, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next ses- sion thereafter. And if no appointment, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, is made to an office so vacant or temporarily filled during such next session of the Senate, the office shall remain in abeyance, without any salary, fees, or emoluments attached thereto, until it is filled by appointment thereto by and with the advice and consent of the Senate ; and during such time all the powers and duties belonging to such office shall be exercised by such other officer as may by law exer- cise such powers and duties in case of a vacancy in such office. Sec. 1770. Nothing in sections seven- teen hundred and sixty-seven, seventeen hundred and sixty-eight, or seventeen liundred and sixty-nine shall be construed to extend the term of any office the dura- tion of which is limited by law. Sec. 1771. Every person who, contrary to the four preceding sections, accepts any appointment to or employment in any office, or holds or exercise?*, or attempts to hold or exercise, any such office or em- 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book V, ployment, shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than five years, or fined not more than ten thousand dollars, or both. Sec. 1772. Every removal, appointment, or employment, made, had, or exercised, contrary to sections seventeen hundred and sixty-seven, to seventeen hundred and seventy, inclusive, and the making, sign- ing, sealing, countersigning, or issuing of any commission or letter of authority for or in respect to any such appointment or employment, shall be deemed a high mis- demeanor, and every person guilty thereof shall be imprisoned not more than five years, or fined not more than ten thousand dollars, or both. Sec. 1773. The President is authorized to make out and deliver, after the adjourn- ment of the Senate, commissions for all officers whose appointments have been ad- vised and consented to by the Senate. Sec. 1774. Whenever the President, with- out the advice and consent of the Senate, designates authorizes, or employs any per- son to perform the duties of any oflice, he shall forthwith notity the Secretary of the Treasury thereof, and the Secretary of the Treasury shall thereupon communicate such notice to all the proper accounting and disbursing officers of his Department. Sec. 1775. The Secretary of the Senate shall, at the close of each session thereof, deliver to the Secretary of the Treasury, and to each of the Assistant Secretaries of the Treasury, and to each of the Auditors, and to each of the Comptrollers in the Treasury, and to the Treasurer, and to the Eegister of the Treasury, a full and com- plete lint, duly certified, of all the persons who have been nominated to and rejected by the Senate during such session, and a like list of all the offices to which nomina- tions have been made and not confirmed and filled at such session. Sec. 177<). Whenever any public office is removed by reason of sickness which may prevail in the town or city where it is located, a particular account of the cost of such removal sliall be laid before Congress. [See ?? 47'.i7-i7'.»i).J Sec. 1777. The various officers of the United States, to wbom, in virtue of their offices and for tbe uses thereof, copies of tile United States Statutes at Large, pub- lished by Little, Brown and Company, have been or may be distrii)uted at the public expense, by authority of law, shall preserve such copies, and deliver them to their successors respectively as a ]tart of the property apnertaining to the office. A y)rinte<l copy ot this section shall be in- serted in each volume of the Statutes dis- tributtid to any su('h officers. Si:c. 1778. in all cases in which, under the laws of the United States, oaths or ac- knowledgments may now be taken or made before any justice of the peace of any State or Territory, or in the District of Columbia, they may hereafter be also taken or made by or before any notary public duly appointed in any State, dis- trict, or Territory, or any of the commis- sioners of the circuit courts, and, when certified under the hand and official seal of such notary or commissioner, shall have the same force and effect as if taken or madd by or before such justice of the peace. Sec. 1779. No executive officer, other than the heads of Departments, shall apply more than thirty dollars, annually, out of the contingent fund under his control, to pay for newspapers, pamphlets, periodi- cals, or other books or prints not necessary for the business of his office. Sec. 1780. Every officer who neglects or refuses to make any return or report which he is required to make at stated times by any act of Congress or regulation of the Department of the Treasury, other than his accounts, within the time prescribed by such act or regulation, shall be fined not more than one thousand dollars and not less than one hundred. Sec. 1781. Every member of Congress or any officer or agent of the Government who, directly or indirectly, takes, receives, or agrees to receive, any money, property, or other valuable consideration whatever, from any person for procuring, or aiding to procure, any contract, office, or place, from the Government or any Department thereof, or from any officer of the United States, for any person whatever, or for giving any such contract, office, or place to any person whomsoever, and every person who, directly or indirectly, offers or agrees to give, or gives, or bestows any money, property, or other valuable consideration whatever, for the procuring or aiding to procure any such contract, office, or place, and every member of Congress who, di- rectly or indirectly, takes, receives, or agrees to receive any money, property, or other valuable consideration whatever af- ter his election as such member, for his attention to, services, action, vote, or de- cision on any question, matter, cause, or proceeding which may then be pending, or may by law or under the Constitution be brought before him in his official ca- pacity, or in his place as sucli member of Congress, shall be deemed guilty of a mis- demeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than two years and fined not more than ten thousand dollars. And any such contract or agreement may, at the option of the President^ be declared absolutely , null and void ; and any member of Con- gress or officer convicted of a violation of this section, shall, moreover, be disquali- fied from holdinjr any office of honor, j)rofit, or trust under the Government of the United States. 1 BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 19 Sec. 1782. No Senator, Representative, or Delegate, alter his election and during his continuance in office, and no head of a Department, or other officer or clerk in the employ of the Government, shall re- ceive or agree to receive any compensation whatever, directly or indirectly, for any services rendered, or to be rendered, U) any person, either by himself or another, in relation to any proceeding, contract, claim, controversy, charge, accusation, ar- rest, or other matter or thing in which the United States is a party, or directly or in- directly interested, before any Dei)artment, court-martial, Bureau, ofliccr, or any civil, military, or naval commission whatever. Every person offending against this sec- tion shall be deemed guilty of a misde- meanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than two years, and fined not more than ten thousand dollars, and shall, moreover, by conviction therefor, be rendered for- ever thereafter incapable of holding any office of honor, trust, or profit under the Government of the United States. Sec. 1783. No officer or agent of any banking or other commercial corporation, and no member of any mercantile or trad- ing firm, or person directly or indirectly interested in the pecuniary profits or con- tracts of such corporation or firm, shall be employed or shall act as an officer or agent of the United States for the transaction of business with such corporation or firm; and every such officer, agent, or member, or person, so interested, who so acts, shall be imprisoned not more than two years, and fined not more than two thousand dollars nor less than five hundred dollars. Sec. 1784. No officer, clerk, or employe in the United States Government employ shall at any time solicit contributions trom other officers, clerks, or employes in the Government service for a gift or present to those in a superior official position ; nor shall any such officials or clerical superiors receive any gift or present ofl'ered or pre- sented to them as a contribution from per- sons in Government employ receiving a less salary than themselves ; nor shall any officer or clerk make any donation as a gift or present to any official superior. Every person who violates this section shall be summarily discharged from the Govern- ment employ. Sec. 1785. Whoever, being an officer, agent, or employ^ of the Government of the United States, shall knowingly aid or abet any ])erson engaged in any violation of any of the provisions of law prohibiting importing, advertising, dealing in, exhibit- . ing, or sending or receiving by mail, ob- scene or indecent publications, or repre- sentations, or means for preventing con- ception or procuring abortion, or other ar- ticles of indecent or immoral use or ten- dency, shall be deemed guilty of a misde- meanor, and shall for every offijnsebe pun- ishable by a fine of not less than one hun- dred dollars and not more than five thou- sand, or by imprisonment at hard labor for not less than one year nor more than ten, or both. [See |§ 2491, 3893.] Sec. 178G. Whenever any person holds office, except as a member of Congress or of some State legislature, contrary to the provisions of the third section of the four- teenth article of amendment of the Con- stitution, the district attorney for the dis- trict in which such person holds office shall proceed against him by writ of quo warranto, returnable to the circuit or dis- trict court of the United States in such district, and prosecute the same to the re- moval of such person from office. Sec. 1787. Every person who knowingly accepts or holds any office under the United States, or any State, to which he is ineligible under the third section of the fourteenth article of amendment of the Constitution, or who attempts to hold or exercise the duties of any such office, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not more than one year, or fined not more than one thousand dollars, or both. Sec. 1788. Every officer of the United States concerned in the disbursement of the revenues thereof who carries on any trade or business in the funds or debts of the United States, or of any State, or in any public property of either, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and pun- ished by a fine of three thousand dollars, and shall, upon conviction, be removed from office, and forever thereafter be inca- pable of holding any office under the United States. Sec. 1789. Every officer concerned in the collection of the revenues of the United States who carries on any trade or business in any public property of the United States, or of any State, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and pun- ished by a fine of three thousand dollars, and shall, upon conviction, be removed from office, and forever thereafter be inca- pable of holding any office under the United States. Sec. 1790. No officer or clerk whose duty it is to make payments on account of the salary or wages of any officer or per- son employed in connection with the cus- toms or the internal-revenue service, shall make any payment to any officer or person so employed on account of services rendered, or of salary, unless such officer or person so to be paid has made and subscribed an oath that, during the period for which he is to receive pay, neither he, nor any member of his family, hius received, either personally or by the intervention of ano- ther party, any money or compensation of any description whatever, nor any prom- 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. ises for the same, either directly or indi- rectly, for services rendered or to be ren- dered, or acta performed or to be per- formed, in connection with the customs or internal revenue ; or has purchased, for like services or acts, from any importer, if affiant is connected with the customs, or manufacturer, if affiant is connected with the internal-revenue service, consignee, agent, or custom-house broker, or other person whomsoever, any merchandise, at less than regular retail market prices therefor. Crimes against the Elective Franchise and ClvU Rights of Citizens. Sec. 5506. Preventing, Ac, citizens from voting. 6507. Intimidating voters by bribery or throats. 6308. Conspiracy to injure or intimidate citizens in the exercise of civil rights. 5509. Other crimes committed while violating the pre- ceding sections. 5510. Depriving citizens of civil rights under color of State laws. 5511. Fraudulent voting, &c., at elections for Represen- tative to Congress. 5512. Fraudulent registration, Ac. 5513. What deemed a registration under last section. 6514. Voting or offering to vote in certain cases prima- facie evidence, <Stc. 6515. Violation of duty by officers of election. 6516. Obstructing execution of process in civil-rights cases, &c. 5517. Marshal refusing to receive or execute process. 5518. Conspiracy to prevent accepting or holding office under United States, &c. 5519. Conspiracy to deprive any person of the equal pro- tection of the laws. 6520. Conspiracy to prevent the support of any candi- date, &c. 6521. Supervisor of election, &c., neglecting to discharge duties. 5522. Interfering with supervisor of election, marshal s or deputies. 6523. Obstructing verification of registration-lists, &c. 6524. Receiving or carrying away any person to be sold or held as a slave. 5525. Kidnapping. 652fi. Holding or returning persons to peonage. 5527. Obstructing execution of laws prohibiting peon- age. 5528. Unlawful presence of troops at elections. 6529. Intimidation of voters by officers, &c., of Army or Navy. 6630. Officers of Anny or Navy prescribing qualifica- tions of voters. 6631. Officers, Ac, of Army or Navy interfering with officers of election, Ac. 6632. Disqualification for holding office. Sec. 5506. Every person who, by any unlawful means, hind(;r.s, delays, prevents, or obstructs, or combines and confederates with others to liinder, delay, prevent, or obstruct, any citizen from doing any act required to ])e done to qualify liim to vote, or from voting at any election in any 8tate, Territory, district, county, city, parish, townshij), school-district, niunicij)ality, or other territorial sul)divisioii, shall l)e fined not less than five liuiidred dollars, or he impri.soned not less than one month n(»r more tiian one year, or be punished l)y both such fine and imprisonment. [Sec U 2004-2010.] Sec. 5507. Every person who prevents, hinders, controls, or intimidates another from exercising the riglit of sulfnige, to whom that right is guaranteed by the fif- teenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, by means of bribery or threats of depriving such person of em- ployment or occupation, or of ejecting such person from a rented house, lands, or other property, or by threats of refusing to renew leases or contracts for labor, or by threats of violence to himself or fami- ly, shall be punished as provided in the preceding section. Sec. 5508. If two or more persons con- spire to injure, oppress, threaten, or intimi- date any citizen in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or laws of the United States, or because of his having so exercised the same ; or if two or more persons go in disguise on the highway, or on the premises of another, with intent to prevent or hinder his free exercise or en- joyment of any right or privilege so se- cured, they shall be fined not more than five thousand dollars and imprisoned not more than ten years; and shall, more- over, be thereafter ineligible to any office, or place of honor, profit, or trust created by the Constitution or laws of the United States. [See ^ 5407.] Sec. 6509. If in the act of violating any provision in either of the two preced- ing sections any other felony or misde- meanor be committed, the offender shall be punished for the same with such punish- ment as is attached to such felony or mis- demeanor by the laws of the State in which the offense is committed. Sec. 5510. Every person who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regu- lation, or custom, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any rights, privileges or immunities, secured or pro- tected by the Constitution and laws of the United States, or to different punish- ments, pains, or penalties, on account of such inhabitant being an alien, or by reason of his color or race, than are prescribed for the punishment of citizens, shall be pun- ished by a fine of not more than one thousand dollars, or by imprisonment not more than one year, or by both. Sec. 5511. If, at any election for Re- presentative or Delegate in Congress, any j)erson knowingly personates and votes, or attempts to vote, in the name of any other person, whether living, dead, or fictitious; or votes more than once at the same elec- tion for any candidate for the same office; or votes at a ])lace where he may not be lawfully cntitK'd to vote; or votes without having a lawful right to vote; or docs any unlawful act to secure an opportunity to vote for himself, or any other person; or by force, threat, intimidation, l)ribery, reward, or offer thereof, unlawfully pre- vents any qualified voter of any State, or of any Territory, from freely excrcijiing the BOOK y.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 21 right of suffrage, or by any such means induces any voter to refuse to exercise such right, or comj)els, or induces, by any such means, any officer of an election in any such State or Territory to receive a vote from a person not legally qualiiied or entitled to vote; or interferes in any man- ner with any officer of such election in the discharge of his duties ; or by any such means, or other unlawful means, in- duces any officer of an election or officer whose duty it is to ascertain, announce, or declare the result of any such election, or give or make any certificate, document, or evidence in relation thereto, to violate or refuse to comply with his duty or any law regulating the same; or knowingly receives the vote of any j)erson not entitled to vote, or refuses to receive the vote of any person entitled to vote, or aids, counsels, jirocures, or advises any such voter, person, or of- ficer to do any act hereby made a crime, or omit to do any duty the omission of which is hereby made a crime, or attempt to do so, he shall be j)unished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment not more than three years, or by both, and shall pay the costs of the prosecution. Sec. 5512. If, at any registration of voters for an election for Representative or Delegate in the Congress of the United States, any person knowingly personates and registers, or attempts to register, in the name of any other person, whether living, dead, or fictitious, or fraudulently registers, or fraudulently attempts to re- gister, not having a lawful right so to do ; or does any unlawful act to secure registra- tion for himself or any other person ; or by force, threat, menace, intimidation, bribery, reward, or ofier, or promise there- of, or other unlawful means, i)revents or hinders any person having a lawful right to register from duly exercising such right ; or compels or induces by any of such means, or other unlawful means, any of- ficer of registration to admit to registration any person not legally entitled thereto, or interferes in any manner with any officer of registration in the discharge of his duties, or by any such means, or other un- lawful means, induces any officer of regis- tration to violate or refuse to comply with his duty or any law regulating the same ; or if any such officer knowingly and willfully registers as a voter any person not entitled to be registered, or refuses to so register any person entitled to be registered ; or if any such officer or other jierson who has any duty to perforin in relation to such registra- tion or election, in ascertaining, announcing or declaring the result thereof, or in giving or making any certificate, document, or evi- dence in relation thereto, knowingly neg- lecfc? or refuses to perform any duty re(juired by law, or violates any duty imposed by law, or does any act unauthorized by law relating to or affecting such registration or election, or the result thereof, or any certifieate, document, or evidence in relation thereto, or if any person aids, counsels, procures, or advises, any such voter, person, or of- ficer to do any act hereby made a crime, or to omit any act the omission of which is hereby made a crime, every such jierson shall be i)unishuble as prescribed in the preceding section. Skc". 5513. Every registration made un- der th(! laws of any State or Territory, for any State or other election at which such Representative or Delegate in Congress may be chosen, shall be deemed to be a registration within the meaning of the pre- ceding section, notwithstanding such reg- istration is also made for the purposes of any State, territorial, or niunicijial election. Sec. 6514. Whenever the laws of any State or Territory require that the name of a candidate or person to be voted for as Representative or Delegate in Congress shall be printed, written, or contained, on any ticket or ballot with the names of other candidates or persons to be voted for at the [same election as State, territorial, municipal, or local officers, it shall be deemed sufficient prima-facie evidence to convict any person charged with voting, or ofl'ering to vote, unlawfully, under the pro- visions of this (hai)ter, to prove that the pers(m so charged cast or ofiered to cast such a ticket or ballot whereon the name of such Representative or Delegate might by law be printed, written, or contained, or that the person so charged committed any of the oflenses denounced in this chap- ter with reference to such ticket or ballot. Sec. 5515. Every officer of an election at which anv Representative or Delegate in Congress is voted for, whether such offi- cer of election be apjjointed or created by or under any law or authority of the Uni- ted States, or by or under any State, terri- torial, district, or municipal law or author- ity, who neglects or refuses to perform any duty in regard to such election required of him by any law of the United States, or of any State or Territory thereof; or who violates any duty so imposed; or who knowingly does any acts thereby unauthor- ized, with intent to afl'ect any such election, or the result thereof; or who fraudulently makes any false certificate of the result of such election in regard to siuh Represen- tative or Delegate ; or who withholds, con- ceals, or destroys any certifieate of record so required by law res])ecting the election of any sueh Representative or Delegate; or who negleets or refuses to make and re- turn such certificate as required by law; or who aids, counsels, procures, or advises any voter, person, or officer to do any act by this or any of the preceding sections made a crime, or to omit to do any duty 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. the omission of which is by this or any of such sections made a crime, or attempts to do so, shall be punished as prescribed in section fifty-five hundred and [ten] [eleven.] [See | 5511.] Sec. 5516. Every person who willfully obstructs, hinders, or prevents any officer or other person charged with the execution of any warrant or process issued under the provisions of sections nineteen hundred an 1 eightv-four and nineteen hundred and eighty-five, Title " Civil Rights," or any person lawfully assisting him, from arrest- ing any person for whose apprehension such warrant or process may have been issued ; or rescues, or attempts to rescue, such person from the custody of the officer or other person lawfully assisting when so arrested, pursuant to the authority herein given ; or aids, abets, or assists any person so arrested, directly or indirectly, to escape from the custody .'of the officer or other person legally authorized to arrest the party ; or harbors or conceals any person for whose arrest a warrant or process has been issued, so as to prevent his discovery and arrest, after notice or knowledge of the fact that a warrant has been issued for the apprehension of such persons, shall, for any of such offenses, be subject to a fine of not more than one thousand dollai-s, or im- prisonment not more than six months, or both. Sec. 5517. Every marshal and deputy marshal who refuses to receive any war- rant or other process when tendered to him, issued in pursuance of the provisions of section nineteen hundred and eighty- five, Title "Civil Rights," or reftises or neglects to use all proper means diligently to execute the same, shall be liable to a fine in the sum of one thousand dollars, for the benefit of the party aggrieved thereby. Sec. 5518. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to prevent, by force, intimidation, or threat, any per- son from accepting or holding any office, trust, or place of confidence under the United States, or from discharging any duties thereof; or to induce by like means any o(Fi(;er of the United States to leave any State, district, or place, where his duties iLS an officer are required to be per- forincfl, or to injure him in his person or property on account of his lawful discharge of the duties of his office, or while en- gaged in tile lawful discharge thereof, or to injure his property so as to molest, in- terrupt, hinilcr, or ini|)('<h^ liini in the dis- charge of his official duties; each of such persons shall be punished hy a fine of not less than fiv(; hundred nor more than live thousand dollars, or by iinprisonmeiit, with or without hard labor, not less than six months nor more than six yi^ars, or l)y botii Buch line and imprlsoumeut. [See i 54U7.J i Sec. 5519. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire, or go in disguise on the highway or on the premises of another, for the purpose of depriving, either directly or indirectly, any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immuni- ties under the laws ; or for the purpose of preventing or hindering the constituted authorities of any State or Territory I'rom giving or securing to all persons within such State or Territory' the equal protec- tion of the laws ; each of such persons shall be punished by a fine of not less than five hundred nor more than five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment, with or with- out hard labor, not less than six months nor more than six years, or by both such fine and imprisonment. [See ^ 5336.] Sec. 5520. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to prevent by force, intimidation, or threat, any citi- zen who is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his support or advocacy, in a legal manner, toward or in favor of tlie election of any lawfully qualified person as an elector for President or Vice-President, or as a member of the Congress of the United States ; or to injure any citizen in person or property on account of such support or advocacy ; each of such persons shall be punished by a fine of not less than five hundred nor more than five thousand dol- lars, or by imprisonment, with or without hard labor, not less than six months nor more than six years, or by both such fine and imprisonment. Sec. 5521. If any person be appointed a supervisor of election or a special deputy marshal under the provisions of Title "The Elective Franchise," and has taken the oath of office as such supervisor of election or such special deputy mar- shal, and thereafter neglects or refuses, without good and lawful excuse, to per- form and discharge fully the duties, obli- gations, and requirements of such office un- til the expiration of the term for which he was apjjointed, he shall not only be subject to removal from office with loss of all pay or emoluments, but shall l)e punished by imprisonment for not less than six months nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than two hunilred dollars and not more than five hundred dollars, or by both fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the costs of prosecution. |See ^.'i 2011-2031.] Si:c. 5522. Every person, whether with or without any authority, ])ower, or pro- cess, or ])retended authority, power, or I»rocess, of any State, Territory, or muni- ei])!ility, who obstructs, hinders, assaults, or hy bribery, solicitation, or otherwise, interferes with or prevents the supervisors of election, or either of them, or the mar- slial or his general or special deputies, or either of them, iu the perl'ormance of any BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 23 duty required of them, or cither of tliem, or whicn he or they, or cither of them, may be authorized to perform by luiy law of the United States, in the execution of process or otherwise, or who by any of the means before mentioned hinders or per- verts the free attendance and presence at such places of registration or at such polls of election, or full and free access and egress to and from any such place of regis- tration or poll of election, or in going to and from any such place of registration or poll of election, or to and from any room, where any such registration or election or canvass of votes, or of making any returns or certificates thereof, may be had, or who molests, interferes with, removes, or ejects from any such place of registration or poll of election, or of canvassing votes cast thereat, or of making returns or certifi- cates thereof, any supervisor of election, the marshal, or his general or special dej)- iitiea, or either of them ; or who threatens, or altempts, or offers so to do, or refuses or neglects to aid and assist any supervisor of election, or the marshal or his general or special deputies, or either of them, in the performance of his or their duties, when required by him or them, or either of them, to give such aid and assistance, shall be liable to instant arrest Avithout process, and shall be punished by imprisonment not more than two years, or by a fine of not more than three thousand dollars, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the cost of the jjrosecution. Skc. 5523. Everyperson who, during the progress of any verification of any list of the persons who may have registered or voted, which is had or made under any of the provisions of Title "The Elective Franchise," refuses to answer, or refrains from answering, or, answering, knowingly gives false information in respect to any in- quiry lawfully made, shall be punishable by imi>risonment for not more than thirty days, or by a fine of not more than one hundred dollars, or by both, and shall pay the costs of the prosecution. [See g§ 2016, 2026.] Sec. 5524. Ever)' master or owner or person having charge of any vessel who receives on board any other person, with the knowledge or intent that such person is to be carried from any State, Territory, or district of the United States to a foreign country, state, or place, to l)e held or sold as a slave, or carries away from any State, Territory, or district of the Unitecl States any such person, with the intent that he may be so held or sold as a slave, shall be punished by a fine of not more tlian five thousand nor less than five hundred dol- lars, or by imprisonment not more than five years, or by both. [See ^ 5879.] Sec. 5525. Even.' person who kidnaps or carries away any other person, with the intent that such other person be sold into involuntary servitude, or held a.s a slave ; or who entices, persuades, or induces any other person to go on b(jard any vessel or to any other place with the intent that he may be made or held as a slave, or sent out of the country to be so made or held ; or who in any way knowingly aids in causing any other person to be held, sold, or carried away to be held or sold as a slave, shall be jjunished by a fine of not less than five hundred nor more than five thousand (lollars, or by imprisonment not nnjre than five years, or by both, [See ^ 5875. J Sec. 5526. Every person who holds, arrests, returns, or causes to be held, arrested, or returned, or in any manner aids in the arrest or return of any i>erson to a condition of peonage, shall be punished by a fine of not less than one thousand nor more than five thousand dollars, or by im- prisonment not less than one year nor more than five years, or by both. (See ? 1990.] Sec. 5527. Every person who obstructs or attempts to obstruct, or in any way interferes with, or prevents the enlbrce- ment of, the preceding section, shall be liable to the pains and penalties therein prescribed. [See ^ 1991. J Sec. 6528. Everj- officer of the Army «r Navy, or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, who orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control, any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held in any State, unless such force be necessary to' repel armed enemies of the United States or to keep the peace at the polls, shall be fined not niore than five thousand dollars, aiul suffer imprisonment at hard labor not less than three months nor more than five years. [See g 2002.] Sec. 5529. Every officer or other person in the militarj' or naval service who, by- force, threat, intimidation, order, advice, or otherwise, prevents, or attempts to pre- vent, any qualified voter of any State from freely exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election in such State, shall be fined not more than five thousand dollars, and im])risoned at hard labor not more than five years. [See 3 2003.] Sec. 5530. Every officer of the Army or Navy who prescribes or fixes, or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by j>roclama- tion, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State, shall be punished as j)rovided in tlie preceding section. [See ^ 2008.] Sec. 5581. Every officer or other person in the military or naval service wlio, by force, threat, intimidation, order, or other- wise, coni]»els, or attempts to compel, any officer holding an election in any State to 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. receive a vote from a person not legally qualified to vote, or who imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election in a State different from those prescribed by law, or who interferes in any manner with any officer of an election in the dis- charge of his duty, shall be punished as provided in section fifty-five hundred and twenty-nine. Sec. 5532. Every person convicted of any of the offences specified in the five preceding sections, shall, in addition to the punishments therein severally pre- scribed, be disqualified from holding any office of honor, profit, or trust under the United States ; but nothing in those sec- tions shall be construed to prevent any officer, soldier, sailor, or marine from exer- cising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if other- wise qualified according to the laws of the State in which he offers to vote. Immigration. 21.i8. Cooly-trade prohibited. 21.J9. Vegsi'ls employed in cooly-trade shall be forfeited. 2160. Building veesela to engage in cooly-trade, how pun- ished. 2161. Punishment for violation of section 2158. 2162. This Title not to interfere with voluntary emigra- tion. 2163. Examination of vessels. 2164. No charge upon particular persons immigrating, &c. Sec. 2158. No citizen of the United States, or foreigner coming into or residing within the same, shall, for himself or for any other person, either as master, factor, owner, or otherwise, build, equip, load, or otherwise prepare, any vessel, registered, enrolled, or licensed, in the United States, for the purpose of procuring from any port or place the subjects of China, Japan, or of any other oriental country, known as " coolies," to be transported to any foreign port, or place, to be disposed of, or sold, or transferred, for any time, as servants or apprentices, or to be held to service or labor. Sec. 2159. If any vessel, belonging in whole or in part to a citizen of the United States, and registered, enrolled, or other- wise licensed therein, be employed in the " cooly-trade," so called, contrary to the provisions of the preceding section, such vessel, her tiickle, apparel, furniture, and other ajjpurtenances, shall lie forfeited to the United States, and shall l)e liable to be seized, prosecuted, luid condenineil in any of the circuit courts or district c(»urts of tlio United States for the district where the vessel may be found, seized, or carried. Sec. 21(30. Every j)er.Hon who so l)uilds, fits out, equips, loads, or otherwise pre- jiares, or who .sends to sea, or navigates, as owner, ma.ster, factor, agent, or otherwise, any vessel, lielonging in wlioh^ or in part to a citizen of the United States, or regis- tered, enrolled, or licensed within the same, knowing or intending that such vessel is to be or may be employed in that trade, con- trary to the provisions of section twenty- one hundred and fifty-eight, shall be liable to a fine not exceeding two thousand dol- lars, and be imprisoned not exceeding one year. Sec. 2161. Every citizen of the United States who, contrary to the provisions of section twenty-one hundred and fifty-eight, takes on board of any vessel, or receives or transports any such subjects as are de- scribed in that section, for the purpose of disposing of them in any way as therein prohibited, shall be liable to a fine not ex- ceeding two thousand dollars and be im- prisoned not exceeding one year. Sec. 2162. Nothing herein contained shall be deemed to apply to any voluntary emigration of the subjects specified in sec- tion twenty-one hundred and fifty-eight, or to any vessel carrying such person as passenger on board the same, but a certifi- cate shall be jirepared and signed by the consul or consular agent of the United States residing at the port from which such vessel may take her departure, containing the name of such person, and setting forth the fact of his voluntary emigration from such port, which certificate shall be given to the master of such vessel ; and the same shall not be given until such consul or con- sular agent is first personally satisfied by evidence of the truth of the facts therein contained. Sec. 2163. The President is empowered, in such way and at such time as he may judge proper, to direct the vessels of the United States, and the masters and com- manders thereof, to examine all vessels navigated or owned in whole or in part by citizens of the United States, and regis- tered, enrolled, or licensed under the laws thereof, whenever, in the judgment of such master or commanding officer, rea- sonable cause exists to believe that such vessel has on board any subjects of China, .Japan, or other oriental countrj', known as " coolies ; " and, upon sufficient proof that such vessel is employed in violation of the preceding provisions, to cause her to be carried, with her officers and crew, into any port or district within the United States, and delivered to the marshal of such district, to be held and disposed of accord- ing to law. Sec. 2164. No tax or charge shall be im- })osed or enforced by any State upon any I)erson immigrating thereto from a foreign eountr}', which is not equally imposed and enforceil upon every jierson iniinigrating to such State from any other foreign country. Natnrallzatlon. ' Soc. ViirLl. Aliens, how naturiili/.cd. 216G. Aliens honoralily dibchargod from military eorvlo*. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 25 21fi7. Minor rcaldcntd. 21f>8. Widow iiiiil (.liildrenof dfclaranta. 2It>9. Alieiia of African nativity and di-gci-nt. 2170. Ki'siduncu of five yean in United States. 2171 Alien enemies not admitted. 2172. Ctiildren of |)eri)ond naturalized under certain laws to be citizens. 2173. Police court of District of Columbia haa no power to naturalize foreiKnera 2174. Naturalization of seamen. Sec. 2165. An alien may be admitted to become a citizen of the United States in the following manner, and not otherwi.se : First. He shall dechire on oath, before a circuit or di.strict court of tlie United States, or a district or supreme court of the Territories, or a court of record of any of the States having common-law jurisdic- tion, and a seal and clerk, two years, at least, prior to his admission, that it is bona fide his intention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, and, particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of which the alien may be at the time a citizen or subject. Second. He shall, at the time of his ap- plication to be admitted, declare, on oath, Defore some one of the courts above speci- fied, that he will supi^ort the Constitution of the United States, and that he abso- lutely and entirely renounces and abjures all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty ; and, particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of which he wa.s before a citizen or subject; which pro- ceedings shall be recorded by the clerk of the court. Third. It shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the court admitting .such alien that he has resided within the United States five years at least, and within the State or Territorj' where such court is at the time held, one year at lea.st ; and that during that time he has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the Uni- ted States, and well 'disposed to the good order and happiness of the same ; but the oath of the applicant shall in no case be allowed to prove his residence. Fourth. In case the alien applying to be admitted to citizenship has borne any he- reditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or state from which he came, he shall, in addition to the above requisites, make an express renun- ciation of his title or order of nobility in the court to which his application is made, and his renunciation shall be recorded in the court. Fifth. Any alien who was residing with- in the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States before the twenty-ninth day of January-, one thousand seven hun- dred and ninety-five, may be admitted to become a citizen, on due proof made to some one of the courts above specified, that he has resided two years, at lea.st, within the jurisdiction of the United States, ami one year, at lea.st, immediately preceding his aj)nlication, within the State or Terri- tory wliere such court is at the time held ; and on his declaring on oath that he will support the Constitution of the United States, and that he absolutely and en- tirely renounces and abjures all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, poten- tate, state, or sovereignty, and, particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty whereof he was before a citizen or subject ; and, also, on its ap- pearing to the satisfaction of the court, that during such term of two years he has behaved as a man of good moral chiracter, attached to the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same ; and where the alien, applying for admis- sion to citizenship, has borne any heredi- tary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or state from which he came, on his, moreover, making in the court an express renunciation of his title or order of nobility. All of the pro- ceedings, required in this condition to be performed in the court, shall be recorded by the clerk thereof. Sixth. Any alien who was residing within the limits and under the jurisdic- tion of the United States, between the eighteenth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, and the eighteenth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and who has continued to reside within the same, may l)e admitted to become a citizen of the United States without having made any previous declaration of his intention to become such ; but whenever any person, withoiit a certificate of such declaration of intention, makes application to be admit- ted a citizen, it must be proved to the satisfaction of the court, that the applicant was residing within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States before the eighteenth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and has con- tinued to reside within the same; and the residence of the applicant within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the United States, for at least five years im- mediately preceding the time of such ap- plication, must be proyed by the oath of citizens of the United States, which citi- zens shall be named in the record as wit- nesses ; and such continued residence within the limits and under the jurisdic- tion of the United States, when .satisfac- torily proved, and the place where the applicant has resided for at least five years, shall he stated and set forth, together with the names of such citizens, in the record 26 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book t. of the court admitting the applicant ; otherwise the same shall not entitle tiim to be considered and deemed a citizen of the United States. [Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the declaration of inten- tion to become a citizen of the United States, required by section two thousand one hunilred and sixty-five of the Revised Statutes of the United States, may be made by an alien before the clerk of any of the courts named in said section two thousand one hundred and sixty-five ; and all such declarations heretofore made before any such clerk are hereby declared as legal and valid as if made before one of the courts named in said section.] Sec. 2166. Any alien, of the age of twenty-one years and upward, who has enlisted, or may enlist, in the armies of the United States, either the regular or the volunteer forces, and has been, or may be hereafter, honorably discharged, shall be admitted to become a citizen of the United States, upon his petition, without any previous declaration of his intention to become such ; and he shall not be re- quired to prove more than one year's resi- dence within the United States previous to his application to become such citizen ; and the court admitting such alien shall, in addition to such proof of residence and good moral character, as now provided by law, be satisfied by competent proof of such person's having been honorably dis- charged from the service of the Lfnited States. Sec. 2167. Any alien, being under the age of twenty-one years, who has resided in the United States three years next pre- ceding his arriving at that age, and who has continued to reside therein to the time he may make application to be admitted a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the age of twenty-one years, and after he has resided five years within the United States, including the three years of his minority, be admitted a citizen of the United States, without having made the declaration re- quired in the first condition of section twenty-one hundred and sixty-five ; but such alien shall make the declaration re- quired th(!rein at the time of his admission ; and shall further declare, on oath, and prove to the satisfaction of the court, that, for two years next preceding, it lias been his bona-fide intention to become a citizen of the United States; and he shall in all other respects comply with the laws in re- gard to naturalization. Sec. 216H. When any alien, who has complied with the first condition specified in section twenty-one hutulred and sixty- five, dies before he is actually naturalized, the widow and the children of sucli alien shall bo considere<I sw citizens of the United States, and shall be entitled to all rights and privileges as such, upon taking the oaths prescribed bv law. Sec. 2169. The provisions of this Title shall apply to aliens [being free white per- sons, and to aliens] of African nativity and to persons of African descent. Sec. 2170. No alien shall be admitted to become a citizen who has not for the con- tinued term of five years next preceding his admission resided within the United States. Sec. 2171. No alien who is a native citi- zen or subject, or a denizen of any country, state, or sovereignty with which the United States are at war, at the time of his appli- cation, shall be then admitted to become a citizen of the United States ; but persons resident within the United States, or the Territories thereof, on the eighteenth day of June, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve, who had before that day made a declaration, according to law, of their intention to become citizens of the United States, or who were on that day entitled to become citizens without making such declaration, may be admitted to be- come citizens thereof, notwithstanding they were alien enemies at the time and in the manner prescribed by the laws heretofore passed on that subject ; nor shall anything herein contained be taken or construed to interfere with or prevent the apprehension and removal, agreeably to law, of any alien enemy at any time previous to the actual naturalization of such alien. Sec. 2172. The children of persons who have been duly naturalized under any law of the United States, or who, previous to the passing of any law on that subject, by the Government of the United States, may have become citizens of any one of the States, under the laws thereof, being under the age of twenty-one years at the time of the naturalization of their parents, shall, if dwelling in the United States be con- sidered as citizens thereof; and the chil- dren of persons who now are, or have been, citizens of the United States, shall, though born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, be considered as citizens thereof; but no person heretofore pro- scribed by any State, or who has been legally convicted of having joined the army of Great Britain during the Revolu- tionary War, shall be admitted to become a citizen without the consent of the legis- lature of the State in which such person was ])r()scribed. Sec. 2173. The police court of the Dis- trict of Columbia shall have no power to naturalize foreigners. SEf. 2174. Every seaman, being a foreigner, who declares his intention of becoming a citizen of the United States in any competent court, and shall have served three years on board of a merchant- vessel of the United States subsequent to BOOK y.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 27 the date of such declaration, may, on his application to any competent court, and the production of his certificate of dis- charf>;e and ^ood conduct during that time, together with the certificate of his declara- tion of intention to become a citizen, be admitted a citizen of the United States ; and every seaman, being a foreigner, shall, after his declaration of intention to become a citizen of the United States, and after he shall have served such three years, be deemed a citizen of the United States for the purpose of manning and serving on boara any merchant-vessel of the United States, anything to the contrary in any act of Congress notwithstanding ; but such seaman shall, for all purposes of protection as an American citizen, be deemed such, after the filing of his declaration of inten- tion to become such citizen. An Act to Amen<l tUe Revised Statutes Re- latlitfj; to Katuralizatloii. Declaration of intention, Ac, for nutunilization may be made before clerks of certain court<i. Be it enacted, dc, That the declaration of intention to become a citizen of the United States, required by section two thousand one hundred and sixty-five of the Revised Statutes of the United States, may be made by an alien before the clerk of any of the courts named in said section two thousand one hundred and sixty-five ; and all such declarations heretofore made bef(fre any such clerk are hereby declared as legal and valid as if made before one of the courts named in said section. [Febru- ury 1, 187G.] Note. — This act is in the second edition of R. S., g 2165. Passed Feb. 1, ls76. Homesteads. Sec. 22ii'J. ^\Tio may enter certain unappropriated public landM. 2990. Mmle of procedure. 2291. Ortificate and patent, when given and issued. Proof of i-esiili'nce. False swearing, penalty for. 2292. When right« inure to the benefit of infant chil- dren. 2293. Persons in military or naval service, wbon and before whom to make affidavit. 2294. When persons may make affidavit before clerk of court. 229.'>. Reci>nl of applications. 2i96. Homestead lands not to be subject to prior debts. 2297. When lands entered for homestead revert to Gov- ernment. 2298. Limitation of amount entered for homestead. 2299. Kxi.stiiiK p'e cniption rights not impaired. 2300. Wliat minors may have the privileges of this chap- ter. 2301. Payment before expiration of five years, rights of applicant. 2302. No distinction on account of race or color. Ac. 2303. What lands disposed of only as liomesteads. 23o:i. Rejieal of sectim and furtlier disposition of lands. 2304. Soldiers' and sailors' homestead. 2305. Deduction of military and naval service from time, &c. 23»6. Pers(ms who have entered less than 160 acres, rights of. 2307. Widows and minor children of persons entitled to homestead, &c. 2308. Actual service in the Army or Navy squivalcnt to residence, &C. 2309. Who may enter by agent. 2310. Chiefs, kc, of Stockbridge HanaeM, bomeat<-&<i rigliti* of. 2-'Ul. Exemiitions of homestead of Stockbridge Mun- sees. '2312. Stoekbridgo Munsees becoming citizens. 2;il3. Unsold lands of the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, how upeiied for homestead. 2314. Selec'tiun fur minors under pn-ceding section. 2:il.'>. Hona-tide settlers on above lands prior to, ic. 2:il6. Certain lands tu be ]>atented to Indians making selection. 2317. Cultivation of trees on homestead tracts. Sec. 2289. Every person who is the head of a family, or who has arrived at the age of twenty-one years, and is a citizen of the United States, or who has filed his declaration of intention to become such, as ru([uired by the naturalization laws, shall be entitled to enter one quarter-section or a less quantity of unappropriated public lands, upon which such person may have filed a pre-emption claim, or which may, at the time the application is made, be subject to pre-emption at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre ; or eighty acres or less of such unappropriated lands, at two dollars and fifty cents per acre, to be located in a body, in conformity to the legal subdivisions of the public lands, and after the same have been surveyed. And every person owning and residing on land may, under the provisions of this section, enter other land lying contiguous to his land, which shall not, with the land so already owned and occupied, exceed in the aggre- gate one hundred and sixty acres. Sec. 2290. The person applying for the benefit of the preceding section shall, upon application to the register of the land- ofiice in which he is about to make such entry, make aflidavit before the register or receiver that he is the head of a family, or is twenty-one years or more of age, or has performed service in the Army or Navy of the United States, and that such appli- cation is made for his exclusive u.se and benefit, and that his entry is made for the purpose of actual settlement and cultiva- tion, and not either directly or indirectly for the use or benefit of any other person; and ujion filing such aflidavit with the re- gister or receiver, on payment of five dol- lars when the cntrj- is of not more than eighty acres, and on payment of ten dollars when the entrj' is for more than eighty acres, he shall thereupon be permitted to enter the amount of land specified. Sec. 2291. No certificate, however, shall be given, or patent is.-<ued therefor, until the expiration of five years from tlie date of such entry; and if at the expiration of such time, or at any time within two years thereafter, the person making such "entrv; or if he be dead, his widow; or in caj^eof her death, his heirs or devisee; or in case of a widow making such entrj-, her heirs or devisee, in case of her death, proves by two credible witnesses that he, she, or thev have resided upon or culti- vated the same for the term of five years 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book V, immediately succeeding the time of filing the affidavit, and makes affidavit that no part of such land has been alienated, ex- cept as provided in section twenty-two hundred and eighty-eight, and that he, she, or they will bear true allegiance to the Government of the United States ; then, in such case, he, she, or they, if at that time citizens of the United States, shall be en- titled to a patent, as in other cases pro- vided by law. [That the proof of resi- dence, occupation, or cultivation, the affidavit of non-alienation, and the oath of allegiance, required to be made by sec- tion twenty-two hundred and ninety-one of the Revised Statutes, may be made be- fore the judge, or, in his absence, before the clerk, of any court of record of the county and State, or district and Territorj^ in which the lands are situated ; and if said lands are situated in any unorganized county, such proof may be made in a similar manner in any adjacent county in said State or Territory ; and the proof, affidavit, and oath, when so made and duly subscribed, shall have the same force and effect as if made before the register or re- ceiver of the proper land-district ; and the same shall be transmitted by such judge, or the clerk of his court, to the register and the receiver, with the fee and charges allowed by law to him ; and the register and receiver shall be entitled to the same fees for examining and approving said testi- mony as are now allowed by law for taking the same. That if any witness making such proof, or the said applicant making such affidavit or oath, swears falsely as to any material matter contained in said proof, affidavits, or oaths, the said false swearing being willful and corrupt, he shall be deemed guilty of perjury, and shall be liable to the same pains and pen- alties as if he had sworn falsely before the register.] Sec. 2292. In case of the death of both father and mother, leaving an infant child or children under twenty-one years of age, the right and fee shall inure to the benefit of such infant child or children ; and the executor, administrator, or guardian may, at any time witliin two years after the death of the surviving parent, and in accordance with the laws of the State in which such children, for the time being, have their domicile, sell the land for the benefit of such infants, but for no other purpose ; and the j»urchaser shall acquire the absolute title by the purchase, and be entitle<l to a patent from the United States on the payment of the office-fees and sum of money above specified. 8i;c. 221).'>. In case of any person de- sirous of availing himself of tlie benefits of this chapter; l)ut who, by rcasf)n of actual service in the military or naval ser- vice of the United States, is unable to do the personal preliminary acts at the dis- trict land-office which the preceding sec- tions require ; and whose family, or some member thereof, is residing on the land which he desires to enter, and upon which a bona-fide improvement and settlement have been made, such person may make the affidavit required by law before the officer commanding in the branch of the service in which the party is engaged, which affidavit shall be as binding in law, and with like penalties, as if taken before the register or receiver; and upon such affidavit being filed with the register by the wife or other representative of the party, the same shall become effective from the date of such filing, provided the application and affidavit are accompanied by the fee and commissions as required by law. Sec. 2294. In any case in which the ap- plicant for the benefit of the homestead, and whose family or some member thereof, is residing on the land which he desires to enter, and upon which a bona-fide improvement and settlement have been made, is prevented, by reason of distance, bodily infirmity, or o^er good cause, from personal attendance at the district land- office, it may be lawful for him to make the affidavit required by law before the clerk of the court for the county in which the applicant is an actual resident, and to transmit the same, with the fee and com- missions, to the register and receiver. • Sec. 2295. The register of the land-office shall note all applications under the pro- visions of this chapter, on the tract-books and plats of his office, and keep a register of all such entries, and make return thereof to the General Land Office, to- gether with the proof upon which they have been founded. Sec. 2296. No lands required under the provisions of this chapter shall in any event become liable to the satisfaction of any debt contracted prior to the issuing of the patent therefor. Sec. 2297. If, at any time after the filing of the affidavit, as required in sec- tion twenty-two hundred and ninety, and before the expiration of the five years mentioned in section twenty-two hundred and ninety-one, it is proved, after due no- tice to the settler, to tlie satisfaction of the register of the land-office, that the person having filed such affidavit has actually changed his residence, or abandoned the land for more than six months at any time, then and in that event the land so entered shall revert to the Government. Sec. 2298. No person shall be permitted to acquire title to more than one quarter- section under the provisions of this chap- ter. Sec. 2299. Nothing contained in this chapter shall be so construed as to impair BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 29 or interfere in any manner with existing pre-emption rights ; and all persons who may have tiled their applications for a pre- emption right prior to the twentieth day of May, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, shall be entitled to all the privileges ol this chapter. Sec. 23U0. No person who has served, or may hereafter serve, for a period not less than Iburteen days in the Army or Navy of the United States, either regular or volunteer, under the laws thereof, dur- ing the existence of an actual war, domes- tic or foreign, shall be deprived of the benefits of this chapter on account of not having attained the age of twentj'-one years. Sec. 2301. Nothing in this chapter shall be so construed a« to prevent any person who has availed himself of the benefits of section twenty-two hundred and eighty- nine, from paying the minimum }>rice for the quantity of land so entered, at any time bel'ore the expiration of the five years, and obtaining a patent therefor from the Government, as in other cases directed by law, on making })roof of set- tlement and cultivation as provided by law, granting pre-emption rights. Sec. 2302. No distinction shall be made in the construction or execution of this chapter, on account of race or color ; nor shall any mineral lands be liable to entry and settlement under its provisions. Sec. 2303. [All the public lands in the States of Alabarna, Missitisippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Florida, shall be disposed of in no other manner than according to the tm'ms and stipulations contained in the preceding provisions of this chapter. ] (That section two thousand three hundred and three of the Revised Statutes of the United States, confining the disposal of the public lands in the States of Alabama, Missi-ssippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Flo- rida to the provisions of the homestead law, be, and the same is hereby, repealed : I'vovidcd, That the repeal of said section shall not have the effect to impair the right, complete or inchoate, of any home- stead settler, and no land occupied by such settler at the time this act shall take effect, shall be subject to entry, ])re-emp- tion, or sale : And provided, That the pub- lic lands affected by this act, shall be offered at public sale, as soon as practica- ble from time to time, and according to the provisions of existing law, and shall not be subject to private entry until they are so offered.] Sec. 2304. Every private soldier and ol^cer who has served in the Army of the United Stiites during the recent rebellion, for ninety days, and who was honorably dischai^ed, and has remained loyal to the Government, including the troops mus- tered into the service of the United States by virtue of the third section of an act 46 approved February thirteen, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and every seaman, marine, and officer who has served in the Navy of the United States, or in the Marine Corps, during the rel>ellion, for ninety days, and who was honorably dis- charged, and has remained loyal to the Government, shall, on compliance with the prcjvisious of this chapter, a.s herein- after modified, be entitled to enter uj)on and receive patents for a quantity of j)ub- lic lands not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres, or one quarter .section, to be taken in compact form, according to legal subdivisions, including the alternate re- served sections of public lands along the line of any railroad or other public work, not otherwise reserved or approj)riated, and other lands subject to entry under the homestead laws of the United States ; but such homestead settler shall be allowed six months after locating his homestead, and filing his declaratory statement, within which to make his entry and commence his settlement and improvement. Sec, 2305. The time which the home- stead settler has served in the Army, Navy, or Marine Corps shall be deducted from the time heretofore required to per- fect title, or if discharged on account of wounds received or disability incurred in the line of duty, then the term of enlist- ment shall be deducted from the time heretofore required to perfect title, with- out reference to the length of time he may have served ; but no patent shall issue to any homestead settler who has not resided upon, improved, and cultivated his home- stead for a period of at least one year after he shall have commenced his improve- ments. Sec. 2306, Every person entitled, under the provisions of section twenty-three hundred and four, to enter a homestead who may have heretofore entered, under the homestead laws, a quantity of land less than one hundred and sixty acres, shall be permitted to enter so much land as, when added to the quantity previously entered, shall not exceed one hundred and sixty acres. Sec, 2307, In case of the death of any person who would be entitled to a home- stead under the provisions of section twenty-three hundred and four, his widow, if unmarried, or in Ciise of her death or marriage, then his minor orphan children, by a guardian duly appointed and offi- cially accredited at the Department of the Interior, shall be entitled to all the bene- fits enumerated in this chapter, subject to all the i)rovisions as to settlement and im- provements therein contained; but if such person died during his term of^ enlistment, the whole term of his enli.stment shall be deducted from the time heret^jforo required to perfect the title. 30 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. Sec. 2308. Where a party at the date of his entry of a tract of land under the homestead laws, or subsequently thereto, was actually enlisted and employed in the Army or Navy of the United States, his services therein shall, in the administra- tion of such homestead laws, be construed to be equivalent, to all intents and i)ur- poses, to a residence for the same length of time upon the tract so entered. And if his entry has been canceled by reason of his absence from such tract while in the military or naval service of the United States, and such tract has not been dis- posed of, his entry shall be restored ; but if such tract has been disposed of, the party may enter another tract subject to entry under the homestead laws, and his right to a patent therefor may be deter- mined by the proofs touching his residence and cultivation of the first tract and his absence therefrom in such service. Sec. 2309. Every soldier, sailor, marine, officer, or other person coming within the provisions of section twenty-three hundred and four, may, as well by an agent as in person, enter upon such homestead by fil- ing a declaratory statement, as in pre- emption cases; but such clainant in person shall within the time prescribed make his actual entry, commence settlements and improvements on the same, and thereafter fulfill all the requirements of law. Sec. 2310. Each of the chiefs, warriors, and heads of families of the Stockbridge Munsee tribes of Indians, residing in the county of Shawana, State of Wisconsin, may, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, enter a homestead and be- come entitled to all the benefits of this chapter, free from any fee or charge ; and any part of their present reservation, which is abandoned for that purpose, may be sold, under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, and the proceeds applied for the benefit of such Indians as may settle on homesteads, to aid them in improving the same. Sec. 2311. The homestead secured, by virtue of the preceding section, shall not be subject to any tax, levy, or sale; nor Hhall it be sold, conveyed, mortgaged, or in any manner incumbered, except upon the decree of the district court of the United States, as provided in the follow- ing section. Sec. 2312. Whenever any of the chiefs, warriors, or heads of families of the tribes mentioned in section twenty-throe hun- dred and ten, having filed with the clerk of the district court of the United States a declaration of his intention to boc<ime a citizen of the United States, and to dis- solve all relations with any Indian tribe, two years j)revio\iH thereto, appears in such court, and proves to the satisf'uction thenv of, by the tewtimony of two citizens, that for five years last past he has adopted the habits of civilized life ; that he has main- tained himself and family by his own in- dustry ; that he reads and speaks the Eng- lish language; that he is well disposed to become a peaceable and orderly citizen; and that he has sufficient capacity to man- age his own affairs ; the court may enter a decree admitting him to all the rights of a citizen of the United States, and thence- forth he shall be no longer held or treated as a member of any Indian tribe, but shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges, and be subject to all the duties and liabili- ties to taxation of other citizens of the United States. But nothing herein con- tained shall be construed to deprive such chiefs, warriors, or heads of families of annuities to which they are or may be en- titled. Sec. 2313. The unoccupied lands in the reservation made for the Ottawa and Chip- pewa Indians, of Michigan, by the treaty of July thirty-one, eighteen hundred and fifty-five, shall be open to homestead entry for six months from the tenth day of June, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, by Indians only of those tribes, who have not made selections of purchases under the treaty, including such members of the tribes as have become of age since the ex- piration of the ten years named in the treaty ; and every Indian so entitled shall be permitted to make his homestead entry, at the local land-office, within such six months, of not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres, or one quarter-section of min- imum, or eighty acres of double minimum land, on making proper proof of his right, under such rules as may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Interior. Sec. 2314. The collector of customs for the district in which such land is situated, is authorized, and it is made his duty, to se- lect for such minor children as would be entitled, under the preceding section, as the heirs of any Indian. Sec. 2315. All actual, permanent, bona- fide settlers on any of such lands who set- tled prior to the first day of January, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, shall be entitled to enter either under the home- stead laws or to pay for at the mimimum or double minimum price, as the case may be, not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres of the former or eighty acres of the latter class of land on making proof of his settlement and continued residence before the expiration of six months from the tenth day of June, eighteen hundred and aev- enty-two. Sec. 2316. All selections of such lands by Indians heretofore made and regularly r(!ported and recognized as valid and pro- per l)y the Secretary of the Interior and (Commissioner of Indian Affairs, shall be j)atented to the respective Indians making BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 31 the same ; and all sales heretofore made and reported, where the same arc regular and not in conflict with such selections, or with any other valid adverse right, except of the United States, are conhrined, and patents shall issue thereon as in other cases according to law. Sec. 2.'U7. Every person having a home- stead on the public aomain, under the pro- visions of this chapter, who, at the end of the third year of his residence thereon, shall have had under cultivation, for two years, one acre of timber, the trees thereon not being more than twelve feet apart each way, and in a good, thrifty condition, for each and every sixteen acres of such home- stead, shall, upon due proof of the fact by two credible witnesses, receive his patent for such homestead. From Supplement Revised Statntes. Chap. II. — That the sixth paragraph of section 2,238 of the Revised Statutes of the United States be, and the same is hereby, repealed, and that in lieu thereof the fol- lowing paragraph be substituted: " A fee in donation cases of $2.50 for each final certificate of 160 acres of land, $5 for 320 acres, and $7.50 for 640 acres." — [Approved December 17, 1880. CiiAP. XIX. — That all persons who shall have settled and made valuable and permanent improvements upon any odd numbered section of land within any rail- road withdrawal in good faith, and with the permission or license of the railroad company for whose benefit the same shall have been made, and with the expectation of pun-hasiiig of such comjiany the land so settled ui)on, which land so settled upon and improved may, for any cause, be re- stored to the public domain, and who, at the time of such restoration, may not be entitled to enter and acquire title to such land under the pre-emption, homestead or timber-culture acts of the United States, shall be permitted, at any time within three months after such restoration, and under such rules and regulations a-s the Commissioner of the General Land Office may prescribe, to purchase not to exceed KiO acres in extent of the same legal sub- divisions, at the price of $2.50 per acre, and to receive patents therefor.-- [Approved January 13, 1881 Chap. CLIII. — That section num- bered 2,297, of title numbered 32, be amended by adding thereto the following proviso, namely: ''Provided, That where there may be climatic rea.sons the Com- missioner of the General Land Office may, in his discretion, allow the settler twelve months from the time of filing in which to commence his residence on said land under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe. — [Approved March 3, 1881. Complete List of IT. S. Land Ofllces. A 1. A HA. MA — lluntsville, Montgomery. AuKANSAs — Little Rock, Camden, Har- rison, Dardanelle. AiiizoNA Tkuritoey — Prescott, Flor- ence. California — San Francisco, Marys- ville, Hunil)oldt, Stockton, Visalia, Sacra- mento, Los Angeles, Shasta, Susanville, Bodie. Colorado — Denver City, Fair Play, Central City, Pueblo, Del Norte, Lake City. Dakota Territory — Sioux Falls, Springfield, Fargo, Yankton, Bismarck, Deadwood. Florida — Gainesville. Idaho Territory — Boise City, Lewis- ton. Iowa — Fort Des Moines. Kansas — Topeka, Salina, Independ- ence, Wichita, Kirwin, Concordia, Larned, Hays City. Louisiana — New Orleans, Monroe, Natchitoches, Michigan — Detroit, East Saginaw, Reed City, Marquette. Minnesota — Taylor's Falls, Saint Cloud, Du Luth, Fergus Falls, Worthing- ton. New Ulm, Benson, Detroit, Redwood Falls. Mississippi — Jackson. Missouri — Boonville, Ironton, Spring- field. Montana Territory — Helena, Boze- man. Nebraska — Norfolk, Beatrice, Lincoln, Niobrara, Grand Island, North Platte, Bloomington. Nevada — Carson City, Eureka. New Mexico Territory — Stata F6, La Mesilla. Oregon — Oregon City, Roseburg, Le Grand, Lakeview, The Dalles. Utah Territory— Salt Lake City. Washington Territory — Olympia, Vancouver, Walla Walla, Colfax. Wisconsin — Menasha, Falls of St. Croix, Wausau, La Crosse, Bayfield, Eau Claire. Wyoming Territory — Cheyenne, Evanston. civil Rights. Sec. 1977. Equal rights under the law. 1978. Rights of citizens in respect to real and personal property. 1979. Civil action for deprivation of right*. 1980. Conspiracy 1981. Action for neglect to prevent conspii-acy. 1982. District attorney, &c., to prosecute. 1981!. Conwuissioners. 1984. They may appoint persons to execute warrants, Ac 19H.5. Jlarshals to obey precepts, Ac. 1986. Fees of district attorney, Ac 1987. Of persons api>ointed to execute proceas, Ac 1988. Speedy triiU. 1989. Aid of the niilitAry and naval forces. 1990. Peonane «lM)lishiHl. 1991. Foregoing section, liow enforced. Sec. 1977. All persons within the jurii*- diction of the United States shall have the 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book y. same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be par- ties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penal- ties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other. [See § 858.J Sec. 1978. All citizens of the United States shall have the same right, in every State and Territory, as is enjoyed by white citizens thereof to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property. Sec. 1979. Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any citi- zen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the de- privation of any rights, privileges, or im- munities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law, suit in equity, or other I)roper proceeding for redress. [See §§ 563, 629. J Sec. 1980. First. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to pre- vent, by force, intimidation, or threat, any person from accepting or holding any of- fice, trust, or place of confidence under the United States, or from discharging any du- ties thereof; or to induce by like means any officer of the United States to leave any State, district, or place, where his du- ties as an officer are required to be per- formed, or to injure him in his person or property on account of his lawful discharge of the duties of his office, or while en- gaged in the lawful discharge thereof, or to injure his property so as to molest, inter- rupt, hinder, or impede him in the dis- charge of his official duties ; Second. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to deter, by force, intimidation, or threat, any party or witness in any court of the United States from attending such court, or from testify- ing to any matter pending therein, freely, fully, and truthfully, or to injure such party or witness in his person or property on ac- count of his liaving so attended or testified, or to infiiience the verdict, presentment, or indictment of any grand or petit juror in any such court, or to injure such juror in his person or proj)erty on account of any verdict, presentment, or indictment lawful- ly assented to by him, or of his being or having been such juror; or if two or more persons conspire for the purpose of imped- ing, hindering, obstructing, or defeating, in any manner, tlie due course of justice in any State or Territory, with intent to deny U) any citizen the cfpial protection of the laws, or to injure him or his property for lawfully enforcing, or attempting to en- j force, the right of any person, or class of persons, to the equal protection of the laws; Third. If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire, or go in dis- guise on the highway or on the premises of another, for the purpose of depriving, either directly or indirectly, any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immu- nities under the laws ; or for the purpose of preventing or hindering the constituted authorities of any State or Territory from giving or securing to all persons within such State or Territory the equal protec- tion of the laws ; or if two or more per- sons conspire to prevent by force, intimi- dation, or threat, any citizen who is law- fully entitled to vote, from giving his sup- port or advocacy in a legal manner, toward or in favor of the election of any lawfully qualified person as an elector for President or Vice-President, or as a member of Con- gress of the United States ; or to injure any citizen in person or property on account of such support or advocacy ; in any case of conspiracy set forth in this section, if one or more persons engaged therein do, or cause to be done, any act in furtherance of the object of such conspiracy, whereby another is injured in his person or property, or deprived of having and exercising any right or privilege of a citizen of the Uni- ted States, the party so injured or deprived may have an action for the recovery of damages, occasioned by such injury or de- privation, against any one or more of the conspirators. Sec. 1981. Every person who, having knowledge that any of the wrongs conspired to be done, and mentioned in the preced- ing section, are about to be committed, and having power to prevent or aid in prevent- ing the commission of the same, neglects or refuses so to do, if such wrongful act be committed, shall be liable to the party in- jured, or his legal rei)resentatives, for all damages caused by such wrongful act, which such person by reasonable diligence could have prevented ; and such damages may be recovered in an action on the case ; and any number of persons guilty of such wrongful neglect or refusal may be joined as defendants in the action ; and if the death of any party be caused by any such wrongful act and neglect, the legal repre- sentatives of the deceased shall have such action therefor, and may recover not ex- ceeding five thousand dollars damages therein, for the benefit of the widow of the deceased, if there be one, and if there be i no widow, then for the benefit of the next vl of kin of the deceased. But no action under tlie provisions of this section shall he sustained which is not commenced with- in one year after the cause of action has accrued. I BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 83 Sec. 1982. The district attorneys, mar- shals, and deputy marshals, the commis- sioners appointed by the circuit and terri- torial courts, with power to arrest, imprison, or bail od'enders, and every other officer who is especially empowered by the Presi- dent, are authorized and required, at the expen.se of the United States, to institute prosecutions against all persons violating any of the provisions of chapter seven of the Title " Crimes," and to cause such persons to be arrested, and imprisoned or bailed, for trial before the court of the United States or the territorial court having cognizance of the offense. Sec. 1983. The circuit courts of the Uni- ted States and the district courts of the Territories, from time to time, shall increase the number of commissioners, so as to af- ford a speedy and convenient means for the arrest and examination of persons charged with the crimes referred to in the preced- ing section ; and such commissioners are authorized and required to exercise all the powers and duties conferred on them here- in with regard to such offenses in like manner as they are authorized by law to exercise with regard to other offenses against the laws of the United States. Sec, 1984. The commissioners author- ized to be appointed by the preceding sec- tion are empowered, within their respec- tive counties, to appoint, in writing, under their hands, one or more suitable persons, from time to time, who shall execute all such warrants or other process as the com- missioners may issue in the lawful per- formance of their duties, and the persons so appointed shall have authority to sum- mon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse comitatus of the proper county, or such portion of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as may be necessary to the performance of the duty with which they are charged ; and such warrants shall run and be executed anywhere in the State or Territory within which they are issued. [See § 5516.] Sec. 1985. Every marshal and deputy marshal shall obey and execute all war- rants or other process, when directed to him, issued under the provisions hereof [See ^ 6516.] Sec. 1986. The district attorneys, mar- shals, their deputies, and the clerks of the courts of the United States and territorial courts shall be paid for their services, in cases under the foregoing provisions, the same fees as are allowed to them for like services in other cases ; and where the proceedings are before a commissioner ho shall be entitled to a fee of ten dollars for his services in each case, inclusive of all services incident to the arrest and exami- nation. Sec. 1987. Everj^ person appointed to execute process under section nineteen hundred and eighty-four shall be entitled to a fee of five dollars for each party he may arrest and take before any commis- sioner, with such other fees a.s may be deemed reasonable by the commissioner for any additional services necessarily per- formed by him, such a.s attending at the examination, keeping the prisoner in cus- tody, and providing him with food and lodging during his detention, and until the final determination of the commissioner ; such fees to be made up in conformity with the fees usually charged by the offi- cers of the courts of justice within the proper district or county, as near as may be practicable, and paid out of the Trea- sury of the United States on the certificate of the judge of the district within which the arrest is made, and to be recoverable from the defendant as part of the judg- ment in case of conviction. Sec. 1988. Whenever the President has reason to believe that offenses have been, or are likely to be committed against the provisions of chapter seven of the Title Crimes, within any judicial district, it shall be lawful for him, in his discretion, to direct the judge, marshal, and district attorney of such district to attend at such place within the district, and for such time as he may designate, for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of oer- sons so charged, and it shall be the duty of every judge or other officer, when any such requisition is received by him to at- tend at the place and for the time therein designated. Sec. 1989. It shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such person as he may empower for that pur- pose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as may be necessary to aid in the execution of judicial process issued under any of the preceding provisions, or as shall be necessary to prevent the viola- tion and enforce the due execution of the provisions of this Title. Sec. 1990. The holding of any person to service or labor under the system known as peonage is abolished and forever pro- hibited in the Territory of New Mexico, or in any other Territory or State of the United States ; and all acts, laws, resolu- tions, orders, regulations, or usages of the Territory of New Mexico, or of any other Territory or State, which have heretofore established, maintained, or enforced, or by virtue of which any attempt shall here- after be made to establish, maintain, or enforce, directly or indirectly, the volun- tary or involuntary service or labt)r of any persons as peons, in liouidation, of any debt or obligation, or otnerwise, are de- clared null and void. Sec. 1991. Every person in the military or civil service in the Territory of New 34 AMERICAN POLITICS. 1 Xbook y'. Mexico sliall aid in the enforcement of the preceding section. Sec. 1860. At all subsequent elections, however, in any Territory hereafter or- ganized by Congress, as well as at all elec- tions in Territories already organized, the qualifications of voters and of holding ofiice shall be such as may be prescribed by the legislative assembly of each Terri- tory ; subject, nevertheless, to the follow- ing restrictions on the power of the legis- lative assembly, namely : First. The right of suffrage and of hold- ing office shall be exercised only by citi- zens of the United States above the age of twenty-one years, and by those above that age who have declared on oath, before a competent court of record, their intention to become such, and have taken an oath to support the Constitution and Government of the United States. Second. There shall be no denial of the elective franchise or of holding office to a citizen on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Third. No officer, soldier, seaman, mar- iner, or other person in the Army or Na- vy, or attached to troops in the service of the United States, shall be allowed to vote in any Territory, by reason of being on service therein, unless such Territory is, and has been for the period of six months, his permanent domicile. Fourth. No person belonging to the Army or Navy shall be elected to or hold any civil office or appointment in any Ter- ritory. Cltlzensbip. Sec. 1992. Who are citizens. 199;j. Oitizoiirthip of children of citizens bom abroad. 1994. Citizensliip of married women. 1995. Of persons born in Oregon. 1996. Uightri lis citizens forfeited for desertion, Ac. 1997. Certain soldiers and sailors not to incur the for- feitures of the last section. 1998. Avoiding the draft. 1999. Right of expatriation declared. 2000. Protection to n:itiinili/,i'd citizens in foreign states. 2001. Bele;use of citi/.ciis inipriaoned by foreign govern- monta to bo demanded. Sec. 1992. All persons born in the United States and not subject to any for- eign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are declared to be citizens of the United States. Sec. 1993. All children heretofore born or hereafter born out of the limits and jurisdiction of tlie United States, whose fathers wore or may bo at the time of their birth citizens thereof, are decl.ared to be citizens of the United States; but the rights of citizenship shall not descend to children whose fathers never resided in the United States. Sec. 1994. Any woman who is now or may hereafter be married to a citizen of the Unitfd States, and wlio might herself be lawfully naturalized, shall be deemed a citizen. Sec. 1995, All persons bom in the dis- trict of country formerly known as the Territory of Oregon, and subject to the jurisdiction of the United States on the 18th May, 1872, are citizens in the same manner as if born elsewhere in the United States. Sec. 1996. All persons who deserted the military or naval service of the United States and did not return thereto or report themselves to a provost-marshal within sixty days after the issuance of the pro- clamation by the President, dated the 11th day of March, 1865, are deemed to have voluntarily relinquished and forfeited their rights of citizenship, as well as their right to become citizens; and such de- serters shall be forever incapable of hold- ing any office of trust or profit under the United States, or of exercising any rights of citizens thereof Sec. 1997. No soldier or sailor, how- ever, who faithfully served according to his enlistment until the 19th day of April, 1865, and who, without proper authority or leave first obtained, quit his command or refused to serve after that date, shall be held to be a deserter from the Army or Navy ; but this section shall be construed solely as a removal of any disability such soldier or sailor may have incurred, under the preceding section, by the loss of citi- zenship and of the right to hold office, in consequence of his desertion. Sec. 1998. Every person who hereafter deserts the military or naval service of the United States, or who, being duly enrolled, departs the jurisdiction of the district in which he is enrolled, or goes beyond the limits of the United States, with intent to avoid any draft into the military or naval service, lawfully ordered, shall be liable to all the penalties and forfeitures of section nineteen hundred and ninety-six. Sec. 1999. Whereas the right of expa- triation is a natural and inherent right of all people, indispensabletotheenjoymentof the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; and whereas in the recogni- tion of this principle this Government has freely received emigrants from all nations, and invested them with the rights of citi- zenship ; and whereas it is claimed that such American citizens, with their de- scendants, are subjects of foreign states, owing allegiance to the governments thereof; and whereas it is necessary to the maintenance of public peace that this claim of foreign allegiance should be promptly and finally disavowed : There- fore any declaration, instruction, opinion, order, or decision of any officer of the United St.ates which denies, restricts, im- pairs, or (juestions the right of expatria- tion, is (Icclured inconsistent with the fundaniotital principles of the Rei)nblic. Sec. 2000. All naturalized citizens ofi BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 35 the United States, while in foreign coun- tries, arc entitled to and shall receive from this Government the same protection of persons and property which is accorded to native-born citizens. Sec. 2001. Whenever it is made known to the President that any citizen of the United States lias been unjustly deprived of his liberty by or under the authority of any foreign government, it shall be the duty of the President forthwith to demand of that government the reasons of such im- prisonment ; and if it appears to be wrong- mi and in violation of the rights of American citizenship, the President shall forthwith demand the release of such citi- zen, and if the release so demanded is un- reasonably delayed or refused, the Presi- dent shall use such means, not amounting to acts of war, as he may think necessary and proper to obtain or efiectuate the re- lease; and all the facts and proceedings relative thereto shall as soon as practicable be communicated by the President to Congress. The Elective Franclilse. Sec. 200':;. lirintciiii; iirmod troops to places of election. ii(X)3. luterferoiice with froodom of election by officers of Army or Navy. 20"4. Race, color, or previous condition not to afifect the riglit to vote. 2005. Nor the performance of any pre-reqnisito. 200(i. I'enulty for refusing to give full efieci io preceding section. 2007. What shall entitle a person to vote. 2008. Penalty for wrongfully refusing to receive a vote. 2009. For unlawfully hindering a person from voting. 2010 Remedy for deprivation of office. 2011. lu cities or towns of over 20,090 inhabitants, upon written ai>pliciition of two citizens, the circuit judge to oi>en court. 2012. Supervisors of election. 20i;5. Court to be kept open. 2014. District judge mnv perform duties of circuit judge. 201.5. I'onsiruction of j.riCiJiijg section. 201C. Duties of supervisors of elections. 2017. Altenfiauce at elections. 2018. To personally scrutinize and count each ballot. 2019. Their positions. 20-JO. When molested. 2021. Special deputies. 2022. Duties of marshals. 2023. I'ersons arrested to be taken forthwith before a judge, <Scc. 2024. .\ssistanco of by-standers. 202.'i. Chief supervisors of elections. 2026. Their duties. 2027. Marsh.ils to forward complaint to chief super- visors. 2028. Supervisors and deputy marshals to be qualified voters, &c. 2020. Certain supervisors not to make arrests, <fec. 2030. No more marshals or deputy marshals to be ap- pointed than now authorized. 2031. Pay of supervisors. Sec. 2002. No military or naval officer, or other person engaged in the civil, mili- tary, or naval service of the United States, shall order, bring, keep, or have under his authority or control, any troops or armed men at the place where any general or special election is held in any State, unless it bo necessary to repel the armed enemies of the ITnited States, or to keep the peace at the polls. [See ^^ 5528, 5529, 5532.] Sec. 2003. No officer of the Army or Navy of the United States shall prescribe or fix, or attempt to prescribe or fix, by proelamaticni, order, or otherwise, the qualifications of voters in any State, or in any manner interfere with the freedom of any election in any State, or v/ith the ex- ercise of the free right of suffrage in any State. |See§§ 5530-5532.] Sec. 2004. All citizens of the United States who are otherwise qualified by law to vote at any election by the people in any State, Territory, district, county, city, parish, township, school district, munici- pality, or other terriUjrial subdivision, .shall be entitled and allowed to vote at all such elections, without distinction of race, color, or previous condition of servitude ; any constitution, law, custom, usage, or regulation of any State or Territory, or by or under its authority, to the contrary not- withstanding. Sec. 2005. When, under the authority of the constitution or laws of any State, or the laws of any Territory, any act is re- quired to be done as a prorc^juisite or qualification for voting, and by such con- stitution or laws persons or officers are charged with the duty of furnishing to citizens an opportunity to perform such prerequisite, or to become qualified to vote, every such person and offic'er shall give to all citizens of the United States the .■suuie aud equal opportunity to perform such prerequisite, and to become qualified to vote. Sec. 2006. Every person or officer charged with the duty specified in the preceding section, who refuses or know- ingly omits to give full effect to that sec- tion, shall forfeit the suia of five hundred dollars to the party aggrieved by such re- fusal or omi.ssiou, to be recovered by an action on the case, with costs, and such allowance for counsel fees as the court may deem just. Sec. 2007. Whenever under the author- ity of the constitution or laws of any State, or the laws of any Territory, any act is re- quired to be done by a citizen as a pre- requisite to qualifj' or entitle him to vote, the offer of such citizen to perform the act required to be done shall, if it fail to be carried into exe<?ution by reason of the wrongful act or omission of the person or officer charged with the duty of receiving or permitting such performance or ofti^ t<> perform, or acting thereon, be deemed and held as a performance in law of such act ; and the i)erson so offering and failing to vote, and being otherwise qualified, shall be entitled to vote in the same manner and to the same extent as if he had in fact i)er- formed such act. Sec. 200S. Every iudge, inspector, or other officer ofolection whose duty it is to receive, count, certifj', register, report, or give eliect 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. to the vote of such citizen, who wrongfully refuses or omits to receive, count, register, report, or give effect to the vote of such citizen upon the presentation by him of his affidavit, stating such offer and the time and place thereof, and the name of the offi- cer or person whose duty it was to act thereon, and that he was wrongfully pre- vented by such person or officer from per- forming such act, shall forfeit the sum of five hundred dollars to the party aggrieved by such refusal or omission, to be re- covered by an action on the case, with costs, and such allowance for counsel fees as court may deem just. Sec. 2009. Every officer or other person, having powers or duties of an official cha- racter to discharge under any of the pro- visions of this Title, who by threats, or any unlawful means, hinders, delays, pre- vents, or obstruct or combines and con- federates with others to hinder, delay, pre- vent or obstructs any citizen from doing any act required to be done to qualify him to vote, or from voting at any election in any State, Territory, district, county, city, parish, township, school district, muni- cipality, or other territorial subdivision, shall forfeit the sum of five hundred dol- lars to the person aggrieved thereby, to be recovered by an action on the case, with costs, and such allowance for counsel fees as the court may deem just. Sec. 2010. Whenever any person is de- feated or deprived of his election to any office, except elector of President or Vice- President, Representative or Delegate in Congress, or member of a State legislature, by reason of the denial to any citizen who may offer to vote, of the right to vote, on account of race, color, or previous condi- tion of sers'itude, his right to hold and enjoy such office, and the emoluments thereof, shall not be impaired by such denial ; and the person so defeated or de- prived may bring any appropriate suit or proceeding to recover possession of such office, and in cases where it appears that the sole question touching the title to such office arises out of the denial of the right to vote to citizens who so offered to vote, on account of race, color, or previous con- dition of servitude, such suit or proceed- ing may be instituted in the circuit or district court of the United States of the circuit or district in which such person resides. And the circuit or district court shall have, concurrently with the State c^)urt,s, jurisdiction thereof, so far as to d(>- t^nnine the rights of the parties to such office by rciison of the denial of tlie right guaranteed by the fifteenth article of amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and secured therein. [See 2§ 563, 029.] Sec. 2011. Wlienever, in any city or town having upward of twenty thousand inhabitants, there are two citizens thereof, or whenever , in any county or parish, in any congressional district, there are ten citizens thereof, of good standing, who, prior to any registration of voters for an election for Representative or Delegate in the Congress of the United States, or prior to any election at which a Representative or Delegate in Congress is to be voted for, may make known, in writing, to the judge of the circuit court of the United States for the circuit wherein such city or town, county or parish, is situated, their desire to have such registration, or such election, or both, guarded and scrutinized, the judge, within not less than ten days prior to the registration, if one there be, or, if no registration be required, within not less than ten days prior to the election, shall open the circuit court at the most conve- nient point in the circuit. Sec. 2012. The court, when so opened by the judge, shall proceed to appoint and commission, from day to day and from time to time, and under the hand of the judge, and under the seal of the court, for each election district or voting precinct in such city or town, or for such election dis- trict or voting precinct in the congres- sional district, as may have applied in the manner hereinbefore prescribed, and to revoke, change, or renew such appoint- ment from time to time, two citizens, resi- dents of the city or town, or of the election district or voting precinct in the county or parish, who shall be of different political parties, and able to read and write the English language, and who shall be known and designated as supervisors of election. [See U 5521, 5522.] Sec. 2013. The circuit court, when opened by the judge as required in the two preceding sections, shall therefrom and thereafter, and up to and including the day following the day of election, be always open for the transaction of business under this Title, and the powers and juris- diction hereby granted and conferred shall be exercised as well in vacation as in term time; and a judge sitting at chambers shall have the same powers and jurisdic- tion, including the power of keeping order and of punishing any contempt of his au- thority, as when sitting in court. Sicc. 2014. AVhenever, from any cause, the judge of the circuit court in any judi- cial circuit is unable to perform and dis- charge the duties herein imposed, he is required to select and assign to the per- formance thereof, in his ])lace, such one of tlu^ judges of the district courts within his circuit as he may deem best; and upon such selection and assigimient being made, the district judge so designated shall per- form and discharge, in the place of the circuit judge, all the duties, powers, and obligations imposed and conferred BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 37 upon the circuit judge by the provisions hereof. Sec. 2015. The preceding section shall be construed to authorize each of the judges of the circuit courts of the United States to designate one or ni^re of the judges of the district courts within his cir- cuit to discharge the duties arising under this Title. Sec. 2016. The supervisors of election, 80 appointed, are authorized and required to attend at all times and places fixed for the registration of voters, who, being re- gistered, would be entitled to vote for a Kepresentative or Delegate in Congress, and to challenge any person offering to register; to attend at all times and places when the names of registered voters may be marked for challenge, and to cause such names registered as they may deem proper to be so marked ; to make, when recpiired, the lists, or either of them, provided for in section two thousand and twenty-six, and verify the same; and upon any occasion, and at any time when in attendance upon the duty herein prescribed, to personally inspect and scrutinize such registry, and for purposes of identification to affix their signature to each page of the original list, and of each copy of any such list of registered voters, at such times, upon each day when any name may be received, en- tered, or registered, and in such manner as will, in their judgment, detect and ex- pase the improper or wrongful removal therefrom, or addition thereto, of any name. Sec. 2017. The supervisors of election are authorized and required to attend at all times and places for holding elections of Representatives or Delegates in Con- gress, and for counting the votes cast at such elections; to challenge any vote of- fered by any person whose legal qualifica- tions the supervisors, or either of them, may doubt; to be and remain where the ballot-boxes are kept at all times after the polls are open until every vote cast at such time and place has been counted, the can- vass of all votes polled wholly com]deted, and the proper and requisite certificates or returns made, whether the certificates or returns be required under any law of the United States, or any State, territorial, or municipal law, and to personally inspect and scrutinize, from time to time, and at all times, on the day of election, the man- ner in which the voting is done, and the way and method in which the jioll-books, registrj'-lists, and tallies or check-books, whether the same are required by any law of the United States, or any State, territo- rial, or municijial law, are koi)t. Sec. 2018. To the end that each candi- date for the office of Representative or Delegate in Congress may obtain the bene- fit of every vote for him cast, the super- visors of election are, and each of them h re(juired to personally scrutinize, count', and canvass each ballot in their election district or voting precinct cast, whatever may be the indorsement on the ballot, or in whatever box it may have been jilaced or be found ; to make and lurward to the officer who, in accordance witli the provi- sions of section two thousand and twenty- five, has been designated as the chief su- pervisor of the ju(licial district in which the city or town wherein they may serve, acts, such certificates and returns of all such ballots as such officer may direct and require, and to attach to the registry-list, and any and all copies thereof and to any certificate, statement, or return, whether the same, or any part or ])ortion thereof, be required by any law of the United States, or of any State, territorial, or munici- pal law, any statement touchiiiir the truth or accuracy of the registry, or the truth or fairness of the election and canvass, which the supervisors of the election, or either of them, may desire to make or attach, or which should properly and honestly be made or attached, in order that the facts mav become known. Sec. 2019. The better to enable the supervisors of election to discharge their duties, they are authorized and directed, in their respective election districts or voting lirecincts, on the day of registration, on the day when registered voters may be markecl to be challenged , and on the day of election, to take, occupy, and remain in such position, from time to time, whether before or behind the ballot boxes, as will, in their judgment, best enable them to see each person ofl'ering himself for registration or oftiering to vote, and as will best conduce to their scrutinizing the manner in which the registration or voting is being conduct- ed ; and at the closing of the jjolls for the reception of votes, they are required to place themselves in such position, in rela- tion to the ballot-boxes, for the purpose of engaging in the work of canvassing the ballots, as will enable them to fully per- form the duties in rcsjiect to such canvass provided herein, and shall there remain until every duty in respect to such canvass, certificates, returns, and statements has been wholly completed. [See § 5521.] Sec. 2020. When in any election district or voting precinct in any city or town, for which there have been a])pointed super- visors of election for any election at which a Representative or Delegate in Congres.s is voted for, the supervisors of election are not allowed to exercise and discharge, ful- ly and freely, and without hribery, .solici- tation, interference, hinderance, molesta- tion, violence, or threats thereof, on the part of any pei"son, all the duties, obliga- tions, and powers conferred ujion them ny law, the supervisors of electiou shall make 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. prompt report, under oath, within ten days after the day of election to the officer who, in accordance with the provisions of section two thousand and twenty-live, has been designated as the cliief supervisor of tlie judicial district in which the city or town wherein they served, acts, of the manner and means by which they were not so al- lowed to fully and freely exercise and dis- charge the duties and obligations required and imposed herein. And upon receiving any such report, the chief supervisor, act- ing both in such capacity and officially as a commissioner of the circuit court, shall forthwith examine into all the facts ; and he shall have power to subpoena and compel the attendance before him of any witness, and to administer oaths and take testi- mony in respect to the charges made ; and, prior to the assembling of the Congress for which any such Representative or Delegate was voted for, he shall file with the Clerk of the House of Representatives all the evidence by him taken, all infor- mation by him obtained, and all reports to him made. [See ^ 5522.] Sec. 2021. Whenever an election at which Representatives or Delegates in Congress are to be chosen is held in any city or town of twenty thousand inhabi- tants or upward, the marshal for the district in which the city or town is situated shall, on the application, in writing, of at least two citizens residing in such city or town, appoint special deputy marshals, whose duty it shall be, when required thereto, to aid and assist the supervisors of election in the verification of any list of persons who may have registered or voted ; to at- tend in each election district or voting precinct at the times and places fixed for the registration of voters, and at all times or places when and where the registration may by law be scrutinized, and the names of registered voters be marked for chal- lenge; and also to attend, at all times for holding elections, the polls in such district or precinct. Sec. 2022. The marshal and his general deputies, and such special deputies, shall keep the peace, and support and protect the supervisors of election in the discharge of their duties, preserve order at such places of registration and at such polls, f>revent rraudnlent registration and fraudu- ent voting thcnjat, or frandulent conduct on the part of any officer of election, and immediately, either at tiie place of regis- tration or polling [jlace, or elsewhere, and cither befon; or alter registering or voting, to arest and take into custody, with or witliont ])rocess, jiny person who commits, or attem])ts or odcrs to crtmmit, any of the acts or olPenscs j>roliil)i(ed herein, or who commits any odcnse against tlic law-iof the Ilnitnd iStatiM ; but no person sliall be !ir- rcatcd without process lor any ofl'cuae not committed in the presence of the marshal or his general or special deputies, or either of them, or of the supervisors of election, or either of them, and, for the purposes of arrest or the preservation of the peace, the supervisors of election shall, in the absence of the marshal's deputies, or if required to assist such deputies, have the some duties and powers as deputy marshals ; nor shall any person, on the day of such elec- tion, be arrested without process for any of- fense committed on the day of registration. [See ?| 5521, 5522.] Sec. 2023. Whenever any arrest is made under any provision of this Title, the per- son so arrested shall forthwith be brought before a commissioner, judge, or court of the United States for examination of the oflenses alleged against him ; and such commissioner, judge, or court shall proceed in respect thereto as authorized by law in case of crimes against the United States. Sec. 2024. The marshal or his general deputies, or such special deputies as are thereto specially empowered by him, in writing and under his hand and seal, whenever he or either or any of them is forcibly resisted in executing their duties under this Title, or shall, by violence, threats, or menaces, be prevented from executing such duties, or from arresting any person who has committed any oflense for which the marshal or his general or his special deputies are authorized to make such arrest, are, and each of them is, empowered to summon and call to his aid the bystanders or posse comitatus of his district. Sec. 2025. The circuit courts of the United States for each judicial circuit shall name and appoint, on or before the first day of May, in the year eighteen hun- dred and seventy-one, and thereafter as vacancies may from any cause arise, from among the circuit court commissioners for each judicial district in each judicial cir- cuit, one of such officers, who shall be known for the duties required of him un- der this Title as the chief supervisor of elections of the judicial district for which he is a commissioner, and shall, so long as faithful and capable, discharge the duties in this Title imposed. [See ^ G27.] Sec. 202(3. The chiet supervisor shall prepare and furnish all necessary books, forms, blanks, and instructions for the use and direction of the supervisors of election in the several cities and towns in their respective districts; he shall receive the ap])lications of all parties ibr appointment to such positions; upon the opening, as coTitemjilatcd in section two thousand and twelve, of the circuit court for the judicial circuit in which the conunissioner so de- signated acts, he shall present such ap])li- cations to the judge thereof, and furnish information to him in respect to the ap- 1 BOOK V.J EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 39 pointment by the court of such supervisors of election; he shall require of the super- visors of election, when necessary, lists of the persons who nuiy register and vote, or either, in their respective election districts or voting precincts, and cause the names of those upon any such list whose right to register or vote is honestly doubted to be verified by proper inquiry and examina- tion at the respective places by them as- signed as their residences; and he shall receive, preserve, and file all oaths of office of supervisors of election, and of all special deputy marshals appointed under the provisions of this Title, and all certificates, returns, reports, and records of every kind and nature contemplated or made re- quisite by the provisions hereof, save where otherwise herein specially directed. [See I 627.] Sec. 2027. All United States marshals and commissioners who in any judicial district i)erform any duties under the pre- ceding provisions relating to, concerning, or affecting the election of Representatives or Delegates in the Congress of the United States, Irom time to time, and, with all due diligence, shall forward to the chief supervisor in and for their judicial district, all complaints, examinations, and records pertaining thereto,, and all oaths of o&ce by them administered to any su{)ervisor of election or special deputy marshal, in order that the same may be properly preserved and filed. Sec. 2028. No person shall be appointed a supervisor of election or a deputy mar- shal, under the ])receding provisions, who is not, at the time of his appointment, a qualified voter of the city, town, county, parish, election district, or voting precinct in which his duties are to be performed. Sec. 2029. The supervisors of election appointed for any county or parish in any congressional district, at the instance of ten citizens, as provided in section two thousand and eleven, shall have no au- thority to make arrests, or to perform other duties than to be in the immediate pre- sence of the officers holding the election, and to witness all their proceedings, in- cluding the counting of the votes and the making of a return thereof. Sec. 2030. Nothing in this Title shall be construed to authorize the appointment of any marshals or deputy marshals in ad- dition to those authorized by law, prior to the tenth day of June, eighteen hundred and seventy-two. Sec. 203*1. There shall be allowed and paid to the chief supervisor, for his ser- vices as such officer, the following compen- sation, apart from and in excess of all fees allowed by law for the performance of any duty as circuit court commissioner : Iu)r filing and caring for every return, report, record, document, or other paper required to be filed by him under any of the pre- ceding provisions, ten cents ; for affixing a seal to any paper, record, report, or instru- ment, twenty cents ; for entering and in- dexing the records of his office, filtecn cents per folio ; and for arranging and transmitting to Congress, as provided for in section two thousand and twenty, any report, statement, record, return, or exami- nation, for each folio, fifteen cents; and for any copy thereof, or of any paper on file, a like sum. And there shall be allowed and paid to each supervisor of election, and each special de])uty marshal who is appointed and performs his duty under the preceding provisions, comiiensation at the rate of five dollars per day lor each day he is actually on duty, not exceeding ten days ; but no compensation shall be al- lowed, in any case, to supervisors of elec- tion, except to those aj>pointed in cities or towns of twenty thousand or more inhabi- tants. And the fees of the chief su])er- visors shall be paid at the Treasury of the United States, such accounts to be made out, verified, examined, and certified as in the case of accounts of commissioners, save that the examination or certificate required may be made by either the circuit^or dis- trict judge. The Freemen. Sec. 2032. Certain arts continued in force. 2033. Such laws to be enforced by Secretary of War. 2034. Accounts for expenditures, ic, to be paid from what fund, and how. 2035. Secretary of \\Hr appointed trustee of a retained- bounty fund, Ac. 203r). May invent the fund, and for what purjwse. 2037. Who to be deemed wife and children of colored 8.ililier8. 2038. Freenien'H Hospital in District of Columbia, con- tinued, &c. Sec. 2032. All laws and parts of laws pertaining to the collection and payment of bounty, prize money, and other legiti- mate claims of colored soldiers, sailors, and marines, or their heirs, shall remain in force until otherwise ordered bv Congress. Sec. 2033. The Secretary of" War is au- thorized to carry into eflect all laws and parts of laws referred to in the preceding section, and to this end he may employ such clerical force as he deems necessarj'. Sec. 2034. Where accounts have been rendered for necessary exjicnditures in- curred for refugees or freemen, under tho sanction of the proper officers, but which cannot be settled for want of specific ap-_ propriations, the same may be paid out of the fund for the relief of refugees; and freedmen, on the approvsl of the Secretarj' [of] War. Sec. 2035. The Secretary- of War is con- stituted the lawful custodian of a retained bounty fund, which has been derived from a portion of the State bounties of certain colored soldiers enlisted in Virginia and North Carolina, during the yeai-s I8{i4 and 18t)5, and which, by virtue of General Or- 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. ders No. 90, Department of Virginia and North Carolina, was held by the Superin- tendent of Freedmen's Affairs, but was turned over to the Bureau upon its organi- zation ; and the Secretary of War shall hold the fund as trustee for the benefit of such colored soldiers or their legal repre- sentatives, to whom the same shall be paid upon their application or discoverJ^ Sec. 203G. The Secretary of War is em- powered to invest the fund, or any portion thereof, in bonds of the United States, for the exclusive benefit of such colored soldiers or their legal representatives ; but a sufficient amount of the same in cash may be retained uninvested to meet all lawful claims thereupon that will probably be pre- sented for payment. Sec. 2037." In determining who is the wife or child of any colored soldier, within the meaning of this Title, evidence that the soldier and the woman claimed to be his wife cohabited or associated as husband and wife, and so continued to cohabit or associate at the time of enlistment, or evi- dence that a form of marriage, whether such marriage was authorized or recog- nized by law or not, was entered into by them, and that the parties thereafter lived together as husband and wife, and so con- tinued to live together at the time of the enlistment, shall be deemed sufficient proof of marriage ; and the children born of any such marriage shall be taken to be the children embraced within the provisions of this Title, whether such marriage was or was not dissolved at the time of the en- listment. Sec. 2038. The Freedmen's Hospital and Asylum in the District of Columbia is, until' otherwise ordered by Congress, continued under the control and super- vision of the Secretary of War, who shall make all estimates, pass all accounts, and be responsible to the Treasury for all ex- penditures ; but no part of any appropria- tion shall be used in support of, or to pay the expenses on account of, any person hereafter to be admitted to such Hospi- tal and Asylum, unless persons removed thither from some other Grovernment hos- pital. An Act to Protect all Citizens in tbieir Civil and Iic^al Rl^Iits.* Sections Preamble; equity of riRlitn. 1. All perrtons to have e(iiiul riRhtfl in inns, pviblic conveyance!), thoat<jrtf, ami place of jjublic amuHo- mcnt. 2. PerHons violating provisionH liable to penalty. Klection of renn-Jii-o by j)ers<>nH ajTRrieved. Juiltcmcnt on c>ne harx both remedivB. 3. JuriHiliction of courts. DiHtrirt attorneys. marHliald, and commlHuioners to iriHlituteprocoedinR^ u){ainHt persoimviolatingact. KiKht« of civil actionn not allcctcd. J'ailure of dJHtrict attorney to ))roKeeute. Kffect of Judgment againut district attorney. * Act of March 1, 187'), with amondmenta of Ilevised Statutes Supplement, 1882. 4. Jurors not to be excluded on "account of race or color. 5. Supreme Court may review all cases under this act Whereas, it is essential to Just government we recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold it is the duty of govern- ment in its dealings ivith the people to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of what- ever nativity, race, color, or persuasion, re- ligious or political ; and it being the appro- priate object of legislation to enact great fundamental principles into law : There- fore, Be it enacted, etc. Section 1. That all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facili- ties, and privileges of inns, public convey- ances on land or water, theaters, and other places of public amusement; subject only to the conditions and limitations esta- blished by law, and applicable alike to citizens of every race and color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude. Sec. 2. That any person who shall vio- late the foregoing section by denying to any citizen, except for reasons by law ap- plicable to citizens of every race and oolor, and regardless of any previous condition of servitude, the full enjoyment of any of the accommodations, advantages, facili- ties, or privileges in said section enume- rated, or by aiding or inciting such denial, shall, for every such offense, forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the person aggrieved thereby, to be recovered in an action of debt, with full costs ; and shall also, for every such offense, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof, shall be fined not less than five hundred nor more than one thousand dollars, or shall be impris- oned not less than thirty days nor more than one year : Provided, That all persons may elect to sue for the penalty' aforesaid, or to pro- ceed under their rights at common law and by State statutes; and having so elected to proceed in the one mode or the other, their right to proceed in the other jurisdiction shall be barred. But this proviso shall not apply to criminal pro- ceedings, either under this act or the criminal law of any State. And provided further, That a judgment for the penalty in favor of the party ag- grieved, or a judgment upon an indict- ment, shall be a bar to either prosecution respectively. Sec. ,3. That the district and circuit courts of the United States shall have, exclusively of the courts of the several States, cognizance of all crimes and of- fenses against, and violations of, the pro- visions of this act ; and actions for the penalty given by the preceding section BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 41 may be prosecuted in the territorial, dis- trict, or circuit courts of tlie United States wherever tlie defendant may be found, without regard to the other party. And the district attorneys, marshals, and deputy marshals of the United Htatcs, and commissioners appointed by the cir- cuit and territ(jrial courts of the United States, with powers of arresting and im- prisoning or bailing offenders against the laws of the United States, are hereby spe- cially authorized and required to institute proceedings against every person who shall violate the provisions of this act, and cause him to be arrested and impris- oned or bailed, as the case may be, for trial before such court of the United States, or territorial court, as by law has cognizance of the offense, except in re- spect of the right of action accruing to the person aggrieved ; and such district attorneys shall cause such proceedings to be prosecuted to their termination as in other cases : Provided, That nothing contained in this section shall be construed to deny or defeat any right of civil action accruing to any person, whether by reason of this act or otherwise ; And any district attorney who shall will- fully fail to institute and prosecute the proceedings herein req^uired, shall, for every such offense, forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the person aggrieved thereby, to be recovered by an action of debt, with full costs, and shall, on conviction thereof, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and be fined not less than one thousand nor more than five thousand dollars : And provided further, That a judgment for the penalty in favor of the party ag- grieved against any such district attorney, or a judgment upon an indictment against any such district attorney, shall be a bar to either prosecution respectively. Sec. 4. That no citizen possessing all other qualifications which are or may be prescribed by law shall be disqualified for ser\nce as grand or petit juror in any court of the United States, or of any State, on account of race, color, or previous condi- tion of servitude ; and any officer or other person charged with any duty in the se- lection or summoning of jurors who shall exclude or fail to summon any citizen for the cause aforesaid shall, on conviction thereof, be deemed guilty of a misde- meanor, and be fined not more than five thousand dollars. Sec. 5. That all cases arising under the provisions of this act in the courts of the United States shall be reviewable by the Supreme Court of the United States, with- out regard to the sum in controversy, un- der the same provisions and regulations as are oow provided by law for the review of other causes in said court. [March 1 1875.J Allen Knemles. Sec. 4067. Whenever there is a declared war between the United States and any foreign nation or government, or any inva- sion or jjredatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the ter- ritory of the United States, by any foreign nation or government, and the President makes public proclamation of the event, all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects of the hostile nation or government, being males of the age of fourteen years and up- ward, Avho shall be within the United States, and not actually naturalized, shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed, as alien enemies. The President is authorized, in any such event, by his proclamation thereof, or other public act, to direct the conduct to be observed, on the part of the United States, towards the aliens who become so liable ; the manner and degree of the re- straint to which they shall be subject, and in what cases, and upon what security their residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the removal of those who, not being permitted to reside within the Uni- ted States, refuse or neglect to depart there- from; and to establish any other regula- tions Avhich are found necessary in the premises and for the public safety. Sec. 4068. When an alien who becomes liable as an enemy, in the manner pre- scribed in the preceding section, is not chargeable with actual hostility, or other crime against the public safety, he shall be allowed, for the recoverj', disposal, and removal of his goods and effects, and for his departure, the full time which is or shall be stipulated by any treaty then in force between the United States and the hostile nation or government of which he is a native citizen, denizen, or subject; and where no such treaty exists, or is in force, the President may ascertain and declare such reasonable time as may be consistent with the public safety, and according to the dictates of humanity and national hospitality. Sec. 4069. After any such proclamation has been made, the several courts of the United States, having criminal jurisdic- tion, and the several justices and judges of the courts of the United States, are authorized, and it shall be their duty, uj)on complaint against any alien enemy resi- dent and at large within such jurisdiction or district, to the danger of the i>ublic peace or safety, and contrary' to the tenor or intent of such proclamation, or other regulations which tne President may have established, to cause such alien to be duly apprehended and conveyed before such court, judge, or justice; and after a lull 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. examination and hearing on such com- plaint, and sufficient cause appearing, to order such alien to be removed out of the territory of the United States, or to give sureties for his good behavior, or to be Otherwise restrained, conformably to the proclamation or regulations established as aforesaid, and to imprison, or otherwise secure such alien, until the order which may be so made shall be performed. Sec. 4070. When an alien enemy is re- quired by the President, or by order of any court, judge, or justice, to depart and to be removed, it shall be the duty of the marshal of the district in which he shall be apprehended to provide therefor, and to execute such order in person, or by his depute', or other discreet person to be employed by him, by causing a removal of such alien out of the territory of the United States ; and for such removal the marshal shall have the warrant of the President, or of the court, judge, or justice, ordering the same, as the case may be. Bounty-liaiids. Sec. 2414. Military" bounty-land warrants and locations as- sisnable. 2415. Warrants located at 81.25 ; excess paid in cash. 2416. Claims for bounty-lands in virtue of certain acts named, &c. 2417. Same subject. 2418. Bounty-lands for soldiers in certain wars. 2419. Certain classes of persons in the Mexican war, their widows, &c , entitled to forty acres. 2420. Militia and volunteers in service since 1812. 2421. Persons not entitled under preceding sections. 2422. Period of captivity added to actual service. 2423. Warrant and patent, to issue when. 2424. Widows of persons entitled. 242'>. Additional bounty-lands, &c. 2426. Classes under last section specified. 2427. What classes of persons entitled under section 2425, without regard to length of service. 2428. Widows and children of persons entitled under section 2425. 24'29. Subsetiuent marriage of widow. 24)0. MinoiH umler section 2428. 24-31. Proof of sen'ice. 2*32. Form«r evidence of right to bounty-land to be re- ceived in certain cases. 2433. Allowance of time of service for distance from home to place of muster or discharge. 24.34. Indians included. 24;35. Former evidence of right to a pension to be re- ceived in certain cases, on application for bounty- land. 2436. Sales, mortgages, letters of attorney, &c., made be- fore issue of warrant to be void. i^il. Warrants to be located free of expense by Com- missioner of Land-Onice, &c. 24.38. Desert<-rs not entitled to bounty-land. 24.39. Lost warrants, provisions for. 2140. Discharges, omissions, and loss of, provided for. 2441. New warrant issued in lieu of lost warrant. 2'H2. Regulations by Secretary of Interior. 2443. Mode of issuing patents to the heirs of persons en- titled to bounty-lands. 2444. Desith of claimant after establishing right, and bo- fore issuing of warrant. 2445. When proofs m.iy be filed by legal representatives. 2446. Belocjition of military bounty-land warrants in cases of error. Sec. 2414. All warrants for military bounty-lands which have been or may hereafter be issued under any law of the United States, and all valid locations of the .same which have been or may hereaf- ter be made, are declared to be assignable by deed or instrument of writing, made and executed according to such form and pursuant to such regulations as may be prescribed by the Commissioner of the General Land-Office, so as to vest the as- signee with all the rights of the original owner of the warrant or location. Sec. 2415. The warrants which have been or may hereafter be issued in pursu- ance of law may be located according to the legal subdivisions of the public lands in one body upon any lands of the United States subject to private entry at the time of such location at the minimum price. When such warrant is located on lands which are subject to entry at a greater minimum than one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, the locator shall pay to the United States in cash the difference be- tween the value of such warrants at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre and the tract of land located on. But where such tract is rated at one dollar and twenty- five cents per acre, and does not exceed the area specified in the warrant, it must be taken in ftill satisfaction thereof. Sec. 2416. In all cases of warrants for bounty lands, issued by virtue of an act approved July twenty-seven, one thousand eight hundred and forty-two, and of two acts approved January twenty-seven, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-five, therein and thereby revised, and of two acts to the same intent, respectively, ap- proved June twentj^-six, eighteen hundred and forty-eight, and February eight, eighteen hundred and fifty-four, for mili- tary services in the revolutionary war, or in the war of eighteen hundred and twelve with Great Britain, which remained un- satisfied on the second day of July, eigh- teen hundred and sixty-four, it is lawful for the person in whose name such warrant issued, his heirs or legal repre.sentatives, to enter in quarter-sections, at the proper local land-office in any of the States or Territories, the quantity of the public lands subject to private entry which he is entitled to under such warrant. Sec. 2417. All warrants for bounty-lands referred to in the preceding section may be located at any time, in conformity with the general laws in force at the time of such location. Sec. 2418. Each of the surviving, or the widow or minor children of deceased commissioned and non-commissioned offi- cers, musicians, or privates, whether of regulars, volunteers, rangers, or militia, who perform military service in any regi- ment, company, or detachment, in the service of the United States, in the war with Great Britain, declared on the eigh- teenth day of June, eighteen hundred and twelve, or in any of the Indian wars since seventeen hundred and ninety, and prigr to the third of March, eighteen hundred BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 43 and fifty, and each of the commissioned officers who \v;ia engaged in the military Bervice of the United States in the war with Mexico, shall be entitled to lands as follows : Those who engaged to serve twelve months or during the war, and actually served nine months, shall receive one hundred and sixty acres, and those who engaged to serve six months, and actually served four months, shall receive eighty acres, and those who engaged to serve for any or an indefinite period, and actually served one month, shall receive forty acres ; but wherever any officer or soldier was honorably discharged in con- sequence of disability contracted in the service, before the expiration of his period of service, he shall receive the amount to which he would have been entitled if he had served the full period for which he had engaged to serve. All the persons enumerated in this section who enlisted in the regular army, or were mustered in any volunteer company for a period of not less than twelvemonths, and who served in the war with Mexico and received an honora- ble discharge, or who were killed or died of wounds received or sickness incurred in the course of such service, or were dis- charged before the expiration of the term of service in consequence of wounds re- ceived or sickness incurred in the course of such service, shall be entitled to receive a certificate or warrant for one hundred and sixty acres of land : or at option Trea- sury scrip for one hundred dollars bearing interest at six per cent, per annum, paya- ble semi-annually, at the pleasure of the ( rovernment. In the event of the death of any one of the persons mentioned in this section during service, or after his dis- charge, and before the issuing of a certifi- cate or warrant, the warrant or scrip shall be issued in favor of his family or rela- tives ; first, to the widow and his children ; second, his father ; third, his mother ; fourth, his brothers and sisters. 8ec. 2419. The persons enumerated in the preceding section received into service after the commencement of the war with Mexico, for less than twelve months, and who served such torm, or were honorably discharged are entitled to receive a certifi- cate or warrant for forty acres, or scrip for twenty-five dollars if preferred, and in the event of the death of such person during service, or after honorable discharge be- fore the eleventh of February', eighteen hundred and forty-seven, the warrant or scrip shall issue to the wife, child, or chil- dren, if there be any, and if none, to the father, and if no father, to the mother of such soldier. 8ec. 2420. Where the militia, or volun- teers, or State troops of any State or Ter- ritory, subsequent to the eicrhteenth day of June, eighteen hundred and twelve, aJid prior to March twenty-second, eighteen hundred and fifty-two, were called into service, the oflicers and .soldiers thereof shall be entitled to all the benefits of sec- tion two thousand four hundred and eighteen upon proof of length of service as therein re<iuired. Sec. 2421. No person shall take any benefit under the j)rovisions of the three preceding sections, if he has received, or is entitled to receive, any military land- bounty under any act of Congress psissed jnior to the twenty-second March, eighteen hundred and fifty-two. Sec. 2422. The period during which any ofRecr or soldier remained in captivity with the enemy shall be estimated and added to the period of his actual service, and the person so retained in captivity shall receive land under the i)rovisions of sections twenty-four hundred and eighteen and twenty-four hundred and twenty, in the same manner that he would be entitled in case he had entered the service for the whole term made up by the addition of the time of his captivity, and had served during .such term. Sec. 2428. Every person for whom pro- vision is made by sections twenty-four hundred and eighteen and twenty-four hundred and twenty shall receive a war- rant from the Department of the Interior for the quantity of land to which he is en- titled ; and, upon the return of such war- rant, with evidence of the location thereof having been legally inade to the General Land-Office, a patent shall be issued there- for. Sec. 2424. In the event of the death of any person, for whom provision is made by sections twenty-four hundred and eighteen and twenty-four hundred and twenty, and who did not receive bounty- land for his services, a like warrant shall issue in favour of his widow, who shall be entitled to one hundred and sixty acres of land in case her hu.sband was killed in battle; nor shall a subsequent marriage impair the right of any widow to such warrant, if she be a widow at the time of making her application. Sec. 2425. Each of the surviving per- sons specified in the classes enumerated in the following section, who has served for a period of not less than fourteen days, in any of the wars in wliieh the United States' have been enga^red since the year seventeen hundred and ninety, and nrior to the third dav of March, eighteen hnn- dre<l and fiftv-five, shall be entitled to re- ceive a warrant from the Department of the Interior, for one hundred and sixty acres of land; and, where any person so entitled has, prior to the third day of March, eiirhteen hundred and fifty-five, receiv.^d a warrant for any number of acres less than one hundred and sixty, 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. he shall be allowed a warrant for such quantity of land only as will make, in the whole, with what he may have re- ceived prior to that date, one hundred and sixty acres. Sec. 2426. The classes of persons em- braced as beneticiaries under the preced- ing section, are as follows, namely : First. Commissioned and non-commis- sioned officers, musicians, and privates, whether of the regulars, volunteers, ran- gers, or militia, who were regularly mus- tered into the service of the United States. Second. Commissioned and non-com- missioned officers, seamen, ordinary sea- men, flotilla-men, marines, clerks, and landsmen in the Navy. Third. Militia, v()lunteers, and State troops of any State or Territory, called into military service, and regularly mustered therein, and whose services have been paid by the United States. Fourth. Wagon-masters and teamsters who have been employed under the direc- tion of competent authority, in time of war, in the transportation of military stores and supplies. Fifth. Officers and soldiers of the revo- lutionary war, and marines, seamen, and other persons in the naval service of the United States during that war. Sixth. Chaplains who served with the Army. Seventh. Volunteers who served with the armed forces of the United States in any of the wars mentioned, subject to militaiy orders, whether regularly mus- tered into the service of the United States or not. Sec. 2427. The following class of per- sons are included as beneficiaries under section twenty-four hundred and twenty- five, without regard to the length of ser- vice rendered. First. Any of the classes of persons mentioned in section twenty-four hundred and twenty-six who have been actually engaged in any battle in any of the wars in which this country has been engaged since seventeen hundred and ninety, and prior to March third, eighteen hundred and fifty-five. Second. Those volunteers who served at the invasion of Plattsburgh, in Sep- tember, eighteen hundred and fourteen. Third. The volunteers who served at the battle of King's Mountain in the revolutionary war. Fourth, The volunteers who served at the battle of Nickojack against the con- federate savages of the South. Fifth. The volunteers who served at the attack on Lewistown, in Delaware, by the British fleet, in the war of eighteen hundred and twelve. Sec. 2428. In the event of tlic death of any person who would be entitled to a warrant, as provided in section twenty- four hundred and twenty-five, leaving a widow, or, if no widow, a minor child, such widow or such minor child shall re- ceive a warrant for the same quantity of land that the decedent would be entitled to receive, if living on the third day of March, eighteen hundred and fifty-five. Sec. 2429. A subsequent marriage shall not impair the right of any widow, under the preceding section, if she be a widow at the time of her application. Sec. 2430. Persons within the age of twenty-one years on the third day of March, eighteen hundred and fifty-five, shall be considered minors within the in- tent of section twenty-four hundred and twenty-eight. Sec. 2431. Where no record evidence of the service for which a warrant is claimed exists, parol evidence may be ad- mitted to prove the service performed, under such regulations as the Commis- sioner of Pensions may prescribe. Sec. 2432. Where certificate or a war- rant for bountj^-land for any less quantity than one hundred and sixty acres has been issued to any officer or soldier, or to the widow or minor child of anv officer or soldier, the evidence upon which such certificate or warrant was issued shall be received to establish the service of such officer or soldier in the application of him- self, or of his widow or minor child, for a warrant for so much land as may be re- quired to make up the full sum of one hundred and sixty acres, to which he may be entitled under the preceding section, on proof of the identity of such officer or soldier, or, in case of his death, of the marriage and identity of his widow, or, in case of her death, of the identity of his minor child. But if, upon a review of such evidence, the Commissioner of Pen- sions is not satisfied that the former war- rant was properly granted, he may require additional evidence, as well of the term as of the fact of service. Sec. 2433. When any company, bat- talion, or regiment, in an organized form, marched more than twenty miles to the place where they were mustered into the service of the United States, or were dis- charged moi-e than twenty miles from the place where such company, battalion, or regiment was organized, in all such cases, in computing the length of service of the officers and soldiers or any such company, battalion, or regiment, there shall be al- lowed one day for every twenty miles from the place where the company, battalion, or regiment was organized to the place where the same was mustered into the service of the United States, and one day for every twenty miles from the place where such company, battalion, or regi- ment was dischargecl, to the place where I BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 45 it was organized, and from whence it marched to enter the service, provided that sucli marcli was in obedience to the command or direction of the President, or some general officer of the United States, commanding an army or depart- ment, or the chief executive officer of the State or Territory by whicli such com- pany, battalion, or regiment was called into service. Sec. 2434. The provisions of all the bounty-land laws shall be extended to In- dians, in the same manner and to the same extent as to white persons. Sec. 2435. Where a pension has been granted to any officer or soldier, the evi- dence upon which such pension was granted sliall be received to establish the service of such officer or soldier in his ap- plication for bounty-land ; and upon prool' of his identity as such pensioner, a war- rant may be issued to him for the quantity of land to which he is entitled ; and in case of the death of such pensioned officer or soldier, his widow shall be entitled to a warrant for the same quantity of land to which her husband would have been en- titled, if living, upon proof that she is such widow; and in case of the death of such officer or soldier, leaving a minor child and no widow, or where the widow may have deceased before the issuing of any warrant, such minor child shall be entitled to a warrant for the same quantity of land as the father would have been en- titled to receive if living, upon proof oi" the decease of father and mother. But if, upon a review of such evidence, the Com- missioner of Pensions is not satisfied that the pension was properly granted, he nuiy require additional evidence, as well of the term as of the fact of service. Sec. 243G. All sales, mortgages, letters of attorney, or other instruments of writ- ing, going to affect the title or claim to any warrant issued, or to be issued, or any land granted, or to be granted, under the preceding provisions of this chapter, made or executed prior to the issue of sucli war- rant, shall be null and void to all intents and purposes whatsoever; nor shall such warrant, or the land obtained thereby, be in anywise affected by, or charged with, or subject to, the payment of any debt or claim incurred by any officer or soldier, prior to the issuing of the patent. Sec. 2437. It shall be the duty of the Commissioner of the General Land-Office, under such regulations as may be pre- scribed by the Secretary' of the Interior, to cause to be located, free of expense, any warrant which the holder may transmit to the General Land-Office for that purpose, in such State or land-district as the holder or warrantee may designate, and upon food farming-land, so far as the same can e ascertained from the maps, plats, and 47 field-notes of the surveyor, or from any other information in the possession of the local office, and, upon the locati(m being made, the Secretary shall cause a patent to be transmitted to such warrantee or lioider. Sec. 2438. No person who has been in the military service of the United States shall, in any case, receive a bcninty-laiid warrant if it appears by the muster-rolls of his regiment <jr corps that he deserted or was dishonorably dischargeil from service. Sec. 2439. When a soldier of the Regu- lar Army, who ha^ obtained a military land-warrant, loses the same, (jr such war- rant is destroyed by accident, he shall, upon proof thereof to the satisfaction of the Secretary of the Interior, be entitled to a patent in like manner as if the war- rant was produced. Sec. 24-K). In all cases of discharge from the military service of the United States of any soldier of the Regular Army, when it appears to the satisfaction of the Secretary of War that a certificate of faith- ful services has been omitted by the ne- glect of the discharging officer, by mis- construction of the law, or by any other neglect or casualty, such omission shall not jirevent the issuing of the warrant and patent as in other cases. And when it is proved that any soldier of the Regu- lar Army has lost his discharge and certi- ficate of faithiul service, the Secretary of War shall cause such papers to be fur- nished such soldier a.s will entitle him to his land-warrant and patent, provided such measure is justified by tlie time of his enlistment, the period oi" service, and the report of some officer of the corps to which he was attached. Sec. 2441. W^henever it appears that any certificate or warrant, issued in pursu- ance of any law granting bounty-land, has been lost or destroyed, whether the same has been sold and assigned by the warran- tee or not, the Secretary- of the Interior is required to cause a new certificate or Avar- rant of like tenor to be issued in lieu thereof; which new certificate or warrant may be assigned, located, and patented in like manner as other certificates or war- rants for bounty-land are now authorized by law to be assigned, located, and pa- tented; and in all cases where warrants have been, or may be, re-issued, the origi- nal warrant, in whosoever hands it may be, shall be deemed and held to be null and void, and the assignment thereof, if any there bo, fraudulent; and no natent shall ever i.ssue for any land located therewith, unless such presumption of fraud in the assignment be removed l)y due proof that the same was executed by the warrantee in •rood faith and for a valuable consideration. Sec. 24-42. The Secretary of the Inte- rior is required to prescribe such regula- tions for carr>'ing the preceding section 46 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book V- into effect as he may deem necessary and proper in order to protect the Government against imposition and fraud by persons claiming the benefit thereof; and all laws and parts of laws for the punishment of frauds against the United States are made applicable to frauds under that section. Sec. 2443. In all cases where an officer or soldier of the revolutionary war, or a soldier of the war of eighteen hundred and twelve, was entitled to bounty-land, has died before obtaining a patent for the land, and where application is made by a part only of the heirs of such deceased officer or soldier for such bounty-land, it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Interior to issue the patent in the name of the heirs of such deceased officer or sol- dier, without specifying each ; and the pa- tent so issued in the name of the- heirs, generally, shall inure to the benefit of the whole, in such portions as they are sever- ally entitled to by the laws of descent in the State or Territory where the officer or soldier belonged at the time of his death. Sec. 2444. When proof has been or hereafter is filed in the Pension Office, dur- ing the life-time of a claimant, establish- ing, to the satisfaction of that office, his right to a warrant for military services, and such warrant has not been, or may not be, issued until after the death of the claimant, and all such warrants as have been hitherto issued subsequent to the death of the claimant, the title to such warrants shall vest in his widow, if there be one, and if there be no widow, then in the heirs or legatees of the claimant ; and all military bounty-land warrants issued pursuant to law shall be treated as per- sonal chattels, and may be conveyed by assignment of such widow, heirs, or lega- tees, or by the legal representatives of the deceased claimant, for the use of such heirs or legatees only. Sec. 2445. The legal representatives of a deceased claimant for a bounty-land warrant, whose claim was filed prior to his death, may file the proofs necessary to per- fect such claim. Sec. 2446. Where an actual settler on the public lands has sought, or hereaf- ter attemj)ts, to locate the land settled on and improved by him, with a military bounty-land warrant, and where, from any cause, an ernjr has occurred in making such lf)cation, he is authorized to relin- quish the land so erroneously located, and tx) locate such warrant upon the land so settled upon and improved by him, if the same then be vacant, and if not, upon any other vacant land, on making jiroof of those facts to the Hatisfaction of tlie land- officers, according t/i such rules and regula- tions as may be prescribed l)y the ('oininis- sioner of therjcrncril Larid-Ollice, and sub- ject to his final adjudication. An Act to Kxtend tbe Time for FUlug Claims for Additional Boonty^ Under the Act of July Thventy-eighth, Eighteen Hundred and Sixty sij^, which Expired, by Limitatim, on Jau' tiary Thirtieth, Eighteen Hundred and Seventy-five, until July First, Eighteen Hundred and Eighty. Time for filing claims for additional bounty extended to July, 1880, according to statute of 186G, printed in note. Be it enacted, &c., That the time for fil- ing claims for additional bounty under the act of July twenty-eighth, eighteen hun- dred and sixty -six, (Ij and which expired by limitation on the thirtieth day of Janu- ary, eighteen hundred and seventy-five, be, and the same is hereby, revived and ex- tended until the first day of July, eighteen hundred and eighty ; and that all claims for such bounty filed in the proper department after the thirtieth day of January, eighteen hundred and seventy-five, and before the passage of this act, shall be, and the same are hereby declared to have been, filed in due time, and shall be considered and de- cided without refiling. [July 5, 1876.] Note.— (1) By act of 18G9, ch. 133, g 4 (16 Stat. L., 334), it was enacted that all claims for bountj' under the pro- visions of the act of 18(;G, ch. 200 (14 Stat. L., 323), here referred to, should be void unless presented prior to December, 1869. By act of 1870, ch. 253 (16 Stat. L., 254), the time for presenting claims was extended to January 13, 1871 ; by act of 1873, ch. 281 (17 Stat. L., 608), to January 13, 1874, '. and by act of 1874, ch. 303 (18 Stat. L., 79), to January 13, 1875. The provisions of the act of 1806, ch. 296, extended by the above-iaontioned acts and by this act, until July 1, 1880, are as follows: Sec. 12. That each and every soldier who enlisted into the army of the United States, after the nineteenth day of April, eighteen hundr^'d and si.\ty-one, for a period of not less than three yeare, and having served the time of his enlistment has been honorablj' discharged, and who has r ccived or who is entitled to receive from the United States under existing laws, a bounty of one hun- dred dollars and no more, and any such soldier enlisted for not less than three years, who has b"en honorably discharged on account of wounds received in the lino of duty, and the widow, minor children or parents in the order named, of any such soldier who died in the service of the United States or of disease or wounds contracted while in tlio service, and in the lino of duty, shall be paid the additional bounty of one hundred dollars hereby authorized. Sec. 1:J. Tliat to each and every soldier who enlisted into the army of the United States", after the fourteenth driy of April, eighteen hiindred and sixty-one, for a period of not less than two years and who is not in- cluded in the foregoing section, and has been honorably discharged after serving two years, and who has riMieived or is entitled to receive from the United States, under existing laws, a bounty of one hundred dollars and no inure, shall be paid an additional bounty of fifty dollar.H, and any such soldier enlisted for not less than two years who has been honoralily discharged on account of wounds received in the line of duty, and the widow, minor children, or jiarcnts, in the order named, of any such soldier who died in the service of the United States, nr of disease, or wonu'ls contracted while in the servico, and in the line of duty, shall bo paid th(! additional bounty of fifty dollars hereby authorized. Sf.c. 14. That any soldier who sliall have bartered, HiiM, iiHsipiii'd, (niiiKfcrred, loaned, exchanged, or given away bis fuKil discharge pajiers, or any ititerest in the bounty provideil liy this or any other act of t'ongress, iS sliiill not be entitled to receive any additional bounty H whatever; and when application is made by any soldier ■ for said li mtity. he sliatl be required, under the pains and peniillii rt of perjury, to make oath or affirmation of bis identity, and that ho has not so bartered, sold M- BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 47 (ignod, transferred, exchanged, loaned, or given away either hin ilischurge pHi)erB,or any interest iu any iKiuuty a6 alurewtid. And ni) claim for such bounty shall be entertained by the paymaster general or otiier accounting or disbursing oflicer except ii|H)n receipt of tlie claimant's discharge pagjers, accumpani<^d by the stutcmuut under oath, as by this section provided. Sec. 15. That in the payment of the additional bounty herein provided for, it shall Ix; the duty of the payuijuster- general, under such rules and regulations as may be pre- ncribed by the Secretary of War, to cause to bo examined the accounts of each and every soldier who makes appli- cation therefor, and if found entitled thereto shall pay ■aid bountieo. Skc. IC. That in the reception, examination, settle- ment, and payment of claims for said additional bounty duo the wiilowsor heirs of deceii.sed suliliers, the account- ing otticers of the Treasury shall he g.iverned by the re- strictions proscribed for the iiayiniu-iter-general by the Secretary of \Var,and the payment sli:ill be made in like manner under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury. July 5, 1876. — Supplement of Kevisod Statutes, 1882. An Act for the Relief of Settlers on Rail- road Lands. Bailroad companies relinquishing lands in their grants entered for pre-emption or homestead may select other lands in lieu thereof. Title of settlor-i may be perfected. Grant.s to companies not enlarged. Act not to bo construed as confirming certain decisions of Interior Department. Re it enacted, &c., That in the adjust- ment of all railroad land grants, whether made directly to any railroad company or to any State for railroad purposes, if any of the lands granted be found in the pos- session of an actual settler whose entry or filing has been allowed under the pre- emption or homestead laws of the LTnited States subsequent to the time at which, by the decision of the land-office, the right of said road was declared to have attached to such lands, the grantees, upon a proper relinquishment of the lands so entered or filed for, shall be entitled to select an equal quantity of other lands in lieu thereof from any of the public lands not mineral and within the limits of the grant not otherwise appropriated at the date of selection, to which they shall re- ceive title the same as though originally granted. And any such entries or filings thus re- lieved from conflict may be perfected into complete title as if such lands had not been granted : Pron'ded, That nothing herein contained shall in any manner be so construed as to enlarge or extend any grant to any such railroad or to extend to lands reserved in any land-grant made for railroad pur- poses : And provided further, That this act shall not be construed so as in any man- ner to confirm or legalize any decision or ruling of the Interior Department under which lands have been certified to any railroad company when such lands have been entered by a pre-emption or home- stead settler after the location of the line of the road and prior to the notice to the local land-office of the withdrawal of such lands from market. [June 22, 1874.J TUe Slave Trade. Sec. 5.^)51. Equipping, Ac, tcsscI for slave-trade ; forfeiture ot vessel. .W.")';;. Penalty on persons building, equipping, Ac. f>'>5.i. Ki.rfeiture of vessel transporting slaves. 5ijr>4. Penalty for receiving persons on board to be Bold as slaves. 5.555. Foil'eituro of vessel found hovering on cojist, Ac. 55.')(i. Forfeiture of interest in vessels transporting slaves. 5557. Seizure of vessels engaged in the slave-trade. 6558. Proceeds of condemned vessels, how distributed. 5.5,')9. Disposal of perscjns fmnd on Ixmrd seized vesselg. .55(i(l. Apprehension of otlicers and crew. 5.'i()l. Ueniovalof persons delivered from seized vesselg. 55(12. Bounty. 5,')6:i. To what port captured vessels sent. 55IJ4. When owners of foreign vessels shall give bond. 5."))i5. Distribution of penalties. 5506 Contracts for reception In Africa of persons de- livered from seized vessels. 5507. Instructions to commanders of armed vessels. 5508. Coutnicts for reception, Ac, in West Indies of persons delivered from seized vessels. 5569. Instructions to commanders of armed vessels. Sec. 5551. No person shall, for himself, or for another, as master, I'actor, or owner, build, fit, equip, load, or otherwise prepare any vessel, in any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States, or cause any vessel to sail from any port or place within the jurisdiction of the same, for the purpose of procuring any negro, mulatto, or person of color, from any foreign king- dom, place, or country, to be transported to any port or place whatsoever, to be held, sold, or otherwise disposed of, as a slave, or to be held to service or labor ; and every vessel so built, fitted out, equipped, laden, or otherwise prepared, with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and lading, shall be forfeited, one moiety to the use of the United States, and the" other to the use of the person who sues for the forfeiture, and prosecutes the same to eflect. [See U 5375-5382,] Sec. 5552. Every person so building, fitting out, equipping, loading or other- wise prei)aring or sending away any ves- sel, knowing or intending that the same shall be employed in such trade or busi- ness, contrarj' to the provisions of the preceding section, or any ways aiding or abetting therein, shall, besides the for- feiture of the vessel, pay the sum of two thousand dollars ; one moiety thereof to the use of the United States, and the other moiety thereof to the use of the person who sues for and prosecutes the same to effect. (See | 5378^1 Sec. 5553. Every vessel employod in carrv'ing on the slave-trade, or on which is received or transported any negro, mu- latto, or person of color, from any foreign kingdom or countr\', or from sea, for the purpose of holding," selling, or otherwise disposing of such ])erson as a slave, or of holdimr such person to service or labor, shall, "together with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and the goods and effects which 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. may be found on board, or wliich may have been imported thereon in the same voyage, be toneited ; one moiety to the United States, and the other to the use of the person who sues for and prosecutes the forfeiture to effect. [See || 5378, 5379. J Sec. 5554. If any citizen of the United vStates takes on board, receives, or trans- ports any negro, mulatto, or person of color, for the purpose of selling such per- son as a slave, he shall, in addition to the forfeiture of the vessel, pay to each person, so received on board or transported, the sum of two hundred dollars, to be re- covered in any court of the United States ; the one moiety thereof to the use of the United States, and the other moiety to the use of the person who sues for and prose- cutes the same to effect. [See ^§ 5379, 5524, 5523.] Sec. 5555. Every vessel which is found in any river, port, bay, or harbor, or on the high seas, within the jurisdictional limits of the United States, or hovering on the coasts thereof, and having on board any negro, mulatto, or person of color, with intent to sell such person as a slave, or with intent to land the same for that purpose, either in the United States or elsewhere, shall, together with her tackle, apparel, furniture, and the goods or effects on board of her, be forfeited to the United States. [See | 5380. J Sec. 5556. It shall be unlawful for any citizen of the United States, or other per- son residing within them, directly or in- directly to hold or have any right or pro- perty in any vessel employed or made use of in the transportation or carrying of slaves from one foreign country or place to another, and any such right or property shall be forfeited, and may be libeled and condemned for the use of the person suing for the same ; and every person trans- gressing the prohibition of this section shall also forfeit and pay a sum of money equal to double the value of his right or property in such vessel ; and shall also lorfeit a sum of money equal to double the value of the interest he had in the slaves, which at any time may be transported or carried in such vessel. Sec. 5557. The President is authorized, when he deems it expedient, to man and employ any of the armed vessels of the Unit(;d States to cruise wherever he may judge attempts are making to carry on the slave-trade, by citizens or residents of the United States, in contravention of laws prohibitory of the same ; and, in such case, ho sliall instruct the commanders of such armed vessels to s(!ize, take, and bring into any port of the United States, to bo proeeed(^d against according to law, all American vessels, wheresoever found, which may have on board, or whitrh jnay be intended for tlu; piirposi; of taking on board, or of transporting, or may have transported any negro, mulatto, or person of color, in violation of the i)rovisions of any act of Congress prohibiting the traffic in slaves. [See | 2163. J Sec. 6558. The proceeds of all vessels, their tackle, apparel, and furniture, and the goods and effects on board of them, which are so seized, prosecuted and con- demned, shall be divided equally between the United States and the otiicers and men who seize, take, or bring the same into port for condemnation, whether such seizure be made by an armed vessel of the United States or revenue cutter thereof; and the same shall be distributed as is provided by law for the distribution of prizes taken from an enemy. Sec. 5559. The officers and men, to be entitled to one-half of the proceeds men- tioned in the last section, shall safely keep every negro, mulatto, or jjerson of color, found on board of any vessel so seized, taken, or brought into port, for condemna- tion, and shall deliver every such negro, mulatto, or person of color, to the marshal of the district into which he may be brought, if into a port of the United States, or if elsewhere, to such persons as may be law- fully appointed by the President, in the manner directed by law; transmitting to the President, as soon as may be after such delivery, a descriptive list of such negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, in order that lie may give directions for the disposal of them. Sec. 5560. The commanders of such commissioned vessels shall cause to be ap- prehended, and taken into custody, every person found on board of such olfending vessel, so seized and taken, being of the officers or crew thereof, and him convey, as soon as conveniently may be, to the civil authority of the United States, to be ])roceeded against in due course of law. [See E 5381, 5382.] Sec. 5561. The President is authorized to make such regulations and arrange- ments as he may deem expedient for the safe-keeping, supj)ort, and removal beyond the limits of the United States, of all such negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, as may be delivered and brought within their jurisdiction; and to appoint a proper per- son residing upon the coast of Airica as agent, for rei-eiving the negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color delivered from on board vessels seized in the prosecution of the slave-trade, by commanders of United States armed vessels. Sec. 5562. A bounty of twenty-five dol- lars sliall be paid to tlie officers and crews of the commissioned vessels of the United Stat(>s, or revenue-cutters, for each negro, mulatto, or person of color, who may be, as her(!inbefore provide<l, delivered to the marshal or agent duly a2)pointcd to receive BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 49 such person; and the Secretary of the Treasury is required to pay, or cause to be paid, to such olhcers and crews, or their agent, such bounty for each person so de- livered. Sec. 5563. It shall be the duty of the commander of any armed vessel of the United States, whenever lie makes any capture under the preceding provisions, to bring tlie vessel and her cargo, for adjudi- cation, into some of the ports of the State or Territory to which such vessels so cap- tured may belong, if he can ascertain the same ; if not, then to be sent into any convenient port of the United States. Sec. 5564. Every owner, master, or fac- tor of any foreign vessel, clearing out for any of the coasts or kingdoms of Africa, or suspected to be intended for the slave- trade, and the suspicion being declared to the officer of the customs by any citizen, on oath, and such information being to the satisfaction of the officer, shall first give bond, with sutlicient sureties, to the Treasurer of the United States, that none of the natives of Africa, or any other for- eign country or place, shall be taken on board such vessel, to be transported or sold as slaves, in any other foreign port or place whatever, within nine months thereafter. Sec. 5565. The forfeitures which may hereafter be incurred under any of the preceding provisions, and which are not otherwise expressly disposed of, shall ac- crue and be one moiety thereof to the use of the informer, and the other moiety to the use of the United States, except where tlie ])rosecution is first instituted on behalf of the United States, in which case the whole shall be to their use. Sec. 5506. It may be lawful for the President to enter into contract with any person, society, or body corporate, for a terra not exceeding five years, to receive from the United States, through their duly constituted agent upon the coast of Africa, all negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, delivered from on board vessels seized in the prosecution of the slave-trade, by com- manders of the United States armed ves- sels, and to provide such negroes, mulat- toes, and persons of color with comfortable clothing, shelter, and jirovisions, for a Seriod not exceeding one year from the ate of their being landed on the coast of Africa, at a jirice in no case to exceed one hundred dt)lhirs for each ])erson so clothed, sheltered, and provided with food ; and any contract so made may be renewed by the President from time to time as found ne- cessary, for periods not tt> exceed five years on each renewal. Sec. 5567. The President is authorized to issue instructions to the commanders of tlie armed vessels of the United States, di- recting them, whenever it is practicable, and under such rules and regulations as he may i)reseribe, Uj oroeeed directly to the coiust of Africa, and there hand over to the agent of the United States all negroes, mu- lattoes, and persons of color delivered from on board vessels seized in the prose- cution of tlie slave-trade; and they shall afterward bring the captured vessels and persons engaged in prosecuting such trade to the United States for trial and adjudica- tion. Sec. 5568. It maybe lawful for the Pre- sident to enter into arrangement, by con- tract or otherwise, with one or more foreign governments having possessions in the West Indies or other troi)ical regions, or with their duly constituted agent, to re- ceive from the United States, for a term not exceeding five years, at such place as may be agreed upon, all negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, delivered Irom on board vessels seized in the jjrosecution of the slave-trade, by commanrlers of United States armed vessels, and to provide them with suitable instruction, and with com- fortable clothing and shelter, and to em- ploy them, at wages, under such regula- tions as may be agreed ujjon, for a neriod not exceeding five years from the date of their being landed' at the place agreed upon. But the United States shall incur no expenses on account of such negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, after having landed them at the place agreed upon. And any arrangement so made may be re- newed by the President from time to time, as may be found necessary, for periods not exceeding five years on each renewal. Sec. 5569. The President is authorized to issue instructions to the commanders of the armed vessels of the United States, di- recting them, whenever it is practicable, and under such regulations as ne may pre- scribe, to proceed directly to such place as shall have been agreed upon with any for- eign government, or its duly constituted agent, under the provisions of the preced- ing section, and there deliver to the duly constituted authorities or agents of such foreign government all negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, taken from on board vessels seized in the ])rosecution of the slave trade; and they shall afterward bring the vessel and jicrsons engaged in ])rosecuting such trade to the United States for trial and adjudication. [See U 2158-2164.] Crimes— General Provlstoiui. Sec. ry.i-^X Accessory liofnro tlic fact to ))iriicy, Ac. ■>324. Accessory after the fiut to robb<Ty or piracy. ;').TJ'>. Punishnient of death by hmigiii);. 532G. No conviction to work corniptiun of blood or for- feittire of estate. 5327. Whippint; and the pillory abolinhed. ii-V^K Jurisdictiim of Statu courta. .i:i20. Benefit of clergy. KWO. Pardoning jiower. Sec. 5323. Every person who knowing- 50 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. ly aids, abets, causes, procures, commands, or counsels another to commit any mur- der, robbery, or other piracy upon the seas, is an accessory before the fact to such piracies, and every such person being thereof convicted shall suffer death. Sec. 532-i. Every person who receives or takes into custody any vessel, goods, or other property feloniously taken by any robber or pirate against the laws of the United States, knowing the same to have been feloniously taken, and every person who, knowing that such pirate or robber has done or committed any such piracy or robbery, on the land or at sea, receives, entertains, or conceals any such pirate or robber, is an accessory after the fact to such robbery or piracy. [See | 5533.] Sec. 5325. The manner of inflicting the punishment of death shall be by hanging. [See 1^ 5340, 5400.] Sec. 5326. No conviction or judgment shall work corruption of blood or any for- feiture of estate. Sec. 5327. The punishment of whipping and of standing in the pillory shall not be inflicted. Sec. 5328. Nothing in this Title shall be held to take away or impair the juris- diction of the courts of the several States under the laws thereof Sec. 5329. The benefit of clergy shall not be used or allowed, upon conviction of any crime for which the punishment is death. Sec. 5330. Whenever, by the judgment of any court or judicial officer of the United States, in any criminal proceeding, any person is sentenced to two kinds of punishment, the one pecuniary and the other corporal, the President shall have full discretionary power to pardon or remit, in whole or in part, either one of the two kinds, without, in any manner, impairing the legal validity of the other kind, or of any portion of either kind, not pardoned or remitted. Crimes against tlie existence of tixe Crovem- meut. Sec. 5:5;!1. Treaflon. (t'>.U. I'linistiment of treason 5ri:i3. Mi.s|)rirtion of treiuun. 63;»4. Incitinx or (TiKasing in rebellion or insurrection. 63'{.'j. Criminal corresiiondence with foreign governments. 5'S-W. Seditious conspinioy. 6:j.'J7. KecniitinK soldiers or Bailors to serve against the United states. 63.')8. Enlistment to serve against the United States. Sec. 5331. Every person owing alle- giance to the Unitea States who levies war against thcin, or adlicres to their ene- mies, giving them aid and comfort witliin tlie United States or elsewhere, is guilty of trca.son. Sec. 5332. Every person guilty of trea- fMjn sliail sufler death ; or, at the discretion of the court, sliull l)c iinprisoiicd at hard labor for not less than five years, and fined not less than ten thousand dollars, to be levied on and collected out of any or all of his property, real and personal, of which he was the owner at the time of commit- ting such treason, any sale or convey- ance to the contrary notwithstanding ; and every person so convicted of treason shall, moreover, be incapable of holding any otfice under the United States. Sec. 5333. Every person, owing alle- giance to the United States and having knowledge of the commission of any trea- son against them, who conceals, and does not, as soon as may be, disclose and make known the same to the President or to some judge of the United States, or to the governor, or to some judge or justice of a particular State, is guilty of misprision of treason, and shall be imprisoned not more than seven years, and fined not more than one thousand dollars. Sec. 5334. Every person who incites, sets, on foot, assists, or engages in any re- bellion or insurrection against the authori- ty of the United States, or the laws there- of, or gives aid or comfort thereto, shall be punished by imprisonment not more than ten years, or by a fine of not more than ten thousand dollars, or by both of such punishments ; and shall, moreover, be incapable of holding any ofiice under the United States. Sec. 5335. Every citizen of the United States, whether actually resident or abid- ing within the same, or in any foreign country, who, without the permission or authority of the Government, directly or indirectly, commences or carries on any verbal or written correspondence or inter- course with any foreign government, or any officer or agent thereof, with an intent to influence the measures or conduct of any foreign government, or of any ofiieer or agent thereof, in relation to any dis- putes or controversies with the United States, or to defeat the measures of the Government of the United States; and every person, being a citizen of, or resi- dent within, the United States, and not duly authorized, wlio counsels, advises, or assists in any such correspondence, with such intent, shall be punished by a fine of not more than five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment during a term not le-ss than six months, nor more than three years ; but nothing in this section shall be construed to abridge the right of a citizen to apply, himself or his agent, to any for- eign governinoiit or the agents thereof for redress of any injury which he may have sustained from such government, or any of its agents or subjects. Six;. 533(). If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire to overthrow, put down, or to destroy by force the Gov criimciit of the United States, or to levy war against them, or to oppose by force the BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 51 authority thereof; or by' force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of any law of the United States ; or by force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States contrary to the authority thereof; each of them shall be punished by a fine of not less than five hundred dollars and not more than five thousand dollars ; or by imprisonment, with or without hard labor, for a period not less than six months, nor more than six years, or by both such tine and imprisonment. [See ^? 5518-6520. | Sec. 5337. Every person who recruits soldiers or sailors within the United States to engage in armed hostility against the same, or who opens within the United States a recruiting station for the enlist- ment of such soldiers or sailors, to serve in any manner in armed hostility against the United States, shall be fined not less than two hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not less than one year, nor more than five years. Sec. 5338. Every soldier or sailor en- listed or engaged within the United States, with intent to serve in armed hostility against the same, shall be punished by a fine of one hundred dollars, and by im- prisonment not less than one year, nor more than three years. Sec. 5308. Whenever during any insur- rection against the Government of the United States, after the President shall have declared by proclamation that the laws of the United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by com- binations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceed- ings, or by the power vested in the mar- shals by law, any person, or his agent, at- torney, or employe, purchases or acquires, sells or gives, any property of whatsoever kind or description, with the intent to use or employ the same, or suffers the same to be used or employed in aiding, abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resist- ance to the laws, or any person engaged therein ; or being the owner of any such property, knowingly uses or employs, or consents to such use or employment of the same, all such property shall be lawful subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the duty of the Pre- sident to cause the same to be seized, con- fiscated, and condemned. Sec. 5309. Such prizes and capture shall be condemned in the district or circuit court of the United States having jurisdic- tion of the amount, or in admiralty in any district in which the same [may] be seized, or iNto which they may be taken and pro- ceedings first instituted. Tlie ClvU Ser^-lce — Political Assessments. (From Chapter 287 Supplemetit 1882 to Retised Statutes.) Sec. 6. That all executive officers or employees of the United States not ap- pointed by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from, any other officer or employee of the (rovernment, any money or property or other thing of value for political purposes; And any such officer or employee who shall offend against the provisions of this section shall be at once discharged from the service of the United States. Funding tlie National Debt. (From Chapter 24 Supplement to an Act to Facilitate the Re- funding of the National Debt ) Id refunding national debt, 4 per cent, bonda may be ex- chaiiKfd fur b-'M bonilB, and for other bouiis. and re- funding laws to apply to all 6 per cent, bondu. — in- terest on exchange; how allowed. Be it enacted, &c., That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized in the process of refunding the national debt un- der existing laws to exchange directly at par the bonds of the United States bear- ing interest at four per centum per annum authorized by law for the bonds of the United States commonly known as five- twenties outstanding and uncalled, and, whenever all such five-twenty bonds shall have been redeemed, the provisions of this section and all existing provisions of law authorizing the refunding of the national debt shall apply to any bonds of the United States bearing interest at five per centum per annum or a higher rate, which may be redeemable. In any exchange made under the pro- visions of this section interest may be al- lowed, on the bonds redeemed, for a period of three months. [January 25, 1879.] Amendments to the Constitution. Sec. 205. Whenever official notice is re- ceived at the Department of State that any amendment proposed to the Constitu- tion of the United States has been adopted, according to the provisions of the Consti- tution, the Secretary of State shall forth- with cause the amendment to be published in the newspapers authorized to promul- gate the laws, with his certificate, specify- ing the States by which the same may have been adopted, and that the same has become valid, to all intents and purposes^ as a part of the Constitution of the United States. Uniform time for the election of Member* of Cong^ress not to apply to certain States. (From Revited Statutet, CItapter 130, Supplement 1882.) Sec. 6. That section twenty-five of the Revised Statutes prescribing the time for holding elections for Representatives to Consrress, is herebv modified so a.s not to appiv to anv State that lias not yet changed its day of election, and whose coustitution 52 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. must be amended in order to effect a change in tlie day of the election of State officers in such State. Sec. 2491. 2492. 2493. 249t. 2495. 2496. 2497. 2498. ^99. t2500. 2501. 2.502. 251)3. 2504. 2505. 2506. 2607. 2508. 2509. 2510. 2511. 2512. 2513. 2514. 2515. 2516. THE PRESENT TARIFF LAWS. Duties upou Imports. Prohibition upon importation of obscene articles. Mode of proceeding. Importation of neat cattle. When permitted. Penalty. Prohibition upon importation of simnlatod watch- movements. Upon importation in foreign vessels. Limitation upon the foregoing. Kate for articles resembling enumerated articles; and for articles manufactured from two or more materials. For re imported goods. For goods produced east of the Cape of Good Hope, when imported from west of that rape. For merchandise imported in foreign vessels. Schedules of special rates of duty. A. Cotton and cotton goods. B. Earths and e;irtlieinvare. C. Hemp, jute, and flax goods. D. Liquors. E. Metals. F. Provisions. G. Sugars. H. Silks and silk goods. I. Spices. J. Tobacco. K. Wood. L. Wool and Woolen goods. M. Sundries. Free list. Fish-oil and fish the produce of the fisheries of Canada, Prince Edward's Island, and Newfound- land, when free. Special exemption as to Merchandise sunk and abandoned. As to lumber from St. John River. As to lumber from St. Croix River. As to machinery for manufacture of beet-root sugar. As to machinery imported for repair. Certain paintings, statuary, &c., tc^ be admitted free of duty. Importation of materials for construction, Ac, of vessels. Importation of articles intended for the repair of vessels. Peltries and other goods of Indians, when to be ad- mitted free. Duty on articles not enumerated, raw or manufac- tured. Sec. 2491. All persons are prohibited from importing into the United States, from any foreign country, any obscene book, pamphlet, paper, writing, advertise- ment, circular, print, picture, drawing, or other representation, figure, or image on or of paper or other nuiterial, or any cast, instrument, or other article of an immoral nature, or any drug or medicine, or any article wiiatevcr, for the prevention of con- ception, or for causing unhnvful abortion. No invoice or ])ackage whatever, or any part of one, in whicli any sucli articles are contained shall be adniitt('(l to entry ; and all invoices or ])ackages whereof any such articles shall conii)ose a part are liable to be proceeded against, seized, and forfeited by due course of law. All such prohibited articles in the course of import .-ition shall bo detained by the officer of customs, and proceedings taken against the same as pre- scribed in the following section : Provided, That the drugs hereinbefore mentioned, when imported in bulk and not put up for any of the purposes hereinbefore specified, are excepted from the operation of this section. [See ? 1785.] Sec. 2492. Any judge of any district or circuit court of the United States, within the proper district, before whom complaint in writing of any violation of the preced- ing section is made, to the satisfaction of such judge, and founded on knowledge or belief, and, if upon belief, setting forth the grounds of such belief, and supported by oath or affirmation of the complainant, may issue, conformably to the Constitu- tion, a warrant directed to the marshal, or any deputy marshal, in the proper dis- trict, directing him to search for, seize, and take possession of any such article or thing hereinbefore mentioned, and to make due and immediate return thereof, to the end that the same may be condemned and destroyed by proceedings, which shall be conducted in the same manner as other proceedings in case of municipal seizure, and with the same right of appeal or writ of error. Sec. 2493, The importation of neat cat- tle and the hides of neat cattle from any foreign country into the United States is prohibited : Provided, That the operation of this section shall be suspended as to any foreign country or countries, or any parts of such country or countries, when- ever the Secretary of the Treasury shall officially determine, and give public notice thereof, that such importation will not tend to the introduction or spread of con- tagious or infectious diseases among the cattle of the United States ; and the Sec- retary of the Treasury is hereby author- ized and empowered, and it shall be his duty, to make all necessary orders and regulations to carry this law into effect, or to suspend the same as therein provided, and to send copies thereof to the proper officers in the United States, and to such officers or agents of the United States in foreign countries as he shall judge neces- sary. Sec. 2494. The President of the United States, whenever in his judgment the im- portation of neat cattle and (he hides of neat cattle may be made without danger of the introduction f)r sjiread of conta- gious or infectious disease among the cat- tle of the United States, may, by procla- mation, declare the provisions of the pre- ceding section to be inoperative, and the same shall he afterward inoperative and of no effect from and after tliirty days from the date of said proclamation. Six;. 2495. Any jjcrson convicted of a willinl violation of any of the provisions of the two preceding sections, shall be BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 63 fined not exceeding five hundred dollars, or imprisont'd not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion (jf the court. Sec. 2496. No watches, watch-cases, watch-movements, or parts of watch-move- ments, of foreign manufacture, which shall copy or sinuilate the name or trade-mark of any domestic manufacturer, shall be ad- mitted to entry at the custom-houses ot the United Slates, unless such domestic manufacturer is the importer of the same. And in order to aid the oUicers of the customs in enforcing this prohibition, any domestic manufacturer of watches who has adopted trade-nuirks may require his name and residence and a descripti(»n ol his trade-marks to be recorded iu books which shall be kept for that purpo.se in the Department of the Treasury, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe, and may furnish to the Department fac-similes of such trade-marks ; and thereupon the Secretary of the Treasury shall cause one or more copies of the same to be transmitted to each collector or other proper oflicer of the customs. Sec. 2497. No goods, wares, or merchan- dise, unless in cases provided for by treaty, shall be imported into the United States from any foreign port or place, except in vessels of the United States, or in such foreign vessels as truly and wholly belong to the citizens or subjects of that country of which the goods are the growth, pro- duction, or manufacture; or irom which such goods, wares, or merchandise can only be, or most usually are, first shipped for transportation. All goods, wares, or merchandise imported contrary to this section, and the vessel wherein the same shall be imported, together with her cargo, tackle, apparel, and furniture, shall be for- feited to the United States; and such goods, wares, or merchandise, ship, or ves- sel, and cargo shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted, and condemned, in like man- ner, and under the same regulations, re- strictions, and provisions, as liave been heretofore established for the recovers', col- lection, distribution, and remission of for- feitures to the United States by the sev- eral revenue laws. Sec. 2498. The preceding section shall not apply to vessels, or goods, wares, or merchandise, imported in vessels of a for- eign nature which does not maintain a similar regulation against vessels of the United States. Sec. 2499. There shall be levied, col- lected, and paid, on each aTid every non- enumerated article which bears a simili- tude, either in material, quality, or texture, or the use to which it may be applied, to any article enumerated in this Title, as chargeable with duty, the same rate of duty which is levied and charged on the enumerated article which it most resem- bles in any of the particulars before men- tioned ; and if any non-enumerated arti- cle equally resembles two (jr more enume- rated articles, on which different rates of duty are chargeable, there shall he levied, c()llecte<l, and paid, on such non-enume- rated article, the same rate of duty as is chargeable on the article which it resem- bles paying the highest duty: and on all articles manufactured from two or more materials, the duty shall be a.ssessed at the highest rates at which any of its compo- nent i)arts may be chargeable. Sec. 2500. Upon the re-importation of articles once exported, of the growth, pro- duct, or nninuiacture of the United States, upon which no internal tax has been as- sessed or paid, or upon which such tax has been jiaid and refunded Ijy allowance or drawback, there shall be levied, collect- ed, and paid a duty equal to the tax imposed by the internal revenue laws upon such articles. Sec. 2501. There shall be levied, collect- ed, and paid on all goods, wares, and mer- chandise of the growth or produce of the countries east of the Cape of Good Hope, (except wool, raw cotton, and raw silk, as reeled fnmi the cocoon, or not further ad- vanced than tram, thrown, or organzine,) when imj)orted from places west of the Cape of Good Hoj^e, a duty of ten per centum ad valorem in addition to the du- ties imposed on any such articles when imj)orted directly from the jilace or places of their growth of production. Sec. 2o02. A discriminating duty of ten jier centum ad valorem, in aildition to the duties imposed by law, shall be levied, collected, and paid on all goods, wares, and merchandise which shall be imported on vessels not of the United States ; but this discriminating duty shall not applvto goods, wares, and merchandise, which shall be imported in vessels not of the United States, entitled, by treaty or any act of Congress, to be entered in the j^orts of the Ignited States on payment of the same duties as shall then be paid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported in vessels of the United States. Sec. 2503. There shall be levied, collect- ed, and paid upon all articles mentioned in the schedules contained in the next section, imported from foreign countries!, the rates of duty which arc by the schedules respectively i)rescribed : rrovid'd. That on the goods, wares, and merchandise in this section enumerated and provided for, im- ported from foreign countries, there shall be levied, collected, and i)aid only ninety per centum of the several duties and rates of duty imposed by the said schedules upon said articles severally, that is to .*ay: t)n all manufactures of cotton of which cotton is the component part of chief value. 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. On all wools, hair of the alpaca goat, and other animals, and all manufactures wholly or in part of wool or hair of the alpaca and other like animals, except umbrellas, parasols, and sun-shades cov- ered with silk or alpaca. On all iron and steel, and on all manu- factures of iron and steel, of which such metals or either of them shall be the com- ponent part of chief value, excepting cot- ton-machiner\% On all metals herein otherwise not pro- vided for, and on all manufactures of metals of which either of them is the component part of chief value, excepting percussion- caps, watches, jewelry, and other articles of ornament: Provided, That all wire rope and wire strand or chain made of iron wire, either bright, coppered, galvanized, or coated with other metals, shall pay the same rate of duty that is now levied on the iron wire of which said rope or strand or chain is made ; and all wire rope, and wire strand or chain made of steel wire, either bright, coppered, galvanized, or coated with other metals, shall pay the same rate of duty that is now levied on the steel wire of which said rope or strand or chain is made. On all paper, and manufactures of paper, excepting unsized printing-paper, books, and other printed matter, and excepting sized or glued paper suitable only for printing-paper. On all manufactures of Indian rubber, gutta-percha, or straw, and on oil cloths of all descriptions. On glass and glass ware, and on un- wrought pipe-clay, fine clay, and fullers' earth. On all leather not otherwise herein pro- vided for, and on all manufactures of skins, bone, ivory, horn, and leather, ex- cept gloves and mittens, and of which either of said articles is the component part of chief value; and on liquorice-paste or liquorice-juice. Schedule A —Cotton and Cotton Goods. Sec. 2")01. On all manul'actures of cot- ton (except jeans, denims, drillings, bed- tickings, ginghams, plaids, cottonades, pantaloon stutl", and goods of like descrip- tion) not bleached, colored, stained, paint- ed, or printed, and not exceeding one hundre(l threads to the square inch, count- ing the warp and filling, and exceeding in weight five ounces ))cr scpiare yard, five cents per square yard ; if bleached, five cents ami ahalf per s(juare yard ; if colored, stained, painted, or printed, five cents aiiil a half per square yard, and in addition thereto, ten jjer centum ad valonan. On finer and lighter goods of like do- Bcription, not exceeding two hundred threads to th(! s(]uare inch, counting the warp and tilling, unbleached, five cents per square yard ; if bleached, five and a half cents per square yard; if colored, stained, painted, or printed, five and a half cents per square yard, and in addition thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem. On goods of like description, exceeding two hundred threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling, unbleached, five cents per square yard ; if bleached, five and a half cents per square yard ; if col- ored, stained, painted, or printed, five and a half cents per square yard, and, in addi- tion thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem. On cotton jeans, denims, drillings, bed- tickings, ginghams, plaids, cottonades, pantaloon stufis, and goods of like descrip- tion, or for similar use, if unbleached, and not exceeding one hundred threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling, and exceeding five ounces to the square yard, six cents per square yard ; if bleached, six cents and a half per square yard ; if colored, stained, painted, or printed, six cents and a half per square yard, and, in addition thereto, ten per centum ad valorem. On finer, or lighter goods of like descrip- tion, not exceeding two hundred threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling, if unbleached, six cents per square yard ; if bleached, six and a half cents per square yard ; if colored, stained, painted or printed, six and a half cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, fifteen per centum ad valorem ; On goods of lighter description, exceed- ing two hundred threads to the square inch, counting the warp and filling, if un- bleached, seven cents per square yard ; if bleached, seven and ahalf cents per square yard ; if colored, stained, painted, or print- ed, seven and a half cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, fifteen per centum ad valorem : Provided, That upon all plain woven cotton goods, not included in the foregoing schedule, unbleached, valued at over sixteen cents per square yard; bleached, valued at over twenty cents per square yard ; colored, valued at over twenty- five cents per square yard, and cotton jeans, denims and drillings, unbleached, valued at over twenty cents per square yard, and all other cotton goods of every description, the value of which shall exceed twenty- five cents per square yard, there shall be levied, collected, and paid a duty of thirty- five per centinn ad valorem . And jnovided further, That no cotton goods having more than two hundred threads to the square incli, counting the warp and filling, shall be admitted to a less rate of duty than is provided for goods which are of that number of threads. Cotton thread, yarn, warps, or warp- yarn, not wound upon spools, whether single or advanced l)eyond the condition of single by twiiiting two or more single yarns together, whether on beams or in HOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 55 bundles/skeins, or cops, or in any other form, valued at not excuediug lorty cents per pound: ten cenUs per pound; valued at over forty cents per pound and not ex- ceeding sixty cents per pound : twenty cents per pound ; valued ai over sixty cents j)er pound and not exceeding eighty cents per pound : thirty cents per pound ; valued at over eighty cents per pound : forty cents })er pound ; and, in addition to such rates of duty, twenty per centum atl valorem, Spool-thread of cotton : six cents per dozen spools, containing on each spool not exceeding one hundred yards of thread, and, in addition thereto, thirty per centum ad valorem; exceeding one hundred yards, for every additional hundred yards of thread on each spool or fractional part thereof, in excess of one hundred yards : six cents per dozen, and thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Cotton cords, gimps, and galloons and cotton laces colored : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Cotton shirts and drawers, woven or made on frames, and on all cotton hosiery : thirty-tive per centum ad valorem. Cotton velvet: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Cotton braids, insertings, lace, trimming, or bobbinet, and all other manufactures of cotton, not otherwise provided for : thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Schedule B.— Eartlis and Eartliru Wares. Brown earthen ware and common stone ware, gas-retorts, stone ware not orna- mented : twenty-five per centum ad va- lorem. China, porcelain, and Parian ware, gilded, ornamented, or decorated in any manner; fifty per centum ad valorem. China, porcelain, and Parian ware, plain white, and not decorated in any manner: forty-five per centum ad valorem ; on all other earthen, stone , or crockery ware, white, glazed, edged, printed, painted, dipped, or cream-colored, composed of earthy or mineral substances, and not otherwise provided for : forty per centum ad valorem. Stone ware above the capacity of ten gallons : twenty per centum ad valorem. Slates, slate-pencils, slate chim ney-pieces, mantels, slabs for tables, and all other manufactures of slate: forty per centum ad valorem. Roofing-slates: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Unwrought clay, pipe-clay, fire-clay: five dollars per ton. Kaoline : five dollars per ton. On fullers' earth : three dollars per ton. Red and French chalk : twenty per centum ad valorem. Chalk of all descriptions, not otherwise provided for : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Whiting and Paris-white : one cent per pound. Whiting ground in oil : two centa per pound. Paris white ground in oil : one cent and a half per pound. All jjlain and mould and press glass not cut, engraved or painted: thirty-tive per centum ad valorem. AH articles of glas.s, cut, engraved, painted, colored, i)riuted, stained, silvered, or gilded, not including i)late glass sil- vered, or looking-glass plates : forty per centum ad valorem. All unj>olished cylinder, crown, and common window-glass, not exceeding ten by fifteen inches square : one cent and a half per pound ; above that and not ex- ceeding sixteen by twenty-four inches square: two cents per pound ; above that and [not] exceeding twenty-four by thirty inches square : two cents and a half per pound ; all above that : three centa per pound. Cylinder and crown glass, polished, not exceeding ten by fiflecn inches square: two and one-half cents per square loot ; above that, and not exceeding sixteen by twenty- lour inches square : four cents per square foot; above that, and not exceeding twenty-four by thirty inches square : six cents per square foot ; above that, and not exceeding twenty-four by sixty inches : twenty cents per square loot ; all above that : forty cents per S(iuare foot. Fluted, rolled, or rough jjlate glass, not including crown, cylinder, or common window-glass, not exceeding ten by fifteen inches square: seventy-five cents per one hundred square feet ; above that and not exceeding sixteen by twenty-four inches square : one cent per square foot ; above that, and not exceeding twenty-four by thirty inches square : one cent and a half per square foot ; all above that : two cents per scjuare foot. And all fluted, rolled, or rough plate glass, weighing over one hun- dred pounds per one hundred square feet, shall pay an additional duty on the excess at the same rates here imposed. Cast polished plate-glass, unsilvered, not exceeding ten by filteen inches square: three cents per square loot; above that, and not exceeding sixteen by twenty-four inches square: five cents per square foot ; above that, and not exceeding twenty-four by thirty inches .square: eight centa j>er square foot; above that, and not exceeding twenty-four by sixty inches square : twenty- five cents per square foot ; all above that, fifty cents per square foot. Cast polishe(l plate glass, silvered, or looking-glass plates not exceeding ten by fifteen inches square: four cents per square foot; above that, ami not exceeding sixteen by twenty-four inches square: six cents per square foot; above that, and not 56 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v_ exceeding twenty-four by thirty inches square : ten cents per square foot ; above that, and not exceeding twenty-four by sixty inches square: thirty-five cents per square foot ; all above that, sixty cents per square foot. But no looking-glass plates or plate-glass, silvered, when framed, shall pay a less rate of duty than that imposed upon similar glass of like description not framed, but shall be liable to pay in addi- tion thereto thirty per centum ad valorem upon such frames. Glass bottles or jars filled with articles not otherwise provided for: thirty per centum ad valorem. Porcelain and Bohemian glass, glass crystals for watches, glass pebbles for spec- tacles, not rough; paintings on glass or glasses, and all manufactures of glass, or of which glass shall be a component material, not otherwise provided for, and all glass bottles or jars filled with sweetmeats or preserves, not otherwise provided for : forty per centum ad valorem. Scbediile C. — Hemp, Jute, and Flax Goods. Flax-straw : five dollars per ton. Flax not hackled or dressed : twenty dol- lars per ton. Flax hackled, known as "dressed line:" forty dollars per ton. Hemp, Manila, and other like substi- tutes for hemp, not otherwise provided for : twenty-five dollars per ton. Tow of flax or hemp : ten dollars per ton. Jute, sunn, and Sisal grass, and other vegetable substances not enumerated, used for cordage : fifteen dollars per ton. Brown and bleached linens, ducks, can- vas, paddings, cot bottoms, diapers, crash, huckabacks, handkerchiefs, lawns, or other manufactures of flax, jute, or hemp, or of which flax, jute, or hemp shall be the com- ponent material of chief value, not other- wise provided for, valued at thirty cents or less per square yard : thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem ; valued at above thirty cents per square yard : forty per centum ad valorem ; flax or linen yarns for car- pets, not exceeding number eight Lea, and valued at twenty-four cents or less per pound: thirty per centum ad valorem; flax or linen yarns valued at above twenty- four cents per pound : thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem ; flax or linen thread, twine and pack-thread, and all otlier manu- factures of flax, or of which flax shall be the component material of chief value, not otherwise, provided for: forty per centum ad valorem. Thread luce and insertings: thirty per centum ad valorem. On all burlaps, and like manufactures of flax, jute, or hemp, or of which flax, jute, or hemf) shidl be the compfinent material of chief value, excepting such as may be suitable for bagging for cotton : thirty per centum ad valorem. Oil-cloth foundations or floor-cloth can- vas, made of flax, jute, or hemp, or of which flax, jute, or hemp shall be the com- ponent material of chief value : forty per centum ad valorem ; gunny-cloth, not bag- ging, valued at ten cents or less per square yard, three cents per pound ; over ten cents per square yard, four cents j^er pound. On bagging for cotton or other manufac- tures, not otherwise herein provided for, suitable to the uses for which cotton bag- ging is applied, composed in whole or in part of hemp, jute, flax, gunny-bags, gun- ny-cloth, or other material, and valued at seven cents or less per square yard, two cents per pound; valued at over seven cents per square yard, three cents per pound. Bags, cotton bags, and bagging, and all other like manufactures, not herein other- wise provided for (excejat bagging for cot- ton,) composed wholly or in part of flax, hemp, jute, gunny-cloth, gunny-bags, or other material : forty per centum ad va- lorem. Tarred cables or cordage: three cents per pound. Untarred Manila cordage: two and a half cents per pound. All other untarred cordage: three and a half cents per pound. Hemp yarn: five cents per pound. Seines : six and a half cents per pound. Sail-duck or canvas for sails : thirty per centum ad valorem, Russia and other sheetings of flax or hemp, brown and white: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. All other manufactures of hemp, or of which hemp shall be the component mate- rial of chief value, not otherwise provided for: thirty per centum ad valorem. Grass-cloth : thirty per centum ad va- lorem. Jute yarns: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. All other manufactures of jute or Sisal- grass, not otherwise provided for: thirty per centum ad valorem. Sclirdnle D. — Liqitors. Wines imported in casks, containing not more than twenty-two per centuin of alco- hol, and valued at not exceeding forty cents per gallon : twenty-five cents per gal- lon ; valued at over forty cents, and not over one dollar per gallon : sixty cents per {lallon ; v:ilue(l at over one dollar per gal- lon : one dollar per gallon, and, in addition thereto, twenty-five per eentnni ad valorem. AVines of all kincls, iniportcMl in l)ottles, and not otiierwise ])rovi(led for: the same rate i)er gallon as wines imported in casks. I'nt all bottles conlaining on(>. quart or less than one quart, and more than one pint, liOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 57 slmll be held to contain one quart, and all liottles containing one |)int or less shall be lield to contain (tnc pint, and sliall pay in addition three cents for each bottle. Champagne and all other sparkling wines, in bottles, containing each not more than one (piart and more than one pint: six dollars per dozen bottles; containing init more than one jjint each, and more than one-half pint : three dollars per dozen ii'ittles; contauiing one-half pint each, or -s: one dollar and fifty cents per dozen M.ttles; and in bottles containing more than one quart each, shall i)ay, in addition to six dollars per dozen bottles, at the rate of two dollars per gallon on the quantity in excess of one quart per bottle. But any liquors containing more than twenty- two per centum of alcohol, which shall be entered under the name of wine, shall be forfeited to the United States, And wines, brandy, and other spirituous liquors im- ported shall be packed in packages con- taining not less than one dozen bottles in each package ; and all such bottles shall pay an additional duty of three cents for each bottle. No allowance shall be made for breakage unless such breakage is actu- ally ascertained by count, and certified by a custom-house appraiser. Brandy and on other spirits manufactured or distilled from grain or other materials and not otherwise provided for: two dol- lars per proof-gallon. Each and every gauge or wine-gallon of measurement shall be counted as at least one proof-gallon ; and the standard for determining the proof of brandy and other spirits, and of wine or liquors of any kind imported, shall be the same as that which is defined in the laws relating to internal revenue. But any brandy or other spirituous liquors ini- porteil in casks of less capacity than four- teen gallons shall forfeited to the United States. On all compounds or preparations of which distilled spirits is a component part of chief value, there shall be levied a duty not less than that imposed upon distilled Rj)irits. Cordials, liqueurs, arrack, absinthe, kirschwasser, ratafia, and other similar sjiirituous, beverages, or bitters containing spirits, and not otherwise provided for; two dollars per proof-gallon. ' No lower rate or amount of duty shall be levied, collected, and paid, on brandy, spirits, and other sjiirituous beverages, than that fixed bv law for the description of first proof, but it shall be increased in j)ropor- tion for any greater strength than the strength of 'first proof; and no brandy, spirits or other spirituous beverages under first ]>roof shall pay a less rate of duty than fiftv i)er centum ad valorem ; and all iniitationsof brandy, or spirits, or of wines imported by any names whatever, shall be subject to the highest rate of dutj' provided for the genuine articles respectively in- tended to be rej)resented, and in no case le.ss than one dollar per gallon. Ale, porter, and beer, in bottles: thirty- five cents per gallon ; otherwise than in bottles : twenty cents per gallon. Vermuth : the same duty a.s on wines of the same cost. Schedule E.— Metal*. Iron in pigs : seven dollars per ton. Bar-iron, rolled or hammered, compris- ing fiats not less than one inch or more than six inches wide, nor less than three- eighths of an inch or more than tw(j inches thick ; rounds not less than three-fourths of an inch nor more than two inches in diameter; and squares not less than three- fcnirtlis of an inch nor more than two inches square : one cent per pound. Bar-iron, rolled or hammered, comprising flats less than three-eighths of an inch or more than two inches thick, or less than one inch or more than six inches wide ; rounds less than three fourths of an inch or more than two inches in diameter ; and squares less than three-fourths of an inch or more than two inches square : one cent and one-half per pound. But all iron in .slabs, blooms, loops, or other forms, less finished than iron in bars, and more advanced than pig-iron, ex- cej)t castings, shall be rated as iron in bars, and ])ay a duty accordingly ; and none of the above iron shall pay a less rate of duty than thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Moisic iron, made from sand ore by one process : fifteen dollars per ton. Iron bars for railroads or inclined planes: seventy cents per one hundred pounds. Boiler or other plate-iron not less than three-sixteenths of an inch in thickness : one cent and a half per pound. Boiler and other plate-iron, not other- wise provided for: twenty-five dollars per ton. Iron wire, bright, coppered, or tinned, drawn and finished, not more than one- fourth of an inch in diameter, not less than number sixteen, wire-gauge : two dol- lars per one hundred p(mnds, and in addi- tion thereto fifteen per centum ad valorem ; over number sixteen and not over number twenty-five, wire-gauge: three dollars and fifty cents per one hundred pounds, and in addition thereto fifteen per centum ad va- lorem ; over or finer than number twenty- five, wire-gauge, four dollars per one hun- dred pounds, and, in addition thereto, fif- teen jier centum ail valorem. But wire covered with cotton, silk, or other material shall pay five cents per pound in addition to the foregoing rates. Round iron in coils, three-sixteenths of an inch or less in diameter, whether coated with metal or not so coated, and all de- scriptions of iron wire, and wire of which 58 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. iron is a component part, not otherwise specifically enumerated and provided for, shall pay the same duty as iron wire, bright, coppered, or tinned. Wire spiral furniture springs, manufac- tured of iron wire: two cents per pound and fifteen per centum ad valorem. Smooth or polished sheet-iron, by what- ever name designated : three cents per pound. Sheet-iron, common or black, not thinner than number twent)^, wire-gauge : one cent and one-fourth of one cent per pound ; thinner than number twenty and not thinner than number twenty-five, wire-gauge: one cent and one-half per pound ; thinner than number twenty-five, wire-gauge: one cent and three-fourths of one cent per pound. All band, hoop, and scroll iron from one- half to six inches in width, not thinner than one-eighth of an inch : one and one- fourth cents per pound. All band, hoop, and scroll iron from one- half to six inches wide, under one-eighth of an inch in thickness, and not thinner than number twenty, wire-gauge : one and one-half cents per pound. All band, hoop, and scroll iron thinner than number twenty, wire gauge : one and three-fourth cents per pound. SHt rods : one cent and one-half per pound. All other descriptions of rolled or ham- mered iron not otherwise provided for : one cent and one-fourth per pound. All handsaws not over twenty-four inches in length: seventy-five cents per dozen, and in addition thereto thirty per centum ad valorem; over twenty-four inches in length: one dollar per dozen, and in addi- tion thereto thirty per centum ad valorem. All back saws not over ten inches in length : seventy-five cents per dozen, and in addition thereto thirty per centum ad valorem; over ten inches in length: one dollar per dozen, and in addition thereto thirty per centum ad valorem. Files, file-blanks, rasps, and floats of all descriptions, not exceeding ten inches in length : ten cents per pound, and in addition thereto thirty per centum ad valorem ; ex- ceeding ten inches in length: six cents per pound, and in addition thereto thirty per centum ad valorem. Penknives, jack-knives, and pocket- knives of all kinds: fifty per centum ad valorem. Sword-blades : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. S\vords: forty-five per centum ad valorem. Needles for knitting orsewing machines: one dollar i)cr thousand, and in addition thereto tliirty-five per centum ad valorem. Iron s<juares markeil on one side: three cents per [)Ound, and in addition thereto thirty per centum ad valorem ; all other squares of iron or steel : six cents per pound, and thirty per centum ad Valorem. All manufactures of steel, or of which steel shall be a component part, not other- wise provided for: forty-five per centum ad valorem. But all articles of steel par- tially manufactured, or of which steel shall be a component part, not otherwise pro- vided for, shall pay the same rate of duty as if wholly manufactured. Steel railway bars : one and one-quarter cents per pound. Railway -bars made in part of steel : one cent per pound. And metal converted, cast, or made from iron by the Bessemer or pneumatic process, of whatever form or de- scription, shall be classed as steel. Locomotive tire, or parts thereof : three cents per pound. Mill irons and mill-cranks of wrought iron, and wrought iron for ships, steam-en- gines, and locomotives, or parts thereof, weighing each twenty-five pounds or more : two cents per pound. Anvils and iron cables, or cable-chains, or parts thereof: two cents and a half per pound : Provided, That no chains made of wire or rods of a diameter less than one- half of one inch, shall be considered a chain cable. Chains, trace-chains, halter-chains, and fence-chains made of wire or rods, not less than one-fourth of one inch in diameter : two cents and a half per pound ; less than one-fourth of one inch in diameter, and not under number nine, wire-gauge : three cents per pound ; under number nine, wire- gauge : thirtj'-five per centum ad valorem. Anchors, or parts thereof: two cents and one-fourth per pound. Blacksmiths' hammers and sledges, axles, or parts thereof, and malleable iron in cast- ings, not otherwise provided for : two cents and a half per pound. Wrought-iron railroad-chairs, and wrought-iron nuts and washers, ready punched : two cents per pound. Bed-screws and wrought-iron hinges : two cents and a half per pound. Wrought board-nails, spikes, rivets, and bolts : two and one-half cents per pound. Steam, gas, and water tubes ana flues of wrought iron: three and a half cents per pound. Cut nails and spikes : one and a half cent*! per pound. Horseshoe-nails : five cents per pound. Cut tacks, brads, or sprigs, not exceed- ' ing sixteen ounces to the thousand; two and one-half cents per thousand; exceed- ing sixteen ounces to the thousand : three cents per pound. Screws, commonly called wood-screws, two inches or over in length : eight cents per pound ; less than two inches in length : eleven cents per pound. Screws of any other metal than iron, ■ind all other screws of iron, except wood- screws : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. BOOK V.J EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 69 Vessels of cast iron, not otherwise pro- vided for, and on andirons, sadirons, tai- lors' and hatters' irons, stoves and stove- plates of cast iron: one and one-half cents per pound. Cast-iron steam, gas, and water pipe : one and one-half cents per pound. Cast-iron butts and ninges : two and a half cents per pound. Hollow ware glazed or tinned : three and one-half cents per pound. Cast scrap-iron of every description : six dollars per ton. Wrought scrap-iron of every description : eight dollars per ton. But nothing shall be deemed scrap-iron except waste or re- fuse iron that has been in actual use, and is fit only to be remanufactured. All other castings of iron, not otherwise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. Taggers' iron : thirty per centum ad valorem. Steel, in ingots, bars, coils, sheets, and steel wire, not less than one-fourth of one inch in diameter, valued at seven cents per pound or less : two cents and one-fourth per pound ; valued at above seven cents and not above eleven cents per pound : three cents per pound ; valued at above eleven cents per pound : three cents and a half per pound, and ten per centum ad valorem. Steel wire less than one-fourth of an inch in diameter and not less than number six- teen, wire-gauge: two and one-half cents per pound, and in addition thereto twenty per centum ad valorem ; less or finer than number sixteen, wire-gauge : three cents per j)()uiid, and in addition thereto twenty per centum ad valorem. Steel commercially known as crinoline, corset, and hat steel wire : nine cents per pound and ten per centum ad valorem. Steel, in any form, not otherwise pro- vided for : thirty per centum ad valorem : Provided, That no allowance or reduction of duties for j)artial loss or damage shall be hereafter made in consequence of rust of iron or steel or upon the manufactures of iron or steel, except on polished Russia sheet iron. Cross-cut saws : ten cents per lineal foot. On mill, pit, and drag saws, not over nine inches wide : twelve and a half cents per lineal foot; over nine inches wide: twenty cents per lineal foot. Lead in sheets, pipes, or shot: two and three-nuarter cents per pound. Leaa ore : one andahalf cents per pound. Lead in pigs and bars : two cents per pound. Old scrap-lead, fit only to be remanufac- tured : one and one-half i-ents per pound. Zinc, spelter, or tutenegue, manufactured in block or pigs: one and one-half cents per pound. Zinc, spelter, tutenegue in sheets: two and one-quarter cents per pound. Tin in plates or sheets, terne and tag- gers' tin: fifteen j)er centum ad vahjrem. Iron and tin plates giilvanized or c<jated with any metal by electric batteries: two cents j)er jiouiid. Iron and tin plates galvanized or coated with any metal otherwise than by electric batteries: twound one-half cents i>er pound. Copper imported in the form of ores: three cents on each pound of fine copper contained therein. Regulus of copper, and on all black or coarse copper: four cents on each pound of fine copper contained therein. Old copper, fit only for remanufacture: four cents per pound. Copper in plates, bars, ingots, pigs, and in other forms not manufacturcfl or here enumerated: five cents per pound. Cojiper in rolled plates called braziers' copj)er, sheets, rods, pipes, and copper bot- toms, and all manufactures of copjjcr, or of which copper shall be a component of chief value, not otherwise provided for: forty-five per centum ad valorem. Sheathing or yellow metal not wholly of copper, nor wholly nor in part of iron, un- galvanized, in sheets forty-eight inches long and fourteen inches wide, and weigh- ing from fourteen to thirty-four ounces per square foot: three cents per pound. Nickel : thirty cents per pound. Nickel oxide and alloy of nickel with copper : twenty cents per pound. Gold-leaf: one dollar and fifty cents per package of five hundred leaves; silver- leaf: seventy-five cents per package of five hundred leaves. Argentine, alabatta, or German silver, unmanufactured: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Brass in bars or pigs, and old brass, fit only to be remanufactured: fifteen per centum ad valorem. Dutch and bronze metal in leaf: ten per centum ad valorem. Articles not otherwise provided for, made of gold, silver, German silver, or platina, or of which either of these metals shall be a component part: forty per centum ad valorem. Silver-plated metal, in sheets or other form : thirty-five j)er centum ad valorem. Maiiurueturcs, articles, vessels, and wares not otherwise ])rovided for, of brass, iron, lead, pewter, and tin or other metal, (ex- cept gold, silver, i)latina, copper, and steel.) or of which either of these metals shall be the component material of chief value: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. IMetals, unmanufactured, not otherwise provided for: twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Schednle F.— I»^OT^•lon•. Beef and nork : one cent per pound. Hams ana bacon : two cents per pound 60 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book v. Cheese : four cents per pound. Wheat : twenty cents per bushel. Butter : four cents per pound. Lard : two cents per pound. Rye and barley: fifteen cents per busheL Indian corn or maize: ten cents per bushel. Oats : ten cents per busheL Fish : Mackerel, two dollars per barrel ; herrings, pickled or salted, one dollar per barrel ; pickled salmon, three dollars per barrel ; all other fish pickled, in barrels, one dollar and fifty cents per barrel; all other foreign-caught fish imported other- wise than in barrels or half-barrels, or whether fresh, smoked, or dried, salted, or pickled, not otherwise provided for, fifty cents per one hundred pounds. Salmon, preserved : thirty per centum ad valorem. Anchovies and sardines, preserved in oil or otherwise : fifty per centum ad valorem. Fish preserved in oil, except anchovies and sardines : thirty per centum ad valo- rem. Corn-meal : ten per centum ad valorem. Oat-meal : one-half cent per pound. Rye-flour : ten per centum ad valorem. Rice : cleaned, two and a half cents per pound ; on uncleaned, two cents per pound. On paddy: one cent and one-half per pound. Capers, pickles, and sauces of all kinds, not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Catsup: forty per centum ad valorem. Preserved or condensed milk : twenty per centum ad valorem. Potatoes : fifteen cents per bushel. Vegetables, not otherwise provided for : ten per centum ad valorem. Prepared vegetables, meats, fish, poultry, and game, sealed or unsealed, in cans or other\vise : thirty-five per centum ad valo- rem. Vinegar : ten cents per gallon. Schedule G.— Sugars. Sugar not above number seven, Dutch standard in color: one and three-quarters cents per j)0und. Sugar al)()ve number seven, and not above number ten, Dutch standard in color : two cents per jwund. Sugar above number ten, and not above number thirteen, Dutch standard in color: two and one quarters cents per pound. Sugar above number thirteen, and not above number sixteen, Dutch standard in color: two and three-quarter cents per pound. Sugar above number sixteen, and not above number twenty, Dutcli standard in color: three and one-quarter cents per pound. Sugar above number twenty, Dutcli standard in color, and on all refined loaf. lump, crushed, powdered, and granulated sugar : four cents per pound. But sirup of sugar, sirup of sugar-cane juice, melado, concentrated melado, or concentrated mo- lasses, entered under the name of molasses, shall be forfeited to the United States. Sugar-candy, not colored : ten cents per pound. All other confectionery, not otherwise provided for, made wholly or in part of sugar, and on sugars after being refined, when tinctured, colored, or in any way adulterated, valued at thirty cents per pound or less : fifteen cents per pound. Confectionary valued above thirty cents per pound, or when sold by the box, pack- age, or otherwise than by the pound : fifty per centum ad valorem. Molasses : five cents per gallon. Tank bottoms, sirup of sugar cane, juice, melado, concentrated melado, and concentrated molasses: one and one-half cents per pound. Schedule H.— Silks and silk goods. Silk in the gum not more advanced than singles, tram, and thrown or organzine : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Spun silk for filling in skeins or corps : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Floss-silks : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Sewing-silk in the gum or purified: forty per centum ad valorem. Silk twist, twist composed of mohair and silk : forty per centum ad valorem. Dress and piece silks, ribbons, and silk- velvets, or velvets of which silk is the com- ponent material of chief value : sixty per centum ad valorem. Silk vestings, pongees, shawls, scarfs, mantillas, pelerines, handkerchiefs, veils, laces, shirts, drawers, bonnets, hats, caps, turbans, chemisettes, hose, mitts, aprons, stockings, gloves, suspenders, watch-chains, webbing, braids, fringes, galloons, tassels, cords, and trimmings, and ready-made clothing of silk, or of which silk is a component material of chief value : sixty per centum ad valorem. Buttons and ornaments for dresses and outside garments made of silk, or of which silk is the component material of chief value, and containing no wool, worsted, or goats' hair: fifty per centum ad valorem. Manufactures of silk, or of which silk is the component material of chief value, not otherwise provided for: fifty per cen- tum ad valorem. Schedule I.— Spices. Pimento and black, white, and red or cayenne pepper: five cents per pouncL Ground pimento and ground i)epi)er of all kinds: ten cents per pound. ('iunamon : twenty cents per pound. Mace: twenty-five cents per pound. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 61 Nutmegs : twenty cents per pound. Cloves : five cents per pound. '' Clove-stems : three cents per pound. Cassia and cassia vera: ten cents per pound. Cassia buds and ground cassia : twenty cents per pound. All other spices: twenty cents per pound ; ground or prepared : thirty cents per pound. Ginger, ground : three cents per pound. Ginger, preserved or pickled : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Essence of ginger : thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem. Schedule J.— Tobacco, Cigars, cigarettes, and cheroots of all kinds : two dollars and fifty cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, twenty- five per centum ad valorem. But paper cigars and cigarettes, including wrappers, shall be subject to the same duties as are herein imposed upon cigars. Tobacco in leaf, unmanufactured and not stemmed : thirty-five cents per pound. Tobacco stems: fifteen cents per pound. Tobacco manufactured, of all descrip- tions, and stemmed tobacco not otherwise provided for : fifty cents per pound. Snufi" and snufF-flour, manufactured of tobacco, ground, dry, or damp, and pickled, scented, or otherwise, of all descriptions : fifty cents per pound. Unmanufactured tobacco, not otherwise firovided for : thirty per centum ad va- orem. Schedule K.— "Wood Timber, hewn or sawed ; timber used in building wharves, and spars : twenty per centum ad valorem. Timber, squared or sided, not otherwise provided for : one cent per cubic foot. Sawed boards, plank, deals, and other lumber of hemlock, white wood, sycamore, and bass-wood : one dollar per thousand feet, board-measure. All other varieties of sawed lumber ; two dollars per thousand feet, board-measure. But when lumber of any sort is planed or finished, in addition to the rates herein provided, there shall be levied and paid, for each side so planed or finished, fifty cents per thousand feet ; and if planed on one side and tongued and grooved, one dollar per thousand feet ; and if planed on two sides and tongued and grooved, one dollar and fifty cents per thousand feet. Hubs for wheels, posts, last-blocks, wagon-blocks, oar-blocks, gun-blocks, heading-blocks, and all like blocks or sticks, rough-hewn or sawed only : twenty per centum ad valorem. Staves for pipes, hogsheads, and other casks : ten per centum ad valorem. Staves not otherwise provided for: twenty per centum ad valorem. 48 Pickets and palings : twenty per centum ad valorem. Laths : fifteen cents per thousand pieces. Shingles : thirty-five cents per thousand. Pine clapboards : two dollars per thou- sand. Spruce clapboards : one dollar and fifty cents per thousand. House or cabinet furniture, in pieces or rough, and not finished : thirty per centum ad valorem. Cabinet wares and house furniture, finished: thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Casks and barrels, empty, sugar-box shooks, and packing-boxes of wood, not otherwise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. Manufactures of cedar-wood, granadilla, ebony, mahogany, rose-wood, and satin- wood : thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; manufactures of wood, or of which wood is the chief component part, not otherwise provided for: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Wood unmanufactured, not otherwise provided for : twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Schedule Ii.— -"Wool and Woolen Ooods. All wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, and other like animals, shall be divided, for the purpose of fixing the duties to be charged thereon, into the three following classes : Class 1. Clothing- Wool. That is to say, merino, mestiza, metz or metis wools, or other wools of merino blood, immediate or remote ; down clothing- wools, and wools of like character with any of the preceding, including such as have been heretofore usually imported into the Uni- ted States from Buenos Ayres, New Zea- land, Australia, Cape of Good Hope, Rus- sia, Great Britain, Canada, and elsewhere, and also including all wools not herein- after described or designated in classes two and three. Class a.— Conihlng-AVools That is to say, Leicester, Cotswold, Lin- colnshire, down combing-wools, Canada long wools, or other like combing-woola of English blood, and usually known by the terms herein used ; and also all hair of the alpaca, goat, and other like animals. Class 3.— Carpet Wools and other similar Wools. Such as Donskoi, native South Ameri- can, Cordova, Valparaiso, native Smyrna, and including all such wools of like cha- racter as have been heretofore usually im- ported into the United States from Turkey, Greece, Egvpt, Syria, and elsewhere. The duty upon " wool of the first class which 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. shall be imported washed, shall be twice the amount of duty to which it would be subjected, if imported unwashed. And the duty upon wool of all classes which shall be imported scoured shall be three times the duty to which it would be subject if imported unwashed. And the duty upon wool of the sheep, or hair of the alpaca, goat, and other like animals, which shall be imported in any other than the ordinary condition as now and hereto- fore practiced, or which shall be changed in its character or condition, for the pur- pose of evading the duty, or which shall be reduced in value by the admixture of dirt, or any other foreign substance, shall be twice the duty to which it would be otherwise subject. Wools of the first class, the value whereof at the last port or place whence exported to the United States, excluding charges in such port, shall be thirty-two cents or less per pound : ten cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, eleven per centum ad valorem. Wools of the same class, the value whereof at the last port or place whence exported to the United States, excluding charges in such port, shall exceed thirty-two cents per pound : twelve cents per pound, and, in ad- dition thereto, ten per centum ad valorem. Wools of the second class, and all hair of the alpaca, goat, and other like animals, the value whereof at the last port or place whence exported to the United States, ex- cluding charges in such port, shall be thirty-two cents or less per pound ; ten cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, eleven per centum ad valorem. Wools of the same class, the value whereof at the last port or place whence exported to the United States, excluding charges in such port, shall exceed thirty- two cents per pound : twelve cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, ten per centum ad valorem. Wools of the third class, the value whereof at the last port or place whence exported into the United States, excluding charges in such port, shall be twelve cents or less per pound : three cents per pound. Wools of the same class, the value whereof at the last port or place whence exported to the United States, excluding charges in such port, shall exceed twelve cents per pound : six cents per pound. Wools on the skin : the same rates as other wools, the quantity and value to be a-scertained under such rules as the Secre- tary of the Treasury may prcscril^e. Sheep-skins and Angora goat-skins, raw or unmanufactured, imported with the wool on, washed or unwashctl: thirty per centum ad valorem on the skins alone. Woolen rags, shoddy, mungo, waste, and flocks: twelve cents per pounds. Woolen cloths, woolen shawls, and all manufactures of wool of every description, made wholly or in part of wool, not herein otherwise provided for: fifty cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, thirty -five per centum ad valorem. Flannels, blankets, hats of wool, knit goods, balmorals, woolen and worsted yarns, and all manufactures of every de- scription composed wholly or in part of worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other like animals, except such as are composed in part of wool, not otherwise provided for, valued at not exceeding forty cents per pound : twenty cents per pound ; valued at above forty cents per pound and not exceeding sixty cents per pound: thirty cents per pound ; valued at above sixty cents per pound and not exceeding eighty cents per pound: forty cents per pound ; valued at above eighty cents per pound : fifty cents per pound ; and, in ad- dition thereto, upon all the above-named articles: thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Endless belts or felts for paper or print- ing machines : twenty cents per pound and thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Bunting : twenty cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Women's and children's dress-goods and real or imitation Italian cloths, composed wholly or in part of wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other like ani- mals, valued at not exceeding twenty cents per square yard : six cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; valued at above twenty cents per square yard : eight cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, forty per centum ad valorem. But on all goods weighing four ounces and over per square yard, the duty shall be fifty cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Clothing ready made, and wearing ap- parel of every description, and balmoral skirts and skirting, and goods of similar description, or used for like purposes, com- posed wholly or in part of wool, worsted, the hair of the alpaca, goat, or other like animals, made up or manufactured wholly or in part by the tailor, seamstress, or manufacturer, except knit goods : fifty cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, forty per centum ad valorem. Webbings, beltings, bindings, braids, galloons, fringes, gimps, cords, cords and tassels, dress-trimmings, head-nets, but- tons, or barrel buttons, or buttons of other forms for tassels or ornaments, wrought by hand or l)raided by macliinery, made of wool, worsted, or mohair, or of which wool, worsted, or mohair is a component ma- terial : fifty cents per pound, and, in addi- tion thereto, fifty per centum ad valorem. Aubusson and Axminster carpets, and BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 63 carpets woven whole for rooms : fifty per centum ad valorem. Saxony, Wilton, and Tornay velvet car- pets, wrought by the Jacquard machine : seventy cents per square yard, and, in ad- dition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Brussels carpets, wrought by the Jac- quard machine : forty-four cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Patent velvet and tapestry velvet car- pets, printed on the warp or otherwise: forty cents per square yard, and, in addi- tion thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Tapestry Brussels carpets printed on the warp or otherwise : twenty-eight cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Treble ingrain, three-ply, and worsted chain Venetian carpets : seventeen cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Yarn Venetian and two-ply ingrain car- pets : twelve cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Druggets and bockings, printed, colored, or otherwise : twenty-five cents per square yard, and, in addition thereto, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Hemp or jute carpeting: eight cents per square yard. Carpets and carpetings of wool, flax, or cotton, or parts of either, or other material not otherwise herein specified : forty per centum ad valorem. And mats, rugs, screens, covers, hassocks, bedsides, and other portions of carpets or carpetings shall be subjected to the rate of duty herein imposed on carpets or carpeting of like character or description, and the duty on all other mats, (not exclusively of vegeta- ble material,) screens, hassocks, and rugs, shall be forty-five per centum ad valorem. Oil-cloths for floors, stamped, painted, or printed, valued at fifty cents or less per square yard, thirty -five per centum ad va- lorem ; valued at over fifty cents pe^ square yard, and on all other oil-cloth, (except silk oil-cloth,) and on water-proof cloth, not otherwise provided for, forty-five per centum ad valorem. Oil-silk cloth : sixty per centum ad va- lorem. Schednle M~Sundries. Acetates. — Of ammonia, twenty-five cents per pound ; baryta, twenty -five cents per pound ; copper, ten cents per pound ; iron, twenty-five cents per pound; lead, brown, five cents per pound ; white, ten cents per pound ; lime, twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; magnesia, fifty cents per pound ; potassa, twenty-five cents per pound ; soda, twenty -five cents per pound; stroutia, twenty-five cents per pound ; zinc, twenty- five cents per pound. Acids. — Acetic, acetous, and pyroligne- ous of specific gravity of 1.047, or less, five cents per pound ; acetic, acetous, and pyro- ligneous of specific gravity over 1.047, thirty cents per pound ; benzoic, ten per centum ad valorem ; carbolic, liquid, ten per centum ad valorem ; chromic, fifteen per centum ad valorem ; citric, ten cents per pound; gallic, one dollar per pound; nitric, ten per centum ad valorem ; sul- phuric, fuming, (Nordhausen,) one cent per pound ; tannic, one dollar per pound, tartaric, fifteen cents per pound ; and all other acids of every aescription used for medicinal purposes, or in the fine arts, not otherwise provided for, ten per centum ad valorem. Acorn, and dandelion root, raw or pre- pared, and all other articles used or intend- ed to be used as coffee or a substitute for coffee, not otherwise provided for: three cents per pound. Alabaster and spar ornaments: thirty per centum ad valorem. Albata, unmanufactured: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Almonds : six cents per pound ; shelled : ten cents per pound. Alum, patent alum, alum substitute, sul- phate of alumina, and aluminous cake: sixty cents per one hundred pounds. Ammonia. — Ammonia, and sulphate and carbonate of ammonia : twenty per centum ad valorem ; sal ammonia and muriate of ammonia: ten per centum ad valorem. Animals, live: twenty per centum ad valorem. Antimony, crude, and regulus of: ten per centum ad valorem. Argols, (other than crude:) six cents per pound. Asbestos, manufactured: twenty -five per centum ad valorem. Arrowroot : thirty per centum ad valorem. Asphaltum: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Assafcetida: twenty per centum ad valo- rem. Balsams, used for medicinal purposes, not otherwise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. Barley, pearl or hulled: one cent per pound. Barji;es, and sulphate of: one half cent per pound ; nitrate of: twenty per centum ad valorem. Baskets, and all other articles composed of grass, osier, palm-leaf, whalebone or willow, not otherwise provided for : thirty- five per centum ad valorem ; composed of straw: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Bay-rum "or bay water, whether distilled or compounded : one dollar per gallon of first proof, and in proportion for any greater strength than first proof. 64 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. All beads and bead ornaments, except amber : fifty per centum ad valorem. Bees-wax : twenty per centum ad valorem. Benzoates : thirtj' per centum ad valorem. Billiard-chalk: fifty per centum ad va- lorem. Black of bone, or ivory drop black: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Blacking of all descriptions : thirty per centum ad valorem. Bladders, manufactures of: thirty per centum ad valorem. Manufactures of bones, horn, ivory, or vegetable ivory : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Bonnets, hats, and hoods, for men, wo- men, and children, composed of chip, grass, palm-leaf, willow, or any other veg- etable substance, hair, whalebone, or other material, not otherwise provided for : forty per centum ad valorem ; composed of straw : forty per centum ad valorem. Books, periodicals, pamphlets, blank- books, bound or unbound, and all printed matter, engravings, bound or unbound, il- lustrated books and papers, and maps and charts : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Borax, refined : ten cents per pound. Bouillons or cannetille, and metal threads, file or gespinst: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Brick, fire-brick, and roofing and paving- tile, not otherwise provided for : twenty per centum ad valorem. Brimstone, in rolls, or refined : ten dol- lars per ton. Bristles : fifteen cents per pound. Britannia ware: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Bronze liquor : ten per centum ad va- lorem. Bronze powder: twenty per centum ad valorem. Brooms of all kinds: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Brushes of all kinds : forty per centum ad valorem. Bulbous roots, not otherwise provided for: thirty per centum ad valorem. Burning fluid: fifty cents per gallon. Burr-stones, manufactured or bound up into millstones : twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Buttons and button-molds, not otherwise provided for: thirty per centum ad valorem. Calomel : thirty per centum ad valorem. Camphor, refined: five cents per pound. Candles and tapers, stearine and ada- mantine: five cents per pound; spermaceti, paraffine, and wax candles and tapers, pure or mixed: eight cents per pound; all other candles and tapers : two and one half cents per pound. Canes and sticks for walking, finished or tinfinished: thirty-five per centum ad valorem, Card-caaes, pocket-books, shell -boxes, souvenirs, and all similar articles of what- ever material composed: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Carriages and parts of carriages: thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Castor beans or seeds, per bushel of fifty pounds : sixty cents. Chiccory-root, ground or unground : one cent per pound. Chiccory-root, burnt or prepared: five cents per pound. Chloroform : one dollar per pound. Chocolate : five cents per pound. Chronometers, box or ship's, and parts thereof: ten per centum ad valorem. Clocks, and parts of clocks: thirty -five per centum ad valorem. Clothing, ready-made, and wearing-ap- parel of every description, of whatever material composed, except wool, silk, and linen, made up or manufactured wholly or in part by the tailor, seamstress, or manu- facturer, not otherwise provided for, caps, gloves, leggins, mitts, socks, stockings, wove shirts and drawers, and all similar articles made on frames, of whatever material composed, except silk and linen, worn by men, women, or children, and not otherwise provided for, articles worn by men, women, or children, of whatever material composed, except silk and linen, made up, or made wholly or in part by hand, not otherwise provided for: thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Coach and harness furniture of all kinds, saddlery, coach, and harness hard- ware, silver plated, brass, brass plated, or covered, common tinned, burnished or japanned, not otherwise provided for: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Slack coal or culm, such as will pass through a half-inch screen : forty cents per ton of twenty-eight bushels, eighty pounds to the bushel ; bituminous coal, and shale : seventy-five cents per ton of twenty-eight bushels, eighty pounds to the bushel. Cobalt, oxide of: twenty per centum ad valorem. Cocoa, prepared or manufactured: two cents per pound. Coke: twenty -five per centum ad va- lorem. Collodion and ethers of all kinds, not otherwise provided for, and etherial pre- parations or extracts, fluid : one dollar per pound. Coloring for brandy : fifty per centum ad valorem. Combs of all kinds : thirty -five per cen- tum ad valorem. Comfits, sweetmeats, or fruits preserved in sugar, brandy, or molasses, not otherwise provided for: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Compositions of glass or paste, when set : thirty per centum ad valorem ; when not set : ten per centum ad valorem. I BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 65 Composition tops for tables, or other ar- ticles of furniture : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Copperas, green vitriol, or sulphate of iron : one-half of one cent per pound. Coral, cut or manufactured : thirty per centum ad valorem. Corks and cork-bark, manufactured : thirty per centum ad valorem. Corsets, or manufactured cloth, woven or made in patterns of such size, shape, and form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for corsets, when valued at six dollars per dozen or less : two dollars per dozen ; when valued over six dollars per dozen : thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Court-plaster : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Crayons of all kinds : thirty per centum ad valorem. Cream tartar: ten cents per pound. Cutlery of all kind : thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem. Currants, Zante, or other : one cent per pound. Dates and prunes : one cent per pound. Dolls : thirty -five per centum ad valorem. Dried pulp : twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Drugs, medicinal and other, crude, not otherwise provided for : twenty per centum ad valorem. Embroidery. — Manufactures of cotton, linen or silk, if embroidered or tamboured, in the loom or otherwise by machinery or with the needle, or other process not other- wise provided for : thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; articles embroidered with gold and silver or other metal : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Emery-grains : two cents per pound ; emery-ore : six dollars per ton. Emery, manufactured, ground, or pul- verized, one cent per pound. Encaustic tiles: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Epaulets, galloons, laces, knots, stars, tas- sels, tresses, and wings of gold, silver, or other metal : thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Essences, extracts, toilet- waters, cosme- tics, hair-oils, pomades, hair-dressings, hair-restoratives, hair-dyes, tooth-washes, dentifrice, tooth-pastes, aromatic cachous, or other perfumeries or cosmetics, by what- soever name or names known, used or ap- plied as perftimes or applications to the nair, mouth, or skin : fifty per centum ad valorem ; cologne-water and other perfu- mer}', of which alcohol forms the principal ingredient: three dollars per gallon, and fifty per centum ad valorem ; rum essence or oil, and bay-rum essence or oil : fifty cents per ounce. Eyelets of every description : six cents per thousand. Fansandfire-screcnsof every description except common palm-leaf fans, of what- ever material composed : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Feathers: ostrich, vulture, cock, and other ornamental, crude or not dressed, colored or manufactured : twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; when dressed, colored, or manufactured : fiftv per centum ad va- lorem. Artificial and ornamental feathers and flowers, or parts thereof, of whatever material composed, not othenvise provided for : fifty per centum ad valorem. Feather beds: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Feldspar: twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Figs : two and one-half cents per pound. Filberts and walnuts, of all kinds : three cents per pound. Finishing-powder: twenty per centum ad valorem. Fire-crackers: one dollar per box of forty packs, not exceeding eignty to each pack, and in the same proportion for any greater or less number. Fire-crackers, not otherwise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. Fish-skins : twenty per cent, ad valorem. Fruit ethers, essences or oils of apple, pear, peach, apricot, strawberry, and rasp- berry, made or fusel-oil or of fruit, or imi- tations thereof: two dollars and fifty cents per pound. Fruits. — Oranges, lemons, pine-apples, and grapes : twenty per centum ad valorem ; limes, bananas, plantains, shaddocks, mangoes, ten per centum ad valorem. But no allowance shall be made for loss by decay on the voyage, unless the loss shall exceed twenty-five per centum of the quan- tity, and the allowance then made shall be only for the amount of loss in excess of twenty -five per centum of the whole quan- tity. Green, ripe, or dried, not otherwise provided for : ten per centum ad valorem ; preserved in their own juice, and fruit- juice : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Fulminates, ftilminating-powders, and all articles used for like purposes, not other- wise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. Fur, articles made of: Caps, hats, muffs, and tippets of fur, and all other manufiic- tures of fur, or of which fur shall be a component material: thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem. Fusel-oil, or amylic alcohol : two dollars per gallon. Gelatine, and all similar preparations, not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Glass'plates or disks, unwrought, for opti- cal instruments : ten per centum ad valorem. Gloves, kids, or other leather, of all de- scriptions, for men's, women's or children's wear : fifty per centum ad valorem. AMERICAN POLITICS. [book r. Glue : t^venty per centum ad valorem. Glycerine : thirty per centum ad valorem. Grease, all not specified : ten per centum ad valorem. Grindstones, rough or unfinished: one dollar and fifty cents per ton ; finished : two dollars per ton. Gum substitute, or burnt starch : ten per centum ad valorem. Gunpowder and all. explosive substances used for mining, blasting, artillery, or sport- ing purposes, when valued at twenty cents or less per pound : six cents per pound, and, in addition thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem ; valued above twenty cents per pound : ten cents per pound, and, in addi- tion thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem. Gutta-percha, manufactured: forty per centum ad valorem. Hair. — Bracelets, braids, chains, curls, or ringlets, composed of hair, or of which hair is a component material: thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; curled hair, ex- cept hair of hogs, used for beds or mattres- ses: thirty per centum ad valorem; hair of hogs : one cent per pound ; human hair, raw, uncleaned, and not drawn: twenty per centum ad valorem ; when cleaned or drawn, but not manufactured : thirty per centum ad valorem ; when manufactured : forty per centum ad valorem ; hair of all kinds, cleaned, but unmanufactured, not otherwise provided for : ten per centum ad ralorem. Hair-cloth known as " crinoline-cloth," and all other manufactures of hair, not otherwise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem ; of the description known as "hair-seating," eighteen inches wide or over : forty cents per square yard ; less than eighteen inches wide: thirty cents per square yard. Hair-pencils : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Hair-pins, made of iron wire : fifty per centum ad valorem. Hat-bodies of cotton: thirty-five per Centura ad valorem. Hats, &c., materials for. — Braids, plaits,, flats, laces, trimmings, tissues, willow sheets and squares, used for making or ornament- ing hats, bonnets, and hoods, composed of straw, chip, grass, palm-leaf, willow, or any Other vegetable substance, or of hair, whalebone, or any other material, not other- wise provided for : thirty per centum ad valorem. Hatters' furs not on the skin, and dressed fiirs on the skin : twenty per centum ad valorem. Hatters' plush, composed of silk and cottfjn, but of which cotton is the compo- nent material of chief value: twenty-nvc per centum ad valorem. Hemnsccd and rapeseed, and other oil- seeds of like character other tlian linseed or flaxseed : one-half cent per pound. Hoffman's anodyne and spirits of nitric ether : fifty cents per pound. Honey : twenty cents per gallon. Hops : five cents per pound. India rubber and silk, manufactures of, or manufactures of India rubber and silk and other materials : fifty per centum ad valorem. India rubber articles, composed of. — Braces, suspenders, webbing, or other fabrics, composed wholly or in part of India rubber, not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Articles composed wholly of India rub- ber, not otherwise provided for : twenty- five per centum ad valorem. India rubber boots and shoes: thirty per centum ad valorem Ink, printers' ink, and ink -powders: thirty -five per centum ad valorem. Insulators for use exclusively in telegra- phy, except those made of glass : twenty- five per centum ad valorem. Iodine, salts of: fifteen per centtim ad valorem ; resublimed : seventy -five cents per pound. Ivory or bone dice, draughts, chess-men, chess-balls, and bagatelle-balls : fifty per centum ad valorem. Japanned ware of all kinds, not other- wise provided for : forty per centum ad valorem. Jellies of all kinds : fifty per centum ad valorem. Jets, manufactures and imitations of: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Lead, nitrate of: three cents per pound. Leather. — Bend or belting leather, and Spanish or other sole-leather: fifteen per centum ad valorem ; calf-skins, tanned, or tanned and dressed : twenty-five per cen- tum ad valorem ; upper-leather of all other kinds, and skins dressed and finished of all kinds, not otherwise provided for: twenty per centum ad valorem ; skins for morocco, tanned, but unfinished : ten per centum ad valorem; manufactures and articles of leather, or of which leather shall be a component part, not otherwise pro- vided for : ■ thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Leather and skins, japanned, patent or enameled : thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. All leather and skins, tanned, not other- wise provided for : twenty -five per centum ad valorem. Lemon and lime-juice: ten per centum ad valorem. Licorice-paste, or licorice in rolls: ten cents per pound. Licorice-juice : five cents per pound. Lime : ten per centum ad valorem. Linseed or flaxseed : twenty cents per bushel of fifty-six pounds weight. But no drawback shall be alloAVcd on oil-cake made from imported seed. I BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 67 Magnesia, carbonate : six cents per pound ; calcined, twelve cents per pound. Malt: twenty per centum ad valorem. Marble. — IMarble, white statuary, bro- catella, sienna, and verd-antique, in block, rough or squared : one dollar per cubic foot, and, in addition thereto, twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; veined marble and marble of all other descriptions, not otherwise t)rovided for, in block, rough or squared : fifty cents per cubic loot, and, in addition thereto, twenty per centum ad valorem ; sawed, dressed, or polished mar- ble, marble slabs, and marble paving-tiles : thirty per centum ad valorem, and, in ad- dition, twenty-five cents per superficial square foot not exceeding two inches in thickness. If more than two inches in thickne.ss, ten cents per foot, in addition to the above rate, for each inch or fractional part thereof in excess of two inches in thickness, but if exceeding six inches in thickness, such marble shall be subject to the duty imposed ujjon marble blocks. All manul'acturi>s of marble not otherwise provided i'nr : fifty per centum ad valorem. Mats of cocoanut : thirty per centum ad valorem. Matting, China, and other floor-matting, and mats made of flags, jute, or grass : thirty per centum ad valorem. Cocoa or coir : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Medicinal preparations not otherwise provided for : forty per centum ad valorem. Mercurial preparations not otherwise provided for : twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Mineral and bituminous substances in a crude state not otherwise provided for: twenty per centum ad valorem. Mineral kernies : ten per centum ad va- lorem. Mineral or medicinal waters, artificial, for each bottle or jug containing not more than one quart : three cents, and, in addi- tion thereto, twenty-five per centum ad va- lorem ; containing more than one quart : three cents for each additional quart, or fractional jiart thereof, and, in addition thereto, twenty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Otherwise than in bottles, thirty per centum ad valorem. Morphia, and all salts of morphia: one dollar per ounce. Music, printed with lines, bound or un- bound : twenty per centum ad valorem. Musical instruments of all kinds : thirty per centum ad valorem. Muskets, rifles, and other fire-arms : tliirty-five per centum ad valorem. Mustard, ground, in bulk: ten cents per pound ; when inclosed in glass or tin : fourteen cents per pound. Needles, sewing, darning, knitting, and all other descriptions not oth(M-wise pro- vided for : twenty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Nuts of all kinds, not otherwise pro- vided for: two cents i)er pound. _ Oils. — Illuminating, and naphtha, ben- zine, and benzole, refined or prcjduced from the distillation of coal, a.sphaltuiii, shale, peat, petroleum or rock oil, (jr other bituminous substances used for like pur- poses: forty cents per gallon; coal-oil, crude: fifteen cents oer gallon ; crude pe- troleum or rock-oil: twenty cents per gallon; croton : one dollar per pound; olive, in flasks or bottles, and salad : one dollar per gallon; castor: one dollar per gallon; cloves: two dollars j)er jiound; cognac or oenanthic ether: four dollars per ounce ; linseed or flaxseed : thirty cents per gallon, seven pounds and a half of weight to be estimated as a gallon ; hemi)seed and rapeseed : twenty -three cents per gallon ; neat's-foot, and all animal, whale, seal, and fish oils: twenty per centum ad valorem ; cotton-seed : thirty cents per gallon ; cenne : thirty cents per gallon. Oils, essential or essence. — Bay-leaves : seventeen dollars and fifty cents jier pound ; cubebs : one dollar per pound ; lemons : fifty cents per pound ; orange : fifty cents per pound ; all other essential oils, not otherwise provided for : fifty per centum ad valorem. Oils, fixed or expressed. — Bay or laurel : twenty cents per pound : olive, not salad : twenty-five cents per gallon ; mustard, not salad: twenty-five cents per gallon; oils expressed, not otherwise provided for : twenty per centum ad valorem. Opium : one dollar per pound ; prepared for smoking, and all other preparations of opium not otherwise provided for: six dollars per pound. But opium prepared lor smoking, and other preparations of opium, deposited in bonded warehouse, shall not be removed therefrom for ex- portation without payment of duties, and such duties shall not be refunded. Osier or willow, prepared for ba.'sket- makers' use : thirty per centum ad valorem. Paintings and statuary, not otherwise provided for : ten per centum ad valorem. But the term " statuary," as used in the laws now in force imposing duties on foreign importations, shall be understood to include professional productions of a statuary or of a sculptor only. PaintvS and dyes. — Aniline dyes and colors, by whatever name known: fifty cents per pound, and thirty -five j)er centuni ad valorem. Blanc-fixe, enameled white, .satin-white, lime-white, and all combinations of bar^-- tes with acids or water: three cents j>er pound ; carmine lake, dry or liquid : thirty- five per centum ad valorem. French green, Paris green, mineral green, mineral blue, and Prussian bhic. dry or moist : thirty per centum ad vulorom. es AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. Indian red, twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Indigo, extract of: ten per centum ad valorem ; carmined : twenty per centum ad valorem. Iron liquor: ten per centum ad valorem. Lamp-black : twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Lastings, mohair cloth, silk twist, or other manufactures of cloth woven or made in patterns of such size, shape, and form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for but- tons exclusively, not combined with India rubber : ten per centum ad valorem. Lead, white or red, and litharge, dry or ground in oil : three cents per pound. Logwood, and other dye-woods, extracts and decoctions of : ten per centum ad va- lorem, Ochers and ochery earths, not otherwise provided for, when dry : fifty cents per one hundred pounds ; when ground in oil : one dollar and fifty cents per one hundred pounds ; Spanish brown : twenty -five per centum ad valorem. Sumac : ten per centum ad valorem. Ultramarine : six cents per pound. Umber : fifty cents per one hundred pounds. Vandyke brown : twenty per centum ad valorem. Water-colors : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Wood lake, Venetian red, vermillion, chrome-yellow, rose-pink, Dutch pink, and paints and painters' colors, (except white and red lead and oxide of zinc,) dry or ground in oil, and moist water-colors used in the manufacture of paper-hangings and colored papers and cards, not otherwise provided for : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Zinc, oxide of, dry or ground in oil : one and three-fourths cents per pound. Paper. — Sized or glued, suitable only for printing paper : twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; printing, unsized, used for books and newspapers exclusively: twenty per centum ad valorem ; manufactiu-ed of, or of which paper is a component material, not otherwise provided for : thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; sheathing paper : ten per centum ad valorem. Paper boxes, and all other fancy boxes : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Paper envelopes : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Paper-hangings and paper for screens or fire-boards ; paper, antiijuarian, demy, drawing, elepnant, foolscap, imperial let- ter, and all other paper not otherwise pro- vided for: thirty-five per centum ad valo- rem. Papier mach6, manufactures, articles, and wares of: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. I'arafiine : ten cents per pound. Parchment : thirty per centum ad valo- rem. Patent size : twenty per centum ad va- lorem. Paving-stones not otherwise provided for : ten per centum ad valorem. Pea-nuts or ground beans : one cent per pound : shelled one and a half cents per pound. Pencils of wood, filled with lead or other materials : fifty cents per gross, and, in ad- dition thereto, thirty per centum ad valo- rem. Pencils, lead, not in wood: one dollar per gross. Pens, metallic : ten cents per gross, and, in addition thereto, twenty -five per centum ad valorem. Pen-tips and pen-holders, or parts there- of: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Percussion-caps: forty per centum ad valorem. Philosophical apparatus and instru- ments : forty per centum ad valorem : Pro- vided, That any philosophical apparatus and instruments imported for the use of any society incorporated for religious pur- poses, are subject to a duty of fi^fteen per centum ad valorem. Pins, solid-head or other: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Pipe-cases, pipe-stems, tips, mouth- pieces, and metallic mountings for pipes, and all other parts of pipes or pipe fixtures, and all smokers' articles : seventy-five per centum ad valorem. Pipes and pipe-bowls. — Meerschaum, wood, porcelain, lava, and all other to- bacco-smoking pipes and pipe-bowls, not otherwise provided for: one dollar ajid fifty cents per gross, and, in addition thereto, seventy-five per centum ad valo- rem ; pipes, clay, common or white : thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Pitch : twenty per centum ad valorem. Plants. — Fruit, shade, lawn, and orna- mental trees, shrubs, plants, and flower- seeds, not otherwise provided for ; garden seeds, and all other seeds for agricultural and horticultural purposes, not otherwise provided for : twenty per centum ad valo- rem. Plaster of Paris, when ground or cal- cined : twenty jicr centum ad valorem. Plated and gilt ware of all kinds : thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Plates, engraved, of steel : twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; of wood or other material : twenty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Playing-cards, costing not over twenty- five cents per pack : twenty-five cents per pack ; costing over twenty-five cents per pa(;k : thirty-five cents j)er pack. Plums : two and one-half cents per pound. Polishing-powders of all descriptions, BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS, 69 Frankfort black, and Berlin, Chinese, fig, and wash blue : twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Potash. — Bichromate of: three cents per pound; chlorate and chromate of: three cents per pound ; hydriodate, iodate, iodide : seventy-five cents per pound ; acetate : twenty-five cents per pound ; prussiate, yellow : five cents per nound ; prussiate, red : ten cents per pound. Precious st(^nes and jewelry. — Diamonds, cameos, mosaics, gems, pearls, rubies, and other precious stones, when not set: ten per centum ad valorem ; when set in gold, silver, or other metal, or on imitations thereof, and all other jewelry : twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; watch-jewels : ten per centum ad valorem. Proprietary medicines : Pills, powders, tinctures, troches or lozenges, sirups, cor- dials, bitters, anodynes, tonics, plasters, liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops, waters, essences, spirits, oils, or other medi- cinal preparations or compositions, recom- mended to the public as proi)rietary medi- cines, or prepared according to some pri- vate formula or secret art as remedies or specifics for any disease or diseases or af- fections whatever affecting the human or animal body : fifty per centum ad valorem. Putty : one dollar and fifty cents per one hundred pounds. Quicksilver: fifteen per centum ad va- lorem. Quinine, salts of, other than sulphate of: forty-five per centum ad valorem ; sulphate of: twenty per centum ad valorem. Rags of whatever material, not other- wise provided for : ten per centum ad va- lorem. Raisins: two and one-half cents per pound. Rattans and reeds, manufactured or par- tially manufactured: twenty-five per cent- um ad valorem. Red precipitate : twenty per centum ad valorem. Resins, gum, not otherwise provided for, and rosin: twenty per centum ad valorem. Rochelle salts : five cents per pound. Roman cement: twenty per centum ad valorem. Saleratus and bicarbonate of soda : one and one-half cents per pound. Sal-soda and soda-ash : one-fourth of a cent per pound. Salt. — In bags, sacks, barrels, or other packages : twelve cents per one hundred pounds ; in bulk : eight cents per one hun- dred pounds. Saltpeter. — Crude : one cent per pound ; refined and partially refined: two cents per pound. Salts. — Epsom : one cent per pound ; glauber : one-half of one cent per })ound ; jireparations of, not otherwi>*e provided lor : twenty per centum ad valorem. Santonine: three dollars per pound. Scagliola tojis, for tables or other articles of furniture: thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Sealing-wax : thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Shaddock : ten per centum ad valorem. Shells, manufactures of: thirty-five per centum a<l valorem. Side-arms of every descrij)tion, not oth- erwise pnn'ided for: thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem. Skates costing twenty cents or less per pair: eight cents per pair; casting over twenty cents per pair: thirty-five per cen- tum ad valorem. Smalts : twenty per centum ad valorem. Soap, fancy, perfumed, honey, transpa- rent, and all descriptions of toilet and shav- ing soaps: ten cents per pound, and, in ad- dition thereto, twenty-five per centum ad valorem ; soap not otherwise provided for : one cent per pound, and, in addition there- to, thirty per centum ad valorem. Soda. — Caustic : one and one-half centa per pound ; hyposulphate of, and all car- bonates of, by whatever name designated, not otherwise provided for: twenty per centum ad valorem; silicate of, or other alkaline silicates : one-half cent j)er pound. Sponges: twenty per centum ad valorem. Sporting-gun wads of all descriptions: thirty-five per centum ad valorem. Starch, made of potatoes or corn : one cent per pound, and twenty per centum ad valorem ; made of rice, or any other mate- rial: three cents per pound, and twenty per centum ad valorem. Staves for pi{)es, hogsheads, or other casks: ten per centum ad valorem: other staves: twenty per centum ad valorem. Stereotype plates : twenty -five per cen- tum ad valorem. Stones: freestone, granite, sandstone, and all building or monumental stone, except marble : one dollar and fifty cents per ton. Strings : all strings of whip-gut or cat- gut, other than strings for musical instru- ments, thirty per centum ad valorem. Strychnia: one dollar per ounce. Strychnine, salts of, not otherwise pro- vided for : one dollar and fifty cents per ounce. Sulphur, [four] [flowers] of: twenty dollars per ton and fifteen per centum ad valorem. Tallow: one cent per pound. Tannin: two dollars per pound. Tar: twenty per centimi ad valorem. Tartar-ometic: fifteen cents per pound. Teeth, manufactured : twenty per centum ad valorem. Tin, oxide, muriatic and salts of tin and tin-foil: thirty per centum ad valorem. Toys, wooden and other, for children : fifty per centum ad valorem. 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book y. Twine or pack-thread, not otherwise pro- vided for: thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Turpentine, spirits of: thirty cents per gallon. Types, new: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Type-metal: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Umbrella and parasol-ribs and stretch- ers, frames, tips, runners, handles, or other parts thereof, when made in whole or chief part of iron, steel, or any other metal: fort)'-five per centum ad valorem ; umbrel- las, parasols, and sun-shades, when cov- ered with silk or alpaca: sixty per centum ad valorem; all other umbrellas: forty- five per centum ad valorem. Umbrellas, parasols, and sun-shades, frames and sticks for, finished or unfin- ished, not otherwise provided for: thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Varnish valued at one dollar and fifty cents or less per gallon : fifty cents per gal- lon, and twenty per centum ad valorem; valued at above one dollar and fifty cents per gallon: fifty cents per gallon, and twentj'-five per centum ad valorem. Vellum : thirty per centum ad valorem. Velvet, when printed or painted: thirty- five per centum ad valorem. Vitriol, white, or sulphate of zinc: twen- ty per centum ad valorem; blue vitriol: four cents per pound. Waste, all not otherwise provided for: twenty per centum ad valorem. Watches, watch-cases, watch movements, parts of watches, and watch materials: twenty-five per centum ad valorem. Webbing, composed of cotton, flax, or any other materials, not otherwise pro- vided for: thirty-five per centum ad va- lorem. Tlie Free List. Sec. 2505. The importation of the fol- lowing articles shall be exempt from duty : Acids: arseuious, crude; boracic; nitric, not chemically pure ; muriatic ; oxalic ; picric and nitro-picric ; succinnic; sul- phuric. But carboys containing acids shall be subject to the same duty as if empty. And all acids of every description used for chemical and manufacturing purposes, not otherwise provided for. Aconite, root, leaf, and bark. Agaric. Agates, unmanufactured. Albumen and lactariue. Alcornoque. Alkanet root. Alkekengi. Almond-shells. Aloes. Aluminium. Am])er beads. Ambergris. Amber gum. American manufactures of casks, bar- rels, or carboys, and other vessels, and grain-bags, (the manufacture of the United States,) if exj^orted containing American produce, and declaration be made of in- tent to return the same empty, under such regulations as shall be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. Ammonia, crude. Angelica root. Aniline oil, crude. Animals brought into the United States temporarily and for a period not exceeding six months, for the purpose of exhibition or competition for prizes offered by any agricultural or racing association. But a bond shall be first given, in accordance with the regulations to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, with the condi- tion that the full duty to which such ani- mals would otherwise be liable shall be paid in case of their sale in the United States, or if not re-exported within six months. Animals, alive, specially imported for breeding purposes from beyond the seas, shall be admitted free, upon proof thereof satisfactory to the Secretaiy of the Trea- sury, and under such regulations as he may prescribe. And teams of animals, in- cluding their harness and tackle, actually owned by persons immigrating to the United States with their families from for- eign countries, and in actual use for the purposes of such immigration, shall also be admitted free of duty, under such regu- lations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe. Annatto, roncou, rocou, or Orleans, and all extracts of. Annatto seed. Antimony, ore, and crude sulphuret of. Aqua-fortis. Argal-dust. Argols, crude. Arsenic. Arseniate of aniline. Articles, the growth, produce, and manu- facture of the United States, when re- turned in the same condition as exported. But proof of the identity of such articles shall be made under regulations to be pre- scribed by the Secretary of the Treasury ; and if such articles were subject to internal tax at the time of exportation, such tax shall be ]iroved to have been paid before exportation and not refunded. Articles imported for the use of the United States : Provided, That the price of the same did not include the duty. Asbestos, not manufactured. Balm of Gilead. Balsams : copaiva, fir or Canada, Peru, and tolu. Bamboo-reeds, no furtlier manufactured than cut into suita]>lc lengths for walking- sticks or canes, or for sticks for umbrellas, I^arasols, or-sun-shades. BOOK V,] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 71 Bamboos, unmanufactured. Barrels, of American manufacture, ex- ported filled with domestic petroleum and returned empty, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may pre- scribe, and without requiring the filing of a declaration at time of export of intent to return the same empty. Barilla. Barks: Quilla, Peruvian, Lima, calisaya, and all cinchona barks, canella alba, pom- egranate, croton, cascarilla, and all other barks not otherwise provided for. Beans, vanilla, or vanilla plants. Bed feathers and downs. Belladonna, root and leaf. Bells, broken, afld bell-metal, broken, and fit only to be remanufactured. Bells, old, and bell-metal. Berries, nuts, and vegetables for dyeing, or used for composing dyes, not otherwise provided for. Bezoar stones. Birds, stuffed. Birds, singing and other, and land and water fowls. Bismuth. Bitter apples, colocynth, coloquinitida. Black salts. Black tares. Bladders, crude, and all integuments of animals not otherwise provided for. Bologna sausages. Bolting-cloths. Bones, crude and not manufactured ; burned ; calcined ; ground ; or steamed. Bone-dust and bone-ash for manufacture of phosphates and fertilizers. Books which shall have been printed and manufactured more than twenty years at the date of importation. Books, maps, and charts imported by authority for the use of the United States or for the use of the Library of Congress. But the duty shall not have been included in the contract or price paid. Books, maps, and charts, specially im- ported, not more than two copies in any one invoice, in good faith for the use of any society incorporated or established for philosophical, literary, or religious pur- poses, or for the encouragement of the fine arts, or for the use, or by the order, of any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning in the United States. Books, professional, of persons arriving in the United States. Books, household effects, or libraries, or fiarts of libraries, in use of persons or amilies from foreign countries, if used abroad by them not less than one year, and not intended for any other person or persons, nor for sale. Borate of lime. Borax, crude. Brazil pebbles for spectacles, and pebbles for spectacles, rough. Brazil paste. Brazil-wood, braziletto, and all other dye-woods, in sticks. Breccia, in blocks or slabs. Brime. Brimstone, crude. Bromine. Buchu-leaves. Bullion, gold and silver. Burgundy pitch. Burr-stone in blocks, rough or unmanu- factured, and not bound up into millstones. Cabinets of coins, medals, and all other collections of antiquities. Cadmium. Calamine. Camphor, crude. Cantharides. Carnelian, unmanufactured. Castor, or castoreum. Catechu or cutch. Cat-gut strings, or gut-cord, for musical instruments. Cat-gut or whip-gut, unmanufactured. Chalk and cliff-stone, unmanufactured. Chamomile-flowers. Charcoal. China-root. Cloride of lime. Cinchona-root. Citrate of lime. Coal, anthracite. Coal-stores of American vessels; but none shall be unloaded. Cobalt, ore of. Cocculus indicus. Cochineal. Cocoa, or cacao, crude, and fiber, leaves, and shells of. Coffee. Coins, gold, silver, and copper. Coir and coir-yarn. Colcothar, dry, or oxide of iron. Collections of antiquity, specially im- ported, and not for sale. Colt's foot, (crude drug.) Columbo root. Conium cicuta, or hemlock, seed and leaf. Contrayerva root. Copper, old, taken from the bottom of American vessels, compelled by marine disaster to repair in foreign ports. Copper, when imported for the United States Mint. Coral, marine, unmanufactured. Cork-wood, or cork-bark, unmanufac- tured. Cotton. Cowage down. Cow or kine pox, or vaccine virus. Cubebs. Cudbear. Curling-stones or quoits. Curry and curry-powders. Cuttle fish bone. Cyanite, or kyanite. 72 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. Diamonds, rough or uncut, including glaziers' diamonds. Diamoud-dust or bort. Divi-divi. Dragon's-blood. Dried and prepared flowers. Dried blood. Dried bugs. Dyeing or tanning: articles in a crude state, used in dyeing or tanning, not other- wise provided for. Eggs. Elecampane-root. Ergot. Esparto, or Spanish grass, and other grasses, and pulp of, for the manufacture of paper. Fans, commmon palm-leaf. Farina. Fashion-plates engraved on steel or on wood, colored or plain. Felt, adhesive, for sheathing vessels. Fibrin, in all forms. Fire-wood. Fish, fresh for immediate consumption. Fish for bait. Flint, flints, and ground flint-stones. Flowers, leaves, plants, roots, barks, and seeds, for medicinal purposes, in a crude state, not otherwise provided for. Folise digitalis. Fruit-plants' tropical and semi-tropical for the purpose of propagation or cultiva- tion. Fur-skins of all kinds not dressed in any manner. Galanga or galangal. Garancine. Gentian-root. Ginger-root. Ginseng-root. Glass, broken in pieces, and old glass which cannot be cut for use, and fit only to be remanufactured. Goat-skins, raw. Goldbeaters' molds, and goldbeaters' skins. Gold size. Grease, for use as soap-stock only, not otherwise provided for. Guano, and other animal manures. Gums. — Arabic, Jeddo, Senegal, Barbary, East India, Cape Australian, gum benzoin or benjamin, gum copal, sandarac, dammar, gamboge, cowrie, mastic, shellac, traga- canth, olebanum, guiac, myrrh, bdalliuni, garbanum, and all gums not otherwise pro- vided for. Gunny-bags and [gunny-cloth, old or refuse, fit only for rcnianufacture. Gut and worm-gut, manufactured or un- manufactured, for whip and other cord. Guts, salted. Gutta-percha, crude. Hair, all horse, cattle, cleaned or iiii- clcaned, drawn or undrawn, but umiiium- factured. Hair of hogs, curled, for beds and mat- tresses, and not fit for bristles. Hellebore-root. Hemlock-bark. Hide-cuttings, raw, with or without the hair on, lor glue-stock. Hide-rope. Hides. — Raw or uncured, whether dry, salted, or pickled, and skins, except sheep- skins with the wool on. Angora-goat skins, raw, without the wool, unmanufactured, asses' skins, raw, unmanufactured. Hones and whetstones. Hoofs, horns, and horn-tips. Horn-strips. Hop-roots for cultivation. Hyoscyamus, or henbane-leaf. Ice. India rubber, crude, and milk of. Indian hemp, (crude drug.) Indigo. India or Malacca joints, not further manufactured than cut into suitable lengths for the manufactures into which they are intended to be converted. Iodine, crude. Ipecac. Iridium. Iris, orris root. Isinglass, or fish-glue. Istle, or Tampico fiber. Ivory and vegetable ivory, unmanufac- tured. Jalap. Jet, unmanufactured. Joss-stick, or joss-light. Juniper and laurel berries. Junk, old. Jute-butts. Kelp. Kryolite. Lac, dye, crude, seed, button, stick, and shell. Lac spirits. Lac sulphur. Lava, unmanufactured. Leather, old scrap. Leaves, all, not otherwise provided for. Leeches. Licorice-root. Life-boats and life-saving apparatus, specially imported by societies incorpo- rated or established to encourage the sav- ing of human life. Lithographic stones, not engraved. Litmus and all lichens, prepared or not prepared. Loadstones. Logs, and round unmanufactured timber not otherwise provided for, and ship-timber. Macaroni and vcrinicelli. Madder and inunjeet, or Indian madder, ground or prepared, and all extracts of. Magnets, Manganese, oxide and ore of. Manna. Manuscripts. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 73 Marrow, crude. Marsh-mallowa. Matico-leaf. Medals, of gold, silver, or copper. Meerschaum, crude or raw. Mica and mica waste. Mineral waters, all, not artificial. Models of inventions and other improve- ments in the arts. But no article or arti- cles shall be deemed a model, or improve- ment, which can be fitted for use. Moss, Iceland, and other mosses, crude. Moss, sea-weed, and all other vegetable substances used for beds and mattresses. Murexide, (a dye.) Musk and civet, crude, in natural pod. Mustard-seed, brown and white. Nitrate of soda, or cubic niter. Nut-galls. Nuts, cocoa and Brazil or cream. Nux vomica. Oak-bark. Oakum, Oil-cake. Oil, essential, fixed or expressed, viz: Almonds ; amber, crude and rectified ; ambergris ; anise, or anise-seed ; anthos, or rosemary ; bergamot ; cajeput ; caraway ; cassia ; cedrat ; chamomile ; cinnamon ; ci- tronella, or lemon-grass ; civet ; fennel ; jasmine, or jessamine; juglandium; juni- per ; lavender ; mace ; ottar of roses ; pop- py ; sesame, or sesamum-seed, or bene ; thyme, red, or origanum ; thyme, white ; valerian. Oil, spermaceti, whale, and other fish, of American fisheries; and all other articles the produce of such fisheries. Olives, green or prepared. Orange and lemon peel, not preserved, candied, or otherwise prepared. Orange buds and flowers. Orchil, or archil, in the weed or liquid. Ores of gold and silver. Orpiment. Osmium. Oxidizing-paste. Palladium. Palm and cocoa-nut oil. Palm-leaf, unmanufactured. Palm-nuts and palm-nut kernels. Paper-stock, crude, of every description, including all grasses, fibers, rags other than wool, waste, snavings, clippings, old paper, rope-ends, waste rope, waste bagging, gun- ny-bags and gunny-cloth, old or retiase, to be used in making and fit only to be converted into paper, and unfit for any other manufacture, and cotton-waste, whether for paper-stock or other purposes. Pe^rl, mother of. Pellitory-root. Persis, or extract of archil, and cudbear. Personal and household effects, not mer- chandise, of citizens of the United States dying abroad. Peruvian bark. Pewter and britannia metal, old, and fit only to be remanufacturcd. Phanglein. Philosophical and scientific apparatus, instruments, and preparations, statuary, casts of marble, bronze, alaljastor, or plan- ter of Paris, paintings, drawings, and etch- ings, specially imported in good faith for the use of any society or institution incor- porated or established for philosophical, educational, scientific, or literary purposes, or encouragement of the fine arts, and not intended for sale. Phosphates, crude or native, for fertiliz- ing purposes. Plants, trees, shrubs, roots, seed-cane, and seeds imported by the Department of Agriculture, or the United States Botani- cal Garden. Plaster of Paris, or sulphate of lime, un- ground. Platina, unmanufactured. Platinum vases or retorts for chemical uses, or parts thereof. Plumbago. Polishing-stones. Polypodium. Potassa, muriate of. Pulu. Pumice and pmnice-stones. Quassia-wood. Quick-grass root. Quills, prepared or unprepared. Rags, ol cotton, linen, jute, and hemp, and paper-waste, or waste or clippings of any kind fit only for the manufacture of paper, including waste rope and waste bagging. Railroad-ties of wood. Rattans and reeds, unmanufactured. Regalia and gems, and statues and spe- cimens of sculpture, where specially im- ported, in good faith, for the use of any so- ciety incorj)orated or established for philo- sophical, literary, or religious purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts, or for the use or by the order of any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning in the United States. Rennets, raw or prepared. Resins, crude, not otherwise provided for. Rhubarb. Root-flour. Rose-leaves. Rottenstone. Saffron and safflower, and extract of. Saffron-cake. Sao;o, sago crude, and sago-flour. Saint Jonn's beans. Salacine. Salep, or saloup. Sanaal-wood. Sarsaparilla, crude. Sassafras bark and root, Sauerkraut. Sauaage-skins. 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. Scammony, or resin of scammony. Sea-weed, not otherwise provided for. Seeds : cardamon, caraway, coriander, fenugreek, fennel, cummin, and other seeds, not otherwise provided for. Seeds : anise, anise star, canary, chia, sesamum, sugar-cane, and seeds of forest- trees. Senna, in leaves. Shark-skins. Shells of every description, not manu- feictured. Shingle-bolts and stave-bolts, and " head- ing-bolts " shall be held and construed to be included under the term " stave-bolts." Shrimps, or other shell-fish. Silk, raw, or as reeled from the cocoon, not being doubled, twisted, or advanced in manufacture any way, and silk cocoons, and silk waste. Silk-worm eggs. Skeletons and other preparations of ana- tomy. Skins, dried, salted, or pickled, [ten per cenftim ad valorem.] Snails. Soap-stocks. Sparterre for making or ornamenting hats. Specimens of natural history, botany, and mineralogy, when imported for cabi- nets as objects of taste or science, and not for sale. Spunk. Squills, or silla. Staves-acre, crude. Storax, or styrax. Straw, unmanufactured. Strontia, oxide of, or protoxide of stron- tium. Substances expressly used for manure. Sugar of milk. Sweepings of silver or gold. Talc. Tamarinds. Tapioca, cassava, or cassada. Tea. Tea-plants. Teasels. Teeth, unmanufactured. Terra-alba, aluminous. Terra japonica. Tica, crude. Tin, in pigs, bars, or blocks, and grain- tin. Tonquin, Tonqua, or Tonka beans. Tortoise and other shells, unmanufactured Tripoli. Turmeric. Turtles. Types, old, and fit only to be remanu- factured. Umbrella-sticks, crude, to-wit, all par- tridge, hair-wood, pimento, orange^ myr- tle, and other sticks and canes in the rough, or no further manufactured than cut into lengths suitable for umbrella, j parasol, or sun-shade sticks or walking- canes. Uranium, oxide of. Venice turpentine. Verdigris, or subacetate of copper. Wafers. Wax, bay or myrtle, Brazilian and Chi- nese. Wearing apparel in actual use, and other personal effects, (not merchandise,) professional books, implements, instru- ments and tools of trade, occupation, or employment of persons arriving in the Uiiited States. But this exemption shall not be construed to include machinery, or other articles imported for use in any manufacturing establishment, or for sale. Whalebone, unmanufactured. Woad, weld, or pastel. Wood-ashes, and lye of, and beet-root ashes. Woods, poplar, or other woods for the manufacture of paper. Woods, namely, cedar, lignum-vitse, lance-wood, ebony, box, granadilla, ma- hogany, rose-wood, satin-wood, and all cabinet woods, unmanufactured. Works of art : paintings, statuary, foun- tains, and other works of art, the produc- tion of American artists. But the fact of such production must be verified by the certificate of any consul or minister of the United States indorsed upon the written declaration of the artist. Works of art : paintings, statuary, foun- tains, and other works of art, imported ex- pressly for presentation to national in- stitutions or to any State, or to any muni- cipal corporation. Worm-seed, Levant. Xylonite, or Xylotile. Yams. Yeast-cakes. Zaffer. Sec. 2506. TVTienever the President of the United States shall receive satisfactory evidence that the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain, the Parliament of Canada, and the legislature of Prince Edward's Island have passed laws on their part to give full effect to the provisions of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain signed at the city of Wash- ington on the eighth day of May, eighteen hundred and seventy-one, as contained in articles eighteenth to twenty-fifth, inclu- sive, and article thirtieth of said treaty, he is hereby authorized to issue his proclama- tion declaring that he has such evidence, and thereupon, from the date of such pro- clamation, and so long as the said articles eighteenth to twentj'^-fifth inclusive, and article thirtieth of said treaty, shall remain in force, according to the terms and con- ditions of article thirty-third of said treaty, all fish-oil and fish of all kinds, (except fish of the inland lakes and of the rivers BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 75 falling into them, and except fish preserved in oil,) being the produce of the fisheries of the Dominion of Canada or of Prince Edward's Island, shall be admitted into the United States free of duty, and when- ever the colony of Newfoundland shall give its consent to the apjjlication of tlic stipulations and provisions of the said articles eighteenth to twenty-fifth of said treaty, inclusive, to that colony, and the legislature thereof and the Imperial Par- liament shall pass the necessary laws for that pur])ose, the above-enumerated arti- cles, being the produce of the fisheries of the colony of Newfoundland, shall be ad- mitted into the United States free of duty, from and after the date of a proclamation by the President of the United States, de- claring that he has satisfactory evidence that the said colony of Newlbundland has consented, in a due and proper manner, to have the provisions of the said articles eighteenth to twenty-fifth, inclusive, of the said treaty extended to it, and to allow the United States the full benefits of all the stipulations therein contained, and shall be so admitted free of duty, so long as the said articles eighteenth to twenty- fifth, inclusive, and article thirtieth, of said treaty, shall remain in force, accord- ing to the terms and conditions of article thirty-third of said treaty ; but the provi- sions of this section shall not apply to any articles of merchandise mentioned therein which were held in bond by the customs officers of the United States on the first day of July, eighteen hundred and seventy- three. Sec. 2507. Whenever any vessel laden with merchandise in whole or in part sub- ject to duty has been sunk in any river, harbor, bay, or waters subject to the juris- diction of the United States, and within its limits, for the period of two years, and is abandoned by the owner thereof, any Eerson who may raise such a vessel shall e permitted to bring any merchandise recovered therefrom into the port nearest to the place where such vessel was so raised, free from the payment of any duty thereupon, and without being obliged to enter the same at the custom-house ; but under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasur}' may prescribe. Sec. 2508. The produce of the forests of the State of Maine upon the Saint John River and its tributaries, owned by Ameri- can citizens, and sawed or hewed in the Province of New Brunswick by American citizens, the same being unmanufactured in whole or in part, which is now admitted into the ports of [the] United States free of duty, snail continue to be so admitted under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall, from time to time, pre- scribe. Sec. 2509. The produce of the forests of the State of Maine upon the St. CroLs River and its tributaries, owned by Ameri- can citizens, and sawed in the Province of New Brunswick by American citizens, the same being unmanufactured in whole or in part, and having paid the same taxes a.s other American lumber on that river, shall be admitted into the ports of the United States free of duty, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall, irom time to time, prescribe. Sec. 2510. JMachinery for the manufac- ture of beet sugar, and imported for that purpose solely, shall be exempted from duty. Sec. 2511. Machinery for repair may be imported into the United States without payment of duty, under bond, to be given in double the ai)j)raiscd value thereof, to be withdrawn and exported after said ma- chinery shall have been rejiaired ; and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized and directed to prescribe such rules and regulations as may be necessary' to protect the revenue against fraud, and secure the identity and character of all such importa- tions when again withdrawn and exported, restricting and limiting the export and withdrawal to the same port of cntrj' where imported, and also limiting all bonds to a period of time not more than six months from the date of the importation. Sec. 2512. All paintings, statuary, and photographic pictures imported into the United States for exhibition by any associa- tion duly authorized under the laws of the United States or any State for the promo- tion and encouragement of science, art, or industry, and not intended for sale, shall be admitted free of duty, under such regu- lations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe. But bonds shall be given for the payment to the United States of such duties as are now imposed by law upon any and all of such articles as shall not be re-exported within six months after such importation. Sec. 2513. All lumber, timber, hemp, manila, and iron and steel rods, bars, spikes, nails, and bolts, and copper and composition metal which may be necessary for the construction and equipment of ves- sels built in the United States for the pur- pose of being employed in the'foreign trade, including the trade between the Atlantic and Pacific ports of the United States, and finished after the sixth day of June, eigh- teen hundred and seventy' -two, may be im- ported in bond, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Trea-=:ury may prescribe ; and, upon proof that such materials have been used for such purpose, no duties shall be paid thereon. But vessels receiving the benefit of this section shall not be allowed to engage in the coastwise trade of the United States more than two months in any one year, except upon the payment to 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. the United States of the duties on which a rebate is herein allowed. Sec. 2514. All articles of foreign pro- duction needed for the repair of American vessels engaged exclusively in foreign trade may be withdrawn from bonded ware- houses free of dutj', under such regula- tions as the Secretary of [the] Treasury may prescribe. Sec. 2-515. That no duty shall be levied or collected on the importation of peltries brought into the Territories of the United States, nor on the proper goods and eflFects, of whatever nature, of Indians passing or repassing the boundary-line aforesaid, un- less the same be goods in bales or other large packages unusual among Indians, which shall not be considered as goods be- longing to Indians, nor be entitled to the exemption from duty aforesaid. Sec. 2516. There shall be levied, col- lected, and paid on the importation of all raw or unmanufactured articles, not herein enumerated or provided for, a duty of ten per centum ad valorem ; and on all articles manufactured in whole or in part, not here- in enumerated or provided for, a duty of twenty per centum ad valorem. Snpplements to Tariff L<aws. Supplement of Feb. 8, 1875, Chap. 36, Sec. 1-4. Sectiox 1. That from and after the date of the passage of this act, in lieu of the duties heretofore imposed on the im- portation of the goods, wares, and merchan- dise hereinafter specified, the following- rates of duty shall be exacted, namely : On spun silk, for filling, in skeins or cops, thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; On silk in the gum, not more advanced than singles, tram, and thrown or organ- zine, thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; On floss-silks, thirty-five per centum ad valorem ; On sewing-silk, in the gum or purified, forty per centum ad valorem ; On lastings, mohair cloth, silk twist, or other manufactures of cloth, woven or made, in patterns of such size, shape, or form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for buttons exclusively, ten per centum ad valorem ; On all goods, wares, and merchandise not otherwise herein provided for, made of silk, or of which silk is the component material of chief value, irrespective of the classification thereof for cfuty by or under previous laws, or of their commercial designation, sixty per centum ad valorem : Provided, That this act shall not apply to goods, wares, or merchandise winch have, {US a component material thereof, twenty-five per centum or over in value of cotton, flax, wool, or worsted. Sec. 2. That from and after the passage of this act, in lieu of the duties now im- posed by law on the mcrchaudiae herein- after enumerated, imported from foreign countries, there shall be levied, collected, and paid the following duties, that is to say: On all still wines imported in casks, forty cents per gallon. On all still wines imported in bottles, one dollar and sixty cents per case of one dozen bottles, containing each not more than one quart and more than one pint, or twenty-four bottles, containing each not more than one pint; and any excess be- yond those quantities found in such bottles shall be subject to a duty of five cents per pint or fractional part thereof, but no sep- arate or additional duty shall be collected on the bottles : Provided, Tltat any wines imported con- taining more than twenty-four per centum of alcohol shall be forfeited to the United States : Provided also, That there shall be an al- lowance of five per centum, and no more, on all effervescing wines, liquors, cordials, and distilled spirits, in bottles, to be de- ducted from the invoice quantity in lieu of breakage. Sec. 3. That all imported wines of the character provided for in the preceding section which may remain in public store or bonded warehouse on the day this act shall take efiect shall be subject to no other duty upon the withdrawal thereof for consumption than if the same were im- ported after that day : Provided, That any such wines remain- ing on shipboard within the limits of any port of entry in the United States on the day aforesaid, duties unpaid, shall, for the purposes of this section, be considered as constructively in public store or bonded warehouse. Sec. 4. That on and after the date of the passage of this act, in lieu of the duties imposed by law on the articles in this sec- tion enumerated, there shall be levied, col- lected, and paid on the goods, wares, and merchandise in this section enumerated and provided for, imported from foreign countries, the following duties and rates of duties, that is to say : On hops, eight cents per pound. On chromate and bichromate of potassa, four cents per pound. On macaroni and vermicelli, and on all similar preparations, two cents per pound. On nitro-benzole, or oil of mirbane, ten cents per pound. On tin in plates or sheets and on terne and tagger's tin, one and one-tenth cents per pound. On anchovies and sardines, packed in oil or otherwise, in tin boxes, fifteen cents per whole box, measuring not more than five inches long, four inches wide, and tlireo and one-half inches deep; seven and one- half cents for each half-box, measuring BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 77 not more than five inches long, four inches wide, and one and five-eighths inches deep ; and four cents for eacli quarter-box, meas- uring n(jt more than four inclics and tlirec- quartcrs long, three and one-half inches wide, and one and one-half inches deep ; when imj)()rted in any other form, sixty per centum ad valorem : rrorided, That cans or packages made of tin or otlier material containing fish of any kind admitted free of duty under any existing law or treaty, not exceeding one quart in contents, shall be subject to a duty of one cent and a half on each can or package ; and when exceeding one quart, shall be subject to an additional duty oi' one cent and a half for each additional quart, or fractional part thereof Sec. 5. That yellow sheatliing-metal and yellow-metal bolts, of wliieh the compon- ent part of chief value is cop])er, shall be deemed manufactures of cop])er, and shall pay the duty now prescribed ])y law for manufactures of copper, and shall be en- titled to the draAvback allowed by law to copper and composition-metal whenever the same shall be used in the construction or equipment or repair of vessels built in the United States for the purpose of being employed in the foreign trade, including the trade between the Atlantic and Pacific ports of the United States. Sec. 6. That section four of the act en- titled " An act to reduce duties on imports and to reduce internal taxes, and for other Eurposes," approved June sixth, eighteen undred and seventy-two, be, and the same is hereby, amended by striking out the thirtieth i)aragraph of said section in rela- tion to the duty on Moisic iron ; and from and after the passage of this act, the duty on Moisic iron, of whatever condition, grade, or stage of manufacture, shall be the same as on all other species of iron of like condition, grade, or stage of manu- facture. Sec. 7. That the duty on jute-butts shall be six dollars per ton : Pi-oi-ided, That all machinery not now manufactured in the United States adapted exclusively to manu- factures from the fiber of the ramie, jute, or flax, may be admitted into the United States free of duty for two years from the first of July, eighteen hundred and seventy- five: And provided further, That bags, other than of American manufiicture, in which grain shall have been actually exported from the United States, may be returned empty to the United States free of duty, under regulations to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. Sec. 8. That on and at\er the date of the passage of this act, the imjjortation of the articles enumerated and described in this section shall be exempt from duty, that is to say : 49 Alizarine. Quicksilver, S]iip-j)laiiking and handle-bolts. Spurs and stilts used in the manufacture of eartlien, st(me, or crockery ware. Seed of the sugar-beet. Sec. 9. That barrels and grain-bags, the manufiuture of the United States, when exportcil filled with American products, or exported cmj)ty and returned filled, with foreign products, may be returned to tlie United States free of duty, under such rules and regulations as shall be jirescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury ; and the provisions of this section shall aj)i>ly to and include shooks, when returned as bar- rels or boxes as aforesaid. Sec. 10. That where bullets and gun- powder, manulactured in tbe United States and put up in envelojies or shells in the ibrm of cartridges, such envelope or shell being made wholly or in part of domestic materials, are exported, tliere shall be al- lowed on the bullets or gunjiowder, on the materials of which duties have been paid, a drawback equal in amount to the duty I)aid on such materials, and no more, to be ascertained under .such regulations as shall be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury : Provided, That ten per centum on the amount of all drawbacks so allowed shall be retained for the use of the United States by the collectors paying such drawback respectively. Sec. 11. That the oaths now required to be taken by subordinate oflicers of the cus- toms may be taken before the collector of the customs in the district in which they are a]>pointed, or before any oflScer author- ized to administer oaths generally ; and the oaths shall be taken in duplicate, one copy to be transmitted to the Commissioner of Customs, and the other to be filed with the collector of customs for the district in which the officer appointed acts. And in default of taking such oath, or transmitting a certificate thereof, or filing the same with the collector, the party fail- ing shall i'orfeit and pay the sum of two liundred dollars, to be recovered, with cost of suit, in any court of competent jurisdic- tion to the use of the United States. Internal Re-venue. (i?cj9.) [Sec. 12. That each collector of internal revenue shall be authorized to ap- point, by an instrument in writing under his hand, as many deputies as he may think i)roper, to be by him compensated for tlieir services ; to revoke any such ap- pointment, giving such notice thereof as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue may prescribe ; and to require and accept bonds or other securities from such deputy ; and actions upon such bonds may be brought in any appropriate district or 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book y. circuit court of the United States ; which courts are hereby given jurisdiction of such actions concurrentlj' with the courts of the several States. Each such deputy shall have the like authority in even.' respect to collect the taxes levied or assessed within the portion of the district assigned to him which is, by law, vested in the collector himself. But each collector shall, in every respect, be responsible both to the United States and to individuals, as the case may be, for all moneys collected, and for every act done, or neglected to be done, by any of his deputies while acting as such.] {Rep.) [Sec. 13. That there shall be further 2:»aid, after the account thereof has been rendered to and approved by the proper officers of the Treasury, to each col- lector, his necessary and reasonable charges for advertising, stationery, and blank books used in the performance of his of- ficial duties, and for postage actually paid on letters and documents received or sent and exclusively relating to official business ; but no such account shall be approved or allowed unless it states the date and the particular items of every such expenditure, and shall be verified by the oath of the collector : Provided, That the Secretary of the Treasury, on the recommendation of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, be authorized to make such further allow- ances, from time to time, as may be reason- able, in cases in which, from the territorial extent of the district, or from the amount of internal duties collected, it may seem just to make such allowances ; but no such allow- ance shall be made except within one year after such services are rendered. But the total net compensation of a col- lector shall not in any case exceed four thousand five hundred dollars a year ; And no collector shall be entitled to any portion of the salary pertaining to the office unless such collector shall have been confirmed by the Senate, except in cases of commissions to fill vacancies which may have happened by death or resignation during the recess of the Senate.] Sec. 14 [Rep.) [That the existing pro- visions of law for the redemption of, or al- lowance for, internal-revenue documentart- stamps, the use of wliich has been rendered unnecessary by the repeal of the taxes for the payment of which such stamps were provided, shall apply only to such of said stamps ;is shall be prescnte<l to the Com- missioner of Internal Revenue for allow- aiice or redemption before the first day of October, eighteen hundred and seventy- five; and nf) allowance, rcdonijition, or re- funding on account of such of the afore- said stamps as shall not be so presented to the said Comniissiiincr prif)r to the date la.st mentioned shall be thereafter made.] Sec. 15. That the words "bank-check, draft, or order for the payment of any sum of money whatsoever, drawn upon any bank, banker, or trust compay, at sight or on demand, two cents ", in Schedule B of the act of June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, be, and the same is hereby, stricken out, and the following paragraph inserted in lieu thereof: "Bank-check, draft, order, or voucher for the payment of any sum of money what- soever, drawn upon any bank, banker, or trust-company, two cents." Sec. 16. That any person who shall carrj' on the business of a rectifier, whole- sale liquor-dealer, retail liquor-dealer, wholesale dealer in malt-liquors, retail dealer in malt-liquors, or manufacturer of stills, without having paid the special tax as required by law, or who shall carrj' on the business of a distiller without having given bond as required by law, or who shall engage in or carry on the business of a distiller with intent to defraud the United States of the tax on the spirits distilled by him, or any part thereof, shall, for every such offense, be fined not less than one hundred dollars nor more than five thou- sand dollars and imprisoned not less than thirty days nor more than two years. And all distilled spirits or wines, and all stills or other apparatus, fit or intending (3) to be used for the distillation or recti- fication of spirits, or for the compounding of liquors, owned by such person, wherever found, and all distilled spirits or wines and personal property found in the distillery or rectifj'ing establishment, or in any build- ing, room, yard, or inclosure connected therewith, and used with or constituting a part of the premises ; and all the right, title, and interest of such person in the lot or tract of land on which such distillery is situated, and all right, title, and interest therein of every person who knowingly has suffered or permitted the busine^is of a dis- tiller to be there carried on, or has con. nived at the same ; and all personal prop- erty owned by or in possession of any per- son who has permitted or suffered any building, yard, or enclosiire, or any part thereof, to be used for purposes of ingress or egress to or from such distillery which shall be found in any such building, yard, or inclosure, and all the right, title and in- terest of every person in any premises used for ingress or egress to or from such dis- tillery, who has knowingh' .suffered or per- mitted such j)remises to be used for such ingress or egress, shall be forfeited to the United States. Six". 17. That if any person shall affix, or cause to be affixed, to or upon any cask or package containing, or intended to con- tain, distilled spirits, any imitation stamp or other engraved, printed, stamped, or photographed label, device, or token, BOOK V.J EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 79 whether the same be designed as a trade mark, caution notice, caution, or otherwise, and which sliall be in the similitude or likeness of, or sliall have the resenibhince or general appearance of, any internal revenue stamp required by law to be affixed to or upon any cask or package containing distilled spirits, he shall, for each offense, be liable to a penalty of one hundred dol- lars, and on conviction, shall be fined not more than one thousand d(jllars, and im- jirisoned not more than three years, and the cask or package with its contents shall be forfeited to the United States. (Rep.) Sec. 18. [That retail dealers in liquors shall pay twenty-five dollars. Every person who sells, or offers for sale, foreign or domestic distilled spirits, wines or malt licpiors, otherwise than as hereinafter provided, in less quantities than five wine gallons at the same time, shall be regarded as a retail dealer in liquors. Wholesale li(iuor dealers shall each pay one hundred dollars. Every person who sells, or offers for sale, foreign or domestic distilled s])irits, wines, or malt liquors, otherwise than is hereinafter provided, in quantities of not less than five wine gallons at the same time, shall be regarded as a wholesale liquor dealer. But no distiller, who has given the re- quired bond, and who sells only distilled spirits of his own production at the place of manufacture in the original packages to which the tax stamps are aifixed, shall be required to pay the special tax of a w^hole- sale liquor dealer on account of such sales. Retail ilealcrs in malt liquors shall pay twenty dollars. Everj' person who sells, or oft'crs for sale, malt liquors in less quan- tities than five gallons at onetime, but who does not deal in spirituous liquors, shall be regarded as a retail dealer in malt liquors. AVholesale dealers in malt liquors shall pay fifty dollars. Every person who sells, or offers for sale, malt liquors in quantities of not less than five gallons at one time, but who does not deal in spirituous liquors, shall be regarded as a wholesale dealer in malt liquors : Pr or hied, That no brewer shall be re- Suired to pay a special tax as a wholesale ealer by reason of selling in the original stamped packages, whether at the place of manufacture or elsewhere, malt liquors manufactured by him : P-nvided further, That any assessments of additional special tax against wholesale liquor dealers, or retail liquor dealers, or against brewers for selling malt liquors of their own production at the place of manufacture in the original casks or packages, made by reason of an amendment to section fiftj'-nine of the in- ternal revenue act approved July twentieth, eighteen hundred and sixty-eight, a^j amended by section thirteen of the act ap- proved June sixth, eighteen hundred antl seventy-two, further amending said section fifty-nine l)y striking out the words "malt liquor," " malt liijuors," " brewer," and " malt liquors " in the three several para- graphs in which they occur, shall be, on l)roper ])roof's, remitted ; and if such assess- jnents have been paid, the amounts so l)aid shall be, on proper proofs, refunded by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue.] Sec. li). That every person, firm, asso- ciation other than national bank associa- tions, and every corporation. State bank, or State banking association, shall pay a tax of ten per centum on the amount of their own notes used for circulation and paid out by them. Sec. 20. That every such person, firm association, corporation. State bank, or State banking association, and also every national banking association, shall pay a like tax often per centum on the amount of notes of any person, firm, associatif)n other than a national banking association, or of any corporation. State bank, or State banking association, or of any town, city, or municipal corporation, used for circula- tion and paid out by them. Sec. 21. That the amount of such circu- lating notes, and of the tax due thereon, shall be returned, and the tax paid at the same time, and in the same manner, and with like penalties for failure to return and pay the same, as provided by law for the return and payment of taxes on deposits, capital, and circulation, imi)osed by the existing provisions of internal revenue law. Sec. 22. That hereafter nothing con- tained in the internal revenue laws shall l)e construed so as to authorize the imposi- tion of any stamp tax upon any medicinal articles prepared by any manufacturing chemist, pharmaceutist, or druggist, in ac- cordance with a formula published in any standard dispensatory or pharmacopoeia in common use by physicians and apotheca- ries, or in any pharmaceutical journal issued by any incorporated college of phar- macy, when such formula and where found shall be distinctly referred to on the print- ed label attached to such article, and no proprietary interest therein is claimed. Neither shall any stamp be required when the formula of any medicinal pre- ])aration shall be printed on the label at- tached to such article where no proprietor- ship in such preparation shall be claimed. Sec. 23. That all acts and parts of acts imposing fines, penalties, or other punish- ment for offences committed by an inter- nal revenue officer or other officer of the Department of the Treasury of the United States, or under any bureau thereof, shall be, and are hereby,' applied to all persons whomsoever, employed, appointed, or act- ing under the authority of any internal re- venue or customs law, or any revenue pro- 80 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. vision of any law of the United States, when such persons are designated or acting as officers or deputies, or persons having the custody or disposition of any public money. Sec. 24. That whenever any manufac- turer of tobacco shall desire to withdraw the same from his factory ibr exportation under existing laws, such manufacturer may, at his option, in lieu of executing an export bond, as now provided by law, give a transportation bond, with sureties satis- factory to the collector of internal revenue, and uiider such rules and regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, may prescribe, conditioned for the due delivery thereof on board ship at a port of exportation to be named therein ; and in such case, on arrival of the tobacco at the port of export, the exporter or own- er at that port shall immediately notify the collector of the port of the fact, setting forth his intention to export the same, the name of the vessel upon which the same is to be laden, and the port to which it is in- tended to be exported. He shall, after the quantity and descrip- tion of tobacco have been verified by the inspector, file with the collector of the port an export entry verified by affidavit. He shall also give bond to the United States, with at least two sureties, satisfacto- ry to the collector of customs, conditioned that the principal named in said bond will export the tobacco as specified in said entry, to the port designated in said entry, or to some other port without the jurisdic- tion of the United States. And upon the lading of such tobacco, the collector of the port, after proper bonds for the exportation of the same have been completed by the exporter or owner at the port of shipment thereof, shall trans- mit to tlie collector of internal revenue of the district from which the said tobacco was withdrawn for exportation, a clearance certificate and a detailed rcjKjrt of the in- spector ; which report shall show the quan- tity and descrijjtion of manufactured to- bacco, and the marks thereof. Ui)on the recei[)t of the certificate and report, ami upon payment of tax on defi- ciency, if any, the collector of internal re- venue shall cancel the transportation l)ond. The bonds reiiuired to be given for the landing at a foreign port of such manufac- tured tobacco shall be canceled upon the presentation of satisfactory [)n»ol' and cer- tificates that said tobacco has l)een laiidefl at the port of (k'stiiiation named in the bill of lading, or any other port without tiie jurisdiction of the United States, or upon satisfactory proof that after siiipment the same was lost at sea without fault or neglect of the owner or exporter thereof Sec. 23. That if any person or j)ersons shall fraudulently claim or seek to obtain an allowance or drawback of duties on any manufactured tobacco, or shall fraudulent- ly claim any greater allowance or draw- back thereon than the duty actually paid, such person or persons shall forfeit triple the ' amount wrongfully or fraudulently claimed or sought to be obtained, or the sum of five hundred dollars, at the election of the Secre- tary of the Treasury, to be recovered as in other cases of forfeiture provided for in the internal revenue laws. Au act to put salts of <^ulnliie and Sulphate of <^uinlue ou tlie free list. Quinine and suits and sulphate of quinine exempt from customs duty. Be it enacted, etc., That from and after the passage of this act the importation of salts of quinine and sulphate of quinine shall be exempt from customs duties ; and all laws inconsistent herewith are hereby repealed. {Jidy 1, 1879.] Tei» per cent, reduction of duties repealed and rates as in revised Statutes restored. (From chapter 127 supplemented revised statutes, 1882.) Sec. 4. That so much of section two thousand five hundred and three of the Revised Statutes as provides that only ninety per centum of the several duties and rates of duty imposed on certain articles therein enumerated by section two thou- sand five hundred and four shall be levied, collected, and be paid, and the same is hereby, repealed ; and the several duties and rates of duty prescribed in said section two thousand five hundred and four shall be and remain as by that section levied, with- out abatement of ten per centum as pro- vided in section two thousand five hundred and three. Tlie Full Pension Laws and Supplements. Sec. •H;ii2. Who may have pensions. 4(>i):{. Classes enumerated. 4(i94. Pension for wounds received or diseases contracted only in line of duty. Ac. 4005. Rates "of pi^nsion for total disability. 4(i9(). l'ensi(jii according to rank. 4G'J7. Pensions for permanent specific disability prior to .Tune 4, 1X72. 4698 After .lune 4, 1872 4r)9S'/,';. Increase of pensions. 4ii 11) Pension for disability not otherwise provided for. 47i)(l. Absentees. 47111. IVrii)d of service, how construed. 4702. Pensions to widows, or to children under sixteen years, Ac 47o:?. Tnrri'ased pension to widows, Ac. 1704. What children deemed legitimate. 47(l.^. Widows of colored and Indian soldiers, <tc. 47(10. Abandimment, &c,., by widow. 4707. Succession of dependent relatives. 470S HeinarriaKe. 1709. Commencement of pensions after March 4, 18G1. 4710. When pension (hM'nicd to have accrued. 4711. Arrears of pension. 4712. l'nivisi(mH of pensl(m-laws extended. 47i:!. Cnmmi'ncr'inent of pi'iisions for prior wars. 4714. Dec laration of claimants. 47l.''i. Only one pension at a time. 4710. Loyalty. 4717. Claims to be prosecuted within what time. 4718. Accrued puusious. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 81 Sec. 471ii. Unclaimod pensions. 4720. I'eiisiouB uniior special acts of Congress. 47^:1. Indian claims. 472'.i. I'riivisions extended to Missouri State militia. 47'j:i. Oulored soldiers enrolled as slaves. 47v!4 IJotli pension and pay not allowed, unless, <^c. • 471;;'). ilalf-pay to widows under laws prior to June 3, 185^. 472fi. To widow for life and tocliildren under si.vteen, Ac. 4727. Ualf-nionthly pay not to exceed that of liuuteuam- colouel. 4728. Navy pensions. 4729. Naval pensions to widows and children. 47110. Pensions to suldiers of Mexican war. 47IU. Widows and children of Mexican war pensioners. 4732. Widows and children of pensioners of war of lSi2, and Indian wars. 4733. Continuance of pensions. 4734. Pensions not to bo withheld. 473;'). Time for which a widow shall not receive a pension. 473(). Pensions to certain soldiei-s of the war of lal2. 4737. Pensions to be at what rate, &c. 4738. Pensions to surviving widows of officers, (fee, of war of 1812. 4739. Proof required ; names may be stricken from pen- sion-rolls. 4740. Loss of certificate of discharge, &c. 4741. Pen.sion to olIic<'r8 and seamen of revenue-cutters. 4742. Certain claims for revolutionary pensions prohibi- ted. 4743. What evidence sufficient to entitle widow of revolu- tionary soldier to get pension. 4744. Special service in investigating suspected attempts at fraiid. 474.5. Any pledf^e or transfer of pension void. 4741;. Penalty tor false attldavit aod postdating vouchers. 4747. Pensions not lial.le to attaeluuent. 4748 Connnissioner to furnish printed instructions free of charge. 4749. Certain soldiers and sailors not to bo deemed de- sertei-s from Army or Navy, &c. 4750. gecretjiry of Navy trustee of Navy pension fund. 4751. Penalties, how to be sued for, &c. 4752. Prize-money accruing to United Slates to remain a fund for pensions 4753. Naval pension-fund, how to be invested. 47.')4. Kate of interest on naval pension-fund. 4755. Naval pensions payable fmni fund 475G. Half-rating to disabled enlisted persons serving twenty years in Navy or Marine thorps. 4757. Serving not less than ten years, may receive what aid. 4758. Secretary of Navy trustee of privateer pension-fund. 4759. Pi-ivateer pension-fund, how derived. 4700. To be paid into Tre;i8ury, Ac. 47GI. Wounded, Ac, privateersmen to^be placed on pen- sion-list. 4762. Commanding officers of privateers to enter names, &c., in a Journal. 47U3. Transcript of journals to be transmitted to Secre- tary of the Navy. 4764. Pension-agents to send quarterly vouchers to each pensioner. 47G5. Clieck to be drawn to order of each pensioner. 4706. Pensions to be paiii only to persons entitled, Jtc. 4707. Blanks for vouehore ; notice. 4708. Certificate of pension ; fee of attorney. 470'J. Pension-agent to deduct attorney's fee. 4770. Duplicates for lost checks, how issued. 4771. Biennial examinations, &c. 4772. More frequent examinations. 4773. Bii'nnial examination by unappointed civil sur- geons. 4774. Boards of examining surgeons. 4775. Special examinations. 4776. Medical referee and examining surgeons. 4777. Appointment of civil examining surgeons author- ized. 4778. Pension-agents; appointment and term of office. 4779. Bond of jiension-agents. 4780. Kstalilishnuiit of iieiisionagencies. 4781. Comiiensation, At., of pension-agents. 4782. Additional allowance. 4783. Penalty for embezzlement, Ac, by guardian. 4784. Pension-agents. &c., to take affidavits without fee. 4785. l!\>es of attorney for prosecuting claims. 4786. Agreement for amount of fee to be filed. 4787. Artificial limbs to be furnished every five years. 4788. Commutation rates in money value for limb, &C. 4789. Money commutation, how paid. 4790. Commutation to persons who cannot use artificial limbs. 4791. Transportation for persons to whom artificial limb* are furnibliod. Sec. 4G92. Every person specified in the several classes enumerated in the following section, who has been, since the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, or who is hereafter disabled under the con- ditions therein stated, shall, Uj)on making due proof of the fact, according to such forms and regulations as are or may be provided in pursuance of law, be placed on the list of invalid pensioners of the United States, and be entitled to receive, for a total disability, or a jjernianent sjtccific disa])ility, such pension as is hereinafter provided in such cases ; and for an ini'crior disability, except in cases of permanent specific disability, for which the rate of pension is expressly pi'ovided, an amount l)roportionate to that provided for total disability ; and such pension shall com- mence as hereinafter provided, and continue during the existence of the (lisability. Sec. 4693. The persons entitled as bene- ficiaries under the preceding section are as follows : First. Any officer of the Army, including regulars, volunteers, and militia, or any officer in the Navy or Marine Corps, or any enlisted man, however employed, in the military or naval service of the United States, or in its Marine Corj)s, whether regularly mustered or not, disabled by reason of any wound or injury received, or disease contracted, while in the service of the United States and in the line of duty. Second. Any master serving on a gun- boat, or any j:>ilot, engineer, sailor, or other person not regularly mustered, serving upon any gun-boat or war-vessel of the United States, disabled by any wound or injury received, or otherwise incapacitated while in the line of duty, for procuring his subsistence by manual labor. Third. Any j^erson not an enlisted soldier in the Army, serving for the time being as a member of the militia of any State, under orders of an officer of the United States, or who volunteered for the time being to serve with any regularly organized military or naval force of the United States, or who otherwise volunteered and rendered service in any engagement with rebels or Indians, disabled in consequence of wounds or in- jury received in the line of duty in such temporary service. But no claim of a State militiaman, or non-enlisted jierson, on account of di.'^ability from wounds, or injury received in battle with rebels or Indians, while temporarily rendering ser- vice, shall be valid unless prosecuted to a successful issue prior to the fourth day of July, eighteen hundred and seventy-four. Fourth. Any acting assistant or contract surgeon disabled by any w<nind ot injury received or disease contracted in the line of duty while actually performing the duties 82 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. of assistant surgeon or acting assistant surgeon with any military force in the field, or in transitu, or in hospital. Fifth. Any provost-marshal, deputy provost-marshal, or enrolling-officer disa- bled, by reason of any wound or injury, received in the discharge of his duty, to procure a subsistence by manual labor. Sec. 4()94. No person shall be entitled to a pension by reason of wounds or injury received or disease contracted in the service of the United States subsequent to the twenty-seventh day of July, eighteen hun- dred and sixt3'-eight, unless the person who was wounded, or injured, or contracted disease was in the line of duty ; and, if in the military service, Avas at the time actu- ally in the field, or on the march, or at some post, fort, or garrison, or en route, by direction of competent authority, to some post, fort, or garrison ; or, if in the naval service, was at the time borne on the books of some ship or other vessel of the United States, at sea or in harbor, actually in com- mission, or was at some naval station, or on his way, by direction of competent authority, to the United States, or to some other vessel or naval station, or hospi- tal. Sec. 4695. The pension for total disabil- ity shall be as follows, namely : For lieute- nant-colonel and all officers of higher rank in the military service and in the Marine Corps, and for captain, and all officers of higher rank, commander, surgeon, pay- master, and chief engineer, respectively ranking with commander by law, lieutenant commanding and master commanding, in the naval service, thirty dollars per month ; for major in the military service and in the Marine Corps, and lieutenant, surgeon, paymaster, and chief engineer, respectively ranking with lieutenant by law, and jjassed assistant surgeon in the naval service, twenty-five dollars per month; for captain in the military service and in the Marine Corps, cha])lain in the Army, and provost- marslial, professor of mathematics, master, assistant surgeon, assistant paymaster, and chaphiin in the naval service, twenty dol- lars per month; for first lieutenant in the military service and in the Marine Corps, acting assistant or contract surgeon, and deputy provost-marshal, seventeen dollars per month ; for second lieutenant in the military service and in the Marine Corps, first assistant engineer, ensign, and j)ilot in tli9 naval service, and enrolling-officer, fifteen dollars \tt'v month; for cadet-mid- shipman, i)asscii midshipman, midshipmen, clcrka of admirals and paymasters and of other officers commanding vessels, .'second an I third assistant engineer, master's mate, and all warrant-oiriccrs in the naval service, ten dollars per month ; iiiul for all otlier persons whose rank or office is not nicn- tioucd in this section, eight dollars per month ; and the masters, pilots, engineers, sailors, and crews upon the gun -boats and war-vessels shall be entitled to receive the pension allowed herein to those of like rank in the naval service. Sec. 4G96. Every commissioned officer of the Army, Navy, or Marine Corps shall receive such and only such pensions as is provided in the preceding section, for the rank he held at the time he received the injury or contracted the disease which resulted in the disability, on account of which he may be entitled to a pension ; and any commission or presidential ai)- pointment, regularly issued to such person, shall be taken to determine his rank froan and after the date, as given in the body of the commission or appointment conferring said rank : Provided, That a vacancy existed in the rank thereby conferred ; "that the person commissioned was not disabled for military duty ; and that he did not will- fully neglect or refuse to be mustered. Sec. 4697. For the period commencing July fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty- four and ending June third, eighteen hun- dred and seventy-two, those persons en- titled to a less pension than hereinafter mentioned, who shall have logt both feet in the military or naval service and in the line of duty, shall be entitled to a pension of twenty dollars per month ; for the same period those persons who, under like cir- cumstances, shall have lost both hands or the sight of both eyes, shall be entitled to a pension of twenty-five dollars per month ; and for the period commencing March third, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and ending June third, eighteen hundred and seventy -two, those persons who under like circumstances shall have lost one hand and one foot, shalUbe entitled to a pension of twenty dollars per month ; and for the period commencing June sixth, eighteen linndred and sixty-six, and ending June third, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, those persons who under like circumstances shall have lost one hand or one foot, shall be entitled to a pension of fifteen dollars jxT month ; and for the period commen- cing June sixth, eighteen hundred and sixty-six, and ending June third, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, those persons entitled to a less pension than hereinafter mentioned, who by reason of injury re- ceived or disease contracted in the military or naval service of the United States and in the line of duty, shall have been ))erma- nently and totally disabled in both hands, or wlio shall have lost the sight of one eye, the other having been ])revious!y lost, or who shall have been otherwise so totally and ])("rmanently disabled as to render them iitterly helpless, or so nearly so as to | r('(|uire regular personal aid and attendance of anotlier person, shall Ix; entitled to aj I)ension of twenty-five dollars per month ;j BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 83 and for the same period 'those who under like circumstances shall have been totally and permanently disabled in both feet, or in one hand and one foot, or otherwise so disabled as to be incapacitated for the per- formance of any manual labor, but not so much as to require regular personal aid and attention, shall be entitled to a pen- sion of twenty dollars per month ; and for the same period all persons who under like circumstances shall have been totally and permanently disabled in one hand, or one foot, or otherwise so disabled as to render their inability to perform manual labor equivalent to the loss of a hand or foot, shall be entitled to a pension of fifteen dollars per month. Sec. 4(598. From and after June fourth, eighteen hundred and seventy-two, all persons entitled by law to a less pension than hereinafter specified, who, while in the military or naval service of the United States, and in line of duty, shall have lost the sight of both eyes, or shall have lost the sight of one eye, the sight of the other having been previously lost, or shall have lost both hands, or shall have lost both feet, or been permanently and totally dis- abled in the same, or otherwise so perma- nently and totally disabled as to render them utterly helpless, or so nearly so as to require the regular personal aid and at- tendance of another person, shall be enti- tled to a pension of thirty-one dollars and twenty-five cents per month ; and all per- sons who, under like circumstances, shall have lost one hand and one foot, or been totally and permanently disabled in the same, or otherwise so disabled as to be in- capacitated for performing any manual labor, but not so much as to require regu- lar personal aid and attendance, shall be entitled to a pension of twenty-four dol- lars })cr month; and all persons who, un- der like circumstances, shall have lost one hand, or one foot, or been totally and per- manently disabled in the same, or other- wise so disabled as to render their incapa- city to perform numual labor equivalent to the loss of a hand or foot, shall be entitled to a pension of eighteen dollars per month : Provided, That all persons who, under like circumstances, have lost a leg above the knee, and in consequence thereof are so disabled that they cannot use artificial limbs, shall be rated in the second class and receive twenty-four dollars per month from and after June fourth, eighteen hun- dred and seventy-two; and all persons who, under like circumstances, shall have lost the hearing of both ears, shall be en- titled to a pension of thirteen dollars per month from the same date: PrornZetZ, Tluxt the pension for a disability not permanent, equivalent in degree to any provided for in this section, shall, during the continuance of the disability in such degree, be at the same rate as that herein provided for a permanent disability of like degree. Sec. 4098J. Except in cases of perma- nent specific disabilities, no increa.se of pension shall be allowed to commence jirior to the date of the examining surgeon's certificate establishing the same made under the pending claim i'or increase ; and in this, as well as all other cases, the certi- ficate of an examining surgeon, or of a board of examining surgeons, shall be subject to the approval of the Commis- sioner of Pensions. Sec. 4(199. The rate of eighteen dollars per month may be ])roportionately divided for any degree of disability established for which section forty-six hundred and nine- ty-five makes no provision. Sec. 4700. Ofiicers absent on sick-leave, and enlisted men absent on sick-furlough, or on veteran furlough with the organi- zation to which they belong, shall be re- garded in the administration of the pen- sion-laws in the same manner as if they were in the field or hospital. Sec. 4701. The period of service of all persons entitled to the benefit*; of the pen- sion-laws, or on account of whose death any person may become entitled to a pen- sion, shall be construed to extend to the time of disbanding the organization to which such persons belonged, or until their actual discharge for other cause than the expiration of the service of such or- ganization. Sec. 4702. If any person embraced with- in the provisions of sections forty-six hun- dred and ninety-two and forty-six hun- dred and ninety-three has died since the fourth day of March, eighteen hun- dred and sixty-one, or hereaiter dies by reason of any wound, injury, or disease, Avhich, under the conditions and limita- tions of such sections, would have entitled him to an invalid pension had he been disabled, his widow, or if there be no wi- dow, or in case of her death, without pay- ment to her of any part of the pension hereinafter mentioned, his child or chil- dren, under sixteen years of age, shall be entitled to receive the same pension as the husband or father would have been enti- tled to had he been totally disabled, to commence from the death of the husband or father, to continue to the widow during her widowhood, and to his child or chil- dren until they severally attain the age of sixteen years, and no longer: and, if the widow remarry, the child or children shall be entitled from the date of remarriage. Sec. 4703. The pensions of widows shall be increased from and after the twenty- fifth dav of July, eighteen hundred and sixty-six, at the" rate of two dollars per month for each child under the age of sixteen vears, of the husband on account of whose death the claim has been, or ahall 84 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. be, granted. And in every case in which the deceased husband has left, or shall leave, no widow, or where his widow has died or married again, or where she has been deprived of her pension under the provisions of the pension-law, the pension granted to such child or children shall be increased to the same amount per month that would be allowed under the foregoing provisions to the widow, if living and en- titled to a pension : Provided, That the ad- ditional pension herein granted to the widow on account of the child or children of the husband by a former wife shall be paid to her only for such period of her widowhood as she has been, or shall be, charged with the maintenance of such child or children ; for any period during which she has not been, or she shall not be, so charged, it shall be granted and paid to the guardian of such child or children : Provided further, That a widow or guar- dian to whom increase of pension has been, or shall hereafter be, granted on account of minor children, shall not be deprived thereof by reason of their being main- tained in whole or in part at the expense of a State or the public in any educational institution, or in any institution organized for the care of soldiers' orphans. Sec. 4704. In the administration of the pension-laws, children born before the marriage of their parents, if acknowledged by the father before or after the marriage, shall be deemed legitimate. Sec. 4705. The widows of colored and Indian soldiers and sailors who have died, or shall hereafter die, by reason of wounds or injuries received, or casualty received, or disease contracted, in the mi- litary or naval service of the United States, and in the line of duty, shall be entitled to receive the pension provided by law with- out other evidence of marriage than satis- factory proof that the parties were joined in marriage by some ceremony deemed by them obligatory, or habitually recognized each other as man and wife, and were so recognized by their neighbors, and lived together as such up to the date of enlist- ment, when such soldier or sailor died in the service, or, if otherwise, to date of death; and the chihlren born of any mar- riage 80 proved shall be deemed and held to be lawful children of such soldier or Bailor, but this section shall not be appli- cable to any claims on account of persons who enlist after the thin! day of Marcli, one thousand eight hundred and seventy- three. Sec. 4706. If any person has died, or shall hereafter die, leaving, a widow enti- tled to a pension by reason of his death, and a (•hild or children under sixteen ye:irs of age by such widow, and it siiall be duly certified under seal by any court having probate jurisdiction, that aatisfuctory evi- dence has been produced before such court, upon due notice to the widow, that she has abandoned the care of such child or chil- dren, or that she is an unsuitable person, by reason of immoral conduct, to have the custody of the same, on presentation of satisfactory evidence thereof to the Com- missioner of Pensions, no pension shall be allowed to such widow until such child or children shall have attained the age of six- teen years, any provisions of law to the contrary notwithstanding; and the said child or children shall be pensioned in the same manner, and from the same date, as if no widow had survived such person, and such pension shall be paid to the guardian of such child or children; but if in any case payment of pension shall have been made to the widow, the pension to the child or children shall commence from the date to which her pension has been paid. Sec. 4707. If any person embraced with- in the provisions of sections forty-six hun- dred and ninety-two and forty-six hundred and ninety-three has died since the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty- one, or shall hereafter die, by reason of any wound, injury, casualty, or disease, which, under the conditions and limitations of such sections, would have entitled him to an invalid pension, and has not left or shall not leave a widow or legitimate child, but has left or shall leave other relative or relatives who were dependent upon him for support, in whole or in part, at the date of his death, such relative or relatives shall be entitled, in the following order of pre- cedence, to receive the same pension as such person would have been entitled to had he been totally disabled, to commence from the death of such person, namely : first, the mother; secondly, the father; thirdly, orj)han l)rothers and sisters under sixteen years of age, who shall be pen- sioned jointly : Provided, That where orjihan children of the same parent have different guardians, or a portion of them only are under guardianship, the share of the joint pension to which each ward sliall be entitled shall be paid to tlie guardian of such ward : Provided, TJiat if in any case said person shall have left fixther and mother who were dependent ujion him, then, on the death of the mother, the father shall become entitled to the ])ension, com- mencing from and after the death of the niollier ; and upon the death of the mother and father, or ujion tlie death of the father and the remarriage of the mother, the de- pendent brothers and sisters under sixteen years of age shall jointly become entitled to such pension until they attain the age of sixteen years res])ectivcly, commencing from the death or remarriage of the party who had the prior right to the pension : I'ravided, That a niotlier shall he assumed to have been dependent upon her son with- BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 85 in the meaning of this section if, at the date of his death, she had no other ade- quate means of support tlian tlie ordinary proceeds of her own manual labor and the contributions of said son or of any other persons not legally bound to aid in her 8Uj)port ; and if, by actual contributions, or in any other way, the son had recognized his obligations to aid in sujjport of his mother, or was by law bound to such suji- port, and that a father or minor brother or Bister shall, in like manner and under like conditions, Ijc assumed to have Ijeen de- pendent, excej)t that the income which was derived or derivable from his actual or possible manual labor shall be taken into account in estimating a father's means of independent ^ujjjtort : Provided further, That the pension allowed to any person on account of his or her dependence, as here- inbefore i)rovided, shall not be paid for any period during which it shall not be necessary as a means of adequate subsist- ence. Sec. 4708. The remarriage of any widow, dependent mother, or dependent sister, en- titled to pension, shall not bar her right to such pension to tlie date of her remarriage, whether an application therefor was filed before or after such marriage ; l)ut on tlie remarriage of any widow, dei)endent mother, or dependent sister, having a pen- sion, such pension shall cease. Sec. 4709. All pensions which have been, or which may hereafter be, granted in consequence of deatli occurring from a cause which originated in the service since the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, or in consequence of wounds or injuries received or disease contracted since that date, shall commence from the death or discliarge of the person on whose account the claim has been or is hereafter granted, or from the termination of the right of party having prior title to such pension ; provided tlie application for such pension has been or is hereafter filed with the Commissioner of Pensions within five years after the right thereto has, accrued ; otherwise the pension shall commence from the date of filing the last evidence neces- sary to establish the same. P>ut the limita- tion herein prescribed shall not apply to claims by or in behalf of insane persons and children under sixteen years. Sec. 4710. In construing the preceding section, the right of persons entitled to pensions shall be recognized as accruing at the date therein stated for the commence- ment of such pension, and the right of a dependent father or dependent brother to i)ension shall not in any case be held to lavc accrued prior to the sixth day of June, eighteen luindred and sixty-six ; and the right of all other classes of claim- ants, if ai)plying on account of the death of a person who was regularly mustered into the service, or regularly employed in the Navy or upon the gun-boats or war- vessels of the United States, shall not be held to have accrued prior to tlie fourteenth day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty- two; if applying on account of acliaj)lain of the Army, their right shall not be held to have ai-trued i)rior to the ninth day of A])ril, eighteen hundred and sixty-four; if applying on account of an enlisted sol- dier who was not mustered, or a non-en- listed man in temporary service, their right shiill not be held to have accrued prior to the fourth day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty-four; if ai)plying on account of an acting assistant or contract surgeon, their riglit shall not be held to have ac- crued prior to the third day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-five ; if aj)ply- ing on account of persons enlisted asteam- stt'rs, wagoners, artificers, hosj)ital-stew- ards, or farriers, their right shall not be held to have accrued i)rior to the sixth day of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-six ; and the right of all classes of claimants applying on account of a provost-marshal, deiHity provost-marshal, or enroUing- officer, shall not be held to have accrued prior to the twenty-fifth day of July, eigh- teen hundred and sixty-six. But the right of a widow or dependent motlier who mar- ried prior, and did not apply till subsequent to the twenty-seventh day of July eighteen hundred and sixty-eight,' shall not be held to have accrued prior to that date. Sec. 4711. It shall be the duty of the Commissioner of Pensions, uj)on any ap- plication by letter or otherwise by or on behalf of any pensioner entitled to arrears of pension under section forty-seven hun- dred and nine, or if any such pensioner has died, upon a similar application by or on behalf of any person entitled to receive the accrued pension due such pensioner at his death, to ])ay or cause to be paid to such pensioner, or other person, all such arrears of pension as the pensioner may be entitled to, or, if dead, would have been entitled to under the provisions of that section had he .survived ; and no claim agent or other person shall be entitled to receive any compensation for services in making application for arrears of pen- sion. Sec. 4712. The provisions of this Title in respect to the rates of jiension to persons whose right accrued since the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, are extended to pensioners whose right to pensi<m accrued under general acts jiassed since the war of the Kevolution and jirior to the fourth day of March, eighteen hun- dred and sixty-one. to take elVect from and after the twi'iity-fitth day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty-six; and the widows of revolutionary soldiers and s:iilors receiving a less sum sliall be paid at the rate of eight 86 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book y. dollars per montli from and after the twenty-seventh day of July, eighteen hun- dred and sixty-eight. Sec. 4713. In all cases in which the cause of disability or death originated in the service prior to the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and an application for pension shall not have been filed within three years from the discharge or death of the person on whose account the claim is made, or within three years of the termination of a pension previously granted on account of the service and death of the same person, the pension shall com- mence from the date of filing by the party prosecuting the claim the last jjaper re- quisite to establish the same. But no claim allowed prior to the sixth day of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-six, shall be affected by anything herein contained. Sec. 4714. Declarations of jjension claimants shall be made before a court of record, or before some officer thereof hav- ing custody of its seal, said officer hereby being fully authorized and empowered to administer and certify any oath or affirma- tion relating to any pension or application therefor : Provided, That the Commissioner of Pensions may designate, in localities more than twenty-five miles distant from any place at which such court is holden, persons duly qualified to administer oaths, before whom declarations may be made and testimony taken, and may accept de- clarations of claimants residing in foreign countries, made before a United States minister or consul, or before some officer of the country duly authorized to adminis- ter oaths for general purposes, and whose official character and signature shall be duly authenticated by the certificate of a United States minister or consul ; declara- tions in claims of Indians made before a United States agent ; and declarations in claims under the provisions of this Title relating to pensions for services in the Avar of eighteen hundred and twelve, made before an officer duly authorized to ad- minister oatlis for general purposes, when the applicants byreason of infirmity of age, are unable to travel : Provided, That any de- claration ma(lc])eforeanoflicor duly author- ized to administer oatlis for general ])nrposes shall 1k' accepted to exempt a claim from the liiiiitatiou as to date of filing prescribed in section forty-seven hiuulred and nine. Sec. 471"). Nothing in this Title shall be so construed as to allow more than one pension at the same time to tiie same per- son, or to p(!rsons entitled jointly ; ])ut any Ttciisioiier who shall so elect may surrender Lis certificate, and receive, in lieu thereof, a certi(i(;ate for any other jieiision to which ho would have been entitled had not the surrendered certificate l)een issued. Hut all payments previously made for any period covered by the new certificate shall be deducted from the amount allowed by such certificate. Sec. 4716. No money on account of pen- sion shall be paid to any person, or to the widow, children, or heirs of any deceased person, who in any manner voluntarily engaged in, or aided or abetted, the late rebellion against the authority of the United States. Sec. 4717. No claim for pension not prosecuted to successful issue within five years from the date of filing the same shall be admitted without record-evidence from the War or Navy Department of the injury or the disease which resulted 'in the dis- ability or death of the person on whose account the claim is made : Provided, That in any case in which the limitation pre- scribed by this section bars the further prosecution of the claim, the claimant may present, through the Pension-Office to the Adjutant-General of the Army, or the Surgeon-General of the Navy, evidence that the disease or injury which resulted in the disability or death of the person on whose account the claim is made, origina- ted in the service and in the line of duty ; and if such evidence is deemed satisfactory by the officer to whom it may be sub- mitted, he shall cause a record of the fact so proved to be made, and a copy of the same to be transmitted to the Commis- sioner of Pensions, and the bar to the prosecution of the claim shall thereby be removed. Sec. 4718, If any pensioner has died or shall hereafter die ; or if any person en- titled to a pension, having an application therefor pending, has died or shall here- after die, his widow, or if there is no widow, the child or children of such per- son under the age of sixteen years, shall be entitled to receive the accrued pension to the date of the deatli of such person. Such accrued pension shall not be considered as a part of the assets of the estate of deceased, nor liable to be applied to the payment of the debts of said estate in any case what- ever, but shall inure to the sole and exclu- sive benefit of the widow or children ; and if no widow or child survive, no payment whatsoever of the accrued ])ension shall be made or allowed, except so much as may be necessary to re-iinburse the person who bore the expenses of the last sickness and burial of the decedent, in cases where he did not leave sufficient assets to meet such expenses. Sec. 4719. The failure of any pensioner to claim his j)ension for three years alter the same shall have become due shall l)e deemed })resumptive evidence that such i)cnsion has legally terminated by reason of the pensioner's death, re- marriage, recovery from the disabil- ity, or otherwise, and the pensioner's name shall be stricken from the list of BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 87 pensioners, subject to the right of restora- tion to the same on a new aj)plication by the pensioner, or, if" tlie pensioner is dead, by the widow or minor children entitled to receive the accrued pension, accompa- nied by evidence satisfactorily accounting for the failure to claim such pension, and by medical evidence in cases of invalids who were not exempt from biennial examina- tions as to the continuance of the disability. Sec. 4720. When the rate, commence- ment, and duration of a pension allowed by special act are fixed by such act, they shall not be subject to be varied by the provisions and limitations of the general pension-laws, but when not thus fixed the rate and continuance of the pension shall be subject to variation in accordance with the general laws, and its commencement shall date from the passage of the special act, and the Commissioner of Pensions shall, upon satisfactory evidence that fraud was perpetrated in obtaining such special act, suspend payment thereupon until the propriety of repealing the same can be considered by Congress. Sec. 4721. The term of limitation pre- scribed by sections forty-seven hundred and nine and forty-seven hundred and seventeen shall, in pending claims of Indians, be ex- tended to two years from and after the third day of March, eighteen hundred and seventy-three; all p^oof which has here- tofore been taken before an Indian Agent, or before an officer of any tril)e, competent according to the rules of said tribe to ad- minister oaths, shall be held and regarded by the Pension-Office, in the examining and determining ofclaimsoflndians now on file, asof the same validity as if taken before an officer recognized by the law at the time as competent to administer oaths; all proof wanting in said claims hereafter, as well as in those filed after the third day of March, eighteen hundred and seventy-three, shall be taken before the agent of the tribe to which the claimants respectively belong ; in regard to dates, all applications of In- dians now on file shall be treated as though they were made before a comjjetent officer at their resi)ective dates, and if found to be in all other respects conclusive, they shall be allowed; and Indians shall be exe«ii)ted from the obligation to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States. Sec. 4722. The provisions of this Title are extended to the officers and jtrivates of the Missouri State militia, and the provi- sional Missouri militia, disabled by reason of injury received or disease contracted in the line of duty while such militia was co-operating with LTnited States forces, and the widow or children of any such person, dying of injury received or disease contracted under the circumstances herein set forth, shall be entitled to the benefits of this Title. But the pensions on account of such militia shall not commence prior to the tliird day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-three. Sec. 472.'1 All colored jjcrsons who en- listed in the Army during the war of the ; rebellion, and who are now prohibited j from receiving bounty and pension on ac- I count of being borne on the rolls of their I regiments as "slaves," shall be placed on the same footing, as to bounty and pen- sion, as though they had not been slaves at the date of their enlistment. Sec. 4724. iS'o person in the Army, Navy, or Marine Corjjs shall draw botha pension as an invalid, and the pay of his rank or station in the service, unless the disability for which the pension was granted be such as to occasion his employ- ment in a lower grade, or in the civil branch of the service. Sec. 4725. All those surviving widows and minor children who have been allowed five years' half-pay, under the provisions of any general laws passed prior to the third day of June, eighteen hundred and fifty-eight, are granted a continuance of such half-pay, to commence from the date of the last payment under the respective acfts of Congress granting the same, and on the terms and limitations provided in the following section. Sec. 4726. Such half-pay is granted to such widows during life, and, where there is no widow, to the children, while under the age of sixteen years; but in case of the remarriage or death of any such widow, the half-pay shall go to the children of the de- cedent on account of whose services it is claimed, while such children are under sixteen years of age, and no longer. Sec. 4727. The half-pay of siich widows and children shall behalf the monthly pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates of the infantry of the Regular Army, and no more, and' no greater sum shall be allowed to any such widow or minor children than the half-]i:iy of a lieutenant-colonel. But the two jire- ceding sections shall not be construed to apply to or embrace the case of any ])er- son receiving a pension for life on the third day of June, eighteen hundred and fifty- eight; and, wherever half-pay has been granted by any special act of Congress, and renewed or continued under the provisions of those sections, the same shall continue from the date above named: Fr<jvid(.d, That pensions under this and the two pre- ceding sections, shall be varied in accord- ance with the provisions of section four thousand seven hundred and twelve of this Title. Sec. 4728. If any officer, warrant or pet- ty officer, seaman, engineer, first, second, j or third assistant engineer, fireman or coal- L heaver of the Navy or any marine has 8S AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. been disabled prior to the fourth day of March eighteen hundred and sixty-one by reason of any injury received or disease contracted in the service and line of duty, he shall be entitled to receive during the continuance of his disability a pension pro- portionate to the degree of his disability not exceeding half the monthly pay of his rank as it existed in January eighteen hundred and thirty-five. But the pension of a chief-engineer shall be the same as that of a lieutenant of the Navy ; the pen- sion of a first assistant engineer the same as that of a lieutenant of marines ; the jjension of a second or third assistant engineer the same as that of a forward officer ; the pen- sion of a fireman or coal-heaver the same as that of a seaman ; but an engineer, fire- man or coal-heaver shall not be entitled to any pension by reason of a disability incurred prior to the thirty-first day ot August eighteen hundred and forty-two. Sec. 4729. If any person referred to in the preceding section has died in the ser- vice, of injury received or disease con- tracted under the conditions therein stated, his widow shall be entitled to receive hall the monthly pay to which the deceased was entitled at the date of his death; and in case of her death or marriage, the child or children under sixteen years of age shall be entitled to the jiension. But the rate of pension herein allowed shall be governed by the pay of the Navy as it ex- isted in January, eighteen hundred and thirty-five ; and the pension of the widow of a chief-engineer shall be the same as that of a widow of a lieutenant in the Navy ; the pension of the widow of a first assistant engineer shall be the same as that of the widow of a lieutenant of marines ; the pension of the widow of a second or third assistant engineer the same as that of the widow of a forward officer ; the pension of the widow of a fireman or coal-heaver shall be the same as that of the widow of a sea- man. But the rate of pension prescribed by this and the preceding section shall be varied from and after the twenty-fifth day of July eighteen iiundred and sixty-six in accordance with the provisions of section fi)ur thousand seven hundred and twelve of this Title; and the widow of an engi- neer, fireman or coal-heaver shall not be entitled to any pension by reason of the death of lier husband if his death was prior to the thirty-lirst day of August eighteen hunilred and forty-two. . iSiX'. 47;}'). Any ollicer, non-commissioned officer, musician or private wiiether of tiic Regular Army or volunteers disabled by "reason at' injury rcceivcil or disease con- tracted while in the line of duty in actual service in tlu' war with Mexico, or in go- ing to or ri'liirning from the siinic, who received an honorable discliarge, shall be entitled to a pension proportionate to his disability, not exceeding for total disability half the pay of his rank at the date at which he received the wound or con- tracted the disease which resulted in such disability. But no pension shall exceed half the pay of a lieutenant-colonel. Sec. 4731. If any officer or other person referred to in the preceding section has died or shall hereafter die by reason of any injury received or disease contracted under the circumstances therein set forth, his widow shall be entitled to receive the same pension as the husband would have been entitled to had he been totally disabled ; and in case of her death or remarriage, the child or children of such officer or other person referred to in the preceding section, while under the age of sixteen years, shall be entitled to receive the pension. But the rate of pension prescribed by this and the preceding section shall be varied after the twenty-fifth day of July, eighteen hun- dred and sixty-six in accordance with the provisions of section four thousand seven hundred and twelve of this Title. Sec. 4732. The widows and children un- der sixteen years of age, of the officers, non- commissioned officers, musicians and pri- vates of the regulars, militia, and volun- teers of the war of one thousand eight hundred and twelve and the various Indian wars since one thousand seven hundred and ninety who remained at the date of their death in the military service of the United States, or who received an honor- ble discharge and have died or shall hereafter die of injury received or disease contracted in the service and in the line of duty shall be entitled to receive half the monthly pay to which the deceased was entitled at the time he received the injury or contracted the disease which resulted in his death. But no half-pay pension shall exceed the half-pay of a lieutenant-colonel, and such half-pay pension shall be varied after the twenty-fifth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six in accordance with the provisions of section four thousand seven hundred and twelve of this Title. Sec. 4733. All pensioners whose names are now on the pension-roll or who are entitled to restoration to the roll under any act of Congress, shall be entitled to the continuance of such pensions under the provisions and limitations of this Title, and to such further increase of [)ension as is herein jirovided. Six;. 4734. The provisions of law which allow the withholding of the compensation of any person who is in arrears shall not bo construed to autliorizc the pension of any pensioner of the United States to be with- held. Sicc. 4735. No pension shall be granted to a widow for the same time that her hus- band received one. BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 89 Sec. 4736. The Secretary of the Interior is directed to phice on the pension-roll the names of the surviving oiliecrs and enlisted and drafted men, including militia and volunteers, of the military and naval service of the United States, who served sixty days in the war with Great Britain of eighteen hundred and twelve, and were honorably discharged, and such other officers and soldiers as may have been personally named in any resolution of Congress lor any specific service in that war, although their term of service may have been less than sixty days, subject, however, to the provisions of section forty-seven hundred and sixteen. Sec. 4737. Pensions, under the preced- ing sections, shall be at the rate of eight dollars per month, and shall be paid to the jersons entitled thereto for the term of their lives, from and after the fourteenth day of February, eighteen hundred and seventy-one. But that section shall not apply to any person who is receiving a pension at the rate of eight dollars or more per month ; nor to any person who is receiving a pension less than eight dol- lars per month, excejit for the dilference between the pension now received and eight dollars per month. Sec. 4738. Thesurviving widows of such persons as are embraced within the ])ro- visions of the two preceding sections, shall be allowed, on the conditions and limita- tions therein expressed, the same pension that such persons themselves would have been entitled to receive thereunder if liv- ing on the fourteenth day of February', eighteen hundred and seventy-one : Fro- vided, however, Such widows were married to the husbands, on account of whose ser- vices the pension is claimed, prior to the treaty of peace which terminated the war of eighteen hundred and twelve, and have not remarried. Sec. 4739. Before the name of any per- son is placed upon the pension-roll under the three preceding sections, proof shall be made, under such regulations as the Secre- tary of the Interior may prescribe, that the applicant is entitled to a pension under the provisions of the sections herein cited ; and the Secretary of the Interior shall cause to be stricken from the pension-roll the name of any person whenever it ap- pears, by proof satisfactory, that such name was put upon such roll through false or fraudulent representations. Sec. 4740. The loss of a certificate of discharge shall not deprive an applicant of the benefits of sections forty-seven hun- dred and thirty-six, forty-seven hundred and thirty-seven, and forty-seven hundred and thirty-eight, but other proof of ser- vices performed and of an honorable dis- charge, if deemed satisfactory, shall be sufficient. Sec. 4741. The officers and seamen of the revenue-cutters of the United States, who have been or may be wounded or dis- abled in the discharge of their duty while co-operating with the Navy by order of the President, sliall be entitled to be placed on the Navy pension-list, at the same rate of pension and under the same regulations and restrictions as are provided by law for the officers and seamen of the Navy. Sec. 4742. From and after the second day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- two, no claim for a pension, or for an in- crease of pension, shall be allowed in favor of the children or other descendants of any person who served in the war of the Kev- olution, or of the widow of such jierson, when such person or bis widow died with- out having established a claim to a pension. Sec. 4743. In all cases where a pension has been granted to any officer or soldier of the Revolution in his life-time, the evi- dence uj)on which such pension was granted shall be conclusive of the service of such officer or soldier in the application of any widow, or woman who may have been the widow, of such officer or soldier, for a pension ; and upon proof by her that she was married to any such officer or soldier, and that she is a widow, she shall thereupon be placed upon the pension- rolls at the same rate that such officer or soldier received during his life-time. Sec. 4744. The Commissioner of Pen- sions is authorized to detail, from time to time, clerks in his office to investigate sus- pected attempts at fraud on the Govern- ment, through and by virtue of the provi- sions of the pension-laws, and to aid in prosecuting any person so offending, with such additional compensation as is custom- ary* in cases of special service ; and any person so detailed shall have the power to administer oaths and take affidavits in the course of any such investigation. Sec. 4745. Any pledge, mortgage, sale, assignment, or transfer of any right, claim, or interest in any ])ension whii h has been, or may hereafter be, granted, shall be void and of no effect ; and any person acting as attorney to receive and receipt for money for and in behalf of any person entitled to a pensi(m shall, before receiving such money, take and subscribe an oath, to be filed with the pension-agent, and by him to be transmitted, with the vouchers now required by law, to the proper accounting officer of the Treasury, that he has no in- terest in such money by any pledge, mort- gage, sale, assignment, or transfer, and that he does not know or believe that the same has been so disposed of to any })ers()n. Sec. 474r). Every person who knowingly or willfully in anywise jirocures the making or presentation of any false or fraudulent affidavit concerning any claim for pension, or payment thereof, or pertaining to any 90 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. other matter within the jurisdiction of the Commissioner of Pensions, or who know- ingly or willfully presents or causes to be presented at atiy pension-agency any power of attorney or other paper required as a voucher in drawing a pension, which paper bears a date subsequent to that on which it was actually signed or executed, shall be punished by a tine not exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years, or by both. Sec. 4747. No sum of money due, or to become due, to any pensioner, shall be liable to attachment, levy, or seizure by or under any legal or equitable process what- ever, whether the same remains with the Pension-oiRce, or any officer or agent there- of, or is in course of transmission to the pensioner entitled thereto, but shall inure wholly to the benefit of such pensioner. Sec. 4748. That the Commissioner of Pensions, on application being made to him in person, or by letter, by any claim- ant or applicant for pension, bounty-land, or other allowance required by law to be adjusted or paid by the Pension-Ofiice, shall furnish such person, free of all ex- pense, all such printed instructions and forms as may be necessary in establishing and obtaining said claim ; and on the issu- ing of a certificate of pension or of a bountj'-land warrant, he shall forthwith notify the claimant or applicant, and also the agent or attorney in the case, if there be one, that such certificate has been issued, or allowance made, and the date and amount thereof. Sec. 4749. No soldier or sailor shall be taken or held to be a deserter from the Army or Navy who faithfully served ac- cording to his enlistment until the nine- teenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and who, without proper author- ity or leave first obtained, quit his com- mand or refused to serve after that date ; but nothing herein contained shall operate as a remission of any forfeiture incurred by any such soldier or sailor of his pen- sion ; but this section shall be construed solely as a removal of any disability such soldier or sailor may have incurred by the loss of his citizenship in consequence of his desertion. Si:c. 4750. The Secretary of the Navy shall be trustee of the Navy pension-fund. Sec 47")!. All penalties and forfeitures incurred under the ])rovisions of sections twenty-four hundri'd and sixty-one, twenty- four hundred ami sixty-two, and twenty- four hundred and sixtv-three. Title, "The PfiHjr; Lands," shall l)e sued for, recov- ered, distril)ute(l, and account(;(l for, under the directions of the Secretary of the Navy, and shall be paid over, one-half to the in- formers, if any, or captors, where seized, and the other half to the Secretary of the Navy for the use of the Navy pension- fund ; and the Secretary is authorized to mitigate, in whole or in part, on such terms and conditions as he deems proper, by an order in writing, any fine, penalty, or for- feitui-e so incurred. Sec 4752. All money accruing or which has already accrued to the United States from the sale of prizes shall be and re- main forever a fund for the payment of pensions to the officers, seamen, and marines who may be entitled to receive the same ; and if such fund be insufficient for the purpose, the public faith is pledged to make up the deficiency ; but if it should be more than sufficient, the surplus shall be applied to the making of further provi- sion for the comfort of the disabled officers, seamen, and marines. [See ? 4630.] Sec 4753. The Secretary of the Na^y, as trustee of the naval pension-fund, is directed to cause to be invested in the reg- istered securities of the United States, on the first day of January and the first day of July of each year, so much of such fund then in the Treasury of the United States as may not be required for the payment of naval pensions for the then current fiscal year ; and upon the requisition of the Sec- retary, so much of the fund as may not be required for such payment of pensions ac- cruing during the current fiscal year shall be held in the Treasury on the days above named in each year, subject to his order, for the purpose of such immediate invest- ment ; and the interest payable in coin upon the securities in which the fund may be invested, shall be so i)aid, when due, to the order of the Secretary of the Navy, and he is authorized and directed to ex- change the amount of such interest when paid in coin, for so much of the legal cur- rency of the United States as may be ob- tained therefor at the current rates of pre- mium on gold, and to deposit the interest so converted in the Treasury to the credit of the naval pension fund ; but nothing lierein contained shall be construed to in- terfere with the payment of naval pensions under the supervision of the Secretary of the Interior, as regulated by law. Sec 4754. The interest on the naval pension-fund shall hereafter be at the rate of three per centum per annum in lawful money. Sec 4755. Navy pensions shall be paid from the Navy pension-fund, but no i)ay- ments shall be made therefrom except upon ai^propriations authorized by Con- gress. Sec 4756. There shall be paid out of the naval pension-fund to every person who, from age or infirmity, is disabled from sea-service, but who has served as an I'lilistcvl person in the Navy or Marine (!orps for the jieriod of twenty years, and not necn discharged for misconduct, in lieu of being provided with a home in the Naval liooK y.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 91 AHylum, Philadelphia, if he so elects, a HUin equal to one-half the pay of his ratinj^ at the time he was discharged, to be i)aid to him quarterly, under the directicm of the Commissioner of Pensions ; and ap- plications for such pension shall be made to the Secretary of the Navy, who, upon being satisfied that the ai)i)licant comes within the provisions of this section, shall certify the same to the Commissioner of I'cnsions, and such certificate shall be his \varrant lor making payment as herein au- thorized. Sec. 4757. Every disabled person who luus served in the Navy or Marine Corps Hs an enlisted man for a period of not less than ten years, and not been discharged fur misconduct, may apply to the Secretary of the Navy for aid from the surplus in- come of the naval pension-fund ; and the Secretary of the Navy is authorized to convene a board of not less than three na- val oflicers, one of whom shall be a sur- geon, to examine into the condition of the applicant, and to recommend a suitable amount for his relief, and for a specified time, and upon the approval of such recommendation by the Secretary of the Navy, and certificate thereof to the Commissioner of Pensions, the amount shall be paid in the same manner as is provided in the preceding section for the payment to persons disabled by long ser- vice in the Navy ; but no allowance so made shall exceed the rate of a pension for full disability corresponding to the grade of the applicant, nor, if in addition to a pension, exceed one-fourth the rate of such pension. Sec. 4758. The Secretary of the Navy shall be trustee of the privateer pension- fund. Sec. 4759. Two per centum on the net amount, after deducting all charges and expenditures, of the prize-money arising from captured vessels and cargoes, and on the net amount of the salvage of vessels and cargoes recaptured by the private armed vessels of the United States, shall be secured and paid over to the collector or other chief officers of the customs at the port or place in the United States, at which such captured or recaptured vessel may arrive ; or to the consul or other public agent of the United States residing at the port or place, not within the United States, at which such captured or recaptured ves- sels may arrive. And the moneys arising therefrom are pledged by the Government of the United States as a fund for the sup- port and maintenance of the widows and orphans of such persons as may be slain, and for the support and maintenance of such persons as may be wounded and dis- abled on board of the private armed ves- sels of the United States, in any engage- ment with the enemy, to be assigned and distributed in such manner as is or may be provided by law. Skc. 47G0. The two per centum reserved in the hands of the collectors and consuls by the preceding section, shall be ])ai(l to the Treasury, under the like regulations ])rovi«led for other pid)lic money, and sliall constitute a fund for the purposes provided for by that section. Sec. 47GL The Secretary of the Interior is required to place on the pension-list, under the like regulations and restrictions as are used in relation to the Navy of tlie United States, any officer, seaman, or ma- rine, who, on board of any private armed vessel bearing a commission of letter of manjue, shall liave been wounded or other- wise disabled in any engagement with the enemy, or in the line of their duty as otfi- cers, seamen, or marines of such jjrivate armed vessel ; allowing to the captain a sum not exceeding twenty dollars per month ; to lieutenants and sailing-master a sum not exceeding twelve dollars each per month ; to marine officer, boatswain, gunner, carpenter, master's mate, and l)rize-m asters, a sum not exceeding ten dollars each per month ; to all other offi- cers a sum not exceeding eight dollars each per month, for the highest rate of dis- ability, and so in proportion ; and to a seaman, or acting as a marine, the sum of six dollars per month, for the highest rate of disability, and so in proportion ; which several pensions shall be paid from moneys appropriated for the payment of pensions. Sec. 4762. The commanding officer of every vessel having a commission, or let- ters of marque and reprisal, shall enter in his journal the name and rank of any offi- cer, and the name of any seaman, who, during his cruise, is wounded or disabled, describing the manner and extent, as far as jiracticable, of such wound or disability. Sec. 4763. Every collector shall trans- mit quarterly to the Secretary of the Navy a transcrij)t of such journals as may have been reported to him, so far as it gives a list of the officers and crew, and the de- scription of wounds and disabilities, the better to enable the Secretary to decide on claims for pensions. Sec. 4764. Within fifteen days imme- diately preceding the fourth day of ^larch, June, September, and December in each year, the several agents for the payment of pensions shall prepare a quarterly voucher for every person whose pension is payable at his agency, and transmit the same by mail, directed to the address of tiie pensioner named in such voucher, who, on or after the fourth day of March, June, September, and December next suc- ceeding the date of such voucher, may ex- ecute and return the same to the agency at which it was prepared, and at which the pension of such person is due and payable. 92 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. Sec. 4765. Upon the receipt of such voucher, properly executed, and the iden- tity of the pensioner being established and proved in the manner prescribed by the Secretary of the Interior, the agent for the payment of pensions shall immediately draw his check on the proper assistant treasurer or designated depositary of the United States for the amount due such pensioner, payable to his order, and trans- mit the same by mail, directed to the ad- dress of the pensioner entitled" thereto ; but any pensioner may be required, if thought proper by the Commissioner of Pensions, to appear personally and receive his pension. Sec. 4766. Hereafter no pension shall be paid to any person other than the pen- sioner entitled thereto, nor otherwise than according to the provisions of this Title, and no warrant, power of attorney, or other paper executed or purporting to be executed by any pensioner to any attorney, claim-agent, broker, or other person, shall be recognized by any agent for the pay- ment of pensions, nor shall any pension be paid thereon. But payment to persons laboring under legal disabilities may be made to the guardians of such persons in the manner herein prescribed ; and pen- sions payable to persons in foreign coun- tries may be made according to the provi- sions of existing laws. Sec. 47G7. The Secretary of the Interior shall cause suitable blanks for the vouch- ers mentioned in section forty-seven hun- dred and sixty-four to be printed and dis- tributed to the agents for the payment of pensions, upon which he shall cause a note to be printed informing pensioners of the fact that hereafter no pension will be paid, except upon the vouchers issued as herein directed. Sec. 4768. The Commissioner of Pen- sions shall forward the certificate of [pen- sions] [pension,] granted in any case, to the agent for paying pensions where such certificate is made payable, and at the same time forward therewith one of the articles of agreement filed in the case and approved by the Commissioner, setting forth the fee agreed upon ])etwcen the claimant and the attorney or agent, and where no agreement is on file, as hereinbefore provided, he shall direct that a fee of ten dollars only be paid the agent or attorney. [Sec i^ 5485.] Sec. 4769. It shall be the duty of the agent paying such 2)ensi()n to deduct from tlie amount due the pensioner the amount of fee so agreed upon or <lirected by the Commissioner to be ])ai(l where no agree- ment is filed and a|)j)roved, and to for- ward or cause to ])e forwarded to tlie agent or attorney of record named in such agree- ment, or, in case there is no agreement, to the agent ]>rosecuting the case, the amount of the proper fee, deducting therefrom the sum of thirty cents in payment of his ser- vices in forwarding the same. Sec. 4770. [In place of original checks issued for pensions, when lost, stolen, or de- stroyed, disbursing officers and agents of the United States are authorized, after the ex- piration of six months from the date of such checks, to issue duplicate checks, and the Treasurer, assistant treasurers, and desig- nated depositaries of the United States are directed to pay such checks, drawn in pur- suance of law by such officers or agents, upon notice and proof of the loss of the original checks, under such regulations in regard to their issue and p)ayment, and upon the execution of such bonds, with sureties, to indemnify the United States, as the Sec- retary of the Treasury may prescribe. But this section shall not ap2)ly to any check ex- ceeding/ in amount the sum of five hundred dollars.] Sec. 4771. In all cases of application for the payment of pensions to invalid pen- sioners to the fourth day of September of an odd year, the certificate of an examin- ing surgeon duly appointed by the Com- missioner of Pensions, or of a soirgeon of the Army or Na\y, stating the continu- ance of the disability for which the' pen- sion was originally granted, describing it, and the degree of such disability at the time of making the certificate, shall be re- quired to accompany the vouchers, and a duplicate thereof shall be filed in the office of the Commissioner of Pensions; and if in a case of continued disability it shall be stated at a degree below that for which the i^ension was originally granted, or was last paid, the pensioner shall only be paid for the quarter then due at the rate stated in the certificate. But where the pension was originally granted for a disa- bility in consequence of the loss of a limb, or other essential portion of the body, or for other cause which cannot, either in whole or in i)art, be removed, or when a disal)ility is certified, by competent ex- aming surgeons, to the satisfaction of the Commissioner of Pensions, to have become permanent in a degree equal to the whole rate of pension, the above certificate shall not be necessary to entitle the pensioner to payment. Sec. 4772. Nothing in the preceding section shall be construed to prevent the Commissioner of Pensions from requiring a more fre(juent examination, if, in his judgment, it is necessary. Sec. 477.'5. The biennial certificate of two unaj)i)()inted civil surgeons shall not be acce2)ted in any case, except upon satisfac- tory evidence that an examination by a commissioned or duly appointed surgeon is impracticable. Sec. 4774. The Commissioner of Pen- sions is authorized to organize, at his dis- BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 93 cretion, boards of examining surgeons, not to exceed three members, and each mem- ber of a board thus organized who is actu- ally present and makes, in connection with other members or member, an ordered or periodical examination, shall be entitled to the fee of one dollar, on the receipt of a proper certificate of such examination by the Commissioner of Pensions. Sec. 4775. Examining surgeons duly appointed by the Commissioner of Pen- sions, and such other qualified surgeons as may be employed in the Pension-Office, may be required by him, from time to time, as he deems for the interests of the Government, to make special examinations of pensioners, or applicants for pension, and such examinations shall have prece- dence over previous examinations, whether special or biennial; but when injustice is alleged to have been done by an examina- tion so ordered, the Commissioner of Pen- sions may, at his discretion, select a board of three duly appointed examining sur- geons, who shall meet at a place to be de- signated by him, and shall review such cases as may be ordered before them on appeal from any special examination, and the decision of such board shall be final on the question so submitted thereto, provided the Commissioner approve the same. The compensation of each of such surgeons shall be three dollars, and shall be paid out of any appropriations made for the payment of pensions, in the same manner as the ordinary fees of appointed surgeons are or may be authorized to be paid. Sec. 4776. The Secretary of the In- terior is authorized to appoint a duly qualified surgeon as medical referee who, under the control and direction of the Commissioner of Pensions, shall have charge of the examination and revision of the reports of examining surgeons, and such other duties touching medical and surgical questions in the Pension-Office, as theinterests of the service may demand ; and his salary shall be two thousand five hundred dollars per annum. And the Sccretaiy of the Interior is further author- ized to appoint such qualified surgeons (not exceeding four) as the exigencies of the service may require, who may perform the duties of examining surgeons when so required, and who shall be borne upon the rolls as clerks of the fourth class ; but such appointments shall not increase the cleri- cal force of said Bureau. Sec. 4777. The Commissioner of Pen- sions is empowered to appoint, at his dis- cretion, civil surgeons to make the jierio- dical examinations of pensioners which are or may be required by law, and to ex- amine applicants for pension, where he deems an examination by a surgeon ap- pointed by him necessarj' ; and the fee lor 60 such examinations, and the requisite cer. tificates thereof in duplicate, including postage on such as are transmitted to pen- sion-agents, shall be two dollars, wnich shall be paid by the agent for paying pen- sions in the district within which the pen- sioner or claimant resides, out of any money api^ropriated for the payment of pensions, under such regulations as the Commissioner of pensions may prescribe. Sec. 4778. The President is authorized to appoint, by and Avith the advice and consent of the Senate, all pension-agents, who shall hold their respective ofliices for the term of four years, unless sooner re- moved or suspended, as provided by law, and until their successors are appointed and qualified. Sec. 4779. All pension-agents shall give bond, with good and sufficient sureties, for such amount and in such form as the Sec- retary of the Interior may approve. Sec. 4780. The President is authorized to establish agencies for the payment of pensions wherever, in his judgment, the public interests and the convenience of the pensioners require ; but the number of pen- sion-agencies in any State or Territory shall in no case be increased hereafter so as to exceed three, and no such agency shall be established in addition to those now existing in any State or Territory in which the whole amount of pensions paid during the fiscal year next preceding shall not have exceeded the sum of five hun- dred thousand dollars. Sec. 4781. Agents for paying pensions shall receive two per centum on all dis- bursements made by them to pensioners. There shall be allowed, however, over and above such compensation, to every pension- agent disbursing fifty thousand dollars annually, not exceeding five hundred dol- lars a year for clerk-hire, office-rent, and office-expenses ; to every agent disbursing one hundred thousand dollars annually, not exceeding seven hundred and filty dol- lars a year ; and for every fifty thousand dollars additional, not exceeding two hun- dred and fifty dollars a year, for like pur- poses. But in no case shall the aggregate amount of compensation to any one agent, paying both Army and Navy pensions, ex- ceed four thousand dollars a year. Sec. 4782. In addition to the compensa- tion allowed in this Title, each pension agent shall be allowed, as full compensa- tion for all service, including postage re- quired by the provisions of sections fortA- seven hundred and sixtv'-four and forty- seven hundred and sixty-five, the sum ( f thirty cents, and no more, for each voucher lM-e]iared and paid by him, which amount shall be paid by the United States. Sec. 4783. Every guardian having the charge and custody of the pension of his ward who embezzles the same in violation 94 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. of his trust, or fraudulently converts the same to his own use, shall be punished by fine not exceeding two thousand dollars or imprisonment at hard labor for a term not exceeding five vears or both. [See § 5486.] Sec. 4784. Agents for the payment of pensions, and any clerks appointed by them and designated in writing for that purpose, which designation shall be returned to and filed in the ofiice of the Commissioner of Pensions, are required, without any fee therefor, to take and certify the affidavits of all pensioners and their witnesses who may personally appear before them for that purpose, in which case the check for the pension, when due and payable, shall be given direct to the hand of the party en- titled thereto, if desired, and not mailed to his address as required by section forty- seven hundred and sixty-five. Sec. 4785. No agent or attorney or other person shall demand or receive any other compensation for his services in prosecut- ing a claim for pension or bounty-land than such as the Commissioner of Pensions shall direct to be paid to him, not exceed- ing twentv-five dollars. Sec. 4786. It shall be the duty of the agent or attorney of record in the prosecu- tion of the case "to cause to be filed with the Commissioner of Pensions, for his ap- proval, duplicate articles of agreement, without additional cost to the claimant, setting forth the fee agreed Upon by the parties, which agreement shall be executed in the presence of and certified by some officer competent to administer oaths. In all cases where application is made for pension or bounty-land, and no agreement is filed with and approved by the Com- missioner as herein provided, the fee shall be ten dollars and no more. [See § 4768.] Sec. 4787. Every officer, soldier, sea- man, and marine, who was disabled, dur- ing the war for the suppression of the re- bellion, in the military or naval service, and in the line of duty, or inconsequence of wounds received or disease contracted therein, and who was furnished by the War Department, since the seventeenth day of June, eighteen hundred and seventy, with an artificial limb ot apparatus for re- section, or who was entitlecl to receive such limb or apparatus since said date, shall be entitled t<j receive a new limb or apparatus at the expiration of every five years there- after, under such regulations as have been or may be prescribed by the Surgeon-Gen- eral of the Army. [Tile provisions of this section shall api)ly to all officers, non-com- missioned officers, enlisted and hired men of the land and naval forces of the United States, who, in the line of their duty as such, shall have lost limbs or sustained bodily injuries depriving them of the use of any of their limbs, to be determined by the Surgeon-General of the Army ; and the term of five years herein specified shall be held to commence in each case with the filing of the application for the benefits of this section. [See § 1176.] Sec. 4788. Every person entitled to the benefits of the preceding section may, if he so elects, receive, instead of such limb or apparatus, the money value thereof, at the following rates, namely : For artificial legs, seventy-five dollars ; for arms, fifty dollars ; for feet, fifty dollars ; for apparatus for re- section, fiftj- dollars. Sec. 4789. The Surgeon-General shall certify to the Commissioner of Pensions a list of all soldiers who elect to receive money commutation instead of limbs or apparatus, with the amount due to each, and the Commissioner of Pensions shall cause the same to be paid to such soldiers in the same manner as pensions are paid. Sec. 4790. Every person in the military or naval service who lost a limb during the war of the rebellion, [or is entitled to the benefits of section forty-seven hundred and eighty-seven,] but from the nature of his injury is not able to use an artificial limb, shall be entitled to the benefits of section forty-seven hundred and eighty- eight, and sliall receive money commuta- tion as therein provided. Sec. 4791. The Secretary of War is au- thorized and directed to furnish to the per- sons embraced by the provisions of section forty-seven hundred and eighty-seven, transportation to and from their homes and the place where they may be required to go to obtain artificial limbs provided for them under authority of law. [The trans- portation allowed for having artificial limbs fitted shall be furnished by the Quarter- master-General of the Army, the cost of which shall be refunded from the appro- priations for invalid pensions.] SUPPLEMENTS. An. act amending tlie lai^s Granting PensUms to the Soldiem and Sailnrs of Die War of Eighteen Hundred and Tirelve and their Wi- denes, and for other purjwtes, passed March 9, 1878. Sec. 1. War of 1S12; soldiers and sailors of, to bo placed on pension-n>ll8. 2. Porsoiis excluded. Uiite and term of pension. Widows. 3. Proof, and penalty for false oath. Rolls may be corrected, &c. Certificate of discharge and record evidence not ne- cessary. Orant of land-warrant prima facie evidence. f). Rci^oration of certain pensioners who were stricken from rolls on account of rebellion. — without paying durinp suspension. 6. Tensinn Riven to widows and orphans of those who were so stricken off and died before restoration, 7. Repeal. Be it enacted, d'c. [Section 1 1, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he is hereby, authorized BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 9$ and directed to place on the pension-rolls the names of the .surviving officers and enlisted and drafted men, without regard to color, including militia and volunteers, of the military and naval service of the United States, who served for fourteen days in the war with Great Britain of eighteeen hundred and twelve, or who were in any engagement, and were honor- ably discharged, and the surviving widows of such officers and enlisted and drafted men. Sec. 2. That this act shall not apply to any person who is receiving a pension at the rate of eight dollars per month or more, nor to any person receiving a pen- sion of less than eight dollars per month except for the diff'erence between the pen- sion now received (if less than eight dol- lars per month) and eight dollars per month. Pensions under this act shall be at the rate of eight dollars per month, except as herein provided, and shall be paid to the persons entitled thereto, from and after the passage of this act, for and during their natural lives: Provided, That the pensions to widows provided for in this act shall cease when they shall marry again. Sec. 3. That before the name of any person shall be placed upon the pension- rolls under this act, proof shall be made, under such rules and regulations as the Commissioner of Pensions, with the ap- proval of the Secretary of the Interior, shall prescribe, that the applicant is enti- tled to a pension under this act. * * * Sec. 5. That the Secretary of the Inte- rior be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to restore to the pension-rolls the names of all persons now surviving here- tofore pensioned on account of service in the war of eighteen hundred and twelve against Great Britain, or for service in any of the Indian wars, and whose names were stricken from the rolls in pursuance of the act entitled "An act authorizing the Sec- retary of the Interior to strike from the pension-rolls the names of such persons as have taken up arms against the govern- ment, or who have in any manner encou- raged the rebels," approved February fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty-two; And that the joint resolution (1) enti- tled "Joint resolution prohibiting payment by any officer of the government to any person not known to have been opposed to the rebellion and in favor of its suppres- sion," approved March second, eighteen hundred and sixtj'-seven, and section four thousand seven hundred and sixteen of the Revised Statutes of the United States, shall not apply to the persons provided for by this act : Provided, That no money shall be paid to any one on account of pensions for the time during which his name remained stricken from the rolls. Sec. 6. That the surviving widow of any pensioner of the war of eighteen hundred and twelve where the name of said pen- sioner was stricken from the pension-rolls in pursuance of the act entitled " An act authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to strike from the pension-rolls the names of such persons as have taken up arms against the government, or who have in any manner encouraged the rebels," ap- proved February fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and where, under the exist- ing provisions of law, said pensioner died without his name being restored to the rolls, shall be entitled to make claim for a pension as such widow after the passage of this act: Provided, That no such arrearages shall be paid for any period prior to the time of the removal of the disability of the pen- sioner, as provided in section five : And provided further. That under this act any widow of a Revolutionary soldier who served fourteen days or was in any engagement shall be placed upon the pen- sion-rolls of the United States, and receive a pension at the rate of eight dollars per month. Sec. 7. That all laws and clauses of laws in conflict with this act be, and they are hereby, repealed. [Ma7-ch 9, 1878.] Note. — (1) The joint resolution here referred to of 1867, No. 46 (14 Stat. L., 671), is incorporated into Kerifed Statutes in g 3480. An Act Amending tbe Pens ion-LAiv So <M to remove the ditabiliti/ of those who, having parSct- pated in the Hebellion, have, since its terntination, eTilisted in the Army of the United States, and become disabled. Pensions allowed to disabled soldiers, Ac, in certain cases, although they had engaged in rebelliun. Be it enacted, ifcc, That the law prohibit- ing the payment of any money on account of pensions to any person, or to the widow, children, or heirs of any deceased person, who, in any manner, engaged in or aided or abetted the late rebellion against the authority of the United States, shall not be construed to apply to such persons as afterward voluntarily enlisted in the Army of the United States, and who, while in such service, incurred disability from a wound or injury received or disease con- tracted in the line of duty. [March 3,1877.] An act making appropriations for tbe pay- ment of arrears of pensions Granledbij Act of Congress apitroved January tirenty-flfth, eighteen hutidred and seventy-nine, and for other puryoset. Section 1. Pension agents' fees for services to January 2.'i, 1879. Rate of arreiirs of invalid pensions to be gnided from time to time, Ac. Pensions on account of disabilities, Ac, occurring after cessation of hostilities and before mustering out. 2. Commencement of pensions in consequence of de&th, injuri(«. Ac, since March 4, 1861. 3. Repeal of K. S. I 4709. 96 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. Beit enacted, dec. [Section 1.1 * * * * * * * The pension agents shall receive for their services and expenses in paying the arrears upon pensions allowed previous to January twenty-fifth eighteen hundred and seventy-nine including postage on vouch- ers and checks sent to the pensioner thirty cents for each payment; and the sum of fifteen thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropri- ated for tlie payment of the same. That the rate at which the arrears of in- valid pensions shall be allowed and com- puted in the cases which have been or shall hereafter be allowed shall be graded according to the degree of the pensioner's disability from time to time and the pro- visions of the pension laws in force over the period for which the arrears shall be computed. That section one of the act of January twenty-fifth, eighteen hundred and seven- ty-nine, granting arrears of pensions shall be construed to extend to and include pensions on account of soldiers who were enlisted or drafted for the service in the war of the rebellion, but died or incurred disa- bility from a cause originating after the cessation of hostilities; and before being mustered out: Provided, That in no case shall arrears of pensions be allowed and paid from a time prior to the date of actual disability. Sec. 2. All pensions which have been, or which may hereafter be, granted in con- sequence of death occurring from a cause which originated in the service since the fourth day of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, or in consequence of wounds or injuries received or disease contracted since that date shall commence from the death or discharge of the person on whose account the claim has been or is hereafter granted if the disability occurred prior to discharge, and if such disability occurred after the discharge then from the date of actual disability or from the termination of the right of party having prior title to such pension : Provided, The application for such pen- sion has been or is hereafter filed with the Commissioner of Pensions prior to the first day of July eighteen hundred and eighty, otherwise the pension shall commence from the date of filing the application; but the limitation herein prescrioed shall not apply to claims by or in behalf of insane })er.sons and children under sixteen years of age. Sec. 3. Section forty-seven hundred and nine of the Revised Statutes is herebv re- pealed. [March S, IS7{).\ All act relating to «l:ilm nK<-ntH niifl attui— nty-H In i>cnHloii canvit. Srmov 1. Altoruoys, ugouU, ic, la i>ouBioii cuauD uot to re- ceive more than SlO^fee, and fee-contracta not to be filed, &c. — fees of not to be deducted and paid to, by pension agout. 2. Repeal. Be it enacted, Ac. [Section IJ. It shall 'be unlawful for any attorney, agent or other person to de- mand or receive for his services in a pen- sion case a greater sum than ten dollars. No fee contract shall hereafter be filed with the Commissioner of Pensions in any case. In pending cases in which a fee contract has heretofore been filed, if the pension shall be allowed, the Commissioner of Pen- sions shall approve the same as to the amount of the fee to be paid at the amount specified in the contract. Sections forty-seven hundred and sixty- eight, forty-seven hundred and sixty-nine and forty-seven hundred and' eighty -six of the Revised Statutes shall not apply to any case or claim hereafter filed, nor to any pending claim in which the claimant has not been represented by an agent or attorney prior to the passage of this act. Sec. 2. Section forty-seven hundred and eighty-five of the Revised Statutes is here- by repealed. [June 20, 1878.] Penalty for agents, attorneys, &«., demand- Lug illegal fees in pension cases. [Par. 2.] The provisions of section fifty- four hundred and eighty-five of the Re- vised Statutes shall be applicable to any person who shall violate the provisions of an act entitled " An act relating to claim agents and attorneys in pension cases," approved June twentieth, eighteen hun- dred and seventy-eight. An Act to Amend Section Forty-six Hun- dred and Ninety-five of tlie Revised Statutes of tHe United States. Lieutenant commanders' pension. Be it enacted, Sc, That from and after July sixteenth, eighteen hundred and sixty- two pensions granted to lieutenant-com- manders in the Navy for disability, or on account of their death, shall be the same as theretofore provided for lieutenants-com- manding. [June 18, 1878.] An Act for tlie Payment, To the Officers and Soldierf of Ihr Merir.an War, of th< Jliree, Month*' extrn paij provided fur hi/ the Act of July Nineteenth, Eujhteen llnudred and Forty-eight. Three months' extra pay to officers and soldiers of Mex- ican war. Be it enacted, &c., That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, direct- ed, out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to pay to the oflircrs and soldiers "engaged in the mili- tary service of the United States in the war with Mexico, and who served out the BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 97 time of their engagement or were honora- lily discharged", the three months' extra pay provided for by the act of July nine- teenth, eighteen hundred and forty-eight, and the limitations contained in said act, in all cases, upon the presentation of satis- factory evidence that said extra compensa- tion has not been previously received : Frovided, That the provisions of this act shall include also the otiicors, petty-officers, seamen, and marines of the United States Navy, the Kevenue Marine Service and the officers and soldiers of the United States Army employed in the prosecution of said war. [February 19, 1879.J An Act to Restore Pensions In certain Cases. Pensions allowed prior to July 25, 1866, not to be reduced by subtii'iiui'nt acts. — to bo restored if already reduced. Be it enacted, &c., That section three of an act entitled " An act increasing the pen- sions of widows and orphans, and for other purposes", approved July twenty-fifth, eighteen hundred and sixty-six, and sec- tion thirteen of an act entitled "An act relating to pensions", approved July twenty-seventh, eighteen hundred and sixty-eight, and section forty-seven hun- dred and twelve of the Revised Statutes, shall not operate to reduce the rate of any pension which had actually been allowed to the commissioned, non-commissioned, or petty officers of the Navy or their widows or minor children, prior to the twenty-fifth day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty-six ; And the Secretary of the Interior is hereby directed to restore all such pen- sions as have already been so reduced to the rate originally granted and allowed, to take effect from the date of such reduction. [June 9, 1880.J An Act Relating to Soldiers wKlIe In the ClvU Service of tlie tlnlted States. Certain pensioners who lost their pensions by being in the civil service to have same restored. Be it enacted, &c., That all persons -who, under and by virtue of the first section of the act entitled "An act supplementary to the several acts relating to pensions," ap- proved March third, eighteen hundred and si xtv-five. were deprived of their pensions (luring anv portion of the time from the third of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, to the sixth of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-six, by reason of their being in the civil service of the United States, shall be paid their said pensions, withheld by virtue of said section of the act aforesaid, for and during the said period of time from the third of March, eighteen hundred and sixt>^-five, to the sixth of June, eighteen hundred and sixty-six. [March 1,^879.] lilmitlng Prosecution of Claims. Sec. 3. That section forty-seven hundred and .seventeen of the Revised Statutes of the United States, which provides that "No claim for pension not pro.secutcd to a successful issue within five years from the date of filing the same shall be admit- ted without record evidence from the War or Navy Department of the injury or the disease wliicli resulted in the disability or death of the i)erson on whose account the claim is made: I'roridcd, That in any case in which the limitation prescribed by this section bars the further prosecution of the claim, the claimant may present, through the Pension Office, to the Adjutant-Gen- eral of the Army or the Surgeon-General of the Navy, evidence that the disease or injury which resulted in the disability or death of the person on whose account the claim is made originated in the service and in the line of duty ; And if such evidence is deemed satisfac- tory by the officer to whom it may be sub- mitted, lirf shall cause a record of the fact so proved to be made, and a copy of the same to be transmitted to the Commi.ssioner of Pensions, and the bar to the prosecu- tion of the claim shall thereby be re- moved", be, and the same is hereby, re- pealed. Sec. 4. No claim agent or other person shall be entitled to receive any compensa- tion for services in making application for arrears of pension. Sec. 5. That all acts or parts of acts so fiir as they may conflict with the provisions of this act be, and the same are hereby, re- pealed. [January 25, 1870.] An Act to Increase Pensions In Certain Cases. Sections 1. Pension of 824 per month allowed to pensioners who have lost arm above elbow, or leg above knee; but no artificial limbs. 2. When act takes efiect. Be it enacted, &c. [Section 1], That all persons who are now entitled to pensions under existing laws and who have lost either an arm at or above the elbow, or a leg at or above the knee, shall be rated in the second class, and shall receive twenty-four dollars per month : Provided, That no artificial limbs, or commutation therefor, shall be furnished to such persons as shall be entitled to pen- sions under this act. Sec. 2. That this act shall take effect from and after the fourth day of June, eighteen hundred and seventy four. [June 18, 1874. J An Act for tlie* Relief of Certain Pen- sioners. Pension for loPs of leg at hip joint. Be it enacted, etc.. That all pensioners now on thei^ension rolls, or who may here- d8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. after be placed thereon, for amputation of either leg at the hip joint, shall receive a pension at the rate of thirtj'-seven dollars, and fifty cents per month from the date of the approval of this act. [March 3, 1879]. An Act for the Relief of Soldiers and Sailors Becoming Totally Blind in the Service of the Country. Pension to soldiers and sailors who become totally blind. Be it enacted, ttc, That the act of June seventeenth, eighteen hundred and seventy- eight, entitled " An act to increase the pen- sions of certain soldiers and sailors who have lost both their hands or both their feet, or the sight of both eyes, in the ser- vice of the country," be so construed as to include all soldiers and sailors who have become totally blind from causes occurring in the service of the United States. [March 3, 1879.] An Act to Allow a Pension of Thirty-six Dollars per Month to Soldiers who have Lost both an Arm and a Leg. Pensions for loss of one hand and one foot in military or naval service. Be it enacted, &c., That all persons who, while in the military or naval service of the United States, and in the line of duty, shall have lost one hand and one foot, or been totally and permanently disabled in both, shall be entitled to a pension for each of such disabilities, and at such a rate as is provided for by the provisions of the ex- isting laws for each disability : Provided, That this act shall not be so construed as to reduce pensions in any case. [Fehruarxj 28, 1877.] An Act to Increase the Pensions of Certain Pensioned Soldiers and Sailors who are Utterly Helpless from Injuries Received or Disease Con- tracted ivhile in the United States Service. Section 1. Pensions of persons permanently disabled in mili- tary service increiiaed to $12 a month. 2. — to date from Juno 17, 1S78. Be it enacted. &c. [Section 1], That all soldiers and sailors who are now receiving a pension of fifty dollars per month, under the pro- visions of an act entitled " An act to in- crease the pension of soldiers and sailors who have been totally disabled," approved June eightcentli, eighteen hundred and seventy-four, shall receive, in lieu of all pensions now paid them by the Govern- ment of the United States, and there shall be paid them in the same maniier as pen- sions are now paid to such persons, the sum of seventy-two dollars per month. Sec. 2. All pensioners whose pensions shall he increased by the provisions of this act from lil'ly dollars per month to seventy- two dollars per month shall be paid the difference between said sums monthly, from June seventeenth, eighteen hundred and seventy-eight, to the time of the tak- ing effect of this act. [June 16, 1880.] LAW OF NATIONS.* Origin and Proji^ess of tlie l<a'%\' of Nations { the Natural, Customary, and Conven- tional La'ws of Nations, Defined. The law of nations, in its present im- proved state, has not long existed. Ancient nations were little governed by the prin- ciples of natural justice. Little respect was paid by one nation to the rights of the per- sons and property of the citizens of another. Robbery on land and sea was not only tolerated, but esteemed honorable ; and prisoners of war were either put to death, or reduced to slaverj'. By this rule of national law, commerce was destroyed, and perpetual enmity kept up between nations. No essential, permanent improvement in the law of nations seems to have been made until within the last three or four centuries. By the light of science and Christianity, the rights and obligations of nations have come to be better understood, and more generally regarded. Commerce also has done much to improve the law, by showing that the true interests of a nation are promoted by peace and friendly inter- course. Hence we find the nations of Europe and America recognizing the same rules of in- ternational law. And as the light of Chris- tianity shall become more widely diffused, and its principles more generally practiced, the law of nations will undergo still further improvements. And may we not hope, that, as one of these improvements, the practice of settling national disputes by war will be abolished, and one more ra- tional and humane be adopted, that of re- ferring all difficulties which the parties are incapable of adjusting, to some disinterested power for adjudication? There is, in every nation or state, some acknowledged authority to make laws to protect the rights of the citizens, and courts of justice to try and punish offenders. But there is no tribunal before which one nation can be brought to answer for the violation of the rights of another. Every nation, however small and weak, is inde- pendent of every other. Hence, when in- juries are committed by one upon another, i\\& offended party, unless it chooses quietly to endure the wrong, must obtain redress, either by appealing to the sense of justice of the party offending, or by a resort to force. The equality and independence of na- tions, without respect to their relative strength or extent of territory, is a settled principle of national law. P^ach has a right to establish such government and tolerate sufh religion as it thinks proper, and no other nation has a right to interfere with its internal policy. To this general rule, however, writers make an exception. The • Andrew W. Young's " Citizen's Manual of QoTern- moDt and Law." I BOOK V.J EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 99 natural right of every state to provide for its own safety, eivea it the right to interfere where its seeunty is seriously endangered by the internal transactions of another state. But it is admitted, that such cases are so very rare, that it would be danger- ous to reduce them to a rule. The right of forcible interference is only to be interred from the circumstances of the special case. So also cases seldom arise, when one na- tion has a right to assist the subjects of another in overturning or changing their government. It is generally agreed, that such assistance may be afforded consistent- ly with the law of nations, in extreme cases; as when the tyranny of a govern- ment becomes so oppressive as to compel the people to rise in their defense, and call for assistance. It is held that rulers may, by an unwarrantable exercise of power, violate the principles of the social com- pact, and give their subjects just cause to consider themselves discharged from their allegiance. When the subjects of any government have carried their revolt so far as to have established a new state, and to give rea- sonable evidence of their ability to main- tain a government, the right of assistance is unquestionable. But it is not clear, that, prior to this state of progress in a revolu- tion, the right to interpose would be justi- fiable. The assistance given by France to this country, during the war of our revolu- tion, was not a violation of the law of na- tions. The states having thrown off their allegiance to Great Britain, and established a government of their own, any foreign na- tion had a right to assist the states in se- curing their independence. There is a sense, however, in which na- tions are not wholly independent. The happiness of mankind, as has been ob- served, depends upon association. With- out the assistance which men in the social state derive from e?ich other, they could scarcely support their own being. Similar to this is the mutual dependence of nations. Although the people of everj' nation have within themselves the means of maintain- ing their individual and national existence, their prosperity and happiness are greatly promoted by commerce with other nations. And as laws are necessary to govern the conduct of the individual citizens of a state, so certain rules are necessary to reg- ulate the intercourse of nations. It has been observed, also, that the law of nature, which is in accordance with the will of the Creator as expressed in his re- vealed law, is a perfect rule for all moral and social beings, and ought to be univer- sally obeyed ; and that its observance con- duces to their highest happiness. E(pially binding is this law upon nations : nor i.s the general good of mankind less promoted by its application to the affairs of nations than by its application to the affuirs ()f in- dividual persons. It requires each nation to respect the rights of all others, and to do for them what their necessities demand, and what each is capable of doing, consistently with the duties it owes to itself. The law of nature applied to nations or states as moral persons, is called the natural law of nations. It is also called the ncces- sary laic of nations, because nations are morally bound to observe it; and some- times the internal law of nations, from its being binding on the conscience. Although, as has been elsewhere re- marked, the law of nature, as expressed in the law of revelation, is a correct rule of human conduct ; yet, as much of this law consists of general principles from which particular duties can not always be de- duced, positive human enactments are necessary to define the law of nature and revelation. So also an important part of the law of nations necessarily consists of positive institutions. Hence, some writers have divided international law under these two principal heads : the natural law of nations, and ih^ positive. The positive laio of nations, is founded on usage or custom and agreement ; and may be considered as properly divided into the customary law of nations, and the con- ventional. The ciistomarrj law of nations consists of certain maxims, or is founded on customs and usages which have long been observed and tacitly consented to by nations, and which thereby become bind- ing upon all who have adopted them, so far as their observance does not require the violation of the law of nature. A conventional law of nations is one that has been established by a treaty or league. A convention is an assembly of persons who meet for civil or political "pur- poses. But an agreement or contract be- tween nations, though made without a formal meeting, is deemed conventional. The manner in which treaties are made, has been described. Thus the rights and interests of nations do not depend for their security entirely upon the law of nature, which is liable to misconstruction. Nor, so far as they are dependent upon positive institutions, do they rest wholly upon the vague and uncer- tain law of usage or custom. Conventional law, because more definite, has been found to afford far greater security to the rights of commerce. Hence the practice, now common among nations, of regulating their intercourse by negotiation. Treaties of commerce have been formed between most of the principal commercial states in the world. Their utility in regulating trade between states, is no'less than that of writ- ten agreements between individuals, by which the rights of the contracting parties are placed beyond dispute. 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. One advantage of treaties of commerce is, tliat a nation may, if its interests de- mand, enter into treaties granting special privileges to one or more nations, without giving just cause of offense to others. Such special favors, however, should not be granted without good reasons. It is the dutx of everj' nation to respect the rights of all others, and to cultivate that mutual good will which is the result of liberal, just, and impartial dealing. It maybe said, that, if each nation is in- dependent of every other, and if there is no constituted authority to enforce the ful- fillment of treaty stipulations, the rights guarantied by treaties are still insecure. Few governments, however, are so devoid of a sense of honor, as, by a palpable viola- tion of their treaty obligations, to incur the odium and condemnation of all man- kind. Self-respect, and the fear of pro- voking a war, have generally proved suffi- cient incentives to the observance of trea- ties. The obligations of nations are sometimes called imperfect. A perfect obligation is one that can be enforced — one that exists where there is a right to compel the party on whom the obligation rests to fulfil it. An imjjerfect obligation gives only the right to demand the fulfillment, leaving the party pledged to judge what his duty requires, and to do as he chooses, without being constrained by another to do other- wise. Tbe JurlscUctloni of Xatlons ; their Mutual Rlglits aiid Obligations ; tUe Rights of Embassadors, Ministers, &c. The seas are regarded as the common highway of nations. The main ocean, for navigation and fishing, is open to all man- kind ; and no nation can appropriate it to its own exclusive use. Everj' state, how- ever, has jurisdiction at sea over its own subjects, in its own public and private vessels. The persons on board such ves- sels are protected and governed by the laws of the country to which they belong ; and they may be punished by these laws for ofFenses committed on board of its pub- lic vessels in foreign ports. The question how far a nation has juris- diction over the seas adjoining its lands, is not clearly settled. It appears to be gen- erally conceded, tliat a nation lias tlie riglil of exclusive dominion over navigal)le rivers flowing through its territory; the harbors, bays, gulfs, and arms of the sea; and such extent of sea adjoining its terri- tories as is necessary to the safety of the nation, which is considered by some to be as far as a cannon shot will rcacli, or al)out a marine league. Different nations have at times claimed much wider jurisdiction into the sea; but such claim rests upon douljtful authority. It is the duty of a nation, in time of peace, to allow the people of other states a passage over its lands and waters, so far as it can be permitted without inconve- nience, and with safety to its own citizens. Of this the nation is to be its own judge. The right of passage is therefore only an imperfect right, so called, because the ob- ligation to grant the right is an imperfect obligation. Whenever, therefore, the in- terests and safety of a nation require it, foreigners may be prohibited from coming within its territory. The right of a state to keep foreigners out of its territory, is incident to, or re- sults from the right of domain. Domain, in a general sense, signifies possession, or estate, and is perhaps more frequently ap- plied to lands. Applied to a state, it means its whole territory, with everything included in it. And with respect to other states, the property of the individuals in the aggregate is to be considered as the property of the nation. The right of do- main is unlimited ; that is, the state has the sole and exclusive right to the dominion and control of the territory and other prop- erty within the state. In general, it is the duty of a nation to allow foreigners to enter and settle in the country. On being admitted into a state, the state becomes pledged for their pro- tection, and they become subject to its laws while they reside in it ; and in con- sideration of the protection they receive, they are obliged to aid in defending it, and in supporting its government, even be- fore they are admitted to all the rights of citizens. But when persons who have committed crimes in one state, flee into another for shelter, the state into which they flee is not bound to rescue them from justice. A person charged with crime, can be tried only in the state Avhqse laws he has vio- lated. It is therefore tlie duty of the gov- ernment to surrender tlie fugitive, on de- mand being made by the proper authori- ties of the state from which the person has fled, and after due examination by a civil magistrate, if it shall appear to the magis- trate that there are sufficient grounds for the charge. The surrender of criminals is often provided for in treaties. That rule of the law of nations, which makes foreigners amenable to tlie laws of the state into which they remove, does not a])ply to embassadors. They are wholly exempt from all responsibility to the laws of the country to which they are sent, even wlien guilty of crime. All that can be done is, when their conduct is dangerous to tlie government and its citizens, either to deprive them of liberty by confinement, or to send them home, and demand their punishment. As the interests of nations are pro- ^] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 101 moted by intercourse, it is necessary that there shouUl be some means of treating with each other, with the view of main- taining friendly rchitions. Tliis can be done in no otiicr way so well as througji the medium of persons representing their re- spective governments. Each nation hav- ing a right to treat and communicate with every other, it ought not to be deprived of the services of its representative. Hence, by the general consent of nations, the per- sons and property of embassadors and other pu])lic ministers, are held sacred and inviolable. Embassadors are, by the laws of nations, entitled to the same protection in the countries through which they pass, in go- ing to, and returning from, the govern- ment to which they are sent. And to in- sure them a safe i)assagc, it has been the practice with some governments to grant I)assports, to be shown in case they were re- quired. A }7assport is a written license from the authority of a state, granting per- mission or safe conduct for one to pass through its territory. Passports, though named in our law, are not known in prac- tice, being deemed unnecessary. An embassador is entitled to protection, by the law of nations, on his entering the territory of the nation to which he is sent, and making himself known ; though he is uot insured the enjoyment of all his rights until he is formally received by the sov- ereign, and has presented his credentials ; which are letters of attorney from his own sovereign, giving him his authority. In this countiy, ministers from abroad are re- ceived by the president. . If a minister at a foreign court treats the sovereign with disrespect, the fact is sometimes communicated to the govern- ment that sent him, with a request for his recall. Or, if the offense is a more serious one, the offended sovereign refuses inter- course with him while his master's answer is awaited. Or, if the case is an aggrava- ted one, he expels him from the country. Every government has a right to judge for itself whether the language or conduct of a foreign minister is offensive. Ministers at foreign governments, in their negotiations or business correspond- ence with those governments, sometimes consider themselves ill-treated, and their owB nation dishonored, and take their leave and return home ; or the minister informs his sovereign, who either recalls him, or takes such other measure as he shall think the honor and interest of his nation demand. The peculiar condition of a countr\% the nature of the business upon which an em- bassador is sent, or the personal character of the embassador, may be such as to jus- tify a government in refusing to receive such embassador. But in order to pre- serve the amicable relations of the two countries, satisfactory explanations ought to be made, or good reasons offered for the refusal. Ministers have not power to bind their sovereigns to any treaty or agreement. An ordinary credential, or letter of attor- ney, does not authorize a minister to bind his sovereign conclusively. He could not do so without a special power, containing express authority so to bind his principal. Few governments would act so impru- dently. Their ministers act under secret instructions, which they are not bound to disclose. Even the treaties signed by plenipotentiaries, (a word signifying frill poiver,) are, according to present usage, of no force, until ratified by their sovereigns. We have used the words embassador and minister without distinction. The different titles applied to representatives at foreign courts, do not indicate any mate- rial difference between them as to their powers and privileges, but the different degrees of dignity and respectability which custom has attached to them. They are differently classed by different writers. Perhaps the following is correct: Elm- bassadors. (2) Envoys and ministers pleni- potentiary. (3) Ministers resident. (4) Charges d'affairs. The United States are reiiresentcd abroad by ministers and charges d'affairs. Consuls are not entitled to the'privileges enjoyed by ministers ; but are subject to the laws of the countrj' in which they re- side. The principal duties of consuls have been described. The ofhce of consul has been found to be one of great utilitj' ; hence, every trading nation has a consul in every considerable commercial port in the world. Their duties and privileges are generally limited and defined in trea- ties of commerce, or by the laws of the country which they represent. As in the case of ministers, consuls carrj' a certificate of their appointment, and must be acknow- ledged a.s consuls by the government with- in whose sovereignty they reside, before they can perform any duties pertaining to their office. Offt-nslve and Refonslve "War ; Jnst Cansea and objects of War ; Reprisals; Alli- ances In AVar. Considering the immense cost of a war ; the vast sacrifice of human life, and the misery and sorrow consequent thereon ; and its demoralizing effects upon a people; men have formed the conclusion, tnat all wars are inconsistent with the princij^les of Christianity, and therefore wrong. But it is not our purpose to discuss the ques- tion of the lawfulness of war. The general opinion prevalent among Christian nations will be assumed ; namely, that self-pre- servation, or the right of self-defense, is a 102 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book t. part of the law of our nature ; and that it 13 the duty of civil society to protect the lives and property of its members ; and further, that such protection is an essential consideration on which they enter into the social compact. Wars are offensive and defensive. The use of force to obtain justice for injuries done, is offensive war. The making use of force against any power that attacks a na- tion or its privileges, is defensive war. A war may be defensive in its principles, though offensive in its operation. Thus, one nation is preparing to invade another ; but before the threatened invasion takes place, the latter attacks the former as the best mode of repelling the invasion. In this case, the party making the attack would be acting on the defensive. The contending parties are called belligerents. The word belligerent is from the Latin bellum, war, and gero, to wage, or carry on. Nations that take no part in the contest, are called neutrals. War ought never to be undertaken with- out the most cogent reasons. In the first place, there must be aright to make war, SLud just grounds for making it. Nations have no right to employ force any further than is necessary for their own defense, and for the maintenance of their rights. Secondly, it should be made from proper motives; the good of the state, and the safety and common advantage of the citi- zens. Hence, there may be just cause for war, when it would be inexpedient or im- prudent to involve the nation in such ca- lamity. The numerous objects of a lawful war may be reduced to these three : (1.) To re- cover what belongs to us, or to obtain satisfaction for injuries. (2.) To provide for our future safety by punishing the of- fender. (3.) To defend or protect ourselves from injury by repelling unjust atttacks. The first and second are objects of an offensive war ; the third is that of a defen- sive war. Injury to an individual citizen of a state, by the subjects of another state, is deemed a ju'it cause of war, if tlie persons offending, or the government of tlie state to which they belong, do not make reparation for the in- jury; for every nation is responsible for the good behaviour of its subjects. But, although this would, according to the law of nations, afford justifiable cause of war, neither the honor nor the true interests of a nation, require, that war should always be made for so slight a cause. The honor and dignity of a nation would, in some cases, be best maintained by ita making indemnity to its injure(l citizens, if satisfaction is refused, and suf- fer the wrong to |)nss unredressed. An individual who, though under the sanction of law, should avenge every slight act of violence committed upon his person, by inflicting personal chastisement upon the offender, would forfeit the public esteem. Nor, as we suppose, is it necessary for a nation, in order to retain the respect of civilized nations, to seek redress for every trifling injury, by a resort to war. A just sense of duty would suggest forbearance, at least until remonstrance against the re- petition of injuries should be found un- availing. A government that unnecessarily in- volves a whole nation in war, assumes a fearful responsibility. Generally the in- jury sought to be redressed should be se- rious, and satisfaction be demanded and re- fused, before recourse is had to arms. And where there is a question of right between the parties, the government making war ought to have no reasonable doubt of the justice of its claim. And even when no such doubt exists, it would be the duty of such government to prevent a war, if pos- sible, by proposals of compromise. And it is believed that, in no case ought war to be made until attempts have been made to effect an adjustment of difficulties by com- promise, or by offers to submit them for arbitration. These sentiments, it is admitted, do not accord with the general practice of na- tions ; probably they will not receive the assent of every reader. But it is believed, that those who are well instructed in the precepts of revealed religion, and draw their ideas of moral obligation from that system of morality, will find in these sentiments nothing to condemn. In this enlightened, Christian age, almost all national contro- versies might be honorably settled without bloodshed, even when, according to the law of nations, just cause of war exists, if the party aggrieved should faithfully en- deavor, by all proper means, to effect a peaceable adjustment. One of the means by which satisfaction is sought without making war, is that of reprisals. If a nation has taken what be- longs to another, or refuses to pay a debt, or to make satisfaction for an injury, the offended nation seizes something belonging to the former or to her citizens, and retains it, or applies it to her own advantage, till she obtains satisfaction : and when there shall be no longer any hope of satisfaction, the effects thus seized are confiscated, ^and the reprisals are complete. To confiscate is to adjudge property to be forfeited, and to appropriate it to the use and benefit of the state. But as the loss in this case would fall upon unoffending citizens, it is the duty of their government to grant them indemnity. I5ut to justify reprisals by the law of na- tions, the grounds upon which they are authorize*! must be just and well ascer- tained. W the right of the party demand- BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 103 ing aatisfaction is doubtful, he must first demand an equitable examination of his claim, and next be able to show that jus- tice has been refused, before he can justly take the nuitter into his own hands. He has no right to disturb the peace and safety of nations on a doubtful pretension. But if the other party refuses to have the mat- ter brought to the proof, or to accede t(j any proposition for terminating the dis- pute in a peaceable manner, reprisals be- come lawful. By treaties of alliance, nations some- times agree to assist each other in case of war with a third power. It is a question not clearly settled, whether the govern- ment that is to aflbrd the aid, is bound to do so when it deems the war to be unjust. The reasonable conclusion seems to be, that, in cases simply doubtful, the justice of the war is to be presumed ; and the government pledging its aid is bound to fulfill its engagement. The contrary doc- trine would I'urnish a nation with too ready a pretext for violating its pledge. In cases only of the clearest injustice on the part of its ally, can a nation rightfully avoid a positive engagement to ail()rd assistance. When, however, the object of the war is hopeless, or when the state under such en- gagement would, by furnishing the assist- ance, endanger its own safety, it is not bound to render the aid. But the danger must not be slight, remote, or uncertain. None but extreme cases would atlbrd suf- ficient cause for withholding the promised assistance. When the alliance is defensive, the treaty binds each party to assist the other only when engaged in a defensive war, and un- justly attacked. By the conventional law of nations, the government that first de- clares, or actually begins the war, is con- sidered as making offensive war ; and though it should not be the first actually to apply force, yet if it first renders the application of force necessary, it is the aggressor; and the other partv. though first to apply force, is engaged in a aefenxive war. Declaration of AVur ; Its Effect upon tlie Person and Property of tUe Enemy's Subjects ; Stratagems In A\'ar. When a nation has resolved on making war, it is usual to announce the fact by a public declaration. In monarchical gov- ernments, the power to declare war, which of course includes the right of determin- ing the question whether it shall be made, is vested in the king. In our own coun- try, thispoweris, by the constitution, given to the representatives of the people, for reasons elsewhere stated. It was the custom of the Romans, first to send a herald to demand satisfoction of the offending nation ; and if, within a certain period, (thirty-three days,) a satisfactory' answer was not returned, and war was re- solved on, the herald was sent back as far as the frontier, wliere he declared it. It was considered due to the people of the of- fending nation, that their chief, knowing the consequences of refusing satisfaction, might be induced to do justice, and to pre- serve the lives and peace of his subjects. War, without such demand and notice, was regarded as unlawful. Although the practice of all these for- malities was not observed by nations in later times, it was usual to make a simple de- claration, and communicate it to the enemy. But according to modem practice, war may lawftally exist without a formal declaration to the enemy. Any manifesto or paper from an oflicial source, duly recognized by the government, announcing that the coun- try is in a state of war, is considered suf- ficient. The act of recalling a minister has alone been regarded as a hostile act, and followed by war, without any other declaration. Such cases, however, have not been frequent. Under ordinary cir- cumstances, the recall of a minister is not an offensive act. In the war between the United States and Great Britain, declared in 1812, the declaration was not communicated to the British government ; but the war was ac- tually commenced on our part immediately after the act of Congress containing the declaration was passed. The purposes of a declaration are answered when due notice of a state of war is given by the govern- ment to its own citizens and those of neu- tral nations, that they may govern them- selves accordingly ; and the passage of the act of Congress was deemed a formal of- ficial notice to all the world. The government of a state acts for and in behalf of all its citizens ; and its acts are binding upon all. Hence, when a war is declared, it is not merely a war between the two governments; all the subjects of the government declaring it, become ene- mies to all the subjects 'of that against which it is deciared. The severity of the rules of ancient war- fare has been greatly mitigated. On the breaking out of a war in any state, the persons of the enemy found within the state, and their property, became imme- diately liable to be captured. And it is still held to be the right of a state to confiscate the property of such, and to detain the persons themselves as prisoners of war. Only movable property is thus liable to confiscation. Houses and lands continue to be the enemy's property ; the income there- of only being subject to confiscation. Vattel, however, and some others, main- tain, that neither the subjects of an enemy who are in a country when war is declared, nor their effects, can be rightfully detained. Permitting them to enter the state, and to 104 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. continue therein, is a tacit promise of pro- tection and security of return. They are therefore allowed a reasonable time to re- tire with their effects. Although this mild construction of the law is supported by high authority and extensive practice, and is consistent, it would seem, with reason and common justice ; the question has been settled in this country in favor of the more rigid rule. By decisions of our national courts, war gives the sovereign power of the nation full right to take the persons and confiscate the property of the enemy wherever they may be found. But while these decisions claimed for Congress the right of confisca- tion, the confiscation could not be made without a special law of Congress author- izing it. So that, without any statute ap- plying directly to the subject, the property would continue under the protection of the law, and might be claimed by the foreign owner at the restoration of peace. But whatever may be the true construc- tion of the national law on this subject, the government of every nation may grant such privileges as it thinks proper, to the subject of an enemy. Few civilized nations, at the present day, would, it is believed, deny such persons a reasonable time to re- tire with their property. It is probably owing, in a great measure, to the conflict- ing opinions of the writers on public law, that the privilege spoken of is now so generally secured by treaty. When war is declared, all intercourse be- tween the two countries at once ceases. All trade between the citizens, directly or indirectly, is strictly forbidden ; and all contracts with the enemy, made during the war, are void. Although a state of war makes all the subjects of one nation enemies of all those of the other, all are not allowed, at plea- sure, to fall upon the enemy. They cannot lawfully engage in offensive hostilities without permission of their government. If they have no written commission as evidence of such permission, and if they should be taken by the enemy, they would not be entitled to the usual mild treatment which other prisoners of war receive, but might be treated without mercy as lawless robbers and banditti. The object of a just war is to obtain jus- tice by force when it cannot otherwise be had. When, therefore, a nation has de- clared war, it has a right to use all necessary means, and no other, for attaining that end. A just war gives us the riglitto take the life of the enemy ; but there are limits to this right. If an enemy submits, and lays down liis arms, we cannot justly take his life. Although all the sul)jects of a govern- ment are to be considered enemies, justice i\ni\ humanity forbid that women, cliihlre.n, feeble old men and sick persons, who make no resistance, should be maltreated. Pris- oners of war are not to be treated with cruelty. They may be confined, and even fettered, if there is reason to apprehend that they will rise against their captors, or make their escape. Prisoners of war are detained to prevent their returning to join the enemy, or to obtain from their government a just satis- faction as the price of their liberty. Pris- oners may be kept till the end of the war. Then, or at any time during the war, the government may exchange them for its own soldiers, taken prisoner by the enemy ; or a ransom may be required for their re- lease. It is the duty of the government to procure, at its own expense, the release of its citizens. Ravaging a country, burning private dwellings, or otherwise wantonly destroying property, is not justifiable, except in cases of absolute necessity. But ail fortresses, ramparts, and the like, being appropriated to the purposes of war, may be destroyed. How far it is right to practice stratagems and deceit to obtain advantage of an enemy, we will not undertake to decide. To some extent they are justified by the law of nations ; but in general they are dishonorable and wrong. Spies are sometimes sent among the enemy, to discover the state of his affairs, to pry into his designs, and cany back infor- mation. This is a dishonorable office ; and spies, if detected, are condemned to death. The rights of a nation in war at sea are essentially different from those in war upon land. The object of a maritime war is to destroy the commerce and navigation of the enemy, with a view of weakening his naval power. To this end, the capture or destruction of private property is necessary, and is justified by the law of nations. Hence, for purposes of attack as well as defense, every nation of considera- ble power or commercial importance keeps a nary, consisting of a number of war vessels, which are kept ready for service. Besides these national ships of war, there are armed vessels owned by private citizens, which are called ^^n'ra^e^rA-. Their owners receive from the government a com- mission to go on the seas, and to cai)ture any vessel of the enemy, whether it is f)wned by the government or by private citizens, or whether it is armed or not. And to encourage privateering, the gov- ernment allows the owner and crew to keep the property captured as their own. Tills right being liable to great abuse, . the owners arc required to give security, that the cruise shall be conducted accord- ing to instructions and the usages of war; and that the rights of neutral nations shall not be violated ; and that they will bring in tlie property cantured for adjudication. When a prize is brought into port, tho ' BOOK v.] EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. 10-5 captors make a writing, called libel, stating the facts of the capture, and praying that the property may be condemned ; and this paper is filed in the proper court. If it shall be made to appear that the property was taken from the enemy, the court condemns the ])roperty as prize, wiiich is then sold, and the proceeds are distributed among the captors. All prizes, whether taken by a public or ])rivate armed vessel, primarily belong to the sov- ereign ; and no person has any interest in it except what he receives from the state : and due proof must in all cases be made before the proper court, that the seizure was lawfully made. In this countiy, prizes are proved and condemned in a dis- trict court, which, when sitting for this purpose, is called a prize court. Rights and Duties of Neutral Nations ; Contraband Quods ; Blockade ; RUjht» of Search ; Safe Con- ducU and Pagsportt ; Truces ; Treaties of Peace, Jtc. A NEUTRAL nation is bound to observe a strict impartiality toward the parties at war. If she should aid one party to the injury of the other, she would be liable to be herself treated as an enemy. A loan of money to one of the belligerent parties, or supplying him with other means of carry- ing on a war, if done with the view of aid- ing such party in the war, would be a vio- lation of neutrality. But an engagement made in time of peace to furnish a nation a certain number of ships, or troops, or other articles of war, may afterward, in time of war, be fulfilled. A nation is not bound, on the occurrence of a war, to change its customary trade, and to cease supplying a belligerent with any articles of trade which such belligerent was wont to receive from her, although the goods may afford him the means of carry- ing on the war. This rule applies also to the loaning of money. If a nation has been accustomed to lend money to another for the sake of interest, and the latter should become engaged in a war Avith a third power, the neutral nation would not break her neutrality if she should continue so to lend her money. The wrong in any case lies in the intention of aiding one to the detriment of the other. Vattel, however, in laying down this rule, supposes the case of a belligerent go- ing himself to a neutral country to make his purchases. But in the case of a neu- tral nation carrying goods to the enemy of another, he does not appear to allow the same liberty. A nation in a just war, has a right to deprive her enemy of the means of resisting or injuring her, and therefore may lawfully intercept every thing of a warlike nature which a neutral is carrying to such enemy. A neutral nation's being permitted to continue her commerce with belliKcrent nations, and at the same time to furnish them with the means of war, renders it dif- ficult sometimes to determine how far freedom of trade is consistent with the laws of war. In determining this question, it is necessary to distinguish correctly be- tween goods that do not subserve the pur- poses of war, and those that do; for na- tions should enjoy full liberty to trade in the former. To attemj)t to stop this tradii would be a violation of the rights of neu- tral nations. Articles which are particularly useful in war, are those which a neutral is not al- lowed to carry to an enemy. The goods thus prohibited are called contraband goods. What these are, it is impossible to say with precision, as some articles may in certain cases be lawfully carried, which would be justly prohibited under other circumstances. Among the articles usual- ly contraband, are arrtis, ammunition, materials for ship-building, naval stores, horses, and sometimes even provisions. Contraband goods, when ascertained to be such, are confiscated to the captors as lawful prize. Formerly the vessel also was liable to be condemned and confis- cated; but the modern practice, it is said, exempts the ship, unless it belongs to the owner of the contraband articles, or the carrying of them is connected with ag- gravating circumstances. One of the rights of a beligerent nation, and one which a neutral is bound to re- gard, is the right of blockade. Blockade is a blocking up. A war blockade is the stationing of ships of war at the entrance of an enemy's ports, to prevent all vessels from coming out or going in. The object of a blockade is to hinder supplies of arms, ammunition and provisions from en- tering, with a view to compel a surrender by hunger and want, without an attack. A neutral vessel attempting to enter or de- part, becomes liable to be seized and con- demned. Towns and fortresses also may be shut up by posting troops at the avenues. A smipie decree or order declaring a certain coast or country in a state of block- ade does not constitute a lawful blockade. A force must be stationed there, competeiit to maintain the blockade, and to make it dangerous to enter. And it is necessary, al- so, that the neutral should have due notice of the blockade in order to subject his prop- erty to condemnation and forfeiture. Ac- cording to modern usage, if a place is blockaded by sea only commerce with it by a neutral may be carried on by inland com- munication.' Also, a neutral vessel, loaded before the blockade was established, has a right to leave the port with her cargo. To prevent the conveyance of contra- band goods, the law of nations gives a bel- ligerent nation the n(/Ai «f search ; that is, the right, in time of war, to search ueu- 106 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book v. tral vessels, to ascertain their character, and what articles are on board. A neutral vessel refusing to be searched by a lawful cruiser, would thereby render herself lia- ble to condemnation as a prize. Private merchant vessels only are subject to search ; the right does not extend to public ships of war. To prove the neutral character of a ves- sel, she must be furnished with the neces- sary documents. The papers required are, sea-letters or passports, describing the name, property, and burden of the ship ; the name and residence of the command- er ; and certificates containing the partic- ulars of the cargo, and place whence the ship sai I ed, signed by the oflBcers of the port. In a time of universal peace the register of the vessel has been deemed sufficient. The property of an enemy found on board of a neutral vessel, may be seized, if the vessel is beyond the limits of the juris- diction of the nation to which she belongs ; but the vessel is not confiscated ; and the master is moreover entitled to freight for the carriage of the goods. The property of neutrals found in an enemy^s vessels, is to be restored to the owners. A neutral is forbidden, by the law and practice of nations, to permit a belligerent to arm and equip vessels of war within her ports. And our own government has, in conformity with the law of nations, de- clared it to be a misdemeanor for any of our citizens to fit out any vessel within the United States, or to accept or exercise a commission, or to enlist, or hire another to enlist, to go beyond the limits of the United States, to assist any people in war against another with whom we are at peace. It has been observed, that, in time of peace, the people of one nation are entitled to an innocent passage over the lands and waters of another. It is held that this right extends to troops of war. But he who desires to march his troops through a neutral country must apply to the govern- ment of the neutral nation for permission ; for it rests' with the sovereign authority to judge whether the passage would be in- nocent. Such passage can scarcely be made without damage. If a passage is granted to the troops of one belligerent, the other has no just ground of complaint against the neutral state. But if a neutral nation grants or refus(!s a passage to one of the parties at war, she ought also to grant or refuse it to the other, unless .she was previously bound U) the former by treaty ; in which case a passage can be justly claimed under the provisions of the treaty. ft is sometimes agreed to suspend hos- tilities for a time. If the agreement is only for a short neriod, for the purpose of burying the dead after battle, or for a par- icy between the hostile generals, or if it regards only some particular place, it is called a cessation or suspension of arms. If for a considerable time, and especially if general, it is called a truce. By a par- tial truce, hostilities are suspended in cer- tain places, as between a town and the general besieging it ; and generals have power to make such truces. By a gene- ral truce, hostilities are to cease generally, and in all places, and are made by the governments or sovereigns. Such truces afford opportunities for nations to settle their disputes by negotiation. A truce binds the contracting parties from the time it is made ; but individuals of the nation are not responsible for its vio- lation before they have had due notice of it. And for all prizes taken after the time of its commencement, the government is bound to make restitution. During the cessation of hostilities, each party may, within his own territories, continue his preparations for war, without being charge- able with a breach of good faith. Safe conducts and passports are written licenses insuring safety to persons in pass- ing and repassing, or insuring a safe pas- sage of property. The right to grant safe conducts rests in the supreme authority of a state ; but the right is either expressly delegated to subordinate officers, or they derive it from the nature of their trust. If a person suffers damage by a violation of his passport, he is entitled to indemnity from him who promised security. War is generally terminated, and peace secured, by treaties, called treaties of peace. The manner of making treaties has been described. A treaty of peace puts an end to the war, and leaves the contracting par- ties no right to take up arms again for the same cause. Hence, the parties agree to preserve " perpetual peace," which, how- ever, relates only to the war which the treatj' terminates ; but does not bind either party never to make war on the other for any cause that may thereafter arise. The contracting parties to a treaty of peace are bound by it from the time of its conclusion, which is the day on which it is signed ; but, as in the case of a truce, Eersons are not held responsible for any ostile acts committed before the treaty was known ; and their government is bound to order and to enforce the restitu- tion of pro])erty captured subsequently to the conclusion of the treaty. War is sometimes terminated by media- tion. A friend to both i>artie3, desirous of stoj)ping the destruction of human life, kindly endeavors to reconcile the parties. The frienrlly sovereign who thus interpo- ses, is called mediator. Many desolating wars might have been early arrested in this way, had tliere always been among friendly powers generally a disposition to recoDcile contending nations. i AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK VI. A FEDEEAL BLUE BOOK. SHOWING THE OFFICES, SALARIES AND METHODS OF APPOINTMENT. I AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK VI. A FEDEKAL BLUE BOOK, SHOWING THE OFFICES, SALARIES, AND METHODS OF APPOINTMENT. Execatlve. COMPENSATION. President $50,000. Vice President 8,000. Private Secretary 3,250. Ass't. Secretary 2,250. Executive Clerks, two, each 2,000. Stenographer 1,800. Clerks, three,$l,800, $1,400, 1,200. Steward 1,800. Usher 1,400. Messengers, five 1,200. Doorkeepers, four 1,200. Watchman 900. Furnace-keeper 8G4. [All of the minor officers in the Execu- tive Chamber are appointed by the Presi- dent, as a rule, without other influence than his own knowledge and wish.] Ctovemmentjil Dntlea. The Federal Government is the central authority of the United States. It was organized in 1789, in accordance with the provisions of the Federal constitution. The instrument provides for a legislative, a judicial, and an executive department. The Legislative Department consists of Congress, which is a body of men repre- senting the people and acting in the place of them. This body meets yearly in the Capitol at Washington, on the first Mon- day in December. The regular sessions of Congress begin at this time, and close by custom, at twelve o'clock at night, on the third of the following March. The Presi- dent can call an extra session whenever circumstances demand it. A Congress is 51 said to exist two years, because the larger number of those who compose that body are elected for that time. [" To detenmne the years covered by a given Congress, double the number of the Congress and add the product to 1789 ; the result will be the year in which the Congress closed. To find the number of a Congress sitting in any given year, subtract 1789 from the year; if the result is an even number, half that number will give the Congress, of which the year in question will be the clos- ing year. If the result is an odd number, add one to it, and half the result will give the Congress, of which the year in question . will be the first year," — Am. Almanac] Congress enacts laws, and consists of the Senate and the House of Representatives. These bodies, when acting in a legislative capacity, have the same duties and powers. Laws are passed by the concurrent action of both houses. The Senate is composed of two members from each state, chosen for six years by the legislatures thereof. Over this body the Vice-President presides. AVithout the con- currence of the House, the Senate aids as a high court to try cases of impeachment ; authorizes the President to make treaties ; and rejects or confirms the President's nominations to oflice. The House of Representatives is composed of members chosen for two years by the people. The number of representatives changes with the increase ot population. The House has the exclusive power of ori- ginating bills for raising revenues and pro- viding for trials by impeachment. The Judicial Department determines the 3 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. meaning of the laws, and consists of the ] Supreme Court and Inferior Courts. The Supreme Court, the highest judicial tribunal in the Union, is composed of the Chief Justice and nine associates. It is held annually at Washington city, com- mencing its sessions on the first Monday in December. Most of its labors are con- fined to hearing and determining appeals from Inferior Courts. The decisions of the Supreme Court are regularly reported, and fiirnish autliority for all judicial tribunals in the Union. The reports, extending to more than seventy-nine volumes, are high- ly valued in foreign countries, especially in cases where the laws of the nations and of the sea are involved. The Inferior Courts are Circuit Courts, District Courts, the Court of Claims, Local Courts in the District of Columbia, and Territorial Courts. Circuit Courts are held within nine circuits, which include the states of the Union. The District Courts are held in judicial districts, and the Court of Claims, at Washington. The Executive Department executes the laws, and consists of the President, aided by the heads of departments with their under-officials. Attached to this branch of the government are the Departments of State, Treasury, War, Navy, Post-Ofiice, Justice, and Interior. The seven otficials who head these departments constitute the cabinet, a name given to the body of men whom the President appoints as his execu- tive ofiicers and advisers. DEPARTMENT DUTIES. Department ot State. * THE SECRETAEY OF STATE. The Secretary of State is charged, under the direction of the President, with the duties appertaining to correspondence with the public ministers and consuls of the United States, and with the representa- tives of foreign powers accredited to the United States ; and to negotiations of what- ever charnctcr relating to the foreign affairs of the United States. He is also the me- dium of correspondence between the Pre- sident and tlie chief executive of the seve- ral States of the United States ; he has the custody of the great seal of the United States, and countersigns and aflixes such seal to all executive proclamations, to various commissions, and to warrants for pardon, and the extradition of fugitives from justice. He is regarded as the first in rank among the members f)f tlie ( -ahi- net. Iff is also tlie nistodian of the trea- ties made with foreign states, and of the laws of the United States. He grants and • From Bon Pcrli-y roorc'g ConxreBHlotiiil PiroctDry. issues passports, and exequaturs to foreign consuls in the United States are issued through his office. He publishes the laws and resolutions of Congress, amendments to the Constitution, and proclamations de- claring the admission of new States into the Union. He is also charged with cer- tain annual reports to Congress relating to commercial information received from di- plomatic and consular officers of the United States. THE ASSISTAJn" SECRETARY OF STATE Becomes the Acting Secretary of State, in the absence of the Secretary. Under the organization of the Department the Assis- tant Secretary, Second Assistant Secretary, and Third Assistant Secretary are respec- tively charged with the immediate super- vision of all correspondence with the di- plomatic and consular officers in the coun- tries named in Division A, B, and C, of those bureaus, and of the miscellaneous correspondence relating thereto, and, in general, they are entrusted with the pre- paration of the correspondence upon any question arising in the course of the pub- lic business that may be assigned to them by the Secretary. THE CHIEF CLERK. The Chief Clerk has the general super- vision of the clerks and employees and of the business of the Department. BUREAU OF INDEXES AKD ARCHIVES. The duty of opening the mails ; preparing, registering, and indexing daily all corres- pondence to and from the Department, both by subjects and persons ; the preservation of the archives ; answering calls of the Secre- tary, Assistant Secretaries, Chief Clerk, and chiefs of bureaus for correspondence, &c. DIPLOMATIC BUREAU. Diplomatic correspondence and miscel- laneous correspondence relating thereto. Division A. — Correspondence with France, Germany, and Great Britain, and miscellaneous correspondence relating to those countries. Division B. — Correspondence with Ar- gentine Republic, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Chili, Denmark, Greece, Italy, Nether- lands, Paraguay, Peru, Portugal, Russia, and Uruguay, and miscellaneous corres- pondence relating to those countries. Diinsion C. — Correspondence with Bar- bary States, Bolivia,- Central America, Co- lumbia, China, Ecuador, Egyj)t, Fiji Is- hands, Friendly and Navigator's Islands, Hawaiian Islands, Hayti, .Japan, Liberia, Madagascar, Mexico, Muscat, San Domin- go, Sinm, Society Islands, Turkey, VenC' zuela, and other countries, not assigned and miscellaneous corrcs2K)ndence relating to those coun fries. 1 BOOK VI. J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. CONSULAR BUREAU. Correspondence with consulates, and miscellaneous correspondence relating thereto. There are three divisions, A, B, and C, witli certain countries allotted to each, as in the Diplomatic Bureau. BUREAU OF ACCOUNTS. Custody and disbursement of appropria- tions under direction of the Department; charged with custody of indemnity funds and bonds ; care of the building and pro- perty of the Department. ROLLS AND LIBRARY. Custody of the rolls, treaties, &c. : pro- mulgation of the laws, &c. ; care and superintendence of the library and public documents ; care of the revolutionary arcii- ives, and of papers relating to internation- al commissions. STATISTICS, Preparation of the reports on Commer- cial Relations. EXAMINER OF CLAIMS. From the Department of Justice.] The examination of questions of law and other matters submitted by the Secretary or the Assistant Secretary, and of all claims. Tlie Treasury Department. THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. The Secretary of the Treasury has charge of the national finances. He digests and prepares plans for the improvement and management of the revenue and support of the public credit; he superintends the col- lection of the revenue, and ]>rescribes the forms of keeping and rendering all public accounts, and making returns; grants all warrants for money to be issued from the Treasury in pursuance of appropriations by law ; makes report and gives information to either branch of Congress, as may be re- quired, respecting all matters referred to him by the Senate or House of Represen- tatives, and generally performs all such services relative to the finances as he is di- rected to perform ; controls the erection of public buildings, the coinage and printing of money, the collection of commercial statistics, the marine hospitals, the revenue- cutter service, the life-saving service. Under his superintendence the Light- House Board discharges the duties relative to the construction, illumination, inspec- tion, and superintendence of light-houses, light-vessels, beacons, buoys, sea-marks and their appendages; makes provision for the payment of the jiublic debtunder enactment of Congress, and publishes statements con- cerning it, and submits to Congress, at the commencement of each session, estimates of the probable receipts, ami ol'the recjuired ex])enditures, for the ensuing fiscal year. The routine work of the Secretary's office is transacted in the following ollices: Division of Apimintments ; Division of Warrants, Estimates, and Appropriations ; Division of Public Moneys; Division of Customs ; Division of Internal Revenue and Navigation ; Division of Loans and Currency; Division of Revenue Marine; Division of Stationery, Printing, and Blanks; Division of S2)ecial Agents; and two disbursing-clcrks pay the salaries and compensation of the ofiicers and employes of the Department, and disburse, uj)on the orders of the Secretary, such moneys :is have been appropriated to be expended under the direction of the Department. ASSISTANT SECRETARIES OF THE TREA- SURY. One of the two Assistant Secretaries (now Hon. .J. K. Upton) has the general supervision of all the work assigned to the Divisions of Appointments, Warrants, Es- timates, and Appropriations, Public Moneys, Stationery, Printing and Blanks, Loans and Currency. Bureau of Engraving and Printing, and office of the Director of the Mint ; the signing of all letters and papers as Assistant Secretary, or " by order of the Secretary," relating to the business of the foregoing divisions and bu- reau, that do not by law require the signa- ture of the Secretary of the Treasury ; the performance of such other duties as may be prescribed by the Secretary or by law. The other Assistant Secretary (now Hon. H. F. French) has the general supervision of all the work assignee! to the Divisions of Customs, Special Agents, Revenue ]\Ia- rine. Internal Revenue and Navigation, and to the offices of Supervising Architect, General Superintendent Life-Saving Ser- vice, Supervising Surgeon-treneral of the Marine Hospital Service, Bureau of Statis- tics, and Supervising Inspector-General of Steamboats ; the signing of all letters and papers as Assistant Secretary, or " by oriler of the Secretary," relating to the business of the foregoing divisions, that do not by law require the signature of the Secretary of the Treasury ; the performance of such other duties as may be prescribed by the Secretary or by law. THE FIRST COMPTROLLER. The First Comptroller countersigns all warrants issued by the Secretarj' of the Treasurv, covering the public revenues into the Treasury, and authorizing payments therefrom. All accounts examined by the First Auditor, except those which go to the Commissioner of Customs, and all ex- amined bv the Fifth Auditor, and accounts AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. and examined by the Commissioner of the General Land-Office, are re-examined and revised in the First Comptroller's Office. Here, also, are examined and reported on the drafts for salaries and expenses drawn by ministers and consuls abroad, and the requisition for advances drawn by marshals, collectors of internal revenue, secretaries of the Territories, and otlier disbursing-offi- cers. Powers of attorney for the collection of drafts on the Treasury are examined ; and many other duties, having reference to the adjustment of claims against the United States, pertain to the office, but are of too varied a character to be enumerated. THE SECOND COMPTROLLER. Accounts received from the Second, Third, and Fourth Auditors against the United States are examined, revised, and certified to, viz : Reported by the Second Auditor — for organizing volunteers, re- cruiting, pay of the Army, special military accounts, Army ordnance, the Indian ser- vice, the Army Medical Department, con- tingent military expezises, bounty to soldiers, the Soldiers' Home, and the National Home for Disabled Volunteers. Reported by the Third Auditor — disburse- ments by the Quartermaster's Department, the Subsistence Department, the Engineer Department, Army pensions, property taken by military authority for the use of the Army, and nuscellaneous war- claims. Reported by the Fourth Auditor — disbursements for the Marine Cori)s, by the Navy paymasters for pay and rations, by the paymasters at the navy -yards, for Navy pensions at foreign stations, and the financial agent at London. These accounts are examined in Divi- sions, devoted respectively to the affiiirs of Army raiimasters, Army Quartermasters, Navy Paymasters and the Marine Corps, Army Pensions, Miscellaneous Claims, and Indian Affairs. THE CO^fMISSIOXER OF CUSTOMS. The Commissioner of Customs revises and certifies the accounts of revenue col- lected from duties on imports and tonnage ; of mr)neys received on account of the marine-hospital fund, fines, penalties, and forfeitures under the customs and naviga- tion laws; steamboat inspection; licenses to pilots, engineers, &c. ; and from miscel- laneous sources connectc'd with customs matters, accounts of the importation, with- drawal, transportation, and exportation of goods under the war(>house system ; for disbursements for the expenses of collect- ing the revcnne from customs, revenue-cut- ter service, construction and maintenance of lights, marine hosj)itals, dclx'titures, ex- cess of dej)osits for unascertained duties, refund of duties exacted in excess, life-sav- ing service, construction of custom-houses and marine hospitals ; fuel, light, water, &Q.., for custonu-houses, &c. ; approves and files the official bonds given by customs officers, and transmits their commissions ; files the oaths of office of the persons paid in the accounts certified by him ; and pre- pares for the use of the hiw-oflicers of the Department the accounts of those in arrears under the heads above mentioned. The office is organized in four Divisions, viz: Customs, Book-keeper^ s, Bond, and Miscellaneous. THE FIRST AUDITOR. It is the duty of the First Auditor to re- ceive all accounts accruing in the Treasury Department (except those arising under the internal-revenue laws), and, after ex- amination, to certify the balance, and transmit the accounts, with the vouchers and certificate, to the First Comptroller or to the Commissioner of Customs, having respectively the revision thereof. The sub- ordinate Divisions of his office are — Customs Division. — Receipts and ex- penditures of the customs service, includ- ing fines, emoluments, forfeitures, deben- tures, drawb^icks, marine-hospital service, revenue-cutter service, &c. Judiciary Division. — Salaries of United States marshals, dit-trict attorneys, commis- sioners and clerks ; rent of court-houses, support of prisoners. &c. Public Debt Division. — Redemption of the public debt, including principal, premium, and interest ; payment of inter- est ; redemption of certificates of deposit ; notes destroyed. Warchoiise and Bond Division. — Ex- amination of accounts received from cus- tom-houses. Miscellaneous Division. — Accounts of mints and assay offices ; Territories ; Coast Survey ; salaries and contingent ex])cnses of the legislative, executive, and judicial departments of the Government; construc- tion, repair, and preservation of public buildings ; Treasurer of the LTnited States for general receipts and expenditures. THE SECOND AUDITOR. The Second Auditor examines, adjusts, and transfers to the Second Comptroller all accounts relating to bounties, the re- cruiting service, the pay and clothing of the Army, the subsistence of oflicers, medical and hospital accounts, the pay of private physicians, and the expenses oithe War Department, contingent disburse- ments of the Army, and all accounts relat- ing to Indian AfTairs. The Divisions are— Pay)na.'<ters' Division. — Army paymas- ters' accounts and payments to the soldiers' 1 loine and the National Home for Disabled Volunteers. Misrellnnonus Claims Division. — Ac- counts of the Ordnance and Medical De- BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. partments of the Army, contingent ex- penses, Army jMedical Museum and publi- cations, regular and volunteer recruiting, i'reemeu's bcninty and pay. Indian A/fairs Division. — Disburse- ments for tlie Indians, money accounts and property returns of Indian agents, and claims tor goods supplied and services rendered. I'ai/and Bounty Dioinion. — Examination and adjustment of claims of white and colored soldiers and their legal heirs for pay and bounty. Investigation of Frauds Division. — In- vestigation of alleged cases of forgery, fraud, over-payments, unlawful withhold- ing of money, &c., in the payment of white and colored soldiers. Book-keeper's Division. — Accounts of the numerous requisitions drawn by the Se(.'re- taries of War and Interior, examined and charged to various approi)riatious. THE THIRD AUDITOR. The Third Auditor examines, adjusts, and transfers to the Second Comptroller all accounts relating to the Quartermaster- General's Department, the Engineer Corps, and the Commissary-General's Department of the Army ; claims for lost horses, ac- counts of unpaid pensions. State war- claims, and the claims of States for organiz- ing, arming, and equipping volunteers after ISlU. The Divisions of the Third Auditor's Office are — Book-keeper's Division. — Accounts of the numerous requisitions drawn by the Secretary of AVar and of the Interior, ex- amined and charged to various appropria- tions. Quartermaster's Division. — Accounts of disbursements for barracks and quarters, hospitals, offices, stables, and transporta- tion of supplies ; the purchase of clothing, camp and garrison equipage, horses, fuel, forage, straw, bedding, and stationery ; payments of hired men and of extra-duty men; expenses incurred in the apprehen- sion of deserters ; for the burial of officers and soldiers; for hired escorts, expresses, interpreters, spies, and guides ; for veteri- nary surgeons and medicines tor horses ; for supplying posts with water; and for all other authorized outlays connected with the movements of the Army not expressly assigned. Subsistence and Engineer Division. — Ac- counts of all commissaries and acting com- missaries in the Army, whose duties are to purchase the provisions and stores neces- sary for its subsistence, and to see to their proper distribution; also, accounts of officers of the Corps of Engineers who dis- burse money for the expenses of the ■Mili- tary Academy, the imjirovement of rivers and harbors, the construction and pre- servation of fortifications, the surveys on the coasts, the surveys of lakes and rivers, and the construction and repair of break- waters. Army Pension Division. — The duties of this division embrace the settlement of all accounts which pertain to the i)ayment of Army pensions throughout tlie United States. An account is kept with each pension agent, charging him with all moneys advanced for payment to pension- ers, under the projier bond and fiscal year. At the end of each month the agent for- wards his vouchers, abstract of payments, and money statement direct to this ofiice, where a preliminary examination is made to sec if the money advanced is properly accounted for. The receipt of the account is then acknowledged, and the account filed for audit. Each voucher is subse- quently examined, and the payment en- tered on the roll-book opposite the pen- sioner's name. The agent's account, when audited, is reported to the Second Comp- troller for his revision, and a copy of the statement of errors, if any, sent to the agent for his information and explana- tion. The account, when revised, it re- turned by the Second Comf)troller to this office and placed in the settled files, where it permanently remains. State War and Horse Claims Division. — The settlement of all claims of the several States and Territories for the ex- penses incurred by them for enrolling, sub- sisting, clothing, arming, paying, and trans- porting their troops while employed by the Government in aiding to suppress the re- cent insurrection against the United States ; also, the settlement of claims for the loss of horses and equipages sustained by officers and enlisted men while in the military service, and for horses, mules, &c., lost while in service by impressment or contract. Miscellaneotis Claims Division. — The adjustment of claims for the appropriation of stores, the purchase of vessels, railroad stock, horses, and other means of trans- portation ; the occupation of real estate, court-martial fees, traveling expenses, &c. ; claims for compensation for vessels, cars, engines, &c., lost in the military service; claims growing out of the Oregon and Washington war of 1855 and 1856, and other Indian wars; claims of various descriptions under s])ecial acts of Congress, and claims not otherwise assigned for ad- judication. CoUcction Division. — Prepares accounts for suits against defaulting officers; an- swers all calls for information from the files of the office ; examines all claims for bounty-land and ]iensions granted to the soldiers of 1S12, and certifies them to the Commissioner of Pensions. 8 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. THE FOrRTH AUDITOR. The Fourth Auditor examines, adjusts, and transfers to the Second Comptroller all accounts concerning the pay, expenditures, pensions, and prize-money of the Navy and the accounts of the Xa%7- Department. The subordinate Divisions of the Bureau are — Record Prize Division. — Adjusts the prize-money accounts and prepares tabu- lated statements called for by Congress. Navy-Agents Division. — Examines the accounts of the disbursements by the navy- agents at Portsmouth, Boston, Xew York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, and San Francisco. Paymasters' Division. — Examines the accounts of paymasters, including mechan- ics' rolls. THE FIFTH AUDITOR. The Fifth Auditor examines, adjusts, and transfers to the First Comptroller the diplomatic and consular accounts, the ex- penditures of the Department of State and the Bureau of Internal Eevenue. There are two Divisions : Diplomatic and Consular Divimon. — Ad- justment is made of the expenses of all missions abroad for salaries, contingencies, and loss by exchange ; cousular fees, salaries, and emoluments ; consular courts and prisons ; the relief of American sea- men ; the return of American seamen charged with crime ; the expenses of claims, commissions, boundary-surveys, &c. Internal-Revenue Division. — Accounts for assessing and of collecting the internal revenue, including the salaries, commis- sions, and allowances of the assessors and collectors, their contingent expenses, &c. ; the cost of revenue-stamps ; the accounts for salaries and expenses of supervisors, agents, and surveyors of distilleries; the fees and expenses of gangers ; counsel-fees, and taxes refunded. THE SIXTH AUDITOR. The Sixth Auditor examines and adjusts all accounts relating to the j)Ostal service, and his decisions on these are final, unless an apjjeal be taken in twelve months to the First Comptroller. He superintends the collection of all debts due the Post-Office Department, and all penalties imposed on po.stmasters and mail-contractors ; directs suits and legal procedings, civil and crimi- nal, and takes ail such measures as may be authorized by law to enforce the payment of moneys due to the Dej)artmeiit. There are eight subordinati! divisif)ns, viz: CoUectinf/ Division. — The collection of balances due from all postmasters, late postmasters, and contract'TM ; also the ])ay- ment of all balances due to l:;te and j)resent postmasters, and the adjustment and final settlement of postal accounts. Stating Division. — The general postal accounts of postmasters and those of late postmasters, until fully stated, are in charge of this division. Examining Division. — Receives and audits the quarterly accounts-current of all post-offices in the United States. It is divided into four subdivisions, viz, the opening-room, the stamp-rooms, the ex- amining corps proper, and the error-rooms. Money-Order Division. — Accounts of money-orders paid and received are exam- ined, assorted, checked, and filed ; remit- tances are registered and checked ; errors corrected. Foreign Mail Division. — Has charge of the postal accounts with foreign govern- ments, and the accounts with steamship companies for ocean transportation of the mails. Registering Division. — Receives from the examining division the quarterly accounts- current of all the post-offices in "the United States, re-examines and registers them, and exhibits in the register ending June 30 of each year the total amount of receipts and expenditures for the fiscal year. Fay Division. — The adjustment and pay- ment of all accounts for the transportation of the mails, whether carried by ocean- steamers, railroads, steamboats, or any mail-carrier; the accounts of the railway j)ostal-service, railway postal clerks, route- agents, and local agents, mail depreda- tions, special agents, free-delivery system, postage-stamps, postal-cards, envelopes, stamps, maps, wrapping-paper, twine, mail-bags, mail-locks and keys, advertis- tising, fees in suits on postal matters, and miscellaneous accounts. Book-keeping Division. — The duty of keeping the ledger-accounts of the Depart- ment, embracing postmasters, late post- masters, contractors, late contractors, and accounts of a general, special, and miscel- laneous character. THE TREASURER OF THE UNITED STATES. The Treasurer of the United States is charged with the custody of all public moneys received into the Treasury at Washington, or in the sub-treasuries at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Balti- more, Charleston, Cincinnati, St. Louis, and San Francisco, or in the depositories and depository banks ; disburses all public moneys upon the warrants of the Secretary of the Treasury, and ujjon tlie warrants of the Postmaster-General ; issues and re- deems Treasury notes ; is agent for the redemption of the circulating notes of national banks, is tru.stcc of thebondsheld for the security of the circulating notes of national banks, and of bonds held as security for public deposits; is custodian of Indian trust funds; is agent for paying the interest on the public debt, and for BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 9 |):iying the salaries of the members of the 1 louse of Representatives. The subordi- nate divisions of the Treasury are — Issue Division. — Issues are made of Itgal-teiider notes, currency, coin-certifi- cates, &c. liedeniption Division. — Coin-certificates, national bank notes, fractional currency, itc, are redeemed, and generally destroyed by maceration. " Loan Division. — Bonds are issued, pur- chased, retired, cancelled, or converted. Accounts Division. — The accounts of the Treasury, tlie sub-treasuries, and the na- tional banks used as depositories are kept. National-Bank Division. — Bonds held as security for national-bank circulation are examined, notes issued, redeemed, and cancelled. National-Bank Redemption Agency. — Notes of banks are redeemed and accounted for. THE REGISTER OF THE TREASURY. The Register of the Treasury has charge of the great account-books of the United States, which show every receipt and dis- bursement, and from which statements are annually made for transmission to Con- gress, lie signs and issues all bonds, Treasury notes, and other securities; reg- isters all warrants drawn by the Secretary upon the Treasurer ; transmits statements ot balances due to individuals after their settlement by the First Comptroller, on which payment is made; issues ships' registers, licenses, and enrolments ; pre- {)ares annual reports of all vessels built, ost, or destroyed ; and also prepares state- ments of the tonnage of vessels in which importations and exportations are made, with the various articles and their values. These duties are attended to in five divi- sions, viz: Coupon and Note Division. — Bonds, in- terest-coupons, gold-certificates, certificates of deposit and of indebtedness are exam- ined, registered, and issued or redeemed. Note and Fractional Currency Division. — Treasury notes, notes of national banks which have gone into liquidation, and mutilated fractional currency are exam- ined, cancelled, and destroyed. Loan Division. — Registered and coupon bonds are issued, embracing the transfer of all registered bonds ; the conversion of coupon into registered ; the ledger accounts with holders of registered bonds, and schedules made out upon which interest on same is paid. Receipts and Expenditures Division. — The ledgers of the United States are kept, showing the civil, diplomatic, internal- revenue, miscellaneous, and public-debt receipts and expenditures ; also, statements of the warrants and drafts registered. Tonnage Division. — Accounts are kept showing the registered, and the enrolled and licensed tonnage, divided into dili'ercut classes, and exhibiting what is annually built and what is engaged iu the fisheries of difi'erent kinds. THE COMPTROLLER OF THE CURRENCY. The Comptroller of the Currency has. under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, the control of the national banks. The Divisions of this liureau are — Issue Division. — The prejjaration and issue of national-bank circulation. Redemption Division. — The redemption and destruction of notes issued by national banks. Reports Division. — Examination and consolidation of the reports of national banks. Organization Division. — The organiza- tion of national banks. THE DIRECTOR OF THE MIXT. The Director of the Mint has general supervision of all mints and assay offices, reports their operations and condition to the Secretary of the Treasury, and pre- pares and lays before him the annual esti- mates for their support. He prescribes regulations, approved by the Secretary of the Treasury, for the transaction of business at the mints and assay ofiices, the distributionof silver coin, and the charges to be collected of deposi- tors. He receives for adjustment the monthly and quarterly accounts of super- intendents and officers in charge of mints and assay oflices, superintends their ex- penditures, and the annual settlements of the operative officers, and makes such S2)ecial examinations as may be deemed necessary. All appointments, removals, and changes of clerks, assistants, and workmen in the mints and assay offices are submitted for his approval. The pur- chase of silver bullion, and allotment of its coinage at the mints are made through the office of the Director, and transfers of public moneys in the mints and assay offices, and advances from appropriations for the -mint service, are made at his re- quest. The monthly coinage of mints is tested, and ores, bullions and coins are assayed, at the Assay Laboratory under his charge. The values of the standard coins of for- eign countries are annually estimated by the Director, and the collection of the statistics of the annual production of pre- cious metals in the United States is as- signed to him. THE SOLICITOR. The Solicitor of the Treasury is an offi- cer in the Department of .Justice, having a seal, and is required by law to take cog- nizance, under the direction of the Secre- 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vi_ tary of the Treasury, of all frauds or at- tempted frauds upon the revenue, and ex- ercises a general supervision over all legal measures for their prevention and detec- tion ; also to establish regulations, with the approbation of the Secretary of the Treas- ury, for the observance of collectors of the customs ; and, with the approbation of the Attorney-General, for the observance of United States attorneys, marshals and clerks respecting suits in which the United States is a party or interested. He is also empowered and directed to instruct the district attorneys, marshals, and clerks of the circuit and district courts in all matters and proceedings appertaining to suits in which the United States is interested, ex- cept those arising under the internal- revenue laws. He is required to examine reports of collectors and district attorneys upon bonds delivered for suit : to inform the President of false reports of bonds delivered for suit, and supervise statements from dis- trict attorneys concerning suits, and those from marshals relating to proceedings on execution ; also reports from clerks as to judgments and decrees ; and is charged by the Attorney-General with all post-office litigation. He also has charge of the secret-service employes engaged in the detection of per- sons counterfeiting the coin, currency, and public securities of the United States, and all other fi'auds on the Government. In addition to the duties prescribed by law, the Secretary of the Treasury refers to the Solicitor for opinion a very large number of cases arising in his Department relating to duties, remission of fines, penalties, and forfeitures, navigation and registry laws, steamboat-inspection acts, claims, &c. THE COMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVE- NUE. The Commissioner of Internal Eevenue makes all assessments and superintends the collection of all taxes ; preparation of instructions for special-tax stamps, (for- merly licenses,) forms and stamps of all kinds ; and pays into the Treasury, daily, all moneys received by liim. The business of the bureau is transacted in seven divisions, viz : Appointment Division. — Is charged with all matters pertaining to issuing of commis- sions, leaves of absence, oflice-discipline, assorting and disj)osition of the mail, reg- istry and copying of all letters, with the care of the general files; and all matters relating to messengers, laborers, oflice- Btationory, printing, advertising, blanks, and blank books for the bureau. Jmv} Division. — It is charged with all c^estion8(('Xceptasliereinaftcr stated) rela- ting to seizures, suits, abatement, and re- funding claims, and those relating to special taxes, documentary stamp-taxes, taxes on incomes, legacies, and successions, and on dividends, &c. ; also lands purchased for the United States on distraint, and the ex- tension of time on distraints. Tobacco Division. — Is charged with all matters (including special taxes) relating to tobacco, snufF, and cigars not in suit or in bond, stamp-tax on medicines and pre- parations. Division of Accounts. — Has charge of the examination and reference of the revenue and disbursing accounts, the estimates of collectors and of their applications for special allowances, and other matters rela- tive to advertising and the purchase of blank books, newspapers, and stationery for collectors, revenue-agents, &c. ; also has charge of the examination and refer- ence of the monthly bills of revenue- agents, gangers, and distillery-surveyors, and of all miscellaneous claims presented to this bureau arising under any appro- priation made for carrying into effect the various internal-revenue laws, (excepting claims for abatement, refunding, and draw- back,) and the preparation of estimates for appropriations by Congress, together with the preparation of the statistical re- cords of the bureau. Division of Distilled Spirits. — This di- vision is charged with the supervision of all matters pertaining to distilleries, dis- tilled spirits, fermented liquors, wines, rectification, gangers' fees and instruments, approval of bonded warehouses, and the assignment of storekeepers. Stamp Division. — This division is charged with the supervision of the pre- paration, safe-keeping,, issue, and redemp- tion of stamps for distilled spirits, tobacco, snufF, and cigars, fermented liquors, special taxes, documentary and proprietary stamps, and the keeping of all accounts pertaining thereto, also the supervision of all busi- ness with Adams Express Company, and the preparation, custody, and issue of steel dies for cancelling stamps. Division of Asscssynenfs. — Is charged with the preparation of the assessment- lists, with the consideration of all reports and returns, except those received I'rom distillers, rectifiers, and brewers, aflbrding data from which assessments may be made; also, with keeping the bonded account, and with the consideration of claims for the allowance of drawback. Division of Revenue Agents. — Is charged with general supervision, under the direc- tion of the Commissioner, of the work of revenue agents throughout tlie country, examination of their reports and accounts, and the measures taken for the discovery and suppression of violations of internal- revenue law. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 11 THE SUPERINTENDENT OF THE COAST AND GEODETIC SUKVEY. The Coast and Geodetic Survey is charged with tlie survey of the coasts of tlie United States and rivers emptying into the Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, and with tlie interior triangulation of the c'liiuitry, including that of connecting the surveys of the Eastern and Western coasts, (li'tcrniining geographical positions in lati- t'lde and longitude, and furnishing points of reference for State surveys. Besides the annual reports to Congress tlie Survey jiublislies niaj)s and charts of our coasts and harliors, l)Ooks of sailing directions, and annual tide tables, coin- ]iuted in advance, for all ports of the United States. SUPERVISING SURGEON-GENERAL, U. S., {MetcaiUile,) Slurine- Ilonpittil Scrfice. The Supervising Surgeon-General is charged with the supervision of " all mat- ters connected with the j\Iarine-Hospital Service and with the disbursement of the fund for the relief of sick and disabled seamen '' employed on the vessels of the mercantile marine of the oceans, lakes, and rivers, and of the Revenue-Cutter Service, the general superintendence of the Marine Hospitals, and purveying of supplies, the orders, details and assignment of medical officers, and the examination of the projierty returns. SUPERVISING INSPECTOR-GENERAL OF STEAM-VESSELS. The Supervising Inspector-general su- perintends the administration of the steanil)oat inspection laws, presides at the meethigs of the Board of Supervising In- spectors, receives all reports, and examines all accounts of inspectors. The Board of Supervising Inspectors meets in Washington annually, on the third Wednesday in January, to establish regulations for carrying out the provisions of the steamboat inspection laws. GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT OF THE LIFE- SAVING SERVICE. It is the duty of the General Superin- tendent to supervise the organization and government of the emjiloyes of the ser- vice ; to prepare and revise regulations therefor as may be necessarj' ; to fix the number and compensation of surfmen to be employed at the several stations within the provisions of law ; to supervise the expenditure of all appropriations made for the support and maintenance of the Life- Saving Service; to examine the accounts of disbursements of the district superin- tendents, and to certify the same to the ac- counting officers of the Treasury Depart- ment; to examine the property returns of i the keepers of the several stations, and see that all public property theret<j belonging is properly accounted for; to acquaint himself, as far as practicable, with all means employed in foreign countries which may seem to advantagi'ously all'ect the in- terest of the service, and to cause to be properly investigated all plan-;, devices, and inventions Ibr the improvement of life-saving a[)i)aratus for use at the sta- tions, which may appear to be meritori- ous and available; to exercise supervision over the selection of sites for new stations the establishment of which may be au- thorized by law, or for old ones the re- moval of which may be made necessary by the encroachment of the sea or by other causes ; to prepare and submit to the Secretary of the Treasury estimates for the suj)port of the service ; to collect and com- pile the statistics of marine disasters con- templated by the act of June twentieth, eighteen hundred and seventy-four, and to submit to the Secretary of the Treasury, for the transmission to Congress, an annual report of the expenditures of the moneys appropriated for the maintenance of the Life-Saving Service, and of the operations of said service during the year. The War Department. THE SECRETARY OF WAR. The Secretary of War performs such duties as the President of the United States, who is Commander-inChief, may enjoin upon him concerning the military service, and has the superintendence of the purchase of Army suj>plies, transporta- tion, &c. The Chief Clerk receives in the Secre- tary's Office the public mail and corres- pondence; distributes, records, and an- swers it ; keeps the accounts of appropria- tions and estimates; is the medium of communication between the Secretary and officers of the Department, and has the general superintendence of the Depart- ment. MILITARY BUREAUS OF THE WAR DEPART- MENT. The chiefs of the militar^' bureaus of the War Department are othcers of the Regu- lar Army of the United States, and a part of the military establishment, viz : The Adjutdnf-Gnieral promulgates the orders of the President and the General commanding the Army, and conduct.s cor- respondence between the General and the Army, receives reports, issues commissions and resignations, superintends recruiting and the military prison at Leavenworth, ha-< charge of the i>.ipers concerning the enlistment and drafting of volunteers, re- 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. ceives all muster-rolls, and furnishes con- solidated reports of the entire Army, and has charge, under the General, of details affecting the discipline of the Army. The Inspector- General, with his assis- tants, inspect and report upon the person- nel and the materiel of the Army, at all posts, stations, and depots, and give in- struction relative to the correct interpre- tation of doubtful points of law, regula- tions, and orders, and upon other mooted questions regarding the proper perform- ance of militan,' duties ; and they also in- spect the money accounts of all disbursing officers of the Army. The Quartermaster- General , aided by as- sistants, provides quarters and transporta- tion for the Army, clothing, camp and garrison equipage, horses and mules, for- age, wagons, stoves, stationery, fuel, lights, straw, hospitals, and medicines ; he pays the expenses of guides, spies, and inter- preters, and veterinary surgeons ; pays the funeral expenses of officers and men, and is in charge of the national cemeteries. The Commissary-General has administra- tive control of the Subsistence Depart- ment — of the disbursement of its appro- priations; the providing of rations and their issue to the Army ; the purchase and distribution of articles authorized to be kept for sale to officers and enlisted men ; and the adjustment of accounts and re- turns for subsistence funds and supplies, preliminary to their settlement by the proper accounting officers of the Treasurj'. The Surgeon- General, under the imme- diate direction of the Secretary of War, is charged with the administrative duties of the Medical Department ; the designation of the stations of medical officers, and the issuing of all orders and instructions rela- ting to their professional duties. lie di- rects as to the selection, purchase, and dis- tribution of the medical supplies of the Army. The Army Medical Museum and the official publications of the Surgeon- General's Office are also under his direct control. TTie Paymaster- Genei-al and his assistants pay the Army, also Second Auditor's Trea- sury certificates, and keep a record of said pavment". The Chief of Engineers commands the f'orps of Engineers, which is charged with ail duties n;latingto fortifications, whether ])crnianent or tt^mponiry ; with torpedoes for coast defence ; with all works for the attack and defence of pla('cs ; with all military bridgen, and with such surveys as may be required for these objeels, or the movement of armies in the field. It is also charged with the harbor and river im- provements ; with military and geographi- cal explorations and surveys; with the survey of the lakes; and witii any other engineer work specially assigned to the Corps by acts of Congress or orders of the President. • The Chief of Ordnance commands the Ordnance Dejiartment, the duties of which consist in providing, preserving, distri- buting, and accounting for every descrip- tion of artillery, small-arms, and all the munitions of war which may be required for the fortresses of the country, the armies in the field, and for the whole body of the militia of the Union. In these duties are comprised that of determining the general principles of construction and of prescrib- ing in details the models and forms of all military weapons employed in war. They comprise also the duty of prescribing the regulations for the proof and insjjection of all these weapons, for maintaining uni- formity and economy in their fabrication, for insuring their good quality, and for their preservation and distribution ; and for carrying into effect the general purposes here stated large annual appropriations are made, and in order to fulfil the purposes, extensive operations are conducted at the national armories, arsenals, and ordnance depots. The Judge-Advocate General and his as- sistants receive, review, and have recorded the proceedings of the courts-martial, courts of inquiry, and military commis- sions of the Armies of the United States, and furnish reports and opinions on such questions of law and other matters as may be referred to the Bureau of Military Jus- tice by the Secretary of War. The Chief Signal "<9/?;V«- superintends the instruction of officers and men in signal duties, supervises the preparation of maps and charts, and has the reports from the numerous stations received at Washington consolidated and published. The Navy Department. THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. The Secretary of the Navy performs such duties as the President of the United Slates, who is Commander-in-Chief, may assign him, and has the general superintendence of construction, manning, armament, equip- ment, and em]iloyment of vessels of war. The Chief Clerk has general charge of the records and correspondence of the Secretary's Office. NAVAL BUREAUS OF THE NAVY DEPART- MENT. The chiefs of the naval bureaus of the Navy Department are officers of the United States Navy, and a part of the naval estab- lishment, viz: The Chief of the Bureau of Yards and Dorks has charge of the navy-yards and naval stations, their construction and re- BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 13 pair ; he purchases timber and other mate- rials. The Chief of the Bureau of Navigation supplies vessels of war with maps, charts, chronometers, barunictiTs, Hags, signal- lights, glassi's, and stationery ; he has charge of the publication of charts, the Nautical Almanac, and surveys; and the Naval Observatory and llydrographic Of- fice at Washington are under the direction of this Bureau. The Chief of the Bur eati of Ordnance has charge of the manutacture of nav:d ord- nance and ammunition ; the armament of vessels of war ; the arsenals and maga- zines; the trials and tests of ordnance, small-arms, and ammunition ; also of the torpedo-service, and torpedo-station at Newport, and experimental battery at Annapolis. The Chief of the Bureau of Provisions and Clothing has charge of all contracts and purchases for the supply of provisions, water for cooking and drinking purposes, clothing, and smalL stores for the use of the Navy. The Chief of the Bureau of Medicine and Surgery superintends everything relating to medicines, medical stores, surgical in- struments, and hospital supplies required for the treatment of the sick and wounded of the Navy and the Marine Corps. The Chief of the Bureau of Construction and Repair has charge of dry-docks and of all vessels undergoing repairs; the design- ing, building, and fitting-out of vessels, and the armor of iron-clads. The Chief of the Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting has charge of the equip- ment of all vessels of Avar, and the sui)ply to their sails, rigging, anchors, and fuel ; also of the recruiting of sailors of the va- rious grades. The Engineer-in- Chief directs the design- ing, fitting-out, running, and reiJairing of the steam marine-engines, boilers and ap- purtenances, used on vessels of war, and the workshops in the navy-yards where they are made and repaired. The Departmeut of the Interior. THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. The Secretary of the Interior is charged with the supervision of public business re- lating to patents for inventions ; pensions and bounty-lands ; the public lan<ls, in- cluding mines ; the Indians ; education ; railroads ; the public surveys ; the census, when directed by law ; the custody and distribution of public documents ; and cer- tain hospitals and eleemosynary institu- tions in the District of Columbia. He also exercises certain poAAcrs and duties in re- lation to the Territories of the United States. THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. The Assistant Secretary of the Interior performs such duties as are prescribed by the Secretary or required by law, aiding in the general administration of the alfairs of the Department. In the absence of the Secretary, he acts as the head of the De- partment. The Chief Clerk has the general super- vision of the clerks and employes, order of business, records and correspondence, and contingent expenditures in the Secretary's Ollice; a,lso superintendence of the Depart- ment Building, which is transacted in di- visions, viz: Appointment Division, Dis- bursement Division, .Land and llailroad Division, Indian Division, Pension and Miscellaneous Division, Document Divi- sion, Stationery Division and Returns Office. COMMISSIONER OF PATENTS. The Commissioner of Patents is charged with the administration of the j^atent- laws, and supervises all matters relating to the issue of letters-patent for new and use- ful discoveries, inventions, and improve- ments. He is aided by an Assistant Com- missioner, three Examiners-in-Chief, an Examiner of Interferences, an Examiner of Trade-marks, and twenty-five Principal Examiners. COMMISSIONER OF PENSIONS. The Commissioner of Pensions supervises the examination and adjudication of all claims arising under laws passed by Con- gress granting bounty-land or pension on account of service in the Army or Navy during the Revolutionary War and all subsequent wars in which the L'nited States has been engaged. He is aided by two Deputy Commissionei's and a Medical Referee. COMMISSIONER OF THE GENERAL LAND- OFFICE. The Commissioner of Public Lands is charged with the survey, management, and sale of the public domain, and the issuing of titles therefor, whether derived from confirmations of grants made by former governments, by sales, donations, or grants for schools, railroads, military bounties, or public improvements. The Land-Olfice audits its own accounts. The divisions of the oflice are : the Chief Clerk's, Recor- der's, Public Lands, Private Land-Claims, Surveys, Railroad-Lands, Pre-emption Claims, Swamp-Lands, Drafting, Accounts, Mineral Claims, and Timber Depredations. COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs h.as charge of the several tribes of Indians in 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. the States and Territories. He issues in- structions to, and receives reports from, Agents, Special Agents, and Traders ; su- perintends the purcliase, transportation, and distribution of presents and annuities ; and reports, annually, the relations of the Government with each tribe. COMMISSIOXER OF EDUCATION. The duties of the Commissioner of Edu- cation are to collect such statistics and facts as shall show the condition and progress of education in the several States and Ter- ritories, and to diffuse such information respecting the organization and manage- ment of schools and school systems, and methods of teaching, as shall aid the peo- ple of the United States in the establish- ment and maintenance of efficient school systems, and otherwise promote the cause of education throughout the country. COMMISSIONER OF RAILROADS. The Commissioner of Railroads is charged with prescribing a system of reports to be rendered to him by the railroad compa- nies, whose roads are in whole or in part west, north, or south of the Missouri River, and to which the United States have granted any loan of credit or subsidy in lands or bonds ; to examine the books, ac- counts, and property of said companies; to see that the laws relating to said compa- nies are enforced ; and to assist the Gov- ernment Directors of any of said railroad companies in all matters which come un- der their cognizance, whenever they may officially request such assistance. DIRECTOR OF THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEY. The Director of the Geological Survey has charge of the classification of the pub- lic lands, and examination of the geologi- cal structure, mineral resources, and pro- ducts of the national domain. SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CENSUS. The Superintendent of the Census super- vises the taking of the census of the United States every tenth year, and the subsequent arrangement, compilation, and publication of the statistics collected. Tlic PoHt-Oflfice Drpartment. Tin; I '( )s T.M A ST I-; R-f ; ic x !•; n a l. ^ The Postmastor-rjeneral has the direc- tion and management of tlie Post-Officp Department. lie ai)f)oints all officers and emitloyds of the Department, except the three Assistant Postmasters-General, who are ap|)()inted by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate; apjioints all postmasters whose compensa- tion docs not exceed one thousand dollars ; makes postal treaties with foreign govern- ments, by and with the advice and consent of the President, awards and executes con- tracts, and directs the management of the domestic and foreign mail service. THE FIRST ASSISTANT POSTMASTER- GENERAL. The First Assistant Postmaster-General has charge of the Appointment Office, which includes five Divisions, viz. : Appoinitiieat Division. — The duty of pre- paring all cases for the establishment, dis- continuance, and change of name or site of post-offices, and for the appointment of all postmasters, agents, postal clerks, mail- messengers, and Department employes, and attending to all correspondence consequent thereto. Bond Division. — The duty of receiving and recording appointments ; sending out papers for postmasters and their assistants to qualify ; receiving, entering, and filing their bonds and oaths ; and issuing the commissions for postmasters. Salary and Allowance Division. — The duty of readjusting the salaries of post- masters and the consideration of allow- ances for rent, fuel, lights, clerk-hire and other expenditures. Free Delivery. — The duty of preparing cases for the inauguration of the system in cities, the appointment of letter-carriers, and the general supervision of the sys- tem. Blank-Agency Division. — The duty of sending out the blanks, wrapping-paper, and twine, letter-balances, and canceling- stamps, to offices entitled to receive the same. SECOND ASSISTANT POSTMASTER-GENERAL. The Second Assistant Postmaster-Gen- eral has charge of the Contract Office, mail equipments, &c., including the following three Divisions : Contract Division. — The arrangement of the mail service of the United States, and placing the same under contract, embrac- ing all correspondence and proceedings re- specting the frequency of trips, mode of conveyance, and times of departures and arrivals on all the routes, the course of the mails ])etween the diflercnt sections of the country, the points of mail distribution, and the regulations for the government of the domestic mail service. Itpreparcs the advertisements for mail proposals, receives the l)ids, and has charge of the annual and occasional mail lettings, and the adjust- ment and execution of the contracts. All applications for the establishment or alter- ation of mail arrangements and for mail messengers sliould be sent to this office. All claims should be sul)niitted to it for transportation service not under contract. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 15 From this office all postmasters at the end (it routes receive the statement of mail ar- rangements prescribed for the respective rmites. It reports weekly to the Auditor all contracts executed, and all orders af- tLcting the accounts for mail transporta- tion; prepares the statistical exhibits of the mail service, and the reports to Con- gress of the mail lettings, giving a state- ment of each bid; also of the contracts made, the new service originated, the cur- tailments ordered, and the additional al- lowances granted within the year. Innpr.ctiim Division. — The duty of receiv- ing and examining the registers of the ar- rivals and departures of the mails, certifi- cates of the service of route-agcmts, ami reports of mail failures ; noting the delin- quencics of contractors, and preparing eases thereon for the action of the Post- master-General, furnishing blanks for mail re.Msters, reports of mail failures, and other duties wliieh may be necessary to secure a laithful and exact performance of all mail service. Mail- Equipment Division. — The issuing of mail locks and keys, mail pouches and sacks, and the construction of mail-bag catchers. THIRD ASSISTANT POSTMASTER-GEXERAL. The Third Assistant Postmaster-General has charge of the Finance Office, &c., em- bracing the following four Divisions : Dinsion of Finance. — The duty of issu- ing drafts and warrants in payment of bal- ances reported by the Auditor to be due to mail contractors or other persons; the su- perintendence of the collection of revenue at depository, draft, and depositing offices, and the accounts between the Department and the Treasurer and Assistant Treasur- ers and special designated depositories of the United States. This Division receives all accounts, monthly or quarterly, of the depository and draft offices, and certificates of deposit from depositing offices. Division of rostage- Stamps and Stamped Envelopes. — The issuing of postage-stamps, stamped envelopes, newspaper-wrappers andlpostal cards ; also the supplying of post- ma-sters with envelojies for their official use, and registered-package envelopes and seals. Division of Registered Letters. — The duty of preparing instructions for the guidance of postmasters relative to registered letters, ana all correspondence connected there- with ; also, the compilation of statistics as to the transactions of the business. Division of Dead Letters. — The exami- nation and return to the writers of dead letters, and all correspondence relating thereto. The Superintendent of Foreign Mails has charge of all foreign postal arrangements, and the supervision of the ocean mail- steamship service. The Suj)erintendent of the Money-Order System has the general supervisicjn and control of the postal money-order system throughout the United Slates, und the su- pervision of the international money-order correspondence with foreign countries. Department of Juatlce. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL. The Attorney-General is the head of the Department of Justice, and the chief law officer of the Government. He represents the United States in matters involving le- gal questions; he gives his advice and opinion on questions of law when they are • required by the President, or by the heads of the other Executive Dei)artments on questions of law arising upon the adminis- tration of their resjjcctive departments ; he exercises a general superintendence and direction over United States Attorneys and Marshals in all judicial districts in the States and Territories ; and he provides special counsel for the United States when- ever required by any Department of the Government. He is assisted by a Chief Clerk and other clerks and employes in the executive numagement of the business of the Depart- ment. The Law Clerk, who is also an Exam- iner of Titles, assists the Attorney-General in the investigation of legal questions and in the preparation of opinions. THE solicitor-gen:eral. The Solicitor-General assists the Attor- ney-General in the performance of his gen- eral duties, and by special provision of law in the case of a vacancy in the office of Attorney-General, or in his absence, ex- ercises all these duties. Except when the Attorney-General in particular cases other- wise directs, the Attorney-General and So- licitor-General conduct and argue all cases in the Supreme Court, and in the Court of Claims, in which the United States are in- terested ; and, when the Attorney-General so directs, any such case in any Court of the United States may be conducted and argued by the Solicitor-General ; and in the same way the Solicitor-General may be sent by the Attorney-General to attend to the interests of the United States in any State Court, or elsewhere. THE assistant ATTORNEYS-GENERAL. Two Assistant Attorneys-General assist the Attorney-General and the Solieitor- General in the performance of their du- ties. One assists in theargunient of causes in the Supreme Court and in the prepa- ration of legal opinions ; the other is charged with the conduct of the defense of the United States in the Court of Claims. 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Under the act of 1870 the different law- officers of the Executive Departments ex- ercise their functions under the supervis- ion and control of the Attorney-General. They are : the Assistant Attorney- General for the Department of the Interior ; the Assistant Attorney- General for the Post Office Department ; the Solicitor of the Treasury, and the Solicitor of Internal Bev- enue, Treasury Department; the Kaval Solicitor, Isavy Department ; and the Ex- aminer of Claims, State Department. The Department of Agriculture. THE COMMISSIONER OF AGRICULTURE. The Commissioner of Agriculture is re- quired to collect and diffuse useful infor- mation on subjects connected with agri- culture. He is to acquire and preserve in his office all information he can obtain con- cerning agriculture by means of books and correspondence, and by practical and sci- entific experiments, the collection of sta- tistics, and other approj^riate means ; to collect new and valuable seeds and plants; to learn by actual cultivation such of them as may require such tests ; to jiropagate such as may be worthy of propagation, and to distribute them among agricultur- ists. The Statistician. — He collects reliable information as to the condition, prospects, and results of the cereal, cotton, and other crops, by the instrumentality of four cor- respondents in each county of every State ; this information is gathered at stated peri- ods of each month, carefully studied, esti- mated, tabulated, and published. The Entomologist. — He obtains informa- tion with regard to insects injurious to vegetation ; investigates the character of insects sent him, to point out their modes of infliction and the means by which their depredations may be avoided ; and arranges specimens of their injuries and nest archi- tecture. The Botanist. — He receives botanical contributions, and after making desirable selections for the National Herbarium, dis- tributes the duplicate plants among for- eign and domestic scientific societies, in- stitutions of learning, and botanists ; and answers inquiries of a botanico-agricultural character. T^e Chemist. — He makes analyses of natural fertilizers, vegetable products, and other materials which f)ertain to the inter- ests of agriculture. Ai)pli('ations are con- stantly made from all |)ortions of the coun- try for the analysis of soils, minerals, li- quids, and manures. The Mirrosrojiisf. — Ho makes original investigatif)ns, mostly relating to the hab- its of parasitic fungoid plants, which are frequently found on living plants and ani- mals, producing sickly growth and in many cases premature death. The Propagating Garden. — Large num- bers of exotic, utilizable, and economic plants are propagated and distributed. The orange family is particularly valuable, and the best commercial varieties are propa- gated and distributed to the greatest prac- ticable extent. TIte Seed Division. — Seeds are purchased in this and foreign countries of reliable firms, whose guarantee of good quality and genuineness cannot be questioned ; they are packed at the Department, and distributed to applicants in all parts of the country. Tlie Library. — Exchanges are made, by which the library receives reports of the leading agricultural, pomological, and meteorological societies of the world. Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. Chief-Justice Waite, 1717 Rhode Is- land avenue, N. W., Salary, $10,500. Mr. Justice Miller, 1415 Massachusetts avenue, N. W., Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Field, 21 First street east, Capitol Hill, Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Bradley, 201 I street, corner of New Jersey avenue. Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Hunt, Connecticut avenue, corner of De Sales street. Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Harlan, 162 Massachusetts avenue, N. W., Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Woods, 1323 G street, N. W., Salary, $10,000. Mn .Justice Matthews, Riggs House, Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Swayne, (resigned) Salary, $10,000. Mr. Justice Strong, (resigned) Salary, $10,000. OFFICERS OF THE SUPREME COURT. CZerA-.— James H. McKenney, 1517 Rhode Island avenue, N. W., Fees, $2,000. Deputy CTerA-.-Chas. B. Beall, 927 P street, N. W., Fees, $2,000. Marshall— John G. Nicolay, 212 B street, S. E., Fees, $3,000. Reporter.— WWWiim T. Otto, 931 K street, N. W., Fees, $2,500. circuit Court of tlie Vnltecl States. (Salaries, $G,000 each.) First Judicial Circuit.— Mr. Justice Harlan, of Louisville, Kentucky. Dis- tricts of ]\raine, New Hampshire, Massa- chusetts, and Ilhode Island. Circuit Judge.— John Lowell, Boston, Mass. Second .Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice Hunt, of Utica, New York. Districts of BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 17 Vermont, Connecticut, Northern New York, Southcru New York, and Eastern New York. Circuit Judge.— Samuel Blatchford, New York City. Third Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice Bradley, of Newark, New Jersey. Dis- tricts of New Jersey, Eastern Pennsylva- nia, Western Pennsylvania, and Delaware. Circuit Judtjje. — William McKennan, Washiiijj^ton, Pa. Fourth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Chief- Jus- tice Waite. Districts of Maryland, West Virginia, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina. Circuit Judge. — Hugh L. Bond, Balti- more, Md. Fifth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice Woods, of Atlanta, Georgia. Districts of Georgia, Northern Florida, Southern Flor- ida, Northern Alabama, Southern Alabama, Mississipjn, Louisiana, Eastern Texas, and Western Texas. Circuit Judge. — Sixth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice Matthews, of Cincinnati, Ohio. Districts of Northern Ohio, Southern Ohio, Eastern Michigan, Western Michigan, Kentucky, Eastren Tennessee, and Western Ten- nessee. Circuit Judge. — John Baxter, Knox- ville, Tenn. Seventh Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice Harlan, of Louisville, Kentucky. Districts of Indiana, Northern Illinois, Southern Illinois, and Wisconsin. Circuit Judge. — Thomas Drummond, Chicago, 111. Eighth Judicial Circuit. — Mr. Justice Miller, of Keokuk, Iowa. Districts of Minnesota, Iowa, Eastern ^Missouri, West- ern Missouri, Kansas, Eastern Arkansas, Western Arkansas, and Nebraska. Circuit Judge. — George W. McCrary, Keokuk, Iowa. Xinfh Judicial Circuit. — jNIr. Justice Field, of San Francisco, California. Dis- tricts of California, Oregon, amd Nevada. Circuit Judge. — Lorenzo Sawyer, San Francisco, Cal. United States Conrt of Claims. (1509 Pennsylvania avenue. J Chief-Justice Charles D. Drake, 2117 G street, N. W., Salary, $4,500. Judge Charles C.'^Nott, 826 Connecticut avenue, N. W., Salary, $4,500. Judge William A. Richardson, 924 Mc- Pherson Square, Salary, $4,500. Judge Glenni W. Scofield, Riggs House, Salaiy, 84,500. Chief C/frA-.— Archibald Hopkins, 1S26 Massachusetts avenue, N. W., Salary, $3,000. ^ Assistant Clerk.— John Randolph, 28 I street, N. W., Salary, $2,000. yi«/7///:— Stark b! Taylor, 485 H street, S. W., Salary, $1,200. Mr.s-senger. — Richard F. Kearney, 1811 Twellth street, N. W., Salary, $1,200. DISTRICT JUDGES. Alabama. — John Bruce, Montgomery, Fifth Circuit, Salary, .$3,500. Arka)tsu.s, [E. 7A)— Henry C. Caldwell, Little Rock, Eighth Circuit, Salary, $3,500. Arkansas, ( \V. J).) — Isaac C. Parker, Fort Smith, Eighth Circuit, Salary, $3,500. California — Ogden Hoffman, San Fran- cisco, Ninth Circuit, $4,000. Colorado— M.oses Hallett, Denver,Eighth Circuit, $5,000. Connecticut — Nathaniel Shipman, Hart- ford, Second Circuit, $3,500. Delaware — Edward G. Bradford, Wil- mington, Third Circuit, $3,500. Florida [N. /A)— Thomas Settle, Jack- sonville, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. Florida [S. D.) — James W. Locke, Key West, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. Geonjla — John Erskine, Atlanta, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. lUinois {N. i).)— Henry W. Blodgett, Chicago, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. Illinois [S. D.)— Samuel H. Treat, jr., Springfield, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. Indiana — Walter Q. Gresham, Indian- apolis, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. lotra — James M. Love, Keokuk, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. Kansas — Cassius G. Foster, Atchison, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. . Kentuchj — John W. Barr, Louisville, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. Louisiana — Edward C. Billings, New Orleans, Fifth Circuit, $4,500. Maine — Edward Fox, Portland, First Circuit, $3,500. Jilari/land — Thomas J. Morris, Balti- more, Fourth Circuit, $4,000. Missachusetts — T. L. Nelson, Boston, First Circuit, $4,000. Michigan (E. D.) — Henry B. Brown, De- troit, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. Michigan ( W. /).)— Solomon L. Withey, Grand Rapids, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. Minnesota — Rensselaer R. Nelson, St. Paul, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. Mississippi — Robert A. Hill, Oxford, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. Missouri {E. !>.)— Samuel Treat, St. Louis, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. Missouri ( IF. D.)— Arnold Krekel, Jef- ferson Citv, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. Nebraska— Elmer S". Dundv, Falls City, Eighth Circuit, $3,500. Nevada — Edgar W. Hillver, Carson, Ninth Circuit, $3,500. Neio Hampshire — Daniel Clark, Man- chester, First Circuit, $3,500. 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Nnc Jersey — John T. Nixon, Trenton, Third Circuit, H,000. Neu' York [N. i>.)^William J. Wallace, Syracuse, Second Circuit, $4,000. 'New York (S. D.)— Addison Brown, Sec- ond Circuit, $4,000. Kew York (E. B.) — Charles L.Benedict, Brooklyn, Second Circuit, §4,000, North Carolina [E. J).) — George W, Brooks, Elizabeth City, Fourth Circuit, 1=3,500. North Carolina ( W. Z>.)— Eobert P. Dick, Greensboro, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. Ohio (E. D.)— Martin Welker, Wooster, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. Ohio ( W. D.)— Philip B. Swing, Batayia, Sixth Circuit, $4,000. Oregon — Matthew P. Deady, Portland, Ninth Circuit, $3,500. I\'i>i)s>/h-ania (E. D.) — William Butler, Philadi'ii-hia, Third Circuit, $4,000. I'enHsi/lvania { W. 7>.)— Mark W. Ache- son, Pittsl)urg, Third Circuit, $4,000. l^kode hland — Le Baron B. Colt, Proyi- dence. First Circuit, $3,500. South Carolina — George S. Bryan, Charleston, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. Tennessee [E. and M. Z*.)— David M. Key, Knoxville, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. Tennessee [W. D.) — Eli S. Hammond, Memphis, Sixth Circuit, $3,500. Texas (E. /).)— Amos Morrill, Galves- ton, Fifth Circuit, $3,600. Texas ( W. iJ*.)— Ezekiel B. Turner, Aus- tin, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. Texas {N. D.)—K. P. McCormick, Dal- las, Fifth Circuit, $3,500. Vermont— Koyt H. Wheeler, Burlington, Second Circuit, $3,500. Virginia [E. D.) — Robert W. Hughes, Eichmond, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. Virginia [W. D.) — Alexander Rives, Charlotteville, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. West Virginia — John J. Jackson, jr., Parkersburg, Fourth Circuit, $3,500. Wisconsin {E. />.)— Charles E. Dyer, Racine, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. Wisconsin {W. D.) — Romanza Bunn, Madison, Seventh Circuit, $3,500. COURT OF CLAIMS. Chief-Justice — Charles D. Drake, of Mis- souri, 'appointed in 1870 by Ulyssea S. Grant. Salary, $4,500. Assoriate-Juslice — Charles C. Nott, of New York; api)ointed in 1865, by Abra- ham Lincoln. Salary, $4,500. Assoriate-Justice — ^Villiam A. Richard- son, of Massachusetts ; api)ointcd in 1874, by Ulysses S. Grant. Salary, $4,500. Associate-Justice — Glenni W. Scofield, of Pennsylvania; ai)pointed in 1S81, by James' A. Garfield. Salary, $4,500. UNITED STATK8 COURTS' IN THE TERRI- TORIES. Arizona — Chief-Justice : C. J. W. French. Associates: Charles Silent, De- Forest Porter. Dakota — Chief-Justice : Peter C. Shan- non. Associates : Gideon C. Moody, Alan- son H. Barnes, Jeflerson P. Kidder. Idaho — Chief-Justice : John T.Morgan. Associates : Henry E. Prickett, Norman Buck. Montana — Chief- Justice : Decius S. Wade. Associates: E. J. Conger, Wm. J. Galbraith. New Mexico — Chief Justice : L. Brad- ford Prince. Associates : Warren Bristol, Samuel C. Parks. Utah — Chief-Justice : John A. Hunter. Associates : Philip E. Emerson, S. B. Twiss. Washington — Chief-Justice : Roger S. Greene. Associates: John P. Hoyt, Sam- uel C. Wingard. Wyoming — Chief-Justice : James B. Sener. Associates : Jacob B. Blair, Wm. Ware Peck. Foreign Legations In tlie United States. ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. • Senor Don Manuel Rafael Garcia, En- voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- tentiary. (Absent.) Senor Don Julio Carrie, Secretary of Le- gation and Charge d'Affaires ad interim, 60 Wall street. New York. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, Count Lippe-Weissenfeld, Councillor of Legation and Charge d'Atiaires ad interim, 1015 Connecticut avenue, BELGIUM, Mr. Bounder de Melsbroeck, Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1015 Connecticut avenue. Baron A. d'Anethan, Councillor of Le- gation and Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim, 1015 Connecticut avenue, BOLIVIA. Sefior Don Ladislao Cabrera, Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1714 Pennsylvania avenue. Doctor Apolinar Aramayo, Secretary of Legation. Absent. BRAZIL. Scfihor J. G. de Amaral Valentc, ChargS d'Affaires ad interim, 1710 I'ennsylvania avenue. Scfihor Dom Henrique de Miranda, At- tache, 1710 Pennsylvania avenue, CHILL Sefior Don Marcial Martinez, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotenti- ary, 1400 Massachusetts avenue. Senor Don Fedcrico Pinto, First Secre- tary of Legation, 1400 Massacbuaetta avenue. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 19 Scnor Don Jos6 Bernales, Second Secre- tary of Legation, 1400 Massachusetts avenue. Senor Nemecio Davila, Attach^, 125 West Fifteenth street, New York. Senor Arturo Edwards, Attach^. Ab- sent. CHINA. Chen Lan Pin, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1705 K street. Mr. Yung Wing, Assistant Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Hartford, Connecticut. Chen Song Liang, Secretary of Legation, 1705 K street. Tseng Yin Nan, Secretary of Legation, 1705 K street. Mr. D. W. Bartlett, Secretary of Lega- tion, 1337 L street. Tsai Sill Yung, Interpreter and Trans- lator, 1705 K street. Chang Sze Sliun, Interpreter and Trans- lator, 1705 K street. Ho Shen Cliee, Interpreter and Transla- tor, 1705 K street. Chen Moo, Attach^, 1705 K street. Yen Sze Chee, Attache, 1705 K street. Lee Ta Lun, Attache, 1705 K street. COLOMBIA. (No diplomatic representative at present. ) COSTA RICA. Sefior Don Manuel M. Peralta, Minister Resident. (Absent.) DENMARK. Mr. Carl Steen Andersen de Bille Charg6 d'Affaires and Consul General, 2109 Pennsylvania avenue. rRAN<;E. Mr. Maxime Outrey, Envoy Extraor- dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1025 Connecticut avenue. Mr. Augustc Gerard, Second Secretary of Legation, 1714 Pennsylvania avenue. Mr. Phillippe Berard, Third Secretary, 1408 N street. Mr. Henri Bertout, Attache. Mr. Henri de Lachere, Military Attache. Mr. Charles Riballier des Isles, Chan- cellor, 1100 O street. GERMAN EMPIRE. Mr. Kurd von Schlozer, Envoy Extra- ordinarv and Minister Plenipotentiary, 734 Fifteenth street. Count Henry von Beust, Secretary of Legation, and Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim, 734 Fifteenth street. Captain Adolf Mensing, Naval Attach^, New York. Mr. P. W. Biiddecke, Chancellor of Le- gation, 72 Defrees street. 62 GREAT BRITAIN. The Hon. L. S. Sackville West, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotenti- ary, British Legation, Connecticut avenue. Victor Arthur Wellington Drummond, Esq., Secretary of Legation, 82G Four- teenth street. Captain William Arthur, C. B. R. N., Naval Attach6, Wormley's. Henry Howard, Esq., C. B., Second Secretary, 1617 I street. Charles Fox Frederick Adam, Esq., Second Secretary, 1711 Rhode Island ave. Lord George F. Montagu, Third Secre- tary, 1340 I street. H. G. G. Cadogan, Esq., Attach^, British Legation, Connecticut avenue. GUATEMALA. [See also Salvador.] Sefior Don Arturo Ubico, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, the Arlington, and 318 Madison avenue New York. Sefior Doctor Lorcuzo Montufar, Minis- ter of State of Guatemala, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, pn Special Mission, the Arlington. HAWAII. Mr. Elisha H. Allen, Envoy Extraor- dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 216 West Forty-fourth street. New York and the Riggs House, Washington. HAYTI. Mr. Stephen Preston, Envoy Extraor- dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1403 K street. Mr. Charles A. Preston, Secretary of Legation, 54 East Twenty-fifth street, New York. ITALY. Baron de Fava, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary', Willard's. Prince de Camporeale, First Secretary of Legation. (Absent.) JAPAN. Jushie Yoshida Kiyonari, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1310 N street. Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Attach^, 1300 Vermont avenue. Mr. Hashiguchi Naoyemou, Attach^, 945 K street. MEXICO. Sefior Don Manuel M. de Zamacona, Envpy Extraordinary' and Minister Pleni- potentiary-, 1416 and 1418 K street. Sefior Don Jos6 T. de Cuellar, First Secretary of Legation, 1313 Riggs street. Sefior Don Cayetano Romero, Second Secretarj', 1316 I street. SefiorDon Miguel Covarrubiaa, Auxil- iary Secretary, 1418 K street. 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Senor D. Heberto E. Rodriguez, Auxil- iary Secretary, 1013 Fourteenth street. Senor Don Rafael Pardo, Attache. (Ao- sent.) IsTETHEKLANDS. Mr. Rudolph de Pestel, Minister Resi- dent, 1415 G street. (Absent.) Mr. Rudolph C. Burlage, Charge de Af- fairs ad interim, Netherlands Consulate General, New York. NICARAGUA. (No representative at present.) PERU. Sefior Don J. Federico Elmore, Minis- ter Resident, the Hamilton, Fourteenth and K streets. PORTUGAL. Viscount das Nogueiras, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1724 I street. RUSSIA. Mr. Michel Bartholomei, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1015- Connecticut avenue. Mr. Gregoire de Willamov, Secretary of Legation. Mr. Wladimir de Meissner, Second Sec- retary, 1736 N street. SALVADOR. [See also Guatemala.] Senor Don Arturo Ubico, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minis-ter Plenipotentiary, the Arlington. Summer address: 35 Broad- way, New York. SPAIN. Sefior Don Francisco Barca, Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1925 F street. Sefior Don Eduardo Bosch, First Secre- tary of Legation. (Absent.) Sefior Don Jos6 de Soto, Second Secre- tary' of Legation, 813 Fifteenth street. Sefior Don Fernando Roca de Togores, Third Secretary, 503 Thirteenth street. Sefior Don Jose Viudes Giron, Attache, 1340 I street. Senor Don Rafoel Moore y de Pedro, At- tache, 1340 I street. Colonel Don Jose Ramon de Olafieta, Military Attach6, Windsor Hotel, New York. Com. Don Juan Montojo, Naval Attach^, 1916 F street. Office of the Legation, 1916 F street. SWEDEN AND NORWAY. Count Carl Lowonhaui>t, Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 1021 Connecticut avenne. Mr. de T?ildt, Secretary of Legation, 920 Seventeenth street. TURKEY. Gregoire Aristarchi Bey, Envoy Extra- ordinary and ^linister Plenipotentiary, 804 Seventeenth street. Rustem Eflfendi, Secretary of Legation 725 Fifteenth street. VENEZUELA. Senor Don Simon Camacho, Charge d' Affaires, 1325 F street Washington, or P O. box 1368, New York. Alpbabetlcal List of Senators, Representa- tives and Delegates, Of the 47«ft Congress,— Sessiotis 1881-83. With their Eome Posl-Qffices. SENATORS. Salary, 85,000 each and Mileage. David Davis. Pres. pro tern. {Salary, $8,000.) Bloomington, 111. Aldrich, N. W., Providence, R. I. Allison, B. William, Dubuque, Iowa. Anthony, Henry B., Providence, R. I. Bayard,' Thomas F., Wilmington, Del. Beck, James B., Lexington, Ky. Blair, Henry W., Plymouth, N. H. Brown, Joseph E., Atlanta, Ga. Butler, M. C, Edgefield, S. C. Call, Wilkinson, Jacksonville, Fla. Camden, Johnson N., Parkersburg, W. Va. Cameron, James Donald, Harrisburg, Pa. Cameron, Angus, La Crosse, Wis. Cockrell, Francis M., Warrenburg, Mo. Coke, Richard, Waco, Tex. Congar, Omar D., Port Huron, Mich. Davis, Henry G., Piedmont, W. Va. Dawes, Henry L., Pittsfield, Mass. Edmunds, George F., Burlington, Vt. Fair, James G., Virginia City, Nev. Farley, James T., Jackson, Cal. Ferry, Thomas W., Grand Haven, Mich. Frye, William P., Lcwiston, Me. Garland, Augustus H., Little Rock, Ark. George, James Z., Jackson, Miss. Gorman, Arthur P., Laurel, Md. Groome, James B., Elkton, Md. Grover, Lafayette, Salem, Greg. Hale, Eugene, Ellsworth, Me^ Hampton, Wade, Columl)i:i, S. C. Harris, Isham G., Mem])his, Tenn. Harrison, Benjamin, Indianapolis, Ind. Hawlev, Joseph R., Hartford, Conn. Hill, Nathaniel P., Denver, Colo. Hill, Benjamin H., Atlanta, Ga. Hoar, George F., Worcester, Mass. Ingalls, John James, Atchison, Kan. Jackson, Howell E., Jackson, Tenn. Johnston, Jolin W., Abingdon, Va. Jonas, Benjamin Franklin, N. Orleans,!*. Jones, Charles W., Pensacola, Fla. Jones, John P., Gold Hill, Nev. Kellogg, William Pitt, New Orleans, La. , Lamar, L. Q. C, Oxford, Miss. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 21 Lapham, Elbriclge G., Canandaigua, N. Y. Logan, John A., Chicago, 111. McDill, James W., Alton, Iowa. McMillan, Samuel J. R., St. Paul, Minn. McPher.son, John R., Jersey City, N. J. Mahone, William, Petersl>urg, Va. Maxey, Samuel B., Paris, Tex. Miller, John F., San Francisco, Cal. Miller, Warner, Herkimer, N. Y. Mitchell, John I., Wellsboro', Pa. Morgan, .Tohn T., Washington, D. C. Morrill, Justin S., Stall'. )r(l, Vt. Pendleton, George H., Cincinnati, Ohio. Piatt, Orville H., Meriden, Conn. Plumb, Preston B., li^mporia, Kans. Pugh, James L., Eufaula, Ala. Eansom, Matt. W., Weldon, N. C. Rollins, Edward H., Concord, N. H. Saulsbury, Eli, Dover, Del. Saunders, Alvin, Omaha, Nebr. Sawver, Philetus, Oshkosh, Wis. Scwell, William J., Camden, N. J. Sherman, John, Mansfield, Ohio. Slater, James H., La Grande, Oreg. Teller, Henry M., Central City, Colo. Vance, Zebulon, Charlotte, N. C. Van Wyck, Chas. H., Nebra.ska City, Nebr. Vest, George G., Kansas City, Mo. Voorhees, Daniel W., Terre Haute, Ind. Walker, James D., Fayetteville, Ark. Williams, John S., Mount Sterling, Ky. Wiudom, William, Winona, Minn. REPRESENTATIVES. Salary, $5,(X10 each, and Mileage. Keifer, J. W., Speal-er, Springfield, Ohio. Aiken, I). Wyatt, Cokesbury, S. C. Aldrich, William, Chicago, 111. Allen, Thomas, Saint Louis, Mo. Anderson, .John A., Manhattan, Kans. Armfield, R. F., Statesville, N. C. Atkins, J. D. C, Paris, Tennessee. Atherton, Gibson, Newark, Ohio. Barbour, John S., Alexandria, Va. Barr, Samuel F., Harrisburg, Pa. Bayne, Thomas M., Allegheny City, Pa. Beach, Lewis, Cornwall, N. Y. Belford, James B., Central City, Colo. Belmont, Perry, New York, N. Y. Beltzhoover, Frank E., Carlisle, Pa. Berry, Campbell P., Wheatland, Cal. Bingham, Henry H., Philadelphia, Pa. Black, George R., Sylvania, Ga. Blackljurn, Joseph C. S., Versailles, Ky. Blanchard, N. C, Shreveport, La. Bland, Richard P., Lebanon, Mo. Bliss, Archibald M., Brooklyn, N. Y. Blount, James H., Macon, Ga. Bowman, Selwyn Z., Somerville, Mass, Bragg, Edward S., Fond du Lac, Wis. Brewer, J. Hart, Trenton, N. J. Briggs, James F., Manchester, N. H. Browne, Thomas M., Winchester, Ind. Brumm, C. N., Pottsville, Pa. Buchanan, Hugh, Newnan, Ga. Buck, John R., Hartford, Conn. Buckner, Aylett H., ^fexico. Mo. Burrows, Julius C, Kalamazoo, Mich. Burniws, J. H., Cainsville, Mo. Butterworth, Benjamin. Cincinnati, Ohio. Cabell, George C, Danville, Va. Caldwell, John W., Russellville, Kv. Calkins, William H., La Porte, lud. Camp, .John H., Lyons, N. Y. Camjibell, .1. M., Johnstown, Pa. Candler, John W., Boston, Ma.ss. Cannon, Joseph G., Danville, 111. Carlisle, John G., Covington, Ky. Carpenter, Cyrus C, Fort Dodge, Iowa. Cassidy, George W., Eureka, Nev. Caswell, Lucien B., Fort Atkinson, Wis. Chace, Jonathan, Providence, R. I. Chalmers, James Ronald, Vicksburg, Misa. Chapman, A. G., La Plata, Md. Clardy, Martin L., Farmington, Mo. Clark, John B., jr., Fayette, Mo. Clements, Judson C, La Fayette, Ga. Cobb, Thomas R., Vincennes, Ind. Colerick, Walpole G., Fort Wayne, Ind. Converse, George L., Columbus, Ohio. Cook, Philip, Americus, Ga. Cornell, Thomas, Roudout, N. Y. Covington, G. W., Snow Hill, Md. Cox, Samuel S., New York, N. Y. Cox, William R., Raleigh, N. C. Crapo, William W., New Bedford, Mass. Cravens, Jordan E., Clarksville, Ark. Crowley, Richard, Lockport, N. Y. Culberson, David B., Jefferson, Tex. Cullen, William, Ottawa, 111. Curtin, Andrew G., Bellefonte, Pa. Cutts, Madison E., Oskaloosa, Iowa. Darrall, C. B., Morgan City, La. Davidson, Robert H. M., Quincy, Fla. Davis, George R., Chicago, 111. Davis, Lowndes H., Jackson, Mo. Dawes, Rufus R., Marietta, Ohio. Deering, Nathaniel C, Osage, Iowa. De Motte, Mark L., Valparaiso, Ind. Deuster, Peter V., Milwaukee, Wis. Dezendorf, John F., Norfolk, Va. Dibble, Samuel, Orangeburg, S. C. Dibrell, George G., Sparta, Tenn. Dingley, N., jr., Lewiston, Me. Dowd, Clement, Charlotte, N. C. Dugro, P. Henry, New York, N. Y. Dunn, Poindexter, Forest City, Ark. Dunnell, Mark H., Owatonna, Minn. Dwight, Jeremiah W., Dryden, N. Y. Ellis, E. John, New Orleans, La. Ermentrout, Daniel, Reading, Pa. Errett, Russell, Pittsburgh, Pa. Evins, John H., Spartanburir, S. C. Farwell, Charles B., Chicago', 111. Farwell, Sewall S., Monticello, low^a. Finley, Jesse J., Lake City, Fh\. Fisher, Horatio G., Huntingdon, Pa. Flower, R. P., New York, N. Y. Ford, Nicholas, Rochester, Mo. Forney, William H., Jacksonville, Ala. Frost, R. Graham, Saint Louis, Mo. Fulkerson, Abr.am, Bristol, Tenn. Garrison, George T., Accomac, Va. 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Geddes, George W., Mansfield, Oliio. George, M. C, Portland, Oreg. Gibson, Randall Lee, New Orleans, La. Godshalk, William, New Britain, Pa. Grout, William W., Barton, Vt. Guenthcr, Richard, Oshkosh, Wis. Gunter, Thomas M., Fayetteville, Ark. Hall, Joshua G., Dover, N. H. Hammond, John, Crown Point, N. Y. Hammond, N. J., Atlanta, Ga. Hardenbergh, A. A., Jersey City, N. J. Hardy, John, New York. Harnier, Alfred C, Germantown, Pa. Harris, Benj. W., East Bridgewater, Mass. Harris, Henry S., Belvidere, N. J. Haskell, Dudley C., Lawrence, Kan. Hatch, William H., Hannibal, Mo. Hawk, Robert M. A., Mount Carroll, 111. Hazeltine, Ira S., Junction City, Mo. Hazelton George C, Boscobel, Wis. Heilman, William, Evansville, Ind. Henderson, Thomas J., Princeton, 111. Hepburn, W. P., Clarinda, la. Herbert, Hilary A., Montgomery, Ala. Herndon, Thomas H., Mobile, Ala. Hewitt, Abram S., New York, N. Y. Hewitt, Goldsmith W., Birmingham, Ala. Hill, John, Boonton, N. J. Hiscock, Frank, Syracuse, N. Y. Hoblitzell, F. S., Baltimore, Md. Hoge, John Blair, Martinsburg, W. Va. Holman, William S., Aurora, Ind. Hooker, Charles E., Jackson, Miss. Horr, Roswell G., East Saginaw, Mich. Houk, L. C, Knoxville, Tenn. House, John F., Clarksville, Tenn. Hubbell, J. A., Houghton, Mich. Hubbs, Orlando, New Berne, N. C. Humphrey, Herman L., Hudson, Wis. Hutchins, Waldo, New York City. Jacobs, Ferris, jr., Delhi, N. Y. Jadwin, C. C, Honesdale, Pa. Jones, George W., Bastrop, Tex. Jones, James K., Washington, Ark. Jones, Phineas, Newark, N. J. Jorgensen, Joseph, Petersburg, Va. Joyce, Charles IT., Rutland, Vt. Kasson, .John A., Dcs Moines, Iowa. Kelley, William D., Philadelphia, Pa. Kenna, John E., Kanawha C. H., W. Va. Ketcham, John H., Dover Plains, N. Y. King, J. Floyd, Vidalia, La. Klotz, Robert, Mauch Chunk, Pa. Knott, J. I'roctor, Lebanon, Ky. Lace, Edward 8., Charlotte, Mich. Ladd, CJeorge W., Bangor, Me. Latham, L. C, Greenville, N. C. Leedom, John P., West Union, O. LeFevre, Benjamin, Sidney, O. Lewis, J. H., Knoxville, 111. Lindsev, Stei)iien I)., Norridgewock, Me. Lord, J'lcnry AV., Detroit, Mich. Manning, Van JI., Holly Springs, Miss. Marsh, Benjamin F., Warsaw, 111. Martin, Edward L., t^eaford, Del. Mason, Josq)h, Hamilton, N. Y. Mataon, C. C., Green Caatle, Ind. McClure, A. S., Wooster, O. McCoid, Moses A., Fairfield, Iowa. McCook, Anson G, New York, N. Y. McKenzie, James A., Lungview, Ky. McKinley, William, jr.. Canton, Ohio. McLane, Robert M., Bulltimore, Md. McMillin, Benton, Carthage, Tenn. Miles, Frederick, Chapinville, Conn. Miller, Samuel H., Mercer, Pa. Mills, Roger Q., Corsicana, Tex. Money, Hernando D., Winona, Miss. Moore, William R., Memphis, Tenn. Morey, Henry L., Hamilton, Ohio. Morrison, William E., Waterloo, 111. Morse, Leopold, Boston, Mass, Mosgrove, James, Kittanning, Pa. Moulton, Samuel W., Shelbyville, 111. Muldrow, Henry L., Stark ville. Miss. Murch, Thompson H., Eockland, Me. Mutchler, William, Easton, Pa. Neal, Henry S., Ironton, Ohio. Nolan, M. N., Albany, N. Y. Norcross, Amasa, Fitchburg, Mass. Gates, William C, Abbeville, Ala. O'Neill, Charles, Philadelphia, Pa. Orth, Godlove S., La Fayette, Ind. Pacheco, Romualdo, San Luis Obispo, Cal. Page, Horace F., Placerville, Cal. Parker, A. X., Potsdam, N. Y. Paul, John, Harrisonburg, Va. Payson, Lewis E., Pontiac, 111. Peelle, Stanton J., Indianapolis, Ind. Pierce, R. B. F., Crawfordsville, Ind. Pettiboue, A. H., Greeneville, Tenn. Phelps, James, Essex, Conn. Phister, Elijah C, Maysville, Ky. Pound, Thaddcus C, Chippewa Falls, Wis. Prescott, Cyrus D., Rome, N. Y. Randall, Samuel J., Philadelphia, Pa. Ranney, A. A., Boston, Mass. Ray, Ossian, Lancaster, N. H. Reagan, John H., Palestine, Tex. Reed, Thomas B., Portland, Me. Rice, John B., Fremont, Ohio. Rice, T. M., Boonville, Mo. Rice, William W., Worcester, Mass. Richardson, David P., Angelica, N. Y.' Richardson, John S., Sumter, S. C. Rich, John T., Port Huron, Mich. Ritchie, James M., Toledo, Ohio. Robeson, George M., Camden, N. J. Robertson, Edw. White, Baton Rouge, La. Robinson, George D., Chicopee, Mass, Robinson, .Tames S., Kenton, Ohio. Robinson, William E., Brooklyn, N. Y. Rosecrans, W. S., San Francisco, Cal. Ross, Miles, New Brunswick, N. J. Russell, William A., Lawrence, Mass. Ryan, Thomas, Topeka, Ivans. Scales, Alfred M., Greensboro', N. C. Schultz, Emanuel, Dayton, Ohio. Sco ville, Jonathan, Buffalo, N. Y, Scranton, Josepli A., Scranton, Pa. Shackelford, J. W., Jacksonville, N.C. Shallenberger, William S., Rochester, Pa. Shelley, Charles M. Selma, Ala. Sherwin, JohnC., Aurora, 111. BOOK YI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 23 Himonton, Charles B., Covington, Tenn. Singleton, Otho R., Canton, Miss. Singleton, James W., Quincy, 111. Skinner, C. R., Watertown, N. Y.J Smith, A. Herr, Lancaster, Pa. Smith, D. C, Pekin, 111. Smith, J. Hyatt, Brooklyn, N. Y. Spaulding, O. L. St. John, Mich. S[)arks, Wm. A. J., Carlisle, 111. S[)eer, Emory, Athens, Ga. S[)00ner, Henry J., Providence, R. I. Springer, William M., Springfield, 111. Steele, George W., Marion, Ind. Stephens, Alex. H., Crawfordville, Ga. Stockslager, S. M., Corydon, Ind. Stone, Eben F., Newburyport, Mass. Strait, Horace B., Shakopee, Minn. Talbott, J. Fred'k C, Towsontown, Md. Taylor, Ezra B., Warren, Ohio. Thomas, John R., Metropolis, 111. Thompson, P. B., jr., Harrodsburg, Ky. Thompson, William G.. Marion, Iowa. Tillman, George D., Clark's Hill, S. C. Townsend, Amos, Cleveland, Ohio. Townshend, Rich'd W., Shawneetown, 111. Tucker, J. Randolph, Lexington, Va. Turner, Oscar, Woodville, Ky. Turner, Henry G., Quitman, Ga. Tyler, James 'M., Brattleboro', Vt. Upde^raff, J. T., Mount Pleasant, Ohio. Updegrafitj Thomas, McGregor, Iowa. Upson, Columbus, San Antonio, Tex. Urner, Milton G., Frederick City, Md. Valentine, Edward K., West Point, Neb. Van Aernam, Henry, Franklinville, N. Y. Vance, Robert B., Asheville, N. C. Van Horn, R. T., Kansas City, Mo. Van Voorhis, John, Rochester, N. Y. Wadsworth, J. W., New York. Wait, John T., Norwich, Conn. Walker, R. J. C, Williamsport, Pa. Ward, William, Chester, Pa. Warner, Richard, Louisburg, Tenn. Washburn, Wm. D., Minneapolis, Minn. Watson, Lewis F., Warren, Pa. Weber, George W., Ionia, Mich. Welborn, Olin, Dallas, Tex. West, George, Ballston, N. Y. Wheeler, Joseph, Wheeler, Ala. White, John D., Lexington, Ky. Whitthorne, W. C, Columbia, Tenn. Willits, Edwin, Monroe, Mich. Willis, Albert S., Louisville, Ky. Williams, Charles G., Janesville, Wis. Williams, Thomas, Wetumpka, Ala. Wilson, Benjamin, Wilsonburg, W. Va. Wise, George D., Richmond, Va. Wise, Morgan R., Waynesburg, Pa. Wood, Benjamin, New York, N. Y. Wood, Walter A., Hoosick Falls, N. Y. Young, Thomas I., Cincinnati, Ohio. DELEGATES. Ainslie, George, Idaho Citv, Idaho. Brents, Tliomas H., Walla Walla, Wash. Luna, Tranquilino, Los Lunas, N. Mex. Maginnis, Martin, Helena, Mont. Oury, Granville H., Florence, Ariz. Pettigrew, R. F., Sioux Falls, Dak. Post, M. E., Cheyenne, Wyo. [For salaries of clerks and other em- ployees of both the Senate and House, see the New Act in Book V. of Existing Laws, this volume. ] They are appointed by their respective chiefs, pursuant to the recom- mendations of majority Senators or Repre- sentatives, and with some regard to an equal division among the States. During the Senate Sessions of 1882, the minor of- fices remained in the hands of the Demo- crats, owing to a tie vote, President Davis refusing to remove them by his vote ; but the Republicans have the majority of the Committees, and each Chairman has on these the api)ointment of a clerk, at a com- pensation fixed by the Appropriation Bill COMMITTEES OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE. Standing Committees. Commiitee on Priinleyes and Elections. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin. John Sherman, of Ohio. William P. Frye, of Maine. P^lbridge G. Lapham, of New York. Eli Saulsbury, of Delaware. Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. James L. Pugh, of Alabama. Commiliee on Foreign Relationt. ^V^illiam Windom, of Minnesota. John F. Miller, of California. Thomas AV. Ferry, of Michigan. George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. Elbridge G. Lapham, of New York. John W. Johnston, of Virgina. .1. T. Morgan, of Alabama. Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. Commiitee on Fitiance. Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. John Sherman, of Ohio. Thomas W. Ferry, of Michigan. John P. Jones, of Nevada. William B. Allison, of Iowa. Nelson W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island. Tliomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana. James B. Beck, of Kentucky. John R. McPherson, of New Jersey. Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee. OommiUee on Appropriatiom, William B. Allison, of Iowa. .Tohn A. Logan, of Illiiois. Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. Preston B. Phiinii, of Kansaa. Eugene Hale, of Maine. 24 •'AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia. James B. Beck, of Kentucky. Matt. W. Ransom, of North Carolina. Francis E. Cockrell, of Missouri. CoitDnittee on Coiiimerce. Samuel J. R. McMillan, of Minnesota. John P. Jones, of Nevada. William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. Matt. W. Ransom, of North Carolina. Richard Coke, of Texas. James T. Farley, of California. George G. Vest, of Missouri. Clommittee on Manufactures. Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. Eugene Hale, of Maine. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. John R. McPherson, of New Jersey. John S. Williams, of Kentucky, Committee on Agriculture. William Mahone, of Virginia. Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire, Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas. Charles H, Van Wyck, of Nebraska. Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia, James H. Slater, of Oregon. James Z. George, of Mississippi. Committee on Military Affairs. John A. Logan, of Illinois. James Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. Francis M. Cockrell, of Missouri. Samuel B. Maxey, of Texas. La Fayette Grover, of Oregon. Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. Committee on Naval Affairs. James Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania. Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island. Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. John F, Miller, of California. William Mahone, of Virginia. John R. McPherson, of New Jersey. Charles W. Jones, of Florida. Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. James T. Farley, of California. Committee on the Judiciary. George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, John A Logan, of Illinois. John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, Samuel .1. R. McMillan, of Minnesota. Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas. David Davis, of Illinois. Thomas F'. Bayard, ol" Delaware. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. Committee on Posl-OfficcH and Pi,>t-Jload». Thomas W. Ferry, of Michigan. Nathaniel P. Hill, of (Colorado. Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. William Mahone, of Virginia. Warner Miller, of New York. Sanmcl B. Maxey, of Texas. Eli Saulsbury, of Delaware, James T. Farley, of California. James B. Groome, of Maryland. Committee on Public Lands. Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas. Nathaniel P. Hill, of Colorado. Henry W. Blair, of New HamjDshire. Charles H. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. James W. McDill, of Iowa. Charles W. Jones, of Florida. La Fayette Grover, of Oregon. James D. Walker, of Arkansas. John T. Morgan, of Alabama. Committee on Private Land-Claim*. Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. AVilkinson Call, of Florida. George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. William B. Allison, of Iowa, Committee on Indian Affairs. Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. John J. Ingalls, of Kansas. A. Saunders, of Nebraska. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin. Richard Coke, of Texas. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. J. D. Walker, of Arkansas. James H. Slater, of Oregon, Committee on Pensions. Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire. John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. Charles H. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. James B. Groome, of Maryland. James H. Slater, of Oregon. Howell E. Jackson, of Tennessee. Johnson N, Camden, of West Virginia, Committee on Revolutionary Claims. John W. Johnston, of Virginia. Charles W. Jones, of Florida. Benjamin H. Hill, of Georgia. Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island. Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. Commitiec on Claims. Angus Cameron, of AVisconsin. William P. Frye, of Maine. Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. Omar D. Conger, of Michigan. .Tames L. Pugh, of Alabama. Howell E. Jackson, of Tennessee. James Z. George, of Mississippi, James G. Fair, of Nevada, Committee on the District of Oolurnbia, •Tohn J. Ingalls, of Kansas. E. If. Rollins, of New Hampshire. Samuel J. R. McMillan, of Minnesota. Nt'lson W. Aldrich, ol' Rhode Island, .Fames W. McDill, of Iowa. Isliam (}. Harris, of Tennessee, M. C. Butler, of South Carolina, BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 25 Zebulon B. Vance, of Nortli Carolina. Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland. Commitlee on Patents. Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. William Windoni, of Minnesota. Richard Coke, of Texas. Wilkinson Call, of Florida. John S. Williams, of Kentucky. CommiUee on Territories. Alvin Saunders, of Nebraska. William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. James W. McDill, of Iowa. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. M. C. Butler, of South Carolina. A. H. Garland, of Arkansas. George G. Vest, of Missouri. Committee on Railroads, William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. H. M. Teller, of Colorado. A. Saunders, of Nebraska. Joseph R. Hawlcy, of Connecticut. Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. La Fayette Grover, of Oregon. John S. Williams, of Kentucky. Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia. Committee on Mines and Mining. Nathaniel P. Hill, of Colorado. John P. .Jones, of Nevada. Charles II. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. John F. Miller, of California. Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. James G. Fair, of Nevada. Johnson N. Camden, of West Virginia. Committee on the lievision of the Laws of the United Stales^ John F. Miller, of California. Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. Eugene Hale, of Maine. David Davis,»of Illinois. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. Committee on Ediu:ation and Labor. Henry W. Blair, of New Hampshire. Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. William Windom, of Minnesota. William Mahone, of Virginia. Nelson W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island. Samuel B. Maxey, of Texas. Jose])h E. Brown, of Georgia. James Z. George, of Mississippi. James G. Fair, of Nevada. Committee on CivU Service and Betreyichment. Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. Edward H. Rollins, of Ncav Hampshire. John P. Jones, of Nevada. Henrv L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. U. C. Butler, of South Carolina. James D. Walker, of Arkansas. John S. Williams, of Kentucky. Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Ezpenu* of the tienate. John P. Jones, of Nevada. Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut. Zebulon B. Vance, of North Carolina. Committee on Engroued BUU. Eli Saulsbury, of Delaware. Wilkinson Call, of Florida. Committee on Rules. William P. Frye, of Maine. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. John Sherman, of Ohio. Wilkinson Call, of Florida. Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland. Committee on the Improvement of the Mississippi River and its Tributaries. John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. William Pitt Kellogg, of Louisiana. Charles H. Van Wyck, of Nebraska. William P. Frye, of Maine. Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. Francis M. Cockrell, of Missouri. Howell E. Jackson, of Tennessee. Committee on Transportation Routes to the Sedboari. Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana. James Donald Cameron, of Pennsylvania, William Windom, of Minnesota. Elbridge G. Lapham, of New York. James B. Beck, of Kentucky. D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana. Johnson N. Camden, of West Virginia. Select Commltteea of the Senate. Select CommiUee to Examine the Several Branches of the Civil Service. Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. Alvin Saunders, of Nebraska. Wade Hampton of South Carolina, James B. Groome, of Maryland. Select Committee to ascertain the results of the Tenth Cewmt. Eugene Hale, of Maine. Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. Philetus Sawyer, of Wisconsin. James W. IMoDill, of Iowa. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. John T. Morgan, of Alabama. I. G. Harris, of Tennessee. Select Committee to Inve/'tiqatc the Introduction and Spread of Epidemic Diseases. I. G. Harris, of Tennessee. L. Q. C. Lamar, of :\Iississippi. A. H. Garland, of Arkansas. Benjamin F. Jonas, of Louisiana. Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. AVarner ]\niler, of New York. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. Select ComtniUee In Inquire into Claims of Citisent of lit Vnited Stales against Xicara.jua. Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia. James B. Groome, of ^[nryland. John W. Johnston, of Virginia. Nathaniel P. Hill, of Colorado. John I. Mitchell, of Pennsylvania. 26 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. Joint Committees of tbe Senate. Joint Committee on Public Printing, * Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island. Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland. Joint Committee on Enrolled BiiU. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. James L. Pugh, of Alabama. Joint Committee on the Library. * John Sherman, of Ohio. George F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana. Joint Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. * Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. Angus Cameron, of Wisconsin. Charles W. Jones, of Florida. George G. Vest, of Missouri. Joint Select Committees. On Addiliorud Accommodations for the Library of Congress. D. W. Vorhees, of Indiana. M. C. Butler, of South Carolina. Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont. On Honoring the Memory of the late James A. Garfield. John Sherman, of Ohio. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio. Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts. Elbridge G. Lapham, of New York. Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware. J. T. Morgan, of AJabama. The committees of the Senate are ap- pointed by the caucuses of their respective parties, and previous rank is as closely ob- served as party lines will permit. Those of the House ate appointed by the Speaker. It is the rule in all parliamentary bodies to give the majority party, in addition to the Chairmanship, a majority on the commit- tees, whether special or standing commit- tees. Exceptions are rare and usually un- important. COMMITTEES OF THE UNITED STATES HOOSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Standing Committees. Committee on Eln-linn. William H. Calkins, of Indiana. G. C. Hazel ton, of Wisconsin. J. T. Wait, of Connecticut. W. G. Thompson, of Iowa. A. A. Ranncy, of Massachusetts. J. M. Ritchie, of Ohio. A. H, Pettibone, of Tennessee. 8. H. Miller, of Pennsylvania. Ferris .lacobs, jr., of New York. John Paul, of Virginia. * This committeo hao power to act concurrently with the same conunitteo of the House of KeprcgcDtatlres. Frank E. Beltzhoover, of Pennsylvania. Gibson Atherton, of Ohio. Lowndes" H. Davis, of Missouri. G. W. Jones, of Texas. S. W. Moulton, of Illinois. Committee on Ways and Meant. William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania. John A. Kasson, of Iowa. Mark H. Dunnell, of Minnesota. William McKinley, jr., of Ohio. Jay A. Hubbell, of Michigan. Dudley C. Haskell, of Kans|is. William A. Russell, of Massachusetts. Russell Errett, of Pennsylvania. Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia. John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky. William R. Morrison, of Illinois. Emory Speer, of Georgia. Committee on Appropriations. Frank Hiscock, of New York. G. M. Robeson, of New Jersey. Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois. J. C. Burrows, of Michigan. Benjamin Buttem^orth, of Ohio. L. B. Caswell, of Michigan. Thomas Ryan, of Kansas. Charles O'Neill, of Pennsylvania. J. H. Ketcham, of New York. Joseph C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. S. S. Cox, of New York. J. D. C. Atkins, of Tennessee. William H. Forney, of Alabama. Benjamin Le Fevre, of Ohio. John E. Ellis, of Louisiana. Committee on Judiciary. Thomas B. Reed, of Maine. Edwin Willits, of Michigan. George D. Robinson, of Massachusetts. J. F. Briggs, of New Hampshire. H. L. Humphrey, of Wisconsin. Ezra B. Taylor, of Ohio. Moses A. McCoid, of Iowa. L. E. Payson, of Illinois. A. Norcross, of Massachusetts. J. Proctor Knott, of Kentucky. N. J. Hammond, of Georgia. David B. Culberson, of Texas. G. L. Converse, of Ohio. Van H. Manning, of Mississippi. R. W. Townshend, of Illinois. Committee on Banking and Currency. William W. Crapo, of Massachusetts. D. C. Smith, of Illinois. G. W. Webber, of Michigan. N. Dingley,jr, of Maine. W. R. Moore, of Tennessee. Thomas Cornell, of New York. C. N. Brumm, of Pennsylvania. A H. Buckner, of Missouri. A. A. Ilanlcnborgh, of New Jersey. R. P. Flower, of New York. D. Ermcntrout, of Pennsylvania. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 27 GommiUee on Coinage, Weights and Measures. Horatio G. Fisher, of Pennsylvania. J. B. Belford, of Colorado. A. S. McClure, of Ohio. E. S. Laccy, of Micliigan. ^V. D. Washburn, ol' Minnesota. L. E. Payson, of Illinois. I. S. Hiiseltine, of Missouri. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. Otho R. Singleton, of Mississippi. W. S. Rosecrans, of California. Richard P. Bland, of Missouri, T. Luna, of N(^w Mexico. Commillee on Commerce. H. F. Page, of California. D. P. Ric-nardson, of New York. Amos Townsend, of Ohio. R. G. Horr, of Michigan. W. D. Washburn, of Minnesota. J. W. Candler, of Massachusetts. William Ward, of Pennsylvania. John D. White, of Kentucky. M. C. George, of Oregon. R. Guenther, of Wisconsin. John H. Regan, of Texas. Robert M. McLane, of Maryland. R. L. Gibson, of Louisiana. Miles Ross, of New Jersey. Thomas H. Herndon, of Alabama. Committee on Agriculture. Edward K. Valentine, of Nebraska. J. T. Updegraff, of Ohio. C. C. Carpenter, of Iowa. John A. Anderson, of Kansas. William Godshalk, of Pennsvlvania. J. W. Wadsworth, of New York. John T. Rich, of Michigan. George West, of New York. W. Cullen, of Illinois. I. S. Hasoltine, of Missouri. William H. Hatch, of Missouri. George G. Dibrell, of Tennessee. D. Wyatt Aiken, of South Carolina. .. C. Latham, of North Carolina. G. R. Black, of Georgia. M. E. Post, of Wyoming. Committee oti Foreign Affairs. C. G. Williams, of Wisconsin. Godlove S. Orth, of Indiana. S. A. Kasson, of Iowa. William W. Rice, of Massachusetts. M. H. Dunnell, of Minnesota. H. W. Lord, of Michigan. R. J. C. Walker, of Pennsylvania. •T. H. Blount, of Georgia. lienjamin Wilson, of West Virginia. Peter V. Deuster, of Wisconsin. Perry Belmont, of New York. Oommitlee on MUitary .Affairs. Thomas J. Henderson, of Illinois. Anson G. McCook, of New York. T. M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. G. W. Steele, of Indiana. George R. Davis, of Illinois. 0. L. Spaulding, of Michigan. Henry J. Spooner, of Rhode Island. William A. J. Sparks, of Illinois. Columbus Upson, of Texas. Edward S. Bragg, of Wisconsin. Josejih Wheeler, of Alabama. Martin Maginnis, of Montana. Committee on Suvul Affairs. Benjamin W. Harris, of Massachusetts. George M. Robeson, of New Jersey. Alfred C. Harmer, of Pennsylvania. John R. Thomas, of Illinois. L. F. Watson, of Pennsylvania. J. H. Kctcham, of New York, J. F. Dezendorf, of Virginia. Leopold Morse, of Massachusetts. Robert H. M. Davidson, of Florida. J. Frederick C. Talbot, of Maryland. H. S. Harris, of New Jersey. Commillee on the Post- Office and Post Hoods. Henry H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania, John A. Anderson, of Kansas. J. Jorgenson, of Virginia. E. S. Lacy, of Michigan. Stanton J. Peelle, of Indiana. S. S. Farwell, of Iowa. H. L. Morey, of Ohio. W. M. Springer, of Illinois. H. D. Money, of Mississippi. John H. Evins, of South Carolina. R. F. Armfield, of North Carolina. Thomas H. Brents, of Washington. Committee on the Public Landt. Thad. C. Pound, of Wisconsin. J. B. Belford, of Colorado. W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa. J. W. Dwight, of New York. L. F. Watson, of Pennsylvania* H. B. Straight, of Minnesota. T. M. Rice, of IMissouri. T. R. Cobb, of Indiana. J. E. Cravens, of Arkansas, Elijah C. Phister, of Kentucky. W. Mutchler, of Pennsylvania, Committee on Indian Affairs. Dudley C. Haskell, of Kansas. Nathaniel C. Deering, of Iowa. W. W. Rice, of Massachusetts. Joseph Mason, of New York. O. L. Spaulding, of Michigan. J. R. Buck, of Connecticut. D. P. Richardson, of New York. C. E. Hooker, of Mississippi. Alfred M. Scales, of North Carolina, Olin Wellborn, of Texas. N. C. Blanchard, of Louisiana. George Ainslie, of Idaho. CommiUee on the Terriloriei. J. C. Burrows, of Michigan. William Aldrich. of Illinois. John Van Voorhis, of New York. S. H. IMiller, of Pennsylvania. R. R. Dawes, of Ohio. Richard Crowley, of New York. W. W. Grout, of Vermont. 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. E. Q.Mills, of Texas. J. S. Richardson, of South Carolina. Henry P. Dugro, of New York. J. P. Leedom, of Ohio. R. F. Pettigrew, of Dakota. Committee on Eailicays and CancUs, Amos Townsend, of Ohio. J. W. Dwight, of New York. T. J. Hendei'son, of Illinois. J. M. Campbell, of Pennsylvania. E. Schultz, of Ohio. H. W. Lord, of Michigan. J. Hart Brewer, of New Jersey. J. E. Kenna, of West Virginia. Morgan R. Wise of Pennsylvania. J. E. Chalmers, of Mississippi. F. S. Hoblitzell, of Maryland. Committee on Manufacttires. J. M. Campbell, of Pennsylvania. John Hammond, of New York. Phineas Jones, of New Jersey. Frederick Miles, of Connecticut. W. Godshalk, of Pennsylvania. George West, of New York. Jonathan Chace, of Rhode Island. J. J. Finley, of Florida. Thompson H. March, of Maine. H. S. Harris, of New Jersey. S. M. Stocklager, of Indiana. Committee on UTine.i and Mining. John Van Voorhis, of New York. George R. Davis, of Illinois. H. H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania. A. Fulkerson, of Virginia. Orlando Hubbs, of North Carolina. W. H. Calkins, of Indiana. Thomas L. Young, of Ohio. G. W. Cassidy, of Nevada. C. P. Berry, of California. Benjamin Wood, of New York. C. N. Brumm, of Pennsylvania. G. H. Oury, of Arizona. Committee on Piihlic Buildings and Grounds. William S. Shallenberger, of Pennsylvania. J. H. Lewis, of Illinois. M. E. Cutts, of Iowa. M. L. De Motte, of Indiana. J. A. Scranton, of Pennsylvania. Nicholas P'ord, of Missouri. J. Hyatt Smith, of New York. Philip Cook, of Georgia. A. S. Hewitt, of New York. J. W. Singleton, of Illinois. H. A. Herbert, of Alabama. Committee on Pacific liailmads. G. C. TIazleton, of Wisconsin. A. C. Haniier, of Pennsylvania. Benjamin lUittcrworlli, of Ohio. J. S. Robinson, of Ohio. .Tolm Hammond, of New York. John Paul, of Virginia. C. B. Darrcll, of Louisiana. C. B. Farwell. of Illinois. James A. McKcnzie, of Kentucky. Archibald M. Bliss, of New York. J. F. House, of Tennessee. Poindexter Dunn, of Arkansas. M. Nolan, of New York. Committee on Levies and Improvements of the Mississ^tpi River. John R. Thomas, of Illinois. C. C. Carpenter, of Iowa. Cyrus D. Prescott, of New York. C. B. Darrell, of Louisiana. J. B. Rice, of Ohio. W. R. Moore, of Tennessee. G. W. Jones, of Texas. J. H. Burrows, of Missouri. J. Floyd King, of Lousiana. P. B. Thompson, jr., of Kentucky. T. M. Gunter, of Arkansas. M. L. Clardy, of Missouri. W. C. Whitthorne, of Tennessee. Committee on Education and Labor. J. T. Updegratr, of Ohio. John C. Sherwin, of Illinois. Cyrus C. Carpenter, of Iowa. George R. Davis, of Illinois. H. F. Page, of California. James M. Tyler, of Vermont. Albert S. Willis, of Kentucky. J. C. Clements, of Georgia. H. D. Money, of Mississippi. Samuel Dibble, of South Carolina. C. Dowd, of North Carolina. Committee on the Militia. H. B. Strait, of Minnesota. T. M. Bavne, of Pennsvlvania. Robert M. A. Hawk, of Illinois. H. L. Morey, of Ohio. R. Guenther, of Wisconsin. E. K. Valentine, of Nebraska. P. B. Thompson, jr., of Kentucky. Robert G. Frost, of Missouri. James Mosgrove, of Pennsylvania. J. K. Jones, of Arkansas. Committee on Patents. T. L. Young, of Ohio. T. M. Ritchie, of Ohio. C. R. Skinner, of New York. Lucien B. Caswell, of Wisconsin. S. S. Farwell, of Iowa. Phineas Jones, of New Jersey. Henry J. Spooncr, of Rhode Island. Robert B. Vance, of North Carolina Oscar Turner, of Kentucky. J. Scoville, of New York. C. M. Shelley, of Alabama. Committee on Invalid Pensions. T. M. Browne, of Indiana. C. H. .Joyce, of Vermont. W. CuUen, of Illinois. Ossian Ray, of New Hampshire. R. R. Dawes, of Ohio. A. H. Pettibone, of Tennessee. A. X. Parker, of New York. J. P.. Rice, of Ohio. J. W. Wadsworth, of New York. C. C. Matsou, of Indiana. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 29 J. W. Cakhvcll, of Kentucky. C B. Siinoiiton, of Tennessee. G. C. Cabell, of Virginia. L. C. Latham, of North Carolina. Benton McMillin, of Tennessee. Commiltee on Pension!. B. F. Marsh, of Illinois. W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa. T. M. Rice, of Missouri. E. F. Stone, of Massachusetta. G. W. Steele, of Indiana. G. W. Webber, of Michigan. A. Fulkcrson, of Virginia. G. W. Hewitt, of Alabama. W. R. Cox, of North Carolina. W. E. Robinson, of New York. J. H. Burrows, of Missouri. Committee on Claims. Richard Crowley, of New York. E. B. Taylor, of Ohio. S. Z. Bowman, of Massachusetts. Joseph Mason, of New York. W. G. Thompson, of Iowa. Ossian Ray, of New Hampshire. Stanton J. Peelle, of Indiana. John Hill, of New Jersey. D. C. Smith, of Illinois. E. Q. Mills, of Texas. Waldo Hutchins, of New York. H. G. Turner, of Georgia. H. Buchanan, of Georgia. J. B. Clark, Jr., of Missouri. W. C. Gates, of Alabama. Committee on War Claims. L. C. Houk, of Tennessee. Thomas Updegraff, of Iowa. A. Herr Smith, of Pennsylvania. A. A. Ranney, of Massachusetts. C. C. Judwin, of Pennsylvania. Joshua G. Hall, of New Hampshire. E. W. Robertson, of Louisiana. George W. Geddes, of Ohio. W. S. Holman, of Indiana. J. S. Barbour, of Virginia. A. G. Chapman, of Maryland. Committee on Public Expenditures. S. J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. Walter A. Wood, of New York. Thomas Ryan, of Kansas. M. L. De Motte, of Indiana. J. H. Lewis, of Illinois. G. W. Ladd, of Maine. A. Fulkerson, of Virginia. E. L. Martin, of Delaware. T. M. Gunter, of Arkansas. C. P. Berry, of California. Commitlt'e on Private TMnd Cloims. Romualdo Pachcco, of California. Amasa Norcross, of jMassachusetts. G. C. Hazelton, of Wisconsin. Thomas Cornell, of New York. H. L. Morev, of Ohio. M. E. Cutts', of Iowa. H. L. Muldrow, of Mississippi. Thomas Williams, of Alabama. Nicholas Ford, of Missouri. J. W. Shackelford, of North Carolina. J. Blair Iloge, of West Virginia. Committee for the District of Colmnbia. Henry S. Neal, or Ohio. William Ileilman, of Indiana. S. F. Burr, of Pennsylvania. Milton (t. Urner, of Maryland. J. Hyatt Smith, of New York. R. B. F. Pierce, of Indiana. J. F. Dezendorf, of Virginia. Robert Klotz, of Pennsylvania. G. T. Garrison, of Virginia. G. W. Cassidy, of Nevada. Thomas Allen, of Missouri. Committee on the Revision of the Laws: William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. G. D. Robinson, of Massachusetts. J. R. Buck, of Connecticut. M. C. George, of Oregon. C. N. Brumm, of Pennsylvania. Joshua G. Hall, of New Hampshire. C. C. Jadwin, of Pennsylvania. G. W. Covington, of Maryhuid. J. S. Richardson, of South Carolina. J. K. Jones, of Arkansas. Benton McMillin, of Tennessee. Committee on Expenditures in the Department of State. N. C. Deering, of Iowa. S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. S. F. Barr, of Pennsylvania. C. G. Williams, of Wisconsin. Thomas H. Herndon, of Alabama. J. Floyd King, of Louisiana. Robert G. Frost, of Missouri. Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury Deparlmenl. J. B. Belford, of Colorado. T. B. Reed, of Maine. W. Heilman, of Indiana. J. H. Scranton, of Pennsylvania. W. H. Forney, of Alabama. A. H. Buckner, of Missouri. A. G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. Committee on Expenditures in the War Department, J. F. Briggs, of New Hampshire. Frederick Miles, of Connecticut. G. W. Steele, of Indiana. B. F. Marsh, of Illinois. J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. G. W. Jones, of Texas. W. A. J. Sparks, of Illinois. committee on Expenditures in the Navy Department, G. M. Robeson, of New Jersey. B. W. Harris, of Massachusetts. A. C Harmer, of Pennsylvania. Charles O'Neill, of Pennsylvania. L. Morse, of ]\Iassachusetts. James Phelps, of (Connecticut. Oscar Turner, of Kentucky. Cotnmittse on Expenditures in the Po.it-OJice Dep<nimtnL J. G. Cannon, of Illinois. R. J. C. Walker, of Pennsylvania. 30 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. T. C. Pound, of Wisconsin. C. B. Farweil, of Illinois. J. H. Reagan, of Texas. G. D. Tillman, of South Carolina. G. W. Ladd, of Maine. Committee on Expenditures in the Interior Department. J. A. Hubbell, of Michigan. ^V. W. Crapo, of Massachusetts. Walter A. Wood, of New York. E. Schultz, of Ohio. C. B. Siminton, of Tennessee. X. C. Blanchard, of Louisiana. J. H. Burrows, of Missouri. Committee on Expenditures in the Department of Justice. Edwin Willits, of Michigan. Moses M. McCoid, of Iowa. A. Norcross, of Massachusetts. H. S. Neal, of Ohio. O. R. Singleton, of Mississippi. J. H. Blunt, of Georgia. E. S. Bragg, of Wisconsin. Committee on Expenditures on the Public Buildings. Russell Errett, of Pennsylvania. J. S. Robinson, of Ohio. L. C. Houk, of Tennessee. W. W. Grout, of Vermont. Morgan R. Wise, of Pennsylvania. G. T. Garrison, of Virginia. L. C. Latham, of North Carolina. Committee on the Rules. The Speaker. Godlove S. Orth, of Indiana. G. M. Robeson, of New Jersey. S. J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. J. C. S. Blackburn, of Kentucky. Committee on Accounts. M. G. Urner, of Maryland. C. R. Skinner, of New York. J. Hart Brewer, of New Jersey. J. W. Candler, of Massachusetts. E. L. Martin, of Delaware. John Hardy, of New York. J. Blair Hoge, of West Virginia. Committee on Mileage. J. Jorgensen, of Virginia. John T. Rich, of Michigan. William Ward, of Pennsylvania. Thomas R. Cobb, of Indiana. S. W. Moulton, of Illinois. Joint Committees of the House. Join* Committee on the Library.* A. G. McCook, of New York. S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. George W. Geddes, of Ohio. Joint Commillee on Printing.'* R. T. Van Horn, of Missouri. A. S. McClure, of Ohif). W. M. Springer, of Illinois. Joint Committee on Enrolled BUU.* William Aldrich, of Illinois. *TliiKroiT)iriittcoliiifl power to act concurrently with tho Kinie coniraittuo of tbo Scnato. R. B. F. Pierce, of Indiana. George West, of New York. W. S. Shallenberger, of Pennsylvania. John E. Kenna, of West Virginia. Richard Warner, of Tennessee. Perry Belmont, of New York. Joint Select Committee on the Censtu. Cyrus D. Prescott, of New York. John C. Sherwin, of Illinois. J. M. Tyler, of Vermont. T. M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. A. Fulkerson, of Virginia. Moses A. McCoid, of Iowa. R. B. F. Pierce, of Indiana. Samuel S. Cox, of New York. Walpole G. Colerick, of Indiana. G. D. Wise, of Virginia. G. D. Tillman, of South Carolina. Select Committees of the House. Select Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. Godlove S. Orth, of Indiana. J. A. Kasson, of Iowa. R. G. Horr, of Michigan. J. F. Briggs, of New Hampshire. H. S. Neal, of Ohio. Jay A. Hubbell, of Michigan. Benjamin Butterworth, of Ohio. John F. House, of Tennessee. S. J. Randall, of Pennsylvania. J. R. Tucker, of Virginia. James Phelps, of Connecticut. Committee on Law respecling Election of President and Vice-Preside)it. Thomas Updegraff, of Iowa. J. H. Camp, of New York. W. W. Crapo, of Massachusetts. John D. White, of Kentucky. H. G. Fisher, of Pennsylvania. Ferris Jacobs, of New York. S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. A. H. Stephens, of Georgia. W. R. Morrison, of Illinois. J. G. Carlisle, of Kentucky. A. S. Hewitt, of New York. Select Committee on Alcoholic Liquor Traffic. J. T. Wait, of Connecticut. C. H. Joyce, of Vermont. Jonathan Chace, of Rhode Island. W. P. Hepburn, of Iowa. N. Dingley, jr., of Maine. Thomas Williams, of Alabama. J. D. C. Atkins, of Tennessee. Lowndes H. Davis, of Missouri. R. B. Vance, of North Carolina. Select CommUtee on the Payment of Pensions, Bounty, and Buck Pay. C. H. Joyce, of Vermont. T. M. Browne, of Indiana. S. D. Lindsey, of Maine. R. M. A. Hawk, of Illinois. W. ('. Whitthoriie, of Tennessee. A. G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. James Mosgrovc, of Pennsylvania. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 31 Select Commillee on the ruhlic Health. I [. H. Van Aernam, of New York, J, T. Updcgraff, of Ohio. S. Z. Bowman, of Massachusetts. W. Cullen, of Illinois. (). Hubbs, of North Carolina. W. S. Rosecrans, of California. ^V. Cr. Colcrick, of Indiana. 1). W. Aiken, of Hoiith Carolina. ,1 . Floyd King, of Louisiana. JoitU Select Committee on Additional Accoimnodation for ConyrennioivU Library. \V. W. Rice, of Massachusetts. C. B. Farwell, of Illinois. II. L. Humphrey, of Wisconsin. George W. Geddes, of Ohio. R. L. Gibson, of Louisiana. The litljrary of Congress. Librarian of Congress. — Ainsworth li. Spofford, 1621 Massachusetts avenue, N. W., salary $4000. Asnstrtnt.f. — Charles W. Hoffman, 332 Indiana avenue, salary $2500. Louis Solyom, Montgomery County, Maryland, salary $2500. And 15 additional clerks. These range from $1200 to $1400. The Library of Congress occupies the entire western projection of the central Capitol building. The original library was commenced in 1800, but was destroyed with the Capitol in 1814 during the war with England. It was afterwards replen- ished by the purchase of the library be- longing to Ex-President Jefferson, by Con- gress, embracing about 7,000 volumes. In 1851 it contained 55,000 volumes, and by an accidental fire in that year the whole collection was destroyed, except 20,000 volumes. It was rebuilt in 1852, when $75,000 was appropriated in one sum to re- Elenish the collection. The new library alls, three in number, are fitted up with ornamental iron cases and iron ceiling, the whole being perfectly fire-proof The library is recruited by regular appropria- tions made by Congres.'^, which average about $11,000 per annum ; also by addi- tions received by copyright, and from the Smithsonian Institution. The library of the Smithsonian Institution has now been deposited in the Library of Congress, where it 13 secured against loss by fire. This col- lection is especially rich in scientific works, embracing the largest assemblage of the transactions of learned societies which exist in the country. The library of co]iy- right books was removed here from the Patent Office in 1870, and all copyrights issued in the United States are now re- corded in the books deposited in the oflice of the Librarian of Congress. The present number of volumes in the whole library, including law books, which are kept in a separate library room under the Supreme Court, is over 400,000, besides ai)0ut 150,- 000 pamphlets. A new building to con- tain its overflowing stores of learning and to afford room for their proper arrange- ment has become a necessity. This col- lection is very rich in histcjry, jjolitical science, jurisprudence, and in books, pamphlets, and periodicals of American j)ublication, or relating in any way to America. At the same time tlie library is a universal one in its range no department of literature or science being unrepre- sented. The public are privileged to use the books in the library, while members of Congress and about thirty official members of the government only can take away books. The library is ojien every day (Sunday excei)ted) during the session of Congress from 9 a. m. to the hour of ad- journment. In the recess of Congress it is open between the hours of 9 a. m. and 4 p. m., except Saturdays, when the hour of closing is 3 p. m. [All employees appointed on recommen- dation of members of Congress.] United States Lie§^ations Abroad. ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Thomas O. Osborn, Minister Resident, Buenos Ayres, salary, $7,500. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. , Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Vienna, salary, $12,000. John F. Delaplaine, Secretary of Lega- tion, Charged 'Affaires ad inimm, Vienna, salary, $1,800. BELGIUM. James 0. Putnam, Minister Resident, Brussels, salary, $7,500. BOLIVIA. Charles Adams, Minister Resident and Consul-General, La Paz, salary, $5,000. BRAZIL. Thomas A. Osborn, Envoy Extraordi- nary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Rio de Janeiro, salary, $12,000. John C. White, Secretary of Legation, Rio de Janeiro, salary, $1,800. CENTRAL AMERICAN STATES. (Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Ni- caragua, and Salvador, paid by Fees.) Cornelius A. Logan, Minister Resident, Guatemala Citv, salarv, $10,000. CHILI. Envov Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Santiago, salary, $10,000. 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI, CHIXA. , Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Peking, salary, $12,000. Chester Holcombe, Secretaiy of Lega- tion and Interpreter, Charge d'Afiaires ad interim, Peking, salary, $5,000. COLOMBIA. George Maney, Minister Resident, Bo- gota, salary, $7,500. DENMARK. Charles Payson, Charge d' Affaires, Co- penhagen, salary $5,000. FRANCE. Levi P. Morton, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Paris, salary, $17,500. G. P. Pomerov, Secretary of Legation, Paris, salary, $2,625. Henry Vignaud, Second Secretary of Legation, Paris, salary, $2,000. GERMAN EMPIRE. , Envoy Extraordinary and Minister, Plenipotentiary, Berlin, sal- ary, $17,500. _ H. Sidney Everett, Secretary of Lega- tion, Charge d'Affaires ad interim, Berlin, salary $2,625. Chapman Coleman, Second Secretary of Legation, Berlin, salary, $2,000. GREAT BRITAIN. James Russell Lowell, Envoy Extraor- dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Lon- don, salary, $17,500. William J. Hoppin, Secretary of Lega- tion, London, salary, $2,625. Ehrman S. Nadal, Second Secretary of Legation, London, salary, $2,000. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. J. M. Comly, Minister Resident, Hono- lulu, salary, $7,500. HAYTI. John M. Langston, Minister Resident and Consul-General, Port au Prince, sal- ary, $7,500. ITALY. George P. Marsh, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Rome, sal- ary, $12,000. George W. Wurts, Secretary of Legation, Eome, salary, $1,800. JAPAN. John A. Bingham, Envoy Extrnordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Tokei, sal- ary, $] 2,000. Durham W. Stevens, Secretary of Lega- tion, Tokei, salary, $2,500. Samnfl R. Frazier, Interpreter, Tokei, salary, $2,500. LIBERIA. Henry H. Garnet, Minister Resident and cousul-General, Monrovia, salary $4,000. ^' MEXICO. Philip H. Morgan, Envoy Extraordi- nary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Mex- ico, salary, $12,000. Edward M. Neill, Secretary of Legation, Mexico, salary, $1,800. THE NETHERLANDS. James Birney, Minister Resident, the Hague, salary, $7,500. PARAGUAY AND URUGUAY , Charge d'Affaires, Mon- tevido, Uruguay, salary, $5,000. PERU. Stephen A. Hurlbut, Envoy, Extraor- dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Lima salary, $10,000. PORTUGAL. Benjamin Moran, Charg6 d'Affaires, Lisbon, salary, $5,000. ROUMANIA. Eugene Schuyler, Charge d'Affaires and Consul General, Bucharest, Fees. RUSSIA. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, St. Peters- burg, salary, $17,500. _ Wickham Hoffman, Secretaiy of Lega- tion, Charge d'Affaires ad interim, St. Petersburg, salary, $2,625. SPAIN. Hannibal Hamlin, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Madrid, salary, $12,000. Dwight T. Reed, Secretary of Legation, Madrid, salary, $1,800. SWEDEN AND NORWAY. . John L. Stevens, Minister Resident, Stockholm, salary, $7,500. SWITZERLAND. M. J. Cramer, Charg6 d'Affaires, Berne, salary, $5,000. TURKEY. Lewis Wallare, Minister Resident, Con- stantinople, salary, $7,500. G. Harris Heap, Consul-General, and ex of/icio Secretary of Legation, Constanti- nople, salary, $8,000. A. A. Gargiulo, Interpreter, Constanti- nople, salary, $3,000. VENEZUELA. George W. Carter, Minister Resident, Caracas, salary, $7,500. BOOK VI.j A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 33 Consuls and Commercial Agents. Argentine Republic, three Consuls, at Ruenos Ayrcs, $3,000 salary ; at Cordoba and Rosario, fees. Austria-Hungary, a Consul-General at !^.S,000; three Consuls at Pesth, $3,000; Pra-;ue and Trieste, $2,000 each. Barbary States, two Consuls at Tangier and Tunis, each $3,000; Commercial Agent at Tetuan, fees. Belgium, four Consuls, at Antwerp and Brussels, $2,500 each; Ghent, fees; Ver- viers and Liege, $1,500. Bolivia, Commercial Agent at Cobija, fees. Brazil, Consul-General, Rio de Janeiro, si'),00O; five Consuls, at Bahia, $1,500; Para, si ,000 ; Pernambuco, $2,000 ; Rio Grande, si, 000; Santos, fees. Costa Rica, Consul at San Jose, fees. Guatemala, Consul at Guatemala, fees. Honduras, two Consuls, at Amapala, fees; Omoa and Truxillo, $1,000. Nicarauga, two Commercial Agents, at San Juan del Norte and Punta Arenas, $1,000 ; at San Juan del Sur, fees. Salvador, two Consuls, at La Union and Sonsonate, fees. Chili, three Consuls, at Coquimbo, fees; Talcahuno, $1,000; Valparaiso, $3,000. China, a Consul-General at Shanghai, $.5,000 ; eiffht Consuls, Amoy, $3,500 ; Can- ton, $3,500; Chin-Kiang, $3,500; Foo- Chow, $3,500; Hankow, $3,500; New- Chwang, fees ; Ningpo, $3,500 ; Tiea-Tsin, $3,500. Colombia, United States of, three Con- suls, at Panama, $2,000 ; Sabanella, $1,000 ; Bogota, fees. Also seven Commercial Agents at Buennaventura, Carthagena, ]\Iedellin, Rio Hacha, San Andres, Santa Martha, fees; and at Aspinwall, $3,000. Denmark, two Consuls, at Copenhagen, $1,500 ; St. Thomas, $2,500. Ecuador, one Consul at Guayaquil, $1,000. France, a Consul-General at Paris, $(),000; nine Consuls, Bordeaux, $2,500; Cavenne, fees; Guadaloupe, fees; Havre, $3,000 ; Lvous, $2,500 ; Marseilles, $2,500 ; Martinique, $1,500; Nice, $1,500; Rheims, fees. Also eight Commercial Agents, at Algiers, Gaboon, La Rochelle, Rouen, St. Bartholomew, Etienne, St. Pierre, all on fees; Nantes, $1,000. Friendlv and Navigator Islands, one Consul at Apia, $1,000. Germanv, two Consuls-General, at Ber- lin, $4,000"; at Frankfort, $3,000 ; fourteen Consuls, at Bremen, $2,000 ; Bremen, $2,500 ; Breslau, fees ; Brunswick, fees ; Chemnitz and Cologne, each, $2,000 ; Dres- den and Hamburg, each, $2,500 ; Leipsic, Nuremberg, Sonneberg, each, $2,000 ; Manheim, Munich and Stuttgart, each, $1,500. Great Britain, four Consuls-General, at London, $6,000; Calcutta, $5,000; Mel- bourne, $4,500; Montreal, $4,000; Con- suls sixtv-four, Anti<^ua, $1,500; Auck- land, $1,500; Barliadoos, $1,500; Belfast, $2,500; Belleville, fees; Bermuda, $1,500; Birminji:hani, $2,500; Boml)av, fees; Brad- ford, $3,000; Bristol, $1,50;' Cape Town, $1,500; Cardili; $2,000; Cevlon, $1,000; Charlottetown, P. E. L $1,500; Clilton, $1,500; Coaticook, $2,000; Cork, $2,000; Demcrara, $3,000; Dublin, .$2,000; Dun- dee. $2,000; Falmouth, fees; Fort Erie, $1,500; Gaspe Basin, $1,000; Gibraltar, $1,500; Glasgow, .$3,000; Halifax, $2,000; ILimilton, Canada, $2,000; Hobart Town, fees ; Hong-Kong, $4,000 ; Kingston, Can- ada, $1,500; Kingstcm, Jamaica, $2,000; Leeds, $2,000; Leith, $2,000; Liverpool, $6,000; Londonderry, fees; Mahe, Sey- chelles, $1,500; Malta, fees; Manchester, $3,000; Nassau, $2,000 ; Newcastle, $1,500; Ottawa, fees; Pictou, $1,500; Plymouth, fees ; Port Louis, $2,000 ; Port Sarnia, $1,500; Port Stanley, F.L $1,500; Pres- cott, $1,500; Quebec, $1,500; Sheffield, $2,500 ; Sierra Leone, fees ; Singaj)ore, .$2,500; Southampton, $1,000; St. Helena, $1,500 ; St. John, N. B. $2,000 ; St. John's, N. F. fees; St. John's, Quebec, $1,500; Sydney, fees; Toronto, $2,000; Trinidad, fees; Tunstall, $2,500; Turk's Island, fees; Victoria, fees; Windsor, N. S. $1,000; Winnipeg, $1,500; fourteen Commercial Agents, Belize, fees ; Chatham, fees ; Dun- fermline, fees ; Gloucester, fees ; Goderich, $1,500; Hull, fees; Lanthala, F. L $1,000; Nottingham, fees; Port Stanley and St. Thomas, fees; Sherbrooke, Canada, fees; St. Christopher, fees ; St. George, Bermuda, fees ; Stanbridge, fees ; Windsor, Canada, $1,500 ; Greece, one Consul at Patras, fees. Hawaiian Islands, one Consul at Hono- lulu, .$4,000. Hayti, one Consul, Cape Haytien, $1,000 ; Commercial Agent, St. Marc, fees. Italy, one Consul-General at Rome, $3,000; ten Consuls, at Carrara, fees; Florence, Genoa, Leghorn, Messina, Na- ples and Palermo, at $1,500 each ; ]Milan, fees; Venice, $1,000; one Commercial Agent at Castelmare, fees. Japan, one Consul-General at Kan- agawa, $4,000 ; two Consuls at Nagasaki, $3,000 ; Osaka and Hiugo, $3,000. Liberia, Commercial Agent at Grand Bassa, fees. ^Madagascar, one Consul at Tamatave, $2000. ^Mexico, one Consul-General at Mexico, $2000 ; sixteen Consuls at Acapulco, $2000 ; Guaymas. $1,000 ; Matamoras, $2,000 ; and fees at Campeachy, Chihuahua, La Paz, Manzanillo, Mazatlui, Marida, ^lonterey, Piedras Negras, Saltillo, San Jose, and Cape St. Lucas, Zacatecas. Nine Com- mercial Agents, all paid by fees at Camar- go, Guerrero, Mier, Muatillon, Nuevo Lar- 34 rAMERIcAN POLITICS. [bock ti. edo, Oajaca, Pasa del Norte, Presidio del Norte and San Bias. Muscat, Consul at Zanzibar, $1,000. Netherlands and Dominions, seven Con- suls, Amsterdam, at $1,500 ; Batavia, $1,000 ; Eotterdam, $2,000 ; on fees at Curacoa, Padang, Paramaribo and St. Martin. Urusuav, two Consuls at Colonia, fees, Montevideo, $2,000. Peru, three Consuls at Callao, $3,500 ; on fees at Iquique and Lambayeque. Portugal, five Consuls at Faval and Fin- igan, each $1,500; Lisbon, $2^000 ; Santi- ago, Cape Verde, and St. Paul de Loando each $1,000. Roumania, one Consul at Galatz, fees ; one Commercial Agent at Bucharest, fees. Russia, Consul-General at St. Peters- burg, $2,000 ; five Consuls at Odessa, $2,000 ; fees at Archangel, Helsingfors, Moscow, and Warsaw. San Domingo, Consul at San Domingo, $1,500 ; two Commercial Agents on fees at Puerto Plata and Samana. Siam, Consul at Bangkok, $3,000. Society Islands, Consul at Tahiti, $1,000. Spain and Dominions, Consul-General at Havana, $6,000 ; fifteen Consuls, Ma- tanzas, $3,000 ; Santiago de Cuba, $2,500 ; San Juan, P. R., $2,000 ; Barcelona, Cadiz, Malaga, $1,500 each ; Cienfuegos, $2,500 ; fees at Alicante, Carthagena, Corunna, Denia, Iloilo, Manila, Santandar, and Ten- eriffe. Seven Commercial Agents, all on fees, at Baracoa, Cardenas, Garrucha, Mayagucz, Ponce, Sagua la Grande, and San Juan de Los Remedios. Sweden and Norway, four Consuls all on fees at Bergen, Christiana, Gottenberg, Stockholm. Switzerland, three Consuls at Basle and Zurich, $2,000 each ; Geneva, $1,500. One Commercial Agent at St. Galle, fees, Turkev and Dominions, Agent and Con- sul-General at Cairo, $4,000. Four Con- 8\ils at Beirut and Smyrna, $2,000 each ; Tripoli, $3,000 ; Jerusalem, $1,500. Venezuela, two Consuls on fees at Ci- nudad, Bolivar, and Puerto Cabello ; two Commercial Agents at Laguayra, $1,500 ; Maracaibo, fees. Japan, two Marshals, at Kanagawa, $1,000; Nagasaki, $1,000. Turkey, one Marshal at Constantinople, $1,000. Interpreters to Legatlong and Consulates. China, Peking, $.5,000; Aniov, $750; Canton, .$750; Foo Chow, $1, . 500 ; Han- kow, $750 ; Hong-Kong, $750 ; Shanghai, $2,000; Tien-Tsin, $2,000. Japan, Yedo, $2,500; Kanagawa, $2,000. Turkey, at Constantinople, .$3,000, marshals to Consular Courts. China, five Marshals, Amov, $1,000; Foo Chow, $1,000 ; Hankow, $1 ,000 ; Shang- hai, $1,000; Tien-Tain, $1,000. Consular Clerks. At Shanghai, $1,200 ; Havana, $1,200 ; Algiers, $1,200; Berlin, $1,200 ; Havana, $1,2^0 ; Rome, $1,200 ; Cairo, $1,200 ; Liv- erpool, $1,000; Paris, $1,000; Honolulu, $1,000 ; Pago-Pago, $1,000; Paris, $1,000. Ministers are appointed from the domi- nant party, and are in the main appointed as far as may be among the States, but re- gard is shown to the high abilities of the man. They are not directly applied for, but Congressional delegations press their claims. Consuls and Commercial Agents are appointed at the solicitation frequent- ly, of business interests, but mainly at the request of Senators and Representatives. Commercial Agents frequently pay better than salaried Consulates, this pay de- pending on the fees, and in some instances on the liberty of the Agent to transact business. All applicants, for the conven- ience of the Department, should prepare briefs of their applications, backed by their letters and petitions. A well-arranged brief is in itself a business recommenda- tion. Familiarity with foreign tongues where it exists, should be stated. American and Spanlsli Clalnts Commission. ( Office in Department of Stale.) Arbitrator on the part of the United States. — Joseph J. Steward, 149 Carrollton avenue, Baltimore, Md. Arbitrator on the part of Spain. — 1714 Rhode Island avenue. Umpire. — Count Carl Lewenhaupt, 1021 Connecticut avenue. Counsel on the part of the United States. — Thomas J, Durant, 223 Four and a half street. Counsel on the part of Spain. — John D. McPherson, Georgetown. Secretary to the Commission. — Eustace Collett, 707 Ninth street, N. E. French and American Claims Commission. (Officer, No. 1518 If street.) Commissioner on the part of the United States.— Asa G. Aldis, 1617 Rhode Island avenue. Commissioner on the part of France. — Mr. de Geofroy, 1617 I street. Third Commissioner, named by Brazil. — Baron de Arinos, 1404 H street. A(/cnt and Counsel on the part of the United States. — George S. Boutwell, 810 Twelfth street. As.sociate Agent and Counsel on the part of the United States. — John Davis, 1816 I Btreet, BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 35 Cotmsel on the part of Prance. — Mr. de Chambrun, 1211 K street. Agent on the part of France. — Mr. Lanen, 1532 I street. Secretan/ on the part of the United /S^a^es.— Washington F. Peddrick, 1518 H street. PAY OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. Heads of Departments. Secretary of State, $8,000 per annum. Secretary of the Treasury, $8,000 per an- num. Secretary of War, $8,000 per annum. Secretary of the Navy, $8,000 ])er annum. Secretary of the Interior, $8,000 per an- num. Postmaster-General, $8,000 per annum. Attorney-General, $8,000 per annum. liegislatlve Department. Speaker ofHouse of Representatives, (mile- age, 20 cents per mile,) $8,000, per annum. United States Senators, Members of Con- gress, and Delegatates from Territories, 15,000 per annum. Judiciary (Supreme Court of United States.) Chief Justice, $10,500 per annum. Associate Justices, (eight in number; court meets 1st Monday in December), $10,000 per annum. Ministers and Diplomatic Agents of tlie United States In Foreign Countries. Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary ^ Ministers to Great Britain $17,500 per annum. Minister to Russia, $17,500 per annum. Minister to France, $17,000 per annum. Minister to Germany, $17,500 per annum. Minister to Spain, $12,000 per annum. Minister to Austria, $12,000 per annum. Minister to Italy, $12,000 per annum. Minister to China, $12,000 per annum. Minister to Mexico, $12,000 per annum, ^linister to Brazil, $12,000 per annum. Minister to Japan, $12,000 per annum. Minister to Chili, $10,000 per annum. Minister to Peru, $10,000 per annum, ^liiiistcr to Central America, $10,000 per annum. Ministers Resident. Minister in Portugal, $7,500 per annum. Minister in Belgium, $7,500 per annum. Minister in Netherlands, $7,500 per annum. JMinister in Denmark, $7,500 per annum. Minister in Sweden and Norway, $7,500 per annum. 53 Minister in Switzerland, $7,500 per annum. Minister in Turkey, $7,500 per aniiuin. Minister in Venezuela, $7,5U(J per annum. Minister in Ecuador, $7,50U per auiuun. Minister in Argentine Confederation, $7,- 500 per annum. ]\Iinister in Hawaiian Islands, $7,500 per annum. Minister in Greece, $7,500 per annum. Minister in Columbia, $7,500 i)er annum. Minister in Bolivia, $7,500 i>er annum. War Department. Secretary of War, $8,000 per annum. General, $13,500 per annum. Adjutant General, $5,500 j)er annum. Assistant Adjutant General, $3,600 per annum. Second Assistant Adjutant General, $3,000 per annum. Third Assistant Adjutant General, $3,000 per annum. Fourth Assistant Adjutant General, $3,000 per annum. Chief Clerk Adjutant General's Bureau, $2,000 per annum. Inspector General, $3,500 per annum. Judge Advocate General, $5,500 per annum. Assistant Judge Advocate $3,500 per an- num. Quartermaaster General, $5,500 per annum. Deputy Quartermaster General, $3,000 per annum. Assistant Quartermaster, $3,500 per an- num. Chief Clerk Quartermaster's Bureau, $2,000 per annum. Chief of Engineer's Bureau, $5,500 per annum. Chief Clerk of Engineer's Bureau, $2,000 per annum. Surgeon General, $5,500 per annum. Assistant Surgeon General, $3,500 per an- num. Chief Clerk Surgeon General's Bureau, $2,000 per annum. Chief of Ordnance, $5,500 per annum. Chief Clerk of Ordnance, $2,000 per an- num. Paymaster General, $3,500 per annum. Deputy Paymaster General, $3,000 per annum. Assistant Paymaster General, $3,500 per annum. Chief Clerk Paymaster General's Bureau, $2,000 per annum. Commissary General of Subsistence, $5,500 per annum. Assistant Commissary General, $3,500 per annum. Chief Clerk Commissary General's Bureau, $2,000 per annum. General Officers. Lieutenant General, $i)lG.G7 per month. AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Aids-de-camp, according to rank. Major-General, $625.00 per month. Brigadier-General, $458.33 per month. Adjutant General's Department. Adjutant General — Brigadier General, ^58.33 per mouth. Assistant Adjutant General — Colonel, $291.67 per month. Assistant Adjutant General — Lieutenant Colonel, $250.60 per month. Assistant Adjutant General — Major, $208.33 per month. Judge Advocate General — Colonel, $291.67 per month. Judge Advocate— Major, $208.33 per month. Inspector General's Department. Inspector General — Colonel, $291.67 per month. Assistant Inspector General — Major, $208.33 per month. signal Department. Signal Officer— Colonel, $292.67 per month. Pay Department. Paymaster General, $291.67 per month. Deputy Paymaster General, $250.50 per month. Paymaster, $208.33 per month. Officers of tlxe Corps of Kn^ineers, Topo- graplilcal Engineers, and Ordnance Department. Chief of Ordnance — Brigadier General, $485.83 per month. Colonel, $291.67 per month. Lieutenant Colonel, $250.00 per month. Major, $208.33 per month. Captain, $150.00 per month. First Lieutenant, 125.00 per month. Second Lieutenant, $116.67 per month. Officers ot Mounted Dragoons, Cavalry, Kiflemtn, and LigUt Artillery. Colonel, $291.67 per month. Lieutenant Colonel, $250.00 per month. Major, $208.33 i)cr month. Captain, $166.67 per month. First Lieutenant, $183.33 per month. Second Lieutenant, $125.00 per month. Q,narterma8ier'8 Department. Quarterma-ster General — Brigadier Gene- ral, $485.33 per month. Assistant (Quartermaster General — Colonel, $291.61 per month. Deputy Ciuarteriiiastor General — Lieuten- ant (>)lon("l, $250.00 per nionlii. Quartermaster — Major, $208.88 pcrnionlh. Assistant (Quartermaster — Captain, $16(3.67 per month. Subsistence Deparment. Commissary General of Subsistence — ■ Brigadier General, $458.33 per month. Assistant Commissary General — Colonel, $291.67 per month. Commissary of Subsistence — Major, $208.- 33 per month. Commissary of Subsistence — Captain, $150.00 per month. Medical Department. Surgeon General — Brigadier General, $485.33 per month. Assistant Surgeon General, $291.67 per month. Chief Medical Purveyor, $291.67 per month. Assistant Medical Purveyor, $250.00 per month. Surgeons— Majors, $208.33 per month. Assistant Surgeons — Captains, $150.00 per month. Adjutant Regimental Quartermaster, $150.00 per month. Officers of Artillery and Infantry. Colonel, $291.67 per month. Lieutenant-Colonel, $250.00 per month. Major, $208.33 per month. Caj^tain, $150.00 per month. First-Lieutenant, $125.00 per month. Second Lieutenant, $116.67 per annum. Montlily Payment of Knlisted Men of the United States Army. First Enlistment. — Company, Private — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantry, $13.00 per month. Private, 2d class — Engineers and Ord- nance, $13.00 per month. Musician — Engineers, Artillery, and In- fantry, $13.00 per month. Trumpeter — Cavalry, $13.00 per month. Wagoner — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infant- ry, $14.00 per month. Artificer — Artillery and Infantry, $15.00 per month. Corporal — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infant- ry, $15.00 per month. Blacksmith and Farrier — Cavalry, $15,00 per month. Saddler — Cavalry, $15.00 per month. (Quartermaster Sergeant, $17.00 per month. Sergeant — Artillery, Cavalry and Infantry, $17.00 per month. Private, 1st Class — Engineers and Ord- nance, $20.00 per month. Corporal — Engineers and Ordnance, $20,00 ])er month. First Scrgeant^ — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantrv, $22.00 per month. Saddler— Sergeants-Cavalry, $22.00 per month. Sergeant — Engineers and Ordnance $34 l)cr annum. liegiment. Clii(>f Trumpeter — Cavalry, 21.00 per month. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 37 Principal Musicinn — Artillery and Infant- ry, !i522.0U prr month. Chief Musiciuii — ^Artillery, Cavalry and Infantry, $((().0() per month. Serf^eant Ma or — Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantry, $23.00 per month. Quartermaster Sergeant-^Artillery, Caval- ry, and Infantry, $28. 00 i)er month. Seri,a'aiit j\Iajor and Quartermaster Si'r- geant — Engineers, $80.00 per month. Veterinary .Surgeon— Senior, $100.00 per month. Veterinary Surgeon — Junior, $75.00 per month. Fori. Hospital IMatron, $10.00 per month. Hospital Steward — 1st class, $30.00 per month. Hospital Steward— 2d class, $22.00 per month. Hospital Steward— 3d class, $20.00 per month. Ordnance Sergeant, $34.00 per month. Commissary Sergeant, $34.00 per month. N. B. — The i)ay of enlisted men, except- ing the wagoner, artificer, quartermaster sergeant, chief musician, veterinary sur- geons, and hospital matron, during first enlistment increases $1 per annum after the second year. First re-enlistinent i)ay is increased $2, and $1 for second, third, and foui'th re- enlistment, and is uniform in each. Sappers and. Miners, and Pontoonlers. Sergeant, $34 ])er month. Corporal, $20 per month. Private — 1st class, $17 per month. Private — 2d cla.ss, $13 per month. Musician, $13 per month. PAY OF THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. Omcers. Admiral, per year, $13,000 on sea. Vice Admiral, per year, $9,000 on sea, $8,000 on shore, $0,000 on orders. Rear Admirals, per vear, $6,000 on sea, foOuO, on shore, $4,000 on orders. Commodores, per year, $5,000 on sea, $4,000 on shore, $3,000 on orders. Captains, per year, $4,500 on sea, $3,500 on shore, $2,800 on orders. Commanders, ))cr year, $3,500'on sea, $3,000 on shore, $2,300' on orders. Lieut. Commanders — 1st four years of com- mission, per year, $2,800 on sea, $2,400 on shore, $2,000 on orders. Lieut. Commanders — after four years, per yeai-, $3,(100 on sea, $2,G00 on shore, $2,200 (n\ orders. Lieutenants — 1st five years of commission, per year, $2,400 on sea, $2,000 on shore, $1,600 on orders. Lieutenants — after five years, per year, $2,600 on sea, $2,200 on shore, $1,800 on orders. Masters — 1st five years of commission, per year, $1,400 on sea, $1,200 on shore, $1,000 on orders. Masters — after five years, per year, $1,800 on sea, $1,500 on shore, $1,200 on orders. l{;iisign.s — 1st five years of commission, per vear, $1,200 on sea, $1,000 on shore, $800 on orders. Ensigns — after five years, per year, $1,400 on sea, $1,200 on shore, $1,000 on orders. Midshipmen, per year, $1,000 on .sea, $800 on shore, $600 on orders. Fleet Surgeons — Medical and Pay Direc- tors, per year, $4,400 on sea. Medical and Pay Inspectors and Chief Engineers, per year, $4,400 on sea. Surgeons — 1st five years of commission, per vear, $2,800 on sea, $2,400 on shore, $2,000 on orders. Surgeons — 2d five years of commission, per vear, $3,200 on sea, $2,800 on shore, $2,400 on orders. Surgeons — 3d five years of commission, per year, $3,500 on sea, $3,200 on shore, $2,600 on orders. Surgeons — 4th five years of commission, per year, $3,700 on sea, $3,600 on shore, $2,800 on orders. Surgeons — after twenty vears, per vear, $4,200 on sea, $4,000 on shore, $3,000 on orders. Past Assistant Surgeons — 1st five years of commission, per vear, $2,000 on sea, $1,800 on shore, $1,500 on orders. Past Assistant Surgeons — after five years, per year, $2,200 on sea, $2,000 on shore, $1,700 on orders. Assistant Surgeons — 1st five years of com- mission, per year, $1,700 on sea, $1,400 on shore, $1,000 on orders. Assistant Surgeons — after five vears, per year, $1,900 on sea, $1,600 onshore, $1,- 200 on orders. Paymaster — same as Surgeons. Past Assistant paymasters — same as P. A. Surgeons. Assistant Paymasters — 1st five years of commission, per vear, $1,700 on sea, $1,400 on shore, $1,000 on orders. Assistant Pavmasters — after five vears, per vear, $1,900 on sea, $1,600 on shore^ $1,200 on orders. Chaplains — 1st five years of commission, per year, $2,500 on sea, $2,000 on shore, $1,600 on orders. Chaplains — after five years, per vear, $2,- 800 on sea, $2,300 on shore, $1,900 on orders. Professors of Mathematics — 1st five years of commission, per year, $2,400 on sea, $2,400 on shore, $1,500 on orders. Professors of ■Mathematics — 2d five years of commission, j)er vear, $2,700 on sea, $2,700 on shore, $1,800 on orders. Professors of Mathematics — 3d five years 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. of commission, per year, $3,000 on sea, $3,000 on shore, $2,100 on orders. Professors of Mathematics — after fifteen years, per year, $3,500 on sea, $3,500 on shore, $2,600 on orders. Boatswains — Gunners — Carpenters, per year, $1,200 on sea, $900 on shore, $700 on orders. Sailmakers — 1st three years of commission, per year, $1,200 on sea, $900 on shore, $700 on orders. Sailmakers — 2d three years of commission, per year, $1,300 on sea, $1,000 on shore, $800 on orders. Sailmakers — 3d three years of commission, per year, $1,400 on sea, $1,300 on shore, $90(3 on orders. Sailmakers — 4th three years of commission, per year, $1,600 on sea, $1,300 on shore, |l,ObO on orders. Sailmakers — after twelve years, per vear, $1,800 on sea, $1,600 on shore, i;>l,200 on orders. Naval Contractors — 1st five years of com- mission, per year, $3, 200 on shore, $2,- 200 on order. Naval Contractors — 2d five years of com- mission, per year, $3,400 on shore, $2,- 400 on order. Naval Contractors — 3d five years of com- mission, per year, $3,700 on shore, $2,700 on orders. Naval Contractors — 4th five years of com- mission, per year, $4,000 on shore, $3,000 on orders. Naval Contractors — after twenty years, per year, .$4,200 on shore, $3,200 on orders. Assistant Naval Contractors — 1st four years of commission, per year, $2,000 on shore, $1,500 on orders. Assistant Naval Contractors — 2d four years of commission, per year, $2,200 on shore, $1,700 on orders. Assistant Naval Contractors — after eight years, per year, $2,600 on shore, $1,900 on orders. Chief Engineers — same as Surgeons. Past Assistant Engineers — same as P. A. Surgeons. Assistant Engineers — same as Assistant Surgeons. Secretaries to Admiral and Vice Admi- ral, $2500 per annum. Secretaries to Commanders ofSquadrons, $2000 per annum. Clerks to (Jommandera of Squadrons, $750 per annum. Clerks to Commanders of Vessels, $750 per annum. Clerks at Navy Yards — Boston and New York, $1600 per annum. Clerks at Navy Yards — Washington, $1600 per annum. Clerks at Navy Yards — Philadelphia, $1600 per annum. Clerics at Navy Yards — Mare Island, $1800 per year". Yeomen — first and second rate, $61 60 per month. Yeomen — third rate, $56 50 per month. " —fourth rate, $51 50 Armorers — first rate, $36 50 " " — second, third and fourth rate, $31 50 per month. Boatswain's Mate and Gunners, each $28 50 per month. Carpenters, $31 50 per month. Sailmaker's Mate, $26 50 " Masters-at-arms — first and second rate, $61 50 \ier mouth. Masters-at-arms — third rate, $56 50 per month. Masters-at-arms — fourth rate, $51 50 per month. Ship's Corporals, $23 50 per month. Coxswains, Quarter Masters, Quarter Gunners, $26 50 per month. Captains of Forecastle, Tops, After- guard, and Hold, $26 50 per month. Coopers, $23 50 per month. Painters— first class, $26 50 " " —second " $23 50 " Stewards— of Cabin, $36 50 " ' ' —of Ward Eoom, $31 50 per month. Stewards — of Steerage, 21 50 per month. " —of Warrant OflScers, $19 50 per month. Nurses — complement less than 200 — one nurse, $15 50 per month. Nurses — complement ' over 200 — two nurses, $15 50 per month. Cooks — Cabin, $31 50 per month. " Ward Room, $26 50 per month. Steerage, $19 50 " Warrant Officers, $15 50 " Musicians — Masters of Band, $51 50 per month. Musicians — first class, $36 50 per month. second class, $31 50 " Seamen, $21 50 " Ordinary, $17 50 " Landsmen, $15 50 " Firemen— first class, $31 50 " " second class, $26 50 " Coal Heavers, $21 50 Marine Corps — Brigadier General, $5500 per annum. Marine Corps — Ass't Quartermaster, cap- tain's rank, $2000 per annum. Marine Corps — Colonel, $3500 per ann. " Lieutenant Col., $3000 per annum. Marine Corps — M.ajor, $2500 per annum Cai)tain, $1800 " 1st Lieutenant and Aid- dc-camp, $1750 per annum. Marine Corjis — 1st Lieutenant, $1500 per annum. Marine Corps— 2d „ $1400 per annum. All ofllccrs on retired list receive 75 or 60 per cent, of their sea pay, according aa BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 39 they are retired for long and faithful ser- vice or for other causes. The navy ration is commuted at 30 cents per day. Tiie navy sjjirit ration was totally abolished July 1, 1S7(). Navy oilicers are retired after 40 years' service, on their own application ; and they are retired in any case after G2 years of age, with some exceptions. The compensa- tion of retired olficers is 75 per cent, of the active pay of the same rank, or fyO per cent, (according to the causes of retirenieiit.) Admissions to West I'oint and the Naval Academy are only received where vacan- cies occur in the State or section entitled. The appointments are apportioned among the Senators and Re])resentatives, some being reserved to the President. In many Congressional Districts, to avoid favorit- ism, and to make sure of admission when appointed, local boards of exannners are appointed, and those who pass best in the P^nglish branches are given the first trial. The fortunate applicant must pass another and still more rigid examination at the Academy, and must do this without serious failure in each and every year. Tliose who Eiss are entitled, in the Army, to a Second ieutenancy ; in the Navy, to a Past Mid- shipman's rank. Those who fail can un- der an Act of Congress, be appointed to the lower grade of vacancies in the Army after all who pass are provided for. At either Academy the student receives suffi- cient allowance from the government. Vulted States Military Academy at West Poiut. The United States Military Academy at West Point was founded by act of I\Iarch IG, 1802, constituting the corps of engineers of the army, a military academy with fifty students or cadets, who were to receive in- structions under the senior engineer officer as superintendent. Ijatcr acts established professorships of mathematics, engineering, philosopliy, etc., and made the academy a military body, subject to the rules and ar- ticles of war. In 1815, a permanent super- intendent was appointed, and a year later an annual board of visitors was provided for, to be named by the President, the Speaker of the House, and the President ot the Senate. In 1818 the present system of the appointment of cadets was instituted, which assigns one cadet to each Congres- sional district and Territory in the Union, to be named by the Representative in Congress for the time being, and ten ap- pointments at large, speciallv conferred bv the President of the United States. The number of students is thus limited to 812. A large proportion of those appointed fail to pass the examination, and many others to complete the course, the pro])ortion being stated at fully one half hitherto. The course of instruction requires four years, and in largely mathematical and professional. The discipline is very strict, even more so than in the army, and the enforcement of penalties for" offences is inflexible rather th.in severe. The whole number of graduates from 1802 to 1877 wa.s about 2,700, of whom 1,200 are deceased and about 1,500 living. Of those surviving, 800 are still in the army, and about 700 out of service. Ai)pointees to the ^Military Academy must be between 17 and 22 years of age, at least five feet in height, and free from in- firnuty, and able to pass a careful exami- nation in various branches of knowledge. Each cadet admitted must bind liimself t<i serve the United States eight years from the time of admission to the academy. The jmy of cadets, formerly fifty dollars per month and rations, was fixed at $540 per year, with no allowance for rations, by the act of 1876. The aggregate amount of money ai)i)ropriated by the United States for the Military Academy from 1802 to 1877 inclusive, was $11,89(3,128, being an average of about $140,949 annually. The number of actual members of the academy, by the official register of June, 1879, was 212. IT lilted States Naval Academy at Annapolis. The United States Naval Academy was opened October 10, 1845, and the credit of its foundation is attributed to Hon. George Bancroft, then Secretary of the Navy under President Polk. The course of in'itruction, designed to train midshipmen for the navy, at first occupied five years, of which three were passed at sea. Various changes have been made in the course of instruction, which was made seven years in 1850, four years in 1851, and six years, (the two last of which are spent at sea,) March 3, 1873, where it now remains, under the direct care and supervision of the Navy Depart- ment. There are to be allowed in the aca- demy one cadet-midshipman for every member or delegate in tiie House of Rep- resentatives, appointed at his nomination, one for the District of Columbia, and ten appointed at large by the President. The number of appointments which can be made is limited by law to twenty-five each year, nanu'd by tlie Secretary of the Navy after competitive examinations, the cadets being from fourteen to eighteen years of age. The successful candidates become students of tlie academy, and receive the pay of cadet-midshipmen, !<.')00per aninim. Besides the cadet-midshijimen, 25 cadet- engineers may be apj>oiuted each year, fniin 10 to 20 years of age. on competitive examination involving a higher standard of knowledge. The course for cadet-en- gineers is 4 years at the acailemy, and 2 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. additional years at sea. All cadets who graduate are appointed assistant-engineers in the navy as fast as vacancies occur. The course of in^^truction is thorough, in- volving a close pursuit of mathematics, steam engineering, physics, mechanics, sea- manship, ordnance, history, law, etc. The whole number of students, cadet-midship- men, 204 ; cadet-engineers, 80 ; total, 284. PAY OF PRINCIPAL OFFICERS IN VARIOUS DE- PARTMENTS. Department of State. Secretary of State, Salary, §8,000. Assistant Secretary, Salary, $3,600. Second Assistant Secretary, Salary, $3,500. Third Assistant Secretarv, Salary, $3,500. Chief Clerk, Salary, $2,500. Examiner of Claims, Salarv, $3,500. Chief of Consular Bureau, Salary,$2,100. Chief of Indexes and Archives, Salary, $2,200. Chief of Bureau of Accounts, Salary, 2,100. Librarian, Salary, $1,800. Treasury Department. Secretary of the Treasury, Salary, $8,000. Assistant Secretary, Salary, $4,500. Assistant Secretary, Salary, $4,500. Chief Clerk of Department, Salarj', $2,700. First Comptroller, Salary, $5,000. Second Comptroller, Salary, .$5,000. Commissioner of Customs, Salary, $4,000. First Auditor, Salary, $3,600. Second Auditor, Salary, $3,600. Third Auditor, Salary, $3,600. Fourth Auditor, Salarv, $3,600. Fifth Auditor, Salary,'$3,600. Sixth Auditor, Salary, $3,600. Treasurer of the United States, Salary, $6,000. Assistant Treasurer, Salary, .$3,600. Register of the Treasury, Salary, $4,000. Comptroller of the Currency, Salary, $5,000. Coni'r of Internal Revenue, Salary, $6,000. Solicitor of Internal Revenue, Salarv, $4,500. Solicitor of the Treasury, Salary, $4,500. Director of the Mint, Salary, $4,500. Chief of Bureau of Engraving and Printing, Salary, $4,500. Chief of Bureau of Statistics, Salary, $2,400. Supervising Architect, Salary, $4,500. Supt. of U. S. Coast Survey, Salary, $6,000. Assistant in Charge of Office, Salary, $4,200. Chairman Litrht-llousc Board. Supervising Surgeon-General, Salary, $4,000. Supt. of Life-Saving Service, Salarv. $4,000. Supervising Inspector-General of Steam- boats, Salary, $3,500. Chief of Appointment Division, Salarv. $2,500. ^' Chief of Warrant Division, Salarv. $2,750. '' Chief of Public Moneys Division, Salarv. $2,500. 'J. Chief of Customs Division, Salary, $2,750. Chief Int. Rev. and Navigation, Salarv. $2,500. '' Chief Loan and Currency Div'n, Salarv. $2,500. Chief Revenue Marine, Salary, $2,500. Chief Stationery and Printing, Salary, $2,500. Department of tlie Interior. Secretary of the Interior, Salary, $8,000. Assistant Secretary, Salary, $3,500. Chief Clerk and Superintendent, Salary, $i,7vO. Assistant Attorney-General, Salary, $5,000. GENERAL LAND OFFICE. Commissioner, Salarv, $4,000. Chief Clerk, Salary, $2,000. PENSION OFFICE. Commissioner, Salary, $3,000. Deputy Commissioner, Salary, $2,400. Chief Clerk, Salary, $2,000. PATENT OFFICE. Commissioner $4,500 Assistant Commissioner 3,000 Chief Clerk 2,250 ] 3,000 Examiner-in-chief > 3,000 ] 3,000 1. Agriculture 2,400 2. Agricultural Products 2,400 3. Mc'tullurgv, Kel'rigeration, and Distillation 2,400 4. Civil Engineering. 2,400 5. Fine Arts 2,400 6. Chemistry 2,400 7. Harvesters and Mills 2,400 8. Household 2,400 9. Hydraulics and Pneumatics 2,400 10. Carriages, Wagons, and Cars 2,400 11. Leather-working Machinery and Products '. 2,400 12. Mechanical Engineering 2,400 13. Metal-working, Class A 2,400 14. Metal-working, Cla.ss B 2,400 15. Plastics 2,400 16. Philosophical 2,400 17. Printing and Pai)cr Manufac- turing 2,400 18. Steam Engineering 2,400 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 41 19. Calorifics, Stoves, and Lamps.... 2,400 20. Buiklcrs' Hardware, Locks, and Surgery 2,400 21. Sewing Machines and Textile... Machinery 2,400 22. Fire-arms, Navigation, Signals, and Wood-working 2,400 23. Trade-Marks and Labels 2,250 24. Designs Examiner of Interferences 2,400 Librarian 2,000 INDIAN OFFICE. Commissioner 3,000 Chief Clerk 2,000 BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Commissioner of Education 3,000 Chief Clerk 1,800 CENSUS OFFICE. Superintendent 5,000 Chief Clerk 2,000 Auditor of Railroad AccountvS 5,000 Director of Geological Survey 6,000 Superintendent of Government Hos- pital for Insane.... 2,500 President Columbia Institution for Deaf and Dumb 4,000 Architect U. S. Capitol Extension... 4,500 'War Department. OFFICE. SALARY. Secretarv of War $S,Ol)0 Cliief Clerk 2,500 Adjutant-General 5,500 Assistant Adjutant-General 4,500 Chief Clerk 2,000 Inspector-General 5,500 Quartermaster-General 5,500 Chief Clerk 2,000 Pavmaster-General 5,500 Chief Clerk 2,000 Commissarv-General 5,500 Chief Clerk 2,000 Surgeon-General 5,500 r 4,500 Assistants I '«!'•>"*() [3^250 Chief Clerk 2,000 Judge-Advocate General 5,500 Chief Clerk 1,800 Chief of Engineers 5,500 Chief Clerk 2,000 Assistant in charge of Public Build- ings and Grounds 3,000 Chief Signal Officer 5,500 Chief Clerk 1,800 Chief of Ordnance 5,500 Chief Clerk 2,000 Post-Oflice Department. Postmaster-General 8,000 Chief Clerk 2,200 First Assistant Postmaster-General.. 3,500 Second Assistant Postmaster-General 3,500 Third Assistant Postmaster-General 3,500 Sui)erintendent of Foreign Mails 3^000 Assistant Attorney-General for Post- Otlice Department 4 000 Superintendent of Money-Order Sys- tti"i 3,000 Navy Department. Secretarv of the Navy Chief Clerk .'." Judge-Advocate General Chief of Bureau of Yards and Docks Chief of Bureau of Navigation Chief of Bureau of Ordnance Chief of Bureau of Provisions and Clothing Chief of Bureau of Medicine and Sur- gery Chief of Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting Chief of Bureau of Construction and Repair Chief of Bureau of Steam-Engineer- ing ; Commandant of Navy Yard, Wash- ington Navij Pay Office. Paymaster .' Marine Corps. Commandant Marine Corps lu charge Marine Barracks 8,000 2,500 4,500 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 4,500 3,500 Naval Observatory. Superintendent Professors. Nautical Almanac. Superintendent 6,000 '3,500 3,500 3,500 3,500 2,700 .2,400 3,500 Signal Office. In charge 3,500 Hydrographic Office. Hydrographer 3,500 Department bf Justice. Attorney-General 8,000 Solicitor-General 7,000 .Vssistant Attorney-General 5,oo0 Assistant Attorney -General 5,000 Chief Clerk 2.200 Law Clerk 2,700 Department of Agrlcnlture. Commissi(Mier 3,000 Chief Clerk 1,900 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Collectors of Internal Revenne. IHstricts. Statioiis. Salary, 1S80. Alabama Mobile $2,500 " Montgomerj' 2,500 Arizona Prescott 2,250 Arkansas Little Rock 2,750 California S. Francisco 4,500 " Sacramento 3,250 Colorado Denver 2,750 Connecticut Norwich 2,875 Bridgeport 3,000 Dakota Yankton 2,250 Delaware "Wilmington 3,125 Florida Jacksonville 2,875 Georgia Atlanta 4,000 " Savannah 3,000 Idaho Boise City 2,125 Illinois Chicago 4,500 Aurora 3,000 " Sterling 4,000 " Quincy 4,375 " Peoria 4,500 " Champaign 2,375 " Springfield 4,125 " Cairo 4,375 Indiana Evansville 3,000 " Greensburg 4,500 " Indianapolis 4,250 " Terre Haute 4,500 " Warsaw 2,750 " Anderson 2,625 Iowa Davenport 3,125 " Dubuque 3,000 " Burlington 2,750 " Des Mmnes 2,625 Kansas Leavenworth 3,000 Kentucky Owensboro' 3,750 " Louisville 4,500 " Covington 4,500 " Lexington 4,500 " Lancaster 3,000 " Maysville 2,750 Louisiana N. Orleans 4,000 Maine Portland 2,500 Maryland Baltimore 4,500 " Cumberland 2,750 Massachusetts... Boston 4,500 " ... Newburyport 4,250 " ...N.Adams 3,375 Michigan Detroit 4,500 " Hillsdale. 3,000 " G. Rapids 2,750 E. Saginaw 2,750 Minnesota liochester 2 625 " St. Paul h',()(H) Mississippi Jackson 2,(525 Missouri St. Louis 4,500 " (!. Girardeau 2,375 " Louisiana 3,150 " Cartilage 3,000 " Kansas City 3,000 Montana Helena ". 2,125 Nebraska Omaha 4,250 Nevada Virginia City 2,500 N. Hampshire.. Dover ! 3,125 N. Jersey Camden 3,000 " Somervillc 3,000 Districts. Statiotii. Salary, 1880. N. Jersey Newark 4,500 N. Mexico Santa Fe 2,500 N. York Brooklyn 4,500 " New York 4,500 " New York 4,500 " Middletown 2,750 " Hudson 3,625 " Albany 3,750 " Trov 3,000 " Utica 3,125 " Auburn 3,375 " Binghamton 3,000 " Rochester 4,375 " Buffalo 4,500 N. Carolina New Berne 2,500 " Raleigh 4,375 " AVinsted 4,250 " Statesville 3,500 Ohio Cincinnati 4,500 " Davton 4,500 " Bellefontaine 3,625 " Wash. C. H 3,875 " Columbus 3,625 " Toledo 4.500 " Portsmouth 4,500 " Marietta 2,875 " .....Cleveland 4,000 Oregon Portland 2.500 Pennsylvania... Philadelphia 4,500 " ...Reading 3,750 " ...Lancaster 4,500 " ...Wilkesbarre 3.250 " ...Sunburj' 2,875 *' ...Somerset 2,875 " ...Erie 2,625 " ...Greenville 2 500 '• ...Pittsburgh 4,500 " ...Allegheny City 3,875 R. Island Providence 2,875 S. Carolina Columbia 3,500 Tennessee Knoxville 2,500 Nashville 4,125 " Memphis 2,625 Texas Galveston 3,000 " Austin 2,500 " Jefferson 2,375 Utah S. Lake City 2,375 Vermont Montpelicr." 2,500 Virginia Petersburg 4,250 " Richmond 4,500 " Danville 4,500 " Lvuchburg 4,500 " Harrisonburg 3,000 Washington Olympia 2,250 W. Virginia Wheeling 3,125 Grafton 2,375 Wisconsin Milwaukee 4,500 Madison 2,750 Fond du Lac 2,875 Sparta 2,625 Wyoming Cheyenne 2,125 The salaries of Internal Revenue Collec- tors are graduated annually in projjortion to the amount of revenue collected hy each — the maximum salary being limited to $4,500 by law. BOOK VI.j A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 43 The number of the collection districts are those retained when the districts in various States were consolidated by law, and those bearing the intervening numbers were al)olished. [Wliilc some collectors have fixed sala- ries, other ofiicers are paid, in whole or in part, by lees or commissions, to which the law fixes a maximum limit. J Alabama. Mobile $4,195 Alaska. Sitka 3,370 CaliJo7-nia. San Francisco 7,000 San Diego 3,000 Connecticut. Fairfield 1,2.S2 Middletown 1,141 New Haven 3,000 New London 2,995 Stoniugton 620 Delaware. Wilmington 2,781 Dist. of Columbia. Georgetown 1,388 Florida. Apalachicola 834 Fernandina 1,350 Key West 5,U0n Jacksonville 1,431 Peusacola 3,000 St. Augustine 543 Cedar Keys 1,235 Georgia. Brunswick 2,594 Savannah 3,455 St. Mary's 1,038 Illinois. Chicago 4,500 Louisiana. Morgan City 1,5GS New Orleans 7,000 Maine. Bangor 1,452 Bath 2,3(jy Belfast 1,229 Ellsworth 1,450 Kennebunk 188 Machias 1,()14 Eastport 3,000 Castine 892 Portland 6,000 Saco 300 Hmilton 1,50(1 Waldoborough 1,840 Wiscasset 752 York 25S Maryland. Annapolis , 250 Baltimore 7,000 Crisfield 2,192 Massachusetts. Barnstable $2,523 Boston 8^000 Edgartown 884 Fall Biver 1,189 Gloucester 3,84^) MarMehead 311 Nantuck-L't 400 New Bcdlord 2,085 Ncwijurvport 3!)5 Plymouth 834 Salem 517 Mich ifjan. Detroit.... 5,273 (irand Haven 2,700 ManpTctte 2,5()0 Port Huron 2,500 Minnesota. Pembina, D. T 2,500 Duluth 2,500 Mississippi. Natchez 500 Vicksburg 5oO Pearl liiver 1,481 Montana and Idaho. Fort Benton 2,500 New Hampshire. Portsmouth 741 New Jersey. Bridgcton 606 Somcr's Point 5o0 Trenton 201 Newark 1,218 Perth xVmboy 1,970 Tuckerton 250 New York. Buffalo 2,500 Cape Vincent 2,500 Dunkirk 1,007 New York 12,000 ( )swegatchie 2,500 ( )swego 4,500 Plattsburgh 2,500 Rochester 2,550 Sag Harbor 490 Suspension Bridge 2,500 North Carolina. Beaufort 1,145 Edenton 1,244 Newbern 1,588 Wilmington 2,500 Ohio. Cleveland 2,500 Sanduskv 2,500 Toledo .■ 2,512 Ora/on. Astoria .' 3.000 Portland 3,no0 Emi)ire City 1,078 Pennsylvania. Erie 1.809 Philadelphia ^^.OoO Camden, X. J 1,500 u AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Rhode Island. Bristol 131 Newport 974 Providence 4,236 South Carolina. Charleston 4,000 Georgetown 493 Beaufort 2,830 Texas. Brownsville 4,500 Corpus Christi 3,617 El Paso 2,00l» Galveston 3,179 Indianola 2,488 Verniont. Burlington 2,500 Virginia. Alexandria 462 Eastville 915 Norfolk 3,000 Petersburg 361 Richmond 1,900 Tappahannock 481 Yorktown 559 Wisconsin. Milwaukee 2,500 Siir»'eyors of Customs. Albany, N. Y,, W. N. Sanders, salary, $4,568. Baltimore, Md., G. W. F. Vernon, $4,500. Boston, Mass., A. B. Underwood, $500. Burlington, Iowa, George Frazee,-$383. Cairo, 111., George Fisher, $706. Cincinnati, Ohio, E. H. Stephenson, $5,000. Dubuque, Iowa, Delos E Lyon, $606. Evansvillo, Ind., Joseph C. Jewell, $925. Galena, ill., Daniel Wann, $368. La Crosse, Wis., Isaac H. Moulton, $1,200. Louisville, Ky., T. O. Shackleford, $2,653. Memphis, Tenn., William J. Smith, $960. Michigan City, Ind., Thomas Jcrnegan, Nashville, Tenn., Adam Woolf, $817. New Orleans, La., William B. Hyman, $2,882. New York, N. Y., Charles K. Graham, $8,000. Omaha, Neb., John Campbell, $395. Patcliogiic, N. Y., Edward T. Moore. Pliiladelpliia, Pa., E. O'Meara Goodrich, $5,000. Pittsburtrh, Pa., James S. Butan, $4,200. Port JrlilTson, N. Y., Saiiuu'l R. Davis. I'ortlund,. "Maine, (JeorgeW. True, $4,500. i'ortsiiioutli, Ohio, James E. Wharton. St. Louis, Mo., Gustavus St. ( !em, $5,000. San Francisco, Cal., John M. Morton, $5,000. Wheeling, W. Va., James Gilchrist, $1,719. United States Naval Officers Salary. Boston, Mass., $5,000 New York, N. Y 8,000 Philadelphia, Pa., 5,000 Baltimore, Md., 5,000 New Orleans, La., 5,069 San Francisco, Cal., 6,000 Vuitecl States Aliiit Officers. Director of the Mint, Washington, D. C, $4,500. Superintendent, Philadelphia, Pa., $4,- 500. Superintendent, San Francisco, Cal., $4,500. Superintendent, New Orleans, La., $3,- 500. Assayer, Charlotte, N. C, $1,500. Superintendent, New York, N. Y., $4,500. Assayer, Denver, Col., $2,500. Superintendent, Carson City, Nevada, $3,000. Assayer, Boise City, Idaho, $2,000. Assayer, Helena, Montana, $2,500. Assistant Treasurers of the United States. Boston, Mass.,... $4,500 New York, N. Y., 8,000 Philadelphia, Pa., 4,500 Cincinnati, Ohio, 4,500 Chicago, 111., 4,500 New Orleans, La., 4,000 St. Louis, Mo., 4,500 San Francisco, Cal., 5,500 Baltimore, Md., 4,500 Washington, D. C, 3,600 OTHER DEPARTMENT OFFICES, THE PAY AND HOW OBTAINED. State Department. In addition to the principal and consu- lar officers previously named there are employed in the State Department about 50 clerks, watchmen, engineers, etc. The clerks are graded, the lowest class receiving $900, the next $1,000, then $1,200, $1,400, $1,600 and $1,800. The ])roof-reader gets $1,300, litliographcr $1,200, chief-engineer $1 ,200, assistant engineer $1 ,000, messenger $840, assistant messenger $720, snperinten- dentof watch $1,000,' six watclinien $600 each, conductor for elevator $720, eight laborers $600 each, six firemen $720 each. Treasury I)i-|iartin«'nt. This is regarded as the leading depart- ment in the vahie of its patronage, though the Postmaster (Jcnend has more appoint- ments if we include in his list all the Post- masters throughout the land. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 45 In the Treasury Department, besides the principal officers enumerated, there are over twelve thousand oj/icers. The salaries of the clerks range 'irom .$900 to $2,400, the latter I'or head clerks in bureaus or branche-i ; female clerks, as a rule, $900. The chief messcn.i^ers get $S-iO, assistant messengers $720, laborers $i)(JO, and some female laborers $1 per day ; female messen- gers $1.50 per day, female counters and laborers $2 per day. Tlu-re are great num- bers of clerical and minor officers in all branches of the De[)artment. Some of the male messengers are paid .$4 per day, and some of the female lal)i)rers get $660 a year there being no uniform system, the appi)intinents being pursuant to laws passed at different periods, and in many instances at the discretion of the Secretary. He has more discretion under the law than any other othcer of the government. The Si»ecial Agents, employed in different cities of the Union, as a rule, get $8 per day, and while Treasury Agents in distant territories and possessions gotsalaries,rang- ing from .$2,190 to .$2,()oO per annum,\vith an allowance'of $600 for traveling expenses. In the Divisions of the Secretary's office about 600 persons, male and female, are em- ployed at sums ranging from $1 per day, for the simplest forms of labor, to $2,500 per annum for high clerical duties. In the Bureau of the Mint, eleven per- sons, male and female, get from $660 to $2,300 — the examiner the larger figures ; the clerks from $1,000 to $2,000, translator $1,200, coj^yist $900. In the Bureau of Statistics, about forty persons, male and female, are employed, at salaries graded from laborer to chief clerk as follows : $480, $660, $720, $900, $1,000, $1,200, $1,400, $1,600, $1,800, $2,000 and $2,400. In the office of the Life-Saving Service about fifteen jiersons, male and female, are employed, at similar salaries to the above, the Superintendent getting $4,000, Assis- tant General Superintendent $2,500. In the office of the Light-House Board, nearly sixty persons, male and female, are employed, the female laborers getting $45 ami $60 per month ; male laborers $2 per day; custodian of light-house laboratory $75 per month ; clerk of committee on en- gineering $50 per month ; superintendent of repairs $150 per month ; superintendents of construction from $5 per day to $175 per month ; draughtsmen from $100 to $150 i^er month ; assistant chief engineer $200 jier month ; about 30 writers from $600 to $1,400 each per year. In the Supervising Surgeon General's Office about fifteen ])ersons, male and fe- male, are emjiloyed, the Supervising Sur- geon General getting $4,000, chief clerk $2,000, other clerks from $l,(iOO to $1,600, copyists $900, laborers $25 per month. ' In the Bureau of Engraving and Printing nearly fifteen hundred persrjns, male and female, are employed. These comprise the chief clerk at $4,500, assistant chief $2,250, accountant $2,000, stenograjilier $1,600, seven other clerks at from $1,000 to $1,6(10, a lady getting in this instance the liighcst figure, three female copyists at $900 each, two assistant messengers at $720, lour laborers at $660. In the En- graving Division the Superintemlent gets $12 per dav, clerk .$3 per day, engravers from $5 to |;8.75 per day, die sinkers $3.50 per day, transferers from $3.50 to $7, provers $5, plate cleaners $4.50, machinist $3, trimmer $1.50, helpers, $2 and $2.50, ai)prentiees $1.25 to $2. There are many other Divisions, all employing skilled and unskilled, male and female, labor. These comprise a custodian of plates, writing di- vision, printing division, surface branch, examining division, binding, numbering and machine divisions, maeeratmvs, watch, vault, cleaning, chance employes and mis- cellaneous. The skilled laborers are prin- cipally paid by the piece, their assistants, generally female, by the day at $1,1.25, $1.50 and $2. In the Supervising Architect's Office many civil engineers, draughtsmen, com- puters, modelers, moulders, i)hotographers, phonographers, copyists (all females) and others skilled in mechanical sciences are employed, at from $1 to $9 per day, ac- cording to the skill required, the clerks being on the usual salaries. Nearly 500 persons are thus employed. There are First and Second Comptroller's Offices, each emidoying from 60 to 100 persons, males and females. The Comj)- trollers get $5,000, the Deputies $2,700, Chief of Division $2,100, clerks from $900 to $1,800, messengers, watchmen, laborers, etc., same as in other branches. In the oflice of the Commissioner of Cus- toms about 40 persons, all males, are em- ployed. The Commissioner gets $4,000, Deputy 2,500, clerks from $1,000 to $2,100, messengers $720, laborer $660. There are six Auditor's offices, -which vary in the number emploved from 50 to lOO'. The Auditor gets $3,600, Deputy $2,250, chiefs of Divisions $2,000, clerks, both male and females, from $900to$l,800, messengers, laborers, etc., the usual amount. In the Treasurer's office about 3i>0 are employed, more than half of the clerks being females. The Treasurer gets $(5,000, Assistant $3,600, Cashier $3,600, Assistant $3,200, Sui)t. National Bank Ke(lempti(ni Division $3,500, Chief Clerk, $2,50t). five Chiefs of Division each $2,50(), two jirinci- j)al book-keepers each .$2,5o0, two assistants each $2,400, four tellers each $2,500, four . assistants from $2,000, to $2,250, clerks from $900 to $1,800, laborers, messengers, watchmen, etc., same as usual. 46 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. In the Register's office about 200 per- sons, male and female, are employed. The Eegister gets $4,000; Assistant, $2,250; Disbursing Clerk, §2,000; Chief Clerk, 82,000; other clerks, from $900 to $1,800; Counters, $900 ; Laborers, $660. In the office of the Comptroller of the Currency, about 100 are employed. The Comptroller gets $5,000 ; Deputy, $2,800 ; Chiefs of Division, $2,200; Bond Clerk, $2,000; Superintendent, $2,000; Teller, $2,000 ; Book Keeper and Assistant, each, $2,000; Stenographer, $1,600; about 700 clerks, more than half of them females, from $900 to $1,800— the smaller sum, as a rule, being paid to the females ; messen- gers, Avatchmen, laborers, same as hereto- fore. In the office of Internal Revenue, about 250 persons, male and female, are em- ployed. The Commissioner gets $6,000 ; Deputy, $3,200 ; Heads of Divisions from $2,250" to $2,500 ; Stenographer, $1,800 ; nearly 200 clerks, half of them temales, from '$900 to $1,800— the females, as a rule, getting the smaller sum, though some of them run as high as $1,600 ; messengers, $720 ; ten laborers, $660. INTERNAL REVENUE AGENTS. The Internal Revenue Agents, to the number of about 200, are employed in the larger towns and cities, and are appointed from the State in which they act. The following is the list, with their compensa- tion: Where employed. Pay per diem. Washington, D. C $12 Detroit, Mich 8 Ottumwa, Iowa 8 Cincinnati, Ohio 8 New York, N. Y 8 Boston, Mass 8 San Francisco, Cal 8 Saint Louis, Mo 8 Chicaco, 111 8 (io 8 Buffalo, N. Y 8 Bangor, I\Ie 8 Kew York, N. Y 8 La Porte, Ind 8 IMiihulelphin, Pa 8 AVashington, 1). C 8 Louisville, Ky 8 lluntsville, Ala 7 Pittsburg, Pa 7 New York, N. Y 7 Austin, Texas 8 Norwalk, Ohio 7 Burlington, Iowa 8 Nashville, Tenn 7 Omaha, Neb 6 Stateaville, N. C 7 Where employed. Compensation. San Francisco, Cal 7 Washington, D. C 8 Atlanta," Ga 8 Raleigh, N. C 6 Cincinnati, Ohio 6 Philadelphia, Pa 6 New Orleans, La 8 New York, N. Y 6 Cincinnati, Ohio 6 Alabama. Mobile $1,500 ....do 1,000 Eufaula 900 Tuscaloosa 1,000 Haw Ridge 900 Choctaw Bluff. 900 Montgomery 1,500 do 650 Prattville 1,200 Huntsville 1,200 Wedowee 1,200 Tuscumbia 1,200 Talladega 1,200 Decatur 1,200 Marion 1,200 Montgomery 1,200 Arizona. Prescott 500 Tucson 1,000 Yuma 400 Arkausas. Helena 1,200 Little Rock 1,300 Fort Smith 1,200 Fayetteville 1,500 Augusta 1,200 Hot Springs 1,200 Little Rock 1,500 do 1,200 Harrison 1,200 California. San Francisco 2,000 do 1,700 do 1,600 do 1,200 Los Angeles 1,900 Stockton 1,500 Santa Cruz 1,500 Santa Barbara 1,500 Visalia 1,500 1,500 SanJos6 1,200 Mercede 900 Bishop Creek 900 San Francisco 1,500 do 1,200 do 1,200 do do do do 600 do 2,000 do do BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 47 La Porte 1,700 Napa City 1,700 Ukiah GOO Sacramento 1/.)00 Placerville 1,700 Yreka 1,(500 Sacramento 1 ,200 Suisun 1,000 Areata 1,500 Sacramento 1,500 Nevada City 1,700 Colorado. Denver 1,500 Colorado Springs 1,500 Del Norte 1,500 Central City -. 1,500 Loadville 1,250 Denver 9U0 CoiMiectlcut. Norwich 1,400 Hartford 1,400 Suffield 1,400 Hartford 1,000 Norwich 1,200 do 600 Bridgeport 1,400 New Haven 1,400 Clintcm 1,275 West Winsted 1,300 Waterbury 725 New Haven 1,000 Bridgeport 1,000 Deadwood 1,300 Yankton 1,6' do 500 Bismarck 1,050 Dela^vare. Milford 1,400 Maryland. Port Deposit 1,400 Church Creek 1,400 Dela'ware. Wilmington 1,400 Florida. Jacksonville $1,400 Tallahasse 1,500 Key West 1,400 Pensacola 1,400 Jacksonville 1,500 1,400 G«orgla. Atlanta 1,200 Macon 1,200 Newman 1,100 Columbus 1,100 Cuthbert 900 Albanv 900 Griffin 1,100 Athens 1,100 Gainesville 1,100 Toccoa Citv 1,100 Rome .' 1,100 Cartersvil le 900 Dahlonega 1,100 Atlanta. ,300 ,500 ,■200 .400 ,5<)0 ,200 ,4' 10 ,300 ,200 ,500 200 ,400 ,400 ,400 ,200 ,200 ,800 ,500 1 Savannah i " ;::■.; i , " 1 Waynesborough i Miliedgeville i Crawford ville 1 Augusta 1 " 1 Brunswick ] Thomasville 1 Gordon 1 Greensborough 1 Savannah i Idaho. Bois^ City i Lewistou 1 Illinois. Chicago 2,000 do 1,800 do i/jOO do 1,600 do 1,600 do 1,600 do 1,600 do 1,500 do 1,500 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,000 do 840 Aurora 1,600 Chemung 1,100 Joliet 1,100 Aurora 600 Savannah 1,500 Freeport 900 Galena 900 Sterling 900 do 500 Quincy 1,100 Rock Island 1,100 Pittsficld 1,600 Canton 300 Jacksonville 300 Bushnell 200 Havana 200 CarroUton 200 Pana 250 Quincv, 1,000 do 400 do 1,100 Rock Island 300 Pittsfield 200 Quincy 500 Peoria 1.700 do 1,500 do 1,500 do 1.500 1.000 Champaign 1,000 Springfield 1,800 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Springfield 1,400 Bloomington 1 ,400 Pekin 1,400 Springfield 1,200 Bloomington 200 Alton 1,400 Olney 1,200 Cairo 1,200 Centralia 1,100 Lebanon 1,200 Cairo 1,500 Belleville 1,000 ludlaua. Evansville 1,600 New Medberry 1,400 .'. 1,200 Tell City 100 Huntingburgh 100 Evansville 1,400 do 1,000 Brookville 240 Aurora 600 Madison , 400 Madison 600 Lawrenceburgh 1 ,400 Osgood 1,250 Harrison 1,700 do 300 Greensburgh 700 Indianapolis 1,800 do 1,800 do 900 Shelbyville 300 La Fayette 1,100 Terre Haute 1,500 do 1,700 do 1,100 Bloomington 1,200 Fort Wayne 1,400 Warsaw 1,200 Logansport 1,200 South Bend 1,300 Warsaw 800 Anderson 1,200 Kichmond 1,200 Anderson 900 do 300 Iowa. Davenport 1,300 Clinton 600 Iowa City 600 Davenport 1,200 Diibuqne 1,600 Dulmquo 1,000 McGregor HOO Waterloo 1,000 Fort Dodge 1,000 Sif.ux City 1,000 Dubn(iue 1,000 Burlington l,00li Newton 1,000 0.skaloos;i 1,000 Keokuk _. 1,0(»0 Burlington 1,000 do 900 Des Moines Afton Council Bluffs. Atlantic Des Moines.... 800 800 , 800 800 600 Kansas. Leavenworth Sl,700 Chanute 1,700 Manhattan 1,700 Newton 1,700 Leavenworth 1,300 do 1,000 Keiitiicky. Bowling Green $1,400 Greenville 1,400 Henderson 1,400 Paducah 1,400 Burkeville 1,400 Owensborough 1,500 do 1,400 do 900 Louisville .- 1,700 do 1,900 .... do 1,800 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 Lawrenceburg 1,100 New Castle 1,100 Lebanon 1,100 Bardstown 1,100 Louisville 800 Covington 1,900 do 1,800 do 1,400 do 1,400 Cynthiana 1,300 Covington 900 do 900 do 600 Lexington 1,900 do 1,200 do 1,500 do 1,500 Paris 1,300 Nicholasville 1,300 400 Lancaster 1,400 Irvine .... 1,100 Richmond 1,100 Lancaster 900 Somerset 600 Lancaster 900 London 1,100 Maysville 1,400 do 1,000 Salyersville 800 Mount Sterling 800 Cfrayson 800 Louisiana. New Orleans $1,500 1,409 BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK, 49 Delta $1,400 New Orleans 1,500 do 1,000 do 1,700 Baton Kouge 1,700 New Orleans 1,400 Monroe l,r)00 New Orleans 1,()00 New Orleans 1,500 Bhreveport 1,400 New Orleans 1,500 do 1,500 do 1,000 Malue. Bangor 975 Portland 1,250 Augusta 1,075 Lewiston 1,075 Maryland. District of Columbia 1,400 Baltimore 1,200 Washington, D. C 1,200 Baltimore 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 1,700 Baltimore 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,300 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,100 do 1,100 do 1,100 do do do 1,100 1,100 900 do 1,100 do do 1,200 1,100 Cumberland 1,300 Westminster 900 Ha2;erstown 1,000 Frederick 1,100 Massachusetts. Boston 1,100 Mississippi. do 1,400 Jackson 1,500 New Bedford 1,100 do 1,300 Boston 1,400 Mount Comb Citv 1,500 do 1,400 Ocean Springs '. 1,500 Boston $1,350 Gloucester ',-,75 Lowell 1,200 Lawrence 1 ^050 Boston i]200 ( Jroveland 1, j!00 Salem '2OO Ncwl)uryi)ort 800 Boston 700 North Adams 1.000 do 1,100 Westfu'ld 1,100 Springfield 1,000 Greenfield 1,000 Northampton 1,300 Worcester '. 1,100 Fitchburg 1,100 Mlcliigan. Detroit 1,900 do 1,000 do 1,400 do 1,400 Flat Rock 1,000 Pontiac 1,400 Detroit 1,000 do 900 Hillsdale 1,100 Jackson 1 ,100 Kalamazoo 1 ,050 Constantine 1 ,050 Hillsdale 1,100 Grand Rapids 1,200 do 1,200 do 800 East Saginaw 1,000 do 1,000 do 800 Negaunee 900 Houghton 900 Minnesota. Rochester 1,350 Lanesborough 750 Saint Peter 950 Mankato 900 Winona 900 Rochester 800 Richfield 1,220 Saint Paul 1,200 Sauk Rapids 1,260 Saint Paul 900 do 040 do 1,400 Bridgewater 1,100 Boston 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,000 Newburyport 1 ,400 do 1,350 do 1,200 Pontotoc 1,400 Vicksburg Holly Springs. 1,500 1,400 1,400 1,400 1,400 1,400 1.500 50 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. Missouri. Saint Louis $1,400 do 1,200 do 1,900 do 1,400 do 1,700 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,700 do 2,000 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,200 Farmington 1,400 Cape Girardeau 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,100 Louisiana 1,500 Hannibal 1,300 Kirksville 1,300 Louisiana 900 Montgomery city 1,300 Carthage 1,100 Jefferson citj^ 1,400 Carthage 1,200 Springfield 1,500 Sedalia........ 1,300 Kansas city 1,400 do 1,100 Saint Joseph 1,100 Kansas city 1,100 do 1,200 Montana. Helena l.rjQO Miles citv 1,600 do. ' 1,600 Virginia city 1,600 Nettraska. Omaha 1,600 do 1,800 Nebraska citv 1,700 Omaha ." 1,200 do 1,000 Nevada. Virginia city 1,800 Austin 1,500 do 1,700 Ne^v Hampslilre. New Hampshire 1,100 rortsmouth 850 Manchester 600 Con cord 600 Cornish 600 Lebanon 1,000 New Jersey. New Jersey 1,100 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 900 Camden 1,500 Somcrville 1,100 do 1,000 Phillipsburg Fleming-ton 800 Somerville 1,500 Elizabeth 1,800 Jamesburg 100 New Brunswick 300 Newark 1,800 Jersey City 1,200 Newark 1,400 Jersey City 800 do 1,400 Paterson 1,400 Newton 700 Newark 1,400 Jersey City 1,400 Mendham 1,000 Hoboken 1,400 Newark 1,400 do 1,400 New Mexico. Santa Fe 1,100 Las Cruces 1,600 Las Vegas 1,400 New Yorlt. Brooklyn 2,000 do 1,800 do 1,700 do 1,700 do 1,600 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,600 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,100 do 800 do 1,400 do 1,200 do 1,400 New York City 2,000 do 1,800 do 1,600 do 1,600 do 1,500 do 1,500 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,250 do 1,600 do 1,500 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 BOOK VI.j A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 51 New York City $1,400 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 000 do 4,500 do 2,000 do 1,800 do 1,600 do 1,500 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,100 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 1,400 do 1,200 Middletown 1,400 Kingston 1,400 Newburgli 1,200 Catskill 900 Fosterdalo 900 Middletown GOO Hudson 800 do 800 Dover Plains 800 Hudson 1,200 Morrisania 500 Upi^er lied Hook 400 Brewster's 1,200 White Plains 1,080 Pouchkccpsie 1,200 Sing" Sing 1,200 Lebanon Spa 200 Albany 1,700 Albany 1,350 Gloversville 1,350 Albany 1,050 Schenectady 1,350 Middleborough 500 Trov 1,700 Salem 600 Plattsburg 600 Trov 500 TroV 700 Oswego 1,100 Malone 50<^ Watertown 250 Utica 600 Ogdensburg 500 Little Falls 450 Auburn 1,500 64 Auburn $1,100 Waterloo 9(K) Newark 900 Syracuse 1,100 1,200 Binghamton 1 ,1 00 Ithaca 1,100 Norwich 1,000 Oswego 450 Delhi 450 Binghamton 900 Rochester 1,800 " 1,200 1,200 1,200 1,500 Elmira 850 Penn Yan 1,250 Lockport 1,200 Bufililo 1,900 " 1,400 " 1,400 " 1,400 " 1,400 East Randolph 1,400 Buffalo 1,300 Williamsville 1,200 1,200 Buffalo 1,000 North Carolina. New Berne 900 900 " 600 Goldsborough 1,000 Tarborough 1,400 Weldon 1,400 Plvmouth 1,100 South Mills 1,100 New Berne 1,700 Trenton 1,700 Oxford 1,000 Clinton 1,000 Henderson 1,000 Favetteville 1,000 Raleigh 1,000 Chapel Hill 1,000 Smithfield 1,000 Egvpt Depot 1,000 Durham 1,200 Wadesborough 1,000 Grissom 1,000 " 1,200 Wilmington 1,000 Troy : 1,000 Wilmington 300 Raleigh 1,000 " 900 " 1,100 Germantown 1,100 Winston 1,100 do 1,700 Reidsville 1.100 Winston 1,100 Roxborough 1,100 Greensborough 1,100 Ashborough 1,100 52 AMEEICAN POLITICS. [book VI. ■Winston 1,100 do 1,100 do 1,400 Eeidsville , 300 Statesville 1,700 do 1,400 do 1,400 Dallas 1,400 Morgautown 1,400 Wilkesborough 1,400 Asheville 1.400 Statesville 1,400 Eutherfordton 1,100 Asheville 1,100 Salisburv 1,100 Murphv! 1,100 Statesville 1,000 do 1,000 do 600 Salisburv 1,100 Statesville 1,400 Ohio. Cincinnati 2,000 do 1,800 do 1,600 do 1,500 do 1,500 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 900 do 900 do 800 do 600 Dayton 1,900 do 1,200 do 1,200 Hamilton 1,400 Middletown 300 Dayton 1,000 do 1,400 do 1,000 do 1,000 Bellefontaine 1,400 do 1,200 do 600 Findlay 1,400 Piqua 300 New Eichmond 1,400 Lynchburg 700 Washington C, H 400 Higginsport 300 AVnshington C. II 1,300 Columbus 1,600 Xonia 1,300 Zancsvillo 1,300 Columbus 900 do 1,.300 do 720 Toledo $1,900 do 900 Norwalk 300 Sandusky 1,100 Toledo 900 do 900 Sandusky 1,000 Portsmouth 1,600 Ironton 700 Gallipolis 400 Chillicothe 1,200 Lancaster 1,100 Waverly 800 Portsmouth 600 Marietta 1,200 Cambridge 1,100 Bellaire 1,000 Marietta , 1,000 Cleveland 1,900 do 1,400 do 1,400 Ashtabula 1,100 Warren 1,100 Alliance 1,100 Steubenville 1,100 Mount Vernon 1,400 Cleveland 1,000 do 1,100 do 600 do 600 do 600 Oregon. Portland 1,500 do 1,500 ' do 1,500 Pennsylvania. Philadelphia 2,000 do 1,700 tlo 1,600 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,000 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 1,300 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 1,100 1, BOOK VI. J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 53 Philadelphia $800 do 1,000 Allentown 300 Pottsville 1,100 Lebanon 800 Pottsville 1,100 Berks County 1,100 Lehigh County 1,100 Berks County 1,100 Beading 1,150 do 500 Lancaster 1,500 West End 1,400 Hempfield 1,400 Lancaster 1,000 Carlisle 1,400 Lancaster 1,200 York 1,200 Shrewsbury 1,500 Towanda 1,400 Scranton 1,200 Wilkesbarre 1,400 Danville 1,200 Honesdale 1,000 Easton 1,400 do 1,000 Wilkesbarre 1,200 do 600 do 400 Williamsport 1,350 WellsV)rough 1,050 Sunbury , 1,350 Harrisburg 1,350 do 250 Williamsport 250 Sunbury 1,200 Johnstown 1,100 Gettysburg 1,100 Huntingdon 800 Somerset 900 Chambersburg 1,100 Somerset 1,100 Warren 1,300 Erie 600 Warren 1,300 Meadville 975 Oil City 1,450 New Ciistle 1,175 Greenville 600 do 600 Pittsburg 1,400 Washington .... 1,350 Grecnsburg • 1,350 Pittsburg 1,800 do 1,150 do 1,500 do 1,400 do 1,500 do 1,500 do 900 do 950 do 800 Allegheny.... 1,500 do 1,200 Beaver 1,400 Freeport 1,400 Brookville 1,100 Allegheny 1^400 tlo 1^200 Kliode Iitlantl. Providence 1,400 do i|iuO Hope Valley 1,400 Providence 1,400 South Carolina. Columbia 1,400 Charleston 1,100 Beaufort 1,100 Chester 1,100 Columbia 1,100 Spartanburg 1,100 Walhalla 1,100 Newberry 1,100 Tennessee. Athens $1,200 Knoxville 1,300 Mossy Creek 1,200 Greenville 1,200 Johnson City 1,600 Knoxville 1,600 do 600 Nashville 1,700 do 1,500 do 1,400 Springfield 1,000 Columbia 1,000 Shelbyville 1,080 Lynchburg 1,080 Chattanooga 1,000 McMinnville 1,125 Cookeville 1,000 Chattanooga 3G0 Clarksville 60 Nashville 1,300 do 1,000 Memphis 1,200 do 1,100 Huntingdon 1,100 Memphis 1,800 do 900 Texas. Galveston 1,500 Hockley 1,300 Galveston 1,300 Victoria 1,300 Huntsville 1,300 Corpus Christi 1,300 Galveston 1,400 do 1,400 Austin 1,600 San Antonio 1,600 Waco 1.400 Fort Worth 1,600 Austin 1.600 do 1.200 do 1,200 Jefferson 1,200 Dallas 1,200 Jefferson 1,200 Marshall 1.200 Sulphur Springs 1,200 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI, Utab. Salt Lake City 1,300 Beaver 1,100 Vermont. Montpelier 950 Brattleborough 600 Bennington 500 Burlington 500 Virginia. Petersburg 1,000 do 1,400 do 1,100 do 1,100 do 1,200 do 1,000 do 500 do 1,300 Hicksford., 1,100 Norfolk 1,300 do 1,300 Smithfield 1,100 Hampton 1,300 Stevensville 1,100 Heathville 1,300 Virginia. Richmond $1,800 do 1,600 do 1,500 do 900 do 900 do 1,200 Fredericksburg 900 Culpeper 1,200 Richmond 900 do 900 do 900 do 900 do 900 do 300 do 900 Danville 1,600 do 1,400 Leatherwood 1,600 Danville 1,100 Clarksville 1,100 Farmville 700 Burkesville 700 Amelia C. H 1,000 Danville 1,000 do 1,150 do 950 do 900 Lynchburg 1,700 do 1,480 1,400 Liberty 1,400 1,400 1,400 Bristol 1,400 1,400 Lynchburg 1,500 do 1,100 do 700 do 400 do Rocky Mount -. 1,400 Delaplane 1,400 Alexandria 1,400 Harrisonburg 1,200 Lexington 1,400 Winchester 1,200 Harrisonburg 1,600 Staunton 1,400 Charlottesville 1,400 Walla Walla 1,300 do , 1,100 "West Virginia. Wheeling 1,100 Barbours\nlle 800 Wheeling 1,100 Clarksburg 600 Wheeling 1,5(j0 Charleston 1,10') Parkersburg 1,000 Bald Knob 700 Wheeling 500 Grafton 1,100 Beverly 600 Headsville 600 Martinsburg 500 Wisconsin. Milwaukee 1.400 do 1,200 do 1,400 do 1,501) do 500 do ■. 600 do 1,400 do 1,400 Madison 1,400 do 1,100 Watertown 1,400 Madison 1,400 Beaver Dam 1,100 Oshkosh 1,100 Sheboygan 1,100 Manitowoc 1,100 Oshkosh 700 do 1,100 La Crosse 900 Eau Claire 1,000 Grand Rapids 1,000 Sparta 800 Wyoming. Cheyenne 1,500 Green River City , 1,300 Internal-Revenue Gangers. There are Internal Revenue Gangers appointed by the Treasury Department, on the recommendation of the Internal Revenue Collectors, in all of the States, tliough their duties are not always at the same points or districts, as the Dejiuty Col- lectors are paid by fees, and they earn from $200 to $1,800 a year. Internal-Revenue Storekeepers. _ These officers number nearly two thou- " sand, and are appointed on the recommen- BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 55 datioii of Internal Revenue Collectors at every important point where liquors are distilled or stored. They are paid $4 per day. Like the Gaugers and Deputy Col- lectors, they are appointed in Revenue Districts. Internal Revenue Inspectors of Tobacco are also appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, on the recommendation of Inter- nal Revenue Collectors, at all points where tobacco is raised and stored to any extent. They are paid by fees, and can earn from $400 to $1800. Sub-Treasuries. Sub-Treasuries of the United States are located at Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Cincinnati, New York, New Orleans, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and San Francis- co, Thev each employ an assistant treasu- rer at $4,500, cashier, $2,500; clerks and book-keepers at from $1,200 to $1,800, messengers at $840, watchmen $720, and detectives (at the more important points) at from $1,400 to $1,800. These sub-trea- suries employ both males and females. The Assistant Treasurer is appointed by the Secretary with the approval of the President, and this chief officer recom- mends all subordinates. V. S. Mints. There are United States Mints at Car- son City, Nevada, Denver, Col., New Or- leans, Philadelphia and San Francisco. The Superintendents get from $3,000 to $4,500 according to location. They are appointed by the President, and recom- mend all subordinates to the Secretary of the Treasury. These several Mints employ about 1,000 persons in all, many of them skilled. That at Philadelphia, which em- ploys about 250 persons, is a good guide to the compensation, and we give herewith a partial list from which all can be readily determined : Superintendent 4,500 00 Chief clerk 2,250 00 Cashier 2,500 00 Weigh clerk 2,000 00 Book- keeper 2,000 00 Deposit clerk 2,000 00 Redemption clerk 1,600 00 Warrant clerk p. d. 5 50 Counter p. d. 5 50 Register p. d. 5 50 Medal clerk p. d. 5 00 Weigher p. d. 5 00 Assistant to book-keeper .... p. d. 4 25 Register p. d. 4 25 Assistant . p. d. 4 25 Assistant in weigh-room .... p. d. 3 85 Assi.stant messenger p. d. 3 00 Doorkeeper p. d. 4 00 Assistant doorkeeper p. d. 3 75 Conductor p. d. 3 50 J" p. d. 3 50 'lo p. d. 3 50 Cabinet p. j. 4 25 do p. d. 4 50 do p. d. 4 00 do p. d. 5 0() do p. d. 3 50 do p. d. 3 50 do p. d. 1 75 Foreman carpenter-shop . , . . p. d. 5 00 Carpenter p. d. 3 00 do p. d, 3 00 Carpenter p. d. 3 00 do p. d. 3 00 Chief engineer p. d. 4 75 Kngineer p. d. 4 00 Fireman p. d. 2 90 do p. d. 2 'JO do p. d. 2 90 Oiler p. d. 3 00 Foreman machine-shop p. d. 4 50 Machinist p. d. 4 00 Adjuster of scales p. d. 4 00 Painter p. d. 3 25 Blacksmith p. d. 3 50 do p. d. 3 0<J Gas-fitter p. d. 3 25 Plumber p. d. 2 75 Millwright p. d. 3 00 Counter p. d. 3 25 do p. d. 3 00 do p. d. 3 00 Helper p. d. 3 00 do p. d. 2 75 Night watch p. d. 3 00 Laborer p. d. 2 75 Coining rooms, mostly females . p. d. 1 75 There are about 30 coiners, and nearly that many females. U. S. Assay Offices. There are Assay Offices at Boise City, Idaho ; Charlotte, N, C. ; Helena, Monta- na, and New York City. At Boise City the assayer in charge gets $2,000 a year, one clerk, $1,000; one workman. At Charlotte the assayer in charge gets $1,500, one clerk $1,000, one laborer $16 a month. At Helena the assaver gets $2,500, melter $2,000, chief clerk $1,200, and nine other assistants from $2.50 to $3.25 a day. At New York the Superintendent gets from $4,000 to $5,000, the assaver $3,000, melter and refiner $3,000, chief clerk $2,500, weigh clerk $2,000, and 56 otlier employees from $3 per day to $2,150 a year. The Customs Ser%-ice. The Customs Service inchule all officers and employees under the direction of Col- lectors of the Ports, Ajipraisers, Surveyors of Ports, etc. They employ nearly 4,000 officers throughout the country. The President appoints all the heads, and these recommend minor officers to the Secreta- ry of the Treasuiy, Appointments are 56 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. not confined to either the States or cities in which the Custom House is located. The pay varias somewhat at each Port, New York being the highest. Boston will give a good idea of the character of the positions and compensation. We there- fore quote from it : Collector $8,000 00 Special deputy collector 3,000 00 Deputy collector 3,000 00 ........ 3,000 00 3,000 00 Deputy collector and inspector . . p. d. 3 50 Auditor and disbursing clerk . . 3,000 00 Cashier 3,000 00 Clerk of correspondence .... 2,500 00 Clerk (designated) 1,800 00 Assistant cashier 2,000 00 Chief clerk 2,000 00 2,000 00 2,000 00 2,000 00 Clerk and storekeeper 2,000 00 Clerk 2,000 00 Liquidating clerk 1,800 00 Clerk 1,800 00 " 1,800 00 " 1,800 00 " 1,800 00 Clerk and storekeeper 1,800 00 Clerk 1,600 00 Inspectors p. d. 3 50 Weighers p. d. 3 50 Gaugers p. d. 3 50 Measurers p. d. 3 50 Storekeepers p. d. 2 00 Watchmen p. d. 2 50 Revenue Marine Service. In this about 250 skilled officers, engin- eers, etc., are employed. The appoint- ments are made by the Secretary of the Treasury with the approval of the Presi- dent. The following is the compensa- tion: Captains $2,590 First-Lieutenants 1,800 Second-Lieutenants 1,500 Third-Lieutenants 1,200 Cadets 900 Chief Engineers 1,800 First Asst. Engineer 1,800 Second Asst. Engineers 1,200 IT. S. Coast Survey. About 250 skilled jjcrsons employed. The Superintendent gets $G,000, consult- ing geometer $4,000, assistant in charge of office $4,200, about filly assistants from $1,200 up to $.">,8;i0, aids $75 ])er monlli, acting aids $85 i)er month, ten computiTs from $45 per month to $1,740 a year, draw- ing division from $3 per day to $2,850 a year, clerks $1,200, mechanics from $2.50 to $5 per day, female copyists^ $30 to $00 a mouth. liiglit-Honse Service. This has grown to immense proportions, and now employs nearly 200 persons. The Secretary of the Treasury is President of the Board, and controls the appointments, only the leading details and ajjpointment being submitted to the President. It is provided by section 9 of the act approved March 3, 1851, and there shall be detailed from the Engineer Corps of the Army such officers as may be neces- sary to superintend the construction and renovation of light-houses ; also, by section 12 of the act approved August 31, 1852, that an officer of the Army or Navy, shall be assigned to each district as a light-house inspector, subject to the orders of the Light-House Board, who shall receive for such service the same i^ay and emolu- ments that he would be entitled to by law for the performance of duty in the regular line of his profession, and no other, excei:)t the legal allowance per mile when travel- ing under orders connected with his du- ties. The following are the light-house dis- tricts in the United States : DIST. LIMITS OF DISTRICT. 1 Extends from the north-eastern boundary of the United States (Maine) to and in- cluding Hampton Harbor, New Hamp- shire, and includes all aids to naviga- tion on the coasts of Maine and New Hampshire. 2 Extends from Hampton Harbor, New Hampshire, to include Gooseberry Point, entrance to Bu zzard' s Bay, and embraces all the aids to navigation on the coast of Massachusetts. 3 Extends from Gooseberry Point, Massa- chusetts, to include Squan Inlet, New Jersey, and embraces all the aids to na- vigation on the sea and sound coasts of Ehode Island, Connecticut and Now York; Narragansett and New York Bays, Providence and Hudson Rivers, Whitehall Narrows, and Lake Cham- plain. 4 Extends from Squan Inlet, New Jersey, to and including Motomkin Inlet, Vir- ginia. It includes the sea-const of New Jersey below the Highlands of Nave- sink, the bay-coasts of New Jersey and Delaware, the sea-coasts of Delaware and IVhiryland, and part of the sea-coast of Virginia. 5 Extends from Metomkin Inlet, Virginia, to include New Biver Inlet, North Ca- rolina, and embraces part of tlie sea- coast of Virginia and North Carolinff, Chesapeake Bay, the sounds of Nortli Carolina, and tho James and Potomac Bivers. 6 Extends from New Biver Inlet, North Carolina, to and including Cajie Cana- veral light-house, Florida, and embraces pai't of the coast of North Carolina, the coasts of South ('arolina anil Georgia, and part of the coast of I'lorida. BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 57 7 Extends from Cape Canaveral, on the eastern coast of Florida, to tlie I'enliilo River, on the Gulf Coast, and embraces all the aids to navigation within those limits. 8 Extends from the Perdido River, Florida, to the Rio (irundc, Texas, and embraces the coasts of Alabama, Mississippi, Loui- siana, and Texas. 10 Extenils from the mouth of Saint Regis River, New Vork, to include Grassy Island lighthouse, Detroit River, Michi- gan, and embraces all the aids to navi- gation on the American shores of Lakes Erie and Ontario and Saint Lawrence River. 11 Embraces all aids to navigation on the northern and noi-th-western lakes above Grassy Island light-station, Detroit Ri- ver, and includes Lakes Saint Clair, Huron, Michigan, and Superior, and the straits connecting them. 12 Embraces .all aids to navigation on the Pacific coast of the United States, be- tween the Mexican frontier and the southern boundary of Oregon, and in- cludes the coast of California. 13 Embraces all aids to navigation on the Pacific coast of the United States north of the southern boundary of Oregon. It extends from the forty-first parallel of latitude to British Columbia, and in- cludes the coasts of Oregon and Wash- ington Territory. 14 Extends from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, to Cairo, Illinois, and embraces all the aids to navigation on the Ohio River. 15 Extends on the Mississippi River from the head of navigation to New Orleans, and on the Missouri River from the head of navigation to its mouth, and embraces all the aids to navigation with- in these limits. The pay of light-house keepers varies from i^lGO to 81000 a year, the average be- ing about ii>700. The monthly compensa- tion of the other officers : Clerks, $125 ; masters, $100 ; engineers, $60 to $75 ; mes- sengers, $50. Emploj^ees In Pnl)llc Buildings. These number about 400, a]i])oiiite(l by the heads of Departments. The janitors get from !?450 to !r>1200 a year ; engineers, $3.50 to $5.00 per day ; firemen, $2.00 ; ele- vator tenders, watchmen, cleaners, etc., $2 per day. War Department. The pay here for clerical service is about the same as in the Treasury, both males and females being employed in almost as great ju'oportion. The poj)ular idea that only the Treasury employs iVmalcs must disappear before the fact that they are ra- pidly invading all of the Departmeutij. In the office of the Secretary, about 100 clerks, messengers, watchmen, laborers, etc., are employed, all ap])oiuted by tliu Secretary. In the Adjutant General's office, about 300 are employed, all males, the clerks number- ing about 200, at salaries Irom !?1000 t(j $2000. Other officers about same i)ay ;ls in Treasury. In the Quartermaster-General's office about 150 males and females are era- j)loyed at same rates of pay. Though un- der the Ciuartermaster-General, who is de- tailed from the army, they are ajipointed l)y the Secretary of War. There are aljout 400 employees in the Quartermaster's De- partment-at- Large, aud these are paid sala- ries varying from that of a teamster, $540, to clerks at $1800. Superintendents of National Cemeteries. Philadelphia, Pa $840 Mobile, Ala 840 Cypress Hill, N. Y 720 Chattanooga, Tenn 900 Salisbury, N. C 900 Staunton, Va 720 Baton Rouge, La 840 Saint Louis, Mo 900 Alexandria, La 840 Richmond, Va 720 Danville, Va 780 Fayetteville, Ark 780 Annapolis, Md 780 Logan's Cross Roads, Ky . . 840 Raleigh, N. C 840 Pittsburg Landing, Tenn. . , 900 Alexandria, A'a 840 Fort Smith, Ark 840 City Point, Va 840 Anderson ville, Ga 900 Stone's River, Tenn 900 Fredericksburg, Va 900 Mound City, 111 900 Louisville, Ky 720 Beaufort, S. C 900 Soldiers' Home, D. C 900 Brightwood, D. C 720 Nashville, Tenn 900 Cold Harbor, Va 780 Glendale, Va 720 Port Hudson, La 900 Culpeper, Va 840 Marietta, Ga 900 Fort Gibson, Ind. Ter 780 Keokuk, Iowa 780 Fort Scott, Kans 840 Antietam, Md 900 Barrancas, Fla 780 New Berne, N. C 840 Grafton, W. Va 720 Arlington, Va 900 New Albany, Ind 780 Jefferson City, Mo 780 Petersburg, Va 900 Camp Butler, 111 780 Beverly, N. J 720 Hampton, Va 900 Florence, S. C 840 58 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Springfield, Mo 780 Little Rock, Ark 900 Natchez, Miss 900 Fort McPherson, Neb 720 Loudon Park, Md 720 Riclimond, Va 900 Knoxville, Tenn 840 Camp Nelson, Ky 900 Corinth, Miss 900 Yorktown, Va 780 Finn's Point, N. Y 720 San Antonio, Tex 720 Chalmette, La 900 Andersonville, Ga 900 Fort Donaldson, Tenn 780 Lebanon, Ky 720 Vicksburg, Miss 900 Wilmington, N. C 840 Brownsville, Tex 840 In tlie Subsistence Department about 130 are employed, nearly all male clerks at from $1,000 to $1,800, nine storekeepers from $65 to $135 a month, two mechanics $60 to $100 a month, eight coopers from $60 to $75 a month, eighteen messengers at from $30 to $75 a month, twenty-eight la- borers from $30 to $75 per month, six watchmen at from $35 to $50 per month. The Medical Department proper em- ploys about 200, the great majority male clerks, pay same as usual ; here are twelve laborers at $660 a year and twelve watch- men same pay. The Medical Department at large employs about 200 persons at various fortifications and stations, but these are detailed from the army or navy. The Pay Department employs about 150, the Paymaster's clerks being located and paid by the month as follows : Fort Buford, Dak $100 Governor's Island, New York Harbor 100 Detroit, Mich. •••.... 100 Chicago, 111 100 San Antonio, Texas 100 Helena, Mont 100 Leavenworth, Kansas .... 100 Omaha, Nebr 100 Port Townsend, Wash 100 Washington, D. C 100 do 100 Fort Brown, Texas 100 Boston, Mass 100 Portland, Oreg 100 New York, N. Y 100 Newport Barracks, Ky. . . . 100 Washington, D.C 100 Leavenworth, Kansas .... 100 Governor's Island, New York Harbor 100 Saint Louis, Mo 100 Walla Walla, Wash 100 Washington, D. (J lOO Saint Louis, Mo 100 Walla AValla, Wash 100 New York, N. Y 100 Presidio of Saa Francisco, Cal. 100 do 100 Newport Barracks, Ky. . . . 100 Saint Paul, Minn 100 Presidio of San Francisco, Cal. 100 do 100 Newport Barracks, Ky. ... 100 Saint Paul, Minn 100 Fort Douglas, Utah 100 Saint Paul, Minn, 100 Yankton, Dak 100 Camp Lowell, Ariz 100 Santa Fe, N. Mex 100 San Antonio, Tex 100 Prescott Barracks, Ariz. . . . 100 Fort Omaha, Nebr 100 Fort Buford, Dak 100 New Orleans, La 100 San Francisco, Cal 100 Washington, D.C 100 San Antonio, Texas 100 Santa Fe, N. Mex 100 San Antonio, Texas 100 Fort D. A. Russell, Wyo. ... 100 Post-Office Department. The Postmaster-General has more ap- pointments than any other officer, if we in- clude the Postmasters throughout th e coun- try. All getting over $1000 annual salary must be confirmed by the Senate, and as a rule the President appoints those at imjior- tant points. The U. S. Senators control these appointments in minority districts, as a rule, and the Eejiresentatives those in home districts representing the party to which they belong. This has long been the custom, and President Arthur recently confirmed it by the selection of the Wilkes- barre postmaster, sujjported by Representa- tive Scranton, after a contest in which the Governor of the State of Pennsylvania was against him. In the general office or Department, fully 600 persons are employed, many of the clerks being females — in fact all of those in the Dead-Letter office — some 70 in num- ber, at salaries of $900. The salaries of the male clerks, messengers, watchmen, labo- rers, etc., are about the same as in the Treasury. The First, Second, and Third Assistant Postmasters-General get $3500, and the higher clerical places vary from $1800 to $2500, the Superintendents of mail service getting $3000; the Division Superintendents, nine in number, $2500 each ; about 250 male clerks from $900 to $1800; about 40 laborers at $660 each; messengers, watchmen, etc., from $480 to $720. The Rall-vray Mall Service. This is a very important branch of the mail service, from the standpoint of official ]i()litic"i] patroiKige. It cmi)Ioys over 3000 men, at wliat are generally acce|)tcd as good salaries. They arc appointed on the BOOK VI,] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 59 recommendation of Senators and Repre- sentatives in Congress, and are appointed witli some show oi" fairness to the Congres- sional districts. Under a Republican ad- ministration, as in other cases, the Ri'[)ub- lican Representative names ai)pointees from his district; in districts represented in the House by Democrats, the Republican United States Senators are presunu'd to have the appointee. This rule has many exceptions, but it has long been known as the rule of the caucus. The General Superintendent of the Rail- way Mail Service is paid $8,500; his as- sistant, $1,G0I) ; nine Division Superin- tendents, $2,500 each; four assistants, $1,200 and $1,(500. There are about 700 Railway Post Office Clerks employed on the routes, at salaries varying from $900 to $1,400. Like the Route Agents, their pay is changeable, de- pending largely upon the increasing or decreasing im|)ortance of the routes ; one of tlie objects being to make the Post Ofiice Department as nearly self-supporting as possible. There are more than 2,000 Route Agents, paid, as a rule, annually, $900, $920, $940, $9G0, or $1,000, according to the length of service or importance of the route. There are about 300 Mail Route Messengers, paid from $100 per annum up to $800, accord- ing to the importance of the service. Also 160 local agents, who get from $200 to $1,300. There are about 8,000 Mail Contractors, besides the corporations which take con- tracts, and all are paid accordingly as they bid, the lowest and best being accepted. The letting of these routes is advertised by the Department, and bids must be accom- panied by a bond for the faithful perform- ance of the contract. There is also what is known as a special mail service, where contracts are made with Postmasters or others at comparatively unimportant Post Offices, for the carrying of the mails, and much the same rule applies to a large number of Mail Messengers, who are a grade or two higher in point of compensa- tion. All of these are bid for, the Depart- ment exercising the discretion of saying what shall be paid for merely local and new postal routes. Postmasters. The number of Postmasters are legions. They are appointed as a rule by Congres- sional influence, the same as described above, though the more important places are named by the President instead of the Postmaster-General, and he acce]>ts the recommendation of the Representatives or Senators interested and supjiorting his ad- ministration. Women are often appointed to the minor places, and latterly to some of very considerable importance. Appli- cations are generally accompanied by peti- tions or letter, and these are sent through Congressmen to the head of the Depart- ment, or the President. In the smaller offices the pay is based u]ion the number of stamps sold annually; in others the pay is regulated either by the Department or by law. All receiving $I,O0O a year or more must be confirmed by the United States Senate, and of course the higher ap- pointments must be acceptable to the Re- publican Senators of the State, if there be such, and when these agree, objection is rarely made. Salaries of Postmasters at Important places. Mobile, Ala $3,000 Montgomery, Ala 2,400 lluntsville, Ala 1,900 Prescott, Arizona 2,100 Tucson, Arizona 1,.SOO Fort Smith, Ark 1,900 Helena, Ark 2,000 Hot Springs, Ark 2,000 Little Rock, Ark 2,800 Pine Bluff, Ark 1,900 Chico, Cal 1,900 Grass Vallev, Cal 2,700 Los Angeles, Cal 2,400 Marvsville, Cal 2,200 Napa Citv, 2,200 Nevada City, California $2,000 Murphy's, do 2,200 Oakland, do 2,500 Petaluma, do 2,000 Sacramento, do 2,()00 San Diego, do 1,900 San Francisco, do 4,000 San Jose, do 2,800 Santa Barbara, do 2,400 SautaRosa, do 2,300 Stockton, do 2,800 Bismarck, Colorado 2,000 Boulder, do 2,000 Central City, do 2,7(l0 Colorado Spngs. do 2,100 Del Norte, do 2,100 Denver, do 2,700 Golden, do 1,900 Leadville, do 1.325 Pueblo, ■ do 2,300 Ansonin, Connecticut 1,900 Birmingham, do 2,000 Bridgeport do 2.i;o0 Bristol, do 1.8<'0 Danburv, do 2.700 FairHiiven, do l.'^"0 New Haven, do 3,0(»0 New London, do ^^.^^00 Norwalk, do -',000 Norwich, do -^8<l0 Stamford, do -.-'»*> WaterburA% do 2,oO0 West Meriden, do ^,-100 lUsmarck, Dakota Terr l-OoO Deadwood. do 2.3)0 Dover, Delaware 1,500 60 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vr. Wilmington, do $2,G00 Washington, District of Columbia. 3,300 Jacksonville, Florida 2,400 Key West, do 1,800 Pensacola, do 1,700 Saint Augustine, do 1,600 Tallahassee, do 1,700 Athens, Georgia 1,900 Atlanta, do 3,000 Augusta, do 2,500 Columbus, do 2,200 Griffin, do 1,800 Macon, do 2,500 Eome, do 1,800 Boise City, Idaho Ter 2,200 Alton, ' Illinois 2,100 Amboy, do 1,700 Aurora, do 2,800 Batavia, do 1,800 Belleville, do 2,100 Belvidere, do 2,000 Bloomington, do 3,000 Cairo, do 2,000 Canton, do 1,900 Carlinville, do 1,800 Centralia, do 1,900 Champaign, do 1,800 Chicago, do 4,000 Danville, do 2,600 Dixon, do 2,100 Elgin, do 2,500 Freeport, do 2,800 Galena, do 1,900 Galesburg, do 2,800 Jacksonville, do 1,900 Jerseyville, do 1,900 Joliet, do 2,400 Kankakee, do 1,900 La Salle, do 2,200 Lincoln, do 2,100 Mcndota, do 1,800 Moline, do 2,400 Morris, do 1,800 Morrison, do 2,100 Mount Carroll,do 1,800 Ottawa, do 2,400 Pana, do 1,800 Paris, do 2,200 Pekin, do 2,000 Peoria, do 3,000 Pontiac, do 1,800 Princeton, do 2,000 Quincv, do 3,000 liockCord, do 2,500 Rock Island, do 2,500 Slicll.vvillc, do 2,100 Springfield, do 8,000 Sterling, do 2,000 Svcamore, do 2,000 Urbanna, do 1,800 Dearborn, Indiana 1,900 Bloomington, do 1,700 Columbus, do 1,700 Conncrsville, do 1,800 Crawfonlsvilic, do 2,200 Evansville, do 3,000 Fort Wayne, do 3,000 Green Castle, Indiana $2,100 Huntingdon, do 1,700 Jeffersonville, do 1,800 Kokomo, do 1,700 La Porte, do 2,000 Logansport, do 2,800 Madison, do 2,300 New Albany, do 2,400 Plymouth, do 1,800 Richmond, do 2,000 Seymour, do 1,800 Shelbyville, do 1,700 South Bend, do 2,500 Terre Haute, do 2,900 Vincennes, do 2,300 Wabash, do 1,900 Warsaw, do 1,800 Atlantic, Iowa 2,000 Arvea, do 1,800 Bedford, do „. 1,700 Boone, do 1,900 Burlington, do 3,000 Cedar Falls, do 2,300 Cedar Rapids, do 2,900 Charles City, do 1,800 Chariton, do 1,800 Clarinda, do 1,700 Clinton, do 2,600 Council Blufis, do 2,800 Cresco, do 1,700 Creston, do 1,900 Davenport, do 3,000 Decorah, do 2,000 Des Moines, do 3,000 Dubuque, do 3,000 Fairfield, do 1,900 Fort Dodge, do 1,900 Fort Madison, do 1,800 Grove, do 1,700 Independence, do 2,100 Indianola, do 1,700 Iowa City, do 2,800 Keokuk, do 2,900 Lemars, do 1,800 McGregor, do 1,800 Manchester, do 1,900 Marengo, do 1,700 Marion, do 1,800 Marshalltow^n, do 2,600 Mason City, do 1,800 Mount Pleasant, do 2,000 Muscatine, do 2,400 Osage, do 1,900 Ottumwa, do 2,500 Red Oak, do 2,000 Sioux City, do 2,40u Vinton, do 2,000 Washington, do 1,900 Waterloo, do 2,100 Waverly, do 1,800 Webster City, do 1,700 Atchison, Kansas 2,800 Emporia, do 2,100 Fort Scott, do ,. 2,500 Hutchison, do 1,800 fndopendcnce, do 1,900 Junction City, do 1,900 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 61 Lawrence, Kansas $2,800 Leavenworth, do 3,000 Manhattan, do 1,700 Ohithe, do 1,900 Paola, do 1,800 Salina, do 1,800 Topcka, do 2,900 Wichita, do 2,400 Wyandotte, do 2,100 Bowling Green, Kentucky 1,000 Covington, do 2,400 Danville, do 1,900 Franklbrd, do 2,000 Georgetown, do 1,600 Henderson, do 2,000 Hopkinsville, do .- 1,800 Lexington, do 2,800 Louisville, do 3,200 Maysvillc, do 1,900 Mount Sterling, do 1,700 Newport do 2,100 Owcnsborough, do 2,100 Paducah, do 2,300 Paris C. H., do 2,000 Shelbyville, do 1,700 Baton Rouge, Louisiana 1,800 New Orleans, do 3,400 Shreveport, do 2,400 Auburn, Maine 2,000 Augusta, do 2,600 Bangor, do 3,000 Bath, do 2,400 Biddeford, do 2,700 Brunswick, do 1,800 Calais, do 1,700 Gardiner, do 1,900 Hallowell, do 1,800 Lewiston, do 2,600 Portland, do 3,000 Rockland, do 2,000 Saco, do 2,300 Annapolis, Maryland 1,800 Baltimore, do 4,000 Cumberland, do 2,200 Frederick, do 1,900 Hagerstown, do 1,800 Adams, Massachusetts 1,700 Amesbury, do 1,900 Amherst, do 2,100 Andover, do 1,800 Athol, do 1,700 Beverly, do 1,900 Boston, do 4,000 Brockton, do 1,900 Brookline, do 2,200 Chicopee, do 2,100 Clinton, do 2,100 East Hampton, do 2,100 Fall River, do 3,000 Fitchburg, do 2,400 Gloucester, do 2,300 Great Barrington, do 1,700 Greenfiold, do 2,200 Haverhill, do 2,800 Holvoke, do 2,600 HyiiePark, do 1,800 Lawrence, do 3,000 'Lee, Massachusetts $1,700 Leominster, do 2,100 Lowell, do 3|00'> 2,60') 1,900 1,700 1,700 1,800 1,800 - 2,100 2,000 2,100 2,50> 2,400 2,000 2,.'300 2,100 1,900 1,900 2,800 2,000 2,500 1,700 1,800 3,000 1,800 2,800 2,400 1,900 1,800 2,000 2.700 2,300 3,000 Adrian, ' Michigan 2,300 Albion, do 2,700 Allen, do 1,700 Alpena, do 2,000 Ann Harbor, do 2,800 Battle Creek, do 2,500 Bay City, do 2,800 Big Rapids, do 1,900 Calumet, do 2,100 Charlotte, do 1,800 Cold water, do 2,500 Detroit, do 3,300 Dowagiac, do 1,700 East Saginaw, do 2,800 Flint, do 2,500 Grand Junction, do 1,900 Grand Rapids, do 3,000 Greenville, do 1,800 Hancock, do 1,700 Hastings, do 1,700 Hillsdale, do 1,900 Hudson, do 2,100 Ionia, do 1,900 Ishpenning, do 2,200 Jackson, do 2,900 Kalamazoo, do 2,800 Lansing, do 2,SoO Lapeer, do 1,7<>0 Ludington, do 1,700 Manistee, do 2,200 Marquette, do 2,500 Marshall, do 2,400 Monroe, do 2,000 Lvnn, do Maiden, do Marblehead, do Marshfield, do Medford, do Middleborough, do I\Iillbrd, do Nantucket, do Natick, do New Bedford, do Newburyport, do Newton, do North Adams, do Northampton, do North Attleboro' do Peabody, do Pittafield, do Plymouth, do Salem, do S. Farmingham, do Spencer, do Springfield, do Stoneham, do Taunton, do V ineyard Grove, do Wakefield, do Webster, do Westborough, do Westfield, do Woburn, do Worcester, do 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI, Muskegon, Michigan $2,600 Niles, do 2,100 Owasso, do 1,700 Poutiac, do 2,200 Port Huron, do 1,900 Saginaw, do 2,700 Saint John's, do 1,700 St. Joseph's, do 1,800 Tecumseh, do 1,700 Three Rivers, do 1,800 WestBayCity, do 1,800 Ypsilanti, _ do 2,300 Austin, Minnesota 1,800 Dulutli, do 1,700 Faribault, do 1,900 Hastings, do 1,900 Lake City, do 2,000 Mankato do 2,000 Minneapolis, do 3,000 Northfield, do 1,700 Owatonna, do 1,700 Red Wing, do 2,500 Rochester, do 2,200 Saint Paul, do 3,000 Stillwater, do 2,300 Winona, do _ 2,400 Canton, Mississippi 1,800 Columbus, do 1,800 Holly Springs,do 1,800 Jackson, do 2,000 Meridian, do 1,900 Natchez, do 2,300 Vicksburgh, do 2,700 Boonville, Missouri 1,800 Carrollton, do 1,800 Carthage, do 1,800 Chillicothe, do 1,900 Clinton, do 1,700 Columbia, do 1,700 Hannibal, do 2,800 Jefferson City, do 2,000 Jnplin, do 2,000 Kansas City, do 8,000 Kirksville, do 1,700 Lexington, do 1,800 Louisiana, do 1,700 Madison, do 1,800 Maryville, do 1,700 Mexico, do 1,700 Moberlv, do 1,900 Saint Charles, do 1,800 Saint Joseph, do 3,000 Saint Louis, do 4,000 Sedalia, do 2,800 Springfield, do 2,200 Warrensburgh do 1,800 I'ozcman, do 1,700 Butte City, do 1,700 Helena C.H., do 2,70n Virginia City, do 2,000 Beatrice, Nebraska I,(i00 Fremont, do 1,900 Hastings, do l.flOO Lincoln, An 2,800 Nebraska City, do 2,400 Omnha, do .S,000 Plattsmouth, do 1,800 Austin, Nevada $1,800 Elko, do 1,600 Eureka, do 2,700 Gold Hill, do 2,700 Pioche, do 1,800 Reno, do 2,200 Tuscarora, do 2,100 Virginia City, do 2,800 Concord, New Hampshire 2,500 Claremont, do 1,800 Dover, do 2,700 Great Falls, do 1,900 Hanover, do 1,600 Keene, do 2,500 Laconia, do 1,600 Manchester, do 2,500 Nashua, do 2,800 Portsmouth, do 2,400 Atlantic City, New Jersey, 1,700 Bordentown, do 1,600 Bridgeton, do 1,700 Burlington, do 1,700 Camden, do 2,034 Cape May, do 1,700 Elizabeth, do 3,000 Freehold, do 1,600 Hoboken, do 2,400 Jersey City, do 2,700 Lambertvi'lle, do 1,600 Norristown, do 2,200 Mount Holly, do 1,600 Newark do 2,900 New Brunswick, do 2,700 Newton, do 1,600 Orange, do 2,700 Passaic, do 1,700 Paterson, do 2,500 Plainfield, do 2,800 Princeton, do 2,000 Rahway, do 2,100 Trenton, do 2,600 Vineland, do 1,900 Santa Fe, New Mexico 1,800 Albany, New York 3,100 Albion, do 2,000 Amsterdam, do 2,100 Auburn, do 2,600 Batavia, do 2,500 Bath, do 1,900 Bingham pton, do 2,900 Brockport, do 1,900 Brooklyn, do 4,(100 Buffalo, do 3,200 Canandaigua, do 2,200 Catskill, do 1,800 Clyde, do 1,700 Cohoes, do 2,700 Cortland Village, do 1,900 Dansville, do 1,800 Dunkirk, do 2,100 Elmira, do 2,500 Flushing, do 1,800 Fredonia, do 1,800 Fulton, do 1,800 (Jeneseo, do 1,700 Geneva, do 2,700 Gloversville, do 2,000 BOOK Vl] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 63 Hornellsville, Hudson, Ilion, Ithaca, Johnstown, Kingston, Lansingburgh, Le Hoy, Little Falls, Lockport, Long Island City, Lyons, Medina, Middletown, Newburg, New York City, Niagara Falls, Norwich, Nyack, Ogdensburg, Oneida, Oswego, Owego Palmyra, Peekskill, Penn Yan, Plattsburg, Port Jarvis, Poughkeepsie, Rome, Romulus, Saratoga Springs, Schenectady, Seneca Falls, Syracuse, Tarrytown, Troy, Utica, Sing Sing, Waterloo, Waterford Watcrtown, Waterville, Watkins, Waverly, West Troy, White Plains, West Chester, New York $2,100 do 2,.W() do ],i>00 do 2,700 do 1,700 do 2,200 do 1,800 do 2,200 do 2,000 do 2,500 do 1,700 do 1,900 do 1,800 do 2,000 do 2,800 do 8,000 do 1,800 do 2,000 do 1,700 do 1,800 do 2,000 do 2,500 do 2,300 do 1,900 do 1,900 do 2,100 do 1,800 do 1,900 do 3,000 do 2,200 do 2,000 do 2,500 do 2,300 do 2,100 do 3,000 do 1,900 do 3,000 do 3,000 do 1,800 do 2,100 do 1,700 do 2,800 do 1,700 do 1,900 do 1,700 do 1,800 do 1,700 do 2,500 Charlotte, North Carolina, 2,100 Greensborough, do 1,700 New Berne, do 1,800 New Hanover, do 2,400 Summit, Ohio 2,500 Alliance, do 1,800 Ashtabula, do 2,100 Athens, do 1,700 Belmont, do 1,800 Logan, do 1,900 Bucyrus, do 1,800 Canton, do 2,700 Chillicothe, do 2,300 Cincinnati, do 4,000 Circleville, do 1,900 Cleveland, do 3,400 Columbus, do 3,000 Dayton, do 3,000; Defiance. do 1,800 I Delaware, Ohio $2,500 Elyria, do 2!500 Findlay, do IJUO Fremont, do 2,200 (Jalion, do 1,7(0 (Jreenville, do I,7o0 Hamilton, do 2,300 Ironton, do 1,^00 Kenton, do 1,700 Lancaster, do 1,800 Lebanon, do 1,700 Lima, do 1,900 Mansfield, do 2,G00 Marietta, do 1,800 Marion, do 1,700 Massillon, do 2,200 Mount Vernon, do 2,000 Newark, do 2,200 Huron, do 2,300 Lorain, do 2,100 Painesville, do 2,300 Piqua, do 2,300 Portsmouth, do 2,500 Ravenna, do 1,800 Salem, do 1,900 Sandusky, do 2,400 Sidney, do 1,700 Springfield, do 2,600 Steubenville, do 2,200 Tiffin, do 2,100 Toledo, do 2,900 Troy, do 2,000 Upper Sandusky, do 1,700 Urbana, do 2,200 Warren, do 2,000 Wooster, do 2,200 Xenia, do 2,300 Youngstown, do 2,300 Zanesville, do 2,500 Albany, Oregon 1,700 Astoria, do 1,800 Portland, do 2,600 Salem, do 2,600 Allegheny, Pennsylvania 2,500 Allentown, do 2,700 Altoona, do 2,500 Barnharts Mill, do 2,200 Bellefonte, do 1.800 Bethlehem, do 1.800 Bradford, do 2,3"0 Butler, do 1,735 Carlisle, do 1,900 Chambersburgh, do 1,900 Chester, do 2.000 Corry, do 2,200 Danville C.H., do 1,800 Easton, do 2.400 Erie, do 2.500 Franklin, do 2,200 Harrisburg, do 3.100 Hazleton, do 1.900 HoUidaysburgh, do 1,700 Huntingdon, do 1.800 Johnstown, do 2.000 Kittanning, do 1.700 Knox, do 2.7<'0 Lancaster, do 2,50; 64 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Lebanon, Pennsylvania $1,900 Lewistown, do 1,700 Lock Haven, do 2,000 McKeesport do 1,800 Meadville, do 2,500 Newcastle, do 2,000 Norristown, do 1,900 Oil City, do 2,600 Parker's Landing, do 2,000 Petrolia, do 2,400 Philadelphia, do 4,000 Pittsburgh, do 3,500 Pittston, do 2,400 Pottstown, do 1,700 Pottsville, do 2,400 Reading, do 2,500 Saint Petersburg, do 2,200 Scranton, do 2,800 Sharon, do 2,200 Tidioute, do 1,900 Titusville, do 2,800 Towanda, do 2,000 Warren, do 2,525 Westchester, do 1,800 Wilkesbarre, do 2,800 Williamsport, do 2,800 York, do 2,300 Bristol, Rhode Island 1,700 Central Falls, do 1,700 Newport, do 2,500 Pawtucket, do 2,800 Providence, do 3,500 Westerly, do 2,600 Woonsocket, do 2,300 Charleston, South Carolina 3,000 Columbia, do 2,200 Spartanburg C. H., do 1,700 Clarkeville, Tennessee 2,000 Columbia, do 1,800 Jackson, do 1,700 Knoxville, do 2,500 Memphis, do 3,000 IMurfroesborough, do 1,400 Nashville, do 3,000 P.renham, Texas 1,900 Brownsville, do 2,300 Bryan's Mill, do 2,000 Nueces, do 2,100 Navarro, do 2,000 Dallas, do 2,900 Denison City, do 2,000 Fort Worth,' do 2,800 Galveston, do 2,800 Houston, do 2,900 .Jefferson, do 1,900 Marshall, do 2,000 Palestine, do 1,900 Paris, do 1,700 San Antonia, do 2,500 Sherman, do 2,300 Tj'ler, do 1,800 Waco, do 2,600 Weatherford, do 1,800 Ogdon City, Utah Territory 2,100 Salt Lake City, do 2,800 1?ellows Falls, Vermont 1,700 Bennington, do 1,800 Brandon, Vermont Sl,700 Brattleborough, do 2,400 Burlington, do 2,300 Middlebury, do 1,700 Monti^elier, do 2,200 Rutland, do 2,000 Saint Albans, do 2,100 Saint Johnsburv, do 1,700 Alexandria, Virginia 2,100 Charlottesville, do 1,700 Danville, do 2,200 Fredericksburgh, do 1,700 Lexington, do 1,700 Lvnchburgh, do 2,500 Norfolk, do 3,000 Petersbureh, do 3,000 Portsmouth, do 1,900 Stanton, do 2,000 Winchester, . do 2,000 Thurston, Washington Territory 1,700 Seattle, do 1,900 Walla Walla, do 2,100 Kanawha, C. H., West Virginia 1,700 Parkersburg, do 1,700 Wheeling, do 2,600 Appleton, Wisconsin 2,300 Beaver Dam, do 2,000 Beloit, do 2,400 Berlin, do 1,900 Chippewa Falls, do 2,100 Eau Claire, do 2,300 Fond du Lac, do 2,400 Green Bay, do 2,400 Danesville, do 2,400 Kenosha, do 2,100 La Crosse, do 2,600 Manitowoc, do 1,900 Mineral Point, do 1,700 Monroe, do 1,800 Neenah, do 1,900 Oshkosh, do 2,400 Portage, do 2,000 Racine, do 2,500 Ripon, do 2,000 Sheboygan, do 1,900 Sparta, do 2,000 Watertown, do 2,100 Waukesha, do 1,900 Whitewater, do 2,000 Cheyenne City, Wyoming Territory. 2,700 Laramie City, do .. 2,300 Postmasters can be appointed from any portion of the State or nation, as can all Federal officers, the law only requiring them to be citizens ; but they are usually selected from the places in which the duties are performea. The same rule ap- plies to clerks, carriers, messengers, etc. Clerks In Post-Office and their Salaries. Abbeyville, Alabama $ 50 do Aberdeen, Mississippi 400 Abingdon, Virginia do BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 65 Adams, New York $ 400 Addison, do 330 Adrian, Michigan 6iiO do 420 do 3G0 do 300 Afton, Iowa 270 Akron, Ohio 300 do 950 do 750 do 1,200 Alamosa, Colorado 800 do 000 Albany, Georgia 300 do 200 Albany, Missouri 180 Albany, Oregon do Albany, New York 860 do 1,200 do GOO do 900 do 8()0 do 8G0 do 900 do 900 do 350 do 8G0 do 860 do 900 do 900 do 806 do 860 do 800 do 940 do 960 do 1,020 do 2,300 do 360 do 900 do 860 do 1,020 do 1,020 do 900 do 860 do 860 do 784 do 1,000 do 800 do 1,000 Albert Lea, Minnesota 720 Albia, Iowa 180 Albion, Michigan 520 do 300 Albion, New York 550 do 150 do 100 Alexandria, Louisiana 500 Alexandria, Virginia 1,100 do 900 do 900 do 1,150 do 650 Algona, Iowa 270 Allegan, Michigan Allegheny, Pennsylvania 900 do 800 Allegheny, Pennsylvania $ 78 do 1,322 AUensville, Kentucky lOO do 100 do 100 AUentown, Pennsylvania 442 do G24 do 900 do 5!)8 Alliance, Ohio 800 do 360 do 200 Alpena, Michigan do Alton, Illinois 797 do 668 do Ill do 122 Altoona, Pennsylvania 600 do 600 do 300 do 60 Alvin, Illinois 150 Amboy, Illinois 600 do 180 Americus, Georgia 450 Ames, Iowa 150 Amesbury, Massachusetts 600 Amherst, do 600 do do 150 Amsterdam, New York 400 do 300 do 3Q0 Anamosa, Iowa 300 Andalusia, Alabama 100 do 100 Anderson, Indiana 240 Andover, Massachusetts 300 Annapolis, Maryland 1,200 do 920 do 680 Annapolis, Indiana 100 Ann Arbor, Michigan 300 do 540 do 480 do 360 do 360 do 300 Antelope Springs, Colorado 100 Appleton, Wisconsin 450 Areola, Illinois 180 Arkadelphia, Arkansas 180 do 200 Arkansas City, Arkansas 50 do Kansas 100 Arlington, Missouri 100 Artcsia, Mississippi 50 Ashland, Qhio 450 Ashland, Virginia '• 240 do 160 Ashland, Alabama 30 Ashland, Nebraska 270 Asheville, North Carolina 420 do 300 Ashley, Illinois 200 'do 200 do 200 6G AMERICAN POLITICS, [book ti. Ashtabula, Ohio $ 300 do 150 Ashville, Alabama 100 Astoria, Oregon 300 Atchison, Kansas 720 do 360 do 960 do 460 Athens, Georgia 480 Athens, Ohio, 360 Athol, Massachusetts 250 Atlanta, Georgia 500 do 1,150 do 300 do 1,975 do 1,425 do 300 do 1,525 do 225 do 950 do 600 Atlantic, Iowa 660 Atlantic City, New Jersey 500 Atalla, Alabama, 60 Attica, Indiana 400 do 600 Attica, New York 360 do 250 Auburn, Maine 400 Auburn, New York 408 do 369 do 792 do ;. 492 do 792 do 360 do ^ 996 Augusta, Georgia 840 do 900 do 960 do 480 do 720 do 900 Augu>ta, Kansas 180 Augusta, Maine 1,200 do 600 do 480 do 480 do 480 do 480 do 240 do 240 do 240 Aurora, Illinois 420 do 720 do 660 Aurora, Indiana 270 Aurora, Nevada 600 Aurora Mills, Oregon 100 Au Sable Forks, New York 100 Austin, Texas 1,200 do 935 do 780 do 900 do 100 do 1,020 do 900 do 450 Austin, Texas $ 200 do 1,010 Austin, Minnesota 500 do 300 Austin, Nevada 420 Avoca, Iowa 720 Avon, New York 300 Bainbridge, Georgia 275 Baker City, Oregon 300 Ballston, New York 180 Baltimore, Maryland 960 do 960 do 900 do 540 do 600 do 800 do 2,000 do 960 do 800 do 700 do 2,500 do 740 do 660 do 600 do 1,700 do 1,100 do 540 do 480 do 1,000 do 740 do 1,500 do 1,100 do 960 do 660 do 540 do 600 do 900 do 1,100 do 600 do 700 do 700 do 960 do 1,100 do 600 do 960 do • 1,100 do 900 do 960 do 740 do 1,200 do 600 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 700 do 800 do 600 do 960 do 1,040 do 380 do 700 do 640 do 600 do 800 do 700 do 600 do 800 do 540 BOOK TI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 67 Baltimore, Maryland 940 do 800 do 600 do 600 do 1,200 do 940 do 600 do 800 do 800 do 1,500 do 800 do 700 do 1,100 do 900 do 660 do 1,500 do 960 do 900 do 800 do 840 do 600 do 600 Bangor, Maine 1,800 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 1,600 Bangor, Alabama 50 Banta, California 100 Baraboo, Wisconsin 600 do 200 Barnard, Missouri 50 Barnesville, Ohio 270 Barnesville, Virginia 100 Barry, Maryland 50 Bastrop, Louisiana 200 Bastrop, Texas 270 Batavia, New York 300 do 900 do 600 Batavia, Ohio 100 Batesville, Arkansas 480 Bath, Maine 87 do 368 do 325 do 520 Bath, New York 600 do 480 Baton Rouge, Louisiana 720 do 360 Battle Creek, Michigan 1,200 do 520 do 260 do 520 Baxter Springs, Kansas 270 Bay City, Michigan 1,200 do 480 do 480 do 480 do 360 Bay Minette, Alabama 50 Beatrice, Nebraska 350 Beaver, Utah 100 Beaver Dam, Wisconsin 500 do 200 do 50 Bedford, Iowa 100 55 Bedford, Pennsylvania 180 Belfiwt, Maine 720 do 3{Kj Bellaire, Ohio 108 do 270 Bellefonte, Pennsylvania 30<) Bellefoutaine, Ohio 480 do 300 Beloit, Kansas 576 do .042 do 510 Beloit, Wisconsin 000 do 240 Beloit, Iowa 100 Bellows Falls, Vermont 270 Belvidere, Illinois 500 do 400 do 150 Belvidere, New York 100 Benicia, California 270 Benson, Minnesota 200 Benton, Arkansas 60 Berkeley Springs, West Virginia.... 100 Berlin, Wisconsin 180 Bethany, Missouri 180 Bethlehem, Pennsylvania 400 do 480 Beverlv, Massachusetts 313 Biddefbrd, Maine 700 do 700 do 900 Big Rapids, Michigan 240 do 720 do 216 Binghamton, New York 1,400 do 700 do 100 do 350 do 550 do 900 do 500 Birmingham, Alabama 100 Birmingham, Connecticut 420 Bismarck, Dakota 200 Blanchester, Ohio 100 Black River Falls, Wisconsin 270 Bloomfield, Iowa 180 Bloomington, Illinois 1,060 do 860 do 860 do 760 do 460 Bloomington, Indiana 360 Bloomington, Nebraska 360 Bloomsburg, Pennsylvania 270 Blossburgh, Pennsylvania 200 Blountsville, Alabama 100 Blue Earth, Minnesota 300 Bodie, California 600 Boise City, Idaho 1,000 do 360 Bolivar, Missouri 120 Boone, Iowa 400 Booneville, Missouri 600 do 240 Booneville, New York 268 Booneville, Indiana 100 68 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Boonsborongh, Arkansas 50 Bordentown, New Jersey 200 Boston, Massachusetts 3,000 do 1,920 do 1,920 do 1,728 do 822 do 1,032 do 2,400 do 1,920 do 1,308 do 1,728 do 1,308 do 1,104 do , 1,104 do ' 1,038 do 750 do 650 do 924 do 600 do 640 do 660 do 1,152 do 1,182 do 1,032 do 480 do 775 do 540 do 600 do 600 do 720 do 540 do 1,152 do 1,152 do 1,152 do 978 do 924 do 978 do 1,062 do 852 do 600 do ■ 924 do 672 do 660 do 636 do 600 do 600 do 984 do 600 do 600 do 672 do 600 do 690 do 600 do 600 do 540 do 480 do 1,032 do ■ 540 do 1,266 do 1,248 do 984 do 690 do 600 do 672 do 600 do 672 Boston, Massachusetts 672 do 600 do 600 do 792 do 540 do 402 do 540 do 1,032 do 360 do 1,140 do 978 do 600 do 660 do 540 do 600 do 660 do 540 do 600 do 1,266 do 1,038 do 672 do 640 do 804 do 640 do 600 do 840 do 750 do 600 do 600 do 360 do 1,152 do 1,092 do 600 do 696 do 2,100 do 1,200 do 1,920 do 1,800 do 1,152 do 1,212 do 1,092 do 1,056 do 3,000 do 1,062 do 804 do 702 do 1,008 do 804 do 600 do 672 do 540 do 600 do 840 do 204 do 420 do 600 do 1,320 do 1,500 do 840 do 750 do 672 do 690 do 120 do 300 do 540 do 600 do 1,032 BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. C9 Boston, Massachusetts $1,092 do (i90 do 402 do 480 do 1,800 do 1,808 do 1,2(j6 do 1,038 do G72 do 924 do 924 do 63() do GOO do 696 do 540 do 480 do 480 do 1,092 do 600 do 1,248 do 690 do 702 do 900 do 672 do 540 do 900 do 600 do 660 do 480 do , 600 do 600 do 660 do 600 do 1,032 do 978 do 924 do 672 do 1,008 do 978 do 804 do 852 do 852 do 600 do 672 do 900 do 636 do 672 do 600 do 540 do 600 do 540 do 1,032 do 1,008 do 600 do 1,650 do 1,380 do 1,008 do 1,008 do 672 do 900 do 640 do 1,104 do 3,000 do 1,266 do 1,152 do 1,152 do 1,152 Boston, Massachusetts $702 do 072 do «>72 do (;72 do 540 do G72 do GOO do 1,800 do 804 do 600 do 720 do 480 do 150 do 1,266 do 690 do 690 do 720 do 672 do 576 do 1,500 do 600 do 480 do 600 do 978 do 540 do 690 do 1,038 do 1,038 do 1,152 do 918 do 636 do 540 do 540 do 540 do 750 do 1,062 do 600 do 600 do 640 do 480 do 420 do 600 do 624 do 1,032 do 640 do 540 do 900 Boulder, Colorado 600 do 480 Boulder Valley, Montana 50 Bowling Green, Kentucky 640 Bovdton, Virginia 50 Brackettsville, Texas 200 Bradford, Pennsylvania 500 do 500 do 500 Brandon, Mississippi 180 Brattleborough, Vermont 325 do 600 do 600 Braxton, "West Virginia 50 Brenham, Texas 600 do 300 Bridgeport, Alabama 50 Bridgeport, Connecticut 192 do 720 do 900 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. ■[book VI. Bridgeport, Connecticut $ 540 do 384 do 720 do 720 do 972 Bridgeton, New Jersey 315 Brinkley, Arkansas 100 Bristol, Connecticut 250 do 312 Bristol, Tennessee 300 do 220 Bristol, Pennsylvania 260 do 260 Brockton, Massachusetts 800 do 520 do _ _ 450 Brookhaven, Mississippi 200 Brookline, Massachusetts 660 Brookline, Massachusetts 200 Brooklyn, New York 1,000 do 950 do 900 do 850 do 800 do 1,300 do 950 do 850 do 850 do 800 do 1,100 do 800 do 720 do 900 do 900 do 800 do 700 do 1,500 do 850 do 800 do 700 do 900 do 3,000 do 1,400 do 850 do 750 do 520 do 800 do 1,000 do 900 do 750 do 950 do 850 do 900 do 850 do 1,700 do 850 do 260 do 800 do 1,000 Brookville, Indiana 360 Brookville, Pennsylvania 200 Brownsville, Texas 450 I'rownsville, Tennesee 300 Brownvillc, Nebraska 3(50 Brunswick, Maine 600 do 200 Bryan, Ohio 600 Bryan, Texas $ 450 Buckhannon, West Virginia 100 Bucksport, Maine 225 Bucyrus, Ohio 600 do 240 Buffalo, New York 850 do 850 do 300 do 925 do 850 do 850 do 745 do 35 do 975 do 975 do 975 do 2,280 do 825 do 975 do 925 do 1,705 do 925 do 200 do 850 do 745 do 1,705 do 850 do 975 do 850 do 975 do 1,185 do 850 do 850 Bull's Gap, Tennessee 100 Bureau Junction, Illinois 50 Burgh Hill, Ohio 100 Burkville, Virginia 140 Burlington, Iowa 1,040 do 572 do 520 do 468 Burlington, New Jersey 200 do 200 Burlington, Vermont 1,500 do 600 do 500 do 400 do 300 Burlington, Kansas 600 do 300 Bushnell, Illinois 300 Butler, Indiana 100 Butler, Pennsylvania 420 Caddo, Indian Territory 360 Cadiz, Kentucky 100 Cairo, Illinois 1,100 do 900 do 1,000 Calais, Maine 850 do 150 Calamus, Nebraska 100 Caledonia, Minnesota 150 Calistoga, California 180 Calmar, Iowa 300 Calumet, Michigan 360 do 600 Cambbridge, Maryland 180 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 71 Cambridge, Ohio $ 270 Cambridge City, Indiana 270 Camden, Arkansas 600 Camden, New Jersey 1,180 do 780 Cameron, Missouri 180 Campbellville, Kentucky 100 Camp Halleck, Nevada 200 Camp Robinson, Nebraska 200 Canaan, Connecticut 300 Canandaigua, New York 408 do 56G do 466 Canisteo, New York 100 Canon, City Colorado ) oQn do I Canton, Mississippi 600 Canton, Missouri 100 Canton, Ohio 800 do 700 do 600 Canton, Illinois 480 Canton, Mississippi 100 Cape May, New Jersey | do :::::::::.v;:: ^oo do J Carbondale, Illinois 360 Carlinville, Illinois 180 Carlisle, Pa 600 do 420 do 180 do 100 Carroll City, Iowa 100 Carson City, Nevada 900 Carter Depot, Tennessee 50 Cartersville, Georgia 180 Carthage, Missouri 500 do 365 do 300 Carthage, New York 360 Carver, Minnesota 100 Catlett, Virginia 50 Catskill, New York 400 do 350 Cattlesburgh, Kentucky 180 Cawker City, Kansas 180 do 300 Cazenovia, New York 500 do 300 do 60 do 65 Cedar Falls, Iowa ) n-^ do I ^'^ Cedar Keys, Florida 150 Cedar Rapids, Iowa 1,100 do 300 do 600 do 350 Central Citv, Colorado 1,200 do 600 Centralia, Illinois 60(» do 300 do 150 Centre, Alabama 100 Centreville, Iowa 400 Centreville, Maryland 100 Centreville. Tennessee $ 100 Central City, Nebraska 100 Chambersburg, Pennsylvania (lOO do 600 Champaign, Illinois 600 d" :::::::::::::::::} «» Chanute, Kansas 50 Charlton, Iowa 270 Charles City, Iowa 720 Charleston, Illinois 4<i0 do 4(K) Charleston, South Carolina 1,722 do H22 do 942 do 746 do 1,422 do 684 do 900 do 600 do 1,182 do 480 Charleston, West Virginia 600 do 200 do 200 Charlotte, Michigan 270 Charlotte, North Carolina 1,000 do 1,000 Charlottesville, Virginia 600 do 200 Chasca, Minnesota 100 Chatham Village, New York 270 Chattahoochee, Florida 100 Chattanooga, Tennessee 580 do 240 do 1,060 do 720 Chenango Forks, New York 100 Cheraw, South Carolina 100 Chester, Illinois 180 Chester, Pa 788 do 312 Chestnut Level, Pennsylvania 60 Chetopa, Kansas.... 270 Cheyenne, Wyoming 900 do 900 Chicago, Illinois 1,060 do 900 do 1,200 do 900 do 600 do 1,000 do 700 do 1,200 do 5(X) do 1,000 do I,2o0 do 700 do 800 do 9(>0 do 1.<^W do 700 do 1.100 do 8O0 do 800 do 1.500 do 900 72 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book VI. Chicago, niinois $1,000 do 900 do 1,500 do 1,100 do 1,200 do 800 do 840 do 800 do 840 do 1,500 do 1,200 do 800 do .. 900 do 1,200 do 775 do 1,000 do 1,100 do 900 do 1,800 do 1,000 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 1,100 do 800 do 775 do 400 do 1,100 do 800 do 900 do 1,200 do 1,700 do 1,000 do 640 do 700 do 900 do 800 do 800 do 1,000 do 700 do 700 do 700 do 700 do 900 do 900 do 1,200 do 1,300 do 700 do 800 do 740 do 700 do 2,500 do 800 do 900 do 800 do .- 1,100 do 1,300 do 1,000 do 700 do 775 do 800 do 800 do 500 do 340 do 1,000 do 800 do 2,200 do 1,200 Chicago, Illinois $1,300 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 775 do 800 do 900 do 1,200 do 900 do 700 do 1,100 do 640 do 900 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,300 do 600 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 700 do 1,000 do 1,100 do 3,000 do 1,100 do 1,100 do 900 do 900 do 1,100 do 1,100 do 900 do 640 do 775 do 800 do 1,300 do 300 do 400 do 775 do 900 do 1,000 do 1,200 do 640 do 1,300 do 1,100 do 1,400 do 340 do 600 do 800 do 700 do 900 do 1,100 do 740 do 900 do 800 do 900 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 740 do 500 do 900 do 1,250 do 1,400 do 740 do ! 500 do 800 do 1,100 do 800 do 3,500 do 900 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 73 Chicago, Illinois $1,100 do 800 do 1,100 do 1,100 do 1,500 do 500 do 900 do 900 do 900 do 775 do 700 do 800 do 2,500 do 1,000 do 1,300 do 800 do 600 do 800 do 1,000 do 900 do 900 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 1,100 do 400 do 775 do 1,140 do 1,100 do 800 do 900 do 1,000 do 600 do 800 do 1,200 do 2,400 do 1,200 do 900 do 900 do 2,700 do 340 do 900 do 900 do 700 do 700 do 800 do 900 do 700 do 800 do 900 do 340 do 500 do 1,100 do 500 do 775 do 1,500 do 840 do 1,100 do 400 do 1,600 do 800 do 775 do 940 do 400 do 800 do 900 do 800 do 700 Chicago, lUinoia $ 800 do 2,50<J do i,i(>o do 1,000 do 800 do 1,100 do 800 do 1,000 do 8,700 do 1,.300 do 500 do 800 do 800 do 900 do 1,800 do 800 do G40 do 1,250 do 1,000 do 700 do 1,200 do 775 do 1,200 do 3,000 do 1,000 do 900 do 840 do 1,100 do 400 do 700 do 775 do 775 do 900 do 1,200 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 640 do 1,000 do 800 do 1,000 do 775 Chicopee, Massahcusetts 156 do 480 Chillicothe, Missouri 300 do 450 Chillicothe, Ohio 600 do 400 Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin] do )■ 500 do ] Cincinnati, Ohio 800 do 750 do 960 do 960 do 1,800 do 800 do 800 do 750 do 900 do 800 do 600 do 2,000 do 750 do 1,200 do 750 do 800 do 720 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Cincinnati, Ohio, $ 750 do 800 do 1,000 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 700 ido 900 do 750 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 800 do 800 do 750 do 900 do 950 do 900 do 600 do 950 do 700 do 850 do 1,200 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,100 do 850 do 1,000 do 800 do 750 do 750 do 1,000 do 900 do 850 do 800 do 1,000 do 3,000 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 900 do 900 do 800 do 900 do 750 do 800 do 700 do 850 do 800 do 800 do 750 do 700 do 700 do 600 do 800 do 1,400 do 950 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 1,000 do 900 do 1,000 do 900 do 900 do 700 do 700 do 700 do 2,000 Cincinnati, Ohio $ 950 do 750 do 600 do 1,500 do 1,000 do 900 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 2,000 do 800 do 900 do 600 do 900 do 600 do 1,200 do 800 do 1,500 do 1,200 do 1,800 do 1,200 Circleville, Ohio 450 Clermont, New Hampshire 400 Clarinda, Iowa 240 do 300 Clarion, Pennsylvania 400 do 200 Clarksburgh, West Virginia 450 Clarksville, Arkansas 360 Clarksville, Tennessee 600 do 300 Clarksville, Texas 360 Clarksville, Virginia 50 Clay Centre, Kansas 360 Cleburne, Texas \ -.qq do j Cleveland, Ohio 1,000 do 840 do 840 do 720 do 550 do 600 do 1,600 do 660 do 900 do 720 do 600 do 1,800 do 1,000 do 720 do 100 do 1,800 do 840 do 600 do 960 do 840 do 840 do 700 do 600 do 720 do 840 do 780 do 840 do 1,400 do 750 do 840 do 660 do 660 BOOK TI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 75 Cleveland, Ohio $ 600 do COO do 720 do 1,200 do 840 do 840 do 820 do GOO do 550 Clinton, Iowa 600 do 400 Clinton, Massachusetts 3(50 do 120 Clinton, Missouri 5(10 Clinton, New York 600 do 200 Clyde, Ohio j -^^q do j Coatesville, Pennsylvania 180 Cobleskill, New York 200 Coftcyvillo, Kansas 200 Cohoes, New York 500 do 400 Coldwater, Michigan ) do } 900 do J College Springs, Iowa 100 Colliersville, New York 50 Collins, Arkansas | -.^q do I Colorado Springs, Colorado 1 d^ :::::::::::: ^^o do J Colton, California 100 Columbia, Louisiana 100 Columbia, Missouri 270 Columbia, Pennsylvania 800 do 200 Columbia, South Carolina 940 do 420 do 420 do 720 Columbia, Tennessee 900 Columbia, Kentucky 150 Columbus, Kansas 360 Columbus, Kentucky 180 Columbus, IMississippi 450 Columbus, Ohio 2,(i00 do 1,200 do 1,000 do 300 do 900 do 840 do 250 do 800 do 900 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,100 do 440 do 1,000 do 740 do 1,8(10 Columliu-<, Texas 100 Columbus, Indiana ] oyn do Colusa, California $ 200 Comanche, Texaa lOO Concord, New Hampshire 1,100 do 875 do 450 do G75 Concordia, Kansas 180 Connersville, Indiana, 3(50 Cooperstown, New York, 200 do 200 Coerine, Utah, 180 Corinth, Mississippi, 350 Corning, Iowa 600 Corning, New York, 120 do 300 do 660 do 300 Corpus Christi, Texas, 270 Corry, Pennsylvania, 1,200 Corsicana, Texas 900 do 600 Cortland, Ohio, 100 Cortland Village, New York, 400 do 600 Corvallis, Oregon, 180 Corj'don, Iowa, 200 Coudersport, Pennsylvania 180 Council Bluffs, Iowa 900 do 720 do 900 Council Grove, Kansas 300 Council Hill Station, Illinois 40 Covington, Indiana 180 do 180 do 180 Covington, Kentucky 1,200 do 400 do 900 do 300 Crawfordsville, Indiana 900 do 900 do 900 do 900 Cresco, Iowa 180 Crestline, Ohio 324 Creston, Iowa 600 do 600 Crete, Nebraska 180 do 180 Crisficld, Maryland 100 Crockett, Texas 180 Crossville, Tennessee 150 Cuero, Texas 180 Culpeper, Virginia 270 Cumberland, Maryland 800 do 720 do 480 Cuthbert, Georgia 220 Curwinsville, Pennsvlvania 200 Dallas, Iowa ." 100 Dallas, Texas 1,550 do 720 do 690 do 690 do 600 do 6iM) do 690 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Dallas, Texas' $ 450 Danbury, Connecticut 416 do 1,040 do 156 Danielsonville, Connecticut 360 Danville, Indiana 100 do 100 Danville, Illinois 300 do 700 do 300 Danville, Kentucky 540 Danville, Pennsylvania 450 Danville, Virginia 360 do 240 Dansville, New York 600 do 420 Dardanelle, Arkansas 75 Davenport, Iowa 200 do 300 do 850 do 1,100 do 1,400 do 950 Dayton, Ohio 700 do 1,000 do 800 do 900 do 1,800 do 900 do 700 do 500 do 500 Deadwood, Dakota 2,000 do 2,000 do 2,000 Decatur, Nebraska 100 Decatur, Alabama " 270 Decatur, Texas 200 do 200 Decatur, Illinois 900 do 600 do 600 do 300 Decorah, Iowa 540 do 640 Deer Lodge, Montana 720 do 720 Defiance, Ohio 300 do 3u0 Delaware, Ohio 460 do 352 do 288 Delaware Station, New Jersey 50 Delhi, Louisiana 100 Delhi, Iowa 135 Delhi, New York 270 do 270 Del Norte, Colorado 600 do 500 do 500 Delphi, Indiana 270 do 270 Demopolis, Alabama 135 Dcnison, Iowa 100 do 100 Denison City, Texas 660 do 440 Denison City, Texas $ 100 Deunysville, Maine 180 Denver, Colorado 480 do 1,000 do 600 do 1,080 do 1,000 do 1,200 do 1.200 do 1^200 do 600 do 1,080 do 800 do 2,000 do 900 do 1,040 Des Moines, Iowa 1,800 do 660 do 540 do 725 do 600 do 480 do 820 do 600 do 300 do 600 Detroit, Michigan 1,100 do 800 do 775 do 600 do 775 do 750 do 600 do 775 do 500 do 800 do 775 do 700 do 1,600 do 750 do 700 do 1,500 do 650 do 650 do 800 do 1,000 do 900 do 780 do 700 do 600 do 800 do 500 do 900 do 780 do 900 do 900 do 800 do 775 do 780 do 750 do 750 do 600 do 650 do 700 do 600 do 600 do 1,300 II BOOK VI. J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 77 Detroit, Michigan $1,000 do 2,000 Devall's Bluff, Arkansas 270 Dexter, Maine 180 Dixon, Illinois 800 do 800 Dover, New Hampshire 1,700 do 1,700 do 1,700 Dover, New Jersey ) -.ta do { ^-"^ Downingtown, Pennsylvania | -.oo do j Doylestown, Pennsylvania 200 Dubuque, Iowa 1,700 do 960 do 750 do GOO do 400 Ducktown, Tennessee 50 Duluth, Minnesota ) oaa Dunkirk, New York"..'.!......!!.."..... 600 do 300 Duquoin, Illinois > nr-f> do j "^'^ Durant, Mississippi 100 Eagle Springs, Texas f30 East Dubuque, Illinois 270 Easton, Pennsylvania 610 do 660 do 325 do 240 do 240 do 160 do 240 do 25 Eastport, Maine 600 do 700 East Saginaw, Michigan 780 do 360 do 360 do 360 Ea.stville, Virginia 50 Eaton, Ohio 270 Eau Claire, Wisconsin '. I t ;.•;;■.■.::;;;:::: >-«»» do J Edgar Nebraska 50 Edgefield, South Carolina 75 Edgerton, Wisconsin 150 Effingham, Illinois 270 Eldora, Iowa 200 El Dorado, Kansas I r.AA do j Elgin, Illinois ) do } 1,000 do ) Elizabeth, New Jersey W7 do 767 do 566 Elizabeth City,N.C., Pennsylvania \ , qq do j Elizabethton, Tennessee 100 Elizabethtown, Kentucky ISO Elkader, Iowa 270 Elkhart, Indiana $ (]00 do ' 260 do 240 Elko, Nevada 270 do 270 Ellenborough, West Virginia 50 Ellsworth, Maine 500 do 500 Ellsworth, Kansas 1.50 Elmira, New York 1,000 do 700 do 700 do 900 do 1,000 do 700 Elyria, Ohio 500 do 500 Emlenton, Pennsylvania 100 Emporia, Kansas 600 do 300 do 300 Ennis, Texas 200 Erie, Pennsylvania 250 do 650 do 650 do 1,700 do 650 do 1,050 do 1,050 Esses Junction, Vermont 100 Eufaula, Alabama 720 Eureka, Nevada 500 Eureka, Kansas 400 do 400 Eutaw, Alabama 100 Evanston, Illinois 550 do 350 Evansville, Indiana 260 do 855 do 1,140 do 600 do 855 do 1,850 Exira, Iowa 100 Exeter, New Hampshire 300 do 300 Fairfield, Iowa 100 do 100 Faribault, Minnesota 600 do 420 do 280 Fairmont, Minnesota 150 Fairmont, West Virginia 180 Fair Play, Colorado 180 Fall River, Massachusetts 736 do 920 do 164 do 1,3S() Falls City, Nebraska ISO Fargo, Dakota 500 do 500 Farley, Iowa 135 Farmington, Maine 270 Fannington, Minnesota 180 Fannville, Virginia 270 Fayette Court-House, Alabama 100 Fayettville, Arkansas 460 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. Fersrus Falls, Minnesota $ 100 Findlav, Ohio 350 'do 250 Fishkill, New York... 100 Fishkill on the Hudson, New York 270 Fitchburgh, Massachusetts 1,500 do 1,500 do 1,500 do , 1,500 do 1,500 Flint, Michigan 720 Florence, Kansas 100 Flushing, New York 180 Fonda, New York 180 Fond du Lac, Wisconsin 2,400 do 2,400 do 2,400 do 2,400 Forest, Mississippi 100 Forest City, Arkansas 200 Forsyth, Missouri 60 Fort' Atkinson, Wisconsin 180 Fort Concho, Texas 270 Fort Dodge, Iowa 540 do 540 Fort Gaines, Georgia 180 Fort Hamilton, New York 270 Fort Howard, Wisconsin ] oqq do J Fort Jefferson, Kentucky 100 Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 200 Fort Plain, NewYork I do )■ 450 do ] Fort Randall, Dakota 100 Fort Scott, Kansas ) do y 2,200 do ] Fort Smith, Arkansas \ ^oq do j Fort Stanton, New Mexico 150 Fredericksburgh, Viginia .$ 900 Fredonia. NewYork Fort Union, do Fort Wayne, Indiana. do do do do do do 270 780 780 420 300 780 780 1,440 Fort Worth, Texas 720 do G60 do 420 do 460 do 1,020 24 700 400 Fox Piver, Wisconsin Frankfort, Kentucky do Franklin, Pennsylvania 304 do 364 do 520 Franklin, Tennessee 200 Franklin, North Carolina 100 Franklin, Idalio 100 Franklinville, New York 100 P'rederick, Maryland 3(10 do 600 Fredericksburgh, Texas 300 do Freehold, New Jersey. do do Frceport, Illinois do do do 600 450 2,200 Freeville, New York 100 Fremont, Nebraska 250 Fremont, Ohio 300 do 450 Fulton, NewYork do do do do do 450 Fulton, Illinois Gadsden, Alabama. .. do Gainesville, Georgia., Gainesville, Florida. Galena, Illinois do Galesburgh, Illinois., do do do _ ., Gallatin, Missouri.... do Gallatin, Tennessee.. Gallipolis, Ohio Galveston, Texas do do do do do do do do do do do do Gardiner, New York do Gardiner, Maine Garner, Iowa Geneseo, New York do Geneseo, Illinois do Geneva, New York do do Geneva, Ohio Genoa, Nevada Cieorgotown, Texas (Jeorgetown, Colorado do ....... Gettysburgh, Pennsylvania. do 180 100 270 270 900 1,050 800 550 400 180 300 600 2,000 1,200 1,200 1,500 840 720 720 900 900 720 900 600 1,200 50 450 100 270 270 660 180 6()0 100 180 100 540 270 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 79 Girard^Kansas | ^^^^ Glasgow, Kentucky 180 Glencoe, Minnesota 200 Glens Falls, New York ) . -^ do I 4^0 Glenville, West Virginia 50 Glenwood, Iowa ) oaa do I ^"" Gloucester, Massachusetts 432 do 240 do 300 do 720 Gloversville, New York ) „nn do f ^^^ Golden, Colorado- ( .^^ do I ^^ Goldsborough, North Carolina 400 Gonzales, Texas ] ^^^ do I ^^^ Gordonsville, Virginia 1 .g^ do } ^^^ Goshen, Indiana 300 do 600 Goshen, New York 160 do 200 Gouverneur, New York ) nnr\ do f ^^^ Grafton, West Virginia | ,„„ do I 1^" Grand Haven, Michigan ) ^^a do \ ^^<^ Grand Island, Nebraska [ „^^ do f "^^^ Grand Rapids, Wisconsin [ ,n^ Grand Rapids, Michigan 1,025 do 900 do 800 do 750 do 1,300 do 625 do 475 do 625 do 300 Grass Valley, California 720 Great Falls, New Hampshire 450 Greeley, Colorado ) o^^ do I ^"^ Greene, New York 100 Green I3ay, Wisconsin 1 do V 1,400 do Greencastle, Indiana I „^r. do I 65^ Greenfield, New Hampshire 100 Greenfield, Missouri ] ^.^ do I 15^ Greensborough, Alabama 180 Greensborough, North Carolina 400 Greensburgh, Indiana 270 Greenville, Pennsylvania 400 Greenville, Michigan 270 Greenville, South Carolina 500 Greenville, Tennessee 200 Greenville, Alabama 180 Greenville, Ohio ' do Grenada, Mississippi ' do Griffin, Georgia do Grinnell, Iowa do Grundy Centre, Iowa (kuitersville, Alabama $ 180 300 300 270 .. 200 ... 100 Hackettstown, New Jersey Hagerstown, Maryland do .. 180 500 do Hamburgh, Iowa do 270 Hamilton, Nevada do I 1,500 Hamilton, Ohio ' do do \ 1,800 do J Hamburgh, Arka'nsas Hampton, Virginia do Hampton, Arkansas .. 100 ' 270 75 Hannibal, Missouri ' do do [ 2,500 do do Hanover, Pennsylvania .. 100 Harlan, Iowa .. 300 Harrisburgh, Pennsylvania .. 900 do .. 700 do .. 700 do .. 800 do .. 900 do .. 900 do .. 850 do .. 600 do .. 850 do .. 800 do .. 800 do Harrisonburgh, Louisiana Harrisonburgh, Virginia Hartford, Connecticut do .. 2,000 .. 100 .. 400 .. 1,100 .. 900 do .. 800 do .. 750 do .. 540 do .. 500 do .. 1,260 do .. 700 do 1,080 do . 900 do . 600 do . 750 do . 600 do . 2,000 do . iHiO Hartville, IMissouri Harvard, Illinois .. 100 do 1 Harwick, Massachusetts Hastings, Minnesota 100 . 100 . 360 80 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Hastings Michigan...... $ 270 Hastings, Iowa 100 Hastings, Nebraska 1 ,c,q do j Havana, Illinois 100 Havertiill, Massachusetts ^ do I do 1 3,000 do J Havre de Grace, Maryland 100 Hays Cit}', Kansas 120 Hazleton, Pennsylvania 270 Hearne, Texas '. 180 Helena, Arkansas 300 Helena, Montana 1,180 do 920 Hempstead, Texas 180 Henderson, Texas 100 Henderson, Kentucky 180 Herkimer, New York 100 Hermann, Missouri 180 Hiawatha, Kansas ] lo^ do I ^^^ Hicksford, Virginia 175 Hickory, North Carolina | -;. do I ^^ Hillsdale, Michigan I do I 700 do ) Hillsborough, North Carolina 150 Hillsborough, Ohio 180 Hoboken, New Jersey 700 Holland, Michigan 180 Hollidaysburgh, Pennsylvania 600 Holly Springs, Mississippi ] -^^^ Holton, Kansas ( .^^ do I ^^^ Holyoke, Massachusetts 600 do 540 do 840 do 60 do 360 Homer, Louisiana 180 Honesdale, Pennsylvania ] q„^ do j ^'" Hookset, New Hampshire 180 Hope, Arkansas 1 do :::::::::::::::::::::::: 200 do ^ I Hopkinsville, Kentucky j „»^ Homellsville, New York ) ^aa do J "^^^' Hot Springs, Arkansas 600 do 520 do 260 Houghton, Michigan ] do } 300 do J Houlton, Maine 270 Houston, Tcxa-s 780 do 60 do 840 do 670 Houston, Texas $1,920 do 930 do 1,500 do 600 Houston, Missouri 100 Hudson, Michigan ] . -^ do I 450 Hudson, Wisconsin 180 Hudson, New York ~| do :::::::::::::::::: moo do J Humboldt, Kansas 300 Huntersville, West Virginia 40 Huntingdon, Indiana 250 Huntingdon, Pennsylvania 360 Huntingdon, West Virginia 180 Huntsville, Alabama 500 Huntsville, Texas 180 Huntsville, Tennessee 100 Hutchinson, Kansas ) n^n do I ^^" Ilion, New York 600 do 360 Independence, Iowa ) ^^^ Independence, Kansas 480 do 360 do 300 Independence, Missouri 300 Indiana, Pennsylvania 250 do 250 Indianapolis, Indiana 1,000 do 800 do 600 do 600 do 1,000 do 400 do 1,000 do 720 do 800 do 1,200 do 800 do 600 do 1,000 do 600 do 1,000 do 2,500 do 600 do 1,000 do 800 do 1,200 do 800 do 800 do 1,000 do 2,500 do 600 do 1,200 do 1,000 do 1,100 do 400 Indianola, Iowa 200 Indianola, Texas ] n'jQ Industry, Texas 50 Ionia, Michigan ) ^q do J BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 81 Iowa City, Iowa $900 do 600 do 600 Ironton, Ohio ) 200 do j Island Pond, Vermont 400 Ishpcming, Michigan 300 Ithaca, New York 1 do ::::::::::::::::::::: 2,800 do J Jackson, Michigan 540 do 1000 do 200 do 313 do 365 do 365 Jackson, Mississippi 700 do 900 do 600 Jackson, Tennessee 450 Jackson, Ohio 200 Jacksonville, Alabama 420 Jacksonville, Illinois 1,000 do 600 do 600 do 400 Jacksonville, Florida 1,600 do 600 do 500 do 500 do 350 do 50 Jacksonville, Oregon 360 Jamestown, New York 2G0 do 156 do 420 do 1,000 Janesville, Wisconsin 365 do 1.000 do 600 do 400 Jasper, Indiana ) 2oo do , I Jasper, Texas 200 Jasper, Alabama 150 Jefferson, Texas 640 Jefferson, Georgia 150 Jefferson, Wisconsin 300 do 300 Jefferson City, Missouri 1,000 do 200 Jeffersonville, Indiana ) r/^/^ Jersey City, New Jersey 800 do 840 do 100 do 1,080 do 840 do 1,080 do 260 Jewell, Kansas 180 Johnstown, Pennsylvania ^ do ::::::;:::: «« do J Joliet, Illinois 1,000 Joliet, Illinois $ 312 do 720 do 192 Jonesborough, Tennessee 100 Joplin, Missouri 4,00 do l.OO Junction City, Kansas ] _.^ do I ^-^ Kalamazoo, Michigan 1,200 do 500 do 50(» do 500 do 300 Kanawha Station, West Virginia 30 Kankakee, Illinois 450 Kansas City, Missouri 000 do 80 do 1,000 do 600 do 1,000 do 1,800 do 960 do 1,000 do 960 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,300 do 1,200 do COO do 1,100 Kasson, Minnesota I -.^/^ do I ^^^ Kearney, Nebraska 900 Keedysville, Maryland 50 Keeseville, New York 500 Keene, New Hampshire 100 do 480 Kelton, Utah 250 Kendalls ville, Indiana 270 Kenosha, Wisconsin 270 do 270 Kensett, Arkansas f -.r.n, do j ^^^ Keokuk, Iowa 300 do 400 do 1,200 do 700 do 400 Keosauqua, Iowa 100 Kerneysville, West Virginia 100 Kewanee, Illinois ) rnn do ) Key West, Florida.... 800 Keyser, West Virginia ) jqq do i Keysville, Virginia 75 Kingston, New York ) -j-qq do j Kittery Depot, Maine 225 Knox, Pennsylvania....". ) g^Q do j Knoxville, Tennessee 760 do 980 do 760 Knoxville, Iowa 1 ^q do j Kokomo, Indiana 600 82 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. 50 Kosciusko, Mississippi $ 200 Kirksville, Missouri ) do }■ 180 do ] La Crosse, Wisconsin 1,400 N do 700 do 600 do 75 La Crosse, Arkansas | gQ do J La Cvgne, Kansas 300 ' do 60 La Fargeville, New York ) do j La Fayette, Indiana 1,159 do 1,159 do 891 do 491 do 300 La Grange, Texas 500 Lake Charles, La ) do ]■ 50 do j Lake City, Colorado 200 LakeCity, Minnesota \ 095 do I Lake George, New York | do } 150 do ] Lamar, Missouri 140 Lambertville, New Jersey 360 Lampasas, Texas 100 Lamsons, New York 75 Lancaster, New Hampshire 150 do 150 Lancaster, Ohio 900 Lancaster, Wisconsin 250 Lancaster, Pennsylvania 650 do 800 do 825 do 725 do 600 Lansing, Michigan 708 do 540 do 540 do 480 do 300 do 360 Lansing, Iowa 200 La Porte, Indiana 900 do 360 do 300 Laramie City, Wyoming 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,200 La Salle, Illinois 800 do 400 Lamed, Kansas 300 Las Vegas, New Mexico 150 do 150 do 150 Laurel, Maryland 100 Laurens, South Carolina 100 Lawrence, Kansas 1,500 do 900 do 900 do 900 Lawrence, Kansas $ 720 Lawrence, Massachusetts 850 do 940 do 820 do 460 Lawrenceburgh, Indiana 360 Lawrenceburgh, Tennessee 100 Leadville, Colorado 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 do 12,000 Leavenworth, Kansas 360 do 180 do 700 do 300 do 1,140 do 660 do 480 Lebanon, Kentucky 270 Lebanon, New Hampshire 250 do 600 Lebanon, Pennsylvania 550 do 300 Lebanon, Tennessee 600 Leesburgh, Virginia 200 Lenoir, North Carolina 100 Lenox, Massachusetts 100 do 100 Leon, Iowa 180 Le Roy, New York 600 do 400 Le Sueur, Minnesota 240 Lewisburgh, Pennsylvania 100 do 100 Lewisburgh, West Virginia 180 Lewiston, Maine 600 do 300 do 300 do 300 Lewistown, Pennsylvania 360 Lewiston, Idaho 100 Lexington, ]\Iissouri 650 Lexington, Virginia 360 Lexington, Virginia 140 Lexington, Kentucky 912 do 720 do 868 Liberty, Missouri 200 Ivibcrtv, Virginia 180 Lima, Ohio 600 do 400 Lima, New York 100 Lincoln, Illinois 360 do 360 Lincoln, Nebraska 720 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 83 Lincoln, Nebraska $ 600 do 3G0 do GOO do %0 Lincoln, California 170 Lisbon, New Hampshire 100 do 100 do 100 Litchfield, Illinois 300 do 100 Litchfield, Minnesota 120 Little Falls, New York 700 do 500 Little Rock, Arkansas 400 do 800 do 400 do 1,300 do 800 do 700 do 800 do 1,000 do 800 Live Oak, Florida 100 Livingston, Texas 100 Livingston Station, Kentucky 120 Lock Haven, Pennsylvania 600 do 600 Lockport, New York 1,000 do 5.50 do 650 do •. 700 do 300 Logan, Utah 200 do 200 do 200 Logan, Ohio Logansport, Indiana 780 do 720 do 600 do 000 Logansport, Iowa 240 London, Kentucky 100 Long Branch, New Jersey 450 do 150 Lonoke, Arkansas 100 Loogootee, Indiana 144 Los Angeles, California 3,000 do 3,000 do 8,000 do 3,000 Louisa, Kentucky 100 Louisiana, Missouri 450 Louisville, Kentucky 800 do 800 do 900 do 1,100 do 800 do 1,200 do 900 do 1,200 do 700 do 600 do 900 do 1,000 do 1,400 do 1,400 do 600 56 Louisville, Kentucky $ 700 do '1,000 do 1^000 do 800 do GOO do 800 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 700 do 900 do 2,500 do 200 do 900 Louisville, Kansas 100 Lowville, New York.... .315 Lowell, Massachusetts 1,092 do 936 do 1,284 do 936 do 900 Lowell, Michigan 300 do 1.50 Ludington, Michigan ) ^-^ do j ^'"^ Luling, Texas 100 Lynchburgh, Virginia .550 do 300 do 300 do 1,350 Lynn, Massachusetts 1,250 do 200 do 450 do 600 Lyons, Iowa ) do I Lyons, New York 600 do 96 McGregor, Iowa ) .^^ do } ^^" McMinnville, Tennessee 180 Machias, I\Iaine 200 Macomb, Illinois ] _ .^ do I ^-^^ Macon, Georgia 1,200 do 1,100 do 25 do 25 do 1,350 Macon City, Missouri 450 Madison, Indiana ) do V 1,200 do ) Madison, Wisconsin 885 do 615 do 600 do 600 do 800 do 1,500 Magnolia, Arkansas 100 ]\Iagnolia, North Carolina 100 Maloue, New York 720 Malvern Junction, Arkansas 100 Manassas, Virginia 35 Manhattan, Kansas ) 270 do ) Manchester, loXva 200 450 84 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Manchester, New Hampshire $1,000 do 880 do 700 do 300 Manistee, Michigan | oga do j Manitou, Colorado 200 Manitowoc, Wisconsin | ogn do I Mankato, Minnesota \ ^20 do I Mann's Choice, Pennsylvania 40 Mansfield, Ohio 800 do 400 do 500 do 700 Mansfield, Pennsylvania 150 Marblehead, Massachusetts 540 Marengo, Iowa 200 Marietta, Georgia 450 Marietta, Ohio 500 do 500 do 200 Marion, Oregon 100 Marion, Indiana \ nga do J Marion, Illinois 100 Marion, Texas 100 Marion, Alabama 270 Marion, Ohio 220 do 480 Marquette, Michigan ) do [ 800 do I Marshall, Michigan 1 do [ 800 do I Marshall, Illinois j ,gQ do I Marshall, Texas 250 do 200 Marshall, Minnesota 100 Marshalltown, Iowa ) do V 1,400 do j Marshfield, Missouri 200 Martinsburgh, West Virginia 450 Martinsville, Virginia 150 Martinsville, Indiana ) nan do I '^^^' Marysville, California 1,200 Marysville, Missouri 180 Massillon, Ohio 600 do 300 Mason City, Iowa 1 do y 270 do j Mattoon, Illinois 1,200 Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania 450 Mayfield, Kentucky 180 Mayn-ardsville, Tennsssee 100 Maysville, Kentucky 600 do 400 Meadville, Pennsylvania "l do :::::::::::: ^,500 do Mechanicsburgh, Pennsylvania... ] ^ ,nn do P ^^^ Mechanics Falls, Maine 240 Medina, New York j „^ do I ^^ Memphis, Tennessee 1,560 do 1,440 do 720 do 1,000 do 900 do 600 do 1,440 do 900 do 1,700 do 900 do •. 2,000 do 1,500 do 1,200 do 900 do 600 Menasha, Wisconsin 480 Mendota, Illinois •. 480 Menominee, Wisconsin 500 Mercer, Pennsylvania 300 Mercersburgh, Pennsylvania 270 Meridian, Mississippi 500 Mesilla, New Mexico 200 Metamora, Michigan 100 Mexico, Missouri 1 qah do I ^"" Middleburgh, Vermont 200 Middletown, Connecticut 720 do 350 do 325 do 250 do - 200 do 175 Middletown, New York ) do \ 1,200 do ) Milan, Missouri I -.f.^. do I ^'-'" Milford, Massachusetts ] -./^ do I ^40 Milford, Ohio 200 Milford, New York 100 Millborough Depot, Virginia 100 Mill City, Nevada 150 Millersburgh, Pennsylvania 180 Millville, Massachusetts 100 Milwaukee, Wisconsin 900 do 720 do 720 do 480 do 1,080 do 1,140 do 1,800 do 900 do 660 do 960 do 720 do 1,400 do 600 do 1,400 do 900 do 1,080 do 480 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 85 Milwaukee, Wisconsin $1,400 do 6(]0 do fifJO do 7H0 do 720 do 1,000 do 780 do 900 do 1,080 do 1,G00 Minersville, Pennsylvania 270 Minneapolis, Minnesota do 660 480 do 600 do 2,000 do 720 do 1,500 do 600 do 900 do 360 do 480 do 360 do 1,200 Minneapolis, Kansas do Mineola, Texas Minonk, Illinois Mitchell's Station, Virginia Mobile, Alabama do - 1 200 .*.'.'.... 200 180 100 900 800 do 2,000 do 900 do 840 do 900 do 1,360 do 900 do 900 do 540 do 360 do 600 Mokelumne Hill, Moline, Illinois... do California.... 360 720 200 do 480 Monmouth, Illinois , do Monroe, Louisiana Monroe, Wisconsin do do Monroe, Michigan do do Montague, Michigan 180 Monterey, Virginia 60 Montgomery, Alabama do do do do do Montgomery City, Missouri \ do ) Monticello, New York 180 Monticello, Iowa 270 Monticello, Arkansas 150 Montpelier, Vermont 400 1,200 300 270 450 3,600 80 Montpelier, Vermont $ 800 Montreal, Virginia 50 Morganton, North Carolina 100 Morris, Illinois 450 Morris, Minnesota 150 Morristown, New Jersey 632 do 468 Morristown, Tennessee 180 Mount Airy, North Carolina 100 Mount Airy, Iowa | do :::::;::::::::: '»» do J Mount Clemens, Michigan I n.^ Mount Morris, New York I o-n do I ^'^ Mount Pleasant, Iowa I do [ 1,200 do J Mount Sterling, Kentucky I 09A do j Mount Union, Pennsylvania 100 Mount Vernon, Ohio 500 do 600 do 200 Mount Zion, Iowa 100 Muncie, Indiana 170 Murphysborough, Illinois 360 Murl'rccsborough, Tennessee 540 Murphy, North Carolina 50 Muscatine, Iowa 660 do 480 do 360 Muskegon, Michigan I do [ 1,000 do ] Nantucket, Massachusetts 500 do 125 Napa City, California 720 do 480 Napoleon, Ohio 200 do 500 Nashua, N ew Hampshire 300 do 500 do 850 do 450 Nashville, Indiana 100 Nashville, Tennessee 1,150 do 1,150 do 1,100 do 850 do 1,000 do 900 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,300 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 700 do 700 do 700 do 500 Natchez, Mississippi 800 do 300 Natick, Massachusetts 468 do 260 86 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Navasota, Texas $ 270 Nebraska City, Nebraska 300 do 900 Negaunee, Michigan 600 Neosho, Missouri | 07/-, do j ^'" Nevada, Iowa 200 Nevada, Missouri 350 Nevada City, California 1 do [ 720 do ] New Albany, Indiana 300 do 300 do 300 do 800 Newark, New Jersey 1,235 do 765 do 765 do 800 do 735 do 1,010 do 735 do 850 do 1,010 do 700 do 765 do 1,130 Newark, New York 400 do 400 Newark, Ohio 700 do 500 New Bedford, Massachusetts 300 do 410 do 500 do 400 do 410 do 1,325 New Berne, North Carolina 1,000 do 200 Newberry, South Carolina 180 New Britain, Connecticut 480 do 540 do 540 New Brunswick, New Jersey 300 do 600 do 600 Newburgh, New York 240 do 500 do 1,800 do 900 do 660 do 1,300 Newburyport, Massachusetts 700 do 550 do 450 Newcastle, Indiana 180 New Castle, Pennsylvania 626 do 474 New Haven, Connecticut 2,300 do 1,200 do 1,150 do 800 do 450 do 720 do 1,150 do 625 do 425 New Haven, Connecticut $ 800 do 550 do 575 do 550 do 300 do 500 do 300 do 800 do 800 do 500 New Haven, Vermont 100 New Iberia, Louisiana 650 New Lisbon, Ohio 100 New Lisbon, Wisconsin 100 New London, Wisconsin 100 New London, Connecticut 1,350 do 750 do 760 do 450 do 300 New Madrid, Missouri 150 New Market, Tennessee 100 do 100 New Martinsville, West Virginia.... 40 do .... 40 do .... 40 New Milford, Connecticut 180 New Orleans, Louisiana 900 do 350 do 500 do 800 do 640 do 1,000 do 800 do 640 do 540 do 640 do 500 do 900 do 900 do 940 do 800 do 440 do 575 do 1,200 do 900 do 640 do 600 do 840 do 900 do 540 do 800 do 640 do 1,300 do 900 do 640 do 2,500 do 900 do 600 do 640 do 500 do 900 do 640 do 1,600 do 800 do 900 do 800 BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 87 New Orleans, Louisiana $ 840 do 1,000 do 2,500 do 000 do 540 do 600 do 1,000 do 650 do 900 do 740 do 900 do 640 do 600 do 575 do 540 do 900 do 900 do 440 do 540 do 800 do 1,400 do 1,000 do 540 do 640 do 540 do 1,400 do 1,500 do 850 Newport, Kentucky 520 do 500 do 100 do 60 Newport, New Hampshire 270 Newport, Rhode Island 1,320 do 324 do 408 do 156 do 360 do 552 do 360 do 180 Newport, Tennessee 100 New Tacoma, Washington Territory 270 do 270 Newton, Alabama 40 Newton, Iowa 300 Newton, Kansas 500 do 300 Newton, New Jersey — 450 Newton, Massachusetts 270 New Ulm, Minnesota 900 New York, New York 1,260 do 2,000 do 240 do 720 do 900 do 1,020 do 1,200 do 1,140 do 960 do 1,0S0 do 840 do 1,500 do 960 do 600 do 1,080 do 1,200 New York, New do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do York $ 600 1,320 780 1,500 2,400 780 720 600 1,080 1,020 1,320 1,020 960 1,380 420 1,020 840 960 1,020 780 840 720 4,000 1,500 1,020 1,140 720 900 1,020 1,800 900 900 780 1,320 1,740 840 2,000 1,080 1,200 900 1,320 1,140 1,200 1,320 1,440 840 1,020 1840 1,080 720 900 900 1,080 1,020 1,020 900 840 960 600 960 960 1,140 780 600 1,500 420 840 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. New York, New do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do York $ 600 1,020 1,200 1,080 1,260 960 1,320 1,800 840 1,020 1,500 720 1,800 1,320 1,200 1,320 780 720 1,020 1,020 600 900 1,020 1,080 1.200 840 660 1,320 2,200 1,140 1,080 1,500 720 1,200 840 720 840 840 960 1,020 720 960 1,200 600 900 720 720 960 1,320 1,320 900 960 840 720 1,020 960 840 900 1,080 1,200 1,200 1,260 1,200 900 1,020 1,020 720 New York, New York $1,200 do 900 do 1,140 do 1,080 do 1,020 do 1,380 do 720 do 1,020 do 1,200 do 1,020 do 720 do 780 do 1,080 do 900 do 940 do 1,020 do 960 do 1,080 do 1,080 do 1,080 do 1,020 do 900 do 960 do 1,080 do 960 do 1,200 do 720 do 1,200 do 1,380 do 840 do 420 do 780 do 1,140 do 420 do 960 do 840 do 720 do 960 do 960 do 1,080 do 720 do 720 do 1,020 do 840 do 1,080 do 840 do 1,080 do 1,020 do 1,080 do 840 do 900 do 420 do 1,320 do 900 do 480 do 960 do 1,800 do 3,500 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 1,020 do 780 do 1,800 do 1,380 do 3,000 do 780 do 1,200 BOOK TI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 89 New York, New York $ 9G0 do 1,200 do 4,000 do 720 do • 600 do 900 do 840 do 900 do 960 do 1,200 do 900 do 1,020 do 1,080 do 1,080 do 840 do 1,080 do 1,080 do 1,080 do 900 do 720 New York, New Jersey 600 New York, District of Columbia 1,020 New York, New York 1,320 do 2,200 New York, New Jersey 600 New York, New York 1,020 do 960 do 900 do 900 do 960 do 1,080 do 1,200 do 900 do 2,200 do 900 do 1,080 do 600 do 720 do 960 do 600 do 1,200 do 1,080 do 780 do 1,200 do 1,320 do 600 do 600 do 1,170 New York, Ohio 840 New York, New York 840 do 1,080 do 1,080 do 1,200 do 1,320 do 600 do 600 do 1,320 New York, California 1,020 New York, New York 720 do 2,460 do 960 do 840 do 900 do 900 do 600 do 1,080 do 1,260 New York, New York $1,-000 do 'l/J20 do 960 do 1,200 do 1,080 do 3,000 do 780 do 1,200 do 1,140 do 600 do 1,080 do 840 do 1,820 do 960 do 1,200 do 840 do 1,320 do 1,080 do 1,200 do 1,080 do 720 do 1,200 do 720 do 900 do 720 do 720 do 1,800 do 1,020 do 600 do 300 do 900 do 1,800 do 1,140 do 600 do 540 do 420 do 1,320 do 1,980 do 1,320 do 1,020 do 1,200 do 840 do 900 do 600 do 840 do 720 do 840 do 1,800 do 840 do 1,320 do 1,200 New York, Vermont 1,020 New York. New York 1,440 do 904 do 800 do 1,020 do 720 do 3.3.')0 do 1,200 do 9O0 do 1,020 do 1,2(M do 600 do 2,4(») do 960 do 1,200 do 720 90 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. New York, New do do do do do do ^ do # do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do dO do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do York. .$ 960 . 1,080 . 720 . 1,080 .. 1,200 ,. 840 . 1,320 . 1,320 ,. 900 . 2,400 . 840 . 840 .. 1,980 .. 840 ,. 1,800 ,. 1,020 .. 1,200 .. 1,020 .. 1,020 .. 1,200 .. 1,260 .. 720 .. 1,080 .. 1,020 .. 300 .. 1,020 .. 1,440 .. 900 .. 720 .. 900 .. 840 .. 720 .. 900 .. 900 .. 1,200 .. 1,200 .. 1,080 .. 840 .. 1,020 .. 1,200 .. 600 .. 420 .. 900 .. 900 .. 1,800 .. 900 .. 960 .. 840 .. 1,080 .. 720 .. 900 ,.. 840 .. 4,000 .. 640 ,.. 840 ,.. 1,260 ,.. 1,200 ,.. 1,200 ... 900 ... 720 ... 1,320 ... 480 ... 1,020 ... 9<;o ... 900 ... 1,320 ... 1,020 New York, New York 1,380 do $ 900 do 1,500 do 1,080 do ...• 1,020 do 1,080 do 600 do 720 do 420 do 1,020 do ..o 720 do 1,020 do 780 do 1,380 do 900 do 360 do 1,440 do 900 do 2,040 do 960 do 1,320 do 900 do 1,320 do 1,200 do 840 do 1,800 do 1,440 do 1,380 do 1,380 do 1,320 do 1,320 do 960 do 720 do 1,200 do 1,260 do 960 do 1,080 do 1,200 do 1,320 do 1,440 do 1,140 do 900 do 720 do 600 do 1,080 do 900 do 1,200 do 1,020 do 840 do 840 do 1,080 do 840 do 1,320 do 720 do do 900 do 2,400 do 1,800 do 720 do 960 do 1,200 do 1,380 do 1,260 do 600 do 1,320 do 900 do 600 A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 91 New York, New do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do York $ 9G0 900 9(i0 1,080 840 1,880 840 600 840 1,020 1,200 1,820 1,080 9(30 900 4,000 1,200 1,080 840 1,020 1,020 720 720 1,200 420 1,020 1,020 1,200 840 1,020 900 840 1,080 1,140 1,380 720 960 1,080 2,000 1,380 660 840 1,200 1,980 840 840 720 780 1,260 840 1,800 900 3,000 1,080 780 900 1,320 1,020 1,200 1,320 1,200 1,020 1,080 1,140 2,400 1,020 1,380 New York, New do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do] do do do do do do do do do do do do do York $ 720 1,200 1,140 780 840 840 480 900 840 960 840 1,020 840 840 720 1,260 900 300 840 1,200 1,080 2,040 1,080 840 840 960 1,140 600 840 840 600 900 960 1,320 1,380 660 1,320 1,080 960 1,500 1,140 1,020 1,800 780 840 1,080 960 1,800 600 1,020 600 1,500 720 900 1,980 1,020 1,200 540 1,080 600 840 1,200 960 2,460 780 9(50 1,320 92 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book vr. New York, New do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do York $1,320 840 840 1,020 840 1,080 1,320 960 1,200 900 1,200 1,500 1,620 720 900 960 1,200 1,320 600 1,020 840 ;.... 720 960 1,800 1,500 720 1,200 720 900 900 840 960 1,020 960 600 3,000 720 1,020 1,320 900 720 600 840 840 900 600 600 1,200 600 1,080 720 1,200 1,200 1,080 1,320 1,080 1,080 720 960 720 720 1,320 960 1,380 840 840 4,000 New York, New York $ 960 do 1,200 do 840 do 1,800 do 1,080 do 900 do 4,000 do 3,000 do 1,600 do 950 do 900 do 1,800 do 1,100 do 1,300 do 1,000 do 800 do 1,500 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 1,400 do 1,500 do 600 do 1,300 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 950 do 1,200 do 900 do 1,300 do 1,400 do 1,100 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,200 do 600 do 1,300 do 450 do 400 do 1,200 do 900 do 1,200 do 1,300 do 1,300 do 1,500 do 1,200 do do 1,100 do 1,200 do 1,200 do 800 Niagara Falls, New York 480 do 360 do 420 Nicholasvllle, Kentucky 270 Niles, Michigan 300 do 500 do 800 Nio])rara, Nebraska 40 Norfolk, Virginia 390 do 720 do 720 do 1,056 do 1,524 do 744 do 840 Norfolk, Ncl)raska 150 Normal, Illinois 180 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 93 Normal, Illinois Norristown, Pennsylvania North Adams, Massachusetts. do Northampton, Massachusetts. do do Northfield, Minnesota North McGregor, Iowa North Topeka, Kansas do North Vernon, Indiana Norton, Kansas do Norwalk, Connecticut do Norwalk, Ohio do Norwich, Connecticut do do do do Norwich, New York do Oak Hill, Ohio Oakland, California do do do do do do do do do Oakville, Texas Oakland, Oregon Oberlin, Ohio do Ocean Grove, New Jersey do do do do do do Oconomowoc, Wisconsin Odin, Illinois do Ogden City, Utah do Ogdensburgh, New York do do do Oil City, Pennsylvania do do Okolona, Mississippi Olathe, Kansas do Old Point Comfort, Virginia.., Olean, New York do do Olney, Illinois 180 600 780 31)0 515 85 500 550 100 100 270 100 312 138 500 1,500 750 650 300 300 540 100 720 1,200 600 1,140 1,800 780 600 780 1,200 720 100 100 800 400 270 180 540 400 275 760 481 840 470 410 100 270 360 800 360 Olympia, Washington, do 600 Omaha, Nebraska '.. i ,000 ' l!2(i0 950 920 800 975 920 1,000 500 920 935 900 do do do do do do do do do do do Omaha Barracks, Nebraska 100 Omro, Wisconsin 180 Onawa City, Iowa 100 Oneida. New York do 650 180 2,100 1,230 Oneonta, New York | n^^ do I "^^'^ Opelika, Alabama 180 Orange, New Jersey 500 do 450 Orange, Texas 50 Orange Court-House, Virginia 180 Oregon, Illinois ] ^..,. do J ^^^ Orlando, Florida 50 Orleans, Nebraska 100 Orville, California 360 Osage, Iowa 30(J Osage City, Kansas 300 Osage Mission, Kansas 180 Osceola, Iowa ) do ..[ Oshkosh, Wisconsin 1 do I do f do J Oskaloosa, Iowa ) do J Oswego, New York 250 do 450 do 1,125 do 1,225 do 850 do 500 Oswego, Kansas 300 Ottawa, Illinois 1,050 do 300 do 150 Ottawa, Kansas 4'>o Ottawa, Ohio 100 Ottumwa, Iowa ) do y 1,100 do j Overton, Texas 100 Owatonna, Minnesota \ ^qq do i Owego, New York ) do \ 900 do ) Owensborough, Kentucky 270 Oxford, Pennsylvania 2ii0 Oxford, Mi.*sissippi 45n Oxford, North Carolina 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Ozaukee, Wisconsin Paducah, Kentucky do Painesville, Ohio do do do do Paintsville, Kentucky Palmer, ]\Ia-ssachusetts Palestine, Texas Palmvra, New York do do Pana, Illinois Paola, Kansas Paraclifta, Arkansas Paris, Texas Paris, Kentucky Paris, Illinois do Parkersburgh, West Virginia do Parker's Landing, Pennsylvania,. ) do ..J Parsons, Kansas Patchogue, New York ) do j Paterson, New Jersey , do do do Pawtucket, Rhode Island do do do do Peck, Michigan Pcekskill, New York \ do I Pekin, Illinois 1 do J Pembina, Dakota Penn Yan, New York ) do J Pensacola, Florida , do Pent Water, Michigan Peoria, Illinois do do do do do Perrydale, Oregon Peru, Indiana "I do I do f do J Petaluma, California Petcrsburgh, Virginia Petersburgh, Illinois do do do do Petosky, Michigan 135 200 1,000 900 100 360 200 450 270 200 50 400 540 225 225 600 500 700 400 75 580 676 884 200 480 1,116 240 420 336 60 800 720 180 800 500 400 180 1,000 1,200 1,000 600 600 600 50 600 540 1,800 180 1,200 720 .'500 360 50 Petrolia, Pennsylvania 900 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 1,100 do 900 do 1,100 do 900 do 800 do 2,000 do 3,600 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 800 do 900 do 1,000 do 1,500 do 1,200 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 2,000 do 950 do 750 do 850 do 950 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 1,000 do 900 do 1,200 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 650 do 1,400 do 250 do 75 do 900 do 700 do 1,200 do 1,100 do 950 do 950 do 1,000 do 900 do 900 do 800 do 900 do 1,000 do 480 do 800 do 800 do 600 do 125 do 1,100 do 1,500 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 800 do 800 do 700 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 350 do 900 BOOK ri.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 95 Philadelphia, do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do Pennsylvania $ 950 800 150 1,000 1,200 2,000 1,000 175 1,000 1,000 1,000 1)50 1,100 1,500 900 700 450 1,100 2,100 1,080 75 800 1,000 900 900 1,000 800 900 900 1,000 600 1,400 1,100 800 1,000 1,150 800 800 1,000 700 1,000 1,100 900 900 800 800 850 1,200 850 950 800 1,000 850 800 100 2,200 900 950 1,000 1,000 900 800 800 1,000 800 800 700 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania $ 800 do 200 do 105 do 2,100 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,500 do 800 do 950 do 800 do 700 do 800 do 1,000 do 800 do 800 do 100 do 1,100 do 900 do 1,150 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 900 do 800 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 800 do 175 do 1,200 do 900 do 1,400 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 900 do 950 do 900 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 1,000 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 800 do 200 do 250 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 800 do 250 do 200 do 800 do 3,000 do 1,200 do 875 do l.oOO do 800 do 1,000 do 900 do 800 do 800 do 800 96 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania..., do do do do Philadelphia, Mississippi Phcenixville, Pennsylvania.... do Pickens Court-House, South lina Pierce City, Missouri , do Palatka, Florida Pine Bluff, Arkansas do do Piqua, Ohio Pittsburgh, Texas Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania do .$2,000 . 800 . 800 . 800 . 800 40 180 Caro- do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do . 150 100 . 135 800 . 640 , 100 , 900 , 800 , 900 , 1,000 900 , 800 , 500 1,200 1,200 800 1,700 2,000 900 800 900 900 800 500 800 700 750 800 900 800 1,000 700 900 1,100 900 1,400 1,200 1,000 800 1,000 800 900 800 400 600 900 750 800 1,000 1,000 1,000 1.000 700 800 1,300 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Pittsfielci, Massachusetts do do do Pittston, Pennsylvania do do do Placerville, California , Plainfield, Wisconsin do Plants, Arkansas Plattsburgh, New York do Plattsmouth, Nebraska Platteville, Wisconsin Pleasanthill, Missouri do Pleasantville, Pennsylvania. Plover, Wisconsin Plum Creek, Nebraska Plymouth, Massachusetts do Plymouth, North Carolina.., do Point of Eocks, Maryland Pomeroy, Ohio Pontiac, Michigan do Poplar Grove, Arkansas Portage City, Wisconsin , do Port Huron, Michigan do do Port Jervis, New York do do do Portland, Maine do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do Portland, Oregon do do do do I 900 250 1,200 250 400 500 900 90 50 800 200 500 100 100 540 100 150 450 55 65 162 180 700 150 450 1,500 800 450 900 700 1,710 800 900 1,800 600 400 720 900 855 1,100 450 720 1,100 500 720 650 1,100 600 500 2,000 1,500 900 900 720 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 97 Portland, Oregon $376 do 180 Portland, West Virginia 60 Portland, Michigan ) -.qq do J Portland, Pen nsylvania 100 Portlandville, Iowa 40 Port Sanilac, Michigan 100 Portsmouth, New Hampshire 900 do 900 do 700 Portsmouth, Ohio..... 400 do 400 do 156 do 75 Portsmouth, Virginia 700 do 300 Port Townsend Washington Ter 360 Pottstown, Pennsylvania 300 Pottsville, Pennsylvania 1,100 do , 500 do 500 Poughkeepsie, New York 522 do 600 do 366 do 210 do 708 do 1,486 do 708 Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin 180 Prescott, Arkansas 200 Prescott, Arizona 800 Preston, Minnesota 150 Princeton, Indiana 100 Princeton, New Jersey 300 do 500 Princeton, Illinois ) gQQ do j Princeton, Arkansas 100 Princeton, Wisconsin ) -.cq do j Princeton, Kentucky 240 Princeton, Missouri 180 Providence, Rhode Island 400 do 528 do 528 do 1,800 do 960 do 800 do 600 do 800 do 1,020 do 800 do 800 do 648 do 1,500 do 648 do 312 do 696 do 400 do 1,200 do 840 do 504 do 300 do 750 do 450 Pueblo, Colorado 600 Pulaski, Tennessee $ 270 Purcellville, Virginia 50 Putnam, Connecticut 360 Quincy, Illinois 600 do 900 do 400 do 1,700 do yoo do 900 do 500 Quincy, Massachusetts 200 Racine, Wisconsin 480 do 140 do 360 do 920 Railway, New Jersey 260 do 624 Raleigh, North Carolina 425 do 600 do 425 do 600 do 1,150 Raleigh, West Virginia ) qqq Rantoul, Illinois 150 Ravena, Ohio 800 do 300 Reading, Pennsylvania 1,000 do 400 do 650 do 600 do „. 850 do 500 Red Bank Furnace, Pennsylvania ) ^q Redding, California 100 Red Oak, Iowa ) ^oq do j Red River Landing, Louisiana 1 do ::::: «» do J Red Sulphur Springs, W. Virginia... 50 Red Wing, Minnesota 40 do 40 do 2.5 Redwood Falls, Minnesota 135 Reed City, Michigan 100 Reed's Mills, Ohio 100 Reno, Nevada | ^cq do Richfield Springs, New York. . . . 5° y 200 do do Richmond, Indigina 520 do 780 do 168 do 416 do 300 do 416 Richmond, Kentucky 270 Richmond, Virginia 960 do 900 do 720 do 840 do 720 98 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. Eichmond, Virginia... do do do do do do do do do do do do do Eio Grande, Ohio , do Eipley, Mississippi Eipon, Wisconsin do do Eiver Bend, Colorado. Eochelle, Illinois do .$1,500 . 840 . 960 . 600 . 1,080 . 1,680 . 480 . 720 . ■ 840 . 990 . 720 . 600 . 600 . 900 50 .. 180 Eochester, Minnesota do do Eochester, New York do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do Eochester, Pennsylvania Eochester, Indiana Eochester, New Hampshire. Eock Creek, Wyoming Eockdale, Texas Eockford, Alabama Eockford, Illinois do do do do : Eock Island, Illinois do do do Eockland, Michigan Eockland, Maine do Eockport, Indiana Eock vi Ho, Indiana Eockville, Maryland , 450 240 200 500 1,040 600 540 240 600 1,050 480 1,050 720 1,100 620 900 540 540 1,225 840 850 2,355 810 700 100 180 300 100 180 200 540 600 600 540 720 450 450 350 900 320 720 280 100 180 100 Eockville, Oregon $ 150 Eockville, Connecticut Eock wood, Pennsj^lvania 100 Eockwood, Ohio 75 Eogersville, Tennessee 100 Eolla, Missouri 270 Eome, Georgia 720 do 180 Eome, New York 700 do 700 do 600 Eomeo, Michigan 260 do 364 Eomney, West Virginia , 50 do 60 Eondout, New York 600 do 400 Eoseburgh, Oregon 180 Eoss Gork, Idaho 100 Eound Eock, Texas 100 Eouse's Point, New York 180 Eouseville, Pennsylvania 500 Eushville, Illinois ) o-^ do } ^^^ Eutland, Vermont 1,325 do 450 do 325 Eutledge, Tennessee ) do [ 100 do J Eutherford, Tennessee 300 Eushville, Indiana ] -.q^ do I ^^^ Eussellville, Kentucky 360 Sac City, Iowa ] ^^a do I 1^^ Saco, Maine 450 Sacramento, California 1,800 do 840 do 192 do 1,608 do 1,116 do 1,680 do 900 do 1,200 do 1,320 do 1,116 Sagetown, Illinois 100 Saginaw, Michigan 360 do 650 do 360 Saint Albans, Vermont 480 do 820 do 800 Saint Augustine, Florida | 270 Saint Charles, Missouri 270 Saint Charles, Illinois 180 Saint Charles, Minnesota 100 Saint Clairsville, Ohio 200 Saint Cloud, Minnesota ) nyn do j Saint John's Michigan I ^qq do I Saint Johnsburgh, Vermont 1 qqq do J Saint Joseph, Missouri 1,277 BOOK VI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 99 Saint Joseph, Missouri $1 ,080 do do do do do do Saint Louis, Missouri do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do d'o do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do 57 1,080 . 1,002 . 1,050 . mo . 1,080 . 720 . 600 . 900 . 540 , 1,100 , 700 , 900 , 1,200 , GOO , 1,100 600 3,200 840 1,000 1,600 800 1,800 600 900 9(50 600 900 1,300 1,200 800 700 640 2,100 1,400 600 600 900 700 600 1,050 1,200 1,800 800 700 1,200 900 640 1,500 1,200 640 1,000 700 1,000 800 2,200 1,200 800 900 900 900 600 600 900 2,700 900 1,000 Saint Louis, Missouri $1 .000 do '1^350 do 900 do 900 do 1,020 do (500 do 800 do 1,000 do G40 do 900 do 800 do 1,300 do 1,000 do 960 do 900 do 600 do ; 640 do 1,000 do 700 do 1,200 do 1,600 do 600 do 600 do 800 do 600 do 700 do 700 do 1,000 do 600 do 700 do 1,020 do 1,200 do 150 do 1,200 do 600 do 600 do 1,100 do 600 do 800 do 600 do 2,100 do 800 do 1,000 do 1,200 do 600 do 1,000 do 900 do 600 do 900 do 600 do 1,600 do 2,100 do 600 do 1.100 do 650 do 600 do 1,000 do 800 do 1,000 do 600 do 1,000 do 600 do 700 do 1,100 do 700 do 1,200 do 900 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI. Saint Louis, Missouri $ 700 do 2,000 do 840 do 900 do 2,200 do 1,200 do 900 Saint Paul, Minnesota 900 do 1,145 do 850 do 75 do 850 do 1,125 do 41 do 800 do 850 do 568 do 2,100 do 480 do 1,200 do 824 do 900 Saint Peter, Minnesota 270 Salem, Ohio 360 Salem, Massachusetts 1,080 do 600 do 260 do 1,000 do 600 Salem, Oregon 1,000 do 600 Salem, North Carolina 270 Salina, Kansas ^ il :;::::;:::::;;:;;:;;;;:::: ^.^oo do J Salisbury, North Carolina 270 Salisbury, Maryland 100 Salisbury, Montana 100 Salisbury, Missouri 100 Salt Lake City, Utah 1,340 do 1,500 do 1,400 do 1,200 do 900 do 540 do 120 San Andreas, California 200 San Antonio, Texas 360 do 900 do 1,200 do 780 do 1,800 do 540 do 540 San Buenaventura, California 300 San Diego, California 600 Sandusky, Ohio 875 do 300 do 300 do 450 do 875 San Francisco, California 1,260 do 1,620 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,140 San Francisco, California $1,140 do 1,140 do 840 do 1,740 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,140 do 2,820 do 1,620 do 1,260 do 1,140 do 1,140 do 1,140 do 840 do 960 do 1,260 do 1,140 do 1,140 do 840 do 1,260 do 1,620 do 1,380 do 1,320 do 1,320 do 1,260 do 960 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 960 do 960 do 840 do 1,620 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,140 do 1,140 do 1,260 do 2,160 do 1,620 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,140 do 1,400 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 2,220 do 1,620 do 1,320 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,260 do 1,140 do 960 do 1,620 clo 1,260 San Jose California.... 900 do 480 do 480 do 900 do 480 Santa Barbara, California ) gQQ do I Santa F6, New Mexico 1 i oqa do J ' Santa Rosa, California 500 BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 101 Santa Rosa, California $ 500 Saratoga Springs, New York 1,008 do 1,008 do 480 do 3G0 Sardis, Mississippi loO Savannah, Georgia $1,080 do do do do do do do (!o do do 778 288 420 600 1,700 1,200 1,080 ()00 1,080 780 100 2,000 2,000 Savannah, Missouri 180 Schenectady, New York 798 do 399 do 388 do 315 Schulenburgh, Texas ) do [ 100 do j Scranton, Pennsylvania 1,500 do 420 do 900 do 800 do 1,200 Searev, Arkansas \lo Seattle, Washington 400 Sedalia, Missouri do do do do Selma, Alabama do do Seneca, IMissouri 100 Seneca, Kansas 100 Seneca Falls, New York I do y 800 do ] Seguin, Texas 100 Seward, Nebraska | oqq do f Seymour, Indiana do Shaff's Bridge, Pennsylvania 100 Shakopee, Minnesota I do [ 100 do ] Sharon, Ohio 40 Shawano, Wisconsin 150 Sheboygan, Wisconsin 200 Shelbyville, Kentucky 540 Shelbyville, Indiana ] 070 Shelbyville, Tennessee 450 Sharon, Pennsylvania | or,|^ do j Shelby, North Carolina 100 Sheridan, Arkansas 50 Sidney, Nebraska 600 180 Sherman, Texas $1,000 do '000 do 600 do (jOO Shippensburgh, Pennsylvania } ,,,„ do .... I 200 Skowhegan, Maine I „_. do j 270 Shreveport, Louisiana | „ 1 aa do I 2,100 Sidney, Iowa 180 Sigourncy, Iowa 180 Silver City, New Mexico 100 Silver Clifl" Colorado 1 do ::::::;:;:;:::: 1,000 do J Sing Sing, New York 480 do 240 Sioux City, Iowa 420 do 800 do 800 Sioux Falls, Dakota ) „„^ do I ^^^ Snow Hill, Maryland 180 Solomon City, Kansas 100 Somerset, Kentucky 200 Somerset, Pennsylvania 180 Somerville, New Jersey I ^-m do I 270 Sonora, California 600 South Bend, Indiana ^ do :::;:;::::::;::;: l^so do J South Boston Depot, Virginia 100 South Framingham, Massachusetts... 180 South Norfolk, Connecticut 450 Sparta, Wisconsin 360 Sparta, Tennessee 200 Spartanburgh, South Carolina 270 Springfield, Missouri 600 do 300 Springfield, Massachusetts 1,100 do 800 do 700 do 600 do 400 do 300 do 700 do 800 do 600 Springfield, Ohio 1,020 do 720 do 654 do 8(;0 do 1,092 do 528 do 624 Springfield, Illinois 500 do 875 do 480 do 750 do 1,100 do 480 do 625 do 650 102 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. Springfield, Tennessee $ 100 Springfield, Dakota 360 Spring Valley, Minnesota ) -.qq do j Stamford, Connecticut 600 do 400 Stanton, Nebraska 100 Staunton, Virginia ) do • [ 1,400 do ] Stanwood, Iowa 100 Statesville, North Carolina ) 200 do J Stephensville, Texas I do y 300 do ] Sterling, Illinois 550 do 550 Sterling, Kansas ) oqq do I Steubenville, Ohio 400 do 600 Stillwater, Minnesota ) do y 600 do ] Stevens' Point, Wisconsin 270 Stockton, California 940 do 960 Storm Lake, Iowa 270 Strasburgli, Virginia 100 Streator, Illinois ] .ca do J Stroudsburgh, Pennsylvania 180 Sturgis, Michigan ) ^^^ do j Suff'olk, Virginia 200 Suggsville, Alabama 50 Sullivan, Illinois ISO Sullivan, Indiana 100 Sunbury, Pennsylvania 120 Suspension Bridge, New York 900 do 660 Susanville, California 450 Swan Lake, Dakota 120 Swanton, Vermont 100 Sweetwater, Nevada 100 Sycamore, Illinois 180 Syracuse, New York 860 do 660 do 2,000 do 960 do 720 do 264 do ,600 do 1000 do 960 do 660 do 600 do 216 Talladega, Alabama 300 Tallahassee, Florida ) g^Q do j Tampa, Florida, 200 Tujx'lo, Mississi])pi 180 THp])ahannock, Virginia 120 Turl^orough, North Carolina 270 Turrytown, New York 250 Tarrytown, New York $ 250 Taunton, Massachusetts 658 do 266 do 940 do 336 Taylorsville, Tennessee 100 Tazewell Court-House, Virginia 200 Tazewell, Tennessee I do } 60 do ] Terminus, Idaho 500 Terrell, Texas 300 Terrene, Mississippi 100 Terre Haute, Indiana do do do do do do do do do do 6,100 Texarkana, Arkansas 600 The Dalles, Oregon 360 Thibodeaux, Louisiana 180 Tidioute, Pennsylvania 450 Tiffin, Ohio 1 do ::::;:;:;;:•;:;;;::;::::: '>''' do J Tilton, New Hampshire 150 Tionesta, Pennsylvania 50 Titusville, Pennsylvania 720 do 600 do 480 do 300 Tontogany, Ohio 180 Toquervillc, Utah 100 Toledo, Ohio 700 do do do do do do do do do do do do do 900 800 600 700 600 760 500 1,300 640 800 1,200 800 1,800 Topeka, Kansas 1,200 do 960 do 900 do 840 do 300 Towanda, Pennsylvania 720 Traverse City, Michigan | ^q do j Trenton, Louisiana 40 Trenton, Missouri ] oqo do I Trenton, New Jersey 705 do 620 BOOK v:.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 103 Trenton, New Jersey $1,025 do 825 do 500 do 720 do 925 Troy, New York 1,000 do 850 do 1,050 do 1,150 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,150 do 1,050 do 1,150 Troy^Ohio | q^q Truckee, California I 970 do I Tucson, Arizona ) g^^ do j Tullehoma, Tennessee 130 Turner, ()ro<j;on 100 Turuer, Illinois I -iqq do j Tuscola, Illinois 100 Tuscaloosa, Alabama ) o/-q do J Tuscumbia, Alabama 640 Two Rivers, Wisconsin 100 Tyler, Texas 180 Tyrone, Pennsylvania 450 Urichville, Ohio ) do [ 180 do j Ukiah, California 100 Union, South Carolina 200 Union, "West Virginia 50 Union City, Indiana 270 Union City, Tennessee 270 Uniontown, Pennsylvania 270 Upper Marlborough, Maryland 100 Urbana, Ohio 366 do 3G(; do 360 Utica. New York 900 do 000 do 1,140 do 900 do 600 do 660 do 840 do 600 Vallejo, California 800 Valparaiso, Indiana ) -^.^ Van Buren, Arkansas 275 Vancouver, Washington Ter 171 Vassar, Michigan \ ^on do ; 1^^ Vergennes, Vermont ) o„^ do I -'^' Vermillion, Dakota 200 Vevay, Indiana 200 Vicksburgh , Mississippi 1 do I 4740 do I *''^" do J Vicksburgh, Mississippi ^ :lo :;:::::::■• «v« do J Victoria, Texas 300 Vied(_'rsburiih, Indiana 100 Vienna, Illinois 100 Vincennes, Indiana 290 do 330 do 480 Vineland, New Jersey 1 t ::::::::::;;;;:;: 450 do J Virginia, Illinois 135 Virginia City, Nevada 1,500 do 1,050 do 1,050 Viroqua, Wisconsin 180 Wabasha, Minnesota 100 Wabash, Indiana 300 Waco, Texas 800 do 400 do 200 Wahoo, Nebraska 1,000 do 100 Walla Walla, Washington Ter.... ) do ... [ 400 do ....) Walnut Ridge, Arkansas 200 Waltham, Massachusetts 416 do 416 Wamego, Kansas 180 Warnock, Ohio, 100 Warren, Ohio 600 do 400 Warren, Pennsylvania 240 do 850 Warrensburgh, Missouri 360 Warrenton, Virginia 300 do 300 Warsaw, Illinois 260 Warsaw, Indiana 270 do 570 Warsaw, New York 360 do 360 Warsaw, Virginia 50 Warwick, New York 320 do 320 Waseca, Minnesota 300 Washington, Arkansas 100 Washhigton, Kansas 100 do 1I»0 do 10(» Washington, Louisiana 180 Washington, D. C 1,000 do 1,6(10 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 1,000 do 900 do 900 do 900 do 1,<"»<'0 do 0(X) do 800 do 900 104 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book VI. "Washington, D. do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do $ 7001 900 900 1,200 800 300 1,000 $ 900 900 , 450 , 800 1,100 , 800 1,100 , 1,400 , 900 , 800 800 , 1,400 , 1,100 , 700 , 900 , 800 , 720 , 1,200 . 1,400 . 1,400 . 900 , 1,100 . 800 . 900 . 1,300 . 1,100 . 900 . 1,000 . 900 . 700 . 700 . 900 . 600 . 700 . 1,100 . 1,500 . 900 . 1,000 . 1,000 . 600 . 800 . 900 . 900 . 1,000 . 900 . 900 . 1,000 . 1,000 . 1,200 . 900 . 700 . 1,000 . 900 . 900 . I,(i00 . 1,600 . 900 . 800 ,. 450 ,. 2,400 Washington, D. C 1,600 do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do 1,200 800 1,300 800 900 900 ■ 700 600 1,200 1,800 1,300 450 450 450 1,200 900 450 900 450 600 Washington, Pennsylvania Wasliington, Ohio 180 Waterbury, Connecticut 1,000 do 600 do 300 do 300 Waterford, Virginia 160 Waterloo, Iowa 900 do 480 do 240 Watertown, New York 1,080 do do do do 600 400 360 100 300 456 144 Waterto'wn, Wisconsin do do Waterville, Kansas 270 Watkins, New York 660 do 360 Watsontown, Pennsvlvania 50 Waverly, New York 192 do 540 Waverly, Iowa 1 ogA do j Waukau, Wisconsin 180 Waukegan, Illinois 540 Waupaca, Wisconsin 180 do 180 Waukesha, Wisconsin 300 do 600 do 300 Wautoma, Wisconsin 50 do 50 Waxahachie, Texas 150 Wayne, West Virginia 75 Waynesborough, Tennessee 40 Wayncsborough, Pennsylvania ) do y 500 do ] Webster City, Iowa 600 do 4nO Weldon, North Carolina 3(;0 Wells, Minnesota 100 \Vclliugton, Kansas 100 do 100 BOOK TI.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 105 Wellington, Kansas Wellington, Ohio do Wellsvilic, New York do Wenona, Illinois West Barnstable, Massachusetts.. Westborough, Massachusetts do West Chester, Pennsylvania do do Westerly, Rhode Island do Westfield, Massachusetts do West Grove, Pennsylvania West Meriden, Connecticut do do do Westminster, Maryland Weston, West Virginia West Plains, Missouri West Point, Georgia West Point, Nebraska West Union, Iowa Wetumpka, Alabama Weyauwega, Wisconsin Wheeling, West Virginia do do do do do do do do White River Junction, Vermont.. do do White Sulphur Springs, W. Va... White Swan, Dakota White Water, Wisconsin do do Wichita, Kansas do do do I Wilkes Barre, Pennsylvania do do do do Wilkesborough, North Carolina. Williamsburgh, Mississippi : WUliamsport, Pennsylvania do do do Willimantic, Connecticut do Willoughby , Ohio Wilmington, Delaware do do $100 400 300 3()0 150 600 75 300 300 1,500 750 1,000 300 1,600 300 180 150 270 150 180 270 100 800 600 700 1,200 900 900 900 780 1,104 390 180 100 270 1,700 2,400 145 50 658 658 654 230 270 100 940 800 920 Wilmington, Delaware ^900 do 840 do 1,.%0 Wilmington, North Carolina 480 do 600 do 960 do l,.^^tJO do 720 Wilmington, Ohio | , ^.a do I ^^^ Wilson, North Carolina 100 Wilton Junction, Iowa 180 Winchester, Virginia 6G0 do 840 Winchendon, Massachusetts ) o/>a do I ^^^ Winchester, Indiana I , ^^ do J ^^^ Windsor, Vermont 360 Windsor, Missouri 180 Winfield, Kansas 300 Winnebago City, Minnesota 200 Winnsborough, South Carolina... 180 Winona, Minnesota 1 do .■:.•:::•■.•;.■;;:::::: 2.4^ do J Winona, Mississippi 200 Wiusted, Connecticut ) do [ 200 do ] Winston, North Carolina 200 Winterset, Iowa 200 Wisuer, Nebraska | ,qq do I Wixom, Michigan 60 Wolf borough, New Hampshire... 200 Woonsocket, Rhode Island ) ^q do I Wooster, Ohio 1 g^ do I Worcester, Massachusetts 800 do 600 do 600 do 700 do 800 do 600 do 1,100 do 800 Worthington, Minnesota 100 Wyandotte, Kansas 540 Wytheville, Virginia 270 Xenia, Ohio 1 t ::::::;;:::::;;:;;::::::::;:: >.'»» do J Yadkinsville, North Carolina 60 Yankton, Dakota 1 •^o I 1,400 do do J Yellville, Arkansa.s 100 Yonkers, New York ) do \ 2,000 do ) York, Pennsylvania 1,100 106 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. York, Pennsylvania $500 do 400 York Road, Maryland 30 Youngstown, Ohio ^^ 1- 1,200 do ' ' do Ypsilanti, Michigan do y 900 do Yuma, Arizona 700 Zauesvme,Ohio 260 do 400 do 520 do 260 do 260 do 900 Letter Carriers. These are appointed, as are the clerks, on the recommendation of the Postmaster to the Postmaster-General. The influences are as a rule Congressional, and this in turn is frequently obtained with the aid of members of the State Legislature, and others having influence in their district. In large cities, those selected from the city, are dis- tributed among the wards, but their ap- pointment, as stated, is not confined to the city. Albany, N. Y., has fifteen carriers, seven receiving $736, two $735, one $775, two $546, one $641. Allegheny, Pa., has eleven carriers, nine at $736.25, two at $641.25. Atlanta, Ga., has six carriers, three at $736.25, two at $546.25, one $641.25. Baltimore, Md., has sixty -seven carriers, forty-eight receiving $831.25, two $400, seven $641.25, ten $736.25. Bangor, Me., has four carriers, each re- ceiving $736.25. Bloomington, 111., has six carriers receiving $736.25. Boston, Mass., has one hundred and fifty-seven carriers, one hundred and twenty-six receiving $831.25, nine $641.25, and twenty-two at $736.25. It has eight auxiliaries receiving $400. Brooklyn, N. Y., has ninety-three car- riers, seventy-four receiving $831.25, seven $736.25, twelve $641.25. BuOiilo, N. Y., has thirty-five carriers, twenty-seven receiving $831.25, three $736.25, five at $641.35. Burlington, Iowa, has six carriers, four receiving $736.25, two $641.25. Camden, N. J., has six carriers, receiv- ing $736.25. Charleston, S. C, has eight carriers, re- ceiving 736.25. Chicago, 111., has one hundred and fifty- eight carriers, one hundred and tliirty- three receiving $831.25, eleven $736.25, fourteen $<)41.25. Cincinnati, Ohio, has seventy-three car- riers, fifty-six receiving $831.25, seven $736.25, ten $641.35. Cleveland, Ohio, has thirty-four carriers, thirty receiving $831.25, one $736.25, three $641.25. Columbus, Ohio, has twelve carriers, re- ceiving $850. Covington, Ky., has five carriers, four receiving $736.25, one $546.25. Davenport, Iowa, has seven carriers, five receiving $736.25, two $546.25, one auxili- ary receiving $400. Dayton, Ohio, has twelve carriers, nine receiving $736.25, two $641.25, one $546.25. Des Moines, Iowa, has seven carriers, four receiving $736.25, three $641.25. Detroit, Mich., has thirty-one carriers, twenty-nine receiving $831.25, one $736.25, one $641.25. Dubuque, Iowa, has five carriers, three receiving $736.25, one $641.25, one $546.25. Easton, Pa., has six carriers, four re- ceiving $736.25, two $641.25. Elizabeth, N. J., has six carriers, receiv- ing $736.25. Elmira, N. Y., has seven carriers, six re- ceiving $736.25, one $400. Erie, Pa., has seven carriers, receiving $736.25. Evanville, Ind., has seven carriers, re- ceiving $736.25. Fall River, Mass., has six carriers, three receiving $736.25, two $546.25, one $641.25. Fort Wayne, Ind., has seven carriers, I five receiving $736.25, two $641.25. Grand Rapids, Mich., has eight car- riers, receiving $736.25. Harrisburg, Pa., has six carriers, four receiving $736.25 one $641.25, one $546.25. Hartford, Conn., has eleven carriers, seven receiving $736.25, three $546.25, one $641.25. Hoboken, N. J., has four carriers, three receiving $736.25, one $546.25. Indianapolis, Ind., has twenty-six car- riers, twenty-three receiving $736.25, one $641.25, one $556.25, one $546.25. Jersey City, N. J., has eighteen carriers, thirteen receiving $736.25, five $546.25. Kansas City, Mo., has eleven carriers, ten receiving $736.25, one $641.25. La Fayette, Ind., has five carriers, three receiving $736.25, two $546.25, one $546.25. Lancaster, Pa., has five carriers, receiv- ing $736.25. Lawrence, Mass., has eight carriers, re- ceiving $736.25. Leavenworth, Kans., has five carriers, two receiving $641.25, one $546.25, one $941.25, one $554.08. Louisville, Ky., has thirty carriers, twenty-nine receiving $831. 25, one $736.35. Lowell, ;\Iass., has ten carriers, eight re- ceiving $73(j.25, one $(i41.25, one $546.25. Lynn, Mass., has seven carriers, receiv- ing $736.25. Manchester, N. H. has five carriers^ re- *00K Tl.] A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 107 Manchester, N. H., has five carriers, re- ceiving $780.25, Memphis, Tcnn., has thirteen carriers eight receiving $78(j.25, five $540.25. Milwaukee, Wis., has twenty-six car- riers, twenty-three receiving $831.25, three $780.25. Minneapolis, Minn., has eleven carriers, receiving $850. Mobile, Ala., hsis six carriers, five re- ceiving $(>41.25, one $540.25. Nashville, Tenn., has ten carriers, seven receiving $780.25, two $081.25, one $540. Newark, N. J., has twenty-four carriers, twenty receiving $881.25, three $780.25, one $041.25. Bedford, Mass., has seven carriers, six receiving $780.25, one $540.25. New Haven, Conn., has sixteen carriers, fourteen receiving $730.25, two $546.25. New Orleans, La,, has forty-six carriers, forty-two receiving $881.25, one $730.25, three $041.25. New York, N. Y., has four hundred and three carriers, three hundred receiving $881.25, thirty-one $780.25, twenty-three $041.25, forty-eight $400, one $440, Norfolk, Va., has five carriers, four re- ceiving $780.25, one $540,25, Oakland, Cal,, has seven carriers, re- ceiving $540.25. Omaha, Neb., has six carriers, four re- ceiving $780.25, one $540.25, one $041.25. Oswego, N. Y., has seven carriers, re- ceiving $780.25. Paterson, N. J., has seven carriers, six receiving $780.25, one $540.25. Peoria, . 111., ^has eight carriers, receiv- ing $780.25. Petersburg, Va., has" five carriers re- ceiving $730.25. Philadelphia, Pa., has one hundred and ninety carriers, one hundred and twenty- nine receiving $831.25, sixteen $786.25, forty-five $041.25. Pittsburg, Pa., has thirty-four carriers, twenty-eight receiving $881.25, five $041.- 25, one $780.25. Portland, Me, has ten carriers receiving $780,25. Pottsville, Pa., has four carriers, receiv- ing $780.25. Poughkeepsie, N. Y., has six carriers, receiving $730.25. Providence, R. I., has twenty-one car- riers, nineteen receiving $831.25, two $641.25. Quincy, 111., has seven carriers, six re- ceiving .$780. 25, one $041.25. Reading, Pa., has eight carriers, six re- ceiving $780.25, two $540.25. Richmond, Va., has fifteen carriers, thirteen receiving $736.24, one $001.08, one $585.55. Rochester, N. Y., has twenty-two car- riers, eighteen receiving $730.25, three $641.25, one $540.25. St. Joseph, Mo., has seven carriers, six receiving $780.25, one $041.25, 8t. Louis, Mo., has one hundred and two carriers, eighty-seven receiving $831.- 25, seven $780.25, ten $041.25, eiglit $4U0. 8t. Paul, Minn., has ten carriers, seven receiving $780.25, two $041,25, one $540.25. Salem, Mass., has six carriers, four re- ceiving $730.25, one $041.25, one $.340.25, San Francisco, Cal., has fifty carriers, receiving $'.120.25, Savannah, Ga,, has six carriers, five re- ceiving $780.25, one $041.25. Springfield, 111., has five carriers, three receiving $730.25, one $041.25, one $540.25. Si)ringfield, M;iss., has eight carriers, six receiving $73().25, one $641. 25, one$->4<i.25. Syracuse, N. Y., has sixteen carriers, eleven receiving $730.25, three at $546.25, one at $041.25, one 541.25. Toledo, Ohio, has thirteen carriers, seven receiving $730.25, two at $041.25, one .$540.25. Trenton, N. J., has six carriers, four re- ceiving $730.25, one $641.25, one $540,25, Troy, N, Y., has fifteen carriers, thirteen receiving $730,25, one $041.25, one $546.25, Utica, N. Y., has twelve carriers, eleven receiving $736.25, one $041.25. Washington, D. C, has forty-three car- riers, twenty-nine receiving $1000, four- teen $800. Wheeling, W. Va., has six carriers, five receiving $730.25, one $540.25. Wilmington, Del,, has ten carriers, nine receiving $730.25, one $041,25, Worcester, Mass., has eleven carriers, nine receiving $786.25, one $641.25, one $546.25. Interior Department. This is a large Department, employing fully four thousand persons, nearly all ap- pointed by the Secretary of the Interior, on the recommendation, as a rule, of Sena- tors and Representatives. The l*rcsident, as in all other cases, actually selects or approves the appointees for the more im- portant positions, and he is reached by the same influences. Where special skill is required, less weight is attached to politi- cal influence, though few Federal er other offices are wholly independent of it, what- ever may be the profession of the parties in or out. It has ever been so, and it is not likely that there will be any material change, even under professions to enforce the civil service rules. In the Secretary's office of the Interior Department there are about 140 dlficei-s. The assistant secretary gets ."th.-^OO, chief clerk $2,500, chiefs of division $20(10, male clerks from $1,200 to $1.S(»0, one getting S2.250, male copyists $900. female copyists $yoO, messengers $900, assistant messengers 108 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book ti. $720, laborers $660, captain of watch ' §1000, watchmen §660, firemen $720. The Patent Office employs about 450 persons. The Commissioner of Patents receives $4,500, assistant $3000, chief clerk $2,250, three examiners-in-chief $3000, one examiner of interferences $2,500, twenty- two principal examiners $2,400 each, one examiner of trade-marks $2,400, financial clerk $2000, librarian $2000, twenty-two first assistant examinei-s $1,800 each, twenty-two second assistant examiners $1,600 each, twenty-two third assistant ex- aminers $1,400 each, two clerks $1,800, five clerks $1,600, eight clerks $1,400, thirty-two clerks at $1,200 each, twenty-two clerks $1,000, seventy-five female copyists at $900 each. Machinist $1,600 skilled draughtsmen $1,200 each, skilled laborer $1,200, nine model attendants $800 each, about ninety laborers almost equally divided as to sex, $660 each, fifteen male and female clerks employed on the Official Gazette from $480 to $1800, temporary draughtsmen, male and female, from $480 to $1000 each. In the Pension Oflice the Commissioner receives $3,600, chief clerk $2000. In the chief clerk's division there are seventeen male and female clerks, at salaries ranging from $1000 to $1800, the latter for males, the females $1,000 to $1400 ; fifteen copy- ists, all females, at $900 each, save one, who gets $840 ; engineers $1,200, assistant engineer $1,000, four messengers $840 each, seven assistant messengers $720 each, two watchmen $660 each, twelve laborers $660. There are several other divisions — the medical referee's, records and accounts, special service, invalid, widows', navy, old war and county-land division, arrears di- vision — all employing clerks, copyists, and messengers at the salaries given above. Commissioner receives $4,000, the higher male clerks $2,000, eight other male clerks at $1,800, twenty at $1,600, forty other male clerks at 1,400, about sixty other male clerks at $1,200, about seventy female copyists at $900 each, five assistant mes- sengers at $720, two packers at $720, eight laborers at $660. In the Washington office of Indian Af- fairs, the Commissioner receives $3000, chief clerk $2,000, about forty male clerks from $1,000 to $1,800, thirty female copy- ists at from $660 to $900, three inspectors $3,000 each, two special agents at large $2,000 each, one special agents $1,800, other ofiicers same as those quoted. Pension Agents. Boston, Mass $4,000 Canandaigua, N. Y 4,000 Chicago, 111 4,000 Columbus, Ohio 4,000 Concord, N. II 4,000 Des Moines, Iowa 4,000 Detroit, Mich 4,000 Indianapolis, Ind 4,000 Kiioxville, Teiin 4,000 Louisville, Kv 4,000 Milwaukee, Wis 4,(K)0 New York, N. Y 4,000 Philadelphia, Pa 4,000 Pittsburgh, Pa 4,000 Saint Louis, Mo 4,000 San Francisco, Cal 4,000 Washington, D. C 4,000 Cicncrnl I^niid Office. This is a branch of the Interior Depart- ment, employing about 200 persons. The Offices of United States Sm^eyors-General. DISTRICT OF ARIZONA. Survevor-General, Tucson, Ariz $2,750 Chief'Clerk, do 1,500 Draughtsman, do 1,500 Messenger, do 240 DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA. Surveyor-Gen'l, San Francisco, Cal. 2,750 Chief Clerk, San Francisco, Cal 2,000 Chief Draughtsman, do 2,000 Clerk of Accounts, do 1,800 Mineral Clerk, do 1,800 Ranch Clerk, do 1,800 Clerk of Correspondence, do 1,800 Translator in Archives, do 2,000 Draughtsmen, do 1,800 do do 1,800 do do 1,800 do do 1,800 do do 1,600 Clerks, do 1,200 do do 1,200 do do 1,000 do do 1,000 do do 1,000 do do 1,500 DISTRICT OF COLORADO. Svtrveyor-General, Denver, Col 2,750 ChiefClerk, do 1,800 Transcribing Clerks, do 1,500 do do p.d. 5 Mineral Clerk, do p.d. 5 Draughtsmen do 1,500 do do p.d. 5 do do p.d. 5 do do p.d.5 do do p.d. 6 do do p.d.6 Messenger, do 500 DISTRICT OF DAKOTA. Survcvor-Gcneral, Yankton, Dak... 2,000 Chief'Clerk, do ... 1,600 Chief Draughtsmen, do ...1,300 Transcribing Clerk, do ... 1,200 Minenil Clerk, do ... p.d.5 Messenger, do ... 600 BOOK VI.J A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. 109 DISTRICT OF FLORIDA. Surveyor-General, Tallahassee, Fla. 1,800 Chief Clerk do 1,400 Transcribing Clerk, Tallahassee, Fla. 0(JO Messenger, do 3G0 DISTRICT OF IDAHO. Surveyor-General, Bois^ City, Idaho 2,500 Chief Clerk, do 1,500 Draughtsmen, do p.m. 100 Messenger, do 600 DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA. Surveyor-General, New Orleans, La. 1,800 Chief Clerk, do 1,200 Chief Draughtsman and Clerk, do 1,000 Ass't Draughtsmen and Clerks, do 900 do do do 900 Messenger, do 420 DISTRICT OF MIN>rESOTA. Surveyor-General, Saint Paul, Minn. 2,000 Chief Clerk, do 1,500 Chief Draughtsmen, do 1,200 Transcribing Clerk, do 750 Messenger, do 620 DISTRICT OF MONTANA. Surveyor-General, Helena, Mont 2,750 Chief Clerk, do 1,800 Draughtsman, do 1,500 Mineral Clerk, do p.d. 5 Deputy Surveyors, Montana Ter. Contract. do do do do do do Deputy Marshal Surveyors do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do do Messenger, Helena, Mont 180 DISTRICT OF NEBRASKA. Survevor-General, Plattsmouth, Neb 2,000 Chief Clerk, do 1,500 Princii)al Draughtsman, do 1,200 Messenger, do 720 DISTRICT OF NEVADA. Surveyor-General, Virginia City Nev 2,500 Chief Clerk, do 1,800 Draughtsman, do 1,500 Messenger, do 480 DISTRICT OF NEW MEXICO. Survevor-General, Santa F€, N. Mex 2,500 Translator and Chief Clerk, do 2,00(> Draughtsman, do 1,500 Clerks, do 1,600 do do 1,500 Messenger, do 360 Deputy Mineral Surveyors do do Silver City N. M do LagunaPeublo, do (*) • Surveyor's ftee. t) t (t) !^) (t) (t) 2,500 1,800 1,400 1,200 600 Contracting Deputy Sur. N. IMex. Ter. do do do do do do do do do do do do DISTRICT OF OREGON. Surveyor-General, Portland, Oreg. Chief Clerk, do Draughtsman, do Transcribing Clerk, do Messenger, do DISTRICT OF UTAH. Surveyor-Gen., Salt Lake City, Utan 2,750 Chief Clerk, do 1,800 ('hief Draughtsman, do 1,500 Mineral Draughtsmen, do p.d. 4.50 do do p.d. 4.00 Transcribing Clerk, do p.d. 4.00 Messenger, do 120 DISTRICT OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY. Survevor General, Olympia, Wash... 2,500 Chief Clerk, do ... 1,500 Draughtsman, do ... 1,300 Transcribing Clerk, do ... 1,200 Messenger, do ... 600 DISTRICT OF WYOMING. Surveyor-General, Cheyenne, Wyo... 2,750 Chief Clerk, do ... 1,800 Transcribing Clerk, do ... 1,400 Messenger, do ... 600 Registers of United States Land Offices. [Salaries of registers ^>00 per annnm, jrilh fees and com- missions us preKcrihed by law ; the total of salaries, fees, And commissions not to exceed ?;J,UOU per aHJium.J , Hunts villa, Alabama. Montgomery, do Little Rock, Arkansas. Camden, do Harrison, do Dardanelle, do Prescott, Arizona. Florence, do San Francisco, California. INIarysville, do Humboldt, do Stockton, do Visalia, do Los Angeles, do Sacramento, do Shasta, do Susanville, do Bodie, do Denver City, Colorado. Leadville, do Central City, do Pueblo, do Del Norte, do Lake City, do Sioux Falls, Dakota. t Ckmtract rates. 110 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book T1. Springfield, Dakota. Fargo, do Yankton, do Bismarck, do Deadwood, do Gainesville, Florida. Boise City, Idaho. Lewiston, do Oxford, do Des Moines, Iowa. Topeka, Kansas. Salina, Kansas, Independence, Kansas. Wichita, do Kirwin, do Concordia, do Larned, do Wa-Keeney, do New Orleans, Louisiana. Natchitoches, do Detroit, Michigan. East Saginaw, Michigan. Eeed City, do Marquette, do Taylor's Falls, Minnesota. Saint Cloud, do Duluth, do Fergus Falls, do Worthington, do New Ulm, do Benson, do Crookston, do Eedwood Falls, do Jackson, Mississippi. Boonville, Missouri. Ironton, do Springfield, do Helena, Montana. Bozeman, do Norfolk, Nebraska. Beatrice, do Lincoln, do Niobrara, do Grand Island, Nebraska. North Platte, do Bloomington, do Carson, City, Nevada. Eureka, do Santa F^, New Mexico. I^a jNIesilla, do Oregon City, Oregon. Roseburg, do La Grancl, do Lakeview, do The Dalles, do Salt Lake City, Utah. Olympia, Washington Territory. Vancouver, do Walla-Walla, do Colfax, do Mcnasha, Wisconsin. Falls of Saint Croix,"Wisconsin. Wansau, do La Crosse, do P.ayfieUl, do Eiiu Claire, do Cheyenne and Evanston, Wyoming. Receivers of Public Moneys at Vulted States Laud Offices. [Salaries of receivers $500 per annum, loith fees and coin- missions as jtrescrilied by law ; the total of salary, fees, and commissio)is not to exceed $3,000 ^er annum.] Huntsville, Alabama. Montgomery, do Little Rock, Arkansas. Camden, do Harrison, do Dardanelle, do Prescott, Arizona. Florence, Arizona. San Francisco, California. Marysville, do Humboldt, do Stockton, do Visalia, do Sacramento, do Los Angeles, do Shasta, do Susanville, do Bo die, do Denver City, Colorado. Leadville, do Central City, do Pueblo, do Del Norte, do Lake City, do Sioux Falls, Dakota. Springfield, do Fargo, do Yankton, do Bismarck, do Deadwood, do Gainesville, Florida. Bois^ City, Idaho. Lewiston, do Oxford, do Des Moines, Iowa. Topeka, Kansas. Salina, do Independence, Kansas. Wichita, do Kirwin, Kansas, Concordia, do Larned, do Wa-Keeney, Kansas. New Orleans, Louisiana. Natchitoches, do Detroit, Mich. Eiist Saginaw, Michigan Reed City, do INIarquettc, do Taylor's Falls, Minnesota. Saint Cloud, do Duluth, do Fergus Falls, do Worthington, do New Ulm, do Benson, do Crookston, do Rcclwood Falls, do Jackson, Mississippi. I'xioiiville, I\Iissouri. Ironton, do S|iringlicld, do Helena, JMontana. BOOK TI.j A FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. Ill Bozeraan, Montana. Norfolk, Nebraska. Beatrice, do Lincoln, do Nioljrara, do Grand Island, Nebraska. North Platte, do Bloomins>;ton, do Carson City, Nevada Eureka, do Santa F4, New Mexico. La Mesilla, do Oregon City, Oregon. Roseburg, do La Grand, do Lakcview, do The Dalles, do Salt Lake City, Utah. Olynipia, Washington Territory. Vancouver, do Walla-Walla, do Colfax, do Menasha, Wisconsin. Falls of Saint Croix, Wisconsin. Wausau, do La Crosse, do Bavfield, do Eau Claire, do Cheyenne, Wyoming. Evanston, do Indian Agencies. Indian Agents are appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Secretary of the Interior, and the latter selects on the Agent's recommendation his physicians, engineers, storekeepers, farm- ers, clerks, interpreters, police, blacksmiths, teamsters, teachers, herders, cooks, adobe- moulders, captains of police, sergeants of police, privates of police, mail carriers, millers and sawyers, carpenters, harness makers, apprentices, and laborers. The Agents get from $720 to $1,500, according to the importance of the agency; the phy- sicians 1,200, engineers $900, farmers $900 to $1,000, clerks $900, adobe-moulders $1 per day, captains of police $8 per month, sergeants of police $5 per month, privates of police $5 per month (small pay, surely, but they are otherwise employed or select- ed from the Indians) cooks $360 a year, blacksmith $1,000 down to $800, butcher $40 per month, mail carriers from $300 to $500, miller and sawver $840, carpenters $700, teachers $720, herders $600, clerks $50 per month, teamsters $480, etc. There are agencies in all the Territories, where- ever there are tribes of Indians on reserva- tions. commissioner receives $3,000, chief clerk $1,800, statistician $1,800, translator $l,(iMO, male and female clerks from $900 to $1,600, male and female collectors of statistics from $360 to $2,400. The office of the Auditor of Railroad Accounts employs about sixty persons, male and female. The Auditor receives $5,000, the book-keeper $2,4<J0, assistant $2,000, male and female clerks and cojjy- ists from $720 to $1,800, ten special ageuta of statistics $6 per day each. Tbe Territories. ' ARIZONA. Governor, Prescott $2,600 Secretary, Prescott 1,800 DAKOTA. Governor, Yankton 2,600 Secretary, Yankton 1,800 IDAHO. Governor, Bois^ City 2,600 Secretary, Bois6 City 1,800 MONTANA. Governor, Helena 2,600 Secretary, Helena 1,800 NEW MEXICO. Governor, Santa F^ 2,600 Secretary, Santa F^ 1,800 UTAH. Governor, Salt Lake City 2,600 Secretary, Salt Lake City 1,800 WASHINGTON. Governor, Olympia 2,600 Secretary, Olympia 1,800 WYOMING. Governor, Cheyenne 2,600 Secretary, Cheyenne 1,800 Both the Governors and Secretaries of the Territories are appointed by the Pre- sident, usually on the recommendation of Congressional delegations. Bnrean of Education. This is a branch of the Interior Depart- ment employing twenty-two persons. The Department of Justice. Tlie Attorney General is in charge here, in the Washington Department cmjiloys less than 100 persons. His next in rank, the Solicitor General, gets a salary of $7,000, two Assistant Attorneys (Jeneral $5,000 each, the chief clerk $2,200, law clerk and examiner of titles $2,700, steno- graphic clerk $1,800, twcntv-two other clerks from $1,200 to $2,000, telegraphic operator $1,000, copyists $900, messenger $840, assistant messengers $720, watchmen $720, laborers $660. 112 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vi_ Three assistants to the Attorney General in the preparation of cases for "the Court of Claims get 83,000 each, the Solicitor of the Treasury $4,500, Assistant Solicitor §3,000, Assistant Attorney General in the Department of the Interior $5,000, Solici- tor of Internal Revenue $4,500, Examiner of Claims $3,500, Assistant Attorney General in the Post Office Department $4,500. All of these leading places are appointed by the President ; the others on the recommendation of the Attorney General. Besides the above there are many persons employed in the Govern- ment Hospital for 'the Insane, the Freed- men's Hospital, the Columbia Hospital for Women and Lying-in Asylum, the United States Capitol, Extension and Improve- ment of Grounds, the various Surveys of the Territories, the Entomological Com- mission, National Museum, Department of Justice, Commissioners of Deeds for Dis- trict of Columbia, Reform School, United States Jail and Government Printing Office, all in the District of Columbia, but selections are made from any part of the Union, the chiefs appointing minor officers, or workmen or worlcwomen on the recom- mendation of the President, Cabinet, De- partment officers, or Congressmen. Selec- tions are of course made with a view to fitness, and the pay except for higher posi- tions is by the month or day — good of course, for the United States Government is liberal to its employees. Department of Agriculture Employs about 80 persons. Commis- sioner $3,000, male and female clerks from $900 to $1,800, female copyists $720 to $1,000, mechanics $720, laborers $660, niale and female employees in seed division from $1.25 per day to $1,000 a year, em- ployees in experimental garden from $1 per day to $900 a year. National Board of Health, Located at Washington, President, mem- bers of the Board and Sanitary Inspectors $10 per day clerks same as in Depart- ments. from 23 to 40 cents per hour, or by piece- work, the Washington Union rates. The Public Printer gets $3,600, chief clerk $2,000, other clerks from 1,200 to $1,800, foreman of printing $2,100, assistants $5.75 per day, compositors, etc., piecework. Government of the District of Colnmbia. The District of Columbia is govered by Congress, the chief officers being three Commissioners, two at $5,000 each, the other his rank in the army, from which he is selected. The appointees are all from the District, at least they credit themselves there after appointment. About 300 Metropolitan Police get from $75 a month to $1,000 a year. Government Printing Office and Bindery Employs about 1,600 persons, mostly skilled at printing or binding, and these are paid Judicial. Among the first pages of this book we have given the United States Circuit Judges with their salaries. The Attorney General, usually on the recommendation of these have the appointment of many Com- missioners and other officers in their re- spective States and Territories, all of whom are paid by fees. They are usually attor- neys at the points where the duties are performed. . The Circuit Judges get $6,000 a year. District Judges $3,500, the United States District Attorneys $200 a month and fees, which are usually heavy ; Mar- shals $200 a month and fees. All of these leading officers are appointed by the Pre- sident and subject to confirmation by the United States Senate. We have thus completed a careful sum- mary of the L^nited States Official Register, and shown the influences by which Fede- ral offices are obtained, by whom appointed, etc. Of course, only rules can be given, and applicants will in many cases have to depend on their own command of facilities for acquiring the needed attention and in- fluence. Any action under the civil ser- vice rules has been so spasmodic that it would be misleading to attempt to point out where examinations are requisite, if indeed they are now requisite anywhere. Proof of fitness through letters and Con- gressional recommendations are honored, while the civil service rules are " more honored in the breach than the observ- AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK VII. TABULATED HISTORY OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT. AMERICAN POLITICS. BOOK VII. TABULATED HISTORY OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT. FROM OFFICIAL SOURCES. STATEMENT of OntMaiidiii;; Principal of tlie Public Debt of tine TJnlt«d States on tUe 1st of January of cacti year from 1791 to 1843, Inclusive, aud on tlie 1st of July of eacli year from 1844 to 1881, inclusive. Year. Jan. 1, 1791 17'J2 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 Amount. 77, 80. 78, 80, 83, 82. 79, 78, 82, 83, 80. 77. 86, 82. 75. 69, 65. 67, 53. 48, 45, 55, 81. 99, 127, 123 103, 95, 91, 89, 93. 90. 90, 83 81 73 67 58 48 39 24 7 4 463,476 227,924 ,352,634 427,404 ,747,587 ,762,172 064,479 ,228,529 ,408,669 ,976,294 .038,050 712,032 ,054,686 427,120 312,150 ,7-J3,270 ,218,398 ,196,317 .023,192 ,173,217 .005,587 ,209,737 ,962,827 ,487,846 ,833,660 ,334,933 ,491,965 466,633 ,529,648 015,506 ,987,427 ,546,676 ,875,877 ,269,777 ,788.432 ,054,059, ,987,357 ,475.043 ,421,413 ,505,40ij ,123,191 ,322,235 ,001,698 ,700,082 37,733 37,513 Year. Jan. July 1, 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 1843 1, 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 Amount. 336, 3,308, 10,434 3,573, 5,250 13,594 20,601 32,742 23,461 15,925 15,550 38,826 47,044 63,061 63,452 68,304 66,199 59.803 42,242 35,586 31,972 28,699 44,911 68,496 64,842 90,580 624,176 ,119,772 ,815,784, ,680,647, ,773,236, ,678,126, ,611,687, ,588.452, ,480,672, ,353,211, ,253,251. ,234,482, ,251,69(t, ,232,284, ,180,395' ,205,301, ,25'-i.2i5, ,349,567, ,120,415, ,069,013, 957 83 124 07 221 14 343 82 875 54 480 73 226 28 922 00 652 50 303 01 202 97 534 77 802 23 ,858 69 ,773 55 ,796 02 .341 71 ,117 70 ,222 42 ,956 56 ,537 90 ,831 85 ,881 03 ,837 88 .287 88 ,873 72 ,412 13 ,138 63 ,370 57 ,869 74 ,173 69 ,103 87 ,851 19 ,213 94 ,427 81 ,332 32 .328 78 ,993 20 ,468 43 ,.-.31 95 067 15 :VX2 10 892 53 482 04 370 63 569 58 * In the ftmount here stated as the outstanding principal of the public debt are inelnded the eertifi- cate.s of dcpo.'sit outstanding on the 3()th'of June, issued under ad of June 8, 1KT2, forwt.ieh a like amount in United States note.s was on special deposit in the Treasuiy for their redemption, and added to t le cash balance in the Treasury. Tliese certificates, as a matter of accounts, are treated as a part ol the public debt, but, being otfsetby notes held on deposit f-r their rniiemption, should properly bo deducted from the principal of the public debt in making comparison with former years. 68 3 STATEBIEXT of Receipts of tTnited States from March 4, 1789, to June 30, 1881, Year. I Bal. in Treasury Customs. Internal revenue. Direct tax. Public lands. Miscellaneoas. 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 182S 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 183^ 1831 1835 183G 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 1843* 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 185G 1857 1858 ia59 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 18C6 18r.6 1807 1868 18C9 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1870 1877 1878 187!) 1880 1881 $973,905 75 783,444 51 753,661 69 1,151,924 17 516,442 61 8£8,995 42 1.021,899 04 617,451 43 2,161,867 77 2,62j,311 99 3,295,391 00 5,020,697 64 4,825,811 60 4,037,<y)5 26 3.999,388 99 4,538,123 80 9,643,850 9,941.809 96 3,848,056 78 2,672,276 57 3,502,305 80 3,862,217 41 5,196,.542 00 1,727,848 63 13,106,592 88 22,033,519 19 14,989,405 48 1.478,526 74 2,079,992 38 1,198,401 21 1,681,592 24 4,237,427 55 9,463,922 81 1,946,,597 13 6,201,650 43 6,358,686 18 6,668,286 10 5,972,435 81 5,755,704 79 6,014,.539 75 4,602,914 45 2,011.777 55 11,702,905 31 8,892,858 42 26.749,803 96 46,708,436 00 37,327,252 69 36,891,196 94 33,157,503 68 29,963,163 46 28,685,111 08 30,521 979 44 39,186,284 74 36,742,829 62 30,194,274 81 38,v?61,959 65 33,079,276 43 29,416,012 45 32,827,082 69 35.871,7.53 31 40,158.353 25 43,.338,800 02 50,261,901 09 48,.591.073 41 47,777,072 13 49,108,229 80 4r,.802,855 00 35,113,.'S34 22 33,103,248 60 32,979,5:^0 78 30,963,857 83 46.905,304 87 .30,523,1 p.jr, 13 134,433,738 41 33,9:i3,0.-)7 89 160,817,099 73 198.076, 158.930, 18.3,781. 177,004, 138,019, 134,006. 159,2113. 178,833, n2,8fH, 149,909, 214.887, 28B,.'i9l, 380,8,32, 231,910, ,537 09 ,082 87 ,985 76 ,116 61 ,122 15 ,<m 85 073 41 ,339 54 ,001 32 ,377 21 ,045 88 4.53 88 588 06 HA 44 §4,399,473 09 3.443,070 85 4,255,306 56 4,801,005 28 5,588,461 26 6,567,987 94 7,549,049 65 7,106,001 93 6,610,449 31 9,080,932 73 10,750,778 93 12,438,235 74 10,479,417 61 11,098,565 33 12.936,487 04 14,667,098 17 16,845,521 61 16,363,550 58 7,257,506 62 8,583,309 31 13,313.222 73 8,958,777 53 13,224,623 25 5,998,772 08 7,282,042 22 36,300,874 88 26,283,348 49 17,170,385 00 20,283,608 76 1.5,005,612 15 13,004,447 15 17,589,761 94 19,1188,433 44 17,878..S25 71 20,098,713 45 23,341,331 77 19,712,283 29 23,205,523 64 22,681,905 91 21,922,391 39 24,224,441 77 28,405,237 24 29,032,508 91 16,214,957 15 19,391,310 59 23,409,940 53 11,169,290 39 10,158,800 36 23,1.37,924 81 13,499,.502 17 14,487,216 18,187,908 76 7,046 843 91 26,183,570 94 27,.528,112 70 20,712,607 87 23.747.804 66 31,757.070 96 28,346,738 82 39,608,086 42 49,017,567 92 47,339,326 62 58.931.805 52 64,224,190 27 53,025,794 21 64,022,863 50 63,875,905 05 41,789.020 96 49,505,824 38 53,187,511 87 39,582,125 64 49,050,397 62 69,O.')9,042 40 102,310, !.■.■_' 99 84,928,200 00 179,046 051 58 176,417,810 88 164,464, 180,048, 194.538 200.,27<l, 210,370, 188,0H<), lfl-'„103, l.'.7,107 14.S071, 13O.'l"i0, 1.30,170, 137,J.5<l, 18i-.,522, 198,159,1 ,599 56 ,426 03 .374 44 ,408 05 ,280 77 ,522 70 ,833 09 722 35 ,98 4 01 ,493 07 ,0HO 20 ,0-17 70 004 60 076 02 $208,942 337,705 274,089 337,755 475,289 575,491 644,357 779,136 809,396 1,048,033 621,898 215,179 50,941 21,747 20,101 13,051 8,190 4,034 7,430 2,295 4.903 4,755 1,662,984 4,678,059 5,124,708 2,678,100 955,270 229,593 106,200 69,027 67,665 34.242 34,663 25,771 21,589 19,885 17,451 14.502 12,160 6,933 11,030 2,7.^9 4,196 10,459 370 5,493 2,407 2,553 1,682 3,261 495 103 1,777 3,517 2,897 375 375 37,040,787 95 109,741,1.34 10 209,404,215 25 309,220,813 42 266,027,537 43 191 158, 184 143 1.30 11.3, 102, 110, 110, 118, 110, 11.3, 124, 135, 589 41 460 86 756 49 !.53 03 177 72 314 14 784 90 ■19.3 58 732 03 107 83 024 74 OKI 68 373 92 J85 61 8734,223 97 634.343 38 206,565 44 71,879 20 60,198 44 21,882 91 55,763 86 34,732 66 19,159 21 7,517 31 12,448 68 7,606 66 859 22 3,805 52 2,219,497 36 2,162 673 41 4,253,635 09 1,834,187 04 264,333 36 83,650 78 31,.586 82 29,349 05 20,901 56 10,337 71 6,201 96 2,330 85 6,638 76 2,626 90 2,218 81 11,335 05 16,980 .59 10,.506 01 6,791 13 394 12 19 80 4,263 33 728 1,687 70 755 22 1,795,3.31 73 1,485,103 61 475,048 96 1,200,573 03 1,974,754 12 4,200,233 70 1,788,145 85 765.685 61 220,102 88 580,355 .37 315,254 51 93,798 80 30 86 1,516 89 $4,836 13 83,.t40 60 11,963 11 167 188, 165. 481 54< 765 466, 647, 442: 696, 1,040, 710, 835, 1,135, 1,28' 1.717 1,991 2,606. 3,274 1,635 1,212. 1,803 916 984 1,210 1,393 1,495 1,018 1,517 2,329 3,210. 2,623 3,907 4,857, 14,75' 24,877 6,776 3,730, 7,361 3,411 1,365 1,335, 898, 2,059, 2,077 2,694 2,498 3,328 1,088, 1,859, 2,352 2,043, 1,667, 8,470, 11,497: 8,917, 3,829, 3,513, 1,756. 1,778. 870, 152, 107. 588, 996. 665; 1,163, 443 75 ,726 06 ,628 02 ,675 69 ,520 79 ,193 80 ,245 73 1,163 27 ,939 06 :,252 33 ,548 8 1,237 53 ',427 78 ,655 14 ,971 09 ,9-59 28 .985 03 ,226 06 564 77 ,422 78 ,871 61 ,966 46 .581 54 ,523 10 418 15 ,090 56 ,785 09 ,845 26 ,308 75 ,175 13 356 14 ,815 48 ,381 03 ,682 55 ,600 69 ,600 75 ,179 86 ,236 52 ,946 66 ,576 40 ,818 63 ,627 42 ,797 52 158 18 939 80 ,022 30 ,452 48 355 20 ,042 56 ,959 55 ,894 25 ,305 30 ,2,39 58 ,084 99 ,798 89 ,049 07 ,644 93 ,486 64 715 87 687 30 557 71 058 54 203 77 017 17 3.33 29 5.53 31 031 03 675 76 1,348,715 41 4,020,344 34 3,3.50,481 76 2,388,046 68 2.575,714 19 2.882,312 38 1,852,428 93 1,413,640 17 1,129 460 95 970,253 08 1,079,743 37 924,781 06 l,O10,.5O0 60 2,201,803 17 4,637,123,102 42 2.807,357,300 28 27,650,273 47 207,760,182 58 * For the half-year from January 1, to June 30, 1843. by calendar years to 1843 and by flscal years (ended Jnne 30) ft-om tbat time. Year. Dividends. ^^Jleeefp"^^ Interest. Premiums, l^;;;;^]^^^^^ Gro.e receipte. lUnavail'ble $8,028 00 38,500 00 30:j,472 (10 100,000 00 IfiO.lHK) (10 80,'JOO 00 7;i,;i'-'o 00 71,0-1(1 7i,(i'M» (10 88, Ml 10 00 SO.'JOO 00 202,420 .30 52.^,ooo 00 075.(100 00 1,000,000 00 105,000 00 2!I7,500 00 350,000 tK) 350,000 00 3(17,500 00 402,500 00 420,000 00 455,000 00 4!)O,00O 00 4no,ooo 00 4')0,(H»0 00 4!)( 1,000 00 47t,n85 00 234,349 50 500,480 82 202,674 67 $4,409,951 1!) 3,(ir,9,;i(;o 31 4,052,923 14 5,431 904 87 0,111,534 .59 8,377,529 05 8,088,780 99 7,900,495 80 7..540,813 31 10,S4M,749 10 ]2,9:;5,:;30 95 14,995,793 95 11.064,(i:i7 03 ll,82i;,:!07 3S 13,5(:o,093 2(1 15,559,931 07 1K,.39H,019 20 17,000,001 9.3 7,773,473 12 9 384.214 2K 14,422,034 09 9,801,1:12 70 14,.340,109 95 11,181,(;25 16 15,(19C.,91(! 82 47,(".7('.,9S5 nc, 33,099,049 74 21,.585,171 04 24.003,374 37 17,840,009 55 14,.573,379 72 20,2.32,427 94 2O,.54O,00O 2(1 19,381,212 79 21,840,858 02 25,200,434 21 22,960,303 90 24,703,629 23 24,827,627 38 24,844,116 51 28,.520,820 82 31,867,450 00 .33.948,420 25 21,791,935 .55 35,4.30,087 10 60,820,796 08 24,054,153 04 20,302.501 74 31,482,749 (11 19,480,115 .33 16,8()O,100 27 19,970,197 25 1 8,231,001 20' 29,320,707 78 29,970,105 80 29,09:1,9(17 74i 20,407,403 lo! 35.608,690 21 1 30,721,077 50, 43,592,888 88 52,555,030 33 ^ 49,840,815 60| 61, .587,0.31 68 73,800,341 40 ! 65,350,,574 08 74,056,099 241 68,905,312 57 1 40,655,365 90 52,777,107 92 56,0.54,.590 83 41,476.209 49 51,919,201 00 112,094,946 .51 243,412,971 20 322,031,1.58 19 519,949,564 38 462,846,079 92 $4,800 00 42,800 00 78,675 00 10,125 00 300 00 85 79 n,.541 74 68,605 16 267,819 14 412 62 376, 357, 305, 374, 364, 322, 209, 284. 290, 281, 257, 272, 333, 360, 453 82 256 09 833 87 ,104 94 ,229 91 ,673 78 ,090 84 ,771 41 .584 70 642 00 ,776 40 ,136 83 500 98 ,292 57 32,107 64 086 09 40,000 00 71,700 83 606 60 28,305 91 37,080 00 487,065 48 10,550 00 4,264 92 22 50 700,357 72 10,008 00 33,630 90 68,400 00 602,.345 44 21,174,101 01 ll,r)83,440 89 38,083,055 08 27,787,330 35 629 50 491 12 ,043 76 839 96 0.37 65 530 89 605 22 279 69 ,2,S0 58 ,770 58 ,102 30 ,047 63 110 00 $.361,391 34 5,1 ((2,498 45 1,797,272 01 4.007,950 78 3,396.424 00 320,(WO 00 70,000 (JO 200 000 00 6,00(),o(K) 00 1,565,229 24 2,750,000 00 12,837,900 00 26,184,135 00 2,3,377,820 00 35,220,671 40 9,425,084 91 460,723 45 8,353 00 2.291 00 3,000,824 13 5,000,;!24 00 5,000,000 00 6,000,000 00 2,992,989 16 12,716,820 86 3,8.57,276 21 6,589,547 51 13,659,317 38 14,808,735 64 12,479,708 36 1,877,181 35 28,872, 21,2.56, 28,588, 4,045. 203. 40, 16. 2. 3 23,717 28,287, 20,770, 41,861 529,692, 77().082, 1,128,873, 1,472,224 712,851 640,426, ,399 45 ,700 00 ,7.50 00 ,950 00 ,400 00 ,300 00 ,350 00 ,fK)l 67 800 00 200 00 ,900 00 ,300 00 ,500 00 .800 00 ,709 74 ,460 50 ,361 57 ,945 36 ,740 85 ,553 05 ,910 29 62.5,111, 238,678, 285,474, 268.768, 3a5,047. 214,931, 4.39,272. 387,971. ,397,455, 34S,871, 404,881. 792,807, 211,814, 113,760. ,433 20 ,081 06 ,496 00 ,523 47 054 00 ,017 00 535 46 ,556 OO ,.808 00 ,740 (H) ,201 00 ,043 00 ,103 00 ,534 00 84,771,342 8,772,458 6,4.50,195 9,439,K.-,5 9,515,758 8,740,329 8,768,780 8,179,170 12.546,813 12,413,978 12.945.-1.55 14,995.793 11,004.007 11,826,307 13,560,693 15,.5.59,931 16,39.S,019 17 0(10,(161 7,773,473 12,1.34,214 14,422,034 22,639,032 40,524,844 34.559,530 60,961,237 67,171,421 33,8.33,592 21,593.936 24.605,665 20,881,493 19,573,703 20,232,427 20,540,606 24,381,212 20,840,858 25,260,434 22,966,363 24,763.629 24,827,627 24.844,116 28.526,820 31,867,4.50 33,948,426 21,791,935 35,430,087 60,826,796 27,947,142 39,019,382 35,340,025 25,069,662 30,510,477 31,784,932 20,782,410 31,198,556 29,970,106 29,099,967 55,368,168 56,992,479 60,796,892 47,649,388 52,762,704 40,803,115 61,603,404 73,802,343 65,351,374 74,056,899 68,969,212 70,372,065 81,773,965 76,841,407 83,371,640 581,680,121 889,379,652 1,393,461,017 1,805,939,345 1,278,884,173 1,131,060,920 60 $1,889 60 1,030, 609, 696, 662; 679, 548, 744, 675, 691 630. 662. 1,066, ^45 474 ,749,516 62 621,828 27 ,720,973 63 092,468 30 153.921 56 ,669,221 07 251,201 62 971,607 10 551,673 28 ,278,167 58 345,079 70 ,834,827 40 340,713 98 ,.532.826 57 63,288 35 ,458,782 93 37,469 25 11,188 00 28,251 90 36,060 06 103,301 37 15,408 34 11,110 81 6,000 01 9,210 40 6,095 11 172,094 29 721,827 93 2,675.018 19 ' *2,076 73 ♦3,396 18 *1 8,228 3.5 *3,o47 80 12,601 49 89,720,136 29| 8,128,200,272 04 48,5,224 45 204,259,220 83 10,711,044,241 84 19,043,988,959 16 2,661,866 63 • Amounts before credited to the Treasurer as unavailable, and since recovered and charged to him. 5 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. STATEMXINT of Expenditures of United States from Marcli 4, 1796, to June 30, 1S81, Year. War. Navy. Indians. Pensions. Miscellaneous. 1791., 1792.. 1793.. 1794.. 1705.. 1796.. 1797.. 1798.. 1799.. 1800.. 1801.. 1802.. 1803.. 1804.. 1805 . 1306.. 1807.. 1S08.. 1809.. 1810.. 1811.. 1812 . 1813. 1814.. 1815... 1816.. 1817... 1818.. 1819... 1820.. 1821... 1822... 1823... 1824... 1S25 .. 1826 .. 1827... 1828... 1829 .. 1830... 1831... 1832... 1833... 1834 .. 1835... 1836... 1837... 1838 .. 18,39... 1840... 1841... 1842... 1843... 1844.. 1845... 1846... 1817... 1848... 1849 .. 18.50... 1851 .. 1852... 1853..., 1854... 1855 .. 18.56.... 1857.... 18.58 ... 18.59.... I860.... ISfil.... 18G2.... 1863.... 1804... 1865 ... 1866... 18fi7.... 1868 ... 1869... 1870 ... 1871.... 1872... 1873... 1874... 1875.... 1876.... 1877.... 1878.... 1879 ... 1880.... 1881 ... S032 804 03 1,100,702 09 1,130,249 08 2,630,097 59 2,480,910 13 1,2(10,263 84 1,039,402 46 2,009,522 30 2,466,946 98 2,560,878 77 1,072,944 08 1,170,148 25 822,055 85 875,423 93 712,781 28 1,224,355 38 1,288,085 91 2.900.834 40 3,345,772 17 2,294.323 94 2,032,828 19 11,817,798 24 19,652,013 02 20,350,806 86 14,794,294 22 16,012,096 80 8,004,236 53 6,622,715 10 6,506,300 37 2,630,392 31 4,461,291 78 3,111,981 48 3,096,921 43 3,340,939 85 3,6.59,914 18 3,943,194 37 3,918,977 88 4,145,544 5(5 4,724,291 07 4,7«7,128 88 4.841.835 5- 5,146,034 88 6,704,019 10 5,096,189 38 5,7'i9,156 89 11,717,345 25 13,082,7.30 80 12,897,224 16 8,910,995 80 7,095,267 23 8,.S01,6lo 24 6,';iO,438 02 2,908,071 95 5,218,183 66 5,716,291 28 10,413,:i70 5S 35,S 10,030 .33 27,688,334 21 14,558,473 26 9,687,024 58 12,161,965 11 8,.52l,.5')6 19 9,!) 10 -198 4 11,7J2,'.'S2 HI 14,i;l8,o7.1 07 16,963,160 51 ]9,l.VJ,l.'-,0 87 25,679,121 6.3 23,154,720 53 l(vl72,202 72 2:i,"01,.5:iO (-,7 389,i;3,.S62 29 603,314,411 82 69l):!91,018 66 1,03(I,C,;)0,41M) OO 283, 1,54. •176 01 95,224,415 63 123,246,648 62 78,501,990 61 67,6,55,1175 4(1 3.5,799,001 8; 35,372,157 20 46,323, l.i8 31 4 ',313 927 22 41,l20,fVJ5 08 .38,070.HMS 04 37,082,735 00 32,1.54,147 «5 40,425,i;(iii 7;( ,3M, 1 1(1,016 22 40,46.(1,4110 55 S61,408 97i 410,56 J 03 274,7,'<4 04 382,631 89 1,381,347 76 2,8 ■■8,081 84 3,448,716 03 2,111,424 00 915,501 87 1,215,230 53 1,189,832 75 l,507,5f>0 00 1,649,641 44 l,7z2,064 47 1.884.007 80 2,427,758 80 1,654,244 20 1,965,566 39 3,950,365 15 6,446,600 10 7,311,290 (iO 8,660,000 25 3,908,278 30 3,314,.59S 49 2,953,695 00 3,847,640 4-; 4,387,990 00 3,310,243 06 2,221.458 98 2,503,705 83 2,004,581 56 3.049.08 t 86 4,218,902 45 4 263,.877 45 3,018,786 44 3,308,745 47 3,230,428 63 3,856,183 0/ 3,956,370 29 3,001,356 75 3,956,260 42 3,864,039 06 5,807,718 23 6,046,014 63 6,1 31, .580 53 6,182,204 25 6,li:!,S96 89 6,001,076 97 8,307 242 95 3,727,711 6,10.'<,100 11 6,'i97,177 89 6,4.55,013 9i 7,000,635 7( 9,408,476 Oi 9,786,705 02 7,004,724 (iO 8,880.5^1 .38 8,018 842 10 11,OC,7,780 .53 10,700,006 32 13,327,005 11 14,074,834 (U 12,651.604 61 14,053,264 64 14,600,027 00 11,514,649 83 12,:W7,1,56 ,52 42,640,353 09 G3,-.'6 1,235 31 85,701,963 74 122,617,431 07 4:'.,2.S5,662 00 31,031,011 04 25,775,.5'!2 72 20,000.7 -,7 07 21,780 229 87 19,4 11,027 21 21,219,«00 09 2:!,526,25(> 79 ;iO,o:i2,5,S7 42 21,107,026 27 1,S,003,309 >>2 14,0.''.0,'n!5 .36 ]7,:'.6\301 .37 1.5,12.5,126 84 13,,530,0H1 74 15,686,671 66 $27,000 00 13 648 85 27,282 83 13,042 46 23,475 68 115,503 98 62,396 58 16,470 09 20,302 19 31 22 9,000 00 91,060 00 CO(X)0 00 116,.509 00 196,500 00 234,200 00 205.4 .'5 00 213,575 00 3.37,503 84 177,625 00 151,875 00 277,845 00 167,3.58 28 167,.394 i'6 530,750 00 274,512 16 319,463 71 505,704 27 40.3,181 39 315,750 01 477.005 44 575,007 41 380,781 82 42 ;,987 90 724,106 44 743,447 83 750,624 88 705,084 21 570,344 74 622,262 47 930,738 04 1,3,52,419 75 1,802,980 93 1,00.3,9.53 20 1.7t'(vl44 48 5,037,022 88 4,348,036 19 5,50-4,191 34 2,528,917 28 2,331,794 86 2,.51 1,837 12 1,109,099 68 578,.371 00 ],256,.532 39 1,539,.351 35 1,027,693 64 1,430,111 30 1,252,296 81 1,371,101 55 1,663,.591 47 2,820 801 77 3.0-43,576 04 3,880,404 12 1,550,3.39 ,55 2,772,090 78 2(544,263 97 4,354,418 87 4,978,266 18 3,490,534 ,53 2.991,121 51 2,865.481 17 2,327 948 37 3,152,012 70 2 629,975 97 5,0.W,360 71 3,295,729 32 4,642,531 77 4,100,682 32 7,042.923 06 3,407,938 15 7,426,907 41 7.061.728 82 7,951,704 88 e,692,462 09 8,384,656 82 6,9fifl.558 17 5,277,007 22 4,6/9,280 28 5 206,100 08 5,945,457 00 0,514,161 00 817.5,813 109,243 15 80,087 81 81,399 24 68,673 22 100,843 71 92,256 07 104.845 33 95,444 03 64,130 73 73,,533 37 85,440 39 62,902 10 80,092 80 81,854 ,59 81,875 53 70,,5O0 00 82,576 04 87,833 54 83,744 16 75,043 88 91,402 10 86,9,S0 91 90,164 36 69.656 06 18'',804 15 297,374 43 890,719 90 2,41.5,939 85 3.208.379 31 242,817 25 1,948.109 40 1,780,.5,88 52 1,499,326 59 1,308,810 57 1,556,593 83 976,1.38 86 850,573 57 949,504 47 1,363,297 31 1,170,005 14 1,184,422 40 4,589,152 40 3,364,285 3) ],9.-.4,7M .32 2.882.707 on 2,672,162 45 2,156,0.37 20 3,142,750 51 2,003,562 17 2,388,434 51 1,378 931 33 839 041 12 2,032,008 no 2,400,788 11 1,811,097 50 1,744,883 63 1,227,406 48 1,328,867 64 1,806,886 02 2,203 377 22 2,401,858 78 l,756,.3O0 2 1,232,605 00 1,477,612 33 1.296,229 65 1.310.380 58 1.219.708 30 1,222,222 71 1,100,802 32 1,031.,599 73 8.52,170 47 1,078,513 36 4,08.5,473 00 16,347,621 34 l.''.,6li.5,.549 88 20,936,.551 71 2.3,782,380 78 28,470.021 78 28.:M0,202 17 34,14.3,^91 88 2H..'".3l,4(i2 76 20,3,5!I,,126 86 20,o3s,414 m 29,4,50,216 22 28,257,305 69 27,90.3,752 27 27 137,019 08 3.5,1 21 ,48 J 39 66,777,174 44 60,(4,59,279 V>i $1,083,971 61 4,672,664 38 511,451 01 750,3.50 74 1,378,920 60 801,847 68 1.259,422 62 1,139,524 94 l,0.!9,39l 68 1,337,613 22 1,114,768 45 1.462,929 40 1,842,635 76 2,191,009 43 3,708,,598 75 2,890,137 01 1,697,897 61 1,42,3,285 61 1,21.5,80 4 79 1,101 144 98 1,307,201 40 1,(;8:!,088 21 1,7-29,435 61 2.208,029 7(> 2,808,870 47 2,089,741 17 3,518.936 76 3,835,839 51 3,007,211 41 2,592,021 94 2,223,121 54 1,067,996 24 2,022,093 99 7,15.5, "08 81 2,748,5-44 89 2.000,177 79 2,713,476 58 3,676,052 64 3,0,^2,234 65 3,2:!7,416 04 3,001.046 10 4,577,141 45 5,716,245 93 4,404.7-8 95 4,22-', ',98 ,53 5,;!'i ,270 72 9,803,370 27 7,100,064 76 5,725,990 89 6,005,.398 96 6,490,881 45 6,775,624 61 3,202,713 00 6,64.5,183 86 5,011,760 98 6,711,283 89 6.885 608 35 6,0.JO,85l 25 12,885,334 24 16,013.763 36 17,888,092 18 17,504,171 45 17 403,068 01 26,072,114 68 24,0'.tO,426 43 31,79l,o;!8 87 28,--i6,5,498 77 26,400,010 42 23,707,544 40 27,077,078 30 23.327,287 09 21 ,,385,862 59 23,108,382 37 27,572,210 87 42,0,S0,'83 10 40,613,114 17 51.110,223 72 63,009,867 07 56,471,061 63 63,237,461 60 60,4 S 1,9 10 23 60,084.757 42 7.3,328,110 06 85141, ro3 01 71 070,702 98 73,599.601 04 68,920,532 63 ,53,177 703 57 65,741, .5.56 40 64,713,5 9 7C 64,416,324 71 4,354,135,493 03 1,028,494,917 03 193,672,606 31 507,300,615 19 1,,579,7.37,.325 73 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FINANCES. by- caleudar years to 184:3 and by flgcal years (ended June 30) from tliat time Year. Net ordinary expendiiures. ' Premiums. luterest. Public debt. Gross ••-xpeudT n„i '= ^ tures. B"'- "> Treasury 5,8'J(i,'258 l,74!l,07O 3,rAry, ■!'.)•.) 4,:ic,2,-,u 2,.-|.'i I, •■!().•} 2,s;ti;,iU) 4,001,710 (;,iH(),i(i(> 7,4ii,;j(iy 4,'jf<i,(i(;9 3,7H7,n79 4,(K)2,K2i 4,4.-)2,M->8 6,:S57,2.i4 6,080,2(19 4,984,ri72 6,504,:i38 7,414,072 6,:ill,082 5,.'J92,(104 17,829,498 28,082,:'.9ii 30,127,686 26,95:5,r)7l 23,373,432 lr.,454,60^) 13,808,67.3 10,300,273 13,134,.5,30 10,723.479 9,827,043 9,784,154 1,'S,330,144 11, •190,4.^)9 13,002,310 12,053,(195 13,290,041 12,041,210 13,229,.5.33 13,864,007 10,51(!,.388 22,713,755 18,425,417 17,5H,9,'iO 30,80«,104 37,243,214 33,849,718 20.490,948 24,139,920 26,190,840 24,301,336 11,250,508 20.(550.108 21,895,309 26,418,459 53,801,569 45,227,454 39,933,542 37,1()5,990 44,054,717 40,389,954 44,078,150 51,907,5 J8 5G,:^10,197 60,772,.527 60,041,143 72,330,4.37 60,3.55,9.50 60,050,754 62,610,055 456,379,896 694,004,575 811,283,676 1,217,7(M,199 385,954,731 202,947,733 229,916,088 190,490,354 104,421,507 157,583,827 153,201,,S56 180,488,036 194,118,985 171,529,848 104,857,813 144,209,9('>3 134,403,452 101,i;l 9,934 109,090,002 177,142,897 818,231 43 82,865 81 69,713 19 170,O(;3 42 420,49.s 04 2,877,S18 69 872,047 39 385.372 90 363,572 39 574,443 08 SI,177,.S03 03 2,373,011 28 2,097,8.59 17 2,752,523 04 2,9l7,0."iO 00 3,239,:! 17 08 3,172,510 73 2,9.55,875 90 2,81.5,051 41 3,402,001 04 4,411,,H3() 00 4,239,172 16 3,949,462 30 4,185,048 74 2,0.57,114 z2 3.,3(iS,908 26 3,369,578 48 2,.5.57,074 23 2,.S00,(n4 90 3,103.071 09 2,585,435 57 2,451,272 57 3,.599,4.')5 22 4,593,239 04 5,990,090 24 7,822 923 34 4..530,282 65 0,209,954 03 5,211,730 50 5,151,004 32 6,120,073 79 6,172,788 79 4,922,475 40 4.943,557 93 4,300,7.57 40 3,975,542 95 3,480,071 51 3,098,800 00 2,642,843 23 1,912,.574 93 1,373,748 74 772,561 50 303,796 87 202,152 98 67,803 08 1,717,900 11 68,476 51 10,813,349 38 7,001,151 04 1,674,680 05 15,996,555 00 9,010,794 74 6,9.58,200 7f 5,105,919 99 1,395,073 56 2,795,320 4'i 1,001,248 78 14 399 174 284 773, 523 1,83.3 1,040 842. 1,119 2,390 3,505 3,78/, .3,096 4,000 3,665 3,070, 2,314: 1,9.^3 1,,593 1,652 2,637 3,144 4,034 13,190 24,729 63,685 77,395 133,067 143,781. 140,424. 130,634, 129,235. 125,576, 117,3.57. 104,750, 107,119, 10:',,093 100,24.! 97,124 102,500 105,327 96,767 82,508 ,996 48 ,833 89 ,,598 08 ,977 65 ,549 85 ,583 91 ,4.52 13 ,458 18 ,723 27 .214 72 ,705 88 ,5,35 78 ,393 03 ,760 75 ,297 80 ,832 74 ,920 09 ,404 99 ,822 37 ,265 23 ,055 67 ,649 70 ,120 94 ,157 .30 ,314 84 ,700 62 ,421 69 ,090 30 ,024 91 ,.591 91 ,045 71 .242 80 ,498 00 ,505 93 ,839 72 ,0S8 44 ,815 21 ,544 57 ,271 23 ,.-11 58 .874 65 ,949 00 •,675 11 ;,741 18 8099,984 23 09:i,O5H 25 2,0,3.3,048 07 2.743,771 13 2,841,039 .37 2..577,120 01 2,017,--'.5O 12 970,03:^ (J9 1,700,578 84 ],138,.503 11 2,879,870 98 5,294,235 24 3,300,097 07 3,977,206 07 4,58:i,9(i0 63 5.572.018 64 2,938,141 62 7,701,288 96 3,580,479 26 4,835,241 12 6,414,564 43 1,998,349 88 7,.''08,008 22 3..!07,,304 90 0,638,832 11 17,048,139 69 20,886,753 67 15,080,247 69 2,492,195 73 3,477,489 96 3.241.019 83 2,070,100 33 (507,541 01 11,624,.835 83 7,728,587 38 7,0G5,.539 24 6,517,590 88 9.004,037 47 9,860,304 77 9,443,173 29 14,8(J0,029 48 17,007,747 79 1,2.39,740 61 5,974,412 21 328 20 21,822 91 5,590,723 79 10,718,1,53 53 3,912,015 02 5,315,712 19 7,801,990 09 .3.38.012 04 11,158.4.50 71 7,536,.349 49 371,100 04 5,000,067 05 13,030,922 54 12,804,478 64 3,650,335 14 054,912 71 2,152.293 05 6,412,574 01 17,550,890 95 0,002,005 86 3,014,018 06 3,270,000 05 7,5115.2,50 82 14,085,043 15 13,854,250 00 18,737,100 00 96,097,322 09 181,081,035 07 4,30,572,014 03 609,016,141 68 020.20)3,249 10 7.35,530,980 11 092,549,685 88 201,912,718 31 393,2.54,282 13 399,.503,G7O 05 405,O07,.307 54 2.33,699,352 68 422,065,060 23 407,377.492 48 449,345,272 80 323,965,424 05 363,676,944 90 699.445,809 16 432,590,280 41 165,152,3;55 05 83,797, 8,&02, 6,479, 9,041, 10,151, 8,367, 8,02.5, HfiH-.',, 11,(KI2, 11,952, 12,273 13,270 11,2.58 12,61.5. 13,.598, 15,021, 11,292, 10,702, I3,8r)7 13,309, 13,.592, 22.279. 39,190, 38,028 39,582! 48,244 40.877. 36,104, 24,004. 21,763. 19,090, 17,070, 1.5,314, 31,898 23,585 24,103, 22,056, 25,459 25,044 24,585 30,038, 34,350 24,257 24,001 17,573, 30,8(i8, 37,205 39,455, 37,014. 28,220 31,797 32,936 12,118 33,642, 30,490, 27,632. 60,520. 60,055 56,386 44,004 48,470 46,712, 54.577, 75,47.3, 66,164 72,726, 71,274, 82,062, 83,078, 77,055, 85,387 565,667, 899,815, 1, 295,54 r 1,906,433, 1,139,344, 1,093,079 1,069,889 684,777, 702,907, 691,680 082.,525 624,044 724,098 682,000, 714,440 665,299, 69(»,641 966,393 700,23;j 425,805 ,430 78 ,920 00 ,977 97 ,.593 17 ,240 16 ,776 84 ,877 37 ,618 41 ,:i9(i 97 ,.534 12 ,.370 94 .487 31 ,983 67 ,113 72 ,309 47 ,196 26 ,292 99 ,702 04 ,226 30 ,994 49 ,604 86 ,121 15 ,520 36 ,230 32 ,493 35 495 51 .046 04 ,875 40 ,199 73 ,024 85 ,572 69 ,592 63 ,171 00 ,538 47 ,804 72 ,398 40 ,764 04 ,479 52 ,358 40 ,281 65 ,446 12 ,698 06 .298 49 ,982 44 ,141 56 ,164 04 ,0,37 16 ,438 36 ,936 15 ,533 81 ,530 03 ,870 53 ,106 15 ,010 85 ,408 71 ,282 90 ,861 74 ,143 19 ,422 74 ,718 26 ,104 31 ,608 83 ,001 74 ,170 75 ,775 96 ,341 57 ,587 37 ,186 74 ,642 92 ,125 05 ,313 08 ,563 74 ,911 25 ,114 86 ,331 37 ,081 95 ,655 27 ,970 74 ,996 11 ,842 88 ,858 90 ,270 21 ,597 91 .933 99 ,SS5 32 ,,357 .39 ,898 91 ,271 70 ,092 69 ,238 19 ,222 64 8073, 783, 753, 1,151, 610, 888, 1,021, 617, 2,101, 2,0 a, 3,295, 5,020, 4,825, 4,037, 3,999, 4,53x, 9,043, 9,941, 3,848, 2,672, 3,602, 3,8f.2, 5,196, 1,727, 1.3,106, 22,033, 14,989, 1,478, 2,079, 1,198, 1.081, 4,237, 9,403, 1,946, 5,201, 6,3£8, 6,068, 5,972, 5,755, 6,014, 4,602, 2,011, 11,702, 8,892, 20,749. 4G,708i 37,327. 3(i,891, 33,157, 29,903, 28,685, 30,521, 39,180, 36.742. 36,194, 38,261, 33,079, 29,410, 32,827, 35,871, 40,158, 43,:«8, 60,201. 48,591, 47,777, 49,108, 40,802, 35,113, 33,193, 32,979, 80,903, 40,905, 30,523, 134,433, 33,933, 105,301, 198,076, 158,936, 183,781, 177,604, 138,019, 134.666, 159,293, 178,8;}3, 172,804, 149 909, 214,887, 286,,591, 386,832 231,940 280,607 ,905 76 4^14 61 601 69 ,924 17 ,442 61 ,995 42 ,899 04 ,451 43 ,807 77 ,311 99 ,391 00 ,';97 04 ,811 60 ,(K)5 26 ,:'.88 99 ,123 80 ,8.50 07 ,Sf)9 96 ,056 78 276 57 ,305 80 ,217 41 .542 00 ,S48 63 ,592 88 ,519 19 ,406 48 ,526 74 ,992 38 ,401 21 ,692 24 ,427 55 ,922 81 ,597 13 ,050 43 ,086 18 ,286 10 ,435 81 ,704 79 ,639 76 ,914 46 ,777 65 ,905 31 ,858 42 ,803 96 ,436 00 ,252 69 ,196 94 ,503 68 ,163 46 ,111 08 ,979 44 ,284 74 ,829 62 ,274 81 ,959 65 ,276 43 ,612 45 ,082 69 ,753 31 ,353 25 ,860 02 ,901 09 ,073 41 ,672 18 ,229 80 ,8.56 OO ,334 22 248 60 ,530 78 857 83 ,;W4 87 ,046 13 738 44 li67 89 a54 76 ,637 09 ,082 87 ,985 76 ,110 ,51 ,122 15 ,001 85 ,073 41 ,3.39 54 ,061 32 ,377 21 ,(545 88 ,4.^3 88 ,588 66 ,064 44 068 37 7.753,341,077 89 [ 69,429.303 87 2,188,189,162 79 8,749,769,819 71 18,700,719,424 26, AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. J. o o CS rl _ o o o ^ o o o J- o o OJ o o o o o o o o lO o o o o o o o 9 g ^ « iii lO o o o o o o o o 9 o o o o o o o o o o o ^iK "S 5: O c § "ho ffl <B ■3 h to I o S S r,- <N ^ c (S •o c >.-3 c£ <B o-o >1 Q> H 2 , o; £ .- aj O 1) . a 2 '-' "" <u •o "i iT3 '^' 2 . -wfe a "^ " ? 3 3 S S 2 C-, o CO iM-r r; iH lO rH O CO H O z; >- cT Si ^ -^ .0 = -r 6 *■' - '■'^ ^ j; ^ lO O 03 w O 00 CS 2 d :3 5 ij r ^'j: — OJ-CTJ C t< x: c a - S. ,o a "S £ £ • ^ £ X '5 a 0,000 ling ars 1 se cl cent Sgg^^S; S^o*^* ^ ted sof n th ate t- ^ "opria itorie ties ayme erest CM o •-* ,_, H O 2 [I. CQ Q g-fc=»-a m r/) i.-^ «^ n °c-' o^j3 Q IP -t s W S PlH b< < ? ^S tute.s, 19s d by the Indian horized years, wi < rH ^ ■^ u ■ O O tJ H , fs 3 a >■ 0) CO •< S a i^ " o M a g 2 O to a O h3 a 3 a = o' M 2 a a 5g 3 S V « ^.2*«B 00 o ^i-a '".a o-^ o o PQ l-H W 02 i a O < o M s en ' w 03 H 03 O ^ o> ^ i-j o =■■=: 7 °3 rH L^ 00 _c a. '• ^ 05 03 3 0) XI E ■4 01 a a Marc of ex n the ction deem ^ O o a 1 a XI a o a flW ^^ - •a ^ »M ic '/3 ' £ tti-n a I t-.j'^ a a « ir :e = a BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FIN ANCES. g 8 88 8 8 8 <o s o o o o o ^ ss? 8 t- S_ s s n 05 s U5 C5, o o o m •* « ■o s : o o ; s s : £*S £!"£ f : (3, 1^ o. H : i Si h5 3 S^ •c c 9rH S^ ,S 00 'or' ?• - >. = > o o ) ci eS CO Q ; 0.32 = ° 2 ) 5^ 1 J; s w ~ = tf" i^ ~ ;< c o J ■^ 0/ ca 0/ c8 " 1-1 2so£i:s <^ i;--"c — X o CO ■= o f5 te ' ® c « S"- - o ! " S 3 -tiir C r- ; o ir ? r^ * ! S f? O i"^ : ' S ai 3 -^^ t^-^ --4 to ^ ' o * r ~ u X - * -^ a>-»j >> - t. 4) 5 ffi = n = - '- » ® si: B o c <s ■ 3 3 00 t-T O CO l-H O M ^1 ^ »r ?; 2 a 3 > s g 5 e4 j3 CD o' H 3 * > -'_ K n C (D J, ^CO— ,_ ~ 5 c c -^ *i ^- •S C.S >^°-'^— "^ *s ■5S-g|-|||3Ho oi 5S = £||.t:3 .§ Cj oS*cJ*-'nc?c g 3^ f, r:-.-; ?: s.ti Q as , !-C o "• © g c; £^2 c .7: i ■a c: • rt S - ■ < gc = 2=3335^ , .*3 D « ci t, a; c •fp? ?|-^' or, '£'•■'- fee gc^-r 3 0! O « C'S S C C5 C3 3 ^ «'s ®i O 5 3 , cS © >.° - « c & ■5^0 o~ OS <w ^ *"? 333 S 3 - ., ■ -C g cr. — (N .i o; « E -C o ci -C-=5E ■•=§-«> 5 3 « « . - cc ^ I " S c E t3 g ; CD M •^ 7^ x> ^ £2 OS? ; * c -S5|1;-'' =5 o ;r t^"— _, 3 - S cS « St-- 3 C * C '-^ 3 c"^ S - c r^ «( o 2 dS*^ L-S>>o5 2-?«i rt 3 3 ■~ J. f. j;CO C8— P.SS •s^E ;_r: 3 2; 031- ■" S. 2 ft^ K e! a) tc ,-2 c « ™- - =« "'3-- o"^ o^ o 5 S gi - 3 ■^3? = >,3.5fo O C-o-3 « I ® 5j= t c £5 .C C CS CS p 3 06 K >. , Q J« fe S~ E- 3-: O — B "3 - = i^. 10 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. o til < 8 & IN i-H ^2 C3 CO P4 PL, (In F • R • ^'^ P-To p-"S ni"-H <i>S-. MM SUM ss : a •*i 9> D CO i-T o <: 11 N I-H C" pi ^H -tj ,i; .r: o o. ». c3 M n E <" § g »„ O 0-8 0.3 . ::^-3:n ® ei -e -?-). 3 3-3 o a t, ,^ oj es fc, o o.j="S^ >. rt . „ Q) 5 C 0) cS — ' H C-S— <u tn •2 «^ o c« « « g O oj O a) ">0 ^ O 30_,t^-C? O t- t- ^ o "• o ►, „-ii <u rt « «,r^ ®o•^og2 O 3 „ . g 2 53o-§^g >^ S3 a a>Tj o S OS -^ =^ ^ o <^ J ^ •a) a> 2 I'o' en. 05 si" I a:.,-! -. ^ •♦^ ryj OTS o ^ C - O) SS C3 m o o O C IJ m 2-° £ t m *■ .c (u ol"' S o u b 'At, C I. t, tD o 00 W H O S -2 W 5 o =2 j ; (H ; CO : : &< ! : O : W ; H : : 03 O : : W . : H : -. o • E i O " ~ <a ^ a 6 5 22 o ^ © ' 03 ^ ^ [i^ a> Ph W H OT o. S3 S •-5 fa o w „ w » F '^- >S *^ rH « 2 CI fa '^ O ^ _ D3 ^ * tci *2 > -<.-- CO — ^W c 05 <p !^ . a;^^ f CO C-J S t, d) 3 a ■-" 3 •-• &£:£§££& = fa "S'"^ >.3-- S O ^.2 « <i; w g S W <u ot-'£oo S S fa 5* HJ a, r-c T3 ~CC5 '^ =sr;o?"3 o f^ ti •m®- S--aJ3 oj OS oJc g'S-^ s'f , 3 c t. -'.i^;: m 3 C t- - ^ <e (« P..W H ^"3 GO CO r— 00 c" - ^ a ■ 55 2a-3c^„^^ 2I73 g'xg a ^T'"J3^'?I° 1 fl S o .° ^ g >.« cT) °=co ^ §2; la 2^ 2. o o t; ^o b3 -" '^ '5 « CI 2 O *^ CD « g2 3 CO fl r, P M C3 fa 0! S ^ O ^ t- 00 ,„ 00 r^ CD CO to w „- O „" ^ £ m S fr I O I tj 0! o '^ > M m --•".2 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FIN ANCES. 11 o 6 S <D <D o a a o a a <a «3 ^ VI <n (U <u 73 a ■3 a d g" • S : fc, Nio >- to : CLujIo &.«lo : -« SO J . . ^ ^ <2 (2 : : j J 1 6 per cent 6 per cent 3 per cent us >c u iNj m -rt 2^ 1- a oc oc i r-i ^ ^ r-* ! >. t>> T3 >.>.>» • 3 1-5 =1 1-5 o C9 1 = CS O 9 2 S s <43 IS CS > t I IM ^! , 1> t c 2^ "J » o 3 O C8 CO O* 1-1 .^ o . O 5 CO •o M oo Cd S E-i •-' O IN W a H 0? 9 S OD ' i - o ® s c8 1- ^ p a -g s'C 2 ^ ® s ^— a-C 0)73-*-' CO &. o .t^ ^ a> %-« 00 ^ i? <i> -" "- o 00 S g O O.O 03 -,- f S .S 'n >>•? 3 m t,"^ S i: S ^ 3 a> , " en w o >. x: b 0) " 5 ^ t>^-w c S « S ^ o rtiJ a '^ Eh r^^S-P-^ or 2 a^ o o 2 fece- ■2 " m S r c a »• 0<»«T335i"y ^osf^ 3 o a) « a; i;c^^ I. m <D SP<B Mj2 ooa^--c305;Oj3 -■c «■ :i^ o ^ x> 3 ^^ ^ . ^■"j::'.-8.3-3 3 >, S bSa^-a^ ft ° fc;^ « 5; c «> „ ^ 3^ ^ O ^_a <D C SS O O ^^ -^ .^ H 5 &: 5v §J3C3l|cg=" oOoOo53o 3o m <D.St!5.§ I "^ Sag- 3 g-:S' -O C.3 ' £3 2 ^ CO ; 5 i' ii "^ E •= 0) c; cc i=^"S'a- •E s 3 E g ^5 o fth-' o c >,E-ico :2 a:-^ ^ rr ^ rr* a' i ?- -w o Ti O ?; -i ?) a o^i; 3 Jr-- © X 2 (S -•« 3 ,, ,„75 3„ii O oT— 3 o ^ a,T3 « a^-g , Ci, c« o O ^CJ O 0) 0/ <3> " ■^ o ^ o a i P-tj c ® « ■^. ~ ^ Z ^5 ^ 3 S 03 g ^"S ( g- cS o ^ 5 o C-; -S ° S j: <s . "5 « C; ,- c 5 i o ^ 00 ^ 'I' » rt _ 3 H > ;; 2 ^^ g 5 -^5 Cx: 3 t^ 03 o'^.'e „t« ; o tn o3 o C c3 .^ ■= 7 3 t. ^ o 0! yrJ^ C .«. u: 03" J. "3 SX) 1-^ j r-l .^J 3 t- ' 1- C 3 C 0^ J "'^ £ 3 j: — - "!-'£ «£" (=5 3 ^' n - " x: (K t o — -i 3 5"o S c 3 0^1 3 c e: c3 Ss'q-^^- ; <- c o i c . 12 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. u to ■Z a t. X 3 i^N g <E c8 O ^O j= fl S tl F w .2 •> ;t3-i3- I. J ■ ■' c li cq q :: !- — -^ O'S -^ rt ^ M .- m ■ -- ■-; -M " ° '—3 3 — j: 'i •- -A .5 «T) -^.oP B !».£> Sum OA (I ■ - 1) ..^ ^^_ ::-^ -.5 cl" S« i— ^q; ^ ,/, — "d o o ^? - - ' o t> a> <» 00 ^5 <B O -S -9-2 5 — o -2 - m S r oT-S ".in £ 0.2 J; 22 J: =^? g3^02£>-'°§ §j R c«J5 3 t.i-' • 1> -■'^'^ a> «, 5s « 22 00 68:3^ 3 OS t.*^.T3<« aj S = g; .*0 3*^ «o f*» o a ^ .i — r-aQJo-cSi-rto M ^ t>, x: c3 S ® *• ±i ''^ c- *i o *^T3 •^'' d 3 3 >,*:. C ». o C^-J S §=S52y2M- c e ' ©1 a BOOK vii.J TABULATED HISTORY— FINANCES. S S 8 8 13 .Sc 5 o o O ° j= * -= £ £ j: g ° a) rt *ii— >■ ^..ti o a "" c"° oe ^ "^x ~— <^ c — ^"^ prsE g C— a; ^^ IB .^ o o . . "^ -" fe S = E ^1 2 _r ct c- u /* ^. ■ Si E 5.C So "3 — XI 3 Q 4; a J2 — c -^ - _ M ■*^ 0) ~ cc p .S ?" 35 g a C^oo „ o- .s *; » -^ — - ® a ■ ce o o'pS.e-=' ^x 00 "^ _ ^ 'l^ M » s c, _ . IT ^ 5".= .2 M 5 »; S £ ^„ o c !■ f = "T 3 » uTo-C^ £5 >> J3 0) "; C I w -" c« 4j o '^Ts . ^; n a = >,- a !r. o oi:^ 5 ; o o o ^ ~ ~ <: 3~, 'C' ~x 5 ^ c o- «-r ES^tEg ■^ & 3— 0/ « « *i tr. »i ^ c m c3 £ C ■- =1 a ^ ^ 3' c= ^ giljr c o " - -Ji CD J- © tJC.ti ? O 5 ■- — > c " ;6 — t) Ij S '- "^ O^ -2 <3 J '^ <^ T ? " j= _ •'5 « r6oi;'-c^XT3 « & ec a; 3 S is -^o" o c - .. Ii1;||f^.||i|l.| ; ffi a = ».^ ►-— a j; -' < c« c^a oog„fa:-=ga. j:;j3^ fl'S^iC o at S ^ t. = £._ ?.^.S|-| ■g M_| -^ C £ ^ -a CO c o t. a, »^ c c c K - ?: ^ •-— '^ <N X c 2 I- c£ f^ >•.- K o t £ ;:; 2 X b<= *.-x s r^ ='^ X &- S p" *i t^ X a — ' t c t- c — ""C^a 14 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. STATEMEBTT ot SO-jrear 6 per cent. Bonds ^Interest payable in January and Jnly) issued to tlie several Pacific Rall^vay Companies under tlie acts of July 1, 18U^) (la Statutes, 493), and July 2, 1864 (13 Statutes, 359). Railway companies. C M .i.a < Amount of inter- est accrued and paid to date, as per preceding siatement. i i o — o <» <« C.J3 C tr o .^ CS « C 0) jn 3 3 t.c <:£'Si Repayment of in- terest by trans- portal ion of mails, ti oops, &c. Balance due the United States on interest account, deducting repay- ments. On January 1, 1876 Central Pacific 825.885.120 00 6.30i,OO0 00 27,236,512 00 1,60 1,000 00 1,970,500 00 1,628,320 00 31-3,027,697 67 3,103,893 09 11,8.84,324 65 781,808 20 722,380 14 682,703 89 8776,553 60 189,090 00 817,095 36 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 00 $11,804,251 27 3,292,983 ('9 12,701, t::0 01 829,808 26 781,496 94 731,553 49 $1,191,705 86 1,4 40,^1 64 84 3,943,715 05 44,408 05 9,307 00 39,005 96 $10,612,485 41 1,3.52,318 25 8,757,704 36 785,4-10 21 772,129 94 692,547 53 Cent. Branch Un. Pac Western Paeirtc Sioux City & Pacific. 64,623,512 00 28,202,807 70 1,938,705 36 30,141,513 06 6,668,927 36 23,472,585 70 On July 1,1876: Central Pacific 25,885.120 00 6..3O3,O00 00 27.236.512 00 l.OOO.OtK) 00 l,i»7<',560 00 1,028,320 00 11,804,251 27 3,292,983 09 12,701,420 01 829,808 26 781,496 94 731,.553 49 776,553 00 189,090 00 817,095 30 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 60 12 580,804 87 3,482,073 09 13,518,515 .37 877,808 20 840,013 74 780,403 09 1,2,31,213 76 1,448,327 39 4,07!*,704 77 44,408 05 9,307 00 39,470 28 11,349,,591 U 2,033,745 70 Union Pacific Cent. Branc^i Un.Pac. 9,438.810 00 833,400 21 831,246 74 Sioux City & Pacific. 740,932 81 61,623,512 00 30,141,513 06 1,938,705 36 32,080,218 42 6,852,491 25 25,227,727 17 On January 1, 1877 : 25,885.120 00 6,303,000 00 27,236,512 00 1,600,000 00 1, 070,5(50 00 1,628,320 00 12,580,804 87 3,482,073 09 13,.518,515 37 877,808 26 840,6 '3 74 780,403 09 776.553 60 189,090 00 817,095 .30 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 60 1,938,705 36 13,357,358 47 .3,071,103 09 14,335,610 73 925,808 26 899,730 54 829,252 69 1,268,672 12 1,515,718 49 4,126,871 52 44.408 05 9,367 00 39,440 28 12,088,686 35 Kansas Pai'ific...... 2 155,444 60 10,208,739 Ul Cent Branch Un. Pac. Western Pacific Sioux City & Pacific. 881,400 21 890 303 54 789,782 41 64,623,512 00 32,080,218 42 34,018,923 78 7,004,507 46 27,014,416 32 On July 1,^877: $25,885,120 00 6,303,000 00 27,2.36,512 00 1,600,01)0 00 1,970,560 00 1,628,320 00 13,357,3.58 47 3,071,103 09 14,335,610 73 925 808 26 899,730 54 829,252 69 776,553 00 189,090 00 817,095 30 48,000 00 69,116 80 48,849 00 14,133,912 07 3,860,253 09 15,152.700 09 973,808 20 958 847 34 878,102 29 2,065.324 01 1,531,680 06 4,787.041 67 58,498 35 9,367 00 63,578 00 12,068,588 06 2,328,573 03 10,365,664 42 915,309 91 949.480 34 815,523 49 Cent. Branch Un. Pac. We.-tern Pacific Sioux City & Pacific. 64,623,512 00 34,018,923 78 1,938,705 36 34,957,629 14 8,514,489 89 27,443,139 25 On January 1, 1878: 25,885,120 00 6,:W3,000 00 27.230,512 00 1,000,000 00 1,970,560 00 1,628,320 00 14,133,912 07 3,800,253 09 15,152,700 09 973^08 26 958,847 34 878,102 29 776,5.53 60 189,090 00 817.095 36 49,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 60 14,910,405 67 4,049,343 09 15,909,801 45 1,021,808 26 1,017,964 14 920,9.51 89 2,198,960 71 1,532,450 07 5,134,103 84 02.998 35 9,.367 00 68,409 65 12,711,504 96 Kan-<as Pai'ific 2,516,993 02 10,835.697 61 Cent. Brand! Un.Pac Western Pacific Sioux City & Pacific. 958,808 91 1,008,.597 14 858,512 24 64,023,512 00 35,957,629 14 1,938,705 36 37,890,334 50 9,006,189 62 28,890,144 88 On July 1,1878: Central Pacific ;25,885,120 00 0,303,000 00 27,236,512 00 1,600,000 00 1,970,560 00 1,628,.320 00 14,910,465 67 4,049,343 09 15,9(i0,801 45 1,021,808 20 1,017,904 14 920,951 89 776.553 00 189,090 00 817,095 36 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 60 15,087,019 27 4,238,433 09 10,780,896 81 1,0(!9,808 26 1,088,080 94 975,801 49 2,343,659 54 1,53 .',.530 42 5,852,870 95 67,498 35 9,367 00 7.5,517 99 13,343,359 73 2,705,«02 67 10,934,025 86 1,002,309 91 1,067,713 94 900,283 50 Cent. Branch Un.Pac. Western Pacific Sioux City & Pacific. 64,623,512 00 .37,890,334 50 1,938,705 36 39,835,.334 50 9,881,444 25 29,953,595 61 On January 1, 1879: Central Pacific 25,885,120 OO'' 6,303,000 00 27,236,512 00 1,0()(),IK)() 00 I,!)70,.''i6(l 00 1,628,320 00 15,087,019 27 4,238,4.33 09 16,786,896 81 1,069,808 20 1,077,080 94 975,801 49 770,,5.53 60 189,090 00 817,095 .30 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 00 10,403,572 87 4,427,523 09 17,603,992 17 1,117,808 26 1,130,197 74 1,024,651 09 2,516,742 86 1,744,683 89 6,145,214 86 71,145 ,54 9.367 00 8.3,648 50 13,940,8.30 01 2,682,829 20 11,458,777 31 1.046,302 72 1,120,8.30 74 Union Pacific Cent. Branch Un.Pac. Western Pacific Sioux City & Pacific. 941,002 53 64,023,512 00 39,836,039 86 1,938,705 36 41,773,746 22 10,571,102 71 31,202,642 51 On July 1,1879: 25,885,120 00 6.303,000 00 27,236,512 00 ],6(li),000 (M) 1,070,(160 00 1,028.320 00 64,023,320 00 1 10,403,572 87 4,'127,.523 09 17,603,992 17 1,117,808 20 1,1.30,107 74 1,021,651 09 41,773.745 22 776,553 60 189,090 00 817,095 36 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 60 17,2.lO,126''47 4,616,613 09 18,121,087 53 1,105,808 26 1,19.5,314 54 1,073,500 09 2,771,419 23 2.324,910 55 7,325,406 49 73,142 73 9,307 00 91,747 39 14,468,707 24 2,291.702 54 11,095,621 04 1,092,665 53 1.185,947 54 Cent. Branch Un.Pac Western Pacific Sioux City & Pacilic. 981,753 30 1,9.38,705 36 43,712,450 58 12,596,053 39 31,116,397 19 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FIN ANCES. 15 STATEMENT of 30-year 6 per cent. Bonds, &c.— [Continued.] Railway companies. c a a m Amount of inter- est accrued and psid to date, as per preceding statement. 4) 25 "5 t. ® c ;- cj 3 3 a 0-3 tn 73 -O ■», a Repayment of in- terest by trans- portation of mails, troops, Ac. Balance due the I'n ted States on int'^rc'-t account deducting repay- tnouts. On January 1, 1880: 25,88.'),120 00 o,'io:i,ooo 00 27,2:i(;,.'il2 00 l,li(l(),(l(10 00 l,!l70,'if.O 00 1,028,320 00 ?17,240.120 47 4,C.l(i,<;i3 Of) 18,421.(187 53 1,10'), 808 20 l,l!I.Vil4 54 1,073,.500 69 S776.553 60 189,090 00 817,095 36 48,000 00 59,116 80 48,849 60 Sl8,01fi,680 07 4,805 703 09 19,238,182 89 l,2l:(,808 26 1,224,431 34 1,122,3.50 29 $3,552,1.35 70 2.370,109 88 7,421,734 97 73,142 73 9,307 00 03,983 91 $14 464,544 37 2 435 .513 oj 11,816,447 92 1,140,605 53 1, •-'45,064 34 1,028,.366 38 Cent. Branch lln.Pac. Western Pa'-ific Sioux City & Pacific. C4,C2:},512 00 43,712,450 58 1,938,705 36 4.5,651,1,55 94 13,520,474 19 32,130,681 76 On July 1,1880: Central Pacific Kansas Pacific. 25,885,120 00 r>,:!o:!,(ioo 00 27,2:!(;,512 00 i,i;oo,ooo 00 1,070,5(;0 00 1,028.320 00 18,016,680 07 4,805,703 00 l!l,238,182 80 1,213,808 20 1,254,431 34 1,122,350 29 776,653 60 189,090 00 817,095 30 48,000 00 69,110 80 48,849 60 1,938,705 36 18,793.2.33 67 4,994,793 09 20,0.=.5,'78 25 1,201 808 26 1,31,3,548 14 1,171,199 89 3,200,389 64 2,447,397 28 7,804,484 37 47,621 69 9.307 00 100,032 67 ]6,.592,844 03 2.517,395 81 12 ".50 793 88 Cent. Braiicii Un.Pac. Wt>stern I'acifie Sioux City & Pacific. 1,214,186 57 1.304,181 14 1,065,167 32 1 64,623,512 00 45,651,155 94 47,589,861 30 13,615,292 55 33,974,568 76 On January 1, 1881: 25,885,120 00 0,* 13,(100 00 27.23C..512 00 1,000,(100 00 i,970,:)(;o 00 1,028,320 00 18,793,233 67 4,904,703 09 20,055,278 25 1,201,808 26 1,0 3..5.18 14 1,171,199 89 776.533 00 189,090 00 817,095 .36 48,000 00 59,110 80 48,849 60 19,569,787 27 6.183,883 09 20,872.373 61 1.. 309,808 20 1,. 372,064 94 1,220,049 49 3,358,026 85 2,502,724 32 7,902,936 82 74,967 91 9,367 00 114,424 58 16,211,760 42 2,081,1.^8 77 12,879,430 79 1,234.840 :« 1 '.M'Z •><^^ 94 Kansas Pacific Cent. Branch Un. Pac. Sioux City & Pacific. 1.105,624 91 1 64,628,320 00 47,5S9,861 30 1,938,705 36 49,528,566 66 14,052,447 48 35.476,110 18 On July1,18Sl: 25,885,120 00 6,303.000 00 27,236,-512 00 1,000,000 00 1,!)70,.'')G() 00 1,028,320 00 19,569,787 27 5 183,>-83 09 20,872,373 61 1.309,808 26 l,<7 2.0(i4 94 1,220,049 49 776,553 60 189,090 00 817,095 36 48,000 00 59 110 80 48.849 60 20,346.340 87 5,372,973 09 21,6-9.408 97 1,3.''>7.80S 20 1,431,781 74 1,208,899 09 3,496,492 83 2,565,443 44 8, '35,878 56 93 615 .38 9,367 00 124,979 14 16,849,398 04 2 807,529 65 13,5.53,.';90 41 1,?64.292 88 1,4 22.4 14 74 1,143,919 95 Cent. Branch Un.Pac. Wcstcin Pa"ific Sioux City & Pacific. 64,623,512 00 49,528,560 66 1,938,805 36 51,41.7,272 02 14,426,126 35 37,041,145 67 GOVERNMENT REVENUES. Tlie ordinary revenues from all sonrces for tlic fi.scal 5'ear ended Jnne 30, 1881, as sho^vn by tUc report of C'lias. J. Folger, Secretary of flie Treasury, ■were : From customs 819a,l.'i9,676 02 From internal revenue 135,264,385 61 Fioin sales of public lands 2,201,863 17 From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks 8,116,115 72 From repavment of interest by Paci- fic !?ail"\vay Companies SIO.S.IS 80 From sinking fund for Pacific Rail- way Companies 805,180 54 From customs' fees, fines, penalties, &c 1,225,514 86 From fce.s— consular, letters-patent and lands From proceeds of sales of Govern- ment property From profits on coinage Frum revenues of the District of Columbia From miscellaneous sources 2,244,983 98 262,174 00 3,4(;8,485 61 2,016,199 23 6.206,880 13 Total ordinary receipts 300.782,292 57 Tlie ordinary expendltnres for the same period -^vere — For civil expenses 817,941,177 19 For foreign intercourse 1.093,954 92 For III lians 6,.514,161 09 For pensions 50,059,279 62 For the military establishment, in- cluding river and harbor im- provements, and arsenals 40,466,460 55 For the naval establishment, includ- ing vessels, machinery, and im- provements at navy-yard" 16,080,671 66 For miscellaneous expenditures, in- To tlie redemption of— Bonds for the sinking-fund 74,371,200 00 Fractional currency for the sinking- fund .' 109,001 05 Loan of February, 1861 7,418,ooo 00 Ten-forties of 1804 2,016,1.50 00 Five-twenties of 1862 18.300 00 Five-twenties of IS04 .3.4()(i 00 Five-twenties of 1805 37,.Tvi 00 Consols of 1865 143,150 00 eluding public buildings, light- houses, and collecting the revo- nne 41,837,280 57 For expenditure.s on account of the District of Columbia 3,84.3,912 03 For interest on the public debt 82,.508.741 18 For premium on bonds purchased.... 1,001,248 78 Total ordinary expenditures... 200,712,887 59 Leaving a surplus revenue of $100,069,404 98 Consols of 1867 0.59,1.50 00 Consols of 1SC,8 a37,400 00 Texan indemnity stock 1,000 00 Old demand, compound-interest, and other notes 18,330 00 And to the increase of cash in the Treasury 14,637,023 93 100,or.9,404 98 16 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. FISCAIi YEAR 1883. For tlie present fiscal year tliie revenue, actual and estimated, Is as follows ; Source. From customs From internal revenue From sales of public lands From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks . From repayment of interest by Pacific Railway Companies From customs' fees, fines, penalties, &c From fees — consular, letters-patent, and lands From proceeds of sales of Government property .... From profits on coinage From revenues of the District of Columbia From miscellaneous sources Total receipts For the quarter ended Septem- ber 30, 1881. Actual. $59,184,469 37,575,502 948,368 4,307,988 59,999 421,811 639,180 66,363 809,317 158.445 4,009,596 For the remain- ing three quar- ters of they eai\ Estimated. 108,181,043 09 S155,815 117,424 1,551 3,692 1,440 928 1,810 183 2,440 1,641 4,890 530 86 497 78 631 81 Oil 14 000 51 188 38 819 92 636 42 682 20 554 05 ,403 85 291,818,956 91 expenditures for the same period, actual and estimated, are — Source. For civil and miscellaneous expenses, including public buildings, light-houses, and collecting the revenues . . For Indians For pensions For military establishment, including fortifications, river and harbor improvements, and arsenals For naval establishment, including vessels and machinery, and improvements at navy-yards For expenditures on account of the District of Columbia . . For interest on the public debt Total ordinary expenditures For the quarter ended Septem- ber 30, 1881. Actual. $12,252,053 71 2,011,984 70 17,220,122 12 13,517,184 11 4,646,969 78 1,131,476 04 24.271,948 93 75,051,739 39 For the remain- ing three quar- ters of the year. Estimated, f!47,247,946 29 4,288,015 30 52,779,877 88 30,982,815 89 10,853,030 22 2,368,523 96 46,428,051 07 194,948,260 61 Total receipts, actual and estimated $400,000,000 00 Total expenditures, actual and estimated 270,000,000 00 130,000,000 00 59,634,856 50 Estimated amount due the sinkinsi fund Leaving a balance of 70,365,148 50 FISCAL YEAR 1883. The revenues of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1883, estimated npon the hasls of existing laws, will be— From customs $215,000,000 00 From internal revenue • . . . 165,000,000 00 2,500,000 00 8,000,000 00 1,500,000 00 1,350,000 00 2,450,000 00 250,000 00 3,250,000 00 1,800,000 00 8,900,000 00 From sales of public lands From tax on circulation and deposits of national banks . From repayment of interest ))y Pacific Railway Companies From customs' foes, fines, penalties, &c From fees — consular, letters-patent, and lands From proceeds of sales of Government property .... From profits on coinage From revenues of the District of Columbia From miscellaneous sources Total estimated ordinary receipts 400,000,000 00 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— FIXAXCES. 17 The estlmatrR of expeudltures for the same period, received from the several Execu- tive Departincutti, are as follows t Legislative ?2,903,45r, 92 Executive 10,201, ;;67 73 J'id'^i'^1 403,200 00 Foreign intercourse l,3]o,055 00 Military csfablishment 29 50'J -O'M 17 Naval estahlisliiuent 17'24o'l48 46 Indian affairs 5 841 713 91 I'eusions lOoioOO^OOO 00 Public "Works: Treasury Department $3,282,000 00 War Departmont 11,479,5(10 03 Navy Dcpartnicnt 2,829,938 00 Interior Department 380,900 00 rost-Office Department 8,000 00 Department of Agriculture 43,730 00 Department of Justice 1,500 00 18,031,574 03 Postal service y20 077 95 Miscellaneous 18,141 ^851 95 District of Columbia 3,502 599 31 Perniaueut annual appropriations : Interest on the public debt $65,000,000 00 Sinking-fund 45,011,714 22 Refunding — customs, internal revenue, lands, &c . . . . 7,514,100 00 Collecting revenues from customs 5,500,000 00 Miscellaneous 2,577,125 00 $126,202,939 22 Total estimated expenditures, including sinking-fund 340,462,507 65 Or, an estimated surplus of $59,537,492 35 Excluding the sinlcing-fund, the estimated expenditures -wfU be $294,850,793.43, showing a Burplus of $105,149,200.57. The foregoing estimates of expenditures for the fiscal year 1883 are $56,069,257.60 in excess of those submitted last year, as follows : Increase — Legislative $389,285 06 Executive proper 11,736 00 Department of State 53,520 00 Treasury Department 1,699,332 69 AVar Department 914,221 37 Navy Department 4,132,634 40 Interior Department 51,586,130 04 Department of Agriculture 160,260 00 $58,947,119 55 Decrease — Post-Officc Department 2,648,261 95 Department of Justice 229,600 00 2,887,861 95 Net increase 56,069,257 60 The estira.ates of this Department are submitted as made up by the officers in charge of the public duties to which they respectively pertain, and while exceeding those of 1881 by the sum .of $1,099,332,69, they are in excess of the appropriations made for the Department at the last session of Congress only to the extent of $008.55. CUSTOMS. The revenue from customs for the past fiscal year was $198,159 676.02, an increase of $11,637,611.42 over that of the preceding year. Of the amount collected, $138, 908. .502. 39 was collected af the port nf New York, leaving $59,251,113.63 as the amount collected at all the other ports of the country. 2 18 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. Of the total amount, $47,977,137.63 was collected on sugar, melado, and molasses; $27,285,624.78 on wool and its manufactures ; $21,462,534.34 on ii-on and steel, and manufac- tures thereof, §19,038,665.81 on manuftxctures of silk; §10.825, 115. 21 on manufactures of cotton ; and $6,469,643.04 on wines and spirits ; making a total revenue from the articles speciiied, of $133,058,720.81. The expenses of collection for the past year were $6,419,845.20, an increase over the pre- ceding year of $387,410.04. AVhile there was an increase in the revenue from customs over the preceding year of over eleven and a h.ilf millions of dollars, the gross value of the imports, including free goods, decreased over twenty-five millions of dollars. The most marked decrease was in the value of unmanufactured wool, $14,023,682, and in that of scrap and pig-iron, $12,810,671. There was, on the other hand, an increase in the value of sugar imported of $7,427,474 ; on steel rails, of $4,345,521 ; on barley, $2,154,204 ; and on steel in ingots, bars, &c., $1,620,046. The exports, as contrasted with the imports during the last fiscal year, (1881), are as follows : Exports of domestic merchandise $883,925,947 00 Exports of foreign merchandise 18,451,399 00 Total 902,377,346 00 Imports of merchandise 642,664,628 00 Excess of exports over imports of merchandise 259,712,718 00 Aggregate of exports and imports 1,545,041,974 00 Compared with the previous year, there was an increase of $66,738,688 in the v.alue of ex- ports of merchandise, and a decrease of $25,290,118 in the value of imports. The annual average of the excess of imports of merchandise over exports thereof, for ten years previous to June 30, 1873. was $104,706,922; but for the last six years there has been an excess of exports over imports of merchandise amounting to $1,180,668,105 — an annual average of $196,778,017. The specie value of the exports of domestic merchandise has increased from $376,616,473 in 1870, to $883,925,947 in 1881, an increase of $507,309,474, or 135 per cent. The imports of merchandise have increased from $435,958,408 in 1870, to $642,664,628 in 1881, an increase of *206, 706,220, or 47 per cent. During e;ich year from 1862 to 1879, inclusive, the exports of specie exceeded the imports thereof. The largest excess of such exports over imports was reached during the year 1864, when it amounted to .1^92,280,929. But during the year ended June 30, 1880, the imports of coin an 1 bullion exceeded the exports thereof by .575,891,391 ; and during the last fiscal year the excess uf imports over exports was $91,168,650. INTERlVAIi REVENIJE. From the various sources of taxation under the internal-revenue laws, the receipts for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1881, were as follows: From spirits $67,153,974 88 From Tobacco 42,854,991 31 From fermented liquors 13,700,241 21 From banks and bankers 3,762,208 07 From adhesive stamps 7,375,255 72 From penalties 231,078 21 From collections not otherwise provided for 152,162 90 Total 135,229,912 30 ANTE-WAR DEBTS OF THE SEVERAIi STATES. Tablb showing the Debts of the several States before the war (1860-61). Maino Now Hrtrnpshlre... Vermont Massachusetts Rhode Island Conn'-oticut Mew York New .If;r.«oy Pennsylvania Delaware Maryl.'ind Ohio Indiana MiehJKan Illinois Wliconsin Minnusota In 1860-61. $699,500 31,069 none. 7,i:i2,027 none, none. 34,lHv;,U76 ID 1,000 .37,06.1 ,602 none. M 2r.n,i73 7,770,233 2,3H8,8.|3 10,277,161 100,(100 260,000 Iowa Missouri Kansas Kentucky California Oregon Virginia North ("arolina., South Carolina.. Georgia Florida Alabama Mississippi Loiiiniana Texas Arkansas' Tennessee In 1860-61. 200,000 24,734,000 150,000 4,729,234 5.'5,372 33,248.141 9,12!),.')05 ■3,C,9I,.'>74 2,c>70,7.''.0 3.^3 000 5,018,000 none. 10,023,903 3,092,622 16,643,666 BOOK vn.] TABULATED HISTORY— FINANCES. 19 VALUE IN U. S. MONEY OF FOREIGN GOLD AND SILVER COIN. Austria l-telsium Bolivia Brazil Britisli Possessions in N. America BoRota Central America Chili Denmark Eiuiador E^ypt France. Great Britain Greece German Empire Japnn India Italy Liberia Mexico Netherlands Norway.... Peru Portugal Russia Sandwich Islands Spain Sweden Switzerland Tripoli Tuni.s Turkey U. S. of Columbia MONETART UNIT. Florin Francs Dollar. Milreis of 100 reis.... Dollar Peso Dollar Peso Crown Dollar Pound of 100 piasters Frane Pound sterling Drachma Mark Yen Rupee of IG annas.... Lira Dollar Dollar Florin Crown Dollars Milrei.s of 1000 reis... Rouble ollOOcopecks Dollar Peseta of 100 cent'es Crown Franc Mahbubof 20piaRt'rs Piaster of 16 caroubs. Piaster Pesa BTANDARD. Silver Gold and silver Gold and sdver Gold Gold Gold Silver Gold G..ld Silver Gold Gold and silver Gold Gold and silver Gold Gold Silver Goldand silver Gold Silver Gold and silver Gold Silver Gold Silver Gold Gold and silver Gold Gold and silver Silver Silver Gold Silver .453 .19:1 .90.0 .545 $1.00 .9fi.5 .til 8 .Olli .aiH .iU8 4.074 .VXi 4.8t;(ii^ .l!)3 .2(8 .997 .436 .193 1.00 .998 .208 .918 1.08 .734 1.00 .193 .208 .193 .829 .118 .043 .812 BTANDABO COIN. Florin. 5^ 10, 20 francs. Eseudo, 1/^ boliver, boliver. None. Dollar. Condor, douliloon, cscudo. 10 and 20 crowns. Dollar. 5, 10, 25, 50'piasters. 5, 10, 20 francs. 1^ sovereign, sovereign. 5, 10, 20, .'■>(i, loo drachmas. 6, 10, 20 mark.-j. 1, 2, 5, 10, 20 yen. 5, 10, 20, 50, 100 lire. ■Peso or dollar. 5, 10, 25. .OO centaya Florin, 10 guldens, gold (4.019). 10, 20 crowns. 2, 5, 10 milreis. 14, 14 aid 1 rouble. 5, 10, 20, ,50, 100 pesetas. 10, 20 crowns. 5, 10, 20 francs. 25, 50, 100, 250, 500 piasters. INTEREST LAAVS OP ALL THE STATES AND TERRITORIES IN THE UNITED STATES. ST.\TE.S & TERRITORIES. PENALTY OF USURY. LEGAL. SPECIAL. Alabama Loss of interest 85^ Arizona No penalty 10 Arkansas Forfeiture of principal and interest 6 California No penalty 10 Colorado No penalty 10 Connecticut Forfeiture of all interest 6 Dakota Forfeiture of contract 7 Delaware Forfeiture of contract 6 District of Columbia . . Forfeiture of all interest 6 Florida No penalty 8 Georgia Forfeiture of excess 7 Idaho* $.300 fine, or imprisonment six months, or both . 10 Illinois Forfeiture of all interest 6 Indiana Forfeiture of interest and costs 6 Iowa Forfeiture of interest and costs 6 Kansas Forfeiture of excess over 12;^ 7 Kentucky Forfeiture of all interest 6 Louisiana Forfeiture of interest 6 Maine No penalty 6 Maryland Forfeiture of excess 6 Massachusetts No penalty ; 65^ on judgments G Michii>;an Forfeiture of excess 7 Minnesota, Forfeiture of excess over 7«< 7 Mississippi No penalty 6 Missouri Forfeiture of all interest 6 Montana No penalty 10 Nebraska Forfeiture of all interest and costs 10 . 10 6 G 6 7 Nevada No penalty New Hampshire .... Forfeit of three times interest received . New Jersey Forfeit of all interest New Mexico No penalty New Yorkf Forfeiture of contract No limit. No limit. No limit. No limit. No limit. 18^ 6 10 No limit 12 24 8 10 10 12 8 8 No limit. 6 No limit. 10 12 No limit. 10 12 No limit. 6 7 12 7 * Liable to arrest for misdemeanor. SAl.<!o puuithable as a misdemeanor. Banks forfeit interest only, or double the intoreat if charged vanco. 59 20 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. INTEREST LAAVS STATES & TERRITOlilBS North Carolina . . . -j Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania .... Rhode Island* .... South Carolina. . . . Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington Territory. West Virginia .... Wisconsin Wyoming Territory . . * Also GjS on judgments, OF AI.Ii THE STATES AND TERRITORIES.— [Continued.] PENALTY OF USURY. LEGAL. SPECIAL. Forfeiture of double amount of principal, and "In o $1,000 fine ; ^^ ^5* Forfeiture of excess 6 8 Forfeiture of principal, interest and costs ... 10 12 Forfeiture of excess, Act of 1858 6 6 Forfeiture, unless by contract 6 No limit. No penalty 7 No limit. Forfeiture of over 6/., and $100 fine 6 10 No penalty 8 12 No penalty 10 7 Forfeit of excess on Railroad Bonds only ... G Forfeitof excess. No corporation can plead usury. 6 No limit. No penalty 10 6 Forfeit of excess 6 6 Forfeit of all interest 7 10 No penalty 10 No limit. AGGREGATE ISSUES OP PAPER MONEY IN WAR TIMES. The following table exhibit** the amountjjer capita issued of tl\o Continental monpy. the French astiqnafu, the Confederate currency, and the legal-tender greeubaoks and National bank- notes of the United States Continental money French assignats Confederata currency Grpenhack-* and National bank-not°s Highest amount in circulation, Jan. 'CG POPULATION. 3000,000 in 1780. 2ii,50U,()00 (France in 1790). 9,10 V!--52 (11 Confederate Stales, 18G0). 31,443,3-21 (United States in 1860). AMOUNT ISSUED. $359,546,825 9,11">,000,000 654,405,903 750,820,228 750,820,228 AMOUNT PKR H»AD. $110.84 ■ 34398 7189 23.87 CONGRESSIONAL REPRESENTATION. Apportionm't of Representatives in Congress, ratio of representation by the Constitution and at each census. o . ■" a "^ - -£« REPRESENTATIVES TO WHICH EACH STATE WAS ENTITLED BY STATES. .:s ^ o o C.2 . 0^ to fa 00 g CO .g 0- oSco Or'-* IL Eco <L 00 00 Ratio of Ropreseiitat'n 30,000 33,0C0 33,000 35,000 40,110(1 47,700 70,680 03,423 127,381 131,425 134,000 181;) 1 8:10 1850 1876 3 5 7 1 7 2 2 6 3 3 8 4 4 *1 4 r 2 9 19 13 9 3 10 6 5 6 11 9 3 6 13 1 1 3 7 33 8 20 1 27 2 5 10 6 3 9 3 8 s g 6 1 5 1 3 ' 7 1 " "2" 7 1 4 7 2 6 1 '"'"7" 1 3 G 1 9 3 7 4 1 '""s" 7 10 4 1 1 8 9 11 2 4 1 1 7 14 11 6 1 9 5 5 5 10 6 2 5 9 *1 *1 3 5 31 7 19 1 24 2 4 8 4 3 11 4 1 Florida 1845 2 10 1818 ISIG 1S4G 1861 1702 1812 1820 20 13 11 7 2 6 10 12 3 7 9 13 13 3 8 8 12 10 4 ^6 10 3 10 4 6 6 11 4 2 7 11 6 4 6 8 8 14 9 17 9 20 6 12 Michig n « 18:57 1858 1817 1821 1807 18G4 11 5 1 1 2 2 4 5 7 14 3 '""3 4 C 6 ""4" 5 10 10 6 17 12 " g" 6 27 13 G 6 6 34 13 14 ""6" 6 40 13 19 5 34 9 21 "3" 5 33 8 21 *1 25 2 6 10 2 3 13 1 New Ilampahiro New Jersey 2 7 34 North Carolina Ohio 1802 1859 9 21 1 8 1 6 13 2 6 18 2 8 3 23 2 9 C 26 2 9 9 28 2 9 13 24 2 7 11 28 2 fiouth Carolina "ii'uT is 15 1791 Ifi'^-l" 1818 7 10 11 2 19 4 22 G 23 22 5 21 4 15 2 Vir;^lnia...... 10 10 4 3 6 9 Whole number G3 105 141 181 213 240 223 234 243 293 326 • These States admitted subscqueutly to the apportionment. BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTORAL VOTE. 21 •moi C5'*iooqt-Oi-Hooo50oo«)ioco'# m^^im-* c^r-cot^ oooi^co co-* m OCCC0C0l-.ai-C0l0C0'J<t-a3t-O COrncO— l>»-<*<rHTj( OJOOCOOO OO^ §0 T-i '-•'-I'-Hr-tr-li-HrH'i-H •\^o VLOSdJ-Q Bp^A8^ opi3.iop3 SCSUB3 ■BjjSTjjqaNj •SIM. J- f-i- f- •BM.OI STsxax Bpuoij •^A'M. UT?3upiJ\[ i.inossi|^ sioutni tjutjipui^ : CO : CO oiqo : CO CO ; CO ; C3 • 00 : i^ : t^ : 00 : 00 iCijOjjaa^i . ■* : '^ : ■* : ■* : 00 00 : t- : 1- : <M . I-H : <^^ : <^^ . I-H . l-H •UU3X : ■CO : CO : "3 : CO : "3 lO ; lO : lO : 00 : 00 : 00 : 00 BUBisinoq; : CO : CO : CO : CO •ssijv TjtnBqiqy ; : i : ■GiS.ioaf) la :ia ^ :^ -* : : -* '^ :th : CO o ; CO : CO : 00 : 00 oo : 00 •0 -s I- : t— t- cr> o CO 00 : : 00 :oo : o o : o : o . rH . i-H I-H T-H : ^3 : I-H : i-H l-H •O'M : : t<N :<Ni-ii-ii-H«5>oooTj(coTti >* Tjt : .-( CC I-H CO lO lO o o TSIUlS-tlyV pUJiCjT5X\[ CO ; -.^coQO :t~TjiTjicoc<iiOouO'0 C3^o(M 03cqoi<M oioo^o oo CO 3.113MT3^3Q CO : CO CO eo : CO : CO : : : CO : CO :co ; co :co :co : •<*( ; -^ ; co o • • • • . . . . . . 03 •Bna3f{ — < <— ( .— 1 .— 1 T— 1 :cot--oot-o :0 :0 ro ; lo :io . o .^asaaf -f^ CO I-H ITS t^ O. ; : t^ : : : t- : 1^ cc : 00 : 00 : 00 : : oo 00 00 CO i[.iox -N : : : (M :c^ : (N : :(M:<N:cJ:C5:cocjcoc> \<^ • r-i.rH.T-i.t-i.,-(coi— im -IM C5 O (M CI o •UUOQ t— lo c^ C3 OT : 35 ; -<n : vo ;ai;0^ ;C5 :05 ;cri ; Oi : 05 ; Ol puBisi -H ■<n -^ : -* : : : ^ : Til cj CO '^ ; -^ : : "* . ■* : ■* : -* TP : ^ •ss'Br\[ o o : T— f T-I . :D CD : CO : CO : eo : CO : o 05 : O . I— 1 05 : c^ (N o : (N cj ■juonijayY ->* Tji : -* : th : : :-*:-* o : CO : ^ : : o 00 : 00 : 00 : to • • . 00 •dmuH -N u3 o : CO CO : '•o : : ; CO : CO ; CO i^ : t~ : ; J^ : t- , ao T-H r- 00 : 00 •aure]:\[ H 3 <D a o "S c CO "3 : ■^ : ' 00 I rt : f^ : oT • a '■ 0) 0) a o b 1 . & , — o il 1 : ^'~. 1 <o -a : ^5i • '^" ZJ * K^^ 00 : I-* cs a c '^' 111 .. 1 c a ^^ . a ^.> > ^ro > "To ►-5 Sh d, . t o ^ .9 = 9 c c bX 3 1= o S C ' o a >- o d u O S 6 ■£, o tc a S a 4 o o bl a o CI o a o H is '3 CO 00 T-H (M Oi o r-l c c •< 2£ O ^. GO T! G> en C^ 7^ C '/I O 71 O CD OO) 0<y 0<1> t-hO oo ,-hO O® t>p., Spm kP^ Sph t>Pw Sch >ai 22 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. •iciox i-H CO o-^t—t^coocot--^ cc <n r-^ -^ Sr- CO >-i ClX-^IOaOCCi-l 0» C^ "-I t- X l— Xl OpiiJO^O^^ ST!Su^^^I •^A AV ■S!AV tSAVOJ Buxax ■Bpiaoij Tjnossti^ sioujin •BUTSipUI oiqo ■BUBisinoi O O <N (M O -* t- 1- 00 '^ •Q N puj;fjT;iVr 9JBAVt:p(I •■BUU3<1 lo ; »o ; 1-h ; 1— t lo T-< (M O lO Oo"3Mi-( OCOiOCO CO iffl CO lO oi i-(oo-* O5t^oo(r<-* •nuoQ pncis i a iaoinj9A. dmvii -KE auiB]^ i a, a >5 Q Ci ''• Ci ■ — • Q a a . — 1-1 00 I-H CO ? o K - t; ' o ^ a ^ 5 2 >» ^ ":: g "73 a a> 4, Q Q — - 0^ VI O H^ -^ O U ►^ IJ 1-5 - a, a a .4=5 4> c3 «3 C >v" 3 to !^- .2 ^ yj g .^O 3 O P5.2 a b AS a O g.2 CO u C C -« '? O t- •-5 &^ ~ '/ i 'n CM o o a> * ,^ k" /f* rH P^ > P< O 'r 1' % -L 5 » wi 5 a> r = S'^ '^' ? L'' >• > .2 P5 5 <» r C^OT cjcr5 <::?m oJtn Oot ojoo eott) ooj co<u ott) -^sj ua» ripHK-pH t-iPir'P-i i-(Ph>-Ph BOOK vii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTO RAL VOTE. 23 OOOO eot^CCt^ "IfS^I-^C^ -t-^OO'^'^OO O'MC5!>)0C^3J'M (>1r-l.-i'»l_i_( — (^^ t^Ot^O OS^O'M •0-<l<i.O-^ 1^1-1 I^rt Ojl^cOi-iaOt~COr-( i-i7-4 00^'?100 .-.}di?j i-lr-lrHi-lrHi-ii-li-HCN C^ rHrH ,-(r-l ,-i rH M C^(M OD «" IC /T ■» -"■ ^^^ ^'' <» 24 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. •^ox ■* O eo C» (M CO J^ 00t}( r-l T— 1 t- CO t-~ U5 lO CO CO CO •<}< ^ *"* '"^ ■* 65 CO I-H CO CO CI ".0 rH ?5S •i«o 1 10 : • CO : CO : '-' j rH : uoSaJO 1 : <>3 ; CO : CO : CO : CO : 00 : CO : ■BpBAa^ 1 CO : CO : CO : CO : CO : OpTSJOJOQ 1 : : I i CO ; CO : 00 : 00 : SBSU^H 1 CO : "3 : 10 : iO ; "3 : : <« . : e* : eJiSTjjqavj | CO : CO : CO : "3 : CO : CO : CO : CO : •uaiiV 1 -* • : "3 : : lo : lo : •siAV 1 00 T-l : CO : CO ; ■BAiOJ 1 00 : ^i i m m; r~i ^ . 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CO 1 •uuoo 1 CO CO CO : : CD : CO : CO PUTSISI -H 1 Tj< •>* : ■* : ■* : ■* : ■* : "* •SSX}I\[ r-l CO I-H : M . r-l : w : «> . rH : CO . 1-1 : M ^uoraJ8A UO kO «o : "3 : »» : "3 : "3 »i3 •dmT!H-N iO vO »o : "5 : "3 : "3 : "3 ■auiBjv t~ r- • t~ : *- : t^ : r^ : 1^ 1 1 o5 M H -< Q Q 3 c a ^1 1 ( U : c : i ' < 3^ H • : X! • ra • 2 : "5 • '~T' c ■ ^ J : oj < : < \< u 3 J = p: 50 ^ ^ a 4 5£ a. - ^£ a -p: H ■ c : a : p: ^ c -£ It a a r > i i . p: i ^ i c -£ i 7^ 3 tf -' »■ 5^ 1— 1 ^^ <-. • oca 1- i £ g 2 fe ^ S <2 1= 0-0,2 ; Ph pa J3 eq ^'^ |i ) iri i . <u a ' IS .> "^ ''^ "H ^ 1 W P= <l w u (V (5 c 1 r i> e t 2 2 -p. C£ 00 rH u 0) CJ «>K VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— APPORTIONMENT. 25 328 828 CO O ;0 rH ■<* i-l I ii-<goc^i^ooc^O"*OJ SS8 IS8 OO UD i» 1 ii-iOO(N«)00<NO'^05 ir-i00C^«0OOiMO'^0> 028 00iOO'-i'>*<i-iC^C>OC0i-i<£>i-H<OT)ii»(MT-(iOl^'»*ie0i-iCSt-e0O5i-ii-i00C-«t0OO(MC^a0 1-1 C^ " .-H i-H rH rH i-H CO (M <N i-l rl i-H 618 00»OC0r^'*r-»C^OpC0O»i-H;0'^«0iMi-<iOl^Ttte0>-<C^t-e005i-ir-i00C<ltOOOC^O'*00 rH 0^ 1-1 rH rl t-H i-H rH CO C4 174 rl i-H i-H 818 QOiO?Oi-H>*i-iC>iOOeoO«i-HCO'*;Oi-Hi-HiOt-'itiei5i-HC^l-e<901i-ii-iQOC>«5000C^O'^flO rHC^i-Hi-Hi-H 1-HrH 1-H eO(MCl i-Hi-i,-h il8 I 00 lO O I-H ■* I-H I i-Hl-Cvl«>OOC^O'«1<00 918 00 lO CD I-H -"^ I-H ' 'i-Ht-C^tooOC'4 0'^00 S18 00»0!Di-H'*rHC^OOCOOcDi-H<OTj<COi-i^iOt^-^eOi-H*ll:^C^050i-Ht-(N«OOC^O'*00 .-H C^ r-l r-l I-H rH rH i-H CO <N (N rH ,-1 rH f'lS 00«3«Oi-H-*i-H(MOOCOO?0«-H<X)Tt<<»i-<OOt-'*«)i-H(Nt~ri030rHt-Cq;OOOC^O'*aO 1-H <M I-H I-H 1-H I-H rH 1-H CO Q-i Oi »-l I-H rH 818 OOiOcOi-HT}(rH(NOOCOOa30«5-*a;i-HOiCl--*e<5i-HC^t-!MG50i-Hl-C^COOOC^O-*00 I-H (M rH rl r- rHrH rH CO (M C^ rH rH rH 218 00»OCOrH'4<l-HC1005COO«50«i*l«3.— 0>Ct~-^COrHC^t-(NCiOrHl^lM<£)00<NO'^00 rHrHrHrnrH rHrH rH CO(NC^ i-HrHrH 118 Q0>O>0rHTl(rH(MO05e0O?0O<S>"*?DrHOi0t--^C0rH(Nt^Ivl05OrHt^lM(;0OOC<>O'*Q0 i-HrHrHi-Hr-H 1-HrH rH COC^Ol rHrHrH 018 OOlOl.Ol-H'^rHC^OOS(MOOO=OTl1COrHOlCt--tlCOrH<Mt-(M550rHl^(MCOOO<NO'^00 rHi-Hl-HrHl-H .^rH rH COC^<M 1-HrHrH 608 00OOrHi*lrHCqO05C^OcDO<£>r»iC0rHO>CI:^Tt(C0rH011:-C^OOrHl^(M;0OO(N03-*Q0 rl rH rH rH rH rHrH rH CO (M C<> rHrH 808 00l0OrH-<*lrH!MO05C^OOOC0-^«0rHO>Ol— C0e0rHS>lt--<NC5Ol-Hl^(r4OOO(?4C5-»»<00 rH r-» rH rH rH i-H rH rH CO C^ <N rHrH i08 00»Cl0rHTl1rH(MC105C^O:0OvD-^»rHOOt— COeOrHlMl— 'r4050rHr~C^?DOO(NC5'*iQO rHrHrHrH rHrH rH COIMC^ i-HrH 908 OOlO>-OrHTj1rH(M0505IMO«30'®"*!Oi-HO»Ot-eOCOrH(Nt^rH030rHCOC4«DOOO<0'^00 I-HrHrHrH rHi-H i-H COOJC^ l-Hl-H 508 oOlO>OrH■^rH(^^a5^i!^^oooo•^OrHO>-'st^coco^■H(^^^-rHOiOrHOl^^l»oOl^^o■^oo i-Hi-HrHrH rHrH i-H eOC<l(N rH'i-H WS j 808 208 I OOlOlOrH-^rHS^^ClCnCMOCDOCO-^CDr-O'.Ot^COOSrHI rH«5iM<ao50(NaiT}<oo 00»OOrHTj<rH(N05Ci<NO«OOCO'«!*<«OrHO»Ot~eOOOrH(Mt^rHOOOi-HCOC4CD050(NC5^00 r-l rH rH t-h rHrH 1-H CO C^ C<> rH OOUt>>Oi-HTt(rH<MCDOi'NOOO«0'^;OrHOOt~50eOrHe<t~rHOOairHCO(N«0050C^05^00 ., I 00>OlOrHTl<rHrH0500r^O«OOOTl<;0'-OOt~«ieOrH( :t '8 108 I 008 i G62 862 162 I OO'OOrH'^rHrHOlOSC^OCOOJOil'CD-HOOt^COCOrHI rHC0(N?C>01OC<«0i'^00 t^iOU3r-<i*rHi-H0505!MO«00«0'^CDrHOiOt:^eOCOrH! ,rH(ac<)<£i050(r4a>'*QO ,rHC0C<lCD05OC<105-«J<00 t-U3»OrH-^rHrH0500'MO;OOCO'*COrHO>Ot^eOeOrH( rH-£C^O0»C>(M05Tl<00 t-lOlOi-H-<J<rHrH05QOC>40COOCO'^«OrHOlOt— eO0Ol-H< rHCOC4;O0»0>C^O>^Q0 962 t~lO»OrH-^rHrH0500C<>0«OOCD'^kOrHO»Ot-03eOi-H( -rHCOS^cDCJCTiC^O^OO 562 ^62 t-USlOrH-^rHrHOSOOMOCOOO-^lOi-HOlOt— COC0rH( i-HiOMsoososc^oiHjiao -. I l:~^ra^OrH■^rHrH0500C^OtOO'CTf(lOrHO^.O^-^^eOrHI liO'MSDOSCJIMOl'^OO 862 |l>.lOlOrHTj<rHrH05 00riOtC>OlOTl<lOOO'Or-^eOeOrHC>Jt-OQOa5rHOC^«DO»0>C^C»'*QO I rHrHrHrH rHrHi-H COrHC^ l5^ CO'^'^i— i-^i-HtMOiOiCO^COOCDiO^T-iOSCOCOCOi-Hf-H' 2 S-2^-:3 I rt .2 '^ : [^ bO'3 ■ 1 § -2 >» c3 e3 O. a> -5 !- C3 O © iJ , ■^ ^ ■^ 2 c o a.-- <5 a ^ •"'"'■ ^ S ii -^ -r ff< 33 cj .— .^ .rt .^ ^ ^ ^ _« o :j K .S 2 fc 3= 6: > » -• a* c .2 :~ 2 t^ .9 tP = 5 :; "5 PhBh QQH S » •- ^ : 2 S C. o 26 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII ) ic o •-: r~. "< tr r- l- -^ -^ c: tz t~ ir. -^ -^ : 0. X o H OiO -r t~ O 1 ^ o cc 05 est r: ■ QO 00 i-« O rH r-l i-l C • foxr^QCccocoo:::-^! H 0^?5^^ i-( (N [N OS ^ »o t 25. a C.S.S » 7* T >. >.7' i- y c; 0! i^ (S O d o 1^- . 3 :- 3 ." o C tl, Q o c ° u no-" P P <s — >> ' "^ .2 .S c M O O ^^. C O X -- a - ^ ^ . = ° 3 . h22^h *s s s s s ^^ (11 : !» : t- : > • o : O : o •.z ;z- Z.. :Z : a : a* " Sc' :.S« October.. June Monday i in April. Monday i August.... Septemb Monday i a.9.^s^ 2.S-S c^.S day day ter 1 nesc terl ^^1 Tues Mon es. af Wed es. af Mon Tues es. af S2h2h "S'S 3 22h s^2 . B tf g OS O 9 fM C5 i-H ci fr: Ci fOCt:>iOOf-'OCCCOCCi-HrHi-CCOt-r-COQOCi-*C'(MiCO?OiHCOa>iHOOQOrH 2S CC CO -^ CO CO CO CO X GC X CC X GC 00 X X X X X X X « -M (M r? CO -f X X X X X X CO CO ^ -^ Tt< CO CO : xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx: ■^COCOcOCOCOCO'*COCO'^'MCOCO^COCO-+<O^COCOCOiNCO ., .- -.- ..- - xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx C G := C C C fl C8 c8 ci cj c3 S3 o3 •-3 '-tp --i ^ '-5 "-s "-a iM rt -!?< CO CO !M CO X X X X X X X X X X X X X X c c a c c a 3 X X X X : ce S 3 <3 cS 05 1-5 >-5 1-5 T-5 ■-» 00 X GO 00 00 CO 00 OC OO 00 00 00 00 00 00 CC 00 c __,.,_,___. ^ ^ ~ aP.ccnsocCC^Ccflco.c^HO.cS'Scc — ■" c t; ^ c 5; c3fflceiSc3o8Sa!aJc53c3!S3«0«®e8<PcS>55o3cS3i;c3 P-5 S C>. 'j* (N •<J< 0» N •>*< ■* ^ IM ■*•>}( Til N N'*T(l(N'*i-<(N!NTH.*Tj<IN-*(MC<0il<CO'<J<Cq-*Ti(r-(<N(NIM'*Cq'*'<J<Tj((MTj( m <* o c- o o o o o o o c o o oo ■=_ o c. =. o_ -^^ =, c-T c^ ^ CO 0^'ci' <>r O =: Ci o c o 0^00 = OOOOCJOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCiOOCOOOOOOCOO CO uT'^cT^'^rH'cO 'i^<rc4"c4'^*"rH'irf C>ro'TjrTjH'r.rcrrH"n5'-^"'<irc-rf-ricr0^r(N lOO^" >5 ®:^ ::::::::::::::::::::<»::::::: . o 1-5 ►^ BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 27 UNITED STATES CENSUS BY COUNTIES, 1880-1870. Alabama. 1880. Autauga 13108 Baker Baldwin 80O3 Barbour. 3;«79 Bibb !)487 Blount 153G0 Bullock 2!iOi;il Butler I'JCW Calhoun 1051)1 Chamb rs 23M0 Cherokee 10108 Chilton 10703 Choctaw I'i731 Clarke 17806 Clay 12038 Cleburne ~ 10076 Coffee 8119 Colbert 1C153 Conecuh 12r.o.'-) Coo3a 15113 Covington 5G39 Crenshaw 11726 Cullman C355 Dale 12077 Dallas 48133 De Kalb 12675 Elmore 17502 Escambia 5719 Etowah 15!08 Fayette 10135 Franklin 9155 Geneva 4342 Greene 21931 Hale 26553 Henry 18761 Jackson 25114 Jefferson 23272 Lamar 12142 Lauderdale 21035 Lawrence 21392 Lee 27262 Limestone 21600 Lowndes 31176 Macon 17371 Madison 37625 Marengo 30S90 Marion 9364 Marshall 14585 Mobile 48653 Monroe 17091 Montgomery 523:>6 Morgan 16428 Perry 30741 Pickens 21479 Pike 20640 Randolph 16575 Russell 24837 Sanford Saint Clair 14462 Shelby 17236 Sumter 28728 Talladega 2.3.360 Tallapoosa 23401 Tuscaloosa 24957 Walker 94T0 Washington 4.538 Wilco.x.. - 31828 Winston 4253 1870. 11623 6104 6004 29309 7469 9045 24171 141 IS 1 130.SO 17562 11132 12676 14C.r,3 9560 8017 6171 12.537 9574 119*5 4868 111,56 Total 1262505 Of whom, colored... 600358 11.325 40705 7126 14477 4041 10109 7136 SO i6 2059 18309 21792 14191 19410 12345 1.5091 i(;i'.58 217.50 15017 2.5719 17727 31267 261.51 6059 9S71 49311 14214 4,3704 12187 24975 176! 10 17423 1200G 21636 8803 9360 12218 24109 180i;4 16963 20081 6543 3912 28377 41.55 996992 470510 Arlxona Territory. 1880. Apache 5283 Maricopa 5r)89 Mohave 1190 Pima 17000 Pinal 3044 Yavapai 5013 Yuma 3215 Arkansas. I 1830. 1870. j Arkansas 8038 8268 Aslik-v 10156 8042 liaxter GWi B. nlon 20328 138 Jl Hoone 12146 70.32 Uradloy 6285 8646 Cilhoun 5071 38.53 Carroll 13337 5780 Ch.cot 10117 7214 1 Clark 1 ■771 11953 j Clay 7213 ! Columbia 14090 11397 Conwav 127.55 8112 Craigluad 7037 4577 Crawford 14740 8957 Crittenden .*. 9415 3831 Cross 5050 3915 Hall IS 6505 5707 Desha 8973 6125 Dorsey 8370 Drew 12231 9960 Faulkner 12786 Franklin 14951 9627 Fulton 6720 4843 Garland 9023 Grant 6185 .3043 Greene 7480 7573 Hempste.ad 1015 13768 Hot Spring 7775 5877 Howard 0917 Independence 18086 14,566 Izard 10857 6806 .Jackson 10877 7268 Jefferson 22386 15733 Johnson 11565 9152 La Fayette 5730 9139 Lawrence 8782 5981 Lee 13288 Lincoln 9255 Little River 6404 3236 Logan 14885 Lonoke 12146 Madison 114-55 8231 Marion 7007 3979 .Miller 9919 Mis,sissippi 7332 Monroe 9.574 Montgomery ,5729 Nevada 12959 Newton 6120 4374 Ouachita 117,58 12075 Perry 3872 2685 Philips 21262 1.5372 Pike 6345 3788 Poinsett 2102 1720 Polk 5857 3376 I'opp 14322 8386 Prairie 8435 .5604 Pulaski 32616 32066 Randolph 11724 7466 Saint Francis 8389 6714 Saline 80.53 3911 Scott 9174 74S3 Searcy 7278 5614 Sebastian 19560 12940 Sevier 6192 4492 Sharp 9047 5400 Stone 5089 Union 13419 10,571 Van Buren 9,565 5107 Washing'on 23814 17266 White..: 17704 10.347 Woodruff *<f'46 6801 Yell 138.52 804S 3633 8336 2984 1880. Del Norto 2584 Rl Dorado 10683 Fresno 9478 Humboldt 1.5512 Inyo 2928r Kern 5601 Klamath.. Lake 6596 Lassen 3340 Los Angeles 33,l8l Marin 11324 Mariposa 4:5.39 Mendocino 12800 Merced 6656 Modoc 4399 Mono 7499 Monterey 11302 Napa 132.15 Nevada 20823 Placer 14232 Plumas 6180 Sacramento 34390 San Benito 5,584 San Bernardino 7786 San Diego 8618 San I'^raneisco 2339.59 San Joaquin 24349 San Luis Obispo 9142 San Matfo 8669 Santa Barbara 9513 Santa Clara 3,5039 •Santa Cruz 12802 Shasta 9492 Sierra 6623 Siskiyou 86i0 •Solano 18475 Sonoma 2.5926 S'anislaus 8751 Sutter 5159 Tehema 9-301 Trinity 4999 Tulare 11281 Tuolumne 7848 Ventura 5073 Yolo 11772 Yuba 11284 1870. 2022 KtJiK) G:U6 C14<» 195« 29i5 l«8(i 2'.>l.9 1327 15319 0903 4,572 7545 2807 '""430 9876 7163 19l:;4 11357 44'!'J 26830 "3988 4951 149473 210.51) 4772 6635 7784 26246 8743 4173 5619 6848 1687 1 19819 6499 .5030 3587 3213 4533 81-50 1870. Total 01 vyliom, colored... 40440 5263 179 5701; 2142 1621 9658 26 Total 802.525 Of whom, colored... 210953 California. 1880. Alameda 62076 .Alpine 539 Amador 11334 Butte 18721 Calaveras 9094 Colusa 13118 , Contra Costa 12>>2o 484471 122160 1870. 24287 685 9582 11403 8895 6165 8461 Total 864694 560247 Of wh'm,Color'd (in- cluding Chinese) 97420 4272 Colorado. 1880. Arapahoe 3S644 Bent 1654 Boulder 0723 Chaffeo 6512 Clear Creek 7823 Conjegos 5605 Costilla 2879 Custer 8080 Douglas 2486 Elbert 1708 El Paso 7949 Fremont 4735 Gilpin 6489 Grand 417 Greenwood Gunnison 82:55 Hin.sdale 1487 Huerfarno 4124 Jefferson 6804 Lake 23.563 La Plata IHO Larimer 4.'<02 Las .\nirnas 8903 Onrav 2669 Park" 3970 Pueblo 7617 Rio Grand 1014 Koutt 14<1 Saguache 1973 San Jnan 1087 Summit 54.59 I Weld 5'VI6 I Total 104327 , Of whom, Colored.- 3197 1870. 68-29 592 1939 "'l596 2504 1779 ""l388 """987 1064 5490 2250 2390 52-2 '"'8.38 4276 "447 226.5 2.58 1"'.36 39864 456 28 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. Connecticut. 1880. 1870. Fairfield 112ii42 9r>2~r, Hiirttord 1;^538-^ 109i)u7 hirchfield 52044 48727 Middlesex 35589 36^9^ New Haven 156523 121257 New London 73152 6t)570 Tolland 24112 22000 Windliam 43856 38518 Total 622700 537454 Of whom, Colored.. 11793 9068 1870. Dakota Territory. 1880. Anrora 69 Barnes .' 1585 Beadle 1290 Billine-s i:!23 Bon Homme 5468 Boreman 534 Bottineau Brookings 4965 BroWQ 353 Brule 238 Buffalo 63 Burleigh 3246 Campbell 50 Cass 8998 Cavalier Charlevi Mix 407 Clievenne Clark 114 Clay S'Ol Codington 2156 Custer 995 Davison 1256 Day 97 Delano De Smet Deuel 2302 Di)Uglas 6 Edmunds Emmons 38 Faulk 4 Forsvthe Fort'Sisseton 134 Foster 37 Gingras Grand Forks 6248 Grant 3010 Grecory Hamlin 693 Hand 153 Hanson 1301 Howard 12 Hutches 268 Hut<^;hinson....- 5573 Hvde Kidder „ 81 Kingsbury 1902 Jnvne Lake 2057 La Moure 20 Lawrence 13248 Lincoln 5896 Logan Lugenbeel Lyman 124 McCook 12.83 Mf'Henry MePherson Mandan Mercer Meyer 115 Minnehaha 8251 Minor 303 Mountraille 13 Moody 3915 Morton 200 Pembina 4«62 Pennington 2244 Potter Pratt Predho RanriHey 281 RMniom 637 U.nvillo Ri<'hland 3597 Koletto " 1870. 608 163 '240 152 2621 712 Rusk , Shannon ., Sheridan Si■■set^ln and Wah- peton. Spink Stanley ... Stark. Stevens. Stutsman . Sulley. Todd Traill. Tripp Tnrner 5320 Union 6813 Wallette 4:i2 Walworth 46 Wliit-i River Williams 46 Yankton .f.... 8390 Zieba"h Unor'z'd p'rt'n of Ter Total 135177 14181 Of whom, Colored.... 2003 94 .3507 District of Colnmbia. 1880. 1870. Washington Co 177624 1317(X) Of whom, Colored .. 69402 43404 Delavrare. 1880. 1879. Kent 32874 29 04 New Castle 77710 635I.> Sussex 30018 31096 Total 146008 125015 Of whom, Colored... 26456 22794 Florida.. 1880. 1870. Alachua.. 16462 17328 Baker 2303 1325 Bradford 6112 3071 Brevard 1478 1210 Calhoun 1580 998 Clay 2838 2098 Columbia 9589 7335 Dade 257 85 Duval 19431 11921 Escambia 12156 7817 Franklin 1791 1250 Gadsden 12109 9802 Hamilton 6790 5749 Hernando 4248 2938 Hillsborough 6.S14 3210 Holmes 2170 1572 Jackson 14372 9528 .Jefferson 16005 13398 La Fayette 2441 1783 Leon 19662 1,52.30 Levy 5767 2018 Liberty 1,302 1050 Madison 14798 11121 Manatee 3544 1931 Marion 1.3046 10804 Monroe 10940 5657 Nassau 0035 4247 Orange 0018 2195 Polk 3181 3109 Putnam 0201 3821 Saint .lohn's 4.')35 2018 Santa Rosa 6045 3312 Sumter 40,s6 2952 Suwannee 7101 3556 Taylor 2279 14.53 Volusia 3294 1723 Wakulla 2723 2.506 Walton 4201 3041 Washington 4089 2.302 Total 209493 187748 Of whom, Colored... 125317 01089 Georgia. 1880. 1870. Appling 5276 5086 Baker 7307 0843 Baldwin 13806 10018 Banks ~ 7337 4973 Bartow 18690 10566 Berrien 0019 4518 Bibb 27147 20i.55 Brooks 11727 8342 Brvan 4929 5252 Bullock 80.53 5610 Burke 27128 17079 Butts 8311 6941 Calhoun 7ii24 55o3 Camden 0183 4615 Campbell 9970 9170 Carroll 1C901 11782 Catoosa 4739 4409 Charlton 21.54 1897 Chatham 45023 41279 Chattahooche 5670 60.59 Chattooga 10021 6902 Cherokee 14325 10399 Clarke 11702 12941 Clay 6050 5493 Clayton 8027 5477 Clinch 4138 3945 Cobb 20748 13814 Coffee 5070 .3192 Colquitt 2.527 1054 Columbia 10405 1.3529 Coweta 21109 1.5875 Crawford 8656 75.'>7 Dade 4702 3033 Dawson 5837 4.369 Decatur 19072 1,5183 De Kalb 14497 10014 Dodge 53.58 Dooly 12420 9790 Dougherty 12622 11617 Douglas 69.34 Early 7011 6998 Echols 2553 1978 Effingham 5979 4214 Elbert 129.57 9249 Emanuel 9759 6134 Fannin 7245 5429 Fayette 8005 8221 Floyd 24418 17230 Forsyth l<i,5.59 7983 Franklin 114,53 7893 Fulton 49137 33346 Gilmer 8.386 6644 Glascock 3.577 2736 Glynn 6497 5376 GoVdon 11171 9268 Greene 17.547 12454 Gwinnett 19,531 12431 Habersham 8718 6322 Halt 1,5298 96f>7 Hancock 16989 11317 Haral.-on 5974 4004 Harris 1,57,18 13284 Hart 9094 6783 Heard 8709 7866 Henry 14193 10102 Houston 22414 20406 Irwin 2096 1837 Jackson 10297 11181 Jasper 11851 104.39 Jerterson 15071 12190 Johnson 48(K) 2964 Jones 11013 9436 Laurens lon,53 7834 I ee 10.577 9.567 Liberty 10049 7088 Lincoln 0412 5413 Lowndes 11049 8321 Lumpkin 6.526 6161 McDutfv 9449 Mcintosh 6241 4491 Maeon 11075 11468 Madison 7978 6227 Marion 8,598 8000 Meriwether 17651 13756 Miller 3720 3091 Milton 6261 4284 Mitchell 9392 6033 Monroe 18808 17213 Montgomery 6381 3586 Morgan 14032 10096 Murray 8209 6.500 Muscogee 19322 16663 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTO RY— CENSUS. 29 ll78i 703!) I 5317 > 2778 i lO'JOa 78 Ji 11940 li)4(il 4150 3i5« 10501 257^4 Georgia.— [Continued.] 1880. 1870. Newton 13023 140 5 Oconee 0351 Oglethorpe 15400 Paulding 10887 Pickens 6790 Pierce <538 Pike 15849 Polk ll'J52 Pulaski 140SS Putnam 14539 Quitman 439i Rabun 4034 Randolph 13341 Richmond 34605 Rockdale 0838 Schley 6302 6129 Screven 1^786 9175 Spalding 12585 10205 Stewart 13998 H2i)4 Sumter 18239 10550 Talbot 14115 IVm Taliaferro 7034 4790 ^Tuttnall 0988 4800 Taylor 8597 7143 Telfair 4828 3245 Terrell 10451 9U53 IThomas 2*597 14.V23 Towns 3261 2780 Troup 20565 17'>:12 Twices 8918 8545 Union 64.31 52n7 Upson 12400 9}.30 ■Walker 11056 9925 Walton 15022 110(8 Ware. 4159 22S6 Warren 10885 10545 Washington 21964 15842 Wayne 5980 2177 Webster 5237 4077 White 5341 4'(m Whitfield 11900 10417 Wilcox 3109 2439 Wilkns 15985 11790 Wilkinson 12051 9383 Worth 5892 3778 1880. 1870. Total 1542180 11841U9 Of whom, colored... 724765 545142 Idabo Territory. 1880. Ada 4074 Alturas 1603 Bear Lake 3235 Boise 3214 Cassia 1312 Idaho 2031 Kootenai. 518 Lemhi 2230 Nez Perces 3905 Oneida 6'-iG4 Owyhee 1420 Shoshone 409 Washington 879 Total 32010 Of whom, colored... 3600 1870. 2075 6S9 lUlnois. 1880. Adams 59135 Alexander 14S03 Bond 14860 Boone 11508 Brown 130U Bureau 32172 Calhoun 7407 Carroll ICOTfi Cass 14193 Champaign 4nsti3 Christian 2^227 Clark 21S04 Clay 16192 3834 849 "988 1607 1922 1713 722 14999 60 1870. 50362 10504 13152 12942 12205 32415 6562 107O5 115S0 32737 203(53 1S719 15875 Clinton 18714 Coles 27042 Cook 007524 Crawford 10197 Cumberland 13759 Do Kalb 2'>708 De Witt 17U10 Douglas 15853 Du Page 19101 Edgar V '■^*'-*^ Rdwards 8597 Kttingham 18920 Fayette 2;J241 Ford 1'099 Franklin 10129 Pulton 41240 Oallatiu 12801 Greene 23010 Grundv 16732 Hamilton 16712 ILincoek, 35337 Hardin 0924 Henderson 10722 Henry 30597 Iroquois 35451 Jackson 22505 Jasper 14515 Jetterson 20080 Jorsey 15542 Jo Daviess 27528 Johnsdn 13078 Kane 44939 Kankakee 25047 Kendall 13083 Kno.x 38344 Lake i 21296 La Salle 70403 Lawrence 13003 Lee 27491 Livingston 38450 Logan 25037 M.>Donough. 27970 Mcllenry 21908 MrLoan 00100 Macon 30065 Macoupin 37092 Madison 50126 Marion 23686 Marshall 150.55 Mason 10242 Massac 10443 Menard 13024 Mercer 19502 Monroe 13682 Montgomery 28078 Morgan 31514 Moultrie 13099 Ogle 29937 Peoria 55355 Perry 16007 Piat 15583 Pike 33751 Pope 132,56 Pulaski 9507 Putnam 5554 Randolph 25690 Richland 15545 Rock Island 38302 Saint Clair 61806 Saline 15040 Sangamon 52894 Schuyler 16249 Scott 10741 Shelby 30270 Stark 11207 Stephenson 31963 Ta»ewell 29666 Union 18102 Vermillion 41588 Wabash 9945 Warren 22933 Washington 21112 Wayne 21291 White 2.3087 Whitesides 30885 Will 63422 Williamson 19.324 Winnebaeo 30.505 Woodford 21020 102x5 '25235 34990(! 13889 12233 2 1285 14708 13484 10085 21450 7S05 I 15053 19038 9103 120.52 38291 I 11131 20277 11938 I 13014 i 35935 1 5113 12582 I 35:11 )0 i 25782 19(>34 11234 17S04 15054 27820 11248 39001 24;J52 12399 31522 21014 i 60702 : 12533 27171 31471 23053 2(;509 23702 53088 20481 32720 44131 20622 109".6 16184 9581 11735 18709 12982 25314 28103 10385 27492 47540 13723 10953 30708 11427 8752 0280 20859 12803 29783 51008 12714 40352 17419 10530 25470 10751 30608 27903 16.518 30388 88U 23174 17599 197.58 1084S 275(t3 43013 17329 29301 18950 Total 3077871 2r)30801 Of whom, Colored... 46695 28762 ludlanA. 1880. 1870. Adams ~.. 153aj 11382 Mien 54703 4.3494 Hnrtholomew 2^777 21i:i3 Benton 11108 6015 Hlacklord 8020 0272 Boone 25922 22593 Brown 10204 8081 Carroll 18345 10152 Cass 27011 24193 Clarke 28010 24770 (lay 258.54 19084 Clinton 23472 17:j:w Crawford 12356 9851 Daviess 21.552 10747 Dearborn 2007I 24U« Decatur 10779 100.53 DeKalb 20225 17107 Delaware 22020 10030 Dubois 15002 12.507 Elkhart 33454 2r,026 F'ayette 11394 10476 Floyd 24590 23.3i»0 Fountain 20228 10389 Franklin 2m)92 20223 Fulton 14301 12726 Gibson 22742 17371 Grant 23018 18487 (4reene 22996 19514 Hamilton 24801 20882 Hancock 17123 15123 Harrison 21326 19913 Hendricks 22981 20277 Henry 24016 32986 Howard 10584 15847 Huntington 21805 19036 Jackson .f 230.50 18974 Jasper 9404 6354 Jav 19282 15000 Jefferson 25977 29741 Jennings 10453 16218 Johnson 19537 18366 Knox 20324 21562 Kosciusko 20494 23531 Lagrange 15030 14148 Lake 15091 12399 La Porte 30085 27062 Lawrence 18543 14628 Madison 27527 22770 Marion 102782 71939 Marshall 2:1414 20211 Martin 13175 11103 Miami 24oa3 21052 Monroe 15875 14108 Montgomery 27310 23705 Morgan 18900 17528 Newton 8107 5829 Noble 22950 2o389 Ohio 5503 6837 Orange 14.363 13497 Owen 15001 16137 Parke 19460 18106 Perry 10997 14801 Pike 10.383 -11779 Portff 17227 13942 Posey 20857 19185 Pulaski 0851 7801 Putnam 22501 21514 Randolph 20435 22802 Riplev 21027 20977 Rush! 192.38 17626 Saint Joseph 33178 253.2 Scott 8343 7873 Shelby 2-52.57 21892 Spencer 22122 17908 Stark 5105 38*8 Sieuben 14645 12854 Sullivan 2a%30 18453 Switzerland 133.36 12134 Tippecanoe 3.5906 13515 Tipton 14407 11953 Union 7073 6341 Vanderburgh 42193 ^3145 Vermillion 1202.S 10840 Vigo 54658 3.3.549 Wlba.sh 2.5241 21.305 Warron 11497 10204 ; Warrick 20102 170.55 Washington 180.55 18495 Wayne 38613 S4>H8 Wells 18442 13685 30 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book VII. Indiana. — [Continued.] 1880 1870. White 13795 10551 Wniiley ~ 10941 14399 Total 1978301 16801537 Of whom, Colored... 392G8 24560 Iowa. 1880. Adair 11067 Adams 11888 Allamakee l'J7;il Appanoose 10G36 Audubon 7443 Benton 24SS8 Black Hawk 2.3913 Boone 20838 Bremer 14081 Buchanan 18540 Buena Vista 7537 Butler 14293 Calhoun 5595 Carroll 12351 Cass 10943 Cedar 18936 Cerro Gordo 11401 Cherokee 8240 Chickasaw 14534 Clarke 11513 Clav.... 4248 Clavton 28829 Clinton .37673 Crawford 12413 Dallas 18746 Davi.s 10408 Decatur 15.3S6 Delaware 17950 Des Moines 33099 Diekin.-ron ^ 1901 Dubuque 42996 Eramett 1550 Fayette 22258 Floyd 14,677 Franklin 10249 Ftemont 17C52 Greene 12727 Grundy 12039 Guthrie 14394 Hamilton 11252 Hancock .3453 Hardin 17807 Harrison 16049 Henry 20986 Howard 10837 Humbohlt 5341 Ida 4382 Iowa 19221 Jackson 23771 Jasppr 25903 Jefferson 17409 Johnson 25429 Jones 210.52 Keokuk 21258 Kossuth 0178 Lee 348.59 Linn 37237 Louisa 13142 Lucas lt.530 Lyon 1908 Madi.'^on 17224 Mahaska 25202 Marion 25111 M!\r.HOall 237.52 Mills 14137 Mitchell 14303 Minona 9055 Monroe 1-37U) Montgomery 15895 Muscatine 23170 O'Brien 4155 O.seeola 2219 Prt^e 19007 Palfo Alto 4131 Plymouth 8500 Pof-ahonta-t 3713 Polk 42395 Pottawni'mio 398.50 Poweshiek l.'<930 Ringgold 12<iK5 Sac K774 Scott 412CC 1870. 3982 4014 17808 10456 1212 22454 21700 14584 12528 17034 1585 9951 1602 2451 5404 19731 4722 1907 10180 8735 1523 27771 35357 2530 12019 I 1880. Shelby 12696 Sioux 5426 Story 10906 Tama 11585 Taylor 150.35 Union 14980 Van Ruren 17043 Wapello 25285 Warren 19578 Washington , 20374 Wavne 10127 Webster 15951 Winnebago 4917 Wtnneshiek 2.3938 Woodbury 14996 Worth 79.53 Wright 5062 Total 1624015 Of whom, Colored... 9953 1870. 25540 576 11651 16131 6989 5986 17072 22316 17980 18952 11287 10484 1502 23570 6172 2892 2392 1194020 6762 15505 12018 17432 27256 1389 38909 1392 16973 10708 4738 11174 4627 6399 7061 6055 999 13684 8931 21463 6282 5296 226 10644 22019 22110 17839 24898 19731 19434 3351 37210 31080 12877 10388 221 13884 22508 24430 17.570 8718 9.582 3054 12724 5934 121088 715 '6975 1310 2199 1410 27857 i 10893 : 1.5581 5091 I 1411 : 38599 [ Kansas. 1880. Allen 11303 Anderson 9057 Arrapahoe 3 Atchison 26668 Barbour 2001 Barton 10318 Bourbon 19591 Brown 12817 Buffalo 191 Butler 18i)80 Chase '..... 0081 Chatauqua 11072 Cherokee 21905 Cheyenne 37 Clarke 163 Clay 12320 Cloud 15343 Cott'ey 11438 Comanche ..., 372 Cowley 21538 Crawford 10851 Davis 6994 Decatur 4180 Dickinson 15251 Doniph.an 14 57 Douglas 21700 Edwards 2409 Elk 10023 Ellis 6179 Ellsworth 8494 Fo )te 411 Ford 3122 Franklin 10797 Gove 1190 Graham 4258 Grant 9 Greeley 3 Greenwood 10548 Hamilton 108 Harper 4133 Harvey 11451 Hodgeman 1704 Howard Jackson 10718 Jefferson 15503 Jewell 17475 Johnsou 16853 Kansas 9 Kearney 159 Kingman 3713 Labette 22735 Lane 601 Leavenworth 32355 Lincoln 8582 Linn 1.5298 I,von 17326 M'cPhor.son 17143 MariiHi 124.53 Marshall 161.30 Meade 290 Miami 17802 Miirhell 11911 Montgomery 18213 Morris 9205 Nchama 12402 Nc.>h1io 15121 Ness 3722 Norton 0998 0»agc 19042 1870. 7022 5220 15507 2 1.5076 6823 3035 1975 11038 2942 23i3 6201 1175 8160 6526 '3043 13909 20592 1336 1185 427 10385 2794 0053 12520 207 13084 9973 32444 610 12174 8014 738 768 6901 11724 4.S5 75i;4 2225 7339 10200 7648 1880. Osborne 12517 Ottawa 103U7 Pawnee 5396 Phillips 12014 Pottawatomie 17350 Pratt 1890 Rawlins 1623 Reno 12826 Republic 14913 Rice 9292 Rilev 104.30 Rooks 8112 Rush 5490 Russell 7.351 Saline 13808 Scott 43 Sedgwick 187.53 Sequoyah 568 Seward 6 Shawnee , 29093 Sheridan 1567 Sherman 13 Smith 13883 Stafford 4755 Stanton 5 Stevens 12 Sumner 2812 Thomas 161 Trego 25:'.5 Wabaunsee 8756 Wallace 680 Washington 14910 Wichita 14 Wilson 13775 Woodson 6535 Wyandotte 19143 Total 990096 Of whom. Colored 4391 Kentucky. 1880 Adair 13078 Allen 12089 Anderson 9001 Ballard 14378 Barren 22331 Bath 11982 Bell 6055 Boone 11996 Bourbon 15950 Boyd 12105 Boyle 11930 Bracken 13.509 Breathitt 7742 Breckinridge 17480 Bullitt 8521 Butler 12181 Caldwell. 11282 Calloway 13295 Campbell 37440 Carroll 8953 Carter 12345 Ca.sey 10983 Christian 31682 Clark 12115 Clay 10222 Clinton 7212 Crittenden 11088 Cumberland 8894 Daviess 27730 Edmonson 7223 Elliott 0507 Estill 98fi0 Fayette 29023 Fleming 152J1 Flovd 10170 Franklin 18099 Fulton 7977 GftUa'iti 4832 Garrard 11704 Grant 13083 Grave.s 24138 Grayson 1.5784 (ireen 11871 Greenup 1.".:'.71 Hancock 8503 Harilin 22504 Harlan f278 Harrison 10,504 Hwrt 171.33 Uondurson 24616 1870. 33 2129 177 "7848 1281 5 5105 4246 1095 1312 i 66 .22 160 3362 538 4081 6694 3827 10015 364399 17108 1870. 11005 10290 5449 12570 17T80 10145 10096 14 803 8573 9.515 11409 6072 13440 7781 9404 10826 9410 27400 6189 7.509 8884 23227 10882 8297 0497 9381 7090 20714 4459 44.33 9198 20056 13398 7877 16800 6101 5074 10376 9529 19398 11.580 9379 11403 0,591 15705 4415 12993 13087 18467 BOOK VII.] T A B UL AT E D H 1 ST K Y— C E N S U S. 31 Kentucky.— [Continued.] 1«80. Henrv UV.ri Hicktn:iii l(i(i.-)l Hopkins 10122 JiX'^ksoii •iliTS Jeffornon HnolO Jessamine 1US(14 Johnson 'Jl55 Josh li-11 Kenton 4:{!)K3 Knox IDMl Ija Rue . Laurel . 1870, lIOfiG Slf).-! 13827 4517 llSll.-.:t H(i:i8 74'J4 3721 3f!l)!)G 82'J4 82:55 GOIO 84!l7 3055 4<i(»8 9115 1('!I47 821)0 20429 0233 l:i9.S8 7014 19543 40«1 12838 9455 9793 9131 Lawrence 13202 Lee 4254 Leslie 3740 Letcher OOOl Lewis 13154 Lincoln ISuSo Livingston 9105 Lopan 24358 Lyon 0708 McCrackeii 10202 Mnljean 9293 Ma(iis;>n 22052 Maeoffin 0944 Marion 14093 iMarshall 9047 Martin 3057 Mason 20109 18120 IMcailo 10323 9485 I Menifee 3755 1980 I Mercer 14U2 13144 j Metcalfe 9423 7934 i Monroe 10741 9231 | Montgomery 10560 7577 Morgan 8455 5975 Muhlenburgh 15098 12638 Nelson 16009 14804 Nicholas 11869 91^9 Ohio 19009 16501 Oldham 7607 9027 Owen 17401 14.309 Owsley 4942 3889 Pendleton 16702 14030 Perry 5007 4274 Pike 13001 9562 Powell 3639 2599 Pulaski 21318 17070 Robertson 6814 5399 Rockcastle 9070 7115 Rowan 4420 2991 Russell 7591 5809 Scott 14905 11007 •Shelby 16813 15733 Bimpson 10641 9573 Spencer 7040 6956 Tnylor 9259 8226 Todd 1.5994 12012 Trigs 14489 13080 Trimble 7171 5577 Union 17809 13640 Warren 27531 21742 Washington 14419 12404 Wayne 12.512 10002 Webster 14246 10937 Whitley 12000 8278 Wolfe 50.38 3003 Woodford 11800 8240 Total 1648690 1321011 Of whom, colored... 271522 222210 Lionlslana. 1880. 1870. Ascension 10895 11577 Assumption 17010 13234 Avoyelles 10747 12926 Bienville 10442 10030 Bossier 16042 12075 Caddo 26296 21714 Calcasieu 12484 6733 Caldwell 6767 4820 Cameron 2416 1.591 Carrall lOUO Catahoula 10277 8475 Claiborne 18.S37 20240 Concordia 14914 9077 De Soto 15693 14902 East Raton Rouge.. 19960 17816 East Carroll 12134 1880. East Feliciana 15132 Franklin 64ii5 Grant 6188 Iberia 10070 Iberville 17544 Jackson 6328 Jctt'crson 12106 La Fayette 132.35 LaFourche 19113 Lincoln 11075 Livinston 5258 Madison 13900 Morehouse I42u6 Natchitoclies 19707 Orleans 210090 Ouachit* 14085 Plaquemines 11575 Pointe Coupee 17785 Rapides 23563 Red River 8573 Richland 8440 Sabine 7.344 St. Bernard 4405 St. Charles 7101 St. Helena 7.501 St. James 14714 St. John Baptist, 9080 St. Ijaridry 40004 St. Martin's 12063 St. Mary'.s; 19891 St. Tanimany 6887 Tangipahoa 9638 Tensas 17815 Terre Bonne 179.57 Union 13520 Vermillion 8728 Vernoi 6100 Washington 5190 Webster 10005 West Baton Rouge. 7607 West Carroll 2776 West Feliciana 12809 Winn 5846 Total 939946 Of whom, colored... 485200 Maine. 1880. Androscogan 4.5042 Aroostook 41700 Cumberland 80.359 Fr.anklin 18180 Hancock 38129 Kennebec 53058 Knox 32863 Lincoln 24821 0.xford 32627 Penobscot 70476 Piscataquis 14872 Sagadahoc 19272 Somcr.set 32.333 Waldo 32403 Washington 44484 York 62257 Total 648930 Of whom, colored... 2042 niaryland. 1880. Alleghany 38012 Anne Arundel 28.526 Baltimore City 332313 Baltimore 8,3336 Calvert 10538 Caroline 1.3766 Carroll S0992 Cecil 27108 Charles 18548 Dorchester 23110 Frederick 504.S2 Garrett 12175 Harford 28042 Howard 16140 Kent 17605 Montgomery 247.59 Prince George 26451 Queen Anne 19257 St. Mary's 16934 1870. 13499 607« 4517 9042 12317 7646 17707 103H8 14719 4O20 80(10 93M7 18205 191418 115S2 10.552 129SI 18015 5110 0456 3553 48(i7 5423 10152 6762 25553 9370 13860 5580 7928 12419 12451 110K5 4528 3330 10499 4954 720915 304210 1870. 35800 29009 82021 18807 30495 63203 30823 25597 33488 75150 14403 188113 340 U 34522 43343 60174 620915 1006 1870. 38536 24457 330741 9805 12101 28619 25874 16738 19458 47572 '22'!05 141.50 17102 2O503 21138 16171 14944 1880. 1870. Somerset 21008 18190 Talbot lycMiS l(il37 Washington 38501 34712 Wicomico IwiUl 16-02 Worcester 19.".39 16419 Total 931943 7a i894 Of whom, colored... 209914 175391 Ma«8achu8ett!i. 1880. 1870. Barnstable 31897 32774 Berkshire 690.'52 64827 Bristol 139040 102.S86 Dukes 4300 ,3787 Essex 244.5.35 200S43 Franklin- 36001 32035 Hampden 104142 78409 Hampshire 472.32 44388 Middlesex ,317830 2743.'i3 Nantucket 3727 4123 Norfolk 90.507 89443 Plymouth 74018 6.5305 Suffolk 387927 270802 Worcester 220897 192716 Total 178 085 1457351 Of whom, colored... 19004 13947 Mlcliigan. 1880. Alcona 3107 Allegan 37815 Alpena 87^9 Antrim 6237 Baraga 1804 Barry , 26317 Hay 38081 Bonzie 3433 Berrien 30785 Branch 27941 Calhoun 384.52 Cass 22009 Charlevoix 6115 Cheboygan 6.524 Chippewa 5248 Clare 4187 Clinton 281(W Crawford 1159 Delta 6812 Eaton 31225 Rmmett 6639 Genesee 39220 Gladwin 1127 Grand Traverse 8422 Gratiot , 21936 HilNdale 32723 Houghton 22473 Huron , 20089 Ingham 33676 Ionia 33872 Iosco 6873 Lsabella 121.59 Isle Rovale 55 Jackson 42031 Kalamazoo 34.342 Kalkaska 29.37 Kent 732.53 Keweenaw 4270 Lake 3233 Lapeer 30138 Leelenaw 0253 Lenawee 48.313 Livingston 22251 Mackinac 2902 Macomb 31627 Manistee 125!2 Manitnu 1334 Marquette 25.394 Mason 10065 Mecosta 1.3973 Menominee 11987 Midland 0R93 Missaukee 15.53 Monroe .3.3024 Montcalm 3.3148 Muskegon 20.586 Newnvgo 146«8 Oakland 415.37 Oceana ~. 11699 1870. 696 32105 2756 1985 22199 15900 2184 35104 26226 30569 21094 1724 2196 1689 866 22845 "'2.542 25171 1211 33900 "4443 11810 31084 13879 9049 25263 27681 3163 4113 '30047 32054 424 50403 4205 548 21.345 4576 45595 19336 1716 27616 6074 891 15033 3263 6642 1791 3285 130 27483 130-29 14894 7294 4867 7222 32 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book til Miclilgan.— [Continued.] 1880. 1870. Ogemaw 1914 12 Ontonagon 25)5 2845 Osceola 10777 209.3 Oscoda 4G7 70 Oteego 1974 Ottawa 3312C 26051 Presqiie Isle 3113 355 Roscommon 1459 Saginaw 59U95 39097 St. Clair 40197 36G01 St. Joseph 26626 26275 Sanilac 263U 14562 Schoolcraft 1575 Shiawassee 2T059 2(J858 Tuscola 25738 13714 Van Buren 30807 28829 Washtenaw 41St8 41434 AVavne 1C0444 119088 Wexford 6815 650 Total 1636937 1457351 Of whom, Colored... 22253 11849 Minnesota. 1880. Aitkin 366 Anoka 7108 Becker 5218 Beltrami 10 Benton 3012 Big Stone 3688 Blue Earth 228S9 Brown 12U18 Carlton 1230 Carver 14140 Cass 486 Chippewa 5408 Chisago 7982 Clav 5887 Cook 65 Cottonwood 5533 Crow Wing 2319 Dakota 17391 Dodge 11344 Do'iprlas 91.30 Faril.atilt ]30lfi Fillmore 28162 FreeViorn 16069 Goodliue 29C51 Grant 3004 Hennepin 67013 Houston 10332 Isanti 5063 Itasra 124 Jackson 4806 Kanabec 505 Kandiyohi 10159 Kitson 905 Lac-<]ui-parle 4891 Lake 106 Le Sueur 16103 Lincoln 2945 Lyon 6257 MeLeod 12342 Marnhall 992 Martin 5249 Meeker 117.39 Mille Lacs 1601 Monongana Morrison 5875 Mowf-r lf.799 Murray 3004 Nicollet 12.333 Nobles 4435 Olms-ed 21.543 Otter Tail 18675 Pembina Pine 1365 Pipe Stone 2092 Polk 11433 Pope 6874 Ramsey 46800 Redwood 5375 Renville 10791 Rice 22481 Rock 36»<9 Bt. Louis 4504 flcott 13516 Sherburne 3855 Sibley 10037 1870. 178 3940 308 80 1558 2i 17302 6396 9^86 11586 380 1467 4358 92 534 200 16312 8598 4239 9J40 24887 10578 22618 340 31506 14936 2035 96 1825 93 1760 "'145 135 11607 5643 "*38r,7 6O91) 1109 3101 1081 10447 209 8V)2 117 19793 1968 04 648 2691 23085 1829 8219 1C0H3 138 4561 11043 20.50 6725 I 1880. I Stearns 21956 I Steele 12*60 Stevens 3911 S-.ift 7473 Todd- 61:33 Traverse 1507 ' Wabashaw 18206 Wadena 2080 Waseca 12385 ^ Washington 19563 ' Watonwan 5104 ! Wilkin 1906 Winona 27197 Wright 18104 i Yellow Medicine ... 5884 I Total 780773 Of whom, colored... 3806 1870. 1 14200 8271 174 2036 13 15859 6 7854 11809 2426 295 22319 9457 1880. Wilkinson 17815 Winston 10087 Yalabusha 15U49 Yazoo 33845 Total 1131597 Of whom, colored... 652221 Mississippi. 1880. Adams 22G49 Alcorn 14272 Amite 14004 Attala 19488 Benton 11023 Bohvar 18052 Calhoun 13492 Carroll 17795 Chickasaw 17905 Choctaw 9036 Claiborne 16768 Clarke 15021 Clay 17367 Coahoma 135G8 Copiah 27552 Covington 5993 De Soto 22924 Franklin 9729 Greene 3194 Grenada 12071 Hancock G439 Harrison 7895 Hinds 439.58 Holmes 27164 Issaquena 10004 Itawamba 10GG3 Jackson 7607 Jasper 12426 Jefierson 17314 Jones 3828 Kemper 15719 La Fayette 21671 Lauderdale 21501 Lawrence 8420 Leake 13146 Lee 20470 Le Flore 1024G Lincoln 13547 Lo*ndes 28244 Madison 258GG Marion GOOl M^rshall 20330 Monroe 28553 Montgomery 13348 Neshoba 8741 Newton 13436 I Noxubee 29874 I Oktibbeha 15978 Panola 28352 i Perrv 3»27 I Pike. 1GG88 i Hontotock 13758 I Prentiss 121.58 Quitman 1407 I Kankin 1G752 Scott 10845 I Sharkey 6306 1 Simpson 8CHJ8 I Sin'tii 8088 ! Sumner 9.'i.34 j Sun Flower 4G61 Tiillahatchec 10926 Tato 18721 Tippah 128G7 Tishomingo 8774 Tunica 84G1 Union 13030 Warren 312.38 I WuHhington 25367 Wayne 8741 439706 759 1870. 19084 10431 10973 14776 9732 105G1 21047 19899 16988 1338G 7505 7144 20608 4753 32021 7498 2038 10571 42.39 5795 30488 19370 6887 7812 43G2 10884 13840 3313 129vO 18802 134G2 6720 8496 15955 10184 30502 20948 4211 2041 G 22031 7439 100G7 20905 14891 20754 2G94 11303 12520 9348 12977 7847 6718 7126 5015 7852 20727 7.350 5358 26709 145r.9 4200 Missoai4. 1880. Adair 15190 Andrew 10318 Atchison 14556 I Audrain 19732 Barry H405 Barton 10332 Bates 25.381 Benton 1239G Bollinger 11130 Boone 25422 Buchanan 49792 Butler 6011 Caldwell 1,3046 Callaway 23670 Camden a.. 72G6 Cape Girardeau 20098 Carroll 23274 Carter „ 21C8 Cass 22431 Cedar 10741 Chariton 252z4 Christian 9G28 Clarke 15031 Clay 15572 Clinton 16073 Cole 15515 Cooper 21.596 Crawford 10756 Dade 125.57 Dallas 9263 Daviess 19145 De Kalb 13334 Dent 10646 Douglass 7753 Dunklin _ 9G04 Franklin 2G534 Gasconade 1U53 Gentry 17176 Greene 28801 Grundy 15185 Harrison 20304 Henrv ~ 23906 Hickory „ 7387 Holt 15509 Howard 18428 Howell 8814 Iron 8183 Jackson 82325 Jasper 32019 Jefferson 18736 Johnson 28172 Knox 13047 Laclede 11524 La Fayette 2.'.7I0 Lawrence 17583 Lewis 15925 Lincoln 17426 Linn 20016 Livingston 20196 McDonald 7815 Macon 2G222 Madison 8S76 Maries 7304 Marion 24837 Mercer 14673 Miller 9805 Mississippi 9270 Moniteau 14346 Monroe 19071 Montgomery 16-,'19 Morgan 10132 Now Madrid 7094 Newton '8947 Nodaway 29544 Oregon 5791 O.sage 11824 Ozark 6018 Pemiscot 4299 Perry 11S95 Pettis 27J71 Phelp.S 12508 1870_ 12705 8984 13254 17279 827922 444201 1870. 11448 15137 8440 12307 10^73 f087 15960 11322 8162 2U765 35100 4298 11390 19202 (108 17558 1744G 1465 19296 9474 19136 6707 13667 15564 14063 10292 20G92 7982 8G83 8383 14410 9858 C357 3915 5982 30008 10093 11C07 21549 10567 14635 17401 6452 11652 17233 4218 6278 55041 14928 15380 24648 10974 9380 22023 13067 15114 15960 15900 16730 6226 23230 6849 5916 23780 11557 6616 4982 11375 17149 10405 8434 0357 12821 14751 3287 10793 3363 2059 9877 18700 10506 BOOK Til.] TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 38 Missouri.— [Continued.] i 1880. 1870. Pike 20715 23076 j Platte 17:h;6 I7:5j;: i Pohc V>rM IJU". Piiliiski 72.J0 4711 I Putnam i:!'r.5 lljn I Ralls 118:»8 10.^10 Kandolph 22751 15008 | Kav 20190 18700 I ReVnolds 6722 37.>6 | Ripley 5377 3175 St. Charles 2:50G5 21304 St. Clair 14125 C74J St. Francois 13822 9742 St. Gnevieve 1O300 8384 St. Louis City 3.-j051,s ) .....on St. Louis Co 318i>8j •"''"•' Saline 2a;ill 2U;72 Schavlor 10470 8-i20 Scotland 12308 loino Scott 8587 7317 Siiannon 3441 233;) Shelby 14'i24 10119 Stoddard 13431 8535 Stone 4404 3253 Sullivan 1G509 1191)7 Tanev 5599 4107 Texas 1220G 0018 Vornon 1031-.9 11247 Warren 1080G 9073 Washington 128JG 11719 Wayne 9036 6008 Web-ter 12175 10434 Worth 8203 5001 Wright 9712 6081 1880. G08G 1870 ""iai Total 2108380 1721295 Colored 145236 118071 Moutaua. 18S0. Beaver Head 2712 Big Horn Choteau , 30.58 Custer 2510 Pawsnn 180 Deer Lodge 8876 Gallatin 3043 Jefferson 2404 Lewis and Clarke... C.521 Madison 3915 Meaglier 2743 Missoula 2537 1870. 722 38 617 177 4307 1.578 1531 5040 2084 1387 2554 Total 39159 Of whom, Colored... 3089 Neltraska. 1880. Adams 10235 Antelope 3953 Blackbird 109 Boone 4170 Buffalo 7531 Burt C9;7 Butler 9104 Ca.ss 10683 Cedar 2899 Chase _ 70 Chevenne 15E8 Clay 11204 Colfax 0.588 Cuming 5509 Custer 2211 Dakota 3213 Dawson 2909 Dixon 4177 Dodge 11203 Douglas 37045 Dnndv 37 Fillmore 10204 Franklin 5405 Frontier 9.34 Furnas 6407 Gage 1310-1 Gosper 107 I Grant Greeley Hor Hall...: 8572 Hamiltou 8267 20595 183 1870. 19 31 193 2847 1290 81.51 1032 190 54 1424 2904 2040 103 1345 4212 19982 238 26 3359 ""484 1057 130 9 2440 3429 58 7074 261 17 78 1133 557 235 7503 8 12345 4171 Harlan Harrison Hayes 119 Hitchcock 1012 Holt a2S7 Howard 4391 Jaiikson Jefrers(.n 8096 .lohnson 7.595 Kearney 4072 Keith 194 Knox 3006 Lancaster 28090 Lean qui Court Lincoln 3032 Lyon Madison 6,589 Merrick 6341 Monroe Na.ice 1212 Nemaha 104.51 Nuckolls 4235 Otoe 15727 Pawnee 6920 Phelps 2447 Pierce 1202 Platte 9511 Polk 6840 Red Willow 3044 Richardson 15031 S.aline 14401 Sarpy 4481 Saunders 15810 Seward 11147 Sherman 2001 Sioux 699 Stanton 1813 Taylor Thayer 6113 Valley 2324 Washington 8031 Wayne 813 Webster 71o4 Wheeler „- 614 York 11170 Unorganized Tcr.... 2913 Total 452402 122993 Of whom, Colored.... 2627 789 152 1890 130 9780 3100 2913 4547 i953 4452 182 16 604 258 Nevada. 1880. Churchhill 479 Douglass I'iSl Rlko 6716 Esmei-alda 3220 Kureka 7080 Huml)oldt .3480 Landr 3024 Lincoln 2037 Lyon 2403 Nye 1875 Ormsby 5412 Roop 280 .storey 10115 Washoe 5604 White Pine 2082 Total 62266 Of whom. Colored (inc. Chinese and Indians) 8691 Jicw Hampshire. 1880. Belknap 17948 Carroll 18224 Cheshire 28734 Coos 18.580 Grnfton 38788 Hillsborough 75034 Merrimack 40300 Rockingham 49004 Stafford 351-8 Sullivan ISIOI Total 346991 Of whom, Colored... 720 1870. 196 1215 3447 155.5 "ioi'o 2815 2985 1837 lu87 3608 133 11.3.59 .3091 7189 New Jeney, 1880. 1870. Atlantic 1S7IH 14<)93 Bergen 'MIM 30122 Burlington 65402 6;J0.39 Cannlen 02942 4«;H3 Cape .May 9705 KJW Cumberland 37687 34<>06 Kssex IStO.'y 143^30 Gloucester 2.j880 21502 Hudson 1.87914 Il'jiwT Hunterdon 38570 30963 Mercer 6,SO0l 46.3.86 Middlesex 62286 4.J029 Monmouth 55.538 4'>195 Morris 608iU 43 .37 Ocean 144.55 ];«i2S Passaic 688<KJ 4r,41C Salem 21.579 2.3940 Somerset 27)62 2:Jo!0 Sussex 23.5 19 23168 Union .5.-.:.7l 41.s.-,9 Warren 30 ,S9 3»330 Total 113U16 906090 Of whom. Colored.. 38853 30C58 42491 1870. 17681 17332 27265 14932 39103 64238 42151 47297 .3"243 180.^8 318301) 580 Nevr mexlco. 1830. 1870. Bernalillo: 17223 7501 Colfax 3:!98 1992 Dona Ana 7012 5804 Grant 4539 1143 Lincoln 2513 1803 Mora 9751 80.56 Rio Arriba 11)23 9J04 San Miguel 2O038 IGO.iS Santa Ana 2.509 Santa Fe 10307 9099 Socorro 7875 6603 Taos 11029 12079 Valencia 1-3095 9003 Total 110505 91b74 Of whom, colored.. 1015 172 New YorU. 1880. Albany 154890 Alleghany 40-,10 Hroorne 49483 Cattauragus 558i 6 Cayuga 6.50S1 Chautauqua 6.5342 Chemu))g 43005 Chenango 39^01 Clinton 5ti807 Columbia 470-'8 Cortland 25<<25 Del.aware 427J1 Dutchess 791S4 Erie 210SS4 Kssex 34">15 Franklin 32300 Fulton 3O085 Genesee 32S()6 Greene 32605 Hamilton 3923 Hernimer 42'5))9 Jeffer-ion' 00i()3 Kines 599495 Lewis 31410 Livingston 30.'i02 M.idison 44112 Monroe 14(0o:{ Montgomery 38;tl5 New York 120C209 Niagara 54173 Oneida 11.5475 Onondaga 117893 Ontario 49.541 Orange «822') Orleans 3i)128 Oswego 77911 Otsego 5'.T)7 Putnam 15181 Queens 9a-.74 Ben«selaer 11.5328 Richmond ■■xWl Rockland 27090 1870. 133052 40314 441<-3 43)09 59550 59127 35281 40564 47047 47014 25173 42073 740U 178099 29042 .30271 27064 31006 31832 2960 30929 05415 419921 2.S099 38309 435>2 1178'i8 34457 042292 50437 no«t98 104183 46108 80902 27689 77941 48967 15420 7.3803 99549 33030 23213 34 AMERICAN POLITICS [book tii. ITe-w York.— [Continued.] 1880. 1870. St. Lawrence 85997 84.S26 Saratoga 55156 515J9 Schenectady, 2:i538 21347 Schoharie 32910 33:U0 Schuyler 18S12 189S9 Seneca '29J7S 27823 Steuben 77586 07717 Suffolk 53888 4(3924 Sullivan 32491 34550 Tioga 32073 3n57J Tompkins 34445 33178 Ulster 85S38 84075 Warren 25179 22592 Washington 47871 49568 Wavne 51700 47710 Westcheister 10S9S8 131348 Wyoming 30907 29164 Yates 21087 19595 Total 5082871 4382759 Of whom, colored... 65104 52081 North. Carolina. 18S0. Alamance 14613 Alexander 8355 Alleghany 5486 Anson 17094 Ashe 14437 Beaufort 17474 Bertie 16399 Bladen 16158 Brunswick 9389 Buncombe 21909 Burke 12809 Cabarrus 14964 Caldwell 10291 Camden 6274 Carteret 9784 Caswell 17825 Cat8,wba 14946 Chatham 23453 Cherokee 8182 Chowan 7000 Clay 3316 Cleveland 16571 Columbus 144.39 Craven 19729 Cumberland 23836 Currituck 6476 Dare 3243 Davidson 20.333 Davie 11096 Duplin 18773 Kdgecomb 26181 Forsvth 18070 Franklin 20829 Gaston 14254 Gates 8897 Graham 2335 Granville 31286 Greene 10037 Guilford 23.585 Halifax 30300 Harnett 108G2 Haywood 10271 Henderson 10281 Hertford 11843 Hyde 7765 Iredell 22675 Jackson 7.343 Johnston 23461 Jones 7491 Lenoir 15344 Lincoln 11061 McDowell 9836 Macon 8064 IMadison 12810 IVfartin 13140 Mecklonburgh 34175 Mitchell 9435 Montgomery 9.374 Moore 16821 Nash 17731 New-Hanovor 21.376 Northampton 20032 Onslow 9H29 OranKO 23698 Pamlico 6323 Tasquotank 10360 1870. 11874 6868 3691 12428 9573 13011 12950 12831 7754 15412 9777 11954 8476 5361 9010 16081 10984 19723 8080 6450 2461 12696 8474 20516 17035 6131 2778 17414 9620 15542 22970 13050 141,34 126112 7724 24831 8687 21736 20408 8805 7921 7706 9273 6445 16931 6683 16897 6002 10434 9573 7592 6615 8102 9647 24290 4705 7487 12040 11077 27978 14749 7669 17507 ""mi 1880. 1870. Pender 12468 Perquimons 9466 7945 Person 13719 11170 Pitt 21794 17276 Polk 5062 4319 Randolph 208.36 17551 Richmond 18245 12882 Robeson 23880 16262 Rockingham 21744 15708 Rowan 19065 16810 Rutherford 15198 13121 Sampson 22894 16436 Stanly 10505 8315 Slokes 15353 11208 Surry 15302 11252 Swain 3784 Tran.«ylvania 5340 3536 Tyrrell 4545 4173 Union 18056 12217 Wake 479.39 35617 Warren 22619 17768 Washington 8928 6516 Watauga 8160 5287 Wayne 24951 1814J Wilkes 19181 15539 Wilson 16064 122.58 Yadkin 12420 10697 Yancy 7694 69ii9 Total 1399750 1071361 Of whom, colored... 531277 391t60 Ohio. 1880. Adams 21005 Allen 31314 Ashland 23883 Ashtabula 37139 Athens 28411 Auglaize 2-5444 Belmont 496.38 Brown 32911 Butler 42579 Carroll 16416 Champaign 27817 Clarke 41948 Clermont 36713 Clinton 24766 Columbiana 48602 Coshocton 26642 Crawford 30583 Cuyahoga 196943 Darke 40496 Defiance 22515 Delaware 27381 Erie 32640 Fairfield 34284 Fayette 20364 Franklin 86797 Fulton 21053 Gallia 28124 Geauga 14251 Greene 31319 Guernsey 27197 Hamilton 313374 Hancock 27784 Hardin 27023 Harrison 20456 Henrv 20585 Highland 30281 Hocking.., 21126 Holmes 20776 Huron 31609 Jackson 23686 Jefferson 3.3018 Knox 27431 Lake 16.326 Lawrence 39068 i..icking 40450 Logan 26267 Lorain 35,526 Lucas 67,377 Madifon 20129 Mahoning 42871 Marion 20,565 Medina 214.53 Meigs 32325 Morcer 21H(i8 Miami 36158 Monroe 26496 Montgomery 78500 1870. 20750 23623 21933 32517 23768 20041 39714 30802 39912 14491 24188 32070 34268 21914 38299 23600 25556 1,32010 32278 15719 25175 28188 31138 17170 63019 17789 25545 14190 28038 23838 260371) 23847 18714 18082 14028 29133 17925 18177 28532 21759 29188 26333 1.5035 34.380 36766 23028 30308 46722 15633 31001 16184 2(H)92 31465 172.54 32740 25779 G1006 1880. 1870. Morgan 20074 20363 Morrow 19072 18583 Muskingum 49774 44886 Noble 21138 19949 Ottawa 19762 13364 Pauldins 13485 8544 Perry 28218 18453 Pickaway 27415 24875 Pike 17927 1.5447 Portage 27500 24584 Preble 24533 21809 Putnam 23713 17081 Richland 363o6 32516 Ross 40.307 37097 Sandusky 320,57 25,503 Scioto 33611 29302 Seneca 36947 30827 Shelby 24137 20748 Stark 64031 62508 Sua.mit 43788 .34764 Trumbull 44880 38659 Tuscarawas 40198 33840 Union 22375 18730 Van Wert 23028 158i;3 Vinton 17223 15027 Warren 28392 26689 Washington 43244 40609 Wavne .• 40076 35116 Williams 23821 20991 Wood 34022 24596 Wyandot 22395 18559 Total 3198062 2665260 Of whom, Colored .. 79000 63213 Oregon. 1880. Baker 4616 Benton 6403 Clackamas 9260 Clatsop 7222 Columbia 2042 Coos 4834 Curry 1208 Douglas 9596 Grant 4.303 Jackson 8154 Josephine 2485 Lake 2804 Lane 9411 Linn 12676 Rlarion 14576 Jlultonomah 25203 Polk 6601 Tillamook 970 Umatilla 9607 Union 6650 Wasco 11120 Washington 7082 Yam Hill 7945 Total 174768 Of whom. Colored (inc. Chinese and Indians 9997 Pennsylvania. 1880. Adams 32455 Alleghany 3.5.5869 Armstrong 47641 Beaver .39605 Bedford 34929 Berks 122.597 Blair 62740 Bradford 68,541 Bucks 686.56 Butler 52,536 Cambria 40811 Cameron 6169 Carbon 31923 Centre 37922 Chester 83481 Clarion 40328 Clearfield 43408 Clinton 20278 Columbia 32409 Crawford 68607 Cumberland 45977 Dauphin 76148 1870. 2804 4584 5993 1255 863 1644 504 6066 2251 4778 1204 "6426 8717 9965 11510 4701 498 2916 2562 2509 4261 5012 90923 346 1870. 80316 262204 43382 36148 29635 106701 38051 63204 64336 36510 36569 4273 28144 34418 77805 26537 2,5741 23211 28766 C3832 43912 00740 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 35 Pennsylvania.— [Conti 1880. Delaware 60101 Elk 128 10 Erie 741588 Fayetto 58842 Forest 4385 Franklin 49855 Fulton 10149 Greene 28273 Huntingdon 33954 Imliana 40527 Jefferson 27'J35 Juniata 18227 Larikawanna 89209 Lancaster 139447 Lawrence 33312 Lebanon. 3S47G Lehi^'l^ 659ii9 Luzerne 1330i)5 Lycoming 574.S() MoKean 42365 Mnrccr SGliil Mifflin 19577 Monroe 20175 Montgomery 90494 Montour. 15408 Northampton 7031i Northuraoerland ... 53123 Perry 27522 Philadelphia 847170 Pike 9063 Potler 13797 Schuylkill 129974 Snyder 17797 Somerset 33110 Sullivan 8073 Susquehanna 403.54 Tioga 45814 Union 16905 Venango 43070 Warren 27981 Washington .55418 Wayne 33513 Westmoreland 78036 Wyoming 15598 York 87.S41 nued.J 1870. 39403 8488 65973 43284 4010 45:ti>5 93liO 25887 31251 36138 216.56 17390 121340 27298 31096 56796 160915 47026 8825 49977 17.508 1H302 81012 15344 61432 4144-1 25417 674022 843ii 11205 110428 156 i6 28226 6191 37523 3:iU97 155o5 47925 23897 4818.J 33188 68719 14->85 76134 Total 4282891 3521951 Colored 85535 65294 RUoae Island. 1880. Bristol - 11394 Kent 20588 Newport 21180 Providence 197874 Washington 22495 Total 270531 217353 Of whom, colored... 6488 4980 1870. 9421 18595 20050 ; 149190 i 20097 I South Carolina. 1880. Abbeville 40815 Aiken 28112 Anderson 33612 Barnwell 39857 Beaufort 30176 Charleston 102800 Chester 241.53 Chesterfield 16345 Clarendon 19190 Colleton 30386 Darlington 31485 Edgefield 4.5844 Fairfisld 27765 Georgetown 19013 Greenville 37496 Hampton 18741 Horry 15.574 Kershaw 21.538 Lancaster 10903 Laurens 29444 Lexington 18.564 Miwion 34107 Marlborough 20.598 Newberry 26497 Oconee 162.'i6 Orangeburgh 41.395 Pickens 14389 60 1870. 31129 24094 3.5724 34359 88863 l.S,S05 10584 14<J38 25410 20243 42486 19S88 16101 22202 "ioiii 11751 12087 22536 12988 22160 11814 20775 10536 16805 10260 18'iO. Richland 28573 Spartanburgh 4'i4<)9 Sumter 37^37 Union 24080 Williamsburgii 24110 York 30713 Total 99,5577 Of whom, colored .. 604332 Tennesaee. 1880. 1870. Anderson 10,820 87o4 Bedford 20025 24.333 Bentou 9780 82.34 Bledsoe- 5617 4870 Blount 15985 14237 Bradley 12124 11652 Campbell 1005 7445 Cannon 11859 10502 Carroll 22103 19417 Carter 10019 7909 Cheatham 79.56 6078 Claiborne 13373 9321 Clay 6987 Cocke 14S08 129.5S Coffee 12894 102;17 Crockett 14109 Cumberland 4.-.38 3401 Davidson 79026 62897 Decatur..., 8498 7772 De Kalb 14813 11425 Dickson 124»iO 9340 Dyer 15118 1.3706 Fayette 31871 26145 Fentress 5941 4717 Franklin 17178 14970 Gibson 32685 25066 Giles .36014 32413 Grainger 123.84 12421 Greene 24005 21068 (irundv 4592 3250 HHml)len 10187 Hamilton 23642 17241 Hancock 9098 7148 Hardeman 22921 18074 Hardin 14793 11708 Hawkins 20010 1.58.37 Haywood 20053 25094 Henderson 174.30 14217 Henry 22142 20.380 Hickman 12095 9856 Houston 4295 Humphreys 11379 9320 .lackson 12008 12.583 James 6187 Jefferson 15846 19476 Johnson 7706 6852 Knox 39124 28990 Lake 3908 2428 Lauderdiile 14918 10838 Lawrence 10383 760l Lewis 2181 1986 Lincoln 26900 28050 Loudon 9148 McMinn 1.5004 13969 McNairy 17271 12726 Macon 9.321 603.3 .Madison 30874 2:5480 M.arion 10910 6841 Marshall 19250 I6207 Maury 3'.i904 36289 Meigs 7117 4511 Monroe 14283 12589 Montgomery 28481 24747 Moore 6232 Morgan 5'56 2969 Obion 22912 1.5.584 Overton 121.53 11297 Perry 7174 6925 Polk 7209 7309 Putn.am 11-501 8098 Rhea 7073 5.-..38 Roane 152.37 1.5022 Robertson ISSOl lOlOG Rutherford 36741 .3:i289 .Scott 6021 40.54 Sequatchie 2.565 2335 Seviar 1,5.541 11028 Shelby 78430 70.^78 Smith 17799 15994 1880. 1870. Stewart 12690 I20I9 •Sullivan 18321 13136 Summer 2:j6-i5 23711 Tipton 21033 14884 Trousdale 6646 Unicoi 3t>15 Union 102t;<j 7'i«5 Van liuren 2',i.l3 27i5 Warren 14079 12714 Waihington 10l8l 16317 Wayne 11301 10209 Weakley 24.5.'W 207.55 While 11170 9375 Williamson 28313 253^8 Wilson 28747 2.5881 Total 1642359 1258520 Of whom, colored .. 403151 322331 Texas. 1889. Anderson 17395 Andrews Angelina 5239 Aransas 996 Archer 596 Armstrong 31 Atascosa 4217 Austin 144^:9 Bandera 2158 Ba-*trop 17215 Baylor 715 Bee 2298 Bell 20518 Bexar „.... 30470 Blanco 3583 Borden 35 Bosque 11217 Bowie 10965 Brazoria 9774 Brazos 1.3576 12 8414 924;j 6855 11757 1739 34.53 Briscoe. Brown .... Burleson . Burnet ... Caldwell., Calhoun.. Callahan., Cameron 14959 Camp 5931 Cass 10724 Chambers t 21,S7 Cherokee 16723 Childress 25 Clay 5045 Coleman 3003 Collin 25983 Collingsworth 6 Colorado 16673 Comal 5.546 Comanche 8O08 Concho 800 Cooke 20.391 Coryell 10924 Cottle 24 Crockett 127 Crosby 82 Dallas 3,3488 Davis Dawson 24 Deaf Smith .38 Delta , 5597 Denton 18143 De Witt 10082 Dickens 28 Dimmit ''^665 Donley KM) Duval 5732 Eastland 48-55 Edwards 266 Ellis 21294 El Paso 3815 Encinal 1902 Erath "796 Falls 16240 Fannin 2.">5tll Fayette 27906 Fisher 13«-. Floyd 3 Fort B^nd 9380 Franklin 6280 1870. 9229 2915 1,5087 649 12290 "'iii82 9771 17120 1187 4084 7527 9205 * bii 8'W2 3088 6572 3443 109M 1503 11079 347 14013 »}26 6283 1001 "ms 4124 1.3314 8875 72-.1 IH43 1083 88 "v"u 3671 4-27 1801 9851 13207 16863 7114 36 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. Texas.— [Continued.] 1880. Freestone 14921 Frio 2130 Gaines 8 Galveston 24121 Garza ' 36 , Gillespie 5228 Goliad 5832 Gonzales 14840 Gray 56 Grayson 38108 Gregg 8.530 Grimes 18603 Guadalupe 12202 Hall 36 Hamilt<^>n 6365 Hansford 18 Hardeman 50 Hardin 1870 Harris 27385 Harrison 25177 Hartley 100 Haskell 48 Hays 7555 Hemphiil 149 Henderson 9735 Hidalgo 4347 Hill 16554 Hood 6125 Hopkins 15461 Houston 16702 Howard 50 Hunt 17230 Hutchinson 50 Jack 6626 Jackson 2723 Jasper 5779 Jefferson 3489 Johnson 17911 Jones 546 Karnes 3270 Kaufman 15448 Kendall 2703 Kent 92 Kerr 2168 Kimble 1343 King 40 Kinney 4487 Knox 77 Lamar 27193 Lampasas 6421 La Salle 789 Lavaca 13641 Lee 8937 Leon 12817 Liberty 4999 Limestone 16246 Lipscomb 69 Live Oak 1994 Llano 4962 Lubbock 25 Lynn 9 McCuUoch 1533 McLennan 26934 McMullen 701 Madison 5395 Marion 10983 Martin 12 Mason 2655 Matagorda 3940 Maverick 2967 Medina 4402 Menard 1239 Milam 18659 Mitchell 117 Montagui 11257 Montgomery ?0154 Morris 5032 Motley 24 NHcoKdoches 11500 Navarro 21702 Newton 43.')9 Nolan 640 Nueces 7673 Oldliam 287 Oran^'e 2938 Palo Pinto 5885 Panola 12219 Parker 15870 Pecos 1«"7 Polk 7189 Potter 28 Presidio 2873 1870. ! 8139 I 3566 3628 8951 13218 72S2 1460 17375 13-^41 4088 6786 2387 74.53 2585 12651 8147 10291 694 2278 4218 190G 49-23 1705 6895 1536 1042 72 1204 15790 1344 69 9168 6523 4414 8591 852 1379 173 13500 230 4061 8562 678 3377 1951 2078 667 8984 890 C483 9614 8879 2187 1255 10119 41 86 1880. Rains 3035 Randall 3 Red River 17194 Refugio 1585 Roberts 32 Robertson 22388 Rockwall 2984 Runnels 980 Rusk 18986 Sab'ne 4101 San Augustine 5084 San Jacinto 6186 San Patricio 1010 San Saba 5324 Shackleford 2037 Shelby 9523 Scurry 102 Smith 21863 Somervell 2649 Starr 8304 Stephens 4725 Stonewall 104 Swisher 4 Tarrant 24671 Taylor 1736 Throckmorton 711 Titus 5959 Tom Green 3615 Travis 27028 Trinity 4915 Tyler 5825 Upshur 10266 Uvalde 2541 Van Zaudt 12019 Victoria 6289 Walker 12024 Waller 9024 Washington 27565 Wobb 5278 Wharton 4549 Wheeler 512 Wichita 4.33 WilViarger 126 Williamson 15155 Wilson 7118 Wise 10601 Wood 11212 Young 4726 Zapata 3036 Zavala 410 Total 1591749 Of whom, colored... 393384 Vtall Territory. 1880. Beaver 3918 Box Elder 6761 Cache 12562 Davis 5279 Emery 656 Iron 4013 Juab 3474 Kane- 3085 Millard 3727 Morgan 1783 Pi Ute 1651 Rich 1263 Rio Virgin Salt Lake 31077 San Juan 204 San Pete 11557 Sevier 4457 Summit 4921 Toole 4497 Uintah 799 Utah 17973 Wahsatch 2927 Washington 4235 Weber 12.344 Total 143903 Of whom, colored.... 1557 1870. 87«»7 ilJ36 Veriiiont. 1880. Addison 24173 Binnington 21950 Caledonia 23r,()7 Chittenden 32792 10655 23-24 9090 16916 3256 4196 602 1425 455 5732 16532 4154 330 11339 13153 4141 5010 12039 851 6494 4860 9776 23104 2015 3426 6308 2550 1450 6894 135 1488 l:;3 818579 253475 1870. 2007 4855 8229 4459 2277 2034 1513 2753 1972 82 1955 450 18337 678(> 19 2512 2177 12203 1244 300)4 7858 80786 118 1870. 23484 21325 22235 3U480 1880. 1870. Essex 7931 6811 Franklin 302-25 30291 Grand Isle 4124 4029 Lamoille 12084 12448 Orange 235-25 23090 Orleans 2-2083 21035 Rutland 41829 40G51 Washington 25404 20520 Windham 20763 2C036 Windsor 35196 30063 Total 332-286 330559 Of whom, colored... 1043 924 Virginia. 1880. 1870. Accomac 24408 204O9 Albemarle 3-2018 27544 Ale.x:andria 17546 10755 Alleghany 5586 3674 Amelia 10377 9878 Amherst 18709 14900 Appomattox 10080 8950 Augusta 35710 28703 Bath 4482 3795 Bedford 31-.i05 25327 Bland 5('04 4000 Botetourt 14809 113'29 Brunswick 16707 13427 Buchanan 5694 3777 Buckingham 15.540 13371 Campbell 36250 28384 Caroline 17243 151-28 Carroll 13.323 9147 Charles Cily 5512 4975 Charlotte 10C53 14513 Chesterfield 25085 18470 Clarke 7682 6070 Craig 3794 2942 Culpepper 13'08 12227 Cumberland 10540 8142 Dinwiddle 32870 30702 Elizabeth City 10689 8303 Essex 11032 9927 Fairfax 16025 129.52 Fauquier 22993 19690 Floyd 13-255 9824 Fluvanna 10802 9875 Franklin 25084 18204 Frederick 17553 16596 Giles 8794 6875 Gloucester 11876 10211 Goochland 10292 10313 Grayson 13068 9587 Greene 5380 4(h}4 Greenville 8407 6362 Halifax 33588 27828 Hanover 18588 16455 Henrico 82703 60179 Henry ir>009 12303 Highland 5104 4151 Isle of Wight 10572 83-20 James City 5422 4425 King and Queen.... 10502 9709 Kinc George 0397 5742 King William 8751 7515 Lancaster 6100 5.355 Lee 15116 13208 Loudoun, 23034 20929 Louisa 18942 163.32 Lunenburgh 11535 10403 Madison 10562 8670 Matthews 7501 6200 Mecklenburgh 24G10 21318 Middlesex 6252 4981 Montgomery 16093 12556 Nansemond 15903 11576 Nf-lson 16536 13898 Now K<mt 5515 4381 Norfolk 58657 46702 Noriliampton 9152 8046 Nortbuiiiderland.... 79-29 6803 Nottoway 11166 9291 Orange 13052 10;i96 Page 9905 8462 Patrick 12833 lOlOl Pittsylvania 6-2589 31343 Powhatan 7817 7667 Prince Edward 14i-.68 12004 Prince (ieorgn 10054 7820 I'rincess Anne 9394 8273 Prince William 9180 7504 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— CENSUS. 37 Virginia.— [Continued.] 1880. 1870, Pula'^ki 87.^)5 6.V!8 RappahannooU 92'.il 82iil Ri(!limoiul 7195 fi5(W Koanolo' l.ilos 9;J,5() RncMvliridfie 2(lOO.'i VMnH Rockingham 2!).")t;7 2:iii(l8 Russfll 1:5906 111<'3 Soott 17233 13036 Shensmdoali 18204 14936 Smyth 12100 8898 SouthaiiiptDn 18012 1228.'< Spi.ttsvlvaiiia 14828 11728 Stafford 7211 6420 Surry 7391 ."i.W"} Sussex 10062 7885 TazewoU 12861 10791 Warren 7399 5716 Warwick 2258 1672 Washington 25203 16816 Westmoreland 8816 7iW2 Wise 7772 4785 Wythe 14318 11611 York 7349 7198 Total 1512565 1225163 Of whom, Colored.... 631616 512841 AVasliliigtou Territory. 1880. 1870. Chehalis 921 401 Clallam 638 4o8 Clarke 5490 3081 Cohimhia 7103 Cowlitz 2062 730 Island 1087 626 Jefferson 1712 1268 King 6910 2120 Kitsap 1738 866 Klikiiat 4055 329 Lewis 2600 888 Mason 639 289 Pacific 1645 738 Pierce 3319 1409 San Juan 948 Skamania 809 133 Snohomish 1.387 .599 Spokan 4262 Stevens 1245 734 Thurston 3270 2246 Wahkiakum 1598 270 Walla- Walla 8716 5300 Whatcom 3137 534 Whitman 7014 Yakima 2811 432 Disputed Islands 554 Total 75116 23955 Of whom, Colored... 7771 207 West Virginia. 1S80. Barbour 11870 Berkeley 17380 Boone 5824 1870. 10312 14900 4553 I 1880. ! Braxton 9787 Brooke 60iu Cabt'M 13744 ' Calhoun 0072 1 Clay 3460 Doddridge lo5,S2 Kayeite ]1.'>60 Gilmer 7108 Grant 5542 Greenhrier 15000 Hampfhire l<i3o6 Hancock 4882 Hardy 6794 Harrison 20181 Jack.soii 16312 Jelferson I,5ii05 Kanawha 32466 Lewis 13269 Lincoln 8739 Logan 7329 McDowell 3074 Marion 17198 Marshall 18840 Mason 22293 M'Tcer 7467 Mineral 8630 Monongalia 14985 Monroe 11501 Morgan 5777 Nicholas 7223 Ohio 37457 Pendleton 8622 Pleasants 6256 Pocahontas 5.591 Preston 19091 Putnam 11375 Raleigh 7367 liandolph 8102 Ritchie 1.3474 Roane 12184 Summers 90.33 Taylor 11455 Tucker 3141 Tvler 11073 Upshur 10249 Wavne 14739 Webster 3207 Wetzel 13896 Wirt i 7104 Wood 25006 Wyoming 4322 Total 618457 Of whom, colored.... 25886 'Wlscoiisln. 1889. Adams 6741 .-Ashland 1559 Barron 7024 Bayfield 664 Brown 34078 Buffalo 1.5528 Burnett 3140 Calumet 16632 r'hippewa 15491 Clark 10715 Columbia 28065 1870. 6480 64(>4 6429 2939 2196 7076 6647 4338 4467 11417 7(i43 4363 5518 16714 103(H) 1.3219 22.349 10175 50.53 5124 19.52 12107 14041 15987 70r)4 6332 13547 11124 4316 4458 28.S31 6455 3012 4069 145,55 7794 3673 i 6503 I 9055 ! 7332 I 93r,7 1907 7832 8023 7852 1730 8595 4804 190(10 3171 442014 17980 1870. 6601 221 638 344 25168 11123 706 12335 8311 3450 28802 1880. 1870. [Crawford I5t^4 y.nnn L)aue 03ra ^f^j^ j l^o'lgo 4.5931 470;i5 Door ii(j45 4U19 Douglas (j,j5 ii:^,i Dunn 16817 ■9488 Kau Claire 19993 10769 Fond du Lac 468.59 4<;272 Grant 37852 37979 Green 217'29 23011 Green Lake 14483 13195 Iowa 2:5628 24.544 Jackson 13285 76»7 Jefferson 32156 34040 Jimeau 15582 12372 Kenosha 135.50 13147 Kewaunee 1,5807 IOI28 La Crosse 27073 20297 La Fayette 21279 22059 Langlade 685 Lincoln 2011 Manitowoc 37.505 33.304 Marathon 17121 5885 Marinette 8929 Marquette 8908 8056 Milwaukee 1.38.537 89930 Monroe 21607 16.550 Oconto 9848 8321 Outagamie 28716 18430 Ozaukee 15461 15564 Pepin 6226 46.59 Pierce 17744 9958 Polk 10018 3122 Portage 17731 10634 Price 785 Racine 30922 26740 Richland 18174 157:51 Hock .3.>*823 39;i.lO St. Croix 180.56 110.35 Sauk 28729 2:5860 Shawano 10.371 3100 Sheboygan 34206 31749 Taylor 2311 Trempealeau 17189 107:52 Vernon 23235 ;i8r45 Walworth 26249 2-5972 Washington 2.3442 23919 Waukesha 289.57 28271 Waupaca 20955 1.5.5.39 Waushara 12687 11279 Winnebago 42740 37279 Wood 8981 3912 Total 1315497 1054(;70 Of whom, colored.... 2702 2113 "Wyoming Territory. 1880. 1870. Albany 4626 Carbon 34.38 Crook 239 Laramie 6409 Pease 637 Sweetwater 2561 1916 Uintah 2879 856 2021 1368 2957 Total 20789 Colored and Indian 1212 9118 183 CHANGES IN THE REIiATIVE COLORED POPULATION BET%VEEN 18T0 AND 1880, (tbe number of "WKltes being assumed as 100,000.) Increase in the Decade. South Carolina 10909 Mississippi 9936 Louisiana 5735 Georgia 3078 North Carolina ,3,527 Arkansas 1863 District of Columbia 10.53 Tennessee 94t Connceticut 688 Texas 11985 Florida 6993 Alabama ,574 Wyoming 6.59 Kentucky 514 Dakota 443 Kansas 412 Indiana 528 New Mexico 409 Illinois 380 Pennsylvania 144 Ohio 126 Arizona 121 Colorado 121 West Virginia 115 Iowa 100 Decrease in the Decade. Washington 403 Idaho :5C.5 Virginia 3(i9 Delaware 294 Missouri 197 Montana 187 California 147 New York Massachiisett.-'.... Rhode Island New Jersey Vermont , Minneseta Utah Wiscensin New Hampshire. 93 78 G2 61 32 28 6 7 4 118 Nebraska (Oregon 100 Michiiran 87 Nevada. 48 Maine 38 Jlaryland 3 In the United States, as a whole, there has been a gain of 625 on an assumed basis of 100,000 wh itcs, as aboTO. 38 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. POPTTL>ATIOJf IN 1880 :— Native and Foreign; AVKlte and Colored. UNITED STATES THE STATES Alabama Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Lonisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Blinnesota Jlississippi Missouri Nebraska Nevada New-Hampshire New-.Jers>'5' New-York '. North Carolina Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode" Island South Carolina Tennessee Texas Vermont Virginia West Virginia Wisconsin TERRITORIES Arizona Dakota District of Columbia Idaho Monta,na New-Mexico Utah Washington Wyoming *Total. Native. Foreign. White. Colored. tChi- nese. In- dians. 50,155,783 43,475,840 6,679,943 43,40i,970 6,580,793 105,465 66,407 49,371,340 42,871,556 6,499,784 42,714,479 6,518,372 93,782 44,566 1.262,505 1,252,771 9,734 662,185 600,103 4 213 802,525 792,175 10,350 591,531 210,606 133 195 864,694 571,820 202,874 767,181 6,018 75,132 16,277 194,327 154,537 39,790 191,126 2,435 612 154 622700 492,708 129,992 610,769 11,547 123 255 140,608 • 137,14(t 9,468 120,160 26,442 1 5 269,493 259,584 9,909 142,600 126,090 18 180 1,642,180 1,531,616 10,564 816,906 725,133 17 124 3,077,871 2,494,295 e83.576 3,031.151 46,368 209 140 1,978,301 l,835,ra3 144,178 1,938,798 39,228 29 246 1,624,615 1,362,965 261,050 1,614,600 9,516 33 466 996,096 886. 1 10 110.086 952,155 43.107 19 815 1,648,690 1,589,173 59,517 1,.377,179 271,451 10 60 939,946 885,800 54,146 464,954 483,656 489 848 648,936 5911,053 68,883 646,852 1,451 8 625 934,943 852,137 8:;,800 724.693 210,230 6 15 1,783,085 1,339.594 443,491 1,763,782 18,697 229 369 1,636,937 1,248,429 388 508 1,614,560 15,100 27 7,249 780,773 613,097 267,076 776 884 1,564 24 2,300 1,131,697 1,122,388 9,209 479,,398 650.291 61 1,,857 2,168,380 l,9-='6,802 211 578 2,022,826 145,350 91 113 452,402 354,988 97,414 449,764 2,385 18 235 62,206 36,613 25,653 53,556 488 5,416 2,803 340,991 300,697 46,294 346,229 685 14 63 1.131,116 909,416 221 ,700 1,092,0^7 38,853 170 74 5,082,871 3,871,492 1,211,379 6,016,022 65,104 909 819 1,399,750 1,396,008 3742 867,242 631,277 1,230 3,198,062 ^■,803,119 394,943 3,117,920 79,900 109 130 174.768 144.265 30,503 103,076 487 9,510 1,694 4.282,891 3,695,062 687,8-9 4,197,016 86,535 148 i84 276,531 202,538 73,993 269,939 6,488 27 77 995,577 987,891 7,686 391,105 604,332 9 131 1,542,359 1,525,6.57 16,702 1,13S,.^31 403.151 25 352 1,591,749 1,477,133 114.616 l,197,-.i37 393,384 136 992 ,332,286 291.327 40,959 331.218 1,057 11 1,512.565 1,497,869 14.696 880,858 631,616 6 85 018,457 600,192 18.265 592,537 25,886 5 29 1,315,497 910,072 405,425 1,309,618 2,702 16 3,161 784,443 604,284 180,159 688,491 62,421 11,683 21,841 40,440 24,391 16.049 35,160 155 1,630 3,493 135,177 83,382 51,795 133,147 401 238 1,391 177,624 160,.5(i2 17,122 118,006 59,596 13 5 32,610 22,6;',6 9.974 l29,013 63 3,379 165 39,159 27,638 11, .521 35,386 346 1,765 1,663 119,565 111,514 8,051 108,721 1,015 67 9,772 143,963 99,969 43.994 142,423 232 501 807 7,5,116 59,313 15,803 67,199 325 3,186 4,405 20,789 14,939 5,850 19,437 298 914 140 * Males, 26,618,820 ; females, 24,036,963. f 1*8 Japanese. TOTALS, WHITE AND COLORED. White. ^Colored. 1880 43,404 876 6,577,151 1870 33,,589,377 4,880,000 White. JColored. 1860 26,922,.537 4.441,830 18,50 19,553,068 8,638,808 J Asiatics and Indians not included. SI^AVE POPULATION IN THE V. S. IN 1860. 1850. Alabama 342^ Arkansas 47 Delaware 2 Florida 30 Georgia 381 Kentucky 210 Louisiana 214 Maryland 90 Mississippi 30!) Missouri 87 North Carolina . . . 288, 18G0. ,844 435,132 ,100 111,104 ,290 1,798 ,310 01,753 ,682 402,230 ,981 225,490 ,809 332,520 ,;!(18 87,188 ,878 430,090 ,422 114,905 ,648 331,081 ST.VTES. 1850. South Carolina .... 884,984 Tennessee 239,459 Texas 58,101 VirjTinia 472,528 Nebraska (Territory) . Utah ('J'crritory) . . . New Mexico (Territory) 26 District of Columbia , . 3,087 1800. 402,541 275,784 180,388 490,887 10 29 24 8,181 Total 3,204,077 8,952,801 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTION RETURNS. 39 THE POPUIiATION OF THE UNITED STATES IN 1880 BY STATES— (Official.) TOTAL POPULATION. 1880. States & Tebbitohies 1880. 1870. 6 ■a a 6 > a \ 2 T3 t. a i a 1262505 802525 804694 194.327 622700 146608 269493 1542180 3077871 1978301 1024(11.-) 99(;o90 1048(J90 939940 648930 934943 1783085 1(>3(!937 780773 1131697 2168380 452402 62260 340991 1131116 508 -'87 1 1399750 3198002 174708 4282891 276531 995577 1542359 1591749 332280 1512505 6184.57 1315497 996992 4844/1 560247 39804 537454 12.5015 187748 listioil 2.j:t<(.s91 lc.soi;37 11!I4()2(I :i(U3:ii) 13210U 720915 020915 780894 1457351 11 840."); t 43;)70() 827922 1721295 122:-t93 4i!49l 318,301) 900090 438 !759 1071361 2605200 9092 1 3521051 2173-)3 705000 1258520 818.579 .330551 1225103 442014 1054070 622029 410279 518170 129131 305782 6 74108 13(;4-14 7029S1 1.58t;.-,23 l()103C.l sisi.'ii; 530007 832 -.90 46875* 324(I5S 40J187 858440 8023.55 419149 567177 1127187 249241 42019 170520 559922 250.53^2 687908 1013930 103.381 21300,55 1330J0 490408 709277 837840 160887 7455>S9 314495 680009 039876 380246 346518 6,5196 310918 725(M) 133049 779199 M9I31.S 9079 Hi 77(i479 4.59429 8101OO 471192 .324878 4727.50 924045 774S82 301024 564420 1041193 203101 20247 176405 571191 2577549 711S42 1584120 71387 2140230 14.3501 505109 773082 7.53909 16.5399 766976 303962 635428 12.52771 7^2175 571820 154.537 492708 137110 259584 1.531010 21912:15 1S34123 13(;20(i5 K,s(;oi(i 1.5H.173 885.S(K) 590' 153 8,52137 1339594 1218429 5131197 11223S8 1950802 354988 80613 300(i97 909410 .3871492 13o00i'8 28'l31l9 144205 3695002 202538 987891 15250.57 1477133 291327 1497809 600192 910(172 9734 103.50 292874 39790 129992 9408 9909 10564 583570 144178 20l(i5O IKJO.'iO 59517 64146 58883 82S06 4-13491 388508 207070 9209 211578 97414 25053 40294 2217(J(J 12U379 3742 394943 30503 587829 73993 7080 16702 114616 40959 1469G 182(j5 405425 662185 691,5;U 7(i7181 191120 01(J709 120100 142005 810900 30311,51 193879« 1614000 9.521.55 1377179 454954 640852 724(J93 17()3782 1614,500 77<i884 479398 2O22S20 449704 5355(! 340229 1092017 501(5022 807242 3117920 10,3075 4197O10 2(i9939 .3911(J5 1138831 1197Z37 331218 8808,58 692537 1309018 6(H)103 2lo6(;(; 6018 2*15 11547 20442 12(i(i90 725133 46308 392-28 9510 4.3107 271451 483()55 1451 210230 18097 15100 1504 650291 145350 2385 488 685 38853 65104 531277 79900 487 85535 6488 604332 4<I3151 393384 1057 631010 2,5886 2702 4 213 13.3' 19.5 75132 012 12:1 1 18 17 209 29 33 19 10 489 8 6 229 27 24 51 91 18 5416 14 170 909 8(; 10277 154 6 255 5 Florida 180 Gc'orxiii Illinois i VU 3 140 Iiuliana 8 1 1 ■ "3 2 17 1 I 24« 4«6 Kansas Kentneky 815 50 848 Uliine 625 Maryland Massachusetts 15 369 7249 Sliuncsota Mississippi Misssonri 2300 18.57 113 Nebraska 2a5 2803 New Hampshire New Jersey 63 74 819 North Carolina 1230 Ohio 109 9510 148 27 9 25 13(; 130 1094 8 184 Rhode Island 77 131 352 Texas 992 11 6 5 16 85 29 316i The States 49371340 40440 1.35177 177624 32610 39159 119565 143963 75116 20789 38155505 9658 14181 1317(K1 14999 2(1.595 91874 86786 23955 9118 25075619 28202 82296 83578 21818 28177 64496 74509 45973 141.52 24295721 12238 52881 94046 10792 10982 55009 694.") t 29143 6637 42871550 24.391 83382 160502 22a36 27638 111514 99969 69313 149.39 0499784 16049 51795 17122 9974 11521 8051 43994 15803 5850 42714470 35160 i3:n47 118006 29013 35385 108721 142423 67199 19437 6518372 1.55 401 59590 53 346 1015 232 325 298 93782 16.30 238 13 3379 1765 57 501 3186 914 141 44566 2' 3493 , 1391 Idaho 4 6 i 165 ' 1603 New Mexico 9772 Utah 807 1 4405 140 The Terrories* The United States.. 784443 50155783 402860 38558371 443201 25518820 341242 24636963 604284 43475840 180159 C679943 688491 43402570 62421 6580793 11683 105465 7j 21841 148 66107 * Indian Territory and Alaska are omitted, as their inhabitants are not considered citizens. Indians not subject to taxation are also omitted. STATE ELECTION RETURNS. Alabama. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Horndon D 10027 4— Shelly, D 9.301 Gillette, R ,5505 Smith, R 6050 Throatt, 1 2303 Stevenson, 1 1093 Mott, G 730 5— William.i, D 11219 2-Herl)ert, U 1,3271 (No opposition.) Strohach, R 8884 6— Hewitt 10045 Townsend, G 52 fNo oppositiun.) 3— dates, D 10614 7— Fornov, D 1,30.36 Mahson, R 5(aQ Bingham, R 5510 Zachary, 1 69 8— Wheeler, D 12808 Lowe, 1 12705 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Maj. 1872 President 79444 90272 10828 R 1874 Governor 107118 9.3928 13190 D 1876 Governor l(iOS,37 50091 44740 I) 1876 President 102989 68708 342S1 D Dem. 1878 Governor 89,571 1880 Governor 134213 1880 President 89928 Rep. Maj. 89571 D 424.58 917.55 D 56126 33802 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, R. W. Cobb: Seeretary of State. W. W. Screws; Treasurer, I. H. Vincent, .Vttnrney-Gen- eral, H. C. Tompkins; .Vuditor, .1. M. Carmii-hael; Superintendent of Education, U. C. Armstroug— all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans Democrats 33 Greenhackers , Ind. Democrats Democratic majority 33 1 1 93 126 3 3 3 3 86 119 40 AMERICAN POLITICS. [ [book VII, Arluiitsas. VOTE FOE CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 1— Johnson, R 9G01 Dunn, D 15456 2— Williams, R 14309 Jones, D 16813 Garland, G 3866 -Bates, R 11276 Cravens, D 15195 -Murphy, R 4058 Gunter, D 7111 Peel, I.-D 5305 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Maj. 1872 President 37927 41073 3146 R 1874 Goveruor 76871 76871 D 1874 Congress 42671 22808 198G3 D 1H76 Governor 71298 37306 33992 D 1876 President 58083 38669 19414 D 1878 Governor 88792 88792 D 18S0 President 60489 41661 18828 D 1880 Governor 84185 31424 52761 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Thomas J. Churchill ; Secretary of State, Jacob Frolich ; Treasurer, W. E. Woodruff, jr.; Audit )r, John Crawford; Attorney-General, C. B Moore; Land Commissioner, D. W. Lear; Super- intendent of Public Instruction, J. L. Denton— all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Democrats 29 81 Republicans 11 Greenbackers 2 1 Democratic majority 27 69 Total 110 11 3 96 California. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Davis, R 19496 Rosecrans, D £1005 Maybell, G 683 2— Page, R 22018 Glascock, D. 18859 Dist. 3— Knight, R 20494 Berjy, D 21743 Mussulman, G 4— P&checo. R 17768 Leach, D 17577 Godfrey, G VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Ind. Maj. 1872 President 40718 54020 1068 133U2 R 1873 Supreme Court 19247 13841 24554 5207 I 1875 Sup. Pub. In 39630 45257 5627 R 1875 Governor ....61509 31.322 29752 30187 D 1876 President 76464 79269 44 2805 H 1879 Governor 47647 67965 44482 20318 R 1880 President 80417 80273 144 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, G. C. Perkins ; Lieutenant-Governor, J. Mansfield; Secretary of State, D. M. Burns; Con- troller, D. N. Kentfield; Treasurer, J. Weil; Attor- ney-General, A. L Hart: Superintendent of Public Instruction, F. M. Campbell— all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. Democrats 5 Reiiublicans 22 Workinjimen 13 Republican majority 4 House. Total 28 33 42 64 10 23 24176 , li:88 Colorado. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880 Helford, R 27089 Morrison, D ... Murray, Q VOTES OF THE STATE AND TERRITORY SINCE 1872. Rop. Dom. Maj. 1R72 Connress f.260 7696 1336 R 1K71 ConKr«8S 9333 7170 2163 I 1876 CongreHH 12:!10 33303 998 R 1870 Governor 13310 lUM 838 R Dem. Rep. Gbk. Maj. 1878 Governor 11573 14396 2755 2^23 R 1878 Congress 12003 14294 2329 2291 R 1880 President 24647 27450 1435 2803 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Frederick W. Pitkin ; Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, vacancy; Secretary, Norman H. Meldrum ; Treasuier, William O. Saunders; Auditor, Joseph T.Davis; Attorney-General, Charles H. Toll ; Super- intendent of Public Instruetien, Leonidas S. Cor- nell — all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 20 36 66 Democrats 6 13 19 Republican majority 14 23 37 Counectlcnt. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Buck, R 17048 Beach, D 15114 Hewitt, G 180 2— Wallace, R 20068 Phelps, D 21632 Harrington, P 124 Dist. 3— Wait, R 12099 Sawyer, D 9125 Wol'f, G 151 Palmer, P 200 4— Miles, R 18168 Peet, D 17634 Cleveland, G 203 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. 1872 President 45S94 1873 Governor 45059 1874 Governor 46755 1875 Governor 53752 1876 President 61934 1878 Governor 46385 1880 President 64417 Rep. Temp. Gbk. Maj. 50318 206 4218 R 39'.i45 2541 3273 D 39973 4960 1809 D 44272 2942 6538 D 59034 378 2900 D 48867 1079 8314 2482 R 67073 412 868 2656 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor. Hobart B. Bigelow ; Lieutenant Gover- nor, Wm. H. Bulkeley ; Secretary of State, Chas. B. Searls ; Treasurer, David P. Nichols ; Controller, W. T. Batcheller— all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 17 148 165 Democrats 7 99 106 Greenbackers 1 1 Republican majority 10 48 68 Dela-ware. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. Martin, D 14968 Houston, R 14288 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Others. Maj. 1873 President 10205 11115 487 423 R 1874 Governor 12488 11259 1229 D 1876 Congress 13169 10562 238 2<39 D 1876 President 13379 10691 2688 D 1878 Governor 107.30 2835 7895 D 1878 Congress 10576 ii966 7610 D 1880 President 15180 14148 1032 D PRESENT .STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, John W. Hall ; Secretary of State, James 1,. Wolfott; Attorney General, George Gray; St.ate Trcasiirfr, Robert ,t. Hovnolds ; Aud'tor, John F. Stunts; Superintendent of Schools, James H. Grover — all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total 8 14 22 1 7 8 Domocrats.... Republicans. Democratic minority 7 BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTION RETURNS. 41 Florida; VOTE FOB CONGUKSSMEN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1- Witherspoon, R..ll()»2 2— Bisbee, R 11930 Davidson, D 11:>7I Finley, D 13073 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rop. 17r>U3 Dem, 1872 Governor 10004 1872 PfP.Mifli-nt 154-^8 1874 Congrens 17555 187il Oovornor 24179 23084 187'; FiosMont 24434 23310 1878 Congress 20171 1880 President 2792; Maj. 1509 R 177G5 2;j.i7 R 18600 1054 R 195 D 94 D 2244 D 4245 D 17927 23080 1880 Governor 28341 23285 505G D PUESENT STATE GOVERN' MENT. Governor, VV. D. Bloxham; Lieutenant Governor, L. VV. Betliol; Secreiary of State, John L. Crawford; Attorney General, GeorKO P. Raney; Controller, W. D. Barnes; Treasurer, ?I. A. L'Engle; Land Corn- missiouor, H. A. Corleyr- all Democrats, and ap- pointed by the Governor. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Repnblicnns 5 18 23 Democrats 27 68 85 Democratic msyority 22 40 62 Georgia. VOTE FOB CONGRESSMEN, 1880. DM. Dist. 1— Collins, R 8265 5— Hammond, D 11947 Blai-k, D 11712 6— Blount, D 8.'.75 2— Brimberry, R 6417 Scatcering 30 Turner, D 11496 7— Clements, D 11575 3— Parker, R 3245 Felton, L D 10727 Cook, D 7122 8— Stephens, D 11341 4— Pou, R- 7224 Scattering.. 26 Buohanan, D 9998 9— Speer. LD 12653 5-Clark, R 7132 Bell, D «589 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. MaJ. 1872 Governor 10.3529 46043 O'Conner 66886 D 1872 President 76278 62715 4000 13,563 D 1874 (•ongre.is 93347 33161 60186 D 1876 President 138766 50538 88218 D 1876 Governor 110017 34.529 76088 D 1880 President 1024O7 54086 48321 D 1880 Governor 118349 64ti04* 64345 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Alfred H. Colquitt; Secretary of State, N. C. Barnett; Controller General, Wm. A. Wright; Treasurer, D- N. Speer; Attormy General, Clitford Anderson; Superintendent of Schools, G. J. Orr— all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 1 10 11 Democrats 43 165 208 Democratic majority 42 155 Illinois. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Aldrich, R 22367 Muttocks, D 18024 2— l>avis, K 20002 Furnswortli, D.... 10014 3— Farwell, R 16627 8— Pavson, R 1R704 Wallace, D.-G... .13972 9— Lewis, R 14658 Lee, D 14294 Reynolds, G 2548 Smith, D 11903 10— IMarsh, R 14708 4— Sherwin, R 20381 Holloway, D 13877 Warner, D 8455 Meadon, G 716 Bliusdell, G 1159 11— Kdgar, R 12490 Singleton, D 17842 Allen, G 1765 -Hawk, R 1T021 King, I) 4160 John.-iiMi, G 7468 12— -Morrison, R 14761 6— Henderson R 16650 Springer, D 17376 Truesdell, D 9631 Miller, G 1657 McKiunie, G 2037 13— Smith, R 104.33 7— Cullen, R 16028 Stevenson, D.-G.16115 Evans, D 12004 14— Cannon, R 19710 Barber, G 2204 Scott, D.-G 17734 15— Forsythe, R.-G.. .16809 18— Thomas, R 16873 Moulton, D 19304 llartzell, D 15146 16— Ilosmer, R 13921 Robinson, G UMi Sparks, D 15392 19— Pavt-v, K 14,><il Rutherford, G.... 1331 T9^v^l.•^h«nd, D.iwrjl 17— Hay, R 159«1 Planugau, (i 1156 Morrison, D 1G964 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Gbk. Maj. 1872 President 181770 241-.il8 53120 R 1874 8upt. Pub. In 197490 100084 3or,iMK)pAD 1870 Congre.'SS V551870 270.5.52 24<W2 R 1870 President 268(')Ol 2782:52 lOi^il R 1876 Governor 2724.32 279226 6794 R 1878 Treas rer ....170085 20(>t.58 68689 .30373 R 1S80 President 277321 318031 20358 4<)716 R 1880 Governor 277532 314565 26ii63 3703:1 U PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Shelby M. Cullom; Lieutenant Gover- nor, John M. Hamilton; Secretary of .State, Henry D. Dement; Auditor, ('harles P. Swigert; Treasurer, Eilw. Rutz; Attorney General, James .McCartney; .Superintendent of Instruction, J. P. Slade — all Re- publicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate, House. Total Republicans 32 83 126 Democrats 18 70 88 Greenbackers.. , 1 ... 1 Republican majority 13 Indiana. 13 26 VOTE FOB CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Disf. Di.'it. 1— Heilman, R 17719 Kleiner, D 17420 Kramer, G 734 2— Braden, R 14676 Cobb, D 18443 Albert, G 852 3— Charle.s, R :.... 14493 Stoekslager, D....lb800 Poindexter, G 766 4— Cravens, R 15641 Holman, D 17388 Dunn, G 437 6— Treat, R 16496 Mat.son, D 17411 Robinson, G 1279 6— Browne, R 22136 Miller, D 12076 Lee, G - 773 7— Pealle, R 17610 Byfield, D 16S06 De la Matyr, G.. 2136 8— Peirce, R 19291 Hannii, D 16996 Copner, G 3120 9-Orth, R 18277 Myers, D 17476 Armentrout, G.. 1118 10— Do Motte R 18024 Skinner, D.-G... 17006 11— Steele, R 20246 Slack, D 19713 Studebaker, G.. 2168 12— Tavlor, R 17030 Coferick, D 17800 13— Calkins, R 17981 McDonald, D... 16817 Carter, G 1786 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. 1872 Governor 188276 1872 President 189144 1874 Secretary of State 164902 1870 President 207971 1870 Governor 208080 1878 SeeretarvofStatel80657 ISSO Governor 231405 1880 President 2.32164 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Albert G. Porter; Lieutenant Governor, Thomas Hauna; Secretary of State, E. R. Hawn; Auditor, E. H. Wolf; Treasurer, R. S. Hill; Attorney G(>neral, D. P. Baldwin ; Superintendent of Public Instruction, John M. Bloss — all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISL.\TURE. Senate. House. Republicans 24 57 Democrats 23 43 Greenbackers 3 Dem. Ind. Maj. 189422 189 i:W7 D 163047 1417 21090 R 182154 16233 17252 D 21.3526 9533 5.555 D 2131(H 13213 5084 D 194770 39415 14113 D 224452 14881 6953 B 225522 12986 6642 R Republican mtyority. 14 Total 81 68 3 Vi * ladepcadeDt vot*. I o -vr a . VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. Rep. Dem. Gbk. Governor iai;v26 7:5;t97 2.8125 Total vote for Governor, including 191 Antt Masonic, 235,037. 42 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. 'vote fob congressmen, 1880. Dist. 1— McCoid, R 17117 Culbertson, D 12119 Stubbs, G 2197 2— Farwell, R 17465 Rose, D 11091 Hoopes, G 1236 3— UpdegrafF, R 17359 Stewart, D 13968 Moore, G 2193 4— Deering, R 21930 Root, D 8266 Doolittle, G 2664 Dean, P 570 Dist. 5— Thompson, R 20016 HnstiQ,D 11345 Palmer, G 2164 6— Cutts, R 18U17 Cook, D.-G 17911 7— Kasson, R 19932 Gilleste, D.-G 16752 Mallorv, D 222 8— Hepburn, R 24320 Percival, D 12994 Avres, G 5922 9— Carpenter, R 24236 Guthrie, D 12097 Campbell, G 2381 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. 1872 President 131173 1873 Governor 105143 1874 Secretary of Statel07250 1875 Governor 125058 1876 President 171332 1876 Secretary of Statel72171 1877 Governor 121.546 1878 Secretary of Statel34544 1879 Governor 157571 1880 President 183927 Dem. Gbk.-D. Maj. 71134 60039 R 82598 22565 R 79054 28202 R 93359 31134 R 112121 59211 R 112115 60056 R 79353 42193 R 1302 123577 10967 R 85056 45429 72515 R 105845 32701 78082 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Buren R, Sherman; Lieutenant Gover- nor, O. M. Manning; Secretary of State, J. A. T. Hull; Treasurer, Ed. H. Conger; Auditor, Wm. V. Lucas; Attorney General, Smith McPherson; Su- perintendent of Public Instruction, Carl W. Von Coelin— all Republic»ns. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total. Republicans 45 70 115 Democrats 2 22 24 Greenbackers 2 6 8 Republican majority 41 42 83 Kansas. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Anderson, R 48.599 2— Green, D.-G 2.3737 Burns, D 22727 3— Ryan, R 41094 Davis, G 7318 McDonald, D 16976 2— Haskell, R .30758 Mitchell, G 9396 An amendment to the Constitution, forever pro- hibiting the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors in the State, except for medical, scientific and mechanical purposes, was adopted by a vote of 92,302 to 84,304. VOTE OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Maj. 33,4.s2 K 13293 R 22869 K 40402 R 37830 R 36X12 R 61570 R 51647 R Dem. Rep. Gbk. 1872 President 67048 32970 1874 Governor 48.'")94 3.5.301 1876 Governor 69073 46204 1876 President 78.322 .37902 1877 I^ieut. Governor.02570 24740 1878 Governor 74020 37208 27057 1880 President 121549 59789 19851 1880 Governor 115204 03.557 19477 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor. John P. St. .lohn ; Lieutonant-Governor, D. W. Kinney; Secretary of State, .James Smith; Treasurer, .John F"rancis; Auditor, P. I. Hon'-hrako: Attorney General, W. A. .Johnston; Supcrinteiuli'nt of Public Instruction, H. C. Speor — all Reiiublicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. rienate. House. Total Republicans 37 112 149 Democrats 2 9 II Fusion 1 4 5 Republican majority 34 09 133 ' KentuclEy. VOTE for' CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Turner, D 11448 Tice, I. D 4244 Ratlitf, R 5646 2~McKenzie, D 14694 Feland, R 8354 Cook.G 5233 3— Caldwell D 1.3089 Flippin, R 10987 Wright, G 1736 4— Knott, D 13778 Thurmond, R 6603 Green, G 2820 5— Hays, I. D 3794 Dist. 5— Willis, D 11934 Burn.s, R 8445 6— Carlisle, D 17291 Root, R 9862 7— Blackburn, D 15017 Hood, R .5624 8— Thompson, D 13373 Frv, R 11410 Cooper.G 642 9— Turner, D 1.3326 White, R 15317 10 Phistee, D 1.3944 Thomas, R 12955 Rep. Ind.-D. Maj. 88816 2.374 11396 D 53.5(14 0OS44 D 90795 36181 D 98415 62030 D 20451 76106 D VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. 1872 President 100212 1874 Court of Appeals. 114348 1875 Governor 126976 1876 President 160445 1877 Treasurer 96557 1879 Governor 125799 81882 18954 43917 D 1880 President 147999 1045.50 11498 43449 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Luke P. Blackburn ; Lieutenant Gov- ernor, James B. Cantrell: Attorney General, P. W. Hardin ; Auditor, Fayette Hewitt ; Treasurer, J. W. Tate; Superintendent rpf Public Instruction, Joseph t»esha Pickett; Register of Land Office, Ralph Sheldon — all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 4 17 21 Democrats 34 83 117 Democratic majority.. 30 66 96 Iiouisiaiia. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Di.st. Dist. 1— Gibson, D 10526 4— Blanchard, D 12446 Ker, D 5292 Well.% R 1638 2— Elli.s, D 10032 Hahn, R 6722 3— Billin, D 7786 Darrcll, R 12651 5— Kim;, D 1.5305 Lanier, R 3318 6— Robertson, D .... 8030 Smith, R 4246 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 1872 1874 1874 1876 1876 1S76 1876 1878 1879 1880 Rep. Dem. Maj. Governor 72890 55249 17641 R Treasurer *69.544 68586 958 R Treasurer tT1962 74901 2939 D President *7.5315 70508 4807 R President t^7174 8-1723 6549 D Governor *74624 71198 3426 R Governor ^1^77 84487 8010 D Treasurer 31064 77212 43148 D Governor 41460 72611 3ii751 D President 65310 31890 33419 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Louis A. Wiltz ; Lieutenant Governor, John McEnery ; Secretary of .State, Wm. A. Strong; Attorney General, A. F. Eagan ; Auditor, Allen Ju- mel ; Treasurer, E. A. Burko— all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Democrats 26 70 96 Rei.iihlicMMS 6 16 22 Independents 3 9 12 Democratic majority 17 45 C2 Maine. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. 1— Herd, R 16920 And<'rson, D 16S03 Stone, P 263 4— Boiit( 3-Lind.sey, R 1.5131 Philbrick. D.-G.. 14664 -Frve, R 14 117 Fogg, D.-G 12.342 nliiK Honrd Count. Ladd, D.-G 1404T 5— Milliken, K 1.3977 Murch, D.-G 14492 t Duinocrutlc count, aud facfl of returns. BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTI N RETURNS. 43 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Others. Maj. 1872 President 2'Jii.s7 (31 122 32:535 R 1873 Governor 32k1(5 45(174 2090 12«58 R 1874 (Governor 41734 53131 275 11307 R JS75 Governor 53213 57085 3872 R ls7i; GoVHrnor f.'l215 757'.0 529 15450 R 187(; ProHident 4:iJH3 G(;3(K) 0(13 1(5477 K 1877 Governor 42114 53(i3l 0076 11517 K 1878 Governor 27872 5C,.-)l!t 41104 15115 R 188(1 Governor 7378G 735'.l7 4(i3 189 I" 1880 President C52U 74052 4040 8841 R PRESENT ST.VTE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Harris M. Plaisted, D -G.; Secr*tary of State, Jose]))! O. Smith; Treasnrer, Samnel A. Hol- brook ; Adjutant General, George L. Beale; At or- ney General, Henry B. (U aves ; Superintendent of Sciiools, N. A. Lace— all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 22 85 107 Democrats and Greenbackers. 9 66 75 Republican majority 13 19 32 niarylaud. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Smith, R 10080 Covington, D 125G3 2— Webster, R 13482 Talbi.tt, D 14988 3— Hnrncr, .Jr., R.... 9975 Iloblitzell, D 13029 Di.-t. 4— Maund, R 135^0 McLane, D 1.5702 &— Wilmer, R 12432 Chapman, D 14230 G— Urner, R 17137 Schley 16337 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Maj. G07G0 925 I) 59088 10983 \) 53377 141 2G 72530 l'!)24 711181 19709 50329 30379 08009 22100 73789 IGICI D 1872 President G7G85 1873 Controller 79051 1874 Congress G7503 1875 Governor 8.5451 1870 President 91780 1877 Controller 8ii7o8 1870 Governor 90771 1880 President 80050 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, William T. Hamilton; Secretary of State, J. T. Briscoe; Attorney General, C. J. M. Gwinn; Tr>>as(iror, Barnes Compton; Controller, Thomas .1. Keating; Clerk Court of Appeals, Spencer C. Jones — all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total. Democrats 21 64 85 Republicans 5 20 25 Democratic majority 16 44 60 Governor. Massachusetts. Rep. 06609 Dem. 5458G Pro. Gbk. 1610 4880 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Crapo, R 10384 Davis, D 0009 Chace 1.50 French 120 a— Harris. R 17047 Dean, I) 9718 Sherman, G 118 3— Rannov, R 131.32 Dearborn. D 12073 Fair^mnks, G 75 CushinkT, P 15 4— Haves. R 10,501 Morse, D lOGlG Gaston, 1 222 Hutchinson, P... 84 Dist. 5— Bowman, R 1C088 Beebe, D 11720 Buflam. G 1305 6— St'.ne, R 14124 Bovnton, D noon 7— Russell, R 14082 Aldrieh, D 10027 Whitnev, C. 155 8— Candler, R 10044 Russell, 1) 11542 Babcook, G 3ii7 Staev, P lol 9— Rice, R 14035 McCatfertv, D.... 8ii25 Brown, G.'. 351 Dist. 10— .N'orcross, R.... 15G08 Aloud, I) 80-7 Stockbridge, G... 656 Dist. 11— Robinson, R 14236 Wooworth, D 10007 Dickinson, G IM Merrill, P 64 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Lab. Temp Maj. 1872 President &02(iO 133*72 74212 R 1873 (iovernor (iovernor. 59.J(.0 72183 90376 80.345 y'ZH.i R 1874 7(«2 D 1875 (iovernor. 78333 83(^19 316 9124 aw Mi R 1 h70 President (iovernor 108777 15(H)03 1008.50 137(i05 770 12274 41 '80 R 1870 30815 R 1877 (iovernor 73185 012.55 1 0354 3552 18070 R 1878 Governor. 1(1102 l:U725 »1()'.)435 1013 25290 R 1870 (iovernor 9089 122751 ♦109149 1(X5 13(J02 R 1880 President lUOGO 1(>42(J5 4548 C82 53245 R 1880 Governor. 111410 164825 4864 1059 63415 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, .John D. Long; Lieutenant Governor, Byron Weston; Secretary, Henry B. Pierce; Trea- surer, Daniel A. Gleason ; Auditor, Cliarles R. La<ld; Attorney General, George Marston — all Republi- cans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 36 181 217 ItiiiHjcrats 4 65 59 Independents 4 4 Republican miijority 32 126 158 Michigan. VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. Rep. Dem. Obk Supreme Judge 127436 72730 33256 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Pro. 12744 Dist. 1— .Lord, R 1.5902 Mayberry, D 1.5388 Stowe, G 028 2— Willits, R 1S045 Waldby, D 1050G Chester, G 1(;74 3— Liieey, R 21207 Pringle, D 97.39 Hodge, G 8959 4— Burrows, R lOnoG Powers 12424 Vaple, G 4103 5— Webber, R 22824 Rand;ill, D 11435 Dist. 6— Bl.anehard, G 9506 6— Siiauldiug, R 23551 Uiiiu'is, D 18235 Begole, G 5090 7— C.nger R 17490 Black, D 13806 Warkins, G 1428 8— Horr. R R 21224 Tarnsev D 18857 Smith, G .3829 9— Hubb^ll, R 23437 Pratt, D.-G 14042 Parmelee, G 800 VOTES OF THE ST.A.TE SINCE 1872. 1872 1874 1875 1870 187C 1877 1878 1880 1880 President... Govern, ir ... Sup. Court.. Governor ... Presidt^nt... Sup. Court.. Governor... Dem. 79088 1055.50 91876 142402 141O06 85748 70082 Rep. Temp. Gbk. 1302(r2 1271 111519 3937 1110,51 165026 100,534 1120.53 120.309 74.'«.3 177054 3,5032 870 8297 Governor .,. 137(i01 President... 131597 185341 942 34895 Maj. 55043 R 2ti32 R 2G075 R 23434 R 254.39 R 20005 R 40-17 R 403(.3 R 53744 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, David H Jerome; IJeutennnt Givernor, Moreau S. Crosbv: Secretary, William .leriiiy; Trea- surer, Benjamin' D. Pritchar I ; Andirnr. \V. Irving Ijatimer; Land Coinmissioiier, Jas. .M. Neasmith; Superintendent of Public Instru tio-', Varnnm B. Co-'hran Attorney General, J. F. Van Riper— all Re- publicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans •W -"^ 116 Democrats 2 U 10 Republican majority . 100 • This was the vote for Benjuuto )-'. BuUer, 44 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. Minnesota. VOTE OF THE STATE IN ISSl. Rep. Dern. Maj. Governor 6-14S5 36055 27830 VOTE FOE CONGRESSilEN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— DunnelI,R 22392 2— Strait, R 24583 Welis, D 13768 Poehler, D 187ii7 Ward, I. R 7656 Chamberlain, G. 309 Roberts, G 728 3— Washburn, R 36428 Siblev, D 23804 j Ayres, G 707 I VOTE OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Mlssoort. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dem. Rep. Temp. Gbl£. Maj. 1872 President 35211 55709 20498 R iS73 Giivernor 35260 40781 lOiO 5521 R 1874 Chief Justice 42111 51996 9885 R 1875 Governor 351G8 47053 1484 11885 R 1876 President 48779 72962 2389 24163 R 1877 Governor 40215 67644 17429 R ls78 Congress 45339 53508 8169 R 1879 Governor 41583 56018 2867 4204 15335 R 1880 President 63315 93903 286 3267 40588 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, — Hubbard; Lieuten ant Governor, Cliarles H Gilman; Secretary of State, F. Von Brtumbach ; State Treasurer, Charles Kittelson; Auditor, Braden ; Attorney General, Charles M. Start ; Railroad Comnaissioner, William R. Marshall — all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Tot.il Republicans 29 86 115 Democrats 11 16 27 Greenbackers 14 5 Republican majority 17 66 83 Mississippi. VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. Governor.. Rep. Dem. Maj. 61364 76365 25001 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Morphis, R 6828 Muldrow, D 14450 Davidson, G 10,58 2— Buchanan, R 9999 Manning, D 1.5265 Harris, G 3585 Dist. 4— Drennan, R 4179 Sintjk'ton, D 13749 6— Osborn, R 925 Hooker, D 11771 Deason, I.-R 6193 Patter.son, G 2; Dem. Maj. 47191 34725 R 5-.i904 2141)3 R 9i;806 .31)117 1) 11)9173 5751 ;8 D 96454 95280 I) 75750 40896 D 3— Gunn, G.-R 2790 6— Lynch, R 5393 Money, D 11722 Chalmers 9172 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. 1872 President 81916 1873 Governor 74307 1875 Treasurer 60659 1876 President 51605 1877 Governor *;168 1880 President 34854 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Robert Lowry; Lieutenant Governor, G. I). Shunds; Socretary of State, Henry C. Myers; Treasurer, W. L. Hemingway; Auditor, Sylvester Gwin; Attorney General, T. C. Catcdiings ; Superin- tendent of Education, J. A. Smith— all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEOISLATdllE. Senate. House. Total Democrats 34 101 135 R«pul)licanH 3 14 17 GreenV)aekers 2 2 Independents 3 3 Democratic majority 31 82 113 Dist. 1— Fletcher, R 10892 Clardy, D 11681 Eshbaush, G 49 2— Rosenblatt, R 10022 Allen, D 124.58 3— Sessinghaus, R ... 9290 Frost, D 9487 O'Connel, G 266 4 — Simpson, R 1251 Davis, D 19949 5— Palmer, R 10799 Bland, D 12977 6— Hazeltine, R.-G... 22787 Waddill, D 22680 7— Rice, R.-G li)744 Phillips, D...„ 19146 Dist. 8— Van Horn, R 8395 Allen, D 7656 Crisp, D 74.59 Clark, G 1084 9— Ford, G.-R Craig, D 10— Burrows, R.-G....172S4 Mausen,-D 17219 11— Heberling, R 7370 Clarke, Jr., D 17921 12— Loudon, R 1.5236 Hatch, D 17403 1.3— Haley, R 7.394 Biickner, D 17233 Thurmond, G 253 • No returoi from Sbarke; couDtjr, VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. 1872 Governor 156714 1872 President 151433 1874 Governor 1495.56 1876 Governor 199.580 1876 President 20.3077 1878 Sup. Judge 185171 issn President 208609 1880 Governor 207670 Rep. Gbk. Maj. 121271 35443 D 119196 29808 D 112104 c7452 D 147694 51886 D 145029 5804S D !>6994 61167 88177 D 1.53567 35045 55042 D 153636 36338 54034 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Thomas T. Crittenden; Lieutenant- Governor, Roliert A. Campbell; Secretary, M. K. MoGrath; Auditor, John Walker; Treasurer, Philip B. Chappel; Attorney-General, D. H. Melntyre; Land Register, Robert MeCulloch ; Superintendent of Schools, Richard D. Shannon — all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Democrats 25 9S 123 Republicans 7 41 48 Greenbackers 2 4 6 Democratic majority 16 53 69 Nebraska. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. Valentine, R 62647 North, D 23634 Root, G 4069 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. 1872 1,874 1875 1876 1876 1877 1878 1878 18,80 1880 Rep. President 18245 Governor 20874 Sup. Court 31226 President 31916 Governor 31947 Sup. Court 29,569 Governor 29469 (Congress 28341 President ,54979 Governor 55237 Dem. Ind. Temp Maj. 7705 10540 R 8471 3987 1257 71.59 R 1,5091 16135 R 17.5,54 2336 4964 14362 R 17219 .3022 30 14728 R 15639 775 l;i930 R 13473 9475 1.5996 R 21752 110 6689 R 28523 3950 26456 R 28167 3898 27027 R PRESENT .STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Albinos Nance ; Lieutenant-Governor> E. C. Cairns; Secretary of State, 8. J. Alexandi>r , Auditor Public Accounts, John Wallicks; 'I'rcasurer. a. M. Bartlett; Commissioner nf I'ulilic Lands and" Buildings, A. (i. K-'ndall ; Ati<iiuey-geiieral, C. J' I>iUvorth ; Superintendent of Public instruction, W W. W. Jones — all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATlfRE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 27 73 100 Democrats 3 10 13 Republican majority 24 63 87 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTIO N RETURNS. 45 Nevada. VOTE FOE CONGRESSMAN, 1880. Daggett, R 8578 Cassidy, D 9815 VOTE OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Kej). Maj. 1872 President (V.iJG 8113 2177 R 1871 fiovcrnor lOIJIi'J 7755 2:)H1 1) ls7« Prestident 9)08 lo:5S3 1U75 li 187r> Congress 7i;70 lo21l 971 R 1878 Governor 91.11 !iti78 527 K 1878 Congress 9l)47 9727 080 R 1880 President 9611 8732 879 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, J. II. Kinkead, R.; Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, .JewHtt W.Adams, D.; Controller, .1. F. Hal- lock, R. ; Trea.suror, L. L. Crookett, R.; Seerctarv of .State, .lasper IJalicock, R. ; Attorney-General, M. A. Murpiiy, R. : Surveyor-General, A. J. Hato'i, R. ; Superintendent of Public luatruction, D. R. Ses- sions, 1). PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Democrats 10 43 53 Republicans 14 7 21 Inaepeudents 1 ... 1 Dem. maj. on joint ballot ... 31 Neiv Xlampslilre. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Hall, R 16310 2— Scattering 147 Sanborn, D 15047 3— Farr, R ISSiiO Scattering 311 Bingham, D 12897 2— BrigKS, R 14480 Scattering 281 Sulloway, D 13000 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. Temp. Maj. 1872 President 31425 37108 2i)0 5443 R 1875 Governor 39121 39293 792 172 R 1870 Governor 38128 417G5 419 3208 R 1876 President 38.509 41.539 82 3030 R 1877 Governor 3G721 407.55 338 4034 R 1.S78 Governor 31135 38175 *6507 7040 R 1880 President 40798 448.55 708 40.57 R 1880 Governor 40866 44435 892 3569 R • Greenback vote. The vote In this column for 1880 Indicates combined Greenbaok and Prohibition vote. PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Charles H. Bell; Secretary of State, A. B. Thompson; Deputy Secretary of State, Ixaac W. Hammond; Trea;*urer, Solon A. Carter; A<ijutanl- General, A. D. Ayling; .State Libarian, William H. Kimball— all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 16 186 203 Democrats 8 123 131 Republican majority 8 63 71 Jiew Jersey, VOTE FOR CONGUE.SSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Robeson, R 19807 Carter, D 1C3.50 Hollis, G 724 Woolman, P 76 2— Brewer, R 18580 Smith, D 10536 Dobbins, G 312 3— Robbins, R 16953 Ross, D 19725 Hope, G a34 4— Kilpatrick, R 12870 Dist, 4— Harris, D 17043 Larison, O 4.57 5— Hill, R 1(;766 Cutler, D 1.51(15 Potter, G :a9 6 — Jones, R 20«24 Balback, D 178H8 Doiiai, G 6S4 7— Brigham, R 14714 Hardenbaugh.D 19462 Becker, G IGl Dem. Maj. 91till 14180 R 81050 13233 D 103511 124-15 D 85094 12746 D VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. 1872 President 7iiS0l 1874 Governor 97283 1876 President 11.59.50 1877 Governor 97840 1880 Governor 121015 121606 651 D 1880 President 120555 122565 2010 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, George C. Ludlow, D. ; Secretary of State, Henry C. Kelsey, D. ; Treasurer, George M. Wright, R.; Attorney-General, John P.Stockton, D.; t;ontroller, E J. ^'Vnderson, R. ; Chancellor, Theo- dore Runyon, D. ; Superintendent of Public In- struction, Ellis A. Apgar, D. LEGISLATURE, ELECTED IN 1881. Senate. House. Total Republicans 13 30 43 Democrats. 30 38 Republican majority 5 Ne-»v YorU. PRESIDENT, 1880. SEC'Y 8TATB, 1881. Garfield, Hancock, Weaver, Carr, Puroell, Howe, R. D. G. R. D. G. Albany ~ 10.->r,4 19024 3.54 12004 10002 5.32 Alleghany 0827 3182 486 4.506 1986 493 Broome 7173 5450 108 54.53 4217 104 Cattaraugus 7401 5406 672 5382 .3.390 9.55 Cayuga 9372 5976 536 07o3 4018 725 Chautauqua 10422 5172 585 6991 3047 673 Chemung 4635 4806 976 3106 ,3428 1205 Chenango 5709 4.559 623 4448 32ol 974 Clinton 6080 4250 74 4930 3124 65 Columbia 64,86 5992 19 4108 5199 34 Cortland 4124 2749 78 .3214 21.55 44 Delaware 60.58 6084 218 4076 3032 316 Dutchess 11045 8475 26 9227 6309 49 Erie 24199 20.'^48 442 198.58 18039 351 Essex 4776 2775 109 3.589 1949 176 Franklin 4185 2799 96 3329 1734 114 Fulton and Ham'n 49,S5 3879 35 40i8 3539 35 Genesee 4815 3481 72 3038 2740 83 Greene 3S79 44o5 175 27.H 3,557 258 Herkimer 6331 5070 01 4005 3824 44 Jefferson 94.39 7216 31 7945 5915 26 Kings 51751 01002 507 4.3909 4.52.52 486 Lewis 4036 3074 11 3435 3a50 9 Livingston .5522 4242 161 4023 3141 l88 Madison 6793 4r,83 182 4830 ,3249 222 Monroe 17102 13742 316 12303 IOS'25 206 Montgomery 5230 4947 32 4149 4092 86 New York...". ■■- 81730 IiW15 610 65225 919.57 916 Niagara 6478 .5937 .50 .5079 ,5904 149 Oneida 14540 120(H) 273 10S83 10315 3.50 Onondago 10163 11732 138 12182 8558 74 OOVERNOR, 1879. PRES" r 1876. Rob'son Cornell Kelly, Lewis, Haves, Tllden. D. R. Bolt. G. R. D. 12976 14505 3095 1091 10403 17641 2710 5082 371 642 67.39 3741 4777 6020 120 105 6707 5424 2972 5851 403 1407 6718 6054 3916 7316 712 948 8958 6119 4303 7935 131 1048 10O65 5085 3547 3481 484 1539 4732 5223 3783 4851 130 10.57 6173 4826 3672 4604 87 34 5.502 4796 46.59 5979 121 83 5799 6.311 2238 3351 328 177 4038 2IVJ2 4.555 4914 12 298 6807 6-272 7ti53 915,5 673 72 9501 9103 17095 201.50 338 612 20-299 19.5:$3 2292 3049 48 IMl 4477 29.55 2206 3076 16 2:i7 4104 29 4« 3-101 4146 01 46 4^:02 4231 2722 37.35 217 82 4322 a32l 4015 2958 102 529 .3(i78 4771 4349 6206 211 179 5906 6212 6703 79.59 86 1.59 9227 7094 44.388 32816 5788 56<1 39O05 67.V.7 3160 3.397 358 2.5 3010 3707 30(H 47"! 369 227 5207 4-244 3034 5397 230 2^3 ot;.<3 4702 7828 11305 2(W8 609 147:i8 1.31-27 4240 4202 327 OS 4 1.57 4765 60.556 40322 43(M7 59 685i-,r, 11-26-21 3902 •19 -'4 574 f.3 6'i75 6896 10801 11713 009 647 IIOJO 12844 7744 1;:542 1468 342 14807 11162 46 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. PBESIDENT, 1S80. Garfield, Hancock, Weaver, R. D. U. 5767 9672 3104 6746 7184 1708 Ontaria 6774 Orange 10088 Orleans 4581 Oswego 10236 Otsego 7156 Putnam 2114 Queens 8151 10391 86 Kensselaer 13672 13031 318 Richmond — 3291 4S15 10 Rockland 2688 3415 2 St. Lawrence 13748 6835 16 Saratoga 8116 5808 49 Schenectady. 3250 2628 73 Schoharie 3646 5262 35 Schuyler 2790 2293 112 Seneca 3394 3802 45 Steuben 10245 8992 584 Suffolk 6515 6061 49 Sullivan 3;i39 3718 434 Tiofa 4750 3627 189 Tompkins 4896 3956 363 Ulster 9994 9870 30 Warren 3130 2618 379 Washington 7779 4145 59 Wavne - 7600 5207 225 Westchester 11367 11858 82 Wyoming 4695 3309 58 Yates 3432 2197 07 New TorU. — [Continued.] TATE, 1881. rcell, D. 4107 134 116 75 444 127 SEC Y Carr, Pu R. 5330 7410 3531 8218 6113 1834 5673 10348 2292 2076 9418 5905 2563 2740 2206 2951 7125 4884 2573 3591 3592 6551 2386 5605 6307 7709 3238 2544 GOVEBKOE, 1879. Howe, Rob'son, Cornell, Kellv, G. D. R. Bolt. 7095 2396 5204 6167 1581 7422 10674 3524 2827 3314 3873 2707 4005 1667 3010 5987 4165 2882 3026 2652 6772 1947 2814 3901 8438 2029 1490 4616 7275 1667 3636 6300 1278 7024 135 11075 10547 11 3380 2552 2565 2267 6033 11378 4891 6728 2598 4756 1678 2723 6674 5126 2799 3340 3589 7164 2622 3175 s474 8461 2494 1844 210 194 62 569 106 ""si 3 17 53 73 61 131 43 772 70 807 353 653 90 532 66 304 173 36 288 6457 8381 3445 7437 6238 1903 5435 2533 3045 2406 2934 8466 5156 2554 4149 4387 7849 2639 6697 5904 8778 3821 2919 407 980 371 1327 74 39 1568 1144 612 214 35 452 246 16 294 498 836 122 364 35 35 1666 83 361 584 1755 65 213 Lewis, G. 135 191 107 1139 206 4 133 784 14 14 68 128 144 45 150 94 909 47 822 132 466 93 289 70 603 166 66 89 pbes't, 1876. Haves, Tilden. R. D. 6334 9430 4258 10229 6859 1949 6970 5528 9776 3117 7417 7026 1805 9994 12254 12926 2883 4338 2349 3494 13465 5784 7489 6496 2689 2947 3549 5324 2860 2254 3076 3613 9762 8803 5589 6804 3262 4402 4675 3906 5032 4028 8914 10636 3135 2663 7303 4815 7081 5199 9574 12054 4428 3266 3327 2045 16015 375790 418567 77566 42777 20286 489225 522043 32818 Total 555544 534511 12373 416915 403893 Majorities 210a3 13022 Total vote for Secretary of State. 1881, including 4,863 scattering, 841,686; total vote for President, 1880, including 1,517 Prohibition, 1,103,945; total vote for Governor, 1879, including 4,437 Prohibition and 4,489 scattering,901,135; total vote for President, 1876, including 1,987 Greenback and 2,359 Prohibition, 1,015,614. VOTE FOR COXGEESSilES, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— King, R 18163 18— Keefe, G '700 Belmont, D 20815 19— Parker, R 17559 Markham, G 183 Andrews. D 8385 2_0'Keilly, I.-D 12166 Norton, G 133 Robinson, D 20122 20— West, R 21526 21 Decker, D 16403 Gardiner, G 319 ■Jacobs, R 19078 Gilbert, D 16491 Halsey, G 1076 22— Miller, R 19792 O'Brien, D 15906 Gates, P 97 3— Chittendon, R 20626 Smith, 1 22084 4— Tallmadge, R 14614 Bliss, D 20030 Ward, G 3J4 5 — Broekmeier, R... 2714 Wood, D 11411 Muller, I.-D 9750 6— Heimberger, R.... 7162 23— Prescott, R 14499 Cox D 17025 Sutton, D 12532 f7_Astor, R 11550 Ryan, G 308 Dugro, D 11723 24— Mason, R 17101 8— McCook, R 17392 24— Lewis, D 11510 Davis, D 12468 Nash, G 757 9— Hunt, R 9313 25— Hiseock, R 19828 Wood, D 10842 Ruaer, D 14634 Handv, L-D 8251 Wieting, G 24 10— Talcott, R 1IKI98 26— Camp, R 20259 Hewitt, D 191161 Van Auken, D..14555 11— Morton, R 18232 Walley, G 1103 Gerard, D 14898 27— Lapham, R 15673 12— Taylor, R 14803 Bennett, D 12065 Hutchins, D 15851 Heath, G 434 Lyon,G 43 28— Dwight. R 19510 13— K'otoham, R 20353 Gaul, D 15312 Wilson. P 105 Rep. Temp. Mai. 375401 11103 14810 D 489031 30800 D 489225 Gbk. 32818 D 371798 20282 11264 D 391112 75133 34661 R 346000 21646 2815 R 427240 2^779 12441 D 555544 12373 21033 B Dem. 1875 Sec'y of State 390211 1876 Governor 519831 1876 President 522043 1877 Sec'y of State.... 383062 1878 Sup. Judge 356451 1879 Treasurer 433485 1879 Engineer 439681 1880 President 634511 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Alonzo B. Cornell, R. ; Lieutenant Gov- ernor, George B. Hoskins, R.; Secretary of State, Joseph B. Carr, R.; Controller, Ira Davenport, R. ; Treasurer, Robert A. Maxwell, D ; Attorney Gene- ral, Lestie W. Russell, R. ; State Engineer and Sur- veyor, Silas Seymour, R. ; Superintendent of Insur- ance Demrtment, John F Smyth, R. ; Superintend- ent of Bank Department, Henry L. Lamb, R. ; Superintendentnf Public Instruction. Neil Gilmour, R. ; Superintendent of State Prisons, Louis D. Pills- bury, D. ; Superintendent of Public Works, Benja- min S. W. Clark, D. LEGISLATURE ELECTED IN 1881. Senate. House. Republicans 15 61 Davis, D 15082 Wager, G 987 29— Richardson, R 21211 Bt-e. her, D.-G...19287 30— Van Vorhis, R...21481 Warner, D 16701 Henkic, G 561 Pindar,' D 17991 31— Crowley, R 15759 Graham, G 261 Stevens, D 12868 16— Vanderpoel, R... 10974 Brooks G 131 Nolan, D 19176 32— Bush, R..^ 22316 fjregory, G 224 14— Pierson, R 16134 Beach, D 16664 Clements, G 690 15_Cornell, R 18845 Democrats 17 Total. 76 84 Democratic maj. Nortli Carolina. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. (iregory, G "* 17_Wood, R 21902 FerKUSon.G 5102 18-H«mmon(l, R 14281 Walker, D 93<i0 Soovihe, D 22723 Smith, G 349 33— Van Aerman,R.17429 V^iiiCampen, D.10.581 Sell.-w, P 347 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep.O'Connor.Maj. 1872 President 387279 440759 1404 51825 R Temp. 1873 Sec'y "f State 341001 331128 32 8 9873 1) 1874 Governor 416391 360074 11168 60317 D Dist. 1— Grandv, R 14290 Latham, D 14796 2— Hubbs, R 192.59 Kitchen, D 14305 (ireen, G 104 a— Canadav, R 15017 Shackelford, D.... 10356 Kornegav, G 045 4-Bledsoe, R 16241 Cox, D 17557 Dist. 6— Keogh, R 11623 Scales, D 13557 Winston, 1 662 &— Mvers, R. 12366 Dowd, D 16401 7— Furches, R 11383 Armfield, D 133.31 8— Atkinson, R 0244 Vance, D 14099 Love, 1 1336 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. Dem. Maj. 1872 President 91363 67489 23904 R 1872 Governor 98630 9(i731 1899 R 1874 Supt. Pub. Inst 84181 98217 14036 D I BOOKTii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTIO N RETURNS. 47 Dfm. Maj. 125427 17IHIH D 12:U9S l:)2()8 1) C8263 1481)4 D 1 ■^421 14 8:52(5 D 121827 6237 D Rpp. 1876 President 108U9 18"r> Governor lii!):i;)0 1878 Congr-.MS 5:)i«<) 1880 President 11J878 1880 Govortior 115590 PRESENT STATE OOVERNMENT. (rovernor, Thomas J. Jarvis; Lioiit^nant Gover- nor.Jamos L. RohioHon; Sccri'tarv of Siat^-, William L. Saunders; Attorney Gem-ral, Thomas S. Kenun; Treasurer, John M. Worth; Auditor, William P. Roberts; Superintendent of PuMic Instruction — John C. Scarborough — all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Republicans and Independ'ts 12 32 L)emoerats 38 78 Democratic maj 26 46 Total. 44 110 72 O li 1 o . VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. Rep. Dem. Pro. Gbk. Sct'g Governor 312735 288426 lti,-)',)7 0330 138 Supreme Judge 316005 286000 10090 0495 71 VOTE FOR CONGRKSSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Rutterworth, R..104.55 Hunt, L) 15157 MeCarthy, G 19 2— VouiiK. R 17385 Banning, D 10381 Wheeler, G 16 3— Morey, R 188(i3 Ward, D 17835 Courts, G 248 Staley, P U 4— Schultz. R 21572 MoMaiion.D 21244 Stubbs, G 203 Rush, P 91 6— Boone, R 1,5488 LeFevre, D 23598 Randall, G 172 6— Ritchie, R 19782 Hurd, D 19097 Miaer, G 1038 Trobridge, P 1.39 7— Hart, R 1.5003 Leedom, D 17375 Santee, G 1 8— Keifer, R 21182 Chance, D 15264 Graham, G 251 9— Robinson, R 18146 Norris, D 17007 Mouser, G 425 10— Rice. R 18394 Shaffer, D 17026 Seitz, G 619 Seymour, P 121 Pist. 11— Neal, R 17218 Hutehins, D 15080 Kirkendall, G... 88 McFadden, P.... 1.54 12- Groce, R 17484 Converse, I) 21073 Williams, G 510 Hubbard, P 154 13— Clark, R ..10503 Atherton, D 19038 Baker.G 273 Myers, P 74 14— Fink, R 12053 Geddes, D 18520 Shull, G 40 15— Dawe«, R 102S3 Warner, D 1.5781 Martin, G 212 Penrose. P 240 16— Updprgraph, R..179!"8 Charlesworth, D15150 Lippett, G 30 17— McKinlev,Jr. R.20221 Thomson. 1) 160.50 Jenkins, G 793 Leeper, P 120 18— McClure, R 18570 Wadsworth, D...13474 Rice, G 310 Shoemaker, P.... 205 19— Taylor, R 22794 Adam.s, D 10116 Miller, G 701 Doorm.sn, P 230 20— Townsond, R 20333 Hutehins D 15100 Jackson, G 687 Gage, P 254 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. Dem. Temp. Maj. 1872 Sec'y of State 2059:iO -251780 2i>45 I2im R 1872 President 281852 245484 21(J0 342ti8 R 1873 Governor v!l3837 214ta4 8l7 D 1874 Sec'y of State 221204 23S4<)« 7815 17202 D 1875 Governor 297817 292273 2593 6544 R 1870 President .330098 323182 751ti R 1876 Sec'y of State 316872 311098 6784 K Gbk. 1877 Governor 249105 271015 29201 22.520 D 1878 Sec'y of State 274120 270906 38322 3154 R 1879 Governor .330201 319232 9072 17129 R 1880 President 37.5048 .340821 0456 .34227 R 1880 Sec'y of State.... 362021 343016 6786 1905 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Charles Fostsr; I^'eutenant Governor, Roes G. Ricrhards ; Secretary of State, Charles Town- send ; Auditor, John F. Ogievee; S'ate Treasurer, Joseph Turney ; Attorney General, George K. Nash — all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 22 70 92 Democrats 11 35 46 Republican maj 11 35 46 Oregon. VOTE FOR GONGRESSMAN, 1880. George, R 19578 Whitaker, D 18181 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. • Dem. Rep. Ind. Maj. 1872 President 7753 11818 3493 R 1873 Congress 8104 0123 2071 D 1874 Governor 9713 9103 6532 550 D 1876 President 14158 15208 508 1050 R 187G Congre.ss 142.39 15347 1108 R 1878 Govt-rnor 10003 10009 1353 54 D 1880 President 19950 20018 245 668 R PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor. W. W. Thayer, D. ; Secretary of State, R. P. rCarhart, R. ; Treasurer, Edward Hirsh, R. ; State Printer, W. H. Odell, R. ; Superintendent of Public Instruction, L. J. Powell, R. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Democrats 13 20 33 Republicans 16 40 66 Independents 1 ... 1 Republican maj 3 20 23 The Vote of TRE.^SCTIEB, 1881. Bally, Noble, 'Wolfe, Jtckson, WM R. ' D. I. G. P. Adams 2318 2871 37 .52 2 Allegheny 15079 9800 5948 1015 140 Armstrong 2893 2406 317 208 29 Beaver 2949 20.54 340 30 10 Bedford 31R3 3.370 129 55 ... Berks 40.50 9920 130 108 3.50 Blair 3275 2435 297 148 20 Bradford 4387 2969 1510 409 194 Bucks 0240 6990 556 43 6 Butler .3.517 3.327 711 133 178 Cambria 3117 3565 144 202 37 Cameron 619 479 14 24 3 Carbon 21.52 2719 103 49 274 Centre 2.344 3491 185 151 40 Chester .5036 4298 941 53 .37 Clarion... 17.39 27.34 132 422 ... Clearfield 1841 2994 55 2;U 20 Clinton 1819 2.525 273 33 20 Columbia 1247 2878 127 156 63 Pennsylvania. PRESIDENT, 1880. n, 0»rftd, Hanc'k, 'WeaTcr, R. D. G. 3137 3752 69 35,539 22096 10;Vi 4721 3991 375 4700 3498 129 3038 3723 53 9225 109,59 179 6803 4728 195 81,52 4950 496 8385 8027 2.3 6209 4678 346 3902 4555 150 047 582 27 2857 ^r,4 88 3002 4.598 99 11298 7524 90 2533 44.?3 322 3105 4928 296 2284 3117 36 2-236 4598 192 GOVERNOR, 1878. Hovt, Dill, Utsoa, R". D. G. 2742 3301 139 20001 13186 7724 3207 2093 1899 3571 2908 436 3014 a347 2l>2 6500 13480 17,55 37(X) a390 908 0010 3132 1846 70111 7.5,52 200 3766 3892 2216 2196 a342 1081 4<18 .381 219 21.50 2200 IfrU 20,59 3,8-27 14''6 8178 .5466 205 22rK5 4032 1482 1002 3207 H9S 1814 2099 347 1451 3278 1159 PR EST. , 1.876. Havca, Tildea R. D. 2921 34;19 287-29 19248 4013 3821 3982 2950 3210 3.5,32 8019 15612 4752 393^ 80O8 4989 77-22 80-23 .5043 4830 2f|S9 42.57 .572 .543 2758 3106 3206 4065 9715 6021 3060 4107 2:118 4-220 1,8<I9 2974 nm 43»4 48 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vn. The Vote ot Pennsylvania.— [Continued. 1 TEEASUREE, ISSl. PRESIDENT, 1880. GOVERNOR, 1878. PEEST., 1876. BailT, Noble, Wolfe, Jackson, Wils'n, Garfld, Hsnc'k, Weaver, Hovt, Dill, Mason, Haves, Tilden. R. D. I. G. P. R. D. G. R. I). G. R. D. Crawford 4507 3718 590 1245 608 1192 5847 1759 5957 3833 3528 7345 6537 Cumlierland 2922 40-23 150 83 3 4431 5462 119 3743 4831 566 4151 6062 Dauphin 5793 3800 951 135 1 8573 6619 315 6591 5320 14C8 7493 6474 Delaware ... 3221 2372 1574 12 9 7(")8 4473 il 4769 3137 364 5484 3250 Elk 620 1242 20 93 6 720 1534 88 426 11(10 378 534 13:W Erie 4056 4130 292 4a7 195 8752 6471 041 6044 4237 1635 8724 6179 Favette 3458 3752 88 276 77 4920 6250 609 2654 4211 1937 4379 5,'j94 Forest 371 255 3 315 ... 370 325 281 318 207 277 464 385 Franklin 4097 4011 147 5 27 5379 4964 4 4734 4091 41 4897 4620 Fulton 768 1133 8 2 9 853 1252 794 1222 821 1190 Greene 1530 2976 7 10 69 2210 4271 32 1606 3229 120 1956 3719 Huntingdon 2629 2084 396 224 2 3787 3039 393 3073 2736 6.39 3493 2982 Indiana 3i09 1163 161 1204 16 4017 2119 1488 3486 1557 2155 4934 2248 Jetl>r<on 2203 2212 86 126 10 2750 2635 137 1944 2140 814 2350 2469 Juniata 1446 1707 29 47 2 1625 1999 62 1473 18.51 142 1550 2013 Laokawanna 4220 3116 945 92 7357 7178 151 4898 1974 3588 Lanraster 9899 5770 1495 19 38 19489 10789 39 15518 8714 251 17425 9638 Lawrence 2062 1221 932 107 129 4360 2047 168 2876 1605 393 3429 17C4 Lebanon 3191 1622 65 ..._ 154 5042 3218 7 3914 2M6 382 45.52 3028 Lehigh 4468 5756 67 27 29 6144 8292 17 4975 6705 270 5586 7757 Luzerne 5870 7695 1447 13 214 11028 12575 372 7322 4414 6086 14919 18.396 Lvooming 2751 3629 447 571 41 4955 6416 560 3207 4909 2062 4110 5423 M.^Kean 2477 2192 897 182 40 3693 3169 299 1504 1282 742 1427 1320 Meroer 3971 3607 535 428 505 6079 5029 490 4436 3708 1850 5508 4587 Mifflin 1469 1689 197 74 4 2075 1955 25 1744 1756 59 1716 1892 Monroe 649 2338 34 8 ... 962 3334 17 602 2S29 430 776 3280 Moiit)romery 8407 8949 944 53 37 11026 11025 75 9006 9164 381 9385 9f'54 Montour 891 1.340 136 71 8 1265 1862 80 772 1378 483 1136 1728 Northampton 2714 5178 411 52 25 5901 9653 93 4035 7504 1079 5311 9271 Northumberland 2948 4410 2084 131 15 4847 5931 319 3281 4.584 1489 4268 5064 Periy 2420 2135 107 40 3032 2894 2697 2711 97 2684 2789 Philadelphia 65866 42:557 14722 254 67 97220 76.330 237 7(099 53755 3211 77088 621.38 Pike 296 803 8 25 2 537 1332 10 497 1135 56 443 1387 Potter 1236 594 48 384 ... 1773 1134 255 1326 694 669 1621 1280 Schuylkill 4903 8089 2141 1641 47 9337 11511 2488 5994 7657 6508 8677 10457 Snyder 1367 1278 860 4 ... 2120 1579 13 1814 1494 154 1922 1539 Somerset 3528 2053 103 2 15 4150 2500 55 3134 2140 398 3784 2336 Sullivan 417 677 48 144 ... 625 994 72 436 602 379 502 879 Susquehanna 3421 2542 127 159 87 5031 3802 256 3832 2246 1825 4823 3885 Tiotra 27.37 1297 695 919 10 6018 2815 11.51 4253 2128 1681 5892 2729 Union 638 1134 1720 6 1 22.54 15(I2 11 1836 1656 172 21.54 1489 Venango 2302 2058 653 933 137 4089 3573 685 3482 3035 1229 3840 3471 Warren 1927 1360 281 684 79 3207 2118 084 2175 1026 1822 3151 2365 Washington, 5362 4703 112 223 ... 6451 5580 330 6263 4994 822 5806 5323 W.avne 1720 2254 748 8 3122 3421 13 1937 1625 1384 2760 3680 We">itmoreland 4398 5222 211 196 9 7113 7975 899 4795 5968 1642 6217 7466 Wyoming 1559 1796 30 88 14 1787 1983 38 1417 1600 474 1679 2026 York 4307 7008 223 1 26 7870 11581 9 6960 9644 79 C827 1O403 TotaN 265295 258471 49984 14986 4507 444704 407428 206608 319400 297137 81758 381148 306204 Pluralities 6824 37276 22353 17944 Aggregate vote in 1881 for Treasurer, 593,2.33; aggregate vote in 1880 for President, including 1,930 for Dow, P., and 44 for Phelp.s, Anti-Masonic, 874,783: aggregate vote in 1878, including 3,750 for Prohibition candidate, 702,144; aggregate vote in 1876, 758,874 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT, Governor, Henry M. Hoyt; Lieutenant Governor, Charles Stone ; Secretary of StatP, Mathew S. Quay; Attorney General, Henry W. Palmer; Secretary of Internal AtTairs, Aaron K. Dnnkel; State Treasurer, SamuelButler; State Treasurer elect, Silas M. Baily, who takes office May 1, 1,SS2. The Government of Pennsylvania will change in 1883, the Governor being ineligible to a second consecutive election under the Constitution. Rhode Island. VOTE OF THE STATE, APRIL 6, 1881. Rep. Dem. Pro. Gbk Governor 10819 47.56 2.53 285 Secretary of State 10489 4582 281 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. Hist. l_Alilrieh, R 9.510 2— Chase, R 8515 Lawrence, D 4586 Treat, D 6027 VOTES OF THE ST.VTE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. L-Rep._ Mnj 1872 President 5329 1872 Governor. 8308 IKT.'j fiovcrnor 3780 1H74 Governor 1589 1875 (iovPTnftr 5166 1H76 President 10712 1877 Governor 11787 1S78 Governor 7639 1879 Governor 5.508 1880 President 10770 1.3665 8.3.36 9463 1155 R 96.56 5870 R 123.35 10746 R 8.368 8724 .356 L-R 6075 R 1.5787 121.58 114.54 9717 18196 671 3815 4209 7410 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Alfred H. Littlefield; Lieutenant Gov- ernor, Henry H. Fay, Secretary of State, .loshua M. Adderman: Attorney General, Willard Sayles ; Gen- eral Treasurer, Samuel Clark — all liepublicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 29 64 93 Democrats 8 8 16 Republican maj 11 56 77 South Carolina. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Lee, U 11674 4— Hlythe, R 11780 Richardson, I) 20142 Kvins, D 27983 2— Mackev, K 12297 McLane, G 414 O'Connor, I) 17.567 6— Smalls, R 1.5287 3— Stolhrand, R 9.578 Tillman, D 23326 Aikon, D 27863 BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ELECTIO N RETURNS. 49 VOTES OP THE STATE SINCE 1872. Rep. Dqm. Maj. 1872 Governor cm.iH aOiSS 3.«i)5 R 1872 Prosiclcnt TZiWI 22G,S3 49007 K 1872 Con},'res-i 7f.():il rj.5-22 5G,')12 H 1874 Governor 8()K),J G88i8 ll.Wu R 1S74 CoiiKrc'SS 7;)2ii'J (12094 17115 R l.svr, (ioveriior 91127 92201 ll:i4 I) I87f) President 91«70 90K9G 974 R 1870 CoiiKrcHs 911 t;j 91"..'')9 410 D 1878 ('onsreHs 4.')08l 110917 7lH.iG D 1880 President 57900 1112.t0 6;i270 I) 1880 Governor *4277 117433 113105 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, .Johnson Hagood; Liontenant Governor, J.I). Kennedy; Controller, .lohn Bnitlin; Treasurer, J. P. Rioliardson; .Secretary, R. M. Sims; Attorney General, Leroy J^'. Yoiimans ; Superintendent of Public Instruction, Hn^li S. Thompson; Adjutant General, A. M. Manigault— all Uomoor.its. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE, Senate. House. Total Republicans 2 3 5 Democrats 31 121 152 Democratic maj 29 118 147 Tennessee. VOTE OF TUE STATK IN 1880. Hieh Tax. Low Tax. Rep. Dem. Dem. Gbk. Governor 102909 79191 57424 3041 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Pettibone, R 12261 Taylor, D 11707 2— Houk, R 15905 Williams, D 8498 3— Case, R 8979 Dibrell, D 11598 4— Saunders, R 01.52 MeMillin, D 11998 5— Bright, R 0303 Warner, D 7777 Holman, I.-D 5077 Dist. 6— MoClain, R 7411 House, 1) 11125 Brook-, I.-D 723 7— Hughes, R 8056 Whitthorne, D...11110 8— Hawkins, R 96.36 Atkins, D 10419 TravLs, I.-D 2050 9-Sliaekolford, R .10805 SinioMton, D 12150 10— .Moore, R 11844 Young, D 10998 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. 1872 President 94391 1872 Congress-at-Large 103088 1874 Governor 103001 1870 Governor 12.3740 1876 President 133106 1878 Governor 89018 1880 President 130381 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Alvin Hawkins, R.; Secretary of State, D. A. Nunn, D.; Treasurer, M. T. Polk," D. : Con- troller, James M. Nolan, D.; Superintendent of Pub- lie Instruction, Leon Trousdale, D. ; Commissioner of Agriculture, J. B. Killebrew, D. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Tot.il Democrats 14 Republicans 11 Greenbackers , Dem. maj. on joint ballot 3 Rep. Maj. 83655 10736 D 80S25 222(.3 D 55843 47218 D 73095 50045 D 80566 430O0 D 4'2.J28 46090 D 98760 31021 D 36 60 36 47 1 1 Texas. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880.f Dist. Dist. 1— Reagan, D 21227 4— Mills, D 301.35 Withers, G 6095 Brady, G 17920 2— Culberson, D 26624 5— Shepard, D 22708 O'Neill, G 16194 Jone", I -G 22941 3_ Wellborn. D 48005 6— Upson, D 27.^38 Ke^irby, G 13025 Scattering 637 * RepnblicaDS raa<1e no nominatinnn. t Qreeaback rote : Republicans bad no candldatt. Rep. Gbk. Maj. 4fM«2 22110 D 47120 19029 D 52.363 47011 U .OOKKI l(J0.')8l D 44«0(J 69955 D 23402 .55(K»2 89529 D 53298 20244 93570 D VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. 1872 Congress 68022 1872 President B04.55 187.1 Governor 999«4 1875 Governor 1.50581 1876 Presidont 104755 1878 Governor 15S933 1880 President 140803 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, Oran M. Roberts; LieutenantGovernor, L.J. Storey; Controller, William M. Brown; Trea- surer, F. R. Luliliock; Attorney General, J il. McLeary; .■Appellate Judge, J. ,\I. Hurt; Land Com- missioner, \Villiam C. Walsh — all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Democrats 2» 83 Republicans 1 7 Greenbackers 1 3 Demecratic majority 27 73 Total 112 8 4 100 Vermont. VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Joyce, R 15645 2— Mead, G 411 Rfindall, D 6771 3— Grout, R 12253 Martin, G 358 Currier, D 6191 2— Tyler, R 15900 Tarbell, G 12.56 Campbell, D 6698 Powers,? 506 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Gbk. Maj. 10013 2.53:i3 R 10!I47 29947 R 132''i8 20324 R 20988 23735 R 202.54 23837 R 17247 20.35 20O05 R 18310 1215 27251 R 21245 1578 20003 R Rep. 1872 Governor 41946 1872 President 41487 1874 Governor .33.'i82 187(i Governor 44723 1876 President 44091 1878 Governor 37312 1880 President 4.5507 1880 Governor 47848 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor. Roswell Farnham; Lieutenant Gover- nor, John L. Barstow; Treasurer, John A. Page; Sccretiry of State. George Nichols; Auditor, E. H. Powell— all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 30 218 248 I)emoorats 18 18 Greenbackers 1 1 Independents 1 1 Republican majority 30 198 228 Vlr^^lnia. VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. Readj. Dem. Maj. Governor 111473 997.57 11716 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMAN, 1880. Dist. Dist. 1— Waltz, R...^. 102.50 6— Tucker, D 13G45 Frazier, Readj.... 9258 Woodfin. R 5 7_MoseU"V, R 1029 Allen, i) 9!i38 Paul. Readj 10663 8— BnvIev.R 9170 Barbour, D 16.509 Williams. Readj.. 27.36 Garrison, D. 11.595 Critcher, Readj... 2217 2— Dezendorf, R 14775 Goode, D 9715 Laev, Readj 36O0 3— G. n. Wise, D .. ..10931 J. S. Wise, Readj. 8566 4 — Jorgensen, R 1.3S25 Colem.an, D .5708 9— Goodell. R 3640 5— Cabell. D 11478 Triirc, D 7621 Stovall, R 10918 Fulkers.m, Readj 8096 McMiillin, 1 4«3 r Republican 52663 Total Vote for Congres8-< Pemocraiic 97073 (.Rcadjuster 66064 50 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book tii. Rep. Maj. 9:U15 1972 R 9:«'J9 272:» D 90480 42963 D 9J558 44112 D 4:!29 97611 D 83642 12957 D VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Iteni. 1872 President 91440 187-1 Govprnor 127738 1876 Congress 139443 1876 President 139760 1877 Governor Readj I'lialO 18S0 President 31484 96599 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, W.E.Cameron; Lieutenant Governor, John F. Lewis; Attorney Gener.al, Frank S. Blair — all Readjusters Tiie remainder of the State officers are elected by the Legislature. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans Democrats Democratic majority West Vlrelnla. VOTE FOE CONGRESSMAN, Dist. Hoge,D 17247 . 1880 Dist. 1— Hutchinson, R... 18350 2 WiNon, D 18460 Farusworth, G... 2150 Bassell, G 2847 3— Walker, (i 16096 2— Hoke, R. 14565 Kenna, D 21407 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Dem. Rep. I.-Dem. Maj. 1872 Governor 40305 42883 2583 L-D 187) President 29537 32283 600 2143 R 1874 Congress 37823 28874 8949 D 1874 Congress 56350 4.3ii66 1:^2S4 D 1876 President 56565 42001 14564 D 1876 Govtrnir 56i(t6 1878 Congress 50il8 1880 President 37391 1880 Governor 58 07 4:i477 12729 D 20056 *2453l 25787 D 46243 *9079 11148 R 43072 12326 15335 D PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor. Jacob B. Jackson; Secretary of State, Randolph Stalnaker, Jr.; Auditor, Joseph S. Miller; Treasurer, Thomas O'Brien ; Attorney General, C. C. Watts; Superintendent of Schools, B. L. Butcher- all Democrats. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Republicans 2 19 Democrats 20 44 Greenback Democrats 2 2 Democratic majority. 20 27 Total 21 64 4 47 * GreeDback vote. A proposed constitutional amendment, changing the date of State elections from October to JN'ovem- ber. Is pending before an adjourned session of the Legislature, and will be submitted to the people October, 188^. Wisconsin. VOTE OF THE STATE IN 1881. Dem. Rep. Gbk. Pro. Governor 81754 69797 13225 7002 VOTE FOR CONGRESSMEN, 1880. Dist. 1— Williams, R 19014 Babbitt, D 11782 Craig, G ,355 2— Caswell, R 16041 Gregory, D 14390 Main,G 435 3— Hazleton.R 162.36 Cothren, D 12941 Jones, G 47 4— Sanger, R 15018 Deuster, D 17574 Godfrey, G 145 Dist. 5 — Colman, R Bragg, D Thomas, G 6 — Guenther, R. ... Bouck, D Stewart, G 7 — Humphrey, R... Freeman, D Foster, G 8— Pound, R Silverthorn, D.. Meehan.G 14753 16984 1188 20168 16807 1437 23179 10994 1674 19256 14590 43 VOTES OF THE STATE SINCE 1872. Maj. 18515 R 15411 D 357 D 811 R 3873 R 6141 R 8271 R 6784 R 25516 R 29754 R Dem. Rep. Gbk. 1872 President 8647 104992 1873 Governor 81653 6f!224 1,874 Congress 94584 93 27 1875 Governor 84315 85155 1876 Congress 12.5158 128031 1870 President 12.3926 130067 1877 Governor 70482 78753 Gbk. 1878 Congress 9.32.53 100037 12882 1879 Governor 75023 1005.39 12998 1880 President 114644 144398 7896 PRESENT STATE GOVERNMENT. Governor, J. M. Rusk ; Lieutenant Governor, 8. S. Fifield; Secretary of State, E.G. Timme; Treasurer, E. C. McFetridge ; Attorney General, L. F. Frisby; State School Superintendent, Robert Graham— all Republicans. PRESENT STATE LEGISLATURE. Senate. House. Total Republicans 23 63 89 Democrats 10 37 47 Republican majority 13 26 39 ELECTION OP UNITED STATES SENATORS. California. 1881, January 11. -Hon. John F. Miller was elected to serve for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. Newton Booth. The voting was: Senate. House. Total John F. Miller, R 27 42 69 William T. Wallace, D 10 34 44 Henrv George, I) 2 ... 2 CamphMll P. Herry, D 2 2 Ryland, D 1 1 Totals .39 Necessary to choice 20 118 The vote in the Republican caucus January 4, was : John F. Miller 63 I Newton Booth 5 Ab.sentees 6| The votes In the Democratic caucus January 4, were : Wallaco 1.3 Tciniile 15 RyliiiHJ H Hi'ark'H 1 Totals 37 Necessary to choice 19 a 3 4 15 18 Bl 14 8 wd'n 4 7 10 3 4 wd'n 36 37 37 19 19 19 Connectlcnt. 1881, January 18— Hon. Joseph R. Hawlev was chosen to succeed Hon. William W. Eaton, D., for six years from March 3, 1881. The voting was : Senate. House. Total J. R. Hawlev, R 16 161 177 W. W. Eaton, D 4 68 72 Absent 1 19 20 Totals 21 Necessary to a choice 11 248 125 269 In the Republican caucus January 11, and the Df^nmcr.atic caucus January 13, Messrs. Hawloy, R., and Eaton, D., were respectively nominated, with- out dissent. Delaware. 1S81,' January 18— Hon. Thomas F.Bayard, D.,wa9 reelected, for six years from March 3, 18S1, by this vote: Senate. House. Total Anthony Iliggins, R 17 8 T. F. Bayard, D 8 14 22 Totals 9 21 30 In the Democratic caucus January 12, Mr. Bayard, D., was unanimously nominated. BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— SEN ATORS ELECTED. 51 Florida. 1881, January 18 — Hon. Charles W. Jonos, R., was re-elected, lor six years from March 3, 1881, by this TOte: Senate. House. Total. Wm. M. Leflwith, R 4 17 21 C. W. Jones, D 25 62 77 Totals 29 69 98 Nece.ssary to choice 15 35 In the Democratic caucus January 12, Mr. Jones was unanimously nominated. Indiana. 1881, January 18— Hon. Benjamin Harrison, R., was chosen, for si.K years fri)in .March 3, 1S81, to succeed Hon. Joseph E. McDonald, D. The vote was: Sen. Ho. Total Benj. Harrison, R 22 67 79 Isa:ic I'. (Jniv, I) 23 39 G2 Gilbert De La Matyr, G 2 13 Totals 47 97 144 Nece.ssary to choice 24 49 3 Senators and 3 Assemblymen were absent. In the Republican caucus January 11, General Harrison was unanimously nominated. In the Dcmoi-ratic caucus iMr. Gray had 32 votes, Mr. McDonald 19, Mr. Hendricks 2. Maine. 1881, January 18 — Hon. Eugene Hale was elected, for six years from March 3, 18S1, to succeed Hon. Hannibal Hamlin. The voting was: Sen. Ho. Total. Eugene Hale, R 2t 83 105 Joseph L. S'Tiith, D 8 64 72 Harris M. Plaisted, G 1 ... 1 Absent — 3 3 Totals 31 150 181 Necessary to choice IG 76 In the Republican caucus January 7, Mr. Hale was unanimously nominated. March 10 — Hon. Wm. P. Frye, R., was elected, for two years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. James G. Biaine, R., resigned to become Secretary of State : Sen. Ho. Total. Wm. P. Frye, R 23 82 105 Richard A. Frye, D 5 59 64 Totals 28 141 109 Necessary to choice 15 71 Blagsacliusetts. 1881, January 18— Hon. Henry L. Dawes, R., was re-elected, for six years from March 3, 1881, by this vote : Sen. Ho. Total. H. L. Dawes, R 3-1 1G3 197 John D. Long, R 23 23 Henry L. Pierce, R 1 1 Horace Gray, 11 1 ] Chas. T. Russell, R 1 1 Benj, F. Butler, D 3 41 44 Total 37 230 267 Necessary to choice 19 116 The Republican caucus declined to make a nomi- nation. In the Democratic caucus Gen. Butler was unanimously nominated. 9Ilchl{!;an. 1881, .January 18— lion. Omar D. Conger was chosen, for six year-t from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. Henry P. Baldwin, R. The vote was: Senate. House. Total. Omar D. Conger, R 28 83 111 Geo. V. N. Lathrop, D 2 13 15 Totals .30 !ir. 126 Necessary to choice 16 49 61 For the unexpired term of Hon. Zachariah Chand- ler. R., to which Hon. Henry P. Buldwm, K., had been appointed by the Governor, Gov. Baldwin was chosen, as follows : Senate. Hou8e. Total. H. P. Baldwin, R 29 83 112 0. M. Barnes, R 1 ... 1 Geo. P. Sauford, D 13 1.3 Totals 30 '.ifl 1:26 Necessary to choice 10 49 In the Republican caucus January 5, the Totea were 1 a 3 4 5 *T O. D. Conger, R 32 .33 34 36 36 38 .59 John J. Biigley, R 43 45 44 '14 45 48 67 H. P. Baldwin, R 40 38 38 ,36 35 30 .,. J. J. Woodman, R 1 For the short term, Governor Baldwin, R., waa nominated without dissent. *This ballot, when first taken, revealed too many votes cast^ having been for Conger, R., 02, Bagley, R, 55. It was re-taken, with the result above stated. — Ed. Minnesota. 1881, January 18— Hon. Samuel J. R. McMillan, R, was re-elected for six years from March 3j 1881, by this vote: Senate. House. Total. S. J. R. McMillan, R 32 92 124 Daniel Buck, R 6 6 Henry H. Sibley, D 4 ... 4 C. H. Roberts, G 2 ... 2 C. K. Davis, R 1 1 M. J. Severence, R 1 1 Totals 38 99 137 Necessary to choice 20 50 In the Republican caucus, Mr. McMillan, R., was re- nominated by a vote of 64 to 48. 1881, October 25— Hon. William Windom, R., was elected to fill the vacancy caused by his resigna- tion, given in order that he might accept, March 6, 18S1, the Secretaryship of the Treasury. This term will expire March 3, 1883. The Governor had temporarily filled the vacancy by appointing Hon. Alonzo J. Edgerton, who served during the called session. The vote stood Senate — William Windom, R., 29, James Smith, Jr., D., 5; scattering 4 (1 Rep. and 3 Dems.) H ouse— Windom, R., 86, Smith, I)., 11 ; scattering 3 (2 Reps, and 1 Dem.) In the Republican caucus October 20, at which v/dTQ present 108 of the 117 Republican members of the Legislature, Mr. Windom, R., received 50 votes, Charles A. Gilman, R., 28, C. C. Dunn, R., 12. The nomination was then made unanimous. Mlssonri. 1881, January 18.r-Hon. Francis M. Cockrell was reelected for six years from March 3, 1881, by thi» Senate. House. Total. David P. Dyer, R 5 37 43 Francis M. Cockrell, D 24 94 118 James O. Broadhead. D 1 1 G B. De Bernardi, G 2 4 e Totals 31 130 167 Necessary to choice 16 09 In the Democratic caucus, January 7, Senator Cockrell, D., received 115 votes for nomination ; Jas. O. Broadhead, D., 7; Charles P. Johnson, D., 1. 52 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. Nebraslca. 18S1, January 24.— Hon. Charles H. Van Wyck was elected to serve six y- ars, to succeed Hon. Algernon S. Paddock, R. The "votes in joint convention were: K - 1 2 3 4 6 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 ;P-|'H 391-2 40,13 40,13 40]13 15|39]13 15|39:i3 15 38113 .39J13 38114 15 38 14 38iH 38 1 14 38|l4 38J14 38! 14 40 8 681.36' 113 '57 n3i57 113 '57 113157 113J57 113,57 11458 114.58 114158 114|,58 114.58 114i58 1V2.57 113 57 113157 112.57 11257 The first vote was taken January 18, and stood: Senate— Yan Wyck 3. Paddock 11, Dundy 3, Weaver 3. Post 2, Eleazer Wakelv 3, Mason 2, Nance 1, Or- lando Tefft 1, .ffoM.se— Van Wyck 11, Paddock 28, Dundy 8, Weaver 11, Post 7, Wakely 7, Mason 7, Nance 1, Chas. F Manderson 1, James Laird 1, P. P. Ireland 1, H. S. Kaley 1. Nevada. 1881, January 11.— Hon James G. Pair, D., was chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. William Sharon, R. The voting was : Senate. House. Total. Thomas Wren, R 14 7 21 Rollin M. Daggett, R 1 ... 1 James G. Fair, D 10 41 51 Totals 25 48 73 Necessary to a choice 13 25 New Hampshire. 1881, June 14. — The Senate voted— yeas 14» nays 10 — that the present Legislature has the right to elect a successor to Hon. Edward H. Rollins, R., whose term will expire March 3, 1883; and on Juno 14 it voted for Senator with this result: Edward H. Rollins, R., 7; Harry Bingham, D., 5; Isaac N. Blod- gett, R, 2; James" M. Patterson, R., 2; James F. Brieg8,k.,2; Frank Jones, D., I; Charles Doe, R., I ; Bainbridge Wadleigh, R., 1; Aaron F. Stevens, R., 1 ; Alonzo H. (iuint, K., 1 ; Charles H. Burns, R., 1. The House voted — yeas 118, n.aysl82 — thatith.id no right to elect; and no other proceedings occurred. flew .Jersey. 1881, January 25. — Hon. William J. Sewoll, R., was chosen for six years from March 3.1881, to succeed Hon. Theodore F. Randolph, D. 'I he voting was: Senate. House. Total. Wm. J. Sewell, R 12 32 44 Theo. F. Randolph, D 6 20 31 Totals 17 58 76 Necessary to choice 9 30 2 Republican Senators and 2 Republican Assem. blymen were absent Mr. Sewell, who is in the Sen- ate, did not vote. An "indopeadenfAflsemblyman did n<]i vote. In the Republican caucus, January 10, Mr. Sewell was nominated on the tenth ballot, as follows: 12*3*56 78 9 10 W.J. Sewell, R 13 23 -Zl 21 23 24 23 23 24 25 G. M. Robeson, R..11 10 14 12 14 12 14 14 13 12 T. H. Dudley, R... 5 2 G. A. Hiilsev, R....10 10 11 11 10 11 9 11 10 10 Cort'd Parker, R.. 7 4 3 2 2 2 " 2 1 1 2 Fred'k T. Fre- linghuysen, R... 3 * Two succeeding ballots were incorrectly taken, one member voting twice, and were set aside. Above is the record of accepted and declared ballots. New TorU. 1881, Januarj' 18.— Hon. Thomas C. Piatt, R., was chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. Francis Kernan, D. Thi» voting was : Senate. House. Total. Thomas C. Piatt, R 25 79 104 Francis Kernan, D 3 44 47 Totals 28 123 151 Necessary to choice 15 62 In the Republican caucus January 13, Mr. Piatt, R., was nominated on the first ballot, the vote being as follows : Thomas C. Piatt, R 54 Richard Crowley, R 26 Sherman S. Rogers, R..10 Wm. A. Wheeler, R 10 Eib'dge G. Lapham, R.. 4 Levi P. Morton, R 1 In the Democratic caucus January 17 Mr. Kernan, D., was unanimously nominated. 1881, July 16 — Hon. Warner Miller, R., was chosen to succeed Hon. Thomas C. Piatt, R., resigned, for the term ending March 3, 18S7. July 22 — Hon. Elbridge G. Lapham, R., was to suc- ceed Hon. Roscoe Conkling, R., resigned, for the term ending March 3, l.'^85. The proceedings which thus ended are as fol- lows: 1881, May 16— Hon. Roscoe Conkling, R.,and Hon. Thomas C. Piatt, R., resigned their seats in the Senate; the Legislature was duly advised there, f by Gov. Cornell. On the 31st" of May the two houses ballotted for successors, no caucus having been held, by the Republicans for candidates. The result was: FOR ME. CONKLING's VACANCY. Senate. House. Total. Roscoe Conkling, R 9 26 35 Sherman S. Rogers, R 5 8 13 Richard Crowley.R 5 5 William A.Wheeler, R 4 15 19 Alonxo B. Cornell, R 3 6 9 Theodore M. Pomeroy, R 2 13 Henry E. Tremaiiie, R 2 2 Charles J. Folger, R 2 2 4 Andrew 1). White, R 2 2 James W. Wadsvvorth, R 2 2 William M. Evarts, R 2 2 Thomas (i. Alvord, R 2 2 Hamilton Ward, R 1 1 Warner Miller, R 1 1 Samuel S. Edick, R 1 1 Reuben E. Fenton, R 1 1 Orlow W. Chapman, R , ... 1 1 Silas B. Dutcher, R 1 1 Hamilton Fish, R 1 1 John C. Jacob.s D 6 47 53 George B. Bradley, D 1 ... 1 Totals 32 127 159 Necessary to choice 17 64 FOR MR. PLATT's VACANCY. Senate. HoiLiie. Total Thomas C. Piatt, R 8 Chauncey M. Depew, R 7 Alonzo B. Cornell, R KIbridge G. Lapham, R 2 Charles J. Kolger, R William M. Evarts, R Warner Miller, R 2 Richard Crowley, R Levi P. Mo'ton, R James W. Wadsworth, R 21 29 14 21 12 12 6 8 6 6 6 5 3 5 3 3 2 2 2 2 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— SEN ATORS ELECTED. 53 FOR MR. PLATT 3 VACANCY. Henry E. Tremaine, R Nojih Davi.s, R 2 fJuorge H. Sharpe, R 1 Joseph H. Clioate, R 1 Shermaa S. Rogers, R 1 Thcoiiore M. Pomeroy, R William A. Wuecler, R i John M. Francis, R Francis Kernan, D ^ Totals :t2 Neoesaury to choice 17 127 07 The votes in joint convention wore : FOR MR. CONKLINQ 3 VACAKCY. BALLOTS. 05 i CU <u 60 ■a .o ...„. 1 7 4 3 8 8 9 7 11 7 6 8 10 12 16 13 16 25 25 2G 16 17 17 13 10 8 17 18 17 13 7 6 9 9 11 11 11 12 12 67 60 68 69 70 70 68 54 54 68 72 72 67 63 93 35 U) a '5 a o O <o o o o « .35 34 3a 34 29 26 34 34 34 23 33 93 24 31 31 32 27 20 23 33 32 32 32 32 32 30 22 24 31 32 32 28 20 16 31 31 32 31 30 32 32 31 28 32 32 32 32 29 27 27 28 28 28 28 28 P5 <n u a) bO o 05 m a 03 a a> Si CO 15 14 14 14 13 13 15 15 14 18 17 14 12 21 18 ""i" "i" 1 4 4 1 ...„. 3 4 5 5 6 6 03 » a ■33 a n a < 10 21 23 19 18 16 15 19 16 15 11 8 8 9 10 11 8 5 3 3 1 2 2 1 05 f <a a d JS fr> 3 1 05 !>% V 2 « 2 3 2 2 3 2 "1" 1 05 oT B '5 S b a (B w 3 3 2 i" 4 2 3 5 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 1 " 05 u" 11 tie I <-i 0) V « 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 3 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 05 a > a .2 2 05 •a t^ < d 3 S ja Eh 2 05 a B a b a 0/ £1 f> 0; 3 2 4 2 05 £ a !m M d 5) Ul u c Q 1 % a Si ■-s 52 62 52 49 31 25 46 50 49 47 47 29 26 50 49 51 47 34 24 50 60 62 12 a c s. I a <o Mi u a _o CO 6 6 3 3 2 2 "i" 3 1 2 1 3 2, Si 5 1 2 22 19 17 17 13 U 22 21 23 20 21 19 16 23 25 38 .36 29 2t 38 35 40 50 50 50 45 32 32 42 41 43 38 26 22 36 36 42 43 43 38 42 1 168 165 153 150 112 100 146 154 153 149 148 105 99 151 151 16G 142 107 96 153 150 155 156 157 156 137 100 101 147 150 153 140 94 84 141 141 165 160 148 150 1501 149' 138 156 156 157 167 146 116 116 142 150 150 141 1.32 1.34 80 78 77 76 67 3 4 5 e:::::: :::::::;::::;:::: 61 74 7 8 78 9 77 10 75 76 63 11 ii i" ' 2 4 1 2 4 1 3 1:5 .50 14 76 15 76 79 li; : 17 70 18 64 l!) ...„. 53 63 44 34 31 49 62 53 48 31 27 47 47 53 51 52 60 60 50 48 62 52 54 53 47 34 34 46 49 49 1 1 1 1 36 "i" 1 1 1 ...„. 2 1 "1* 2 2 1 1 "i" I 1 1 49 20 77 21 76 2i 78 23 * 79 24 1 3 2 78 2.') 79 2G 1 1 2 3 3 2 6 5 6 8 8 6 5 3 8 5 69 27 51 28 1 2 1 2 51 29 1 1 1 1 74 30 1 1 76 31 77 32 2 3 4 6 6 6 4 71 33 48 34 1 43 35 1 1 1 71 .% 71 78 38 76 76 40 3 2 1 1 76 76 42 75 1 70 44 1 78 78 46 79 1 1 1 1 79 48 ^ 73 .59 60 59 72 fi2 76 76 54 45 40 41 71 1 62 5G 68 1 w t Withdrawn after the 32d ballot. 54 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. FOE ME. PLATT S VACANCY. BALLTOS. 03 — P3 C5 C3 a 3 s" "a. <s Ml O P3 if »■ P5 o 05 a a S <u 05 u o 3 Q p3 o ce o 2 e OS W 3 3 4 2 01 < s O w 6 6 <s O a <S) W c 53 53 63 51 31 26 46 51 50 48 48 20 27 51 50 52 48 34 25 51 51 53 53 53 53 45 34 32 49 52 53 48 31 24 47 47 53 51 52 50 50 50 48 52 51 54 53 47 c 'C <u "5 1 4 3 1 2 2 1 1 ...„. 1 "1" 1 1 :::::: ...„. 4 3 5 6 6 6 6 6 7 7 5 9 7 9 11 9 "3 .2 'S 2 1 8 8 1 10 8 9 29 28 28 29 26 23 26 29 29 28 28 22 21 26 27 27 23 17 21 27 27 26 25 27 27 27 20 21 27 28 28 2 1 1 1 1 25 28 30 30 23 21 42 51 53 54 54 38 36 55 64 54 53 44 37 52 50 52 50 53 52 45 34 35 50 50 61 48 36 32 48 48 53 51 49 51 51 11 11 12 13 8 9 14 10 8 9 9 7 6 10 10 12 10 5 6 11 9 8 8 8 7 7 6 4 9 9 11 15 10 11 15 15 18 18 17 20 19 1 8 8 10 2 2 4 4 4 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 i" 3 4 4 3 3 2 1 3 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 3 4 3 3 3 4 3 1 4 4 4 3 3 3 4 4 5 4 4 2 3 4 4 5 6 3 3 6 5 7 8 8 6 5 4 5 6 7 7 20 9 10 19 19 19 18 18 18 18 1 1 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 158 155 55 151 112 100 14G 155 153 149 148 103 98 151 151 165 142 105 93 153 150 155 151 165 154 137 101 161 147 150 154 141 94 83 141 1-11 155 150 160 150 150 149 138 156 155 157 157 145 80 V« ! ' 78 4 1 1 76 1 .'^7 ' 51 ■T 2 1 1 i ' ... :::::: ::;;:: 1 74 4 :;;:;; :^ ...::< .:::: 78 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 ! 77 10 i i 76 11 ::;::::::;;:;;::::: :":::i":::. 76 12 13 M -.... 1 '■ 1 60 14 1 ) , 70 15 . 70 16 ; 1 2 1 7S 17 i" 1 1 ; 72 18 , i 53 ; , 47 20 3 4 3 2 1 "5"* 4 77 21 76 22 23 _ 24 1 78 76 ' i 78 25 78 26 1 1 f.9 27 1 51 28 3 1 1 1 62 9Q 1 1 1 74 30 76 78 71 48 42 35 , 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 19 l8 21 23 12 7 4 71 36 71 37 78 38 76 1 76 40 76 76 42 68 61 70 71 73 74 76 4 3 75 43 44 2 1 2 2 2 7 11 9 70 78 45 78 79 79 48 73 * Withdrawn after the 31st ballot. f On the 8th of July, after forty ballots had been taken, a caucus of the Republican members of the Legislature was called, at which sixty-seven mem- bers were present. Nominations were then made as follows : FOE MR. PLATT 3 VACANCY. 12 3 Miller 27 28 29 Wheeler 22 26 25 Rogers 9 10 11 Cornell 2 1 Evarts 2 Davis 2 Tremaine 1 Conkling 1 Crowley 1 1 Totals 67 06 05 Necessary to choice 34 34 33 FOR MR. CONKLING S VACANCY. 4: 6 32 62 23 11 Lapbam 38 Cornell 12 Tremaine 10 Crowley 5 Wadsworth . Total 66 Necesi-ary to choice... 34 On the 22d of .July, after fifty-five ballots had been taken on filling Mr. Conkling's vacancy, a meeting of Republicans was held, on an announcement made by Senator Robertson, which was generally attended; and after discussion It was unanimously liesolved, That this meeting do now adjourn to meet in caucus at this place at 3 p.m., for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the office of United States Senator. On ft call of the roll Mr. Lapham received CI votes, and Mr. Conkling 28. Mr. Lapham's nomination was made unanimous, and lie was elected at a joint convention of the Legislature at 4 o'clock on that day. BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— SEN ATORS ELECTED. 55 Peunsyl-vanla. 1881, February 23— Hon. John I. Mitchell, R., was elected, to serve for six years from March 3 1881 to succeed Hon. William A. Wallace, D. • The ballot in each house, Jan. 18, was as follows : Senate. Henry W. Oliver, R 20 Galusha A. Grow, R 12 Daniel Agnew, R 1 Benj. H. Brewster, R Wayne MaeVeagh, R William A. Wiillfice, D 16 Henry C. Baird, G Totals 49 Necessary to choice 25 A Republican caucus was held January 13, with .59 of the 154 members absent. Three ballots were taken with this result: House. Total. 75 95 44 66 1 1 1 1 1 77 93 1 1 199 248 100 Henry W. Oliver, R 51 A. London Snowden, R 12 Galusha A. Grow, R 10 Henry H. Bingham, R 6 Calvin W. Gilfillan, R 5 William Ward, R 4 William H. Koontz, R 2 t Harry Whiti', R 2 Charles W. Stone, R 2 Daniel J. Morrell, R 2 Totals 95 a 3 C} 79 15 2 6 6 3 3 3 2 2 2 1 1 2 * Withdrawn. t Requested that his name be not used. 95 Mr. Oliver, R., was thereupon declared the unanimous nominee, having received a majority of the Republican membership of the Legifilaturc. In the Democratic caucus, January 17, Hon. William A. Wallace, D., received the nomination. The vote was : Wm. A. Wallace 65 C. R. Buckalew 5 W. L. Corbett 3 John Handley 3 Samuel Hepburn, Jr... 2 R. L. Johnston 1 Charles E. Boyle 1 Mr. Wallace, D., was then declared unanimously the nominee. The ballots in joint convention were: NAMES. 1 a 3 * 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 * 1!3 13 14 15 16 17 John I. Mitchell, R Henrv W. Oliver, R 95 56 95 56 91 .1.1 88 64 89 62 71 49 73 49 80 55 85 67 82 53 63 42 35 29 42 32 76 50 80 64 75 60 6S 46 Galusha A. Grow R 1 Thomas M. Bayne, R "'"1 1 "' "i 1 I 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 John Welsh, R George H. Boker, R Wm. 1. Newell, R i;::::!::;:: Thomas H. Lee R 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 3 3 3 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 W. H. Ruddiman, R Alex. Henry, R Alfred C. Harmer, R B. H. Brewster, R 1 1 1 1 "" "i 1 i '"i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 G. W. Seotield, R Henry M. Hoyt, R 2 Charles W. Stone, R Samuel B. Dick, R Benj. L. Hewit, R Charles S. Wolfe, B " " "i ""i 1 ■•■ "4 ■■"4 "'"4 ""3 ■ "3 '" "i ""i ""3 1 ""'2 1 '""i i C. W. Gilfillan, R 2 Thomas W. Phillips, R 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 R. B. Farkison, R Joseph C. Beale, R Henrv C. Baird, G Wm. A. Wallace, D 1 93 1 93 1 92 1 92 1 87 "68 1 66 1 82 1 86 1 83 1 64 "32 1 37 1 78 1 82 1 78 1 69 H. M. Phillips D Wm. V. McGrath, D '.. . James B. Young, D ' 1 W. S. Hancock, D ... 1 196 in»l 1 229 115 1 239 120 1 229 115 1 217' 109 1 1 229 116 1 218 110 1 248 24S 244 fAd. 234 118 178 90 101 117 1% Necessary to choice 125 125 12:5 123 99 100 98 * No quorum. 56 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. Pexmsyl-ranla. — [Continued.] * 1 * 1 NAMES. 18 19 20 .. 33 33 34 35 36 * 37 » 38 39 30 31 * 33 * 33 3* 35 Mitchell i 1 1 1f)0 26 31 32! 77 29 ."iS 79 55 2 2 1 79 58 1 Grow _ 63 62 3 7 2 3 2 68 60 2 6 2 3 2 74 62 1 4 1 1 2 80 62 1 57 49 1 27 33 1 31 36 1 78 57 1 78 59 1 28 20 1 27 21 1 57 49 1 1 1 2 a WeHh 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 2 3 4 2 1 2 1 1 1 4 2 6 7 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 3 JJoyt 1 1 2 jjewit _ 2 2 12 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Wolfe GilfiUan Phillips 2 2 3 3 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 " "i "l 2 Baird 1 24 1 80 1 19 1 69 Wallace 21 72 86 86 85 85 51 27 31 74 1 77 82 21 99 McGrath 1 1 1 1 1 1 234 118 1 92 1 222 112 1 233 117 2 239 120 1 238 120 1 237 119 1 217 109 1 233 117 1 199 100 83 235 118 162 82 89 100 74 72 944 Necessary to choice V'3 * No quorum. [On the 19th and 20th of January and the 10th and 11th of February two ballots were taken on each day. On every other business day Vjut one was taken. An election was made February 23. Messrs. Oliver and Grow withdrew after the 21st ballot.] About the middle of February a Committee of Conference, composed of twenty-four persons, of whom twelve were named by each caucus of the two diverse interests, was appointed for the purpose, if possible, of agreeing upon a candidate upon whom all Republicans could unite. They met on February 17 and succeeding days, and had many ballots and much discussion. Finally, on the night of the 22d of February, the Committee unanimously adopted Mr. Mitchell, R., who was nominated ai a full caucus the next morning, and elected in convention on that day. Oblo. 1881, January 18— Hon. John Sherman was chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. Allen G. Thurman, D. [This is the term for which President Garfield was chosen, and which he declined January 5th, 1881.] The vote was : Senate. House. Total. John Sherman, R 20 C4 84 Allen G. Thurman, D 12 39 51 Totals 32 103 135 Necessary to choice 17 62 In the Republican caucus January 11, and the Democratic caucus January 12, Messrs. Sherman, R., and Thurman, D., were respectively nominated without dissent. 1881, October 5 — Hon. Nr^lson W. Aldrich was elected to serve till March .'J, 1H87, for the unexpired term of Hon. Ambrose E. Burnside, who died Sep- tember 13, 1881. The voting was : October 4— The vote in each house stood r B«nate — Aldrich 22, G. H. Browne 0, William P. Sheffield .■?, Henry Lippitt 2, Benjamin T. Karnes 1. House— Aldrich 33, Sheffield 8, Lippitt C, Thomas A. Doyle 5, Rliode Island. Benedict I.apham 4, G. H. Browne 4, Rowland Hazard 3, George II. Corliss 1, William Goddard 1, Benjamin T. Karnes 1, Thomas Durfee 1, Cornelius C. Van Zandt 1, Jonathan Chace 1, Joshua M. Adde- man 1, E. G. Robinson 1. October 5 — The vote in joint convention was: Aid- rich 89, Doyle 4, Brown 2, Sheffield 1. BooKvii.J TABULATED HISTORY— SENATORS ELECTED. 57 Tenneaaee. January 2G— Hon. Howell E. Jackson was elected, to serve for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. James E. Hailey. Neither party made a nomination in caucus. January 18 — The following was the vote in each house : Sen. Ho. Total. Horace M.aynard, R 8 33 41 John II. SiViiKo, D 6 17 2:J Jam.-s E. Huiley, D 5 17 22 Thoma.s r. Muse, R 2 4 Wm. B. Hiito, I) 2 ... 2 John M Bright, D 2 2 E. A. Jamos, D 1 ... 1 R. M. Edwards, a R .hert L. Taylor, D 1 S. F. Wilson, I) Totals 2.5 Necessary to choice 13 Sen. Ho. Total. The following were the ballots in joint convention: Ballots. Q o' s o c« •-> w "3 o ■o 1 i o 37 35 32 32 38 36 S5 d o 'u c8 X a O X 3 2 4 4 4 5 8 6 4 4 5 6 3 d m cs e 5 4 5 4 1 1 3 "2 OS £ CO 2 t 5 4 5 4 4 5 5 4 8 1" < 1 i 2 0! oi & s 3 a a E W 1 "4 be w (.. s a 'A s a 12 11 14 14 25 27 28 29 30 30 31 ,30 30 32 32 31 3t) 31 25 26 ^ a. 3 43 Q '3 pq W £ 22 22 22 2T 23 21 17 15 15 15 14 16 15 13 12 11 12 13 22 22 I3 11 10 I 11 2 a. 9 Q §> a; 1 1 1 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 3 3 3 3 -3 3 3 2 6 5 29 37 36 S2 31 38 a "i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 6 « a "o CO ■■■ E Q « 2 2 3 2 Q c u 1 6 4 4 1 Q i- c 3 V 1 3 a 1 1 1 1 Q 1 10 7 6 S w 1 1 1 1-3 1 6 u S 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 a 1 1 3 Eh 100 98 99 98 97 100 100 100 100 99 100 99 100 100 100 100 99 100 100 99 97 97 96 96 97 98 95 91 98 98 i M a) <o 1 51 2 50 3 50 4 50 5 • 49 6 "3 3 3 3 "i ... ... 51 7 "i 1 3 2 2 2 1 2 3 i 1 3 4 3 3 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 51 8 33 35 11 51 9 51 10 5(1 11 35 10 •47 47 47 47 43 36 45 1 2 •4::: 51 12 =>0 l;i 51 14 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 40 40 1 1 51 15 1 3 2 1 51 16 51 17 4 1 "2 1 46 45 "i 2 a 1 1 44 44 "• 1 3 "i "i 1 3 "i 1 1 511 18 51 19 f)1 20 50 21 1 ::: 28 33 9 3 3 4 5 49 22 4') 23 1 49 24 49 23 1 2 41 43 40 24 1 I 10 6 5 49 2G "2 3 1 1 "i 50 27 1 4S 28 "5 1 1 1 \:\ 29 2 "i 1 1 50 30 ,. 50 Virginia. 1881, December 20— Harrison H. Riddleberger, G., Readjustcr, was elected to succeed Hon. John W- Johnston, D.,of Virginia, to serve for six years from March 4, 1883. The vote was : Se. Ho. Jt.Bal. Riddle>ierper, G 22 59 81 Johnston, D 13 32 45 W. C. Wickham, K 1 Total 36 91 127 Necessary to clioice 19 46 Texas. 18Sl,.T.'»nuary 2.5 — Hon.Sam.Bell Maxcy,D.,was re- elected for six years from March 3, 1881, by this vote: Sen. Ho. Total. S. B. Maxey, P 22 51 73 J. W. Throckniorto'i, D 8 34 42 Edmund J. Davis, R 15 6 John H. Reagan, 1) 1 1 Totals 31 91 122 Necessary to choice IG 4G Kentncky. Election 07 U. 8. Senators. — 1881, December 6— Hon. James B. Beck, D., of Kentncky, was re-elected for six years from March 4, 1883. The vote was : James B. Beck, D 29 John D. White, R 8 Charles W. Cook, G 4 Total 41 Necessary to choice 19 Ho. Jt.Bal. 72 101 20 28 4 4 96 133 49 "West Virginia. 1881, .January 2.5— Hon. Jojinson N. Camden, D., was chosen for six years from March 3, 1881, to sucs- cced Hon. Frank Hereford. The voting was: Sen. Ho. Total. J. N.Camden, D 20 44 64 .Ar^hih.ald W. Campbell, R 3 17 20 N.B. French, 2 2 Totals 23 63 86 Necessary to Ciioice 12 32 58 AMERICAN POLITICS. [hook VII. In the Democratic caucus Mr. Camden, D., was nominated, January 19, by the following vote ; 1 *a 3 4 5 Johnson N. Camden, D... 30 24 29 31 33 Frank Hereford, R 14 ... 13 10 12 Henry M. Mathews, R.... 8 ... 9 8 8 John Brannon, R 7 ... 8 8 6 W. K. Pendleton, R 2 ... 1 1 John J. Davis, R 1 1 Scattering 6 3 Totals 61 30 61 59 62 Necessary to choice 31 ... 31 30 32 rnhlican caucus on the evening of the 9th of March. The various ballots were as follows: Ballots. • No quorum. "Wisconsin. 1881, January 25— Hon. Philetus Sawyer, R., was elected, for six years from March 3, 1881, to succeed Hon. Angus Cameron, R. The voting was ; Sen. Ho. Total. Philetus Sawyer, R 24 74 98 James G. Jenkins, D 8 21 29 Charles D. Parker, R 1 ... 1 C. C. Washburn, R 2 2 Totals 33 97 130 Necessary to choice 17 49 In the Republican caucus January 19, Mr. Sawyer, R., received the nomination on the first ballot. The vote was; Philetus Sawyer, R., 58; E.W. Keyes, R., 25 ; Cadwalader C. Washburn, R., 10; Jonathan Bow- man, R., 2 ; James T. Lewis, R., 3 ; Charles E. Dyer, R., 1 ; Charles G. Williams, R., 1 ; Angus Cameron, R., 1 ; George Clementson. R., 1 ; blank 1 ; total, 103. March 10, 1881— Hon. Angus Cameron, R., was elected for four years from March 3, 1881, to fill the vacancy caused by the death, February 24, of Hon. Matt. H. Carpenter, R. The vote was, in joint ses- sion ; Cameron, R., 97; William F. Vilas, D., 27. Mr. Cameron's nomination was made in the Re- .S5!24ll6! 5! .3012719! Cl 3r,28llS| 6 3(V29 19; 61 37i2t;|l8| 7 37'27ll7| 7 37130,16 5 7 137 27 18 5 8 38 2517 7 9 38 24|17 9 10 138 2l|'8 10 Informal . 1 2 3 4 5 6 = c:S o [^ £:21n o :p;,.= = 1.0 .A « D C '~ t- 38!23llG 10 41ii221I7 8 39,25 18 5 38'25ll7 7 .38 24:16 4 34 23!l5l 5 17 l?,S 21 If. 3 18 jHS 24 15; 6; 19 '. '31 2:1 12 5 w Z RS -^4 1:. 411 22' 21 1 38 27 18 3li32;16 40'29|16 39 27] 18 39 23 1 20 37 27!2(»; 5 40 2G!15 7 37 27118 37 30 16 .37 30>17 .37 33114 39 33114 38 29 17 39:28 38 .30 40 29 37 26 19 .37 26il5| 4 37 27 14 4 40'20;n 3 42 i39i'^2']Ol 4 43 I37;19'l5| 5 3.'),19 13 2 41 21 17 1 7 4;^ 15 49 1 5ll... 1 ... 1 ... 1 ... 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 3 4 1 ■_' 12 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 46 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 46 47 47 47 47 46 46 2j46 4'47 3-17 47 47 47 47 47 47 47 46 49 4S 49 49 49 49 49 49 49 49 47 48 48 49 .^0 49 51 .50 61 51 ELECTION OF PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE. At the Extra Session of the Senate, called in October, by President Arthur, Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware, was, on the first day, elected President, he receiving the vote of all the Democrats present, prior to the swearing in of the two new Senators from New York, Messrs. Lapham an<i Miller, wlio were elected to fill the vacanies occasioned by the resignation of Messrs. Conkling and Piatt. Mr. Bayard had two majority, Mr. Davis, the only Independent in tho body, not voting. On the following day the New York Sonator.-f were sworn in. A Republican caucus quickly followed, and it w.as there resolved to pre- sent tlie name of David Davis, Independent. Tins was done in open ScnatP, anil ho was elected by one majority, neither he nor Mr. Bayard voting fur themselves. The majority of the Committes being lie- nublican, were left unchanged, and by agreement possibly and certainly, because of a declaration by Mr. Davis, who opposed a change of the minor offices, they remained in tho hands of the Democrats, both at the Extra Session, and in the regular one, beginning with December 3, 1881. VOTE IN CONOEESSIONAL REPUBLICAN CAUCUS ON SPEAKER. 1 » 3 4: 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 6.i 40 17 8 3 10 14 147 74 56 .39- 16 8 3 9 11 142 72 13 14 58 35 17 8 4 10 13 145 15 61 34 10 7 3 11 13 145 73 16 52 44 15 8 4 10 13 140 74 55 41 16 8 3 10 12 145 73 55 38 19 8 3 10 12 145 73 55 35 20 8 3 10 15 146 74 56 32 19 8 3 10 18 140 74 64 34 19 8 3 10 18 146 74 51 34 16 10 3 11 20 145 73 51 34 17 8 4 10 18 142 72 56 36 19 9 4 10 13 140 74 50 38 17 8 3 10 14 140 74 93 Frank Hiseoek 18 10 Oodlove .S. Orth a Mark H Dunnell ... 3 1 Thomas B. Reed 11 Totals 144 Neces.sary to choice 73 • An excess of one vote. Bnllot not counted. General Koifer was then unanimously nominated. and elected by all of the Republican and-fiur Greenback votes. For Clerk the vote was: McPherson 92, Bainey 42, Dawson 3, scattering 4. For 8ergeant-at-Arms the vote was : Hooker 80, Dawson 28, Fort 11, Bunn 11. feooKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICA N TARIFFS.] 59 1 U3 1 o o O u _ _ ■ U tl ~ " ; ; ^ - 3 - ^ " " - P. ^ : - ; ^ ? ^ 0) O 4) J4 '=^^. -»< tO Pi r^ lO t— O O O OJ U3 to to to o o o o C^i to o: o o o o o o M ^ r-l rH rH r-< M OS C<1 CO CO l-H (M «9. 5S rt T J CO CO 3 CO CO ^ 3 to d P< (i - ; 1^ - - i :: : 3 a 3 ^ d u u t—* o <u (M <» '^ 9 d P4 o :; 3 ^ ; 1 3 - ■"^ 1-H -M 'O vO to lO t— f^ l-H »-l >-H t-l O) =i3 dd =>) '.ii c« u o o o o ^ cJ , . cj o u S ■*" "^ ■'^ *" o o o to to o o O O "^ X. ' o /-* C_ l-■^C■^ — ♦rt — vri CO C^ CO -<H 1* to IM ■«*( eo cs -^ i-H »-H l-H 40 t- O IM (M S^ «0 to to lO o o lO 1-1 l-H r-c i-H 1— ( rj CS IM CC ■'^ CO in " : - ^^ -*I i-^ ^ :^ iOf-OC>^iOiCt^O to to to to to o O to 03 to to 'O O to r^ r-l l-H ,-( l-H r-l CO Oq CS <M !N <M <M CO (M l-H M oq cs CO CO x> <1> "• u 3 Ph ^ o sS tS u 3 d CO eo eo eo § o - - a) " >•>•<• ■" =« <^ =53 .^a ^ " "* " S *>■ -»^' *! *> Si 03 »<->^. -In O U o o Pi o irq 'C o o o c^j o O O- 1^ - ,• X o o o o o o o to o c3 i-HrHi-H(N(M(M(M-* ss ^ *! l-H )-H ►■ - CA CO Tjt CO CO eo eo CO -<r 5 o o o o CO eo CO CO ^ ^ ^ JS a d d a d' d d •"* Q a> _ ,. o - a> O D , o ^ ^ : Pi (^ u , , — "* •* * ■* it ■* -• -• ■* o -IH O - t^ ^ ■ (h c5 ^ « Pi <» Pi OJ Pi <=-.*.. r-«M O O t- t- o ^ to ^ to to to t-- I-H UDt-O^OiOiOt^-O CO CO CO CO CO O CS O -<J< - - l-H I-H I-H « l-H l-H l-H l-H l-H CO <» cs ^. CO Cq €«■ 1-H J ^ cj d d d • d d o a> - » s. >* >•>.-* ^ ^ -2 : ^ a> a V , o , _ s. ^ v< o - - « *• - *• - "* » - o o o - -*H ^ ^ -* >• h-t u p< ^ '*^ b b bD to a, H« (M i>^ O ^ Pi Pi lO lO O to O "5 t~- O O O l-H ,-H ,-H O S5 O '^ «0 CO to CO a> l-H r-H 1— l-H r-H CO ri fN €©■ (M ^i CO <M <»• ^' rd' U3 3 jO 3 • CO CO l-H 3 O "a d <^ -• d ^_ O - 0) m Pi S - Pi ""1 - .9 a CO O ' ^ Pi " g i m (» <M (M 1^1 O O (N o o o to o o 00 O to -^ (M C^ X X l-H rt -H C^ C^ * 1^1 ■? (M ,_ ^ rt <M l-H l-H T-H 1-H l-H £ ^ bb i - cii :: :: c: " - :: J ;: ; - :: 6 (i :: - s CD 0) ■; " " - " o COOOaOOOOJOOQOO to to to o to to o to ^_^i_^rt,_eo (M ?^ (M l-H 1-H l-H (N (M £ o *-H <s> (i :: : - - :: : :: - 3 z :: aj (i :: c :: i§ tn £ : » ; ;; :: m o "S Ph o -« rjl M' to to to to o to to to iM -*< Tt( to to '^^ l-H jQ ^ XI ^ jQ XJ a '^ CI d. c: - : ; :: ; :: :: ;: z - :: ^ t ; Pi "^ :: ^ bO ..^ ^ (< n ^ 3 d a> -2 a Cfi (/2 a> P. U p4 ..J " -*N rtlM -*J HN -*> -*. o r*I C T,. " " .*, l-H T-H T™ -H (M (N C^ to _eo eo 00 CO (M iM ^ CO e^ «hr (M (N CO e* : sS 00 o 'C o •^ : l-H M X ri a> ■^ CO CO X H o c- 5 O <5o ,• O l-H C^ CO -H 1-H ,_- 30 00 2 c CO CC b 00 -rji l-H X X X ij' l-H (M C^ "^ t^ O O CO X X ^ o i*~ OT cs cc CO- '' - l-H -d l-H ■ cT « ■^ a CO CO CO "5 ec to O ^ -P 2 a '*'" g ^'' - eo __. < > J3 ■> 1- 3 p < > cj ci ^ > 32 E <; < c D S- o 2 3 s -< g o > t - C^ u 2 O *H a 3 2 5 3 „ I I 60 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. STATUTES OF LIMIT ATIONS. State Laws with reference to limitations of actions, show- ing the limit of time on which action may be brought. States and Tebeitokies. _2 o — ^^ tS O c III oD a. §1 og o C8 1 o 12; a o s M -a 3 l|§ Hi Yrs 1 1 3 1 1 I 1 2 1 3 1 2 2 1 1 I 3 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 2,6 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1,2 1 2 1 1 1 2 5 2 5 2 1 Yrs. 3 3 2 2 6 6 3 3 5 4 2 6 5 3 5 3 6 3 6 6 6 3 4 2 6 6 6 3 6 3 6 5 1 6 5 6 6 6 2 2 6 5 3 5 6 6 Yrs. 6 5 4 2 6 6 6 3 3 6 4 10 20 10 5 5 5 20 3 20 6 6 6 5 4 20 20 C 10 15 10 15 5 6 6 5 6 6 6 4 4 14 5 6 6 6 15 Yrs. 20 10 5 3 6 20 20 12 20 7 5 20 20 20 5 15 10 20 12 20 10 10 7 6 6 20 20 10 20 10 15 10 15 30 10 20 30 20 20 20 10 5 8 10 9 10 20 10 Yrs. 10 10 5 3 17 20 20 Dist. of Columbia.... Florida 12 20 20 5 10 20 10 16 15 20 20 12 20 10 20 7 10 4 10 20 10 20 10 15 10 15 30 20 20 30 20 20 10 7 8 20 20 10 20 21 Louisiana Jla-^sachusetts Mi^sis.sippi Missouri New Hampshire North Carolina Ohio Ontario (U. Canada) Quebec (L. Canada) South Carolina Tennessee Texas Utah VirKinia... Washington Tertry West Virginia THE PRESENT AMERICAN TARIFFS. COMMODITIES. BATE 01" DUTY. Ale, porter, and beer — in bottles.... 35 c. per gall. " " " in casks 25 c. per gall. Aniline dyes or colors {and 35'p.'c:} Animals, living — cattle, hogs, hfirses, sheep, etc 20 per cent. Burl(;y 15 c. per bush. Books and other printed matter.... 25 per cent. Braids of straw 30 per cent. Brushes 40 per cent. Buttons 30 per cent. Cheese 4 c. per lb. China, porcelain and parian ware, filain, white, and not decorated Q any manner 45 per cent. Do. gilded, ornamented or deco- rated in any manner 50 per cent. Do. otlier earthen, stone, or crock- ery ware, white, glazed, edged, printed, or dipped, or cream colored 40 per cent. Coal, bitumen, and nhale 75 c. per ton. Corsets and corset-cloth, valued at in per dozen, or less 82 per do/,. Do. valued over ?r, per dozen 35 per cent. Cotton, mfmiiraf-tures of — plain bleached, value 20 cents or \ei\» per square yard 5]^ c. per sq. yd. COMMODITIES. EATE OF DXTTT. Do. printed or colored, value 25 j5]4c.Tper sq. > cents or less per square yard ( yd". & 20 p. c. j Do. Hosiery 35 per cent. Do. Lacfs, cords, braids, gimps, galloons and cotton laces, colored and insertings 35 per cent. Do. Thread-yarn, warps, or warp- yarn not wound on spools, valued at over 60 and not exceeding 80 f30 c. per lb.) cents per pound land 20 p. c.j Cotton, valued at over 80 cents per J 40 c. per lb. > pound ( and 20 p. c. ) Do. Velvet, velveteens, velvet bind- ings, ribbons, and vestings 35 per cent. Currants, Zante, or other 1 c. per lb. Diamonds (cut), cameos, mosaics, gems, pearls, rubies, and other precious stones, not set 10 per cent. Dolls 35 per cent. Embroideries, of cotton or wool.... 35 per cent. Fans 35 per cent. Feathers, ostrich, cock, and other ornamental 25 per cent. Feathers and flowers, artificial and ornamental, not otherwise pro- vided for 50 per cent. Figs „ 2y2 c. per lb. Fire-crackers, in boxes of 40 packs, not exceeding 80 to the pack 81 per box. Flax linens, valued at 30 cents or less per square yard 35 per cent. Do. valued at above 30 cents per square yard 40 per cent. Do. Burlaps, and like manufac- tures of flax, jute, or hemp, of which either shall be the com- ponent of chief value (except bagging for cotton 30 per cent. Do. Duck, canvas, paddings, cotton bottoms, diapers, crash, hucka- backs, handkerchiefs (not hem- med), lawns, or other manufac- tures of flax, jute, or hemp, vahud at 30 cents or less per square yard 35 per cent. Do. valued at above 30 cents per sqnare yard 40 per cent. Do. Thread, twine and pack-thread 40 per cent. Do. all other manufacture- of flax not otherwise provided for 40 per cent. Fruits and nuts : — Almonds, not shelled G c. per lb. " shelled 10 r. per lb. Filberts and walnuts 3 c. per lb. Prunes 1 c. per lb. Raisins 2}4 c. per lb. Furs, and manufactures of 20 per cent. Glass-ware : — Porcelain, Bohemian, cut, en- graved, painted, colored, printed, stained, silvered, or gilded, not including plate-glass silvered, or looking-glass plates 40 per cent, Plato-glass, cast, polished, not silvered, above 24 by 30, and not above 24 by 60 25 c. per sq. ft. Above 24 by 60 60 c per sq, ft. Window-glase, cylinder, crown, or common, unpolished, above 10 by 15 and not above 16 by 24 2 C. per lb. Above 16 by 24 and not above 24 by 30 21/^0. per lb. Above 24 by 30 3 c. per lb. M:inufactures of, not otherwise specified 40 x^er oen'. Hats, bonnets, and hoods, straw.... 40 per cent. Hemp, jute, and other fibre:— Bngs, cotton-bags, and bagging (except bagging for cotton) 40 per cent. .lute and sunn-hemp $15 per ton. .Into butts - $« per ton. Manila, India, and other like sub- stitutes for hemp 825 per ton. Iniiia Rubber, manufactures of :— Braces, webbing, etc 35 per cent. Tron and stei'l, manufactures of: — In slabs, blooms, loops, etc 35 per cent. Pig-iron - S7pert.Mi. Mf-rap-iron, old, wrought $« per ton. Manufa>'tures of iron, not other- wise provided for 35 per cent. BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— AMERICAN TARIFFS. 61 ft. J COMMODITIES. BATE OF DUTY. Iron and stocl, manufactureB of: — Steol, and manufactures of pun- knive.s, jack-knives and pocket- knives 50 per cent. AH other cutlery.iiicluding sword blades 36 per cent. In ingots, bars, coils, sheets, and steel-wire, not less tlian % inch diameter, valued at 7 cents per pound or less 2]/^ c. per lb. Valued at above 7 cents and not over 11 cents per pound 3 c. per lb. Muskets, rifles, and other fire- arms 35 per cent. Railway bar, or rails, wholly of steel 1% c. per lb. Manufaclures of steel, not other- wise provided for 45 per cent. Jewelry of gold, silver, or other metal, or imitations of. 25 per cent. Lead, and manufactures of: — Pii;s and liars, and molten 2 c. per lb. Leather, and manufactures of; — Calf-skins, tanned, or tanned and dressed 25 per cent. Gloves, of kid or leather, of all descriptions 50 per cent. Upper leather of all kinds, and skins, dressed and finished, of all . kinds, not ut'ierwise provided for 20 per cent. ManiUaetures ofj and articles of leather, or of which leather shall be a component part, not other- wise provided for 35 per cent. Lemons and oranges 20 per cent. Marble, and manufactures of: Veined and all other, in block, ("50 c. per cu. roughed or squared, not other- < ft. & 20 p, wise specified ( per cu Mats of cocoa-nut china, and all other floor-matting, of flags, jute, or grass 30 per cent. Metal, manufactures of, not other- wise provided for 35 per cent. Musical instruments 30 per cent. Oils, olive, salad, in bottles or flasks $\ per gall. Opium SI per lb. Opium prepared for smoking $6 per lb. Paintings and statuary, not by .\inerican artists 10 per cent. Papier-mache, manufactures, arti- cles, and wares of. 35 per cent. Pickles, sauces, and capers 35 per cent. Rice, cleaned 2)^ c. per lb. Salt, in bags, sacks, barrels, or other packages 12 c. per 100 lbs. Salt, in bulk 8 c. per 100 lbs. Sardines and anchovies, packed it oil or otherwise 4 c. per box. Seeds, flaxs. orlins. (561bs. tobush.) 20 c. per bush. Silk:— Braids, laces, fringes, galloons, buttons, and ornaments, dress and piece goods 60 per cent. Velvets 60 per cent. Ribbons 60 per cent. Ribbons (edge of cotton) 50 per cent. Silk manufactures not otherwise provided for, made of silk, or of wliich silk is the component or chief value 60 per cent. Manufactures of, which have as a component thereof 25 percent., or over. In value of cotton, flax, wool, or worsted 50 per cent. Soda caustic 1V< c. per lb. Soda ash i^ c. per lb. Spices: Cassia, and Cassia Vera 10 c. per lb. Nutmegs 20 c. per lb. Pepper, black and white grain ... 5 c. per lb. Spirits and wines : — Brandy, proof 52 per gall. Cordials, liqueurs, arrack, ab- sinthe, kii'sehwasser, ratafia $2 per gall. Spirits, other, m.inufactured or distilled from grain 82 per gall. Spirits, other (except brandy), manufaetiired or distilled from other materials 92 per gall. Cologne-watfr and other pe*-- f S:5 per gall, fumery, of which alcohol forms -J an ' the principal ingredient (. « per gaii. :5 per gall. ■» id 50 per c. > per gall, j I 25 c. per lb. J / ^% c. plus I idard | 25 p. c. p. lb. / No. j 2 c. plus 25 { ; ip. c. per lb. j coMMODrriES. batb of dtttt. Sugar and molasses:— (5 c. plus 25 ) Molasses J percent. V Molasses concentrated, tank-bot- I per lb. j toms, sirup of sugar-cane, and J V/, <:. plus | melado 1 25 "c. per lb. j" Sugar; > .- . All uotabove No. 7 Dutch standard ' Above No. 7 and not above 10 Above No. 7 and not above No. 10 2 c per lb. Above No. 13 and not above No. f2%c. plus25) !'• \ p. C. pi'T lb. j Tartar, cream of lo c. per lb. Tartar, argols, other than crude e c. per lb. Tin, plates or 8lie(its .' 1 1-10 c. per lb. Tobacco, and manufactures of:— Leaf, unmanufactured and not stemmed 35 c. per lb. Cigars, cigarettes, and cheroots, ($2.50 per lb. "I . < and 25 p. c. >• i p.'r If). J Toys, wooden and other 50 per cent. Watches, of gold or silver 25 per cent. Wines. Champagne, and all other sparkling, in bottles, containing not more than 1 pint each and more than ],^ pint $3 per dozen. Wines, Champagne, and all other sparkling, in bottles, containing not more than 1 quart and more than 1 pint dozens " Still wines, in casks galls. " in bottles, containing each not more than 1 quart and not more than 1 pint doz. bots. Wood : Boards, planks, deals, and other lumber M. ft. " Manufactures of, not otherwise provided for Wools, hair of the alpaca, goat, etc. : Raw and manufactured. Class No. 1, clothing wool, value 32 cents or less per lb lbs. " Value 32 cents or less per pound lbs. 80 per doz. 40 c. per gall. 81.60 per doz. 82 per 1\I. ft. 35 per cent. flO c. per lb.) \ & 11 p. c. / (lOc. p. lb. &1 ■< 11 p. c, less > ( 10 per c. ) Value over 32 cents per fl2e. perlb. j pound lbs. I & 10 p. c. ) J 1'.^ c. per lb. X & 10 p. 3 c. per lb. 6 c. per lb. 50 per cent. I 44 c. per sq. I yd. &35p. c. I f 28 e. per sq. 1 I yd. &35p.c. J I 40 c. per sc I yd. & 35 ] 30 p.C. ) icr sq I !5p.c. j Class No. 2, value over 32 cents per pound lbs. " Class No. 3, carpet and other similar wools, valued at 12 cents or less per lb lbs. " Value over 12 cents yer pound lbs. " Carpets and carpetings of all kinds, Aubusson and Axminster, and carpets woven whole for rooms sq. yds. " Brussels carpet wrought by Jac- quard machine sq. yd. " Brussels tapestry, printed on the warp or otherwise sq. yds. " Patent velvet and tapestry vel- vet, printed on the warp or otherwise sq. yds. " Dress goods, women and chil- dren's, and real or imitation Italian cloths, valued at not ex- ceeding 20 cents per sq. yd sq. yds. I. J " Valued at above 20 cents per (8 e. per sq. I square yd sq. yds. ^ yd. A 40 p. c. / " Dress goods, women and chil- dren's, and real or imitation Italian cloths, weighing 4 ounces and over per square yard lbs. " Hosiery, valued at above 80 cents per pound lbs. " Manufactures not otherwise specified, valued at above 80 cents per pound lbs. Wool cloths lbs. 6 c. per sq. yd. & 35 p. c. 50 c. per lb. I & 35 p. c. j (50 c. per lb.) I & 35 p. c. j J 50 c. per lb.) "l 4 35 p. c. r per lb. ) f 50 c. pel I * 35 p. Cloths - lbs (50 5o e. per lb. it 35 p. c, ss 10 p. e. " Clothing— articles of wear lbs. | ''"^'"^(f p"^ e ' " Clothing— ready-made lbs. j" ^'lo^p.'^c.^" 62 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. COMMODITIM. Wool, manufactures whoFiy or in part of, not otherwise provided for lbs. " Shawls, woolen lbs. " Worsted, etc., not otherwise pro- vided for -lbs. HATE OF DUTY. (50 c. per Ib.l I & 35 p. c. j 50 e. per lb. ~ & 35 p. C. 50 c. per lb. & 40 p. c. COMMODITIES. BATE OF DUTY. " Webbine;s, beltings, bindings, ( m „ r^n.. iv> 1 braids, ialloous, fringes, cord-, rVsoTc buttons, etc lbs. I "• >'" f- •- i " Yarns, valued at above 80 cents J50 e. per Ib.l per pound lbs. \ & 50 p. c. j Zinc, in sheets 2,% c. per lb. THE CUSTOMS TARIFF OF GREAT BRITAIN. No protective duties are now levied on goods imported. Customs duties being charged solely for the sake •f revenue. Formerly the articles subject to duty numbered nearly a thousand; now they are only twen- ty-two, the chief being tobacco, spirits, tea, and wine. The following is a complete list: Articles. Duty. £ s. d. Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding 1065°, per bhl 8 Ale or beer, spec, gravity not exceeding I0n0°, perbbl 11 Ale or beer, spec, gravity exceeding 1090°, perbbl 16 Beer, Mum, per bbl 110 Beer, spruce, spec, gravity not exceeding 119U°, perbbl 110 Beer, spruce, exceeding 11!)U°, per barrel., 14 Cards, playing, per doz. packs 3 9 Chickory (raw or kiln-dried), ewt- 13 3 Chicory (roasted or ground), lb 2 Chloral hydrate, pound 13 Cliloroform, pound 3 Cocoa, pound 1 Cocoa, cwt., husks and shells 2 Cocoa paste and chocolate, pound 2 Coffee, raw, cwt 14 Cotfee, kiln-dried, roasted or ground, per pr.und 2 Collodion, gallon 14 Essence of spruce, 10 per cent, ad valorem Ethyl, iodide of, gallon 13 Ether, gallon 15 Fruit, dried, cwt 7 Abticles. Duty. £ 8. s. 9 5 1 6 5 2 Malt, per quarter 1 4 Naphtha, purified, gallon 10 Pickles, in vinegar, gallon Plate, gold, ounce 17 Plate, silver, ounce 1 Spirits, brandy, Geneva, rum, etc., gallon. 10 Spirits, rum, from British Colonies, gallon 10 Spirits, cologne water, gallon 16 Tea, pound 6 Tobacco, unmanufactured, lb 3 1^ Tobacco, containing less than ten per ct. of mo'!sture, lb 3 6 Cavendish or Negro head 4 6 Other manufactured tobacco 4 Snuff, coatainiiig more than 13 percent. of moisture, lb 3 9 Snuff, less than 13 per cent, of moisture, lb. 4 6 Tobacco, cigar.", pound 5 Varnish, containing alcohol, gallon 12 Vinegar, gallon 3 Wine, containing less than 2G° proof spi- rit, gallon 10 Wine, containing more than 26° and less than 42 spirit, gallon 2 6 Wine, for each additional degree of strength beyond 42°, gallon 3 PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. Term *1 2 3 4 5 6 7 9 10 11 12 13 14 14a 15 16 16a 17 18 19 20 20a 21 22 23 24 24a PRESIDENTS. Name. Qualified. George Washington April " " March John Adams March Thomas Jefferson March •' " March James Madison March " " March James Monroe March " " March John Q. Adams March Andrew Jackson March " " March Martin Van Buren JIarch Wm. H.Harrison March John Tyler April .Jam e.s K. Polk March 4, Zachary Tavlor March 5 Millard Fillmore July lo. Franklin Pierce March 4, 1853 1789 1793 1797 18(11 1805 1809 1813 1817 1821 1825 1829 18:!:5 1837 1841 1841 1845 184!) 1850 James Buchanan March 4,1857 Abraham Lincoln March 4,1861 " " March 4, 1865 Andrew Johnson April 15,1865 Ulysses 8. Grant March 4,1869 '• " March 4, 1873 Rutherford B. Hayes March 5, 1877 James A. Garfield March 4, 1881 Chester A. Arthur Oct. 20,1881 VICE-PRESIDEETS. Name. Qualified. John Adams June " Dec. Thomas Jefferson March Aaron Burr f. March George Clinton*. March " " March Elbridge Gerry March John Gaillard Nov Daniel D. Tompkins March " " March John C. Calhoun March " " March Martin Van Buren March 4, Richard M.Johnson March 4 John Tyler March 4 fSamuel L. Southard April 6 fWillie P. Maiigum- May 31 George M. Dallas March 4 Millard Fillmore March 5 tWilliam R. King July 11 William R. King March 4 + I)avid R. Atchison April 18 tJesse D. Bright Dec. 5, John O. Breckinridge March 4, Hannibal Hamlin March 4, Andrew Johnson March 4 fLafavetto S. Foster April 15 •j-Honjamin F. Wade March 2, Schuyler Colfax March 4 Henry Wilson March 4 fThonias W. Perry Nov. 22 William A. Wheeler March Chester A. Arthur March tThom.as F. Bayard Oct. 12, tUavid Davis Oct. 13, ,1789 ,, 1793 , 1797 ,1801 , 1805 , 1809 , 1813 i, 1814 , 1817 , 1821 , 1825 , 1829 , 1833 ,1837 ,1841 , 18-11 , 1842 , 1845 , 1849 ,1850 , 1853 , 1853 , 1864 , 1857 , 1861 , 1865 , 1865 :, 1867 , 1869 , 1873 , 1875 ,1877 ' 1881 , 1881 ., 1881 *The figures in this column mark the terms held by the Presidents, t Acting Vice-President and President ;)ro tmn. of the Senate. BOORVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— POPULAR VOTE, 63 SUMMARY OF POPUIiAR AND EliECTORAL VOTES IN PRESIDENTIAI* ELECTIONS, 1789-1880. o 2 „ o s Party. Candidates. 05 0) 3 Popular Vote. 3 o > 3 1789 10 15 10 10 73 135 138 138 C9 John Adams 34 g n .John Rutlodge ' 6 4 3 2 2 1 1 Edward Telfair 1 4 : 1792 Foderal !><(.. 132 77 60 4 1 3 1796 Federalist 71 08 69 30 15 Oliver Ellsworth 11 7 5 3 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 1800 73 73 Fedorali^t 65 04 Federalist ^ ui en 11 d _ o s> W Party. For President. 0) a "is" 2 12 Popular Vote. o > For Vice-President. " 1804 21 17 18 19 24 24 17G 170 218 221 235 201 162 14 122 f, George Clintiin ' 163 Federalist Republican Ctias. C. Pinckney Rufus King i 14 George Clinton i 113 3 47 9 3 1 m 6 47 •lohn Lani;diin 1 128 89 1 183 34 1812 Republican 11 7 Elbridge Gerrv De Witt Clinton 1 183 n ; 1 •' 16 3 D. D.Tompkins ,Iohn E. Howard Federalist 5 1 John Marshall 4 Robt. G. Harper 3 4 4 1820 24 231 1 P. D. Tompkins 218 Rich. Stockton 8 Daniel Rodney 4 Robt. G. Hnrper Richard Rash 1 1 ■■■{; ■. 3 09 3 1834 10 8 3 3 155,872 105 321 i44,282 46,587 •Tohn C. Cnlbonn 182 Ropuhlican... 84 Nnthan Panfnrd 3U Repuhlir-nn Wni H Crawford 41 Nathaniel Mncon ] 24 Ropuhlican S7 Andrew .Incksnn ...i 1^ M. Van Biiren 1 HAnrv Clnv Vacancy ] ', „. 64 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vi; SUMMARY OF POPUL.AR AND EliECTORAIi VOTES.— [Continuer!,] 11 -2 _ o c ^ 1828 24 261 1832 24 288 1836 26 294 1840 26 29 1 1844 26 275 1848 30 290 1852 31 296 1856 31 296 1860 33 303 1864 36 314 1868 37 317 1872 37 366 1876 38 369 1880 38 309 Party. For President. Popular Vote. For Vice-President. Democratic Nat. Republican. Andrew Jaoksuii John Q. Adams. Dempcratic Nat. Republican. Anti-lMason Andrew Jackon. Henrv Clay William Wirt.... John Floyd Vacancies. Democratic . Whig Whig Democratic . Liberty Martin Van Buren. Wm. H. Harrison... Hugh L.White Daniel Webster W. P. Mangum Wm. H. Harrison... Martin Van Buren. James G. Birney.... Democratic . Whig ,. Liberty Whig Democratic. Free Soil James K. Polk Henry Clay James G. Birney. Zachary Taylor Lewis Cass". Martin Van Buren. Democratic , Whig Free Democracy.. Democratic. Republican.. American.... Franklin Pierce. Winfield Scott.... John P. Hale James Buchanan. John C. Fremont. Millard Fillmore.. Republican Democratic Democratic "Const. Union ' Republican.'. Democratic... Abraham Lincoln... J. C. Breckinridge. S. A. Douglas John Bell .\braham Lincoln.. Geo. B. McClellan.. Vacancies* Republican.. Democratic. Republican , Dem.and Lib. Rep. Democratic Temperance , Ulysses S. Grant.... Horatio Seymour., Vacancie.st Ulysses S. Grant.. Horace Greeley... Chas. O'Conor James Biaek T. A. Hendricks.. B. Gratz Brown... Chas. J. Jenkins.. David Davis Republican.... Democratic ... " (irecnback" "Prohibition' Not counted I . R. B. Hayes S. J. Tilden Peter Cooper Green C. Smith. Republicnn... Democratic.., "'Greenback ' James A. Garfield., W. S. Hancock, James B. Weaver., Scattering 647,231 509,097 687,502 530,189 33,108 761,549 736,656 1,275,017 1,128,702 7,059 1,-337,243 1,299,008 02,300 1.360,101 1,220, 'i44 291,263 1,601,474 1,3,<16,.''.78 156,149 1,838,169 1,.3'1 1.204 874,534 1,800,352 845,763 1,375,157 589,581 ?,210,Ofi7 1,808,726 3,015,071 2,709,013 3,597,070 2.834.079 29,408 5,008 4,033,950 4,284.885 81,740 9,522 4,442,950 4,442,035 300,867 12,576 John C. Calhonn. Richard Rush William Smith.... M. Van Buren , John Sergeant , Amos Ellmaker... Henry Lee , William Wilkins. R. M. Johnson Francis Granger. John Tyler William" Smith.... John Tyler R. M. Johnson., L. W. Tazewell.. James K. Polk. Geo. M. Dallas T. Frelinghuysen., Millard Fillmore. Wm. O. Butler Chas. F. Adams... Wm. R. King Wm. A. Graham.. Geo. W. Julian.... J. C. Breckinridge.. Wm. L. Dayton A. J. Donelson Hannibal Hamlin. Jo.«!eph Lane H. V. Johnson Edward Everett... Andrew Johnson.., Geo. H. Pendleton.. Schuyler Colfax. F. P. Blair, Jr Henry Wilson B. Gratz Brown.... John Q. Adams.... A. H. Colquite John M. Palmer... 18 Geo. W. Juiian T. E. Bramlette.... W. 8. (?roesbeck.. Willis B. Machen. N. P. Banks 42 17 Wm. A. Wheeler., T. A. Hendrick*".. S. F.Cary R. T. Stewart Chester A. Arthur.. Wm. H. English.... B. J. Chambers •Not voting— Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia. Louisiana, Mlssis.slppi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. t Not voting— Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia. t Seventeen votes rejected, viz. : 3 from Georgia for Horace Greeley (dead), and 8 from Louisiana, and 8 from ArkaoBaa for U. S. Grant BOOK VII. 1 TABULATED HISTORY— CABINET OFFICERS. 65 CABINET OFFICERS OF THE ADMINISTRATIONS. Geoboe Washinoton, President. I. and II.; 1789-1797. Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, SepttMnbur 2i;th, 17^9 ; Ediiuuid Randolph, Virginia, January 2d, 1791; Timothy Pickering. Pennsylvania, beeember l(Uh, 179'). Srrrettin/ of Treasury, Alex- ander Hamilton, New York, September llth, 1789; Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 2d, 179'). Srj-rrtnnj of War, Henry Kno.x, Ma-^saohusetts, September 12th, 17.S9; Timothy Piekering, P<!nn- sylvania, January 2d, 179.'); James IMclIenry, Mary- land, January 27th, 1790. Allornei/ General, Kdmund Itandolph, Virj;inia, September 2(ith, 1789; William Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27th, 1794; Charles Leo, Virj;inia, beeember liHli, 179.5. Postmn.s/er- Cfeneral.,* .Samuel Osgood, MaasaehuscHts, 8ept(;m- ber 2()th, 1789; Timotny Pickering, Pennsylvania, August 12th, 1791 ; Joseph Habersham, Ueorgia, February 2&th, 1795. John Adams, President. III.; 1797-1801. Seerefan/ of State, Timothy Pickering, conlinned; John Marshall, Virginia. May 13th, 1800. Srrrelari/ (,f Treasiiri/, Oliver Wolcoti. continued; .Samuel I'exter, Ma-isaehusetts, January 1st, 1801. Serretary of ir-ic, James Melbiirv, continued; Samuel De.x- tor, Massachusetts, May'l3th, 1800; Roger Griswold, Connecticut, February .'Jd, 18ul. Scerctari/ of iVavi/,f George Cabot, Massachusetts, May 3(1, 1798; Benja- min Stoddert, Maryland, May 21st, 1798. Atlornei/- Oeneral, Charles Lee, continued; Theophilus I'ar- Bons, Massachusetts, February 20th, 1801. Post- master- General, Joseph Habersham, continued. TnoMAS Jefferson, President. IV. and V. ; 1801-1809. Secretary t)f State, James Madison, Virginia, March 5th, 1801. ' Secretary of Treasury, Samuel D-xter, continued; AlbertGallatin, Pennsylvania, May llth, 1801. Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, Jlassachu- f!etts Mar<'li .^'th, 1801. Secretary of Navy, Benjamin Stoddart, eominued; Robert Smith, Maryland, July Tith, isol; Jae ibCrowniushield, Massachusetts, May, ;id, ISO.'). Attorncy-Oencral. Levi Lincoln, M,assa- chusetts. March ,'jth, 1801; Robert Smith, Maryland, IMareh 3d, ISO."); John Breckinridge, Kentucky, Au'ust7tn, 180.5; Ctesar A. Rodney, Pennsylvanio, January 20th, I807. Postmaster-Ocneral, Joseph Haber.sliani, continued ; Gideon Granger, Connecti- cut, November 2Sth, 1801. James Madison, President, VI. and VII. ; 1809-1817. Secretary of State, Robert Smith, Maryland, March Cth, 1809;' Jamos .Monroe, Virginia, April 2d, 1811. Secretary of Treasuri/. Albert Gallatin, continued; George \V. Campbell. Tennessee, February 9th, ISlt; A. J. D.allas, P -nnsylvania, October Cth, 18U; William H. Crawford, Georgia, October 22d, 1810. S'^crctary of War, William Eustis, Ma«sachusetts, >Iareh 7th, 1809; John Armstrong, New York, Janu- ary l;)th, 1813; Jamos Monroe, Virginia, September i'7th, 181 1; William H, Crawford, Georgia, August l--t, 1815. Secretary of Navy, Paul Hamilton, South Carolini, March 7th, 1809; William Jones, Pennsyl- vania, January 12th, 1813; B. W. Crowninshield. Massachusetts, December 19th, 18U. Attorney-Gen- era', C. A. Rodney, continued; William Pincknev, Maryland, December llth, 1811; Richard Rusfi, Pennsylvania, February 10th, 18U. Postmaster- Gen- era!.. Gideon (Granger, continued; Return J Meigs, Ohio, March 17th, 1814. *Nota Cabinet officer, but a subordinate of the Treasury Department until 1829. t Naval affairs were under the control of the Sec- retory of War until a separate Navy beparttnent was organized by Act of April 30th, 1798. The Acts organizing the other Departments were of the fol- lowing dates: State, September 1.5th, 1789; TVeasiint, September 2d, 1789; War, August 7th, 1789. The Attorney-General's duties were regulated by the Judiciary Act of September 24th, 1789. Jameb Monboe, President. VIII. and IX.; 1817-1825. Secretary of Slate, John Quiney Adams, Mas<>achu- setts, March ,5th, 1817. Secretary of Treasuri/, Wil- liam H. Crawford, continued. Secretary of War, George Graham, Virginia, April 7ih, 1817; John C. Calhoun, South Carolina, October 8th, 1817. Scm:tary of Navy, B. W. Crowninshield, continued; Smitn Thompson, New York, November 9 h, 1818; Jolm Rogers, .Massa(diusetts, September 1st, 18:i3; Samuel L. Southard, New Jersey, September liith, 1823. Attorneti-Gcneral, Richard Rush. continued ; William Wirt, Virginia, November 13tli, 1817. Postmaster- General, R. J. Meigs, continued; John McLean, Ohio, June 2r,th, 1823. John Quincy Adams, President. X.; 1825-1829. Secretary of State, Henrv Clay, Kentucky, March 7th, 1825. Secretary of 'TreasHry, Richard Rusb, Pennsylvania, March 7tli, 1825. Secretary of War, James Barbour, Virginia, March 7th, 1825;' Peter B. Porter, New York, ^f ay 2Gth 1828. Secretary of Navy, S. L. Southard, continue(l, Alforney-Gcneml, William Wirtj continued. Postmaster-General, John McLean, continued. Andrew Jackbon, President. XI. and XII.; 1829-1837. Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, New York, March (ith, 1829; Edward Livingston, Louisiana, May 24th, 18:!1 ; Louis McLan*, Delaware, May 29th, 1833; John P'orsyth, Georgia, June 27th, 1834. Secre- tary of Treasury, SAmnel I). Ingham, Pennsylvania, Jlarch r>th, 18;;9; Louis McLane, Delaware, .Vugust 8th, 18.31; William J. Duane, Pennsylvania, May 29lh, 1833; Roger B. Taney, Maryland, September 23d, 1833; Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, June 27th, 1834. Secretary of War, John H. Eaton. Ten- nessee, March 9th, 1829; Lewis Cass, Michigan, August 1st, 1831; Benjamin F Butler, New Y'ork, March 3d, 1837. Secretarii of Navy, John Branch, North Carolina, March 9th, 1829 ; Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, May 23d, 1831; Mahlon Diekerson, New Jersey, June 30th, 1834. Attorney-General, John M. Berrien, Georgia, March 9th, 1829; Roger B. Taney, Maryland, July 20th, 1831 ; Benjamin F. Butler, New York, November loth, 1833. Postmaster- General, William T. Barry, Kentucky, March 9th, 1829; Amos Kendall, Kentucky, May 1st, 1835. Martin Van Buren, President. XIII.; 1837-1841. Secretary of State, J ohn Forsyth, continued. Secre- tary of Treasury. Levi Woodbury, continued. Secr&- tary of (far, Joel R. Poinsett, South Carolina, March 7th, 1837. Secretary of Navy, Mahlun Diekerson, continued ; James K. Paulding, New York, June 25th, 1838. Attorney-General, Benjamin F. Butler; Felix Grundy, Tennessee, July 5th, 1838 ; Henry D. Gilpin, Pennsylvania. January llth, 1840. Post- master-General, .\mos Kendall, continued; John M. Niles, Connecticut, May 19th, 1840. Wm. H. Harrison and John Tyler, Presidents. XIV.; 1841-1845. Secretary of State. Daniel Webster, Massachusetts, March 5th, "1.841; Hush S. Legare, South Carolina, May 9th, 1843; A. P Upshur, Virginia, July 24th, 1843; John C. Calhoun. South Carolina, March 6th, 1844. Secretary of TVra.vtry, Thomas Ewing, Ohio, March 5th, 1841; Waller Forward, Pennsylvania, September 13th, 1841 ; John C. Spencer, New Y'ork, March 3d. 1843; George M. Bibb, Kentucky, June 15th, 1844. Secretary of War, John Bell, Tennesoee, March 6th, 1841 ; J'ohn McLean, Ohio, September 13th, 1841 ; John C. Sp^^ncer, Now Y'ork, October 12th, 1841; James M. Porter, Pennsylvania, March 8th, 1843; William Wilkins, Pennsylvania, Feb- ruary 15th, 1844. Secretary of Navy, G. E. Badeer, North Carolina, March 5th, 1841 ; A'. V. Upshur, Vir- ginia, September 13th, 1841 ; David Hen.shaw, Mft.<<- sachusetts, July 24th, 1843; T. W. Gilmer, Virginia, February 1,5th, 1844; John Y. Mason, Virginia, March 14th, 1844. Attorney-General. John J. Critten- den, Kentucky, March fith, 1841 ; Hugh S. Legare, South Carolina, September 13th, 1841 ; John Nelson, Maryland, Julv 1st, 1843. Pp.Hmaster-Gcneral. Fran- cis Grancer. New York, March 6th, 1841 : Charles A. Wickliffe, Kentucky, September 13th, 1841. 6Q AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. Jaues K. Polk, President. XV.; 1845-1849. Secretary of .S?atf,l.James Buchanan, Pennsylvania, March 6t{i, 1845. Sen-etary of Treasury, Robert J. Walker, Mi-^sissippi, March Gth, 1845. Secretary of War, William L. Marcy, New York. March 6th, 1845. Secretary of Nao)/, George Bancroft. Mas.«achusetts, March 10th, 1845; John Y. Mai^on, September 9th, 1846. Attorncii-Oenernl, John Y Mason, Virginia, March 5th, 1845: Nathau Clifford. .Maine, October ITth, 1846. Postmaster-Oeneral, Cave Johnson, Ten- nessee, March 6th, 1845. Zachary Taylor and Millaed Fillmore, Presidents. XVI. ; 1849-1853. Secretary of Stnte, John M. Clayton, Delaware, March 7tii, 1840; Daniel Webster, IMassachusetts, July 2-2d, 1850; Edward Everett, Massachusetts, December 6th, 1852. Secretary of Treasxiry, W. M. Meredith, Pennsylvania, March 8th, 1849 ; Thomas Corwin, Ohio, July 23d, 1850. Secretary of War, George W. Crawford, Georgia, March 8th, 1849; Winfield Scott {ad into-i'm), July 23d, 1850 ; Charles M. Conrad, Louisiana, .\ugust 15th, 1850. Secretary of Navy, William B. Preston, Virginia, March 8th, 1849; William A. Graham, North Carolina, July 22d, 1850; J. P. Kennedy, Maryland, July 22d, 1852. Sec- retary of Interior, Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio, March 8th, i849; A. H. H. Stuart, Virginia, September 12th, 1850. Attorney- General, Reverdy Johnson, Mary- land, March 8th, 18 19 ; John J. Crittenden, Kentucky, July 22d, 1S50. Postmaster-General, Jacob Col lamer, Vermont, March 8th, 1849; Nathan K. Hall, New York, July 2.?d, 1850; S. D Hubbard, Conaecticut, August 31st, 1852. Franklin Pierce, President. XVII. ; 1853-1857. Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, New York, March 7th, 1853. Secretary of Trensary, James Guthiie, Ken-ucky, March 7th, 1853. Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, Mississippi, March 7th, 1853. Secretary of Navy, James C. Dobbin, North Carolina, March 7th, 1853. Secretary of Interior, Robert McClelland, Michigan, March 7th, 18.53; J.-icob Thompson, Mississippi, March 6th,lS56. Attorncu-Gencrnl, Caleb Cuslimg, Massachtisetts, March 7th. is'i:*.. PostmasterGe-'eral, James Camp- bell, Pennsylvaaia, March 7th, 1853. James Buchanan, President. XVIII. ; 1857 1861. Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, Michigan, March 6th, 1857 ; J. S. Black, Pennsylvania, December 17th, 1860. Secretart/ of Treasury, Howell Cobb, Georgia, March 6th, 1857; Philip F. Thomas, Maryland, December lith, 1860; John A. Dix, New York, Janu- ary lltn. 18iil. Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, Vir- ginia, March Gth, 1857; Joseph Holt. Kentucky, January 18th, 1861. Secretary of A'nri/, Isaac Toucey, Connecticut, March Gth, 18.57. Secretary of Interior Jacob Thompson, continued. Attomeu-General, J. S. Black, Pennsylvania, March Gth, 1857; E. M. Stan- ton, Penn.sylvania, December 20th, 1860. Postma.iter- Oeneral, Aaron V. Brown, Tennessee, March Gth, 18.57; Joseph Holt, Kentucky, March Uth, 1859; Horatio King, Maine, February 12ih, 18G1. Abraham LiNcotN and Andrew Johnson, Presidents. XIX. and XX.; 18GM8G9. Sccretari/ of State, WiUiam IL Seward, New York. March 5th, 1861. Sccri>iary of Trc/isuru, S. P. <^liasc. Ohio, March 5th, ISHl ; ' W. P. Fessenden, Maine, July Ist, 18G4: Hugh McCiilloch, Indiana, March 7th, 1865. Secretary of H'nr, Simon Cameron, Penn- sylvania, March 5th, 1861 ; P>lwiii M. Sianton, Penn- sylvania, January 15th, 1862; U.S Grant (ad interim), .\ugust 12th, 1867; Edwin M. Stanton (reinstated), January 14th, 1868; J. M. Scholield ; Illinois, May 28th, 1868. Secretary of Navy, Gideon Welles, Con- necticut, March 5th. 1861. Secretary of Interior, Caleb P. Smith, March 5th, 1861 ; John P. Usher, In- diana, January 8th, 1803; James Harlan, Iowa, May 151 h, 1865; O. H. Browning, Illinois, July 27th, 1H66. Attorney-General, Edward Bates, Missouri, March 5lh, ISGl; Titian J. Colfee, June 22d, 1S63; James Speed, Kentucky, December 2d, 1864 ; Henry Stan- bery, Ohio, July 23d, 1866; William M. Evarts, New York, July I5th, 1868. Postmaster-Ge'.eral, Jlont- gomery Blair, .Maryland, March 5th, 1861 ; William Dennison, Ohio, September 24th, 1864; Alexander W. Randall, Wisconsin, July 25th, 1836. Ulysses S. Grant, President. XXI. and XXII.; 1869-1877. Secretary of State, E. B. Washburne, Illinois, March 5tli, 1869 ; Hamilton Fish, New York, March 11th, 1869. Secretary of T/rasurv, George S. Boutwell, Massachusetts, March Uth, 1869; William A. Rich- ardson, Massachusetts, March 17th, 1873; Benjamin H. Bristow, Kentucky, June 2d, 1874; Lot M. Mor- rill, Maine, June 21st, 1876. Secretary of War, John A. Rawlins, Illinois. March Uth, 1869; William T. Sherman, Ohio, September 9th, 1869; William W. Belknap, Iowa, October 25th, 1869 ; Alphonso Taft, Ohio, March 8th, 1876; J. D. Cameron, Pennsylvania, May 22d, 1876. Secretary of Navy, Adolph B. Borie, Pennsylvania. March 5th, 1869 ; George M. Robeson, New Jersey, June 25th, 1869. Secretarr/ of Interior, Jacob D. Cox, Ohio, March 5th, 1869; Columbus Delano, Ohio, November 1st, 1870 ; Zachariah Chan- dler, Michigan, October 19th, 1875. Attorney General, E. R. Hoar, Massachusetts, March 5th, 1869; .\mog T. Akerman, Georgia, June 23d, 1870; George H, Williams, Oregon, December, 14th, 1871 ; Edwards Pierrepont, New York, April 26th, 1875; Alphonso Taft, Ohio, May 22d, 1876. Postmaster-General, J. A. J. Creswell, Maryland, March 5th, 1869; Mar-hall Jewell, Connecticut, Augu'^t 24th, 1874; James M. Tyner, Indiana, July 12ih, 1876. Rutherford B. Hayes, President. XXIII.; 1877-1881. Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, New York, Marcli 12th, 1877. Secretary of Treasury, John Sher- man, Ohio, March 8th, 1877. Secretary of IFa?-, George W. McCrary, Iowa, March 12th, 1877; Alexander Ramsey, Minnesota. December 12th, 1879. Secretary of Navy, Richard W. Thompson, Indiana, March 12th, 1877; Nathan Goff, Jr., West Virginia, January Cth, 1881. Secretary of Interior, Ca.r\ Schurz. Mis- souri, March 12th, 1877. Attorney-General, Charles L)evens, JIassachusetts, March "l2th, 1877. Post- master-General, David M. Key, Tennessee, March 12th, 1877; Horace Maynard, Tennessee, August 25th, 1880. James A. Garfikld and Chester A. Arthur. Presidents. XXIV.; 1881-1885. Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, Maine, -March 5th, 1881 ; 'Frederick T. Frelinghuysen,New Jersey, December 12th, 1881. Secretary o^'Treasury, William H. Windom, Minnesota, March 6th, 1881; Charles J. Folger, New York, October '27th, 1881. Secretary of War, Robert T. Lincoln, Illinoi.s, March 5fh, 1881. Sec-ctartj of Nam, W. H. Hunt, Louisiana. March 5th, 1881. Secretary of Interior, S. J. Kiikwood, Iowa, March 5th, 1881. Attorney-General, Wayne IMacVeagh, Pennsylvania, March 5th, 1881 ; Benja- min H, Brewster. Pennsylvania, December 16th, 188L Poatmaater-General, Thomas L. James, New York, March 5th, 1881; Timothy O. Howe, Wiscon- sin, December 20th, 1881, FOREIGN IMMIGRATION SINCE X870, BY FISCAL YEARS.-Officlal. Years. 1870., 1871.. 1872 , 1873. Number. 387,203 321, .3,50 404,806 459,803 Years. 1874.. 1875. 187«. 1877. Number. 313,339 227,498 169,986 141,867 Years. 1878. 1879. 1880. 1881. Number. 138,469 177,826 4.57,257 GC9,43l Of the arrivals in 1881,410,729 were mates and 2.58,702 female Of the arrivals In 1881,410,729 were males ana •iw,7o-.i lemaies. mere were i.i.j,.i» irom ''j'^";- and Ireland; 210,485 from Germany; 21.li>9 from Austria; 11,890 from China; 102,922 from Quebi Ontario: 14,4.17 from Nova Scotia ; 4!i,76(i from Sweden : 22,705 from Norway; 15,387 from Italy ; 5,^i France; 9,117 from Denmark, and 11,293 from Switzerland. There were 1.53,718 from Great Britain iboc and ,227 from BOOK A'll TABULATED HISTORY— PATENT FEES. 07 SIONER.S OF THE DECIiARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. IN CONGRESS ASSEM- BLED JULY 4:tb, 1776. The following list of memVters of the Continental Congress, who signefl the Declaration of Independence (although the names are included in the general list of that Congress, from 1774 to 1778), is given separately for the purpose of showing tlie places and dates of their birth, and the times of tlieir respective deaths for convenient reference : Names or the Signers. BOBN At Delegated Fbom Died. Braintreo Mass., 10 Oct. 173.5 Boston Mass., 21 S -pt. 1722 4 July, 1R26. 2 Oct. 1803 \meshury, Mass., in Nov. 1729 Newington, Va , 10 Sept. 173() .\nnapoli9, Md., 20 Sept 1737 Somerset Co., Md., 17 Apr. 1741.... Klizabethtown, N. J., 15 Feb. 172(> Piiiliidelplda. Pa., in 1739 Newport, R. I., 22 IH'C. 1727 Suffolk Co , N.y., 17 Dee. 1734 Boston, Mhsm., 17 Jan. 170i) 19 May 1795. 10 Oct. 1797 Carroll, ('has of Carrollton.. Maryland Maryland 14 November, 1832. 19 June, 1811 — September, 1794. 23 Jan. 1813 i'ennsylvania Ellery, William Floyil, William Franklin, B<Mijaniin Gerry, Elbridge R. I. & Prov. PI 15 Feb 18'0 .\ew York 4 Aug 1821. 17 April, 1790. 23 November, 1814, .Marblehead, Mass., 1 July 1744.. . 27 May, 1777. — Feb. 1790 1 onniM'tieut, in 1731 Braintree, Ma.ss., in 17.37 Massachusetts 8 Oct 1793. Ihirrison, Benjamin Berkley Va — April, 1791. 1880. Hopewell, N. J., in 171.5 New Jersey lleyward, Thomas, Jr Ilewes, Joseph Hooper, William Hopkins, Stephen St. Luke's, S, C., in 1740 Kingston N J. in 1730 — March, 180a North Carolina 10 Oct. 1779 Boston, Mass., 17 June, 1712 Seituate, Mass., 7 Mar., l7o7 Windluim, Conn., 3 July 1732 Philadelphia, Pa., in 1737 — Oct. 1790. R. I. & Prov. PI 13 July, 1785. 5 Jan. 1796 Connecticut 9 May, 1790. 4 July. 1826. Shadwell, Va., 13 Apr. 1731 Virginia Stratford, Va.. 20 Jan. 1732 Stratford, Va , 14 Oct. 17.34 Lee, Francis Lightfoot Virginia — April, 1797. 30 Dec. 1803. Lindart, Wales, in Mar. 171-3 Albany, N. Y., 1.5 Jan. 17Ui New York 12 June, 1778. St. Ge'-rge's, S. C, 5 Aug. 1749 Chester Co.. Pa., 19 Mar 1734 Middleton Place, S.C, in i743 South Carolina 24 June 1817 South Carolina 1 Jan. 1787. 22 .Ian 1798 liancashire, Eng., Jan. 1733-4 liidlev. Pa., in 1724 Vork Va '^6 Dec 1738 8 May, 1806. — April, 1777. 4 Jan 1789 Penrisylvania Wye-Hill, Md , 31 Oct. 1740 Maryland 1799, 11 May, 1804. 26 Oct. 1809. Caroline Co., Va., 17 May 1741 Cecil Co., Md., in 17.34 Dover, Del., in 17.30 North Carolina Delaware , 1798. Kodnoy, Ca3sar Ross, Goorge Rush, Benjamin, M.D Rutledge, Edward Sherman, Roger , 1783. New Castle, Del. in 1730 Pennsylvania — July, 1779. Byberry, Pa., 24 Dec. 1745 19 April, 1813. 23 Jan. ISOO Ciiarleston, S.C, in Noc 1749 Newton, Mass., 19 Apr. 1721 , Ireland, ■ Princeton, N. J., 1 Oct. 1730 Charles Co., Md., in 1712 , Ireland, in 1716 , Ireland, in 1714 Frederick Co., Va., in 1740 Kittery, Maine, in 1730 Lebanon, Conn., 8 Apr. 1731 Scotland, ab.iut i742 V>-ster. Scotland, 5 Feb. 1722 Windsor Conn., 26 Nov. 1726 Elizabeth City Co., Va., in 1726... South Carolina 23 July, 1793. 11 July, 1806. 28 Fob 1781 5 Oct. 1787. Taylor, Geoige Pennsylvania 23 Feb. 1781. New Hampshire 24 June, 1803. Walton George Whipple Wtn Georgia New Hampshire 2 Feb. 1804 28 Nov. 1785. Williams, Wm 2 Aug. 1811. 28 Aug. 1798. 15 Nov. 1794. WiMierspoon, John Wolcott Oliver....'.. 1 Dec. 1797. Wythe, George SCHEDULE OF UNITED STATES PATENT FEES. Ou filing each application for a Patent SI5 On issuing each Original l^atent (17 years) 20 On application for Re-issue 30 On applleati ni for extension 50 On granting every extension of Patent (7 years) 50 On each Caveat 10 On appeal t > E.xaminers-in-chief. 10 On api>eal to Commissioner of Patents 20 On tiling a Disclaimer 10 On application for Design (3 Va years) 10 On application for Design (7 years) 15 On application f>r Design (14 years) 30 On ea<'h Trade-Mark (30 years) 25 On each Label (28 years) 6 Note.— By decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered Nov. 17, 1879, the Trade- mark law of July 8, 1870, by whicli Trade-marks were for the first time recognized and protected by act;»f Congress, was declared unconstitutional. The registry of Trade-marks at the Patent Office is, hfiw- ever, continued to such as seek the benefit of a record, without regard to the ultimate validity of the right. 62 68 AMERICAN POLITICS. [nooK VII. CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT, Since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, March 1st, 1789. The following is a list of the Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the United States, as well as those who were candidates for each office, since the organization of the Government: {vide pp. 21-25, 62.) 1789_George Washington* and John Adams, two terms, no opposition. 1797_john .-Vdams, opposed by Thomas Jefferson,* who, having the next highest electoral vote, became Vice President. 1801— Thomas Jefferson* and Aaron Burr; beating John Adams and Charles C. Pinckney.* lf!05— Thomas Jefferson* and George Clinton ; beating Charles C. Pinckney* and Rufus King. 1S^(^— James Madison* and George Clinton; beat- ing Charles C. Pinckney.* 1813 — lameg Madison* and Eldridge Gerry ; beat- ing DeWitt Clinton. ISIT— James IMonroe* and Daniel D. Tompkins ; beating Uiifus King. 1821— James Monroe* and Daniel D. Tompkins; beating John Quincy Adams. 1825 — John Quincy .\dams and John C. Calhoun ;* beating .Andrew Jackson,* Henry Clay,* and Wil- liam H. Crawford ;* there being four candidates for President, and Albert Gallatin for Vice President. 1829 — Andrew Jackson* and John C. Calhoun*; beating John Quincy Adams and Richard Rush. 1833— Andrew Jackson* and Martin Van Buren ; beating Henry Clay,* John Floyd,* and William Wirt for President; and William Wilkins, John Sergeant, and Henrv Lee* for Vice President. 1837— Martin Van Buren and Richard M. John- son*; beatine William H. Harrison, Hugh L.White, and Daniel Webster for President, and John Tjier* for Vice President. 1841_\Villiam H. Harrison and John Tyler*; beat- ing Martin Van Buren and Littleton W. Tazewell.* * Candidates from Harrison died one month after his inauguration and John Tyler* became President for the rest of the term. IS+.T — James K. Polk* and George M. Dallas ; beat- ing Henry Clay* and Theodore Frelinghuvsen. 1849— Zachary Taylor* and Millard Fillmore: beat- ing Lewis Cass and Martin Van Buren for President, and William O. Butler* and C. F. Adams, for Vice President. 18.53— Franklin Pierce and William R. King*; beating Winfield Scott and William A. Graham.* 1857 — James Buchanan and John C. Breckin- ridge*; heating John C. Fremont and Millard Fill- more for President, and William L. Dayton and A. J. Donaldson* for Vice President. 1861 — .Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin ; beating John Bell, Stephen A. Douglas, and J. C. Breckinridge* for President. 1865 — .^^hraham Lincoln and j ndrew Johnson,* Union candidates; beating G. B. McClellan and G. H. Pendleton. 1869— Ulysses S Grant and Schuyler Colfax; beat- ing Horatio Seymour and Frank P. Blair, jr. 1873— Ulysses S. Grant and Henry Wilson ; beating Horace Greeley and B. Gratz BroWn, for President and Vice President. 1877— Rutherford B. Hayes and Wm. A. Wheeler; beating Samuel Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. 1881 — James A. Garfield and Chester A. Arthur; beating General W. S. Hancock and W. H. English. .\rthur succeeded Garfield, after his death from as- sassination, Sept. 19, 1881, and David Davis is now Acting Vice President. Southern States. BTUMBER OF ELECTORAL VOTES TO "WHICH EACH STATE HAS BEEN ENTI- TLED, AT EACH ELECTION, 1789-1876. States. f-i o 1^ s 00 00 1 00 00 CO i 1 00 00 00 00 in 00 1 1 00 CD s rH 3 5 5 7 7 3 7 3 9 3 9 3 9 4 4 9 4 4 9 4 4 8 5 5 8 5 5 10 6 6 10 6 6 3 6 3 4 11 21 15 11 5 12 8 7 8 13 11 5 8 15 3 I 9 35 i^ 3 29 4 7 12 8 5 11 6 10 369 38 1? 7 8 3 7 3 9 3 9 3 9 3 9 3 9 3 9 4 9 4 9 4 8 3 8 3 8 3 8 3 8 3 6 3 6 R 6 3 3 10 11 13 4 6 3 3 10 11 13 4 6 3 3 9 16 13 8 3 11 7 7 7 12 8 4 7 11 6 3 3 9 16 13 8 3 11 7 7 7 12 8 4 7 11 3 3 5 7 33 9 21 3 26 4 6 10 6 6 10 6 8 317 37 6 3 4 11 21 15 11 5 12 8 7 8 13 11 6 8 15 3 3 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 12 8 5 11 5 10 366 37 6 3 3 3 3 10 10 9 11 3 4 5 4 4 4 6 6 8 8 8 3 3 9 3 5 9 3 5 11 5 9 11 5 9 11 5 9 10 9 12 ^9. ??, 3 1? 13 15 4 4 11 q 4 4 4 8 8 12 3 12 3 12 3 9 11 15 14 5 9 11 15 14 5 9 11 15 15 5 10 10 14 15 5 10 10 14 3 16 5 10 10 14 3 12 6 9 8 12 5 12 6 9 8 12 6 12 6 8 8 13 6 12 6 8 8 13 6 12 6 8 8 13 6 4 7 9 13 8 6 8 10 1(1 16 10 16 10 11 11 19 11 22 11 22 8 16 19 14 13 7 3 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 7 6 7 7 9 7 9 9 16 5 3 6 7 33 9 21 3 26 4 6 10 6 6 10 5 _i 314 36 3 New Hampshire 5 6 8 7 6 7 12 12 6 7 12 12 6 7 12 12 7 8 19 14 3 7 8 19 14 8 8 29 15 8 8 8 29 15 8 8 8 29 15 8 8 8 36 15 16 8 8 36 15 16 7 8 42 15 21 7 8 42 15 21 7 8 42 15 21 ,, 6 7 36 11 23 6 7 36 11 23 6 7 35 10 23 5 7 35 10 23 5 7 35 10 23 3 27 4 8 12 4 6 15 4 9 36 North Carolina (»hio 11 93 3 10 3 7 16 4 8 15 4 8 3 15 4 8 3 20 4 10 5 201 25 4 4 25 4 11 8 25 4 11 8 28 4 11 11 28 ao 30 .W 26 4 9 13 26 4 9 13 4 6 17 27 4 8 12 4 6 15 27 4 8 12 ♦ 5 15 30 4 4 4 4 11 11 15 15 4 South CaroUaa. 10 5 11 8 11 11 11 15 9 12 n 4 21 4 21 4 21 6 24 6 ft 8 25 8 25 7 24 7 24 .^ 7 7 23 23 6 17 4 12 24l 25 12 a' 6 1 4 5 6 296 31 5 303 33 11 Total 91 13 136 16 138 138 176 17 176 218 221 19 235 24 261 24 261 24 28- 24 294 294 276 26 290 296 401 Number of States.... 16 16 17 18 26 26 1 31 38 BOOKvii.J TABULATED HlSTUllY— RANK OF STATES. 69 RANK OF STATES, WITH DIVISIONS OF POPUIiATION. State and Rank in the Union. Population. Females. Native. Foreign. White. Colored. 1 New York 2 Pennsylvania 3 Ohio 4 Illinois 5 Missouri 6 Indiana 7 Massachusetts , 8 Kentucky 9 Michigan 10 Iowa 11 Texas 12 Tennessee 13 Georgia 14 Virginia 15 North Carolina 16 Wisconsin 17 Alabama , 18 Mississippi 19 New Jersey 20 Kansas 21 South Carolina 22 Louisiana 23 Maryland 24 California 25 Arkansas 26 Minnesota 27 Maine 28 Connecticut 29 West Virginia 30 Nebraska 31 New Hampshire.... 32 Vermont 33 Rhode Island 34 Florida _ 35 Colorado 36 Dist of Columbia.. 37 Oregon 38 Delaware 39 Utah 40 Dakota 41 New Mexico 42 Washington 43 Nevada 44 Arizona 45 Montana 46 Idaho ,. 47 Wyoming 5,083,810 4,282,786 3,198,239 3,078,7r,9 2,10h,K04 1,978,302 1,783,012 1,648,708 i,63(;,3;}i 1,024,020 1,592,574 1,542,403 1,539,048 1,512,806 1,400,047 1,815,480 1,202,794 1,131,592 1,130,983 995,966 995,022 940,103 934,032 804,080 802,564 780,806 618,945 622,083 618,443 452,433 340,984 332,286 270,528 267,351 194,049 177,638 174,767 146,654 143,900 1.35,180 118,430 75,120 62,265 40,441 39,157 32,611 20,786 2,500,283 2,577,527 2,130,035 2,140,151 1,011,105 1,5«4,074 1,587,4,33 1.491,336 1,1J7,4.'4 1, on, 380 l,01o,r,70 907,086 858.475 924,537 8,32,076 816,032 862,270 774,055 848.2.34 770,386 83.s,719 7.^i3.8.55 709,374 773,089 701,184 777,804 745,839 700,907 688,203 711,844 680,100 035,374 622.890 039,904 507,137 504,455 559,823 571,160 536,725 459,241 490,409 5115,153 468,833 471,270 462,004 472.628 518,271 346 415 410,.383 .380,181 419,204 301,544 324,084 324,861 305,886 310,797 314,479 303,964 249,275 203,158 170,575 170,409 166 888 10.1,398 l3:!,o:;3 143,405 135,393 131,958 129.471 05,178 83,594 94,044 103,.3S8 71,379 74,1.53 72,501 74,470 09,436 82,302 52,818 63,751 54.679 45,977 29,143 42,013 20,252 28,2<12 12.2.39 28,180 10,977 21.818 10,793 14,1. -.1 6,637 3,872.372 1,211.438 3,695,253 587 ,.533 2,803,409 394,743 2,495,177 58.3,592 1,957,504 211,240 1,834,597 143,765 1,339,919 443.093 l,589,2:i7 59,471 1,247,985 388,346 1,36.3,132 201,488 1,478,0,58 114,510 1,525,881 10,582 1,528,733 10,.315 1,498.139 14.667 1,396,308 3,079 910,003 4<J5,417 1,253,121 9,673 1,122,429 9,168 909,.398 221, .585 880,201 109,705 987,981 7,041 885,904 54,139 851,:t84 82,648 572,0<l0 292,080 792 2(i9 10,295 513,107 207,099 590,070 58,869 492,879 129,804 600,214 18,229 355,043 97,390 300,901 40,023 291,340 40,946 202,598 73,930 257,031 9,720 154,809 39.780 160,523 17,115 143 327 30,440 137,1.S2 9,472 99,974 43,932 83,387 51.793 108,498 9,932 59,259 15,861 36.023 25.042 24,419 15,022 27,040 n,.515 22,i'29 9,982 14,943 5,845 6,017,116 00,694 4,197,101; 85,080 3,118.341 79,895 3,032,174 40,595 2,023,.508 1 L'siie 1,939,094 39.268 l,VA,mn 19,008 1,377.187 27 1,, 521 1,614,07« 22.253 l,614,60fl 9,954 1,197,499 395,075 1,139,120 403,343 814,251 724,797 880,981 631,825 807,478 632 569 1,309,622 5,858 662,328 000,466 479,371 052,221 1,091,947 39,036 952,050 43,910 391,224 604,398 455,007 485.096 724,718 2i«,914 767,200 97,420 591,611 210,953 776,940 3,866 646,903 2,042 610,884 11,799 592,006 2.1,837 449,.'soo 2.027 346,264 720 331,243 1,043 269,931 6,597 141,832 12.i,519 191,452 3,197 118,2:36 59,402 163,087 11,680 120,198 20,456 142,380 1,526 133,177 2,003 108,127 10,303 67,349 7.771 53,574 8.C91 35,178 5,263 35,440 3,711 29,011 .3.000 19,430 1,35S Totals 50,l.'^2,Sf.6 25,,520,582 24.032,284 43,475,,506 6,077.360 43,404,870 6,747,99« 70 AMERICAN POLITICS. [hook tix. AREA AND ADMISSION OF STATES. Historical and Statistical Table of the United States and Territories, showing the Area of each in Square MUc* and Acres; the Date of Orga'ization of Territories : Date of Admission of New States into th» Union, with Statutory References for each. The Thirteen Obioijjal States. Ratified the Constitution. Area of the Original States. In Square Miles In Acres. Kew Hampshire Ma.ssachusetts Rhode Island Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia — East and West Nortii Carolina South Carolina Georgia June 21, Feb. 0, May 29, Jan, 9, July 20, Dee. 18, Dec. 12, Dec. 7, April 28, June 25, Nov. 21, May 23, Jan. 2, 1788 1788 1790 1788 1788 1787 1787 1787 1788 1788 1789 1788 1788 7,800 1.306 4,750 47,000 8,320 46,000 2,120 11,124 61,352 50.704 34,000 58,000 5,939,200 4,992.000 835,840 3.040,000 30,0811,000 5 ,324,800 29.440,000 1,3,50,800 7,119,300 39,205,280 32,450,560 21,700,000 37,120,000 States Admitted. Kentucky Vermont Tennessee Ohio Louisiana Indiana Mississippi Illinois Alabama Maine Missouri Arkansas Michigan Florida Iowa Texas Wisconsin California Minnesota Oregon Kansas West Virginia.. Nevada Nebraska Colorado Act Organizing Territory. (<^ut of Virsrinia. ) OutofN.H. AN. Y. ,' Mit of N. C.» Ordu'e of 1787 March 3. 1805 May 7, 18o'l April 7, 1798 Feb. 3, 18(i9 March" 3, 1817 (Out of Mass.) June 4, 1812 March 2, 1819 Jan. 11, 1805 March 31, 1822 June 12, 1838 (Annexed.) April 20, 1836 (From Mexico.) March 3, 1849 Aus. 14, 18+8 May 30, 1.S54 (Out of Virginia.) March 2, 1861 May 30, 1854 Feb. 28, 1801 Act Admitting State. Admission Took Efifeot. In Sq. Miles. Feb. Feb. June .April April Dec. Dee. Dee. Dec. 4, 18, 1, 30, 8, n, 10, 3, 14, March 3, March 2, .lune I'l, Jan. 26, I\Iar(>h 3, Marcih 3, IMareh 1, March 3, Sept. 9, M^y 4, Feb. 14, Jan. 29, Dec. 31, March 21, F.b. 9, March .3, 1791 1791 1796 1S02 1812 1816 1817 1818 1819 18J0 1S21 1830 1837 1845 1845 1845 1847 l.S,50 1858 1859 1801 1S02 1804 1807 1875 June 1, March 4, June 1, ^ov. 29, April 30, Dec. 11, Dec. 10, Dec. 3, Dec. 14, March 15, Aug. 10, June 1.5, Jan. 20, March 3, Dee. 28. Dec. May Sept. May Feb. Jan June 19, Oct. 31, March 1, Aug. 1, 1792 1791 1790 1^02 1812 ISlO 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1836 1837 1845 1840 1845 1848 18.50 18.58 1859 1801 1803 1864 1867 1870 37,080 9,612 45,000 39.964 41,346 33,809 47,156 55.410 50,722 35,000 05.350 52,198 56,451 59,208 55,045 274,356 ,53.924 1,57,801 ,S3,,531 95,274 80,(<9l 23.000 112,090 75,995 104,500 In Acres. 24,115,200 6,151,080 29,184,000 25,576,900 26,461,440 21,637,760 30,1(9,840 35,462,400 32,462,080 22,400,000 41,824,000 33.406.720 36,128,640 37,931,520 35,228,800 175.587,840 34,.511 300 100,992,('-10 53,4,59,840 60,975,300 51,770,240 14,720,000 71,737,600 48,t;36,800 66,880,000 ORGANIZATION AND AREA OF TERRITORIES. Act Organizing Territory. U.S. Statutes. Area of the Territories. Tebritories. Vol. Page. In Sq. Miles. In Acres. Sept. 9, 1850 Sept. 9, 1850 March 2, 18.53 March 2, 1801 Feb. 24, 1863 March 3, 180:! May 20, 1804 July 2.5, 1,S08 June 30, 18,34 July 10, 1790 March 3, 1791 July 27, 1868 9 9 10 12 12 12 13 15 4 1 1 15 440 453 172 239 0()4 808 85 178 729 139 214 240 121,201 84,476 69,994 150,932 113,916 80,294 14:^,776 97,833 08,991 } t64 577,390 77,568,040 Utah 54,004,t;40 44,790,l(iO 90,59(!,I80 72,9I10,,304 5.5,228,100 92,010,040 62.045,120 44,154,240 District of Columbia* ■{ Alaska* 41,0C0 365,529,000 * No Territorial government. t Reduced from 100 to 04 .square miles l)y recession of part to Virginia in 1846. Tho whole area of the Stjites and Territories, including water surface of lakes and rivers, is nearly equal to four million H<)uaro milcH. j RATIO OF RFPRESENTATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. From 1780 t.o 1792, according to Constitution,.. 30,ono " 1792 to lHO:i, ha.«erl on 1st census, 1790.... .3:1,000 " IKO3 to 1H12, " 2d " 1800... 33,000 " 1S12 to IH'23, " .3d " 1810... 35,000 " \'*Z\ to \K.vi, •' 4th " 1820... 'Kl.ono " 18:!2 to 1813, " Cth " 1830.... 47,700 From 1813 to 18.52, baaed on 6th census, 1840... 70,680 1H52 to 186.3, " 7th " 1850... 93,423 1803 to 1872, " 8th " 1800. ..127 ,381 lH72;ol882, " 9th " 1870...131,425 1882 to " 10th " 1880...154,325 BOOKvii.J TABULATED HISTORY— CIVIL OFFICERS. 71 liCNGTH OF SESSIONS OF CONGRESS, 1789-1881. No. of No. of (Jon- Sos- gress. sion. fist. ..March Ist -< 2d ...Jaiiiiury 4, 17;h) — Aufiiist (_:id...Dc'coiiiher 0, 17:h>— March ,, f lst...(>ctol)er 24, I7i»l— .May ^ 1. 2d ...November 6, 17il2— March -, fist... December 2, 17'.tU— June *^ (2(1 ...November 3, 17'J4— March .,, f 1st... December 7,170.') — Juno "'' 1 2d ...December 6, 17!tr.— March rist...May ir>, 17!t7— July 5th -< 2d ...November I'i, 17(*7— July |.;Jd ...December 3, 1798— March fi+h f lst..DecemV)er 2, 17!Ht— May °*" t2d ...November 17, 18M0— March _,, fist... December 7,1801 — May '*" 1 2d ....December 0, 18(I2— March ... fist.. .October 17, IHO:!— March *•'" t 2d ...November 5, 1804— March J 1st... December 2, I8U.-)— .\pril '" l2d-L>et-ember 1, ISOti— March ,,,., fl.st October 26, 1807— April ^ '" \ 2d ...November 7, 1808— March (1st. ..May 22, 1809— June 11th < 2d ...November 27, I80i)— May (3d.. December 3, 1810— March ,.,,, fist. ..November 4, 1811— July ^^'■" 1 2d ...November 2, 1812— March flst...May 24, 1813— August 13th -{2d ...December fi, 1813— April (3d ...September 19, 1814— March ,.., fist... December 4, 181.")— ,\pril ■'*'''' \2d ...December 2, 1810— March .,., f 1st... December 1, 1817— April *°"» \ 2d ...November li3, 1818— March M-ih f lst...December 6, 1819— May ^^^'^ \ 2d ...November 1.3, 1820— March „ , fist... December 3, 1,S21— May ^''" 1 2d ...December 2, 1822— March ^r.,. fist. ..December 1, 1823— May ^"^^ 1 2d ...December G, 1824— March 19th fist... December 6, 182.')— Mav 1 2d ...December 4, 1826— March „,,., fist... December 3, 1827- M.ay ■'""^ t2d ..December 1, 1828— March 21st 22d 2."^ fist... December 7, 1829— May (2d ...December 6, l8.io— March f lst...December 5, 1831— July I2d ...December 3, 1832— March f Ist. ..December 2, 1833— June ( 2(1 ...December 1, 1834— March „,iv fist ..December 7,183.5 — luly ■"^^ 1 2d ...December 6, 1830— March (Ist. ...September 4, 1.S37— October 25th < 2d ...December 4, 1837— July (3d ...December 3, 1838 — March Time of Session. 4, 1789— Sept/'mber 29, 12 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 i 806 1807 1808 1809 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1813 1814 1815 181G 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1820 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 183t 1835 1836 1837 18.37 1838 1839 2Gth No. of No. of Con- Scs- gress. sioa. fist... December (2d ...December (1st... May 27th -; 2d ...December (3d ...December member imber 28th f lst...Decet I2d ...Decer 30th oofh fist... December ^■'^"^ 1 2d ....December fist... December \'Zd ...December Qiof f 1st.. December '^'■^^ (2d ...December „^> f lst...DecemV)er **"" (2d ...December „„j fist... December ^^ 1 2d ...December (1st. ..December 34th -{ 2d ...August (3d ...December qciv, fist. ..December .JOtn 1 2d ..December ■icth fist... December ^^'^ (2d ...December (•l.st...July 37th < 2d ...December (3d ...December oQtK fist... December ^'^^^ 1 2d ...December „nj„ fist. ..December '^•'^" 1 2d ...December I 1st... March " ...July " ...November 2d ...December 3d ...December Time of Session. 2, 1R39— July 21, 7, 1840— March 3, 31, 1841— September 13, 31, 3, 17, 3, 1", 3, !■*, 3, 6, 1811 — August 5, 1842— March 4, 1H43— June 2, 1844-.March 1, 1845 -August 7, 1846— March 6, 1847— August 4, 1848— March 3, 1849— September 30, 2, 18.>o— March 1, 1851— August 6, 1852— March 2, 18.53— August 4, 18.54— March .5, 1855 — August 21, 18,56— August 1, 1856- March 7, 18.57— June 6, 1858— March 5, 18.59— June 3, 1800... March 4, 1861— August 2, 1801— Julv 1, 1802— March 7, 1863— July 5, 1864— March 4, 1865— .July 3, 1806— March 4, 1867— March 3, 1807— July 21, 1867— December 2, 1807- July 7, 1808— March 3, 31, 3. 7, 3, 18, 30, 3, 14, 3, 25, 4, fi, 17, 4, 4, 4, 28, 4, 30. 20, 2, 27, 4, 1840 1«41 1841 1«42 184.3 1814 1845 ls4U 18*7 184S 1849 18.50 1851 18.52 1853 18.54 1855 1856 1856 18-57 1858 1859 18G0 1861 1801 1802 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1807 1867 1867 1868 1869 (1st.. 4l3t -^2d.. (3d.. (1st.. 42d V2d.. (3d.. .March 4, 1809— April 23, 1800 .December 6, 1809— July 16, '870 .December 6, 1870— March 4, 1871 March 4, 1871— April 20, 1871 .December 4, 1871 — June 10, 1872 .December 2, 1872— March 4, 1873 43d fist. t2d.. fist. 45th -<2d- (3d .. (1st.. 46th -( 2d .. (3d.. 47th .December .December .December .December 1, 1873— June 7, 1874— March 6, 1875 — August 4, 1876— March 23, 1874 4, 1875 15, 1876 4, 1877 .October 15, 1877— December 3, 1877 -December 3, 1877— June 20, 1878 .December 2, 1878— March 4, 1879 .March 18, 1879— July 1, 1879 .December 1, 1879— June 16, 1880 .December 6, 1880— March 4, 1881 ...December 5, 1882- CrVIIi OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. The following table is made up from the official statements of the heads of the various Departments of the Government, sent to Congress in August, 1876, in response to a Senate resolution, showing the number of civil officers employed by each Department from 1859 to 1875. 1859. 1875. Department of State 367 4.30 Treasury Department 3,778 12,482 War Departuieut 339 1,4^9 Navy Department 90 131 Postotfire Dep.artment 30.817 44,897 Interior Department 1,081 2,475 Departmenc of Justice 5 ^23 36,397 62,427 Note. -It is to be understood that'the above includes all officers and employees of the Gfovemment at Washington and throughout the country, except those in the military and naval service. The num- ber has since been somewhat decreased by a reduction of revenue officers — the precise figures not being officially reported. 72 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VI!. SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 'Chief Justices. 1 John Jay*. John Rutledgef Oliver Ellsworth*.. John Marshall. Roger B. Taney.. Salmon P. Chase- Morrison R. Wftite. Associate Justices. State Whence Appointed. South Carolina.. New York Kentucky Massachusett.'?... Maryland New York John Rutledge* South Carolina., William Gushing j Massachusetts... James Wilson [Pennsylvania.... John Blair* Virginia Robert H. Harrison* iMaryland . Jame.« Iredell North Carolina. Thomas Johnson* Maryland William Patterson New Jer.sey South Carolina.. Samuel Chase [Maryland ! Connecticut Bushr'd Washington Virginia Alfred Moore*. North Carolina . Virginia William Johnson Brockh't Livingston. Thomas Todd Josepli Story Gabriel Duval* Smith Thompson Robert Trimble j Kentucky John McLean 'Ohio Henry Baldwin I Pennsylvania James M. WayneJ Georgia I Maryland Philip P. Barbour Virginia John Catron [Tennessee John MoKinley [.\labama Peter V. Daniel Virginia Samuel Nelson* iNew York... Levi Woodbury New Hampshire.. Roberto. Grier* Pennsylvania Benjamin R. Curtis* ! Massachusetts Jolin A. Campbell* [Alabama Nathan Clifford Maine Noah H. Swayne Ohio Samue! F. Miller Iowa David Davis* I Illinois Stephen J. Field (California lOhio William Strong* j Pennsylvania Joseph P. Brauf y.. Ward Hunt*.. John M. Harlan William B. Woods.. Gray Roscoe Conkling*. New Jersey., New York Ohio Kentucky Georgia Massachusetts. New York Term of Service. >-w\ pa Samuel Blatchford |New York , New York 1789-1795 1789-1791 89-1810 1789-1798 1789-1796 1789-1790 1790-1799 1791-1793 179:J-1806 1795-1795 1796-1811 1796-1801 1798-1829 1799-1804 1801-1835 1804-1834 1806-1823 1807-1826 1811-1845 1811-1836 1823-1845 1826-1828 1829-1801 1830-1841 1835-1807 1836-1804 1836-1841 1837-1865 18.37-1852 1841-1860 1845-1872 1845-1851 llf:46-1869 1851-1857 1853-1861 1858-. 1861-. 1862-. 18G2-1877 1866-. 1861-1873 1870-1880 1870-. 1872-. 1874-. 1877-. 1880-. 18S1- 1882-. 1882-. 1745 1829 1739:1800 l-;« 174z 1732 1745 175111799 173211819 1745 [1806 1739 1800 1741 j 1811 1745 1807 17621829 1755 1810 1755 1835 177lll834 1810 1798 1800 1790 1757 1765 1779 17.')2 1767 1777 1785 1779 1790 1777 1783 1778 1780 1785 179 1789 1794 1809 1811 1803 1805 1816 1815 1816 1808 1808 1H13 1811 1816 1833 1826 1823 1826 1845 1844 1845 1828 18C1 1846 1867 1864 1841 1865 1852 1860 1873 1851 1870 1874 * Resigned. f Presided one term of the court; appointment not confirmed by the Senate. X The Supreme Court, at its first session in 1790, consisted of a Chief Justice and five Associates. The number of Associate Justices was increased to six in 1807 by the appointment of Thom.as Todd ; increased to eight in 1837 by the appointmenis of John Catron and John McKinlcy ; increased to nine in 1863 by the appointment of Stephen J. Field ; decreased to eight on the death of John Catron in 1865; decreased to seven on the death of James M. Wayne in 1867; and again increased to eight in 1870, with a view to get the legal tender decision — a policy for such precedents are found in the governments of England and France. TOTAL NUMBER OP TROOPS CALLED INTO SERVICE DURING THE REBELLION.* The various calls of the President for men were as follows: 1861—3 months' men 7.5,noo 18r,]— 3 vears' men 50(i,i)(H) 1862—3 years' men 300,000 1K62— 9 months' men .300,000 1864—3 years' men, Ffhriinrv .500,000 ]«(,.] — 3 years' men, Marrh..." 200,000 I8i;4— 3 years' men, .Inly 500,000 1864—3 years' men, Deecmbor 300,000 Total 2,675,000 * These do not include the militia that were brought into service during the various invasions of Lee's armiea into Maryland and Penn.'^ylvania. BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— THE U. S. ARMY. 73 SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Name. P. A MuhlonherK Jonathan Tniinliull. P. A. Muhli-nberii; Jonathan Dayton Theodore Sedgwick. Nathaniel Macon Joseph B. Varnum.... Henry Clay Langdon Cheves Henry Clay , John VV. Tayior.'."!'.'.".'.! Philip P. Harbour ..... Henry Clay John W. 'I'aylor , Andrew Steplienson.. John Bell '.. James K. Polk Robert M. T. Huiitor John White John W. .Ionf>s John W. Davis Kobert C. Winthrop.. HowollCobb Linn Boyd Nathaniel P. Banks .. James L. Orr William Pennington.. Galusha .■\. Grow Schuyler Colfa.\ James G. Blaine Mir-hael C. Kerr Samuel J. Randall Warren B. Keifer Ponn.sylvania Connecticut Pennsylvania..., New Jersey Massachusetts.. North Carolina.. Massachusetts. Kentucky S C, 2d Sess!!!'. Kentucky Term of Service. New York, 2d Virginia Kentucky , New York Virginia Tennessee, 2d Sess. Virginia Kentucky Virginia Indiana Massachusetts.. Georgia Kentucky Massachusetts. South Carolina.. New Jersey Pennsylvania .. Indiana Maine.. Indiana Penna., 2d Sess. Ohio.. 1st Congress. 2d ^ 3d 4th " 6th '• Gth '• 7th 8th « 9th " loth " nth " 12tn " 13th " 13th " 14th " 15th " lGtl» " IGth " 17th " 18th " 19th " 20th " 21st " 22d 23d " 23d " 24th " 25th " 2r,th " 27th " 28th " 29th " 30th " 31st " ,32d " 33d " 34th " 35th " .3Cth " 37th " 38th " 39th " 40th " 41st " 42d " 43d 44th " 44th " 45th 4r,th "• 47 th " April Oct. Dec. Dec. May Dec. Dec. Oct. Dec. Oct. May Nov. May Jan. Dec. Dec. Dec. Nov. Dec. Dec. Dec. Dec. Dee. Dec. Dec. June Dec. Sept. Dec. May Dec. Dec. Dec. Dec. Dec. Dec. Feb. Dec. Feb. July Dec. Dec. .March llan-h March Dec. Dec. Dec. Oct. March Dec. 1, 178'J, 24, 17!)1, 2, 1793, 7, 1795, 15, 1797, 2, 1799, 7, l8(ll, 17, 1803, 2, 1805, 2G, 1807, 22, 1809, 4, 1811, 24, 1813, 19, 1814, 4 181.5, 1; 1817, f), 1819, 15, 1820, 4, 1821, 1, 1823, 5, 1825, 3, 1827, 7, 1829, 5, 1831, 2, 1833, 2, 1834, 7, 1835, 5, 18.37, IG, 18.39, 31, 1841, 4, 1843, 1, 1845, fi, 1847, 22, 1849, 1, 1851, 5, 1853, 2, 185G, 7,^8.57, 1, 18G0, 4, 18G1, 7, 1803, 4, 1865, 4, 1867, 4, 18G9, 4, 1871, 1, 1873, 6, 1875, 4, 187G, 15, 1877, 18, 1879, 5, 1881, to .March 4, to M:irch 4, to .March 4, to Marcli 4, to .March 3, to .Mar(!h 4, to .March 4, to .Alarch 4, to iMarch 4, to .March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to Jan. 19, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to May 15, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to June to March to .March to March to March to March to March to March to IMarch to .March to March to March to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to .March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to Aug. 20, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, to March 4, 1791 1793 1795 1797 1799 18(Jl 1803 18(J5 18U7 1809 1811 1813 1814 1815 1817 1819 1820 1821 1823 1825 1827 1829 1831 1833 1834 1835 1837 18 » 1841 1843 1845 1847 1849 1851 1853 1855 1857 1859 1861 1863 1865 1867 1869 1871 1873 1875 1876 1877 1879 1881 1882 THE UIVITED STATES ARMY DURING THE GREAT CFVII. WAR OF 1861-1865. The following statement shows the number of men furnished by each State : States. months Maine 771 New Hampshire... 779 Vermont 782 Massachusetts 3,736 Rhode Island 3,147 Connecticut' 2,402 13,906 3,123 20,175 Pennsylvania 775 Maryland West Virginia 900 Dist. of Columbia. 4,720 Ohio 12,357 4,G86 4,820 781 riinois Michigan Wisconsin 817 Men furnished under Aegreeate Act of April 15, 18G1, No.'of white for 75,(1110 militia men fur- for three nishod under all calls. 71,745 34,605 35,246 151,785 23,711 57,270 464,1.56 79,511 366,326 13,G51 49,731 32,003 16,872 317,133 195,147 258,217 90,119 96,118 States. Minnesota Iowa Missouri Kentucky Kansas Tennessee Arkansas North Carolina. California Nevada Oregon Washington Torr'y. Nebraska Colorado Dakota New Mexico Men furnished Act of .\pril l.'i for 75,11011 mil for three months. 930 968 10,501 650 under Aggrecate , 1.S61, No.'of white itia men fur- nished undec all calls. 25,034 75,860 108,773 78,540 20,097 12,077 Total. 1,610 93,326 7,451 216 617 895 1,279 1,763 |181 2,395 2,688^23 74 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. TABIiK Ebdilbitlnig, by States, the Aggregate of Colored and Drafted Troops famished to the Uulon Army, 1861-1865, ^vith Bounties paid by l^tates. Col"d Troops States & Tekbi- , furnished TOBIES. 1861-65. Connecticut 1,764 Maine 104 Massachusetts 3,966 New Hampshire... 125 Rhode Island 1,837 Vermont 120 New England States 7,916 Kew Jersey 1,185 New York 4,125 Pennsylvania 8,612 Middle States 13,922 Colorado Ter 95 Dakota Ter Illinois 1,811 Indiana 1,537 Iowa 440 Kansas 2,080 Michigan 1,387 Minnesota 104 Nebraska Ter New Mexico Ter Ohio 5,092 Wisconsin 165 Western States & Territories 12,711 California Nevada Oregon Washington Ten. Pacific States Number Drafted. 12,031 27,324 41,582 10,806 4,3Jl 7,743 103,807 32,325 151,488 178,873 60,^00 38,395 203,924 Bounties paid by States. S 6.887.554 Co I'd Troops States & Tekei- furnished TORIES. 1861-65. Delaware 954 7,837,644 Dist. Columbia 3,269 22,965,550 I Kentucky 23,703 9,636.313 j Maryland 8,718 820,769 [ Missouri 8,344 4,528,775 West Virginia 196 52,676,605 ! Border States 45,184 23,86<<,967 86,629.228 43,154,987 362,686 153,653,182 32.085 17,296,205 41.158 '9,182, -1.54 7,548 1,615,171 1,420 57,407 22,122 9,664,855 10,796 2,000,464 23,557,373 5,855,356 69,229,185 Alabama 4,969 Arkansas 5,526 Florida. 1,014 Georgia Louisiana 3,486 Mississippi 17,869 North Carolina 5,0.35 South Carolina ... . 5,462 Tennessee 20,133 Te.xas 47 Virginia Southern States.... 63,571 Indian Nation Colored Troops* Grand Total 173,079 At large Not accounted for Officers 733 5,083 7,122 186,017 106,412 Bounties Number paid by States. Drafted. 8,635 1,136,599 14,338 134,010 29,421 692,577 29,319 6,271,992 21,519 1,282,149 3,180 864,737 10,382,064 776,829 285,941,036 * This gives colored troops enlisted, in the States in rebellion; besides this there were 92.576 colored troops, included fwith the white soldiers) in the quotas of the several States; the 3d column gives the ag- gregate of coloreu, but many enlisted South were credited to Northern States. Number of Troops from each of the old Thirteen States, enlisted during the Revolu- tionary AVar, 1775-1783, iuclucUng Continental Soldiers and Militia. Compiled and condensed from the Report of the Secretary of War, May 10, 1790. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. 1, p. 14 to 19. 1775. 1776. 1777. 1778. 1779. 1780. 1781. 1782. 4,019 4,483 1,783 1,226 1,777 700 744 20,372 12,591 13,437 7,7.38 7,8.^9 5,298 4,423 13,127 6,563 4,010 3,544 3,687 3,921 1,732 1,900 2,048 3,056 1,2(53 915 464 481 8,094 5,332 2,194 3.756 4,847 1,178 1,198 9,086 2,908 2,586 1,276 1,267 823 660 ]0,.305 9,464 3,684 3,470 3,337 1,346 1,265 754 1,299 349 317 556 89 164 3,329 7,565 3,307 2,849 2,065 2,107 1,280 6,181 11,013 7,830 8,573 6,986 6,119 2,204 4,134 1,281 1,287 4,920 3,000 3,545 1,105 6,0(!9 2,000 3,650 4,500 6,000 3,000 2,000 2,301 2,173 3,873 837 750 750 750 89,761 68,720 51,040 44,275 43,076 29,340 18,006 1783. New Hampshire.. Massachusetts Connecticut Rhode Island New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina... South Carolina.... Georgia Total. 2,824 16,444 4,607 1,193 2,075 400 3,180 2,000 4,1 K)0 1,000 37,303 733 4,370 1,740 372 1,169 h76 1,598 2:-l5 974 629 697 139 145 13,477 Last AVar with Great Britain, 1813-1815. The whole number of Officers and Men in the Regular Service cannot be accurately given, lowing table at dificrent periods of the war is the nonrost approximation that can be made: The whole Militia Force raised during the war was .11,210 officers; +10,412 men ; total, l71,62li. CfUtual ties reported during the war of 1812-15: Killed, 1,877; wounded, 3,737; total, 5,61i. The fol- Date. Officers. Men. Total. Date. Officers. Men. Total. July 1812 ;!0l 1,470 6,385 6.686 September, 1814 Feoruary, 1816 2,395 2,396 36,791 31,028 38 186 February, 1813 17,600 19,030 33,424 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— THE U. S. ARMY. 75 Number of Aleu and Catiualtlcs In the Regular and Volunteer Forces diirlnc the AVur With niexlco, 1846-48. State. Whole „ ., ^"•"- ^ed ber. Died of W'ds. Woun- ded. State. Whole Num- ber. Kill- ed. Died of W'ds WO'Q- ded. Roijinlar Army, includ- in>; MaritiDS 27,500 530 408 2,102 No wJerscy Volunteers New York do North Carolina do Oliio do Pennsylvania do South Carolina do Tennessee do Texas do Virginia do Wisconsin do Mormons do Ke-mustered Volun- teers formed out of 12 mos. Volunteers.. Total 425 2,:«to 9."{5 6,.'i36 2,503 1,077 5,805 8,018 1,320 146 585 844 3,(120 i,;«3 24 19 <56 Arkansa.s do 10 2 32 571 370 2,l;i2 4,58 "i 18 21 30 43 42 39 102 210 129 29 4 14 20 4 (icort^ia do Illinois do 8(; 47 8 160 92 12 Kentucky do 4,8 II 7,!»47 1,. •!.-,.-) l,ll.-.7 !,!(« 2,t2J 7,016 78 13 8 4 2 3 lOi 8 21 Louisiana do Maryland ADC.do . 4 1 Mi<'niKan do Mississippi do Missouri do...... 3 54 20 4 3 los 46 101,282 1,049 508 3,420 The number of casualties in the volunteer and regular armies of the United States, during the war of ISOl-O.'i, was reported by the Provc^.st-Marshal (ieneral in 1866. Killed in battle, 61,362; died of wounds, 34,727 ; died of disease, 183,287; total died, 279,376; total de- serted, 199,105. Number of soldiers in the Confederate service, who died of wounds or disease (partial statement), 133,821; deserted (partial statement), 101,428. Number of United States troops captured during the war, 212,608; Confederate troops captured, 476,169. Number of United States troops paroled on the field, 16,431; Confederate troop.s paroled on the field, 2iS,'m. Number of United States troops who died while prisoners, 29,725; Confederate troops who died while prisoners, 26,774. GE^NKRALS OF THE ARMY. The f illowing is a list of generals who have commanded the army since 1775, with the dates of com- mand as far as can be ascertained from the official records : Major-General George Washington, June 15, 1775, to December 23, 1783. Major-General Henry Kno.x, December 23, 1783, to June 20, 1784. Lieutenant-Colonel Josiah Harmer, general-in-chief by brevet, September, 1788, to March, 1791. Major-General Arthur St. Clair, March 4, 1791, to March, 1792. Major-General Anthony Wayne, .\pril 11, 1792, to December 15, 1796. Major-General James Wilkinson, Docomber 15, 1796, to Jul3', 1798. Lieutenant-Goneral George Washington, July 3, 1798, to his death, December 14, 1799. Major-General James Wilkinson, June, ISOO, to January, 1812. Major-General Henry Dearborn, January 27, 1812, to June, 1815. Major-General Jacob Brown, June, 1815, to February 21, 1828. Major-General .Me.xander Macomb, May 24, 182*^, to June, 1841. Major-General Winfield Scott (brevet lieutenant-general), June, 1841, to November 1, 1861. Major-General George B. McClellan, November 1, 1861, to .March 11, 1862. Major-General Henry W. Halleck, July 11, 1S62, to March 12, 1864. Lieutenant-tionoral Ulysses S. Grant, March 12, 1864, to July 25, 1866, and as General to March 4, 1869. General William T. Sherman since March 4, 1869. At one period, l)ctween 1781 and 1789, while the entire army as organized, consisted of a small corps of artillery, the corps was commanded by a captain. STATISTICS OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY, 17S9-1879. The following table exhibits the strength of the regular army of the United States, from 1789 to 1879, as fixed by acts of Congress. The figures are for the aggregate of officers and men; Year. Strength of Armv. 1789 1 Regiment Infantrv, 1 Bat. Art 840 1792 Indian Border Wars 6,120 1794 Peace estahlishnieiit 3,629 1801 5,141 1S07 3,278 1810 7.154 1S12 War with Great Britain 11,831 1815 9,413 1817-1821 Peace establishment 9,9SO 1822-18,32 " " 6,184 1333-1837 " " 7.198 1838-1842 Florida War 12,.'>39 la4J-1846 Peace eatablishmeut B,613 Year. Strength of Armv. 1847 Mexican W'ar 17,812 1848 " " ,30.8!ti) 18ip-ia.55 Peace establishment Io.:i20 18">r,-1861 " " 12,931 1862 Civil War 39.273 1863-1866 " " 4^Xii 18(i7 Peace establishment 51.641 1868-1869 1870 1871 1872-1874 1875-1879 1879-1882 52,922 37,313 a'i,3i3 32.261 27,4,89 ^,OUU 76 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. THE ARMIES OF THE \V'ORIjD. CoUXTEIEa. Argentine Bepublic, Austria^Sungary Belgium Bolivia Brazil Canada (Dominion).. Chili China Colombia Denmaik E.gJTt France Germany Great Britain and Ireland. Greece 1 India, British. Italy. Japan Luxembourg. Mexico Netherlands .. Norway Persia Peru Portugal Koumania Russia Servia Spain Sweden Switzerland.... Turkey United States. Uruguay.... Venezuela . Army. War Footing. Cost of Army. Dollars. 8,283 J Army and Navy. 1 4,514,018 290,218 1,021,092 £0,r,80,uOO 40,277 103,083 8,787,909 4,022 10,500 l,120,91ii 32,000 10,862,496 3,000 655,000 1,013,944 3,516 700 000 28,274 1,260,000 30,000 2,CO0 288,000 35,703 50,000 2,406,109 62,920 128,000 1 Army and Navy. 4,452,422 470,000 1,750,000 100,007,623 419,659 1,034.524 92,573,403 133,720 370,501 65,161,015 12,397 30.000 1,494,800 5S.170 144,700 70,875,960 199,577 807,.509 37,>.83,755 35,380 50,240 7,506,000 513 1IK),480 22,387 01.803 / Army and Navy. 100,000 10,200,990 12,750 18,000 1,480,760 28,400 108,500 3,400,000 13,200 35,733 75,000 4,342,928 130,158 144,668 3,310,198 787,900 1,671,674 144,215,615 14,150 150,000 809,138 330,000 400.000 49,140,491 30,495 156.970 3.579.940 100,102 203.262 2,419,213 157,007 618,100 24,763,095 20,000 2,895,469 37,082,735 4,000 24,000 1 Army and Navy. 2,304,100 5,494 STATEMENT SHOWIKG THE EXPENDITURES, far as ascertained, necessarily growing out of the War of the Rebellion, from, July 1, 1861, to June 30, iS70, inclusive. APPROPRIATION. Expen.'ies of national loans and currt-ncy Premiums Interest on public debt Expenses oi collecting revenue from customs Judgment of Court of Claims Payments of judgments Court of Alabama Ulaims Salaries and expenses of Southern Clainis Commission Salaries and expenses of American and British Claims Commission Award to British claimant-* Tribunal of arbitration at Geneva Salaries and expen-ies of .Mabama Claims Commission Salaries and <'ontini;ent expenses of Pension Office Salaries and contingent expenses of War Department Salaries and contingent expenses of Executive Departm'nt (exclusive of Pension office and War Department) Expenses of assessing and collecting niternal revenue Miscellaneous accounts Subsistence of the .\rmy Quartermiister's Department Incidental expenses of (Quartermaster's Department Transportation of the Army Transportation of officers and their baggagi Clothing of the Army Purchase of horses for cavalry and artillery Barracks, quarter.^, etc Heating and cooking; stoves Pay mileage, general expenses, etc., of the Army Pay of two and three years' volunteers Pay of three months' volunteers Pay, etc., of one hundred days' volunteens Pay of militia and vohinteers P)iy, etc . to officers and men in the Department of the Missouri... Pay and supi»li'-s i>f ono hundred clays' volunteers Bounty to vobmteers and regulars on enli-'tment Bounty to volunteers and their widovv.s and legal heirs Additional bounty act of July 28, 1800 Gross Expenditure. Expenditure | Expenditure other than for growing out nf the war. I the war. 851,522,730 77 $51,522,730 77 59,738,167 73 1,809,301,485 19 99,090,808 31 5,516,260 75 9,315,7.53 19! 371,321 82j 295,878 54 i 1,929,819 OOi 244,815 40 253,231 12 7,095,968 05 15,331,956 58 33,944,017 112,803,841 2,004,199 420,04 1, o:',7 357,51S,il0i; 101,528,573 407,403.324 4.026,219 350,6.>l,4i!6 13n,!ll)ii,702 4'.),S7'.',009 4S7,.'<.si 184,473,721 1,041,102,702 ,SS6,305 14,380,778 6,120,952 59,738.107 73 $45,04.5,286 741 1,704,250,198 45 57,151,^50 44 42,539,257 87 551,626 07 4,964,034 68 9,31.5.753 19 371,321 82 295,878 54 1,929,S19 00 244,815 40 253,231 12 5,225,788 05 12,019,262 79 1,870,180 00 2,712,093 79 10,110,745 70 450,714 21 38,023,4.S9 17 ,58,0:!7,(>4S 95 10,185,839 74 70,069,439 25 1,601,000 00 11,107.586 11 4,318,339 51 18,801.822 89 39,1.50 00 100,388,991 79 84-1,1.50 55 4,824,877 68 3S,522,OI6 20 31.700,345 95 69,998,780 71 i 23,833, 112,803, 2,207, 381,417. 299,481, 85,342, 330,793, 3,025, 34.-1,543 120,072, 31,070, 448, 78,084 1,041,102 886, 14,3H0 6,126, ,271 97 ,841 31 ,485 61 ,548 58 ,917 63 ,733 (-3 ,SS5 56 ,219 HO ,SSI) 20 423 24 ,H46 59 731 45 729 47 702 .58 ,305 41 ,778 29 ,952 60 844,1.50 .55 4,824, H77 68 38,522,040 29 31,760,345 9fi 69,998,780 61 I BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— WAR EXPENDITURES. STATEMENT SHOWING THE EXPENDITURES [Continued] 77 APPROPRIATION. Collect'n and payment of bounty, ecc.to oolor'd so!dier8,etc ReimVmrsing States for moneys expended for payment of militiu-y service of the United States Defruying expenses of minute-men and voluntoers in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky... Refunding to States expenses incurred on account of v(jhinteers Reirnliursements to Baltimore for aid in construction of defensive works in 180:j Payment to members of certain military organizations in Kansas E.xpenses of recruiting Draft and substitute fund Medical and Hospital DepartmeDl Medical and .Surgical History and Statistics Medical Museum and Library Providing for comfort of sick, wounded and discharged sol dims Freedmen's Hospital and Asylum Artifieiiil limb.s and appliances - Ordnance service , Ordnance, ordnance stores and supplies , Armament of fortifieati ins National .armories, arsenals, &c Purchase of arms for volunteers and regular: Traveling expenses First Michigan Cavalry and California and Nevada Volunteers Payment of expenses under reconstruction acts Secret .Service Books of tiu'tics Medals of Hor.or Support of National Home for disabled volunteer soldiers Puulication of official records of w.ar of the rebellion Contingencies of the Army and Adjutant General's Depart ment , Payments under spenal acts of relief , Copying offlciiU reports Expf^nses of court of inquiry in 1.S58 and 18G9 United States police for Baltimore Preparing register of volunteers Army pensions Telegraph for military purposes Maintenance of gunboat fleet proper Keeping, transporting, and supplying prisoners of war Permanent forts and fortifications; .surveys for military defences ; contingencies of fortifications ; platform for cannon of large calibre, &c., from 1802 to 18(38 Construction and mainteriance of steam rams Signal service Gunboats on the Western rivers Supplying, transportinjs;, and delivering arms and muni tions of war to loyal citizens in States in rebellion against the Government of the United St.ites Collecting, organizing, and drilling volunteers Bridge-trains and equipage Tool and siege trains Completing the defenses of Washington Commutation of rations to prisoners of war in rebel States National cemeteries Purchase of Ford's Theatre Temporary relief to destitute people in District of Colum- bia Headstones, erection of headstones, p.ay of superintend- ents, and removing the remains of officers to national cemeteries Sta*e of Tennessee for keeping and maintaining United States military prisoners Capture of Jeff. Davis Removing wreck of gunboat Oregon in Chefunct River, Louisiana Support of Bureau of Refugees and Freedmen Claims for quartermaster's stores and commissary supplies Miscellaneous claims au<iited by Third .Vu-Hfor." Claims of loyal citizens for supplies furnished during the rebellion Payment for use of Corcoran .\rt Gallery Expenses of sales of stores and material Transportation of insane volunteer soldiers Horses and other property lost in military service Purchase of cemetery groumls near Columbus, Ohio Fortifications on the Northern Frontier Pay of the Navy Provisions of the Navy Clothing of the Navy.." Construction and repair Gross Expenditure. 8208,158 11 9,035,.512 80 597,178 30 31,297,242 60 96,152 00 296,097 28 2,.')ll8,(i39 91 9,713,873 13 46,954,140 83 196,048 32 55,000 00 2,2:!-2,78.'5 12 VS^,■^><^ 49 50l),J8i 21 6,lM,.'-):53 38 69,798,079 70 12,-330,710 88 29,730,717 63 76,378,935 13 84.131 .-JO 3,1:^8,905 94 081,587 42 172,508 15 29,.S9il 00 8.540,184 70 170,998 98 3,291,835 14 1,088,406 83 5,000 00 5,000 00 100,OiK) 00 1,015 45 437,744.192 2,500,OS5 80 5,244,084 32 7,059,411 GO 20,.S87,750 90 1,370,7.30 4 2_'2,209 7' 3,239,314 18 l,049,.5r.O 57 29,091, IIGO 57 1,413,701 75 702,250 00 912,283 01 320,030 r,-> 4,102,848 39 88,000 00 57,000 00 1,080,185 54 22,749 49 97,031 62 5,,500 00 11,454,237 30 850,220 91 94,223 11 4,170,304 54 12.'>,000 00 5.812 •13 1,000 00 4,281,724 91 ,500 00 083,748 12 144,540,073 90 32,771,931 10 2,709,491 98 170,007,781 25 Expenditure other than for the war. 1,270,073 56 1,845,376 47 1,561,001 07 3,834,140 87 2,118,238 79 $6,127,228 21 Expenditure growing out ot the war. 565,130 39 30,315,000 00 7,483,705 87 78,472 23 47,112 11 70,086,769 62 16,4i«,307 34 1.114,701 00 .35,8l>9,684 80 $268,158 11 9,635,512 85 697,178 30 31.297,242 00 96,152 00 296 0ri7 28 1,207,900 35 9,713,873 13 45,108,770 36 190,048 32 55,000 00 2,232,785 12 123,487 49 .5(t<l,2.><3 21 4,553„i31 71 55,933,032 83 10,218 472 09 23.603,489 32 76,3T8,93o 13 84,131 ,50 3,128,905 9t 681,-587 42 172,568 15 29,.S90 0) 8,.540,184 76 170,998 98 2,720,698 75 1,088,106 83 5,0(J0 00 5,000 00 100,00 1 00 1,015 45 407,429,192 80 2,.500,o85 80 5,244,684 32 7,r..59,411 60 13;4n3,99I 09 1,370,730 42 14.3,797 -56 3,-2.i9,314 18 1,649,-596 .57 29,091,066 57 1,413.701 75 702,250 00 912,283 01 320.6:36 62 4,162,848 39 88,000 00 57,000 00 l,080,ia5 54 22,749 49 97,031 62 5,.500 00 11,4.54,2.37 .30 850,220 91 47,111 UO 4,170,304 54 1 2-5,1 KK1 00 5,s42 43 1-000 00 4,281,724 91 .5<K) 00 6.^3,748 12 74,4ti2,:io4 34 l(s3r,s,i;23 82 1.. 594,790 98 134,178,096 G5 78 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. STATEMENT SHOWING THE EXPENDITURE*.— [Continued:] APPROPRIATION. Equipment of vessels Ordnance Surgeons' necessaries Yards and docks Fuel for the Navy Hemp for the Navy Steam machinery Navigation Naval hospitals Magazines • Marine corp«, pay, clothing, <fec Naval Academy Naval Asylum, Philadelphia Temporary increase of the Navy Miscellaneous appropriations Naval pensions Bounties to seamen Bounty for destruction of enemy's vessels. Indeninity for lost clothing $25,174,614 38,063,357 2,178,709 33,6(8,156 19,952,754 2,836,916 49,297,318 2,526,247 875,452 753,822 10,726,906 2,(i4<1,440 652,049 8,123,766 2,614,044 7.540,043 2,821,530 271,309 389,025 Expenditure Expenditure other tlian for growing out of the war. the war. $6,641,263 30 241,025 68 3,337,854 52 8,612,521 G8 1,938,664 42 375,789 40 349,290 48 8,969,290 82 778.308 86 65,394 00 950,000 00 Total expenditures $0,844,571,431 03j $054,641,522 45 $6,189,929,908 58 $25,174, 31,422, 1,937, 30,300, 11,310, 898, 49,297. 2,520. 499. 404, 7,757, 1,802: 686. 8,123 2,614 6,590, 2,821 271 389, 614 53 ,094 37 ,744 06 ,302 07 ,232 08 ,252 27 ,.318 57 ,247 00 ,662 94 ,531 65 ,016 18 .132 01 ,065 89 ,766 21 ,044 77 ,043 00 530 10 ,309 28 ,025 33 Note.— Only the appropriations from which war expenditures were made are included in the above. NATlONAIi DEBTS, EXPENDITURE AND COMMERCE, PER CAPITA. Debt per head. Annual Annual Annual expenditure imports exports per head. per head. per head. $39.07 $12.04 $20.31 $25.06 5.73 1.03 7.19 5.70 65.20 9.29 17 68 7 53 48.08 10.13 53.41 40.06 10.04 2.58 3.30 2.08 36 43 6 70 8,71 10.31 31.16 669 25.87 24.94 24.49 10 66 18.21 17.96 5.22 .94 2.35 3.38 27.19 6.83 26.31 17.95 20.20 24.36 8.77 4.51 85.82 10.42 5..52 12.94 127 23 14.07 24.17 26.05 .70 3.15 21.54 14.21 10 55 33 114.62 12.35 59.11 40.59 27.50 5.35 16.49 10.30 3.01 142 .93 1.48 71.94 10.12 9.67 8.85 42.63 2.08 3.13 3.41 101.21 1137 71.27 67.70 7.48 5.91 28.77 18.77 54.72 3.39 255 2.74 79..S2 12.02 14.02 9l>.84 0.70 8.60 5.97 11.H2 3.85 3 19 5.60 20.33 4.83 4.22 3.23 3.01 1.43 4.58 4.06 142.71 7.83 3.96 448 888 4.93 19.39 14.11 2.25 3.08 .31.70 4.38 2 23 \M 62.58 6.13 12.64 15.40 98 00 15.28 49.25 38.09 35.11 2.04 6.72 9.62 Country. Argentine Republic Austria-Hungary Austria proper Hungary proper Belgium Bolivia Brazil Canada Chili Colombia Denmark Ecuador Egypt France German- Empire Prussia Great Brittain and Ireland.. Greece India, British Italy Mexico Netherlands Norway. ParagiJay Peru Portugal Roumania Russia Bervia Spain Sweden. Switzerland Turkey United States Uruguay Venezuela BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— RATES OF "WAGES. 79 RTATEMKNT, Showing the Average Weekly Rates of Wages in the s(Vi:r<U Countries, eompiltd from the Consular Reports and compared with Ratca preuaUing in the Unitol StutcH. Occupation!. Bel- guim. Den- mark Fr'ce. Ger- many Italy. Spain United Ki Qgdom. United Utates. Engl'd. Irel'd Scotland. N. York Chicago. Agricultural laborers: Men without board or lodni'itc 83 15 1 3C 1 10 82 87 1 48 1 08 75 3 60 4 00 3 05 4 30 3 92 3 80 3 (iO 4 00 3 50 3 55 3 82 3 20 3 85 3 97 3 30 3 30 4 00 4 00 3 25 3 30 4 80 3 CO 3 30 3 12 3 58 3 65 2 92 8 35 3 30 3 22 3 52 3 41 2 Co 3 10 83 50 1 80 1 55 60 3 45 4 18 3 95 4 00 4 60 4 35 3 90 3 9i> 3 90 3 94 3 no 5 49 4 20 4 95 4 35 3 90 3 91) 4 00 3 50 4 95 3 90 3 90 3 90 4 32 4 30 3 CO 2 60 9 50 4 50 |3 00 2 CO 1 80 1 16 8 12 8 26 7 25 8 15 7 25 8 70 7 75 7 90 6 50 8 12 7 83 7 40 7 23 7 70 7 30 7 40 8 00 9 72 83 40 1 30 2 10 75 7 58 7 33 7 95 7 58 7 54 7 68 8 40 84 26 tl 50-2 40 1 80-3 25 CO-1 00 9 03 8 12 8 40 8 28 8 16 10 13 7 13 8 30 6 60 7 04 6 6f) 6 90 4 75 8 48 6 10 7 10 6 25 8 75 7 00 7 50 7 62 6 15 6 33 7 35 7 00 6 m 4 50 8 70 4 90 4 09! 5 121 5 19 4 44 4 271 Men, with b'd and Id >{ "1 " • Womi'ii, uithouibo'rd and h>du;inn Women with bo'rd and House building trades: 86 00 6 40 6 40 6 00 4 20 5 40 6 00 400 5 42 85 12 4 88 4 80 $12-815 9- 12 10- 14 12- 18 10- 10 10- 16 12- 18 10- 16 5- 8 10- 14 12- 18 10- 14 8- 12 9- 13 12- 10 12- 16 10- 13 15- 25 12- 18 10- 15 8- 18 12- 15 12- 18 12- 18 10- 18 10- 14 6- 9 $6-810 7-12 10- 12 12- 16 6- 12 9- 15 Carpenters and join- U 25 Gasfitters 4 45 4 15 5 OO 4 90 7 20 5 51) 12- 20 12- 18 8- 12 9- 13 General trades : BalviM-s 4 40 4 40 4 25 3 90 3 72 4 20 4 50 5 55 5 45 4 85 5 40 4 05 3 00 9- 20 8- 15 12- 18 Hi Ue hers 4 50 4 80 5 42 6 00 7 00 "4 ^'0 4 95 7- 15 0- 15 roiipers 4 10 3 85 3 85 Corpersmiths LV 'H) 4 63 15- ''0 9- 30 3 85 4 00 4 62 3 85 4 85 3 30 4 10 3 90 5 40 7 20 16- 25 7 50 7 75 6 80 12- 20 4 70 5 00 12 18 Saddlers and harness- 4 80 6- 12 7 30 7 35 85- 7 30 7 30 5 00 9 12 12- 15 4 75 6 10 4 40 3 90 3 91) 3 90 3 00 9- 18 6- 18 9- 12 4 80 3 00 Laborers, porters, &c. Kaihvay employees: En,i:ineors,pass. trains Firemen, do. 5- 6 11 33 25 3 60 5 85 5 50 5 00 3 35 9 on 6 00 4 50 6 50 4 00 5 60 5 00 5 60 5 00 4 50 4 00 4 50 4 Of) .. .. 4 00 4 00 3 401 3 30 Laborers STATEMENT, Showing the Averag* Weekly Rates of Wag-es in the principal Cities of Europe, compiled from Considar Reports and compared with Rates in New York and Chicago. Occupation. Bel- gium. (Br's- sels). Fr'ce (Bor- d'aux Ger- many fDr's- den) Italy Home .Spain Switz- (Bar- erl'd ce- (Ge- lona). 'eva). U. . King- dom. Livp'l United States. (New York). United States. (Chicago). House-building trades : 86 00 5 40 6 40 6 00 84 80 5 00 $3 00 3 00 85 40 *i so 89 25 ftT> 00 to 815 (X) — 12 — 14 — 18 — 16 — 16 — 18 — 15 — 8 — 14 — 18 — 14 — 12 — 13 — 16 — 16 — 13 — 25 — 18 -s 16 — 18 — 15 — 18 — 18 — 18 — 14 — 9 So 00 to *1 II 50 Carpenters and joiners Gasfitters $3 75 5 00 6 00 4 CO 9 00! 9 7 80' 10 8 70i 12 8 50| 10 9 72 10 9 00 12 9 72 10 7 50 — 12 10 — 12 5 40 3 75 3 00 6 Oii 7 00 7 00 4 80 4 60 4 60 4 CO 4 60 4 SO 4 80 4 CO 12 — 15 6 — 12 5 40 6 00 9 — 15 C 00 12 — 20 Slaters ; 12 — 18 General trades: 600 6 00 6 00 4 80 4 80 4 80 3 50 4 00 2 00 3 (K) 4 00 5 40 4 50 3 00 6 00 6 in 8 — 12 Blaek smiths 3 30 8 90 9 — 12 8 00; 12 7 20 10 9 — 20 4 75 8 — li 6 00 4 80 6 00 6 00 5 60 6 00 6 00 6 00 4 60 6 00 4 60 4 CO 4 60 4 80 8 q 12 — 18 4 20 5 50 8 00 7 — 15 8 00 8 75 12 8 90 12 6 — 15 4 75 4 00 15 — 20 4 20 ::::::::: :::::::: 10 16 ^9. 16 — 20 Engravers Horseshoers 9 — .30 ■ 4 80 8 6lii 15 — 25 Millwrights 7 7it 10 10 .50 8 7 30 12 12 — 20 6 00 4 80 6 00 6 00 6 00 4 80 3 50 3 00 4 80 4 80 4 60 4 60 12 — 18 6 — 12 1 12 ^9. 12 — 15 4 20 4 80 4 80 2 00 3 00 3 00 2 50 3 60 3 fJO 3 60 3 60 4 00 4 CO 4 8'" 4 80 3 00 8 75 9 — 18 Tailors 10 7 .W 10 6 82 6 6 — 18 9 — 12 6 50— 9 80 AMERICxiN POLITICS. [book vu STATEMENT, Shoicing the average Retail Prices of the Necessaries of Life in the Prinripal Cities of Europe, compiled from Consular Reports, and compared with same in New York mid Chicago. [3-c Bel- Fran' Ger- Italy. Spain. % a United King- United States, gium. many <n~ dom. Articles. Brus- Bor- Dres- Barce- Cien sels. d'au.K den. Rome. lona. eva. Liverpool. New York. Chicago. Cis. as. Cts. Us. as. CU. as. Cts. CU. Bread per lb. Flour do .. 4-5 3-1 7 6 4 33^- 5 t r^ 2^- 4<| 6 10 6^ 7 Beef: Roasting per lb. 20 20 24 20 20 30 22 12- 16 8 - 121^ Soup do... 16 16 18 12 15 18 16 6- 8 5 - 8 Rump do... 18 18 19 15 18 25 18 14- 10 8 - 121^ 16 16 18 12 18 16 8- 12 4 - 7 Veal; Fore quarter. pr. lb. 16 16 12 15 15 14 8- 10 6-10 Hind quarter....do... 18 20 18 20 18 18 20 10- 12 10 - 12 Cutlets do... 20 22 18 22 22 20 20 20- 24 121^- 15 Mutton: Fore qaarter..pr. lb. 16 16 12 15 12 14 9- 10 5 - 121^ Hind quarter... do... 18 20 18 18 15 18 20 12- 14 5 - 153^ Chops do... 20 20 18 18 18 20 14:- 16 10 - 15 Pork: Fresh per lb. 16 12 18 15 20 18 16 8- 10 4 - 8 Salted do... 16 14 18 18 20 20 10 8- 10 6-12 Bacon ...do... 18 20 30 25 30 20 8- 10 7-12 Ham do... 20 2.5 35 3(^1 40 28 24 8- 12 7-15 Shoulder do... 16 16 30 25 30 16 8- 10 4-10 Sausage do... 18 20 20 50 20-25 50 10 20 20 To 33 48 20 25 10 30 28 SI 20 20 16 8- 10 10- 12 6- 7 25- 32 12- 20 SI 40-81 60 6-10 19 9 40 25 «1 00 6-10 Codfish do... 5 - 9 Butter do... 30 23 60 24- 36 12- 20 SI 20 - SI 50 16 - 40 Cheese do... 5-16 Potatoes per bush. 60 60 - 180 Rice per lb. Beans per qt. Milk do... 10 14 5 15 4 12 12 4- 10 8- 10 7- 10 8- 10 5-10 5 - 9 6 6 - 8 3 - 6 Eggs per doz. 20-25 10-15 20 20 20 14 - 18 25- 30 10 - 24 Oatmeal per lb. Tea do... 33^- 4 40 - 85 24-40 5-8 4- 5 50- ■ 60 20- 30 8- 10 60- 70 4 - 6 "3^-"40 15-20 75 3(; 12 60 40 10 50 30 8 25 -SI 00 40 8 15 - 40 Sugar do... Molasses per gal. 7-10 40 - 80 Soap per lb. Starch do... 4 9 4-10 6- 7 3 - 8 10 Sii 00 9 S9 00 8- 10 S4 00-$5 25 5 - 10 Coal per ton. $3 10 $3 65 - S4 38 S4 50 -S6 75 THE HISTORY OF CORRUPTION. Statement showing the Receipts and Dviburgementi of the Government from if.s Orgaiiization to June 30, 1879, and the Amovnl of Iy)sses, and the ratio of such Losses per Sl,(io0 to the Aijiiregii'le Receii-e.d and hishursed, arranged as neiirhj as prac- ticable in periods of Administrations ; also in the periods prior and subsequeyit to June 30, 1861; prepared by the Trea- surij Department in answer to numerotij! iiuptiries. Revision of reply to Senate resolution of Feb. 9, 1876, extending the comparison therein made to June 30, 1879. U p '> o 02 O E © Total Receipts from Cus- toms, Internal Revenue, Public Lands, Loans, Dividends, Interest, Pre- miums, Direct Tax and Miscellaneous. Tot.Hl Di.-bursementi on act. of Public Debt, Premiums, War, Navy, Pensions, Inte- rest, Indians, and all civil expenses, exclusive of Post Office, which receives and disburses its own revenues. Recapitulation.* Receipts. Losses. Loss on SI 000 Disburse- ments. Losses. Loss on 8T(WU Amt. Invol'd Tot. Los. Loss on SKHIO Washington ... Adams, John .. Jefferson Yrs 8 4 8 8 8 4 8 4 2 4 4 4 8 2 1 56,448,721 46,085,418 108,238,978 266,240,515 178,049.964 97,818,1155 2.55,182,775 129,948,549 116,736,005 201,857,508 211,908,613 28'?,179,K3(l 312,359,0811 4,070,460,138 4,042,310,438 fi,3]H,c,98,32l 1 ,728,979,907 S 21(),.552 42,250 287,260 294,975 629,947 332,953 1,412,388 392,328 429,981 18,110 270,279 213,002 191,004 508,494 2,562,722 1,189,140 None S 3 72 91 2 65 1 10 3 52 3 40j 5 53! 3 01 3 68 08 1 30 75I 62 10 63 22 none S 65,426,822 43,811,920 107,686,312 255,105,100 188,437.78(1 97,264,(10(1 223.546,050 137,094,438 109,187,401 205,194,701 191,370,493 285,638,870 32.S.I83,'J6« 4,067 ,4.57 .on 3,^91,576,259 5.287,004,040 1,557, 034. 9(!4 $ 38,498 190,950 30,3,834 1,S.55,447 2,192,530 513,829 2.300,237 2,899,654 1,1.33,242 1,712,170 1,18,5,193 1,674,853 2,292,825 6,599,02.3 1,SS9,641 1,138,511 1,384 8 69 4 35 2 82 7 27 13 22 5 28 10 31 21 15 10 37 8 34 7 64 5 86 6 98 1 41 4S 21 (K) S ]12,560,.504 90,733,612 219,072,736 620,704,050 370,328,275 201,488,077 500,081,718 285,327,949 244,590 150 423,913,687 432,801 ,(J77 608.2.57,816 697,500,871 9,38(),097,144 8,014,908,981 10,812,922,583 3,3,53,629,856 S 2,50.970 235,412 603,168 2,191,()00 3.229,787 885,374 3,701,112 3,343,792 1,565,903 1,732,851 1,814,409 2,167,982 2,659,108 7,2(K),984 4,619,600 2,622,479 2,677 8 2 22 2 59 2 75 4 16 8 58 Adams, J. Q.... 4 39 7 62 Van Buren Harrison Tyler 11 71 6 40 Polk Taylor 4 08 Pierce 3 66 Buchanan 3 81 70 57 8- 1 24 10ml 18,024,115,418 8,991, .375 49 82 09 27 17.n3».6zO,90n 2«,527,S5.S 818,899,269 0,628,689 1 61 36,317,639 725 38,887,568 1 07 Priorto J'ne30 1861 82,203,600,611 15,760,454.807 84,734,020 4.200.355 $2,2,30,947.173 15,403.073,790 88 47. 84,719,481,157 31,598,158.568 24,441,829 14,445.739 85 17 40 Fniiri J'ly 1,'6] June .30, 1879 62 Including ail other amounts collected or disbursed, and the losses thereoa. BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— PRICES OF GOLD, 81 HIGHEST AND LOWEST PRICES OF GOLD IN NEW YORK. FbOM 1862 UNTIL BETL'EN OF SpECIE PaTME.NTB. Compiled from the Commercial and Financial Chronicle. Month H. 159% IRl loo^M 184-)| 19(J 250 285 261% 254a 227^ 2C.0 243 L. 1511^ 157i^ 159 166<4 108 193 222 2311^ 191 189 210 212?^ IRCG. H. 234% 210% 201 145t| 147% 140U 145Vi 145 149 148% 148^ 197K 190% 1481^ 143k 128k 135g 138% 140V| 142% 144U 145>^ 285 \5ll4 234% 128^^ H. L. 140% 13.5% 1301^ 124% 129t| 12.51^ 141>| 12.5% 148% 137k 141% 131^ 107% 125% 146% 132% H. L. 137% 132% 140% 135% 140% 133% 141% 132% 138% 135 1.3«% 130% 14f)% l:)8 142% 1.39% 140% 141 145% 14<»4 141% 1,38% 137% ia3 Month. January.... February.. March .•\pril May June July August September October November. December, Year H. 142'^ 144 ui'4 140% 141 f| 145>-| 1.50 145% 140% 137 130% 133'4 139% 137% 137% 139% 139% 143% 143'/< 1415| 133% 132 134% >6^ !0% H. 136^ 130* 132l| 144% 139% 137% 130k 102^1 132 128% 124 L. 134% 130% 130% 131% 134% 130% 134(1 131% 129% I2814 121% 119% H. 123W 121% 110% 115% 115% 114% 122% 122 116% 11.3g 111% 119% 115% 110<4 111% 113% 110% 111% 114% 112!4 111^^ 110 110% H- 111% 112>| "^^ 111% 112'| 113% 113% 113% 115% 115 112% iio';i 110% 110-j| 110% 110% 111 111% 111% 112% no% 108% 1872 H. 110% 111 110% 113% 114% 114% 115% 115% 1151^ 115l| 114% 113% 108% 109 U 109% 109% ll'-i^ 113 113% 112% 112^^ 112% 111% iii?i 118% II45I 119>| 110% 118% 110% 118% 115 110% 115 116% 114% lick 110% 111% 117% 110% 100% 112% 108% 150 132 162% 119% j 12;i% 110 i 115% 108% 115% 10S% 119% 106% Month. H. January February March April May June July August September October November ! 112''<; December \ \VZ^ 112% 113 WVi 113% 112<| 11"% 110% 110% 110'', L. 110% 111% 111% 1113-1 111^ 110% 109 109% 109% 109% 110 11014 113% 115% 117 116% 116% 117k 117% 117-g 116^2 11.5% L. 111% 113% 114% 114 115 110% 112% 113?? H. I.. 11.3% 112% 114% 112% 115 11.3% 113>| 113 112^^ 112% IKP^ ll:i',' 110% l(l.><% 109 107 1133^ 112% 112% 111% 111% 109% lO-.l'C lOs"' H. 107% io(;% 10,5% 1(17% 106% look 105% 104 * ia3% mVM 10,3% 1051^ 104 ■%• ' 104'.^ 1<>4% I loo'i 1043? 105% ia3'i 102% I 10 •% I io2V«; 1027^ 102 101% 101% 101 10(>% 1.10% 100% 100:'| 100% 10<jk 101% 101% loo'i^ 100% 100*i 100% 100-% 10(1% 100% 100% 100% loo Year.. 114>'s 109 I 117\s 111% 115 107"<^ 102% ' 10_'% 100 Note. — Specie payment resumed January 1, 1879, after a iuspeneion of nearly eighteen years. 82 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. totaIj larpoRTS into the united states. From the Official Report of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. FREE OF DUTY. VALUES. Twelve Months ended June 30— 1880. 1881. Argols Articles, the produce of manufacture of the United States, brought back.. Bakks— Medicinal— Peruvian, calisaya, Lima, &e Barks used for tanning Cork bark and wood unmanufactured B'">! ting-clot lis Books.. Camphor, crude I liomioals, drugs, dyes and medicines. Chloride of lime or bleaching powder.... Cocoa, crude, and leaves and snells of... Cochineal Coffee (;otton, raw Cuteh or catechu, and terra-japonica or gambler.. Dye-woods, in sticks Eggs Fish, not of American Fisheries: Fresh, of all kinds Herring, Pickled Mackerel, pickled All other Fnr-skins, undressed Guano (except from bonded island."). Gums. Gypsum or plaster of paris, unground Haih, unmanufactured : Horse-hair, used for weaving Hair of all kinds Hides and .«kin^, other than furs Household and pernonal effects and wearing apparel, old and in use, of persons arriving from foreign countries India»rubber and gutta-percha, crude Indigo Madder, not including the extract of. Oils — Whale or fish, not of ,\meriean fisheries Vegetable, fixed or expressed Volatile or essential Paintings, statuary and other works of art, of American artists.. Paper materials: Rags, of cotton or linen Other materials Seeds Silk, raw Soda, nitrate of Sulphur or brimstone, crude. Tea Tin in bars, lilocks or pigs Wood, unmanufactured All other free articles Articles ad.mitted free uni>eb reciprocity treaty with Hawaiian Islands: Fruits and nuts Rice Sugar, brown Molasse.s Tallow All other articles Total Total imports free of duty., $2,105,403 5,ii44,'i74 1,()78,113 470,382 603,556 372,227 291,488 302,802 6,739,158 985,.585 1,30(J,239 890,108 60,300,709 ,591,120 1,8(«,542 1,808,730 901,932 320,403 154,0(13 4!)3,059 9r2..33fi 2,490,277 108,735 2,444 ,.3(12 120,730 412,632 547,439 30,002,254 2,078,841 9,606,239 2,752,900 212,384 170,525 761,210 641,307 214,787 5,474,737 l,.502,4iiO .590,103 12,024,099 1,805,110 1,927,502 19,782,()31 6,223,1 7t; 2,884,579 10,130,486 13,384 294,18(i 4,135,531 19,835 1,527 $2,266,095 5 257,527 1,844,375 ,500,977 782,273 329,289 332,047 350,6(J3 5,830,805 809,178 1,046,709 .537,360 56,775,391 757,308 1,099,510 1,072,065 1,203,007 377,.581 230,403 615,429 1,088,326 2,826.592 421,188 3,170,517 122,872 372,893 501,146 27,.597,1U 2,373,084 11,054,949 1,535,530 69,918 29^^600 657,0.53 530,713 325,523 3,507,532 1,277,104 271,023 10,888,264 2,356,183 2,713,494 21,014,813 3,977,718 3.323,814 11,566,958 20,600 3,89,017 4,92.s,,592 33,166 1,402 ,464,403 $6,373,077 $208,301,863 $202,491, ,547 IMPORTS ENTERED FOR CONSUMPTION. Tnble shovring Values, Tolal Duties, Rnfrji of Dutv, and Average Duty, ad valorem, on nil Imported Commodities palling 810<),<K)0 or upward into the Treasury', in the year ended June 30, 1881. Compiled from the Official Report on Commerce and Navigation of the United Stated States for 1880. Animals: Living B'er, Ale, and Porfor, in bottles " " " not In bottles Total Beer, Ale, and Porter Books, Engravings, and printed matter Total Books, etc : Values. Dollars. 3.917,824 .532,174 210.076 818,9.59 2,445.909 2 560,.589 Duties. Dollars. 783,565 205,676 115,372 341,180 011,492 035,230 Rate of Duty. 20 per cent. 35 c. per gall. 20 c. per gall. 25 per cent. Duty ad val. per ct. 20. 38.0.5 53.39 40.18 25.00 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— IMPORTS INTO U. S. 83 IMPORTS ENTERED FOR CONSUMPTION.— [Continued.] Articles. Values. Dollars. Duties. Dollars. Rateof Duty. Duty lid vaL. per ct. 30, a5. 28.41 21.44 2(). 105.31 29.99 It. 01 4(J. 30. 68.4S 30. 21.49 60.25 40. 43.81 26..'i6 63 51 17.77 31.13 .35. 25. 20.46 24.03 24.88 45. 37.22 35. 44.50 58.05 35. 52.25 35. 35. 61.39 3.i. 35. 38.54 10. 45. 50. 40. 42.72 35. 50. 20. 35. 25. 50. 50. 50. 41.42 101.66 43.93 34.62 35. 40. .30. 35. 40. 40. 40. 23.a Braids, Plait.s, etc., of straw. Brass, Manufactures of Total Bras'? Manufactures . Breadstuff's, etc : Barley Barley, Malt Rice Total Breadstuffs, etc Bristles Bru.shes Button-i and Button Moulds Cliernicals, Drugs, Dyes, and Medicines : Aniline Dyes or Colors Glycerine Opium Opium, smoking Medicinal Pr'-parations, not otherwise specified. Potash, Chromate and Bi-Chromate of. Nitrate of (Saltpetre) Soda, Caustic Soda Ash Total Chemicals, Drugs, Dyes, etc.. Clocks and parts of Watches Total Clocks and Watches, not otherwise specified . Coal, bituminous Total Coal Copper Manufactures, not otherwise specified Total Copper and Manufactures Corsets Cotton Manufactures : Plain, bleached, value 20 cents or less square yard Printed or colored, 100 to 200 threads per square inch.... Hosiery Jeans, "Denims, etc., 100 to 200 threads per square incii Laces, Cords, Braids, etc Ready-made Clothing Threads, Yarn, etc., 40 to 60 cents per pound Thread, 60 to 80 cents per pound Thread, value over 80 cents per pound Velvets, Velveteens, etc. Manufactures of Cotton, not otherwise specified . Total Cotton Manufactures Diamonds, Gems, etc., not set Earthenware and China: China, etc., plain, white Do. ornamented Do. other earthenware or stoneware Total Earthenware and China.. Embroideries, Cotton or Wool Fanijy Articles: Beads and Bead Ornaments Enamel Fans Feathers, crude Feathers, artificial, etc Perfumeries Toys Total Fancy Articles., Fire-Crackers Fish: Sardines Total Fish Flax and Manufactures of: Linens, 30 cents and less per square yard.. Do. over 30 cents " " Burlaps, etc Duck, f'anva*. Crash, etc Handkerchiefs Thread and Twine Other JIanufaetures of Flax 2,.)40,38l ■s.n,r>m 494,249 6,711,307 (•.(!3,218 99.5,098 95G 11« 405 ,334 ,415 ,349 •.i44 ,088 ,030 277 ,258 14,888,493 359,891 1,947,873 2,447,399 1,988,199 2,073,955 284,509 564,924 448,898 1,122.984 453,843 8,185,959 1,454,965 6,124,103 465,870 267,455 637,719 1,173,613 1,1.54,573 7,4,35,724 28,084,117 8,320,315 321,259 1,621,112 4,413,309 ,383,574 ,133,008 ,526,734 813,107 423,428 ,83;»,:558 996,025 224,304 024,439 7,084,302 2 8,250 913,057 1,355,725 9,6.58,405 2,108,858 4,12G,t)47 990 236 377,428 780,414 1,230,582 702,115 110,027 140,439 1,438,641 132,044 1,047,901 2,702,128 133,781 175,942 894,139 827,621 202,000 385,059 458,077 150,898 170,109 110,142 741,981 738,009 4,0.35,201 125,902 480,298 047,057 489,72i 510,007 128,029 21O,.308 157,114 499,733 203,461 2,865,086 760,230 1,793,430 163,005 156,004 330,110 633,460 404,101 2,002,504 10,825,115 832,031 144,507 810,5.50 1,705,348 2,727,476 1,906,580 703,367 284,.5S7 148,200 459,814 498,012 112,152 312,220 2,934,851 221,867 401,141 409,353 3,380,442 879,543 1,237,814 343,083 150,971 312.105 4942;W Total Flax Manufactures I 21,020,571 I 6,984,3.5 6J .30 per cent. 35 per cent. 15 e. per bush. 20 per cent. 2i^c. per lb. c. per lb. ) d 35 p. c. J 16 c. per lb. 40 per cent. 30 per cent. '■50 c. t and 30 per cent. Si per lb. $0 per o7,. 40 per cent. 4 e. per lb. 1 c. per lb. 1\4 c. per lb. }4 c. per lb. 35 per cent. 25 per cent. 75 c. per ton. 45 per cent. 35 per cent. 5)4 per sq. yd. {5J4C. per.sq. ) yd". & 20 p. c. J 35 per cent. / 6Vii c. per sq. ) lycf. &15p.c.; 35 per cent. .35 per cent. ('A) e. per lb. ) I and 20 p. ct. J j.30 c. per lb. ( 1 and 20 p. c. j J40c. per lb. I I and 20 p. c. / 36 per cent. 35 per cent. 10 per cent. 45 per cent. 50 per cent. 40 per cent. 50 per cent. 20 per cent. 35 per cent. 25 per cent. 50 per cent. 50 per cent. 50 per cent. 81 per box. 4 c. per box. 35 per cent. 4<i per cent. .30 per cent. .')5 per cent. 40 per cent. 40 per cent. 40 per cent. 84 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. IMPORTS ElVTERED FOR CONSUMPTION.— [Continued] Fruits and Nuts: Currants Lemons and Oranges... Almonds, not shelled.... Do. shelled Filberts and Walnuts... Preserved Sweetmeats. Prunes Kaisins Total Fruits and Nuts Furs and Manufactures of: Dressed Undressed ; Hats, Caps, Mutfs, etc., of Fur Total Furs and l^Ianufactures Glass .ind Manufactures of: Bottles, containing: liquor Porcelaiu, Bohemian, etc Plate Glass, 24x.30 to 24x60 square feet Do. atiove 24x60 " Do. silvered, 16x24 to 24x30 square feet . Window Glaas, not overl0xl5 Do. 10x15 to 64x24 Window Glass, 16x24 to HxAO do above 24xi0 Glass Manufactures not otherwise specified Values. Dollars. 84.5,773 3,906,804 327,724 24.5,790 3S3,004 577,929 1,552,946 2,711.772 12,511,806 2,388,573 l,.50l,658 379,931 4,270,161 820.807 289,707 592,245 491,604 333,712 366,840 363,543 361,268 ,276,094 Total Glass and Manufactures 6,862,270 Hair and Manufactures of 734,056 Hat.s Bonnets and Hoods 1,965,632 Hemp, Jute, &c., Manufaetureis of: Bags and Bagging 1,478,605 Jute and Sunn Hemp 1,135,248 Jnte Butts 1,819,192 JIauilla, &c 3,62.5,341 Sisal Gras.s, &c - 1,400,048 Total Hemp, Jute, and other fibre Iron and Steel Manufactures : Band, Hoop and Scroll Iron, under J^ inch not thinner than No. 20 wire guage Bar Iron, rolled or hammered Iron Ore, tons Pig Iron, cwts Bars for railroads Rolled or Hammered, not otherwise specified Scrap Iron, east, cwts do wrought, cwts Sheet Iron, polished Manufactures of Iron not otherwise specified Total Iron and Manufactures Steel and JIanufactures of: Blooms Pen and Pocket Knives All other Cutlery Ingots, > ars, Ac, 7c. or less per pound do 7 to lie. per pound Muskets and Fire-arms Needles Railway Bars or Rails Steel, in forms not otherwise specified Manufactures of Steel not otherwise specified Total Steel and Manufactures of Jet, Manufactures of Leather and Manufactures of: Calfskins, tannod Gloves and mittens Skins for Morocco Upper Leather Manufactures of, not otherwise specified 10,558,126 194,785 ,090,915 ,733,126 ,901,953 ,105,257 829,425 352,398 ,490,985 320,241 ,615,302 32,991,038 Total Leather and Manufactures. Marble, veined, cubic feet.. Total Marble and Manufactures Mats and matting Mi-ials, Munufacturcs not otherwise specified. Musical Instruments Oil, olive Total Vegetable or Fixed Oils. ,972,577 ,310,291 696,035 551,417 ,111 13, .502 ,l:'.7,514 41.5,379 ,101,2.51 ,203,2,S() ,492,987 18,463,535 • 323,216 2,250,434 3,783,906 1,101,249 2,f,33,795 618,471 Duties. Dollars. 10,522,601 470,047 5.53,900 480,474 1,162,913 1,385,892 380,428 216,315 781,361 176.075 122,258 183,816 202,275 312,806 991,369 3,341,849 477,715 300,332 1.32,976 911,022 150,675 328,323 172,805 651,111 170,836 190,514 245.064 273,843 289,645 510,438 Rate of Duty. 3,296.541 173,965 393,126 595,442 223,786 2fi5.727 677,573 223,666 2,261,998 127,.513 934,412 346,025 3,712,455 2,034,622 405,041 105,598 2,.399,661 129,828 1,265,356 12,115,096 887,660 655,145 243,612 224,289 321,709 398,130 103 845 4,654,691 !I60.!)84 671,844 9,347 438 113,126 562,009 1,891,953 110.125 526,759 216,465 683,701 3,337,034 297,646 340,075 144.142 343,191 415,768 216,788 1 e. per lb. 20 per cent. e. per lb. 10 c. per lb. 3 c. per lb. 35 per cent. 1 c. per lb. 2J^ c. per lb. 20 per cent. 20 per cent. 35 per cent. 3 c. each. 40 per cent. 25 c. sq. foot. 50 c. sq. foot. 10 c. sq. foot. 1% c. per lb. 2 c. per lb. 2}/^c. per lb. 3c. per. lb. 40 per cent. 40 per cent 40 per cent. 815 per ton. $r, per ton. $5 per ton. $15 per ton. 305,336 I3^c. per lb. Ic. per lb. 20 per cent. $7 per ton. 70c. per 100 lb. V'.{c. per lb. $6 per ton. $8 per ton. 3c per lb. 35 per cent. 45 per cent. 50 per cent. 35 per cent. '2]4c, per. lb. 3c. per lb. 35 per cent. 25 per cent. Ilia, per lb. ,30 per cent. 45 per cent. 35 per cent. 25 p'r cent. 50 per cent. 10 per cent. 20 per cent. 35 per cent. C 50c. per "I < ct:b. ft. and >- ( 20 per ct. j 30 per cent. $1 per gall. BOOKvii.j TABULATED HISTORY— IMPORTS INTO U. S. IMPORTS EXTERBD FOR CONSUMPTION [Continued.! Articles. Values. Dollars. Paintings and Statuary Paints and Colors Papier Mach(5 Total Paper and Manufactures . Pickles, Sauces and Capers Potatoes Chee.se Total Provisions not otherwise specified. Salt, in liags, sacks, &c Salt, in bulk Seeds: Flaxseed or linseed ■ Total Seeds Silk Manufactures: Silli Hraids, Laces, Ac ... Dress and Piece Goods . ; Hosiery Ready-made Clothing ... Ribbons do Edge of Cotton., SiLc Manufactures, not otherwise specified, Silk, chief -value Silk Manufactures, not otherwise specified, 25 per cent more, of cotton, &c Velvets Total Silk Manufactures. Soap Spices: Cassia Nutmej^s Pepper, grain Total Spices Spirits and Wines: Brandy Cordials. Liquors, A-c Other spirits from Grain Other spirits from other materials, gallons Total spirits Cologne Water Wines: Champagne, }4 ?•"*■ *•*' P'"* do 1 pint to 1 quart Still Wines, in casks , do in bottles, 1 pint to 1 quart., 2,183,806 U8.'">,r,()5 1,.'-/J2,747 Duties. Dollars. 218,387 342,782 6r.7,4f>2 l,8iir,,80l 327,632 871,020 022,879 1,127,875 1,242,512 05.S,n08 l,12(v'!"0 1,012,207 2,509,2.53 18,591 „527 4.54,512 410,715 2,390,799 045,829 2,679,587 2,683,072 l,(i23,921 32,377,220 252,751 207.100 573.917 741,119 Total Spirits and Wines.. Su!iar and Molasses : Molasses. Syrup and Melado Sugar, not above 7, Dutch Standard. Sugar, from No. 7 to No. 10 , Sugar, from No. 10 to No. 13 Total Sugars, Molasses, &c. Tin, plates and Sheets Total Tin, &c. Tobacco, Leai. Cigars, Cigarettes and Cheroots.. Toial Tobacco and Manufactures Vegetables, preserved Wood and Manufartures of: Boards, Plank aiul Sawed Lumber, M feet Willow Manufacture.s, not otherwise specified. Total Wo'^d and Manufacturers of Wool and Manufactures of; Raw Wool, No. 1, 32c. or less per lb , Do. over 32c. per ft) , Do. No. 2, 32c. or less per lb. 2,203,078 1,338,643 143,7^1 3.51,211 147,178 019,833 114,0.30 325,207 140,215 244.089 494.931 42.3,489 159,582 277,977 1,505,552 11,154,916 272,707 264.429 1,434,479 322,914 1,007,752 1,341,.530 9743.52 19,038,000 117,968 198,705 199,901 433,082 2,031 079 193,881 1,261,102 1,594,403 2,023,.309 902,059 8,762,763 6,306,177 715,358 15,395,744 60,216.407 7,044,675 89,811,785 14,051,058 14 724,147 4,270,358 2,161,785 0,474,939 307,270 5,290,128 724,410 7,490,810 4,492,840 244,435 1.193,900 1,095,139 1,144,189 182.534 1,133„324 478,408 2,903,890 124,901 569,302 787,109 1,071,6.30 .308,273 6,471,04a 1,659,064 385.028 8,785,579 33,086,300 4,016,173 47,984,033 4,147,800 4,194,090 2,070,875 1,897,781 4,055,592 107,547 951,627 253,,543 1,.536,025 2,488,216 101,703 5,52,085 Rate of Duty. 10 per cent. 35 per cent. .35 per cent. 15c. per bush. 4c. per lb. 12c. per 100 lbs. 8o. per 100 lbs. 20c. per bush. 00 per cent. 0(t per cent. 00 per cent. 00 per cent. 00 per cent. 50 per cent. CO per cent. 60 per cent. W per cent. 10c. per lb. 20c. per lb. 5c. per lb. $2 per gall. 82 per gall. S2 per gall. 82 per gall. ($3 per gall.) \ & 50 p. c. / $3 per doz. pi per doz. 40c. per gall. 81.00 per doz. .5c. per gall. 1 <fe 26 p. c. j IJ^c. per lb. ) & 25 p. c. j l%c. per lb " & 25 p. c. 2c. per lb. I & 25 p. c. J J214C. per B)1 I & 25 per ct. J 1 10c. per ft 35f>. per ft f$2..5o per ft) \& 2b per ct. J .35 per cent. ?2 per M feet. 35 per cent. loc. per ft 1 A 11 per ct. J 12p. per ft & 10 per ct. ' lOc. per ft 1 A 11 per ct. J 86 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii. IMPORTS ENTERED FOR C01VSU3IPTI0N.— [Continued.] Abticles. Wool and Manufactures of: Raw Wool, No. 3, 12c. or less per fc Do. over 12c. per ft Total Raw Wools Carpets, Aubusson and Axminster, sq. yards Carpets, Brussels Do. Brussels Tapestry Screens, Rugs, Ac Total Carpeting Dress Goods, not oyer 20e. per sq. yard Do. above 20c. per sq. yard Do. weighing 4 oz. and over sq. yard Total Dress Goods Hosiery, value over 80c. per ft Manufactures, not otherwise specified, over 80c. per lb Shirts, Drawers, &e., over 80c. per lb , Wool and Worsted Cloths Clothing, Ready-made Manufactures, not otherwise specified Shawls, Worsted, &c Webbing, Beltings, Braids, Ac Yarns, value over 80c. per ft Total Wools and Manufactures of Zinc and Manufacturers of Total Dutiable Merchandise Total Free of Duty Total value of Merchandise Imported Values. Dollars. 3,384,424 2,653,617 12,000,827 371,681 213,724 284,258 287,425 1,400,063 4,556,833 9,395,887 2,008,345 ),961,066 827,508 .,420,824 178,685 1,376,038 834,054 425,858 1,064,115 327,321 531,192 1,164,149 202.218 ,1(17.216 ,557,412 642,664,628 Duties. Dollars. 867,516 808.113 4,860.815 185 840 146,130 215,815 129,341 50 per cent 44e. per sq. yard and .3.") per cent. j'28e. per sq < yard and ? (.35 per cent.) 45 per cent. 817,008 3,178,006 6,281,624 1.274 431 10,734,062 461,569 981,726 121,443 6,810,074 489,051 288,179 617,610 223,444 417,200 27,285,025 100,914 193,561,011 Rate of Duty. .3c. per ft 6c. per ft sq. ■) ,d v ;nt. ) 6c. per sq yard and ^35 per cen ( 8c. per sq. < yard and (.40 per cent. J .50c. per ft ) I & 35 per ct. J Duty ad. I'a/. per ct. 25.63 30.45 40.30 50. 68.C7 75.95 45. 58.35 69.74 65.79 63.46 43.98 30.11 COMPARATIVE STATEMENT, IMPORTS OP FISCAL YEARS 1880 AND 1881. 1881. Total Value of Merchandise Imported Total Value of Coin and Bullion Imported. 8067,954,746 93,034,310 5642,064,628 110,575,497 Grand Total of Imports— Merchandise and Specie . $760,989,050 8753,240,125 TOTAL EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES. From the Official Report of the Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department. VALUES. Exjport.s of Merchandise of Twelve Months ended Domestic Production. June .30 — Articles. Acids Agricultural Implements: Fanning mill.s Horse powers Mower.H and reapers Plows and Cultivators All other Animals, living : Hogs Horned cattle Horses Mulfs Bheep All other, and fowls 1880. $71,231 .305 11,682 768,945 10!t,211 1,295,599 421 ,089 13,344,195 075,139 ,532,302 892,047 16,688 1881. $39,240 764 2,002 6.54,1.50 184,828 1,55.S,50S 572,1.38 14,304,103 390.243 3.53,924 762,932 29,0,58 VALUES. Exports of Merchandise of Twelve Months ended Domestic Production. June 30— Articles. 1880 1881. Ashes, pot and pearl no,,575 141,463 Bark, for tanning 210,126 120,426 Beer, ale and porter : Inljottlef 202,4.50 292,421 In casks .30,308 55,.367 Bolls and bronze metal 15,866 24,963 Billiard tables 28.,390 17,.389 Blacking 163,021 179,993 Bonos and bone dust 4(),431 35,066 Bone black, ivory black & lampblack 66,009 51,682 Books and other publica- tions 626,030 690,359 Brass and manufactures of 183,408 210,057 COOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— EXPORTS FROM U. S. 87 TOTAL KXPORTS FROItt THE UlflTED STATES.-[Continued ] VALUES. Twelve Months ended June 30— Exports of Merchandise of Domestic Productions. Articles. Bread and breadstuffs : Barlev Breau and buscuits.. 1880. 784,819 68(>,1.'')8 Indian corn 53,298,247 Indian corn meal Oats Rye Rye Hour 98l,:«l 308,129 2,302,7(15 - . - 24,728 Wheat 190,.')4G,305 AVheat Hour. Other sniHll prain St. pulse Maizena, farina and other preparations of bread- sturts Bricks, otiier than tire Brooms and brushes of all kinds Candles, tallow and other... Carriages, carts, and parts of ., Cars, railroad, passenger & freight Clocks, and parts of Coffee, cocoa and spices Coal: Anthracite Bituminous Combs Copper and manuf'tures of: Ore Pigs, bars, sheets and old All other manufactures of Cordage, rope and twine.... Cotton & manufactures of: Sea Island Other, unmanufactured.. Colored TJncolored All other manufacturesof Drugs, chemicals and med- icines Dye-stuffs Earthen, stone and china. ware Fancy articles Fruits : Apples, dried Apples, green or ripe Other fruit, green, ripe or dried Preserved, in cans or otherwise Fur, and fur-skins Gas fi.\tures & chandeliers, Ginseng Glass and glassware Glue Hair: Unmanufactured Manufactures of Hat.s, caps and bonnets : Of wool, fur and silk Of palm-leaf, straw, Ac ... Hay Hemp, and manuftictures of Hemp, unmanufactured. Cables and cordage Al I otlier manufactures of Hides and skins, other than fur Hops Ice India-rubber and gutta- percha manufactures: Boots and slioes All other manufactures... Iron and steel : Iron it; manufactures of— Pig Bar Boiler-plate Railroad bars or rails Sheet, bund and hoop Castings Car wheels Stoves, and parts of 35,3.i.3,197 1,272,028 2,4,'?0,n98 3ti,299 110,410 237,027 1881. 540,24.'') 748,41)0 5o,7o2,(;7;! l,270,iy(i lHI>,H9y 1,885,813 24,082 167,098,485 45,047,2.'>7 776,999 1,443,005 27,989 152,71(; 210,842 823,792 1,012,444 583,723 1,356,742 93,238 1,362,901 095,179 10,098 55,703 607,242 120,213 356,808 1,083,900 209,852,005 2,956,700 5,834,541 1,190,117 2,750,469 702,750 100,724 618,198 192,069 1,190,560 272,715 435,290 5,404.418 30,257 633,042 749,806 22,650 232,720 24,552 198,a39 2:^,094 206,819 8,796 179,979 1,083,070 649,074 2,573,2;i2 136,086 28,072 278,608 54,115 25,.i02 7,100 32.746 15,4ol 222,276 80,ll» 91,473 ■544,041 1,140,728 104,380 2,091,928 739,532 15,172 51,499 780,800 38.030 421,732 2,101,207 245,5.34,539 4,983,312 6,024,374 1,903,001 3,045,338 620,749 123,177 653,482 1,247,891 2,301,334 361,217 532,277 5,444,709 31,952 561,545 750,02-J 59,038 295,188 42,033 265,856 17,250 2153,529 431 124,895 1,080,404 883,787 2,010,970 132,120 37,437 363,097 117,723 33,709 12,497 48,240 10,971 Exports of Merchandise of Domestic Productions. VALUES. Twelve Months ended June 30 — Articles. Iron and steel: Steam engines, locomo- tives .Steam engines, stat'nary. Boilers forsteam engines when separate from the engines M.achinery Nails and spikes All other manufactures of iron Steel : Ingots, bars, sheets and wire Cutlery Edge tools Files and s.iws Fire-arms Railroad bars or rails All otlier manufactures ol^ steel Jewelry, and other manu- factures of gold and silver Junk (old; and oakum Lamps Lead, and manufactures of. Leather, and Manufactures of: Morocco, and other fine... Sole, upper, and all other. Manufactures of— Boots and shoes Saddlery and harness All other manufactures of Lime and cement Manures: Guano « Other manures Marble and stone : Rough Manufacturesof Matches Mathematical, philosophical and optical instruments 1880. 406,313 130,087 104,271 3,490.410 287,9,39 1881. 8.03,123 79,053 122,516 4,037,89tt 298,.J23 3,943,870 5,245,306 15,223 37,643 71,122 83,723 92f;,882 1,051,272 31,118 39,158 2,280,0<ll 1,171,.J:16 14,744 0,076 290,930 2.31,5.31 .32.102 203,110 49,899 058,242 5,080,118 441,009 133,705 441,052 52,584 ' "14,891 688,777 199,051 453,912 119,246 87,161 Musical instruments: Organs, melodeons, Ac Piano fortes All other Naval stores : Rosin and turpentine 2,368,180 "' "■ "='-'■ 84,728 Tar and pitch Oil-cake 6,259,'827 Oils: Mineral, crude Mineral, refined or manu factured — Napthas, benzines, gaso- linCj &c 1,192,229 Illuminating 31,783,575 Lubricating (heavy paraf- fine, Ac) 1,039,124 Residuum, (tar, pitch, &e.) Animal — Lard Neat's-foot, and other ani- mal Sperm Whale and other fish Vegetable- Cotton seed 3,22.i,4U 409,255 279,:500 29,988 280,720 39,668 661,019 6,472,695 374,343 148,567 43.3,221 83,598 29,581 681,960 220,362 409,433 112,167 163,893 599,382 353,799 21,801 2,529,423 109,394 6,284,364 1,927,207 3,065,464 3,093,975 34,317,082 1,054,004 184,411 530,112 261,624 19,441 270,490 816,447 23,519 487,004 349,109 Linseed Volatile or essential Ordnance stores : Cannon Cartridges and fui*s Gunpowder Shot and shell Ore, argentifer'iiis Paints, and painters' colors Paintings anii fogravings .31,214 219,012 4,400 439,298 177,891 i:.:.,755 187,.3.50 2:11,774 198,.i79 Paper and stationery 1,1R3,140 Perfumery Plated ware, of silver, Ac... 219,.'i.'')0 I Printing presses and type... 1.32.882 Provisions: 117,350 Bacon and hams 50,987,623 302,993 292,.5(V} 251,2-27 502,028 e0,.359 3a3,113 226,274 1,465,2.'-|5 48,479 92,738 5.W,443 275,579 42 .58.405 287,338 2.54,450 1,347,727 292,939 310,577 185,011 61,101,205 88 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. TOTAIi EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES.— [Continued.] Values. Exports of Merchandise of Twelve Mouths ended Domestic Production. June 30 — Articles. ISSO. 18S1. Provisions ; Beef— Fresh 7,441,918 9,860,434 Salted or cured 2,881,047 2,r,ri5,r)H Butter 6,690,687 6.256,024 Cheese 12,171,720 16,380,248 E.^cports of Domestic Production. Condensed milk 121,013 139,470 Eggs 14,148 13,776 Fish, dried or smoked 739,231 840,109 Fish, fresh 124,962 97,539 Fish, pickled 284,293 264,723 Fish, other cured 2,326,444 2,803,330 Lard 27,920,367 35,226,575 Meats, preserved 7,877,200 5,971,909 Mutton, fresh 176.218 258,008 Oysters 543,895 581,897 Pickles and sauces 17,158 21,157 Pork 5,930,252 8,272,285 Onions 50,074 37,975 Potatoes 522,039 460,517 Other vegetables 89,053 64,231 Vegetables, prepared 133,900 151,155 Quicksilver 1,360,176 1,124,955 Rags : cotton and linen 14,430 25,107 Woolen.. 3 Rice 13,366 10,072 Salt 6,613 14,752 Scales and balances 199,412 263,571 Clover 2,401.351 502,646 Cotton 134,116 147,543 Timothy, garden, and all other 241,356 412,577 Sewing-machines, and parts of 1,649,367 1,982,324 Soap; Perfumed, and all toilet... 38,567 44,496 Other 690,122 650,361 Spermaceti 45,018 40,945 Spirits, distilled : From grain 2,586,685 2,878,388 From molasses .397,247 296,448 From other materials 4:3,613 7S,095 Spirits of turpentine 2,132,254 2,414,710 Starch 447,842 629,710 Steam and other fire-engine apparatus 10,942 9,611 Sugar and molasses: Sugar, brown 1,064 2,045 Sugar, refined 2,717,563 2,049,082 Molasses 539,603 548,617 Candy and confectionery.. 81,757 73,253 Tallow 7,680,232 6,800,628 Tin, and manufactures of ... 144,185 198,524 Tobacco and manufactures of: Leaf 16,379.107 18,787,04;3 Cigars 67,821 94,559 VALUES. Exports of Merchandise of Twelve months endeu Domestic Production. June 30 — Articles. Tobacco and manufact's of: Snutf All other manufactures of Trunks and Valises Umbrellas, parasols, &c Varnish Vessels sold to Foreigners: Steamers Sailing vessels Vinegar Watches, and parts of Wax (bees') Wearmg apparel Whalebone Wine Wood and Manufactures of: Boards and planks Laths, palings, pickets, curtain -sticks, broom- handles, and bed-sl 4s... Shingles Box-shooks Other shooks, staves, and heading Hogsheads and barrels, empty All other lumber Fire-wood Hop, telegraph and other poles Logs, masts, spars, and other whole timber Timber,sawed and hewed All other timber Household furniture Wooden ware All other manufactures of wood Wool and Manufactures of: Wool, raw and fleece Carpets All other manufactures of Zinc, and Manufactures of: Ore or oxide Plates, sheets, pigs, or bars All articles not enumerated; AH other unmanufac- tured articles All other manufactured articles Total exports of domes- tic merchandise Total exports of domestic coin and bullion 1880. 6,074 8.710 ,980 271 2,038,572 183,758 173,639 8 230 2,113 90,002 156,617 51,550 46,000 184,030 74,730 4,123 9,7i;2 96,495 100,710 48 880 40,203 486.233 533,961 255,847 326,400 123,317 69,915 4,223,259 5,192,961 11,936 165,893 136,082 262,029 765.550 11,552 427,187 691,194 2,210,320 ■ 98,733 1,053,878 331,137 71,987 8,530 208,U46 42,036 119,264 22,552 173,026 75,720 3,510,976 3,136,914 155,662 1,219,769 10,947 158,378 721,216 3,319,443 109,037 1,893,748 331,152 1,728,060 2,069,142 19.217 10,750 320,333 16,405 132,805 782,661 888,445 5,518,283 6,927,012 823,046,353 883,925,047 9,.347,893 14,226,944 Total Domestic Exports.. 833,294,246 808,152,891 ToTAt Exports fkom tub United States of Fobeion Pkoduction, last two tears. Total value of merchandise $ 11,602,305 Total value of coin and bullion 7,705,026 Total Foreign Exports S 19,487,331 Add Total Domestic Exports 833,204,246 Gro.S8 Exports $852,781,577 Carried in American Vessels $115,918,240 Carried in Foreign Vessels. ..«. 730,072,437 Carried in cars and other land vehicles 6,70o,9<h) Total Exports $852,781,577 Domestic and Foreign Exports: 1880. Total value of Merchandise $835,638,658 Total vahio of Coin and Bullion 17,112,919 Gross Exports $852,781,577 $ 18,451 ,,399 5,179,003 $ 23,631, .■?02 898,152,801 $921,784,191; $121,900,930 700,908,482 8,.S,S4,772 $021,784,193 1881. $902,377,3-16 19,406,817 $921,784,193 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— PENSION STATISTICS. 89 a) 00 Pl„-i r-, O C a> i-T'ij 00 ~^ . 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" &- = d g ^ " - bO !-< : a ea ^ .2 "da to -f -^ 2> " 2 "^ » X^ : --< s a > 2 t I "^ :: tT d o O ' Ji U - _ d 0" g ' = >» o 2 2 «* r^ o o d "^ ^3 J- 01 -of " o o o .TjT CM d ' *J S) « t< — ; 5 '^ 5 n^ - ^ o to §■ ^ a -0-3 = ■* = 2 . •:: '^ 5 *• OJ 5 x*-s a S ccM c Oja o 5: =- a =^ -3 >.— '-' i; d «'~--5'5 2 S^-r I- " 3 a 3 o o 2 -j: x*" 2 E d D m ;t d 3 H a u « 90 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. UNITED STATES INTERNAL REVENUE TAXES. [From the Revised Statutes of the United States as amended in 1880.] Ale, per barrel of 31 gallons 81 00 Banks and bankers, on average amount of deposits, each month 1-21 of 1 per ct. Banks, savings, and saving institutions, having no capital stock and making no profit un deposits, are exempt from tax on so much of their deposits as is invested in United States securities, and on all sums not exceeding §2.000 in the name of one person Bank and hankers, on capital, beyond the average amount invested in United States bonds, eacli mouth 1-21 of I per ct. Banks and bankers, on average amount of circulation, each month 1-12 of 1 per ct. Banks, on average amount of circulation, be- yond 9 '■ per ct. of the capital, an additional tax each month 1-6 of 1 per cl. Banks, persons, firms, associations, etc., on amount of notes of any person, firm, asso- ciation (other than a national banking as- sociation), corporation. State bank, or State banking association, town, city, or munici- pal corporation, used and paid out as cir- culation 10 per ct. Banks, persouE, firms, associations (other than national bank associations), and every corporation. State bank, or State banking association, on the amount of their own notes used for circulation and paid out by them 10 per ct. Beer, per barrel of 31 gallons $1 00 Brandy, per gallon 90 Brewers, manufacturing 500 barrels or more annually 100 00 manufacturing less than 500 barrels annually 50 00 Cigars, manufacturers of, special tax Cigars of all descriptions, made of tobacco or any substitute, per 1,000 Cigarettes, not weighing more than 3 lbs. per 1,000, per 1,000 1 00 Cigarettes, weight exceeding 3 lbs. per 1,000, perl,OiX) 6 00 Cigars or cigarettes, imported, in addition to import duty, to pay same as above. Liquors, ferniented, per barrel 1 00 Liquors, distilled, per gallon Liquor dealers (wholesale), special tax Malt liquor dealers (wholesale) Liquor dealers (retail), special tax Malt liquor dealers (retail) Manufacturers of stills Manufacturers of stills, for each still or worm made Rectifiers, special tax less than 500 barrels, glOO; above 500 barrels Snuff, or snuff flour, manufactured of tobac- co, or any substitute, per lb Spirits, distilled, per proof gallon Stamps, for distilled spirits for export, whole- sale liquor dealers, special bonded ware- house, distillery warehouse, and rectified spirits, each Tobacco, all kinds, per pound Tobacco, dealers in Tobacco, manufacturers of Tobacco, dealers in leaf, wholesale Tobacco, dealers in leaf, retail Tobacco, dealers in leaf, for sales in excess of S1,0(J0, per dollar of excess Tobacco pedlers, traveling with more than two horses, mules, etc Tobacco pedlers, traveling with two horses, mules, or other animals Tobacco pedlers, traveling with one horse, mule, or other animal Tobacco pedlers, traveling on foot, or by public conveyance Tobacco, snuff, and cigars, for export, stamps for, each Whiskey, per proof gallon Wines and champagne (imitation), not made from grapes grown in the United States, and liquors not made from grapes, cur- rants, rhubarb, or berries, grown in the United States, but rectified or mixed with distilled spirits, or by infusion of any mat- ter in spirits, to be sold as wine or substi- tute for it, per dozen bottles of more than pint and not more than a quart Imitation wines, containing not more than one pint, per dozen bottles 100 00 50 00 25 00 20 00 50 OO 20 00 200 00 16 90 10 16 5 00 10 00 25 00 500 00 50 50 00 25 00 15 00 10 00 10 90 2 40 1 20 STAMP TAXES. Bank check, draft,'or order for the payment of any sum of money whatsoever, drawn upon any bank, banker, or trust company 2 cents Playing cards, each pack 5 cents MEDICINES, PBEPABATIONS, COSMETICS, ETC. Every packet, box, bottle, pot, vial, or other inclosure, containing any pills, powders, tinctures, troches, or lozenges, .syrups, cor- dials, bitters, anodynes, tonics, plasters, liniments, salves, ointments, pastes, drops, waters, essences, spirits, oils, or other pre- parations or compositions whatsoever, made and sold, or removed for consump- tion and sale, by any person or persons whatever, wherein the person making or preparing the same has, or claims to have, any private formula or occult secret or art for tne making or preparing the same, or has, or claims to have, any exclusive right or title to the making or preparing the same, or which are prepared, uttered, vended or exposed for sale under any letters-patent, or held out or recommended to the public by the makers, vendors, or proprietors thereof as proprietary medi- cines, or as remedies or specifics, and for every packet, box, bottle, pot, vial, or other inclosure, containing any essence, extract, toilet water, cosmetic, hair oil, pomade, hair drowsing, hair restorative, hair dye, tooth wash, dentifrice, tooth paste, aro- matic cachous, or any similar articles, by whatsoever name the same have been, now are, or mav hereafter be called, known, or distinguishel, used or njiplied, or tn be used or applied as perfumes or applica- tions to the hair, mouth, or skin, made, prepared, and sold or removed for con- sumption and sale in the United States, as follows: where such packet, bo.x, bottle, vial, or other inclosure, with its contents, shall not exceed, at the retail price or value, the sum of twenty-five cents i cent Exceeding twenty-five, and not exceeding fifty cents 2 cents Exceeding fifty, and not exceeding seventy- five cents Scents Exceeding seventy-five cents, and not exceed- ing one dollar 4 cents Exceeding one dollar, for every additional fifty cents orfractional part thereof, an addi- tional 2 cents MATCHES, WAX TAPERS, AND CIOAB LIGHTS.. Friction matches or lucifer matches, or other articles made in part of wood, and used for like purposes, in parcels or packages con- taining 100 matches or less, for each parcel or package 1 cent Packages containing more than 100, and not inore than 20C matches 2 cents And for every additional 100 matches, or fractional parts thereof 1 cent Wax tapers, double the rates upon friciion or lucifor matches. Cigar lights, made in partof wood, wax, glass, paper or other materials, in parcels or packoges containing 25 lights or less in each parcel or package 1 cent Parcels or packagi-s containing more than 25, and not more than 50 li-^hts 2 cents For every additional 25 lights or fractional part of that number one cent additional 1 cent BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— PAPER MONEY IN U. S. 91 DIVIDENDS, EARNINGS, AND SURPIiUS OF ALL THE NATIONAL BANKS OP THE UNITED STATES, 187U TO 1881. [Condensed from the Report of the Comptroller of the Currency, December, 1881.] Year ending Sept. 1. No. of Banks. Capital. Surplus. Total Dividends. Total Net ° o~ o =,2 ^ Earnings. ^52 alC-/- 5 $55,810,819 10.12 8..35 5t,558,47:j 10.14 8.31 58,07.'>,1.3() 10.1 8.3:j G.j,()48,478 10.31 8.30 50 ,.580,93 1 9.90 7.87 b1,V.W,t2i 9.89 7.81 4:5,038,1.52 9.42 7.45 34,8f)f),!t'J() 8.93 7 09 3n,(;il5,.589 7.80 C.21 31,551,860 7.00 0.07 45,180,034 8.02 6.35 53,022,563 8.38 6.59 S'^ o"^ 18-11 1 1,601 1871 • 1,693 1872 1 1,8.52 1873 1 1,955 1874 ' 1,971 1875 2,047 1870 2,081 1877 2,072 1878 2,047 1879 ; 2.015 1880 2,072 1881 1 2.100 $425 445 465 488, 480 497 500. 480, 470, 45 454, 458, $91,030,020 98,280,591 10,5,l,Sl,942 118,113,848 128,304,039 134,123,049 132,251,078 124,349,254 118,687,1.34 11.5,149,351 120,14.5,649 127,238,394 $42,559,438 44,330,429 46,i)S7'il5 49,019,090 48,459,305 49,oOS,t)')l 47,.37.5,110 43,921,085 36,941,013 34,942,921 30,411,473 38,377,485 1098 10.23 10.36 10.87 9.08 9.22 6.87 5.02 • 5.14 5.49 7 88 9.20 AMOUNT OF PAPER MONEY IN THE UNITED STATES. From the Report of tho Comptroller of the Currency, Deccember, 1881. The following table exhibits, by denominations, the amount of National bank and Legal-tender notes outstanding on November 1, 1881, and the aggregate amounts of both kinds of notes for the same dato in 1879 and 1880 ; Denominations. National b'nk notes Dollars. Ones 1,329,112 Twos 522,170 Fives ' 100,480,0,80 121,308,840 81,116,500 23,284,200 29,951,000 732,000 201,000 Tens Twenties Fifties One hundreds Five hundreds One thousands Five thousands Ten thousands Add for unredeemed fragments of National bank notes Deduct legal t'nder notes destroyed in Chicago fire Totals *16,586 Legal tender notes. Dollars. 24 40,4,059 23,732,196 67..S99,982 75,408,831 70,800,003 23,1.57,.575 33,2.39,370 14,217,f)00 12,065,500 2,430,000 260,000 Aggregate. Dollars. 25,793,171 24,254,S06 108,380,062 190,717,071 151,922,.503 40,441,775 63,190,370 14,949,500 12,266,590 2,430,(X)0 260,000 *16,580 1880. Aggregate. Aggregate. Dollars. 24,247,302' 23,030,578 107,042,898 189,05.5,588; 147,710,837 45,777,4751 59,958,000 10,765,.50o! 14,04O,.50(i 665,0(XI 320,(X)0l *1.5,129: Dollars. 22,.8.s7,502 21,0.30,803 159,.522,853 181,447,.558 141,44,5,933 40,177,945 58,:«9,780 23,088,000 2.3,1 11, .500 3,250,ot)0 2,500,000 '*13,5,86 1,000,000 l,000,fX)0 1,000,000 1,000,000 358,941,488! 346,681,010 705,622,.5(H 08S,744,407 0Sl,8I5..52O ♦ Estimated. Tho aggregate amount of national bank notes in circulation November 1, 1878, was $310,652,121, m against $335,134,.504 on November 1. 1879. $342,063,4,51 November 1, 1880. and $358,941,488, November 1, 1881. The aggregate of legal-tender notes (greenbacks) outstanding was precisely the same November 1, 1881, ai it was three years preceding. The total amount of paper money January 1, 1879, (the date of resump- tion) was 8008,702.134; November 1, 1881, $705,622,504; showing an increase of $36,920,370 in paper money national bank notes) since resumption. 92 AMERICAN POLITICS. ARMIES OF THE WORLD. [book vii. CJOUXTEIES Austria Hungary .... Argentine Republic Belgium Bolivia Brazil , Canada Cliili China Colombia Denmark Egypt France Germany Great Britain Greece India, British Italy Japan Luxembourg Mexico Netherlands Norway Persia Peru Portugal Roumania Russia Servia Spain Sweden Switzerland Turkey United States Uruguay Venezuela Population. Regular Army. War Footing. Annual Cost of Army. Cost per H'ad Dollars. S 37,739,407 289,190 1,125,833 53,3'-'6,915 1 41 2,400,000 8,227 304,000 3,374,518 1 46 5,476,008 46,383 165,877 8,776,429 1 GO 2,080,000 11.108,291 3,021 15,304 1,126,916 8,690,000 54 32,000 78 4,352,080 2,000 700,152 777,699 17 2,400,396 434,62t;,000 2,774,0110 3,573 300,000 3,000 50 000 1,000,000 30,74-^ 982,432 35 1,909,454 35,727 49,054 2,359,027 1 19 17,419,980 15,000 43,000 f Army and Navy. 1 \ 2,198,216 / 12 36,905,788 502,764 3,753.164 114,279,701 3 09 45,194,172 445,402 1,492,104 98,330,429 2 17 35,240,562 131,636 577,900 74,9(.1,500 2 12 1,079,775 12.118 35,000 2,204,716 1 34 252,541,210 189,597 380,000 84,481 195 33 28,209,620 736,502 1,718,933 42,947,2(;3 1 52 34,338,404 36,777 51,721 8,151 ,000 23 209,673 377 90,980 43 9,389,461 3,981,887 24,830 65,113 9,786,964 1 04 163,198 8,397,000 2 10 1,800,900 18,750 241,600 1,626,750 00 7,011(1,000 57,600 4,670 34,874 3,392,000 48 3,OnO,000 4,.34S,,551 40 000 78,024 4.373,833 1 00 5,376,000 19,812 200,000 5,222,227 97 72,520,000 974,771 2,733.3('5 137,812,202 1 90 1,589,650 50,000 205,000 1.765 > 21 1 n 16.333,293 90,000 4.''.0,000 24,802.930 1 51 4,531,863 41,280 202,783 4,649,940 1 02 2,831,787 117,500 210,495 2,352,160 83 8,866,532 350,000 610,200 1(1,642,090 2 21 50,155,783 25,745 *3,165,000 40,466,460 80 4,531,803 2,357 22,357 / Army and Navy. ) \ 1,870,686 J 4 18 1,784,197 2,240 185,000 Note.— The last column shows the ratio which the military expenditure bears to the total annual ex- penditure of each nation. * Militia force plus the regular army. NAVIES OF THE \rORL.D. COUNTKIES. Argentinp RepuVilic An-stria-Hiingary Belgnm Brazil Canida (Dominion) Chili China ColomV)ia Denmark Eeypt Franco Oermany Gmai Britain and Ireland Greece 33 14 258 86 238 18 991 6,369 172 4,984 1,468 1,125 48,2H3 1.5,815 58,800 052 Dollars. 550,439 4,()33,669 5,898,132 1,000,000 1.383,940 32,267,498 9,722,721 r.1,607,175 1 ,0.56,.536 Countries. Italy Ja])an Mexico Netherlands... Norway Peru Portugal Roumania Russia Spain Sweden lurkey United States., Venezuela 67 27 4 122 123 18 44 10 380 139 131 78 139 4 16,140 5,551 5,914 4,342 3 569 5;!0 30.1 91 15,179 5,925 23,000 11,115 200 Dollars. 9,227,132 3,015,000 4,819,776 448,032 l,m)7,411 19,268,7.55 6.429,168 l,424,2C.O 2,816,(X)0 15,686,671 BooKvii.J TABULATED HISTORY— STATISTICS OF STATES. 93 STATISTICS OF THK STATES. Alabama. State Officers Governor Lieut. Gov... See. .State Treasurer.... Auditor At. Gen Ad. Gen Supt. In.str. Name. Rufus W. Cobb. None \V. VV. Screws... .J. H. Vin.ent... J. M.Carmioliae H. C. Tomplvins J. F. White H. C. Armstrong Librarian Junius M. Kiggs T'rmlTrmends 2 yra Nov. 29, 82 Sal'y 83,000 1,800 2,1(H) 1,800 1,500 2,150 1,500 Judiciary Supreme Couet. — Chief Justice, Robert C- Brickell ; Associate Justices, Geo. W. Stone, H. M- Somervillo. Term 6 years. Elected bv the people. Salary, $:5,000 each. Clerk. J. W. A. Sanford. Amount of State Debt, Oct. 1st, 1881 ; funded, 89,- 139,400; unfunded, $J,523,-J52 ; intere.st, 2 to C p. cent. State Expenditures for la«t year, $897,803. Amount raised by taxation last year, S988,371. Amount of taxable property as assessed : Real, 887,775,383; personal, $51,3i)l,!»44; total, $139,077,327. Rate of State tax. Go cents on $100. . ArkanMas. State Officers Governor Lieut, Gov.... See. State Treasurer Auditor At. Gen Supt. Instr.... Land Com Name. Thos. J. Chur- chill None Jacob Frolich.... Wm.E.Woodruff John Crawford... C. B. Moore J. L. Denton D. W. Lear Trm 2 yra Trm ends Jan. 2, '83. Oct. 4. '82. Sal'y 3,000 1,800 2,250 2,250 1,500 l,fi()() 1,800 JupiciART Supreme Court. — E H. English. Chief Justice, S years from Oct. 1880. W. M. Harrison, 8 years from Oct. 1874, John R. Eakin, 8 years from Oct. 1878- Assncinte Justices. Elected bv the peo- ple. Salary, S3,5oo each. Clerk, Luke E. Barber. Amount "of State Debt, Oct. 1, 1880: Funded, 82,813,- 600; unfnn<ied, S2.2'i'2,!105, (being amount of interest due on foregoing bonded debt ;) total, S5,O06,405. The al>ove is oxelusive of 81,08r),773 Levee Bonds, 85,350,000 Railroad Aid Bonds, and of §3,694,644 other disputed debt. The Supreme Court of Arkansas in 1878 decided tnat all the Levee bonds are unconsti- tutional and invalid. All of the Railroad Aid bonds have been declared by the Supreme Court to have been illegally issued. Amendment to the State Con- stitution, virtually repudiating a large part of the State debt, was defeated at the election of Nov. 2, 1880, by vote of 64,407 in its favor, to 41,o49 against it. As it reijuired a full majority of all the votes c^st at an election to amend the Constitution, and there were 132,985 votes cast, it lacked 3,991 votes of a majority. Average State Expenditures for year, 8550,196. Amount raised by Taxation, $613,957. Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed — real, $54,60(5,057 ; personal, $32,286,484 ; Total, 886,892.541. Rate of State Tax, 6^ mills on the dollar. California. State Officers Name. Trm T'm Ends Sal'y Governor •Lieut. -Gov... Sec. State Geo. C. Perkins, John Manstield.. Daniel M. Burns John Weil' 3 yrs Jan 8, 1883 Mar 12, '82 86000 3000 3000 Comptroller.. Supt, Instr.... At.-Gen Sur.-Gen Librarian D. M. Kenfiold... F. M. Campbell.. August's L. Hart J. W. Shanklin... R. 0. Cravens 3000 3(HiO 3000 3000 ,3000 * The Lieutenant-Governor receives 812 per day during sessions of the legisUture as President of the Senate. He is Warden of State Prison, and re- ceives for that a salary of $10 per day. Judiciary, Sipreme Court.— Robert F Morrison, Chief Justice; M. If. Myri.-k, E. W. McKin>-trv, E. W. Ross, J. D. Thornton, J. R. Sharpstein, S. B. y\.<tKiHi, Associate Justices. Term, l;i years. Elected by the people. Salary, $6,000 each. Clerk, Frank W. (jroHs. Amount of State Debt, July, 1881 : Funded, $3,390,- 6(K» ; Unfunded none. Slate Expenditures, $5,384,385. Amount raised by taxation, $4,751,574. Amount of taxable property aa assessed: Real, *.34K,84K,810; Improvements, $11.5,213,0-11; Person-l, $1.5y,775,.544 ; Railroads 8:U,853,664 ; Total, $658,091,059. Rate of State tax, 05J/^ cents on $100. Colorado . State Officers Name. Trm T'm Ends Sal'y Governor Fred. W. I'itkins 2 yrs Jan 8, 1883 83<>'0 Lieut. -Gov.,.. H. A. W. Tabor.. " " w*y See. State N. H. Mel.lrum.. '• " 2-2<«) Treasurer Nathans. Cul'cr " t" 21 H^) Auditor E. K. Stimpson.. Chas. W. Wright " 200!) Att.-Gen " " 2iy.li} Supt. Inst .... Jos. C. Shattuek " " 20(^ Adj. -Gen Robert S. Roe... Governor ,51 ill Librarian Jos. C. Shattuek 2 yrs Jan 8, 1883 500 Judiciary, Supreme Court.— Henry C. Thatcher, Chief Justice ; term, 9 years; elected'by the people; salary, $;i,250. Samuel 11. Elbert, Wilbur F. Stone, Associates: salary of each, j:i,2.50. After short terms expire, Thatcher, 3 years; Elbert, 6 years; Stone, 9 years, Amoiml of State Debt on Nov. 30, 1880, $162,880.67; consisting onlj' of State warrants issued in anticipa- tion of taxes accruing. Colorado has no bonded debt, the State Cons' itu- tion expressly prohibiting the Legislature from creating any debt in advance of appropriations beyond the amount actually provided for by taxa- tion. State E.xpenditures for two years, $558,470. Amount raised l)y taxation last year, 8445,594. Amount of taxable property as ass«issed: Real, $25,804,345; personal, $17,268,303. Rate of .State tax, 3 3-5 mills on $1, besides 50 cents per capita for military purposes. Connecticut. State Officers Governor Lieut.-Gov... Sec. State Treasurer Comptroller., Sec, State B'd of Educat'n Adj. -Gen Sec. Bd.Agric Librarian Name. H. B. Bigelow.... Wm. H. Bulkley Chas. E. Searles David P. Nichols W. P. Batchellor B. G. Northrop... Geo. M. Harmon T. S. Gold Chas. J. Hoadly.. 2 yrs T'm Ends Sal'y Jan 3, 1883 $2000 5tX) 1500 1500 1500 12<10 2500 700 1800 Judiciary, Supreme Court.— John D. Park, Chief Justice. Elisha Carpenter, Dwight W. Pardee, Dwight Loomis, Miles T. Granger, Associate Justices. Term of all, 8 years. Elected by the General As- sembly. Salary of each, $-l,i)00. Amount of Stata Debt, funded, Dec. 1, 1881, $1,967,600, viz. : Bonds of 1863, redeemable 188.3, 6 per cent., $,';87,000; bonds of 1804, redeemable 1884, per cent, $1,318,.560; bonds of 1805, redeemable 1885,6 per cent., $1,741,100 ; bonds of 1877, rede.mable 1887, 6 per cent., J,1,031,(X)(). Total, $4,007 ,ii<.i0 ; unfunded debt, none. State Expenditures for last year, $1,509,8,55. Amount raised by taxation hvst year, Sl,460,2O.3..»il. Amount of taxal>le property a.* assesseil : Real, $228,487,700 ; per.-onal, $;t,5,9i U ,223. Ti>tal, $324,889,023, Rate of State tax, I'.'i mills on the dollar. The amount of State taxes received from the seve- ral towns during the year was 8578,829.04; amount of State taxes derived from other sources than pro- perly of individuals, $887,434.47. 94 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] Delavrare. Ctovernor . Lieut. -Gov Srtc. State.. Treasurer Auditor Adj. -Gen Supt. Pub. In Att.-Gen See. Bil.Agric Librarian John W. Hall None. Jas. L. Wolcott.. R. J. Reynolds.. John F.'Staats.. J. Park Postle.s. James H. Graven George Gray R. Harrington.. Ir. R. Kenney... 4 yrs 4 yri 2 yrs Jan 16, '83 $2000 1 Jan 16, '83 1000 Jim 28, 'SI 1450 Jan 28, '81 700 1 yr. 5 yrs 2 yrs Oct 9, 1884 Ap 9, 1881 Judiciary, Supreme Court.— Jos. P. Comegys, Chief Justice; h. E. Wales, John W. Houston, Edw. Woot- tnn. Associate Justices; Willard Saulsbury, Chancellor. Term, for life. Appointed for life. Salary, Chief Justice and Chancellor, 82,500 each; Associate Jus- tices, S2,iKX). Clerk, John D. Burton. Amount of State Debt, July 1st, 1881, $715,000, all funded. The State holds interest-paving securities (rail- road, etc.) to the amount of Sl,120,7fJ9,and is virtually out of debt. The annual receipts were about 815.5- 000, and the annual expenditures 3105,000. Of the tax receipts, no less than 840,590 was from licenses, ^3,812 from tax on railroads and passengers, and only $;30,95G from taxes on real and personal pro- perty, in the whole State. Delaware is the least taxed community in the Union, so far as the ex- penses of State government are concerned. Local taxes are also low. Florida. Junicuny, Suprfme Court. — James Jackson, Chief- Justice; Miiriin J. Crawford, Alexander M. Speer. Associate Justices. Term, 4 years; elected by the Legislature ; salary, 82,500 each. Clerk Supreme Court, Z. D. Harrison. Amount of State Debt, October 1, 18S0, 8o,9,51,,500, funded at 6 per cent., 7 per cent., and 8 per cent, in- terest. Railroad bonds indorsed by the State, 82.688,000. The new State Constituiion, adopted 1877, declared void sundry bonds and State indorse- ments issued in aid of railroads. State receipts for year ending Odober 1, 1880, 84,589,015.04, including receipts from bonds. State expenditures for year ending October 1,1880, 84,831,05s. 79, including piiblic debt payments. Amount raised by taxation, fiscal year 1880, $1,092,- 822.42. Amount of taxable property, as assessed — real, 8139,057,2,')0 ; personal, 8!I9,27C,876. Total, $238,934,126. Rate of State tax, 3y^ Uiills on the dollar, or 35 cents on $100. There is a poll tax of one dollar, levied in 1880 upon 134,323 wliite, and 94,099 colored citizens. The State valuation of property in 1.S80 showed the following items: Improved land, 29,815,591 acres, value 880,676,553; wild land, 7.563,316 acres, value $1,749,966; average value of improved land, $2.94; city and town property, value 851.2?.0,730 ; money and solvent debts, value $29,295,439; value of mer- chandise, 813,989,109; stocks and bonds, $5,037,894; live stock, value $23,07,5,704. The railroad property subject to tax was valued at $12,490,525 in 1880. The property of manufacturing companies (ex- empt from taxation by law) was valued at $4,138,375. lUluols. State Officers . Governor Lieut.-(}ov. ... Sec'y of State Treasurer ..... Comptroller.. Att'v-General Supt. of Pub. Instruction Adj. -General ConLofLand." & Imgrtion State Libr'i'n Name. W. D. Bloxham.. L. W. Bethel John L.Crawford HenryA.L'Engle W. D. Barnes Geo. P. Raney... E. K. Foster., J. E. Yonge... Hugh A. Corley. Sec'y of State.... T'rra 4 yrs Trm ends Jan. 7, '85, Sal'y $3500 500 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 Judiciary, Supreme Covut.— Chief-Justice, Edwin M. Randall; Associates, James D. ■Westcott, Jr.. R B. Von Valkenburgh. Term, for life, appointed by Governor, with consent of Senate; salary of each, $3,000. Amount of State Debt, January 1st, 1881— funded, $l,2.s4,700; unfunded, 8il,2.S7. Amount in Sinking Fund, $1.50.000. - State expenditures for year, $167,756. Amount raised by taxation, 8272,102. Amoiint of taxable property as assessed for year 1880, 8M, 1,57 846. Rate of State tax, 70 cents on every $100, for year ending December .31, 1880. Of this tax, 3 mills on the dollar goes to expenses of State gov. ernment, 3 mills for interest on State debt, and 1 mill for public schools. Georgia. State Officers Name. Alf. H. Colquitt.. None N. C. Barrett D. N. Spear Wm.A. Wright.. I CI iff'rd Anderson T'rm Trmend*! 2 yrs fiovcrnor I-ieut.-Gov.... S.'c'y of State Treasurer Compt.-Gen... Att'.v tJencral Supt. of Pub. I InstriictioniG. J. Orr Adj. -General. |J. M. Baird (Vi'tn. Agrict'r J. T. Henderson Slate Libr'i'nF. S. HaraIson...l2 yrs Railroad CommlsBioners. 4 yrs Nov. 3, '82. Sal'y 83(M)0 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2500 1000 State Officers Governor Lieut.-Gov. ... Sec'y of State' Treasurer Auditor, Att'y-General Adj .-General. Supt. of Pub. Instruction Sec.Bdof Ag Railroad Commis sioners.. State Libr'i'n Name. T'rm ShelbyM CuUom Jno. M.Hamilton Hen'yD. Dement Edward Kutz iChas. P. Swigert. Jas. McCartney.. J. H. Elliott James P. Slade.. Sam'l D. Fisher Wm. H. Smith... Geo. M. Bogue... W. H. Robinson Sec . of State ex-off 4 yrs By yrs Trm ends Sal'y Tan. 12,'85 Jan. 8,'83 Jan. 12,'85 Governor Jan. '83 Mar.26,'83 Feb.10,'83 $6000 lono 3500 3500 3500 3500 2000 3500 2000 3500 3500 3500 Judiciary, Supreme Covnr .—Chief- Justice, Pinkney H. Walkei-; As.'iocinte Justices, Alfred M. Craig. John Scholfield, T. Lyle Dickey, John M. Scott, John H. Mulkey, Benjarhin R. Sheldon. Term 9 years each ; elected by the people ; salary, $5,000 each. Illinois has no State debt. State expenditures for two years, $0,365,344.73. Amount raised by taxation, $2,140,000. Amount of taxable property as assessed— real, $623,979,369; personal, $175,,S,34,197 ; total, $799,813,666. Rate of State tax, 48 cents on 8100. The State taxation forms but a small part of the aggregate amount raised by tax. The county taxes were about 86,000.000 ; city taxes, $7,000,000, and town and district taxes, $11,500,000. The State constitution now prohibits cities or counties from substnibing to railroad or other cor- porations, and limits municipal debts to 6 per cent, on aggregate taxable property. Indiana. State Officers Name. "(Joseph M. Smith, J. C. Wall.ve, I S. N. Trammell. fiovernor lAlbert d. Porter. Lieut. -(;ov. ... Tluunas Hanna. Sec'y of State Enian'l H Hawn Treasurer iKo.'^wcU S. Hill... Auditor Edw. 11. Woiro... Att'y-GcneraliDan'l P. Baldwin Supt. of P. In. John M. Bloss.... Sec. BdofAg. Alex. H^rno State Libr'i'n, Mrs. E. Winfor.. T'rm 4 yrs 2 " Trm ends Jan. 12,'86 Jan. Feb. Jiin. Nov. Mar 9,' 83 25,'S3 6," 82 15,',S3 Apr. 1, '83 Sal'y J5000 J8dy 2000 3000 1500 2500 2.500 1.500 1200 BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— ST ATISTICS OP STATES. 95 STATISTICS OF THE STATES. JuDiciABY, Supreme Covm.— William E. Niblack, James L. Worden, GeorK« V. Ilowk, Bymn K. Klliott, Horace P. Hi-ldlo, William A. Woods. Terms of office 6 ye;irs I'ac-h ; '/loctcii by the people ; saliiiy $4,000. ClerkofSni>rt-me(;oiirt, .Jonathan W. Gordon. Amount of State debt, Nov. 1st, 1881, $1,870,1)08.34, bearing iV, to r> per cent, interest. State expenditiiri'8 for year, $J,7t)(>,G03.U ; amount raised by ta.\alion,3^7•!4,8oU.7'J, Amount of taxable property as asse,s.sed — real, $.')2r..4i:!.!)O0; porsoniil, *l!)2,:i82,io2 ; total, »720,914,2:il. Kate of State tax, :tO cents on each 8100. Iowa. State OfHcers Name. T'rm Trm ends Sal'y Governor B. R. Sherman... 2 yrs Jan. 9, '84 Siiooo Lieut. -Gov. ... O H. Manning... " .5.50 Sec'y of State .John A.T. Hull. " Jan. 1, '83 2200 Treasurer .... E. H. Conger " " 2200 AucJitor Wm. V. Lucas.... " " 2200 Att'y-Cxeneral S. McPherson " Jan. '83 1.500 A(lj.-(_roneraL W. L. Alexander Bv Governor 1.500 Supt. of Pub. Instruction John W. Akers... 2 yrs Jan. 2, '84 2200 Register of Land Office Jas. K. Powers... " " '83 2000 Railroad ~| A. R. .Anderson ..i3 " Apr. 1, '84 3000 Commia- i- Peter A. Day " " '83 3000 sioners.... I M. C. Woodruff.. " " '82 3000 State Libr'i*^n Mrs. S. Maxwell 2 " By Gov'r 1000 JuDiciART StTPREME CouRT. — William H. Seevers, Chief-Justice; Austin Aciams, Joseph M. Beck, James G. I)ay, James H. liothrock, Associate Justices. Term, 6 years. Elected by the people. Salary, 84,000 each. Clerk, Edwin J. Holmes, $2,200. Amount of State Debt, Dec, 1881, $245,435.19. This constitutes the onlyStrUe Deiit, and is a permanent one. The Revenue Fund is responsible to the School Fund for this amount of 824,5,435.19 at 8 per cent, interest. State Receipts for two years between Sept. 30th, 1870, and Sept. 3nth, 1881, S2,5U 262.08. State Expenditures same period, 82,409,807.71. Amount raised by Taxation same period, $1,643,- 768.39. Taxable Property— Real, $303,870,905; Personal, $89,327,400. Railroad Property, 825,904,423. Total valuation, $419,102,728. State Tax, 2 mills on $1.00. Kansas. State Officers Govornor Lieut.-Gov.... Sec. of State.. Treasurer Auditor..! Aty.-Ocneial. Adj.-General. Supt Pub. Ins Sec. Hd. Agri. Reg. Land Of. Ins. Comm'r.. State Libr'n.. Name. John P. St. John.. D. W. Finney James Smith John Francis P. J. Bonebrake.. W. A. Johnston.. P. 8. Noble H. C. Speer F. D. Coburn Auditor ex-o/?icio. Orrin T. Welch.. H. J. Dennis Trm T'm Ends 2yr.' 2 yrs 4 yrs Jan 9,1883 Jan. 1883 Julv, 1884 Sup. Co't Sal'y. $3,000 2,001) 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,500 2,<X)0 2,000 2,000 1,500 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Albert H Horton, Chief- Justice ; David J. Brewer, D. M. Valentine, As- sociate Jitstices. Chief-Justice, 6 years; Associate Justices, 4 years. Elected by the people. Salary, $3,000 each. Clerk, C. J. Brown. Amount of State debt, July 1st, ISSl, $1,181,97.5. General Statement of State Bonds issued : 8101,475 ai 6 per cent. ; $1,080,500 at 7 per cent. Total, $1,181,- 975. Amount in Pinking Find, 8192,075. Amount in Permanent School Fund, $607,925. Stste Recei: ts for year ending July 1st, 1881, $2,- 020,264, including balance in trea.'diry. State Expenditures for same year, $1,561,750- Amount raisrtd by Taxation for year ending July 1st, 1S81, $«IS3, 1.39. Value of Taxable Proport*', as asses.sed — Real, $113,700,467: Personal, S'.7.II2.90fi ; total, 8170,,SM.3:3. Bate of State Taxation, 1380, 50 centa on each $100. 64 -[Continued.] Kentucky. Sec. of State..' Jas. Blackburn... Treasurer IJames W. Tate... Auditor I Fayette Hewitt.. ]4 yrs Qurm'r.-G'l | o m i , Jos. P. Nuckols.. & Adj.-Gen. / Supt. Pub Ins Aty .-General. Reg. Land Of Comr.of Agri. Ins Comm'r.. State Libr'n... J. D. Pickett... W. P. Hardin.. Jan, 4, '84 Sept 6, '83 Ralph Sheldon... Chas. E.Bowman! 'Jan. 5 '84 L. C. Norman :4 yrs Mrs. A. B. Cook.. 2 yrslFeb. 1,'84 2,000 3,000 .500 Afoes 82,000 2,000 4.0<X» 1,000 JuDiciART. Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, Joseph H. Lewis, term expires September, 1882. Associate Justic.c,% T. F. Hargis, term expires September, 1884; Thomas II. Hines, term expires September, 1886; William S. Pryor, term expires September, 1888. Term of office 8 years. State divided into four ap- pellate districts. One Judge elected every 2 j'ears; the Judge having .shortest time to serve being Chief- justice. Salary $5,000 each. Amount of State debt, October 10th, 1881, tl80,304, 6 percent.; unfunded, 8.300,000. Amount in Treasury, $174,000 State Expenditures, year ending October 10th, 1881, $1,424,604.77. Amount raised by Taxation, 1881, $2,322,333.70. .'\mount of Taxable Property, aa assessed, real and personal, $3.50,423,946. Rate of State Tax, 1881, per cent. i5\4 cents per 8100. lionlsiana. State Officers Governor Lieut.-Gov... Sec. of State. Treasurer.... Auditor Atv.-General Supt.Piib Ed Name. John McEnery... Will. A. Strong... E. A. Burke Allen Jumel James (3. Egan... -Fay Com'r of L'ds' James Graham... State Libr'n .JL. A. McDonald. Trm T'mEnds'Sal'y. Jan., 1884 |,*4,0O0 S-Sd'y 1,800 2,000 2,500 4,000 2,'JOO l,.5O0 900 Judiciary, Supremh Court. — Thomas C. Manning, Chief- Justice ; term of office, 8 year.s: salary, $7 .500. William B. Fgan, Robert H.Marr. Alciniade De Blanc, William B. Spencer, .■1,s.50ciVj^'".s', term of office, 5 3'ears; all appointed by the (iovernor, and confirmed bv the Senate; salary "of each, $2,000. Amount of State Debt, January 1st, 1880, $11,781," 761, funded. Louisiana adopted a new State Constitution, De- cember, 2, 1879, which provided for refunding the State Debt in bonds bearing 2 per cent, interest for 5 years, 3 per cent, for 15 year*, and 4 per cent there- after. The unpaid interest on consols, from 1874 to 1878 inclusive, amounts to $579,732. Resides this, and the $11.7R1',761, (which represents an extension of the 1874 consols, which funded the whole debt at 60 cents on the dollar,) the State owes $:i,971,O00 not fundable. State Expen.lifures. $2,719,412.24. Amount raised by Taxation. $2,4.32,188. Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed for 1880— Real, $149,035,805. Rate of State Tax, 6 mills ou $1. 96 AMERICAN POLITICS, [book VII. STATISTICS OF THE Maine. State Officers Name. Trm Governor Lieut. Gov.... Sec. of State.. Treasurer Aty.-General. Acij.-General. S'ptCm.Sehl;; Bank Examr Land Agent.. Ins Commis'r R.B.Com'rs See. B'd Agrt State Libr'n... H'ris 31. Plaisted 2 yrs J None Joseph O. Smith|2 yrs S. A. Holbrook... " Henry B. Cleave " Geo. S. Beal \ " N. A. Luce 3 yrs Fr'd. E.Richards " Cyr's A. Packard 4 yrs Josepli B. Peaks " A.W.Wildes 3 yrs .Ino. F.Anderson C. J. Talbott Z. A. Gilbert Josiab S. Hobbs. T'm Ends Sal'y. 4 yrs Jan. 3, '83, Jan., 1883. Feb., 1883. Jan., 1884. Feb.,1883. Apr., 1882. Feb., 1884, $2,000 1.200 1,600 1,000 900 1,000 900 800 900 Fees. Fees. Fees. 600 600 Judiciary Supreme Court. — Cfiief Justice, John Ap- pleton ; Associate. Judged, Charles W. Walton, Wm. 6. Barrows, Charles Danforth, Wm. W. Virgin, John A. Peters, Artemas Libby, Joseph W. Symonds. Appoint>-d by the Governor for seven years. Salary, 83,000 each. Reporter, J. W. Spaulding. Amount of State Debt, January 1,1881; Funded, So.883,900; unfunded, 82,521,057. Amount in Sinking Fund Jan. 1, 1881, 81,397,857. State Expenditures for last year, $l,3irj,0(i,3,(;7. Amount raised by taxation last year, $900,ooo. Amount of taxable property as assessed : Real and per.«onal, S235 978,716. Kate of State Tax, 1880. 50 cents on $100. Ittaryland. State Officers Name. Governor |W. T. Hamilton. Lieut. Gover. None See. of State..! James T. Briscoe Treasurer Barnes Compton Comptroller.. I Thos. T.Keating Atty. General C. J. M. Gvvinn... Adjt. Gen J. Wes. Watkins Supt.Pub. In. M. A. Newell Comr. Lands.W. D. Haywood.. State Libr'an. Edward Duvall .. Trm 4 yrs 4 yrs 2 " 4 " 4 " 4 " 2 " 4 " 4 " T'm Ends Sal'y STATES [Continued.] Supreme Judicial Court. — Chief Juatice, Marcus Morton: Associate Justices, W m. C. Endicott, Otis P. Lord, Walbridge A. Field, Charles Devens, VVilliam Allen, Charles Allen. OtHce held during good be- haviour. Appointed bv Governor and Council Sa- lary, Chief Ju.«tice, $(i,.5O0; Associate Justices, 86,000 each. Clerk, John Noble, S3,000. Amount of State Debt, Jan. 1. 1881, S32.799.464, all funded at 5 per cent interest. No floating debt. Amount in Sinking Fund, January 1, 1881, J13,050,- 192.20. State Receipts for year ending January 1, 1881, on account of revenues, S7,881, 198.67 ; on account of Funds, 85,616,418.18. Total receipts, 813,497,616.8,5. State Expenditures for year ending Jan. 1, 1881, on account of Current Expenditures, $6,902,451.61 (in- cluding 11,6.51.229.73 interest on the Public Debt; on account of funds, loans etc., $3,322,362.19. Total, 88,- 807,050.26. Amount raised by Taxation, 1880, for State pur- poses, $4,9,50,000 Total taxes raised in Massachusetts, year ending May 1, 1881, for State, County, City and Town pur- poses, including Highway or Road tax, $24,180, 245; being about $13.56 per capita of the population. .Amount of Taxable property, as assessed: real, $1,149,4(;5,827; personal, $498,274,149. Total, May 1, 1881, $1,648,239,976. Total number of polls in this State, 1881, subject to voters' tax, of $2,469,207. Total amount of poll tax, 1881, $928,560. Rate of State tax, year ending Jan. 1, 1881, 35 cents on $1,000. In addition to the regular State tax, Massachusetts assesses corporations over and above the local tax- ation, upon a valuation aggregating $74,244,884.38, which is assessed at the average rate in ttie State, to wit: $15.35 on $1,000. The proceeds of this tax is distributed to the cities and towns where the stock- holders reside, if within the commonwealth. Jan 2, 1884 $4500 Jan 2, 1884 Jan 2, 18,S2 Jan. 1884 Jan2,'18S4 Feb. 1884 Jan. 1882 Jan. 1884 Jan. 1884 2000 2500 2500 SOOO 1500 1000 2000 1500 Judiciary Court of Appeals —Chief Justice, James L. Bartol ; Associate Judges, James M. Robinson, John Ritchie, Levin T. H. Irving, R. H. Alvey, Frederick Stone, Richard Grason, Oliver Miller. Term, 15 years; elected by the people. Salary, $3,500. Clerk, Spencer C. Jones. Amount of State DeV)t on Oct. 1, 1880, $11,277,110 69, fun<led. About half the debt bears 6 per cent, inte- rest, and the remainder 6 per cent. The State holds, as against its public debt, inte- rest-paying securities amounting to $4,235,713, be- siden $23,360,682 in unproductive securities. State Expenditures for year, $2.0,50,869,40. Amount raised by taxation last year, >938,463.26. Amount of taxable property as assessed : Real and personal, *4.59,187,408; railroad property, 168,576,242. Rate of State Tax, 18% cents on $100. BfassacUnsetts. State Officers Name. Trm T'm Ends Sal'y Govf-rnor Iiieut.Gov Spc. of State.. Treasurer Auditor Attv. General Adj Gen John T>. Long Byron Weston... ITcnry B. Peirce Danl. A. Gleason Charles R. Lad-i Gforge Mar.ston. A Uun Ui.rrv .. 1 yr. 3yr(i ,Ian3,1883 Jan 17, '83 tsooo 2000 2500 4000 2.500 4000 2500 Sec' Bd. Edii'. ,T.' W. Dickinson. SeC.Bd.Ag. ) x,,v,n V. Rn<.Q«1 2000 2000 & S'ato Lib. r InB. Comis'r.. Julius L. Clark... May 2, '82 3(100 Michigan. State Officers Governor .. Lieut. Gov Sec. of State.. Treasurer Auditor Gen.. Attv. Gen Supt. Pub. In. Adjt. Gen Sec. Bd. Agr.. Com. Lands... Ins. Comis'r.. Railro'd Com. Immtg. Com.. State Libra'n. Name. David H.Jerome Moreau S Crosby Wm. Jennev Bj. D. Pritciiard. \V. Irv. Latimer. J. J. Van Riper... V. B. Cochran ... John Robertson. Robert G. Baird.. Jas. M.Nea.«mith Samuel IT. Row.. Wm. B.William.. Fred. Morley Harr'tA. Tenney Trm 2 yrs T'm Ends Dec. 31 '82 Board. Sal'y $1000 $idy 800 10(10 1000 800 1000 1000 1500 800 2000 2500 2000 1000 JuriciART Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, Benjamin F. Graves, term expires December 31, 1883; Associate Justices, Thomas M. Cooley, term expires December 31,1885; James V.Campbell, term expires Decem- ber 31, 1889. Elected by the people for 8 years. Sa- lary of each, $4,000. Clerk of Supreme Court, Chas. C. Hopkins, $.3000. Amount of State Debt, funded, October 1, 1881, $904,149.07, viz., $,590,000 funded, due in 188,3, at 6 per cent.; $299,000 duo in 1890, at 7 per cent.; $15,149.97 past duo, not presented, interest stopped. Amount in Sinking Fund, $1,889,000. State Expenditures for year ending Oct. 1, 1881, $2,392,569.01. Amount raised by taxation last year, $804,831.21. Amount of taxable property as assessed in 1881 — real and personal, $810,000,000. Rate of State Tax, 12 78-100 cents om each $100 of valuation. BOOKvii.] TABULATED HISTORY— ST ATISTICS OF STATES. 97 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.-[Continued.] Bllmiesota. State Officers Gf)vernor Lieut.-'iov.... S'30. of State.. Treasurer Auditor. Atti)i'y-(ien'l Sup. Pul). Ins Adj't-Gen'l ... Ins. Com'r.... <!onn.of Stat's R'lr'd Com'r. State Libr'n.. Name. Lucius F. llub'd (Jlias. A. (Jilman F. Von Baumb'k Clia.>< HitteLson.. .|\V. \V. Uraden.... \V. II. Halin D. Hint 11. P. V.m Cleve. A. R. McGill F.S.Christensen Jamea H. Baker W. H. H. Taylor 3 yrs 2 yrs Trm ends Jan 1, 1S8-1 Jan 3, 1885 Jan 1,1884 Sal'y. $3,8(.0 \i^M coo 1,8m) 3,500 3,000 1,,000 2,,5O0 1,.'')00 2,000 2,000 1,500 JuDicTAny, Supreme Court. — Chief Jiisfiee, Charles E. Vanderburg. Salary, $4,.')00. A.ssociata<, William Mitchell, D. A, Dickinson. Salary of each, $4,000 Term, 7 years. Elected by the people. Clerk of the .Supreme Court, Samuel H. Nichols. Amount of State Debt, November 30, 1880, 8290,000 (fiuKled), bearing 7 and G per cent, interest. Besides this debt there arc disputed bonds, issued in ISoS, duo 1K83, to aid in the construction of rail- roads, S2,275,0<M). State receipts, year ending Nov. ."JO, 1880, 81,503,130.55. .State ox)enditures for year, 81,421,007.99. Amount raised bv taxation, 8^580,90.^.58. Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real, 82n3.473,(;37 ; personal, r)4,.')81,906; total, 82.50,055,543. Kate of-S^ate ta.x, 1 8-10 mills on the dollar. The tax for all purposes. State, county and town, has averaged 17^ mills on the dollar— 81.72 on SlOU. Mississippi. State Officers Name. Trm Trm ends Sal'y. Governor Lieut.-Gov.... Sec. of State.. Treasurer Auditor Attor'y-Gen... Sup. Pub. Rd. Com'r Agr't'e Robert Lowry.... G. D. Shands H. C. Myers W.L.Hemingw'y Sylvanus Gwin.. Thos.C.Catch'gs J. Argyle Smith. E. G Wall 4 yrs 2 yrs 4 yrs 2 yrs Jan 5, 1880 Apr.1,1882 84,000 800 2,500 2,.".00 2,,'iOO 2,500 2,000 1,000 1,000 1,500 Com'r Lands. Adj't-Gen'l.... State Libr'n.. John M. Sniylie. .\nd'vv M. Nelson Mrs M. Morancy Jan 3, 1882 800 Judiciary, SurHEMt Court.— C7ii>/Ji««r«,Thoma<i A. Sherwoo.l. Term expires Doc. 31, \nnz. Ansociate Justices, WarwicK Hough, term expires December 31, 1884; John E. Henry, term expire.'" December 31,1880; Elijah H. Norton, term expires December 31, 1888; Robert D. Ray, term expires Decemf>er 31, 1890. Elected by tlie people, one every two years' Salary of each, 84,500. CUrk, Henry W. Ewinii 83,000. *• Amount of State debt, funded January 1, 1881 810,259,000; all bearing 6 per cent int<'rest. ' Besides thi«, Missouri has 8;!,imk),oO(j of State bonds Issued to the Hannibal and St. Jo.xepli Railroad Co., the interest on which is regularly paid by that corporation. Amount in sinking fund, ^ri.oiJl,*^^. About $11,000,000 of the State debt of Missouri waa contracted in aid of railroads. State expenditures foi- 2 years, 82,801,038. Amount raised by taxation, ?2,129,512. Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real, $3Hl,.5.-i5,5il4; personal, 8N7,001,i)10. Rail road and telegraph [iroperly (separately taxed), 829,i43,!)(;9. Total, 8j58,:!i;i,443. Rate of State tax, 4 mills on $1.00. Nebraska. State Officers Name. TrmlTrmends 1 Sal'y. Governor Lieut.-Gov . . Sec. of State.. Treasurer Aud. Puc. Ac. Attor'y Gen'l. Sup. Pub. Ins. Albinus Nance... E. C. Karns 8. J. Alexander.. G. M. Bartlett.... John Wallichs... C. J. Dilworth.... W. W. W. Jones. 2 yrs Jan 4, 1883 82,600 $0a dav. 2,000 2,500 2,500 2,000 2,000 5(X» 1,000 2,000 Adj't-Gen'l.... !S. J. Alexander.. Sec. B'd Agr. J. C. McBride.... lyr 2 yrs " Com'r Public Lands and Buildings.. State L. Lib'n A. G. Kendall Guy A. Brown.... JuDici.\RT, Supreme Court. — Chie^ Justice, George B. Lake. Associate Justices, Amasa Cobb, Samuel Max- well. All elected by the people for six years. Salary of each. S2,.500." Clrrk, (iuy A. Brown, 81.500. Amount of State debt, Nov. 30. 1880, $449,267.3-5, drawing 8 per cent, interest, besides $.50,000 to re- lieve grasshopper sufferers, drawing 10 per cent. Amount in Sinking Fund, S-'>9.4r.9,20. State expendinires for 2 years, 81,509,233.95. i Amount raised by taxation in 1 year ending Nov. t 30, 1881, 8-573,000.51. ! Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1881 — ■ Real, 854,279,302 ; personal, 838,80.3,095. Total, 893,- ; 142,457. Rate of State tax, 05 cents on 8100. Nevada. JuDtciABY, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, H. H. Chalmers. Assoc.iite Justices, 3. A. P. Campbell, Timothy E. Cooper. Term of office, 9 years. Ap- pointed by the Governor and Senate. Salary of each, 83,.500. Clerk, Oliver Clifton. < Amount of State debt January 1, 1880, $.3,090,100.29. I State receiptsforyearendingJan. 1, 1880,^5.58,802.15. I State expenditures for year ending January 1, State Officers 1880, 3553,320.81. | Amount raised by taxation same year, 8444,320.78. | Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1879 — j Governor f. H. Hinkead.. Real, 870,139,102; personal, $50,059,508. I Lieut.-Gov ...j.L W. Adams Rate of State tax on 8100, 35 cents. i Sec. of State.. |jasper Babcock. ' Treasurer L. L. Crockett... Name. BUssourl. State Officers Name. Governor T. T. Crittenden Lieut.-Gov.... I Bee. of State.. Treasurer i Auditor ' Attor'y Gen'l, Adj't-tren'l.... Sup. Pub. Sc Reg. Lands... R.R. Com Trm Trm ends 'Sal'y. 4 yrs ■'{ Sap. Ins.Dep State L. Lib'n R. A. Campbell.. M. K. McGrath.. P. E. Chappell... John Walker D. H. Mclntvre.. John B. Waddill R. D Shannon ...'4 yrs Rob'tMcCulloch " Geo. C Pratt yrs James Harding, " A. M. Sevier I " Jno. F. Williams 4 yrs Jesse W. Henry.l " Jan 12, '85 Jan 8, 1883 Jan...l8si Mar. 1, '85 8.5,000 85a day. 3,000 3,000 3,000 3,000 2,000 3,000 3,000 3,000 3,000 3,000 4,000 Comptroller .J. F. Hallock Attor'v-Gen'l M. A Murphy Adj't-fJen'l ... Lt.-Gov. cx-offi,cio Sup. Pub. Ins. D. R. Sessions... Surv.-Gen'l ... |A. J. Hatch State Libr'n.. Lt. -Gov. ex-otficio Trm 4 yrs Trm ends Jan 1,1883 Jan 1, 1883 Sal'y. 80,000 3,000 3,000 3,600 3,600 3,600 3,000 3,600 1,600 Judiciary Supreme Court. — Chief Jwiire, 0. R. Leonard ; Associate Justices. Thomas P. Hawley, C. H. Belknap. Salary of each. 87,000. Elected bv the people for years. Clrrk Supreme Court, C. F. Bick- nell, 4 years. Salary, 83.000. Amount of State Debt, Nov. 7, 1881; Funded, $527,- 000, at 5 and 4 per cent. State Receipts for year ending Jan. 1, 1881,8328,- 257.82. State Expenditures for same year, $321,078.92. Amount raised by taxation same year, 8190,070.42. Rate of State Tax. 55 cents on $100. Poll tax, $1.00 on adults. Amount of taxable property, a.s assessed (27,698,668, 98 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] Ne\r Hampslilre. State Officers Governor Lieut. Gov.... Sec. State .... Treasurer.... At. Gen Supt. Instr... Ins. Comm'r RR. Com'rs Name. T rm Trm ends Sal'y Adj. Gen Sec. Bd Agri' State Lib'n ... Charles H. Bell.. None A. B. Thompson. Solon A. Carter .. Mason W. Tap- pan .1. W. Patterson.. Oliver Pillsbury •James E.French Charles A.Smith Edward J. Ten- ney Aug. D. Ayling... James O. Adams Wm. H Kimball 1 yrs 5 yrs June 6,'83 June 6,'83 Julv24,'8G July 7,82 July20.'84 Juue 3,'8:3 Sl.OOO j 800 2,200 2,000 Fees Pr. dm 1,000 1,000 800 Judiciary Supreme Covm.— Chief-Justice, Charles Doe. Salary, ?2,'.^00. A-'isociate Jimtica, Clinton W. Stanley, Isaac W. Blodgett, William H. H. Allen, Isaac W. Smith, Lewis W. Clark, Alonzo P. Carpen- ter. Appointed by Governor and Council. Terra of office, until 70 years of age. Salary, $2,700 each. Amount of State Debt, June 1, 1881; Funded, S3,- 337,100, intere.-;t at 6 per cent.; unfunded debt, S74,- 148.07, intere^^fat 5 per cent. State Receipts for year ending June 1, 1881, S529,- 500,000. State expenditures for year ending June 1, 1881, $389,803.90. Amount raised by taxation last year, S398.R92. Amount of taxable property as assessed: Real, $123,.^ll,284; personal, $77,3-30,732. Total, 3200,878,016. Rate of State Tax, year ending April 1, 1881, 20c. on each $100 for State purposes. Average rate for all purposes, including State, county, town, highway and school taxes, 81-"2 on $100. New Jersey. State OiBcers Governor Lieut. Gov.... Sec. State Treasurer Comptroller.. At. Gen Sup. Pub. Ins. Adj. Gen Sec. Bd. Agri' State Lib'n ... Name. Trm Trm ends Sal'y 3 yrs .5 yrs Geo. C. Ludlow .. None Henry C Kelsey Geo. M. Wright..j3 Ed. J. Anderson Is " JohnP.StoektonS " Ellis A. Apgar...l3 " Wm. S. Stryker.. 5 " Wm. M. Force... J 's.S.McDanoldsIs yrs Jan. 21, '84 $5,000 Apr. 6, '81 Fees Mar. 4, '82S4,000 Apr. 6, '80, 4,000 Apr. 5, '82 l,.-i00 BdEd'cni 3,000 Governor! 1,200 S'teAg.Soi Fees Jan. 27. 84 1,500 JuBiciABT , Supreme Court. — Chief-Justice, Mercer Beasley. Salary, 85,200. Associates, Alfred Reed, Joel Parker, Edward W. Scudder, Bennet Van Syckel, David A. Dcpue, Jonatlian Dixon, M. M. Knapp, William A. Magio; appointed by the Gov- ernor, and confirmed by the Senate ; Salary of each, $5,000. Term of office 7 years. C/crA;, Benjamin F. Lee. Chancellor, Theodore Runyon; term, 7 years; salary, 810,000. Amount of State Debt, Oct. 31st, 1880; War bonds, total, 8l,896,,300, bearing 6 per cent, interest. The debt is payable 8100,000 each year. Amount in Sink- ing Fund, 81,458,852.34. State Receipts for year ending Oct, 31, 1880, 81,- 075,421.10. , State Expenditures for year, $1,72.3,480.72. Amount raised by taxation last year: Paid, 8819,- 999.81; unpaid, 875,2.50.75. Total, $89,5,250.30. Rate of State Tax, 2J^ mills on the dollar. Valuation of property, 1880: R<al, 8130,032,038; personal, $82,584,- 880; total, $518,017,518. New York. State Officers Lieut. Gen. Sec. State Treasurer Comptroller.. At. Gen Aud.C'n'l Dpt State Engn'r and Surv'r. Supt Ins. Dpt Supt. Works.. Sup. Pub. lus. Adj. Gen State Lib'n... Name. Governor Alonzo B.Cornell Geo. G. Hoskins Joseph B. Carr... Robt. A. Maxwell Ira Davenport... LeslieW. Russell John A. Place.... Silas Seymour... Chas.G. Fairman Silas B. Duteher Neil Gilmour. Fred. Townsend Henry A. Homes Trm 3 yrs 2yr; 3 " Trm ends Sal'y Dec.31,'82 May20,'83 Dec. 31,' Apr. 15,' Dec. 31,' Apr. 7, ' Dec.31,'82, 2,500 10.000 &hse 5,000 5,(K)0 5,000 G,0')0 5,000 5,000 5,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 Judiciary, Court of Appeals. — Chief-Justice, Charles Andrews; Salary, $7,500. A><i<ociate^, Theodore Miller, Robert Earl, Geo. F. Danforth, Charles A. Rapallo, Francis M. Finch, Benjamin F.Tracy, term, 14 years ; elected by the people ; Salary of each, $7,000, besides 82,n00 for expenses. Clerk, Edw in O. Perrin, S5,rKX). Amount of State Debt, Oct. 1, 18S1, $9,114,0,54.87; all except $125,694.87 being canal debt, bearuig 6 per cent., gold, interest, and redeemable 1883 to 1893. Amount in Sinking Fund, $2,177,2.30.84. State Receipts for year ending Sept. 30th, 18S1, Sll,,S,35,570.93. State Expenditures same year, $8,128,.590.11. Amount raised by taxation last year, ending Sept. 30, 1881, $9,232,542.33. Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1881; Real, $2,329,408,450; personal, $339,702,783. Total, $2,009,111,233. Rate of State tax, fiscal year, 1881, 6}4^mills on the dollar. The newly imposed tax on railroads and other cor- porations, is expected to yield $2,000,000 a year when fully enforced. Real estate bore about 8"< per cent. of the whole taxation in 1880, and personal property 12 per cent. NorUi Carolina. State Officers Name. Governor JThos. J. Jarvis...!4 yrs Lieut. Gov.... IJas. L. Robinson Sec. State Wm. L.Saunders. Treasurer .....John M. Worth. Auditor 'W- P. Roberts... At. Gen Thos. S. Kenan Trm Trm ends Sal'y $3,000 Supt. Instr.... Ad. Gen Com. Agri'.... State Lib'n... J.C.Scarborough Johnst'nT.Jones M. McGnhan Shre'd Haywood Jan. 1, "85 2,000 3,000 1,.500 2,000 1,500 300 400 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Chief- Justice, W. N. H. Smith; Associate Justice, Thos. 8. Ashe, Thomas Ruffin. Term, 8 years. Elected by the people. Salary, $2,500 each. Cleric, William H. Baaley Amount of State Debt, Oct. 1, KSMl ; Princip.al, $16,- 960,045; Interest, unpaid, $100,100,183; total, $27,120,- 218, exclu-^ive of unacknowledged, "special tax bonds," amount $11,407,000. By Funding law of Feb. 1879, the sum of $12,683,- 045 of the deJbt was recognized as valid, and ante- war bonds funded at 40 per cent, of face values, while new R. R. bonds were scaled at 25 per cent, of their face, and funding bonds of 18(16 and 1868 at 15 percent, of face v.ilue. All the new eonsolitlater bonds run 30 years, at 4 per cent., the first coupon of 2 per cent, having been paid Jan. 1, 1881. The sum total of new funding bonds authorized, is $i,6i8,51l, and the amount issued, up to Oct. 1, 1880, is $2,211,816, cancell- ing the sum of $7,470,245 of tne old bonds. Other bonds of the States amounting to about $l,3,(K)0,O0o, are unprovided for in this compromise. Slate Rp.'cipts, year ending Oct. 1, 1881, $645,743.35. State Expenditures for year ending Oct. 1, 1881, $048,172.59. Amount raised by taxHtion, 1880, $120,000, besides a school tax paid to county treasurers. Amount of taxable property, as assessed; Real, $1012,348,216 : personal, $07 ,568,691. Total, $l(i9,916,907. Rate of State Tax, 24 cents on $100, beuidea 8^ cents school tax. BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— STATISTICS OF STATES. 99 STATISTICS OF THE OUlo. State Officers Name. Trm 2 yrs 4 yrs Governor (Jharles Foster... Lieut.-Gov. ... Rees G. Ric hards Sec. of State. [Chas. Towii.seiid Treasurer j.ro.seph Ttirney.. Auditor [John F. Oglevoe Att'y-Gen'l....t(Jeori;e K. Nash. Adjfnt-iicii'li '. S.Cm.of Com- iiion.Sf'hoola Daniel Da Wolf.. 3 yrs Ins. Com I'lirt-i. H. Moore... " R. R. VA>m livlas Sabine 12 yrs Sec. B. .Vf,'ri..'./os.I.Ch'mberrn| S. Librarian...!. J OS. H. Geiger... 2 yrs T'm Ends Jan 9, 1884 Jan. 1883. June 2, '84 Feb.24,'83 Apr 12, '83 Sal'y. $4,0(11) 8iw) 3,1100 3,11011 3,000 2,1 KX) 2,000 2,000 2,000 2,(H)U 2,000 1,500 JuDi(M\iiY, SiTPRKME CouRT. — Chief Juotice, John W. Okev; A.s.wrinte Jusliciun, William White, George W. Mcllvaiue, W. W. Johnson, Joseph Longworth; term of ea''h, .5 years; eleeted oy the people; salary, $:i,ooo. Clerk, Dwight Crowell, 3 year.s, $l,.'j00. Amount of State Debt, funded, Nov. 1!5, 1881; 8r),200,oon, viz: 4 per cent, loan of 1881, S2,800,ooo . loan payable after Deo. 1st, 1880, G per cent. S2,4oo,(Ji'ii. Amoimt in Sinking Fund, Nov. 15, 1881, Si08,2M.'>..')'.l. State RecfMpts, year ending Nov.l5,'81,S."i,3or,,ir.'j.73. State E.Kpi'uditures for same year, S-'>,751,2i'i4.5l1. Amount raised by ta.'>:ation in 1881, S4,47y,0S9.o2. Amount of taxable property as assessed: Real, $1,097 ,.509,8.30 ; personal, $427,930,111; total, Sl,525- 445,941. Rate of State Tax, 29 cents on $1IK1. A State law requires all local debts of counties, cities, townships, etc., to be reported and publishea annually. Oregon. State OfHcers Name. Trm T'm Ends Sal'y. Governor Lieut.-Gov Wm. W. Thayer. None 4 yrs Sep.l3, '82 S4,500 Sec. of State, Aud.AComp Treasurer .... Att'v-Gen'l.... R. P. Earhart Edward Hirsch.. 4 yrs Sep.! 0, '82 i,.5no 800 Sup. Pub. Ins Com. of Laud [i. J. Powell Sep.lO, '82 1,500 B'd com. of Gov. .Sec. & Treas. of State D. M. Lyle Sep.30, '82 600 JuDici.KRY, Supreme Court. — William P. Lord, term 2 years ; Edward B. Watson, term 4 years ; John B. Waldo, term 6 years ; elected by popular vote ; salary of each, "32,OtK). Clerk of "Supreme Court, Thomas B. Odenoal. Amount of State Debt, Sept. 1, 1880, $.3.56,503.39, viz: Modoc War Bonds, 10 years, 7 per cent. Sjo5, 008.39; Look Bonds, Willamette River Improve- ment, 7 per cent., S151,500; unfunded debt,Sl54,8G7,- 7G ; Total, S511,37ii.i5. St.ite Expenditures for last two years, 8.392,230.51. Amount raiseil by taxation in one year $324,959. Amount of taxable property as assessed: Real and personal, Slii,4.!2,817. Rate of State Tax, G mills on the dollar. Pennsylvania. State Officers Governor.. Lieut. Gov Sec. State., Treasurer.. Auvl. Gen Sec. In. Aff's. At. Gen Adj, Gen Supt. P^bIn'< & Soldiers' Orphans Ins Com See. Bd. Agri State Lib'n ... 6T~ Name. Henrv M. Hovt Chas.'W. Stoiie.. I Mai the w S.Quay Samuel Butli-r... 'Wm. P. Schell... I. Aaron K.Dunkel Henry W Palmer James W. Latta. J.P.Wickersh'm J. M. Foster Thos. J. Edge.... C. L. Ehrenfeld.. Trm Trm ends Sal'y 4yrsiJan. lG,'83ilo,0(io " "I 3,000 'Governor 2 yrs, May '82 3yrs(May 3,'8l 4 yrs I May 5,'s3 3 yrsJune 1,'82 Governor 4 yrs May 5,'SO 3 yrs Feb 7,'81 4,000 5,000 3,000 3,000 3,500 2,500 1,.500 1,800 STATES.— rContinued.] Junii'iARY, Supreme Cwkt.— Chief- Justice, George Sharswood, to Jan., 1883 ; JiwJiom, L'lysMes Mereur to Jan. 1888; Isaac (ji. Gordon, to Jan., 188tf; Edward M. Faxson,, to Jan,, 1891; Henry Groen, to Jan., 189(1; John Trunkey, to Jan 1, 1899; James 1' Ster- rett, to Jan., 19(K). Elected by the people for 21 years. Salary, 88,iX)0 caoli. Amount of State Debt, Dec. 1, 1881 ; Funded 821 - 5G1,9.S9; uiifimiled, §880,718.80. Of the funded 'debt $10,729,000 drew per Cent, interest, S(i,;'99,3.50 5 per cent., an<l S2,iK)(YK«) (negotiated in 1879) 4 per eent. The latter was disposed of at a premium or 1 u3}^ to 2 51 above par. The State held in stocks of incorporated compa- nies $7,. 500,ooo; in sinking fund, $84.5,705; net public debt over and above assets, §13,794,328.09. State Receipts for year ending 8'i,720,:»4.47 (ex elusive of loans). State Kxi)enflitures for year, $0,191,440.28. Amount raised by taxation lait year, $0,328,896. Amount of taxable uroperty as assessed : Real es- tate, not taxed; personal property, $111,.3G2,731. Rate of .State tax, 30 cents on $1(W. No tax is l(!vied in Pennsylvania on real estate for State purposes. The tax on personal property at the very low valuation current produced only 8423,t;77 out of total tax receipts r.f over $11,000,000. Most of the large revenues of the State are derived from taxes on corporations. Rhode Island. State Officers Governor Lieut. Gov.... Sec. State Gen. Treas ... S.Aud.&Ins ( Com'r, \ R. R. Com At. Gen Adj. Gen C>m. Public Schools State Lib'n ... Name. Al. H. Littlefield Henry H. Fay ... J. M. Addeman.. Samuel Clark Joel M.Spencer. Henry .Staples... WillardSayles... C. H. Barney T. B. Stockwell.. J. M. Addeman.. Trm Trm ends 1 yr May20,'82 5 yrs cxof- Aeio. June.30,82 Dec. 1' 82 May30,'82 Apr. 10,'84 May30,'82 Sal'y. 2,500 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Chief- Just ice, Thomas Durfoe; A'<soriate Jii.-itices, Pardon E. Tillinghast, Elisha R. Potter, Charles Matteson, John H. Stiness. Salary of Chief-Justice, S4,.500; .Vssociate Justices, $4,000 each. Term, practically for life. Elected by the General Assembly. "Each Judge shall hold his office until his place bo declared v.acant by a resolution of the General Assembly to that effect." Amount of State debt Oct. 1, 1881, $2,521,.500 (funded); interest, G per cent.; unfunded debt, none ; amount in sinking fnnd, $990,163.06. State Receipts for year ending December 31, 1880, $(■.7 1,1. 50.0.5. State Expenditures for year 1880, $751,638.90. Amount raised by taxation in 1880, §383,439,23. Amount of taxable property as assessed by the cities and towns, 1880; Real, $192,190,(571; personal, ?i;:!,741,G10; tot.al, $2.5.5,938,281. State valu.ition ; Real, S243,G58,190 ; personal, §84,872,309; total, $!2S,530,559. Rate of State tax, 15 cents on each §100 of the State valuation. Sonth Carolina. State Officers Name. Trm T'm Ends Sal'y. Governor Johnson Hagood 2 yrs Dec..30,'82 J:),6oe Lieut.-Gov... J. D. Kennedy... " " l.tXK) Sec. of State. R. M. Sims •' " 2,100 Treasurer.... J. P. Richardson " " 2,100 Comp.-<-len... John Bratton '• " 2,100 Aty-General. L. F. Youmans. . " " 2,100 Supt.Pub.Ed H. S. Thompson. " " 3,100 Comr.of Ac'i .v. P. Butler " 2,100 Adjt. and In- sp.ic.-Gen.. A. M. Manigault. " " 1,.500 State Libr'n. J, T. Sims 1 625 100 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] Jttdiciart, Supreme Court. — W. D. Simpson, Chief. ] The State has further laid the foundation for an Justice; term, d years ; salary, S+,<X>0. Henry McIveV, ' ample school fund, by devoting to that ohjeot all the Samuel McGowan, A. M. Boozer, Associate Justices: alternate section'? of land reserved out of its heavy term, 6 years; elected by the Legislature; salary of railroad grants, and al.so one-half the public domain each, $:i,oiin. Circuit C lurt Judges — B. C. Pressley, J of the State, with all money that may come to the First Circuit; A. P. Aldrich, Second; T. B. Frazer, i State from the sale of such moiety. Third; J. H. Hudson, Fourth; J. B. Kershaw, Fifth; | The public domain of Texas (which alone of all the T.J. Mackey,Si.xth; W. H.Wallace, Seventh, Thomas ' States retained control and ownership of its public Thompson, Eighth. Term, 4 years; elected by the | lands upon admission into the Union;, still em- Legislature; salary of each, §3,500. 'braces more than 67,000,(\xt acres, or a territory Amount of State Debt Nov. 23,1880: Funded, S5,- larger than tlie entire surface of any State in the 967,449.80; unfunded, principal and interest, S6T1,- 720.08. Total bonded debt, Si;,r,39,l"0.78. State Expenditures, ?i!21 ,774.20. Amount raised by taxation last year, S7t5.982.08. Amount of taxable property, as assessed in 1879: Keal, S76,583,8'if>; personal, S13,9G7,758; total, 8120,551- 624; also railroad property, not embraced above, amounting to about Siuxx^OOO. Kate of State Tax, i% mills on 81. Tennessee. Union, except California and Nevada. -The annual immigration into Texas is reckoned at 250,000. Vermont. State Officers State Officers Name. Trm T'mEnds Sal'y. Grovernor lAlvln Hawkins... 2 vra Jad. 1,1883 $4,0(10 D A Nnnn it *t 1,8110 cfefees Treasur. and ex-offic. Ins. Commis'r. iM. T. Polk " •' $2,750 Comptroller.. Jumes N. Nolan.. " " 2,700 Atv.-General. B. J. Lea " Sept. 1, '84 3,0(10 Supt. Pub.Ins Rev. D. Doak .... " Mar.2.i,'83 1,995 Adj .-General. Ernest Hawkins " Jan. 15, '83 1,200 Com.of Agri., St'cs.&M'ns A. W. Hawkins... " Mar.25,'83 3,000 Keg. of Lnds. VV. S. Winburne. " " Fees. Stale Libr'n... Mrs.S.K.Hatton. Jan. 15,'83 $1,000 Name. Trm Governor Rosw'l Farnham Lieut.-Gov.... John L. Barstow Sec. of State.. IGeorge Nichols.. Treasurer John A. Page Auditor E. Henry Powell Adj. -General Theo. S. Beck Supt. of Ed... Justus Dartt.. Supt. of Agri. I Hiram A. Cutting State Liiir'n.. Hiram A. Huse... R. R. Com'r...|Wayne Bailey 2yr^ T'm Ends Sal'y. Oct. 4, '82. Oct., 1882. $1,000 $6 per diem $1,700 1,700 1,400 750 l,.50O .1882 3.50 500 JuniciARY, SuPRKME CouRT.— J. W. Deadcrick, Oiief- Justice; W. F. Cooper, T. W. Freeman, Robert McFar- land, Peter Tiirney,j4.s.soc!a?'~.s; term of office for each, 8 years : elected by the people; salary of each, $4,ii(io. Amount of State Debt Dec. 1, isso, $20,20f.,3UO, funded and registered. Unfunded Debt(unpa'd interest), $6,636,550. State Expenliture.'^, $704,919,74. Amount raised by Taxation, including tax on privileges, etc., $626,.^28,84. Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed, 1879; Real, $19r.,16.5,f)44; pers'^nal, $1 '^,952,030; total, $213,- 117,680. Rate of State Tax, 10 cents on each $100. Judiciary, SorREMr, Court. — Chief-Jvstice, Homer E. Boyce. Assistants, Timo. P. Redfield, Jonathan Ross, H. Henry Powes, Wheelock R. Veazey, Russell S. Taft, John W. Rowell. Elected by the Legislature for two years; salary, $2,500 each. Vermont has no State debt, except $135,5(K) Agri- cultural College bonds, at G per cent., held by the State Treasurer. State receipts for year ending August 1st, 1881, $3n5,."v20.33. State expenditures year ending August 1st, 1881, $415,648.80. Amoimt raised by taxation last year, $194,692.12, Amount of taxable property, as assessed: 'Real, $102,437,1(12: personal, $4C.,S9t'>,9(i7. Rate of State tax, 17 cents per $100. Virginia. Texas. State Offlcer> Name. Trm T'm Ends Sal'y. Governor Liout.-Gov.... Sec of State.. OrsLTi M. Roberto LoonidasJ.Story Ths. H. Bowman F'nk K.].,ubbock W.Mort'n Brown J.IIarv.McLeary W. H. King \V. C. Walsh A. W. Speight.... 2yrs Jan. 9, '83. $1,000 2,0fM) 2,500 2,.')(l(i 2,(1(1(1 •/,{ 11 1( 1 Treasurer Comptroller. Aty.-General Adj.-General. Com.IVndOf State Lib.and Com'r Ins., St'C8& Hist I 2,500 2,000 State Officers Name. Trm T'm ends Sal'y Governov ... Lieut. -(i'lV.... Sec. of St;ite.. Treasurer.. .. Wm. E.Cameron John F. Lewis... W. G. Elam Tho.s. Rieveley... John E. Massey. H H. Dyson Frank S. Blair... Wm. H. Ruffner 4 yrs Jan 1,1886 $5000 900 2500 2(K)0 ;iooo 2d Auditor.... Att.-General.. Sup. Pub Ins. Adjt.-Gener'l Com'r of Ag.. Reg. of L. ( »tr State Libr'n.. 2000 3500 2(K)0 100 Thomas Follard J. W. Brocken- 1500 1300 Sec. State, ex-off.. JuDiciAny,SrpnrMiiCofnT.— C/ll«/-./»<^^,R.S. GouM. Associate Jiisticci, J. W. Slaytou, Xf. II. Hoiui''r; tiMiii, 4 years; elected Viy the pc^ople; salary, $3,.5(iO each. Amount of State Dobt September l" l«Sl, $1,101,100, lu State bondH, bearing C and 7 per cent, interest, except loan of April 21, 1H74, whii'h draws 10 per cent, interest. State Hecoipts for year 1881, «1,9r,2,014. State KxpendlturoH for year, $1,709,879. Amount raised by Taxation, ^1,396,170. Am'iiint of Taxablf Propcty as assosRed: Real and personal, $.'«i3,20'/,t24. Kate of Stale Tax, 5 mills on each dollar. In a<ldlt)on to the fax of one-half of one per cent. on property, there was levied a poll tax of $2 fiti cvry male bi-twecn 21 and no years, one-half of which, tngptlier with the fourth of the (id vdlorvm tax, ia expended fur school purposeu. JuDiciATtv, Sri'REME CouRT. — President of Court, R. C. L. Miincure ; Judi/cs, Joseph Christian, Walter R. Staples, l<^-ancis T. Anderson Ed. C. Burks, Elected by the Legislature for twelve years. Salary, President of Court, S:i,2riO ; Judgp.s, $3,o00 each. Amount of State Debt, Oct, 1, ISSl. if all funded, under Act of March 28, 1K70, $29,614,703. State Recei]its,yearonding Oct. 1,1881, $2,049,849.07. St.ate ICxpeiiditures for year, $2,816,859.86. Amount raised by taxation, $2,(1(17,678.42. Amount of taxable property as assessed, 1878; Real, $248,455,0.33; persoiuil, $70,93"' ,626 ; total, $il9,;i92,569. Rale of Stale tax, 50 cents on I he $10(). Besides the tax on property, Virginia has a capi- tntion tax of $1, levied on whiter and colored citizens of 21 years .■iml ujuvards, iirodiieing $292,067, on the supposition tb;it it is all colleeted ; tlirecvfourths of above is by law devoted to the sii|)port of public fr«!e schools: a tax on incomes of one per cent., yielding on f2,913,1.50, $29,-131 ; a tax on bunks, rail- roads, insumneo companies, etc., p.'iyinir about $U2,(KI(I; :md a license or lii|Uor tax, y ii"'l(liiig $331,- 668. The Mollct "bell punch" tax on lii|Uors con- sumed at public bars, was repealed in 1880. BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTO RY— TERRITORIES. 101 STATISTICS OF THE STATES.— [Continued.] West Virginia. IVlMconstn. State Officers Governor Ivieut.-Gov..., Sec. of State. Treasurer. Auditor , Adjt.-Gener'l. Sup. Pul>. In.s Att. -General.. State Libr'n.. Nanne. J. B. Jackson.... None Sobieslii Brady. Thos. A. O'Brien Josepti S. Miller W. F. Butler, Jr. B. L. Butcher ... C. C. WattH W.F.Butler, Jr. Trm 1 yrs ex-off T'm ends Mr 4, 1885 Mr 4, 1881 Mr 4, 1885 Mr 4, 1881 Mr 4, 1885 Sal'y State Officers 82700 100(1 k fee Mill) 21100 Afee 1500 l."i00 900 Judiciary, Supremb Court. — Thomas C. Green, Presiding Juihje ; C. P. T. Moore, Okey Johnson, A. F. Haymond, Jwlf/es. Elected by the people for 12 years. Salary, 82,270 each. Clerk, O. S. Long. West Virginia has no debt (unless the share of that State in the anto-bellum State debt of Virginia is reckoned such), the State Constitution having prohibited the creation of any debt by the Legisla- ture, except in an emergency, like rebellion or invasion. After tho admission of the State, in 186.3, Virginia claimed that one-third of her State debt of 845,000,000 should be paid by West Virginia, and left out Sl5,2:!'.i,.?71 in the adjustment of her debt. West Virginia claims that a very much smaller sum is her share, and the matter remains unadjusted. State receipts, about S'oO.OOO. State expenditures, 8570,ooo. ' Amount of Taxable Property, as assessed — real, 895,079,808 ; personal, 833,480,119. Total, 8128,559,927. Rate of State Tax, 30 cents on each SlOO. Name. Governor Lieut.-Gov.... Sec. of State.. Treasurer .\tt.-Genernl.. Adjt. (iener'l. Sup. Pub. Sch Sec.S Ag.Soc Com'rsLands Insur. Com'r. R'road Com'r State Lib'rn.. J. M. Rusk S. S. Fifield E. G. Timme E. C. M'Fetridgo L. F. Frisby I'A. E. Bryant.... Uobort Graham.. (ioo. E. Bryant... Sec. State, State Troas. & Att'y Gen. cx-officio... P. L. Spooner.... N. P. Haugen .... J. R. Berryman. Trm iTm ends Sal'y 2 yrs Jan 7. 1884 'Governor. yrs Jun7, 1.S84 El by B'd. I Jan 2, 1882 yrs'Ap 1, 1884 " jFebI5, '84 Aphy.Sup ' Court... $y)Od lufK) 3000 3700 20<jO 3<)f(0 .3(KiO 1500 Judiciary, Supremb Court.— CViie/ Justice, Orsamus Cole. Associate Justices, William P. Lyon, Harlow 3. Orton, David Taylor, John B. Cassoday. Elected by the people for a term of ten years. Salary of each, $5,000. Olcrk, Clarence Kellogg, salary, $5 a day and fees. Amount of State debt, October 1, 1881, funded, 82,2.50,000 ; interest, 7 per cent. ; unfunded, $2,057. State Receipts for year ending September 30, 1881, 82,.50",G07.85. State Expenditures for last year, $1,671,307.65. Amount raised by taxation last year, 8662,058.63. Amount of taxable property as assessed — real, 8350,082,797; personal, 895,490,921. Total, 844.5,582,- 718. Rate of State tax, 14 85-100 cents on each $100 of valuation. The State tax amounts to only about one-ninth of the whole taxes paid by the people. TERRITORIES. Arizona. Officers. Governor Secretary Trea'^uror Auiiitor Att.-(Jeneral.. Sup. Pub. Ins Adjt.-(!iener'l. Librarian Name. John J. Gosper.. Thos. J. Butler.. E. P. Clark E. B. Pomroy M. H. Sherman.. Clark Churchill. Secretary, ex-off. Trm 4 yrs 2 yrs 4 yrs T'm ends Oct 29, '81 Mar 19, '83 Jan 11, '83 6ct'29i '81 Sal'y 82600 1800 500 500 Fees 2000 JuMciARY, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, Charles J. W. French, 4 years from Jan. 13, 1880. Associate Justices, De Forest Porter, 4 years from Feb. 3, 1880, William H- Stilwell, 4 years from J.an. 5, 1881. Ap- pointed by the President and Senate for 4 years. Salary, $3,000. United States District Attornei/, Judiciary. — Chief Justice, Alonzo J. Edgerton, 4 years from December, 1881. Associate Justices, Q. C. Moody, 4 years from December 12, 1878; Sanford A. Hudson, 4 years from May 2, 1881 ; JeflFerson P. Kidder, 4 years from April 2, 1879, $3,000 each. Dis- trict Attornei/, Hugh J. Campbell. CXerk, B. 8. Wil- liams. MnrsKal, Butler B. Strang. Territorial debt, 827.000, at 8 per cent. Valuation of property, 1881, $30,000,000 : rate of Territorial tax, 5 mills on $1. Idaho. Officers. Governor... Secretary ., Treasurer.. Name. Trm Trm ends' Sal'y. John B. Neil 4 yrs'July24,'84 Theo.F.Singiser. " jDec.22,'84 John Huntoon....r2 yrs Feb. 11,'83 rr ■. , r,. . „ , , ^ ^ ^ , - , - I Comptroller.. jj. L. Onderdonki . United States Marshal, C.V.T)ak.&. Clerk of Sup. Pub. Ins. " ex-off.'. Supreme Court, William Wilkerson. Librarian Sec'y, ex-officio....\.. Dakota. Officers. Name. Trm T'm ends Sal'y Governor Sec. Territr'y N. G. Ordway 4 yrs George H. Hand " M'y 22, '84 $2600 1800 Tre.asurer Wm. H. McVcy.. E. A. Sherman... W. H. H. Beadle Secretary, cx-off. II 300 Auditor 300 Sup. Pub. Ins 600 250 ?2,600 l,80a 1,500 1,500 250 JuDiciAKT. — Chief Justice, John T. Morgan ; 4 years from June 10, 1879. Associate ./».'.7ir'v, Henry E. Prickett, Norman Buck; 4 years form December 1, 1879. Salary of each, $3,(Kio. Z)i;s«riW ^^^orn'v/, Wal- lace R. White. Clerk U. S. Simreme Court, A'onzo L. Richardson. V. S. Marshal, E. S. Chase. Territorial debt, December 20, 1881; Funded, $69,000. Receipts for 1881, 871.000; Expenditures, §43,000. Valuation of taxable property as assessed — Real, about 88,000,000. Rate of territorial tax, year ending April 1, 1862, 40 cents on $100. 102 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vri. TERRITORIES [Continued.] Montana. Officers. Name. Trm TrmendS|Sary. Governor Benj. F. Potts 4 yrs; July 13,'82 8-',6(H) Secretary James H. Mills..' " 'Nov, 8,'81| 1,800 Treasurer D. H. Weston ,2 vrs Feb. 8.'8:5; l,o(K) Auditor I. P. Woolman...! '" Peb.21,'83M,,5tW Sup. Pub. Ins.R. H. Howey " JKeb.21,'83| 1,200 Librarian .•Vuditor, ex-off.....\ JtjDiaiAET, Supreme Codet. — Ohief Justice, Decius S. Wade ; term, 4 years from March 17, 1879. Associate Jutices, W. J. Galbraith, 4 years from December 12, 1878 ; E. J. Conger, 4 years from January 12, 1880. Appointed by the President. Salary of each, 83,000. District Attorney, J. L. Dryden. Clerk, Isaac R. Alden. Marshal, K. C. Botkin. Amount of Territorial debt, November 1, 1881, funded, STO.noo. .■Vmouut in sinking fund, $9,000. Receipts for year ending January 1, 1881, 894,477.98 ; expenditures, $52,210. Amount raised by taxation, $54,000; county and territorial, $450,000. Rate of tax for year ending January, 1881, 10 cents on $100, and 40 per cent, of licenses collected. Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real, 85,180,324 ; personal, $13,429,478 ; total, $18,009,802. NefV Mexico. Officers. Name. Trm Trm ends Sal'y. Governor Secretary Treasurer .... Auditor AdrtGen'l.... Librarian L. A. Sheldon William G. Rich Juan Delgado.... Trinidad Alarid.. Max Frost 4yrs 2yrs May 5, '85 June 1884 Feb. 1882 S2,filK) 1,S(10 1,(100 1,000 2.50 Samuel Ellison.. Feb. 1882 250 JuDiciAET, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, L. Brad- ford Prince ; term, 4 years from January 14, 1879. Associates, Samuel C. Parks, 4 year." from January 22, 1878 ; AVarren Bristol, 4 years from December, 1880. Appointed by the President and Senate. Salary, $3,000. District Attorney, S. M. Barnes; 4 years from December 12, 1878. Clerk, John H. Thomson. United States Marshal, John Sherman, Jr. Amount of taxable property as assessed — Real and personal, $19,523,024. Rate of tiix for 1881, 50 cents on $100 for territorial purposes. Total tax, county, school and territorial, 1 p. cent. Utah. Officers. Name. Trm Trm ends Sal'y. Governor Secretary Treasurer Auditor 8up. Pnb. Inx. Sec. B'd AKr. Ter. Libr'n... E. H. Murray A. L. Ttiomas .... James Jack N. W. Clayton.... L.J. Nuttall H. P Folsom 4yr8 2yr9 Jan. 27,'84 May 1,'83 Aug. 2,'82 Aug. 2,'82 Aug. 1,'82 $2,000 1,800 600 1,500 1..500 Auditor, ex-off.... Feb.23,'82 200 Judiciary, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, John A. Hunter, term, 4 years from April 20, 1880. Associates, Philip H. Emerson, 4 years from March IG, 1877; Stephen P. Twiss, 4 years from December, 1880.; Salary of each, $3,000. District Attorney, Philip T. Van Zile. Clerk, E. P. Sprague. Marshal, Michael Shaughnessy. Utah has no territorial debt. The taxable property assessed at $24,985,792, real and personal. The rate of taxation, 3 mills on the dollar. Amount raised by taxation, $149,910.43. Amount expended, $89,520.78. "Washingt Dn. Officers. Name. Trm Trm ends Sal'y. Governor Secretary Treasurer Wm. A. Newell... N. H. Owings f! M.'Reed."!!!!!. 4 yrs 2yrs Apr. 2e,'84 $2,600 1,800 1,000 1,000 ""(SOO 500 Jan. 13,'82 Jan. 13,'83 Nov.— ,'82 Adj't-Gn'l Sup.Pub.Ins. Librarian M. R. Hathaway. J. H. Houghton. James P. Ferry.. Judiciary, Sth^reme Court. — Chief Jiutice, Roger S. Green, term, four years from January 16, 1879. As- sociate Justices, Samuel C. Windgard, John P. Hoyt, January 16, 1879. Appointed by the President. Salary of each, $3,000. District Attorney, John R Allen, February 17, 1879. Clerk, R. J. O'Brien. Marshal, Charles Hopkins. 'Wyoming. Officers. Name. Governor John W. Hovt... Trm|Trmend^ Secretary IE. S. N. Morgan Treasurer IF. E. Warren 2 yrs Auditor J. H. Nelson Sup.Pub.Ins.. John Slaughter Librarian I " 4 vrs Apr. 10,'82 " 10,'S4 10,'81 15,'81 18,'81 Mar.] Dec. Dec. Dec. Sal'y. $2,600 1.800 400 1,000 400 400 JuDiCARY, Supreme Court. — Chief Justice, James B. Sener, term, 4 years from December 11, 1879. Asso- ciate Justicrx, Jacob B. Blair, 4 years from February 14, 1876; William Ware Peck, 4 years from Dec. 14, 1877. Salary, $3,000 each. District Attomci/, M. C. Brown. Clerk, John W. Bruner. Marshal, Gustave Schnitger. Wyoming has no territorial debt. Amount raised by taxation, year ending January 5, 1881, $;J7,.358. Amount of territorial expenditures, year ending Jan. 5, 1881,$>7,012. Taxable property,real and personal, $11,825,664. Rate of territorial tax, 40 cents on SIOO. BOOKVii.J TABULATED HISTORY— LEGISLATURES. 103 LEGISLATURES AND ELECTIONS OF STATES. Alabama Bien. Arkansas I Bien. California Bien. Jan. 2, 1882 Nov Jan. 1882!o0 davs. 1883 60 days. Colorado Bien. Jan Connecticut... Delaware . Florida.... Georgia.... Illinois Indiana^ Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan -' Bien Minne.sota Bien. 1 Jan Mississippi Bien.jJan Missouri Bien. Jan, .\nn. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien Jan. Jan. Jan. Nov. Bien. Jan. Bien. Jan. Bien.jJan. 1883 1882 1883 1883 1882 Jan. 3, 1883 Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien. Ann. Doc. 29. 1882 1882 18.83 1883 60 days. 40 days. None. None. 60 days. 40 days. None. ■May Jan. Jan. Jan. Jan. Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire., New Jersey New York North Carolina .. Ohio2 Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Islands... . South Carolina .. Tennessee Texas Vermont Virginia West Virginia Wisconsin* Territobies. 60 days. None. .W days. .„, „ liO days. 1882!o() days. 1883 1 None. I882i90 days. 1882 None. 18831 None. 18.83 60 days. 1882 None. 3, 1883 70 days. Bien. Bien. Bien. Ann. .\nn. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien, Ann. Ann. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien, Ann. Jan. 2, Jan. 1, June 6, Jan. 10, Jan. 3, Jan. 3, •Ian. 2, Sept. 11, Jan. 2, Jan. 31, Nov. 29, Jan. 1, Jan. 9, Oct. 4, Dec. 7, Jan. 10, Jan. 11, 1883 40 dayi. 18.83 00 davs. 1883 1882 1882 1883 1882 1882 1883 None None. None. (!0 days. None. 40 days. None. 1882 None. 1881 None. 1R83 75 days. 1883 60 days. 18821 None. 1881 90 days. 1883 45 days. 1882 None. Arizona Bien. Jan. 1, 1881 '60 days. Dakota I Bien.jJan. 9, 1881 60 days. Idaho I Bien. Dec. 13, 1880 60 days. Montana ' Bien.'Jan. 8, 1S,S3 60 day.s. New Mexico I Bien. Jan. 2, 1882 60 days. Utah Bien. .Jan. 11, 18.S2 60 days. Washington Bien. Oetober,1883 60 days.i Wyoming Bien.jJon. 11, 1882 60 days. 4 2 4 2 4 2 4 2 4 4 2 2 4 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 4 •2 $4 a dav and 10 c. mile. ' So a day. $8 a day and 10 c. 1 mileage and $25. j 84 a day and 15 c. mile. S3uo"aiid mili^age. 1 a day and mileage. 86 a day and 10 c. mile. 84 a duv and mileage. ( $5 a clay and 10 c. ) I mileage and $.')(). J 80 a day and 20 c. mile. §550 a year. 83 a day and 15 c. mile. 85 a liay and 15 c. mile, 84 a day and mileage. 8150 and mileage. |5 a day and mileage. S500 a year. $3 a day and 10 c. mile. 85 a day and 15 c. mile ?400 a year. / $5 a day and mile- 1 \ age and 330. j 2S a day and 10 e. mile. 88 a day and 40 c. mile. 83 a day and mileage. $.51)0 a year. 81500 and 10 c. mileage, $i a day and 10 c. mile. 8I-JHI and mileage. 83 a dav and 15 e. mile. f Slodo for 100 days ) I and 5 c. mileage. J $1 a day and 8 c. milo. $.5 a day and 10 c. mile. $4 a day and 16 e. mile. 85 a day and mileage. 83 a day. 8540 a year. 84 a dav and 10 c. mile J 8350 and 10 c. mile.,) Bien. Aug. Bien. .Sept. Bien. Nov. 'Bien. Ann. jBien. I Bien. JBien. IBicn. JBien ! Bien Bien. Bien, Bien Bien. |Bien. I Ann, Bien, I Bien Bien, Nov. 7 Nov. 7 Nov. 7 Nov. 7J ,Oct. 4 :Nov., Nov. 7. Oct. 10 JNov. 7, Nov. 7. iNov. 7 Sept. 11 Nov. 7 Nov. I Nov. Nov. Nov. 7 7 7 7 Bien Nov 7 Nov. Nov. Nov. Nov. Nov. Nov. Oct. lOJ June 5 Nov. 8, &nd 875. < a day and 20 c. mileage. Bien. Bien. Bien. Ann. Ann. Bien. Ann. Bien. Ann. Ann. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien. Bien. Ann. April 5 Nov. Nov. Nov. Sept. 5, Nov. 7, Oct. 10, Nov. 7, 1^82 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1881 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1883 1882 Bien. Nov. Bien. Nov. Bien. Nov. FMen. Nov. Bien. Nov. .■\nn. Aug. Bien. Nov. Bien. Nov. 7,1882 7, 1882 7, 1882 7, 1882 7, 1882 7, 1882 7, ia82 7, 1882 1 In Indiana, a eonstitutiocal amendment, changing election day from October to November, was adopted, March, 1881. 2 In Ohio and a few other States, where the Legislative sessions are biennial, the Legislature holds "Adjourned Sessions," practically amounting to annual meetings. ' The Rhode Island Legislature is required to meet annually the last Tuesday in May, at Newport, and an adjourned session to be holden annually in Providence. * Wisconsin has changed the sessions of the Legislature from annual to biennial, to commence after tha session of 1882. By Act of Congress, March 1, 1792, amended in 1815, a uniform day of election for Electors of President and Vice-President is fixed for all the States— being the Tuesday after the first Monday in November, •very fourth year after a President has been elected. 104 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. STATE DEBTS, VAIitTATION AND TAXES.* The following statistics of the finances of the thirty-eight States in the Union have been derived in most cases from the officers of the States themselves. States. Date of Settlement. Amount of State Deat. Amount Raised by Funded. Taxation Unfunded, i Last Year. Amount of Taxable I Pboperty as Assessed.. 1 State Tax Real. Personal. 3100. Alabama Arkans-<s California Colorado Connecticut. Delaware Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky.. Louisiana.. Maine .. Maryland Ma.ssachusetts.... Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Kebraska Nevada Kew Hampshire.. Is'ew Jersey Kew York North Carolina... Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania.. Rhode Island South Carolina.. Tennessee Texjis Vermont Virginia West Virginia... Wisconsin Oct. 1, 1881 Seit. 30, ISSO July 1, 1881 Nov. 30, 18S0 Dec. 1, 1881 Jan. 1, 1881 Jan. Oct. Oct. Nov. Dec, July Oct. 10,1881 Jan. 1, 1880 Jan. 1, 1881 1, 1881 1, 1680 1, 1880 1, 1881 1881 1, 1881 Oct. 1,188 Jan. 1, 1881 Oct. 1, 1881 Nov. 30,1880 Jan. 1, 1.S80 Jan. 1, 1881 Nov. 30, 1880 Nov. 7, 1881 June 1, 18S1 Nov. 1, 1880 Oct. 1, 1881 Oct. 1, 1881 Nov. 15, 1881 Sep?. 1, 1880 Dec. 1, 1880 DOLLARS. 2,523,252 2,232,905 None. 162,887 None. 31,287 DOLLARS. 9,139,400 2,813,500 3,396,.500 No funded debt. 4,967,600 715.0<Xl 1,284,700 9,951,500 No debt. 4,876,608 245,435 1,181,975 180,394 11,781,761 5,883,500 2,521,657 11,257,561 |1. 32,799,464 2. 904,1.50 |.. None. 300,000 4,550,732 2,565,000 3,090,155 16,259,000 449,267 527,000 3,-337,100 1,890,300 9.114,054 16,960,045 5,209,' 100 356,508 21,561,989 6,636,550 52,674 Oct. 1, 1881 2,.521,500 Nov. 1, 1881 6,642,322 Jan. 1, 1881 20,20(i,:!O0 Mar. 1, 1880 5,034,109 Aug. 1. 18,sl No debt. Dec. 1, 1S«I 20,189,523 State debt prohibited bv Coustituti'>n, Nov. 29, 1880 2,250,000 2,057 Aggregate. 250,000 74,148 10,100,183 154,868 880,719 None. 2,037 ,5r)0 248,539,220 32,571,479 DOLLARS. 988,371 013.957 4,751,074 446,594 1,466,203 134,400 272,102 1,092,822 2,140,000 2 764,851 l,643,7r.8 883,139 2,322,334 2,432,188 900,000 998,320 4,950,000 804,831 380,906 444,327 2,129,512 573,066 196,270 398,692 820,000 9 232,.542 420,000 4,479,099 324,959 6,328,896 343,82:i 782,370 62(!,529 1,396,170 194,692 2,067,678 51,5,241 66^.058 DOLLARS. 87,775,383 54,606,057 348,848,810 25,804,345 DOLLARS. CENTS. 51 ,.301 ,944 05 32,286,484 65 159,775,544 \G5}4 17,268,303 {36 228,487,700 95,901,223 ,15 3iii5'7,846" "i 7n' Real and Per.«onal f '" 99,270,876 175,834,197 192,382,202 89,327,4(Kl 57,112,906 139,657,250 623,979,369 525,413,900 303,S70,905 113,700,467 356,423,946 Real and Personal. 149,635,805 Real and Personal. 235,078,716 Real and Personal. 459,187,408 Real and Persoual. '1,149,465,8.7 I 498.274,149 810,000,000 ) Real and Personal. 203,473,637 76,139,102 381,555,564 54,279,362 17,742,714 123,511,284 436,032,038 2,329.408,450 102,348,216 1,097,50 ■,83l) 54,.581,90() 20,059,568 147,661,910 38,863,095 9,855,944 77 260,732 82,584,880 339,702,783 07,>56X,691 427,936,111 56,122.817 ) Real and Personal, j No Tax 128,490,420 84,872,369 45,304,063 16,1.33,338 114,227,912 46,89(;,967 70,937,626 33,480,119 96,449,921 35 48 30 ,20 ,50 45H 50 18% 18 135 40 50 [55 liO 25 !05 :i3H 29 70 f No Tax ) ■{ on Real > (. Estate. ) 243,658,190 7 ••,563,022 195,635,100 186,297,496 102,437,102 248,455,933 95,079,808 3,50,082,797 15,394,342,478 ♦Ainsworth R. SpofTord in American Almanac for 1872. I The State of Maryland held 81,235,713 in interest-paying securities of corporations, besides 824,360,082 in unproductive securities. « Massachusetts held $13,0,50,192 in sinking fund, January 1, 1881. a Mississippi's debt waa duo the school fund to the amount of $1,818,145, on which interest only is payable, leaving net debt, less cash in treasury, 838<'>,2;">3. * New York held In sinking fund, October 1, 1881, $2,054,480. •Pennsylvania held, December 1, 1880, $845,705 in sinking fund ; in stocks of incorporated companies, interest-paying, 87,3(K),000 ; net debt, 814,297 ,fX)3. •C^alifornia holds in trust for her own sfhool and university funds, 82,700,000 of her bonded debt, on which interest only i.s payable, reducing the not debt to St;ii6,.5(«). ' Delaware has no State tax on property, and therefore no State valuation of taxable property. BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— STATES AND TERRITORIES. 105 THK STATKS AND TE:IIRIT0RIE:S— when Admitted or OrnpanUed— with Area and Population. STATES. [First thirteen admitted on ratifying Consti- titutiuQ — all others admitted by Acts of Congress.] Date when Admitted. Area in square miles at time of admission. Population nearest census to date of admission. Population. Year. Delaware Pennsylvania.... New Jersey Georgia Connecticut Massachusetts... Maryland South Carolina .. New Hampshire Virginia , New York North Carolina .. Rhode Island.... Vermont Kentucky ,.. Tennessee Ohio Louisiana Indiana Mississippi Illinois Alabama Maine Missouri Arkansas Michigan Florida Iowa Texas Wisconsin California Minnesota Oregon Kansas West Virginia... Nevada Nebraska Colorado December 7 December 12, December 18, January 2 January February April May June June July November 21 May 29, March 4, June 1 June 1, November 29 April 30, December 11 December 10, December 3, December 14, March August June January March 3, December 28, December 29! May 29, September 9 May 11 February 14 January June October March August 1787 1787 1787 1788 1788 17.<(8 1788 1788 1788 1788 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1796 1802 1812 ISK) 1817 1818 1819 18liO 18-21 isrsG 1S37 1845 I84r, 1845 1848 IS.'iO 18.58 1859 18i;l 18R3 18(54 1867 1876 2,050 45,215 7,815 59,475 4,990 8,315 12,210 30,570 9,305 42,4.')0 49,170 52,250 1,250 9,.565 40,400 42,050 41,060 48,720 36,350 46,810 56,650 52,250 33,040 69,415 53,850 58,915 58,680 56,025 265,780 5C),040 158,360 83,365 96,030 82,080 24,780 110,700 7n,,855 103,925 59,096 434,373 184,139 82,548 2.37,496 378,787 319,728 249,033 141,885 747,610 340,120 393,751 68,825 85,339 73,077 77,202 41,915 76,556 63,805 75,.512 34,620 127,901 298,269 66,586 62,240 212,267 64,477 81,920 212,.592 305,391 92,.597 172,023 62,465 107,206 442,014 40,(K)0 60,000 150,000 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1790 1791 1892 1796 1802 1812 1816 1817 1818 1820 1820 1821 1836 1840 1845 1846 1850 18.50 1850 1860 1859 1860 1870 1864 1867 1876 TERRITORIES. Utah New Mexico Washington, Dakota Arizona Idnho Montana Wyoming ... Indian Alaska Present Dates of Organization area, square Population, miles. September 9, 1S50 September 9, 1850 March 2, 18.53 March 2, 1861 February 24, 1863 March .3. 18r,3 May 26, 1864 July 2,5, 1868 82,090 122,580 69,180 149,100 113,020 84,800 146,080 97,890 64,690 Unsurveyed 143,963 119,565 75,116 13,5,177 40,440 32,610 39,159 20.789 Census of 18.80 18,S0 1.^80 is.-^o ISSO 1^.80 1880 106 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book vii THE NirWSPAPER PRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. Compiled from Census of 1S80.* TABLE I. , All classes. . Number.Circalation , Dailies. . Number.Circulation , Weeklies. , Number.Circulation . All others. , Number.Circulation 1850 1860 1870 1880 2,526 4,051 5,871 11,403 5,142,177 13,(563,400 20,842.475 31,177,924 254 387 574 980 758,454 1,478,435 2.001,547 3,637,424 1,902 3,173 4,295 8,718 2,944,629 7,581,930 10,.594,643 19,459,107 370 491 1,002 1,705 1,439,094 4,603,044 7,646,285 8,081,393 * By 8. N. D. North, in February Number (1882), of the " International Review" New York. The next distributes the total number of periodicals among the States and Territories according to their character and frequency of publication. It will be observed that column six giving the number of publications devoted to news, politics and family reading (8,816), contains the actual number of News- papers published in the census year. The remainder of the publications (2,587) are more properly de- scribed as periodicals, although a very large proportion of them discharge the functions of a ncvv.spaper; TABLE IL J2 *cS o 'i •c p. <M o d T3 <I> -C .2 3 3 P. u 11 'Z 73 Xi 3 3 • P< . ?5 a a si £>• < (U 3 a . •^ 9 Sp 3 c •A OT3 "*^ 3 . ■0 05 M) <S— ro u ^>, ill K 3 "3 u u 0) e 3 "08 3 3 _o 'u so < a 2 3 1 2 g < •a <s i.s t5 So Alabama Arizona 129 17 120 364 90 140 60 26 44 45 200 8 1,032 478 3 579 349 213 112 124 144 432 469 224 123 531 18 189 37 89 217 18 1,412 140 776 74 085 44 82 192 279 24 82 195 29 109 340 10 7 6 6 59 20 17 9 5 5 3 16 ""75 40 "30 21 11 13 12 15 39 33 10 5 43 4 15 14 10 27 3 116 13 56 7 100 8 4 12 31 5 5 20 4 2 21 3 111 11 107 254 65 100 67 20 23 40 163 7 771 404 3 511 311 169 94 92 112 283 401 200 110 418 14 1(>5 22 67 165 15 891 112 586 59 079 31 70 152 229 10 72 125 24 07 283 7 3 5 19 1 9 2 10 1 66 10 ""8 2 9 3 3 5 29 16 2 6 » 20 ■■"2 ■■■■4 12 "122 8 44 2 44 2 5 11 7 5 2 17 "'"5 16 8 ""2 32 4 14 " "i 15 "li "126 24 ■"36 15 24 2 17 12 81 19 2 60 .....^ 1 8 13 283 7 90 6 162 3 3 17 12 4 3 33 1 5 20 117 17 105 273 83 112 66 24 21 43 176 8 695 421 1 531 323 168 97 93 107 278 414 209 116 417 17 178 35 74 196 10 845 117 569 60 622 39 68 140 2.54 16 74 i:tr, 2.H nil 31 II 1 10 6 '""is 13 2 3 " i '"ii "47 11 ""14 5 19 7 9 10 35 12 2 4 28 ■■"2 3 1 97 12 58 5 78 "10 15 13 6 3 11 1 ;t 8 2 """3 5 "■■4 .....^ " "13 8 ""5 5 6 ■■■■4 3 3 4 3 3 8 1 3 ""'{ 1 2!) 3 11 2 13 ■■■"2 1 2 6 ■■ "4 2 "' "i 4 '" "i ""3 1 2 ••••7 3 ""3 1 3 •••••7 3 15 1 3 '"37 2 2 2 16 8 i 2 '" "i 2 2 '""5 69 5 20 "1 20 1 7 "276 35 2 26 15 17 8 11 21 101 38 10 '"74 2 6 14 1 404 6 136 5 256 5 4 2:! 8 1 2 40 ...... 21; 129 16 119 331 87 136 64 25 41 45 199 8 936 446 1 538 336 201 96 124 i;i6 427 445 203 123 495 18 176 37 89 198 14 1,284 140 688 72 899 41 81 191 260 24 82 190 29 107 2S7 10 ""i 1 S3 3 4 2 1 3 1 96 32 2 41 13 12 16 9 5 24 21 36 13 19 4 128 Ohio 88 2 86 Khr.fio Island 1 1 1 Texas 19 rtah \ irj^Oiiia WiisliiiiKtoTi Territory 6 ""2 63 Unitod HtatoH 11,403 980 8,718 5.38 1,167 8,816 574 162 146 1,705 10,625 778 BOOKVii.] TABULATED HISTORY— NEWSPAPER PRESS. 107 THE IVEWSPAPKR PRESS.— [Continued.] The census table from which tho followini; table is eondenseii, slinws tliat the averaf;e circulation ?er issue of the daily papers publishoii in tlio United Stutcs was :!,H71 ; of llio weeltly papers, 2,177 ; and ot he monthly periodicals, 7,'J17. It also shows the average subscription i>rico of dailies to have been 87.31, and of weeklies, 81.75: T.\RLE III.-AGGREGATE CIRCULATION PER ISSUK. States and Territories. Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Dakota Delaware District of C ilumbia . Fb)rida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Indian Territory Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Mas.'iachu.setts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico New Yr>rk North Carolina Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Khodo Island South Carolina Tennessee Texas Utah "Vermont Virginia Washington West Virgmia Wisconsin Wyoming Total United States... Dailies. 9,ii(;i) 3,,sil0 5,i:io 178,8<;4 28,025 45,140 4,.')00 l,s,:ii)o 34,0(10 2,075 26,940 270,183 73,387 38,670 23,051 32,415 38,765 18,940 132,413 280,309 64,389 28,903 4,200 137,560 1,312 17,113 16,805 13,870 50,87G 2,200 999,048 7,534 215,934 11,070 598,627 41,182 7,750 30,995 31,351 7,950 4,300 33,422 1,100 5,300 34,100 1,986 3,637,424 Weeklies, etc., conn -cted with dailies. 10,520 C,7(iO 8,200 157,012 27,470 62,l:i0 3,4(10 5,(1110 3,(100 1,850 41,430 4()3,087 90,640 93,439 43,428 72,.-i40 28,320 32,230 101,000 147,379 150,758 29,764 3,850 265,828 4,140 27,815 4,050 51,012 25,708 1,930 987,0(10 9,510 377,357 17,024 330,028 13,9.S2 8,1(10 41,240 50,734 16,700 7,500 27,472 3,544 8,300 75,875 1,800 3,940,886 Weeklies not connectedwith dailies and all others tb monthlie 69,083 3,8.50 78,401 241,!i:!5 3c.,;ku 1(15,730 20,043 12,025 93,2:!2 23,(182 201,001 5,1 100 1,205,510 i;»4,(l07 4,300 371,299 195,585 207,077 60,795 128,202 133,421 948,7i7 3.54,317 137,707 73,754 471,672 15,775 101,400 7,040 92,586 162,056 4,725 4,540,396 70,586 6711,702 42,804 2,991,348 40,122 53,042 158,( 134 257,713 6,950 67,542 130,432 12,497 70,877 299,055 1,900 15,512,221 Monthlies. Total for all classes. 7,5.50 86,«13 14,:i50 500 92,621 94,000 071,811 8,900 10 ■ ,329 20,240 23,3,240 37,843 1,000 36,925 71,791 202,023 27,007 19,2(J0 291,031 5,0(10 447,180 2,445,000 43,250 591,284 4,300 52,100 55.5,408 28,000 2;)(i,()04 29,338 402,070 950 134,830 1,036,200 1,215,-572 20,100 .387,594 502,313 1,938,S18 33,285 602,749 25,150 221,074 6,100 87,004 150,300 1,031,300 21,227 13,740 160,158 600 28,395 39,800 197,208 16,800 256,040 8,855 2,871,301 9,398,495 8,186 104,846 612,.3.54 1,885,347 10,090 81,078 1,597,340 5,517,343 3,010 98,326 1,110 70,902 68,350 298,619 10,140 3:.5,938 5,075 36,075 51, .500 l;iii.N42 66,902 25s,-.'28 17, Ul 4,806 89.283 36,762 446,392 5,686 8,081,393 31,177,924 A census table shows the number of inhabitants to each daily paper published in twenty-si.x principal cities of the United States. The averge niunbcr of inhabitants to each daily paper printed in these twenty-six cities, taken together, was 4.00; and accepting this average tor any city ol^ .50,000, the aggregato circiilntioii oi all its daily papers would be hut 12,310. The fact that seventeen of these cities show a larger ratio of circulation to population is simply evidence that theae seventeen have superior facilities over the other nine for outside circulation, and the ratio is increased accordingly. Wasnington, which is an isolated city, averages one copy printed daily for every 4.27 inhabitants, which is an extraordinary average for a city thus situated, and with so large a colored population. The following table shows the eleven cities which stood first in the ratio of circulation to population: Cities. >>£ ^ r. Pittsburgh New York S.in Francisco Boston Springtield St. Paul Indianapolis Cincinnati Chicaeo I'hiladolphia • Baltimore At the bottom of the twenty-six cities are: Charleston Brocklvn 111,001 705,743 143,232 221,315 18,464 19,893 .35,587 117,.549 220,577 363,286 128,043 6,300 48,537 156,381 l,2O0,.59O 2:j:i,956 362,53.5 33,340 41,408 7.5,(171 255,708 503,3(H 846,984 332,190 49,999 500.089 1.41 1.57 1.G3 1.64 1.81 2.09 2.11 2.18 2.2s 2 33 2.58 7.94 11.77 Novertheless, it is certain that there is no citv in the Union whose people are greater newspaper read- ers than those of Brooklyn. The above simply shows that the majority of the papers read there were published in New York city. 108 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. mriTED STATES POSTAL REGUIiATIONS. [as revised undkb act of mabch 3, 1879.] First Class Mall Matter. Lettebs.— This class includes letters, postal cards, and any thing sealed or otherwise closed against in- spection, or any thing containing writing not allowed as an accompaniment to printed matter, under class three. . Postage, 3 cents each half ounce or fraction thereof. On local or drop letters, at free delivery offices, 2 cents. At offices where no free delivery by carrier, 1 cent. Prepayment by stamps invariably required. Postal cards, 1 cent. Registered letters, 10 cents in addition to the pro- per postage. The Post-Office Department or its revenue is not by law liable for the loss of any registered mail matter. Second Class. Reoulab Publications.— This class includes all newspapers, periodicals, or matter exclusively in print and regularly issued at stated intervals as fre- quently as four times a year, from a known office of publication or news agency. Postage, 2 cents a pound or fraction thereof, prepaid by special stamps. Publications designed primarily for advertising or free circulation, or not having a legitimate list of subscribers, are excluded from the pound rate, and pay third class rates. Third Class. Mail matter of the third class includes books, tran- sient newspapers and periodicals, circulars, and other matter wholly in print, legal and commercial papers filled out in writing, proof-sheets, corrected proof-sheets, and manuscript copy accompanying the same. MS. unaccompanied by proof-sheets, letter rates. Limit of weight, 4 pounds each package, except Eingle books— weight not limited. PosUioe, 1 cent for each 2 ounces or fractional part thereof, invariably prepaid by stamps. Fourtli Class. Embraces merchandise and all matter not included in the first, second or third class, which is not liable to Injure the mail matter. Limit of weight, four poumls. Pontage, 1 cent each ounce or fraction thereof, prejwid. All packages of matter nf the third or fourth class must be so wrapped or enveloped that their contents may be examined by postmasters without destroy- ing the wrappers. Matter of the second, third, or fourth class con- taining any writing, except as here specified, or ex- •ept bills and receipts for periodicals, or printed commercial papers filled out in writing, as deeds, bills, etc., will be charged with letter postage ; but the sender of any book may write names or addresses therein, or on the outside, with the word "from" preceding the same, or may write briefly on any package the number and names of the articles en- closed. Postal Moniey Orders. An order may be issued for any amount, from one cent to fifty doUurs, inclusive, but fractional parts of a cent cannot be included. The fees for orders are : — On orders not exceeding $15 10 cents. " " over Sl5 & not exceeding 830.. 15 " " " over 5:30 " " 840.. 20 " " " over 840 " " SoO.. 25 " When a larger sum than fifty dollars is required, additional orders must be obtained ; but no more than three orders will be issued in one day from the same post-office to the same remitter in favor of the same payee. Pree Delivery. The free delivery of mail matter at the residences of the people desiring it is required by law in every city of 50,000 or more population, and may be estab- lished at every place containing not less than 20,000 inhabitants. The present number of free delivery offices is ninety. The franking privilege was abolished July 1, 1873, but the following mail matter may be sent free by legislative saving clauses, viz.: 1. All public documents printed by order of Con- gress, the Congressional Record and speeches con- tained therein, franked by members of Congress or the Secretary of the Senate, or Clerk of the House. 2. Seeds transmitted by the Commissioner of Ag- riculture, or by any member of Congress, procured from that department. 3. All periodicals sent to subscribers within the county where printed. 4. Letters and packages relating exclusively to the business of the Government of the Fnited States, mailed only by officers of the .same, pnbliwi- tions required to ho mailed to the Librarian of Con- gress by the copyright l.aw, and letters and parcels mailed by the Smithsonian Institution. All these must be covered by specially printed "penalty" envelopes or labels. All communications to Government officers, and to or from memliers of Congress, are required to b« prepaid by stamps. BOOK VII.] TABULATED HISTORY— RATES FOREIGN POSTAGE. 109 RATES OF FOREIGN POSTAGE. Prom the United States Official Postal Ouide. The Standard Single Rate is 14 Ounce Avoirdupois. Destination. Africa, British Possessions on West Const Africa, French, Portuguese, and Spanish Possessions Amoy Argentine Itepublic Australia, exi^ept New South Wales, Vietoi-ia, and Queensland Austria Azores Balearic Isles Belgium Bermuda Bolivia, U:iiish Mail Borneo Brazil British Columbia Buenos Ay res Bulgaria Bunnali, British Mail Canada, Canary Islands Canton Cape of Good Hope Carthagena Ceylon Chili, British Mail China, via San Francisco Cochin China Colombia, U. S. of Costa Kica, Western Porta Cnba Cura(;oa Cyprus Denmark Ecuador Kgypt England Faroe Islands Fiji Islands, direct, via San Francisco Finland France Freo(^b Colonies Gambia Germany Gibraltar Gold Coa^t Great Britain Greece Greenland Greytnwn, British Mail Gua'ialoupe Guatemala, direct Mail Guiana, British, French, and Dutch- Havana Hawaiian Kingdom Hayti, by direct steamer Hindostan Honduras Hong Kong Hun!<ary Iceland India, British Mail Ireland Italy Jamaica Japan Java Ce'ts. *5 Destination. Let- ters. News- papers. Cents 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 4 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 2 2 4 4 2 4 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 4 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Liberia Luxemburg Macao Madagascar Madeira Malta Manila Martinique Mauritius INIexico Moldavia Monf.co Montenegro Morocco Morocco, except Spanish West Coast Nassau, N. P. Natal Netherlands New Brunswii'k New Foundland New Grenada, direct Mail New South Wales, direct Mail New Zealand, direct Mail Nicaragua, direct , Norway Nova Scotia Panama, direct Mail Paraguay Persia Peru Philippine Islands Polana Porto Kico Portugal .. Prince Edward Island Queensland Roumania Russia St. Croix St. Doming" St. Helena, British Mail St. Thomas Salvador Sandwich Islands S-'Otland Servia Shanghai Siam, direct from San Francisco.. Sierra Leone Sinsiapore Spain Sumatra Surinam Sweden Switzerland Tangier Tripoli, Italian Mail Tunis, Italian Mail Turkey Turk's Island, British Mail Uruguay Vancouver's Island Van Diemen's Laud Venezuela Victoria Wallachia West Indies, direct Mail Zanzibar Cet's. *5 *5 *5 23 *5 *.5 *5 *6 *5 *5 *5 *5 *5 '5 15 3 *5 *5 • Prepayment optional in case of country marked with a star, embraced in the Postal Union Treaty of 1S78. When not prepaid, double rates are collected. 110 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book VII. CHEO]!^OLOGIOAL POLITICS. 1765. — March 8. — Parliament passes the Stamp Act. Oct. 7. — Colonial Congress met at Kew York. 1766. — Stamp Act repealed, Mar. 18, 1767. — June 29. — Bill passed taxing tea, glass, paper, etc., in the American colonies. 1768. — Masachusetts assembly petition the King against the late tax. 1773. — The inhabitants of Boston throw 342 chests of the taxed tea into the sea. 1774.— Mar. 31.— The Boston Port Bill passed by Parliament. Sept. 5. — The first Continental Congress meets at Philadelphia. 1775. — April 19. — The war for American Independence commences with the Battle of '< Lexington. 1776. — July 4. — America is declared " Free, sovereign, and independent" — a declaration which is signed by the following States : New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Con- I necticut, Delaware, IMaryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Georgia. 1777. — Dec. 16. — France acknowledges the independence of the United States. 1778.— Feb. 6.— Treaties of Amity and Commerce adopted between the United States and France. 1781. — Feb. — Articles of Confederation rati- fied by the States. 1782. — Oct. 8. — Independence of United States acknowledged by Holland. Nov. 3. — Teni])orary Treaty of Peace signed at Paris. 1783. —Sept. 3. — Treaty of Pence signed at Paris. Nov. 3. — American army disbanded. Nov. 25. — New York evacuated by the British. Dec. 19. — Charleston evacuated by British. Dec. 23. — Washington assigns his commission to Congress. 1785. — June 1. — John Adams, first minister from U. S. to London. 1786. — Nov. — Shay's insurrection broke out in .Ma.-^gachusetts. 1787.— Sept. 17— Constitution of the United States adopted by all tlic States, except Lhode Island. 1788.— Cotton Planted in Georgia. 1789. — First Congress. Ten Amendments to tbe Constitution jiasseil. Dcpartiiioiifs of Governinoiit organized. Washiiiiiton ai)ii(iint.s a National Tli.'inksgiving. April 11. — (ieorge AVa.shington declared (lie first Fresiilerit of the United States. I'latio of Hejiresentativcs, 30,- 0(t<): Members of Congress O.'j. 1789. — Many Treaties with the Indians. IbuiiiKon recommends the first Taritf; passed anil Mpyiroveil. 1790. — Tlie territory south of (he Ohio river ce'lcil to the rnitccl States. Naturali/a lion Law pas.scd. Treiison defineii and ))eniilty dctcrmineiL First Census, 3,929,32ti. System of P'inance adopted ; Government assumes State Debts; Public Dctit funde<l ; Scat of government removed from New York to Phila- delphia. 1791. — First United States bank established at Philadelphia; Capital, $10,000,000. First Tax on Distilled Spirits. 1792.— U. S. Mint established. Appor- tionment Bill passed, fixing ratio of Repre- sentation at, 33,000; 103 members in Con- gress. Uniform system of Militia established. Post Office department organized anew. 1793. — Washington again inaugurated Pre- sident. Neutrality declared in regard to France. First Fugitive Slave Law passed. French Minister Gernet recalled by request of Gov- ernment ; returns to organize Democratic or Jacobin Societies. 1794. — Commercial Treaty concluded with Great Britain. The Whiskey Insurrection in Pennsylvania. Regulation of Slave Trade by law. A sixty days Embargo as a retaliation on British "Order in Council." 1795. — Second Naturalization Law passed. Jay's Commercial Treaty with Great Britain. Treaty of Madrid. Disagreement of the United States with Algeria. 1796. — Washington's Farewell Address. Contest between the President and House over the British Treaty. John Adams elected Pre- sident. 1797. — Congress declares the treaties with France annulled. Privateering against friendly nations forbidden. 1798. — Congress passes an Act for raising a regular army. Washington appointed Lieu- tenant-General and Commander-in-Chief. Con- gress authorizes Naval Warfare with France ; Commercial Intercourse with France sus- j pended ; Navy Department organized. I 1799. — Congress votes to raise an army of I 40,0(10 men. American Navy consists of 42 I vessels with 950 guns. Pennsylvania seat of government removed to Lancaster. Washing- ton (lies at Mount Vernon, Va. i 1800.— Trenty of Peace with France. Gen- eral Law of Bankruptcy approved. Second offi- cial census — population 5,308,483. Removal of the Capitol from riiiladelphia to VVashington. ! Election of Tlumias JeiTerson President. 1801.— War against Trijioli declared. The I Rei)ublican ]>nrty umler Tiiomas JcHcrson, comes into yiower witli Jeli'ei-son President. 1802. — Louisiana ceded to France by Spain. Naturalization !.;iws made more liberal. Re- presentitives, 141. 1803. — Louisiana purchased of France for $15,000,000. Congress gives the President ex- traordinary authority to niiiintaiii Free Naviga- tion of the .Mississippi. A l)ricf war with the the Barbary States. 1804. — Re-election of Jefferson as a Repub- lican. Treaty of Peace conelu(le(l witii Tripoli. 1805.— Troul)les witli (ireat I'ritain begin. 1806. — Congress ju-ovides the ini])ortation I of certain goods. I)ispides with Fngland and France respecting Neutral Rights. England plainly claims the right to search American ves- I sels for deserting seamen ; Jefl'ersou disputes it. BOOK Til.] CHRONOLOGICAL POLITICS. Ill 1807. — Conf^ress lays an embargo. United States Coast Survey atiihorized. Conspii'acy of Aaron Burr to divide the Union. English ships of war ordered to leave American waters. The first boat gocn by steam. 1808. — The Slave Trade abolished by act of Congress. Madison elected i'resident as a Re- publican. 1809. — Proclamation forbidding all inter- course with Great liritain and France. Em- bargo repealed. Madison inaugurated. 1810. — Third official census. 1811.— I'opiilation of United States 7,239,- 903. Ratio of Rcprosetitation fixed at $35,000. Continued troubles with England. War with Tecuniseh. 1812. — Congress lays an embargo on Ameri- can shipping. General Land Office established. More than (),000 cases of impressment recorded. War declared on the 18th of June against Great Britain. Madison re-elected President, as a Republican. 1813. — Congress aiithorizes an issue of ?5,000,000 anil a loan of $1(3,000,000. Entire American coast blockaded by British ships. Several battles on land and sea. 1814. — Treaty of peace between the United States and England signed at Ghent. A loan of ii^25, 000,000 authorized. 1815.— A loan of 18,400,000 and an issue of $25,000,000 authorized. Government rati- fies Treaty of Ghent, and President proclaims peace 18th Feb. Government ceases to pay tribute to Algiers. Battle of New Orleans. Peace followed, though treaty of peace pre- ceded the battle. 1816. — First high Protective Tariff enacted. Second United States Bank chartered for twenty years ; Capital, $35,000,000. Monroe elected President as Republican or Democrat. 1817. — Internal Taxes abolished. DeWitt Clinton causes the Erie canal to be commenced. The Era of Peace. United States Bank opened at; Philadelphia. Commencement of the Semi- nole war. 1818. — Pension Law enacted. National Flag re-arranged, so that the Stripes represent the Original Thirteen Colonies and the Stars the present number of States. Treaty of Com- merce and Boundary with England. Seminole war in Florida and Georgia. 1819. — Congress ratifies the Treaty for the Cession of Florida. Beginning of the discus- sion between the North and South in regard to the Slavery Question. The "Savannah" — the first steamer from New York to Liverpool. 1820. — Missouri Compromise passed. Navi- gation Act restricting importation to United States vessels. Country agitated over the Slavery question. Fourth official census, 9,- 633,822. 1822. — Florida made a territory. Ratio of Representation fixed at 40,000; Members, 213. Commercial treaty with France, Federal party disbands. Clintonian Democratic party organized in New York. 1823. — Independence of South American Republics acknowledged. Treaty with Great Britain for mutual suppression of the Slave Traffic. The " Monroe Doctrine" advanced. Party politics quiet. 1824. — John Quincy Adams, Whig, elected by tlie House. Second high Protective Tariff. 1825. — Panama Mission discussed. John Quincy Adams inaugurated. 1826. — Kxtensive Internal Improvements under the leadership of Clay. The i-'ifti.ith Anniversary of American Independence. Deatli of Adams and Jefferson. Webster de- livers his celebrated eulogy on them. 1827. — Experimenting on the construction of a railroad. 1828. — Tariff amended and Duties in- creased. Jackson elected President. 1829. — Webster's great speech against Nul- lification. Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Brazil. Jackson inaugurated. " To the victor Iji'longs the spoils." 1830. — Treaty with Turkey, securing for the United States freedom of the Black Sea. Treaty between the United States and Ottoman Porte. Fifth official census : population 12,- 80(3,020. 1831. — Building railroads actively. 1832. — Treaty of Commerce with Russia. Treaty of Commerce and Boundary with ISIexico. Bill for re-chartering United States Bank vetoed by President Jackson. His proclamation against Nullifiers. Resigna- tion of John C. Calhoun. Black Hawk War commences. South Carolina declares the doctrine of nullification. Representatives 240. 1833. — Andrew .Jackson commences his secoml administration. Gen. Santa Anna elected President of Mexico. Public deposita removed from the United States Bank by the President, and distributed among certain State banks. Secretary of Treasury, W. P. Duane, refusing to carry out the policy, is removed. Lucifer, or Locofoco matches in- troduced, and the Democrats called " Loco- focos." 1834. — President Jackson censured by Con- gress for removing Government deposits. — France and Portugal, slow in paying for in- juries done United States commerce, are brought to terms by the President. 1835. — War with Seminoles. 1836. — Office of Commissioner of Patents created. Treaty of Friendship and Commerce with Venezuela. Charter for United States Bank expires. Not renewed. Financial trouble brewing. Martin VanBuren, Democrat, elected President. 1837. — The Independence of Texas acknow- ledged. Issue of $10,000,000 Treasury notes authorized. President refuses to remit the regulation regarding the "Specie Circular." Financial panic follows, banks suspend Specie Payments in March, and resume in July. Van- Buren inaugurated. 1838. — National debt paid — surplus reve- nue divided among the States. President en- joins neutrality during Canadian Rebellion. 1839. — United States Bank suspends pay- ment. Disturbances on the North-eastern boundaries of Maine. 1840. — Sub-Treasury bill passed. Sixth official census ; population 17,0(39,453. Gen'I Harrison, Whig, elected President. "Tippe- canoe and Tyler too " campaign. 112 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. 1S41. — Congress meets in extra session. Iniiirisoumeut lor debts due the United States abolislied. Central Bankrupt Law passed. A loan of §12,000,000 authorized. Sub-Treasury Act repealed. Revenues received from public lands ordered to be distributed among the States. Two bills for re-chartering the United States Bank vetoed. All members of the Cabi- net, except Mr. Webster, resign. Failure of United States Bank under Pennsylvania char- ter. Harrison dies ; Tyler succeeds him. 1842. — The Dover Insurrection in Rhode Island. The Seminole war terminated. Treaty with England settling North-Eastern boundary question. Senate ratifies the Ashburton- Webster Treaty. Ratio of representation fixed at 70,680 ; Representatives 223. United States fiscal year ordered to begin with July 1st. 1843.— ?30,000 appropriated for the con- struction of ^lorse's Electric Telegraph be- tween Washington and Baltimore. 1844. — First message by the electric tele- graph. James K. Polk, Democrat, elected President. 1845.^ — Anti-rent riots in New York. The first Tuesday after the first Monday in Novem- ber on which to hold Presidential elections. Treaty made with China. Speech of Mr. Cass on North-Western boundary of Oregon. An- nexation of Texas, and Avar with Mexico. 184S. — Hostilities commence with Mexico. New Mexico annexed to the United States, 10,000,000 voted ; and 50,000 men called out, to carry on the war. The Wilmot Proviso, Tariff on Imports reduced. Treaty settling Northwestern boundary. Congress declared the war " existed by act of Mexico." 1347. — The city of Mexico taken by Ameri- cans under General Scott. War rages with Mexico. 1848. — Congress ratifies Treaty of Guada- loupe Hidalgo. Postal Treaty with England negotiated; concluded in 1849. I'eace with Mexico declared, July 4th. Zachary Taylor, Whig, elected President. Upper California ceded to United States. First deposit of Cali- fornia tiold in the mint, 1849. — The French Embassador dismissed from Washington. Taylor inaugurated, dies ; Fillmore succeeds him. 1850. — The Fugitive Slave Act passed. Texas lioundary settled by payment of $10, 000,000 to 'J'exas. New Mexico and Utah ad- mitted as territories. Slave trade abolished in the District of Culumbia. Webster's great speech on the Union delivered in reply to Hayne. Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Switzerland. Treaty witli England securing a transit over Panama. Seventh census ; popu- lation 2;],l'.ll,K7(). 1851. — Southern Rights Convention at South Carrdina. A Cheap Postage Law enacted. Kossuth visits United States. 1852. — I'atio of Representation fixed at 93,42.3 ; members, 237. Dispute with Kiigland in regard to fisheries. Henry Clay and Daniel We>)ster died this year. Franklin Pierce, Democrat, elected President. 1853. — Pierce inaugurated. A partisan in- augural address. 1854.— Congress passes the Kansas Nebraska bill. United States Neutral on the Eastern Question. 1854. — Treaty of Reciprocity with England. Commercial Treaty with Japan concluded through Commodore Perry. American party formed. 1855. — The Court of Claims established. Election troubles in Kansas. U. S. steamer "Waterwitch " fired on, on the Paraguay. Passmore Williamson released from three months imprisonment in the Wheeler Slave Case. 1856. — Quebec made the seat of Canadian government, P. W. Geary confirmed as Gov- ernor of Kansas. Extra session of Congress adjourns. 133 ballots required to elect Na- thaniel P. Banks Speaker of the House. Mr. Brooks of S. C, assaults Senator Summer in the Senate Chamber. British envoy ordered to leave Washington. Great excitement in Congress on the Slavery question and over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska. Repub- lican party formed. James Buchanan, Demo- crat, elected President. 1857. — A great Financial Panic; 5,123 Commercial Failures. Buchanan inaugurated ; pays 8 and 10 per cent, for loans. The Dred Scott Decision delivered by Chief Justice Taney. R. J. W' alker appointed Governor of Kansas. 1858. — Congress passes the English Kan- sas Bill but State refuses to accept. Treaty of amity with China. 1858. — First Atlantic Cable laid ; second in 18C6. U. S. Army defeats the Mormons in Utah. Minnesota State Government organized. Nicaragua seeks the protection of the United States. 1859. — John Brown's raid at Harper's Ferry, Va., his capture and execution. 1860. — Riitio of Representation fixed at 127,000. Crittenden Compromise introduced and defeated. Prince of AVales visits the United States. Scnjitors and Federal Oflicers from the South favoring disunion, resign. Presi- dent Buchanan denies the right of a State to secede, and declines to receive the South Carolina Commission. Eighth census ; popula- tion 31,443,321. Abraham Lincoln, Republi- can, elected President. The " Palmetto Flag" hoisted in Charleston harbor. Georgia ap- propriates $1,000,000 to another state. Maj. Anderson f.-ikes posession of Fort Sumter. 1861. — Congre.>«s meets in Special Session. The President calls the volunteers and f400,- 000,000 to put down the Rebellion. Jacob Thompson, Secretary of Interior, resigns. ]Missi,«sippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Lou- isiiina, anil Texas passed secession ordinaiices. John .v. Dix ap])ointed Secretary of Treasury, vice Thomas, resigned. Jeff Davis resigns his scat in the U. S. Senate. Southern Confederacy formed at Mont- gomery, Ala. Peace Congress meets nt Wash- ington. Jefl Davis elected President of South- ern Confederacy. Gen. Twiggs expelled from the army for treason. Peace Congress ad- journed after n stormy session — accomplished nothing. Beauregard takes command at Charleston, S. C. ; and stops intercourse be- EOOK VII. I CHRONOLOGICAL POLITICS. 113 tween Fort Sumter and Charleston. President Lincoln calls for 75,()(X) volunteers, Jeff Davis offers letters of marque to privateers. Presi- dent Lincoln declares the Southern ports in a s<ate of blockade. Virginia proclaimed a memher of the Southern Confederacy. Mc- Clellan placed in command of the Dej)artment of Ohio. Arkansas secedes. England acknow- ledges the insurgent States as belligerents. North Carolina secedes ; Kentucky declares neutrality. Tennessee secedes. Federal troops cross the Potomac. All postal services in the seceded States suspended. Gen. McClellan assumes command in West Virginia. The Wheeling Government, Virginia, acknowledged by the President. July 4, Congress meets in extra session. Fremont appointed to com- mand of Western Department. Nine South- ern members expelled from U. S. Senate. Confiscation bill passed. Congress adjourns. President suspends all commerce with seceded States. President Lincoln orders Gen. Fre- mont to modify his emancipation proclama- tion. Secession members of Maryland Legis- lature sent to Fort McIIenry. Gen, Scott re- signs as Commander-in-Chief; Gen. McClellan succeeds him. C. S. Congress convened at Richmond, Va. Breckinridge expelled from U. S. Senate for treason. New York and Bos- ton banks suspend specie payment. 1862. — Slavery prohibited in the Territo- ries. Internal Revenue Bill passed. Polygamy forbidden in United States. Union Pacific Railroad chartered. Department of Agricul- ture organized. A draft of -300,000 men to serve for nine months, ordered by the Secre- tary of war ; 600,000 volunteers called. Ma- son and Slidell delivered to the British Min- ister. E. M. Stanton appointed Secretary of war, vice Cameron, resigned. Cameron nomi- nated IMinister to Russia, vice Clay, resigned. Jesse D. Bright expelled from U. S. Senate. Jefferson Davis inaugurated President of the Southern (Confederacy. Brigham Voung elect- ed Governor of Deseret, Utah. National Tax Bill passed U. S. House of Kepresentatives. Gen. Halleck (July 11) appointed commander of all land forces. Martial law declared in Cincinnati. McClellan, Sept. 7, takes com- mand in person of Potomac Army. Sept. 22, President Lincoln issues his Emancipation Proclamation. Habeas Corpus suspended by U. S. Government. Nov. 5, Gen. Burnside succeeds McClellan. All political prisoners released. Nov. 22, West Virginia admitted as a state. 1863. — Jan. 1. — Lincoln declares all the slaves free. Bureau of Currency and National Banks established. Death of "Stonewall" Jackson. First colored regiment from the north leaves Boston. A loan of ,S900,tK)0,000 ten-forties authorized. Proclamation issued. Gen. Grant takes command of the West. Slavery abolished by Proclamation. 1864. — Fugitive Slave Law repealed. A draft of "lOO.OOO men ordered, and 700.000 men called for, 85,000 men accepted from Governors of Western States. Lincoln re- elected President. Gen. Grant appointed to command U. S. Armies. 1865.— The l?,th Amendment passed. Amnesty Proclamation issued. Blockade of Southern ports ended. $98,000, 0(X» subscribed to the 7:30 loan during tlie week ending May I'i. A day of fasting on account of the death of President Lincoln. All the nation in mf)urning. Lee surrenders to Grant. Johnson succeeds Lincoln. 1860. — Freedman's Bureau Bill and Civil Rights Bill p.asscd. 14th Amendment passed. Profilamnt ion of Peace. Colorado bill vetoed. Sn fl'rage given to colored men in District of Columbia. 1867. — Southern States organized into Military Districts. Military Government Bill and Tenure-of-Oflice Bill passed. Treaty with Russia for purchase of Alaska concluded, price .$7,200,000. Nebraska admitted as a State. Reconstruction bill passed over President Johnson's veto. Russian American Treaty approved by the Senate. Jeff Davis released on bail. Congress meets in extra session. Sup- plimeutary Reconstruction Bill passed, over veto. 1888. — Impeachment trial of President Johnson ends in acquittal. Fourteenth Amend- ment declared part of the Constitution. Proc- lamation of Political Amnesty issued. Grant, Republican, elected President. Congress meets. Senate bill passed for the reduction of the army. Bill passed to abolish tax on manu- factures. The Ciiinese Embassy received by the President. Bill passed Senate for a<l mis- sion of S. States. Commencement of difficul- ties between U. S. Ambassador and the Govern- ment of Paraguay. The Senate ratifies the Chinese Treaty. Freedman's Bureau Bill passed over Johnson's veto. Laws of United States extended over Alaska. Failure of the Atlantic Cable of 186fi. President Johnson issues a universal amnesty proclamation, 1869. — Central Pacific and Union Pacific railroads completed. — 1,913 miles in length. United States Supreme Court decides Internal Revenue laws constitutional. The Copper Tariff Bill passed over the veto. Passage of the Reconstruction Bill. Indiana Supreme Court decide National Bank currency tax.able. Female Suffrage Bill p.asscd by Wyoming Legis- Lature. E. M. Stanton confirmed as Judge of IJnited States Supreme Court. 1870. — Fifteenth Amendment passed. Re- call of the Russian Minister, Catacazy, re- quested. Proclamation against Fenian raids into Canada issued. Ninth census, population 38,555,883. Bill p.assed for the re-admission of Virginia. Legal Tender Act declared un- constitutional. The Saint Thomas treaty ex- pires by limitation. The North Pacific R. R. Bill becomes a law. Bill to abolish Franking privilege defeated. The San Domingo Treaty rejected by the Senate. The new Constitution of Illinois adopted. 1871.— Congress passes Bill against Ku-Klux, also Enforcement Bill. The United States Senate passes the San Domingo Commi^sion Bill. The !?300,000, on Five Per Cent. Re- funding Bill passed by the House. Congress adTiiits the Georgia Senators. Deadlock in Indiana Legislature ; thirty-four Republicans 114 AMERICAN POLITICS. [book tii. resign. The Forty-first Congress expires ; Forty-second organized. Alabama Claims $12,- 830,384. Expense of the United States census reported $3,287,600. The Apportionment Bill passed by Congress. 1872. — Tax and Tariff Bill passed diminish- ing Kevenne. Ratio of Representation fixed at 131, 425; Representatives limited to 293. General Amnesty Bill signed. $15,500,000 awarded the United States by Geneva Tribunal. Emperor AVilliam of Germany decides the San Juan Question in favor of the United States. Salary Retroactive Act passed. First repeal of the Franking privilege. Federal officers are forbidden to hold State Offices. Suspension of the Bank of Jay Cook & Co., causes a financial panic. Modoc War. 1874. — Political excitement in Louisiana. Grint vetoes the Finance Bill. United States Senate passes Civil Rights Bill. Currency Bill vetoed. Fillmore and Sumner die. 1875. — Senate ratifies the Treaty with Ha- waaii. Civil Rights Bill passed. New Treaty with Belgium concluded. Financial trouble continue. Louisiana Legislative hall taken possession of by United States troops. Colo- rado admitted as a State. 1876. — Centennial Bill appropriating ^15,000,000 passed. Secretary I5elknap im- peached by the House, acquitted by the Senate. Postal Treaty with Japan. Termi- nation of the English Extradition Treaty an- nounced. 1877. — Electoral Commission decided in favor of Hayes. Spanish Extradition Treaty announced. Federal troops recalled from the South. Nez Perces war. 1878.— Silver Bill. Halifax Fishing Award ; Ben Butler opposes it. 1879. — Specie Payment. Negro exodus be- gins. Ute war 1880. — Election of Garfield as President, the October election in Ohio and Indiana vir- tually deciding the issue in advance. 1881. — Assassination of President Garfield by Charles J. Guiteau; Vice President Arthur succeeds him. Resignation of Senators Conk- ling and Piatt of New York. 1882. — Extended trial and final conviction of Guiteau, who set up the plea that his assas- sination of President Garfield was due to an irresistible pressure from the Deity. Nomi- nation of Roscoe Conkling to the Supreme Bench. Blaine's eulogy on Garfield. The Mormon issue revived by Edmunds' Bill ; Chinese issue revived by bill to prevent their immigration for twenty years. California and Nevada make a holiday of Saturday, March 4, and devote it to mass meetings which said " the Chinese must go." March 1, Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, makes great speech against Chi- nese Bill, Senator Miller, of California, repliea. INDEX. BOOK I. HISTOKY OF POLITICAL PARTIES. Pagk. Abolition of Indian factory system 25 Abolition Party, rise and progress of. 53 Act to elect President and Vice President by a direct vote of the people 27 Act to prohibit African slave trade 17 Act to provide for collection, disbursement and safe keeping of public money 37 Acquisition of Florida 25 Adams, John, inaugurated 10 Adams, John Quincy, elected 26 Adams, John Quincy, policy 27 Admission of Florida and Iowa 47 Admission of Mississippi and Illinois 23 Admission of Missouri, to the Union, with an attempt to restrict slavery in its limit . . 24 Alabama claims 197 Alien law and (sedition) 11 Amendment to Constitution (Sept. 25th, 1804) 12 Amendment of Morton 222 Amendment 13th, passed 167 Amendment 14th, votes on 147 Amendment, 15th, to enforce same 197 American party '57 American ritual 57 American Convention 87 American nomination of 1856 • 69 American system for protection of home industry 25 American system lost 32 Amnesty , 199 Anti-Federal Party 6 "Annexation of Texas 46 Approval of act declaring war, June 18, 1812 19 Apportionment bill, first 8 Arkansas admitted 170 Arthur 261 Arms, transferred South, 1859, '60 109 Armfed neutrality, first . . . .' 10 Attempt to amend bill for admission of California by extension of Missonri Compromise to the Pacific 62 Attempt to pass Tenure of Office bill 28 Bank of the United States, expiration of charter 30 Bank and State, separation of. 37 65 1033 1034 INDEX. Page. Belknap, impeachment of. 223 'Benton's speech 34 Bill for appropriating one year's Salary to the -widow of Gen. Harrison 39 Bill to distribute public land money among the States 35 Bill for distribution of public land revenue 39 Bill for establishment of system of bankruptcy 39 Bill for equalizing value of gold and silver 34 Bill of Rights • 8 Border States, appeal of President to 137 "Boss Piule" 261 Broad Constructionists 7 Buchanan's nomination 69 Buchanan's views 99 Calhoun on causes of difference between himself and the President 32 Calhoun, death of S2 Calhoun, extends constitution to the territories 60 Campaign of 1880 242 Caucus • 256 Charleston Convention 81 "Chesapeake, search of the 17 'Chinese question 281 Chinese question — Senator Miller's speech 281 Chinese question — Senator Hoar's reply 285 Circuit Courts, law for establishment of repealed 15 Civil Plights Bill, supplementary 221 Civil Service Order of President Hayes 198 Civil Service Question, first 12 Clay's compromise bill "3 Clay's compromise resolutions 51 Clay's compromise bill rejected 52 Clay, resignation of. 4* Clay, Speaker of the House 18 Clintoniau Platform 19 Close Constructionists • 7 Colonial Parties 3 Color in War Politics 169 Columbia river, settlement of territory, of 25 Confederate Constitution 97 Confederate Debt 162 Confederate States .... 98 Confederate Taxes 163 Continental Congress, first and second . 4 Congress, origin of 4 Congress, first under Federal constitution 7 Congi'ess, 26th "' Congress, 37th, 2d session 145 Congress, 37tli, 3d session 1'17 Congress, 38th, 1st session l-l^ Constitution ratified ^ Constitution, revision of articles of confederation 6 Credit Mobilier 200 Crittenden Compromise lO^l Cumberland road act 2o Declaration of Independence * INDEX. 1035 Paoe. Democratic Party 17 Democratic nomination, 1856 69 Despatches, Cipher 234 Disunion Conventions 53 Disbaudment of provisional army 15 Douglas' amendment 80 Electoral Commission, members of 232 Electoral Count (Hayes and Wheeler) 229 Emancipation a war necessity 141 Embargo Act 16 Enforcement Acts 193 Enforcement Acts, amendatory 197 England, rejection of treaty with 17 Era of Good Feeling 21 Factions, Republican 253 Federal Party 17 Federal Party, downfall of 12 Fillmore, !Millard, succession of _. 5^ Financial crisis 86 Financial distress 24 Financial Legislation, internal taxes 149 Force Bill 197 Free Soilcrs 60 French agitation by I'epublicans 9 Fugitive Slave Law, first 11 Fugitive Slave Law, repeal of 145 Funding Bill, 3 per cent • 244 Garfield 253 " — assassinated • 260 Ghent, treaty of 20 Governors, loyal, address to President ...... • 144 Grangers 218 Grant 191 Greenback Party 194 Hardships endured by the New England States in war of 1812 20 Harrison, nomination of 38 " inauguration of 39 Hartford Convention 20 Hartford Convention, delegates 20 Hayes, administration of 237 Hayes, closing hours of his administration 240 Hayes and Wheeler, election of 228 Hayes' title to the Presidency 233 Hour Rule in the House 39 Impeachment trial, first 16 Independent treasury act repealed 39 Interior Department^ creation of 50 Jackson, Andrew, death of 33 " election of 28 Jay's treaty with England 9 Jay's instructions demanded 10 1036 INDEX. Page. JeflFerson, election of 12 Jefferson, inauguration of 12 Joknson, Andrew 178 " impeachment of 179 " policy of 178 Kansas admitted 56 Kansas-Nebraska Bill 55 Kansas struggle 71 Know-Nothing Party 65 Land distribution 45 League, White 223 Lecompton constitution ^ 79 Legal Tender Decision 194 Liberal Republicans 199 Lincoln, 1st administration of • • • 120 " 2d " " 177 Lincoln and Douglas debate 73 Log-RoUing, first exhibition of 8 Louisiana, purchase of 15 " fears of the people for the result 15 " price paid 16 Louisiana's Representatives admitted • 168 Madison, James, election of 18 Marine, Merchant 296 McClellan's political letters 175 Mexico, treaty with 49 Mileage 214 Missouri Compromise 24 Monroe, inauguration of 21 Monroe Doctrine 23 Monroe's re-election 24 Mormonism, suppression of 264 National Bank scheme, old issue against revived 18 " " «' passage of bill to establish • . 21 National Bank of the United States, Bill 41 " '• " " bill for renewal of charter vetoed 31 " " << " conduct of the 31 downfall of 32 Second Bill 43 <' " '< " vetoed 42 " «' " " war of the 31 National Loans, history of 246 National Republicans, convention of 31 Native American Party 54 Naturalization law H " uniform system of 15 Naval Department proposition to abolish defeated 15 Navy • 46 Negro Exodus 240 Neutrality, armed, the first 10 Neutrality, proclamation of • INDEX. 1037 Paqb. New Jersey elections contested 37 Non-intercourse act, revival of 18 Nullification, origin of doctrine of 28 " doctrine of discussed 29 Ordinance of State of South Carolina 32 Oregon treaty 47 Pairing -ofiF 37 Particularista 6 Peace Convention 106 Peace Parties 19 Peirce, Franklin, election of 54 Pensions, naval 40 Politics, current 298 Polk, James K., nomination of 45 Pre-emption system , 37 Prohibitory Party 196 Protective tariff 21 Protective TariflF discussions 28 Proclamation, Lincoln 169 Emancipation, Sept. 22, 1862 141 " " January 1, 1863 143 Readjusters 263 Rebellion, Congress on the eve of 113 Recall of American Minister and declaration of war of 1812 18 Reconstruction 169 " act 39th Congress 171 •' act supplemental 40th Congress 172 " measures, text of 171 Reform in Civil Service 200 Republican Association of Washington 70 " Convention, Chicago 86 " and Federal Parties 8 " Party 69 " Liberal 199 Returning Boards 217 Salary Grab 214 San Domingo, annexation of 196 Scott, Dred, suit 56 Secession Message, Mayor Wood's 112 " Preparing for 87 Sedition law 11 Seizure of American vessels 9 Seward as Secretary of State 149 Seward's proposal 51 Sinking Fund for redemption of public debt 15 Slave Trade, first law in relation to passed 15 Slavery question, inception of • . . . . 35 Slavery in the territories 49 South American States, question of recognizing the independence of 23 Southern Congress, proceedings of 97 South American question 269 Star Route scandal 277 1038 INDEX. Page. Strong GoTernment Whigs 5 States, the coming 278 " rebellious, readmission of ■ . 193 Tariff 44 Taxes, Confederate 163 Taxes, Internal 151 Taylor, Zach., nomination of 50 Topeka Constitution 79 Tory Party 3 Treasury, deficit 45 Tweuty-first rule 53 Tyler, John, succession of 39 Van Buren, election of 36 '' resignation from Cabinet 32 Virginia's political power, jealousy of 18 Virginia Convention, proceedings of 91 Washington, Farewell Address 10 " re-election of 9 War of 1812, primary cause of 17 West Virginia admitted 158 Whig Party 3 " appears for the last time 54 Whiskey Rebellion 8 Whiskey Ring 222 Wilmot Proviso 48 BOOK II. POLITICAL PLATFORMS. Date. Page. 1798 Virginia Resolutions 3 1799 Answers of the Several State Legislatures 6 1798-99 Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 10 1796 Washington's Farewell Address to the People 14 1800 Republican Platform, Philadelphia 21 1812 Clintonian Platform 22 1815 Resolutions passeil by Hartford Convention 23 1830 Anti-masonic resolution 24 1832 National Democratic Platform 24 1836 Locofoco Platform 24 1836 Wliig Resolutions 24 1839 Abolition Resolution 25 1840-48 Abolition Platform 26 1840 Democratic Platform 26 1843 Liberty Platform 26 1844 WhigPlalform 27 1814 Democratic Pl!it form "^S 1848 Democratic Platform 28 INDEX. 1039 I>ATE. Page. 1848 Whig Principles adopted at a Republican meeting 30 1818 Butfalo riatforta 30 1852 Democratic Platform 32 1852 Whig Platform 33 1852 Free-Soil Platform 34 185G American Platform 85 185G Democratic Platform 36 1856 Republican Platform 39 1856 Whig Platform 40 18G0 Constitutional Union Platform 41 1860 Republican Platform 41 1860 Democratic (Douglas) Platform 43 18G0 Democratic (Brcckenridgc) Platform . . . • 43 1864 Radical Platform 44 18G4 Republican Platform 44 1864 Democratic Platfoi-m 45 1868 Republican Platform 46 18G8 Democratic Platform 47 1872 Labor Reform Platform 49 1872 Prohibition Platform 50 1872 Liberal Republican Platform 50 1872 Democratic Platform 51 1872 Republican Platform 51 1872 Democi-atic (Straight-out) Platform 53 1875 American National Platform 53 1876 Prohibition Reform Platform 54 1876 Independent (Greenback) Platform 54 1876 Republican Platform 55 1876 Democratic Platform 57 1878 National Platform 59 1879 National Liberal Platform 60 1880 Independent Republican Principles 60 1880 Republican Platform 61 1880 National (Greenback) Platform 63 1880 Prohibition Reform Platform 64 1880 Democratic Platform 66 1880 Virginia Republican 67 1880 Virginia Readjuster 67 1880 Virginia Democratic 68 COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANKS ON GREAT POLITICAL QUESTIONS. General Party Doctrines 69 The Rebellion 70 Home Rule 70 Internal Improvements 72 National Debt and Interest, the Public Credit, Repudiation, etc 73 Resumption 74 Capital and Labor 74 Tariff 75 Education 76 Duty to Union Soldiers and Sailors 76 Naturalization and Allegiance 77 Chinese 78 Civil Service 79 1040 INDEX. BOOK III. GKEAT SPEECHES ON GREAT ISSUES. Page. Adams, John 8 Benjamin, Judah P 119 Benton, Thomas H 237 Blaine, James G 171-240 Broomall, John M 186 Buchanan, James 95 Calhoun, John C 24-80 Cass, Lewis 96 Cameron, J. D 233 Cameron, Simon 162 Carey, Henry 159 Clay, Henry 23-86 Conkling, Roscoe <, 176-202 Davis, Henry Winter 115 Davis, Jefferson 147 Dougherty, Daniel 205 Douglas, Stephen A 126 Eldridge, Charles A 189 Everett, Edward 18 Frye, Wm. P 206 Garfield, James A ' 203 Garrison, William Lloyd 120 Giddings, Joshua R , 116 Gray, George 205 Greeley, Horace 99 Grow, Galusha A 123 Hayne, Robt. Y 21-26 Henry, Patrick 7-10 Hill, Benjamin H 207 Ingcrsoll, Robert G 201 Knott, J. Proctor 154 Lincoln, Abraham 126 Logan, John A 165 Mahone, William 217 Mcriure, A. K 191 Morrill, Justin S 223 Morton, Oliver P 161 Parker, Theodore 121 Randolph, John 13-20 Raynor, Kenneth 112 Seward, William H 122 Sumner, Charles 123 Toombs. Robert 117 Vallandigham, Clement L 97 Webster, Daniel 19-48 Wilson, James 8 Wilson, Henry 149 Wise, Henry A 109 INDEX. 1041 BOOK IT. PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE, CONSTITUTION, DECLARATION AND ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. Page. Confederation, articles of 8 Declaration of Independence 3 Jefferson's Manual Absence, Sec. 8 26 Adjournment, Sec. 50 62 Address, Sec. 10 27 Amendment, Sec. 35 41 Amendment between the Houses, Sec. 45 48 Arrangement of business, Sec. 14 29 Assent, Sec. 48 50 Bills, Sec. 22 33 Bills, commitment, Sec. 26 84 Bills, first reading, Sec. 24 33 Bills, second reading. Sec. 25 33 Bills, third reading. Sec. 40 44 Bills, second reading in the House, Sec. 31 37 Bills, leave to bring in. Sec. 23 33 Bills, recommitment, Sec. 28 35 Bills, Report taken up, Sec. 29 36 Bills sent to the other House, Sec. 44 48 Call of the House, Sec, 7 26 Co-existing Questions, Sec. 37 43 Committees, Sec. 11 27 Committee of the Whole, Sec. 12 27 Conferences, Sec. 46 49 Division of the House, Sec. 41 45 Division of the Question, Sec. 36 43 Elections, Sec. 4 25 Equivalent Questions, Sec. 38 44 Examination of Witnesses, Sec. 13 28 Impeachment, Sec. 53 54 Importance of adhering to rules. Sec. 1 22 Journals, Sec. 49 51 Legislature, Sec. 2 22 Messages, Sec. 47 • • 50 Motions, Sec. 20 33 Order, Sec. 15 29 Order, in debate, Sec. 17 30 Order, respecting papers. Sec. 16 30 Orders of the House, Sec. 18 32 Petition, Sec. 19 32 Previous Questions, Sec. 34 40 Privilege, Sec. 3 23 Privileged Questions, Sec. 33 88 Qualification, Sec. 5 25 Quasi-Committee, Sec. 30 36 Question, the, Sec. 39 44 1042 INDEX. Page. Quorum, Sec. 6 26 Eeading Papers, Sec. 32 37 Reconsideration, Sec. 43 47 Report of Committee, Sec. 27 35 Resolutions, Sec. 21 33 Session, a. Sec. 51 52 Speaker, Sec. 9 26 Titles, Sec. 42 47 Treaties, Sec. 52 , 62 Ordinance of 1787 10 Ratification of Constitution 20 Ratification of amendment to Constitution 25 INDEX TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. Akt. Sec. Page. Arts and sciences, to he -pTomoted •. . 1 8 15 Acts, records, and judicial proceedings of each State entitled to faith and credit in other States 4 1 17 Amendments to the Constitution, how made 5 1 18 made , . 19 Appointments to be made by the President 2 2 16 Apportionment of representatives 1 2 13 Appropriations by law 1 9 15 Appropriation for army not to exceed two yeara 1 8 15 Armies, Congress to raise and support 1 8 15 Arms, right of the people to keep and bear . . 19 Assemble, people may . . 19 Attainder, bill of, prohibited to Congress 1 9 15 prohibited to the States 1 10 16 of treason shall not work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted .3 3 17 Bail, excessive, not required . . 19 Bankruptcy laws to he wm^ovm 1 8 15 Bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives .1 7 14 before they become laws, shall be passed by both houses and approved by the President ; or, if disapproved, shall be passed by two-thirds of each house 1 7 14 not returned in ten days, unless an adjournment intervene, shall be laws 1 7 15 Borroio money, Congress may 1 8 15 Capitation tax, apportionment of 1 9 15 Census, or enumeration, to be made every ten yeara 1 2 13 Citizens of the United States, viho are, (14th amendment) 1 20 privileges or immunities of, not to be abridged by any State (Mth amend- ment) 1 20 Citizens of United ^Stales, not to be abridged on account of color, race, or previous condition of servi- tude, (15th amendment) ... 1 20 Citizens of each State shall be cntilloil to the privileges and immunities of cilizcua in tlie several States 4 2 17 INDEX. 1043 9 15 8 10 8 15 9 15 3 17 I'J 1 13 4 14 4 14 6 14 Aet. Sec. Page. Claims, no prejudice to certain 4 3 17 of tlio United States, or of the several States, not to be prejudiced by any construction of tlio Constitution ... 4 3 18 Coasting trade, regulations respecting 1 Coin, Congress fix value of foreign 1 Commerce, Congress to regulate 1 regulations respecting, to be ec^ual and uniform . • . . . . 1 Commissions to be granted by the President 2 Common law recognized and established, (7th amendment) Congrest vested with power 1 may alter the regulations of State legislatures concerning elec- tions of senators and representatives, except as to place of choosing senators 1 shall assemble once evei-y year 1 officers of government cannot be members of 1 may provide for cases of removal, death, &c., of President and Vice-President 2 1 IG may determine the time of choosing electors of President and Vice-President 2 1 16 may invest the appointment of inferior officers in the President alone, in the courts of law, or the heads of departments ... 2 2 16 may establish courts inferior to the Supreme Court 3 1 17 may declare the punishment of treason 3 3 17 may prescribe the manner of proving the acts and records of each State 4 1 17 to assent to the formation of new States 4 3 18 may propose amendments to Constitution or call a convention .5 1 18 to lay and collect duties 1 8 15 to borrow money 1 8 15 to regulate commerce • 1 8 15 to establish uniform laws of bankruptcy and naturalization . . 1 8 15 to coin money, to regulate the value of coin, and fix a standard of weights and measures 1 8 15 to punish counterfeiting 1 8 15 to constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court 1 8 15 to define and punish piracies, felonies on the high seas, and of- fenses against the laws of nations 1 8 15 to establish post offices and post roads 1 8 15 to authorize patents to authors and inventors 1 8 15 to declare war, grant letters of marque, and make rules concern- ing captures 1 8 15 to raise and support armies 1 8 15 to provide and maintain a navy 1 8 15 to make rules for the government of the army and navy . ... 1 8 15 to call out the militia in certain cases 1 8 15 to organize, arm, and discipline militia 1 8 15 to exercise exclusive legislation over seat of government . ... 1 8 15 to pass laws necessary to carry the enumerated powers into eflFect 1 8 15 to dispose of and make rules concerning the territory or other property of the United States 4 3 18 President may convene and adjourn in certain cases .... 2 3 17 may enforce prohibition of slavery by appropriate legislation, (amendment) 13 2 20 Habeas corpus, writ of, can be suspended in cases of rebellion or in- vasion I/ousfi of Representatives. (Sec Rrpresentatives.) 2 20 2 20 1 18 1 18 1 18 10 16 1 18 8 15 2 17 8 15 1 17 2 17 2 17 19 1044 INDEX. Art, Sec. Page. Congress may, by a two-third's vote, remove disability of persons who en- gaged in rebellion, (14th amendment) 14 3 20 shall have power, by appropriate legislation, to enforce the pro- visions of Article XIV, (14th amendment) 14 5 20 shall have power to enforce the provisions of Article XV, (15th amendment) 15 representation in, how apportioned, (14th amendment) .... Constitution^ how amended 5 laws and treaties declared to be the supreme law 6 rendered operative by the ratification of nine States 7 Contracts, no law impairing 1 Conventions for proposing amendments to the Constitution 5 Counterfiiling, Congress to provide for punishment of 1 Court, Supreme, its original and appellate jurisdiction . . . . " 3 Courts inferior to the Supreme Court may be ordained by Congress ... 1 Ditto Ditto 3 Crimes, persons accused of, fleeing from justice, may be demanded ... 4 how to be tried 3 CriWna^^rosecM^fores, proceedings in cases of Debts against the confederation to be valid 6 1 18 Debt, public, authorized by law, shall not be questioned, (14th amend- ment) 4 20 incurred in aid of rebellion not to be assumed or paid, (14th' amendment) Disahility of persons who engaged in rebellion (14th amendment) . Duties to be laid by Congress, and to be uniform further provision respecting cannot be laid by the States • • on exports prohibited on imports and exports imposed by States shall inure to the treasu- ry of the United States 1 10 16 Elections of Senators and representative shall be prescribed by the States 1 4 14 qualifications and returns of members of Congress to be de- termined by each house 1 Electors of President and Vice-President, how chosen, and their duties . . 2 altered (see 12th amendment) to vote the same day throughout the United States 2 no senator or representative, or public officer, shall serve as . . 2 Enumeration every ten years 1 Executive power vested in in the President, (see President) 2 Exports not to be taxed 1 and imports. States prohibited from laying duties on 1 Ex, post facto law, none shall be passed 1 pr(jhibited to States 1 Fines, excessive proliibitcd Fuijitivea from justice to be delivered up 4 from service may be reclaiiiicd 4 2 17 4 3 20 20 1 8 15 1 9 15 1 10 16 1 9 15 5 14 1 16 .. 19 1 16 1 16 2 13 1 16 9 15 10 16 9 15 10 16 .. 19 2 17 1 9 15 Impeachment in ho, hrc\\'^}\\ y)y House of Representatives 1 2 13 tried by the Senate 1 3 14 INDEX 1045 Art. Sec. Page. Impeachment, judgment on 1 3 14 all civil officers liable to 2 4 17 Importation of slaves, not prohibited till 1808 1 9 15 Judges shall hold their office during good behavior 3 1 17 their compensation 3 1 17 Judiciarij — tribunals inferior to Supreme Court may be created .... 1 8 15 y^U(/icjaZjooii?er vested in a Supreme Court and courts inferior 3 1 17 powers of the judiciary 3 2 17 restriction as to suits against a State . . 19 Judicial proceedings of each State are entitled to faith and credit in every State 4 1 17 Jury trial secured, and shall be held in the State where the crime shall have been committed 3 2 17 further regulated, (6th amendment) . . 19 secured in suits at common law where the value of controver- sy shall exceed twenty dollars, (7th amendment) .. 19 Law, what is declared the supreme 6 1 18 common, recognized and established, (7th amendment) Laws, President to see them faithfully executed 2 3 17 Legislative powers vested in Congress. (See Congress.) Loans, authority to make 1 8 15 Marque and reprisal, letters of 1 8 15 Militia to be called out 1 8 15 to be officered by the States 1 8 15 to be commanded by the President 2 2 19 their right to keep and bear arms secured, (2d amendment) . . 19 Money shall be drawn from the treasury only by appropriation laws . . 1 9 15 Congress to coin and regulate value of 1 8 15 States cannot make 1 10 16 Naturalization, uniioYrarvlQSoi 1 8 15 Navy, Congress to provide and govern ■••1 8 15 Nobility, titles of, shall not be granted by the United States 1 9 15 nor by the States 1 10 12 Oath of the President 2 1 16 of the public officers 6 1 18 Office, who prohibited from holding, (14th amendment) 3 20 Officers of the House of Representatives shall be chosen by the House .1 2 13 Officers of the Senate shall be chosen by the Senate 1 3 14 civil, may be removed by impeachment 2 4 17 Order of one house requii-ing the concurrence of the other 1 7 14 Pardons, President may grant 2 2 16 Patents to be granted to inventors 1 8 15 Petition, right of . . 19 Persons held to service or labor, their importation or migration into the United States may be prohibited after 1808 1 9 15 escaping from one State to another shall be delivered up to those entitled to service 4 2 17 Piracy, Congress to prescribe punishment for 1 8 15 Post offices and post roads, establishment of 1 8 15 66 1046 INDEX. Art. Sec. Page. Powers not delegated to Congress nor prohibited to the States are re- served, (10th amendment) .. 19 legislative. (See Congress.) executive. (See Preddent.) judicial. {See Judicial.) Presents from foreign powers to public officers prohibited 1 9 15 Press, freedom of President of theU. S. yested \fiih. the executive power 2 1 16 shall be chosen for four years 2 I 16 how elected 2 1 16 same, (12th amendment) , . 19 qualifications for 2 1 16 Trho shall act in case of vacancy 2 1 16 compensation of 2 1 16 shall take an oath of office 2 1 10 may be removed by impeachment 2 4 17 Pre«ic?ew<, commander of army, navy, and militia 2 2 16 may require the written opinion of the heads of departments .2 2 16 may reprieve and pardon 2 2 16 may make treaties with consent of the Senate 2 2 16 may appoint to office with consent of the Senate 2 2 16 shall fill up vacancies happening during the recess of the Senate. 2 2 16 shall give information to Congress and recommend measures .2 3 17 may conv-ene both houses or either house 2 3 17 may adjourn them in case of disagreement 2 3 17 shall receive ambassadors and public ministers 2 3 17 shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed 2 3 17 shall commission all officers 2 3 71 Prtw'Ze^es and immunities of members of Congress 1 6 14 of citizens. (See Citizens, also Riijhts.) Property, Congress to provide for care of public 4 3 18 sliall not be taken for public use without just compensation, (5th amendment) Punishments, cruel and ynusual, prohibited Quorum for business, what shall be a 1 of States in choosing a President by the House of Representatives 2 Quartered, no soldier to be quartered on a citizen Rebellion, debt incurred in aid of, not to be assumed or paid, (14th amend- ment) disability of persons who have engaged in (14th amendment) . .. Receipts and expenditures, accounts of, to be published 1 Records, how to be authenticated 4 Religion — no law to be made — free exercise of religious test not rccjuired 6 Reprieves granted by the President 2 Representatives, House of, composed of members chosen every second year 1 qualifications of voters 1 (jiialificat ions of members 1 a])])ortionment of 1 vacancies, how supplied ." 1 sliall choose their olTiccrs 1 shall have the power of impeachment 1 2 13 5 14 1 16 • 19 4 20 3 20 9 16 1 17 19 18 2 2 13 2 13 2 13 2 13 2, 13 2 13 INDEX 1047 5 14 6 14 5 14 5 14 5 14 5 14 5 14 5 14 7 14 G 14 6 14 G 14 6 14 1 16 2 13 2 20 3 20 Aet. Sec. Page. Representation shall be the judge of tlic election and qualifications of its members 1 what shall be a quorum 1 any number may adjourn and compel the attendance of absentees 1 may determine the rules of proceeding 1 may punish or expel a member 1 shall keep a journal and publish the same 1 shall not adjourn for more than three days nor to any other place, without the consent of the Senate .... 1 one-iifth may require the yeas and nays 1 shall originate bills for raising revenue 1 compensation to be ascertained by law 1 privileged from arrest, except in certain cases 1 Representatives shall not be questioned for speech or debate in the House 1 shall not be appointed to office 1 shall not serve as electors of President 2 and direct taxes apportioned according to numbers ... 1 Low apportioned among the several States, (14th amend- ment) who prohibited from being, (14th amendment) of a State, vacancies in, supplied until a new election by executive authoi'ity 1 2 13 Resolution, order, or vote, requiring the concurrence of both houses, to undergo the formalities of bills 1 7 14 Revenue bills to originate in the House of Representatives 1 7 14 Ri<jhts of the citizen declared to be — privileges of citizens of the several States 4 2 17 liberty of conscience in matters of religion . . 19 freedom of speech and of the press .. 19 to assemble and petition .' . . 19 to keep and bear arms ,. 19 to be exempt from the quartering of soldiers .. 19 to be secure from unreasonable searches and seizures . . 19 to be free from answering for a crime, unless on presentment or indictment of a jury .. 19 not to be twice jeoparded for the same offence .. 19 not to be compelled to be a witness against himself . . 19 not to be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due course of law . , 19 private property not to be taken for public use . , 19 in criminal prosecutions, shall enjoy the right of a speedy trial by jury, with all the means necessary for his defence • .. .. 19 in civil cases trial to be by jury, and shall only be re-examined according to common law . . 19 excessive bail shall not be required, excessive fines imposed, no cruel nor unusual punishment inflicted . . 19 enumeration of certain rights shall not operate against re- tained rights . . 19 Rules, each house shall determine its own 1 6 14 Seat of government, exclusive legislation 1 8 15 Searches and seizures, security against . . 19 Senate, composed of two senators from each State 1 3 14 how chosen, classed, and tei'ms of sei'vice 1 3 14 1048 INDEX. Aet. Senate, qualifications of senators Vice-President to be President of the shall choose their officers shall be the judge of the elections and qualifications of its members ■what number shall be a quorum • any number may adjourn, and compel attendance of absentees . . may determine its rules may punish or expel a member shall keep a journal, and publish the same, except parts requiring secrecy shall not adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place, without the consent of the other house one-fifth may require the yeas and nays may propose amendments to bills for raising revenue shall try impeachments effect of their judgment on impeachment compensation to be ascertained by law privileged from arrest not questioned for any speech or debate shall not be appointed to office Senator, shall not be elector who prohibited from being, (14th amendment) Senators and representatives, elections of, how prescribed Slaves, their importation may be prohibited after 1808 escaping from one State to another may be reclaimed .... • . 4 claims for the loss or emancipation of, to be held illegal and void, (14th amendment) • . . . . (Slavery, except as a punishment for crime, prohibited, amendment . . . . 13 Congress authorized to enforce the prohibition of, (amend- ment) 13 Soldiers not quartered on citizens Speaker, how chosen j 1 Speech, freedom of States prohibited from — entering into treaty, alliance, or confederation 1 granting letters of marque 1 coining money 1 emitting bills of credit 1 making anything a tender but gold and silver coin 1 prohibited from — passing bills of attainder, ex post facto laws, or laws impairing contracts 1 granting titles of nobility 1 laying duties on imports and exports 1 laying duties on tonnage 1 keeping troops or ships of war in time of peace 1 entering into any agreement or contract with another State or foreign power 1 engaging in war 1 abridging right of United States citizens of, to vote on account of race or color, (l-'itli amendment) States, new, may be admitted into the Union 4 may be admitted within the jurisdiction of others, or by the junc- tion of two or more, with the consent of Congress and the legisla- tures concerned 4 Sec. Page. 3 14 3 14 3 14 6 14 5 14 5 14 5 14 5 14 14 5 14 5 14 7 14 8 14 3 14 6 14 6 14 6 14 6 14 1 16 3 20 4 14 9 15 2 17 4 20 1 20 2 20 19 2 13 •• 19 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 10 16 1 20 3 18 18 2 1.1 9 lo 9 15 10 10 3 18 18 9 15 3 17 3 17 3 17 9 15 2 16 18 INDEX. 1049 Art. Sec. Page. State judges boTind to consider treaties, the Constitution, and the laws un- der it, as supreme 6 . . 18 State, every, guarantied a republican form of government, protected by United States 4 4 18 Supreme Court. (See Court and Judiciary.) Suits at common law, proceedings in . . 19 Tax, direct, according to representation 1 shall be laid only in proportion to census 1 Tax on exports prohibited 1 Tender, what nhall be a legal 1 Territory or public property, Congress may make rules concerning ... 4 Test, religious, shall not be required 6 Titles. (See Nobility.) Title from foreign state prohibited 1 Treason, detined •••.... 3 two witnesses, or confession, necessary for conviction 3 punishment of, may be prescribed by Congress 3 Treasury, money drawn fi'om, only by appropriation 1 Treaties, how made 2 the supreme law g States cannot make • • • . . 1 10 16 Vacancies happening during the recess may be filled temporarily by the President 2 in representation in Congress, how filled 1 Veto of the President, efi"ect of, and proceedings on 1 Vice-President of the U. S. to be President of the Senate 1 how elected 2 amendment shall, in certain cases, discharge the duties of President 2 may be removed by impeachment 2 Foie of one house requiring the concurrence of the other 1 right of citizens to, not to be abridged on account of race or color, (loth amendment) 1 20 War, Congress to declare 1 8 15 Warrants for searches and seizures, when and how they shall issue (14th amendment) .. 19 Witness, in criminal cases, no one compelled to be against himself (5th amendment) .. '19 Weights and Measures, standard of 1 8 15 Yeas and nays entered on journal 1 6 14 2 IG 2 13 7 14 3 14 1 16 19 1 16 4 17 7 14 1050 INDEX. booe: y. EXISTING POLITICAL LAWS. Appobtionment and Representatiox. Number of members of the House of Representatives 7 States represented and number of Representatives from each State 8 Representatives of new States 8 Reduction of Representatives under 14th amendment 8 Elections to be by Districts of contiguous Territory 8 Each district electing no more than one Representative 8 Uniform time for holding elections in the States and Territories 8 The day for electing Representatives and Delegates 8 Elections to fill Vacancies 8 Votes for Representatives to be by written or printed Ballot 8 Court or Claims. Appointment of the Judges 10 Pay 10 Number 10 Oath to be taken by each one of the Judges 10 How long each one of the Judges may hold his position 10 Salary is due 10 Session of the Court 10 Number of Sessions a year 10 Duration of the Sessions 10 Time of year for holding Sessions 10 Statement to be rendered to Congress by Clerk of Court of Claims 10 Time for rendering the statement 10 Persons not allowed to practice in the Court of Claims 10 Election of president and Vice-President and providing for vacancies in those OFFICES 4 Number of electors to bo appointed by each State 4 Persons ineligible for appointment . 4 Whole number of Electors according to Cons. Art. II, Sec. 1, cl. 2, and the last apportionment of Representatives 4 Number of Electors to which such State is entitled . 4 Time of appointing Electors 4 Penalty for conspiring to prevent, by force, threat or intimidation, any citizen of any State or Territory, Avho is lawfully entitled to vote, from supporting any qualified person as an Elector for President or Vice-President 4 Vacancies in the Electoral College 5 In case of failure to elect on the day appointed 5 Time of meeting of the Electoral College 5 Certified Lists of Electors to be made 5 Number of lists rcfiuired by law of the Evccutivc of .each State 5 Time wiicn the lists shall be delivered to the electors 5 Manner of voting 5 Certificates to be signed by the Electors 5 Number of certificates to bo signed 5 Certificates to contain two distinct lists, viz : The votes for President and the votes for Vice-President 5 Certificates to be scaled mikI indorsed by the electors 5 Disposition to be made of the certificates 6 INDEX. 1051 Pages. To be delivered to t 5 Time for delivering 5 In case of failure to receive the Certificates 5 Counting the Electoral Votes 5 At what time ' 5 By whom they are counted 5 In case the President of the Senate be absent the certificates arc to be delivered to 5 "Who shall keep them until q Mileage of messengers q Penalty for neglect of duty by any messenger q In case of vacancies by removal, death or resignation in the offices of President and Vice-President the acting President for the tkne i^ 6 Executives of the States to be notified of vacancies 6 Which shall be published in the newspapers 6 Character of the notification to the Executives of the States 6 The notifications shall specify G Time of holding elections to fill vacancies Q Quadrennial election regulation applicable to electors to fill vacancies 6 Resignation or refusal to accept the office of President or Vice-President .... 6 Form of resignation or refusal 6 To be delivered to 6 Oath of Senators and President of the Senate 6 Administered by 6 Election of Senators 7 Time for so doing 7 Conducted in the following manner 7 If at the meeting of the Legislature of any State a vacancy exists in the represen- tation of such a State in the Senate the legislature proceeds to 7 Executive of State certifies the election of a Senator to the President of the U. S. 7 Law of Nations. Origin and Progress of the Law of Nations 98 The Natural Law of Nations 98 Necessary Law of Nations 99 Internal Law of Nations 99 Positive Law of Nations 99 Customary Law of Nations 99 Conventional Law of Nations 99 Perfect Obligation 100 Imperfect Obligation , 100 Jurisdiction of Nations 100 Mutual Rights and Obligations 100 Imperfect Rights 100 Domain 100 Criminals 100 Embassadors 101 Protection of 101 Passports 101 Power of Ministers 101 Distinction between Ministers and embassadors 101 Consuls 101 Offensive and defensive war 101 Neutrals 101 Just causes for 102 Objects of 102 Reprisals. 102 1052 INDEX. Page. Alliances 103 Declaration of War 103 Ancient custom 103 Effect upon the person and property of the enemy's subjects 103 Stratagems 104 Rights and duties of neutral nations 105 Contraband goods 105 Blockade 105 Eight of search 105 To prove neutrality of a vessel 106 Truce 106 Safe conducts 106 Treaties of peace 106 Mediation 106 Oeoakization of the House of Representatives. Oaths by and to whom administered 7 Time for so doing 7 Roll of Representatives elect to be made by the clerk 7 Time for so doing 7 If there be no clerk the Sergeant-at-arms to act, if there be no Sergeant-at-arms the Door Keeper to act 7 Pay of Certain Public Officers. Pay of the President of the U. S. and his privileges 9 Pay of Vice Presidents and Heads of Dci)artmonts 9 Pay of President of the Senate Pro-tempore and of the Speaker of the House of Representatives 9 Pay of members of Congress 9 Mileage 9 Time of payment of mileage 9 Allowance for stationery 9 In case of death 9 Pay of Judges of Supreme Court 10 Present Tariff Laws 52 Schedule of special rates of duty 53 Supplement to Tariff Laws. Silk 76 Wine 76 Miscellaneous 76 Internal Revenue 77 Collectors may appoint deputies 77 May revoke appointments on giving notice to 77 Authority of Deputy to collect 78 Collectors responsible for money to 78 To be paid to each collector for stationery, advertising, etc., provided that ... 78 Net compensation not to exceed . . • 78 Redemption of internal revenue documentary stamps 78 Alteration in Sclicdulc B. of the act of June 3()th, 1804 78 Penalty for non-payment of special tax on liquor 78 Penalty for using on any cask or package containing or intending to contain dis- tilled spirits, any stamp or label having the appearance of any internal revenue stamp 78 "What constitutes a retail licjunr dealer 79 Retail lif|Uor dealers to pay 79 What constitutes a wholesale liquor dealer 79 INDEX. 1053 Page. Wholesale liquor dealers to pay 79 "When li(|iior dealer has given required bond and sells only distilled spirits of Lis own production '. 79 Retail dealers in malt liquors to pay 79 "Wholesale " " " 79 Provided that 79 Tax on notes paid out and used for circulation of firms and associations other than national bank associations 79 Amount of such circulating notes and the tax thereon to be returned and paid according to law 79 Medicinal articles free from tax when 79 Fines, penalties and punishments for offences committed by revenue officers ap- plicable to deputies 79 When a manufacturer of tobacco exports 80 An act to put Quinine and Sulphate of Quinine on the free list 80 Ten per cent, reduction of duties repealed and rates as in revised Statutes re- stored 80 Pension Laws and Supplements 81 Supplements to Pension Laws 94 Provisions Relating to Tenure of Certain Civil Offices. If a person hold an ofiBce and shall have become duly qualified 10 Suspension during recess of Senate 10 To fill vacancies during recess of Senate 11 Penalty for accepting appointments contrary to four preceding sections .... 11 Penalty for making appointments contrary to Sections 1707 — 70 11 President delivers, after adjournment of Senate, commissions 11 When President without advice of Senate makes an appointment he must notify . 11 List of persons accepted and rejected by Senate sliall be delivered to 11 When an office is not authorized 11 No money shall be paid from Treasury as Salary. Sec. 1761 • . . 11 No money shall be received from Treasury. Sec. 1702 11 Election of Senators 12 Salaries 12 Present salaries of officer of the Senate 13 Present salaries of officer of the House of Representatives 14 Office and compensation of President 15 Provisions applicable to several classes of officers 15 Crimes against elective Franchise •••... 20 Immigration ■ . . . . 24 Naturalization 24 An act to amend the Revised Statutes of 27 Homesteads 27 Supplement to Revised Statutes 31 U. S. Land Offices 31 Civil Rights 31 Citizenship 34 Elective Franchise 35 Freemen 39 An act to protect all citizens in their Civil and Legal Rights 40 Alien enemies 41 Bounty lands 42 An act to extend the time for filing claims for additional bounties 46 An act for relief of settlers on Railroad lands 47 The slave trade 47 1054 INDEX. Paoe. Crimes, general provisions 49 Crimes against the existence of the Government 50 Civil Service — Political assessments 51 Funding the National Debt 51 Amendments to the constitution 51 Uniform time for the election of members of Congress not to apply to certain States 51 Supplements. An act amending the laws 94 An act amending the pension law 95 An act making appropriations for the payment of arrears of pensions An act relating to claim agent and attorneys in Pension cases 96 Penalty for agents, attorneys, &c., demanding illegal fees in pension cases ... 96 An act to amend Sec. Forty-six hundred and Ninety-five of the Kevised Statutes of the U. S. . 96 An act for the payment 96 An act to restore pensions in certain cases 97 An act relating to soldiers while in the civil service of the U. S 97 Limiting prosecution of claims 97 An act to increase pensions in certain cases 97 An act for the relief of certain pensions 97 An act for ihe relief of 98 An act to allow a pension 98 An act to increase the pensions 98 Stjpkeme Court. Consists of 10 Vacancy in the office of Chief Justice 10 Sessions and Quorums of the court . 10 Retirement 10 When the President may change the place of meeting of Congress 9 BOOK YI. FEDERAL BLUE BOOK. AORiccLTURE. DEPARTMENTS— DUTIES. Page. Commissioner 16 interior. Assistant Secretary 13 Commissioner of Education 14 " General Land Office 13 " Patents 13 " Pensions 13 " Railroads 14 Director of Geological Survey 14 Secretary 13 Supt. of Census 14 Justice. Assistant Attorney Otkcral 15 Attorney General 15 Solicitor 15 INDEX. 1055 Navy. Page. Naval Bureau 12 Secretary 12 Pat. Assay Officers 55 Bureau of Education Ill Circuit Court 3 Coast Survey 50 Consular Clerks . , 34 Consuls and Commercial Agents 33 Court of Claims . 17 Customs .Service 55 Department — Justice Ill Department — Agriculture 112 Executive Chamber Officers 3 General Land Officers 108 Government of District of Columbia 112 " Trintiug Office and Bindery 112 Indian Agents Ill Interior Department 107 Internal RevenuQ Agents 46 " Gangers 54 " Storekeeper • 54 Interpreters to Legations and Consulates 34 Judicial 112 Letter Carriers 106 Library of Congress 31 Light-House Service 50 Marshals to Consular Courts 34 National Board of Health 112 Navy 37 Offices of the U. S. Surveyors General 108 Other Department Offices 44 Pay of Officers of the U. S 3-5 Pension Agents 108 Postmasters . . • 59 Post Office Department 58 President 3 Principal Officers in various Departments 40 Public Building employees 67 Railway Mail Service I 58 Receivers of Public Monies in Land Offices 110 Registers of Land Offices 109 Revenue Marine Service • • 56 Salaries at important places • 59 Sub-treasuries .55 Supt. of National Cemeteries 57 Supreme Court 16 United States Legations abroad 31 U. S. Mints 55 Vice-President 3 War Department 18 Post Office. Assistant Postmaster General 14 Postmaster General 14 ■ } 1056 INDEX. State, Page. Assistant Secretary 4 Bureau of Accounts 5 Bureau of Indexes and Archives 4 Chief Qerk 4 Consuhir Bureau 5 Diplomatic Bureau 4 Examiner of Claims 5 Rolls and Library 5 Secretary of State ' 4 Statistics 5 TBEAStTRY. Assistant Secretaries 5 Auditors of Customs 6 Commissioners of Customs 6 " Internal Revenue 10 Comptroller of Currency 9 " Treasury 5 Director of Mint 9 Genl. Supt. Life-Saving Service 11 Register of the Treasury 9 Solicitor 9 Supt. of Coast and Geodetic Survey 11 Supervising Inspector General of Steam Vessels 11 Supervising Surgeon-General 11 Wab. Military Bureaus , . 11 Secretary 11 MiSCELLANEOrS. American and Spanish Claims Commission 34 Alphabetical list of Senators, Representatives and Delegates 20 Committees of U. S. House of Representatives 24 Committees of the U. S. Senate 23 Department Office, how obtained 44 Foreign Legations in the United States 18 French and American Claims Commission 34 Governmental Duties = 3 Joint Committees of the House 30 Librarian of Congress 31 Military Academy at West Point 39 Naval Academy at Anapolis 39 Territorial ' Ill BOOK YII. TABULATED HISTORY OF POLITICS. Admission of States 70 Aggregate issues of paper money in war times -0 American tariffs present tJO Ante war debts 18 Apportionments under 10th Census -5 Area of States 70 INDEX. 1057 Page. Area of Territories 70 Armies of the World 76 Armies of the world, cost per head 92 Army Statistics 178'J-1879 75 Ballots for Piatt's and Conkling's vacancies 62 Bounties paid by .States • 74 Cabinet officers of the administrations Co Chronological Politics 17G5-1882 110 Civil ofiBcers 71 Congressional Representation 20 Corruption, History of 80 Customs 17 Customs Tariff of great Britain 62 Debts, State 104 Duties Levied on leading articles from 1789-1867 59 Election of the President of the Senate 58 Elections of States 103 Election Returns by States 1872-80 39 Electoral votes, for President and Vice-President 21 Electoral votes, number to which each State has been entitled 1789-1876 68 Exports, total 82 Foreign immigration since 1870 66 Foreign postage, rates of 109 Generals of the army 75 Gold, highest and lowest prices of 81 Government Revenues estimated and actual 1882-83 15 Imports, for consumption 82 Imports, fiscal years 1880-81 86 Imports, total 82 Interest Laws of all the States and Territories of the United States 19 Internal Revenue •••.... 18 Internal Revenue Taxes 90 Legislatures 103 Length of Sessions of Congress, 1879-1881 71 National Bank, dividends 91 National Bank, earnings 91 National Bank, surplus 91 National commerce per capita 78 National debts " 78 National expenditures " 78 Navies of the World 92 Necessaries of life, average retail price of, in principal cities of Europe, compared with New York prices 80 Newspaper press of the United States 106 Organization of Territories 70 Paper Money, amount of 91 Patent Fees, schedule of 67 Pension agencies 89 Pension agents 89 Pensions, amount disbursed 89 Pensions, comparative statement of the number of 89 Popular and Electoral votes in presidential election 1789-1 8S0 63 Population in 1880, native and foreign, white and colored 38 Population of U. S. 1880, by States 39 Postal Regulation 108 1058 INDEX. PAaE. President and Vice-President, candidates for 68 Principal of Public Debt 3 Bank of States 69 Ratio of representation in House of Representatives 70 Rebellion, expenditures caused by 76 Relative colored population, 1870-80 37 Signers of Declaration of Independence 67 Slave population 1860 38 Speakers of House of Representatives 73 Stamp Taxes 90 States, area 105 States, population 105 States, when admitted 105 Statistics of the States 93 State and Territorial Governments 26 Statement of Principal of Public Debt, June 30th, 1881 8 Statement of 30-year 6 per cent, bonds issued to Pacific Railways 14 Statutes of Limitations 60 Supreme Courts 72 Taxes, State 104 Territories, area 105 Territories, population 105 Territories, when organized 105 Troops, colored and drafted 74 Troops from original States in Revolutionary War 74 Troops furnished by each State 1861-65 73 Troops, number of called into service during rebellion 72 Troops, number of and casualties in Mexican War 75 U. S. census by counties, 1870-1880 27 Valuation, State 104 Value of U. S. Money in foreign gold and silver coin 19 Wages, weekly, rates of, in diiferent cities 79 Wages, weekly, rates of, in different countries 79 War, 1812-15 74 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. j?EC'r> rn Finn wn 1 n-ilRt VRl DEC14 1W 1^1970 ADO ^ ^^^ APR 41975 Form L9-Series 444 CD Rf C'D LD-URC ''^' JAN 5 \z m OR} A J ''|''°'i"||»fc:i.;i»,| ii-ri-i -^ 1'58 00459 9550 J UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 001 194 603 5 JPORNIA RABT